JEFFREY 
 
 Corrected Report of the Speech of the Righl 
 Honourable the Lord Advocate of Scotland 
 Upon the Motion of Lord John Russell in 
 the House of Commons 
 
 JN 
 215 
 1831 
 J4
 
 CORRECTED REPORT 
 
 SPEECH 
 
 RIGHT HONOURABLE THE 
 
 UPON THE MOTION OF 
 
 LORD JOHN RUSSELL, 
 IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS, 
 
 ON THE FIRST OF MARCH, 1831, 
 
 LONDON: 
 JAMES RIDGWAY, 169, PICCADILLY. 
 
 M.DCCC.XXXI.
 
 TILLING, PRINTER; CliE
 
 CORRECTED REPORT 
 
 OF THE 
 
 SPEECH 
 
 OF THE 
 
 RIGHT HONOURABLE 
 THE LORD ADVOCATE OF SCOTLAND. 
 
 I BELEIVE, Sir, that I need scarcely state that 
 the part of the great measure introduced to the 
 House by the Noble Lord, which first attracted 
 my attention, was that which related to the 
 representation of Scotland, a part of the subject 
 which has hardly been noticed in the course of 
 the debate, and which, from the general silence 
 of the Members for Scotland, I must presume 
 meets with their approbation. The Noble Lord 
 who explained the measure of Reform to the 
 House, stated in a speech, unusually distinct and 
 luminous, and, considering its brevity, surprisingly 
 complete, that Government proposed to bring in 
 successively three bills, with the intention of re- 
 forming England, Scotland, and Ireland. If I do
 
 not greatly misapprehend the rules and forms of 
 this House, the question relating to the represen- 
 tation of Scotland is now as much within the 
 consideration of the House, as if it had been spe- 
 cifically brought before its notice. The duty of 
 drawing up the bill, relating to that part of the 
 subject, has been officially entrusted to me; but I 
 certainly have no wish to enter into what might 
 now be considered by the House as an uncalled-for 
 defence of that proposition. Two Noble Lords 
 on the opposite side of the House have indeed 
 introduced the name of Scotland ; but beyond a 
 general statement of the sufficiency of the present 
 system of representation, or rather the undoubted 
 prosperity of the country under that system, I 
 am not aware of their having made any im- 
 peachment of the proposed alterations, or any 
 distinct vindication of the existing system. (Hear, 
 hear.) 
 
 In so far as relates to the great measure itself 
 which has so long engaged the attention of the 
 House, I cannot but feel, that some of the topics 
 which in the early part of the debate occupied a 
 great share of the attention, and not a little of 
 the interest of honourable Members, have been 
 already finally disposed of in the judgment of 
 both sides of the House. I believe that the 
 grounds on which the opposition to the measure 
 now rest are these the undoubted prosperity 
 of both parts of the island under that form of 
 representation, which the proposed measure im-
 
 peaches as imperfect ; the want of specification 
 of any positive or direct evils, which can be 
 traced to alleged defects in the present system, 
 and the want of any specification of particular 
 benefits which the proposed alteration would pro- 
 duce. To these grounds of opposition I might 
 add, for I shall say nothing of corporation rob- 
 beries, or even of the more favoured, though not 
 less extravagant imputation, that the measure is 
 revolutionary, that it was calculated to infuse too 
 democratic a spirit into the Constitution ; and 
 was likely to lead, by gradual progression, to other 
 alterations, which would ultimately destroy the 
 Monarchy and the hereditary branch of the Legis- 
 lature. (Hear, hear.) It was further urged, that 
 no reason had been presented on the part of those 
 who proposed these very extensive changes, ex- 
 cept, that the country not only desired, but cla- 
 moured for them, and that with such determi- 
 nation of purpose, and such undisguised menaces, 
 that the House must concede to the cry of the 
 people what it would not to the arguments of 
 those who proposed changes ; while that cry had 
 actually been raised by those persons who had 
 introduced the proposed measure of Reform into 
 the House. (Hear, hear.) 
 
 Now, with respect to the argument which 
 appears to me to have produced the greatest 
 effect in that House namely, that the country 
 had prospered eminently under the present form 
 of representation, for a long course of years, and 
 
 B 2
 
 that it was rash, therefore, and unnecessary to ven- 
 ture on a change, I must be permitted to say, that 
 nothing can be more fallacious than this argument, 
 or more extravagant than the conclusions to which 
 it necessarily led. When, I would ask, when 
 was the time, for many hundred years back, that 
 England was not distinguished for glory, wealth, 
 and splendour ? Is it not true, that in the days of 
 the Tudors and the Stuarts, England had already 
 achieved a high place among the nations of the 
 world, for wealth, splendour, and cultivation, and 
 even for a great degree of domestic liberty ? But, 
 would it be alleged, that the people of England 
 ought now to be satisfied with the political institu- 
 tions, or the measure of political liberty which 
 satisfied their ancestors then ? The fact to which 
 all history bore witness, and independent of that 
 testimony, a principle offered to the consideration 
 of every reflecting person, was, that for nations to 
 attain a great measure of prosperity, and an infi- 
 nite measure of wealth, very little political free- 
 dom was necessary. The truth is, that it is most 
 generally under such defective political institu- 
 tions, that nations first obtain eminence in arts, 
 manufactures, commerce, and wealth, and the 
 fruit of that prosperity is liberty. (Hear.) 
 
 The first step to regeneration was, the moderate 
 degree of freedom granted to commercial towns, 
 which had made some advances in civilization 
 and wealth. (Hear.) The other day, the Honour- 
 able and Learned Member for Newport, (Mr. H.
 
 Twiss,) had indeed expressed great apprehension 
 at such places being admitted within the pale of 
 the Constitution. The Honourable and Learned 
 Member, to support his own views, had quoted from 
 a very able commentator on the British Constitu- 
 tion the author of Ecclesiasticus (laughter) the 
 following passage: " They are wise in the work 
 to which they have committed their minds." They 
 might work very well, he admitted, in metal, and in 
 wood, but were not fit to come into Council. And 
 this might be true enough of the first generations 
 of the industrious : but another spirit arose in the 
 race to whom their wealth was transmitted ; and to 
 whom it imparted leisure to reflect, and to culti- 
 vate their faculties ; and a sense of dignity and 
 independence, which led at once to the assertion 
 of political power and importance. This, in truth, 
 was the natural history and genuine genealogy of 
 freedom ; and, in the first instance at least, though 
 the order might be afterwards reversed, liberty was 
 the daughter, not the mother of riches. (Cheers.) 
 Thus, and thus only, arose the Italian Republics, 
 the free Towns of Germany, and the acknowledged 
 germs and seeds of our own liberty, the trading Towns 
 and Corporations which were the first to be emanci- 
 pated from the oppressions of feudal tyranny. As 
 wealth accumulated, men became anxious to have 
 protection from vexatious and illegal interferences 
 with their concerns ; and, soon after, the increase of 
 cultivation, and the diffused intelligence which wealth 
 had created, required, from time to time, more and 
 
 B 3
 
 6 
 
 more intelligence, and skill, and concern for the ge- 
 neral good, on the part of the Legislature, and a 
 more minute acquaintance with the wants of the 
 community. The fact was deducible from principles 
 which admitted of no question, that as long as nations 
 continue crescent and progressive in wealth, they 
 constantly and successively outgrow the dimensions of 
 their political institutions ; and it becomes necessary 
 to alter, adapt, and enlarge those institutions, in order 
 to accommodate the continually increasing number of 
 intelligent and independent citizens who are entitled 
 to share in their benefits, and to meet the great and 
 accumulating difficulties which grow out of such com- 
 plicated interests. (Hear, hear.) Accordingly, what had 
 been the progress in England ? We were prosperous 
 and splendid, while we were saddled with the Star 
 Chamber, with the prerogative, with purveyance, and 
 with ship money. At that time there were Merchants 
 of great opulence, men of spirit and intelligence in 
 public affairs, and authors of unequalled talent, and 
 immortal glory. England, in fact, then bore as 
 proud a name among the nations as at any after 
 period ; but as wealth multiplied, intelligence spread 
 among the population ; and in the same proportion 
 it was found necessary to widen the basis on which 
 the Constitution rested, in order to provide room for 
 the multiplied children of freedom. (Cheers.) The 
 question, then, was, whether that basis was wide 
 enough at this moment, or whether more room must 
 not still be made for those who had now become en- 
 titled to better accommodation ? The great question
 
 is, whether it can be seriously doubted, that within 
 the last 25 or 30 years, there has been generated 
 and developed among the people of this country, a 
 vast mass, not of intelligence and independence only, 
 but of political capacity and interest; a power to 
 understand, and a desire to possess their constitutional 
 rights, compared with which, all which I have spoken 
 of as existing in the most glorious periods of our 
 older history, was proportionably insignificant. We 
 all knew how, in feudal times, the Barons extorted 
 Charters from tyrannical Sovereigns ; and how towns 
 were taken under the protecting wings of the Barons, 
 or the Sovereign, in order to give strength to one 
 or other of those parties. Then the serfs and vil- 
 lains were emancipated ; and, last of all, the Bur- 
 gesses rose into wealth and importance. (Hear, hear.) 
 But, where was the man who would say that at any 
 of those periods the improvement and enlargement 
 of our political institutions should have finally stopped? 
 Or, can any man, who looks at the present condition 
 of these institutions, aver that they are actually such 
 as no improvement in the wealth, numbers, and in- 
 telligence of the community, could justify us in en- 
 larging ? By what criterion is a judgment to be 
 formed as to the point beyond which it would be 
 impossible to go with advantage ? This is truly a mat- 
 ter of feeling and observation, rather than of reason- 
 ing. Wherever there is lasting and reasonable dis- 
 content, there is, probably, need for reformation. 
 I know no limits to such improvements, but the limits 
 to the desires of intelligent men, who crave, and 
 
 B 4
 
 8 
 
 render reasons for their craving, or some plain im- 
 soundness in the arguments by which their desires must 
 be defended. (Hear, hear.) But I shall now come to 
 the fact ; for it really seems to be little else than a 
 matter of fact that is in dispute between the two 
 sides of the House. I wish, in the first place, to 
 look for a moment, exclusively, to the great number 
 of persons of wealth, respectability, intelligence, and 
 loyalty, belonging to the middle ranks, in London 
 and Manchester, who are now unrepresented. 
 Is it true, in point of fact, that that great body 
 of persons are discontented and dissatisfied, soured 
 and alienated by their exclusion ? (" No, no," and 
 cheers.) I think I may venture to answer the question. 
 I think I may assume, without much presumption, that 
 it is generally known in the country, that Petitions in 
 favour of Reform have been laid on the table of this 
 House, uncountable in number, (" No, no,") signed,, 
 not by tens, or twenties, but by fifties, and hundreds 
 of thousands. Now, if it was, indeed, true, that 
 these Petitions did not speak the desires of the 
 wealthy, intelligent, and industrious persons, whose 
 names they assume, if it was true that the great 
 body of respectable people in the districts I have 
 mentioned, did not share the sentiments of the Pe- 
 titioners, how was it they had not sent other Petitions 
 to that House expressive of their opinions, and denying 
 the statement of their dissatisfaction ? The Petitions 
 were not got up in a corner, nor were they looked 
 upon, either in this House, or without it, as so noto- 
 riously false and absurd, as to be deserving of no
 
 answer. On the contrary, they had shaken the 
 country from border to border, and had sent forth the 
 boldest defiances and challenges to any one to dis- 
 pute the truth of their allegations ; yet these chal- 
 lenges had not been accepted ; and those who were 
 now said to be contented, had been silent under the 
 defiance. So far as I can recollect, I have heard 
 in this House but of one Petition which has been 
 presented against Reform, and that came from 
 Bristol, and contained a sort of mimicry of the lan- 
 guage of the Iron Barons of Merton ; " We do not 
 wish the laws of England to be changed." 
 
 But it is more peculiarly my province, as it is my 
 pride, to call the attention of the House to the vast num- 
 ber of Petitions which have been presented in favour 
 of Reform from different parts of Scotland ; and as 
 to the greater part of which, I think I may say, with 
 confidence, that not the slightest influence had been 
 exercised to get them up. 1 must advert particu- 
 larly to the Petitions, not merely from the Merchants, 
 Bankers, and Manufacturers, but from the Magistrates, 
 and Town Councils of Glasgow, Dundee, Aberdeen, 
 and from the Citizens of Edinburgh ; the latter of 
 which I know to be signed, from my own personal 
 knowledge, by four-fifths, if not five-fifths, of all the 
 persons of wealth and respectability in that city : and 
 also, that a large proportion of the 1 80 persons who 
 signed the requisition for the Meeting at which it 
 was carried, had been converted from a feeling of 
 distrust towards Reform, to a sense of the propriety 
 of its concession.
 
 10 
 
 There are two points upon which objections 
 have been taken to the measure; one, the giving 
 of the elective franchise to those who had it not, 
 the other, the taking it away from some of those 
 who had it. At present, I wish to speak only to the 
 first of these points ; and with regard to it, would any 
 man say that a body of unrepresented persons, equal 
 in numbers, and far superior in wealth, to double the 
 population of some of the capitals of Europe, should 
 not have a Member to represent them ? Was not 
 this, then, a great advantage in this Bill ? It was 
 not easy indeed to comprehend the grounds upon 
 which this part of the measure are objected to; 
 and even the luminous statements of the Honour- 
 able Member for Callington have left it in utter 
 darkness. Why should the men of wealth, intel- 
 ligence, and industry, in certain parts of London and 
 in Leeds, not have Representatives, as well as men in 
 the same, or a lower condition, in other parts of Lon- 
 don or in Nottingham ? The Member for Callington 
 had made no answer to that question ; but had gone 
 off in a fine spun and hypothetical dissertation on 
 the advantages attending the present system, under 
 which the hereditary aristocracy and the democracy 
 were so harmoniously mingled in the House of Com- 
 mons ! and he said, " If you change this system, you 
 lose these advantages." But how would this part of the 
 Bill interfere with these imaginary advantages? The 
 advantages flowed, it seems, from the close and rotten 
 Borough part of the system ; and were not diminished 
 by the franchise in old London or in Nottingham. How
 
 11 
 
 then should they be diminished by the creation of si- 
 milar franchises in newer parts of London, or in Man- 
 chester or Birmingham ? But the truth was, that these 
 supposed advantages were purely ideal and imaginary ; 
 and that the Honourable Member's whole exposition 
 and deduction of them, was a conspicuous example of 
 the strange, fantastical, and unsound speculations by 
 which ingenious men will cover the palpable unsound- 
 ness of tenets which it is their interest or inclination at 
 all events to maintain. There was, in truth, no advan- 
 tage in the Peerage or the Crown having an influence 
 in the Commons House of Parliament ; and if there 
 were, it was manifest that the present system of elec- 
 tion did not secure that advantage. The matter is 
 settled every where, except in this House ; and I 
 should like nothing better than to see the Honourable 
 Member for Callington proposing his fanciful theory 
 to the merchants of Leeds or Manchester not 
 in the streets or market places, to an inflamed or 
 ignorant multitude but there, where merchants 
 most do congregate, in the counting houses and 
 wealthy dwellings of men, as cultivated and intelligent 
 as himself. Let him see how such men would deal 
 with his theory. Let him consider how the press 
 already treats it out of doors. Every body knows 
 what strange tricks interest will play with a man's 
 faculties, and how unconsciously we are duped by our 
 own prejudices and partialities. (Hear). 
 
 Let the House consider, but for an instant, what is the 
 amount of the Honourable Member's argument about 
 Peers possessing their native authority, and privileges,
 
 12 
 
 and prerogatives in the House of Commons. I must 
 take leave to say, in the first place, that I am not 
 aware that Members of the House of Lords, in 
 their individual capacity, do now possess any 
 prerogatives or privilege at all, except that of 
 being hereditary legislators ; which privilege they 
 could not possibly exercise any where but in their 
 own House. It is not therefore as Peers, but only 
 as rich proprietors, that they could ever enjoy this 
 extraordinary privilege and there was an end, there- 
 fore, at once, to the dream of these two branches of 
 the Legislature, blending their functions, in some in- 
 expressibly benignant manner, in this House. But, in 
 the next place, it is not true that the privilege belongs 
 to rich proprietors or is a beneficial way of bringing 
 the legitimate influence of Property to bear on public 
 concerns. The richest proprietor in the land has no 
 such privilege, unless he is proprietor of a borough: 
 and many men own boroughs, who have little other 
 property. Take the average wealth of all the borough 
 holders in the country, and I will undertake to shew 
 that, for every one of them, there are fifty men of equal 
 wealth, who have no boroughs and thus there is an end 
 also of the other dream, of this arrangement being a de- 
 sirable means of giving weight to property ! In fact, it is 
 not the influence of large property at all ; and it is not 
 a. fair influence of any property. Many poor men 
 invest their capital in boroughs, in hopes to enrich 
 themselves by the illicit sale of them ; and many 
 rich men grow poor by the unskilful management of 
 the same illegal traffic. If it were right that rich men
 
 13 
 i 
 
 or Peers should have this strange privilege, why is it 
 not given to them openly ? U pon the theory of the 
 Honourable Gentleman opposite, every Peer, with an 
 income of 10,000. a year, should have a Member to 
 sit in that House to represent him ; and every Com- 
 moner with 20,000. should have his Member too; 
 then there would be ensured a proper appendage to 
 rank and opulence, instead of there being, as at pre- 
 sent, a narrow and unjust monopoly of the privilege. 
 
 There is no doubt, I believe, in any quarter, that 
 property ought to have a large influence in the election 
 of Members of Parliament. But is it really pretended, 
 either that the proposed Bill will destroy that influence, 
 or that the present system gives a fair or secure scope 
 to it ? That it would not destroy or exclude that in- 
 fluence, seemed to be conceded by the Honourable 
 Member for Callington, when he referred to the in- 
 fluence of the Bedford Family, in Tavistock, and 
 said, " that, after the proposed measure had done its 
 worst, he would still ensure the present Member's 
 Seat for that Borough, for half-a-crown." I think the 
 Honourable Member would very probably be safe 
 with that cheap insurance. But could there be a 
 more conclusive proof that the fair and legitimate 
 influence of rank and property will not be diminished 
 by this Bill ? In my opinion, indeed, it will be very 
 much increased ; for, as things now stand, a very 
 large proportion of boroughs are withdrawn from the 
 natural and benignant influence of property bestowed 
 in acts of kindness and judicious charity ; and, instead 
 of being cheered by the undebasing bounty of a 
 munificent and hospitable neighbour, are degraded
 
 14 
 
 and enslaved by a sordid and tyrannical depen- 
 dency on a sordid and tyrannical master. (Hear.) 
 The objectors to the measure were singularly 
 contradictory ; some objected to it as too popular 
 and democratic ; and then they also objected that it 
 excluded the lowest classes. (Hear.) How were 
 these objections to be reconciled ? It was said 
 that tradesmen, and attornies, and petty householders, 
 would be admitted to the elective franchise, under the 
 qualification of 10., and that therefore the qualifi- 
 cation was too low. Now, the fact happens to be, 
 that, in 99 cases out of 100, the qualification, when- 
 ever it is altered, is raised. In the counties, where it 
 had always stood at 40*., it is now 10. In Boroughs, 
 again, the Corporators, if resident, are left as they 
 were; and instead of Scot and Lot, or Pot-walloppers, 
 a .10. qualification is again required. Gentlemen 
 argued, too, as if the qualification was not to include 
 those above 10., whereas it was 10. and upwards, 
 and that might be 100 or 1,000 fold. Was that to in- 
 undate the land with a democracy ? Really, if the 40*. 
 freeholders and the pot- wallopers of the present sys- 
 tem did not produce that effect, it was not easy to see 
 how it was to be produced by raising the qualification. 
 But even if the qualification had been lowered, 
 it seems to me a strange mistake to suppose 
 that it would be likely to produce dissatisfac- 
 tion or disloyalty, or an indisposition to acknowledge 
 the authority of the law. Would it be said that a 
 comparatively poor man was less interested in the 
 security of his little property, than the rich man who 
 was dying of ennui in the midst of his useless
 
 15 
 
 hoards ? On the contrary, a man who had acquired 
 a certain degree of competency, looked with the 
 greatest anxiety on what affected the security of his 
 property, and was of all others the most likely to rally 
 round the only authority by which that property would 
 be defended. (Hear.) He felt himself lifted above that 
 want which he once endured ; and though he felt 
 pride in contemplating his own elevation in the 
 scale of society, he looked down with sympathy and 
 affection upon those who were still struggling with 
 adversity. He was the person, therefore, whom 
 it most behoved the Government to attach to 
 itself by kindness, and by conceding his rights, and 
 the firmest reliance might then be placed on his fidelity. 
 And if it be, indeed, true, that there are individuals, 
 or associations, in this country, who meditate an 
 attack on property, and set lawful authority 
 at defiance, such persons as he would be ready 
 to join hand and heart in resistance to them. 
 (Hear.) No thinking man, who reflected upon 
 the subject, would contend that the safety of the 
 country rested upon any other basis than a regard 
 for the security of property ; and when society was 
 founded upon that basis, the coronet was in no danger 
 of being touched, nor a jewel of the diadem of being 
 soiled. I have, therefore, no distrust of this 10. 
 qualification ; nor, indeed, am I able to imagine by 
 what process of reasoning a contrary conclusion has 
 been formed. Had the Bill done the reverse, and 
 proposed to reduce the qualification, there might 
 have been some reason in the objection. 
 
 How this inconsistency is to be explained, I con-
 
 16 
 
 fess I am unable to conjecture ; but I think I 
 have found a key to some of the mysteries of the 
 opposite side of the House, in their wilful blind- 
 ness to a distinction, the full perception of which 
 I humbly conceive to be essential to any just 
 views of the great measure before us. To me, 
 Sir, it seems evident, that there are at this mo- 
 ment, two entirely separate classes of discontented 
 persons in this country, whom it is most important 
 not to confound in our deliberations, but incom- 
 parably more important not to identify and drive 
 together by our proceeedings. The one by far 
 the most numerous and important, consists of 
 those loyal, orderly, and industrious persons, who 
 are unjustly excluded from their share in the 
 representation, and are, on that account, offended, 
 alienated, and dissatisfied with those who have 
 so long persisted in rejecting their earnest and 
 humble petitions. The other consists of far more 
 desperate, and dangerous individuals persons, 
 not many I trust in number, but multiplied of late 
 years, by I know not what causes, who utterly 
 distrust and despise all the institutions of the 
 country ; who hate law and authority, and aim 
 directly, and, with little disguise or equivocation, 
 at the destruction of all property, and the abolition 
 of all dignities. It is painful to think, that there 
 should be such a faction in such a country ; but, 
 I am persuaded, that no man who moves about in 
 society, with his eyes and his ears open, can fail 
 to be convinced of the fact. It is, perhaps, but an 
 aggravated form of the old feud, which has always
 
 17 
 
 subsisted between those who have nothing, and 
 those who have something ; but frightfully embit- 
 tered of late years among us, partly, perhaps, 
 by the long continued pressure of distress ; and, 
 partly, by the increased intelligence and easier 
 means of concert among the lower orders : but, 
 no doubt, in a still greater degree, by the effect of 
 infamous publications and harangues, proceeding 
 from wicked and designing, or most misled and 
 deluded individuals. But, be that as it may, the 
 point I wish chiefly to impress on the House, is, 
 that those men are not to be confounded with the 
 former ; that their discontent does not proceed 
 from their exclusion from elective franchises, and 
 that they neither petition for Reform, nor would 
 be in any degree gratified by its largest concession. 
 Their views go far beyond the sphere of Parlia- 
 mentary Reform : they care nothing for laws or 
 law-givers, or those by whom law-givers are ap- 
 pointed ; and make a mockery, quite as much of 
 Commons, as of Lords, or of King. Their object is 
 the invasion of all property, the cessation of all 
 authority, the levelling of all ranks and degrees, 
 every man for himself, and God or some other 
 personage for all ! 
 
 No blunder then could be so great, no injus- 
 tice so flagrant, as to confound these men with 
 those who petition for a better system of repre- 
 sentation ; or to draw inferences as to the con- 
 sequences of yielding to the prayers of the 
 latter, which might be applicable to capitulating 
 
 c
 
 18 
 
 with the demands of the former. But, there is some- 
 thing far worse, and more practically dangerous, 
 in confounding those two distinct kinds of discon- 
 tent, than the mere blunder in reasoning, or in- 
 justice in moral judgment. Your Petitioners, 
 though naturally, and actually, loyal and orderly, 
 are not all, of course, philosophically patient, or 
 religiously meek. If, then, their just claims are dis- 
 regarded, they will all be offended, and many will 
 be excessive in their resentment, and their feel- 
 ings and expressions of anger and dislike. They 
 will join, therefore, in the language at least, of the 
 apostles of disorder and anarchy, and plainly be 
 in danger of imbibing a share of their passions and 
 opinions. They will join with them to the extent 
 of distrusting, and perhaps despising this House ; 
 of believing that the Government is corrupt and 
 oppressive, and that their ineffectual petitions 
 must be reinforced by something more energetic 
 and irresistible. 
 
 I am persuaded, I need not dwell on a 
 topic so painful. If the fact be admitted, that 
 a great part of the petitioners are not to be 
 confounded with the desperate and wicked 
 individuals to whom I have alluded, can any 
 thing be so plain, as that it is the first and fore- 
 most of our duties, to prevent the one from gra- 
 duating into the other, or from being exposed to 
 the infection, even of a partial or nominal alli- 
 ance ? to snatch them from the tremendous dan- 
 gers of such a communication, and at once to
 
 19 
 
 deprive the mischievous of the encouragement and 
 credit of their apparent support, and to detach 
 them, by merely doing them justice, from that 
 perilous community of discontent, in which, by 
 its refusal, they are now unhappily involved. 
 
 To the question, therefore, of What are the ac- 
 tual evils of the present system, and what the 
 actual benefits you expect from its reform, I now 
 answer, boldly, that the evil is the grievous dis- 
 content, gradually passing into disaffection, which 
 it produces in those who suffer from it, and that 
 the inestimable benefit to be derived from its re- 
 formation, is the cuce of that discontent the 
 redemption of great bodies of meritorious citizens 
 from the hazard of being seduced into fatal disor- 
 ders and excesses ; the visible separation of those 
 who mean mischief, and seek pillage, from those 
 who insist only for right and justice, and the final 
 embodying of all the latter, in support of property 
 and lawful authority, against the implacable ene- 
 mies of both. 
 
 I grant, at once, that no Reform will satisfy 
 those whose real object is, not Reform, but confu- 
 sion. I not only grant, but I maintain, as the 
 very basis of my argument, that no reasonable 
 improvements will satisfy those who are unreason- 
 able. But it is implied, in the very terms of this 
 proposition, that they will satisfy the reasonable ; 
 and when the reasonable are once satisfied, can 
 any man doubt or deny that we shall be better 
 able, with their aid, to deal with the unreasonable 
 
 c2
 
 20 
 
 who remain ? The mischief is, that by refusing 
 just requests, we not only alienate those who de- 
 sire nothing but justice, but give a colour to the 
 malignant imputations of those who say, that we 
 love injustice for itself, or for the peculations and 
 oppressions for the sake of which it is committed. 
 The catholic remedy for the evil, in all its aspects, 
 the true cure for the actual sufferer, the infallible 
 exposure of the turbulent pretender, is, to do jus- 
 tice fearlessly, and fearlessly to resist all unjust 
 encroachments. 
 
 From the very first time my attention has been 
 directed to this subject, it was in this aspect that it 
 has presented itself to me. The great object is to 
 allay reasonable discontent, and to win back alien- 
 ated confidence and affection, on the one hand, 
 and, on the other, to disarm sedition and mischief 
 of its most powerful means of seduction, by sepa- 
 rating from it, and, finally, arraying against it, all 
 that is fundamentally sound in the great mass of the 
 population, all, that is to say, who, by the possession 
 of property, and political rights, can be made to feel 
 that they have an interest in the protection of pro- 
 perty and the maintenance of lawful authority. In 
 the present agitated state of the country, when the 
 flood is growing on the land, I would fain draw a 
 firmament, and impassable barrier, between the pure 
 and wholesome waters that are above, and the 
 noisome and polluted contents of the dark abysses 
 below : and this is the first good effect I ven- 
 ture to anticipate from the Bill now proposed.
 
 21 
 
 It will not only pacify and appease multi- 
 tudes who are now discontented, and likely to be 
 ranged in hostility to Government, and authority 
 generally ; but it will array them into a great pha- 
 lanx for the protection of property, and the main^ 
 tenance of the Constitution and the law. They 
 are all persons of property, generally speaking, of 
 larger property than the body of English electors 
 have heretofore been required to possess; and if 
 those electors have hitherto been found true to 
 their country and their trust, I confess my inabi- 
 lity to understand how merely multiplying their 
 numbers, and raising their rank, can be supposed 
 to debase their characters, or pervert their views. 
 
 I have, perhaps, said enough already on the 
 value I attach to property, as a qualification for 
 electors. It is not the property, certainly, not 
 the acres, or the pounds sterling, that are to be 
 directly represented ; but the will and intelligence 
 of the men to whom they belong. If property 
 were the sole and ultimate qualification, I do not 
 see how we could avoid recurring to the scheme 
 of a famous Reformer in his day, the late Mr. 
 Home Tooke, who seriously proposed, that votes 
 should be multiplied according as property en- 
 creased ; and that a rich man should be allowed 
 to vote seven times at an election, when a poor 
 man voted but once. That theory, however, has 
 . been long discarded ; and I rather think men of all 
 parties are now agreed, that the only reasons 
 for requiring electors to have property, are, first, 
 
 c 3
 
 22 
 
 as a sort of test or presumption, that they have 
 rather more intelligence and information than are 
 usually found in persons of the very lowest condition, 
 and, secondly, as a pledge of their interest and 
 disposition to maintain that respect for property in 
 general, which all thinking men must feel to be at 
 the bottom of all civil institutions, and the true 
 foundation, not only of law and good order, but 
 of liberty and of society itself. I have already 
 endeavoured to shew, that a very moderate 
 share of property is as likely to give this dispo- 
 sition as a greater share ; and I cannot but think, 
 in opposition to the Honourable Member for Pres- 
 ton, that the standard taken in the proposed Bill 
 is not on the other hand too high. If I under- 
 stand that Honourable Member rightly, he, too, is 
 i'orsome qualification of property. But, wherever the 
 line is drawn, it must necessarily appear to bear 
 hard upon those who are immediatety below it. 
 The Honourable Member said, that there are 
 many persons, who occupy houses worth from 4. 
 to 9. a year, who would make as good electors 
 as those who were up to 10. I have no doubt it 
 may be so. But, if the standard were let down to 4., 
 the same thing might no doubt be said as to renters at 
 3. 10*. By a little further effort of industry and 
 frugality, the 9. renter might surely, in most cases, 
 raise himself to 10.; and the motive no longer a 
 sordid or base motive that this Bill holds out for 
 such efforts, is not the least of its recommenda- 
 tions. But in the mean time, and on the whole.
 
 23 
 
 I cannot persuade myself, that the occupancy of a 
 house, worth 10. a year, is too high a qualifica- 
 tion ; and if it brings in 500,000 new voters, who 
 are now excluded from all representation, it is 
 impossible not to feel, that while it enlarges to this 
 great extent, the basis on which the Constitution 
 reposes, it binds at the same time, to the better 
 protection of that Constitution, a prodigious mass 
 of actual property, and does all that can now be 
 done to secure the confidence and affection of 
 this great body of proprietors. 
 
 It is curious to observe, how extremes meet, in 
 the arguments of disputants who are reduced to 
 extremities, and what contradictions are hazarded 
 by those who can dispense with no auxiliaries. 
 The same persons, who rest their chief objection 
 to this measure, on the ground of its throwing too 
 large an infusion of popular or democratic in- 
 fluence into the Legislature, are also the loudest 
 to clamour against its tyrannical and aristocratic 
 rejection of the pot- wallopers, and scot and lot 
 electors of Preston and Honiton. Nay, the Ho- 
 nourable Member for Callington does not scruple 
 to say, that the best way to give property its due 
 effect in the representention, is to give almost 
 the whole of that representation to those who 
 have either very large fortunes, or no fortunes at 
 all to take special care of the rights of pot-wal- 
 lopers, and of opulent peers and boroughmongers, 
 but to look with jealousy on the claims of the 
 middling and upper classes ! He is for a circu- 
 
 c 4
 
 24 
 
 ktion of 100. notes, and of farthings, and from 
 which shillings and sovereigns are to be, in a 
 great measure, excluded ! I confess I do not 
 know how to deal with such an argument. But 
 it should always be remembered, that the existing 
 pot-wallopers are to retain their franchise for their 
 lives ; and that as it is but in a few places that this 
 right now exists, it is absurd to represent its ulti- 
 mate cessation in those places, as the disfranchise- 
 ment of a great class of electors, long known to 
 the Constitution, and acting an important part in 
 its structure. If this extreme element of Demo- 
 cracy could ever have been defended in such a 
 Government as our's, it could only have been as a 
 counterbalance to the extreme, and equally inde- 
 fensible element of Aristocracy, arising from the 
 nomination borough in the hands of Peers, and 
 other persons of great wealth ; and if it is right to 
 exclude the latter, as alike contrary to the letter and 
 spirit of the Constitution, there can no longer be 
 any good reason for retaining the former. To repre- 
 sent the franchise of a few bands of pot- wallopers, 
 in certain towns, scattered thinly over the face of 
 the country, as the vital link by which the great 
 body of the labouring classes are connected with 
 the Constitution, does appear to me, I con- 
 fess, a very notable extravagance. The great 
 body of the labouring classes have, in fact, no par- 
 ticipation in this franchise; and can derive no 
 comfort or benefit from its occasional exercise, 
 probably utterly unknown or unheard of by them*
 
 25 
 
 in Preston or Honiton, or a few other insulated 
 places. The extension of the franchise to 500,000 
 new voters, occupying houses of 10. and up- 
 wards, is a far more substantial opening of the 
 Constitution to the labouring classes in general. 
 It will reach, indeed, directly to a considerable pro- 
 portion of those classes; and it admits, at all events, 
 an immense multitude of those who have recently 
 risen from those classes, whose relations and sym- 
 pathies are all still in that circle, and whose 
 mere elevation will excite a most beneficial ambi- 
 tion in the whole body, to acquire, by increased 
 industry and economy, the very moderate qualifi- 
 cation which will entitle them also to its full par- 
 ticipation. 
 
 I think, Sir, I have already sufficiently an- 
 swered the demand for some specification of the 
 ill effects of the present system, and of the bene- 
 fits we expect from its reform. But it would be 
 easy to extend that answer. One benefit, which 
 I rather think has not yet been suggested to the 
 House, I will, with their indulgence, now venture 
 to explain : I mean the great advantage which I 
 have no doubt a reformed Parliament would have 
 in insuring the more prompt, steady, and effec- 
 tual operation of Public Opinion on the legislature, 
 and the measures of the Government. I do not 
 deny, that, even as things now are, public opinion 
 is, in the long run, irresistible. But infinite evils 
 and dangers have constantly resulted from the tar- 
 diness with which it operates, the dissatisfaction
 
 26 
 
 which is generated by long opposition to it, and 
 the contempt which but too often follows the re- 
 luctant triumph it obtains. I shall not be under- 
 stood, I trust, as if I thought that this House, and 
 much less the legislature at large, ought to yield 
 or respond to every casual and transient impulse 
 of popular feeling or excitement. It is its first 
 duty, on the other hand, to watch such impulses 
 with jealousy, and wherever it truly appears that 
 they are but casual and transient, to resist them 
 with firmness and dignity. But I think it can 
 scarcely be denied, that, from want of a due sym- 
 pathy, or sufficient means of communication, this 
 resistance has been too often, and, I would almost 
 say, systematically, continued far longer than 
 was justifiable, and extended to cases where it 
 should never for a moment have existed. I would 
 say, generally, that most Wars have been inex- 
 cusably protracted, for years after the public voice 
 had justly condemned them. I would say the 
 same thing of the abomination of the Slave Trade, 
 of the sanguinary parts of our Criminal Law, of the 
 Game Laws, and generally of that system of 
 wasteful expenditure, and scandalous abuse of Pa- 
 tronage, for purposes of selfishness or corruption, 
 from which the Government was only driven, after 
 incurable distaste and resentment had been ex- 
 cited by nearly half a century of resistance. The 
 mere needless continuance of the folly and abuse, 
 is but a small part of the mischief of this habitual 
 rejection of public opinion this obstinate cling-
 
 ing to discredited and detected iniquities. The 
 fatal evil is, the distrust and dislike of which the 
 legislature, and this House, especially, necessa- 
 rily become the objects which alienates from the 
 Government the confidence and affections of the 
 people, and produces that unhappy state of public 
 feeling, which is truly aggravated, rather than al- 
 layed, by the tardy and compulsive compliance 
 which is at last ungracefully yielded, and thank- 
 lessly and scornfully received. In a reformed 
 Parliament, I think it is obvious that no such 
 thing could occur. 
 
 But there is another advantage which I think 
 this Reform can scarcely fail to secure, which ap- 
 pears to me of still greater importance, with 
 regard both to the contentment and the per- 
 manent prosperity of the people. I am aware, 
 that no Reform will give them absolute pros- 
 perity. No man can be more deeply convinced, 
 that the greater part of their distresses arise from 
 causes over which Government has no controul ; 
 and I think that those who would teach them other- 
 wise, act a very weak or a very wicked part. But such, 
 unhappily, is not their general opinion ; they think, 
 naturally enough, perhaps, in most cases certainly 
 excusably, that most of their sufferings are owing 
 to our misgovernment ; and that if it was not for the 
 selfishness and hard-hearted indifference of the Le- 
 gislature, they might all be comfortable and happy. 
 Nothing, I admit, can be more absurd and extrava- 
 gant. But, as long as they see the Legislature
 
 28 
 
 composed entirely of persons, nominated almost exclu- 
 sively by the higher Aristocracy, and find themselves, 
 very generally, excluded from all share in the election 
 of their Representatives, you may be assured, that 
 they will continue to be of that opinion ; and to in- 
 dulge in all those feelings of animosity and distrust, 
 that now prevail to so unfortunate an extent among 
 them. But the Reform we now propose, will dis- 
 abuse them, I think, of these errors, and is the 
 only thing that will disabuse them. They will not 
 take our word, when we tell them, that we feel deeply 
 for their sufferings, and are doing all we can for their 
 relief, although for much of their miseries there 
 is no relief in our power. They will not take our 
 word for this, for we are strangers to them, and are 
 sent here, apparently at least, for other interests than 
 theirs. But when at last they have Representatives 
 of their own chusing when they have deputed to 
 Parliament individuals, on whose thorough know- 
 ledge of their situation, and whose sincere anxiety 
 to befriend them, they place entire reliance, they will, 
 and they must believe the testimony which is brought 
 back to them by these Representatives. And if they 
 report, as they must necessarily do, that this House 
 is not deaf to their prayers, nor insensible to their 
 sufferings; but that, while measures are actually 
 taking for their partial relief, it appears to be really 
 impossible to eradicate poverty, or to create bene- 
 ficial employment, I do not think I am too sanguine, 
 when I conclude, that they may, at last, be taught 
 that there are evils, in every human lot, for which
 
 29 
 
 Governments are no way responsible, and for which 
 laws can provide no effectual remedy ; and that, in- 
 stead of indulging in idle resentments, or deluding 
 themselves with the hopes of impossible relief, they 
 should co-operate, by their own providence, with the 
 beneficent intentions of Government, and wait, in 
 patience, for that fortunate change in their relations, 
 which cannot be accelerated, though it may be re- 
 tarded, by turbulence and abuse. 
 
 For this reason, as well as for many others, I 
 
 hail the appearance of the Honourable Member for 
 
 Preston in this House. I flatter myself, he has 
 
 already learned to think more favourably, than when 
 
 he first entered it, of the disposition of this House 
 
 towards those classes, whom he considers as more 
 
 peculiarly his constituents ; that he now believes 
 
 in their sincere sympathy with their sufferings, and 
 
 even that there are far greater difficulties in the 
 
 way of their relief than he had formerly imagined ; 
 
 and I trust, that he will not fail to report his altered 
 
 opinion to those over whom he has so much influence; 
 
 and so begin the good work, which, I trust, this 
 
 great measure will complete. [Here the Honourable 
 
 Member for Preston intimated his dissent in some 
 
 points from the speaker, who went on.] I am sorry 
 
 the Honourable Member does not quite agree with 
 
 me ; but he is yet but in his noviciate ; and when 
 
 we have had him a little longer among us, I doubt 
 
 not that we shall convert him entirely. 
 
 In the mean time, allow me to say a word on the sub- 
 ject of that cry or clamour, which Honourable Gentle-
 
 men, on the other side, will have it, is all that the advo- 
 cates for this Reform can produce to justify or support 
 it, and on the strange allegation of their having them- 
 selves been the raisers of that cry ! There has been a 
 cry certainly ; and, certainly, it has not only been 
 raised in former times, but it has also, apparently, 
 subsided, or been intermitted ; from which they 
 would infer, that its causes are merely temporary, 
 that it may now be resisted as safely as it has been 
 resisted before ; and that if we merely do nothing, we 
 shall speedily see it subside, and die away. I cannot 
 persuade myself, that those read either the past or 
 the present with intelligence, who so interpret the 
 signs of the times before us. True, the cry for 
 Reform has formerly subsided ; but has it not always 
 revived ; and, at every revival, been echoed from a 
 wider circle, and in a louder tone ? 
 
 Is not the very fact, that all national excitements, 
 of whatever kind, the pressure of internal distress, 
 the sympathy with foreign triumphs, uniformly re- 
 ceive this passion for Reform a proof that it is not 
 an accidental symptom, but a constitutional affection 
 the indication of a deep rooted disease, which 
 every excitement calls into action, and at every re- 
 currence in an aggravated form ? It has slept, in- 
 deed, by fits, but has never been dead ; and it wakes, 
 at last, like a giant refreshed, to bid defiance to all 
 attempts at opposition. Occasional causes there have 
 been, no doubt ; but the great exciting cause has 
 been the spread of intelligence, and the actual in- 
 crease of the grievance, from the increasing numbers
 
 31 
 
 of those who suffer by its continuance. When the 
 Right Honourable Secretary for Foreign Affairs said, 
 that but for the proceedings as to East Retford, this 
 Bill might not have been necessary, he did not 
 mean that a better issue of those proceedings would 
 have finally satisfied the wishes of English Reformers, 
 but only that it might have, for a while, postponed 
 the crisis, which an opposite issue no doubt contri- 
 buted to bring on. There were occasional causes, no 
 doubt, at work, along with the great internal agencies, 
 which determined, perhaps, the moment of that con- 
 summation, which, of themselves, they could neither 
 produce, nor prevent. The manner and the moment 
 of all great events, are ever determined by such causes ; 
 but the events themselves have always a deeper prin- 
 ciple, and depend on a higher fate. Mr. Fox has 
 recorded, that the year before the revolution, 1 688, 
 the tyranny of the Stuarts seemed more secure, and 
 the cause of liberty more hopeless, than at any other 
 period. Some authors ascribe the immediate cause of 
 that great event to the trial of the Bishops, and some 
 to the proceedings at Oxford ; but no men of com- 
 mon sense will, therefore, contend that the event 
 itself was casual, or that it had any other real cause 
 than the gradual accumulation of just discontent and 
 apprehension, arising from a systematic persistance 
 in injustice, and an obstinate refusal of redress. 
 There were occasional causes here, too ; the mortify- 
 ing issue of the proceedings as to East Retford, and 
 the fatal determination which the people read in those 
 proceedings, to resist any measure, and any degree of
 
 32 
 
 Reform ; the proceedings, and the tond and temper of 
 the defence of the proceedings, at Newark, the shame- 
 ful exposure of the state of our official pensions, and, 
 generally, the disgusting spectacle of corruption and 
 venality which was displayed at the general election ; 
 these things naturally excited the impatience and the 
 zeal of the people. To say that the passion for 
 Reform originated with the present Ministers, or the 
 present Ministry, is too palpably absurd, and contra- 
 dictory to dates and transactions. It was a com- 
 mon topic at most of the elections, before the pre- 
 sent Ministry had been imagined, or its Members 
 communicated with each other ; and the absence 
 of all reference to it in the King's Speech, at 
 the opening of the Session, occasioned a general dis- 
 appointment, as well as the omission of all mention 
 of prevailing distress. Then came the fatal pledge 
 of the head of the former Government against all 
 reform, along with a repeated denial of the existence 
 of general distress ; and in that moment, the cry of 
 indignation and impatience went forth from all parts 
 of the land ; and it was seen and felt that Reform was 
 unavoidable, if the peace of the country was to be 
 preserved ! The Ministry gave way before that cry ; 
 and the very men who could not keep their places 
 against it, while it was yet but a popular clamour, and 
 unaccredited by official countenance, now hope to re- 
 gain them by opposing it, when it has taken the shape 
 of a grave and deliberate measure of the accredited 
 Ministers of the Crown ! 
 
 I have said more than enough, perhaps, on this
 
 33 
 
 strange proposition ; but as a Member for Scotland, I 
 cannot pass over the most important, perhaps, of the 
 occasional causes by which the feelings of that part of 
 the country have been excited on this occasion ; I mean 
 the memorable declaration of the Right Honourable 
 Member for Edinburgh, that he did not believe there 
 was any desire for Reform in that city, or in the 
 country in general. The reason assigned for that 
 opinion is not less singular than the opinion itself. 
 It was, that a Petition had been sent from Edinburgh, 
 but a few years before, earnestly praying for Reform, 
 and signed by 7000 or 8000 persons ; but that no 
 new Petition had been since presented. The chal- 
 lenge thus given, was accepted ; the construction 
 thus unfeelingly put on their forbearance was indig- 
 nantly refuted ; and in a few weeks a new Petition, 
 signed by upwards of 2 1,000 persons, was sent up from 
 the citizens of Edinburgh. Glasgow followed with 
 33,000; and from every city, town, village, and 
 parish, almost, of the country, similar Petitions have 
 ever since poured in. And here, for the sake of my 
 countrymen, I am bound to state, not only that those 
 Petitions do not proceed from any persons entertain- 
 ing designs against the Government, or in rebellion 
 against the law ; but that so far as Scotland is con- 
 cerned, there is really no room for such an imputation. 
 The disorders that have afflicted portions of the South, 
 have not penetrated to that country. Jt is my official 
 duty to ascertain the condition of all its districts as 
 to disorders, and tendency to crime ; and I am proud 
 to say, that it never was in a more orderly or peaceful 
 
 D
 
 34 
 
 condition. We have had no burnings, and no machine 
 breaking. Some movements towards combinations 
 about wages may have been traced near Glasgow, but 
 even these attended with no violence or terror ; and 
 the minds even of the distressed operatives so generally 
 informed, that I observe the Society for the promotion 
 of useful Knowledge, in a most meritorious work 
 they have recently published, have bottomed their 
 argument in favour of the use of machinery, on the 
 answers made on that subject by an unemployed 
 Glasgow weaver, when examined before a Committee 
 of that Society. I am not aware that the present 
 Ministers are accused of having extended their agi- 
 tations to Scotland; and yet from that peaceful, 
 thoughtful, orderly, and loyal people, more Petitions 
 for Reform have been sent up, than from any other 
 equal portion of the population. 
 
 One word more, Sir, on the subject of intimida- 
 tion, and I have done. I shall say nothing as to the 
 intimidation which the advocates of this measure are 
 accused of having practised upon their opponents 
 for that imputation really seems too absurd to deserve 
 an answer I shall speak only to that of which they 
 are supposed to be themselves the victims. The 
 Right Honourable Baronet opposite lias told us, that 
 instead of submitting their fears to their judgment, 
 they seemed to have submitted their judgment to their 
 fears. If to foresee and to provide against coming 
 danger, be unworthy of a courageous Statesman, they 
 probably deserve this heavy imputation. But I will 
 not now trespass on the indulgence of the House by
 
 35 
 
 pursuing that discussion. I wish only, in concluding, 
 to point out the difference between the fears of these 
 magnanimous gentlemen who reproach the authors of 
 this measure with pusilanimity, and the fears by 
 which it has been partly suggested. The main argu- 
 ment against the measure is founded on fear a fear, 
 I must say, the most exaggerated, and least likely to 
 fall on a brave or constant man, of any I can well 
 imagine the fear that by yielding their just demands 
 to the loyal, respectable, and intelligent proprietors 
 of middle rank in this kingdom, such strength will be 
 given to the disloyal, ignorant, and destitute persons 
 who hate the Constitution, and defy the law, that it 
 will be no longer possible to protect it against them. 
 This, Sir, I do submit to the House, is a visionary 
 and fantastic fear ; and I think stands not very repu- 
 tably contrasted with the fears which those who are 
 actuated by it impute to their opponents. We fear, 
 Sir, and do not scruple to confess that we fear, the 
 consequences of refusing the just requests of a peti- 
 tioning nation : but we do not fear the threats or the 
 clamours of those who would invade the property, or 
 insult the laws of the country ; and the difference 
 between us and our antagonists is shortly this that 
 we fear to do injustice, lest the right should be too 
 strong for us ; and that they fear to do justice, lest 
 those who seek more than justice should profit by the 
 example ! 
 
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