352
B6
IC-NRLF
s
LOCATION OF LA SALLE'S
COLONY ON THE GULF
OF MEXICO
BY
HERBERT E. BOLTON
REPRINTED FROM
'Southwestern Historical Quarterly, XXVII, 171-189
AUSTIN, TEXAS
THE LOCATION OF LA SALLE'S COLONY ON THE GULF
OF MEXICO*
HERBERT E. BOLTON
One of the unsettled points in the history of La Salle's career
in America has been the exact location of the colony which he
established temporarily on the shores of the Gulf of Mexico in
1685. The view held my Parkman and most other writers has
been that the site was on the Lavaca river, but from this opinion
some have dissented, while others have been in doubt because
of the inadequacy of the available data. 1 The question is de-
batable no longer, for it is settled once for all by newly discov-
ered records in the archives of Spain, which have been corrob-
orated by archeological and topographical investigation.
In order to put this new evidence in its proper setting, it
seems desirable to review briefly the main features of the well-
known story of La Salle's enterprise. In 1682 La Salle descended
the Mississippi to its mouth and conceived the idea of founding
there a colony in the name of the king of France. In writing
of his purposes, historians generally have laid the chief emphasis
upon La Salle's desire to control and develop the valley of the
Mississippi, and through that stream to establish connection with
Canada. But La Salle had other purposes which were equally or
even more prominent in his plans. French explorers in the in-
terior of North America had long dreamed of finding a way to
the much talked of mines of northern Mexico. France and Spain
*This article is reprinted with the courteous permission of the editor
of the Mississippi Valley Historical Review, in which it appeared. Sep-
tember, 1915 (Volume II, 165-182).
Parkman writes: "It was on the river which he named La Vache, now
the Lavaca, which enters the head of Matagorda Bay" (La> Salle and the
Discovery of the Great West [Boston, 1910], 391-392). The same view is
held by H. H. Bancroft (North Mexican States and Texas [San Francisco,
1886], I, 402); G. P. Garrison (Texas [Boston, 1903], 22); and R. C.
Clark (The Beginnings of Texas [Austin, 1907], 18). On their maps
Garrison and Clark both place the French fort east of the stream. Miss
Eleanor Buckley, in a scholarly discussion, concludes that the fort was on
Lavaca, but shows, correctly, that it was not on the left bank. (Texas
State Historical Association Quarterly, XV, 57-60.) W. Kingsford (The
History of Canada [London, 1888], II, 137-138) concludes that the settle-
ment was probably on Galveston Bay and certainly not on Matagorda.
For other views see post, 179.
589845
172 ' 'Southwestern Historical Quarterly
were continually at war or on the verge of war, and at the very
time when La Salle descended the Mississippi French buccaneers
were scouring the waters of the gulf and making raids upon the
Spanish settlements of Florida. In the course of the next year
French corsairs three times sacked the Spanish settlement of
Apalache. Thus France and Spain were competing for the con-
trol of the northern shores of the Gulf of Mexico, and of this
competition La Salle's project was a part. When he returned to
France, therefore, La Salle proposed to establish a colony on the
gulf, not only as a means of controlling the Mississippi valley
and the northern gulf shore, but also as a base of attack, in case
of war, upon the Spanish treasure fleets and upon the northern
provinces of Mexico. These purposes La Salle plainly set forth
in his proposals to the king, and on these terms his plans were
approved by Louis XIV. 2
The colony of some four hundred people left France in the
summer of 1684, and in the autumn reached the West Indies, the
ketch of St. Francois having been captured by the Spaniards on
the way. While in the West Indies La Salle was gravely ill, but
he recovered his health and in November continued his voyage.
For reasons which have never been fully explained, the mouth
of the Mississippi was missed and a landing made near Pass
Cavallo, on Matagorda bay. 3 Some students have maintained that
the passing of the Mississippi was not accidental, but designed by
La Salle, in order better to attack the Spanish provinces of Mexico.
This view, however, seems unwarranted. 4
After reaching Matagorda bay the expedition went rapidly to
pieces. A landing had scarcely been made when some of the
colonists died from sickness and others were killed by the In-
dians. In the attempt to enter the bay, the Aimable was wrecked.
Beaujeu, the naval commander, had quarreled with La Salle from
2 See documents in P. Margry, Decouvertes et etablissements des frangais
dans I'ouest et dans le sud de I'Amerique Septentrionale, 1614-1698 (Paris,
1878), II, 288-301, 359-369; III, 17-28. Also G. Gravier, Cavelier de la
Salle de Rouen (Paris, 1871), 96-97.
'"Relation de Henri Joutel," in Margry, Decouvertes, III, 91-146.
4 For the view that the passing of the Mississippi was by mistake see
Parkman, La Salle and the Discovery of the Great West, 376; Gravier,
Cavelier de la Salle de Rouen, 100; Justin Winsor, Cartier to Frontenac
(Boston, 1894), 313; Bancroft, North Mexican States and Texas, I, 399;
Jared Sparks, Robert Cavelier de la Salle (Boston, 1844), 130; E. T.
Location of La Salle's Colony On Gulf of Mexico 173
the beginning, and from Pass Cavallo he sailed back to France
with the Joly, carrying away some of the soldiers and a large
quantity of much needed supplies. Tonty, La Salle's lieutenant,
by agreement descended the Mississippi to meet him at the mouth,
but of course did not find him, and therefore gave him no aid.
To make the best of a bad situation, La Salle moved his colony
to a better site near the head of Lavaca bay and began a series
of expeditions to the eastward in the hope of finding the Missis-
sippi river, which he thought to be near. While engaged in ex-
ploring the eastern portion of Matagorda bay, the Belle, the last
of La Salle's four vessels, was wrecked and left stranded on the
inner shoals of Matagorda peninsula. 5 On his third expedition
northeastward La Salle, with a few companions, made his way
to the Cenis Indians on the Neches, and to the Nasoni north of
Nacogdoches. But here he was forced by desertion and sickness
to retrace his steps, and he returned to the settlement at Mata-
gorda bay. 6 The colony by this time had dwindled down to a
mere handful, and succor was imperative or extermination cer-
tain. Again the intrepid explorer set forth with a few compan-
ions, in an attempt to reach Canada. Crossing the Colorado near
Columbus, he made his way to the Brazos, which he passed just
above the mouth of the Navasota. Here a quarrel arose among
his followers, in the course of which Moranget, La Salle's nephew,
was slain by his companions while hunting for supplies which
La Salle had cached in the vicinity during the previous expe-
dition. 7
To save their own necks, when La Salle reached the scene of
the murder the conspirators slew him as they had slain Moran-
get. Historians have supposed that this act was committed near
the Trinity or the Neches, but evidence now available makes it
quite clear that the spot was between the Brazos and Navasota
Miller, "The connection of Penalosa with the La Salle Expedition," in
Texas State Historical Association Quarterly, V, 97-112. For a contrary
view see J. G. Shea, The Expedition of Don Diego Dionisi de Penalosa
(New York, 1882), 22; Charlevoix, History and General Description of
'New France (J. G. Shea, tr. New York, 1866-1872), IV, 68-69.
"'Relation de Hen'ri Joutel," in Margry, Decouvertes, III, 163-226, passim.
M. G. Shea, Discovery and Exploration of the Mississippi Valley (Albany.
1903), 201-205.
'"Relation de Henri Joutel," in Margry, Decouvertes, III, 260-325.
174 Southwestern Historical Quarterly.
rivers, and near the present city of Navasota. 8 To L'Archeveque,
at least, poetic justice was meted out in full measure, as the
scholar Bandelier has shown. Being picked up by the Spaniards
and taken to Monclova, L'Archeveque became a citizen of New
Mexico, and, in 1720, a third of the century after the assassina-
tion of La Salle, he was killed by the Indian allies of the French,
while taking part in a Spanish expedition to Kansas. 9
From the Navasota river the survivors of La Salle's party
continued eastward to the Cenis and Nasoni. Here some de-
serted, but others, including Joutel and La Salle's brother, Abbe
Jean Cavelier, made their way across the Eed river to the mouth
of the Arkansas, 10 to Tonty's post on the Illinois, and to Canada.
From Tonty they concealed the news of the tragedy which had
occurred in the wilds of Texas, but he learned the truth through
Indians, and in the fall of 1689 made a second voyage down the
Mississippi in an effort to rescue the colonists. Crossing Louisiana
to the Natchitoches, he ascended the Eed river to the Caddo, and
then made his way southwest for eighty leagues to the Nouaydiche,
a village of Indians living near the Neches. But here, for lack
of aid and guides, and, it is said, hearing of the approach of
De Leon, he was forced to give up the search. Accordingly, he
purchased horses from the Indians and returned to Canada.
Meanwhile the little colony on the gulf dwindled down to a
mere handful. Many of the people died of smallpox. Finally,
early in the year 1689, four years after the colony had landed,
most of the survivors were slain by their savage neighbors, the
8 The correctness of this conclusion is clear to any one who reads Joutel's
journal in the light of contemporary Spanish sources and of established
ethnological data regarding the Hasinai Indians. ( See Bolton, "The Nativ e
Tribes About the East Texas Missions," in the Texas State Historical
Association Quarterly, XI, 249-276.) New light on the operations of La
Salle on Matagorda Bay and during his last journeys is shed by the
declaration made before the viceroy in Mexico City by Pedro Muni (Pierre
Meusnier), one of the Frenchmen picked up in Texas by De Le6n in 1690.
He had been with La Salle on his last expedition' and had remained in
Eastern Texas. Incidentally he confirms by a positive statement the
present writer's conclusions, reached some years ago, that La Salle's death
occurred on the Brazos (EspJritu Santo) river. Testimonio de Autos en
orderi a las diligencias y resulta de ellas para la entrada por tierra a los
Parages de la Bahia del Espfritu Santo. Manuscript in archive general
de Indias, Sevilla, estante 61, cajon 6, legajo 21.
"See A. F. A. Bandelier, The Gilded Man (New York, 1873), 299-300.
""Relation de Henri Joutel," in Margry, Decouvertes, III. 325-436.
Location of La Salle's Colony On Gulf of Mexico 175
Karankawa Indians. In the course of the next few years five
children and four men were picked up in various parts of Texas
by Spaniards, taken to Mexico, imprisoned, or otherwise disposer.
of. 11 Just a quarter of a century later two of the boys, Jean
and Eobert Talon, reappeared in Texas as guides of the famous
St. Denis, when in 1714 he made his historic journey from Natch-
itoches to the Eio Grande. 12
Such in outline is the story of La Salle's unfortunate colony.
Much of what we know of it is learned through the records of
Spanish expeditions sent out in search of it. News of La Salle's
voyage to the Mississippi was acquired through the capture of
a French corsair off the coast of Yucatan in September, 1684.
Soon Spanish parties were sent forth by land and sea to find
and eject the intruders. In 1687 the wrecks of the Aimable and
the Belle were seen by members of two of these expeditions, who
took from them four pieces of artillery "and three painted fleurs
de lis." They concluded that the French colony had been com-
pletely destroyed; 13 but, to make certain, overland expeditions
were sent out from Monterey and Monclova, then the principal
outposts on the northeastern frontier of New Spain. The leader
of these expeditions was Alonso de Leon, the ablest frontiersman
of his district. In 1686 and again in 1687 he made his way to
the Eio Grande and explored it to its mouth, looking for the
French. Hearing in 1688 of a strange white man dwelling among
the Indians north of the Eio Grande, he crossed it near Eagle
Pass and found a lone Frenchman ruling single-handed a large
confederacy of savages. The Frenchman was captured by strate-
"Letter of Alonso de Le6n to the viceroy of Mexico, May 18, 1680, in
Buckingham Smith, Colecdon de Varios Documentos Para la Historic* de
la Florida (London, 1857), 25-27; "Interrogations fait a Pierre et Jean
Talon," in Margry, Decouvertes, III, 610-621; Alonso de Leon, Historia de
Nuevo Leon, edited by Genaro Garcia (Mexico, 1909), ch. 34-45.
^Manuscript correspondence of St. Denis with the mission' authorities
of San Juan Bautista t 1714, and of Santa Cruz de Quergtaro.
13 Cardenas, Ensayo cronologico para la historia general de la Florida
(Madrid, 1723), 268, 283; junta de guerra de Yndias, a 22 de marzo de
1691. Acordada el mismo dia. Representa a vuestra magestad lo que se
le ofrece en vista del papel que escribio Don An'dres de Fez, sobre fortifkar
la Bahia de Panzacola. Don Antonio Ortiz de Otalara. c. March 22, 1691.
Manuscript in archive general de Indias, estante 61, cajon 6, legajo 21.
176 Southwestern Historical Quarterly
gem and taken to Mexico; in 1689 he returned as guide to De
Leon, now on his fourth expedition in search of La Salle's colony. 14
Making his way to the northern shores of Lavaca bay, De Leon
found the ruins of the French settlement,, rescued from the In-
dians a few survivors, held a conference with an Indian chief
from the Neches river, and returned to Mexico. Next year he
was sent on a fifth expedition, instructed to destroy the French
fort and to aid Father Massanet in founding missions on the
Neches, where it was feared the French might reappear, and where
the friars had long dreamed of establishing the faith. The French
fort was burned, and the bay was again visited. 15
In the summer of 1690 De Leon returned to Monclova and
reported what he had done. Among other things he stated that
in the bay, a short distance from the mouth of the stream on
which the French colony had been established, he had seen two
buoys which were not there the year before and could hardly have
been placed there by the Indians. 16 So serious was the matter
regarded that a council of war was held in Mexico to consider it,
for it was feared that the buoys might mark the entrance to some
channel in which other French vessels were lurking, or to which
they might return. It was resolved, therefore, that they should
be destroyed; the method of their destruction was left to be de-
termined by the viceroy. 17
The viceroy not only desired to learn who had left the buoys,
and to protect the bay, but was even more concerned to estab-
lish a water route to the missions which had been established
"Alonso de Le6n, Historia de Nuevo Leon, ch. 34-45 ; E. Portillo, Apuntes
para la Mstoria antigua de Coahuila y Texas (Saltillo, 1886), 224-238;
Clark, Beginnings of Texas, 9-27.
15 Letter of Damian Massanet to Don Carlos de Sigiienza, in the Texas
State Historical Association Quarterly, II, 281-312; Alonso de Le6n, "Itiner-
ary of the expedition made by General Alonso de Le6n, 1689," in ibid.,
VIII, 203-224; De Le6n, Diario of 1690, manuscript.
16 De Le6n, Diario of 1690, entry for April 26, manuscript; declaration
of Gregorio de Salinas, August 19, 1690, 'manuscript in Testimonio de
autos en orden a las diligencias.
"The junta general was held on August 29, 1690. In it were consid-
ered De Le6n''s reports and certain declarations given in Mexico a few
days before. It was stated that since it appears "by the diary that two
buoys or anchors have been seen in the mouth of the entrance of the Rio de
San Marcos, which is in the bay of Esplritu Santo, and which appear to
be a mark for its entrance; and considering in view of all the foregoing
proceedings that every mark, demonstration, or sign which might give an
Location of La Salle's Colony On Gulf of Mexico .177
on the Neches. 18 In September, therefore, he sent out an expedi-
tion to investigate these points. A ship was equipped for three
months, provided with a launch and a canoe, manned with sixty
soldiers and sailors, and put in charge of Captain Francisco de
Llanos, an officer in the West Indian fleet. With him went Gre-
gorio de Salinas, who had been with De Leon on his last expe-
dition, and who was now put in charge of the land operations. 19
As pilot the viceroy appointed Juan de Triana, an expert in the
navigation of the gulf. As master of the fortification and map-
maker went Manuel Joseph de Cardenas y Magana, who had shown
skill in the building of the great prison fortress of San Juan de
Ulua, still standing near Vera Cruz. Before coming to Mexico
he had served two years in the presidio of Cadiz, and one in the
West Indian fleet. 20
indication of the slightest danger ought to be destroyed and removed; this
junta sees no objection' to having this done; but it is resolved that the
method and time of the measures necessary for it be reserved to the provi-
dence of his excellency, to the end that he may be pleased to give the orders
which to him may appear most suited to his zeal." Testimonio de Autos en
orden a las diligencias.
18 In his decreto of November 12, 1690, the viceroy, after reviewing the
action of the junta regarding the. removal of the buoys, adds that 'Jiore
potent motives were the report that there were four Frenchmen among
the Texans who might have come from New France, or from another settle-
ment nearer; the difficulty and expense of traveling by land six hundred
or seven hundred leagues through a hostile country; the knowledge of a
large river entering the bay of Espfritu Santo (or San Bernardo) which
might pass close to the newly established mission; and it being cheaper
and easier to send expeditions from Vera Cruz. (Testimonio de las dili-
gencias egecutadas para quitar las Boyas 6 Valisas en el Lago de San
Bernardo, que llaman Bahia del Espfritu Santo. Manuscript in' archivo
general <le Indias, estante 61, cajon 6 ? legajo 21.) On December 28, 1690,
the viceroy wrote that an expedition by sea had seemed necessary as a
means of exploring the interior rivers with a view to founding a water-
way to the n'ewly established missions, which would be cheaper than the
land route. Manuscript in archivo general de Indias, estante 61, cajon 6,
legajo 21.
i9 Decreto of the viceroy, November 12, 1690. Testimonio de las dili-
gencias egecutadas para quitar las Boyas.
20 At this time Cardenas was a soldier an'd engineer at San Juan de
Ulua, where he had worked two years; he had made a special study of
mathematics and fortification; his ability as military engineer had been
reported to the viceroy by Don Jaime Franck. After his return from the
expedition the viceroy wrote Cardenas a special note of thanks for his
services with Llanos. In' March, 1691, he was still serving at San Juan de
Ulua. At that time he was applying to the king for promotion to the
rank of captain of infantry, with employment as an engineer in Havana.
The data given above have been gathered from an unlabeled expediente in
the archivo general de Indias, Sevilla, estante 61, cajon 60, legajo 21.
178 Southwestern Historical Quarterly
The instructions provided that the expedition should first pro-
ceed to examine the buoys. If it was found that they marked
the entrance to some river or channel, that waterway must be
explored. But if the channel should lead neither toward the
French fort nor toward the Neches missions, its detailed exam-
ination should be deferred to a later expedition, "since the present
one is directed solely to learning which of the rivers coming from
the province of Texas (the Neches country), or passing near it
and emptying into this lake, is navigable and crosses the region
between that province and the gulf." If such a river should be
found, it must be examined minutely, to see if it afforded a port
for large vessels, and whether it could be fortified. To report on
these last matters was the especial duty of Cardenas, who was
instructed to make a careful map of the entire San Bernardo
(Matagorda) bay, its rivers and inlets, and report whether Pass
Cavallo could be closed. In case the site of La Salle's colony
were to be regarded suitable for fortification, Salinas was to leave
there the French cannon which De Leon had buried at the fort;
if not, he should carry them to Vera Cruz. 21
The Llanos expedition seems hitherto to have been unknown
to historians, and yet its records are of first importance in de-
termining the plans of the viceroy regarding Texas, and, inci-
dentally, in fixing the location of La Salle's colony. The records
comprise correspondence, a diary, and a carefully made map of
Matagorda bay and its tributaries. The map is so accurate that
we are able to identify practically every point which Llanos,
Salinas, and Cardenas visited; and there can be no question as
to its reliability. It is the work of a skilled and careful en-
gineer. 22
"Instructions dated September 14, 1690, in Testimonio de las diligenciag
egecutadas para quitar las Boyas.
-The records of this expedition are contained in the collection of docu-
ments entitled "Testimonio de las diligen'cias egecutadas para quitar las
Boyas 6 Valisas," previously cited. They consist of the junta general of
August 29; a decreto of the viceroy, dated at Mexico, November 12, 1690.
reviewing the action of the junta and subsequent proceedings; and the
diary of the expedition. The diary is entitled "Diario y derrotero del
viage que se ha hecho y egecutada a la Bahia de San Bernardo, que
comunmente llaman del Espiritu Santo, el Capitan Don Francisco de
Llanos, por mandado y de orden del Excelentisimo Seilor Conde de Galve,
Virrey, Gobernador y Capitan General de este Reino de Nueva Espafla, y
Presidente de la Real Audiencia de ella, este presente ano de mil seiscientos
y noventa."
Location of La Salle's Colony On Gulf of Mexico 179
On October 24, Llanos and his party reached Pass Cavallo. 23
To this point the diary recorded the observations made by the
pilot, Triana; thenceforth it recorded the joint operations of
Llanos, Cardenas, and Salinas, in which a leading part was played
by Cardenas. His map shows by dots the routes followed in the
bay, and by crosses, numbers, and letters, the principal points of
interest. The explorations in the coves and rivers were made with
the launch and canoes.
On the twenty-seventh the party crossed the bar. On the
twenty-eighth they reached the spot where the Aimable had gone
down (F). Turning northwest, on the thirtieth they reached
Sand Point, which was accurately mapped and described. 24 On
November 1 they entered Lavaca bay in the launch, and named
it Todos Santos (All Saints) in honor of the day. Proceeding
to the northwestern corner of Lavaca bay, they reached the place
Another copy of the diary, somewhat abbreviated, but also containing
some additions, is included in the expedience cited in note 20 as containing
Cardenas' application for promotion. This copy is entitled: "Diario de
la Derrota que han hecho para la Bahia de San Bern'ardo por orden del
Excelentisimo Seiior Conde de Galve, virrey y capitan general de la Nueva
Espana, el capitan de mar y guerra Don Francisco de Llanos, el Capitan
Don Gregorio Salinas, y Don Manuel de Cardenas, en la fragata nombrada
Nuestra Seuora de la En'carnacion, sacado por dicho Don Manuel, ano de
1690."
The longer diary is signed by Don Manuel Joseph de Cardenas y Mag-
nan a, Don Franci&co de Llan'os, Francisco Millan de Tapia, and Don
Gregorio de Salinas Barona. It is written in the first person', as if by
Llanos. The map is entitled "Planta cosmografica del Lago de San Ber-
nardo Con los senos y Rios que a el se comunican descubiertos por horden
del Exmo Senor Conde de Galve Vi Gor y Capn Gl desta Na Espana
obserbada y delineada por Dn Manuel Joseph de Cardenas aficdo A las
Matas Ao de 1691."
The vessel in which the expedition was made was the Nuestra Seiiora
de la Encarnacion. The expedition left Vera Cruz on October 12. Nothing
noteworthy occurred until the seventeenth, when they passed the mouth
of the Rfo Bravo.
"The following summary of the exploration is taken from the diaries
for the dates indicated here. Since the photograph of the Cfirdenas map
is not clear, there has been reproduced a small map of the same region
from the official map of De Leetfs expedition of 1690 (described, post).
2 *The following description of Sand Point is given in th e diary: "It
has a reef of sand which extends from the windward point to the south-
east {southwest} and crosses almost the entire entrance, leaving a channel
on the western side,* for which reason this entry has not been found in
five expeditions which up to now have been sent to explore this lake.*'
Diario de la Derrota que han hecho para la Bahia de San Bernardo, entry
for November 1. The words between stars are not in the other version.
180
Soutliivestern Historical Quarterly
where the buoys had been reported (2).
logs of driftwood.
They proved to be only
,./ Por los puntos negros desde A liasta L
^/: anduvo la Fragata
For los Colorados la Chalupa
7r Por los Verdes la Canoa
(<F~-^
Descripcion exacta del Lago de S. Bernardo y del Todos Santos que
nuevamente se hall6 este ano de 1690
Map made in 1690, containing the essential data on the Cardenas Map
but with different Lettering. (Drawn from a photograph)
Continuing northward, Llanos and his party entered the mouth
of the river flowing into the bay at its northwestern angle, ob-
viously the Garcitas. This stream was given the name of Rio
de los Franceses, or river of the French. The words of the diary
are interesting here. It says: "We continued up the river
until we arrived at a little village of Indians whom we did not
understand and who did not understand us. From here we con-
Location of La Salle's Colony On Gulf of Mexico 181
tinned up the river till we saw some houses, 25 on the highest
elevation. Proceeding toward them., we landed on the banks and
discovered that they were the settlement and fort of M. de la
Salle [Munsuir de Salas], from many signs which we found there,
such as wheels of cannon carriages, musket breeches, and many
burned planks and beams of the fort." 26 De Leon had burned
the fortification a few months before. Another report tells us
that the French settlement was two leagues or about five miles
up the river. At night Cardenas and his party returned to the
vessel near Sand Point. Before morning a storm arose which
prevented any work of exploration on the following day.
On the fourth the party went north again in the launch and
entered the bay where Port Lavaca now stands. From there they
went to the inlet now called Chocolate bay, and explored it with
the canoe. Cardenas guessed that it might be the mouth of the
Medina river, which had been crossed by De Leon in the interior;
but he was careful to state that this was only a guess.
Next day they continued up the west coast to the mouth of
Placedo creek, which they ascended for a league in the canoe,
thinking it might be the Guadalupe river. Eeturning they ex-
amined again the two logs of driftwood, and for a second time
entered the Garcitas river. Says the diary: <c We found the
place where the artillery of the fort was said to be, and we un-
covered it in order to see it and satisfy ourselves. We saw that
it was of iron. Then we passed on, and, following up the said
river, we camped for the night at point P." (x on map pub-
lished.) This point was some three or more miles above the fort,
and not far from the present residence of Mr. Claude Keeran.
Next day they continued up the river till the water was too shal-
25 The word is buxios.
2 'Diario y derrota del viage que se ha egecutada a la Bahia de San
Bernardo. The Diario de la Derrota states that after leaving the Indian
Tillage, "we continued up the river until we came to some houses on a site
the most commanding of that prairie, which, we inferred, from their form,
were not Indian houses. We disembarked and, climbing up the bank, we
came to the settlement of de la Salle, at point L [just above 8 on map
published] where there was a wall of a fortification, or platform, and
about ten or twelve houses [buxios], besides as many already destroyed."
The Diario de la Derrota says: "From there we continued to the pueblo
of the French, an'd examined the artillery which was buried there, which
consists of eight cannons and two swivel-guns of cast iron, new and in
good condition."
182 Southwestern Historical Quarterly
low for the launch, but evidently they did not reach the mouth
of Arenosa creek, for no mention is made of such a stream. De-
scending,, they spent the night in the bay near the mouth of the
river of the French.
At another point the diary gives further data regarding this
stream and the French settlement. It says: "The width of the
river is sixty yards at the entry. It is eighteen or twenty palms
deep, but at places decreases to eight palms, at some of the fords.
Its whole bottom is of mud; after three leagues up it contains
some groves of oaks, liveoaks, and some wild grapes and willows.
"As to the site [of the French settlement], it is on the highest
point of the plain. It overlooks two-thirds of it in the direction
of the river, and one-third is a level extending indefinitely north-
west. As to the materials, the land is black, rich, and sticky.
The river is of fresh water; the timber, of which there is some,
is a little distant. There are no stones even to supply needs. 7 '
Next day the party raised the drift logs, cut off some pieces,
and loaded them on the launch to take to the ship and to Vera
Cruz. Continuing their exploration, they crossed the head of
Lavaca bay to another river, coming in at the northeastern angle
on the bay. Ascending this stream next day for some five or
six miles, they camped for the night (at the point marked 3 on
the map). Next day they passed a village of Indians, and shortly
afterward the mouth of the river coming from the northwest (4),
which they recognized as the one that De Leon had called the
San Marcos. It was obviously the Lavaca. Ascending the east
fork (the Navidad), which on his map Cardenas called Eio del
Espiritu Santo, 27 they rowed a few miles, but were stopped by a
raft of drift logs. The river was described as being well tim-
bered, which was not true of the river of the French.
Turning about they camped some two miles above the junction
on an elevation (6) described as a red bluff, admirably adapted
to fortification and settlement. This spot was clearly the place
where the village of Red Bluff now^ stands.
27 In the De Le6n diary of the 1090 expedition to the Hasinai country,
the Colorado was called the San Marcos and the Brazos was called the
Espiritu Santo. It was evidently supposed by Cardenas that the two
rivers joined here to form the Lavaca. Below it will be seen that the
mouth of the Colorado was called by Cardenas the Trinidad, the
given by De Leon in 1690 to the middle Trinity.
Location of La Salle's Colony On Gulf of Mexico 183
Next day, the ninth, they descended the river, and explored
the small bay or lagoon above the delta (2). On the tenth they
explored Cox's bay, next below (8), and on the eleventh Keller's
bay (9). From here they returned to the western shore of
Lavaca bay, where they camped opposite Sand Point (below T
and N).
"There/' says the diary, "we found the place where M. de la
Salle [Munsuir de Sales] had made the barracks to lodge his men
and all the rest of his train, in order thence to conduct them to
his settlement. It is inferred, therefore, that his vessels did not
go beyond this point there being insufficient water whence he
conducted all that he had in launches and canoes."
On the twelfth the party began the exploration of the main
bay, to the east. Coursing along the north shore, they passed
the mouth of Carancahua bay (11) and camped some distance
east of it under the shelter of a red cliff and a gunshot from a
spring of fresh water. This place, which was apparently near
Well Point, can perhaps be identified by residents of the locality.
Next day they continued eastward to Trespalacios bay, returned,
rounded Half-moon Point and proceeded east.
On the fifteenth they entered a small inlet, and then continued
east to a lagoon (15, 16) at the mouth of a large river which
formed a delta. This stream was clearly the Colorado. Car-
denas called it the Trinidad, no doubt thinking it was the stream
bearing that name which De Leon had crossed in the interior.
On the sixteenth they ascended the eastern mouth of the river
some ten or fifteen miles to a point (18) near Beadle, and re-
turned by the westernmost channel till stopped by a raft of drift
logs, whence they turned back, descending by another channel.
Continuing eastward up Matagorda bay for a short distance on
the seventeenth, they then turned back, coasting Matagorda penin-
sula, looking for an outlet to the gulf, and crossed to the west
side of the bay, where they camped near Point Connor (25).
With this camp as a base, several days were spent in explor-
ing and sounding the channel. While here a soldier died and his
body was thrown into the bay. Finally, on the twenty-ninth,
they crossed the bar into the gulf, and set sail for Vera Cruz,
which they reached on the ninth of December, after an absence
of fifty-nine days.
184 Southwestern Historical Quarterly
Anyone who will take the trouble to compare a modern map
with that made by Cardenas will be struck by the accuracy of
the latter, and will be filled with admiration for the engineer's
skill. His merit was recognized by the officials in Mexico, and
on his return to Vera Cruz he received the special thanks of the
viceroy for his notable work.
The bearing of the Cardenas report and map upon the loca-
tion of La Salle's colony is obvious. They simply settle the mat-
ter once for all and without argument. The settlement was on
the Garcitas river and not on the Lavaca, as has been supposed.
This I realized as soon as I studied the map, as must everyone
conversant with the conditions of the problem. But I had the
curiosity to see the locality, to test more minutely the work of
Cardenas, and, although the proof in no way depended upon this
confirmation, to see if perchance the site of the colony was still
marked by archeological remains and was known to local tra-
dition. 28
Accordingly, on July 3, 1914, I left Austin for the Garcitas
river. Going next day from San Antonio by the Southern Pa-
cific railroad, and passing on the way gatherings of people par-
ticipating in barbecues and other holiday activities, about 1 p. m.
I stopped at Placedo station, having before me the prospect of
taking the midnight train to Ben West, some fifteen miles east
on the Brownsville road, and on the Garcitas river, there to wait
for daylight and the assistance of the local inhabitants. But a
little inquiry at Placedo made it clear to me that the place which
I was seeking was on Keeran ranch, and that I must see Mr.
Claude Keeran, owner of the ranch and a lifelong resident of
the place. I made bold, therefore, to call him up by telephone,
introduce myself, and tell him of my errand. He was interested
at once, and generously volunteered to co-operate. At his sug-
gestion I rode out seven miles that night in a wagon with Mr.
Vickers, who was boring a well on the Keeran ranch, spending
the night in the camp as Mr. Vickers' guest. Next morning as
we were eating breakfast, Mr. Keeran, accompanied by his fore-
man, Mr. Charles Webb, came in his automobile, and together
"Especially in view of the opinion expressed by General J. S. Clark,
post, 179.
Location of La Salle's Colony On Gulf of Mexico 185
we spent the forenoon going over Cardenas' ground, with copies
of his map and the accompanying report in hand.
Conversation at Placedo with Mr. J. S. Webb, who for years
had ridden the Keeran ranch, had elicited the fact that on a
bank overlooking the Garcitas river were ruins known in the
neighborhood tradition as "The Old Mission/' but otherwise un-
explained. Mr. Keeran confirmed this report, took me to the
spot, and informed me that, like most "old sites" in the South-
west, it had long been an object of attention to treasure seekers.
It is exactly where Cardenas' map shows La Salle's settlement,
on the west bank of the Garcitas river, about five miles above its
mouth, and on the highest point of the cliff-like bank of that
stream. The place is between Maiden Mott and Letts's Mott,
but considerably nearer the former than the latter. The spot is
the vantage point of all the country round. To the south, west,
and northwest, stretch indefinitely the great level prairies, now
sprinkled with a recent growth of mesquite, but in La Salle's
day an open prairie dotted with buffalo herds. In front lies a
beautiful little valley through which winds the Garcitas river, a
good sized stream, from a hundred to a hundred and fifty feet
in width, and still navigable with a launch for a number of miles
above its mouth. 29 On the other side the valley is hemmed in
by a range of low hills which, off to the northwest, fade away
into the great plain lying east of Victoria. The choice by La
Salle of the spot for his colony is no cause for surprise. A care-
ful comparison of the topography of the valley with Cardenas'
map and description showed that he had delineated correctly
every important bend in the stream, and had even placed on his
map west of the river and below the French fort the small lagoon
now known as Red Fish lake.
The archeological remains of the settlement, so far as we ascer-
tained, are not extensive, but they are palpable and of certain
character. Before we went to the site Mr. Keeran stated that
years ago there were distinct remains of an ancient wall, but
feared they had entirely disappeared. But he was mistaken in
this, for we easily found the wall, then just visible above the
surface of the ground, and without any digging were able to
J9 Mr. Keeran runs a launch on the river, his landing being a mile or
more above the site of the fort.
186 Southwestern Historical Quarterly
trace it for many feet. The wall is made of large, red, adobe-
like blocks, apparently of baked red clay. Subsequently, Mr.
Keeran has found it to be two and a half feet thick and to in-
close an area ninety feet square. 30 From the surface of the
ground I gathered a handful of small fragments of antique blue
and white porcelain. The story of the finding of the "vases,"
which made its way into the daily press, is a pure fiction of the
reporter, for which I am in no way responsible. Mr. Keeran
told me, with full circumstantial details, of the unearthing on
the spot, some thirty years ago, of half of an immense copper
kettle, nearly a yard in diameter. It was exhumed at dead of
night by a party of treasure hunters, who were working under
the direction of a fortune teller and were frightened away by
uncanny sounds. Mr. Keeran states that the kettle remained
neglected on the site for several years and then disappeared.
It is interesting now to note that heretofore several students
have independently concluded that the La Salle colony was on
the Garcitas and not on the Lavaca, but have lacked sufficient
data to give acceptance to their findings. Twenty or more years
ago General J. S. Clark, on the basis of the archeological and
topographical data, expressed the belief that the site was on an
elevation on the west bank of the Garcitas, about five miles above
its mouth, where he found the remains of an ancient settlement.
The spot was doubtless the same as that which Mr. Keeran and
I examined. Clark's opinion was mentioned by Justin Winsor,
but dismissed as inconclusive. 31 About seven years ago C. C.
Small, one of my students in the University of Texas, on the
basis of Joutel's journal and such. Spanish documents as were
then available, reached a similar conclusion, though he attempted
30 Letter from Mr. C. A. Keeran, August 26, 1914. He writes me that in
addition he foun'd a carving fork, crockery, pottery, a bullet, spikes, and
a coal pit.
81 "General J. S. Clark, a recent investigator of the topographical fea-
tures of the region, is confident that the camp first occupied was on
Mission Bay, near the Espiritu Santo Bay, and that the Fort St. Louis
was on the Garcitas River five miles above its junction with Lavaca Bay,
while the adjacent river of that name has usually been' considered the site
of the fort. General Clark represents that the ground of his supposed site
still bore, at a recent day, remains of the fort, and was marked by other
relics. To most inquirers the evidence has been sufficient that the vicinity
of Matagorda Bay and Espiritu Santo is not far off was the scene of
these fearful experiences." Winsor, C artier to Frontenac, 317.
Location of La Salle's Colony On Gulf of Mexico 187
no topographical or archeological confirmation. Subsequently
both his and General Clark's conclusions were rejected by another
student of mine in the University of Texas. 32 Finally, Miss Flor-
ence B. Stanton, one of my students in the University of Cali-
fornia, in the light of the new data, independently reached the
conclusion to which I had already come, both with regard to
La Salle's death-place and to the site of his colony. 33
Now that we are on certain ground, we find plenty of confirm-
atory evidence. The Sigiienza map of De Leon's expedition of
1689, 34 which has long been known and has been published, gives
a somewhat crude delineation of Lavaca bay in general, but shows
with reasonable correctness the western shore and its inlets, which
De Leon visited, and places the French fort on a stream which
corresponds clearly with Garcitas river. At the same time that
I secured the Cardenas map, I for the first time obtained a copy
of the official map of De Leon's expedition of 1690. 35 This con-
tains a small outline map of Matagorda bay which is quite as accu-
rate in general as the Cardenas map, and shows the Garcitas and
Lavaca rivers coming in at the head of Lavaca bay. On the Gar-
citas, just where Cardenas puts it, is shown the "Pueblo de los
Franceses." Manifestly this map contains data secured by the
Llanos expedition.
One of the tests of a scientific hypothesis is whether it is con-
tradicted by or harmonizes with individual phenomena. As might
be expected, the substitution of truth for error on this funda-
mental point of the location of La Salle's fort dispels several other
difficulties which have arisen regarding early expeditions in Texas.
3 -Eleanor Claire Buckley, "The Aguayo Expedition Into Texas and 1
Louisiana, 1719-1722," in the Texas State Historical Association Quarterly,
XV, 59-60.
33 "La Salle's Colony in Texas." Manuscript thesis.
"Camino que el ano de 1689 hizo el Governador Alonso de Le6n desde
Cuahuila hasta hallar cerca del Lago de Sn Bernardo el lugar donde
havian' poblado los Franceses. Sigiienza 1689. Published by Elizabeth
Howard West in the Texas State Historical Association Quarterly, VIII,
facing p. 199.
83 Viage que el ano de 1690 hizo el Governador Alonso de Le6n desde
Cuahuila hasta la CAROLINA, Provincia habitada de Texas y otras
naciones al Nordeste de la Nueva Espafia. Manuscript in archivo general
de Indias, estante 61, cajon 6, legajo 88. There are indications that this
map, like that of the 1689 expedition; may have been executed by Sigiienza,
188 Southwestern Historical Quarterly
The San Marcos river described by De Leon as from three to
six leagues east of "The Eiver of the French/' has been taken
by students to be the Colorado, a stream which in fact is a good
fifty miles away. 36 The San Marcos referred to was obviously
the Lavaca, as shown on Cardenas' map. Starting with the
Lavaca as the site of the French fort, Joutel's report of La Salle's
last expedition to the eastward raises difficulties regarding the
streams at every part of his journey. But with a correct start
his itinerary is easy to follow. Starting too far east, students
have come out too far east in locating the place where La Salle
was murdered, placing it on the Neches or the Trinity, instead
of on the Brazos.
One point further remains to be dealt with, lest misunderstand-
ings creep in. For two or three years after the destruction of
La Salle's colony its site was frequently visited and was tem-
porarily occupied by the Spaniards, as a base of operations in
the interior of Texas. Later on, in 1722, it became the site of
what was intended to be a permanent Spanish settlement. A f'ort
was built by Aguayo square on the site of the one which had
been erected by La Salle. We are sure of this, because in dig-
ging the trenches Aguayo's men unearthed numerous remains of
the French establishment. 37 The Spanish fort was given the
name of Nuestra Senora de Loreto. Across the river was estab-
lished the mission of Espiritu Santo. Four years later the fort
and mission were moved northwest to Mission Valley, near the
present Victoria, and in 1749 were transferred to the San Antonio
river, to become the nucleus of the present city of Goliad. Thus,
36 Bancroft, History of the North Mexican States, I, 400.
37 "On the sixth of April his lordship began to draw the lines for the
erection of the presidio, as the king our lord ( God preserve him ) , had
ordered, in the place where the French, under command of M. de la Salle
[Monseur la Sala], had it constructed from the year of 'eighty-four until
that of 'ninety, when the Iridians destroyed them, there remaining alive in
their power three Frenchmen and a girl. They buried the artillery (which
later the Spaniards secured, and took to Vera Cruz), the excavation, which
is within the place where the presidio has been placed, being visible today,
as is also that in which they burned the powder; and on opening the
trenches for the fortification there were found nails, pieces of musket-
locks, and fragments of other things which the French use." Juan Antonio
de la Pena, Derrotero de la expedicion en la provincia de los Texas (Mexico,
1722 ),f. 27.
Location of La Salle's Colony On Gulf of Mexico 189
the relics on the banks of the Garcitas mark the site of both
La Salle's colony and the Spanish presidio of Loreto. The walls
still visible are probably the remains of the Spanish rather than
the French fortification.
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA
BEKKELEY
14 DAY USE
RETURN TO DESK FROM WHICH BORROWED
LOAN DEPT.
This book is due on the last date stamped below, or
on the date to which renewed.
Renewed books are subject to immediate recall.
General Library
University of California
Berkeley
LD 21A-50m-4,'60
(A9562slO)476B