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 THE 
 
 UENCE OF FRENCH IMMIGRATION 
 
 
 ON THE 
 
 LITICAL HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 [A Tl. esis for the Doctor's Degree, University of Minnesota.] 
 
 BY ELIZABETH H, AVERY, 
 
N 
 
REDFIELD. S. O. 
 
THE 
 
 INFLUENCE OF FRENCH IMMIGRATION 
 
 ON THE 
 
 POLITICAL HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES, 
 
 OF THE 
 
 UNIVERSITY 
 
 OF 
 
 [A Tln-sh tor the Doctor's Degree, University of Miniuvsoia. | 
 
 BY ELIZABETH H, AVERY, 
 
PREFATORY NOTE. 
 
 investigation of which the results are herewith pre- 
 scnted was begun w r ith the thought of preparing a paper 
 for the Seminary of American History in the University 
 of Minnesota. A very brief survey sufficed to show that here 
 was a field, practically unworked, intensly fascinating, and of 
 no small importance. The study was therefore continued and 
 the paper was expanded to the present limits. 
 
 At no stage of the research, have I consciously labored to 
 establish a pre-conceived theory. Indeed, in the main, the re- 
 sults reached are far other than I should have anticipated. 
 The conclusions of a first effort in a new field are necessarily 
 somewhat tentative, and I shall be quite satisfied if the results 
 of this study shall lead others, better equipped, to continue the 
 investigation, whether the final results agree with those 
 here reached or not. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 The formerly accepted theory that American institutions are 
 almost exclusively of Anglo-Saxon origin, has of late been vig- 
 orously attacked. In particular, large claims to a share in the 
 honor of building the American nation have been asserted on 
 behalf of the Dutch. 1 Whatever the final judgment of sober 
 historical criticism on such claims may be, it is evident that 
 much is to be gained by careful study of the influence of other 
 than English-speaking peoples on the origin and development 
 of our institutions. Such a study in regard to the early French 
 settlers will be attempted in this paper. 
 
 At the outset we are confronted by the fact that, in the main, 
 these settlers fall into two groups: the French Protestants, 
 mostly refuges from persecution at home, who came to the At- 
 lantic colonies; and the French Catholics, who, coming for 
 purposes of traffic or sent by a paternal government, founded 
 settlements in the "old Northwest" and the Mississippi valley. 
 For clearness of treatment, it seems best to study separately 
 the effect of these two streams of immigration, and then to 
 compare their influence. 
 
 'Especially in Douglas Campbell's work, "The Puritan in England. 
 Holland, and America. W. E. Gritfis. al-o. asserts that we -borrowed 
 from the Netherlands, "in germ or directly,'' eighteen features of our 
 government. Among them are the separation of church and state, free- 
 dom of the press, freedom of religion, the supreme court, the common 
 
 '1 system, etc. See National Magazine, vol. XV.. p. 603. 
 
I. HUGUENOTS. 
 
 I. HUGUENOT SETTLEMENTS. 
 
 jr^UGUENOT immigration to this country began at a very 
 nj early period. It would, however, be quite beside my 
 present purpose to relate the story of the ill-fated 
 colonies sent out by Coligny, or even to give in detail the ac- 
 counts of more successful undertakings in later years. I shall 
 attempt only a brief summary, in the order of colonies rather 
 than in chronological order, of the settlements made by them 
 in the United States. 
 
 It appears that while the Pilgrims tarried inLeyden, friend- 
 ly relations sprang up between them and some of the French 
 refugees who were also settled there, for the Mayflower 
 brought among its passengers certain Huguenots, Philip De- 
 lanoy and Wm. Molines with his wife, son, and daughter, 1 the 
 latter of whom has been immortalized by one of her own de- 
 scendants as the "Puritan maiden Priscilla" Mullins. 
 
 In 1662, the General Court of Massachusetts granted to 
 John Teuton, a physician of Rochelle, and other French Pro- 
 testants expelled on account of their faith, permission to settle 
 in the colony. 2 Within the next quarter of a century these 
 were followed by quite a large number of their countrymen. 
 Soon after the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes, the proprie- 
 tors of a tract of land in the Nipmuck country invited some 
 thirty of them thither and made them a grant of eleven or 
 twelve thousand acres. The village of Oxford which they 
 founded flourished for a time but was abandoned in 1704 on ac- 
 
 M. C. Hotten. Original Lists of Emigrants to America, Introduction, 
 p. XXV.. and C. W. Baird, Huguenot Emigration to America, I., 154 
 and 158. All the Molines family except the daughter died during the 
 first winter. 
 
 2 Mass. Col. Rrcords. vol. IV.. part II.. p. 67. See also, Memorial Hist, 
 of Boston. II.. i:.")i). WJHMV it is stated that Touton came over in 1675 and 
 that the first considerable company came in 1686. Cites MS. copy 
 of Council Records in the office of Sec. of State, p. :>2. 
 
12 
 
 count of Indian massacres, the inhabitants going to Boston 
 and other places. 1 
 
 Some forty or fifty families made a settlement, which they 
 called Frenchtown, in East Greenwich, Rhode Island, in the 
 autumn of 1686. Owing to disputes about land titles, these 
 settlers were afterwards scattered over the Narragansett 
 country. After the Revolution many of them moved to Ver- 
 mont, New York, Pennsylvania and thence farther west. 2 
 
 In the latter part of the seventeenth and the beginning of 
 the eighteenth century, Connecticut received a small accession 
 of Huguenots who located mostly in Milford and Hartford. 3 
 
 Huguenot settlements were made in New York earlier than 
 elsewhere. Indeed there is evidence that the first white child 
 born in that region, in 1614 or 1615, was of Huguenot parent- 
 age. 4 In 1623, a Dutch ship brought over nearly thirty Wal- 
 loon families, some of whom settled on Manhattan Island, 
 others near the present site of Philadelphia, and still others at 
 Fort Orange now Albany. There was considerable desultory 
 migration before the Revocation and settlements were formed 
 on both Staten Island and Long Island. 5 
 
 In 1677, several families from the Palatinate located west of 
 the Hudson and in grateful commemoration of their previous 
 place of refuge called their village New Paltz. 6 
 
 New Rochellej Westchester Co., was settled in 1689, the land 
 
 'Daniels. Hist, of Oxford, p. 19; Mass. Hist. Coll. vol. XXII., p. 29; C. 
 W. Baird gives lists of French settlers in Mass, from a variety of origi- 
 nal sources. 
 
 'Baird, II., 291, ff.; Potter, History of French Settlements and Settlers 
 in Khode Island, pp. 17, 18, 88, and 89. This little book contains copies 
 of original documents and is very valuable for the study of this settle- 
 ment. 
 
 3 Huguenot Emigration to America, II., 330. ff. The authorities seem 
 to be genealogical records. 
 
 Memorial Hist, of N. Y., I., 144, 145: Coll. of Huguenot Soc. of N. Y., 
 I., Introd.,p. X. and footnote. Both refer to the Journal of Labadist 
 voyagers, Dankers and Sluyter, whose date was about 1679. 
 
 *Doc. Hist, of N. Y., III., 35; Huguenot Emigration to America, 
 I., 170; Coll. of Huguenot Soc., L. Introd. pp. XIV. and XV. 
 
 6 Coll. of Ulster Hist, Soc. vol. I. part I. p. 34. There had been Wal- 
 loon settlers in that region previously. See Huguenot Coll. L, introd. 
 XIV. The Walloons were people of French extraction living in the re- 
 gion now comprised in the department dn Nord and the S. W. provinces 
 of Belgium. The Protestants among them were practically Huguenots. 
 See Huguenot Emigration to America, I., 149-151 and Huguenot Coll., I. 
 Introd X., footnote. 
 
13 
 
 having been purchased from Leister. The settlers were from 
 the city which figures so largely in Huguenot history. 1 
 
 Many refugees who went first to the West Indies came thence 
 to New York.- 
 
 Individual families located here and there in New Jersey a 
 little group of them near Princeton but the first and probably 
 the only settlement looking to permanence was that on the 
 Hackensack. This was begun in 1677 under the leadership of 
 David Demarest. a native of Picardy, who on coming to Ameri- 
 ca first joined a Huguenot colony on Staten Island and later 
 was a prominent citizen of New Harlem. The colony pros- 
 pered, tract after tract of land was added, and before the Revo- 
 lution it sent emigrants to Western New York, to Adams Co., 
 Pennsylvania, and to Harrod's Station, Kentucky. 3 
 
 French immigrants came also to Delaware, to Berks Co., 
 Pennsylvania, possibly to Maryland, and in much larger num- 
 bers to Virginia. 4 Some came to the latter colony as early as 
 1660, perhaps earlier. Between 1690 and 1700, the arrivals 
 amounted in all to '-"00 or 800 men, women, and children, who 
 had fled from France on account of their religion." Their 
 principal settlement was at Manakintown, about twenty miles 
 above the falls of the James River. From this place many of 
 them moved to more desirable lands on the Trent River in 
 North Carolina. 5 
 
 Charles II. sent a colony of French Protestants at his own 
 expense to South Carolina in 1679. During the reign of James 
 
 'Doc. Hist, of N. Y.. III.. 9.V>. ff. C W. Baird has an interesting note 
 in Mag. of Am. Hist.. II.. 493. It'., in which he argues that Leisler was a 
 Huguenot and hence especially interested in locating these families. 
 Cf. on this point Huguenot Coll., I. Introcl.. XXVI.. footnote and the 
 references there given. 
 
 2 N. Y. Col. Doc., IX. ? 309. 
 
 3 These and other interesting particulars may be found in "The Hu- 
 guenots on the Hackensack." an address delivered before the Huguenot 
 Soc. by Rev. Dr. Demarest. a descendant of the founder. It is published 
 in Vol. I. of the proceedings of the Soc. and also separately in pamphlet 
 form. 
 
 *Huguenot Coll. I.. XI V.. Huguenot Emigration to America, I.. 133, 
 ff.. Rupp, Thirty Thousand Names of Emigrants to Perm., pp. XVI. and 
 XVIII.. and Talrott (Jen. Notes of X. V. and New Eng., xn. 
 
 'The introduction to vol. V. of the Va. Hist. Coll. states that the 
 
 names of record in the State Land Registry indicate desultory Walloon 
 
 immigration early in the 17th centurv. S< i e also Mead, Old Churches 
 
 and Families of Va.. I.. 4(>3, ff.; Bupp, 3<> C. L. Hunter. Sketches of 
 
 I'M N. Car.. <>: and Beverly. Histoire De la Virginie, 188, ff. and380,ff. 
 
14 
 
 II., collections were made for them in England, Parliament at 
 one time granting them aid. Their early settlements were 
 chiefly near the Santee and Cooper rivers. In 1730 the Purys- 
 burg settlement was made. In 1761 the Assembly of the colo- 
 ny passed an act for encouraging foreign Protestants to settle 
 there, which had the effect to bring over six hundred persons 
 in about three years. The Abbeville District seems to have 
 been settled by these later comers. 1 
 
 \ Besides these more important settlements to which I have 
 called attention, there were separate families or small groups 
 of families who came over at various times. The Huguenot 
 Society of America recognizes fourteen "original settlements." 
 New York City, Staten Island, .Long Island, New Rochelle, 
 
 ^ New Paltz, Boston, New Oxford, Narragansetts, Maine, Dela- 
 ware, Pennsylvania, Virginia, South Carolina, and Florida. As 
 I have shown, nearly all the thirteen colonies received, at some 
 time before the Revolution, at least a few Huguenot settlers. 
 
 It is probably impossible to ascertain with any approach to 
 accuracy how large a part of the population they formed. Pal- 
 frey says that one hundred and fifty families came to New Eng- 
 iand after the Revocation, and Baird considers this estimate 
 too low. 2 Moreover there had been considerable immigration 
 to that colony at an earlier date, as we have seen. One writer 
 holds that the number who came before the Revocation was 
 much greater than has been supposed, and estimates chat in 
 1670 the Huguenots were one-fourth the population of New 
 York. Another states that 17,000 has been mentioned as a 
 probable number in South Carolina. 3 And the historian of 
 those who settled on the Hackensack says: "Historians * * 
 know nothing of a Huguenot element as a factor of any impor- 
 tance" in New Jersey. ''But suppose that you were today to 
 remove * * all who bear the names of the original Hugue- 
 not settlers on the Hackensack, and of those who soon after 
 located in the neighborhood * * you would vacate a very 
 
 1 Transictions of the Hujusnot Soe. of S. Car., I., 10, 12, 15, II., 55, 
 III., 65 and 66: Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., XXII, 35; S. Car. Hist. Soc. Coll. 
 I., 100, ftV(The French Protestants of the Abbeville District); Holmes, 
 Annals, I., 394, 453, 460, 472, and 489; and Lee, Huguenots in France and 
 America, II., 72 and 73. 
 
 "Palfrey, Hist, of New Eng., I., preface p. VIII.: C. W. Baird, II., 202. 
 
 "See Mag. Am. Hist. IX., 295, (an article by Rev. A. V. Wittmeyer, 
 rector of the French church Saint Esprit); and Trans. Huguenot Soc. S. 
 Car., III. 37. 
 
15 
 
 large proportion of the houses and farms in an extensive dis- 
 trict. And if, in addition, you were to remove all who, though 
 bearing Dutch names, have quite as much French as Dutch 
 blood in their veins, you would create a wilderness almost 
 without inhabitants." * * * * 
 
 Whatever may be thought of such estimates, the indications 
 are that they were a larger element of the colonial population 
 than we are accustomed to think. At all events they were 
 sufficiently numerous to make it a matter of interest and im- 
 portance to determine how far and in what ways they in- 
 fluenced national development. 
 
 A people so industrious, thrifty, and religious would be ex- 
 pected to have a beneficial influence upon the economic and / 
 moral life of the colonies, and the course of contemporary 
 evidence as well as the results of later investigations point in j 
 that direction. It is quite likely, as suggested by some wri- 
 ters, that their more genial type of piety may have softened 
 somewhat the sternness of their Puritan neighbors in New 
 England. And it is at least possible thatlthe milder character 
 of the Pilgrims was in part due to their friendly intercourse 
 with the Huguenots in Leyden. These "men who had the vir 1 
 tues of the English Puritans without their bigotry," "so far as 
 we can learn, brought only good gifts to the American colo-i 
 nies," and "it seems very probable tha^Jmuch of American 
 quickness and vivacity is due to the early and wide-spread dif-*/ 
 fusion of Huguenot blood." 1 
 
 Some of them made, if not more substantial, at least more 
 tangible gifts to the homes of their adoption, from the city 
 clock given in 1716 by Stephen Delancey to Trinity church 
 New York, to Gabriel Manigault's loan of $220,000 at the out- 
 set of the Revolution. 2 The most widely known of these gifts 
 is, of course, the "Cradle of Liberty," donated by Peter 
 Faneuil to the city of Boston. 3 
 
 'The quotations are from Bancroft, Hist, of the U. S.. I., 433, and 
 from a review of Baird's work in Atlantic Monthly, LV., 843, ff. Elo- 
 quent tributes to their virtues may be found in the Bi-Centenary Com- 
 memoration. See especially Pres. Jay's address, p. 7, ff., and Prof. H. M. 
 Baird's. p. 14, ff. Pp. 37 and ff. give Prof. Baird's estimate of their influ- 
 ence on American life. 
 
 'Holgate, Am. Genealogy, 115: Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., XXII.. 36. 
 
 ! A copy of the warrant for the town meeting to consider his offer is in 
 New Eng* Hist, and Gen. Reg. XXX., 368. See also Mem. Hist, of Bos- 
 ton, I., 263, ff. 
 
16 
 
 That as thrifty inhabitants they were gladly welcomed is in- 
 dicated by the pecuniary aid granted to them in South Caro- 
 lina, the exemption from taxes for a period of seven years in 
 Virginia, 1 and by the general tenor of contemporary reference 
 to them. But they were not, in most of the colonies, at once 
 admitted to full political rights, and in some cases there was 
 evident jealousy of them as a people of alien nationality. In 
 Rhode Island at the outbreak of King William's war, such ap- 
 prehensions of their taking part with the French were felt that 
 they were required to appear before a magistrate and take oath 
 "to behave themselves." 2 In South Carolina during Ludwell's 
 administration, feeling ran so high that he thought it neces- 
 sary for the preservation of peace to exclude the Huguenots 
 from all legislative concerns, since "the haughty spirit (of the 
 English) could not brook the thought of sitting in assemblies 
 with the rivals of the English nation for power and dominion, 
 and of receiving laws from Frenchmen, the favorers of, a sys- 
 tem of absolute government." 3 It is said also that some went 
 so far as to insist that marriages by French ministers were il- 
 legal. But in time these disturbances quieted down, a naturali- 
 zation law was passed^ and intermarriages took place. 4 
 
 Special acts of naturalization and "denization" were also 
 passed in other colonies, 5 and we find frequent mention of 
 Huguenots in official positions. 6 But with one possible excep- 
 tion, 7 I can find no evidence that they ever unitedly exerted 
 
 J Va. Hist. Coll., V., 60. 
 
 "Rhode Island Col. Records. III., 264. 
 
 Hewitt, Histi Acc't of S. Car. and Geo. (originally published in Lon- 
 don, 1779), in S. Car. Hist. Coll. vol. I., Hildreth, II., 210, says that in 
 Sothel's time a law was passed for the enfranchisement of Huguenots 
 but was one of those rejected in mass by the proprietors as lacking legal 
 sanctions; and their increasing numbers caused the trouble in Ludwell's 
 time. 
 
 *Lee, Huguenots in France and America, II., 74, 75, and 77; Hildreth. 
 II., 213; Bancroft, II., 12. 
 
 6 The date in Mel. was 1666; .in Ya., 1671; Holmes, Annals, I., 344 and 
 357. Denization was granted in N. Y. as early as 1698, possibly earlier. 
 Cf. N. Y. Col. Doc., IV., 450, III., 426. Penizaticn, however, did not 
 confer full political rights, (Huguenot Coll., I., 408), and perhaps some 
 confusion of these laws with those for naturalization may explain the 
 discrepancies in the date as given by different writers. 
 
 "Daniels, Hist, of Oxford. Mass., pr- 12 and 757; Huguenots on the 
 Hackensack, p. 0: Mass. Hist. Coll., XXII., 30: and Mem. Hist, of N. Y., 
 II., 49, ff. This last is a list of the Mayors of N. Y. down to 1700, several 
 of whom were plainly of French extraction. 
 
 7 This exception was the Leisler difficulty in N. Y. Prominent Hug- 
 
17 
 
 any political influence during the whole colonial period; nor do 
 individuals of the race seem to. have played so prominent a 
 part as in later hisjtory. Yet further, it does not appear that 
 in any way they made definite, original contributions to politi- 
 cal thought in those times. Whatever effect they may have had 
 upon colonial life, politically considered, is for the most part, 
 untraceable. 
 
 Nor need this surprise us. They had not the training in that 
 self-government which has so characterized the Teutonic peo- 
 ples. Their anomalous "state within a state" had long since 
 ceased to have any vitality, and in its best days was rather 
 imitative than original. They seem never to have acquired, as 
 a people, a stock of political ideas, but probably 'experienced 
 in their thinking upon such subjects though possibly in a 
 somewhat less degree than their fellow-countrymen 'the para- 
 lyzing influence of the French system of centralization. Com- 
 ing then, as they did, solely to escape persecution, and settling 
 among a people who felt entirely competent to solve all polifi- 
 cal pi ; oblens, they were not likely to be important factors in 
 political development till they had become somewhat assimi- 
 lated to the rest of the population. By the beginning of the 
 Revolutionary period this assimilation was quite complete. 
 And I propose to show that during that period and later indi- 
 viduals of French descent did much to shape the course of our 
 national history. It must, however, be premised at the outset 
 that the very completeness of their absorption by the people 
 among whom they settled renders it impossible to trace fully 
 their influence. By the translation of their names into Eng- 
 lish, by the gradual corruption of names through mispronunci- 
 ation, and by intermarriages the lineage has been so obscured 
 that many a man with a pretty large infusion of Huguenot 
 blood may pass for a full blooded Yankee or Dutchman. 1 
 
 ueoots were active in tlie affair and a majority of those in and around 
 N. Y. petitioned for Leisler's pardon. They seem. too. to Iiav 7 e acted 
 unitedly, though without absolute unanimity. Nicholas Bayard was 
 one of the opposition. See Huguenot Coll.. I.. Introd., XXVIII.: Mem. 
 Hist, of X. V.. I., chap. XII. (The period of the Leisler troubles ): and 
 II., chaps. 1. and II.: Doc. of Col. Hist, of X. Y.. IV., 5>7ii and 1064. 
 
 'The French element was so speedily absorbed by the surrounding 
 Dutch, that not a few of the numerous descendants of the Huguenot 
 pioneers, from whom the farms they occupy have comedown in unbroken 
 nt through seveD or eight generations, verily believe that they are 
 of pure Holland st:ick. a:d the story of their French origin is to them a 
 new revelation." Huguenots on the Hackensack. pp. 1 and -2. 
 
II. THE REVOLUTIONARY PERIOD. 
 
 COMING now to the times immediately preceding the Revolu- 
 tion, it would be easy to compile from Force's Archives a 
 list of men of undoubted French ancestry who belonged to 
 committees, wrote letters, and in various other ways took part 
 in the proceedings recorded in those facinating volumes. 1 
 From other sources, too, many interesting particulars may be 
 gleaned. At least one Huguenot 2 was a member of the Boston 
 tea party, and another was one of those Americans in England 
 who signed the petition to Parliament representing the possible 
 fa^tal consequences of the Boston Port Bill. 3 Nor can we for- 
 get that, when it came to actual hostilities, the country was 
 indebted to a Huguenot for the "midnight ride" which carried 
 the news of the British march on Lexington; 4 nor that Francis 
 Marion, the hero of so many gallant exploits as well as the 
 sturdy defender of the Tories against those who desired to 
 proscribe them, 5 and John Laurens, whose brave conduct won 
 him the honor of receiving the sword of Cornwallis, were 
 Huguenots. 
 
 But time does not permit us to dwell on such details, 
 intensely fascinating as they are, in presence of the much more 
 
 besides those better known, there are such names as Legare, 
 Bouquet, Dubois, Hasbrouck, Bounetheau. De Saussure, etc. 
 
 2 Goss' Life of Col. Paul Revere, I., 121. See App. to this paper for 
 genealogical notes on Revere and other prominent Huguenots referred to. 
 
 3 Henry Laurens, Hist. Mag. ; X., 234. 
 
 4 This was not the only ride taken by the '-patriot Mercury" for his 
 country. In 1774 he carried to N. Y. and Phil, the dispatches in regard 
 U) calling a Congress, and on several occasions took messages to Congress. 
 He was one of the grand jury that refused to serve when Parliament 
 made judges independent of the people. Goss, I., 153 and 159. ff.; Mag. 
 Am. Hist., XV.. 5. 
 
 8 He declared that the proposed law for the sequestration of the 
 Tories was riot in "the spirit of American liberty." See Huguenot pro- 
 ceedings, I.. 101. Congress voted him thanks for his ''wise, decided and 
 gallant conduct in defending the liberties of his country, his prudent 
 and intrepid attack on a party of British troops on the 31st of Aug. last, 
 and for the distinguished part he took in the battle of the 8th of Sep." 
 Jour, of Cong., III., 683. 
 
19 
 
 important deeds of a group of statesmen who profoundly 
 influenced state and national development during the "critical" 
 and "formative" period. Their work may perhaps best 
 be seen by reviewing, rapidly and with special reference to the 
 part taken by these men of French descent, some of the best 
 known events of our history. 
 
 It need detract nothing from the honor we are accustomed 
 to pay to those uncompromising Yankee rebels, Samuel Adams 
 and James Otis, to recall another, a man of Huguenot ancestry, 
 whose share in the events that precipitated the Revolution was 
 not less important than theirs, though his name has been suf- 
 fered to become less familiar to our ears. Says Winthrop: "If 
 Otis' arguments ** breathed into this nation the breath of life, 
 few things, if anything, * * did more to sustain that life until it 
 was able to go alone, than the answers of the House of Rep- 
 resentatives of Massachusetts, to the insolent assumptions of 
 Bernard and Hutchinson, mainly draftad by the same James 
 Otis and Samuel Adams, and the answers of the Council, 
 mainly drafted by James Bowdoin." Bowdoin was under- 
 stood by the Privy Council in England to be "the leader and 
 manager of the Council in Massachusetts, as Mr. Adams was in 
 the House." 1 Nor is contemporary evidence to the same 
 effect wanting. Hutchinson says: "Mr. Bowdoin was without a 
 rival in the Council, and by the harmony and reciprocal commu- 
 nications between him and Mr. Adams, the measures of the Coun- 
 cil and House harmonized also, and were made reciprocally sub- 
 servient each to the other, so that when the Governor met w T ith 
 opposition from the one, he had reason to expect like opposi- 
 tion from the other." 2 In 1774, Hutchinson's successor, Gage, 
 removed him, acting, as he said, under "express orders from 
 his Majesty." When Gage called for the surrender of arms, 
 Bowdoin w r as moderator of the great meeting held in Faneuil 
 Hall to consider the demand. He was President of the Coun- 
 cil of twenty-eight chosen in 1775 to exercise the supreme 
 executive authority of the Province, and in the autumn of the 
 same year was chairman of the Massachusetts delegation in the 
 conference with Washington and the committee of Congress 
 
 l ll. C. Winthrop, Address before the Maine Hist. Snr. at Bowdoin 
 5j 1 S J'.. As a descendant <>t' Hnvdoin. Winthrop had access to 
 private papers. > that his address has something the character of 
 an original document. 
 
 . of Mass. Bay III., 293, See also pp, 156, 228, and 374. 
 
20 
 
 relative to the best means of conducting the campaign. Only 
 the illness of his wife, on account of which Hancock took his 
 place at the head of the Massachusetts delegation in Congress, 
 prevented his being one of the signers of the Declaration 
 of Independence. 1 
 
 In New York, not only were Wm. Bayard and John Jay 
 members of the committee of correspondence, but Jay was one 
 of the sub-committee to prepare answers to letters received, 
 and a letter, "probably from his pen, contains the first propo- 
 sition that was made for convening a general Congress to con- 
 sider the (present) state of affairs." When the Congress was 
 convened 1 , he was one of those unanimously chosen to represent 
 New York. Entering upon his duties in Congress, he was 
 placed upon the committee to prepare a memorial to the people 
 of British America, "stating the necessity of a firm, united and 
 invariable observation of the measures recommended by Con- 
 gress," as well as on that which composed the address to the 
 people of Great Britain. 2 B3th these papers were probably 
 written by Jay; the latter certainly was, and "is generally ac- 
 knowledged to stand first amon the incomparable productions" 
 of the first Congress. 3 Jefferson said before knowing its 
 authorship, that it was "a production certainly worthy of the 
 finest pen in America." 4 The idea of the petition to the King, 
 (July 8, 1775), originated with Jay and was carried by him 
 against very strong opposition in Congress. 5 The double 
 honor of being a member of the Provincial Congress of New 
 York and of the Continental Congress at the same time, and 
 the necessity that was felt for his presence in the former pre- 
 vented his being one of the signers of the Declaration of Inde- 
 pendence. 6 But the New York convention's resolution of 
 approval, (July 9, 1776), was drafted by him, the manuscript in 
 his own handwriting being still preserved among the records 
 of New York. 7 
 
 'Winthrop, 27 : ff.; Bancroft, IV., 242 and VI., 139 and 140. 
 
 2 Am. Archives, I., 319, ff.; Jour, of Cong., I., 19: Jay's Life 
 of Jay, I., 24. 
 
 8 Webster's Great Speeches, 311. 
 
 Works, I., 10. 
 
 May's Jay, I., 36. 
 
 May's Jay, I., 43 and 44. 
 
 Correspondence and Public Papers, I., 72. 
 
21 
 
 The proceedings of the secret committee of Correspond- 
 ence "with the friends of America in Great 'Britain, Ireland 
 ana other parts of the world," were of great importance in 
 securing the friendship of individuals abroad and probably 
 prepared the way for the mission of Silas Deane to France. 
 But so great was the secrecy observed that it does not seem 
 possible to apportion the honor due to individual members of 
 the committee. I see no reason, however, to question the opin- 
 ion of his son, that Jay was -the chief organ of correspond- 
 ence, 1 ' 1 especially in view of his later correspondence with 
 Deane On the whole, it seems quite fair to claim that there 
 was no pen in Congress more continually and successfully used 
 for the country at this pe'riod than Jay's. 
 
 That the New Jersey Assembly, disregarding the advice of 
 Governor Franklin, gave "express approbation of the meas- 
 ures of the Congress" in 1775, is attributed by him- to Elias 
 Boudinot, afterward President of Congress, and others, who, 
 as he says, * 'came down from Elizabeth Town and caballed among 
 the members. ' ?2 In South* Carolina, Henry Laurens was not 
 only a member of the First Provincial Congress, but drew up 
 the asssociation to be signed by all the friends of liberty, was 
 also President of the Council, and later, as is well-known, a 
 delegate to the Continental Congress and its President for 
 more than a year. 3 
 
 The celebrated Mecklenburg Declaration was drafted by a 
 Huguenot, Dr. Ephraim Brevard. Though the claim of some 
 that this paper was the original of the Declaration can hardly 
 be granted, it was doubtless of much importance in fostering 
 the spirit of Independence in North Carolina. 4 
 
 '.lay's -lay. I.. 04. 
 
 'Letter from Gov. Franklin, dated Perth Amboy. Mar. 12, 1775, in 
 \rchives. X.. .~>7.~>. 
 
 'Am. Cyc. of Bio?.. III.. 630 and G:U. 
 
 I am not ignorant of tin* fact that Laurens* patriotism at an 
 early stage of the ditlicult ies has been thought to be open to ques- 
 tion. The letter written by him to His Majesty's Secretaries Of State 
 while in the Tower, as well as private letters written during the Stamp- 
 Ad disturbances, are of a >m'what dama^in^ character." They may 
 be found in Hist. Mas?.. X.. '2M.. IT. Sv als > extract from "The Royal 
 
 Lte," N. V.. Oct. 14. 177s ; . on p. 31(> of the same Maj. Hut the letter 
 to the Secret aries was the special plea of a man who wanted tojjet out of 
 prison and probably puts his conduct in the best possible light for that 
 purpose. There arc not wanting indications in his diplomatic cor- 
 re-pondence that lie never forgot himself lor his country. With that 
 limitation unfortunately not the exclusive possession of citizens of 
 Gallic descent I believe his patriotism to have been sound. 
 
 'Randall, Life of Jefferson, III., 570, ff.; Am. Archives, II., 855 
 
22 
 
 Not to go further into details, it is evident that in at least 
 five of the colonies, the part taken by men of Huguenot 
 descent in the events leading to the Declaration of Independ- 
 ence was by n'o means a secondary one. 
 
 When the young nation was once fairly launched upon 
 a war for independence, these men continued the most unre- 
 mitting exertions to that end, 1 but except for the brilliant mis- 
 sion of John Laurens to France, there is nothing of such para- 
 mount and striking importance as to demand our attention till 
 we come to the negotiations preliminary to peace. 2 
 
 It is, however, worth while to note that young Laurens not 
 only obtained a subsidy and the assistance of Rochambeau and 
 other officers with land and naval forces, but that he did it by 
 the skill with which he broke through all conventionalties and 
 secured a personal interview with the King, thereby avoiding 
 the delays incident upon negotiations conducted through the 
 ministry. 3 
 
 and foot note; Winsor. Nar. and Grit. Hist., VI., 256; Hunter, Sketches 
 of Western N. Car., 22. ff. and 47, ff; Sabine, Am. Loyalist, I., 38, and 
 articles in Mag. of Am. Hist., vol. XXI. 
 
 ! I find some Huguenots in the list of Loyalists given by Sabine, 
 but they do not seem to have been numerous. 
 
 2 Such facts as that Gouverneur Morris drew up, the plan 
 adopted by Congress for' raising funds for army expenses, (Diary and 
 Letters, I., 4 and 5;) that he also drew up the instructions to Franklin at 
 Versailles in 1778 the first ever sent to an .American Plenipo- 
 tentiary (Spark's Life of Morris. I., 188); that Jay drafted the circular 
 letter to accompany the resolutions stopping the emission, of bills 
 of credit in J779. (Jour, of Cong., III., 350 and 358); that Laurens proposed 
 and Hamilton heartily approved a scheme for raising 1 two or three bat- 
 talions of ^egro troops, (Jay's Works, I., 191, ff. and Bancroft, V., 369 
 and 370); that Washington obtained through Bowdoin's "confidential 
 agency ' a plan of the harbor of Halifax with a view to its des- 
 
 truction by the-French fleet," in 1780, (Winthrop, p. 29); that on the inva- 
 sion of S. Car. in 1779, Manigault, though over 75 years of age. shouldered 
 a musket and offered himself and his fourteen-year-old grand-son to the 
 service of his country, (Commemoration of Bi-Centennary, p.54); though 
 very interesting, can hardly be said to have had a determining effect on 
 the course of U. S. History. It was possibly more important that some 
 of the best Revolutionary officers were Huguenots. (Proceedings of 
 Huguenot Soc., I., 41. and Cf. Register of Officers). 
 
 3 Army Correspondence of John Laurens, p. 31, ff. Congress passed 
 the following resolution: '"That the conduct' of John Laurens in his mis- 
 sion to the court of Versailles as special minister of the U. S.. is highly 
 agreeable to Cong, and entitles him to public approbation," Jour, 
 of Cong., III., 663. 
 
III. THE TREATY OF PEACE. 
 
 COMMITTEE that negotiated peace with Great 
 Britain consisted as finally constituted, of John Jay, 
 Henry Laurens. Benjamin Franklin, and John Adams. It 
 is, of course, a matter of interest to know just how far we are 
 indebted to each of them for the important provisions of the 
 treaty. If we accept the views of all who have written on the 
 subject, we shall be compelled to believe among other things 
 that it was essentially the work of Franklin, 1 that we are in- 
 debted for the concessions in regard to the fisheries to Adams, 2 
 that the glory belongs to Jay and Adams but especially to Jay, 3 
 that it was owing to Laurens that the frontiers of the Repub- 
 lic were extended to the Mississippi river, 1 and'in this way the 
 later annexation of Louisiana provided for, 4 and that on this 
 very point "we have greater reason for gratitude to John Jay 
 than to either of his colleagues." 5 The truth probably is as 
 stated by Fiske: ''To the grand triumph the varied talents of 
 Franklin, Adams and Jay all contributed." 6 
 
 Yet I venture to hold the opinion that the services of Mr. 
 Jay were even more important than those of either of his col- 
 leagues, valuable as those doubtless were. The subject cannot, 
 as it seems to me, be fully understood without reading the re- 
 markable series of letters written while he- was Minister Plenipo- 
 tentiary to Spain, as well as the correspondence after his trans- 
 fer to Versailles. 7 It must be borne in mind that the ' 'family com- 
 pact' 1 between France and Spain rendered it of the first im- 
 portance to avoid giving offence to Spain, not only for the sake 
 
 'Parton, Life of Franklin, II. 650. "He saved the alliance over 
 and over again and brought the negotiations to a successful close." 
 
 'Life by C. F. Adams, 380, ff. 
 'Roosevelt, Life of Morris. 124. 
 
 4 Wri>s. Hist, of French Protestant Refugees, I., 366. 
 5 Hinsdale, Old Xorthwest, 182. 
 Critical Period of Am. Hist.. 
 
 7 The letters are in Sparks' Diplomatic Correspondence. VII. and 
 VIII., and the more important ones in Jay's Works, I. and II. 
 
24 
 
 of an alliance with her, but for the continuance of friendly re- 
 lations with France. And the fair inference from the way in 
 which the Ministers were treated is that neither France nor 
 Spain was anxious to secure great advantages for the young 
 Republic, and that the latter at least was most unwilling that 
 its borders should be extended to the Mississippi. That her 
 intention to prevent this result was only prevented by Jay's 
 firmness and foresight is the conclusion to which one is irre- 
 sistibly drawn on reading the correspondence. Nor is there 
 more reason to doubt that his courage in accepting the bills 
 which Congress, depending on the financial assistance of 
 Spain, had drawn upon him, and his skill in securing the 
 means to redeem them, probably saved the country from imme- 
 diate bankruptcy, which would have been fatal to all hopes of 
 -independence. 
 
 What was thought of his statesmanship at the time may be 
 seen from the letter of Samuel Huntington, President of Con- 
 gress, written under the direction of that body, in which he 
 says, "throughout the whole course of your negotiations and 
 transactions, in which the utmost address and discernment was 
 often necessary to reconcile the respect - due to the dignity of 
 the United States with the urgency of their wants and the com- 
 plaisance expected by the Spanish Court, your conduct is 
 entirely approved." 1 And later, Robert R. Livingstone wrote, 
 "your conduct through the whole of your negotiations has 
 been particularly acceptable to Congress.'' 2 
 
 After he joined Franklin in France his zeal and sagacity 
 in securing the ends sought were no less apparent. It is not 
 necessary to decide whether Vergennes was more friendly than 
 he thought, nor whether Vaughan's mission to England 
 was the bit of diplomacy that secured the recognition of 
 United States Independence as a preliminary to entering upon 
 the treaty. In any case there can be no question that he 
 showed great adroitness in his plan for outwitting what seemed 
 to him a wily maneuver. And in breaking loose from the 
 instructions to follow the advice of the French Court, it was 
 Jay who took the lead and almost compelled Franklin to 
 follow. He says in his report that Franklin was "fettered" by 
 
 'Jay's Works, II., 32, dated, "In Cong., May 28, 1781." 
 
 May's Work, II., 188. The letter, Apr. 16, 1782, is in answer to Jay's 
 of Oct. 3, 1781. 
 
25 
 
 > them, but that he "could not believe that Congress intended 
 that we (they) should follow any advice that might be repug- 
 nant to their interest." 1 
 
 From all the evidence, then. I feel compelled to infer that 
 
 s influence in keeping the country from utter bankruptcy 
 till peace could be secured, in obtaining the Mississippi boun- 
 dary. in making the recognition of independence one of 
 the prior conditions of the treaty and in breaking away from 
 French dictation as to the terms, was second to that of neither 
 of his colleagues. The "Yankee shrewdness" which Fiske 
 thinks was more than a match for the "traditional French 
 '. subtlety'.'- was itself of Gallic origin. 
 
 As to the Fisheries question, his share of the merit is not 
 so clear, though Hamilton says that the people of New 
 England talked of. offering him an annual tribute' of fish. 3 He 
 seems, however, at the very least, to have seconded Adams 
 very ably in that matter. Speaking in general terms of 
 the whole treaty. Adams said that the principal merit was 
 Jay's. 4 And Fitzherbert, in 1853, said that it was "not 
 only chief but solely through Jay's means that the negotiations 
 between England and the United States were brought to 
 a successful conclusion.'' 5 These statements from other chief 
 actors in the affair do not seem to me too strong. 
 
 Laurens* part in the negotiations seems comparatively un- 
 important. Nor do his letters have the same ring of statesman- 
 like and unselfish patriotism as Jay's. 6 But in his own opin- 
 ion. after being admitted to bail in London, he made many 
 converts to the idea of American Independence * 'among people 
 of the first importance." 7 And Bancroft credits him with 
 haying proposed the clause forbidding the British to carry 
 away Negroes or other property. 8 However, the work of Jay 
 alone during these trying negotiations would compel the 
 admission that our national independence with the favorable 
 
 'Works, II., 384. 
 
 'Critical Period of Am. HNt.. '24. 
 > Hamilton. Works. VIII.. 148. 
 
 4 Letter to Jay in 1880, Jay's .lay, I., 418. 
 
 Narrai ivr and Critical Hist.. V 1 1.. Kilt: Flanders, Lives 
 and Times of the Chief .}\i>\ Ices, I.. :>4:{ and :{.">! and foot note. 
 
 6 They are in Sparks' Dip. Cor., vol. II. 
 7 Dip Cor.. II.. 406 and 469, ff., Cf. also 482. 
 "History, V., 579. 
 
26 
 
 conditions secured was not altogether an -^Anglo-Saxon 
 achievement. 
 
 Our interest in American history from the stamp-act to^the 
 treaty of Paris is apt to center about the stirring events of the 
 Revolution. But during- those years the foundations of trans- 
 Alleghany commonwealths were being laid with-a^heroism 
 worthy of the times. Among [the backwoodsmen' -who --first 
 peopled that region were quite a number'of Huguenots, , and one 
 of them, John Sevier, 1 was a principal actor in some of the most 
 important events connected with state-building there. So that 
 not only in the thirteen original colonies, but in some of the 
 earliest off-shoots from them, we may trace the influence of 
 exiles from France. 
 
 'Sevier's work has been well told by Roosevelt, Winning of the 
 West, and in Phelan's Hist, of Tenn. 
 
IV. STATE CONSTITUTIONS. 
 
 HILE the war was sti11 in P ro ress > most of the states 
 formed new constitutions under which they lived for 
 many years. Bowdoin was President of the Massachu- 
 
 s Convention in 1779 and with the Adamses prepared, dur- 
 ing a recess of the convention, a draft which with some modi- 
 fications was adopted. Judge Lowell %i who was himself second 
 
 > one in that convention for the zeal and ability which he 
 brought to the work,'' says of Bowdoin that >; it was owing to 
 the hints which he- occasionally gave and the part which 
 he took with the committee who framed the plan that some of 
 the most admired sections in the Constitution of this state 
 appear in their present form.'' 1 To have been one of the chief 
 framers of the Constitution under which with an occasional 
 amendment the old Bay State has lived and prospered for 
 more than a century, is surely no slight honor; but that is not 
 all. ''The ordinance of 1787 is a condensed abstract of the 
 Massachusetts Constitution of 1780. Every principle contained 
 in the former either in a germinal or a developed form, except 
 that relating to the obligation of contracts, and some temporary 
 provisions relating to the organization of the territorial gov- 
 ernment is found in the latter, and often in the same 
 language."- And since the development of the country west 
 of the Alleghanies owes so much to this ordinance, and since, 
 further, the Constitution of Massachusetts and hence the 
 Ordinance owes so much to a descendant of the Huguenots, it 
 may as well be granted at once that some of the most boasted 
 characteristics of our national career are due neither to the 
 Anglo-Saxon nor to the Dutchman. 
 
 After the new constitution went into effect, Bowdoin was 
 appointed with the Justices of the Supreme Court, the Attor- 
 n t-y- General, and John Pickering ; 'to revise the laws in force in 
 
 'WinUirop. :>><> and 31; Ilildretb. III.. :r t :>. 
 
 8 I>r. Cutler and t In- ( >niinanr- .f 17*7. hy W. F. Pool.-. X. Am. Re- 
 vi.-w. ( 'X x 1 1.. *i. tf. The quotation is on page 258. A comparison of tbe 
 
 Ordinance I'oniv. I.. 4:2'. 4'.V2 with tin- C'ons. of Mass. I'ooiv. I.. 
 973) will abundantly repay any student. 
 
28 
 
 the state, to select, abridge, alter, and digest them so as to be 
 accommodated to the present government." Winthrop says: 
 "I have seen ample evidence in his papers of the labor which 
 he bestowed on the duties of this distinguished and most 
 responsible commission." 1 
 
 In the New York Convention of 1776, Jay and Gouverneur 
 Morris were leading members. Jay is said to have prepared 
 the draft of the Constitution and his eulogists are probably 
 right in attributing its most important features to him, though 
 it is difficult to find direct and positive evidence of the fact. He 
 made strenuous exertions to obtain a clause excepting Roman 
 Catholics from toleration till they should abjure the authority 
 of the Pope to grant absolution. The most that could be 
 obtained, however, was a proviso said to have been proposed 
 by Morris and which was retained in subsequent revisions of 
 the Constitution, that "the liberty of conscience hereby grant- 
 ed shall not be so construed as to excuse acts of licentiousness 
 or justify practices inconsistent with the safety of the state," 
 and an amendment to the naturalization clause requiring 
 all persons to "abjure allegiance to all and every foreign king, 
 prince, potentate, and state, in all matters ecclesiastical as well 
 as civil," before becoming naturalized citizens. It was also due s 
 to him that acts of attainder were not allowed to work corrup- 
 tion of the blood. It seems quite likely that his urgency 
 on this point was due to his knowledge of the wrong endured 
 by his ancestors and the ingrained hatred of all that caused 
 those wrongs, The restriction of suffrage, in some cases, to 
 freeholders was in accordance with his favorite maxim that 
 "those who owned the country ought to govern it."- 
 
 'Address, p. 32. 
 
 2 On the points covered by this paragraph, Cf. Jay's Jay, I., 70; 
 Roosevelt's Morris, 66: and Pellew's Jay, 85-87. 
 
V. THE NATIONAL, CONSTITUTION. 
 
 WAR being closed and independence secured, it might be 
 hoped that the young Republic, entering upon its course un- 
 der such favorable circumstances, endowed with such a 
 wealth of natural resources, and above all rich in men of such con- 
 spicuous ability, would move forward in a path of uninterrupted 
 prosperity. But there were only too evident signs of danger 
 from w r ithin which threatened its very existence. The Confed- 
 eracy proved to be a rope of sand, and there was no power to 
 v cope successfully with the pressing financial and other prob- 
 lems. Men of judgment and patriotism were by no means 
 agreed as to the wisest measures to be taken. It is a curious 
 and, as I think, a very significant fact that, when the Anglo- 
 Saxon spirit of localization was endangering the life of the Re- 
 public, men of French extraction who were prominent in public 
 life expressed with wonderful unanimity 1 a belief that a stronger 
 central government was imperatively demanded. A few cita- 
 tions will establish this point, but I do not propose to discuss, 
 still less to answ r er, the probably unanswerable question, how 
 /"/ their views were due to inherited and innate tendencies of 
 the Gallic mind. As early as 1779, Elias Boudinot said in 
 a private letter: "I am not afraid of the dissolution of the Con- 
 federacy in my day, but I dread the consequences on the pres- 
 ent basis to posterity. In my weak opinion. Congress has not 
 power enough."- In 1783, Jay wrote: "I am perfectly convinced 
 that no time is to be lost in raising and maintaining a national 
 spirit in America. POIO-I' to (/<<' m ////- racy c* t<> U. gen- 
 
 > sj,nt//<1 be (jr<Dit<'<l and r./v/v/W. The governments 
 of the different states should be wound up and become 
 vigorous." 3 He also urged repeatedly that the construction of 
 
 K)ne :i "uirht to be noted. Tyler in the Va. debates on the 
 
 -itution dreaded too ^ivat centralization a< dangerous to liberty. 
 Elliot's Dfbatt's. in.. r,:',7. ff. 
 
 -Hist. Mag., -ml series, III.. 80. 
 
 Wi.rU^. Oorreftpondeoee and Pablic Papers), III also 143, 
 
 \~'2 and 17* for other letters in whieh he expresses similar views. 
 
30 
 
 the government was "fundamentally wrong" in not separating 
 legislative, judicial, and executive functions; his idea being, if I 
 understand him, that a distribution of powers would make the 
 government more energetic and effective. 1 His desire for 
 a more highly centralized government is the more noteworthy 
 from the fact that he had, as he says, "from early life 
 expressed a strong dislike to the arbitrary government of 
 France," and thought it a government "always dreadful in 
 theory and more or less so in practice according to the charac- 
 ter of those by whom its power is exercised.'" 2 
 
 Gouverneur Morris wrote to General Greene: "From the 
 same attachment to the happiness of mankind which prompted 
 my first efforts in this Revolution, I am now induced to wish 
 that Congress may be possessed of much more authority than 
 has hitherto been granted to them." 3 His views may be still 
 more clearly read in the Journals of the Convention, where, as 
 Lodge says, "he favored a vigorous central government, 
 opposed bitterly equality of votes in the Senate, and sought to 
 weaken the powers of the states." 4 
 
 Lodge says that "from Massachusetts under the lead 
 of Bowdoin came the first effort for a better union in the form 
 of instructions to her representatives to urge the necessity for 
 a new convention upon Congress." 5 The first expression of 
 such necessity doubtless came from some other source, though 
 Winthrop says that Pelatiah Webster, one of those who are 
 credited with it, was a friend of Bowdoin's. 6 But; however 
 much or little credit we may give the latter in initiating 
 the proceedings, the fact of his strong recommendation to the 
 legislature establishes the point I am urging, namely, that he 
 favored greater power in the central government. And if, as , 
 
 'Works, III.. 210, 226, 234. He repeats the same views, after 
 the adoption of the Constitution, in his charge to the Grand Jury on his 
 Eastern Circuit, Works. 1 1 L 387. 
 
 'Works, IV., 199. 
 
 3 Diary and Letters, I.. 15. This was in 1781. 
 
 'Atlantic Monthly, LVIL. 436. For his remarks in convention see 
 Scott's edition of Madison's Jour.. 57, note, 285, 310, 361, etc. 
 
 5 Life of Hamilton. 53. 
 
 6 Address, 43. Burgess says, (Political Science and Constitutional 
 Law. I.. 101 and 102), that Bowdoin and Hamilton were more far-seeing 
 than the rest, of 1 he statesmen of the day and "discovered the root of the 
 difficulty, viz.: that the sovereign, the state, had no legal organization in 
 
 t he system." 
 
31 
 
 Hart thinks, the success of Shay's rebellion would [have made 
 the union "not worth one of its own discredited notes,'* 1 he has 
 a still greater claim upon our gratitude. 
 
 But unquestionably the most thorough centralizer of them 
 all was "America's greatest political genius." Alexander Ham- 
 ilton. Before, during, and aftar the Convention, he expressed 
 in the most explicit terms his belief in the necessity of a strong 
 central government and of the danger to be apprehended from 
 giving too much power to the states. In his letter to Duane in 
 1780, 2 in his series of papers, the Continentalist, 3 in the resolu- 
 tions he introduced in Congress in 1783, 4 - in -the debates of the 
 Convention, 5 in the Federalist, 6 gin his:speech on the revenue 
 system in the New York Legislature in 1787," in fact every- 
 where throughout his works, we may read hisndread of state 
 sovereignty and of power entrusted to the people. 
 
 Two only of these men were members of the Convention, 
 Morris and Hamilton. As to the former, it may be said that 
 the impression made by an examination of the debates is that 
 he influenced the course of proceedings, perhaps as much 
 as anyone. . To this may be added the opinion of Madison, that 
 he was an ''able, active and eloquent member." 8 To him'also 
 we owe, as regards the language of the Constitution, "that 
 admirable perspicacity which has so much diminished the 
 labors and hazards of interpretation for all future ages. 9 
 
 A first hasty reading of the debates is likely to prove dis- 
 appointing to anyone brought up on the tradition that to Ham- 
 ilton, more than to anyone else, we owe the frame of govern- 
 ment under which we live." But further study is reassuring. If 
 
 formation of the Union. 113. 
 
 'Works 1203. ff. Gartield says of him. "in camp before he was twen- 
 ty-one years old. upon a drum-head, he wrote a letter which contained 
 every germ of the Constitution of the United States." (In speech to the 
 "Boys in Blue" N. Y.. Aug. 6, 18 C 0. quoted by IIinsdal<- in preface 
 to (rurtield's Works, p. XIX i. I think he must refer to the Duane letter, 
 but Hamilton was twenty-three at truit time. 
 
 3 Works. 2,'U. ff. 
 
 4 Works, I., 288, flf. 
 
 'Elliot. I. 417. ff., and Madison Papers. II.. 244. and elsewhere. 
 
 . XVII.. for example. 
 : Works. II.. 16, ff. 
 8 Letter to Sparks. Elliot, I., 507. 
 
 'Curtis Iflst. of the Cons.. I.. 2'.7. ( 'f. Madisorr's letter quoted 
 above, and Morris-' letter to Pickering. I. .""><<> and 507. 
 
32 
 
 the eleven propositions which he submitted to the Convention 1 
 do not seem to be of superlative importance, the speech by 
 which he supported them was one that, as is evident from the 
 draft what remains to us 2 must have carried great weight, 
 especially when coming from a man of so vigorous a personal- 
 ity. And the full plan of a constitution that he gave to Madi- 
 son 3 presents with, it is true, many points of divergence, points 
 of coincidence with that finally adopted, so many and so strik- 
 ing, as to force the conviction that it must have been known to 
 the Committees who drafted the different articles and must have 
 modified the result to a large extent. We must remember, too, 
 that by this time his views had probably become well known to 
 most men in public life and could not have failed to influence 
 some of them. There is a tradition that he did much in private 
 conversation, during the time the Convention w T as in session, to 
 "filtrate" his ideas through the material of the Constitution. 4 
 
 The splendid services of Jay and Hamilton in securing the 
 adoption of the Constitution have never been questioned. The 
 numbers of the Federalist written by them are enduring monu 
 ments of their w r ork. 5 In the Massachusetts Convention that 
 ratified the Constitution, both James Bowdoin and his son made 
 speeches in its favor. (i 
 
 To sum up the fragmentary details, I am thoroughly con- 
 vinced that, for the advocacy of ' ; a more perfect union," for 
 efforts to obtain a convention with that end in view, for 
 able and influential services during its sessions, and for vigor- 
 ous and successful efforts to secure the ratification of the Con- 
 stitution, we are more indebted to four men of Huguenot ances- 
 try, James Bowdoin, Alexander Hamilton, Gouverneur Morris, 
 and John Jay, than to any other four statesmen of the time. 7 
 
 J Elliot, I., 179, or Madison Papers, 185, ff. 
 2 Works, I., 353, ff. 
 
 3 Works. I.. 334, ff. It may also be found in Supplement to Elliot, 
 App., 585, ff. 
 
 *Morse Life of Hamilton, I., 184. 
 
 G See also, Jay's Address to the people of N. Y., Works, III, 294. Cf. 
 Jay's Jay, I., 260-262 and 269; Elliot, II., 283. ff. 
 
 For Hamilton's work in K. Y. Convention, Elliot, II., 231369. 
 
 6 Elliot, II., 81; 125, and 178. 
 
 Revere bad something to do with securing Samual Adams', at first 
 doubtful, support. Goss, II., 451., ff. 
 
 7 To Morris also we owe the suggestion for our decimal system 
 of coinage, though his plan received important modifications from Jeffer- 
 son before it was adopted. 
 
VI. THE EARLY DAYS OF THE CONSTITUTION. 
 
 BUT no plan of government, even if it be * 'the most won- 
 derful work ever struck off at a given time by the brain 
 and purpose of man," will execute itself. And "the 
 more perfect union, '' which owed so much to Gallic brains in 
 its inception, might have been as disastrous a failure as the 
 old Confederacy, had not those same brains devised the meas- 
 ures for its workings in its early years. To tell adequately 
 the part taken by these men, especially by Jay and Hamilton, 
 during the first decade of the constitutional period would be to 
 rewrite the history of that decade. For present purposes, it 
 it will suffice to assume the facts known to every reader of our 
 national history, in order to trace their effect in the evolution 
 of that history. 
 
 We are apt to think of Hamilton as the man who ' 'smote 
 the rock of the national resources and abundant streams of 
 revenue gushed forth." The idea, which I believe to be alto- 
 gether correct, that all his work tended toward centralization, 
 though advanced by some writers, is not so prominent in the 
 popular thought as it deserves to be. That it was, in fact, a 
 deliberate purpose with him, to effect that endacan hardly be 
 doubted by any one who makes a study of all his writings. 
 His dread of giving too much power to individual states, his 
 desire to make the central government strong and controlling 
 must impress the most casual reader. That, to some extent, 
 "he builded wiser than he knew" is very probable. 1 
 
 His schemes for assumption and funding too well known to 
 need explanation here though strenuously opposed at the 
 time, are now generally admitted to have been, from a financial 
 standpoint, eminently wise. . Indeed it would seem that there 
 was no escape from repudiation except through some system 
 
 'Jefferson says, (Works III.. 4<il . thai the object of Hamilton's 
 plan was to subvert the principles of the Constitution, and that this was 
 to be done by corrupting the Legislature. Something must be allowed 
 for the political animosity of the two men. but it is doubtless true that 
 he desired to make more prominent those principles of the Constitution 
 which Jefferson wished to make less prominent. 
 
34 
 
 of funding, and no other workable plan was suggested by any 
 one. 1 His first report on Public Credit will probably always 
 remain a financial classic. Had he done no more than to res- 
 cue the country from impending financial ruin, and to lay the 
 foundation for business prosperity, he would deserve our last- 
 ing gratitude. But the assumption of state debts by the gen- 
 eral government was, if not the first step, certainly the first 
 prominent and important step, in that process of centralization 
 which is, perhaps, not yet completed. That this result was 
 not absent from his thought, (though he could hardly have had 
 a full conception of the far-reaching consequences of his plan), 
 is evident from the fact that he distinctly proposes as one of 
 "the great and invaluable ends to be secured by a proper- and 
 adequate provision, at the present period, for the support of 
 public credit,'* this, "to cement mo're closely the union of the 
 states." 2 
 
 His next important measure, the National Bank, still 
 further assisted the process of centralization, and that in two 
 ways. First, by the direct strength it brought the govern- 
 ment, a strength which can only be realized in connection with 
 later contests over a national banking system, and second, (and 
 this is much more important), through the doctrine of "implied 
 powers" then, apparently for the first time broached and 
 made operative. 3 Undoubtedly it did much to widen the 
 breach between Federalist and Anti-Federalist. But, far more 
 than that, it was the entering wedge of the principle that the 
 'ins" of whatever party have ever since found it convenient to 
 use, and that the "outs" have as often opposed. It is a prin- 
 ciple, too, whatever we may think of its constitutionality, upon 
 which many of the most beneficial measures of the government 
 must rest for their defense, Nor did his opponents or the 
 friends of his measure fail to understand their probable effects. 
 On the one hand, it was claimed that the doctrine of implied 
 
 'Works, II., 47, ff.; Am. State Papers Fihance, I., 15, ff. 
 
 2 Works, I., 52. His dread of a dissolution of the union, unless prop- 
 er revenue measures were adopted, comes out in bis speech on the Reve- 
 nue System in the N. Y. Leg., 1787, Works, II., 16, ff. see especially p. 
 43; all his important reports may be found in Am. State Papers on 
 Finance, I. 
 
 3 Hamilton ? s report is in his Works, III., 325, ff.. arid his reply 
 to Jefferson's and Randolph's constitutional objections, 180, ff. The 
 latter is far more important for the student of constitutional questions, 
 being the first and one of the ablest expositions of the fundamental doc- 
 trine that has been so large a factor in political controversy ever since. 
 
35 
 
 powers "establishes a precedent of interpretation leveling all 
 th barriers which limit the powers of the general government 
 and protect those of the state Government;" 1 ''that the admis- 
 sion of this doctrine destroys the principle of our government 
 at a blow, it at once breaks down every barrier which the Fed- 
 eral Constitution has raised against unlimited legislation:''- and 
 that some of the arguments involved "a very dangerous con- 
 struction of the powers vested in the General Government." 3 
 
 On the other hand it was argued that it was impossible to 
 carry any provision into execution 'without this reasonable 
 latitude of construction." and that powers had already been 
 exercised by Congress which had been "deduced 
 by necessary implication;" 4 but at the same time it was ad- 
 mitted that "the advocates of this measure * * being those 
 who in general advocate national measures * * are charge 
 with designs to extend the powers of the government unduly."-"' 
 The report on Manufactures, though it had no immediate 
 effect on legislation, has nevertheless been the armory from 
 which the chief weapons for the defense of the protective sys- 
 tem have been drawn; and it is perhaps not too much to sup- 
 pose that its effect, though not so easily traceable, has been 
 quite as great as that of his other papers. Certainly in so far 
 as its principles have been adopted, they have tended to the 
 growth of the national power which he so earnestly adve- 
 rt.* 
 
 Not only did he mark out in these three papers a national 
 policy of finance that has moulded much subsequent history, 
 but even in some of the details of administration, his system 
 has been followed by every Secretary since his time." 
 
 It was through these financial measures that his most im- 
 
 'Madison, Benton's Abridgement. I.. 278. The whole speech. 274, ff., 
 is worthy of study. 
 
 'Stone of Md.: Henton. I.. 293. 
 
 "Jackson of Ga.: Hen ton. I.. 286. 
 
 4 Boudinot: Benton. I.. Ames expressed similar views. 278. ff. 
 
 "Lawrence of N. V.: Benton. I.. 2*4. 
 
 "The report which was made to the House. Dec. .",. 17H1. is in 
 }\\< Works III.. 2'.'4. ft'. As i-arly as the time 1774 when he wrote 
 his Full Vindication." Works. I., 3. ff., he thought we might live without 
 foreign trade and that manufactures, once established, would pave the 
 way still more to the future grandeur and glory of America, and by 
 ing its tieed of external commerce render it still securer against 
 the encroachments of tyranny." Works. I.. 18. 
 
 7 Holles. Financial Hist, of the Q. S.. 17891860.) p. 17. 
 
36 
 
 portant work was done. Yet his influence as a Federal leader 
 and his statesmanlike foresight, shown in his views on many 
 public questions, 1 must not be forgotten. Perhaps there is no 
 better summing up of the conclusion to which one must be led 
 by the study of his letters and papers in connection with the 
 history of the times, than that of Prof. W. G. Sumner; "the 
 contest with anarchy and repudiation was the great work 
 which went to the making of this nation at the close of the 
 last century, and Alexander Hamilton was one of the leading 
 heroes of it." 2 
 
 It must be admitted, however, that Hamilton's influence 
 upon political life was not altogether beneficent. We may, in 
 deed, dismiss as unfounded the charge of his enemies that he 
 wished for the destruction of the Republic and the establish- 
 ment of monarchy. 3 The trade of votes between different sec- 
 tions of the country by which he secured his financial meas- 
 ures 4 may possibly have been a justifiable compromise. And 
 his conduct in the Presidential elections of 1796 and 1800 is 
 perhaps for the most part defensible, though it is the-jparty 
 manager rather than the statesman that appears in it. But 
 his proposal to Jay, then Governor of New York, to secure the 
 re-election of Adams by a sharp maneuver with the legislature 
 is utterly indefensible and his reasoning is precisely that of 
 the time-serving politician, although he disclaims all desire to 
 have anything done "which integrity will forbid." 5 Consider- 
 
 x The scope of this paper forbids a detailed study of these points, 
 the more so as able writers have already given attention to the subject. 
 Some papers of his especially worthy of note in this connection are the 
 letter to Harrison Gray Otis concerning the acquisition of Florida and 
 Louisiana, written in 1779. (Works, VIII., 523 and 524): his remarks 
 on aiming at an ascendency in American affairs, (Federalist, No. XL). 
 which seems almost to entitle him to the credit of being the inventor of 
 the Monroe Doctrine; and the Camillas papers in defense of Jay's treaty, 
 (Works, IV., 371, ff., and V., 1332.) 
 
 2 Life of Hamilton, 13. 
 
 "Xing said that he disapproved of the scheme for a Northern Con- 
 federacy. See New England Federalism. 148. And in his Report on 
 Manufactures there is a very interesting passage in which he deprecates 
 the idea of a "contrariety of interests between the North and South." 
 In the much talked of Miranda affair, it was the participation of the gov- 
 ernment for which he wished. See letters to Rufus Xing and to Miran- 
 da, Aug. 22, 1798, Works, VIII., 505507. 
 
 4; 'The Potomac Trade." See Jefferson's Works, IX., 92, ff. 
 
 5 The electors in N. Y. at that time were chosen by the Legislature. 
 A plan to have them chosen by districts had been defeated by the Feder- 
 alists at the previous session, on the ground that it was unconstitutional 
 (Hammond. Political Hist, of N. Y., I., 133). When it appeared from the 
 
37 
 
 ing such a deed in connection with the weight that his ability 
 and unquestioned services to the country have given to all his 
 acts there is reason to feel that he was to some extent respon- 
 sible for debauching the public conscience and that his ex- 
 ample has encouraged later and lesser politicians to go still 
 farther in the ways of doubtful political morality. 1 
 
 Jay's public services after the adoption of the Constitu- 
 tion were performed in the capacity of Chief Justice of the 
 United States, from 1789 to 1795, of special envoy to Great 
 Britain in 1794 and 179."). and of Governor of New York from 
 17 1 .'." to 1801. H.s brief tenure of office as Chief Justice was 
 made practically briefer yet by his mission to England. Be- 
 side that, the nation was still too young to furnish many of 'the 
 complicated problems of our later jurisprudence. Nevertheless 
 he left his mark on our judicial history. It is well known that 
 the decision that a state was suable by the citizens of another 
 state led to the eleventh amendment of the Constitution. 
 What is not so generally known, but is much more important, 
 is. that by this first notable decision of the Supreme Court the 
 subordination of the State to the Nation was established as a 
 constitutional principle. Jay's discussion of sovereignty, his 
 historical exposition of the way in which the people of the 
 United States established a Constitution "by which it was their 
 will that the state government should be bound, and to which 
 the state constitutions should be made to conform," and his 
 conclusion that the "sovereignty of the nation is on the people 
 of the nation.'' and only the "residuary sovereignty*' in the peo- 
 ple of the state ought not to be overlooked in any study of the 
 development of the spirit of nationality.' 2 Had the decision 
 been different, had the doctrine of States Rights been recog- 
 nized at the outset by the Supreme judicial authority, it is at 
 
 bs of the spring elections that the new Legislature would support 
 
 -onn. Hamilton proposed to Jay to call the old Legislature together at 
 
 one.- and M-riire til'- appointment of electors by districts, which it 
 
 wa- thought would give the election to Adams. Hamilton's Works. 
 
 VIII.. 54i. IV. Jay's endorsement upon the letter, "proposing a measure 
 
 for pany purpox-s which 1 think it would not become me to adopt," 
 
 Jay'-, Jay. I.. 414 . well illustrates the moral difference between the two 
 
 men. 
 
 1 Jefferson slid lie wa> "so "ocwit'-hed and perverted by British ex- 
 ample as to be under thorough conviction that corruption was essential 
 ..-nmieiit of a nation." Works. IX.. '.7 . He also plainly im- 
 ual the Bank was intruded to control the action of Congress, p. 95. 
 
 2 The opinion may be found in his Works. III., 453, ft., and 2 
 Dallas, 419, II. 
 
38 
 
 least supposable that the conflicts of succeeding years would 
 have led to an early disruption of the Union. 
 
 No other question of paramount constitutional importance 
 seems to have come before him for decision. 1 Scarcely less 
 important, however, is the fact that as "Chief Justice of his own 
 state and of the United States, he impressed Grand Jurors and 
 all concerned with the necessity of encouraging a profound 
 respect for law and constitution in the new order of things, 
 and at the outset, through his own personal dignity and integ- 
 rity gave character to our highest courts since traditionally 
 preserved." 2 
 
 Jay's treaty with England excited violent opposition at the 
 time so little seemed to be gained in comparison with what was 
 granted. Opinions regarding it will always differ, probably, 
 since the question is largely whether war, especially in view 
 of the probably resulting alliance with revolutionary France 
 would have been a national calamity. But in view of his long, 
 tedious, and so eminently successful negotiations in the Revo- 
 lutianary period, it will not do to assert, as does one historian, 
 that "he had always been a timid negotiator on America's be- 
 half." 3 Neither does his correspondence in connection with 
 the treaty justify such a statement. 4 His own opinion that no 
 more favorable conditions were at that time attainable, 5 is also 
 entitled to some weight. It should not be forgotten, either. 
 that in the course of negotiations with England for twenty-five 
 years subsequently this nation scored no very marked suc- 
 cess. 6 It was necessary to demonstrate our claim to b a great 
 
 ^is charge to the Grand Jury at Richmond, (Works, III., 478, ff.), 
 is considered by Pellew to have placed our international relations 
 on a legal basis. It may be questioned, however, whether that was really 
 done till actual questions came up for adjudication. H. L. Carson says. , 
 (Supreme Court of the U. S., 160, ff.), that the first important cause (Geo. v 
 V. Brailsford and others, 2 Dallas, 40, ff., and 415, ff.), involved the theory 
 that the treaty of peace was part of the supreme law and could not be 
 restricted in its operation by state action or state laws. 
 
 8 Johnston, Preface to Jay's Works. 
 3 Schouler, I., 293. 
 
 4 Am. State Papers, Foreign Relations, I., 470525. The more im- 
 portant letters are also in Works, Vol. IV. 
 6 Works, IV.. 138. 
 
 6 "It is a little remarkable that no subsequent arrangement with 
 Great Britain has been equally advantageous." Dwight, Hist, of Hart- 
 ford Convention, 51. 
 
 "Jay's treaty was a masterpiece of diplomacy, considering the time 
 and circumstances of the country." Sumner, Life of Jackson, 12. 
 
 See also Jay's Jay, I., 378. for the commercial privileges and the 
 
39 
 
 nation before that claim was accepted. That Jay's Treaty se- 
 cured a period of comparative quiet, in which the national life 
 hud time to mature, is its chief, and probably a sufficient de- 
 fense. 
 
 The most important from a national point of view of 
 Jay's arts while Governor of New York has already been 
 noticed. In general it may be said, that his political conduct 
 was dictated by a high sense of honor and a lofty patriotism. 
 He always refused to use his influence with the President or 
 the heads of Departments in securing appointments to office. 1 
 Win n in 1702, by methods since quite familiar to the citizens 
 of New York, the office of Governor to which he had undoubt- 
 edly been chosen was given to his opponent, the popular indig- 
 nation was so great that a word from him would probably have 
 led to methods for redressing the wrong as illegal as those 
 which procured it. 2 That in a state and nation just learning 
 the difficult lesson of self-government, such a course would 
 have fostered a disposition to exercise a sort of political lynch 
 law can hardly be doubted. So that his holding his followers 
 to a reverence for law { was not the least of his services to his 
 country. Again, in his refusal on moral grounds to support 
 one of the candidates of his party and in his published vindi- 
 cation of his course, he pointed out. with a clearness that has 
 not been improved, the somewhat difficult line between party 
 fealty and personal independence. 3 
 
 The reader of JA//-/-/V diary arid letters is at once im- 
 pressed by the fact that he was of all our Revolutionary Hu- 
 guenot statesmen the most thorough^man of the world, and in 
 so far the most typical Frenchman. Possibly it was owing to 
 this characteristic that he was able to overcome some of the 
 difficulties incident to the position of Minister at the Court of 
 Versailles during the trying period of the French Revolution. 
 
 indemnities received by Am. merchants under the treaty. It is of 
 interest to note Unit the claims were prosecuted in the English Admir- 
 alty Court* b\ another Huguenot. Samuel Bayard. (Proceedings of Hu- 
 guenot Soc., II., 144. 
 
 May's .Jay.. 1.281. 
 
 'For an account of the fraud, see Jay's .Jay. I., 284, ff. 
 
 Bays -< we are and will be faithful to the * * party, but we 
 
 will also be faithful to our sense and conviction of what is decent and 
 
 becoming for us to do. Adherence to party has its limits, and they are 
 
 ribed and marked by that Mipivme wisdom which lias united and 
 
 ;uted true policy with rectitude and honor and self-respect." This 
 
 was in 1*12. -Jay's Jay. I., 449. 
 
40 
 
 He was probably the only ambassador who was able to remain 
 during the Keign of Terror. 1 His principal work was the 
 management of our debt to France and the protesting against 
 outrages upon our commerce. To have obtained just satisfac- 
 tion at that juncture would doubtless have been out of the 
 question for any one. Not to "sacrifice personal or national 
 .dignity" 2 -was clearly a work of some importance and one for 
 which there were few Americans of the time so well fitted. 
 
 After his return to this country he served an unexpired 
 term of three years in the Senate but without any noteworthy 
 connection with measures of far-reaching importance. His 
 sympathies were strongly Federalist and at one time he evi- 
 dently desired a union of the northern states against adminis- 
 tration measures. 3 
 
 Boudinot remained in Congress for two terms after the 
 adoption' of the Constitution and the meager details given in 
 the Annals of Congress, show him to have taken an active part 
 in the questions that came up for consideration. We have al- 
 ready seen that he favored Hamilton's financial measures. On 
 another great Constitutional question that of removal from 
 office he argued in favor of giving that power to the Presi- 
 dent alone, arid thought the efficiency of the government 
 might depend on the determination of the question. 4 
 
 Bowdoin recommended to the Legislature of Massachusetts, 
 as early as 1786, measures for the protection of manufactures, 
 mentioning iron and wool as of especial importance, and under 
 his lea,d the Legislature passed a bill to counteract the 'restrict- 
 ive 'policy of foreign nations. The operation of the bill was to 
 cease whenever Congress should receive power to take the 
 
 a Dfary and Letters, I., 576. Lodge asserts it as a fact, Atl. Monthly, 
 LVIL, 444. 
 
 2 See entry in his Diary, II., 70, Oct. 12, 1794, the day of his leaving 
 Paris. He says he "would have gained everything," if the Am. govern- 
 ment had refused to recall him. His recall was not due to any dissatis- 
 faction on Washington's part with him or his conduct of affairs. See 
 Writings of Washington, XII., 4,33, ff. Lodge in the article cited above 
 makes a much stronger presentation of the case for Morris than I have 
 done. While not Questioning his opinion, I have found no evidence by 
 which I can reach his conclusion independently. 
 
 3 Diary and Letters, II., 542, 545, 546, 547, 551, ff., will give an idea of 
 his political views. 
 
 His biographers and eulogists represent him to have been the origi- 
 nal proposer of the Erie Canal. (Sparks, I., 495, ff.; Roosevelt, 359; and 
 Lodge in the article already cited.) Evidence against his claim may be 
 found in Vol. II., of the Publications of the Buffalo Hist. Soc. 
 'Elliot, IV., 357, ff., and 389, ff. 
 
41 
 
 matter under national control. For this early recommendation. 
 Winthrop thinks he should be considered the grandfather 
 of the American system, whoever may rightfully claim to be its 
 father. 1 
 
 The views of the Huguenots on the question of slavery 
 should not be passed without notice. Anthony Benezet, who 
 devoted his life to the cause of religion and humanity largely 
 in connection with this question was a Huguenot. His work 
 was chiefly done before the Revolution, but he is said to havr 
 had a personal conference with every member of the Pennsyl- 
 vania Legislature that passed the act of gradual abolition 
 in 17*0.- Manigault refused to traffic in slaves and treated his 
 own with kindness. 3 Henry Laurens wrote to his son in 177H. 
 expressing in unmistakable terms his abhorrence of slavery 
 and his determination to free his own slaves as fast as 
 possible. 4 Preneau also wrote against slavery. 5 
 
 In the Constitutional Convention, arguing for representa- 
 tion according to the number of free inhabitants, Morris declared 
 he would never "concur in upholding domestic slavery,'' charac- 
 terized it as a nefarious institution and "the curse of Heaven 
 on the states where it prevailed. 6 Hamilton had previously 
 moved a resolution for representation on that basis." but. 
 he was absent from the convention for several weeks including 
 the day, August 8. 8 on which the discussion took place, and this 
 accounts for his taking no part in it. His sentiments may be 
 easily inferred from the fact that the Manumission Society 
 made him one of their counsel in 1798. 9 He was also one of the 
 petitioners who declared to the New York Legislature in 17N> 
 that the men held as slaves by the laws of New York were free 
 
 by the laws of God. 10 Boudinot's strong anti-slavery views 
 
 . j 
 
 1 Addn-^s. 44. ff. 
 
 -Wilx.n. Rise and Fall of the Slave Power. I.. 1<>. 
 
 3 Lee ; II.. 77. 
 
 4 An extract from the letter is given by Greeley. Am. Conflict. I., :w. 
 footnote. 
 
 3 Proceed ings of Huguenot Soc.. II.. 71. 
 MadNnifs -Journal. 478. 
 7 Madi>oifs .Journal. TO. 
 
 "Sunnier. Life of Hamilton. i:<4. siy> lie \va> absent .June i2 ( .-Aug. 13. 
 Pk, -I.e. Hamilton's ed.;. VI.. 208. 
 
 10 Goodell. Slavery and Anti-Slavery. !7. He n-IVrs to MSS. of Win. 
 Jay. 
 
42 
 
 come out clearly in the Congressional debates on the slave 
 trade. l 
 
 But it is John Jay of whose opinions on this subject 
 we have the fullest record. In the New York Constitutional 
 Convention, Morris introduced a recommendation to future 
 Legislatures to take measures for the abolition of domestic 
 slavery, but it was not adopted. Jay. who was absent at 
 the time and seems not to have known of the proposition, 
 wrote to Livingston and Morris that he should have been "for 
 a clause against the continuance of domestic slavery." 1 Writ- 
 ing from St. Ildefonso in 1780 of the plan for gradual abolition, 
 he said: "Till America comes into this measure, her prayers 
 to Heaven for liberty are impious. This is a strong expression, 
 but it is just. Were I in your Legislature I would prepare a 
 bill for this purpose with great care, and I would never cease 
 moving it till it became a law or I ceased to be a member. I be- 
 lieve God governs the world and I believe it to be a maxim in 
 His as in our courts, that these who ask for equity ought 
 to do it.'' 3 Notwithstanding these strong expressions he made 
 no recommendations for such a measure in his lirst message after 
 he became Governor of New York. In the opinion of ; his son. 
 he refrained from doing so from a belief that, in the state 
 of politics, such a proposition from him would arouse party 
 antagonism. 4 At any rate, early in the session an intimate 
 friend of his introduced a bill for gradual emancipation. It was 
 defeated, as were two subsequent attempts, but in 1790 such a 
 bill actually passed. "Probably," says his son, "no measure 
 of his administration afforded him such unfeigned pleasure." 
 He was the first President of the Manumission Society and 
 himself purchased slaves for the purpose of freeing them. 5 
 
 From the above survey, it is quite evident that for 
 the curse of slavery left as a legacy by the Revolutionary 
 fathers we are not indebted to statesmen of Huguenot descent. 
 It thus appears that for invaluable services during the con- 
 Especially Annals, II., 1466, ff. 
 
 "Works, I., 136, and footnote. Also Morris, Diary and Letters, I., 7. 
 3 Works, I., 407. The letter was to Egbert Benson. 
 
 4 The opposition to him at a former election was largely on account 
 of his views on this question. Jay's Jay, I., 284, ff. For the history of 
 his connection with the bill, see I., 390-408. 
 
 5 For such facts and for valuable expressions of his views. Cf.. Jay s 
 Jay, I., 230, ff., and Works, III., 185, 340, ff., IV.. 430-4:52. 
 
43 
 
 for Independence, for wise contributions to State and 
 National Constitutions, and for important measures in the 
 early years of the nation's life, we owe a large debt to the 
 descendants of French Protestant refugees. Were this study 
 to be carried through our later history, it would include the 
 work of our second martyr President, of Gallatin. Poinsett, the 
 Bayards, and many another. Were it to include the labors of 
 men outside of political life, the names of Maury and Agassiz 
 in science; of the philanthropist. Gallaudet; of the railway 
 magnate. Chauncey Depew; of the founder of the Chautauquan 
 movement: of the poets, Longfellow and Whittier; and by no 
 means least of the Historians who have done more than 
 all others to familiarize us with the character and heroic deeds 
 of the Huguenots, the Baird brothers, would need to be 
 mentioned. Nor would this exhaust the list. The longer one 
 investigates, the clearer it is that in every honorable walk of 
 life our Huguenot fellow -citizens have attained distinction. In 
 any accounting for the forces that have made us, Gallic brains 
 and character must be held to have been of incalculable value. 
 
II. THE FRENCH CATHOLICS. 
 
 I. THE OLD NORTHWEST. 
 
 story of the exploration and settlement of the North- 
 west and the Mississippi valley by the French is one of 
 the most romantic in our history. But it would be quite 
 irrelevant to repeat it here. The fact of French occupancy is 
 all that is essential for present purposes a fact not likely soon 
 to be forgotten, since from Lake to Gulf our national map 
 is liberally bestrewn with names whose Gallic origin is not to 
 be concealed even by our grotesque Anglo-Saxon mispronun- 
 ciation. 
 
 When the region known as "the old Northwest"' passed 
 under the control of the United States, the population was 
 almost entirely French. 1 Their principal settlements were 
 Detroit and its immediate vicinity, Vincennes on the Wabash. 
 and the Illinois villages, Kaskaskia, Cahokia, Prairie du Rocher, 
 and Prairie du Pont. We should then expect to find marked 
 traces of their influence on the early political life of Michigan, 
 Indiana, and Illinois. Ohio was settled later, mostly by immi- 
 grants from the older states, so that we should hardly look to 
 find the French a political factor in that state. In Wisconsin 
 there were scattered forts but no extensive settlements. 2 
 Moreover that state was much later in its political development. 
 
 It is impossible to determine exactly the number of French 
 inhabitants of the region. It is probable, however, that about 
 the time of the French and Indian war they numbered not far 
 from 10,000 souls, but there was considerable loss of population 
 prior to the Revolution. 3 
 
 'King's Ohio, Chap. VIII.; Western Reserve Hist, and Arch. Tracts, 
 No. 55, The State of Ohio Sources of her Strength, by Chas. Whittlesey. 
 
 2 See Turner, The Character and Influence of the Indian Trade 
 in Wis., J. H. U. Studies, 1891; Draper, early French Forts in Western 
 Wisconsin, Wis. Hist. Coll., X. 321, ff.; and Neill, Notes on Early Wis. 
 Explorations, same Vol., 292, ff. 
 
 3 I have examined a large number of reports, travellers' accounts, and 
 histories, on this point, with no very satisfactory results. The 
 
45 
 
 When Geo. Rogers Clarke made his expedition to the Illi- 
 nois and Wabash regions in 1778 the expedition that secured for 
 Virginia and hence for the United States the possession of that 
 country he was so fortunate as to conciliate the French 
 priest. Father Gibault. who gave the most valuable proof 
 of his loyalty by securing the release of Vigo. The latter, 
 a St. Louis trader, had been taken into custody by Hamilton, 
 though apparently without justification under the laws of war. 
 and was held at Vincennes. Father Gibault placed himself at 
 the head of the French inhabitants after service on Sabbath 
 and inarching to the fort threatened to cut off all supplies from 
 the garrison unless Vigo were released. Once set free, Vigo 
 hastened to Clark with information that enabled him to march 
 against Hamilton with success, thus completing the conquest 
 of that part of the territory. In the opinion of Judge Law. 
 Next to Clark and Vigo the United States are indebted more 
 to Father Gibault for the accession of the states comprised in 
 what was the original Northwest Territory than to any other 
 man." In view of all the circumstances, this does not seem an 
 exagerated estimate of the value of his services, for there can 
 be little question that the French were in position to turn the 
 scale in favor of either party. 1 
 
 It is not a little curious, however, that almost equal credit 
 is due to another Frenchman, a Protestant and a son of Hugue- 
 nots exiled from their historic city, LaRochelle Charles Gra- 
 tiot. When the army was in danger of starvation he "made 
 himself accountable * * to the full extent of his vast estate for 
 
 statements are contradictory and in no fuse bused on reliable statistics. 
 Some of the estimates are undoubtedly guess-work. Cf.. Walker. The 
 Northwest during the Revolution. Mich. Pioneer Coll.. III.. 12. tf.: Hins- 
 dale. The Old Northwest. 4*: Roosevelt. Winning of tin- \\Vst. I.. 33 and 
 35, with footnote-: St. flair Papers; Scharf. Hist, of St. Louis. Tti: 
 Burnet. Notes on the Northwest. 31 and L'**: and the Histories of Ran- 
 dolph and St. ( 'lair Count ies. 111. >lt is claimed that these i wo histories 
 art- hast-d. so far as possible, on original data, many old and valuable 
 MSS.. both French and English, having been examined. I have found 
 them inor- reliable than the ordinary county historic-. 
 
 'Cf.. Hinsdale. Old Northwest. 1-V.t: Law. Address on the Colonial 
 Hist, of YinceniM's. A pp. .V>. tf.: Roosevelt. Winning of the West. II. 88, 
 Hamilton himself gives among reasons not mentioned on 
 the face of the capitulation the certainty of the Inhabitants 
 
 of the village having joyned the rebels." He also pays his respects to the 
 priest as tin- -wretch who absolved t lie Krench Inhabitants from 
 
 th.-ir allegiance to the King of (Jreat Britain." Report. Haldimand 
 Paper-, ^iveii in Michigan Pioneer Coll.. IX.. 4*!. tf. 
 
46 
 
 the supplies." Had it not been for this generosity, the cam- 
 paign would very likely have been a disastrous failure. l 
 
 In Michigan there was less opportunity for active sympa- 
 thy with the colonies and the French took no decided stand.-' 
 
 Immediately after Clark's campaign, Virginia undertook 
 the government of the conquered country and in the fall of 
 1778, Col. John Todd was made County-Lieutenant. To his 
 "Record-Book," fortunately rescued from a mass of papers 
 used for fuel in the courthouse of Randolph County, 111., we 
 are indebted for the most that is certainly known about the his- 
 tory of the territory during his administration. 3 There is 
 nothing to indicate that the French concerned themselves 
 much about the government, although in accordance with his 
 instructions, Todd held an election for Judges, all of whom 
 w r ere chosen from among the French settlers. All the officers 
 appointed by Todd. except Winston, the commandant at Kas- 
 kaskia, were also Frenchmen. Roosevelt says the "Judges 
 governed their decisions solely by the old French laws and 
 customs." 4 One incident given in the > Record- Book is ^fairly 
 typical of their attitude when the task of self-government was 
 laid upon them. During one of Todd's absenc'es, the Judges 
 adjourned court to what seemed to him too distant a day. 
 "Pleasure first had always been the rule in Kaskaskia, and to 
 compel a man to hold court when ,he preferred to smoke 
 a pipe in the sun or go fishing was an unreasonable hardship." 
 But on his return they were ordered to hold court at no distant 
 day and doubtless complied with the demand. 5 
 
 Reynolds, Pioneer Hist, of 111., 256 and 257. Washburn, who mar- 
 ried Gratiot's grand-daughter, quotes. him, Wis. Hist. Coll., X., 240 
 and 241, so that it must have been a family tradition. Neither Gratiot 
 nor Gibault secured any substantial -reward for his services, though both 
 made some effort to do so. In regard to Gratiot's claim, Cf., with refer- 
 ences previously given, Billon Annals of St. Louis. 214 and 215, 221-225, 
 and Hist, of St. Glair Co., III., 45. In regard to Gibault 's, St Glair Papers, 
 II., 179. All the French settlers were generous in support of the expedi- 
 tion and most of them were never reimbursed. St. Clair Papers, II., K5S. 
 
 2 Hinsdale says, p. 159, that "in the far north the French were more 
 favorably disposed toward the British," though '"the officers complained 
 of * * (their) apathy.'' Cf.. Campbell, Early French Settlements in 
 .Midi., Pioneer Coll.. II.. !>5. ff. ' He savs there were soitfeTnciicaTiQns of 
 sympathy with the United States, p. 103. 
 
 3 For an interesting account of the book, now in the possession of the 
 Chicago Hist. Spc., see Illinois in the Eighteenth Century, 49. Its sub- 
 stance is given in the succeeding pages of that valuable little tract. 
 
 4 Winning of the West. II., 171. He refers to State Dept. MSS. No, 48. 
 Mllinois in the Eighteenth Century. 01. 
 
47 
 
 After Todd's departure in 1780 there was very little civil 
 rninent. but the local officials, in imitation of practices 
 
 pved amon.ir the English, indulged in gigantic land specu- 
 lations, in-anting to each other large tracts of land under the 
 pleasing delusion that their powers in that direction were 
 unlimited. 1 
 
 The Virgin!; n brought the territory under the direct 
 
 control of the United States. The successive divisions of the 
 territory, the different stages of territorial government, and. 
 the advance to statehood of the five commonwealths carved out 
 between the Lakes and the Ohio, are in their general features 
 well known. For a minute study of their national relations, 
 recourse must be had to Congressional documents. Consider- 
 ing the fact the French continued for many years to be a large 
 proportion of the population.- we should expect to tind numer- 
 ous and important references to them. Such an expectation is 
 not realized, however. The student of their part in the polit- 
 ical development of these states is compelled to learn from 
 what can not be found rather than from what can be. Such 
 explicit allusions to them as occur in the Annals of Cong 
 and the State Papers of those early years may be grouped 
 under two heads. In the first place there are acts and petitions 
 relating to land and land titles. The Ordinance of 17 S 7 secured 
 to "the French and Canadian inhabitants and other settlers of 
 the Kaskaskies. Saint Vincents, and the neighboring villain--, 
 who have heretofore professed themselves citizens of Virginia, 
 -their laws and customs now in force among them relative to 
 the descent and conveyance of property." 3 Further provision 
 was made by acts of Congress. June I'M and August 1'i*. 17^. 
 for confirming in their possessions such as had professed 
 themselves citizens of the United States or any of them on or 
 before 17^:5. At the sain*' time a tract of 4<>< acres was granted 
 
 'Law. ('<>!. Hist, of Vi nee noes, Api>.. I V.. no. tr.:St. Clair Paper. II.. 
 \m. Stai. Pap"r<. Public Lands. I.. 111.: Hoosi-vHt . Winning of t lu- 
 ll. M and I*!'. P-ferrin^ to Stat e Dept. MSS.. :jn and 4*. 
 
 Then- an- in i-xact and reliable statistic- on This point. I 
 have com.- to i lie conclusion Mated aftt-r examining official list sot' voter- 
 at different election-, property-holders, militia companies, and tlic like, 
 and comparing them with statements found in conteinpoiay letter-. 
 The following reference-, are ot value: The Indiana Gazetteer. !'T. 
 98, 41.',: Hist, of St. Clair < >.. 70, 1.4. !:;:.: Mich. Pioneer Coll. I.. 
 
 :',4:.. VIIL. :><. tr.: :>:;<). tr.. :>4:i. and xii.. :>". tr. 
 Poore, ( 'on-lit ut ions. I.. 4i".. 
 
48 
 
 to each head of a family among such citizens. 1 There were 
 other acts of Congress and a long ser.es of petitions and deci- 
 sions in regard to land titles, showing plainly the effect of the 
 French system of land-tenure, and of the different grants under 
 which lands were held, in complicating the titles. But none of 
 these were of more importance in our national history than or- 
 dinary private land bills. 2 
 
 In the second place, we find that there were petitions pre- 
 sented by the French settlers for the publication of the laws in 
 their own language. But these are of interest only as showing 
 that they were still thoroughly French and unable to under- 
 stand the legal terms of the government under which they 
 lived. 3 
 
 It has sometimes been held that the French were largely 
 responsible for the attempts to fasten slavery upon Illinois and 
 Indiana. It is a fact that slavery was first introduced by 
 them. 4 It is also true that the Ordinance of 1787 was held not 
 to be retrospective, so far as they were concerned, though 
 many of them at first moved across the Mississippi lest they 
 should lose their slaves under it and in short that the valid- 
 ity of French slavery was never questioned. :> 
 
 The movement for the legalization of slavery in those 
 states appears in the national records in the form of petitions 
 for the suspension of the sixth article of the compact. A care- 
 ful examination of all the petitions, remonstrances, and 
 reports so far as they are printed in the public documents 
 discloses not the slightest reference to any French settlers as 
 such. Two things may, however, indicate their presence and 
 possible influence. First, there were petitions from the Illinois 
 counties, (Randolph and St. Clair). in which the French villages 
 
 '.Journal of Cong., IV., 823, ft 1 ., and SoS; St. Clair Papers, II., 
 165 and note. 
 
 "These decisions about land titles among the French occupy a very 
 large space in the early State Papers on Public Lands. 
 
 Interesting particulars about land grants and titles may be found in 
 Col. Hist, of Vincennes. App.. IV., 106 and VII.. 136 and 137: Mich. Pio- 
 neer Coll., L, 341. ff.; VIII.. r,49. ff.; XIV.. 643, ff.; Hist, St. Clair Co.. 
 74 and 7.V. St. Clair Papers. II.. 104. ff. The lands granted to the French 
 passed out of their hands with great rapidity. 
 
 : St (Mair Papers, II.. 179. Their petitions were not granted. See 
 Am. State Papers, Misc., II., 71. 
 
 4 By Renault in 1720. See Reynolds, My Own Times, 207. 
 
 5 On these points. Cf.. St. Clair Papers. II.. 117. ff.. 119. 176, 318. 319, 
 330, ff.: State Papers, Public Lands. II.. 103: Scharf. Hist, of St. Louis, 
 
49 
 
 were located. Second, in the petition to the Fourth Congress, 
 the petitioners say they are sure that "if the people then in the 
 territory. (/. <-.. in 17 S 7). had been called upon to make such a 
 compact, they would never have consented to enter into 
 one that would deprive them of their most valuable prop- 
 erty." 1 And one petition from the Legislature of Indiana re- 
 cites that in 17^7 slaves --were generally possessed by the citi- 
 sens then inhabiting the country." Of course we know that in 
 both those cases the original settlers were French. And it is 
 quite clear that their presence with slaves afforded a pretext 
 for the still further introduction of slavery. On the other 
 hand, the reasons most urged for the suspension of the article 
 were, that it would be better to have the black population more 
 diffused, and especially that it was; desirable to encourage im- 
 migration from the slaveholding states. - 
 
 All these attempts failed and slavery was never legalized 
 in any part of the territory, except in so far as has been 
 already indicated. But an effort was made to make it legal in 
 Illinois after her admission as a state. The Constitution 
 of 1>1^ had a clause prohibiting slavery "hereafter." which was 
 so construed that slaves previously held w r ere not liberated. 
 Very soon Missouri became a state with slavery legalized in its 
 borders. Emigrants from the other slave states with their ne- 
 irrne> began to pass through Illinois on their way to the 
 new state and we:v not slow to remind the people of the former 
 
 I.. '21-2: Dunn. Indiana. 2M: Mich. Pioneer Coll.. XII.. :>ll. if. Tliis last is 
 a decision of .Judge Woodward to the effect that slavery was legal under 
 .lay's treaty for previous settlers. Some of the slaveholders at the time 
 of tin- irealy wen- Ilritish. however. T. M. Cooley. Michigan. 1M2. 
 Then- was also a decision in 1*(7 that "except a< to persons in the actual 
 ion of British settlers in the territory on the 16th of 
 June. 171M5." "a right of property in the human species can not exist." 
 Mich. Pioneer Coll.. XII.. oH). ff. It is printed from the MSS. opinion 
 of the ( 'hief .lust ice in the possession of Mich. Hist. Soc. It cannot have 
 been true therefoiv in Mich., however it may have been in other states, 
 that slavery was permitted for the special benefit of the French. 
 
 'State Papers. Public Land-. I..i. The four signers of this petition 
 
 "for and on behalf of" the people of those counties were none of them 
 French. They pet it ioned aNo the ith and the 9th Congress. Annals 6th 
 <'oiiL r .. T:',"). and '.nh Cong.. S 4 S . iMinn says the signatures to the 
 petition to the fith Conn.. i>7o jn number, were mostly French. He 
 refers to the original on the Senate tiles. Indiana. - 
 
 "Annals t h Congress as above: State Papers. Misc.. I..4ii7. See also 
 speeches of Douglas and Chase on the compromise measures of jv:,u. 
 c.,ng. iJlobe. :ilst Cong., i App.. :{4. fl\. and 4f,s. tl'. Both 
 
 of them dwell at some length on these early attempts to legali/e slavery 
 but neither of them alludes to the French settlers. Douglas says, p. 369, 
 that "the people were mostly from the glaveholdiDg state-,." 
 
50 
 
 that the constitutional enactment concerning slavery alone 
 prevented their remaining east of the Mississippi. 1 Beside 
 this many of those already settled in Illinois were from slave 
 states and felt that slavery would be an advantage to them.- 
 An attempt was therefore made to procure a Convention for the 
 amendment of the Constitution in the interests of slavery. 
 The movement was precipitated by the Governor's recommen 
 dation of a law for the liberation of slaves held by the 
 French. 3 But when the vote w r as taken St. Clair County 
 gave the heaviest vote against it. and that vote was deci- 
 sive. 4 It is hardly probable that the French settlers voted 
 against the measure. Indeed, Brown says, they were ''the nat- 
 ural allies of the conventionists and desirous of their success." 
 But I have found no evidence that they inaugurated the move- 
 ment or that when it was once begun they were very active in 
 its support. The brief outline that is here given covers 
 the essential features of both the earlier and the later move- 
 ments so far as they relate to the subject in hand. And 
 it seems to indicate that the presence of French slavery 
 was made a pretext by later settlers for pressing a demand for 
 the legalization of the institution. Further, we must infer it 
 is mainly inference that when it came to political action the 
 French acted, so far as they overcame their inertia enough to 
 act at all. with the supporters of slavery. But "the active and 
 dangerous championship of slavey in the Northwest did 
 not come from the French inhabitants."' Moreover, the 
 history of the Kansas struggle suggests the strong prob- 
 ability that had there been no French slavery, no toleration of 
 it as an inheritance from former claimants of the territory, 
 border states like Illinois and Indiana would not have escaped a 
 contest upon the subject. It is noticeable in this connection 
 that, not only did the northern states, Michigan and Wisconsin. 
 
 'Brown, Early Movement in 111. for the Legalization of Slavery. 16 
 and 17. Brown was a participant in the struggle and therefore must 
 have known its causes. See also Wilson. Hist, of the Rise and Fall 
 of the Slave Power, I.. ](>3. 
 
 'Early Western Days, by J. T. Kingston: Wis. Hist. Coll.. 295. ff. 
 See 298. ff., and 313, ff., for an account of the slavery movement. King- 
 ston's father was a resident of Kaskaskia at the time and lie himself was 
 old enough to have some personal recollections of the matter, Cf'., :m. 
 
 'Brown, Hist. Sketch. 20. 
 4 Early* Wester n Days. 31."). 
 5 llinsdale. Old Northwest, 351. 
 
51 
 
 have no such struggle, but that the other border state of 
 th<' Northwest. Ohio, was the object of desire on the part 
 of slaveholders. 1 Furthermore, there are indications that 
 slaves \\vn actually introduced into Illinois and Indiana by 
 other than French settlers.- It is therefore highly probable 
 that the location of Illinois and Indiana had much more 
 to do with the efforts to legalize slavery in their borders than 
 had French influence. 
 
 The local government of the Northwestern states, by the 
 provisions of the Ordinance was copied from the older states, 
 and there is no evidence that it received any important modifi- 
 cations from French ideas. In _safar as the older states were 
 Anglo-Saxon in their local institutions these were also. 3 
 
 It has already been mentioned that Todd's appointments to 
 office were mostly from the French and the same is true of St. 
 Clair's early appointments, but he speaks of the difficulty of 
 finding persons "in any degree qualified to hold the necessary 
 offices." In the succeeding years of his administration French 
 names are less frequent in the lists of officers. 4 In later his- 
 tory the records show surprisingly few French names. :> And 
 when the State Constitutions were formed there were hardly 
 
 'Burnet. Notes on the Northwest. 3<iti. They were Va. officers who 
 wished to ivinuin with their slaves on the bounty lands in Ohio. The 
 Ordinance and the state of public feeling Ohio, it will be remembered. 
 had received large immigration from New England prevented. 
 
 -From statistics in Niles' Register. I.. 388 and 3S1). I find that 
 in Knox Co.. Ind. in which the French st-t tiers were located the 
 slave> wen- _ s in isiio. 13.~> in 1810. Now as the American population was 
 gaining. Tic- French declining, this increase of slaves could not be from 
 further French immigration. AS it obviously was not simply their nat- 
 ural increase, they must have been introduced by the Americans. Still 
 further, the other counties. Clark and Harrison, which were unsettled 
 in 1*1 o. had 1<)2 -laves in 1810. St. Clair Co.. Til., had none in 1800. 4 in 
 Randolph Co.. on the other hand had 107 in 1800, 12 in 1810. 
 
 Howard. Lo.-al Cons. Hist, of the V. S.: Shaw. Local Govern- 
 ment in 111.. .1. H. T. Studies. Fir-t Serie- : Bemis Local (iovt. in Mich.. 
 .1. II. l". Studies. Fir-t Series : Spencer Local (Jov't in \Vi>. Wis. Hist. 
 Coll.. XL. :><>2. If.:. Cf.. the Constitutions in Poore. 
 
 4 St. Clair Papers. II.. 172 for quotation. For lists of appointment^. 
 1. 131. 311. 322. 323. 324. 33n. 344. and foot no!.-. 
 
 Many of the authorities consulted give lists of Territorial and 
 early state officers. Among others. At water'- Ohio: Tut tie's Michigan: 
 Histories of Randolph and St. (.'lair counties: Mich. Pioneer Coll.. I. and 
 VIII. In pursuance of an act of the Midi. Leg., S. I), liingham com- 
 piled a volume of Mich. Hiographie-. in l*sx. -to preserve in compact 
 form tlie record of State-men. Judges, and Legislators of Mich." It is 
 very noticeable that the French name- are very few. Some that do ap- 
 pear are of immigrant- from the eastern -tales, one at least being of 
 Huguenot descent. See p. 223. 
 
any men of French parentage in the conventions. 1 One French- 
 man, Father Gabriel Richards of Detroit, was chosen Territorial 
 Delegate in 1823 from Michigan, though singularly enough 
 his support was only in small part from the French. During 
 his term he exerted himself in behalf of the Indian tribes of the 
 Northwest and at his instance appropriations were made for 
 the opening of several roads leading into Detroit, thus hasten- 
 ing the material development of the region. His services were 
 so satisfactory that he would have been re-elected had not his 
 own countrymen defeated him though only by about half 
 a dozen votes from the notion that a priest had no business in 
 a legislative body. 2 This incident points to united action 
 on the part of the French. And as late as 1831, a meeting was 
 held at Frenchtown to endorse the nomination of Austin 
 E. Wing as Delegate to Congress, which was evidently a meet- 
 ing of Frenchmen and intended to influence French votes. y 
 Various scattered and indirect allusions tend to confirm 
 the idea that when they diu rouse themselves to political 
 action they ''pulled together." 4 
 
 But while the direct and positive influence of these people 
 was so slight, they were, nevertheless, a factor to be reckoned 
 with. The great divergences of their customs from those of the 
 Americans caused many inconveniences. Though they are almost 
 uniformly represented to have been well disposed toward the 
 United States government and to have become faithful and at- 
 tached citizens, 5 there were frequent complaints from them 
 
 ir The Constitution of Indiana is. with signatures, in Nile's Register, 
 XIII., 85. ff.. of 111., in XV., 93, ff., and of Mich., in XL VIII., 345, "ff. It 
 -is to be remembered, too, that the region had not been long enough 
 settled by Americans to have given men of mixed parentage to the con- 
 ventions, even if intermarriages at an early day had been more frequent 
 than there is reason to suppose. 
 
 2 Life and Times of Rev. Gabriel Richards, by J. A. Girardin, Mich. 
 Pioneer Coll., I., 481, ff. 
 
 'Mich. Pioneer Coll., XII.. 569 and 570. They say they look upon 
 Wing "as a genuine republican, educated in the Jeffersonian school." 
 He was the man who defeated Richards at a former election. 
 
 4 Much of the material upon which positive conclusions on this point 
 might be based is either entirely lost or is at present inaccessible. It is 
 much to be desired that local investigators should hunt out and make 
 available all such bits of local history. Until this is thoroughly done, a 
 complete political history of the Northwest cannot be written, and one's 
 conclusions on some vital points must be merely tentative. I have en- 
 deavored, however, to weigh carefully all the evidence within my reach. 
 Such as it is. it points to the conclusion I have indicated. 
 
 5 Cf., Tuttle. Hist, of Mich.. 114 and 115: St. Clair Papers, II., 27. 31. 
 
53 
 
 of the changed order of things in legal matters. To wait 
 the slow, tedious progress of an American court" was felt to 
 be a hardship by a people accustomed to the summary decision 
 of a Commandant. 1 And the American judges experienced so 
 much difficulty from being unacquainted with the nn/fntnf 
 <lf /V//-/X that Judge Woodward suggested the desirability of a 
 small representative body to be associated with them, that they 
 might better understand the feelings of the people in regard to 
 proposed changes. - 
 
 They were also easily impressed with the idea that some of 
 their cherished customs would be interfered with. A sugges- 
 tion by Judge Sy mines to the Detroit Grand Jury that it was 
 not needful to spend so much time in their religious duties was 
 supposed by some to be an ''attempt to put down their 
 religion." and the Judge was obliged to make an explanation 
 from the bench. 3 Taxes, too. were an abomination to them. 
 In 1*02. Sibley wrote to Judge Burnet: ''Nothing frightens 
 the Canadians like taxes. They would prefer to be treated 
 like dogs and kenneled under the whip of a tyrant, than- 
 to contribute to the support of a free government." 4 And in 
 1**"H. some of the inhabitants of Michigan having petitioned 
 for a change to the next grade of government, sent a second 
 petition retracting the tirst one, saying they made it "without 
 duly considering and understanding the subject," and that 
 'their number is still too small for the second grade of govern- 
 ment * * * or any other which would subject them to any 
 expense in supporting a Legislature." There are no signatures 
 to this paper, but the letter accompanying it says: "The most 
 numerous class of the inhabitants. - who are Canadians." 
 a iv -totally opposed' to a change of Government and also the 
 majority of the Americans.""' 
 
 But the most noticeable peculiarity of the French, politi- 
 
 and .33: Patrick Henry's letter of instructions to Todd. (given in Hist, of 
 Randolph Co., 90. ff.j) Mich. Pioneer Coll., I.. 3;i. VII.. :>!<>. f.. II., 103: 
 The Red Hook of Midi.. 4:jfi. For a different view, see Early Western 
 I >ay<. L )( .t<>. ff. 
 
 'Burnet. Notion tin- Nortli\v-<t . i> footnote: Col. Hist, of Vin- 
 enne-. 4U: Volney' View. 37:!. 
 
 'Am. State Paper-. Mi-c.. I.. 4r,l. TliN was in 1806. 
 
 besOD the Northwest. '2*'2. footnote. 
 4 The letter is in App.. H.. of Burnett \ 
 The petition and letter are in Mich. Pioneer Coll.. VIII., 594, ff. 
 
54 
 
 cally speaking, was their unwilling-ness and. unfitness to assume 
 the duties of citizenship. When Volney visited Vincennes in 
 the last century, the Americans there complained to him that 
 the Frejich "understand nothing of political, civil or domestic 
 affairs. * * * Their first demand was for a commanding 
 officer, and it was the most difficult thing possible to make them 
 comprehend anything of a municipal administration chosen 
 by and from among themselves. Even now they have no per- 
 sons lit for forming one." 1 This political inertia is mentioned by 
 nearly every writer. And in one notable instance their unwill- 
 ingness to assume the duties of self-government retarded 
 by nearly a decade the political advancement of a common- 
 wealth. In 1818 it was found that the population of Michigan 
 was sufficient for the second grade of government, but the 
 proposition to establish.it was voted down by a large majority, 
 and it was not till 1827 that it was secured. The defeat is 
 ascribed on good authority to French votes. v Says Campbell, 
 speaking of their, lack of political training under a paternal 
 'government: "Those who reached middle age before the peo- 
 ple of the Territory became entitled to vote for their own 
 officers were not always pleased with the change, and some of 
 those who survived to a very recent period never ceased 
 to sigh for the good old days when the commanding officer was 
 the whole government^ 
 
 1 View of Climate and Soil of the U. S.. 373. IT. 
 
 'Political Hist, of Mich.. 392. The book was published in 1876. The 
 author's opportunities for learning the facts from those who were active 
 in political life at the time make his testimony on such points especially 
 valuable. 
 
II. THK LOUISIANA PURCHASE. 
 
 now to the regions included in the Louisiana 
 purchase. \v> tind that there also the population was pre- 
 dominantly French when the United States obtained con- 
 trol. 1 Prom the first there was jealousy between the French 
 and American citizens. Laussat. the prefect who had handed 
 over the government to the United States, thought the errors 
 of our government could hardly have been worse.- It is 
 -ible that the dissatisfaction of the French was manufac- 
 tured or at least fostered by him and other officials. At any 
 there //v/x considerable dissatisfaction. No sooner had 
 Congress made provision for the temporary government of the 
 Territory of New Orleans, than the people of the territory re- 
 monstrated. 3 They show in this remonstrance an unwilling- 
 ness that former customs and laws should be changed as well 
 a feeling that they were not being dealt with according to the 
 terms of the cession. They also request the appointment of 
 officials who can speak the French langauge. The narrative 
 of events at that time, as given by Gayarre. tends to the im- 
 ->ion that intriguing politicians of American birth had 
 gained an ascendancy over the Creoles and were using this 
 dissatisfaction for their own ends. The Territory was organ- 
 ized under the terms of the act, notwithstanding their objec- 
 tions, but early in 1805 by a further act 4 they were put on 
 
 'Clairborne reported to the Sec. of State, in 1809. that there were, 
 - -;s taken in 1806, 52,998 inhabitants. The white population was 
 
 . "t whom at least 1.3.000 were natives mostly of French descent, 
 about 3.500 natives of the I*. S.. the rest mostly Europeans, part of them 
 French. The letter is quoted by Gayarre, Louisiana under Am. Domi- 
 nation. 211. ff. Jefferson's report to Cong., Annals, 8 Cong.. 2 sess.. 1506, 
 <. r ivc< somewhat different estimates, but they are confessedly not exact. 
 
 : His report to the French government, in which he instances some 
 things which he thinks might have been better done, is quoted by 
 
 Gayarre, 7. ff. 
 
 remonstrance presented to the Senate may be found in Annals, 
 JS., AI>I... l.V.'T. That to the House. 1H08. ff. 
 
 'Annals, 8 Cong.. \pp., 1674, ff. 
 
56 
 
 nearly the same footing as other Territories. Concerning this 
 change. Claiborne wrote: "The people have been taught to 
 expect greater privileges and many are disappointed. I 
 believe, however, as much is given them as they can manage 
 or as they ought to be trusted with until the limits of the ceded 
 territory are acknowledged, the national attachments of our 
 new brothersless wavering, and the views and character of 
 some influential men here better ascertained." 1 
 
 But notwithstanding some complaints and jealousies of the 
 Americans, there is no reason to think that the French were at 
 heart disloyal. In 1806 Claiborne wrote of them: "My opinion 
 of the native Louisianians has always been the same; a majori- 
 ty are well disposed, and were it not for the calumnies of some 
 Frenchmen who are among us, and the intrigues of a few am- 
 bitious, unprincipled men whose native language is English. I 
 do believe that the Louisianians would be very soon the most 
 zealous and faithful members of our Republic." He adds, how- 
 evor, "Until a knowledge of the American government, laws, 
 and character is more generally diffused among the people you 
 cannot with certainty count upon their fidelity. "- 
 
 At the time of the Burr conspiracy, the Legislative Coun- 
 cil were "convinced that it is not among the ancient inhabi- 
 tants of this territory that proselytes had been made to such a 
 project and that there was no perfidy, no treason to be ap- 
 prehended from them.'" 3 
 
 Disloyalty was indeed alleged against them in the war of 
 1812 but with insufficient reason. Half the Committee of Pub- 
 lic Defense for New Orleans in 1814 were French. 4 And "if 
 New Orleans and the Creoles had been unpatriotic, Gen. Jack- 
 son would have been at their mercy." 5 
 
 The same peculiarities that marked the French of the 
 Northwest are to be found also among these Creoles. They 
 
 'Quoted from Ex. Jour, by Gayarre, 67. 
 2 Quoted by Gayarre from E-x. Jour., 159. 
 "Quoted by Gajarj, ITiJv&frT 
 
 4 See signatures to their address to the people, Latour's Hist, of the 
 War in West Florida and Louisiana, App., XIV. 
 
 s Maurice Thompson, Hist, of Louisiana, 215. See also his discus- 
 sion of the whole subject. 211, ff. He speaks of the services of French 
 volunteers and of French women who did brave work as hospital nurses. 
 His opinion is that disloyalty was rather against state than U. 8. govern- 
 ment. Cf.Jngersol, Hist, of the War in 1812, IV., Chap. II. His conclu- 
 sions seem to be substantially the same as Thompson's. 
 
57 
 
 petitioned for the use of their own language by officials, 1 were 
 unable readily to reconcile themselves to the slow administra- 
 tion of justice and to trial by jury and great difficulties arose 
 in the adjustment of land titles.'- The same unwillingness to 
 be taxed and the same indifference to the right of citizenship 
 may be seen also. In 1808 the Legislative Council said that 
 the people i% felt the imposition of taxes as a great hardship." 
 And a year later Claiborne urged that feeling and their neglect 
 of political duties as reasons why they should not assume the 
 task of self-government. He quotes from 4i a very respectable 
 and influential planter" that "the taxes already imposed by 
 the Territorial government were as great as the people could 
 conveniently meet and that no change was for the present de- 
 sirable." As to their political inactivity, he instances cases 
 where less than thirty out of two hundred voters exercised the 
 right of suffrage, and says "it has seldom happened that at 
 any election, however contested, a majority of the voters have 
 attended the polls." 3 
 
 The question whether the ordinance of 1787 was applicable 
 to Louisiana came up in 1805 and agents for the inhabitants 
 argued that it was not. 4 Its principles must have been par- 
 ticularly distasteful to them. But the enabling act of 1811 re- 
 quired some of the provisions, which the ordinance had 
 secured to the people of the Northwest, to be incorporated in 
 the Constitution; the fundamental principles of civil and re- 
 ligious liberty, trial by jury in criminal cases, and the privi- 
 lege Of habeas m/ym.s. :> 
 
 Of the forty members of the Constitutional Convention in 
 1812, twenty- two were of French origin; and of the seven who 
 drafted the Constitution, four were French, if the indications 
 of name can be trusted. 6 Some slight traces of their probable 
 
 'See remonstrance before alluded to and Am. State Papers, Misc.. 
 II.. :1 and :>2. 
 
 'Breckenridge, Views of Louisiana, 143 and 144. His book, pub- 
 lished in 1H14. was founded on observations made in his own travels. 
 This Chap.. VI., is also printed in Niles' Reg., I., 243, ff., so that it must 
 have been written as early as 1811. On land titles see State Papers, Pub- 
 lic Lands, II. 
 
 'These various quotations may be found in Gayarre, 192, 211, ff. 
 4 State Papers, Misc., I., 418. 
 
 *Poore, I., 699. For opinions as to their untitness for self govern- 
 ment, see debates in Cong, in 1804, Benton's Abr., III. 
 
 Marbois, Hist, of Louisiana, 339, and Gayarre, 272. 
 
58 
 
 influence appear in the Constitution, noticeably the large pro- 
 perty qualifications for some official positions, and the exclu- 
 sion from office of any "clergyman, priest or teacher of any 
 religious persuasion, society, or sect.'' 1 That in general 
 features it should be like those of the older states, was m>r<>s 
 sary to secure the assent of Congress. 
 
 It is well known that the Louisiana Code is founded largely 
 on the Code Napoleon. But the Common Law is so univer- 
 sally accepted in the United States that, while the Civil Law 
 has to be recognized in suits concerning Louisiana, it has had 
 no appreciable effect on the jurisprudence of the country at 
 large. 2 
 
 A majority of the members selected for the legislative Coun- 
 cil of the early Territorial government were taken from among 
 the Creoles and in the early history of the state they had the 
 principal voice in the towns and a majority in the legislature. 3 
 Out of the first eight governors, three were of French origin. 
 As late as 1859 there had been but one gubernatorial election 
 in which at least one of the candidates was not a Frenchman. 4 
 But the only man of mark among these early officials was 
 Francois Xavier Martin, the. jurist and historian. 
 
 The Frenchmen of the Northwest and the Mississippi val- 
 ley then were, as a rule, patriotic and peaceable citizens. 5 
 They have added numerous picturesque features to our history 
 and our landscapes. . They still furnish us bits of dreamy 
 European and mediaeval life in the midst of our wide-awake, 
 progressive, nineteenth century, American civilization. The 
 New Orleans of today is a foreign and an old-time city, while 
 mediaeval France yet lingers in the Illinois country. Little 
 more than a decade since, a traveler to that region said of Kas- 
 kaskia, there "is little to disturb the impression that it is still 
 the Kaskaskia_of the olden time," and of Prairie du Rocher, 
 
 'Poore, I., 702. 
 
 2 Some account of the "Digest of Civil Laws" of 1808 and some inter- 
 esting particulars of the growth of jurisprudence may be found in 
 Louisiana Hist. Coll., Part II., 22-25. But for the material on which this 
 paragraph is founded I am especially indebted to Hon. W. S. Pattee, of 
 the Law School of the Univ. of Minn., who 'kindly gave me information 
 not accessible in print. 
 
 "Gayarre. 19 and 68, Breckenridge, 139; Martin in a letter of July 22, 
 1818, an extract from which is given in Hist. Mag., VIII., 241, ff. 
 
 4 See table of popular votes for Gov.. 1812-1864, Hist. Mag., IX., 373. 
 5 Reynolds, My Own Times, 79, says they were never intemperate in 
 
59 
 
 It is as if a piece of old Prance had been transplanted to the 
 Mississippi a century since and forgotten; or as if a stratum of 
 the early French settlements at the Illinois a hundred years 
 ago or more had sunk down below the reach of time and 
 change, and with its ways and customs and people still intact 
 had still pursued its former life unmindful of the busy nine- 
 teenth century on the uplands above its head." 1 
 
 Again the records of early explorations and early history 
 that have come to us through them are of much value. Much 
 of our knowledge of Indian habits and language are from the 
 same sources. And when the minute details of local history 
 in the Northwest and the Mississippi valley have been fully 
 investigated, it will probably be found that many episodes in 
 tli at history were due to their presence, their customs, or 
 their idioms of language as was the case with the Iowa and 
 Missouri boundary war. But their contribution, in any large 
 sense, to the political development of those regions can not 
 be reckoned of vital importance. Their political activity- 
 what there was of it was mainly in the line of opposition to 
 the unfamiliar ideas of an advancing civilization. At some 
 points they may have stayed for a little time and only for a 
 little time the chariot wheels of progress. But for that fact, 
 tuey might almost be omitted in writing the political history 
 of our country. 
 
 drink, that They rarely engaged in common broils or personal combats, 
 and that no Creole was ever hung or sentenced to the penitentiary in 
 111. For interesting particulars about their customs, see Chaps. VIII. 
 and XII.. of his book: Monnette. Hist, of the Miss. Valley. I.. 1*1. ff.: 
 Burner. Nor-s on the Northwest. 2*1. If. footnote: Reynolds' Pioneer 
 Hist, of 111.: Maria Hamlin. Legends of Le Detroit: Old" French Tradi- 
 tions -am' author : Mich. Coll.. IV.. To. f. Wallace. Illinois and Louisi- 
 ana under Frerch Rule. la>t chanter: Scharf, Hist, of St. Louis. Chap. 
 XII. I consider the last the mo<t satisfactory account. 
 
 'Illinois in the Eighteenth Century. 21 and 4^>. 
 
COMPARISON AND CONCLUSION. 
 
 jrn reviewing and comparing the facts adduced in the forego- 
 II ing study, the two main lines of French immigration to 
 
 this country present a striking contrast. The Huguenot 
 as a Huguenot, a Frenchman is and has been for many a 
 decade practically forgotten. 1 His descendants speak the same 
 language as the descendants of the Puritan and the Cavalier. 
 They mingle with them in the mart, the Senate House, and the 
 place of worship, and are practically undistinguishable from 
 them. 2 No peculiarity of costume or manner calls attention to 
 them as a people of alien race. The worthy deeds of their Rev- 
 olutionary ancestors are reckoned to the credit of the Anglo- 
 Saxon race, and the very Constitution that those ancestor did 
 so much to fashion and the national career that owed so much 
 of its early success to their guidance are vaunted as the pecu- 
 liar glories of the same race. Thatjour debt to the Huguenots 
 is a great one is a fact that does not lie upon the surface 
 history. It is indeed only beginning to be recognized. 
 
 The traveller through the Atlantic states must 'needs look 
 carefully to find traces of these early French immigrants; the 
 traveller in certain parts of the Northwest and of Louisiana 
 must needs close his eyes, if he would forget the fact of French 
 occupancy. 
 
 But the peculiar feature of the contrast is, that the Hugue- 
 not who seems to have disappeared and left no trace behind 
 him, proves on careful investigation to have made a mighty 
 impress upon our national history, the records of which 
 fill many of the most valuable and fascinating pages of our 
 public documents; while the Frenchman of the Northwest, 
 
 'The organizotion of the Huguenot Soc. and the researches of indi- 
 viduals have done much of late years to call them to mind, but for most 
 people, the fact stated in the text is doubtless still true. 
 
 "There are still a few Huguenot churches in the U. S., the most im- 
 portant being in N. Y. city and in Charleston, S. Car. For some particu- 
 lars, see Introd. to Vol. I. of Huguenot Coll. and Bi-Centenary Com- 
 memoration, 8, 51, 63, 65, and 68. Their very existence is probably 
 unknown to the majority of well informed people. 
 
61 
 
 whose picturesque and romantic memorials are so abundant, 
 has left no enduring mark and the pages of the national 
 records in which he appears are of little value in the study of 
 our growth into a nation. 
 
 It is a pertinent and perhaps a timely question, why this 
 difference? Why should people of the same race, coming 
 to the new world at so nearly the same time, differ so widely in 
 their influence upon the young nation of which they became a 
 part? 
 
 To some the off-hand, easy answer may seem to be the true 
 one. "'The Huguenot was Protestant, therefore progressive; 
 the other was Catholic, therefore reactionary." But an answer 
 based on hasty generalization and religious prejudice cannot be 
 accepted as final; especially as on the surface of history there 
 is no evidence that the moving force of Hamilton's career, for 
 instance, was an absorbing devotion to Protestantism. 
 
 On the other hand, there can be no question that the 
 Protestant Reformation in Prance was a mighty link in 
 the chain of causes that have led to our national greatness. 
 The Huguenots were tested and sifted by fierce religious perse- 
 cutions, and when at last the infamous Revocation drove them 
 from their native land, it was verily a chosen remnant that 
 sought these western wilds% Let Pilgrim or Puritan boas t as 
 he may of the zeal for religious freedom that exiled him from 
 home, the Huguenot can point to yet a nobler record of 
 unswerving devotion to principle*) 
 
 Yet further, it was not true, as it has been so often 
 elsewhere from the days of the primitive church onward, that 
 4 'not many wise men after the flesh, not many mighty, not 
 many noble were called;" the best blood of France flowed 
 in the veins of the original Huguenots, and when they came to 
 America, "they brought with them * * an ancestral influ- 
 ence of education, refinement, and skillful enterprise, as well 
 as of religious fidelity." 1 
 
 Hence if the doctrine of heredity be admitted to have any 
 force, we may partly understand how the graceful diplomat up- 
 holding his country's honor with skillful tact at a court where 
 all was chaos should be of a race celebrated for its ease 
 
 'R. S. Storrs. The Early American Spirit and the Genesis of it. 51; 
 see, also, an eloquent passage in Schaff 's address on the Hist, of the 
 Edict of Naiitc<. Huguenot Proceedings, II., 101. ff , and another in 
 II. M. liaird'* addivss at the Bi-Centenary, p. 38. 
 
62 
 
 and polish of manners; how the founder of our financial pros- 
 perity should be descended from a race of people renowned for 
 their success in amassing wealth; and above all how the suc- 
 .cessful statesman who carried his honor so unsullied through 
 all his political life that "when the spotless robe of the judicial 
 ermine fell upon him, it touched nothing less spotless 
 than itself," should trace his ancestry to a refugee to 
 whom freedom of conscience and loyalty to principle were even 
 dearer than was the historic city so beloved by every Protes- 
 tant in Prance. 
 
 Their influence has been altogether disproportioned to 
 their numbers, for in "determining the character of a country, 
 a hundred selected men and women are more potent than a 
 thousand men and women taken at random." 1 
 
 The French of the Northwest and the Mississippi valley 
 were of an altogether different type and their occupancy of the 
 country was due to far other causes. Whether from the lower 
 strata of society, or as in some cases from the higher grades, 
 they were uneducated and unused to self-government. They 
 were in general well disposed, cheerful, contented, often indus- 
 trious and enterprising in business ventures. Yet on the whole, 
 their virtues were those of the slave rather than of the 
 freeman. "An ignorant population, sprung from a brave and 
 active race, but trained to subjection and dependence through 
 centuries of feudal and monarchical despotism, was planted in 
 the wilderness by the hand of authority and told to -grow and 
 flourish." 2 They could obey unquestioningly the command 
 of priest or governor. To think, to decide for themselves, and 
 then to follow loyally, if need be heroically, the dictates 
 of reason and of conscience was entirely foreign to their habits. 
 
 In these contrasting types of character is to be found the 
 first and probably the most potent cause of the remarkable 
 contrast in their influence on American history. That a people 
 brave, refined, intelligent, loyal to principle, sifted by long and 
 fierce persecutions, fleeing to the New World solely that they 
 might be free to follow the very highest ideals, should have 
 
 'Fiske's Beginnings of New England, 47. 
 
 To understand fully the influence of the Huguenots on Am. history 
 one must know something of their own early history and heroic struggles. 
 In this view, The Rise of the Huguenots in France, and The Huguenots 
 and Henry of Navarre, by Prof. H. M. Baird, are valuable contributions 
 to American History. 
 
 Turkman, The Old Regime in Canada, 394. 
 
63 
 
 proved one of the most powerful factors in national 
 development is not at all surprising. That a peo- 
 ple of a low grade of inte! ligence and wholly un- 
 trained in the art of self -government, should have neither the 
 desire nor the ability to be an active force in nation-building, is 
 also not surprising. So far as these types of character were 
 determined by differences of religion, so far has the Protes- 
 tantism of the one. the Catholicism of the other contributed to 
 the result. 
 
 But while difference of character counts for so much in the 
 solution of the problem, another factor must also be reckoned 
 with, namely: the different circumstances under which these 
 two off-shoots from the French race entered into our national 
 life. The Huguenot became an American citizen before the 
 formative period" of our history. The time and the circum- 
 stances favored his throwing himself as a vitalizing force into 
 the political life that was just beginning to be. The French- 
 man of the Northwest became an American citizen by the 
 issues of war. and the Louisiana Creole by purchase. In both 
 cases, an already organized government extended its sway over 
 him. He was not asked nor expected \',t take part in it. except 
 under established conditions, and his rem:>nstran;-,>> and peti- 
 tions were, as a rule, dismissed or unfavorably reported on. It 
 was the intention to arrange matters for all newly acquired ter- 
 ritory in accordance with principles previously determined. 
 Habituated to altogether different methods of jrovernment. un- 
 familiar with democratic ideas, untrained in political thinking, 
 the new citizen had small chance to make himself felt. 
 
 To character, then, must be added opportunity as having 
 favored the political influence of the Huguenot. To lack 
 of opportunity may be attributed in some degree the want of 
 political influence on the part of the French Catholic. 
 
 Vet another element must be noted an element, however, 
 that is pei-haps the resultant <>f the two already mentioned 
 the complete and rapid absorption of the Huguenot in the mass 
 of the American people. -Sooner than any other, and more 
 completely, they became American in speech, conviction, and 
 habits of thought." 1 This complete absorption, which has 
 tended to make them forgotten as Huguenots while they are 
 
 . Wh;ii Americanism Mc;n^. F<-nnn. Apr.. 1-xm. p. 2< 5. 
 Cf. address of Richard Olucy in Hi-( Vntmary Co iiiin'iiKiralioii. S2, ff. 
 
64 
 
 gratefully remembered as American patriots and statesmen, 
 probably contributed very largely to their political influence. 
 Because they were so early and so completely Americanized, 
 there was no occasion for race jealousies and antipathies; they 
 had no French notions to import into governmental methods; 
 they did not act unitedly as a faction but individually as 
 citizens devoted to the best interests of their adopted country. 
 That thus acting, the leading men among them almost with- 
 out exception w r orked for the same ends, and especially for 
 greater centralization of government points strongly in the di- 
 rection of an inherited race tendency. 
 
 The Canadian and the Creole on the other hand, were not 
 absorbed nor assimilated. Even after the influx of American 
 immigrants intermarriages were for a long time infrequent. 
 Indeed their assimilation was more often with the Red Man 
 than with other European settlers. Slowly and unwillingly 
 they assumed the rights and duties of American citizens, cling- 
 ing all the while tenaciously to their own customs and language. 
 Had they been a more aggressive people politically than they 
 were, they could not thus as aliens have forced the ideas of a 
 decadent old-world despotism upon a vigorous and growing 
 young nation. 
 
 Many minor causes were doubtless contributory to the re- 
 sult; more extended investigations may yet reveal other impor- 
 tant causes; but the facts at present accessible emphasize these 
 three, difference in character, in opportunity and in ability to 
 be assimilated. And they are amply sufficient to account for 
 the observed differences in result. 
 
 To the Canadian and the Creole, we owe gratitude for 
 patriotic services; for much of the material development of the 
 regions that they were the first white men to enter; for a great 
 part of the romance of western history; and for picturesque 
 survivals: but for political development, almost nothing. 
 
 To the Huguenot we must be grateful, that while bringing 
 no new political inventions, he brought himself, and gave him- 
 self with all his heritage of character and ability to the 
 new nation, working w r ith energy, persistence, and success to 
 make the best political ideas of the age supreme in its Consti- 
 tution and potent in its development. 
 
 * * * * 
 
 # * 
 
 Of late years we are having another influx of French 
 
65 
 
 immigrants, this time threatening to overwhelm Puritan New 
 England with a Catholic population from across the Canadian 
 borders. It is yet too soon to determine the effect of this mi- 
 gration, but it has caused grave concern to many observers. 
 It is but a part of the general problem of foreign immigration 
 than which no other question is of more vital importance. 
 The facts herewith presented point by an easy inference 
 to a speedy and complete transformation of the immigrant 
 from an alien into an American with American habits of 
 thought, as one of the essential principles for its solution. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 GENEALOGICAL, AND BIOGRAPHICAL NOTES. 
 
 BAYAKD. The Pedigree of the American family is sup- 
 posed to have been traced to Balthazar Bayard, whose ances- 
 tors fled from Dauphine about the time of the Massacre of St. 
 Bartholomew. There were also families of the name in Cham- 
 pagne. Languedoc. and Flanders. 
 
 Cf. Am. Ancestry, III., 79. and Mag. of Am. Hist.. XVII. 
 The latter is an answer to the doubt raised by Arthur 
 Richmond in N. Am. Review, Jan. 1885, as to the Huguenot 
 ancestry of the family. 
 
 BENEZET. Anthony Benezet was born in St. Q.ientin in 
 1713. The family fled from persecution to Holland. Thence 
 they went to London and afterwards to Philadelphia. Anthony 
 joined the Quakers at the age of 14. His life was mostly spent 
 in religious and philanthropic labors. 
 
 See brief biography prefixed to Views on Slavery. 
 
 BREVARD. Ephraim Brevard is generally admitted to 
 have been of Huguenot descent, but I cannot trace his ancestry. 
 He was born in Maryland in 1744; went to N. Carolina when 
 about 4 years of age; graduated at Princeton in 1768; was later 
 a surgeon in the army; was made prisoner at the surrender of 
 Charleston and died from the effects of his imprisonment. He 
 was secretary of the Mechlinburg Convention, and the resolu- 
 tions differed but slightly from his draft. 
 
 Hunter, Sketches of Western Life in North Carolina., 
 47 and 48. 
 
 BOUDINOT. A family of this name came to Mass. The 
 name is found in the records of Oxford. They probably moved 
 to one of the middle states. The Elias Boudinot known to 
 American history was born in Philadelphia. Apr. 21, 1740. His 
 grand-father, also named Elias, came to America in 1686. 
 
 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., XXII., 51; Sketch of Elias 
 Boudinot by Helen Boudinot Stryker, Penn. Mag. III., 191. 
 
 BOWDOIN. Pierre Bowdoin, said to have been a physician 
 of Rochelle. fled to America at the time of the Revocation and 
 settled in Casco. Maine, probably in 1687. His grand-son, 
 James, was the distinguished Governor of Mass. Gov. Bow- 
 doin's daughter, Elizabeth, married Sir Wm. Temple, and her 
 daughter Elizabeth married Thos. L. Winthrop, from whom 
 Robt. Winthrop was descended. The direct line ended with 
 Gov. Bowdoin's son James the founder of Bowdoin Col. but 
 
67 
 
 some of the descendants of his sister Elizabeth assumed the 
 name. 
 
 See Mass. Hist. Soc.. Coll., XXV.. 49, 50, and 78; 
 New Eng. Hist, and Gen. Reg., X.. 78, and VIII.. '247. 
 
 There were Bowdoins in Virginia, probably descended 
 from John Bowdoin. a brother of James, who moved to that 
 state about 17<>f. (Va. Hist. Coll., Vol. V.. p. XL. footnote.) 
 
 FAXEUIL. Three brothers, Andrew. Benjamin, and John 
 Faneuil. settled in Boston as early as UiUU. John returned to 
 France. Peter, the donor of Faneuil Hall, was a son of Benja- 
 min, but received his lar*re fortune from his uncle Andrew. 
 
 Cf. Mass. Hist. Soc. Col XXII.. 53. Mem. Hist, of Boston, 
 II.. r>."4: and the chapter on "The French Protestants of Bos- 
 ton" in the latter volume. 
 
 GALLATIN. Schaff, (Huguenot Proceedings. I. .-95), and 
 other writers sp.>ak of Albert Gallalin as of Huguenot descent. 
 The truth seems to be that the family, though Protestant and 
 close allies of Calvin, were hardly refugees for the faith. They 
 moved from Savoy to Geneva in 1510. 
 
 See Apn. to H. Adams' edition of his Writings and Adam^ 1 
 Life of Gal latin. Book I. 
 
 GALLAUDET. Thomas Hopkins Gallaudet. the founder of 
 the first institution in America for the education of deaf-mutes, 
 
 descended from Pierre Elise Gallaudet one of the earliest 
 settlers of New Rochelle whose wife. Margaret Crezot, was 
 a descendant of the 94th Doge of Venice. For interesting par- 
 ticulars concerning him and his work, see Bi-Centenary Com- 
 memoration. 74. If. 
 
 GRATIOT. Charles Gratiot was the son of Huguenot 
 parents who ned from La Rochelle on the Revocation. They 
 took up their residence at Lausanne. Switzerland, where 
 Charles was born in 1758. He received a mercantile education 
 in London and came while quite young to Canada to engage in 
 the fur trade. In 1774 he settled in Cahokia. After the Revo- 
 lution he moved to St. Louis, where he married a daughter of 
 Pierre Choteau. Henry Gratiot.. his son. was the father of 
 Mrs. E. B. Washburne.' 
 
 See Wis. Hist. Coll.. Vol. X., articles by Hon. E. B. Wash- 
 burne and Mrs. Adele Gratiot: Scharf. Hist, of St. Louis. 
 I. :>7; Billon, Annals of St. Louis. 214. if. 
 
 HAMILTON. Alexander Hamilton was born in the West 
 Indies and came at an early age to X. Y. There is some 
 obscurity about his parentage, but I am not aware that anyone 
 has 'iously questioned his descent on his mother's side 
 
 from a Huguenot family who took refuge in the West Indies. 
 A discussion of his ancestry may be found in Lodge's Life of 
 Hamilton. App. A. 
 
 JAY. Augustus Jay, one of the numerous exiles from the 
 
68 
 
 city of Rochelle, settled in New York in 1697. He married a 
 daughter of Balthazar Bayard. Their son, Peter, married 
 a daughter of Jacobus Van Courtland, by whom he had ten 
 children. John was the eighth, born in N. Y., Dec. 12, 1745. 
 It will be noticed that none of his ancestors had intermarried 
 with the English, so that he was of French and Dutch blood. 
 See Jay's Jay, Chap. I. 
 
 MARION. The ancestors of Francis Marion came from La 
 Chaume. C. W. Baird, (II., 52 and footnote), gives this fact, re- 
 ferring to Liste de Francois et Suisses refugiez en Caroline. 
 See also Mass. Hist. Coll. XXII., 56. 
 
 LAURENS. The ancestors of Henry Laurens were French 
 Protestant Refugees who first settled in N. Y. and moved 
 thence to Charleston. 
 
 See "Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., XXII. , 55. 
 
 MANIGAULT. Gabriel Manigault w r as descended from Pe- 
 ter Manigault. who went from Rochelle to England in 1685 and 
 came to Carolina about 1696. See Am. Ancestry. V. 85, ft', 
 and Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., XXII, 55. 
 
 A Dr. Gabriel Manigault. presumably a direct descendant, 
 is one of the Ex. Com. of the S. Car. Huguenot Soc. 
 
 See Transactions, No. 3. 
 
 MORRIS. The mother of Gouverneur Morris was one of 
 the Huguenot Gouverneurs who settted in N. Y. after the re- 
 vocation of the Edict of Nantes. 
 
 See Roosevelt's Life of Morris, 2. 
 
 REVERE. The Revere or Rivier family was one of the old- 
 est in Europe may be traced, perhaps to the time of the first 
 crusade. They lived in Dauphine and had large estates and 
 many titles of nobility. Paul Revere was the son of Apollos, 
 a Huguenot who went from France to the island of Guern- 
 sey and thence to Boston. 
 
 See Am. Ancestry, V. 41, and Goss's Life of Revere, 
 Chap. I. Goss also has an article on Revere in Mag. of Am. 
 Hist., Jan. 1886. 
 
 SEVIER. John Sevier came of a Huguenot family named 
 Xavier. though his immediate ancestors were from England. 
 
 See Phelan, Hist, of Tenn.. p. 72, and Roosevelt, Winning 
 of the West, I.,' 180-183. 
 
 TYLER. Anne Contesse, a Huguenot, was the mother of 
 Gov. Tyler and the grandmother of Pres. Tyler. 
 
 See Va. Hist., Coll. V., Introd. 
 
 VINCENT. The pedigree of Bishop Vincent may be found 
 in Am. Ancestry, VIII, 25. It is traced to a refugee who set- 
 tled in New Jersey. 
 
 WHITTIER. The poet Whittier's maternal grandmother 
 was Sarah Greenleaf. The Greenleaf family were from 
 
69 
 
 France, the name being originally Peuillevert. which was 
 translated as so many other Huguenot names have been into 
 English. 
 
 See Linton's Life of Whittier and Bi-Centenary Com. 70. 
 
 It is a somewhat carious fact that the first white men in 
 Minn., so far as can be learned, were two Huguenots engaged 
 in the fur trade, Medard Chouart, known as Sieur Grosel- 
 liers, and Pierre d'Esprit. known as Sieur Radisson. 
 
 See Rev. E. D. Neill's Hist, of the upper Miss. Valley. 
 
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72 
 
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