UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA 
 AT LOS ANGELES
 
 4 3 11
 
 A REVIEW 
 
 OF THE 
 
 PROCEEDINGS AT PARIS, 
 
 DURING THE LAST SUMMER.
 
 - A 
 
 REVIEW 
 
 OF THE 
 
 PROCEEDINGS AT PARIS 
 
 DURING THE LJST SUMMER. 
 
 INCLUDING 
 
 AN EXACT AND PARTICULAR ACCOUNT OF THE 
 MEMORABLE EVENTS, ON 
 
 THE 20th OF JUNE, II THE I Oth OF AUGUST, and 
 
 THE I4th OF JULY, |j THE ad OF SEPTEMBER: 
 
 WITH 
 
 OBSERVATIONS AND REFLECTIONS 
 
 ON THE 
 
 CHARACTERS, PRINCIPLES AND CONDUCT 
 
 t 
 o p 
 
 THE MOST CONSPICUOUS PERSONS 
 
 CONCERNED IN PROMOTING 
 
 THE SUSPENSION AND DETHRONEMENT OF 
 
 LOUIS THE SIXTEENTH. 
 
 BY MR. FENNELL. 
 
 LONDON: 
 PRINTED FOR E. ANC T, WILLIES, N' 13, Sra/.vo,
 

 
 DEDICATION. 
 
 TO 
 
 DISCOUNT BELGR^TE. 
 
 MY LORD, 
 
 TPHEY only who do not merit 
 praife, are pleafed with flat- 
 tery: the truly deferving fhrmk 
 alike from both. Honoured by a 
 
 per-
 
 VI DEDICATION. 
 
 permiffion, which a refpeaful prin- 
 ciple induced me to folicit, I dedi- 
 cate the following fheets to your 
 Lordlhip. 
 
 T 
 
 9 
 I have the Honour to be, 
 
 
 Mr LORD, 
 
 Your Lordfhip's much obliged, 
 
 And obedient humble Servant, 
 
 JAMES FENNELL.
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 reader, it is hoped, will indulgent- 
 
 ly allow for the length of time that 
 has elapfed fince the commencement of 
 5 the following narrative : the greater part 
 x^ of it was written, printed, and the whole 
 was intended for publication in the month 
 of September laft. Unforefeen events for 
 ^Lfome time induced the author to relin- 
 x quim his defign : but, feveral advertife- 
 ments in the public papers having feem- 
 ed to promife a defence of the late maf- 
 facres in Paris, the author was induced 
 to refume his undertaking, to guard the 
 public from mifreprefentations, intended, 
 doubtlefs, to anfwer the worft of purpofes. 
 One of the confequences of the delay of 
 
 the
 
 Vlii PREFACE. 
 
 the publication, for which the author 
 thinks it neceflary to apologize, is, that in 
 the former part of the work, circumftances 
 are mentioned as prefently exiting, which 
 oucrht to have been now related as paft. 
 
 o * 
 
 For being excufed for -fuch inconfiftencies, 
 and other imperfe&ions, the author relies 
 on the candour of the confederate reader, 
 hoping that a ftricl: adherence to truth, in 
 the narrative of moft important events, will 
 more than atone for his greateft errors. 
 
 London, November 14/6, 1792. 
 
 . 
 
 A REVIEW
 
 REVIEW 
 
 PROCEEDINGS AT PARIS, &c. 
 
 \VHEN a great empire is convulfed, few 
 countries entirely efcapethe fhock : the re- 
 volutions in France have mterefted the world, 
 have engaged the greater part of Europe in 
 hoftile preparations, and at this moment are 
 become the immediate and neceflary con- 
 cern of every inhabitant of Great Britain. 
 
 The events that have taken place during 
 the laft fummer have been heard, or read 
 of, with the greatefl avidity ; but fo dif- 
 torted by party principles on the one hand, 
 
 and
 
 and defeatured by violent exaggerations on 
 the other, that few of them have appeared 
 in their real fhape. To hold the mirror up 
 to France, that me may fee her own 
 image diverted of thofe dazzling appear- 
 ances, by which me has endeavoured to 
 deceive the world, and has actually de- 
 ceived herfelf ; and to prefent my own 
 countrymen with an unbiafled narrative of 
 the fituation of that country, are the ob- 
 jedls of my prefent undertaking. The 
 advantages which a refidence on the fpot, 
 and a minute inveftigation of even the 
 moft trivial occurrences, joined to my hav- 
 ing been an eye witnefs of almofh every 
 commotion that has lately taken place, 
 from its origin to its iflue, are circum- 
 flances which embolden me to give my 
 opinion, with a degree of freedom, un- 
 authorifed in thofe who fit at home, and 
 thrpugh the medium of infatuation and 
 prejudice, contemplate horrors, maflacres, 
 and plunder, and pronounce them liberty 
 and juflice. 
 
 The
 
 / The French having liberated themfelves 
 from the oppreffions of a defpotic govern- 
 ment, under which they had long laboured, 
 and a Kins: being no longer their adored ob- 
 
 D O o 
 
 jecl: ; unconfcious of what they were pur- 
 fuing, they looked around for fome idol to 
 which they might devote themfelves : they 
 had heard of a free-born Englishman ; they 
 had feen America obtain her independence ; 
 they themfelves had been (laves : the firft 
 idea that prefented itfelf was liberty ; they 
 flaid not to examine its extent or meaning ; 
 they grafped the Shadow, and the darling 
 found became their idol. The word was re- 
 echoed throughout the land ; but, how little 
 they underftood or thought of the fub- 
 ftance of it, their fubfequent conduct will 
 exemplify. /When foreign powers, in de- 
 fence of characters and properties that had 
 been violated, took up arms again ft them, 
 the French proclaimed they fought for li- 
 berty; and while robbing and plundering 
 every one whom birth or merit had raifed 
 to a degree of fuperiority over them, they 
 had the audacity to obferve, that they were 
 B 2 defending
 
 defending the rights of man. But, how- 
 ever, as it is not my intention to fupport 
 the opinions I fhall venture in this under- 
 taking, upon vague hypothefes or afler- 
 tions, I fhall endeavour in the firft place to 
 examine what true liberty is, wherein it 
 confifts, and what are the true rights of 
 man; and in the next place, by an exadl: 
 account of the events to which I have been 
 an eye witnefs, determine, whether or not, 
 the French know what liberty is, whe- 
 ther or not they poffefs it, and whether or 
 not they pay any regard to the true and 
 unequivocal rights of man. 
 
 y 
 
 The idea that the French feem to enter- 
 tain at this moment of liberty, is, that it 
 allows them an unreftrained freedom to do 
 every thing they are inclined to do, provided 
 that they have force enough to maintain 
 their inclinations ; and to this force, con- 
 iifting of a certain number of armed men, 
 by giving to it the title of " The Nation," 
 they afcribe the power of making, or an- 
 nulling laws at their difcretion. ? 
 
 Now,
 
 ( 5 ) 
 
 Now, in any nation, or fociety, already 
 pouefled of laws, liberty cannot confift in 
 an unreftrained freedom ; becaufe, the laws 
 having already prefcribed limits to the con- 
 duct of the people, it remains only, legal- 
 ly, in their power to do what they ought to 
 wty/j, and to refufe doing what they ought 
 not to wijh. 
 
 Every citizen mould be fubmiffive to the 
 laws ; liberty therefore can coniift alone in 
 the power of doing every thing thofe laws 
 permit ; and in the power of refuting to do 
 every thing thofe laws do not demand. 
 
 For a nation to be free, it is requifite that 
 every individual mould equally enjoy the 
 benefit and protection of the laws. If, 
 therefore, any citizen, or any number of ci- 
 tizens, can rife up, and attack their fellow 
 citizens with impunity, it is evident that 
 the nation to which thofe citizens belong 
 
 is not free. 
 
 tffi- 
 
 B 3 If
 
 ( 6 ) 
 
 If any citizen, or number of citizens, be 
 allowed to do with impunity what the laws 
 forbid ; it is equally evident that he or they 
 can no longer be--poflefled of liberty, be- 
 caufe his or their fellow citizens muft have 
 the fame power. 
 
 It is neceflary, to enfure the liberty of the 
 people, that the legiflative and executive 
 power mould be free; that they may have 
 the means of enacting, and enforcing laws, 
 for the general liberty of the nation. 
 
 If the legiflative and executive power be 
 not free, the nation cannot be fo : for, if the 
 legiflative and executive power be not at li- 
 berty to prevent or redrefs injuries, a citi- 
 zen may be infulted, or attacked with im- 
 punity ; and where fuch enormities exift, no 
 country can be free. A man is as much a 
 flave, who exifcs in a country where he is 
 liable to be infulted by his fellow citizens, 
 without redrefs, as if he lived under the ar- 
 bitrary dominion of a defpotic government. 
 
 If
 
 ( 7 ) 
 
 If the legiflative or executive power be 
 fur rounded by a tumultuous body of armed 
 men, infifting on the palling or fanclioning 
 of fuch and fuch decrees, fuch power fo 
 furrounded cannot be free. 
 
 If the government of a country have it 
 not in its power to fupprefs unlawful and 
 tumultuous meetings, that government is 
 ineffective and not free. 
 
 It is therefore evident, that in a country 
 where the government is not free, and 
 where the people ai/e not free, that liberty 
 cannot exift : and that, to enfure the exig- 
 ence of liberty, every citizen mould indif- 
 criminately be fubmitted to the laws ; for, 
 till the laws be fupreme, and the executive 
 power have the ability to enforce them, no 
 citizen can be fafe, and of courfe cannot be 
 faid to poflefs liberty. 
 
 Before I quit this analyfis of liberty, 
 
 which I have confined chiefly to fuch ob- 
 
 fervations, as are moft adapted to the prefent 
 
 B 4 lituation
 
 ( 8 ) 
 
 fituation of the country on which I am 
 writing ; I ihall take the liberty of enforc- 
 ing my arguments, by a few quotations 
 from the writings of two gentlemen, who 
 have made the government of nations a 
 principal part of their ingenious ftudies; 
 and to whofe knowledge and experience, 
 much greater credit will be given, than to 
 thofe, who, by their heterodox doctrines 
 have endeavoured to roufe the people of 
 this ifland to thepurfuit of a fhadow, while 
 they pofTefs the fubftance, and who would 
 willingly facrifice their own country to the 
 fame calamities which diffract France, that 
 they might emulate the characters of a" 
 SANTERRE, a PETION, or a CONDOROET. 
 
 MONTESQUIEU obferves, that " The 
 " Political Liberty of the fubject is a tran- 
 " quility of mind, . arifing from the opi- 
 *' nion each perfon has of his own fafety, 
 " In order to have this liberty, it is requi- 
 " lite that the government be fo confli- 
 '* tuted that one lubject need not fear an- 
 other." 
 
 The
 
 ( 9 ) 
 
 The circumftances which I mall relate in 
 this work, will prove how far fuch a con- 
 flituted government exifls in France. 
 
 Mr. LOCKE fays, " The liberty of man 
 " in fociety, is to be under no other legifla- 
 '* tive power, but that eftablimed by con- 
 " fent in the commonwealth; nor under 
 " the dominion of any will, or reftraint of 
 " any law, but what the legiflative power 
 " mall enacl, according to the trufl put 
 *' in it. 
 
 " Freedom of men, under government, 
 " is to have a -{landing rule to live by, 
 " common to every rule of that fociety, 
 46 and made by. the legiflative power creeled 
 " in it. A Liberty to follow my own will 
 tc in all things, where the rule prefcribes 
 " not, not to be fubjecT: to the inconfrant 
 " uncertain, unknown, arbitrary will of 
 " another man ; as freedom of nature is to 
 " be under no other reflraint, but the law 
 " of nature." 
 
 I (hall
 
 I mall take an opportunity of comparing 
 the freedom which Mr. Locke defcribes, 
 with that of which the French are fo fond at 
 this moment ; and do not defpair of proving, 
 that while they are boafting to all the world 
 that they are in poffeffion of perfect liberty, 
 they are the abject (laves of the moft un- 
 juftifiable and defpotic tyranny. 
 
 Much has been written and obferved on 
 the fubject of the rights of man, and many 
 arguments have been adduced, to prove 
 that a theory more abfurd than Plato's re- 
 public, might be reduced to practice. When 
 a writer, animated by a defire of benefiting 
 a nation, offers to its inhabitants his opi- 
 nions on forms of government, it is not 
 fufficient for him to prove that fuch and 
 fuch fyftems are good, and reconcileable to 
 the laws of nature ; or, that fuch and fuch 
 nations have flourimed under fuch and fuch 
 governments ; the manners, cuftoms, and 
 difpolitions of men, in different countries, 
 are fo various, and fo influenced by climate 
 and national character, that the fame fyf- 
 
 tem
 
 ( II ) 
 
 tern which might be found appropriate to 
 the temper of the one, might, and moft 
 probably would, be inductive of the ruin of 
 the other. When, therefore, a writer at- 
 tempts to fubvert a conftitution under 
 which any nation has flourished and be- 
 come great, merely becaufe another nation, 
 under a different conftitution, is flourifhing 
 and becoming great, he muft undoubtedly 
 be influenced by ignorance, or a worfe caule ; 
 he cannot have inveftigated the temper of - 
 that nation, and the confequences of change 
 in a fyflem which has been fo long ap- 
 proved ; or, he muft be actuated by prin- 
 ciples which I fhould be forry to afcribe to 
 any man. The Britim conftitution has ftood 
 the teft ; it has been approved by its own 
 fubjects, and admired by every foreign 
 power : no government can be perfect, but 
 if perfection in government confifts in the 
 happinefs of the people fubmitted to it, the 
 Britifh conftitution approaches nearer to per- 
 fe&ion than any other form whatever : and 
 I will venture to affirm, that if it has not been 
 adopted by any foreign power, it has been 
 
 becaufe
 
 becaufe the wifdom of conftituent powers 
 have forefeen that the temper of the people 
 would not have fafely permitted the intro- 
 duction of true liberty among them. Na- 
 tions , like individuals, are fubje<t to tem- 
 porary madneffes ; the madnefs of the pre- 
 fent moment is the chafe of liberty ; but 
 the happinefs, or profperity of every na- 
 tion, will not be found to confift in the ob- 
 taining of it ; and is not the happinefs and 
 profperity of a nation, which are intrihfic 
 worths, more to be defired than a phan- 
 torri, which will be continually . eluding 
 their embrace ? Liberty is not a plant adapt- 
 ed to every foil ; among one people only 
 has it yet flourimed, and I may venture to 
 affirm that by that people it will ever be 
 exclufively enjoyed. The French never 
 have been, and never will be free. Their 
 tempers are too volatile, too changeable, 
 too much fubjed to the momentary influ- 
 ence of fentimcnt, to fubfcribe continually 
 to ,the fober limits which liberty has pre- 
 fcribed for herfelf, and without which me 
 cannot exifl. France, to be a great and 
 
 happy
 
 ( '3 ) 
 
 happy nation muft be governed, and that 
 government muft be defpotic. Mr. Paine 
 obferves, that they who talk of a counter- 
 revolution in France know nothing of the 
 matter ; that a counter-revolution is im- 
 porlible ; and concludes his arguments- by a 
 pompous dilplay of words, that dazzle the 
 luperficial reader, but bear no conclufive 
 teftimony of the truth of what he has af- 
 ferted. 
 
 He obferves that a counter-revolution 
 is impoffible, becaufe, no power has yet 
 been difcovered that could make a man 
 unknow his knowledge or unthink his 
 thoughts. Admitting that there is fenfe 
 in the above obfefvation, that fenfe mull 
 be explicable ; I will therefore endeavour 
 to explain it. 
 
 For a man to unknow his knowledge, 
 nothing more is neceflary, than that he 
 mould grow wifer, and difcover that he 
 has been in error ; and for a man to un- 
 think his thoughts, nothing more is ne- 
 ceflary,
 
 ( 14 ) 
 
 ceffary, than that he mould change his 
 opinion ; and that that is poffible the nu- 
 merous defertions from the popular caufe 
 have fufficiently evinced. 
 
 They who were the mofl ftrenuous ad- 
 vocates for true liberty at the commence- 
 ment of the revolution, and irnag&ied that 
 France was then becoming a great nation 
 under its influence, have fmce unknown 
 their knowledge, and unthought their 
 thoughts ; or, in more intelligible terms, 
 have grown wifer, and difcovered that the 
 knowledge they fancied they had obtained, 
 was folly, and confequently have changed 
 their opinion. They have found, that the 
 temper and difpoiition of a Frenchman is 
 not calculated for liberty ; that with them 
 It muft ever degenerate into licentioufnefs, 
 which can only end in the fubverfion of all 
 order. 
 
 This barrier, therefore, which the ima- 
 gery of Mr. Paine's genius has raifed 
 againil a counter-revolution in France, is 
 
 already
 
 ( '5 ) 
 
 already broken, and will, I doubt not, foon 
 be deflroyed ; for when the French have 
 leifure to grow cool, and calmly deliberate 
 with themfelves ; their thoughts and opi- 
 nions will be changed from what they 
 were, when their minds were newly agi- 
 tatedj and when the provocations were 
 frefh and recent. In the beginnings of 
 anger, they thought of nothing but re- 
 venge, without weighing its confequences, 
 and how far they might thereby hurt 
 themfelves ; but time, among other be- 
 nefits, will make them quit paflion, and 
 liflen to the voice of reafon. 
 
 I am fo far from thinking with Mr. 
 Paine, that a counter-revolution is im- 
 poffible, that I could almofh venture to af- 
 fert that it will actually take place ; every 
 circumftance in the affairs of France at this 
 moment promifes it, and makes it the com- 
 mon caufe of humanity to wifh it. But 
 there are two means by which a counter- 
 revolution may be effected ; and the failure 
 of the one mean, would probably enfure the 
 
 other
 
 ( '6 ) 
 
 other. If it were poffible for the French to 
 withftand, or repulie, the powerful armies 
 which are combined again'f): them, they 
 would not be lefs liable to a counter-revo- 
 lution, from the influence of the moft pre- 
 vailing party at home. The fpecious banner 
 of liberty is a broad veil, under which may 
 be for a long time concealed, ambition, and 
 the hopes of governing, which power may 
 reveal : for as D'Avenant obferves, " where 
 " factions have been, and are fuffered to 
 " be, of long continuance in a kingdom, 
 " if abfolute dominion is not brought in, 
 " 'tis for want of an enterprifing temper in 
 " the Prince," or any other leading and 
 popular man, " or it is owing to his virtue 
 " wifdom, and moderation; for the tools 
 *' are ready, and the fire being hot, has 
 " made the metal foft and malleable, fo 
 " that he may work it into what fhape he 
 " pleafes." 
 
 Though there may be no Prince in 
 France, yet are there not wanting men of 
 enterprifing difpofitions, who wait only 
 
 for
 
 ( '7 ) 
 
 for a convenient opportunity of throwing 
 afide the rnafk, under which they have ac- 
 quired their popularity, and afluming their 
 real characters: then will the ocean of dif- 
 content, agitated by frequent ftorms, fwell 
 up, overflow the banks, and come at laft to 
 divide into two mighty itreams. To pre- 
 vent the horrors of a civil war, which 
 fuch a divifion mufl inevitably produce, it 
 is earneftly to be hoped that the combined 
 armies may prove victorious ; for, I repeat it, 
 France never will, or can be free ; and 'till 
 the ancient monarchy be reftored, it never 
 will be a great nation. 
 
 And what is this phantom they afe pur- 
 fuing ? It is the name of liberty ; of the fub- 
 Jlance of it they are ignorant ; they imagine 
 that they poffefs it, while under the domi- 
 nion of the moil arbitrary government. But 
 the events which have taken place during 
 the laft fummer, and which I am now pro- 
 ceeding to lay before the public, will give 
 ftronger teftimonies to my affertions, than 
 all the arguments I could adduce to defend 
 them, 
 
 c Some
 
 ( '8 ) 
 
 Some of the facts, perhaps, which I 
 may think it necefiary to enumerate, may 
 at firft appearance, ftrike the reader as too 
 trite to merit notice, and too trifling for 
 rebuke; were they not in their tendency 
 as fatal to the {lability of a nation, as max- 
 ims, manners, and actions more apparently 
 flagitious : but in general, I fear, I mall 
 find myfelf under the fame circumftances 
 as the great hiftorian, who in the profli- 
 gate (late of declining Rome, affirms that 
 he had nothing to relate, but " Saeva jufla, 
 " continuas accufationes, fallaces amicitias, 
 " perniciem innocenthim." 
 
 But, before I proceed to my narrative 
 of facts, it may not be improper to dedicate 
 a few pages to the confideration of the 
 v different difpofitions of the people, in the 
 feveral departments, with refpet to the 
 prefent government ; or rather with re- 
 fpet to that government which was appa- 
 rently in exigence a few months ago. For 
 even admitting that the citizens of Paris, 
 wherein is the feat of government, were 
 unanimous' in their approbation of any 
 
 eftablifhed
 
 ( '9 ) 
 
 eftablimed fyftem, which, however, they 
 are very far from being ; fuch unanimity- 
 would by no means authorife the legifla- 
 tive power to aflert that they were acting 
 upon the united fufFrages of the nation ; 
 for Paris Contains not a thirtieth part of the 
 inhabitants of France : admitting alfo that 
 addreffes may be fent from every depart- 
 ment, approving of the legiflative body and 
 its decrees, fuch addreffes would be equally 
 ineffective in fpeaking the nation's voice : 
 for, in every department is formed a faction, 
 raifed by, and affiliated with, the Jacobin 
 faction at Paris ; and to thefe factions are 
 immediately tranfmitted whatever refolu- 
 tions or decrees are paffed by the great 
 party at home : thefe factions, compofed 
 chiefly of the inferior clafs of people, un- 
 der the dominion, as Lafayette very juflly 
 has obferved, of a few ambitious . chiefs, 
 have the power, by the influence of their 
 affiliations, of appointing the municipal offi- 
 cers in the departments, who are fubject, 
 through fear, to their control. To the 
 difgrace of the legiflative power, they have 
 c 2 facrificed
 
 facrificed their independence to the influ- 
 ence of the Jacobins; who, by preaching 
 up the rights of man, (which according to 
 the definition their actions give them, feem 
 to indicate the univerfal rights of plunder,) 
 liberty and equality, (which alfo feem to 
 mean licentioufnefs and infubordination,) 
 have gained the admiration of the thought- 
 lefs rabble, who applaud with rapture every 
 fentiment calculated to infpire them with 
 the love of anarchy, and the contempt of 
 kings. In this fociety of Jacobins, are 
 many members of the National Aflembly, 
 who retire to their evening fittings, to gain 
 frefh fuel for the fire which the cool deter- 
 mined diclates of philofophy would other- 
 wife extinguifh. Thefe amphibious mem- 
 ^bers, form the communication between the 
 National Aflembly and the Jacobins; and 
 carrying with them into the former, the 
 influence pf the latter, become the ruling 
 and popular perfons of the Senate ; while 
 they, who from principle and reafon en- 
 deavour to oppofe any violation of truth and 
 jufrice, are denominated Ariftocrats, and 
 
 arc
 
 are hooted by the patriots of the Aflem- 
 bly, and their hired multitudes in the tri- 
 bunes ; and are thereby condemned to 
 filence, or the riik of being marked, and 
 treated as traitors to the nation. By the 
 above means, the Jacobins having fecured 
 the fandlion of the noify and tumultuous 
 part of the nation ; whatever their votaries 
 procure to be decreed in the National Af- 
 fembly, they tranfmit to their affiliations, 
 who, as the united voice of the nation, re- 
 turn their addrefles of thanks to the Aflem- 
 bly, as the oftenftble, though the Jacobins 
 are generally the real power that produces 
 any important decree. While the difaffetted 
 and quiet part of the pieople are obliged to 
 witnefs, and iigh over thefe enormities in 
 filence, anxioufly waiting and vviming for an 
 opportunity of declaring openly their fenti- 
 ments, and exchanging this tumultuous and 
 flagitious tyranny, for a regular, though 
 defpotic government. But as I have al- 
 ready faid much, and may have occafion to 
 fay a great deal more of the Jacobin fo- 
 ciety, it may not be inappropriate to e^ 
 ter into a more minute defcription^f it. 
 
 03 The
 
 The fociety of Jacobins takes its name 
 from a ci-devant convent fo called, in which 
 it holds .its iittings. The lower part of the 
 hall in which they debate, is fitted up for 
 the reception of the members, the number 
 of whom is at prefent I believe between 
 four and five hundred, but fubjet to fre- 
 quent variations, as fenfe or infatuation 
 predominates ; at the end of the hall are raif- 
 ed galleries for the reception of auditors and 
 ipedators; the walls are hung with chains, and 
 other emblems of flavery, to remind the peo- 
 ple of their former fituation : over the chair 
 of the Prefident, are the colours of France, 
 America, and England ; the ftaffs of which 
 are united by a wreath, emblematical of the 
 union of the three free countries ; from the 
 ceiling is fufpended the ftandard of liberty, 
 bearing on it this infcription, " Vivre libra 
 " ou mourir :" there are befides other little 
 frolicks of imagination, too trivial to engage 
 the attention of my readers. It was ori- 
 ginally inftituted to watch over the confti- 
 tution, to conferve to each part of it, the 
 power "which the nation had reflectively 
 
 * allotted
 
 allotted ; and to defend the true liberties of 
 the people. Lafayette was one of its 
 founders, whom in the paroxyfm of its dege- 
 neracy, it wasthe.firfr. to accuie, for having 
 been almoft the only man in France, who, 
 at a time when the conilitution was in the 
 greateft danger, had fpirit enough to de- 
 clare his principles, and do his duty. La- 
 fayette, who, when the factious at Paris 
 were about to break the oath they had moil 
 folemnly fworn, and as folemnly repeat ;d, 
 when they were about to overthrow a con- 
 flitution, which they had bound themfelves 
 by the mofl facred obligations to defend ; 
 who, after having himlelf been flandered, 
 reviled, and denounced, by the Jacobins, 
 and delivered over by their decrees to the 
 execrations and lawlefs villanies of the 
 rabble, had the courage, unattended, to ap- 
 pear in the midfr. of his enemies, and -at the 
 bar of the National Affembly, accuie that 
 very fociety as the caufe of every difbrder; 
 remind the reprefentatives of the people of 
 their moft folemn obligations wKich they 
 feemed to have forgotten, or given up, and
 
 ( 24 ) 
 
 urge them to exert themfelves for the fai- 
 vationof the country. 
 
 The Jacobins, however, feern now en- 
 tirely to have given up every principle 
 upon which they were originally formed. 
 The only principle they now acl: upon, is 
 that of reducing every one to the fame le- 
 vel ; of deftroying all fubordination among 
 the multitude, and the armies ; of preach- 
 ing to all that they have no, and ought 
 never to acknowledge, fuperiors ; that they 
 have a natural right to exterminate, by any 
 means, all thofe who are of a contrary opi- 
 nion ; that religion is a farce, and only in- 
 troduced by arbitrary tyrants, to perfuade 
 the people that they are dependant upon 
 one power, that they may be more eafily 
 fubjugated tb dependance on another. Thus 
 have they even raifed the people againft 
 their God ; they have banimed the Supreme 
 Being from their minds, and raifed up an 
 idol in his ftead. The laws of the Creator, 
 though not only compatible with, but ac- 
 tually forming the bails of, true liberty,
 
 were, according to the idea of the meteor 
 that had blazed from the exhalations of their 
 licentioufnefs, and which they call liberty, 
 inconfiftent with the natural rights of man. 
 By the laws of their God, they were for- 
 bid to take his name in vain, to fteal, 
 to plunder, or to maffacre ; they were 
 bound to love, to honour, and obey him ; 
 and to do to others as they would that 
 others mould do to them; but fuch laws 
 were too fevere for men determined to be 
 free ; they therefore banimed their Creator, 
 threw off alike all human and divine obe- 
 dience, and gave themfelves up to every 
 fpecies of blafphemy, barbarity, and crimes. 
 The temples that had been creeled for the 
 worfhip of the Almighty, are now, the 
 greater part of them, razed, and the mate- 
 rials fold, or converted into receptacles for 
 focieties, in which the infringement of eve- 
 ry moral and religious duty is meditated 
 
 with a mocking- boldnefs. Even the imao-c 
 
 o o 
 
 of our Saviour has not, in fome places, 
 efcaped the dreadful infatuation of the mul- 
 titude; the cap of liberty, and national 
 
 cockade
 
 cockade, defile the reprefentation of his fuf- 
 ferings. 
 
 Before the Jacobins had accomplifhed 
 their lail diabolical purpofe, the walls of 
 their fociety rung with exclamations againft 
 kings and monarchy ; everything that could 
 be laid to inflame the people againft their 
 fovereign, was uttered without refpecl: to 
 verity, or juftice; the King was repre- 
 fented as a traitor to the country, as a man 
 not only unfit to govern, but unfit to live. 
 How far fuch a character could with any 
 degree of plaufibility be afcribed to 
 Louis the Sixteenth, his conduct fince his 
 acceptance of the constitution, will teflify. 
 They had prefented to him for his accept- 
 ance a new form of government, and called 
 it the conftitution ; in that conftitution was 
 comprifed himfelf as King, with royal pre- 
 rogatives: he accepted the new conftitu- 
 tion, and fwore to defend it ; the legiflative 
 power, and the people themfelves, took the 
 fame folemn oath ; but they feem to have 
 forgot, that in fwearing to defend thecon-r 
 
 fHtution
 
 flitution, the King bound himfelf to pro- 
 tect his own perfoii, his royal prerogatives, 
 and the crown, as part of that conilitu- 
 tion, from violation ; and that they them- 
 felves were equally bound to preferve his 
 privileges from ufurpation. It will require 
 no great difficulty to prove that his attempt, 
 as it was his duty, to prefer ve that power 
 which the nation had given him, and to 
 exercife it for the benefit of his people in 
 general, were the only crimes that have 
 entailed upon himfelf and family fuch un- 
 heard of perfecutions and calamities. And 
 in this moment of his greateft danger, 
 where are to be found a Richmond, a 
 Hertford, a Southampton, and a Linclefay, 
 to fland forward as the advocates of their 
 injured mailer ? To endeavour toward from 
 him the blow which threatens to fall on 
 him for imputed perfidies ; to avow them- 
 ielves his counfellors, and invite upon their 
 own heads the puniihment of their love- 
 reign's pretended crimes ? No one is to be 
 found who dares avowedly and openly, at 
 home, efpoufe his caufe : they who fed upon 
 
 his
 
 ( '8 ) 
 
 his fmiles, are all vanifhed with the fun- 
 mine that gave them birth. When fana- 
 cifm and horrors were at their height in 
 England, and the unfortunate Charles 
 awaited the blow, which afterwards entail- 
 ed upon the regicides the deteftation of all 
 Europe, ftill was there fome virtue left ; 
 and men of worth, integrity, and honour, 
 were found, who not only courageoufly 
 efpoufed the caufe of juftice and humanity, 
 but offered to feal the fafety of their fove- 
 reign with their blood. But France feems 
 deaf to every principle of honour ; and 
 though millions of men have feen their er- 
 rors, and in their own minds condemn the 
 enormities that have been pra&ifed, they 
 are at this moment fo overawed by the 
 rabble, and their irregular proceedings, that 
 one only was found who had courage 
 enough to reprefent to them their late enor- 
 mities as they deferved to be reprefented, 
 and him they obliged to feek his fafety in 
 the arms of an enemy he would have com- 
 bated for them in a juil caufe. 
 
 In
 
 In every department, and in every town, 
 even before the circumftances took place 
 which have fo much difgraced what they 
 call their fourth year of liberty, there were 
 two parties, the ariftocratic, and the demo- 
 cratic ; the democratic party confuted chiefly 
 of the lower order of people, or thofe who 
 chofe to flatter the infatuations of the mul- 
 titude, to procure power, or amufe ambi- 
 tion: their principle, if a principle it may 
 be called, was to do every thing their pow- 
 er or number permitted them to do ; they 
 pretended to be attached to the conftitution ; 
 but that preten.ded attachment to the confU- 
 tution proceeded only from their partiality 
 to the licentioumefs, which, under the glofs 
 of liberty, it permitted. For if queftioned 
 concerning the advantages the revolution 
 had procured, they knew little more than 
 that they were free, and had no longer any 
 fuperiors. The ariftocratic party was not 
 only compofed of thofe who were attached 
 to the former government, but alfo of thofe 
 who wimed to preferve the confritution as 
 it was at firft eftablimed, and regarded the 
 
 violation
 
 ( 30 ) 
 
 violation of rights, the infringements on 
 the prerogatives of the King, and the in- 
 fults ottered to his perfon, as unconftitutional 
 and unjuir. The democratic party, how- 
 ever, was the only one that dared avow it- 
 felf openly, becaufe on their {ide was the 
 military power, who no longer being fub- 
 jedt to fuch fevere difcipline as formerly, 
 found their account in the government, by 
 being at liberty to refuie their obedience to 
 orders, the execution of which might be 
 uncomfortable to them. To be fufpefted 
 of ariftocracy, was dangerous ; to avow it 
 was death ; and this in a country which 
 fuppofes, or pretends to fuppofe itfelf free. 
 Let me aik thofe advocates for France, 
 who, after all her facrileges and crimes, 
 have not yet deferted her, what fpecies of 
 liberty can exifl in a country, where not 
 only the freedom of action; but the free- 
 dom of principle and opinion is not fuf- 
 fered ; where a man is conftrained to ap- 
 pear what he is not, to do what he does 
 not wiih, and what the laws do not only 
 not demand, but even forbid, to fave his 
 
 property
 
 ( 3' ) 
 
 property or life ? For under the mafk of 
 democracy, the fpirit of ariftocracy was 
 frequently concealed : the quiet clafs of peo- 
 ple were obliged to appear democrats, but no 
 power could reprefs what the mind revolved 
 within itfelf. And what man of principle 
 and honour, of reafon, or of interefl, could 
 behold fo beautiful and populous a country 
 as France, governed by a rabble, its exter- 
 nal and internal commerce almofl anni- 
 hilated, itfelf on the eve of bankruptcy, 
 its money bearing fixty or feventy per cent, 
 difcount ; and be a friend to the govern- 
 ment, or rather the anarchy, that was the 
 caufe of the calamities? Hume obferves, 
 that " it is feldom that the people gain 
 " any thing by revolutions in government, 
 " becaufe the new fettlement, jealous and 
 " infecure, muft commonly be fupported 
 " with more expence and feverity than the 
 *' old.'* And nothing can iuilifv his ob- 
 
 O J / 
 
 fervation more ftrongly than the prefent 
 ftate of France. Their expences at this mo- 
 ment are enormous: the plunder and fale 
 of churches, the demolition offlatues, and 
 
 the
 
 the confifcation of private property, are 
 not inexhauftible refources, and cannot 
 long furnifh them with the means of calling 
 in and burning the paper money : the peo- 
 ple mufr. inevitably, if they be not con- 
 quered very ihortly, groan under a load of 
 taxes unknown before. The gabelle may 
 change its name and feature, and may be 
 called a voluntary contribution, but the ef- 
 fects will be the fame. The word and 
 the cap of liberty may remain among them, 
 but, I repeat it, conquered or not conquer- 
 ed, France never will be free. 
 
 And yet under the prefent circumftances, 
 and the profpecl: of a more dreadful future, 
 every honeft man, every well-wimer to 
 France, is, in his own country, under the 
 neceility of wearing the hypocritical vizor 
 of democracy. This will be found induc- 
 tive of more danger to the prefent confH- 
 tution, than is at this moment imagined ; 
 for it is by this that France deceives the 
 world, and deceives herfelf. Where every 
 one is obliged to wear the fame appearance, 
 
 it
 
 ( 33 ) 
 
 it is impoffible to difcover the various opi- 
 nions that may be concealed under the fame 
 malk; and without knowing the opini- 
 ons of the people, it is equally impoffible 
 to form any eftimate of the fafety or dan- 
 ger of a government. A time, perhaps, 
 will fhortly come when opinions and ien- 
 timents will be difclofed without referve, 
 and France will be furprifed to fee hen 
 millions flock to the banners of royalty, 
 whom me had impoliticly obliged to rank 
 themfelves under the cap of liberty. 
 
 But to proceed to the narrative of facts, 
 which I mean to confine chiefly to what 
 happened during the months of June, 
 July, Auguft, and September. 
 
 The Jacobins had long been the fecret, 
 and had, at laft, become the avowed ene- 
 mies of the King ; and finding that, under 
 his reign, they could not practife every 
 fpecies of injuftice which they meditated 
 againft thofe whom birth or merit had 
 raifed to a fuperiority over them, they re- 
 D folvec 1
 
 ( 34 ) 
 
 Solved to dethrone him. This, however, 
 could not be done conftitutionally ; it was 
 therefore neceflary for them to procure the 
 afliflance of the rabble : the citizens of 
 Paris, however, had not been fo fully con- 
 vinced of the perfidies and treacheries of 
 Louis the Sixteenth, as it had been endea- 
 voured to make them ; they had been 
 witnefles of the conduct of their King, and 
 the more enlightened part of them had dif- 
 cdvered that he had done more for the real 
 interefts -of the country than had been 
 afcribed to him. They, therefore, were 
 Xinfit for the diabolical purpofe of the Ja- 
 fcobins. Under the pretence of defending 
 Paris, in cafe of an invafion, they procu- 
 red from the National AfTembly a decree 
 for the formation of a camp of twenty 
 thoufand men under its walls ; which 
 camp was to be formed of volunteers from.- 
 the eightythree departments. 
 
 The decree being pafled by the AfTem- 
 bly, and the defence of Paris being the 
 only oftenfible caufe of it, and that ap- 
 pearing
 
 '( 3S ) 
 
 pearing futile and unneceflary, violent ex- 
 clamations were immediately raifed againil 
 it; and, during the flrft part of the month 
 of June, almoft the whole time of the Na- 
 tional AfTembly was taken up in hearing 
 petitions for its repeal. The National Pa- 
 rifian Guard were among the firfh to ex- 
 claim againft it ; they were ready, they faid, 
 and, as they thought, fufficient to defend 
 Paris in cafe of attack ; they obferved that 
 the idea of forming a camp under its walls 
 muft have originated from a doubt either 
 of their courage, or their honour; they 
 allured the National AfTembly that they 
 were ready to fhed the laft drop of their 
 blood in defence of the conftitution, and 
 begged that the protection of the capital 
 might be left to their care* They added, 
 that if an additional army was necefTary, 
 that army fhould be raifed and fent to the 
 frontier? to affift in preventing the entrance 
 of the enemy ; and not wait inactively 
 'till the enemy had entered and proceeded 
 as far as Paris. 
 
 D 2 Suck
 
 C 36 ) 
 
 Such were the remonftrances contained 
 in the numerous petitions fent to the 
 National AfTembly, immediately after the 
 paffing of the decree ; one of which was 
 prefented in the name of eight thoufand 
 of the National Guard. No one, but thofe 
 immediately concerned in planning it, 
 could divine any ufe or reafon for this 
 camp : the univerfal cry was againft it, as 
 a meafure impolitic and unnecefTary. The 
 decree was prefented to the King, who, 
 knowing that fuch a camp could be of no 
 iervice to the nation in general, knowing 
 alfp the hatred which the Jacobins had 
 manifefted toward his conftitutional au- 
 thority, and the attacks they had fo fre- 
 quently made upon it ; and wifely fore- 
 feeing the fatal confequences to himfelf, 
 ihould fo large a body of men be fuffered 
 to aflemble in Paris, under the immediate 
 influence of the Jacobins, refufed his fanc- 
 tion to it. In doing this, he exerted no 
 other power than what the conftitution 
 had delegated to him, and which power, 
 when he could no longer doubt that what- 
 ever
 
 ( 37 ) 
 
 ever might be the oftenfible reafbn for the 
 formation of a camp of twenty thousand men 
 under the walls of Paris, the real motive 
 could only be to attack by violence that 
 part of the conftitution which he was ef- 
 fentially bound to defend, it was his un- 
 doubted duty to enforce. 
 
 The cry, however, againft the decree 
 was foon changed into a louder cry of ap- 
 probation ; the National Guards, who were 
 now on all occafions denominated the 
 brave National Guard of Paris, had been 
 flattered into the conviction that the idea 
 of the camp had not originated from a 
 fufpicion of their courage or integrity ; 
 every argument and flowery expreffion 
 that could be invented was adduced to 
 convince the people of the neceffity of 
 this camp, of which the Jacobins derived 
 the ftrongeft proof from the King's having 
 refufed to fan&ion it. The French are 
 the flaves to words, they feldom reafon, 
 they catch the idea as it nrfl prefents it- 
 felf, and aft from the immediate impulfo 
 J> of
 
 ( 38 ) 
 
 of the moment ; but a glowing fentiment, 
 a well turned phrafe, cloaked with the 
 imagery of liberty, will, right or wrong, 
 convert them in an inftant, and make 
 them as violent in favour of any meafure, 
 as they had before been outrageous againft 
 it : fo was it in this inftance ; the bar of 
 the National Affembly became now as 
 crowded with petitioners approving of the 
 decree, as it had the day before been with 
 petitioners againft it : they who had op- 
 pofed it were denounced ; and many who 
 had figned the petition of eight thoufand, 
 denounced thofe who induced thjem to fign 
 it, and fent to the AfTembly retracting 
 their fignatures. 
 
 The Jacobin minifters who had propofed 
 the decree to the AfTembly, and had been 
 denounced by the people, and difmifled by 
 the King, were now as warmly applauded 
 as they had been before condemned ; and 
 the National Aflembly decreed that they 
 left the miniflry with the regret of the 
 nation. 
 
 Every
 
 ( 39 ) 
 
 Every thing now feemed to be in good 
 train for the accomplifhment of the pur- 
 pofe of the Jacobins. The guard which 
 the conftitution had granted to the King of 
 1 200 foot and 600 horfe had been remov- 
 ed from the palace, left, being paid from 
 the funds of the civil lift, they might be 
 found too faithful to the hand that fed 
 them, and too much attached to their 
 King, whofe virtues and fufFerings they 
 conftantly beheld, to fuffer any infult to be 
 offered to his perfon while they had the 
 power of preventing it. 
 
 The cry being in favour of the decree, 
 every endeavour was ufed to irritate the 
 people againft their King, (who had now 
 no other than the honorary guard furnim- 
 ed him by the citizens), for refuting his 
 fan&ion to it. The attention of the Na- 
 tional AfTembly was difgraced by liftening 
 to the moft virulent execrations againft 
 the King ; every man, into whofe mouth 
 had been put phrafes replete with invec- 
 tives againft royalty, was received with 
 P 4 un-
 
 ( 4 ) 
 
 unbounded applaufe, and invited to the ho- 
 nours of the fitting. 
 
 I mall here fubjoin one fpeech which 
 will ferve fufficiently to indicate the ten- 
 dency of the others delivered at this pe- 
 riod, and which, by its audacious perver- 
 fion of fals, its pompous declarations of 
 patriotifm and courage, will prepare the 
 reader for the relations of the horrors 
 which followed in a few days. 
 
 The following fpeech was delivered at 
 the bar of the National Aflembly, on Sun- 
 day, the i;th of June, by a citizen of the 
 fe&ion. De la Croix Rouge. 
 
 "' Truth may diipleafe the too delicate 
 " ears of the King, but our legiflators can- 
 " not fail to make it welcome, 
 
 " During four years, the people have 
 " been environed with plots which feem 
 " to be favoured, feconded, and prepared 
 " by thofe who furround the executive 
 
 power.
 
 ( 41 ) 
 
 power. What mifchievous genius con- 
 duds the actions of Louis the Sixteenth? 
 We have forgiven his perjuries, we 
 have placed him upon the moft glorious 
 throne in the world, and he is forget- 
 ful of all thefe benefits. 
 
 f. 
 " You have patted two ufeful decrees*, 
 
 and he refufes to fandion them ! You 
 have removed from him a guard auda- 
 cioufly ariftocratic, and he thanks them 
 for their conduct by a public proclama- 
 tion ! Good minifters compofed his 
 council, and he difmifTes them ! 
 
 46 This inconceivable obftinacy in con- 
 tinually oppofmg evil to good, can no 
 longer be tolerated : we muft dart ter- 
 
 o 
 
 ror into the fouls of conipirators ; we 
 muft undeceive thofe madmen who. 
 frill indulge the foolim hope of a mo- 
 dification, 
 
 " Let 
 
 * The other was againft the refradlory priefts.
 
 ( 42 ) 
 
 " Let them learn at laft our refolu- 
 
 '* tions ; it is over the dead bodies of 
 
 u every free Frenchman that they mufl 
 
 " triumph, and the conftitution fhall ne- 
 
 *' ver perim but after its laft defender. 
 
 " Awake, legiflators ! and give us the 
 
 *' means of executing our refolu tions. 
 
 " Grant to the afTemblies of the fee- 
 * e tions the permanence we have fo often 
 " demanded. It is in thefe afTemblies 
 " that your defenders will always be found 
 46 ready and armed ; whofe impofing at- 
 ** titude and countenance alone will tram- 
 " pie your enemies in the duft." 
 
 It is unnecefTary to defcant on the above 
 fjpeech ; they who have been witnefles to 
 the conducl: of Louis the Sixteenth iince 
 the acceptance of the conftitution, and 
 who have not furTered themfelves to be 
 deceived by mifreprefentations, will deter- 
 mine the light in which - fuch and fimilar 
 pieces of oratory ought to be regarded. 
 But his deftruction was decreed ; and 
 
 though
 
 ( 43 ) 
 
 though no laws, human or divine, were 
 to be regarded in the purfuit of it, it was 
 thought neceflary by the Jacobins to have 
 fome fpecious pretences for their conduct, 
 to divert the deteftation of all Europe, 
 which is, however, at laft, moil defervedly 
 entailed upon them. 
 
 While circumftances were in the fitu- 
 ation I have defcribed at Paris, and the 
 dreadful day was faft advancing, La Fay- 
 ette, who viewed the proceedings of the 
 Jacobins in their proper light, and trem- 
 bled for the fafety of his royal mafter, un- 
 mindful of his perfonal fafety, and attached 
 only to the conftitution which he had 
 fworn to defend, and the violation of 
 which he faw was threatened, wrote to 
 the King and the National Aflembly the 
 two following letters : 
 
 Letter
 
 ( 44 ) 
 
 Letter ofM. LA FAYETTE to the KING, 
 fent 'with a Copy of "his Letter to the 
 NATIONAL ASSEMBLY. 
 
 At the intrenched Camp of Maubeuge, 
 
 1 6th of June, 1792. 
 The Fourth Tear of Liberty. 
 
 SIRE, 
 
 I have the honour of fending to your 
 Majefly the copy of a letter which I have 
 written to the National AiTembly, in. 
 which it will find the expreffion of thofe 
 fentiments which have animated my whole 
 life. The King knows with what ardour, 
 with what confidence I have been at all 
 times devoted to the caufe of liberty, to 
 the facred principles of humanity, equality 
 andjuflice. He knows that I have al- 
 ways been the adverfary of factions, the 
 enemy of licentioufnefs ; and that any 
 power that I thought illegal, never was 
 acknowledged by me : he knows my de- 
 votion to his constitutional authority, and 
 my attachment to his perfon. Thefe, 
 Sire, are the principles which compofe the 
 
 bafis
 
 ( 45 ) 
 
 bafis of my letter to the National Aflem- 
 bly, and which will ever be the dictators 
 of my conduct toward my country and 
 your Majefty, in the midft of thofe florins 
 which fo many hoftile and factious com- 
 binations attract at once around us. 
 
 It does not behove me, Sire, to give to 
 my opinions or my actions, any greater 
 importance than the infulated conduct of 
 a fimple citizen ought to experience ; but 
 the expreffion of my thoughts was always 
 a right, and, on this occalion, becomes a 
 duty : and although I mould have fulfilled 
 it fooner, if my voice, inftead of making 
 itfelf heard in the midfl of a camp, could 
 have iflued from the depth of a retreat 
 from which the dangers of my country 
 have hurried me ; I do not think that any 
 public employment, any perfonal cOnfide- 
 ration, can excufe me from exerciiing this 
 duty of a citizen, this right of a free man. 
 
 Perfift, Sire, by the force of that autho- 
 rity which the national will has delegated 
 
 to
 
 ( 46 ) 
 
 to you, in the generous resolution of de- 
 fending the principles of the conftitution 
 againft all its enemies ; let that refolution, 
 fupported by every adtion of your private 
 life, as well as by a firm and complete ex- 
 ercife of the royal power, become the 
 pledge of a harmony, which, particularly 
 in every critical moment, cannot fail to 
 eftablim itfelf between the elected repre- 
 (entatives of the people and their heredi- 
 tary reprefentative. It is on. this refolu- 
 tion, Sire, that the glory and the fafety of 
 the nation and yourfelf depend. By that 
 you will find all the true friends of liberty, 
 all the honeft Frenchmen, ranged about 
 your throne, to defend it againft the confpi- 
 racies of rebels, and the enterprifes of the 
 fa6lious. 
 
 And I, Sire, who in their honourable 
 hatred have found the recompenfe of my 
 perfevering oppofition, I mall deferve it 
 always by my zeal in (crying the caufe to 
 which my whole life is devoted, and by my 
 
 fidelity 
 
 ,
 
 ( 47 ) 
 
 delity to the oath I have given to the Na- 
 tion, the Law, and the King. 
 
 Such, Sire, are the unalterable fenti- 
 ments, of which I offer to your Majefty the 
 homage, with that of my relpeft. 
 
 (Signed) LA FAYETTE. 
 
 Letter of M. LA FAYETTE to the NA- 
 TIONAL ASSEMBLY, read at the Sitting 
 of the i$th of June, 1792. 
 
 At the intrenched Camp of Maubeuge, 
 
 1 6th of June, 1792. 
 The fourth Tear of Liberty. 
 
 GENTLEMEN, 
 
 At the moment, perhaps too long delay- 
 ed, when I was about to call your attention. 
 to very interefting national concerns, and 
 to point out, among our other dangers, 
 the conduct of a miniftry which my cor- 
 relpondence has for a long time accufed, 
 I learn that, ujinaaiked by its divifion, it 
 
 has
 
 ( 48 ) 
 
 has fallen a vicYim to its own intrigues ; 
 for, without doubt, it is not by facrificing 
 three of his colleagues, devoted by their 
 infignificance to his power, that the leafl 
 excufable, the moft notorious of thofe mi- 
 nifters, fhall have cemented his equivocal 
 and fcandalous 4 existence in the council of 
 the King. 
 
 It is not, however, fufficient that that 
 branch of goverrunent mould be delivered 
 from a fatal influence ; the public caufe is 
 in danger ; the fate of France is in the 
 hands of its reprefentatives ; the nation 
 experts from them its fafety; but in giving 
 itfelf a conftitution, it has prefcribed to 
 them the only means by which they are 
 enabled to fave it. 
 
 Perfuaded, Gentlemen, that as the rightS- 
 of man are the law of the whole conftitu- 
 ent Aflembly, a conftitution becomes the 
 law of the legiflators it has eftablifhed, it 
 is to yourfelves that I ought to denounce 
 the too powerful efforts that are made to 
 
 eftrange
 
 ( 49 ) 
 
 eftrange you from that rule which you 
 have promifed to follow. 
 
 Nothing mall prevent me from exercif- 
 ing that right of a free man, from fulfil- 
 ling that duty of a citizen: neither the 
 momentary wanderings of opinion ; for 
 what are opinions that efcape from prin- 
 ciple ? nor my refpect for the reprefenta- 
 tives of the people ; for I refpeft frill more 
 the people, of whom the conflitution is the 
 fupreme wifh : nor the good-will that you 
 have conftantly exprefled towards me ; for 
 I wifh to preferve it, as I acquired it, by 
 an inflexible love of liberty. 
 
 Your circumftances are difficult ; France 
 is threatened from without, and agitated 
 within : while foreign courts announce the 
 intolerable pro] eel: of aiming at our na- 
 tional fovereignty, and declare themfelves 
 the enemies of France, our interior ene- 
 mies, intoxicated with fanaticifm and pride, 
 entertain a chimerical hope, and diftrefs us 
 with their infolent malevolence, 
 
 E You
 
 ( So. ) 
 
 You ought, Gentlemen, to fupprefs 
 them, and you will only have the power 
 to do fo, by continuing to at conftitution- 
 ally and juftly. 
 
 You wim it, no doubt : but turn your 
 obfervation to what paries in your own 
 bofom and around you. 
 
 Can you conceal from yourfelves that a 
 faction, and, to avoid vague denomina- 
 tions, that the faction of the Jacobins has 
 been the caufe of all the diforders ? It is 
 that which I moft fervently accufe. Or- 
 ganized like a feparate empire, in its me- 
 tropolitan fociety and its affiliations, blind- 
 ly directed by a few ambitious chiefs, that 
 feel: forms a diitinct corporation in the 
 midft of the French people, whofe powers 
 it ufurps by fubjugating their reprefenta- 
 tives and their mandatories* 
 
 It is there that in the public fittings 
 the love of the laws is called ariftocracy, 
 and the infraction of them patriotifm; 
 
 there
 
 ( 5' ) 
 
 there the afTaffins of Defilles receive their 
 triumphs, the crimes of Jourdan find their 
 panegyrifts ; there the account of the afTaf- 
 fmation which has defiled the town of 
 Metz, has jufl excited infernal acclama- 
 tions. 
 
 Will they think to efcape from thefe re- 
 proaches, by prefuming on an Auflrian ma- 
 nifefto in which they are named ? Are they 
 become facred becaufe Leopold has pro- 
 nounced their name? And becaufe -we 
 ought to combat foreigners who interfere 
 with our difputes, can we difpenfe with 
 delivering our country from domeflic ty- 
 rants ? 
 
 What have trie plans of foreigners, their 
 connivance with counter-revolutionifts, 
 and their influence over the luke-warm 
 friends of liberty, to do with this duty? It 
 is I who denounce this feel before you; I, 
 who without fpeaking of my pafl life, can 
 anfwer to thofe who pretend to fufpecl: me : 
 ;" Approach in this moment of crifis, in 
 E 2 which
 
 ( 5' ) 
 
 " which the character of every one is about 
 ' to be known, and let us fee which of us 
 " more inflexible in his principles, and 
 " more obftinate in his refinance, will 
 " better brave thofe obftacles and thofe 
 *' dangers which traitors conceal from their 
 " country, but which every brave citizen 
 knows well how to calculate and meet 
 V for her." 
 
 And how could I longer delay fulfilling 
 this duty, when every day weakens the 
 conftituted authorities, and fubfKtutes the 
 fpirit of party for the will of the people ; 
 when the audacity of the difhirbers of the 
 .peace impofes filence on every peaceable 
 citizen, banimes every ufeful man, and 
 when the devotednefs of fe&aries takes 
 place of every public and private virtue, 
 which ought to be the referved and onlj/t 
 means of attaining to the firfl functions of 
 government. 
 
 It is after having oppofed to every ob- 
 ftacle> to every fnare, the perfevering pa- 
 
 triotifm
 
 ( 53 ) 
 
 triotifm of an army, facrificed perhaps to 
 combinations againft its general, that I can 
 now oppofe to that faction, the correfpon- 
 dence of a miniftry, the worthy produce 
 of its club; that correfpondence, of which 
 all the calculations are falfe, the promifes 
 vain, and the fecurities deceitful or frivo* 
 lous, the advices perfidious or contradic- 
 tory ; in which, after having urged me 
 to advance without precautions, and at- 
 tack without means, they were beginning 
 to tell me that refinance would foon be- 
 come impoflible, when my indignation, 
 rejected that cowardly afTertion, 
 
 What a remarkable conformity of Ian-* 
 guage there is, Gentlemen, between the 
 factious whom the Ariftocracy avow, and 
 thofe who ufurp the rjame of patriots ! 
 Both wifh to overthrow our laws, to divert 
 themfelves with our diforders, rife up 
 againfl the authorities which the people 
 have compofed, detefl the National Guard, 
 preach, indifcipline to the army, and fbw 
 among them at one moment diftruft, and 
 at another difcouragement, 
 
 9 With
 
 ( 54 ) 
 
 With refpeft to me, Gentlemen, who 
 efpoufed the American caufe, even at the 
 moment when its ambafladors declared to 
 me it was loft ; who, from that time, de- 
 voted myfelf to a perfevering defence of 
 liberty, and the fovereignty of the people ; 
 who, on the i ith of July, 1789, in pre-. 
 fenting to my country a declaration of 
 rights, dared to tell her " for a nation 
 " to be free, it is fufficient that me wills 
 ' to be fo!" I come today, full of confi- 
 dence in the juftice of our caufe, of con- 
 tempt for the cowards that defert it, and 
 indignation againft the traitors who wifh to 
 defile it ; I come to declare that the 
 French nation, if it be not the vileft in 
 the univerfe, can, and ought to reiift the 
 combination of Kings who have confpired 
 againft her. 
 
 It is not in the midft of my brave army, 
 that timid fentiments are permitted : patri-r 
 ptilm, energy,, difcipline, patience, mutual 
 confidence, and every virtue, civil and 
 military, I find here. Here the principles 
 
 of
 
 ( 55 ) 
 
 of liberty and equality are cherimed, the laws 
 are relpe6ted, and properties are facred ; 
 here we are neither acquainted with calum- 
 nies nor factions : and when I think that 
 France has feveral millions of men, who 
 might become fuch foldiers, I afk myfelf, 
 " to what degree of degradation muft an 
 " immenfe people be reduced, a people 
 " ftronger by their natural refources than 
 " by their artificial defences, and oppofing 
 " to a diflorted confederation the advantage 
 *' of united combinations, when the co- 
 *' wardly idea of facrificing their fove- 
 " reignty, of trampling upon their liberty, 
 " and of capitulating a declaration of their 
 " rights, can appear one of the future pof- 
 " fibilities, which advance with rapidity 
 *' upon us," 
 
 But in order that we, foldiers of liberty, 
 may fight with efficacy, or die with ad- 
 vantage to our country, it is necefTary 
 that the number of its defenders mould be 
 quickly proportioned to that of its adverfa- 
 rjes ; that the quantity of provifions of 
 E 4 every
 
 every kind mould be increafed, and facili- 
 tate our motions ; that the food of the 
 troops, their furniture, their pay, the cares 
 relative to their health, mould no longer 
 be fubjec~t to fatal delays or pretended fpa- 
 rings, which turn in an inverfe direction 
 from their end. 
 
 It is efpecially necefTary that the citizens 
 rallied about the conftitution, mould be 
 aflured that the rights which it guarantees 
 will be refpeded with a religious fide^ 
 lity, which will enfure the defpair of our 
 concealed and public enemies. 
 
 Reject not this prayer ! it is that of the 
 fincere friends of your legitimate authority. 
 Aflured that no unjuft confequence can flow 
 from a pure principle, that no tyrannical 
 meafure can ferve a caufe that owes its 
 ftrength and its glory to the facred bafes of 
 liberty and equality, procure that criminal 
 juftice may take again its conftitutional 
 direction ; that civil equality, that reli^ 
 
 gious
 
 ( 57 ) 
 
 gious liberty, may enjoy the entire appli- 
 cation of true principles. 
 
 That ttie royal power may be inviolate, 
 for it is guaranteed by the conftitution ; 
 that it may be independent, for that inde- 
 dence is one of the fprings of our liberty ; 
 that the King may be refpected, for he is 
 inverted with the Majefty of the Nation ; 
 that he may choofe a miniftry that 
 bears not the chains of any faction ; and 
 that, if there exift confpirators, they 
 may perifh only under the fword of tha 
 law. 
 
 At laft, that the reign of clubs (annihi- 
 lated by you) may give place to the reign 
 of the law ; their ufurpations, to the firm 
 and independent exercife of the con- 
 fHtuted authorities ; their diforganizing 
 maxims, to the true principles of liberty ; 
 their infatuated fury, to the calm and con- 
 ftant courage of a nation, that knows its 
 rights and defends them ; and laftly, their 
 fedtarian combinations, to the true mterefls 
 
 of
 
 ( 58 ) 
 
 of the country, which, in this moment of 
 danger, ought to reunite all thofe to 
 whom its flavery and ruin are not the ob- 
 jects of an atrocious rejoicing and in- 
 famous {peculation. 
 
 Such are, Gentlemen, the reprefenta- 
 tions and petitions that a citizen, whole 
 love of liberty muft be indifputable, fub- 
 mits to the National AfTembly, as he has 
 already fubmitted them to the King ; a 
 citizen whom the different factions would 
 hate the lefs, if he were not fuperior to 
 them by his difintereftednefs ; whom il-p 
 lence would have better fuited, if, like fo 
 many others, he had been indifferent to 
 the glory of the National AfTembly, and 
 the confidence with which it is necefTary 
 that it mould be furrounded; and who 
 could not have better teftified his own 
 confidence in it, than by fpeaking the 
 truth without difguife. 
 
 Gentlemen, I have Obeyed the dictates 
 of my confcience and my oaths. It was a 
 
 duty
 
 ( 59 ) 
 
 duty I owed to the country, to you, to the 
 King, and to myfelf, whom the chances 
 of war permit not to adjourn thofe ob- 
 fervations I think ufeful, and who love to 
 think that the National Aflembly will 
 find in them a new proof of my devotion 
 to its conflitutional authority, of my per- 
 fonal gratitude and refpect. 
 
 (Signed) LA FAYETTE. 
 
 When the above letter was read in the 
 National AiTembly, it was a pleafure to 
 pbferve, that fome of its members had yet 
 preferved fenfe and courage enough to ac- 
 knowledge by their applaufes the truth 
 and juftice of La Fayette's obfervations ; 
 for although, I am forry to obferve it, few 
 I believe would have dared to have made 
 themfelves a iimilar proportion ; yet, when 
 fuch a proportion was once made, there 
 were not wanting fome members to defend 
 and fupport it ; to every honeft man the 
 letter appeared as a fignal to recal him to 
 
 his
 
 . ( 60 } 
 
 his duty, and perfeverance in the juft 
 caufe : but in this Aflembly, commonly- 
 called of free debate, when any known 
 protector of the laws arofe y and was be^ 
 ginning to plead in defence of the confti- 
 tution, and confequently of that part of it 
 to which the executive power was en- 
 trufted, he was immediately condemned 
 to filence by the tumults of the Aflembly 
 and the hifles of the tribunes, who were 
 hired to fupport the Patriots and confound 
 the Ariftocrats, by their vociferous accla- 
 mations. What truth, humanity, Qrjuf-* 
 tice could be expected to prevail in a foci- 
 ety where the domineering multitude per^ 
 initted nothing to be heard but what was 
 calculated to defend their defpotifm, and 
 where its members were ftudious only for 
 phrafes to amufe and pleafure the ears of 
 the rabble, inftead of promoting and mew^ 
 ing them their real interefts ? Strangers 
 to what would be productive of the in- 
 trinlic good of the country, and totally 
 anduniverfally inexperienced in the means 
 of promoting it, the majority of the Na- 
 tional
 
 ( 6' ) 
 
 tional Aflembly, who call themfelves Pa- 
 triots, fuffer themfelves on all occafions to 
 be blindly led by the {till more ignorant 
 rabble, or the influence of their ambitious 
 chiefs. 
 
 Their decrees are not the effects of a 
 calm, cool and deliberate debate, in which 
 both fides of the queftion might be heard 
 with candour and judged with imparti- 
 ality ; but of momentary infatuation and 
 tumultuous uproar. In fat, it is not the 
 AfTembly that pafTes the decree* but the 
 tribunes in the galleries. 
 
 When a motion is made, if conciliatory 
 to the difpofitions of the multitude, they 
 immediately applaud ; fome of the prevail- 
 ing Patriots then get up-, utter a few flowery 
 fentences in favour of the motion and the 
 fovereignty of the people's will, the motion 
 is put to the vote and paffed. If, however, 
 fome man of honour and principle, (for 
 fome fuch there are even in the prefent 
 AfTembly) fhould find the motion irrecon- 
 cilable
 
 eilable to the true interefts of the country, 
 and mould attempt to fpeak againft it, he 
 is immediately hooted at, and fupprefTed 
 by the tribunes ; in fhort, the only part 
 the advocates for right and juftice, there 
 denominated Ariftocrats, are allowed to 
 take, is to rife filently in fupport of, or 
 againft a motion ; and, confequently, be- 
 ing the minority, they never, or feldom 
 can prevail. 
 
 But what proceedings of a different na- 
 ture could be expelled from fuch men as, 
 in general, compofe the legiflative body ? 
 The few men of talents, integrity and 
 experience (of the latter qualification 
 there are very few indeed) are condemned 
 to filence as Ariftocrats ; the majority con- 
 fids of men, many without education, all 
 without knowledge, experience, or ability 
 in concerns of ftate, and without any other 
 principle but that of a fubverfion of order, 
 and a pretended fpirit of equality, unmaflt- 
 ed to the difcerning, by their infamous at* 
 tempts at fuperiority. Some of the mem- 
 
 beri
 
 bers can, abfolutely, neither write nor read., 
 The infatuated people, when they aflfem- 
 bled this chaos of ignorance, thought that 
 nothing more was neceflary to form a 
 legiflator than a love of liberty, and that a 
 Patriot muft inevitably make a good go- 
 vernor; they little dreamt of experience, 
 political knowledge, and hiftorical infor- 
 mation; of reafon to examine, fenfe to 
 difcover, and judgment to decide on the 
 important points of administration. ; of pe- 
 netration to inveftigate, of ingenuity to 
 difcriminate, of language to difclofe, and 
 argument to prove. All was to be fupplied 
 by patriotifm : and patriotifm has done 
 its all. It has, in its oratorical capacity, 
 fubftituted action for words, fentiment 
 for argument, and tumultuary proceedings 
 and menaces for free and uncontrolled de- 
 bate : in its judicial capacity, it has fubfti- 
 tuted the cry of the rabble for the voice 
 of juftlce ; the imputation of Ariftocracy 
 for the conviction of crimes, and the dag- 
 ger of the aflaffin for the fword of the 
 law. In its moral" capacity, it has fubfti- 
 
 tuted
 
 C 6 4 ) 
 
 tuted cruelty for charity, revenge for for- 
 givenefs of injuries, drunkennefs forfobri- 
 ety, and the force of arms for the law of 
 nature. In its religious capacity, it has 
 fubftituted ridicule for love, blafphemy for 
 adoration, and an idol for its God. In its 
 military capacity, it has fubftituted riot 
 for order, infubordination for difcipline, 
 and frenzy for true courage. In its legif- 
 lative capacity, it has fubflituted the whim 
 of the moment for the decided experience 
 of anceftry, the fear of the rabble for the 
 voice of the nation, and the ambition of 
 individuals for the good of the public. 
 And tartly, in its political capacity, it has 
 fubflituted facrilege and plunder for an 
 honourable and equitable revenue ; def- 
 troyed the very foundation and the foul of 
 liberty; banimed from its country herbeft 
 friends, annihilated her commerce, impo- 
 verifhed her refources, expofed her to the 
 devaftation of conquerors, depofed her 
 lawful Sovereign, and made the whole 
 world her energies, 
 
 But
 
 But to return, to my narrative* La 
 Fayette's letter, as it mult be fuppofed, 
 excited the moft violent indignation of the 
 Jacobins; they reprefented him as a traitor 
 to the country, united with the King and 
 the Ariftocracy to enflave the nation, by 
 procuring the abolition of the popular fo- 
 cieties, by which they afTerted, that the 
 ipirit of liberty could alone be kept alive ; 
 they accufed him of attempting to over- 
 awe the National AfTembly, by dictating 
 terms to them at the head of his army ; 
 and they who had entirely rendered the 
 Aflembly dependent on themfelves, were, 
 on this occafion, the firft to aflert its inde- 
 pendence. Some of the Patriots, though 
 far from the leaft fanguinary, or the leaft 
 inimical to La Fayette, had the bafenefs, 
 a bafenefs to which cowardly cunning 
 frequently applies, to pretend that they 
 had too good an opinion of him to believe 
 that the letter was of his writing. They 
 maintained that the letter muft have been 
 forged ; that it was impoffible that a man 
 who had fhewn himfelf fo much the friend 
 
 F Of
 
 ( 66 ) 
 
 of liberty, who had fo long been honoured 
 with the love and confidence of the people^ 
 could betray them in the moments of their 
 greateft danger : they knew that La Fay- 
 ette mull: foon avow the letter, and thought 
 that by crying him up to the people in the 
 mean time, as a man totally incapable of 
 fuch unexampled treachery as they repre- 
 fented it, their indignation would be the 
 greater when aimred of his being the au- 
 thor of it. Such complicated villany had, 
 however, at laft, its defired effect : the 
 National AfTembly declined deciding on 
 the letter till they mould be better aflured 
 of its authencity. But the Jacobins, in the 
 mean time, ufed every artifice their re- 
 venge could fuggeft to procure a burft of 
 indignation in the populace on the avowal 
 of it. 
 
 The letter of La Fayette had not, how- 
 ever, fo much occupied the attention of 
 the populace, as to induce them to forget 
 the fanclion which the King had refufed 
 
 to
 
 to the decree concerning the camp of 
 twenty thoufand mem 
 
 Already was it known that the citizens 
 Were to afTemble on the 2Oth. The cor- 
 poration, by a petition from the Faux- 
 bourgs, had received advice of it on the 
 1 6th. They well knew that, under the 
 pretence of prefenting a petition, the po- 
 pulace had an intention perfectly under- 
 ftood by the chiefs of the municipality : 
 they contented themfelves, however, with 
 paffing to the order of the day* 
 
 On Tuefday the ipth^it was announced, 
 that the populace intended to plant un- 
 der the windows of the palace, not the 
 poplar, the tree of liberty which they 
 ufually plant on fuch occasions, but ail 
 afpin-tree. The idea diverted their tri- 
 fling minds, and feemed the prefage of de- 
 clining royalty. The Jacobins, animated 
 by Danton, Lafource and Santerre, made 
 the hall of their fociety refound with hor- 
 rible imprecations againfr, the King. The 
 F 2 letter
 
 ( 68 ) 
 
 letter of La Fayette had ele&rified them, 
 and Lafburce had propofed that any man 
 who chofe might affaffinate him with im- 
 punity. 
 
 On Tuefday the i pth, while the minds 
 of the people were in this ftate of agita- 
 tion, a grand repaft, at which were about 
 five hundred perfons, was held in the 
 Elyfian Fields. The people came to take 
 a part in the conviviality of their repre- 
 fentatives. Dugazon fung, and Anachar- 
 fis Cloots drank toafls ; Cloots, the Pruf- 
 iian, who two days before had propofed 
 to cafhier the King, and name M. Holland 
 chief of the executive power, with a re- 
 venue of three hundred thoufand livres. 
 
 The fame evening the Capuchin Depu- 
 ty Chabot employed himfelf in inflaming 
 the minds of the people of the fauxbourg 
 St. Antoine : for this pious purpofe, he took 
 pofleffion of a pulpit in one of the 
 churches,* from which he held forth to 
 
 them, 
 
 * L'Eglifc dcs Enfajis trouves.
 
 ( 69 ) 
 
 them, for more than two hours, on the 
 lawfulnefs of infur region, and the duty 
 and neceffity they were under of doing 
 themfelves juftice by obliging the King to 
 fanction the decree. His difcourfe was 
 in every particular calculated to inflame the 
 people againft the King, whom he repre- 
 fented to them as aufelefs being, impeding 
 the wheels of government, and an enemy 
 to the conftitution. 
 
 The directory of the department, how- 
 ever, lefs tumultuoufly factious than the 
 municipality, had juft pafTed an order to 
 prevent unlawful afTemblies, and reprefs 
 the difturbers of the public peace. After 
 the reading of this order, the Aflembly 
 pafTed to the order of the day ; and the 
 order of the day was to hear an incendiary 
 petition from the. Jacobins of Marfeilles*, 
 F 3 which 
 
 * LEOISLATORS! 
 
 Liberty is in danger ! The free men of the fputh are 
 armed to defend it ! The day of the people's paflion is 
 arrived ! The people are tired of parrying blows ; they 
 are refolved to give them, 
 
 The
 
 ( 7 ) 
 
 which it was decreed fhould be printed 
 and fent to the eighty-three departments. 
 It was under fuch aufpices that the morn- 
 ing of the 2otharofe. 
 
 M. Roederer, the Procureur- General- 
 Syndic, appeared at the bar of the National 
 Affembly, to inform them of the different 
 multitudes that were collected together 
 in the fauxbourgs, in confequence of the 
 tacit permifliori of the municipality and 
 the Affembly, and of the inftruclions of 
 three members, who, from fix o'clock in 
 
 the 
 
 The people are tired of being the fport of confpira- 
 cies ! They have caft a terrible frown on the confpirators. 
 Favour, Legiflators, the warlike fentiment that animates 
 them. You have the ftrength of the people in your hands, 
 employ it ! A longer conftraint may weaken the fprings 
 of it. We will give no more quarter, fince we no longer 
 expeft quarter. 
 
 The French people demand of you a decree, authorifing 
 them to march toward the capital and the frontiers, with 
 forces (till more impofing than thofe you have juft decreed. 
 The people are determined to finifh the Revolution ; ought 
 you to prevent that fublime work ? Can you, Legiflators ? 
 JsTo ! you will not refufe the authority of the law to thftfc 
 who will die in its defence !
 
 ( 7' ) 
 
 the morning, had been on the place of 
 the Baftile, the fpot appointed for their 
 rendezvous. M. Roederer informed the 
 fenate of his fears that this crowd of people 
 intended proceeding to the palace, to pre- 
 fent a petition, in arms; he prayed the 
 AiTembly not to receive them, and thus 
 to maintain the law of the conflitution. 
 While they were debating on the advice 
 of M. Roederer, Santerre* arrived at the 
 head of his troop, and fent to the Af- 
 fembly, deiiring permiffion to appear at the 
 bar, and afterwards to introduce his troop. 
 Mr. Lafource afcended the tribune, and 
 informed the AiTembly that he had feen 
 Santerre, and could affure them from hint 
 that the intention of the citizens was not 
 to proceed to the palace, but to depofe, in 
 the bofom of the legiflative power, the 
 addrefs they wiihed to prefent to the 
 King. 
 
 F 4 The 
 
 * Santerre is a brewer, and was at that time commander 
 of the battalion of the fauxbpurg Saint Antoine.
 
 C 7* ) 
 
 The Affembly were debating whether 
 they mould be admitted or not*, when 
 the Prefident announced that the troop 
 confifted of eight thoufand men, who de- 
 manded permimon to appear. Some mem- 
 bers required that their admiffion mould 
 be put to the vote ; others, that the fitting 
 fhould be broke up. The Prefident ob- 
 ferved that they were at the door, and 
 were waiting; and twenty-five millions 
 of men, replied M. Ramond, are alfo 
 waiting, and bind you to your duties. 
 Some required that the petitioners mould 
 be ordered to lay down their arms, and 
 that they mould be informed that theftep 
 they had taken was illegal ; others, that 
 they mould be admitted as they were, 
 Great tumults arofe in the Aflembly, and 
 the difcuffion might have lafted much 
 longer, had not the petitioners taken the- 
 fureft way of putting an end to it, by 
 making their appearance. The orator read 
 
 a me 
 
 * The Ja\y aftually forbad any number of citizens to ap- 
 pear armed before the Jegiflative body.
 
 ( 73 ) 
 
 a memorial of eight pages. The memorial 
 was written with blood ; and every line of 
 it feemed a fentence of deftruction againft 
 the court and palace. The Aflembly and 
 the tribunes applauded loudly. Santerre 
 demanded and obtained permiffion to in- 
 troduce his troop. They entered, and, in 
 an inftant, the arena of the fenate-houfc 
 was filled with the lowefr, rabble that 
 Paris could produce, preceded by, and 
 interfperfed with a few National Guards, 
 to give them at leaft the appearance 
 of legality. Saint Huruge and Santerre 
 were at their head. Among them were 
 feen chimney-fweepers, colliers, ftreet- 
 porters ; men half naked, carrying their 
 rags upon the point of a pike; negroe 
 women, common ftreet walkers, and 
 others ; armed with hooks, fwords, pin- 
 cers, fcythes, forks, twibills, bludgeons, 
 pickaxes, fpits, pikes, and a variety of 
 new invented inftruments of cruelty 
 and definition : fome of them bore on 
 their pikes bits of bread, cheefe, and 
 other articles of food.; fome bonnets of 
 
 various
 
 ( 74 > 
 
 various colours, fome infcriptions of trea- 
 fonable tendencies, and one of them a 
 pair of ragged breeches. Such was the 
 troop that remained during three hours 
 in the hall of the Aflembly, and which 
 came to prefent to the alarmed reprefen- 
 tatives a fpecimen of the camp they de- 
 manded at the gates of Paris. 
 
 Such were the people who, on the 
 of July, 1 789, caufed all the (hops to be 
 fliut up, and occasioned, by the alarm they 
 infpired, an univerfal and armed infurrec- 
 tion, which became, they themfelves know 
 not how, a wonderful Revolution. 
 
 In the mean time, the National Guards 
 were afTembled, and furrounded on all fides 
 the palace and garden of the Tuilleries ; 
 the three regiments of the line at Paris 
 were under arms ; three thoufand of the 
 cavalry of the Gendarmerie formed a triple 
 line of battle before the royal court ; two 
 hundred Swifs guarded the court of the 
 Qiieen, and the court of Marfan ; and 
 
 twenty
 
 C 75 ) 
 
 twenty pieces of cannon difpofed about the 
 palace, it mould feem ought to have been 
 fufficient to have protected the avenues of 
 it. 
 
 An immenfe crowd had collected around 
 the gate of the garden that fronts the 
 Pont Royal ; thoufands had been admitted, 
 but the gate had fince been fhut, and orders 
 had been given to admit no more. At 
 leaft four thoufand of the National Guards 
 were drawn up clofe to it ; the mob de- 
 manded admittance, which being refufed, 
 they buril the gate open, and poured into 
 the gardens with the loudeft acclamations 
 of triumph. 
 
 They, however, who were appointed to 
 guard the avenue by the Place of Louis the 
 Fifteenth, had better executed their orders ; 
 they had planted the cannon fo as perfect- 
 ly to command the entrance ; and a nu- 
 merous guard prevented the admiflion of 
 every one, but the armed rabble, who 
 marched in continually to partake of and 
 
 fhare
 
 ( 76 ) 
 
 (hare in the fport prepared for them by 
 Santerre's troop. 
 
 About two o'clock there had affembled 
 in the gardens of the Tuilleries and the 
 Place de Caroufel, about forty thoufand of 
 the armed rabble ; they who were in the 
 gardens having united, marched along the 
 front line of the National Guards who 
 were drawn up before the palace, covering 
 the whole facade, and the national colours 
 faluted them as they pafled in fign of union, 
 till they arrived at the grenadiers, who re- 
 fufed to wave their colours ; the mob in- 
 ftantly wheeled about, and after a few 
 turns about the garden, prepared for their 
 entrance into the palace. 
 
 The three regiments of the line had 
 now arrived, and having marched up clofe 
 to the. National Guards, halted, and rang- 
 ed themfelves in a line at right angles with 
 the palace. 
 
 M. de
 
 ( 77 ) 
 
 M. de WittenghofF, lieutenant general 
 of the divifion of Paris ; M. de Romain- 
 villiers, commandant of the National 
 Guards ; MefTrs. Acloque and Mandat, 
 lecondary chiefs, were with the King, 
 but they had with them neither adjutants, 
 nor aids de camp, and very few officers. 
 
 About an hundred and fifty gentlemen, 
 among whom were the marechals De 
 Mailly, De Mouchy, and De Bauveau, 
 were in the apartments, ready to make a 
 rampart with their bodies around the 
 King. During the whole morning; the 
 National Guard in the courts had ex- 
 preffed a difpleafure at their appearance; 
 their black drefTes had excited the frequent 
 cry of ci has la culotte. The King, recal- 
 ling to his mind the fcenes that took 
 place on the 23th of February, and not 
 being willing to fee the innocent perfecu- 
 ted under his eyes, and become victims 
 to the lawlefs indignation of the multi- 
 tude, ordered them to quit his apartment ; 
 they who were immediately in his fervice 
 * a)fo
 
 alfb received orders to quit the palace^ 
 and the King remained almoft alone in it* 
 
 On the 28th of February, the friends of 
 the throne, who had gathered together to 
 protect it, had at leaft the oonfolation of 
 perceiving that the infults they received 
 preferved his Majefty from outrages and 
 Ignominy ; but now they could not hope 
 to draw on themfelves alone the violence 
 of the faction ; but this idea did notdimi- 
 nilh their forrows or their uneaimefles. 
 
 At half after three, and while the King 
 was dining, the rabble had all afTembled, 
 after having frequently marched about 
 from place to place, in the Place de Caroufel 
 and the terrace of the garden. Great cries 
 were heard, and the royal palace was at- 
 tacked. 
 
 The Gendarmerie without had received 
 orders to load their arms ; but fome re- 
 fufed to do it, others threw their powder 
 On the ground ; fome tore their car- 
 tridges,
 
 ( 79 ) 
 
 tridges and threw away the balls, others 
 hoifted and waved their hats on the points 
 of their bayonets, and every thing proved 
 to the populace that they partook of their 
 fentiments. This fcene patted under the 
 eyes of their brave and refpe&able com- 
 mander M. de Rulhieres, who was trem- 
 bling with indignation againft them. The 
 royal gate was opened by the porter, and 
 the guards, alarmed no doubt at the mena- 
 ces of the populace, and the pikes they 
 prefented at them. 
 
 On the firft appearance of the armed 
 rabble in the courts, a cry was heard in 
 the palace that the King was delivered up 
 to them. The dinner was interrupted ; 
 every body was in commotion ; every one 
 was feeking orders ; nobody gave them, 
 and the confulion began. 
 
 The cannoniers, however, in the royal 
 court, began charging their cannon. This 
 motion ftopt fhort the group of pikemen, 
 furprifed no doubt to find themfelves al- 
 ready
 
 C 80 ) 
 
 ready entered. A line of National Guards 
 which reached from the court gate to the 
 Cafe de Caroufel would have prevented 
 the cannoniers from firing; befides, they 
 were without orders, and retrained by a 
 diverfity of opinion ; they foon difconti- 
 nued their manoeuvres, and the populace 
 entered. 
 
 At the fame inftant, the people on the 
 terrace (on the oppofite fide of the palace) 
 furmonnted every refinance that was op- 
 pofed to them : the guards attempted to 
 fhut the iron-gate ; it was too late ; the 
 populace had already crowded the portico, 
 they rumed up the flaircafe, and penetra- 
 ted into the palace. 
 
 The King, in the mean time, was in 
 the apartments of M. Tourteau de Septeuil, 
 his valet de chambre, from whence he 
 faw every thing that had pafTed in the 
 courts. He advanced to the bull's eye*, 
 
 the 
 
 * A room fo called from its fmall circular windows, 
 vhich windows are very common in the palaces and great 
 houfesin France.
 
 the door of which, attacked from without, 
 was defended by a party of National Gre- 
 nadiers. 
 
 It was about this time that a cannon 
 difmounted from its carriage, was brought 
 by ftrength of arm into the hall of the 
 guards. The King advancing to the door, 
 faid, " I will go to them, I will prevent 
 " them from breaking open the door : 
 " come to me, grenadiers ; I wifh only 
 " for four, and let the door be opened." 
 They opened the door, and at the fame 
 inftant a pike which had been directed 
 againft the door, finding no refinance, 
 would have pierced the King, but for the 
 intervention of a chafleur, who turned it 
 afide with his hand. 
 
 The King was immediately led by thofe 
 who furrounded him to the further end of 
 the room, where he flopt, defended by 
 four grenadiers, and leaning on M. Acloque. 
 Madame Elizabeth, who had not quitted 
 the King during the whole day, remained 
 G at
 
 at the entrance of the apartment at the 
 firft window, fupportedby M.de Marcilly, 
 fo that all who entered were obliged to 
 pafs by her, before they could arrive at the 
 ipot where the King was. 
 
 Amamed of finding themfelves there, 
 the pikemen flood for Ibme time aflo- 
 niflied and confufed ; and the greater part 
 of them prefented only the fpectacle of 
 folly, curiofity and furprife. However, 
 the butcher Legendre foon arrived with a 
 group of his friends ; one of them prefented 
 to the King a red cap ; one of the grena- 
 diers put it afide with his hand, and was 
 wounded in the arm by the thruft of a 
 pike. Another man approached, offered to 
 the King a bottle, and defired him to drink 
 to the health of the nation. Some one 
 offered to fetch a glafs ; the King refilled 
 the offer ; and immediately, without fear, 
 and without repugnance, he applied the 
 impure veflel to his augufl lips, and drank 
 of the uncertain liquor. One of the gre- 
 nadiers alked, as a favour, the honour of 
 
 drinking
 
 drinking after his matter ; he was worthy 
 of obtaining it, and it was granted: taking 
 advantage of this moment of confufion, 
 one of the rabble placed himfelf the red 
 cap upon the head of the King ; he put it 
 on, preffing with his hands the temples of 
 his mailer. 
 
 While that forehead, which formerly 
 had been crowned, was thus concealed 
 under the grofs emblem of licentioufnefs, 
 the King was raifed upon a ftool, and pre- 
 fented to the populace, who loaded him 
 with the moft undeferved reproaches : 
 fome of them threatened him with their 
 brandifhed arms, and carried their auda- 
 city fb far as to tell him, that the mea- 
 fure of his crimes was at the full, and that 
 he ought to yield up his head upon the 
 fcafFold. The King replied to them in 
 the moft feeling tone: "Alas! if no- 
 " thing but my head was necefiary for the 
 " good of France, with what joy would 
 " I offer it a facrifice." The ferocious 
 populace replied only to thofe paternal 
 G 2 words
 
 ( 84 ) 
 
 words with a cry of " a la lanterne, a la 
 " lanterne ! 
 
 In the mean time the crowd increafed ; 
 they continued to break in on all fides, 
 and in all parts : the windows, the roofs, 
 the balconies, the parapets, every part of 
 the palace was inverted by this tumultuous 
 and dirty rabble. Some were dancing on 
 the leads, others were employed in erect- 
 ing a pole, from which was fulpended a 
 pair of breeches, on the top of the palace, 
 as an emblem of the victory the fans-cu- 
 lottes had gained ; and many in chalking 
 or fcratching, on the walls of the palace, 
 the mod infamous and treafonable falfe- 
 hoods againft the King and Queen : while 
 books, entitled, " The perfidies of Louis 
 " the Sixteenth,'* and replete with the 
 grofleft invectives, had been printed for 
 the occaiion, and were felling at low 
 prices among the people in the garden, 
 and handed up by pikes and hooks to the 
 rabble in the apartments. 
 
 The
 
 The National Aflembly, perceiving, too 
 late, the fault they had committed, refolv- 
 ed at lead to repair it, by a conduct fupe- 
 rior to that which the Conftituent Aflem- 
 bly adopted on a fimilar occafion. Mira- 
 beau was no longer there to teach the 
 legiflative power that it was inconfiftent 
 with its dignity to attend the hereditary 
 reprefentative of the nation. Succeffive 
 deputations were, therefore, fent to inter- 
 pole between the people and their King. 
 Some of the rabble demanded, from time 
 to time, that the two vetos, that reipec~t- 
 ing the camp, and that reflecting the 
 priefts, mould be withdrawn ; they added 
 alfo a kind of wifh for the recal of the 
 three feditious minifters. 
 
 Thefe verbal petitions were fupported 
 every now and then by notes written with 
 pencils, which the factious on the ter- 
 race, handed up to thofe in the apart- 
 ments. 
 
 The King replied to all, that his at- 
 tachment to the conflitution was invipla-* 
 G 3 ble,
 
 ( 36 ) 
 
 ble, and that if they had any demand to 
 make, that was not the moment for them 
 to propofe, or him to grant it. Ifnard 
 and Vergniaux confirmed thefe truths to 
 the people ; and this people, who at bot- 
 tom cared very little about M. Roland, 
 M. Claviere and M. Servan, replied dif- 
 dainfully to Vergniaux and Ifnard, " that 
 " is your bufinefs, do as you pleafe; it is 
 *' only by you and for you that we came 
 "here." 
 
 At laft the Mayor of Paris arrived, the 
 man whofe bufinefs it was, had he at- 
 tended to his duty more than his princi- 
 ples, to have prevented thefe mocking 
 fcenes : applauded by the rabble as he paf- 
 fed through the courts, he obferved to 
 them that he had only done his duty, that 
 he was fenfible of their kind approbation 
 and applaufe, and other fuch trifling non- 
 fenfes. Having arrived at the fpot where 
 the King frill remained, he mounted on a 
 {tool, recommended moderation to the 
 crowd, and had the audacity to obferve 
 
 to
 
 to the King, that he had nothing to fear. 
 Indignant at fuch an obfervation, the 
 King put his hand upon his breaft, and 
 faid to M. Petion, with emotion, " The 
 " honeft man who has a pure confcience, 
 " knows no fear nor regret ; it is they 
 " only who have any thing to reproach 
 " themfelves with, who have reafbn to 
 " fear. Hold, my friend," added he, 
 taking the hand of a grenadier who was 
 near him, " give me your hand, put it on 
 " my heart, and tell me if it beats fafter 
 " than ufual." 
 
 . 
 
 The troop now began to withdraw, and 
 the night approaching, at laft permitted 
 the King to breathe, after five hours of 
 anguim. The Mayor of Paris concluded 
 his guilty day by an harangue well wor- 
 thy of him to the people : thefe were his 
 words : " Citizens, men and women, 
 *' you began the day with dignity and 
 " wifdom ; you have proved that you are 
 " free ; finim it with the fame dignity, 
 " and do, like me, go to bed.** 
 
 04 The
 
 ( 88 ) 
 
 The Queen, who had been with the 
 King in the apartments of M. Septeuil, 
 when the people firft began to break into 
 the palace, found herfelf feparated from 
 him, after he had ran to prefent himfelf 
 before the rabble who were forcing the 
 doors with clubs and hatchets. Madame 
 Elizabeth had followed the footfteps of 
 her auguft brother, accompanied by M. 
 Marcilly, and M. de Saint Pardoux, her 
 pages. She had arrived in time to be a 
 witnefs of the impofmg fcene that had 
 taken place at the opening of the doors, 
 when one of the favages ruming in among 
 the firft, exclaimed, " Where is he, thatg. 
 " I may kill him !" brandifhing in his 
 hand a ftick armed with the blade of a 
 fword. He directed a thruft at the King. 
 A brave man, Conolle, a National Guard, 
 not only turned afide the weapon, but 
 ruming on the regicide, feized him, and 
 made him fall on his knees before the 
 King, obliging him to cry, " Vive le Roi !" 
 This bold a&ion fo much confounded 
 the rabble that were with him, that they 
 
 were
 
 were feized with aftonimment, and re- 
 mained for fome time ftupified : and it 
 was, perhaps, to this courageous conduct 
 that the royal family chiefly owed its 
 fafety. 
 
 The Queen, however, had not been able 
 to prevail upon thofe who accompanied 
 her, to fuffer her to follow her hufband 
 when he prefented himfelf before the rab- 
 ble. All were deaf to her cries and 
 tears. " My place is by the King," 
 faid fhe : " It is by your children," re- 
 plied MefTrs. d'HaufTonville and de Choi- 
 feul-Stainville. " But my fitter isferving 
 
 " him as a rampart, and I " " Liften 
 
 " to your children who call you !" ex- 
 claimed one : and immediately the cries 
 of thofe two innocents, alarmed by the 
 noife and the abfence of their mother, 
 ftruck her ears. They conducted her 
 againft her inclination into the interior 
 part of the palace. The firft thing that 
 was done was to place the royal children 
 in fafety. Madame de Mackau, and Ma- 
 dame
 
 ( 9 ) 
 
 dame de Souzy, hurried them into the 
 apartments of the King's phyfician. 
 
 The Queen, having recovered from a 
 fainting fit into which the alarm had 
 thrown her, ordered them to be brought 
 to her, that me might not quit them the 
 whole day ; me then infifled on the ne- 
 ceffity of her going with them to the 
 King ; and breaking through every ob- 
 ftacle they oppofed to her, me had already 
 got into the council chamber, when the 
 doors of it were attacked. Very fortu- 
 nately, M. Lajarre, the minifter at war, 
 and General WittinghofF had retired to 
 the fame fpot. The danger was immedi- 
 ate. M. Lajarre, with great prefence of 
 mind, had the great council table ranged 
 crofs-ways near the door ; and formed a 
 kind of intrenchment with it, behind 
 which he placed the Queen, the two 
 children, and the ladies -of honour. 
 
 A double line of National Guards was. 
 placed before the table ; another line, four
 
 ( 9' ) 
 
 deep, clofed the iflues of the two extre- 
 mities. It was in this inclofure that the 
 Queen flood, having before and befide her, 
 the Princefs de Lamballe, Madame de 
 Tarente, Madame de Chimay, Madame de 
 Larouche-Aymon, Mefdames de Duras, 
 ,de Maille, de Tourzel, and de Gineftous. 
 The two children were on the table ; and 
 thefe difpofitions were fcarcely nnimed be- 
 fore the rabble had penetrated into this 
 fanctuary. 
 
 It was then that, in the rnidfr. of the 
 grofleft injuries, of the moft atrocious pro- 
 pofals, a woman, a fpecies of fury terrible 
 to behold, offered to her Majefty a cap, a 
 National cockade, and a parcel of three 
 coloured ribbands. M. de Wittinghoff 
 took them, and put them on the Dauphin. 
 
 Already the crowd prefled againft the 
 table, and the noxious heat was furroca- 
 ting, when Santerre approached. He 
 was announced by the cries of, Vive San~ 
 terre, vive le fauxbourg Saint Antoine, 
 
 vivent-
 
 vivcnt ks Sans-culottes. They implored 
 his affiitance to difgorge the hall, and- ob- 
 tain a circulation of air. He advanced, 
 and leaning on the table, and looking 
 ftedfaftly at the Queen, " Madam," laid 
 he, " fear nothing, I will not hurt you ; 
 " I would fooner defend you ; but reflect 
 " that you are abufed, and that it is dan- 
 ** gerous to deceive the people." 
 
 After that harangue, he delivered his 
 orders, and his troop arranged themfelves 
 at his voice; he pumed one, animated a 
 iecond, and threatened a third ; all feemed 
 to tremble at his afped. At laft, how- 
 ever, the troop began to withdraw. The 
 ears of the Queen were no longer mocked 
 by the grofTefi: language, and the concert 
 of imprecations was fimmed. 
 
 The calm was reftored between eight 
 -and nine o'clock, and the King was deli- 
 vered from his perfecutors : he was con- 
 ducted to his apartment; and there, 
 throwing himfelf on a fofa, {till covered 
 
 with
 
 ( 93 ) 
 
 with the cap of ignominy, he breathed a 
 figh of thanks to Heaven, in gratitude for 
 its protection. 
 
 His faithful fervants were around him, 
 foothing and comforting the diftrefTes of 
 their royal mafter, who felt much more 
 the ftain that fuch a day had brought up- 
 on his country, than all the infults of- 
 fered to himfelf. The Queen and chil- 
 dren arrived, the cap was taken off, and 
 royalty feemed to revive : revive ! it had 
 not drooped an inftant ; the viler the 
 treatment he had experienced, the greater 
 was his glory. 
 
 And now a mofr. affecting fcene fuc- 
 ceeded to the horrors of imprecation; 
 fighs and tears were intermingled ; but the 
 f)leafure they derived from the idea of 
 their mutual fafety, was hardly permitted 
 to dawn through the reflection of the hor- 
 rors they had witnefled. 
 
 The
 
 ( 94 ) 
 
 The palace was not entirely evacuated 
 'till near nine. His Majefty immediately 
 gave orders that the juftices of the peace 
 fhould come and examine into the ftate of 
 the palace, and by a legal acl, atteft to 
 pofr.erity the fapilegious violation of the 
 royal afylum. MefTrs. D'OiTonville and 
 Menjaud were the magiftrates charged 
 with this delicate function. They found 
 that doors had been, burft open, locks 
 taken away, furniture demolished, wain- 
 fcots forced in, and glafTes broken; and 
 among other thefts that had been com- 
 mitted, they remarked that of a fword 
 belonging to the Swifs of the chamber, 
 and a filver veilel belonging to the Princefs 
 Royal. 
 
 But what the magistrates could not 
 atteft, and what, however, ought equally 
 to be handed down to the judgment of 
 pofterity, was the moft infamous propo- 
 fals addrefTed and repeated to the King, 
 during a whole hour, by a young man, 
 named Clement ; who, poffeffing an iden- 
 tity
 
 ( 95 ) 
 
 tity of name, feemed to be emulous of 
 an identity of character with the afiaffin 
 of Henry the Third. 
 
 Another, having on a grenadier's cap, 
 made of paper, on which was inlcribed 
 La Santtion ou ~la Mort, fixed a long time 
 the attention of the King; but nothing 
 could intimidate him : he had done no- 
 thing but his duty, and, in doing that, 
 he always had been (and ftill continued to 
 be) refolute and firm. And if fate re- 
 ferved the eternal degradation of the 
 French name to a future moment, it feem- 
 ed becaufe there ftill remained a King 
 whofe honour was invincible, and who 
 alone was found capable of fuftaining its 
 dignity and the majefty of the nation ; 
 every virtue feemed to have taken refuge 
 and concentrated itfelf in his heart. 
 
 Although the night of the jth of Oc- 
 tober eftablifhed the triumph of Marie- 
 Antoinette ; although her courage, and 
 her Majefty then difarmed her aiTaffins, 
 
 yet
 
 ( 96 ) 
 
 yet was the day of the 2Oth of June frill 
 more memorable. Louis the Sixteenth al- 
 moft alone enjoyed the honours of it. 
 
 On the 5th of O&ober, the moment of 
 the danger and that of the victory pafled 
 with the rapidity of the circumftance. 
 On the zoth of June, the conftancy, the 
 fleady and long-tried magnanimity of the 
 King were put to the rudeft and fevereft 
 trials the human heart could fupport, and 
 did not fhrink from them in a fmgle in- 
 ftance. If the French had, on all occa- 
 fions, endeavoured, by every means in 
 their power, to give the world a juft efti- 
 mate of the real character of Louis the 
 Sixteenth, they could not have fucceeded 
 fo well as they have done by their infa- 
 mous attempts to degrade him. The more 
 he has been infulted, injured and oppref- 
 fed, the higher has he been exalted in the 
 opinion of every honeft man. 
 
 I cannot, however, pafs over in filence 
 the affectionate attachment the King and 
 
 Queen
 
 ( 97 ) 
 
 Queen experienced from all their attend- 
 ants in the palace, from the ladies of ho- 
 nour to the lowed fervant ; all with the 
 moft zealous efforts did every thing in 
 their power to ferve and fave their royal 
 mafters. But how, indeed, could they 
 help loving this unfortunate family ? 
 They faw them every day, and every day 
 they were witnefTes to their virtues, and 
 every day they faw them infulted andper- 
 fecuted. 
 
 Thus terminated a day which would 
 have completed the difhonour of the 
 French name, but for the virtues, the 
 courage and magnanimity of the Prince 
 fans peur et fans reproches. But it mud 
 be obferved, that while the crowd were 
 enjoying thefe excefles, not a fingle fpec- 
 tator was miffing from any the fmallefl of 
 the many theatres ; not a fingle gambler 
 from the banks of Biribi, Trente et Qua- 
 rente, and Faro ; not a ftroller from the 
 Elyfian Fields, or the Bois de Boulogne : 
 fo that the following reflexion of Taci- 
 H tus
 
 ( 9* ) 
 
 feus might aptly h applied to thm,- 
 Nunc inhumana fecuritas, et ne minimas 
 quideni temporis voluptates intermifTae. 
 Velut feftis diebus, id quoque gaudium 
 aceederet, exultabant, fruebantur, null 
 partium cura, malis publicis lueti. 
 
 Having endeavoured to give an exacT: 
 account of the enormities committed on 
 the 2Oth of June, though I am confcious 
 that many muft have efcaped me ; I (Kail 
 proceed to make fome obfervations on the 
 conduct of the different powers, whofe 
 duty it was to prevent, and punifh the au- 
 thors of them. 
 
 On the 1 9th, the directory palfed a 
 refolution which enjoined the mayor, the 
 municipality, and the commandant gene- 
 ral, to take, without delay, every necejfary 
 meafttre to prevent all afTemblies contrary 
 to law, and to make every difpofition of 
 the public force, that might be necelTary 
 to reftrain, or reprefs the difturbers. of 
 the. peace. 
 
 On
 
 ( 99 ) 
 
 On the 2oth, the directory of the 
 department being admitted to the bar of 
 the National AfTembly, M. Roederer ob- 
 ferved, " An extraordinary concourfe of 
 " people is, at this moment, afTembling/a? 
 " contempt of the law. This Aflembly 
 " appears to be animated by patriotic in- 
 " tentions ; but it is to be feared, that they 
 " wifh tofupport, by the appearance of an, 
 " armed force^ an addrefs to the King, 
 " The minifter of the interior has de- 
 " fired us to fend troops to defend the pa- 
 " lace in this moment of alarm, and 
 " has recalled to our minds the law 
 " which forbids all armed affemblies,un- 
 " lefs required, and petitions prefented by 
 ** more than twenty citizens" 
 
 I have before mentioned the conduct 
 of. the municipality, who, when they had 
 received notice on the 1 6th of the infur- 
 reion that was to take place on the 
 2Oth, contented themfelves with pafling 
 to the order of the day. 
 
 
 H2 But
 
 ( 100 ) 
 
 But ought the municipality, on the pe- 
 tition, which, by the bye, was falfely 
 prefented to them in the name of the citi- 
 zens of the fauxbourgs Saint Antoine and 
 Saint Marceau*, fimply to have pafled to 
 the order of the day ? Doubtlefs, not. It 
 was not fufficient not to reply to an unjuft 
 petition, the effects of which were as dan- 
 gerous, as they were contrary to law ; 
 but they ought to have exercifed every 
 authority the law had given them, to 
 protect and preferve it from infraction. . 
 
 If M. Petion, at the moment that the 
 aflembly was forming on the place of the 
 Baflile, had ordered the martial law to 
 
 be 
 
 * The citizens refpeirably fettled in thefe fauxbourgs, 
 have no fhare in any of thefe feditious infui re&ions. Thefe 
 citizens, excepting Sar.terre, and a few others of hisftamp, 
 are as good and peaceable as thofe of the other quarters of 
 the capital. They are enraged to fee, on all occafions, 
 their name foabufed. In ftiort, all the infurre&ions that 
 Cake place in Paris, are compofed of the loweft rabble, the 
 refufe of the capital, who aflume the name of the citizens 
 ef fuch and fuch fauxbourgs in which they refide or work.
 
 be promulgated (a law which feems to 
 be acknowledged and refpected every where 
 but at Paris), thefe pretended citizens 
 would either have retired peaceably, or 
 have proved themfelves what they were, 
 a lawlefs rabble : and, in that cafe, a law- 
 ful and repreffive force ought to have been 
 fent againft them, which would have an- 
 nihilated for ever this facrilegious troop. 
 
 But fuch a conduct, though what his 
 duty required, was inconfiftent with the 
 principles of M. Petion. He feems to have 
 forgotten, or to be ignorant, that every 
 public function has its allotted duties; 
 that it is only by a ftrict performance of 
 thofe duties, that a man can be juftly en- 
 titled to remain in it. It is not by facri- 
 ficing the laws to the favour of the mul- 
 titude, that an honeft man would be am- 
 bitious of preferving his fituation : but 
 fuch is the continual conduct of M. Petion. 
 Had he exercifed the authority delegated 
 to him by fuperior powers, for the fafety 
 and tranquillity of the capital, and which * 
 H 3 on
 
 ( 102 ) 
 
 on this occafion, not only the law, but 
 the directory by a particular order, ex- 
 prefsly demanded ; he would have done 
 honour to himfelf, and faved a ftain to 
 France : but he would have difpleafed the 
 rabble, whofe favour and protection he was 
 fure of, by indulging their caprices ; and 
 whofe difpleafure he more dreaded, than 
 that of any of his lawful fuperiors. 
 
 When a man once condefcends to 
 hold a fttuation dependent on the favour 
 of a rabble, he muft bid adieu to every 
 honourable principle ; he can no longer be 
 influenced by duty, honour, or integrity ; 
 he is like a difmafted vefTel on a boundlefs 
 ocean, abandoned to the fluctuating waves-, 
 and variable winds ; he banifhes his own, 
 heart and mind from his bofom, and adopts 
 thofe of the multitude in their {lead. 
 
 Such a man, therefore, mufl ever be 
 unfit for power ; yet, fuch a man is the 
 mayor of Paris ; raifed from the loweft 
 dungeons of chicanery and perjury, by 
 
 the
 
 the noxious breath of an empoifotied mul- 
 titude, he brought with him into the ma- 
 giftracy, all thofe little arts hi^ profeffidrial 
 talents were compofed of : but the in- 
 flammable air that has raifed thi3 ballooii 
 of ignorance into an unknown fphere$ 
 muft faon evaporate ; aiid if he efcape pu- 
 iiifhrrierit* he will defcend into a fitnation, 
 in which obfcurky Will be his beft friend; 
 
 In every complete government, the 
 conduct of each public fun&ioner is pre<* 
 fcribed by laws. On any extfaordinafy 
 emergency, a man in omce is not to con- 
 fult what is right or proper in his own 
 opinion, what is fftofl reconcilable to hk 
 own interefl or fafety, but what the kws 
 direcl: ; and what thofe laws direct, it is 
 his undoubted duty to enforce : if he doe's 
 not enforce the law's, he becomes- an un- 
 worthy magistrate, and ought to be fuf- 
 pended from his fim&ions. 
 
 M, Petion ought, therefore, when he 
 
 firfl knew of the ailernbly that Was fofm- 
 
 H4 ing
 
 ( 104 ) 
 
 ing on the place of the Baftile, inftead of 
 encouraging it, at leaft by his filence, to 
 have reprefented to the populace that 
 their afTembling was unlawful, and invited 
 them to withdraw. If they refufed, he 
 mould have promulgated the martial law ; 
 if they ftill perfifted, he mould have or- 
 dered thither the lawfully armed force, 
 and obliged them to retire. 
 
 I fay not, however, that the National 
 Guards would have exerted their beft en- 
 deavours to difperfe the rioters ; (and of 
 this infubordination I mall fpeak here- 
 after) but it was, undoubtedly, M. Petion's 
 duty to authorize their commanders to 
 give orders to that effect ; and if fuch or- 
 ders had not been executed, the blame 
 would not have refted with him. This, 
 however, the mayor did not do ; he was, 
 therefore, culpable, and deferved to be pro- 
 fecuted in the name of the law. 
 
 . 
 
 A magiftrate who knowingly does not 
 his duty, ought to be punimed with the 
 
 fevereft
 
 fevereft rigour. Will he fay that, lefs 
 informed than M. Roederer, he was igno- 
 rant that the intentions of the populace 
 were to fupport their petition to the King 
 by the appearance of an armed force ? 
 He is too well known to have it doubted, 
 that he was perfectly acquainted with 
 every circumftance. 
 
 Should the department, whofe inten- 
 tions were not to be fufpe&ed, but whofe 
 pufillanimity cannot but be blamed, have 
 contented themfelves with paffing a refo- 
 lution ? Were they ignorant of the prin- 
 ciples of the municipality ? Did they not 
 know that it was neceflary to oblige them 
 to act as the law directed ? Could they 
 doubt that Meflrs, Petion, Manuel, and 
 Danton were in the plot ; and that in the 
 hands of thefe Jacobin magiftrates, every 
 law repreffive of injuftice was, of courfe, 
 invalid ? Inftead of going to the legifla- 
 tive arTembly, whofe part it was to make 
 laws, and not to interfere in the execution 
 of them, ought they not to have ordered 
 
 the
 
 ( '06 
 
 the mayor before them, and obliged him 
 to fee the martial law executed, that law 
 which only can reprefs an infolent rabble ? 
 Of what ufe was the difcourfe which the 
 Procureur- general fyndic pronounced at 
 the bar of the National AfTembly ? Did 
 the department come to render an ac- 
 count which was not demanded of them ? 
 Did they come to remind the AfTembly 
 of a law which was violated with impu- 
 nity every day ? Did they come to aik 
 orders which they did not want, and 
 which the AfTembly had no right to give ? 
 The coiiftitution was completed, the laws 
 were made, and nothing remained but to 
 execute them: but it was not to the le- 
 giflative power that the care of executing 
 them was entrufted. 
 
 
 What, therefore, were the members of 
 
 the department doing ? Why, inftead of 
 loling a time fo precious at the bar of the 
 A/Terribly, did they not a<t ? They were 
 afraid of the Jacobins and the high Na- 
 tional Court. They mould have reflected, 
 
 that
 
 that in the adminiftration of juftice it is 
 tiot fufficient to have pure intentions ; to 
 compromife with the law is to violate it. If 
 they could not force the mayor and the 
 other creatures of the municipality to give 
 activity to the law, they themfelves mould 
 have done it : they mould firft have faved 
 the King ; they mould have then difperfed 
 the rabble, and profecuted the refractory 
 magiftrates for the violation of that law 
 they had fworn to defend. 
 
 Was peace and order to be reftored by 
 refpe&ing or fparing a rabble, who re- 
 ipeded or fpared nothing ? They wifhed 
 to med the pureft blood ; it was only by 
 medding the vileft blood in the kingdom, 
 that that they wifhed to fpill was to be 
 preferved. 
 
 Let us now examine the conduct of 
 Santerre. He wrote to the Aflembly to 
 announce to them, that " the citizens of 
 " the fauxbourg Saint Antoine, alTembled 
 ** to celebrate a civic feaft, requeft per- 
 
 " miffion
 
 ** mifTion to prefent their homage to the 
 " legiflative body, to contradict their 
 " calumniators, and to introduce them- 
 " felves into the hall." 
 
 " 7%<? citizens of the fauxbourg Saint 
 " Antotne!" Excepting himfelf there was 
 hardly a citizen, properly fo called, of 
 that fauxbourg, who was wicked enough 
 to join with the feditious crew which he 
 commanded. 
 
 " A civic feajl /" By eight thoufand 
 murderers and plunderers, armed with 
 pikes, forks and fcythes ; in ihort, with 
 the fame inftruments they were fur- 
 nimed with on the days of the 5th and 
 6th of October. 
 
 " Prefent their homage to the legiflative 
 " body!" How flattering rnuft it have 
 beeii to the legiflative body to receive the 
 homage of affaffins, aflembled in contempt 
 of the law, for the purpofe of violating 
 the conftitution.
 
 ( 109 ^ 
 
 " To contradlEt their calumniators?* 
 Their a&ions on that day fufficiently 
 proved how impoffible it was to calumni- 
 ate them. 
 
 It was during the difcuffion occafioned 
 by this letter, that Meflrs. Lafource, 
 Guadet, and Vergniaux evinced the pu- 
 rity of their principles ; but purity of prin- 
 ciple apart, the logic of M. Vergniaux 
 was admirable ; he blamed the AlTembly 
 for the dangerous example they had fo 
 frequently given, by admitting armed men 
 into their bofom, and concluded in favour 
 of the admiffion of the preient troop. At 
 laft, in defiance of a law which the Ai- 
 fembly could not be ignorant of, fince the 
 deputation from the department had juft 
 reminded them of it, they patted a decree 
 that the petitioners mould be admitted 
 (after they had admitted themfelves), and 
 that the rabble fhould be introduced. 
 
 The orator of the deputation pronounc- 
 ed a difcourfe well worthy of it, and of 
 
 the
 
 the horde of ragamuffins who fill the 
 tribunes, and give laws to the AfTembly. 
 
 This difcourfe, replete with calumnies, 
 abounding with blafphemies, and attenta- 
 tory of the constitution ; which breathed 
 nothing but blood, afTaflinations and regi- 
 cifm, was ended by an aflurance from the 
 orator, that he had fpoken the wifhes of 
 the fedions of the capital, and the citizens 
 of the environs of Paris. 
 
 According to his reprefentation, there* 
 fore, the wifhes of the fections were for 
 the arTaffination of the King. And the 
 felions had not courage enough to de- 
 nounce this infamous calumniator ! 
 
 The prefident replied favourably to this 
 infernal difcoitrfe ; and the Aflembly, 
 who could no longer doubt the fanguin- 
 ary intentions of the mob, made not the 
 leaft effort to prevent them from carry- 
 ing their treafonable purpofes into execu- 
 tion. 
 
 On
 
 ' On the contrary, they applauded, and 
 admitted them into their bofom ! 
 
 Where is the man capable of the fmalleft 
 reflection, whofe aftonifhment and indig- 
 nation are not at the height in obferving 
 the conduct of the reprefentatives of the 
 French nation ? The ruling party, that 
 party which dares introduce even into the 
 bofom of the AfTembly, its infamous 
 propofals and treafonable principles, has 
 ever triumphed over the conftitution and 
 its true defenders. The factious were al- 
 ways fure of finding in that party an af- 
 fured fupport. 
 
 It would fcarcely be believed that legif- 
 lators could excufe, and even countenance 
 the populace in their excefTes, by giving 
 as a reafon the (lumber of the law. Such 
 a reafon was, however, given. And who 
 only can it be who wifh that the law 
 mould flumber ? They alone that fear 
 the execution of it. If the AfFembly can 
 fuffer that one of the conftituted autho- 
 rities
 
 rities ftiould be a but to the caprices of a 
 populace, ftirred up by a corporation ini- 
 mical to all authority, muft it not trem- 
 ble every moment for the inviolability of 
 its own members ? The perfonal inte- 
 reftsofthe deputies are, in this inftance, 
 in union with juflice. 
 
 Does a thief on the highway examine 
 the quality of the perfon he robs ? Will 
 they who are accuftomed to, and hardened 
 in crimes, refpecl; one conftituted autho- 
 rity more than they have refpected an- 
 other ? The laws ^are dumb ! But is 
 that an excufe that a reprefentative of the 
 nation ought to make, he whoie duty it is 
 to make them fpeak ? To what degree 
 of degradation muft that government be 
 reduced, which is obliged to make its own 
 crimes a palliative for the excefles of a 
 lawlefs rabble ! Poor, deluded France ! 
 It is in the bofoms of thofe on whom 
 thou has lavifhed thy confidence, that the 
 laws are unacknowledged ; it is in the 
 Aflembly of thy representatives that ca- 
 lumny
 
 ( "3 ) 
 
 lumny, ignorance, and blindnefs reign ; 
 it is in the midft of them that the auda- 
 city of the Jacobins meets its triumph. 
 What peace can'ft thou enjoy, when, in 
 the fan&uary of the laws, thou heareft 
 the profeffion of principles fubverfive of 
 all order ; when thou feeft thy reprefen- 
 tatives quarrel when they mould debate ; 
 when thou feeft two parties continually 
 attacking each other ; in fhort,when thou 
 feeft the unconftitutional party perpetu- 
 ally getting the better of thofe who de- 
 mand the execution of the laws, and the 
 reipet due to the conftituted authorities ? 
 
 How many are there in the National 
 Aflembly who make it their bufinefs to 
 perpetuate diforder and anarchy through- 
 out the kingdom ? Always at the tribune, 
 always heard, becaufe they were fupported 
 by the tribunes and the factious on the ter- 
 race ; it was they who preached to the 
 Aflembly and the people an independence 
 on the law. It was they by whom the 
 rioters were protected; it was they by 
 i whom
 
 whom the incendiary writings, inviting 
 the people to infurrection, were either ut- 
 tered, corrected, or encouraged. It was 
 they who infpired the people with a cul- 
 pable diflruft of their King ; who caufed 
 to be admitted, with the honourable men- 
 tion, all the groups of rabble who were 
 hired to come to the bar of the National 
 AfTembly, to impofe upon the world, by 
 afferting that they fpoke the fenfe of the 
 nation, whofe voice was contrary to their 
 defign. It was they who ordered the im- 
 prefllon of all the regicide addrefTes, which, 
 having been dictated by them, were read 
 before them ; and far from devoting them 
 to the public execration, decreed the ho- 
 nourable mention of the libels, and the 
 fending them to the eighty- three depart- 
 ments. Nor did they attempt to deceive 
 the public with refpedl: to their inten- 
 tions. They profelTed loudly at their club 
 thofe principles by which they forced 
 from the minority the decrees they made 
 without remorfe, fhame, or confideration. 
 Thefe were, however, the fame people 
 
 who
 
 ( "5 ) 
 
 who afferted that the laws (lumbered, and 
 who pretended to legaliie every thing by 
 that afTertion, unhappily too true. But who 
 was it that obliged the laws to {lumber ? 
 They w ho outraged them, the Jacobins. 
 
 With what difficulty, even after the 
 enormities of the aoth, did the true Pa- 
 triots of the AfTembly procure a decree 
 repreffive of the factious ! And what was 
 it when obtained ? It was ineffective, it 
 was insignificant ; it was nothing more 
 than a repetition of a law which had 
 before exifled, and which had juft been 
 violated. 
 
 On the 2 1 ft, the National AfTembly paf- 
 fed a decree that " hereafter no petiti- 
 " oner armed fhallbe admitted at the bar, 
 " nor into the hall of the legiflative 
 " body, nor that of any conftituted au- 
 " thority." If the AfTembly wiflied really 
 to fupprefs thefe unlawful AfTembUes, al- 
 ways troublefome in times of peace, but 
 imminently dangerous in times of ftorms 
 and factions, it fhould have decreed, that 
 12 all
 
 ( "6 ) 
 
 all collections of people, even withoutarms, 
 and under any pretence, were forbidden by 
 the law ; that, for the execution of , this 
 decree, it enjoined, on their refponfibility, 
 the department and the municipality, to 
 exercife all the authority the constitution, 
 had given them, to deftroy and fupprefs 
 in their infancy all fuch infurredions : 
 and, proceeding upon this principle, the 
 AfTembly, who could not be ignorant that 
 the clubs were the exciters of infurrec- 
 tions, mould have decreed the fuppref- 
 fion of all clubs under what denomination 
 foever they exifted. It is fo that men 
 who wimed for the good and happinefs of 
 their conftituents would have aded. But, 
 'on the contrary, excepting the deputations 
 it fent to the King, the AfTembly did 
 every thing it could do to encourage the 
 audacity of the rabble. It was reported 
 to the AfTembly that the doors of the 
 King's apartments were broken open by 
 afTaffins and plunderers ; that the heredi- 
 tary reprefentative of the nation had been, 
 and ftill continued to be infulted, threat- 
 ened^
 
 ( "7 ) 
 
 ened, difgraced by a red cap which they 
 obliged him to wear, and in the moft im- 
 minent danger ; and they, the majority I 
 mean, {till perfifted in defending, approv- 
 ing the conduct of, and flattering the 
 people. 
 
 Well might Mr. Burke exclaim, that 
 " the age of chivalry is gone !" He 
 might have added, that that of humanity 
 was alfo pafled in France. For when the 
 Affembly was informed that the crowd 
 had broken into the apartments where 
 were the Dauphin and the ladies of ho- 
 nour, that they were in the greateft dan- 
 ger, and a motion was made for lending 
 a deputation to them, a member got up 
 and obferved, that he fupported the mo- 
 tion, not on account of the ladies of the 
 court, for they were of no confequence, 
 but on account of the Dauphin. 
 
 Before I quit the fubjeft of the 2oth, it 
 is neceffary to remark a little on the con- 
 duel of the National Guards on this oc- 
 I cafion.
 
 cafion. The National Guards confider 
 themfelves foldiers ; it fhould, therefore, 
 be unnecefTary to inform them, that when 
 any poft is intruded to a foldier, he is 
 bound to defend it to the laft drop of his 
 blood ; but, unfortunately for them, and 
 the ports committed to their care, there 
 is not the leaft difcipline, military know- 
 ledge, or information among them. 
 
 I am certain that very few, if any of 
 them, can go through the manual exer- 
 cife ; and as to any of the more impor- 
 tant military operations, they are as per- 
 fectly ignorant as a recruit juft taken 
 from the plough. They aflemble, march 
 about in great numbers, and in great pa- 
 rade ; but the drefs of a foldier, gene- 
 rally {peaking, is all that can entitle them 
 to be considered of that honourable pro- 
 feflion ; and even that is, in many in- 
 ftances, thought to be unnecefTary. They 
 talk and confult with each other while 
 under arms, what they mail do, and where 
 they mail go next ; and it is generally 
 
 the
 
 ( "9 ) 
 
 the foldiers who lead their officers, in- 
 ftead of their officers leading them. It 
 feems totally impoffible to difcover the 
 life of this collection of men and fire- 
 locks. So far from preventing any dif- 
 turbance in the capital, they are generally 
 the fomenters of it ; if not by their inftiga- 
 tion, at lead by their acquiefcence, and 
 their refolutions not to fire on their fellow 
 citizens. The mob, knowing thefe refolu- 
 tions, laugh at the mew of blue coats drawn 
 up by their commanders againft them, feel 
 that they have nothing to fear, that they 
 are under no reilraint, and that every 
 thing they attempt may be accomplimed 
 with impunity ; and, therefore, give them- 
 felves up to the execution of every law- 
 lefs action their cruelty, revenge, or hatred 
 may fuggeft. 
 
 As to the National Guards acting in 
 oppofition to a regular and well difci- 
 plined army, the neceflary confequence 
 of fuch an engagement, fuppofing them 
 to be men of courage, muft make huma- 
 1 4 nity 
 
 - 

 
 ( '*> ) 
 
 nity fhudder. How much, then, will thofe 
 infatuated wretches have to anfwer for, 
 who have perfuaded this deluded multitude 
 that the idea of liberty was alone fufficient 
 to make a foldier, when they fee them 
 facrificed by thoufands, and ten thoufands, 
 before an obedient but lefs numerous army. 
 
 On the 2oth of June, almoft the whole 
 force of Paris was drawn up in different 
 parts to defend the palace. Every one 
 had his affigned poft, and every poft was, 
 fuppofing the guards properly inclined, 
 fufficiently defended. Will the National 
 Guards, after the example of the Afiem- 
 bly, fay that the filence of the law ren- 
 dered their arms invalid r They had had 
 their refpe&ive pofts affigned to them ex- 
 prefsly, as they knew, for the defence of 
 the palace. When thefe pofts were at- 
 tacked, they were bound, without any 
 other order than that which they had al- 
 ready received, to defend the pofts, to 
 refill force by force. Befides, there is a 
 law delivered to us by nature ; and where 
 
 cou-
 
 conftituted authorities are dumb, the na- 
 tural law re-affumes its right. To refift 
 force by force is the law of nature ; and 
 therefore, alfo, the National Guards ought 
 to have ufed their arms againft a troop of 
 plunderers and afTaffins, who, in contempt 
 of the refpecl that is due to royalty, and 
 the property cf every citizen, dared to 
 violate the afylum of the King. 
 
 How dreadful has been to Paris, and 
 how dreadful will be to the whole nation, 
 the confequences of that creed which the 
 enemies of order have implanted in the 
 minds of the National Guards, that they 
 ought not to ufe their arms againft their 
 fellow citizens ! But, fuppofmg the ad- 
 niiffibility of fuch a creed, were they 
 citizens who compofed this rabble ? Or 
 if they had been, from the moment in 
 which they prefented themfelves as a law- 
 lefs faction, did they not ceafe to be citi- 
 zens ? France, ever fince the Revolution, 
 or at leaft the body of the French nation, 
 has been the dupe of falfe or perverted 
 
 prin-
 
 ( I" ) 
 
 principles. What have been the confe- 
 quences of the guards refuting to fire on 
 the mob ? Continual riots, plunders, af- 
 iaffinations and maflacres. Force only can 
 reprefs and fubdue a lawlefs and unprin- 
 cipled rabble ; and that lawfully-armed 
 power, regiment, or army that refufes to 
 fubdue them, is fure of becoming fooner 
 or later the victim of its ill-timed mercy. 
 
 On the 2 1 ft of June, the King wrote 
 to the AfTembly the following letter : 
 
 Mr. PRESIDENT, 
 
 The National AfTembly are already in- 
 formed of the events of yefterday. Paris 
 is, doubtlefs, in confirmation ; and all 
 France will hear of them with an aftonim- 
 ment mingled with grief. I was very fen- 
 fible of the zeal that the AfTembly teftified 
 for me on that painful occafion. I leave it 
 to their prudence to examine into the 
 caufes of that event, the care of weighing 
 each circumftance in it, and of taking 
 
 the
 
 ( "3 ) 
 
 the neceflary meafures for maintaining the 
 conftitution, and infuring the inviolability 
 and the conftitutional liberty o'f the here- 
 ditary reprefentative of the nation. 
 
 For my part, nothing fhall prevent me, 
 at all times, and under all circumftances, 
 from doing what the duties of the conftitu- 
 tion which I have accepted, and the true 
 intereft of the French nation exact from me. 
 
 (Signed) LOUIS. 
 
 (Counter-figned) DURANTHON. 
 
 It may naturally be imagined that, im- 
 mediately after the proceedings of the 2oth, 
 the National AfTembly would have exerted 
 its utmoft power, for the fake of its own 
 character, to bring the authors of them to 
 juftice. This, indeed, was attempted by 
 feveral of the members, but without effect : 
 the moment they began to fpeak of a 
 crime having been committed, they were 
 (ilenced by the majority and the tribunes, 
 and accufed of calumniating the people. 
 
 Their
 
 ( "4 >,- 
 
 Theif motions were over-ruled ; their en- 
 deavours to recover the much wifhed for-; 
 and long loft energy of the law, were 
 fruftrated by the more powerful party, 
 who were determined to acknowledge no 
 fuperiority or reftraint whatever. How 
 ridiculous muft appear to every thinking 
 man, the date they fo pompoufly affix to 
 all their public proceedings ! They call 
 this year of crimes, perjuries, maflacres 
 and plunder, the fourth of Liberty ! If, 
 when a country is faid to be free, it is 
 meant only that the rabble of that country 
 are allowed an unlimited indulgence of the 
 mofl wanton barbarities and excefles ; in 
 that fenfe, but I believe in no other, will 
 it be allowed that the French nation is 
 free. They threw down monarchial def- 
 potifm, to eftablifh democratic tyranny : 
 they banimed fenfe, wifdom, experience 
 and juftice from their government, to be 
 under the dominion of folly, caprice, igno- 
 rance and injuftice. Can any power be 
 more abfolute can any tyranny be more 
 complete, than that of a majority of the 
 AfTembly ? What reftraint is there on 
 
 their
 
 ( "5 ) 
 
 Yheir actions, or what limits to their 
 power ? The conftitution had, in fome 
 infknces, given the King the liberty of 
 withholding his fan6Hon from their de- 
 crees ; but how was he to exercife his de- 
 legated authority, without danger to his 
 perfon or his crown ? A prifoner^in his 
 own ^palace, infulted by the National A 
 fembly, furrounded and menaced by a tu- 
 multuous and fhamelefs rabble, and depriv- 
 ed of the guards the conftitution had given 
 him ; what remained with him but the 
 fhadow of that power which was his right ? 
 Yet has that King, fo infulted, fo fur- 
 rounded, and fo menaced, on all occafions, 
 alone and unprotected, acted with the 
 fame firmnefs and intrepidity, as if he had 
 had the whole army of France at his com- 
 mand ! He has preferred his dignity as a 
 King, his honour as a man, and his reli- 
 gion as a chriftian, at a period when each 
 of thofe principles was ridiculed and det 
 fpifed. His courage and refolution have 
 never deferted him in all thofe many and 
 cruel moments, in which he has been 
 
 threat-
 
 threatened with inftant death : he has fuf- 
 fered with fortitude, and endured with 
 glory ; feeling more for the degradation 
 of his people, than his own danger. 
 
 And yet to fuch a man, and fuch a King, 
 was even the appearance of juftice refufed ! 
 The moft active criminal, though notori- 
 oufly known, was neither judged nor ac- 
 cufed ; the moft infulting anfwer was 
 fent to the King's letter ; and every crime 
 committed on the 2oth efcaped unpu- 
 nifhed, excepting that the chiefs of the 
 municipality were fufpended by the depart- 
 ment from their functions. 
 
 The news of the 2Oth, however, had 
 very mortly reached the armies on the 
 frontiers. La Fayette felt deeply the in- 
 fults that had been offered to his royal 
 mafter, and the violation of his confti- 
 tutional rights ; he had fworn to defend 
 the conftitution, and therefore could not, 
 as an honourable man, behold thefe in- 
 fringements on it in filence. His army 
 
 par-
 
 ( "7 ) 
 
 partook of his fentiments, and deputed 
 him to (peak at the bar of the National 
 AfTembly their indignation. La Fayette 
 was not unconfcious of the reception his 
 letter to the legiflative body had met with, 
 or of the endeavours of the Jacobins to 
 mifreprefent his principles to the people. 
 He knew that he mould, by going to Paris, 
 throw himfelf into the hands of his mod 
 inveterate enemies, by whom afiatfinatl- 
 on, for the fake of licentioufnefs, had been 
 confidered and practifed as a virtue, and 
 who would not hefitate to enforce their 
 principles by the moft atrocious practices ; 
 he knew, alfo, how much the mob had 
 been enraged againft him : but, braving 
 every danger in the performance of what 
 he thought his duty, he arrived at Paris, 
 and prefented himfelf at the bar of the Af- 
 fembly ; where, with a fortitude which a 
 pure confcience only could infpire, he 
 -avowed his letter to the AfTembly, (poke 
 the indignation of his army and himfelf at 
 the treatment the King had experienced 
 -on the zoth, and, in the name of every 
 
 honed
 
 honeft man in the kingdom, denounced 
 the popular focieties, and particularly the 
 Jacobins, as the fomenters of factions, and 
 prayed the Affembly to abolim them. The 
 patriots had not been fufficiently prepared 
 for his appearance ; their hired multitudes 
 in the tribunes were wanting to drown the 
 voice of juftice ; and, almofl for the firfl 
 time, fenfe, integrity and honour receiv- 
 ed their triumph. He was heard with at- 
 tention, applauded, and admitted to the 
 honours of the fitting ; now almofl become 
 difgraceful, fince the feats that had been 
 originally intended for thofe who might 
 deferve well of their country, had been 
 defiled by the admiffion of regicides, 
 plunderers, and affaffins. The patriots, 
 however, foon got up, and accufed him of 
 having left his army when the frontiers 
 were in the greateft danger, of coming to 
 dictate laws to the Aflembly, invade its 
 independencies, and confequently the liber- 
 ties of the people. 
 
 The
 
 ( 1*9 ) 
 
 The people, in the mean time, became 
 foon acquainted with the arrival of La 
 Fayette at Paris ; they aflembled in crowds, 
 and the Jacobins took every means in 
 their power to inflame the minds of the 
 populace againft him ; and in the even- 
 ing they had proceeded fo far in root- 
 ing out every fentiment of favour and 
 attachment, which La Fayette had fo well 
 deferved, and once fo abundantly receiv- 
 ed, that he was burnt in effigy, amidft 
 the execrations of the mob. He himfelf, 
 however, contrary to the expectations of 
 every one, and the wimes of the Jacobins, 
 had the good fortune to efcape in fafety 
 to his army, though with the regret of 
 having been unable to procure the fuccefs 
 of his embafly. 
 
 The cry was immediately raifed againft 
 him in all the departments : he was re- 
 prefented as a fecond Cromwell, endea- 
 vouring to overthrow the conftitution, 
 and ufurp the crown ; and numerous de- 
 putations and petitions were fent to the 
 K Na-
 
 National Aflembly, denouncing him as a 
 traitor to his country, and demanding that 
 he mould be publicly accufed and tried. 
 This fubjed was frequently debated ; but 
 as it was not decided upon till the 8th 
 of Auguft, I mail proceed to relate the 
 principal events that took place at Paris 
 in the mean time. 
 
 On the 2pth of June, the miniflers be- 
 ing at the bar of theA{Tembly,the minifter 
 of juftice made the following fpeech : 
 
 " GENTLEMEN, 
 
 *' In anfwer to the decree which' de- 
 " mands information concerning the mea- 
 " fures that have been taken, ift, To 
 " cover the capital from the invafion 
 *' of the enemy, and 2dly, To reprefs 
 " the diforders of fanaticifm, I have to 
 " obferve, that with refpect to the firfl 
 46 object, the King requires of the Aflem- 
 u bly the levy of forty- two new batta- 
 " lions, to form an army of referve, not 
 
 " at
 
 " at Paris, but between Paris and the 
 " enemy, in a N fecoiid line behind our 
 " army. 
 
 " With regard to thefecond objecl:, the 
 " tribunals have orders to execute very 
 " ftriftly the laws which reprefs or punifh 
 " all diftnrbers of the peace. 
 
 " You have taken meafures againft the 
 " priefts, upon which the opinion of the 
 " King does not entirely accord with, 
 " your's. The confent of the King 
 " is a necefTary ingredient in the law. 
 " His opinion is as free as that of any of 
 " the members of the legiflative body. 
 " We refpecl: his independence." 
 
 The minifter at war read, on the fame 
 day, the following letter from Marechal 
 Luckner, which that general had written 
 the King, defiring that it might be com- 
 municated to the AfTembly :- 
 
 K 2 " SIRE,
 
 ( '32 ) 
 
 "SlRE, 
 
 " Called by your Majefty's choice to 
 u the command of one of the armies of 
 " France ; loaded with honours by you 
 " and the National AfTembly, I was en- 
 " deavouring to prove myfelf worthy of 
 " fo much kindnefs. 
 
 " I am for ever attached to France. 
 " Entirely devoted to fervice, I knew, I 
 " thought of nothing but my oath to 
 " maintain the conftitution ; I was fe- 
 " curing the advantages I had gained in 
 " the enemy's country ; our fuccefles 
 " would have been greater if I had been 
 *' properly affifted. 
 
 "I was thus engaged when the army 
 " were informed of the outrages to which 
 " you had been expofed. Their indig- 
 ** nation, Sire, was terrible and fudden, 
 " and the army admire your courage. 
 
 " Sire, we have enemies before us, 
 " let not factions weaken us at home. 
 
 (Signed) " LUCKNER."
 
 ( '33 ) 
 
 Suppofmg that the Jacobins had no 
 other view in their propofal of a camp 
 of 20,000 men under the walls of Pa^ 
 ris, than the good of their country and 
 the defence of Paris, and that they aft- 
 ed upon honourable principles, {till muft 
 they have fhewn a want of judgment, 
 of political and military knowledge. 
 The army of La Fayette was at that 
 time compofed only of feventeen or 
 eighteen thoufand effective men ; that of 
 Luckner, of between twenty-two and 
 twenty-three thoufand. Were forty thou- 
 fand men fufficient to have oppofed the 
 armies of Auftria and Pruffia, had they 
 marched, as it was then fuppofed they 
 would, towards Flanders ? If the armies 
 of the frontiers were not fufficient to op- 
 pofe and prevent the invafion of the 
 enemy (a circumftance which muft, at 
 leaft, have appeared probable from the 
 pretended neceffity of defending Paris) ; 
 ought not the firft ftep taken to have 
 been that of reinforcing the armies and 
 flrong places on the frontiers, to have 
 3 given
 
 ( '34 ) 
 
 given them at leaft the poffibility of 
 holding out ? But admitting that fuch a 
 reinforcement was not thought neceflary 
 (which, however, was not the cafe), what 
 was to be expected from the collection of 
 twenty thoufand men from all the de- 
 partments, under the walls of Paris r or 
 of what ufe could fuch a multitude be 
 there when collected ? Gould it be ima- 
 gined, at a period when infubordination 
 was at its height, when the laws had no 
 force, and each individual was under no 
 other reftraint but his own will, that 
 fuch a fet of men, when they learnt their 
 own power, would eafily quit the uncon- 
 trolled pleafures and licentioufnefs of the 
 capital, to fubmit themfelves to the fatigue 
 of difcipline, and the obedience of com- 
 manders ? Could it be imagined that, un- 
 der fuch circumftances, an effective camp 
 of twenty thoufand men could, in a ihort 
 time, if ever, be accomplished ? Certainly 
 not. Was a capital ever thought of by a 
 wife legiflature as a rendezvous for a col- 
 lection of unknown, undifciplined men, in- 
 K 4 vited
 
 ( '35 ) 
 
 vited from all the counties, to form an 
 army in the center of riot, diforder, and 
 diffipation? coming without any refine- 
 tion to age or height, or any agents hav- 
 ing been employed in the different de- 
 partments to examine and enlifl them ? 
 brino-ins: with them in their minds the 
 
 O O 
 
 germes of confufion, and in their bodies the 
 infections of diftemper ? What could be 
 the only probable confequence of fuch a 
 multitude fo collected, but the infraction of 
 all laws, an increafe of the general confu- 
 fion, ending in aflaffinations, mafTacres, and 
 plunder ? Even confidering, therefore, the 
 decree for the camp to have originated from 
 a miftaken idea of ferving the capital, the 
 King, when he faw that the legiflative 
 body had been led into an error of judg^ 
 ment, and that fuch a camp could not be 
 inftituted with any probability of fiiccefs, 
 was, undoubtedly, bound to refufe his 
 fandHon to it. He had a right to refufe 
 his fanftion to all decrees whatever pre- 
 fented to him ; but it was his duty, as a 
 K 4 King,
 
 King, confulting the good of his fubjects, 
 to refufe it to this. 
 
 But fuppofing that fuch a camp could 
 have been formed, and that fuch a mul- 
 titude of men, fo collected, would have 
 fubmitted to difcipline and fubordination ; 
 it would have taken a long time, even 
 under the beft management, to have ren- 
 dered them an effective army. Time 
 prefTed ; and the Duke of Brunfwick, at 
 the head of a powerful, well-difciplined 
 and veteran army, was expected. Before 
 he could arrive at Paris, he muft have 
 taken all the ftrong places of confequence 
 on his road. The French regular armies 
 muft have been defeated by him, or en- 
 gaged by the Auftrians. 
 
 In the general confufion which his ar- 
 rival at Paris muft occafion, when the 
 malcontents would begin to avow them- 
 felves by ten thoufands, the National 
 Guards refufe to act (which, mould the 
 Puke of Brunfwick arrive at Paris, I will 
 
 ven*
 
 ( 37 
 
 venture to aflert will be the cafe), what 
 could be expe&ed from an army of newly 
 raifed recruits, againft one inured to fer- 
 vice, and flufhed with victory ? 
 
 Viewing, therefore, the confequence 
 of the decree in this light, it {till remained 
 the duty of the King to refufe his fanftion 
 to it. 
 
 But, when he knew from undoubted 
 teftimonies and concurrent circumflances, 
 that the real motive for the collection of 
 this multitude in Paris was to affift the in- 
 famous projects of the Jacobins, and the 
 majority of the Aflembly, in their attempts 
 on his crown and life, and to deprive his 
 only fon of the inheritance he was born 
 to, and which had fince been fecured to 
 him by the conftitution ; could any King 
 be bound by ftronger or more folemn obli- 
 gations, to aflert and enforce the autho- 
 rity he aflerted and enforced ?
 
 ( '38 ) 
 
 In refufmg his fan&ion to the decree, 
 he ufurped no authority that had not been 
 delegated to him ; he endeavoured not to 
 extend his prerogatives ; he attempted no 
 invafion of the rights, liberty, or inde- 
 pendence of the legiflative power : yet 
 was this a&ion, lawful in itfelf, necefTary 
 to the fafety of the capital, his crown 
 and perfon, beneficial to the public, jufr, 
 equitable, wife, and honourable in every 
 refpet, the principal caufe of all the in." 
 fults, perfecutions, menaces and injuftlce 
 he has experienced. 
 
 Let us now examine what the King 
 himfelf propofed to the Affembly after due 
 deliberation and reflection for the fafety of 
 the empire, and compare that with the 
 fteps they pretended to take for the fame 
 purpole. 
 
 The King required of the AfTembly that 
 an additional army of forty-two battalions, 
 36,000 men, mould be raifed immediately ; 
 not to form a camp under the walls of Pa- 
 ris,
 
 ( '39 ) 
 
 ris, but as an army of referve between 
 the frontiers and the capital. 
 
 In this propofal, we at once difco- 
 ver wifdom, policy and patriotifm. A 
 multitude of men collected together in 
 or near a country town, would not have 
 been fubjecl: to the numerous and licen- 
 tious avocations which the capital would 
 have afforded them ; they would there 
 have more readily fubmitted themfelves 
 to difcipline and fubordination, than in a 
 fpot where the principles of difobediencc 
 and revolt were taught and praclifed with 
 impunity ; and when formed and embo- 
 died into an army (which might have been 
 effected much fooner than at Paris), they 
 would have been ready to reinforce the 
 other armies or garrifons as occafion might 
 require. They might have met and op- 
 pofed the enemy half way ; thereby, at the 
 leafl, delaying and enfeebling them, in- 
 ftead of waiting till they had got poffefrion 
 of the country, and advancecf in full force 
 to Paris ; where the army projected by 
 
 the
 
 ( HO ) 
 
 the Jacobins could have been of no other 
 life than in confuming provifions, a fur- 
 ther fupply of which would be cut off by 
 the enemy. 
 
 This propofal of the King, it was, 
 however, thought proper to accept ; for 
 the Jacobins had, by this time, found 
 other means by which they might accom- 
 plifh their infernal purpofe, and which, 
 though refulting from the idea of the camp, 
 were not entirely fruftrated by the King's 
 refufmg his fanction to it : for they had 
 been informed that the rabble from the 
 different departments, under the denomi- 
 nation of Federates, not having waited for 
 the fantion, but confidering the decree as 
 valid, had began their march in great 
 numbers towards the capital*. The Na- 
 tional Aflembly had decreed, that the camp, 
 propofed by the King, mould be formed 
 
 at 
 
 * It was the report in Paris at this time, the beginning 
 of July, that above ioo,oco men were marching to thq 
 * capital, from all parts, to affift their brothers in arms,
 
 at SoifTons, about half way between Paris 
 and the north-cart frontiers. The anni- 
 veriary of the federation was approaching ; 
 and the Jacobins procured a decree, invi- 
 ting the federates who could arrive at Pa- 
 ris before the I4th of July, to affift on 
 that folemn occaiion ; and it was after- 
 wards decreed, that they fhould wait in 
 Paris till the neceffary preparations were 
 made at SoifTons for their reception. 
 
 During the firft and fecond weeks of 
 July, the federates from the neareft de- 
 partments arrived in Paris by twenties, 
 thirties and fifties : every thing was pre- 
 pared for their reception ; and every care 
 was taken by the Jacobins and their aflb- 
 ciates, to make their fojourn at Paris as 
 agreeable and pleafant to them as poffible. 
 Beds w ere prepared for them in the defert- 
 ed houfes of the nobility, feafts were given 
 them in the place of the Baftile, and money 
 was delivered to them by Santerre and 
 others, for the purchafe of every fpecies of 
 entertainment. The galleries of the Na- 
 tional
 
 ( '42 ) 
 
 tional AfTembly and thofe of the Jacobins, 
 were kept open exclusively for them. The 
 botanic gardens, the mufeums, and every 
 cabinet of curiofities, were opened, at flated 
 hours, exprefsly and folely for their admif- 
 fion. In mort, every fpecies of the meaneft 
 bribery and corruption was praclifed to at- 
 tach them to the chiefs of the faction, and 
 enflave their minds to the performance of 
 thofe horrid purpofes for which, though 
 under different pretences, they had been 
 called to Paris. 
 
 The anxiety of the Jacobins, however, 
 for the fpeedy accomplifhment of their 
 diabolical defigns, induced them to difclofe 
 their intentions and wimes to the federates 
 that firft arrived, before their minds had 
 been fufficiently degraded to receive them 
 with approbation or without difguft. They 
 did not confider that the inhabitants of the 
 country, bred up apart from fcenes of dif- 
 fipation and licentioufnefs, and accuftomed 
 to honefl induftry, might, even in a period 
 of crimes and horrours, retain fome portion 
 
 of
 
 ( '43 ) 
 
 of that mild benevolence which the Crea- 
 tor univerfally beftows, but which had 
 long fince been eradicated in themfelves : 
 they did not confider that the federates, 
 collected (as they imagined) for worthy 
 purpofes, had not been long enough under 
 their tuition to be entirely deaf to every 
 fenfe of honour and humanity. The Ja- 
 cobins were impatient ; and, before the 
 metal was fufficiently heated, they {truck. 
 They made the horrid propofal to the fe- 
 derates, who received it with indignity 
 and difguft*. The federates fent a depu- 
 tation to the AfTembly, with a petition, 
 that they might be immediately fent to 
 Soifibns, or be fuiFered to return home, as 
 they found that they had been called to 
 Paris for purpofes that made themjhudder. 
 The fubjecT: of the latter part of the peti- 
 tion, though delivered publickly at the bar 
 of the National Aflembly, was never exa- 
 mined into. The federates were informed 
 that, fo foon as the preparations for the 
 
 camp 
 
 * The Marfeillois and Bretons were not yet arrived.
 
 ( 44 ) 
 
 camp at SoifTons were accomplifhed, they 
 fhould be allowed to depart ; but they 
 were not queftioned concerning the nature 
 of the propofals that had been made to 
 them, or by whom they were made. Such 
 an enquiry would, to be fure, have been 
 ufefefs ; for the National AfTembly were 
 already well informed what the propofals 
 were, and by whom they were made. 
 
 If the purpofes that made the federates 
 jhudder had not been known and counte- 
 nanced by the majority of the Afiembly, 
 why did they not inftitute an enquiry con- 
 cerning them ? When men, who had 
 been invited to Paris to defend it, had ac- 
 cepted the invitation, and when arrived, 
 found that it was intended to employ them 
 in a different manner ; when thefe men, 
 difdaining the different employment, fent 
 to the Aflembly a public declaration that 
 propofals had been made to them, which 
 made themy^Wdb-, it was the duty of the 
 Aflembly to inveftigate the bufinefs fevere- 
 ly, and bring the authors of the propofals to 
 * juftice.
 
 ( '45 ) 
 
 juftice. It was natural to fuppofe that pur- 
 pofes that made thefe men Jhudder, muft 
 have been of an infamous tendency : but even 
 had they been honourable purpofes, when 
 they were proved to be different from thofe 
 for which the federates had been, by a de- 
 cree of the Affembly, called to Paris, the 
 propofers had acted unconditionally and 
 treafonably, by endeavouring to alienate 
 the minds of the federates from -the caufe 
 in which they had engaged ; and, conie- 
 quently, mould have been put in a ftate of 
 accufation and tried. But it was not the 
 intereft of the AfTembly or the Jacobins 
 to make the complaint of the federates 
 more public ; it had already raifed the fufpi- 
 cionsand terrors of the quiet and well-prin- 
 cipled citizens, and of the few ci-devant 
 noblefle who remained in France. The 
 Jacobins, therefore, endeavoured, by every 
 means in their power, to throw a veil over 
 the complaint, and waited for a more fa- 
 vourable opportunity of executing their 
 
 wifhes. 
 
 
 
 L The
 
 The anniverfary of the federation was 
 how very near, and the populace had 
 fhewn themfelves exceedingly anxious to 
 obtain the reinftatement of their favourite 
 leader M. Petion, who, as I have before 
 obferved, had been fufpended by the de- 
 partment from his functions. Numerous 
 petitions had been fent to the AfTembly by 
 federates and citizens of the different fec- 
 tions, in behalf of their brave and virtu- 
 ous magistrate, as they called him, and 
 praying that he might be reftored time 
 enough to affift at the federation. But as 
 I have already fpoken ftrongly in reproba- 
 tion of this gentleman's conduct, it is but 
 juft that I mould make the public ac- 
 quainted with his defence. 
 
 fbe Petition of M. PETION to the NA- 
 TIONAL ASSEMBLY. 
 
 A decifion of the department having ba- 
 niflied me from a poft, to which I am at- 
 tached, even on account of its dangers, 
 to which I am attached, on account of the 
 
 fervices
 
 ( '47 ) 
 
 fervices I can render to my fellow citi- 
 zens ; I prefent myfelf before you, with 
 a confidence infpired by a confcience with- 
 out reproach. I demand a fevere juf- 
 tice, I demand it for myfelf, I demand 
 it for my perfecutors. 
 
 v; / 
 
 I feel not the neceflity of juflifying my- 
 felf; but I feel the imperious neceffity of 
 avenging the public caufe. It is not in 
 the power of the department to throw the 
 flighted blemim on the reputation of a 
 magiftrate, who has never ceafed, and will 
 never ceafe to be faithful to his duties. 
 
 If I was only called upon to anfwer the 
 department, I mould remain filent. Long 
 iince has the department been judged by 
 the tribunal of opinion. 
 
 It is not in this inftance alone, that they 
 tave declared war againft the municipality : 
 that ambitious and ufurping body wim to 
 hold it in a ftate of fervile dependence, 
 and reftrain it in all its actions ; they wifti 
 L 2 that
 
 that their power alone may be felt incefc 
 fantly by all the citizens, that they may- 
 be confcious of its exiftence. Tormented 
 by the infatuated wifh of governing, they 
 cannot endure the power of opinion that 
 furrounds the municipality. 
 
 Thefe hateful and jealous paffions ex- 
 plain the condudt they have held on more 
 than one occafion. The prefent circum- 
 ftance having appeared to the department 
 extremely favourable, they feized it with 
 eagernefs to dilplay the plenitude of their 
 power. 
 
 I confefs that I am ftill at a lofs to de- 
 cide upon the mofl truly fcandalous fen- 
 tence they have paiTed. I know very well 
 that corrupted papers, fold on all occafions 
 to outrage the Revolution, morality, and 
 juftice, had infpired them with the idea of 
 it ; I know very well that fhameful ma- 
 noeuvres and contemptible agents had pre- 
 pared a petition againfl the municipality 
 and myfelf : but thefe works of corruption 
 
 con-
 
 ( H9 ) 
 
 contributed more to our eulogy than to 
 our cenfure. 
 
 I did not think that one of the beft ac- 
 tions of my public life, that which leaves 
 the moft confoling reflections in my heart, 
 could become the caufe of my perfecution. 
 
 I alk myfelf what I have done ? Well ! 
 I have prevented the effu(ion of blood ; I 
 have prevented the torch of civil war from 
 being lighted up in the capital, which, 
 perhaps, might have incendiated the em- 
 pire. 
 
 Let us now fee what the department 
 reproach me with. I have read their ac- 
 cufation ; I trembled with indignation, and 
 my foul rofe up againft the faithlefs hands 
 that traced it. 
 
 Juft and honourable men ! read it, if you 
 can, with calmnefs, and judge. It is no- 
 thing but a declaration almoft entirely 
 falfe, in which facts are not only pervert- 
 L 3 ed,
 
 ( '5 ) 
 
 ed, but in which no trouble has been taken 
 to mention a {ingle circumftance in favour 
 of the accufed ; and in which infidious al- 
 legations are continually fubflituted for 
 reafon. 
 
 Is it thus that the even balances of juf- 
 tice are held ? 
 
 I obferve, in the firft place, that the 
 directory of the department ought not to 
 have interfered, in any manner, with the 
 meafures of police and the public orders, 
 which the union of citizens might have 
 required on the 2oth of June. 
 
 Every thing that refpecls the police is 
 the efTence of the municipal power. The 
 department have the fingle right of watch* 
 fulnefs and cenfure : they permit, and af- 
 terward control : if they act immediately, 
 if they order, watchfulnefs exifts no longer; 
 the law is eluded and lofes its end. 
 
 The
 
 The council-general had fubmitted its 
 refolution of the i6th of June, to the in- 
 fluence of the directory ; I know not 
 why : if I had had the honour of presiding 
 at the council on that day, I fhould have 
 ufed every endeavour to prevent an abufe 
 fo dangerous in its confequences, 
 
 In (hort, the directory got hold of it, 
 and when they obtain what does not belong 
 to them, it is not to yield up eafily what 
 has been given them. They had a con* 
 ference on the ipth with the adminiftra- 
 tors of the police and me. Even then it 
 was not certain whether or not the faux- 
 bourgs would march in arms. They pafTed 
 a decree in the form of a proclamation, in 
 which they reminded us of general princi- 
 ples concerning armed afTemblies, and in- 
 vited us to an active watchfulnefs. 
 
 It is eafy, no doubt, to command in this 
 manner, and it is ftill more eafy to cenfure 
 meafures taken, when the events are pafled, 
 
 L 4 Here
 
 Here the department begin mod cun- 
 ningly to direct a flight reproach to me, 
 becaufe I acquainted them only on the 
 1 8th, of a refolution that was patted on the 
 1 6th. But, take notice, that it was in an 
 evening fitting that the refolution was 
 patted ; that it could not have been expe- 
 dited till the I ;th, and that from the i ;th 
 to the 1 8th was not a long period. This 
 reproach, therefore, can only be regarded 
 as an oratorical precaution to difpofe peo- 
 ple to liften, with more compliance, to 
 more important fats, 
 
 Befides, I am perfuaded, and I have 
 good reafons for believing, that the depart- 
 ment were informed, even on the moment, 
 of the refolution having been patted. 
 
 Moreover, what is very true, is, that 
 they only fummoned us before them on 
 the i pth, and that, not in the morning as 
 they advance, but between two and three 
 o'clock, 
 
 What
 
 ( 'S3 ) 
 
 What is not lefs true, is, that the decree 
 of the department was not pofted up till 
 the moment when it could have no efFed ; 
 that was on the 2oth, at day-break. 
 
 What is not lefs true, is, that the depart- 
 ment have not over the people that afcen- 
 dency of confidence which favours the ac- 
 tion and fuccefs of meafures ; and, in fuch 
 cafe, what does not favour, counteracts. 
 
 I pafs on to fomething of a graver na- 
 ture : the department are not amamed to 
 fay, that I did not give to the commandant 
 general the ncceffary orders for fupporting 
 their decree. 
 
 I know not what the department mean 
 by necejjary orders : what I know is, that 
 J wrote to the commandant general, to 
 engage him in the moft active watchful- 
 nefs ; to double every poft ; to keep re- 
 ferves ; to put on foot a very ftrong force ; 
 to have patroles, as well of cavalry as in- 
 fantry. 
 
 What
 
 What I know, is, that I gave over night 
 orders to the commanders of the battalions 
 of the fauxbourgs, not to collect in arms. 
 
 Were thefe orders ? No one, I believe, 
 can doubt it ; and, obferve that they pre- 
 ceded the union of the citizens. 
 
 I flopped not there : I defired fome of 
 the municipal officers and the adminiftra- 
 tors of the police, to repair to the different 
 places to fpeakto the citizens, to enlighten 
 them, and prevent their afTembling in arms. 
 
 The department are faithlefs enough to 
 pafs over all thefe facts in filence, and 
 throw on me the odious inculpation of 
 having fuffered the groups to increafe 
 why do they not add, by deflgn ? They have 
 not loyalty enough to fay fo openly ; but 
 they have the cowardice to inimuate it. 
 
 All the reprefentations of the municipal 
 officers were ufelefs ; and why ? Becaufe 
 the citizens conftantly repeated, " We are 
 
 " not
 
 ( '55 ) 
 
 ci not forming a riot ; the motive which 
 " unites us is well known, it is pure ; 
 " we celebrate theanniverfaryof thejeu 
 " de paume ; we are going to prefent an 
 " addrefs to the National AfTembly and 
 " the King ; the Affembly has received 
 " our brethren ; it has received them 
 " armed ; they have had the honour of 
 " being admitted into the hall : why 
 " mould we be deprived of the fame fa- 
 
 What would the whole of the depart- 
 ment, under thefe circumftances, have 
 effe&ed ? Could they have ihaken the re- 
 folution of citizens, who fupported their 
 actions by the authority, by the example 
 of the Affembly itfelf, who were fortified 
 by the purity of their intentions ? No 
 power could have produced that prodigy. 
 
 What juftice would there have been 
 afterwards in reprefling thefe citizens by 
 violence ? 
 
 What
 
 ( '56 ) 
 
 What imprudence would there not have 
 been in endeavouring to do it ? For where 
 was the repreffive force that would have 
 ated on that occafion ? Where was the 
 force fufficient to reftrain that which was 
 putting itfelf in motion ? 
 
 What barbarity, in mort, would there 
 not have been, in caufing blood to be med 
 on fuch an occafion ? 
 
 It is in vain, in fuch circumflances, to 
 think of vague hypothens ; it is in vain 
 to fpeak in an abftract and theoretic man- 
 ner, of the refped due to the law : it is 
 neceflary to be prefent on the ipot. The 
 department mould put themfelves in the 
 place of the .mayor, and fay candidly 
 what they would have done. Would they, 
 for fuch an offence, have flaughtered the 
 citizens ? Yes ? or No ? For in the 
 world there were but two means, reafon 
 and force. 
 
 The
 
 ( '57 ) 
 
 The citizens, then, were united ; the 
 battalions were preparing to march, with 
 their colours and cannons ; their com- 
 manders were at their head. 
 
 What would the department have done 
 there ? The municipal body faw but one 
 flep to take, that of giving a prudent 
 direction to fo coniiderable a mafs of men : 
 to render their march regular and well or- 
 jdered, it put them under the colours of 
 the National Guard, and under the com- 
 mand of chiefs armed by the law. 
 
 The department make a fine diflertation 
 on this circumftance ; they blame every- 
 thing and indicate nothing : they confider 
 this meafure as unlawful, injurious to the 
 National Guard, and dangerous : they find 
 no expreffion ftrong enough to paint it in. 
 its true colours. 
 
 Let us proceed from one point ; that 
 is, that the citizens were marching, and 
 that nothing could prevent them. Well I 
 
 was
 
 ( '58 ) 
 
 was lefs inconvenience to be expected from 
 leaving them to themfelves, than from ar- 
 ranging them under the watchfulnefs of 
 the National Guard, who marched with 
 them ? It is here, again, that I muft be 
 anfwered by yes ! or no ! If there was 
 not lefs inconvenience, all the obfervations 
 of the department fignify nothing, and fall 
 of themfelves. Now, I defy the depart- 
 ment to maintain, that there was more 
 chance for good order by fuffering the. 
 torrent to proceed by itfelf, than by di- 
 recting it. 
 
 All this, however, is fuperfluous ; for 
 the National Guards of the fauxbourgs, 
 and the other citizens, armed in any man- 
 ner, and without arms, made but one : 
 they were brothers, were concerned in 
 the fame fentiment, as well as in the fame 
 ftep. 
 
 Shall I anfwer to the department, when 
 they fay that they had not approved this 
 meafure which I had propofed to them in a 
 
 letter
 
 ( '59 ) 
 
 letter figned by the adminiftrators of the 
 police and myfelf ? 
 
 What does it fignify ? Tmce the irrenT- 
 tible nature of circumftances rendered it 
 a forced one, and that it altered nothing 
 
 of what was going on. 
 
 t 
 
 I go further, and aflert that there was no 
 need of the advice or the approbation of the 
 department to authorife the battalions to 
 march : they had not any right to inter- 
 fere ; to the mayor only belonged that 
 right. 
 
 There is one thing, however, which 
 I cannot pafs over in filence, and which 
 entirely unmaiks the principles of the de- 
 partment. 
 
 They have the perfidious cunning to 
 aflert that the meafure was injurious to the 
 National Guard : and how do they prove 
 it ? Thus ; I copy their expreffions : 
 " This meafure tended to fraternife with 
 
 "the
 
 " the foldiers of the law, and to unite, 
 " under their colours, men for the moft 
 " part unknown, and vagabonds, all in 
 " a flate of open rebellion ; and among 
 " whom, as the event has mewn, were 
 " plunderers and aflaffins." 
 
 It is thus that the department, with 
 much bafenefs, endeavour to infinuate 
 themfelves into the favour of the National 
 Guards, by affecting to take an intereft in 
 their glory : it it thus that they divide 
 the citizens from the citizens. They in 
 Vain endeavour to difguife the contempt 
 they have for the indigent and unfortunate 
 clafs of fociety. Can they fay, with any 
 fincerity, that the greater part of the citi- 
 zens united were men unknown, were 
 vagabonds, unlefs they choofe to call 
 workmen and honed artifans by thofe 
 names ? Certainly, into fo immenfe a 
 crowd, there may have ftolen a few of 
 thofe dangerous men ; but to fay that the 
 majority of the citizens afTembled were 
 fuch men, is the greatefl infult. 
 
 Can
 
 Can they fay, without mame, that 
 there were aflaflins among them, and that 
 the event has proved it ? This infamous 
 affertion calls for vengeance. By what 
 fanguinary action was difcovered any aflaf- 
 fin ? Let them anfwer directly. Did the 
 event coft a fmgle individual his life ? Let 
 them fpeak. Is it with fuch temerity, 
 with fuch boldnefs, that the citizens are 
 ever to be calumniated and difhonoured ? 
 It is by covering them perpetually with 
 opprobiums, by loading them with con- 
 tempt, that they are brought at laft to 
 depravity, and that fbciety is put into a 
 ftate of eternal warfare. 
 
 I mall come, in a moment, to that 
 event. 
 
 The department, uniformly inndious in 
 their recital, continue, and fay " that 
 " the mayor did not give himfelf any trou- 
 " ble about the dangers to which the fedi- 
 " tious aflembly of the multitude expofed 
 " the capital : 
 
 M " That
 
 " That he knew fo little of the ilate of 
 " the mob, that fbme perfons came to the 
 " commons, where he had remained till 
 " half after two o'clock, to tell him that 
 " the fight was glorious, and that property 
 " was refpe&ed ; and yet, at that moment, 
 * c the doors of the gardens of the Tirille- 
 46 ries had been burfl open." 
 
 What fignifies that deceitful language ? 
 I did not give my f elf any trouble I I deiired 
 feveral of my colleagues to go about to the 
 different places through which the citizens 
 might pafs, and particularly to the Tuil- 
 leries, which they executed with the 
 greateft zeal. I {laid, with feveral others, 
 at the commons, as forming a central 
 point. 
 
 Was that, yes ! or no ! giving myfelf 
 any trouble ? Let me beg of the depart- 
 ment to tell me what other precautions 
 ought to have been taken ; or what were 
 the meafures the keeneft forefight could 
 have thought of for an event of all others 
 
 the
 
 ( '63 ) 
 
 the moft unforefeen. Let me afk this of 
 the department, who alone thought pro- 
 per to calumniate the day of the aoth ; 
 who alone, after all, could difcover fb 
 many faults, fo much negligence, fb much 
 prevarication in the conduct of the magif- 
 trates. 
 
 Yes ! all the news I received, reftored" 
 calmnefs and confidence to my foul. Pro- 
 perties were refpecled ; no citizen had 
 reafon to complain*. The fight was glo- 
 rious and impofing ; not to every eye, but 
 to the eyes of a man, who enjoys the en- 
 joyment of others, who fees with de- 
 light that the people, by a knowledge of 
 their own dignity, are riling by degrees 
 to the height of their deftiny, I have 
 feen the beft citizens fpeak to me of this 
 fight with tears in their eyes, and tranf* 
 port in their hearts. 
 
 M2 It 
 
 * The King, it is to be imagined, was considered by 
 M. Petion as no citizen, but an outlaw.
 
 ( 164 J 
 
 It is falfe to fay, that, before half after 
 two o'clock, there was any riot, and that 
 doors had been broke open*. The de- 
 partment can only make ufe of an alle- 
 gation fo inexact, for the purpofe of re- 
 proaching me with my calmnefs during 
 the pretended diforders, and aggravate my 
 pretended delay in going to the palace. 
 
 They confequently add immediately, 
 that " the mayor did not make his ap- 
 " pearance till two hours after the mo- 
 " ment in which the royal doors had been 
 " forced." What cunning ! What du- 
 plicity ! 
 
 I was at the palace before five o'clock. 
 It was more than half paft three when the 
 door of the palace was opened. I mould have 
 flown there attheinftant, if at the inftant 
 
 I had 
 
 * / faw the doors of the garden fronting the Pont Royal 
 J>roke open by the mob, about eleven o'clock in the morn- 
 ing; and before two, there were at leaft an hundred 
 thoufand perfons in the garden, trampling indifcriminately 
 on every part of it.
 
 I had been informed of it. About half paft 
 three, or near four, M. Vignier, admi- 
 niftrator of the police, who had that mo- 
 ment left the fpot, came, and faid to me, 
 " All goes well ! You may be perfectly 
 " eafy !" What was my furprife, when, 
 at half paft four, an aid-de-camp came 
 and informed me that the apartments of 
 true palace were full of people, as well as 
 the courts, and that it was impoffible to 
 forefee what might happen. I quitted 
 every thing, and repaired immediately to 
 the palace. 
 
 
 
 This entrance of the people was evi- 
 dently the effecT; of one of thofe unforefeen 
 movements, which are neither the refult 
 of reflection or intention. The moft ab- 
 furd and the moft calumnious accounts 
 have, in this refpeft, disfigured every fad, 
 which we cannot too much endeavour to 
 fet in its true light, 
 
 One part of the column coming out of 
 
 the National Aflembly, filed off in the gar- 
 
 M 3 den
 
 ( '66 ) 
 
 den of the Tuilleries, and pafTed through 
 it* quietly, to gain the Pont Royal. The 
 National Guards, ranged in a line, carried 
 their arms, and uttered every fign of joy 
 to them as they pafied, while the other 
 part of that column took its march toward 
 the Carouzel ; fo that each proceeded in 
 its own way, without having the fame, 
 and previoufly concerted determinations. 
 
 The bearers of the petition were at the 
 head of that part of the column that was 
 in the place de Carouzel. There they had 
 flopped at the royal gate to enter and pre- 
 fent the petition to the King. They 
 knocked at the gate, they exprefled fome 
 impatience : a municipal officer came out 
 
 by 
 
 * This account of M. Petion's is not true, for they who 
 came into the garden from the Aflembly remained in it 
 till they attacked the palace ; excepting only a troop of 
 coalmen, armed with long poles, pointed at the end, who 
 left the garden foon after they had come out of the Aflem- 
 bly. This black troop confifted of from an hundred and 
 and fifty to two hundred men, and a few women.
 
 by the princes' court, joined the citizens, 
 and told them they could not enter in fo 
 great a number, and that they ought to fend 
 commifTanes with the petition. That was 
 agreed on, when fuddenly the gate was 
 opened from within ; then the torrent 
 rumed in, and overflowed, in an inftant, 
 the courts and apartments. 
 
 Where was the defign in this ? Where 
 was there a {ingle moment given to de- 
 liberation ? Who does not fee, on the con- 
 trary, a confiderable mafs of men, which, 
 by its own weight, urges itfelf oil, leads, 
 and is led by itfelf ? Ought not what pafTed 
 afterwards in the apartments to open the 
 eyes of the moft incredulous ? For, at 
 laft, what did the citizens do that could 
 give the flighteft indication of a plot, of 
 which the idea alone makes one tremble ? 
 
 It is not a few glafies broken, a few 
 
 pannels forced in, either by a precipitate 
 
 entrance, or by the fimple p refill re of an 
 
 immenfe crowd ; it is not a few boards 
 
 M 4 taken
 
 ( '68 ) 
 
 taken away to facilitate the paflage of a 
 cannon, which, with a ftrange, infatuated 
 impetuofity, they brought up ; it is not 
 that, I fay, that can prove any bad intent, 
 any fanguinary deiigns : I do not by that 
 difcover the plunderers and affaffins of 
 whom the department fpeak. 
 
 When I arrived, I did not difcover in the 
 countenances of the people thofe traits of 
 wildnefs, indignation and paffion, which 
 are the prefages of misfortunes. I faw a 
 great number of citizens, anxious to fee, 
 preffing rather tumultuoufly, directed by 
 the fpirit of imitation and curionty, I will 
 not fay all that I did to reftore tranquilli- 
 ty, to determine the people to arrange 
 themfelves peaceably, to conduct them- 
 felves with wifdom and dignity ; even my 
 detra&ors are obliged to do me juftice in 
 this inflance. 
 
 The department fay not a word of this 
 conduct : they flop every where, where 
 they perceive innocence. They are filent, 
 
 * and
 
 and difTemble. Let them tell me then 
 what they would have done on this diffi- 
 cult occaiion. Would they have employ- 
 ed force, they who invoke fo much refpecl: 
 for the laws and property ? Let them ex- 
 plain themfelves. Had a fmgle blow been 
 given, it is impoffible to calculate the hor- 
 rors that might have been committed. 
 And was not, therefore, the fafety of all, 
 the fupreme law before which all others 
 fhould be filent ? 
 
 Have the department, in this affair, 
 eftablifhed themfelves as my judges, or my 
 adverfaries ? Is it equity that has con- 
 dueled them, or paffion that has led them 
 aftray ? The flighteft reflection on the cir- 
 cumftances is fufficient to folve that pro- 
 blem. 
 
 The condemnation which they have 
 pronounced againft me is become a public 
 fcandal : entered in the regifters of the 
 municipality, and difFufed throughout all 
 France, prefented under the falfeft and 
 
 black-
 
 ( '7 ) 
 
 blacked colours, in a decree which can 
 only be regarded as a libel ; I demand a 
 redrefs as public and ftriking as the offence 
 itfelf. 
 
 The department cannot fay they were 
 deceived ; they cannot call in their de- 
 fence the dictates of confcience ; they have 
 perverted facts ; their malevolent inten- 
 tions appear in every line of their refolu- 
 tion : if the reafons they give had been 
 plaunble, they would have been culpable 
 in pronouncing my fufpenfion ; they 
 ought, therefore, to be punimed. 
 
 I fpeak not here of the nullities which 
 ftrike this work of darknefs, of violation of 
 every form. If the AfTembly cannot ne- 
 glect thefe infractions of law, it is not for 
 me to take advantage of them : it is not 
 upon vices of that nature that I reft my 
 innocence, and that I accufe the depart- 
 ment. 
 
 Gen-
 
 Gentlemen, if the departments were to 
 be allowed arbitrarily to fmite the munici- 
 palities, and fufpend them as their revenge 
 and paffions dictate, France would foon be 
 entirely diforganized. You are not unac- 
 quainted with the afflicting druggies that 
 take place every where between the muni- 
 cipalities and the departments. What is 
 the principal caufe of thefe unhappy divi- 
 fions ? I mutt have the courage to declare 
 it. 
 
 The municipalities, chofen immediately 
 by the citizens, are in general animated by 
 that public fpirit which is the friend and 
 fupport of the Revolution : that fpirit is 
 wanting in the greater part of the depart- 
 ments. The municipalities wifh for li- 
 berty with energy : the departments are 
 incefTantly endeavouring to fetter it. The 
 municipal authority has fomething mild 
 and paternal in it ; it is the beft and moft 
 falutary of all : the authority of the depart- 
 ments has fomething rough and defpotic 
 in it ; it adapts itfelf lefs to localities and 
 
 cir-
 
 ( 17* ) 
 
 circumftances. The municipalities are par- 
 ticularly influenced by the fpirit of the 
 people : the departments are influenced by 
 the fpirit of the court, being in habitual 
 dependence on its minifters. The princi- 
 ple of the fiiperior powers is to govern, 
 and the habit of domination infenfibly cor- 
 rupts men, and renders them imperious. 
 
 Legiflators, you cannot with too much 
 care watch over this body of men, natu- 
 rally ambitious, whofe power in a free 
 country is continually threatening, if it be 
 not continually confined within its true 
 limits. You cannot, on the contrary, give 
 too much fupport to thofe little civic ad- 
 miniftrations, which > weak and diiperfed 
 over the furface of the empire, can not only 
 never alarm liberty, but are even the ele- 
 ments and the mofl folid ban's of it. 
 
 How much will you embolden the de- 
 partments, if the dangerous example 
 which that of Paris has jufl given fhould 
 remain unpunifhed ! For, do not deceive 
 
 your-
 
 ( '73 ) 
 
 yourfelves in this refpeft ; the departments 
 are not Grangers to one another. There 
 already exifts a fpirit of imitation : from 
 that fpirit of imitation to a general fpirit, 
 from thence to a coalition is not far ; and 
 that idea prefents more than one danger to 
 the public good. 
 
 I fpeak not of the decifion of the King. 
 The department had done him a good of- 
 fice in fufpending me : the King renders 
 them one, in his turn, by coming to their 
 fupport. The department, in all their 
 adtions, have always fhewn fo perfect an 
 agreement with the views of the court, 
 that this concert of wifhes on the occafion 
 has nothing furprifing in it, and I can only 
 think myfelf honoured with that decifion. 
 
 Permit me, Gentlemen, to exprefs, in 
 the midft of you, a fentiment which I can- 
 not reftrain ; an honeft man ftill finds 
 confolations in the bottom of his heart : 
 then even when, abandoned by every thing 
 that is dear to him, by his friends mifled, 
 
 V
 
 ( 174 ) 
 
 by a public deceived, he has alone to flrug- 
 gle againfl combined perfecutions. A day, 
 cries he, in the bitternefs of his foul, a day 
 will come, in which they will know me, 
 in which they will be amamed of having 
 perfecuted me. That idea, that charm of 
 hope, foftens his fufferings, and he yields 
 Up his life, forgiving his enemies. 
 
 But how fweet is it for him to fee all 
 that he loves, to fee his fellow citizens 
 furround him with their attachment, their 
 efleem, their confidence, and every fenti- 
 ment that makes the happinefs of life ! 
 To fee them intereft themfelves for him, 
 more than he himfelf for himfelf ; to fee 
 his colleagues foliciting the fame fate as a 
 favour, knowing no other difgrace than 
 his, and priding themfelves in the idea of 
 partaking of it. 
 
 You alone, Gentlemen, can add to fb 
 many precious teftimonies of regard : you, 
 the reprefentatives of a great people ; you, 
 whofe auguft miffion imprefles fo impofing 
 
 a cha-
 
 ( '75 ) 
 
 a character on all your actions. Have in 
 this affair no other clemency than juftice. 
 Punifh mo, if I am culpable ; revenge me, 
 if I am innocent. I attend, with a refpedt- 
 ful confidence, the folemn decree which 
 you are about to pafs. 
 
 
 (Signed) PETION. 
 
 The difcerning reader will, from the 
 above letter, form a much more adequate 
 idea of the real character of M. Petion, 
 than he could have done from the moft 
 ftriking picture an adverfary could have 
 drawn of him. Thofe fuperficial argu- 
 ments, thofe fhadows of reafonmg, which 
 have but a too fatal influence over the po-. 
 pulace of France at this moment, will 
 Ihrink into their native nothing, when 
 weighed by the experience of a politician, 
 or the penetration of a philofopher. I did 
 not think it worth while to introduce the 
 accufations brought againft M. Petion by 
 the department, becaufe they were no 
 other than the regular confequence of fiich 
 * fen-
 
 fentiments as would necefTarily arife in the 
 bofom of any one at all acquainted with 
 the government of a nation, or the duty 
 of a magiftrate, after reading an impartial 
 detail of his conduct, or rather of his inac- 
 tion. There are, however, fome parts of 
 M. Petion's petition to the National Af- 
 fembly, which, I think, I ought not to let 
 pafs by without a little animadverfion. I 
 fliall totally difregard every flowery ex- 
 preffion of fentiment, and every little prat- 
 tle about confcience, with which letters 
 and petitions of this kind are fo conftantly 
 puffed up, and confine myfelf folely to fuch 
 of his remarks as relate to truth, policy, or 
 law. 
 
 His firfl aflertion was, that it was not in 
 the power of the department to throw the 
 flighteft blemim on the reputation of a 
 magiftrate(himfelf), who had never ceafed, 
 and would never ceafe to be faithful to his 
 duties. 
 
 This
 
 ( '77 ) 
 
 This afTertion will fhortly be proved 
 true or falfe, by a further examination of 
 his conduct. 
 
 He next obferved, that the department 
 had long fince been judged by the tribunal 
 of opinion. 
 
 When it is confidered that there was 
 but one fet of men in France who dared 
 publicly avow their opinions, and that^that 
 fet of men was the rabble, who were 
 immediately under the influence of the 
 mayor ; it will not be a fubject of won- 
 der, that the department, who {trove to ex- 
 ecute the laws, mould not only be judged 
 but condemned by this awful tribunal, M. 
 Petion himfelf raifed againft them. 
 
 But the moft important point on which 
 he refted his defence, was his having 
 fpared the efFufion of blood. 
 
 A difcuffion concerning the weight this 
 
 part of his conduct ought to have had in 
 
 N his
 
 ( '78 ) 
 
 his acquittal, will neceflarily involve ar- 
 gument of much delicacy and difficulty. 
 It muft be allowed, that very ftrong rea- 
 fons, and very urgent neceffity alone can 
 juftify the effufion of blood: but, on the 
 other hand, it muft be allowed, that thele 
 very ftrong reafons, and this very urgent 
 neceffity, may fometime's exift. In every 
 well governed country, the laws not only 
 authorife, but command a punimment ade- 
 quate to the offences of the guilty. Laws 
 are made for the benefit and protection of 
 the nation in general. Whoever fins 
 againfl thofe laws, if fuffered to go unpu- 
 nifhed, lefiens the benefit and fafety which 
 the nation mould derive from them. The 
 more eafily the guilty can efcape, the more 
 the number of the guilty will increafe, 
 and, confequently, the more the fafety of 
 the nation will be endangered. It is, 
 therefore, the duty of every legiflature to 
 ftrike at crimes in their infancy, and not 
 to wait till they become too powerful for 
 refinance or fuppreffion. It is well known, 
 that no country can fupport an army ca* 
 
 pable
 
 ( '79 ) 
 
 pable of repreffing an univerfal infurrec- 
 tion of the rabble : but as great mobs are 
 feldom collected in an inftant, for unlaw- 
 ful purpofes, they ought to be reprefTed in 
 the earlieft periods of their formation. A 
 fmall party of ill-inclined people, will, if 
 it meet with no refinance, accumulate by 
 degrees, like a mow-ball rolling down a 
 high mountain, till it become fo powerful 
 a body as to bear down all before it ; and 
 no nation is fo little acquainted with the 
 nature of mobs, as to be unconfcious of the 
 fatal and unavoidable confequences of their 
 obtaining a fuperiority of power. All 
 large parties of rabble adopt fbme oftenfi- 
 ble principle of conduct, fome watch- 
 word for their actions, which ferve them 
 as excufes for their firft violences : one 
 violence committed with impunity begets 
 another ; refinance begets anger ; anger, 
 revenge ; revenge begets cruelties, afTaf- 
 finations and maflfacres. Added to this, 
 mobs are, in general, compofed of men 
 who earn their daily fubfiftence by their 
 daily labour : having ceafed to be induf- 
 N 2 trious,
 
 trious, they ceafe to receive the wages of 
 induftry ; they muft eat and drink ; they 
 cannot purchafe; plunder, therefore, af- 
 fords them the eafieft and only means of 
 fatisfying their wants, and as their num- 
 bers are great, their plunder muft be ex- 
 tenfive : no law, no force reftrains them, 
 and, therefore, they feldom paufe in their 
 excefTes, till they have waded through 
 every Ipecies of horrors, enormities and 
 bloodfhed, that can difgrace humanity. 
 Innocence finds no protection ; and thou- 
 fands are facrificed to the luft of plunder, 
 infatuation, or revenge. 
 
 When fuch unlimited crimes, and fuch 
 uncontrollable exceffes are known to be 
 the general and almoft inevitable confe- 
 quences of the mob's obtaining power, 
 that magistrate is in the higheft degree 
 culpable, who refufes to exercife the great- 
 eft lawful feverity, where other means 
 fail, to fupprefs every appearance of, or 
 tendency to riot, in its infancy. It would 
 be unfair to judge of -actions from their 
 
 acci-
 
 accidental conferences : but when fatal 
 confequences that might not only have 
 been forefeen and expected, but that were, 
 according to the nature of things, the ne- 
 ceflary and fure refult of imprudent ac- 
 tions, have taken place, it cannot be unjuft 
 to adduce fuch confequences in judgment 
 againfl the caufe that produced them. 
 
 M. Petion refls the principal point of 
 his defence, on his having prevented the 
 erFufion of blood. The dreadful and nu- 
 merous mafTacres that took place on the 
 fucceeding days of the loth of Auguft, 
 and 2d of September, prove how little 
 weight this afTertion mould have had in 
 his acquittal. Had the National Guards 
 been properly inftru&ed, and had they 
 been ordered to fire on the mob, and done 
 fo on the 20th of June, it is more than 
 probable, nay, almoft certain, that the 
 horrid cruelties and murders committed on 
 the toth of Auguft, and 2d of September, 
 would not have taken place. Blood might 
 have been med ; but that effufion would 
 N have
 
 have purchafed the lives of the many thou- 
 fands of honour, principles and talents, 
 who have fince fallen a facrifice to the in- 
 creafed power of the mob.. Authority 
 would have returned to its proper fource ; 
 and regularly confined to its lawful limits, 
 would not have divided into fo many 
 petty ftreams, corrupted by, and corrupt- 
 ing every thing they met. Some of the' 
 lawlefs and unprincipled rabble might have 
 fallen, but they would have fallen under the 
 fword of the law, and juftice would have 
 directed the blow. The moft audacious 
 plunders, the moft favage and unparalleled 
 maflacres, the moft brutal and cowardly af- 
 faffinations,andthe moft infamous perjuries 
 might have been prevented : the King 
 might have remained the head of aconftitu- 
 tion, unviolated on his part ; and France 
 might not yet have made herfelf the moft 
 contemptible and guilty country in the world. 
 
 Let not, therefore, M. Petion fay, that 
 he has prevented the efFurion of blood. 
 It is he who has been the caufe, perhaps 
 
 not
 
 ( '83 ) 
 
 not only indirectly, of all the cruelties that 
 have difhonoured France. It is true, that 
 he made this aflertion before the events 
 of the i oth of Auguft and 2d of Septem- 
 ber had taken place ; but fuch events were 
 looked forward to as the certain confe- 
 quences of the triumph the mob had gain- 
 ed on the zoth of June. When an armed 
 mob unlawfully afTemble, and are fuffered, 
 under the eyes of the magiftrates, to com- 
 mit outrages with impunity, although they 
 fhould difperfe in the evening without 
 having committed murder, no credit can 
 be given to any magiflrate who was a wit- 
 nefs to fuch enormities, for having pre- 
 vented the effufion of blood, unlefs he can 
 decidedly prove that he has, by more le- 
 nient means, efteclually fubdued them, 
 and prevented their re-afTembling in the 
 fame manner; and, at the fame time, re- 
 ferved to himfelf the power of fuppref- 
 fing them, mould they again attempt to 
 difturb the public peace. So far from do- 
 ing any thing of this kind, M. Petion did 
 every thing in his power to eftablifh the 
 N 4 tri-
 
 triumph of the mob over the law, and the 
 lawfully-armed force. He flattered their 
 opinions, their wimes, and their actions ; 
 and, in order effectually to prevent their 
 meeting with any oppofition in the com- 
 miffion of their intended crimes from the 
 military power, he felected the rnoft no- 
 torioufly factious from the lawful army, 
 and placed them with the lawlefs rabble ; 
 thereby endeavouring to legalize a viola- 
 tion of the conftitution, and converting 
 the protectors of the law into the abet- 
 tors, at leaft, of tumultuous riots. When 
 the day was over, he had the audacity to 
 tell the rabble who had committed fo ma- 
 ny violences, that they had acted with 
 dignity, and proved that they were free ; 
 thus encouraging their prefumption, and 
 confirming their fuperiority. That M. 
 Petion was not the caufe of bloodfhed on 
 that day, muit be allowed, becaufe no 
 blood was med ; but he did worfe than he 
 could have done had he been the caufe of 
 the death of thoufands, for he gave up all 
 power and authority into the hands of an 
 
 un-
 
 unprincipled rabble, who were foon to be 
 affifled and abetted in the execution of 
 their avowed determination of extenfrve 
 {laughter, by thoufands as unprincipled as 
 themfelves, and to whofe excefTes there no 
 longer remained any poffibility of reftraint, 
 but their own wills. Can that magiflrate, 
 therefore, be allowed the credit of hav- 
 ing prevented the effufion of blood, who 
 transferred all power into the hands of 
 avowed plunderers and aflaffins ? It is not 
 the action of a day, or its immediate con- 
 fequence, that can eftablifh the character 
 of any public functioner. That man is 
 unfit for any mare of government, who 
 acts, on all occafions, from the impulfe of 
 the moment, and cannot look forward to 
 the future, examine caufes with their ef- 
 fects, weigh probabilities with poffibili- 
 ties, and judge more from refulting con-> 
 fequences than plaufible beginnings ; 
 whofe mind cannot pierce through the fu- 
 perficial veil of appearances, and penetrate 
 into intrinfic merit ; and laftly, who has 
 not courage enough to facrifice the mo- 
 mentary
 
 ( 186 ) 
 
 mentary favour of the populace for their 
 lafting good. 
 
 There are fo many paflages in M. Pe- 
 tion's petition to the AfTembly, that muft 
 immediately furnifh the difcerning reader 
 with the ftrongeft accufations againil him, 
 that k is unneceflary to dwell longer on 
 the fubjeft ; and, indeed, the whole of 
 the petition will give a clearer infight into 
 his character and principles, than any pic- 
 ture that could be drawn of them. I mail, 
 therefore, only obferve, that the National 
 AfTembly, having heard the refolutions of 
 its committee on the fubjecl: of M. Petion's 
 fuipenfion, reftored him to his functions, 
 on Friday, the I3th of July, amidft the 
 acclamations of the federates and the po- 
 pulace. 
 
 The Champ de Mars, where the anni- 
 verfaries of the federation are celebrated, 
 is a large plain, about a mile in circumfer- 
 ence. It is bounded on one end by the 
 Seine, on the other by the Ecole Militaire, 
 
 and
 
 and on each fide by avenues of trees. 
 Immenfe mounds of earth have been 
 thrown up all around the plain for the 
 convenience of the citizens ; and as thefe 
 mounds flope gradually toward the plain, 
 every perfon there placed has a diftindl: 
 view of every thing paffing in it. In the 
 center of the plain is raifed the Altar of 
 Liberty, on the top of which are four 
 vafes for frankincenfe. On the laft anni- 
 verfary, a number of tents, erected at equal 
 diftances on the mounds, and ornamented 
 with national ribbons, formed a large and 
 picturefque circle upon their fuperior ex- 
 tremity. A great marquife was erected on 
 the eaft fide of the altar, on the mounds, 
 for the reception of the King and the Na- 
 tional Aflembly, and another correfpond- 
 ing with it on the weft, for the civil offi- 
 cers. A great number of federates had 
 been expected from the different depart- 
 ments to attend the celebration of this 
 fete ; and, in confequence of this expec- 
 tation, a large circle of poplars, eighty- 
 three in number, was planted around the 
 
 plain,
 
 ( .188 ) 
 
 plain, at a little diftance from the mounds, 
 under which they were to have arranged 
 themfelves. From each poplar was fuf- 
 pended a large itreamer of three colours, 
 red, white and blue, bearing on it the 
 name of the department, as a direction for 
 the refpedHve rendezvous. This arrange- 
 ment, however, was rendered ufelefs by 
 the fmall number of federates who had 
 arrived before the I4th, and which num- 
 ber not exceeding fifteen hundred, divided 
 by eighty-three, would have made a mew 
 very little corresponding with the wifhes 
 of the Jacobin party. 
 
 On the fouth fide of the altar, and near 
 the Ecole Militaire, in one of the depart- 
 ments of which were the King, Queen, 
 and Court, was erected a pyramid ; on 
 one fide of which was painted the folio w- 
 lowing inscription : 
 
 " Tremble tyrants, ~ we rife up to 
 " deflroy you !" 
 
 And
 
 ; And on the other 
 
 " To the memory of the citizens who 
 " have died on the frontiers in defence 
 " of their country." 
 
 On the north fide of the altar was plant- 
 ed a tree, from which were fufpended the 
 arms of the nobility, and thofe of the 
 courts inimical to France, emblazoned 011 
 paper. The tree was furrounded by a 
 large pile of dry wood ; to which it was 
 intended that the King, the Prefident of 
 the National Affembly, and the Mayor 
 fhould fet fire. 
 
 On the outfide of the mounds, near the 
 river, were planted fifty-two pieces of can- 
 non, which occafionally, during the day, 
 fired-three rounds each. 
 
 The King, Queen, and all the Court 
 went early in the morning to the Ecole 
 Militaire, and placed themfelves in a bal- 
 cony which commanded a full view of the 
 
 Champ
 
 Champ de Mars, where they remained till 
 near fix o'clock in the evening. The rails 
 of the balcony were covered with crimfon 
 velvet ; and this trifling arrangement, it 
 will fcarcely be believed, was confidered as 
 fo prefuming a mark of fuperior dignity, 
 and excited fo much the indignation of 
 fome of the populace affembledrto fee the 
 fight, that it was a frequent fubjecT: of dif- 
 cuffion during the day, whether or not it 
 fhould be ordered to be taken away : and, 
 during thefe frequent difcuflions, the moil 
 illiberal and indecent remarks were made 
 on the pride, the dignity, and the delicacy 
 of the King and Queen, for the entertain- 
 ment of the furrounding crowd. 
 
 The altar was decorated with occafional 
 paintings, very finely executed, and em- 
 blematic of the neceflary union of law, 
 prudence and courage ; and of the various 
 other virtues, with which it was pretended 
 towifh the people might be infpired. 
 
 It
 
 It was intended that the regular procef- 
 (ion of all the troops, the federates, and 
 the pikemen, from the different faux- 
 bourgs, mould take place early in the 
 morning, and that the oath mould be taken 
 at noon precifely ; and books were printed 
 to regulate the order of the march. But 
 fo total was the want of dilcipline and fu- 
 bqrdination, and fuch difficulties and di- 
 putes arofe concerning the arrangement of 
 the different parties, that the firft battalion 
 did not enter the Champ de Mars till three 
 o'clock, and the proceffion was not ended 
 at fix, about which time the oath was 
 taken. 
 
 A deputation of members from the Na- 
 tional AfTernbly,. attended by a great body 
 of the people, had, in the morning, placed 
 the firft flone of the ftatue of liberty, in- 
 tended to be erected on the ruins of the 
 BafHle. 
 
 About lix o'clock, the King left the 
 Ecole Militaire, and proceeded to the altar, 
 
 where
 
 where he and the National Aflembly re- 
 newed their oath to be faithful to the con- 
 ftitution. The King was then deiired to 
 fet fire to the tree of feodality, which he 
 refufed to do, and returned to the Ecole 
 Militaire, amidft the cries of " Vive la Na- 
 " tlon ! rive le cote gauche de I" Affemblce 
 *' Rationale ! Vivent les bons Deputes ! 
 *' Vive Pet ion! Ftvent les Jacobins ! Abas 
 " le Depart ement ! A bas le Veto ! A bas La 
 " FayetteT 
 
 The tree was immediately fired ; and as 
 the arms caught the flame and blazed, the 
 fhouts of triumph refoXmded on all fides. 
 
 There was not, during the whole day, 
 the leaft appearance of order or regularity. 
 The troops and the people were confufedly 
 mingled with each other on the plain ; and 
 the latter, being no longer under any re- 
 ftraint whatever, crowded about, and af- 
 cended the altar in the greateft confufion, 
 fb that nothing was heard or feen but by 
 thofe immediately in or around it ; and 
 
 the
 
 ( '93 ) 
 
 the oath was taken without the knowledge 
 of almoft the whole multitude, who were 
 fuppofed to join in it. 
 
 The concourfe of people, afiembled on 
 this occaiion, was immenfe : I fuppofe 
 there were, in the whole, about four hun- 
 dred thoufand fouls ; although fome of 
 the French papers afferted that there was 
 that number of men in arms, and added an 
 equal number of fpe&ators. 
 
 The guards whom the conftitution had 
 allowed to the King, but whom (as I have 
 before obferved) the National AfTembly 
 had thought proper to difmifs from his fer- 
 vice, under a pretence that they were too 
 much attached to their royal matter, had, 
 iince their difmilTal, been quartered, or ra- 
 ther confined, in the Ecole Militaire ; for, 
 being fufpefted of ariftocracy, it was dan- 
 gerous for them to ftir out. A thoufand 
 ridiculous accufations were adduced againft 
 the executive power, for having thanked 
 them for their former fervice, and having 
 o con-
 
 ( '94 ) 
 
 continued, and (as is was faid) increafed 
 their pay to them, after they had been dif- 
 miiTed by the legiflative body. As th^ 
 Jacobins were always at a lofs for any folid 
 ground of accufation againft the King, 
 they endeavoured to fupply that lofs by 
 inventing the moft abfurd and ill-founded 
 arguments of his treaibn. To be fiire, 
 they were well acquainted with the nature 
 of the tools they intended to employ for 
 their purpofes, and knew that the popu- 
 lace would never ftop to examine the pro- 
 bability or poflibility of any circumftances 
 alleged againft the King. They found 
 that it was fufficient for them to fay that 
 Louis the Sixteenth had been guilty of 
 perfidy, perjury and treachery, and that 
 thefe afTertions would be taken for facts, 
 without any fcrutiny into the particulars 
 on which they were founded. They knew 
 that it was fufficient for them to affert that 
 the King intended to do fuch and fuch 
 things, to induce the multitude to believe 
 that he actually had fuch intentions. In 
 conference, the moil ridiculous reports 
 
 were
 
 ( '95 ) 
 
 were fpread, concerning the King's fup- 
 porting the guards in the Ecole Militaire, 
 all of which were fwallowed with avidity 
 by the populace. Some gave out that arms, 
 ammunition and artillery, had been pri- 
 vately introduced and concealed there : 
 others, that the guards had, for fometime 
 previous to the anniverfary of the federa- 
 tion, been employed in digging a fubterra- 
 neous paflage, and forming a mine under 
 the altar, w.ith the intent of blowing up 
 the National AfTembly, at the moment 
 they were taking the oath. Nor did any 
 of the numerous propagated reports of the 
 fame nature, however improbable or im- 
 poflible, fail of having fome weight with 
 the deluded multitude : they ferved con- 
 tinually to keep alive the indignation of 
 the mob againft the King ; and had, at 
 laft, obtained fuch influence, that it was 
 thought neceflary, in order to remove the 
 fears of the people, to fend the guards 
 away from Paris a few days previous to the 
 federation, and have the Ecole Militaire 
 thoroughly examined. 
 
 o 2 Such
 
 ( '96 ) 
 
 Such were the meannefies to which the 
 Jacobins inceflantly had recourfe, to palli- 
 ate actions they had no right, or lawful 
 reafon to commit, -and to facilitate the 
 means of leaving the King totally unguard- 
 ed. They firft invented reports, inflamed 
 the minds of the populace with fabricated 
 accounts of intended treachery, and then 
 adopted the influence of fuch reports, as 
 an excufe for their unlawful and infamous 
 proceedings. 
 
 Can there be a ftronger proof of the in- 
 nocence of the King, than the neceffity 
 his enemies were under of having recourfe 
 to falfehoods, and malicious imputations 
 of perfidy ? The Conftituent AfTembly 
 had eftablifhed laws, it had prefcribed 
 limits to the power of the hereditary re- 
 prefentative of the nation ; but, at the 
 fame time, it had given him a Controlling 
 power, which he had a right and was 
 bound to exercife. If he had violated, or 
 attempted the violation of any law, if he 
 had flretched, or attempted to jftretch his 
 
 power
 
 ( '97 ) 
 
 power beyond the limits prefcribed by the 
 Conftituent AfTembly, if he had exerted 
 a controlling power where he had no right 
 to do fo, fuch crimes mutt,, in their par- 
 ticular inftances, have been notorioufly vi- 
 fible, might have been accurately afcer- 
 tained, and would have been capable of 
 fubftantial proof: and it may be readily 
 fuppofed, that no fuch crimes, had they 
 actually had existence, would have efcaped 
 the immediate denunciation of the Jaco- 
 bins ; and yet, no fuch crimes have ever 
 been particularized. Vague and defultory 
 exclamations have been raifed againft him ; 
 he has been accufed ? in general terms, of 
 perfidy and treachery : but the infulated cir- 
 cumftances have never been afcertained, 
 except by infidious reports, and malicious 
 fuppofitions. 
 
 Jt may be fome alleviation to the dif- 
 trefles of this unfortunate and pcrfecuted 
 Monarch, to reflect, that the fenfible part 
 of the world will never be the dupes to 
 general affertions. They will ad with de- 
 o 3 libe-
 
 ( 193 ) 
 
 liberation, weigh, with calmnefs and can- 
 dour, every alleged imputation, examine 
 minutely into the probable caufes of every 
 accufation, by the rules of equity and 
 juftice eflablifh its validity, and fufpend 
 their judgment of the King, until the proofs 
 of his crimes have been fully afcertained. 
 
 Whenever the armies met with any 
 check or repulfe from the enemy, the 
 want of fuccefs was immediately imputed 
 to the treachery of the executive power. 
 It was not to be imagined, that an army, 
 fighting under the cap of liberty, however 
 infubordinate, could be defeated, but by 
 the perfidy of the King ; while the trifling 
 fuccefles they occafionally gained, were 
 afcribed to the courage and intrepidity of 
 men, rendered invincible by their love of 
 freedom. 
 
 An affurance had been induftrioufly cir- 
 culated by the patriots, as an encourage- 
 ment to the army, that, fo foon as the 
 ftandard of liberty fliould be creeled on the 
 
 ene-
 
 ( '99 ) 
 
 > 
 
 enemy's territory, thoufands would imme- 
 diately flock to it, and an imiverfal infur- 
 reftion of the inhabitants take place in 
 favour of the French. Luckner invaded 
 the enemy's country ; he had taken a 
 few finall towns ; but the much talked* 
 of affiftance and infurre&ion not having 
 taken place, and the formidable armies 
 of Auftria and Pruffia threatening an im- 
 mediate invafion of the frontiers on the 
 other fide, he was called back. A cry 
 of indignation was immediately raifed 
 againft the executive power ; its treafon 
 was now thoroughly afcertained ; it had 
 flopped the army in the midft of conquefl ; 
 and it may be fuppofed, that a circumftance 
 of this kind, heightened by the exaggera- 
 tions of the Jacobins, could not fail of ir- 
 ritating the unthinking multitude againfl 
 the King, although, to every reafonable 
 man, the treachery in not fuffering an army 
 to expend its time and force in ufelefs in- 
 vaiions of an enemy's country, at a period 
 when it was urgently wanted to protect its 
 own, will not be fb evidently apparent. 
 
 04 A great
 
 ( 200 ) 
 
 A great part of the fitting of tlie 
 of July, was taken up in hearing petitions 
 againft the executive power, and praying 
 for the dethroning of the King : but all 
 of them were in the ufual ftile of general 
 declamation, afferting every thing, but 
 proving nothing. They were, however, 
 according to the fentence of the tribunal, 
 which, at this time, fat in judgment over 
 Louis the Sixteenth, fufficiently indicative 
 of his treafon ; although it was impoffible 
 for any impartial and difinterefled perfon, 
 condefcending with candour upon fa&s, 
 and who was not, like the multitude, 
 duped by every infidious report, to afcer- 
 tain the leail ground of accufation againft 
 the hereditary reprefentative of the na- 
 tion. 
 
 The King's minifters, having been per- 
 petually harafled and interrupted in the 
 profecution of their refpe&ive duties, by 
 being called, on the moft trivial occafions, 
 before the National Affembly, to anfwer 
 to every frivolous demand of information 
 
 that
 
 that was incefTantly required of them ; and 
 finding that it was impoffible for them to 
 tranfact bufinefs, fo as in any way to be 
 ferviceable to the country and do honour 
 to themfelves, had given in their refigna- 
 tion. The choice of a miniflry is not the 
 aft of a moment, even in a country 
 abounding with men of talents, honour and 
 reputation, and where factions run not 
 fo high as to make it neceffary for a mo- 
 narch to endeavour to conciliate the wifhes 
 of every party, fo far as fuch a conciliation 
 may be productive of public benefit ; and, 
 where many would be ambitious of the ho- 
 nour of composing a part of the miniftry, 
 from the opportunity they would have of 
 promoting the general good. But at this 
 time, France was fo rent by internal di- 
 vifions, fo facrificed to contending fac- 
 tions, and the fituation of a minifter had 
 become fo precarious and humiliating, that 
 none of the few men of honour and talents 
 then left in the country, would willingly 
 accept the office. They only at the head 
 of factions offered, and them the King 
 
 had
 
 ( 202 ) 
 
 had lately but too feelingly proved it was 
 fatal to employ. Under thefe trying cir- 
 cumftances, the King found himfelf ob- 
 liged to continue the minifters in their 
 employment, after they had refigned, un- 
 til he fhould have it in his power to make 
 a prudent choice. This was adduced as 
 another inftance of his treachery. It was 
 afliduoufly reprefented to the people, that 
 this refignation was a planned fcheme to 
 obviate the refponfibility of minifters ; 
 that the court had defignedly withdrawn 
 its agents from the poffibility of inculpa- 
 tion, that it might carry its treafbnable in- 
 tentions into execution, with greater fecu- 
 rity. 
 
 ' ' Is it poflible," exclaimed the Patriots, 
 " that the National Aflembly do not fee 
 " that we have no longer any refponfible 
 " agents ? Ought they to fuffer us only 
 " to have minifters who have given in 
 " their refignation ? Who is to be an- 
 "' fwerable for events ? What will the 
 " minifters fay to you when interrogated ? 
 
 ?' They
 
 C 
 
 " They will tell you, that fince fuch a 
 " time they have given in their retigna- 
 *' tion, and that they can be anfwerable 
 " for nothing; that it is not their fault 
 ** if the King has not fupplied their place. 
 " Weigh then, legiflators, all thefe incon- 
 *'. veniencies you, who wim to fave the 
 " country, and who ought to punilh every 
 " confpirator!" 
 
 i 
 
 It is generally fuppofed, that a minifter 
 is employed for the public fervice, and that, 
 from the importance of his. fituation, and 
 the variety and urgency of his bufmefs, his 
 time muft neceffarily be precious ; and this, 
 even at a period when his country is not 
 fubjecT: to extraordinary convulfions. 
 When the fituation of France required the 
 moft immediate dilpatch of buiinefs, and 
 the whole day was infurKcient for the oc- 
 cupations of the minifters, they have, 
 upon the moft frivolous pretences, been 
 called before the AfTembly, and kept wait- 
 ing, for hours together, at the bar, un- 
 til it fuited the dignity or caprice of the 
 
 pre.
 
 prefident to fpeak to them, or hear them 
 (peak. They have, if not of the Jacobin 
 faction, been treated with the greateft ig- 
 nominy and contempt, interrupted on the 
 moft important occasions, and queftioned, 
 or rather baited by individuals, although 
 the law forbade any, excepting the prefi- 
 dent, to addrefs them : they have been 
 obliged to reveal meafures, the publicity 
 of _which endangered their fuccefs ; or, up- 
 on refuial, have been denounced as trai- 
 tors : they have been forced to fubmit 
 to the direction of the AfTembly, the ex- 
 ercile of that power they held on their 
 own refponfibility : fubjecl: to the moft 
 virulent language, and fcurrilous abufe, 
 they have, on moft occafions, refembled 
 more the abject (laves of a defpotic multi- 
 tude, than the free and independent fer^ 
 vants of a nation. 
 
 But to return to the narrative : 
 
 All the obftac^s to the accomplimment 
 of the purpofes of the Jacobins were not 
 
 yet
 
 ( 205 ) 
 
 yet. removed. Several regiments of the 
 line frill remained in Paris, and from ftrong 
 preemptions, it was fuppofed that they 
 could not be brought over to fecond the 
 intentions of the fadHous. Thefe troops 
 had not, on the day of the federation, and 
 before, (hewn fuch alacrity in receiving 
 and uniting with the federates, as the Na- 
 tional Guards had done : they -had, be- 
 fides, carried their arms, as they pafled un- 
 der the balcony in which the King and 
 Queen were, and had not infulted them 
 with the cries of Vive la Nation ! Vivent 
 les Sans-culottes ! Vive Petion, &c. On. 
 thefe and other fuch accounts, they had 
 rendered themfelves obnoxious to the pa- 
 triots ; it was, therefore, neceffary to pro- 
 cure their abfence. Accordingly, on the 
 1 5th of July, it was propofed in the Af- 
 fembly, that the executive power fhould 
 be obliged to remove all the troops of the 
 line from Paris, and from within thirty 
 thoufand toifes of the capital, in the courfe 
 of three days. It was in vain that feveral 
 of the members oppofed the motion ; it 
 
 was
 
 ( 206 ) 
 
 was in vain that M. Girardin hacJ courage 
 enough to fpeak the truth to the Aflembly, 
 and impute to the propofers their real mo- 
 tives: the motion was immediately car- 
 ried, and the decree was pafled. * 
 
 When the time appointed for their de- 
 parture arrived, the troops of the line re- 
 fufed to march until they were paid fix 
 months arrears that were due to them. 
 This refufal threatened important confe- 
 quences ; the Boulevards of the invalids 
 exhibited, during the whole day, a fcene 
 of indifcipline and confufion. Every mea- 
 fhre, however, was immediately taken to 
 pacify, and induce them to depart in peace. 
 They were paid, and lent away. 
 
 The federates, on the contrary, conti- 
 nued to arrive from all parts, and imme- 
 diately appeared at the bar of the National 
 AfTembly, denouncing vengeance againft 
 the King and the Ariftocracy, and aflerting 
 their own courage and determination to die 
 in the defence of the conftitution. How- 
 ever
 
 ever abfurd, however treafonable and un- 
 conflitutional, their fpeeches were always 
 received with the greater! applaufe ; the 
 honourable mention of them was decreed, 
 and they themfelves were admitted to. the 
 honours of the fitting. The extravagance 
 of their oratorical declamations, their 
 pompous profeiiions of courage, and their 
 ridiculous denunciations againfr. Kings in 
 general, were well adapted to the infatua- 
 tion of the times. The fpeech of the fe- 
 derates from the department of Puy-de- 
 Dome, will ferve as a fpecimen of the nu- 
 merous effufions of fancy, with which the 
 legiflative power was continually enter- 
 tained at this period. 
 
 The orator obferved to the AfTembly, 
 " We do not announce to you that we 
 " will conquer, or that we will perim ; 
 " but we fwear to return triumphant, and 
 " to crum under our feet thofe crowned 
 " monfters, whq, not being -even men, 
 li have thought themfelves Gods. Eh I 
 
 " Legif-
 
 ( 208 ) 
 
 " Legiflators, if the Gods afted like the 
 " Defpots, we would fight the Gods !" 
 
 It is almoft unnecefTary to obierve, that 
 this fpeech was received with reiterated 
 burfts of acclamation and applaufe. 
 
 It is in vain to attempt to reafon on the 
 many inftances of the moil favage barba- 
 rity that have taken place in Paris : but 
 furely, courage and premeditated cruelty 
 mufh ever be incompatible. I mould be 
 very much difmclined to fet down them 
 as men of courage, who can delight in, 
 and fport with the tortures of their fellow 
 creatures. Unfortunately for the credit of 
 the federates, their words and actions have 
 very feldom agreed. Their courage, as 
 yet, remains to be proved : and the fol- 
 lowing circumftance, to which I was my- 
 felf a feeling witnefs, and which afforded 
 them the firft opportunity of ihedding 
 blood, will not, I believe, contribute much 
 to eftablifh it. 
 
 M. DU-
 
 ( 209 ) 
 
 M. Dupremenil, a gentleman well 
 known in the literary world, and famous 
 for his oratorical abilities, was one after- 
 noon walking on the terrace of the Feuil- 
 
 O 
 
 lans. He was one of the many whom the 
 Jacobins had marked as Arittocrats. He 
 was foon difcovered by fome of the fe- 
 derates, one of whom exclaimed, " there 
 " is Dupremenil !" They then went to 
 him, and alked him if he were not Dupre- 
 menil ; to which he having anfwered that 
 was his name, they immediately furround- 
 ed, dripped him, and hurried him towards 
 the Palais Royal, with the intention of ex- 
 ecuting him inftantaneoufly. Three or 
 four of the National Grenadiers had 
 endeavoured to protect him from the 
 fury of the federates and the mob, who 
 were fbon collected by the cries of *' Ari- 
 " ftocrat ! a la lanterne ! &c." and had 
 fucceeded fb far as to get clofe to him : 
 they were, however, incapable of refuting 
 the impulfe of the torrent, and were carri- 
 ed with him through the front gates of 
 the palace ; while the federates took every 
 p oppor-
 
 opportunity of thrufting at Dupremenil 
 with their fwords, under the arms of the 
 grenadiers endeavouring in vain to defend 
 Him. 
 
 : M. Dupremenil had already received 
 feveral wounds, when they were paffing 
 through the fecond court of the palace, 
 where were ftationed about fifty of the Na- 
 tional Guards. The grenadiers called to 
 them for affiftance ; fome of them ad- 
 vanced, and, looking at the mob, obferved 
 they were not enough, and declined inter- 
 fering-. The grenadiers, however, did not 
 defift in their endeavours to refcue this un- 
 fortunate gentleman, though in oppofl- 
 tion to a mob, by this time confining of 
 near four thoufand perfons. They were 
 hurried about from fide to fide, ftill per- 
 fifting in their refolution not to give him 
 Tip" to the brutal fury of the populace, and 
 begging that they might be permitted to 
 take him to a guard-houfe, where he might 
 fce fecured till he mould be lawfully tried 
 For any crimes he might have committed. 
 - . : ' The
 
 ( til ) 
 
 The federates replied, they knew him to he 
 an Ariftocrat, that he had juft returned 
 from Coblentz, and was an enemy to liberty 
 and the people, and infifted upon his being 
 given up to them ; and this demand they 
 enforced by cutting and thrufting at him, 
 whenever he got within their reach. In 
 this dreadful fituation, in vain endeavour- 
 ing to prove his innocence, he expected 
 every moment to be his laft ; when, ac- 
 cidentally, by the prefTure of the mob, he 
 was forced near a narrow paffage, which 
 led from the palace into an adjoining {freer.. 
 Covered with blood and wounds, but flill 
 affifted by the brave grenadiers, he hadjuft 
 flrength enough to crawl along the pafTage. 
 Fortunately for him, M. Jounneau, a mem- 
 ber of the National Aflembly, happened to 
 be corning into the palace at the fame mo- 
 ment, by the feme pafTage. He no fooner 
 faw Dupreminil, than he oppofed himfelf 
 to the mob at the entrance : Fie an- 
 nounced his character as a deputy, told 
 them that he knew nothing of the perfon 
 they were purfuing, .but that feeing a hu- 
 p * man
 
 man being naked, and mangled in the mod 
 mocking manner, he was refolved that 
 they mould purfue him no further with- 
 out paffing over his dead body. One of 
 the rabble prefented a pike at M. Joun- 
 neau, and threatened to flab him with it, 
 if he would not immediately withdraw. 
 M. Jounneau, however, with the greateft 
 intrepidity, maintained his poft, ordered 
 the federates and rabble, in the name of 
 the law, to defift, and retrained them 
 until one of the grenadiers returning, in- 
 formed him that they had conveyed M. 
 Dupremenil to the treafury. 
 
 . 
 
 M. Jounneau was the gentleman whom, 
 fome weeks before, the National Aflem- 
 bly had fent to the Abbaye for three days, 
 in confequence of a difpute that had hap- 
 pened between him and M. Grangeneuve, 
 another member ; the circumftances of 
 which were what I mall concifely relate. 
 
 Thefe two gentlemen having differed 
 in their political opinions, and the difpute 
 
 having
 
 having become very warm, M. Grange- 
 neuve made ufe of fuch language as M. 
 Jounneau thought he ought not to fubmit 
 to as a man of honour ; he, confequently, 
 fent a challenge to M. Grangeneuve, which 
 the latter declined accepting. They af- 
 terwards met accidentally in the ftreet, 
 when M. Jounneau accufed M. Grange- 
 neuve of a want of courage, in refuting fa- 
 tisfaction to a gentleman he had infulted. 
 M. Grangeneuve applied to M. Jounneau 
 the mod opprobrious epithet in the French 
 language^ and perfifled in refufing to ac- 
 accept the challenge. In the evening, M. 
 Jounneau obferving M. Grangeneuve fit- 
 ting in the Palais Royal, with a party of 
 friends, called him aiide, and infifted on 
 his making an apology, which being re- 
 fufed, he caned him feverely. M. Gran- 
 geneuve immediately cried out, & Faffajjinl 
 & faffafftn ! This cry in a moment 
 brought a crowd about them ; they were 
 furrounded and parted ; and M. Grange- 
 neuve was conducted home, very fore with 
 the beating he had received* 
 
 ? The
 
 The affair was the next day introduced 
 to the legiflative power, by one of the pa- 
 triotic members, who afcended the tribune, 
 and began his fpeech by obferving : " Gen- 
 " tlemen, a member of the National Af- 
 " fembly, a patriot, M. Grangeneuve, has 
 11 been aflatfinated." " Is he dead ?" ex- 
 claimed feveral members. " No ! he is not 
 " dead," replied the orator ; " but it was 
 " not for want of fuch intentions in 
 " the affamn." He then proceeded, in 
 the fame embellifhed ftyle, to give his ac- 
 count of the buiinefs, and dwelt particu- 
 larly on the well known patriotifm of M. 
 Grangeneuve, and the ariflocratic princi- 
 ples of M. Jounneau. M. Jgunneau re- 
 plied by a iimple narration of fads : the 
 caufe was heard at length, witnefles were 
 called, and it was .at laft decreed, that 
 M. Jounneau mould be confined for three 
 days in the Abbaye ; which punimment, 
 however, was not to prevent M. Grange- 
 neuve from inftituting a regular profecu- 
 tion againft him in the criminal court, 
 which he afterwards did. 
 
 The
 
 The argument that feemed to haye 
 principal weight with the Aflembly, .was 
 that of one of the members, who obferv- 
 ed (refpecting the challenge) that fuch 
 ridiculous ideas of honour bore too flrong 
 a feature of the ancient ariftocracy, and 
 the prefumptuous principles of gentlernan- 
 (hip, to be fuffered to exift unpunifhed in 
 an age of liberty and equality. 
 
 . Such was the partiality purfued in this 
 bufmefs, and fuch were the endeavours 
 of the Jacobins on all, even the moil: tri- 
 vial occafions, to irritate the people againft 
 every one who was not violent on their 
 fide, that in all the patriotic papers and 
 accounts of the affair, it was prefaced by,, 
 The affajjlnation committed by M. Jounneau^ 
 an Arifiocratic member ', againjl M. Grange*- 
 neuve, a Patriotic member of the Nat'iQntd 
 A/Jembfy. 
 
 It was, however, fortunate for M. Du- 
 premenil, that M. Jounneau retained the 
 principles of honour, courage and ge- 
 p 4 nerofity;
 
 nerofity ; or, if they will have it fo, the true 
 principles of ariftocracy. To affift a falling 
 man is an excercife of virtue fo very 
 rarely praclifed at this moment in France, 
 and indeed every other fpecies of moral and 
 religious duty has been fo entirely fapped 
 to its foundations ^nd exploded, that they 
 have been obliged to create ideal virtues 
 more reconcileable to their debafed na- 
 tures, and under the denomination of 
 which they can reduce plunder, perfecution 
 and maflacre. 
 
 When thofe folid principles of virtue 
 which we originally derived from heaven, 
 and which the reafon of man has ever fince 
 acknowledged to be the only fure founda- 
 tions for happinefs to individuals, or ftates, 
 are once deviated from, and fictitious and 
 unnatural ideas are adopted in their ftead, 
 as the ban's of moral or civil government, 
 the fuperftructure muft ever be weak and 
 unftable : for, being founded only on the 
 maxims of degenerated opinion, it is liable 
 to deftrudion from the influence of con- 
 
 tro-
 
 ( 2 '7 ) 
 
 troverfy, the prevalence of contrary ar- 
 gument, and the conviction of error.* 
 Whereas a government, founded on tire 
 immutable laws of nature, undefined by 
 fophiftical deductions, concentrates the 
 opinions* of honeft, and the affiftance of 
 worthy men, and thereby eftablifhes its 
 ftrength ; and, although it may not at all 
 times be able to filence the buzzing of in-, 
 terefted cavillers, it offers fo ftrongararn- 
 part againft the attacks of defigning men, 
 that, like the Ephemeron, they flutter out 
 their day, and vanifh with the fun that gave 
 them birth. 
 
 Under every government, however pure, 
 there will always be found men, who, from 
 the effects of difappointed ambition, the 
 defpair of making themfelves known by 
 honourable purfuits, or perhaps from a con- 
 tracted reftleftnefs in their difpofition, and 
 their difguft at feeing others happy and 
 contented, will attempt to excite confu- 
 iion, diforder and infurrection. Mankind, 
 in general, are anxious for novelty ; they 
 
 will
 
 will not fo eagerly attend to dodrines, 
 which inform them of nothing but what 
 they knew before ; and, therefore, honeft 
 men, whofe principles tend chiefly to con- 
 vince the people of the happinefs they en r 
 joy under a well-conftrudted government, 
 are not attended to with that avidity of 
 curiofity, becaufe the happinefs that is 
 felt needs no advocate. But an important 
 difcovery, a newly broached fyftem, au 
 aifertion that the government is faulty, 
 that the people are unhappy, or that they 
 ought to think themfelves fo from the na- 
 ture of their fituation, are circumftances 
 that neceiTarily muft excite curiofity, roufe 
 the people to a fpirit of enquiry, and 
 thereby render the authors of them noto- 
 rious. 
 
 Jt is to this weaknefs in our natures, 
 this love of novelty, in whatever mape it 
 may prefent itfelf, that the diilurbers of 
 public tranquillity fo bafely have recourfe. 
 They endeavour to alienate the minds of 
 .the people from the contemplation of reaj. 
 
 good,
 
 ( 2*9 ) 
 
 good, to fix them on the fanciful imagina- 
 tion of an ideal better : they endeavour to 
 divert the grateful attention from the body 
 of the tree bearing abundance of good fruit, 
 and point out only a branch accidentally 
 'barren or decayed. Obfervations on the. 
 defects of individuals or governments are 
 much more readily acknowledged as juft, 
 and more eagerly fought after, than obfer- 
 vations on their beauties and perfections; 
 and hence it is, that Ib many writers find 
 their account in (lander and malevolence. 
 But acting upon fuch principles, they 
 think fome palliation or excufe necefTary 
 to veil the original caufe of their proceed- 
 ings : -and, as no falfe conclusions can be 
 deduced from true maxims, they fubftitute 
 pompous and high founding phrafes, {lib* 
 ject to controveriy and doubt, for axioms 
 to which the mind would at firfl fight 
 aSTent; and, confequently, their arguments 
 are refolved into the perverted definitions 
 of fophiStry, inSlead of the regular and uni- 
 form propositions and corollaries of unde- 
 niable demonflration. 
 
 In
 
 ( "O ) 
 
 Iti order to afcertain what men are, or 
 ought to be, what are their prerogatives 
 and natural rights, we muft confider the 
 nature of that Being whofe word created 
 them, the purpofes for which he created 
 them, the affections he implanted in their 
 minds, and the rules by which he himfelf 
 governs them, and the other animated ha- 
 bitants of the world. 
 
 The Being that created us was Al- 
 mighty : he gave us life, and confequently 
 can take it away ; he allotted to individuals 
 a period of exiftence, beyond which no 
 earthly power can extend it ; nor can any 
 human being fay that to-morrow he mall 
 live. For our actual exiftence, therefore, 
 we are dependent. The fame power that 
 formed us, gave the rules by which we 
 were to live ; he prefcribed obedience to 
 his will : obedience, therefore, is natural 
 to mankind. He proclaimed his will ; and 
 what he willed was right : man, therefore, 
 in this inftance, was not left free to judge 
 of what was good for him. The Creator 
 
 for-
 
 ( 3*1 ) 
 
 forbad; and what he forbad was wrone : 
 
 O 
 
 thus, again, was man reftrided. How 
 then can it be afTerted, that men were 
 created free ? The only freedom they pre- 
 ferved, was the power of choofmg the right 
 or wrong, a power neceflary to the proof 
 of merit : they were allowed to do every 
 thing that was right, with a promife of 
 reward for fb doing ; and they were not 
 prevented from doing wrong, though they 
 would thereby entail punifhment. The 
 only circutnftance, therefore, in which 
 men are naturally unreflrained, immedi- 
 ately or eventually, is in the power of do- 
 ing every thing that is right ; and, confe- 
 quently, this power of doing every thing 
 that is right, is the fole bafis of natural 
 liberty, and the only conclufion into which 
 it can be refolved. 
 
 As this power of doing every thing that 
 is right (which comprehends the power of 
 refufing to do every thing that is wrong, 
 fmce the refufing to do wrong is doing 
 right) exifled from the creation, liberty, 
 
 alfo,
 
 alfo, the compound of this power, mufl 
 have been co-exifrent : but obedience, de- 
 pendence, fubmifrlon to government, and 
 fubordination, exifted at the fame period, 
 and each by divine authority. Now, if 
 the Creator preferred liberty to mankind, 
 and at the fame time commanded obedi- 
 ence, dependence, fubmiffion to govern- 
 ment, and fubordination, it is evident that 
 the one muft be compatible with the other. 
 The ftremious advocates for true liberty 
 need not, therefore, think themfelves un- 
 der the obligation of deftroying thefe ne- 
 cefTary confequences of fociety, to eftablifh 
 their favourite bleffing. 
 
 The natural rights of man are derivable 
 from natural liberty ; they comprehend the 
 exercife of every faculty with which we 
 are endowed, provided that fuch an exer- 
 cife extend not to the injury of another. 
 A man is by natural right allowed the li- 
 berty of chalking out for himfelf the path 
 through life which he may think moft fuit- 
 -abl'e to his circumftances or inclinations, 
 
 provided
 
 provided that he confine himfelf within 
 the law of nature : he has a right to enjoy 
 the fruits of his own industry and talents, 
 and the free gifts of others; and fu rely 
 among other bleflings he derives from his 
 exiftence, he has one, which the cavilling 
 writers of this age feem to deny to him, 
 the right of being content. 
 
 
 
 But it has been thought neceflary for the 
 general good of mankind, that individuate 
 fhould confent to give up fome of the moft 
 trivial of their natural rights, to fecure the 
 more important ones : when, therefore, 
 they formed themfelves into focieties for 
 general protection, they thought proper to 
 give to one perfon a greater degree of pow- 
 *er, than without their mutual confent he 
 would have been entitled to ; and to this 
 power, which was the free gift of all, they 
 voluntarily agreed to fubmit. Submiflion, 
 therefore, became the price of protection ; 
 protection infured their natural liberty at a 
 cheaper rate than they could otherwise 
 have preferred it at : for, -'till they had 
 
 univer-
 
 ( "4 .) 
 
 univerfally confented to be governed, they 
 acknowledged no other law than the force 
 of arms, and the weaker, confequently, 
 was continually endangered by the ftronger ; 
 no one could protect his property but by 
 rilking his life : whereas, by fubmitting to 
 a fuperior power, he at all times com- 
 manded the afliftance of that power in his 
 defence ; and certain punifhment fucceed- 
 ing the commiffion of crimes, no man could 
 rely on his fuperior ftrength for violating 
 the property of another with impunity. 
 
 As focieties increafed in magnitude, af- 
 fiftance became neceflary to the fuperior 
 power : inferior offices were created, ra- 
 mifying, as it were, from the original trunk, 
 till they extended their (helter over all. 
 Man, finding himfelf thus protected, gave 
 a fcope to his invention ; different occu- 
 pations enfued, and the employment of each 
 was directed by his peculiar talent or incli- 
 nation : the labour of a few fufficed to till 
 the earth, and the reapers of its produce 
 exchanged the fruits of their induflry for 
 
 the
 
 ( "5 ) 
 
 the benefits derived from the employment 
 of others. But as they who were engaged 
 in the administration of juftice and protec- 
 tion, were debarred from the opportunity 
 of fupporting themfelves by manual occu- 
 pations, it was agreed that the labour of 
 their minds, for the good of the public, 
 fhould be taken in exchange for the emo- 
 luments of bodily induftry, and univerfal 
 contributions were eftablifhed for their fup- 
 port. But, as men were variable in their 
 reipective talents, divided in their inclina- 
 tions, and unequal in induftry and oecono- 
 my, fome employments, according to their 
 ufefulnefs or produce, became fuperior to 
 others ; fome men kept what they obtain- 
 ed, others fquandered it proiufely away ; 
 fome wifhed to inftrucl:, others to be in- 
 {trucked ; fome wimed to haw affiftance, 
 others agreed to give it upon certain con- 
 ditions. This diverfity of difpofition ne- 
 cefTarily induced a diverfity of rank ; and 
 gradual dependence, protection and fub- 
 ordination took place from the fuperior 
 Q^ powei;
 
 ( 226 ) 
 
 power to the lowed order of the commu- 
 nity. 
 
 But dependence and fubordination have 
 nothing in them inconfiftent with true li- 
 berty ; on the contrary, they are univer- 
 fally neceffary for its prefervation. Equal- 
 ity is its greateft enemy. Equality and li- 
 berty never can be co-exiftent : they are 
 as incompatible with each other as right 
 and wrong. Equality can exift only 
 amongft the moil favage people, fubjecl to 
 no laws, no government, no fociety, no 
 union, nor general protection whatever, 
 and, among fuch a people, there can be no 
 liberty ; for each muft, in that cafe, live 
 in continual fear of the other, and his pro- 
 perty and life muft be fubjecl: to the inva- 
 fions of his neighbour. 
 
 If we take a view of the moft favage 
 nations, in their earlieft infancy, before 
 they formed themfelves into focieties, we 
 ihall find, that under the firft dawn of rea- 
 fon they fighed for liberty ; and the firft 
 
 ftep
 
 ( "7 ) 
 
 ftep they took to procure it, was by facri- 
 ficing equality, and eftabliming fuperiority 
 (of courfe, inferiority) and fubordination. 
 If we take a view of the numberlefs inftan- 
 ces of which hiftory informs us, in which 
 mariners of different nations, favage and 
 enlightened^ have been thrown on unin- 
 habited coafts without commanders (when, 
 if ever, they muft be confidered as equal 
 in rights and privileges, being no longer 
 fubjecl: to the laws of the government to 
 which they formerly belonged), we mail 
 find, that the firft thing they have thought 
 of, for the eftablifhment of mutual liberty 
 and protection, was the facrifice of equality, 
 by the appointment of a fuperior, and the 
 inftitution of laws, to which they bound 
 themfelves to fubmit. 
 
 But, -without referring to particular in^ 
 fiances, or the origin of governments, let 
 us caft the eye of our mind around the 
 univerfe, contemplate the regular grada- 
 tions of exiftence, animate and inanimate, 
 and examine whether any juft caufe can 
 02 be
 
 be afligned, why man, in his peculiar flate, 
 mould be exempted from thofe degrees of 
 inferiority and fubordination, fo vifible in 
 the animal, vegetable and mineral king- 
 doms : for providence feems to have de- 
 figned a fpecies of coincidence between 
 the various fyftems he has created, to ferve 
 as an affiftant to our reafon, or rather that, 
 by allegorical allulions, our understandings 
 may be convinced, where reafon has not 
 the full fway over the mind. There are 
 few leffons of moral or civil government 
 which we cannot learn from the book of 
 nature, in which feems to have been laid 
 down every precept, as if purpofely for the 
 fake of inftructing man ; but none fo pe- 
 culiarly flriking as the principle of fubor- 
 dination, mutual dependence and alliance. 
 The divifion or difference which feparates 
 one exiftent from another, is fo almoft im- 
 perceptible, that it has puzzled the keen- 
 eft eye of philofophy to difcover it. The 
 mineral kingdom rifes by gradual procef- 
 (ion fo near the vegetable, as to leave it 
 a matter of doubt whether fome fubftances 
 
 are
 
 ( 9 ) 
 
 are mineral or vegetable. Again, the ve- 
 getable kingdom proceeds from the clofeft 
 union with the mineral, by the fame re* 
 gular gradation of properties, till it be- 
 comes fo nearly allied to the animal, as to 
 be united by a being both animal and ve- 
 getable. 
 
 The higher kingdom begins with ani- 
 mals that vegetate, and afcends to man : 
 and all fo clofely connected, fo gradu- 
 ally fubordiriate, and fo mutually depend- 
 ent, as to afford the ftrongeft preemptions 
 that the grand chain of obedience was not 
 intended to be broken here, but to conti- 
 nue linking the regular progressions of hu- 
 man rank, till it ended in the neareft refem- 
 blance of the Almighty, the perfon, the 
 affections, and the power of a good King. 
 
 But to return from a digreflion into 
 which I have been involuntary betrayed. 
 
 While the rabble were perfecuting M. 
 
 Dupremenil in the mocking manner I have 
 
 0^3 related,
 
 related, I was {landing with another Eng- 
 limman in the Palais Royal, a diftreffed 
 obferver of what was paffing, an elderly 
 man whom we knew not, of a very re- 
 fpectable appearance, came up to us, and 
 taking and preffing the arm of the gen- 
 tleman with whom I was, he whifpered to 
 us, with tears in his eyes, " For God's 
 " fake, gentlemen, retire, you are fo- 
 " reigners, be not witnefles to fuch 
 " mocking acts of barbarity ; let me eu- 
 " treat you to retire : believe me, it is not 
 " the French nation who commit or coun- 
 " tenance fuch cruelties ; they view them 
 " with abhorrence, and feel for them as I 
 " do. Enormities of this kind are only 
 " committed by a parcel of fcoundrels, 
 " whom, fome how or other, we have 
 " fufFered to become our matters : we are 
 " afhamed of them, and all we can fay as 
 " our excufe is, that we cannot help it: 
 " For God's fake, gentlemen, retire, and 
 " do not judge of the French, from what 
 " you fee in this period of calamities and 
 " crimes." Some people coming up to 
 
 us,
 
 us, he waited not for a reply, but preflmg 
 my friend's hand with emotion, he added 
 only, " forgive me," and withdrew. 
 
 It is almoft unnecefTary to obferve, that 
 numberlefs contradictory reports were cir- 
 culated, at the moment, concerning the 
 caufe of M. Dupremenil's perfecution. 
 Some afTerted, that feeing the federates af- 
 fembled on the terrace of the Feuillans, 
 he had obferved, " Why do not the Na- 
 " tional Guards pour down upon, andex- 
 " terminate thofe rafcals ?" Others af- 
 ferted that he had cried out, " Au diabls 
 " la nation!" while the federates were 
 crying, " Vive la nation!" But although 
 fuch affertions, without doubt malicioufly 
 invented, had their immediate weight with 
 the rabble, it cannot be fuppofed that any 
 man in his fenfes could have been fo im- 
 prudent as to have made either of the above 
 obfervations. 
 
 A day or two afterwards, M. Dupreme- 
 
 nil, though fo dreadfully and dangeroufly 
 
 0. wound*
 
 wounded, having efcaped with his life, and 
 recovered a little ftrength, dictated a letter 
 to his lady, which me wrote, figned for 
 him, and publifhed in the papers ; wherein 
 he declared his innocence of what was im- 
 puted to him, aflerted that he had not been 
 to Coblentz, and that the only crime he 
 had been guilty of, was that of avowing 
 his name, when he was alked if he were 
 not Dupremenil. 
 
 The National AfTembly, having been 
 frequently applied to by the generals of the 
 armies for re-inforcements, and finding 
 that the citizens were not fo ready to en- 
 lift themfelves as the neceffity of the cafe 
 demanded, had refolved to give an addi- 
 tional fpur to their activity, by fome grand 
 and folemn at that might make a forcible 
 impreffion on their minds. They, accord- 
 ingly, had, with the greateft folemnity, 
 decreed, that the country was in danger; 
 and, on Sunday, the 22d of July, the de- 
 cree was proclamed all over Paris : three 
 guns were fired from the Pout Neuf every 
 
 hour,
 
 hour, from fix in the morning till night j 
 fquare pieces of cloth were hung up at the 
 Hotel de Ville, at the ^Vlairie, on the Pont 
 Neuf, and in feveral other places, on which 
 was infcribed, in large letters, " Citoyens, 
 " la patrle eft en danger*" Piclurefque 
 fcaffoldings, fomething like fortifications, 
 were ereded in different parts of the town, 
 on each of which was a tent, ornamented 
 with the national colours and ribbons, in 
 which fat the officers appointed for enlift- 
 ing and enregiftering thofe who wimed to 
 go to Soiflbns, or to the frontiers ; while 
 the municipal officers on horfeback paraded 
 about the town, affembled the people by 
 t>eat of drum, and having commanded (i- 
 lence in the name of the law, informed 
 them, with the greatefl folernnity, that the 
 country was in danger. 
 
 The novelty and awfulnefs of thefe mea- 
 fures, aided by the pretty appearance of the 
 fcaffoldings, and the repeated cries of 
 *' Vive la nation /" had fuch an effect on 
 |he minds of the populace, that, in the 
 
 courfc
 
 ( 234 ) 
 
 cour'fe of a few days, feveral thoufands (it 
 was faid ten or twelve thoufands) had en- 
 rolled themfelves ; but the generality of 
 them were fo young, as to make the Na- 
 tional ArTembly (con/idermg that neither age 
 nor Jh ape created courage, and Intending to 
 fecond the patrlotlfm of thofe brave French- 
 men) think it necefTary to pafs a decree, 
 that all mould be admitted at the age of 
 fixteen, without any regard to their iize 
 or fhape. M. Lamarque, however, when 
 this decree was pafTed, threw a little damp 
 over the patriotic expectations of its fuc- 
 cefs, by obferving, very wifely, that it was 
 not fufficient for them to have men, 
 that it was neceiTary alfo that they mould 
 have arms. 
 
 I leave it to the advocates of the Na- 
 tional Legiflative Aflembly to account, by 
 favourable reafons, why a country, poffef- 
 fmg twenty- five millions of fouls, mould 
 not be able, at a time of imminent danger, 
 to make its ftrongeft army amount to more 
 than five and twenty thoufand men. The 
 
 military
 
 ( 235 ) 
 
 military ftate of France, in the fummer of 
 1792, when compared with what it was 
 under Louis the Fourteenth, affords not 
 a very finking proof of the efficacy of the 
 prefent government. In the reign of Louis 
 the Fourteenth, the French had three, 
 four, and, at one time, five armies of iixty, 
 eighty, and a hundred thoufand men each, 
 moving at the fame time over the different 
 parts of the empire ; and yet, although 
 the population of the country has wonder^ 
 fully increafed fmce that period, the Na- 
 tional A flembly were obliged, to give to the 
 armies of the north the leail: probability of 
 a fuccefsful refinance, to order a draught 
 of ten battalions from the fouthern army ; 
 which, had it not been for the reprefenta- 
 tions and advice of General Montefquiou, 
 would have left that part of the empire un- 
 der his protection, in a defenceleis fitua- 
 tion. 
 
 A ftrong prefumption of the inefficacy 
 of the government may be derived from 
 the neceflity, which almoft every general 
 
 the
 
 the French have had during their present 
 war has found himfelf under, of appearing 
 perfonally at the bar of the Aflembly, com- 
 plaining of the meafures they had taken, 
 and informing them what they ought to 
 do, or to have done. 
 
 On the 24th of July, General Montef- 
 quiou appeared at the bar, and obferved 
 to the Aflembly, that, having been for 
 three months engaged in taking every pof- 
 fible meafure for preventing the fouth from 
 being violated by foreign armies, he did 
 not expect that his efforts would have pro- 
 ved ufelefs: but that his fituation was 
 fuch, the number of his troops was fo 
 circumfcribed, that the ten battalions 
 they were taking away from him, would 
 leave open a very important part of the de- 
 partments he had to defend. The King 
 of Sardinia, he faid, had forces fuperior to 
 theirs ; and the principal attack was direct- 
 ed againft Lyons, where the enemy would 
 find much fpoil, and, perhaps, a great num- 
 ber of allies.
 
 ( 237 ) 
 
 M. Montefquiou begged that the AiTem-* 
 bly would not take any battalions from him. 
 They were all ready, he faid, to perim for 
 liberty ; but he entreated the reprefenta- 
 tives of the people to order the forces he 
 wanted. But troops of the line were not 
 to be found. M. Vergniaud, therefore, 
 propofed, in the name of the extraordinary 
 commiffion, the following decree, which, 
 he affirmed, was capable of faving the 
 country. 
 
 " The National AfTembly, confidering 
 " that the public force is efTentially efta- 
 44 blifhed for the defence of the country, 
 44 that the National Guards compofe fubfi- 
 44 diarily a part of the public force, and that 
 " France is in immediate want of a great 
 44 number of foldiers for the fupport of 
 44 its liberty, decree, that the generals 
 44 may take the fame meafures adopted by 
 * 4 thofe of the Rhine, and by the National 
 44 Aflembly. In proportion to the num- 
 44 ber of citizens the generals may want, 
 4< they may take a fourth part, or, at moft, 
 
 44 the
 
 44 the half of the companies of chafleurs, 
 
 " grenadiers, cavalry, artillery, or dra- 
 
 " goons, volunteers, that are in any part 
 
 " France. Thefe mall be firft formed in- 
 
 " to companies, and afterwards into bat- 
 
 " talions. They lhall themfelves name 
 
 " their officers. The generals fhall point 
 
 " out to them the place of rendezvous.'* 
 
 The committee piopofed, that the firft 
 lieutenant-colonel of each battalion fhould 
 be nominated by the generals : but the Af- 
 fembly decided, that the firft lieutenant- 
 colonel, as well as the other officers, 
 fhould be chofen by the volunteers. 
 
 It is not very difficult to form an ade- 
 quate idea of what would be the moll fin- 
 king qualification of officers fo appointed 
 to command. The foldiers, it may be 
 fuppofed, would not be very ready to 
 choofe fuch officers as they might think 
 would fubjecl: them to rigid difcipline or 
 control. Every man of the leafl know- 
 ledge of the world, k well informed of 
 
 what
 
 what muft be the moft prominent features 
 in the conduct of the man who wifhes to 
 conciliate the favour of a multitude; and 
 muft, at once, acknowledge, that the fame 
 adlions which characterife a fuppliant for 
 favour, muft be incompatible with the du- 
 ties of an honourable commander. The 
 neceffity of a change of manners is, there- 
 fore, induced; and this change, ftriking 
 immediately on the minds of thofe who 
 have beftowed the favour, would naturally 
 revolt, and caufe them to accufe the re- 
 ceiver of ingratitude, thereby breaking the 
 ftrongeft ties of union between the officer 
 and the foldier. It is, befides, morally 
 impoffible for any amity or confidence to 
 fubrift Ions: between thofe who have 2;iven 
 
 o o 
 
 the abfolute command of themfelves to 
 others, and thofe who have received the 
 power from them, and who are conftantly 
 and immediately exercifmg it. The (light- 
 eft pmiimment inflicted, however neceffa- 
 ry, the fmalleft extraordinary labour or 
 fatigue, impofed by an elecled commander 
 on his foldiers who granted him his office, 
 
 the
 
 C 240 ) 
 
 the moft trivial deviations from the die-* 
 tates of their opinions, which they will 
 always think ought to have the greateft 
 weight, would be confidered by them as an 
 abufe of that power he held on their fuf- 
 ferance, would remind them of the hard- 
 ihips they had brought upon themfelves^ 
 generally the moft indurable, and induce 
 them to reflect that they might have elect- 
 ed, and might ftill elect, a commander 
 more lenient and more fubmiffive to their 
 inclinations. 
 
 A commander, elected by the foldiers^ 
 cannot, therefore, have that power which 
 is necefTary to difcipline ; becaufe, his fix- 
 ation being dependent on their caprice, his 
 actions muft be, in a great degree, the fame; 
 and dependence on the power one com- 
 mands, is a doctrine too abfurd to obtain 
 admiffibility any where, but in the para- 
 doxical effufions of diftracted enthufiafts. 
 
 Soldiers who are fuffered to elect their 
 commanders, will not fubmit to that abfo-
 
 lute obedience, which is the offence of 
 good difcipline, and the firfl acquired qua- 
 lification of a good foldier ; becaufe, hav- 
 ing conferred a power, they will think 
 themfelves entitled, on all occafions, to de- 
 liberate on, and control the exercife of 
 that power ; and deliberation and control 
 are as incompatible with obedience, as is 
 dependence with command. 
 
 ' 
 
 In an army, therefore, where officers 
 are fo elected, and foldiers fo privileged, 
 there can be no good difcipline ; and with- 
 out difcipline, there can be no fair pre- 
 fiimption of fuccefs, for numbers are not 
 a fufficient fubftitute : on the contrary, 
 where no difcipline is, numbers are inju- 
 rious, and that, not only to the conduct of 
 an army, but to its courage. But, on the 
 other hand, difcipline has frequently been 
 proved a fubftitute for numbers. It is un- 
 necefTary to mention instances ; the proofs 
 of what is here advanced in hiftory are 
 numberlefs : to an Englimman, particu- 
 larly, they mull immediately occur. What
 
 punimment, then, can be adequate to the 
 infamy of thofe traitors who attempt to un- 
 dermine the eftablimment of thofe princi- 
 ples, which, giving efficience to the cou- 
 rage of our brave warriors, braver by obe- 
 dience, has purchafed and preferved to. us 
 fo much glory ? 
 
 It is, in a great degree, to the want of 
 difcipline, and the dirFufion of that unfocial 
 idea of equality, to which the French owe 
 moft of their internal diforders,and failures 
 of fuccefs againft their foreign enemies. 
 I have, myfelf, 'been witnefs to many the 
 moft ridiculous inflances of infubordinati- 
 on ; one of iwhich, as a general ipecimen, 
 J mail relate. 
 
 An officer of the National Guards, who 
 probably had been elected by the foldiers, 
 arriving, .at the head of his troop, ..at the 
 place de Caroufel, where he wifhed to fta- 
 tion them in a double line, found it ne- 
 cefiary to go about to. every little divifion, 
 and/ tell them, in the- moft un technical 
 
 terms
 
 . 243 ) 
 
 terms, what they were to tlo when they 
 received the word. Some of the foldiers, 
 however, had not perfectly comprehended 
 his meaning, and had come out of their 
 ranks to confult with and inftrudt each 
 other: the officer obferving, went up to 
 them, and faid, " Pray, gentlemen, return 
 " to the ranks, and be filent ; or it will be 
 " impoffible for me to give, or you to hear 
 " the word !" 
 
 Such is, in general, the difcipline of the 
 troops, to whom the defence of Paris is 
 confided, and fuch, or fimilar circumftan- 
 ces, will ever be the confequences of per. 
 mitting the foldiers to chufe their officers. 
 No man, of any fpirit or military know- 
 ledge, would confent to hold his fituation 
 on fb precarious a tenor as the caprice of 
 a multitude, who make their own will the 
 rule of their obedience ; and when, in- 
 ftead of preferment for the performance of 
 his duty, he can only expel denunciation 
 and difmiffion. 
 
 R2 Befides,
 
 ( 244 ) 
 
 Befides, when foldiers are permitted to 
 elect their officers, it cannot be fuppofed 
 that they would or could at all times pay 
 fo much attention to knowledge, talents, 
 and military experience, as to other more 
 trifling and perhaps unmanly traits, that 
 may have made a favourable impreflion on 
 their minds. An enthufiaftic ardour for 
 the eftablimment of their favourite fyftem, 
 a blinded zeal, a momentary action of he- 
 roifm ; or, on the other hand, a nattering 
 fertility of conduct, a fictitious difplay of 
 patriotifm, or a pretended attachment to 
 the intereft of the foldiers, are circum- 
 flances that would induce them frequently 
 to elect men, totally unqualified for mili- 
 tary command. Knowledge and experience 
 would not, to be fure, create courage ; but 
 they would aflift moft importantly, nay, are 
 alrnofl abfolutely neceffary in directing it to 
 fuccefs. If we may be allowed to judge of 
 the opinion of the ancients in this refpedt, 
 from the characters of their moft celebrated 
 warriors in polilhed times, we may derive 
 aflrongprefumption, that tthey confidered 
 
 not
 
 not only military but literary talents and 
 accomplifhments necefTary to their com- 
 manders : moft of their famous generals 
 were eminent, or at leaft confiderable, as 
 men of letters. Among the Greeks, who 
 united in themfelves literary and military 
 knowledge, are to be ranked Alcibiades, 
 Pericles, Piilftratus, Dion, Agefilaus, and 
 Epaminondas. Among the Romans, both 
 the Scipio's, Cato the elder and the 
 younger, Lucullus, Pompey, Brutus and 
 Cicfar, were as diftinguimed in letters as 
 in war. But France feems determined to 
 eradicate every honourable accomplim- 
 ment and every fpecies of knowledge, and 
 to defcend again into that ftate of favage 
 barbarity and ignorance, from which it 
 has been the conftant labour of mankind, 
 from their earlieft infancy, to rajfe them- 
 lelves. That the abolition of every ho- 
 nourable accomplimment and every fpecies 
 of knowledge, moral, religious and politi^ 
 cal, is neceflary, before they can eflablifh 
 firmly their prefent favourite fyitem, mufl 
 be acknowledged ; for while either is in the 
 R3 leaf*
 
 leaft degree remaining, it will always find 
 enemies. 
 
 Governments mould be compofed of the 
 wifeft, the moil experienced and moft ho- 
 neft men in the nation, and fuch have had 
 a mare in the legiflative authority of France, 
 even fince the Revolution: but now we 
 may very aptly apply to the governors of 
 France, what Cicero obferved of the Ro- 
 man Republic in its declining ftate ; when, 
 after having enumerated and celebrated 
 the abilities and talents of thofe who for- 
 merly held the reins, he adds, " Nunc 
 " contra, plerique ad honores adipifcen- 
 " dos, et ad rempublicam gerendam, nudi 
 *' veniunt atque inermes, nulla cognitione 
 " rerum, nulla fcientia ornati." 
 
 If, inftead of twenty applying at the 
 fame time to the prefident for the parole^ 
 and feveral regiftering themfelves one day 
 for the privilege of (peaking the firft, fe- 
 cond, or third on the next, the fyftem of 
 the Athenians in their public fittings were 
 
 adopted
 
 adopted in the National AfTernbly, and, 
 before they began bufinefs, a crier or 
 huiffier mould proclaim aloud, " Who will 
 " fpeak that is turned of fifty?" the ex- 
 perience of age, at leaft, might be fubfti- 
 tuted for the impetuofity of hot-brained 
 youth ; calm reafoning and cool debate 
 might take the precedence of flowery ex- 
 preffions, and undeferved and undecifive 
 ridicule, now fo frequent ; and fome fenfe, 
 firmnefs and {lability might be expected 
 from their proceedings : they would not 
 then be fo fubject to the violent burfts of 
 laughter, the inconfiderate applaufes, and 
 the tumultuous uproars, now Ib common 
 among themfelves and the tribunes. In 
 the court of Areopagus, it was deemed an 
 unpardonable offence for any member to 
 laugh while the afTembly were fitting ; and 
 a celebrated Sage, one day, having been 
 applauded by the multitude, thought it fo 
 ftrong an indication of fome error he had 
 committed, that, turning to his friend, he 
 aiked him if he had faid zfooli/h thing? 
 
 R 4 It
 
 It was during the fame fitting in which 
 General Montefquiou petitioned the Af- 
 fembly not to take away his battalions, 
 that M. Cambon propofed that all the fta- 
 tues of their former Kings mould be pulled 
 down and converted into cannons. The 
 ftatues, he aiTerted, would make five hun- 
 dred four pounders, which, far from di- 
 miniming the fame of their Kings, would 
 give them an opportunity, even after their 
 death, of making a noife all over the world. 
 This propofal, however, was at this time 
 over-ruled, in fpite of the obfervations of 
 the patriots, who declared, that whatever 
 might be faid by the amateurs of monu- 
 ments which confecrated the conquefts of 
 defpotifm and the ilavery of the people, 
 they would be much more ufeful to them 
 on the frontiers ; and afcribed the objec- 
 tions which were made to their demoli- 
 tion, to the defire of preventing the frontiers 
 from being properly fupplied with artillery. 
 
 Information was now received in Paris, 
 that the Marfeillois were approaching in; 
 
 immenfe
 
 ( 249 ) 
 
 immenfe numbers, denouncing vengeance 
 againft royalty and ariftocracy. Nor did 
 the National Parifian Guards themfelves 
 efcape the threatenings of this tremendous 
 body ; there had, for fome time, exifted a 
 fpirit of enmity or jealoufy between the 
 Marfeillois and them : the Marfeillois were 
 the avowed enemies of royalty ; the Na- 
 tional Guards were by them fufpeclied of 
 being too muck attached to it. How this 
 fufpicion could have arifen, or whether or 
 not it had been inftilled into their minds 
 to anfwer any particular purpofe, I cannot 
 pretend to determine : it is certain, how- 
 ever, that many of the National Guards, 
 chiefly the volunteers, being refpectably 
 fettled as citizens, and deriving their fub- 
 fiftence from internal commerce, were 
 averfe to the introduction of that riot and 
 diforder which obliged them continually 
 to fhut up their mops, and occafioned fre- 
 quent, though temporary ftagnations of 
 trade. They had alfo feverely felt the in- 
 fluence which the banimment of moft of 
 the fuperior clafs had over the confump- 
 
 tion
 
 C 250 ) 
 
 tion of thofe articles, by the fale of which 
 they lived, and confequently had not fhewn 
 fo ftrong an inclination to exterminate, or 
 countenance the mob in exterminating, 
 the few that remained : and, as the King 
 was regarded by them as the only magnet 
 which had power to retain thefe few, they 
 were not fo ftrenuous for his deftruclion as 
 thofe, who, having nothing to lofe by it, 
 and being paid by the government, derived 
 their profpecls of advantage from the com- 
 motion it would produce. 
 
 From the reports that had been affidu- 
 oufly fpread by the Jacobins, concerning 
 the arrival of the Marfeillois, their num- 
 bers, their courage, and their determined 
 refolution to refcue their country from the 
 imputed treacheries of the executive pow- 
 er, all Paris expected them with alarm, 
 with awful deference, and an undeter- 
 mined fear of the confequences of their 
 coming. It was about this time that acci- 
 dental circumftances introduced me fre- 
 quently into the hall of the Jacobins, and 
 
 engaged
 
 engaged me in particular converfation with ' 
 the moft violent members. Nothing (ex- 
 cepting La Fayette's accufation, of which 
 I mall {peak hereafter) was talked of, but 
 the arrival of the Marfeillois, and the won- 
 derful deeds they were to accomplifh. The 
 purpofes, for which they were to come, 
 were now publicly avowed ; they were to 
 purge the country of its internal enemies 
 (meaning the ariftocratic party), reftore 
 to the legiflative body their long loft ener- 
 gy, and preferve the remains of liberty, by 
 obliging them to dethrone the King. In 
 the courfe of frequent converfations with 
 feveral members of the Jacobin fociety, 
 I took every opportunity of requeuing 
 particular information concerning the na- 
 ture of the crimes the King had commit- 
 ted : all I could learn from them was, that 
 he had been treacherous, had violated the 
 conftittition, and betrayed the country; 
 but none of them ever furnimed me with 
 the leaft proof of the circumftances they 
 alledgedagainft him. They were particular- 
 ly anxious to learn what was thought of 
 
 them
 
 them in this country, and had the auda- 
 city, or the ignorance, to compare the li- 
 centioufnefs and democratic tyranny of 
 France, where neither life nor property 
 was fafe, where neither the opinion of 
 individuals nor the government was free, 
 with the fterling liberty of England, 
 and hence deduced a fuppofition that every 
 Briton muft be their friend. But they had 
 yet to learn, that, before the French can 
 poffibly enjoy the equivalence of Englim 
 liberty, the fociety and ufurped power of 
 the Jacobins muft be abolifhed ; their con- 
 ftitution muft be founded in wifdom, and 
 eftablifhed on juftice ; their government 
 muft be uncontrolled in the exercife of its 
 lawful power, but controlled in the unjuft 
 extenfion of it ; the property, the life of 
 every fubjedt muft be protected and invio- 
 late ; the greateft authority in the king- 
 dom muft not arbitrarily dare to touch the 
 fmalleft particle of the pooreft individual's 
 pofTerlions ; the beggar's rags muft be as fa- 
 cred as the monarch's crown ; the higheft 
 fubjedt muft be as amenable as the loweft 
 
 to
 
 to the law ; the adminiftration of juftice 
 muft be impartial, and its tribunals as open 
 to the peafant as to the lord ; the freedom 
 of opinion, and the freedom of the prefs, 
 muft be admitted, ~ uncircumfcribed by 
 party prejudice, uncontrolled by arbitrary 
 reftrictions ; each individual muft enjoy 
 an unreftrained licenfe in the exercife of 
 his lawful inclinations ; the actions of the 
 inferior courts muft be cognizable by the 
 fuperior, and every civil and military 
 power muft be fubjedt to due fubordina- 
 nation : it muft be not be made death to 
 inveftigate the conduct of the executive 
 power ; juft laws muft have their full 
 force ; crimes muft meet their juft re- 
 ward ; plunder, barbarity and maflacre, 
 muft not go unpuniflied ; religion muft be 
 refpected and preferved ; the variance of 
 religious opinions muft be tolerated, and 
 fubjected to no perfecution, for the mind 
 muft be as free as the perfon. When fuch 
 become the predominant features of the 
 French government, and when the people 
 prove that they deferve fuch hie/lings by a 
 
 kuda-
 
 C 
 
 laudable and principled obedience and at- 
 tachment to the authorities that grant and 
 protect them, then, but not till then, 
 will every honeft En glim man acknowledge 
 them his brethren in liberty. 
 
 The French fufFer themfelves to be de- 
 ceived, by their unjuft reftri&ions on opi- 
 nion and the prefs : they fufFer nothing to 
 be uttered or printed with impunity, that 
 does not coincide with their principles of 
 government : they judge of the general 
 opinions of Englishmen, from the profti- 
 tuted fcribblings of our incendiary prints, 
 which only they permit to be imported ; 
 while thofe, which endeavour to mew their 
 proceedings in their true colours, are de- 
 nounced and profcribed. Drawing, there- 
 fore, their conclufions from erroneous prin- 
 ciples, they have the folly to imagine that 
 the people of this country are difcontented 
 with their prefent government ; and have 
 the audacity to infult Englifhmen, by fup- 
 pofmg that they would encourage the nue 
 and cry of a wild-goofe chace after nothing, 
 
 while
 
 while they are in adual pofleffion of every- 
 thing that is dear to them, or that they can 
 defire. Liberty is too nearly allied to, and 
 -too much interwoven with the difpofition 
 and exigence of an Englishman, to fuffer 
 hirh to be a ilranger to what it is, or where 
 it is to be found : he fees it in the govern- 
 ment, and finds it in his own houfe, his 
 conftant and unalienable companion : he 
 will never confent to yield up its alual 
 exiflence on the fcene of real life, to con- 
 template its fancied exifteuce in the ima- 
 gery of, a, puppet-{hew. Were it by any 
 means to be ftolen from him in the nio-hjt, 
 
 O ^** 
 
 he-would mifs it in the morning ; as foon 
 would the infant its abfent mother, or the 
 aged traveller his trufty flafF. 
 
 The people, therefore, of this country, 
 are not to be the dupes to malevolent in- 
 ventions or malicious infinuations : they 
 muft feel before they will believe ; and 
 when, they! feel, they will believe, in fpke 
 of all the ingenious efFufions of fophiim. 
 They do not imagine they poiTefs liberty be- 
 
 caufe
 
 caufe they are told fo ; but they know that 
 they poffefs it, becaufe they immediately 
 and effentiallyy^/ it . If this liberty were 
 to be invaded, every honeft man would in 
 a moment rife up to defend it : but till 
 fuch an invafion be actually afcertained, he 
 will enjoy the bleffings he partakes of, in 
 confidence and content. 
 
 If this be the true character of every 
 honeft Englishman with refped to liberty, 
 as I hope and believe it is, how ignorant 
 or mifled muft the Jacobins be, who, by 
 imagining that the people of this country 
 can become their advocates, neceflarily 
 conclude that we cannot difcriminate be- 
 tween liberty and licentioufnefs, between 
 honefty and plunder, between juftice and 
 aflaffination, and between a good govern- 
 ment and a diftracted anarchy ! They 
 think that by their pofting up, and talking 
 about liberty, we muft think them free, 
 and, confequently, muft be their friends. 
 They are deceived: we, knowing what li- 
 berty is, can judge pretty accurately when 
 
 and
 
 (,57 ) 
 
 and where it is poflefTed, and can fafely^ 
 and without any danger of contrary demon- 
 jftration, afTert that, notwithstanding all 
 their boafting, they never have been free, 
 and that notwithftanding their pretences, 
 they never yet have fought for liberty. 
 
 The Jacobins have lately pretended to 
 difcover that monarchy is inconfiftent with 
 liberty ; they have yet (to ufe a famous 
 expreflion of Mr. Paine' s) fo far to un- 
 know their knowledge, and unthink their 
 thoughts, as to be convinced that a limited 
 monarchy is its fureft guardian. Where the 
 legiflative power is under no control, and 
 is farTered to appoint the executive power, 
 or where they are both vefted in the fame 
 hands, who or what is to prevent the {la- 
 very of the people, mould their govern- 
 ment be inclined to enflave them ? On 
 the contrary, the people may be free un- 
 der a defpotic monarch, and they may be 
 enflaved, although they may have over- 
 thrown monarchy. Thefe afTertions may 
 be deemed paradoxical by the advocates 
 s for
 
 ( 253 ) 
 
 for cafhiering Kings ; but fafts have, not- 
 withftanding, proved them true: for in 
 the reign of James the Second, Great Bri- 
 tain was free, although a defpotic Prince 
 was on the throne ; and at the time that 
 Caefar fell, Rome was ftill enflaved, al- 
 though the tyrant was no more. 
 
 ; iJO*^ 
 
 It is fhrewdly afked by an ancient wri- 
 ter, " How can he get wifdom whofe talk 
 " is of bullocks* ?" This enigma muft 
 be left to be folved by the Jacobins, whofe 
 leading orator, and the moft violent par- 
 tifan of the Marfeillois, was a butcher. It 
 was he who, from the tribune of his foci- 
 ety, principally thundered out his anathe- 
 mas againft the King and the Ariftocracy, 
 and prophelied the glorious actions that 
 were foon to be performed; it was he 
 who declared that the country only could 
 be free by the abolition of royalty, and ga- 
 thered together his blood -hounds, to in- 
 flrud them in the art of (laughter. 
 
 At 
 
 Book of Wifdom.
 
 ( 259 ) 
 
 At laft the glorious warriors, the valiant 
 Marfeillois, the refcuers of their country, 
 arrived ; when, lo ! inftead of the thou- 
 fands that had been expe&ed, five hundred 
 only made their appearance ; and thefe fo 
 badly clothed, for the moft part, and fo va- 
 rioufly and ridiculoufly equipped and ac- 
 coutered, that they would have excited the 
 moft violent burfts of laughter in any one 
 who had not been already accuftomed to 
 fuch rights : and yet, it will fcarcely be 
 believed, did thefe five hundred men throw 
 the whole city of Paris into the greatefr. 
 panic and confufion, and overawe every 
 inhabitant into a fervile compliance with 
 their demands. The firft of their lawlefs 
 proceedings was to command the imme- 
 diate difufe of all filk and fatin national 
 cockades, which they refolved to confider 
 as fymbols of Ariftocracy, infixing on the 
 adoption of woollen ones alone. The fa- 
 tin cockades had been fo generally worn, 
 and the commands of the Marfeillois were 
 fo implicitly obeyed, that before the even- 
 ing of the day of their arrival, the price 
 s 3 of
 
 ( 260 ) 
 
 of woollen cockades had rifen from four 
 to forty and fifty fols. To prove moft ef- 
 fectively that they wer^ ferioufly deter- 
 mined that their commands mould be 
 punctually executed, they tore themfelves 
 the filk cockades from the hats of every 
 one they met that wore them, infulting 
 and abufing the perfons in the grofTeft 
 manner. Nor did infancy itfelf efcape 
 their infolent barbarity : they had fcarcely 
 arrived in Paris, when feeing a child with 
 a piece of national ribbon in his hat, they 
 fnatched it from him ; the child cried for 
 the lofs of his little ornament, and inno- 
 cently followed them, begging they would 
 reftore it, when thefe horrid wretches cal- 
 led him a fprig of Ariftocracy, beat him to 
 the ground, and crufhed him under their 
 feet. 
 
 They next proceeded to the Elyfian 
 Fields, where were a party of National 
 Guards, dining peaceably under the trees. 
 (I have before mentioned the jealoufy that 
 exiiled between thefe federates and the 
 
 Na-
 
 National Guards). They went up to them, 
 and infilled on their drinking " Vive la 
 
 O 
 
 " Nation r which the guards, not ehoof- 
 ing to be dictated to by them, refufed to 
 do : high words arofe, in the courfe of 
 which the Marfeillois accufed them of 
 Ariflocracy, and one of the guards, a gre- 
 nadier, called the moft forward of them, a 
 " gros pay fan'" a fcuffle enfued, the 
 guards were routed, and the grenadier was 
 purfued and mafTacred. 
 
 The alarm was immediately fpread 
 throughout Paris, the whole city was in 
 a flate of confternation and uproar, the 
 general was beaten in all the ftreets, the 
 citizens flew to arms, and the National 
 Guards, with their cannon, marched by 
 thoufands to the fpot on which the action 
 had taken place. The Marfeillois faluted 
 them with the fhouts of "Vive la Nat ion /" 
 to which they, the greater part of them, 
 replied, by the cries of *' Vivent les Fede~ 
 *' res ! Vlvent les Marfeillois!^ and hoift- 
 ing and waving their hats on the points of 
 s 3 their
 
 their bayonets : when, after having wait- 
 ed there for fome time, they again put 
 the horfes to their cannon, and marched 
 back to their refpective quarters ; while 
 the Marfeillois were parading in the moft 
 infolent manner about the ftreets and the 
 Palais Royal, alarming every peaceable 
 citizen, obliging all to fhut up their mops, 
 and infulting every one, who, not having 
 heard of their commands, had continued 
 to wear a filk or a fatin cockade. 
 
 Such were the aufpices under which the 
 inhabitants of Paris were obliged to receive 
 the defolators of Avignon and the fouthern 
 provinces of France, and fuch were the 
 eircumftances which confirmed this def- 
 perate banditti in the idea of their fiiperi- 
 ority over the whole lawful force of Paris. 
 They were received in the Fauxbourgs 
 St. Antoine and St. Marceau, by their fel- 
 low rabble, with the loudeft acclamations 
 of joy ; and from this day the danger of 
 the King increafed, by regular degrees, 
 'till his deflrudion was accomplished. 
 
 It
 
 It has been aflerted, that feveral other 
 aflaffinations were committed by the Mar- 
 feillois on the firft day of their arrival. It 
 is not in my power to afcertain the truth 
 of this aflertion : all that I can advance as 
 to its probability, is, that on the following 
 morning I went to the Morne*, where I 
 faw two dead bodies, which, as the fen- 
 tinels informed me, had been found in the 
 ilreet during the night. But, on the con- 
 trary fide, it rnufl be obferved, that it was 
 by no means an uncommon fight to fee 
 this hall of death fo tenanted. Paris was 
 not deflitute of murderers and aflaffins, 
 even before the arrival of the Marfeillois ; 
 although it rnuft be confefled, that the 
 latter very deeply inftru&ed the Parifians 
 in the art of varying (laughter, and apply- 
 s 4 ing 
 
 * The Morne is a cell in which they put tihe dead bodies 
 <hat are found in the ftreets, where they are fuffered to lie 
 four and twenty hours to be owned, after which time, if 
 they be not owned, they are buried. Aflaffinations are fo 
 frequent in Paris, that when any one mifles his friend, the 
 firft pla.ce he thinks of going to is the Morne,
 
 ing to fuch purpofes the moft uncommon 
 inftruments. 
 
 But, furely, of all others, the hiftory 
 of the events I am proceeding to relate, 
 will ftand the leaft in need of exaggera- 
 tion, or affiftance from report, to excite 
 and intereft the feelings of humanity. 
 There muft certainly in the human mind 
 be fome limits to the capability of abhor- 
 rence, fome degree beyond which it can 
 execrate no more : it is, therefore, un- 
 neceffary, by relations of imputed cruel- 
 ties, to {train the firings of fenfation, when 
 a vimple narrative of afcertained facts, will 
 wind them to their utmoft pitch. 
 
 On the following day, the King, hav- 
 ing heard of the enormities that had been 
 committed, fent a letter to the AfTembly, 
 requeuing that they would exert their 
 wifdom and authority for the protection of 
 the perfons and property of the people, 
 and expatiating moft feelingly, on the 
 crimes that were continually fuffered to
 
 go unpunifhed, and the diforders that in- 
 cefTantly agitated the capital. 
 
 The AfTembly palled a decree, indicat- 
 ing that all cockades of any quality, pro- 
 vided that they were compofed of the three 
 colours, red, white and blue, were na- 
 tional, and author ifed by the law I 
 
 But the Marfeillois frill perfifted in their 
 refolutions of preventing the ufe of the 
 iilk and fatin cockades ; and fo little con- 
 fidence had the people in the power and 
 protection of the legiilative body, and fb 
 great was their fear of the Marfeillois, 
 that, notwithstanding the decree that had 
 teen parted, no one dared to re-afTume his 
 former bauble. 
 
 That battalion, however, of the Nati- 
 onal Guards, to which the grenadier who 
 had been murdered, and the party that 
 had been infiilted, belonged, did not fb 
 patiently bear the outrages that had been 
 committed, and the infolent fuperiority 
 
 which
 
 ( 266 ) 
 
 which the Marfeillois had afTumed. They 
 fent a deputation to the AfTembly, com- 
 plaining of the injuries they had experi- 
 enced, and demanding that the aggreflbrs 
 ihould be brought to jufUce ; and added, 
 that if their demand fhould not be imme- 
 diately complied with, they would block 
 up the Marfeillois in their fauxbourg, and 
 punim them as they deferved. The Af- 
 fembly, equally fearing to offend the Mar- 
 feillois and the National Guards, referred 
 the bufinefs to one of their committees, 
 which was, in fact, taking the furefl me- 
 thods of preventing any further examina- 
 tion of it. 
 
 The Jacobins, now finding themfelves 
 fo flrongly reinforced by men of their 
 own flamp, no longer expended their 
 time and oratory in vague denunciations 
 of the treachery of the King, but began 
 openly to affert, that the forfeiture of his 
 crown was necefTary to the falvation of the 
 country. They had not now to deal with 
 men accuftomed to reaibn, but to a&; 
 
 and
 
 and the more defperate the deed, the more 
 ready they were fure of finding them to 
 execute it. They no longer had to fear 
 that thefe men would Jhudder at any pro- 
 pofals that might be made to them, as the 
 former federates had done, and of whom, 
 thofe that remained in Paris had now been 
 fufficiently long under their tuition to have 
 become as abandoned and profligate as they 
 could wim. The Jacobins now, there- 
 fore, went openly to work : they procur- 
 ed from all parts, not undeterminate and 
 imdecifive complaints of the perfidies of 
 JLouis the fixteenth, but direcl: and decided 
 petitions for his being dethroned ; and 
 thefe petitions, though demanding of the 
 AfTernbly what they had no right to do, 
 though unconstitutional and treafonable in 
 the extreme, were applauded in proportion 
 to the virulence and boldnefs with which 
 they were delivered, and the petitioners 
 were admitted to the honours of the fitting. 
 The federates, being the neareft, were the 
 firft employed : their demands, for they 
 cannot be confidered as petitions, were 
 
 gene-
 
 C 268 ) 
 
 generally conceived in very cortcife terms. 
 One of the many fpeeches delivered at the 
 bar, on this occafion, was literally as fol- 
 lows : " Louis has violated the conftitu- 
 " tion ! Decree the fall of Louis, and the 
 " country is faved!" 
 
 There yet remained an obftacle to 
 the accomplimment of the purpofes of 
 the Jacobins. The King's Guard, which 
 the conftitution had allowed him, had 
 been, as I have before obferved, difmif- 
 fed ; all the regiments of the line alfo 
 had been fent out of Paris. There dill, 
 however, remained a regiment of Swils 
 guards, which, according to the agreement 
 with the Helvetic body, was exprefsJy and 
 folely at the King's command. Thefe 
 brave men had, on many occafions, mani- 
 fefted their attachment to the King ; at 
 leaft, fo far as to fhew a determined refb- 
 lution to defend him from infult, and to 
 guard ftriclly the pofts that had been affign- 
 ed to them. A circumftance that had re- 
 cently occurred (on the 24th of July), in 
 
 which
 
 ( 269 ) 
 
 which they had done their duty, by prevent- 
 ing fome of the federates and rabble from 
 executing their defigns, when they had at- 
 tempted to enter the King's apartments by 
 night, had irritated the Jacobins againft 
 them, and induced them to procure their 
 dim-union alfo. Any appearance of obedi- 
 ence to the orders of the executive power, 
 any performance of duty in the defence of 
 any poft within the precincts of the King's 
 palace, was confide red as a fymptom of 
 ariftocracy, and too ftrong an attachment 
 to royalty. But it is not to be wondered 
 at, where the legiflative authority (having 
 exterminated the true foundation of right) 
 had adopted crimes for virtues, that vir- 
 tues mould be regarded as crimes ; for 
 where one fpecified line of conduct is fol- 
 lowed as the rule of right, whatever is 
 contrary to that line muft be deemed 
 wrong : when, therefore, difobedience is 
 eftablifhed as a virtue, obedience mutt be 
 regarded as a vice ; when plunder is efta- 
 blifhed as a virtue, honefty muft be re- 
 garded as a vice ; and where aflaffiaation is 
 
 efta-
 
 eflablimed as a virtue, protection muft bs 
 regarded as a vice. Judging, therefore, 
 upon Jacobin principles (for, as M. Petion 
 obferves, we muft always put ourfelves in 
 the iituations of thofe who act or have acted 
 before we can judge properly,) the Swifs 
 had undoubtedly been guilty of the greateft 
 crimes ; for they had been convicted of 
 having prevented the maflacre of the King, 
 and that from the worft of principles, an 
 adherence to their duty, and an attach- 
 ment to the hand that fed them. Thus, 
 following the fame fyftem of reafoning, the 
 Swifs were regarded as traitors ; and the 
 National AfTembly, convinced of their' 
 treafon, pafTed a decree, ordering the exe- 
 cutive power to fend two battalions of them 
 
 immediately away. 
 ; 
 
 The reader is not to fuppofe, that all this 
 while the Jacobins were quiet with refpedt 
 to M. la Fayette : on the contrary, the 
 accuiation they wifhed to bring againft 
 him, and correfponding petitions, occupied 
 a great part of their and the National Af- 
 
 fem/.
 
 fembly's attention. But I beg leave to 
 proceed uninterruptedly in the account of 
 the proceedings at Paris, relative to the 
 King, until the 8th of Auguft, on which 
 day the final determination of the AfTembly 
 concerning M. la Fayette took place ; and 
 then take a feparate review of the conduct 
 of the Jacobins and the AfTembly, refpeft- 
 ing him. 
 
 Ever fince the events of the 2Oth of 
 June, the King, from a proper regard to 
 the perfonal fafety of his family and him- 
 felf, had ordered the gates of the gardens 
 of the Tuilleries to be fhut, and defired that 
 none mould be admitted, but thofe to 
 whom (having immediate bufinefs with 
 the executive power) tickets fliould be 
 delivered. He had alfo found it neceffary 
 to guard the end of the palace facing the 
 Pont Royal, and the front of it, with iron 
 rails. So weak was the caufe of the Jaco- 
 bins in principle and iblid reafon, and fo 
 totally unaffifted by proofs of the King's 
 treachery, that they thought it nece/Tary 
 
 to
 
 to lay hold of the moft trivial circumstances 
 In his conduct^ and pervert them into ar- 
 guments of his pail or intended treafon. 
 The National AfTembly adjoins one fide 
 of the gardens, to which there is a commu- 
 nication by the terrace of the Feuillans*. 
 When the King had ordered the gates of 
 the garden to be fhut, a report was affidu- 
 oufly Ipread that it was done to facilitate 
 his defigns againil the patriots of the AfTem- 
 bly j that he might now furround them 
 with troops, form a camp unobferved with- 
 in the gardens, or carry any other treafo- 
 nable intention into execution, while no 
 one but his own party was admitted to 
 fee what might be going on. Petitions 
 and petitioners, for all purpofes, were eafily 
 to be procured, and, confequently, many 
 were immediately fent to the AfTembly, 
 defiring a decree that the gardens might 
 again be made public. The AfTembly 
 pafled the decree, the gardens were 
 thrown open, and the terrace of the Feuil- 
 lans became as crowded as ufual. I leave 
 at to the reader to form what reflections 
 
 he 
 
 * A part of the gardens,
 
 ( '73 ) 
 
 he pleafes on the nature of the French cha- 
 racter, from the following circumftance ; 
 it is furficient for me to relate it. When 
 the gardens were thrown open, not a {ingle 
 perfon would enter further than the terrace 
 of the Feuillans, which (as I have obferv- 
 ed) adjoined the National AfTembly : they 
 who firft took poffeffion of the terrace, 
 clofed each of the avenues to the interior 
 part of the garden with a blue ribband, 
 and ported up the following infcription : 
 " Wife citizens ! Reipeel yourfelves ! Give 
 " to this feeble barrier the force of bayo- 
 " nets ! The defence has not been vio- 
 " lated : no one has thought proper to 
 " attack this new fpecies of baftion ; and 
 44 the blue riband is yet insurmountably 
 " extended." 
 
 A number of the federates who had firft 
 arrived, and other volunteers, had been 
 fent to form the camp at SoifTons, before 
 the necefTary preparations for their recep* 
 tion could be made i they, accordingly* 
 fent a deputation to the National Aflem- 
 
 T b!
 
 bly, ftating their complaints. Their oratop 
 obferved (on the 3ift of July), that the 
 volunteers were left without arms, and 
 without difcipline: " A plot has been 
 " laid," faid he, " for the diffolution of 
 " this camp, before even it mould be 
 " formed. If the armies mould now re- 
 " ceive a check at Vefne, or at Maubeuge, 
 " we mould be expofed to the enemy 
 " without being able to defend ourfelves. 
 " We demand a decree that may detain us 
 u at Soiflons, and that all the military 
 " equipage may be condu6te<f there, be- 
 " cauie we can be better difciplined in 
 " camps than in cities, order that arms 
 " may be diftributed to us, that we may 
 ** learn how to fight the enemy, order 
 " that clothes may be given us, better 
 *' nourishment, and particularly better 
 * bread." 
 
 The .National AfTembly decreed, that 
 three commifTaries, members, mould be 
 fent to vifit the camp at Soiflbns, and over- 
 
 turu
 
 turn the fuppofed plots of the executive 
 power to difTolve it. 
 
 The infolence of the Marfeillois, fmce 
 their arrival at Paris, had fo incenfed fome 
 of the battalions of National Guards, that 
 feveral deputations had been fent to the 
 Affembly to demand that they fhould be 
 immediately ordered to depart. The Mar- 
 feillois, however, had publicly avowed their 
 refolutions not to leave Paris till they had 
 feen the King dethroned ; the AfTembly, 
 therefore, had they been fo inclined, would 
 not have dared to grant the defire of the 
 National Guards ; ^they, accordingly, fent 
 their petitions to the extraordinary com- 
 miffion for its confideration, or rather that 
 it might invent fome plaufible excufe foe 
 authoriiing or juftifying the flay of the 
 Marfeillois. 
 
 The Marfeillois, on the other hand, 
 
 having been feafted and inftrufted by San- 
 
 terre, a man very ambitious, but of mod 
 
 contemptible talents, and who had con- 
 
 T 2 trived,
 
 trived, fome how or other, to distribute 
 among them and the reft of the rabble 
 immenfe fums of money, fent a petition 
 to the AfTembly, demanding the difmiffion 
 of the fuperior officers of the National 
 Guards. This petition, alfo, reduced the 
 Aflembly to another aukward dilemma. 
 It was well known to whofe account this 
 difmifTal was eventually to turn, it was 
 well known that Santerre was aiming at 
 the appointment of commander- general, 
 and the popularity of this man made it 
 dangerous to counteract any intentions in 
 his favour. There were, however, feve- 
 ral battalions of the National Guard?, 
 among whom were thofe des Filles St. 
 *Tbomas*i and des Pet its Peres, who were 
 avowedly inimical to the Marfeillois, and 
 attached to, and determined to fupport 
 their fuperior officers. The National Af- 
 fembly, therefore, found themfelves ob- 
 liged 
 
 * It was a grenadier of this battalion who was killed, 
 and a part of it that was infulted by the MarfeiUois o 
 tkcir firft arrival.
 
 ligcd to fend- the petition of the Marfeil- 
 lois to the extraordinary commiflion, for 
 the fame purpofes as thofe for which they 
 had fent to it the petition of the National 
 Guards, to find a plaufible excufe why it 
 mould not be complied with. Accord- 
 ingly, the reporter of the commiflion, on 
 the 2 1 ft of July, obferved to the Airem- 
 bly, that it was unneceflary for them to 
 engage their attention about the difmifTai 
 of the fuperior officers of the National 
 Guards, becaufe the Etat-Major was on 
 the point of being renewed ; and that it 
 was equally unneceflary for them to think 
 about the departure of the Marfeillois, be- 
 caufe the preparations which the minifter 
 of War had announced to the Affembly as 
 having been made at SoifTons, had actually 
 not been made. 
 
 On the i ft of Auguft, M. Carnot pro- 
 pofed that the National AfTembly mould 
 decree, that all the troops of the line 
 fhould, thenceforth, be confounded with 
 thofe of the National Guards, that the ex- 
 T 3 ecutive
 
 ecutive power might no longer appoint 
 their fuperior officers. Hepropofed, alfo, 
 that they mould eftablilh national games, 
 and ordain recompenfes for fuch citizens 
 as might deferve well of their country ; 
 that they fhould order the municipalities 
 to have pikes made, as a fubftitute for 
 mufquets, and dlflribuie them to all the ci- 
 tizens ; that thefe pikes fhould be made 
 at the expence of the public treafure, and 
 under the care of the directories of dif- 
 trifts and departments : he obferved that 
 that was the only means of knowing the 
 national fpirit, and of alarming every ty- 
 rant ; and that, by thus uniting and en- 
 couraging the citizens, it was alfo the 
 means of rendering France invincible. 
 
 * But, added he, in demanding of you the 
 diftribution of thefe pikes to all the citi- 
 zens, I did not mean to include men with- 
 out principle ', or men known by their inci- 
 vifm, 1 to whom it would be dangerous to 
 give arms : I propofe to you to leave to the 
 
 council
 
 council general of the corporation*, the care 
 of delivering thofe arms to citizens known 
 by them as zealous defenders of liberty^, 
 and to permit them to take away the arms 
 of thofe whom they may fufpecJ of intending 
 to make an improper ufe of them? 
 
 He propofed that thefe pikes mould be 
 made on the model of that of the Mare- 
 chal de Saxe ; that a model of it mould be 
 fent to each corporation ; and that none of 
 thefe arms mould be lefs than eight feet, 
 or more than ten feet long. 
 
 This propofal was generally applauded 
 and adopted, and the impreffion of it was 
 ordered. It needs no comment, and, in- 
 deed, it is now become almoft unneceflary 
 for me to animadvert on any particular 
 action or decree. The general principles 
 T 4 upon 
 
 * In other words, the Jacobin magijlratcs* 
 
 t Meaning the men of the c;th and 6th of October 
 and the 2oth of June, and the Marfeillois and other fe- 
 derates.
 
 upon which the moft confpicuous agents, 
 in the events of laft fummer, have aled, 
 I have endeavoured, as far as lay in my 
 power, to reveal. I (hall, therefore, con- 
 fine myfelf in future, as much as poffible, 
 to a fimple narrative of facts, leaving it 
 to the reader to determine on the caufes 
 by which they were produced, and to the 
 inveftigation of which,. I think I have al- 
 ready given him a fufficient clue. 
 
 On the 2d of Auguft, feveral of the 
 Marfeillois appeared at the bar of the Na- 
 tional AfTembly, and demanded permiffion 
 to remain at Paris as hoftages, until the 
 termination of the procefs which was (as 
 was pretended) going on relative to the 
 event that had taken place in the Elyfian 
 Fields. They demanded, alfo, that the 
 guard of the Afiembly mould be compofed 
 of three hundred men of each depart- 
 ment. They obtained the honours of the 
 fitting* 
 
 Ipafs
 
 I pafs over the number of petitions that 
 were, at- this time, prefented to theAflem- 
 bly, demanding the dethroning of the 
 King. When the character of the people 
 who prefented them, always the loweft 
 rabble, and the influence which the Jaco- 
 bins, by their affiliations, had in every 
 'department, are confidered, thefe peti- 
 tions, however numerous, can never be re- 
 garded as the united voice of the nation. 
 
 When,alib, itis confidered, that the mob 
 had by this time rendered themfelves the 
 abfolute matters of the Aflembly, the mu- 
 nicipality, and, in mort, of all Paris, it 
 will not be wondered at, that the quiet and 
 refpe&able citizens, however they might 
 defire it, did not dare to interfere, by en- 
 deavouring to preferve their King upon his 
 throne. 
 
 In the evening fitting of the ad of Au- 
 guft, crowds of petitioners poured into the 
 bar of the Affembly, to announce a moil 
 horrible attempt that had been made to 
 
 murder
 
 C 
 
 murder the volunteers that were forming 
 the camp at SoifTons. Pounded glafs had 
 been found in their bread. 
 
 The Aflembly and the tribunes were 
 immediately in an uproar ; this was confi- 
 dered as a decided proof of the treafon of 
 the executive power, who, as it was fup- 
 pofed, had taken this method of deftroying 
 the brave men who were to defend their 
 country. The Aflembly difpatched an ex- 
 traordinary courier to SoifTons, to inquire 
 more particularly into the buiinefs. 
 
 In the mean time, the news was aflidu- 
 cufly fpread throughout all Paris, not in 
 its original fhape, but as it fuited the in- 
 tentions of the Jacobins to make it appear. 
 They had fucceeded ib well in their en- 
 deavours to miflead the people, that, on the 
 following morning, it was confidently re- 
 ported and believed, that the King had 
 employed emiflaries to poifon the whole 
 camp ; that two hundred of the volun^ 
 teers had already actually died before the 
 
 \ depu-
 
 deputation came away ; that four or fivtf 
 hundred were then dangerouily ill ; and 
 that it was expected, that almoft all the reft 
 would mare the fame fate. 
 
 It is unneceffary to obferve on the effects 
 this report produced : however, on the 
 third of Auguft, the day after the original 
 report had arrived, one of the fecretaries 
 read a letter from the commirTaries of the 
 National Aflembly at the camp of Soiflbns, 
 (M. M. Carnot, Lacombe, and Gafparin). 
 They announced that fome pieces of glais 
 had been found in a loaf of bread, belong- 
 ing to the firfl battalion. The commifla- 
 ries of the AlTemblies had viiitQd the bake- 
 houfe : they were accompanied by fome 
 National Guards of the camp, and com- 
 mifTaries from the municipality : they had 
 made the {Iriclefl fearches in the places 
 where the flour was kept, and where it 
 was worked : they declared that the Af- 
 fembly ought not to be alarmed concerning 
 the confequences of this event, as they 
 thought they had difcovered the true cauie 
 
 of
 
 C **+ ) 
 
 nf it, which was not a crime but a negli- 
 gence : this negligence refulted from the 
 flour having been placed in the church of 
 Saint Jean, under fome windows in which 
 a few panes of glafs had been broken. The 
 commifTaries, therefore, prayed the Af- 
 fembly to fufpend their opinion on this 
 affair, until they had received further in- 
 formation, which was being collected with 
 the greatefl care. 
 
 They who are acquainted with the na- 
 ture of mobs, and the forcible impreffions 
 that are frequently made on their minds by 
 the moft trivial occurrences, muft know, 
 alfo, that that belief, which has not been 
 founded on reafon and truth, will never be 
 eradicated by reafon or truth. Of all per- 
 verfe foibles, ignorance is the moil obfrinate. 
 The rabble, having blindly given credit to 
 2. falfe report, will very rarely acknowledge 
 themfelves to have been wrong, though 
 conviction mould ftare them in the face : 
 they will fet their inventions to work, 
 to palliate or juftify their credulity, and 
 
 weaken
 
 weaken every argument or fact that mould 
 convince them of their error ; and thus, 
 as firfr. imprefllons always ftrike the deepeil, 
 the original report will rancle in their 
 minds, while demonftration floats on the 
 furface but as a fuperflcial and bafeleis 
 idea. 
 
 So it was in this .iuftance ; nothing; 
 could convince the populace that it was 
 not by order of the King that the glafs was 
 in the bread, and that there had not been 
 a defign to poifbn the whole camp, although 
 that defign had not fucceeded. Some iriii- 
 j mated that the commifiaries might have 
 given an appearance of accident to the 
 event, that the nation and volunteers might 
 not be alarmed, and that the progreis 
 of enlifting might not be impeded ; 
 while they who reafoned coolly on the 
 fubject, and had been witnefles to the 
 deep-laid plans, and frill more complicated 
 fchemes, that had fo frequently been in- 
 vented for the deflruttion of the King, 
 afcribed the whole affair to the malicious 
 
 machi-
 
 ( '86 ) 
 
 machinations of the Jacobins, to procure a 
 burft of indignation in the people againll 
 the executive power. 
 
 But whatever was the caufe of the 
 event, whether accident or intention, it 
 is certain, that the affair contributed not 
 a little to keep up and ftrengthen the in- 
 veteracy of the people againft their lawful 
 fbvereign. 
 
 On the third of Auguft, a deputation 
 from the federates of the eighty-three de- 
 partments appeared at the bar, and de- 
 manded that the King mould be dethron- 
 ed. An addrefs, alfo, on the fame fubjecl:, 
 was read from the citizens of Falaife. 
 
 A letter from the King, countersigned by 
 the Minifter for Foreign Affairs, informed 
 theAffembly, that the Elector of Cologne, 
 the Margrave of Baden, and the Duke of 
 Wirtemberg, no longer left any doubt of 
 their hoflile difpofitions. 
 
 M. Thuriot
 
 "M. Thuriot difcovered in this notifica- 
 tion, compared with the filence that the 
 miniftry had kept till that day, a certain 
 proof of an intelligence with the Auftriart 
 committee. Upon his motion a .debate 
 took place, concerning the day on which 
 the AfTembly mould engage themfelves on 
 the great meafure which the nation had fo 
 long expected. The Thursday following, 
 the ninth of Auguft, was fixed for the 
 commiffion to render the account of its 
 labours. 
 
 M. Duhem read an addrefs from Liflc, 
 which folicited, in favour of M. Dumou- 
 rier, a decree, declaring that he. had deferv- 
 ed well of the country, becaufe he alone 
 had remained at his pofr, and had fecured 
 the department of the north from an in- 
 vafion. It afterwards denounced the ex- 
 ecutive power as the author of all the evils 
 with which the country was diftreired. 
 
 On Saturday the 4th, a letter was read 
 from the commilTaries who. had been fent 
 
 to
 
 ( 288 } 
 
 to SoifTons, which confirmed what they 
 had already written to the AfTembly, re- 
 fpecting the glafs in the bread. They ob- 
 ferved to the AfTembly, that the inhabit- 
 ants were put to too much inconvenience, 
 and their houfes were too full, by lodging 
 the federates, while the houfes of the 
 emigrants and the religious houfes were 
 quite empty ; but that the department did 
 not dare to difpofe of the latter, without 
 the authority of the AfTembly for fo doing, 
 which they folicited. A member convert- 
 ed this demand into a motion ; and the 
 A (Terribly decreed, that the adminiftrators 
 of the departments might difpofe of the 
 houfe* of the emigrants and the religious 
 houfes that were empty, for the lodging 
 of the federates. 
 
 On the fame day, an addrefs and refb- 
 lution from the Section of Mauconfeil was 
 read, the authors of which demanded the 
 deftitution of the executive power, and 
 invited all the feclions of the empire to 
 proclaim it, by retracting the oath which 
 
 had
 
 had teen taken ly furprlfe from them, in 
 
 favour of Louis the Sixteenth. 
 
 / 
 
 After much debate upon this addrefs, 
 which fome members regarded as invafivc 
 of the fo'verelgnty of the people, it was de- 
 creed, upon the motion of M. Cambon, 
 that the committee of General Safety 
 fhould fend in its report feance tenant e. 
 
 The Aflembly pafTed to the order of the 
 day, on the propofal made in the name of 
 the Marine committee, for arming thirty- 
 three mips, in confequence of the reports 
 ipread concerning the dilpofitions of Eng- 
 land, and the fleet it had juft fent out to fea. 
 
 A department from the fedlion des Gra- 
 villiers appeared at the bar, demanded the 
 dethroning of the King, and told the A- 
 fembly, that if they could or would not 
 fave the country, the people would, very 
 (hortly, rife up to fave it themfelves. High 
 debates enfued on this petition ; however, 
 the petitioners obtained permiflion to intro- 
 v duce
 
 duce themfelves into the hall of the Af- 
 lembly. 
 
 After the orator had delivered his peti- 
 tion, a grenadier, fpeaking in the name of 
 the grenadiers and chafieurs of that feftion, 
 declared to the AfTembly, that they had 
 renounced the appendages of their uniform 
 diftinctive of grenadiers: they depofited 
 their caps and epaulettes, and demanded 
 that they might be fent to the frontiers. 
 The orator immediately put on a red cap. 
 
 M. Vergniaud prefented himfelf, in the 
 name of the committee of General Safety : 
 hepropofed an a6t, by which the Legiflative 
 Body mould annul, as unconftitutional, the 
 deliberation of the feclion of Mauconfeil, 
 confidering that the fovereignty could not 
 be exercifed by one fedion of the people. 
 The National Affembly invited the people 
 to keep themfelves calm, andfecure them- 
 felves from the fedu&ion of counfels which 
 agitated them ; they then pronounced the 
 act, and afterwards heard a difcourfe from 
 
 M. Lagre-
 
 M. Lagrevole, defiring that all that con- 
 cerned the general fafety mould be given 
 up to the adminijlrative and municipal bo* 
 dies, and that a committee, taken from 
 the Legiflative Body, mould be created, to 
 fuperintend the operations of the police. 
 k The AfTembly ordered the impreffion of 
 this difcourfe* 
 
 I mall make only one general obferVa* 
 tion, which will ferve to explain the rea- 
 fon why, at this time, it was thought pro- 
 per to make fo many changes among the 
 civil and military officers. The depart- 
 ments were, in general, attached to the 
 King; the heads of the municipality were, 
 for obvious reafons, his determined ene- 
 mies : it was, therefore, neceflary, that as 
 much power as poffible mould be taken 
 from the former and given to the latter. 
 The Etat-Major of the National Guards 
 was alfo fufpected of ariftocracy : thole 
 officers, therefore, it was neceflary to dif- 
 mifs in favour of Jacobin commanders. 
 Excepting Petion, Manuel, and his col- 
 u 2 league,
 
 league, the municipal officers were not 
 altogether fo hardened in iniquity as to be 
 fafely trufted, during the execution of the 
 infernal purpofe that was in agitation ; 
 they, therefore, were, as occafion offered, 
 fuddenly to be exchanged for more deter- 
 mined and more dependent men : and, in 
 fhort, every man, in whom the leaft prin* 
 ciple of honour or integrity remained, was 
 to be difmifled from any mare of power, 
 and all the civil and military authorities 
 in Paris were to be vefled in the hands of 
 the moft inveterate Jacobins, which ac- 
 cordingly took place. 
 
 The National Afiembly had, as has 
 been before obferved, pafled a decree, or- 
 dering the executive power to fend imme- 
 diately from Paris two battalions of the 
 regiment of Swifs Guards, from whom 
 the King could derive the only probability 
 of protection he had left. The minifter 
 at War, on the fourth of Auguft, wrote 
 to the Aflembly on this fubjecl: : he told 
 them, that the King bad given orders for 
 
 the
 
 293 ) 
 
 the departure of two battalions of Swifs. 
 They were to have gone in garrifon at 
 Cambray, and three hundred men only 
 were to have been taken from them to be 
 fent into the department of Eure, to pro- 
 tecl: the navigation of the Seine, and the 
 provifionment of the capital. 
 
 But M.d'Aftry had prefented to the King 
 fome obfervations on that difpofition of 
 the troops, which tended to parcel out the 
 regiment contrary to the intentions of the 
 Helvetic body, and which, perhaps, would 
 Hop the courfe of the negociations for 
 the renewal of treaties. The King, there- 
 fore, had retracted the order he had given ; 
 and, confequently, three hundred only 
 would be fent to the department of Eure. 
 
 Their departure, however, was too ne- 
 ceffary to the Jacobins, to be ftopt by any 
 inch trivial considerations as a conformity 
 to treaties, nor was any time to be loft. 
 M. Richard, therefore, demanded that the 
 Aflembly, without having any regard to 
 u 3 the
 
 ( 294 ) 
 
 the account given by the minifter, ihould 
 infift on the execution of their decree, and 
 the immediate departure of the Swifs, 
 which was decreed. 
 
 On Sunday the 5th of Augufl, many de* 
 putations from the different fections were 
 admitted at the bar : one, from the fe&ion 
 de la Bibliotheque, came to contradict the 
 addreis for the deftitution of the King, 
 prefented the evening before by other citi- 
 zens of that fec~Hon. This occafioned ^ 
 great uproar in the AfTembly. M. BrifTot 
 declared, that they who came to contradict 
 that addrefs, compofed the gangrened party 
 of the fection de la Bibliotheque. They, 
 therefore, were not admitted. 
 
 Another deputation, from the feclion of 
 the Arfenal, difapproved of the refolutions 
 of the fedtion of Mauconfeil, and were ad-i 
 mitted to the honours of the fitting. 
 
 Another deputation, from the fe&ion of 
 Mauconfeil, came, in confequence of their 
 
 refo-
 
 refolutions being annulled the evening 
 before, to declare that they regarded the 
 King as dethroned, and the people as ab- 
 folved from their oath in his favour. This 
 declaration was fent to the committee, and 
 twenty of the petitioners were admitted to 
 the honours of the fitting. 
 
 On Monday the 6th of Augufr, the 
 AfTembly, having heard a great number of 
 this fort of petitions, decreed, that all the 
 addrefTes which the AiTembly fhould order 
 to be fent to the departments, mould be 
 dire&ly fent to them by the commijjarles 
 of infpeftion of the hall of the Affembly, 
 without palling through the offices of the 
 minifters. 
 
 The Prefident announced, that foma citi- 
 zens demanded permifiion to prefent at the 
 bar a petition, which had been depofited for 
 three days at the Champ de Mars, and 
 which was ftrengthened by a number of 
 Signatures. The AfTembly admitted them. 
 They were preceded by a man bearing a 
 U4 pike,
 
 pike, on the point of which was a worfted 
 cap : on the middle of the pike was fixed 
 a piece of pafteboard , having this infcrip- 
 tion Decbeance du Rot. 
 
 Some members of the Aflembly demand- 
 ed that the infcription fhould be taken 
 away, before the orator of the deputation 
 fhould be allowed to fpeak. ^^petitioners 
 put it afide. The orator read the peti- 
 tion : he demanded that the King fhould be 
 confidered as having abdicated the throne ; 
 that all the Etat-Majors of the army mould 
 be broke ; that La Fayette mould be put 
 inaftate of accufation ; that the levy of 
 troops mould be augmented ; that the pa- 
 triotic minifters mould be re-integrated; 
 that the executive power mould be entrirft:- 
 ed to them ; that they mould acknowledge 
 no other laws than thofe of the Aflembly ; 
 that all the ambafladors mould be recalled 4 
 that a clear account of the ftate of the fi- 
 nances mould be made out ; and laftly, that 
 it mould be no longer permitted to fell 
 
 money
 
 money*. The prefident anfwered to the 
 petitioners, that the Affembly would exa- 
 mine their demands ; and the AfTembly, 
 having been confulted, decreed, that the 
 petitioners mould be admitted to the ho- 
 nours of the fitting. They accordingly 
 entered, amidft the moil unbounded ap- 
 plaufe. 
 
 
 Several members, finding it no longer in 
 their power to refift the torrent of demo- 
 mocratic tyranny that was pouring in fo 
 fart upon the nation, had fent in their re- 
 lignation, and others had petitioned for 
 leave of ablence on the fcore of health, 
 which had been willingly granted. 
 
 M. Lacombe Saint Michael, one of 
 the commiflaries fent to Soiflbns, gave in 
 
 an 
 
 * The National Aflembly had, fome time before, decreed* 
 that paper money fhould be deemed the only currency of 
 the kingdom, and that gold and filver coins fhould be con- 
 iidered as articles of merchandife, and bought and fold as 
 fuch. Money markets had, confequently, been held in the 
 Place de Vi&oire, the Palais Royal ? and elfewhere, which 
 the mob were taught to believe were for the purpofe of 
 buying up all the coin of the nation for the ufe of the King.
 
 ( 2 9 8 ) 
 
 an account of his miffion. He allured the 
 Affembly, that there had been no bad in- 
 tentions concerning the bread, but only a 
 negligence and an unpardonable want of 
 cleanlinefs. The commiflaries had found 
 and put afide fome facks of flour that had 
 been a little injured, independent of which 
 they had found three thoufand two hun- 
 dred facks of good wheat, 
 
 He afferted, that the volunteers were in 
 the befl difpofition, as were all the inhabi- 
 tants of the environs, who brought them 
 furniture of all kinds, which was wanting 
 at the camp, through the faults of the execu- 
 tive power. No diforders were committed, 
 and the volunteers demanded only muf- 
 cniets and ftraw. 
 
 The number of federates, at this time 
 at SoifTons, was reported to be nine thou- 
 fand. 
 
 Petitions, For the deftitution of the King, 
 continued to be prefented, and grenadiers 
 
 con*
 
 ( 2 99 ) 
 
 continued to depofit in the Affembly their 
 caps and epaulettes. 
 
 The rabble that had conftantly filled the 
 galleries of the National Affembly had 
 lately become fo exceedingly tumultuous, 
 and had fo much interfered in the debates, 
 not only by their bravoes and hifTes, but 
 by the abfolute declarations of their opi- 
 nions and ideas, that even the members, 
 at laft, grew amamed of the licenfe they 
 had allowed them, and found it totally im- 
 poffible to proceed in their bufmefs, until 
 meafures mould be taken to keep the tri- 
 bunes in fome little degree of decency. 
 They had frequently called them to order, 
 without effect ; they had had recourfe to 
 the armed force, and even went fo far as 
 to arreftfome of the ringleaders. ; all which 
 only ferved to irritate the people, and make 
 them more tumultuous. 
 
 On Tuefday the yth qf Auguft, when 
 the rabble were about to take their ufual 
 places, they found that, during the night, 
 
 divi-
 
 divifions had been made in the tribunes, 
 and places had been referved for fentinels, 
 who, accordingly, came to take their pofts. 
 This fo offended the calm pride and fove- 
 ve'ign majejly of the mob, that a violent 
 uproar enfued. They cried out, " down 
 
 44 with the grenadiers caps*, down 
 
 " with the bayonets, we will fuffbr no 
 " other arms to reftrain us but thofe of 
 ** reafon; we will exercife the police our- 
 " felves." At laft, the National Affembly 
 found themfelves obliged to obey the com- 
 mands of their fovereign, and pafs a de- 
 cree, authorifmg the tribunes to name 
 among themfelves four infpectors to ex- 
 ercife 
 
 * The reader is not to fuppofe that the grenadiers of 
 every battalion had followed the ridiculous example of the 
 few who firft depofited their caps and epaulettes in the Af- 
 fembly, or that the National Guards were all on one fide 
 of thequeftion ; on the contrary, there were feveral batta- 
 lions who were the. avowed enemies of the proceedings 
 that were now going on, and of the rabble that were en- 
 gaged in them. The bulk of refpeclable citizens alfo con- 
 templated with forrow, and fighed over the profpeft of 
 enormities they wifhed, but wanted power to prevent.
 
 301 
 
 ercife the police, inftead of the fentinels, 
 who were, accordingly, fent away. 
 
 Indeed, the National Affembly had, by 
 this time, rendered themfelves ' fo truly 
 defpicable, fo abjectly the (laves to the ca- 
 prices of the mob, that they could no 
 longer be coniidered but as a paflive inftru- 
 ment, upon which the breath of the mul- 
 titude might play what tune it pleafed. 
 The mofh patriotic papers did not fcruple 
 to make them the butt of their ridicule 
 and fatire. They had, by their ignorance 
 and injuftice, reduced the nation to the 
 loweft (late of anarchy and diftraclion, 
 from which they had neither the ability to 
 form, nor the power to execute an honour- 
 able plan for its relief. They had, by their 
 frequent violations of the conftitution, in- 
 duced the people no longer to regard or 
 refpect it as an eftablimed fun, enlighten- 
 ing and regulating by itfelf its dependent 
 bodies, but as a mirror, reflecting the mu- 
 tations of popular caprice. They had era- 
 dicated univerfal contemplation and obe- 
 dience,
 
 dience, and fubftituted individual cohful- 
 tation in their ftead. Hence the princi- 
 ples of right and wrong being removed 
 from the foundations on which they were 
 originally eftablifhed by united fuffrages^ 
 became transferred to infulated opinion and 
 interefted de termination, Tind each man no 
 longer looked to the conftitution as the 
 regulator of his conduct, but to himfelf. 
 
 In the Conftltuent AfTembly there wer0 
 men of enlightened talents > of brilliant ac- 
 complimments,and honourable intentions : 
 but, being called upon fuddenly to perform 
 the greateft work of which human ability 
 is capable, and having in their view the 
 admiration of an attentive world, they 
 feem to have turned their minds more to 
 the beauty and magnificent appearance of 
 the fuperflru&ure. than to the foundation 
 on which it was to be built. Each giving 
 a fcope to his invention, imagined fbme 
 new elegance or ornament that might at- 
 tract immediate admiration, inftead of con- 
 tributing to the {lability of the whole. 
 
 Their
 
 t 303 ) 
 
 Their conceptions were grand and iub- 
 lime; but, in the contemplation of the 
 grandeur of their work, they overlooked 
 the impoffibility of giving it its proper 
 motion. They created a fun,~they formed 
 a planetary fyftem, gave to each planet 
 its correfponding fatellites, prefcribed the 
 rules by which all the component bodies 
 ihould refpectively be guided ; but they 
 thought not of the gravity, the attraction 
 and repulfion that were necefTary to confine 
 them to their proper orbits. They acted 
 as if they imagined that they were form- 
 ing a fyftem for the government of a fo- 
 ciety of angels, which was from them to 
 be delivered to the regulation of an Al- 
 mighty hand, and, therefore, built on the 
 idea of right and perfection, inftead of ex- 
 perience and the dilpofition of men. They 
 were too proud to borrow from the wit- 
 dom of the world, and made novelty their 
 -darling object ; attaching themfelves more 
 to a pompous declaration of rights, than, 
 to the eftablimment of laws prohibitory of 
 wrong, as if the people of regenerated 
 
 France
 
 France had changed their nature and be- 
 come no longer fallible. They wifhed to 
 eftablilh liberty, but had not fufficiently 
 confidered what it was, or how it was to 
 be fecured. They confulted imagination, 
 where they mould have been determined 
 by reafon, and, confequently, adopted a 
 fhadow, when they fhould have grafped a 
 fubftance. With refpeft to the power to 
 be allotted to the King, they reflected on 
 the pail:, inftead of conlidering the future. 
 They were determined to fecure the people 
 from becoming the (laves to monarchy, 
 but took no pains to fecure them from the 
 tyranny of democracy, as if liberty could 
 be invaded only by a fingle perfon. They 
 thought only of the reflriclions they might 
 place on royalty, inftead of giving to the 
 King the power that was neceflary to fe- 
 cure the freedom of the people, whofe 
 immediate pleafure they confulted more 
 than their true and future interefts. 
 
 When the Conftituent Aflembly had, 
 as they imagined, completed a perfect fyf- 
 
 tem
 
 ( 35 ) 
 
 tern of government, they delivered this 
 complicated machine, this chariot of 
 Apollo, which was to enlighten the whole 
 globe, into the hands of inexperienced, 
 ambitious and uncertain men. How well 
 it has been guided, the conduct of the Le- 
 giflative Aflembly has fufficiently exem- 
 plified. Like Phaeton, they have found 
 themfelves obliged to throw the reins on 
 the necks of thofe they mould have govern- 
 ed, and fuffered them to run wildly and 
 diftradtedly away with the constitution, 
 which, had it been confided to able and 
 enlightened men, might have been gradu- 
 ally corrected and improved, until the fpe- 
 culations of theory had given way to the 
 poflibility of practice, and the effufions of 
 fancy to falutary and efficient laws. 
 
 We may judge of the contempt in which 
 the Legiflative Body were, at this time, 
 held, even by their own party, from the fol- 
 lowing animadverfions on their conduct 
 refpecting the tribunes, by one of the moil 
 patriotic editors : 
 
 x Why
 
 "Why did not the AfTembly," faid he, 
 " think fooner of this wife and natural 
 " expedient r Why did they wait till they 
 " found themfelves forced to adopt it ? 
 " Will they never do any thing that is 
 " good, any thing that is praife-wofthy, 
 " but by the commands of the people ? 
 " It is certain that, if the tribunes were 
 '* to be deferted to-day, or if the perfons 
 *' in them were to be condemned to re- 
 " mainpaffive and neuter, to-morrow the 
 " Legiflative Body would feel the lofs of 
 " them, they would be entirely degraded, 
 " andlofe the little energy they have left. 
 " The people, by their prefence, ferve as 
 " regulators to their reprefentatives : they 
 " firft feel the proper emotion, to tranf- 
 " mit it afterwards to the AfTembly, and 
 
 " recal them to order." 
 
 Lu 
 
 When fuch obfervations are made. on 
 them, by one of their own party, I think 
 it will not be imagined that I have been 
 guilty of exaggeration in the accounts I 
 
 have
 
 ( 37 ) 
 
 have given of the weaknefles and depend-*- 
 fence of the National Legiflative Aflembly, 
 
 On Wednefday the 8th of Auguft, the 
 minifter of Juftice announced to the AA 
 fembly, that the decree, which ordered that 
 all the citizens, capable of bearing arms, 
 fhould be armed with pikes, was fandHoned 
 by the Kinga. 
 
 -31 
 
 Several deputations of grenadiers appear- 
 ed at the bar, to proteft againft the refolu- 
 tions, taken by their brother foldiers, to 
 lay afide their caps and epaulettes. 
 
 ' 
 The order of the day called up the dif- 
 
 cuflion concerning M. La Fayette. 
 
 . 
 As this difcuffion was not intended to 
 
 try M. La Fayette for his imputed crimes, 
 but only to determine, in confequence of 
 the numerous petitions the Aflembly had 
 received againft him, whether or not he 
 fhould be put in a {late of accufation, and 
 as the decifion of this queflionhad an im- 
 x 2 mediate
 
 mediate and important effect on the Jaco- 
 bins and the mob, a brief account of what 
 was alledged agamft him, and what was 
 adduced in his defence, may not be unac- 
 ceptable or uninterefring. 
 
 The reader is already acquainted with 
 the letter which M. La Fayette had fent 
 to the National Affembly in the month of 
 June. 
 
 He has alfo been informed of M. T * 
 Fayette's vifit to the National AfTembly, 
 and the fubjecT: of his difcourfe at the bar. 
 
 Thefe two circumftances formed the 
 original ground of complaint againft him : 
 but the National AfTembly, in fpite of the 
 declamations of the Jacobins, and the fre- 
 quent denunciations of the mob againft 
 La Fayette,. not thinking that thefe cir- 
 cumftances alone could authorize them to 
 put him in a Hate of accufation, had fre- 
 quently patted to the order of the day 
 when the fubjecT: had been propofed. Se- 
 veral
 
 veral of the members, denominated Ari- 
 flocrats, had obferved, that as no law ex- 
 ifted, at the time of his being in Paris, 
 that made La Fayette' s appearance at the 
 bar culpable in any refpecl:, it would be 
 extremely unjuft to judge him by one that 
 had been made fubfequent to that event. 
 Some members had propofed that the mi- 
 nifter of War mould be interrogated, whe- 
 ther or not he had given La Fayette leave 
 to quit his army. This propofal, how- 
 ever, being put to the appcl nominal (that 
 the mob might know who voted on their 
 fide of the queftion), was negatived. The 
 Jacobins, therefore, being thwarted in 
 their firft endeavours- to revenge them- 
 felves on La Fayette, and defpairing of 
 being able to bring him to a ftate of accu- 
 fation for that part of his conduct which, 
 having been publicly obferved, admitted 
 of no mifreprefentation of fa6ls, had re- 
 courfe to other meafures ; accordingly, 
 another circumftance, more treafonable. 
 than either of the firrr, (but whether real 
 er invented, I leave it to the reader here- 
 x 3 after
 
 after to determine), was heard of in thp 
 month of July. 
 
 Luckner had been at Paris, and, after 
 his departure, it was afTerted by fome Ja- 
 cobin members, that he had declared be- 
 fore them, that M. La Fayette had made 
 propofals to him to march with his army 
 againft Paris. 
 
 This aflertion was affiduoufly fpread all 
 over Paris, and the ufual meafures were 
 taken to procure the deftruftion of La 
 Fayette. Petitions, without number, were 
 fent to the AfTembly, demanding that he 
 ihould be publicly accufed : feveral mem* 
 bers had already fpoken on the fubjecl:, 
 and a day was at laft appointed for taking 
 into confideration the denunciations that 
 had been made againft him. M, Lafource 
 had put down his name for the firft word, 
 and, accordingly, on the 2ift of July, he 
 afcended the tribune, and made the fol- 
 Jo\ying Ipeech : the reader will determine 
 
 the
 
 ( 3" ) 
 
 the weight of the arguments it contains ;. 
 I tranflate it literally : 
 
 " I come to overthrow an idol to whom 
 " incenfe has been paid too long : I my- 
 44 felf partook of the error of his adorers : 
 44 I come,difabufed,to expiate that dread- 
 " ful error. 
 
 44 How mould I not be difabufed ? I 
 " have feenhim, I have heard him, the 
 * 4 audacious man, attacking the majefty 
 46 of the reprefentatives of the fbvereign,* 
 44 devoting them to execration, or to con- 
 44 tempt, reprefenting them as theflaves 
 44 of a faction, as villains, or as cowards. 
 44 He demands the blood of fome, theobli- 
 44 vion of others, 
 
 44 He has faid to us, ' let the royal 
 
 " power be inviolate.' Oh perfidy ! It is 
 
 < 4 precifely what Leopold has faid to us. 
 
 44 Is it a reproach that La Fayette addref- 
 
 x 4 44 fes 
 
 *? A term long fince applied to, and meaning the people.
 
 ( 3'* ) 
 
 " fes to us ? Is it a fufpicion that he ina- 
 " nifefts ? One cafe or the other is' a great 
 " crime. 
 
 " He came afterwards to di&ate laws 
 <fc to us, and brave our power : he came 
 " to bring us the wifh of all his army. 
 " Ah ! if the vengeance of the law ought 
 " to fall on the head of a guilty man, was 
 ** there ever a more horrible villain ? 
 *' He told us that he came to prefent 
 " himfelf alone ! Prefent thyfelf alone ! 
 " Infolent confpirator ! Could'ft thou, 
 " then, audacious Cataline, have come 
 " preceded by cannon, and furrounded by 
 " bayonets, to cut the throats of the re- 
 " prefentatives of the people ? 
 
 " The impoftorhad diftributed amongft 
 64 his army a hundred thoufand livres 
 " worth of rum : it is by thefe infamous 
 "- means that the traitor feduces his army. 
 *' But thefe crimes are nothing ; here is 
 tc one a thoufand times more dreadful : 
 ^ He wifhed to lead his troops againft the 
 
 ** capita].
 
 ( 313 ) 
 
 ** capital. Bureaux de Puzymade thepro- 
 " poiition to Luckner. 
 
 " I invoke to this the tefHmony of M. ' 
 " M. BrifTot, Guadet, Genfonnet, Lamar- 
 " que, and Herault de Sechelles. I de- 
 " mand that M. Luckner mould be called 
 " to fpeak the truth; and if I have de- 
 <e ceived the AfTembly, I confent to be as 
 " vile, as hated, as defpifed, as execrated 
 " as that abominable traitor La Fayette. 
 
 " That La Fayette dares to think that 
 " his love of liberty cannot be diiputed. 
 " I difpute it with him, with him, that 
 " atrocious man : I difpute it with him, 
 " with him, that man frill quite diigufl- 
 *' ingly loathfome Vith the blood of his 
 " fellow citizens*, that man, the moft 
 ** horrible of our enemies." 
 
 This 
 
 * Alluding to La Fayette's havi i& formerly ordered the 
 National Guards to fire on the rabble in the Champ de 
 Mars, whereby he prevented the commiflion of fuch horrid
 
 ( 34 ) 
 
 This difcourfe was received with the 
 loudeft approbation and applaufe, by the 
 patriots and the rabble in the tribunes. 
 
 It is unnecefTary to obferve on what 
 was advanced in La Fayette's defence, or 
 to follow M. Dumolard through the very 
 able fpeech he delivered in his favour. 
 The debate was long. At laft, fome mem- 
 bers demanded that the difcuffion mould 
 be clofed. M. M. Fauchet, Basire and 
 Chabot oppofed that ftep. The difpute 
 concerning the cloiing qf the diicuilion be- 
 came tumultuous, and the tribunes per- 
 formed their part in it by loading the AA 
 lembly with hiiles, bravoes, murmurs, or 
 applaufes, as they thought they feemed 
 inclined to take the right or the wrong 
 fide. 
 
 The uproar increased : the prefident 
 complained that one of the tribunes hiflecj 
 
 even 
 
 crimes as have lately been induced by the contrary conduct 
 of M. Petion, who fuflfered the mob to raile themfelves 
 above ail law or reftraint whatever, rather than do h 
 duty, and fubjecl himielf to their difpleafure.
 
 ( 3'J ) 
 
 even clofe behind him. He gave orders to 
 the guards to arreft the fpe&ator who had 
 fo much forgot himfelf. " Come, let's be 
 " gone," cried the people in the tribunes; 
 " let us be gone, we will flay no 
 " longer with them ;" and a violent com-r 
 *' motion took place. -The president put 
 on his hat*, the uproar by degrees aba* 
 ted, and calm was at length reftored. 
 
 M. Briflbt demanded the prorogation of 
 the difcuffion. M. Fauchet demanded the 
 adjournment of it, till M. Luckner (hould 
 have explained himfelf on the fact alledg- 
 ed, and informed the Affembly whether 
 or not M. La Fayette had propofed to him 
 to march the two armies to Paris. 
 
 The following certificate was laid on 
 the table, and remitted to the commiffion 
 of twenty-one : 
 
 " Some 
 
 "* A folenjn fign that the Aflembly is in mourning.
 
 " Some members of the National Af- 
 *' fembly having had an opportunity of 
 *' feeing M. the Marcchal Luckner, on 
 " the evening of the i7th of July, at the 
 ** houfe of the Bimop of Paris, and hav- 
 " ing aikedhim if it was true, that it had 
 *' been propofed to him, on the part of 
 " M. La Fayette, to march to Paris with 
 " ,his army, after the event of the zoth 
 " of June, M. the Marechal Luckner 
 ** anfvvered in thefe terms: I do not 
 " deny It ; // was M. Bureaux de Pu%y, 
 " he who has beefi^ I think, three times pre- 
 " Jident of the National Affembly. I re- 
 " plied to him, / jhall never lead the army 
 " I command but agalnjl our external ene- 
 <c rn'ies. La Fayette is at liberty to do what 
 *' he pleafes ; but if he marches to Paris, 
 ", I will march after him, and I will drub 
 ' him, M. Bureaux de Puzy then f aid to 
 " me, But the life of the King is in danger ! 
 " tfhere is what he faid to me ; and they 
 " made me other propofals Jlill more hor- 
 ribleS* 
 
 " Such
 
 ( 3'7 ) 
 
 " Such were the exact expreflions of 
 ee the MarechalLuckner, which we heard, 
 " and which we atteft. (Signed) BRISSOT, 
 " GUADET, GENSONNET, LASOURCE, 
 *' LAMARQUE, DELMAS." 
 
 The Aflembly were proceeding on this 
 fubjecl:, when the prefident announced that 
 a number of citizens, alarmed for the fafe- 
 ty of the Aflembly, demanded admiflion. 
 " We are in no danger," exclaimed a 
 member. The Affemblypafled to the or- 
 der of the day. 
 
 The prefident again announced that "a 
 great concourfe of people were proceeding 
 towards the Tuilleries. It was propofed 
 that the Mayor of Paris mould be imme- 
 diately fent for. The Aflembly were in- 
 formed that he was there. He appeared, 
 and obferved, that he had feen nothing 
 alarming about the Aflembly, that the 
 citizens who had wifhed to enter into the 
 Tuilleries had promifed him to remain 
 quietly at the gates of the garden. 
 
 Many
 
 Many members immediately demanded 
 the adjournment of the fubje6l concerning 
 La Fayette. Long and tumultuous de- 
 bates enfued, in which the fpedlators bore 
 the greater! mare. It was at laft decreed, 
 that the fubjecl: mould be adjourned, until 
 further information refpeting the new de- 
 nunciation mould be received. The fit- 
 ting was broke up ; and the AfTembly, hav- 
 ing come to no final determination rela- 
 tive to La Fayette, their fovereign, who 
 were waiting to pronounce judgment on 
 their decifion, difperfed, and retired to their 
 own homes. 
 
 A letter was immediately difpatched to 
 M. Luckner, defiring to know if M. La 
 Fayette had ever made a propofal to him 
 to march with his army to Paris. 
 
 Another was fent to La Fayette, to afk 
 of him, whether or not he had ever made 
 fuch a propofal to M. Luckner.
 
 ( 3-9 ) 
 
 M. Bureaux de Puzy was fummonfed tu 
 appear perfonally at the bar of the AfTeni- 
 bly, to give them all the information he 
 could concerning the charges that had been 
 adduced againft M. La Fayette. 
 
 The'firft contradiction that was given 
 to the calumniators of M. La Fayette was 
 by M. Bureaux de Puzy, who having obey- 
 ed the fummons of the AfTembly, and be- 
 ing admitted to the bar, on the 2pth of 
 July, expreffed his regret that the AfTem- 
 bly mould have appeared to give any weight 
 to the moft improbable calumnies, which 
 occafioned difputes among the Legiflative 
 Body, and attacked men of an approved 
 patriotifm. 
 
 " If I had had the intention," faid he, 
 " of feconding my general in the enter- 
 " prife that is attributed to us, I mould 
 44 have thought the undertaking juft ; no 
 ' power on earth mall prevent me from 
 *' fpeaking the truth here. 
 
 " lam
 
 " I am proceeding to tell you, gentle- 
 " men, the truth. It will appear perfe6l- 
 " ly demonstrated to you, that the project 
 ** that is attributed to us is impoflible, and 
 " inconceivable to every one but my ca- 
 " lumniators. 
 
 " I mall produce before your eyes the 
 " copies of thofe letters which compofed 
 " the correfpondence, of which I was the 
 " intermediary, between the two generals. 
 " My general has permitted me to copy 
 44 them. He has, allb, permitted me to 
 " reveal the plans of operations that have 
 " been executed." 
 
 M. de Puzy then retraced the plan by 
 which the enemy's country was attacked 
 by the army of Marechal Luckner, while 
 that of M. La Fayette was Rationed before 
 Mons, to at as auxiliary. 
 
 " M. La Fayette," continued he, " was 
 " obliged to a6t that part, other-wife he 
 " would have endangered his army and 
 
 " all
 
 ( 321 ) 
 
 u all France. I (hall now prefent you 
 " with a true picture of all that has patted 
 " between Marechal Lucknerand myfelf. 
 
 " So foon as the events of the 2Oth of 
 *' June were known to the army, there 
 " was but one united voice of difapproba- 
 ' tion. Men, who were not to be fuf- 
 " peftedwith regard to their patriotifm or 
 " courage, came to demand of their gene- 
 " ral whether they were righting for li- 
 " berty or anarchy. Urged by the necef- 
 " fity of diffipating all diftruft and want 
 " of confidence, M. La Fayette refolved 
 * ' to come to Paris. 
 
 "Before he executed that refolution, M. 
 " La Fayette fent me to M. Luckner, and 
 64 charged me with a letter, in which, af- 
 " ter having fubmitted to the Marechal 
 " feveral plans of attack and defence, he 
 " acquainted him with his intentions of 
 " undertaking a journey to Paris, and 
 " aflced him if he could fee any inconve- 
 ** nience that might attend it. 
 
 Y " The
 
 ( 3" ) 
 
 44 The Marechal appeared very much 
 44 concerned about the events of the 2oth 
 44 of June ; he combatted M. La Fay- 
 44 ette's intentions of going to Paris, on- 
 " ly by obferving on the perfonal dan- 
 " gers he might run, and wrote to him, 
 44 to defire him to reflect himfelf whe- 
 <4 ther his abfence might not be dangerous 
 44 to him. 
 
 * 4 About that time, when the two ar- 
 44 mies were making a grand movement, 
 " M. La Fayette conceived the project 
 44 of taking advantage of the moment in 
 *S which the two armies would be uni- 
 44 ted: he faw the poffibility of attacking, 
 44 at that time, the enemy at Mons. M. 
 " Luckner did not like the fcheme, and 
 " M. La Fayette abandoned the idea of 
 " it. 
 
 " There is all that has pafTed between 
 44 Marechal Luckner and me. Judge, 
 " therefore, of my aflonifhment, when I 
 " heard it faid, that M. J^uckner had de- 
 
 " nounced
 
 ( 3*3 ) 
 
 u nounced me as a confpirator. My afto- 
 " nifhment increafed when I found that 
 " the accufation had acquired fome weight. 
 " It was at its height, when I underftood 
 < the names and characters of thofe who 
 " had collected the inculpation. 
 
 " If the crime, of which I am accufed, 
 " was probable, M. Luckner would have 
 " been my accomplice, for not having de- 
 " nounced, for not having put me in a 
 4 * ftate of arreft, and for not having come 
 " to an explanation with M. La Fayette. 
 " But I fhall relate a fad which will 
 " throw fome light on the difpofitions of 
 u M. Luckner. 
 
 " Two days after the accufation, of 
 66 which, it is faid, he was the author, M, 
 " Luckner wrote to M. La Fayette, and 
 " ended his letter with thefe words : ' I 
 " am informed we are to be denounced, 
 " I am in expectation of receiving further 
 " information on this head ; but, moft cer- 
 *' tainly, I will live in peace, or I will re- 
 y 2 *' tire.'*
 
 ( 3*4 ) 
 
 " tire.' M. Luckner, in a fecond letter, 
 " of which the date is a little pofterior, 
 " declares the fame fentiments, and ex- 
 " prefles the greateft indignation againft 
 " the obfervations it was fuppofed he had 
 " made concerning M. La Fayette. 
 
 " Now, gentlemen, judge me. I am 
 " not furprifed at the audacity of mv 
 " calumniators: every animal draws its 
 " nourifhment from aliments that are fui- 
 " table to it ; it is, therefore, that many 
 " reptiles live by poifon. I hope, how- 
 " ever, that my j unification will occafiou 
 M fome remorfe in the fouls of my ac- 
 
 " cufers. 
 
 
 
 " But, whatever may be their audacity, 
 " I declare to them, that, being innocent, 
 " I fhall never blufh. They will never 
 *' make that man blufh, who there, in 
 " that place (pointing to the chair of the 
 *' prefident), has had the happinefs of 
 ** fwearing the firft of every Frenchman, 
 i to defend the liberty of his country.'* 
 
 M.
 
 ). 
 
 M. Bureaux de Puzy left the following 
 letter on the table of the AfTembly: 
 
 Letter of M. LA FAYETTE to MARECHAL 
 LUCKNER, at the Camp of TAIN IEEE, 
 the lid of June, 1792. 
 
 I have fo many things to tell you, my 
 dear Marechal, on our political and " mili- 
 tary fituation, that I take the opportunity 
 offending to you Bureaux de Puzy, who, 
 I know, enjoys your friendfhip and confi- 
 dence, and for whom I have profefled the 
 fame fentiments. Ever fince I have breath- 
 ed, I have lived only for the caufe of li-,. 
 berty : I will defend it, 'till my laft iigh, 
 agamft every fpecies of tyranny ; and I 
 cannot fubmit, in.filence, to that which 
 the factions exercife over the National 
 AfTembly and the King, by obliging the 
 one to violate the conftitution. which we 
 have all fworn to defend, and by putting 
 the other in danger of his political and 
 phyfical deftruclion. 
 
 v 3 Such
 
 ( 3*6 ) 
 
 Such are my fentiments, they are thofe 
 of nineteen-twentieths of the kingdom ; 
 but they are afraid, and, for my part, I 
 am not acquainted with that misfortune. 
 I fhall fpeak the truth. With regard to 
 the reft, my dear Marechal, I fhall con- 
 duit myfelf according to what will appear 
 to you mofl ufeful to your projects ; and I 
 am very fure that, with refpecl: to our po- 
 litical fituation, we fhall be equally uni- 
 ted, fmce we both wifh loyally to ferve 
 our caufe, and keep our oaths. 
 
 (Signed) LA FAYETTE. 
 
 On the 3Oth of July, the minifter of the 
 Interior fent the following letter from M. 
 La Fayette to the National Aflembly: 
 
 " If I had been afked concerning my 
 principles, I mould have anfwered by my 
 conduct, I mould have attefted my co- 
 operation in the declaration of the rights 
 
 of man. But that is not the prefent 
 
 bufi-
 
 ( 3*7 ) 
 
 bufmefs. I am defired to anfwer refpeding 
 a fad. 
 
 " I am afked if I ever thought, if I 
 ever attempted to march to befiege Paris, 
 to quit the frontiers, to lead my army 
 againft the capital. I reply in four words : 
 * That is not. true.' 
 
 (Signed) . LA FAYETTE, 
 
 At the Camp de Longwy^ 
 26f/j July, 1792. 
 
 The following was the anfwer the pre- 
 fident received to his letter, from Mare- 
 chal Luckner : 
 
 M m* 
 
 GENTLEMEN, 
 
 I feel very .poignantly how diflreflmg 
 it is to me, not to be able to fpeak the 
 language of the country I ferve, and to 
 the liberty of which I have devoted the 
 remainder of my life. This difficulty in 
 making myfelf underftood, has, without 
 Y 4 doubt,
 
 ( 328 ) 
 
 doubt, been the caufe of the difference 
 there is between the converfation I held 
 at the houfe of the Bifhop of Paris, and 
 that which I find in the proces-verbal of 
 the National Aflembly, and the decree 
 which has been fent to me! 
 
 Never was any propofal of marching to 
 Paris made to me ; and I afliire you, gen- 
 tlemen, that if fuch a propofal had been 
 addrefled to me, by any agent whatever of 
 the public force, I mould not have con- 
 tented myfelf with rejecting it with hor- 
 ror, but I mould have thought it my duty 
 to reveal, immediately, to the conftituted 
 authorities, fo criminal a project, 
 
 It is very afflicting to me, while facrifi- 
 cing entirely my tranquillity and repofe, 
 to fee fo dreadful an interpretation of a 
 converfation badly underftood. I mutt con- 
 fefs that, being frequently called upon to 
 anfwer reflecting objects to which I am 
 equally a ftranger, and to which I am fo 
 little accuftomed, my ftrength and fpirits 
 
 will
 
 ( 3*9 ) 
 
 will not long fupport it, and I (hall find 
 myfelf under the neceflity of quitting a 
 poll which they will not fuiter me to pre-v 
 lerve. 
 
 Permit, gentlemen, an aged foreigner, 
 but whofe heart is French, a foldier who 
 has allied himfelf to your dangers, and 
 who places all his happinefs in the per- 
 manence of the public liberty, in the 
 maintenance of the conftitution, and in. 
 your glory, permit him to repeat to you 
 incefTantly, that the dangers which threat- 
 en the country from without, are real : 
 but that if all France, that experiences the 
 influence of the reprefentatives of the peo- 
 ple, adjourning every internal difpute, will 
 give itfelf up with union to the fafety of 
 the ftate, the war which we have to fuf- 
 tain, far from conducting us to the humi- 
 liating fituation of receiving laws and 
 irons from our enemies, may turn to the 
 advantage of the univerfal liberty of all 
 the people of Europe. Such an important 
 alternative demands fome facrifices from 
 
 all
 
 ( 330 ) 
 
 all good Frenchmen ; and it depends only 
 on the National AfTembly to invite them 
 to make them with fuccefs. Union will 
 create the ftrength of the people, -it will 
 increafe that of the armies : union alone, 
 by infpiring an equal contempt for in- 
 trigues and factions, will oppofe a ftrong 
 dike to the torrent of the combined pow- 
 ers, and will procure the eternal homage 
 of pofterity to thofe who fliall have the 
 courage of promoting, and giving the ex- 
 ample of it. 
 
 (Signed) LUCKNER. 
 
 I now leave the reader to judge what 
 credit mould be given to the atteftations of 
 the fix Jacobin members, who afTerted, 
 that M. Luckner had declared that La 
 Fayette had propofed to him to m^rch 
 with his army to Paris. It is evident, 
 that even the AfTembly themfelves relied 
 very little on their veracity, iince they 
 preferred the teftimony of three perfbns 
 to that of fix, feven, indeed, for M. 
 
 Herault
 
 Herault de Sechelles had made a fimilar 
 atteftation. Their allegations will be ad- 
 ditionally weakened, when it is confidered, 
 that they fufFered M. Luckner to depart 
 from Paris before they made them, and 
 that they exerted every endeavour to pro- 
 cure an immediate decree of accufation 
 againft La Fayette, that he might thereby 
 be fummoned to appear at the bar of the 
 AfTembly, inftead of being permitted to re- 
 main with his army, and fend his anfwer 
 to the charges in a letter. Had JLa Fayette 
 been fummoned to Paris, and obeyed the 
 fummons, which, from his courage and 
 confcioufnefs of rectitude, they naturally 
 concluded that he would have done, it is 
 more than probable that he never would 
 have had an opportunity of denying their 
 charges, and proving their falfehood, as it 
 is almoft certain that he would immediately 
 have been maffacred. Had he been fum- 
 moned, and not obeyed the fummons, from 
 a knowledge of the villany of his enemies, 
 they would have advanced his refufal as a 
 
 proof
 
 ( 33* ) 
 
 proof of his guilt, and thereby, alfo, have 
 eicaped detection. 
 
 It is unnecefTary to dwell longer on the 
 i object ; I mall only fubjoin a letter from 
 General Montefquiou to the friends of the 
 conftitution at Marfeilles, which will not 
 only ferve as a further juftification of La 
 Fayette's principles, but will fhew the 
 union of opinion that exifted among the 
 generals of the army refpecting the factions 
 at Paris, and confirm what I have already 
 advanced with regard to the National Af- 
 fembly, the Jacobins, and the Tribunes. 
 
 JLetter of GENERAL MONTESQUIOU to the 
 FRIENDS of the CONSTITUTION of 
 MARSEILLES, (dated) \2thjufy. 
 
 I have not imitated M. La Fayette ; my 
 army has made no petition ; we have all 
 remained in that filence which the law im- 
 pofes on the armed force : my opinion, 
 therefore, ought not to be fufpected by 
 you, for I have no perfonal action to juftify. 
 
 But
 
 ( 333 ) 
 
 But without being, in any degree, ill 
 the confidence of M. La Fayette, I can 
 affure you, with certainty, that he is an 
 excellent citizen, that he is incapable of 
 wifhing to compound for the conftitution, 
 that he is defirous of maintaining it in 
 its entire {late, and that no perfidy is to 
 be feared from him. All the calumnies, 
 therefore, that^are fpread abroad concern- 
 in ghim, are abfurd : he deferves none of 
 them. 
 
 I will tell you, with the fame truth, that 
 the Jacobins deftroy the kingdom, becaufe 
 they are influenced by fome perverie men 
 who govern them, and are the promoters 
 of that divifion which has taken away 
 from the kihsrdom the three-fourths of its 
 
 O 
 
 ftrength, at the moment when it had fo 
 much need of it. If that fmall number 
 of bad citizens were excluded from the 
 Jacobins, if the mafs of good citizens 
 could appear in their purity, the kingdom 
 would be faved. 
 
 I regard
 
 ( 334 ) 
 
 I regard, as well as you, the patriotic 
 focieties as the rampart of liberty ; but it 
 is neceflary to guard againir. an inconveni- 
 ence, which depends not on their exiftence, 
 but on the abufe that fome people make of 
 them. We wim to be free; but a free 
 people mould be governed all as one,- and 
 there is no longer any government, when 
 all the world interfere in it. Now, the 
 patriotic focieties are all the world. The 
 authorities conftituted by the law are as 
 necefTary as the law ; for the law, without 
 minifters, is an ideal being. If every one 
 judge, at his will, the ministers of the law, 
 if he can, at every inftant, denounce 
 them at random, at one tribune or ano- 
 ther, and, by a fingle denunciation, take 
 from them all the authority the law allows 
 them, there are no longer any means left 
 by which the government can proceed. 
 Such is what happens in a multitude of 
 little towns, where there is not that know- 
 ledge which diftinguimes you, and where 
 intriguing men (perhaps all falfe patriots) 
 go with impunity into their refpective 
 
 clubs,
 
 ( 335 ) 
 
 chibs, to fap with fafety the bads of a con- 
 ftitution which we have all fworn to de- 
 fend, and which, in fad:, has no where 
 yet been tried, for no where are the au- 
 thorities it has created, refpe&ed or free 
 in the exercife of their functions. Even 
 the Legiflative Power are not free in 
 theirs : the Jacobins of Paris, and the tri- 
 bunes, pafs the greater number of their 
 decrees/ 
 
 If this laft, if the public danger do not 
 rally every free man, we are loft. The 
 powerful enemies whom, with fo much 
 imprudence, we drew on us, while they 
 were only murmuring againft our Revo- 
 lution, have only to combat men divided 
 among themfelves. They will have to 
 contend with Jacobins, with Feuillans, 
 with madmen, with moderators, &c. &c. 
 for thefe fignals of enmity are very multi- 
 plied ; but they will not have to contend 
 with Frenchmen, and it will be by our 
 own fault if we fhould lofe the fruits of 
 fo much labour T . 
 
 This
 
 ( 336 ) 
 
 This is what M. La Fayette ought to 
 have feen. I prefume that it is what he 
 has feen. M. La Fayette could only with 
 to rally every party to the ftandard of the 
 conftitution, for his own caufe is enchain- 
 ed to that. M. La Fayette is ambitious 
 only of glory ; he neither wimes to be 
 protector nor dictator ; he wiihes to fave 
 France, and to have the honour of laving 
 it. He thought, no doubt, that there 
 were no other means than thofe he has 
 taken, for he deviated from his principles 
 in taking them. There, Gentlemen, is 
 what I think of him, and the events that 
 have occurred. 
 
 But it is ufelefs to difcover the evil, =if 
 we feek not for the remedy. That can 
 only proceed from the efficacious mea- 
 fures of thofe who are fure of making them- 
 felves heard. The fociety of the friend:* 
 to the conftitution of Marfeilles, might 
 cover itfelf with glory by giving the fig- 
 nal of a general union. It is neceffary 
 that the fociety mould confine its fittings 
 
 to
 
 ( 337 ) 
 
 to the propagation of the principles of* 11* 
 berty, that it mould have the courage of 
 interdicting to itfelf all right of cenfure 
 over the conftituted authorities,~that it 
 fhould clofev its fittings whenever a motion 
 be made to attack them, that it mould 
 abolifh the names of fects and divifions in 
 the popular party, and that it mould pro- 
 claim thefe principles throughout the 
 kingdom. 
 
 It is then that we might hope to form 
 an union compofed of* all the public autho- 
 rities, fupported by the whole force of all 
 good citizens. I think that fr,ep would be 
 efficacious, for it is all that is feared by 
 the Ariftocrats, our only, our true ene- 
 mies ; and of whom, I believe, from mof e 
 than one reafon, that the men who make 
 fo much noife at the Jacobins in Paris, are 
 the faithful and fworn allies. 
 
 What a dreadful waking would be ours, 
 
 if we fhould find ourfelves the victims of a 
 
 falfe zeal that had led us aftray ; and if, 
 
 2 falling
 
 falling under defpotifm, we mould fee our 
 perfidious enemies triumphant ! With re- 
 fpeft to myfelf, that fhall never happen to 
 me ; and if I muft ceafe to be a free man, 
 it is with you that I will perim, and it is 
 under your ruins that I will be buried. 
 
 (Signed) 'fhe General of the army 
 
 of the South, 
 
 A, P. MONTESQUIOU. 
 
 On the 8th of Auguft, after a long and 
 tumultuous debate, during which La Fay- 
 ctte had been loaded with every opprobrious 
 epithet that the malice of the Jacobins 
 could invent, during which he had been 
 repeatedly called, the vilefl, the mod: 
 horrible of men, the violator of thecon- 
 flitution, the ufurper of the fovereignty, 
 the didlator of 1792, theaflaffin of the 
 Champ de Mars, it was, notwithftand- 
 ing thefe imputed crimes, decreed, by an 
 appel nominal of 406 voices againft 224, 
 that there was no ground of accufation 
 
 againil him. 
 
 The-
 
 ( 339 > 
 
 The rabble, who had fo long waited 
 with impatience for the decifion of the 
 AfTembly concerning La Fayette, whea 
 they heard of the determination in his fa- 
 vour, were enraged to the higheft pitch of 
 fury. They crowded around the Affem- 
 biy, and as the members who had voted 
 againft the accufation of La Fayette came 
 out, they infulted them in the groffefh 
 manner, hooting, hiffing, abufing them, 
 and throwing dirt and all kinds of rubbim 
 in their faces. Several members, during 
 the next fitting, complained of the indig- , 
 nity they had experienced, but there could; 
 be no redrefs ; their complaints were treat- 
 ed with the greatefl contempt by the Ja- 
 cobins ; the mob were fovereign, and the 
 only true judges of right and wrong. 
 
 On the next day, the 9th, the difcuffion 
 of the great queftion, concerning the def- 
 titution of the King, was expecled to take 
 place : but the mob, on the 8th, after 
 hearing of the acquittal of La Fayette, be- 
 gan to fufpecl: that the Aflembly would 
 z a not
 
 ( 340 ) 
 
 not have courage enough to accorrfplifli 
 their wifhes ; and the numberlefs and new 
 reports that were affiduoufly fpread of the 
 King's intended treachery, rendered them 
 fo impatient, that they came to a refolu- 
 tion, if the Affembly mould appear to muf- 
 fle and delay the bufmefs, to take the law 
 into their own hands. 
 
 One of. the moft malicious and impor- 
 tant reports that had been fpread by the- 
 Jacobins, to increafe the fermentation of 
 the people*, was, that a number of foldi- 
 ers had been repeatedly feen to go into the 
 Tuillerie& with mufquets, and come out 
 without them y that a vaft quantity of 
 arms, ammunition, artillery, bombs, torch- 
 es, and every kind of military preparation,- 
 for the murder of the citizens, and the de- 
 ftruclion and burning of Paris, were con- 
 cealed in the palace, that there were 
 thoufands lodged, equipped and armed 
 there, to be ready, on a fignal given, to 
 
 ruih 
 
 * Another WES, that Petion was to be alfaffinatei
 
 rum out, and, in conjunction with other 
 Ariflocrats, to aflaflinate the Patriots. 
 
 The King, having been informed of 
 this report, immediately publifhed a pro- 
 clamation, wherein he invited the mayor 
 and the municipal officers, and any other 
 perfons whatever whom the Aflembly 
 fliould choofe to appoint, to come to his 
 palace, 'and make the ftricteft fearch into 
 -every part of it, that, by a conviction or 
 the falfity of the report, the terrors of the 
 people, and their diftruft of their King, 
 might be removed. 
 
 Accordingly, the mayor, the municipal 
 officers, and the other perfons appointed 
 for that bufmefs, went to the palace, and, 
 as one would naturally fuppofe, made the 
 
 ftricteir, fearch. They found not the 
 
 flighteft indication of all thofe great and 
 warlike preparations that were fuppofed to 
 have been made there ; they found not the 
 frnallefl part of that vaft quantity of arms, 
 z 3 ammu
 
 ( 34* ) 
 
 ammunition, artillery, &c. that was firp- 
 pofed to be concealed in the palace. 
 
 This circumftance will be of the great- 
 eft confequence in eftablifhing the degree 
 of credit that ought to be given to the 
 profligate reports, propagated by the mur- 
 derers of the i oth of Auguft, refpe&ing 
 the treacherous intentions of the, King : it 
 may not, therefore, be unnecefTary to 
 dwell a little on this fuhjecl: ; and as many 
 things are alledged by the Patriots to pal- 
 liate the exceffes of the mob, the truth of 
 which, perhaps, will never, with certain-* 
 ty, be afcertained, it is but fair to endea- 
 vour to counteract any mifreprefentation 
 of facts, by iuch arguments as will, at leaft, 
 prove the improbability, if not the impof- 
 fibility, of many circumstances they attri- 
 bute to the King's party. 
 
 A report, as has been obferved, had'gone 
 abroad, that warlike preparations were mak- 
 ing in the King's palace. The King in- 
 vited the municipal officers to make the 
 
 ftrideft
 
 ( 343 ) 
 
 ftricteft fearch. They went to the palace, 
 If they did make the ftricteft fearch, as they 
 undoubtedly ought to have done, they found 
 nothing that could, in the leaft degree, 
 authorize or juftify the report of the King's 
 intended treachery. The King, there- 
 fore, muft, in this cafe, evidently ftand ac- 
 quitted of the murderous intentions afcrib- 
 ed to him : for arms and artillery could 
 not have been ufed in the palace, unlefs 
 fuch,arms and artillery had actually been 
 there ; nor could they have been fupplied 
 with ammunition from the palace, unlefs 
 fuch ammunition had actually been in the 
 palace ; and if arms, artillery and ammu- 
 nition had been in the palace, and the mu- 
 nicipal officers hadmn&t the ftricteft fearch, 
 they muft have found them. Again, it 
 may reafonably be fuppofed that M. Petion, 
 from the enmity he bore to the King, and 
 from the anxiety he muft have felt to 
 have difcovered the leaft proof of his trea- 
 chery, would have made the ftricteft fearch, 
 and would not have left the fmalleft part 
 of the palace unexamined. 
 
 Z 4 If
 
 ( 344 ) 
 
 If M. Petion and the municipal officers 
 did not make the ftri&eft fearch, M. Pe- 
 tion did not do his duty, and it would have 
 been his fault and his treachery to the na- 
 tion, if cannon had been fubfequently ufed: 
 for a fearch that could not difcover cannon 
 and ammunition (had they been in the pa* 
 lace) , muft have been no fearch at all. M, 
 Petion's bufinefs was not to look for papers, 
 but for arms and artillery : artillery could 
 not have been kept in drawers and clofets, 
 which he muft have known, and confe- 
 quently, if he did not fearch thofe places 
 in which they could have been concealed, 
 the neglect muft have been purpofed on 
 his {ide ; for, after having been invited 
 by the King, thoroughly to examine the 
 palace, he had no excufe for not doing fo. 
 He could not fay, in defence of any fuch 
 neglect, that the court had not opened 
 every door, becaufe he ought to have de- 
 manded the opening of every door ; and 
 if that demand had not been complied 
 with, the refufal would have given him 
 good grounds for fulpicion, and he might 
 
 have
 
 ,( 345 ) 
 
 have a&ed accordingly. But ho fuch re- 
 fufal took place ; becaufe, wherever he 
 preferred himfelf, the doors were immedi- 
 ately opened, and every part of the palace 
 was voluntarily fubmitted, by the King's 
 commands, to his infpection. 
 
 It was well known to M. Petion, that 
 there were no cannon whatever lawfully 
 belonging to the palace or to the Swifs 
 guards ; if, therefore, a {ingle piece of 
 cannon, or any ammunition for artillery, 
 had been found in the palace, there would 
 then have been fome prefumption of the 
 King's military dilpofitions, and it is not 
 to be fuppofed that fuch a difcovery would 
 have efcaped publication from M. Petion : 
 but nothing that had the leafl appearance 
 of extraordinary preparations for offence 
 or defence was found. 
 
 Befides, I mould be glad to be informed 
 by the Patriots, who have fo violently ex- 
 claimed againft the treachery of the un- 
 fortunate Swifs, how the cannon were 
 
 pro-
 
 ( 3+6 ) 
 
 procured, which, as they pretend to fuppofe, 
 were fired on the citizens from a mafked 
 battery, on the loth of Augufr., fetting 
 aiide the improbability of their being there 
 after M. Petion's examination of the pa- 
 lace ? They will not, furely, pretend to 
 advance, that the King made them ; but 
 how they, otherwife, could be procured, 
 will be a fubjecl: of equal difficulty to adjufl. 
 
 After M. Petion had fearched the palace, 
 he publifhed the proces- verbal of the inte- 
 rior flate of it ; but malic ioufly refufed to 
 anfwer for any thlng^ with an intention, 
 no doubt, pf insinuating to the people that 
 all the doors of the palace had not been 
 opened to him, and that the reports of the 
 military preparations might ftill be well 
 grounded. It may naturally be imagined, 
 therefore, that the examination of the pa- 
 lace did not much contribute to remove 
 
 . the fuipicions of the populace ; but, in 
 the eyes of every reafonable man, it will 
 
 .ferve as a vindication of the King from 
 the very hea.vy charges that had been al- 
 ready,
 
 ( 3*7 ) 
 
 ready, and were afterwards adduced againfl 
 him. 
 
 On the pth of Auguft, the National 
 Aflembly raifed the indignation of the mob 
 to its height, by mewing an inclination to 
 prolong the difcufTion concerning the def- 
 titution of the King, which the populace 
 thought mould be decided on in an inftant. 
 The fermentation increafed every moment 
 in , a dreadful manner. M. Roederer ap- 
 peared at the bar of the Aflembly, and in- 
 formed .them of his fears, that a violent 
 commotion would foon take place. The 
 mayor declared to them, that he could not 
 aniwer for the tranquillity of the city after 
 midnight. Every body knew that there 
 was an intention of beating the general 
 and ringing the tocfm* at that hour, to 
 roufe the citizens to arms, and to attack 
 the palace. 
 
 The 
 
 * The tocfin is a church bell, which, being rung in a 
 particular manner, conftitutes the alarm, and the iigual 
 for general infurre<5tion.
 
 ( 348 ) 
 
 The reader will naturally be anxious to 
 know what fleps the AfTembly took to pre- 
 vent the intended diforders. 
 
 They agreed to hold no fitting in the 
 evening ! This needs no comment. 
 
 I have already mentioned that the Na- 
 tional Aflembly had, a day or two before 
 this period, infifted that two battalions 
 of the regiment of Swifs guards mould 
 be fent away from Paris ; but the reader 
 is not, therefore, to conclude that the 
 whole of the regiment was actually in 
 Paris : a principal part of it was in 
 garriibn at Courbevoie, about two leagues 
 from the city. The number of Swifs that 
 were in the King's palace on the 9th of 
 Auguft, and the morning of the 'loth, 
 were about fix hundred and fifty ; it is 
 certain that they did not exceed feven hun- 
 dred. 
 
 I rrmft beg leave, before I proceed fur- 
 ther, to call to the recollection of the 
 
 reader, j
 
 ( 349 ) 
 
 reader, the infults that fome ' National 
 Guards of the battalion des Filles St. 
 Thomas had received from the Marfeil- 
 lois on their firfl arrival, the difregard 
 that had been fhewn by the AfTembly to 
 the petition of their being fent away, and 
 alfo, the demands of the Marfeillois that 
 the Etat Major, to whom many of the bat- 
 talions were attached, mould be difmifc 
 fed. Thefe circumftances, added to many 
 others*, which occafionally had taken 
 place, had irritated a great part of the 
 National Guards againft the federates and 
 their proceedings, andalfo againft the Ja- 
 cobin part of the ArTembty. 
 
 It mould further be obferved, in order 
 to give a proper idea of the true flate of 
 Paris, on the pth and loth of Auguft, (and 
 I think it may be mentioned without any 
 
 flrong 
 
 * One of which was, that after the petition had been pre- 
 fented, requefting that the Marfeillois fhould be fent away, 
 and after they had abfolutely refufed to go, the National 
 AfTembiy fhould have decreed, that they fhould be allowed 
 thirty fols a day while they remained in Paris,
 
 ( 350 ) 
 
 flrong inculpation of the perfons concern- 
 ed) that feveral battalions of the National 
 Guards were avowedly attached to the 
 King, and, confequently, averie to his being 
 dethroned. ThisJ I prefume, may have 
 been the cafe, without any bribery or cor- 
 ruption on, the part of the King ; efpeci- 
 ally, when it is confidered, that many of 
 the battalions were compofed of men, who, 
 in their private capacities, had fuffered very 
 materially from the anarchy and confufion 
 that had fo long reigned in Paris, and to 
 which they faw no profpect of an end, but 
 rather of an increafe, from the fuccefs of 
 the intentions of the rabble. 
 
 The minority of the Afiembly, it was 
 well known, were ariflocrats* ; the bulk 
 
 of 
 
 * I life this word for concifenefs ; it is to be taken in 
 the Parifian fenfe : when, therefore, the word " ariftocrat" 
 occurs, it is to be taken as a compound term, fignifyinj 
 men who were averfe to anarchy, and the tyranny of the 
 rabble, who refpefted the laws, the confHtution, and the 
 King, who wiflied to preferve to each of the conftitvted 
 
 autko-
 
 ( 35' ) 
 
 of refpe&able citizens were the famef ; 
 but they were fearful of declaring their 
 
 fenti- 
 
 authorities, its due force, who were the enemies of the 
 Jacobins, and the friends to good order and fubordination. 
 J ftiall in future, perhaps, be under the neceflity of compre- 
 hending in the term " ariftocrat" all gentlemen whatever, 
 every man wearing a ciean fhirt, a decent coat, a watch, or 
 a pair of filver buckles : at prefent, the former definition of 
 the word will fuffice. As the term will be found to vary- 
 very much in its fignincation, and become more and more 
 comprehenfive, I lhall take the liberty of reminding the 
 reader of the ideas it isoccafionally to convey. 
 
 1 1 feldom went into any reputable (hop in Paris, with- 
 out making particular endeavours to difcover the political 
 opinion of the mafter. The tradefmen, in general, upon 
 the flighteft encouragement, difcovered themfelves to be 
 ariftocrats, and feemed eagerly to catch at the opportunity 
 of fighing in fafety over the calamities of their country, 
 a privilege, that in public was denied 10 them. A ihort 
 time after the 2oth of [une, the ariftocratic parry were very 
 ftrong and bold ; pocket-books, muff-boxes, fans, &c. 
 bearing ariftosratic emblems and infcriptions, were public- 
 ly and fafely expofedto fale. Having in a ihop, one day, 
 taken up a fan, on which were the pictures of the royal 
 family, I obferved to. the mafter, that I fuppofed fans fo 
 ornamented were net much uied now ; " O yes!" replied 
 he, " indeed they are ! Un moment " added he, figh- 
 ing, " and it is to be hoped, that the originals will be aa 
 " great as ever L" In another (hop, having obferved on a
 
 '( 35* ) 
 
 fentiments publicly. It is needlefs to ob- 
 ferve, that every one attendant and depen- 
 dant on the court, were attached to the 
 King. There was alfo a large party of 
 ariftocrats, compofed of the ci-devant 
 chevaliers, of different orders, (now called 
 the Chevaliers du Poignard,) of indepen- 
 dent gentlemen, and others: nor were 
 there wanting ariftocrats among the lower 
 order of tradefmen, and the honefland in- 
 duflrious workmen. 
 
 Thefe 
 
 fnuff-box the pifture of the King, and under it his obfer- 
 vation to M. Petion on the 2oth of June, (" The man 
 " that has a pure confcience, knows no fear nor regret I'') 
 I afked the proprietor if he were not an ariftocrat. " Yes r 
 " Sir!" replied he, " indeed I am; and I think moft of 
 '* us have good reafon for being fo I** I could mention a 
 hundred other circumftances of a fimilar nature, were it 
 necefTary. However, when the Marfeillois arrived, they 
 fuffered no fuch ariftocratic emblems to be expofed tofale. 
 I fiiall mention a trifling occurrence, which took place after 
 they had come to Paris : as I was one day entering the Pa- 
 lais Royal, lobferved a party of female fhopkeepers in deep 
 converfation ; fome federates had juft pafled : what had 
 happened I cannot pretend to fay ; but I heard one of the 
 females exclaim, " Well ! if this is liberty, make me a, 
 * flave!"
 
 ( 353 ) 
 
 Thefe obfervations will ferve to account 
 for fome reparations from what was called 
 the common caufe, on the lothof Auguft; 
 and which, for a mort time, threatened to 
 impede the fuccefs of it. 
 
 Itflk:; /;:,-? ,31: 
 
 -ill mall now proceed to the relation of 
 the events that took place on that memo- 
 rable day. 
 fi.i 
 
 As it was well known that the general 
 infurrection was to take place at midnight, 
 every body was in alarm ; each armed 
 himfelf in the beft manner he could ; 
 friends collected together, fome for their 
 own protection, fome to join the common 
 caufe, others in hopes of having an op- 
 portunity of oppoiing it openly. They, 
 who were particularly and courageoufly at- 
 tached to the King, flew to the palace, re- 
 Solving to defend and protect, or die with 
 him ; for it was generally fuppofed that 
 he would not outlive the next day. 
 
 A* The
 
 354 ) 
 
 The leaders of the Jacobins, and the 
 patriots of the fe&ions, were employed, in 
 the mean time, in forming a plan for the 
 fudden difmiflal of all the ariftocrats from 
 every civil and military power, and the 
 difpofal of every authority among the moft 
 determined patriots. 
 
 The King fent emifTaries continually 
 into the different fauxbourgs, to examine 
 into the {late of the capital. The infor- 
 mations they returned with ferved only to 
 increafe his alarm. He fent for the mayor, 
 to confult with him on the beft means of 
 refloring tranquillity. 
 
 The mayor arrived at the palace ; but 
 nothing was to be hoped from his influ- 
 ence over the populace. It was then pro- 
 pofed, that he mould be kept there as an 
 hoftage : this was agreed to. The depart- 
 ment, finding that no fteps had been taken 
 by the Aflembly or the municipality to ie- 
 cure the peace, ordered out a party of 
 grenadiers and chafleurs of the National 
 
 Guards,
 
 ( 355 )' 
 
 Guards, on whom they thought they could 
 befr, rely, to defend the palace. 
 
 The clock {truck twelve : immediately 
 the tocfin and the general were heard in 
 many fe&ions, principally in the faux- 
 bourgs Saint Antoine and Saint Marceau. 
 The bells on the Pont Neuf {truck up 
 Ca ira. The Marfeillois and the Bretons, 
 in an inftant, obeyed the fummons, and 
 were not long alone : the rabble flew to 
 arms, and repaired to the different corps- 
 de-garde : fome went to the place of the 
 commons, where the council-general were 
 aiTembled. Petion was not there ; and his 
 abfence occafioned the greatefl inquietude 
 among his party, which the municipal 
 officers increafed, by telling them where 
 he was. Several groups immediately ran 
 to the National AfTembly, where fome of 
 the members had already arrived. The 
 populace difpatched mefTengers to all the 
 Jacobin party, to require their inftant at- 
 tendance. They came ; and, the number 
 for opening the fitting being complete, the 
 A a 2 tri-
 
 ( 3S6 ) 
 
 tribunes demanded and obtained a decree, 
 infifting that the King mould immediately 
 releafe M. Petion. The order was fent to 
 the palace ; and, notwithstanding the re- 
 bellious proceedings that were, at the mo- 
 ment, going on in Paris, and threatening 
 the deftrudtion. of the King and his family, 
 it was punctually obeyed, and M. Petion 
 Was given up. He appeared at the bar, 
 and was, afterwards, amidft the loudeft ac- 
 clamations, led back to the commons by 
 the populace. 
 
 The mob were now parading the ftreets 
 in different parties, increafmg their num- 
 bers as they gathered in their adherents 
 from all parts. 
 
 In this flate of univerfal infurrection, it 
 is natural to flippofe that none, who were 
 likely to be 'at all concerned in its confe- 
 quences, would remain perfectly quiet. 
 Many, without being actively engaged on 
 either fide, might, from anxiety or curio- 
 fity, have been walking about, to obferve 
 
 what
 
 (-357 ) 
 
 what was going on ; and as few, at fuch 
 a perilous period, would have chofen to 
 walk alone, a party of twenty or thirty 
 perfons might have been affembled, with- 
 out any hofKle intentions. This, how- 
 ever, the mob didnotchoofe to think could 
 be the cafe ; for, having met with 3. 
 party of twenty or thirty men*, whom 
 they confidered to be, and who really were 
 ariftocrats, they immediately furrounded 
 them, made them prifoners, and, having 
 Aaj hur- 
 
 * I cannot pretend to be exact with refpect to the num- 
 /w-ofthefe unfortunate men, as the accounts varied very 
 much jon that point : it may, however, fafely be believ- 
 ed, that their number exceeded twenty, but not thirty. 
 They were, undoubtedly, attached to the royal caufe. They 
 were armed : but whether or not they intended to take an 
 active part, is not therefore certain ; for at this period, few 
 walked the ftreets, even in the day-time, unarmed. But 
 it is probable that they bad fuch intentions, in conjunction 
 with a multitude of others, who were fknilarly inclined, 
 but who, from fome circumftances, were prevented from 
 putting their purpofes into execution. The inftruments 
 by which thefe men fuffered, were, in general, fabres 
 fliarpened on the ftones : but one of them was condemned 
 to writhe under the torture of having his head hacked, off 
 with a gardener's fpade I
 
 ( 358 ) 
 
 hurried them to the place de Vendome, 
 executed nine on the fpot, delivered their 
 heads to boys to be carried about on pikes, 
 and" the reft they confined in a guard-houfe 
 near the National Aflembly, from whence 
 they were taken in the morning and maf- 
 facred. 
 
 Another party, confuting of two or three 
 hundred, attached to the royal caufe, pa- 
 trolled, during the night, in the environs 
 of the Theatre Francois : it was fuppofed 
 that their intentions were to have joined 
 a detachment of the battalion of Henry 
 the Fourth on the Pont Neuf, to attack 
 Petion and the Marfeillois, encamped on 
 the Pont Saint Michael. The afTemblies 
 pf the feftion, therefore, decreed/ that 
 Petion mould remain in the council-hall, 
 with a guard of four hundred citizens, 
 who mould anfwer for his life and fafety, 
 
 M. Petion had, after his return from 
 the palace, made a very heavy complaint 
 M. Mandat, commandant-general 
 
 of
 
 ( 359 ) 
 
 of the National Guard, who, he faid, had 
 treated him with great indignity, as he was 
 coming from the palace to go to the Na- 
 tional AiTembly. This complaint was the 
 fignal for a general change of power, which 
 inftantly took place. " M. Mandat was ar- 
 refted and put in prifon, the fe&ions 
 adminiftered the bufinefs of the commons, 
 provifionally, by commiflaries, the'whole 
 of the Etat Major were immediately dif- 
 mifTed, the moft determined Jacobins 
 were appointed to command,- and San- 
 terre was made commandant-general of all 
 the troops in Paris. The mayor, Manuel, 
 and his colleague, were the only men con- 
 fidered defperate enough to remain in the 
 municipality : all the other officers belong- 
 ing to it were difcarded, and the moft no- 
 torioufly factious were fubftituted in their 
 {lead, 
 
 While thefe meafures were being taken 
 at the commons, the rabble were gather- 
 ing together from the different fauxbourgs, 
 and proceeding to the Place de Caroufel, 
 A a 4 (adjoin-
 
 ( 36 ) 
 
 (adjoining the palace) armed with all forts 
 of weapons. The battalions began to be 
 formed, with their cannon * at their head. 
 Santerre, having obtained the power he 
 had fo long wifhed for, determined to ex- 
 ercife it with efficacy : he accordingly 
 difpatched a meflenger to Eflbnne, near 
 which town was a powder magazine, for 
 ammunition for the National Guards, and 
 the cannon and fufils of the rabble and the 
 federates. As there was a fcarcity of am- 
 munition in Paris, and as the rebels were 
 determined to do their bufinefs effectually, 
 they found themfelves obliged to wait 'till 
 the fupply fhould arrive ; and a party of 
 them amufed themfelves, in the mean 
 time, with the execution I have before 
 defcribed, and with carrying in proceflion 
 
 the 
 
 * When the rabble were proceeding to the attack of the 
 Baftile, in July, 1789, they took pofflffion of the cannon 
 of the Invalids, which, after that memorable event, were 
 consigned to them as the reward of their heroifm. By this, 
 and the plunder of the arfenals, the rabble were furninied 
 with artillery and arms, which they have kept ever fince, 
 and ufed for fo many glorious purpofeg.
 
 the heads of the unfortunate men, to fti- 
 mulate the fury of their fellow rabble, and 
 accuftom them to the fight of blood. 
 
 While thefe things were goino: on, the 
 
 o o o ' 
 
 battalion of Henrjr the Fourth, having got 
 pofTeflion of the Pont Neuf, declared them- 
 felves againil the rebels, and went fo far 
 as to point a part of their artillery againft 
 the Rue Dauphine, and on the fide where 
 the Marfeillois had collected. The rabble 
 from the fauxbourg St. Germain, did not 
 choofe to difpute with them the paflage of 
 the bridge, nor did the Marfeillois fo far 
 lofe fight of their principal objeft, as to 
 think it worth while to attack them, or 
 to throw themfelves in their way ; they, 
 therefore, proceeded to the place de Ca- 
 roufel, by the rue St. Honore. 
 
 While all Paris was m this flare of fer- 
 mentation, it is natural to fuppofe that the 
 King went not to bed : as the defign of 
 the attack was evidently on the fide of 
 the rebels, he cannot be blamed, by any 
 
 reafon-
 
 ( 362 ) 
 
 reasonable man, for doing every thing in 
 his power to defend himfelf ; and as he 
 could not know at what inftant the attack 
 would begin, he had not a moment to 
 lofe from endeavouring to fecure the fide- 
 lity of the Swifs and National Guards, who 
 had been drawn up to protecl the palace. 
 On the fidelity of the Swifs he could rely, 
 as well as on the different friends who had, 
 in this moment of danger, collected about 
 his perfon. The grenadiers and chafleurs, 
 National Guards, had promifed to defend 
 him to the laft. About fix o'clock in the 
 morning he went to them in the Prince's 
 Court, and reviewed them : they attended 
 him back to his apartments, afiuring him 
 of their fidelity, and crying, Vive le Roil 
 
 Before the arrival of the Marfeillois and 
 the moil determined rebels at the court 
 gate of the palace, a crowd of people pre- 
 fented themfelves. Some Swifs Guards 
 demanded what they wanted ? They re- 
 plied, that they wifhed to enter. The 
 Swifs informed them that they could not 
 
 enter
 
 ( 3*3 ) 
 
 enter unlefs they would promife to cry, 
 Five le Rot ! A great number of them * 
 immediately exclaimed, Five le Roi ! and 
 were anfwered by the Swifs Guards, the 
 grenadiers and chafleurs from within, by 
 an univerfal, and the fame fhout. The 
 Swifs were hefitating about their admif- 
 iion, when a loud cry of Five la Nation! 
 
 was 
 
 * What were the intentions of thefe men will, perhaps, 
 never perfectly be afcertained. They could not, how- 
 ever, be to begin the attack of the palace, for they were 
 without the efficient arms, and without commanders ; nor- 
 could thefe people have any idea of commencing hoftilities 
 by themfelves, while fuch vaft preparations were making 
 by the rebels for a regular and complete afTault. It is, 
 therefore, more than probable, that this parly was chiefly 
 compofed of men who were attached to the conftitution 
 aiid the King, and who wifhed to be admitted to aflift in 
 defending the palace from the invafion of the mob. It is 
 very certain that there was a very large party in Paris, 
 and, I believe I may fay with truth, a very great ma- 
 jority of citizens on the King's fide, who, had there 
 been the leaft profpedl: of fuccefs on the part of the unfor- 
 tunate and brave Swifs, would have immediately declared 
 themfelves : but they were without leaders ; and having 
 been prevented from avowing their fentiments openly, 
 they had not an opportunity of uniting againft the rebel^ 
 juid ere&ing the ftandard of royalty.
 
 heard in the place de Caroufel, and 
 approached the gate with continual repe- 
 titions ; >it was the cry of the fauxbourgs. 
 They demanded admittance, which was 
 refilled. They perfevered in their tumul- 
 tuous cries, and were at laft joined in 
 them by fome of the National Guards in 
 the palace, who, from what caufe cannot 
 be aicertained, now exclaimed, " vive la 
 Nation !" 
 
 The King, foon afterwards, ordered a 
 party of Swifs and National Guards to ef- 
 cort him, the Queen, the Dauphin, Ma- 
 dam Elizabeth, and the Princefs de Lam- 
 balle, to the National AiTembly, where, 
 having feated himfelf on the left-hand of 
 the prefident, (his family being at the 
 bar) he obferved, that he had come there, 
 in hopes of preventing a great crime. 
 
 What could have been the motives for 
 this part of the King's conduct, every 
 one muft be at a lois to determine. He 
 could not have fled to the National Af- 
 
 fembly
 
 fembly for an afylum for his crown ; for 
 he muft have known that the majority 
 were refolved on his deftruction ; and his 
 part conduct would, I fhould think, fecure 
 him from the imputation of having taken 
 this ftep from a regard to his perfonal 
 fafety. As a King, certain of the protec- 
 tion of his faithful guards, and promifed it 
 by feveral battalions* of national troops, 
 on whom he would have been reafonably 
 juftified in his reliance, as a King, con- 
 fcious, as he muft have been, that the 
 majority of the nation and the capital were 
 averfe to the proceedings of the rabble, 
 and looked to him for an example they 
 might follow, he was inexcufable. Hu- 
 manity may, perhaps, find ibme means of 
 juftifying his conduct as a man, a huf- 
 band, a father, and a brother. He may- 
 have reflected, that the defence of the pa- 
 lace could not have been effectually ac- 
 
 com- 
 
 * The battalions des Filles Saint Thomas, du Louvre, 
 des Petits Peres, and de Henri Qnatre, the laft of which 
 was ordered to the palace, after the difpofiljous it had- 
 made againft the rabble.
 
 ( 366 } 
 
 complifhed without much bloodfhed, arid 
 thought that, by removing himfelf from 
 It, the mob would not perfevere in their 
 refolutions of attacking it, when he, their 
 principal object, was no longer there. He 
 might have confidered the fafety of the 
 Queen, the Dauphin, his daughter and his 
 fitter, as having ftronger claims on his feel- 
 ings than the defence of his perfon, hisinte- 
 refts, or his property. But, whatever were 
 his motives, it is certain that, on the fcore 
 of policy, they cannot bejuftified ; and his 
 retreat may probably, with juftice, be afcri- 
 bed to one of thofe momentary impulfes of 
 high-wroughtfenfation, to which prudence, 
 reafon and judgment fometimes fubmit ; 
 and from which, no human being is, on 
 every occafion, capable of guarding himfelf. 
 
 The King, having remained a fhort time 
 by the fide of the prefident, obferved, that 
 he prevented the deliberations of the Af- 
 fembly, and pafled over to his family at the 
 bar. Still, however, his prefence impeded 
 their proceeding to bulinefs : he, therefore, 
 
 was
 
 was again obliged to change his fituation, 
 and went into the room of the tachigraphs, 
 with his family. 
 
 In the mean time, the people continued 
 incefiantly to ring the tocfin, and beat the 
 general ; the uproar was increafing, and 
 threatened an immediate explofion ; im- 
 menfe crowds preffed round the Aflembly, 
 demanding the inftantaneous dethrone- 
 ment of the King ; the tribunes, by their 
 tumultuous conduft, feemed determined 
 that no debate mould take place on the 
 fubjecl:, but that the words only, " the 
 *' King is dethroned" ihould be pro- 
 nounced. Their alarmed reprefentatives, 
 yielding to the neceffity of the cafe, af- 
 fured the tribunes that the denred decree 
 was about to be pronounced ; and the pre- 
 fident, having called them to order, and 
 procured a tolerable degree of filence, the 
 Aflembly, in frightened hafte, on the re- 
 port of M. Vergniaud, declared 
 
 " The
 
 '* The National Aflembly, confidering 
 " that the diftrufts of the executive pow- 
 " er are the fources of all our evils, that 
 " thefe diftrufts have provoked, from all 
 * c parts of the kingdom, the wifli of re- 
 " yoking the authority given to Louis the 
 " Sixteenth by the conftitution ; 
 
 " That the only means of conciliating 
 " what they owe to the welfare of the 
 " people, and what they owe to their 
 " oaths not to increafe their power, are 
 " to refer to the fovereign authority of 
 * 6 the nation, decree as follows : 
 
 ART. I. The French people are invited to 
 form a National Convention : the com- 
 mittee mall, to-morrow, propofe a plan 
 to indicate the model and period of this 
 Convention. 
 
 II. The executive power is provifionally 
 
 fufpended from his functions, until the 
 
 National Convention mall have decreed 
 
 , the meafures necefTary to be taken for 
 
 main-
 
 maintaining the national independence. 
 By an amendment adopted, the civil 
 lift is fufpended, and the committee- 
 mall indicate the fum that the Legifla- 
 tive Body ought . to atfign for the fub- 
 fiflence of the King and his family. 
 
 III. The fix minifters, now in activity, 
 mall exercife the executive power : the 
 extraordinary committee mall prefent, 
 during the day, a plan for the organifa- 
 tion of the miniftry. 
 
 IV. The extraordinary commiflion mall 
 prefent a plan of a decree, for the nomi- 
 nation of a governor for the Prince 
 Royal. . 
 
 V. The King and the royal family mall 
 remain with the Legiflative Body : the 
 department mall order a lodging to be 
 prepared, during the day, at the Lux- 
 embourg, to receive the King and his 
 family. 
 
 Bfe VL
 
 ( 37 ) 
 
 VI. The King and his family are placed 
 under the fafe-guard of the law, and 
 their guard intrufted to the National 
 Guard of Paris. 
 
 VII. All public fun&ioners, officers or fol- 
 diers, who fhall quit their pofts, mall be 
 declared infamous, and traitors to their 
 country. 
 
 VIII. The department fhall order the pre- 
 fent decree to be proclaimed during the 
 day. 
 
 IX. The prefent decree mall be fent, du- 
 ring the day, to the eighty-three de- 
 partments, by extraordinary couriers. 
 
 The National Affembly had not com- 
 pleted the above decrees, when the firing 
 of cannon was heard ; the alarmed re- 
 prefentatives immediately flarted up, and 
 began to difpute with each other who 
 fhould be firft out of the hall*. The pre- 
 
 fident, 
 
 * One of the patriotic papers was fupprefTed for hav- 
 ing obferved, that the members of the Aflembly difputetf 
 tvith each other the honour of firft running away.
 
 ( 37V ) 
 
 fident, finding himfelf likely to be left 
 alone, called to them, and reminded them, 
 that, whatever was the danger, they were 
 at their proper pofls. This remonftrance 
 had the defired efFecT: on a great number of. 
 the members, although many perfifted in 
 fecuring their own perfonal fafety, rather 
 than rim any rifque in preferring the re- 
 mains of a conftitution, which they had 
 but a few moments before wounded in its 
 moil vital part. 
 
 It was not long before they who re-. 
 mained in the AfTembly, were informed 
 of the caufe of what had fo much alarmed 
 them. The loud and repeated cries of 
 " To arms ! To arms ! We are betrayed ! 
 " The Swifs are firing on the citizens ! 
 " They have already killed an hundred 
 " Marfeillois !" foon refounded in their 
 ears, the firing of cannon and mufquetry 
 continued, the tribunes rumed out of the 
 galleries, and left their alarmed r,eprefen- 
 tatives, confined, through fear of fhame, to 
 a perplexed and tumultuous fitting. 
 
 B b 2 About
 
 ( 37* ) 
 
 About half after ten o'clock, all the 
 rebels had aflembled in the place de x Ca- 
 roufel, the Marfeillois at their head, tcr 
 whom, as the moft defperate and deter- 
 termined, the cannon of the fauxbourgs 
 had been principally afligned. The am- 
 munition from ErTonne had juft arrived. 
 They marched with order and regularity, 
 ' advanced to the court gate eight in 
 in front, with their cannon, and fummon- 
 ed the Swifs within to open it, which be- 
 ing refufed, a gun was fired againft the 
 palace, from the further part of the place 
 de Caroufel ; but, being elevated to avoid 
 the caferns of the Swifs, the ball ftruck 
 the upper part of the palace, and recoiled, 
 having done no execution. Several others 
 were immediately fired without effecl: ; 
 when the Marfeillois, growing impatient, 
 burft open the court-gate with their can- 
 non, and entered, crying, Vive la Nation ! 
 This action was accompanied with the 
 loudeft acclamations of the populace, in 
 the place de Caroufel, and followed by an 
 irregular difchajge of mufquetry againft 
 
 the
 
 ( 373 ) 
 
 the windows of the palace (which was 
 at the fame time attacked at the fouth end 
 by cannon and mufquetry, from the Pont 
 Royal). The greater part of the Swifs 
 Guards* were in the apartments of the 
 palace, as were fome of the National 
 Guards. Others of the National Guards 
 were drawn up, with their cannon, in a 
 line before the palace ; and others, with 
 the remaining platoons of Swifs, were 
 planted on each fide of the court. The- 
 Marfeillois continued to advance, follow- 
 ed by the battalion des Cordeliers, and an 
 immenfe multitude of pikemen at their 
 heels. They continued crying out, Vive 
 la Nation ! and fummoned the palace to 
 furrender ; which fummons being anfwer* 
 ed from the palace, by the cries of Five 
 le Roll they began the attack. The Swifs 
 and National Guards received immediate 
 orders to fire. The former inftantly obey- 
 ed ; and a heavy difcharge of well- dire died 
 B b 3 muf-' 
 
 * The Swifs wore a fcarlet regimental ; the National 
 Guards a blue one.
 
 < 37+ ) ' 
 
 mufquetry, from all parts of the palace, 
 and the Swifs in the court, did dreadful 
 execution amongft the rebels : but the 
 National Guards in' the courts, who had 
 promifed the Swifs faithfully to protect 
 them, refufed to fire ; and, excepting fome 
 grenadiers of the Battalion des Filles Saint 
 Thomas, and fome other individuals of 
 them, who remained faithful to their pro- 
 mife, wheeled about and joined the rebels. 
 The cannoniers alfo deferted their pofts : 
 but as they could not ufe their cannon 
 with effect againft the palace, they joined 
 the rabble with their fabres. On the firffc 
 fire from the Swifs, the National Guards, 
 who had come into the court with the 
 rebels, attempted to run away ; but being 
 prevented from efcaping, by the torrent 
 that poured into the court, they found 
 themfelves obliged to return and join the 
 conflict. The Marfeillois, on the contra- 
 ry, flood firm ; and although near an hun-< 
 dred of them had fallen by the firft fire 
 of the Swifs, their pofts were fupplied 
 Without the leajft fear or delay ; and they 
 
 ' main-*
 
 ( ^375 ) 
 
 maintained their ground, and fought with 
 a degree of fortitude and intrepidity, th^ 
 would have done them the highefl honour 
 in a nobler caufe. The battle now be- 
 came general aad terrible. The palace 
 was attacked on all fides, and defended 
 with equal perfeverance by all who were 
 within. The National Guards within the 
 palace, Ib long as they could hope for vic- 
 tory, continued to defend the Swifs. The 
 palace was cannonaded on all fides*, from 
 the gardens, the Pont Royal, the Place de 
 Caroufel, and the Princes' Court ; but the 
 artillery, confuting only of three and four 
 pounders, did little or no execution : the 
 mufquetry alfo of the rabble had as flight 
 an effect ; they in the apartments being 
 defended by the ftrong walls, and they 
 who were at firfl in the courts, having re* 
 tired into their caferns, and firing from 
 B b 4 them 5 
 
 * A boat load and two cart loads of ammunition were 
 fent from Eflbnne to Paris in the morning, by order of; 
 Santerre, for the artillery of the rabble and the National 
 Guards, and frefli orders were continually being fent,
 
 ( 37* ) 
 
 them ; while the continual difcharge of 
 mufquetry from the windows of the pa- 
 lace, caufed a dreadful and extenfive 
 flaughter; and men, women and chil- 
 dren, confounded in the general carnage, 
 fell by hundreds. 
 
 The Marfeillois and the Bretons, although 
 they faw their comrades falling in great 
 numbers around them, maintained the at- 
 tack with amazing boldnefs, but made no 
 progrefs : ten, at leaft, of their own party, 
 fell to one on the other fide, and victory 
 feemed beyond their reach ; but they were 
 refolved to fet the example of preievering 
 intrepidity to the immenfe crowds about 
 them, whofe numbers muft eventually 
 have enfured fuccefs, had all the leaders 
 of the attack perifhed in their attempt. 
 They were, however, in a fhort time, very 
 effe&ually reinforced : the cavalry of the 
 National Gendarmerie rufhed in to their 
 affiftance, poured down upon the caferns 
 of the Swifs with torches, and fet fire to 
 them. The Swifs fo well defended their 
 
 little
 
 ( -377 ) 
 
 !** little barracks, that forty horfes, and five 
 and twenty of the gendarmerie, fell in the 
 attack. They could not fo well refill: the 
 fire which flamed around them : they 
 found themfelves obliged to attempt to 
 efcape and gain the palace. It was here 
 that the pikemen embraced the opportuni- 
 ty of difplaying their ferocity. As the 
 guards, prefTed by the raging element, 
 endeavoured to avoid the fire by getting 
 - out at the windows of their caferns, thefe 
 horrid wretches pufhed them back into 
 the flames with their pikes. Some, how- 
 ever, with the brave National Guards 
 who had remained faithful to them, efcap- 
 ed this torture, and endeavoured to fight 
 their way into the palace. The conteft 
 now became unequal on their fide ; they 
 had only their bayonets and fabres to de- 
 fend them, while the rebels were plenti- 
 fully fupplied with ammunition of all kinds. 
 The confufion occafioned by National 
 Guards fighting on both fides, and the ge- 
 neral tumult and diforder that prevailed, 
 gave rife to many fatal miffokes, National 
 
 Guards,
 
 ( 378 ) 
 
 Guards, on each fide, fell by the hands 
 their own party. It was not fo with the 
 brave Swifs, who were fufficiently diftin- 
 guimed by their red coats ; and thofe who- 
 had fled from their caferns were flaugh- 
 tered and mangled in the moil fhocking 
 manner, 
 
 The Swifs in the apartments feeing 
 what was going on in the court, and find^ 
 ing their ammunition nearly exhaufted, 
 refolved to defcend and take poflefiion of 
 the cannon of the rebels. They according- 
 ly formed themfelves, and made a defpe- 
 rate fally : they repulfed the rabble with 
 great {laughter, took pofleffion of three 
 cannon, and turned therrv againft the mob, 
 but having no matches, they fired them 
 with the flints of their mufquets. This 
 difcharge did great execution : but they 
 had no fooner defcended, than the Na^ 
 tional Guards, who had been with them 
 in the palace, and who had before fought 
 on their fide, (imagining, perhaps, that 
 there were no longer any hopes of their 
 
 fuccefs,
 
 ( 379 ) 
 
 >* 
 
 ^fuccefs, and wiihing to conciliate the fa- 
 vour of the rebels) turned their arms 
 agamil them, and fired at them from the 
 windows. The Swifs, however, puriued 
 the rebels beyond the place de Caroufel, 
 where they took pofleflion of two more 
 cannons ; but, having now exhaufted all 
 their ammunition, and rinding the torrent 
 of people inceffantly pouring in upon them 
 on all iides, arid overwhelming them, they 
 were obliged to attempt a retreat, and 
 endeavour to fight their way back to the 
 palace ; but in this attempt, they were 
 fbon divided and difperfed. There now 
 remained not the leaft fhadow of fucceff- 
 ful oppofition ; the greater part of them had 
 fallen in the bloody conflict, and the reft 
 Jcnew that they had nothing to expert 
 from the mercy of the rabble. They fe- 
 parated, and fled different ways to hide 
 themfelves from their refiftlefs fury. 
 Some, having made their way into the 
 palace, endeavoured to conceal themfelves 
 jn different parts of it, and others, who 
 been wounded during the attack, frill 
 
 remained
 
 remained in it. The friends of the King, 
 his attendants, his fervants, and all who 
 had been in the palace before the conflict 
 began, were {till there, excepting a few 
 only who had contrived to efcape during 
 the general confufion. The mob foon 
 got pofleffion of the palace, and q. horrid 
 carnage was begun in the interior parts of 
 it. Every one there found, armed or un- 
 armed, was immediately facrificed without 
 difcrimination or pity. The veftibule, the 
 great ftaircafe, the chapel, all the anti- 
 chambers, all the galleries, the audience 
 and council halls, over-run in a moment 
 by the rabble, were flowing with the blood 
 of the Swifs, and the friends and attend*- 
 ants of the King, and {brewed with their 
 dead bodies. The mob penetrated into 
 every part of the palace, and fearched in 
 every place for victims. An abbe, tutor 
 to the Dauphin, had concealed eight per- 
 fons in his apartment, in a large prefs, of 
 which, unfortunately, he held the keys in 
 his hand, when they came to his rooms to 
 feek for food for their barbarity. They 
 
 quef-
 
 queftioned him with the moft horrid im- 
 precations : his embarrafTed anfwers fruf- 
 trated his humane intentions. They took 
 from him the keys, opened the prefs, and 
 having difcovered what they called his 
 treachery, they murdered him, and thofe 
 whom he had in vain endeavoured to hide 
 from their brutality. 
 
 Some had attempted to conceal them- 
 felves on the roof of the palace : they were 
 feen by the rebels in the courts, who cal- 
 led to their fellows in the apartments to 
 inform them of it : hundreds inftantly ran 
 up, the unfortunate fugitives were fur- 
 rounded, fome were murdered on the 
 fpot, others were thrown over the bat- 
 tlements to the rabble in the courts, who 
 finimed their exiflence by mangling them 
 with fwords and pikes, or throwing them 
 into the fire of the caferns. Neither the 
 kitchens nor the cellars, nor any par 
 whatever of the palace, efcaped their 
 ftrifteft fearch. Every one they met, men, 
 women and children, from the higheft at- 
 tendant
 
 tendant to the loweft fcullion, fhared the 
 fame fate, butchered in the moft fhock> 
 ing manner : their crime was being in 
 the palace. 
 
 But the mafTacre was not confined to 
 one fpot ; the unfortunate Swifs were 
 purfued and hunted like wild beafts, where- 
 ever they had fled for fhelter. In the 
 gardens of the Tuilleries, in the Elyfian 
 Fields, in the woods, ontheQuais, every 
 where fome victims fell. Nor was the 
 fury of the mob confined to thofe who 
 had endeavoured to defend the palace ; 
 they carried their barbarous cruelty fo far 
 as to murder every Swifs, of whatever oc- 
 cupation, they could find : the porters of 
 the palace, of hotels and churches, were 
 murdered, with their wives and children, 
 without mercy or regard to innocence. 
 
 About fixty or feventy of thefe unfortu- 
 nate men had furrendered to the National 
 Guards, under promiie of mercy, and had 
 fuffered themfelves to be conducted to the 
 
 com-
 
 ( 383 ) 
 
 Commons, where they were affured that 
 they mould have a fair trial. A few quef- 
 tions were aiked, and it was determined 
 by the magiftrates that they mould be fent 
 to prifon until further examination. The 
 mob, however, were refolved to take the 
 law, and the execution of it, into their 
 own hands : accordingly, as they defcewded, 
 the Swifs were torn from the guards, one 
 by one, and mot or cut down by the rab- 
 ble, endeavouring to rival each other in the 
 excellence of {laughter and decapitation, 
 and laughing at, and ridiculing the tortures 
 of the vidtiim. 
 
 M. Clermont Totmerre was arrefled in 
 his chariot, in the ftreet de Seves Saint- 
 Germain, by the mob* dragged out of it, 
 and executed on the fpot. This gentle- 
 man, although he had not been in the 
 palace, was fulpecled of Ariftocracy : no 
 farther excufe for any ipecies> of barbarity 
 was wanting. 
 
 Some 

 
 ( 384 ) 
 
 Some of the rabble went to the hou(e 
 of M. d'AfTry, the gentleman who had 
 made fome obfervations to the King, which 
 prevented the immediate difmifTal of the 
 Swifs battalions, to fearch for him. He 
 fled on their approach, but was taken in 
 the ftreet des Petits Auguftins. Aftrong 
 party of National Guards furrounded, and 
 with much trouble conducted him lafe to 
 the prifon of the Abbaye ; where, how- 
 ever, he afterwards fell a vi&im to the 
 fury of the mob. 
 
 One of the unfortunate Swifs, flying 
 from his purfuers On the Pont Neuf, and 
 feeing before him another party of rabble 
 advancing, leaped over the battlements 
 into the river. The infatiate wretches fired 
 at him as he fwam ; and, at laft, their re- 
 venge was gratified, by killing him in the 
 water. 
 
 A large detachment of National Guards, 
 pikemen and others, had been fent to in- 
 tercept the Swifs from Courbevoie, who 
 
 had
 
 ( 3*5 ) 
 
 had been ordered to come to Paris to de- 
 fend the palace : the two parties met at 
 the further end of the Elyfian Fields. The 
 Svvifs were foon informed of what was 
 going on in Paris, and ordered to lay down 
 their arms and return, which they, atfirfr,, 
 refufed to do ; but being faluted by the 
 rebels with a difcharge of cannon and muf- 
 quetry, they yielded to fuperior power, and 
 fled. 
 
 When the maflfacre of every one found 
 in the palace was entirely completed, tjie 
 mob began to pillage it : but, although 
 they brought fome part of the money, 
 jewels and plate to the National Affem- 
 bly, who received thefe rebels, murderers 
 and plunderers with fhouts of approbation 
 and applaufe, it is very certain, that three 
 fourths, at lead, of the King's property, 
 was ever after miffing. It is but juftice, 
 however, to the prime rebels, to aflert* 
 that they would not fuffer every one indif- 
 criminately to mare in the fpoil : for, hav- 
 ing caught feveral, as they faid, in the 
 cc at
 
 ( 386 ) 
 
 aft of thieving, to fhew their deteflatiori 
 of difhonefty, they murdered them on the 
 {pot; not confidering, perhaps, that the a& 
 of robbery confifted efTentially in taking 
 away the property from the peribn to whom 
 it lawfully belonged ; and that they them- 
 felves, and the National AfTembly, the re- 
 ceivers of the ftolen goods, were as culpa- 
 ble, and deferved as much punifhment, as 
 the unfortunate victims of their exclufive 
 villany. The chief part of the property 
 found in the palace belonged to the King 
 and Queen, as individual citizens ; and fo 
 long as that is withheld from th,em, the 
 perfons fo withholding it are, as well as 
 the perfons who firft {tale it, guilty of the 
 moft atrocious difhonefty. 
 
 But the few imputed thieves who fell in 
 the palace, were not the only ones whom 
 the ientimental delicacy 6f the rebels fa- 
 crifked in the fupport of their characters : 
 very near an hundred more, whom nobody 
 knew, were murdered, during the courfe 
 of the day, the night, and the next morn-
 
 ( 37 ) 
 
 ing ; while the honeft men thought it no 
 difcredit to riot in the King's kitchens and 
 cellars, feafting upon his provifions, and 
 intoxicating themfelves with his wine. 
 
 It is with a very increafed degree of 
 horror that I find myfelf obliged to relate, 
 that, during thefe dreadful tranfaftions, the 
 female furies (for they cannot be called 
 women) of Paris feemed anxious for a fu- 
 pereminence in barbarity : the refinements 
 on torture, and the exceffes of inhumanity, 
 fell principally to their part. One of the 
 unfortunate Swifs flying from his purfuers, 
 met one of thefe furies at the head of a 
 banditti, and, recollecting her as a former 
 acquaintance, he indulged fome hopes of 
 her protection : he advanced to her, and 
 obferved, that, having had the pleafure of 
 being acquainted with her at fuch a time 
 and place, he hoped that, from the recol- 
 lection of a former friendfhip, fhe would 
 be good enough to fave him. " Yes !" re- 
 plied fhe, " I know you, and I will fave 
 c c 2 " you."
 
 * you. 1 ' He advanced to thank kef ; 
 (he cut him with a fabre till he died. 
 
 When all in and about the palace had 
 been murdered, and the rabble had no 
 longer an opportunity of feeing the blood 
 flow from a living being, a fecond fcene 
 of barbarity, (till more (hocking than the 
 firft, took place. The dead bodies of the 
 Swifs were ftripped, and their clothes, 
 dipped in the ftill warm blood, diftributed 
 about as trophies of the glorious vidtory. 
 Many of the bodies were cut limb from 
 limb, and flefli from bone ; and, according 
 to the different inclinations of the murder- 
 ers, each took a hand, a heart, a head, or 
 a piece of flem, to carry about on a bayo- 
 net, in fanguinary and diabolical triumph. 
 'They, who in the hurry of (laughter had 
 been left with fome remains of life, were 
 thrown while living into the flames, 
 amidft the horrid imprecations of a mob, 
 rejoicing in the varied torture ; while thofe 
 bodies, that had remained whole in limb, 
 were mangled in the moft (hocking and 
 
 bru-
 
 brutal manner. Some of the females went 
 fo far, as to cut off pieces of flefh, chew 
 them, and fuck the blood, praifing its de- 
 licious tafte. Numerous other barbarities, 
 ftill more revolting to humanity, were 
 practifed with infernal boldnefs, ridiculing 
 the laws of nature, and braving the ven- 
 geance of the fupreme Being, which are 
 infinitely too mocking to be related. 
 
 What a dreadful fight was Paris, but 
 particularly the fpots where the maflacres 
 had principally taken place, on the evening 
 oftheiothof Auguft ! All the (hops, 
 windows and doors, were mut up ; the 
 ftreets were filled with men and women in 
 arms, bearing their bleeding and bloody 
 trophies. Some feeming lifelefs, from the 
 excefs of drunkennefs, frill grafping their 
 ftreaming fabres, lay wallowing in the ef- 
 fects of their own beafllinefs. Boys and 
 girls were feen here and there, initiated in- 
 to their parents' crimes, quarrelling for a 
 head, an arm, a piece of flefh, or a remnant 
 of a Swifs's clothing that had been thrown- 
 cc 3 among
 
 among them for a fcramble*. The Place de 
 Caroufel was like a vail furnace : to enter 
 the palace on that iide,'it was neceflary to 
 pafs through two long piles of building, in- 
 flamed from one end to the other, to tread 
 on burning marl or mangled carcafes. The 
 palace prefented another dreadful fpe&acle ; 
 battered, though not materially injured, by 
 the cannon of the rebels, its windows bro- 
 ken, and part of its demoliihed furniture 
 ftill hanging from them : but nothing 
 could be more mocking than the appear- 
 ance of the veilibule, the ftaircafe, the 
 chapel, and all the apartments. The walls 
 were befmeared with blood, rubbed from 
 the murderers' over-glutted hands, the 
 wainfcots broken, and the pidures, glaf? 
 fes, and every other ornament, fhattered 
 into a thoufand pieces. The floors were 
 covered with mangled bodies, moil: of them 
 
 naked, 
 
 * Two female furies, quarrelling for a handkerchief 
 that had been dipped in the blood of a Swif?, and neither 
 of them getting the advantage of the other, each put an 
 end in her mouth, and fucked the blood, contending who 
 fhould have the greater fhare.
 
 ( 39' ) 
 
 naked, with divided limbs, with broken 
 arms, with bottles, with remnants of 
 filk, fatin, linen, &c. of all kinds. The 
 wardrobes of the King and Queen had been 
 plundered ; and their contents, many of 
 them, torn and divided among the rabble, 
 or thrown among the fcattered ruins. The 
 door of the palace, leading to the garden, 
 was obftru&ed by piles of the dead bodies 
 of thofe who were (lain in endeavouring 
 to efcapefrom it. In all the walks of that 
 fine garden, in the bafons, at the foot of 
 every ftatue, and almoft every tree, lay 
 mangled carcafes, hacked, even after death, 
 in the moft brutal and difguifing manner : 
 while, at the further end, as if to give the 
 laft dread touch to this moft horrid fpe&a^ 
 cle, the wooden barracks of the Swifs, all 
 burning at the fame time, caft their livid 
 light on cart loads of dead bodies, which 
 the citizens were hurrying from the fpot 
 of {laughter, 
 
 The i ith of Auguft bore the fame fea- 
 tures as the preceding day, although the 
 cc 4 num-
 
 ( 392 ) 
 
 number of vi&ims was more confined,: 
 the purfuit of the Swifs was {till continued 
 with unabated fury, not limited to the un- 
 fortunate foldiers, but extended to every 
 individual fervant or porter, innocent or 
 guilty, who could be convicted of having 
 been born in Switzerland. 
 
 An aged porter, belonging to the mint, 
 who had not been in the lead degree con- 
 cerned in the proceedings of the loth, was 
 advifed by his matter, early in the morning 
 of the nth, to withdraw himfelf fpeedily, 
 left the rabble, knowing him to be a Swifs, 
 fhould come and murder him. He took the 
 advice, and repaired to the lodge of his 
 brother, who was porter to an hotel : he 
 arrived juft time enough to hear the lad 
 groan of his brother, who had, but a few 
 minutes before, been mafTacred, with his 
 wife, and children. 
 
 A Swifs foldier having been difcovered 
 in his retreat, and taken prifoner by a par- 
 ty of the mob, they {tripped him naked, 
 
 and
 
 ( 393 ) 
 
 and deiired him to run : the poor foldier, 
 imagining that they had entirely releaied 
 him, thanked them, and battened away ; 
 but, finding that they began to purfue and 
 fire at him, he flopped fhort, and turning 
 to them, he cried out, " Oh ! Gentle- 
 *' men, if I am to die, kill me in a mi- 
 " litary manner !" He waited with firm-' 
 nefs till they approached him, and was im- 
 diately cut to pieces. 
 
 Two of thefe unfortunate men, who 
 had fled on the loth, had concealed them- 
 felves in a cellar, where they had remain- 
 ed all night, and 'till the evening of the 
 i ith, when, being faint with hunger and 
 fatigue, one of them looking out, whif- 
 pered to the other, that he believed all 
 was quiet, and that they might venture 
 forth. They threw off their regimentals, 
 and otherwife difguifed themfelves : but, 
 having been overheard by a bafe and in- 
 human wretch, he watched fgr them, 
 and, as they were endeavouring to eicape, 
 he called out, " there are two Swifs !" 
 
 They
 
 ( 394 ) 
 
 They were inftantly furrounded, and put 
 to death. 
 
 A great number of Swifs had, on the 
 loth, concealed themfelves in the cellars 
 of the Feuillans : they had been difcover- 
 ed on the cith, and the National AfTem^ 
 bly were immediately informed of it. A 
 decree had been parted, declaring all who 
 had efcaped to be under the protection of 
 the law. A member got up, and propof- 
 cd that they mould be conducted ta the 
 A {Terribly. The Aflembly ordered that 
 they mould be brought before them ; and 
 invited the tribunes to go out and affift in 
 conducting the Swifs fafely to the bar. 1 
 The tribunes immediately cried out, that 
 they would fee it done, and left the gal- 
 leries for that purpofe. The Swifs, in a 
 fhort time, were brought to the Aflem- 
 bly, and admitted into the hall. In the 
 mean time, the rabble, being informed of 
 this new difcovery, prepared and iharpen- 
 ed their fabres, furioufly anxious to wreak 
 their infatiate revenge on thefe unfortu- 
 nate
 
 (- 395 ) 
 
 nate men. They crowded round the Af- 
 fembly, and demanded that they mould 
 be given up to them. The members of 
 the Affembly confulted with each other on 
 the iureft means of preferring the Swifs 
 from the fury of the populace : it was de- 
 creed, that they mould be conducted to 
 the Abbaye ; and one member propofed, 
 that a deputation mould be fent with them, 
 compofed of as many deputies as there 
 were Swifs, and that each mould walk 
 arm in arm with a foldier, as the mofr. cer- 
 tain means of enfuring their protection 
 from the multitude. The poor Swifs who 
 heard this propofal, lifted up their hands to 
 Heaven in admiration and gratitude : the 
 motion was, however, over-ruled. A de- 
 putation of citizens appeared at the bar, 
 and demanded that fome of the Swifs, who 
 could fufficiently exprefs themfelves in 
 French, mould be interrogated concerning 
 the orders they had received : this was 
 decreed. Several Swifs prefented them- 
 felves at the bar ; but they were fb over- 
 ppwere4 by hunger, thirft and fatigue, 
 
 that
 
 ( 396 ) 
 
 that they could fcarcely articulate a word ; 
 which (a member obferved) was no won- 
 der, when it was confidered, that they had 
 not tafted a morfel, or drank a drop of any 
 thing, for forty hours : a confeffion, how- 
 ever, was extorted from them, that they 
 had received orders to fire, and that they 
 had been made to believe, that the party, 
 who attacked the palace, had intended to 
 murder the King and Queen. The AiTem- 
 bly, on the proposition of M. Albite, de- 
 creed, that a court-martial fliould be form- 
 ed to judge the Swifs ; and that this decree, 
 and many others relative to the refto ration 
 of tranquillity in the capital, mould be 
 proclaimed throughout Paris by the muni- 
 cipal officers on horfeback. They had 
 not determined on the mode by which the 
 Swifs fhould be conducted to the Abbaye, 
 when the new* minifters came to take the 
 
 new 
 
 * M. Servan, to the War department ; M. Roland, to 
 the Home department ; M. Clavicre, to that of Contri- 
 butions ; M. Danton, to the department of Juflice ; M. 
 Monge, to the Marine department ; and M. Le Bnm, to 
 Uiat of Foreign Affairs.
 
 ( 397 ) 
 
 new oath ; and M. Danton, the mmiftef 
 of Juftice, engaged, as his firft care, to pe- 
 rifh rather thanfufFer any of the laws to be 
 infringed with regard to the Swifs, and to 
 accompany them to the Abhaye. Accord- 
 ingly, a large party of National Guards 
 were ordered out ; and the Swifs were, 
 with much trouble, conducted to the Ab- 
 baye. 
 
 Honourable and feeling men contemplate 
 misfortune as the altar of humanity, to 
 which every one mould bend with reve- 
 rence : without referring to the errors that 
 have induced it, they can view it with an 
 eye of refpectful pity, and confider it as the 
 punimment or infliction of an almighty 
 hand for honoured purpofes, and, therefore, 
 to be held facred from the infults and pre- 
 fuming arrogance of men. The French 
 feem to confider it as an object of contempt 
 and ridicule, as a target for the arrows 
 of malevolence, (lander and difgrace, on 
 which whoever can imprefs the moft fre- 
 quent wounds, receives the triumph of
 
 fuperior greatnefs. Their conduft to their 
 unfortunate monarch, even fuppofmg him 
 to be as guilty as they endeavour to repre- 
 fent him, muft for ever excite the utmoft 
 degree of indignation and difguft in the 
 breaft of honour. By the laws of God, of 
 nations, and of men, the culpable are 
 doomed to punifhment ; but the laws that 
 punifh juftly, protect from infult ; and he, 
 who arrogates to himfelf the individual 
 right of aggravating calamity, is a traitor 
 to the law, to juftice and his being. But 
 when we fee^he King of France condemn- 
 ed untried and unheard, fufpended from 
 his functions, dethroned, menaced, perfe- 
 cuted and plundered, by an infolent and 
 lawlefs rabble, that man muft be callous 
 to every feeling of honour and humanity, 
 who can pronounce the authors of fuch 
 ads of cruelty and oppreffion the advo- 
 cates of right, of reafon, or of juftice. By 
 all natural and civil laws, thofe of France 
 excepted, a man is prefumed innocent till 
 he be proved guilty. The leaft fhadow of 
 a trial has not been held upon Louis the 
 
 Six-
 
 ( 399 ) 
 
 Sixteenth : he has never had the flighteft 
 opportunity ofanfwering even yes or no to 
 any queftion concerning his imputed crimes, 
 Circumfhiices have been alledged againft 
 him, which have been purpofely conibiidat- 
 ed as truths, without the fmalleftinveftiga- 
 tion of their authenticity or foundation ; the 
 execrations of the rabble have been adopt- 
 ed, inftead of the arguments of principled 
 accufers; traitors compofed the jury, to 
 judge of his reputed treafon ; and an af- 
 fembly of his moil inveterate enemies pro- 
 nounced his fentence. Thus has this un- 
 fortunate monarch, without the lead: proof 
 of guilt, or the leaft attempt to afcertaia 
 it, without being fuffered, by proxy or in 
 perfon, to {peak in his defence, endured a 
 punimment, by far more than adequate 
 to the moll atrocious crimes. His crown, 
 his power, his liberty are gone ; his per-^ 
 fon and his family have experienced the 
 groffeft infults ; his palace has been plun- 
 dered, his property violated, his friends 
 maiTacred in ihe moft mocking and inhu- 
 man manner ; and nothing is left him but 
 
 a wretch^
 
 a wretched life, continually threatened by 
 popular madnefs, barbarity, or caprice. 
 
 A few minutes after the King had 
 thrown himfelf and his family on the pro- 
 tection of the Legiflative Body, on the 
 loth of Auguft, an infolent countryman, 
 a member of the AfTembly, (to mortify 
 the feelings of the diftrefled monarch, and 
 with an intent, as may be fuppofed, to 
 prove to him that he was degraded to the 
 level of his meaneft fubjeft,) went up to 
 him, and leaning carelefsly on a rail, with 
 his hat on his head, abufed him for fome 
 time, in the moft indecent manner, for the 
 amufement of the furrounding members, 
 and the rabble in the gallery above him. 
 The King contented himfelf with obferv- 
 ing, that, as he was confcious of his inno- 
 cence of the crimes imputed to him, he 
 fhould look to that confcioufnefs for com- 
 fort under any fufferings he might expe- 
 rience. 
 
 When
 
 ( 401 ) 
 
 When the King and his family had re- 
 tired into a room adjoining the hall, from 
 whence they could hear and fee every 
 thing that was going on, and when the 
 National Aflembly had palled the decrees 
 before-mentioned, relative to his fufpen- 
 fion ; the members, with great folemnity, 
 took a new oath, to preferve liberty and 
 equality, and die at their pofts. 
 
 Numberlefs accufations were uttered 
 at the bar of the AfTembly, during the 
 loth, againft the King, and deputations 
 continually appeared to thank the Legifla- 
 tive Power for the decrees they had pafTed. 
 Every infult that the malignity of the moft 
 degraded mind could invent, every op- 
 probrious epithet that could be devifed, 
 were uttered againft the King in his hear- 
 ing, were unboundedly applauded by the 
 Aflembly and the tribunes, and the authors 
 of them admitted to the honours of the 
 (itting. 
 
 The rebels, murderers and plunderers 
 
 of the palace, reeking with the blood of 
 
 Dd the
 
 ( 402 ) 
 
 their fellow-creatures, incefTantly poured 
 in, depofiting the tithe of their booty, 
 were thanked and praifed by the Affem- 
 bly, and admitted to the honours, as a re- 
 ward for their lawlefs barbarity. 
 
 I have before mentioned, that during 
 the night of the pth, it was fettled, that 
 the bufinefs of the fections mould be tranf- 
 acted provifionally by commifTaries ; the 
 reader will, undoubtedly, underftand with 
 what view. The following proclamation 
 was publifhed by them : 
 
 The CommifTaries united at the Hotel de 
 Ville to fave the country, to their fellow- 
 citizens, the lothof Auguft, 
 
 The general AfTembly of CommifTaries 
 united, conlidering how important it is 
 to crown the wifhes of a generous people, 
 who have gained their liberty by fo many 
 facrifices, announces to them, that, con- 
 formable to the general wim of the French 
 Empire, Louis the Sixteenth is fufpended, 
 
 . pat
 
 put in a ftate of arreftation at the Luxem- 
 bourg, and that the corrupting civil lifl 
 is annihilated for ever. 
 
 The general Aflembly announces alfo, 
 that the minifters are Deprived of their 
 functions ; that they will loon be replac- 
 ed by others, who will provifionally be 
 charged with the executive power; and that 
 the primary alTemblies will immediately be 
 convoked, to proceed to the formation of a 
 Convention ; which will, doubtlefs, be the 
 juft confequence of the rights of man. 
 
 Done in the general Aflembly of Com- 
 miflaries, this loth of Auguft, the 
 fourth year of liberty. 
 
 The feftion of Marfeilles made the fol- 
 lowing proclamation : 
 
 Auguft loth, the Fourth Year of Liberty. 
 
 The fe&ion of Marfeilles, xmanimoufly 
 indignant at the crimes of Louis the Six- 
 teenth, revolted by his numerous attacks 
 i i 
 
 D d 2 and
 
 ( 404 ) 
 
 and perjuries, by the public afiafiinations 
 that he has juft committed, declare, that 
 he mall no longer be mentioned by the 
 fe&ion, but under this denomination, the 
 traitor Louis the Sixteenth; and that no 
 member mall be- allowed to give him any 
 other name in the general aflemblies or the 
 committees. 
 
 They order, that this refolution fhall be 
 proclaimed throughout their department : 
 they invite and order, if necefTary, the ci- 
 tizens of the feftion, who have, before 
 their houfes, or as figns, any emblems of 
 royalty, or any image of traitors, La 
 Fayette for inftance, to remove them im- 
 mediately ; as liberty ought to be the only 
 rallying object, and the only decoration to 
 the houfes of all good citizens. 
 
 The AfTembly decree the impreflion of 
 thefe refolutions, and that they mail be 
 lent to the different fe&ions, and the pro- 
 vifional municipality. 
 
 (Signed) LEBOIS, Prejident\ VINCENT 
 
 , Secretaries.
 
 ( 405 ) 
 
 The above proclamation had its imme- 
 diate effect ; the fame refolutions were 
 adopted by the other fections; and inftant- 
 ly every emblem of royalty, every fign 
 on which was the portrait of a King, all 
 the bufls of imputed traitors were pulled 
 down and demolished. All the beautiful 
 pieces of fculpture that ornamented the 
 porches and other parts of palaces, church- 
 es, colleges, or any public or private build- 
 ing, and came within the bull of excom- 
 munication, were hewn down, leaving 
 the ftructures defaced, and the flreets 
 heaped with ruins. The words King, 
 Prince, Royal, Monarch, Bourbon, &. 
 were effaced from the gate of every hotel, 
 on which they had been formerly infcrib- 
 ed : the names of fuch ftreets ? alfo, as bore 
 any indication of royalty, or relation to the 
 title of princes, were changed; and the 
 new bridge, before called the Pont de 'Louis 
 Seize, was now called the Pont Nouveau. 
 
 While thefe obliterations and alterations 
 
 were being performed, a decree was de- 
 
 D d 3 manded
 
 ( 406 ) 
 
 manded of the AfTembly, authorifmg the 
 rabble to pull down all the monuments and 
 flatues of their former Kings. The Af- 
 fembly did not dare to refufe anything 
 to their petitioners : a decree, therefore, 
 was paffed, that all the monuments and 
 flatues in bronze fhould be pulled down ; 
 and the minifter of the Home Depart- 
 ment was ordered to have made from 
 them eight hundred pieces of cannon (four 
 pounders). The former part of the de- 
 cree was punctually executed ; the mob 
 performed their office to admiration : but 
 the miniiler mufh have thought the latter 
 part of the decree a little arbitrary, when 
 he found that the ilatues, inftead of being 
 folid, as the connoifleurs of the AfTembly 
 fuppofed them to be, were hollow; and 
 that fome of them, in fomc parts, were 
 fcarcely a line in fubflance. 
 
 When the demoltfhers of the flatue of 
 Henry the Fourth, appeared at the bar of 
 the AiTembly to recount their mighty 
 .feats, they obferved, that the virtues of the 
 
 in-
 
 individual reprefented by it, for fome time 
 made them paufe ; but when they recol- 
 lected that he was a King, the cord was 
 immediately thrown about his neck, and 
 he was tumbled to the ground, amidil,the 
 acclamations of all good citizens. 
 
 The National AfTembly had, at firft, 
 decreed, that a lodging mould be provided 
 for the King in the Luxembourg ; but 
 fome of the commiiTaries of the munici- 
 pality appeared to inform them, that there 
 would be much inconvenience attending 
 the choice of that place for the refidence 
 of the King and his family. The princi- 
 pal objection they had to offer, was the fa- 
 cility of an efcape, on account of the quan- 
 tity of gardens that furrounded the palace : 
 they propofed, therefore, the temple as a 
 fafer place of confinement. They added, 
 that they thought it proper, that the guard 
 of the royal family mould be entrufted to 
 the commander- general, and to two com- 
 mifTaries of the municipality, who mould 
 fce refponfible, on their lives, foj their fecu- 
 p d 4 rity.
 
 ( 4S ) 
 
 rity. M. Fauchet obferved, that there- 
 was at the temple a fubterraneous retreat 
 which led to Belleville. He added, that 
 wherever the King fhould refide, it was 
 iiecefTary that the people fhould know and 
 prove that he was kept as an hoftage. This 
 bufmefs was fent to the commiffion of 
 twenty-one : but an objection being made to 
 the temple, as an unfafe place of confine- 
 ment to the King, upon the proportion of 
 M. Quinette, the reporter of the commif- 
 fion, the National Aflembly decreed 
 
 i ft. The hotel of the minifter of Juftice 
 ihall be inhabited by the King. 
 
 2d. He'fhall have a guard, under the or- 
 ders of the mayor of Paris and the com- 
 mander-general of the National Guard, 
 who mall anfwer for his fafety and that 
 of his family. 
 
 ^d. He mall be allowed the fum of five 
 hundred thoufandlivres for his expences, 
 until the day of the formation of the 
 
 Na-
 
 ( 409 ) 
 
 National Convention. This fum fhall 
 be delivered weekly to the perfon whom 
 the King fhall appoint to receive it. 
 
 ' 
 
 Thefe decrees were no fooner'pafled than 
 the firft of them was objected to, on ac- 
 count of the houfes adjoining that of the 
 minifter of Juftice, through which the 
 King might contrive to make his eicape. 
 The National AfTembly, therefore, found 
 themfelves obliged to throw the bufmefs 
 entirely into the hands of the municipa- 
 lity, and, accordingly, pafTed the follow- 
 ing decree : 
 
 The National AfTembly decree, that the 
 King and his family fhall be entrufted, in 
 conformity to the law, to the guard and 
 the virtues of the citizens of Paris; that, 
 in confequence, the reprefentatives of the 
 commons fhall provide, without delay, and 
 on their relponfibility, a proper place to 
 lodge them in ; and fhall take all the mea- 
 fures of fafety, which wifdom and the na- 
 tional interefl exact. 
 
 Con-
 
 C 
 
 Conformably to the above decree, the 
 council-general of the commons again 
 chofe the temple as the place of refidence 
 for the King and his family, and charged 
 the provifional commander- general to tahs 
 all the meafures he mould think proper, to 
 affiire the execution of the decree. 
 " 
 
 The commander-general, accordingly, 
 gave the following orders for the procei- 
 iion : 
 
 The provifional commander- general of 
 the armed feclions, invites all the citizens, 
 armed in any manner, to concur in the 
 execution of this decree. 
 
 ' " 
 Two detachments of cavalry mall open 
 
 and clofe the march. 
 
 r 
 The fifth legion mail occupy from tho 
 
 gate of the Feuillans, the place Vendome, 
 the new ftreet des Capucines, and the 
 Boulevard, as far as the garden of the Old 
 Mairie. 
 
 From
 
 ( 4" ) 
 
 From that garden to the Rue de Riche- 
 lieu, the fixth legion. 
 
 From the Rue de Richelieu to the Porte 
 Saint Denis, the third legion. 
 
 From the Porte Saint Denis to the 
 Opera, the twelfth legion. 
 
 From the Opera to the Rue du Temple, 
 the fourth legion. 
 
 From the corner of the Boulevard to 
 the Temple, the firft legion. 
 
 M. M. the chiefs of legions, and the 
 commanders of battalions, (hall leave at 
 their refpe&ive quarters two hundred men. 
 Thofe who have in their department the 
 public cheils, or the prifons, fhall double 
 their pofts. 
 
 It is very necefTary that the barriers 
 fhould be ftrictly guarded. 
 
 The
 
 ( 41* } 
 
 The provisional commander- general ob- 
 ferves, that the guard of the barriers will 
 foon ceafe ; and that the fervice, fupported 
 by all the citizens of the feftions, about 
 the National Afiembly, about the King, 
 and at every poft, will foon become very 
 eafy. He recommends to all the citizens 
 to obferve the moft exad deportment 
 while under arms. 
 
 None but the guard of the King in 
 this day's* fervice mail accompany and 
 march with him : the reft mail remain at 
 their potts. 
 
 All the legions mail be, at two o'clock 
 precifely, at the pofts which have been re- 
 Ipe6lively affigned to them. 
 
 The King mall fet out from the Feuil- 
 lans, at three o'clock precifely. 
 
 (Signed) SANTERRE, 
 
 Provi/ional commander-general 
 of the armed feEtions. 
 
 * Thefe orders were giten on Monday, the i3th of 
 Auguft,
 
 The King, Queen and their family, hav- 
 ing remained from the Friday morning 
 until the Monday afternoon, fleeping by 
 night in a fmall committee chamber, and 
 being by day in a little box adjoining the 
 AfTembly, were at laft conducted, accom- 
 panied by M. Petion, to the Temple. 
 
 The degraded ftate of the French cha- 
 racter has been fufficiently obferved on, 
 to render it unnecefiary to mention the 
 moft atrocious infults and abufes this un- 
 fortunate family experienced, during the 
 flow proceilion to their prifon. Every 
 Ipecies of fcurrility that the moft empoi- 
 ibned mind could vomit forth, every ex- 
 cefs ofgrofsnefsthat the mofl beaftly heart 
 could dictate, were profufely mingled with 
 the hoots and hifles of abandoned, pitilefs 
 and inhuman profligates. 
 
 When they had arrived at the Temple, 
 M. Petion conducted the King into an apart- 
 ment, where he informed him he was to 
 deep. The King obferved, that he fuppofed 
 
 he
 
 ( 4'4 
 
 he mould at leaft be allowed to fleep where 
 he pleafed'. " No !" replied M. Petion, 
 " this is your bed room, and here you are 
 *' to fleep, the people have ordered it 
 " fo." 
 
 The pillage and deftru&ion in the pa- 
 lace of the Tuilleries had been Ib com- 
 plete, that when the royal family were 
 removed to their prifon, they had not a 
 change of raiment ; and the Queen was 
 obliged to have recourfe to the care and 
 generofity of an amiable foreigner, for 
 every necefTary article of drefs. 
 
 Leaving this unfortunate family in their 
 prifon, to which they were attended by 
 the fighs, fears and regrets of every ho- 
 neft heart, I mall take a fhort view of 
 what paffed in Paris and the environs du- 
 ring the commencement of the firft year 
 of equality, and the continuance of the 
 fourth of liberty. Immediately after the 
 events of the loth, the barriers were 
 clofely guarded, and no egrefs was permit- 
 
 ted,
 
 .:> ( 4 ' 5 } 
 
 ted, excepting to the couriers of the Afiem* 
 bly, who were difpatched to inform the 
 departments of the circumftances that had 
 taken place, and the decrees that had been 
 pafled, in the ftyle bed adapted to the in- 
 terefts of the AfTembly. 
 
 Commiffioners were fent to the army, 
 to paint the events to them, and the peo- 
 ple of the towns through which they were 
 to pafs, in the moil favourable colours. 
 
 . 
 
 No perfons whatever, on private bnfi- 
 ; nefs, were permitted to leave Paris. The 
 courier of the Britifli Ambaffador, who 
 ought to have fet off on the Friday, was 
 not permitted to depart until the Sunday 
 evening. 
 
 The liberty of the prefs was totally 
 abolifhed, no perfon was allowed to print 
 any book or paper that did not fpeak -in the 
 higheft terms of the fbvereignty of the 
 mob, and the proceedings of the Jacobins 
 and the AfTembly. Several ariilocratic 
 
 papers
 
 papers were fupprefied, and burnt by the 
 hands of the executioner ; and two or 
 three of the beft principled editors were 
 murdered, leaving the whole fway of the 
 hifloric pen in the hands of BrifTot, Con- 
 dorcet, Carra, Gorfas, Marat, Prudhom- 
 me, and others of the fame ftamp. Truth 
 and virtue, however, have frill preferved 
 one honourable . and public votary, who, 
 though doomed at laft to fly from the dag- 
 ger of the alTaffin, and feek refuge in a 
 country where liberty exifts in all its glo- 
 ry, never, in the moment of his greatefr. 
 danger, while he could yet be heard, 
 ceafed to pour forth " the cry of afflic,- 
 tion" to his degraded countrymen, or 
 abandoned his principles, his honour, or 
 his King. 
 
 The maffacre of the Swifs, and others 
 fufpecled of Ariftocracy, continued during 
 feveral days ; for, befide the Swifs imme- 
 diately about the palace, there were near 
 two hundred employed in different occu- 
 pations throughout Paris, moft of whom 
 
 were
 
 Were inftantaneoufly murdered, or conduct - 
 ed to prifon, where they afterwards fell 
 the victims to the fury of the mob. 
 
 t 
 
 They who had returned to Courbevoie, 
 endeavoured to fecure a fafe retreat in their 
 barracks ; but the mob, whom, as their 
 feprefentatives obferve, nothing can refifr, 
 fet fire to them. Some of thefe unfor- 
 tunate and brave men were put to death 
 on the fpot ; the reft were placed under 
 the fafe guard of the law ; and, by a peti- 
 tion of the municipality of Courbevoie, 
 and a confequent decree of the Aflembly, 
 they were afterwards fent prifbners to the 
 Abbaye. 
 
 Similar circumftances took place at 
 Meudon, and feveral other little towns in 
 the neighbourhood, where any of thefe 
 perfecuted foldiers had taken refuge ; but, 
 as they had all the fame tendency and 
 effect, it is unnecefTary to enter into a fur- 
 ther detail of horrors. 
 
 EC I hfve 
 
 '
 
 I have before obferved, that money mar- 
 kets had been held in the Place de Vic- 
 toire, and other places. The mob, deter- 
 mined to put an end to fuch tranfa&ions, 
 cut off the heads of two of the principal 
 merchants. 
 
 The National Afiembly, in the courfe of 
 a few days, paffed more than an hundred 
 decrees, without the leaft deliberation or 
 debate, acting only in fear of, and in obe- 
 dience to their commanders. 
 
 Many members, who had not been in 
 the AfTembly when the new oath was ta- 
 ken, occafionally mounted the tribune, and 
 iwore to maintain liberty and equality, 
 and to die at their pofls : others fent their 
 new oath in letters. 
 
 The National Guards denouncing their 
 old officers, ieledled new ones from among 
 themfelveSj and appointed them to com- 
 mand.
 
 It was decreed by the Aflembly, that 
 the federates, as a reward for the murders 
 they had committed, fliould be allowed to 
 aft, and receive pay as National Guards^ 
 independent of the thirty fols a day already 
 allowed them. 
 
 Many letters and notes, which, it was 
 faid, were found in the fecretaries of the 
 King and Queen, and the intendant of the 
 civil lift, were brought to the Aflembly 
 many days after the pillage of the palace : 
 as a considerable degree of time had elapfed 
 after they were (as it was pretended) 
 found, before they were produced, it is 
 more than probable, that they were all 
 forged. Befides, it cannot be fuppofed, 
 that the King or Queen, when their palace 
 was continually threatened with an inva- 
 fion, would have kept, had they received, 
 any letters that would have furnifhed their 
 enemies with grounds of accufation againft 
 them. Rumours had been ipread by the 
 Jacobins, among the populace, that the 
 executive power had held a conftant cor- 
 E e 2 refpond-
 
 ( 420 ) 
 
 reipondence with the Emigrants; and, 
 therefore, it was thought neceflary to en- 
 deavour to juftify fuch reports, by fome 
 proofs that they had been properly found- 
 ed. A better opportunity could not have 
 offered itfelf ; they, coniequently, availed 
 themfelves of it : but not finding what 
 they wimed, they had recourfe to what 
 fome of their members had already excel- 
 led in, the art of forgery. 
 
 One of the letters, faid to have been 
 found in the Queen's fecretary, I mail in- 
 fert, without any animadverfions on it ; 
 it was reported to have been found with- 
 out date or fignature, and is here literally 
 tranflated. 
 
 " You would not be pleafed with me, 
 if I did not fend you fome account of our 
 glorious military operations. Ten times 
 have we changed our camp fince I joined 
 the army. We were definitively at the 
 camp of Brouenne, about a league from 
 JStenay, with a little divifion of four thou- 
 
 fand
 
 ( 4" ) 
 
 m 
 
 land men, when the two armies that had 
 been in Flanders, by the refult of a combi- 
 nation of concerted operations, came to re- 
 join us. 
 
 " Father Luckner has retired to Metz 
 with an army of about twenty-five thoufand 
 men ; and M. La Fayette, with a body of 
 thirty thoufand, has occupied the country 
 on this fide Longwy, to cover the towns 
 of Stenay, Montmedy and Verdun. We 
 are now actually in that pofition ; but, 
 notwithftanding the number and rodo- 
 montade of our volunteers, we have not 
 been for fortunate as to attempt any thing 
 with fucceis. Every thing that we have 
 forefeen as the neceflary confequence of 
 an army without difcipline and fubordina- 
 tion, is realifed to the letter, 
 
 *' Soldiers, who wifh all to be officers, 
 for the advantages and profits of being fo, 
 who preach up nothing but the law, and 
 who acknowledge no other laws but thofe 
 that favour them, who cry out 'treafon!' 
 E e 3 when
 
 ( 4" ) 
 
 when fear or weaknefs induces them to run 
 away, who attribute to the enemies of 
 their opinion, whatever is but the effet 
 of their bad manoeuvres, and their foolifh 
 and ignorant preemption ; officers, who 
 have neither had the means, nor the know- 
 ledge neceffary to their profellion, who 
 are by fo much the lefs capable of com- 
 manding, as fome owe their fituations on- 
 ly to infurrections, and others to the com- 
 bined expulfion of their proper and natu- 
 ral fuperiors ; chiefs, who, for the moft 
 part, dare not punim vice, for fear of dif- 
 plealing their foldiers,- who grant them 
 every thing they wim, and at any price 
 fuch is the picture of the compofition of 
 the armies. We are now here thirty 
 thoufand men, and we dare not make the 
 leaft attempt. 
 
 " On the i jth of laft month, a detach- 
 ment of eight hundred men from our ar- 
 my, invaded the territory of the empire 
 near .. the Abbaye d'Orval, where there 
 was not a fingle Aufhian foldier. A few 
 
 monks,
 
 ( 4*3 ) 
 
 monks, Servants and weeping women, it 
 was not very difficult to lubjecl to us; 
 we, therefore, bravely took poffeflion of 
 the Abbaye, the chapel, the kitchens, 
 the cellars, garden and dependencies ; and, 
 during four and twenty hours, the red cap 
 of Paris was waving on that fpot, in the 
 midfr. of the enthuiiafm of our conquering 
 warriors: but, while that vaft building 
 was relbunding with the cries of ' Live 
 free or die !' it was announced that the 
 Auflrian troops were on their march, to 
 engage with our intrepid conquerors of 
 the Abbaye. 
 
 *' The general was beaten, every one 
 was alarmed, they thought no longer 
 but of running away to live ; they ima- 
 gined that they heard the report of can- 
 non, becaufe a door, agitated by the wind, 
 had clofed with afudden noife, they knew 
 no longer what would become of them, 
 they forgot the famous oath, fo common. 
 Some of the volunteers, without troubling 
 themfelves with their knapfacks or their 
 E e 4 muf-
 
 mufquets, ran up and down, diftractedl) , 
 feeing the image of death in every thing 
 that prefented itfelf to them. At laft, by 
 dint of menaces and feverity, they contriv- 
 ed to reaffemble the champions, and they 
 abandoned Orval and the monks with the 
 greateft precipitation, without any one 
 thinking proper to turn back to hoift the 
 celebrated cap," 
 
 Another expedition. " On the 2/th 
 of laft month, we went, to the number 
 of five thoufand five hundred men, at 
 the head of a confide rable convoy, and 
 ,of forty pieces of cannon, to eftabliih a 
 municipality on the territory of the em- 
 pire. We very fbon became the maf- 
 
 ters. for there was no one to oppofe us. 
 
 ^ 
 
 There was not a child, nor even a woman, 
 who did not dread the effect of our labres, 
 fharpened to the guard. The poultry ex- 
 perienced a moft terrible carnage. Every 
 one trembled before the red cap : we took 
 poffeffion of all the cottages of the pea- 
 fants, and even of a convent de Cordeliers, 
 with our accuftomed bravery. Every one 
 
 yielded,
 
 ( 4*5 ) 
 
 yielded, every one fhudde red, during four, 
 and twenty hours, before our fhmdards, 
 our triple coloured ftandards. We were 
 all frill difpofed to conquer, or to take our 
 ufual fteps, when two or three hundred 
 hulans appeared in the environs ; you 
 fhouid have feen our artillery againft thefe 
 poor fellows. French blood is precious ! 
 The enemy had only their mufquets ; 
 we kept ourfelves fcarcely within cannon 
 fhot. At laft, by dint of firing into the 
 woods, where they had placed themfelves 
 in ambufh, we had the honour of killing 
 three. 
 
 " We retired, finging hymns to the 
 red cap, and loaded with the fpoils of the 
 enemy ; and we were ftill employed in 
 talking over our glorious exploits, and rc- 
 freming ourfelves, after our fatigues, with 
 the wine of the unhappy Auftrian Corde- 
 liers, when the arrival of a body of the 
 troops of the empire was announced. We 
 were then obliged to abandon every thing, 
 artillery, ammunition, convoy, &c. to take 
 
 again
 
 ( 4*6 ) 
 
 again the road to France. For every muf- 
 quet that was fired, every horfe of ours 
 received ten fpurs. At laft, by much haftc 
 and trouble, we efcaped the grand purfuit 
 of the Auftrians, whofe number was five 
 hundred, and we were five thoufand five 
 hundred. What I tell you, is true to the 
 letter: I can certify it, becaufe I was pre- 
 fent. I mail have many expeditions of this 
 kind to acquaint you with, but that ano- 
 ther time. Adieu." 
 
 There are fome accounts of the. Na- 
 tional AfTembly and the Jacobins that mud 
 appear fo very improbable and unfounded 
 to every one at all unacquainted with the- 
 characters of the leading men in France, 
 that it is necefTary to fay fomething rela- 
 tive to their original filiations, principles 
 and conduct, to prove that the convulfions 
 in that country have not taken place fo 
 much from the mental degradation of men, 
 formerly good, but from the fudden eleva- 
 tion of men, formerly bad. In proceed- 
 ing to give the reader a brief account of 
 
 the
 
 ( 4*7 ) 
 
 the moil notorious perfons at the head of 
 affairs at this moment, and who were the 
 chief inftigators of the horrid cruelties, 
 that would have dilgraced men capable of 
 being difgraced ; I have not the fmallefl 
 intention of attaching any degree of ilig- 
 ma to poverty or obfcurity of birth. It is 
 well known that, in this country, many 
 have been railed from ihe lowed fitua- 
 ations to the higheft offices in the irate ; 
 but they have, in general, experienced 
 luch preferment, as the reward of fuperior 
 talents, induflry, honour, or integrity, in 
 which cafe, their obfcure birth, and origi- 
 nal rank, far from being derogatory to their 
 characters, become the furefl proofs of 
 their merit and title to the diftinclions they 
 have obtained. But, when we fee men f 
 without any previous induftry, or thought 
 of advancement, without any honour- 
 able recommendation whatever, thrown 
 up on a fudden from their obfcurity, as it 
 were, by a political earthquake, involv- 
 ing fuperiority in itsabyfs, and turning the 
 whole mafs of genius bottom upwards ; 
 
 when
 
 ( 4*5 ) 
 
 when we fee fuch men arrogantly aflum- 
 ing dignity and power, and pretending ef-^ 
 ncience to regulate a mighty empire, break- 
 ing and forming conftitutions at their will, 
 difdaining the beauty of true greatnefs, and 
 endeavouring to conceal their deformities, 
 by reducing millions to their own level, 
 juftice, furely, may revert to their origin 
 for proofs of their incapacity, and the im- 
 propriety of their elevation. The indif- 
 criminating world too frequently judge 
 of perfons from the robes that cover them : 
 they transfer their admiration of power 
 to the man in office, and think him ne- 
 cefTarily great, becaufe his ftation is ex- 
 alted. The wife confider fituations, re- 
 flecl: on the obligations annexed to them, 
 and judge of the employed from his com- 
 petency or incompetency to fulfil his re- 
 quired duties. It is to afford a clue to a 
 difcovery of this nature, that I am induced 
 to infert fome fhort observations on the 
 hiftory of a few of the leading men in 
 France, who have already fignalized them- 
 felves in the Jacobins and the Legiflative
 
 ( 429 ) 
 
 Aflembly ; and who, at this moment, form 
 a part of what is called a National Conven- 
 tion, deputed to frame a conftitution, for 
 the government of five and twenty millions 
 of men. 
 
 M. Petion was originally a pettifogging 
 attorney : by the affiftance of the revolu- 
 tion, he contrived to get returned for 
 Chartres to the firft National Aflembly, by 
 the influence of the clergy, whom he has 
 fince fo gratefully perfecuted, and whom 
 he then fo effectually deceived by his hy- 
 pocrify. He was afterwards made mayor 
 of Paris, and iince prefident of the Con- 
 vention. 
 
 M. Robertfpierre (fuppofed to be the 
 nephew of Damiens), was a poor orphan 
 at Arras : he was afterwards clerk to an 
 obfcure attorney, when he was returned a 
 member of the firft National Aflembly : 
 he was obliged to beg a coat for the occa- 
 fion ; but has now every appearance of a 
 {plendid fortune. 
 
 M 
 '
 
 ( 43 ) 
 
 M. BrifTot was, a few years fince, well 
 known to fome of the police officers of 
 this country, as a pickpocket ; but, upon 
 their endeavouring to obtain a more inti- 
 mate acquaintance with him, he withdrew 
 to France, where his talents have been 
 much more favourably, though, perhaps, 
 not fb juftly rewarded as they would have 
 been, had he remained much longer in 
 England. 
 
 M. Merlin was art under ufher to a 
 fchool : he was on the point of being mar- 
 ried ; but having received the lady's for- 
 tune the day before that appointed for the 
 wedding, he contented himfelf with the 
 money, and ran away. But, being after- 
 wards reduced, he broke open a lady's bu- 
 reau, and ftole the pecuniary contents : he 
 then borrowed a horfe, returned to France, 
 and became a member of the National 
 Aflembly. 
 
 M. Chabot was the fon of a baker : he 
 ran away with his uncle's wife, which oc- 
 
 cafioned
 
 cafioned the death of his uncle and bene- 
 factor. He afterwards debauched her 
 daughter ; but again changing his mind, he 
 perfuaded a third lady to rob her hufband, 
 and run off with him ; for which, he was 
 fome time in prifon ; but, having procur- 
 ed his releafe, he was returned a member 
 of the National Legiflative AfTembly. 
 
 ill . 
 M. Condorcet, having been fufpected 
 
 of ariflocracy, and, confequently, for a 
 long time refufed admittance to the Jaco- 
 bin Society, to remove all the fuipicions 
 of the leading members, and procure their 
 favour, he performed a work of fupere- 
 rogation with refpect to the equality of 
 rights, and extended it even to-ui partition 
 of the privileges of a hufband ; by which 
 means he fuccefsfully qualified himfelf for 
 a Jacobin, and procured furficient intereft 
 to be afterwards elected a. member of the. 
 Convention. 
 
 M. Rouelle, fome years ago, kept a 
 fmall eating-houfe in the vicinity of Lon- 
 don,
 
 don, which, having been under the lie- 
 ceflity of quitting, he caught the golden, 
 glorious opportunity afforded by the reign 
 of anarchy, of retiring to his native coun- 
 try, where he has been exalted to the 
 honour of being deputed a member of the 
 National Convention. 
 
 M. Danton was the fbn of a butcher : 
 he procured the protection of the late Prin- 
 cefs de Lamballe, by marrying a relation 
 of the maid of her femme de chambre. 
 By the interefl of the princefs, he was ap- 
 pointed a farrier to the Count d'Artois* 
 ftud : he pra&ifed, alfo,. as a doctor; but 
 was fo unfuccefsful, that the Count con- 
 ftantly threatened any of his fervants who 
 difpleafed him, with the attendance of 
 Danton. He had, before the King's ac- 
 ceptance of the Conftitution, been decrete 
 de prlfe de corps, but efcaped in the general 
 amnefty. He was one of the principal in- 
 frigators of the horrid mafTacre committed 
 on his former benefactrefs, and is now 
 the miniiler of Juftice. 
 
 The
 
 ( 433 ) 
 
 The gentleman who now calls himfeif 
 Marat, thought proper to adopt that name 
 after having been engaged and difcovercd 
 in forging the Billets d'Efcompte, and 
 taken refuge from his purfuers in England, 
 where he afterwards taught the French 
 language ; he alfo took advantage of the 
 abolition of laws in France to return to 
 his own country in fafety, where he has, 
 however, fince, been nine times decrete de 
 prlfe de corps ; but his efforts in the caufe 
 of patriotifm have at lafl been rewarded by 
 a feat in the National Convention. 
 
 M. Carra was, in his youth, condemned 
 to the gallows for breaking open a mop, 
 and dealing from it money and goods ; his 
 fentence was afterwards exchanged for 
 two years imprifonment, and a fubfequent 
 and perpetual banimment : during his ex- 
 ile, he ftole a gold watch, and being con- 
 victed of the theft, he contrived to make 
 a fudden change in his refidence. On his 
 return to Paris, after the Revolution, his 
 talents were fufficiently acknowledged to 
 F f fecure
 
 ( 43+ ) 
 
 {ecu re him a feat in the Jacobin Club, 
 from which, he has fmce been advanced 
 to a more confpicuous poft in the National 
 Convention. 
 
 M. Gorfas formerly kept a little day- 
 fchool ; but, having murdered his father, 
 he was condemned to expire on the wheel : 
 this fentence was, however, afterwards 
 mitigated, and he was fent to the gallies 
 for life. He contrived, a few years ago, to 
 get free, and return to Paris : he was 
 firft admitted to the Jacobins ; and, fe- 
 condly, was made a member of the Con- 
 vention. 
 
 Such are the characlers of the leading 
 and moft confpicuous men in the French 
 National Convention, called together for 
 the purpofe of framing a conftitution and 
 code of laws, for the government of a great 
 empire ! 
 
 When the crimes and principles of thefe 
 reprefentatives, almoft universally known 
 
 in
 
 ( 435 j 
 
 in France, are confidered, and when it is 
 allowed, as it furely muft be, that no men 
 of fenfe, reafon, or integrity would eleft 
 fuch members, a ftrong prefumption may 
 be drawn, that the principal power of elec- 
 tion 'fell to the lot of the Jacobins, and 
 their adherents ; for, although every one 
 at a certain age was allowed the privilege 
 of voting, yet, fo great was the fear of 
 the mob, that no one dared to oppofe or 
 refufe their fuffrages, to any they thought 
 proper to nominate. 
 
 When, alfo, it is confidered, that con- 
 vulfions and infurreclions in an empire af- 
 ford fo good an opportunity to the moft 
 abandoned profligates, of elevating them*' 
 felves fo high above their proper fphere, 
 when a Gorfas, a Carra, and a BrifTot 
 have, by fuch convulfions, found means to 
 rife from the moft infamous filiations, to 
 which they were condemned for infrac- 
 tions of the law, and become legiflators, 
 it is not to be wondered at, fmce the befl 
 of countries may produce the worft of 
 F f 2 men,
 
 men, that, even in Great Britain, there 
 mould be found perfons, and even natives, 
 who would willingly ftrike a dagger at the 
 heart of the conftitution, that, in the ge- 
 neral confufion, they might be thrown up 
 from their obfcurity, and, for a few mo- 
 ments of a dishonoured life, be borne on 
 the furface of fedition and rebellion. But 
 to fuch men it mould be obferved, that 
 although in the convulfions of the ocean 
 the natural gravitation of particles may 
 for a fhort time ceafe, and denfity, torn up 
 from its abyfs, may be hurried into the 
 chaos of confounded matter, yet, when 
 the tempeft has fubfided, original prepon- 
 dency muft again erifiie, and the heavier 
 particles muft defcend to their former li- 
 mits, from which, nothing but extraor- 
 dinary commotions could have raifed them. 
 
 As in the natural, fo is it in the politi- 
 cal world ; ftates are fubjecl: to frequent 
 florms, when the minds of men, agitated 
 by violent paffions, fwell up, deftroy the 
 Supremacy of reafon, and, in the anarchy 
 
 of
 
 ( 437 ) 
 
 of confufed and contending ideas, oftea 
 imbibe fentiments inappropriate and preju- 
 dicial to their natural temper. It is in this 
 hurried ftate of oppofite fenfations, that 
 men are frequently called upon to appoint 
 a ruler or reprefentative ; their difcrimi- 
 natiiig feelings are loft in the tempeftuous 
 fituation of their minds ; the moft noto- 
 rious object ftrikes them as the moil de- 
 ferving ; and, consequently, their carelefs 
 choice generally falls upon the veryperfon. 
 who has, by difturbing their fenfes, pre^ 
 vented their choofing properly, 
 
 . 
 
 It is by putting the minds of men into 
 
 this ftate of fermentation, by baniming 
 their reafon, and poifoning or concealing 
 the true fources of information, that ambi- 
 tious and artful profligates endeavour to 
 effect their defigns. Thofe perfons, who 
 (profiting by the mildnefs and indulgence 
 of our laws, by the free principles of 
 which, and the liberty they allow, they 
 are permitted publicly to utter and propa< 
 gate their fentiments with impunity) dare 
 V* to
 
 '( 438 ) 
 
 to pretend that they are the advocates for 
 the true rights of man, and attempt to ex- 
 cite infurrection in this country, under the 
 pretence that we are not free, mufl at once 
 be condemned in the eyes of every fenfible 
 and worthy man. If their principles were 
 honourable, if they really wimed to ierve 
 and inftruct the people of this ifland, and 
 make them happier (if poffible) than they 
 are at prefent, they would enter into a full 
 difcuffion of our government and conftitu- 
 tion, neither of which need fhrink from 
 ftrict and fevere inveftigation ; they would 
 point out the defects of each : but they 
 would tell the people, at the fame time, 
 that no government or conftitution can be 
 perfect ; they would add, alfo, the caufes 
 of this neceffary imperfection, the imper- 
 fection of humanity. They would then 
 counterbalance the defects with the advan- 
 tages with the bleffings afforded us by 
 our constitution, and mew how little we 
 want, but how much we have : they 
 would dwell upon the good things we al- 
 ready poflefs, and urge the improbability, 
 
 if
 
 ( 439 ) 
 
 if not the impoffibility, of procuring bet- 
 ter. They would not addrefs the wander- 
 ing ideas, but the determined judgment of 
 the people : they would not prefent a daz- 
 zling and fleeting meteor to their imagina- 
 tion-, but a folid and fteady light unto their 
 reafon : they would not ranfack theory to 
 obtain a fictitious power of telling them what 
 they have not, but adduce practice to afk 
 them what .they could have more. Such 
 would be the conduct of honourable men ; 
 but iuch a conduct would ferve only to 
 increafe the content of the people, and 
 the confcioufnefs of their happinefs under 
 their prefent government : it would caufe 
 no confufion, no infurredion, no re- 
 bellion, no maflacres, no plunder, 
 no partition of fpoils ; the people would 
 remain in a tranquil ftate of honourable 
 allegiance*, receiving and enjoying the 
 bleflings of a free and glorious govern- 
 ment, and paying the debt of gratitude 
 for the protection of their liberty, their 
 property and life. Merit would continue 
 to be the exclufive means of preferment ; 
 F f 4 fupe-
 
 ( 44 ) 
 
 fuperior talents would be fuperiorily re- 
 warded, and honour and honefty would 
 remain the acknowledged fundamentals of 
 public and private virtue. Such a prof- 
 peel:, however, would no: be conciliatory 
 with the wimes of Englim Jacobins ; their 
 defperate fortunes require more defperate 
 refources ; their interefts are at variance 
 with peace and good government, from 
 either of which they would have nothing 
 to hope : it is on a convulfion in the em- 
 pire that they build for advancement, 
 when the laws may be violated, liberty 
 overthrown, property plundered without 
 redrefs, and when the dagger of the aflaf- 
 fm, or the fword of the murderer, may be 
 died with impunity in Britifh blood. Such 
 evils, it is to be hoped, though fo induftri- 
 ou-fly promoted, for the worft of purpoies, 
 will never be the portion of this country. 
 We have not yet deferted our Creator, 
 and he will not defert us. We acknow- 
 ledge a fupreme Being, and obey his laws, 
 we worfhip him in his fanctuaries, and 
 preferve his temples from facrilege and vi- 
 olation;^-
 
 ( 441 ) 
 
 elation; in the cottage and on the throne, 
 he is, with equal humility, adored and 
 glorified ; his minifters are refpedled and 
 reverenced, and fubje6t to no perfecution. 
 
 Immediately after the proceedings of 
 the loth of Auguft, and the deftru&ion of 
 the conftitution, the government of France 
 became divided and fub-divided into nu- 
 merous felf-created communities. The 
 National AfTembly preferved their folia- 
 tion, but had no other power than that of 
 pafling the decrees which were brought to 
 them, already refolved on by other foci- 
 eties. The provifional commifTaries, or 
 reprefentatives of the commons, formed a 
 moil delpotic tribunal : by their orders, 
 every one fufpecled of ariftocracy was pri- 
 vately arrefted and thrown in prifon. 
 Numbers were taken from their beds, du- 
 ring feveral following nights, and fecretly 
 conveyed to the different dungeons, there 
 to remain, until the mob could be routed 
 to another and more general mafTacre. * 
 The barriers were kept ftrictly guarded, 
 
 that
 
 ( 44* ) 
 
 that no one might efcape, until the let- 
 tres de cachet, iflued by this newly form- 
 ed power, fhould be effectually enforced, 
 and the -fufpected perfons furrendered to 
 the numerous bafliles ftill exifting, or to 
 immediate execution from the rabble. It 
 would be impoffible to enumerate the 
 many murders that continued, for a 
 long time, to be committed. It may not, 
 however, be unneceflary to obferve, that 
 the Jacobins took the moft efFe&ual me- 
 thods of removing every poffibility of 
 contradiction to the reports they intended 
 to circulate, reipeclingthe treachery of the 
 Swifs, the correfpondence of the King 
 with the combined powers, and the 
 forged letters which the people were to 
 fuppofe were original and found in the 
 palace, by murdering every one who might 
 have been able to throw any light on thofe 
 dark tranfaclions. 
 
 When the proprietors of particular houfes 
 c>r apartments were no longer in exig- 
 ence, and, of courfe, no longer capable of 
 
 deny-
 
 ( 443 ) 
 
 denying any charges that might he brought 
 againft them, numerous letters were laid 
 on the table of the AfTembly, laid to have 
 been found in the pockets or fecretaries of 
 the deceafed. To all reafoning men it ap- 
 peared, that every one formerly connected 
 with the court was purpofely murdered, 
 for the fake of a pretended difcovery of 
 treafonable letters. Some of the notes, 
 memorandums and bills, which were Tent 
 to the Aflembly, as papers found in the 
 bureau of M. la Porte, the (reward of the 
 civil lift, were too decidedly explanatory 
 to have been the production of a perfon 
 engaged in a tranfaction, on the conceal- 
 ment of which his life depended. In this, 
 as in many other circumftances, the vil- 
 lany of the Jacobins, by endeavouring to 
 prove too much, revealed itfelf. Men 
 may fufFer themfelves to be deceived, fb 
 long as the aiTertions that are intended to 
 deceive them are confined to the limits of 
 probability : but when aflertions, for fimi- 
 lar effects, are once difcovered to exceed* 
 the cuftomary bounds of credulity, the 
 
 mind,
 
 ( 44* ) 
 
 mind, revolting againft the perfidious de- 
 fign, is excited to a fpirit of indignation, 
 and does not content itfelf with refilling 
 
 O 
 
 credit to the improbable, but cafts a retro- 
 fpeccive doubt over every circumflance it 
 formerly believed to be true. 
 
 The fame obfervations may be applied 
 to the letters, fuppofed to have been found 
 in the King's apartments : but, independ- 
 ent of the ftyle and language in which 
 thofe letters w r ere generally written, there 
 are three ftrong improbabilities that muffc 
 be removed, before it can be believed that 
 they were not forged. 
 
 In the firft place, it is generally be- 
 lieved, by the belt informed perfons (ex- 
 cepting thofe immediately concerned) that 
 the King, lince his acceptance of the con- 
 ftitution, never held any private corref- 
 pondence with the Princes, or any other 
 Emigrants*. 
 
 In 
 
 * I have been aflured, by the be ft authority, that fince 
 the King's acceptance of the conftitution, he has decidedly 
 
 refuted
 
 ( 445 ) 
 
 In the next place, it is almofr. certain, 
 that, if the King had held fuch a corref- 
 pondence, he would not have preferved 
 the letters that compofed it, efpecially af- 
 ter the 2oth of June, when every day and 
 hour threatened the fecurity of them; and 
 when he mu.fl have known, that, if the 
 people once obtained poffeffion of them, 
 his deflrudtion would be no longer doubt- 
 ful. 
 
 In the third place, bad\\e held fuch a 
 correfpondence, and had he preferved the 
 letters, it is very improbable, that, on the 
 loth of Auguft, he would not have de- 
 frroyed them, when he left his palace, and 
 its contents, at the mercy of the rabble. 
 
 If 
 
 refufed to hold, and has never held, any private corref- 
 pondence, directly or indirectly, with the Princes, except- 
 ing one, the following inftance : The Princes once ap- 
 plied to him for a fupply of money, which the King re- 
 fufed ; obferving, that having thought proper to accept the 
 constitution, and fworn to defend it, he would never be 
 guilty of any thing with which his confcience might re- 
 proach him, but would apply the money allowed him by 
 the coaftitution, to the fupport of it.'
 
 ( 446 ) 
 
 If we add to the above confiderations, 
 the murder of all thofe who would have 
 been on the fpot to have invalidated the 
 pretended difcovery, the fpace of time that 
 had elapfed after the loth, before the let- 
 ters* were produced, and the characters of 
 perfbns principally concerned in their be- 
 ing produced, it may, without any dan- 
 ger of oppofing truth, be believed, that 
 they were all forged. 
 
 Immediately after the loth, immenfe 
 numbers of people applied for paiTports, 
 which were not, for fome time,, on any 
 account, to be obtained, except by parti- 
 cular and well known individuals. At 
 laft, the prohibition of egrefs occafioned 
 fo much inconvenience, that the AfTembly 
 pafled a decree that pafTports mould be 
 given, under certain reftriclipns. The 
 reprefentatives of the commons had not, 
 
 how- 
 
 * The greater part of them were not brought to the 
 Aflembly until fix, feven, eight, or more days, after the 
 pillage of the palace.
 
 ( 447 ) 
 
 however, yet completed their denuncia- 
 tions and profcriptions : they, therefore, 
 fent a deputation to the AiTembly, de- 
 manding a decree, that no paffports mould 
 yet be granted, except to thofe concerned 
 in the proviiionment of the capital. The 
 AfTembly conformed to their demand, and 
 continued for feveral days, alternately, al- 
 lowing and prohibiting the diftribution of 
 paffports. A French gentleman having 
 applied perfonally to M. Petion for a paff- 
 port, on the I4th, the latter refufed ir, 
 adding, that in twice twenty-four hours, 
 they would be given to every one ; but 
 that, in the mean time, it was neceflary 
 that allegrefs mould be prevented, as there 
 were frill Ibme fufpedted perfons who were 
 not fecured. 
 
 It was at firft neceffary that all French- 
 men mould bring with them, to the Mairie, 
 a teftimonial of their being good citizens, 
 from the fe&ion in which they had re- 
 fided. About fifteen hundred were, one 
 morning, crowding round the Maine to 
 
 have
 
 ( 448 ) 
 
 have their teftimonials examined, and pafT- 
 ports granted. As many as could be con- 
 veniently introduced at a time, men and 
 women, had been admitted into the coun- 
 cil-hall, where feveral of the magistrates 
 were fitting to tranfact bufmefs. While 
 the magifrrates were examining teftimo- 
 nials, and granting paiTports, a party of 
 federates brought a poor man before them, 
 whom they accufed of having Stolen 
 fomething in the palace on the loth : 
 the federates obferved, that they did not 
 choofe to execute him themfelves, but had 
 brought him there to receive the fen- 
 tence of the law : they added, that they 
 had found nothing on him, but had caught 
 
 
 him in the at of fte'aling. The man pro- 
 teSted his innocence ; a magistrate exam- 
 ined, acquitted him, and requeued the 
 federates to releafe him. The federates 
 replied to the magistrate, that his acquitting 
 the man did not fignify a farthing, for 
 they had feen him Steal ; and if he did not 
 think proper to order him to be executed, 
 they would cut off his head immediately
 
 ( 449 ) 
 
 themfelves. The poor man begged for 
 his life, the magiftrates reafoned with 
 them in vain ; one of them having pro- 
 cured a fcythe, they took it from its han- 
 dle, and having laid the man on the ground, 
 and confined him, in the prefence of the 
 magistrates, and a great number of terri- 
 fied fpectators, they fawed off his head, 
 laughing at, and enjoying the excruciating 
 torments of the victim, and the feelings of 
 thofe around them. 
 
 The horror excited by this cruel action 
 will be greatly heightened, when it is 
 confidered, that there was no authority or 
 force in Paris, that dared attempt to pre- 
 vent or punifh the authors of it : they re- 
 tired perfectly unmolefted from the fcene 
 of their barbarity. 
 
 While I am engaged on the fubject of 
 paiTports, it may not be improper or foreign 
 to the nature of my talk, to introduce a 
 few anecdotes relative to them. 
 
 a* The
 
 C 45 ) 
 
 The paffports that had been printed be- 
 fore the fufpenfion of the King were ftill 
 distributed : before the fecretary delivered 
 any one to the perfon applying for it, he 
 croffed out the crown, on the upper part 
 of the fheet, with his pen, and erafed 
 the words, " La Nation, /aLoi, etle Roi" 
 and fubftituted in their ftead, " La Li- 
 " berte et rEgalite" The paiTport was 
 afterwards to be iigned by M. Petion, be- 
 fore it could be deemed valid. It was ne- 
 cefTary, alfo, to have it examined and 
 figned by a committee, appointed for that 
 purpofe near the barriers in Paris, and by 
 the municipal officers at the principal 
 towns through which the bearer might 
 pafs, and to have the words " Seen to pafs 
 " at * * **," written on it. 
 . 
 
 The qualifications of the officers ap- 
 pointed, in the different towns, to examine 
 and fign paflports, which is, by no means, 
 an unimportant bufinefs, may be eftima- 
 *ed by the following anecdotes : 
 
 A gen-
 
 ( 45 ) 
 
 A gentleman entering one of the prin- 
 cipal towns in France, was afked for his 
 palTport ; he, accordingly, delivered it to 
 the officer, who held it for fome time the 
 wrong fide upwards, and having pretend- 
 ed to read it, returned it to the bearer, 
 obferving, that it was a good one. 
 
 Another gentleman travelling from 
 Geneva to Paris, was, in like manner, 
 requefted to mew his paflport : the offi- 
 cer having taken it, and with feveral others 
 looked over and about it for fome time, the 
 gentleman ihewed fome impatience, as it 
 rained very much, to have it returned : 
 the officer having confulted with his com- 
 panions a few moments, and examined the 
 paper completely, obferved, that it was ne- 
 ceflary that the words " feen to pafs," 
 ihould be written on it, and that it mould 
 be figned by one of them. The gentleman 
 requefted that they would be expeditious, 
 and do what was proper with it ; the of- 
 ficer, (hewing fome confufion, replied, that 
 he could not write, but if Monlieur would 
 Gz be
 
 ( 45* ) 
 
 be kind enough to alight, and write " vu 
 faffer" for him, and fign his (the officer's) 
 name, that would anfwer the purpofe, and 
 he fhould be much obliged to him. The 
 gentleman, accordingly, alighted, and hav- 
 ing properly endorfed his pafTport, releaf- 
 cd the officer from his dilemma, and pro- 
 ceeded on his journey. * 
 
 When the numerous and extenfive pri- 
 ibnsf were completely filled with fufpecl:- 
 ed perfons of all ranks, the mob mewed 
 themfelves extremely impatient to have 
 them immediately tried : but fome diffi- 
 culty having prevented the appointment 
 
 of 
 
 * The French word for " feen," was written three dif- 
 ferent ways on my paflport, and neither of them right : 
 the gentleman who figned it in Paris, after much hefita- 
 tion and confideration, wrote " vous." 
 
 f The Palais Bourbon and feveral other large hotels, 
 were convened into prifons on this barbarous occafion. 
 The eftablifhed ones, though large and numerous, not 
 being fufh'ciently capacious to contain the immenfe num* 
 bers that were continually arrefted.
 
 ( 453 ) 
 
 of a proper and effectual tribunal for that 
 purpofe, a delay took place, which irritated 
 thefoveretgn tofo great a degree, that they 
 fent, one day, a deputation to the Aflem- 
 bly, the orator of which delivered their 
 fentiments at the bar, in the following 
 words : 
 
 " To-night the tocfm mall found, 
 " the general fhall beat, and the people 
 " will rife up once more to do thernfelves 
 " juftice. Why are not the Swifs and the 
 " other traitors judged ? Muft the people 
 *' for ever remind you of your duty ? 
 " Perform it, or this night we will re- 
 ourfelves." 
 
 The alarmed AfFembly immediately in- 
 formed their petitioners, that a tribunal 
 fhould be inftituted without delay, and in* 
 treated them to preferve the calm pride of 
 fove reign majefty, 
 
 This deputation was a iignal to the re* 
 
 prefentatives of the commons for offering 
 
 G g 3 their
 
 ( 454 ) 
 
 their propofed plan for, the organifation of 
 a tribunal, which might be found in erery 
 refpect adequate to the accompliihment of 
 their defigns. They remarked, therefore* 
 to the AiTembly, that it was neceflary that 
 the tribunal to be formed mould be fo 
 organifed, as to be efficient to judge all 
 thofe who might be fulpeded of a wifh to 
 co-operate in a civil war. 
 
 They propofed, that forty-eight juries of 
 accuiation. mould be taken from the forty- 
 eight fe&iori? of Paris, and that as many 
 mould be felected among the federates 
 from the departments ; that an equal 
 number mould betaken to form the jury 
 of judgment ; that this high court mould 
 be prefided over by four grand judges 
 taken from the National Aflembly ; and 
 that two grand procurators, alfo from the 
 Aflembly , mould be added to it. 
 
 Had not the execution of the unfortu- 
 nate prifoncrs preceded their trial, a doubt 
 
 can*
 
 ( 455 ) 
 
 cannot exift of the judgment that would 
 have been parted upon them. 
 
 M. La Fayette, having heard of the pro- 
 ceedings on the loth, and viewing the fuf- 
 penfion of the King in its true light, as 
 .the work bf a lawlefe faction, caufed the 
 commiflaries fent to enlighten the army 
 on that fubjeft, to be arrefted at Sedan. A 
 great part of his army had declared that 
 they would no longer fight for factions, 
 and avowed themfelves the advocates of the 
 King, and the constitution, as accepted 
 by him : but feveral battalions revolted 
 from their allgiance, and declared for the 
 Rational Affembly. 
 
 The AiTembly being informed of what 
 La Fayette had done, M. Laiburce propo- 
 fed, that a decree of accufation fhould be 
 parted againft him : but M. Chabot ob- 
 ferved, that La Fayette would laugh at 
 thatmeafure in the midft of his army, and 
 demanded that the Aflembly fhould pub- 
 the popular martial law againft this 
 G g 4
 
 ( 456 ) 
 
 perfidious general, and that every one 
 fhould be ordered to fire at him as at a mad 
 dog. " Let us make life," added he, 
 " of revolutionary meafures again/I a coun- 
 n ter-revolutionijl ." 
 
 " Let his relations, his wife and chil- 
 " dren, who are at Havre, be fecured as 
 " hoftages." 
 
 The AfTembly decreed, after a fhortdif- 
 cuffion, that " the ci-devant general La 
 Fayette is put in a flate of accufation. 
 
 " That, in cafe he fhould refufe to 
 fubmit to the decree, all citizens are or- 
 dered to fecure his perfon by every poflible 
 means. 
 
 " All the public authorities, and all ci- 
 tizens, are forbidden to give him any af- 
 fiftance, under the penalty of being con- 
 fidered as his accomplices." 
 
 La
 
 ( 457 ) 
 
 La Fayette, hearing of the above decree, 
 left his army, in company with the prin- 
 cipal officers, with an intention of feeking 
 an afylum in a country, whofe govern- 
 ment was not in an actual ftate of hoftility 
 againft France. They were, however, 
 taken prifoners, and confined by the enemy. 
 
 On the i pth of Auguft, the AfTembiy 
 were informed, that the adminiftrators of 
 the department du Var, fitting at Toulon, 
 had taken very vigorous meafures ; that 
 they had tranfported all the refractory 
 priefts ; that they had broken open all fuf- 
 picious letters, and burnt, by the hands of 
 the executioner, all the ariftocratic jour- 
 nals. The AfTembly having very loudly 
 applauded the falutary precautions taken 
 by this department, M. Cambon rofe up, 
 and obferved 
 
 " You applaud, gentlemen, very warm-* 
 " ly, the tranfportatiou of the refractory 
 " priefts, and yet there is no law to au- 
 " thorlze it : make, therefore, a general 
 
 " law
 
 " law for all the departments : decree, 
 
 44 that all the ecclefiaftics, who have ne- 
 
 " ver taken the oath, and they who, hav- 
 
 " ing taken it, have iince retracted it, mall 
 
 " be tranlported." 
 
 The Aflembly, in a moment, adopted 
 the propofition of M. Cambon, amidft the 
 louden: applaufe ; and, without the leaf! 
 deliberation, pafTed the cruel and horrid 
 decree. 
 
 Thus, at the commencement of the 
 pretended refloration of liberty, were thefe 
 unfortunate and perfecuted men, after hav- 
 ing been robbed and plundered of their 
 poflefiions, and delivered over to the viru- 
 lence and infults of a lawlefs rabble,, exiled 
 from their country, for having refuled to 
 facrifice the dictates of their confcience, in 
 their attachment to their lawful fovereign, 
 or the fervice and worfhip of their maker. 
 
 Another dieadful {torm now began to 
 hover over Paris ; the defpotifm of the 
 
 com-
 
 ( 459 ) 
 
 commifTaries of the commons had excited 
 the jealoufy of the other authorities, and 
 the National AfTembly began to mew figns 
 of a revolt againft their arrogated influ- 
 ence. The commiflaries ehdeavoured af- 
 fiduoufly to prolong their provifional pow- 
 er, until the meeting of the Convention. 
 The Jacobins began to wage war with 
 each other, fome having demanded the 
 immediate execution of the King and 
 Queen, and others infifting upon their ftill 
 being kept as hoftages, refponfible for the 
 invafions of the combined armies. Petion 
 was gradually loiing a popularity, which 
 Robertfpierre was courting, by continually 
 and furioufly infifting on the trial of the 
 numerous prifoners fufpecled of ariftocra- 
 cy, and thofe confined for their proceed- 
 ings on the loth of Auguft. It muft not 
 be fuppofed, however, tfcat Petion was ac- 
 tually become lefs deferving of the favour 
 of the patriots than he had before been : 
 but he was fly and defigning, and medita- 
 ted and encouraged in fecret the plans of 
 future mafTacre ; and, confequently, being 
 
 a lefs
 
 a lefs notorious agent of villany than many 
 others, the populace began to imagine that 
 he was endeavouring to defert them, and 
 transferred the excefs of their adoration to 
 more open and bold adventurers. Robert- 
 fpierre, on the contrary, having, fince the 
 i oth of Auguft, daringly flood forward as 
 the advocate of defperate murder, they 
 agreed to enlift themfelves under his ban- 
 ners. Frivolous, defignedly frivolous ex- 
 cufes were made for delaying the much- 
 talked-of trials ; and Robertfpierre was con- 
 trivedly oppofed, for the purpofe of aggra- 
 vating the impatience of the multitude, 
 and urging them to involve in one indif- 
 criminate and general maiTacre, all thofe, 
 who, from a deficiency in the arguments 
 of their guilt, might efcape from the fen- 
 tence of a tribunal, not too notorioufly 
 partial. Thus, by the moil intricate vil- 
 lany, the Jacobins endeavoured to excul- 
 pate themfelves from the guilt of tranfac- 
 tions, undoubtedly the confequences of 
 their own contrivances, and afcribed them 
 to thefudden and irreliflible fury of a mob, 
 
 im-
 
 Impatient of the delay of a trial, which 
 they defignedly prorogued. 
 
 The rapid advance of the Duke of 
 Brunfvvick, and the fummons which he 
 had fent to the garrifon of Verdun, gave 
 the lair, and moil effective mitigation to a 
 general infurre&ion. 
 
 The news of the Duke having beiieged 
 that town, and the improbability of its be- 
 ing able long to fuftain the fiege, excited 
 the greateil confirmation in Paris. The 
 municipality, with the irttent of itimula- 
 ting the minds of the people to fome effi- 
 cient purpofe, publiihed the following re- 
 folutions : 
 
 The barriers mail immediately be ftrictly 
 guarded, and no egrefs mail be permitted. 
 . 
 
 All horfes, fit for the fervice of thofe 
 who are to go to the frontiers, (hall be in- 
 ffontly feized. 
 
 All
 
 All citizens fhall hold themfelves in rea- 
 dinefs to march at a moment's warning. 
 
 Citizens, who, on account of their age 
 and infirmities, are not able inftantly to 
 march, mail depofit their arms at the fec- 
 tions, to be given to fuch citizens as can- 
 not arm themfelves, and who may be de- 
 firous to march to the frontiers. 
 
 All fufpected perfons, and they who are 
 fo cowardly as to refufe to march, mail be 
 inftantly difarmed. 
 
 Twenty-four commiffioners mall im- 
 mediately proceed to the armies, to an- 
 nounce to them thefe refolutions, and to 
 the neighbouring departments, to invite 
 the citizens to join their brethren at Pa- 
 ris, to march in a body to meet the enemy. 
 
 The military committee mall fit perma- 
 nently : they fhall meet in the commons 
 houfe, in the hall ci-devant de la Reine. 
 
 The
 
 The alarm guns (hall be immediately 
 fired, and the general (hall be beat in all 
 the fections, to announce to the citizens 
 the dangers of their country. 
 
 
 
 The National Aflembly, and the provi- 
 fional executive powers, (hall be informed 
 -of thefe decrees. 
 
 The members of the general council 
 fhall immediately repair to their refpective 
 feclions, announce there the difpofitions to 
 be made by the prefent decrees, and paint 
 with energy to all their fellow citizens, 
 the imminent dangers of their country, 
 and the treachery with which they are 
 iurrounded and threatened ; they (hall 
 reprefent to them, in the moft forcible 
 manner, that their liberty is in danger, 
 and that the French territories are invaded; 
 they fhall, likewife, reprefent to them, 
 that the intention of our enemies is to re- 
 duce us again to the moil: ignominious fla- 
 very ; that we ought, rather than fubmit 
 to it, bury ourfelves under the ruins of 
 
 our
 
 ( 464 ) 
 
 onr country, and not to give up our towns, 
 'till they {hall have been converted into a 
 heap of afhes. 
 
 In confequence of the above refolutions, 
 the tocfin was rung, the general was beat, 
 the alarm guns were fired, and the people 
 foon afTembled, in very great numbers, in 
 the Champ de Mars. The municipal of- 
 ficers on horfebacky and in their fcarfs, 
 proclaimed, in every quarter of the town, 
 that the country was in danger, and that 
 it became all good citizens to fly to its 
 relief. 
 
 The proclamations of the municipality 
 were anfwered, as ufual, by the cries of 
 " Five la Nation ! Five la Liber te ! Five 
 "rEgalite! a has les tyrant!" The Ja- 
 cobins, with Robertlpierre at their head, 
 were employed, in different parts of the 
 town, in thundering out anathemas againft 
 the court and the ariftocrats, and endea- 
 vouring to perfuade the people that they 
 were betrayed, that their foreign ene- 
 mies
 
 ( 465 ) 
 
 mies were not the moft to be dreaded, 
 that the furnace of counter-re volution was 
 burfting out in Paris, that, in the mo- 
 ment when the brave citizens (hould be at 
 a proper diftance from the capital, on their 
 march to defend the frontier towns, the 
 prifons would be opened, and the torrent 
 of ariftocracy would rufh out, and deluge 
 the metropolis, that the liberty of the 
 country was in danger, from its internal 
 enemies, and that the recovery and fafety 
 of their natural rights could not be pur- 
 chafed at too dear a rate. The mob, 
 roufed up to the paroxyfm of defperation, 
 declared, that they would pour down by 
 millions on the foreign enemy ; but that 
 they would firft extinguifh the furnace of 
 ariftocracy in the capital, to its laft fpark. 
 They immediately rufhed to the prifons, 
 where the infermented priefts, and other 
 fufpecliedperfons, were confined; and hav- 
 ing procured a lift of their names, and an 
 account of the nature of the crimes for 
 which they were imprifoned, they mur- 
 H h dered
 
 dered them, one by one, in the rnoft 
 (hocking and brutal manner. 
 
 The National AfTembly, having been 
 informed of what was going on, fent a de- 
 putation of twelve members, to endeavour 
 to perfuade the mob to deiifl : but the fury 
 of the multitude was not fo eaiily to be 
 calmed, as it had been excited ; the maf- 
 facre had been begun, and the cries of pity, 
 reafon and juftice, were drowned in the 
 fliouts of paffion, barbarity, and murder- 
 ous execration. Not a fingle perfon accu- 
 ied of high treafon, (ariftocracy) or theft, 
 not a {ingle prieft that could be found, 
 efcaped the horrid (laughter ; while they 
 who had been confined for debt, or trivial 
 offences, were fet at liberty. 
 
 The mafTacre was extended all over 
 Paris ; every prieft and every perfon, on 
 whom the (mall eft fufpicion fell, every 
 one of decent appearance, who was not 
 notorioufly known to be a patriot, who, 
 unfortunately, were difcovered by the rab- 
 
 , ble,
 
 ble, were immediately flaughtered. An 
 aged officer of the King's former body- 
 guard, fome priefts, and a bifhop, were 
 taken np on fufpicion, near the palace. 
 They were about to be conduced to the 
 municipality; but the mob, in their way, 
 chofe to take the law into their own 
 hands, and hanged them a la lanterns. 
 
 Some of the mob went to the prifon dc 
 la Force, where the ladies of honour, and 
 other of the royal attendants, had been 
 chiefly confined fince the loth of Augufr.. 
 Neither fex nor beauty could have any in- 
 fluence over thefe favage butchers, they 
 were all murdered with the moft dreadful 
 aggravations of {laughter, excepting two 
 or three ladies only, whom the commif- 
 iioners of the National AfTembly were 
 happy enough to fave. When the mob 
 firft came to this prifon, the Princefs de 
 v Lamballe kneeled before thefe wretches to 
 implore a fufpenfion of her fate, for four 
 and twenty hours ; this was, after flie had 
 'experienced the grofTeft menaces and in- 
 H h 2 fults,
 
 ( 468 ) 
 
 fults, atlaft acceded to ; and they left her, 
 with the ftrongeft afTurances of a return 
 at the expiration of that period. But, in 
 the mean time, another mob, more feroci- 
 ous than the firft, broke into her apart- 
 ments, and after having executed the mod: 
 Shocking inventions of torture their bar- 
 barity could fuggeft, and mangling her 
 with a brutality too dreadful to relate, 
 they cut off her head, fixed it on a pike, 
 carried it about in ignominious triumph, 
 and delivered her uncovered body to be 
 dragged about the ftreets by favages, if 
 poffible more inhuman than themfelves. 
 
 The fame party then proceeded to the 
 Temple, vowing that they would treat the 
 Queen in the fame manner, and have her 
 head alfo, to carry it about the ftreets with, 
 that of the Princefs de Lamballe. But com- 
 miffioners from the National AfTembly 
 having been fent to the Temple, with 
 great difficulty perfuaded the mob to de- 
 iift from their intentions, telling them, 
 that the lives of their magiftrates were re- 
 
 fponfiblc
 
 fponfible for the fafety of the royal fami- 
 ly. The mob, however, infilled that they 
 would not withdraw -until the King and 
 Queen had witnefled the fpectacle they 
 had brought to fhew them. The com- 
 miffioners undertook to inform the King 
 and Queen of their wifhes. Their Ma- 
 jefties prefented themfelves at one of the 
 windows of their prifon, and the horrid 
 fpeclacle was difplayed before them, while 
 the mob loaded them with the moil (hock- 
 ing execrations, and affured them, that, 
 fome day or other, the fame would be their 
 fate. 
 
 The Princefs de Lamballe had remark- 
 ably long hair : while the wretches were 
 decapitating her, they laid the hair afide, 
 and afterwards dipped it in, and complete- 
 ly moiftened it with her blood. To make 
 the difmal fpetflacle more horrible, while 
 carrying the head on a pike, they pulled 
 the clotted hair over her face, and as it 
 ceafed to drop with her own blood, they 
 H h 3 moif-
 
 ( 470 ) 
 
 moiftened it again, occafionally, with that 
 of others. 
 
 It would be unnecefTary to enumerate 
 all the horrors committed on the 2d of 
 September, and the three or four following 
 days : the maflacre continued with una- 
 bated fury, until the ftreets of Paris were 
 covered with carcafes and feparated limbs. 
 Nor did the females lefsdiftinguim them- 
 felves on this occafion, than on the loth 
 of Auguft : it is a ceitain, though difguft- 
 ing-'truth, that they abfolutely chewed the 
 flem of the mangled victims ; and that it 
 was a common practice to dip pieces of 
 bread in human blood, and eat them with 
 a ravenous delight. 
 
 On the morning of the ^d, a number 
 of priefts, having efcaped the maflacre on 
 the former day, prefented themfelves at 
 the barriers to obtain egrefs ; they were 
 flopped, and a mob being foon collected, 
 they were every one cut to pieces. 
 
 The
 
 ( 47- ) 
 
 The dead bodies remained fb long in 
 the ftreets, that the people, having become 
 familiar with the fight, pafTed by or trod on 
 them without any particular emotion. 
 A decent coat, a clean mirt, a pair of fil- 
 ver buckles, or a watch, were now con- 
 fidered as certain fymptoms of ariftocracy ; 
 or rather, to unfold the truth, they were 
 confidered as fufficient objects of plunder, 
 tojuftify the murder of thofe who wore 
 them; and the word " ariftocrat," in the 
 mouth of the mob, might now be truly 
 defined into the following meaning, -~*~A 
 man from whom we may get fomething by 
 murdering him. 
 
 
 
 I mail here clofe an account of horrors, 
 infinitely too mocking to be dwelt upon, 
 and conclude my undertaking with a few 
 obfervations, which, I hope, will not be 
 unacceptable to the reader, 
 
 The circumftances which I have en- 
 deavoured faithfully to defcribe, have, for 
 the worfl of purpofes, been reprefented by 
 H h 4 many
 
 ( 47' ) 
 
 many to the inhabitants of this country, aa 
 the excufable conferences of the indig- 
 nation of a great people, ftruggling for li- 
 berty, and furrounded by foreign enemies 
 and domeftic treachery. The authors of 
 this perfidy have bafely attempted to prey 
 on the natural generofity of Britons, and 
 their love of freedom, to induce them not 
 only to forgive, but to become the advo- 
 cates of barbarity. That the French have 
 ever been in a&ual pofTeflion of liberty, 
 even fmce the Revolution of 1789, I be- 
 liere will not be very readily allowed by 
 any reasonable man, for never fmce that 
 period has one of the conftituted authori- 
 ties been free in the excrcife of its lawful 
 power. The Revolution was originally 
 brought about, not by the united wimes 
 of the French nation, but by the influence 
 of a few ambitious men, who took advan- 
 tage of the fpirit of difcontent that then 
 prevailed, to excite an inlurrecliion, which 
 tL. had no intentions of directing to the 
 general welfare of their country, but to 
 their own interefted and private views. 
 
 The
 
 ( 4/3 .) 
 
 The moft notorious inftigator of the re- 
 bellion and debaucher of the armies, the 
 Puke d'Orleans, endeavoured to lay the 
 whole blame of the diftrefTes to which the 
 nation had been gradually brought, and 
 principally by the enormous expenfes of 
 Louis the Fourteenth, on Louis the Six- 
 teenth, not that he might perfuade the na- 
 tion to abolim royalty, but to change their 
 King. In this endeavour, he, however, 
 failed. The watch-word of the people, 
 inftead of becoming Vive d* Orleans ! as the 
 Duke expected, foon became Vwe la Li- 
 ber te! and inftead of yielding to the idea 
 of changing their Monarch, they fought 
 only to abridge his prerogatives. 
 
 The Conftituent Aflembly, having ufurp- 
 ed a boundlefs power, endeavoured to con- 
 ciliate the favour of the people, not by ac- 
 tually laying down the ground-work of 
 liberty, but by telling them they were free ; 
 not by eftablifhing the fecurity, but by 
 publifhing the declaration of rights, as if 
 they imagined that every individual in the 
 
 empire
 
 ( 474 ) 
 
 empire would, unrestrictedly, be honour- 
 able, becaufe he was told that it was his 
 duty to be fo. A jealoufy exifted of the 
 former power of the Monarch : the Con- 
 ftituent AfTembly, inftead of confidering 
 how much power it was neceflary to allow 
 the King, for the fecurity of the liberty of 
 the fubject, thought only of how much they 
 might take away from him, to pleafe the 
 momentary caprices of the people; and, 
 confequently, left it at the will of a few 
 ambitious men, to eftablifh a tyrannical oli- 
 garchy. This was foon effected, and in a 
 moft extraordinary manner ; the oligar- 
 chy was not competed of men legally in 
 authority, but of men totally unconnected 
 with the Legiflative Body, excepting by 
 the influence they had obtained over it. 
 Thus France was, for fome time of her 
 pretended liberty, actually governed by a 
 fet of men, on whom fhe hadbeftowed no 
 authority whatever, until the oligarchy, 
 on account of jealoufies, which ever will 
 exift in irregular governments, found it 
 neceffary to call to their afliflance the fa- 
 vour
 
 ( 475 ) 
 
 vour of the mob, on whom they rendered 
 themfelves totally dependent, to fecure 
 their fuperiority over the conftituted au- 
 thorities. The government now became 
 a perfect mobocracy, or rather a confunon 
 of intricate dependencies, over which the 
 mob were fupreme. The King was def- 
 potically governed by the National AfTem- 
 bly, the National AfTembly by the leaders 
 of the Jacobins, and the leaders of the Ja- 
 cobins by the mob. This, however, could 
 not laft long ; it was neceflary that one 
 authority mould be annihilated; the King, 
 being the weakefl, fell the victim to the 
 ftruggling powers. There was no longer 
 any eftablifhed conftitution, the people 
 were invited to depute reprefentatives to 
 form a National Convention ; and every 
 citizen of a certain age, indifcriminately, 
 without regard to fituation, fortune, or 
 character, was allowed the right of vo- 
 ting. This, by the enthufiaftic theorifts 
 of the moment, was confidered as the 
 fureft means of procuring an equal repre- 
 fentation : but the contrary was the con- 
 
 fecruence.
 
 ( 4-6 ) 
 
 feqnence. By this equalization of right, 
 three-fourths, at leaft, of the French na- 
 tion, were debarred from exercifmg their 
 privileges; and the whole power of election 
 was delivered, perhaps and probably de- 
 fignedly, into the hands of the mob, who 
 having fixed upon the moft notorious vio- 
 lators of the late constitution, and the 
 abettors of their murderous proceedings, as 
 their favourites, every quiet and refpecta- 
 ble citizen found himfelf obliged either 
 to withhold his vote, or facrifice his prin- 
 ciples and wifhes to the fear of being in- 
 fulted and afTaffinated, The National 
 Convention, therefore, fo far from being 
 confidered as compofed of the reprefenta- 
 tivesof the French nation, can only be re- 
 garded as a concentration of the fyco- 
 phants of folly, anarchy and ignorance. 
 I am perfuaded, that every honeft man in 
 France would coniider a feat in the Na- 
 tional Convention, as a fituation very far 
 from honourable. Independent of the un- 
 principled qualifications which muft have 
 rendered him a favourite with his elec- 
 tors,
 
 ( 477 ) 
 
 tors, each member of the Convention 
 muft be confcious that he holds his prefeat 
 Situation only on the caprice of an ungo- 
 vernable rabble, who, in the diftribution 
 of their favours, neither regarded know- 
 ledge, integrity, nor political merit, re- 
 flecting only on the part he had taken in 
 the late events, inftead of confidering the 
 important work he was about to be called 
 upon to perform. In this grand election, 
 no reft fiction was made reflecting the 
 characters or property of the future repre- 
 lentatives, every one was indifcriminate- 
 ly eligible. The confequence is, that in 
 the National Convention there is fcarcely 
 a member (excepting the Parifian ringlead- 
 ers of the late rebellion), whofe fame is 
 not confined to the narrow circle of do- 
 meflic broils. The newly broached doc- 
 trine of the rights of man forms the ne 
 plus ultra of their political accomplifh- 
 ments, and the heterogeneous union of 
 liberty and equality, the baiis. of their fu- 
 ture experimental vagaries. With fuch 
 materials are they to form a combining 
 
 fyftem,
 
 jftllem, to unite, in the bonds of amity and 
 ufeful fociety, an exteniive nation. 
 
 In the Conftituent Affembly there were 
 men of enlightened genius, of honour, 
 and of talents ; but building upon falfe 
 foundations, their dazzling fuperftru&ure 
 foon became a heap of ruins: the French 
 have fince refined on inefficience ; they 
 have difcarded material weaknefs, to build 
 on immaterial idea. What the confequence 
 of their prefent labours will be, is hardly 
 to be doubted, mould they accomplifh 
 their intentions, which, however, is far 
 from probable. If they be not interrupted 
 in their defigns by foreign powers, or civil 
 difcord, (one of which, notwithftanding 
 their late fucceffes, feems frill and totally 
 inevitable) they will form a rope of fa nd 
 to bind down rebellious fpirits; they will 
 eredl: the fhadow of liberty, and bury the 
 fubftance in ignorance and fuperftition ; 
 and, while endeavouring to raife a demo- 
 cratic or republican fyftem of govern- 
 ment, will lay the ground-work of a fu- 
 ture
 
 ( 479 ) 
 
 ture and defpotic monarchy ; and this, 
 fuppofmg their intentions pure, and their 
 failure of fuccefs impu table only to their 
 obftinacy and inexperience. But when 
 we view the Convention in another light, 
 and confider the characters of the leading 
 members, and the (reps they have taken 
 to procure advancement, we may fafely 
 conclude, that its prefent ftate of exigence 
 will not be of long duration : thofe men 
 who have acquired fufficient power and 
 popularity to overturn one conftitution, 
 will feldom be contented with fecondary 
 fituations under another ; and when feveral 
 are fimilarly inclined, mutual jealoufies, 
 hatred and difcord muft take place of 
 every confideration for the public good. 
 The general tenor of the former conduct 
 of the principal members of the Conven- 
 tion, proves, that in their endeavours to 
 obtain power, they confulted more their 
 own interefts than that of their country : 
 there is fcarcely one who is not ambitious 
 of obtaining a higher iituation than that 
 which he already holds, though deemed 
 
 the
 
 the higheft in the nation. The Convert* 
 tion mufr, therefore, Toon be divided into 
 contending factions ; and mould the popu- 
 larity of the oppoiite parties be nearly 
 equal, a civil war muft be the confe- 
 quence ; fhould their popularity be une- 
 qual, one of them muft yield, and leave 
 a wide field open to the ambition of the 
 victorious party. The prevailing fpirit of 
 the governors of France is not the love 
 of their country, but the love of them- 
 felves : an union of principle, therefore, 
 is impracticable ; and experience has fuf- 
 ficiently fhewn, that, without this union, 
 no democratic fyftem can exift for any 
 length of time. The republic of .Corinth 
 was overthrown by the ambition of Diceus 
 and his factious party : the Athenian and 
 Roman commonwealths owed their de- 
 ftruclion to the convulfions occafioned by 
 contending factions ; and the French re- 
 public will, perhaps, very mortly add ano- 
 ther proof of the fatal confequences of ci- 
 vil difTentions : the fwords of the murder- 
 ers are not yet fheathed, and other maf- 
 
 facres
 
 facres are preparing to deluge again, in 
 human blood, the ftreets of that devoted 
 city. 
 
 The reign of Louis the Sixteenth, pre- 
 vious to the Revolution, was compofed of 
 a feries of indulgencies to his fubje&s, and 
 an extenuation of his own prerogatives. 
 Since his acceptance of the conftitution, 
 his conftant endeavours have been exerted 
 to maintain it, and to procure, as far as 
 was in his power, the true liberties of his 
 people. The populace, however, were 
 taught, by defigning and ambitious men, 
 to believe that he was endeavouring to in- 
 vade them. They had no true idea of li- 
 berty, they knew not what it was ; and, 
 confequently, were equally incapable of 
 judging when, or by whom it was invaded : 
 its abfence and prefence were alike imper- 
 ceptible. While Louis was yet on the 
 throne, the people were told that their 
 liberty was endangered, becaufe the King 
 had fome control over the Legiflative Body: 
 they believed the flory, and fufpended the 
 I i King,
 
 ( 482 ) 
 
 King. When the King was fufpended, 
 the people were told that they were free : 
 they again, with equal credulity, believed 
 the flattering lie, although the executive 
 power had been transferred to perfons, 
 \vhofe proceedings it was made death to 
 interrupt; and although the commifTaries of 
 the fe&ions had formed themfelves into 
 an independent and defpotic tribunal, ufurp- 
 ing a power, and executing it over the li- 
 berties, lives and properties of their fellow 
 citizens. The French have (till the word 
 liberty in their mouths, although the 
 whole combined authority of France dares 
 not attempt to diflblve this felf-erefted 
 and felf-made-permanent and defpotic tri- 
 bunal, exifting in the metropolis of the 
 empire, influencing the deliberations of 
 the Convention, and diforganizing the 
 principles of its exiilence. 
 
 It is evident, therefore, that the French 
 have no true idea of liberty, fince they may 
 be made flaves while thinking they are 
 free. They fee their fellow citizens ar- 
 
 refled,
 
 reflecl, imprifoned and murdered at the 
 will of an arbitrary and ufurped power, and 
 coniider fuch tranfadions as no invafion of 
 public liberty, becaufe they aftecT: not im- 
 mediately themfelves. Liberty, to exift 
 at all, muft be univerfally exiftent : the 
 unlawful arreftation and imprifonmcnt of 
 a fmgle individual, if fuffered with impu- 
 nity, deftroy at once the liberty of the 
 whole community. 
 
 Yet is this deceived and unjuft nation 
 invading foreign and neutral territories, 
 and endeavouring to excite infurrections 
 in every country in Europe, under the 
 fictitious pretence of instructing the inha- 
 bitants in what they themfelves do not un- 
 derftand, and of giving to others what they 
 themfelves do not pofTefs. They attempt 
 tojuftify their own rebellion, by aflerting 
 the rights of nations to choofe and adopt 
 the fyftem of government mod congenial 
 to their feelings ; and, at the fame time, 
 are invading foreign territories, to force 
 the inhabitants of them to adopt their own 
 i i 2 mis-
 
 t 484 ) 
 
 misfhapen chaos of confufed and undefined 
 excrefcencies of factions. But the inten- 
 tions of the French may be better under- 
 itood from their character than their pro- 
 feffions ; their fyftem is deception, 
 their honour is intrigue, their reafon 
 force, and their rule of conduct the re- 
 fult of varying chances. 
 
 No good and folid government can be 
 eftablimed without a total dereliction of 
 party principles. When new fyftems are 
 about to be formed, after internal convul- 
 hons, it generally happens, that they who 
 have the power of forming them, are in- 
 debted for their elevation to the fuccefs of 
 a party, whom they find themfelves ob- 
 liged to favour, to the prejudice of the 
 community in general. This is one, and a 
 principal reafon why revolutions in go- 
 vernments are frequently attended with 
 fuch inteftine convulfions and other evils, 
 as obftrutl: the poffibility of advantage to 
 the reforming generation, and require the 
 delaying lapfe of centuries to remedy. It 
 
 is
 
 is very feldom, indeed, that Revolutions 
 are immediately beneficial. Though im- 
 partial tyranny may be fubverted by them, 
 partial tyranny, by far the more dangerous 
 of th-e two, will neceffarily follow, and lay 
 the foundation of new insurrections. They 
 muft be fupported by exorbitant expsqfes, 
 notwithstanding which, it is impoffible 
 that all the prevailing party fhould be 
 equally rewarded ; hence new jealouiies 
 and difcontents urging the diflatisfied to re- 
 venge. Every one knows what dreadful 
 conflicts, what erfufions of blood took 
 place, before our excellent conftitution was 
 finally eftablimed on its prefent bafis ; how 
 much was to be deftroyed, how much was 
 to be obtained after its firft institution, before 
 it could fettle into a rigid impartiality into 
 an indifcriminate protection of liberties and 
 rights. Such, however, it at length be- 
 came, and fuch it frill remains ; and yet, 
 in the midfr. of unparalleled advantages, 
 In the midft of the enjoyment of bleffings, 
 for which other nations are ftruggling in 
 vain, fome are to be found diffatisfied. 
 
 In-
 
 ( 486 ) 
 
 Ingratitude cannot be natural to mankind ; 
 ignorance cannot be their excufe ; for the 
 fhperior bleilings of Englishmen are too 
 remarkable to be overlooked. We muft 
 dive, therefore, into the receffes of dif- 
 tracled paflions, to find a caufe why men 
 Ihould revolt from a government which 
 protected them before they could afk for 
 protection, and which ftill continues to 
 preferve to them every thing they hold 
 dear, even at the moment that they are 
 exclaiming the moft againft it, which af- 
 fords them that very liberty, by the abufe of 
 which, they prove its almoft too great 
 indulgence, and of the tendernefs of 
 which, their own conduct and impunity 
 afford the moft ftriking teftimony. 
 
 O J 
 
 Man is born a debtor, not only to his 
 God, but to the government of that foci- 
 ety to which he is introduced. In his ear- 
 lied and moft defencelefs infancy, the laws 
 watch over and protect him with the lame 
 tendernefs and vigilance, as they watch 
 over and protect thofe in a more advanced 
 
 ftate
 
 ( 487 ) 
 
 ftate of exiftence. Even in the womb he 
 claims and mares the guardianmip of pa- 
 ternal laws. The incapability of com- 
 plaining, the weaknefs of his youth, his 
 ignorance how to procure redrefs for inju- 
 ries, are amply compenfated for, by laws 
 that fpeak for him, that defend him, 
 and have force to punifh. His mind is 
 not fuffered to wander in the labyrinth of 
 confufed ideas, refpe&ing the nature of his 
 duties or his being, but is guided under 
 the eye of government to the moft fimple 
 and pure religion, and affifled by paftors, 
 whofe care he commands before he knows 
 how to thank them. When, having been 
 thus protected and inftructed, he arrives at 
 manhood, is there no tie of duty, no bond 
 of obligation, no debt of gratitude con- 
 traded ? Can he caft the eye of reflection 
 over his former iituation, conflder what 
 he is, and what he might have been, but 
 for the protection of the laws, and think 
 himfelf abfolved from every claim of fup- 
 porting that government which lupported 
 him when mod defencelefs ? Can he lee 
 
 that,
 
 that, during his minority, his property, 
 his lawful inheritance, has been preferred 
 to him, and accept it without one retro- 
 fpe&ive glance of gratitude to that power 
 which preferved it from the grafp of avarice, 
 or fuperior force ? Can any honourable and 
 well principled man refufe to acknowledge 
 an obligation fo necefTarily contracted ? 
 Surely no. And what is the demand, in 
 return for thefe numerous benefits ? Al- 
 legiance. A debt how eafily and honour- 
 ably paid ! 
 
 But it is ulelefs to exclaim againft thofe 
 who endeavour to difturb our public tran- 
 quillity, unlefs we can invalidate the argu- 
 ments on which they build their prefump- 
 tion. This appears no difficult attempt. 
 It has been the misfortune of a neighbour- 
 ing nation to have been too much under 
 the influence of theories : all the world 
 know what men ought to be ; but the bafis 
 of governments mould be founded on what 
 men are ; and fuch was the happy and fo- 
 
 lid
 
 lid foundation of our own cointitution. 
 Before any man ought to think of reform- 
 ing any part of our government, he fhould 
 be well allured that the perfons to be go- 
 verned are reformed : before he ought to 
 attempt to make the government perfect, 
 he mould be well aflured of the perfections 
 of its fubjects, left increafed deficiencies 
 mould be the confequence of intended 
 amendments. A more equal reprefenta- 
 tion in Parliament, is one of the cries of 
 our theoretic reformers. That the inha- 
 bitants of England ought to be equally re- 
 prefented, is a very conciliating dolrine, 
 and one that would, if reducible to prac- 
 tice, be approved of by every honefl man ; 
 but, to any one taking a collective view 
 of humanity in its a6r.ua! flate of exiftence, 
 an equal reprefentation will be found im- 
 practicable. Give to every one indifcrimi- 
 nately the liberty of voting for a member 
 of Parliament, and what would be the 
 confequence ? The whole power of elec- 
 tion would fall into the hands of the lowed 
 order of the community, and our Houfe 
 
 Kk Of
 
 ( 49 ) 
 
 of Commons would referable (which God 
 forbid mould ever be the cafe) the Nation- 
 al Convention of France, 
 
 Another plea for the turbulence of pre^ 
 tended reformers, is derived from the pen- 
 fions and finecures granted by government 
 to men apparently undeferving, and from 
 the many ports of emolument and profit, 
 apparently of little importance : thefe they 
 would have annihilated. With refpecl: to 
 the former, it is well known to all but 
 the moil: ignorant, that every political go- 
 vernment requires fecret, concealed, and 
 dangerous fervices, which no one would 
 willingly undertake, but from the profpecl 
 of permanent advantage. Who is there 
 that will pretend to fay, that the perfons 
 enjoying thefe penfions and finecures have 
 not rendered their country efTential and 
 lafling fervices, although the particular 
 inftances may be known only to the King, 
 orminiiter who granted the reward ? The 
 whole nation, perhaps, may be indebted 
 to them for a great part of its fuccefs in 
 
 foreign
 
 ( 49' ) 
 
 foreign wars, or for the prefent tranquil- 
 lity it enjoys : and would a generous na- 
 tion wim fuch fervices unrewarded ? 
 
 With refpedt to the ports of emolument 
 and profit, apparently of no importance, 
 at the difpofal of the minifter, it may be 
 obferved, that they would be ufelefs taxes 
 on the nation, if a minifter could at all 
 times rely on the virtue and wifdom of 
 reprefentatives for fupport : but it is a cer- 
 tain, although a lamentable truth, thatin- 
 tereft is too generally prevalent over prin- 
 ciple. Men in public, as well as private 
 fituations, will feldom be induced to act 
 even according to their principles, unlefs 
 it be made their intereft to do fo ; while 
 many will make a temporary facrifice of 
 their own inclinations, that the future ex- 
 ercife of them may be made more profit- 
 able. This is one of the weaknefTes of 
 humanity, to which the beft of govern- 
 ments muft bend. When a power be dif- 
 covered that can make a whole nation in- 
 dividually perfed, an attempt to make its 
 
 govern-
 
 ( 49* ) 
 
 government fo may then be practicable : 
 but 'till then, Britons may pride and con- 
 tent themfelves with the idea, that their 
 own conftitution comprehends every pofli- 
 ble bleffing ; and that its defects are imput- 
 able only to the impoflibility of perfection. 
 
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