i^H THE PUNJAUB NORTH-WEST FRONTIER OF INDIA. AN OLD PUNJAUBEE. LONDON: C. Kegan Paul & Co., i Paternoster Square. 1878. FncG HENRY MORSE STEPHE88 PREFACE. The following pages have been written with the object of presenting a rough sketch of a country and people destined to play an important part in the not very distant future, as some of us think. I can hardly hope to amuse English readers with descriptions of countries and races so little known to them, but if I can only induce them to take some interest in a subject which is acquiring greater impor- tance with every fresh move of Eussian diplomacy, I shall be content. The authorities I have consulted are Cunningham's ' History of the Sikhs,' Blue Books, official reports and papers; and for much connected with the frontier tribes I have relied on personal observation extending over ten or twelve years. There are two excellent works on the latter subject. Sir E. Temple's ' Notice of the Frontier Tribes,' and Colonel iv PREFACE. Paget's ' History of the Punjaub Irregular Force,' but I have not had the opportunity of consulting either, nor are they accessible to the general public. I have avoided Oriental terms as far as possible, but have been obliged, of course, to call the representatives of the tribes by their right names. CONTENTS. ?Part I. CHAPTER I. PACK Geographical description of the Punjaub — The rivers — The Bar or waste — Its inhabitants — The 'Khoj ' or tracking system— Classi- fication of the population by creeds— The Hindoos — The Mohammedans ....... i CHAPTER II. Brief History of the Sikhs — Decrease in their numbers — Religion — The ' Kooka ' schismatics — Cavises which led to the war with the British in 1845-46 — Claimants to the throne after Runjeet Singh's death — The 'Jumoo' Rajahs— The army— Punchayuts — Sikh army crosses the Sutlej — Battles that followed — Final victory of the British at Sobruon . . . . .11 CHAPTER III. Administration of the Punjaub under a British Resident — Intrigues against the British by the Ranee— Siege of Mooltan — Battles of Ramnuggiir and Chilianwala — Final victory at Goojerat and annexation of the Punjaub. . . . . .26 h CONTENTS. CHAPTER IV. PAGE Geographical description of iSTorth-West frontier — The Affghans— Their political relations — The ' Jirgahs '—Comparison of the Affghans with the Americans of Cortes's time— Affghan inde- pendence of Cabul— Description of the Pathan tribes— The ' Chigurzye '— ' Hussunzye '—The Rludah Khail and Amayze— The 'Judoons' — Bonairs— Swatees — Momunds— Bajourees . 36 CHAPTER V. Causes which led to the Umbelah campaign — The Hindostanee fanatics — Assemblage of the British force— Military and politi- cal difficulties- Occupation of Umbelah Pass by our troops — Constant state of warfare for two months — Final victory at 'Laloo'— Lessons to be derived from this campaign— Notice of the ' Akhoond ' of Swat . . . . -47 CHAPTER VI. The ' Bonairs '—Their fighting strength— The 'Momunds' — Their hostility to us — ' The ' Afreedees ' — The ' Kohat ' Pass — The ' Khutuks ' — The ' Wuzeerees ' — The 'Cabul Khail' — The 'Oomurzye' — Expeditions against those tribes— The 'Muh- soods ' — Desci-iption of their country— Attack on our frontier by a large body of the tribe . . . . .62 CHAPTER VII. Campaign against the INIuhsoods — Its results — The Butunnees — Sheoranees — Oostei'anees — The PoAvindah merchants — The Bilooch tribes — Tlieir character as compared with the Pathans — The Scinde frontier— The Punjaub frontier force . . 74 CONTENTS. Part e. CHAPTER VIII. FAGK Characteristics of the border tribes— Their religion — Blood-feuds — Theft— Treatment of women— Social customs — Hypothesis of the Affghans being the lost Ten Tribes of Israel— The ' Vesh ' — Similarity of this custom to Jewish institutions— Arms of the Affghans— Military system— Treachery of the Affghans— Strength of the different tribes . . . . .9^ CHAPTER IX. Systems of frontier management — In Scinde — In the Punjaub— Duties of the Lieutenant-Governor in connection with it — Pressure of work — Proposed change in system — Advantages thereof — Policy of conciliation so called — Not successful — Failure of Sir Lewis Pelly's mission — Detail of staff for Border Commissioner . . . . . . .105 CHAPTER X. Method of dealing with the frontier tribes — Policy of prompt chas- tisement not properly carried out— Causes of the same — Char- acter of various exxieditions against the tribes — That against the Jowakees — Means available for carrying out expeditions . 120 CHAPTER XI. Political dealings with Cabul — Hostility of the Affghans during the 'Sikh' war of 1848-49 — Change of feeling— Application of Ameer Dost Mahomed to the Governor-General— Subsidies of money and arms granted— Strife for the succession after Dost Mahomed's death — Final success of Sher Ali — His feelings towards us — His visit to Lord Mayo in 1869— Character of Sher Ali — The conciliation policy — Advantages of the move to Quettah — Lord Lawrence's opinion on the subject— Remarks thereon ........ 12S viii CONTENTS. CHAPTER XII. PACK General remarks on the feelings of the natives of India towards the English— The Mohammedans — Opinions regarding them — Sir R. Temple — Vambery — Sir G. Campbell — ' Eraser's Maga- zine '—Major Osborn — Other opinions on this subject— State of feeling among Hindoos and others — Effects in India of* rapid changes ........ 142 CHAPTER XIII. 1\ elation of native soldiers with their ofiBcers— Of civil officers and rj'ots— Unsettled state of feeling in India— Social relations between Europeans and natives — Importance of union among English in India — Present want of esprit de corps— Russian movements in Central Asia, and their effect in India . , 156 CHAPTER XIV. Further remarks on Russian movements in Central Asia — State of feeling among certain native chiefs in India — The native press of India — Reforms required in taxation — Police — Law — Army— Responsibilities of England to India— Conclusion . i; THE PUNJAUB AND NORTH-WEST FRONTIER OF INDIA. CHAPTEE I. Geog7'ap]iical description of the Pimjaub — The rivers— The Bitr or waste— Its inhabitants— The ' KhoJ' or tracking system— Classification of the popidatioji by creeds— The Hindoos — The Mohammedans. The land of the Five Elvers or Punjaub proper is in- cluded in the tract between the ' Sutlej ' and ' Indus ' rivers, between which flow also the ' Beas/ the ' Eavee,' the ' Chenaub,' and the ' Jhelum ; ' the deltas between the rivers being named after the respective rivers which bound them, by combining the initial letters or syllables of each river. Thus the delta between the Beas and the Eavee is called the ' Ba Eee ' ' Dooab ' (land of two rivers) ; that between the Eavee and the Chenaub, the ' Ee Chnab ; ' and that between the Chenaub and the Jhelum, the ' Chu. J.' The delta between the Jhelum 2 THE PUNJAUB. and the Indus rivers deviates from tlie above nomen- clature, and is called the^ ' Sind-Sagor ' Dooab, ' Sind ' Leinf*- the local name for the Indus. o But beyond the Punjaub proper a large tract to the south of the ' Sutlej ' river, including the Ferozepore, Loodianah, and Umballa districts, has always been considered to form part of the Province, and later on, for convenience of local administration, after the Mutiny the Delhi and Hissar divisions, which had formed part of the territory under the Agra Government, were added to the Punjaub; while to the north-west, the tract of country lying between the Indus and the Affghan mountains had been occupied by the ' Sikhs ' under Pamjeet Singh, and it was included as part of the British province of the Punjaub at the annexation of the country in 1849. The northern and western boundaries of the province are formed by the mountain ranges of the Himalayas, from Simla on the north-east to the Suleimani range, whose spurs reach the Scinde frontier to the westward. The 28th degree of north latitude represents nearly the southern, and the 78th degree of east longitude the eastern boundary. Between the several rivers a large barren w^aste is found, the cultivation being confined to belts on each bank, varying more or less in extent. This waste is termed the * Bar,' and runs down the centre of each ' Dooab ' or delta, varying from forty or fifty miles in breadth at the base, to a mile or two as it approaches the apex formed by the junction of the rivers. In the early time of our occupation, these vrastes owing to sparseness of population, remoteness from river irriga- DESERT TRACTS. 3 tioD, and tlie great depth at wliicli water was found, were left almost entirely to the nomade breeders of camels, cattle, &c., plenty of fodder bemg found for the former in the small trees and prickly shrubs with which the waste abounded, and in a favourable rainy season grass in abundance was produced for the cattle. These secluded regions furnished also a safe refuge for cattle-stealers during the earlier period of our rule. ISTothing was easier than to pounce upon an outlying herd belonging to the villages adjoining the 'Bar' at night, and drive them off into the trackless wilderness, and by the time the luckless owners awoke to a sense of their loss, their cattle had been conveyed into the mazes of the jungle, where even with the assistance of the law recovery was well-nigh hopeless. During the 'Sikh' dynasty, and for some time under our own more enlightened rule, no thorough effort was made to check this system of depredation, but civilisation has been attended here as everywhere else with its usual results. Increase of cultivation and growth of population, the handmaids of good govern- ment, are gradually reducing the limits of the waste, and, accompanied by a better system of police adminis- tration, we may look for their final victory in the complete suppression of these reivers of the wilder- ness. The habits of these denizens of the waste were, as may be imagined, rude and uncouth to a degree. They lived chiefly on the produce of their herds ; wheat or maize flour was a luxury, their bread being made principally of the seeds of a jungle grass pounded into 4 THE PUNJAUB. flour. The taste was not unpleasant, but tlie gluten contained in the bread must have been represented by a very small decimal. In a plentiful rainy season water was obtained from ponds for the cattle and their owners, and under the same favourable circumstances grass was to be found in abundance ; but, as a rule, the nomades generally constructed a well at each of their encampments. Tliis was a work of difficulty and toil, as on the high ridge of the deltas water is not found at less than eighty or ninety feet, and sometimes much more, from the surface. The process of well-making consisted in digging a shaft, often not more than four or five feet in diameter, and, as the excavation proceeded,lining the sides of the shaft with a kind of thick rope or fascine, constructed of twigs and coarse grass,to prevent the sides from falling in. With all their ingenuity, however, it not unfrequently happened that the earth gave way and inhumed the unfortunate excavator. The chief agency resorted to in former times, and which to a certain extent prevails still, for tracing stolen cattle in the ' Bar ' was the system called ' Khoj ' or tracking. The trackers are professionals, and it was the practice to attach one of these adepts to Police Stations in certain localities. The English reader may acquire a fair idea of the process from Cooper's Indian novels. The ingenuity with which these men ravel out a track quite rivals the marvellous performances of 'Uncas' or ' Chingachgook,' and many a story is told of their perseverance in tracing animals through many miles of both waste and cultivation to a successful result. But the thieves are not without their ingenious con- SYSTEM OF TRACK hYG. 5 ti'ivances to elude the ' Klioj.' The river is freely made use of where available ; for, as ' Hawkey e ' says — ' Kunning water leaves no trail.' And when cattle are driven over the dry hard soil of the ' Bar,' where the cloven hoof w^ould betray its mark, the thieves shoe, or rather slipper, the animal with a leather bag tied round the fetlock, which effec- tually prevents the hoof from scratching the surface. The law of the ' Khoj ' is, that on the ' Khoji ' or tracker bringing the trace of stolen animals to a village, the headmen of the tow^nship are bound to show that the tracks proceed beyond their limits, or failing to produce the thief, to make good the value of the stolen cattle. This practice bears some analogy to the ordeal by which the Israelites were to free themselves from the' charge of blood shed within the limits of their village (Deut. xxi. i). The system has its drawbacks, the principal being that the right enforcement of it depends on the honesty of the tracker, a somewhat insecure foundation to build upon. It rests with him to declare whether the track has been brought home to a village or not, and it depends on the value and cogency of the arguments adduced by the villagers as to whether he can discover it on the other side, and so liberate them from responsibility. The Punjaub occupies an area of 95,768 square miles, contains a population of 17,500,000, and is inhabited by peoples of widely differing character- istics as regards physique, habits, and religion. 6 THE PUNJAUB. The population,^ classified by religions, consists of Sikhs, Hindoos, comprising several sections of that creed, Mohammedans of the Punjaub, Mohammedans of the frontier, and, in comparatively small numbers, Buddhists, who are found only in the hill regions. The Hindoos inhabiting the ' Punjaub ' are, as noted above, of divers sects. The Brahmins here, as in Hindostan, hold the first place, and, the schismatic movement in Bengal not having yet reached the * Punjaub,' reign supreme in all Hindoo communities. 'Eajpoots' are to be found principally among the tribes inhabiting the lower hills to the north-east, several of the petty Rajas of that quarter being of that tribe. There are several other subdivisions of Hindoos, but none that call for special remark except the well- known and widely-spread race of 'Bunniahs' of the ' Khutrie ' sect, and known commonly in the Punjaul) by the appellation of ' Kirars.' These small grain 1 Details of Census of 1868 :— Males 9,581,292 Females 8,015,460 17,596,752 Mohammedans 9»335»632 Hindoos 6,134,243 Sikhs 1,129,319 Europeans i7>938 Half-castes and native Chi-istians . 3i97i Other castes 972,833 Proportion of population to area Punjaub . Bengal North-West Provinces Madras Bombay . : — . 184 per square mile • 311 ,. 1 . 420 ,, , . 170 ■,1 , • 155 5> , HINDOOS OF THE PUNJAUB. 7 mercliants, tlioufrli their clealiiiQ-.s are not confined to that commodity only, are to be found not only in the civilised parts of the Province, vrliere life and property are tolerably secure, but also in the wildest parts of our frontier, both within and beyond the reach of British authority, in localities where one would suppose their lives and their earnings were not worth a moment's purchase. But still they live and thrive, and accumu- late w^ealth like the Jewish usurer of old. Like them, perhaps, they are sometimes squeezed, and made to disgorge their gains ; but, as a rule, they escape fire and torture, and live the life and die the death of the miser, their cliildren following in their steps. It is not to be understood that they always escape rough treatment, for it has not unfrequently happened on the frontier that a border 'Front de Eoeuf has seized a ' Bunniah,' and subjected him to much the same treatment as his ISTorman prototype proposed for Isaac the Jew until a suitable ransom was forthcoming. Up to a not very remote date, a very large portion of the land paying revenue to Government w^as in the hands of this class by mortgage or purchase. During the turbuleut period which intervened betw^een the death of 'Eunjeet Singh' and the inauguration of our rule, amid the constant struggles for the succession, great exactions were made upon the agricultural classes to replenish the empty exchequer and to furnish sol- diers for the rival factions. The cultivation of the soil was consequently much neglected, and the tenants, improvident themselves, not being able to meet the requirements of the State on the one hand, and of their 8 THE PUNJAUB. own domestic necessities and comforts on the other, and often not being able to provide seed for the periodi- cal sowingjs, resorted to the Bunniahs, who lent them money on exorbitant terms on the security of their land, which was hypothecated to the Bunniahs, so that, as noted above, the greater portion of the land interest was in their hands ; but as tranquillity increased under our rule, and as equitable assessments were made by our officers, in place of the old rack-renting process, the agriculturists began to recover themselves, and now the landholders in many parts of the country have freed themselves from their bonds, and form a wealthy and influential class. This, however, is by no means the universal condition, and the consequences of former misrule and improvidence still remain, while habits of comparative luxury, induced by greater prosperity and advancing civilisation, still conspire to keep the agricul- tural community more or less in the hands of the money-lending classes. The Mohammedans of the Punjaub proper form the large majority of the population. In the census of 1868 they numbered 9,330,000 to 6,130,000 Hindoos and 1,130,000 Sikhs. This preponderance of Moham- medans over Hindoos is peculiar to the ' Punjaub.' Of the 200,000,000 in India, 160,000,000 are stated to be of the Hindoo persuasion, which gives a proportion of 4 to I in favour of the Hindoos generally. It is natural perhaps that Mohammedanism should be in the ascendant in the Punjaub, from the fact of its having been the first part of India occupied by the MOHAMMEDANS OF THE PUNJAUB. 9 Mussulmans, and that on which they retained their hold even when driven out of Southern India. The Mohammedan of the Punjaub does not differ much from his co-religionist of Hindostan, except that he is more regular in his devotions, and more scrupulous in the observance of the fasts and festivals of his creed- It would seem as if distance had something to do with religious sentiment, that is, that fervour is greatest at the point from w^hence the Mohammedan proselytisers issue, and becomes gradually diluted as leagues inter- vene. Thus the Mohammedan of Affghanistan and our frontier is far more fervid in his bigotry than the Mus- sulman of the Punjaub, and he again evinces more zeal for his creed than the Mohammedan of the plains of Hindostan. The latter, indeed, are often caUed by the orthodox Mussulmans of the North- West, 'Kafir-i-Hind,' or Indian infidels. It will, of course, be understood that the above remark refers to the mass of the people, for it is certain that many of the higher class of Moham- medans in India are far better educated in the doctrine and principles of their creed than the semi-savage mountaineers of the Hindoo Koosh. The Mohammedans of the Punjaub are, as a rule, a quiet and well-disposed race. They make good culti- vators, and some of the officers of the Punjaub Irregular Force, which is largely recruited from their ranks, prefer them as soldiers to any other class. The Pun- jaub Mohammedans are almost universally of the ' Sunni ' persuasion. The number of converts or perverts to Mohammedanism in the Punjaub is con- siderable. Between the river ' Chenaub ' and the 10 THE PUNJAUB. Indus, and in the soutliern portion of the Province, the population is chiefly of this class, but, as has been said above, the religious fervour of the Punjaubi Mus- sulmans not being excessive, they and their Hindoo brethren live contentedly side by side, and it frequently occurs that descendants from the same stock, and this among the Piajpoots especially, are to be found exer- cising joint authority in the village community, one re- presenting the ancient Hindoo faith of their common forefather, the other the creed of the ]\Iohammedan usurper. In one instance, in the Mozuffergurh district, a Hindoo tribe, the ' Sigul,' a branch of the great ' Sial ' stock, were converted, the majority of them, to Moham- medanism, some three or four centuries ago, but to this day a Brahmin as well as a Moolah attends at the marriac^e ceremonv of members of the tribe. ( II ) CHAPTEE II. Brief History of the Sikhs— Decrease in their numbers — Religion — The ^ Kooka' schismatics — Cattses which led to the war with the B?'itish in \Z\'^-\(i— Claimants to the throne after Rimjeet Singlis death— The ^ J lunoo' Rajahs— The army — Punchayuts — Sikh army crosses the Sntlcj— Battles that followed — Filial victory of the British at Sobrdoti. The Sikhs come next under consideration. Their history has been written by abler pens, and it does not fall within the scope of a brief sketch like this to enter at large upon the general history of the people. Briefly, the Sikhs came into existence as a sect about A.D. 1 5 10, Nanuk being the first prophet, and Gooroo G ovind in 1 700 the first religious leader. It is advisable to draw this distinction between the two principal apostles of ' Sikhism,' because the first was a peaceful schismatic from the Hindoo creed, while the latter supplemented the ' Gurunth ' ^ with the sword. The power of the people culminated under Eunjeet Singh (1798 to 1839), since when their decline, both in numbers and political power, has been manifest. One principal reason for this, apart from the obvious one that they are now a subject, instead of a governing race, is, that the religion is not, so to speak, hereditary. 1 Gurunth, the ' Sikh ' Holy Book. 12 THE PUNJAUB. The son of a ' Sikh ' father is not necessarily a ' Sikh ' liimself. 'Fit, non nascitur.' He must be admitted by the solemn right of the ' Pahul/ ^ invested, as it were, with ' Sikh ' attributes, before he can write him- self ' Sikh ' in fact ; and it may be that, as the mili- tary power and glory of the sect has faded, there is less care on the part of the parents to perpetuate the race. ' The initiatory ceremony for adults is now rarely performed' (Punjaub Pteport for 1852-53). This diminution of the * Sikhs ' as a separate people was noticed so long ago as 1853, soon after the annexation of the Punjaub. In one of the early reports of the newly acquired Province, which was furnished in 1853, it is noted that ' the " Sikh " faith and ecclesiastical polity is rapidly going where the Sikh political ascendancy has already gone;' and again, in the report for 1854-55, ' The " Sikh " tribe is losing its numbers rapidly.' It is not easy to arrive at a correct estimate of the numbers of the Sikh nation prior to our rule. Burnes in his ' Travels,' and Elphinstone, ' History of India,' estimate them at 500,000 souls. Cunningham, " His- tory of the ' Sikhs,' " writing later, places the number at one and a quarter or one and a half millions ; but these figures appear from subsequent local inquiry to have been below the mark. In 1854 it was assumed 1 The ceremony of the 'Pahul' was as follows :— The novice, who must have reached the age of discrimination, stands with his hands joined in supplication and repeats after the priest the articles of his faith. Some sugar and water are stirred in a vessel with a double-edged dagger, and the water is sprinkled on his face and person ; he drinks the remainder and exclaims '' Wah Gooroo," which completes the ceremony. At least live Sikhs must be present at the ceremony, one bemg a priest. Women were sometimes, but not generally, initiated after the above formula. THE SIKHS. 13 tliat tlie Hindoo population of tliG Piinjaiib was five and a half millions, of wliicli nearly one-half were supposed to be Sikhs; but in the census taken in January 1868, the Sikhs are returned as numbering only 1,130,000, to 6,130,000 of Hindoos. It was further ascertained in 1854 that in the Lahore and Umritsur divisions, in wdiich is the ' Manjah ' or original home of the Sikhs, there were only 200,000 in an aggregate population of 3,000,000. The figures exhibited in the census of 1868 are as nearly correct as any numbering of the peoples in India can hope to be ; and assuming that the totals given in 1S54 are approximate, the prophecy of the diminution of the ' Sikh ' race may be considered as undergoing a rapid fulfilment. This may be a fortunate circumstance for the stability of our rule in the Punjaub, for there can be little doubt that the ' Sikhs ' were the most formidable enemies the British troops ever encountered in the field in India, and this too when they had lost the cohesion wliich made them so powerful under ' Eunjeet Singh.' The first 'Sikh' war with the British in 1845-46 followed on the numerous contests for the succession after ' Eunjeet Singh's ' death, during which period there was no leader of sufficient mark to keep in hand the conflicting agents in the strife for power, or to dominate with Eunjeet Singh's stern will and iron hand the turbulent elements of which the ' Sikh ' state was composed. Even with the disadvantages of incom- petent and corrupt leaders, and divided counsels, we shall not readily forget the manner in which the ' Sikh ' soldiers met us during the wars of 1845-46 and 14 THE PUNJAUB, 1848-49. It is hardly too mucli to say, that if the ' Sikh ' cavalry and reserve force under ' Tej Singli ' had made good its advance at ' Feroz-Shuhiir ' on 22nd December 1845, after the deadly strife of the preceding day, when confusion and dismay reigned in our ranks, and when our leaders, Hardinge and Gough, thought that nothing remained but to die where they stood, we should have been driven back to Delhi. Thus the events of the Mutiny might have been anticipated by a decade, with this additional circum- stance telling against us, that we should have had the ' Sikhs ' in the ranks of our foes, instead of their being so powerful an element in our favour, as tliey proved. The ' Sikh ' religion does not recognise caste accord- ing to the ' Hindoo ' view, though the people uphold the distinctions of race to a certain extent. The character of the people has been formed perhaps somewhat on the nature of their creed, at least on ' Gooroo Govind's ' exposition of it. Hardy in frame, fierce in nature when aroused and when the welfare of the 'Khalsa'^ was at stake, it would be difficult to find an Oriental nationality producing better soldiers than the ' Sikhs.' We have proved them, as foes, full worthy of our steel, and as friends, let the ramparts of Delhi and Lucknow,the plains of China, and many a rugged hillside on the Affghan frontier, tell of their worth and valour. In institutino- a comparison with the troops of Western nations, one would couple the ' Sikhs ' with the British for endur- in£[ valour and steadiness, while the 'Puthan' mieht ^ An Arabic term, literally Pure, Free, used to denote the ' Sikh ' body politic. THE SIKH RELIGION. 15 be likened to the French for ' elan/ but, as I think, like the Frencli also, \yithout the dogged pluck wliicli does not know when it is beaten. If we do come to loo-o-er- heads with the ' Euss,' we may reckon on the ' Sikhs,' under British leading, for holding their own side by side with our troops. The ' Sikhs ' are excellent amculturists, thoudi in this respect they are hardly equal to some of the less warlike races. The ' Sikh ' religion holds somewhat of the same rela- tion to the Hindoo faith as the Wahabee schism does to the creed of Mohammed. According to Gooroo Govind's exposition, all old forms were useless. God was one and indivisible. Idolatry was abomination, and Mohammedanism to be destroyed. The 'Waha- bees,' 1 except of course in the last particular, hold much the same views. They will allow none of the doctrines which associate ' Mohammed ' with the Deity, holding him to have been a mere mortal. They abjure any- thing like idolatry in the paying of honours to deceased saints, or erecting mausoleums over their remains, and admit of no repetitions of prayers over rosaries or beads. As a matter of religious practice, the smoking of tobacco is unlawful, which finds its parallel in the ' Sikh ' belief, a true ' Sikh ' never toucliing it. It should be mentioned, however, that the prohibition in the 'Sikh' religious writings is confined to snuff- taking, but the practice of abstention from smoking also has been general. The tenets of the ' Sikh ' faith are developed in the ^ Abdul Waliab, the first prophet of the sect, flourished in about 1760. 1 6 THE PUXJAUB. ' Adee Gurimth/ or first book of Xanuk, the first reli- gious teaclier, and those of his successors to the ninth Gooroo, Tegh Buhadur, and in the ' Duswen Padshah ki Gurunth/ or book of the tentli ruler, Gooroo Govind. There are also other writings of ' Xnuk ' and ' Govind ' which have religious authority. The general tenor of the doctrine inculcated is belief in the one God, and the observance of purity, truth, and charity. The cere- monial forms of the Brahmins are prohibited and con- temned, and the slaying of Mohammedans, or, as they are called in the religious writings, 'Toorks,' is con- sidered a good deed, as recorded above. Here perhaps should be noticed a branch of ' Sikh ' schismatics known as ' Kookas,' who caused a good deal of trouble in 1871. This sect came into existence about a quarter of a century ago. Like most reformers, Oriental and other, they professed a stricter discipline and a higher aim than the parent creed. One ' Piam Singh' was the head of the community in 1871, the sect having originated in 1847, shortly before the annexation of the Punjaub. They were as a rule quiet and orderly, and the sect attracted little notice until about 1862-63, when their increasing numbers, and rumours of political agitation designed by the party, called the attention of the Government to their pro- ceedings. The apostle ' Pam Singh ' was arrested, or rather kept under surveillance, but at the end of three or four years, no tangible proofs of conspiracy having been discovered against him, he was released, and the Punjaub Government, with the natural desire of view- ing all things in the brightest colours, reported in THE KOOKAS. 17 i^^^-^j that 'the conduct of "Earn Singh" and his followers, since his release, had been excellent' (Eeport \%66-6j, par. 328). But this ' excellence' did not long continue. In June and July 1871, two organised assaults were made by members of the 'Kooka' sect on the Mohammedan butchers of 'Umritsur' and ' Loodianah ' respectively. Four Mohammedans were murdered in the first, and several killed and danger- ously wounded in the second onslaught. The sentence of death passed on those of the perpetrators who were discovered and convicted would, it was hoped, have a salutary and deterrent effect upon the sect, but this expectation was not fulfilled. In January 1872, a numerous body of 'Kookas' attacked ' Maloudli,' a small town in the ' Loodianah ' district, with a view of getting arms to enable them to assault the town of 'Maler Kotla,' belonmncr to a Mohammedan chief. After doing some damage at ' Maloudh ' they w^ere repulsed, and moved on to attack ' Maler Kotla.' After a sharp conflict, in which several of the defenders of the place were killed, the ' Kookas ' were beaten back and took refuge in the jungle, where they were subsequently apprehended. The Deputy Commissioner (Mr. Cowan) arrived shortly after, and after consultation with the native chiefs who w^ere present, ' Maler Kotla ' being in independent terri- tory, he determined to make a severe example of the * Kookas ' engaged in this unprovoked assault, in the hope of striking dread into the rest of the body, who were, it was said, meditating a general movement. Mr. Cowan therefore ordered all the ' Kookas ' concerned in B 1 8 THE PUNJAUB. the ' Maler Kotla ' affair to be blown away from guns, which was duly carried into effect, leaving sixteen who had attacked ' Maloudh/ which was in British terri- tory, to be tried by the Commissioner, Mr. Forsyth. These were tried formally the following day, found guilty, and sentenced to the same punishment as the others. A great outcry was made at the time against what was called the barbarity of these sentences, and Mr. Cowan was dismissed from the service, and Mr. Forsyth removed from his appointment. There can be no doubt, however, that the promptness and determination displayed by these officers saved the Government from a complication which, if they had allowed the law to run its tedious course, might have assumed a very serious form. The hard measure dealt out to these gentlemen was much commented on at the time, and men in office did not hesitate to say, that if this were the treatment to be expected for loyally doing duty to the Government, the Government might ' kill the next Percy itself.' It is probable that if ]\Ir. (now Sir Douglas) Forsyth and Mr. Cowan had dis- posed of these rebels and murderers morh Anglico by hanging them, they would have been applauded on all sides, but because they resorted to the native mode of punishment, which was unfamiliar to English ideas, therefore they wxre deemed guilty of barbarity. One by no means desires to be an apologist for unnecessary savageness in punishment, but no one will deny that a prompt and severe example was necessary in this case, where the ' Kookas ' were in open rebellion against the Government, and in the course of" which they had mur- I SIKH INVASION OF BRITISH TERRITORY. 19 dered several unarmed and unoffending subjects of that Government. And further, it may be fairly assumed tliat if the culprits themselves had been consulted as to the mode of their execution, every one of them would have preferred the death at the cannon's mouth to being sent out of the world by the hands of the com- mon hangman, who is religiously unclean. Be that as it may, there can be no doubt that the Government reaped the benefit of their officers' energetic action in the complete quelling of the * Kookas,' who have never shown front since ; and if Mr. Cowan's prospects have been ruined, and Sir Douglas Forsyth has been made a rolling stone of ever since, it is only the way of the world — ' The page slew the boar, ^ The peer had the gloire.' A brief notice of the causes which led to the Sikh invasion of British India in 1845, and which entailed the occupation, and subsequent annexation, of the Pun- jaub, may not be out of place here. As has been noticed above, the death of 'Eunjeet Singh' in 1839 was followed by anarchy and confusion in the ' Sikh ' state. Among the aspirants to the throne there was no one of sufficient capacity to secure the succession for himself. Among the reputed sons of Eunjeet Singh was Sher Singh, supposed to be the offspring of his wife ' Muhtab Kour,' but there were strong doubts, said to have been shared by Eunjeet him- self, as to whether she had ever borne a son. The story at the time was, that Muhtab Kour was really delivered of a daughter during ' Eunjeet's' absence on a warlike expedition, and that on his return she presented to 20 THE PUNJAUB. liim as liis own twin-sons, Slier Singli and Tara Singh, the offspring respectively of a carpenter and a weaver. Whether there was any truth in the rumour or not, ' Sher Singh ' was brought up as the son of ' Eunjeet,' and at the latter's death put in his claim to the succes- sion. But there was an elder claimant in the person of 'Khuruk Singh/ born to Piunjeet in 1802, and he was recognised as the successor by the British Govern- ment. His son, Xao ^^Tihrd Singh, however, exercised the real authority during the brief period of Khuruk Singh's reign, about eighteen months. In speaking of this portion of ' Sikh ' history, it becomes necessary to notice briefly the ' Jumoo ' Eajas, as they were called, wdio played a conspicuous part in this turbulent period, and one of w^hom, Goolab Singh, was destined to be brought into close political connection with the British Government thereafter. The Jumoo Eajas were brothers, three in number. Goolab Singh, the eldest, a man of great craft and ambition, but cautious withal, who kept himself aloof from the purlieus of the court, content to advance the interests of the family by his intrigues at a distance. The second brother, ' Dhian Singh,' had not probably the talent of Goolab Singh, but he had all his ambition, and devoted his energies to securing for himself the post of ' Wuzeer,' which he succeeded in obtaining, and wdth it a considerable influence over the mind of the Maharaja, Eunjeet Singh. ' Sochait Singh,' the third brother, appears to have been rather a 'bon camarade and gallant soldier than a diplomatist, and displayed no special talents of any kind. THE 'JUMOO' RAJAS. 21 The origin of the brothers was obscure, though Goolab Singh dairned noble descent. It is certain, however, that they commenced their career as soldiers and running footmen in Eunjeet Singh's service in about 1820, and from that low degree raised themselves to the position of special favourites of the Maharaja. ' Eunjeet Singh ' conferred upon them the province of ' Jumoo ' in fief, and they thence derived the title of the 'Jumoo' Eajas. At Eunjeet Singh's death they espoused at first the cause of Khuruk and Nao Nihal Singh, though the latter was secretly hostile to them, and dreaded their rapidly increasing power and influ- ence. He was glad to make use of them, however, and effected through their means the assassination of Chait Singh, his father Khuruk Singh's favourite. Xao Nihal Singh's subsequent machinations to get rid of the ' Jumoo ' Eajas were not destined to be successful. In less than a year and a half after Eunjeet Singh's death, Khuruk Singh died, worn out and effete, though not an old man, and very shortly after, on his return from performing the funeral rites of his father, Nao Mhal Singh was killed by tlie fall of a masonry gate- way, under which he was passing on an elephant. It was surmised by some that this was a shrewd contri- vance of the ' Jumoo ' brothers to get rid of one whose power was daily increasing, and whose hostility to their family had been clearly manifested. On Nao Nihal Singh's death, Sher Singh renewed his pretensions to the throne, with the support of the Jumoo Eajas, and after a brief interval, during which the claims of Dhuleep Singh, whose existence was not 22 THE PUNJAUB. known to tlie British Government before the end of 1840, were advanced, Sher Singh succeeded to the throne about the end of January 1841, Dhian Singh occupying the post of Wuzeer. Sher Singh's tenure of power was almost as brief as that of his predecessor, Khuruk Singh. He was murdered by Ajeet Singh on 15th September 1 843. His son, Purtab Singh, was slain at the same time by Ajeet's uncle, and the massacre was completed by the assassination of Dhian Singh, the Wuzeer. The death of the latter was amply avenged by his son, Heera Singh, who assumed the office of Wuzeer, and caused Dhuleep Singh to be proclaimed Maharaja. Thus, in the brief space of four years, the ' Sikh ' state had witnessed the removal by assassination of three of its supreme rulers, and to these may be added Dewan ' Sawun Mull,' the able governor of the province of Mooltan, in which post he was succeeded by his son, Moolraj, who played a prominent part in the war of 1 848-49. But it is time to speak of a body whose influence had been gradually increasing since the death of Eunjeet Sino-h, and which had now become tlie paramount power in the Sikh state. As in the decline of the Eoman Empire, the army, represented by its lawless and ambitious leaders, had directed and controlled the affairs of the state, so at the period of the approaching extinction of the ' Sikh ' power, the military body became supreme in authority, directing the councils of the nation. During Pamjeet Singh's lifetime, the army had been THE 'SIKH' ARMY. 23 his willing and obedient instrument for extending the dominions and enhancing the influence of the ' Khalsa/ hut after his death, when, as has been stated, there was no individual of sufficient power of will to control and regulate their action, the army assumed a leading position in the state, and established an organisation for its own self-government, and for its transactions in reference to the civil administration. This organisation was termed the ' Punchayut,' or council of five, and consisted of an elective body cliosen from each battalion, through whom all the dealings of the military with the civil power were transacted ; and from the time of which we now treat till the final over- throw at Sobraon, this body exercised the paramount influence in the state. After the death of ' Dhian Singh,' his son, ' Ileera Singh,' occupied the post of Wuzeer until 1844, when he also was slain, liaving become obnoxious to the soldiery. He was succeeded in the office of Wuzeer by ' Jowahir Singh,' the maternal uncle of tlie young Eaja, f Dhuleep Singh,' — ' Lai Singh,' the reputed paramour of the Eanee Jundan Kour, being associated with him in the' office. Neither of these men were endowed with energy or talent sufficient to deal with the difficulties of the time, and ' Jowahir Singh ' becoming unpopular with the army, mainly through the intrigues of his coadjutor, ' Lai Singh,' was put to death by sentence of the ' Punchayut.' ' Lai Singh ' was then nominated Wuzeer, and Ptaja ' Tej Singh ' commander in chief. The course of events has now brought us to November 1845. It had been evident to the British Government 24 THE PUNJAUB. for some time past that the predominance of the army in the ' Sikh ' state, with no responsible or efficient head to control its movements, would entail ere long a collision between the two Powers, and measures were taken to strenc^then the crarrisons of North- West India with troops and munitions of war. These were held by the Sikhs to be aggressive movements rather than simple measures of defence, and served to excite the restless spirit of the soldiery, whose sentiments of dis- like and suspicion had already been aroused against the British Government in consequence of the latter having escheated a large sum of money which had been deposited by Eaja ' Sochait Singh ' in Ferozepore, and which was discovered after his death. It was not difficult to stir up a restless and lawless body like the ' Sikh ' soldiery to enter on hostilities against the British, especially if, as was generally supposed, the political leaders urged them on in the hope of the entire discomfiture of the army by the British, and of their being able to secure profitable terms for themselves from the victors. The rats had discovered that the house was tottering to its fall. The 'Sikh' army crossed the Sutlej river on nth December 1845, numbering from 30,000 to 40,000 men, and with 100 to 150 guns. To meet this attack the British commander had about 16,000 men and 60 or 70 guns. Then followed the doubtful victories at Moodkee and Ferozshuhur. In the latter action defeat seemed almost certain, if, as has been before noticed, Piaja ' Tej CONCLUSION OF CAMPAIGN OF 1845-46. 25 Sinirli' had led on his reserves on the mornincf of 22nd December. On the 2ist January 1846, the British force under Sir Harry Smith encountered and repulsed a large body of the Sikhs at Buddowal, sustaining, however, the loss of all their baggage. This mishap was retrieved by the victory at Aliwal on 28th January ; and the final success at ' Sobraon/ on i otli February, dispersed for the time the ' Sikh ' army, and left the road to Lahore open to the conquerors. ( 26 ) CHAPTER III. Administratio7i of the Ptinjiuib under a British Resident— Bitrigues against the British by the Ranee— Siege of Mooltan — Battles of Rammiggur and Chilidnwdla — Fi7ial victory at Goojerdt and annexation of the Punjaiib. Then came the difficulty of managing a country wliose body politic comprised so many discordant elements. The army, which had been supreme, had for the time received its ' quietus/ but still contained the elements of grave disquiet, destined to give trouble at a future period. The immediate results of the British victories were the cession by the ' Sikhs ' of the Jullundar Dooab (the delta between the Sutlej and Beas rivers), and the hill countries between the Beas and Indus, including Cashmere, to the British Government. The first-named tract was immediately occupied by us, and broucrht under direct British administration. The greater portion of the latter country, including Cashmere, was made over to Eaja ' Goolab Singh' of Mumoo' in perpetuity, in consideration of a sum of one million to be paid to the British by him. In addition to the above, a treaty was effected between the two states, by which the administration of the Sikh THE rUNJAUB UNDER A RESIDENT. 27 government during 'Dhuleep Singli's' minority was to be carried on by a Council of Eegency, assisted by a British Eesident, wliich latter should 'have full authority to direct and control all matters in every department of the state.' With these plenary powers, the British Eesident, assisted by a large establishment of subordinate officers, commenced his work. Of the Eesident, it need only be recorded that his name was Henry Lawrence. Of the subordinates, many became well known to fame afterwards. Herbert Edwards, whose military talents helped us so effectually in the subsequent outbreak of 1848-49, whose administrative power on the Peshawur frontier for several years, and whose unyielding pluck and felicitous management in the Mutiny of 1857, exercised so large an influence in the saving of the country. Nicholson, the strong of will and firm of purpose, whose name was a battle-cry. Arthur Cocks, the energetic civilian but born soldier, who played a soldier's part at Goojerat, where he was severely wounded. The chivalrous Eeynell Taylor, Vans Agnew, whose noble death confirmed the high promise of his life; — these and many more were the chosen supports of the noble chief to whose hands was intrusted the difficult and delicate task of renovating a well-nigh ruined country. The work opened favourably. Eegular courts of justice, a thing unknown heretofore in 'Sikh' annals, were established. Officers were set to work imme- 28 THE PUNJAUB. diately to assess the land revenue on fair and equitable terms. The military system was placed on a more regular footing, and all practicable measures were adopted for ensuring^ the advantai^es of reG^ular government. But the unsettled passions of the ' Sikhs ' were not to be quieted down by one series of reverses, heavy and almost overwhelming though they had been. The spirit of intrigue was at work, instigated chiefly, per- haps^ by the ]\Iaharaja's mother, ' Jundan Kour.' Deprived of her paramour, ' Lfd Singh/ whose banish- ment was one of the points insisted on in the treaty of 1846, checked in her extravagant and licentious career by the presence of the British element in the administration, and reduced to insignificance as far as iier political influence was concerned, the Pianee set to work to undermine the influence of the British, and to stimulate the turbulent spirit of the ' Khalsa ' to fresh attempts against the dominant power. Ko long period elapsed before the machinations of the ' Pianee ' and the other conspirators bore fruit. The first blow was the murder of Vans Agnew and Anderson at Mooltan, assistants to tlie Eesident, who had been sent to inquire into the conduct of 'Moolraj,' the Dewan or superintendent of that province, who was suspected of fraudulent dealing in his administration, and who had been summoned to Lahore to render an account of his management. These transactions commenced in April 1848, about two years after the location of the Eesident at Lahore. The first measures taken by our Government were to deport the Eanee from Lahore, and thus remove a most INSURRECTION OF 1848. 29 miscliievous influence from our midst. She was taken across the Sutlej at the end of May 1848, and sent down under a stroma escort first to Benares, from whence she was removed to the fort of Chunar. The next step was to move a force upon Mooltan, where Mooh^aj, supported by a considerable body of soldiers of the Khalsa and miscellaneous levies, had determined to hold out the stroma fort of Mooltan against the expected attack. The siege proved a more difficult task than had been anticipated, and it was soon found that the force which had been just sent under General Wliish was not sufficient either in numbers or material to effect the capture of the place. Eeinforcements both in men and guns became necessary, and the siege was protracted from August to December. Meanwhile a large force under ' Cliutur Singh Atareewala' had raised the standard of revolt in Huzarah and the north-western provinces of the Punjaub, and this leader was soon joined by his son, * Slier Singh,' from Mooltan, with a powerful reinforce- ment, and the united body commenced to move towards Lahore at the end of November 1848. Meanwhile the British had been assembling their forces at Lahore to meet these complications, and about the second week in December the army under the command of Sir Hugh Gougli moved across the Eavee to encounter the ' Sikh ' rebel force. The ' Sikhs ' had by this time crossed the ' Jhelum,' and were in force on the right bank of the Chenaub, their main camp resting at * Moon^ij,' near the Jhelum. 30 THE PUXJAUB. The campaign opened disastrously for the British. The enemy -svere first encountered at Eamnuggur, a village on the left bank of the ' Chenaub ' river, in front of which the ' Sikhs ' had thrown out a considerable body of skirmishers, covered by their guns on the opposite bank, and protected in great measure by ravines running down to the river from the direction of Eamnuggur. Our cavalry were thrown forward with the intention of driving these skirmishers across the river (then fordable), but became entangled in the ravines, and suffered severely from the fire of the ' Sikh ' marksmen, who w^ere concealed among the cover afforded by the irregularity of the ground. A very questionable victory was dearly purchased at the expense of the lives of Cureton and Havelock, the former perhaps the first cavalry officer of the day. A portion of our force crossed the ' Chenaub ' above ' Eamnuggur ' shortly after, and after the desultory action of ' Sadoolapoor,' was joined by the main body, and the united force moved forwards in the direction of the Sikh camp. On the 13th January 1849, the British force was moving to take up its ground, when its progress was arrested by the fire of the Sikh heavy guns. Prophets after the fact urged that the force should have taken up ground for the night out of range, and the battle have been postponed till the morrow. It was now 3 p.m., only about tw^o hours of daylight remained, and the position was most unfavour- able for an attack from the broken character of the ground, which was undulating, and much obstructed in parts by thick jungle. Besides, the enemy had the BA TTLE OF ' CHILIANWALA: 3 1 advantage of knowing our position, while' his own for- mation was concealed from us by the jungle. It was resolved, however, to make the attack, and the troops were deployed for the purpose at once. Difficult as it must always be to write the history of a battle, to record the order of events in this action of ' Chilianwala ' is simply impossible. The position of the enemy at the commencement of the action was, as abo\e noted, un- known, so it was impossible to make any advantageous disposition of our own forces to out-mana^uvre tliem. All that remained to do, since fighting was determined on, was to send the British troops ahead until they felt the clash of their enemy's steel, a manoeuvre not unfre- quently adopted by Lord Gough in his Indian battles. The foe was soon found, and then commenced a game of hammer-and-tongs, our troops losing all the advantage which superior discipline and organisation might have secured to them, in consequence of their fighting in the dark as to their enemy's position and numbers, and in the midst of a jungle which foiled all attempts at regular formation. In the pele-mele which ensued there was some confusion in the cavalry movements, which need not be further noticed here. The infantry stood to it manfully. In numberless instances the enemy had so penetrated our line that the front and rear ranks had to ' form square ' on one another to repel the attacks which were made on all sides ; and when darkness put an end to the confusion, all we could boast of was that the British army stood on the same ground it had occupied when the fight began. Our loss was frightful. The 24th suffered more than 32 THE PUNJAUB. any otlier regiment. AMien the cessation of the strife allowed the melancholy task of collecting the dead to be undertaken, the bodies of thirteen officers of this regiment lay in stark repose on the mess-table. Other regiments suffered nearly as severely, and no result had been obtained for all this butchery. The enemy retired in comparatively good order to his position on the Jhelum, and we were unable to follow up tlie advantage, if we can so term it, which we had gained. It was several days before confidence was restored, and we remained halted without moving to attack the ' Sikh ' force, which lay encamped not very far from us. In fact, it was considered desirable to wait for tlie rein- forcement which was expected shortly from jMooltan, that fort having at last been taken, which liberated some 6000 men to join the main force at Chilianwala. The ' Sikhs,' taking heart at our inaction, commenced a flank movement with the intention of marching on Lahore, which was almost destitute of troops, and this move, if successful, might have resulted in the gravest consequences. It would have raised up in an instant all the scattered fragments of the ' Khalsa ' in the ' Man- jah,' or country about Lahore and L^mritsur, and have exposed these two principal cities to sack and waste ; and as we had nothing fit to be called a reserve avail- able — the last European regiment at Lahore, the 53rd, having been moved up to join the army — it would have struck a blow at our prestige which might have been irreparable. Fortunately the succours from Mooltan arrived in time to prevent these calamities. The force at ' Chili- BA TTLE OF ' GOOJERAt: 33 anwala' fell back on the ' Chenaub/ and effected its junction with the Mooltan division. This change of position brought the river ' Chenaub ' on the right flank of the British army, and its front to the Sikhs, whose intention was to cross the river to the east of the town of ' Goojerat,' and move direct on Lahore. Finding this movement checked by the new position taken up by the British, the ' Sikhs ' prepared to give battle, and on the 26th of February 1849 the battle of Goojerat followed. This was fought on a different plan to that which had been pursued by Lord Gough in ])revious actions. Instead of, as at Maharajpoor, Feroz- shuhur, andChilianwala, the troops being sent straight at tlie guns of the enemy in position, without an effectual use of the arm of artillery in which we were so strong, the battle of Goojerat had some claim to be entitled an artillery action. As usual, we had to deliver the attack on the enemy in position ; but, under Sir John Cheape's direction, such good use was made of the grand force of artillery with the army, that the ' Sikh ' Ijatteries were soon silenced, and our cavalry and infantry made their advance on fair terms with the foe. The sabre and bayonet soon disposed of the enemy's opposition, and before nightfall the Sikh force was utterly routed. Numbers dispersed after the action, and the only body which retained any semblance of cohesion was a force of 15,000 or 16,000 men under the principal leaders, which made off in the direction of Peshawur. A body of Affghan cavalry, which had joined the ' Sikhs' before 'Goojerat,' fled incontinently 34 THE PUNJAUB. from tlie field, and hardly drew bridle till they reached the shelter of the ' Khyber ' Pass. A flying division nnder Sir Walter Gilbert was immediately sent in pursuit of the Sikh fugitives, and overtook them be- tween the Jhelum and Peshawur. They surrendered at discretion, and thus the cowp de grace was given to the supremacy of the Sikh ' Khalsa.' On the 31st March following, the annexation of the Punjaub w^as publicly proclaimed, and one more pro- vince added to the British Empire. It seems hardly worth while, at this distance of time, to reconsider the arguments for and against the annexa- tion of the Punjaub. The question was much discussed at the time, and its advisability of course questioned by the peace-at-any-price party. It may be sufficient to say that the measure was wholly unpremeditated, and w^as forced on us by circumstances; and further, it is highly probable that, if we had not annexed the ' Sikhs,' they would have done their best to annex us ! They w^ere the aggressors in the first instance ; and unless the final measure of absorbing the ' Sikh ' state into the British Empne had been promptly and thor- oughly carried out, we should have had a continual recurrence of aggressions to meet and invasions to repel, which, judging from the experience of Feroz- shuhur and Chilianwala, might have cost us dearly in the end, independently of keeping up a constant state of alarm and excitement in our Indian provinces. It is not within the present purpose to write of the internal administration of the Punjaub since the annexation of the country, but rather of its external PRESENT CONDITION OF THE PUNJAUD. 35 political relations. Let it suffice to say, tliat the efforts of many succeeding able administrators have been successful, not only in rescuing the province from ruin, but in bringing it into a state of almost unpre- cedented prosperity. The land revenue has been equitably assessed, rights of property defined, trade developed, the more heinous character of crime reduced to a minimum, the people as a rule are prosperous and contented ; and some years ago few people would have been inclined to question the right of the Punjaub to be called the model province. But it has suffered, like all the rest of India, from over-legislation and over- government, and being younger than the sister provinces of Agra, Bengal, e^c, it is likely to feel the infliction more. The present rage for statistics and percentages is likely to choke better work, and instead of a district officer being, as he used to be, a popular administrator in the best sense of the word, he is likely to degenerate into a beast of burden. The present idea appears to be to make administra- tors machines as far as practicable, to discourage all individual effort, and to reduce the agents of Govern- ment to the condition of puppets, the chief at the central office pulling the wires. We pass on to con- sider the relations of the Punjaub on the north-west frontier. ( 36 ) CHAPTER IV. Geogjaphical descriptio7i of fiorth-iuest frontier— The Afghanis — Their 'political relations— The ' Jirgahs'— Comparison of the Afghans with the Americans of Cortes s time — Afghan independence of Cdbul— Description of the Pathdn tribes — The ' Chigurzye ' — ' Hussimzye ' — The Mudah K hail and Amayze — 77?^ ' Judoons' — Bonairs — Swdtees — Moniun ds — Bajo Jisees. The nortliern and western boundaries of the Punjaub are formed, as before described, by the mountain ranges of the ' Himalayas,' from ' Simla ' on the north-east, to the ' Suleimani ' range and its spurs on the ' Scinde ' frontier to the westward. It is difficult to give an exact estimate of the distance from point to point, as the line of boundary is extremely irregular, but 800 miles may be roughly assumed as the extent of frontier. Of this, an extent of about 280 miles is inhabited by Hindoo, and the remaining 520 by Mohammedan races. It is with the latter that we are now concerned ; and the point of division of the two sects may be generally assumed as a line drawn from * Murree ' in British territory to ' Sirinaggar ' in Cash- mere, or still more widely, the river Indus, the coun- tries to the west being Mohammedan, those to the east of the river Hindoo or Buddhist. Neither of these THE 'AFFG HANS' OR TATHANS: 37 divisions arc exact as regards tlie Moliammedans, many being found in tracts on the east of the Indus ; but as regards the Hindoos, the river may be accepted as a well-defined boundary. Our ' Hindoo ' or ' Buddhist ' nei2;hbours c^ive us as a rule no trouble whatever, either diplomatically or in a military point of view. The tribes which inhabit the lofty ranges to the north-east are thinly populated and of peaceful habits, and the kingdom of Cashmere, which intervenes between them and the Mohammedans, is a friendly if not a subject state. It is as our border approaches the Indus that we are brought into contact with troublesome and frequently hostile neighbours ; and the following remarks will include, for general purposes, the wdiole of the ' Affghan ' or ' Pathan ' tribes,^ from our frontier district of 'Huzarah' to the point of junction of the ' Pathan ' and ' Bilooch ' races at the southern extremity of the ' Derah Ismail Khan ' district. It is not proposed to enter upon a history of the Affghan race here ; that has been already effected by more qualified writers, and to those interested in that subject I would cite Burnes's ' Affghanistan ' and Major James's ' History of the Peshawur Settlement,' as affording full and interesting details. The object in the present sketch is to show how the Affghans conduct themselves towards us as neighbours, and to illustrate our dealings with them in the like capacity. To arrive at a fair estimate of the character of the 1 These terms may be used almost indifferently — the first signify- ing an inhabitant of Affghanistan ; the second, one speaking the Pushtoo language. 38 THE PUNJAUB. Affglians' conduct and dispositions towards us, we must first consider their condition politically and socially among themselves. AVe use the comprehensive appella- tion ' Affghans ' in common parlance, as we should say Englishmen, Frenchmen, Germans, or Russians ; but the plural term to denote a nation has a very different signification, when applied to the first, to what it holds when used with reference to European bodies. In the latter case, we understand the representative of a united body, under one form of government, and actu- ated by common interests. But the Affghans are split up into numberless political bodies, with, as a rule, no common interests, and acknowledging no common ruler. The only universal tie, in fact, is the religious one, all beinc? members of the same creed, but this affects in only a secondary degree their political relations. Of course, if the faitli of Islam were threatened, and a ' jehad ' or general religious crusade proclaimed, there would be a certain amount of unity of action among them, but even then the fact of their being so unaccustomed to regular government, and the jealousies that would be excited against any one member of the body who might attempt to take a decided lead among them, would render the term of cohesion probably a brief one. Many tribes have their chief so called, but the obedience rendered to him is nought, and if his measures should run counter to the wishes of the majority of the tribe, they would speedily be set aside. There is one exception to this rule in the * Akhoond ' of ' Swat,' whose influence over the tribes of ' Bonair' and ' Swat,' which border the ' Yusufzve ' THE 'JIRGAW OR COUNCIL. 39 section of the Peshawur district is very marked, as he unites the priestly and chieftain functions in one ; and, for purposes of defence, we have found to our cost, as in the Umbelah campaign, that his power of collecting and keeping together a large number of both the tribes, and assembling others to meet a hostile demonstration, is very great ; but it may be doubted if even his influ- ence, which is in a great measure personal, would suffice to ensure continued united action, especially in offensive movements, of the tribes which he governs. •But although there is no individual government among the tribes, each has its 'jirgah,' or council of elders, who are supposed to represent the views and interests of the community. The ' jirgah ' is composed of the greybeards and men of chief influence among the tribes. There is, it is believed, no regular elective process in the constitution of the 'jirgah,' nor is the office necessarily hereditary, though a son would pro- bably succeed his father in the 'jirgah,' supposing him to possess the same qualifications. It is through the ' jirgah ' that all political transactions are carried on with the tribe by the British officers, even though there should be a nominal chief in the background ; and even at the close of the Umbelah campaign, when the ' Akhoond ' was present in person, the peace negotia- tions were carried on through the * Swat ' and ' Bonair ' 'jirgahs,' without direct reference to him, though he doubtless influenced their counsels to a considerable extent. The tribe generally, but not invariably, accepts the decision of the 'jirgah,' and it is a matter of policy 40 THE PUNJAUB. therefore, to work upon their fears or interests, and perhaps, above all, on their jealousies; for the ' Pathans,' tricky and insincere themselves, regard even their own tribesmen with suspicion. An amusing story, showing how these feelings can be worked on with advantage, is told of Major James, the Commissioner of Peshawur, who brought the negotiations at ' Umbelah ' to a successful issue. Shortly before the last British victory at ' Laloo,' the tribes came in to negotiate for terms, represented by their respective ' jirgahs.' At the time appointed for the conference, they presented themselves at the Commissioner's quarters, and were admitted separately in succession. The first 'jirgah' came in, seated themselves in due form in front of the Commissioner, and waited patiently for him to open the proceedings. He continued calmly writing at the table, and said not a word. After about half an hour had elapsed, he signified to the 'jirgah' that they were dismissed, and they were escorted out of the tent by the attendants, with all due form and ceremony. A second and a third were ushered in, and dismissed in like manner. As each came out, they were immediately attacked by the representative bodies of the other tribes with the question, ' What did he say to you ? ' At the reply 'Nothing,' the suspicions of the others were immediately aroused that these had secured favourable terms for themselves, or perhaps a large present in money, to the detriment of their neighbours, and the effect was to instil suspicion and dissension among the different councils, to our advantage. The author does not vouch 'PATHANS' LIKE ANCIENT AMERICANS. 41 for the entire correctness of tliis story, but it is hen trovdto, and sometliing like it actually did occur. It will serve to illustrate the kind of diplomacy our officers on the frontier have to deal with, and the weakness, not to say childishness, of the Affghan representative councils. There is a passage in Eobertson's ' History of America,' describing the political and social condition of the natives of that country at the time of ' Cortes,' which illustrates so well the condition of the Affghans at present, that it is worth transcribing in extenso. ' No visible form of government is established. The names of magistrate and subject are not in use. Every one seems to enjoy his natural independence almost entire. If a scheme of public utility is proposed, tlie members of the community are left at liberty to choose whether they will or will not assist in carrying it into execution. No statute imposes service as a duty ; no compulsory laws oblige them to perform it. All their resolutions are voluntary, and flow from the impulse of their own minds. The first step towards establishing a public jurisdiction has not been taken in those rude societies. The right of revenge is left in private hands. If violence is committed, or blood shed, the community does not assume the power of either inflicting or of moderating the punishment. It belongs to the family and friends of the person injured or slain to avenge the wrong or accept the reparation offered by the aggressor. If the elders interpose, it is to advise, not to decide ; and it is seldom their counsels are listened to, for as it is deemed pusillanimous to suffer an offender to 42 . THE PUNJAUB. escape with impunity, resentment is implacable and everlasting' (Eobertson's 'America/ twelfth edition, p. 134). This description, relating to the condition of a people three and a half centuries ago, fits exactly the manners of the Affghans at the present time. On the concluding portion of the quotation, regarding blood-feuds and the avenging of personal injuries, there will be more to say hereafter. Generally, then, among the tribes which march with our frontier from Huzarah to the Bilooch border there is no suzerain or controlling power. The Ameer of ' Cabul' pretends to some authority over certain tribes which intervene between British territory and the kingdom of Cabul, but he is cautious never to assert it in effect, and, as a fact, the tribes, with one or two exceptions, hold their own without care or concern for the views or wishes of the court of * Cabul.' It is obvious that, with communities like these, naturally hostile to us on account of our religion and apprehensive of our motives, ever dreading the approach of the ' Feringhee,' and the increased civili- sation and more settled government which follow in his train, — with neighbours such as these, the management of our frontier presents difficulties which are not to be met by any fixed course of treatment based on political probabilities, or on our dealings with settled and civilised communities else- where. The circumstances are exceptional, the treat- ment must be exceptional also. An endeavour will now be made to show briefly the THE 'PATHANS' OF THE BLACK MOUNTAIN. 43 character and power of the tribes with whom we have to deal, taking them in geographical order from north to south. Our first ' Pathan ' neighbours to the north are the inhabitants of a mountain tract on the east bank of the Indus known as the ' Black Mountain.' The principal tribes inhabiting this range and its spurs are the ' Chigurzye ' and ' Hussunzye/ numbering, the former about 5000, the latter about 3000 matchlocks. The term ' matchlocks ' is used to denote the number of fighting men, as we say sabres or bayonets in speak- ing of European troops, but it is by no means every Pathan warrior that can boast of a matchlock, many being obliged to rest content with knife and tulwar.^ ISTeither of the tribes above mentioned bear a very high character for prowess, even among their co-religionists. Among the fastnesses and cliffs of their mountain home they are of course formidable to a certain extent, but in the open they are very little to be dreaded. As a sample of their valour, it may be mentioned that during the fighting at Umbelah in i '^6'}^, when the ' Swat ' and ' Bonair ' mountaineers were keeping up a constant attack on our position, in spite of daily and severe loss, the heroes of the Black Mountain, upon whom the ' Akhoond ' of ' Swat ' had laid religious pressure to assist in the ejection of the infidel, brought a large con- tingent to the help of the faithful, and the day after their arrival were sent by the ' Akhoond ' to storm the ' Crag ' piquet. This was the practice always adopted by the wily old priest, to send every fresh contingent into action at once, for the purpose probably of testing 1 Sword. 44 THE PUNJAUD. their courage, and also to spare his own more immediate followers from ' Swat ' and ' Bonair.' In consequence, the ' Chigurzye ' and ' Hussunzye ' made the usual pro- menade, but, unfortunately for them, their intended attack was known and prepared for, and they met with such a hot reception, that their anticipated triumph ended in a disastrous and disgraceful defeat, and these long-legged paladins of the Black Mountain vanished with great celerity from the scene of action, and were never again heard of in a body on the battlefield of ' Umbelah,' although the fighting continued for nearly two months after their discomfiture. In 1868 the ' Hussunzye ' made a raid on our Huzarah frontier, and an expedition was organised against them, which turned out to be rather d. fiasco, as w^e mustered some 4000 or 5000 men of all arms, but did not find an enemy to test their prowess, the ' Hussunzye ' disappearing before our troops with the same celerity they exhibited at Um- belah, so that the military operations ended in a pro- menade like that of the King of France's men — they marched up the Black Mountain and down again. These circumstances are related to show how contemp- tible as a foe these northern Pathans are. Passing to the west bank of the Indus, we find tlie two Pathan tribes of ' Mudah Khail ' and ' Amazye,' which border the country of our tributary chief of ' Tunawul,' whose principal town is ' Umb ' on the ' Indus.' The ' Mudah Khail ' are to the north of ' Umb,' and the ' Amazye ' inhabit the eastern slopes of the ' Mahabun ' mountain trending towards the Indus. Neither of these tribes are of much political importance 'PATH AN' TRIBES WEST OF THE INDUS. 45 to US, the Mudah Kliail being far distant from our frontier, and the 'Amazye' only mustering 1000 or 1 200 matchlocks, besides being held in check by our ' Tumxwul ' friends. Following the west bank of the Indus to the ' Pihoor ' ferry, and thence diverging to the westward, we come to the amphitheatre of hills which environ the Peshawur district, inhabited by a considerable number of tribes, more or less under the influence of the ' Akhoond ' of 'Swat.' The nearest tribe to the 'Indus' are the Mudoons' or ' Gudoons,' which is large in numerical strength, but by no means remarkable for prowess. They are a cunning, shifty lot, willing to intrigue at any one's bidding, if any advantage is likely to accrue to themselves, but not ready by any means to support their cause with the sword, and they are looked upon with indifference and contempt by other more warlike tribes. 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