UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA 
 AT LOS ANGELES
 
 
 AN INQUIRY 
 
 INTO THE CAUSES OF THE 
 
 GENERAL POVERTY 
 
 DEPENDENCE OF MANKIND. 
 
 8 4 l
 
 ItK
 
 AN INQUIRY 
 
 INTO THE CAUSES 
 
 OF THE 
 
 GENERAL POVERTY 
 
 AND 
 
 DEPENDENCE OF MANKIND; 
 
 INCLUDING 
 
 A FULL INVESTIGATION 
 
 OF THE 
 
 CORN LAWS. 
 
 By WILLIAM DAWSON. 
 
 EDINBURGH: 
 
 Printed by C. Stewart ; 
 
 TOR JOHN ANDERSON, & CO. PARLIAMENT SQUARE ; AND 
 LONGMAN, HURST, REE8, ORME AND BROWN, 
 LONDON. 
 
 1814.
 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 in 
 
 UJ 
 
 CHAP. I. 
 
 Of the causes of the equality of men as to rank in nations of 
 hunters ; and of the dependent situation to which the majori- 
 ty of the people are reduced in the shepherd state, page 1 
 
 o 
 
 1 CHAP. II. 
 
 Of the effects of the appropriation of land. 
 
 Sect. I. Of the causes which reduce so great a majority of the 
 people to poverty, in civilised societies, living in a 
 simple state... ...7 
 
 Sect. II. That the law of primogeniture has not only a pow- 
 erful tendency to lessen the numbers of mankind, 
 but also to make them slaves........ ...11 
 
 CHAP. III. 
 
 On the obscurity in which the present situation of Europe has 
 involved the subject of this enquiry, .,..,.. ....... . ...*1S
 
 vi CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAP. IV. 
 
 Of the effects of establishing manufactures in free towns j of an- 
 nulling such laws as obstruct, and enacting such as are pro. 
 per for encouraging cultivation, m a small insulated coun. 
 try _ page 23 
 
 Sect. I. Of the effects of establishing manufactures, upon the 
 circumstances of the people who have no land. ...13 
 
 Sect. II. Of the effects of manufactures upon agriculture. .50 
 
 Sect. III. Causes which obstruct improvements in agriculture 
 in Britain . -..61 
 
 Sect. IV. Of the causes of improvements in societies ; and on 
 the effects of plenty and scarcity of food upon the 
 industry of labourers 70 
 
 Sect. V. That establishing manufactures is more beneficial to 
 the poor, than a division of land and stock..... 76 
 
 Sect. VI. Of the waste of food, by an extravagant mode of liv- 
 ing, and of excess in saving 78 
 
 Sect. VII. Of the effects of people living above their income, 
 and engaging in schemes which involve the fortunes 
 of others ... 81 
 
 Sect. VIII. Of the effects of the industry of the rich 84 
 
 Sect. IX. Of the great increase of the number and riches of a 
 .people, which are necessarily produced by esta- 
 blishing manufactures, and encouraging agricul- 
 ture 85 
 
 CHAP. V. 
 
 Of commerce. 
 
 Sect. I. Of the effects of commerce with foreign nations.. .89 
 
 Sect. II. Of the effects of the merchants of a country manag- 
 ing the trade between foreign nations 102
 
 CONTENTS. < Tii 
 
 CHAP. VI. 
 
 Of the corn laws. 
 
 Sect. I. Of the motives of the promoters of these laws.. ..104 
 
 Sect. II. Of the causes of the price of corn being so much 
 more fluctuating, aHd frequently so very much 
 higher in former ages, than during the first half of 
 the last century... 127 
 
 Sect. III.. Of the causes of the low price of corn, during the 
 
 first half of the last century, and of its high price 
 
 since _...- 131 
 
 Sect. IV. Of the necessity of bounties on exporting, and du- 
 ties on importing corn, for the encouragement of 
 tillage ; and of their effects in promoting that 
 end ._ 145 
 
 Sect. V. Of the assertions, that corn, being exported, is a 
 proof, that the people are fully supplied at home : 
 that it is a surplus quantity of produce in plentiful 
 years, by the exportation of which the nation is 
 enriched ; and by prohibiting its exportation when 
 crops are bad, it supplies the people at home, and 
 prevents them from being dependent on foreign na- 
 tions ; and that the liberty to import when crops 
 are very bad, prevents the price from rising so high 
 as to distress the poor. * 152 
 
 Sect. VI. Of the opinion that the duties on importing, and 
 the bounties on exporting food were neeessary to 
 put the owners of land and the cultivators upon an 
 equal footing with manufacturers. ..... 167 
 
 Sect. VII. Of the danger of depending on foreign nations for 
 food 176 
 
 Sect. VIII. Of the effects of the corn laws, upon the rent end 
 
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 »Ui CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAP. VII. 
 
 Of taxes, drawbacks and bounties. 
 
 Sect. I. Of the sources of revenue and principles of taxa- 
 tion 196 
 
 Sect. II. Of taxes that increase the number end riches of a 
 nation from internal sources 201 
 
 Sect. III. Of taxes that impoverish the people and diminish 
 their number 208 
 
 Sect. IV. Of drawbacks 219 
 
 Sect. V. Of bounties. 230 
 
 CHAP. VIII. 
 Conclusion 234 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 Report of the committee of the priry council on the 
 corn laws in 1790 I 
 
 Report of the committee of the house of commons on 
 the corn laws in 1804 01 
 
 Act of parliament passed in 1804, regulating the corn 
 trade........ 65
 
 AN INQUIRY, &c. 
 
 CHAP. I. 
 
 Of the Causes of the Equality of Men as to Rank 
 in Nations of Hunters ; and of the dependent 
 situation to which the majority of the People are 
 reduced in the Shepherd state. 
 
 In countries in which there were no domestic 
 animals, as North America, New Holland, &c. the 
 first inhabitants, from the natural aversion of man 
 to labour, and their having no proper instruments 
 for digging the ground, would be induced to rely 
 on hunting and fishing for the principal part of 
 their subsistence. But we cannot suppose that 
 any man of common sense, even in the rudest 
 state of society, would trust entirely to the chance 
 of success in hunting, when it was in his power to 
 have sheep and cows, &c. to supply him when un- 
 successful, and as he became old or infirm ; far 
 less can we suppose, that a number of men would 
 
 A
 
 overlook such obvious advantages for ages ; nor 
 is there any instance on record, of any society of 
 men, who depended upon hunting and fishing for 
 the principal part of their food, in any country in 
 which such domestic animals could be obtained. 
 We must therefore conclude, that what is called 
 the shepherd state has been the original state of 
 societies in all such countries. 
 
 It is obvious that a considerable number of 
 people, who have flocks and herds, can subsist 
 together in any country tolerably fertile ; and, as 
 people who lived in such situations must have had 
 much leisure, their attention would necessarily be 
 directed to the amelioration of their condition, 
 by gradual improvements in those manufactures 
 of primary necessity, of which they possessed the 
 materials in abundance ; and they would be gra- 
 dually induced to use their horses and oxen in 
 the cultivation of the soil :— inducements to im- 
 prove their situation which were not possessed by 
 those who lived in countries where no domestic 
 animals existed ; where few people could live to- 
 gether ; and where constant exertions, were ne- 
 cessary to protect their persons, and procure food. 
 
 Hence, as it is fully ascertained, that millions 
 of people in Tartary and Arabia, where horses 
 and oxen have always been in plenty, have lived
 
 in the shepherd state, with a small proportion of 
 tillage, for thousands of years, without advancing 
 to the more improved condition of agriculturists j 
 there is no reason for supposing that America, 
 New Holland, &c. had been inhabited only for a 
 few centuries when discovered, merely because 
 the people had made so little progress towards ci- 
 vilization. Even in the countries which are des- 
 titute of domestic animals, the inhabitants make 
 greater advances in social union, in proportion as 
 greater numbers can subsist together. In North 
 America, where deer and bisons were in consider- 
 able plenty, the people lived in a much more so- 
 cial manner, and when first discovered, had im- 
 proved their mental powers much more than the 
 inhabitants of New Holland, in which there were 
 few animals of any kind fit for food, and none of 
 any considerable size ; where the inhabitants are 
 said to have depended upon fish, grubs, and fern- 
 roots for food, and where very few consequently 
 could live together. In such countries, the inha- 
 bitants have so few opportunities of improvement, 
 that it is far from being improbable, that they 
 may have continued in that state many thousands 
 of years. 
 
 The situation of individuals, in nations of hun- 
 ters and fishers, with respect to one another, is 
 totally different from what it is in nations of shep- 
 
 a 2
 
 herds, or where the people depend upon agricul- 
 ture for subsistence. Each individual hunter de* 
 pends upon his own exertions for a supply of his 
 wants ; and, as no one can regularly supply his 
 neighbours with food and clothing, so as to ren- 
 der them dependent upon him for these necessa- 
 ries, and induce them in return to obey his orders, 
 the strong can only exert his own individual 
 strength in maltreating the weak, which will be 
 effectually opposed by the neighbours, not only 
 from a natural regard to justice, but also from a 
 dread of meeting with similar treatment them- 
 selves. Thus, a total want of means to engage 
 or support dependents, is the cause of the perfect 
 equality of the people in point of rank, and that 
 there are no masters or servants in such nations. 
 
 But in countries in which there are sheep and 
 cows, individuals, by possessing numbers of these 
 domestic animals, can support numerous families. 
 Hence, where there are no common protectors to 
 defend the weak, those who have no domestic ani- 
 mals, and even those who have a few, but not 
 power to protect them, must feel it to be their in- 
 terest to make the best bargain they can with those 
 who have large flocks and herds and power to pro- 
 tect them, and become their servants rather than 
 run the risk of starving of hunger or of being 
 robbed and murdered.
 
 3 
 
 Thus, all those who have no domestic animals; 
 and those who have not power to protect what they 
 have, must, in such situations, become the servants 
 and dependents of the rich and powerful. It is 
 this command over a number of dependents which 
 constitutes the power of the masters of the Tar- 
 tar hordes and Arabian tribes, which may gradual- 
 ly increase or decrease, as -the leader behaves well 
 or ill to his dependents and can protect them, and 
 as the dependents think it their interest to conti- 
 nue with, or to leave their leader. 
 
 The situation of the dependents naturally in- 
 duces them to adopt a fawning submissive beha- 
 viour to masters, which generates and fosters in 
 them, self-sufficiency, arrogance and insolence; 
 manners, which can have no existence in nations 
 of hunters, where there are no dependents to ge- 
 nerate them. — i 
 
 Mr Weld, in his travels in North America, after 
 giving a narrative of his journ,ey from Buffalo 
 Creek, where he and his fellow-travellers engaged 
 some Indians to carry their baggage, to Genesee 
 river, says *, " Before I dismiss the subject en- 
 " tirely, I must observe to you that the Indians 
 *' did not seem to think the carrying of our bag- 
 
 * Volume II, page 325. 
 A .5
 
 " gage was in any manner degrading to them, 
 <c and after having received their due, they shook 
 " hands with, and parted from us, not as from 
 " employers who had hired them, but as from 
 " friends whom they had been assisting, and were 
 " now sorry to leave." From the behaviour of 
 these Indians, it appears, that executing work for 
 hire, when not depending upon it for subsistence, 
 or upon the employers for favour, does not gene- 
 rate servile manners : and experience shows that 
 the manners of the lower classes are always more 
 fawning as they are more afraid of a want of sub- 
 sistence. Hence the manners of the servants and 
 labourers in the Highlands and Islands of Scot- 
 land are abject in the extreme ; in England more 
 independent, in North America still more inde- 
 pendent, and of these Indians totally independent 
 even to employers, to whom they are executing 
 what we consider the most degrading work for 
 hire. And the manners of the high ranks in every 
 country are more assuming and insolent to the 
 low, in proportion as these are more fawning and 
 submissive.
 
 CHAR II. 
 
 OF THE EFEECTS OF THE APPROPRIATION OF LAND. 
 
 SECT. I. 
 
 Of the Causes "which reduce so great a majority of 
 the People to poverty, in Civilised Societies living 
 in a simple state. 
 
 When the whole land of a country is the pri- 
 vate property of a few individuals, those who have 
 no land must, to obtain food, serve those who have 
 food to spare, or they must obtain land from those 
 who have it to spare, for raising food themselves, 
 by giving the owners a share of the produce, or 
 labour or attendance. And where there are no 
 common protectors appointed by the community, 
 with sufficient power to defend the weak from op- 
 
 a4
 
 pression, even those who have some land, but not 
 sufficient power to protect their property, must 
 also attach themselves to some more powerful 
 neighbour who can protect them. The estates of 
 the weak will, in such a state of society, decrease 
 in size from poverty and oppression ; whereas, 
 those of the powerful, particularly if the law of 
 primogeniture is the rule of succession, will be 
 increased in various ways, and the power of the 
 owner's must increase in proportion. 
 
 The quantity of labour given for food, and the 
 share of the produce given for the possession of 
 land, must be regulated among free men, like 
 other mercantile transactions, by the proportion 
 that the number of those who have no land bears 
 to the quantity of food the owners wish to ex- 
 change for labour ; and the extent of land, fit for 
 cultivation, which the proprietors wish to let. The 
 wages, or the reward, of labourers, therefore, 
 must rise or fall according to that proportion ; as 
 well as the rent or price paid for the temporary 
 occupation of land. 
 
 Hence, in the exchanges between those classes, 
 the relative value of land and labour must vary, 
 as either of them is more or less plentiful, in pro- 
 portion to the demand. When fertile land is in 
 great plenty, and labourers scarce ; and when the
 
 owners are anxious to increase their spare pro- 
 duce, to purchase manufactures and luxuries, as 
 in North America at present; the labourers not 
 only obtain high wages, but the land-owners, to 
 procure them more readily, and upon easier 
 terms, find that it is their interest to treat them 
 well in every respect. But, notwithstanding the 
 scarcity of labourers in that country, and though 
 they on that account obtain high wages, they 
 cannot compel the owners of land to comply with 
 any condition against their own inclinations, as 
 the latter have it always in their option to dis- 
 pense with their services ; whereas, in a popu- 
 lous country, where the people live in a simple 
 state, and cannot, better their condition by emi- 
 gration, it is evident, that, as they increase in 
 number, land and food must become more scarce, 
 and those who have no land must, in the cha- 
 racter of metayers*, or, as tenants, give a greater 
 part of the produce for liberty to occupy land, or, 
 in that of labourers a greater part of their time 
 for food. They will be obliged to submit, as their 
 numbers increase, to harder conditions of various 
 kinds, for food, or for liberty to occupy land. 
 
 * Metayers are men who occupy farms in France which are 
 •tocked by the landlord. In Scotland they are called steel- 
 bow tenants. In all countries where the peasantry are very 
 poor, the landlords are obliged to adopt this method.
 
 10 
 
 And when a country becomes very populous, and 
 food very scarce, so many labourers are seeking 
 employment, that the competition reduces the 
 wages of labour so low, that the weak and infirm 
 are not able to earn even necessaries. They, 
 therefore, must subsist by begging or stealing, or 
 starve for want. Nor does there appear to be 
 any check to the misery of the poor in such a 
 case but deaths, and their being deterred from 
 sexual intercourse by fear of misery and starva- 
 tion. Thus it appears, that the reward of labour, 
 in a simple state of society, is regulated by the 
 proportion that the quantity of fertile land, which 
 lite owners wish to let, and of food, which they wish 
 to exchange for labour, bears to the number of 
 people who have no land. 
 
 The condition which determines the reward of 
 labour, is printed in italics, because there may be 
 much food given to horses and dogs, and pro- 
 prietors may use great tracts of their land as fo- 
 rests for hunting, &c. ; which food and land, used 
 in those ways, cannot relieve the wants of la- 
 bourers ; their condition would be the same if 
 neither such food nor land existed. It necessari- 
 ly follows, therefore, that it is of the greatest im- 
 portance to the increase and welfare of mankind, 
 that the land be so much divided, that every pro- 
 prietor shall find it necessary to cultivate his
 
 n 
 
 share in the best manner, and have no induce- 
 ment to give the produce to useless animals, or 
 turn any part of it into a hunting field. 
 
 SECT. II. 
 
 Tliat the law of primogeniture has not only a power- 
 ful tendency to lessen the numbers of mankind, 
 but also to make them slaves. 
 
 Large estates are not only ruinous to labourers, 
 by diminishing the quantity of subsistence and 
 the demand for labourers, but they have also a 
 powerful tendency to make them slaves. For as a 
 proprietor can turn out any person who may oc- 
 cupy a part of his estate without a lease, if it is 
 very extensive, and lying contiguous, (like the 
 estates of the barons formerly in Britain, and at 
 present in Poland and Russia,) he can, by that 
 means, banish such person from his native place ; 
 nor can the friends or relations of the banished 
 person give him a house or shelter, but at the 
 risk of being banished themselves. Nor will 
 neighbouring landlords lessen the power of their 
 order, by allowing such persons an asylum upon 
 their estates. In such situations, therefore, the 
 best laws can have little effect in protecting 
 people from the tyranny of great proprietors of
 
 II 
 
 land, and of their stewards and favourites, as the 
 people must expect to be banished if they apply 
 to a court. of justice for redress. In these cir- 
 cumstances, when there is no prospect of relief 
 from emigration, men will submit to any incon- 
 venience or harshness of treatment ; they will 
 even sell themselves and children for slaves, ra- 
 ther than be banished from their native placed, 
 and run the risk of perishing for want of food 
 and clothes, and a house to shelter them. 
 
 But where land is much divided, if a person is 
 turned out of possession of land or employment 
 by one proprietor, he may get a possession or em- 
 ployment from another in the same neighbour- 
 hood: so that no individual has it in his power to 
 banish a person from his friends and neighbours, 
 or can commit rapes, murders, or any other atro- 
 cious crime, with impunity, such as have been 
 and are too frequently committed on very exten- 
 sive estates, where the people depend entirely 
 upon the owners of the land for employment and 
 a residence. The more that the land is divided 
 among the proprietors in a simple state of society, 
 the better it is cultivated, the greater is the de- 
 mand for labourers, and the proprietors have less 
 power over the occupiers. Hence the miserable 
 slavish situation of the people, and the absolute 
 power of the great owners of land in Britain in
 
 13 
 
 former ages, and in Poland and other nations of 
 Europe at present, and the comparatively inde- 
 pendent situation of the poorest people in the an- 
 cient Roman republic. 
 
 It was the dependence of the people upon the 
 owners of the lands in the Highlands and Islands 
 of Scotland, that enabled the proprietors to carry 
 with them almost all the men of a proper age into 
 the rebellions in 1715 and 1745; and also to raise 
 regiments for government during the American 
 war, and since, while the most popular proprietors 
 in England, and the Low country of Scotland, 
 could not raise a company without a high bounty. 
 
 When the great proprietors in the Highlands 
 wish to raise a number of men, they communicate 
 their intention to their stewards, and to the prin- 
 cipal tacksmen who possess their estates, who are 
 acquainted with the situation and number of the 
 families of the small tenants, subtenants, and cot- 
 ters ; and a list is made up of the number which 
 they think each family may spare ; then the heads 
 of these families are told by the proprietor, that, 
 as he understands that their family consists of so 
 many men, he expects that a certain number will 
 enlist in his regiment. No men are here de- 
 manded, but these people know that they must 
 either send the number expected, and give up
 
 14 
 
 their sons or brothers, or lose their possessions ; 
 and the families and friends of the men demand- 
 ed, are thus involved in deep distress. But how- 
 ever disagreeable the service proposed may be, 
 the men demanded, to save their families from 
 ruin, generally pretend to go willingly, though 
 there were several instances, when raising regi- 
 ments during the American war, of men being 
 brought to the recruiting parties bound, and 
 guarded by their own fathers and brothers until 
 they were attested. I shall not attempt to de- 
 scribe either the anguish of such sufferers, or of 
 their fathers and brothers who were compelled by 
 stern necessity to be the instruments of inflicting 
 their sufferings. 
 
 These sentiments are corroborated by the ob- 
 servations of Lord Selkirk, who, after visiting the 
 country, and examining the situation of the people 
 with great attention, published a treatise in 1804 
 on emigration, at the end of which he expresses 
 himself as follows : " From the observations that 
 " have been made on the general state of society 
 " in the Highlands, it will be understood that no 
 u man can live there as an independent labourer, 
 '« — that every inhabitant of the country is under 
 "an absolute necessity of obtaining a possession 
 " of land; and as the competitors for such posses- 
 " sions are so numerous that all cannot be ao
 
 15 
 
 " commodated, every one, who is not determined 
 " on quitting the country, feels himself very much 
 " at the mercy of the proprietor, on whom he de- 
 " pends for the means of remaining. To this is 
 " to be added the poverty of the lower orders, 
 " the great extent of particular estates, the re- 
 " mote insulated situation of many, their distance 
 " from the ordinary courts of justice, and the 
 " great expence which must on that account be 
 " incurred by any attempt to procure redress for 
 " any wrong. All these circumstances combine to 
 <c give a landlord, in these remote situations, an 
 " extraordinary degree of personal weight; and 
 " the regular authority of a justice of the peace 
 " being superadded, no individual among the de- 
 " pendents can venture to contest his power." 
 
 " In the present state of things, it is not per- 
 " haps too much to say, that, in a great part of 
 " the Highlands, the proper administration of 
 " justice still depends less on the regular checks 
 " of law, than on the personal character of the 
 " resident gentry : the power that is in their 
 " hands is, in a great proportion of the country, 
 " exercised with a degree of moderation and 
 " equity highly honourable to individuals ; but, 
 " unless the proprietors of the Highlands were a 
 " race of angels, this could not be without ex- 
 M captions. Above all, when it is considered,
 
 16 
 
 '* that many extensive estates are scarcely visted 
 " by their owners once in the course of several 
 " years, and that the almost despotic authority of 
 w the landlord is transferred to the hands of un- 
 " derlings who have no permanent interest in the 
 " welfare of the people, it is not to be supposed 
 " that abuses will not prevail^ and that oppres- 
 " sion will not be practised." 
 
 " The complaints of the common people are in 
 " many parts as loud as they dare to utter them, 
 " but the instances of injustice, which they may 
 " occasionally experience, produce on their minds 
 " an aggravated impression, from the great and 
 " constant sources of irritation arising out of the 
 " general state of the country ; and hence, per- 
 " haps, their complaints are too indiscriminate." 
 
 " Of the prevalence of abuses, we have also 
 " the testimony of a resident clergyman, Mr 
 *' Irvine, in his Enquiry into the Causes and Ef- 
 •* fects of Emigration. 
 
 ' Were it consistent,' he says, * with my enqui- 
 * ry, X would willingly pass over the conduct of 
 t factors in silence.' P. 41. 
 
 " If a person is so unfortunate as to give any 
 " one of them offence, no matter how, he either
 
 17 
 
 " privately or publicly uses every artifice to ren- 
 u der him odious to his neighbours or his land- 
 " lord, till in the end he finds it necessary to 
 li withdraw." 
 
 * It would be tedious and irksome to enumer- 
 ■ ate the various methods by which a factor may 
 " get rid of a person whom he hates, or let in 
 " (as it is termed) one whom he loves." p. 42. 
 
 " The power with which the factors of many 
 94 Highland estates are invested, seems to carry 
 u with it temptations almost too great for human 
 " nature ; but though it is on this class of men 
 " that the weight of popular odium chiefly falls, 
 " ought not the blame, in just reason, to lye with 
 " those who suffer such abuses to be committed 
 " in their name ?" 
 
 " Taking things, however, as we have found 
 " them, it will not be thought extraordinary, that 
 u the crime newly laid down in the code of the 
 " Highland Society, under the title of calumniat- 
 " ing factors, unknown as it is in the laws of 
 f* England, should, in some places, be deemed the 
 " most dangerous and unpardonable of all species 
 " of sedition."
 
 18 
 
 From these observations it is evident, that the 
 law of primogeniture is not only unjust and cruel 
 to the younger children of the owners of land, 
 but, by its irresistible effect in promoting a mono- 
 poly of land, has a powerful tendency to lessen 
 the quantity of food, and the numbers of man- 
 kind, and to reduce all who do exist to a state of 
 abject dependence and wretchedness, except the 
 owners of land : and the necessary consequence 
 of entails is to produce all these evils in a much 
 higher degree. 
 
 CHAP. III. 
 
 ON THE OBSCURITY IN WHICH THE PRESENT SITUA- 
 TION OF EUROPE HAS INVOLVED THE SUBJECT OF 
 THIS INQUIRY. 
 
 That over-population must impoverish the la- 
 bourers, is obvious in a simple state of society, 
 where the spare produce of each estate is given 
 for service or labour to the people residing upon 
 the estate, or in the neighbourhood, as was the 
 case in ancient Greece and Rome, and likewise
 
 19 
 
 in Britain in former ages, when the spare produce 
 of the proprietors was given to cultivators, menial 
 servants, artisans, and retainers, who resided upon 
 the lands which produced their food. 
 
 In these situations, it was obvious to every one, 
 that the want of land, or over-populousness, impo- 
 verished the labourers ; and, accordingly, the sur- 
 plus people were occasionally sent from the differ- 
 ent nations of Greece and Rome, as colonies, to 
 take possession of land, and raise food for them- 
 selves ; but where a large tract of land belonged 
 to one man, as was generally the case in Europe, 
 for many centuries, the power of each proprietor 
 to protect himself, and to domineer over his de- 
 pendents and neighbours, increased in proportion 
 to the increase of people upon his estate. It was 
 therefore the interest of such proprietors, when 
 power was the principal object of their ambition, 
 to subdivide the people's possessions as they in- 
 creased in number, and to prevent emigrations. 
 But in this situation it was also seen, that a want 
 of land and food, or over-populousness, impover- 
 ished the labourers j and the smaller the society 
 was, the more obvious it would appear. A few 
 families in a small island would see plainly that 
 any considerable addition to their numbers would 
 ruin them. And, accordingly, infanticide, and 
 
 b 2
 
 20 
 
 other cruel methods of checking population, arc 
 said to have been first practised in islands. 
 
 But the taste of the great proprietors of land, 
 for refinements in manufactures and works of art, 
 which has prevailed in Europe since retainers were 
 prohibited, and since the greatest proprietors have 
 been compelled to submit to general laws ; the 
 security of property which that submission has 
 produced, and, particularly, the circumstance of 
 manufacturers separating themselves from the cul- 
 tivators, and resorting to free towns for mutual 
 protection and convenience ; have, in a great de- 
 gree, broken off the direct intercourse between 
 the proprietors of land and the manufacturing la- 
 bourers in many parts of Europe. By which 
 means, the effect of scarcity of food upon the re- 
 ward of labour, is not so distinctly seen as in a 
 simple state of society, where the exchange of 
 labour for food is direct. On the contrary, cir- 
 cumstances have occurred, which make dearness 
 of food appear to be advantageous to the labour- 
 ers ; particularly this fact, that the labourers in 
 Europe are actually poorest and idlest in many 
 countries and districts where provisions are cheap, 
 and from which quantities are annually exported ; 
 and richest and most industrious, in countries and 
 districts where provisions are scarce and dear, and 
 must be imported to supply the inhabitants^
 
 21 
 
 From these appearances it has been concluded 
 by men of great intelligence, that cheapness of 
 food renders labourers idle and poor, and that a 
 scanty supply is the cause of their industry and 
 riches ; and Dr Smith, after stating that the colo- 
 nies of the Greeks and Romans were established 
 to supply the people with land *, says, " that the 
 " establishment of the European colonies in Ame- 
 u rica arose from no necessity, and though the 
 " utility which has resulted from them has been 
 " very great, it is not altogether so clear and evi- 
 " dent. It was not understood at their first esta- 
 " blishment, and was not the motive either of 
 " that establishment, or of the discoveries which 
 " gave occasion to it ; and the nature, extent, and 
 " limits of that utility, are not, perhaps, well un- 
 ti derstood at this day." 
 
 To detect the fallacy of these appearances, and 
 to shew that the advantages of colonies arise from 
 the same cause in modern as in ancient times, it 
 seems to be necessary to trace the effects of ma- 
 nufactures, and of commerce with foreign nations, 
 separately. To do this with some degree of accu- 
 racy, as commerce with different provinces pro- 
 duces the same effect as that with foreign nations, 
 I shall, in the first place, endeavour to trace the 
 
 * Wealth of Nations, vol. ii. p. 347. 
 B 3
 
 22 
 
 effects of manufactures upon a people possessing 
 a small fertile territory, in an insulated situation, 
 who have no trade with any other nation ; and 
 shall suppose that the land is much divided, and 
 cultivated by the owners, assisted by hired la- 
 bourers ; and that it contains mines of all the me- 
 tals, and produces all the necessary materials of 
 manufactures ; and that slavery is not allowed. 
 After which, I shall endeavour to trace the effects 
 of commerce with foreign nations, when the 
 causes, which make labourers poorest and idlest in 
 populous countries which export provisions, will 
 clearly appear ; and it will also appear, that the 
 advantages of colonies arise from the same causes 
 in modern as in ancient times.
 
 CHAP. IV. 
 
 OF THE EFFECTS OF ESTABLISHING MANUFACTURES 
 IN FREE TOWNS ; OF ANNULLING SUCH LAWS AS 
 OBSTRUCT, AND ENACTING SUCH AS ARE PROPER 
 FOR ENCOURAGING CULTIVATION, IN A SMALL IN- 
 SULATED COUNTRY. 
 
 SECT. I. 
 
 ■ 
 
 Of the effects of establishing Manufactures^ upon 
 the Circumstances of the People who have no 
 Land. 
 
 It has already appeared, that, in the most simple 
 state of society, labourers give only a part of their 
 time for food and materials for clothes, &c. and 
 that this part is more or less, according to the de- 
 mand for labourers. The remainder of their time 
 is employed in making their own clothes, and 
 other necessaries. Even in that state of society, 
 some of the labourers apply themselves to differ-
 
 24 
 
 ent trades, such as those of joiners, smiths, ma- 
 sons, weavers, &c. who for convenience live in 
 villages ; and expert, diligent workmen in every 
 line are better supplied with necessaries than those 
 of a different description. But when such trades- 
 men depend entirely upon the owners of land, 
 not only for a house to live in, but also for pro- 
 tection of their persons and property, and must 
 not marry their daughters, or dispose of their pro- 
 perty by will, without the consent of their lord, 
 and must follow him in a military capacity when 
 ordered, as was the case in Britain in former ages, 
 no material accumulation of capital, or improve- 
 ments in the arts of manufacturing, could be ex- 
 pected. In such a state of society, there are few 
 exchanges of articles of dress or convenience a- 
 mong the people who have no land. The ex- 
 changes consist almost entirely of labour for food, 
 or for materials of clothing, or other necessaries, 
 which are the produce of the land. 
 
 I*— 
 
 But when tradesmen resort to towns, in which 
 
 they chuse their own magistrates, and find that 
 their persons and property are secure, industrious 
 individuals of talents and enterprise, will not only 
 exert themselves to increase the quantity of their 
 work, for their own use, but they will exert them- 
 selves to contrive tools and machines, by which 
 they will be enabled to execute three or four times
 
 25 
 
 more work than they could execute without such 
 assistance. And as the neighbours of these inge- 
 nious men, and the rising generation, will learn 
 these arts, the number of individuals of that de- 
 scription will gradually increase in the different 
 trades ; and as these people will have to give no 
 more of their work for food, and the materials of 
 their manufactures, than what is given by others, 
 they will each have a quantity of their work to 
 spare to exchange with, and to accommodate one 
 another ; and in proportion as they improve in the 
 arts of manufacturing, and as their stock in ma- 
 chinery accumulates, and proper divisions of la- 
 bour are formed (which can only be expected to 
 take place gradually), they will obtain a greater 
 abundance of manufactures. 
 
 But the increase of manufactures, by the divi- 
 sion of labour, and by the use of tools and ma- 
 chines for assisting the powers of man, though 
 very great, is trifling, when compared to the in- 
 crease produced by machines for applying to these 
 purposes the powers of the elements. Various 
 machines, by the force of water, of air, and of 
 steam, guided by a few hands, execute as much 
 work as hundreds of men could do without such 
 assistance ; and, consequently, the incomes and 
 exchanges among manufacturers, must increase
 
 26 
 
 rapidly with the increase of stock employed in 
 machinery, worked by the elements. 
 
 Some of the people, even in a simple state of 
 society, obtain a living by keeping small shops to 
 facilitate the exchanges of labour for food, and 
 between the labourers in different occupations ; and 
 it is obvious, that the number of shop-keepers, 
 and the amount of their stock, must increase with 
 the number and greatness of the exchanges among 
 the manufacturers ; that when they become very 
 considerable, warehouses will be established, the 
 owners of which will employ the manufacturers, 
 and supply the shop-keepers ; that as business in- 
 creases, clerks will be requisite to assist in the 
 shops and warehouses, in proportion to that in- 
 crease ; that when the exchanges become great 
 and numerous, banking or dealing in bills will be- 
 come a considerable business ; that there will be 
 occasion for conveyancers to form contracts and 
 deeds, and courts of justice to settle disputes, 
 with judges to preside, and lawyers to plead for, 
 and assist the litigants, in proportion to the num- 
 ber and value of the houses and machinery which 
 are let or sold, of the money lent, and the manu- 
 factures which are exchanged ; in proportion, also, 
 to the increase of the income of the owners of 
 stock, of bankers, lawyers, shop-keepers, clerks, 
 
 &c. they will be able and willing, in case of 
 
 6
 
 27 
 
 bodily disorders, to pay for the assistance of phy- 
 sicians and surgeons, so that the number and pay- 
 ment of these will increase with the increase of 
 manufactures ; and the demand for teachers, and 
 artists of various kinds, will increase with the opu- 
 lence of the society. When houses, machinery, 
 or other stock, cannot be occupied or employed 
 by the owners with advantage, they will either be 
 let for rent, or sold for money, which will be lent 
 for interest, thus forming a class of people who 
 receive rent for the use of houses, machinery, and 
 money, as rent, is paid for the use of land. By 
 these, and various other means, a considerable pro- 
 portion of the people who have no land, in a ma- 
 nufacturing society, obtain considerable incomes 
 in a much more independent and comfortable way, 
 and enjoy much greater opportunities of improv- 
 ing their minds and manners, than it is possible 
 for that class of people to obtain in a simple state 
 of society. 
 
 Machines for saving labour, appear, at first view, 
 to diminish the demand for labourers ; but as the 
 value of the labour which is saved is an addition 
 to the income of the owner, and as that addition- 
 al income, if not bestowed on the maintenance of 
 useless animals, must be given for labour in some 
 other way, either in augmenting these works, or 
 in articles of convenience or luxury produced by
 
 28 
 
 labour, an additional demand for labourers is by 
 these means formed in the lines in which the re- 
 venue derived from the machines is expended. 
 And as that revenue is great in proportion to the 
 number of people deprived of employment by the 
 machines, that additional revenue will give em- 
 ployment to an equal number of additional la- 
 bourers in the lines in which the owners chuse to 
 lay it out. 
 
 When machines are erected for spinning, for 
 instance, the demand for spinners, is, no doubt, 
 lessened, but the demand is in an equal degree 
 augmented, for people to erect, repair, and guide 
 these machines, and to supply the owners with 
 the articles upon which they chuse to bestow their 
 additional profits. 
 
 The erectors of newly invented machines fre- 
 quently draw for a time great profits, but, as other 
 similar machines come into competition, the price 
 of their work is gradually reduced, until the pro- 
 fits are brought to a level with the profits of stock 
 in other branches of business. The whole com- 
 munity are then furnished with that sort of work 
 at the reduced price ; and as that saving to the 
 individuals of the community is expended upon 
 other goods, or given for labour of some kind, the 
 demand for labourers .annot be diminished by 
 
 2
 
 29 
 
 machines, if the revenue derived from them is not 
 given for food for useless animals. 
 
 The employment of stock for saving labour in 
 any other way (and Lord Lauderdale has shewn # 
 in the clearest manner, that the profits of stock, 
 however employed to facilitate manufactures or 
 exchanges, are obtained in consequence of the 
 saving of labour), must produce similar conse- 
 quences, therefore can have no tendency to dimi- 
 nish the general demand for labour. But in pro- 
 portion to the number of articles which are redu- 
 ced in price by the employment of stock, in ma- 
 chines or otherwise, the society must be better 
 accommodated. That part of every person's wages 
 or income, which remains after purchasing food, 
 will purchase a greater quantity of these articles, 
 or of a better quality. 
 
 Hence, as the proportion of the labourer's time 
 or wages, that must be given for food, is regulated 
 by the proportion that the quantity of food to be 
 sold, bears to the number of buyers ; so the quan- 
 tity of manufactures and other conveniencies, 
 which a labourer can purchase with what remains 
 of his wages, after paying for food, must increase 
 with the increase of machineiy, of stock, of the 
 
 * Enquiry into the Causes of Public Wealth.
 
 30 
 
 arts of manufacturing, and with the cheapness of 
 the materials of manufactures. 
 
 Every person who has no land must give a part 
 of his income for food, but the remainder (which, 
 with many in a manufacturing society, is very 
 considerable) is given for luxuries. It is only a 
 small part of the income of bankers, merchants, 
 and other great owners of stock, which is given 
 for food ; by much the greater part is given for 
 manufactures, menial service, and different kinds 
 of luxuries ; and this part must increase with the 
 increase of the revenue which is derived from 
 their industry, and the profits of stock. 
 
 When the revenue of individuals is greater than 
 is requisite to purchase necessaries, the surplus is 
 expended in superfluities, as custom and taste 
 may direct ; and as vessels made of the precious 
 metals are generally desired, it must follow that 
 the demand for these will increase with the in- 
 crease of income from manufactures ; and an ad- 
 ditional demand for these metals in the shape of 
 coin, must also, in that case, be formed to answer 
 the additional number of exchanges. Consequent- 
 ly, the number of miners employed to dig for them 
 must increase with the increase of the demand. 
 Hence, the quantity of these metals, or of notes 
 promising to pay certain quanties, must be greater 

 
 31 
 
 in any nation, in proportion to the increase ot 
 manufactures, and as the exchanges are more nu- 
 merous, and of greater value, whether the mines 
 are more or less productive. 
 
 As no person will keep gold or silver while in 
 want of food or other necessaries, if they are to be 
 got in exchange, it must follow, that in proportion 
 as these metals, or bills or bank-notes payable in 
 gold, are in plenty among the people of low rank, 
 food and other necessaries must also be in plenty. 
 These metals are not the essentials of the riches 
 of a nation ; but among neighbouring nations they 
 must abound most in those in which the people 
 are best supplied with food and necessaries; and a 
 scarcity of money among the labourers, is a neces- 
 sary consequence of scarcity and dearness of food, 
 and of low wages. 
 
 As there cannot be a greater number of the 
 class of people who have no land, than the sur- 
 plus food of the owners of land can maintain, it 
 seems necessarily to follow, that, in proportion as 
 a greater number of that clsss are supported by 
 the profits of stock, there must be fewer labourers 
 for hire ; and as stock cannot be employed in any 
 way without some labourers, the competition of 
 the owners of stock, bidding against one another, 
 and against the owners of land, for labourers to
 
 62 
 
 assist them, must increase with the increase of 
 stock; and labourers will obtain higher wages, 
 according to that increase. 
 
 As the profits of the stock which is employed 
 to save labour, are greater in proportion to the 
 number of labourers whose work it saves, it seems 
 necessarily to follow that they will be higher in 
 proportion as the wages of the labourers whose 
 work it saves are high ; and consequently, that 
 part of the profits of the employers of stock, which 
 arises from saving labour by having proper tools 
 and materials, by attention and by forming a pro- 
 per division of labour (which are the means by 
 which masters undersell single workmen who have 
 no stock), must be high or low, according to the 
 general rate of the wages of labourers ; and as it 
 has been shown that the wages of labourers are in- 
 creased by the increase of stock employed to save 
 labour, it must follow, that the interests of these 
 two classes coincide, with respect to the general 
 rate of wages, notwithstanding their having been 
 thought by the members of both to be opposite. 
 And this conclusion is confirmed by experience ; 
 as, in every country, where the general rate of 
 wages is low, the profits of employers of stock, to 
 save labour, are also low ; and they are high 
 where wages are high. In the south of Ireland, 
 the Highlands, and the Islands of Scotland; in 
 Poland, and in every other country, where the
 
 33 
 
 general rate of wages is low, the general rate of 
 the profits of master-tradesmen and other em- 
 ployers of stock is also low. Whereas in Glas- 
 gow, Manchester, Birmingham, and other manu- 
 facturing towns, where the general rate of wages 
 is high, the general rate of the profits of the em- 
 ployers of stock is also high* 
 
 The erroneous opinion, that the profits of mas- 
 ters are deductions from the wages of labourers, is 
 unfortunately too general, and is the cause of 
 much discontent among the labourers. It is, 
 therefore, much to be regretted that Dr Smith 
 has so far strengthened that opinion by asserting, 
 
 • that the incomes of landlords and employers of 
 
 * stock, are deductions from the wages of la- 
 " bourers, which in justice ought to be all their 
 ■ own." 
 
 In the beginning of his Chapter on Wages he 
 expresses himself as follows : " The produce of 
 " labour constitutes the natural recompense or 
 " wages of labour. 
 
 << 
 
 " In that original state of things, which pre- 
 cedes both the appropriation of land and the 
 " accumulation of stock, the whole produce of la* 
 " bour belongs to the labourer. He has neither 
 " landlord nor master to share with him*
 
 34 
 
 " Had this state continued, the wages of labour 
 " would have augmented with all those improve- 
 " ments in its productive powers to which the di- 
 " vision of labour gives occasion. " 
 
 But as these productive powers are (by the 
 Doctor's own showing in the preceding chapters) 
 effects produced by men of capital erecting ma- 
 chines, and forming a proper division of labour, 
 it is astonishing that he should suppose that these 
 effects could be produced without the cause. In 
 the first chapter of the first book, he says* that he 
 saw ten men employed by a master, who made 
 upwards of forty-eight thousand pins in a day; 
 that each man, therefore, might be considered as 
 making four thousand eight hundred ; and that 
 if these men had wrought separately and inde- 
 pendent of one another, they could not have 
 made a fiftieth part of the number. Hence, by this 
 his own statement, though the employer got one- 
 half of the pins as his profit, each workman might 
 still have the other half, or twenty-five times as 
 many pins for his share, as he could have made if 
 working by himself. After such a particular state- 
 ment of the great additional quantity of work pro- 
 duced by the division of labour, (and as he knew 
 that the employment of stock and a division of Ja- 
 bour were absolutely necessary to the formation 
 of the metal, and saved incomparably more labour
 
 35 
 
 in drawing the wire than can be saved in making 
 the pins,) it is quite unaccountable to find the 
 same author asserting, that the profits of the 
 employers of stock are parts of the wages of the 
 labourers, which are taken from them. 
 
 A labourer can get his corn ground at a mill 
 for about one day's wages for every quarter ; 
 whereas he could not grind the same quantity 
 himself in eight or ten days : hence it is evident, 
 that, in this case, the labourer, by giving one 
 day's wages to the owner of the mill, saves at least 
 eight days wages, and has his corn much better 
 done. Without the employment of stock and di- 
 vision of labour, the whole society must be re- 
 duced to the savage state, as they could not form 
 any instruments of metal, no shears to take the 
 fleece off their sheep, needles to sew their cloths, 
 or an iron spade to dig the ground. The profits 
 derived from employing stock to save labour, are 
 payments for the labour which it saves, and are 
 so far from lessening the wages of labourers, that 
 it has been shown that wages are necessarily 
 higher in every country in proportion as more 
 stock is employed. 
 
 Accumlation of stock is not only advantageous 
 to labourers when employed in the division of la- 
 bour, and erection of machines for saving labour, 
 
 c 2
 
 36 
 
 it is also of great service to that class of people, 
 when it is employed in furnishing shops and ware- 
 houses with manufactures, by giving the manu- 
 facturers more constant employment. The de- 
 mand for manufactures is extremely fluctuating, 
 the shop-keepers and whole-sale merchants fre- 
 quently selling as much in one month at one time, 
 as in six or eight in others ; but by having a stock 
 on hand, they can answer these large demands 
 when they come upon them, and then make up 
 their stock gradually by buying from the manu- 
 facturers, before another great demand comes ; 
 by which means the manufacturers have a much 
 more regular demand for their work than they 
 could have, if all those who use manufactures, 
 were to employ workmen on their own account 
 to make them ; as, in that case, the workmen 
 would sometimes have too much work, and at 
 others too little, or none at all. 
 
 When master smiths, joiners, masons, &c. are 
 employed in repairs, or any other work, for which 
 they charge their employers by the number of 
 days the workmen have taken to execute it, a 
 great deal more is charged to the employer than 
 what is given by the master to the workmen. 
 Yet even in this case the master's profits are not 
 deductions from the wages of those who execute 
 the work, they are voluntary payments by the 
 employers to the masters for directing the work,
 
 37 
 
 and for employing proper persons to execute 
 every part which they were not judges of them- 
 selves. In the same way, when men of character 
 in the law are employed to write deeds, it is com- 
 mon, not only to charge for drawing the deeds, 
 but also a much larger sum for transcribing, than 
 is paid to the clerk, yet the surcharge in this case 
 is not a deduction from the clerk's wages, it is 
 given to the lawyer as a reward, to engage a man 
 of his known talents and integrity to execute the 
 deed, 3o that the profits of masters are very seldom, 
 if ever, deductions from the wages of labourers. 
 
 The condition of labourers of inferior talents is 
 very much ameliorated, by masters employing a 
 considerable number of labourers, as they can, by 
 that means, form a proper division of labour, and 
 give such labourers employment in some way suit- 
 ed to their inferior abilities. If they are not tit to 
 build a house, they can serve them who are fit, 
 
 Thus it appears that employment of stock is, in j 
 various ways, of the highest advantage to the 
 class of labourers, by raising men of talents and 
 virtue to affluence, and by. preventing those who 
 are deficient in talents from sinking to want and 
 beggary ; and thai the profits of employers of 
 stock are not deductions from the wages of la- 
 bourers, but are rewards for talents, industry, 
 
 C 3 

 
 38 
 
 and integrity, and for the labour which is saved 
 by the use of the stock ; and Lord Lauderdale has 
 shown*, that these payments never can rise above 
 the wages of the labourers whose work it saves, as 
 the productions of labourers prevent the prices of 
 the goods from rising higher ; and it has been 
 noticed, that the competition of capital prevents 
 its profits in any line from continuing above the 
 Inordinary level, however much labour it may save. 
 
 In the first volume of his Wealth of Nations, 
 page 134 and 135, Dr Smith says, " It may be 
 " laid down as a maxim, that wherever a great 
 " deal can be made by the use of money, a great 
 " deal will commonly be given for the use of it ; 
 " and that, wherever little can be made by it, less 
 " will commonly be given for it. According, 
 " therefore, as the usual market rate of interest 
 " varies in any country, we may be assured, that 
 M the ordinary profits of stock must vary with 
 " it, — must sink as it sinks, and rise as it rises. 
 " The progress of interest, therefore, may lead 
 " us to form some notion of profit." 
 
 The maxim which the Doctor lays down in the 
 first sentence of this quotation is just, but the 
 conclusions which he draws from it in the two 
 
 * Enquiry into the Origin of Public Wealth, p. 165.
 
 39 
 
 last sentences are erroneous. He had forgot that 
 the profits gained by the use of money, must not 
 only pay the interest, but also the person who em- 
 ploys it , for his trouble ; and that this part will 
 vary with the general rate of wages and of the pro- 
 fits of employers of stock. 
 
 In a poor populous country, in which there are 
 no manufactures, where few can earn a living ex- 
 cept by common labour, if a man who can only 
 gain ten pounds a year, by hai^d labour, can with 
 the use of a hundred pounds gain thirty pounds, 
 in an easier way, he will rather give twenty 
 pounds a year, as interest, than want the money. 
 But in a rich manufacturing country, a man who 
 can gain eighty or an hundred pounds a year as a 
 clerk or manager to men of capital, will not bor- 
 row money, unless the profits derived from the 
 use of it j after paying the interest, shall leave him 
 an income of eighty or a hundred pounds a year ; 
 nor will men of capital borrow money to extend 
 their business, unless the profits are likely to pay 
 them for their labour, at the usual rate, besides 
 the interest. 
 
 The Doctor, in the 140th page of his first vo- 
 lume, says, " That where wages are high interest 
 " is low, except in the peculiar circumstances of 
 " new colonies." And it has been shown, that 
 
 c 4
 
 40 
 
 where wages are high, the profits of employers of 
 stock are also high. And in the 1 72d page of the 
 same volume, he says, " That, in a small sea-port 
 " town, a grocer will make 40 or 50 per cent. 
 " upon the stock of a single L. 100, while a consi- 
 " derable wholesale merchant, in the same place, 
 " will scarely make 8 or 10 per cent, upon a 
 " stock of L. 10,000." — The Doctor ought to 
 have observed, that, by the explanation which he 
 gives in the same page, of the cause of the great 
 difference in the profits of these trades, the great- 
 est part of the profits of the grocer is considered 
 as only reasonable wages for a man properly qua- 
 lified for such a business ; that, notwithstanding 
 the high profit made by the money, the grocer, if 
 in good credit, would only give the same interest 
 as the wholesale merchant ; which shows, that as 
 the wages or profits of the employers of stock are 
 high, a smaller part of the profits are given as in- 
 terest; and contradicts his conclusion, that the 
 profits of stock must be high or low as interest is 
 high or low. 
 
 The rate of interest must in every country be 
 high or low, according as the quantity of stock to 
 be lent is less or more in proportion to the de- 
 mand by thos^ who wish to borrow, and can pay 
 the interest. Hence, in a populous manufactur- 
 ing commercial nation, where wages of labour
 
 41 
 
 and profits of employers of stock are high, and in 
 which there is little or no increase of people to 
 employ accumulating capital, (as in England, and 
 formerly in Holland,) its accumulation (when not 
 wasted by war or otherwise) must reduce the rate 
 of interest, and has reduced it in these countries 
 to three, and, sometimes, to two per cent. ; 
 whereas, in populous countries, where there are 
 no manufactures, and very little stock, and where 
 few labourers are employed except in agriculture, 
 as was generally the case in Europe in former 
 ages, the labourers and tenants, in such countries, 
 are in extreme poverty ; very few of them can 
 accumulate capital, while, from the general po- 
 verty, many desire to borrow-, w T hich must raise 
 the rate of interest. Hence it appears, that a fall 
 in the rate of interest must be a certain sign of 
 increasing wealth, and that the wages of labour, 
 and the profits of the employers of stock, are in- 
 creasing. In new colonies, however, where the 
 accumulated stock is laid out on improving land, 
 as what is laid out in that way, cannot after- 
 wards be lent to supply the wants of those who 
 wish to borrow, it is obvious, that, as long as high 
 profits are made by improving land, and a great 
 demand for money to be expended in that line, 
 interest may be very high, though the wages of 
 labour, and the profits of employers of stock, are 
 also high.
 
 42 
 
 As it appears, that the profits of the employers 
 of stock are in general high, in proportion as 
 interest is low, and vice versa, the inducement 
 that owners of stock have to employ it themselves 
 is increased by the fall of interest, not only by 
 that fall lessening the income derived from lend- 
 ing it, but also by the profits to be expected from 
 employing it themselves being greater ; and high 
 interest must have a contrary effect. 
 
 If there is not a sufficient quantity of food to be 
 got to supply the inhabitants, the price will rise 
 as wages rise. For as the price can only rise in 
 proportion to the ability of the buyers, in propor- 
 tion, therefore, as wages are high, the labourers 
 are enabled to continue the competition to a 
 higher price. When food rises in price, the low- 
 est class must buy less j and as butcher's meat is, 
 in populous countries, the dearest article, they 
 begin with buying less of it, but continue to buy 
 a full quantity of bread as long as their wages will 
 pay for it and tolerable clothing ; and they gra- 
 dually lessen their quantities of butcher's meat 
 and clothes as bread rises in price, until they are 
 obliged to give up butcher's meat altogether, that 
 they may be enabled to buy bread and some 
 clothes. Hence, the competition for butcher's 
 meat and clothes must increase with the increase 
 of wages, and decrease as the price of bread rises.
 
 43 
 
 Dr Smith lias justly observed*, " that the 
 " advantages and disadvantages of the different 
 i£ employments of labour and stock must, in the 
 " same neighbourhood, be either perfectly equal, 
 " or continually tending to equality. If, in the 
 " same neighbourhood, there was any employ- 
 " ment evidently either more or less advantage- 
 " ous than the rest, so many people would crowd 
 " into it, in the one case, and so many would de- 
 " sert it, in the other, that its advantages would 
 " soon return to the level of other employments." 
 Hence, though the exchanges among the employ- 
 ers of stock are great and complicated, — though 
 many classes of them are wholly employed by 
 other classes, — though each class wishes to sell 
 their goods as high, and to buy those of others as 
 low as possible,— and though the wages and pro- 
 fits may rise very much in some employments, 
 and fall in others, yet, as they must be constantly 
 tending to a level, the general rate of wages or 
 profits of stock cannot be affected by these ex- 
 changes. 
 
 Considerable exchanges must also be carried 
 on, in such a society as we have supposed, among 
 the owners of land, in different kinds of food or 
 
 Wealth of Nations, Vol. I. page 151.
 
 44 
 
 produce, which individuals require for their fami- 
 lies and other purposes, according as they have 
 more or less of their land under particular crops, 
 or in grass ; and a much greater exchange is fre- 
 quently carried on, among the people of that 
 class, in the different kinds of domestic animals, — 
 some judging it best to rear and sell them when 
 young, to others who keep them a year or more, 
 and then sell them to those who feed them, and 
 sell them to butchers. 
 
 3y this intercourse, it is obvious, that there are 
 many considerable exchanges among the owners 
 of land, and that many of them sell the whole of 
 their spare produce to other owners of land. But 
 in these exchanges the value of the different pro- 
 ductions of land must constantly tend to a level, 
 like the profits of stock and wages of labour : for, 
 if too much of any article is raised, more of it 
 must be given for other articles of which less is 
 raised in proportion to the demand ; but as part 
 of the land, upon which the article was raised, 
 which is in too great plenty, will be employed to 
 raise 6iich articles as are more scarce in proportion 
 to the demand, the value of the different crops, 
 and kinds of domestic animals, in proportion to 
 the quality and condition of the land, will be con- 
 stantly tending to a level. But if the whole quan- 
 tity of food and other uecessary productions of
 
 45 
 
 land, which are to be sold to those who have no 
 land, be too great for the demand, their price must 
 fall, and if the quantity be too small to supply that 
 demand, the price will rise; and whether the 
 price to those who have no land rise or fall, the 
 price given by one owner of land to another must 
 also rise or fall. The exchanges which the own- 
 ers of land make among themselves, as they neither 
 augmentn or diminish the quantity of food or other 
 produce to be sold to those who have no land, can 
 have no effect upon their general price, or on the 
 quantities of manufacture or labour which they 
 can purchase. These must be regulated by the 
 proportion that the whole quantity of food and 
 other necessaries, which the owners of land have 
 to sell (after supplying one another), bears to the 
 number of those who must buy these productions 
 with money, manufactures, or labour. 
 
 Thus it appears, that in a country where all the 
 land is occupied, the interest of the owners of land, 
 with respect to the price of its produce, is direct- 
 ly opposite to the interest of those who have no 
 land, and must buy its productions with manufac- 
 tures or labour. 
 
 When the produce of land is in plenty, less la- 
 bour, or a smaller quantity of manufactures, will 
 be given for it j and when it is scarce, more must
 
 46 
 
 be given for it, in proportion to that Scarcity* 
 Every individual of those who have no land must 
 have less of his work, wages, or income, remain- 
 ing to purchase manufactures and other conve- 
 niences, in proportion as he gives much for food 
 and other necessary productions of land. Conse- 
 quently, as the price of that produce must rise 
 and fall according as the quantity is small or great, 
 in proportion to the number of those who have 
 no land, the share of the labourers wages or time, 
 which must be given for food and other necessary 
 productions of land, is regulated in the same man- 
 ner in an insulated manufacturing society, as if 
 that society were living in the most simple state. 
 
 When the produce of land becomes scarce and 
 dear, if there is plenty of fertile land in the neigh- 
 bourhood unoccupied, as in new settlements, so 
 many people will engage in its cultivation, that 
 the profits of cultivating a person's own land will 
 be kept upon a level with the profits of stock in 
 other lines of business. But in a populous coun- 
 try, where all the land is occupied, however high 
 the price of its produce may rise, as there is no 
 more land for more people to cultivate, to increase 
 the quantity of produce, and by competition re- 
 duce its price, that can only be effected by the 
 owners of the land cultivating their several shares 
 so as to produce more, or giving proper encou-
 
 47 
 
 ragement to others to do it. It seems therefore 
 to follow, that the number and welfare of an in- 
 sulated nation must depend upon the inducements 
 that the occupiers have to increase the produce 
 of land, and that it is the want of unoccupied 
 land which constitutes the owners of the land a 
 separate class from those who have no land, and 
 occasions the interests of those two classes, re- 
 specting the price of its produce, to be opposite. 
 
 It can make no difference in these conclusions,, 
 whether the land is cultivated by the owners them- 
 selves, as here supposed, or let to tenants. For, 
 though the high price of the productions of land 
 is in favour of the tenants during their leases, yet, 
 cheapness of these productions must ultimately 
 serve them and the labourers in the country, as 
 much as the masters and labourers in towns ; be^ 
 cause, if w r ages are higher in the country than in 
 the towns, more labourers will go into the coun- 
 try, until wages come to a level ; or, if the pro- 
 fits of farmers rise above the rate of profits in 
 other powessions, more people or stock will go in- 
 to that line, and the competition for farms will 
 raise the rent of land, but will reduce the profits 
 of farmers to a level with the profits of stock in 
 other professions. Hence, as the profits of mas- 
 ters, and the wages of labourers, rise or fall in 
 the towns, they must ultimately rise or fall in the
 
 48 
 
 neighbouring country, if there are no laws to pre- 
 vent competition. No kind of manufacture can 
 be increased in quantity without an increase in the 
 quantity of the materials of which it is made. 
 Hence, if the materials of any one become scarce 
 in proportion to the demand, it will rise in price. 
 But as the profits of stock and wages of labourers, 
 employed in that branch, cannot continue above 
 the profit and wages in other branches, the price 
 of the goods can only be raised permanently in 
 proportion to the rise of the materials : the own- 
 ers of the materials, therefore, will obtain the 
 whole advance in the price of the goods, and their 
 interest respecting the price of these goods will 
 be opposite to the interest of the rest of the so- 
 ciety ; in the same manner as the owners of land 
 obtain the whole advance in the price of its pro- 
 duce, which is occasioned by the want of land to 
 supply an increasing number of people, and as 
 their interest is opposite, in that particular, to the 
 interest of those who have no land. 
 
 If the foregoing reasoning be just, it must be 
 evident that plenty or scarcity of fuel, wool, flax, 
 leather, timber, and every other production of 
 land which is necessary for the clothing and con- 
 venience of man, must produce similar effects u- 
 pon the class of people who have no land, as plen 
 ty or scarcity of food, but in a much smaller de-
 
 49 
 
 gree. Not only because the quantity of these ar- 
 ticles, which is necessary, is of much less value, 
 but also because a full quantity is not absolutely 
 necessary in any climate, and in proportion as the 
 climate is warm, fewer of these articles and small- 
 er quantities are necessary. 
 
 It seems, therefore, to be evident, that those 
 who have no land, in an insulated country, must 
 be poorer according as their number is greater, in 
 proportion to the spare produce of the owners of 
 land, tchich is exchanged with them for labour or 
 manufactures^ in whatever state arts and manufac- 
 tures may be. And it must follow, that where 
 the produce of food is only sufficient to supply 
 the present inhabitants, they must become poorer 
 in proportion as the increase of their number ex- 
 ceeds the increase of food, and that the labourers 
 of countries fully peopled, in proportion to their 
 produce, must become poorest in which their ten- 
 dency to increase beyond the increase of food is 
 greatest. 
 
 Hence, as experience evinces, that the number 
 of people decreases in all very large cities, and is 
 stationary in smaller cities, that they increase 
 slower in towns in proportion as they are large, 
 and slower even in the country in proportion as 
 families live near one another and near towns, — it
 
 50 
 
 seems to follow, that in an insulated country, 
 which is fully peopled in proportion to its pro- 
 duce, the tendency to over-populousness must be 
 greater, in proportion as it maintains fewer people. 
 
 It must therefore be of the greatest importance 
 to the welfare of mankind, to ascertain what ge- 
 neral regulations are most conducive to the com- 
 fortable support of a numerous population. 
 
 sect. n. 
 
 Of the Effects of Manufactures upon Agriculture, 
 
 As the supporters of what is called the agricul- 
 tural system assert, that no labour is productive, 
 or enriches a country, but that which increases 
 the quantity of food, it was natural to expect that 
 the causes which obstruct or promote that increase 
 would be clearly pointed out in their writings. 
 But though men of great talents have adopted 
 these opinions, yet not one of them, whose writ- 
 ings I have met with, seems to have attended to 
 these material causes. They support their para- 
 doxical opinion, respecting the total unproduc- 
 tiveness of manufacturing labour, by unfounded 
 assertions ; that the labour of artificers and ma- 
 nufacturers adds nothing to the value of the pro-
 
 51 
 
 duce ot the land, because, though it may add 
 greatly to the value of some parts, the consump- 
 tion of food by the workers, being always equal 
 to the added value, the value of the whole is not 
 augmented. 
 
 But this is assuming, as certain, that the rela- 
 tive value of labour and of the produce of land 
 is always the same ; in America, where food is in 
 great plenty, and labourers scarce, as in countries 
 in opposite circumstances, which is not the case, 
 and it is also assuming, that the value of the food 
 of each worker, and set of workers, is exactly 
 equal to the value of the work which they exe- 
 cute, which is absurd ; as some individual work- 
 ers execute double the work of others who con- 
 sume more food, and a number of men, by a pro- 
 per division of their labour, can execute three or 
 four times more than they could have done if each 
 had finished his own work, and that without con- 
 suming any more food. And a number of men, 
 by the assistance of machinery, and the elements, 
 can, without consuming any more food than ordi- 
 nary, execute twenty times more work than they 
 could execute by the most prudent division of la- 
 bour without such assistance. To assert, that the 
 value of the work in all these cases is exactly equal 
 to the value of the subsistence of the labourer who 
 execute it, is ridiculous in the extreme. 
 
 D2
 
 52 
 
 So far is the labour employed in arts and manu- 
 factures from being necessarily of inferior value 
 to labour in cultivation, it must, on the contrary, 
 at all times and places, precede every effectual at- 
 tempt to increase food by cultivation. For, as 
 men cannot cultivate the ground without some in- 
 strument, art and manufacturing labour must be 
 employed to form instruments before any cultiva- 
 tion can be executed, and according as improve- 
 ments have been made in these instruments, the 
 produce of the labour of cultivators has been in- 
 creased. And these improvements can only in- 
 crease with the general improvements in manu- 
 factures. By the assistance of an iron spade, 
 which requires much art and manufacturing la- 
 bour, above ten times more work can be done than 
 with a wooden spade, and to much better purpose. 
 And the construction of ploughs, harrows, and 
 carts, by which men obtain the assistance of do- 
 mestic animals, has been of the highest import- 
 ance to the success of agriculture. M. du Ques- 
 nai, who is said to be the founder of the agricul- 
 tural system, and his followers, seem to have been 
 led into erroneous ideas of the nature and effects 
 of manufacturing labour, by observing, that the 
 people employed in unnecessary manufactures do 
 not increase the quantity of food, and that if they 
 were employed in improving llie land, they icould 
 increase the quantity, from which they hare erro-
 
 5$ 
 
 neously concluded, that if they were not employ- 
 ed in manufactures, they would certainly he em- 
 ployed in cultivation, and have heen confirmed in 
 these sentiments by fallacious positions. Mr Mal- 
 thus, who seems to be a strenuous advocate for that 
 system, says, " that if the people who are em- 
 " ployed in producing manufactures, which only 
 " tend to gratify the pride of a few rich people, 
 " were employed in cultivating the lands which 
 " are barren and uncultivated, more food would 
 '* be produced." But though this is certainly 
 true, yet unless he had pointed out the means of 
 eradicating the passion in rich people for useless 
 finery, and of infusing in its stead a passion equal- 
 ly strong for improving waste land, the statement 
 can be of no use but to deceive, by conveying the 
 idea, that if there were no such manufactures, rich 
 people would bestow their spare revenue upon im- 
 proving land, which in the present state of human 
 nature could not be expected. 
 
 When examining what regulations are most pro- 
 per for increasing the quantity of food, it seems 
 to be necessary to bear in mind, that man makes 
 no exertion unless it is to gratify some passion, or 
 to shun some evil. From which principle it must 
 follow, that when individuals are in the possession 
 of extensive tracts of land, if they are not allow- 
 ed, or have not a desire to gratify their pride by 
 
 D 3
 
 54 
 
 vying with one another in the number of their de- 
 pendents, and the greatness of their power, and if 
 there are no manufactures which they desire to 
 obtain, they have no inducement, on their own 
 account, to cultivate or to let any more of their 
 land than what is necessary for their families, ser- 
 vants, horses, &c. The remainder may be ex- 
 pected to be left to wild beasts, the hunting of 
 which will constitute a part of the amusement of 
 the owners of the lands. And the people who 
 cannot obtain land or employment from the own- 
 ers, and have no land of their own, must subsist 
 by begging or stealing, or die of hunger. 
 
 In warm, mild climates, w r here few clothes are 
 necessary, where tents answer for houses, and 
 where the bread-fruit and other kinds of fruit trees 
 With a few hogs, supply the owners of land with 
 food, and where they have no horses or flocks to 
 attend and provide for, as in many of the south 
 sea islands, if there are no manufactures, there 
 must be very little demand for labourers, which is 
 probably the cause of the extreme poverty, and 
 abject dependence, which the greater part of the 
 people of these fertile countries are said to be in ; 
 while a few are living in a voluptuous manner on 
 the natural productions of their land. The own- 
 ers in such situations have no inducement to cul- 
 tivate the land themselves, or to let it to others 
 6
 
 55 
 
 for cultivation. And as a tent cannot be pitched, 
 or a boat built, without obtaining liberty and ma- 
 terials from an owner of land, however plentiful 
 fish may be upon the coast, the people can derive 
 very little benefit from that circumstance, without 
 liberty from the owners of the land. 
 
 A desire of power to protect themselves, and 
 to domineer over their dependents and neighbours, 
 was the motive which formerly induced the pro- 
 prietors in Europe to let a great part of their land* 
 But as their pride naturally increased with the 
 number of their dependents, it could not be ex- 
 pected that they would attend to the cultivation 
 of their estates to increase the produce. Nor 
 could it be expected, that the occupiers, who ob- 
 tained their possessions upon the condition of mi- 
 litary or some other servile tenure, and who held 
 their land only during pleasure, would be at any 
 trouble or expence to improve it ; on the contrary, 
 they would be led by their own interest to crop it 
 in such a way as was most likely to produce the 
 greatest quantity of food with little labour in the 
 current year, however much it might impoverish 
 the land. Accordingly, there is not one instance 
 of a country being well cultivated where the own- 
 ers and occupiers of the land are only influenced 
 respectively by these motives. No person can be 
 expected to cultivate, or let more land than is 
 
 jd 4
 
 56 i 
 
 necessary to supply him with such productions as 
 he desires for his own use, or to give to others 
 gratuitously, or for such services or articles as he 
 wishes to ohtain. 
 
 It has formerly been observed, that in a simple 
 state of society, the people who have no land de- 
 pend entirely upon the owners of land, not only 
 for food and materials for clothes, but also for a 
 house to live in, and having nothing wherewith to 
 purchase these necessaries, they can only expect 
 to obtain them by the most obsequious service and 
 cringing behaviour ; but people in manufacturing 
 towns obtain houses of their own, or for rent, with- 
 out becoming dependents upon any individual, and 
 though they cannot produce food or materials for 
 manufactures, they, with the assistance of ma- 
 chines and stock, produce a superfluity of many 
 articles which are necessary to the comfort and 
 convenience of man, and many articles of show 
 and taste that men desire, which it is the interest 
 of the owners of land to purchase with their spare 
 produce, rather than to attempt to make them. 
 So that the exchange of the produce of land for 
 manufactures, is equally beneficial to the owners 
 of land and to manufacturers ; neither of these 
 classes is under any direct obligation to the other 
 for the benefits derived from it, as the motives 
 with both are to serve themselves.
 
 57 
 
 To accomplish this exchange in the most bene- 
 ficial manner for both parties, the produce of the 
 land, after supplying the owners and cultivators, 
 is carried to the towns and sold to the highest bid- 
 der, and the owners, with the price, buy such ma- 
 nufactures as they think proper from those who 
 have the best and cheapest. Hence, as both clas- 
 ses sell as high and buy as low as they can, the 
 manufacturers, shop-keepers, &c. depend upon 
 their own prudence and skill for employment; and 
 as they sell in general a much greater quantity of 
 their goods to people of their own class, than to 
 owners of land, they are under no greater obliga- 
 tions to customers of the latter class than to those 
 of their own ; and the owners of stock have as 
 much influence, in proportion to their revenue, with 
 shop-keepers, tradesmen, and common labourers, 
 as the owners of land. The revenue of the latter 
 class arises from the sale of food and materials of 
 manufactures, which are the produce of their land, 
 that of the former from the sale of necessary and 
 ornamental manufactures, and professional skill, 
 which are the produce of their labour, stock, and 
 talents. 
 
 Thus, it must be obvious, that establishing ma- 
 nufactures in independent towns, has not only a 
 powerful tendency to improve the arts and sciences, 
 and to render manufactures plentiful, but also to
 
 58 
 
 emancipate the people living in these towns. It 
 was the riches and independence of that class of 
 people in Europe which enabled and emboldened 
 them to form associations among themselves, in 
 some countries, and to join with the kings, in 
 others, to compel the greatest owners of land to 
 submit to general laws, founded, in some degree, 
 upon equitable principles. 
 
 When the owners of land in Europe were thus 
 prevented from vying with one another in power, 
 they were, by the natural pride of man, induced to 
 vie with one another, and with the rich burghers, 
 in dress, furniture, houses, and other productions 
 of the arts. To support that expence, they were 
 obliged to improve their estates themselves, or to 
 let them for a term of years to others who could 
 improve them, and pay higher rents than tenants 
 at will ; for which purpose the length of leases 
 was gradually extended, and it became necessary 
 to form laws to secure the possessions to the ten- 
 ants, which rendered them less dependent upon 
 the owners. So that establishing manufactures, 
 not only emancipates and enriches the people in! 
 the towns, but also emancipates and enriches, in 
 a considerable degree, the tenants and labourers 
 in the country. As security of property is the 
 strongest inducement to industry, the tenants, 
 having acquired some security, gradually accumu-
 
 59 
 
 lated stock, and obtained credit to borrow stock, 
 to extend their improvements in liming, marling, 
 inclosing, &c. By these means, the productions 
 of land have been greatly increased in Britain, 
 and in many extensive tracts, to five, ten, fifteen, 
 and some even to twenty times the former quan- 
 tity. Yet the number of manufacturers, the quan- 
 tity of stock, and improvements in the art of ma- 
 nufacturing, have increased so rapidly, that the 
 demand for food by people who had wherewith to 
 pay for it has increased faster than the supply from 
 the improvement of land; on which account food 
 has gradually advanced in price to double/ and, 
 for several years past, to treble of what it was six- 
 ty or seventy years ago, notwithstanding its very 
 great increase in Britain during that period, and 
 that there has been for several years a considerable 
 importation. 
 
 Thus it appears, that so far are manufactures 
 from preventing the production of food, that by* 
 the inducements which are thereby formed for ex- 
 ertions in agriculture, the produce of food is in- 
 creased in a very high degree, which occasions a 
 proportional increase in the revenue of the own- 
 ers of land, and supports a greater number of peo- 
 ple ; and as a greater proportion of these people 
 live in cities and towns, both these latter effects- 
 must operate powerfully in checking over-popula-
 
 CO 
 
 tion, and consequently, by preventing a scarcity 
 of food, must meliorate the condition of labour- 
 ers* 
 
 Even the injury to health, which is occasioned 
 by the situation of some manufacturers, produces 
 incomparably less misery, than what the whole 
 class of labourers suffer in every country fully 
 peopled, in proportion to the produce, in which 
 there are no manufactures ; as appears evident by 
 comparing the state of the labourers in these kinds 
 of manufactures, with that of the labourers in 
 Shetland, and other distant islands of Scotland, 
 or even with that of the labourers in the south- 
 west of Ireland, and Highlands of Scotland, at a 
 distance from manufacturing towns, although the 
 state of the latter is mitigated by some of them 
 emigrating to such towns. 
 
 The effect of manufactures upon the condition 
 of labourers can only be determined by such com- 
 parisons, and not by comparing the condition of 
 manufacturers with that of agricultural labourers 
 in England, where the condition of the latter is so 
 much meliorated by the effects of manufactures. 
 Yet even in England, though there are a great 
 many more manufacturers than country labourers, 
 a much greater number of the children of the lat- 
 ter are bred to manufactures, than there are of the 
 
 6 
 
 v
 
 61 
 
 former bred to country labour. This fact is a de- 
 cisive proof, that, in the opinion of these people 
 the situation of manufacturers is much better than 
 that of country labourers. 
 
 SECT. III. 
 
 Causes which obstruct improvements in Agricul- 
 ture in Britain. 
 
 But it is necessary to observe, that the motives 
 to exertion in cultivating the land, which are 
 formed by establishing manufactures, are. unfor? 
 tunately counteracted in a very higli^egrce, in 
 most countries, by laws and customs originating 
 in the natural avarice, pride, and vanity of man. 
 
 1 
 
 \J 
 
 To be obliged by law to pay a 10th of the produce 
 of land to some other person or persons^ must be a 
 considerable check to cultivation, and particularly 
 to all expensive improvements, and the effect must 
 be greater in proportion as the soil is poor, as the 
 expence of cultivation is in that case greater in 
 proportion to the produce. It is very fortunate, 
 however, that this law which, on poor soils, would 
 put a total stop to cultivation, is, in general, mi- 
 ligatcd, by its being the interest of the owners 
 of the tithes to let them for a term of years to the
 
 62 
 
 occupiers of the land, in which case, the checks 
 to cultivation, which are formed by the law of 
 tithes, seem to be nearly the same as those which 
 all tenants labour under who possess land upon 
 leases. 
 
 Where the land is rich, and where no improve- 
 ments which only repay the cost gradually are re- 
 quisite, it is the interest of the tenant to cultivate 
 it properly, although there are only two or three 
 years of his lease to run, but where such improve- 
 ments are necessary, the tenant cannot lay out 
 money on these, unless his lease is of such a length 
 that the probable returns will pay the interest with 
 an adequate profit, and also make up the sum ex- 
 pended before the lease expires. Consequently, 
 the shorter the lease is, the greater must the re- 
 turns be to repay the sum expended with interest 
 and profit. 
 
 Five per cent, per annum, which is at present 
 the legal interest, is a sufficient return for money 
 expended by the owner upon lasting improve- 
 ments, as it raises the value of his land more than 
 the sum expended ; whereas, ten per cent, only re- 
 pays the outlay to a tenant, upon a lease of fifteen 
 years ; and the tenant ought to have at least five 
 per cent, more as profit, making in all fifteen per 
 cent. So that improvements which would be high-
 
 63 
 
 ly profitable to the owner, may be ruinous to a ten- 
 ant, and the more so in proportion to the short- 
 ness of the lease when the expenditure is made. 
 The inducement, therefore, to lay out money up- 
 on lasting improvements becomes gradually less, 
 as the lease becomes shorter ; and the exertions 
 of tenants in such improvements may be expected 
 to lessen in proportion. 
 
 Besides these obstructions to improvements of 
 land by tenants, which are greater in proportion 
 to the shortness of the lease, and poorness of the 
 soil, there are many others which form checks to 
 the exertions of tenants, and deter men of capital and 
 enterprize from engaging in agriculture. 
 
 The owners of land in Britain have prevailed 
 with the legislature to enact laws, by which it is 
 generally understood that every proprietor has a 
 right, not only for himself, but to give liberty to 
 any person, to go over his land which is let to 
 tenants, (whether inclosed or open) on foot, or 
 on horseback, to kill animals which they call game, 
 whenever they think proper, and this supposed 
 right has been admitted and generally exercised, 
 while the tenant is debarred by heavy penalties 
 from killing any of these creatures, however much 
 he may be suffering by them, and though no in- 
 dividual can claim them as his property, or be
 
 64 
 
 made liable for the damages they commit. Nor 
 can the tenant prevent these vexatious and insult- 
 ing intrusions ; he has only a chance of obtaining 
 such damages as he can prove in a court of law, 
 which, though considerable, cannot, in general, be 
 expected to be equal to the expence of the proof, 
 and the fees of the court and lawyers. 
 
 Tenants are, in general, in Scotland, obliged 
 to pay the whole that their farm is charged with, 
 towards repairing the roads, and a half of the 
 poors rates, and of the salary of the parish school- 
 master, yet have no vote in these matters, how- 
 ever considerable their farms may be, while every 
 owner of a piece of land in the parish has a vote, 
 although he may be a common labourer. 
 
 Refusing to give tenants a vote in these matters, 
 in which they are so deeply interested, and of the 
 nature of which they must, in general, be better 
 judges than many land owners, or to give them a 
 liberty to kill a hare which is fed at their expence, 
 can only proceed from a lust of power and pre- 
 eminence, and a desire to degrade and humble the 
 tenants. 
 
 A lease of land is, by law, of the nature of an 
 entail, descending clear to the heir, and tenants 
 are, in general, debarred from subsetting, or as- 
 
 #
 
 65 
 
 signing even to a younger brother of the heir, how- 
 ever improper it may be for the heir to inherit. 
 Hence, in case of death, or incapacity from disease, 
 a tenant has no power to assign or burden his farm 
 with the money he may have expended upon it, 
 without the consent of his master, (as the landlord 
 is generally designed in Scotland,) and it is com- 
 mon for these masters to demand a large share of 
 the advanced rent for granting that liberty ; nor 
 can creditors obtain payment of money lent to 
 improve the land, either by possessing or subsett- 
 ing the farm, which, in many instances, is ruin- 
 ous to the farmer by lessening his credit. The 
 only plausible pretence for such a clause is, to pre- 
 vent the tenant from assigning to an improper per- 
 son j but this pretence is only plausible, as the land- 
 lord has no power whatever to chuse the heir. But 
 admitting this to be a good reason for inserting 
 the clause with proper limitations, yet it is unjust 
 and mean in the extreme for a master to extort 
 money from his tenant, or from his family, for 
 such a liberty, when the offered assignee or sub- 
 tenant is unobjectionable, as the end for inserting 
 the clause is, in that case, obtained. Such clauses 
 are great checks to expensive improvement of land, 
 and to the increase of food ; and many families 
 have, in that way, been defrauded of the fruits of 
 the exertions of their parents and relations. 
 
 I
 
 66 
 
 As men do not necessarily possess abilities in 
 proportion to their different degrees of riches, and 
 as the number of tenants in Britain is much great- 
 er than the number of landlords, it frequently 
 happens that some of the tenants have greater 
 abilities and more knowledge than their landlords 
 or stewards ; and as superior talents naturally 
 command respect, the pride of the latter is hurt 
 by the check which they are under in the pre- 
 sence of such tenants: Besides, as a desire for 
 pre-eminence operates powerfully upon men of 
 talents and enterprize to increase their fortune, 
 and as such increase makes them more inde- 
 pendent, such men not only eclipse their landlord 
 or steward by their mental powers, but they come 
 too near them in their dress and furniture, and 
 behave in too independent a manner. It is to 
 avoid the painful feelings occasioned by these 
 causes, and to have their pride gratified by crin- 
 ging sycophants, that so many landlords and 
 stewards give no leases, or very short ones, and 
 prefer tenants of fawning manners at lower rents. 
 They give up the prospect of seeing their lands 
 improved, rather than let them on lease to inde- 
 pendent men of talents and enterprize. 
 
 This evil is much more general, and has a more 
 powerful effect in checking the improvement of 
 land in Britain than is imagined j the produce of
 
 67 
 
 many estates not being above a half, and of many 
 not a fourth of what it otherwise might be. And 
 besides that great loss, the motives for exertion to 
 improve their farms, is powerfully checked in the 
 tenants who are On these accounts preferred, by 
 the fear of giving umbrage to their landlords aild 
 stewards, if they improve in their manners, in 
 their dress or furniture, or give their children 
 proper education. Hence it is common in Eng- 
 land to see rich farmers dressed like common 
 labourers, very little acquainted with writing or 
 arithmetic, and many who cannot read distinctly, 
 who, to please their landlords and stewards, affect 
 to despise every improvement of mind or man- 
 ners, and only vie with one another in rusticity, 
 in the number and fatness of their horses, and in 
 drinking ale. So that the passion for power and 
 pre-eminence in landlords and stewards not only 
 prevents the production of food, but also has a 
 great effect in wasting that which is produced, and 
 in obstructing the improvement of the minds and 
 manners of the people employed in agriculture. 
 
 Mr Arthur Young says, " That the land is 
 " worst cultivated, both in England and France, 
 " in the manufacturing districts," and seems to 
 infer, that establishing manufactures discourages 
 agriculture. But when the laws and customs, so 
 injurious, vexatious, and degrading to tenants, that 
 
 I 2
 
 68 
 
 have been mentioned, are considered, (and there 
 are many of a similar tendency respecting politi- 
 cal rights even in Britain,) we ought not to be 
 surprized that the improvements of land are car- 
 ried to a higher pitch in some parts of France 
 and Britain, at a distance from manufacturing or 
 trading towns, than in the vicinity of such towns. 
 Because few men of spirit and capital will submit 
 to the degrading circumstances which attend the 
 situation of tenants, when they have it in their 
 power to employ their capital to equal advantage 
 in a town, where they will be free not only from 
 these, but also from the power of justices of the 
 peace, which is too often exercised in a most 
 tyrannical manner, particularly against tenants of 
 independent spirit : whereas tenants of talents 
 and enterprize, who accumulate capitals in di- 
 stricts at a distance from the seats of manu- 
 factures or trade, however sensibly they may feel 
 the degrading circumstances which attend their 
 situation, have no way of employing these capitals 
 with any prospect of success but in their own 
 line ; on this account, some tenants in such situa- 
 tions have made much greater improvements than 
 can be expected from such men as continue in 
 the farming line near trading towns. But even 
 in these districts where improvements are carried 
 on to the greatest height, young men of the 
 greatest talents and enterprize seldom go into the
 
 69 
 
 farming line. Mr Young should have consider- 
 ed, that the exertions in agriculture, by farmers 
 of spirit and enterprize, who live at a distance 
 from manufacturing or trading towns, are made 
 to obtain manufactures and luxuries ; that, if 
 that motive did not operate upon the Americans, 
 none of the productions of their land would come 
 to Europe, as in that case they would only raise 
 such produce, and in such quantities, as might be 
 necessary for their own use. So that, in every 
 point of view, it seems evident, that establishing 
 manufactures is the only method to emancipate 
 the people who have no land, by furnishing them 
 with articles wherewith to purchase the necessary 
 productions of land, and forms the strongest in- 
 ducements to the owners and occupiers to increase 
 these productions. 
 
 The occupiers of land upon a feu-right, though 
 at full rent, are not, in Scotland, liable to the de- 
 grading laws which are so vexatious to tenants; 
 and as they have a full right to the whole fruits 
 of their industry, and to the woods upon the 
 lands, and as the rent cannot be raised, they have 
 the same inducement to improve their land, as 
 the proprietors (who are tenants of the Crown) 
 have to improve theirs. 
 
 e 3
 
 10 
 
 It seems, therefore, to be plain, that the laws 
 of entails, of primogeniture, of tithes, and allow* 
 ing people to possess more land than they can oc-. 
 cupy, without being obliged to let it in feu, have, 
 in various ways, powerful effects in preventing the 
 improvement of land and increase of food ; and 
 that these effects, which impoverish the labourers, 
 are greater in proportion as the soil of the country 
 is poor. 
 
 SECT. IV f 
 
 Of the Causes of Improvements in Societies ; and 
 on the Effects of Plenty and Scarcity of Food 
 upon the Industry of Labourers, 
 
 Necessity is said to be the mother of inven- 
 tion, and the most powerful cause of exertion. 
 But such exertions can only be expected to be 
 made while the cause continues to operate. To 
 remove the pain which is the consequence of a 
 great degree of hunger or thirst, of cold or heat, 
 every .person will exert himself to the utmost. 
 But after the pain, occasioned by these causes, is 
 removed, very few savages make any considerable 
 exertion to prevent a return. It appears from 
 experience, that mankind in general make great 
 exertions to be equal with their neighbours, but
 
 71 
 
 have little or no desire to excel; that a few in every 
 society are ambitious to excel, and succeed in 
 proportion to the superiority of their talents and 
 exertions. And it seems probable that the great 
 difference, in the celerity and extent of the ad- 
 vances in improvement of manufacturing nations, 
 when compared with that of Jiations in a savage 
 or simple state, is entirely owing to the difference 
 in the opportunities which those passions have to 
 operate, and in the consequences which they pro- 
 duce. 
 
 In the savage state, as there is no difference in 
 point of fortune among the individuals, men of 
 talents and enterprize can only endeavour to ex- 
 cel their neighbours in bravery and skill in war ; 
 in dexterity in killing wild animals, or in athletic 
 exercises; none of which lead to any national im- 
 provement. And even in such civilized agricul- 
 tural societies, as Poland, &c. the principal ambi- 
 tion of the owners of land is to domineer over their 
 dependents and neighbours; and the sole view of 
 those who have no land is to please their supe- 
 riors, by the most abject cringing behaviour, and 
 by affecting to be as much inferior in mental 
 and bodily powers, as in riches. So that few du- 
 rable improvements can be expected in such so- 
 cieties. But in a country where manufactures 
 are established, and property secure, the ambition 
 
 e 4
 
 72 
 
 of men of talents in every line, has an opportuni- 
 ty of exerting itself, to excel their neighbours in 
 dress, houses, furniture, and in the arts and 
 sciences, &c. ; and the people of a different de- 
 scription are obliged to exert themselves to ap- 
 pear in some degree like those who have excelled. 
 By which means, tljere is a cause of general im- 
 provement, constantly operating, in every manu- 
 facturing society in which the persons and pro- 
 perty of individuals are secure. And these exer- 
 tions must be greater in proportion to the oppor- 
 Ltunities of comparison. People in general, though 
 Careless about their dress when in retired situa- 
 tions, will exert themselves to make a proper ap- 
 pearance when they expect company, and the ex- 
 ertion will be greater, if the visitors are supposed 
 to be attentive to dress, &c. A tradesman, in a 
 very retired situation, may go on for years in his 
 usual aukward manner of working, without at- 
 tempting to adopt better methods j but if brought 
 to work in a town, where better methods are in 
 general use, he will exert himself to be equal with 
 his neighbours. Hence, the great advantage of 
 establishing free towns for improving the manu- 
 facturing arts, and of prizes to those who excel in 
 any art or science. These have been the causes 
 of the great improvements at which some manu- 
 factures have arrived in Britain, and they may
 
 73 
 
 still arrive at much greater, if not prevented by 
 war or an oppressive government. 
 
 It also appears, that the exertions of men to be 
 equal with their neighbours, or to obtain any 
 other purpose, are only made while there is hope 
 of success. 
 
 When food begins to advance higher in price 
 than usual, many labourers increase their exer- 
 tions to procure the usual quantity; and as many 
 who have small incomes are obliged, by the same 
 cause, to hire as labourers, employment becomes 
 scarce, wages become lower, and labourers more 
 submissive. On these accounts, the employers of 
 labourers have considered a rise on the price of 
 food as an advantage to the society, by encou- 
 raging industry and good manners in the low 
 classes ; not considering, that these exertions can- 
 not be lasting, as they must exhaust the labourers ; 
 that when the price of food continues very high 
 in proportion to the wages of labour, and the la- 
 bourers have no way of relieving themselves by 
 emigration or otherwise, their spirits naturally 
 sink, which gradually induces greater numbers to 
 give up the struggle to support themselves as for- 
 merly, and, falling into slothful habits, they gra- 
 dually lose the spirit of independence, and be- 
 come habituated to subsist entirely at the expence
 
 74 
 
 of the parish, or by begging ; and as the number 
 of beggars increases, the shame attached to that 
 way of obtaining food decreases, which lessens 
 the motives for exertions to subsist by their own 
 work. So that deamess of food must discourage 
 industry. 
 
 It is admitted that, when the price of food falls 
 suddenly below the usual rate, idle individuals 
 work less, having no wish for better clothes or 
 conveniencies than those to which they have been 
 accustomed ; and employers of labourers, on that 
 account, say, that cheapness of food produces 
 idleness. But they do not reflect, that, when 
 cheapness of food and high wages continue steadi- 
 ly for years in a manufacturing country, the 
 whole class of labourers become accustomed to 
 better clothes, houses, and other conveniencies ; 
 and then even the idle are obliged to exert them- 
 selves to appear like their neighbours. It is only 
 custom and the fear of ridicule that, in every si- 
 tuation, stimulate such persons to industry. Dr 
 Smith says, justly, that industry, like every other 
 quality of the human mind, increases witli the in- 
 crease of its reward; consequently, cheapness of 
 food cannot be a cause of idleness in a manu- 
 facturing country ; and the labourers accordingly 
 are, in every country, industrious, in general, in 
 proportion as labour is well or ill rewarded. They
 
 15 
 
 are much more industrious in the north than in 
 the south of Ireland ; in England and in the 
 south of Scotland, than in the Highlands and 
 Islands of Scotland ; in Holland, than in Russia 
 or Poland. 
 
 People living at their ease, and who never 
 knew how terrible the near view of want is, have 
 argued that, if the labourers lay out their high 
 wages on fine dress and conveniencies, their con- 
 dition is not improved, as the advance of their 
 wages is expended upon luxuries. But such per- 
 sons ought to reflect how hard they would think 
 it to have their own income reduced, and be 
 obliged to give up any of their luxuries. And it 
 should always be kept in mind, that the more la- 
 bourers have to lay out on what such people call 
 luxuries, the farther they are removed from the 
 want of necessaries. When the reward of labour 
 is very low, every common labourer is on the 
 brink of absolute want ; an additional child, or a 
 few weeks* sickness, reduces them to beggary, 

 
 76 
 
 SECT. V. 
 
 That establishing Manufactures is more beneficial 
 to the Poor, than a Division of Land and 
 Stock. 
 
 • i 
 
 As some humane persons have thought, that in 
 justice, land and stock should be equally divided, 
 it seems proper here to observe, that the establish- 
 ing of manufactures in free towns, and removing' 
 obstructions to cultivation, though the land be in 
 a considerable degree unequally divided, appears 
 to be much more beneficial to labourers, than any 
 attempt at an equal division of property, which 
 must exclude manufactures and all ambition to 
 excel in dress, &c. 
 
 For though land, with the stock upon it, could 
 be so equally divided, that each person's share 
 should be sufficient to maintain him (which seems 
 to be impossible in an extensive, populous coun- 
 try), still, as some families are increasing and 
 some decreasing, in a very little time, some would 
 have too little land, and others too much. In the 
 latter case, if the owner has no desire to purchase 
 superfluous luxuries, he can have no motive to in- 
 duce him to raise more food than is necessary for 
 his family, nor can it be expected that he will
 
 77 
 
 give, nor would it be proper to oblige bim to sell, 
 a part of bis land to tbose whose families have in- 
 creased, as he may, in a few years, have occasion 
 for it himself. So that the produce of the people's 
 lots who have no family, from the want of culti- 
 vation, would only be sufficient to maintain the 
 owners, while the additional people upon other 
 lots were starving for want of land to cultivate. 
 But in a country where manufactures are esta- 
 blished, the desire for fine kinds and greater varie- 
 ty, induces the owners of considerable quantities 
 of land to exert themselves to cultivate every part 
 of it in the best manner, to increase their spare 
 produce to purchase them; and in proportion as 
 food becomes scarce and dear, the motives for in- 
 creasing the quantity become stronger. On the 
 other hand, those who have no land, and the chil- 
 dren of those who have too little, by applying to 
 manufactures, obtain good wages, and by degrees 
 accumulate stock, from which they derive profit, 
 with which they purchase food and other necessa- 
 ry productions of land, from those who have them 
 to spare. 
 
 Establishing manufactures, therefore, though 
 the land be in a considerable degree unequally 
 divided, must have a much more powerful ten- 
 dency to increase the productions of land, and to 
 supply those who have no land with those pro-
 
 78 
 
 ductions* than can be effected, in a populous 
 country, by an attempt to divide the land and 
 stock into equal shares. 
 
 
 SECT. VI. 
 
 Oftlie Waste of Food, by an extravagant Mode 
 of Living , and of Excess in Saving. 
 
 In the first section of this chapter it appeared* 
 that employing stock in machinery, or in any 
 other way, to save labour, does not lessen the de- 
 mand for labourers, if the profits derived from it 
 are not expended upon useless animals ; but, un*- 
 fortunately, a considerable part of these profits are 
 laid out in that way; and as these animals con- 
 sume the food which otherwise might have gone 
 for the support of men, the number of the latter 
 must be less in proportion to the increase of these 
 animals. Hence the effect of the great owners 
 of land living in the country upon their estates, 
 which always occasions a great increase of these 
 animals, instead of being beneficial to a manufac- 
 turing society, as has been thought, must have a 
 great effect in lessening the quantity of food for 
 man, and the number of the people ; as each 
 horse, kept for pleasure, consumes more food 
 than would support a man, with a wife, and three 
 
 6
 
 79 
 
 or four children ; and three or four hounds con* 
 sume as much food as a horse. 
 
 When gentlemen live on their estates, every 
 person sees that they give employment to several 
 labourers, but they seldom reflect, that the part 
 of the income which is given to these labourers, 
 would, in a manufacturing society, support an 
 equal number in some other line, if the gentlemen 
 were living in a town. The food which is given 
 to horses and dogs, which a gentleman must keep 
 in the country for his amusement, and to the 
 horses necessary for visning, for making ponds, 
 levelling heights, and raising mounds in pleasure- 
 grounds, — and the food which might have been 
 raised upon these grounds, would have supported, 
 in many instances, two or three hundred families. 
 For these reasons, it seems necessary that there 
 should be very high taxes upon horses and dogs 
 kept for pleasure in all populous countries. 
 
 An extravagant mode of living among the rich, 
 occasions a great waste of food and other necessa- 
 ries ; and encourages idleness, not only in their 
 own class, but also among the poor, several of 
 whom, by begging, obtain a part of the offals. 
 Whereas, a saving, orderly mode of living among 
 the rich encourages industry and sobriety, not 
 only in their own, but in all the inferior classes j
 
 80 
 
 and, by preventing waste, the consumption of 
 food is less, which must serve all the industrious 
 of the lower ranks, and can only be injurious to 
 idle beggars. Servants should always bear in 
 mind^ that, by wasting food and other necessaries, 
 they not only injure their master, but they injure, 
 in a still higher degree, the whole class of labour- 
 ers and poor householders, by raising the price of 
 these articles. 
 
 It does not appear possible, that saving, though 
 carried to an extreme, can in any way lessen the 
 demand for labour, or injure the lower classes. 
 For if misers do not bestow the whole of what re- 
 mains of their income (after buying necessaries) 
 upon manufactures, or other kinds of labour, they 
 must either lend the surplus, or hoard it up. If 
 they lend it, that will add to the stock of the 
 society, give employment to labourers, and tend 
 to raise their wages. If it is hoarded up, the 
 quantity of the precious metals will be dimin- 
 ished, and an additional demand for miners will 
 by that means be formed to supply that defi- 
 ciency. So that it does not appear, that saving 
 can in any way injure the society, or lessen the 
 demand for labourers; and it is obvious, that 
 attention to prevent waste of food, must serve 
 the labourers.
 
 81 
 
 SECT. VJL 
 
 Of the Effects of People living above their Income, 
 and engaging in Schemes which involve the 
 Fortunes of others. 
 
 As every person in trade puts a higher price 
 upon his goods, in proportion to the risk from 
 bad debts, that additional price is a tax upon the 
 consumers; and as that tax must be higher, in 
 proportion to the number of hands through which 
 the articles go in their passage from the producer 
 to the consumer, it must follow, that the con- 
 sumers pay a tax upon every article of food and 
 manufactures, upon very few below five, and up- 
 on many above twenty per cent.: to make up to 
 dealers the losses they sustain by bankrupts. 
 
 But bankrupts not only injure society, by occa- 
 sioning these very heavy taxes, their expensive 
 mode of living is also ruinous to many of their 
 neighbours, particularly to young beginners in 
 trade, by leading them to suppose it necessary, 
 that people in particular businesses should live in 
 a certain line, whether their income can afford it 
 or not ; whereas it must be admitted, that a per- 
 son is not acting honestly, who buys goods or bor- 
 rows money, which he is not morally certain
 
 82 
 
 of being able to pay ; and there is no difference 
 in the turpitude of the acts of deceiving a neigh- 
 bour, by a person giving him his own bill, when 
 conscious of being in a bankrupt state, than there 
 is in deceiving him with a forged bill. Nor is it 
 honest to risk another person's goods or money 
 in any uncertain speculation. For, as the schemer 
 is to have the whole profit, he ought to be in abi- 
 lity to pay all the losses, unless he previously 
 state the extent of the risk. Yet the forger is pu- 
 nished with death, while the bankrupt is not 
 liable to any punishment. Upon this gross par- 
 tiality of the law, Jonathan Wild observed, that 
 borrowing is a much safer way of taking our 
 neighbour's goods, than stealing *. 
 
 Our detestation of vice seems not to be, in ge- 
 neral, regulated by the degree of turpitude of the 
 act, but by the consequences which attend it ; 
 for, as stealing and robbery subject the actor to 
 an ignominious punishment, those who commit 
 such actions are detested and shunned, but when 
 actions of much greater turpitude can be imputed 
 to misfortunes in trade, though well known to 
 have been solely occasioned by the bankrupt 
 having lived above his income, he is received in 
 society as if he had done no evil. 
 
 * Fielding's Life of Jonathan Wild.
 
 83 
 
 The consequence of this conduct to bankrupts 
 is, that few men scruple to indulge their passions 
 for show and expence, while they can by any 
 means obtain credit, without regarding the mi- 
 sery in which they must involve those who trust 
 them. 
 
 Hence it appears, that improper lenity to bank- 
 rupts, by increasing their number, must not only 
 increase the tax for bad debts, but, by encou- 
 raging an expensive mode of living, must check 
 the accumulation of capital, which must check 
 the increase of food and manufactures ; thus 
 sacrificing the riches and power of the society, 
 with the peace and comfort of the simple, the 
 honest, and the industrious, to gratify the pas- 
 sions of the extravagant, the deceitful, and the 
 villanous. 
 
 Note. A friend, who, upon reading the manuscript, ap- 
 proved of these sentiments, requested and obtained liberty to 
 publish them, which he did in the Farmers' Magazine for June 
 1809, in his own language, and much more fully illustrated. 
 
 F 2
 
 84 
 
 SECT. VIII. 
 
 Of the Effects oftlie Industry oftlie Rich, 
 
 As it appears that every person's income, if not 
 wasted or given to useless animals, must be given 
 for some sort of labour, it seems to follow, that 
 the produce of the labour and industry of the 
 rich cannot diminish the general demand for ma- 
 nufactures or labourers, as the part of the revenue 
 of the rich, which would have been given for the 
 work which they execute themselves, still remains, 
 and must be laid out for manufactures or some 
 sort of labour. Consequently, the produce of the 
 industry of the rich increases their riches, without, 
 in the smallest degree, lessening the demand for 
 manufactures or labourers. A general habit of in- 
 dustry, therefore, in all the ranks of society, must 
 enrich it in proportion as it increases the articles 
 which are desired by man. The society may be 
 more numerous, and have greater plenty of food, 
 in proportion as the produce of land is increased ; 
 and in proportion as manufactures are increased, 
 by the arts, by employment of stock, and by in- 
 dustry, the society will be richer in these articles.
 
 85 
 
 SECT. IX. 
 
 Of the great Increase of the Number and Riches 
 of a People, which are necessarily produced 
 by establishing Manufactures, and encouraging 
 Agriculture. 
 
 In a country, where such laws and customs have 
 long prevailed as were general in Europe four or 
 iive centuries ago, and still prevail in Poland, Aus- 
 tria, Russia, and many other countries, the land, 
 however rich or capable of improvement naturally, 
 is either lying waste as forests, or in an extreme 
 degree of poverty from improper tillage. As the 
 proprietors are anxious to support and increase 
 their power, they let a part of their land for mi- 
 litary services, and for supplying their families 
 with necessaries, allowing the remainder to lie 
 waste as forests for hunting, and they spend their 
 income in rustic hospitality. In such a state of 
 society, proprietors of a few acres, and possessors 
 of land upon military tenure, having plenty of 
 food, and no opportunity of bestowing the surplus 
 on dress or furniture, &c. are induced to marry, 
 not only to gratify the sexual passion, and for so- 
 ciety, but also by the hope of having sons to in- 
 crease their power and consequence. In such so- 
 cieties, therefore, the people who have land and 
 
 F3
 
 86 
 
 plenty of food, rear great numbers of children ; 
 and as the proprietors can only provide for their 
 younger children, by giving them farms as military 
 tenants of their eldest brother, they must remove 
 the former possessors, who for subsistence must 
 endeavour to obtain a piece of land, as cottars, 
 from a neighbouring tenant ; and the cottars, who 
 are turned out of their possessions, must become 
 labourers for hire, or beg, steal, or die of hunger. 
 Notwithstanding the extreme poverty of cottars 
 and labourers in populous societies of this kind, 
 living in a miserable hut alone, is so very dismal 
 and inconvenient, that the sexual passion, aided 
 by a strong desire for society and conveniency, 
 tempts these miserable people to marry, though 
 without the smallest prospect of being able to sup- 
 port a family. Accordingly, their children, in ge- 
 neral, die young from hunger and want of atten- 
 tion ; but the continual overflowing of the higher 
 classes, by keeping up their number, necessarily 
 occasions a continuance of poverty. It is evident 
 that, in such societies, almost the whole of the 
 miserable cottars and labourers are descendants, 
 and many of them near relations, of the highest 
 class. In such societies, the prospect of every 
 thinking person, except the possessors of, and heirs 
 to estates, is dismal in the extreme, as they must 
 see that they and their progeny must gradually
 
 87 
 
 sink into the most wretched state of poverty and 
 dependence. 
 
 But if the people of such a country annul the 
 laws of primogeniture, tithes, and others, which 
 obstruct, and enact such new ones as are most ef- 
 fectual for encouraging agriculture and manufac- 
 tures, so that the land should be cultivated by the 
 owners, or upon feu rights, and none to be allow- 
 ed to be kept as forests ; and if manufactures were 
 established in free towns in every district, and 
 very high taxes imposed upon horses and dog;?, 
 and also upon servants to lessen the waste of food) 
 in that case, the cultivators and manufacturers 
 would gradually accumulate capital, and, by im- 
 provements, would gradually increase the quanti- 
 ty of the annual productions of the land and of 
 manufactures, which in time would occasion a ge- 
 neral opulence. The cities and towns would in- 
 crease in size and number ; and as the people of 
 every rank, in such a society, exert themselves to 
 excel, or to be equal with one another in dress, 
 furniture, houses, &c. the great and obvious ad- 
 ditional expence of a family, forms a very power- 
 ful check to matrimony ; and the desire for that 
 connection is also considerably weakened in such , 
 countries, by the ease with which rational enter- 
 taining company, which occupy the mind, may be 
 obtained j and also, by the comfortable accommo* 
 
 f 4
 
 88 
 
 dation to be obtained in lodgings in all towns, and 
 qven in large villages. As the additional expence 
 of a family is greater in proportion as the rank is 
 higher, which must lessen the number of mar- 
 riages in proportion, and as the luxurious manner 
 of living of the higher ranks lessens the number 
 of children, it may be expected that the families, 
 in the highest ranks, will decrease in number, that 
 the greatest increase will be among the lower, and 
 that individuals of those classes, of talents and 
 industry, will be constantly rising into the higher 
 classes to make up their deficiency of number. 
 These views must form powerful incitements to 
 men of talents, in every line, to exert themselves. 
 If such a country be so well cultivated, and the 
 produce of food so great, that cities and towns 
 are very much increased in size and number, there 
 may be no increase of people, though they are 
 fully supplied with food ; as the decrease in the 
 large cities, and in the higher ranks, may balance 
 the increase in other situations. It would appear, 
 therefore, that such a society may continue in that 
 prosperous state any length of time, without be- 
 coming over-populous. 
 
 As the produce of the land, in the latter state 
 
 of such a society, may be more than ten times 
 
 greater than in the former, the people may have 
 
 plenty of food, though seven or eight times more 
 
 1
 
 89 
 
 numerous ; and, by the general industry of all 
 ranks, assisted by machines and a proper division 
 of labour, the annual produce of manufactures 
 would be more than a hundred times greater. So 
 that the society might live in affluence in the lat- 
 ter state, without trade with any foreign nation, 
 though paying fifty times the sum for public pur- 
 poses that they could pay in the former. 
 
 CHAP. V. 
 
 OF COMMERCE. 
 
 SECT. I. 
 Of the Effects of Commerce with Foreign Nations, 
 
 In former ages, when the proprietors in Europe 
 acted as sovereigns upon their estates, when their 
 security and consequence depended upon the num- 
 ber of men they could command, it was their in- 
 terest to give their spare produce to people who 
 could serve them in a military capacity j and as
 
 90 
 
 that service could only be executed by men living 
 upon the estate, who could be ready at a call upon 
 every occasion, almost the whole spare produce 
 of the proprietors was then given to the people 
 who lived upon their estates. 
 
 But since proprietors have been compelled to 
 give up contending with one another for superio- 
 rity in power, they have contended for superiority 
 in fine manufactures, and in the productions of 
 the fine arts. The natural consequence of this 
 competition has been, that when the labourers 
 who resided upon estates could not supply the 
 proprietors with such articles as they desired, their 
 spare produce has been sent to labourers of other 
 districts or countries who could supply them. But 
 when a part of the produce was, for these pur- 
 poses, exported from different parts to pay for 
 manufactures, the labourers in the place from 
 whence it was exported had no method of procur- 
 ing employment, to purchase subsistence, but by 
 endeavouring to obtain a share of such work as 
 must be executed in the place, such as agricultu- 
 ral labour, buildings, menial service, &c. In pro- 
 portion, therefore, as a larger share of the pro- 
 duce was exported to pay for manufactures and 
 works of art, the labourers were reduced to great- 
 er poverty. The exportation of food raised its 
 price, and the importation of manufactures les-
 
 91 
 
 sened the demand for labourers and reduced their 
 wages. It seems also evident, that the exporta- 
 tion of manufactures, by increasing the demand 
 for labourers, raises their wages, and the impor- 
 tation of food as payment lowers its price. 
 
 It seems, therefore, to follow, that where there 
 is a free trade between populous countries, or be- 
 tween populous provinces of the same country, 
 the labourers, in the countries and in the pro- 
 vinces where the arts and manufactures have ar- 
 rived at great perfection, are, or may be, enrich- 
 ed at the expence of the labourers of other coun- 
 tries and provinces, who have not these advan- 
 tages. +J 
 
 The labourers of England, for instance, furnish 
 the proprietors of land and other people in Po- 
 land, Ireland, the Highlands of Scotland, and 
 many other countries, with great variety of ma- 
 nufactures ; several kinds of which the labourers 
 in these countries cannot manufacture at all, nor 
 can they afford other kinds at two, three, or even 
 at four times the price at which they can be pur- 
 chased in England, though the labourers in these 
 countries are willing to work for one-third of the 
 wages which labourers obtain in England ; hence, 
 the labourers in England, by obtaining high wages, 
 can afford to supply themselves with a sufficiency
 
 92 
 
 of the com of Poland, and of cattle from Ireland 
 and the Highlands of Scotland, though the price 
 of the corn is raised by expences and loss by car- 
 riage, and the cattle are raised in price by ex- 
 pences, and reduced in value by travelling, while 
 the poor labourers in the countries from which 
 they are sent, are idle for want of employment, 
 and starving for want of food in the midst of 
 plenty ; not having wherewith to purchase a suf- 
 ficiency. 
 
 But the idleness and poverty of these miserable 
 people are not occasioned by the cheapness of 
 provisions, nor are the industry and riches of the 
 labourers in England occasioned by the dearness 
 of provisions, as has been erroneously supposed. 
 The condition of labourers, in all these countries, 
 must be better in proportion as food is plenty and 
 cheap. The affluence of the people who have no 
 land, in England, is a consequence of their know- 
 ledge in arts and manufactures ; and their accu- 
 mulation of capital and machinery, which they 
 have gradually acquired by living in free towns 
 where their persons and property are secure, and 
 the poverty of the people, who have no land in 
 Poland and Ireland, &c. is a consequence of their 
 want of these advantages. Thus, it is plain, that 
 great quantities of food may be annually exported,
 
 while the labourers in the country are starving 
 for want. 
 
 Though an importation of manufactures into a 
 populous country, for which food is exported in 
 payment, must lessen the demand for labour, raise 
 the price of food, and by these means impoverish 
 the labourers, yet it is proper to remark, that if 
 manufactures, and not food, are exported in pay- 
 ment, such exchange of manufactures can neither 
 diminish nor augment the demand for labour in 
 either country j it only turns it into new channels. 
 
 When merchants in Britain, for instance, en- 
 gage ships, and load them with hard ware and 
 such other manufactures as they think will sell 
 best in India, where they dispose of their cargo, 
 and where they buy silks, cottons, and such other 
 manufactures as they think will sell best at home, 
 it is evident that the British goods sold in India 
 must diminish the demand for manufacturing such 
 goods there ; but the demand for silk and cotton 
 goods, &c. by the British merchants, must, in an 
 equal degree, increase the demand for labourers 
 in these lines. So that the same number of la- 
 bourers would be employed in India, whether such 
 trade is or is not in existence. The trade only 
 turns them into different lines of business, and it 
 has the same effect upon the demand for labourers
 
 94 
 
 in Britain. Instead of silk and cotton weavers, 
 Sec. to manufacture such goods as are brought 
 from India, there are ship-builders and tradesmen 
 in the different lines, whom the merchants employ 
 in fitting out ships, and in making up their cargo 
 for the Indian market, and in the lines in which 
 they chuse to spend their profits. 
 
 It appears, therefore, that, though the exchange 
 of manufactures between Britain and India may 
 accommodate the people of both countries with 
 manufactures more to their taste, it can have no 
 effect upon the demand for labour, nor can it have 
 much effect, if any, in enriching either nation. 
 Even the advantage of procuring a better kind of 
 goods from India might, perhaps, in time, be as 
 well obtained by encouraging our own workmen 
 to manufacture such goods, by bounties upon 
 their production, and by premiums to those who 
 excel. 
 
 Dr Smith says, that a considerable extent of 
 market is necessary to bring manufactures to per- 
 fection ; but the intercourse of the people of such 
 a nation as England seems to be much more than 
 sufficient for that purpose; and it is obvious, that 
 as an exchange of manufactures with foreigners, 
 increases the number of people employed in some 
 branches, it diminishes their number in an equal
 
 95 
 
 degree in others. Such an exchange, therefore, 
 can produce no general improvement in the art 
 of manufacturing. 
 
 Hence, an exchange of manufactures between 
 nations, like the exchange among manufacturers 
 in the same neighbourhood, neither augments nor 
 diminishes the general demand for labour, but is 
 a division of labour upon an enlarged scale. 
 
 As the labourers in one country, however, may 
 have advantages over those in others, in particu- 
 lar branches, an exchange between two populous 
 countries, may, in some cases, be equally benefi- 
 cial to both ; but, that it may be equally benefi- 
 cial, it is essentially necessary that such exchange 
 shall be in manufactures. For, if either nation 
 pay for the imported manufactures with the vege- 
 table productions of the land, the labourers of 
 that nation must suffer by that trade, as it must 
 lessen the demand for labour, and raise the price 
 of these productions. 
 
 It seems material to remark, that, in conse- 
 quence of a division of labour, different bodies 
 of workmen are wholly employed on different 
 kinds of goods ; and, as the number employed 
 upon the different kinds must increase or decrease, 
 according as taste or fashion occasions a greater
 
 or less demand, when the demand for any kind 
 stops suddenly, many of these workmen must 
 want employment. But if the goods, to which 
 general taste had turned, are manufactured in 
 the same neighbourhood, the workmen, who were 
 turned off from the manufactures which had be- 
 come unfashionable, would, in a little time, be all 
 employed in those which had become fashionable 
 (if not prevented by corporation laws) ; so that 
 the change of fashion would only produce a tem- 
 porary distress. But when manufactures, essen- 
 tially different in their nature, are only carried on 
 in particular towns, at a great distance from one 
 another, as those of Birmingham, Manchester, 
 Sheffield, Glasgow, &c. in that case, when the 
 manufactures of any of these towns go out of fa- 
 shion, or when many labourers are laid idle by 
 the introduction of new machinery, the workmen 
 are all impoverished, and many ruined, as they 
 cannot go to the towns, the goods of which have 
 come into fashion, in which there must be a great 
 demand for labourers. So that a change of fa- 
 shion from metal buttons, buckles, &c. to articles 
 of wool or cotton, or the introduction of ma- 
 chinery, may ruin the workers in some towns, 
 while, by the sudden advance of wages, many of 
 the workers in others fall into habits of drunken- 
 ness and dissipation. It seems, therefore, plain, 
 that the change of fashions, or the introduction of
 
 97 
 
 machinery, would produce much less evil, if the 
 different kinds of manufactures were carried on 
 in the same neighbourhood ; and, if labourers 
 were allowed to apply themselves to any occupa- 
 tion which they might think best. 
 
 But if the evils which are produced by a change 
 of fashion in the same country are so considerable, 
 how great must be the danger of a body of manu- 
 facturers who are employed by a foreign manu- 
 facturing nation, as the demand for their goods 
 may not only be stopped by a change of fashion 
 in that nation, but also by a jealous whim of the 
 government or people of either country! Besides 
 these causes of danger, as such trade must chiefly 
 consist in exchanges of the manufactures in which 
 each nation has some advantage, the people em- 
 ployed in these lines may obtain considerable pro- 
 Ms, and may justly praise the trade as advanta- 
 geous to them ; but the people employed in the 
 kind of manufactures that are imported in pay- 
 ment, must suffer in an equal degree that the ex- 
 porters are benefited, as the demand for their goods 
 must be less, in proportion to the importation of 
 goods in payment for those exported. So that 
 there may be a great demand for manufactures in 
 some districts, which may appear to be highly be- 
 neficial to the nation, while it may be ruining or 
 impoverishing great numbers of people in others. 
 
 G
 
 9& 
 
 On these different accounts, a free trade of ex- 
 change of manufactures, between populous neigh- 
 bouring manufacturing nations, must always be at- 
 tended with great danger. 
 
 As this is the case, and as the advantages de- 
 rived from exporting manufactures to populous 
 countries, where, the labourers are ignorant of 
 these arts, increase the misery of these people, 
 by raising the price of food, and lowering the 
 wages of labour ; it seems, therefore, necessary to 
 obtain a supply for the increasing numbers of 
 people, of the necessary productions of land, with- 
 out injuring the labourers of neighbouring nations, 
 that every populous' manufacturing nation should 
 give particular encouragement to the trade with 
 under-peopled countries, where, from the plenty 
 of land, it is much more the interest of the inha- 
 bitants to cultivate the land, and, with its produce, 
 to purchase manufactures, than to attempt to 
 make them ; and, it is obvious, that such a trade 
 must be equally advantageous to both parties. 
 
 Besides the trade in exchange of the manufac- 
 tures of one nation for the manufactures or food 
 of others, there are considerable exchanges car- 
 ried on in Europe, in the productions of the land 
 in northern countries, with those which are pro- 
 duced in the warmer climates of the south j which
 
 99 
 
 have considerable effects in diminishing or in- 
 creasing the means of subsistence in different na- 
 
 tions. 
 
 It is obvious, that, if a northern nation send a 
 quantity of corn to a wine country, and receive, 
 in return, only as much wine and fruit as can sup- 
 port a tenth of the people which the corn could 
 have supported, such exchange must diminish the 
 funds of subsistence, and impoverish the labour- 
 ers in the northern nation ; or, if as much corn is 
 given for a pipe of wine as would have produced 
 five pipes of ale, as strong and nourishing as the 
 wine, the quantity of subsistence in the northern 
 nation must be diminished in proportion to the 
 extent of such exchange. Besides, as wine is 
 taxed in the countries in which it is produced, the 
 drinkers of wine, in northern nations, pay that 
 tax to the government in the wine country; where- 
 as, there being no tax upon corn where it is pro- 
 duced, the government of the country from which 
 it is exported, receive no tax from its consumers in 
 the wine country ; on the contrary, there is a very 
 high bounty paid in some countries, on its expor- 
 tation, which enables the consumers, in the wine 
 countries, to buy it so much cheaper. By pur- 
 chasing wine with corn, therefore, the people of 
 northern nations, not only diminish the quantity 
 of their subsistence, but they pay above five times 
 
 G 2
 
 100 
 
 the sum for it, which they would for ale, and also 
 subject themselves to be taxed by the governments 
 in the wine countries, besides the tax paid to their 
 own upon the exportation of the corn, and impor- 
 tation of the wine ; yet most of the northern na» 
 tions carry on that imprudent trade with France, 
 which enriches the people and government of that 
 country, and impoverishes those of their own ; but 
 if wine is received in exchange for manufactures, 
 such a trade seems to be advantageous to the ma- 
 nufacturing nation, as it increases the quantity of 
 its food. Hence imposing a much higher tax up- 
 on the importation of the wines of France into 
 Britain, than upon those of Portugal, seems to have 
 been adopted upon prudent principles, notwith- 
 standing the ridicule with which Mr David Hume 
 andDr Smith treat it, if Portugal take manufactures 
 in payment, and France take food. The Doctor 
 seems to have been led into this, and many other 
 mistakes, by supposing, that the effect of the ex- 
 portation of the produce of agricultural labour is 
 the same as that of manufacturing labour. But it 
 has been shewn, in this section, that the exporta- 
 tion of the necessary vegetable productions of land, 
 from a populous, circumscribed country, must im- 
 poverish the people, by raising the price of these 
 necessaries, and lowering wages ; and that an im- 
 portation of them, in exchange for manufactures, 
 has an opposite effect. As the productions of mines
 
 101 
 
 do not lessen the quantity of the vegetable produc- 
 tions of a country, an exportation of minerals, of 
 which there are inexhaustible quantities, must 
 produce the same effect as the exportation of ma- 
 nufactures. 
 
 It must, therefore, follow, that the laws which 
 form restrictions upon a free importation of food 
 into Britain, must have a direct tendency to raise 
 its price and lower wages. The latter effect is at 
 present counteracted by the demand for men for 
 the army and navy, by a great emigration to the 
 Indies and America, and by the great influx of 
 riches from the Indies. If these causes had not 
 kept up wages, they must have been reduced by 
 the high price of food, obliging many to work for 
 hire who lived independently when food was cheap. 
 And if wages had fallen, when food rose in price, 
 as great numbers of the poor could not, in that case, 
 purchase a sufficiency to support life, they must 
 have subsisted by begging, or die; and their death 
 would have lessened the competition for employ- 
 ment, and prevented wages from sinking lower. 
 
 g 3
 
 102 
 
 SECT. II. 
 
 Of the effects of the Merchants of a Country ma- 
 naging the trade between Foreign Nations. 
 
 Though it appears that a populous nation can- 
 not derive much benefit from an exchange of ma- 
 nufactures with other Countries, yet, if the mer- 
 chants of any particular country manage the ex- 
 change of goods between different foreign nations, 
 in that case, as the profits of merchants are consi- 
 derable, and as the whole profits derived from that 
 trade must centre in the nation in which the mer- 
 chants who carry it on reside, that nation must, 
 in proportion to its size, and to the extent of the 
 trade, abound in rich merchants, and also in the 
 productions of all the countries whose trade they 
 manage. 
 
 A merchant at Alexandria, for instance, who 
 had imported a quantity of India goods, by selling 
 a part of them to the different nations of Europe, 
 would receive in payment so great a quantity of 
 the productions of these countries, that a part of 
 them would pay for a fresh cargo from India, and 
 the surplus, not only of those cargoes, but what 
 remained of the cargo from India, would be sold 
 to the people in Alexandria, and would constitute
 
 103 
 
 a regular revenue to the merchant while the trade 
 continued ; and an influx of goods, in this way, as 
 the profits of merchants, would have the same ef- 
 fect in enriching Alexandria, as if they were pro- 
 duced in that city and its neighbourhood. In the 
 same manner, the Dutch, by managing the foreign 
 trade of Portugal, Spain, Poland, and other nations 
 of Europe, have been as well supplied for centu- 
 ries with the productions of those countries, as if 
 they had been produced in their own. 
 
 It seems to have been in this way, that Palmyra, 
 Tyre, Alexandria, Venice, Portugal, and Holland, 
 have been successively enriched by the trade to 
 India ; and it is in the same way, that Britain de- 
 rives a profit from the trade to that country at pre- 
 sent, and not from the exchange of British with 
 India manufactures. But the importation into 
 Britain of manufactures or produce of land, as ter- 
 ritorial revenue, or as fortunes made by individuals 
 in that country, who come to settle in Britain, 
 must have the same effect to enrich Britain, as if 
 these articles were produced in it. And as that 
 effect must be in proportion to the quantity of 
 goods received in Britain on these accounts, the 
 greater the quantity that can be purchased in In- 
 dia, with the sums due in that country, to be re- 
 mitted, Britain must be more enriched ; and it 
 must be equally advantageous to individuals in In- 
 
 g 4
 
 104 
 
 dia, who wish to remit their fortunes to Britain, 
 that goods are bought cheap in India. 
 
 As the conclusions at the end of the preceding 
 section are directly opposite to the principles of 
 the British corn laws, it is proper to examine, with 
 attention, their nature and tendency. 
 
 CHAP. VI. 
 
 OF THE CORN I<AWS, 
 
 SECT. I. 
 
 Of the Motives of the Promoters of these Laws. 
 
 The opinion of the legislature of England, re- 
 specting these laws, changed gradually, from the 
 reign of Henry the 7th to the Revolution; from 
 which period, they have been formed upon prin- 
 ciples, directly opposite to those on which they 
 had been formed before his time; and it deserves 
 particular remark, that those changes coincide
 
 105 
 
 with the changes in the supposed interests of the 
 members of parliament, who are in general the 
 greatest owners of land, and with the increase of 
 their power in the legislature. 
 
 Previous to the act of the 19th year of that 
 king, enforcing former laws against retainers, by 
 severe fines and punishments, which were by him 
 rigorously executed, the increase of the number 
 of their dependents was the principal object of 
 the ambition of the great owners of land; for 
 which purpose they had formerly concurred with 
 the kings (whose interest, it is also supposed to 
 be, to increase the number of their subjects), in 
 enacting laws for encouraging importation of 
 food, and preventing its exportation. But, after 
 they were prevented from gratifying their pride, 
 by supporting a number of retainers, they gra- 
 dually adopted the practice of gratifying it, by 
 vying with each other in fine houses, furniture, 
 clothes, and other productions of the arts. 
 
 Towards the end of Henry the Vth's reign, he 
 obtained a law, to oblige the owners of land to 
 keep up the farm-houses ; which shows, that the 
 owners of land were no longer anxious to have 
 many men upon their estates, but were anxious 
 to increase their rents to enable them to purchase 
 the works of art j and that law also shows, that
 
 106 
 
 the king was still anxious to increase the number 
 of his subjects. 
 
 Thus the apparent interest of the owners of 
 land was become in some degree opposite, in that 
 particular, to the interest of the Crown; and this 
 opposition gradually increased, as more of the 
 land was let in large farms for high rents, instead 
 of being let in small farms to retainers. And 
 as the rents were then generally paid in produce, 
 the owners were naturally anxious for an altera- 
 tion in the corn laws, that they might have liber- 
 ty to send it abroad to the best market ; and that 
 importation should be prohibited, to prevent fo- 
 reigners from competing with them in the home- 
 market. But the power of the Crown was so 
 great, during the reigns of the Tudors, that very 
 little alteration was obtained in these laws during 
 that period. 
 
 In the reign of Philip and Mary, liberty was 
 obtained to export corn when wheat was at or 
 below six shillings and eightpence a quarter, and 
 other grains proportionably low ; and that liberty 
 was gradually extended by Elizabeth, until wheat 
 was at twenty shillings a quarter. But new laws 
 were also enacted to keep up farm-houses, to check 
 the general practice, at that time, Of laying arable 
 land into grass. 
 
 2
 
 107 
 
 The power of parliament began to increase 
 in the reign of James, who, to increase his re- 
 venue, consented to a law for allowing corn to be 
 exported at higher prices than formerly, upon 
 paying him a duty of four shillings a quarter upon 
 wheat, and duties upon other grain in proportion. 
 But importation was still allowed, free of duty. 
 Little alteration was made in the corn laws, du- 
 ring the reign of Chares I. and none at all, 
 during the civil war, or Oliver Cromwell's usurpa- 
 tion. 
 
 In the first year after the restoration, liberty 
 was obtained to export corn, while wheat was at 
 or below forty-eight shillings a quarter, upon pay- 
 ing a duty of twenty shillings a quarter to the 
 king, and other sorts of grain were allowed to be 
 exported at proportional prices and duties. 
 
 It is necessary here to remark, that the coin 
 was, at this time, in a very debased state ; that 
 forty-eight shillings of that coin was not worth 
 thirty-six shillings of the present standard-coin or 
 gold currency. 
 
 The long parliament had, in 1647, prohi- 
 bited the exportation of wool ; and, to please 
 the boroughs, it was still more strictly prohi- 
 bited the first year after the restoration. But
 
 10S 
 
 as a compensation for this loss, the owners of 
 land obtained a law, in 1670, by which wheat 
 imported was to pay a duty of 16s. 8d. a quarter, 
 when the price was at or below L.2 : 13:4 a quar- 
 ter ; to pay a duty of 8s. when above that price 
 and not exceeding L. 4 a quarter, and to pay a 
 duty of 5s. 4d. a quarter when above L.4, how- 
 ever high it might be. 
 
 As these duties on importation were payable to 
 the Crown, it is not very surprising, that an ex- 
 travagant, unprincipled king should agree to im- 
 pose such exorbitant duties upon corn that might 
 be necessary to supply the wants of the poor ; 
 but it is very surprising that the boroughs, the 
 inhabitants of which are buyers of food, should 
 have consented to such a law ; and it is even sur- 
 prising, that the promoters of the law should have 
 allowed their avarice to blind them so very much, 
 as to suppose, that the buyers of food would sub- 
 mit to a tax of 5s. 4d. a quarter on wheat, when 
 the price was above L. 4 ; or to 8s. when above 
 L. 2 : 13:4; and, accordingly, that law has been 
 the cause of much private distress, and of many 
 public commotions. 
 
 By the Revolution the powers of parliament 
 were fully established, and no measure of conse- 
 quence could afterwards be attempted by the 
 
 3
 
 109 
 
 king, without its concurrence. It was, there- 
 fore, necessary for King William to yield to the 
 wishes of the members in their schemes, if he 
 expected that they should concur in his. Ac- 
 cordingly, to obtain their consent to a tax on 
 land, he, a few months after the Revolution, a- 
 greed to a law, to which the following preamble 
 was prefixed : " For as much as it hath been 
 " found by experience, that the exportation of 
 " corn and grain into foreign parts, when the 
 " price thereof is at a low rate in this kingdom, 
 " hath been advantageous, not only to the owners 
 " of land, but the trade of this country in general j 
 " Be it therefore enacted," &c. 
 
 The legislature, by this act, allowed a bounty 
 to the exporters of wheat of 5s. a quarter; but, as 
 there was still a duty of 20s. a quarter payable on 
 exportation, the bounty was only a deduction of 
 5s. a quarter from that duty. 
 
 But, in the year 1700, the whole duties on the 
 exportation of corn were taken off, by an act, en- 
 titled, " For the greater Encouragement of Til- 
 " lage." Yet the bounty and the law of 1670, im- 
 posing exorbitant duties upon importation, were 
 continued. This law, therefore, completed the 
 new code.
 
 no 
 
 By the old laws, importation was allowed free 
 of duty ; which was proper : but exportation was 
 always prohibited; which was improper. It could 
 not be. for the interest of any person to injure the 
 cultivators, by importing corn when it was cheap ; 
 it would, therefore, always be carried to the high- 
 est market. But it was unjust and very discoid 
 raging to cultivators to be prevented, in plentiful 
 years, from sending corn abroad, for which there 
 might be no demand at home. By this new code, 
 exportation is, very properly, allowed, but very 
 unjustly encouraged by a bounty, as that must 
 raise the price to the buyers at home, and lower 
 the price to the buyers abroad; and it was also 
 cruel and unjust to continue the law of 1670, 
 which prevented the buyers of food, by exorbi- 
 tant duties, from being supplied from foreign 
 countries, when crops at home were deficient. 
 Hence it appears, that the operative clauses, in 
 both the old and the new code of corn laws, are 
 unjust and oppressive; — that it would have been 
 better for the nation if no such laws had existed, 
 as y in that case, the cultivator would have sent 
 his produce to the best market at home or abroad, 
 and the buyers of food would have been supplied 
 from abroad when the price was higher at home. 
 
 Though the bounty was intended, and must 
 have operated,, as a tax upon the consumers of
 
 Ill 
 
 corn by raising its price, yet, as it continued mo- 
 derate (owing to causes, which will be afterwards 
 pointed out), there were no material public com- 
 motions on account of these laws until the year 
 1756; and as these commotions increased the year 
 following, government found it necessary to stop 
 the exportation, and to allow importation without 
 duty for a limited time, contrary to the existing 
 laws; and as the price of corn continued high, dif- 
 ferent temporary acts for suspending the corn laws 
 were passed, to mitigate the distress and quiet the 
 people, until the year 177S, when it was judged 
 necessary to annul the old, and to establish a new 
 rate of duties when the prices were high. By 
 this new law, the duty on importing wheat was 
 reduced to sixpence a quarter when the price was 
 at or above 48s., and no bounty allowed upon ex- 
 porting wheat when the price was at or above 
 44s. a quarter. 
 
 Mr Dirom, after giving a chronological account 
 of the corn laws enacted before and after the 
 Revolution, when he comes to this of 1773, ex- 
 claims*, — " But we now come to a law of this 
 " year, by which the venerable old code, so be- 
 * neficial to manufactures and industry, and so 
 
 i 
 * Inquiry into the Corn Laws, by Alexander Dirom, Esq. 
 page 99.
 
 112 
 
 ** salutary to the kingdom in general ; that code 
 " which had raised the agriculture of Great Bri- 
 u tain from the lowest state of depression to the 
 " highest degree of prosperity ; which had pro- 
 " duced plenty at reasonable prices for so great a 
 " number of years at home, and had brought 
 * such immense sums of money for the excres- 
 " cent stock of corn from abroad, was now torn 
 " up by the roots, and scattered by the winds." 
 
 From this exclamation it might be supposed, 
 that the legislature had adopted the old system 
 of allowing a free importation of corn, and prohi- 
 biting exportation. Yet the tables in his own 
 work show, that the law of 1773, by continuing 
 the bounty until wheat was at 44s., and the high 
 duties on importation until it was 48s., was form- 
 ed for the same purpose as the laws then in part 
 annulled. But as it had been found so very often 
 necessary, for repressing civil commotions, to 
 stop the payment of the bounties, and to allow 
 importation without duty, government thought it 
 more prudent to lower the duties, when prices 
 were high, by a new law, than to continue to 
 suspend the laws from time to time. We cannot, 
 therefore, give government much praise for low- 
 ering the rates ; on the contrary, as the execu- 
 tion of the former laws had, by raising the price 
 of corn, driven the people so often to desperate
 
 113 
 
 acts, it is surprising, that the legislature was so 
 backward to lower the rates at which bounties on 
 exportation were payable and importation allow- 
 ed, and that at last, in 1773, they were left so 
 very high. 
 
 But it is obvious, that it was the intention of 
 the promoters of that law to raise the price of 
 corn as high as could be done with prudence j 
 they, therefore, lowered the rates at which boun- 
 ties were to be paid and importation allowed ; 
 which seemed to favour the people, without alter- 
 ing the rates when prices were below 48s. for 
 wheat, &c. or giving up any part of the effects of 
 the former laws in raising the price of corn ; as it 
 had been found, that, when prices rose above the 
 rates now adopted, government had been obliged 
 to suspend the execution of the laws. The law 
 of 1773, therefore, was not different in principle, 
 but was more artfully formed than the preceding 
 laws. 
 
 According to Mr Dirom, the corn laws of 1670 
 and of 1700, encouraged agriculture, by raising 
 the price of corn, and they served the poor, by 
 supplying them with food at reasonable rates ; 
 but he does not attempt to point out the manner 
 in which these laws could produce such opposite 
 effects. His assertion, that they had raised the 
 
 H
 
 114 
 
 agriculture of Britain from the lowest state of de- 
 pression to the highest state of prosperity, shows, 
 either complete ignorance of the state of agricul- 
 ture before and after these laws were enacted, or 
 a total disregard to truth; as the fact is, that, 
 notwithstanding the discouragements which agri- 
 culture laboured under from the old corn laws, 
 the laws of purveyance, bad roads, and the in- 
 security of property, (whfch he has fully pointed out 
 in the beginning of his treatise) great improvements 
 had been made in many counties of England, not 
 only by enclosing, which was very general, but also 
 in cultivation, which was much more generally 
 understood and practised in Essex in the 1700, 
 when these laws were enacted, than in Mr Dirom's 
 native county or country at the time he wrote, 
 though these laws, which he says, encouraged 
 agriculture so very much, had then been in ope- 
 ration above seventy years. 
 
 Mr Arthur Young, in the chapter on the corn 
 laws, in his political arithmetic, admits, that the 
 design of the bounty was to raise the price of 
 corn, yet afterwards, with the same inconsistency 
 as Mr Dirom, he imputes the cheapness of corn, 
 before 1750, to the bounty, without showing how 
 it could produce these opposite effects. 
 
 As he travelled through many counties of Eng- 
 land, for the purpose of writing an account of the
 
 115 
 
 state of agriculture, his sentiments on that subject 
 might be supposed to be correct. Yet, though 
 he is a keen advocate for the corn laws, he flatly 
 contradicts Mr Dirom's assertion respecting their 
 effects, by saying, in the fore-cited chapter, " that 
 '* husbandry made no advances during the first 
 " half of the century, except in Norfolk." 
 
 As the price of corn continued high, notwith- 
 standing the liberty to import it when at lower 
 prices than formerly, the people were so much ir* 
 ritated, by seeing a bounty paid upon what was 
 sent to foreigners, while they were paying high 
 prices at home, that disturbances Were very fre- 
 quent in different counties ; and as many of the 
 owners of land and farmers complained of allow- 
 ing corn to be imported when at prices which, 
 tliey said, were low, to determine what measures 
 should be adopted, to satisfy the owners of land, 
 without driving the people to desperation, a com- 
 mittee of the lords of the privy council was ap- 
 pointed to give their opinion upon the subject j 
 and, accordingly, a representation of the nature 
 of these laws was drawn up by that committee, 
 and said to be presented to the king on the 8th 
 of March 1790 ; a copy of which (taken from an 
 edition of Mr Charles Smith's Tracts on the 
 Corn Trade and Corn Laws, which was printed 
 1804,) is inserted Appendix I. After some ge- 
 
 H 2
 
 11G 
 
 neral observations upon the corn laws, these 
 lords, in the thirteenth paragraph, say : " It ap- 
 " pears, therefore, that the principles on which 
 " our corn laws are founded, are in general wise; 
 " the two objects they have in view, are, first, to 
 *' secure a reasonable price at all limes to tJie 
 " farmer ; ,and, in the next place, to prevent that 
 u price being at any time so high, as to distress 
 " the poor and the manufacturer." They do not 
 here think proper to mention, how high the price 
 may be carried without, in their opinion, distress- 
 ing the poor ; but, after laying down with anxious 
 care a number of regulations for preventing corn 
 from being imported, unless the prices are very 
 high, they, in the last paragraph, show, distinctly, 
 at what point the distresses of the poor ought to 
 to be attended to, in the following words : " In 
 " forming these regulations, the lords of the 
 " committee have endeavoured equally to pro- 
 * f f vide for the prosperity of the grower of corn 
 " and the necessities of the consumer. The in- 
 " terests of the grower and consumer are sup- 
 " posed by some to be at variance. To recon- 
 " cile them as much as possible, is the end which 
 ,ff every wise government should endeavour to at- 
 " tain. The interest of the consumer is entitled 
 " to the first consideration, so far as to preserve 
 l^i.hjim, in every possible contingency ,Jrom scarcity 
 ?* and distress. And as distress for want of this
 
 11*7 
 
 " necessary article of subsistence cannot long ex- 
 " ist in any country, without exposing it to those 
 " commotions which frequently happen in times 
 " of dearth, it is not likely that the grower of 
 " corn would enjoy in safety the fruits of his in- 
 " dustry, unless due attention is paid to this first 
 " and capital object ; but this point being once se- 
 " cured, the interest of the grower should, in the 
 " next place, occupy the particular attention of the 
 " legislature." We have here a distinct explana- 
 tion of what these lords meant by their humane 
 expression, in the thirteenth paragraph, ** of atten- 
 " tion to prevent the distress of the poor and ma- 
 " nufacturer." It is to prevent that distress from 
 driving them to acts of violence ; but, if that can 
 be prevented, these lords explicitly declare, that 
 it is the duty of government to raise the price of 
 corrt as high as possible. And they avow that 
 their advice to government, to avoid civil com- 
 motions, does not proceed from commiseration 
 for the people, who must be suffering great di- 
 stress when driven to these excesses, but because 
 it is not likely, u that the grower of corn would 
 rt enjoy in safety the fruits of his industry." 
 
 By the preambles to all the laws respecting food, 
 since the revolution, except the first, the inten- 
 tion of enacting them is declared to have been 
 solely for the interest of the farmers and cultivators, 
 
 H 3
 
 118 
 
 and to increase the quantity of food. The promo- 
 ters of these laws, being themselves owners of land, 
 thought it imprudent to avow that they were in- 
 fluenced by the interest of the landlords, as they 
 would, in that case, be considered as being actu- 
 ated by selfish motives. To avoid that imputation, 
 their own interest as owners of land is never men- 
 tioned, except in the first act after the revolution. 
 But it has been shewn, in the preceding inquiry, 
 that a high price of the produce of land cannot 
 serve the farmers, except during the currency of 
 their leases ; that it must redound entirely to the 
 profit of the owners of land, as the profits of far- 
 mers cannot, in new leases, rise above the profits 
 of stock in other professions, nor can we suppose 
 that the members of this committee were ignorant 
 of this circumstance, though they have pretended 
 that they were only influenced by regard to the 
 cultivators, and a desire to make corn plenty in 
 the country. 
 
 That they saw distinctly that the higher the price 
 of corn was, the higher their rents must necessari- 
 ly be, appears evident from the fourteenth para- 
 graph of their representation, near the middle of 
 which, they say, u In all years, and particularly 
 u in those of reasonable plenty, the price of corn 
 " is lower in the countries bordering on the Bal- 
 " tic and in America, than it is in Great Britain. 
 2
 
 119 
 
 " In the north of Europe corn can be more cheap- 
 " ly raised, because the value of land is less, and 
 " the price of labour is lower. In America, the 
 " value of land is greatly less, and from the extent 
 " of their farms they are able to resort to new 
 " land, or to substitute fallows in the place of ma- 
 " nure, and can therefore raise corn without this 
 \* additional expence j and these circumstances 
 " more than compensate the higher price of la- 
 u bour in that country." It is plain, from this 
 quotation, that though they endeavour to hide their 
 strong desire to raise and keep up rents, by saying, 
 that corn can be raised cheaper in the north of 
 Europe and in America, because the value of land 
 is less, — they knew that they ought to have said, 
 because the rent of land is less : They knew that 
 land is cultivated and pays a rent according to 
 the value of its produce, after all expenses are de- 
 ducted, and not according to its value, or the sum 
 it can be sold for ; and that the price of corn would 
 be reduced, if a free importation from these coun- 
 tries was allowed ; and they thought that their 
 
 rents would be reduced in proportion. 
 
 i 
 
 In the thirteenth paragraph, they point out, very 
 properly, the imprudence of prohibiting exporta- 
 tion, and they begin the fourteenth paragraph as 
 follows : " It is right, therefore, to allow the ex- 
 *• portation of corn whenever it is sold under a 
 
 h 4
 
 120 
 
 " certain price." This conclusion is fully admitt* 
 ed, but it is evident that these lords infer, that 
 as it was so necessary to allow exportation, it was 
 also proper to encourage it by a bounty; an infer- 
 ence which by no means follows, as, by a liberty to 
 export without a bounty, the surplus could be sent 
 to the highest market abroad. But as they had no 
 arguments to adduce in. support of the bounty, 
 they rest the propriety of it upon that inference, 
 strengthened by the following fallacious statement: 
 ** It is not necessary for the committee to offer 
 " any thing in justification of that policy which 
 !• commenced at the revolution, of encouraging by 
 " bounty this exportation, and which the legisla- 
 " ture has thought fit to continue to the present 
 *' time. Whatever doubts may be entertained by 
 " some, of the wisdom of this measure, it cannot, 
 " surely be thought prudent to alter it at present, 
 " for it is a certain fact, that the agriculture of 
 f this country has progressively increased and 
 " flourished, from the time when this bounty was 
 " first granted, though it is true that other causes 
 " have been assigned for this improvement." 
 
 As these lords admit, that they knew that doubts 
 were entertained of the propriety of the bounty, 
 and that it was denied that the prosperity of agri- 
 culture had been a consequence of that measure, it 
 was their duty, in justification of an act, apparent-
 
 121 
 
 ly so grossly selfish, and certainly veiy oppressive 
 to the poor, to obviate all these doubts. And we 
 must conclude, that though accustomed, as cour- 
 tiers, to hide their real designs, under fallacious 
 pretences, they could think of no apology, but as- 
 suming it as a fact, that as agriculture had improv- 
 ed after the establishment of the bounty, that mea- 
 sure had certainly been the cause. 
 
 In the year following, a new law was Enacted, 
 upon the principles recommended in the repre- 
 sentation of that committee, by which exportation 
 was allowed, until wheat was at forty-six shillings 
 a quarter, but no bounty was allowed, when at or 
 above forty-four shillings, and importation of wheat 
 was prohibited, when at or below fifty shillings a 
 quarter, and to pay two shillings and sixpence du- 
 ty, when above fifty shillings, and below fifty-four 
 shillings. 
 
 The owners of land were not satisfied with this 
 law, though the price of corn continued to rise, 
 and in 1795 rose to an unprecedented height, and 
 has continued high ever since, yet they urged the 
 government to review the corn laws, and they were 
 accordingly referred to a committee of the House 
 of Commons, who gave in a report to the house, 
 a copy of which, taken from the Edinburgh Cou- 
 rant, of May 26, 1804> is given Appendix II. with
 
 122 
 
 a copy of the act of parliament, formed upon the 
 recommendation of that committee. 
 
 By that report, it appears, that the members 
 were actuated by the same desire to raise the price 
 of food, and the rent of land, as the committee of 
 privy council in 1790.' They express themselves 
 in the fourth and fifth paragraph of their report as 
 follows : " It further appears to your committee, 
 " that the tables in the said act of the 31st of the 
 " king, for regulating the price at which the ports 
 " for the exportation are to be open, with or with- 
 " out bounty, and at which the importation of fo- 
 "' reign corn is to be admitted on the low duties, 
 " generally into the kingdom, require very mate- 
 " rial alteration. This alteration seems to be de- 
 " manded by the advance in the price of labour, 
 " and all other expenses to which the farmer is 
 " now subject, beyond what he was liable to at 
 M the time when these regulations were establish- 
 " ed. 
 
 " Your committee, therefore, recommend the 
 " tables hereto annexed, to be adopted, instead of 
 * those in the act of the 31st of the king, as more 
 " fitted to the present times." 
 
 By the act, it will be seen, that the alterations 
 here recommended, are, that the bounties shall be
 
 123 
 
 allowed, until the price of wheat exceeds forty- 
 eight shillings a quarter, and other grains in pro- 
 portion, and no importation of wheat to be allow- 
 ed, until the price exceeds sixty-three shillings a 
 quarter, which is thirteen shillings higher than im- 
 portation was allowed by the law of 1791. 
 
 It must be kept in mind, that the profits of far- 
 mer's, are, in general, regulated by the profits of 
 stock in other lines of business, and consequently, 
 whatever the expences of agriculture are, it is the 
 business of a farmer to deduct them from the sum 
 of his expected sales, and then engage for such a 
 rent as will leave him a reasonable profit. If the 
 expences, therefore, are high, the rent must be 
 lower on that account; and every man who takes 
 a lease of land, takes his chance of the rise or fall 
 in the prices of its produce, and of the necessary 
 expences. 
 
 Hence, as the rise of wages had, in this case, 
 been gradual, farmers had not the shadow of a 
 claim for relief on that account, even upon their 
 landlords, for a deduction of rent, far less upon 
 the buyers of food. But the fact is, that no such 
 claim had been made by farmers, no petition for 
 compensation for the rise of wages had been pre- 
 sented to parliament; nor is it pretended that 
 there had been any. In the paragraph quoted, the
 
 124 
 
 Committee say, that the alteration which they pro- 
 pose in the law, " seems to be demanded by the 
 " advance in the price of labour, and all other 
 " expellees to which the farmer is now subject." 
 
 
 As the quantity of corn imported had been gra- 
 dually increasing, and for some years had been ve- 
 ry great, there was no reason to expect that the 
 produce of the country in future, could, in ordi- 
 nary years, supply the inhabitants. Prohibiting 
 importation of wheat, therefore, when the price 
 was at or below three guineas a quarter, as recom- 
 mended by the committee, and adopted by the le- 
 gislature, was enacting a law to prevent the price 
 from ever being below that sum, however, plenti- 
 ful and cheap it might be in neighbouring coun- 
 tries, upon the pretence that high prices were ne- 
 cessary to indemnify the farmers for the advance 
 of wages and other expences. It deserves parti- 
 cular remark, that this boon was given to Jarmers 
 at a time when they were, and for many years had 
 been making more than double the profits that had 
 ever been made in the business. The owners of 
 land, who were the promoters of the law, were fully 
 acquainted with the prosperous situation of the 
 farmers who possessed old leases. But as the very 
 high price of provisions had induced many to give 
 high rents for land, and the promoters of the bill 
 knew that many more would have offered high
 
 125 
 
 rents, but were deterred by fear of a fall of prices, 
 it was their interest to raise the price at which corn 
 could be imported, and to carry the bounties to 
 a higher price, not only to enable the farmers to 
 pay their rents who had taken land high, but also 
 to encourage others to give high rents. Raising 
 the prices, therefore, at which bounties were to be 
 given upon exportation, and high duties upon im- 
 portation, was not done with any intention to serve 
 the farmers, but for the sole purpose of raising the 
 rents of land. And it deserves particular notice, 
 that though the rent of arable land is very seldom 
 lower, and is, in many cases, two or three times 
 higher than all the other expences of cultivation, 
 yet the very great advance of rents is not men- 
 tioned by the committee as a reason for raising 
 these rates. 
 
 From these facts and observations, it is evident, 
 that the sole intention of the promoters of the corn 
 laws has been, since the revolution, to raise the 
 price of corn and the rent of land. But though 
 that is evident, and though they have not adduced 
 the shadow of a proof that these laws have pro- 
 duced any good effects ; yet, as it is of the utmost 
 importance that their nature and tendency be fully 
 ascertained, I shall state the good effects ascribed 
 to them in a regular order, and shall examine each 
 with great care. 

 
 126 
 
 1st, That it appears from experience, that the 
 price of corn has been much more equal since these 
 laws were enacted, than formerly, and that they 
 have produced that beneficial effect. 
 
 2d, That they were the cause of corn being 
 lower in price, during ihe firstbajf of the last ceri- 
 tury, than during the last sixty years, while otner 
 articles, from the increase of the precious metals, 
 were rising in price ; and that the fluctuation, 
 and great rise of price, since 1773, has been a 
 consequence of the change which was then made 
 in these laws. 
 
 3d, That the bounty on exportation, and high 
 duties on importation, when corn is below certain 
 prices, which remove the fear of an over-stocked 
 market, either by too much tillage and great crops 
 at home, or by an importation from foreign coun- 
 tries, where rents and expences are lower, are ne- 
 cessary to encourage cultivation. 
 
 4th, That the bounties induce cultivators to raise 
 So much corn, that in ordinary crops, there is not 
 only a sufficient supply for our own people, but al- 
 so a Surplus for exportation, by which the nation 
 is greatly enriched when the crops are good, and 
 when they are bad, that surplus is a resource for 
 supplying the people, independent of foreign na- 
 
 i
 
 127 
 
 tions. And that the liberty to import, when crops 
 are very bad, and the price of corn high, prevents 
 it from rising so very much as to distress the poor 
 and the manufacturer. 
 
 5th, Besides these good effects which the boun- 
 ty on exportation and duties upon importation of 
 corn produce, Mr Malthus says, that they are ne- 
 cessary to put the cultivators of land upon an equal 
 footing with the manufacturers, who are allowed 
 bounties upon exporting, while high duties are 
 payable upon importing many of their articles. 
 
 I shall examine the different advantages ascribed 
 to these laws in their order. , ... ■■ , , 
 
 SECT. II. 
 
 Of the Causes of the Price of Corn being so much 
 more fluctuating , and frequently so 'veinj much 
 higher in former Ages, than during the first 
 Half of the last Century. 
 
 To discover these causes, it is necessary to at- 
 tend to the difference which has gradually taken 
 place in the security of property, in the liberty of 
 traders, and in the facility of the intercourse be- 
 tween provinces and nations.
 
 128 
 
 The exportation of corn was prohibited in Eng- 
 land, except with the king's license, until the reign 
 of Philip and Mary, and was then only allowed, 
 when wheat was so low as six shillings and eight 
 pence a quarter. And every person at that time 
 who bought corn, for the purpose of selling it a- 
 gain, was, by law, considered an engrosser, and 
 liable to two months imprisonment for the first 
 offence, besides forfeiting the corn ; to six months 
 imprisonment for the second offence, besides for- 
 feiting double the value of the corn, and for the 
 third offence, to be set on the pillory, to suffer im- 
 prisonment during the king's pleasure, and to for- 
 feit all his goods and chattels. Under such laws, 
 no person of property durst engage in the corn 
 trade. Hence, however high the price of corn 
 might be in some counties, and low in others, the 
 fanners only durst send it from those in which it 
 was cheap, to supply the wants of those in which 
 it was scarce and dear ; a set of men who have 
 seldom the means of knowing what the prices are 
 in the neighbouring counties, far less in distant 
 counties and foreign countries. 
 
 The profits of a corn merchant arise from his 
 being regularly informed of the prices in the dif- 
 ferent counties, and in different kingdoms, and 
 from his buying where it is cheap, to sell where it 
 is dear. To prohibit such a trade, was to confine
 
 129 
 
 the people in every part of the kingdom to the 
 produce of their neighbourhood, however deficient 
 that might be, and however plentiful corn might 
 be in other counties or countries. Farmers have 
 seldom any means of sending their corn above a 
 day's journey from their farms, or of sending it by 
 sea to a distance, on their own account ; and the 
 want of canals and the miserable state of the roads 
 were great obstructions to carrying corn to a dis- 
 tance in former ages. The farmers in Norfolk, 
 could not in these times supply the markets in Lan- 
 cashire, however scarce and dear corn might be in 
 that county ; far less could they supply the wants 
 of foreign nations : and as the corn trade labour- 
 ed under the same restrictions in foreign countries, 
 we cannot wonder at the inequality of the prices 
 in these ages ; of its being extremely cheap in 
 some countries, while famine raged in others. The 
 general liberty to import corn was rendered of no 
 use by the general prohibition against exporting 
 it, as the wants of a country cannot be supplied 
 by importation, unless there is liberty to export 
 from other countries. 
 
 The security of intercourse by sea, by the ex- 
 tirpation of pirates, the suppression of monopolies 
 and licenses to particular merchants, the relaxa- 
 tion of the laws against engrossers, the security 
 of property and the encouragement given to corn 
 
 I
 
 130 
 
 merchants, which have taken place since the re- 
 volution, have induced great numbers of men of 
 capital to engage in the corn trade ; to supply the 
 wants of counties and countries where com is 
 scarce, from the superfluous produce of others, 
 which effectually prevents corn from ever being so 
 very cheap or so very dear in any particular coun- 
 ty or country, as was frequently the case in former 
 ages. And besides these powerful causes of equa- 
 lising the price of corn in the different kingdoms 
 of Europe, the extensive improvement of the dry 
 land, by liming and marling, must have had a pow- 
 erful effect in equalising the general produce in 
 wet and dry years in Britain ; the dry land being 
 most productive in wet years, when the clay lands 
 fail, and vice versa. When the necessary effects 
 of all these causes are attended to, it appeals asto- 
 nishing, that any man of common observation and 
 candour, should impute the greater equality of 
 prices which have taken place since the revolution, 
 to the bounties on exporting, and the duties on 
 importing corn. 
 
 •
 
 131 
 
 SECT. III. 
 
 Of the Causes oftJie low Price of Corn, during the 
 first Half of the last Century, and of its high 
 Price since* 
 
 To ascertain these causes, it is necessary to at- 
 tend to the changes which have taken place in the 
 circumstances of the people who are the buyers 
 of food in Britain, since the accession of Henry 
 
 vir. 
 
 tn the beginning of the first section of this chap- 
 ter, it was observed, that the proprietors of land 
 in England, had, in general, previous to that pe- 
 riod, gratified their pride, by vying with each other 
 in power, and for that purpose divided their estates 
 into small possessions, to increase the number of 
 their military tenants^ that when they were pre- 
 vented by new laws, rigorously executed by Henry, 
 from indulging their pride irt that way, they gra- 
 dually became fond of vying with each other in 
 fine clothes, houses and furniture, &c : that as 
 they could not be supplied with these in the coun- 
 try, and could only obtain them from foreigners^ 
 and must pay for them with their rents, or the pro- 
 duce of their lands ; these circumstances induced 
 them to let their lands to those who could give the 
 
 I 2
 
 13'Ji 
 
 highest rents, instead of letting them, as formerly, 
 for military services. This change totally altered 
 the situation of the occupiers of the land, as a man 
 who occupied as much land as was sufficient to 
 maintain himself and family, could give his lord 
 personal attendance, but could give little or no 
 rent. To pay a full rent, the occupier must not 
 have a greater number of labourers than are ne- 
 eessary for the farm, which, though the land was 
 continued in tillage, would require only a third, 
 and frequently not a fourth part of the people who 
 formerly occupied it as military tenants. Hence, 
 two-thirds, and in many instances, three-fourths 
 of the people, were, by that change, rendered des- 
 titute, and had no way of obtaining subsistence 
 but by begging or stealing. And as they had no- 
 thing to give to the different tradesmen, whom 
 they formerly employed, to weave their coarse 
 clothes, and make their furniture, &c. a large pro- 
 portion of these tradesmen would also be rendered 
 destitute, and driven to begging or stealing. It 
 is obvious that this change would only take place 
 gradually. Many landlords, of compassionate dis- 
 positions, would suffer pecuniary loss, rather than 
 render their tenants destitute j many would keep 
 them to gratify their pride, by their cringing be- 
 haviour, and many would be obliged to keep a few 
 of their small tenants, for want of men of capital 
 to take large farms, but the evil would gradually
 
 133 
 
 increase. It is necessary also to remark, that the 
 military tenants used the greatest part of the pro- 
 duce of their lands in their own families ; but, 
 though still in need of the same quantity of food, 
 they could not buy it from those who occupied 
 their former possessions, having nothing to give 
 for it but personal labour, so that those for whose 
 labour the farmers had no use, could not buy any 
 food, which would lessen the demand for it, and 
 bring down its price ; and as corn was not at that 
 time allowed to be exported, and as wool and skins 
 were allowed to be exported, many farmers thought 
 it more profitable to turn their lands into pasture, 
 than to continue them in tillage ; a practice which 
 increased so much, that towards the end of Eliza- 
 beth's reign, many proprietors and fanners had fif- 
 teen, twenty, and some twenty-four thousand sheep 
 upon good arable land. As a farmer can manage 
 a much greater quantity of land in pasture, than 
 in tillage, and with much fewer servants, it is ob- 
 vious, that the number of tenants and country la- 
 bourers, must have decreased in proportion to the 
 quantity of land turned into pasture. So that in- 
 stead of two-thirds, or three-fourths of these people 
 being rendered destitute, as formerly stated, upon 
 the supposition of the land being kept in tillage, 
 nine-tenths of them would be rendered destitute, 
 where the lands were converted into sheep pas- 
 ture. 
 
 13
 
 134 
 
 Some of the most industrious and enterprising 
 of the country tradesmen, seem to have endeavour- 
 ed to earn a living by manufacturing cloth for 
 sale, as an act of Parliament was passed in the 
 25th of Henry VIII., prohibiting any person from 
 making cloth, except the inhabitants of certain 
 cities and towns therein named -, and an act of 
 Parliament was passed, in the reign of Edward 
 VI. prohibiting every person from making woollen 
 cloth who had not served an apprenticeship of seven 
 years. It also appears, that some of the small ten- 
 ants and labourers had been endeavouring to get 
 their sons instructed in manufactures, as, by an 
 act in the fifth year of Elizabeth, certain trades- 
 men were prohibited from taking the children of 
 labourers as apprentices, and by the same act, no 
 person was allowed to work at any trade, to which 
 he had not served an apprenticeship, and every per- 
 son was prohibited from taking above a certain 
 number of apprentices. Hence, it appears, that 
 in proportion as a greater number of small tenants 
 and country tradesmen lost their usual means of 
 subsistence, the borough corporations obtained se- 
 verer laws, to prevent them or their children from 
 getting employment as manufacturers. These mi- 
 serable people, therefore, could only subsist by 
 begging or stealing. And we are accordingly in- 
 formed by history, that the number of beggars and 
 thieves increased, as a greater number of small ten-
 
 13J 
 
 ants were turned out of their possessions. And 
 the number of beggars and thieves was also con- 
 siderably increased by the suppression of the mo- 
 nasteries, by which above fifty thousand monks, 
 and a much greater number of people, who had 
 been supported by them, were deprived of the 
 means of subsistence, and forced to beg or steal. 
 As so many hundreds of thousands of people were, 
 by these causes, deprived of the means of earning 
 a living, and therefore must beg or steal, or die of 
 hunger, it is astonishing that laws against begging 
 could have been thought of at that time. Yet acts 
 of Parliament were passed, declaring beggars va- 
 gabonds and felons, and making them liable, upon 
 the third offence, to capital punishment; it was al- 
 so enacted, that beggars above fourteen years of 
 age, should be bored through the ear, and whip- 
 ped, unless some person would hire them for a 
 year. But it is obvious, that very few could be 
 protected in that way, when the country was swarm- 
 ing with people, for whom there was no employ- 
 ment. Nothing could exceed the cruelty of en- 
 acting such laws, when such numbers of people 
 were reduced to beggary, by a want of employ- 
 ment. 
 
 Sir F. M, Eden, in his History of the Poor Laws, 
 says, *' That severer laws never were issued than 
 " during the reigns of Henry VIII. and Eliza- 
 
 i 4
 
 136 
 
 * e beth, or more rigorously executed; yet ne- 
 " ver did the unrelenting vengeance of justice 
 " prove more ineffectual." And, to show the 
 disordered state of the kingdom, he gives the fol- 
 lowing speech of an eminent justice of the peace 
 in Somersetshire, from Strype's Annals : " That 
 " forty persons had been executed there in a 
 " year, for robberies, thefts, and other felonies ; 
 " thirty-five burned in the hand; thirty-seven 
 " whipped, and an hundred and eighty-three dis- 
 " charged. That those who were discharged, 
 " were most wicked and desperate persons, who 
 " never could come to any good, because they 
 " would not work, and none would take them in- 
 " to service. That notwithstanding the great 
 " number of indictments, the fifth part of the 
 a felons in the county were not tried, and the 
 " greater number escaped censure, either from 
 " their superior cunning, the remissness of the 
 * 6 magistrates, or the foolish lenity of the people. 
 « c That the rapines committed, by the infinite 
 " number'of wicked, wandering, idle people, were 
 * c intolerable to the poor countrymen, and obliged 
 li them to a perpetual watch of their sheep-folds, 
 u pastures, woods, and corn-fields. That the 
 " other counties of England were in no better 
 « c condition than Somersetshire, and many of 
 6< them were even in a worse. That there were 
 w at least three or four hundred able-bodied vaga-
 
 137 
 
 " bonds, in every county, wjio lived by theft and 
 " rapine, and who sometimes met in troops, to 
 " the number of fifty or sixty, and committed 
 " spoil on the inhabitants, and that the magis- 
 " trates were awed, by the threats of these con- 
 " federacies, from executing justice on the ©f- 
 " fenders. ,, ,,,; , on ' ? . 
 
 The justice, in this speech, very properly com- 
 miserates the situation of the people of the coun- 
 try, who had land or wages to support them, and 
 who were oppressed by thieves and beggars. But 
 certainly these miserable beings were much great- 
 er objects of compassion than the former, having 
 been driven from their lands by the owners, and 
 prevented, by the cruel selfishness of the incorpo- 
 rated tradesmen, from obtaining some relief by 
 working at manufactures, while only a small part 
 of the whole number could be employed in agri- 
 culture j and the situation of those who were, 
 stout and healthy, but could not find employment, 
 was much worse than that of the infirm, whose 
 appearance might procure them a miserable sub- 
 sistence by begging ; whereas the former, having 
 no chance of obtaining subsistence in that way, 
 must either steal or die of hunger. In such des- 
 perate circumstances, it was natural for them to 
 associate together, and to concert measures for a- 
 voiding present starvation, by robbing or stealing. 
 
 6 
 
 #
 
 133 
 
 It was cruel, in this justice, to upbraid people* in 
 such circumstances, for their idleness, and that 
 nobody would hire them. 
 
 - K As so very great- <a number of the people were 
 reduced to beggary, the demand for corn by those 
 who could pay for it, was proportionally lessen- 
 ed; on which account, as has been stated, page 
 133, such extensive tracts of the arable land 
 had been turned to pasture, that the legislature 
 found it necessary to check that practice, by laws 
 for keeping up farm-houses, andfor preventing any 
 person from having above two thousand sheep. 
 Yet the profits from grazing had been so much 
 superior to tillage, that the practice was con- 
 tinued, in defiance of the laws ; and Sir Anthony 
 Roper, in the year 1636, paid a fine of four thou- 
 sand pounds for having a much greater number 
 of sheep than the law allowed ; and, in the same 
 year, many others were also fined on the same ac- 
 count, and many compounded ; which is a proof, 
 that very great quantities of arable land had been 
 gradually converted into pasture ; consequently, 
 though the number of the miserable people, who 
 had no employment, must have been very much 
 reduced by deaths, yet the price of corn might 
 frequently be very high, there being no corn- 
 merchants to supply a deficiency, by importation 
 from different counties or countries. 
 
 •
 
 159 
 
 The profits from pasture continued higher than 
 from corn, until the year 1647, when an act of 
 parliament was passed, prohibiting the exporta- 
 tion of wool and woollen yarn. And the exporta- 
 tion of these articles was prohibited, under penal- 
 ties much more severe, at the Restoration j which 
 laws continue in force. 
 
 These laws occasioned a very material reduction 
 in the profits of grass-land; but, as high duties were 
 payable upon the exportation of corn, the occu- 
 piers would be deterred, on that account, from 
 plowing up their pastures. By a pamphlet, pub- 
 lished in 1677, cited by the author of Memoirs of 
 Wool, it appears, that great complaints were made 
 at that time, by landlords and tenants, against 
 these new laws ; by which they asserted, that 
 wool was reduced, from sixteen pounds, to four 
 or five pounds, a sack. But, as the price of corn 
 did not fall lower, during the remainder of that 
 century, than it was before the commencement 
 of the civil wars, we must conclude that very 
 little grass-land had been ploughed up. 
 
 V 
 
 It was observed, in the first section of this 
 chapter, that bounties were given, in 1689, upon 
 corn exported ; yet, as the duties upon exporta- 
 tion were still payable, the bounties could only be 
 considered as deductions from these duties : that
 
 140 
 
 wheat still paid a duty of 15s. a quarter upon ex- 
 portation, and other grains in proportion. Such 
 high duties must have formed a powerful obstruc- 
 tion to ploughing up pastures. 
 
 But after the year 1700, when these duties upon 
 exporting corn were wholly taken off, and the boun- 
 ties continued, while the prohibition against export- 
 ing wool also continued, it was then the interest 
 of farmers to plough up as much of their pastures, 
 which were in proper condition , as their landlords 
 would allow. The consequent increase of land 
 in corn, with the great improvements which were 
 after that period carried on, in Norfolk and many 
 other counties, occasioned by security of proper- 
 ty and increase of capital, fully accounts for an 
 increasing quantity of corn from the year 1700. 
 
 It must be admitted, that, however great the 
 number of people are who need food, if they have 
 nothing to give for it, such poor people cannot 
 raise its price; that can only be done by an in- 
 crease of buyers, who can pay for it with money, 
 or such articles as the owners of the food wish to 
 obtain. Hence, though manufacturers increased 
 in number, and became more and more expert, 
 after the Revolution, they did not, for many 
 years, increase so fast as the produce of corn ; on 
 which account, considerable quantities were an-
 
 141 
 
 nually exported to foreigners, for which different 
 kinds of manufactures were imported as payment. 
 
 It appears, from the histories of commerce, that, 
 even so late as the year 1720, the greatest part of 
 the copper, brass, and cast-iron utensils, for culi- 
 nary and other purposes, porcelain, stone* delf, 
 earthen ware, fire-arms, and other engines of war, 
 were imported from Holland and Hamburgh. That 
 velvets, silks, mirrors, and crystal-glass of all kinds, 
 bottles, watches, jewellery, coaches, chairs, gold 
 and silver laces, paper of all sorts for writing, 
 printing, and for rooms, were imported from 
 France and Italy j that linen, cambrics, and 
 laces, were imported from Flanders, besides toys, 
 and many other articles, from these and other 
 countries. All of which imported manufactures, 
 must have lessened the demand for labourers at 
 home, and, by lowering wages, lessened their abi- 
 lity to pay for food. Hence, while the wages 
 were kept down by the importation of manufac- 
 tures, the labourers who had families, could not 
 buy full quantities of food, and must have bought 
 less as the price advanced ; the price, therefore, 
 could only be raised by the merchants in the east- 
 ern or corn counties, who were enabled, by the 
 bounties, to sell it to manufacturers in Holland, 
 Flanders, and in France, much cheaper than to
 
 142 
 
 our own manufacturers on the west side of the 1 
 island. 
 
 Fortunately, these foreign manufacturers had 
 no occasion to give very high prices, as they 
 could be fully, and were always in part, supplied 
 by importation from Poland, and other countries 
 where corn was cheap, because the labourers were 
 unable to give much for it. The demand from 
 abroad could not, on these accounts, raise the 
 price very high ; and if the increasing quantity 
 produced was sufficient to supply the increasing 
 number of manufacturers, and other people who 
 could pay for food at home, the price might, as it 
 did, continue moderate for many years, though 
 the bounty evidently enabled the exporters to 
 give so much more for itj which must have raised 
 its price. 
 
 The number of manufacturers, and the im- 
 provements in the arts of manufacturing, had, for 
 centuries, been gradually increasing in Britain, 
 and the importation of manufactures had been, 
 for many years, decreasing, until about the year 
 1760, when the exports were about equal to the 
 imports ; after that period, the excess of manu- 
 factures exported, above what were imported, has 
 been gradually increasing.
 
 143 
 
 In the first section of the preceding fourth chap- 
 ter, it was shown, that an increase of capital em- 
 ployed in manufacturing must raise wages ; and 
 accordingly wages have advanced in Britain with 
 the increase of that cause, and as the advance of 
 wages enables the labourers to buy a full quantity 
 of food when cheap; and to buy a larger part 
 when dear, than they could buy when their wages 
 were lower ; the gradual increase in the number 
 of manufacturers, therefore, with the gradual 
 advance of their wages, must have occasioned 
 a corresponding increase in the demand for food : 
 besides, as there has also been a rapid increase of 
 men who derive great revenues from capital lent, 
 and also men who derive great revenues from em- 
 ploying capital in manufactures, in mercantile 
 and other lines of business', besides people in the 
 learned professions, and others, whose number 
 and revenues increase with the opulence of socie- 
 ty ; these people not only can buy full quanti- 
 ties of food for themselves, but can and do buy 
 food for great numbers of servants, horses, and 
 dogs. Hence, when the demand for food, occa- 
 sioned by these different causes, increases faster 
 than the increase of produce, the price must rise 
 in proportion to the deficiency, and to the riches 
 of the buyers. And it is evident, that the opera- 
 tion of these causes has gradually increased the
 
 144 
 
 demand, and raised the price of corn, since the 
 year 1760. 
 
 The very high prices to which corn advanced 
 in 1795, and have since continued, were evident- 
 ly occasioned by the general war in Europe, 
 which lessens the quantity and increases the de- 
 mand for corn ; and by the interruption of com- 
 merce* 
 
 From these observations it is evident, that the 
 low price of corn, during the first half of the last 
 century, was owing to a greater quantity being 
 raised than was necessary to supply the demand 
 of the people who could pay for it / and that the 
 price would necessarily have been lower, if no 
 bounty had been allowed on exportation. That 
 the ris6 in the price of corn since, has been occa- 
 sioned by the demand having increased faster 
 than the increase of the produce ; and the high 
 duties on importation, by preventing the deficien- 
 cy from being supplied from foreign countries, 
 has greatly increased the evil. The alteration of 
 these laws, in 1773, was adopted in consequence 
 of the continued advance of prices, to prevent 
 them from rising higher; and could not, there- 
 fore, be the cause of that advance, as has been 
 shamefully asserted by the advocates for the corn 
 laws.
 
 1*5 
 
 SECT. IV. 
 
 Of the Necessity of Bounties on exporting, and 
 Duties on importing Corn, for the Encourage- 
 ment of Tillage; and of their Effects in promo- 
 ting that End. 
 
 Every person, acquainted with agriculture, will 
 admit, that taking many successive crops of whit& 
 corn, impoverishes the richest land ; which prac- 
 tice, being general in former ages, greatly lessen- 
 ed the national produce. The great superiority 
 of the modern practice, consists in very seldbtti 
 taking two successive crops of white coin ; ra 
 taking few crops of white corn, though turnips or 
 other black crops do intervene, even upon rifeh 
 soils, before they are laid into grass ; and in con- 
 tinuing the land in grass two, three, four, five, six, 
 or more years, according as it is poorer, before it 
 is again ploughed for corn : and it is found, from 
 experience, that even what may be considered 
 good land, is impoverished, when it is only one 
 year in four in grass, unless more putrescent ma- 
 nure can be obtained than the farm produces. 
 But notwithstanding that these principles are how 
 generally admitted, yet, as the value of a good 
 crop of corn is much greater than pasture, farmers 
 are strongly tempted to plough up their pastures 
 
 K
 
 146 
 
 too soon; and nineteen out of twenty suffer, more or 
 less, by yielding to the temptation, being prompt- 
 ed by the hope of a good crop, and by their natu- 
 ral liking to, and frequent need of, present pro- 
 lit. Farmers having, on these accounts, greatly 
 injured their land by having too much in tillage, 
 landlords have been obliged to restrain their ten- 
 ants from tilling above a certain quantity ; and 
 these restrictions not only serve the landlords, by 
 preventing their land from being impoverished by 
 over-cropping, but also serve the society, by in- 
 creasing the annual produce of food. Yet so 
 strong are the temptations which farmers are un- 
 der to have land in corn, that great numbers of 
 them have been prosecuted, and found liable in 
 heavy damages for having too much, whereas there 
 has not been one instance of a tenant being pro- 
 secuted for having too little of his land in corn. 
 
 When these different facts are attended to, it 
 must appear ridiculous in the extreme, that a par- 
 liament, composed almost entirely of owners of 
 land, should enact a law, the sole purpose of 
 which was to induce farmers to have more of 
 their land in corn. Yet the preamble to the act 
 of 1 700, establishing bounties on corn exported, 
 certainly was meant to convey the idea, that it 
 was enacted for that purpose only. And the 
 lords of the committee of privy council explicitly
 
 1*7 
 
 declare, that they understood that to be the in- 
 tention of the act ; as, in the 14th paragraph of 
 their representation, they say, " And it may well 
 " be doubted, whether the exportation which is ne* 
 " cessary to encourage tillage, in a degree suffi* 
 " cient for the home supply, would take place, if 
 " this bounty should be withdrawn." They evi- 
 dently here mean, that it is doubtful if a sufficient 
 quantity of corn would be sown. And Mr Mal- 
 thus, when endeavouring to show the necessity of 
 bounties, speaking of the farmers, says*,—" Find* 
 " ing, therefore, that tillage would not answer to 
 •■ them, they would, of course, neglect the plough) 
 " and gradually lay more of their land into pas- 
 " ture." It is evident, from these instances, that 
 the promoters of the laws wished to have it 
 believed, that the bounties would encourage all 
 tenants of tillage-farms to have more of their land 
 in corn. Yet we cannot suppose, that the ori- 
 ginal promoters of the law, or the lords of the 
 committee, could mean, that the law should have 
 effects which would be so very injurious to their 
 own interest as landlords. We must suppose^ 
 therefore, that they threw out that hypocritical 
 pretence, to cover the real intention of the law* 
 which was, to raise the price of corn and the rent 
 of land. Several facts are inserted in the first 
 
 * Chapter of Bounties on exporting Corn, p. 456. 
 
 K 2
 
 ■ 148 
 
 section of this chapter to prove, that this was the 
 sole intention of the law ; to which I shall here 
 add two or three more. When the lords of the 
 committee, in the 14th paragraph of their repre- 
 sentation, say, " that the bounty may beconsi- 
 * dered as a compensation to the farmer, for 
 " the restraints imposed on his trade,' they must 
 mean, that, as he suffers by being debarred from 
 sending his corn to the highest market abroad in 
 dear years, he, in justice, is entitled to a bounty 
 to raise its price, when it is low, as a compensa- 
 tion. And when they afterwards, in the same 
 paragraph, say, " Without the aid, therefore, of 
 " the bounty, the merchants of the countries, be- 
 " fore mentioned, would be able to undersell our 
 " corn-factors in foreign markets," they must 
 mean, that, as these corn-factors could not stand 
 a competition with foreign merchants abroad, un- 
 less they could either buy corn .cheaper at home, 
 or receive a bounty, to enable them to sell it as 
 low in foreign markets as foreign merchants. The 
 bounty, therefore, is given to enable corn-factors 
 to give a high price at home, and to sell it low in 
 foreign markets. In like manner, when Mr Mal- 
 thus says*, " Nothing can be more obvious, than 
 " that the competition of farmers, who pay few or 
 
 * In his Chapter of Bounties on the Exportation of Corn, 
 p. 4-60.
 
 149 
 
 " no taxes, and little comparative rent for their 
 " land, must lower the profits of those who labour 
 '• under these disadvantages, and, other things be- 
 *' ing equal, must ultimately justle them out of the 
 " market ; and it is also obvious, that the boun- 
 " ty to those who labour under these disadvan- 
 * 4 tages, must tend to raise their profits, and give 
 " them a fairer chance of standing the competi- 
 H tion with the others ;" he must mean, that the 
 bounty, by raising the price of corn, raises the 
 profits of fanners. 
 
 From these instances, and those in the pre- 
 ceding section, it must be admitted, that, not- 
 withstanding that none of the advocates for these 
 laws, except Mr Arthur Young, have acknow- 
 ledged, that the bounties were established for the 
 purpose of raising the price of corn and the rent 
 of land, no other conclusion can be drawn from 
 their ambiguous and sophistical writings ; or from 
 the necessary consequences of giving a bounty to 
 those who take com out of our own markets to send 
 to foreigners, which must raise the price at home, 
 and lower it in the markets to which it is sent. 
 
 Dr Smith says justly*, " To encourage the 
 
 * Wealth of Nations. Chapter of Bounties. Vol. II. Pago 
 '279. 
 
 K 3
 
 1.50 
 
 '« production of any commodity, a bounty upon 
 *« production, one should imagine, would have a 
 <f more direct operation, than one upon exporta-r 
 'f tion. It would, besides, impose only one tax up- 
 " on the people, that which they must contribute, 
 " in order to pay the bounty. Instead of raising, 
 " it would tend to lower, the price of the commo- 
 " dity in the home market ; and thereby, instead 
 *' of imposing a second tax upon the people, it 
 " might, at least in part, repay them for what 
 t* they had contributed to the bounty." And, 
 accordingly, it must be admitted, that encourag- 
 ing the improvement of land, by enclosing, drain- 
 ing, liming, marling, &c, would be incomparably 
 more effectual, in promoting an increase of the an- 
 nual production of food, than raising its price by a 
 bounty on its exportation. But there was no oc- 
 casion for a bounty to promote these important 
 improvements ; it was only necessary to annul 
 the laws enforcing tythes, and those which the 
 owners of land, for their own interest, and to gra- 
 tify their pride, had formed against the occupiers, 
 some of wfyich are pointed out in the 2d section 
 of the preceding 4th chapter. It was a cruel 
 mockery, to continue those laws which form such 
 powerful obstructions to the improvement of land, 
 yet to pretend that the bounty on exporting corn, 
 was given for the sole purpose of encouraging its 
 production, that the consumers might have it in.
 
 151 
 
 plenty. The principal advantage that these people 
 can derive from its being in plenty is, by obtain- 
 ing it cheap. — But if they are to pay a bounty of 
 5s. a quarter on wheat to those who cany it to 
 foreigners, the greater the quantity that is produ- 
 ced, the more money they have to pay for export- 
 ing it, without obtaining their own supply any 
 cheaper in consequence of the plenty. On the 
 contrary, the bounty must always keep the price 
 of wheat at least 5s. above the level of the market, 
 besides the danger of the exportation being car- 
 ried so far, by the bounty, as to occasion a scarci- 
 ty at home. Increasing the production of corn, 
 therefore, by high bounties on exporting it to fo- 
 reigners, even if that could be effected, is tanta- 
 lizing the buyers at home in the most cruel and 
 provoking manner. 
 
 Thus it is evident, that, so far from there being 
 a necessity of encouraging the occupiers of arable 
 land to have more of it in corn, they are, natural- 
 ly, under strong temptations to have too much in 
 corn ; increasing that quantity, therefore, instead 
 of increasing, would diminish the annual produce 
 of food : That the promoters of the law, by re- 
 stricting their tenants in that particular, show, 
 that they had no intention of increasing the quan- 
 tity of land in tillage: That that pretence was 
 thrown out to cover their real design, which was, 
 
 k 4
 
 152 
 
 to raise the price of food and the rent of land ; 
 and that annulling the laws which obstruct the 
 improvement of land, would be incomparably more 
 effectual to increase the quantity of food, than ad- 
 vancing its price by bounties on exportation, and. 
 duties on importation. 
 
 SECT. V, 
 
 Of the Assertions, that Corn, being exported, is a 
 Proof, tliat the People are fully supplied at 
 Home : that it i$ a Surplus Quantity of Pro- 
 duce in plentiful Years, by the Exportation of 
 which the Nation is enriched; and by prohibiting 
 its Exportation, when Crops are bad, it supplies 
 the People at Home, and prevents them from 
 being dependent on foreign Nations : and, that 
 the liberty to import, when Crops are very bad, 
 prevents the Price from rising so high as to dis, 
 tress the Poor, 
 
 Very great quantities of corn have been an* 
 nually exported from Poland for centuries, while 
 the bulk of the people were starving for want. 
 Great numbers of people in the south and west 
 of Ireland, subsist by renting small pieces of land, 
 which produce potatoes, and support a cow and 
 a hog or twoj but these people are obliged to live
 
 153 
 
 upon skimmed milk and potatoes, as the hogs and 
 whole produce of butter must be sold to pay the 
 rent, and to purchase the few necessary articles 
 that even such poor people require. And there 
 is an annual exportation of corn from the cultiva- 
 ted parts of every country to towns, yet it is too 
 obvious, that many families of labourers, of wi- 
 dows and orphans, who live in the country, are in 
 great want. Nor can we suppose, that the low 
 classes of the people are fully supplied with wine, 
 in every country from whence that article is ex- 
 ported. The owners of corn and wine will always 
 sell them to the highest bidders ; and, consequent- 
 ly, the rich obtain full quantities, even in years of 
 scarcity, while the poor must purchase less as the 
 price is higher. 
 
 As these facts are so well known, it is quite 
 astonishing, that any person, of common sense, 
 should assert, that exportation of corn is a proof, 
 that the people of the country are fully supplied. 
 Yet that position has been either directly asserted 
 or inferred, not only by all the advocates for the 
 corn laws in their sophistical reasonings, but also 
 by the committee of council in their representa- 
 tion in 1790, and by the committee of the house 
 of commons in 1804. The former, in the second 
 paragraph of their representation, say, u That 
 " this kingdom, which, in former times, used to
 
 „ 154 
 
 " produce more corn than was necessary for the 
 " inhabitants, has, of late years, been under the 
 " necessity of depending on the produce of fo- 
 " reign countries for a part of its supply." And 
 the committee of the house of commons, near 
 the end of their report, say, " That, in the 
 course of years, when the regulations were 
 most favourable to the growers, and when the 
 least check was put upon the export trade, 
 the export of corn from this kingdom, for more 
 than sixty years in succession, produced, an- 
 nually, six or seven hundred thousand pounds, 
 leaving besides, at a regular and moderate 
 price, an ample sufficiency for the home con- 
 sumption.'* As we cannot suppose, that such 
 men made these ridiculous assertions from igno- 
 rance, we must conclude, that they were advan- 
 ced for the purpose of deception. And it must 
 also be for that purpose that they assert, that ex- 
 porting corn enriches, and that importing it im- 
 poverishes a nation. If these sentiments were 
 just, the people of Poland, Ireland, and the High- 
 lands of Scotland, ought to be immensely rich, 
 as these have been exporting countries of corn, 
 or cattle, for centuries ; and as Holland and the 
 manufacturing districts of England have been for 
 centuries importing countries, they should now 
 be in great poverty. Yet the fact is, that the. 
 
 *
 
 155 
 
 people in these countries are rich, while those of 
 the former are miserably poor. 
 
 In the first section of the preceding chapter, it 
 was shown, that an exportation of food from a po- 
 pulous country must impoverish the people who 
 have no land, and that an importation must enrich 
 them ; and the reasons there adduced, are fully sup- 
 ported by the change which has gradually taken 
 place in the circumstances of the people of Eng- 
 land, since the time of Henry VII. , as pointed 
 out in the third section of this chapter. 
 
 In countries where food is plenty, and the wages 
 of labour so high as to enable the labourers to buy 
 a sufficiency, as in America, the number of people 
 is found to double in twenty or twenty-five years. 
 Hence, as there were about six millions of people 
 in Britain at the revolution, if the whole could 
 have had a sufficiency of food, their number would 
 have been double in thirty years, even allowing for 
 the check to their increase by cities and towns; 
 that is, they would have been twelve millions in 
 the year 1 720. And even allowing thirty-five years 
 for redoubling, on account of the additional num- 
 ber and greatness of the cities and towns, the num- 
 ber should have been twenty-four millions in the 
 year 1755. And on account of the continuing in- 
 crease of the number and greatness of the cities
 
 156 
 
 and towns, if forty years are allowed for doubling 
 again, there should have been forty-eight millions 
 in the year 1795, and about sixty millions in the 
 year 1810. But as the actual number has not been 
 found to exceed twelve millions, and as the prin- 
 cipal cause of the immense deficiency must be im- 
 puted to their inability to procure food, it is ab- 
 surd to boast of corn having been for so many years 
 exported as a proof of the prosperity of the coun- 
 try, and that the people were fully supplied; when, 
 on the contrary, that exportation has not only im- 
 poverished the people, by raising the price of food, 
 but by want and misery has, in a very high degree, 
 prevented their increase. 
 
 It has been shown in the preceding section, that 
 the bounty, by inducing occupiers to overcrop their 
 land, might diminish, but could not increase the 
 annual produce of corn ; and therefore could only 
 Occasion a surplus, by raising the price so high as 
 to reduce a great proportion of the people to short 
 allowance, which must diminish their number. 
 Yet several of the late writers in favour of these 
 laws, assert, as a proof that they are wisely form- 
 ed, and advantageous to the people, that by pre- 
 venting the exportation of the surplus thus obtain- 
 ed, the nation is supplied, when crops are bad, in- 
 dependent of foreign nations. As the exporta- 
 tion, however, was only stopped three years, from
 
 157 
 
 J 700 to 1757, viz. iu 1709, in 1740, and in 1741, 
 it is obvious, that wheat was raised in price at least 
 five shillings a quarter, during fifty three years of 
 that period, for the advantage, according to these 
 writers, of having the whole crop of these three 
 years confined to tho home consumption. But 
 though exportation was stopped these three years, 
 yet as importation, which might have much more 
 effectually relieved the people, was prevented by 
 exorbitant duties, they obtained no compensation 
 whatever for having the price of bread raised up- 
 on them for so many years by the bounty. 
 
 This property, which late writers have ascribed 
 to these laws, had not been discovered in 1758, 
 when Mr Charles Smith wrote his celebrated tracts 
 on the corn trade, in which he ascribes to them se- 
 veral other properties equally fictitious. These 
 tracts being considered as furnishing unanswerable 
 reasons in favour of the corn laws, were re-publish- 
 ed in 1804 •, in the fifty-sixth page of which he 
 says, " and we are fully persuaded no better laws, 
 " in general, for conducting this affair, can be 
 " framed or delivered, how much soever in parti- 
 " cular instances they may be improved. Let us 
 " reflect once more upon what they say, 
 
 " To the Farmer — Till your land, and fear not 
 " having so great a plenty as to be a burden and
 
 158 
 
 " loss to you, for we will give a bounty for the 
 " exportation of what can be spared. 
 
 " To the People — Be not uneasy at the expor- 
 " tation of corn; for when it begins to grow dear* 
 " the bounty shall cease, and when it is dear it, 
 u shall be imported at such a moderate and proper 
 " duty, as, whilst it adds so little to the price as not 
 * to distress you, shall yet prevent so great a quan- 
 " tity being thrown in, as may deter our own farm- 
 " ers from tillage ; nay, even when it becomes ne- 
 " cessary, it shall be imported duty free." 
 
 In the beginning of this quotation, Mr Smith 
 gives his unqualified approbation of these laws, yet 
 the properties which he imputes to them, are so 
 evidently fictitious, that they could not have been 
 the foundation of that approbation. Personifying 
 these laws, he makes them, in the first place, ex- 
 hort the farmers <c to till their land." The im- 
 propriety of which exhortation has been shown in 
 the preceding section. And as Mr Smith was 
 well informed in country business, and lived in 
 Essex, where the injurious effects of over-cropping 
 had been long known, and were, in his time, care- 
 fully guarded against by every prudent landlord, 
 his pretending that the bounty was necessary to 
 encourage farmers to till more of their land is truly 
 astonishing. And as it cannot be imputed to ig*
 
 159 
 
 norance, his intention must have been to deceive. 
 The address of the laws to the people is equally 
 fallacious. Mr Smith knew, that by the law of 
 1700, the bounty was paid, until the price of wheat 
 was forty-eight shillings a quarter ; and that the 
 people, knowing this circumstance, were so much 
 irritated, upon seeing corn exported, when prices 
 were so high, that there were frequent public com- 
 motions, though the average price of wheat in Bri- 
 tain had never been so high as forty-eight shillings 
 a quarter, when he wrote his tracts. It was there- 
 fore mocking the people, to say, " that they need 
 ?■ not be afraid of exportation, as the bounty should 
 " cease, when corn begins to grow dear." If that 
 had been the intention of the law, the bounty 
 should have stopped, when the price exceeded 
 twenty-five shillings a quarter in the cities and ma- 
 nufacturing districts, without being regulated in 
 any degree, by the price, in the thinly inhabited 
 and exporting parts of the country. It is equally 
 insulting to the people to say, that when corn is 
 dear, it shall be imported " at such a moderate and 
 " proper duty" as if the duties were really low; 
 whereas he knew that the duty payable on wheat 
 imported, w T as at that time, sixteen shillings a quar- 
 ter, when the price was below fifty-three shillings 
 and four-pence ; and eight shillings, when the price 
 was above that to eighty shillings ; and five shillings 
 and four-pence, when the price was above eighty
 
 160 
 
 shillings. As he knew that millions of people could 
 not purchase a sufficiency of bread, when wheat 
 w r as below forty shillings, it was cruel and insult- 
 ing to call such high duties on the importation of 
 corn moderate, when its price was so very high, 
 and to say that they were necessary, under the 
 false and hypocritical pretence, that so great a 
 quantity might be thrown in as would deter our 
 oum farmers from Ullage. 
 
 Mr Smith not only makes the laws insult the poor, 
 but he also makes them assert a direct falsehood, 
 viz. " that when it becomes necessary, corn shall 
 " be imported duty free;" whereas he knew, that 
 by the law, at that time, wheat imported, payed a 
 duty of five shillings and four-pence a quarter, how- 
 ever high the price might be, and other grain also 
 paid proportional duties. . The executive had, in- 
 deed, sometimes found it necessary, for allaying 
 civil commotions, to suspend the law, and to allow 
 a free importation ; but it was not mitigated by the 
 legislature until the year 1773. 
 
 As the people were much irritated by the high 
 price of com, when Mr Smith wrote, we cannot 
 suppose that he meant to add to that irritation by 
 using insulting language; we must therefore sup* 
 pose, that being conscious that the sole intention 
 of the laws was to raise the price of corn and the 
 
 6
 
 161 
 
 rent of land, which could not he openly acknow- 
 ledged ; and being prompted strongly by interest 
 to support them, he thought that assuming to the 
 laws a tendency to increase the quantity of land 
 in tillage, though false, would gull the people, and 
 cover that base intention. And it is evidently the 
 same selfish principle which induces proprietors of 
 land to declaim against importation, under that 
 false pretence, while they are conscious that it re- 
 quires their constant attention to prevent their ten- 
 ants from ploughing too much. But what is still 
 more extraordinary, these men who oppose impor- 
 tation, under the pretence that, by lowering the 
 price of corn, it will discourage tillage, rail against 
 the laws of 1773, which allowed importation of 
 corn at lower prices than formerly, under the pre- 
 tence that it had been the cause of the price ri- 
 sing. If t;he alteration did raise the price, that 
 must encourage tillage, which they pretend to be 
 anxious to promote. And the committee of the 
 House of Commons, in 1804, actually gives these 
 absurd and contradictory reasons, as the founda- 
 tion of their proposed alteration of the importa- 
 tion law, in the last paragraph of their report. And 
 the importation of wheat was, according to that 
 recommendation, subjected to the high duties un- 
 til the price should be above sixty-three shillings 
 a quarter. 
 
 L
 
 162 
 
 It is remarkable, that Mr C. Smith, in the above 
 quotation, tells the people, not to be uneasy at the 
 exportation of corn, because, " when it is dear, it 
 " shall be imported" which implies, that there al- 
 ways is a great store of corn somewhere ready to 
 supply the wants of the nation, when prices are 
 such as the framers of the laws judged necessary 
 to encourage tillage. But as neither Mr Smith nor 
 any other supporter of these laws, has informed us 
 where such a store of corn is kept, we must sup- 
 pose, that they are conscious, that by allowing a 
 free importation, a sufficient supply could always 
 be got. If that is the case, and their anxiety to 
 prevent importation is a clear proof that they think 
 it is, how base and detestable is it, to prevent the 
 poor from being supplied from this source, under 
 the false and hypocritical pretence of discouraging 
 tillage ? 
 
 But though there could seldom, if ever, be a 
 want of a supply of corn from abroad, if the trade 
 were, and had always been free, yet the regula- 
 tions of the corn laws must have a great effect in 
 diminishing that resource, by preventing the na- 
 tions who could supply us, from raising more corn 
 than they need themselves. Hence, when our 
 crops fail, we have no resource, but by obtaining, 
 at a high price, a share of the crops of other coun-
 
 163 
 
 tries, where such laws as ours have not been en- 
 acted. 
 
 It deserves particular remark, that these laws 
 are formed upon such narrow principles, that if ge- 
 nerally adopted, they would have no effect but to 
 confine every nation to the produce of its own 
 country. As it is obvious, that the bounty on ex- 
 portation could have no effect, if all foreign na- 
 tions, like ours, prohibited importation, nor could 
 we be supplied from abroad, when in want, if fo- 
 reign nations were to prohibit exportation. 
 
 The committee of privy council, in the ninth 
 paragraph of their representation, say justly, " that 
 " the circulation of corn, within every kingdom, 
 " ought to be free, so that the surplus of one part 
 " may supply the deficiencies of others, and the 
 " price throughout the whole country may be 
 " brought, as near as possible, to a level." Yet 
 these lords were so blinded by interest, that they 
 did not see that these reasons operate with equal 
 force in favour of a free trade among nations, that 
 the surplus in some countries might supply the de- 
 ficiencies in others. And as there is a much great- 
 er difference in the climates of different countries 
 than in the provinces of any nation in Europe, 
 there is a greater chance that the crops would al- 
 ways be so good in some countries, as to mitigate 
 
 L 2
 
 164 
 
 the wants of the people in the countries where they 
 were bad. But the discovery of America has made 
 a free trade in every article of common food, of 
 much greater importance to the people of Europe 
 than it was before that sera. Before that period, 
 as all the countries of Europe were fully peopled, 
 in proportion to their produce, the increase of 
 people being greater than the increase of food, 
 when crops were bad in any country, the people 
 could only be relieved by purchasing corn from 
 countries where the crops were better; which would 
 raise the price in these, and bring the price of corn, 
 and the situation of the poor, in the different coun- 
 tries, nearer to a level : the extreme misery of the 
 poor, where crops were bad, might be mitigated by 
 increasing the miseries of the poor where they were 
 good. 
 
 But as there was plenty of unoccupied, fertile 
 land, in the British colonies in America, if their 
 produce had been allowed to be freely imported 
 at all prices, the exports from that country would 
 have increased with the increase of its people ; 
 which would have supplied the wants of the in- 
 creasing number of people in Britain, without in- 
 juring the poor in America. And as the plenty 
 of land would have made agriculture the most pro- 
 fitable employment, very few would have engaged 
 in manufactures ; consequently there would have
 
 165 
 
 been an increasing demand for manufactures from 
 Britain, as the export of food from America in- 
 creased. And as the climates of the provinces of 
 America are so different from . one another, and 
 from that of Britain, the annual produce of the 
 whole would be nearly equal, and the prices al- 
 ways reasonable. 
 
 Such a trade must have been equally beneficial 
 to both nations — supplying the cultivators in Ame- 
 rica with manufactures, and supplying the manu- 
 facturers in Britain with food and materials for 
 their manufactures. 
 
 But this natural and beneficial trade was first 
 prevented by a law in 1670, imposing exorbitant 
 duties on corn imported; which law has, with some 
 modifications, been continued. The Americans, 
 therefore, were, by that law, debarred from the 
 British market; and as they were also debarred by 
 another British law from trading with any of the 
 nations of Europe north of Cape Finisterre, they 
 could only depend upon the demand for food at 
 home, and the chance of a scarcity in the coun- 
 tries south of that Cape. These restrictions pre- 
 vented the Americans, before their independency, 
 from having a large surplus at any time. And the 
 struggle for independency which impoverished that 
 nation ; the convulsions in Europe since theFrench 
 
 l 8
 
 166 
 
 revolution ; the disputes with Britain, and conti- 
 nuation of the corn laws, must have formed great 
 checks to the cultivation of that country, and to 
 their ability to supply the wants of Europe ; so that 
 the corn laws, instead of being beneficial to the 
 people, have greatly increased their miseries, not 
 only by raising the price of food, but by obstruct- 
 ing the demand for manufactures. 
 
 From these facts and observations, it is evident 
 that the exportation of corn from a country is no 
 proof that the inhabitants are fully supplied — that 
 the corn laws could only occasion a surplus by 
 checking population by want and misery — that 
 prohibiting the exportation of food, so obtained, 
 cannot be considered as a favour to the people, 
 while importation, which would relieve them effec- 
 tually, is prevented by high duties — that these high 
 duties on importation, by discouraging cultiva- 
 tion in under-peopled countries, prevents sufficient 
 quantities of corn being raised in these countries 
 to supply the wants of the increasing number of 
 our people, and has, with the differences with A- 
 merica, and different countries of Europe, been 
 the cause of the late exorbitant prices. 

 
 167 
 
 SECT. VI. 
 
 Of the Opinion tliat the Duties on Importing, and 
 tfie Bounties on Exporting Food were necessary 
 to put the Owners of Land and the Cultivators 
 upon an equal Footing with Manufacturers, 
 
 Mr Malthus begins his chapter on the corn laws 
 as follows : '* It is acknowledged by Dr Smith, 
 " that the encouragement given to the industry 
 fC of the towns, has turned more capital into that 
 iC channel, than would otherwise have gone to it; 
 " and, if this be true, it follows, that the land 
 " must have less than its natural share ; and under 
 " such a discouragement, we cannot reasonably 
 " expect that agriculture should be able to keep 
 " pace with manufactures. The corn laws of 1 688 
 " and 1700, did not do more than place them up- 
 " on an equality.'* But though the admission of 
 Dr Smith, and the conclusion here drawn from it 
 be true, it does not follow, that these laws could 
 put agriculture upon a level with manufactures, or 
 in any degree induce men of capital and enterprise 
 to go into the farming line — to increase by every 
 practical improvement the annual produce of the 
 land, which is, or ought to be, the object of every 
 scheme for encouraging agriculture. After stat- 
 ing that material position so distinctly, the author 
 
 x 4
 
 168 
 
 ought to have shown in what way manufactures 
 were more encouraged than agriculture, and which 
 way these laws would turn more capital into that 
 line. But instead of that, he proceeds to vindi- 
 cate them, not upon their tendency to produce 
 that desirable effect, but upon their producing 
 other effects, which had been, without the small- 
 est foundation, ascribed to them by other writers, 
 to which he has added a very extraordinary senti- 
 ment of his own : " That the rent of land is an 
 *• ingredient in the price of its produce, and that 
 " the corn laws are necessary to put the British 
 " farmer on a level with those of other countries 
 " whose rents are lower." Whereas he must have 
 known, that a farmer's profits are not regulated 
 solely by the price of the productions of his land, 
 but also by the proportion that the rent bears to 
 the quantity and price of those productions. He 
 may, therefore, have a greater clear profit, when 
 the price of the produce is low, if the rent is low, 
 than when the price of the produce is high, if the 
 rent be higher in proportion; as it must be admit- 
 ted, that a tenant will be equally benefited by re- 
 ducing his rent a hundred pounds, as by his ob- 
 taining a hundred pounds advance upon the pro- 
 ductions of his land. The real question at issue, 
 according to this statement of Mr Malthus, is, whe- 
 ther the people who have no land are to be allow- 
 ed to import food, and reduce its price, which may
 
 169 
 
 reduce the rents and profits of land-lords and farm- 
 ers, who have leases, or shall they be restricted 
 from importing food, by which its price is raised 
 double or treble, for the sole purpose of raising the 
 rent of land, and the profits of farmers who have 
 leases. 
 
 After defending the corn laws upon these falla- 
 cious principles, he endeavours to defend them up- 
 on the principle of prudence, by declaiming on the 
 danger of depending on foreign nations for a sup- 
 ply of food, which shall be examined afterwards, 
 and he concludes by defending them upon the 
 principle of justice, as follows : — " If throughout 
 " the commercial world, every kind of trade were 
 " perfectly free, one should undoubtedly feel the 
 " greatest reluctance in proposing any interrup- 
 *• tion to such a system of general liberty ; and 
 " indeed, under such circumstances, agriculture 
 " would not need peculiar encouragements. But 
 " under the present universal prevalence of the 
 " commercial system, with all its different expe- 
 " dients of encouragement and restraint, it is foL 
 " ly to except from our attention the great manu- 
 " facture of corn, which supports all the rest. The 
 <c high duties paid upon the importation of foreign 
 " manufactures are so direct an encouragement 
 f* to the manufacturing part of the society, that 
 " nothing but some encouragement of the same
 
 170 
 
 " kind, operating with the same force, can place 
 " the manufacturers and cultivators of this coun- 
 " try on a fair footing." 
 
 The last sentence of this quotation is fallacious 
 in the extreme, as it implies that manufacturers 
 were in much more prosperous circumstances than 
 cultivators, in the year 1 700 ; and that the corn 
 laws were then enacted for, and adequate to, the 
 purpose of raising the latter class of people to a 
 level with the former ; whereas, the fact is, that 
 manufactures were at a very low ebb, and great 
 quantities were imported at that time, which is 
 admitted by this author, who begins his chapter 
 on the effects of the agricultural and commercial 
 systems, as follows :— -" About the middle of the 
 " last century, we were genuinely, and in the 
 " strict sense of the ceconomists, an agricultural 
 " nation. Our commerce and manufactures were, 
 " however, then in a very respectable and thriv- 
 " ing state; and if they had continued to bear the 
 " same relative proportion to our agriculture, they 
 " would evidently have gone on, increasing con- 
 " siderably with the improving cultivation of the 
 " country." And in the next paragraph he adds, 
 " We have now, however, stepped out of the agri- 
 " cultural system, into a state in which the com- 
 " mercial system clearly predominates." As it 
 is here admitted that manufacturers were only on
 
 171 
 
 a level with cultivators, about the middle of the 
 last century, and as it cannot be denied, that they 
 were much lower at its beginning, it must follow, 
 that whatever superiority manufacturers have gain- 
 ed over cultivators, has been gained while the lat- 
 ter had all the assistance the corn laws could give 
 them. 
 
 Dr. Smith, in the second chapter of the third 
 book of the Wealth of Nations, points out several 
 discouragements which the occupiers of land la- 
 boured under, in the ancient state of Europe, and 
 near the end of that chapter, he says, " Through 
 " the greater part of Europe, the yeomanry are 
 " regarded as an inferior rank of people, even to 
 " the better sort of tradesmen and mechanics, and 
 " in all parts of Europe, to the great merchants 
 " and master manufacturers. It can seldom hap- 
 " pen, therefore, that a man of any considerable 
 " stock, should quit the superior, in order to place 
 " himself in an inferior station. Even in the pre- 
 " sent state of Europe, therefore, little stock is 
 " likely to go from any other profession to the im- 
 " provement of land in the way of farming." And 
 in the third section of the fourth chapter of this 
 inquiry, it is shown, that farmers are still a de- 
 graded class, even in Britain ; and that it is on that 
 account, that farmers of talents and enterprise, 
 near trading towns, lay out their spare capital in
 
 172 
 
 trade, rather than in their own business. And it 
 is evident, from the experience of one hundred 
 and twelve years, that the corn laws have no ten- 
 dency to relieve them from that degradation, or 
 from any of the other discouraging circumstances, 
 under which they labour, and by that means turn 
 more capital into the agricultural line, nor were 
 they intended to produce any effect of that kind. 
 It has been shewn, in the first section of this chap- 
 ter, that the sole intention for which they were 
 enacted, was to raise the price of corn, and the 
 rent of land ; but as that base motive could not 
 be acknowledged, Mr Malthus has, to deceive his 
 readers, made the claim in the name of the cul- 
 tivators, instead of the owners of land. He ought, 
 in fairness, to have stated it thus : That as boun- 
 ties were given on exporting, and duties paid on im- 
 porting manufactures, which raised their price, and 
 increased the income of manufacturers ; it was but 
 doing justice to the owners of land that bounties 
 should also be given on exporting, and duties paid 
 on importing corn, to raise its price to increase their 
 income. 
 
 But though this claim is plausible, supposing 
 these two classes of people in equal need of assist- 
 ance, yet, even in that case, the position requires 
 explanation to ascertain the degree of its justice.
 
 173 
 
 Are the bounties on exporting, and duties on 
 importing manufactures, as injurious to the own- 
 ers of land, as the bounties on exporting, and the 
 duties on importing corn, are to manufacturers ? 
 And do these articles, upon which bounties are 
 paid, bear as great a proportion to the whole pro- 
 duce of manufactures as corn bears to the whole 
 produce of food ? It must be admitted that unless 
 these queries can be answered in the affirmative, 
 the claim of the owners of land is not founded on 
 justice, even supposing the two classes in equal need 
 of assistance. 
 
 It must be obvious, that giving a bounty of five 
 shillings a quarter on wheat exported, must raise 
 its price so much, in all the markets of Britain; 
 consequently, if a manufacturer uses six quarters 
 in his family, annually, the bounty acts as a direct 
 tax of thirty shillings a year upon him, and every 
 house-holder must pay a tax of five shillings, for 
 every quarter of wheat used in his family; wherei 
 as it cannot be pretended, that the bounties which 
 are paid on exporting manufactures, many of which 
 are only drawbacks of duties, formerly paid upon 
 the materials, can form any thing near so heavy a 
 tax upon the owners of land. 
 
 But though this advance upon a manufacturer's 
 food, occasioned by the bounty, is great, yet it is 
 
 2
 
 174 
 
 a mere trifle, when compared with the advance 
 which has been occasioned by the high duties on 
 its importation. 
 
 If the inhabitants of America, and other under- 
 peopled countries, had always been allowed to send 
 the produce of their land to Britain, their inte- 
 rest would have prompted them to cultivate more, 
 as the demand for its produce increased, which 
 would have prevented any considerable rise of price 
 in consequence of war in Europe; and consequent- 
 ly, it is probable, that, in that case, wheat would 
 seldom if ever have exceeded forty shillings a quar- 
 ter, or salt beef and pork, three-pence a pound in 
 this country *. Hence, as wheat has been often 
 above six pounds a quarter, it is obvious, that the 
 annual expence of a manufacturer, who requires 
 six quarters for his family, is twenty-four pounds 
 more, when wheat is at six pounds, than it would 
 have been if a free importation had always been 
 allowed. And if such a family also requires four 
 pounds of salt beef and pork daily ; as these ar- 
 ticles are, by the same cause, raised more than 
 
 * The clamour against the law of 1773, which allowed im- 
 portation of wheat, when the price wa9 forty-eight shillings, and 
 Mr Dirom's complaint, page 87, that it was clandestinely im- 
 ported, when the price was much below forty shillings, are clear 
 proofs that these people believed that plenty of wheat could be 
 imported below forty shillings, if allowed.
 
 175 
 
 three-pence a pound, the expence of such a fami- 
 ly is raised one shilling a day, or L. 18. 4s. an- 
 nually, in these two articles ; so that the high du- 
 ties upon the importation of food, have gradually 
 raised the expence of such a family in wheat and 
 salt meat, L 42. 4s. annually, and the expence of 
 larger families must be greater in proportion. 
 
 It is obvious, that few labourers who have fa- 
 milies can obtain such wages as to enable them to 
 purchase a sufficiency of wheaten bread and salt 
 meat, even when the prices are much lower than 
 at present ; they must therefore live on short al- 
 lowance, and on cheaper kinds of bread ; and as 
 these are also raised in price, nearly as much as 
 wheaten, in proportion to the nourishment they 
 afford, they cannot obtain near a sufficiency even 
 of these ; and it is also obvious, that the misery of 
 these people must increase with the increase of 
 their families, and that these miseries, which mil- 
 lions are suffering, are the necessary consequences 
 of the high duties on the importation of food ; 
 whereas it cannot be pretended, that the high du- 
 ties, upon importing manufactures, have raised 
 their price ; on the contrary, it must be admitted, 
 that they are, in general, cheaper in Britain, than 
 in any other country in Europe.
 
 176 
 
 It is evident, therefore, that those positions, up- 
 on which Mr Malthus vindicates the corn laws, are 
 fallacious in the extreme. 
 
 SECTION VII. 
 
 Of the Danger of depending on Foreign Nations 
 for Food. 
 
 Mr Malthus concludes his justly celebrated es- 
 say on population as follows : — " All the checks 
 " to population which have been observed to prc- 
 " vail in society, in the course of this review of 
 " it, are clearly resolveable into moral restraint, 
 " vice and misery." 
 
 As this conclusion must be admitted to be just, 
 if emigration is included in moral restraint, it ne- 
 cessarily follows, that when the increase of popu- 
 lation is greater than the increase of food, not- 
 withstanding the operation of moral restraint and 
 vice, unless a supply is imported, it will then ne- 
 cessarily be checked and brought to a level with 
 the produce of food by misery and deaths. Con- 
 sequently, it must be cruel to prevent importation, 
 unless it can be shown that the evils which attend 
 it are greater than those which attend a want of 
 food.
 
 177 
 
 As Mr Malthus has not shown this to be the 
 case, it is surprising that he should recommend 
 that check in such unqualified terms, without tak- 
 ing the least notice of the miseries which he knew 
 it must produce. He says, " That we can rea- 
 " dily, and with perfect facility, turn ourselves 
 *' from an importing to an exporting nation, in 
 " the article of corn. I would by no means pre- 
 " tend to say, but both theory and the experience 
 " of the first half of the last century warrant us 
 
 * in concluding it practicable, and we cannot but 
 " allow that it is worth the experiment, as the 
 
 * continuance of our national greatness and com- 
 *' mercial prosperity seem absolutely to depend 
 " upon it. If we proceed iri our present course, 
 " let us but for a moment reflect on the probable 
 " consequences. There cannot be a doubt that 
 " in the course of a few years, we shall draw from 
 " America, and the nations bordering on the Bal- 
 " tic, as much as two millions of quarters of wheat, 
 " besides other corn, the support of above two 
 " millions of people. If, under these circum- 
 " stances, any commercial discussion or other dis- 
 " pute were to arise with these nations, with what 
 " a weight of power they would negociate. Not 
 u the whole British navy could offer a more con- 
 u vincing argument than the simple threat of 
 " shutting all their ports." * It is obvious that 
 
 * The last paragraph but two of this chapter, of bounties on 
 
 euro. 
 
 M
 
 178 
 
 in this paragraph the author not only keeps tht 
 evils which must attend a want of food entirely 
 out of view, and boldly, without the smallest foun- 
 dation, ascribes to the corn laws the merit of being 
 the cause of the prosperity of the country ; but he 
 also aggravates the danger of a free importation, 
 by representing it to be in the power of the na- 
 tions, from whom the supply comes, to starve us, 
 unless we make such concessions as they may de- 
 mand, which is not the case. 
 
 The great deficiency of our crops in 1799 and 
 1 800, did not fall entirely upon our own people, 
 but was made up in a considerable degree by im- 
 portations from other nations. And upon the 
 failure of the crops in France, some years before 
 that, our government was said to use every mean 
 to prevent an importation into that country, with- 
 out effect, notwithstanding the power of the Bri- 
 tish navy. It cannot, therefore, be supposed, if 
 there were a free trade in corn, that any nation 
 could prevent Britain from obtaining a supply in 
 the case stated by Mr Malthus, as the wants of 
 this country would, in such a case, be supplied 
 from the markets to which we had access : And as 
 that demand from Britain would raise the price 
 in all these markets, the merchants of these coun- 
 tries would supply their wants, by importing from 
 the country that had prohibited its usual supply
 
 179 
 
 to Britain. By a particular country stopping the 
 usual intercourse, the price of corn in this coun- 
 try might be raised, but the supply to be obtained 
 in a circuitous way would be the same. 
 
 This author also says : — " If things had been 
 " left to their natural course, there is no reason 
 •' to think that the commercial part of the society 
 " would have increased beyond the surplus pro- 
 " duce of the cultivators, but the high profits of 
 *' commerce, from monopolies, and other peculiar 
 '• encouragements, have altered this natural course 
 " of things, and the body politic, is in an artin- 
 " cial, and in some degree, diseased state, with 
 " one of its principal members out of proportion 
 " to the rest." * 
 
 This is a very extraordinary sentiment from this 
 author, as it is obvious, upon his own principles, 
 that unless there were unoccupied land for the in- 
 creasing number of cultivators to cultivate, their 
 surplus produce could only increase in an arith- 
 metical progression, therefore, could not support 
 the increase of manufacturers, which must be, (if 
 they have a sufficiency of food,) in a geometrical 
 progression. Hence, as there is no unoccupied 
 
 * The last paragraph of his chapter— Of the different effects 
 of the agricultural and commercial system. 
 
 M 2
 
 180 
 
 land in Britain, the whole increase of people, not 
 only of the manufacturers, but also of the culti- 
 vators, &c. must go into the class of manufactur- 
 ers, or become beggars. For as every agricultu- 
 ral scheme, which a proprietor or tenant adopts, 
 is with a view of obtaining some profit to himself, 
 after deducting every expence of labourers and 
 work cattle •, and as labourers are only employed 
 where they execute the work cheaper than it can 
 be done with cattle ; and as no more labourers are 
 employed to execute any work than what are 
 thought absolutely necessary, it is obvious, that 
 however much the manufacturers and cultivators 
 may increase in number, and the increase of the 
 families of the owners of land, and of those who 
 are employed in the learned professions, &c. aug- 
 ment that number, few, if any more of them can 
 obtain employment in agriculture, they must, 
 therefore, if they continue in the country, be ma- 
 nufacturers, become a burden upon their friends, 
 or upon the public as beggars^ 
 
 We must always bear in mind, when examining 
 this subject, that in every country where the land 
 is private property, no person can exist, unless 
 they have land of their own, or can obtain food 
 from owners of land for labour, or manufactures, 
 or gratuitously, and where the people are unac- 
 quainted witli the arts of manufacturing, and the
 
 181 
 
 owners of land send quantities of food to foreign 
 countries to purchase manufactures, no more 
 people can exist in the country than the food that 
 remains can support. And even in manufacturing 
 countries, from which no food is exported, when 
 the number of the people who have no land, be- 
 comes greater than the spare food of the owners 
 of land can support, the surplus must emigrate or 
 die of hunger, miles they can purchase food from 
 foreign countries, with manufactures, and are al- 
 lowed to import it. 
 
 As these positions are incontrovertible, and as 
 the labourers in the provinces of Ireland and Scot- 
 land, in which there are no manufactures, are in 
 a much more miserable state, than the labourers 
 in the manufacturing provinces of these countries, 
 it it surprizing that Mr Malthus should impute the 
 present distress of the labourers to the diffusion 
 of the arts of manufacturing. As it is obvious, 
 that this is occasioned entirely by the people hav- 
 ing become more numerous than the food of the 
 country can support, and their being prevented by 
 cruel and imprudent laws, from importing it from 
 foreign countries. If importation had always been 
 frce,the under-peopled countries of America would 
 have supplied our increasing number of manufac- 
 turers with food, at a moderate price ; and as they 
 would have taken manufactures in payment, that 
 
 m 3
 
 182 
 
 exchange would have served our manufacturers in 
 two ways, by lowering the price of food and raising 
 wages. 
 
 It has been said, that as there are considerable 
 tracts of waste land in Britain, susceptible of im- 
 provement, and a much greater quantity of culti- 
 vated land, susceptible of further improvement, it 
 is improper to allow importation, until this coun- 
 try is all improved ; but as the owners neither im- 
 prove these lands themselves, nor let them on such 
 terms as to induce the occupiers to do it, it is 
 certainly unjust and cruel to prevent the people 
 who have no land from importing food to support 
 their increasing numbers, because there are such 
 lands in the country, when it must be admitted 
 that their waste state is not imputable to these 
 people. It would certainly be much more just 
 and effectual to oblige the owners to improve them 
 than to starve the poor, under the pretence that 
 raising the price of corn will induce the occupiers 
 to do it ; a pretence that will be shown in the 
 next section to be fallacious in the extreme. 
 
 Mr Malthus says that a free importation of food 
 is imprudent, because the increasing population 
 of the countries from whence it is obtained, may 
 ultimately prevent them from having any to spare. 
 That the population of America and Africa, &c t
 
 183 
 
 may become so great as to require their whole 
 produce; is possible: but as that can only take- 
 place gradually, and cannot be supposed to be ge- 
 neral, for many centuries, if ever ; and, as it is 
 obvious, that as the supply lessens, the price of 
 food in this country will rise, and gradually reduce 
 the population to the quantity that can be obtain- 
 ed at the time ; and as the land of this country 
 will be more and more enriched by the importa- 
 tion, and produce more ; and as improvements in 
 agriculture may be discovered before that period 
 to double or triple the quantity of food, produced 
 at home, and render importation unnecessary ; 
 and, more particularly, as the misery attending a 
 scarcity, occasioned by prohibiting importation, is 
 as great as -what can be occasioned by a want of 
 food to import ; it is most absurd and cruel to 
 starve the poor by preventing an importation of 
 food, when plenty is to be got, because that supply 
 may gradually lessen some centuries hence. 
 
 Mr Malthus, when pointing out the advantages 
 of the corn laws, says : " In the whole compass of 
 " human wants, I doubt if there be a more fruit- 
 ¥ ful source of misery, or one more invariably 
 " productive of disastrous consequences, than a 
 " sudden start of population, from two or three 
 " years of plenty, which must necessarily be re- 
 " pressed on the first return of scarcity or even 
 
 M 4
 
 18* 
 
 " of average crop." * This observation is admit- 
 ted to be just, and that it is of the greatest im- 
 portance to the welfare of mankind to prevent, 
 as much as possible, a fluctuation in the price of 
 food. But it is obvious, that a free trade must 
 be much more effectual for that purpose, than the 
 wisest laws for regulating exports and imports ; 
 as it is the business and interest of merchants, to 
 obtain accurate information of the prices in every 
 country to which they are allowed to trade, and 
 to buy where it is cheap, to carry to the countries 
 where it is dear ; by that means, serving the cul- 
 tivators where corn is cheap, and relieving the 
 consumers where it is dear, and bringing the 
 prices as near to a level as possible. And it is al- 
 so obvious, that the more extensive the trade is 
 to different countries, of different soils, and in 
 different climates, the greater equality may be ex- 
 pected in the annual average produce. It deserves 
 remark, that as America can always export great 
 quantities of food, which will naturally be sent to 
 the dearest market in Europe, if allowed, and as 
 it can be sent to all of them, nearly at the same 
 expence ; a free trade with that country would 
 keep the price of food much more equal in the 
 different countries of Europe, than it can be kept 
 by a free trade among these countries without such 
 
 * Chap. — Of bounties on the exportation of corn.
 
 185 
 
 a supply ; because, in that case, the price in the 
 countries where the crops are bad, must always be 
 as much higher than the price in the countries 
 where a supply is obtained, as to pay the export- 
 ing and importing merchants for trouble and the 
 expence of carriage, which are considerable. The 
 corn laws, therefore, not only raise the price of 
 corn, but they make it much more unequal than 
 it would be if the trade were free. 
 
 SECT. VIII. 
 
 Of the Effects of the Corn Laxvs upon the Rent and 
 Value of Land. 
 
 The gradual rise of the price of corn, since the 
 middle of the last century, as the people improved 
 in the arts of agriculture and manufactures and 
 accumulated capital, and were by these means 
 enabled to pay higher prices, and its having been 
 for many years so very much dearer in Britain than 
 in any other country, are strong proofs that the 
 corn laws have fully answered the intention of their 
 promoters in raising its price ; but it will also ap. 
 pear, from the following observations, that they 
 have not raised, nor in their nature are calculated 
 to raise, the rent or the value of land ; the ultimate 
 end for which they were enacted.
 
 186 
 
 The exportation and importation of corn and 
 cattle from one part of Britain to another, is per- 
 fectly free ; and it must be admitted, that the lands 
 occupied by the inhabitants of every populous town, 
 form, in the strictest sense of the words, an im- 
 porting country, and that the lands which supply 
 these towns with corn and cattle are exporting 
 countries. According, therefore, to the expected 
 effects of the corn laws, the rents of the land, in 
 the country districts which export corn and cattle, 
 should be higher than in the town districts which 
 import these articles, the prices of which are de- 
 pressed by the importation. But the fact is the 
 very reverse ; and so far is importation of food 
 from being a cause of lowering rents, as has been 
 supposed, the rents of the lands in every town dis- 
 trict, are not only higher than in the neighbouring 
 exporting districts, but they rise in proportion to 
 the increase of the people and greatness of the im- 
 portation. And these causes invariably produce 
 these effects, not only upon the different districts 
 of the same country, but upon different countries. 
 Holland, for instance, has annually imported, and 
 Poland has annually exported corn for centuries ; 
 vet the land in Holland has not only given a much 
 higher rent, but could be sold for a much greater 
 number of years purchase of the rent, than land 
 in Poland of equal fertility ; as a greater number 
 of years purchase can be obtained for land in pro-
 
 1S7 
 
 portion as money is plenty, and interest low ; and 
 money is always more plentiful and interest lower 
 in manufacturing countries which import, than in 
 countries that export provisions. 
 
 The principal part of Britain being occupied 
 for the purpose of raising corn, seems to have 
 prevented its being observed, that though a higher 
 rent can be obtained for land for that purpose, in 
 proportion as the price of corn is high, a higher 
 still might be obtained for it for other purposes. 
 The high rent of land, near all towns, is not owing 
 so much to the high price of corn, as to the de- 
 mand for land for raising articles which cannot be 
 brought from a distance, and for raising others 
 which cannot be brought from a distance, but 
 at great expence. And it is obvious, that the 
 richer and more numerous the inhabitants are in 
 any district, higher rents will be obtained for 
 these purposes. 
 
 The land near populous towns gives high rents, 
 not only on account of the high price of its pro- 
 duce, but also on account of the greatness of that 
 produce. The quantities of ashes, soot, and pu- 
 trescent manure are so considerable, that all the 
 land is thereby greatly enriched, so that even very 
 poor land is made to produce great crops.
 
 188 
 
 Tims, an importation of food, not only adds to 
 the produce of the country, but also increases that 
 produce. Whereas an exportation of food must 
 have a contrary effect, as it must impoverish the 
 land, by taking away the manure, and tempting the 
 occupiers to exhaust it with crops of corn. 
 
 An increase in the number and riches of manu- 
 facturers, not only raises the rent and value of 
 the land which they occupy, and in their imme- 
 diate neighbourhood, but also raises the rents in 
 every part of the country, by increasing the de- 
 mand for butcher's meat, an article which cannot 
 be imported fresh from foreign countries. Hence 
 it must follow, that the owners of those parts of 
 Britain, which have been always in grass, must 
 have been great sufferers by the corn laws, not on- 
 ly by their lessening the number and impoverish- 
 ing the people, and by these means lessening the 
 demand for butcher's meat, but also by raising the 
 price of corn, which the owners and occupiers of 
 these lands must purchase for themselves and their 
 servants. And as the same quantity of corn must 
 be given to the work cattle, when dear as when 
 cheap, the expence of improving poor land must 
 increase with the increase of the price of corn. 
 And as such. land, after it is improved with lime 
 or marie, ought to be seldom in corn, the pro- 
 fits from the improvement depend much more up-
 
 189 
 
 on the value of grass than the value of corn. So 
 that a high price of corn, not only increases the 
 expcnce of improving poor land, but by lowering 
 the price of butcher's meat, lessens the profits to be 
 derived from it after it is improved. It must also 
 follow that the parts of the corn farms which are 
 in grass and turnips, must produce less profit in 
 proportion, as wool and butcher's meat are sunk 
 in price by the high price of corn ; consequently, 
 as more than two-thirds of these farms, are, upon 
 a medium, constantly in grass and turnip, the ad- 
 ditional profit that is made upon the third that is 
 in corn by its high price, will not, in most cases, 
 make up the loss upon the other two-thirds ; so 
 that even the owners of corn lands at a distance 
 from towns are not gainers by the corn laws. That 
 this is the case appears more certain when we re- 
 flect that notwithstanding the present exorbitant 
 prices of corn (occasioned by the war, and the 
 operation of the corn laws *), the rent of grass 
 keeps up with the rent of corn land, and there- 
 fore would be higher if wool and butcher's meat 
 were higher, which they would certainly be if a 
 free importation of food were allowed, which would 
 occasion a proportional increase in the demand for 
 manufactures to be exported as payment. 
 
 * If the importation of corn had always been free, the quan- 
 tity imported from America and Africa would now have been 
 so great that the stopping of the supply from the Baltic would 
 have had little effect.
 
 190 
 
 lint whatever opinion may be entertained upow 
 this point, there can be no doubt that the rent of 
 corn lands at a distance from manufacturing coun- 
 tries, would have been much higher than they are 
 if there had been large manufacturing towns in 
 their neighbourhood, as their inhabitants would 
 have been customers, not only for the corn at 
 home, and have saved the expence of carriage, but 
 also for butcher's meat, and many other produc- 
 tions which cannot be exported, besides the im- 
 mense rents and prices obtained for land, for 
 houses, and gardens, and the increase of produce 
 by the increase of manure. And it is obvious, 
 that in that case, the owners and occupiers of land 
 would have been supplied with manufactures at a 
 much cheaper rate than when brought from dis- 
 tant provinces or kingdoms j they would have sold 
 the produce of their land much dearer, and bought 
 manufactures much cheaper, which must have 
 raised the rent and value of the land. 
 
 The rent of land can only rise with the demand 
 tor its produce by people who can pay for it, and 
 that can only increase with the number and riches 
 of manufacturers, either at home or abroad ; and 
 it is obvious, that it is raised much more by ma- 
 nufacturers living upbn it than when they live in 
 a foreign country. Hence, as their number and
 
 101 
 
 riches increase with the cheapness of common food, 
 and as the demand for butcher's meat and for o- 
 ther articles of conveniency and luxury increases 
 as the price of corn is lower in a manufacturing 
 country, it must follow that the greater the im- 
 portation of common food is, and the lower its 
 price, the greater is the increase of the number and 
 riches of the people, and of the demand for butch, 
 er's meat, and for land, for houses, gardens, and 
 for other articles of convenience and luxury. And 
 accordingly, the rent and value of the land of all 
 towns increase in proportion to that demand. 
 
 It was shown in the 5th section of this chapter, 
 
 that if there had always been plenty of food (which 
 
 would have been the case if importation had been 
 
 free, and if colonies had been settled in America 
 
 and Africa, for the purpose of raising food) the 
 
 number of people in Britain would, upon common 
 
 chances, have exceeded sixty millions in the year 
 
 1812. But suppose they had only increased to 
 
 twenty millions, there can be no doubt that the 
 
 annual produce of the land would now have been 
 
 much greater, and sold at a much higher price 
 
 than it has been advanced to by the corn laws. 
 
 in the latter case, it has been advanced by raising 
 
 the price of corn and starving the poor ; in the 
 
 former case, it would have been advanced by an
 
 192 
 
 increase of produce * and by an increase of the 
 demand for butcher's meat and for articles of con- 
 veniency and luxury by the rich and consequent 
 rise of their price. 
 
 The advantage which the owners of land derive 
 from a high price of corn, is also balanced in a great 
 degree by its raising the wages of the people whose 
 service they require, and the price of manufactures, 
 and also by raising the poor rates. 
 
 A rise in the price of common food reduces, for 
 a time, the rate of wages, by obliging many to 
 hire themselves who had lived independently when 
 it was cheap, but when the prices continue so high 
 that the wages of labourers cannot procure a ne- 
 cessary quantity of food and clothes for themselves 
 and families, the want of these generate disease 
 and reduce their numbers by deaths, and by many 
 of them becoming beggars ; and in proportion to 
 the number that die and become beggars, the com- 
 petition for work is less, and wages rise, and the de- 
 mand for food is less, and tends to reduce its price. 
 It seems therefore to follow, that disease and deaths 
 and the practice of begging, occasioned by want, 
 
 * In proportion as the people increase by the importation of 
 food, the quantity of ashes, soot, and putrescent manure, must 
 also increase, and cheapness of corn and high price of butchers 
 meat are great encouragements to improve poor land, and greaU 
 ly Ineepp the temptation to exhaust land by over-cropping.
 
 193 
 
 must continue amongst the labourers, until their 
 number is so much reduced, as to raise wages so 
 high, or to reduce the price of food so low, as to 
 enable them to purchase such a quantity of food 
 and cloaths, &c. as are requisite, not only for their 
 own support, but also for the support of such a 
 number of children as are necessary, with the o- 
 verflowings of the higher classes, to keep up the 
 number of labourers. Hence, it appears, that the 
 owners of land cannot gain very much by raisingthe 
 price of common food, even supposing that it did 
 not depress the price of the other productions of 
 land, and supposing that the labourers could not e- 
 migrate. But as great numbers have emigrated 
 from these kingdoms, and great numbers have been 
 cut off by the war, the wages of agricultural labour- 
 ers have advanced, nearly in proportion, to the 
 advance in the price of food. The stoppage of 
 the importation of food, has necessarily stopped 
 the demand for manufactures that would have 
 been exported as payment, which has ruined many 
 thousands of manufacturers of particular kinds of 
 goods, by lowering their wages and profit, and rai- 
 sing the price of food, and the supernumerary ma- 
 nufacturers must emigrate or die. 
 
 Thus, it appears, that the corn laws, neither 
 have produced, nor can produce, any of the good 
 effects ascribed to them j that they have greatly in- 
 
 N
 
 194 
 
 creased the miseries of the poor, and obstructed, 
 in a very high degree, the increase of the number, 
 the riches, and the power of the nation, and also 
 the increase of produce, and the rise of the rent 
 and value of land. 
 
 As the effects of these laws, in raising the price 
 of corn, are obvious and immediate, w r hereas the 
 effects of the cheapness of corn and salt meat, in 
 increasing the number and riches of the people, 
 and by these means, increasing the produce and 
 raising the rent and value of land, for other pur- 
 poses than raising corn, though ultimately much 
 greater, are not so obvious, and are much slower 
 in their operations ; these circumstances form an 
 apology for the promoters and supporters of these 
 laws, in having been so much mistaken respecting 
 their effects upon the rent and value of land. But 
 there can be no apology for their mean hypocrisy 
 and selfishness, in pretending that their object was 
 to make corn plenty, when their sole intention was 
 to raise its price and the rent of land, though con- 
 scious that in proportion as corn is raised in price, 
 the number of the poor and their miseries must in- 
 crease.
 
 19.: 
 
 CHAP. VII. 
 
 OF TAXES, DRAWBACKS AND BOUNTIES. 
 
 SECT. I. 
 
 Of the Sources of Revenue and principles of 
 Taxation. 
 
 Dr Smith says, " whoever derives his revenue 
 " from a fund that is his own, must draw it from 
 " his labour, his stock, or his land." But though 
 this observation be just ; yet as the amount of 
 the revenues from these different sources, varies 
 so much, in proportion to one another, in neigh- 
 bouring nations j and as the total amount from the 
 three sources is not regulated by the extent or fer- 
 tility of the country, it is of great importance to 
 discover the cause of these differences j and for 
 that end it is proper to ascertain what articles and 
 circumstances are necessary to the production of 
 each of these revenues. 
 
 n 2
 
 196 
 
 It is obvious, that no person can produce any 
 article whatever by labour, unless he can obtain 
 land, or some of its productions to work upon ; 
 and that stock can produce no article, unless there 
 are labourers to employ it, and land or its produc- 
 tions for them to work upon. Hence, as land pro- 
 duces many articles for the use of man, without 
 the assistance of either labour or stock, it seems 
 to follow, that land is the original source, and ne- 
 cessary to the production of all revenue ; and con- 
 sequently, that in countries where it is private pro- 
 perty, the owners, if not restrained by law, have 
 it in their power to prevent those who have no 
 land from producing any revenue, either by their 
 labour or stock, or 4» livCin the country. 
 
 In the first section of the fourth chapter, I have 
 endeavoured to show, how improvements in ma- 
 nufactures enrich the people who have no land, 
 and enable many to acquire considerable incomes ; 
 and it is obvious, that in proportion as the reve- 
 nues of individuals of that class encrease beyond 
 what is requisite for procuring them necessaries, 
 they can pay a greater sum for public purposes, so 
 that industry and improvements in manufactures, 
 and accumulation of stock, must increase the pub- 
 lic revenue from labour and stock.
 
 197 
 
 But manufacturers can only prosper where their 
 persons and property are free and secure, and 
 where they can obtain land in perpetuity for hou- 
 ses and other conveniencies, and where they can 
 also obtain in exchange for manufactures, a suffi- 
 ciency of food and other necessary productions of 
 land ; and it is obvious, that a country can supply 
 a greater number of people with these articles, in 
 proportion to its extent and fertility, and as more 
 of the land is employed in raising them and is 
 better cultivated. 
 
 If the owners of land in Britain were to turn 
 a considerable part of their estates into forests for 
 hunting, and if no food or other necessary pro- 
 ductions of land were imported, a corresponding 
 proportion of the people must leave the country 
 or die of hunger, and the revenue, from labour 
 and stock would be diminished in proportion to 
 the decrease in the number of the people ; and it 
 is obvious, that in proportion as estates are more 
 extensive, the owners may, with less inconve- 
 nience, allow larger tracts of them to lie waste ; 
 and their inducements to improve the other parts 
 are weaker. 
 
 In such countries as Russia and Poland, where 
 many estates are as extensive as the county of 
 York, and several more than double that extent, 
 
 n 3
 
 198 
 
 and where the people are slaves to the owners of 
 the land, they have no incitements to industry or 
 to improvements in manufactures, or to accumu- 
 late capital, consequently there can be very little 
 revenue from labour or stock ; and as the proprie- 
 tors keep half of their land as forests for hunting, 
 and as the otfrer half is necessarily very ill culti- 
 vated, by such poor dependant cultivators, the 
 crops are bad, and as services are the principal 
 part of the rent, the revenue from land must be 
 very small, in proportion to the extent and natu- 
 ral fertility of the country ; yet it is the only re- 
 venue of any consequence in such countries : — 
 Hence the saying of Artaxerxes, recorded by Gib- 
 bon, " that all taxes must, at last, fall upon agri- 
 " culture," is not far from the truth, when ap- 
 plied to those nations ; but is erroneous in a very 
 high degree, when applied to taxes upon super- 
 fluities, in such a free manufacturing nation as the 
 English, where the revenue from labour and stock 
 is probably more than ten times as much as the 
 revenue from land ; and if a free importation of 
 food had always been allowed, the number of ma- 
 nufacturers in England would have been double, 
 if not triple, of what it is, and the revenue from 
 labour and stock would have increased with the 
 increase of their number. And so far are the tax- 
 es on such revenue from falling upon land owners, 
 the rents and value of the land in England would
 
 199 
 
 have increased with the increase of the number 
 and riches of the manufacturers, as shown in the 
 last section of the preceding chapter ; and it can- 
 not be supposed, that these taxes could fall upon 
 the owners of land in the foreign countries from 
 whence the manufacturers obtained their food and 
 the materials of their manufactures. 
 
 It deserves remark, that a nation is not only 
 richer, but is also more powerful, in proportion as 
 industry is more general, and as more labour is 
 saved by improvements in the arts, and by the 
 employment of stock. Fewer people being requi- 
 site to cultivate the land, and to produce a suffi- 
 cient quantity of necessary manufactures, a great- 
 er number of them are supported by revenues from 
 land and stock, and by manufacturing superflui- 
 ties, and it is evident, that a great proportion of 
 these latter classes may be employed in war, with- 
 out lessening the produce of food or necessary ma- 
 nufactures. And when a part of the revenues ex- 
 pended by individuals on superfluities, is, by taxes, 
 transferred to government, it will support the same 
 number of people in the service of government, 
 that it did when they were employed in manufac- 
 turing superfluities for individuals. 
 
 Accordingly, though the increase of the reve- 
 nues of Britain, from the different sources of wealth
 
 200 
 
 have been very much obstructed by the present 
 •war, and a great part of them mortgaged, yet the 
 cultivation of the land, and the production of ne- 
 cessary manufactures have not been in any degree 
 lessened ; though it has continued twenty years, 
 and though a very great proportion of the people 
 have been engaged in the army and navy, and in 
 manufacturing the necessary implements of war. 
 Whereas, in nations where the people who have 
 no land are retainers, or slaves to the owners of 
 the land, and subsist by cultivating small pieces, 
 or are employed in necessary manufactures, it is 
 obvious, that when these people are taken from 
 their land for military purposes, its cultivation is 
 either totally neglected, or executed in a slovenly 
 manner, and the crops are consequently deficient. 
 And by employing the tradesmen to manufacture 
 implements of war, there must be a deficiency in 
 the quantity of necessary manufactures. Hence 
 the misery which has always been the consequence 
 of embodying large armies, and keeping them to- 
 gether, during seed-time and harvest in such coun- 
 tries, even though there should be no invasion by 
 an enemy's army, and the inability of such na- 
 tions to support an army out of their own coun- 
 try. 
 
 As it is evident, that the revenue from land can 
 only increase with the increase of its productions
 
 201 
 
 tor the use of man, and with the demand for land 
 for his accommodation j and as the revenue from 
 labour and stock can only increase with the in- 
 crease of these productions, it must follow, that 
 to increase the number, the riches, and the pow- 
 er of a nation, it is necessary that the legislature 
 enact such laws, and tax such articles in the first 
 place, as shall most effectually increase the pro- 
 ductions of land for the use of man, and encou- 
 rage industry and improvements in the arts and 
 manufactures, and the accumulation and employ- 
 ment of capital. 
 
 SECT. II. 
 
 Of Taxes that Increase the Number and Itiches 
 of a Natioiu frvm — 
 
 Though it be the interest of a nation that is be- 
 come more populous than the produce of the coun- 
 try can supply with food and materials of manu- 
 factures, to import what are necessary, yet it will 
 be admitted, that it is the interest of every nation, 
 in the first place, to promote the increase of these 
 articles in the country, and to prevent their waste, 
 that they may depend less upon a foreign supply. 
 The following taxes ought, therefore, to be adopt- 
 ed, in the first place, in all populous countries.
 
 202 
 
 A high tax upon land in forests, would double 
 the quantity of food in most of the countries in 
 Europe, and would increase it very much, even 
 in Britain, as there are considerable forests in the 
 highlands of Scotland, and those that belong to 
 the crown in England, are extensive. 
 
 The corn laws w T ere said to be enacted for the 
 encouragement of agriculture, but they could only 
 be expected to encourage the occupiers to ex- 
 haust the land by over-cropping, and by that means 
 lessen its produce. The most effectual way to in- 
 crease its produce is to secure to the occupier the 
 whole fruits of his labour, and the enjoyment of 
 bis improved possession. It w r as shown in the 
 third section of the fourth chapter, that occupiers 
 of land upon a feu-right can afford to lay out much 
 more money upon its improvement, in a profitable 
 manner than a tenant, and it is obvious, that they 
 have much stronger inducements to do so. 
 
 To encourage the permanent improvement of 
 land, therefore, taxes ought to be laid upon all 
 land not occupied by the owner, or upon a feu- 
 right, and they ought to be so high as to make it 
 the interest of the proprietors to let all their land 
 in feu, which they do not occupy themselves.* 
 
 * As plenty of food and other necessary productions of land 
 may be obtained from America and Africa, there is less occa- 
 sion for such a tax, at present, in Britain, if a free importation 
 were allowed. But such a tax is of importance to lessen the 
 dependence of the nation on foreign supply.
 
 203 
 
 Iii the English colonies in America those who 
 got grants of land were obliged to cultivate a cer- 
 tain proportion of them, in a limited time, or if 
 they did not, the lands might be granted to others. 
 This colonial law is founded upon the same prin- 
 ciples as the proposed tax upon land, not let in 
 feu, both of these laws have a direct tendency to 
 increase the productions of land for the use of 
 man. 
 
 The tax on licenses for retailing fermented li- 
 quors, tends, not only to check the waste of food, 
 but also to preserve the morals of the people ; as 
 it must be admitted that the friends of every ale- 
 house and tavern-keeper are induced to frequent 
 these houses, and to encourage others to accom- 
 pany them, to serve their friends, and this passion 
 must operate more generally in proportion to the 
 number of such houses, and it must also be ad- 
 mitted, that when drunkenness and dissipation can 
 be imputed to friendly motives, these passions may 
 be expected to be much indulged. Hence it 
 would appear to be proper, that the tax on these 
 licenses should be higher in proportion to the 
 number of such houses, within a certain distance, 
 consequently not necessary for the accommoda- 
 tion of the public. When there are two within a 
 mile, each of them to pay one half more for their 
 licenses than is charged in Britain at present ; —
 
 204 
 
 when there are three within that distance, each 
 to pay double the present taxes ; when there are 
 four, each to pay three times the present taxes ; 
 and when there are five, each of them to pay four 
 times the present taxes. 
 
 High taxes upon spirits and fermented liquors, 
 seem, upon the same principles, to be necessary, 
 and therefore it must be improper to exempt ale 
 brewed in private families from any part of the 
 duty, as it evidently exempts gentlemen and far- 
 mers in the country, who have conveniences for 
 brewing, from a proper tax, which the inhabitants 
 of towns must, in general, pay. It seems also im- 
 proper to impose higher taxes upon spirits that are 
 imported, than upon spirits extracted from grain 
 in the country, as that must diminish the quanti- 
 fy of the food of the country, and it seems to be 
 particularly improper to exempt the people in the 
 highlands of Scotland from a considerable part of 
 the tax upon grain spirits, as that exemption, in- 
 stead of serving them, increases drunkenness and 
 idleness, by the low price of spirits, and by tempt- 
 ing them to engage in smuggling. 
 
 As every horse kept for pleasure consumes, in 
 general, as much food as would maintain a labour- 
 er's family, they ought, therefore, to be taxed very 
 high, and there seems to be no reason why they
 
 205 
 
 should not be taxed even higher than ale. Hence 
 as the tax on ale is more than double the price of 
 the barley, from which it is extracted, in years of 
 ordinary plenty, the tax upon pleasure horses 
 ought to be more than double the price of their 
 food, which, at a medium, cannot be less than 
 twenty pounds a year, even when kept in the 
 country. It is, therefore, very extraordinary, that 
 the tax on one pleasure horse is under three pounds 
 a year ; and though the tax rises very properly 
 upon each horse, according to the number that is 
 kept by one person, yet it does not rise higher for 
 any number than six pounds for each horse, which 
 is not a third part of the price of their food, and 
 horses that are not used, pay no tax, of which 
 noblemen and gentlemen keep great numbers. 
 
 It is obvious, that, it would diminish the number 
 of horses, and consequently increase the quantity 
 of food for man, if every horse above four years 
 old, not employed in useful labour, or suckling a 
 ibal, were to pay a tax in some such proportion 
 as the following. 
 
 The tax even upon one horse kept in the coun- 
 try, (where they are most necessary, and cannot 
 be got for hire) ought not to be below L 10 an- 
 nually, L 20 each for two, LSO each for three, 
 and L40 each for four, and all above that num.
 
 206 
 
 ber. Horses below twelve hands high, and mules, 
 as they consume little food, to pay half* these 
 taxes, and asses to pay no tax. One horse kept 
 in a town, for a person's own use, to pay L 30 an- 
 nually, two, to pay L 40 each ; three, and all a- 
 bove to pay fifty pounds each. 
 
 Horses kept for hire, ought not to be taxed by 
 the year, but to pay by the mile, as at present* 
 lest the owners should be tempted to over-work 
 them. 
 
 As dogs destroy a great quantity of food, they 
 ought to be taxed four or five times higher than 
 they are at present in Britain, excepting where 
 there is only one dog kept in the country, and no 
 composition ought to be allowed for packs of 
 hounds. 
 
 As servants cannot be expected to be so care- 
 ful of food as the owner, and as they are less care- 
 ful, in proportion to the greatness of their num- 
 ber, there ought to be a considerable tax upon 
 both men and women servants that live in the 
 family, to increase with their number in all popu- 
 lous countries ; and as men servants are much less 
 necessary in families than women, the tax upon 
 them ought to be much higher than upon women,
 
 207 
 
 Hair powder is very properly taxed in Britain, 
 as it is a waste of" food, but there ought also to be 
 considerable taxes upon deer parks, upon pleasure 
 grounds, and upon gardens of above one quar- 
 ter of an acre for private use. 
 
 Rooks, not only destroy great quantities of corn, 
 they also destroy great quantities of potatoes, of 
 turnips and clover ; it would, therefore, be of im- 
 portance for increasing the quantity of food for 
 man, if the number of these creatures were ma- 
 terially lessened, and the most effectual way to 
 do that, seems to be, to lay a considerable tax u- 
 pon rook nests, to be paid by the owner or occu- 
 pier of the lands on which they are built.* And 
 there ought also to be a considerable tax upon 
 pigeon houses, according to their size. And as 
 rabbits, hares, and pigeons destroy much food, 
 every person ought to have liberty to kill these 
 and other wild animals upon the land he occupies. 
 
 As an exportation of food, in payment of 
 
 ma- 
 
 * As rooks destroy wire worms, some think that they ought 
 to be protected on that account ; but the good they do in that 
 way must be trirling, as the lands where they seldom feed, and 
 even those near houses where they never feed, are as little in- 
 jured by worms, as those where the greatest number feed.
 
 £08 
 
 nuiactui es, must diminish the number, and impo- 
 verish the people, and must also impoverish the 
 land, high taxes ought to be laid upon manufac- 
 tures imported into populous countries. 
 
 In proportion as these taxes and laws increase, 
 the quantity of food, and other necessaries, for 
 the support of man, it is obvious, that the pros- 
 perity of the nation will depend less upon foreign 
 supplies. 
 
 SECT. III. 
 
 Of Taxes that Impoverish the People and diminish 
 their Number. 
 
 As-no person can exist without food, nor in 
 any degree of comfort without cloaths, a house, 
 some furniture, and some fuel, it must follow that 
 taxes upon any of these necessaries, or that pre- 
 vent their production or importation, must, by 
 raising their price, prevent the labourers from ob- 
 taining a sufficiency, the want of which must ge- 
 nerate disease, and reduce their number ; and in 
 proportion to the reduction of the number of la- 
 bourers, less stock can be employed, and less de- 
 mand for land and its productions, and the public 
 revenue from land, from labour, and from stock, 
 
 3
 
 209 
 
 must be less. The following taxes, therefore, in- 
 stead of increasing, must diminish the public re- 
 venue. 
 
 Tythes are a heavy tax upon agriculture, and 
 obstruct, in a high degree, the improvement of 
 land and the increase of food. But paying a cer- 
 tain proportion of the produce, as rent, is much 
 worse than tythes, as it must have a greater effect 
 in deterring the tenant from expending his money 
 upon improvements, of the profits of which others 
 are to reap the principal share. Dr Buchanan, 
 in his account of the Mysore countiy, says, " that 
 " all the land belongs to the prince, who appoints 
 " a Zemindar to collect the rents, a clerk to keep 
 " the accounts, and to measure the land, an offi- 
 " cer to give each farmer a proportion of water 
 " for his land, from the reservoirs, a priest for 
 " each village, and several other officers, one of 
 " which is to call out the farmers to their w T ork. 
 " The corn or rice when threshed, is put into 
 " heaps, a certain part of which, about a tenth, 
 " is given to the priest, about as much to the Ze- 
 " mindar, and as much to the clerk, and smaller 
 " proportions are given to the blacksmith and 
 " joiner for making and mending utensils for the 
 " farm, and to other officers employed by the Ze- 
 " mindar, and the remainder is equally divided 
 " between the prince and the farmer, bv the Ze- 
 
 O
 
 210 
 
 <c mindar, or the clerk." When so very large a 
 share of the produce goes to the prince and his 
 officers, divided and taken by the latter, we can- 
 not be surprised at the tenants being so slothful 
 as to require an officer to call them out to work, 
 or that so great a proportion of that fine country 
 is uncultivated. Such taxes upon cultivators, by 
 obstructing the increase of food, and other neces- 
 saries, must diminish, in a very high degree, all 
 the sources of revenue. 
 
 It was shown in the 174th and 175th pages, that 
 the taxes on importation of corn and salt meat in- 
 to Britain, by raising their price, have increased 
 the expence of every family that buys their food 
 and uses six quarters of wheat annually above 
 L 40, which is the same as if they had paid taxes 
 to government to that amount, if importation had 
 been free ; and it was shown, in the last section of 
 the preceding chapter, that the owners of land 
 who receive an immense addition to the price of 
 their corn in consequence of these taxes, are not 
 gainers, as they lose more by the depression of 
 the price of butcher's meat and other articles. So 
 that these taxes on food, imported, have obstruct- 
 ed, in a very high degree, the increase of the num- 
 ber and riches of the people, and of the revenue, 
 from labour and stock, and have also diminished, 
 though in a lower degree, the revenue from land.
 
 211 
 
 As rice is much used by all classes of people, 
 except the lowest, and as it is a nourishing food, 
 and might be obtained in great quantities, at a low 
 rate, if its cultivation was encouraged in Africa 
 and Guiana, the tax upon that article is certainly 
 very imprudent, as less wheat is necessary, in pro- 
 portion as more rice is used. 
 
 The tax upon molasses is also imprudent, as it 
 is a nourishing food, and improves the taste of se- 
 veral unpalatable articles of the food of the poor. 
 Its importation, therefore, from any country ought 
 to be free of duty, and the tax on raw sugar, ought, 
 for the same reason to be low.* 
 
 Though taxes upon the importation of common 
 food must impoverish the people, and diminish their 
 number, yet the legislature of Britain has been so 
 very anxious to prevent an importation, that they 
 have imposed heavy taxes, not only upon the im- 
 portation of corn, salt meat, rice, and molasses, 
 but also upon butter, cheese, eels, eggs, and even 
 upon puddings, and though improvements of land, 
 which increase its produce, not only increase the 
 revenue from land, but also furnish the means 
 of increasing the revenue from labour and stock, 
 
 * Lump sugar should pay double the tax of raw sugar, single 
 refined, three times that tax, and double refined, four times 
 that tax.
 
 212 
 
 yet there are high duties upon the importation of 
 chalk, lime, and several other articles that are prin- 
 cipally used for improving land ; and it is obvious, 
 that in a circumscribed country, the more land 
 that is occupied by trees and plants, -which do not 
 contribute to the subsistence of man, less is left 
 for the produce of food, and therefore, as there is 
 less danger in depending upon a foreign supply 
 for timber, for rape-seed and lint-seed oils j for 
 flax, hemp, horses, asses and mules, than for corn ; 
 taxes upon the importation of any of these ar- 
 ticles must be imprudent, as" it must induce the 
 owners and occupiers of land to rear them, which 
 must leave less land for the production of food. 
 The bounties and premiums for sowing lint and 
 planting trees are equally imprudent. 
 
 In proportion as the price of fuel is high, the 
 labourer must have less of his wages to purchase 
 food and other necessaries ; any tax, therefore, on 
 that article must impoverish the labourers, yet in 
 the parts of Britain, in which fuel is dearest, and 
 where they can obtain no coal but by sea carriage, 
 that necessary article is taxed very high, if it is 
 imported. It is obvious that such a tax is not on- 
 ly impolitic, but is also unjust, as it affects only 
 particular parts of the country.
 
 213 
 
 But excepting the taxes upon the importation 
 of food, there are none so injurious and partial as 
 those upon salt, as they not only obstruct- the in- 
 crease of food, but are also necessarily more se- 
 vere upon the people, in proportion as they sub- 
 sist more upon fish. The labourers on the coasts 
 of the highlands and islands of Scotland, subsist 
 principally upon herrings and potatoes. Hence, as 
 a labourei, who has a wife and foil or five chil- 
 dren, uses five or six barrels of herrings annually, 
 if he can obtain them, and a; two bushels of Scots 
 salt are necessary to cure one barrel of herring, 
 and as the tax on that salt is six shillings per 
 bushel, a poor labourer who has such a family in 
 these countries, pays three pounds sterling annual- 
 ly, as the tax upon the salt for curing his herring; 
 but besides these heavy burdens upon the poor in 
 these countries, the tax on salt is also very heavy 
 upon the people near the coast, through the whole 
 island, and forms a great obstruction to the busi- 
 ness of fishing, and increase of food, and conse- 
 quently to the increase of the number and riches 
 of the people, and of the public revenue. 
 
 The tax on leather must raise the price of shoes, 
 and impoverish the labourers, but it must be ad- 
 mitted, that as leather rose gradually to about 
 three times its former price, while the tax conti- 
 nued the same, the tax could not be the cause of 
 
 o 3
 
 214 
 
 that rise. That rise has been chiefly occasioned 
 by very high taxes upon the importation of tan- 
 ned leather, by which means the great increase in 
 the demand for that article, could only be supplied 
 by importing raw hides, and tanning them in this 
 country, where bark, for the purpose, is at an ex- 
 orbitant price ; whereas, if tanned leather was al- 
 lowed to be imported at the same duties that it 
 pays when manufactured in Britain, it might very 
 probably be imported at the price that is paid for 
 the raw hides, as there is, in general, plenty of 
 bark for tanning, in every country from whence 
 the hides come, and hides increase greatly in weight 
 by that operation. It might then be an object for 
 young men bred to the tanning business to settle 
 in different parts of America and Africa, to carry 
 on their business, and to send their leather to this 
 country. 
 
 A repeal of the taxes on the importation and 
 manufacturing of leather, would not only give re- 
 lief to the poor, but would relieve the public re- 
 venue from drawbacks upon exporting goods made 
 of leather. 
 
 Taxes upon soap are not only injurious to the 
 poor, in point of expence, but also to their health 
 by obstructing cleanliness.
 
 215 
 
 In former ages, when the labourers were re- 
 tainers to the owners of land, and subsisted by 
 occupying small pieces, the obliging them to work 
 three days before, and three days after harvest, 
 at the public roads, impaired their income very 
 little, as they were, in general, idle, in these times 
 of the year ; but obliging labourers now to pay six 
 days wages for keeping the roads in repair, falls 
 much heavier on that class of people than the 
 taxes upon candles or soap, * and ought to be re- 
 pealed. • 
 
 Taxes upon the materials of building not only 
 raise the rent of the houses of labourers, but ob- 
 struct the establishing of manufactures by in- 
 creasing the expence of necessary buildings. Yet 
 there are very high taxes in Britain upon slates 
 and free-stone, when carried by sea, from one 
 part of the country to another, and there are hea- 
 vy taxes upon bricks and tyles, which increase the 
 expence of building in every part of the country, 
 
 * The tax on candles was formerly a greater burthen upon 
 the poor than it is now, when lamps are in such general use. 
 Hence, as families use a greater quantity of candles, nearly in 
 proportion to their revenue, and as they are not an article that 
 can be exported with profit to any extent, and as tallow is an 
 article of food, which must rise in price, as more candle are 
 used, they seem to be a proper object of taxation, and moulded 
 candles ought to pay double the tax of those that are dipped.
 
 216 
 
 where proper stones and slates are not to be got; 
 which taxes are evidently partial, unjust, and im- 
 prudent, and there is also a very heavy tax upon 
 imported timber for building. 
 
 It deserves remark, that as the rents of houses 
 in towns that are increasing in population, are on- 
 ly kept down by people of stock, rinding it their 
 interest to build new ones, and as that can only 
 be the case when the rents are so high as to yield 
 a profit upon money, expended in that way, it must 
 follow, that government, by laying taxes upon ma- 
 terials of building not only raises the rent of hou- 
 ses that are afterwards built, but enables the own- 
 ers of all houses, previously built, to raise their 
 rents. 
 
 The taxes upon the different materials of build- 
 ing, have raised the rent of houses in Britain, from 
 ten to twenty per cent., according as more of the 
 materials used are liable to the taxes. Whereas, 
 a tax of five per cent, upon the rent of dwelling- 
 houses, to be paid by the occupiers * would pro- 
 
 * If the owners of houses are taxed higher in proportion to 
 their rents, than other property, the surplus must fall upon the 
 occupier, in all towns where new houses are necessary to sup- 
 ply the inhabitants ; as no person will lay out money on build- 
 ing houses, unless the rent will yield a profit upon the expcnce 
 of building, besides paying that tax upon the owners of houses.
 
 217 
 
 duce a much greater revenue to government than 
 these taxes. And all houses for agricultural or 
 manufacturing purposes would be exempted. The 
 taxes on tyle, and on slate, when imported, are not 
 only partial, as they affect only particular parts of 
 the country, but they form an inducement for 
 using thatch, which occasions the loss of much 
 stock by lire. 
 
 Premiums paid upon insurances, operate direct- 
 ly to increase capital whether they are paid to in- 
 sure capital that is in danger, or that capital may 
 be paid to a child, or other person, at a particular 
 after period. In the former case, it evidently ac- 
 cumulates capital to replace one that is in risk, 
 when lost, which otherwise would have impo- 
 verished the owner, and diminished the capital 
 of the society ; and in the other case it forms a 
 capital for children, or some other person, to en- 
 able them to begin business, and adds to the ca- 
 pital of the society. Taxes, therefore, upon pre- 
 miums of insurances, must impoverish the nation, 
 and diminish the sources of revenue ; and taxes 
 upon successions, that is, upon stock, conveyed by 
 will, is evidently a direct seizure of capital, to 
 spend it for present purposes. And as capital is 
 a principal source of revenue, government, by 
 such a tax, acts as a spendthrift who sells a part 
 of his estate.
 
 218 
 
 The tax of ten per cent, upon income, must 
 discourage exertions in every line of business, as 
 tythes discourage exertions in agriculture ; and it 
 is evidently unjust to tax incomes that are obtain- 
 ed by talents and diligence, as high as those that 
 are obtained without either. 
 
 It was shown, near the end of the last chapter, 
 that dearness of food reduces the number of the 
 people, which reduction raises wages, and re- 
 duces the price of food, and as taxes upon the 
 necessaries of life, must have the same effect in 
 reducing the number of the people ; and as it has 
 been also shown * that the profits of employers of 
 stock rise with the rise of wages, it must follow, 
 that taxes upon necessaries increase the miseries 
 of the poor, particularly those who have families, 
 and nearly the whole of them are ultimately paid 
 by the owners of land and houses, the lenders of 
 money and annuitants, by lessening the demand 
 for the produce of land, and for houses, and rai- 
 sing the wages of labourers and the price of ma- 
 nufactures. Hence, as the number of servants 
 kept by individuals, and the rent they pay for 
 their houses, is, in general, in proportion to their 
 whole expenditure, it must be much more pru- 
 dent to raise the taxes upon houses and servants, 
 
 * Page 32.
 
 219 
 
 ■than to lay any tax either upon necessaries or ma- 
 nufactures. 
 
 SECT. IV. 
 
 Of Drawbacks* 
 
 As taxes upon manufactures, or upon the ma. 
 terials of which they are made, must raise their 
 price, it has been thought reasonable, and neces- 
 sary for the encouragement of their exportation, 
 that the whole, or a part of these taxes should be 
 paid back upon their exportation ; but that is tak- 
 ing it for granted, that an exportation of such 
 goods is beneficial to society, which has not been 
 ascertained. 
 
 It has been shown, * that an exportation of ma- 
 nufactures cannot increase the employment for 
 manufacturers, if manufactures are imported as 
 payment, and consequently, it can be of no ma- 
 terial sen ice to the manufacturers of any nation, 
 to export more of their goods than what is neces- 
 sary to purchase food and other productions of 
 land, that cannot be obtained in their own coun- 
 try, in sufficient quantities. Hence, as the impor- 
 
 * First section of the fifth chapter.
 
 220 
 
 tations of the produce of land into Britain, can- 
 not be supposed to pay for more than a half of the 
 manufactures that are exported, the other half 
 must be paid for with manufactures, either open- 
 ly or clandestinely imported, more gold and silver 
 having been exported, than what has been import- 
 ed since the year 1795, when the bank of Eng- 
 land stopped paying in gold. It is, therefore, evi- 
 dent, that a great proportion of the goods export- 
 ed, have no effect in increasing the demand for 
 manufactures. For, as it increases the demand 
 for such goods as are exported, it must diminish 
 the demand in an equal degree for the goods that 
 are imported as payment. 
 
 It is, therefore, proper to examine how far it is 
 necessary to export any of the articles that are 
 taxed. As it is obvious, that if a sufficient quan- 
 tity of the articles that are not taxed, can be ex- 
 ported, to pay for the productions of land that 
 are imported, there could be no claim for any 
 drawbacks upon their exportation, which would 
 remove a strong temptation to nefarious practices, 
 and would greatly increase the revenue of govern- 
 ment ; Dr Smith says, " that the defalcation of 
 " the revenue of customs, occasioned by bounties 
 " and drawbacks, of which a great part are ob- 
 " tained fraudulently, is very great. The gross 
 '* produce of the customs in the year which end-
 
 221 
 
 Ki ed on the fifth of January, 1755, amounted to 
 " five millions and sixty eight thousand pounds. 
 " The bounties which were paid out of this reve- 
 " nue, though in that year there was no bounty 
 " upon corn, amounted to 167,800 pounds, and 
 " the drawbacks which were paid upon debentures 
 " and certificates to 2,156,800 pounds. Bounties 
 " and drawbacks together, amounted to 2,324,600 
 " pounds. In consequence of these additions the 
 " revenue of the customs, amounted only to 
 " 2,743,400 pounds, from which, deducting 
 " 287,900 pounds, for the expence of manage- 
 " ment in salaries and other incidents, the net re- 
 " venue of the customs comes out to be 2,455,500 
 " pounds. The expence of management amounts, 
 " in this manner, to between five and six per cent. 
 " upon the gross revenue of the customs, and to 
 " something more than ten per cent, upon what re- 
 " mains of that revenue, after deducting what is 
 " paid away in bounties and drawbacks." From 
 this statement, it appears that the bounties and 
 drawbacks amounted that year to nearly as much 
 as the clear revenue paid to government. 
 
 The reports of the amount of customs, annually 
 given in to the house of commons, do not state 
 the amount of the drawbacks. But there is rea- 
 son to conclude, that as great sums are obtained 
 fraudulently, on that account, in thesa times, as
 
 222 
 
 m those mentioned by Dr Smith. In the report 
 for the year that ended the fifth of January 1813, 
 it is stated, that the drawbacks on rice exported, 
 exceeded the duties on its importation some hun- 
 dreds of pounds. Hence as the duty on its impor- 
 tation is six shillings and four-pence the hundred 
 weight, and the drawback on its exportation is 
 three shillings and two-pence. It is obvious, that 
 though none is produced in the country, the mer- 
 chants have fallen upon a w r ay of exporting consi- 
 derably more than double the quantity imported, 
 besides supplying the country. It must, there- 
 fore, be of great importance to put an end to prac- 
 tices so ruinous to the morals of the people, and to 
 the revenue of government. 
 
 If the taxes upon leather, cotton-wool, and 
 printed cottons, were repealed, as none of the ar- 
 ticles of woolen or hard ware are taxed, and as the 
 manufacturers in these lines in Britain, have great 
 advantages from the command of coal and water- 
 falls for machinery, they can afford to sell these 
 goods at a lower rate than the manufacturers of 
 other countries, and it is probable that the expor- 
 tation of these might be so considerable as to pay 
 for the greatest part of the food and other produc- 
 tions of land that may be imported. But suppose 
 a sufficiency of these could not be exported, if the 
 taxes upon the different necessaries of life, men-
 
 223 
 
 tioned in the preceding section, were repealed, 
 many other articles might be exported, with profit, 
 without drawbacks. As the price of the food and 
 other necessaries of the labourers and master ma- 
 nual cturers would be so much reduced, that the 
 price of their goods, though lowered, by discon- 
 tinuing the drawbacks, would purchase more of the 
 necessaries and conveniencies of life, than the pri- 
 ces, with the drawbacks, can purchase at present. 
 So that no class of manufacturers would suffer by 
 discontinuing the drawbacks, if these imprudent 
 taxes were also discontinued. Nor would the pub- 
 lic revenue suffer by such a change, as saving the 
 immense sums paid as drawbacks, would do much 
 more than compensate for the deficiency occasion- 
 ed by the repealing of these taxes, and their re- 
 peal would gradually increase the number of the 
 people, and consequently the revenue. 
 
 Besides the drawbacks that are paid for encou- 
 raging the exportation of our own manufactures, 
 drawbacks are paid upon East India and colonial 
 produce, upon wines and foreign spirits, and upon 
 foreign manufactures that had paid duties upon 
 their importation, and the drawbacks on these are, 
 in general, four or five-sixths of the whole duty 
 paid, and the whole duty on tea is drawn back on 
 exportation. Hence, as it is well known that the 
 quantity of the good? that pay such duties on im~
 
 224 
 
 portation is given up as much less than it is, and 
 when they are exported, the quantity is given up 
 much greater than it is, the drawbacks, by these 
 means, nearly balance, and frequently exceed the 
 duty paid on importation, as was the case with rice 
 last year, and leave a great part of such goods to 
 be disposed of in the country, either free of duty, 
 or paying very little ; so far as this trade is carried 
 on in manufactures, not only the public revenue 
 suffers, but our own manufacturers are impoverish- 
 ed by the importation. 
 
 These drawbacks are allowed for the encourage- 
 ment of what is called the carrying trade, that is, 
 to enable our merchants to manage the exchanges 
 of the produce of land and manufactures between 
 foreign nations. But as it opens a door to an ex- 
 tensive nefarious species of smuggling, which must 
 have a great effect in corrupting the morals of the 
 people, besides materially injuring the revenue, it 
 cannot be supposed, that these great evils can be 
 compensated by the advantages resulting from the 
 trade. And that trade may be carried on, although 
 drawbacks are discontinued, as merchants have it 
 in their power to ship goods in any friendly port, 
 and to carry them direct to any other friendly coun- 
 try, where they may be wanted, and if they wish 
 to warehouse such goods, it is certainly much safer 
 to allow them to do that, at particular ports, at a
 
 '225 
 
 distance, than to allow them to be stored up in 
 Britain, which furnishes so strong a temptation for 
 smuggling ; and Malta, Gibraltar, Jersey, Guern- 
 sey, and Heligoland, would be very convenient 
 free ports, for that purpose. Admitting, that al- 
 lowing goods to be imported and warehoused in 
 Britain, does extend the carrying trade, it cannot 
 be supposed that the benefit derived from that part 
 of it can be in any degree, equal to the injury done 
 to the revenue and to manufacturers. 
 
 The duty on French cambrics and lawns, for in- 
 stance, is six shillings, for each piece of eight 
 yards in length, and not exceeding seven-eighths 
 of a yard in breadth, and four shillings are allow- 
 ed as drawback upon their exportation. Hence, 
 if one hundred and thirty of such pieces are im- 
 ported, and only pay duty as one hundred, the 
 whole duty will be thirty pounds, and if the hun- 
 dred and thirty pieces are exported, and passed at 
 the custom-house for one hundred and fifty, the 
 drawback will amount to thirty pounds, which is 
 the whole duty paid upon importation. And as it 
 is well known, that great quantities of tobacco and 
 other bulky goods, for which drawbacks had been 
 received, have been smuggled into the country, 
 we must suppose that cambrics and other manu- 
 factures of little bulk, in proportion to their va- 
 lue, upon which drawbacks have been received, 
 
 V 

 
 226 
 
 will be smuggled into the country in much great- 
 er quantities. Hence there may be an appearance 
 of large dealing, in what is called the carrying 
 trade, when there is nothing but a species of 
 smuggling. And manufactures thus smuggled, 
 must, in proportion to their quantity, diminish the 
 demand for our own, and impoverish our manu- 
 facturers. 
 
 The Dutch, by the situation of their country, 
 had the command of the mouths of the Rliine and 
 the Maese, and of the exports from, and imports 
 to the people of the extensive populous countries 
 near these rivers, and all their numerous branches j 
 they had also a monopoly of spices, and a great 
 share of the trade to both the Indies, and for se- 
 veral ages, after the establishment of their repub- 
 lican government, they managed the principal part 
 of exchanges between the different nations of Eu- 
 rope, by which means, their trade in these various 
 lines was very great, and as their country was 
 small, the revenue from trade was, perhaps, great- 
 er than the revenue from land and manufactures, 
 and as the majority of the members of govern- 
 ment were merchants, their principal object was 
 to encourage the mercantile trade, and to protect, 
 what they considered, the interests of their own 
 class. For these purposes, when more money was 
 wanted for the use of government, instead of
 
 227 
 
 taxing superfluities, which must have been prin- 
 cipally paid by merchants, very improper taxes 
 were imposed upon all common food, used in the 
 country, which raised its price to the labourers. 
 The necessary consequence of which was, to ob- 
 struct their increase, and by that means to raise 
 their wages, which raised the price of manufac- 
 tures executed in the country. And as govern- 
 ment, from its mercantile principles, imposed no 
 taxes upon the importation of manufactures, great 
 quantities were imported, which greatly reduced 
 the number of manufacturers. 
 
 As the mercantile principles of that govern- 
 ment, induced it to allow a free importation of 
 food, if no taxes had been imposed upon what 
 was used in the country, there is every reason to 
 believe, that the number of manufacturers, by im- 
 porting food and materials of manufactures from 
 the Baltic, Africa and America, which they would 
 have paid by exported manufactures, would have 
 been three or four times greater than it ever has 
 been, and that nation could, in that case, have 
 raised internal revenues upon superfluities, incom- 
 parably greater than it has been in their power to 
 raise upon necessaries. And it is obvious, that 
 if the people had increased, near to the number 
 supposed, their trade in exporting manufactures, 
 and importing food and materials of manufactures, 
 
 P 2
 
 228 
 
 would have been greater than their carrying trade 
 has been, without having interfered much with 
 that trade. And the nation would have been more 
 powerful, for defending itself against foreign ene- 
 mies, in proportion to its increased numbers. 
 
 What is called the carrying trade, is, of all others, 
 the most precarious in its continuance, as it is the 
 interest of every nation, that their exchanges with 
 other nations, shall be carried on by their own 
 people, and that laws, such as the British navigation 
 laws, be enacted, for that purpose. But even in 
 countries where government do not interfere, the 
 merchants of the country have so many advan- 
 tages over foreigners, in procuring better cargoes 
 of goods, both as to quality and cheapness, that 
 they must, . unless prevented by oppressive impo- 
 sitions, gradually acquire the export of the pro- 
 duce of their own country. And, accordingly, 
 the carrying trade of the Dutch has been gradual- 
 ly diminishing, and before their subjection to 
 Trance, was very much reduced. They had not 
 only lost the supplying of Britain and Ireland, 
 with the goods of other countries, but they had 
 also lost a considerable part of the trade of sup- 
 plying Spain, Portugal, and other nations, with 
 such goods, by merchants in these different coun- 
 tries having engaged in that trade, and by the
 
 229 
 
 merchants of Britain and other countries having 
 taken a share from them. 
 
 As commerce produces no article whatever, it 
 is only beneficial to society, by facilitating ex- 
 changes of different articles, which must be pro- 
 duced before there can be any commerce, and it 
 can only increase with the increase of the quan- 
 tity of articles of the produce of land or manu- 
 factures. Hence, as obstructing the production 
 of manufactures in the country, not only lessens 
 the number, but impoverishes our own manufac- 
 turers, and lessens the internal commerce between 
 manufacturers and their exchanges with foreign 
 nations ; to obstruct the production of manufac- 
 tures, for the purpose of enabling our merchants 
 to manage with more advantage, the exchanges 
 of articles between foreign nations, is giving up 
 a proportion of the manufacturing trade, with its 
 consequent commerce, which are in our own pow- 
 er, for a chance of obtaining a larger share of a 
 less beneficial trade, that depends upon the im- 
 prudence and humour of other nations. 
 
 Hence, when the effect of the Dutch policy 
 upon their manufactures, and the great uncer- 
 tainty of the continuance of the carrying trade, 
 are attended to, it seems to be imprudent, in a 
 very high degree, for the legislature of an exten- 
 
 p ■;
 
 230 
 
 sive, populous country, to endanger the interests 
 of their own manufacturers, by allowing an im* 
 portation of manufactures at low duties, and by 
 allowing drawbacks upon their exportation, for the 
 purpose of encouraging that trade. 
 
 From these observations, it appears to be equal- 
 ly for the interest of the nation and the public re- 
 venue, that drawbacks of every kind, even on 
 goods exported to Ireland, be discontinued. 
 
 SECT. V. 
 
 Of Bounties. 
 
 The objections stated in the last section against 
 allowing drawbacks, for encouraging the exporta- 
 tion of manufactures, operate with greater force 
 against allowing bounties for that purpose, to which 
 we may add, that a bounty on the exportation of 
 any article, seems to act as a bounty on articles to 
 be imported as payment. 
 
 When a quantity of corn is exported from Bri- 
 tain, the payment must be remitted in manufac- 
 tures, or such goods as are allowed to be import- 
 ed, which must increase the demand for these 
 goods in the country to which the corn was sent,
 
 231 
 
 and act as a bounty upon their exportation to Bri- 
 tain ; and in like manner, if a bounty is given up- 
 on the exportation of manufactures, and if food 
 is not allowed to be imported as payment, the re- 
 mittance must be made in such articles as are in 
 demand, and are allowed to be imported ; it there- 
 fore, will be principally in manufactures, and will 
 act as a bounty upon their importation, and by that 
 means counteract the intention of giving a boun- 
 ty upon those that were exported. 
 
 If corn is imported into Britain, the importer, to 
 remit payment, can afford to give a higher price 
 for manufactures in Britain, than in any other 
 country, as he saves, by purchasing in Britain, 
 not only the expence of sending the ship to ano^ 
 ther country for the manufactures, but also the 
 expence of purchasing bills upon that country to 
 pay for them ; it seems, therefore, to follow, that 
 a free importation of food into Britain, would not 
 only relieve manufacturers, by reducing its price, 
 but would act as a bounty upon manufactures to 
 be exported as payment. 
 
 When manufactures of a foreign country are 
 executed better, or at a lower price than what are 
 manufactured in the country, it seems to be for 
 the interest of the nation, to give a bounty to a 
 few natives, to go abroad to such countries, to
 
 232 
 
 learn the methods of manufacturing them, or such 
 bounties may be given, as shall induce some of the 
 principal manufacturers of such countries to leave 
 their own, and to settle in this country, to instruct 
 our own people ; and giving premiums annually, 
 to those who excel in the different articles of agri- 
 cultural and manufacturing produce, must be high- 
 ly beneficial. But excepting such bounties and 
 premiums, which may do much good at little ex- 
 pence, it seems to be very imprudent to give boun- 
 ties on the exportation of any manufacture, and 
 ruinous to give any on the exportation of the pro- 
 duce of land. 
 
 Bounties that increase the produce of food in 
 the country, must be beneficial in proportion to 
 their effect, by furnishing subsistance to a great- 
 er number of people, independent of foreign sup- 
 ply. The British legislature allows a considerable 
 bounty upon the exportation of corn, under the 
 fallacious pretence of increasing its production, 
 whicli it cannot effect. But effectual methods are 
 pointed out in the second section of this chapter, 
 which, instead of requiring bounties, would pro- 
 duce a revenue. Considerable bounties are also 
 allowed upon different kinds of fish, to encourage 
 the fishing trade ; which, so far as they increase 
 the quantity of food, must be of advantage. But 
 the bounties upon the exportation of fish, must
 
 233 
 
 have a contrary effect, and must have been adopt- 
 ed upon fallacious principles, as they must raise 
 the price of fish at home, and lower^ it abroad. 
 Bounties on boats of a certain size, and occupied 
 by a certain number of fishermen, would encrease 
 the coast fishing very much, as there are many 
 that would engage in that .trade, if they could 
 procure boats, and a proper bounty would induce 
 many to build boats to let to fishermen.
 
 234 
 
 CHAP. VIII. 
 
 CONCLUSION. 
 
 r- 
 
 It was observed, in the first section of the se- 
 cond chapter, that in every country where the 
 land is private property, and the people living in 
 a simple state, those who have no land, must, to 
 obtain food, serve owners of land who have food 
 to spare, or they must obtain land from those who 
 have it to spare, for raising food themselves, by 
 giving the owners rent or service, and that the 
 reward of labour and rent of land are regulated 
 by the proportion that the quantity of fertile land, 
 which the owners wish to let, and of food which 
 they wish to exchange for labour, bears, to the num- 
 ber of people who have no land ; consequently, 
 that it is of the greatest importance to the welfare
 
 235 
 
 of these people, that the land be so much divid- 
 ed, that every proprietor shall find it necessary to 
 cultivate his share in the best manner, and have 
 no inducement to give the produce to useless ani- 
 mals, or turn any part of it into forest for hunt- 
 ing. In the second section of that chapter, it is 
 shown, that the laws of entail and primogeniture, 
 in successions to land, are not only ruinous to 
 those who have no land, by enlarging estates, and 
 by that means diminishing subsistence, and the de- 
 mand for labourers, but also have a powerful ten- 
 dency to make them slaves. 
 
 In the first and second sections of the fourth 
 chapter it is shown, that establishing manufac- 
 tures in free towns, where property is secure, not 
 only emancipates and enriches the people of these 
 towns, but also emancipates and enriches, though 
 in a much lower degree, the agriculturists in the 
 neighbourhood, and forms a powerful inducement 
 for exertions in agriculture, by which the produce 
 of food has been greatly increased in Britain. But / 
 notwithstanding that the establishment of manu-""""" 
 tactures has produced these effects, yet the large 
 estates, principally formed by the laws of entail 
 and primogeniture, are shown, in the third sec- 
 tion of that chapter, to form powerful obstructions 
 to the improvement of the land, and to the full 
 liberation of the cultivators ; and that Britain does
 
 2S6 
 
 not produce above half the quantity of food it is 
 capable of producing, if the estates were small, 
 and cultivated by the owners, though paying full 
 rent as feus. 
 
 It is shown in the first section of the fifth chap- 
 ter, that since the great owners of land in Europe, 
 were restrained from vying with one another in 
 power, they have vycd with one another in the 
 productions of art ; and for that purpose the pro- 
 duce of their estates, instead of being given to 
 people living upon them as formerly, has been 
 sent to distant countries, where the works of art 
 were arrived at greater perfection ; by which means, 
 labourers in particular countries and provinces, by 
 exporting manufactures, and importing food, have 
 increased in number and riches, and in the arts 
 of manufacturing ; while labourers in others, by 
 want of employment, have been impoverished and 
 reduced in numbers, as stated in the third section 
 of the sixth chapter. Whereas, if the land had 
 been much divided, the owners could not, in that 
 case, have afforded to purchase foreign manufac- 
 tures, and must have put up with such as were 
 manufactured in the neighbourhood, which would 
 have occasioned an increasing demand for labour- 
 ers and home made manufactures, as the produce 
 of land increased, and the manufacturers would,
 
 237 
 
 in every province, have gradually improved in the 
 arts of manufacturing. 
 
 i 
 It appears, therefore, to be evident, that the 
 
 laws of entail and primogeniture, by preventing a 
 
 division of land, not only obstructs the increase of 
 
 food and employment for men, but also prevents 
 
 the diffusion of the arts of manufacturing. 
 
 But though the best means be adopted for in- 
 creasing the quantity of food for man, and pre- 
 venting its waste, and however much the arts of 
 manufacturing may be diffused, unless the increase 
 of food is equal to the increase of people, it must 
 become scarce and dear, and occasion want and 
 misery. And it seems obvious, that in that case, 
 the people can only be relieved from want by a 
 part of them emigrating, or by purchasing food 
 from foreign countries with manufactures ; and 
 as the latter method must be admitted to be pre- 
 ferable, it is the interest of every populous manu- 
 facturing nation to encourage, by every proper 
 means, a free trade with under-peopled countries, 
 where there are plenty of fertile lands to cultivate, 
 but few manufacturers to purchase the spare pro- 
 duce of the cultivators, as stated in the 98th page. / 
 
 As the advantages of such a trade are so ob- 
 vious, the discovery of America ought to have been
 
 238 
 
 considered, by the populous maritime manufactur- 
 ing nations of Europe, as a most fortunate event 
 for promoting their welfare, as it opened a view 
 of immense tracts of uncultivated fertile land, 
 from which, by sending out colonies of cultiva- 
 tors, the most ample supplies of food and mate- 
 rials for manufactures, might have been obtained ; 
 and by gradually extending cultivation, in the 
 most fertile parts of that country, and by improve- 
 ments in the methods, there was, and is every pro- 
 bability that a sufficient quantity might be obtain- 
 ed for the increasing numbers of our manufac- 
 turers, and of the people in America, for many 
 centuries, forming a most beneficial intercourse 
 among the nations of these continents. 
 
 But, unfortunately, the advantages of such a 
 trade not having been sufficiently attended to, the 
 regulations occasioned by erroneous selfish vie\v s 
 of the owners and occupiers of land, and the sel- 
 fishness and ambition of the governments of Eu- 
 rope, have hitherto, not only prevented that dis- 
 covery from producing these happy effects, they 
 have also made it a source of the greatest misery 
 to the natives of America and Africa, and of the 
 keenest animosities and war, among the nations 
 of Europe.
 
 239 
 
 The discovery of that country, however, not- 
 withstanding many imprudent regulations, has, in 
 various ways, become more and more beneficial to 
 the labourers of Britain and Ireland. 
 
 The number of common labourers who have 
 emigrated is considerable, which, by lessening the 
 number at home, has increased their wages ; and a 
 much greater proportion of the middle ranks also 
 emigrate, and many go to the West Indies with 
 a view of returning with fortunes, and thousands 
 have been sent out in the military line, of whom 
 very few have returned. By these different means, 
 Britain and Ireland have been relieved of a consi- 
 derable proportion of their supernumerary people, 
 and the situation of those who have no land has 
 been proportionally meliorated. The importation 
 of cotton, hides, and many other materials for ma- 
 nufactures has been great, which must have had a 
 considerable effect in keeping down the prices of 
 those necessaries. And the importation of rice, 
 sugar, coffee, cocoa, rum, &c. has been gradually 
 increasing, so that they now form a considerable 
 addition to the annual produce of food in Britain 
 and Ireland. All which, importations and emi- 
 grations, meliorate the condition of the labourers. 
 
 But the advantages which these nations have 
 derived from the importation of these different
 
 240 
 
 articles from America, are trifling when compared 
 with the advantages which might have been ob- 
 tained by a free importation of corn and animal 
 food. If a free importation of food had been al- 
 lowed, from the first discovery of America, as 
 payment for manufactures, to what an immense 
 extent must that trade have now arrived, which 
 would have furnished food and employment for 
 increasing numbers of manufacturers, and would 
 have formed an increasing demand for capitsJ, and 
 for people in all the higher lines of business, by 
 which means the people in Britain and Ireland 
 might have been more than double the number of 
 what they are at present, the lowest ranks living 
 in fulness, as it is probable that the price of wheat 
 would seldom have exceeded forty shillings a quar- 
 ter; nor salt beef or pork, three pence a pound, as 
 formerly observed. 
 
 It is admitted, that when America was disco- 
 vered, the land in Britain and Ireland had been 
 long monopolised by a few people, and conse- 
 quently the arts of manufacturing were not much 
 improved or diffused ; that the finer kinds were, in 
 general, imported to supply the great land owners ; 
 but as the Americans required only the ordinary 
 kinds, which were, in general, manufactured near- 
 ly as well in every parish as in any other country 
 at that time j a free trade to America, therefore,
 
 241 
 
 would have increased the number of manufacturers 
 in the different country towns, who would have 
 gradually improved in the arts of manufacturing. 
 And these effects would have been much greater, 
 if no laws enforcing apprenticeships had been 
 enacted ; and if Henry the VII. instead of en- 
 forcing the ruinous laws against retainers, had an- 
 nulled the laws of entail and primogeniture, which 
 would have not only answered his purpose of re- 
 ducing the power of the barons much more effec- 
 tually, but would also have obliged the owners of 
 land to do justice to their younger children, and, 
 by dividing estates, would have greatly increased 
 the demand for cultivators and home-made ma- 
 nufactures. 
 
 As the Americans, if allowed a free trade, would 
 have had a certain market for the produce of their 
 land, with the price of which they could have pur- 
 chased such manufactures as they desired, it would 
 then have been their interest to have applied them- 
 selves chiefly to agriculture, to clear the land of 
 wood, and to increase the number of animals which 
 are proper to be slaughtered for exportation. The 
 increase of these would have enriched their land, 
 and made it produce great crops of corn, and en- 
 couraged cultivation. 
 
 Q
 
 242 
 
 As agriculture would, in that case, have been 
 much more profitable in that country than it has 
 been, no person would have thought of employ- 
 ing capital in manufactures, while there were any 
 new lands, tolerably fertile, to cultivate ; and few 
 Americans would have gone into the sea-faring 
 line. Hence the shipping of Britain and Ireland 
 would have been incomparably greater than it is 
 at present, as the greatest part of the food and 
 materials for manufactures for the additional num- 
 ber of manufacturers, must have been imported in 
 the ships of these nations. 
 
 Thus, it appears, that emigration to under- 
 peopled countries, yields the same relief to an 
 over-populous nation, and is equally necessary in 
 modern as in ancient times ; and that manufac- 
 turing nations may now derive a very great addi- 
 tional advantage by purchasing food with manu- 
 factures from the colonists, for supplying their 
 own increasing population, and by that means pre- 
 vent the necessity of a continual recourse to emi- 
 gration as the people increase in number. 
 
 It is obvious, that if every kind of food were 
 now allowed to be imported free of duty, into 
 Britain and Ireland, these beneficial effects would 
 gradually follow in all the manufacturing pro- 
 vinces, in proportion as the Americans acquire
 
 243 
 
 confidence in the new regulation, and as new co- 
 lonies increase in that country and in Africa. 
 
 But however plentiful food and materials of ma- 
 nufactures may be in these or any other country, 
 a liberty to import them cannot relieve the labour- 
 ers in the provinces in which no manufactures 
 are established. The labourers in these provinces, 
 from a want of capital, and other advantages, are 
 unable to serve the proprietors of land, or one 
 another, with several kinds of manufactures so 
 cheap as they can be imported from other provin- 
 ces and countries, although they are willing to 
 work for very low, wages. But if they cannot 
 stand a competition in their own country with fo- 
 reign manufacturers, whose goods are there loaded 
 with duties, carriage, and merchants profits, it can- 
 not be expected that they can have any chance 
 in ft competition in a foreign market, nor are there 
 any merchants to export their goods. 
 
 As this is the situation of the labourers in the 
 highlands of Scotland, they seem to have no way 
 of relieving themselves but by emigrating to A- 
 merica, or to the manufacturing provinces of their 
 own country. But the first method is, by a late 
 cruel law, rendered unattainable by the poor, and 
 even the latter is attended with greater difficulties 
 than appear at first view. 
 
 Q2
 
 244 
 
 It cannot be expected that a young man, and 
 far less a young woman, can venture to travel two 
 or three hundred miles in search of employment, 
 until they are sixteen or eighteen years of age ; 
 they must, therefore, put up with the miserable 
 encouragement they can obtain at home, and con- 
 tinue a burden upon their parents while under 
 that age ; and a person who has not been accus- 
 tomed to practise what, in a manufacturing so- 
 ciety, is called common labour, until such an ad- 
 vanced period of life, must begin very aukwardly. 
 This circumstance, with the peculiarities of their 
 dress and language, makes them the butt of the 
 labourers in the manufacturing provinces. The 
 ridicule to which they are, on these accounts sub- 
 jected, is so severe, that rather than submit to it, 
 thousands who come south in companies, to assist 
 at harvest work, return to their native place and 
 Jive in the most abject poverty j and it seems to be 
 owing to the fear of this ridicule, that the young 
 men so seldom go into the navy, or even into the 
 army, except in whole regiments. 
 
 These seem to be some of the causes of the ex- 
 treme poverty of the labourers, in the highlands 
 and islands of Scotland. 
 
 Annulling the cruel and selfish law, which the 
 owners of land have obtained, to obstruct emigra-
 
 245 
 
 tlon to America, would afford these miserable 
 people some relief. But, as there is very little em- 
 ployment for labourers in that country in agri- 
 culture, and less in manufactures, the evil must 
 recur with the increase of people. The only way 
 to relieve them effectually seems to be, to esta- 
 blish manufactures in every part of the country, 
 that they may have articles of value to give for 
 food and other necessaries. 
 
 But manufactures cannot be advantageously es- 
 tablished, in any country, unless the manufactur- 
 ers can obtain land in perpetuity, in convenient 
 situations for houses and gardens, and to maintain 
 what cows and horses may be necessary. 
 
 It has been observed in the second chapter, that 
 when a large tract of country belongs to one 
 proprietor, his power over the occupiers of the 
 land is necessarily very great ; and as this is ge- 
 nerally the case in the highlands and islands of 
 Scotland, the proprietors in these countries va- 
 lue themselves as much upon their power as upon 
 the greatness of their rental ; and as they know 
 that feuing out a part of their land to merchants 
 and master-manufacturers, to erect buildings, &c. 
 would form an independent interest upon their 
 estates and lessen their power, no prfce will tempt 
 them to part with their land for these purposes. 
 
 q 3
 
 246 
 
 Whereas, in a country in which the land is much 
 divided, as the proprietors have very little power 
 over the occupiers, a person who wishes to set up 
 a manufactory can seldom be at a loss to find 
 lands to purchase for that purpose, and can sel- 
 dom be in the mercy of any individual, for water- 
 falls for machinery, for free-stone and lime-stone 
 quarries, &c. Put nothing of that kind can take 
 place in a country where every person is in the 
 power of a great proprietor and his minions, to 
 whom they must cringe in the most servile man- 
 ner, or leave the neighbourhood. 
 
 It seems to be owing to these causes, that ma- 
 nufactures have only been extended in free towns, 
 or in countries in which there is a considerable 
 division of land, and seldom or never upon an ex- 
 tensive estate, which is another proof of the ruin- 
 ous effects of the laws of entail and primogeni- 
 ture. 
 
 As the right to considerable quantities of land 
 in perpetuity, at a fixed rent, which was granted 
 to the boroughs, with a right to choose their own 
 magistrates, though granted for different purposes, 
 has gradually reared up manufactures and com- 
 merce in different parts of England and Scotland ; 
 and as the inhabitants of the towns in which ma- 
 nufactures have arrived at the greatest perfection
 
 247 
 
 in these countries, were, previous to these grants, 
 as ignorant of these arts as the people in the 
 highlands are at present ; there is no reason to 
 doubt, that if towns were established in that coun- 
 try, in proper situations, with a sufficient tract of 
 land annexed to each in perpetuity, with power 
 to the inhabitants to choose their own magistrates, 
 these people would gradually improve in the arts 
 of manufacturing, and in habits of industry, by 
 which they would be enabled, not only to supply 
 themselves with good clothes, houses, and other 
 conveniences, but would also be enabled to send 
 manufactures to America, to purchase those kinds 
 of food and materials for manufactures, which are 
 not to be got in the country. 
 
 The method adopted in different parts of the 
 highlands, of giving long leases of small pieces of 
 land for a house and garden, does not seem to be 
 calculated for establishing manufactures, as these 
 people still depend upon the owner of the sur- 
 rounding land, for what they may need, either for 
 cows, horses, or for erecting machinery, &c. No 
 man of talents and enterprise, and possessing suf- 
 ficient capital, can be expected to begin a manu- 
 factory under so many disadvantages and humi- 
 liating circumstances. 
 
 q4
 
 24g 
 
 Considering the very slow progress that manu- 
 factures made for several centuries in England, 
 notwithstanding the great influx of expert manufac- 
 turers, who had fled from the persecutions of Phi- 
 lip the Second, and afterwards from those of Lewis 
 the Fourteenth ; and notwithstanding that high 
 taxes were imposed upon several manufactures 
 when imported ; and as the people in the manu- 
 facturing towns in the south, by their experience 
 in manufactures and commerce, and by their great 
 capitals, have so many advantages over any per- 
 son who might be willing to establish a manufac- 
 tory in the highlands, it seems necessary, for pro- 
 moting that end, to allow a bounty of so much a 
 head, for every manufacturer employed, with a 
 free importation of materials for manufactures and 
 building. 
 
 Perhaps the bounties should only be given to 
 people who settle in a town, the inhabitants of 
 which have obtained, in perpetuity, a consider- 
 able quantity of arable land, with power to choose 
 their own magistrates ; in which case the bounty 
 ought to be considerable, and to continue a num- 
 ber of years certain, to induce men of capital 
 and enterprise to settle in that country. It seems 
 proper to remark, that as people and stock in- 
 crease in the towns which may be established on 
 the coast, a greater number will be employed in
 
 249 
 
 fishing, (especially if proper bounties on boats and 
 ships are given ;) not only on account of a great- 
 er demand for fish for the use of the inhabitants, 
 but also on account of an increasing demand for 
 fish by people of capital, for sale in other parts 
 of the country, which will not only increase the 
 demand for fishermen, but will make their profits 
 much more certain and equal than they can be 
 where they depend entirely upon the demand by 
 the people in the neighbourhood, for their own 
 use. 
 
 It is shown in pages 91 and 92, that the labour- 
 ers of Ireland and Scotland, are impoverished by 
 the importation of manufactures from England, 
 for which food is exported in payment. And in 
 page 96 it is shown, that when particular kinds of 
 goods are only manufactured in particular provin- 
 ces, a change of fashion occasions much miseriy?. 
 To lessen that misery, it seems to be necessary to 
 tax all manufactures, imported into any of these 
 kingdoms, from any of the others. Such taxes 
 would have a great effect in establishing the dif- 
 ferent kinds of manufactures in all the three king- 
 doms. As manufacturers increase in Scotland and 
 Ireland, fewer cattle will be sent to England from 
 these countries, and a part of the corn land in 
 England will be turned to grass, to supply the de- 
 ficiency of cattle. But as England can obtain
 
 250 
 
 plenty of corn from America and Africa, it is ob- 
 vious that the condition of the labourers in Ireland 
 and Scotland would be much meliorated by these 
 taxes, without injuring the labourers of England ; 
 and the land in England would be enriched by 
 more of iif being in grass. 
 
 If such free towns as have been proposed, were 
 established in Ireland, where necessary, and in 
 the highlands and islands of Scotland, the people, 
 even in the latter country, would in time, as they 
 improved in the arts of manufacturing, become as 
 opulent as their brethren in the present manufac- 
 turing counties, where the land is much more fer- 
 tile ; as it can have no efTegfcjup on the opulence 
 of a society of manufacturers^twhether they pur- 
 chase food and the materials of iheir manufactures 
 in their neighbourhood, or at three or four thou- 
 sand miles distance, providing they are equally 
 good and cheap. 
 
 As the land in Ireland is capable of great im- 
 provement, it would in general, rise to above six 
 or eight times its present value ; and even the 
 land in the highlands of Scotland, though the great- 
 est part of it is unimproveable, would rise at a 
 medium to two or three times its present value, 
 by the demand for houses and gardens, by im- 
 provements, and by a rise in the price of cattle,
 
 251 
 
 butter and cheese. And as the value of the land 
 rose, the public revenue would rise in a much 
 higher proportion, because all the land pays some 
 rent at present, whereas the people, in these coun- 
 tries are so poor that they pay no taxes. 
 
 It seems necessary for meliorating the condition 
 of the labourers, to annul all the laws enforcing 
 apprenticeships which were so ruinous to the poor 
 in England, when retainers were prohibited, and 
 has always been a great obstruction to people of 
 talents of that class rising in the world, and con- 
 sequently to the improvement and the diffusion of 
 the knowledge of the arts of manufacturing j as it 
 is obvious, that prohibiting men from exercising 
 any trade, to which they have not served an 
 apprenticeship of a number of years, must pre- 
 vent the poor from getting their children instruct- 
 ed in the arts of manufacturing. Such laws, there- 
 fore, are cruel, unjust, and imprudent, as it is for 
 the interest of the society that every person should 
 have liberty to work at any trade, and in any town 
 that he may judge most for his interest. It should 
 be left to the employers to judge of the abilities 
 of tradesmen. The trial of abilities by corpora- 
 tions is only a form, and of no use, as the greatest 
 dunces, if they have served an apprenticeship, 
 are, by them, passed as masters of#their profes- 
 sion.
 
 252 
 
 As a considerable supply of food is much want- 
 ed in Britain at present, and as a greater will be 
 necessary as the people increase in number ; every 
 proper mean should be exerted to obtain a free 
 trade with the different provinces of South Ame- 
 rica and Africa, and to encourage them to culti- 
 vate rice, that our dependence on particular coun- 
 tries may be less. 
 „»•,**»«• 
 
 It is shown in the last section of the fourth 
 chapter, that by enacting proper laws for encour- 
 aging agriculture, and establishing manufactures, 
 &c. such a country as Poland, may be made to sup- 
 port (without any commerce with foreign nations) 
 six or eight times more people in affluence, than 
 there are in it at present, though paying fifty 
 times the sum for public purposes, that the people 
 of that country are able to pay in the most peace- 
 able times, under their present laws. But it seems 
 necessary to remark, that as the people who have 
 no land can only purchase food with their person- 
 al services or manufactures, to prohibit any kind 
 of service by which a great proportion of the people 
 are supported, and who cannot obtain employ- 
 ment in any other way, must occasion as great mi- 
 sery, as we have observed in the third section of 
 the sixth chapter, was produced in England by 
 the laws against retainers. And it is probable, that 
 the same miserable consequences would follow a
 
 253 
 
 law in Russia or Poland, to oblige the owners of 
 
 land to liberate their slaves. t 
 
 ■ " ■ 
 
 In these countries, the people living upon es- 
 tates, are the property of the owners, whose pow- 
 er and consequence increase with their number, 
 and who, on that account, are induced to provide 
 for them, by letting them small pieces of land. 
 But if slavery were prohibited, the people being 
 no longer the property of the owners of the land, 
 they would have no inducement to provide them 
 with subsistence, but would either turn their land 
 to forests for hunting, or let it in large farms to 
 the highest bidder, and with the rents, or produce, 
 purchase manufactures from foreign countries ; 
 and as the farmers would employ no more people 
 than they thought necessary, a great proportion 
 of those who had subsisted on small pieces of 
 land, would be rendered destitute, and could only 
 subsist by begging or stealing. 
 
 It appears, therefore, probable, that the most ' 
 effectual way to meliorate the condition of these 
 nations, without reducing the occupiers of land 
 to beggary, is to continue the laws respecting the 
 slavery of these people, but to annul the laws of 
 entail and primogeniture ; and to lay very high 
 taxes upon land in forest, or not let in feu, and
 
 254 
 
 upon all imported manufactures*. In which case, 
 the high tax on land in forest, or not let in feu, 
 would induce the owners to let their land in feu, 
 which would liberate their slaves, who would ob- 
 tain good wages from the feuers, for assisting in im- 
 proving their land, and supplying them with houses, 
 furniture, clothes, &c. And if all other necessary 
 laws were enacted for encouraging improvements 
 in agriculture and manufactures, these nations 
 would increase rapidly, in number, in riches, and 
 in power. 
 
 From the preceding observations, which are fully 
 supported by experience, it is evident, that inse- 
 curity of persons and property, the laws of entail, 
 primogeniture t and tythes, land lying waste or 
 supporting useless animals, or producing little for 
 the use of man, an exportation of food and other 
 necessary productions of land and restraints upon 
 their importation, obstructions to the improve- 
 ment and diffusion of the arts of manufacturing, 
 
 * It would be imprudent to prohibit importation of manufac- 
 tures, as that would weaken the motive for exertions in agricul- 
 ture, and for improvements in manufactures. 
 
 f Lord Lauderdale, in the 345th page of his Inquiry into 
 the Nature of Public Wealth, says, " In general, however, it 
 " may be observed, that great inequality of fortune, by impo- 
 " verishing the lower orders, has every where been the principal 
 «« impediment to the increase of public wealth."
 
 255 
 
 an importation of manufactures, and taxes that 
 are oppressive in kind or degree, are the principal 
 causes of the poverty and dependence of the 
 people who have no land in populous countries, 
 and they are also the causes of lowness of the 
 rents, the number of the people, and the power of 
 the nation. And it is also evident, that security 
 of persons and property, land being much divid- 
 ed and productive of the necessaries of life, few 
 useless animals, a diffusion of the knowledge of 
 the arts of manufacturing, an accumulation of ca- 
 pital, an importation of food and materials of ma- 
 nufactures, and high duties on manufactures im- 
 ported, are the principal causes of the melioration 
 of the condition of the people who have no land 
 in such countries ; and they also, in the same pro- 
 portion, raise the rent and value of land, and in.. 
 crease the number, the riches, and the power of t 
 the nation. I 
 
 THE END.
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 REPORT 
 
 OF THE 
 
 COMMITTEE of the PRIVY COUNCIL, 
 
 R
 
 m/Trecfc 
 
 lb*B. JL
 
 PREFACE 
 
 TO THE FIRST EDITION*. 
 
 In order to understand the better the following 
 representation on the corn trade and corn laws of 
 this country, it is proper to premise, that in a for- 
 mer representation to his Majesty, presented a- 
 b.out the middle of last December, it was shewn, 
 that the price of wheat, taken on an average from 
 the several markets of England, was, at that time, 
 fifty-two shillings per quarter — That the price of 
 wheat, as taken from the market of Amsterdam, 
 which is a free market for corn, and affords, there- 
 fore, the best criterion of the medium price of 
 Europe, was, by the lowest estimation, ten shillings 
 higher per quarter — That the prices of corn in 
 other foreign countries, were much higher than 
 in ordinary years — That the old stock of wheat 
 was nearly exhausted in most parts, by the de- 
 mands of the foregoing year — That bounties were 
 given by the municipality of Paris, on wheat 
 brought into the said city ;' and that bounties were 
 
 r 2
 
 paid, as well by the government of France, as by 
 the municipalities of many of the great towns si- 
 tuated upon the coast, on wheat imported therein 
 — That in Spain, all duties on corn imported, were 
 taken off, and that bounties were given on wheat 
 and Indian corn imported into that kingdom — 
 That the export of wheat had been prohibited from 
 several of the northern countries, from whence 
 great quantities of that article are usually drawn, 
 for the supply of the southern countries of Eu- 
 rope — That, in expectation of a scarcity, many go- 
 vernments had formed magazines for the susten- 
 ance of their subjects ; and that contracts had 
 been made with merchants of England, for the 
 delivery of American wheat at sixty*two and six- 
 ty-five shillings per quarter, and for the delivery 
 of American flour at sixty shillings per sack, on 
 its arrival in the Channel. 
 
 It was also shewn, that from a failure in the ex- 
 ecution of an act passed in the last session of par- 
 liament, there was, at that time, no law in force, 
 sufficient to prevent the exportation of corn, what- 
 ever the price thereof might be, or to permit the 
 importation upon low duties, if it should be found 
 necessary. 
 
 From a due consideration of all these circum- 
 stances, the privy council then advised his Ma-
 
 jesty to issue an order in council for preventing 
 the exportation, and allowing the importation of 
 several sorts -of corn, until the sense of parliament 
 could be taken on this subject, in order to insure 
 to his Majesty's subjects a continuance of the ad- 
 vantage they then enjoyed, of being supplied with 
 corn at a much cheaper rate than it could be ob- 
 tained in most of the neighbouring countries, and 
 thereby to execute and fulfil what the privy coun- 
 cil conceived to be the real intentions of the le- 
 gislature, for the benefit of the people of this king- 
 dom. 
 
 As soon as the parliament met, they shewed 
 their approbation of this measure, by passing a 
 law for preventing the exportation, and allowing 
 the importation of corn, in the manner directed 
 by the before-mentioned order in council, till the 
 29th of September next.
 
 
 R E P R T 
 
 OF THE 
 
 COMMITTEE OF THE PRIVY COUNCIL. 
 
 &EPRESENTATION, $C. 
 
 At the Council Chamber, Whitehall, the 
 8th of March, 1790. 
 
 By the Right Honourable the Lords of the 
 
 ©Committee of Privy Council, appointed 
 for the consideration of all matters re- 
 lating to Trade and Foreign Plantations. 
 
 To the KING'S Most Excellent Majesty. 
 
 May it please your Majesty, 
 
 The Committee of your Majesty's most ho- 
 nourable privy council, appointed for the consi- 
 deration of all matters relating to trade and foreign
 
 plantations, humbly offered to your Majesty ip a 
 former representation, their advice on such mea- 
 sures, as, in their judgment, were necessary, in 
 order to apply an immediate remedy to the evils 
 likely to arise from the difficulties which had oc- 
 curred in the execution of the laws of this king- 
 dom, made for regulating the exportation and im- 
 portation of corn, and to preserve your Majesty's 
 subjects from being exposed to that distress for 
 want of this indispensable article of subsistence, 
 which has of late been severely felt in several 
 neighbouring countries ; but the committee hav- 
 ing in their investigation of this subject been led 
 to consider the state of the corn laws, and the 
 trade of corn in general, and finding that some 
 further provisions are wanting to amend and im- 
 prove the said laws, they presume to lay this se- 
 cond representation before your Majesty, and 
 therein to submit to your Majesty's consideration, 
 their sentiments on such amendments and altera- 
 tions in the subsisting laws, as appear to them to 
 be expedient. 
 
 The committee thought this subject the more 
 deserving their attention, as they find, by an ac- 
 count * laid before them, of the quantity of corn 
 imported and exported, during the last eighteen 
 years, that this kingdom, which, in former times 
 used to produce more corn than was necessary for 
 the consumption of its inhabitants, has of late 
 years been under the necessity of depending on 
 the produce of foreign countries for a part of its 
 supply. 
 
 * Vide Appendix, No. I. 

 
 8 
 
 Barley is the only article, of which this coun- 
 try produces more, at present, than it consumes. 
 We had formerly a large and profitable trade in 
 the export of corn ; — upon an average of nine- 
 teen years, from 1746 to 1765, the corn exported 
 from this country is supposed to have produced a 
 net profit of not less than L 651,000 per annum ; 
 but in the eighteen years, from 1770, to 1788*, 
 by setting the value of the corn imported against 
 that of the corn exported, and deducting the a- 
 mount of the duties received thereon, from the 
 bounties paid during the same period, it will ap- 
 pear, that this country, has, upon an average, sus- 
 tained a loss in this trade, of L 291,000 per an- 
 num, which sum it has annually paid to foreign 
 nations, for the supply of its inhabitants. 
 
 The following table will shew the quantity of 
 each sort of corn exported annually, from Eng- 
 land, upon an average of nineteen years, from 
 1746 to 1765, inclusive: and also the quantity 
 of each sort of corn exported annually, from Eng- 
 land and Scotland, upon an average of eighteen 
 years, from 1770 to 1788, inclusive ; with the boun- 
 ty in each period paid thereon. 
 
 * Vide Appendix, No. /.
 
 Vide Appendix, No. 2. 
 
 Wheat and wheatmeal. 
 
 Barky and malt 
 
 Oats and oatmeal 
 
 %c 
 
 Annual bounty paid 
 thereon 
 
 9 
 
 19 years average, 18 vears average, 
 
 from 1746 to 1765, from 1770 to 1738 f. 
 
 inclusive, from inclusive, from 
 
 England *. England & Scotland. 
 
 Quarters. 
 
 359,810 
 
 306,974 
 
 20,702 
 
 47,677 
 
 Quarters. 
 
 108,247 
 
 99,458 
 
 25,802 
 
 6,041 
 
 L. 138,677 3 7^ L. 32,968 6 4| 
 
 ====== i i—. 
 
 County paid on corn exported from Great I r 4,5 ieo 19 «* 
 Britain in 1788 J j * ' x 
 
 Note. * The accounts in Scotland of imports and exports 
 were not kept by the Commissioners of the Customs there be- 
 fore the year 1755, in such a manner as to enable the commit- 
 tee to obtain an accurate account of the corn imported and ex- 
 ported to and from that part of the united kingdom during the 
 first of these periods. 
 
 Note, f An account of the quantity of the several sorts of 
 corn exported and imported from and to Great Britain in the 
 year ending the 5th January 1790, has not yet been obtained 
 by the committee, tithe accounts from Scotland have not been 
 hitherto transmitted. — But the bounty on corn exported from 
 England only, in the course of this year, amounted to L.76,551 
 16s. 1-Jd. which is considerably more than double the bounty 
 paid on all corn exported from England and Scotland on an 
 average of the eighteen preceding years, and proves how great 
 a quantity of corn during the course of last year was carried 
 out of the kingdom, before the prices of the several sorts ex- 
 ceeded the prices at or below which export is by law permitted.
 
 16 
 
 The following table will shew the quantity of 
 each sort of corn imported annually into England, 
 upon an average of nineteen years, from 1746 to 
 1765, inclusive; and also, the quantity of each 
 sort of corn imported annually into England and 
 Scotland, upon an average of eighteen years, from 
 1770 to 1788, inclusive. 
 
 Vide Appendix, 
 No. 3. 
 
 1 9 years average, 
 
 from 1746 to 1765, 
 
 inclusive, into 
 
 England. 
 
 Wheat and flour... 
 Barley and malt... 
 Oats and oatmeal.. 
 
 Beans and pease . . 
 
 Annual duties') 
 paid thereon 5 
 
 1 8 years average, 
 from 1770 to 1788, 
 
 inclusive, 
 into England and 
 
 Scotland. 
 
 WTieat* 
 
 Quarters. 
 
 12,654 
 
 1,500 
 
 30,449 
 
 502 
 
 None. 
 
 Quarters. 
 150,905 
 
 
 48,048 
 
 Oats and oatmeal... 
 
 291,405 
 
 15,577 
 
 Beans and pease.... 
 
 31,683 
 
 Annual duties? 
 paid thereon. 5 
 
 L. 1,569 8 4^ 
 
 L. 7,620 8 3y 
 
 The committee hope, that a change so extraor- 
 dinary in a concern of so much importance, is 
 only to be imputed to an increased population ; 
 
 Note tn the present edition. * No wheat-flour, or malt, were 
 imported into England in the nineteen years from 1746 to 1765, 
 and in several of these years there was no importation into Eng- 
 land of several of the before-mentioned sorts of grain. 
 
 In the first edition there was inserted in this place an account 
 of the corn exported and imported from and to Ireland for ten 
 years, ending the 25th March 1789; but as this account throws 
 no light on the question, in its present state, it is here omitted. 
 Eor the same reason are omitted in the Appendix, two accounts 
 relating to the trade of corn in Ireland.
 
 11 
 
 to the numbers of horses and other cattle, which 
 we now breed and maintain more than formerly ; 
 and to that opulence which has generally diffused 
 itself amongst all ranks of men, from the exten- 
 sion of our trade and manufactures, and which 
 has occasioned an increased consumption of all 
 the necessaries of life ; — for there can be no rea- 
 son to suppose either that the agriculture of the 
 country has of late declined, or that, for so long a 
 continuance of years, the seasons can have been 
 uniformly unfavourable. 
 
 The committee are further impressed with the 
 importance of this subject, and are the more in- 
 duced to think that it requires immediate atten- 
 tion, as from accounts they have received of the 
 produce and consumption of corn in most Euro- 
 pean countries, they are inclined to believe, that 
 in ordinary years the produce of corn in Europe 
 is not more than equal to the consumption of its 
 inhabitants; and that whenever the crops fail in 
 any degree, the deficiency can only be supplied 
 from the harvest of America. 
 
 The lords of the committee are of opinion, that 
 the principles which are best adapted for the con- 
 duct and regulation of other trades, cannot in 
 every respect be applied to this of corn : other 
 trades in general produce only the comforts and 
 conveniencies of life ; — this has for its object an 
 article that is indispensably necessary for sub- 
 sistence : If they at any time decline, some in- 
 dividuals may be affected in their fortunes, and 
 the public can only suffer a temporary loss and 
 inconvenience ; — but a mistaken speculation in 
 the trade of corn may produce dearth — the con- 
 sequence of which will always be general distress,
 
 12 
 
 ami sometimes popular commotions : so that iii 
 tlie management of this trade, government ought 
 ever to have in view, not only the prosperity of 
 the trade itself, and tlie interests of those con- 
 cerned in it, but the subsistence of the people. 
 
 The best market for corn in every country is 
 the home market ; and the circulation of it with- 
 in every kingdom ought to be free, so that the 
 surplus of one part may supply the deficiencies of 
 the other, ana that the price throughout the 
 whole country may be brought as near as possible 
 to a level. 
 
 To facilitate the circulation of corn, this king- 
 dom enjoys peculiar advantages, which arise from 
 its situation as an island, from the number of its 
 canals, and the excellence of its roads ; and by 
 these means the populous and manufacturing 
 counties in some parts of the island can draw the 
 necessary supplies from other parts, which are less 
 populous, but more productive of corn. 
 
 In other countries magazines of corn are form- 
 ed by their respective governments, or by the 
 principal magistrates of great cities, as a resource 
 in times of scarcity. This country has no such 
 institution — The stores of corn are here deposited 
 in the •barns and stacks of wealthy farmers, and in 
 the magazines of merchants and dealers in corn, 
 who ought to be by no means restrained, but ra- 
 ther encouraged in laying up stores of this nature, 
 as, after a deficient crop, they are thereby enabled 
 to divide the inconvenience arising from it as 
 equally as possible through every part of the year; 
 and by checking improvident consumption in the 
 beginning of scarcity, prevent a famine, which 
 might otherwise happen before the next harvest.
 
 IS 
 
 The inland trade of corn, therefore, ought to be 
 perfectly free. — This freedom can never be a- 
 bused — To suppose that there can be a monopoly 
 of so bulky and perishable a commodity dispersed 
 through so many hands over every part of the 
 country, is an idle and vain apprehension. The 
 ancient laws of this kingdom, which by a false 
 policy restrained the inland trade of corn, have in 
 general been repealed. The 15th Cha. II. ch. 7. 
 which does not permit the buying corn to sell 
 again, and the laying it up in granaries, except 
 when the several sorts of com are below certain 
 prices therein mentioned, is the only law of this 
 description which will now be found in our sta- 
 tute book, and ought certainly not to remain there 
 any longer. 
 
 But to extend the freedom of this trade to an 
 unrestrained export of corn to foreign countries, 
 would, in the opinion of the committee, be pro- 
 ductive of the greatest evils ; such export might, 
 in a year of general scarcity, exhaust the stock of 
 any kingdom, and deprive its inhabitants of what 
 is necessary for their subsistence, by sending it for 
 the supply of other nations. There is hardly a 
 country in Europe, the government of which, in 
 the course of last year, did not find it necessary 
 to interpose either to retain its own stock wholly 
 for the consumption of its inhabitants, or at least 
 to prevent an unlimited exportation ; and, it is sin- 
 gular to observe, what industry and artifice have 
 been employed by the merchants, and even by the 
 ministers of many countries, to break through these 
 restraints, and to draw supplies from their neigh- 
 bours. The greatest advocates for a free trade in 
 corn with foreign countries, have always cited the
 
 14 
 
 practice of Hamburg, Holland, and particularly 
 of the town of Amsterdam, being free markets 
 for corn, as a proof that no inconvenience would 
 arise to the inhabitants of a country, by allowing 
 at all times perfect liberty in the import and ex- 
 port of corn : The senate of Hamburg, sensible 
 of the imperfection of such a system, have always 
 kept a magazine well stored with every sort of it, 
 to provide for the consumption of their own inha- 
 bitants, in cases of emergency : and, in the last 
 year, many towns of Holland thought it necessary 
 to prohibit the export of corn from their own pre- 
 cinct and jurisdiction to other towns within the 
 same province ; and the free circulation of it was 
 thereby prevented even in their own country ; and 
 the magistrates of Amsterdam, which is the great- 
 est corn market of Europe, though they kept their 
 port open for the importation and exportation of 
 corn, yet, being fearful that the prices would rise 
 so high as to occasion distress to its inhabitants, 
 collected and laid up in magazines, at the public 
 expence, great quantities of corn, and sold it to 
 the people at reduced prices. And, during the 
 last autumn, if the laws of this country had not 
 restrained the export of corn, and your Majesty 
 had not providently interposed to carry the inten- 
 tion of the legislature, in this respect, into per- 
 fect execution, your Majesty's people would have 
 been deprived of the advantage they now enjoy, 
 of purchasing this necessary article of subsistence 
 at a much cheaper rate than those of any neigh- 
 bouring nation. 
 
 It appears, therefore, that the principles on which 
 our corn laws are founded are in general wise; the 
 two objects they have in view are, first to secure a
 
 15 
 
 reasonable price at all times to the farmer, and in. 
 the next place to prevent that price being at any 
 time so high as to distress the poor and the manu- 
 facturer. With a view to the first of these objects, 
 export is allowed, and even encouraged by a boun- 
 ty, till the price of wheat arrives at 44s. per quar- 
 ter ; and the import of foreign wheat into this 
 country is restrained by a high duty, till the price 
 of wheat in the home market arrives at 48s. The 
 same policy is observed with respect to other ar- 
 ticles of corn. It is a true observation, that no 
 market will be plentifully supplied with corn, un- 
 less some liberty is given of disposing to profit of 
 the surplus, for which there may be no demand ; 
 without this liberty the farmer would endeavour 
 so to contrive, as to produce no more corn than 
 could be sold in the home market at a reasonable 
 profit, and his speculations would extend no fur- 
 ther ; the consequence would be, that he would 
 frequently produce less than the home market 
 would demand, and scarcity must sometimes en- 
 sue ; for it has been found by experience, that a 
 very small deficiency of crop will raise the price 
 in a very high degree. 
 
 It is right, therefore, to allow the export of corn, 
 whenever it is sold under a certain price ; — it is 
 not necessary for the committee to offer any thing 
 in justification of that policy, which commenced 
 at the revolution, of encouraging by bounty this 
 exportation, and which the legislature has thought 
 fit to continue to the present time. Whatever 
 doubts may be entertained by some, of the wis- 
 dom of this measure, it cannot surely be thought 
 prudent to alter it at present ; for it is a certain 
 fact, that the agriculture of this country has pro-
 
 16 
 
 gressively increased and flourished from the time 
 when this bounty was first granted ; though it is 
 true, that other causes have been assigned for this 
 improvement. — This bounty may be considered as 
 a compensation made to the farmer for the res- 
 traints imposed on his trade, in order to ensure 
 subsistence to the people : and it may well be 
 doubted, whether the exportation which is neces- 
 sary to encourage tillage in a degree sufficient for 
 the home supply (as before stated) would take 
 place if this bounty should be withheld. — In all 
 years, and particularly, in those of reasonable plen- 
 ty, the price of corn is lower in the countries bor- 
 dering on the Baltic, and in America, than it is in 
 Great Britain. — In the north of Europe corn can 
 be more cheaply raised, because the value of land 
 is less, and the price of labour is lower. — In Ame- 
 rica, the value of land is greatly less, and from 
 the extent of their farms, they are able to resort 
 to new lands, or to substitute fallows in the place 
 of manure, and can therefore raise corn without 
 this additional expence ; and these circumstances 
 more than compensate the higher price of labour 
 in that country.— Without the aid therefore of the 
 bounty, the merchants of the countries before 
 mentioned, would be able to under-sell our corn 
 factors in foreign countries ; and, in consequence 
 thereof, the surplus corn of this kingdom would 
 never find a vent, except in times of general scar- 
 city on the Continent (as of late has been the case) 
 and it is probable that in common years, when, in 
 order to keep up the price at home, some sale in 
 the foreign market is most necessary, very little 
 corn would be exported from Great Britain. 
 When the price of wheat is from 44s. to 48s.
 
 17 
 
 per quarter, neither the exportation of British 
 wheat, nor the importation of foreign on low du- 
 ties, is allowed ; from which it may be inferred, 
 that it is the opinion of the legislature, that be- 
 tween 44s. and 48s. is the medium price at which 
 wheat ought to be sold in the markets of this coun- 
 try, for the encouragement of the farmer on one 
 hand, and the comfortable subsistence of the peo- 
 ple on the other. It has been remarked by atten- 
 tive observers, that in manufacturing towns there 
 is more regularity of Conduct, and more produc- 
 tive industry, when corn is not at a price unusual- 
 ly low ; but the condition of the country labourer 
 certainly requires, that the price of it should be 
 low, that he may be enabled by his wages to pur- 
 chase what is necessary for his subsistence — As 
 soon as the price of wheat passes 48s. the legisla- 
 ture have thought it their duty to attend to the 
 necessities of the poor, and to encourage the im- 
 portation of foreign wheat, by allowing it to be 
 imported at very low duties. 
 
 The whole of this system wisely corresponds with 
 those principles by which the corn trade ought to 
 be conducted. The only doubt that can be en- 
 tertained upon it is, whether the export does not 
 stop before the price is sufficiently high for the en- 
 couragement of agriculture, and the interest of 
 the farmer — It is singular that the price at which 
 corn is prohibited to be exported is now lower 
 than it was above a century ago, and that the price, 
 at which foreign corn is permitted to be imported 
 ut reduced duties, is now also lower than it was 
 above a century ago ; and during this period the 
 prices of the principal sorts of corn, taken upon 
 an average of a number of years, do not appear 
 to have advanced in an equal degree with the 
 
 S
 
 18 
 
 prices of many other articles which are of general 
 use, and even of some which are the produce of 
 the farm ; and there are those who doubt whether 
 this circumstance has not contributed to make the 
 quantity of corn produced, not equal to the con- 
 sumption, as it is at present. 
 
 The policy of our laws has, however, produced 
 an effect highly advantageous, both to the grower 
 and consumer of corn, by rendering the vicissi- 
 tudes of plenty and dearth less frequent than they 
 were formerly, and by making the price of corn 
 more steady and uniform. — The fanner may now 
 at all times depend on a certain reasonable price, 
 and feels that his labour in cultivating his land, 
 will not be wholly unprofitable — On the other hand, 
 the poor have no reason to apprehend, as in an- 
 cient times, the calamities of dearth and famine. 
 
 The committee having now traced the princi- 
 ples, by which, in their opinion, the corn trade 
 ought to be regulated, and to which our corn laws 
 appear in general to conform, they will proceed 
 to consider in what respects these laws are defec- 
 tive, and what amendments ought to be made to 
 them, so as to make them fully correspond with 
 the principles before stated. 
 
 It appears from the provisions of ancient sta- 
 tutes, and particularly from the preamble of Sta- 
 tute 1.5, Henry VI. cap. 2. that it was not lawful* 
 to carry corn out of the realm without the licence 
 of the king ; — by this statute permission was first 
 given to export several sorts of corn out of the 
 realm, whenever the price of each sort was at, or 
 below the prices therein mentioned. 
 
 * In Maddox's history of the Exchequer, chap. 14. sect. 15, 
 there is an account of several amerciaments for exporting corn, 
 without license, in very early times. 
 
 ■
 
 19 
 
 By subsequent statutes, the export of the differ- 
 ent sorts of corn was in like manner allowed, when- 
 ever the price of each sort was at, or below the 
 prices mentioned in each statute respectively. — 
 The following table, N 2 IV., will shew what the 
 prices were, at or below which corn was allowed 
 to be exported at different periods, according to 
 the monies, of the times. 
 
 It is extraordinary, that no one of the before- 
 mentioned statutes, nor any statute till the i3th year 
 of your Majesty's reign, cap. 43, enacts any rule 
 for ascertaining the prices, according to which the 
 export should be allowed, or the bounty be paid, 
 though some of them establish regulations for as- 
 certaining the quantity of corn so exported, and 
 the quantity on which the bounty was to be paid. 
 
 Note. The several sorts of corn so exported, during all 
 this time, paid the duty of export, which varied according as 
 the law stood in each period. By the act of tonnage and pound- 
 age, 12 Charles II. cap. 4. the duty on corn exported was the 
 same whatever the price might be ; it was not, however, high, 
 as corn of every sort was rated at a very low value in the book 
 of rates. 
 
 Note. A bounty was given by 1st William and Mary, cap. 
 12. and the duties were taken off by the 11 and 12 William, cap. 
 20. A bounty was likewise given on several sorts of corn ex- 
 ported, by the before-mentioned act of 1st William and Mary, 
 which bounty has been varied by several subsequent statutes. 
 The following table, No. '», will shew all the variations made in 
 the bounty on each sort of corn, and the prices according to 
 which it w;i<: paid. 
 
 S 2
 
 10 
 No. 4. PRICES at or below 
 
 By Statutes, 
 
 15 Hen. VI. c. 2 per Quarter. 
 
 1 and 2 Ph. and M. c. 5 
 
 1 Eliz. c. 11 , 
 
 5 Eliz. c. 5. 
 
 13 Eliz. c. 13 
 
 35 Eliz. c. 7 
 
 1 Ja s . c. 25 
 
 21 Ja s . c. 28 
 
 3 Ch s . I. c. 4- 
 
 12 Cha $ . II. c. 4 
 
 15 Cha s . II. c. 7 
 
 1 \V m . and M. stat. 1. c. 12 
 
 11 and 12 W m . c. 20 
 
 13 Geo. III. c. 43 
 
 Wheat. 
 
 Rye. 
 
 4 _ 
 
 5 — 
 
 8 — 
 
 When the prices were 
 made by the 
 20 — 13 4- "| 
 26 8 15—1 
 32 — 20—1 
 
 The same prices 
 40 — ] 24 — I 
 48 — I 32 — I 
 
 No custom, or 
 
 The subsidy, and 
 
 44 — 28 - 
 
 The officers of the customs, being left without 
 any rule prescribed by law, pursued a method of 
 their own : They obliged the exporter, in making 
 the entry outwards, to swear, that the prices of 
 the corn, so entered for exportation, did not, on 
 the last market day, exceed the prices at which 
 export was to be allowed, or bounty to be paid ; 
 and sometimes they obliged the exporter to pro- 
 duce a certificate to the same effect on the oath 
 of some supposed credible witness. — This practice 
 was probably founded on the directions given in 
 the 1st W m and Mary, cap. 12. for ascertaining 
 the quantity and quality of the corn so exported.
 
 21 
 
 which Exportation was permitted. 
 
 
 Pease. 
 
 Beans. 
 
 Oats. 
 
 Barley. 
 
 Malt. 
 
 Beer or Big. 
 
 Buckwheat. 
 
 
 s. d. 
 
 S. d. 
 
 s. d. 
 
 s. d. 
 
 S. d. 
 
 
 
 
 — 
 
 
 
 — 
 
 3 — 
 3 — 
 3 3 
 
 
 
 
 
 4 — 
 
 4 — 
 
 2 — 
 
 3 3 
 
 
 
 
 8 — 
 
 8 — 
 
 — 
 
 6 8 
 
 6 8 
 
 
 
 so reasonable and moderate as that no prohibition was 
 
 queen or council, or justices of assize, or of the peace. 
 
 
 13 4 
 
 13 4 
 
 — 
 
 12 — 12 — 
 
 
 
 
 15 — 
 
 15 — 
 
 — 
 
 14 — 
 
 14 — 
 
 
 
 
 16 — 
 
 16 — 
 
 — 
 
 16 — 
 
 16 — 
 
 
 
 as in the last act. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 124 — 24 — 
 
 16 — 
 
 20 — 
 
 20 — 
 
 
 
 132 — 32 — 
 
 13 4 
 
 28 — 
 
 28 — 
 
 — 
 
 28 
 
 any fee or reward, to be paid on exportati< 
 
 )n. 
 
 
 aH duties, to cease. 
 
 
 28 — 
 
 28 — 14 —| 22 —| — 22 
 
 
 
 
 
 Malt made of barley, bper, or big, to b,£ 
 
 
 
 
 governed by those grains respectively. 
 
 By the before-mentioned statute of 13th year 
 of your Majesty's reign, it was enacted, that in 
 cases of exportation from the ports of England, 
 the prices of corn should be ascertained, accord- 
 ing to the methods directed by preceding acts of 
 parliament, as well as by that act, for ascertaining 
 the prices of corn or grain in cases of importa- 
 tion ; and the bounty was to be paid according to 
 prices ascertained in the same manner. — It is pro- 
 per to observe, that the prices for regulating im- 
 portation were, according to the 1st James II. 
 chap. 19. ascertained only four times in each year. 
 
 s 3
 
 22 
 
 No. 5. PRICES at and below which 
 
 By Statutes. 
 
 1st W m . & M. 
 stat. 1. c. 12 
 
 5th Anne, c. 8. 
 
 5th Anne, c. 29. 
 
 13 Geo. III. 
 c. 43. 
 
 Wheat. 
 
 The price perjl 
 
 quarter J 
 
 Bounty 
 
 The price 
 per quarter 
 
 Bounty 
 
 { 
 
 The price 
 quarter 
 
 Bounty ,. 
 
 Price per qr. 
 Bounty 
 
 f oil malt 
 < made of 
 (.wheat ... 
 5 
 
 44 
 5 and 
 on all malt 
 made of 
 wheat. 
 
 Rye. 
 
 S 
 32 — 
 3 6 
 
 } 
 
 28 
 3 
 
 Pease. 
 
 — By the same act of 13th year of your Majesty's 
 reign, the prices of corn in Scotland, both in cases 
 of exportation and importation, and for the pay- 
 ment of the bounty, were to be ascertained by re- 
 turns made four times a year, from the sheriffs or 
 stewards depute, or their deputies, on the oaths 
 of two persons qualified in the manner in that act 
 described. 
 
 This method of ascertaining the prices being 
 tbund very inconvenient and detrimental to the 
 
 4 

 
 23 
 
 certain Bounties were given on Exportation, 
 
 Beans 
 
 . Oats. Oatmeal. 
 
 Barley. 
 
 Malt made 
 
 Beer or Big 
 
 Back Wheat. 
 
 
 
 
 
 of Barley. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. d. 
 
 S. d. 
 
 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 24 — 
 
 24. — 
 
 ■ 
 
 
 
 s. 
 
 
 2 6 
 
 2 6 
 
 8. d. 
 
 
 
 15 
 
 it. d. 
 2 6 
 
 " 
 
 
 24- — 
 2 6 
 
 
 
 
 from 
 Scotland. 
 The same 
 
 from 
 
 5 
 
 ) 
 
 from 
 Scotland. 
 The same 
 
 from 
 
 * 
 
 
 
 England 
 
 as from 
 
 Scotland. 
 
 s 
 
 r 
 
 England 
 as from 
 Scotland. 
 
 
 __ 
 
 14 
 
 m 
 
 22 — 
 
 22 — 
 
 22 — 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 2 6 
 
 2 6 
 
 2 6 
 
 2 6 
 and also 
 on malt 
 made of 
 beer or 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 big. 
 
 
 export trade of corn, as the prices which were to 
 govern the exportation and the payment of the 
 bounty could be altered only every three months, 
 though the real prices might, in the mean time, 
 be very much increased or diminished, it was en- 
 acted in the next session, by statute, of the 14th 
 year of your Majesty's reign, cap. 64, that the 
 prices of corn exported from Great Britain should 
 be regulated and governed by the average prices, 
 
 S 4
 
 24 
 
 at which such corn should be respectively sold in 
 the public market, at or near the port or place 
 from whence such corn was intended to be export- 
 ed, on the last market day preceding the shipping 
 thereof; and that the respective bounties on each 
 sort of corn should be paid according to such 
 prices. 
 
 But even in this act no method was prescribed 
 for ascertaining what these prices were, so that 
 the officers of the customs were still obliged to 
 have recourse to the method that had before been 
 adopted and practised by themselves. — But this 
 last-mentioned act, as far as relates to the port of 
 London, and the ports of the counties of Kent and 
 Essex, was repealed by statute of 21st year of your 
 Majesty's reign, cap. 50, and a new mode of as- 
 certaining the prices in those ports was therein 
 enacted ; an officer, created by that act, and call- 
 ed inspector of returns of corn, was directed to re- 
 ceive from the several factors of the corn exchange 
 an account of the quantity of each sort of corn 
 they had sold in the course of the preceding week, 
 and of the prices, and the names of the purchasers; 
 and, from the prices at which the whole aggregate 
 quantity of each sort of corn so respectively sold 
 in the course of that week, he was to compute and 
 form an average price of each sort of corn, and 
 such price was to be taken as the average price 
 during that week, and the import and export of 
 each sort of corn, and the bounty payable there- 
 on, was to be thereby regulated in the port of Lon- 
 don, and in the ports of Kent and Essex. 
 
 In this state, which was certainly very imper- 
 fect with respect to all the ports of Great Britain, 
 except those of London, Kent, and Essex, the 
 law for ascertaining the prices of corn, as far as
 
 23 
 
 related to exportation and the payment of thn 
 bounty, continued till the passing of the act of 
 last year. 
 
 As it appears by some ancient statutes not to 
 have been lawful to carry corn out of the realm 
 without the licence of the king, it may be collect- 
 ed from others that it was generally lawful to im- 
 port foreign corn into this kingdom ; and from 
 both these circumstances it may justly be infer- 
 red, that the legislature in ancient times was more 
 solicitous to provide for the plentiful subsistence 
 of the people, than to encourage tillage within the 
 realm. 
 
 By statute 3d Edward IV. c. 7. several sorts of 
 foreign corn were for the first time prohibited to 
 be imported, till the price of each exceeded the 
 respective prices mentioned in the said statute. 
 
 This statute continued in force till 21st James I. 
 when it was repealed, and the importation of fo- 
 reign corn was again generally permitted ; but 
 corn so imported was always subject to a duty, 
 which varied according to the law in each period. 
 
 By 12th Chas. II. c. 4. the importation of fo- 
 reign corn first began to be regulated in the man- 
 ner that subsists at present, that is, by imposing 
 high duties when the price of each sort of corn 
 did not exceed certain prices, and low duties 
 when it exceeded the said prices. 
 
 The following Table, No. 6. will show the 
 prices at which corn was at any time prohibited to 
 be imported, and at what prices the high and low 
 duties on importation respectively took place, and 
 what was the amount of those high and low du- 
 ties upon each sort of corn at each period re- 
 spectively.
 
 26 
 
 No. 6. PRICES at or under 
 
 By Statutes, 
 
 Wheat. 
 
 3 Edw. IV. c. 2. . . . 
 repealed by 21 Ja. I. 
 13 Geo. III. c. 43. . . . 
 
 per Quarter,! Gs 8 
 per Boll, 
 
 PRICES at which certain high or low 
 
 By Statutes, 
 
 Wheat. 
 
 12Cha.II. c. 4. . 
 
 15 Cha. II. c. 7. . 
 22 Cha. II. c. 13. 
 
 J 3 Geo. III. c. 43. 
 
 t.> Geo. III. c. i. 
 
 . Not exceeding per Quarter 44s — 
 
 Duty 40 — 
 
 Exceeding the above prices, 
 Duty . . . 
 
 Not exceeding 
 
 Duty . . . 
 Exceeding the last-mentioned prices, 
 
 Not exceeding 53 4 
 
 Duty ... 
 Exceeding the above prices, 
 but not exceeding . . 
 Duty .... 
 
 6 8 
 
 48 — 
 5 4 
 
 16 — 
 
 80 — 
 8 — 
 
 27 Geo. III. c. 1 3. . . . 
 
 (Consolidating Act.) 
 
 Exceeding the last-mentioned prices, 
 
 At or above . 48 — I 
 
 Duty — 6 I 
 
 Do on wheat flour per cwt. — 2 I 
 Not exceeding the last-mentioned 
 
 j When bar- 
 
 at one 
 
 Under per Quarter 18 — 
 
 Duty 24 3 
 
 At or above. 
 
 Duty j — 6
 
 27 
 
 which Importation was prohibited. 
 
 
 Rye. 
 
 Pease. 
 
 Beans. 
 
 Oats. 
 
 Oatmeal. 
 
 Barley. 
 
 Malt. 
 
 Beer 
 
 or Big. 
 
 Buck 
 Wheat. 
 
 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 16 
 
 Into Scot- 
 land. 
 
 
 
 
 
 Duties on Importation were to take place. 
 
 Rye. 
 
 Pease. 
 
 Beans. 
 
 Oats. 
 
 Oatmeal. 
 
 Barley 
 
 Malt. 
 
 Beer 
 or Big 
 
 Buck 
 
 Wheat. 
 
 36 s — 
 26 8 
 
 5 — 
 
 32 — 
 
 4 — 
 
 32 — 
 
 4 — 
 
 28 s — 
 26 8 
 
 5 — 
 
 32 — 13-4. 
 
 4—1—4 
 
 28 s — 
 26 8 
 
 28 — 
 
 28 s — 
 26 8 
 
 28 
 
 2 8 2— 8 
 
 the low duties imposed by 12 Cha s II. ch. 4. 
 
 40 — 140 — !40 — !16— I — 
 16 — 16 — 16 —15—4 
 
 — is— 4 
 
 32 —132 —J 
 16 — 16 — 
 
 28 — 
 2 — 
 
 32 — 
 16 — 
 
 When rye, pease, beans, oats, barley, malt, or buck wheat, 
 
 exceed those prices, then they are to pay a duty as before 
 
 this act — further 5 per cent, was laid on French or pearl 
 
 barley. 
 
 the low duties imposed by 12 Cha s II. ch. 4. 
 
 F — ,32 — 
 8 1—3 
 
 32 —16 —I — 
 
 — 3— 21 
 
 24—1 — 
 2 — 
 
 24 — 
 — 2 
 
 prices, the high duties imposed by 12 Cha s II. ch. 1. 
 
 ley is imported at 2 d duty, Indian corn or maise may be imported 
 
 penny. 
 
 32 — 
 
 32 — 1 
 
 32 — 
 
 16 — 
 
 _ 
 
 24 — 
 
 — 
 
 24—1 
 
 22 — 
 
 18 4 
 
 22 — 
 
 6 7 
 
 — 
 
 22 
 
 — 
 
 22 — 
 
 — 3 
 
 — 3 
 
 — 3 
 
 — 2 
 
 — 
 
 — 2 
 
 — 
 
 — 2
 
 2S 
 
 Till the first year of James II. no rule had been 
 enacted for ascertaining the prices, according to 
 which the high or low duties on corn imported 
 were to take place ; but as it was then found by 
 experience, that great quantities of corn had been 
 imported, without paying the proper duties, it was 
 enacted by statute 1 James II. chap. 19, That 
 the justices, at their Michaelmas and Easter ses- 
 sion, by the oaths of two or more persons, not 
 being dealers, and by such other ways and means 
 as to them should seem fit, should examine and 
 determine the common market prices of middling 
 English corn, as the same was commonly bought 
 and sold in the counties where any foreign corn 
 might be imported, and certify the same to the 
 chief officer of the customs at the port where the 
 importation might be, and the duty on foreign corn 
 imported was to be paid according to such certi- 
 iicate ; and the same method of ascertaining the 
 prices was to be pursued by the lord mayor and 
 aldermen, in the city of London, in the months 
 of October and April ; and by statute of sixth 
 year of your Majesty's reign, chap. 17. they were 
 to ascertain the prices in like manner in the months 
 of January and July. 
 
 The justices in some counties having neglected 
 to send their certificates at the Michaelmas ses- 
 sion of 1728, gave occasion to passing statute 2 
 Geo. II. chap. 18, by which, in order to remedy 
 the past neglect, the justices of those counties 
 were authorized to settle and determine the prices 
 at the next quarter session. And it was further 
 directed, that, in all future cases of like neglect, 
 the collector should be empowered to receive the 
 duties on corn imported according to the lowest 
 prices mentioned in stat. 22 Car. II. chap. 13.
 
 29 
 
 But the mode of ascertaining the prices under 
 statute 1 James II. chap. 19. having been found, 
 upon further experience, to be ineffectual, a new 
 method was established ; and it was enacted by 
 stat. 5 Geo. II. chap. 12, that the justices in every 
 county, where corn is imported, should, at every 
 quarter session give in charge to the grand jury to 
 make enquiry and presentment upon their oaths 
 of the common market prices of middling English 
 corn, of the respective sorts mentioned in statute 
 22 Charles II. chap. 13 ; this presentment was to 
 be certified by the justices to the chief officer of 
 the ports where corn is imported, and the duties 
 on foreign corn imported were to be paid accord- 
 ing to the prices mentioned in such certificate. 
 
 The method, however, of ascertaining, in the 
 port of London, the prices of corn, as directed by 
 the statute 1 James II. was not repealed by this 
 act. By this statute all foreign corn once import- 
 ed was forbid to be exported from any of the ports 
 of England, or even carried coastwise from one 
 port of England to another ; but this restraint was 
 not extended to the ports of Scotland. 
 
 The statute of the 13th year of your Majesty's 
 reign, chap. 43, made no alteration in the method 
 of ascertaining the prices for the purposes of im- 
 portation in the ports of England, but left it as 
 directed by former acts. But with respect to Scot- 
 land, it directed that the prices should be ascer- 
 tained by the sheriffs and stewards depute, or their 
 deputies, in the manner already mentioned. 
 
 By statute of 21st year of your Majesty's reign, 
 chap. 50, a new method of ascertaining the prices 
 in the port of London, and in the ports of Kenl 
 and Essex, for regulating the importation of corn, 
 was enacted. It was the same as that which has
 
 30 
 
 already been described for regulating the exporta- 
 tion, and payment of the bounty. 
 
 In this state the law for ascertaining the prices 
 of corn, for the purpose of regulating the impor- 
 tation thereof, continued till the passing of the 
 act of last year. It was certainly much more per- 
 fect, than the mode for ascertaining the prices, 
 that were to regulate the exportation and payment 
 of the bounty; and the legislature appears never 
 till last session to have directed its attention to the 
 prevention pf frauds in the exportation of British 
 corn, or in the payment of bounty, in the same de- 
 gree as to the prevention of frauds in the importa- 
 tion of foreign corn. 
 
 There exists, however, in the laws of this coun- 
 try another method for ascertaining the prices of 
 the several sorts of corn in this kingdom, though 
 enacted for another purpose. By statute of the 
 10th year of your Majesty's reign, chap. 39, en- 
 titled, " An act for registering the prices at 
 " which corn is sold in the several counties of 
 " Great Britain, and the quantities exported and 
 " imported," the justices, at the quarter-ses- 
 sion for each county, riding, division, or stewart- 
 ry, held after the 29th of September in every 
 year, are directed to order returns to be made 
 weekly of the prices of wheat, rye, barley, oats, 
 and beans, and of big in Scotland (pease are omit- 
 ted), from such and so many market towns as 
 they shall think fit, not being less than two, nor 
 more than six, in each county, and to appoint a 
 proper person, being an inhabitant, for the pur- 
 pose of making such returns to an officer created by 
 this act, who was to be appointed by the commis- 
 sioners of the treasury, and was to receive and 
 publish them in manner hereafter mentioned.
 
 31 
 
 The meal-weighers of the city of London are di- 
 rected to make the like returns of corn sold in 
 the said city. In case the justices neglected to 
 appoint the persons before mentioned, the lords 
 of treasury were authorized to appoint them; and 
 the persons so appointed were to be paid a sum 
 not exceeding two shillings for each return, upon 
 a certificate from the receiver, that such return 
 had been properly made. And an abstract of all 
 these returns is directed to be published by such 
 receiver once a week in the London Gazette, and 
 to be transmitted four times in every year to the 
 clerk of the peace of each county, and to the lord 
 mayor and aldermen of the city of Loudon. 
 
 The committee have examined the receiver of 
 corn returns, appointed under the act, and they 
 find that the provisions of this act have been com- 
 pletely executed in every part of England : — that 
 the justices, at their sessions, have regularly ap- 
 pointed the persons who make the returns; and 
 that the lords of the treasury have been never un- 
 der the necessity of exercising the authority vest- 
 ed in them, in case of the neglect of the justices: 
 that the returns are generally made from three to 
 six markets of each county: that the persons 
 making the returns are satisfied with the allow- 
 ance of' two shillings for each return ; and the re- 
 ceiver is of opinion that these returns in general 
 are as carefully made as the prescribed manner 
 of making them will admit. The receiver also 
 informed the committee, that from Scotland the 
 returns, immediately after passing the act, were 
 made pretty generally ; but that the magistrates 
 have by degrees ceased to execute the law, so 
 that he has received of late no return from that 
 part of the united kingdom, except from Invera-
 
 32 
 
 ray ; and the reason, as he believes, is, that the 
 magistrates consider the execution of this act as 
 an unnecessary expence. 
 
 The committee have thought fit to state the se- 
 veral regulations of this act, and the manner in 
 which they have been executed, in order to show 
 that there exists a method of collecting the prices 
 of the several sorts of corn in the markets of this 
 kingdom, which in England continues to be com- 
 pletely executed, and which was executed in 
 Scotland for some time after passing the act, 
 though this act was made for a different purpose 
 than that of regulating the importation or ex- 
 portation of corn, or the payment of the bounties. 
 — And it was to the averages, formed according 
 to the directions of this act, that your Majesty 
 found it necessary to resort, when the act of last 
 year failed in its execution, and when you was 
 graciously pleased to make regulations for the im- 
 portation and exportation of the different sorts of 
 corn by your late orders in council. 
 
 The committee will have occasion also to refer 
 to the regulations of this act, in the advice which 
 they shall think it their duty to offer to your Ma- 
 jesty at the conclusion of this representation. 
 
 The committee will proceed next to state the 
 regulations of the act of the last year ; and they 
 will then consider what additions and amendments 
 should be made to this act, and to the corn laws 
 in general. 
 
 This act was made from a conviction that the 
 provisions of former laws for ascertaining the 
 prices of corn were very imperfect, and that great 
 frauds had been committed under them. There 
 can be no doubt of the existence of these frauds, 
 as has been shown more fully in a former repre-
 
 33 
 
 sentation on this subject, which the committee 
 presented to your Majesty. — The principal pro- 
 visions in which this act differs from former laws 
 are, that it divides England into districts, and the 
 average prices taken in each district, in the man- 
 ner therein directed, are to regulate and govern 
 the importation and exportation of the several 
 sorts of corn, and the payment of the bounty 
 thereon, in every such district. The city of Lon- 
 don, and the counties of Kent, Essex, and Sussex, 
 form one district, and the rest of England i» divi- 
 ded into eleven other districts, each consisting at 
 least of two counties, except that the county of 
 Norfolk is made a district of itself. 
 
 In the district which includes London, and the 
 counties of Kent, Essex, and Sussex, the average 
 prices are to be taken from the market of Lon- 
 don, according to a new and improved method. 
 
 Instead of requiring the oath of only two corn- 
 factors, chosen by lot, to the truth of their re- 
 turns, all the corn-factors within the city of Lon- 
 don, and the suburbs thereof, are to swear that 
 they will make true returns ; and any person 
 exercising the business of a corn-factor, without 
 having taken this oath, and obtained a certificate 
 thereof from the lord mayor, is to forfeit L. 50. 
 A weekly average is to be made up of these re- 
 turns in the manner directed by the former act, 
 and the certificate of such weekly average sent to 
 the collector was not to regulate the exportation 
 of the several sorts of corn, and the bounty payable 
 thereon, for the week to which these returns refer, 
 as directed by the said act, but it is to regulate 
 the same from the time that such certificate is re- 
 spectively received by the collector of each port, 
 to tho time that a certificate of a new average 
 
 T
 
 S4 
 
 shall be received by him ; and for the purpose of 
 regulating the importation of foreign corn, an 
 average is to be made up, not of the returns of 
 thirteen weeks, as directed by the former law, but 
 of the six weeks preceding every quarter-session, 
 except in the case of oats, the importation of 
 which is still to be regulated by an average made 
 from the returns of thirteen weeks ; and a certifi- 
 cate of such averages, sent to the collector of 
 each of the ports, is to govern and regulate the 
 importation from the receipt thereof to the time 
 that he receives another certificate. 
 
 In the other eleven districts the justices, at the 
 Michaelmas quarter-session, are to nominate cer- 
 tain principal market-towns, not being more than 
 twelve nor less than eight in each district, from 
 which returns of the prices of corn are to be sent. 
 — There are some exceptions made in the act 
 with respect to the number of market-towns in 
 particular districts, from a consideration of local 
 circumstances. — The justices are to appoint, also, 
 from among the chief constables, or such other 
 persons as to them shall seem proper (not being 
 dealers in corn, &c), one or more persons re- 
 siding in or near such market-towns, to collect 
 weekly an account of the quantities and prices of 
 the corn sold therein, from those who buy the 
 same ; — these persons are to be called inspectors 
 of the prices of com returns^ and they are directed 
 to return in every week, to the receiver of corn 
 returns in London, the weekly prices and quanti- 
 ties of corn bought in each market town. — Each 
 inspector is to take an oath to make true returns 
 to the receiver of corn returns, according to the 
 accounts delivered to him by the several buyers, 
 and to use his best endeavours to procure true
 
 25 
 
 accounts. — The receiver of corn returns is requi- 
 red to make up a weekly average, and also an 
 average of the six weeks preceding every quar- 
 ter-session, of the returns received by him from 
 each district, according to the manner prac- 
 tised in the city of London, as before describ- 
 ed. — He is to transmit a certificate of each week- 
 ly average, and also a certificate of each quar- 
 terly average, collected from the returns of each 
 district, to the ports of such district respectively, 
 and such weekly certificate is to regulate and go- 
 vern the exportation of corn, and the bounty 
 payable thereon ; and such quarterly certificate is 
 to regulate and govern the importation of foreign 
 corn, from the receipt of the same by each col- 
 lector to the time that he shall receive a new cer- 
 tificate. 
 
 This act contains many good regulations for 
 ascertaining the prices of corn, so as to prevent 
 many of the frauds committed in the importation 
 and exportation of it, and in obtaining the boun- 
 ties. — But the several clauses of the act were very 
 imperfectly drawn, so that, at the time that the 
 committee laid before your Majesty their first re- 
 presentation, this act had failed in its execution 
 in every district, except in that, which is com- 
 posed of the port of London, and the ports of the 
 counties of Kent, Essex, and Sussex ; — since that 
 time five districts have made returns conformable 
 to the act, but in the six others the act has not 
 been carried hitherto into execution. 
 
 Your Majesty's attorney and solicitor-general, 
 in their letter of the 18th December last, annexed 
 to the former representation of this committee to 
 your Majesty, gave it as their opinion, " That in 
 " those districts where market-towns have not 
 
 T 2
 
 36 
 
 " been selected and nominated, or inspectors ap- 
 " pointed by the justices at the last Michaelmas 
 " quarter-session, they cannot now be appointed, 
 " as no authority is given by the act for that pur- 
 " pose." And as the magistrates in several dis- 
 tricts have omitted to exercise the powers given 
 to them in these respects, the act, as applicable to 
 the whole kingdom, ceases to be operative, and 
 must therefore, as a general regulation, be consi- 
 dered as existing no longer. All the powers given 
 by former laws to this end are by this act repeal- 
 ed; so that it is become absolutely necessary to 
 pass a new law. And with this view it may be 
 proper to consider, what parts of the act of last 
 year, or of the acts that were thereby repealed, 
 it may be fit to revive ; what parts of existing 
 laws it may be fit to continue ; and what new 
 provisions it may be right to propose to the legis- 
 lature for their judgment and decision. 
 
 The committee, therefore, humbly offer the fol- 
 lowing advice : 
 
 1st. That England continue to be divided into 
 districts, according to the plan of the act of 
 last session ; and that Scotland be divided 
 into districts in like manner. 
 
 The committee think, that according to the 
 true principles of the corn trade, as before stated, 
 one general average ought to be formed, and 
 taken from the prices of the markets of the whole 
 kingdom, to regulate and govern importation and 
 exportation, and the payment of the bounty, in all 
 the ports thereof.
 
 37 
 
 Such a regulation would tend to equalize the 
 prices over all the country, to secure to those parts 
 which may be in distress, a supply from the redun- 
 dancy of more plentiful districts, and to preserve 
 in the kingdom a stock, at all times, sufficient for 
 the subsistence of its inhabitants.— It would also 
 remove the principal objection urged against the 
 payment of the bounty, as the bounty would not 
 in that case operate, as it does now, to force corn 
 out of parts of the kingdom for the supply of fo- 
 reign nations, when other parts of the kingdom 
 are in want of it ; for as long as so large a boun- 
 ty can be obtained by exporting corn to foreign 
 countries, it can hardly be supposed, that corn will 
 be carried coastwise (in which case no bounty is 
 paid) for the relief of any other district at a con- 
 siderable distance. — But as it is probable that the 
 landholders, at least in some counties, will not ap- 
 prove of this plan, and as they now appear to be 
 satisfied with having the kingdom divided into dis- 
 tricts, and making the average price of each dis- 
 trict the rule for governing importation and ex- 
 portation in all the ports of such district, so much 
 attention is due to their opinion and wishes, that 
 it would not be advisable to make any alterations 
 therein, contrary to their inclination. 
 
 This plan of districts is certainly greatly prefer- 
 able, and much less liable to fraud, than that of 
 making the price of each port the rule to govern 
 importation and exportation at such port. — The 
 committee do not think fit to offer any opinion on 
 the manner, in which the districts were formed in 
 the act of last year, as this arrangement has so 
 lately met with the approbation of parliament. 
 
 But, in order to make the system complete, it 
 is necessary, that Scotland should be divided in 
 
 t 3
 
 38 
 
 like manner into districts, and that importation 
 and exportation there, should no longer be regu- 
 lated according to the defective and discordant 
 system of former laws, and that in a business of 
 common concern, every part of the united king- 
 dom should be made subject to the same regula- 
 tions. — It was shewn by the committee, in their 
 first representation to your Majesty, that just be- 
 fore the late orders in council were issued, wheat 
 was exported from Scotland to foreign parts upon 
 bounty, while the price of that article was so high 
 in England, as to open the ports there for the 
 importation of foreign wheat upon the low duties. 
 
 2d, That whenever the export of any sort of 
 corn is stopped in any one district, because 
 the price thereof is above the export price, 
 corn of the same sort should not be allowed 
 to be carried from thence, coastwise, to any 
 other district, the ports of which are open for 
 the exportation thereof. 
 
 This regulation will tendgreatly to prevent fraud ; 
 and as the price of any sort of corn in a district, 
 the ports of which are open for exportation, must 
 be lower than in a district., the ports of which are 
 shut, it is evident that it cannot be carried for 
 consumption to a district, the ports of which are 
 open for exportation. 
 
 3d. That the act of 10th Geo. III. chap. 39, for 
 registering the prices of corn, so far as relates 
 to the appointment of inspectors, be repealed, 
 and that the registry of corn, published week- 
 ly in the Gazette, be formed upon the aver- 
 ages taken, according to the prices returned
 
 39 
 
 by the inspectors, appointed under the act of 
 last year. 
 
 Though these averages were directed by the two 
 several acts before mentioned, to be taken for dif- 
 ferent purposes, there can be no reason why they 
 should not be taken in the same way, and by the 
 same persons. — The prices of the several sorts of 
 corn, as taken in these two ways, will frequently 
 be different, as is shewn in paper No. 4, in the Ap- 
 pendix. — The prices, as taken in one way, are pub- 
 lished in the Gazette, to enable the merchant to 
 speculate ; but when he brings his corn to port, 
 in order to import or export it, he will often rind 
 that the prices, as taken in the other way, are not 
 the same as those, on which he speculated, and 
 he is thereby deceived. — -The manner of forming 
 these averages in the act of last year, is certainly 
 the most accurate, as is clearly shewn in paper, 
 No. 4, before mentioned. 
 
 If the two modes of collecting the prices should 
 be allowed at the same time to subsist, the coun- 
 ties will be put to the expence of two classes of in- 
 spectors ; and one objection made to the act of last 
 year is, the expence incurred by the payment of 
 the inspectors. — The saving arising from the abo- 
 lition of one class of inspectors will nearly defray 
 half the charge incurred by the new system. 
 
 4th. That a duty of one half-penny per last, be 
 paid on all British corn imported coastwise, 
 and one penny per last on all corn imported 
 from foreign countries, into all the ports of 
 Great Britain, as is now paid in the port of 
 London ; and, that the money arising from 
 these duties, be made a fund ibr the payment
 
 40 
 
 of the inspectors, and defraying the other ex- 
 pences incurred by this act ; and that the 
 corn returns sent by the post be not subject 
 to the payment of postage. 
 
 The object of this proposition requires no ex- 
 planation. 
 
 5th. That the inspectors be paid not by salaries, 
 as directed by the act of last year, but by a 
 certain allowance for each return, certified to 
 have been properly made, by the receiver of 
 corn returns, according to the act of the 10th 
 year of your Majesty's reign, chap. 39. 
 
 It is obvious that the object of this regulation 
 is, to secure the execution of the act. 
 
 6th. That in case the returns from any district 
 shall not be completely made, according to 
 the directions of the act, the importation and 
 exportation of every sort of corn in that dis- 
 trict, shall be governed by the average price 
 of the rest of the kingdom. 
 
 It is obvious also, that this regulation tends to 
 secure the execution of the act, and to prevent in 
 every such district, any improper importation or 
 exportation. 
 
 7th. That a power be lodged in your Majesty, 
 with the advice of your privy council, during 
 the prorogation of parliament, to prohibit ge- 
 nerally the exportation from this kingdom of 
 any sort of corn, and in like manner to per- 
 mit, generally, the importation, on the low
 
 41 
 
 duties, of any sort of foreign corn, whenever 
 the average price thereof, taken from the re- 
 turns of the whole Idngdoyn, is higher than the 
 price at or above winch foreign corn is allow- 
 ed by law to be imported, if your Majesty in 
 your wisdom, for the public benefit, shall so 
 think fit*. 
 
 A discretionary power of this sort, appears to 
 have been vested in the crown, by a great num- 
 ber of acts of parliament t, from Richard II. to 
 the present time ; the acts by which this power 
 was granted are cited in the margin. — It has been 
 found, by repeated experience, that the vesting 
 such a power in the crown is necessary for the 
 welfare of the people. — Government possesses, at 
 all times, the best means of discerning the gene- 
 ral exigencies of the kingdom, and the state of 
 crops and markets in foreign countries, and there 
 can be no just reason to suspect, that it will at any 
 time be influenced by any bad motive to exercise 
 this power improperly. 
 
 8th. That the collector of the customs at every 
 port in Great Britain, do transmit, weekly, to 
 the receiver of corn returns, an account of the 
 quantity of the several sorts of corn shipped 
 in such port, to be carried coastwise, with the 
 
 * Note to the present Edition. — Parliament did not adopt this 
 7th resolution, but temporary laws have frequently passed since 
 the year 1790, vesting in his Majesty a discretionary power of 
 this sort, for a limited time. 
 
 f Stat. 17 Rich. II. c. 7. 15 Hen. VI. c. 2. 1 & 2 Phil.& Mi. 
 c 5. 13 Eliz. c. 13. 35 Eliz. c. 7. 8 Ann. c. 2. H Geo. II. c. 
 3. 15 Geo. II. c. 35. 30 Geo. II. c, 1. »
 
 42 
 
 name of the ship or vessel, the name of the 
 master, and the port or place in Great Bri- 
 tain, to which the corn was intended to be 
 carried ; and also an account of the quanti- 
 ties of the several sorts of corn, brought coast- 
 wise, into each respective port, with the name 
 of the ship or vessel, the name of the master, 
 and the name of the port or place from whence 
 it is brought ; and that the said receiver do, 
 at the end of every three months, transmit to 
 the commissioners of his Majesty's customs 
 in England and Scotland, an account, to be 
 formed and made up in such manner as the 
 said commissioners shall approve, of the quan- 
 tity of the several sorts of corn shipped to be 
 carried coastwise from each port, or brought 
 coastwise into each port respectively. 
 
 There can be no doubt, that in the course of the 
 last six , months, considerable quantities of corn 
 have been exported to foreign countries, which 
 were shipped, under the pretence of carrying the 
 same coastwise. 
 
 The cDmmissioners of your Majesty's customs 
 have the merit of using every endeavour to pre- 
 vent this evil, and there are already many wise 
 provisions in the laws of this country to make the 
 commission of this fraud as difficult as possible. 
 A bond is given for landing the corn so shipped, 
 to be carried coastwise, at some specified port, or 
 at some other port or place in Great Britain, and 
 no where else — there can be no doubt that the re- 
 gulation now proposed, will be an additional check 
 to this practice, for by bringing into one view, an 
 account of the whole of the corn so carried coast- 
 wise, and by comparing the quantity shipped, with
 
 43 
 
 the quantity landed, every fraudulent attempt may 
 be detected. 
 
 9th. That the warehouses in which foreign corn 
 imported is to be lodged, under the joint lock 
 of the king and the proprietor, according to 
 the statute of the 1 3th of your Majesty's reign, 
 chap. 43. be provided at the public expence; 
 and that the officers of the customs, whose 
 duty it is to attend those warehouses, be paid 
 by the public, as is now practised with res- 
 pect to the warehousing of tobacco. 
 
 There is no regulation in our system of the corn 
 laws, that is more beneficial, and more deserves 
 therefore to be extended and improved, than those 
 provisions which permit the warehousing of foreign 
 corn — this regulation tends to secure to us a very 
 important branch of commerce — it enables our 
 merchants, who receive corn from the Americans, 
 in payment of their debts, to lodge it here, either 
 for the home or foreign market, as occasion may 
 require — it is also * the only method of forming 
 magazines of a public nature in this country, a- 
 gainst times of scarcity and distress, without pre- 
 judice to the British farmer and grower of corn — 
 if the legislature have thought it prudent to pay 
 
 * Note to the 'present Edition. — The object of this regulation 
 was in a great measure defeated, by clause 1 9, in the act passed 
 on this occasion, which requires, that corn warehoused, when 
 the high duty subsists, if taken out for home consumption, even 
 when the price at the place where it is intended to be consum- 
 ed is so risen, that it may be imported there on the low duty, 
 .shall pay, in addition to such low duty, a further duty, which in 
 the case of wheat is c 2&. Gd, per quarter: and it can hardly be 
 expected that corn should be imported, to be warehoused, on 
 such terms.
 
 44 
 
 for the warehouses in which tobacco is deposited, 
 and the charges of the officers who are appointed 
 to attend these warehouses, it is reasonable that 
 the public revenue should defray the like expence 
 in support of a trade, which may, in time, prove 
 more valuable than that of tobacco, and may be- 
 come necessary, in certain contingencies, for the 
 subsistence of your Majesty's subjects ; and from 
 what has been already experienced in the case of 
 tobacco, the committee have reason to believe that 
 this expence will be no considerable burthen to 
 the revenue. 
 
 10th. That foreign corn imported, and not 
 warehoused, be not allowed again to be ex- 
 ported. 
 
 When the high duties on importation subsist, fo- 
 reign corn is never imported, except, to be ware- 
 housed ; when the low duties commence, in con- 
 sequence of scarcity of corn in this country, fo- 
 reign corn has frequently been imported ; and in 
 consequence of the right which the proprietors 
 have heretofore had of re-exporting it, frauds have 
 been committed in exporting British corn, which 
 by law is not then exportable. — The legislature, 
 convinced that frauds of this nature were commit- 
 ted, did, by the 5th Geo. II. chap. 12, prohibit the 
 carrying foreign corn, once imported, to the open 
 sea, in order to be landed in any other port of 
 England. 
 
 If the public pay the expence of warehouses, as 
 above proposed, the merchant can have little rea- 
 son to complain that he is obliged to lodge his corn 
 in a warehouse provided by the crown, under the 
 care of the public officer.
 
 45 
 
 11th. That corn so warehoused, be permitted 
 to be taken out, to be ground by the impor- 
 ter or proprietor, on condition that he give 
 bond, not subject to any stamp duty, in double 
 the value of the said corn, that he will ex- 
 port from the port where it was warehoused, 
 within two calendar months from the time of 
 taking out the said corn, a quantity of flour 
 equal to the corn so taken out, reckoning the 
 quantity of wheat meal, or other ground corn, 
 for every bushel of such corn unground, ac- 
 cording to the proportion, as it is now settled 
 by law ; or that he will pay the duty charge- 
 able on the said corn at the time that it was 
 taken out of the warehouse. And that no 
 importer or proprietor shall be entitled to the 
 receipt of any bounty on any corn or flour ex- 
 ported by him, until after he has settled his 
 account of the corn so taken out of the ware- 
 house, and discharged his bond. 
 
 This regulation will encourage in this country 
 the manufacturing of foreign corn into flour — It 
 will also facilitate the trade, as many foreign coun- 
 tries may, at times, be desirous of obtaining from 
 this market flour instead of corn. In consequence 
 of the restrictions which accompany this permis- 
 sion, no considerable fraud can easily be commit- 
 ted. By statutes the 15 and 16 Geo. II. prohibit- 
 ed East India goods, being warehoused, are now 
 allowed to be taken out to be dyed or glazed, on 
 giving bond to bring them back, in a limited time, 
 to be exported. 
 
 There is another proposition of more import- 
 ance, which the committee submit with greater 
 diffidence than any of the preceding j and which
 
 46 
 
 they only venture to suggest, in order that it may 
 be taken into consideration. 
 
 12th. That wheat be permitted to be exported, 
 but without bounty, when the price thereof 
 is between 44s. and 46s. * and other corn 
 when the prices thereof shall be in like pro- 
 portion ; and that wheat be allowed to be 
 imported into this kingdom, from your Ma- 
 jesty's kingdom of Ireland only, on the low 
 duties, when the price thereof is at or above 
 46s. and other sorts of corn when the prices 
 shall be in like proportion. 
 
 The two regulations contained in this pro- 
 position, to take place whenever the parlia- 
 ment of Ireland shall make a regulation with 
 respect to British corn, similar to the last in 
 favour of Irish corn. 
 
 The committee are inclined to think, that these 
 regulations are both beneficial in themselves ; but 
 
 * Note to the present Edition. — It will be seen by the pre- 
 ceding table, No. 4, that British wheat was not permitted to be 
 exported by the laws then in force, till the price of it had fallen 
 to 44s. per quarter. And by table No. 5, it will be seen, that 
 British wheat, when so permitted to be exported, at the price 
 beforementioned, was entitled to the bounty. The legislature 
 adopted this 12th proposition, and by the law founded on it, 
 British wheat was permitted to be exported, when the price of 
 it was below 46s. per quarter, though it continued to be not en- 
 titled to the bounty, till it was below 44s. per quarter. The ex- 
 portation of all other articles of British grain was regulated in 
 the new act upon the same principle. See statute 31. Geo. 111. 
 chap. 30. table (B.) This regulation, by encouraging exporta- 
 tion, was thought to be in favour of agriculture.
 
 47 
 
 they have coupled them together, as they think 
 that the one is calculated to counteract any evil 
 which may be supposed to arise from the Other. 
 The great corn counties of Great Britain are, in 
 general, on the east. side of the island, and there 
 corn is, in general, cheapest. The capital is for- 
 tunately situated in the midst of them : but many 
 of the great manufacturing counties and towns are 
 on the opposite side of the island, and there corn 
 is generally dearest. The first of these regulations 
 will be beneficial to the corn counties on the east 
 side of the island ; the last of these regulations 
 will be beneficial to the populous and manufactur- 
 ing counties and towns on the west side of the 
 island, which are more conveniently situated for 
 importation from Ireland ; and both regulations, 
 taken together, will contribute to bring the price 
 of corn in the different parts of the kingdom more 
 to a level. 
 
 It is not probable that any greater quantity of 
 corn will be exported without bounty, unless when 
 corn is much dearer in foreign countries than here, 
 a contingency which may sometimes, but does not 
 often happen ; and there is little reason to appre- 
 hend that the importation of Irish corn into the 
 western counties of this kingdom will discourage 
 the agriculture of them, as much less corn is grown 
 there than is consumed by the inhabitants, and the 
 price of it is consequently high. 
 
 It was the opinion of the commissioners of the 
 customs, in a report presented to the lords of the 
 treasury in 1 774, that the export of corn should 
 be allowed to continue, when the price of corn is 
 something higher than that, at which the bounty 
 ceases to be paid ; and some of the best judges
 
 48 
 
 on this subject have expressed the same senti- 
 ment *. 
 
 There are several other propositions for the a- 
 mendment of the corn laws of less importance than 
 those before stated, with which the committee do 
 
 * Note to the present Edition.-— In addition to these twelve 
 propositions, the legislature thought fit, in the bill then brought 
 in, to raise what is called the importing price, that is the price 
 of wheat and other sorts of grain, taken according to the price 
 of grain, of the same sort, the produce of this kingdom, at or 
 above which, foreign grain of those several sorts should be res- 
 pectively permitted, from thenceforth, to be imported into this 
 kingdom. The object of this last proposition was, by securing 
 to the British farmer, a sufficient profit in the sale of his wheat 
 and other grain, to encourage agriculture, and to promote in- 
 closures, and thereby to bring into tillage a great quantity of 
 the waste lands of the kingdom : It was also hoped, that by .his 
 encouragement the produce of wheat in the kingdom might be 
 made equal, or more nearly so, than it had been of late, to the 
 consumption of its inhabitants. How far this alteration in the 
 system of our corn laws has answered the ends of promoting in- 
 closures, and of making the produce of wheat in this kingdom 
 equal to the consumption of its inhabitants, the reader will see 
 by two accounts, inserted in the Appendix of the present edi- 
 tion. (No. 5 and 6.) 
 
 By the laws then in force, foreign wheat had hitherto been 
 permitted to be imported, at the low duty of 6d. per quarter, 
 when British wheat was at or above 48s. per quarter. — By the 
 new law, foreign wheat was not permitted to be imported at the 
 low duty of 6d. per quarter, till British wheat was at or above 
 5is. per quarter, so that the import price at this very low duty 
 was raised 6s. per quarter. — It was thought, however, right, 
 upon the same principles, which had been adopted in the 1 2th 
 proposition, with respect to exportation of wheat, to make the 
 importation of foreign wheat take place by degrees; and it was 
 therefore enacted, that when British wheat was at or above 50s. 
 but under 54s. per quarter, foreign wheat should be permitted 
 to be imported, on paying a duty of 2s. 6d. per quarter. The 
 importation of all other articles of grain, and of oatmeal, was re- 
 gulated in the new act, upon the same principle. See statute 
 Geo. III. chap. 30. Table E.
 
 49 
 
 riot think it necessary to trouble your Majesty j 
 but if it should be thought fit that any of your ser- 
 vants should propose a bill to parliament for im- 
 proving these laws, the committee will be ready 
 to suggest them. 
 
 As the corn laws ought, of all others, to be ge- 
 nerally known and understood, the committee 
 think, that the subsisting regulations, and such as 
 may now be adopted, should be brought into as 
 narrow a compass as possible, and that the act of 
 the 13th of your Majesty's reign, chap. 43, and 
 the act now to be proposed, should comprehend 
 all the regulations that are allowed to subsist ; or 
 perhaps, that even these two acts should be con- 
 solidated. 
 
 The committee are decidedly of opinion, that 
 one permanent system should now be established, 
 so that the grower of corn may know how to di- 
 rect his industry and his speculations, and be sure 
 that no temporary measure will intervene, to de- 
 prive him of the fruit of them : — The corn trade 
 is in itself subject, from the vicissitudes of seasons, 
 and other circumstances, to greater fluctuation 
 than any other ; it ought not to be exposed to the 
 additional uncertainty arising from frequent alte- 
 ration of laws, and changes of system. 
 
 In forming these regulations, the lords of the 
 committee have endeavoured equally to provide 
 for the prosperity of the grower of corn, and the 
 necessities of the consumer. The interests of the 
 grower and consumer are supposed by some to 
 be at variance : — To reconcile them as much as 
 possible, is the end which every wise government 
 should endeavour to attain. The interest of the 
 consumer is entitled to the first consideration, so 
 far as to preserve him, in every possible contin-
 
 50 
 
 gency, from scarcity and distress. And as dis- 
 tress for want of this necessary article of subsist- 
 ence cannot long exist in any country without ex- 
 posing it to those commotions which frequently 
 happen in times of dearth, it is not likely that the 
 grower of corn would enjoy in safety the fruits of 
 his industry, unless due attention is paid to this 
 first and capital object ; but this point being once 
 secured, the interests of the grower should, in the 
 next place, occupy the particular attention of the 
 legislature. The production of corn is the first 
 and most important occupation of the subjects of 
 every country, and on its success rests the main 
 support and prosperity of every other trade. For 
 the sake of the consumer, therefore, the most libe- 
 ral encouragement and protection should be given 
 to those employed in it ; for without offering pro- 
 per incitements to their industry, plenty can never 
 be procured : For these reasons it will be found 
 perhaps, on due consideration, that the interests 
 of the grower and consumer, well understood, are 
 less at variance, than at first they may appear. In 
 the advice, which the committee have thought it 
 their duty to offer to your Majesty, they have aim- 
 ed at discovering the point of union, at which these 
 interests meet ; and they humbly refer to the 
 judgment of your Majesty, how far they have ac- 
 complished the object they had in view.
 
 TABLES, 
 
 CONTAINING 
 
 No. 1. An Account of the Quantities of Corn and Grain ex- 
 ported from, and imported into, England and Scot- 
 land, for 18 Years; &c. 
 
 No. 2. An Account of the Quantity of Corn exported for 19 
 Years, from 1746 to 1765, inclusive ; &c. 
 
 No. 3. An Account of the Quantity of each Sort of Corn im- 
 ported into England, from 1746 to 1765, inclusive; 
 &c. 
 
 No. 4. How Returns of Corn are made from the Markets of 
 Leicester and Manchester. 
 
 No. 5. An Account of the several sorts of Grain exported and 
 imported from and to Great Britain, for eight Years; 
 &c. 
 
 No. 6. An Account of the Number of Bills for Inclosure that 
 passed the Legislature in each Year, from 1780 to 
 1799, inclusive; &c. 
 
 IT 2
 
 52 
 
 Appendi 
 An Account of the Quantities of Corn and Grain exported from, and imported into 
 with the Bounties and Drawbacks paid, and the Duties received, thereon ; 
 
 1771 - - 
 
 Price of the Tear 
 
 1772 - - 
 Price of the Tear ■ 
 
 177:3 - - 
 Price of the Tear • 
 
 1774 - - 
 Price of the Tear • 
 
 1775 - - 
 Price of the Tear • 
 
 1776 - - 
 Price of the Tear ■ 
 
 1777 - - 
 Price of the Tear ■ 
 
 1778 - - 
 Price of the Tear ■ 
 
 1779 - - 
 Price of the Tear - 
 
 1780 - - 
 Price of the Tear - 
 
 1781 •■ - 
 Price of the Tear • 
 
 1782 - . 
 Price of the Tear - 
 
 1783 - - 
 Price of the Tear - 
 
 1784 - - 
 Pries of the Tear - 
 
 1785 - 
 Priceof the Tear - 
 
 1786 - • 
 Price of the Tear 
 
 1787 - • 
 Price of the Tear 
 
 1788 - - 
 Price of the Tear 
 
 WHEAT and FLOUR. BARLEY and MALT. OATS and OATMEAL. 
 
 Exported. 
 
 18 Years. 
 
 Balance Imported 
 Balance Exported 
 
 Quarters. 5? 
 
 10,089 *5 
 Wheat, 47/. 2d. 
 
 6,959 
 Wheat, 50/. 8d. 
 
 7,637 
 Wheat, - 51s. 
 
 15,928 
 Wheat, 52/. 8^. 
 
 91,037 
 Wheat, 48/. 4d. 
 
 210,664 
 Wheat, 38/. 2d. 
 
 87,686 
 Wheat, 45s. 6J. 
 
 141,070 
 Wheat, - 42*. 
 
 222,261 
 Wheat, 33*. 8d. 
 
 224,039 
 Wheat, 35s. 8d. 
 
 103,021 
 Wheat, 44/. 8d. 
 
 145,152 
 Wheat, 47/. lOd. 
 
 51,943 
 Wheat, 52/. 8d. 
 
 89,288 
 Wheat, 48/. lOd. 
 
 132,685 
 Wheat,41/.10</. 
 
 205,466 
 Wheat, 38/. lOd. 
 
 1 20,536 
 Wheat, 41/. 2d. 
 
 82,971 
 Wheat, - 45/. 
 
 J, 948 ,452 
 
 Imported 
 
 Quarters. 
 2,510 
 
 25,474 
 
 56,857 
 289,149 
 
 560,988 
 20,578 
 
 233,323 
 106,394 
 
 5,039 
 3,915 
 
 Exported. 
 
 159,866 
 
 80,695 
 
 584,183 
 
 216,947 
 110,863 
 
 51,463 
 
 59,339 
 
 14S,710 
 
 2,716,293 
 1,948,452 
 
 Quarters. % 
 
 34,198 *? 
 Barley, 25/. 8d. 
 
 14,031 
 Barley, 25s. 4d. 
 
 2,475 
 Barley, 28s. 4d. 
 
 2,911 
 Barley, 28/. Gd. 
 
 51,414 
 Barley, - 26/. 
 
 136,114 
 Barley, 20/. 2d. 
 
 142,725 
 Barley, 20/. 6d. 
 
 103,930 
 Barley, 22/. 8d. 
 
 85,777 
 Barley, 19/. 6d. 
 
 191,563 
 Barley, - 17/. 
 
 150,468 
 Barley, 17/. 2d. 
 
 127,744 
 Barley, 22/. Gd. 
 
 54,065 
 Barley, 30/. 4d. 
 
 66,889 
 Barley, 27/. lOd. 
 
 166,448 
 Barley, - 24/. 
 
 1 1 1 ,598 
 Barley, 24s. 4d. 
 
 135,089 
 Barley, 22/. 8d. 
 
 212,811 
 Barley, - 22/. 
 
 767,841 
 
 1,790,250 
 864,867 
 
 925.383 
 
 Imported. 
 
 Quarters. 
 228 
 
 3,068 
 
 63,916 
 
 171,508 
 
 139,451 
 
 8,499 
 
 7,981 
 
 42,714 
 
 7,085 
 35-2 
 
 Exported. 
 
 56 
 13,59'J 
 
 144,926 
 77,181 
 
 67,21 £ 
 62,374 
 
 43,244 
 11,479 
 
 864,867 
 
 Quarters. ™ 
 
 35,233 <9 
 Oats, 16/. 8d. 
 
 23,599 
 Oats, 16/. 2d. 
 
 18,777 
 Oats, 17/. 2d. 
 
 16,433 
 Oats, 17/. Wd. 
 
 26,485 
 Oats, 16/. Gd. 
 
 34,987 
 Oats, - - 15/. 
 
 36,614 
 Oats, 15/. 8d. 
 
 56,543 
 Oats, 15s. 2d. 
 
 22,286 
 Oats, - - 14/. 
 
 27,023 
 Oats, 12/. lOd. 
 
 41,717 
 Oat/. 13/. 8d. 
 
 23,317 
 Oats, 52/. 2d 
 
 1,826 
 Oats, 19/. lOd. 
 
 13 511 
 Oats, 18/. 4d. 
 
 25,273 
 Oats, 17/. 2d. 
 
 19,293 
 Oats, - - 18/. 
 
 17,098 
 Oats, 16/. 8d. 
 
 14,418 
 Oats, 15/. 8d. 
 
 464,433 
 
 Imported. 
 
 Quarters. 
 212.32 
 
 106,820 
 
 329,454 
 
 399,499 
 
 384,942 
 378,566 
 
 366,446 
 201,170 
 
 348,5111 
 195,224[ 
 
 109,446 
 38,562 
 
 220,942 
 266,998 
 
 274,089 
 478,473 
 
 512,004 
 413,827 
 
 5,245,360 
 464,433 
 
 4,780,867 
 
 The price of the grain being fairly considered, both on importation and exportation 
 
 The average price of the above 18 years.... 
 
 ..perQr. 
 • per Qr. 
 
 Wheat. 
 44/. 9d. 
 
 Barley. 
 23/. 7d. 
 
 Oats. 
 16. 2d. 
 
 Rye. 
 
 29/. 8d. 
 
 Beans, jj 
 28/. 1CW. I 
 
 The finest and coarsest sorts of grain gene-" 
 rally exceed and reduce the average price J 
 
 4s. 
 
 2s. 
 
 2s. 
 
 2s. 
 
 4 s. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

 
 b. 1. 
 
 53 
 
 ngland and Scotland, for 18 years, from 5th January 1770, to 5th January 1789 s 
 together with the average price of corn in England, under each year. 
 
 RYfc. 
 
 Exported. 
 
 ru-rs p.Q. 
 
 34/. 44 
 36s. 84 
 
 fye 33/. 44 
 
 2,260 
 |Rye, 34/. 44 
 
 2,722 
 :Rye, 32/. 104 
 
 10,999 
 'Rye, 26s. 104 
 
 946 
 Rye — 28/. 
 
 1,706 
 Rye, 28/. 44 
 
 3,199 
 Rye, 23/. 44 
 
 6,305 
 iR.)-;, 22/. 24 
 
 2,701 
 [Rye, 26/. 104 
 
 4,003 
 Bye, 28/. 104 
 
 3,365 
 Rye, 35/. 84 
 
 6,731 
 iRye, 32/. 2d. 
 
 13,163 
 (Aye, — 28/. 
 
 6,736 
 •Rye, 27/. 24 
 
 12,683 
 JAye, 27/. 84 
 
 31,220 
 Rye, 27/. 84 
 
 108.739 
 
 I sported, 
 
 Quarters. 
 2,179 
 
 4,799 
 
 9,255 
 
 41,427 
 
 33,574 
 
 3,415 
 
 18,454 
 
 9,327 
 
 1,693 
 
 10,743 
 
 81,295 
 
 24,779 
 
 28,761 
 
 3,643 
 
 7,054 
 
 280,398 
 108,739 
 
 171,659 
 
 BEANS and PEASE. 
 
 Exported 
 
 Quarters, per Q , 
 
 17,053 
 Beans, 28/. 64 
 
 17,096 
 Beans — SO/ 
 
 15,181 
 Beans — 33/, 
 
 13,567 
 Beans, 31/. 24 
 
 19,349 
 Beans, 28/. 84 
 
 56,037 
 Beans; 26/. 64 
 
 47,156 
 Beans, 28/. 64 
 
 37,675 
 Beans, 27/. 84 
 
 44,593 
 Beans, 24/. 24 
 
 22,941 
 Beans. 22/. 24 
 
 re,344 
 Beans — 23/ 
 
 26,128 
 Beans, — 26j 
 
 12,960 
 Beans, 34/. 104 
 
 10,976 
 Beans, 32/. 2d. 
 
 15,904 
 Beans, 30/. 84 
 
 16,309 
 Beans, 33/. 24 
 
 18,260 
 Beans, 31/. 104 
 
 15,135 
 Beans, 27/. 24 
 
 Imported. 
 
 425,664 
 
 Quarters 
 131 
 
 490 
 
 61,116 
 
 24,591 
 
 44,452 
 
 38,843 
 
 63,829 
 
 57,933 
 
 43,745 
 
 25,125 
 
 17,753 
 
 8,558 
 31,614 
 45,816 
 16,813 
 35,709 
 42,884 
 
 10,902 
 
 PAID ON EXPORTATION 
 
 Bounties. 
 
 6,170 7 6 
 
 570,304 
 425,664 
 
 6,023 3 10 
 
 7,849 10 11 
 
 52,248 — 9 
 
 45,666 16 5 
 
 43,806 7 9 
 
 54,506 2 6 
 
 77,715 17 — 
 
 32,270 14 7 
 
 47,914 7 4 
 
 13,357 4 8 
 
 23,620 4 6 
 
 26,314 5 10 
 
 53,804 — 
 
 56,979 18 9 
 
 45,182 12 3 
 
 Drawbacks. 
 
 1,798 16 8 
 
 786 8 — 
 
 102 1 10 
 
 224 8 6 
 
 97 1 2 
 
 29 17 1 
 
 46 3 2 
 
 55 7 1 
 
 461 11 3 
 
 255 3 5 
 
 207 1 < 
 
 79 19 '. 
 
 9 5 11 
 
 Received on 
 Importation. 
 
 Duties. 
 
 593,429 15 5 
 4,153 10 11 
 
 4,153 10 11 
 
 £. /. 4 
 13,717 11 — 
 
 3,766 1 10 
 
 Duty free. 
 
 13,715 15 11 
 
 19,797 19 6 
 
 3,688 18 — 
 
 8,S36 8 6 
 
 4,904 9 4 
 
 2,989 16 9 
 
 1,127 11 11 
 
 4,722 11 — . 
 
 2,349 17 1 
 
 20,609 13 5 
 
 9,929 10 8 
 
 7,448 17 2 
 
 6,270 11 6 
 
 6,625 19 9 
 
 6,665 14 10 
 
 130,167 8 6 
 
 144,640 
 
 Balance paid in bounties, &c. 
 jihe balance paid in the 1 8 years amounts to. 
 
 597,583 6 4 
 137,167 8 6 
 
 460,415 17 10 
 4,776,000 — 
 
 5,236,415 17 10 
 
 Exports and Imports, 
 
 Extracted from the Custom 
 
 House Books. 
 
 Prices of the 18 years, 
 Extracted from the Corn Re- 
 gister established by Act of 
 10th Geo. f II. 
 
 Total paid for grain and bounties, &c. L 
 
 or L. 29 1,000 per annum. — — — 
 
 ind the great exportation trade entirely lost, which,from 1746 
 
 j to 1765, produced a net gain of L. 65 1,000 per annum. (See J No. JAMES CATHERWOOD. 
 Smith's Corn Tracts, fo. 136.) 
 
 The average prices of the 19 years (from 1746 to 1765) are? Q r 
 collected from the best authority that could be obtained ... 5 
 
 Wheat. 
 32. 3. 
 
 Barley. 
 17. 8. 
 
 Oati. 
 14.
 
 ( 54 ) 
 
 Appendix, No. II. 
 
 An ACCOUNT of the quantity of corn exported for nineteen years, from 
 1746 to 1765, inclusive, with the bounty paid thereon; distinguishing each 
 year, and the several sorts of corn. — N. B. This account is for England. 
 
 1747...., 
 
 1748 
 
 1749 
 
 1750 
 
 1751 
 
 1752 
 
 1753 
 
 1754 
 
 1755 
 
 1756 
 
 1757 
 
 1758 
 
 1759 
 
 1760 
 
 1761 
 
 1762 
 
 1763 
 
 'i764... 
 1763 
 
 Barley. 
 
 Qrs. B. 
 
 103,140 2 
 
 73,857 
 
 52,621 3 
 
 224,500 7 
 
 32,698 
 
 106,331 3 
 
 67,049 O 
 
 47,776 3 
 
 32,836 
 
 26,938 5 
 
 7,094 7 
 
 691 
 
 22,862 4 
 
 34,592 4 
 
 97,897 1 
 
 130,873 3 
 
 38,390 1 
 
 9,21S 6 
 
 19,631 5 
 
 Malt. 
 
 Qrs. B. 
 
 361,289 3 
 
 349,363 
 
 355,469 5 
 
 330,754 2 
 
 256,547 4 
 
 287,578 6 
 
 274,424 7 
 
 321,995 
 
 341,568 6 
 
 236,925 6 
 
 56,164 2 
 
 10,728 1 
 
 166,079 
 
 224,195 
 
 279,051 5 
 
 254,429 5 
 
 165,494 6 
 
 223,220 5 
 
 208,235 3 
 
 Oatmeal. 
 
 Qrs.B. 
 2,122 4 
 
 3,768 4 
 
 1,281 2 
 
 4,283 4 
 
 2,476 2 
 
 1,590 1 
 
 7,012 1 
 
 2,330 2 
 
 1,112 2 
 
 2,310 4 
 
 4,417 6 
 
 1,831 4 
 
 3,134 6 
 
 2,388 4 
 
 2,839 6 
 
 1,368 4 
 
 1,664 4 
 
 1,101 
 
 2,047 6 
 
 Rye. 
 
 Qrs. B. 
 
 92,718 3 
 
 103,891 4 
 
 106,312 4 
 
 99,049 3 
 
 71,048 4 
 
 57,847 2 
 
 24,835 7 
 
 42,915 1 
 
 43,441 7 
 
 29,968 7 
 
 907 1 
 
 41,480 2 
 
 52,766 4 
 
 57,571 1 
 
 28,410 2 
 
 12,933 7 
 
 27,690 1 
 
 12,083 7 
 
 Wheat ana 
 wheat-nieal 
 
 Oats. 
 
 Qrs.B 
 
 
 Qrs. B. 
 
 266,906 
 
 7 
 
 12,010 2 
 
 543,387 
 
 5 
 
 15,813 1 
 
 629,049 
 
 
 
 12,605 7 
 
 947,602 
 
 1 
 
 10,554 2 
 
 661,416 
 
 4 
 
 8,459 1 
 
 429,279 
 
 4 
 
 9,666 3 
 
 299,608 
 
 7 
 
 11,107 2 
 
 356,27# 1 
 
 20,228 1 
 
 237,459 
 
 2 
 
 7,779 5 
 
 101,936 
 
 4 
 
 8,499 5 
 
 11,226 
 
 
 
 12,117 
 
 9,233 
 
 «; 
 
 7,932 4 
 
 226,426 
 
 
 
 6,566 5 
 
 390,710 
 
 •i 
 
 12.299 5 
 
 440,746 
 
 o 
 
 14,683 
 
 294,500 
 
 
 
 145,025 7 
 
 427,074 
 
 3 
 
 10,844 1 
 
 396,537 
 
 .7 
 
 8,436 5 
 
 167,030 
 
 
 
 9,633 5 
 
 Bounties paid. 
 
 £• s. d. 
 
 141,123 1 10 
 
 202,637 14 11 
 
 228,566 8 1 
 
 262,583 — 2 
 
 154,904 07 4 
 
 186,218 7 — 
 
 222,508 8 6 
 
 143,412 7 2 
 
 166,134 7 4 
 
 109,228 1 8 
 
 22,558 16 9 
 
 3,752 6 10 
 
 53,802 9 2 
 
 1 18,247 4 5 
 
 153,558 4 1 
 
 129,210 2 6 
 
 152,879 13 2 
 
 149,607 2 7 
 
 33,933 14 8 
 
 N. B. The comptroller general cannot carry an account of the bounties actually paid.further 
 back than the yeir 1747— but it appears, by an account of the bounties payable since the 
 commencement of the present century, that the greatest bounty was paid in the year 1750, 
 
 THOMAS IRVING, 
 
 Inspector General. 
 
 Inspector General's Office, 
 f'ustom House, London, 25 Feb. 1790.
 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ArPENDix, No. III. 
 
 n ACCOUNT of the Quantity of each Sort of Corn imported into England 
 from 1746 to 1765, inclusive; distinguishing each Year, with the Amount of 
 Duties paid thereon, distinguishing each Year. 
 
 'ears. 
 
 Barley. 
 
 Beans. 
 
 Oats. 
 
 Oatmeal. 
 
 Pease. 
 
 Rye. 
 
 Wheat. 
 
 Wheat. 
 Flour. 
 
 Total Duties. 
 
 
 Qrs Bush. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Qrs Bush. 
 
 
 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 
 
 14 4 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 385 
 
 — 
 
 24 11 6 
 
 
 40 
 
 — 
 
 QrsBush. 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 382 
 
 — 
 
 25 5 10 
 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 20 3 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 279 5 
 
 — 
 
 12 18 9 
 
 1 51. ,,, 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 2,291 1 
 
 Qrs Bush. 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 3 
 
 — 
 
 57 9 3 
 
 ; - 
 
 , C 
 
 — 
 
 250 
 
 10 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 6 10 2 
 
 '■> 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 33 8 
 
 2 4 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 «- 
 
 -17 9 
 
 >4 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 52,421 7 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 201 
 
 — 
 
 1,323 13 — 
 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 1,591 2 
 
 292 
 
 — 
 
 Qrs Bush. 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 40 3 — 
 
 
 4 6 
 
 
 41,390 
 
 5,280 4 
 
 — 
 
 1,695 
 
 5 
 
 — 
 
 1,230 16 1 
 
 
 5,799 1 
 
 — 
 
 7,460 2 
 
 298 3 
 
 — 
 
 7,86k 7 
 
 130,343 2 
 
 — 
 
 8,839 17 8 
 
 58 
 
 9,752 2 
 
 — 
 
 12,276 2 
 
 1,563 7 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 19,039 7 
 
 — 
 
 1,881 5 10 
 
 Wjg 
 
 42 4 
 
 — 
 
 321 4 
 
 13 2 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 82 1 
 
 — 
 
 14 19 8 
 
 ><> 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 3 6 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 — 1 10 
 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 21 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 942 3 
 
 — 
 
 16,570 1 
 
 829 6 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 56 2 
 
 — 
 
 471 17 4 
 
 
 3,227 7 
 
 — 
 
 217,637 5 
 
 836 5 
 
 — 
 
 
 8 1 
 
 — 
 
 5,576 13 1 
 
 ; i 
 
 5,110 2 
 
 — 
 
 122,477 3 
 
 U,892 3 
 
 - 
 
 
 1 I 
 
 — 
 
 3,540 5 8 
 
 ''> 
 
 3,597 
 
 — 
 
 82,205 4 
 
 541 6 
 
 — 
 
 
 89,642 5 
 
 — 
 
 6,771 2 6 
 
 THOMAS IRVING, 
 Inspector General. 
 
 Inspector General's Office, 
 Customhouse, London, 1 March 1790. 
 
 le inspector general begs leave to acquaint their lordships, that the rate of the duties upon corn 
 ids upon a variety of circumstances, but more particularly upon the current prices at the tine 
 iportation, which prices cannot now be ascertained with any degree of accuracy during the 
 d for which the above account is required. The inspector general has consulted some of the 
 informed officers in the long room; and they are of opinion, that the importation generally 
 place under the low duties: he has, therefore, computed the quantities according to tfcoM
 
 3H 
 
 Appendix, No. 4. 
 
 1st. "TX7 0ULD the last-mentioned method of making the re- 
 V V turns, according to the directions of the corn act pass- 
 ed last session, embarrass the business, or make it so much 
 more difficult in the execution, that the returns might not be 
 so regularly made, or that the persons making them would in 
 consequence of any additional trouble be dissatisfied with the 
 allowance now made them ? 
 
 In answering the above question, it will, I conceive, be proper to 
 state the manner in which returns are made under the act of the 10th 
 Geo. III. and also those made pursuant to the act of the last sessions. 
 
 By the first-mentioned act, the persons who make returns, receive a 
 sum not exceeding two shillings for each. They collect the prices by 
 inquiry among the dealers on market days; and when ascertained, 
 they make up their returns in the following manner ; viz. 
 
 County ot 
 Leicester. 
 
 Saturday. 
 February 6th, 1790. 
 
 Leicester. 
 A RETURN of the Prices of Corn from this Market 
 
 1 
 
 • 
 
 Price by the 
 customary 
 measure. 
 
 Average. 
 
 Price by the 
 standard 
 
 Winchester 
 bushel of 
 8 gallons. 
 
 Wheat per quarter, from - - 
 to 
 
 £. s. d. 
 2 18 6 
 
 2 7 — 
 
 £. s. d. 
 2 12 9 
 
 £. s. d. 
 — 64 
 
 Note. 
 The quarter is 8 bushels, the 
 bushel containing 8 gallons 
 and 2 pints. 
 
 The price of the other sorts 
 of grain is given in like 
 manner. 
 
 From the mode of collecting these prices, it is not likely that the 
 inspectors can obtain them so accurately as could be wished, not being 
 authorized to demand any account from the dealers, and the dealers 
 not being obliged to render them any. 
 
 The method above stated, of giving the average, is not a true one. 
 For if a greater quantity of wheat was sold at £2 : 18 : 6 than 
 at £2, 7s. the average would be more than £2:12:9; and
 
 51 
 
 if a less quantity was sold at the former than at the latter price, 
 the average could not be so much as L. 2. 12s. ©d. It is there- 
 fore evident, that unless the quantity is known, and the cost ot 
 it the true average price cannot be ascertained ; of course the 
 returns made under the act of 10th Geo. III. are not so accu- 
 rate as those made pursuant to the late act, which enacts, lhat 
 the buyers of corn for sale shall be sworn to deliver every week, 
 to the inspector of the market at which they buy, a true account 
 of the quantities they purchase, and the cost thereof. 
 
 When the inspector has received such accounts, which, at 
 some places, are very numerous, he enters them in a book, from 
 which he makes his return to the receiver of corn returns, as 
 under, and then transmits a duplicate of it to the several col- 
 lectors of customs within his district. 
 
 County of Lancaster. Manch£STERj Saturday , Feb . 6th> l790 . 
 
 A RETURN of the quantities and prices of corn and grain from this 
 market, for one week, ended this day. 
 
 
 Amount oi|The aggregatej 'I he average j 
 
 The average 
 >rice per bushel, 
 
 Quantities,! 
 
 Price 
 
 each parcel quantity, price per quar- 
 at the seve- Winchester jter.Winchester 
 
 1 
 
 customary 1 
 
 by the 
 
 Winchester 
 
 
 measure. 1 
 
 quarter. 
 
 ral rates. 
 
 measure. | measure. 
 
 measure. 
 
 
 Qur. Bushel,] 
 
 s. d. 
 
 £• f d. 
 
 Qur. Bushel. 
 
 £. '• d. 
 
 & <• * 
 
 
 4 4 
 
 58 — 
 
 13 1 — 
 
 
 
 
 I -Wheat 
 
 51 4 
 
 55 4 
 
 142 13 1 
 
 
 
 
 by the 
 
 8 4 
 
 54 6 23 8 4 
 
 
 
 
 quarter, 
 
 93 3 
 
 54 4 253 15 — 
 
 
 
 
 Winches- 
 
 32 3 
 
 53 11 87 13 5 
 
 
 
 
 ter mea- 
 
 38 5 
 
 53 8 |103 14 6 
 
 
 
 
 »ure. 
 
 7 — 
 17 2 
 25 1 
 — 5 
 
 53 5 
 52 11 
 52 8 
 51 3 
 
 18 13 11 
 
 45 16 1 
 
 66 3 3 
 
 1 15 2 
 
 
 
 
 
 2 6 
 
 42 8 
 
 5 18 8 
 
 
 
 
 1 282 —I 
 
 
 " 
 
 762 12 8 282 — 
 
 2 14 — 
 
 — 6 9 
 
 If the average of the above was taken according to the usual 
 method, under the act of 10th Geo. Ill by giving the medium 
 of the highest and lowest price thus, wheat from 58s. to 42s. 8d. 
 the average price per quarter would be only L.2 10s. 0|d. m- 
 
 te i<rom what hasbeen before stated, it is manifest, that the duty of 
 the inspectors under the actof 10th Geo. III. is cons.derably lefc
 
 58 
 
 than the duty of the inspectors under the late act, and that the 
 allowance made to the former would be deemed very inadequate 
 to the trouble of the latter. 
 
 2d. Can you recommend any method of making these re- 
 turns, which will render them as accurate as those di- 
 rected by the act of last year, and yet not put the 
 persons, who are to make these returns, under too 
 great difficulties in making them ? 
 
 I can think of no method better calculated for obtaining true 
 returns of the prices of corn and grain, than that directed by 
 the act of last session. 
 
 17th Feb. 1790. 
 
 JNo. JAs. CATHERWOOD, 
 
 Receiver of corn returns.
 
 ^9 
 
 Appendix, No. 5. 
 
 in ACCOUNT of the several sorts of grain, exported and imported from and to 
 Great Britain, for eight years, previous to the commencement of the new corn 
 law (31 Geo. III. chap. 30.) and for eight years previous to its commencement ; 
 ■vided into periods of four years, with the average thereof. 
 
 7H } 
 85 
 
 86 
 87 
 
 Wheat and Flour. 
 
 89,288 
 132,G85 
 '205,466 
 120,536 
 
 547,975 
 
 136,994 
 
 Imports 
 
 Qrs. 
 
 216,947 
 
 1 10,863 
 
 51 ,46S 
 
 59,339 
 
 Barley and Malt. I Oats and Oatmeal. 
 
 Exports. 
 
 438,612 
 
 109,653 
 
 Qrs. 
 
 66,889 
 166,448 
 111,598 
 135,089 
 
 Imports. 
 
 480,024 
 
 Qrs. 
 
 77,182 
 67,212 
 62,374 
 43,244 
 
 Exports. 
 
 250,012 
 
 Qrs. 
 
 13,511 
 25,273 
 19,298 
 17,098 
 
 75,175 
 
 Imports, 
 
 120.000 J 62,503 J 18,794 
 
 Qrs 
 
 266,998 
 274,089 
 478,473 
 512,004 
 
 Rye. 
 
 Exports! Imports 
 
 Qrs. 
 
 6,731 
 13,163 
 
 6,736 
 12,683 
 
 1,513,564 39,313 
 
 382,891 | 9,828 
 
 Qrs. 
 
 24,779 
 
 28,761 
 
 3,643 
 
 7,054 
 
 Pease and Beans. 
 
 Exports. 
 
 Qrs. 
 
 10,976 
 15,904 
 16,300 
 18,260 
 
 61,449 
 
 15,362 
 
 Impts. 
 
 Qrs. 
 
 45,816 
 16,813 
 35,709 
 42,884 
 
 141,222 
 
 35,503 
 
 82,971 
 
 140,014 
 
 30,892 
 
 70,626 
 
 324,503 
 
 148,710 212,811 J 11,479 1 
 
 112,656 345.685 11.128 
 
 222,557 50,966 29,718 
 
 41,5901 61,134 
 
 460,056 
 952,979 
 
 651,052 I 113,459 
 
 81,126' 238,245 ( 162,763 I 68,365 
 
 14,418 \ ««fM2l 
 38,283 437,594 
 14,290 786^46 
 16,498 I 836,736 
 
 78,489 2,474,703 
 
 19,622 J 618,676 
 
 31,220 
 
 40,151 
 
 47 
 
 3,528 
 
 74,946 
 
 14,845 
 21,682 
 56,378 
 
 92,905 
 
 18,736 | 23,226 
 
 15,13.5 110,902 
 29,644 S91 1 
 17,576 43,094 
 13,707 14,726 
 
 76,062 69,113 
 
 19,015 J 17,278 
 
 21,809 
 51,470 
 55,409 
 37,397 
 
 889,003. 13,099 
 
 462,579 13,089 
 
 396,941 15,075 
 
 466,208 1 41,386 
 
 ^,241,731! 82,649 
 
 40,032 
 
 04,198 
 
 116,484 
 
 19,537 
 
 240,251 
 
 10,845 1 801,37;:| 122 
 20,040 609, 12( 108 
 
 25,037 773,99.' 
 19,280 529,54* 
 
 75,202 2,714,028 
 
 678,507 
 
 164,453. 10,725.67,917 
 
 8,258 11,300135,212 
 
 6,925 I 19,907 134,010 
 
 22,051 11,818 113,550 
 
 950 201,687 J 53,350 1 150,689 
 o 3 7 1 50,422 \ 13,3 37 137 ,672
 
 60 
 
 Appendix, No. 6. 
 
 An ACCOUNT of the number of Bills, for Inclosure and 
 Drainage, that passed the Legislature, in each year, from 
 1780 to 1799, inclusive, with the averages thereof; in pe- 
 riods of four years. 
 
 No. Average. 
 
 1780 37 
 
 1781 22 
 
 1782 15 
 
 1783 18 
 
 — 23 
 
 1784- 16 
 
 1785 23 
 
 1786 24. 
 
 1787 24. 
 
 — 22 
 
 1788 35 • 
 
 1789 36 
 
 1790 28 
 
 1791 4-2 
 
 — 35 
 
 1792 4-3 
 
 1793 63 
 
 1794- 78 
 
 1795 82 
 
 — ....66 
 
 1796 78 
 
 1797 91 
 
 1798 53 
 
 1799 80 
 
 ..75
 
 REPORT 
 
 OF THE 
 
 COMMITTEE OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 
 
 The Corn Committee in the House of Commons, in- 
 structed to examine the act of tlie 31st of the 
 King, have made t/ie following Report, viz. 
 
 That, in pursuance of the instructions receiv- 
 ed, they proceeded to examine the act of the 31st 
 of the King, and to take, from the best informa- 
 tion they could obtain, a comparative view of the 
 price of labour, and of the unavoidable expences 
 incident to the farmer, in the year 1791, and to 
 the farmer at this present time ; as the best crite- 
 rion by which they might judge what ought to be 
 the price of the different species of grain, so as to 
 allow to the grower such a fair and reasonable pro- 
 fit as may induce him to pursue that line of hus- 
 bandry which will the most contribute to the pro- 
 duction of such an ample supply of the different 
 kinds of corn and grain, as may be sufficient for 
 the consumption of the kingdom. The certainty 
 of this supply cannot be obtained without a con-
 
 62 
 
 siderable surplus in plentiful years, above the de- 
 mand of the home market, it therefore becomes 
 necessary that the grower should have such a ready 
 sale for that surplus by exportation, and bounty if 
 requisite, as may remove all apprehension of his 
 not being able to obtain, from a glut of the com- 
 modity at the home market, such a price for that 
 surplus as will afford him an equitable profit on 
 his labour and industry, and capital employed in 
 its production. It appears then, to your commit- 
 tee, that the only mode by which an ample and 
 plentiful supply can justly be expected, is to se- 
 cure a certain and uniform fair and reasonable price 
 to the farmer. 
 
 It appears to your committee, thai: the act pass- 
 ed in 1791, giving a power to the king and coun- 
 cil, when parliament is not sitting, of prohibiting 
 the exportation of corn, if the average price there- 
 of, taken from the return of the whole kingdom, 
 is higher than the price at, or above which foreign 
 corn of the same sort is allowed to be imported 
 at the low duties ; and to permit, generally, for 
 three months certain, the importation of such sort 
 on the lowest duties then payable, ought never to 
 be exercised but on a strong and uncontrovertible 
 necessity ; as it may, if used upon light and insuf- 
 ficient ground, operate as a great discouragement 
 to the growth and production of corn in this king, 
 dom, by rendering the market uncertain, by mak- 
 ing the export trade liable to be stopped, and by 
 enabling a general import of foreign corn to be 
 poured into the kingdom, for the term of three 
 months, at so small a variation and advance of 
 price in the home market, as may perhaps be ex- 
 pressly occasioned, by particular combinations, for 
 the very purpose of producing that effect.
 
 63 
 
 Your committee are cautious of recommending 
 a repeal of that part of the act, lest a necessity 
 for the exercise of that power might possibly arise, 
 thinking it better, under such circumstances, that 
 it should be exercised according to law, than in 
 opposition to it ; but, in full confidence, that when 
 due encouragement is given to the agriculture of 
 the country, and the crown and waste lands 
 brought into cultivation, that the product of the 
 growth of corn in Great Britain, will afford such 
 regular and ample supply for the consumption of 
 the kingdom, as to admit the repeal of that power 
 given to his majesty's privy council, without the 
 danger of any detriment arising therefrom to the 
 public. 
 
 It further appears to your committee, that the 
 tables in the said act of the 31st of the king, for 
 regulating the prices at which the ports for ex- 
 portation are to be open, with or without bounty, 
 and at which the importation of foreign corn is to 
 be admitted, on the low duties generally, into the 
 kingdom, require very material alteration. This 
 alteration seems to be demanded by the advance 
 in the price of labour, and all other expences to 
 which the farmer is now subject, beyond what he 
 was liable to at the time when those regulations 
 were established. 
 
 Your committee therefore, recommend the tables 
 hereto annexed, to be adopted, instead of those 
 in the act of the 31st of the king, as more fitted 
 to the circumstances of the present times. 
 
 It appears further to your committee, that the 
 aggregate average prices of the twelve maritime 
 districts, is the proper rule by which the tables for 
 regulating the export and import of corn to and 
 from this kingdom ought to be governed.
 
 64 
 
 And it appears further to your committee, that 
 ho corn should be imported into any one district, 
 Where the price of corn, taken at the two last pre- 
 ceding market days is below the aggregate average 
 prices of the twelve maritime districts, at which 
 corn is allowed to be imported in the kingdom. 
 
 The object of your committee, in fixing the 
 price at which the ports shall be open for the ge- 
 neral importation of corn, so much higher than 
 the price at which it is permitted to be exported, 
 is to prevent corn from being imported into one 
 part of the kingdom, and exported from another, 
 at the same time ; and, by facilitating the means 
 of conveying the surplus to a foreign market, to 
 give that encouragement to the grower which may 
 ultimately produce such an ample supply as shall 
 render the importation of foreign corn unneces- 
 sary. In this hope, your committee are the more 
 sanguine, from observing by the corn returns, 
 that in the course of years, when the regulations 
 were most favourable to the growers, and when 
 the least check was put upon the export trade, 
 the export of corn from this kingdom for more 
 than sixty years in succession, produced annually 
 six or seven hundred thousand pounds ; leaving 
 besides, at a regular and moderate price, an ample 
 sufficiency for the home consumption ; and your 
 committee have on the other hand observed, that 
 as the restrictions under the laws began more and 
 more to bear hard upon the grower, and to check 
 and stop the export trade, the importation has in- 
 creased, and in the last thirteen years alone has 
 amounted to the enormous sum of thirty millions, 
 whilst the whole advantage of the export trade has 
 been lost to this kingdom. 
 
 FINIS.
 
 ACT 
 
 REFERRED TO IN THE FOREGOING REPORT 
 
 OF THE COMMITTEE OF THE HOUSE OF 
 
 COMMONS. 
 
 An Act to Regulate the Importation and Exporta- 
 tion of Corn, and tJie Bounties and Duties pay* 
 able thereon. 
 
 Whereas an act, passed in the thirty-first year of 
 the reign of his present majesty, intituled, an act 
 for regulating the importation and exportation of 
 corn, and the payment of the duty on foreign corn 
 imported, and of the bounty on British corn ex- 
 ported : And whereas it is expedient, that so much 
 of the said recited act as regulates the prices at 
 which British corn, grain, malt, meal, flour, or 
 biscuit, may be exported, except to Ireland, and 
 corn, grain, meal, and flour imported, except from 
 Ireland, and also the duties and bounties payable 
 
 A.
 
 66 
 
 thereon, except such duty or sum of money as may 
 be payable in respect of the warehousing of any 
 corn, be repealed, and that other provisions should 
 be made in relation to the importation thereof in- 
 to and bounties on exportation thereof out of 
 Great Britain, and that regulations should also be 
 made in relation to the exportation from and im- 
 portation into Ireland, of corn, grain, malt, meal, 
 flour, and biscuit : May it therefore please your 
 majesty that it may be enacted ; and be it enact- 
 ed by the king's most excellent majesty, by and 
 with the advice and consent of the lords spiritual 
 and temporal, and commons, in this present par- 
 liament assembled, and by the authority of the 
 same, that, from and after the fifteenth day of No- 
 vember, one thousand eight hundred and four, so 
 much of the said recited act of the thirty first year 
 aforesaid, as regulates the prices at which British 
 corn, grain, malt, meal, flour, and biscuit, may 
 be exported, except to Ireland, and at which fo- 
 reign corn, grain, meal, and flour, may be import- 
 ed, except from Ireland, and as fixes the duties and 
 bounties payable thereon, shall be and the same is 
 hereby repealed, except so far as the same relates 
 to any duty payable on any corn or grain in res- 
 pect of the warehousing thereof. 
 
 II. And be it further enacted, that, from and 
 after the said fifteenth day of November one thou- 
 sand eight hundred and four, the importation and 
 exportation of corn, grain, malt, meal, flour, and 
 biscuit into and from England and Wales, shall be 
 regulated by the aggregate average price of corn, 
 grain, and oatmeal, of the whole of the twelve 
 maritime districts in England and Wales ; and the 
 importation and exportation into and from Scot-* 
 land, shall be regulated by the aggregate average
 
 67 
 
 price of the whole of the four districts in Scot, 
 land ; such average price to be ascertained quar- 
 terly, weekly, and monthly from such returns, and 
 in such manner as is directed by the said recited 
 act for ascertaining the average prices of corn, 
 grain, meal, and flour ; any thing in any act or 
 acts to the contrary notwithstanding. 
 
 III. And be it further enacted, that, from and 
 after the said fifteenth day of November, one thou- 
 sand eight hundred and four, the several bounties 
 specified in the schedule to this act annexed mark- 
 ed (x\.), and no other, shall be allowed and pay- 
 able, and paid in respect of and upon British corn, 
 grain, malt, meal, flour, and biscuit, exported from 
 Great Britain ; and all such bounties shall be al- 
 lowed and payable and paid, and the exportation 
 of British corn, grain, malt, meal, and flour pro- 
 hibited according to the prices and regulations of 
 the said table ; any thing in the said recited act 
 to the contrary notwithstanding. 
 
 IV. And be it further enacted, that the seve- 
 ral and respective duties specified and set forth in 
 the schedule to this act annexed, marked (B.), and 
 no other or different duties, except as aforesaid, 
 shall be charged and levied upon and payable and 
 paid in respect of all corn, grain, meal, and flour, 
 imported into Great Britain ; and such duties 
 shall be charged and payable and paid according 
 to the prices and regulations in the said schedule ; 
 any thing in any act or acts to the contrary not- 
 withstanding. 
 
 V. And be it further enacted, that nothing in 
 this act contained shall extend, or be construed to 
 extend, to the exportation or importation of corn, 
 grain, meal, or flour, from Great Britain to Ire- 
 land, or from Ireland to Great Britain j and all
 
 68 
 
 the powers, provisions, authorities, regulations, pe- 
 nalties, forfeitures, clauses, matters, and things in 
 the said act or any subsequent act contained, and 
 not hereby altered, varied, or repealed, shall exr 
 tend, and be construed to extend, to this act, and 
 be used and applied in carrying the same into ex- 
 ecution, as fully as if the provisions and clauses 
 and schedules of this act had made part of the said 
 acts, and as if the clauses of the said acts had been 
 severally, as far as the same were applicable, re- 
 enacted in the body of this act. 
 
 VI. Provided always, and be it further enact- 
 ed, that whenever the average prices for regulat- 
 ing the importation and exportation of corn, grain, 
 meal, and flour, into and from Great Britain, shall 
 be under the prices at which the same may be im- 
 portable into Great Britain on the low duties from 
 foreign parts, it shall and may be lawful to and for 
 any person or persons to export any such corn or 
 grain of British growth, or any meal or flour made 
 thereof, from Great Britain to Ireland ; and in 
 like manner, whenever the average prices for re- 
 gulating the importation and exportation of corn, 
 grain, and flour, into and from Ireland, shall be 
 under the prices at which the same may be import- 
 able into Ireland, on the low duties from foreign 
 parts, it shall and may be lawful for any person or 
 persons to export any such corn or grain of Irish 
 growth, or any meal or flour made thereof, from 
 Ireland to Great Britain, provided the same be ex- 
 ported in British or Irish ships owned and navigat- 
 ed according to law. 
 
 VII. And be it further enacted, that, from and 
 after the said fifteenth day of November, one thou- 
 sand eight hundred and four, the importation of 
 foreign corn, grain, meal, and flour, into Ireland^
 
 69 
 
 and the exportation of Irish corn, grain, malt, 
 meal, flour, and biscuit, from Ireland, and the 
 payment of the duties and bounties thereon, shall 
 be regulated according to the schedules to this 
 act annexed, marked (C.) and (D.) respectively, 
 and the duties therein specified shall be charged 
 and payable and paid, and the bounties therein 
 specified shall be allowed and paid, according to 
 the prices and regulations therein contained ; any 
 thing in any act or acts relating to corn, grain, 
 meal, or flour, imported into or exported from Ire- 
 land, to the contrary notwithstanding. 
 
 VIII. And be it further enacted, that all the 
 provisions, powers, authorities, regulations, penal- 
 ties, and forfeitures, clauses, matters, and things 
 now in force in any act of parliament, in relation 
 to the importation into Ireland or exportation from 
 Ireland of any corn, grain, malty-ineal, or flour, 
 not contrary to the provisions of this act, shall ex- 
 tend, and be construed to extend, and be applied 
 and enforced for the carrying into execution the 
 purposes of this act, in relation to the duties and 
 bounties, and importation and exportation of corn, 
 grain, meal, and flour, into and from Ireland res- 
 pectively, and regulations relating thereto, speci- 
 fied in the said schedules marked (C.) and (1\), 
 as fully and effectually as if the same were repeat- 
 ed and re-enacted in and made part of the body 
 of this act.
 
 70 
 SCHEDULES to which 
 
 SCHEDULE (B.) — Showing the Prices according to which 
 
 When imported from the province of Quebec, 
 or the other British colonies or plantations 
 in North America : 
 
 If under per quarter 
 
 High Duty do 
 
 If at, or above per quarter 
 
 but under. „ .....do 
 
 First Lotxi Duty..... 
 
 If at, or above per quarter 
 
 Second Loiv Duty...,. 
 
 Wheat. 
 
 53s. 
 
 .24s. 3d. 
 
 When imported from any other foreign 
 country: 
 
 If under per quarter 
 
 High Duty 
 
 If at, or above per quarter 
 
 but under do 
 
 First Loiv Duty 
 
 If at, or above per quarter 
 
 Second Low Duly f ... 
 
 53s. 
 56s. 
 
 56s. 
 
 .2s. 6d. 
 
 .Os. 6d. 
 
 63s.. 
 
 .24s. 3d. 
 
 63s.. 
 66s.. 
 
 .2s. 6& 
 
 66s. 
 
 ..Os.6d. 
 
 Rye, Pease, and 
 Beans. 
 
 35s.. 
 
 .22. Od. 
 
 35s.. 
 
 37s.. 
 
 .ls.6d. 
 
 37s.. 
 
 •Os. 3d. 
 
 42s.. 
 
 ,.22s. Od. 
 
 42s., 
 44.. 
 
 .ls.Gd. 
 
 44 s.. 
 
 .0. 3d. 
 
 IMPORTATION of Wheat, Meal, and Flour, to be governed as follows- 
 When imported from the province of Quebec, or the other British colonies 
 or plantations in North America, 
 
 High duty per cwt 6s. 6d. 
 
 First low do do Is. 6d. 
 
 Second low do do Os. 2d. 
 
 When imported from any other foreign country, 
 
 High duty per cwt 6s. 6d. 
 
 First low do do Is. 6d. 
 
 Second low do do Is. Od. 
 
 Malt made of Wheat prohibited. 
 
 Rye ground, or Malt made of Rye ; Pease and Beans ground, prohibited. 

 
 71 
 
 this Act refers. 
 
 High or Low .Duties are to take place on Importation. 
 
 Barley, Beer, 
 or Bigg. 
 
 Oats. 
 
 26s. Od 
 
 22s. Od 
 
 26s. Od. 
 28s. Od. 
 
 28s. Od. 
 
 Is. 3d 
 
 Os. 3d 
 
 31s. 6d. 
 
 22s. Od. 
 
 Sis. 6d. 
 33s. O.. 
 
 17s. 
 
 17s. 
 18s. 
 
 18s. 
 
 When imported from the 
 province of Quebec, or the 
 other British Colonies or 
 Plantations in North Ame- 
 
 6s. 7d 
 
 Is. Od. 
 
 Os. 2d 
 
 Oatmeal. 
 
 f F under per boll ofT 
 
 J ;40 l:bs ivoird, ©i > 
 £ 128 libs. Scotch troy.j 
 for every boll, 
 
 High Duty 
 
 If at, or hove per boll 
 
 but under....; Do. 
 
 16s. 6d. 
 
 First Low Duty 
 
 If at, or above per boll 
 
 Second Low Duly 
 
 8s. Od. 
 
 16s. 6d. 
 17s. 4d. 
 
 Is. Od. 
 
 17s. 4d. 
 
 Is. 3d 
 
 SSs. Od- 22s, 
 
 21s. 
 
 21s. 
 22s. 
 
 6s. 7d. 
 
 Is. Od 
 
 Os. 3d Os. 2d 
 
 When imported from any 
 
 other foreign country 
 If under 
 
 High Duty .....8s. Od 
 
 Os. 2d 
 
 20s. , 
 
 !f at, or above per boll 
 
 but under Do. 
 
 First Low Duty. 
 
 If at, or above per boll 
 
 Second Lnv Duty 
 
 20s. 
 21s. 
 
 • Is. Od. 
 
 21s. 
 
 .Of. 6d. 
 
 IMPORTATION of Indian Corn or Maize, to be governed by the price 
 »f Barley, as follows : 
 
 When imported from the province of Quebec, or the other British Colonies 
 er Plantations in North America, 
 
 High duty per quarter 22s. Od. 
 
 First low ditto ditto Is. 3d. 
 
 Second ditto ditto Os 3d. 
 
 When imported from any other foreign country, 
 
 High duty per quarter 22s. Od. 
 
 First low ditto ditto Is. 3d. 
 
 Second ditto .ditto Os. 3d; 
 
 Barley, Indian Corn or Maize, Beer or Bigg ground ; and Nlalt made of 
 
 Barley, Indian Corn or Maize, Beer or Bigg prohibited. 
 
 Malt made «f Oat* prohibited.
 
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 8. d. 
 
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 Rye Meal, 
 
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 Barley, Beer 
 
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 74 
 
 SCHEDULE (D) — Shewing the Prices according to which the High or 
 
 When imported from the province of Quebec, or the 
 other British colonies or plantations in North America, 
 
 If ander per barrel British. 
 
 High Duty British. 
 
 If at, or above per barrel British. 
 
 But under per barrel British. 
 
 First Lozo Duty British. 
 
 If at, or above per barrel British. 
 
 Second Lo-zv Duty British. 
 
 Wheat. 
 
 32». 7d 
 
 14s. lOd. 
 
 32s. 7d 
 
 34s. 4d 
 
 '. Is. 6d. 
 
 34s. 4d 
 
 Os. 3d. 
 
 Rye, 
 
 Pease & Beans. 
 
 22s. 3d 
 
 14s. Od. 
 
 22s. 3d 
 
 23s. 6d 
 
 Os. lid. 
 
 23s. 6d 
 
 Os.ld. 
 
 When imported from any other foreign country, 
 If under ..: .....per barrel British.. 
 
 High Duty British.. 
 
 If at, or above per barrel British.. 
 
 But under...., per barrel British.. 
 
 First Lo-w Duty........... .British.. 
 
 If at, or above per barrel British.. 
 
 Second Lc-w Duly .British.. 
 
 38s. 8d 
 
 14s. lOd. 
 
 38s. 8d 
 
 40s. 6d 
 
 ls.Gd. 
 
 40s. Cd 
 
 Os. 3d. 
 
 26s. 8d 
 
 . 14s. Od„ 
 
 26s. 8d 
 
 28s. Od 
 
 Os.lld. 
 
 28s. Od 
 
 Os. Id. 
 
 IMPORTATION of Wheat, Meal, and Flour, to be governed as follows: 
 
 When imported from Quebec, or the other British colonies or plantations, 
 
 in North America, 
 
 High Duty per cwt 6s. 6d. British. 
 
 First low duty do Is. 6d. do. 
 
 Second low duty v ..do Os. 2d. do. 
 
 When imported from any other foreign country. 
 
 High duty per cwt 6s 6d. 
 
 First low duty do Is. 6d. 
 
 Second low duty do ...Is. Od. 
 
 Malt made of Wheat prohibited 
 
 Rye ground, or Malt made of Rye; Pease ground, and Beans ground*.. prohibited.
 
 75 
 
 Low Duties are to take place on Importation into Ireland. 
 
 Barley, 
 Beer or Biggi 
 
 Oats. 
 
 Oatmeal 
 
 14s. 9d. 
 
 , 12s. 6<L 
 
 14s. 9d 
 
 16s. Od 
 
 Os. 8d. 
 
 16s. Od 
 
 .Os. Id. 
 
 10s. lid 
 
 4s. 2d. 
 
 10s. lid. 
 
 lis. 7d 
 
 Os. 7d. 
 
 Us. 7d 
 
 Os. Id. 
 
 s. d. 
 
 If under, per cwt. of 1 12lbs. Avoirdupois British 13 2 
 
 High Duty for every cwt. British 8 O 
 
 If at, or above per cwt. British 13 2 
 
 But under per cwt. British 13 10 
 
 First Low Duty per cwt. British 1 Q 
 
 If at, or above per cwt. British 13 10 
 
 Second Low Duty per cwt. British 2 
 
 
 
 12s. 6d. 
 
 4s. 2d. 
 
 
 
 18s. lOd 
 
 
 Os. 8d. 
 
 Os. 7d. 
 
 
 14s. 2d 
 
 
 
 If under , per cwt. British 16 O 
 
 High Duty per cwt. British 8 
 
 If at, or above per cwt. British 16 
 
 But under per cwt. British 16 9 
 
 First Low Duty per cwt. British 1 
 
 If at, or above per cwt. British 16 9 
 
 , Second Low Duty per cwt. British O 6 
 
 IMPORTATION of Indian Corn or Maize, to be governed by the Price of Barley 
 
 as follows : 
 
 When Imported from Quebec, or the other British colonies or plantation! 
 in North America, 
 
 High duty per barrel, 15s, Od. British. 
 
 First low duty do Os. lOd. do. 
 
 Second low duty do Os. 2d. do. 
 
 When imported from any other foreign country, 
 
 High duty 15s. Od. British, 
 
 First low duty Os. lOd. do. 
 
 Second low duty Os. 2d. do. 
 
 Malt made of Oats prohibited.
 
 ERRATA. 
 
 Page 47 line 7th From the bottom, instead of" possessions," read " professions." 
 ' 50 line 4th from the top after " as it maintains fewer people* add, 
 
 " and as fewer live in towns." 
 «— 126 line 7th from the top, after " then during the last sixty years" add, 
 
 " of the preceding century." 
 — — 150 line 7th from the bottom, instead of II. read III. section. 
 
 ■ 177 In the note, instead of " this chapter," read " his chapter." 
 
 ■■ 180 line 9th from the bottom, insert the word, f or" after manufacturer* 
 
 . 196 line 15th from the top, instead of '' or to live," read " or living."' 
 
 ■ ?Ql To the title of the 2d section of the 7th chapter, add, " from inter- 
 
 " nal sources." 
 — — 222 line 6th from the bottom, delete the word " and," after " other coun- 
 tries." 
 
 ■ 249 line 11th from the bottom, instead of " miseries," read " misery^ 
 — 250 line 6th from the top, instead of '« its," read " it."
 
 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY 
 
 Los Angeles 
 This book is DUE on the last date stamped below. 
 
 KCDUHUm 
 
 URl 
 
 Sr jun 7tni 
 
 NOV 5 ] 382 
 
 OCT 111985 
 
 JAW 1 1 Ml 
 
 Form L9-Series 444 
 
 MAR 3 1992 
 
 MAR J 5 '-99? 
 IVV-j CO XT 
 
 •jaw** 
 
 MAY 06 W
 
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