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A MANUAL 
 
 OF 
 
 LATIN PROSE COMPOSITION 
 
 FOR THE USE OF 
 
 SCHOOLS AND PRIVATE STUDENTS 
 
 HENRY MUSGRAVE WILKINS, M.A. 
 
 M 
 
 Fellow of Merton College, Oxford 
 
 Author of 'Notes for Latin Lyrics' 'Manual of Greek Prose' 
 
 ' Elementary Greek Exercises ' ' A Progressive Greek Delectus' 
 
 'Speeches from Thucydides' 
 
 FIFTEENTH EDITION 
 
 LONDON 
 LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO. 
 
 AND NEW YOEK : 15 EAST 16* STREET 
 1891 
 
 All rights reserved 
 
THE KEY 
 
 to the Exercises in Mr. WILKINS'S Manual of Latin 
 
 Prose Composition is supplied by the Publishers to 
 
 Teachers only. 
 
 Price HALF-A-CROWN. 
 
 7 36 7 
 
H/73 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 TAGS 
 
 INTRODUCTION . . 
 
 DIRECTIONS FOR USE ..... 4 
 
 PREFACE ....... 5 
 
 CHAPTER!. ON THE SUBJTJNCTIVE MOOD . .5 
 
 f> n. ON CHARACTERISTIC DIFFERENCES OP LATIN AND 
 
 ENGLISH COMPOSITION . . . .20 
 
 1. Length of Sentences . . .20 
 
 2. Structure of Clauses . . 21 
 
 3. Use of Participles . . .22 
 
 4. Use of the Eelative Pronoun . . 22 
 
 5. Sources of ^Metaphor : Concrete and Ab- 
 stract 'Termi : . " . .22 
 
 6. Condensation . . . .24 
 
 1. Arrangement of Words , . .25 
 
 8. English Substantives used for Latin Verbs 27 
 9. Latin Adjectives 28 
 
 $ 10. Persons chiefly the subjects of action in 
 
 Latin, things equally so in English . 29 
 
 11. English use of general names for Latin 
 
 Proper Names . . .29 
 
 5 12. Latin equivalents for such English phrases 
 as * I cannot do this without incurring 
 risk' 29 
 
 13. English use of Abstract Nouns for Latin 
 
 Passive Participles . . .30 
 
 14. Various Significations of the Latin Par- 
 ticiple ... 30 
 
Vi CONTENTS. 
 
 TAGB 
 
 15. English use of Finite Verbs for Latin 
 
 Passive Participles . . 31 
 
 16. Comparative Latin and English treatment 
 
 of the two Futures . . .31 
 
 17. Idiomatic Usages of the Latin Adjective 31 
 18. Adjectives in connection with Proper 
 
 Names . . . .32 
 
 19. Idiomatic Usages of the Latin Comparative 32 
 
 20-33. Miscellaneous points . . . 33 
 
 39. English compared with Latin uses of the 
 
 Perfect and Present Infinitive . 36 
 
 CHAPTER III. TABLE OF COMPARATIVE LATIN AND ENGLISH 
 
 IDIOMS . . . . .37 
 
 IV. THE RHYTHM OF LATIN PROSE . . 53 
 
 V. HISTORICAL AND ORATORICAL STYLES, EPISTO- 
 LARY AND DIDACTIC STYLES . . 56 
 
 VI. ON THE STYLE OF TACITUS 61 
 
 EXERCISES. 
 
 PART 1. CLOSE TRANSLATIONS FROM LATIN CLASSICS FOR 
 
 .RE- TRANSLATION INTO LATIN . . .69 
 
 II. PASSAGES FROM ENGLISH PROSE AUTHORS, FOR 
 TRANSLATION INTO LATIN ; WITH ADAPTATIONS 
 
 OF THE ENGLISH TO THE LATLN IDIOM . .117 
 
 III. SUBJECTS FOR ORIGINAL COMPOSITION . . 172 
 
 IV. PASSAGES FROM ENGLISH PROSE AUTHORS, FOR 
 
 TRANSLATION INTO LATIN . . .198 
 
 V. IDIOMATIC VERSIONS FROM LATIN CLASSICS, FOR 
 
 RE-TRANSLATION INTO LAITN , . 221 
 
MANUAL 
 
 LATIN PROSE COMPOSITION, 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 IN remodelling this volume for a new edition, con- 
 siderable alterations, as well as additions, have been 
 made. In the Preface, especially, several fresh pages have 
 been devoted to the comparison of the Latin and English 
 idiom ; the tabular list of idioms has been largely increased; 
 and the marginal notes on Parts I. and II. have been en- 
 tirely rewritten, in the hope of rendering the Exercises at 
 once decidedly easier and more instructive. With the 
 latter view, a Chapter, illustrating the main uses of the 
 Subjunctive Mood, has been inserted in the Preface ; and 
 references, throughout the Exercises, especially in the First 
 Part, have been systematically made to the rules there 
 laid down, and which have been given on the authority of 
 Madvig, Key, and Donaldson.* 
 
 * The Subjunctive Mood being the great stumbling-block of young 
 writers of Latin, I have taken especial pains to give them clear ideas 
 of the principles which regulate its use. References to Grammars 
 seemed a less convenient plan than that which has been adopted in 
 the present edition ; the more advanced grammars, which alone treat 
 the subject with sufficient fulness, not being generally in the hands 
 of schoolboys, 
 
2 LATIX PROSE COMPOSITION. 
 
 Several new translations from English into Latin have 
 been added to the FOURTH PART ; and the references in the 
 THIRD PART have been revised. 
 
 The book is mainly intended to meet one of the chief 
 difficulties which beset the juvenile composer I mean the 
 adaptation of the English to the Latin idiom. The subject, 
 in the course of treatment, seemed naturally to divide 
 itself into FIVE PARTS ; each of which, it is hoped, will be 
 found to be graduated, in point of difficulty, to the pro- 
 gressive advancement of the young scholar. 
 
 I. The FIRST PART consists of a series of passages trans- 
 lated almost literally from authors of the golden age of 
 Latinity. Marginal aid has been liberally given in the 
 present edition ; and reference made to standard authori- 
 ties, whenever any important principle of grammar or 
 construction is involved. 
 
 II. The SECOND PART contains a selection of passages 
 from the best English Prose authors. The original passage 
 is first given ; and appended to it is a version adapted to 
 a literal translation into Latin designed to illustrate, by 
 practice, the characteristic differences of the Latin and 
 English idiom. 
 
 It is obvious, that the value of this part of the book 
 must entirely depend on the merits of the translations 
 themselves. I owe them to the contributions of the fol- 
 lowing friends, to whose classical distinction I appeal as a 
 guarantee : 
 
 1. GOLDWIN SMITH, M.A., Eegius Professor of Modern 
 History in the University of Oxford ; Ireland Scholar ; 
 Hertford Scholar ; Latin Verse, Latin Essay, English 
 Essay. 
 
 2. JOHN CONINGTON, M.A., Professor of Latin in the 
 University of Oxford ; Ireland Scholar ; Hertford Scholar , 
 Latin Verse, Latin Essay, English Essay. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 3 
 
 3. Rev. E. HAMILTON CLIFFORD, M.A., late Head Master 
 of King Edward's School at Birmingham ; Pitt Scholar 
 Chancellor's Medallist. 
 
 4. Rev. EDWIN PALMER, M.A., Fellow and Tutor ot 
 Balliol College, Oxford ; Ireland Scholar ; Hertford Scho- 
 lar ; Latin Essay, Latin Verse. 
 
 5. T. Y. SARGENT, M.A., Fellow and Tutor of Magdalene 
 College, Oxford ; Ireland Scholar ; Hertford Scholar. 
 
 6. Rev. GREGORY SMITH, M.A., late Fellow of Brasenose 
 College, Oxford; Ireland Scholar; Hertford Scholar. 
 
 7. Rev. R. SHILLETO, M.A., Classical Lecturer of King's 
 College, Cambridge. 
 
 8. Rt. Rev. EDWARD COPLESTON, D.D., late Lord Bishop 
 of Llandaff. 
 
 III. The THIRD PART, which is designed for boys in 
 the highest forms, contains a series of subjects for original 
 composition, in the shape of Speeches, Letters, and Essays 
 Historical, Philosophical, Critical, and Descriptive. I 
 have appended to the first series of subjects, copious refer- 
 ences to the best and most available authorities. Con- 
 sidering, however, that the book is intended chiefly for 
 schoolboys, I thought it desirable to avoid any citation 
 of German works: but, with this limitation, I have not 
 hesitated to appeal to a wide range of authorities ; all of 
 which, I believe, are to be found in the capacious libra- 
 ries which, at Harrow, Eton, Winchester, Westminster, 
 and other public schools, are accessible to the sixth form. 
 I am well aware of the mischief of forestalling conclu- 
 sions, or even of suggesting particular views; and have 
 accordingly arranged the references so as merely to direct 
 and stimulate research. 
 
 IV. The FOURTH PART consists of passages from English 
 authors, intended for translation into English. Latin ver- 
 sions of them will be found in the Key. They are the 
 work of Professor Conington ; Robinson Ellis, M.A., Fel- 
 
 B 2 
 
4 LATIX PROSE COMPOSITION. 
 
 low and Tutor of Trinity College, Oxford ; Ireland Scholar-, 
 G. F. de Teissier, M.A., late Fellow and Tutor of Corpus 
 Christ! College, Oxford; Hertford Scholar; the Rev. 
 Wharton Marriott, M.A., late Fellow and Tutor of Exeter 
 College, Oxford ; one of the Masters of Eton College ; the 
 Eev. K. Shilleto ; the Rev. E. Hamilton Gifford ; T. Y. 
 Sargent, M.A. ; and the late Mr. Marmaduke Lawson, 
 quondam Chancellor's Medallist, Cambridge. 
 
 V. The FIFTH PART contains translations from Latin 
 classics into idiomatic English. The process of retransla- 
 tion will, it is hoped, prove similar to that of rendering 
 original English into Latin. 
 
 DIRECTIONS FOR USE. 
 
 1. The numerals, i, 2, 3, 4, etc., attached to particular 
 words in the Exercises, refer to the phrases, etc., suggested 
 at the end of each Exercise. 
 
 2. In Part I., and in the first twelve Exercises of 
 Part II., I have italicised the words, whenever the numeral 
 applies to more words than one : e.g. ' The prostrate mass ]1 
 of men and cattle.' 
 
 After Exercise XL, Part II., I have discontinued the 
 italics, in order slightly to increase the difficulty ; and the 
 scholar will have to discover, from his own knowledge oi 
 the idiom, to how many words each numeral applies. 
 
 3. Those English words which are enclosed in brackets, 
 are not intended to be translated into Latin. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 CHAPTEK I. 
 
 03 THE SUBJUNCTIVE MOOD. 
 
 IN sketching the salient* usages of the Subjunctive 
 Mood, it will be convenient to divide the sentences into 
 which it enters, into I. Temporal ; 2. Causal ; 3. Final : 
 4. Conditional ; 5. Concessive : 6. Consecutive ; 7. Com- 
 parative ; and 8. Relative. | 
 
 Independently of these, sentences containing 9. In- 
 direct, or Eeported, Statements (Oratio Obliqua), or 
 10. Indirect Questions; and n. Secondary Clauses under 
 certain limitations, also require to be considered. 
 
 i. In TEMPORAL SENTENCES, (a) quum, ubi, ut, simul 
 atque, postquam, ut primum, ubi primum, etc., are used 
 with an Indicative mood, when a particular time is pre- 
 cisely defined, so that quum signifies c at the time when ; ' 
 or when a matter of fact is definitely stated ; especially 
 with the present and perfect, as opposed to the imperfect 
 and pluperfect tenses ; e. g. Qui non propulsat injuriam 
 
 * Such ordinary usages as the potential subjunctive, e. g. credat 
 quispiam, 'one might believe:' quis neyet? ' who would deny?' or 
 the use of the mood to signify a wish : or, again, as a softened mode 
 of expression, e. g. At non historid cesserim Greeds, are assumed to be 
 familiar to the pupil. 
 
 t The classification of relative sentences under a distinct head 
 involves a cross division ; but the relative plays so important a pail 
 in Latin composition as to require separate treatment. 
 
6 LATIN PROSE COMPOSITION. 
 
 a suis, quum potest, injuste facit Cic. de Off. iii. 18 
 Res, quum kcec scribebam, erat in extremum adducta 
 discrimen Cic. ad Fam. xii. 6. Quum Ccesar in Galliam 
 venit, alterius factionis principes erant Sequani, alteriiis 
 jEdui Caes. E. GK 6. 12. 
 
 (6) Accordingly, the Indicative is used in clauses like 
 the following : Jam ver appetebat, quum Hannibal ex 
 hibernis movet Liv. xxiii., to connect one event with an- 
 other. 
 
 (c) Quum, is also followed by an Indicative in reckoning 
 intervals of time, when it = ex quo tempore : e.g. Multi 
 sunt anni, quum in cere meo est Cic. ad Fam. xv. 14, 
 < It is now many years since that man has been in my 
 debt,' 
 
 (d) But the Subjunctive is always used after quum 01 
 ubi, if we wish to indicate not only the time, but a neces- 
 sarily antecedent circumstance, as in describing the succes- 
 sion of events in historical narrative: e.g. Alexander, quum 
 interemisset Clitum vix manus a se abstinuit, ( Alexander, 
 after slaying Clitus, was all but laying violent hands on 
 himself.' In this consti uction, the imperfect subjunctive 
 is usually translated by while or as : the pluperfect by after. 
 But the phrase is often rendered by the English participle ; 
 e.g. quum videret, ' seeing;' quum ignoraret, ' not know- 
 ing ;' quum vidisset, ' having seen,' ' in consequence of his 
 having seen,' 4 on perceiving.' 
 
 (e) Quum is also followed by a Subjunctive in indefinite 
 expressions of time : e. g. Erit illud tempus quum grams- 
 simi hominis fidem desideres Cic. pro Mil. 26, 39, ( The 
 time will come when you will feel the loss of so high -prin- 
 cipled a man.' Audivi ex eo, quum diceret 9 ( I have heard 
 him say' Madvig, 358. 4. 
 
 (/) Frequentative Sentences, i.e. sentences indicating 
 acts often repeated, whether introduced by the conjunctions 
 mentioned in the preceding Eule, or by indefinite relative 
 words, such as quicunque, ubicunque, quocunque 9 quoties- 
 cunque, ut quisque, are generally constructed with an In- 
 
ON THE SUBJUNCTIVE MOOD. 
 
 dicative mood in the best* writers: e.g. Qnum ver esse 
 coeperat, Verres se labori dabat Cic. Verr. v. 10. 
 
 (g) But the Subjunctive is used, if the cause of a re* 
 peated action, rather than a merely contemporaneous cir- 
 cumstance, is signified by the relative clause : e.g. Quern- 
 cunque lictor jussu consulis prehendisset, tribunus mitti 
 jubebat Liv. iii. 1 i, where the two actions are represented 
 as standing in close and necessary connection with one 
 another, Donaldson, Lat. Gram. p. 175 (6). 
 
 (K) Dnm, donee, quoad, signifying while, until : quam- 
 diu, as long as, are regularly followed by an indicative, 
 when they merely indicate continuance in time; but a 
 Subjunctive is used when a condition is implied, or when 
 a motive or a design is intimated : e.g. Iratis subtrahendi 
 sunt ii, in quos impetum conantur facer e, dum se ipsi 
 colligant Cic. Tusc. iv. 36, < Until they,' i.e. 'That they 
 may compose themselves.' In such passages dum often 
 means ' that in the interval,' ; that meanwhile.' 
 
 (i) Consistently with this, we find that expectare, oppe- 
 riri, dum, when answering to the English ' to expect that,' 
 or, ( to wait in order that,' take a Subjunctive ; when sig- 
 nifying merely ' to wait until.' an Indicative : e. g. Epi- 
 curus ea dicit, ui miki quidem risus captare videatur: 
 afftf^mat enim quodam loco, s Si uratur sapiens, si cru- 
 cietur . .' expectas fortasse, dum dicat, ' Patietur, 
 perferet :' ' You perhaps expect him to say, ( The Philoso- 
 pher will endure the torture patiently ' Cic. Tusc. ii. 7. 
 On the other hand we find in Ter. Eun. i. 2, 126, Expecto, 
 dum ille venit, ' I am waiting till he comes.' 
 
 (fc) After antequam and priusquam, (a) a Subjunctive 
 
 * Madvig, Lat. Gram. 359, remarks that Cicero, Sallust, and 
 Caesar prefer tlie indicative in frequentative sentences, while the later 
 writers, such as Livy, incline to the use of the subjunctive. Thus, 
 in describing a ceremony, Liv. i. 82, says : ' Id fecialis ubi dixisset, 
 hast am in fines eorum mittebat : ' where ubi dixisset means, f Every 
 time that, on each occasion that, the Fecial uttered these words/ 
 
8 LATIN PROSE COMPOSITION. 
 
 is used, when the speaker would imply the non-occurrence* 
 of the act; (6) an Indicative, where he would imply the 
 occurrence of the act, and therefore especially where a 
 negative precedes, and above all in past sentences. 
 
 In the oratio obliqua, the Subjunctive is of course used 
 with antequam, and priusquam in clauses where the indi- 
 cative would be preferred in the oratio recta. 
 
 2. CAUSAL SENTENCES. Clauses which signify a cause or 
 reason by means of the particles quod and quia, 'because-' 
 or an occasion, by means of quoniam, quando, ubi, 'since/ 
 take an Indicative, (a) when a speaker assigns the actual 
 reason according to his own viewb ; a Subjunctive, (6) when 
 the reason is given according to the views of another party, 
 or (c) when the reason given is not the actual reason; e.g. 
 
 (a) Quod spiratis, quodformam hominum habetis, in- 
 dignantur Liv. iv. 3 : where the speaker alleges an actual 
 fact as the ground of the complaint. 
 
 (6) Aristides nonne ob earn caussam expulsusestpatrid, 
 quod prceter modum Justus esset ? Cic. Tusc. v. 36, ' be- 
 cause he was too just in the opinion of his fellow-citizens. 
 
 (c) Nemo orator em admiratus est, quod Latine loque- 
 retur, ' Nobody ever admired an orator merely because he 
 spoke Latin correctly ' Cic. de Orat. iv. 14. Thus non 
 quia, non quod, are used with the Subjunctive, followed by 
 sed quia, sed quod, declaring the true reason, with the in- 
 dicative. 
 
 (d) Quum, when used to denote a reason for or against 
 anything, i. e. when equivalent to c since,' ' considering 
 that,' ' as,' ' although,' ( when ' in the sense of c although,' 
 and c when ' in the sense of 6 since ;' requires a Subjunctive 
 mood : e. g. Quum vita sine amicis metus plena sit, ratio 
 ipsa monet amicitias comparare Cic. 
 
 * The imperfect and pluperfect subjunctive are used by Livy in 
 simply indicating a period of time and an action which has really taken 
 place, e.g. Faucis ante diebus, quam Syracuse capei-entur, in African! 
 transmisit Liv. xxv. 31. Roby, Lat. Gram. p. 291. Madvig, Lat. 
 Gram. 360. 
 
UNIVERSITY 
 ON THE SUBJUNCTIVE MOOD. 
 
 (e) But when quum is employed as an equivalent, for 
 quod, to denote an independent fact, it has an Indicative : 
 e. g. Gratulor tibi quum tantum vales apud eum Cic. ad 
 Fam. ix. 14, 3, * I congratulate you on your having such 
 influence with him.' 
 
 (/) With two Indicative verbs in the same tense, it ex- 
 presses identity of action as well as identity of time [when 
 the best translation is by the preposition in~\ : e. g. Pr cedar e 
 fads quumpuerum diligis Cic. de Fin. iii. 2, 9, ' You are 
 acting a noble part in thus loving the child.' 
 
 (g) Quippe qui, or quum, ut qui, utpote qui, used in a 
 causal, or in a consecutive, sense, almost always take a 
 Subjunctive ; except in Plautus, Salltist and Livy. 
 
 3. FINAL SENTENCES. (a) Sentences expressing the end 
 or purpose of an action are constructed with a Subjunctive 
 Mood, preceded by ut, quo, qui : * and, if the purpose be 
 prevention, by quin, quominus, ne, and ut ne. 
 
 (6) Whenever the English Infinitive is equivalent to in 
 order that, or to that, with may or might, it is to be 
 translated by ut with the Subjunctive. 
 
 (<?) Verbs, &c. of fearing take the subjunctive with ne, 
 if the object be not desired; with ut or ne non, if it be 
 desired : e.g. Vereor ne hoc serpat longias Cic. ad Att. i. 
 13, 3, c I fear this will go farther.' Ornamenta metuo ut 
 possim recipere- Plaut. Cure. iv. i. 3, ( I fear I may not 
 be able to recover the ornaments.' 
 
 (d) Ut is often omitted in phrases like the following : 
 Quid vis faciam? Ter. Eun. v. 9, 24, ' What do you 
 wish me to do?' Scribas velim Cic. ad Fam. vii. 13, 
 6 1 wish you would write.' Die veniat 9 ' tell him to come.' 
 Sine te exorem Ter. Andr. v. 3, 30, ' Suffer me to per- 
 suade you:' and so generally with verbs of advising, per- 
 suading, begging ; and also with oportet, necesse est : e.g. 
 
 * The use of qui is illustrated under the head of Relative Sen- 
 tences. 
 
10 LATIN PROSE COMPOSITION. 
 
 Philosophice servias oportet. Condemnetur necesse est: 
 ' he must needs be condemned : ' Cic. 
 
 4. CONDITIONAL SENTENCES [if, unless"] (a) The* best 
 general rule for the construction of conditional clauses is 
 this : both the conditional and the consequent clauses are 
 placed in the Indicative, if the condition is expressed 
 simply, without any further accessory meaning : e.g. Erras, 
 si id credis Ter. H. i. i, 53. Si quid habet, dat : where 
 nothing is implied as to the probability or improbability 
 of his having anything. 
 
 (6) But if the condition is described as either (a) un- 
 certain, improbable, or (ft) impossible, the Subjunctive is 
 used, generally in (a) the present tense where the condition 
 is uncertain, (/3) in the imperfect and pluperfect where it 
 is impossible. Thus, (a) Si quid habeam, dabo, ' If I 
 should happen to have anything, I will give it.' (/9) Si 
 quid haberet, da/ret, ' If he had anything, he would give 
 it.' Si quid habuisset, dedisset, < If he had had anything, 
 he would have given it.' 
 
 In (/3) clauses, it is evidently implied that he had nothing 
 to give : whereas in (a) clause it is left uncertain. 
 
 (c) The consequence may of course refer to present, the 
 condition to past time, and vice versa : when the tenses 
 will be altered accordingly: e.g. Si literas accepissem, 
 nunc recitarem. 
 
 (d) When the condition applies to present or future 
 time, the present is constantly used in Latin, where the 
 English idiom employs the imperfect : e.g. Tu si hie sis, 
 aliter sentias Ter. Andr. ii. i, 10, 'If you were in my 
 place you would think differently.' 
 
 * The same view is taken by Dr. Donaldson, Lat. Gram. 176, 
 III. (i): 'In conditional sentences, after si, nisi, &c., the indicative 
 implies that there is no uncertainty ; "but the Subjunctive, which, 
 without the conditional particle, expresses a mere supposition or 
 possibility as opposed to a statement of fact, presents the hypothesis 
 as a merely supposable case when the present tense is used, and 
 assumes its impossibility when the tense is imperfect or pluperfect.' 
 
ON THE SUBJUNCTIVE MOOD. It 
 
 (e) The Indicative is sometimes used when the Sub- 
 junctive might have been expected, to give either rhetorical 
 liveliness or brevity to the expression: e.g. Pons sublicius 
 iter pcene hostibus dedit, ni unus vir fuisset Liv. ii. 10. 
 It should, however, be remarked that, in cases like these, 
 the nisi or si commonly follow the clause in the Indi- 
 cative. 
 
 (/) The verbs of duty or power, such as debebam, dece 
 bat, oportebat, poteram, or eram with a gerundive, already 
 implying in themselves what is less forcibly expressed by 
 the Subjunctive Mood, generally retain the Indicative in 
 conditional sentences : e.g. Hunc patris loco, si ulla in te 
 pietas esset, colere debebas Cic. Phil. ii. 38. 
 
 (g) Similarly, the Indicative of the verb sum is used 
 with cequum, satius, utilius, par, satis, where the English 
 idiom employs the Subjunctive : e.g. Ne ad rempublicam 
 quidem accedunt nisi coacti ; cequius autem erat id vo- 
 luntate fieri Cic. de Off. i. 9 : * It would have been more 
 fair that this should have been done voluntarily.' Longum 
 est si tibi narrem quamobrem id faciam Ter, H. ii. 3, 
 94 : ' It would be tedious if I were to tell you why I do so.' 
 
 (k) A periphrasis with the Future Participle and/zu or 
 eram is often found in the clause of consequence, to show 
 what a person was ready to do in a certain case ; and then 
 the Indicative is always used : Si me triumphare prohi- 
 berent, testes citaturus fui rerum a me gestarum Liv. 
 xxxviii. 47, < If they had attempted to prevent my triumph- 
 ing, I should have called up witnesses of my achievements :' 
 where citaturus fui is used in preference to dtavissem. 
 
 (i) Modo, du-n, dummodo [provided that], modo ut, 
 used conditionally, take a Subjunctive : e.g. Oderint, dum 
 metuant Suet. 
 
 (fc) Si is often used to express a wish, an intention, an 
 attempt, an effort : e. g. Circumfunduntur e reliquis hostes 
 partibus, si quern aditum reperire possent Cses. B. Gr. 
 vi. 37: in which case it always takes a Subjunctive, follow- 
 ing the rule of Final Sentences. 
 
12 LATIN PROSE COMPOSITION. 
 
 5. (a) In CONCESSIVE SENTENCES [although, ivhereas. 
 even i/], we may either have an extreme supposition, or 
 the simple expression of a condition ; in the latter case we 
 find an Indicative after quamquam, etsi, etiamsi, tametsi ; 
 in the former a Subjunctive after etsi, etiamsi, tametsi, but 
 not after quamquam, except in the Poets and later Prose 
 writers : e. g. Quod crebro aliquis videt, non miratur, 
 etiamsi, cur fiat, nescit Civ. Div. ii. 22. Etiamsi mora 
 oppetenda esset, domi atque in patria mallem, quam in 
 externis locis vivere Cic. Fam. iv. 7. 
 
 (6) Quamvis, licet, ut [granting that, even allowing 
 that], ut non, ne, used in a concessive sense, take a Sub- 
 junctive ; as does also quum, when used adversatively, to 
 express a kind of comparison * between two propositions, 
 where in English we should use while, whereas, in the first 
 clause; and also in the sense of although, an usage 
 mentioned under 2 (d) above. 
 
 (c) Concession, admission, assumption, permission, are 
 often signified by the Subjunctive used independently : e, g. 
 Malus civis, seditiosus consul Carlo fuit. Fuerit aliis: 
 tibi quando esse ccepit? ' Suppose he has been so to 
 others,' etc. Cic. Verr. i. 14. Hcec sint falsa sane; in- 
 vidiosa certe non sunt : ' Granting that this is false,' etc. 
 Cic. Acad. ii. 32. 
 
 6. CONSECUTIVE SENTENCES. Ut, ut non, ut nihil, ut 
 nullus, ut nemo, etc., when used to express a conse- 
 quence or result, take a Subjunctive: e.g. 
 
 (a) After the demonstratives sic, ita, eo, tarn, adeo, tan- 
 tus, talis, is : e. g. In eo est ut proficiscar Cic., * I am on 
 the point of starting.' 
 
 (6) After a variety of verbs and phrases: e.g. accidit 
 ut ; fit ut ; accedit ut, ( to this is to be added that ; ' usu 
 
 * e. g. ' Quum multse res in philosophia nequaquam satis adhuc 
 explicates sint, turn perdifficilis est qusestio de naturd. Deorum Cic, 
 N. D. i. i.' Madvig, 35 8 - ots - 3- 
 
OX THE SUBJUNCTIVE MOOD. 1J 
 
 venit ut ; reliquum est ut ; superest ut ; proximum est 
 ut; tantum abest ut; e.g. tantum est ut nostra miremur, 
 ut nobis non satisfaciat ipse Demosthenes Cic., ( 1 am so 
 far from admiring my own speeches, that even Demosthenes 
 does not satisfy me.' 
 
 (c) After comparatives with quam: e.g. Isocrates major e 
 ingenio est quam ut cum Lysia comparetur. 
 
 7. COMPAKATIVE SENTENCES [as if, as though], (a) The 
 Subjunctive is used in hypothetical propositions of com- 
 parison, ushered in by the particles tanquam, quasi, ceu, 
 uelut, etc. : e. g. Sed quid ego his testibus utor, quasi res 
 dubia sit ? Cic. Div. in Csec. 4. Quasi vero is used 
 ironically: e.g. quasi vero id curem! 'As if I cared for 
 that!' 
 
 (6) Ut ita=z e although still,' or, * indeed but :' e.g. 
 Cic. ad Fam. x. 20: Ut [although] errare, mi Planci, 
 potuisti ; sic [still] decipi te non potuisse quis non videt ? 
 Liv. xxi. 35 : Pleraque Alpium ab Italia sicut [indeed] 
 breviora, ita [but] arrectiora sunt. In these clauses, as 
 they involve only a contrast of positive facts, the Indicative 
 is of course used. Such also is the construction of clauses 
 opposed by eo quo, etc. 
 
 8. EELATIVE SENTENCES. The Eelative Pronoun qui is 
 a far more important and flexible element in Latin than bs 
 in Greek composition. It is of all persons, and may "be 
 used compendiously as a substitute for the union of a 
 conjunction with a pronoun. Hence it forms co-ordinate 
 sentences when used for et ego, et tu, et is, etc. ; for ego 
 autem, tu autem, is autem, etc. ; for ego igitur, tu igitur, 
 is igitur, etc. ; for ego enim, tu enim, is enim, etc. And 
 it forms subordinate sentences, when used for ut ego, ut tu, 
 ut is, etc. ; for quid ego, quia tu, quia is, etc. ; for si ego, 
 si tu, si is, etc. ; for etsi ego, etsi tu, etsi is, etc. 
 
 (a) Qui is used with the Indicative, when it merely de- 
 fines or specifies a fact, or serves as an epithet : so also the 
 correlatives qualis, quantus, quot; and the vague relatives 
 
14 LATIN PROSE COMPOSITION. 
 
 and relative particles, si quis 9 quis-quis, quicunque, sicubi, 
 quot-cunque, ubi-cunque, when used in definitive 
 clauses ; but not when used to express a mere supposition. 
 When they are employed in a frequentative sense, as we 
 have previously explained- -the Subjunctive is more usual 
 in the later, the Indicative in the earlier authors. 
 
 (6) The Subjunctive is used when the relative clause is 
 employed sensu causali, i. e. to give the reason of the lead- 
 ing clause : e. g. Miseret tui me, qui hunc tantum hominem 
 facias inimicum tibi Ter. Eim. iv. 7, 32, ' I pity you, 
 because you are making an influential person an enemy to 
 you.' Peccasse mihi videor, qui a te discessemm Cic. ad 
 Fam. xvi. i, i, ( l did wrong, I think, in leaving you.' 
 
 (c) Also, generally, though not universally, when the 
 relative clause has a concessive sense: e.g. Ego, qui 
 [although I] aero Grcecas literas attigissem, tamen com- 
 plures dies Athenis commoratus sum Cic. de Orut. 
 i. 1 8. 
 
 (cZ) When the relative clause has a conditional sense, 
 and is stated hypothetic-ally and indefinitely : e.g. Pre- 
 mium proposuit qui invenisset novam voluptatem Cic. 
 Tusc. v. 7, 20, ' He promised a reward to the man who 
 should discover a new pleasure.' 
 
 (e) When the relative clause is used in a final sense, 
 i.e. when it expresses a design; or an instrument, means, 
 whereby; e.g. Clusini legatos Romam, qui auxilium a 
 Senatu peterent, misere Liv. v. 35, 4 The people of Clu- 
 giurn despatched envoys to Rome, to request aid of the 
 Senate.' Leges, quce cupiditatibus modumfaciant : Liv., 
 6 Laws designed to restrain luxury.' 
 
 (/) In a consecutive sense, also, the Subjunctive is used 
 in relative propositions, which complete the idea of a cer- 
 tain quality, and express the way in which it operates 
 e.g. 
 
 (g) After the demonstratives tails, is in the sense of 
 talis, tantas, tarn, ejusmodi, etc.: e.g. Non is sum qui 
 
Otf THE SUBJUNCTIVE MOOD. 15 
 
 his rebus delecter, ' I am not the man to be pleased with 
 such things ' Cic. The student must remember that the 
 article ' a ' is used in English where the demonstrative is 
 used in Latin: e.g. Cic. ad Div. vii. 3, addo etiam, cum ed 
 urbe careas, in qua nihil sit, quod videre possis sine dolore, 
 ' especially considering that one is absent from a city 
 [meaning Rome], wherein,' etc. 
 
 (fi) Without a demonstrative ; e. g. Audies ex me quod 
 non omnes probent Cic. 
 
 (i) Similarly, qui quidem [at least, who] zudquimodo 
 [who only = if he only] are used with a Subjunctive to limit 
 some general statement to a certain defined class : e. g. Ex 
 oratoribus Atticis antiquissimi sunt, quorum quidem 
 scripta constent [of those, at least, whose writings are 
 authenticated], Pericles et Alcibiades Cic. de Orat. 
 ii. 22. 
 
 (&) After comparatives with quam : e. g. Majora deli- 
 querant quam quibus ignosei posset Liv., ' Their crimes 
 had been too great to be forgiven.' 
 
 (1) After dignus, indignus, idoneus 9 and sometimes 
 aptus : e.g. Dignus est qui imperet Cic., ' He is worthy 
 to govern.' 
 
 (m) Whenever qui is equivalent to talis ut : * in which 
 case it takes a Subjunctive after 
 
 (a) Est, sunt, reperio, invenio, habeo, etc. : e.g. Est qui 
 vinci possit, ' He is one who may be persuaded ' Hor. 
 
 * 'With regard to such phrases as est qui, sunt qui, it is to b$ 
 remarked that if the phrase est qui, or sunt qui, is to be taken as one 
 word, equivalent to " some one," " some person," it will be followed 
 by the Indicative ; but if it means, (t there is a person, there are per- 
 sons, so constituted as to do such and such things," it must be followed 
 by the Subjunctive : thus, we have Sunt quos curricula pulverem 
 Olympicum collegissejuvat, " some persons delight in the chariot races 
 at Olympia;" but, sunt qui cemeant una animum et corpus occidere, 
 " there are some persons so constituted as to believe that the soul 
 and body perish together.'" Donaldson, Lat. Gram. p. 353. The 
 same view is taken by Professor Key, 1190, 1191. See also 
 Madvig, 365. 
 
1 6 LATIN PROSE COMPOSITION 
 
 Inventus est qui flammis imponeret manum, ' One was 
 found, brave enough to smother the flames with his hands 
 Liv. Fuere, qui crederent M. Crassum non ignarum 
 consilii fuisse Sail., ' There were some, disp ;sed to be- 
 lieve/ etc. 
 
 (/3) After aliquis, pauci, multi, omnes, solus, and the 
 like, when used indefinitely : e. g. Est aliquid quod non 
 oporteat, etiamsi licet Cic. 
 
 (7) After nemo, nihil, nullus, etc.: e.g. Nulla erat 
 luxuria quce coerceretur Liv., and interrogatives where 
 a negative answer is expected: e.g. Quis est qui non 
 oderit protervam pueritiam ? Cic. 
 
 N.B. The relative particles quo, quomodo, quare, ubi, 
 unde, cur, etc., obey nearly the same rules as the relative 
 qui, in the use of an Indicative or Subjunctive : e.g. Digna 
 res est ubi nervos intendas Ter. Nihil erat cur pro- 
 perato opus esset Cic. In loco superiore constitit, und# 
 conspici posset, ' He took his station on an eminence, in 
 order that he might be clearly seen from it ' Liv. Unde 
 conspici poterat would mean simply * whence he could be 
 seen.' 
 
 9. Indirect, or Reported, Statements [Oratio Obliqua]. 
 
 The words and sentiments of another person may be 
 stated directly or indirectly : if directly, they take the 
 form of the Oratio Eecta ; if indirectly, that of the Oratio 
 Obliqua. The following sentence will explain : it exhibits 
 the Oratio Eecta converted into the Oratio Obliqua : 
 
 ORATIO EECTA. 
 
 Senatui reique publics ego non deero, si audacter sen- 
 ten tias dicere vultis ; sin Cassarem respicitis atque ejus 
 gratiam sequimini, ut superioribus fecistis temporibus, 
 ego mihi consilium capiam, neque senatus auctoritati 
 obtemperabo* 
 
ON THE SUBJUNCTIVE MOOD. I~ 
 
 ORATIO OBLIQUA. 
 
 Senatui reique publics se non defutiirum pollicetur,* 
 si audacter sententias dicere velint ; sin Caesarem respi- 
 ciant atque ejus gratiam sequantur, ut superioribus fece- 
 rint temporibus, se sibi consilium capturum, neque 
 senatus auctoritati obtemperaturum Caesar, B. C. I. 1. 
 
 (a) Hence it is clear that the principal verb or verbs, 
 which are in the Indicative in the Oratio Recta, are 
 changed into the Infinitive in the Oratio Obliqua ; and 
 that the subordinate clauses, which express the original 
 speaker's words or opinions, will be in the Subjunctive 
 mood. 
 
 (6) If, however, the dependent clause introduces a state- 
 ment or explanation from the narrator rather than the 
 supposed speaker, and when it is intimated that the state- 
 ment so introduced is an absolute fact, not merely an 
 opinion or assertion of the person whose words are quoted, f. 
 the Indicative is retained. The following sentence illus- 
 trates the principle : c Themistocles certiorem Xerxem fecit, 
 id agi, ut pons, quern ille in Hellesponto fecerat, dissol- 
 veretur' Cornel. Nep., Them. 5. If fecisset had been 
 used, it would have implied that the relative clause was 
 contained in the message from Themistocles to the king, 
 whereas it is only the historian's explanatory interposition. 
 Comp. Cic. Tusc. I. 39 : ' Apud Hypanim fluvium, qui ab 
 Europse parte in Pontum infiuit [observation of the writer 
 himself], Aristoteles ait bestiolas quasdam nasci, quse unum 
 diem vivant' [part of Aristotle's assertion]. 
 
 (c) Again, in the transference of direct [Oratio Eecta] 
 into indirect statement [Oratio Obliqua], the Imperative 
 becomes the Subjunctive, generally in the imperfect tense ; 
 
 * Or the tenses might be thrown into past time [which is more 
 commonly used] by writing pollicebatur, or pollicitus eat, vellent. 
 respicerent, sequerentur, fecissent. Professor Key, Lat. Gram. p. 280. 
 
 t Donaldson, Lat. Gram. p. 407. 
 
 \ Because the leading verb, either expressed or understood, at the 
 
 C 
 
I 8 LATIN PROSE COMPOSITION. 
 
 e. g. Hirri necessarii fidem Pompeii implorarunt : prce- 
 staret, quod proficiscenti recepisset, ' the friends of Hirrug 
 invoked the good faith of Pompe} 7 : they called upon him 
 to make good the promises he had made to Hirrus when 
 setting out.' In the Oratio Recta this would have been, 
 ( prcesta quod proficiscenti recepisti.' 
 
 (d) Questions, where an answer is expected, are asked 
 in the Subjunctive in the Oratio Obliqua, where they are 
 asked in the Indicative in the Oratio Recta: e.g. Interro- 
 gabat, cur paucis centurionibus, paucioribus tribunis, obe- 
 dirent ? ' He asked why they obeyed a few centurions, and 
 still fewer tribunes?' Tac. 
 
 (e) Questions of appeal, or rhetorical questions, are 
 generally in the Infinitive in the Oratio Obliqua, where 
 they would be in the Indicative in the Oratio Eecta. Thus, 
 the speaker in Tacitus, just quoted, goes on to enquire : 
 Quando ausuros esse poscere remedia, nisi, etc. ? ' When 
 [said he] will you venture to demand redress, unless, etc.?' 
 
 (/) Without a formal use of the Oratio Obliqua, a verb 
 in a dependent clause may be in the Subjunctive mood 
 when it expresses the thoughts or words or alleged reasons 
 of another : e.g. Aristides nonne ob earn causam expulsus 
 est patria, quod praeter modum Justus esset? Cic. Tuscul. 
 v. 36, ' Aristides, again ; was he not driven from his 
 country on the very ground that he was just beyond 
 measure?' Romani,* quia consules prospere rem gererent, 
 minus his cladibus commovebantur, * The Romans were not 
 so much disturbed by these disasters, because they consi- 
 dered the consuls to be managing matters successfully.' 
 [Because (as a matter of fact) the consuls were managing 
 matters successfully, would have required gerebant.~] 
 
 beginning of the sentence, is generally in a past tense. If, however, 
 this verb be in the historical present [lie says instead of he said], the 
 present is sometimes the tense of the depending clauses. Madvig, 
 
 43> t>> 
 
 * Quoted from Roby's Lat. Gram. p. 141 
 
ON THE SUBJUNCTIVE MOOD. IQ 
 
 (g) In these cases the power of the Subjunctive may be 
 expressed by inserting such words as, he kneiv, they knew, 
 said, felt, thought, etc.; in his, their, opinion, etc.; for 
 example, in the sentence quoted in (/), the English might 
 have been, c because he was just, they said, beyond measure;.' 
 
 10. (a) In Indirect Questions, i.e. where an Interro- 
 gative Pronoun, Adverb, or Conjunction and Verb are 
 attached to some verb or phrase, the verb following the 
 interrogative is in the Subjunctive: e.g. Natura declarat 
 quid velit Cic. de Am. 24. Teneo quid erret, et quid 
 ay am habeo Ter. Andr. iii. 2, 18, 'I see what his mistake 
 is, and know what to do.' Quid aliud est causce, cur re~ 
 pudietur? Cic. de Orat. 3, 48. 
 
 (b) In applying this rule, care must be taken not to 
 confound the relative and interrogative. Scio quid quseras 
 means, 'I know the question you wish to put:' scio quod 
 quaeris, ' I know the answer to it.' See Ter. Andr. iii. 3, 
 4. See Madvig, Lat. Gram. 356, Obs. I. 
 
 (c) In passages like the following, the Subjunctive 
 fecerit depends on rogas, understood: A. Quid fecit? B. 
 Quid ille fecerit ? Ter. Ad. i. 2, 4. A. 'What did he 
 do?' B. 'What did he do, do you ask?' In Greek it 
 would be, A. Tt siroirjo-s v ; B. f 'Q,TL sTroirjcrsv*, 
 
 (d) In dependent questions about a thing which is to 
 happen, the notion is to is frequently not expressed by a 
 separate word : e. g. Vos hoc tempore earn potestatem ha- 
 betis, ut statuatis, utrum vos semper miseri lugeamus, 
 an, etc. Cic. pro Mil. 2 ; Whether we are always to 
 mourn,' etc. Madvig, L. G. 356, Obs. 2. 
 
 11. The Subjunctive is also used in other SECONDARY 
 CLAUSES, whether introduced by relatives or by conj unctions, 
 if they contain not merely an actual fact, but a constituent 
 part of the idea: e.g. Mos est Athenis, laudari in con- 
 cione eos, qui sint in prseliis interfecti Cic. Or. 44. 
 
 C 2 
 
2O LATIN PKOSE COMPOSITION". 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 ON CHARACTERISTIC DIFFERENCES OF LATIN AND ENGLISH 
 COMPOSITION. 
 
 Fre viewing this part of our theme, it will be better, in 
 the first place, to seize the salient points, and after- 
 wards to descend to matters of detail. 
 
 i. The historical style, of which Livy is the best model, 
 differs essentially from that of the most admired modern 
 historians, in the structure of the sentences, and especially 
 in the arrangement of the dependent clauses. If we 
 analyse a page of Lord Macaulay's History of England, 
 we shall find that almost every sentence is the expression 
 of a single idea; and that the dependent clauses, which 
 are always few and simple, are inseparably connected with 
 it. Those collateral incidents whose insertion in the same 
 sentence would create intricacy, or make too heavy a de- 
 mand on the. reader's attention, are thrown into a separate 
 period. On the other hand, in Livy, especially where the 
 current of the narrative is rapid, a variety of accessory 
 circumstances are arrayed in the subordinate clauses of a 
 single sentence, which, in the pages of a modern English 
 historian, would probably have been broken into two or 
 three propositions. The following period will illustrate 
 my meaning : 
 
 c Numitor, inter primum tumultum, hostes invasisse 
 urbem atque adortos regiam dictitans, quum pubem Alba- 
 nam in arcein prsesidio armisque obtinendam avocasset; 
 postquam juvenes, perpetrata caede, pergere ad se gratu- 
 1 antes vidit, extemplo advocato concilio, seel era in se 
 fratris, originem nepotum, ut geniti, ut educati, ut cogniti 
 essent, oaedem. deinceps tyranni, seque ejus auctorem 
 
OX CHARACTERISTIC DIFFERENCES OF COMPOSITION. 21 
 
 ostendit.' Livy, i. 6, cf. ii. 6, ' His, sicut acta erant, nun- 
 tiatis,' etc. 
 
 Such a sentence can only be paralleled in Clarendon and 
 our older historians. 
 
 2. Independently, however, of the number of the de- 
 pendent clauses, a material difference exists in their com- 
 parative structure. The Roman compensates himself for 
 the want of a Perfect Active Participle save in deponent 
 and neuter passive verbs by three expedients, chiefly ; 
 and these expedients give variety to the expression of time, 
 cause, and circumstance; while they enable the writer to 
 maintain the legitimate subordination of the dependent 
 clauses to the principal verb. Thus, in the above passage 
 the second clause is rendered by the pluperfect subjunctive 
 with quum : the third by postquam with the perfect indi- 
 cative ; the fourth by the ablative absolute. If we translate 
 the sentence into English, we must either break it up, or 
 substitute copulative for causal or logical connection, prin- 
 cipal for dependent verbs, or ablatives absolute, and present 
 participles for finite verbs. Thus, we should probably 
 write : ' Numitor, at the commencement of the fray, after 
 giving out that the enemy had attacked the town and as- 
 saulted the palace, drew off the Alban youth to secure the 
 citadel with an armed garrison ; and as soon as he saw the 
 young men, after their assassination of the king, advancing 
 to congratulate him, he lost no time in calling an assembly 
 of the people, to whom he represented the unnatural con- 
 duct of his brother towards himself, the extraction of his 
 grandchildren, the mode of their birth, education, and 
 discovery; informing them, afterwards, of the murder of 
 the king, and avowing himself as the author of the deed.' 
 Another remark is prompted by a comparison of this passage 
 in its Latin and English dress. It is obvious that the Latin 
 arrangement of the dependent clauses keeps the ancillary 
 circumstances in their true subordinate position ; bringing 
 out clearly the idea which closes the sentence, and which is 
 ushered in by the verb ostendit. Instead of this, we have. 
 
22 LATIN PROSE COMPOSITION. 
 
 in the English, the comparatively feeble band of chrono- 
 logical sequence. It will also be observed that, through 
 the arrangement of the various propositions, the Latin 
 sentence has, in a superior degree to the English, an unity 
 of its own ; sense and modulation, the understanding and 
 the ear, being alike satisfied by the finite verb ostendit ; 
 so that, without the aid of punctuation, the reader feels the 
 conclusion of the period. 
 
 3. In connection with narrative passages of this kind, it 
 should also be remarked, that when two events are closely 
 connected, yet that represented by the participle is over 
 before the other begins, the English, contrary to the classic 
 idiom, often uses the present instead of the past participle. 
 But, in translating from English into Latin or (Sreek, the 
 Greek aorist participle, and the circumlocutions equivalent 
 to it in Latin, must always be used, when the event described 
 by the participle is prior to that signified by the verb. Thus 
 the passage of Livy, ii. 12, Eex, quum ab sede sua prosi- 
 luisset, inquit, etc. would be rendered in English, ' The 
 king, leaping from his throne, said,' etc. 
 
 4. The Latin Eelative is far more flexible and significant 
 than the English, and plays a very prominent part both in 
 the connection of sentences, and in the construction of 
 dependent clauses. It is constantly employed to connect 
 sentences incapable chiefly from the want of inflexions 
 of being so connected in the English idiom, and is equiva- 
 lent not only to the demonstrative pronoun with que [as 
 qui = is-que], but also to the demonstrative with several 
 other conjunctions. See Chap. I. 8, above. 
 
 5. The metaphorical usages of the English and of the 
 classical languages are often widely distinguished, as might 
 fairly be expected in the case of nations separated by so 
 broad an interval of time, and marked by so many 
 differences of social and political condition. The stream 
 of language is ever coloured by the soil over which 
 it flows : arid a large class of metaphors is unconsciously 
 derived from the characteristic traits and the favourite 
 
OX CHARACTERISTIC DIFFERENCES OF COMPOSITION. 2J 
 
 occupations of the people. Thus, in the days of the Greek 
 tragedians and orators, maritime enterprise was the main 
 sphere of Athenian energy: accordingly, we find a con- 
 stant recurrence of nautical images and tropes alike in 
 the more elaborate literature of speeches* and plays, and 
 in the more familiar and colloquial vein of Aristophanes. 
 Latin, on the other hand, was the language of jurispru- 
 dence, of agriculture, and of war : and it is extraordinary 
 to what an extent the literature of Rome is coloured by 
 allusions to the forum and the camp. Thus, in Cicero, 
 c Justo Sacramento contendere,' f metaphorically means, 
 ' Engaging in an argument with a fair chance of success' 
 litem intendere alicui, 'to call a man to account,' etc.: 
 and such phrases as ex interdicto contendere, jure manu 
 consertum vocare, quasi jure Prcetorio sumere, J etc., are 
 constantly employed where no judicial proceedings are 
 concerned, simply as familiar and picturesque allusions to 
 the ordinary scenes of Roman life. To use legal terms as 
 a vehicle of illustration, would be thought highly pedantic 
 in an Englishman ; but it was otherwise at Rome : for 
 Roman law was far more simple, and the knowledge of its 
 forms was much more generally diffused among the 
 educated classes of Roman society. On the other hand, it 
 is amusing to see to what an extent the mercantile pursuits 
 of John Bull have coloured English diction. Thus we 
 talk of ' endorsing an opinion': of 'courtesies current 
 in the name of religion' : of one's constitutional or mental 
 strength being 6 below par' : of qualities or articles being 
 ' at a premium,' or ' at a discount,' and so forth. Apart 
 
 * E.g. The well-known expression of Demosthenes in stigmatising 
 
 Demades as a traitor OVK ivl TIJQ avrfJQ dp^uf? 777 TroAft* cf. exi At7rr>/(, % 
 i\iri$oi; oytitTfai, K. r. X. f Cic. de Orat. i. IO. 
 
 I Cf. Livy, xxxiii. 47 : ' Ita, diu repugnante P. Scipione, qui parum 
 ex dignitate populi Roman! esse ducebat, subscribere odiis accusa- 
 torum Hanni balls, et factionibus Carthaginiensium inserere publicam 
 aiictoritatem, nee satis habere bello vicisse Hannibalem, nisi velut 
 accusatores calumniam in eumjurarent, ac nor.ien deferred, ' etc. 
 
24 LATIN PROSE COMPOSITION. 
 
 from broader grounds of distinction, there are many minor 
 differences in the use of metaphorical terms, in the two 
 languages, which are very noticeable. To illustrate by a 
 single instance : the images employed in designating the 
 qualities of style are drawn, in Latin, from objects palpable 
 to the senses instead of being embodied in abstract phrases. 
 Thus, sanyuis, lacerti, nervi, ossa, aeulei, etc., calamietri, 
 etc., are used where in English we should find ' strength,' 
 ' vigour,' 6 energy,' ' pungency,' etc., ' artificial ornament,' 
 etc. In general, indeed, Latin concrete names of things 
 names expressing sensible objects what can be seen, 
 touched, or handled are replaced by English abstract 
 terms. Thus Livy's 'nullo prohibente,' xxv. n, becomes 
 Auglice 'without interruption' : utterritis instaret,xxiv.42, 
 'to take advantage of their panic': vincentium fortuna, 
 xxi. 43, ' the lot of victory' : magnis hominibus auctoribus, 
 Cic. pro Cornel, i : ' on the authority of great names': 
 primi, ( the van' : Germani, ' Germany' : Saxones, 
 ' Saxony' : Etrusci, 'Tuscany': habemus confitentem 
 reurn, ' we have the criminal's confession. 9 
 
 6. Another general characteristic of classical composi- 
 tion is, that it appeals to the intellect and the imagination, 
 rather than to the mere understanding. All the classical 
 historians even the easy unaffected narrative of Xenophon 
 demand a continuous effort of attention, and rather 
 stimulate than lull the intellectual powers. Nor is it 
 difficult to suggest a reason for this. If Athenian litera- 
 ture was addressed to a popular audience, it was yet 
 addressed to a highly intellectual and critical audience ; 
 while the Roman was an eminently Patrician literature, 
 and adapted to ears the most cultivated arid refined. Much 
 that is supposed to be understood from the context, is sup- 
 pressed as superfluous : and, in general, condensation is a 
 far more classical attribute of style than amplification.* 
 
 * In Exercise n. Part II. , will be found a version of a passage 
 from Lord Macaulay's History of England, translated by an eminent 
 
OX CHARACTERISTIC DIFFERENCES OF COMPOSITION. 25 
 
 7. The absence of inflections in English compels us to 
 arrange the words of a sentence in their grammatical order. 
 But in the classical languages, the connexion and con- 
 struction of words are easily recognised by their inflexions ; 
 and they are accordingly arranged in their metaphysical 
 order. As a general rule, a Latin sentence is constructed 
 as follows : the subject is placed first ; then follow the 
 oblique cases and the predicate ; and the verb closes the 
 proposition thus giving compactness to the period. 
 
 This arrangement is, however, largely modified by the 
 influence of two principles : the principle of, (a) Emphasis, 
 and the principle of, (6) Euphony: and also, as I shall 
 subsequently explain, by the style of the composition, 
 whether historical, didactic, oratorical, or epistolary. 
 
 (a) The emphatic word is commonly placed at the 
 beginning, sometimes at the end, of the sentence. Thus 
 Hanno, in his speech against Hannibal, before the Car- 
 thaginian senate, says, Carthagini nunc Hannibal vineas 
 turresque adrnovet ; Carthaginis mcenia quatit ariete. ' It 
 is against Carthage (i.e. not against Kome), that Hannibal 
 rears his engines.' In the same speech, he thus addresses 
 the senate: ' Aluistis ergo hoc incendium, quo nunc 
 ardetis' Liv. xxi. 10. The verb is placed first, because it 
 is far more emphatic than ' incendium.' So Cicero, in his 
 speech for Mar cell us, thus addresses Julius Caesar : ' Do- 
 muisti gentes immanitate barbaras, multitudine innumer- 
 abiles, locis infinitas'; because the idea of conquest is here 
 the most emphatic and significant. Susceptum cum 
 Saguntinis bellum, habendum cum Romanis est Liv. 
 xxi. i o : ( We began the war with Saguntum, we must 
 ivage it against Rome.' Sometimes the emphatic word 
 closes the sentence; e.g. Cic. Tuscul. i. 14: Arbores serit 
 agricola, quarum aspiciet baccam ipse nunquam. Aliud 
 
 Professor of this University. The Latin occupies about half the 
 English space. But I believe the version faithfully reflects every 
 idea contained in the original passage. 
 
26 LATIX PEOSE COMPOSITION. 
 
 iter habebant nulhtm Cses. B. GL i. 7, c Other road they 
 had none.' 1 It is also for the sake of emphasis, that words 
 in contrast are placed close together; e.g. Alius alium 
 vituperat. Hostis host em occidere volui Liv. ii. 12, 'I 
 wished to slay the enemy of my country.' And so the 
 possessive and personal pronouns ; e.g. 6 Suumse negotium 
 agere dicunt.' 
 
 (6) An exposition of the influence of euphony as a 
 modifying element in Latin composition would require 
 great development. But it may easily be tested by alter- 
 ing Cicero's arrangement of his words. If, for instance, 
 we change the sentence 'Nunquam* temeritas cum sa- 
 pientia commiscetur, nee ad consilium casus admittitur,' 
 into ( . Cum sapientia temeritas commiscetur nunquam ; 
 nee casus admittitur ad consilium,' the modulation will be 
 lost. 
 
 In discussing the arrangement of words, several minor 
 points challenge a passing notice. For instance : 
 
 (a) What is common to several objects either precedes 
 or follows them, but is not put with one exclusively ; thus 
 we say, ' In scriptoribns legendis et imitandis,' indifferently 
 with * In legendis imitandisque scriptoribus' ; but not, 
 4 In legendis scriptoribus et imitandis.' 
 
 (6) The subjective genitive generally precedes, and the 
 objective genitive follows, its noun; e.g. ; Cognoscite 
 hominis [subjective genitive] priricipium magistratuum 
 gerendorum* [objective genitive]- -Cic. in Verr. i. 13. 
 
 (c) The adjective is placed after the substantive when 
 it merely expresses an accessory or incidental quality ; 
 before, when it implies an essential difference between 
 that substantive and others; e.g. ' Theodosianus Codex,' 
 as distinguished from every other codex. Euphony, how- 
 ever, influences this arrangement. In obedience to that 
 principle, a monosyllabic substantive almost always pre- 
 cedes a longer adjective; e.g. Di immortelles, Rexpoten- 
 
 * Cic. pro Marcello, cap. ii. 
 
OX CHARACTERISTIC DIFFERENCES OF COMPOSITION. 2J 
 
 tissimiis, Res innumerabiles. Other qualifying words, 
 which belong to the idea of the noun, especially genitives 
 and prepositions with their cases, usually intervene between 
 the substantive and the adjective; e.g. * Tuorum erga me 
 meritorum memoria.' We must not, however, write, 'ad 
 prsesidiis firmanda mcenia,' nor < in mihi invisum locum'; 
 but ' ad moenia prsesidiis firmanda,' or * ad firmanda 
 prsesidiis moenia' ; and ' in locum mihi invisum/ or ' in 
 invisum mihi locum.' 
 
 (d) Names of honours and dignities, and of everything 
 in the shape of a title, are commonly placed after the 
 proper name; e.g. Cicero consul Ennius poeta Zeno 
 Stoicus. But the Eoman title ' imperator,' from the time 
 it became permanent, was prefixed, instead of being affixed 
 to the proper name. 
 
 (e) In the rhetorical style, especially, a word less 
 accented is inserted between two significant and connected 
 words, to give emphasis and euphony to the latter ; e. g. 
 c Hasc vox saepe in ultimis terris opem inter barbaros et 
 salutem tulit' Cic. Verr. v. 57. 
 
 (/) Partly for the sake of euphony, partly for the sake 
 of perspicuity, the verb is placed earlier in the sentence, 
 when otherwise too many verbs would be thrown together 
 at the end ; e. g. instead of writing, c Se incolumem esse 
 non posse demonstrate it would be better to write, 6 Se 
 demonstrat incolumem esse non posse. 
 
 8. As might fairly be expected, if we consider the rela- 
 tive position of the two languages in the development of 
 civilisation, the Latin idiom frequently betrays a predilec- 
 tion for the verb, where in English we adopt the substan- 
 tive. A few illustrations will suffice. In Aventino, says 
 Livy, xxxv. 9, lapidibus pluit, 6 A shower of stones fell on 
 the Aventine hill.' Inservit honori Hor., ' He is the 
 slave of honour.' Sopor irrigat artus Virg., The dew 
 of sleep bathes the limbs.' Delenda est Carthago, ( De- 
 struction to Carthage ! ' Favete linguis Hor., ' Silence.' 
 Vos plaudite, Hor., f Gentlemen, your applause.' Venio ad 
 
28 LATIN PROSE COMPOSITION. 
 
 id de quo agitur, ' I am now coming to the point at issue ' 
 Liv. Quod Platoni placet, ' The favorite doctrine of 
 Plato' Cic. Legg. iii. 14. Dispersa nebula aperuit diem 
 Liv. ? ' The dispersion of the fog cleared the atmosphere.' 
 Strata acies Liv., ' The rout of the army.' Senatuscon- 
 sultum de cequato imperio Liv., ' The decree of the 
 Senate respecting the equalisation of the command.' Post 
 receptam Capuam Liv., ' After the recovery of Capua. 1 
 Post reges exactos, ( Since the expulsion of the kings. 
 Romulo regnante Liv., ' In the reign of Eomulus.' (Jure 
 cum ita sint, ' Under these circumstances.' Ex quo 
 efficitur, ' And the result is this.' Ante deletam Cartha- 
 ginem Sail., ' Previously to the destruction of Carthage.' 
 Kes saepius usurpando excitata est Liv., ' The invention 
 was improved by frequent practice. 9 Otiandi 9 non nego- 
 tiandi, caussa se Syracusas contulit Cic., ' He went to 
 Syracuse for the sake of recreation, not of business.' 
 Literal representatives of the above phrases, such as 
 imber lapidum, ros somni, servus honoris, pernicies Car- 
 thagini! Silentium! Plausus! are common in 'Kespon- 
 sions,' but not in the Latin Classics. 
 
 9. Equally significant of the relative seras of the two 
 languages is the proneness of our idiom to translate Latin 
 Adjectives by Substantives. Neque assentatio faceta vide- 
 retur Cic. Amic. 26, ' Nor would there be any wit in 
 flattery.' Definit amicitiam paribus officiis id. ib. 16, 
 ' His definition of friendship is a reciprocity of kindnesses.' 
 Hortos venales habuit, 'He had gardens for sale' Cic. 
 Metus hostilis, 4 Fear of the enemy' Sail. Paribus lita 
 corpora guttis -Virg. Gr. 5 ' Bodies spangled with pairs of 
 drops.' Virtu tes imperatoriw, ' The qualifications of a 
 general' Liv. ix. 18. Vir honestus, ' A man of honour.' 
 Tnmultus servilis, ' A rising of the slaves.' Iter mam- 
 timum 9 ' A journey by sea.' Glades Alliensis, 'The dis- 
 aster at Allia.' Metus regius, 'The awe felt for the king' 
 Liv. ii. i. Lex vetus regia, ' An old law of the mon- 
 archy' id. xxxiv. 6. Certamina plebeia, 'Contests ivith 
 
ON CHARACTERISTIC DIFFERENCES OF COMPOSITION. 29 
 
 the commons? Hercules Xenophonteus, ' Hercules as 
 described by Xenophon? Coactus est invitus, * He was 
 forced against his will? Luxuria muliebris, * The luxury 
 of women' Liv., etc. 
 
 10. Not less characteristic of the progress of thought, 
 and the development of language, is the fact that, while 
 persons are chiefly the subjects of action in Latin, things 
 are equally so in English. The style of Tacitus, in this, 
 as in so many other of its attributes, is the herald of a new 
 sera. Thus, he writes, as Gibbon might have written, 
 Sepulchrum caespes erigit Germ. 27. Nox eadem necem 
 Germanici et rogum conjunxit Ann. xiii. 27. Tertius 
 expeditionum aunus novas gentes aperuit Agr. 22. 
 
 11. The simplicity of an earlier epoch betrays itself in 
 the Roman use of Proper Names, in cases where we, yield- 
 ing to the metaphysical bias natural to a later age, prefer 
 general names. 'His late Majesty' becomes in Latin 
 Divus Augustus ; the Eoman Emperor, long after the 
 establishment of the Empire, is addressed by his personal 
 title as Caesar Tac. Ann. xvi. 9 : a military tribune 
 accosts his general as if he was a common soldier, Videsne 
 tu, A. Cornell, cacumen illud ? Liv. vii. 24. The slave 
 or servant of Terence knows nothing of our title, ' Sir ! ' 
 He addresses his master or his master's son by names : e.g. 
 Chreme ! Antipho ! as the case may be. 
 
 12. Tbe English phrases, of which the following is a 
 sample, ' I cannot do this without incurring risk,' are 
 never expressed in Latin by the preposition sine with the 
 gerund. 
 
 (a) The notion, when contemporaneous, is signified by 
 the present participle ; when past, by the perfect parti- 
 ciple : e.g. Miserum est nihil proficientem angi Cic. N. 
 D. iii. 6, ' It is wretched to take so much pains without 
 making any progress.' Eomani non rogati Grsecis auxi- 
 lium afferunt Liv. xxxiv. 26, ' Without being requested.' 
 
 (6) A preliminary condition may be expressed by nisi: 
 e.g. E custodia emitti non poterat, nisi pecuniam solvisset 
 Cornel. Nep. Cim. i, 'Without paying the fine.' 
 
30 LATIN PROSE COMPOSITION. 
 
 (c) To express a necessary consequence, ut non, or 
 quin, is used : e.g. Kuere ilia non possunt, ut haec nou 
 eodem labefactata mot a concidant Cic. pro L. Man. 7, 
 4 The former cannot tumble without the latter falling also, 
 as they are undermined by the same cause.' 
 
 (d) The notion may also be expressed by the abl. abs. 
 and otherwise: e.g. A rege corruptus, infectis rebus dis- 
 cessit, * He accepted a bribe from the King, and left with 
 out settling the business of his mission ' Cornel. Nep. 
 Milt. Plurimi carmina mirantur, neque ea intelligunt, 
 'Many persons admire poetry, without understanding it.' 
 
 13. The Perfect Passive Participle, in agreement with 
 a Substantive, is largely used in Latin where the English 
 idiom commonly prefers the abstract noun: e.g. Major ex 
 civibus amissis dolor quam laetitia fusis hostibus fuit 
 Liv. iv. 17, * There was more grief for the loss of fellow- 
 citizens than joy for the rout of foes.' 
 
 14. The Latin Participle, though a less flexible instru- 
 ment in Latin than in Greek composition, expresses with 
 more conciseness than our English idiom many of the 
 accompaniments of the verbal notion ; whether 
 
 (a) Temporal : e.g. Omne malum nascens [at its birth] 
 facile opprimitur Cic. Phil. v. u. Valeriura hostes 
 acerrime pugnantem [while fighting] occidunt Liv. 
 
 (6) Causal : e.g. Dionysius cultros metuens [for fear of] 
 tonsorios candente carbone adtirebat capillum Cic. Off. 
 ii. 17. 
 
 (c) Concessive: e.g. Kisus saspe ita repente erumpit, ut 
 eum cupientes [although we desire to] tenere nequeanius 
 Cic. de Or. ii. 38. 
 
 (d) Conditional : e.g. Non intelligit, Verrem absolutum 
 [even if acquitted] tamen ex manibus populi Komani eripi 
 nullo modo posse ? Cic. Verr. i. 4. 
 
 (e) Final: e.g. Perseus, unde profectus erat, rediit, 
 oelli casuin de integro tentaturus [resolved, intending, to 
 try] Liv. xlii. 62. 
 
 (/) Modal: e. g Miserum est nihil proficientem angi . 
 
ON CHARACTERISTIC DIFFERENCES OF COMPOSITION. 31 
 
 Cic. N. D. iii. 6 : ' it is wretched to take pains without 
 making any progress.' 
 
 15. (a) The Liatin, like the Greek, Participle, is often 
 used where two finite verbs are connected by and in Eng- 
 lish : e.g. Torquatus Gallum csesum torque spoliavit 
 lav. vi. 42, ' Torquatus slew and despoiled the Gaul of his 
 collar.' 
 
 (6) It is also commonly added to verbs, where in Eng- 
 lish we should use f then,' f forth with,' 'immediately,' e.g. 
 Edicunt, ut producantur, productos palam in proetorio 
 interficiunt Cses. B. C. i. 76. 
 
 1 6. (a) In the use of the two future*, the Latin idiom is 
 more accurate than the English. Thus, we say in English, 
 * If we follow [present] Nature, we shall never stray :' in 
 Latin we say, ; Naturam si sequemur* [future] ducem, 
 nunquam aberrabimus Cic. de Off. i. 28. Again, in 
 English we say, ' However, if you are able to find me, 
 bury me;' in Latin, Verumtamen, si me assequi potueris, 
 sepelito-C'}c. Tusc. i. 43. 
 
 In the first of the above passages, the simple future is 
 used in Latin, because the actions are conceived as con- 
 tinuing together ; in the second, the futurum exactum is 
 used, because the one action must be completed before 
 the other can begin. 
 
 (b) If the/ufam&m exactum stands both in the leading 
 and in 'the subordinate clause, it denotes that both actions 
 will be completed at the same time : e. g. Qui Antonium 
 oppresserit, is helium confecerit Cic. ad Farn. x. 19, 
 which the English idiom less accurately renders, 4 He who 
 crushes Antony will have finished the war.' 
 
 17. Adjectives are often placed in apposition with Sub- 
 stantives in Latin, where in English (a) an adverb is used : 
 
 * The present can only stand in Latin Prose in conditional clauses 
 like the fallowing : Perjicietur bellum, si wgemus obsessos Liv. v. 4; 
 Moriere virgis, nisi siynum traditur Cic. Verr. iv. 39, where the con- 
 dition is an action taking place at the same moment with that denoted 
 by the leading proposition 
 
2 LATIN PROSE COMPOSITION. 
 
 e.g. Hannibal occultus subsistebat Liv. xxii. 12, 'Hanni- 
 bal halted secretly.' Eoscius erat Eomae frequens Cic. 
 E. Am. 6, 4 Eoscius was constantly at Rome.' Tot us 
 philosophise traditus Cic. Tusc v. 2, ; Entirely devoted 
 to philosophy.' 'Intueuti vel singula vel imiversa Liv., 
 ( Whether I regard them singly or collectively.' Prudens, 
 sciens, invitus, imprudens, hoc feci, * I acted thus know- 
 ingly, consciously, unwillingly, unconsciously.' Or, where 
 (6) a periphrasis with a relative clause is used in English : 
 e.g. Omnium exterarum nationum princeps Sicilia se ad 
 amicitiam pcpuli Eomani applicuit Cic. Verr. ii. i, 
 4 Sicily was the first foreign nation which courted the 
 friendship of the people of Rome.' Nee tranquillior nox 
 diem tarn fcede actum excepit, ' Nor was the night which 
 succeeded a day so miserably spent, less disturbed ' Liv. 
 Or, where (c) some idiomatic phrase is used: e.g. Quo 
 diversus [in a different direction] abis? Virg. ^En. v. 166. 
 In adversum collem subire Liv., 'To advance up the 
 hill.' Vulnera ad versa, aversa, 6 Wounds in the front, in 
 the back.' Secundo flumine navigare, ' To sail with the 
 current in one's favour ' Liv. Obliquo monte decurrere, 
 * To run sideways down the hill ' Ca3s. 
 
 1 8. Adjectives are rarely added to proper names in 
 Latin prose, except when they distinguish several of the 
 same name : e.g. Africanus major, minor, Piso frugi ; 
 or signify the native place, or residence. Other adjectives, 
 when attributives of appellative nouns, are placed in appo- 
 sition : e.g. Plato, homo sapientissimus, ' The wise Plato' ; 
 Capua, urbs opulentissima, ' The wealthy Capua.' It is 
 also unusual to combine with such nouns adjectives which 
 characterise a whole class, not an individual only ; they 
 are generally associated with a more comprehensive generic 
 term: e.g. columba, animal timidissimum, 'The timid 
 dove.' 
 
 19. (a) A comparison of two qualities in the same 
 object is denoted either by the positive with magis, or by 
 two comparatives : e.g. matjts aadader quam prudenter : 
 
UJN CHARACTERISTIC DIFFERENCES OF COMPOSITIOX. JJ 
 
 concio fuit verior quam gratior populo, ' The 
 speech of ^Emilius was more sincere than acceptable to 
 the people' Liv. xxii. 38. 
 
 (6) ' Too great' in proportion to something is expressed 
 by the comparative with quam pro : e.g. Prajlium atrocius 
 quam pro numero pugnantium, ' A conflict very severe 
 in proportion to the number of the combatants' Liv. 
 xxi. 29. 
 
 (c) ( Too great' for something is rendered by major quam 
 ut, or major quam qui: e.g. Major sum quam cui possit 
 fortuna nocere, ' I am too great a man for accident to 
 injure me' Juv. Potentius erat malum, quam ut sedare- 
 tur, ' The evil was too virulent to be allayed ' Liv. 
 
 (d) ' Too great,' generally, without reference to a 
 purpose or standard, is often signified by a simple com- 
 parative : e.g. Senectus est naturd loquacior, ' Old age is 
 naturally rather talkative' Cic. 
 
 (e) It should be remarked, that the comparative is used 
 in Latin of the highest degree, when two only are men- 
 tioned a rule illustrated by Quintilian in the following 
 terms : Quceritur, ex duobus uter dignior sit; ex plari- 
 bus quis dignissimus Quinct. vii. 4, 21. 
 
 20. It is more classical to write, ' In hac varietate stu- 
 diorum consensus esse non potest' Cic. de Orat. iii. 35, 
 than * In his tarn variis studiis ' ; * In hac magnitudine 
 regionum,' than ' In his tarn magnis regionibus.' 
 
 21. In mentioning the age at which a person performed 
 an action, the concrete nouns, puer, adolescens, juvenis, 
 etc., are joined to the verb, in place of the abstract nouns, 
 pueritia, etc., and the preposition, in : e. g. ' Juvenis tran- 
 siit Alpes.' 
 
 22. Abstract nouns are sometimes used for concrete 
 nouns : e.g. Nobilitas for nobiles ; juventus for juvenes ,- 
 vicinia for vicini ; servitium for servi. This idiom was 
 developed by Tacitus. See ch. vi. ii. 3 (a). 
 
 23. Substantives are sometimes used for participles and 
 verbs, especially by Sallust and Livy : e. g. tf Animus Cati- 
 
 D 
 
J4 LATIN PROSE COMPOSITION. 
 
 linse cujuslibet rei simulator J ' Brut us castigate lacry 
 marum vanique luctus, auctorque, quod viros, quoo 
 Eomanos deceret, arma capiendi ad versus hostilia ausos' 
 Liv. i. 59. Vindices relicti rerum suarum, ' Left to 
 protect their own property' Liv. v. 42. This usage is 
 characteristically common in Tacitus. See ch. vi. ii. 3 (a,. 
 
 24. Coi^pus is often used instead of the personal pro- 
 noun : e. g, ' Levare corpus in cubitum/ to lean on the 
 elbow. ' Corpus applicare stipiti,' to lean against a tree. 
 ' Librare corpus,' to swing oneself. 
 
 25. Unus is added to superlatives to strengthen their 
 meaning : e. g. ; Scaevolam, quern unum prestantissimum 
 audeo dicere' Cic. La3l. i. 
 
 26. Seowenti, in conversational language z=/jLvpia Grsece, 
 signifying any large number. 
 
 27. Ipse, joined to numerals, means ( exactly': e.g 
 Cic. ad Att. iii. 21: ' Triginta dies erant ipsi, quum has 
 dabam literas, per quos nullas a vobis acceperam.' 
 
 28. Idem is used when one subject has two predicates ; 
 so that it has the force of etiam when the predicates are of 
 a similar kind, and of tamen when they are of a different 
 kind: e.g. Cic. de Off. ii. 3, Ex quo efficitur ut, quid- 
 quid honestum sit, idem sit utile, ' Must also be expedient.' 
 On the other hand, Cic. de Nat. Deor. i. 43, 'Quum 
 [although] optimam naturam Dei dicat esse, negat idem 
 [nevertheless] in Deo esse gratiam.' 
 
 29. Quidam and quasi are constantly used by Cicero to 
 qualify expressions which in English would not be thought 
 to require softening. 
 
 30. Aliquis is more emphatic than quis, and may some- 
 times be rendered 'really' in English: e.g. ' Sensus 
 moriendi, si aliquis esse potest, is ad exiguum tempus 
 durat' Cic. Cat. Maj. 20. 
 
 31. Unusquisque quivis quilibet, mean every one 
 absolutely : quisque means every one distributively ; hence 
 the term ' quotusqiiisquej in the sense of l How few among 
 
OX CHARACTERISTIC DIFFERENCES OF COMPOSITION. 35 
 
 32. Abrupt affirmatives and negatives ['Yes' <No'J 
 are rare, both in Latin and Greek. Thus, in answering a 
 question, it is usual to repeat the verb used in the ques- 
 tion: e.g. Cic. Tusc. i. n^'Dasne manere animos post 
 mortem ? ' 6 Do vero? Sometimes in affirmative replies, 
 the pronoun alone is repeated with vero : e.g. ' Dicamne 
 quod sends?' ' TVL vero' But vero rarely occurs in 
 negative answers, save in the phrase, minime vero. 
 
 In the same way, in giving a polite negative, e.g. in 
 declining an invitation, the Greeks used the words /caXcos' 
 sTraivo) the Romans, Rede Benigne: e.g. Ter. Eun. n. 
 iii. 50 : Rogo nunquid velit ? Recte inquit, ( Nothing, 
 thank you.' See Ruhnk, Diet, ad loc ; cf. Hor. Ep. I. vii. 
 1 6 : At tu quantumvis tolle. Benigne, ' Not any, thank 
 you.' Cf. Kuster ad Aristoph. Ran. 511. 
 
 In the same sense, Virgil writes : 
 
 ' Laudato ingentia rura, 
 Exiguura colito.' 
 
 33. Ut ita ' although still,' or ; indeed but.' Cic. 
 ad Fam. x. 20 : Ut [although] errare, mi Planci, potuisti, 
 sic [still] decipi te non potuisse quis non videt ? Liv. 
 xxi. 35 : Pleraque Alpium ab Italia sicut [indeed] bre 
 viora, ita [but] arrectiora sunt. 
 
 34. Nunc always expresses the time actually present ; 
 i. e. not relatively present, such as the time to which the 
 narrator transfers himself by way of making his story 
 more lively. In English we may say, ' Caesar now thought 
 he ought not to hesitate any longer'; but in Latin we 
 must write, Turn Cassar non diutius sibi cunctandum cen- 
 sebat. Nunc primum somnia me eludunt, ' This is the 
 first time a dream has deceived me,' is, on the other hand, 
 quite correct. 
 
 35 The figure Hendiadys \_pateris libamus et auro 9 
 Virgil] is not confined to poetry : it is not uncommon in 
 Cicero : e. g. Quern plurimi cives devincti necessitudine ac 
 reinstate defendunt, i.e. vetustate necessitudinis Pro 
 
 I> 2 
 
36 LATIN PROSE COMPOSITION. 
 
 Flacc. 2. Ex his studiis hsec quoque crescit oratio et 
 facultas i.e. facaltas dicendi Pro Arch. 6. 
 
 36. Hie and is are often elegantly added to quidem: 
 e.g. Libri script! ab optimis illis quidem viris, sed non 
 satis eruditis Cic. Tusc. i. 3. It serves to throw emphasis 
 on optimis. Cf. its use with the participle Virgil ^En. v., 
 Nunc dextra ingeminans ictus, nunc Me sinistra. 
 
 37. Non before a negative not only restores, but usually 
 intensifies the affirmative sense. Ignorant critics have 
 reproached Livy with an invidious disparagement of Poly- 
 bius when he speaks of him as haudquaquam spernendus 
 auctor. The phrase is idiomatic. 
 
 38. Classical composition, especially in oratory, is more 
 lively and interrogative than English. Quid ? Quid igitur ? 
 Quid ergo ? Quid enim ? with an ellipse of censes : also 
 Quid posted ? Quid quceris ? ' In one word.' Quid turn ? 
 with an ellipse of sequitur, are constantly used by Cicero 
 to relieve the tedium of a narrative or argument, and to 
 quicken the attention of his hearers. Quid quod ? which 
 is frequently used, apparently involves an ellipse of dicam 
 de eo, and may be rendered by Nay Nay even More- 
 over : e.g. Quid quod salus sociorum summum in pericu- 
 lum vocatur ? Cic. pro Leg. Man. 5. 
 
 39. (a) The Latin language often admits the Perfect 
 Infinitive where the English language uses the Simple 
 Infinitive ; but it will be seen that in such cases the com- 
 pletion or the consequences of the action are regarded 
 more than the action itself. This distinction applies espe- 
 cially to phrases of satisfaction and of regret, such as satis 
 est, contentus sum, melius erit, pcenitebit, pu debit, pige- 
 bit, juvabit ; and also to expressions of wishing and prohi- 
 bition : e.g. Quiesse erit melius Liv. iii. 48, 'You had 
 better be quiet.' Lit. ( It will be better for you to have 
 been quiet,' where the consequences of the action are the 
 point in view. 
 
 (6) On the other hand, while the English express past 
 time by the Perfect Infinitive after the auxiliary verbs 
 
ON CHARACTERISTIC DIFFERENCES OF COMPOS! 
 
 ^ 
 
 could, might, ought, the Latin writers generally* consider 
 it sufficient to express the past time in the main verb, and 
 to use with it the Simple Infinitive: e.g. Licuit in His* 
 paniam ire Liv. xxi. 41, ' I might have gone to Spain.' 
 
 CHAPTEE III. 
 
 TABLE OF COMPARATIVE LATIN AND ENGLISH IDIOMS. 
 
 1. Vulgar people have no 
 
 taste for poetry. 
 
 2. He is teachinghis grand- 
 mother to suck eggs. 
 
 3. You are making a rope 
 
 of sand. 
 
 4. He is his own enemy. 
 
 5. You are locking the 
 
 stable-door when the 
 horse is stolen. 
 
 6. Every one follows his 
 
 own calling. 
 
 7. T take the shine out of 
 
 a fellow. 
 
 8. To buy on credit. 
 
 I We are now in smooth 
 water. 
 All is well. 
 
 1. Nihil cum fidibus gra- 
 
 culo Oell. N. A. Prsef 
 p. 19. 
 
 2. Sus Minervam, sub. do- 
 cet Cic. Acad. i. 5, 18 ; 
 Fam. ix. 18, 3. 
 
 3. Litus aras Ovid, Her. 
 
 v. 116. 
 
 4. Vineta csedit sua Hor. 
 
 Epist. ii. i, 20. 
 
 5. Clipeum post vulnera 
 sumis Ovid, Trist. i. 
 
 3>35- 
 
 6. Ipsa olera olla legit 
 
 Catull. 93. 
 
 7. Fastum hominis terere. 
 
 8. Caeca die emere Plant. 
 Ps. i. 3, 67. 
 
 'Omnis res jam est in 
 vado Ter. Andr. v. 
 2,4. 
 
 (The metaphor is deri- 
 ved from swimming.) 
 
 * Sometimes both the main verb of duty and the infinitive are in 
 the perfect tense : e. g. Turn decuitjlesse Liv. xxx. 44, ' then was the 
 time for weeping.' 
 
LATIN PROSE COMPOSJTIOX. 
 
 10. We are now out of 
 
 danger. 
 
 1 1. A green old age. 
 
 12. He remains neutral. 
 
 13. He is anxious, as an 
 
 arbitrator, to strike a 
 fair balance. 
 
 14. He is bringing the mat- 
 
 ter before the public. 
 
 15. The art of oratory lies 
 
 open to all. 
 
 1 6. Be off. 
 
 17. To be sold cheap. 
 
 1 8. To catch cold. 
 
 19. To offer a lady one's 
 
 arm. 
 
 20. He quarrels about trifles. 
 
 io e Jam e vadis emersimna 
 
 Cic. pro Gael. xxi. 5 1 
 (The metaphor is deriv 
 ed from sailing.) 
 
 11. Aquilse senectus Ter. 
 
 Heaut. iii. 2. 
 
 12. Medium se gerit Liv. 
 
 ii. 14. 
 
 13. Tanquam arbiter me- 
 
 dium ferire vult Cic. 
 Fat. 17, 39. 
 
 14. Kem in medio proponit 
 
 Cic. Verr. ii. I, ii, in 
 medium profert Id. 
 Fam. xv. 2. 
 
 15. Dicendi ratio in medio 
 posita est Cic. de Orat. 
 
 i-3- 
 
 1 6. Eecede de medio Cic. 
 
 Eosc. Am. 38. 
 17. Sestertio nummo venire 
 
 Cic. Kab. Post. 1 7. 
 
 1 8. Cohorrescere Cic. de 
 Orat. iii. 2, 6. Frigus 
 colligere Hor. 
 
 19. Subjicere manus feminse 
 
 Tibull. i. 5, 64. See 
 Dissen. 
 
 20. De lana caprina rixatur 
 
 Hor. Epist. i. 18, 15. 
 Comp. the Greek Trspl 
 
 21, A thorough rascal. 
 
 Schol. on Aristoph. 
 Vesp. 131. 
 
 2 1 . Mysorum ultimus Cic. 
 pro Flacc. 27 ; Plato 
 Theset. p. 209, B 
 
TABLE OF COMPARATIVE LATIN AND ENGLISH IDIOMS. 39 
 
 22. All bis pains are thro\\ a 
 
 away. 
 
 23. How d'ye do, my good 
 
 friend ? 
 
 24. The devil take the hind- 
 
 most ! 
 
 25. I beg your pardon. 
 
 26. He is a dangerous man. 
 
 27. To distance a competi- 
 
 tor by far. 
 
 28. His merriment is forced. 
 
 29. Call to-morrow. 
 
 30. He rapturously praises 
 
 you. 
 
 3 1 . There is danger in either 
 
 course. 
 
 32. To catch the weasels 
 
 napping. 
 
 33. To show contempt for 
 
 religion. 
 
 34. What is that to you ? 
 
 35. Milo's death was for the 
 
 interest of Clodius. 
 
 36. No letter from you. 
 
 37. With much grief to me. 
 
 38. Friends, of whom he has 
 
 many. 
 
 39. To bring an action for 
 
 theft agairst any one. 
 
 40. To accuse any one of a 
 
 capital crime. 
 
 41. The word Pleasure. 
 
 22. Operam perdidit Hor. 
 
 Actum agit Ter. Ad. 
 ii. 2, 24. 
 
 23. Quid agis, dulcissime 
 
 rerum? Hor. S. i. 9, 4. 
 
 24. Occupet extremum sca- 
 
 bies Hor. A. P. 417. 
 
 25. Noll em factum Ter. , 
 
 Ade'ph. ii. i, 1 1. 
 
 26. Foenum habet in cornu 
 
 Hor. S. i. 4, 34. 
 
 27. Equisaliquemalbisprae- 
 
 currere Hor. S. i. 7, 8. 
 
 28. Mai is alienis ridet 
 
 Hor. S. ii. 3, 72. 
 
 29. Vel mine pete vel eras. 
 
 30. Utroquetepollice lauclat 
 
 Hor. Epist. i. 18, 66. 
 
 31. Hac urget lupus, hac 
 
 canis. 
 
 32. Cornicum oculos confi- 
 
 gere Cic. Mur. xi. 25. 
 
 33. Edere de patella Cic. 
 
 de Fin. ii. 7, ad fin. 
 
 34. Quid tua id refert? 
 
 Ter. 
 
 35. Clodii intererat, Milo- 
 
 nem perire Cic. 
 
 36. Nulla tua epistola. 
 
 37. Cum magno raeodolore. 
 
 38. Amici, quos multos ha- 
 
 bet. 
 
 39. Agere cum aliquo furli. 
 
 40. Aliquein capitis reuin 
 
 facere. 
 
 41. Vox Vcliiptatis 
 
LATIX PROSE CC >1POSITIOX. 
 
 42. The number 300. 
 
 43. The treatise *Acade- 
 
 mica.' 
 
 44. The Scipio family. 
 
 45. The fig-tree. 
 
 46. The city of Koine. 
 
 47. The town of Ilerda. 
 
 48. The isleo/Delos. 
 
 49. I begin to think of Plato. 
 
 50. A river more than usu- 
 ally rapid. 
 
 51. Augustus was born in 
 
 the Consulate of Cicero 
 and Antony. 
 
 52. Pythagoras came to 
 
 Italy in the reign of 
 Tarquin. 
 
 53. Consuls began to be 
 
 elected after ihe expul- 
 sion of the kings. 
 
 54. Nothing can be done in 
 
 this matter without 
 violating the laws. 
 
 55. The Cassian law was en- 
 
 acted by Seipio's ad- 
 vice. 
 
 56. To be consistent with 
 
 oneself. 
 
 57. It is universally admit- 
 
 ted. 
 
 58. The account of expen- 
 
 diture and receipt is 
 balanced. 
 
 59. You are taking this in 
 
 good part. 
 
 60. To be present at a tran- 
 saction. 
 
 42. Numerus trecentoruin. 
 
 43. Opus Academicorum. 
 
 44. Familia Scipionum. 
 
 45. Arbor fid. 
 
 46. Urbs Roma 
 
 47. Oppidum Ilerda. 
 
 48. Insula Delos. 
 
 49. Venit mihi Platonis in 
 
 mentem. 
 
 50. Amnis solito citation 
 
 51. Augustus natus est Ci- 
 
 cerone et Antonio con- 
 sulibus. 
 
 52. Pythagoras Tarquinio 
 
 regnante in Italiam 
 venit. 
 
 53. Regibus ejectis consules 
 
 creari coapti sunt. 
 
 54. Nihil de hac re agi po- 
 test salvis legibus. 
 
 55. Lex Cassia lata est Sci- 
 pione auetore. 
 
 56. Constare secum ; or, sibi. 
 
 57. Constat inter omnes. 
 
 58. Ratio expensi et accepti 
 
 constat. 
 
 59. Consulis hoc boni. 
 
 60. Inter esse rei. 
 
TABLE OF COMPARATIVE ( T ATIX AXD ENGLISH IDIOMS. 4! 
 
 6j. This is the difference 
 between a man and a 
 beast. 
 
 62. You and I are agreed. 
 
 63. All are agreed. 
 
 64. To have an- interview 
 
 with some one. 
 
 65. It costs a good deal. 
 56. I fear he may come. 
 
 67. 1 fear he may not come. 
 
 68. I am on the point of 
 
 starting. 
 
 69. We are so far from 
 admiring our own 
 speeches, that even 
 Demosthenes does not 
 
 70. 
 
 7 1 - 
 
 7 2 - 
 
 73- 
 
 74- 
 
 75- 
 
 76. 
 
 77- 
 
 us. 
 
 I congratulate you on 
 having so much influ- 
 ence with Caesar. 
 
 You are acting a noble 
 part in thus loving the 
 child. 
 
 It is now many years 
 since that man has been 
 in rny debt. 
 
 It would havebeenmore 
 expedient. 
 
 It would have been more 
 equitable. 
 
 I pity you, because you 
 are making him your 
 enemy. 
 
 I am not the man to be 
 pleased with such mat- 
 ters. 
 
 lie is worthy to govern. 
 
 6 1 . Hoc interest inter homi- 
 
 nem ac belluam. 
 
 62. Convenit mihi tecum. 
 
 63. Convenit inter omnes. 
 
 64. Convenire aliquem. 
 
 65. Magno constat. 
 
 66. Vereor ne veniat. 
 
 67. Vereor ut veniat. 
 
 68. In eo est ut proficiscar. 
 
 69. Tantum abest ut nostra 
 
 miremur, ut nobis non 
 satisfaciat ipse Demos- 
 thenes. 
 
 70. Gratulor tibi, quum 
 tantum apud Csesarem 
 vales. 
 
 71. Prseclare facis quum 
 
 puerum diligis. 
 
 72. Multi sunt anni quuni 
 
 in sere meo est. 
 
 73. Utilius/u^. 
 
 74. ^Equius erat. 
 
 75. Miserettuime,gttihunc 
 
 facias inimicum tibi. 
 
 76. Non is sum qui his re- 
 
 bus detect er. 
 
 77. Dignus est qui impcret. 
 
LATIN PROSE COMPOSITION. 
 
 78. Their crimes had been 
 
 too great to be forgiven. 
 
 79. One man was found 
 
 brave enough to smo- 
 ther the flames with his 
 hand. 
 
 80. He is thirty years old. 
 
 8 1. Marius fought on horse- 
 
 back. 
 
 82. The regal office had ori- 
 
 ginally tended to the 
 maintenance of free- 
 dom. 
 
 83. It is wretched to take 
 
 pains without making 
 any progress. 
 
 84. The Eomans aid the 
 
 Greeks without being 
 requested. 
 
 85. Many persons admire 
 
 poetry, without under- 
 standing it. 
 
 86. He could not be dis- 
 
 charged from gaol,U'iA- 
 out paying the fine. 
 8 7. She never saw him, with- 
 out calling him a fra- 
 tricide. 
 
 88. The former cannot tum- 
 
 ble without the latter 
 falling also, as they are 
 undermined by the 
 same cause. 
 
 89. He goes away without 
 your perceiving it. 
 
 78. Majora deliquerant 
 
 quam quibus ignosci 
 posset. 
 
 79. Inventus est qui flain- 
 mis imponeret manum. 
 
 80. Triginta annos natus 
 
 est. 
 
 8 1. Marius ex equo pug- 
 
 navit. 
 
 82. Eegium imperium initio 
 
 conservandse libertatis 
 fuerat Sail. Cat. 6. 
 
 83. Miserum est nihil pro- 
 
 ficientem angi. 
 
 84. Eomani non rogati Grrse- 
 
 cis opem ferunt. 
 
 85. Multi carmina mirantur 
 neque ea intelligent. 
 
 86. E custodia emitti non 
 poterat, nisi pecuniam 
 solvisset. 
 
 87. Nunquam eum aspexit 
 
 quin fratricidam voca- 
 ret. 
 
 88. Euere ilia non possunt 
 ut ha3c non eodem labe- 
 factata motu concidant. 
 
 ). Te non sentiente, dis* 
 cedit. 
 
TABLE OF COMPARATIVE LATIN AND ENGLISH IDIOMS. 43 
 
 90. He departed without 
 accomplishing any- 
 thing. 
 
 91. The envoys came to de- 
 mand peace. 
 
 92. He promises to come. 
 
 93. To have a prosperous 
 
 voyage. 
 
 94. He was the first to do 
 
 this. 
 
 95. With your usual cour- 
 
 age, or, such is your 
 courage. 
 
 96. As far as I know. 
 
 97. You have now been 
 listening to Cratippus 
 for a year. 
 
 98. No food is so heavy as 
 
 not to be digested in 
 twenty-four hours. 
 
 99. He could scarcely be re- 
 
 strained from throwing 
 stones. 
 
 100. I left nothing undone 
 
 to appease him. 
 
 1 01. I shall not forbid your 
 
 doing this. 
 
 90. Infectis rebus discessiL 
 
 petitum pa- 
 
 cem. 
 petituri pa- 
 
 cem. 
 ad pacem pe- 
 
 91. Venerunt tendam. 
 
 legati pacis peten- 
 
 dae caussa. 
 ut pacem pe- 
 
 terent. 
 
 qui pacem pe- 
 terent. 
 
 92. Pollicetur se venturum. 
 
 X 
 
 93. Ex sententia navigare. 
 
 94. Primus hoc fecit. 
 
 (Quse tua virtus. 
 
 95. J Qua es virtute. 
 (Pro virtute tua. 
 
 96. Quod sciam. 
 
 97. Annum jam audis Cra- 
 
 tippum. 
 
 98. Nullus cibus adeo gravis 
 
 est quin nocte ac die 
 concoquatur. 
 
 99. Vix cohiberi potuit quin 
 
 saxa jaceret. 
 
 100. Nihil prsetermisi quin 
 
 eum placarem. 
 
 101. Non prohibebo q aomi- 
 
 nus hoc faciaa. 
 
44 
 
 LATLV PROSE COMPOSITION. 
 
 1 02. The soul must be im- 
 mortal. 
 
 103. Nothing prevents him 
 
 from doing it. 
 
 1 04. Caesar found that it was 
 owing to A f rani us 
 that the battle did not 
 commence. 
 
 105. Fabius was all but 
 
 killing Varus. 
 
 1 06. He ^uas very near 
 gaining that victory. 
 
 107. T cannot but send daily 
 to you. 
 
 1 08. How many are there 
 of you ? 
 
 109. Three hundred of us 
 
 have conspired. 
 
 1 10. He was condemned in 
 
 his absence. 
 
 in. To inform a man of 
 anything. 
 
 1 12. Common to me cmcZ 2/0 w. 
 
 113. To threaten a man 
 
 with death. 
 
 114. To cut off the enemy's 
 
 retreat. 
 
 115. To cut off the enemy's 
 
 supplies. 
 
 1 1 6. I have a book. 
 Wrongs done to Cains. 
 
 1 02. Fieri non potest quiii 
 
 anima immortal is sit ; 
 or, anima necesse est 
 immortalis sit. 
 
 103. Nihil obstat quominus 
 
 id faciat. 
 
 104. Cognovit Caesar per Af- 
 
 ranium stare* quorni- 
 nus dimicaretur. 
 
 105. Pan Hum abfuit quin 
 
 Varum Fabius inter- 
 ficeret. 
 
 1 06. Minimumabfuitquin 
 
 illam victoriam repor- 
 taret. 
 
 107. Facere rion possum 
 
 quin quotidie ad te 
 mittam. 
 
 1 08. Quot estis. 
 
 109. Trecenticonjuravimus. 
 
 no. Absens condemnatus 
 
 est. 
 in. Certiorem facere ali- 
 
 quem de aliqua re. 
 
 112. Mihi tecum comrmmis. 
 
 113. Mortem alicui mini- 
 tari. 
 
 114. Intercludere hosti fu- 
 gam. 
 
 115. Intercludere commeatu 
 
 hostern. 
 
 1 1 6. Est mini liber. 
 Injurise Caii. 
 
 * Forcellini is mistaken in making the phrase per me stat equivalent 
 to sum in causa. It can only be used ot hindrances. Key, Lat. Grain. 272* 
 
f TTNIVERSIT 
 TABLE OF COMPARATIVE LATIN AXD ENGLISH IDIOMS. 45 
 
 1 1 7 He made Caesar retire. 
 
 1 1 8. I do not know when 
 the letter will be writ- 
 ten. 
 
 1 19. He has reigned about 
 
 six years. 
 
 1 20. While they are drink- 
 ing, playing, etc. 
 
 121. From the foundation 
 
 of the city. 
 
 122. The honour of having 
 
 saved a fellow-citizen. 
 
 123. It ivould be tedious. 
 endless. 
 
 124. I see clearly through 
 
 his design. 
 
 1 25. As great a difference as 
 
 there can possibly be. 
 
 126. When I take my jour- 
 ney, I shall come. 
 
 127. When I have perform" 
 ed this, I will come. 
 
 128. They do nothing but 
 
 laugh. 
 
 129. He was more prudent 
 
 than prompt. 
 
 130. I have nothing to ac- 
 
 cuse old age of. 
 
 131. His having spared the 
 
 conquered, is a great 
 thing. 
 
 1 32. Instead of reading, he 
 is playing. 
 
 133. He says that he has 
 
 not sinned. 
 
 134. The foot of a hill. 
 
 117. Effecit ut Caesar se re- 
 
 ciperet. 
 
 1 1 8. Nescio quando futu- 
 
 rum sit ut epistola 
 scribatur. 
 
 119. Septimumjam annum 
 
 regnat. 
 
 120. Inter bibendum, hi;- 
 
 dendum, etc. 
 
 121. Ab urbe condita. 
 
 122. Servati civis decus. 
 
 123. Longum est. 
 Infinitum est. 
 
 124. Consilium ejus per- 
 
 spectum habeo. 
 
 125. Quanta maxima potest 
 
 esse distantia. 
 
 126. Cum iter instituam, 
 veniam. See Pref. 
 ii. 1 6. 
 
 127. Hoc cum perfecero 9 
 
 veniam. 
 
 128. Nihil aliud quam ri- 
 
 dent. 
 
 129. Cautior erat quam 
 promptior. 
 
 130. Nihil habeo quod in- 
 
 cusem senectutem. 
 
 131. Magnum est quod vie 
 
 tis pepercit. 
 
 132. Ludit, quum legere 
 
 debeat. 
 
 133. Negat se peccasse. 
 
 134. Radices montis. 
 
LATIN PROSE COMPOSITION. 
 
 135. They regarded the plain 
 
 as the end of the jour- 
 ney. 
 
 136. A mob surrounded Mi- 
 
 nucius while deliver- 
 ing this harangue. 
 
 137. He built a temple to 
 Concord when Consul. 
 
 138. Philotimus has not ap- 
 
 peared at all. 
 
 139. He conducted wars 
 with more courage 
 than success. 
 
 140. Caesar will come sooner 
 than was expected. 
 
 141. The battle was more 
 
 furious than was to 
 have been expected 
 from the number of 
 the combatants. 
 
 142. The joy was too great 
 
 for human beings to 
 contain. 
 
 143. Old age is naturally 
 rather talkative. 
 
 144. The best men always 
 
 do the most to serve 
 posterity. 
 
 145. Every fifth year. 
 
 146. Every other day. 
 
 147. The top of the moun- 
 tain. 
 
 1 48. At the end of the third 
 
 book. 
 
 135. Campum itineris ficiem 
 
 putabant. 
 
 136. Hsec concionanti Mi- 
 
 nucio circumfundeba- 
 tur multitude. 
 
 137. Consul sedem condidit 
 
 Concordise. 
 
 138. Philotimus nullus ve- 
 nit. 
 
 139. Bella fortius quam fe- 
 licius gessit. 
 
 140. Caesar opinione celerius 
 
 veniet Cic ad Fam. 
 xiv. 23. 
 
 141. Prcelium atrocius erat 
 
 quam pro numero pug- 
 nantium Liv. xxi. 
 29. 
 
 142. Majus erat gaudiuin 
 
 quam quod homines 
 caperent Liv. xxxiii. 
 
 32. 
 
 143. Senectus est natura 
 
 loquacior Cic. de 
 Sen. xvi. 25. 
 
 144. Optimus quisque rnax- 
 im& posteritati servit 
 Cic. Tusc. i. 15, 35. 
 
 145. Quinto quoque anno. 
 
 146. Alternis diebus. 
 
 147. Summus rnons. 
 
 148. In extremo libro tertio 
 Cic. de Off. ii. 9. 
 
TABLE OF COMPARATIVE LATIN AND ENGLISH IDIOMS. 47 
 
 149. He is too strong to be 
 
 subdued. 
 
 1 50. Things contrary to each 
 
 other. 
 
 151. One interprets in one 
 
 way, another in an- 
 other. 
 
 152. Whether I wish or 
 
 no. 
 
 153. Venison. Lamb. Beef. 
 
 Pork. 
 
 154. 
 
 To be brief. 
 
 155. To send coal to New- 
 
 castle. 
 
 156. To make a humble 
 
 present to a superior. 
 
 157. To settle one difficulty 
 
 by raising another. 
 
 158. Within the memory of 
 
 man. 
 
 159. Since the foundation 
 
 of Carthage. 
 
 160. I find scarcely any- 
 
 thing to censure. 
 
 1 6 1. Who arn I that my 
 
 exploits should thus 
 be honoured ? 
 
 162. His object is to serve 
 
 his country. 
 
 163. One . . . the other. 
 One . . . another. 
 
 1 64. He is kind in suffering 
 you to depart. 
 
 149. Fortior est quani ut 
 devinci possit. 
 
 150. Kes inter se contrariae. 
 
 151. Alius alio modo inter- 
 
 pretatur. 
 
 152. Velim nolim. 
 
 153. Ferina. Agnina. Bu- 
 bula. Porcina [omit 
 caro~\. 
 
 154. Quid multa?) sub. 
 Quid plura ? ) dicam. 
 
 155. TXav/c sly *A0rjvas 
 Cic. Fam. ix. $,fin. 
 
 156. Assem elephanto dare 
 Quintil. vi. 3, 59. 
 
 157. Litem lite resolvere 
 
 Hor. Sat. ii. 3, 103. 
 
 158. Post hominum rnemo- 
 riam. 
 
 1 59. Post conditam Cartha- 
 
 ginem. 
 
 1 60. Vix invenio quod re- 
 
 prehendarn. 
 
 1 6 1. Quis sum cujus gesta 
 
 ita celebrentur ? 
 
 162. Id agit ut patrise in- 
 
 serviat. 
 
 163. Alter . . . alter. 
 Alius . . . alius [or 
 
 6 alter,' if another of 
 two only is meant]. 
 
 164. Benignus est qui te 
 
 prjficisci patiatur. 
 
LATIX PROSE COMPOSITION. 
 
 165. I doubt what I shall 
 
 place first, what in the 
 middle, what at the 
 end. 
 
 1 66. To sail doivn the 
 
 stream. 
 
 167. To advance up the 
 
 hill. 
 
 1 68. To run sideivays down 
 
 the hill. 
 
 169. I did this knowingly. 
 
 unwittingly. 
 
 170. Hercules as described 
 
 by Xenophon. 
 
 171. The Hector of the poet 
 
 Ncevius. 
 
 172. The disaster at Allia. 
 
 173. The battle of Cannce. 
 
 1 74. Dio of Syracuse. 
 
 175. The war with Mithri- 
 
 dates. 
 
 176. The rising of the slaves. 
 
 177. To play the first part. 
 
 second part. 
 
 178. Winter quarters. 
 
 179. A stationary camp. 
 
 1 80. He sent the most faith- 
 
 ful servant he pos- 
 sessed. 
 
 1 8 1 . To return a large estate 
 
 for assessment. 
 
 182. We ask favour of you. 
 
 183. To be taught Greek. 
 
 184. To be taught to ride 
 
 on horseback. 
 
 185. I am glad on both 
 
 grounds. 
 
 165. Dubito quid primum, 
 
 quid medium, quid 
 extremum ponam. 
 
 166. Secundo flumine navi- 
 
 gare. 
 
 167. In adversam colleni 
 
 subire. 
 
 1 68. Obi/ quo monte decur- 
 
 rere. 
 
 1 60. Prudens ), r . 
 . rhoc feci. 
 Imprudens ' 
 
 170. Hercules Xenophon- 
 
 teus. 
 
 171. Hector Ncevianus. 
 
 172. Glades A lliensis. 
 
 173. Pugna Cannensis. 
 
 174. Dio Syracusanus. 
 
 175. Bellum Mithridati- 
 
 cum. 
 
 176. Tumultus servilis. 
 
 177. Primas agerej sub. 
 Secimdas ) partes. 
 
 178. Hiberna ) , 
 
 c, .. \suo. castra. 
 
 179. Stativa * 
 
 1 80. Servum, quem habuit 
 fidelissimum, misit. 
 
 1 8 1. Magnum agri moduin 
 
 censeri. 
 
 182. Pacem te poscimus. 
 
 183. Doceri Graece; doceri 
 
 Graecis literis. 
 
 184. Doceri equo. 
 
 185. Utrumqne laetor, 
 
TABLE OF COMPARATIVE LATIN Ai\D ENGLISH IDIOMS. 49 
 
 186. I agree as to the rest. 
 
 'To make the same 
 
 boast. 
 To make the same 
 
 promise. 
 
 187. ' To make many pro- 187. j Multa polliceri. 
 
 raises. 
 
 To tell many false- 
 hoods. 
 
 188. He threw his troops 
 
 across the Ebro. 
 
 189. For the most part. 189. 
 
 190. I am sorry on your 190. 
 
 account. 
 
 191. In words of that kind. 
 
 192. A man of that age. 
 
 193. Nobody is hurt. 
 
 1 94. His good luck is envied. 
 
 195. I cannot be convinced. 
 
 T 8 6. Cetera assent.w. 
 
 fid em gloriari. 
 Idem polliceri. 
 
 Multa mentiri. 
 
 1 88. Iberum copias trajecit 
 
 Maximam partem. 
 Vicem tuam doleo. 
 
 191. 
 192. 
 
 '93 
 194. 
 195. 
 
 196. To whom is it an 
 
 vantage ? 
 
 197. To turn politics to pro fit. 
 
 198. To hold any* one in 
 
 contempt. 
 
 199. To deposit anything as 
 
 a pledge. 
 
 200. To sound a retreat. 
 
 20 1. To impute anything to 
 
 any one as commend- 
 able, honourable, dis- 
 graceful. 
 
 202. To be able to pay. 
 
 203. To be equal to the im- 
 
 post. 
 
 204. What is my friend 
 Celsus doing 't 
 
 In id genus verbis. 
 Homo id setatis. 
 Nernini nocetur. 
 Ej us fortunae in videtur. 
 Mihi persuaderi non 
 po+est. 
 ad- 196. Cui bono est ? 
 
 [publicam. 
 
 197. Habere quaesttii rem- 
 
 198. Contemptui aliquem 
 
 ducere. 
 
 1 99. Ponere aliquid pignori. 
 
 200. Canere receptui. 
 2Oi.-Laudi, honori, probro 
 
 vertere aliquid alicui. 
 
 202. Esse solvendo. 
 
 203. Oneri ferendo esse. 
 
 204. Quid mihi Celsus a git? 
 
 OF THE 
 
 TTTT T VP.T? ciT^-v 
 
LATIN PROSE COMPOSITION. 
 
 205. The city is situated on 
 
 the right side as you 
 enter the Corinthian 
 gulf. 
 
 206. To be at the mercy of 
 
 one man. 
 
 207. They were entirely de- 
 
 voted to persons, not 
 to causes. 
 
 208. He reduced Spain be- 
 
 neath the Roman 
 power. 
 
 209. It is the duty of a 
 consul. 
 
 It shows a clever man. 
 It is the part of a brave 
 man. 
 
 It is for children to 
 cry. 
 
 It demands wisdom. 
 Any man can be a fool. 
 
 210. Marcia, the wife of 
 
 Cato. 
 
 2 1 1 . Deiphobe, the daughter 
 
 of Grlaucus. 
 
 212. To Cicero's house. 
 
 213. 
 214 
 
 215. 
 
 At Cicero's. 
 From Cicero's. 
 
 You had better be 
 quiet. 
 
 217. In broad day. 
 
 218. From day to day. 
 ZIQ. Daily, day by day. 
 220. Day after day I am 
 
 waiting. 
 
 205. Sita est ea urbs dextra 
 
 parte sinum Corinthi- 
 acum intrantibus. 
 
 206. Unius hominis esse. 
 
 207. Hominum toti erant, 
 
 non caussarum. 
 
 208. HispaniamditionisRo- 
 
 manse fecit. 
 
 'A consul. 
 A clever man* 
 A brave man. 
 Children to 
 
 209. It is of- cry. 
 
 Wisdom. 
 Anyman[qui 
 vis! to be a 
 . fool. 
 
 210. Catonis Marcia. 
 
 211. Deiphobe Glauci. 
 
 212. Ad Cioeronem ; or, do- 
 
 mum ad Ciceronem. 
 
 2 1 3. Apud Ciceronem. 
 
 214. A Cicerone; or, a Ci- 
 cerone domo. 
 
 215. Quiesse erit inelius 
 
 Liv. iii. 48. 
 
 217. De die. 
 
 218. Diem de die. 
 
 219. In diem, in dies. 
 
 220. Diem ex die exspecto. 
 
TABLE OF COMIARAT1VE LATIN AXD ENGLISH IDIOMS. 51 
 
 221. It is all over with 
 him. 
 
 222. Safe and sound. 
 
 223. With plain mother- 
 
 wit. 
 
 224. Against the grain. 
 
 225. Let the cobbler stick 
 
 to his last. 
 
 226. This circumstance was 
 
 held providential. 
 
 227. With colours ftying [of 
 
 troops on a march]. 
 
 228. There was no alterna- 
 tive. 
 
 229. I take all that in good 
 part. 
 
 230. If you will do this, I 
 
 Will make the best of it. 
 
 231. To praise a man to his 
 
 face. 
 
 232. No sooner said than 
 
 done. 
 
 233. About 24 years of age. 
 
 234. More than 20 years old. 
 
 235. Less than 40 years 
 old. 
 
 221. Actum est de eo. 
 
 222. Sartus tectus Cic. 
 
 Fain. xiii. 50, 2. 
 
 223. Pingui or crassa Mi- 
 
 nerva Hor. S. ii. 2,3. 
 
 224. In vita Minerva, a 
 phrase explained by 
 Cic. Off. i. 3 1, as equi- 
 valent to adversante 
 natura. Comp. Hor. 
 A. P. 385. 
 
 225. Xe sutor supra crepi- 
 dam Plm. xxxv. 10, 
 
 36. 
 
 226. Ea res in religionem 
 versa est Liv. xxvi. 
 1 1. 
 
 227. Sub vexillis Liv. 
 xxvi. 1 1. 
 
 228. Nihil erat praaterea 
 
 Cic. ad Div. vii. 3. 
 
 229. Totum istuc aequibon 
 facio Cic. 
 
 230. Quod si feceris, boni 
 consulam Cic. 
 
 231. In os laudare aliquem 
 Ter. Adelph. ii. 4, 5. 
 
 232. Dictum ac factuin 
 
 Ter. And. ii. 3, ;, 
 Ac is often omitted. 
 
 233. Quatuor et viginti fer- 
 
 me annos natus. 
 
 234. Major annis viginti. 
 
 235. Minor armis quadra- 
 ginta, with or without 
 natu. 
 
 IS 2 
 
LATIX PROSE COMPOSITION. 
 
 236. He died four years 
 after I saw him. 
 
 236. 
 
 237. I saw him three days 
 before he died. 
 
 238. To translate literally. 
 
 rMortuus est quatuor 
 annis (or quadrien- 
 nio) postquam euro 
 vidi. 
 
 Mortuus est quarto 
 anno postquam eum 
 vidi. 
 
 Mortuus est quarto 
 anno quam eum vidi. 
 Mortuus est post 
 quattuor annos (or 
 post quadriennium) 
 quam eum vidi. 
 Mortuus est post 
 quartum annum 
 quam eum vidi. 
 fVidi eum tribus die- 
 bus (or triduo)ante- 
 quam mortuus est. 
 Vidi eum tertio die an - 
 tequam mortuus est. 
 Vidi eum ante tres 
 dies (or ante tridu- 
 um) quam mortuus 
 est. 
 
 Vidi eum ante ter- 
 tium diem quam 
 mortuus est. 
 238. Verbum de verbo ex- 
 primere, verbum ad 
 verbum exprimere 
 Cic. de Fin. iii. 4, 
 Tusc. D. iii. 19, Hor. 
 A. P. 133. The 
 phrase de verbo ad 
 verbum exprimere is 
 a barbarism Eunhk. 
 Dictat. in Ter. p. 180. 
 
 237- 
 
THE RHYTHM OF LATIN PROSE. C j 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 THE RHYTHM OF LATIN PROSE. 
 
 NONE but general rules can be given for the Ehythm of 
 Latin Prose composition : because, as I shall presently 
 attempt to show, it differs materially in the Epistolary, the 
 Didactic, the Oratorical, and the Historical style. 'Id qui- 
 dem perspicuuin est,' says Cicero, ; non omni causse, nee 
 auditori, neque persons, neque tempori congruere orationis 
 unum genus. Nam et causae capitis aliurn quemdam ver- 
 borum sonuin requirunt, alium rerum privatarum atque 
 parvarum: et aliud dicendi genus deliberations, aliud 
 laudationes, aliud judicia, aliud sermones, aliud disputatio, 
 aliud historia desiderat ' De Orat. iii. 55. Nor is the 
 rhythm either of history or of oratory uniform. ' Aliud 
 genus, 5 says Cicero, in reference to oratorical composi- 
 tion, c aliud genus e- * narrandi, aliud persuadendi, aliud 
 docendi ' Orator, 5 1 . 
 
 The rhythm of classical prose is founded upon the same 
 laws as the rhythm of classical poetry the laws of 
 ancient harmony ; but it is not subject to metrical rules. 
 ' Neque numerosa esse, ut poema,' says Tully, 'neque 
 extra -^meruin, ut sermo vulgi, esse debet oratio.' The 
 greatest writers and the greatest orators of antiquity 
 bestowed the nicest care on the modulation of their 
 periods. At the death of Plato, the first line of his 
 4 Republic ' was found in his study, with the words va- 
 riously disposed in seven different ways. In the hands of 
 professional rhetoricians, the study of harmony was carried 
 to excess : and Isocrates is censured both by Cicero* and 
 Quintilianf for his extreme anxiety to avoid collisions of 
 vowels at the end of one word and the beginning of 
 
 * CICERO, Orator, 44. t QriNT. x. ; 
 
$4 LAT1X THOSE COMPOSITION. 
 
 another, and to secure tlie even balance of the several 
 clauses of Iris periods. Cicero himself was the pupil of 
 several eminent rhetoricians, who were doubtless imbued 
 with a high sense of the value of their craft. His good 
 taste, however, conspicuously triumphed over the pedantry 
 of an excessive subtlety. He declares that the rules of 
 composition are rather sesthetical than artistic : that a 
 highly elaborate modulation will defeat itself, by suggest- 
 ing suspicions of design ; and he deprecates too fastidious 
 a pursuit of particular metrical* combinations, which, he 
 says, will spontaneously suggest themselves in the train of 
 composition, and will answer us without a summons. He 
 condescends, however, to give some general rules for the 
 structure of periods. The balance of proportion, he re 
 marks, must be observed in the arrangement of the clauses: 
 for if they are too short at the close of the sentence, the 
 roundness of the period is lost ; harsh elisions must be 
 shunned : the length of the sentence ought to vary with the 
 subject matter ; in history or oratory it terminates most 
 aptly with the verb : and euphony must be regarded in the 
 choice of words. In the ( de Oratore' (iii. 47-50), he 
 quotes, without any expression of his own opinion, Aris- 
 totle's doctrine, that a period ought not to close with two 
 or three short syllables, e. g. comprimlie that the last 
 syllable should usually be long, and that the concluding 
 feet should in general be the cretic" w ", the fourth pseon 
 ww ~, or the dactyl, anapaast, or spondee. In the ' Orator,' 
 however, where he gives his own opinion upon this point, 
 he declines to endorse Aristotle's recommendation with his 
 own authority, objecting to the spondeef as too heavy for 
 the close of a sentence, and also to the fourth pa3on,J and 
 preferring the cretic or the dactyl. He remarks, that a 
 Roman speaker was applauded for terminating a period 
 
 * De Oratore, iii. 49. t Orator, 64. J Ibid. 63. 
 
 Ibid. 64. ' Nilril interest, dactylus sit extremus an creticus; quia 
 postrema syllaba, brevis an longa sit, ne in versu quidem refert.' lie 
 forgets the anapaestic system. 
 
THE RHYTHM OF LATIN PROSE. 55 
 
 with these words: 'filii temeritas comprobdvltS Now, it 
 the order of words had been changed, he says, and 
 temeritds, a fourth pa3on, placed at the end, the effect 
 would have been lost : ' etsi temeritas ex tribus brevibus et 
 longa est : quern Aristoteles ut optimum probat ; a quo 
 dissent io ' Orator, 63. There is nothing singular in this : 
 for even the Roman poets, when professedly imitating 
 Grecian models, were no servile copyists of Grecian modu- 
 lation. Thus, in Sapphic verse, Horace avoids the trochee, 
 which Sappho had admitted, in the second foot : any 
 Valckenaer (on ' Phceni-ssce') shows that Virgil employs 
 the Bucolic* hexameter far less frequently in his Eclogues 
 than Theocritus his model in his Idyls. 
 
 Cicero remarks, that monotony should be carefully 
 avoided at the close of sentences : since the ear is then 
 most sensibly alive to the tedium of monotony and the 
 charm of variety. The hexametrical ending that of a 
 dactyl and spondee was studiously avoided by Cicero,f 
 who invariably writes * esse videatur ' instead of ' es-se 
 videtur,' at the close of a sentence. It was held, indeed, 
 a grave defect to perpetrate a verse, even inadvertently : 
 4 Versus,' says Tully, 'ssepe in oratione per imprudentiam 
 dicimus : quod vehementer est vitiosum: sed non attendi- 
 mus, neque exaudimus nosmetipsos.' He adds, that it is 
 often difficult to avoid iambics, because the current of 
 ordinary conversation was so apt to fall into that metre; 
 but hexameters and anapaests, many of which, he says, 
 were found by Hieronymus in the works of lacerates, he 
 strongly reprobates Orator, 56. It is remarkable, that 
 the first line of the Annals of Tacitus is an hexameter 
 verse: doubtless undesignedly on the author's part. There 
 are, however, four other instances of this in Tacitus. 
 
 * Wherein the fourth foot is a dactyl terminating with a word. 
 
 t The malicious author of the ' De Oratoribus Dialoi/usf wrongly 
 ascribed to Tacitus, is much amused with this : * Nolo irridere " rotam 
 fortunne," et "jus Verrinum," et illud, tertio quoquesensu in omnibus 
 orntionibus pro bententiu positum, u esse videatur/' ' cap. xxiii. 
 
56 LATIX PROSE COMPOSITION. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 HISTORICAL AND ORATORICAL STYLES. 
 
 QUINTILIAN (Inst. Orat. x. i) thus distinguishes the 
 styles of History and Oratory : 
 
 4 Historia quoque alere orationem quodam molli jucun- 
 doque succo potest. Verum et ipsa sic est legenda, ut 
 sciamus plerasque ejus virtutes oratori esse vitandas. Est 
 enim proxima poetis, et quodammodo carmen solutum : 
 et scribitur ad narrandum, non ad probandum : totnmque 
 opus non ad actum rei pugnamque praesentein, sed ad me- 
 raoriarn posteritatis et ingenii faraam componitur ; ideoque 
 et verbis liberioribus et remotioribus figuris narrandi 
 toedium evitat. Itaque, ut dixi, neque ilia Sallustiana 
 brevitas, qua nihil apud aures vacuas atque eruditas potest 
 esse perfectius, apud occupatum variis cogitationibus ju- 
 dicem, et saepius ineruditum, captanda nobis est : neque 
 ilia Livii hictea ubertas satis docebit eum, qui non speciem 
 expositionis sed fidem quaerit. Adde quod M. Tullius 
 ne Thucydidem quidem aut Xenophontem utiles oratori 
 putat, quanquam ilium bellicum can ere, hujus ore Musas 
 esse locutas existimet. Licet tamen nobis in digressioni- 
 bus uti historico quodarn nitore, duin in iis, de quibus erit 
 quaestio, meminerimus non athletarum toros, se<l militum 
 iacertos esse: nee versicolorem illam qua Demetrius Pha- 
 lereus dicebacur uti, vestem bene ad forensem pulverem 
 facere.' 
 
 Cicero (Orator, 61, 62) approves an ornate and elabo- 
 rate style, such as that of Isocrates, in historical composi- 
 tion ; but he adds, that it is often out of place in oratory, 
 and especially in the argumentative and pathetic portions 
 of a speech, where a highly wrought and studied diction 
 is fatal to reality, and destroys confidence, by suggesting 
 
OF 1 
 
 tnST 
 HISTORICAL AND ORATORICAL STYLES. 
 
 the suspicion of artifice employed to mislead. He enter- 
 tains, however, no objection to an elaborate and ornamental 
 style in panegyric, peroration, amplification, and also in 
 the descriptive* or historical portions of a speech, whenever 
 the latter demand more dignity than pathos. The histo- 
 rical merits of Thucydides he regards as consisting rather 
 in the substance than in the stylef of his work : the latter 
 he holds deficient in point of modulation ; while he con- 
 demns the speeches, on the ground of their obscurity, as 
 models of what an orator ought to avoid (Orator, 9). 
 Thucydides, says Tully, had many imitators, who, like all 
 copyists, imitated his faults and not his virtues, and who, 
 like Sallust a great admirer of the Attic historian mis- 
 took elliptical expression for pregnancy and condensation. 
 Independently of his extreme brevity and occasional ob- 
 scurity, Sallust cannot be regarded as an unexceptionable 
 model of a Latin historical style. His diction, indeed, is 
 often terse and always elaborate ; but it is disfigured by a 
 grotesque affectation of archaic words and inflections : his 
 ^periods are very curt, and almost wholly destitute of that 
 harmonious roll and varied modulation of which Livy is so 
 consummate a master ; justly provoking the well-known 
 censure of Seneca against his ' Amputate sententise et 
 verba ante expectation cadentia' Ep. 114. As regards 
 the collocation of words, the historical and oratorical styles 
 
 * He illustrates this from the * Zm/efes iSfc-4/zVe/ in his speech against 
 Verres, Book II., and from the description of Syracuse, in the 4th 
 Book. 
 
 t Cicero (Orator, 44) expresses his surprise that Plato was not 
 more careful than Thucydides to avoid harsh collisions of vowels in 
 the l Funeral Speech ' in the l MenejcenmJ though he admits that so 
 elaborate a study of harmony is uncongenial to the familiar tone of 
 the Platonic Dialogues, and is very rightly avoided therein. It is 
 strange he should not have been aware that the speech in the 
 * Menexen-m* was intended as a caricature of the style of Thucydides, 
 end especially of the Funeral Oration of Pericles in Book II. The 
 well-known Thucydidean opposition of Aojoc; and tpyoi', Idiq and 
 viipoaiy, is pointedly travestied in the very first sentence. 
 
58 LATIN PROSE COMPOSITION 
 
 agree in this, that their periods are usually closed with the 
 verb : but the construction of the sentences in the latter 
 is more simple, and the dependent clauses are carefully 
 guarded against any risk of obscurity that might arise 
 from involution ; for the clearest perspicuity is, if possible, 
 even more essential in oratory than it is in history. 
 
 The student of history, says Cicero, can read over a 
 sentence a second time, if he does not understand it ; 
 whereas the meaning of a speaker, once lost, is lost for 
 ever. Historical composition especially demands variety 
 in propositions containing statements of time. Livy, as I 
 have explained at p. 20, resorts to three expedients to vary 
 the expression of time. The period which I have there 
 quoted is a fair specimen of his narrative style ; but, owing 
 to its length, and the intricacy of its clauses, it is unsuited 
 to the purposes of a speaker, and can hardly be paralleled 
 in any of the orations of Cicero. 
 
 The use of ' the Historical Present,' for the purpose oi 
 dramatising the description of past events, is common to 
 history, and to the historical or narrative parts of oratory. 
 
 That species of pleonasm which consists in the repetition 
 or accumulation of words, in order to give force and em- 
 phasis to the ideas of a speaker, is, of course, much more 
 frequent in oratory than in history ; e. g. aversari et ex- 
 sewari : oro atque obtestor: agitatar et perterretur Furi- 
 arum twdis ardentibus. The climax, where the gradation 
 is most emphatic, is a well-known oratorical figure : e. g. 
 Abiit: excessit : evasit : erupit Cic. in Cat.iL i, of the 
 flight of Catiline. 
 
 In Livy, the narrative is most elaborate in point of com- 
 position : he there alters the natural order of words, for 
 the purposes of ornament and euphony, to a greater extent 
 than is usual in the speeches of Cicero. But one of the 
 principal charms of Livy is the happy adaptation of his 
 style to the ever-varying phases of his subject. He is not, 
 like a certain modern historian, always upon stilts. He 
 sustains or relaxes at will the grave and dignified tone of 
 
HISTORICAL AND ORATORICAL STYLES. 59 
 
 Roman history; and ever and anon his narrative is relieved 
 by short descriptive passages, the very models of sim- 
 plicity in style and diction. Thus, the elaborate account 
 of the passage of the Alps by Hannibal concludes with 
 the following allusion to the scenery at the foot of the 
 mountains : 
 
 'Inferioravalles et apricos quosdam colles habent, rivos- 
 que prope silvas et jam humano cultu digniora loca. Ibi 
 jumenta in pabulum missa, et quies muniendo fessis homi- 
 nilms data triduo. Inde ad planum descensum, etiam locis 
 mollioribus et accolarum ingeniis ' xxi. 37. 
 
 The words are here arranged almost in their natural 
 order, and very much as they would stand in English. 
 His style varies no less remarkably in the speeches inter- 
 woven with the thread of his history. Euphony is always 
 studied in the arrangement of the words ; but perspicuity is 
 also a prominent feature of the composition, the sentences 
 frequently ending with a dependent clause, when the 
 finite verb is far removed from its subject, or when the 
 number and arrangement of the intermediate clauses would 
 endanger obscurity, if the principal finite verb were to 
 terminate the period. 
 
 II. THE EPISTOLARY STYLE. 
 
 Ease, simplicity, and freedom, and the absence of any 
 semblance of meditation or design, are the main character- 
 istics of Cicero's epistolary style. Accordingly, the words 
 are generally arranged nearly in their grammatical order ; 
 the verb is rarely placed at the end of a sentence, which 
 repeatedly terminates with a subordinate or dependent 
 clause. The following extract, taken at random from Tully's 
 Letters to Atticus, Lib. xi. Ep. 25, will exemplify this; 
 
 ' Facile assentior tuis literis ; quibus exponis pluribus 
 verbis, nullum te habere consilium, quo a te possim juvari. 
 Consolatio certe nulla est, quse levare possit dolorern 
 meum.' 
 
 This is especially the case in the more easy and familiar 
 
60 LATIN PROSE COMPOSITION. 
 
 letters, such as those addressed to Trebatius. Even in 
 more important communications, however, as Zumpt has 
 shown, the style is generally characterised by the same 
 attributes. He specifies a ' passage in Cicero's letter to 
 Lucceius (ad Fain. v. 12), which is written with great care, 
 but purposely with the ease and frankness of a man of the 
 world : genus enim scriptorum taorum, etsi erat semper a 
 me vehementer expectatum, tamen vicit opinionem meam, 
 meque ita vel cepit vel incendit, ut cuperem quam celer- 
 rime res nostras monumentis commendari tuis. In a 
 narrative it would be expressed thus : genus enim scrip- 
 torum Lucceii, etsi semper ab eo vehementer expectatum 
 erat, tawien opinionem ejus ita vicit, ut quam celerrime 
 res suas illius monumentis illustrari cuperet ' SCHMITZ'S 
 Zumpt, p. 528. 
 
 A familiar style is usually elliptical ; and in Tully's letters 
 we constantly find such omissions as the absence of the 
 verb substantive, the copulative conjunctions, etc. 
 
 ' The epistolary style in Latin,' says Madvig, ' has this 
 peculiarity, that the writer often has in his eye the time 
 when the letter will be read, and therefore, instead of the 
 present and perfect, uses the imperfect and pluperfect 
 \ here the receiver would use these tenses, viz. of that 
 which is said with reference to the time of writing : nihil 
 habebam quod scriberem ; neque enim novi quidquam 
 audieram et ad tuas omnes epistolas rescripseram pridie ; 
 erat tamen rumor, comitia dilatum iri Cic. ad Alt. 
 ix. 10. On the contrary, everything which is said in general 
 terms, and without particular reference to the time of com- 
 posing the letter, must be put in the usual tense ; Ego te 
 maximi et fed et facio. Pridie Idus Januarias kite 
 scripsi ante lucem (simply of the letter written thus far, 
 which was afterwards continued ; the receiver would say, 
 Hcec Cicero scripsit ante lucem) ; eo die eram coenaturus 
 apud PomponiumCic. ad Q. Fr. ii. 3. The other form, 
 too, is frequently not used when it might have been 
 adopted ' Latin Grammar, p. 295. 
 
HISTORICAL AND ORATORICAL STYLES. 6 1 
 
 II L THE DIDACTIC STYLE. 
 
 In this branch of composition, Cicero's style varies mate- 
 rially, in harmony with the character of his theme. Thus, 
 the treatise ' De Officiis? written in the form of a letter to 
 his son, is pervaded by an uniform simplicity of style and 
 structure. In the ' Tusculan Disputations? the exordium 
 is ornate and elaborate ; the brief dialogue, or rather the 
 cross-examination of the ' Auditor,' by Cicero, at 5, terse 
 and colloquial : in the 'De Oratore? the diction is elaborate 
 throughout, taking its tone and colour from the topic under 
 discussion : while in the 'De Naturd DeorumJ the most 
 florid and poetical exuberance adorns those phases of the 
 subject, to which such qualities of style are congenial. 
 
 Such, especially, is the exposition of the argument from 
 design, drawn from the Constitution of the World, particu- 
 larly the beautiful passage commencing at ch. xxxix. B. II. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 ON THE STYLE OF TACITUS. 
 
 IN pfcint of Style, Tacitus has no pretensions to rival 
 Livy ; but as passages are frequently set both in schools 
 and universities for translation in his style, which has 
 peculiar merits of its own, I here subjoin a sketch of its 
 most salient characteristics, condensed from the valuable 
 'Lexicon Taeiteum,' of Botticher. It may also be useful 
 in pointing out to the notice of students many peculiarities 
 of expression and of structure which they ought to avoid, 
 unless specially enjoined to imitate the style of Tacitus. 
 
 Independently of the large proportion of words which 
 are peculiar to Tacitus, and of those which are used by 
 him in a peculiar sense, the chief characteristics of his 
 
62 LATIN PROSE COMPOSITION 
 
 style may be classified with Botticher under the following 
 heads: I. Peculiar syntactical usages. II. The expedients 
 to which he resorts to give i. Variety; 2. Brevity; 3. A 
 Poetical colouring, to his style. 
 
 I. SYNTACTICAL USAGES. GENITIVE CASE. Peculiar use 
 of the objective genitive ; e.g. Nostrl origo : nostri initia. 
 Use of the genitive to express what is customary, e.g. 
 Ojfitia venerantium, i.e. quee praestari solent ab iis qui 
 venerantur. Supplicia civium, i.e. quibus cives affici 
 solent. Use of the genitive with relative adjectives and 
 participles, e.g. Versus animi primus luendce pcence 
 segnis occasionum temper uns potestatis, etc. Peculiar 
 use with certain verbs, such as monere, urgere, adipiscL 
 
 ABLATIVE. Omission of the preposition, e.g. trecenti 
 opibus [ex op. secundum op.] aut sapientta ddecti. Un- 
 usual use of the ablative in the phrase, 'fnvidere alicui 
 aliqud re.' 
 
 ACCUSATIVE. Omission of preposition, e.g. Involare cas- 
 tra, scenam incedere. Singular constructions, e.g. Pan- 
 noniam prcesidere, Germani regnantur [implying the 
 legitimacy of the construction, regnare Germanos]. Con- 
 stant use of the prepositions ad and in in such phrases as 
 the following : ad proesens, in falsum aucjere, etc. etc. 
 cunctante ad ea Mithridate. Iceta in rempublicam munia. 
 
 DATIVE. Use of subjective dative with verbs passive, 
 instead of the ablative with the preposition a; e.g. Nox 
 Neroni per vinolentiam trahebatar. 
 
 ADJECTIVE. Absolute or pregnant sense of the relative 
 adjective; e.g. Per alios gesta avidus intercepit, i.e. per 
 aviditatem gloriae. Constant use of neuter adjectives in- 
 stead of substantives, with genitives ; e. g. asperrimo hy- 
 emis, extrema imperii, vana rumoris, dubia prcvliorum. 
 Poetical use of adjectives for adverbs; e.g. Occulti Icvtantiir, 
 aderat cltus equo, subitus irrupiL Peculiar use of com- 
 parative adjectives; e. g. Vehementius quam cautb, i.e. 
 cautius, quanta inopina tanto majora, etc. 
 
THE STYLE OF TACITUS. 63 
 
 PRONOUNS. Omission of personal and relative pronouns : 
 
 e.g. Si vellet imperium, promptos [se] ostentavere. Gnarus 
 
 prceferocem [earn esse]. P'iso pontifex, rarum [id quod 
 
 erat] in tanta claritudine, fato obiit. 
 
 VERB. The absolute use of the verb is very common 
 
 in Tacitus ; e. g. Expedire, i. e. Expeditionern suscipere. 
 
 Ducere for sortiri, etc. 
 
 TENSES. Imperfect for pluperfect; Quod nisi proper^ 
 
 subvenisset, amissa Britannia foret. 
 
 MOODS. Prevalent affectation of the indicative for sub- 
 junctive, for the sake of effect; e.g. Trudebantur in pa- 
 
 ludem, ni Gcesar instruxisset. Ni properavisset, verier at 
 pernicies/in accusatorem. Prope in prcelium exarsere, 
 ni admonuisset. And even in the oratio obliqua ; e. g. 
 Se cum cohorte, cui prceerat, Canninefatem tumultum 
 compressurum. 
 
 Use of subjunctive to express disposition, necessity ; e.g. 
 
 Tiberio etiam in rebus quas non occuleret obscura 
 verba. 
 
 His use of infinitives as substantives is not confined, as 
 it is in good prose writers, to the nominative and accusa- 
 tive cases:* he constantly uses the historical infinitive 
 after particles, both demonstrative and copulative, and 
 commingled with finite verbs: e.g. Ann. iii. 26, xii. 51 ; 
 Hist. iii. 10 : ubi crudescere seditio, et ad manits trans- 
 ibani." ^-The infinitive is also employed with many verbs 
 instead of the particles, c ut,' ' ne,' ' quominus,' 4 quod ' ; 
 e.g. Pepigere fraudem inimicorum uLcisci Ann. xiii. 19 : 
 Paridem impulit ire propere ; xi. 34 : Instabat Narcissus 
 aperire ambages, i. e. postulabat ut aperirentur. 
 
 PARTICIPLE. Tacitus imitates the Greek use of the 
 participle; e.g. Incusabatur facile toleraturus exsilium, 
 legiones secuturce spcrabantur. He uses it absolutely 
 for the substantive ; e. g. Prcesidentes. He also uses the 
 participle perfect passive with more freedom than other 
 
 * See Key, Lat. Gram. 1232. 
 
64 LATIN PROSE COMPOSITION. 
 
 classical authors, for the abstract substantive; e.g. Cum 
 occisus Dictator Ccesar pulcherrimum f acinus videretur. 
 
 The ablat. abs. is also used with much more latitude 
 by Tacitus than by Livy, Sallust, or Cicero: e.g. where 
 the paiticiple of the verb substantive \_&v\ must often be 
 understood; e.g. Incipere oppugnationem arduum, et 
 nuUo juxta subsidio anceps. Suffedsse olim indigenas 
 consanguineis populis ; i.e. cum consanguinei essent Ro- 
 manis Italise populi. Juxta periculoso ficta sen vera 
 promeret. Dedit jura queis pace et principe uteremur. 
 Compare his use of the ablative without the governing 
 participle ; e.g. Juvenis conscientia [ductus] cunctabatur. 
 The absolute use of the pass. part, without the substantive 
 is far more frequent in Tacitus than in the other classics ; 
 e.g. Adjecto, cowperto, intellecto, cognito, audito, explor- 
 ato, nuntiato, qucesito, pensitato, prcedicto, wedito, re- 
 petito 9 disceptato, interdicto, etc. etc. 
 
 Anastrophe is more common in Tacitus than in other 
 writers ; e.g. Sedes inter Vestalium Viam Miseni propter 
 Ripam ad Euphratis Uxore ab Octavia Vanescente 
 quamquam plebis ira. 
 
 II. i. Tacitus eloquently complains of the monotonous 
 unvarying aspect of the events he was called upon to de- 
 scribe (Ann. iv. 32); and one of the characteristics of his 
 style is the variety which he contrives to impart to the 
 detail of scenes, which, in the dreary annals of despotism, 
 were continually revolving in the same orbit. 
 
 Suicide is a prominent figure in the records of the 
 Imperial regime: and Tacitus relieves the tedium of his 
 readers by giving the gloomy picture lie is compelled to 
 portray the advantage of every variety of shade and co- 
 lour. The diversified phrases wherewith he chequers the 
 details of suicide, fill a page in Botticher : but the follow- 
 ing may serve as a specimen. Ann. vi. 6 1 : Suo ictu mortem 
 invenire. 40 : Finem vitce sibi ponere. Voluntario exitu 
 cadere. 38 : Vim vitce su(u adferre. 30 : Se vita privare 
 
THE STYLE OF TACITUS. 65 
 
 iv. 35 : Vitam abstinentid finire. vi. 23 : Eyestate cibi 
 peri mi. 9 : Senili manu ferrum t entire. 
 
 The same effort is observable in the studied variety 
 with which he paints the most familiar topics, e.g. the ap- 
 proach of evening, which he rarely touches twice with the 
 same pencil. Ann. xv. 60 : Propinqud vesper d. i. 16: 
 Flexo in vesperam die. Vesperascente die. Inumbrante 
 vespera. Prcecipiti in occasum die. Extremo die. Sero 
 diei. Obscuro diei. 
 
 He seems purposely to avoid uniformity of structure i 
 but whether in (nutation of Thucydides a fallacy so 
 common even in the days of Cicero or, as Botticher 
 believes, to give variety to his diction, may be left to 
 critics to decide. E.g. Ann. i. 62 : Seu in deterius trahenti 
 sive credebat. iii. 30 : Fato potential an satias capit. 
 xiii. 47 : Socors ingenium ejus in contrarium trahens 
 callidumque interpretando. 
 
 There is, however, abundant scope for the illustration of 
 this feature of Tacitus' style in the highly diversified struc- 
 ture and cadence of his periods, and in the wide compass 
 of his vocabulary, which not only includes a large number 
 of words peculiar to himself, but also many of the age of 
 Cicero, which he uses in a peculiar and sometimes a meta- 
 phorical and pregnant sense. A single example will suffice. 
 The signification of the word adducere in the phrase 
 AdduC&re habenas, common to Ciceio and authors of the 
 golden age, is thus developed by Tacitus: Adductwm 
 [i.e. severum, rigidum] et quasi virile servitium Ann. xii. 
 7. Familiaritate juvenili et rursus adductus xiv. 4. 
 
 2. BREVITY. Instances of what is termed the ' preg- 
 nant' construction of words constantly occur in Tacitus. 
 This nervous energy and condensation is one of the finest 
 qualities of his style, but it often degenerates into obscu- 
 rity. A few examples will illustrate this attribute of the 
 diction of Tacitus. Hist. ii. 32 : ( Clausam Alpibus et nullo 
 maris subsiato Transpadanam Italiam.' Ann. i. 59: 
 * Artninium rapta usor, subjwtus servitio uxoris 
 
66 LATIX PROSE COMPOSITION. 
 
 vecordem agebant,' i.e. uxor gravida et partus quern erat 
 editura. xi. 3 : 4 Tantum illi securitatis novissimce fuit,' 
 i.e. tantiim in supremis quoque securitatis prre se tulit. 
 11.40: * Pericula polliceri,' ^ e - societatem periculoruin. 
 i. 57 : ' Victa in lacrymasj i.e. ut lacrymas effunderet. 
 
 His works abound with illustrations of what gramma- 
 rians call the figure ' Syllepsis,' a figure adopted for the 
 purposes of ornament and effect : e. g. c Donee ira et dies 
 permansit.' ' Quia dissimulationem nox et lascivia exem- 
 erat.' * Mixti copiis et Icetitid.' ( Germania, a Sarmatis 
 mutuo metu ant montibu.s separata.' 'Tribuni cum ter- 
 rore et aimatorum catervis volitabant.' Such phrases as 
 * In medium relinquam,' i.e. in dubium vocatum in medio 
 relinquam, ( Aderant semisomnos in barbarosj come 
 within the scope of c Syllepsis,' and are thoroughly 
 Tlmcydidean. 
 
 The same love of condensation is betrayed in his fre- 
 quent use of the figure ' Zeugma,' e.g. Ann. vi. 21 : 'Turn 
 complexus eum Tiberius pvcescium periculorum [essefate- 
 tur] et incolumem fore grataturS 24: ' Ut quemadmodum 
 nurumfiliumque [interfecisset], domumque omnem ccedi- 
 btis complevisseV 
 
 His study of Brevity is, however, still more conspicuous 
 in his fondness for elliptical expression ; a species of 
 ellipse very different from that which is so appropriate to 
 the colloquial tone of Plautus and Terence, and of Cicero's 
 letters. It is employed by Tacitus to give energy and 
 condensation to his style, and to distinguish it from the 
 more homely sphere of ordinary prose. 
 
 Ellipse of: a. Nouns. Papia Poppcea [lex] : Postero 
 [die] : ad duodecimum [lapidem] : Laureatce [literae] : 
 Apicata Sejani [uxor] : Pretium est [operoe], 
 
 @. Finite Verb. Hist. ii. 29 : < Ut vero deformis et flens 
 ]>vocessit,gaudium,miseratio,favor' [populi ora vanabant], 
 
 7. Posse, facwe, agere, vereri, venire, se conferre, are 
 omitted. Ann. xiii. 14 : ' Artaxata solo aequata sunt quia 
 cec teneri [poterant], nee id nobis virium erat.' Ayria, 
 19: ' Xihil per libertos servosnue publicae rei' rectum]. 
 
THE STYLE OF TACITUS. 67 
 
 6. Verbs relating to the Senses. e. g. Ann. i. 7 : ( Vul- 
 tuq.ue composite, ne Iccti [viderentur] excessu principis,' 
 etc. Agric. 33 : ' Jamque agmina et armorum fulgores 
 audentissimi cuj usque procursu' [conspiciebantur]. 
 
 s. Prepositions and particles are constantly left to be 
 supplied. e.g. Ann. iii. 40: [Incertum est] fato potentias 
 raro sempiternae, an [quia] satias capit. Quod, cum [se- 
 quente turn], licet, magis, tantum, eo, potius, alii, hinr 9 
 primum, modo, aliquando, ut, ita, tamen, sed, are in 
 many passages ellipsed. 
 
 3. In dealing only with grammatical peculiarities, it is 
 impossible to give any adequate idea of the poetical spirit 
 which animated the writings of Tacitus. Eotticher, in a 
 passage of much eloquence, shows that Tacitus, in the 
 style, the sentiment, and tone of his composition, stands 
 in much the same relation to the great masters of ancient 
 tragedy as Herodotus, who was termed the Homer of 
 History, did to the epic muse of Greece. 
 
 The poetical colouring of his style, so far as it admits of 
 exposition from mere verbal criticism, may be illustrated 
 from : a. The poetic (chiefly metonymic) signification of 
 his words : /3. His lavish use of Graecisms : 7. His style 
 of expression. 
 
 a. E.g. Demissus, i.e. originem trahens. Cf. Virgil: f De- 
 missaeque ab Jove gentis,' etc., fiducia de homine fiduciae 
 ciiussa: "Hist. ii. 4: 'Titus ingens rerum fiducia accessit 
 Sinister, i.e. Malus, Annas, i.e. proventus anni. His 
 frequent use of the abstract for the concrete, e.g. aiixilia, 
 vigilice, militicemilites Hist. iii. 18. So also remigium, 
 clientelcv, servitium, exsilium ['plenum exsiliis mare,' 
 Hist, i, 2]. His use of substantives for adjectives, e.g. 
 Spectator populus Domus regnatrix Corruptor ani- 
 mus Victor exercitus Bellator equus. 
 
 fi. The Greek structure was imitated by the Romans in 
 poetry chiefly : thus Horace adopts Graecisms in his Odes, 
 but discards them in the Satires, which he terms ' Ser- 
 moni propiora.' It is thus imitated by Tacitus : 
 
 F 2 
 
68 LATIN PROSE COMPOS JTIOX. 
 
 1. Grenitive with relative adjectives and participles 
 | a7iYU9 dppevcov TratScwi/], e.g. Fallax amicitice veins operis 
 ac laboris morum non spernendus insolens obsequii 
 atrox odii manifestus delicti. 
 
 2. Accusative, e.g.Contectushumeros nudus brachia 
 oAlevari animum. 
 
 3. Dative in place of the ablative with a preposition 
 [\s\sKTai pot], an usage frequent among the Latin poets : 
 e.g. 'Barbarus hie ego sum, quia non intelligor ulli* 
 Ovid. Cf. Tacitus, Ann. xi. 29 : ( Callistus jam mihi circs 
 necem C. Caesaris narratus.' 
 
 4. Adjectives for substantives : e. g. * Populi Romani 
 prospera vel adversa* 'feminae illustres informia medi- 
 tari' * diverso terrarum distineri.' These neuter adjec- 
 tives are more frequently joined with genitives in Tacitus 
 than by any other prose writer, e.g. Incerta belli sab- 
 jecta, camporum. 
 
 5. Adjectives are frequently used by him for adverbs, as 
 by the Latin poets Ann. iv. 12: 'Domum Germanici re- 
 virescere occulti ketabantur.' 
 
 6. Peculiar use of the participle: e.g. Invito, nolenti, 
 cupienti mihi est Ann. i. 59 : ' Ut quibusque bellum in- 
 vitis aut cvpientibus erat [a^Oofjbsvois f) ^o^vois r)v~\. 
 
 7. Style of expression: e.g. Equestris procella dira 
 quies in limine belli marcentem pacem nutrire. In- 
 animate objects are represented poetically as endued with 
 life : e.g., Ann. \. 79 : ' Quin ipsum Tiberim nolle prorsus 
 accolis fluviis orbatum minore gloria fluere.' Germ. 27 : 
 6 Sepulchrum ccespes erigit.' Ann. i. 3 1 : ' Multa seditionis 
 ora vocesque.' 
 
 What grammarians call ' Temporis prosopopoeia,' is 
 common in Tacitus: e.g. Ann. vi. 51 : 'Moruin quoque 
 tempora illi diversa: egregium vita famaque [tempus], 
 quoad privatus fuit; occultum ac subdolumfingendis vir- 
 tutibus, donee Grermanicus ac Drusus superfuere.' xiii. 37 : 
 ' Nox eadem necem Britannici et rogum conjunxit.' Agric* 
 22. 'Tertius expeditiouum annns novas gentes aperuit.' 
 
EXERCISES. 
 
 PAET I. 
 EXERCISE I. 
 
 NO case 1 was for 2 three years decided 3 save at 4 this man's 
 nod: no man's property was so sacred by descent 
 from father 5 and grandfather, 5 that it 6 was not alienated 7 
 from him under this man's administration. Enormous 
 sums were exacted from the property of the farmers by a 
 novel and nefarious system ; 8 Eoman citizens were tortured 
 and slain like slaves ; men the most criminal were exempted 
 from trial* through bribery ; men the most honourable and 
 upright, prosecuted 10 during their absence, 11 were con- 
 demned and banished unheard : harbours the most strongly 
 fortified, cities of the greatest size and strength, 1 ' 2 were ex- 
 posed to pirates and robbers; the sailors and soldiers of 
 the Sicilians, our allies and friends, were starved to death; 13 
 the finest fleets on the most important stations 14 were lost 
 and destroyed, to 15 the great disgrace of the Eoman people. 
 This same man, (while) praetor, plundered and stripped, 
 without one exception, the most ancient monuments, 
 partly those of the richest kings, which they designed to 
 be an ornament 17 to their cities ; partly those of our own 
 generals, which they either gave or restored [as] conquerors 
 to the Sicilian states. And this he did not only in (the 
 
 1 Res. 2 Per. s Judico. 4 Ad. C5 Patrius-avitus. 
 
 6 Qui. Pref. I. 8 (g). 7 Abjudico. 8 Institution. B Judicio 
 liberari. 10 Reus fieri. n Adjective. 12 Lit., < the greatest 
 
 and the safest.' l3 Lit,, ' killed with hunger.' 14 Opportunns, 
 
 agreeing with < fleets.' l5 Cum. 16 Lit., ' all ;' the word, being 
 emphatic, closes the sentence. 17 Dative of ' the purpose.' 
 
70 PART I. EXERCISE I. 
 
 case of) public statues and ornaments, but even plundered 
 all the temples, consecrated with the most sacred rites- 
 in short, he left not one deity to the Sicilians, whose 12 
 image appeared to him to be executed* 9 with unusual skill, 
 and in the ancient style. 21 
 
 18 Denique. 19 Pref. I. 8 (m, 7). 20 Factus. 2l Artificmm. 
 
 II. 
 
 You have frequently heard me complaining of the ex- 
 travagance 1 of women, and also of men ; and not only of 
 men in 'private life* but of magistrates : (complaining) 
 that the state suffers 3 from two vices, avarice and luxury 
 scourges which have overturned all great empires. In 
 proportion as 4 the fortunes of the state become every day 
 more prosperous and flourishing, 5 and its dominion in- 
 creases and we are now crossing the seas into Greece 
 and Asia, replete with all the incentives to pleasure, 6 and 
 are even appropriating 7 the treasures of kings the more 
 do I dread lest these advantages 8 may rather have taken 
 us captive, than we them. I have long heard 9 too many 
 praising and admiring the ornaments of Corinth and 
 Athens, and laughing at the clay images 10 of the Roman 
 gods affixed to our walls. 11 Within the recollection of 
 our fathers, Pyrrhus tampered with the loyalty 19 not only 
 of the men, but of the women, by means of presents. The 
 Oppian law, to 14 restrain the luxury of women, had not 
 then been passed ; 15 yet no Roman lady accepted (those 
 presents). What do you imagine to have been the reason ? 
 The reason was the same as that which 16 our ancestors had 
 
 1 Sumptus, plural. 2 Privati. s Laboro, with ablative. 
 
 4 Quo. 5 Lsetus. 6 Libidines, objective genitive. 7 Attreeto. 
 8 Res. 9 Present. ' The present is often used of that which has 
 
 endured a long time, and still continues ; especially with jam dm, 
 jfimduflum, jam] e. g. Annum jam audis Cratippmn/ Cic. de Off. I. 
 Madvig, L. G. 334. 10 Fictile. n Antefixus. 12 < In the 
 
 memory.' 1S Animos ten to. 14 Ad, with the gerundive of 
 
 coerceo. 15 Participle of feror. 1G Qui. 
 
PART I. EXERCISE II. 
 
 JOT enact ing }7 no law upon this point. 18 There was no 
 luxury to 19 be restrained. As it is necessary that diseases 
 be known before their remedies ; so cupidity is born before 
 the laws which 20 are to moderate it. What, but the intense 
 passion 21 for adding estate to estate, 22 evoked the Licinian 
 law concerning the five hundred acres? What, but the- 
 (fact) that the commons 23 had begun to be tributary both 
 in kind and money 24 to the senate, evoked the Cincian 
 law concerning fees 25 and presents ? It is therefore by no 
 means wonderful that neither the Oppian nor any other 
 law was required, 26 to 27 impose a limitation 28 on the ex- 
 penses of women, at a time ivhen 29 they refused to accept 
 gold and purple gratuitously offered to them. 
 
 17 l Of enacting:' gerund of Sancio. 18 Res. 19 Pref. I. 8 (m, >/). 
 20 < Which should moderate it, 1 Pref. I. 8 (e). 21 Cupido. 22 Agros 
 continue : gerund in -di. Q3 Plebes. 24 Vectigalis et stipendiarius. 
 25 Donum. 26 Desideror. 27 Pref. I. 8 (e). 28 Modus. 
 
 99 Quum, Pref. I. i (a). 
 
 III. 
 
 I have nothing to say } to the Stoics, nor do I fear their 
 anger, 2 since they do not know how to be angry ; and / 
 feel grateful to them on this ground f that 4 they alone 
 have declared eloquence to be virtue and wisdom. But 
 two (qualities) exist in them, which 5 are utterly alien from 
 that orator, whom we are endeavouring to form : G in the 
 first place, because they pronounce all who 7 are not wise, 
 to be slaves, robbers, enemies, insane ; and yet deny that 
 any man is wise. Now, it is very ridiculous to commit an 
 assembly, the senate, or any meeting of human beings, 8 to 
 a man, to whom nut one of those who may be present, 
 appears sane, or a fellow-citizen, or a freeman. We must 
 add, that 10 they adopt a style 11 of speaking which is perhaps 
 
 1 Dimitto. 2 { Them angry.' 3 Hanc iis habeo gratiam. 
 
 4 Pref. I. 2 (a). 5 Pref. I. 8 (m, ). 6 Present, which, like the 
 Imperfect, often signifies an attempt. 7 Pref. I. 8 (m. 3). 8 Homo. 
 1 Pref. I. 8 (g). 10 Accedit quod: with Indicative. u Genus. 
 
J2 PART I. EXERCISE III. 
 
 subtle, certainly pungent; 12 but, for 13 an orator, meagre, 14 
 eccentric, unsuited to a popular audience; 15 obscure, 
 hungry ; in tine, (a style) of that description, 16 which 9 . 
 speaker cannot possibly employ in addressing 11 the people. 
 For things appear to be good and evil to the Stoics dif- 
 ferently from their fellow-citizens: the influence 18 of honour, 
 of shame, of reward, of punishment, is different ; justly or 
 otherwise, is nothing to the purpose ; 19 only, i/ 20 we follow 
 them, we shall never be able to elucidate any subject 21 in 
 a speech. 
 
 u Acutus. l3 Ut in. 14 Exilis. 15 Aures vulgi. 16 EjusmocL. 
 17 Ad. IS Vis. 19 Hoc tempus. 20 The condition is described 
 as improbable. See Pref. I. 4 (bj. 2l Res. 
 
 IV. 
 
 On the following day Hannibal crossed 1 the Anio, and 
 drew out ail his forces in order of battle* Nor did Flaccus 
 and the consuls decline the contest. The troops on both 
 sides having been drawn up to try the chances* of a battle, 
 in which the city of Home was 4 [to be] the conqueror's 
 prize, a violent shower mingled with hail so disordered 
 both the lines, 5 that 6 the troops, scarcely able to hold their 
 arms, 7 retired into their camps, with less apprehension of 
 the enemy than of anything else. 8 On the following day, 
 also, a similar storm separated the armies marshal fed on 
 the same ground. 9 On each occasion, as soon as 10 they 
 had retired to their camps, an extraordinary calm and 
 tranquillity arose. This circumstance 11 was held provi- 
 
 1 Pref. IT. 15 (a). 2 In aciem. 3 In casum. 4 The relative 
 clause takes a subjunctive mood, because the words ' a battle ' are in 
 Latin expressed by Ejus pupn.ie the demonstrative pronoun instead 
 of an indefinite article. See Pref. i. 8 (g). 5 Acies, sing. 
 
 6 Pref. i. 6 (a). 7 'Their arms having been scarcely retained :' 
 
 abl. abs. 8 Lit., f with less fear of nothing, than of the enemy/ 
 
 9 Locus. 10 The words italicised are signified by ubi, joined witli a 
 subjunctive. The use of this mood shows that itbi is employed in a 
 frequentative sense ; otherwise the indicative would have been used, 
 even by Livv. See Pref. I. i (f ) note. ll Res. 
 
PART I. EXERCISE IV. 73 
 
 dential 1 * among the Carthaginians; and an expression 13 of 
 Hannibal's is said to have been heard, 'That at one moment 1 * 
 the inclination, 15 at another the opportunity of becoming 
 master 16 of Rome, was not allowed him.' Other contin- 
 gencies also, the one important, the other insignificant, 17 
 diminished his hopes. The important one was that, 18 
 while 19 he was encamped 20 under arms near 21 the walls of 
 the city, he heard that troops had marched out with colours 
 flying?* as 23 a reinforcement for Spain ; while the less 
 significant 11 ' (circumstance was,) that 18 it was discovered, 
 from one of his prisoners, that at this very time the very 
 ground 24 on which he was encamped 25 had been sold, with 
 no diminution 20 of price on that account* 1 Indeed, it 
 appeared so great an insult and indignity, that a purchaser 
 should have been discovered at Eome foi the very soil 
 which he possessed 25 and held 25 as the prize of war, that, 6 
 calling instantly for a crier, he ordered that the silversmiths' 
 shops* 9 which then were 25 [ranged] around the Roman 
 forum, should be put up for sale* 9 
 
 12 In religionem verti. 13 Vox. 14 Modo. 15 Mens. 
 
 16 Potior. 17 Parvus. l8 Quod : with indicative, because a mattei 
 of fact is described. 19 Quum. Pref. I. i (d). 20 Sedeo. 2l Ad. 
 22 Sub vexillis. 2S In, with accus. ^ Ager. 25 Pref. I. n. 
 
 26 ' The price not having been diminished/ abl. abs. 27 Ob id 
 
 28 Argentariae taberme. * 9 Veneo. 
 
 V . 
 
 In the first place * I found there a force 2 neither large 
 nor warlike ; secondly, 3 excepting 4 the general and a few 
 besides I am speaking of the chief officer s b the rest were 
 in the first place rapacious in war, and in their speeches so 
 cruel that 6 I actually 7 dreaded their victory; while 8 the debts 
 of the most distinguished 9 men were very heavy. In one 
 word, 10 there was nothing good, besides the cause. On 11 
 perceiving this, I began, in despair of 1 * success, to recom- 
 
 1 Primum. 2 Copiae. 3 Deinde. 4 Extra. 5 Princeps. 
 3 Pref. I. 6 (a). 7 Ipse, agreeing with ' victory.' 8 Autein. 
 
 9 Ainplus. 10 Pref. 11. 38. ll Pref. I. i (d). 12 Participle pres. 
 
74 PART I. EXERCISE V. 
 
 mend peace, winch I had always advised : afterwards, as 13 
 Pompey was very averse to that suggestion, 14 I determined 
 to advise him to protract 15 the war. This he sometimes 
 approved of, and seemed likely to adhere to 16 that 
 opinion, and perhaps would have, if he had not in 
 consequence of 17 a certain engagement begun to trust in 
 his own soldiers. From that time that illustrious man 
 was no general. With a raw and newly-levied 18 army he 
 engaged 19 the most powerful legions ; routed, even his 
 camp having been most discreditably 20 lost, he fled alone, 
 I retired from a 21 campaign, 22 in which I must either die 
 on the field of battle, or fall into some snare, or fly to 
 Juba, or choose' 23 some spot as if for exile, or court 24 a 
 voluntary death. Assuredly there was no alternative, 25 
 supposing that 26 you were unwilling, or did not dare, to 
 trust yourself to the conqueror. Now of all those incon- 
 veniences, which I have mentioned, there is nothing more 
 tolerable than exile, especially to an innocent man, where 
 no dishonour is implied; especially considering that 27 you 
 are then absent from a 21 city within which there is nothing 
 which you can 28 see without pain. What has happened, 1 
 always said would happen. However, it is a great con- 
 solation to be free from fault; especially as 27 I have two 
 resources 29 wherewith to support 30 myself my knowledge 
 of literature and the arts,* 1 and the glory of my great 
 achievements. 29 
 
 13 Pref. i. ^ (d). 14 Sententia. 15 Duco. 16 Fore in. 17 Ex. 
 18 Collecticius. 1P Signa conferre cuin. 20 Turpiter. 21 ' A' is 
 definite here; and is therefore rendered by the demonstrative 'is.' 
 22 Bellum. 23 Capio. * Conscisco. 25 Nihil prseterea. 
 
 20 Pref. I. 4 O). 27 Pref. I. 2 (d). 28 Pref. I. 8 (m. y). 29 Pves. 
 80 Pref. i. 8 (e). 81 Optimae artes. 
 
 vr. 
 
 But I may be told } no commoner 2 has been consul 
 since the expulsion 3 of the kings. What then ? Is no 
 
 1 At enim. 2 Plebeius. s Pref. n. 8. 
 
PART 1. EXERCISE VI. 75 
 
 novelty 4 to be introduced? In the reign 3 of Romulus, 
 there were no pontiffs, no augurs; they were created by 
 Numa Pompilius. There was no census in the state, nor 
 any arrangement 5 of centuries and classes : it was insti- 
 tuted by Servius Tullius. There had never been consuls 
 they were appointed on the expulsion 3 of the kings, 
 Neither the office nor the name of a dictator existed : it 
 originated among the senators. Within the last 6 ten years 
 we have both created and abolished decemvirs for com- 
 piling 7 laws. Who doubts that, 8 in a city built [to last] for 
 ever, increasing to an immense size, new offices, priesthoods, 
 rights of families 9 and of individuals, 10 may be established ? 
 Did not the decemvirs introduce in the last 6 few years, to 11 
 the great prejudice 12 of the commons, on a principle v&ry 
 pernicious to the state, this very measure, that there 
 should be no intermarriage 14 between patricians a,nd com- 
 moners ? Can there be a greater, or a more marked 1 ' 1 ' 
 indignity, than that one portion of the community, 16 as if 
 contaminated, should be held unworthy of intermarriage ? 
 What else is it but to suffer banishment, to suffer exile, 
 within the same walls? They wish to prevent 17 our being 
 associated with them by affinity or consanguinity to pre- 
 vent our blood being allied. What ? If this is to stain 1 * 
 that boasted nobility of yours, could you not keep it pure 
 by regulations among yourselves, by not marrying fr ^m 
 [amongJ-tKe commons, and by not allowing your daughters 
 and your sisters to marry outside 20 the patricians? No 
 commoner would have compelled any man to enter into a 
 marriage-contract* 1 against his will. 22 
 
 4 Res nova. 6 Descriptio. 6 Hie. Hie or ille are often added 
 to the ablative or aceus. of time, to signify ' how lung ago.' See 
 Madvig, 176, obs. 5. 7 Gerundive of scribo: dative. 8 Quin. 
 9 Gens. 10 Homo. n Cum. 12 Injuria. 13 Pessimo 
 
 exemplo publico. 14 Connubium. 15 Insignitior. 16 Civitas. 
 17 Cavent ne, with subjunctive. 18 Indicative. 19 Privatum 
 
 consilium. 20 E. 21 Pactionem nuptialem facere. 22 Pref. 
 
 "' 9 ' 
 
 OF THE 
 
 UNIVERSITY 
 
76 PART I. EXERCISE VII. 
 
 VII. 
 
 I am now coming to the point at issue; 1 and on 
 the consul's speech was two-fold. For he was indignant 
 both that any law at all should be abrogated ; and this law 
 in particular* which had been passed for the purpose 4 of 
 restraining the luxury of women. 5 His general defence 
 of 6 the laws seemed worthy of a consul: 7 and his speech 
 against luxury harmonized 8 with his ascetic character* 
 There is a danger, therefore, lest some mistake be palmed 10 
 upon you, unless we show 11 what is 12 fallacious 13 in either 
 argument. 14 For my part, then, 15 while 16 I avow that 
 none of those laws which have been enacted, not for 17 any 
 special occasion, 1 * but for the sake of their lasting useful- 
 ness, ought to be abrogated, unless experience condemns 18 
 them, or the posture 19 of public affairs renders them 
 useless: I am, at the same time, persuaded that the 
 laws which special occasions have demanded, are mortal, 
 if I may use the expression, 21 and changeable with the 
 occasions themselves. The measures that have been passed 
 in peace, war usually abrogates ; and peace (abrogates) 
 those (passed) in war : just as in the management of a 
 ship, some (expedients) are serviceable for 22 favourable, 
 others for unfavourable weather. 23 Considering that 24 
 these things are thus distinguished by nature, to which 
 class 25 does this law, which we desire to cancel, 26 appear to 
 belong? Is it an ancient law of the monarchy, 27 coeval 
 with the city itself? Who is ignorant that it is a new 
 enactment passed twenty years ago 28 in the consulship of 
 Q. Fabius and Tib. Sempronius ? And 2 , since 24 for 29 so 
 
 1 Pref. n. 8. 2 Qui. 8 Praecipue. 4 Causa. 5 Pref. n. 9. 
 6 Ilia communis oratio pro. 7 Consularis. 8 Convenio. 
 
 9 Severissimi mores. 10 Offundo. " Pref. n. 16 (a). ia Pref. 
 i. 10 (a). 1S Vanus. 14 Res. 15 Ego enim. 16 Quemad- 
 modum. 17 In, with accus. 18 Coarguo. 19 Status aliquis. 
 20 Sic. 21 Ut ita dicam. 22 In, with accus. 2S Tempestas. 
 
 24 Pref. i. i (d). 25 Genus. 26 Present, which often means an 
 
 attempt. 27 Pref. n. 9. 28 Ante. M Per. 
 
PART I. EXERCISE VII. 77 
 
 many years our matrons lived irreproachably without it, 2 
 what earthly 30 danger is there of 31 their being plunged 
 into luxury on its abrogation ? 32 For if the law had been 
 enacted in order to restrain the extravagance of women / 
 there might be reason to fear 34 that its abrogation 35 would 
 encourage (extravagance); whereas the occasion itself in- 
 dicates the reason why it was passed. 
 
 80 Tandem. 81 Ne. S2 Abl. abs. partic. pass. M Ideo ut. 
 
 84 Verendum foret. 85 ' It having been abrogated.' 
 
 VIII, 
 
 The whole state is wont to be infected with the excesses 1 
 and vices, and to be chastened and reformed by the temper- 
 ance, of the great. 2 A great man, L. Lucullus, used to be 
 praised for having replied 3 very happily, when 4 the magni- 
 ficence of his Tusculan villa had been mentioned to his 
 reproach, 5 that he had two neighbours a Koman knight 
 above, a freedman below ; and as 6 the villas of these men 
 were splendid, (he contended) that what was 7 allowed to 
 those who were 7 of inferior rank,* ought to be allowed to 
 himself. Do you not see, Lucullus, that it was owing to 
 you, that they were extravagant: 9 since it would not be 
 tolerated in them unless you were guilty of it ? For 
 who would endure them, when he saw their villas filled 
 with sf&tues and paintings, partly profane, 11 partly sacred ? 
 Who would not rebuke their excesses, unless those very 
 men who were bound 12 to rebuke them, were guilty 13 of 
 the same extravagance? Indeed, that great men should 
 err is not so great an evil though it is a great evil by itself 
 as the fact that 14 there are very numerous imitators of 
 the great. For you may see, if you choose to unfold the 
 
 1 Cupiditas. 2 Principes. 3 Quasi respondisset. 4 Pref. 
 
 i i (d). 5 Objectus ei. 6 Pref. I. 2 (d). 7 Pref. I 9 (f). 
 
 8 Tenuior ordo. 9 (Jupio. 10 Pref. i. 8 (b). ll Publicus. 
 
 12 Debeo. Pref. i. 8 (m. j). 1S Teneor, with abL u Illud. 
 quod: with indicative. 
 
7 8 TART I. EXERCISE VIII. 
 
 records of history, 15 that the state has been such as the 
 greatest men in the state have been : l6 that whatever 
 change of manners has taken place 16 among the great, the 
 same lias followed among the people. And this is much 
 more true than the favourite doctrine of Plato, who de- 
 clares that the condition of states is changed, when the 
 songs of musicians are changed. I, on the contrary, be- 
 lieve that the manners of states are changed, when the 
 style of life of the nobles is changed. 17 On this account, 
 vicious rulers deserve the worse of the commonwealth, 
 because they not only practise vices themselves, but infuse 
 them into the state; and are not injurious only because 
 they are themselves corrupted, but because 18 they corrupt 
 others, and are more mischievous by the example (they 
 set) than by the offences (they commit). 
 
 15 Replicare temporuin memoriam. 16 Pref. I. n. 17 Abl. abs. 
 18 Pref. I. 2 (a). 
 
 IX. 
 
 Nothing can appear to have been less my object 1 from 
 the commencement of this work, than to 2 deviate unduly 3 
 from the order of events ; and to 2 seek, by embellishing 
 my work with variety, entertaining digressions 4 for my 
 readers and relaxation for my own mind. Yet the mention 
 of this celebrated 5 king and general calls [upon me] to 
 (/ive expression to G those silent reflections with which it 
 has often occupied 7 my thoughts; and 8 induces me to 
 enquire what would have been 9 the issue to the fortunes 
 of Rome, had she been engaged in war 10 with Alexander. 
 The conditions (which) seem most important" in war, are 
 the number and valour of the soldiers, the abilities of the 
 
 1 Quaesitum. 2 Ut, with subjunctive. s Plus justo. 4 De- 
 verticulum. 5 Tantus. 6 In medium. 7 Voluto. 8 Ut, 
 with subjunctive. Here, as remarked in Pref. n. 2, we have a causal 
 connection between the Latin, and a merely copulative connection 
 between the English, clauses. 9 Pref. I. 10 (a). lo Impersonal 
 construction : bellatum est. ll Plurunum polleo. 
 
PART I. EXERCISE IX. 79 
 
 commanders, and fortune, powerful throughout all liurnnii 
 affairs, especially over 12 the affairs of war. These con- 
 clusively 13 prove to me, whether / regard 14 them singly or 
 collectively, 15 that the Roman dominion (would have been 
 found) impregnable 16 by him, as well as by other kings and 
 nations. In the first place, to 2 commence by comparing 
 the commanders, I do not indeed deny, that Alexander 
 was a consummate general ; but it renders him more illus- 
 trious that 17 he was alone (in command), that 17 he died a 
 youth, while his fortune ivas on the rise, 1 * before 19 he 
 (had) experienced a reverse. 20 To 2 omit other celebrated 
 monarchs and generals, grand examples of human vicis- 
 situdes: 21 what but a long life exposed Cyrus, as it did 
 Pompey the Great in our own days, 2 * to a change o/ 2? 
 fortune ? 
 
 12 In, with accus. 13 Facile. 14 Intuens, dative. l5 Universus: 
 adjective for English adverb. Pref. n. 17 (a). 16 Invictus: partic 
 perf. pass, have often the sense of the verbal adj. in -bilis. 17 Quod, 
 with indicative. 18 In increment*) rerum. I9 ' Not having 1 yet 
 
 experienced.' 20 Altera fortuna. 21 Casus. 22 Modo. 
 
 23 Participle of verto. 
 
 X. 
 
 We are speaking of 1 Alexander before 2 he was in- 
 toxicated with prosperity, which no man was less able to 
 bear.^^ It is painful to mention in so great a monarch 
 the ostentatious change of his dress, and the flatteries 
 demanded from courtiers prostrate on the ground, 4 (flat- 
 teries) odious to Macedonians even (had they been) con- 
 quered, much more (when they were) conquerors ; his cruel 
 punishments, the murder of friends in the midst of wine 
 and banquets, and the silly fiction of his birth. 5 More- 
 over, 6 if his love of wine, if his fierce and ungovernable 7 
 
 1 De. 2 ' Not yet intoxicated.' 3 Comparative of intolerans : 
 with genitive. 4 Lit., ' the desired adulations of men lying en the 
 ground;' humi jncentes. 5 Vanitas eiueiitiend.e stirpis. 6 Pref. 
 u. 38. 7 Praefervidus. 
 
80 PART I. EXERCISE X. 
 
 temper had daily grown 8 in vehemence and I am not 
 mentioning anything disputed 9 among writers are we 
 not to hold these things damaging 10 to the character of a 
 general? n Perhaps 12 the danger was, as the silliest of 
 the Greeks, who exalt the repute even of the Parthians in 
 disparagement 13 of the Roman name, are constantly re- 
 peating^ 4 that 15 the Roman people would not 16 have been 
 able to resist 17 the prestige 18 of Alexander's name, though 19 
 I imagine he 19 could not have been known to them even 
 by rumour: and that no one out of 20 so many Roman chiefs 
 would have uttered his sentiments with freedom 21 against 
 one, in opposition to 22 whom at Athens a state shattered 
 by the Macedonian arms at that very moment contem- 
 plating the smoking ruins of Thebes in its neighbour- 
 hood 23 men dared 24 to declaim freely, as is clear from the 
 survivmy records of their speeches. 
 
 8 Imperf. subj. The imperfect is used, because the continuance of the 
 state of mind is implied. 9 Dubius. 10 Damn am. n Virtutes 
 imperatoriae. 12 Vero, ironically. l3 Contra. 14 Dictito. 15 Ne. 
 Pref. I. 3. 16 Nen. 17 Sustineo. 18 Majestas. 19 ' Whom.' 
 20 E. 21 Vocem liberam mittere. 22 Adversus. 23 Trope. * 4 Tref. 
 i. ii. 25 Monumentum. 
 
 XI 
 
 There he- kept under cover, 1 for the greater part 2 of the 
 winter, that army, which had been fortified 3 against all 
 human evile, but had not been tried by nor habituated to 
 prosperity. Accordingly, 4 excessive 5 good fortune and in- 
 temperate indulgences 6 undermined 7 those whom no severity 
 of distress 8 had subdued ; the more thoroughly , as 9 they 
 had plunged 10 into them the more eagerly owing to their 
 not having been accustomed to them. 11 For sleep, wine, 
 banquets, baths and ease, more seductive 12 day by day 13 
 
 1 In tectis. 2 Accus. of duration of time. s Duratus. 4 Itaque. 
 5 Xinmis. 6 Voluptas. 7 Perdo. 8 Malum. 9 Eo irapensius. 
 quo. Pref. I. 7 (b). 10 Mergo se. " F-x insolcntia. " Blandus. 
 18 Pref. TIL 7.19. 
 
OF THB 
 
 TTNIVERSI 
 
 PART I. - EXERCISE XI. 
 
 through habit, so 14 enervated their bodies and minds, that 14 
 their past victories protected them more than their actual 15 
 strength ; and this was regarded as a greater error on the 
 general's part 16 among critics 17 in military tactics, 18 than 
 his not having 19 forthwith marched his troops to the city 
 of Rome from the field of Cannae. For his delay on that 
 occasion* might be held 21 merely to have postponed his 
 victory, this blunder to have taken away his capacity 22 foi 
 conquest. Accordingly, (it was) as if 23 he were marching 24 
 out of Capua with another army ; it retained nothing of 
 its former discipline. For as soon as 25 they began to live 
 under tents, and marches 26 and other military toils suc- 
 ceeded, 27 they failed like raw recruits 28 both in bodily 
 power and spirits, 29 and from that time throughout the 
 period of the summer campaign 30 a great number kept 
 slipping away from their standards without furloughs : 31 
 nor had the deserters any other retreat than Capua. 
 
 14 Pref. I. 6 (a). 16 Praesens. 16 < Of the general.' l7 Peritus, 
 with gen. 18 Artes niilitares. 19 Quod: with pluperf. subj. of 
 duco: because the views of another party are indirectly quoted. See 
 Pref. I. 9 (f). 20 Ille, agreeing with < delay/ 21 < Seem.' 
 
 * Vires. 23 Velut : Pref. i. 7 (a). 34 Exeo. 25 Ubi primum. 
 Pref. i. i (a). 26 Via, sing. 27 Excipio. 28 Tiro. 29 Animi. 
 50 ^Estiva, neut. plur. 81 Commeatus. 
 
 **x^ XIL 
 
 If in private affairs any man had managed 1 a commission, 1 
 I will not say fraudulently, 3 for 4 his own gain or interest, 5 
 but even carelessly, our ancestors considered that such a 
 man had incurred 6 the greatest disgrace. A trial 7 was 
 therefore established (for the betrayal) of a commission, 8 
 no less disreputable than for theft; 9 I suppose because, in 
 cases 10 where we cannot be personally 11 present, the good- 
 faith of friends is substituted in place of 12 our own 
 
 1 Gero. a Res mandata. s Comp. of malitiose. 4 Causa. 
 1 Commodum. 6 Admitto. 7 Judicium. 8 Mandatum. 
 
 9 Genitive. 10 Res. " Ipse. 12 Vicarius, with gen 
 
82 PART I. EXERCISE XII. 
 
 . exertions, 13 and the man who impairs it, attacks the com- 
 mon bulwark of us all; and as far as is in his power, 1 * 
 breaks up 15 the bond of society. 16 For we cannot transact 
 every matter in person : 17 different men are more service- 
 able in different matters. For this reason are friendships 
 formed, in order that a common interest may be promoted 
 b} r reciprocal 18 good offices. Why do you undertake 19 a 
 commission, if you are going either to neglect 20 it, or to 
 turn it to your own advantage ? Why offer yourself to me, 
 and, by pretended friendship, injure and obstruct my in- 
 terests? Be off:* 1 I will negotiate 22 through another 
 man. You undertake the burthen of a duty which you 
 imagine you are able to support ; (a duty) which seems 
 not very onerous to those who are not very worthless. The 
 offence, 23 therefore, is grave, because it violates two most 
 holy things friendship and confidence : for men do not 
 usually entrust anything except to a friend ; nor do they 
 trust any but the man they believe trustworthy. In the 
 most trifling matters, he who neglects 25 a commission, 
 must needs be condemned by a sentence the most dis- 
 paraging. 27 In so important 28 a matter, when the man to 
 whom the reputation of the dead, the fortunes of the living, 
 are entrusted and confided, loads 25 the living with poverty, 
 the dead with ignominy shall he be reckoned among men 
 of honour , 29 or even among living men at all ? 
 
 13 Opera, sing. 14 Quantum in ipso est. 15 Disturbo. 16 Vitaa 
 
 soeietas. 17 Per nos. 18 Mutuus. 19 Recipio. 20 Future 
 
 partic. of negligo. 21 Recede de medio. 22 Transigo. 23 Culpa. 
 
 24 Minimus. 25 Pref. n. 16 (a). 26 Pref. I. 3 (d). 87 Turpis 
 88 Tantus. 29 Pref. n. 9. 
 
 XIII. 
 
 In proportion as 1 the war was protracted, and prosper- 
 ous or adverse fortunes modified 2 the sentiments as much 
 as the condition 3 of the people, so strange 4 a superstition, 
 and that in a great measure* of foreign origin, seized the 
 
 1 Quo. 2 Varic. 3 Fortuna. 4 Tantus. 5 Magna ex parte. 
 
PAET I. EXERCISE XIII. 83 
 
 community, 6 that 7 either the citizens or the gods seemed 
 suddenly transformed. 8 And now the Koman rites were 
 falling into disuse* not merely in secret and within doors, 
 but in public, in the Forum, and in the Capitol there 
 was a crowd of we men, neither sacrificing, nor praying to 
 the gods, according to ancestral custom. Mendicant 
 priests and soothsayers had fascinated 11 the minds of 
 men ; and their numbers were increased by 12 the country 
 people, driven into the city, by destitution and terror, 
 from fields uncultivated during a protracted war, and over- 
 run by the foe: 14 and by the easy trading 15 on 16 the 
 ignorance of others, which they carried on }7 as an alloived 
 and customary calling. 1 * At first, the indignant protests 19 
 of religious 20 men were heard in private : afterwards, the 
 matter came before the Senate, and became a ground oj 
 public complaint.^ The aediles and officers of police^ 
 having been severely censured by the Senate for 23 not in- 
 terfering, narrowly escaped 24 personal violence, on at- 
 tempting to dislodge the crowd from the Forum, and to 
 disturb the preparations 27 for the ceremonies. 28 At last, it 29 
 having become evident that the evil was too virulent to 
 be allayed 31 by means o/ 32 the inferior magistrates, a com- 
 mission 33 was given by the Senate to Marcus Atilius, the 
 city praetor, to rid 34 the people of these superstitions. 
 
 6 Civitas. 7 Pref. i. 6 (a). 8 Alius factus. 9 Aboleor. 
 
 10 Sacrificulus. n Capio. 12 Use the active construction in this 
 and the following clause. 13 Rustica plebs. 14 Infest us. 
 
 15 Quaestus. 16 Ex. l7 Exerceo. 18 Concessse artis iisus. 
 
 19 Indignatio. 20 Bonus. 21 Ad Patres et ad publicam queri- 
 
 moniam excedo. 22 Triumvir capitalis. 23 Expressed by quod 
 
 with finite verb, prohibeo: in subjunctive, because the ground of the 
 censure is attributed to the Senate. Pref. i. 9 (f). 24 Pref. in. 105. 
 25 Violor. 26 Quum, with finite verb, Conor. Pref. I. i (d). 
 
 * Apparatus. 28 Genitive. 29 Ubi, with finite verb. Pref. 
 
 i. i (a). 80 Appareo. 31 Pref. n. 19 (c). S2 Per. 
 
 ' M Ncgotium. 34 Pref. i. 3 (b). 
 
PART I. EXERCISE XIV. 
 
 XIV. 
 
 You clearly discern the defects 1 of the tribunate. Rut 
 the enumeration of evils, and the selection of defects, pass- 
 ing by- good [qualities], is unfair in impeaching any in- 
 stitution. 3 For by this method even the consulate is liable 
 to censure, 4 if 5 you collect the errors of consuls, whom I 
 am reluctant to mention by name. I admit, indeed, that 
 in that office there is some evil. But, without that evil, 
 we should not have had 6 the good which has been attained 
 by it. The power of the tribunes of the commons is ex- 
 cessive. Who denies it ? Yet the violence of the people 
 is far more fierce and vehement ; and it is sometimes 
 milder, because it has a leader, than if it had none. For 
 the leader reflects that he is advancing at his own risk, 
 whereas a popular impulse 7 takes no account 8 of its own 
 danger. Sometimes, you will say, 9 it is inflamed by the 
 tribunes ; but then it is frequently lulled by them. For 
 what (tribunician ) college is so desperate, that none out of 
 ten is in his senses ? IQ When this power had been con- 
 ceded by the patricians to the people, their arms fell ; the 
 sedition was extinguished : a harmonising measure 11 had 
 been discovered, the effect of which was that 12 men of 
 slender means 1 * imagined 12 themselves equal to the great; 
 and in this chiefly consisted the safety of the state. But, 
 you will say, there were the two Gracchi. Yes, and you 
 may count as many as you choose besides them ; since 14 
 ten are created, you will find some mischievous tribunes 
 in every epoch. 15 
 
 1 Vitium. ? Abl. abs. partic. pass, of prsetermitto. 8 Res. 
 
 4 < May be blamed.' 5 Pref. u. 16 (a). 6 Imperf., instead of 
 
 pluperf., because there is a sense of continuance, the tribunate still 
 existing when Cicero wrote. JVfadvig, L.G. 34.7, obs. 2. 7 Impetus. 
 8 Ratio. 9 At. lo Sana mente esse. u Temperamentum. 
 
 11 This is expressed in Latin by the relative with the imperf. sub- 
 junctive: ( whereby men, etc., might believe themselves/ etc. See 
 Pref. I. 8 (e). Tenuiores. H Pref. j. i (d). l5 Menioria, 
 
PART I. EXERCISE XV. 85 
 
 XV. 
 
 The Eomans, seeing from the citadel the city full of the 
 enemy, some new disaster continually arising 1 on every 
 side, were unable not only to retain their presence of mind* 
 but even to command their senses? Whithersoever the 
 shouts of the foe, the lamentations of women and children, 
 the crackling of fire, and the crash of falling roofs, called 
 their attention,* trembling 5 at 6 every sound, they kept turn 
 ing their thoughts, faces, and eyes, as if stationed by fortune 
 to be spectators 1 of the ruin o/ 8 their country, and left to 
 protect* 'no part of their property, except their own persons : 10 
 so much more to be pitied than others that have ever been 
 besieged, inasmuch as 11 they were (at once) invested 12 and 
 shut out from their country, beholding all their effects in 
 the power of their enemies. Nor was the night which 
 succeeded 13 a day so miserably spent more tranquil ; day- 
 light then followed a restless night : nor was there any 
 moment which was free from 14 the spectacle of some new 
 disaster. Nevertheless, burdened and overwhelmed by so 
 many evils, they abated not their courage, determined, 1 * 
 although, [in so doing,] they might behold 16 all things 
 levelled by conflagration and ruin, to defend, 15 by their 
 valour, the hill which they occupied, ill-provided 17 and 
 narrow as it was, yet the refuge of freedom. And at last, 
 as 18 tfe,e same things happened every day, they had ab- 
 stracted their thoughts, as if inured to calamities, from all 
 sense of their misfortunes ; gazing only upon the arms, and 
 the swords in their hands, as the sole remnants of their 
 hopes. 19 
 
 1 Expressed by quum with the imperf. subjunctive of orior. The 
 notion * continually' is contained in the imperfect tense, which is 
 often used to signify repetition. 2 Mentibus consipere. 8 Auribus 
 atque oculis satis constare. 4 Adverto. Pref. I. i (g). 5 Pavens. 
 6 Ad. 7 Ad spectaculum. 8 Partic. of occido. 9 Vindex. 
 
 10 Corpus. n Quod. Pref. I. 2 (a). 12 Obsideo. 1S Pref. 
 
 TT. 17 (b). 14 Gesso. Pref. I. 8 (m. y). 16 Quin defenderent. 
 
 16 The clause introduced by ' although/' contains a supposition, not the 
 gtatement of a fact; and this affects the mood. Pref. I. 5 (a). 
 Inops. l8 Pref. I. 2 (d). t9 Singular. 
 
86 PART I. EXERCISE XVI. 
 
 XVI. 
 
 There have always been, in this country, two classes 1 of 
 those who have been ambitious 2 to engage 3 in public affairs, 
 and to distinguish 4 themselves therein: of these classes the 
 one 5 has chosen the name 6 and the attributes 6 of the popular 
 party, 7 the other 5 of tke aristocratic party. 1 Those who 
 wished that what they did and what they said should be 
 agreeable to the multitude, were regarded [as members of] 
 the popular party; while those who conducted 8 themselves 
 so as 9 to recommend their principles 10 to all the best men, 
 were regarded as aristocrats. Who, you will ask, are your 11 
 fc best men ' ? If you enquire 12 as to their number, they are 
 countless; and, indeed, we could not otherwise 'maintain 
 the constitution. They are the leaders of the public 
 policy, 14 and those who adhere 15 to them : members of the 
 highest orders, to whom the senate is open : the citizens of 
 the municipalities, and the residents in the country: 1 * 
 men engaged in business : 17 nay, even freedmen are ari- 
 stocrats. The members 18 of this class 1 are, as I have said, 
 widely and variously diffused : but the whole class 1 may, 
 to 19 remove misapprehension, be briefly described and de- 
 fined. All are aristocrats, who do not injure others nor 
 are ill-disposed, nor agitators, 21 nor entangled by domestic 
 misfortunes. Those who defer to the wishes, the interests, 
 the political principles of these men, are defenders of 
 the aristocracy, and the aristocracy themselves consist o/ 23 
 the most dignified 24 and illustrious of the citizens, and of 
 the leading men in the state. What, then, is the [object] 
 proposed to these governors of the Commonwealth, which 
 they are bound 26 to fix their gaze upon, 27 and whither 
 (they are bound) to direct their course? 
 
 1 Genus. 2 Studeo. 3 Versor. 4 Excellentius se gerere. 
 
 5 Pref. in. 163. 6 Haberi esse. 7 Populares Optimates. 
 
 8 Gero. 9 Ita ut. Pref. I. 6 (a). 10 Consilium. 11 Iste. 
 
 11 ' If you ask [who they are] in number.' 13 Sto. 14 Consilium. 
 15 Sectam sequi. 16 Rusticus Romanus. l7 Negotia gero. 
 
 13 Numerus, singular. 19 Ut. 30 Nocens. 21 Furiosus. 
 
 22 Opinio in gubernanda republica. 23 Numeror. 
 
 15 Princeps. 26 Debeo. Pref. I. 8 (h). 27 Tntueor. 
 
PART i. EXERCISE XVIL 87 
 
 XVII. 
 
 These are the foundations, these the elements, 1 which 
 must be maintained by our leading men* and defended 
 even at the risk of life : the rites of religion, 3 the auspices, 
 the powers of the magistrates, the authority of the senate, 
 the laws, the institutions 4 of our ancestors, the courts of 
 justice? the administration of justice^ the national 
 credit? the provinces, the allies, the glory of the empire, 
 the military system, 8 the treasury. To be the defender 
 and the patron of these institutions, 9 so numerous and so 
 important, demands 10 great ability and great resolution. 
 For, among the masses 11 of our fellow-countrymen, there 
 are a multitude of men who, 12 either from fear of punish- 
 ment, conscious of their crimes, seek fresh tumults and 
 revolutions in the state; or who, owing to a constitutional 
 love of agitation, feed upon the discord of their country- 
 men and on sedition; or who, on account of the embarrass- 
 ment 14 of their private affairs, had rather be consumed in 
 a conflagration which involved their country, 1 * than 1 hem- 
 selves alone. And when these men have found abettors 17 
 and leaders of their profligate designs, 1 * commotions 19 are 
 raised in the state: so that 20 those w"ho have sought for the 
 government 21 of their country, must watch, and strive with 
 all their knowledge and diligence that, by the preserva- 
 tion 22 **^0f those (institutions) which I have just declared 
 to be the foundations and elements, they may be enabled 
 to maintain their course, and to reach the port of leisure 
 and of dignity. Were I to deny 23 that this path is thorny, 
 difficult, full of danger and of ambuscades, I should lie f' } 
 especially as 24 I have not only always been aivare o/ 25 it, 
 
 1 Membrum. 2 Princeps. 3 Religiones. 4 Mos. 5 Judicium. 
 6 Jurisdictio. 7 Fides. 8 Res. 9 Res. 10 Pref. in. 209. 
 11 Tantus numerus. 12 Pref. I. 8, m, note. 1S Insitus animi 
 
 furor. l4 Implicatio. 10 Oommunis. 16 Sims. 17 Auctor. 
 1H Hendiadysst\idi'<i vitiaque. ly Fluctus. 20 Pref. I. 6. 
 
 21 Gubemnculiim. 22 Abl. abs. partic. pass. 23 Pref. i. 4 (d). 
 
 24 Pref. i. 2 (d). 25 Intelligo. 
 
83 PART I. EXERCISE XVII. 
 
 but have even experienced 26 it in a greater degree than 
 others. The state is attacked by forces more powerful than 
 those by which it is defended, because reckless and aban- 
 doned men are impelled by a nod, and are even spontane- 
 ously excited to treason: 27 patriots 28 I know not how 
 are slower; and, neglecting 22 the beginnings of things, are 
 awakened only by absolute 29 necessity at the eleventh /tour; 30 
 so that 20 sometimes, through procrastination and delay, 
 while they long to retain ease, even apart from dignity, 
 they lose both by their o-wn fault. 29 And those who have 
 determined 31 to be defenders of the state, if inconstant, 
 fall away: if deficient in courage? 2 flinch; 33 they alone 
 endure, and suffer everything in their country's cause, who 
 resemble your father, Scaurus, who resisted all the leaders 
 of sedition from Gracchus down 34 to Q. Varius : whom no 
 violence, no intimidation, no unpopularity, 35 shook : or 
 Q. Catulus, in recent times, whom neither the tempest of 
 peril, nor the breeze of honour, was ever able to seduce 
 from his course, either through hope or through fear. 
 
 26 Sentio. 2T Contra rempublicam. 28 Bonus. 29 Ipse. 
 
 80 Ad extremum. Sl Volo. s * Tiniidior. 33 Deesse. S4 Usque ad. 
 35 Invidia. 
 
 XVIII. 
 
 However, this path, these principles of political life, 1 
 were far more dangerous in former times, \vhen the wishes 
 of the multitude or the interests of the people were 3 in 
 many respects 8 at variance ivith 3 the welfare of the com- 
 monwealth. The law of ballot 4 was proposed by L. Gassing. 
 The people believed their independence was at issue. 6 
 The leading men dissented, and dreaded the temerity of 
 the mob, and the license of the ballot, where the safety of 
 the aristocracy was concerned* Tib. Gracchus proposed 7 
 his agrarian law. It was pleasing to the people : the for- 
 tunes of the poor seemed to be established by it. The 
 
 1 Ratio reipublicse capessendre. 2 Res. 3 Discivpare. 
 
 rabellarius. 6 Agor. 6 In salute optiinatium. 7 Fero. 
 
PART 1. EXERCISE XVIIT. 89 
 
 aristocracy exited themselves* against it, because they saw 
 that discord was excited by it; and believed the state would 
 be robbed of its defenders, whenever 9 rich men were de- 
 prived of tenures they had long held. C. Gracchus pro- 
 posed a corn" law. The idea 12 was agreeable to the Roman 
 populace ; for food was sure to be supplied bountifully 
 without toil. Patriots 14 resisted it, both because they 
 thought that the populace would be seduced 15 from in- 
 dustry to sloth, and because the treasury seemed (likely) 
 to be drained. There is now no subject upon which }7 
 the people any longer 18 disagrees with its representatives 19 
 and leading men : it demands nothing, it does not desire a 
 revolution, 20 and exults in its own ease, in the dignity of 
 its greatest men, and in the glory of the whole state. 
 Accordingly, seditious and turbulent men, since they can 
 no longer arouse the people of Rome by any species of 
 corrupt influence?* because the commons, having gone 
 through 22 the most serious 23 seditions and discords, seem 
 to wish for ease, hold hired assemblies. Do you believe 
 that Gracchus or Saturninus, or any of those men who in 
 former days were held popular leaders, ever had a single 
 hired person in their assemblies ? No one had : for the 
 gratuitous distribution 24 by itself, and the hope of ad- 
 vantage set before them, aroused the multitude without 
 any bribe. So that, in those days, popular leaders lost 
 favour -indeed 25 in the eyes of 26 dignified and honour- 
 able men, but flourished in the judgment of the people, 
 
 8 Nitor. 9 Quum. Pref. I. 9 (f). 10 Possessiones dinturnfe. 
 
 11 Frumentariiis. 12 Res. 13 Imperfect: which, as it signifies an 
 attempt, naturally signifies also the tendency of a law. 14 Bonus. 
 
 15 Avocari. l6 Nihil. l7 Accus. neut. of qui. These accusatives 
 are often subjoined to intransitive verbs, such as dissentio here, to 
 mark the compass and extent of an action ; e. g. cetera assentior, * On 
 the other points I agree.' Est quod gaudpam, * I have reason to 
 rejoice.' See Madvig, 229. For the mood of the verb, see Pref. 
 I. 8 (m, r ). 18 Jam. 19 Delecti. 20 Res novae. 21 Null* 
 Inrgitio. 22 Perfunctus. 23 Gravis. 2i Largitio. 26 Ollciid- 
 ebant illi quidem. * 6 Apud. 
 
9 
 
 PART I. EXERCISE XVIII. 
 
 and in every expression of popular esteem." 7 They were 
 applauded 28 in the theatre; they attained what they de- 
 sired, by suffrage. Men loved their name, their words, 
 their looks, their carriage. 29 Those who opposed them- 
 selves to this class were held dignified and great men; they 
 had much influence 30 in the senate, great influence with 
 good men : to the multitude they were not agreeable ; 
 their ambition 31 was frequently foiled 32 by the votes of the 
 people ; and, if anyone among them occasionally received 
 applause, he was very much afraid that 33 he had made 
 some mistake. 94 However, if any matter of unusual im- 
 portance occurred, the people were, nevertheless, 36 power- 
 fully influenced by their opinion. 
 
 27 Significatio. 28 Impersonal. 29 lucessus. 30 Yaleo. 
 
 81 Voluntas. 32 Offender. 33 Ne. 34 Peccare quid. See 
 
 Madvig, 229. S3 Major. 36 Idem, agreeing with populus. 
 
 XIX. 
 
 60 furious a tempest attacked Hannibal (while) cross- 
 ing the Apennines, that 1 it almost surpassed 1 the horrors 2 
 of the Alps. The rain and wind together being driven 3 
 directly 4 against their faces, they first halted, because either 
 they were obliged to drop 5 their arms, or, if they struggled 
 on against the storm, they were whirled round 6 by the 
 hurricane, 7 and dashed upon the ground: 8 afterwards, 
 as 3 it took aivay* their breath, and did not allow them to 
 respire, 10 they sat down for a short time with their backs 
 to l} the wind. Then, indeed, the sky resounded 12 with the 
 loudest thunder, and lightnings flashed amid the terrific 
 peals : 13 deafened and blinded^ they all became insensi- 
 
 1 Pref. i. 6 (a). The perfect is used, because a completed action is 
 meant. Madvig, 347, obs. 2. 2 Foeditas. 3 Expressed by 
 
 quum with finite verb. Pref. i. i (d). 4 Ipse, agTeeing with ' ora.' 
 5 Omitto. 6 Intorqueor. 7 Vortex. 8 Affligor. 9 Includo : 
 lit., ' stopped.' 10 Keciprocare animam. u A versus a, 
 
 IV Historical infinitive. 13 Fragor. 14 Captus auribus atque oculis. 
 
PART I. EXERCISE XIX. 9! 
 
 blrf* with fear. At last, the rain having spent itself, 16 and 
 the violence of the wind having been redoubled 3 upon thai 
 account,* 7 it was held requisite to pitch 18 their camp on the 
 "very spot whereon they had been overtaken by the storm. ] ^ 
 But this was like 20 a fresh commencement of their toils. 
 For they could neither spread their canvas f } nor fix their 
 poles: nor would an}^tliing that 23 had been fixed remain, 
 the wind tearing everything to shreds** and hurrying it 
 away ; and soon after, when 3 the water which had been 
 raised aloft by the gale, had been frozen 25 on the icy sum- 
 mits of the mountains, it poured down such a torrent 26 of 
 snow and hail, that 1 the soldiers, throwing 27 everything 
 away, fell down upon their faces rather smothered than 
 covered by their clothes. And such an intensity 29 of cold 
 succeeded, that, 1 whenever anyone endeavoured to raise 
 and lift himself up from this miserable prostrate mass of 
 men and cattle, he was long unable, because, his sinews 
 stiffening 31 with the cold, he was hardly capable o/ 32 bend- 
 ing his joints. 
 
 15 Torpeo. 16 Partic. pass, of effundo : abl. abs. 17 Eo. 18 Pono. 
 19 Deprehendor. 20 Velut. 21 Explicare, nee, 22 Statuere 
 
 quidquam. 23 Pref. I. 8 (a). The relative here is indefinite, 
 
 24 Perscindo. 26 Concretus. 26 Tantum. 27 Abl. abs. partic 
 pass, of omitto. 28 Procumbo. 29 Vis. 30 Strages. 31 Torpeo 
 32 Possum. 
 
 At Rome, after the recovery of 1 Capua, the attention of 
 the senate and people was fixed upon Spain as much as 
 upon Italy: 2 and it was resolved that the army there 
 should be recruited, 3 and a general despatched. 4 It was 
 not, however, so clear 5 whom they should send, as 6 that, 
 two great generals having 7 fallen within thirty days, he 
 who was to supply* their place, should be chosen with 
 
 1 Pref. IT. 8. 2 Lit., ' there was to the Senate and people no 
 
 longer a greater rare of Itnly than of Spain.' 3 Augeor. 
 
 4 Mittor. 5 Tnm eonstahnt. 6 Quam. 7 Pref. I. i (d). 
 
 8 Succedere in. For the mood, s '6 Pref. I. n. 
 
G2 TART I. EXERCISE XX. 
 
 extraordinary care. As 7 some 9 named one man, others 1 
 another, it was at last determined 10 that the people should 
 hold an assembly to create 11 a proconsul for 12 Spain ; and 
 the consuls proclaimed a day for the assembly. At first 
 they had expected that those who 13 believed themselves 
 worthy of so important 1 * a command, would give m 15 their 
 names. As this expectation was defeated, their sorrow for 
 the disaster 16 sustained was renewed, and also their regret 17 
 for the generals 16 lost. Accordingly the people sorrowfully, 
 and almost at a loss what to decide upon, 1 * descended into 
 the Campus Martius, on the day of the election ; l9 and, 
 turning 20 towards the magistrates, looked round upon the 
 countenances of their leading men,* 1 who were gazing at 
 each other, and murmured that their fortunes were so 
 utterly lost, and such despair was felt for 22 the state, 
 that no one ventured to accept the command in Spain ; 
 when 23 suddenly P. Cornelius, son of that Publius who had 
 fallen in Spain, then about twenty-four years of age, de- 
 claring 15 himself a candidate, took his station on an eminence 
 in order that he might be clearly seen from it. 24 The eyes 
 of the whole assembly were directed towards him, and by 
 acclamations and tokens of favour 25 they augured a happy 
 and prosperous command. 
 
 9 Pref. in. 163. 10 Eo decursum est, ut. n Expressed 
 
 by the dative of the gerundive. 12 In, with accus. 13 Pref. I. 1 1. 
 11 Tantus. 15 Profiteer. l6 Objective genitive. 17 Desiderium. 
 18 Inops consilii. 19 Comitia. 20 Versus. 21 Princeps. 
 
 2 * Adeo desperatum de. 23 Pref. 1. 1 (a). 24 Pref. I. 8, N. B. 
 
 26 Favor. 
 
 XXI. 
 
 One man only was found to support 1 the bill,* C.Teren- 
 tius Varro, who had been praetor in the preceding year, of 
 parentage* not only humble, but mean. It is said that 
 his father was a butcher, the retailer of his own meat, 4 
 
 1 Suasor. 2 Lex. 3 Loco ortus. 4 Ipse institor mercis. 
 
PART I. EXERCISE XXI. 93 
 
 and that he employed this very son for the menial 5 offices 
 of that trade. 6 This young man, a fortune 7 left by his 
 father, acquired in such traffic, having 8 inspired him with 9 
 the hope of a more liberal condition, adopted the gown and 
 the forum, [and] by violent declamations 10 in behalf of 
 low persons 11 and causes against the property and reputa- 
 tion of well -conditioned 12 citizens, first gained the notice 13 
 of the people, and afterwards posts of honour. 14 And 
 when, 15 after having held 16 a quaestorship, two sedileships, 
 and a prsetorship, he began to aspire 17 to the hope of a 
 consulship, he dexterously courted the gale of popular 
 favour by maligning the dictator, and received alone the 
 credit 18 of the people's decree. All men, both those who 
 were at Home, and those who were in the army, whether 
 friends or foes, except the dictator himself, construed 19 the 
 measure 20 which had been passed 21 as an insult to him** 
 He, indeed, bore the wrong [he had sustained] from the 
 people, 22 infuriated 23 against him, with the same dignity 
 with which he had regarded his enemies (when) calumni- 
 ating him before 24 the multitude : and receiving his de- 
 spatches 25 and the decree of the senate respecting the 
 equalisation o/ 26 the command while upon his journey? 1 
 satisfied 28 that in equalising the right 29 to command, they 
 had by no means equalised the art of command, returned to 
 the army with a resolution 30 unsubdued alike by his fellow- 
 countrymen and his foes. 
 
 5 Servilis. 6 Ars. 7 Pecunia. 8 Expressed by ubi, with perf 
 indie. 9 Animos facere ad. 10 Proclamando. n Homo. 
 
 12 Bonus. 13 In notitiam pervenire. 14 Honores. 15 Quuiu 
 
 Pref. i. i (d). 16 Perfunctus. 17 Aninios attollere. 18 Gratia. 
 19 Accipio. 20 Rogatio. 21 Feror. 22 In contumeliam ejus, 
 83 Sapiens. * 4 Ad. 2S Literse. 26 Pref. n. 8. S7 In ipso 
 itinere. 28 Satis fidens. 29 Jus. 80 Animus. 
 
 XXII. 
 
 The youth then repaired to 1 ^Ebutia, his aunt, and told 
 her the reason why 2 he had been turned out by his mother : 
 1 Se conferre ad. 2 Pref. i. 10 (a). 
 
94 PART I. EXERCISE XXIT. 
 
 afterwards, on 3 her suggestion, 4 he laid 5 the matter before 6 
 the consul, in the absence of 7 witnesses. The consul dis- 
 missed him, with orders 8 to return three days afterwards : 
 and inquired in person* of Sulpicia, a lady of dignity, 
 * Whether she knew 10 any old woman (named) ^Ebutia, 
 residing on 11 the Aventine ?' On 12 her replying that she 
 knew her to be a woman of honour 13 and of good charac- 
 ter, 14 he said that ; he had need of an interview with her :' 15 
 and ordered her to send 16 a message to summon her. 
 ^Ebutia, on receiving the summons, 11 came to Sulpicia : 
 and presently afterwards the consul, as if he had dropped 
 in ls by chance, alluded to 19 ^Ebutius, her nephew. The 
 woman's tears arose, and she began to commiserate the 
 misfortune of the youth, who, (she said) 20 robbed of his 
 fortune by the last persons who should have injured him* 1 
 was then under her own roof, having been banished by 
 his mother, because he had refused, as an honourable 
 youth, to be initiated in immoral rites, as report described 
 them. The consul, thinking that enough had been dis- 
 covered of 23 ^butius (to prove that) he was a reliable 
 vjitnessf* dismissing 25 ^Ebutia, requested his mother-in-law 
 to 26 summon to his presence 27 Hispala, also 28 residing on 
 the Aventine, and well known in the neighbourhood : 
 [saying] there were 29 some questions he wished to ask her. 
 
 3 Ex. 4 Auctoritas. b Deferre. 6 Ad. 7 Reniotus, abl. abs. 
 8 < Ordered.' 9 Ipse. 10 Pref. I. 9 (d). Ex. l2 Quum. 
 Pref. I. i (d). 1S Pref. n. 9. 14 Antiqui moris. 15 Ea conventa, 
 governed by ( opus.' 16 Pref. I. 9 (c). 17 Accitus. 18 Intervenire. 
 Pref. 'I. 7 (a). 19 Sermonem infero de. 20 See Pref. I. 9 (f, g) ; 
 
 All the succeeding dependent clauses are in the subjunctive, as they 
 depend upon a verb ' of saying' understood. 21 A quibus niinime 
 
 oporteret. 22 Apud sese. 23 De. 24 Ilaud van us auctor. 
 
 23 Abl. abs. 26 Ut. 27 Sese. 28 Indidein. 29 Pref. I. 9 (a). 
 
 XXIII. 
 
 What is that insolent ostentation of yours 1 in boasting 
 of your wealth ? Are you alone rich ? What, if not even 
 
 1 Iste. 
 
TAP.T I. EXERCISE A'XIII. 95 
 
 rich ? What if actually 2 poor ? For whom do we suppose 
 to be a rich man ? To whom do we apply that designation ? 
 To one, 3 I presume, whose property readily enables him 
 to live liberally : who seeks, desires, wishes nothing more. 
 Your own mind ought 4 to pronounce you rich, not the 
 conversation of men, nor your own possessions : it should 
 consider nothing wanting to it, it should regard nothing 
 beyond. Perhaps it is satiated or even contented with 
 wealth ? I grant, then, that you are rich. But if, owing 
 to 5 your love of money, you consider no means of profit 
 dishonourable ; if every day you cheat, deceive, bargain ; 6 if 
 you rob the allies, plunder the treasury ; if you anxiously 
 await the wills of your friends, or do not even await, but 
 forge 7 them : are these the signs of a prosperous, or a 
 destitute, man? A man's mind, not his money-chest, 8 is 
 wont to be styled rich. However 9 full the chest be, I will 
 not hold you rich, so long as 1 see you empty. For men 
 measure the proportion of wealth by the standard of per- 
 sonal sufficiency. IQ As we conclude that those who 
 honourably seek a fortune by commercial pursuits, by sup- 
 plying workmen, 11 by contracting for public works , 12 are 
 in need ^professional emoluments ; l3 so he who sees, at 
 your house, flocks of accusers and judges assembled toge- 
 ther: rich and mischievous delinquents 14 compassing, 15 
 .with your aid the corruption of a court of justice: he 
 who sees your stipulations for remuneration 11 in the 
 causes you defend, the intervention of your funds in the 
 coalition 18 of candidates, the despatch of freedmen to drain 
 by usury and to plunder the provinces : who would not 
 conclude that such a man is confessedly in need of emolu- 
 ment ? 
 
 3 Etiam. 3 Is, used consecutively. Pref. i. 8 (g). 4 Oportet. 
 Pref. i. 3 (d). 5 Propter. 6 Paciscor. 7 Suppono. 8 Area. 
 * Quamvis. 10 Ex eo, quantum cuique satis est. n Operas dare : 
 gerundive. 12 Publica sumere. 13 Quaesitum : lit., ' what has 
 
 been sought.' 14 Reus. 15 Molior. 16 Te auctore. 
 
 17 Mercedum pactio. ls Coitio. 19 Defoaneror : gerundive. 
 
96 TART I. EXERCISE XXIV. 
 
 XXIV. 
 
 When 1 in a private meeting* I find you 3 are deceived 
 by some petty stipulation 4 of your adversary ; when you 
 put your seal to 5 the papers of your client, though they 
 contain a flaw; 6 am I to believe 1 that any more important 
 case 8 ought to be entrusted to you ? Sooner, indeed, would 
 he who has capsized 9 a skiff 10 in harbour, be fit to com- 
 mand u the vessel of the Argonauts in the Euxine Sea. 
 Indeed, 12 if the causes, in which the question hinges cm 13 
 the civil law, have not even the excuse of being insignifi* 
 cant but are often most important how intolerable is 
 that advocate's impudence, 16 who dares approach those 
 causes without any knowledge of law? To illustrate : 17 
 What case could be more important than the soldier's, a 
 false announcement 18 of whose death reached home from 
 the army; and his father, believing the story, altered his 
 will, made whom he pleased his heir, and died ? The 
 matter was afterwards brought before 20 the centumviri, the 
 soldier having returned 21 home, and having instituted an 
 action to recover his paternal inheritance. Thus, 23 in this 
 case, the question turned iipon 24 the civil law whether a 
 son could 2 * be deprived 26 of his father's property, when r 
 his father had not written him 27 by name, either heir o. 
 disinherited, in his will. Again: 12 when 28 I was recently 
 defending the cause of Aurata in a civil action, did not 
 the whole of my defence hinge upon (a question of) law? 30 
 
 1 Pref. I. 2 (d). 2 Circulus. 3 Mihi : ethical dative. 
 
 4 Stipulatiuncula. 5 Obsigno. 6 * Although that is written in 
 
 them, by which he may be caught' (capior). 7 Pres. subjunctive. 
 See Madvig, 353. 8 Causa. 9 Everto. Pref. n. 16 (a). 
 
 10 Duorurn scalmorum navicula. 1! Perf. subjunctive. See Madvig, 
 350, b. 12 Quid? 13 Certatur de. 14 Ne parvse quidem sunt. 
 15 Quod tandem. 16 Os. 17 Igitur. 18 Nuntius. 19 Re 
 
 credita. 20 Deferor ad. 21 Cum, with pluperf. subjunctive. 
 
 22 Agere lege in. 23 Nempe. 24 Qupesitum de. 25 Pref. I. 10 (a). 
 26 Exhferes esse. 27 Pref. I. 8 (d). 28 Pref. 1. i (d). 29 Judicium 
 privatum. See Smith, Diet. Ant. 503, B. 30 Jus. 
 
PART I. EXERCISE XXIV. 07 
 
 A - 
 
 Marius having 31 sold a house to Aurata, and not having 31 
 stated in the bond of sale** that a certain part of that 
 house was subject to a servitude,* 3 I pleaded that the 
 vendor was bound to make good 34 whatever flaw 38 might 
 have existed in the article sold, 36 if he was aware of it, and 
 had not specified 37 it. Much in the same way my friend 
 Bucculeius, a man/ar/rom deficient in my opinion, and 
 very clever in his own, and not averse to the study of law, 
 contrived to 4Q blunder in a similar case. For when 28 he 
 sold his house to Fusius, he warranted 41 the light 42 as it 
 was, in the deed of sale. 43 Fusius, however, as soon as 
 buildings were commenced in a certain part of the city, 
 which could just 44 be seen from that house, instantly 
 brought an action against 45 Bucculei us, because he thought 
 that the light was changed, if any portion of the sky, how- 
 ever distant it might be, was obscured. 46 
 
 31 Pref. i. i (d). S2 Mancipii lex. 33 Servio. 84 Pwesto. 
 
 35 Incommoduin. 36 Mancipium. S7 Declare. This and the 
 preceding verbs are in the subjunctive, because the dependent clauses 
 
 are subject to the rule of the oratio obliqua. . 38 Quo in genere. 
 
 39 Neque stultus. 40 Quodammodo. 41 Recipio. 42 Lumina. 
 
 43 Mancipium. 44 Modo. 45 Agere cum. 4e Subjunctive. 
 Pref. i. 9. 
 
 XXV. 
 
 Thesis nothing more conducive 1 to the pleasure of the 
 reader, than the changes of times and the vicissitudes of 
 fortune ; and although in the actual trial 2 they were 3 not 
 desirable, they will nevertheless be agreeable in reading 
 For the remembrance of past sorrow, in the midst of secu- 
 rity, 4 inspires pleasure. While to those who have encoun- 
 tered no personal 5 troubles, and who regard the misfortunes 
 of others without any pain, pity itself is pleasant. Whom, 
 indeed, 6 does not the story of Epaminondas dying at Man- 
 tinea affect with mingled pleasure and compassion? 7 
 
 1 Aptus. 2 Gerund of experior. s Pref. r. 5 (a). 4 Securus. 
 8 Proprius. 6 Enim. 7 Cum quadam miseratione delecto, 
 
 II 
 
98 PART I. EXERCISE XXV. 
 
 (Epaminondas), who only 8 commanded the dart to be 
 drawn from him, when it had been announced to him that 
 his shield was safe : so that 9 even amid the pain of his 
 wound, he died with equanimity and with honour. Whose 
 attention, 10 in reading, is not kept on tiptoe" by the flight 
 and the return of Themistocles ? Oftentimes the hazardous 
 and chequered 12 fortunes of a great man inspire wonder, 
 expectation, joy, trouble, hope, fear ; and if they are termi- 
 nated by some memorable catastrophe, 13 the mind is filled 
 with the liveliest pleasure from the perusal. 14 On this 
 account, 1 * it will be the more acceptable to me, if you 
 should think it desirable to separate the drama 16 of the 
 affairs and events in which I acted 11 from your continuous 
 history, in which you embrace an unbroken narrative of 
 events. For it seems to me that a volume of moderate 
 size 18 might be composed, from the commencement of the 
 conspiracy down to 19 my return ; wherein you will be able 
 to display your ivell-known 2Q knowledge of political 21 
 changes, both in explaining the causes of revolutions, 22 and 
 in (suggesting) the remedies for evils : and if you think 
 you ought to deal openly,* 3 as you are wont, [with the 
 subject,] you will stigmatise the perfidy, the plots, the 
 treachery of many towards myself. For my fortunes will 
 afford you much variety in writing, replete with a peculiar 24 
 pleasure, calculated 25 to fascinate the attention 26 of men in 
 reading. And I do not fear lest I may seem to court your 
 favour by flattery, since 27 I am only proving, that I am 
 extremely anxious to be eulogised and celebrated by you. 
 
 8 Turn denique. 9 Pref. I. 6. 10 Studium. n Erectus retineri. 
 12 Varius. 13 Exitus. 14 Lectio. 15 Quo. 16 Quasi fabula. 
 See Pref. n. 29. 17 Noster. l8 Modicum quoddam corpus. 
 
 19 Usque ad. 20 Hie. 21 Civilis. 22 Res novse. 23 Liberia 
 agendum. 24 Quidarn. 25 Qui. Pref. I. 8 (h). M Animus. 
 
 }7 Pref. i. ^ (d). 
 
PART I. EXERCISE XXVI. 
 
 XXVL 
 
 If, 1 in all sounds and words, that is rhythmical 2 which 
 possesses certain cadences, 3 and which we can measure by 
 equal pauses, 4 this species of rhythm, 5 provided 6 it is not 
 unbroken, will be ranked as an ornament of style. 1 For 
 if 1 a never-ending fluency of diction* without pauses is to 
 be considered rude and unpolished, what other reason is 
 there why 9 it should be avoided, save that the ear in- 
 stinctively demands modulation in language ? 10 And this 
 cannot be realised 11 without rhythm. Now, there is no 
 rhythm in an unbroken period: 12 the variation, and the 
 measured cadence of the pauses, sometimes equally 
 balanced, often diversified, 15 constitutes 16 rhythm; and 
 this we are able to note in falling drops, because they are 
 distinguished by intervals in a headlong river we are not 
 able. But as composition in prose 17 is much more con- 
 venient 18 and agreeable, if it be divided into clauses 19 
 and members, than if it be unbroken and prolonged, 20 
 those members ought to be justly proportioned, 21 for 
 if they are too short 22 at the end (of a sentence), the 
 roundness of the period, as the Greeks style these termi- 
 nations of a sentence, 2 * is broken. Nor is this so laborious 
 as it appears : nor are these points 25 to be regulated by the 
 strictejj^jailea of rhythmical 26 and musical (composers). 
 This only must be secured, 27 that the composition be not 
 too diffuse, 2 * that it does not stop too soon, 2g and does not 
 
 1 Si, with indie., because the truth of the proposition is assumed. 
 2 Numerosus. 3 Impressio. 4 Intervallum. 5 Numeri. 6 Dummodo. 
 Pref. i. 4 (i). 7 In orationis laude. 8 Loquacitas perennis ac 
 
 profluens. 9 Pref. i. 10 (a). 10 Natura vocem modulantur ipsse 
 aures. u Fieri. 12 Continuatio. ia Percussio, a term 
 
 borrowed from music. 14 ^Equalis. 15 Varius. l6 Conficio. 
 
 17 Continuatio verborum soluta.* 18 Aptus. 19 Articulus. 20 Pro- 
 ductus. 21 Moditicatus esse. 22 Pref. n. 19 (d). 23 Ille quasi 
 verborum ambitus. 24 Orationis con versiones. 23 Hgec. 
 
 16 Rhythmic!. 27 Efficiendum. 28 Fluo. 29 Insisto interius. 
 
 * ' Solutus ' means, literally, unfettered by metre. 
 
 H2 
 
fOC PART I. EXERCISE XXVI. 
 
 rim too far ; that it be varied by clauses, that it possess 
 well-rounded periods. 30 Nor must we constantly employ 
 sustained and elaborate periods ; 31 but the sentence should 
 frequently be split into 32 shorter clauses, and even these 
 ought to be measured and harmonious. 
 
 30 Con version es absolute. 81 Perpetuitas, et quasi conversio 
 
 Terborurn. 3 ~ Carpendus, with abl. S3 Numeris viuciendus. 
 
 XXVII. 
 
 It was then that a great number 1 first began to fly ; and, 
 at last, neither the lake nor the mountains hindered their 
 panic-stricken rusk. 2 Through every 3 narrow and rugged 
 (pass) they endeavoured 4 to escape as if blind ; and arms 
 and men were tumbled 4 one upon another. A great many, 
 finding 5 there was 4 no room 6 for flight, advancing into the 
 water through the shallowest 7 pools of the lake, plunged 4 
 themselves in, keeping their heads and shoulders only 
 above ivater. 8 Some there were, whom 9 a frenzied 10 panic 
 impelled to seek escape even by swimming. But as 5 this 
 was interminable 11 and hopeless, 12 they were either drowned 13 
 in the deep water, 1 * courage failing them, or, wearied to no 
 purpose^ regained 16 the shallows with the greatest diffi- 
 culty, and were there cut down on all sides by the cavalry 
 of the enemy (who had) entered the water. About six 
 thousand of the vanguard, 17 having gallantly made a charge 18 
 through the opposing foe, unconscious of everything that 19 
 was going on 2Q in their rear, 2} escaped from the defile ; 22 
 and, having 23 halted on a rising ground 24 hearing only 
 the shouts and the clash of arms, could neither hear nor 
 observe, in consequence o/ 26 the mist, what was 26 the for- 
 
 1 Pars. 2 Pavor. 3 Neuter plural. 4 Historical present. 
 5 Ubi. Pref. I. 2 (a). 6 Locus. 7 Primus. 8 Quoad capitibus 
 exstare passimt. e Pref. I. 8 (m. ). 10 Inconsultus. n Immensus. 
 12 Sine spe. 13 Haurior. 14 Gurges, plur. 15 Nequaquam. 
 
 16 Repeto. 1? Primum agmen. 18 Eruptio: abl. abs. 
 
 ly Pref. I. 8 (in. 3). 20 Agor. 21 Post ae. 22 Saltus. 23 Qiuun. 
 Pref, I. i (d). * Tumulus quidarn. 25 p ra ^ 26 p re ]t I0 
 
PART I. EXERCISE XXVI F. 1OI 
 
 tune of the battle. At last, after the day had been lost, 
 the dispersion of* 1 the mist by the sun's increasing heat 
 having cleared the atmosphere, in the liquid light the 
 mountains and plains at last disclosed the scene of rum, 28 
 and the miserable rout of 27 the Roman army. On this 
 lest cavalry should be despatched against them (if) 
 descried from afar, hurriedly seizing their standards, they 
 tore themselves away, marching with the utmost speed. 
 
 27 Pref. n. 8. 28 Perditas res. 29 Itaque. 
 
 XXVIII. 
 
 Both in this and in the following year the pestilence 
 continued. And, as 1 the virulence of the malady was 
 alleviated neither by human expedients 2 nor by divine 
 aid, men's minds being overwhelmed 3 oy superstition, 
 scenic plays, 4 a novelty 5 for a military people for, hitherto, 
 there had only been the shows of the circus are said to 
 have been instituted among other means of appeasing^ the 
 anger of the gods. The matter, however, was trifling 
 as almost everything is at its commencement 1 and was 
 even foreign in its origin. Without any poetry, and with- 
 out any gesticulation 8 in imitation of poetry? actors 10 (who 
 had been) summoned from Etruria, exhibited dances, far 
 from ungraceful, 11 according to the Tuscan fashion. The 
 youn^vffien afterwards began to imitate them, at the 
 same time interchanging 13 jests with one another in un 
 polished verse ; and their dancing was in concert with 1 * 
 their language. Accordingly the invention 16 was patronised, 16 
 and improved by frequent practice. 17 The name histriones 
 
 1 Quum. Pref. I. i (d). 2 Consilium. s Abl. abs. 4 Ludus. 
 5 Nova res. 6 Placamen. 7 ' All beginnings/ 8 Actus. 
 
 9 Expressed by the genitive of the gerundive, which is thus used to 
 denote a fitness or purpose : e. g. Regium imperium initio conservandae 
 libertatis fuerat. Sail. Cat. 6 : l the regal office had originally tended 
 to the preservation of freedom/ 10 Ludio. u Hand indecorus. 
 
 12 Pref. u. 22. l3 Inter se fundens. 14 Non absonus a. 15 lies. 
 w Acceptus. " Pref. n. 8. 
 
J02 PART I. EXERCISE XXVIII. 
 
 was given to the native performers, 18 because an actor is 
 called Tiister in the Tuscan tongue : and they did not inter- 
 change in dialogue 19 verses artless and unpolished, on ike 
 inspiration of the moment like the Fescennine lines : 
 but represented 21 medleys 22 composed in metres, with the 
 verse 23 attuned 24 to the music, and with gesticulation in 
 concert. 2 * Livius, who, several 26 years after, renouncing 27 
 medleys, first ventured to compose a play with a regular 
 plot?* is said, after 29 having broken 30 his voice [by] having 
 been repeatedly encored, 31 to have placed a boy, by per- 
 mission, to chaunt in front of 3 ' 6 the musician, and to 
 have performed the gesticulation 34 with much more lively 
 action, 35 because he was not impeded by having to 
 employ his voice. 36 The exhibition 15 being, by this arrange- 
 ment 37 of the plays, diverted 38 from laughter and intem- 
 perate mirth, and the amusement having gradually deve- 
 loped 39 into an art : the young men, 17 abandoning to 
 professional actors the performance 41 of plays, began 
 themselves, according to the ancient usage, to exchange 
 jests embodied 42 in verse ; which were afterwards styled 
 Exodia, and were mainly composed of the Atellane 
 farces. 43 
 
 18 Vernaculus artifex. 19 Altering. 20 Temere. 21 Perago. 
 22 Saturse. 23 Cantus. 24 Descriptus, abl. abs. 25 Congruens. 
 * 6 Aliquot. 27 Ab. 28 Argumentum. 29 Quum. Pref. I. i (d). 
 30 Obtundo. 8l Repetitus. 32 ' Leave [venia] having been sought.' 
 83 Ante. 84 Canticum. 35 Vigente motu. 86 ' Because the 
 use of his voice did not impede him.' 37 Lex. 38 Avocor : indi- 
 cative with postquam. 39 Cresco. 40 Histrio. 41 Actus. 
 42 Intextus. 43 Fabella. 
 
 XXIX. 
 
 .Both the witnesses being 1 now in his power, the consul 
 brought 2 the matter before 3 the senate, detailing 4 the 
 whole transaction, the information 5 in the first place laid 
 before him, and the enquiries 6 he had subsequently made. 
 
 1 Quum. Pref. i. T (d). 2 Historical present. s Ad. 4 Ordine 
 expono. 5 Quad delata. 6 Qiue inquisita forent. 
 
TART I. EXERCISE XXIX. IOJ 
 
 Consternation seized the senate, both on public grounds, 7 
 lest these conspiracies and nocturnal meetings should har- 
 bour 8 some secret treason 9 or danger, and also on private 
 grounds, on account of 11 their own relatives, lest any 
 one (among them) should be implicated in 12 the crime. 
 The senate then decreed a vote of thanks 13 to the consul, 
 for having 14 investigated the affair with singular vigilance 
 and without any disturbance. In the next place, they 
 delegated 2 to the consuls an extraordinary commission 15 
 concerning the nocturnal rites : and required 2 them to take 
 care that the affair should not prejudice the witnesses, 
 ^Ebutius and Fecenia, and also to invite other informers 17 
 by rewards. The consuls commanded the curule sediles 
 to search for all the priests of this rite, and to detain them, 
 (when) arrested, in private custody, 18 for 19 trial : and the 
 plebeian sediles to see that no ceremonies took place 2Q in 
 concealed spots. Orders were given to the Commissioners 
 of Police^ to distribute guards throughout the city, and to 
 take care that no nocturnal meetings should be held. 
 
 7 Nomen, sing. 8 Importo. 9 Fraus. 10 Privatim. 
 
 11 Pref. in. 190. 12 Affinis sum, with dative. 1S G ratios agendas. 
 14 Quod. Pref. I. 9 (f). l5 Quaestio. 16 Ne fraud! sit, with 
 
 dative. 17 Index. 18 Libero conclavi. 19 Ad. 20 Fio. 
 
 81 Triumviri capitales. 
 
 *- XXX. 
 
 
 
 If, then, men who have concealed what they ought to 
 have told 1 are censurable, 2 what is to be thought of 3 those 
 who have resorted to positive deception? * C. Canius, a 
 Ixoman knight, not wanting in talent* and liberally edu- 
 cated, having 6 repaired 7 to Syracuse for the sake of recrea- 
 tion, not of business, 8 frequently mentioned his desire to 
 purchase some gardens, where he might 9 invite friends, and 
 
 1 Reticeo. 2 Vituperandus. 8 De. 4 Orationis vanitatem 
 adhibeo. & Inficetus. 6 Quum. Pref. i. i (d). 7 Conferre se. 
 8 Pref. ii. 8. 9 This is equivalent to ' in order that he might invite 
 friends there ;' and therefore requires a subjunctive 
 
104 PART L EXERCISE XXX. 
 
 amuse himself without interruption. 10 On 6 this becoming 
 generally known, 11 Pythius, who kept* a bank 12 at Syracuse, 
 informed him that he had no gardens for sale, but that 
 Canius might, if 14 he chose, use his gardens as his own ; 
 and at the same time he invited him there to 15 dinner on 
 the following day. Canius having 6 promised to come, 
 Pythius summoned some fishermen to his presence, 16 and 
 requested them to 17 fish, the day after, in front 1 * of his 
 gardens ; telling them what 19 he wished them to do. Canius 
 came to dine punctually. 20 A banquet had been sumptu- 
 ously provided 21 by Pythius. Before their eyes was a 
 multitude of boats. Each fisherman brought to the table 
 what he had caught : the fishes were laid before the feet 
 of Pythius. On this, Canius enquires : 6 Pray, Pythius, 
 what does this mean? Why so many fishes, so many 
 boats?' ( What wonder?' he replies. s At this spot all 
 the fishes- 3 in Syracuse are found : this is their haunt : 24 
 these men cannot dispense with** this villa.' Canius, 
 longing to possess the place, begs Pythius to 17 sell it. He 
 demurs at first. To be brief : 27 he gains his point : 28 the 
 opulent and eager (customer) buys at the price that 
 Pythius wished. He buys the gardens fully stocked. Py- 
 thius registers the debt, 30 and concludes the business. The 
 next day Canius invites his friends. He arrives himself 
 early : not a single thole-pin does he see. He enquires of 
 his next-door* 1 neighbour, \\hether 19 it was a fisherman's 
 holiday, since he sees nothing of them. ' No holiday, as 
 far as I know,' 32 replied his friend ; ' but no fishermen are 
 in the habit of 33 fishing here : and for this reason I was 
 wondering yesterday what 19 had happened.' 
 
 10 Interpellatores. n Percrebresco. 12 Argentaria. I3 Pref n. 9. 
 14 This clause is an indirect quotation. See Pref. i. 9 (f). 15 Ad. 
 
 16 Adsese. 17 Ut. 18 Ante. 19 Pref. I. 10. 20 Tempore. 
 21 Apparatus. 22 Turn. 23 Piscium quidquid est. 24 Aquatio. 
 25 Careo. 26 Gravate ille primo. 27 Quid multa ? S8 Iinpetro. 
 29 Tanti quanti. 30 Nomina lacio. 31 Proximus. 32 Quod* 
 
 ficiaru. 3S Soleo. 
 
 * See the note at the end of Part 1. 
 
PART 1. EXERCISE XXXI. 1 05 
 
 XXXI. 
 
 Popular parties, aristocratic factions, and all pernicious 
 practices, 1 came into fashion 2 a few years previously at 
 Home, from ease and the abundance of those things which 
 men most highly prize. Previously to the destruction 3 of 
 Carthage, the Roman senate and people used to share 
 between themselves the government of the state with 
 dignity and moderation. 4 There was no struggle for 
 honour 5 or power among the citizens : the fear of the 
 enemy 6 kept the people in virtuous habits. 7 But when 
 this apprehension vanished from their minds, that licen- 
 tiousness and pride which prosperity loves, began to attack 
 'them. So that the ease which they had longed for in 
 adversity, became, after they had attained it, harder and 
 more bitter (than the want of it). For the nobles 8 began to 
 turn dignity into tyranny, the people liberty into licen- 
 tiousness : every one began to covet, to appropriate, 9 to 
 seize, for selfish purposes. 10 Thus society 11 was rent into 
 two factions : the commonweal, which lay between them as 
 a common prey, was torn to pieces. The nobles were 
 the more powerful, owing to their partisans : 13 the influence 
 of the commonalty, weakened by dispersion among many, 
 was less effective ; 15 both in war and at home public affairs 
 were administered according to the will of the oligarchs : 16 
 the treasury, the provinces, the magistracies, honours and 
 triumphs, were in their hands. The people was oppressed 
 by military service 17 and by poverty : the generals shared 
 with the oligarchs the plunder of war. 
 
 1 Malse artes. a Lit., ( the custom of popular parties, etc., arose.' 
 8 Pref. II. 8. 4 Modeste. 5 Objective genitive. 6 Pref. n. 9. 
 7 Eons* artes. 8 Pref. n. 22. 9 Duco. 10 Sibi. " Omnia. 
 12 Qiue media erat. 13 Factio, sing. 14 Hendiadys: solutus 
 
 atque dispersus. 15 Minus posse. l6 Pauci. 17 Militia. 
 
 OF 
 
 UNIVERSITY 
 
106 PART I. EXERCISE XXXTI. 
 
 XXXII. 
 
 I wish to mention to you an incident 1 which gave me no 
 slight consolation, in the hope that 2 it may possibly alle- 
 viate your sorrow. As 3 I was sailing from yEgina towards 
 Megara, on my return* from Asia, I began to gaze upon 
 the countries around me. Behind me was ^Egina, in front 
 was Megara ; on the right was the Piraeus, on the left 
 Corinth cities which at one 6 time were most prosperous, 
 and are now lying prostrate and in ruins 6 before our eyes, 
 I began to reflect with myself: 'What! are we insignifi- 
 cant mortals 1 angry, if one of us dies, or is slain, though 
 our* lives are naturally 3 short, while 10 the corpses of so 
 many states lie prostrate before us? Will you not restrain 
 } r ourself, and remember that you were born mortal?' 
 Believe me, by that reflection I was in no slight degree 11 
 strengthened. Set that reflection, if you are so disposed, 
 before your eyes. Recently, many illustrious men have at 
 one season perished ; besides, a great reduction has been 
 made in the empire: all the provinces have suffered from 
 the storm; 1 * yet are you so violently excited if a loss has 
 been sustained in the insignificant life 13 of one little girl, 
 who, had 14 she not perished at this season, must neverthe- 
 less have died in a few years afterwards, since she was 
 born a mortal? 15 Avert your mind and thoughts from 
 these subjects, 16 and rather call to mind what is worthy of 
 your character and station 11 that she lived as long as 
 was desirable for her; that she lived as long as the republic 
 lived; that she saw you, her father, praetor, consul, augur; 
 that she had been married to youths of high position; 19 
 that she had enjoyed almost every blessing ; that she de- 
 parted from life, when the republic was falling. 
 
 1 Res. 2 Pref. I. 4 (k). 3 Quum. Pref. I. i (d). 4 < Return- 
 ing.' 5 Quidain. 6 Dirutus. 7 Hoinunculus. 8 Relative. 
 9 Debent esse. 10 Cu-m. Pref. I. 5 (b). n Non mediocriter. 
 
 1Q Conquassor. 13 Animula. 14 Pref. I. 4 (b. ). 15 Homo is 
 used of bo*,h sexes ; like &p0p6>iro?. See Bp. Monk's note on Eur. 
 Hipp 474. 16 Res 17 Persona. 18 Primarius, 
 
PART I. EXERCISE XXXIII. IOJ 
 
 XXXIII. 
 
 Meanwhile Publins Sylla, whom Caesar at his departure 
 had set over the camp, having received information, 1 
 came 2 to the assistance of the cohort with two legions, and 
 on his arrival the Pompeians were easily repulsed. Indeed 
 they could not brook the sight or the assault of our troops; 
 and when the first line 3 was routed, the rest turned their 
 backs and retreated from their position. 4 Sylla, however, 
 recalled our soldiers, in the midst of the pursuit,* lest they 
 should follow them too far. 6 Most men believe that, if 7 
 lie had chosen to pursue them vigorously, the war might 
 have been finished on that day. His conduct, 8 however, 
 does not seem censurable ; 9 for a lieutenant has one part, 
 a eommander-in-cluef 10 another: the one 11 ought to do 
 everything according to his orders, the other 11 to act 12 with 
 freedom, looking to the main point. 13 Sylla, having been 
 left in the camp by Cresar, after 14 having liberated his own 
 soldiers, was content therewith, and determined not to 
 fight a general action, 15 lest he should seem to have taken 
 upon himself the part of a commander-in-chief. The 
 affair caused the Pompeians great difficulty as to 16 their 
 retreat. For, after advancing 17 from an unfavourable posi- 
 tion, 4 they had halted on an eminence : in case 1 * they re- 
 treated down hill, 19 they were afraid of our men pursuing 
 them from higher ground ; and not much time remained 
 before the setting of the sun ; for in the hope of finishing 
 the business, they had protracted the matter until almost 
 night. Accordingly, acting 21 from necessity and on the 
 spur of the moment,* 2 Pompey took possession of a hill, 
 which was so far distant from our fort, that a dart or 
 missile 23 could not reach it. 
 
 1 Certior factus. a Lit., ' came as an assistance [auxilium, dat.] 
 
 for the cohort/ s Primi. 4 Locus. 5 ' Following ; ' agreeing 
 with ' soldiers.' 6 Pref. II. 1 9 (d). 7 Pref. i. 4 (b. ft). * Coc- 
 siliuin. 9 Gerundive of reprehendo. 10 Imperator. n Pref. 
 ill. 163. * 12 Consulere. 1S Surama rerum. 14 Abl. abs. 
 
 15 Prselio decerto. 16 Ad. 17 Progredior : partic. perf. 18 Si : 
 with subjunctive; because the sentiments of the Pompeians are 
 indirectly quoted. Pref. I. 9 (f). 19 Per declive. 2o Prope in. 
 
 21 Capto consilio. 2 * Ex tempore. 23 Tormeatuiu. 
 
108 PART I. EXERCISE XXXIV. 
 
 XXXIV. 
 
 Two of our vessels, after a tedious passage, having been 
 overtaken by night, and 1 not knowing what 2 harbour the 
 rest had reached, came to an anchor* opposite Lissus. 
 Crassus, who commanded at Lissus, sent a number of skiffs 4 
 and small craft? and prepared to attack them ; at the 
 same time he began negotiating 6 for 7 their surrender, pro- 
 mising safety to those who surrendered. One of these 
 vessels had taken on board 8 two hundred and twenty men 
 from a legion of recruits; 9 the other rather less than 10 two 
 hundred from a veteran legion. Here was a lesson, how 
 great a support men have in strength of mind. For the 
 recruits, alarmed by the number of the vessels, and worn 
 out by the voyage, and by sea-sickness, 11 surrendered to 
 Crassus, on receiving 12 an oath that the enemy would not 
 injure them ; yet all of them, when brought before him, 
 were, contrary to the obligation 13 of the oath, most cruelly 
 massacred in his presence. 14 The veteran soldiers, on the 
 other hand 9 15 who had also been harassed by the evils of 
 bad weather and of bilge- water, 16 resolved to relax nothing 
 of their former courage; but after spending 12 the earliest 17 
 hours of the night in negotiating terms and in pretend- 
 ing to surrender, compelled the pilot to cast the ship 
 ashore ; 19 then, having pitched 20 upon a suitable spot, they 
 passed the remainder of the night there, and at dawn, 
 cavalry having been sent against them by Crassus, defended 
 themselves, and after slaying 12 some of them, returned 
 safely to our quarters? 1 
 
 1 Quuni. Pref. 1. 1 (d). 2 Pref. I. 10. s In anchoris consisto. 
 4 Scapha. 5 Minora navigia. 6 Ago. 7 De. 8 Sustulerat. 
 6 Tiro. 10 The adverbs plus, minus, amplius, etc., are often, as here, 
 used without quam, yet so as not to affect the construction of the 
 numerical phrase attached to them: e.g. tecum plus annum vixit 
 (Cic. pro Quinct. 12, 4.1): 'he lived with you more than a year.' 
 11 Nausea. I2 Abl. abs. partic. pass. 13 Religio. 14 Conspectus. 
 13 At. 16 Sentina. 17 Primus. 18 In tractandis conditionibua. 
 19 In terrain. 20 Nactus. 21 Ad nostros. 
 
PART I. EXERCISE XXXV. V o, IC 9 
 
 XXXV. 
 
 That old [saying] of Cato, who declared that he won- 
 dered that an haruspex did not laugh 1 whenever he saw 1 
 an haruspex, was very just. For how few events among 
 the many* predicted by them really happen ? Or, if any- 
 thing does happen, what reason can be given why it should 
 not have happened 3 accidentally? King Prusias, when 
 Hannibal, an exile at his court, wished a decisive action 
 to be brought on* declared that he could not venture, 
 because the entrails forbad 1 him. ' Do you choose, then,' 
 asked Hannibal, * to trust a Hide piece of calf's flesh 5 rathet 
 than a veteran general ?' And 6 did not Caesar himself, 
 though 7 he was warned by an eminent 8 haruspex not 9 to 
 cross into Africa before winter, nevertheless cross? If 10 
 he had not done so, all his opponent's forces would have 
 been concentrated 11 at one spot. 12 Why should I detail 
 the answers of haruspices I could mention innumerable 
 [instances] which have either had 13 no results, or else 
 contradictory results ? In the late 14 civil war, how often 
 did they mock us ? What replies from the haruspices were 
 despatched from Eome to us in Greece ? What predictions 
 were disclosed to Pompey ? for he was powerfully in- 
 fluenced 15 by entrails and prodigies. It is painful to men- 
 tion them, and, indeed, superfluous, to yourself especially, 
 as you" were personally concerned. 16 You are aware, how- 
 ever, that almost everything turned out contrarily to what 17 
 had been foretold. You believe that the Boeotian seers 
 discerned from the crowing 18 of the cocks, that victory 
 [belonged to] the Thebans, 19 because cocks are wont to be 
 silent when beaten, and to crow when conquerors. Did 
 Jupiter really send a message to that celebrated state 
 
 1 Pref. I. 9 (f). 2 Pref. n. 31. 3 Pref. I. 8 (m. r ). 4 Depugno. 
 5 Vitulina camncula. 6 Quid? 7 Quum. Pref. I. 2 (d). 
 
 8 Summus. 9 Ne. 10 Pref. i. 4 (b. 0). n Convenio. 12 Locus. 
 13 Pref. i. u. 14 Hie, 15 Moveor. 16 Intersum. n Contra ac. 
 18 Cantus. 19 Genitive. 
 
HO PART I. EXERCISE XXXV. 
 
 through poultry ? 20 Are not those birds in thehabit o/ 21 
 crowing, except when they are conquerors ? Why, on that 
 occasion 2 * they did crow, though they had not conquered. 
 But that, you will doubtless reply, is a prodigy. 
 
 80 Galling. 21 Soleo. 22 Turn. 
 
 XXXVI. 
 
 Let this divination, then, from dreams be exploded, 
 together with the rest. For, to 1 speak the truth, super- 
 stition, diffused throughout the nations, has overwhelmed 
 the minds of almost all men, and has made its own prize 
 of 2 human infirmity Religion, however, is not anni- 
 hilated by annihilating superstition. For, on the one hand, 3 
 it is the duty of a wise man to maintain the institutions of 
 our ancestors by retaining rites and ceremonies ; and, on 
 the other, 3 the beauty of the world, and the regularity 4 of 
 the celestial bodies, 5 compel us to confess that there is 
 some pre-eminent and eternal Being, 6 who ought to be 
 regarded with reverence and awe by the race of man. On 
 this account, as that religion which is combined with the 
 knowledge of that Being, ought certainly 7 to be propa- 
 gated; so also ought all the roots of superstition to be 
 extirpated. For it presses on, and is importunate : 8 and 
 follows your every turn: 9 whether you see 10 a seer or an 
 omen : whether you have offered 10 sacrifice, or have ob- 
 served 10 a bird: if you see 10 a Chaldean or an haruspex, 
 if it lightens, 10 if it thunders, 10 if anything is struck by 
 Lightning; 11 if anything in the shape of 12 a prodigy is 
 born or happens : and something of this kind must needs 
 in general take place ; so that 14 you can never rest with 
 your mind at ease. 16 Sleep is, apparently, the refuge of 
 all our toils and solicitudes. Yet from sleep itself numer- 
 
 1 Ut, with subjunctive. 2 Occupo. 8 Et. 4 Ordo. 5 Res. 
 8 Natura. 7 Etiam. 8 Urgeo. 9 < Whichever way YOU slu.ll 
 have turned yourself.' 10 Pref. n. 16. ll De coelo. * l2 SimilLs. 
 18 Plerumque. M Pref. I. 6. 15 Quietus. 
 
PART I. EXERCISE XXXVT. I I 1 
 
 ons cares and apprehensions arise : which, indeed, by them- 
 selves would have had but little influence, had not the 
 philosophers undertaken the cause 17 of dreams ; philoso- 
 phers far from contemptible, but in the highest degree 
 acute, appreciating what is logical 18 and what is illogical. 18 
 
 16 Minus valeo. 17 Patrocinium. 18 Consequeutia repugnantia, 
 
 XXXVII. 
 
 Although 1 some philosophers have employed an orna- 
 mental style 2 Theophrastus, for instance, 3 derived his 
 name from the divine grace of his diction : Aristotle chal- 
 lenged Isocrates himself, and they say the Muses spoke 
 with the voice of Xenophon nevertheless their style pos- 
 sesses neither the energy 4 nor the pungency 4 that befits the 
 orator 5 and the forum. They converse with men of letters^ 
 whose passions they study rather to calm than to excite : 
 they talk on topics 7 the most tranquil and the least ex- 
 citing, 8 in order to instruct, not to cajole, in such a tone? 
 that to some they seem to overstep their province, when 
 they study effect 11 in speaking. It is not difficult, there- 
 fore, to distinguish that eloquence which we are now dis- 
 cussing, from this style. 12 For the diction of philosophers 
 is gentle and retired, 13 is not popular either in sentiment 14 
 or expression, 15 nor is it fettered by rhythm, but is free 
 and open: chasteand modest, like a pure virgin. The points 
 of resemblance between orators and the sophists, who are 
 fond of courting the same flowers (of style) as an orator 
 employs in pleading causes, seem to require clearer dis- 
 tinction. They differ in this, that, 17 as 18 it is their object 19 
 not to stir up but to allay emotion rather to fascinate 
 
 1 Quanquam. Pref. I. 5 (a). 2 Ornate loqui. 3 Siquidein. 
 
 4 Pref. ii. 5. 5 Oratorius. 6 Doctus. 7 Res. 8 Turbulentus. 
 * Sic. lo Plus quain necesse sit, facere. " Delectatio. 12 Genus. 
 13 Umbratilis. 14 Sententue. 15 Verba. 16 Similitude, sing. 
 
 17 Quod, with indicative, because a fact is stated 18 Quum. Pref. 
 i. ^ (d). 19 Proposituin eat his. 
 
I I 2 PART I. EXERCISE XXXVII. 
 
 than to convince they employ ornament more openlj and 
 more frequently than we orators: they aim at 20 periods 
 rather graceful than argumentative; 21 they frequently 
 digress from the subject, 22 they interweave legends with it, 
 they use figures 23 with less reserve, 24 and dispose them as 
 painters do their varied shades 2 * of colour. History is 
 akin to this style : l2 for in history the narrative is ornate ; 
 and there are frequent descriptions of countries and battles ; 
 speeches and exhortations are also interposed : but in these 
 an equable 26 and flawing not an elaborate 27 and conten- 
 tious 28 style is required. 
 
 20 Exquiro. 21 Probabilis. 22 Kes. 2S Verba transferee. 
 
 24 < More boldly.' Varietates. 26 Tractus. 27 Contortus. 
 28 Acris. 
 
 XXXVIII. 
 
 This was generally believed. Hannibal was the only 
 man who perceived that he was aimed at } by the Eomans : 
 and that peace was only allowed the Carthaginians on the 
 understanding that 2 a remorseless 3 war should be main- 
 tained against himself alone. He, therefore, resolved to 
 submit to the crisis 4 and to his fate : and, having prepared 5 
 everything for 6 flight, and having publicly appeared 7 in 
 the Forum on that day in order to avert suspicion, he, as 
 soon as darkness fell, departed in his out-of-door* dress, 
 with two attendants, ignorant of his design. Horses being 9 
 in readiness 10 at the spot 11 where they had been ordered, 
 he passed through Byzacium by night, and arrived, on the 
 following day, on the sea-coast 12 between Acholla and 
 Thapsus, near 13 a castle of his oivn. u There a vessel pre- 
 pared and manned 15 with rowers, received him. Thus did 
 Hannibal leave Africa, pitying the fate of his country 
 oftener than his own. The same day he crossed into the 
 
 1 Petor. 2 Ita, ut. 3 Inexpiabilis. 4 Terapus. 5 Abl. 
 
 abs. partic. pass. 6 Ad. 7 Obversor. 8 Forensis. 9 Quum, 
 
 with piuperf. subjunctive. 10 Pnesto. n Locus. 12 Ad mare. 
 13 Ad. H Sims. 15 Instructus. 
 
PART I. EXERCISE XXXV1IT. II] 
 
 isle of 10 Cerciua. Finding 17 there several Phoenician mer- 
 chant 18 ships in harbour, with their freights, 19 and a con- 
 course of people having flocked together to ivelcome him 
 as he disembarked 21 from the vessel, he ordered that all 
 who enquired should be informed that he had been sent as 
 ambassador to Tyre. Apprehensive, 22 however, that one of 
 their ships sailing by night for Thapsus or Adrumetum, 
 might announce that he had been seen at Cercina, he com- 
 manded a sacrifice to be prepared, and the captains 23 of 
 the vessels and the merchants to be invited : also [giving 
 orders] that the sails, together with the yard-arms, should 
 be brought together from the ships, that they might enjoy 
 the shade for it happened to 6e 24 midsummer while 
 supping on the shore. So far as circumstances 25 and time 
 permitted, the banquet was duly prepared and celebrated 
 on that day: and the feast was protracted with a profusion 
 of wine 26 to a late hour of night. Hannibal, as soon as he 
 found an opportunity of escaping the notice of those 27 who 
 were in the harbour, unmoored his vessel. The rest having 9 
 at length arisen from their deep slumber, on the following 
 day, full of the fumes of wine, spent several hours in 
 carrying back and replacing, 29 and setting in order, the 
 tackle 31 of their ships. At Carthage, too, there was a con- 
 course of the people, accustomed to frequent the house of 
 Hannibal, at 32 the vestibule of his mansion. As soon as 
 it iv as generally known that he was not to be found, 34 a 
 crowd of citizens, in quest o/ 35 the chief man in the state, 
 flocked to the forum. Some spread a report that he had 
 had recourse to* 6 flight as was really the case : 37 others 
 that he had been assassinated by the treachery of the 
 Romans : and you might observe various countenances, as 
 is natural in a state agitated by the intrigues of partisans 
 supporting different factions. 
 
 16 Pref.in.48. 17 Quum,pluperf. subjunctive. 18 Onerarius. 19 Merces. 
 20 Salutantium. 21 Egredior. 22 Veritus. 23 Magister. 24 < It was by 
 chance.' 25 Res, sing. 26 ' Much wine.' 2; Fallendi eos. 28 Crapula. 
 29 Colloco. 30 Apto. 31 Arm amentum. 32 Ad. 33 Vulgatum 
 84 Compareo. 35 ' Seeking.' 3G Conseisco. 
 
 I 
 
 " OF THF 
 
 I UNIVERSITY | 
 
114 PART [.EXERCISE XXXIX. 
 
 XXXIX. 
 
 I have read your letters, from which I gather 1 that my 
 friend Caesar thinks you an excellent lawyer. You have 
 reason to rejoice 2 that you went to a country where you 
 could gain some reputation for learning. And if 3 you 
 had gone to Britain, too, assuredly there would have 
 been no man in that island, considerable as it is* more 
 skilful than yourself. However, I almost envy b you., for 
 I laving been summoned 6 without any solicitation 1 by a 
 man, to whom others, not on account of his pride, but on 
 account of his engagements, 8 cannot aspire. In your letter 
 you told me nothing of your affairs, which are not less 
 interesting* to me than my own. I am much afraid that 10 
 you may feel rather chilly 11 in your winter quarters; so 12 
 I think you ought to use a stove that will burn well, 1 ' 3 
 especially as you u were not too well provided with military 
 cloaks: 1 * though I hear you have hot enough work 16 there 
 now: on which intelligence 17 I was 18 extremely apprehen- 
 sive for 19 you. But enough of jest. 20 How 21 zealously I 
 have written to Caesar concerning you, you yourself are 
 well aware ; how frequently, I know myself. I had, how- 
 ever, at last ceased writing,** that I might not seem to 
 distrust the good-will of a man who is most gracious and 
 my particular friend. 23 Nevertheless, in the last letters 
 which I sent, 24 I thought it well to remind him; this I 
 did ; I wish you would inform me with what success, 25 
 and at the same time of your position 2 ' 5 and all your plans. 
 For I am anxious to know what you are doing, what you 
 are waiting for, and how long you think your absence 26 
 
 1 Intelligo. 2 See note 17 on Exercise XVIII. above. 3 Pref. 
 i.4.(b). 4 Tantus. 5 Subinvideo. 6 Infinitive. 7 Ultro. 
 8 Occupatio, sin:. 9 Curee esse. 10 Ne. n Frigeo. 12 Quam- 
 obrem. 13 Caminus luculentus. 14 Q.ui. Pref. i. 8 (b), 
 
 15 Sagum. 16 Satis calere. 17 Nuntius. 18 Pref. v. n. 19 I)e. 
 20 < We have joked enough.' 21 Pref. i. 10. 22 Intennitto. 
 
 23 Aniantiasinuis inei. - 4 Dedi : i.e. tabtilario. 25 Quid profe- 
 
 cerirn * 6 Disceflsui 
 
PART I. EXERCISE XXXIX. I I 5 
 
 from me is likely to last. I trust you will assure yourself, 
 that the only consolation which could enable me to endure 
 your being apart 27 from me, would be my conviction that 
 it is a [source of] profit to you; but if otherwise, nothing 
 can be more foolish than both of us : than me, for 28 not 
 bringing you to Rome : than you, for 28 not flying hither. 
 
 w Sine. 28 Qui, with finite verb. Pref. i. 8 (b). 
 
 XL. 
 
 Hannibal, escaping with a few horsemen in the midst of 
 the tumult, fled to Adrumetum ; having exhausted every 
 resource* both in the campaign, 2 and during the action, 
 before he left the field ; 3 and by the confession of even 
 Scipio, and all military critics^ with the reputation of 
 having drawn 5 up his army upon that day with extraor- 
 dinary skill. In the vanguard 6 he stationed the elephants, 
 in order that their 7 capricious 8 onset and irresistible 
 strength might prevent 9 the Komans from following 10 their 
 standards and keeping their ranks, 11 wherein, he knew, 12 
 they mainly trusted. Next he placed the auxiliary forces 
 in front o/ 13 the Carthaginian line, 14 in order that these 
 men, the mingled scum 15 of all nations, whom 16 pay, not 
 patriotism, 17 attached 18 [to Carthage], might not find a 
 passage open to flight ; at the same time that, by receiving 
 the first impduous assault 19 of the enemy, they might 
 weary them, and, if they could do no more, might at any 
 rate blunt the enemy's swords by their own wounds. Next, 
 he stationed the Carthaginian and African soldiers, in 
 whom, he felt, 12 all his hope lay, that they who were equal 
 in all other points 20 might have the advantage 2 * in this, 
 that they would be fresh when contending' 2 ' 2 with men who 
 
 1 Onmia expertus. 2 Ante aciem. s Pugna. 4 Peritus 
 
 militue. 6 Instruo, infin. 6 Prima frons. 7 Pref. i. 8 (e) 
 
 8 Fortuitus. 9 Prohibere. 10 Infinitive. n Servare ordines, 
 K> Pref i. 9 (g). 13 Ante. 14 Acies. 15 Mix t us ex colluvione. 
 16 Pref i. 8 (h). 1? Fides. 18 Teneo. I9 Ardor atque impetus: 
 Hmdiadys. 20 Pies 21 Superior esse. 22 < Might contend fresh.' 
 
 I 2 
 
J 1 6 PART I. EXERCISE XL 
 
 were tired and wounded : the Italians he drew up furthest 
 in the rear, separated by an interval, as he was doubtful 
 whether 23 they were allies or foes. Hannibal retired to 
 Adrumetum, after achieving 24 this last trophy 25 of military 
 science^ and, on returning to Carthage, whither he was 
 summoned, thirty-six years after he had left it as a boy, 
 declared in the senate that he had been conquered, not 
 merely in a battle, but in a campaign, 27 and that the only 
 hope of safety lay in suing for peace. 
 
 23 Pref. i. 10. 24 Partic. perf. pass, of edo: abl. abs. 25 Opus. 
 ** Virtus 27 Belluni. 
 
 NOTE* TO EXERCISE XXX. p. 104. 
 
 The words in the original are ' Pythius quidam, qui argent- 
 ariam faceret Syracusis.' The subjunctive is used, because the 
 relative clause contains not merely a fact, but a fact suggestive, 
 to a Roman, of the character of Pythius. Bankers in those days 
 did not rank as modern bankers do. An Englishman, telling the 
 story, would probably have said : ' A man named Pythius, a 
 cunnmg fellow, and a banker at Syracuse.' 
 
PAET II. 
 
 I. 
 
 ORIGINAL PASSAGE. 
 
 FT1HEKE is something patriarchal still lingering about 
 JL rural life in Sweden, which renders it a fit theme for 
 song. Almost primaeval simplicity reigns over that northern 
 land ; almost primaeval solitude and stillness. You pass 
 out of the gates of the city, and as if by magic the scene 
 changes to a wild woodland landscape. Around you are 
 forests of fir ; overhead hang the long fan-like branches, 
 trailing with moss, and heavy with red and blue cones. 
 Under foot is a carpet of yellow leaves : and the air is warm 
 and balmy. On a wooden bridge you cross a little silver 
 stream ; and anon come forth into a pleasant and sunny 
 land of farms. Wooden fences divide the adjoining fields. 
 Across the road are gates, which are opened by troops of 
 children. The peasants take off their hats as you pass 
 you sneeze, and they cry, ' God bless you !' The houses 
 in the* villages and smaller towns are all built of hewn 
 timber, and for the most part painted red. The floors of 
 the taverns are strewed with the fragrant tips of fir-"boughs. 
 In many villages there are no taverns, and the peasants 
 take turns in receiving travellers. LONGFELLOW. 
 
 SAME PASSAGE ADAPTED. 
 
 That rustic mode of life in Scandia has still a certain 
 flavour 1 of the golden age of our ancestors, which 2 seems 
 most worthy to be celebrated even by verses : so far does 
 
 1 Re^olet nescio quid. 2 Pref. r. 8 (h). 
 
11 8 PART II. EXERCISE I. 
 
 an almost primaeval simplicity, an almost primaeval silence 
 and tranquillity reign over 3 that northern region. You 
 will hardly have gone beyond the city, and in a moment, 
 as if at some Circe's command, 4 the whole scene 5 is changed 
 into a wild woodland landscape. 6 Around, on every side, 
 are groves of pines, whose boughs, diffused overhead, hang 
 down after the manner of a fan/ covered with moss, and 
 weighed down with red and azure cones ; while 8 beneath 
 the feet, yellow leaves heaped together make a carpet: 9 
 the air 10 (is) warm and balmy. You pass, on a wooden 
 bridge, a rivulet running down with silver waves; thence 
 you come forth into a very pleasant country, 11 shining with 
 the sun and with farms. 12 Fences woven with wood 13 divide 
 the adjacent fields. Gates confront you on the road, 1 * to 
 be opened by troops of boys. While the peasants, if any 
 meet you, take off their hats as you pass: 15 if you shall 
 have sneezed, they say, ' God bless you / ' 16 A II the houses 11 
 in the villages and smaller towns ls are built with hewn 
 limber, and generally painted red. 20 In the taverns, the 
 floors strewn with tips of fir-boughs 21 breathe a fragrance. 
 But 22 among many villages a tavern does not 23 occur, and 
 the peasants in turn receive with hospitality those who 
 may have come thither. 
 
 3 Obtineo. 4 Participle, abl. abs. 6 Omnis in prospectu situs. 
 6 Silvarum imago. 7 Flabellum. 8 Autem. 9 Stragulum. 10 Cce- 
 lum. n Rus. 12 Villas. 13 Ligna. u In itinere objiciuntur. 
 15 Praetereunti caput aperiunt. 16 Pacem Dei adorant. ir ^Edium 
 quicquid est. 18 Oppidula. 19 Trabes dolatse. 20 In rubrum 
 colorem. 21 Segmenta pinea. 22 Casterum. 23 Neque. 
 
 II. 
 
 ORIGINAL PASSAGE. 
 
 The historical literature of England has indeed suffered 
 grievously from a circumstance which has not a little con- 
 tributed to her prosperity. The change, great as it is, 
 
PART II. EXERCISE II. 
 
 which her polity has undergone during the last six cen- 
 turies, has been the effect of gradual development, not of 
 demolition and reconstruction. The present constitution 
 of our country is, to the constitution under which sne 
 flourished five hundred years ago, what the tree is to the 
 sapling, what the man is to the boy. The alteration has 
 been great. Yet there never was a moment at which the 
 chief part of what existed was not old. A polity thus 
 formed must abound in anomalies. But for the evils 
 arising from mere anomalies we have ample compensation. 
 Other societies possess written constitutions more symme- 
 trical. But no other society has yet succeeded in uniting 
 revolution with prescription, progress with stability, the 
 energy of youth with the majesty of immemorial antiquity 
 LOHD MACADLAY, History of England, vol. i. p. 25, 
 3rd. edit. 
 
 SAME PASSAGE ADAPTED. 
 
 The same thing has greatly injured the faith of our 
 nnnals, has greatly profited the state, which in so many 
 changes, through six hundred years, has nevertheless 
 rather developed 1 than been revolutionised ; 2 and that 
 order of things, which we now use, sprang 3 from that 
 ancient (order), as a tree from seed, a man from a' boy ; 
 <md %:: though many things have been recent* old things 
 have 'always been the chief part* The many anomalies 6 
 of such a state are compensated by blessings not fewer. 
 The commonwealth of others has been defined more sym- 
 metrically : 7 we alone have joined things new to things 
 established, thin >s firm to things advanced, 8 and the 
 energy 9 of youth to the majesty of immemorial 10 antiquity. 
 
 1 Oresco. Novor, * Enascor. 4 Abl. abs. 5 Supersum. 
 
 6 Abnormia. 7 In speciem. 8 Provectus. 9 Vis 10 Prop 
 immensus. 
 
120 PART II. EXERCISE III. 
 
 III. 
 
 ORIGINAL PASSAGE. 
 
 MY LORD* If Nature had given you an ur del-standing 
 qualified to keep pace with the wishes and principles of 
 your heart, she would have made you, perhaps, the most 
 formidable minister that ever was employed, under a 
 limited monarch, to accomplish the ruin of a free people. 
 When neither the feelings of shame, the reproaches of 
 conscience, nor the dread of punishment, form any bar to 
 the designs of a minister, the people would have too much 
 reason to lament their condition, if they did not find some 
 resource in the weakness of his understanding. 
 
 Whether you have talents to support you at a crisis of 
 such difficulty and danger, should long since have been 
 considered Judging truly of your disposition, you have 
 perhaps mistaken the extent of your capacity. Grood faith 
 and folly have so long been received as synonymous 
 terms, that the reverse of the proposition has grown into 
 credit, and every villain fancies himself a man of abilities. 
 It is the apprehension of your friends, my Lord, that you 
 have drawn some hasty conclusion of this sort ; and that 
 a partial reliance upon your moral character has betrayed 
 you beyond the depth of your understanding. Letters of 
 JUNIUS : Letter XV., to his Gh*ace the Duke of Graf ton. 
 
 SAME PASSAGE ADAPTED. 
 
 If 1 to you, most noble man. Nature had granted an 
 understanding equal to your life and disposition, 2 I do 
 not know whether another (minister) could have existed 
 more to be dreaded, who, in a well-tempered kingdom, 
 could have conspired against the freedom of the people. 
 For when respect for reputation* fear of punishment, 
 even 4 the torment of the mind, do not prevent 5 a ma^is- 
 
 1 Pref. i. 4(b). Q Voluntas. 8 Famoe pudor. 4 Ipse, 
 
 * Obesse quoniinus. 
 
PART II. EXERCISE ill. 121 
 
 trate entering upon 6 the worst counsels, there is yet in 
 this somewhat of solace that he is, tiiey know, 7 of a mind 
 infirm and imbecile. 
 
 But you ought long ago to have considered 8 whether 
 to you, involved 9 in ucli difficulties and in so much peril, 
 there was 10 understanding equal to the danger. Although 
 you 11 may be able to form 12 a judgment concerning your 
 disposition, 2 you cannot concerning your understanding. 
 For while good faith and folly have always been synony- 
 mous, 13 to-day the whole thing 1 " 1 is changed, so that he 
 who is 15 a villain fancies that he is wise. Which indeed, 
 most noble man, your friends fear lest you may have pre- 
 sumed in your own case 16 lest, while you fully appreciate 
 yourself, 17 relying on your character, 18 you may be going 
 beyond the strength of your understanding. 
 
 6 Ineo. Pref. i. 3 (a). 7 Pref. I. 9 (g). 8 With jamdiu, 
 
 jamdudum, etc., the present is often used, where we use the perfect: 
 e. g. Jaindiu igiioro, quid agas : Cic. ad Fam. vn. 9. Madvig, L. G. 
 334, obs. 9 Versatus. 10 Pref. i. 10. n Qui. 12 Facio. 
 13 Idem verbo valere. l4 Rei totius ratio. 15 Pref. I. 1 1 . l6 In 
 te ipso admittere. 17 Te ipsum pulchre novisse. 18 Mores. 
 
 IV. 
 
 _^_^- ORIGINAL PASSAGE. 
 
 1 was going to awake your justice towards this unhappy 
 part of our fellow-citizens, by bringing before you some of 
 the circumstances of this plague of hunger. Of all the 
 calamities which beset and waylay the life of man, this 
 comes the nearest to our heart, and is that wherein the 
 proudest of us all feels himself to be nothing more than 
 he is. But I find myself unable to manage it with deco- 
 rum. These details are of a species of horror so nauseous 
 and disgusting ; they are so degrading to the sufferers and 
 to the hearers; they are so humiliating to human nature 
 itself, that, on better thoughts, 1 find it more advisable 
 
122 PART II. EXERCISE IV. 
 
 to throw a pall over this hideous object, and to leave it 
 to your general conceptions. BURKE, on the Nabob of 
 A root's Debts, p. 293. 
 
 SAME PASSAGE ADAPTEP. 
 
 I was intending, 1 indeed, in order that the calamities of 
 this afflicted people might move you more, to choose some 
 (circumstances) out of the common plague, which you 
 might attentively regard as an example of that miserable 
 fortune. For out of all the evils which are wont to befall 2 
 the life of men, this beyond doubt chiefly touches human 
 feeling: nor is any man's pride so untamed, but that* this 
 compels him to confess how 4 weak and infirm he is by 
 nature. But, 5 that I may confess the truth, f ar. unable 
 to treat the subject 6 itself with propriety. 7 So great and 
 so foul is the deformity of evils of this sort; so disgust- 
 ing were they in suffering, so nauseous 8 in speaking; so 
 thoroughly 9 do they appear to drive jmd dethrone 10 the 
 very nature of man from its proper position, 11 that I should 
 prefer that the whole subject were covered as it were 12 
 with a pall, and that you should only imagine in (your) 
 silent mind, what I myself dare not utter with my tongue. 
 
 1 Cogito. 2 Incido in. s Quin. Pref. I. 3 (a). 4 Quam. 
 
 Pref. I. 10. 5 Atqui. Res. 7 Honeste. 8 Turpis. 
 
 9 Tantopere. 10 Detrudo. " Sedes. 12 Quasi. 
 
 V. 
 
 ORIGINAL PASSAGE. 
 Mr. West to Mr. Gray. 
 
 I write to make you write, for I have not much to tell 
 you. I have recovered no spirits as yet; but, as I am not 
 displeased with my company, I sit purring by the fireside 
 in my arm-chair, with no small satisfaction. I read, too, 
 sometimes : and have begun Tacitus, but have not yet read 
 enough to judge of him; only his Pannonian sedition in 
 
1'ART II. EXERCISE V. 1 1 J 
 
 the first book of his Annals, which is just as far as I 
 have got, seemed to me a little tedious. I have no more 
 to say, but to desire you will write letters of a handsome 
 length, &nd always answer me within a reasonable space 
 of time, which I leave to your discretion. 
 
 Pope's, March 28. GRAY'S Works, p. 108 
 
 SAME PASSAGE ADAPTED. 
 Caius Valerius Marco Claudio, S.P.D. 
 
 We 1 write that you may write in reply * for things con- 
 cerning which I may inform 3 you, are almost wanting. 
 \Ve have not recovered 4 our spirits : but since we suffi- 
 ciently please ourselves, the couch being placed \:y 5 the 
 hearth, we recline very comfortably. 6 Sometimes, 7 coo, it 
 pleases me to read; and Cornelius 8 is in (my) hands: not 
 as yet, however, have we reached so far in reading, that a 
 judgment may be made concerning him ; only those Pan- 
 nonian 9 (details) in the first (book) of his Annals, seemed 
 rather tedious. That alone remains, that we may warn 
 you that you may not illiberally 11 spare your tablets, 12 nor 
 defer 13 too long the day of replying, which I could wish 
 may be of your choice. 14 We were writing 15 at Pope's 
 Villa. 
 
 A. &V, Calend. Apriles. 
 
 1 In writing letters, Cicero very frequently employs the first person 
 plural instead of the first person singular. 2 Rescribo. 8 Cer- 
 
 tiorem facere. 4 Erigo. 5 Ad. 6 Commodissime strati. 
 
 7 Quondam. 8 The Roman authors constantly use Tullius for 
 
 Cicero, Titus for Livy, Cornelius for Tacitus, etc., etc. 9 Pan- 
 
 nonica. 10 Tardiora. n Comparative. 12 Cer?e. 13 Produce. 
 14 Arbitrium. 15 Dabamus : i. e. gave the letter to the tabellarius 
 
 (messenger). See Pref. v. n. 
 
J24 PAKT II. EXERCISE VI. 
 
 VI. 
 
 ORIGINAL PASSAGE. 
 
 Day dawned; the main army broke up from its camp, 
 and began to enter the defile ; while the natives, finding 
 their positions occupied by the enemy, at first looked on 
 quietly, and offered no disturbance to the march. But 
 when they saw the long narrow line of the Carthaginian 
 army winding along the steep mountain side, and the 
 cavalry and baggage cattle struggling, at every step, with 
 the difficulties of the road, the temptation to plunder was 
 too strong to be resisted; and from many points of the 
 mountain, above the road, they rushed down upon the 
 Garth aonnians. The confusion was terrible ; for the road 
 
 O 7 
 
 or track was so narrow, that the least crowd or disorder 
 pushed the heavily-loaded baggage cattle down the steep 
 below; and the horses, wounded by the barbarians' mis- 
 siles, and plunging about wildly in their pain and terror, 
 increased the mischief. ARNOLD, History of Rome, vol. 
 iii. p. 85. 
 
 SAME PASSAGE ADAPTED. 
 
 The camp having been struck 1 at dawn, 2 the army enters 
 the defile ; but the natives, 3 as 4 perceiving their positions 5 
 to be (in possession) of the enemy, first looked 6 down 
 quietly, nor made any opposition 7 to them going. But 
 when 8 they beheld the Poeni wind-round 9 the rugged sides 
 of the mountain in a long and narrow line: 10 and at the 
 same time the horses and baggage-cattle, 11 wherever they 
 might tread, 12 struggling with the difficulties of the road: 
 they could not resist 13 the desire of booty : and from many 
 points 14 they run 15 down upon the Pceni from the hills 
 overhanging 16 the road. Thence (arose) foul confusion : 17 
 
 1 Motus : abl. abs. 2 Prima luce. s Incolae. 4 Utpote. 
 
 * Arces. 6 Historical infinitive. 7 Quidquam obstruo. 8 Ut. 
 Pref. i. i (a). 9 Circumtrahor. 10 Agmen. n Jumentum. 
 
 l ' 2 Vestigiis insisto. 13 Impersonal. I4 Multifariain. l5 Decur- 
 ritur in. 16 iiiinihiens. 1: Culluvies. 
 
PART II. EXERfclSE VI. I 25 
 
 as 18 in those defiles where, if anything of disorder had 
 befallen, 19 the baggage-cattle, heavy with loads, 20 were at 
 once pushed down the steep rock; 21 while the horses, 
 wounded by the barbarians' darts, raging with fear and 
 pain, increase the mischief.^ 
 
 18 Quippe. 19 Incido. 20 Sarcina. 21 Prona rupe detrudor : 
 subjunctive, because, in the words ' those defiles,' a quality of the 
 defiles that of being narrow is described. Is is here talis id 
 22 Stragem cieo. 
 
 VII. 
 ORIGINAL PASSAGE. 
 
 But, in the midst of the general joy, one spot presented 
 a dark and threatening aspect. On Blackheath the army 
 was drawn up to welcome the sovereign. He smiled, 
 bowed, and extended his hand graciously to the lips of the 
 colonels and majors. But all his courtesy was vain. The 
 countenances of the soldiers were sad and lowering; and 
 had they given way to their feelings, the festive pageant, 
 of which they reluctantly made a part, would have had a 
 mournful and bloody end. But there was no concert 
 among them. Discord and defection had left them no 
 confidence in their chiefs or in each other. The whole 
 army of the City of London was under arms. Numerous 
 companies of militia had assembled from various parts of 
 the realm, under the command of loyal noblemen and 
 gentlemen, to welcome the king. That great day closed 
 in peace ; and the restored wanderer rested in the palace 
 of his ancestors. LORD MACAULAY, History of England. 
 
 SAME PASSAGE ADAPTED. 
 
 But amid the joy of the whole people sinister auspices 
 were not wanting. The soldiers, drawn up on an open 
 plain, awaited the king to be welcomed : ] he indeed, his 
 head being kindly bowed, 2 gave 3 his hand to the prefects 
 
 1 Salutandus. * Inclinatus. ? Demitto. 
 
126 PATIT H. EXERCISE VII. 
 
 of cohorts, that they might kiss it: 4 but his courtesies* 
 effected nothing; sorrowful and sinister (were) the coun- 
 tenances of the soldiers ; moreover, unless they had con- 
 trolled 6 themselves, the joyous spectacle, which they them- 
 selves most reluctantly shared, 7 would have been stained 
 with a mournful nor unbloody end. But they agreed too 
 little among themselves: as 8 (men) whose confidence 
 towards their leaders and comrades the discord of some, 
 the defection of others, had taken away : besides, the 
 whole city army was ready in arms, together with a vast 
 force of militia 9 collected on all sides from the country 
 under each most faithful (member) of the nobility 10 and 
 gentry, 11 that they might meet the king with welcome. 12 
 So that they retired without a civil war : he himself, a 
 noble exile, restored to his country, safely rested in his 
 ancestral palace. 
 
 4 Relative, with subjunctive, as a purpose is signified. 5 Blan- 
 
 ditiae. e Tempera 7 Pars iuvitissinia interesse. Pref. i. n< 
 
 * Quippe. Prei'. 1. 1 } (g). 9 Subilaiii. 10 Principes. 1J Ligenui. 
 12 Gratulantus. 
 
 VIII. 
 ORIGINAL PASSAGE. 
 
 The ruin or prosperity of a state depends so much upon 
 the administration of its government, that to be acquainted 
 with the merit of a ministry, we need only observe the 
 condition of the people. If we see them obedient to the 
 laws, prosperous in their industry, united at home, and 
 respected abroad, we may reasonably presume that their 
 affairs are conducted by men of experience, abilities, and 
 virtue. If, on the contrary, we see a universal spirit of 
 distrust and dissatisfaction, rapid decay of trade, dissen- 
 sions in all parts of the empire, and a total loss of respect 
 in the eyes of foreign powers, we may pronounce, without 
 hesitation, that the government of that country is weak, 
 distracted, and corrupt. JUMUS, Letter I. 
 
PAKT IT. EXERCISE VII 1. 127 
 
 SAME PASSAGE ADAPTED. 
 
 Since 1 the method 2 of managing 3 public affairs has so 
 much influence 4 for 5 prosperous or adverse fortunes, this 
 one thing will be to be enquired into by you, if by chance 
 you wish to weigh thoroughly 6 a minister 7 what is 8 the 
 condition of the people ? Whom if you find obedient to 
 the laws, prosperous in wealth and business, if unanimous 
 at home, respected 9 abroad, you may easily gather 10 that 
 the state is managed by men endowed with ability, virtue, 
 and also experience. 11 But if, on the contrary, we see 
 them unquiet and not trusting themselves, commerce in a 
 little while thin and languishing, at home government 12 
 tossed by dissensions, abroad despised by all using these 
 signs, we not hastily declare that the commonwealth is 
 ruled by men weak, abandoned, impotent. 
 
 1 Quum. Pref. i. * (d). 2 Ratio. 3 Gero, gerundive. 
 
 4 Vis. b Ad. 6 Ad trutinam. 7 Magistratus. 8 Pref. r. 10. 
 9 Illustris. 10 Colligo. u Usu et exercitatione : cf. Cic. Clueut. 
 31, 84. l3 Imperiiim. 
 
 IX. 
 
 ORIGINAL PASSAGE. 
 
 Fortune in another quarter served the Romans no less 
 effectually. The Macedonian ambassadors, after having 
 concluded their treaty with Hannibal at Tifata, made 
 their way back into Bruttium in safety, and embarked to 
 return to Greece. But their ship was taken off the 
 Calabrian coast, by the Roman squadron on that station; 
 and the ambassadors, with all their papers, were sent 
 prisoners to Rome. A vessel which had been of their 
 company escaped the Romans, and informed the king 
 what had happened. He was obliged, therefore, to send 
 a second embassy to Hannibal, as the former treaty had 
 never reached him ; and although this second mission 
 
I J28 TART II. EXERCISE IX. 
 
 went and returned safely, yet the loss of time was irre- 
 parable, and nothing could be done till another year. 
 ARNOLD, Histoi^y of Rome, vol. iii. p. 189. 
 
 SAME PASSAGE ADAPTED. 
 
 In another place, also, fortune equally profited the 
 Roman cause. 1 The envoys of the Macedones, after the 
 treaty with Hannibal at 2 Tifata [had been] ratified, 3 having 
 returned safe to Bruttium, 4 embark in 5 a ship for 6 Greece. 
 However, while they were sailing near the shore of Calabria, 
 the ship is taken by a Roman fleet which was there on a 
 cruise ; 7 and the envoys with all their letters are sent 
 captive to Rome. One ship out of those which had sailed 
 together, escaped from the hands of the Romans, and 
 reported to the king what 8 had been done. Who, since 9 
 he never had been informed 10 concerning the former treaty, 
 sent another embassy to Hannibal ; and, although the 
 affair turns out 11 prosperously to these envoys, both going 
 and returning, the loss of time 12 brought so much damage, 
 that 13 nothing could be accomplished in this year. 
 
 1 Res. 2 Ad. 3 Pactus. 4 In Bruttios: the name of the 
 
 territory is not in classic use. 5 Conscendo. 6 In. 7 In statione. 
 8 Pref. I. 9 (f). 9 Quum. Pref. I. i (d). 10 Certior n'eri. 
 
 11 Evado. 12 Morae diapendia. 13 Pref. I. 6. 
 
 X. 
 
 ORIGINAL PASSAGE. 
 
 But not the wildest extravagance of atheistic wicked- 
 ness in modern times can go further than the Sophists of 
 Greece went before them. Whatever audacity can dare, 
 or subtlety devise, to make the words 'good' and 'evil' 
 change their meaning, has been already tried in the days 
 of Plato, and by Lis eloquence and wisdom and faith' 
 unshaken, has been put to shame. Thus it is that, while 
 the advance of civilisation destroys much that is noble, 
 
PAET II. EXERCISE X. 129 
 
 and throws over the mass of human society an atmosphere, 
 somewhat dull and hard ; yet it is only by its peculiar 
 trials, no less than by its positive advantages, that the 
 utmost virtue of human nature can be matured. ARNOLD, 
 Preface to Thucydides, vol. iii. p. 21. 
 
 SAME PASSAGE ADAPTED. 
 
 But, not if the extravagant fancies 1 of the impious, such 
 as now flourish, imagine some extraordinary wickedness? 
 have we arrived at that pitch 3 of madness, whither that 
 unbridled licence of the Sophists used to wander: for, 
 how much soever a wicked temerity and the subtlest 
 cunning may avail, whereby right and wrong 4 may be 
 confounded, all this they formerly tried, and also were 
 disgracefully silenced 5 by the eloquence, wisdom, and 
 impregnable virtue of Plato refuting (them). In this way 
 it usually happens, that more cultivated manners, although 
 they not only banish much that is noble f but also throw 
 something hard and dull 7 over human customs, at least 
 bring very opportune trials, 8 whereof there is 9 need.no less 
 than of their advantages 10 themselves, that human virtue 
 may turn out perfect. 
 
 1 Ingenia. 2 Quid prseter soliturn nefandi. 3 Eo. 4 Fas 
 
 nefasque. 5 Obmutesco. 6 Ingenui quiddam. 7 Nescio 
 
 quid crassi durique calli obducere. Cf. Cic. Tusc. n. 15: Labor quasi 
 callum qg&ddam obducit dolori. 8 Discrimen. 9 Subjunctive j 
 because a^quality of the trials is indicated. 10 Commodum. 
 
 XI. 
 
 ORIGINAL PASSAGE. 
 
 There is a moment of difficulty and danger at which 
 flattery and falsehood can no longer deceive, and simpli- 
 city itself can no longer be misled. Let us suppose it- 
 arrived : let us suppose a gracious, well-intentioned prince, 
 made sensible at last of the great duty he owes to his 
 
 IfWA^ 
 
 OF THB 
 
130 PART II. .EXERCISE XI. 
 
 people and of his own disgraceful situation ; that he looks 
 around him for assistance, and asks for no advice but how 
 to gratify the wishes and secure the happiness of his sub- 
 jects. In these circumstances, it may be matter of curious 
 speculation to consider, if an honest man were permitted 
 to approach a king, in what terms he would address him- 
 self to his sovereign. 
 
 I do not mean to express the smallest anxiety for the 
 minister's reputation. He acts separately for himself, and 
 the most shameful inconsistency may perhaps be no dis- 
 grace to him. But when the sovereign, who represents 
 the majesty of the state, appears in person, his dignity 
 should be supported. The occasion should be important, 
 the plan well considered, the execution steady and con- 
 sistent. Letters of JUNIUS: Letter XXXV. 
 
 SAME PASSAGE ADAPTED. 
 
 It is now come to that pitch of dangers when flattery 
 effects nothing ; nor can we be deluded by the false 
 (semblances) of things ; not even credulity itself can any 
 longer deceive herself. Suppose 2 that it has come: let us 
 set before our eyes some mild and benevolent prince : sup- 
 pose him at this point of time to have been made conscious 
 both of that important duty which he ought to discharge 3 
 towards his people, and of the great infamy of his affairs : 
 suppose him looking-round-for aid, calling counsellors to 
 himself, consulting nothing except the safety of the com- 
 monwealth and the wishes 4 of his (subjects). Which state 
 of things when you shall have imagined, 5 it will indeed be 
 a subject 6 worthy of wonder, if access to the king should 
 be open to a good man, in what terms 7 he would address 
 him. 
 
 I am unwilling, indeed, that I should appear solicitous 
 concerning the reputation 8 of the consul. He himself 
 
 1 Ad id periculi. 2 Fao. 3 Prsesto. 4 Votum. b Animo 
 fingere. e lies. 7 Modus. 8 ^Estimatio. 
 
PART II. EXERCISE XI 13 i 
 
 transacts his own business, in which the greatest levity and 
 the most shameful inconsistency 9 ought perhaps not to be 
 blamed. But when the king, who represents 10 the state, 
 comes-forth into light and the eyes of men, we must con- 
 sult his dignity. Let the occasion be grave and opportune, 
 the mode of acting well considered, the thing itself bravely 
 and consistently transacted. 
 
 9 Inconstantia. 10 Personam sustineo. 
 
 XII. 
 ORIGINAL PASSAGE, 
 
 From her situation, Home is exposed to the danger of 
 frequent inundations. Without excepting the Tiber, the 
 rivers that descend from either side of the Apennines have 
 a short and irregular course: a shallow stream in the 
 summer heats : an irregular torrent, when it is swelled in 
 the spring or winter, by the fall of the rain, or the melt- 
 ing of the snows. When the current is repelled from the 
 sea by adverse winds, when the ordinary bed is inadequate 
 to the height of the waters, they rise above the banks, and 
 overspread, without limit or control, the plains and cities 
 of the adjacent country. Soon after the triumph of the 
 first Punic war, the Tiber was increased by unusual rains, 
 and the inundation, surpassing all former measure of time 
 and place, destroyed all the buildings that were situate 
 below the hills of Eome. According to the variety of 
 the ground, the same mischief was produced by different 
 means; and the edifices were either swept away by the 
 sudden impulse, or dissolved and undermined by the long 
 continuance, of the flood. Under the reign of Augustus, 
 the same calamity was renewed ; the lawless river over- 
 turned the palaces and temples on its banks; and, after 
 the labours of the emperor in cleansing and widening the 
 bed, that was encumbered with ruins, the vigilance of his 
 successors was exercised by similar dangers and designs. 
 
 K 2 
 
I J2 PART II. EXERCISE XII. 
 
 The project of diverting into new channels the Tiber itself, 
 or some of the dependent streams, was long opposed by 
 superstition and by local interests ; nor did the use com- 
 pensate the toil and cost of the tardy and imperfect execu- 
 tion. The servitude of rivers is the noblest and most 
 important victory which man has obtained over the licen- 
 tiousness of nature ; and if such were the ravages of the 
 Tiber under a firm and active government, what could 
 oppose, or who. can enumerate, the injuries of the city 
 after the fall of the Western empire ? A remedy was 
 produced by the evil itself: the accumulation of rubbish 
 and the earth that has been washed down from the hills, 
 is supposed to have elevated the plain of Eome, fourteen 
 or fifteen feet perhaps, above the ancient level ; and the 
 modern city is less accessible to the attacks of the river. 
 GIBBON, Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, chap. 
 Ixxi. 
 
 SAME PASSAGE ADAPTED. 
 
 The city itself, from the nature of the situation, (is) 
 liable 1 to frequent inundations. For besides the Tiber 
 itself, other streams also, as many as the Apennine pours 
 forth along either slope, 2 are borne along in a short and 
 very irregular 3 course: and though their current 4 is languid 
 during the heat of summer, yet, soon increased by the 
 vernal or wintry showers, or melted snows, they are rolled 
 down with a strong torrent. Thus, as often as the river is 
 repelled from the sea, the wind (being) adverse, 5 and the 
 ordinary 6 bed cannot contain the unusual weight of water 
 pressing upon it, at once rising beyond the banks without 
 control, 7 it overflows 8 far and wide the towns and plains 
 of the adjacent district. 9 Not long after the first war with 
 the Pceni (was) happily ended, 10 the Tiber began to swell 
 with unwonted rains; so 11 that, a deluge having arisen 
 surpassing 12 all custom of more ancient memory, it over- 
 
 1 Obnoxius. 2 Per utrumque clivum. 3 Minime requabilis. 
 
 4 Flumen. 5 Reluctor, partic. abl. abs. 6 Justus. 7 Sine more. 
 * Exundat in 9 Ager. 10 Patratus. n Adeo. 12 Praeter. 
 
PART IT. EXERCISE XII. 1 33 
 
 whelmed and laid waste whatever buildings there were oi\ 
 level 13 (ground) beneath the hills of Kome. Which pest, 
 according to 14 the variety of the ground, 15 produced the 
 same devastation by different means, just 16 as 17 either the 
 river happened to sweep 18 away the edifices overwhelmed 
 by a sudden impulse, or the stagnant pools to submerge 18 
 them undermined 19 by the long continuance 20 of the waters. 
 Under Augustus, the evil was renewed ; 21 since the river, 
 despising curbs 5 everywhere overturned the temples and 
 palaces near to the banks ; therefore both by that emperor 
 was toil spent in cleaning and widening 22 the channel, and 
 also in carrying away the lumber and rubbish, 23 and by 
 the succeeding (emperors) every precaution was devised 24 
 against a similar danger. The plan having been entered 
 into of turning aside into new channels either the Tiber, 
 or the streams whereby it is fed, a long and spirited oppo- 
 sition 25 was made by the superstition or cupidity of private 
 (individuals) : nor, indeed, did the usefulness of the work 
 appear likely to be equal to so much labour and to the cost 
 of an imperfect execution. 26 But it is clear that, as 27 in 
 other ways also human ability has triumphed over the 
 license of nature, it has gained (in) this the most signal 
 victory from rivers sent beneath the yoke. If 28 the Tiber 
 overflowed 29 with so great detriment to the inhabitants 
 under an emperor sufficiently firm and strenuous, how 
 could 'fe- "Injuries be prevented, 30 or who at length can 
 enumerate the damages which it used to inflict 31 upon the 
 city after the fall of the Western 32 empire ? At last, the 
 evil itself, as happens, cured itself. For they report, that 
 the accumulation of rubbish and the debris of soil, 33 col- 
 lected together from a higher place, raised the plain 34 of 
 
 13 In piano. u Pro. l5 Locus, plur. 16 Quippe. 17 Uti. 
 18 Imperf. subjunctive. 19 Corrosus sublapsusque. 20 Diuturnitas. 
 21 Recrudesce. 22 Diduco. 23 Strues et materies. 24 Quam 
 niaxime cautum. 25 Acriter obstitum. 26 Vitiosum opus. 
 
 27 Sicubi. 28 Quod si. 29 Insulto. 30 Obviam iri, with dative. 
 81 Ingero. 32 Occidentalis. 33 Caementorum strues colluviesque 
 terras. M Solum. 
 
IJ4 PART n - EXERCISE XII. 
 
 Eome itself nearly xiv. or xv. feet above its ancient site. 
 At present 35 the city is held sufficiently safe from the 
 petulance of the river. 
 
 88 Hodio, 
 
 XIII. 
 
 ORIGINAL PASSAGE. 
 
 In his private life he was severe, morose, inexorable, 
 banishing all the softer affections as natural enemies to 
 justice, and as suggesting false motives from favour, 
 clemency, and compassion. In public affairs he was the 
 same; had but one rule of policy to adhere to what was 
 right, without regard to times or circumstances, or even 
 to force that could control htm : for instead of managing 
 the power of the great so as to mitigate the ill, or extract 
 any good from it, he was urging it always to acts of 
 violence by a perpetual defiance; so that, with the best 
 intention in the world, he often did great harm to the 
 republic. This was his general behaviour : yet from some 
 particular facts explained above, it appears that his strength 
 of mind was not impregnable, but had its weak places of 
 pride, ambition, and party zeal, which when encouraged 
 and flattered to a certain point, would betray him some- 
 times into measures contrary to his ordinary rule of right 
 and truth. The last act of his life was agreeable to his 
 nature and philosophy. When he could not longer be 
 what he had been, and when the ills of life o'erbalanced 
 the good (which, by the principles of his sect, was a just 
 cause for dying), he put an end to his life with a spirit and 
 resolution which would make one imagine that he was 
 glad to have found an occasion of dying in his proper 
 character. On the whole, his life was rather admirable 
 than amiable, fit to be praised rather than imitated. 
 Character of Cato, BISHOP MIDDLETON. 
 
PART IT. EXERCISE. XIII. 1^5 
 
 SAME PASSAGE ADAPTED. 
 
 At home and in private 1 severe, morose, 2 implacable, be 
 used to banish the softer affections of the mind, as though 
 of their own nature they were both alien 3 from justice, and 
 suggested certain false principles of action, 4 (principles) of 
 favour, clemency, pity. He was the same in public affairs 
 also, since he 6 had proposed this rule only to himself that 
 he should embrace what was 6 right, no account 7 being had 
 of things or times; so that he did not regard even the force 
 of those controlling (him). For the influence of the great, 8 
 which it became him so to treat, that, if anything of evil 
 were 6 in it, he might alleviate it, if anything of good, he 
 might elicit it, the same he stimulated by constantly chal- 
 lenging 9 it to the most violent acts ; 10 thus, with 11 the best 
 intention, 12 he was often wanting to the republic. Thus 
 he usually acted. It is, however, clear, from certain cir- 
 cumstances, 13 whereof we have above made mention, that 
 the constancy of his mind was not always impregnable, but 
 that he afforded certain approaches to pride, fame, and 
 partisanship: 14 (a man) whom if any one should choose to 
 treat with flatteries to a certain extent, he was easily able 15 
 to draw him aside from the solid rule of right and truth. 
 The last 16 things which he did, agreed well with his dispo- 
 sition and sect : for after 17 he was no longer able to be the 
 man which he had been, and the goods were compensated 
 by ther 'evils of life which those philosophers, indeed, 
 decided to be a sufficiently just cause of dying he com- 
 mitted suicide, 18 with 19 that spirit, tha-t constancy, that 20 
 you would have believed he had most gladly gained an 
 occasion of dying consistently with himself. To be brief: 21 
 he was one 22 whom you would admire rather than love, 
 whom you would say was to be praised rather than put- 
 forward (as) an example. 
 
 1 Intus. 2 Tristis. 3 Abhorreo. Pref. I. 7 (a). 4 Gerund. 
 5 Pref. i. 8 (b). 6 Pref. i. n. 7 Ratio, abl. abs. 8 Optimates. 
 9 Provoco. 10 Atrocissima quaeqtie. ll Utens. 12 Animus 
 
 13 Res. 14 Studium partium. 15 Parti c. in rus. 16 Novissima. 
 17 Pref. i. i (a). 18 Mortem sibi consciscere. 19 Usua 
 
 w iVf. i. 6. 21 Quid multa? 22 Is. Pref. i. 8 (g). 
 
1^6 PAKT II. EXERCISE XIV. 
 
 \j 
 
 XIV. 
 ORIGINAL PASSAGE, 
 
 The Emperor then inspected the field of battle ; and 
 never was there any that exhibited a more frightful spec- 
 tacle. Everything concurred to increase the horrors of 
 it : a lowering sky, a cold rain, a violent wind, habitations 
 in ashes, a plain absolutely torn up and covered with 
 fragments and ruins: all round the horizon the dark and 
 funereal verdure of the north, soldiers roaming in every 
 part among the bodies of the slain, wounds of a most 
 hideous description : noiseless bivouacs : no songs of 
 triumph, no lively narrations; but a general and mourn- 
 ful silence. Around the eagles were the officers, and a 
 few soldiers, barely sufficient to guard the colours ; their 
 clothes were torn by the violence of the wind, and stained 
 with blood ; yet notwithstanding all their rags, misery and 
 destitution, they displayed a lofty carriage, and even, on 
 the appearance of the emperor, received him with acclama- 
 tions of triumph. These, however, seemed somewhat rare 
 and forced: for, in this army, which was at once capable 
 of discrimination and enthusiasm, each individual could 
 form a correct estimate of the position of the whole. 
 
 The soldiers were annoyed to find so many of their 
 enemies killed, such vast numbers wounded, and never- 
 theless so few prisoners. The latter did not amount, in 
 all, to eight hundred. It was by the number of these 
 that they estimated their success. The slain proved the 
 courage of the conquered, rather than the victory. If the 
 rest retired in good order, under little discouragement, 
 and even with a firm and warlike attitude, what was the 
 advantage of gaining a mere field of battle ? In a country 
 of such immense extent, there was ground to furnish these 
 in endless succession. Ireland Scholarship, 1851. 
 
PART II. EXERCISE XIV. 137 
 
 SAME PASSAGE ADAPTED. 
 
 The Emperor then goes to see 1 the place whereon the 
 battle was fought; and a spectacle meets him there, 2 fright- 
 ful beyond any. For all things seen on every side tended 
 to increase 3 the horrors 4 of the scene. 5 The sky (was) 
 gloomy: the rain cold: the violence of the wind extreme: 
 the roofs had fallen into ashes : the very surface 6 of the 
 plain (was) as it were 7 harro wed-up, 8 and scattered with 
 fragments and ruins : around, as widely as the glance 9 of 
 the eye could embrace, the fields, as happens in Northern 
 realms, (were) dismal to look 10 upon, verdant in funereal 
 fashion; 11 on every side of the plain, soldiers (were) wan- 
 dering hither and thither among the bodies of the slain ; 
 at the same time, wounds the most ghastly, 12 dreadful to 
 describe: 10 bivouacs 13 silent: no song anywhere of (men) 
 triumphant, no voice of men conversing: but a sad and 
 mournful silence throughout all things. Around the eagles 
 the Tribunes were standing: and a few soldiers, who 14 were 
 hardly sufficient to guard the colours. 15 Their clothes 
 (were) torn by the violence of the conflict, [and] stained 
 with much blood : yet their countenances and carriage 16 
 (were) still rather boastful : 17 so that, regardless 18 of rags, 19 
 pain, destitution, they received with acclamation 20 the 
 Emperor coming forth to meet them. 21 Nevertheless, that 
 shout, seemed rare, and at the same time wrung from 
 reluctant (men) : for to this army, at once 22 most capable 
 of discrimination 23 and enthusiasm, 24 (there was) that dis- 
 position, that each individual 25 could judge rightly of the 
 
 1 Supine in -urn. 2 Id, agreeing with spectactilum. 3 Imperfect. 
 4 Immanitas, sing. 5 Res. 6 Planities. 7 Quasi. 
 
 8 Occatus. 9 Acies. 10 Supine in -u. n Modus, plur. 
 
 12 Atrox. 13 Static. 14 ' Who ' means ' who, in puint of 
 
 number/ etc. ; and therefore, as denoting a quality, and a consequence 
 of it, requires a subjunctive. - l5 Insignia. 16 Habitus. 
 
 17 Jactans. Pref. n. 19 (d). 18 Immemor. 19 Sordes. 20 Ovana 
 clumore. 21 Obviam. * 2 Idem, agreeing with exercitus. 
 
 85 Consilium. 24 Audacia. 26 Pro se quisque. 
 
138 PART IT. EXERCISE XIY. 
 
 whole matter. 26 But the greatest wonder seized the 
 soldiers in general, 27 (that) they should have found 28 so 
 many enemies slain, so many wounded, so few prisoners. 
 For these last 29 scarcely equalled the number of eight 
 nundred in all. 30 They had, however, been wont to esti- 
 mate by computing the number of these, 31 what was 32 the 
 value of the victory to the victors. For (they thought that) 
 the number 33 of the slain proved not so much the victory, 
 as the courage of the conquered. If, then, a retreat from 
 the battle should be open to the rest, in good 34 order, 
 (with) hope still fresh, (with) courage fresh, even bearing 
 the aspect of (men) firm and warlike, to what earthly 35 
 advantage to themselves, (they asked,) had they gained 3 * 5 a 
 bare field of battle ? Surely, 37 in regions of such extent, 38 
 there was 39 more than an abundance 39 of ground for the 
 lovers of victories of this sort. 
 
 26 De summa rerum. 27 Vulgo. 28 Infinitive. 29 Hie. so Universus. 
 81 Ex horum habita ratione. s2 ' At how much (quanti) was 
 
 (subjunctive) the victory to the victors.' 33 Capita. M Rectus. 
 35 Tandem. 36 Nanciscor. See Pref. I. 9 (e). 87 Scilicet. 
 
 38 Pref. ii. 20. 39 Satis superque supersum. Infin. : because the 
 
 oratio obliqua is continued. 
 
 XV. 
 
 ORIGINAL PASSAGE. 
 
 I know, Quirites, that you account as an enemy to your 
 order, whoever will not agree to the passing of these three 
 ordinances proposed by your tribunes : and it may be that 
 some, who have spoken against them, are in truth not 
 greatly your well-wishers ; so that it is no marvel, if your 
 il] opinion of these should reach a.lso to others, who appear 
 to be treading in their steps. But I stand here before 
 you as one who has now for the seventh time been chosen 
 by you one of the tribunes of the soldiers : six times have 
 you tried me before, in peace and war ; and, if ye had 
 ever found me to be your enemy, it had been ill done in 
 
PART II. EXERCISE XV. 
 
 yon to have tried me yet again the seventh time. But if 
 you believe me to have sought your good in times past, 
 even believe this same thing of me now, though I may 
 speak that which, in the present disposition of your minds, 
 you may not willingly hear. ARNOLD, History of Rome, 
 vol. ii. p. 48. 
 
 SAME PASSAGE ADAPTED. 
 
 I am conscious to myself, Quirites, that you hold as 1 
 an enemy to your order, whoever may refuse to vote for 2 
 these three bills 3 to be proposed by your tribunes : nor do 
 I, indeed, deny, but that 4 some out of those who have 
 spoken against them, 5 may not be most friendly to you ; 
 and there is no reason why 6 we should wonder if their 
 unpopularity 7 should reach to others also treading, as it 
 seems, in the same footsteps. But I am here, as (one) 
 who, 8 having been six times 9 before tried 10 both in peace 
 and war, am now elected by you the seventh time 11 a 
 tribune of the soldiers; whom, having at any time found 
 an enemy in another case, 12 you would have now tried 13 
 again with the worst example. But if, on the other hand, 
 you believe that I have hitherto consulted for you, believe 
 that I myself am now before you the same man, although 
 I may speak such things as, in 14 the present affection of 
 your minds, it may little please you to hear. 
 
 * Suffragor, with dative. s Rogatio. 4 Quin. Pref. 
 I. 3 (a). 5 Reclame. Pref. i. n. 6 Non est cur. Pref. I. 8. N.B. 
 7 Invidia. 8 Ut qui. Pref. I. 2 (g). 9 Sexties. 10 Spectatus. 
 11 Septimum : sub. tempus. 12 Alias. 1S Periclitor. 14 PrsD. 
 
 XVI. 
 ORIGINAL PASSAGE. 
 
 He that would die well, must alwa}'s look for death, 
 every day knocking at the gates of the grave ; and then 
 the gates of the grave shall never prevail against him, to 
 do him mischief. This was the advice of all the wise and 
 
140 PART II. EXERCISE XVI. 
 
 good men of the world, who especially in the days and 
 periods of their joy in festival egressions, chose to throw 
 some ashes into their chalices, some sober remembrances 
 of their fatal period. Such was the black shirt of Saladin ; 
 the tombstone presented to the emperor of Constantinople 
 on his coronation-day ; the bishop of Home's two reeds, 
 with flax and a wax taper ; the Egyptian skeleton served 
 up at feasts ; and Trimalcion's banquet in Petronius, in 
 which was brought in the image of a dead man's bones of 
 silver, with spondyles exactly returning to every one of the 
 guests, and saying to every one, that you and you must 
 die, and look not upon one another, for every one is 
 equally concerned in this sad represent ment. These in 
 fantastic semblances declare a severe counsel and useful 
 meditation ; and it is not easy for a man to be gay in his 
 imagination, or to be drunk with joy or wine, pride or 
 revenge, who considers sadly, that he must ere long dwell 
 in a house of darkness and dishonour, and his body must 
 be the inheritance of worms, and his soul must be what he 
 pleases, even as a man makes it here by his living, good 01 
 bad. JEREMY TAYLOR* Holy Dying, ch. ii. i. 
 
 SAME PASSAGE ADAPTED. 
 
 He who wishes to die well, must expect death day by 
 day ; * lie (must) every day knock at 2 the gates of the 
 tomb ; which if he shall have done, never to him will 
 those gates open for mischief. This was a precept com- 
 mon to all the good and wise, who always chose, especially 
 when 3 they were celebrating festivals with more unre- 
 strained 4 mirth, to mingle some ashes with wine, that 5 it 
 might warn them concerning the fatal period of life. Of 
 this sort was the 6 black shirt 7 of Saladin ; of this sort the 
 tombstone wont to be offered to the Byzantine emperor on 
 
 1 Pref. m. 219. 2 Pulso. 3 Pref. i. i (d). 4 Solutior. 
 
 5 Quod: with subjunctive, because the relative clause expresses the 
 object of the action described. 6 Ille ; equivalent to ( well known.' 
 1 Indusium. 
 
FIVERSITY 
 V 
 PART II. EXERCISE XVI. 
 
 the day 8 when he assumed 9 the crown ; this was the 
 meaning 10 of those two reeds of the Eoman bishop, set 
 (before him) with flax and a wax-taper ; n this (was the 
 meaning of) the skeleton 12 served 13 amid banquets in 
 Egypt ; this (was meant by) that banquet of Trimalcion 
 in Petronius, in which the bones of a dead man were 
 brought in, made of 14 silver, so that the several spondyles 
 answered to the several guests, with 15 inscriptions to the 
 following effect : ( Both this man and you must die : do 
 not, therefore, look among yourselves, since 16 this sad 
 image pertains equally to each of you.' All which things 
 signify something grave and worthy of meditation, through 
 similitudes and indirectly: 17 for that (man) will not 
 readily be gay 18 in his mind, nor suffer himself to be 
 hurried along frenzied with joy or wine, nor to swell with 
 pride or the desire of revenge, who, trifles being abandoned, 
 shall have reflected with himself, that he will a little after 
 have to migrate 19 into a home dark and ignoble, whither 
 when he shall have corne, his body must 20 be given to 
 worms, while his soul enjoys 20 that condition which in this 
 life he himself shall have willed it to deserve. 
 
 8 Quo die. 9 Subjunctive : because it is meant generally, and not 
 of any one Emperor. 10 Sibi volo. n Cereus. Cic. de Off. in. 
 20, 80. 12 Cadaver evisceratum. 13 Adhibitus. u Fictus ex. 
 15 Hanc in sententiam insciiptus. 16 Quum. Pref. I. 2 (d). 17 Per 
 ambages. 18 Lascivio. 19 Sibi migrandum esse. 20 Infinitive : 
 depending on the verb ' reflected.' 
 
 XVII. 
 ORIGINAL PASSAGE. 
 
 This year, also, those who managed any money for the 
 lung, in the wars or otherwise, were called in question by 
 the cardinal's command ; among whom some by bribery, 
 and some by cunning, escaped ; others being condemned in 
 great sums : so that the cardinal might be said to have in 
 him so much of a good servant, as he willingly suffered none 
 
142 PART [I. EXERCISE X\ T TT. 
 
 other to deceive his master. To accompany this seventy, 
 also, he caused perjury to be rigorously punished ; wherein 
 I can never enough commend him : all other treacheries 
 extending for the most part but to the depriving of life, 
 possessions, or good name ; but this such a one as may, 
 without much labour, take away all together. Some courts 
 also were erected in favour of poor people, against the op- 
 pression of the great ; which at the beginning, were much 
 frequented ; but at last, the people receiving many delays 
 and dissatisfactions in their suits, every one left them, and 
 svent to the common law ; as fearing under this pretence 
 an innovation. I must not deny unto the cardinal the 
 attribute of just in all affairs of public judicature, whereof, 
 if we may believe authors, he was ever apparently studious. 
 Therefore, when disorders were committed, he severely 
 punished, unless the parties found means to make their 
 private peace. HOLDER'S Foliorum Centuries, p. 136. 
 
 SAME PASSAGE ADAPTED. 
 
 In this year, those who had managed the treasury for 
 the king, either for 1 the purposes 2 of war, or with other 
 designs, (were) called into question by the pontiff's com- 
 mand. Of whom some escaped, either by bribery or 
 cunning ; others (were) fined in large sums : 3 whence it 
 appeared, that the pontiff so far 4 discharged the duty of a 
 thrifty servant, that 5 he allowed no man beside himself to 
 deceive his master. Hence, employing 6 equal severity, he 
 took care that those who 7 were guilty of perjury should be 
 punished with the greatest rigour ; on which account, 8 I 
 seem never to be able to praise him enough. For, what- 
 ever other snares there are, are able to steal life, or repute, 
 or goods, this alone to snatch away all together. Some 
 courts, also, were established, for the sake 9 of the poor, as 
 
 1 In, with accus. 2 Usus. 3 Magnae pecuniae. 4 Ita. 
 
 5 Pref. I. 6. 6 Usus. 7 The relative takes a subjunctive, because 
 the persons guilty are indicated generally ; not as certain individuals, 
 but as a class. 8 Quam ob rem. 9 In gratiam. 
 
PART II. EXERCISE XVII. 143 
 
 a defence against the nobles, which, at first, were much 
 frequented : afterwards many delays and grievances 10 in 
 judging having been interposed, they were forsaken by 
 the people; for all suspecting innovation 11 under this 
 pretext, resorted to the common law. 12 Nor yet would I 
 deny the pontiff the praise of public justice, which, if we 
 may believe writers, he greatly courted. 13 Accordingly, 
 whenever 14 offences were committed, he rigorously pun- 
 ished the guilty, unless they had first managed to have the 
 suit quashed. 15 
 
 10 Offensa. n Res novae. Jus civile. 13 Studeo. 
 
 14 Sicubi, with subjunctive, because the clause is indefinite. Conip. 
 Cic. Alt. xv. 19 : sicubi incident. See Pref. I. 8 (a). 15 Liteni 
 curare. 
 
 XVIII. 
 
 ORIGINAL PASSAGE. 
 
 Trajan was ambitious of fame ; and, as long as mankind 
 shall continue to bestow more liberal applause upon their 
 destroyers than on their benefactors, the thirst of military 
 glory will ever be the vice of the most exalted characters. 
 The praises of Alexander, transmitted by a succession of 
 poets and historians, had kindled a dangerous emulation 
 in the mind of Trajan. Like him, the Roman Emperor 
 undertook .an expedition against the nations of the East ; 
 but he lamented, with a sigh, that his advanced age 
 scarcely left him any hopes of equalling the renown of the 
 son of Philip. Yet the success of Trajan, however tran- 
 sient, was rapid and specious. The degenerate Parthian s, 
 broken by intestine discord, fled before his arms. He 
 descended the river Tigris in triumph, frcm the mountains 
 of Armenia to the Persian Gulf. He enjoyed the honour 
 of being the first, as he was the last, of the Roman 
 geuerals who ever navigated that remote sea. His fleets 
 ravaged the coasts of Arabia ; and Trajan vainly flattered 
 himself that he was approaching towards thecon .fines of 
 
 X^^^^V 
 
 f OF THB ^ 
 
 I UNIVERSITY 
 
144 PART II. - EXERCISE XVIII. 
 
 India. Every day the astonished senate received the, 
 intelligence of new names and new nations, that acknow- 
 ledged his sway. They were informed that the kings of 
 Bosporus, Colchis, Iberia, Albania, and even the Parthian 
 monarch himself, had accepted their diadems from the 
 hands of the emperor ; that the independent tribes of the 
 Median and Car duchian hills had implored his protection; 
 and that the rich countries of Armenia, Mesopotamia, and 
 Assyria, were reduced into the state of provinces. 
 GIBBON, Decline and Full of the Roman Empire, ch. i. 
 
 SAME PASSAGE ADAPTED. 
 
 Trajan was ambitious 1 of fame; and, 2 as long as men 
 shall honour, with more liberal praise, the destroyers 3 
 than the preservers of men, so long will the thirst of 
 military glory be a vice peculiar to each excellent man. 
 The 4 praises of Alexander, handed down by a long series 
 of poets and writers, had excited him to a dangerous 
 rivalry. And, indeed, the Roman Emperor, as he had 
 done, marched 5 against the nations of the East ; complain- 
 ing, however, not without a sigh, that to himself, through 
 his advanced 6 age, there was scarcely a hope left of equalling 
 the fame of the Macedonian 7 by his own. He, however, 
 enjoyed a success, although too little lasting, not slow 8 and 
 most brilliant. For the degenerate Parthians, broken 
 down by intestine dissension, quickly turned their backs. 
 He descended 9 the river Tigris (as a) conqueror, from the 
 Armenian mountains, as far as the Persian GKilf ; and, by 
 singular fortune, was at once 10 the first 11 and the last of 
 Roman leaders who navigated those distant waters. The 
 Arabian coast was devastated by his fleets ; and, deceived 
 by a false hope, he began to rejoice, as if shortly*"tbout to 
 
 1 Appetens, Tvitli genitive. 2 Sed enim. 3 Confector. 
 
 4 Insert ' autem/ after * hunc,' at the commencement of the sentence. 
 6 Proficiscor. 6 Provectus 7 Vir Macedo. 8 Nee tardo et. 
 
 Comp. Cic. de Oral. I. 39: 'Homo nee suo judicio stultus, et suo 
 vnlde pnulens.' 9 Devehor. 10 Idem n Pref, II, 17 (b). 
 
PART II. EXERCISE XVIII. 145 
 
 approach the boundaries of India. The Senate ever and 
 anon' 2 wonders at new nations, new names reduced be- 
 neath his sway. It was announced that the princes of the 
 Bosporus, of Colchis, Iberia, Albania, lastly, even the very 
 king of the Parthians, had been presented 13 with (their) 
 sceptres from the Emperor's hand ; that the formerly 
 independent races, which inhabited 14 Media and the Car- 
 duchian heights, had implored (his) protection : 15 that 
 Armenia, Mesopotamia, Assyria, rich regions, had been 
 made provinces. 
 
 12 Identidem. l3 Donatus. 14 Subjunctive, because the clause 
 is quoted as a part of the announcement. 15 Fides. 
 
 XIX. 
 
 ORIGINAL PASSAGE. 
 
 Th8 failure of the Agrarian law was, of itself, sufficient 
 to prevent the success of the third of the Licinian bills, 
 that for the relief of distressed debtors. It was something, 
 no doubt, to free them from the double burden of both 
 interest and principal, by deducting from the principal of 
 every debt what had been already paid in interest, and to 
 allow a lengthened term of payment, during which they 
 might be free from the extremest severity of the law. But 
 to men'^rfio ""Had nothing, and had no means of earning 
 anything, this lengthened term was but a respite ; and 
 their debts, even when reduced by the deduction of the 
 interest already paid, were more than they were able to 
 discharge. Grants of public land, made at such a moment, 
 might have delivered them from their difficulties ; but, as 
 these were withheld, the evil, after a short pause, returned 
 with all its former virulence. The Licinian Law was not 
 prospective, nor did it lay any restriction on the amount 
 of interest which might be legally demanded. Accord- 
 ingly, to pay their reduced debt within the term fixed by 
 the law, the debtors were obliged to incur fresh obliga- 
 
 L 
 
146 PART II. EXERCISE XIX. 
 
 tions, and to give such interest as their creditors might 
 choose to demand ARNOLD, Roman History, vol. ii. 
 p. 70. 
 
 SAME PASSAGE ADAPTED. 
 
 The Agrarian law, having failed, 1 by itself frustrated 
 the third bill 2 of Licinius, which 3 relieved 4 debtors. There 
 was certainly somewhat of good in this, that 5 by deducting 
 from the principal 6 whatever might have been paid in (the 
 shape of, usury, debtors had been relieved from the double 
 burden (of both principal and interest) : that the hour of 
 payment 7 had been deferred : so that 8 meantime (the 
 debtors) might be exempt 9 from the last bitterness of the 
 law. But, indeed, to those to whom 10 neither was there 
 money itself, nor whence they might gain 11 it, the day (of 
 payment) was only put off; 12 for neither were they able 
 to pay 13 even 14 those (debts) which 15 had been diminished 
 by the subtraction 16 of the interest. They might, indeed, 
 have been rescued from (their) straits, by an opportune 
 distribution 17 of lands: but, as 18 there was none, shortly 
 the evil 19 festers again. 20 By the Liciiiian law no provision 
 was made 21 for (things) future : by no bound did it restrain 
 lawful 22 usury. Therefore (those) by whom the remaining 
 debt had to be paid 23 within a (fixed) day, had 24 to resort 
 to a fresh loan : 25 while the amount 26 of interest depended 27 
 upon the creditors. 
 
 1 Irritus consilii. 2 Rogatio. 3 Relative with subjunctive, 
 
 because the clause expresses the purpose of the enactment. Pref. 
 i. 8 (e). 4 Mederi. 5 Quod, with indie. Pref. i. ^ (a). Madvig, 
 L. G. 398. 6 Caput. 7 Solutio. 8 Duni. Pref. i. i (h). 
 
 9 Vaco. 10 Pref. i. n. Madvig, L. G. 364, obs. i, n Qmero. 
 12 Dies differri. 13 Solvendo sum. 14 Vel. 15 Pref. i. 1 1. 
 16 Abl. abs. partic. pass. 17 Largitio. 18 Pref. i. z (d). 
 
 10 Malum fenebre. Malum alone would be too abstract. 20 Re- 
 crudesco. 21 Cautum est. 22 Legitinius expresses ' what might 
 legally be demanded.' 2S Gerundive of solvo. 24 Decurrenduui 
 *rat, * 23 Yersura. 26 Ratio. 27 Pendeo. 
 
PART II. EXERCISE XX, 147 
 
 XX. 
 
 ORIGINAL PASSAGE. 
 
 What Irishman does not feel proud that he has lived in 
 the days of Grrattan? Who has not turned to him for 
 comfort, from the false friends and open enemies of Ire- 
 land ? Who did not remember him in the days of its 
 burnings, and wastings, and murders ? No government 
 ever dismayed him no gold could bribe him he thought 
 only of Ireland lived for no other object dedicated to 
 her his beautiful fancy, his elegant wit, his manly courage, 
 and all the splendour of his astonishing eloquence. He 
 was so born, and so gifted, that poetry, forensic skill, 
 elegant literature, and all the highest attainments of 
 human genius were within his reach ; but he thought the 
 noblest occupation of a man was to make other men 
 happy and free ; and in that straight line he went for 
 fifty years, without one side-look, without one yielding 
 thought, without one motive in his heart, which he might 
 not have laid open to the view of Grod and man. He is 
 gone ! But there is not a single day, in his honest life, of 
 which every good Irishman would not be more proud than 
 of the whole political existence of his countrymen the 
 annual deserters and betrayers of their native land. 
 SYDNEY SMITH'S Works, vol. i. p. 398 (Ireland). 
 
 SAME PASSAGE ADAPTED. 
 
 Is tjiere any Irishman who does not hold 1 it glorious 
 to himself, that he was 2 a cotemporary 3 of Grrattan ? Who 
 is there, who, detesting either the faithless friends or the 
 manifest enemies of his country, has not often sought 1 
 solace from this man alone ? Who is there, to whom it 
 has not come 1 into mind of this man, when 4 Ireland was 
 
 1 Subjunctive : as is usual in relative clauses, where a negative 
 answer is expected. Pref. I. 8 (m. y). 2 Subjunctive : because the 
 verb expresses the thoughts of the subject of the preceding clause, 
 4 Pref. I. i (d). 
 
 L2 
 
148 PART II. EXERCISE XX. 
 
 being laid waste with devastations, when with murders, 
 when with conflagrations ? For this man alone could 
 never either be terrified by the threats of the more 
 powerful, nor be corrupted by the gifts of bribers: 5 he 
 thought (of) Ireland 6 alone : he lived for the sake of 
 Ireland : to Ireland he dedicated his beautiful fancy, 7 his 
 elegant wit, lastly his most splendid eloquence, which all 
 men have admired. He 8 was born in that position, 9 en- 
 dowed with that intellect, that he might have hoped for 
 the highest praise in poetry, 10 in forensic skill, in litera- 
 ture, lastly in all the arts which are held of greatest 
 (value) in 11 the estimation of men. However, he judged 
 nothing more noble, nothing more worthy of a man, than 
 that he should claim 12 happiness and freedom for other 
 men. Accordingly, in this line 13 he so persevered (for) 
 fifty years, that he never turned his eyes in another direc- 
 tion, 14 never thought of 15 a retreat, 16 never cherished any 
 design within his heart, which he could 17 not readily have 
 disclosed to the eyes both of God and of men. He fell, 
 alas ! too soon. But not even one day can be shown in 
 that honourable life, concerning which each best man of 
 the Irish would not boast more than concerning all tbe 
 political 18 life of the rest, who act 19 the part of deserters 20 
 and betrayers of their country, year by year. 21 
 
 5 Largitor. 6 Accusative. 7 Inventio. 8 Commence the 
 
 clause with scilicet. 9 Locus. 10 Genitive. n Apud. 12 Vindico. 
 13 Institution. 14 Alio. 15 De. 16 Receptus. 17 Subjunc- 
 tive : because l which ' means ' of a kind which.' Pref. i. 8 (h) 
 18 Quod ad renipublicam attinet. 19 Repraeseuto. ^ Transfuga. 
 81 In singulos annos. 
 
 XXI. 
 
 ORIGINAL PASSAGE, 
 
 Juvenal is of a more vigorous and masculine wit: he 
 gives me as much pleasure as I can bear : he fully satisfies 
 my expectation : he treats his subject home: his spleen is 
 
PART II. EXERCISE XXI. 149 
 
 raised, and he raises mine ; I have the pleasure of concern- 
 ment in all he says : he drives his reader along with him : 
 and, when he is at the end of his way, I willingly stop 
 with him. If he went another stage it would be too far, 
 it would make a journey of a progress, and turn the 
 delight into fatigue. When he gives over, 'tis a sign the 
 subject is exhausted, and the wit of man can carry it no 
 farther. If a fault can be justly found in him, 'tis that he 
 is sometimes too luxuriant, too redundant : says more 
 than he needs, like my friend the Plain Dealer, but never 
 more than pleases. Add to this, that his thoughts are as 
 just as those of Horace, and much more elevated. His 
 expressions sonorous and more noble, his verse more 
 numerous, and his words are suitable to his thoughts, 
 sublime and lofty. All these contribute to the pleasure of 
 the reader, and the greater the soul of him that reads, his 
 transports are the greater. Horace is always on the 
 amble, Juvenal on the gallop ; but his way is perpetually 
 on carpet-ground. He goes with more impetuosity than 
 Horace, but as securely ; and the swiftness adds more 
 lively agitation to the spirits. Character of Juvenal, 
 DRYDEN'S Essay on Satire. 
 
 SAME PASSAGE ADAPTED. 
 
 Juvenal, a poet of a more vigorous 1 and thoroughly 
 masculine genius, delights me as much as suits my nature : 
 he satisfies 2 the hopes conceived concerning him : he treats 
 home 3 (his) subject : 4 himself inclined 5 to spleen, excites 6 
 my 7 spleen also : he says nothing foreign 8 to my sympathies: 
 he leads away the reader with himself, yet so that, the 
 journey having been finished, you would readily halt. 9 
 Who, if he had advanced further, would be tedious : 10 the 
 stage 11 would pass into a regular journey, 12 pleasure into 
 
 1 Vegetus. 2 Ratas facit spes. 3 Ad vivum reseco. 4 Res 
 
 proposita. 6 Paullo stomachosior. 6 Moveo. 7 Mihi. 
 
 8 Alienum a me. 9 Subsisto. lo Nimius. n Iter, 
 12 Peregrinatio. 
 
150 PART II. EXEECISE XXI. 
 
 weariness. As often as he makes an end, you may hold it 
 for certain that the subject 13 is exhausted : that the wit of 
 men can (achieve) nothing more in adorning it. If you 
 should think that he has erred in any respect, 14 you may 
 justly blame him (on the ground) that 15 in writing he is 
 sometimes redundant 16 and luxuriant : that, like our friend, 
 the Plain Dealer, 17 he says more than you would demand, 
 not, however, more than you would wish. Add, that his 
 sentiments, while 18 not less apt, are much more elevated 
 than those of Horace. He uses a style 19 sonorous, and, 
 indeed, more noble, verses more numerous, words whose 20 
 sublimity admirably suits the thoughts. All of which do 
 a great deal to delight the reader, whose mind, in propor- 
 tion 21 as it is greater, is affected with the greater joy. 
 Horace always goes on the amble, 22 Juvenal with a more 
 rapid step, but like one who never has to ride 23 upon any- 
 thing but level ground. 24 He is borne with a course more 
 vehement than Horace, not, however, less safe : by which 
 vehemence, also, the spirits 25 are wonderfully aroused and 
 excited. 
 
 13 Materies. 14 In aliquo. 15 Quod : with subjunctive, be- 
 
 cause the views of another are quoted. Pref. i. 2 (b). 16 Abun- 
 
 dans. 17 Authecastus noster apud Laberium. 18 Ut sic. 19 Oratio. 
 
 20 The relative, signifying quality, requires a subjunctive. Pref. I. 8 (f). 
 
 21 Quo eo. 22 Tolutiin ire. 2S Equito : gerundive. 24 In piano. 
 25 Animus. 
 
 XXII. 
 ORIGINAL PASSAGE. 
 
 The officer was confined in the Bastille : he begged the 
 governor to permit him the use of his flute, to soften, by 
 the harmonies of his instrument, the rigours of his prison. 
 At the end of a few days, this modern Orpheus, playing 
 on his flute, was greatly astonished to see frisking out of 
 their holes great numbers of mice ; and, descending from 
 their woven habitations, crowds of spiders, who formed a 
 
PACT II. EXERCISE XXII. 
 
 circle about him, while he continued breathing his soul- 
 subduing instrument. He was petrified with astonish- 
 ment. Having ceased to play, the assembly, who did not 
 come to see his person, but to hear his instrument, imme- 
 diately broke up. As he had a great dislike to spiders, it 
 was two days before he again ventured to touch his instru- 
 ment. At length, having overcome, for the novelty of his 
 company, his dislike of them, he recommenced his concert, 
 when the company was by far more numerous than at 
 first ; and in the course of time he found himself sur- 
 rounded by a hundred musical amateurs. Having thus 
 succeeded in attracting this company, he treacherously 
 contrived to get rid of them at his will. For this purpose, 
 he begged the keeper to give him a cat, which he put in a 
 cage, and let loose at the very instant when the little 
 hairy people were most entranced by the Orphean skill he 
 displayed. DISRAELI, Curiosities of Literature, vol. i. 
 p. 304. 
 
 SAME PASSAGE ADAPTED. 
 
 A soldier having been plunged 1 into the Bastilla, sought 
 from him who presided over the prison, that it might be 
 lawful for him to use his flute, that 2 it might by (its) sweet 
 tones console the evils of prison. A few days afterwards, 
 whilq he was playing the flute, 3 that second Orpheus saw, 
 not without wonder, many mice leap out of (their) holes, 4 
 and flocks of spiders glide-down from their woven retreats ; 5 
 and, as it were a circle 6 having been made, stand around, 
 as long as that was breathed upon 7 which exercised so 
 much power over 8 their minds. The musician first was 
 struck with astonishment : 9 soon he ceased to play : at the 
 same time, all the assembly, 10 since 11 it had flocked to- 
 gether to hear the song, not to see the man, glided away. 
 
 1 Detrudor. 2 Pref. I. 8 (e). 3 Tibia cano. 4 Cava. 
 
 5 Textiles latebrae. 6 Orbis: abi. aba. 7 Infbr. 8 In, with 
 
 accus. 9 Obstupesco. 10 Consessus, " Utpote qui. Pref, 
 
 l< * (g). 
 
\$ PART II EXERCISE XXII. 
 
 The man, as he 12 detested spiders chiefly of all (things), 
 did not venture to resume his flute till three days after- 
 wards. Then at last, his disgust 13 being overcome by the 
 novelty of the thing, he began to play again ; which 
 having been done, a far larger assembly than had before 
 been present, met together. A little after, he had around 
 himself lovers of music 14 a hundred in number. When, 15 
 however, he had drawn together so many listeners, the 
 treacherous man contrived destruction for the wretched 
 (creatures) at 16 (his) will. He sought from the keeper 
 that he would give him a cat: he concealed in a cage 17 
 (the cat when) received : soon he sent her forth when 15 the 
 hairy race was most entranced 18 by his Orphean skill. 
 
 12 Pref. i. 8 (b). 13 Fastidium. 14 Cantus. - 15 Pref. I. i (d). 
 16 Ex senteutia. 17 Cavea. 18 Capior. 
 
 XXIII. 
 
 ORIGINAL PASSAGE. 
 
 It grieves me to make an exception to this rule; but 
 Tully was one, so remarkable, that the example can neither 
 be concealed nor passed over. This great man, who had 
 been the saviour of his country who had feared, in the 
 support of that cause, neither the insults of a desperate 
 party, nor the daggers of assassins when he came to 
 suffer from the same cause, sunk under the weight. He 
 dishonoured that banishment which indulgent Providence 
 meant to be the means of rendering his glory complete. 
 Uncertain where he should go, what he should do fear- 
 ful as a woman, and fro ward as a child he lamented the 
 loss of his rank, of his riches, and of his splendid popu- 
 larity. His eloquence served only to paint his ignominy 
 in stronger colours. He wept over the ruins of his fine 
 house, which Clodius had demolished; and his separation 
 from Terentia, whom he repudiated not long afterwards, 
 was perhaps an affliction to him at this time, Everything 
 
PART II. EXERCISE XXIII. 53 
 
 becomes intolerable to the man who is once subdued by 
 grief. He regrets what he took no pleasure in enjoying; 
 and, overloaded already, he shrinks at the weight of a 
 feather. HOLDEN, Foliorum Centurice, p. 160. 
 
 SAME PASSAGE ADAPTED. 
 
 It grieves me to except as if for the sake of ignominy, 
 any one in the number of those whom I have mentioned ; 
 but M. Tullius differed so 1 greatly from them, that 2 I could 
 neither altogether conceal nor lightly pass over his example. 
 For 3 that man truly great and his country's saviour, who, 
 provided that 4 he was protecting his country, had feared 
 neither the contumelies of men factious and at last despair* 
 ing, nor the swords of assassins, nevertheless, 5 when 6 mis- 
 fortunes were to be suffered for his country, showed himself 
 unequal to bearing 7 such a load. He dishonoured that 
 very condition of exile which Providence 8 had imposed 
 upon him with the very 9 design, that to his glory a crown- 
 ing triumph 10 should be added. Uncertain where 11 he was 
 to go, 12 what 11 was to be done 12 more timid than even a 
 woman, more froward 13 than even a child he lamented 
 the loss 14 of (his) dignity, (his) wealth, (his) splendid favour 
 among (his) countrymen. The ornaments of eloquence did 
 not blot out the mark of ignominy, but only branded 15 it 
 deeper, He wept over the ruins of his house destroyed by 
 P. Clodius : perhaps also at that time 16 he grieved that he 
 had 17 to live apart from Terentia, whom nevertheless not 
 long after he repudiated, To 18 a man whom affliction has 
 
 1 Tantopere. 2 Pref. I. 6. 3 Quippe. 4 Dum. Pref. i. 4 (i). 
 5 Idem. 6 Pref. i. i (d). 7 Gerundive of fero, dative case. 
 
 8 Deus Opt. Max. 9 Scilicet. 10 Quasi cumulus. Vid. Cic. pro 
 P^sc. Amer. 3, 8 ; ad Att. 4, 18, fin. n Pref. i. 10. u Eundum 
 faciendum est. 13 Impotens. 14 Queribundus desidero, 
 
 15 Inuro. 16 Turn temporis. 17 Carendum est, governed by 
 
 quod, ( that.' Pref. I. 2 (b). 18 Commence the clause with Nernpe; 
 which is used to introduce a sentiment; generalised from previous 
 statements. 
 
154 I>AKT Ir - EXERCISE XXTll. 
 
 once prostrated, all things become intolerable: those things 
 by whose possession 19 he was not pleased, he nevertheless 
 longs for: already overburdened with his load, he shrinks 20 
 from the weight even of a feather. 21 
 
 19 Usus. 20 Detrecto. 21 Flocci. 
 
 XXIV. 
 
 ORIGINAL PASSAGE. 
 
 A simple citiz3n describes with pity, or perhaps with 
 pleasure, the humiliation of the barons of Rome : ' Bare- 
 headed, their hands crossed on their breast, they stood 
 with downcast looks in the presence of the tribune ; and 
 they trembled good Grod, how they trembled!' As 
 long as the yoke of Rienzi was that of justice and their 
 country, their conscience forced them to esteem the man, 
 whom their pride and interest provoked them to hate : his 
 extravagant conduct soon fortified their hatred by con- 
 tempt ; and they conceived the hope of subverting a power 
 which was no longer so deeply rooted in the public confi- 
 dence. The old animosity of the Colonnas and Ursini was 
 suspended for a moment by their common disgrace; they 
 associated their wishes, and perhaps their designs. An 
 assassin was seized and tortured : he accused the nobles : 
 and as soon as Eienzi deserved the fate, he adopted the 
 suspicions and maxims of a tyrant. On the same day, 
 under various pretences, he invited to the Capitol his 
 principal enemies, among whom were five members of the 
 Ursini, and three of the Colonna name. But instead of a 
 council or a banquet, they found themselves prisoners 
 under the sword of despotism or justice; and the con- 
 sciousness of innocence or guilt might inspire them with 
 equal apprehension of danger. At the sound of the great 
 bell the people assembled ; they were arraigned for a con- 
 spiracy against the tribune's life ; and though some might 
 
TAKT II. EXERCISE XXIV. 155 
 
 sympathise in their distress, not a hand, not a voice was 
 raised to rescue the first of the nobility from their im- 
 pending doom. GIBBON, Decline and Fall of the Roman 
 Empire. 
 
 SAME PASSAGE ADAPTED. 
 
 A certain man from the people, pitying or mocking, thus 
 describes the stricken and abject nobles: 'They standing 
 before the tribune, with bare head, with hands folded 1 on 
 the breast, their eyes fixed upon the ground, how, good 
 gods, did they tremble !' In truth, 2 as long as 3 Eiensius 
 commanded things just and advantageous 4 for the state, 
 the Eoman nobles indeed hated the man, as distasteful 5 
 to their ambition 6 and pride, and yet they were not able 
 not to revere him in their conscience ; 7 soon they began to 
 despise, 8 and more openly bate him, raising himself above 
 measure ; a hope was also conceived of subverting his 
 power, since its 9 credit and influence 10 had now been 
 lessened in the sight 11 of the people. Accordingly, the 
 old discord between the Colonnas and the Ursini was for a 
 short time suspended by a common disgrace ; and perhaps 
 their counsels, their wishes 12 certainly, were associated. 
 By chance a certain assassin having been apprehended and 
 tortured, accused the nobles, and Eiensius having now de- 
 served the death of a tyrant, at once adopted 13 the maxims 14 
 and suspicions of a tyrant. On that very day, he sum- 
 moned to the Capitol the chief men among his enemies, 
 giving one reason to one, another to another; among whom 
 were present five men of the Ursini, three of the Colonnas. 
 Soon they all became aware 15 that they had been caught 
 by the hope of a council or banquet, and that the sword 
 either of a despot 16 or a judge 17 was impending over their 
 
 1 Compositus. 2 Nimirum. 3 Quamdiu. Pref. I. i (h). 
 
 4 Commodus. 5 Infestus. 6 Cupiditates. 7 Ex animi sensu. 
 8 Historical infinitive. 9 Pref. I. 8 (b). 10 Auctoritaa, 
 
 11 Apud. 12 Studium. 13 Ineo. 14 Ratio 15 Intelligo, 
 
 16 Dominans. 17 Judicans. Pref, ij. 8. 
 
156 PART II. EXERCISE XXIV. 
 
 necks : nor was the expectation of evil less to the innocent 
 than to those conscious of fault. After the people had 
 assembled at 18 the sound of the great bell, 19 they are 
 declared to have conspired concerning the killing of the 
 tribune; and perhaps some pitied their calamity: however, 
 neither any voice nor hand was lifted up, to 20 rescue the 
 noblest men from impending destruction. 
 
 18 Ad. 19 Campana. 20 Pref. I. 8 (e). 
 
 XXV. 
 
 ORIGINAL PASSAGE. 
 
 He belonged to those thin and pale men, as Caesar names 
 them, who sleep not in the night, and who think too much ; 
 before whom the most fearless of all hearts has shaken. 
 The quiet peacefulness of a face, always the same, hid a 
 busy, fiery soul, which stirred not even the veil behind 
 which it worked, and was equally inaccessible to cunning 
 or love ; and a manifold, formidable, never-tiring mind, 
 sufficiently soft and yielding momentarily to melt into 
 every form, but sufficiently proved to lose itself in none, 
 and strong enough to bear eveiy change of fortune. None 
 was a greater master than he, in seeing through mankind, 
 and in winning hearts ; not that he let his lips, after the 
 manner of the court, confess a bondage to which the proud 
 heart gave the lie; but, because he was neither covetous, 
 nor extravagant in the marks of his favour and esteem, 
 and by a prudent economy in those means through which 
 one binds men, he multiplied his real store of them. Did 
 his mind bear slowly ? so were its fruits perfect ; did his 
 resolve ripen late? so was it firmly and unshakeably 
 fulfilled. The plan to which he once had paid homage as 
 the first, no resistance would tire, no chances destroy ; for 
 they had all stood before his soul, before they really took 
 place. As muci as his mind was raised above terror and 
 
PAttT IT. EXERCISE XXV. 157 
 
 joy, so much was it subjected to fear: but his fear was 
 then earlier than the danger, and in the tumult he was 
 tranquil, because he had trembled when at rest. Character 
 of the Lord Keeper Coventry. HOLDEN'S Foliorum Cen~ 
 turicv, p. 36. 
 
 SAME PASSAGE ADAPTED. 
 
 He was, indeed, one 1 of those pale and thin 2 men, as 
 Csesar calls them, who, harassed by want of sleep, and too 
 much thought, have sometimes inspired terror even in the 
 bravest. A soul, spirited 3 and fiery, lay beneath 4 a coun- 
 tenance, tranquil and iinmoveable, (a soul) which did not 
 move even the veil, 5 as it were, 6 stretched before itself 
 (when) working, 7 equally obstinate 8 against cunning and 
 love : 9 a mind 10 lay beneath, manifold, formidable, untired, 
 so pliant 11 that it could momentarily 12 put on 13 any form, 
 so hardened 14 that it never departed from its own nature, 
 so strong that it sustained, without injury, 15 all vicissitudes 
 of fortune. He used to see through the dispositions of 
 men, to conciliate their favour, as no one else (did) : do 
 not, however, think that he, 16 after the manner of courtiers, 17 
 professed with his lips 18 a homage 19 which his proud 20 soul 
 would have denied; 21 but rather that, neither sparing nor 
 prodigal of his favour 22 and esteem, he increased, by 
 cautiously dispensing it, the wealth whereby men are 
 bound clown. His mind produced fruits, if rather 23 slow, 
 yet perfect : his counsels, admitting 24 that they may have 
 ripened 25 rather 23 late, were yet fulfilled 26 firmly, and 
 without vacillation. The plan to which 27 he had once 
 
 1 E. a Macilentusi 3 Acer. 4 Subesse. 5 Involucrum. 
 Comp. Cic. ad Q. F. I. 1,5: Multis simulationum iuvolucris tegitur, 
 et quasi velis quibusdam obtenditur. - 6 Quasi. 7 Operans. 
 
 8 Obstinatus. 9 Studia. 10 Ino-enium. n Facilis. 12 Ex 
 tempore. 13 Induo. 14 Duratus. 15 Impune. 16 Qui. 
 
 17 Urbanus. 18 Os. 19 Obsequium. 20 Contemptor. Pref II. 23. 
 Infitior 22 Officiosa benevolentia. 23 Pref. n. 19 (d). * 4 Ut. 
 Pref. I. 5 (b). 25 Provenire. 26 Perntfor. 27 rref. I. n. 
 
158 PAKT II. EXERCISE XXV. 
 
 assigned the palm, 28 no force of opposers 29 could break, no 
 chances subvert, since 30 he had anticipated 31 them all. 
 As much as his mind was raised above terrors and joys, so 
 much was it subject to fear; but that fear anticipated 32 
 the danger, to such a degree, 33 that he who 27 had trembled 
 (when) at rest, 34 remained tranquil amid the trembling of 
 others. 
 
 28 Primae : sub. partes. 2 * Participle. Pref. n. 8. Quippe 
 qui. Pref. I. 2 (g). S1 Animo praecipio. 32 Prsevenio. 
 
 * 34 In tranquillo. 
 
 XXVI. 
 ORIGINAL PASSAGE. 
 
 Will he meet the matter fairly ? Will he answer to thib 
 one question distinctly? If France had abstained from 
 any act of aggression against Great Britain, and her ally, 
 Holland, should we have remained inactive spectators of 
 the last campaign, idle, apart, and listening to the fray, 
 leaving the contest to Austria and Prussia, and whatever 
 allies they could themselves have obtained? If he says 
 this, mark the dilemma into which he brings himself, his 
 supporters, and the nation. This war is called a war un- 
 like all other wars that ever man was engaged in. It is a 
 war, it seems, commenced on a different principle, and 
 cariied on for a different purpose, from all other wars. It 
 is a war in which the interests of individual nations are 
 absorbed in the wider consideration of the interests of 
 mankind. It is a war in which personal provocation is 
 lost in the outrage offered generally to civilized man ; it 
 is a war for the preservation of the possessions, the morals, 
 and the religion of the world ; it is a war for the mainten- 
 ance of human order, and the existence of human society. 
 Does he then mean to say, that he would have sat still, 
 that Great Britain would have sat still, with arms folded, 
 and reclining in luxurious ease in her commercial conch. 
 
PART n. EXKUCISE XXVf. 
 
 '59 
 
 have remained an unconcerned spectator of this mighty 
 conflict, and left the cause of civil order, government, 
 morality, and religion, and its God, to take care of itself? 
 or to owe its preservation to the mercenary exertions of 
 German and Hungarian barbarians, provided only that 
 France had not implicated Great Britain by a special 
 offence, and forced us into this cause of divine and universal 
 interest by the petty motive of a personal provocation ? 
 SHERIDAN, Address in reply to Lord Mornington, 1794. 
 Speeches, vol. i. p. 198. 
 
 SAME PASSAGE ADAPTED. 
 
 Will he treat the matter 1 openly, and will he clearly 
 answer me, asking this one thing ? If the French had 
 made 2 war neither on Britain nor Batavia, her ally, were 
 we likely to have beheld 3 leisurely the contest of the pre- 
 ceding year? and, leaving the conduct 4 of the war to 
 Austria, Borussia, and their allies, if they were likely to 
 have 3 any, to have listened 5 to the fray from afar, uncon- 
 cerned? 6 If he should say this, see into what 7 straits he 
 drives himself, and his own supporters 8 and the state. 
 For it is said that there is a great difference 9 between this 
 and other wars, as many as .men have ever waged : this 
 war, if it please the gods, was neither undertaken for 10 the 
 same reasons as the rest, nor carried on with a like 
 purpose. This is a war of that sort, wherein 11 the interests 
 of individual 12 nations are overwhelmed by the greater 
 interests of the whole race; 13 wherein 11 each man's per- 
 sonal 14 offence is obscured by the common injury of all ; 
 wherein 11 all the goods of all men, morals, religion, are at 
 stake : 15 and all the society of men among themselves, and 
 the discipline of life, has to be defended. 16 Will this man 
 
 1 Res. 2 Inferre. 3 ' Likely to behold/ spectaturus: ' Likely 
 to have/ hubiturus. 4 Decertatio. 5 Auscultor. 6 Vacuu 
 
 animo. 7 Pref. i. 10. 8 Sui. 9 Pref. in. 61. 10 De 
 
 11 Pref. i. 8 (g). 12 Singulus. 13 Genus. 14 Proprius 
 
 15 In dirfcrimine versari. 16 Gerundive of defendo. 
 
l6o PART II. EXERCISE XXVI. 
 
 say, then, that he himself, or rather, that Britain herself, 
 reclining in the luxury of commerce, as it were, on any 
 soft couch, would have been likely 3 to behold so mighty a 
 contest without any concern, 17 and would have suffered the 
 cause of the laws, of government, 18 of morals, of religion, 
 of God Himself, indeed, either to want all protection, or to 
 owe 19 safety to the barbarous mercenaries of Germany and 
 Hungary, unless France had annoyed England by some 
 special 14 injury, and had challenged her to undertake this 
 universal and almost divine protectorship, 20 by the petty 
 motive 21 of a private offence ? 
 
 17 Cura. 18 Disciplina. 19 Acceptani salutem referre. 20 Tutela 
 81 Incitauientuni. 
 
 XXVII. 
 
 ORIGINAL PASSAGE. 
 
 "No sooner was it known, that these towns, the latter of 
 which is not two days' march from Paris, were in the hands 
 of the enemy, than that great capital, defenceless, and 
 susceptible of any violent alarm in proportion to its great- 
 ness, was tilled with consternation. The inhabitants, as if 
 the emperor had been already at their gates, fled in the 
 wildest confusion and despair, many sending their wives 
 and children down the Seine to Eouen, others to Orleans, 
 and the towns upon the Loire. Francis himself, more 
 afflicted with this than with any other event during 
 his reign, and sensible as well of the triumph that his rival 
 would enjoy in insulting his capital, as of the danger to 
 which the kingdom was exposed, could not refrain from 
 crying out in the first emotion of surprise and sorrow, 
 * How dear, my God. do I pay for this crown, which I 
 thought thou hadst granted me freely ! * But, recovering 
 in a moment from this sudden sally of peevishness and 
 impatience, he devoutly added, ' Thy will, however, be 
 done ; ' and proceeded to issue the necessary orders for 
 opposing the enemy, with his usual activity and presence 
 of mind. KOBEKTSCLN, diddles F., vol i. p. 214. 
 
PART II. EXERCISE XXVII. l6l 
 
 SAME PASSAGE ADAPTED. 
 
 As soon as it was spread abroad 1 that these towns, where- 
 of the one is distant within three days' march 2 from Paris, 3 
 were in the enemy's hands, that great city, unarmed, and 
 in proportion 4 (as it was) greater, so 4 more liable 5 to sudden 
 terrors, was struck with great fear. The citizens, as if 6 
 the emperor were already close 7 to the gates, their minds 
 disturbed, 8 their hope thrown away, fled ; 9 most of them 
 sent 9 away their wives and children down 10 the Sequana 
 to Kotomagus, others to Grenabum, and to the towns 
 which are situated on 11 the Ligeris. The king Franciscus 
 himself, so much moved by no event before, reflecting 
 with himself at once how 12 great joy the enemy would be 
 likely to conceive from the city triumphed over, at the 
 same time, in how 12 great peril his own kingdom was in- 
 volved, 13 stupefied by new grief, is reported to have cried 
 out 14 thus : ' How great a price do I pay, immortal gods, 
 for this crown, which I dreamed had been yielded to me 
 by you gratuitously ! ' Afterwards, returning into himself 
 out of this sudden emotion 15 of an impatient and petulant 
 mind, he added in a moment : ' Thy will, however, be 
 done ! ' and at the same time took care that those (things) 
 which were 16 needful to oppose the enemy, should be 
 executed, as he was wont, with activity, 17 and prompt 
 counsel. 
 
 1 Pervulgari. 3 Tridui : sub. iter. 8 Lutetia Parisiorum. 
 
 4 Quo eo. 6 Obnoxius. 6 Pref. I. 7. 7 Insto. 8 Abl. abs. 
 Historical infin. 10 Secundum. ll In. 12 Pref. i. 10. 
 
 13 Versor. 14 Hanc rupisse vocein. 15 Perturbatio. 16 Pref. i. 1 1. 
 'If,' says Madvig, L. G. 369, obs. i, 'when the leading proposition 
 is in the perfect, a general idea is expressed in a subordinate proposi- 
 tion in the imperfect not the present it is thereby shown to be a 
 member of the leading idea : e. g. Rex parari eajussit, qua; ad bellum 
 nccessaria essent ; but, Rex arma, tela, machinaSj coteraqne, qua in bello 
 necessana sunt, parari jussitS 17 Acriter. 
 
1 62 PART II. EXERCISE XXVIII. 
 
 XXVIII. 
 ORIGINAL PASSAGE. 
 
 Meanwhile, the fight, or rather massacre, continued hot 
 around the Inca, whose persou was the great object of the 
 assault. His faithful nobles, rallying about him, threw 
 themselves in the way of assailants, and strove, by 
 tearing them from their saddles, or, at least, by offering 
 their ovvn bosoms as a mark for their vengeance, to shield 
 their beloved master. It is said, by some authoritie , that 
 they carried weapons concealed under their clothes. If so, 
 it availed them little, as it is not pretended they used them. 
 But the most timid animal will defend itself when at bay. 
 That they did not do so in the present instance, is proof 
 that they had no weapons to use. Yet they still continued 
 to force back the cavaliers, clinging to their horses with 
 dying grasp, and, as one was cut down, another taking the 
 place of his falling comrade, with a loyalty truly affecting. 
 
 The Indian monarch, stunned and bewildered, saw his 
 faithful subjects falling around him, without comprehending 
 his situation. The litter on which he rode heaved to and 
 fro, as the mighty press swayed backwards and forwards ; 
 and he gazed on the overwhelming ruin, like some forlorn 
 mariner, who, tossed about in his bark by the furious ele- 
 ments, sees the lightning's flash, and hears the thunder 
 bursting around him, with the consciousness that he can 
 do nothing to avert his fate. At length, weary with the 
 work of destruction, the Spaniards, as the shades of evening 
 grew deeper, felt afraid that the royal prize might, after 
 all, elude them ; and some of the cavaliers made a desperate 
 attempt to end the affray at once by taking Atahualpa's 
 life. PRESCOTT'S Peru, vol. L p. 382. 
 
 SAME PASSAGE ADAPTED. 
 
 Meanwhile, the fight, unless it is rather to be called a 
 massacre, raged fiercely around the king : to such a degree 1 
 
 1 Adeo. 
 
PART II. EXERCISE XXVIII. l6j 
 
 was the attack directed against 2 him alone. Then, a most 
 faithful nobility threw 3 themselves in a dense band (before) 
 those attacking (him): they endeavoured, 4 by pulling their 
 foes from their horses, or, at least, by opposing their 
 own breasts to the coming enemies, to protect 5 the beloved 
 head of their lord. It is said 6 that they wore weapons 
 concealed beneath their clothes. Which thing, although 
 it may have been so, nevertheless profited little: for that 
 they used 7 them, neither does any one profess. Yet each 
 most idle animal, after it has come 8 into the last danger, 
 is wont to defend itself. And since 9 they, in a like case, 10 
 were unwilling to defend themselves with arms, it is suffi- 
 ciently clear that they were also n not able. Yet they, no 
 otherwise than they had begun, 12 tried to force back 13 the 
 horsemen, embraced their horses with their hands (while) 
 dying, and as often as 14 each had fallen, another succeeded 
 into another's place with wonderful faith. 
 
 The Indian himself, struck with the din and with con- 
 sternation., wonders that his friends are everywhere thrown 
 down around him, hardly sufficiently knowing what 15 is the 
 matter. The chair in which he was carried is tossed hither 
 (and) thither by the various impulse of the fluctuating 
 crowd : he himself is appalled-at 16 the imminent destruc- 
 tion: as a sailor caught on the sea, his ship being beaten 
 by the force of the tempest, sees with awe 17 the fiery gleams, 
 hears 18 Tove thundering, conscious at the same time that 
 no 19 resource is supplied to him from any other quarter 20 
 by which he may avert his fate. The Spaniards were at 
 last wearied by very slaughter, the evening now over- 
 shadowing ; 21 and since 9 they feared lest, the king being 
 preserved, they should be destined to lose 22 both their prey 
 
 2 Incursatum est in. s Objicio : historical infin. 4 Operam do. 
 5 Ut, with subjunctive. 6 Auctores habeo. 7 Infin. 8 Ventum 
 est. 9 Quum. Pref. I. a (d). 10 Ees. Idem. 12 Cceptum 
 erat. 1S Propulso. u Pref. I. i (f). 15 Quid rei sit. 16 Stupeo. 
 17 Stupet intueri. 18 Infin. governed by ' stupet.' 19 Nihil opum, 
 80 Alicunde. 21 Inumbrans, abl. abs. 
 
 OF TRK 
 
 "IT "NT T-r-*--.-! ^ 
 
164 PART II. EXERCISE XXVIII. 
 
 and labour, a few out of the horsemen, an attack 23 having 
 been made with all their force, strive together 24 that they 
 may slay Atahualpa, and bring the affair to a conclusion. 
 
 83 Incursio. M Connitor. 
 
 XXIX. 
 
 ORIGINAL PASSAGE. 
 
 In the meanwhile, the Turks, who had kept by the side 
 of them at a small distance, being covered from their 
 sight by some rising ground, were informed by their 
 scouts, that the two parts of the Christian army were 
 separated so far as not to be able to assist each other ; 
 upon which, with great expedition, they went and possessed 
 themselves of the top of the mountain, where the French 
 vanguard had been ordered to encamp. Then, having 
 formed a line of battle, they suffered the rearguard to 
 advance unmolested, till their foremost squadrons had 
 almost reached the summit of the ascent, and the rest 
 were far engaged in the deep hollow ways, which embar- 
 rassed the middle of the hill. Having thus drawn them 
 on to inevitable destruction, they made a sudden attack 
 upon them, first with showers of arrows, and then sword 
 in hand, which threw them immediately into the greatest 
 confusion. For, as they expected no enemy, but imagined 
 that the troops they saw over their heads had been their 
 own vanguard, they marched in a very careless, disorderly 
 manner ; arid many of them, to ease themselves of the 
 weight of their arms, had thrown them into the waggons 
 that carried the baggage. All things concurred to aid the 
 Turks, and render the valour of the French ineffectual; 
 the narrow denies in which they could not form any order 
 of battle; the roughness and steepness of the ascent, which 
 made their heavy-armed cavalry useless ; the impediment 
 of their baggage, which, being placed in the midst of them, 
 hindered those behind from assisting the foremost, and the 
 
PART II. EXERCISE XXIX. [65 
 
 inferiority of their number to that of the enemy ; so that 
 scarce seven thousand out of above thirty thousand were 
 able to escape ; the rest being all either killed or taken. 
 HOLDER'S FoLiorum Centurice, p. 75. 
 
 SAME PASSAGE ADAPTED. 
 
 While 1 these things are being carried on, the Turks, who, 
 concealed from sight 2 by some higher 3 ground, had followed 
 them on the flank, 4 find, through scouts, 5 that the two parts 
 of the Christian army were separated so far, that the one 
 could not bring aid to the other. Which having been 
 heard, they advance 6 as fast as possible, 7 to occupy 8 the 
 top of the mountain where the vanguard 9 of the French 
 had been ordered to halt. Then, the line of battle 10 having 
 been formed, they allow the rearguard 11 of the enemy to 
 progress so far, 12 until they see the hastati and principes 
 almost in possession 13 of the top 14 of the mountain, the rest 
 entangled in the hollow and deep ways which embarrass 
 the middle of the hill. Whom when they had thus allured 
 to an inevitable death, 15 having first suddenly attacked- 
 them with arrows, then hand to hand 16 with swords, they 
 confuse them as much as possible. For they, suspecting 
 that no enemy was near, but believing that the soldiers 
 whom they saw above 17 their heads, were the vanguard ot 
 their eftra army, were marching irregularly 18 enough ; 
 many, too, had thrown aside their arms into the waggons 
 which carried the baggage, that they might release them- 
 selves from the weight. All things, at the same time, on 
 every side aided the Turks, rendered the valour of the 
 
 1 When the particle dum denotes what happens, while something 
 else happens, the present is used, although the perfect is the tense of 
 the leading proposition : e. g. Caes. B. G. i. 46. * Conspectus. 
 
 8 Editiora juga. 4 E latere. 5 Explorator. 6 Contendo. 
 
 7 Quam celerrime. 8 Gerundive. 9 Primum agmen. 10 Acies. 
 11 Agmen novissimum. 12 Eo usque. 13 Partic. perf. of assequor. 
 14 Summus. u Mortis necessitas. l6 Cominus. 17 Imminent 
 18 Incomposite. 
 
1 66 PAKT II. EXERCISE XXIX. 
 
 French useless : the narrowness of the paths in which they 
 could not deploy ; 19 the difficulty of the ascent, which 
 rendered the heavy-armed cavalry 20 useless ; the baggage 
 which, placed in the midst, hindered the rear 21 from 22 
 aiding those who were first: at the same time, the fewness 
 of the men, compared with 23 the multitude of the enemy ; 
 BO that scarcely seven thousand escaped out of more than 
 thirty thousand. The rest (were) either slain or taken. 
 
 19 Ordines explicare. 20 Equitatus gravis armature. 21 No- 
 
 Tissimi. 22 Quominus. Pref. I. 3 (a). 23 Pro. 
 
 XXX. 
 
 ORIGINAL PASSAGE. 
 
 At the sight of the enemy, those who had not already 
 passed mingled with the Polanders, and rushed precipi- 
 tately towards the bridge. The artillery, the baggage- 
 waggons, the cavalry, and the foot-soldiers, all pressed on, 
 contending which should pass the first. The strongest 
 threw into the river those who were weaker, and hindered 
 their passage, or unfeelingly trampled under foot all the 
 sick whom they found in their way. Many hundreds 
 were crushed to death by the wheels of the cannon : others, 
 hoping to save themselves by swimming, were frozen in the 
 middle of the river, or perished by placing themselves on 
 pieces of ice which sunk to the bottom. Thousands and 
 thousands of victims, deprived of all hope, threw them- 
 selves headlong into the Beresina, and were lost in the 
 waves. 
 
 The division of Gerard made its way, by force of 
 arms, through all the obstacles that retarded its march; 
 and climbing over that mountain of dead bodies which 
 obstructed the way, gained the other side. Thither the 
 Russians would soon have followed them, if they had not 
 hastened to burn the bridge. Then the unhappy beings 
 who remained on the other side of the Beresina, abandoned 
 
PART II. EXERCISE XXX. 167 
 
 themselves to absolute despair. Some of them, however, 
 yet attempted to pass the bridge, enveloped, as it was, in 
 flames : but, arrested in the midst of their progress, they 
 were compelled to throw themselves into the river, to 
 escape a death yet more horrible. At length, the Eussians, 
 being masters of the field of battle, our troops retired : 
 the, uproar ceased, and mournful silence succeeded. 
 LABAUME. 
 
 SAME PASSAGE ADAPTED. 
 
 At first sight of the enemy, those who had not yet 
 passed the river, mingled with the Sarmatse, in headlong 
 flight 1 seek the bridge. The artillery, 2 the baggage-wag- 
 gons, the cavalry, the infantry, all press-on 3 the same way, 
 they contend with one another to gain safety. 4 And now 5 
 (those) infirm in strength and health, and hindering 6 the 
 hastening (soldiers), were either thrust into the river by 
 the stronger, or trampled by the feet of the unfeeling. 7 
 Many were overwhelmed and crushed beneath the wheels 
 of the cannon. Others, to whom (was) hope to escape by 
 swimming, (were) either in the middle of the river frozen, 8 
 or, when 9 they trusted themselves to fragments of ice, 
 these sinking, perished by drowning. 10 Besides these, 
 many thousands, now 5 thrown down-from all hope, by 
 plunging 11 headlong into the Beresina, courted 12 death 
 am id uie- waves. 
 
 The cohort of Grirardus, if anything anywhere should be 
 likely to delay 18 (them) advancing, opened a way for itself 
 with the sword ; and, climbing over that heap of corpses 
 which besieged the road, passed over to the other bank. 
 Whither the Eussians, not long after, were about to 
 follow, 14 unless they should at once hasten to burn the 
 
 1 Effusus in fugam. 2 Tormentum. 3 Insisto. 4 Certatiiu 
 prseripio salutem. 5 Pref. n. 34.. 6 Moram alterens. 7 Neg- 
 ligens. 8 Captus gelu. 9 Pref. I. i (d). 10 Fluctibus haustus. 
 11 Sese dando preecipites. l<i Conscisco. l3 Remornturus erat 
 
 14 Pref. i. 4 (b). 
 
IbS PART II. EXERCISE XXX. 
 
 bridge. Then, indeed (those) who now remained on the 
 farther Lank of the river, an unhappy baud, (^began to) 
 despond utterly, and to despair of safety. 15 A part, indeed, 
 attempted to pass over the bridge, even though 16 wrapped 
 in flames : but, arrested 17 when 18 in mid course, (were) 
 compelled to throw themselves down, to avoid, 19 by death, 
 a death more savage, more bitter. Thus, at length, the 
 .Russians having gained the victory, our troops retire from 
 the field 20 of battle: soon the uproar was hushed, a mourn- 
 ful silence followed. 
 
 15 De summa. 16 Vel. 17 Prseclusus. 18 Jam. 19 Partic. 
 fut. of vito. 20 Acies. 
 
 XXXI. 
 
 ORIGINAL PASSAGE. 
 
 Oh ! how sincerely do I wish that tragedies had nevei 
 been invented ! I might, then, have been yet in a state 
 capable of appearing on the stage ; and, if I should not 
 have attained the glory of sustaining sublime characters, 
 I should, at least, have trifled agreeably, and worked off 
 my spleen in laughing. I have wasted my lungs in the 
 violent emotions of jealous^-, love, and ambition. A 
 thousand times have I been obliged to force myself to 
 represent more passions than Le Erun ever painted or 
 conceived. I saw myself frequently obliged to dart ter- 
 rible glances ; to roll my eyes furiously in my head, like a 
 man insane ; to frighten others by extravagant grimaces ; 
 to imprint on my countenance the redness of indignation 
 and hatred ; to make the paleness of fear and surprise 
 succeed each other by turns, to express the transports of 
 rage and despair ; to cry out like a demoniac ; and, conse- 
 quently, to strain all the parts of my body to render my 
 gestures fitted to accompany these different impressions. 
 The man, then, who would know of what I died, let him 
 not ask if it were of the fever, the dropsy, or the gout: 
 
PART II. EXERCISE XXXI. 169 
 
 but let him know that it was of the Andromache ! 
 MONTFLEURY, in the Parnasse Reforme, as given by DIS- 
 RAELI, Curiosities of Literature, vol. i. p. 278. 
 
 SAME PASSAGE ADAPTED. 
 
 How could I wish 1 that tragedy had never been in- 
 vented ! If 2 it had not existed, I might, 2 perhaps, even 
 now have appeared 3 upon 4 the stage ; and, although 6 the 
 glory of sustaining sublime characters 6 might not have 
 fallen 7 to me, I should, at least, have trifled agreeably, 
 and purged my bile by laughter. On the contrary, I 
 have in vain undermined my lungs, in trying 8 to imitate 
 the violent emotions of jealousy, 9 love, ambition. Not 
 even the well-known 10 Le Brun 11 either ever painted or 
 conceived so many passions 12 as I have very often been 
 obliged to represent 13 against 14 my inclination. It was 
 often my duty 15 to dart threats with terrible glances; 16 
 often to roll round furiously the orbs of my eyes like an 
 insane (man); to frighten others by a countenance dis- 
 torted after 17 a horrible fashion ; to give to my face the 
 flush of anger or hatred ; to turn pale with fear and wonder 
 by turns ; to signify, by clear signs, now the transports 18 
 of rage, now hope thrown away; to utter fanatical cries; 
 lastly, to weary all the parts of my body, to stretch all my 
 muscles, in order that 19 my gestures might become more 
 fit to express 20 so many and so diverse passions. If, there- 
 fore, any one shall wish to know by what 21 disease I perished, 
 let him not ask whether 21 fever carried me off, or the 
 dropsy, 22 or gout: let him know that the Andromache 
 carried me off! 
 
 1 Pref. I. 3 (d). 2 Pref. I. 4 (b). s Pref. I. 4 (f). 4 In, accus. 
 
 8 Ut. Pref. L 5 (b). 6 Persona. 7 Contango. 8 Dum. Pref. 1. 1 (h), 
 
 9 ZrjAoTUTri'a. 10 Ille. " Fuscus. 12 Affectus. 1S Exprimo. 
 14 Pref. m. 224. 15 Oportet. 16 Lumen. 17 In, accus. 
 18 Impetus. 19 Quo. 20 Ad. 21 Pref. i. 10. 22 Aqua 
 intercua Cic. Off. in. 24. 
 
1 70 TART II. EXERCISE XXXII. 
 
 XXXII. 
 
 ORIGINAL PASSAGE. 
 
 My Lords, I should be ashamed if, at this time, I at- 
 tempted to use any rhetorical blandishment whatever. 
 Such artifices would neither be suitable to the body I 
 represent, to the cause which I sustain, nor to my own 
 individual disposition, upon such an occasion. My Lords, 
 we know too well what these fallacious blandishments too 
 frequently are. We know that they are used to captivate 
 the benevolence of the court, and to conciliate the affections 
 of the tribunal rather to the person than to the cause. 
 We know that they are used to stifle the remonstrance of 
 conscience in the judge, and to reconcile it to the violation 
 of his duty : to induce all parties to separate in a kind of 
 good humour, as if they had nothing more than a verbal 
 dispute to settle, or a slight quarrel over a table to com- 
 promise; while nations, whole suffering nations, are left 
 to beat the empty air with cries of misery and anguish, 
 and to cast forth to an offended heaven the imprecations 
 of disappointment and despair. HOLDEN'S Foliorum Gen- 
 turice, p. 152. 
 
 SAME PASSAGE ADAPTED. 
 
 It would shame me, judges, especially at this time, to 
 adopt 1 for my speech any blandishment or rhetorical fas- 
 cination. 2 Which style 3 I believe to suit neither our order, 
 nor this cause, nor my disposition. For we, judges, r*re 
 not ignorant what 4 these oratorical ornaments 5 very often 
 mean. 6 We know that they are intended 7 to catch the 
 good- will of the court, 8 and to conciliate the minds of the 
 judges, not towards the cause, but towards the man. We 
 know that the object 9 is, that through these (means) the 
 judge's conscience may be stifled, and that he may bear with 
 
 1 Adhibeo. 2 Verborum illecebrae. 8 Genus. 4 Pref. I. 10. 
 5 Pigmentum. 6 Volo. 7 Comparer. 8 Subsollia. 9 Id agi, 
 
PART II. EXERCISE XXXII. 171 
 
 equanimity his violated duty : that all are, at last, brought 
 to such a point, 10 that they depart full of a certain cheer- 
 fulness, as if merely a contest of words, or I know not 
 what quarrel among cups were to be composed ; and yet, 
 in the meanwhile, tribes and nations oppressed beat 11 the 
 empty air with grief and complaints, and annoy the angry 
 gods with unavenged prayers 12 and curves 
 
 10 Eo. n Plango. 18 Votis inultis (Hor. Od. i. 18, 33) et 
 
 imprecatJonibus. 
 
172 
 
 PAET III. 
 
 SUBJECTS FOR ORIGINAL COMPOSITION 
 
 I. 
 
 CIVIS Atheniensis, Romae imperante Augusto com- 
 moratus, civium Eomanorum instituta moresque, in 
 epistola ad amicum scripta, currente calamo adumbrat. 
 See MERIYALE'S Romans under the Empire, vol. iv, 
 
 ch. 41. ' Life in Home.' 
 BECKER'S Gallus. 
 
 Quarterly Review, vol. 79, Article on BECKER'S 
 Gallus. 
 
 II. Utrum inter Epicureos, necne, P. Virgilius Maro 
 jure censendus sit? 
 
 See Eel. vi. 31, seqq., and cf. LUCRET. v. 407. 
 
 Georg. i. 127, and cf. LUCRET. v. 197. Georg. ii. 
 
 490; iv. 219. 
 
 Mil. iv. 379 ; vi. 434, 724752. 
 KEBLE, Prcelect. Poet. vol. ii. pp. 764, 781, seqq. 
 
 III. Pro diversa consuetudine mortuos condendi, qualis 
 agnosci potest in quaque setate ac gente ingenii ac consilii 
 diversitas ? 
 
 See Enw/el. MetropoL vol. xix. p. 374, seqq. * Funeral 
 
 Rites.' 
 
 SCHLEGEL'S Hist, of Literature, Lecture iv. ( On the 
 
 Modes of Interment among the Heathen Nations.' 
 
 Egypt. See HEEREN'S Egypt. London, 1850. Vol. i. 
 
 ch. 22. ' Embalmment, Sepulture, and Funeral 
 
 Rites.' 
 
SUBJECTS FOR ORIGINAL COMPOSITION. 17 J 
 
 Greece. BECKER'S Charicles: Excurs. sc. ix. ' Sepulture.' 
 Cic. de Legg. ii. 20, seqq. 
 PLINY'S Nat. Hist. vii. 55. 
 
 Etruria. DENNIS'S Etruria, Murray, 1 848. * Introduc- 
 tion.' Vol. i. ch. 1 8. 'Tarquinii the Cemetery . v 
 Vol. ii. ch. 51. ' Clusium the Cemetery.' Also 
 the Index, in voce ' Sepulture.' 
 Armenia. LAYARD'S Nineveh, vol. ii. ch. 7. 
 Home. BECKER'S Gallus, sc. xii. Exc. xii. 
 
 SMITH'S Diet. Ant. art. ' Funus.' 
 India. ELPHINSTONE'S Hist, of India, vol. i. p. 355, 
 
 seqq. ' Funerals.' 
 
 Christian Sepulture. BINGHAM, Orig. Eceles. vol. vii. 
 bk. 23. < Of Funeral Rites in the Ancient Church.' 
 
 IV. A Dialogue between an Epicurean and a Stoic, 
 on the arrival at Rome of the intelligence of the death of 
 Brutus. 
 
 The following passages reveal the sentiments of the 
 ancients on suicide : 
 
 PLATO, Phcedo, capp. v. vi. See STALBAUM'S ' Notes.' 
 
 ARISTOT. Nic. Ethics, bk. v. cap. n ; iii. ii. 
 
 CICERO, Cato Major, cap. xx. ; Tusc. Disp. i. 30 ; De Off. 
 i. 31. 
 
 VISISIL, jfin. vi. 434. 
 
 LUCRET. iii. 946, seqq. ; 1052, seqq. 
 
 PLINY, Epist. i. 12, 22 ; iii. 7 ; vi. 24. 
 
 SENECA, Epist. 24, 67 ; 71, 95, fin. 
 
 Cf. ST. AUG. de Civ. Dei, i. 22 27. 
 
 A discussion of this subject, and a copious list of autho- 
 rities, both classical and ecclesiastical, will be found in 
 
 Bp. JEREMY TAYLOR'S Works, vol. x. pp. 88 97, Eden's 
 edition. LECKY, European Morals, vol. i. p. 223, 
 seqq. ; ii. pp. 46 65. 
 
 See also KEBLE, Prcelect. Poet. vol. ii. p. 760. 
 
 NEANDER, Church Hist. vol. i. p. 21. 
 
174 PART m - SUBJECTS FOR 
 
 VALET, Moral and Pol. Philos. vol. i. bk. iv. ch. 3. 
 
 V. De Situ Italise Vetustae. 
 
 See Dean LIDDELL'S Hist, of Rome. Murray, 1856. 
 
 Vol. i. sect. i. 'Physical Geography of Italy.' 
 SMITH'S Diet, of Greek and Roman Geography, art 
 
 4 Italia.' 
 
 VI. A letter from Horace to a friend at Rome, giving 
 an account of Virgil's villa in Campania. 
 
 See FLINT, Epist. ii. 17. Description of his Laurentiue 
 
 villa, v. 6. Description of his Tuscan villa. 
 Cf. CICERO, ad Quint. F. iii. i. 
 BECKER'S Gallus, sc. v. 
 SMITH'S Diet. Ant. < Villa.' 
 
 VII. The administration of Pericles. 
 
 G-ROTE, Hist, of Greece, vols. v. vi. ch. 46 50. 
 THIRLWALL, Hist, of Greece, vol. iii. chs. 18, 19, 20. 
 PLATO, Gorgias, cap. 71, seqq. 
 THUCYD. ii. ch. 65. 
 
 VIII. A Dialogue between Augustus Caesar and Mae- 
 cenas, on the sources and the sufficiency of the supplies 
 of wheat for the consumption of the Italian people. 
 
 A copious store of information on this subject will be 
 found in an article in the 
 
 Edinburgh Review, April, 1849, on c The Corn Laws of 
 
 Athens and Home.' 
 
 Cf. ARNOLD'S Later Rom. Commonwealth, vol. ii. p. 388 
 MERIVALE'S Roman Empire, vol. iii. pp. 501 504. 
 ALISON'S Hist, of Europe, vol. i. p. 12, seqq. Ed. 
 
 1849. 
 
 See also SUET. Oct. cap. 40, 42. 
 TAG. Ann. iii. 54; xii. 43. 
 
ORIGINAL COM POSITION. 
 
 1 7S 
 
 IX. Commodioe plus an incommodi generi humano 
 attulerit niagrii illius Alexandri mors immatura? 
 
 GROTE, Hist, of Greece, vol. xii. ch. 91 95. Especially 
 
 ch. 94, pp. 342370. 
 
 Bp. THIRLWAJLL, Hist, of Greece, vols. vi. vii. 
 SMITH'S Biograph. Diet. ' Alexander.' 
 
 X. Mulierum conditio apud veteres Graecos et Roma- 
 nos comparata. 
 
 BECKER'S Gallus, Exc. to sc. i. ; Charicles, Exc. to sc. ii. 
 
 and xii. LECKY, European Morals, vol. ii. ch. v. 
 An Essay in the Quarterly Review, ' On the State of 
 
 Female Society in Greece,' vol. xxii. p. 163. 
 Professor SEWELL'S Essay e On the Domestic Virtues 
 
 and Habits of the Greeks and Romans,' published 
 
 among the Oxford Prize Essays, A.D. 1828. 
 A Latin Prize Essay, by GOLDWIN SMITH, Esq. : * Quae- 
 
 nam fuerit Mulierum apud veteres Grsecos conditio?' 
 
 Oxford, 1846. 
 
 XL Quidnam potissimum intersit inter veterum colo- 
 nias, et illas, quas recentiores deduxerunt ? 
 
 SISMONDI, Pol. Economy. Translated, London, 1847. 
 
 Pp. 245 286. ' The Colonies of the Ancients com- 
 r^jaared with those of the Moderns.' 
 NIEBUHR, Hist, of Rome, vol. ii. p. 43. ' Of the Colonies.' 
 GROTE, Hist, of Greece, vol. iii. chs. 22, 23. 
 THIRLWALL, Hist, of Greece, vol. ii. ch. 12. ' Colonies of 
 
 the Greeks.' MOMMSEN'S Hist, of Rome, Index: 
 
 6 Colonies.' 
 ADAM. SMITH, Wealth of Nations. Edited by J. R. 
 
 M'CuLLOCii. Longman, 1853. Bk. iv. ch. 7. On 
 
 Colonies.' 
 M'CuLLOcn's Treatises on Economical Policy. Edinb. 
 
 1853, p. 405. ; A n Essay on the Colonial System of 
 
 the Ancients? 
 
176 PART III. SUBJECTS FOR 
 
 XII. Civis Komanus, apud Carthaginem commoratus, 
 circa annum trecentesimum B.C., speciem ejus urbis, et 
 vicinarum regionum, in epistola ad amicum scripta, bre- 
 viter adumbrat. 
 
 The fullest account of the city of Carthage will be 
 found in 
 
 HEEREN'S African Nations, vol. i. ch. 7. ' War Forces. 
 The neighbouring territory is described in ch. I. 'Do- 
 minions in Africa.' MOMMSEN'S Hist, of Rome, vol. 
 ii. ch. i. ' Carthage/ by K. B. SMITH, chs. i. xxi. 
 Cf. SMITH'S Geograph. Diet. 6 Carthago.' 
 
 XIII. Compare ancient with modern history in refer- 
 ence to the insertion of speeches. 
 
 The chief authority upon this point is 
 
 Sir Gr. CORNEWALL LEWIS, Bart., Methods of Observa- 
 tion and Reasoning in Politics, vol. i. pp. 232 
 
 247. 
 
 Cf. Col. MURE'S Hist, of Greek Literature, vol. iv. pp. 
 
 499503- 
 NIEBUHR, Hist, of Rome, vol. ii. p. 10 ; vol. iii. pp. 485 
 
 494- 
 
 CREVIER'S Preface to his edition of Livy, vii. ix. 
 DIONYS. HAL. Ant. Rom. vii. 66. 
 POLYB. ii. 56, 10. 
 
 Edinb. Review, vol. xlvii. p. 352, art. ' History.' 
 TEUFFEL, Rom. Lit. vol. i. sect, cclii. 12. 
 
 XIV. A Dialogue between Horace, Maecenas, and 
 Augustus, on the Moral influence of the Drama upon the 
 Roman People. 
 
 SCHLEGEL'S Lectures on Dramatic Literature, vol.i.ch. 8. 
 
 MOMMSEN'S Hist, of Rome, vol. iii. ch. 13 ; vol. iv. ch. 12. 
 
 Dean LIDDELL, Hist, of Rome, chs. 1. Ixxi. 
 
 DraLOp's Roman Lit. vol. i. pp. 328 347. 
 
 Quarterly Review, vol. Ixxix. art. < Becker's Grallus.' 
 
 MERIVALE, Rom. Emp. vol. iv. cap. 41. 
 
 Cf. CICERO ad Fam. vii. i. 
 
ORIGINAL COMPOSITION. 177 
 
 TERENCE, Prologue to the Hecura. 
 
 HOKACE, Epist. ii. I. 
 
 OVID, Tristia, ii. 497. 
 
 LIVY, vii. 2. 
 
 TAG. A nn. i. 66, 77. TEUFFEL^ow.i^.vol.i.pp.S 27. 
 
 XV. Quam in republica vim turn apud Athenienses 
 turn apud Komanos sodalitia ilia habuerint? (The influ- 
 ence of political Clubs at Athens and Eome.) 
 
 GROTE, History of Greece, vol. iv. p. 542 ; vi. p. 393 ; 
 
 viii. pp. II, 21 25. 
 
 ^ARNOLD, History of Rome, vol. i. p. 301. 
 MERIVALE, Rom. Emp. vol. ii. p. 419. 
 MOMMSEN, Hist, of Rome, vol. iv. pp. 296, 501, 503. 
 Ep. THTRLWALL, Greek Hist. vol. iv. p. 36. 
 SMITH'S Diet, of Ant. "E>pavoi. 
 KENNEDY'S Demosth. note 7. ' Clubs.' 
 Canon WORDSWORTH'S Athens and Attica,, p. 223, on the 
 
 ol ~EtlieaSeis. CuRTius, Hist, of Greece, vol. ii. p. 21 1 ; 
 
 iii. 315. 
 PH. MOMMSEN, de Collegia* et Sodalitiis Romanorum. 
 
 Kiel, 1843. Ch. ii^ sec k Y y i- vii- 
 CICERO, pro Cluentio, 54, 148. 
 LIVY, iii. 37 ; ix. 29. 
 Q. Cic. de Petit. G<^nsul. c. 5. 
 
 DEMOSTO. contra Theocr. c. xi. p. 1335 ; de Corona., 329 
 THUG YD. iii. 82. 
 
 XVI. Utrum expediat, necne, scelera aliqua capite 
 plecti ? 
 BP. JEREMY TAYLOR'S Works, vol. viii. p. 147 ; vol. x. 
 
 p. 64, seqq. 
 PALEY, Moral and Pol. Philosophy, vol. ii. bk. vi. ch. 9. 
 
 ' On Crimes and Punishments.' 
 (Zftwresc/eJ.BENTHAM. Bruxelles, 1829. Livre deuxieme, 
 
 ch. xiii. ' Des Peines Capitales,' xiv. ' Examen de la 
 
 Peine de Mort.' 
 Sir S. EOMILLY, Speeches. London, 1820. Vol. i. 
 
 ' Speeches on the Criminal Law.' 
 
I 7 3 PART 111. SUBJECTS FOR 
 
 An Essay on Crimes and Punishments. By the Mar- 
 quis BECCARIA, of Milan. Translated from the Ita- 
 lian, 1767. With a Commentary by M. de Voltaire. 
 Essay 28. ' On the Punishment of Death.' 
 
 Sir J. MACKINTOSH, Speeches, vol. iii. p. 363. ' On the 
 Criminal Law. 5 Longman, 1846. 
 
 STEPHEN'S Blackstone, vol. iv. bk. vi. ch. i. 
 
 XVII. Utrum reipublicaB intersit, necne, certain ali- 
 iiam fenoris meusuram lege sanciri? 
 J. BENTHAM, Letters on Usury. 
 M'CULLOCH'S Treatises on Econom. Policy. Edinburgh, 
 
 1853. ' Essay on Interest and Usury Laws.' 
 HUME, Essays, part ii. essay iv. ' Of Interest.' 
 MILL, Pol. Economy, vol. ii. bk. iii. ch. 22. 4 Of the Eate 
 
 of Interest.' Bk. v. ch. x. 2. 4 Usury Laws. 
 SMITH'S Diet. Ant. ' Interest of Money.' 
 
 XVIII. What are the conditions most favourable to 
 the cultivation of Pastoral Poetry? 
 
 KEBLE, Prcelect. Poet. vol. ii. ch. 30, 31. 
 JOHNSON, Rambler, Nos. 36, 37. 
 
 POPE, vol. i. J. Warton's edition. Discourse on Pas- 
 toral Poetry. 
 
 XIX. Utrum in personis pingendis ac tuendis, Ho- 
 mero an Virgilio potius palma tribuenda sit ? 
 Col. MURE, Lit. of Greece, vol. i. bk. ii. ch. 8. 
 KEBLE, Prcelect. Poet. vol. ii. p. 725, seqq. 
 Prof. CONINGTON'S Virgil, vol ii. Introduction. 
 
 XX. De vita ac moribus Tiberii Gracchi. 
 
 ARNOLD, Hist, of the Later Rom. Commonwealth, vol. L 
 
 ch. ii. 
 
 Dean LIDDELL, Hist, of Rome, vol. ii. ch. 51. 
 SMITH'S Diet. Biog. in voce. 
 MOMMSEN'S Hist, of Rome, vol. iii, ch. ?. 
 
ORIGINAL COMPOSITION. 179 
 
 XXI. Quaenam praecipue fuerint in caussa, cur Car- 
 thago, diu labefactata, funditus eversa sit ? 
 
 The chief authority for the history of the Decline and 
 Fall of Carthage, is HEEREN, who, in his African 
 Nations, vol. i. has given a valuable and detailed 
 exposition of the Carthaginian system of government, 
 both in Africa and abroad : of the Public Revenue : 
 of the Land Trade, and the Maritime Commerce of 
 the Republic : of the Military System : and of the 
 causes which gradually undermined the Empire. 
 
 See also ARNOLD, Hist, of Rome, vol. ii. ch. 39. 
 
 GROTE, Hist, of Greece, vol. x. p. 544, eqq. 
 
 ARISTOT.PO/.U. 1 1 . MOMMSEK 'sHisf. of Rome, vol. ii. ch. I. 
 
 CICERO, de Rep. ii. 4. 
 
 XXII. Quatenus Mysteria ilia apud veteres celebrata 
 ad pietatem erga Deos excolendam profuerint ? 
 GROTE, Hist, of Or. vol. i. p. 583, seqq. 
 Bp. WARBURTON, Divine Legation. 
 SMITH'S Diet. Antiq. ' Mysteries.' 6 Eleusinia.' 
 LOBECK, Aglaophamus, Bk. i. ' Eleusinia.' 
 
 XXIII. HORACE, ATS Poet. 193. 
 
 Actoris partes chorus officiumque virile 
 Defendat ; neu quid medios intercinat actus, 
 Quod non proposito conducat et haereat apte\ 
 Ille bonis faveatque et consilietur amicis : 
 Et regat iratos, et arnet peccare timentes. 
 Ille dapes laudet menses brevis, ille salubrein 
 Justitiam, legesque et apertis otia portis ; 
 Ille tegat commissa, Deosque precetur et oret 
 Ut redeat miseris, abeat fortuna superbis. 
 Discuss the propriety of these rules : and compare the 
 
 functions of the Chorus in the three Greek Tragedians 
 
 respectively. 
 
 N2 
 
I HO PART III. SUBJECTS FOR 
 
 See ARISTOT. Poet. cap. xviii. 
 
 Bp. KURD'S Works, vol. i. ( Commentary upon the 
 
 Ars Poetica.' 
 Of. G-IBBON'S Review of Bishop KURD'S ' Commentary/ 
 
 Miscell. Works, vol. iv. 
 
 An Essay in the Quart. Review 9 ' On the Orestea of 
 ^schylus,' attributed to DR. SCOTT, Master of 
 Balliol, vol. Ixx. p. 339, seqq. 
 
 XXIV. Caius Julius Caesar Dictator perpetuus consilia 
 sua reipublicse pace belloque firmandse apud Senatum 
 exponit 
 
 MERIVALE, Rom. Emp. vol. ii. p. 401, seqq. 
 
 ARNOLD, Later Rom. Oommomv. vols. i. ii. ch. viii. ix. 
 
 SMITH'S Biog. Diet. ' Caesar,' p. 552, seqq. 
 
 XXV. Quid boni, quidve mali, civitatibus aut antiquis 
 attulit, aut huic nostrae allaturus est, suffragia clam 
 ferendi mos ? 
 
 The Athenian Ballot and Secret Suffrage. By the Rev. 
 
 EGBERT SCOTT, Fellow (Master) of Balliol. John 
 
 Murray, 1838. 
 
 Quarterly Revieiv, vol. xvi. pp. 507 551. 
 7s the Ballot a Mistake? By S. C. DENISON, Esq. 
 
 London: Eidgway, 1838. 
 'The Ballot.' SYDNEY SMITH'S Works, vol. iii. p. 141. 
 
 Longman, 1840. 
 
 GIBBON, Decline and Fall, vol. v. ch. xliv. pp. 355, 356. 
 CICERO, de Legg. iii. 16. 
 MILL, O7i Representative Government, ch. 10. 
 
 XXVI. f Quo ex genere coeperis translations, hoc 
 finias.' QUINTILIAN, lib. viii. cap. 6. 
 
 Quintilian here lays down the law, that the unity of the 
 metaphor must be maintained. 
 
ORIGINAL COMPOSITION. I 8 I 
 
 Criticise the following passages, and decide whether 
 they are real or merely apparent violations of its unity : 
 ( Quanta laborabas Okarybdi, 
 
 Digne puer melioreflammd!' HORACE. 
 ' If cold ivater were thrown upon a certain measure, it 
 would kindle a flame that would obscure the lustre,' etc. etc. 
 Fragment of a Speech quoted by HARRIS, Philoloy. 
 Enquiries, p. 204. 
 
 * How sweetly did they float upon the ivings 
 Of silence through the empty- vaulted night, 
 At every fall smoothing the raven-down 
 Of darkness, till it smiled.' MILTON. 
 The subject of metaphors is treated by Quintilian, in I. c. 
 Cf. CICERO, de Orat. iii. 4.', seqq. 
 ARISTOT. Rhet. iii. chs. 10, n. 
 HARRIS, Philolog. Enquiries, p. 202, seqq. 
 Quarterly Review, vol. li. p. 35, seqq. c Translations 
 
 of Pindar.' 
 Spectator, No. 595. 
 JOHNSON, Life ofAddison, p. 382. (Lives of the PoeU.} 
 
 XXVII. The comparative influence of the national 
 religion in Greece, Rome, and Etruria, upon private mo 
 rality, 
 
 GROTE, Hist of Greece, vol. i. ch. 16. 
 
 KENRICK'S Egypt, vol. i. ch. xxi. sect. 3. 
 
 BOISSIER, Religion Romaine, 2 vols. Paris, 1874. 
 
 PLWO,Republ.iii.'P. 3890391 E; ii. P.37S E 3830. 
 The influence of Homeric Mythology on private Mo- 
 rality. 
 
 POLYB. vi. 56. Remarks on the Roman Religion. 
 
 DIONYS. HAL., Archceol. Rom. ii. cap. 18, compares the 
 Roman with the Greek religion. 
 
 VARRO apud AUGUSTIN., De Civ. Dei, i. 41. c On the old 
 Roman Religion.' 
 
 MILL'S Essays. Oxford, 1846. First Discourse. 
 
182 PART III. SUBJECTS FOK 
 
 MERIVALE, Rom. Emp. vol. ii. ch. 22. 
 
 KEIGHTLEY'S Mythology, p. 502. < Mythology of Italy.' 
 
 BENTLEY on Freethinking, p. 428, seqq. 
 
 HOOKER, Eccl. Pol. bk. v. 3. 
 
 CICERO, de Legg. ii. cap. 8 12. 
 
 NEANDER, Church Hist. vol. i. p. 6, seqq. 
 
 HUME, Essa r s. Vol. ii. p. 443. 4 Bad Influence of Popu- 
 lar Eeligions on Morality.' 
 
 ARNOLD, Later Rom. Commonw. vol. ii. pp. 394 400. 
 
 DENNIS'S Etruria. Murray, 1848. Vol. i. cap. 18; vol. ii 
 cap. 41. 
 
 Bp. THIRLWALL, Hist, of Greece, vol. i. ch. 7. 'Connectioi 
 between Religion and Morality.' 
 
 LECKY, European Morals, vol. i. p. 169, seqq. 
 
 XXVIII. c Quid aliud exitio Lacedaemoniis et Atheni 
 ensibus fuit, quanquam armis pollerent, nisi quod victos 
 pro alienigenis arcebant?' Speech of the Emperor Clau 
 dins, TAG. Ann. xi. 24. 
 
 Illustrate, by a reference to Greek and Roman history, 
 the operation of the political principles of Exclusion and 
 Incorporation. 
 
 See MERIVALE, Rom. Emp. vol. i. ch. i. 
 
 Edinb. Review, art. on MERIVALE'S Rom. Emp. 
 July, 1850. MOMMSEN'S Hist, of Rome, vol. iii. 
 ch. 2 ; vol. iv. ch. I. 
 
 NIEBUHR, Hist, of Rome, vol. iii. pp. 534 539. 
 BACON'S Essays. Edited by Archbishop Whately. 
 J. W. Parker, 1856. Essay ' On the true Great- 
 ness of States.' 
 
 Two Lectures, delivered in the Middle Temple, by 
 GEORGE LONG. London : Knight. A clear 
 exposition will be found in Lecture II., of the 
 method whereby the provinces were gradually 
 incorporated within the pale of Roman juris- 
 diction. 
 
ORIGINAL COMPOSITION. l8j 
 
 GROTE, Hist, of Greece, vol. vi. p. 4, seqq. c On the 
 Eelation of Athens to her Dependencies at the 
 Outbreak of the Peloponnesian War.' 
 
 Vol. ix. ch. 72. ' The Imperial System of Sparta 
 compared with that of Athens.' 
 
 Vol. x. p. 54. c Tendencies of the Foreign Policy 
 of Sparta.' 
 
 Vol. ii. ch. 6. c Spartan Treatment of the Helots 
 and Periceci.' Ch. 7 : f Of Messenia.' 
 
 XXIX. An recte legibus Angliae sanciatur, ut bestise 
 quoedam ' ferae natune ' juris sint privati ? 
 
 SYDNEY SMITH'S Works, vol. i. p. 303 ; ii. p. 49, Long- 
 man, 1840. 
 Edinb. Review, vol. xlix. art. iii. ' The Game Laws.' 
 
 XXX. Quam vim habuerit in moribus populorum fin- 
 gendis cseli temper! es ? 
 
 PLATO, Legg. v. 747 D. 
 
 ARISTOT. Pol. vii. 7, with the notes and references in 
 Mr. Eaton's edition. London, 1855 
 
 CICERO, de Nat. Deor. ii. 16. 
 
 HEROD, iv. 122. 
 
 LIVY, xxix. 25. 
 
 COUSIN, Lectures on Modern Philos. Lect. viii. 
 
 HUME'S Essays. Essay c On National Character.' 
 
 Sir Gr. C. LEWIS, Polit. Method, ii. xxvii. 10. 
 
 Col. MURE, Lit. Greece, vol. i. ch. 5. 
 
 HALLAJVI, Lit. Europe, vol. ii. p. 62, seqq. 
 
 WINCKELMANN, History of Ancient Greek Art. Trans- 
 lated. London: Chapman, 1850. p. 4. 
 
 XXXI. Utrum id omnino reipublicae profuturum sit, 
 si singuli possint cives brevissima impensa et ratione, quam 
 vocant, compendiaria, lege agere ? 
 
PART III. SUBJECTS FOR 
 
 XXXII. Quot vicissim domini usque a Phoenicum tem- 
 poribus marls imperium sibi vindicaverint ? 
 
 M'CuLLOCH, Treatises on Econ. Policy. Edinburgh, 1853. 
 pp. 251 341. 'Sketch of the History of Commerce 
 to the 1 6th Century.' p. 341. 'An Essay on the Rise, 
 Progress, and Decline of Commerce in Holland.' 
 p. 373. The same ' Of the Hanseatic League.' 
 
 XXXIII. M. Porcius Cato Censor in Senatu Diogenem 
 Stoicum, Critolaum Peripateticum, Carneadem Novae Aca- 
 demiae principem, Atheniensium legates, Roma statira 
 abigendos esse censet. 
 
 DDNLOP, Hist, of Rom. Lit. vol. ii. p. 346, seqq. 
 
 Dean LIDDELL, Hist, of Rome, vol. ii. ch. 42. 
 
 The decree of the senate on this occasion, and a subse- 
 quent edict of the censors in reference to the same subject, 
 will be found in ATJLUS G-ELL. Noct. Att. xv. cap. 1 1. 
 
 XXXIV. Quatenus ex JEgypio profluxisse videatur 
 cultus ille Hellenum humanissimus ? 
 
 Col. MURE, Hist, of Greek Lit. vol. i. ch. iv. 
 
 SHARFE'S Hist, of Egypt. London, 1846. Pp. 40, 41, 
 
 98 101. 
 G-ROTE, Hist, of Greece, vol. i. pp. 32, 38, 42 ; ii. 357 ; 
 
 iii. 452, seqq. 
 
 XXXV. Utrum sumptuariis legibus increscent! luxu- 
 riae obviam eundum sit, inter Augustum Caesarem dispu- 
 tatur ac Maecenatem. 
 
 MERIVALE, Rom. Emp. vol. ii. p. 408. c Sumptuary 
 Enactments of Julius Caesar.' Vol. iv. p. 555. ' Po- 
 licy of Augustus.' 
 
 TAG. Ann. iii. 52, seqq. Speech of Tiberius, on a mo- 
 tion from the aediles in favour of sumptuary enact- 
 ments. 
 
ORIGINAL COMPOSITION. 185 
 
 CICERO, ad Att. xiii. 7 ; ad Div. vii. 26. 
 
 SUET. Jul. 43 ; Octav. 34. 
 
 AULUS GTELL. ii. 24. 
 
 HUME, Essays. Vol. i. p. 268. ' On Refinements in the 
 
 Arts.' 
 LIVY, xxxiv. 2. Speech of Cato on the Oppian Law. 
 
 XXXVI. - Henrici Octavi, Eegis Britanniae, vita niu- 
 resque. 
 
 FUOUDE'S Hist, of England. Vols. iii. and iv. 
 An Essay in the Edinburgh Review, July, 1858, on the 
 above history ; attributed to Professor Goldwin 
 Smith. 
 
 XXXVII. Atheniensiiun et Romanorum judicia inter 
 se comparata. 
 
 G-ROTE, Hist, of Greece, vol. v. p. 512, seqq., with the 
 
 authorities there cited. 
 
 FORSYTH'S Hortensius, chs. ii. vii. John Murray, 1849. 
 Bp. THIRLWALL, Hist, of Greece, vol. iv. ch. 32. 
 MERIVALE, Rom. Emp. vol. ii. p. 416. Julius Caesar's 
 
 Reforms. Vol. iii. ch. 32. Imperial Administration. 
 SMITH, Diet. Ant. 4 J udex.' 
 GIBBON, Decline and Fall, ch. xliv. 4. 
 
 XXXVIII. Aristotle defines Tragedy : 
 ea)S (nrov&aias, psysOos e%ova-r)9, 8-' s\eov Kal <f>6/3ov 
 vovcra TTJV TOIOVTGW TraOrj/jidTcov /cdOapcrtv. Discuss the 
 propriety of this definition. 
 
 SCHLEGEL'S Lectures on Dramatic Literature, quoted in 
 'The Theatre of the Greeks,' p. 332, seqq. 
 
 Quarterly Review, 6 Essay on the Orestea,' vol. Ixx. p. 
 326, seqq. 
 
 PLATO, Republ. x. p. 606. 
 
 KEBLE, Prcelect. Poet. p. 592. 
 
 HUME'S Essays, Essay on < Tragedy.' 
 
1 86 PART TIL - SUBJECTS FOR 
 
 XXXIX. De Tribunicia apud Komanos potestate. 
 CICERO, de Legg. in. 8 12. 
 SMITH'S Diet. Antiq. ( Tribuni Plebis.' 
 NIEBUHR, Hist, of Rome, vol. i. p. 613, seqq. See also 
 the Index, vol. iii. ' Tribunes of the People.' 
 
 XL. 'Nee verb ulla res magis labefactatam diu et 
 Carthaginem et Corinthum pervertit aliquando, quam 
 hie error ac dissipatio civium, quod mercandi cupiditate 
 ac navigandi et agrorum et armorum cultum reliquerant.' 
 CICERO, de Rep. ii. 4. 
 
 Illustrate and account for the preference shown by the 
 chief legislators and philosophers of antiquity for agricul- 
 tural as compared with commercial tastes and pursuits, 
 and for inland as compared with maritime sites. 
 ARISTOT. Pol. vii. 6 ; vi. 4, with Mr. EATON'S notes. 
 PLATO, de Legg. iv. p. 705. 
 CICERO, de Rep. ii. 3 5 ; de Off. i. 42 ; ad Att. vi. 2 ; 
 
 de Senect. 16, 17. 
 XENOPH. (Econ. cap. iii. iv. v. 
 HEROD, ii. 167. 
 LIVY, xxi. 63. 
 VIRG. Georg. ii. 532, seqq. 
 G-ROTE, Hist. Gr. vol. ii. p. 296. 
 HORACE, Carm. iii. iv. 37, seqq. 
 HEEREN, African Nations, vol. ii. p. 156. 
 M'CULLOCH'S Treatises on Econom. Questions. Edinb. 
 1853. Two chapters in this work are devoted to 
 ' Grecian and Koman Commerce,' p. 264, seqq. 
 On the peculiar dangers to which ancient civilization 
 was exposed, from the corruption of national religion and 
 institutions, through the foreign intermixture incident to 
 commerce, see 
 
 ARNOLD, Thucyd. vol. iii. (preface, pp. xvi. xix.). 
 On the Koman idea of the importance of maintaining 
 the unity of the national religion, see 
 
ORIGINAL COMPOSITION. 187 
 
 SEWELL, Dialogues of Plato, pp. 323 327. 
 
 CICERO, de Legg. ii. 8, seqq. 
 
 Bp. WARBURTON, Divine Legation, vol. i. p. 308. 
 
 LIVY, i. 20 ; iv. 30 ; xxv. i ; xxix. 9. 
 
 EUSEB. Hist. ii. 2. 
 
 NEANDER, Church Hist. vol. i. p. 118. 
 
 XL!. < Ut Pictura Poesis.' HORACE. 
 
 KEBLE, Prcelect. Poet. vol. i. pp. 26, 27, 79; vol. ii. 
 
 pp. 614, 728, 730. 
 
 Bp. COPLESTON, Prcelect. Poet. Lect. iv. vi. x. 
 Canon BROWNE, Rom. Lit. p. 263. 
 HARRIS, on Art. London, 1 744. Chs. ii. iii. iv. v. 
 DRYDEN'S -Parallel of Poetry and Painting, in Sir J. 
 
 EETNOLDS'S Works, vol. ii. p. 397. London, 1835. 
 
 XLII. How far was the conduct of Roman generals 
 and statesmen influenced by divination in the age of 
 Cicero ? 
 
 CICERO, de Divin. lib. i. ii. 
 
 In the first book, Quintus Cicero argues against the 
 truth of the popular system of Divination ; in the second 
 M. Tullius Cicero endeavours to support it. 
 
 MERIVALE, Rom. Emp. vol. ii. p. 513, seqq. 
 BENTLEY, on Freethinking, p. 433, seqq. 
 
 XLIII. Tlo\\a)v 8' dvOpcoTTcov i&ev aarsa /cal voov eyvco. 
 Advantages of Foreign Travel. 
 
 XLIV. Virgilii Greorgica quaenam prsecipu& veneres 
 insigniant ? 
 
 KEBLE, Prcelect. Poet. Lects. xxxvii. xxxviii. 
 
 VIRGIL, vol. i., edited by Prof. CONINGTON. 
 
 Essays on the Georgics, by ADDISON, in vol. xiv. of Sir 
 
 WALTER SCOTT'S edition of Dryden. 1821. 
 SMITH, Biograph. Diet. ' Virgil.' P. 1266, A. 
 
I S3 PART III. SUBJECTS FOE 
 
 XLV. Civis Romanus, ^gyptum peragrans imperante 
 Tiberio, urbes florentissimas ejus regionis agrosque de- 
 pingit. 
 
 MOMMSEN, Provinces of the Rom. Emp. vol. ii. ch. xii. 
 
 SMITH, Biogr. Diet. ( Egypt.' [Roman Era. j 
 
 MERIVALE, Rom. Emp. vol. iv. ch. 34. 
 
 XL VI. Quam vim habuerit in moribus populi Roman! 
 corrigendis censoria potestas ? 
 
 Dean LIDDELL, Hist, of Rome, vol. ii. p. 158. 
 ARNOLD, Hist, of Rome, voL i. p. 348, seqq. 
 NIEBTJHR, Hist, of Rome, vol. iii. p. 320, seqq. ; ii. 397, 
 seqq. MOMMSEN'S Hist, of Rome, vol. i. pp. 3 1 7, 446. 
 MERIVALE, Rom. Emp. vol. iii. ch. 30. 
 
 XL VII. Quaenam sint literarum in pejus labentium 
 praecipua indicia ? 
 
 XLVIII. Antiquum Romanorum ingenium in hodi- 
 ernis Europae populorum institutis quid momenti habuerit? 
 
 The obligations of modern jurisprudence to the Roman 
 law are traced, at length, by 
 
 SAVIGNY, History of the Roman Law. Translated. Long- 
 man, 1829. 
 
 The obligations of the equitable portion of English law 
 to the Praetorian or Edictal Law of Rome, have been fully 
 investigated by 
 
 Mr. GEORGE SPENCE, Q.C. in his learned work, The 
 Equitable Constitution of the Court of Chancery, vol.i. 
 
 See also GUIZOT, Hist, of Civilization, Lecture ii. 
 
 XLTX. Quonam consilio ^Eneidem Virgilius scripsisse 
 videatur ? 
 
 1. Suggestions on the jEneid, by H. NETTLESHIP. 
 Oxford, 1875. 
 
 2. KEBLE, Predict. Poet. vol. ii. p. 738, seqq. 
 
ORIGINAL COMPOSITION. 
 
 3. Remains of E. H. P'ROUDE, vol. ii. pp. 3 17, 3 18. Lon- 
 
 don, 1838. TEUFFEL, Rom. Literature, ii. p. 415. 
 
 4. DRYDEN'S Works. Edited by Sir W. Scott. 1808. 
 
 Vol. xiii. ' Life of Virgil.' Vol. xiv. 4 Dedication of 
 the^Eneis.' BOISSIER, Relig. Romaine,\ol. i. ch. 4. 
 
 5. MERIVALE, Rom. Emp. vol. iv. ch. 41. 
 
 6. Prof. CONINGTON'S Virgil, vol. ii. Introduction. 
 
 L. A dialogue between Augustus, Maecenas, and 
 Agrippa, on the government of the Imperial Provinces. 
 MERIVALE, Rom. Emp. vol. iii. ch. 32 ; iv. chs. 34, 39. 
 SMITH, Diet. Antiq. ' Provincial 
 
 LI. ^Etas gentis cujusvis qua3nam rectius, priscane 
 an politissima, aurea vocanda sit ? 
 
 LEI. Quibus prsecipu^ de causis Socratem Aristo 
 phanes insectatus sit ? 
 
 SUVERN'S Essay on the ' Clouds.' 9 Translated by W. E. 
 
 Hamilton. John Murray, 1836. 
 G-ROTE, Hist. Or. vol. viii. ch. 68. 
 EITTER, Hist, of AUG. Philos. vol. ii. p. 26. 
 SMITH'S Biog. Diet. p. 848. 
 
 LIIL Poeseos Horafiaose quaeriarn summa sit? 
 MERIVALE, Rom. Emp. vol. iv. ch. 41. 
 KEBLE, Prcel. Poet, vol. ii. p. 801. TEUFFEL, Rom. 
 
 Lit. ii. p. 437. 
 
 SMITH, Biog. Diet. ' Horace, 5 pp. 521 524 
 Lord LTTTON, Translation of Horace's Odes. Introd. 
 
 LIV. Conferantur inter se cultus artesque Europeae et 
 Orien tales, jam inde ab ultima rerum memoria discrepantes. 
 G-ROTE, Hist. Gr. vol. iii. ch. 19. 'Greeks contrasted 
 with Phoenicians, Assyrians, Egyptians.' 
 
PART III. SUBJECTS FOR 
 
 SHARPE, Hist, of Egypt, p. 98, seqq. 
 
 ALISON, Hist, of Europe, vol. x. ch. 69, sub init 
 
 LAYARD, Nineveh, vol. ii. part ii. 
 
 SEWELL, Dial, of Plato, p. 316, seqq. 
 
 LV. Hannibalis vita moresque. 
 
 HEEREN, African Nations, vol. i. cb. 8. 
 ARNOLD, Rom. Hist. vol. iii. cb. 43. 
 SMITH, Biog. Diet. ' Hannibal.' 
 
 LVI. Ludi Olympiad, vinculum concordiae, in civitate 
 intestinis odiis jactata. 
 
 Bp. THIRLWALL, Hist, of Greece, vol. i. p. 390, seqq. 
 G-ROTE, Hist, of Greece, vol. ii. p. 316, seqq. 
 Canon WORDSWORTH'S Greece, p. 303. 
 
 LVII. Civium Atbeniensium, et Lacedsemoniorum, 
 Periclis temporibus, vita privata, 
 
 BECKER'S Charicles. MAHAFFY, Social Life in Greece, 
 London, 1874 
 
 XENOPH. de Rep. Lacedcem. 
 
 Professor SEWELL'S Essay. ' The Domestic Virtues of 
 the Greeks and Eomans.' 
 
 THUCYD. bk. i. c. 84. Speecb of Archidamus. Bk. ii. 
 c. 37 43. Speecb of Pericles. 
 
 Quart. Rev. vol. xxii. art. 9. 'State of Female Society in 
 Greece.' Vol. xxiii. art. 1 2. ' Manners of tbe Athe- 
 nians.' 
 
 Bp. THIRLWALL, Hist, of Greece, vol. i. ch. 8. 'Legislation 
 of Lycurgus.' 
 
 Edinb. Rev. vol. liii. p. 134, seqq. 'Domestic Life, 
 Literature, etc., of the Spartans.' Vol. Ivi. art. 4. 
 6 Greek Banquets.' Vol. Ixxii. art. 2. ' Character of 
 the Athenians.' 
 
 MULLER'S Dorians, vol. ii. bk. iv. ; Domestic Institu- 
 tions, Arts, and Literature of the Dorians.' 
 
ORIGINAL COMPOSITION. 19! 
 
 LVI1I. 'ILTreicrc&ia Virgiliana cum Homericis compa- 
 rata. 
 
 KEBLE, Prcelect. Poet. ii. pp. 727, 745, seqq. 
 Col. MURE, Lit. Or. i. p. 297, seqq. 
 
 LIX. C. Julius Caesar, Kubiconem amnem transituius, 
 ad Eavennam milites alloquitur. 
 SMITH, Biog. Diet. ; Caesar.' 
 MERIVALE, Mom. Emp. vol. ii. p. 106, seqq. 
 
 LX. Augusti Caesaris vita moresque. 
 TAG. Ann. i. 9, seqq. 
 SMITH, Biog. Diet. 'Augustus.' 
 MERIVALE, Rom. Emp. vol. iv. p. 379, seqq. 
 ARNOLD, Later Rom. Commomv. vol. ii. chs. 10, ii. 
 
 LXI. Paupertas utrum virtutis an pravitatis magis in- 
 citamentum est ? 
 
 LXIL Sophistae apud Veteres Graecos. 
 
 G-ROTE, Hist, of Greece, vol. viii. ch. 67. ' The Sophists.' 
 BITTER, Hist, of And. Pldlos. vol. i.bk. vi. p. 525, seqq. 
 Bp. THIRLWALL, vol. iv. ch. 32. 
 
 LXIII. Quaenam praecipu^ ^ mercatura commoda 
 percipiantur ? 
 
 HUME, Essays, part ii. Essay I. ' Of Commerce.' 
 M'CuLLOCH, Principles of Pol. Econ. part i. chs. 5, 6* 
 MILL, Pol. Econ. vol. ii. p. 116, seqq. 
 
 LXIV. Servorum conditio, qualis apud Grraecos, quails 
 apud Eomanos erat, cum hodierna comparata, 
 MULLER'S Dorians, vol. ii. chs. 3, 4. 
 SMITH, l)ict. Antiq. ' Servus' (Greek), ' Servus '(Eoman}, 
 J3ECKER, 'Grallus.' 'Charicles/ 
 Dean LIDDELL, Hist, of Rome, vol. i. ch. 37. 
 
PART III. SUBJECTS FOR 
 
 LXV. A Letter from a Eoman patrician to a friend, 
 giving an account of an entertainment at the bouse of 
 Maecenas on the Esquiline. 
 
 BECKER, Gallus, sc. ix. 
 
 LXVI. Indicia quaa in hoc seculo tarn florentem quam 
 labentem reipublicse conditionem denotent. 
 
 LXVIL Veterum Graecorum instituta moresque, et 
 animorum habitus, pra3 vario locorum situ discrepantes, 
 
 8MITH, Geogr. Diet. ' Greece,' v. 
 
 GROTE, Hist. Gr. ii. part ii. ch. i. Effects of the physical 
 configuration of Greece on the political relations of 
 her communities. Ch. ii. Prevalent idea of the auto- 
 nomy of each city, and its effects. 
 
 LXVIII. Qupenam sit apud nostrates artis oratorios 
 conditio ? 
 
 LXIX. 'Corporis deformitas satis bella materies ad 
 jocandum.' The comparative refinement of classical and 
 modern wit. 
 
 LXX. Africa provincia, postquam ditionis Komanae 
 facta sit, quas potissimum vices ad hanc usque aetatem 
 subierit ? 
 
 LXXL De primaevis animalibus et hujusce orbis ter- 
 rarum mirandis vicibus. 
 
 LXXII. Testentur Caesaris Commentarii, quaenam fuerit 
 ipsius temporibus Galliaa conditio. 
 
 LXXI1I. Quaenam sint praecipuaD narrationis oratoriae 
 virtutea ? 
 
ORIGINAL COMPOSITION. 193 
 
 LXXIV. Quid sibi voluerit Homer us, quum Cyclopa 
 depingeret? 
 
 LXXV. Athens, in the days of Horace. 
 
 LXXVI. c New arts are long in the world before poets 
 describe them ; for they borrow everything from their 
 predecessors, and commonly derive very little from nature 
 or from life.' JOHNSON, on DRYDEN : Lives of the Poets 
 Examine this statement. 
 
 LXXVIL Utrum jure dixerit M. de Voltaire, ' Si c'est 
 Horn ere qui a fait Virgile, c'est son plus bel ouvrage ?' 
 
 LXXVIII. Do states, like individuals, inevitably tend 
 to decay ? 
 
 LXXIX. Tas TraiStas slvai Ssi ras TroXXas ju /jt,ij<rsi,9 rwv 
 ij<TTSpov <T7rovSao/j,svcw. ARIST. Pol. viii. 17, 5. 
 
 LXXX. ' Nullus in orbe sinus Baiis prselucet amoenis. 
 Description of Brighton in the Season. 
 
 LXXXI. Tlyvovrat, a! a-rdcreis ov irspl piKp&v aXX' SK 
 fjiifcpwv, trradid^ovai &s Trspl fis'ydkwv. AlilST. Pol. v. 4, I. 
 Illustrate this. 
 
 LXXXII. Vectis insula describitur. 
 
 LXXXIII. ' Is tamen humano intellectui error est 
 proprius ac perpetuus, ut magis moveatur et excitetur 
 affirmativis quam negativis.' 
 
 LXXXIV. Utrum recte dicatur, ' Artis est celare 
 artem?' 
 
194 F ART HI- SUBJECTS FOR 
 
 LXXXV. Position and prospects of literary men in 
 society in the days of Augustus and in those of Louis the 
 Fourteenth. 
 
 LXXXVI. Proverbs, as illustrative of national character 
 and manners. 
 
 LXXXVII. Utrum prodesse an obesse reipublicse cen- 
 sendae sint operariorum societates (Trades' Unions) ? 
 
 LXXXVI II. Facilities for Divorce their fruits in 
 classic Rome. GIBBON, Decline and Fall, ch. 44. 
 
 LXXXIX. The merits and defects of the style ot 
 Cicero. 
 
 XC. Dean LIDDELL, Hist, of Rome, alleges the late sera 
 of the first recorded divorce at Eome that of Carvilins 
 Ruga, A.u.c. 523 as a proof of early Roman virtue. Ex- 
 pose the fallacy of this criticism. See GIBBON, Decline and 
 Fall, ch. 44, p. 296, W. SMITH'S edition, 1854. 
 
 XCL Mr. KEBLE (P reeled. Poet.) cites the following 
 line of Horace : 
 
 'Molle atque facetum 
 
 Virgilio annuerunt gaudentes rure Camcense ' 
 as evincing the critical poet's opinion that Virgil was in- 
 debted for his fame not to his JEneid, but to his Bucolics 
 and Georgics. Show from internal evidence, that the line 
 referred to was written before the publication of the 
 
 XCIL Trace the gradual development of Roman Law 
 from the narrow basis of the Twelve Tables. 
 
ORIGINAL COMPOSITION. 195 
 
 XCIII. 
 
 -In gremmm qui ssepe tuuin se 
 
 Rejicit, a3terno devinctus vulnere amoris : 
 Atque ita suspicions, tereti cervice reposta, 
 Pascit amore avidos inhians in te, Dea, vultus, 
 Eque tuo pendet resupini spiritus ore.' 
 
 LUCRET. i. init. 
 
 Illustrate the influence of sculpture and painting on the 
 
 imagery of Lucretius and Virgil. 
 
 XCIV. Livy, speaking of his own countrymen, says : 
 ' Nemini gentium mitiores placuere poense.' 
 Pcenarum ratio apud Eomanos. 
 
 XCV. ' The laws of a nation form the most instructive 
 portion of its history.' GIBBON, ch. 44, init. 
 
 What light does the history of Roman jurisprudence, 
 under the republic and the empire, throw upon Roman 
 ^ife, character, and manners ? 
 
 XCVI. Ex partium studiis quid boni quidve mali in 
 nostram Rempublicam redundet ? 
 
 XC1ELL Quaeritur, quid ad ram politicam hodiernam 
 historia rerum publicarum Graecarum collatura sit ? 
 
 XCVIII. Discuss the question, whether a good poet or 
 a good artist need also be a good man ? 
 
 XCIX. Does it appear, on a comparison of the Ho- 
 meric and Virgilian similitudes, that Virgil drew his ima- 
 gery from art, as contrasted with nature, to a greater extent 
 than Homer ? 
 
 O 2 
 
196 FAKT III. SUBJECTS FOR 
 
 C. Utrum ver dictum sit ab ornatissimo scriptore 
 6 Labentis et lapsi Imperil Romani/ 
 
 * The various modes of worship, which prevailed in the 
 Roman world, were all considered by the people as equally 
 true, by the philosopher as equally false, and by the ma- 
 gistrate as equally useful ' GIBBON, Decline and Fall, 
 ch. ii. i. 
 
 CI. 'As civilisation advances, poetry almost necessarily 
 declines.' Lord MACAULAY, Essay on Milton, p. 3. 
 
 CH. Vita qualis Oxonise a junioribus transigi solet. 
 
 CIII. ( Latifundia per did ere Italiam.' 
 Discuss this dictum of Pliny. 
 
 CIV. 'Nisi forte rebus cunctis inest quidam velut 
 orbis, ut, quemadmodum tempomm vices, ita morum ver- 
 tantur : nee omnia apud priores meliora, sed nostra quoque 
 retas multa laudis et artium, imitanda posteris, tulit.' 
 TAC. Ann. iii. 55. 
 
 CV. The superstitious man in ancient and in modern 
 society. 
 
 CVI. The parasite in Athenian and Roman society. 
 
 CVIL Why are there so few descriptions of scenery in 
 the Attic poets? 
 
 CVIII. ' Sunt gemmae Somni portne,' etr. 
 Discuss the principal versions of the meaning of this 
 passage. See BOISSIER, Religion Romaine, vol. i. ch. 5. 
 
 CIX. Compare Virgil's influence on Latin with Dry- 
 deu's influence on English versification. 
 

 
 OP THB 
 
 UNIVERSITY 
 
 
 
 ORIGINAL COMPOSITION. 
 
 CX. Quidnam populus comrnodi e tabularum pictarirrn 
 -ic statuarum studio percipere possit ? 
 
 CXI. Omnis fer& error verum quiddarn simulat. 
 
 CXII. Field sports in the time of Xenophon compared 
 with those of our own age and country. 
 
 CXIII. The classic communities of Greece and Rome 
 have been frequently reproached by modern writers with 
 a systematic disregard of charity. Examine the justice of 
 this charge. 
 
 CXIV. Hortorum cultura apud Eomanos. 
 
 CXV. * Servetur ad imum 
 
 Qualis ab incepto processerit, et sibi constet. 
 
 Hon. Ars Poet. 
 
 Do the principal characters of Shakspeare conform to 
 this rule? 
 
 CXVI. Athens in the days of Pericles. 
 
 CXVII. De causis conjurationis Catilinariae. 
 
 CXVIII. ' Naturam expellas furca, tamen usque re- 
 curret.' HORACE. 
 
 Affectation, socially considered. 
 
PART IV. 
 I. 
 
 AND then, though the hand and judgment of God will 
 be very visible, in the infatuating a people (as ripe and 
 prepared for destruction) into all the perverse actions of 
 folly and madness, making the weak to contribute to the 
 designs of the wicked, and suffering even those, by degrees, 
 out of the consciousness of their guilt, to grow more 
 wicked than they intended to be; letting the wise be im- 
 posed upon by men of no understanding, and possessing 
 the innocent with laziness and sleep in the inmost visible 
 article of danger ; uniting the ill, of the most different 
 opinions, divided interests, and distant affections, in a 
 firm and constant league of mischief; and dividing those, 
 whose opinions and interests are the same, into faction and 
 emulation, more pernicious to the public than the treason 
 of the others : whilst the poor people, under pretence of 
 zeal for religion, law, liberty, and parliaments (words of 
 precious esteem in their just signification), are furiously 
 hurried into actions introducing atheism and dissolving all 
 the elements of Christian religion ; cancelling all obliga- 
 tions, and destroying all foundations of law and liberty ; 
 and rendering, not only the privileges, but very being, of 
 parliaments desperate and impossible : I say, though the 
 immediate finger and wrath of Grod must be acknowledged 
 in these perplexities and distractions, yet he who shall 
 diligently observe the distempers and conjunctures of time, 
 the ambition, pride, and folly of persons, and the sudden 
 growth of wickedness, from want of care and circumspec- 
 tion in the first impressions, wil" find all this bulk of 
 
PART IV. EXERCISE II. 199 
 
 misery to have proceeded, and to have been brought upon 
 us, from the same natural causes and means which have 
 usually attended kingdoms swollen with long plenty, pride, 
 and excess, towards some signal mortifications and casti- 
 gatiou of Heaven. Lord CLARENDON, Rebellion, bk. i. p. i. 
 
 II. 
 
 The friend and correspondent of Cicero, T. Pomponiub, 
 from his long attachment to this city and country, had 
 attained such a perfection in its arts and language, that be 
 acquired to himself the additional name of Atticus. This 
 great man may be said to have lived during times of the 
 worst and cruelest factions. His youth was spent under 
 Sylla and Marius ; the middle of his life during all the 
 sanguinary scenes that followed ; and, when he was old, 
 he saw the proscriptions of Antony and Octavius. Yet, 
 though Cicero and a multitude more of the best men 
 perished, he had the good fortune to survive every danger. 
 Nor did he seek a safety for himself alone ; his virtue so 
 recommended him to the leaders of every side, that he 
 was able to save not himself alone, but the lives and 
 fortunes of many of his friends. When we look to this 
 amiable character, we may well suppose that he chose to 
 live at Athens ; but rather that, by residing there, he might 
 so fax realise Philosophy as to employ it for the conduct of 
 life, and not merely for ostentation. HARRIS, Philological 
 Enquiries, part iii. ch. iii. 
 
 III. 
 
 It is a valley, having on each hand, as you enter, immense 
 cliffs, but closed up at one of its ends by a semicircular 
 ridge of them, from which incident it derives its name. 
 One of the most stupendous of these cliffs stands in the 
 front of the semicircle, and has at its foot an opening into 
 an immense cavern. Within the most retired and gloomy 
 part of this cavern is a large oval basin, the production of 
 Nature, filled with pellucid and unfathomable water; and 
 
200 PART IV. EXERCISE III. 
 
 from this reservoir issues a river of respectable magnitude, 
 dividing, as it runs, the meadows beneath, and winding 
 through the precipices that impend from above. 
 
 This is an imperfect sketch of that spot 1 where Petrarch 
 spent his time with so much delight, as to say that this 
 alone was life to him, the rest but a state of punishment. 
 - HARRIS, Philological Enquiries, part iii. ch. xiii. 
 
 IV. 
 
 I have often admired the importance of the subjects 
 which are discussed by these enlightened and polished 
 Whites, in their accidental concurrences and social as- 
 semblies. In the first place, they take particular care to 
 enquire into the state of each other's health : ( My dear 
 sir, how do you do ? How do you feel this morning ? I 
 hope you are well.' Why do they ask these preposterous 
 questions ? Do they feel any solicitude for the health and 
 prosperity of their friends and acquaintances ? No such 
 thing. They would send each other to the devil in a 
 moment, if it were in their power. Do they wish to 
 render each other unhappy, by bringing to their respective 
 recollections the frailties, pains, diseases, and infirmities of 
 the body? Do they wish to damp the general joy, by 
 calling up ideas of death and the grave ? 
 
 In the second place, they proceed to inform one another 
 seriously and formally concerning the nature of the weather, 
 the temperature of the air, the course of the wind, and the 
 changes of the moon. ' Well,' says one, ' this is a pleasant 
 morning; the rain we had yesterday was very refreshing; 
 and this warm sun, following the rain, will promote vege- 
 tation with rapidity.' If it be summer, we hear : ' A very 
 warm day this ; is it not, sir ? My God ! 't is excessive 
 hot; it makes me perspire like the devil.' Here I must 
 remark, that these polished beings are very apt to hook 
 
 1 Vaucluse, near Avignon. 
 
PART IV. EXERCISE IV. 2OI 
 
 (rod. and the devil into the same sentence. Why they do 
 so, I cannot tell ; unless it be merely to embellish their 
 discourse. 
 
 Father! I speak English fluently; but I never could 
 exactly discover when to introduce God, or when to have 
 recourse to the devil, in my conversation ; indeed, some- 
 times I am ready to conclude, that these names are used 
 without the least discrimination. Thus, ' (rood (rod, how 
 it rains ! ' and, * It rains like the devil,' seem to convey 
 the same idea precisely. If two friends encounter each 
 other in the street, in December or January, after the 
 customary interrogations and responses concerning the 
 health of themselves and families ; after having coughed 
 and complained of a cold, and having given a circum- 
 stantial detail of the manner in which this cold was un- 
 fortunately caught ; after having whined about an aching 
 head, a poor appetite, a sick stomach, a miserable diges- 
 tion, a weakness of the back, a sore skin, a crick in the 
 neck, a pain in the hip, etc., etc., they proceed : 
 
 4 A cold day, sir.' 
 
 ' Yes, sir, quite cold.' 
 
 4 It blows confoundedly.' 
 
 4 Yes, sir, a blustering day; a blustering day, indeed, 
 sir!' 
 
 6 Quite a deep snow, this.' 
 
 ' Yes, sir, quite a snowy day : this is what I call winter.' 
 
 What is their purpose if they have any purpose at all 
 in relating these circumstances, which must necessarily 
 be as well known to one as to the other ? From ( The 
 Savage,' Laconics, p. 238. 
 
 V. 
 
 Diogenes asked Plato for a glass of wine, and he presently 
 sent him a gallon. When next Diogenes met him, he said 
 to him : ' I asked you, how many were two and two ? and 
 you have answered, Twenty.' There are some of so noble 
 a disposition, that, like trees of ripe fruit, by degrees they 
 
2O2 PART 17. EXERCISE V. 
 
 drop away all that they have ; they would even outdo the 
 demands of all their friends, and would give as if they 
 were gods, that could not be exhausted ; they look not 
 so much either at the merit of others, or their own 
 ability, as the satisfaction of themselves from their own 
 bounty I find not a higher genius this way, than glowed 
 in the victorious Alexander. He warred as if he coveted 
 all things, and gave away as if he cared for nothing. You 
 would think he did not conquer for himself, but his 
 friends ; and that he took, only that he might have where- 
 with to give ; so that one might well conclude the world 
 itself was too little for either his ambition or his bounty. 
 When Peril] us begged that he would be pleased to give 
 him a portion for his daughters, he immediately com- 
 manded him fifty talents. The modest beggar told him ten 
 would be enough. To which the prince replied, ' Though 
 they might be enough for him to receive, yet they were 
 not enough for himself to bestow.' FELTHAM, Resolves. 
 
 VI. 
 
 The unhappy news I have just received from you equally 
 surprises and afflicts me. I have lost a person I loved 
 very much, and have been used to from my infancy ; but 
 am much more concerned for your loss, the circumstances 
 of which I forbear to dwell upon, as you must be too 
 sensible of them yourself; and will, I fear, more and more 
 need a consolation that no one can give, except He who 
 has preserved her to you so many years, and at last, when 
 it was His pleasure, has taken her from us to Himself: and 
 perhaps, if we reflect upon what she felt in this life, we 
 may look upon this as an instance of His goodness both to 
 her and to those that loved her. She might have lan- 
 guished many years before our eyes, in a continual increase 
 of pain, and totally helpless; she might have languished 
 to end her misery without being able to attain it; or 
 perhaps even lost all sense, and yet continued to breathe 
 a sad spectacle to such as must have felt more for her 
 
PART IV. EXERCISE VI. 203 
 
 than she could have done for herself. However you may 
 deplore your own loss, yet think that she is at least easy 
 and happy ; and has now more occasion to pity us, than 
 we her. I hope and beg you will support yourself with 
 that resignation we owe to Him who gave us our being for 
 our good, and who deprives us of it for the same reason. 
 I would have come to you directly, but you do not say 
 whether you desire I should or not ; if you do, I beg I 
 may know it ; for there is nothing to hinder me, and I am 
 in very good health. GRAY, Letters. 
 
 VII. 
 
 I am equally sensible of your affliction and of your kind- 
 ness, that made you think of me at such a moment : would 
 to God I could lessen the one, or requite the other with 
 that consolation which I have often received from you 
 when I most wanted it ! But your grief is too just, and 
 the cause of it too fresh, to admit of any such endeavour. 
 What, indeed, is all human consolation? Can it efface 
 every little amiable word or action of an object we loved, 
 from our memory ? Can it convince us that all the hopea 
 we had entertained, the plans of future satisfaction we had 
 formed, were ill-grounded and vain, only because we have 
 lost them? The only comfort, I think, that belongs to 
 our condition, is to reflect (when time has given us leisure 
 for reflection) that others have suffered worse, or that we 
 ourselves might have suffered the same misfortune, at 
 times and in circumstances that would probably have 
 aggravated our sorrow. HOLDEN, Foliorum Centurice, p. 2 
 
 VIII. 
 
 Sir Eoger, being at present too old for fox-hunting, to 
 keep himself in action, has disposed of his beagles, and got 
 a pack of stop-hounds. What these want in speed, lie 
 endeavours to make amends for by the deepness of their 
 mouths and the variety of their notes, which are suited in 
 Buch a manner to each other, that the whole cry makes up 
 
2O4 PART IV. EXERCISE VIII. 
 
 a complete concert. He is so nice in this particular, that 
 a gentleman having made him a present of a very fine 
 hound the other day, the knight returned it by the 
 servant, with a great many expressions of civility ; but 
 desired him to tell his master, that the dog he had sent 
 was indeed a most excellent BASS, but that at present he 
 only wanted a COUNTER-TENOR. Could I believe my friend 
 had ever read Shakspeare, I should certainly conclude he 
 had taken the hint from Theseus in the Midsummer 
 Nighfs Dream : 
 
 My hounds are bred out of the Spartan kind, 
 So flued, so sanded ; and their heads are hung 
 "With ears that sweep away the morning dew. 
 Crook-knee'd and dew-lapp'd like Thessalian bulls, 
 Slow in pursuit, but match'd in mouths like bells, 
 Each under each. A ciy more tuneable 
 Was never halloo' d to, nor cheerd with horn. 
 
 Sir Eoger is so keen at this sport, that he has been out 
 almost every day since I came down : and upon the Chap- 
 lain's offering to lend me his easy pad, I was prevailed 
 upon yesterday morning to make one of the company. I 
 was extremely pleased, as we rode along, to observe the 
 general benevolence of all the neighbourhood towards my 
 friend. The farmers' sons thought themselves happy if 
 they could open a gate for the good old knight as he 
 passed by; which he generally requited with a nod or a 
 smile, and a kind enquiry after their fathers or uncles. 
 Spectator, No. 116. 
 
 IX. 
 
 Chremylus, who was an old and a good man, and withal 
 exceeding poor, being desirous to leave some riches to bis 
 son, consulted the oracle of Apollo on the subject. The 
 oracle bade him follow the first man he should see upon his 
 going out of the temple. The person he chanced to see was, 
 to all appearance, an old sordid blind man; but, upon his fol- 
 lowing him from place to place, he at last found, by his own 
 
PART IV. EXERCISE IX. 205 
 
 confession, that he was Plutus, the god of riches, and that 
 he was just come out of the house of a miser. Plutus 
 further told him, that when he was a boy, he used to 
 declare, that so soon as he was of age, he would distribute 
 wealth to none but virtuous and just men ; upon which 
 Jupiter, considering the pernicious consequences of such a 
 resolution, took his sight away from him, and left him to 
 stroll about the world in the blind condition wherein 
 Chremylus beheld him. With much ado, Chremylus pre- 
 vailed upon him to go to his house where he met an old 
 woman in a tattered raiment, who had been his guest for 
 many years, and whose name was Poverty. The old 
 woman refusing to turn out so easily as he would have 
 her, he threatened to banish her not only from his own 
 house but out of all Greece, if she made any more words 
 upon the matter. Chancellor's Medal, 1816. 
 
 X. 
 
 The houses were full of dying women and children, the 
 streets with old men gasping out their last breath. The 
 bodies remained unburied ; for either the emaciated re- 
 latives had not strength for the melancholy duty, or in the 
 uncertainty of their own lives neglected every office of 
 kindness and charity. Some, indeed, died in the act ot 
 burying their friends ; others crept into the cemeteries, 
 lay down on a bier, and expired. There was no sorrow, 
 no wailing ; they had not strength to moan ; they sate 
 with dry eyes, and mouths drawn up into a kind of bitter 
 smile. Those who were more hardy looked with envy on 
 those who had already breathed their last. Many died, 
 says the historian, with their eyes steadily fixed on the 
 Temple. There was a deep and heavy silence over the 
 whole city, broken only by the robbers as they forced open 
 houses to plunder the dead, and in licentious sport dragged 
 away the last decent covering from their bodies ; they 
 would even try the edge of their swords on the dead. The 
 soldiers, dreading the stench of the bodies, at first ordered 
 
206 PART IV. EXERCISE X. 
 
 them to be buried at the expense of the public treasury , 
 as they grew more numerous, they were thrown over the 
 walls into the ravines below. Classical Tripos, 1836. 
 
 XL 
 
 I lately wrote to you to tell you that I had reported to 
 his Majesty the King that you had received, as you stated 
 in your letter, the volume which his Majesty had sent you. 
 In a very few months I trust you will be in possession of 
 another volume extending as far as the execution of Mary. 
 For so the King desired me to tell you, and Sir Robert 
 Cotton, the author of this history, assured me that that 
 portion was now almost completed. When you have re- 
 ceived all the information which can be looked for from 
 England, it will then be your duty so to handle the sub- 
 ject as not to sacrifice truth, and yet prove that you have 
 felt some regard for this great King. More than once 
 has he solemnly assured me that he would not allow any- 
 thing to be sent you from hence, if he had not a clear con- 
 viction of its entire truth. Still I do not forget tne remarks 
 you lately made in a friendly letter, and I feel sure that 
 you will have more trouble than enough to satisfy a son's 
 natural affection. But a man of your discretion will have 
 little difficulty in finding, as they say, etc TWV ajropcov 
 Tropov. [St. John's College, Cambridge, 1838.] 
 
 XII. 
 
 It is very hard, that because you do not get my letters, 
 you will not let me receive yours, who do receive them. 
 I have not had a line from you these five weeks. Of your 
 honours and glories Fame has told me ; and for aught I 
 know, you may be a veldt-marshal by this time, and de- 
 spise such a poor cottager as me. Take notice, I shall 
 disclaim you in my turn, if you are sent on a command 
 against Dantzick, or to usurp a new district in Poland. I 
 have seen no armies, kings, or empresses, and cannot send 
 
PART IT. EXERCISE XII. 
 
 you such august gazettes ; nor are they what I want to 
 hear of. I like to hear you are well and diverted. For 
 rny part, I wish you were returned to your plough. Your 
 Sabine farm is in high beauty. I have lain there twice 
 within this week, going to and from a visit to G. Selwyn, 
 near Gloucester a tour as much to my taste as yours to 
 you. For fortified towns I have seen ruined castles. 
 What can I tell you more ? Nothing. Everybody's head 
 but mine is full of elections. I had the satisfaction at 
 Gloucester, where G. Selwyn is canvassing, of reflecting 
 on my own wisdom. Suave mart magno turbantibus 
 cequora ventis, etc. I am certainly the greatest philoso- 
 pher in the world, without ever having thought of being 
 so : always employed, and never busy ; eager about trifles, 
 and indifferent to everything serious. Well, if it is not 
 philosophy, at least it is content. I am as pleased here 
 with my own nutshell, as any monarch you have seen 
 these two months astride his eagle not but what I was dis- 
 satisfied when I missed you at Park Place, and was peevish 
 at your being in an Aulic Chamber. Adieu ! They tell 
 us from Vienna that the peace is made between Tisiphone 
 and the Turk : is it true ? [Trinity College, Cambridge, 
 i8 4 i.J 
 
 XIII. 
 
 Silts, I do not think that your Majesty can ever do me 
 so much good as you have done me ill this day. Every 
 one of your faithful servants has been tortured by appre- 
 hensions of fatal consequences from your wound ; and as for 
 myself, I have been like one inspecting a map wherein all, 
 except the countries with which we are acquainted, is laid 
 down as a frightful desert, and a terra incognita. No 
 man, indeed, can look beyond your life, without finding 
 himself enveloped in thick darkness and inconceivable 
 misery. If your Majesty fails to understand this for your 
 own sake, you should learn it for that of your servants. 
 We praise God that He has given us in such times as the 
 
!208 PART IV. EXERCISE XIII. 
 
 present, a warlike monarch ; for the state could not main 
 tain itself under a prince skilled only in the cabinet, and 
 devoted to sedentary pursuits. Nevertheless we cannot 
 but wish that, if you exceed the ordinary bounds of a king, 
 you would limit yourself within those of a great captain ; 
 and that, after having played the part of Alexander for 
 thirty years, you would think it time to represent that of 
 Augustus. For us, Sire, to die for your Majesty is our true 
 glory : but I must be bold enough to add, that it is not 
 less the duty of your Majesty to live on our account. 
 [Classical Tripos, 1837.] 
 
 XIV. 
 
 Immediately after the conclusion of the peace, the 
 French forces left Scotland, as much to their own satis- 
 faction as to that of the nation. The Scots soon found 
 that the calling to their assistance a people more powerful 
 than themselves, was a dangerous expedient. They beheld 
 with the utmost impatience those who had come to pro- 
 tect the kingdom, taking upon them to command it ; and 
 on many occasions they repented the rash invitation, which 
 they had given. The peculiar genius of the French nation 
 heightened this disgust, and prepared the Scots to throw 
 off the yoke, before they had well begun to feel it. The 
 French were, in that age, what they are at present one 
 of the most polished nations in Europe. But it is to be 
 observed, in all their expeditions into foreign countries, 
 whether towards the south or north, that their manners 
 have been remarkably incompatible with the manners of 
 every other people. Barbarians are tenacious of their 
 own customs, because they want knowledge and taste to 
 discover the reasonableness and propriety of customs which 
 differ from them. Nations which hold the first rank in 
 politeness, are frequently no less tenacious out of pride. 
 The Greeks were so in the ancient world ; arid the French 
 are the same in the modern. Full of themselves, flattered 
 by the irpitatipn pf their neighbours, and acpustomed to 
 
PART fV. EXERCISE XIV. 209 
 
 consider their own modes as the standards of elegance, 
 they scorn to disguise or Jay aside the distinguishing 
 manners of their own nation, or to make any allowance 
 for what may differ from them among others. EGBERT- 
 SON, Hist. Scot., book ii. 
 
 XV. 
 
 Human souls in this low situation, bordering on mere 
 animal life, bear the weight and see through the dusk of a 
 gross atmosphere, gathered from wrong judgments daily 
 passed, false opinions daily learned, and early habits of an 
 older date than either judgment or opinion. Through 
 such a medium the sharpest eye cannot see clearly. And 
 if by some extraordinary effort the mind should surmount 
 this dusky region, and snatch a glimpse of pure light, she 
 is soon drawn backwards, and depressed by the heaviness 
 of the animal nature to which she is chained. And if, 
 again, she chances, amid the agitation of wild fancies and 
 strong affections, to spring upwards, a second relapse 
 speedily succeeds into this region of darkness and dreams. 
 Nevertheless, as the mind gathers strength from repeated 
 acts, we should not despond, but continue to exert the 
 prime and flower of our faculties, still recovering and 
 reaching on, and struggling into the upper region, whereby 
 our natural weakness and blindness may be in some degree 
 remedied, and a taste attained of truth and intellectual 
 life. HOLDEN, Foliorum Centurice, p. 69. 
 
 xvr. 
 
 To consider him in the most favourable light, it may be 
 affirmed that his dignity was exempted from pride, his 
 humanity from weakness, his bravery from rashness, his 
 temperance from austerity, his frugality from avarice : all 
 these virtues in him maintained their proper bounds, and 
 merited unreserved praise. To speak the most harshly of 
 him, we may affirm that many of his good qualities were 
 attended by some latent frailty, which, though seemingly 
 
 p 
 
2IO PART IV. EXERCISE XVI. 
 
 iaconsiderable, was able, when seconded by the extreme 
 malevolence of his fortune, to disappoint them of all their 
 influence. His beneficent disposition was clouded by a 
 manner not very gracious ; his virtue was tinctured by 
 superstition; his good sense was disfigured by a deference 
 to persons of a capacity much inferior to his own ; and his 
 moderate temper exempted him not from hasty and preci- 
 pitate resolutions. He deserves the epithet of a good, 
 rather than of a great man ; and was more fitted to rule 
 in a regular established government, than either to give 
 way to the encroachments of a popular assembly, or finally 
 to subdue their pretensions. He wanted suppleness and 
 dexterity sufficient for the first measure : he was not 
 endowed with the vigour requisite for the second. Had 
 he been born an absolute prince, his humanity and good 
 sense had rendered his reign happy, and his memory pre- 
 cious : had the limitations on prerogative been, in his 
 time, quite fixed and ascertained, his integrity had made 
 him regard as sacred the boundaries of the constitution. 
 Unhappily, his fate threw him into a period, when the 
 precedents of many former reigns savoured strongly of 
 arbitrary power, and the genius of the people ran violently 
 towards liberty. And if his political prudence was insuffi- 
 cient to extricate him from so perilous a situation, he may 
 be excused ; since, even after the event, when it is com- 
 monly easy to correct all errors, one is at a loss to 
 determine what conduct, in his circumstances, could have 
 maintained the authority of the Crown, and preserved the 
 peace of the nation. Exposed to the assaults of furious, 
 implacable, and bigoted factions, it was never permitted 
 him, without the most fatal consequences, to commit the 
 smallest mistake a condition too rigorous to be imposed 
 upon the greatest human capacity. HUME, History oj 
 England (Character of Charles /.), vol. v. ch. x. 
 
 XVII. 
 
 Charles came forth from that school with social habits. 
 
PART IV. EXERCISE XVII. 2 I I 
 
 with polite and engaging manners, and with some talent 
 for lively conversation, addicted, beyond measure, to sen- 
 Bual indulgence, fond of sauntering and of frivolous 
 amusements, incapable of self-denial and of exertion, 
 without faith in human virtue or in human attachment, 
 without desire of renown, and without sensibility to re- 
 proach. According to him, every person was to be bought. 
 But some people haggled more about their price than 
 others ; and, when this haggling was very obstinate and 
 very skilful, it was called by some fine name. The chief 
 trick by which clever men kept up the price of their 
 abilities was called integrity. The chief trick by which 
 handsome women kept up the price of their beauty was 
 called modesty. The love of God, the love of country, 
 the love of family, the love of friends, were phrases of the 
 same sort, delicate and convenient synonyms for the love 
 of self. Thinking thus of mankind, Charles naturally 
 cared very little what they thought of him. Honour and 
 shame were scarcely more to him than light and darkness 
 to the blind. His contempt of flattery has been highly 
 commended ; but seems, when viewed in connection with 
 the rest of his character, to deserve no commendation. 
 It is possible to be below flattery as well as above it. One 
 who trusts nobody will not trust sycophants. One who 
 does not value real glory will not value its counterfeit. 
 LORD MACAULAY, Character of Charles //., vol. i. p. 68. 
 
 XVIII. 
 
 I will likewise do justice I ought to do it to the 
 honourable gentleman* who led us in this house. Far 
 from the duplicity wickedly charged upon him, he acted 
 his part with alacrity and resolution. We all felt inspired 
 by the example he gave us, down even to myself, the 
 weakest in that phalanx. I declare, for one, I knew well 
 enough (it could not be concealed from anybody) the true 
 
 * General Conway. 
 P '2 
 
212 PART IV. EXERCISE XVIII. 
 
 state of things ; but, in my life, I never came with so 
 much spirits into this house. It was a time for a man to 
 act in. We had powerful enemies ; but we had faithful 
 and determined friends, and a glorious cause. We had a 
 great battle to fight ; but we had the means of fighting : 
 not as now, when our arms are tied behind us. We did 
 fight that day, and conquer. I remember, Sir, with a 
 melancholy pleasure, the situation of the honourable gen- 
 tleman who made the motion for the repeal : in that 
 crisis, when the whole trading interest of this empire, 
 crammed into your lobbies, with a trembling and anxious 
 expectation, waited, almost to a winter's return of light, 
 their fate from your resolutions. When, at length, you 
 had determined in their favour, and your doors, thrown 
 open, showed them the figure of their deliverer in the 
 well-earned triumph of his important victory, from the 
 whole of that grave multitude there arose an involuntary 
 burst of gratitude and transport. They jumped upon him 
 like children on a long absent father. They clung about 
 him as captives about their redeemer. All England, all 
 America, joined in his applause. Nor did he seem insen 
 sible to the best of all earthly rewards the love and 
 admiration of bis fellow-citizens. Hope elevated and joy 
 brightened his crest. I stood near him; and his face, tc 
 use the expression of the Scripture of the first martyr 
 6 his face was as if it had been the face of an angel.' 
 BURKE'S Speech on American Taxation, vol. ii. p. 407. 
 
 XIX. 
 
 It was, indeed, a dreadful evening. The howling of the 
 storm mingled with the shrieks of the sea-fowl, and 
 sounded like the dirge of the three devoted beings, who, 
 pent between two of the most magnificent, yet most dread- 
 ful objects of nature a raging tide and an insurmountable 
 precipice toiled along their painful and dangerous path, 
 often lashed by the spray of some giant billow, which threw 
 itself higher upon the beach than those that had preceded 
 
PART IV. EXERCISE XIX. 2 13 
 
 it. Each minute did their enemy gain ground perceptibly 
 upon them ! Still, however, loth to relinquish the last hope 
 of life, they bent their eyes on the black rock pointed out 
 by Ochiltree. It was still distinctly visible among the 
 breakers, and continued to be so, until they came to a turn 
 in their precarious path, where an intervening projection 
 of rock hid it from their sight. Deprived of the view of 
 the beacon on which they had relied, they now experienced 
 the double agony of terror and suspense. They struggled 
 forward, however ; but when they arrived at the point from 
 which they ought to have seen the crag, it was no longer 
 visible. The signal of safety was lost amid a thousand 
 white breakers, which, dashing upon the point of the pro- 
 montory, rose in prodigious sheets of snowy foam, as high 
 as the mast of a first-rate man of war, against the dark 
 brow of the precipice. SCOTT, Antiquary, 
 
 XX. 
 
 Language proceeds, like everything else, through im- 
 provement to degeneracy. The fate of the English tongue 
 has been similar to that of others. We know nothing of 
 the scanty jargon of our barbarous ancestors : but we have 
 specimens of our language when it began to be adapted to 
 civil and religious purposes, and find it such as might na- 
 turally be expected artless and simple, unconnected and 
 concise. The writers seem to have desired little more than 
 to be understood, and seldom, perhaps, aspired to the praise 
 of pleasing : their verses were considered chiefly as memo- 
 rial, and, therefore, did not differ from prose but by the 
 measure or the rhyme. In this state, varied a little, ac- 
 cording to the different purposes or abilities of writers, our 
 language may be said to have continued to the time of 
 Grower, whom Chaucer calls his master, and who, however 
 obscured by his scholar's popularity, seems justly to claim 
 an honour, which has been hitherto denied him, of show- 
 ing his countrymen that something more was to be desired, 
 and that English verse might be exalted into poetry. 
 
214 P-AHT IT. EXERCISE XXI. 
 
 XXI. 
 
 It was the funeral day of the late man who made him- 
 self to be called Protector. And though I bore but little 
 affection either to the memory of him, or to the trouble 
 and folly of all public pageantry, yet I was forced, by the 
 importunity of my company, to go along with them, and 
 be a spectator to that solemnity, the expectation of which 
 had been so great, that it was said to have brought some 
 very curious persons (and no doubt singular virtuosos) as 
 far as from the Mount in Cornwall, and from the Orcades. 
 I found there had been much more cost bestowed, than 
 either the dead man, or indeed death itself, could de- 
 serve. There was a mighty train of black assistants, 
 among which, too, divers princes, in the persons of their 
 ambassadors (being infinitely afflicted for the loss of their 
 brother), were pleased to attend. The hearse was magni- 
 ficent, the idol crowned, and (not to mention all other 
 ceremonies which are practised at royal interments, and 
 therefore by no means could be omitted here) the vast 
 multitude of spectators made up, as it is used to do, no 
 small part of the spectacle itself. But yet, I know not 
 how, the whole was so managed, that met bought it some- 
 what represented the life of him for whom it was made; 
 much noise, much tumult, much expense, much magnifi- 
 cence ; much vain-glory ; briefly, a great show and yet, 
 after all this, but an ill-sight. At last (for it seemed long 
 to me, and like his short reign, too, very tedious), the 
 whole scene passed by, and I retired back to my chamber, 
 weary, and, I think, more melancholy than any of the 
 mourners. HOLDEN, Foliorum Centurice, p. 10. 
 
 XXII. 
 
 Nobody admires more than I do the historical merit of 
 Livy ; the majestic flow of his narrative, in which events 
 follow each other with rapidity, yet without hurry or 
 confusion ; and the continued beauty and energy of his 
 
PAET IV. EXERCISE XXII. 
 
 style, which transports his readers from their closets to the 
 scene of action. But here we have to do, not with the 
 orator, but with the witness. Considered in this view, 
 Livy appears merely as a man of letters, covered with the 
 dust of his library, little acquainted with the art of war, 
 careless in point of geography, and who lived two centu- 
 ries after Hannibal's expedition. 
 
 In the whole of his recital, we may perceive rather a 
 romantic picture, calculated to please the fancy, than a 
 faithful and judicious history, capable of satisfying the 
 understanding. The god who appeared to the Carthaginian 
 general, the mountains accessible to him alone, the vine- 
 gar with which he split the rocks, are fables which Livy 
 relates without criticism, as without suspicion. We seem 
 to read Homer describing the exploits of Achilles. 
 
 In Polybius, on the other hand, we meet with nothing 
 but unadorned simplicity and plain reason. A justness of 
 thinking, rare in his age and country, united with a 
 sterility of fancy still more rare, made him prefer the 
 truth, which he thoroughly knew, to ornaments which he 
 was, perhaps, more inclined to despise, because he felt 
 himself incapable of attaining them. HOLDEN, Foliorum 
 Centurice, p. 24. 
 
 XXIII. 
 
 Hitherto, Tiberius had kept within bounds: he was 
 frugal, just in the distribution of offices, a rigid punisher 
 of injustice in others, and an example of temperance to 
 his luxurious court. But now, from the ninth year of his 
 reign, it is that historians begin to trace the bloody effects 
 of his suspicious temper. Having no object of jealousy to 
 keep him in awe, he began to pull off the mask entirely, 
 and appear more in his natural character than before. He 
 no longer adopted that wisest maxim, the truth of which 
 has familiarised it into a proverb, that * Honesty is the 
 best policy.' With him, judgment, justice, and extent of 
 thinking, were converted into slyness, artifice, and expe- 
 
21 6 PART IV. EXERCISE XX1IT. 
 
 dients adapted to momentary conjunctures. He took upon 
 himself the interpretation of all political measures; and 
 gave morals whatever colour he chose, by the fine-drawn 
 speculations of his own malicious mind. He began daily 
 to diminish the authority of the senate ; which design was 
 much facilitated by their own aptitude to slavery ; so that 
 he despised their meanness, while he enjoyed its effects. 
 A law at that time subsisted, which made it treason to 
 form any injurious attempt against the majesty of the 
 people. Tiberius assumed to himself the interpretation 
 and enforcement of this law ; and extended it not only to 
 the cases which really affected the safety of the state, but 
 to every conjuncture that could possibly be favourable to 
 his hatred or suspicions. All freedom was consequently 
 banished from convivial meetings, and diffidence reigned 
 amongst the dearest relations. The gloomy disposition 
 and insincerity of the prince were diffused through all 
 ranks of men ; friendship had the air of an allurement to 
 betray, and a fine genius was but a shining indiscretion : 
 even virtue itself was considered as an impertinent in- 
 truder, that only served to remind the people of their lost 
 happiness. HOLDEN, Foliwum Centurice, p. 31. 
 
 XXIV. 
 
 The feeling of the Cavaliers was widely different. Dur- 
 ing eighteen years, they had, through all vicissitudes, been 
 faithful to the crown. Having shared the distress of their 
 prince, were they not to share his triumph ? Was no dis- 
 tinction to be made between them and the disloyal subject 
 who had fought against his rightful sovereign, and who 
 had never concurred in the restoration of royalty, till it 
 appeared that nothing else would save the nation from the 
 tyranny of the army ? Grant that such a man had, by his 
 recent services, fairly earned his pardon ; yet was he to be 
 ranked with men who had no need of the royal clemency 
 with men who had in every part of their lives merited 
 the royal grati f ude? Above all, was he to be suffered to 
 
PART IV. EXERCISE XXI V. 217 
 
 retain a fortune raised out of the substance of the ruined 
 defenders of the throne? Was it not enough that his 
 head and his patrimonial estate, a hundred times forfeited 
 to justice, were secure ; and that he shared with the rest 
 of the nation in the blessings of that mild government of 
 which he had long been the foe ? Was it necessary that 
 he should be rewarded for his treason at the expense of 
 men whose only crime was the fidelity with which they 
 had observed their oath of allegiance ? And what in- 
 terest had the King in gorging his old enemies with prey 
 torn from his old friends ? What confidence could be 
 placed in men who had opposed their sovereign, made 
 war upon him, imprisoned him, and who even now vindi- 
 cated all that they had done, and seemed to think that they 
 had given an illustrious proof of loyalty by just stopping 
 short of regicide ? It was true, that they had lately as- 
 sisted to set up the throne ; but it was not less true, 
 that they had previously pulled it down, and that they 
 still avowed principles which might compel them to pull 
 it down again. HOLDEN, Foliorum Centurice, p. 156. 
 
 XXV. 
 
 While their minds were in this state of suspense and 
 agitation, Fiesco appeared. With a look full of alacrity 
 and confidence, he addressed himself to the persons of 
 chief distinction, telling them that they were not now 
 called to partake of the pleasure of an entertainment, 
 but to join in a deed of valour, which would lead them to 
 liberty and immortal renown. He set before their eyes 
 the exorbitant as well as intolerable authority of the elder 
 Doria, which the ambition of Griannetino, and the par- 
 tiality of the Emperor to a family more devoted to him 
 than to their country, was about to enlarge and to render 
 perpetual. "'This unrighteous domination,' continued he, 
 'you have it now in your power to subvert, and to establish 
 the freedom of your country upon a firm basis. My 
 associates are numerous. I can depend on allies and 
 
PART IV. EXERCISE XXV. 
 
 protectors, if necessary. Happily, the tyrants aie as secure 
 as I have been provident. Their insolent contempt of 
 their countrymen has banished the suspicion and timidity 
 which usually render the guilty quick-sighted to discern, 
 as well as sagacious to guard against, the vengeance which 
 they deserve. They will now feel the blow, before they sus- 
 pect any hostile hand to be nigh. Let us, then, sally forth, 
 that we may by one generous effort deliver our country.' 
 HOLDEN, Foliorum Centurice, p. 203. 
 
 XXVI. 
 
 It was now broad day ; the hurricane had abated nothing 
 of its violence, and the sea appeared agitated with all the 
 rage of which that destructive element is capable. All the 
 ships, on which alone the whole army knew that their 
 safety and subsistence depended, were seen driven from 
 their anchors ; some dashing against each other, some beat 
 to pieces on the rocks, many forced ashore, and not a few 
 sinking in the waves. In less than an hour, fifteen ships 
 of war and a hundred and forty transports, with eight 
 thousand men, perished ; and such of the unhappy crews 
 as escaped the fury of the sea, were murdered without 
 mercy by the Arabs, as soon as they reached land. The 
 emperor stood in silent anguish and astonishment behold- 
 ing this fatal event, which at once blasted all his hopes of 
 success, and buried in the depths the vast stores which he 
 had provided, as well for annoying the enemy as for sub- 
 sisting his own troops. At last the wind began to fall, 
 and to give some hopes that as many ships might escape 
 as would be sufficient to save the army from perishing by 
 famine, and transport them back to Europe. But these 
 were only hopes : the approach of evening covered the sea 
 with darkness; and it being impossible for the officers 
 aboard the ships which had outlived the storm to send 
 any intelligence to their companions who were ashore, they 
 remained during the night in all the anguish of suspense 
 and uncertainty. HOLDEN, Foliorum Centurice, p. 52. 
 
PART IV. EXERCISE XXVII. 
 
 2I 9 
 
 XXVII. 
 
 We have hitherto seen this great people, by slow degrees, 
 rising into power, and, at length, reigning without a rival. 
 We have hitherto seen all the virtues which give strength 
 and conquest, progressively entering into the state, and 
 forming a mighty empire. From this time forward, we 
 are to survey a different picture : a powerful state, giving 
 admission to all the vices that tend to divide, enslave, and 
 at last totally destroy, society. This seems to be the great 
 period of Roman power : their conquests afterwards might 
 be more numerous, and their dominions more extensive ; 
 but their extension was rather an increase of glory, than 
 of strength. For a long time, even after the admission of 
 their vices, the benefits of their former virtues continued 
 to operate : but their future triumphs rather spread their 
 power, than increased it ; they rather gave it surface than 
 solidity. They now began daily to degenerate from their 
 ancient modesty, plainness, and severity of life. The 
 triumphs and the spoils of Asia brought in a taste for 
 splendid expenses, and these produced avarice and inverted 
 ambition ; so that from thenceforward the history seems 
 that 6f another people. H OLDEN, Foliorum Centurice, 
 p. 42. 
 
 XXVIII. 
 
 I purpose to write the history of England from the 
 accession of King James the Second, down to a time which 
 is within the memory of men still living. I shall recount 
 the errors which, in a few months, alienated a loyal gentry 
 and priesthood from the House of Stuart. I shall trace 
 the course of that revolution which terminated the long 
 struggle between our sovereigns and their parliaments, and 
 bound up together the rights of the people and the title of 
 the reigning dynasty. I shall relate how the new settle- 
 ment was, during many troubled years, successfully de- 
 fended against foreign and domestic enemies ; how, under 
 that settlement, the authority of law and the security of 
 
220 PART IV. EXERCISE XXVIII. 
 
 property were found to be compatible with a liberty of 
 discussion and of individual action never before known ; 
 how, from the auspicious union of order and freedom, 
 sprang a prosperity of which the annals of human affairs 
 had furnished no example ; how our country, from a state 
 of ignominious vassalage, rapidly rose to the place of 1 
 umpire among European powers ; how her opulence and 
 her martial glory grew together ; how, by wise and resolute 
 good faith, was gradually established a public credit fruitful 
 of marvels which to statesmen of any former age would 
 have seemed incredible ; how a gigantic commerce gave 
 birth to a maritime power, compared with which every 
 other maritime power, ancient or modern, sinks into insig- 
 nificance; how Scotland, after ages of enmity, was at 
 length united to England, not merely by legal bonds, but 
 by indissoluble bonds of interest and affection; how in 
 America the British colonies rapidly became far mightier 
 and wealthier than the realms which Cortes and Pizarro 
 had added to the dominions of Charles the Fifth ; how, in 
 Asia, British adventurers founded an empire not less 
 splendid and more durable than that of Alexander LORD 
 MACAULAY, History of England, vol. i. ch. i. 
 
221 
 
 PAET V. 
 
 IDIOMATIC TRANSLATIONS FEOM LATIN 
 CLASSICS, FOE KE-TKANSLATION. 
 
 I. 
 
 f ET us imagine darkness as intense as the darkness which 
 JJ is said, in former times, on an eruption of the flames of 
 ^Etna, to have obscured the adjacent region ; allowing no 
 man to recognise his neighbour ; and making every one 
 feel that he had come to life again, when, three days after- 
 \vards, the sun shone. Now, supposing it were our fate, 
 after living in constant darkness, suddenly to behold light : 
 how lovely would the sky look. But the mind becomes 
 accustomed to it by daily repetition and the habituation 
 of the eye ; men cease to wonder, or to enquire into the 
 principles of things which are always before them : it 
 seems, indeed, as if it were rather the novelty than the 
 grandeur of natural phenomena, which ought to excite us 
 to investigate their causes. 
 
 Can any human beiug, worthy of the name, when he 
 Bees how regular are the motions of the heavenly bodies, 
 how fixed the courses of the stars, how universal the har- 
 mony of creation, deny the existence of design, and ascribe 
 to chance the phenomena whose wisdom our wisdom fails 
 to apprehend ? When we see things moved by mechanism 
 a globe, for instance, or a clock, and a multitude of other 
 objects we do not hesitate to pronounce them the work 
 of design ; and yet, when we behold the wonderfully rapid 
 revolution of the celestial system, accomplishing its annual 
 changes with the utmost constancy, combined with the 
 integrity of all its elements, are we to doubt that all this is 
 
222 PART V. EXERCISE I. 
 
 not only the work of design, but of a most wise and godlike 
 design ? Indeed, we may contemplate with our own eyes, 
 apart from the refinements of speculation, the beauty of 
 that creation which we attribute to a Divine Providence. 
 
 Let us first contemplate the whole earth, situated in the 
 centre of the universe, solid and spherical, and rounded 
 like a globe by its own gravity, clothed with flowers, herbs, 
 trees, fruits ; whose incredible profusion is diversified by 
 an inexhaustible variety. Consider, too, the fountains' 
 cool eternal flow, the rivers' crystal streams, the verdurous 
 mantle of the banks, the grottoes' concave depths, the 
 craggy steeps of the rocks, the beetling mountains' heights, 
 and the vast immeasurable plains : consider, too, the latent 
 veins of silver and gold, and the exhaustless store of marble. 
 Then the prodigal varieties of the animal creation, whether 
 tame or wild; the flight and song of birds ; the flocks that 
 feed ; and the tribes that haunt the woods ! And what 
 shall I say of the race of man, the destined cultivator of 
 the earth, who suffers it not to be embruted by the ferocity 
 of savage beasts, nor to run riot in the waste of barren 
 exuberance ; with whose creations the country, the isles, 
 the shores glitter, adorned with mansions and cities ? Now, 
 if we could contemplate this fair scene with our eyes as 
 we can with our minds, no one, after a survey of the whole 
 earth, could doubt of a Divine Providence. 
 
 And then, how vast and beautiful is the sea ! beautiful 
 in its vast expanse, in the multitude and variety of its 
 islets, and the delicious retreats of its coasts and shores ! 
 How numerous and how chequered are the tribes that 
 dwell beneath the waves, or float and toss upon them, or 
 cling to the rocks in their native shells! 
 
 II. 
 
 There was a citizen of Lanuvium, named L. Thorius 
 Balbus; before your time. In his habits of life, he ex- 
 hausted the most exquisite pleasures the imagination can 
 devise. He was at once a votary of luxury, an adept 
 
PART V. EXERCISE IT. 223 
 
 in all its branches, and a rich man ; free from super- 
 stition, inasmuch as he despised the sacrifices and temples 
 so numerous in his birth-place ; fearless of death, inasmuch 
 as he died on the battle-field in his country's cause. His 
 pleasures were not bounded by the limitations of Epicurus, 
 but by his own satiety. Nevertheless, he was careful of 
 his health : he practised those exercises which secured him 
 an appetite at dinner ; his fare was at once the most 
 delicious and the easiest of digestion ; wine he used alike 
 for luxury and for health. Nor did he neglect those other 
 pleasures, in the absence whereof Epicurus declares he 
 cannot understand how anything can be good. Pain of 
 every kind was a stranger to him ; though had it assailed 
 him, he would have borne it with courage. He had a fine 
 complexion, excellent health, great influence : in one 
 word, a life teeming with pleasures of every description. 
 Now, your principles argue Thorius a happy man. For 
 rny own part, I will not presume to mention one whom I 
 prefer to him : Virtue herself shall speak in my name ; 
 and she will not scruple to prefer Marcus Regulus to your 
 representative of happiness. Regulus who of his own 
 free will, and unfettered by constraint, in fulfilment of a 
 pledge he had given the foe, returned from his own country 
 to Carthage is pronounced by Virtue to have been, amid 
 the very agonies of exposure and hunger, a happier man 
 than Thorius amid the roses of trie most exquisite banquet. 
 He had waged momentous wars ; he had twice been consul ; 
 he had triumphed ; nevertheless, he did not consider those 
 former achievements so great and glorious as the final 
 catastrophe which his own good-faith and constancy had 
 brought upon him : a catastrophe which excites our com- 
 passion, but was a real luxury to the sufferer. It is not 
 only in mirth and playfulness, or in laughter and jest, 
 the accompaniments of frivolity, that men are happy. 
 No I integrity and constancy lend happiness even to 
 sorrow. 
 
274 PART v - EXERCISE III. 
 
 III. 
 
 Most of the doctrines I have mentioned are the dreams 
 }f insanity, not the decisions of philosophy. They are 
 scarcely surpassed in absurdity by the poetical legends 
 which have been mischievous from their very fascination ; 
 representing the gods incensed with passion and raging 
 with lust: painting in clear relief their wars, fights, battles, 
 wounds : their antipathies, dissensions, discords, births, 
 deaths, grievances, sorrows ; the unbounded extravagance 
 of their passions, their adulteries, imprisonments, their in- 
 cestuous loves with the human race, and the mortal scions 
 of an immortal stock. With the illusions of poetry we 
 may associate the portents of the Magi, and the kindred 
 insanity of the Egyptian doctrines ; to which we may add 
 the popular notions, involved, from ignorance of the truth, 
 in flagrant inconsistency. 
 
 Any one who weighs the frivolity and rashness of dogmas 
 such as these, ought to venerate Epicurus, and to enrol 
 him among those divinities whose attributes we are now 
 examining. For he was the only philosopher who, in the 
 first place, deduced the existence of gods from the fact that 
 nature has spontaneously imprinted in all men's minds a 
 belief in them. Can any nation, indeed, or any race of 
 men, be found, destitute of a kind of preconception of 
 the gods, independently of anything they have learnt ? 
 This Epicurus terms Trpo^^ns ; or, in other words, an 
 innate idea, without which no subject can be understood, 
 examined, or discussed. 
 
 IV. 
 
 This science of divination has not been neglected even 
 among barbarians. In France, for instance, there are the 
 Druids, among whom I knew personally one named ^Eduuj*, 
 a host and eulogist of yours : who professed himself ac- 
 quainted with natural philosophy, which the Greeks call 
 ' physiology ' : and used to reveal coming events partly by 
 
PART V. EXERCISE IV. 22f 
 
 observing omens, partly by conjecture. Among the Persians, 
 too, the Magi explain omens and practise divination : 
 they collect together in temples for the sake of meditation 
 and converse, as you also used formerly to do during the 
 Nones. Nor can any one be king of Persia, unless he has 
 previously learnt the doctrine and science of the Magi. 
 
 We may also observe that certain races and castes are 
 devoted to this art. There is a city called Telmessus, in 
 Caria, eminent for its knowledge of soothsaying. Elis, in 
 Peloponnese, also contains two special families that of 
 the lamidse and that of the Clutidae famous for their pro- 
 ficiency in the art. In Syria, the Chaldseans are dis- 
 tinguished by their knowledge of the stars, and the 
 acuteness of their intellects. Etruria, on the other hand, 
 understands the whole theory of objects struck by light- 
 ning, and also interprets the revelations made by succes- 
 sive prodigies and portents. On this account, the Eoman 
 senate wisely decreed, in the days of our ancestors, while 
 the Tuscan power flourished, that six of the children of 
 our nobles should be sent to the several Etruscan com- 
 munities for the purpose of instruction, in order that so 
 important a science might not, through the poverty of its 
 professors, degenerate from the dignity of a religious rite 
 to a mercenary traffic. Again, the Phrygians and Pisidians 
 and Cilicians and the people of Arabia are very attentive 
 to the intimations afforded by birds ; a mode of divination 
 which, we have heard, is frequently practised in Umbria. 
 
 V. 
 
 The great abilities of Lucius Lucullus, his devoted study 
 of literature and the arts, and all the liberal and patrician 
 culture which he had received, were lost to public affairs 
 at Home, at a time when he might have achieved the 
 highest honours of the Forum. In early youth he followed 
 up with great eclat his father's feuds, in conjunction with 
 his brother, who possessed the same energy and filial affec- 
 
 Q 
 
226 1'ART V. EXERCISE V. 
 
 vion. He afterwards went to Asia as quaestor, where he 
 administered his province, for many years, with the highest 
 credit : his next post was Africa ; after which lie attained 
 the consulate an office in which his industry was the 
 marvel, and his abilities the theme, of his countrymen. 
 After this, he was despatched by the senate to the Mithri- 
 datic war ; when he surpassed, not only the general con- 
 ception of his talents, but even the prestige of his 
 predecessors. His success created greater astonishment, 
 in proportion as military fame was hardly expected from a 
 man who had spent his youth amid the toils of the Forum, 
 and the prolonged term of his qusestorship, while Muraena 
 was carrying on the war in Pontus, in the profound peace 
 of Asia- His genius dispensed with those lessons which 
 can only be learnt in the school of experience. So that, 
 after spending the whole of his journey, both by sea and 
 land, partly in making inquiries from persons well in- 
 formed, partly in military studies, he arrived in Asia a 
 formed general, though he had left Kome little versed in 
 the art of war. He had an astonishing power of recollect- 
 ing facts; Hortensius, perhaps, had a better memory for 
 words : this faculty, however, was as far above that of the 
 orator, as deeds are above words in the conduct of affairs 
 a faculty which, they say, Themistocles, to whom we 
 readily assign the first place in Greece, possessed in an ex- 
 traordinary degree. Themistocles, indeed, is said to have 
 replied to a man who offered him a memoria technica a 
 new idea at that time that he would rather learn the art 
 of forgetting : I suppose, because all that he had heard or 
 seen, clung to his recollection. 
 
 VI. 
 
 Is it possible to predict those events which are not an- 
 tecedently probable ? Do we not mean by the terms 
 chance, fortune, casualty, issue, an occurrence or event 
 which might either not have happened at all, or have hap- 
 pened otherwise ? How, then, can the capricious results 
 
PART V. EXERCISE VI. 1 27 
 
 of the blindness of fortune and the fluctuation of chance 
 be foreseen and foretold ? The physician foresees, by 
 means of science, the growth of a disease ; the general 
 foresees an ambush; the pilot a tempest: nevertheless,, 
 even these men, who form their conclusions on scientifi. 
 grounds solely, are frequently misled. Just as the farmer, 
 when he sees the olive's blossom, thinks he shall see its ber- 
 ries also ; not, indeed, unreasonably ; yet he is occasionally 
 deceived. Now, if men who assert nothing, save from con- 
 clusions grounded on probability, are misled, what are we 
 to think of the conclusions of those whose presages of the 
 future are derived from entrails, from birds, from prodi- 
 gies, from oracles or dreams? I will not now say what 
 utter nonentities are the following signs : a cleft in the 
 liver, the caw of a rook, the flight of an eagle, the shooting 
 of a meteor, the cries of delirium, responses, dreams ; each 
 of which I will afterwards discuss in turn : I am now speak- 
 ing of them collectively. 
 
 Indeed, I do not believe that the knowledge of futurity 
 is even desirable for us. For what sort of life would 
 Priam have led, had he been conscious from his youth of 
 the calamities that awaited his age ? Let us relinquish 
 legends, and glance at events nearer home. In my ' Con- 
 solation,' I collected together the terrible catastrophes that 
 have befallen some of the most distinguished of our coun- 
 trymen. To take an illustration omitting former in- 
 stances do you suppose it was desirable for Crassus to 
 know, in the flower of his influence and prosperit}', that he 
 was destined, after the slaughter of his son and the destruc- 
 tion of his army, to an ignominious and shameful death 
 beyond the Euphrates? Can you believe that Pompey 
 would have rejoiced in his triple consulate, in his triple 
 triumph, and in the splendour of his grand achievements, 
 had he known that it was his fate to lose his army, and to 
 be murdered amid the solitudes of Egypt ; and that his 
 death was to be followed by indignities which I cannot 
 allude to without tears ? And then as to Csesar Supposo 
 
 Q 2 
 
PART V. EXERCISE VI. 
 
 he luvd divined that, in the very senate a majority of whose 
 members he had himself returned, he should be murdered, 
 while so many of his own centurions were looking on, by 
 the noblest citizens of Eome, on many of whom he had 
 heaped every distinction ; and should there lie so dread- 
 fully disfigured, that not even a single servant, far less a 
 friend, could approach him ; in what agony of mind would 
 he have passed his life. Assuredly, therefore, ignorance 
 of future calamities is more desirable than knowledge. 
 
 VII. 
 
 If the plaintiff produce in his own behalf his account- 
 books, 1 written at his own free-will, I shall not resist a 
 verdict in his favour. What brother, what father, was 
 ever so indulgent as to admit such entries as valid proof? 
 My client, however, will admit them as valid proof. Pro- 
 duce the books : what you were assured of, he will be 
 assured of; what satisfied you, shall satisfy him. 
 
 Why do you not produce them accordingly ? Is he not 
 m the habit of keeping accounts? He is with the 
 greatest care. Perhaps he does not enter trifling items in 
 his ledger ? 2 Oh yes, every item ! Is the present claim 
 a small item ? It amounts to 100,000 sesterces. How 
 came you to omit so vast a sum ? How is it the 100,000 
 sesterces were omitted in your ledger ? In heaven's name, 
 is it possible a man can be audacious enough to make a 
 demand for a sum which he was afraid of entering in his 
 own ledger: to venture, in furtherance of his suit, to 
 swear to a debt which he would not register in his ledger, 
 when he had no oath to take : to try to satisfy another of 
 what he cannot satisfy himself? 
 
 He says my indignation about his account-books is 
 premature : he avows he has not the item entered in his 
 regular ledger ; but contends it is as large as life in his 
 memoranda. 3 You must be extremely fond of yourself, 
 and entertain a magnificent opinion of yourself, if you 
 
 1 Tabulne accept! et expensi. 2 Codex, s Adversaria. 
 
PART V. EXERCISE VII. 229 
 
 demand money on the strength, not of account-books, but 
 of memoranda ! To produce one's ledger instead of a witness, 
 is an impudent thing ; but is it not madness to put forward 
 mere memoranda of entries and erasures ? 4 If these day- 
 books 3 possess equal weight and authority, and are written 
 with the same care as account-books, what is the use of 
 keeping the latter ? of drawing them up with care and 
 regularity ? and of making a permanent record of old 
 documents? If, on the contrary, we take the pains to 
 construct account-books because we have no confidence in 
 memoranda, shall that which every one regards as not to 
 be relied upon, be held to possess weight and authority 
 when brought before a court ? Why do we write memo 
 randa carelessly? Why do we make up account-books 
 accurately ? Because the one are to last only for a month ; 
 the others for ever : the one are effaced on the spot ; the 
 others are religiously preserved : the one embrace the 
 records of a brief period ; the others, the good faith and 
 integrity of a man's character through life : the one are 
 tossed aside ; the others regularly engrossed. Accordingly, 
 people never produce memoranda before a court of justice : 
 they produce ledgers ; they read accounts. 
 
 VIII. 
 
 A definite sum, which is now sought to be recovered at 
 law, is due to you. Under these circumstances, if you 
 have claimed a single sesterce more than your due, you 
 are nonsuited; for trial before a judge is one thing, arbi- 
 tration is another. A trial is held for a definite, an arbi- 
 tration for an indefinite, sum. We come before a court 
 of law with the prospect of either gaining or losing the 
 whole sum at issue ; an arbitration we approach with the 
 expectation of getting neither nothing at all, nor the whole 
 amount of our demand. The very terms of the formula 
 afford evidence of this. What is the issue before a court 
 
 4 Perscriptiones fit lituree. 
 
230 PART V. EXERCISE VIII. 
 
 of law ? It is downright, stern, and simple : the court 
 has to try whether it is clear that 50,000 sesterces ought 
 to be paid. Unless the plaintiff makes it clear that 50,000 
 sesterces, to a farthing, 1 are due to him, he is nonsuited. 
 What is the issue in an arbitration ? It is mild and tem- 
 perate : 4 that whatever is equitable and right, may be 
 granted.' Yet the plaintiff in this case avows that he is 
 demanding more than his due : he declares, however, that 
 he shall be fully satisfied with whatever the 'arbiter ad- 
 judges to him. The one party, therefore, has confidence 
 in, the other distrusts, his cause. 
 
 Such being the case, I ask you why you agreed to abide 
 by arbitration with reference to this sum this very 50,000 
 sesterces involving the credit of your own accounts ? 
 why you invoked an arbiter to decide that what was 
 equitable and right should be paid to you, or secured to 
 you by bond, if it were proved to be due ? Who was the 
 arbiter in this case ? ' I wish,' you say, ' he was at Rome.' 
 He is at Rome. 4 Would he were present in court ! ' He 
 is present. ' I wish he were sitting as assessor to Caius 
 Piso.' He is no other than C. Piso. 
 
 IX. 
 
 It is traditional belief, sustained by the earliest GreeK 
 records, literary and monumental, that the island of Sicily 
 is consecrated, throughout its length and breadth, to Ceres 
 and Libera. Other nations entertain the notion ; but the 
 Sicilians are so firmly persuaded of its truth, that it has 
 all the air of an inborn and national creed: for they 
 believe that these divinities were born in the realm, and 
 that corn was first discovered in their land ; and that 
 Libera, whom they also call Proserpine, was carried off 
 from the grove at Henna -a spot which is called the 
 ' navel ' of Sicily, owing to its situation in the centre of 
 the isle. Ceres is said, in the course of her anxious search 
 for her daughter, to have kindled her torch at the fires 
 
 1 Ad libellam. 
 
PART V. EXERCISE IX. 
 
 that burst from ^Etna's summit ; and, holding it before 
 her, to have wandered over the whole world. 
 
 Now Henna, where the events I allude to are said to 
 have happened, stands on a lofty acclivity, on the summit 
 of which is a level plain and ever-flowing springs. It is, 
 however, entirely cut off from access on every side : around 
 it are lakes and numerous groves, and flowers luxuriant at 
 every season of the year; indeed, the spot tells its own 
 tale of the abduction of the virgin, which we have heard 
 of ever since our boyhood. For nigh is a cavern, opening 
 towards the north, of unfathomable depth, where, they 
 say, father Pluto suddenly appeared with his chariot, and 
 carried off with him the virgin whom he had torn away 
 from the scene ; and they add that in the vicinity of Syra- 
 cuse he plunged beneath the earth, when a lake instantly 
 formed upon the spot. The Syracusans still celebrate 
 there an annual festival, amid a crowded concourse of men 
 and women. 
 
 Owing to the antiquity of this belief, and because the 
 footsteps and almost the cradles of these divinities are 
 found in these regions, great veneration is paid to Ceres of 
 Heuna, both in private and in public, throughout all Sicily; 
 for numerous prodigies attest her divinity and power. 
 Unto many, in the greatest emergencies, she has extended 
 her efficacious aid ; so that this island seems not only to 
 be loved, but to be tenanted and guarded by her. Nor & 
 she worshipped by the Sicilians only, but by other countries 
 and nations also. 
 
 X. 
 
 Greece attests what I say ; for though she was devoted 
 to the study of eloquence, and has long excelled all her 
 competitors in it, yet all her arts are of greater antiquity, 
 and were not only invented, but brought to perfection, be- 
 fore her remarkable force and fluency of style was wrought 
 to its utmost finish. And when I turn my eyes towards 
 Greece, your beloved Athens is the most conspicuous anrl 
 
2J2 PART V. EXERCISE X. 
 
 brilliant image that meets my eye ; for ID that city an 
 orator first reared his head, and eloquence was first con- 
 signed to enduring literary record. Yet before the age of 
 Pericles (to whom some writings are attributed) and of 
 Thucydides, who flourished not in the infancy, but in the 
 maturity of Athens, there is no literature of elegance and 
 finish, and bearing the stamp of an orator's art. Though 
 a belief prevails that Pisistratus, who preceded them by 
 many years, and Solon, in a still earlier 83ra, and subse- 
 quently Cleisthenes, were very influential speakers for 
 those days. Several years later, as we ascertain from 
 Attic records, lived Themistocles, who was evidently as 
 distinguished for his eloquence as for his political wisdom. 
 After him, Pericles, who had culled the flower of every 
 excellence, yet was chiefly illustrious for his eloquence. 
 Cleon, in the same age, though a very turbulent citizen, 
 was undoubtedly an able speaker. Nearly cotemporary 
 were Alcibiades, Critias, Theramenes. Of the style of 
 oratory then in vogue, we may form a clear estimate from 
 the writings of Thucydides, who flourished in those days. 
 Their style was lofty and sententious ; their narrative was 
 pregnant and condensed ; and for that very reason it occa- 
 sionally bordered on obscurity. 
 
 As soon, however, as the efficacy of exact and polished 
 composition was recognised, many professors of rhetoric 
 suddenly arose. Grorgias of Leontium, Thrasymachus of 
 Chalcedon, Protagoras of Abdera, Hippias of Elis, enjoyed 
 high repute ; and many others, at the same period, pro- 
 fessed, conceitedly enough, their ability to teach how the 
 worse might by eloquence be made the better cause. 
 
 XI. 
 
 Isocrates composed many admirable pieces himself, and 
 taught others to do so : he understood the whole science 
 better than his predecessors, and was the first to perceive 
 that even in prose, so long as you avoid metre, never- 
 theless a certain measure and rhythm ougl.it to be main- 
 
PAET V. EXERCISE XI. 2JJ 
 
 tained. Before his time, the arrangement of words and the 
 rhythmical rounding off of sentences did not exist ; or, if 
 they occasionally occurred, there was nothing to show that 
 it was the effect of design. This, indeed, may be a merit ; 
 but at that time it resulted naturally, sometimes acci- 
 dentally, rather than from any principle, or from deliber- 
 ate intention. For a sentence is by its very nature 
 embraced within and brought to a close by a certain com- 
 pass of words ; and when its constituent terms are well 
 chosen, it has also, in general, a musical fall. For the 
 ears judge for themselves what is a full, and what is an 
 empty sound ; and the orbit of a period is bounded by the 
 breath as by an impassable barrier ; to be short of which 
 far more to be out of breath is a mortifying failure. 
 
 Next came Lysias, who did not personally engage in 
 pleadings at the bar, but was a writer of great subtlety 
 and taste, whom you might almost venture to style a per- 
 fect speaker : for that absolute perfection, to which no- 
 thing is wanting, we can only ascribe to Demosthenes. 
 Nothing that acuteness, nothing that craft, nothing that 
 dexterity could suggest, ever escaped him in the pleadings 
 which he composed ; in point of simplicity, exactness, and 
 perspicuity, nothing could be more exquisite ; while in point 
 of grandeur, of rapidity, and of ornament, whether arising 
 from dignity of expression or of sentiment, the loftiness of 
 his style cannot be surpassed. Next in succession were 
 Hyperides, ^Eschines, Lycurgus, Dinar chus, and Demades, 
 of whose compositions nothing remains, and many more : 
 for this sera was prolific of orators ; and, in my opinion, 
 their admirable vigour and energy survived, in all its 
 purity, down to this epoch in the annals of eloquence, 
 which was graced by a natural, not an artificial splen- 
 dour. 
 
 XII. 
 
 Our ancestors wished to arm the censors with an instru- 
 ment of alarm, not with the powers of life and death. 
 
PART V. EXERCISE XII. 
 
 Consistently with this, I will not only show that, as you 
 are already aware, the censorian decrees have been fre- 
 quently cancelled bv the suffrages of the Roman people, 
 but even by the verdicts of men who, as they were sworn 
 judges, were bound to decide with the most conscientious 
 'and scrupulous care. In the first place, the judges 
 Roman senators and knights have, in the case of nume- 
 rous culprits charged by the censors with the illegal 
 receipt of money, followed their own conscience, rather 
 than the censors' opinion. In the second place, the praetora 
 of the city, bound by oath to enrol men of the highest 
 character among the select jury, have never held that the 
 censorial stigma ought to restrict their choice. Lastly, the 
 censors themselves have repeatedly declined to abide by 
 the judgments if you choose to call them judgments of 
 their predecessors. Moreover, the very censors attach so 
 high a value to their own judgments, that one of them not 
 merely censures, but cancels his colleague's decree ; while 
 one decrees a senator's expulsion, the other retains him, 
 and pronounces him a worthy member of a most honour- 
 able order ; while one censor decrees the disfranchisement 
 or degradation of a citizen, the other interdicts it. How, 
 then, can you reconcile it to yourselves to give the name 
 of ' judgments ' to decrees which you see rescinded by the 
 Roman people, rejected by sworn judges, slighted by 
 magistrates, commuted by men clothed with the same 
 functions, and disputed between colleagues in office ? 
 
 Such being the case, let us consider what opinion the 
 censors may be said to have formed on the question of 
 bribery in that judgment. And first let us determine the 
 following point : whether the charge is true because the 
 censors signed it, or whether they signed it because it was 
 true? If it is true by virtue of their signature, take care 
 what you are doing; take care that you are not arming 
 the censors, for the future, with regal powers over all our 
 fellow-subjects : that a censor's signature prove not as 
 calamitous as that terrible proscription to our countrymen- 
 
1'ART V. EXFRCISE XII. 2J5 
 
 that we may not hereafter have equal cause to dread the 
 censorial stylus, whose virulence our ancestors devised 
 many an antidote to soften, as the sword of a dictator. If, 
 on the other hand, a charge subscribed by a censor owes 
 its gravity to its truth, let us enquire whether it is true or 
 false ; let the censors' decrees be put out of court ; let the 
 cause be divested of matter foreign to itself; show me 
 what sum the defendant gave, by whose agency, and in 
 what manner it was given ; lastly, show me one single 
 trace of the money having come from the defendant. 
 
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