LIBRARY 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA 
 RIVERSIDE
 
 Short Histories of the Literatures 
 of the World 
 
 Edited by Edmund Gosse
 
 Literatures of the World, 
 
 EDITED BY EDMUND GOSSE. 
 
 ANCIENT GREEK LITERATURE. 
 By GILBERT MURRAY, M. A. 
 
 FRENCH LITERATURE. 
 
 By EDWARD DOWDEN, D. C. L., LL. D. 
 
 ENGLISH LITERATURE. 
 
 By the EDITOR. [Shortly.] 
 
 ITALIAN LITERATURE. 
 
 By RICHARD GARNETT, C. B., LL. D. [Shortly.] 
 
 AMERICAN LITERATURE. 
 
 SPANISH LITERATURE. 
 
 By J. FITZMAURICE-KELLY. 
 
 JAPANESE LITERATURE. 
 
 By WILLIAM GEORGE ASTON, C. M. G., M. A. 
 
 MODERN SCANDINAVIAN LITERATURE. 
 By Dr. GEORG BRANDES. 
 
 SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 
 
 By A. A. MACDONELL, M. A. 
 
 HUNGARIAN LITERATURE. 
 By Dr. ZOLTAN BEOTHY. 
 
 GERMAN LITERATURE. 
 
 By Dr. C. H. HERFORD. 
 
 LATIN LITERATURE. 
 
 By Dr. A. W. VERRALL. 
 
 D. APPLETON AND COMPANY, NEW YORK.
 
 A HISTORY OF 
 
 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 BY 
 
 EDWARD DOWDEN 
 
 D. LITT., LL. D. (Due.), D. C. L. (Oxow.), LL. D. (EoiN.) 
 LL. D. (PRINCETON) 
 
 PROFESSOR OF ENGLISH LITERATURE IN THE 
 UNIVERSITY OF DUBLIN 
 
 NEW YORK 
 
 D. APPLETON AND COMPANY 
 1897
 
 COPYRIGHT, 1897, 
 BY D. APPLETON AND COMPANY.
 
 PREFACE 
 
 FRENCH prose and French poetry had interested me 
 during so many years that when Mr. Gosse invited me 
 to write this book I knew that I was qualified in one 
 particular the love of my subject. Qualified in know- 
 ledge I was not, and could not be. No one can pretend 
 to know the whole of a vast literature. He may have 
 opened many books and turned many pages ; he cannot 
 have penetrated to the soul of all books from the Song 
 of Roland to Toute la Lyre. Without reaching its spirit, 
 to read a book is little more than to amuse the eye with 
 printed type. 
 
 An adequate history of a great literature can be written 
 only by collaboration. Professor Petit de Julleville, in 
 the excellent Histoire de la Langue et de la Litterature 
 Franqaise, at present in process of publication, has his 
 well -instructed specialist for each chapter. In this 
 small volume I too, while constantly exercising my own 
 judgment, have had my collaborators the ablest and 
 most learned students of French literature who have 
 written each a part of my book, while somehow it 
 seems that I have written the whole. My collaborators 
 are on my shelves. Without them I could not have 
 accomplished my task ; here I give them credit for 
 their assistance. Some have written general histories
 
 vi PREFACE 
 
 of French literature ; some have written histories of 
 periods the Middle Ages, the sixteenth, seventeenth, 
 eighteenth, nineteenth centuries ; some have studied 
 special literary fields or forms the novel, the drama, 
 tragedy, comedy, lyrical poetry, history, philosophy ; 
 many have written monographs on great authors ; 
 many have written short critical studies of books or 
 groups of books. I have accepted from each a gift. 
 But my assistants needed to be controlled ; they 
 brought me twenty thousand pages, and that was too 
 much. Some were accurate in statement of fact, but 
 lacked ideas ; some had ideas, but disregarded accuracy 
 of statement ; some unjustly depreciated the seventeenth 
 century, some the eighteenth. For my purposes their 
 work had to be rewritten ; and so it happens that this 
 book is mine as well as theirs. 
 
 The sketch of mediaeval literature follows the arrange- 
 ment of matter in the two large volumes of M. Petit 
 de Julleville and his fellow-labourers, to whom and to 
 the writings of M. Gaston Paris I am on almost every 
 page indebted. Many matters in dispute have here to 
 be briefly stated in one way ; there is no space for 
 discussion. Provencal literature does not appear in this 
 volume. It is omitted from the History of M. Petit de 
 Julleville and from that of M. Lanson. In truth, except 
 as an influence, it forms no part of literature in the 
 French language. 
 
 The reader who desires guidance in bibliography will 
 find it at the close of each chapter of the History edited 
 by M. Petit de Julleville, less fully in the notes to
 
 PREFACE vii 
 
 M. Lanson's History, and an excellent table of critical 
 and biographical studies is appended to each volume 
 of M. Lintilhac's Histoire de la Literature Franc^aise. 
 M. Lintilhac, however, omits many important English 
 and German titles among others, if I am not mistaken, 
 those of Birsch-Hirschfeld's Geschichte der Franzosichen 
 Litteratur : die Zeit der Renaissance, of Lotheissen's im- 
 portant Geschichte der Franzosichen Litteratur im XVII, 
 fahrhundert, and of Professor Knight's learned Philo- 
 sophy of History (1893). 
 
 M. Lanson's work has been of great service in 
 guiding me in the arrangement of my subjects, and in 
 giving me courage to omit many names of the second 
 or third rank which might be expected to appear in 
 a history of French literature. In a volume like the 
 present, selection is important, and I have erred more 
 by inclusion than by exclusion. The limitation of space 
 has made me desire to say no word that does not tend 
 to bring out something essential or characteristic. 
 
 M. Lanson has ventured to trace French literature to 
 the present moment. I have thought it wiser to close 
 my survey with the decline of the romantic movement. 
 With the rise of naturalism a new period opens. The 
 literature of recent years is rather a subject for current 
 criticism than for historical study. 
 
 I cannot say how often I have been indebted to the 
 writings of M. Brunetiere, M. Faguet, M. Larroumet, 
 M. Paul Stapfer, and other living critics ; to each of the 
 volumes of Les Grands Ecrivains Franc^ais, and to many 
 of the volumes of the Classiqucs Populaires. M. Lintilhac's
 
 viii PREFACE 
 
 edition of Merlet's Eludes Littfraires has also often served 
 me. But to name my aids to study would be to fill some 
 pages. 
 
 While not unmindful of historical and social influences, 
 I desire especially to fix my reader's attention on great 
 individuals, their ideas, their feelings, and their art. The 
 general history of ideas should, in the first instance, be 
 discerned by the student of literature through his obser- 
 vation of individual minds. 
 
 That errors must occur where so many statements are 
 made, I am aware from past experience; but I have taken 
 no slight pains to attain accuracy. It must not be hastily 
 assumed that dates here recorded are incorrect because 
 they sometimes differ from those given in other books. 
 For my errors I must myself bear the responsibility ; 
 but by the editorial care of Mr. Gosse, in reading the 
 proof-sheets of this book, the number of such errors 
 has been reduced. 
 
 EDWARD DOWDEN. 
 
 DUBLIN, June 1897.
 
 CONTENTS 
 
 BOOK THE FIRST THE MIDDLE AGES 
 
 CHAPTER PAGE 
 
 I. NARRATIVE RELIGIOUS POETRY THE NATIONAL EPIC THE 
 
 EPIC OF ANTIQUITY ROMANCES OF LOVE AND COURTESY . 3 
 II. LYRICAL POETRY FABLES, AND RENARD THE FOX FABLIAUX 
 
 THE ROMANCE OF THE ROSE 24 
 
 III. .DIDACTIC LITERATURE SERMONS HISTORY .... 40 
 
 IV. .LATEST MEDIEVAL POETS THE DRAMA 58 
 
 BOOK THE SECOND THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 I. RENAISSANCE AND REFORMATION 8 1 
 
 II. FROM THE PLEIADE TO MONTAIGNE 96 
 
 BOOK THE THIRD THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 I. LITERARY FREEDOM AND LITERARY ORDER . . . -131 
 II. THE FRENCH ACADEMY PHILOSOPHY (DESCARTES) RELIGION 
 
 (PASCAL) 147 
 
 III. THE DRAMA (MONTCHRESTIEN TO CORNEILLE) . . . l6o 
 
 IV. SOCIETY AND PUBLIC LIFE IN LETTERS 173 
 
 V. BOILEAU AND LA FONTAINE 183 
 
 VI. COMEDY AND TRAGEDY MOLIERE RACINE .... 196 
 
 VII. BOSSUET AND THE PREACHERS FENELON 2ig 
 
 VIII. TRANSITION TO THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY .... 235
 
 x CONTENTS 
 
 BOOK THE FOURTH THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 CHAPTER PAGE 
 
 I. MEMOIRS AND HISTORY POETRY THE THEATRE THE NOVEL 251 
 
 II. MONTESQUIEU VAUVENARGUES VOLTAIRE .... 273 
 
 III. DIDEROT AND THE ENCYCLOPAEDIA PHILOSOPHERS, ECONO- 
 
 MISTS, CRITICS BUFFON 294 
 
 IV. ROUSSEAU BEAUMARCHAIS BERNARD! N DE SAINT-PIERRE 
 
 ANDRE CHENIER 3!! 
 
 BOOK THE FIFTH 1789-1850 
 
 I. THE REVOLUTION AND THE EMPIRE MADAME DE STAEL 
 
 CHATEAUBRIAND 335 
 
 II. THE CONFLICT OF IDEAS 354 
 
 III. POETRY OF THE ROMANTIC SCHOOL 363 
 
 IV. THE NOVEL 396 
 
 V. HISTORY LITERARY CRITICISM 4! I 
 
 BIBLIOGRAPHY 429 
 
 INDEX 437
 
 BOOK THE FIRST 
 
 THE MIDDLE AGES
 
 THE MIDDLE AGES 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 
 NARRATIVE RELIGIOUS POETRY THE NATIONAL 
 EPIC THE EPIC OF ANTIQUITY ROMANCES 
 OF LOVE AND COURTESY 
 
 THE literature of the Middle Ages is an expression of the 
 spirit of feudalism and of the genius of the Church. 
 From the union of feudalism and Christianity arose 
 the chivalric ideals, the new courtesy, the homage to 
 woman. Abstract ideas, ethical, theological, and those 
 of amorous metaphysics, were rendered through alle- 
 gory into art. Against these high conceptions, and 
 the overstrained sentiment connected with them, the 
 positive intellect and the mocking temper of France 
 reacted ; a literature of satire arose. By degrees the 
 bourgeois spirit encroached upon and overpowered 
 the chivalric ideals. At length the mediaeval concep- 
 tions were exhausted. Literature dwindled as its sources 
 were impoverished ; ingenuities and technical formalities 
 replaced imagination. The minds of men were prepared 
 to accept the new influences of the Renaissance and the 
 Reformation.
 
 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 NARRATIVE RELIGIOUS POETRY 
 
 The oldest monument of the French language is found 
 in the Strasburg Oaths (842) ; the oldest French poem 
 possessing literary merit is the Vie de Saint Alexis, of 
 which a redaction belonging to the middle of the eleventh 
 century survives. The passion of piety and the passion 
 of combat, the religious and the warrior motives, found 
 early expression in literature ; from the first arose the 
 Lives of Saints and other devout writings, from the second 
 arose the chansons dc geste. They grew side by side, and 
 had a like manner of development. If one takes pre- 
 cedence of the other, it is only because by the chances of 
 time Saint Alexis remains to us, and the forerunners of 
 the Chanson de Roland are lost. With each species of 
 poetry cantilenes short lyrico - epic poems preceded 
 the narrative form. Both the profane and what may be 
 called the religious chanson de gcste were sung or recited 
 by the same jongleurs men of a class superior to the 
 vulgar purveyors of amusement. Gradually the poems 
 of both kinds expanded in length, and finally prose nar- 
 rative took the place of verse. 
 
 The Lives of Saints are in the main founded on Latin 
 originals ; the names of their authors are commonly 
 unknown. Saint Alexis, a tale of Syriac origin, possibly 
 the work of Tedbalt, a canon of Vernon, consists of 125 
 stanzas, each of five lines, which are bound together 
 by a single assonant rhyme. It tells of the chastity and 
 poverty of the saint, who flies from his virgin bride, 
 lives among beggars, returns unrecognised to his father's
 
 LIVES OF SAINTS 5 
 
 house, endures the insults of the servants, and, dying 
 at Rome, receives high posthumous honours ; finally, 
 he is rejoined by his wife the poet here adding to the 
 legend in the presence of God, among the company 
 of the angels. Some of the sacred poems are derived 
 from the Bible, rhymed versions of which were part 
 of the jongleur's equipment ; some from the apocryphal 
 gospels, or legends of Judas, of Pilate, of the Cross, or, 
 again, from the life of the Blessed Virgin. The literary 
 value of these is inferior to that of the versified Lives of 
 the Saints. About the tenth century the marvels of 
 Eastern hagiography became known in France, and gave 
 a powerful stimulus to the devout imagination. A cer- 
 tain rivalry existed between the claims of profane and 
 religious literature, and a popular audience for narrative 
 poems designed for edification was secured by their re- 
 cital in churches. Wholly fabulous some of these are 
 as the legend of St. Margaret but they were not on 
 this account the less welcome or the less esteemed. In 
 certain instances the tale is dramatically placed in the 
 mouth of a narrator, and thus the way was in a measure 
 prepared for the future mystery-plays. 
 
 More than fifty of these Lives of Saints are known, 
 composed generally in octosyllabic verse, and varying in 
 length from some hundreds of lines to ten thousand. In 
 the group which treats of the national saints of France, 
 an element of history obscured by errors, extravagances, 
 and anachronisms may be found. The purely legendary 
 matter occupies a larger space in those derived from the 
 East, in which the religious ideal is that of the her- 
 mit life. The celebrated Barlaam et Joasaph, in which 
 Joasaph, son of a king of India, escaping from his 
 father's restraints, fulfils his allotted life as a Christian
 
 6 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 ascetic, is traceable to a Buddhist source. The narra- 
 tives of Celtic origin such as those of the Purgatory 
 of St. Patrick and the voyages of St. Brendan are 
 coloured by a tender mysticism, and sometimes charm 
 us with a strangeness of adventure, in which a feeling 
 for external nature, at least in its aspects of wonder, 
 appears. The Celtic saints are not hermits of the 
 desert, but travellers or pilgrims. Among the lives of 
 contemporary saints, by far the most remarkable is that 
 of our English Becket by Gamier de Pont-Sainte- 
 Maxence. Gamier had himself known the archbishop ; 
 he obtained the testimony of witnesses in England ; he 
 visited the places associated with the events of Becket's 
 life ; his work has high value as an historical document ; 
 it possesses a personal accent, rare in such writings ; a 
 genuine dramatic vigour ; and great skill and harmonious 
 power in its stanzas of five rhyming lines. 
 
 A body of short poems, inspired by religious feeling, 
 and often telling of miracles obtained by the inter- 
 cession of the Virgin or the saints, is known as Contes 
 pieux. Many of these were the work of Gautier de 
 Coinci (1177-1236), a Benedictine monk; he translates 
 from Latin sources, but with freedom, adding matter of 
 his own, and in the course of his pious narratives gives 
 an image, far from flattering, of the life and manners of 
 his own time. It is he who tells of the robber who, 
 being accustomed to commend himself in his adventures 
 to our Lady, was supported on the gibbet for three days 
 by her white hands, and received his pardon ; and of 
 the illiterate monk who suffered shame because he knew 
 no more than his Ave Maria, but who, when dead, was 
 proved a holy man by the five roses that came from 
 his mouth in honour of the five letters of Maria's name;
 
 PIOUS TALES 7 
 
 and of the nun who quitted her convent to lead a life of 
 disorder, yet still addressed a daily prayer to the Virgin, 
 and who, returning after long years, found that the 
 Blessed Mary had filled her place, and that her absence 
 was unknown. The collection known as Vies des Peres 
 exhibits the same naivete of pious feeling and imagina- 
 tion. Man is weak and sinful ; but by supernatural aid 
 the humble are exalted, sinners are redeemed, and the 
 suffering innocent are avenged. Even Theophile, the 
 priest who sold his soul to the devil, on repentance 
 receives back from the Queen of Heaven the very docu- 
 ment by which he had put his salvation in pawn. The 
 sinner (Chevalier au barillef) who endeavours for a year 
 to fill the hermit's little cask at running streams, and 
 endeavours in vain, finds it brimming the moment one 
 tear of true penitence falls into the vessel. Most ex- 
 quisite in its feeling is the tale of the Tombeur de Notre- 
 Damc a poor acrobat a jongleur turned monk who 
 knows not even the Pater noster or the Credo, and can 
 only offer before our Lady's altar his tumbler's feats ; he 
 is observed, and as he sinks worn out and faint before 
 the shrine, the Virgin is seen to descend, with her angelic 
 attendants, and to wipe away the sweat from her poor 
 servant's forehead. If there be no other piety in such a 
 tale as this, there is at least the piety of human pity. 
 
 II 
 
 THE NATIONAL EPIC 
 
 Great events and persons, a religious and national 
 spirit, and a genius for heroic narrative being given, 
 epic literature arises, as it were, inevitably. Short poems,
 
 8 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 partly narrative, partly lyrical, celebrate victories or 
 defeats, the achievements of conquerors or defenders, 
 and are sung to relieve or to sustain the passion of the 
 time. The French epopee had its origin in the national 
 songs of the Germanic invaders of Gaul, adopted from 
 their conquerors by the Gallo-Romans. With the bap- 
 tism of Clovis at Reims, and the acceptance of Chris- 
 tianity by the Franks (496), a national consciousness 
 began to exist a national and religious ideal arose. 
 Epic heroes Clovis, Clotaire, Dagobert, Charles Martel 
 became centres for the popular imagination ; an echo 
 of the Dagobert songs is found in Floovent, a poem of 
 the twelfth century ; eight Latin lines, given in the 
 Vie de Saint Faron by Helgaire, Bishop of Meaux, 
 preserve, in their ninth-century rendering, a fragment of 
 the songs which celebrated Clotaire II. Doubtless 
 more and more in these lost cantilcncs the German 
 element yielded to the French, and finally the two 
 streams of literature French and German separated ; 
 gradually, also, the lyrical element yielded to the epic, 
 and the chanson de geste was developed from these 
 songs. 
 
 In Charlemagne, champion of Christendom against 
 Islam, a great epic figure appeared ; on his person 
 converged the epic interest ; he may be said to have 
 absorbed into himself, for the imagination of the singers 
 and the people, the persons of his predecessors, and 
 even, at a later time, of his successors ; their deeds 
 became his deeds, their fame was merged in his ; he 
 stood forth as the representative of France. We may 
 perhaps regard the ninth century as the period of the 
 transformation of the cantilenes into the chansons de 
 gcste ; in the fragment of Latin prose of the tenth
 
 THE HISTORICAL BASIS 9 
 
 century reduced to prose from hexameters, but not 
 completely reduced discovered at La Haye (and 
 named after the place of its discovery), is found an 
 epic episode of Carlovingian war, probably derived 
 from a chanson de gcste of the preceding century. In 
 each chanson the gesta}- the deeds or achievements of a 
 heroic person, are glorified, and large as may be the 
 element of invention in these poems, a certain histori- 
 cal basis or historical germ may be found, with few 
 exceptions, in each. Roland was an actual person, and 
 a battle was fought at Roncevaux in 778. William of 
 Orange actually encountered the Saracens at Villedaigne 
 in 793. Renaud de Montauban lived and fought, not 
 indeed against Charlemagne, but against Charles Martel. 
 Ogier, Girard de Roussillon, Raoul de Cambrai, were not 
 mere creatures of the fancy. Even when the narrative 
 records no historical series of events, it may express their 
 general significance, and condense into itself something 
 of the spirit of an epoch. In the course of time, how- 
 ever, fantasy made a conquest of the historical domain ; 
 a way for the triumph of fantasy had been opened by 
 the incorporation of legend into the narrative, with all its 
 wild exaggerations, its reckless departures from truth, its 
 conventional types of character, its endlessly -repeated 
 incidents of romance the child nourished by wild beasts, 
 the combat of unrecognised father and son, the hero 
 vulnerable only in one point, the vindication of the 
 calumniated wife or maiden ; and by the over-labour 
 of fantasy, removed far from nature and reality, the epic 
 material was at length exhausted. 
 
 The oldest surviving chanson de geste is the SONG 
 OF ROLAND, and it is also the best. The disaster of 
 
 1 Gestes meant (i) deeds, (2) their history, (3) the heroic family.
 
 io FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 Roncevaux, probably first sung in cantilcnes, gave rise 
 to other chansons, two of which, of earlier -date than 
 the surviving poem, can in a measure be reconstructed 
 from the Chronicle of Turpin and from a Latin Carmen 
 de proditione Guenonis. These, however, do not detract 
 from the originality of the noble work in our possession, 
 some of the most striking episodes of which are not else- 
 where found. The oldest manuscript is at Oxford, and 
 the last line has been supposed to give the author's name 
 Touroude (Latinised " Turoldus ") but this may have 
 been the name of the jongleur who sang, or the tran- 
 scriber who copied. The date of the poem lies between 
 that of the battle of Hastings, 1066, where the minstrel 
 Taillefer sang in other words the deeds of Roland, and 
 the year 1099. The poet was probably a Norman, and 
 he may have been one of the Norman William's followers 
 in the invasion of England. 
 
 More than any other poem, the Chanson de Roland 
 deserves to be named the Iliad of the Middle Ages. On 
 August 15, 778, the rearguard of Charlemagne's army, 
 returning from a successful expedition to the north of 
 Spain, was surprised and destroyed by Basque moun- 
 taineers in the valley of Roncevaux. Among those 
 who fell was Hrodland (Roland), Count of the march of 
 Brittany. For Basques, the singers substituted a host 
 of Saracens, who, after promise of peace, treacherously 
 attack the Franks, with the complicity of Roland's enemy, 
 the traitor Ganelon. By Roland's side is placed his com- 
 panion-in-arms, Olivier, brave but prudent, brother of 
 Roland's betrothed, la belle Atide, who learns her lover's 
 death, and drops dead at the feet of Charlemagne. In 
 fact but thirty-six years of age, Charlemagne is here a 
 majestic old man, a la barbe flcurie, still full of heroic
 
 SONG OF ROLAND 11 
 
 vigour. Around him are his great lords Duke Naime, 
 the Nestor of this Iliad ; Archbishop Turpin, the warrior 
 prelate ; Oger the Dane ; the traitor Ganelon. And 
 overhead is God, who will send his angels to bear 
 heavenwards the soul of the gallant Roland. The idea 
 of the poem is at once national and religious the 
 struggle between France, as champion of Christendom, 
 and the enemies of France and of God. Its spirit is that 
 of the feudal aristocracy of the eleventh century. The 
 characters are in some degree representative of general 
 types, but that of Roland is clearly individualised ; the 
 excess of soldierly pride which will not permit him, until 
 too late, to sound his horn and recall Charlemagne to 
 his aid, is a glorious fault. When all his comrades have 
 fallen, he still continues the strife ; and when he dies, it 
 is with his face to the retreating foe. His fall is not 
 unavenged on the Saracens and on the traitor. The 
 poem is written in decasyllabic verse in all 4000 lines 
 divided into sections or laisses of varying length, the 
 lines of each laisse being held together by a. single 
 assonance. 1 And such is the form in which the best 
 chansons de geste are written. The decasyllabic line, 
 derived originally from popular Latin verse, rhythmical 
 rather than metrical, such as the Roman legionaries 
 sang, is the favourite verse of the older chansons. The 
 alexandrine, 2 first seen in the Pelerinage de Jerusalem of 
 the early years of the twelfth century, in general in- 
 dicates later and inferior work. The laisse, bound in 
 one by its identical assonance, might- contain five lines 
 
 1 Assonance, i. e. vowel-rhyme, without an agreement of consonants. 
 
 2 Verse of twelve syllables, with cesura after the sixth accented syllable. 
 In the decasyllabic line the cesura generally followed the fourth, but some- 
 times the sixth, tonic syllable.
 
 12 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 or five hundred. In chansons of late date the full 
 rhyme often replaces assonance ; but inducing, as it 
 did in unskilled hands, artificial and feeble expansions 
 of the sense, rhyme was a cause which co-operated 
 with other causes in the decline of this form of narrative 
 poetry. 
 
 Naturally the chansons which celebrated the achieve- 
 ments of one epic personage or one heroic family fell 
 into a group, and the idea of cycles of songs having 
 arisen, the later poets forced many independent subjects 
 to enter into the so-called cycle of the king (Charle- 
 magne), or that of William of Orange, or that of Doon 
 of Mayence. The second of these had, indeed, a genuine 
 cyclic character : it told of the resistance of the south of 
 France to the Mussulmans. The last cycle to develop 
 was that of the Crusades. Certain poems or groups of 
 poems may be distinguished as gcstcs of the provinces, 
 including the Geste des Lorrains, that of the North 
 (Raoul de Cambrai), that of Burgundy, and others. 1 
 Among these may be placed the beautiful tale of Amis 
 et Amilcs, a glorification of friendship between man and 
 man, which endures all trials and self-sacrifices. Other 
 poems, again, are unconnected with any of these cycles ; 
 and, indeed, the cyclic division is more a convenience of 
 classification than a fact in the spontaneous development 
 of this form of art. The entire period of the evolution 
 of epic song extends from the tenth or eleventh to the 
 fifteenth century, or, we might say, from the Chanson de 
 Roland to the Chronique de Bertrand Duguesclin. The 
 eleventh century produced the most admirable work ; 
 
 1 The epopee composed in Provenfal, sung but not transcribed, is wholly 
 lost. The development of lyric poetry in the South probably checked the 
 development of the epic.
 
 SPIRIT OF THE NATIONAL EPIC 13 
 
 in the twelfth century the chansons are more numerous, 
 but nothing was written of equal merit with the Song of 
 Ronald ; after the death of Louis VII. (i 180) the old epic 
 material was rehandled and beaten thin the decadence 
 was already in progress. 
 
 The style in which the chansons de geste are written 
 is something traditional, something common to the 
 people and to the time, rather than characteristic of the 
 individual authors. They show little of the art of ar- 
 ranging or composing the matter so as to produce an 
 unity of effect : the narrative straggles or condenses 
 itself as if by accident ; skill in transitions is unknown. 
 The study of character is rude and elementary : a man 
 is either heroic or dastard, loyal or a traitor ; wholly 
 noble, or absolutely base. Yet certain types of man- 
 hood and womanhood are presented with power and 
 beauty. The feeling for external nature, save in some 
 traditional formulae, hardly appears. The passion for 
 the marvellous is everywhere present : St. Maurice, St. 
 George, and a shining company, mounted on white 
 steeds, will of a sudden bear down the hordes of the 
 infidel ; an angel stands glorious behind the throne of 
 Charlemagne ; or in narrative of Celtic origin angels 
 may be mingled with fays. God, the great suzerain, to 
 whom even kings owe homage, rules over all ; Jesus and 
 Mary are watchful of the soldiers of the cross ; Paradise 
 receives the souls of the faithful. As for earth, there is 
 no land so gay or so dear as la douce France. The 
 Emperor is above all the servant and protector of the 
 Church. As the influence of the great feudal lords in- 
 creased, they are magnified often at the expense of the 
 monarchy ; yet even when in high rebellion, they secretly 
 feel the duty of loyalty. The recurring poetic epithet
 
 14 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 and phrase of formula found in the chansons de gcste 
 often indicate rather than veil a defect of imagination. 
 Episodes and adventures are endlessly repeated from 
 poem to poem with varying circumstances the siege, 
 the assault, the capture, the duel of Christian hero and 
 Saracen giant, the Paynim princess amorous of a fair 
 French prisoner, the marriage, the massacre, and a score 
 of other favourite incidents. 
 
 The popularity of the French epopee extended be- 
 yond France. Every country of Europe translated or 
 imitated the chansons de geste. Germany made the 
 fortunate choice of Roland and Aliscans. In England 
 
 t o 
 
 two of trfe worst examples, Ficrabras and Otincl, were 
 special favourites. In Norway the chansons were 
 applied to the purpose of religious propaganda. Italy 
 made the tales of Roland, Ogier, Renaud, her own. 
 Meanwhile the national epopee declined in France ; a 
 breath of scepticism touched and withered the leafage 
 and blossom of imagination ; it even became possible 
 to parody as in Audigier the heroic manner. The 
 employment of rhyme in place of assonance, and of 
 the alexandrine in place of the decasyllabic line, en- 
 couraged what may be called poetical padding. The 
 influence of the Breton romances diverted the chansons 
 dc geste into ways of fantasy ; " We shall never know," 
 writes M. Leon Gautier, " the harm which the Round 
 Table has done us." Finally, verse became a weariness, 
 and was replaced by prose. The decline has progressed 
 to a fall.
 
 THEBES AND TROY 15 
 
 III 
 THE EPIC OF ANTIQUITY 
 
 Later to develop than the national epopee was that 
 which formed the cycle of antiquity. Their romantic 
 matter made the works of the Greco-Roman decadence 
 even more attractive than the writings of the great 
 classical authors to poets who would enter into rivalry 
 with the singers of the chansons de geste. These 
 poems, which mediasvalise ancient literature poems 
 often of portentous length have been classified in 
 three groups epic romances, historical or pseudo- 
 historical romances, and mythological tales, including 
 the imitations of Ovid. The earliest in date of the 
 first group (about 1150-1155) is the ROMANCE OF 
 THEBES, the work of an unknown author, founded 
 upon a compendium of the Thebaid of Statius, pre- 
 ceded by the story of'CEdipus. It opened the way 
 for the vast ROMANCE OF TROY, written some ten 
 years later, by Benoit de Sainte-More. The chief 
 sources of Benoit were versions, probably more or 
 less augmented, of the famous records of the Trojan 
 war, ascribed to the Phrygian Dares, an imaginary 
 defender of the city, and the Cretan Dictys, one of 
 the besiegers. Episodes were added, in which, on 
 a slender suggestion, Benoit set his own inventive 
 faculty to work, and among these by far the most 
 interesting and admirable is the story of Troilus and 
 Briseida, known better to us by her later name of 
 Cressida. Through Boccaccio's // Filostrato this tale 
 reached our English Chaucer, and through Chaucer it
 
 1 6 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 gave rise to the strange, half-heroic, half-satirical play of 
 Shakespeare. 
 
 Again, ten years later, an unknown poet was adapting 
 Virgil to the taste of his contemporaries in his Eneas, 
 where the courtship of the Trojan hero and Lavinia is 
 related in the chivalric manner. All these poems are 
 composed in the swift octosyllabic verse ; the Troy 
 extends to thirty thousand lines. While the names of 
 the personages are classical, the spirit and life of the 
 romances are wholly mediaeval : Troilus, and Hector, 
 and yEneas are conceived as if knights of the Middle 
 Ages ; their \vars and loves are those of gallant cheva- 
 liers. The Romance of Julius Cccsar (in alexandrine 
 verse), the work of a certain Jacot de Forest, writing 
 in the second half of the thirteenth century, versifies, 
 with some additions from the Commentaries of Caesar, an 
 earlier prose translation by Jehan de Thuin (about 1240) 
 of Lucan's Pharsalia the oldest translation in prose of 
 any secular work of antiquity. Caesar's passion for 
 Cleopatra in the Romance is the love prescribed to 
 good knights by the amorous code of the writer's day, 
 and Cleopatra herself has borrowed something of the 
 charm of Tristram's Iseult. 
 
 If Julius Cczsar may be styled historical, the ROMAN 
 D'ALEXANDRE, a poem of twenty thousand lines (to the 
 form of which this romance gave its name "alexan- 
 drine " verse), the work of Lambert le Tort and 
 Alexandre de Bernay, can only be described as legen- 
 dary. All or nearly all that was written during the 
 Middle Ages in French on the subject of Alexander 
 may be traced back to Latin versions of a Greek 
 compilation, perhaps of the first century, ascribed to 
 Callisthenes, the companion of Alexander on his Asiatic
 
 ROMANCE OF ALEXANDER 17 
 
 expedition. 1 It is uncertain how much the Alexandra 
 may owe to a Provencal poem on the same subject, 
 written in the early years of the twelfth century, pro- 
 bably by Alberic de Briangon, of which only a short 
 fragment, but that of high merit, has been preserved. 
 From his birth, and his education by Aristotle and the 
 enchanter Nectanebus, to the division, as death ap- 
 proaches, of his empire between his twelve peers, the 
 story of Alexander is a series of marvellous adventures; 
 the imaginary wonders of the East, monstrous wild 
 beasts, water-women, flower-maidens, 'Amazons, rain of 
 fire, magic mountains, magic fountains, trees of the sun 
 and of the moon, are introduced with a liberal hand. 
 The hero is specially distinguished by the virtue of 
 liberality ; a jongleur who charms him by lays sung to 
 the flute, is rewarded with the lordship of Tarsus, a 
 worthy example for the twelfth-century patrons of the 
 poet. The romance had a resounding fame. 
 
 Of classical poets, Ovid ranked next to Virgil in the 
 esteem of the Middle Ages. The mythology of paganism 
 was sanctified by the assumption that it was an allegory 
 of Christian mysteries, and thus the stories might first be 
 enjoyed by the imagination, and then be expounded in 
 their spiritual meaning. The Metamorphoses supplied 
 Chretien de Troyes with the subject of his Philomena; 
 other W 7 riters gracefully dealt with the tales of Piramus 
 and of Narcissus. But the most important work founded 
 upon Ovid was a versified translation of the Metamor- 
 phoses (before 1305) by a Franciscan monk, Chretien 
 Legouais de Sainte - Maure, with appended interpreta- 
 
 1 Not quite all, for certain borrowings were made from the correspondence 
 of Alexander with Dindimus, King of the Brahmans, and from the Alexandri 
 magni tier ad Paraii.'sum.
 
 1 8 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 tions, scientific, historical, moral, or religious, of the 
 mythological fables. Ovid's Art of Love, of which more 
 than one rendering was made, aided in the formation 
 or development of the mediaeval theory of love and the 
 amorous casuistry founded upon that theory. 
 
 IV 
 ROMANCES OF LOVE AND COURTESY 
 
 Under the gen'eral title of the Epopee courtoise the 
 Epopee of Courtesy may be grouped those romances 
 which are either works of pure imagination or of un- 
 certain origin, or which lead us back to Byzantine or 
 to Celtic sources. They include some of the most 
 beautiful and original poems of the Middle Ages. 
 Appearing first about the opening of the twelfth cen- 
 tury, later in date than the early chansons de geste, and 
 contemporary with the courtly lyric poetry of love, 
 they exhibit the chivalric spirit in a refined and graceful 
 aspect ; their marvels are not gross wonders, but often 
 surprises of beauty ; they are bright in colour, and varied 
 in the play of life ; the passions which they interpret, and 
 especially the passion of love, are felt with an exquisite 
 delicacy and a knowledge of the workings of the heart. 
 They move lightly in their rhymed or assonanced verse ; 
 even when they passed into the form of prose they 
 retained something of their charm. Breton harpers wan- 
 dering through France and England made Celtic themes 
 known through their lais , the fame of King Arthur was 
 spread abroad by these singers and by the History of 
 Geoffrey of Monmouth. French poets welcomed the 
 new matter of romance, infused into it their own chivalric
 
 ROMANCES OF TRISTAN 19 
 
 spirit, made it a receptacle for their ideals of gallantry, 
 courtesy, honour, grace, and added their own beautiful 
 inventions. With the story of King Arthur was connected 
 that of the sacred vessel the graal in which Joseph of 
 Arimathea at the cross had received the Saviour's blood. 
 And thus the rude Breton lais were elevated not only to 
 a chivalric but to a religious purpose. 
 
 The romances of Tristan may certainly be named as 
 of Celtic origin. About 1150 an Anglo-Norman poet, 
 BROUL, brought together the scattered narrative of his 
 adventures in a romance, of which a large fragment 
 remains. The secret loves of Tristan and Iseut, their 
 woodland wanderings, their dangers and escapes, are 
 related with fine imaginative sympathy ; but in this ver- 
 sion of the tale the fatal love-philtre operates only for a 
 period of three years ; Iseut, with Tristan's consent, re- 
 turns to her husband, King Marc ; and then a second 
 passion is born in their hearts, a passion which is the 
 offspring not of magic but of natural attraction, and at 
 a critical moment of peril the fragment closes. About 
 twenty years later (1170) the tale was again sung by an 
 Anglo-Norman named THOMAS. Here again in a frag- 
 ment we read of Tristan's marriage, a marriage only in 
 name, to the white-handed Iseut of Brittany, his fidelity 
 of heart to his one first love, his mortal wound and deep 
 desire to see the Queen of Cornwall, the device of the 
 white or black sails to announce the result of his entreaty 
 that she should come, his deception, and the death of his 
 true love upon her lover's corpse. Early in the thirteenth 
 century was composed a long prose romance, often re- 
 handled and expanded, upon the same subject, in which 
 Iseut and Tristan meet at the last moment and die in a 
 close embrace.
 
 20 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 Le ChZvrefenille (The Honeysuckle), one of several 
 lais by a twelfth-century poetess, MARIE, living in Eng- 
 land, but a native of France, tells gracefully of an assig- 
 nation of Tristan and Iseut, their meeting in the forest, 
 and their sorrowful farewell. Marie de France wrote 
 with an exquisite sense of the generosities and delicacy 
 of the heart, and with a skill in narrative construction 
 which was rare among the poets of her time. In Les 
 Deux Amants, the manly pride of passion, which in a trial 
 of strength declines the adventitious aid of a reviving 
 potion, is rewarded by the union in death of the lover 
 and his beloved. In Yonec and in Lanval tales of love 
 and chivalry are made beautiful by lore of fairyland, in 
 which the element of wonder is subdued to beauty. But 
 the most admirable poem by Marie de France is unques- 
 tionably her Eliduc. The Breton knight Eliduc is pas- 
 sionately loved by Guilliadon, the only daughter of the 
 old King of Exeter, on whose behalf he had waged battle. 
 Her tokens of affection, girdle and ring, are received by 
 Eliduc in silence ; for, though her passion is returned, he 
 has left in Brittany, unknown to Guilliadon, a faithful 
 wife. Very beautiful is the self-transcending love of the 
 wife, who restores her rival from seeming death, and her- 
 self retires into a convent. The lovers are wedded, and 
 live in charity to the poor, but with a trouble at the heart 
 for the wrong that they have done. In the end they 
 part ; Eliduc embraces the religious life, and the two 
 loving women are united as sisters in the same abbey. 
 
 Wace, in his romance of the Brut (1155), which renders 
 into verse the Historia of Geoffrey of Monmouth, makes 
 the earliest mention of the Round Table. Whether the 
 Arthurian legends be of Celtic or of French origin and 
 the former seems probable the French romances of
 
 CHRETIEN DE TROVES 21 
 
 King Arthur owe but the crude material to Celtic 
 sources ; they may be said to begin with CHRETIEN DE 
 TROVES, whose lost poem on Tristan was composed 
 about 1160. Between that date and 1175 he wrote his 
 Erec et Enide (a tale known to us through Tennyson's 
 idyll of Geraint and Enid, derived from the Welsh 
 Mabinogiori], Cligcs, Le Chevalier de la CJiarrette, Le Che- 
 valier au Lion, and Perceval. In Cligcs the maidenhood 
 of his beloved Fenice, wedded in form to the Emperor 
 of Constantinople, is guarded by a magic potion ; like 
 Romeo's Juliet, she sleeps in apparent death, but, happier 
 than Juliet, she recovers from her trance to fly with her 
 lover to the court of Arthur. The CJievalier de la CJiarrette, 
 at first unknown by name, is discovered to be Lancelot, 
 who, losing his horse, has condescended, in order that 
 he may obtain sight of Queen Guenievre, and in pas- 
 sionate disregard of the conventions of knighthood, to 
 seat himself in a cart which a dwarf is leading. After 
 gallant adventures on the Queen's behalf, her indignant 
 resentment of his unknightly conduct, estrangement, and 
 rumours of death, he is at length restored to her favour. 1 
 While Perceval was still unfinished, Chretien de Troyes 
 died. It was continued by other poets, and through this 
 romance the quest of the holy graal became a portion of 
 the- Arthurian cycle. A Perceval by ROBERT DE BORON, 
 who wrote in the early part of the thirteenth century, 
 has been lost; but a prose redaction of the romance 
 exists, which closes with the death of King Arthur. The 
 great Lancelot in prose a vast compilation (about 
 1220) reduces the various adventures of its hero and of 
 other knights of the King to their definitive form; and 
 
 1 Chretien de Troyes is the first poet to tell of the love of Lancelot for the 
 Queen.
 
 22 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 here the achievement of the graal is assigned, not to 
 Perceval, but to the saintly knight Sir Galaad ; Arthur is 
 slain in combat with the revolter Mordret ; and Lancelot 
 and the Queen enter into the life of religion. Passion 
 and piety are alike celebrated ; the rude Celtic legends 
 have been sanctified. The earlier history of the sacred 
 vase was traced by Robert de Boron in his Joseph 
 d'AriinatJiie (or the Saint-Graal), soon to be rehandled 
 and developed in prose ; and he it was who, in his 
 Merlin also presently converted into prose on sugges- 
 tions derived from Geoffrey of Monmouth, brought the 
 great enchanter into Arthurian romance. By the middle 
 of the thirteenth century the cycle had received its full 
 development. Towards the middle of the fourteenth 
 century, in Perceforest, an attempt was made to connect 
 the legend of Alexander the Great with that of King 
 Arthur. 
 
 Beside the so-called Breton romances, the Epopee 
 courtoise may be taken to include many poems of Greek, 
 of Byzantine, or of uncertain origin, such as the Roman 
 de la Violette, the tale of a wronged wife, having much in 
 common with that novel of Boccaccio with which Shake- 
 speare's Cymbeline is connected, the Floire et Blanche- 
 fteur; the Partenopeus de Blois, a kind of " Cupid and 
 Psyche " story, with the parts of the lovers transposed, 
 and others. In the early years of the thirteenth century 
 the prose romance rivalled in popularity the romance 
 in verse. The exquisite chante-fable of Aucassin et 
 Nicolette, of the twelfth century, is partly in prose, partly 
 in assonanced laisses of seven-syllable verse. It is a 
 story of the victory of love : the heir of Count Garin of 
 Beaucaire is enamoured of a beautiful maiden of un- 
 known birth, purchased from the Saracens, who proves
 
 SPIRIT OF THE E~POPE"E COURTOISE 23 
 
 to be daughter of the King of Carthage, and in the 
 end the lovers are united. In one remarkable passage 
 unusual sympathy is shown with the hard lot of the 
 peasant, whose trials and sufferings are contrasted with 
 the lighter troubles of the aristocratic class. 
 
 In general the poems of the popte courtoise exhibit 
 much of the brilliant external aspect of the life of chivalry 
 as idealised by the imagination ; dramatic situations are 
 ingeniously devised; the emotions of the chief actors are 
 expounded and analysed, sometimes with real delicacy ; 
 but in the conception of character, in the recurring inci- 
 dents, in the types of passion, in the creation of marvel 
 and surprise, a large conventional element is present. 
 Love is independent of marriage, or rather the relation 
 of wedlock excludes love in the accepted sense of the 
 word ; the passion is almost necessarily illegitimate, and 
 it comes as if it were an irresistible fate ; the first advance 
 is often made by the woman ; but, though at war with 
 the duty of wedlock, love is conceived as an ennobling 
 influence, prompting the knight to all deeds of courage 
 and self-sacrifice. Through the later translation of the 
 Spanish Amadis des Gaules, something of the spirit of the 
 mediaeval romances was carried into the chivalric and 
 pastoral romances of the seventeenth century.
 
 CHAPTER II 
 
 LYRICAL POETRY FABLES, AND RENARD THE 
 FOX FABLIAUX THE ROMANCE OF THE 
 
 ROSE 
 
 
 I 
 
 LYRICAL POETRY 
 
 LONG before the date of any lyrical poems that have 
 come down to us, song and dance were a part of the 
 life of the people of the North as well as of the South 
 of France ; religious festivals were celebrated with a 
 gaiety which had its mundane side ; love and malicious 
 sport demanded an expression as well as pious joy. 
 But in tracing the forms of lyrical verse anterior to the 
 middle of the twelfth century, when the troubadour 
 influence from the South began to be felt, we must be 
 guided partly by conjecture, derived from the later 
 poetry, in which and especially in the refrains earlier 
 fragments have been preserved. 
 
 The common characteristic which distinguishes the 
 earlier lyrics is the presence in them of an objective 
 element : they do not merely render an emotion ; they 
 contain something of a story, or they suggest a situation. 
 In this literature of sentiment, the singer or imagined 
 singer is commonly a woman. The chanson d'histoire is 
 also known as chanson de toile, for the songs were such 
 
 84
 
 VARIETIES OF SONG 25 
 
 as suited "the spinsters and the knitters in the sun." 
 Their inspiring motive was a girl's joy or grief in love ; 
 they lightly outline or suggest the facts of a miniature 
 drama of passion, and are aided by the repeated lyrical 
 cry of a refrain. As yet, love was an affair for the 
 woman ; it was she alone who made a confession of 
 the heart. None of these poems are later than the 
 close of the twelfth century. If the author be re- 
 presented as actor or witness, the poem is rather a 
 chanson a personnagcs than a chanson d'histoire ; most 
 frequently it is a wife who is supposed to utter to 
 husband, or lover, or to the poet, her complaint of the 
 grievous servitude of marriage. The aube is, again, a 
 woman's song, uttered as a parting cry when the lark 
 at daybreak, or the watcher from his tower, warns her 
 lover to depart. In the pastourelle a form much culti- 
 vated a knight and a shepherdess meet ; love proposals 
 are made, and find a response favourable or the reverse ; 
 witnesses or companions may be present, and take a 
 part in the action. The rondet is a dancing-song, in 
 which the refrain corresponds with one of the move- 
 ments of the dance ; a solo-singer is answered by the 
 response of a chorus; in the progress of time the 
 rondet assumed the precise form of the modern triolet ; 
 the theme was still love, at first treated seriously if not 
 tragically, but at a later time in a spirit of gaiety. It 
 is conjectured that all these lyrical forms had their 
 origin in the festivities of May, when the return of 
 spring was celebrated by dances in which women alone 
 took part, a survival from the pagan rites of Venus. 
 
 The poesie courtoise, moulded in form and inspired in 
 its sentiment by the Provencal lyrics, lies within the 
 compass of about one hundred and thirty years, from
 
 26 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 1150 to 1280. The Crusade of 1147 served, doubtless, as 
 a point of meeting for men of the North and of the South ; 
 but, apart from this, we may bear in mind the fact that 
 the mediaeval poet wandered at will from country to 
 country and from court to court. In 1137, Louis VII. 
 married Eleonore of Aquitaine, who was an ardent ad- 
 mirer of the poetry of courtesy. Her daughters inherited 
 her taste, and themselves became patronesses of literature 
 at the courts of their husbands, Henri de Champagne 
 and Thibaut de Blois. From these courts, and that of 
 Paris, this poetry of culture spread, and the earlier singers 
 were persons of royal or noble rank and birth. The 
 chief period of its cultivation was probably from 1200 to 
 1240. During the half-century before its sudden cessa- 
 tion, while continuing to be a fashion in courts and high 
 society, it reached the wealthy bourgeoisie of the North. 
 At Arras, where Jacques Bretel and Adam de la Halle, 
 the hunchback, were eminent in song, it had its latest 
 moments of splendour. 
 
 It is essentially a poetry of the intellect and of the 
 imagination, dealing with an elaborated theory of love ; 
 the simple and spontaneous cry of passion is rarely 
 heard. According to the amorous doctrine, love exists 
 only between a married woman and the aspirant to her 
 heart, and the art of love is regulated by a stringent 
 code. Nothing can be claimed by the lover as a right ; 
 the grace of his lady, who is placed far above him, must 
 be sought as a favour ; for that favour he must qualify 
 himself by all knightly virtues, and chief among these, as 
 the position requires, are the virtues of discretion and 
 patience. Hence the poet's ingenuities of adoration; 
 hence often the monotony of artificial passion ; hence, 
 also, subtleties and curiosities of expression, and sought-
 
 METRICAL FORMS 27 
 
 out delicacies of style. In the earlier chansons some 
 outbreak of instinctive feeling may be occasionally pre- 
 sent ; but, as the amorous metaphysics developed, what 
 came to be admired was the skill shown in manipulating 
 a conventional sentiment ; the lady became an abstrac- 
 tion of exalted beauty, the lover an interpreter of the 
 theory of love ; the most personal of passions lost the 
 character of individuality. Occasionally, as in the poems 
 of the Chatelain de Couci, of Conon de Bethune, of 
 Thibaut de Champagne, and of Adam de la Halie, 
 something personal to the writer may be discerned; 
 but in general the poetry is that of a doctrine and of 
 a school. 
 
 In some instances the reputation of the lyrical trouvere 
 was founded rather on his music than his verse. The 
 metrical forms were various, and were gradually reduced 
 to rule ; the ballette, of Provencal origin, was a more 
 elaborate rondet, consisting of stanzas and refrain ; the 
 cstampie (stampon, to beat the ground with the foot) was 
 a dancing-song ; the lyric /at, virtually identical with 
 the descort, consisted of stanzas which varied in struc- 
 ture ; the motet, a name originally applied to pieces 
 of church music, was freer in versification, and occa- 
 sionally dealt with popular themes. Among forms 
 which cannot be included under the general title 
 of chansons, are those in dialogue derived from the 
 Provencal literature ; in the tenson or debat the two 
 interlocutors put forth their opinions on what theme 
 they may please ; in the jeu parti one of the imagined 
 disputants proposes two contrary solutions of some 
 poetical or amorous question, and defends whichever 
 solution his associate refuses to accept; the earliest jeu 
 parti, attributed to Gace Bruld and Count Geoffroi of
 
 28 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 Brittany, belongs to the second half of the twelfth 
 century. The serventois were historical poems, and 
 among them songs of the crusades, or moral, or re- 
 ligious, or satirical pieces, directed against woman and 
 the worship of woman. To these various species we 
 should add the songs in honour of the saints, the sor- 
 rows of the Virgin uttered at the foot of the cross, and 
 other devout lyrics which lie outside the po/sie courtoise. 
 With the close of the thirteenth century this fashion of 
 artificial love - lyric ceased : a change passed over the 
 modes of thought and feeling in aristocratic society, 
 and other forms took the place of those found in the 
 pofcie courtoise. 
 
 II 
 
 FABLES AND RENARD THE Fox 
 
 The desire of ecclesiastical writers in the Middle Ages 
 to give prominence to that part of classical literature 
 which seemed best suited to the purpose of edification 
 caused the fables of Phaedrus and Avianus to be re- 
 garded with special honour. Various renderings from 
 the thirteenth century onwards were made under the 
 title of Isopets, 1 a name appropriated to collections of 
 fables whether derived from ^sop or from other sources. 
 The twelfth-century fables in verse of Marie de France, 
 founded on an English collection, include apologues 
 derived not only from classical authors but from the 
 tales of popular tradition. A great collection made 
 about 1450 by Steinhcewel, a physician of Ulm, was 
 
 1 The earlier "Romulus" was the name of the supposed author of the 
 fables of Phsedrus, while that of Phsedrus was still unknown.
 
 RENARD THE FOX 29 
 
 translated into French, and became the chief source of 
 later collections, thus appearing in the remote ancestry 
 of the work of La Fontaine. The aesthetic value of the 
 mediaeval fables, including those of Marie de France, is 
 small ; the didactic intention was strong, the literary art 
 was feeble. 
 
 It is far otherwise with the famous beast-epic, the 
 ROMAN DE RENARD. The cycle consists of many 
 parts or "branches" connected by a common theme; 
 originating and obscurely developed in the North, in 
 Picardy, in Normandy, and the Isle of France, it 
 suddenly appeared in literature in the middle of the 
 twelfth century, and continued to receive additions 
 and variations during nearly two hundred years. The 
 spirit of the Renard poems is essentially bourgeois ; the 
 heroes of the chansons de geste achieve their wondrous 
 deeds by strength and valour ; Renard the fox is power- 
 ful by skill and cunning ; the greater beasts his chief 
 enemy the wolf, and others are no match for his 
 ingenuity and endless resources ; but he is power- 
 less against smaller creatures, the cock, the crow, the 
 sparrow. The names of the personages are either^ sig- 
 nificant names, such as Noble, the lion, and Chanticleer, 
 the cock, or proper names, such as Isengrin, the wolf, 
 Bruno, the bear, Tibert, the cat, Bernard, the ass ; and 
 as certain of these proper names are found in the eastern 
 district, it has been conjectured that a poet of Lotharingia 
 in the tenth century first told in Latin the wars of fox 
 and wolf, and that through translations the epic matter, 
 derived originally trom popular tradition, reached the 
 trouveres of the North. While in a certain degree 
 typical figures, the beasts are at the same time individual ; 
 Renard is not the representative merely of a species ; he
 
 30 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 is Renard, an individual, with a personality of his own ; 
 Isengrin is not merely a wolf, he is the particular wolf 
 Isengrin ; each is an epic individual, heroic and un- 
 dying. Classical^ fable remotely exerted an influence 
 on certain branches of the Romance ; but the vital 
 substance of the epic is derived from the stores of 
 popular tradition iii which material from all quarters 
 the North of Europe and the Eastern world had 
 been gradually fused. In the artistic treatment of such 
 material the chief difficulty lies in preserving a just 
 measure between the beast-character and the imported 
 element of humanity. Little by little the anthropo- 
 morphic features were developed at the expense of veri- 
 similitude ; the beast forms became a mere masquerade ; 
 the romances were converted into a satire, and the satire 
 lost rather than gained by the inefficient disguise. 
 
 The earliest branches of the cycle have reached us only 
 in a fragmentary way, but they can be in part recon- 
 structed from the Latin Isengrinus of Nivard of Ghent 
 (about 1150), and from the German Reinhart Fucks, a 
 rendering from the French by an Alsatian, Henri le 
 Glichezare (about 1180). The wars of Renard and Isen- 
 grin are here sung, and the failure of Renard's trickeries 
 against the lesser creatures ; the spirit of these early 
 branches is one of frank gaiety, untroubled by a didactic 
 or satirical intention. In the branches of the second 
 period the parody of human society is apparent ; some 
 of the episodes are fatiguing in their details ; some are 
 intolerably gross, but the poem known as the Branch of 
 the Judgment is masterly an ironical comedy, in which, 
 without sacrifice of the primitive character of the beast- 
 epic, the spirit of mediaeval life is transported into the 
 animal world. Isengrin, the accuser of Renard before
 
 DECLINE OF RENARD ROMANCES 31 
 
 King Noble and his court, is for a moment worsted ; the 
 fox is vindicated, when suddenly enters a funeral cortege 
 Chanticleer and his four wives bear upon a litter the dead 
 body of one of their family, the victim of Renard's wiles. 
 The prayers for the dead are recited, the burial is cele- 
 brated with due honour, and Renard is summoned to 
 justice ; lie heaped upon lie will not save him ; at last he 
 humbles himself with pious repentance, and promising to 
 seek God's pardon over-sea, is permitted in his pilgrim's 
 habit to quit the court. It is this Judgment of Renard 
 which formed the basis of the Reineke Fuchs, known to 
 us through the modernisation of Goethe. 
 
 From the date of the Branch of the Judgment the 
 Renard Romances declined. The Judgment was imitated 
 by inferior hands, and the beasts were more and more 
 nearly transformed to men ; the spirit of gaiety was re- 
 placed by seriousness or gloom Renard ceased to be a 
 light-footed and ingenious rogue ; he became a type of 
 human fraud and cruelty ; whatever in society was false 
 and base and merciless became a form of "renardie," 
 and by " renardie " the whole world seemed to be ruled. 
 Such is the temper expressed in Le Couronnement Renard, 
 written in Flanders soon after 1250, a satire directed 
 chiefly against the mendicant orders, in which the fox, 
 turned friar for a season, ascends the throne. Renard 
 le Nouveau, the work of a poet of Lille, Jacquemart Gelee, 
 nearly half a century later, represents again the triumph 
 of the spirit of evil ; although far inferior in execution to 
 the Judgment, it had remarkable success, to which the 
 allegory, w r earying to a modern reader, no doubt contri- 
 buted at a time when allegory was a delight. The last 
 of the Renard romances, Renard le Contrefait, was com- 
 posed at Troyes before 1328, by an ecclesiastic who had
 
 32 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 renounced his profession and turned to trade. In his 
 leisure hours he spun, in discipleship to Jean de Meun, 
 ,his interminable poem, which is less a romance than an 
 encyclopedia of all the knowledge and all the opinions 
 of the author. This latest Renard has a value akin to 
 that of the second part of Le Roman de la Rose ; it is 
 a presentation of the ideas and -manners of the time by 
 one who freely criticised and mocked the powers that be, 
 both secular and sacred, and who was in sympathy with 
 a certain movement or tendency towards social, political, 
 and intellectual reform. 
 
 Ill 
 
 FABLIAUX 
 
 The name fabliaux is applied to short versified talcs, 
 comic in character, and intended rather for recitation 
 than for song. Out of a far larger number about one 
 hundred and fifty have survived. The earliest Richeut 
 is of the year 1159. From the middle of the twelfth 
 century, together with the heroic or sentimental poetry 
 of feudalism, we find this bourgeois poetry of realistic 
 observation ; and even in the chansons de geste, in occa- 
 sional comic episodes, something may be seen which is 
 in close kinship with the fabliaux. Many brief humorous 
 stories, having much in common under their various dis- 
 guises, exist as part of the tradition of many lands and 
 peoples. The theory which traces the French fabliaux 
 to Indian originals is unproved, and indeed is unneces- 
 sary. The East, doubtless, contributed its quota to the 
 common stock, but so did other quarters of the globe ; 
 such tales are ubiquitous and are undying, only the
 
 THE FABLIAUX 33 
 
 particular form which they assume being determined 
 by local conditions. 
 
 The fabliaux, as we can study them, belong espe- 
 cially to the north and north-east of France, and they 
 continued to be put forth by their rhymers until about 
 1340, the close of the twelfth and the beginning of the 
 thirteenth century being the period of their greatest 
 popularity. Simple and obvious jests sufficed to raise 
 a laugh among folk disposed to good humour ; by de- 
 grees something of art and skill was attained. The mis- 
 fortunes of husbands supplied an inexhaustible store 
 of merriment ; if woman and the love of woman were 
 idealised in the romances, the fabliaux took their revenge, 
 and exhibited her as the pretty traitress of a shameless 
 comedy. If religion was honoured in the age of faith, 
 the bourgeois spirit found matter of mirth in the 
 adventures of dissolute priests and self-indulgent monks. 
 Not a few of the fabliaux are cynically gross ribald 
 but not voluptuous. To literary distinction they made 
 small pretence. It sufficed if the tale ran easily in the 
 current speech, thrown into rhyming octosyllables ; but 
 brevity, frankness, natural movement are no slight or 
 common merits in mediaeval poetry, and something of 
 the social life of the time is mirrored in these humorous 
 narratives. 
 
 To regard them as a satire of class against class, in- 
 spired by indignation, is to misconceive their true char- 
 acter ; they are rather miniature comedies or caricatures, 
 in which every class in turn provides material for mirth. 
 It may, however, be said that with the writers of the 
 fabliaux to hold woman in scorn is almost an article of 
 faith. Among these writers a few persons of secular 
 rank or dignified churchmen occasionally appeared ; but
 
 34 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 what \ve may call the professional rhymers and reciters 
 were the humbler jongleurs addressing a bourgeois audi- 
 ence degraded clerics, unfrocked monks, wandering 
 students, who led a bohemian life of gaiety alternating 
 with misery. In the early part of the fourteenth century 
 these errant jongleurs ceased to be esteemed ; the great 
 lord attached a minstrel to his household, and poetry 
 grew more dignified, more elaborate in its forms, more 
 edifying in its intention, and in its dignity grew too often 
 dull. Still for a time fabliaux were written ; but the age 
 of the jongleurs was over. Virelais, rondeaux, ballades, 
 chants royaux were the newer fashion ; and the old versi- 
 fied tale of mirth and ribaldry was by the middle of 
 the century a thing of the past. 
 
 IV 
 THE ROMANCE OF THE ROSE 
 
 The most extraordinary production in verse of the 
 thirteenth century is undoubtedly Le Roman de la Rose. 
 It is indeed no single achievement, but two very re- 
 markable poems, written at two different periods, by 
 two authors whose characters and gifts were not only 
 alien, but opposed two poems which reflect two dif- 
 ferent conditions of society. Of its twenty-two thousand 
 octosyllabic lines, upwards of four thousand are the work 
 of GUILLAUME DE LORRIS ; the remainder is the work of 
 a later writer, JEAN DE MEUN. 
 
 Lorris is a little town situated between Orleans and 
 Montargis. Here, about the year 1200, the earlier poet 
 was born. He was a scholar, at least as far as knowledge 
 of Latin extends, and learned above all in the lore of
 
 THE ROMANCE OF THE ROSE 35 
 
 love. He died young, probably before 1230, and during 
 the five years that preceded his death the first part of 
 Le Roman de la Rose was composed. Its subject is an 
 allegorised tale of love, his own or imagined, transferred 
 to the realm of dreams. The writer would fain win the 
 heart of his beloved, and at the same time he would 
 instruct all amorous spirits in the art of love. He is 
 twenty years of age, in the May-morn of youth. He 
 has beheld his beautiful lady, and been charmed by her 
 fairness, her grace, her courtesy ; she has received him 
 with gentleness, but when he declares his love she grows 
 alarmed. He gains at last the kiss which tells of her 
 affection ; but her parents intervening, throw obstacles 
 between the lovers. Such, divested of ornament, alle- 
 gory, and personification, is the theme of the poem. 
 
 To pluck the rose in the garden of delight is to win 
 the maiden ; her fears, her virgin modesty and pride, 
 her kindness, her pity, are the company of friends or 
 foes by whom the rose is surrounded ; and to harmonise 
 the real and the ideal, all the incidents are placed in the 
 setting of a dream. Wandering one spring morning by 
 the river-banks, the dreamer finds himself outside the 
 walls of a fair orchard, owned by Deduit (Pleasure), of 
 which the portress is Oiseuse (Idleness) ; on the walls 
 are painted figures of Hatred, Envy, Sadness, Old Age, 
 Poverty, and other evil powers ; but unterrified by these, 
 he enters, and finds a company of dancers on the turf, 
 among whom is Beauty, led by the god of Love. Sur- 
 rounded by a thorny hedge is the rosebud on which 
 all his desire now centres. He is wounded by the 
 arrows of Love, does homage to the god, and learns 
 his commandments and the evils and the gains of love. 
 Invited by Bel-Accueil, the son of Courtoisie, to ap-
 
 36 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 proach the rose, he is driven back by Danger and his 
 companions, the guardians of the blossom. Raison 
 descends from a tower .and discourses against the 
 service of Love ; Ami offers his consolations ; at length 
 the lover is again admitted to the flowery precinct, 
 finds his rosebud half unclosed, and obtains the joy of 
 a kiss. But Jealousy raises an unscalable wall around 
 the rose ; the serviceable Bel-Accueil is imprisoned, and 
 with a long lament of the lover, the poem (line 4068) 
 closes. 
 
 Did Guillaume de Lorris ever complete his poem, or 
 did he die while it was still but half composed ? We 
 may conjecture that it wanted liAle to reach some 
 denouement perhaps the fulfilment of the lover's 
 hopes ; and it is not impossible that a lost fragment 
 actually brought the love-tale to its issue. But even 
 if the story remained without an end, we possess in 
 Guillaume's poem a complete medieval Art of Love ; 
 and if the amorous metaphysics are sometimes cold, 
 conventional, or laboured, we have gracious allegories, 
 pieces of brilliant description, vivid personifications, and 
 something of ingenious analysis of human passion. 
 Nevertheless the work of this Middle-Age disciple of 
 Ovid and of Chretien de Troyes owes more than half 
 its celebrity to the continuation, conceived in an entirely 
 opposite spirit, by his successor, Jean de Meun. 
 
 The contrast is striking : Guillaume de Lorris was a 
 refined and graceful exponent of the conventional doc- 
 trine of love, a seemly celebrant in the cult of woman, 
 an ingenious decorator of accepted ideas ; Jean de Meun 
 was a passionate and positive spirit, an ardent speculator, 
 in social, political, and scientific questions, one who cared 
 nothing for amorous subtleties, and held woman in scorn.
 
 JEAN DE MEUN 37 
 
 Guillaume addressed an aristocratic audience, imbued 
 with the sentiments of chivalry ; Jean was a bourgeois, 
 eager to instruct, to arouse, to inflame his fellows in a 
 multitude of matters which concerned the welfare of 
 their lives. He was little concerned for the lover and 
 his rose, but was deeply interested in the condition of 
 society, the corruptions of religion, the advance of know- 
 ledge. He turned from ideals which seemed spurious 
 to reason and to nature ; he had read widely in Latin 
 literature, and found' much that suited his mood and 
 mind in Boethius' De Consolations PhilosopJiia and in 
 the De Planctu Natures of the "universal doctor" of the 
 twelfth century, Alain de Lille, from each of which he 
 conveyed freely into his poem. Of his life we know 
 little ; Jean Clopinel was born at Meun on the Loire 
 about the year 1240 ; he died before the close of 1305 ; 
 his continuation of Guillaume's Roman was made about 
 1270. His later poems, a Testament, in which he warned 
 and exhorted his contemporaries of every class, the 
 Codicille, which incited to almsgiving, and his numerous 
 translations, prove the unabated energy of his mind in 
 his elder years. 
 
 The rose is plucked by the lover in the end ; but lover 
 and rose are almost forgotten in Jean's zeal in setting 
 forth his views of life, and in forming an encyclopaedia 
 of the knowledge of his time. Reason discourses on the 
 dangers of passion, commends friendship or universal 
 philanthropy as wiser than love, warns against the in- 
 stability of fortune and the deceits of riches, and sets 
 charity high above justice ; if love be commendable, it 
 is as the device of nature for the continuation of the 
 species. The way to win wqman and to keep her loyalty 
 is now the unhappy way of squandered largess; formerly
 
 38 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 it was not so in the golden age of equality, before pri- 
 vate property was known, when all men held in common 
 the goods of the earth, and robber kings were evils of 
 the future. The god of Love and his barons, with the 
 hypocrite monk Faux-Semblant a bitter satirist of the 
 mendicant orders besiege the tower in which Bel- 
 Accueil is imprisoned, and by force and fraud an 
 entrance is effected. The old beldame, who watches 
 over the captive, is corrupted by promises and gifts, and 
 frankly exposes her own iniquities and those of her sex. 
 War is waged against the guardians of the rose, Venus, 
 sworn enemy of chastity, aiding the assailants. Nature, 
 devoted to the continuance of the race, mourns over 
 the violation of her laws by man, unburdens herself of 
 all her scientific lore in a confession to her chaplain 
 Ge'nius, and sends him forth to encourage the lover's 
 party with a bold discourse against the crime of virginity. 
 The triumph of the lover closes the poem. 
 
 The graceful design of the earlier poet is disregarded; 
 the love-story becomes a mere frame for setting forth the 
 views of Jean de Meun, his criticism of the chivalric 
 ideal, his satire upon the monkish vices, his revolutionary 
 notions respecting property and government, his advanced 
 opinions in science, his frank realism as to the relations 
 of man and woman. He possesses all the learning of his 
 time, and an accomplished judgment in the literature 
 which he had studied. He is a powerful satirist, and 
 passages of narrative and description show that he had a 
 poet's feeling for beauty ; he handles the language with 
 the strength and skill of a master. On the other hand, 
 he lacks all sense of proportion, and cannot shape an 
 imaginative plan ; his prolixity wearies the reader, and it 
 cannot be denied that as a moral reformer he some-
 
 INFLUENCE OF THE ROMANCE 39 
 
 times topples into immorality. The success of the poem 
 was extraordinary, and extended far beyond France. 
 It was attacked and defended, and up to the time of 
 Ronsard its influence on the progress of literature en- 
 couraging, as it did, to excess the art of allegory and 
 personification if less than has commonly been alleged, 
 was unquestionably important
 
 CHAPTER III 
 
 DIDACTIC LITERATURE SERMONS HISTORY 
 
 I 
 DIDACTIC LITERATURE 
 
 THE didactic literature, moral and scientific, of the Middle 
 Ages is abundant, and possesses much curious interest, 
 but it is seldom original in substance, and seldom valu- 
 able from the point of view of literary style. In great 
 part it is translated or derived from Latin sources. The 
 writers were often clerks or laymen who had turned 
 from the vanities of youth fabliau or romance and 
 now aimed at edification or instruction. Science in the 
 hands of the clergy must needs be spiritualised and 
 moralised ; there were sermons to be found in stones, 
 pious allegories in beast and bird ; mystic meanings in 
 the alphabet, in grammar, in the chase, in the tourney, 
 in the game of chess. Ovid and Virgil were sanctified to 
 religious uses. The earliest versified Bestiary, which is 
 also a Volucrary, a Herbary, and a Lapidary, that of 
 Philippe de Thaon (before 1135), is versified from the 
 Latin Physiologus, itself a translation from the work of an 
 Alexandrian Greek of the second century. In its symbolic 
 zoology the lion and the pelican are emblems of Christ ; 
 the unicorn is God; the crocodile is the devil; the stones 
 " turrobolen," which blaze when they approach each
 
 SCIENCE, MORALS, AND MANNERS 41 
 
 other, are representative of man and woman. A Bestiaire 
 d Amour was written by Richard de Fournival, in which 
 the emblems serve for the interpretation of human love. 
 A Lapidary, with a medical not a moral purpose, by 
 Marbode, Bishop of Rennes, was translated more than 
 once into French, and had, indeed, an European fame. 
 
 Bestiaries and Lapidaries form parts of the vast ency- 
 clopaedias, numerous in the thirteenth century, which 
 were known by such names as Image du Monde, Mappe- 
 monde, Miroir du Monde. Of these encyclopaedias, the 
 only one which has a literary interest is the Trtsor (1265), 
 by Dante's master, Brunetto Latini, who wrote in French 
 in preference to his native Italian. In it science escapes 
 not wholly from fantasy and myth, but at least from the 
 allegorising spirit; his ethics and rhetoric are derived 
 from Latin originals ; his politics are his own. The 
 Somme des Vices et des Vertus, compiled in 1279 by 
 Friar Lorens, is a well-composed tresor of religion and 
 morals. Part of its contents has become familiar to us 
 through the Canterbury discourse of Chaucer's parson. 
 The moral experience of a man of the world is summed 
 up in the prose treatise on "The Four Ages of Man," 
 by Philippe de Novare, chancellor of Cyprus. With 
 this edifying work may be grouped the so-called C/ias- 
 tiementSj counsels on education and conduct, designed 
 for readers in general or for some special class 
 women, children, persons of knightly or of humble 
 rank ; studies of the virtues of chivalry, the rules of 
 courtesy and of manners. 1 Other writings', the tats du 
 
 1 Two works of the fourteenth century, interesting in the history of manners 
 and ideas, may here be mentioned the Livre du Chevalier de la Tour-Landry 
 (1372), composed for the instruction of the writer's daughters, and the Menagier 
 de Paris, a treatise on domestic economy, written by a Parisian bourgeois for 
 the use of his young wife.
 
 42 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 Monde, present a view of the various classes of society 
 from a standpoint ethical, religious, or satirical, with 
 warnings and exhortations, which commonly conclude 
 with a vision of the last judgment and the pains of hell. 
 With such a scene of terror closes the interesting Pohne 
 Moral of Etienne de Fougeres, in which the life of St. 
 Moses, the converted robber, serves as an example to 
 monks, and that of the converted Thai's to ladies who 
 are proud of their beauty. Its temper of moderation 
 contrasts with the bitter satire in the Bible by Guiot de 
 Provins, and with many shorter satirical pieces directed 
 against clerical vices or the infirmities of woman. The 
 Besant de Dieu, by Guillaume le Clerc, a Norman poet 
 (1227), preaches in verse, with eloquence and imaginative 
 power, the love of God and contempt of the world from 
 the texts of two Scripture parables that of the Talents 
 and that of the Bridegroom ; Guillaume anticipates the 
 approaching end of the world, foreshown by wars, 
 pestilence, and famine, condemns in the spirit of 
 Christian charity the persecution of the Albigenses, and 
 mourns over the shame that has befallen the Holy 
 Sepulchre. 
 
 Among the preacher poets of the thirteenth century 
 the most interesting personally is the minstrel RUTEBEUF, 
 who towards the close of his gay though ragged life turned 
 to serious thoughts, and expressed his penitent feelings 
 with penetrating power. Rutebeuf, indeed the Villon 
 of his age deployed his vivid and ardent powers in many 
 directions, as a writer of song and satire, of allegory, 
 of fabliaux, of drama. On each and all he impressed 
 his own personality; the lyric note, imaginative fire, 
 colour, melody, these were gifts that compensated the 
 poet's poverty, his conjugal miseries, his lost eye, his
 
 RELIGIOUS ALLEGORY 43 
 
 faithless friends, his swarming adversaries. The per- 
 sonification of vices and virtues, occasional in the 
 Besant and other poems, becomes a system in the 
 Songe cFEnfer, a pilgrim's progress to hell, and the Vote 
 de Paradis, a pilgrim's progress to heaven, by Raoul 
 de Houdan (after 1200). The Pelerinage de la Vie 
 Humaine another "way to Paradise"; the Pelerinage 
 de I' Ame a vision of hell, purgatory, and heaven; 
 and the Pelerinage de Jesus-Christ a narrative of the 
 Saviour's life, by Guillaume de Digulleville (fourteenth 
 century), have been imagined by some to have been 
 among the sources of Bunyan's allegories. Human life 
 may be represented in one aspect as a pilgrimage ; 
 in another it is a knightly encounter ; there is a great 
 strife between the powers of good and evil ; in Le 
 Tornoiement A ntecrist, by Huon de Meri, Jesus and the 
 Knights of the Cross, among whom, besides St. Michael, 
 St. Gabriel, Confession, Chastity, and Alms, are Arthur, 
 Launcelot, and Gawain, contend against Antichrist and 
 the infernal barons Jupiter, Neptune, Beelzebub, and a 
 crowd of allegorical personages. But the battles and 
 debats of a chivalric age were not only religious ; there 
 are battles of wine and water, battles of fast and feasting, 
 battles of the seven arts. A disputation between the 
 body and the soul, a favourite subject for separate treat- 
 ment by mediaeval poets, is found also in one of the many 
 sermons in verse ; the Debat des Trois Marts et des Trois 
 Vifs recalls the subject of the memorable painting in 
 the Campo Santo at Pisa.
 
 44 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 II 
 
 SERMONS 
 
 The Latin sermons of the Middle Ages were count- 
 less; but it is not until Gerson and the close of the 
 fourteenth century that we find a series of discourses by 
 a known preacher written and pronounced in French. 
 It is maintained that these Latin sermons, though pre- 
 pared in the language of the Church, were delivered, 
 when addressed to lay audiences, in the vernacular, and 
 that those composite sermons in the macaronic style, that 
 is, partly in French, partly in Latin, which appear in the 
 thirteenth century and are frequent in the fifteenth, were 
 the work of reporters or redactors among the auditory. 
 On the other hand, it is argued that both Latin and French 
 sermons were pronounced as each might seem suitable, 
 before the laity, and that the macaronic style was actually 
 practised in the pulpit. Perhaps we may accept the 
 opinion that the short and simple homilies designed for 
 the people, little esteemed as compositions, were rarely 
 thought worthy of preservation in a Latin form; those 
 discourses which remain to us, if occasionally used 
 before an unlearned audience, seem to have been 
 specially intended for clerkly hearers. The sermons of 
 St. Bernard, which have been preserved in Latin and in 
 a French translation of the thirteenth century, were cer- 
 tainly not his eloquent popular improvisations ; they 
 are doctrinal, with crude or curious allegorisings of 
 Holy Scripture. Those of Maurice de Sully, Arch- 
 bishop of Paris, probably also translated from the Latin, 
 are simpler in manner and more practical in their teach-
 
 MEDIEVAL SERMONS 45 
 
 ing ; but in these characteristics they stand apart from 
 the other sermons of the twelfth century. 
 
 It was not until the mendicant orders, Franciscans and 
 Dominicans, began their labours that preaching, as pre- 
 served to us, was truly laicised and popularised. During 
 the thirteenth century the work of the pulpit came to be 
 conceived as an art which could be taught ; collections 
 of anecdotes and illustrations exempla for the enliven- 
 ing of sermons, manuals for the use of preachers were 
 formed ; rules and precepts were set forth ; themes for 
 popular discourse were proposed and enlarged upon, 
 until at length original thought and invention ceased ; 
 the preacher's art was turned into an easy trade. The 
 effort to be popular often resulted in pulpit buffoonery. 
 When GERSON preached at court or to the people towards 
 the close of the fourteenth century, gravely exhorting 
 high and low to practical duties, with tender or passionate 
 appeals to religious feeling, his sermons were noble excep- 
 tions to the common practice. And the descent from 
 Gerson to even his more eminent successors is swift and 
 steep. The orators of the pulpit varied their discourse 
 from burlesque mirth or bitter invective to gross terrors, 
 in which death and judgment, Satan and hell-fire were 
 largely displayed. The sermons of Michel Menot and 
 Olivier Maillard, sometimes eloquent in their censure of 
 sin, sometimes trivial or grotesque, sometimes pedantic 
 in their exhibition of learning, have at least an historical 
 value in presenting an image of social life in the fifteenth 
 century. 
 
 A word must be said of the humanism which preceded 
 the Renaissance. Scholars and students there were in 
 France two hundred years before the days of Erasmus 
 and of Bude" ; but they were not scholars inspired by
 
 46 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 genius, and they contented themselves with the task of 
 translators, undertaken chiefly with a didactic purpose. 
 If they failed to comprehend the spirit of antiquity, 
 none the less they did something towards quickening 
 the mind of their own time and rendering the French 
 language less inadequate to the intellectual needs of a 
 later age. All that was then known of Livy's history 
 was rendered into French in 1356 by the friend of 
 Petrarch, Pierre Require. On the suggestion of Charles 
 V., Nicole Oresme translated from the Latin the Ethics, 
 Politics, and Economics of Aristotle. It was to please the 
 king that the aged Raoul de Presles prepared his version 
 of St. Augustine's De Civitate Dei, and Denis Foulechat, 
 with very scanty scholarship, set himself to render the 
 Polycraticus of John of Salisbury. The dukes of Bour- 
 bon, of Berry, of Burgundy, were also patrons of letters 
 and encouraged their translators. We cannot say how 
 far this movement of scholarship might have progressed, 
 if external conditions had favoured its development. In 
 Jean de Montreuil, secretary of Charles VI., the devoted 
 student of Cicero, Virgil, and Terence, we have an 
 example of the true humanist before the Renaissance. 
 But the seeming dawn was a deceptive aurora ; the early 
 humanism of France was clouded and lost in the tempests 
 of the Hundred Years' War. 
 
 Ill 
 
 HISTORY 
 
 While the mediaeval historians, compilers, and ab- 
 breviators from records of the past laboured under all 
 the disadvantages of an age deficient in the critical spirit,
 
 HISTORY IN VERSE 4; 
 
 and produced works of little value either for their sub- 
 stance or their literary style, the chroniclers, who told 
 the story of their own times, Villehardouin, Joinville, 
 Froissart, Commines, and others, have bequeathed to 
 us, in living pictures or sagacious studies of events and 
 their causes, some of the chief treasures of the past. 
 History at first, as composed for readers who knew 
 no Latin, was comprised in those chansons de geste which 
 happened to deal with matter that was not wholly or 
 almost wholly the creation of fancy. Narrative poems 
 treating of contemporary events came into existence with 
 the Crusades, but of these the earliest have not survived, 
 and we possess only rehandlings of their matter in the 
 style of romance. What happened in France might be 
 supposed to be known to persons of intelligence ; what 
 happened in the East was new and strange. But Eng- 
 land, like the East, was foreign soil, and the Anglo-Nor- 
 man trouveres of the eleventh and twelfth centuries busied 
 themselves with copious narratives in rhyme, such as 
 Gaimar's Estorie des Engles (1151), Wace's Brut (1155) and 
 his Roman de Rou, which, if of small literary importance, 
 remain as monuments in the history of the language. 
 The murder of Becket called forth the admirable life 
 of the saint by Gamier de Pont-Sainte-Maxence, founded 
 upon original investigations ; Henry II.'s conquest of 
 Ireland was related by an anonymous writer ; his vic- 
 tories over the Scotch (1173-1174) were strikingly de- 
 scribed by Jordan Fantosme. But by far the most 
 remarkable piece of versified history of this period, re- 
 markable alike for its historical interest and its literary 
 merit, is the Vie de Guillaume le Marechal William, 
 Earl of Pembroke, guardian of Henry III. a poem of 
 nearly twenty thousand octosyllabic lines by an un-
 
 48 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 known writer, discovered by M. Paul Meyer in the 
 library of Sir Thomas Phillipps. "The masterpiece of 
 Anglo-Norman historiography," writes M. Langlois, " is 
 assuredly this anonymous poem, so long forgotten, and 
 henceforth classic." 
 
 Prose, however, in due time proved itself to be the 
 fitting medium for historical narrative, and verse was 
 given over to the extravagances of fantasy. Compilations 
 from the Latin, translations from the pseudo-Turpin, 
 from Geoffrey of Monmouth, from Sallust, Suetonius, 
 and Caesar were succeeded by original record and 
 testimony. GEOFFROY DE VILLEHARDOUIN, born be- 
 tween 1150 and 1164, Marshal of Champagne in 
 1191, was appointed eight years later to negotiate 
 with the Venetians for the transport of the Crusaders 
 to the East. He was probably a chief agent in 
 the intrigue which diverted the fourth Crusade from 
 its original destination the Holy Land to the assault 
 upon Constantinople. In the events which followed he 
 had a prominent part; before the close of 1213 Ville- 
 hardouin was dead. During his last years he dictated 
 the unfinished Memoirs known as the Conquete de Con- 
 stantinople, which relate the story of his life from 1198 
 to 1207. Villehardouin is the first chronicler who im- 
 presses his own personality on what he wrote : a brave 
 leader, skilful in resource, he was by no means an 
 enthusiast possessed by the more extravagant ideas of 
 chivalry ; much more was he a politician and diplomatist, 
 with material interests well in view ; not, indeed, devoid 
 of a certain imaginative wonder at the marvels of the 
 East ; not without his moments of ardour and excite- 
 ment ; deeply impressed with the feeling of feudal loyalty, 
 the sense of the bond between the suzerain and his
 
 VILLEHARDOUIN 49 
 
 vassal ; deeply conscious of the need of discipline in 
 great adventures ; keeping in general a cool head, which 
 could calculate the sum of profit and loss. 
 
 It is probable that Villehardouin knew too much of 
 affairs, and was too experienced a man of the world to 
 be quite frank as a historian : we can hardly believe, 
 as he would have us, that the diversion of the crusad- 
 ing host from its professed objects was unpremedi- 
 tated ; we can perceive that he composes his narrative 
 so as to form an apology ; his recital has been justly 
 described as, in part at least, "un memoire justificatif." 
 Nevertheless, there are passages, such as that which 
 describes the first view of Constantinople, where Ville- 
 hardouin's feelings seize upon his imagination, and, as 
 it were, overpower him. In general he writes with a 
 grave simplicity, sometimes with baldness, disdaining 
 ornament, little sensible to colour or grace of style ; 
 but by virtue of his clear intelligence and his real 
 grasp of facts his chronicle acquires a certain literary 
 dignity, and when his words become vivid we know 
 that it is because he had seen with inquisitive eyes 
 and felt with genuine ardour. Happily for students of 
 history, while Villehardouin presents the views of an 
 aristocrat and a diplomatist, the incidents of the same 
 extraordinary adventure can be seen, as they struck a 
 simple soldier, in the record of Robert de Clari, which 
 may serve as a complement and a counterpoise to the 
 chronicle of his more illustrious contemporary. The un- 
 finished Histoire de I ' Empereur Henri, which carries on 
 the narrative of events for some years subsequent to 
 those related by Villehardouin, the work of Henri de 
 Valenciennes, is a prose redaction of what had originally 
 formed a chanson de geste.
 
 SO FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 The versified chronicle or history in the thirteenth cen- 
 tury declined among Anglo-Norman writers, but was 
 continued in Flanders and in France. Prose translations . 
 and adaptations of Latin chronicles, ancient and modern, 
 were numerous, but the literary value of many of these is 
 slight. In the Abbey of Saint-Denis a corpus of national 
 history in Latin had for a long while been in process of for- 
 mation. Utilising this corpus and the works from which 
 it was constructed, one of the monks of the Abbey per- 
 haps a certain Primat compiled, in the second half of 
 the century, a History of France in the vernacular the 
 Grandes Chroniques de Saint- Denis with which later addi- 
 tions were from time to time incorporated, until under 
 Charles V. the Grandes Chroniques de France attained their 
 definitive form. 1 Far more interesting as a literary com- 
 position is the little work known as Rfcits d*un Menestrel 
 de Reims (1260), a lively, graceful, and often dramatic 
 collection of traditions, anecdotes, dialogues, made rather 
 for the purposes of popular entertainment than of formal 
 instruction, and expressing the ideas of the middle classes 
 on men and things. Forgotten during several centuries, 
 it remains to us as one of the happiest records of the 
 mediaeval spirit. 
 
 But among the prose narratives to which the thirteenth 
 century gave birth, the Histoire de Saint Louis, by JEAN 
 DE JOINVILLE, stands pre-eminent. Joinville, born about 
 1224, possessed of such literary culture as could be gained 
 at the Court of Thibaut IV. of Champagne, became a 
 favoured companion of the chivalric and saintly Louis 
 during his six years' Crusade from 1248 to 1254. The 
 memory of the King remained the most precious pos- 
 
 1 The Chroniques were continued by lay writers to the accession of 
 Louis XI.
 
 JOINVILLE 5 1 
 
 session of his follower's elder years. It is probable 
 that soon after 1272 Joinville prepared an autobio- 
 graphic fragment, dealing with that period of his youth 
 which had been his age of adventure. When he was 
 nearly eighty, Jeanne of Navarre, wife of Philippe le Bel, 
 invited the old seneschal to put on record the holy 
 words and good deeds of Saint Louis. Joinville willingly 
 acceded to the request, and incorporating the fragment 
 of autobiography, in which the writer appeared in close 
 connection with his King, he had probably almost com- 
 pleted his work at the date of Queen Jeanne's death 
 (April 2, 1305); to her son, afterwards Louis X., it was 
 dedicated. His purpose was to recite the pious words 
 and set forth the Christian virtues of the royal Saint in 
 one book of the History, and to relate his chivalric actions 
 in the other ; but Joinville had not the art of construc- 
 tion, he suffered from the feebleness of old age, and he 
 could not perfectly accomplish his design ; in 1317 
 Joinville died. Deriving some of his materials from 
 other memoirs of the King, especially those by Geoffrey 
 de Beaulieu and Guillaume de Nangis, he drew mainly 
 upon his own recollections. Unhappily the most autho- 
 ritative manuscripts of the Histoire de Saint Louis have 
 been lost ; we possess none earlier than the close of 
 the fourteenth century ; but by the learning and skill 
 of a modern editor the text has been substantially 
 established. 
 
 We must not expect from Joinville precision of chrono- 
 logy or exactitude in the details of military operations. 
 His recollections crowd upon him ; he does not marshal 
 them by power of intellect, but abandons himself to the 
 delights of memory. He is a frank, amiable, spirited 
 talker, who has much to tell ; he succeeds in giving us
 
 52 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 two admirable portraits his own and that of the King ; 
 and unconsciously he conveys into his narrative both the 
 chivalric spirit of his time, and a sense of those prosaic 
 realities which tempered the ideals of chivalry. What 
 his eyes had rested on lives in his memory, with all its 
 picturesque features, all its lines and colours, undimmed 
 by time ; and his curious eyes had been open to things 
 great and small. He appears as a brave soldier, but, he 
 confesses, capable of mortal fear ; sincerely devout, but 
 not made for martyrdom ; zealous for his master's cause, 
 but not naturally a chaser of rainbow dreams ; one who 
 enjoys good cheer, who prefers his wine unallayed with 
 water, who loves splendid attire, who thinks longingly of 
 his pleasant chateau, and the children awaiting his return ; 
 one who will decline future crusading, and who believes 
 that a man of station may serve God well by remaining 
 in his own fields among his humble dependants. But 
 Joinville felt deeply the attraction of a nature more under 
 the control of high, ideal motives than was his own ; he 
 would not himself wash the feet of the poor ; he would 
 rather commit thirty mortal sins than be a leper ; but a 
 kingly saint may touch heights of piety which are un- 
 attainable by himself. And, at the same time, he makes 
 us feel that Louis is not the less a man because he is a 
 saint. Certain human infirmities of temper are his ; yet 
 his magnanimity, his sense of justice, his ardent devotion, 
 his charity, his pure self-surrender are made so sensible 
 to us as we read the record of Joinville that we are willing 
 to subscribe to the sentence of Voltaire : " It is not given 
 to man to carry virtue to a higher point." 
 
 During the fourteenth century the higher spirit of 
 feudalism declined ; the old faith and the old chivalry 
 were suffering a decay ; the bourgeoisie grew in power
 
 FROISSART 53 
 
 and sought for instruction ; it was an age of prose, in 
 which learning was passing to the laity, or was adapted 
 to their uses. Yet, while the inner life of chivalry failed 
 day by day, and self-interest took the place of heroic 
 self-surrender, the external pomp and decoration of the 
 feudal world became more brilliant than ever. War was 
 a trade practised from motives of vulgar cupidity ; but it 
 was adorned with splendour, and had a show of gallantry. 
 The presenter in literature of this glittering spectacle is 
 the historian JEAN FROISSART. Born in 1338, at Valen- 
 ciennes, of bourgeois parents, Froissart, at the age of 
 twenty-two, a disappointed lover, a tonsured clerk, and 
 already a poet, journeyed to London, with his manu- 
 script on the battle of Poitiers as an offering to his 
 countrywoman, Queen Philippa of Hainault. For nearly 
 five years he was the ditteur of the Queen, a sharer in the 
 life of the court, but attracted before all else to those 
 " ancient knights and squires who had taken part in 
 feats of arms, and could speak of them rightly." His 
 patroness encouraged Froissart's historical inquiries. In 
 the Chroniques of Jean le Bel, canon of Liege, he found 
 material ready to his hand, and freely appropriated it in 
 many of his most admirable pages ; but he also travelled 
 much through England and Scotland, noting everything 
 that impressed his imagination, and gathering with delight 
 the testimony of those who had themselves been actors in 
 the events of the past quarter of a century. He accom- 
 panied the Black Prince to Aquitaine, and, later, the 
 Duke of Clarence to Milan. The death of Queen Philippa, 
 in 1369, was ruinous to his prospects. For a time he 
 supported himself as a trader in his native place. Then 
 other patrons, kinsfolk of the Queen, came to his aid. 
 The first revised redaction of the first book of his
 
 54 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 Chronicles was his chief occupation while curd of Les- 
 tinnes ; it is a record of events from 1325 to the^ death 
 of Edward III., and its brilliant narrative of events still 
 recent or contemporary insured its popularity with aris- 
 tocratic readers. Under the influence of Queen Philippa's 
 brother-in-law, Robert of Namur, it is English in its 
 sympathies and admirations. Unhappily Froissart was 
 afterwards moved by his patron, Gui de Blois, to rehandle 
 the book in the French interest ; and once again in his 
 old age his work was recast with a view to effacing the 
 large debt which he owed to his predecessor, Jean le Bel. 
 The first redaction is, however, that which won and re- 
 tained the general favour. If his patron induced Froissart 
 to wrong his earlier work, he made amends, for it is to 
 Gui de Blois that we owe the last three books of the 
 history, which bring the tale of events down to the 
 assassination of Richard II. Still the cure of Lestinnes 
 and the canon of Chimai pursued his early method of 
 travel to the court of Gaston, Count of Foix, to Flanders, 
 to England ever eager in his interrogation of witnesses. 
 It is believed that he lived to the close of 1404, but the 
 date of his death is uncertain. 
 
 Froissart as a poet wrote gracefully in the conventional 
 modes of his time. His vast romance Meliador, to which 
 Wenceslas, Duke of Brabant, contributed the lyric part 
 famous in its day, long lost and recently recovered is 
 a construction of external marvels and splendours which 
 lacks the inner life of imaginative faith. But as a brilliant 
 scene-painter Froissart the chronicler is unsurpassed. 
 His chronology, even his topography, cannot be trusted 
 as exact ; he is credulous rather than critical ; he does not 
 always test or control the statements of his informants; 
 he is misled by their prejudices and passions; he views
 
 FROISSART 5 5 
 
 all things from the aristocratic standpoint; the life of the 
 common people does not interest him; he has no sense 
 of their wrongs, and little pity for their sufferings; he 
 does not study the deeper causes of events ; he is almost 
 incapable of reflection; he has little historical sagacity; 
 he accepts appearances without caring to interpret their 
 meanings. But what a vivid picture he presents of the 
 external aspects of fourteenth-century life ! What a joy 
 he has in adventure ! What an eye for the picturesque ! 
 What movement, what colour! What a dramatic or 
 should we say theatrical ? feeling for life and action ! 
 Much, indeed, of the vividness of Froissart's narrative 
 may be due to the eye-witnesses from whom he had 
 obtained information ; but genius was needed to preserve 
 perhaps to enhance the animation of their recitals. 
 If he understood r his own age imperfectly, he depicted 
 its outward appearance with incomparable skill ; and 
 though his moral sense was shallow, and his knowledge 
 of character far from profound, he painted portraits 
 which live in the imagination of his readers. 
 
 The fifteenth century is rich in historical writings of 
 every kind compilations of general history, domestic 
 chronicles, such as the Livre des Fails du bon Messire 
 Jean le Maingre, dit Boudquaut, official chronicles both 
 of the French and Burgundian parties, journals and 
 memoirs. The Burgundian Enguerrand de Monstrelet 
 was a lesser Froissart, faithful, laborious, a transcriber of 
 documents, but without his predecessor's genius. On 
 the French side the so - called Chronique Scandaleuse, 
 by Jean de Roye, a Parisian of -the time of Louis XL, 
 to some extent redeems the mediocrity of the writers 
 of his party. 
 
 In PHILIPPE DE COMMIXES we meet the last chronicler 
 5
 
 56 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 of the Middle Ages, and the first of modern historians. 
 Bonn about 1445, in Flanders, of the family of Van den 
 Clyte, Commines, whose parents died early, received a 
 scanty education ; but if he knew no Latin, his acquaint- 
 ance with modern languages served him- well. At first 
 in the service of Charles the Bold, in 1472 he passed 
 over to the cause of Louis XI. His treason to the Duke 
 may be almost described as inevitable ; for Commines 
 could not attach himself to violence and folly, and was 
 naturally drawn to the counsels of civil prudence. The 
 bargain was as profitable to his new master as to the 
 servant. On the King's death came a reverse of fortune 
 for Commines : for eight months he was cramped in the 
 iron cage ; during two years he remained a prisoner in 
 the Conciergerie (1487-89), with enforced leisure to 
 think of the preparation of his Memoires. 1 Again the 
 sunshine of royal favour returned ; he followed Charles 
 VIII. to Italy, and was engaged in diplomatic service at 
 Venice. In 1511 he died. 
 
 The Mtmoires of Commines were composed as a body 
 of material for a projected history of Louis XI. by Arch- 
 bishop Angelo Cato ; the writer, apparently in all sin- 
 cerity, hoped that his unlearned French might thus 
 be translated into Latin, the language of scholars ; 
 happily we possess the Memoirs as they left their 
 author's mind. And, though Commines rather hides 
 than thrusts to view his own personality, every page 
 betrays the presence of a remarkable intellect. He was 
 no artist either in imaginative design or literary execu- 
 tion ; he was before all else a thinker, a student of poli- 
 tical phenomena, a searcher after the causes of events, 
 an analyst of motives, a psychologist of individual char- 
 
 1 Books I.-VI., written 1488-94 ; Books VII., VIIL, written 1494-95.
 
 COMMINES 57 
 
 acter and of the temper of peoples, and, after a fashion, a 
 moralist in his interpretation of history. He cared little, 
 or not at all, for the coloured surface of life ; his chief 
 concern is to seize the master motive by which men and 
 events are ruled, to comprehend the secret springs of 
 action. He is aristocratic in his politics, monarchical, 
 an advocate for the centralisation of power ; but he would 
 have the monarch enlightened, constitutional, and pacific. 
 He values solid gains more than showy magnificence ; 
 and knowing the use of astuteness, he knows also the 
 importance of good faith. He has a sense of the balance 
 of European power, and anticipates Montesquieu in his 
 theory of the influence of climates on peoples. There is 
 something of pity, something of irony, in the view which 
 he takes of the joyless lot of the great ones of the earth. 
 Having ascertained how few of the combinations of 
 events can be controlled by the wisest calculation, he 
 takes refuge in a faith in Providence ; he finds God 
 necessary to explain this entangled world ; and yet his 
 morality is in great part that which tries good and evil 
 by the test of success. By the intensity of his thought 
 Commines sometimes becomes striking in his expression; 
 occasionally he rises to a grave eloquence ; occasionally 
 his irony is touched by a bitter humour. But in general 
 he writes with little sentiment and no sense of beauty, 
 under the control of a dry and circumspect intelligence.
 
 CHAPTER IV 
 LATEST MEDIAEVAL POETS THE DRAMA 
 
 I 
 
 LATEST MEDIAEVAL POETS 
 
 THE fourteenth and fifteenth centuries form a period of 
 transition from the true Middle Ages to the Renaissance. 
 The national epopee was dead ; the Arthurian tales were 
 rehandled in prose ; under the influence of the Roman de 
 la Rose, allegory was highly popular, and Jean de Meun 
 had shown how it could be applied to the secularisation 
 of learning ; the middle classes were seeking for instruc- 
 tion. In lyric poetry the free creative spirit had declined, 
 but the technique of verse was elaborated and reduced 
 to rule ; ballade, chant royal, lai, virelai, rondeau were 
 the established forms, and lyric verse was often used for 
 matter of a didactic, moral, or satirical tendency. Even 
 Ovid was tediously moralised (c. 1300) in some seventy 
 thousand lines by Chretien Legouais. Literary societies 
 orfluys 1 were, instituted, which maintained the rules of art, 
 and awarded crowns to successful competitors in poetry; 
 a formal ingenuity replaced lyrical inspiration ; poetry 
 accepted proudly the name of " rhetoric." At the same 
 
 1 Pity, mountain, eminence, signifying the elevated seat of the judges of the 
 artistic competition.
 
 MACHAUT: DESCHAMPS 59 
 
 time there is gain in one respect the poets no longer 
 conceal their own personality behind their work : they 
 instruct, edify, moralise, express their real or simulated 
 passions in their own persons ; if their art is mechanical, 
 yet through it we make some acquaintance with the men 
 and manners of the age. 
 
 The chief exponent of the new art of poetry was 
 GUILLAUME DE MACHAUT. Born about 1300, he served 
 as secretary to the King of Bohemia, who fell at Cr6cy. 
 He enjoyed a tranquil old age in his province of Cham- 
 pagne, cultivating verse and music with the applause of 
 his contemporaries. The ingenuities of gallantry are 
 deployed at length in his Jugement du Roi de Navarre ; 
 he relates with dull prolixity the history of his patron, 
 Pierre de Lusignan, King of Cyprus, in his Prise dAlex- 
 andrie ; the Voir dit relates in varying verse and prose 
 the course of his sexagenarian love for a maiden in 
 her teens, Peronne d'Armentieres, who gratified her 
 coquetry with an old poet's adoration, and then wedded 
 his rival. 
 
 In the forms of his verse EUSTACHE DESCHAMPS, also 
 a native of Champagne (c. 1345-1405), was a disciple 
 of Machaut : if he was not a poet, he at least interests 
 a reader by rhymed journals of his own life and the life 
 of his time, written in the spirit of an honest bourgeois, 
 whom disappointed personal hopes and public mis- 
 fortune had early embittered. Eighty thousand lines, 
 twelve hundred ballades, nearly two hundred rondeaux, 
 a vast unfinished satire on woman, the Miroir de Manage, 
 fatigued even his own age, and the official court poet 
 of France outlived his fame. He sings of love in the 
 conventional modes ; his historical poems, celebrating 
 events of the d?.y, have interest by virtue of their matter ;
 
 60 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 as a moralist in verse he deplores the corruption of 
 high and low, the cupidity in Church and State, and, 
 above all, applies his wit to expose the vices and infir- 
 mities of women. The earliest Poetic in French L'art 
 de dictier et de fere chancons, balades, virelats, et rondeaulx 
 (1392) is the work of Eustache Deschamps, in which 
 the poet, by no means himself a master of harmonies, 
 insists on the prime importance of harmony in verse. 
 
 The exhaustion of the mediaeval sources of inspiration 
 is still more apparent in the fifteenth-century successors 
 of Deschamps. But already something of the reviving 
 influence of Italian culture makes itself felt. CHRISTINE 
 DE PlSAN, Italian by her parentage and place of birth 
 (c. 1363), was left a widow with three young children at 
 the age of twenty-five. Her sorrow, uttered in verse, is 
 a genuine lyric cry ; but when in her poverty she prac- 
 tised authorship as a trade, while she wins our respect 
 as a mother, the poetess is too often at once facile and 
 pedantic. Christine was zealous in maintaining the 
 honour of her sex against the injuries of Jean de Meun ; 
 in her prose Cite des Dames she celebrates the virtues 
 and heroism of women, with examples from ancient and 
 modern times ; in the Livre des Trots Vertus she instructs 
 women in their duties. When advanced in years, and 
 sheltered in the cloister, she sang her swan -song in 
 honour of Joan of Arc. Admirable in every relation of 
 life, a patriot and a scholar, she only needed one thing 
 genius to be a poet of distinction. 
 
 A legend relates that the Dauphiness, Margaret of 
 Scotland, kissed the lips of a sleeper who was the ugliest 
 man in France, because from that "precious mouth" 
 had issued so many "good words and virtuous sayings." 
 The sleeper was Christine's poetical successor, ALAIN
 
 ALAIN CHARTIER 61 
 
 CHARTIER. His fame was great, and as a writer of prose 
 he must be remembered with honour, both for his patri- 
 otic ardour, and for the harmonious eloquence (modelled 
 on classical examples) in which that ardour found ex- 
 pression. His first work, the Livre des Quatre Dames, 
 is in verse : four ladies lament their husbands slain, 
 captured, lost, or fugitive and dishonoured, at Agincourt. 
 Many of his other poems were composed .as a distraction 
 from the public troubles of the time j the title of one, 
 widely celebrated in its own day, La Belle Dame sans 
 Mercy, has obtained a new meaning of romance through 
 its appropriation by Keats. In 1422 he wrote his prose 
 Quadrilogue Invectif, in which suffering France implores 
 the nobles, the clergy, the people to show some pity for 
 her miserable state. If Froissart had not discerned the 
 evils of the feudal system, they were patent to the eyes 
 of Alain Chartier. His Livre de I'Esperance, where the 
 oratorical prose is interspersed with lyric verse, spares 
 neither the clergy nor the frivolous and dissolute gentry, 
 who forget their duty to their country in wanton self- 
 indulgence ; yet his last word, written at the moment 
 when Joan of Arc was leaving the pastures for battle, 
 is one of hope. His Curial ( The Courtier] is a satire on 
 the vices of the courtby one who had acquaintance with 
 its corruption. The large, harmonious phrase of Alain 
 Chartier was new to French prose, and is hardly heard 
 again until the seventeenth century. 
 
 The last grace and refinements of chivalric society 
 blossom in the poetry of CHARLES D'ORLE"ANS, " la grace 
 exquise des choses freles." He was born in 1391, son of 
 Louis, Duke of Orleans, and an Italian mother, Valentine 
 of Milan. Married at fifteen to the widow of Richard II. 
 of England, he lost his father by assassination, his mother
 
 62 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 by the stroke of grief, his wife in childbirth. From the 
 battlefield of Agincourt he passed to England, where he 
 remained a prisoner, closely guarded, for twenty-five 
 years. It seems as if events should have made him a 
 tragic poet ; but for Charles d'Orleans poetry was the 
 brightness or the consolation of his exile. His elder 
 years at the little court of Blois were a season of delicate 
 gaiety, when he enjoyed the recreations of age, and 
 smiled at the 'passions of youth. He died in 1465. 
 Neither depth of reflection nor masculine power of 
 feeling finds expression in his verse ; he does not con- 
 tribute new ideas to poetry, nor invent new forms, but 
 he rendered the old material and made the accepted 
 moulds of verse charming by a gracious personality and 
 an exquisite sense. of art. Ballade, rondeau, chanson, 
 each is manipulated with the skill of a goldsmith setting 
 his gems. He sings of the beauty of woman, the lighter 
 joys of love, the pleasure of springtide, the song of 
 the birds, the gliding of a stream or a cloud ; or, as an 
 elder man, he mocks with amiable irony the fatiguing 
 ardours of young hearts. When St. Valentine's day 
 comes round, his good physician " Nonchaloir " advises 
 him to abstain from choosing a mistress, and recom- 
 mends an easy pillow. The influence of Charles 
 d'Orleans on French poetry was slight; it was not until 
 1734 that his forgotten poems were brought to light. 
 
 In the close of the mediaeval period, when old things 
 were passing away and new things were as yet unborn, 
 the minds of men inclined to fill the void with mockery 
 and satire. Martin Lefranc (c. 1410-61) in his CJiampion 
 des Dames a poem of twenty-four thousand lines, in 
 which there is much spirit and vigour of versification 
 balances one against another the censure and the praise
 
 VILLON 63 
 
 of women. Coquillard, with his railleries assuming legal 
 forms and phrases, laughs at love and lovers, or at the 
 Droils Nouveaux of a happy time when licence had be- 
 come the general law. Henri Baude, a realist in his 
 keen observation, satirises with direct, incisive force, 
 the manners and morals of his age. Martial d'Auvergne 
 (c. 1433-1508), chronicling events in his Vigiles de Charles 
 F//., a poem written according to the scheme of the 
 liturgical Vigils, is eloquent in his expression of the 
 wrongs of the poor, and in his condemnation of the 
 abuses of power and station. If the Amant rendu Cor- 
 delier be his, he too appears among those who jest at 
 the follies and extravagance of love. His prose Arrcts 
 d Amour are discussions and decisions of the imaginary 
 court which determines questions of gallantry. 
 
 Amid such mockery of life and love, the horror of death 
 was ever present to the mind of a generation from which 
 hope and faith seemed to fail ; it was the time of the 
 Danse Macabre ; the skeleton became a grim humourist 
 satirising human existence, and verses written for the 
 dance of women were ascribed in the manuscript which 
 preserves them to Martial d'Auvergne. 
 
 Passion and the idea of death mingle with a power 
 at once realistic and romantic in the poetry of FRANCOIS 
 VILLON. He was born in poverty, an obscure child of 
 the capital, in 1430 or 1431 ; he adopted the name of his 
 early protector, Villon ; obtained as a poor scholar his 
 bachelor's degree in 1449, and three years later became a 
 maitre es arts ; but already he was a master of arts less 
 creditable than those of the University. In 1455 Villon 
 or should we call him Monterbier, Montcorbier, Corbueil, 
 Desloges, Mouton (aliases convenient for vagabondage) ? 
 quarrelled with a priest, and killed his adversary ; he
 
 64 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 was condemned to death, and cheered his spirits with 
 the piteous ballade for those about to swing to the kites 
 and the crows ; but the capital punishment was com- 
 muted to banishment. Next winter, stung by the infi- 
 delity and insults of a woman to whom he had abandoned 
 himself, he fled, perhaps to Angers, bidding his friends a 
 jesting farewell in the bequests of his Petit Testament. 
 Betrayed by one who claimed him as an associate in 
 robbery, Villon is lost to view for three years ; and 
 when we rediscover him in 1461, it is as a prisoner, 
 whose six months' fare has been bread and water in 
 his cell at Meun-sur-Loire. The entry of Louis XL, 
 recently consecrated king, freed the unhappy captive. 
 Before the year closed he had composed his capital 
 work, the Grand Testament, and proved himself the 
 most original poet of his century. And then Villon 
 disappears ; whether he died soon after, whether he 
 lived for half a score of years, we do not know. 
 
 While he handles with masterly ease certain of the 
 fifteenth-century forms of verse in particular the bal- 
 lade Villon is a modern in his abandonment of the 
 traditional machinery of the imagination, its conven- 
 tion of allegories and abstractions, and those half-realised 
 moralisings which were repeated from writer to writer ; 
 he is modern in the intensity of a personal quality which 
 is impressed upon his work, in the complexity of his 
 feelings, passing from mirth to despair, from beauty 
 to horror, from cynical grossness to gracious memories 
 or aspirations ; he is modern in his passion for the real, 
 and in those gleams of ideal light which are suddenly 
 dashed across the vulgar surroundings of his sorry 
 existence. While he flings out his scorn and indigna- 
 tion against those whom he regarded as his ill-users,
 
 ANTOINE DE LA SALLE 65 
 
 or cries against the injuries of fortune, or laments his 
 miserable past, he yet is a passionate lover of life ; 
 and shadowing beauty and youth and love and life, he 
 is constantly aware of the imminent and inexorable 
 tyranny of death. The ideas which he expresses are 
 few and simple ideas common to all men ; but they 
 take a special colour from his own feelings and ex- 
 periences, and he renders them with a poignancy which 
 is his own, with a melancholy gaiety and a desperate 
 imaginative sincerity. His figure is so interesting in 
 itself that of the enfant perdu of genius and so typical 
 of a class, that the temptation to create a Villon legend 
 is great ; but to magnify his proportions to those of the 
 highest poets is to do him wrong. His passionate inten- 
 sity within a limited range is unsurpassed ; but Villon 
 wanted sanity, and he wanted breadth. 
 
 In his direct inspiration from life, co-operating with 
 an admirable skill and science in literary form, Villon 
 stands alone. For others Georges Chastelain, Meschinot, 
 Molinet, Cretin poetry was a cumbrous form of rhetoric, 
 regulated by the rules of those arts of poetry which 
 during the fifteenth century appeared at not infrequent 
 intervals. The grands rhetoriqueurs with their compli- 
 cated measures, their pedantic diction, their effete alle- 
 gory, their points and puerilities, testify to the exhaustion 
 of the Middle Ages, and to the need of new creative 
 forces for the birth of a living literature. 
 
 There is life, however, in the work of one remarkable 
 prose-writer of the time ANTOINE DE LA SALLE. His 
 residence in Rome (1422) had made him acquainted 
 with the tales of the Italian novellieri ; he was a friend 
 of the learned and witty Poggio ; Rene of Anjou en- 
 trusted to him the education of his son ; when advanced
 
 66 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 in years he became the author certainly of one master- 
 piece, probably of three. If he was the writer of the 
 Quinze Joies de Mariage, he knew how to mask a rare 
 power of cynical observation under a smiling face : the 
 Church had celebrated the fifteen joys of the Blessed 
 Virgin ; he would ironically depict the fifteen afflictions 
 of wedded life, in scenes finely studied from the domestic 
 interior. How far the Cent Nouvelles nouvelles are to be 
 ascribed to him is doubtful ; it is certain that these licen- 
 tious tales reproduce, with a new skill in narrative prose, 
 the spirit of indecorous mirth in their Italian models. 
 The Petit Jehan de Saintre is certainly the work of 
 Antoine de la Salle ; the irony of a realist, endowed with 
 subtlety and grace, conducts the reader through chivalric 
 exaltations to vulgar disillusion. The writer was not 
 insensible to the charm of the ideals of the past, but 
 he presents them only in the end to cover them with 
 disgrace. The anonymous farce of PatJielin, and the 
 Chronique de petit Jehan de Saintre, are perhaps the most 
 instructive documents which we possess with respect to 
 the moral temper of the close of the Middle Ages ; and 
 there have been critics who have ventured to ascribe 
 both works to the same hand. 
 
 II 
 THE DRAMA 
 
 The mediaeval drama in France, though of early origin, 
 attained its full development only when the Middle 
 Ages were approaching their term ; its popularity con- 
 tinued during the first half of the sixteenth century. It 
 waited for a public ; with the growth of industry, the
 
 EARLY DRAMA 67 
 
 uprising of the middle classes, it secured its audience, 
 and in some measure filled the blank created by the 
 disappearance of the chansons de geste. The survivals of 
 the drama of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries are 
 few; the stream, as we know, was flowing, but it ran 
 underground. 
 
 The religious drama had its origin in the liturgical 
 offices of the Church. At Christmas and at Easter the 
 birth and resurrection of the Saviour w r ere dramatically 
 recited to the people by the clergy, within the conse- 
 crated building, in Latin paraphrases of the sacred text ; 
 but, as yet, neither Jesus nor His mother appeared as 
 actors in the drama. By degrees the vernacular en- 
 croached upon the Latin and displaced it ; the scene 
 passed from the church to the public place or street ; 
 the action developed ; and the actors were priests sup- 
 ported by lay-folk, or were lay-folk alone. 
 
 The oldest surviving drama written in French (but 
 with interspersed liturgical sentences of Latin) is of the 
 twelfth century the Representation d'Adam: the fall of 
 man, and the first great crime which followed the death 
 of Abel are succeeded by the procession of Messianic 
 prophets. It was enacted outside the church, and the 
 spectators were alarmed or diverted by demons who 
 darted to and fro amidst the crowd. Of the thirteenth 
 century, only two religious pieces remain. Jean Bodel, 
 of Arras, was the author of Saint Nicholas. The poet, 
 himself about to assume the cross, exhibits a handful of 
 Crusaders in combat with the Mussulmans ; all but one, 
 a supplicant of the saint, die gloriously, with angelic 
 applause and pity ; whereupon the feelings of the 
 audience are relieved by the mirth and quarrels of 
 drinkers in a tavern, who would rob St. Nicholas of the
 
 68 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 treasure entrusted to his safeguard; miracles, and general 
 conversion of the infidels, conclude the drama. The 
 miracle of Theophile, the ambitious priest who pawned 
 his soul to Satan, and through our Lady's intercession 
 recovered his written compact, is by the trouvere Rute- 
 beuf. These are scanty relics of a hundred years ; yet 
 their literary value outweighs that of the forty -two 
 Miracles de Notre Dame of the century which followed 
 rude pieces, often trivial, often absurd in their inci- 
 dents, with mystic extravagance sanctifying their vulgar 
 realism. They formed, with two exceptions, the dramatic 
 repertory of some mediaeval puy, an association half- 
 literary, half-religious, devoted to the Virgin's honour ; 
 their rhymed octosyllabic verse the special dramatic 
 form at times borders upon prose. One drama, and 
 only one, of the fourteenth century, chooses another 
 heroine than our Lady the Histoire de Gristfidis, which 
 presents, with pathos and intermingling mirth, those 
 marvels of wifely patience celebrated for other lands by 
 Boccaccio, by Petrarch, and by Chaucer. 
 
 The fifteenth-century Mystery exhibits the culmination 
 of the mediaeval sacred drama. The word mysteref first 
 appropriated to tableaux vivants, is applied to dramatic 
 performances in the royal privilege which in 1402 
 conferred upon the association known as the Confrerie 
 de la Passion the right of performing the plays of our 
 Redemption. Before this date the Blessed Virgin and 
 the infant Jesus had appeared upon the scene. The 
 Mystery presents the course of sacred story, derived 
 from the Old and the New Testaments, together with 
 the lives of the saints from apostolic times to the days 
 
 1 Derived from ministerium (metier], but doubtless often drawing to itself a 
 sense suggested by the mysteries of religion.
 
 ARNOUL. GREBAN 69 
 
 of St. Dominic and St. Louis ; it even includes, in an 
 extended sense, subjects from profane history the siege 
 of Orleans, the destruction of Troy but such subjects 
 are of rare occurrence during the fifteenth century. 
 
 For a hundred years, from 1450 onwards, an unbounded 
 enthusiasm for the stage possessed the people, not of 
 Paris merely, but of all France. The Confreres de la 
 Passion, needing a larger repertoire, found in young 
 ARNOUL GREBAN, bachelor in theology, an author whose 
 vein was copious. His Passion] written about the middle 
 of the fifteenth century, embraces the entire earthly 
 life of Christ in its thirty-four thousand verses, which 
 required one hundred and fifty performers and four 
 crowded days for the delivery. Its presentation was an 
 unprecedented event in the history of the theatre. The 
 work of Greban was rehandled and enlarged by Jean 
 Michel, and great was the triumph when it was given 
 at Angers in 1486. Greban was not to be outdone 
 either by his former self or by another dramatist ; in 
 collaboration with his brother Simon, he composed 
 the yet more enormous Actes des Apotrcs, in sixty-two 
 thousand lines, demanding the services of five hundred 
 performers. When presented at Bourges as late as 1536, 
 the happiness of the spectators was extended over no 
 fewer than forty days. The Mystery of the Old Testa- 
 ment, selecting whatever was supposed to typify or 
 foreshadow the coming of the Messiah, is only less 
 vast, and is not less incoherent. Taken together, the 
 Mysteries comprise over a million verses, and what 
 remains is but a portion of what was written. 
 
 Though the literary value of the Mysteries is slight, 
 except in occasional passages of natural feeling or just 
 characterisation, their historical importance was great ;
 
 70 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 they met a national demand they constituted an ani- 
 mated and moving spectacle of universal interest. A 
 certain unity they possessed in the fact that everything 
 revolved around the central figure of Christ and the 
 central theme of man's salvation ; but such unity is only 
 to be discovered in a broad and distant view. Near at 
 hand the confusion seems great. Their loose construction 
 and unwieldy length necessarily endangered their exist- 
 ence when a truer feeling for literary art was developed. 
 The solemnity of their matter gave rise to a further 
 danger ; it demanded some relief, and that relief was 
 secured by the juxtaposition of comic scenes beside 
 scenes of gravest import. Such comedy was occasion- 
 ally not without grace a passage of pastoral, a song, a 
 nai've piece of gaiety; but buffoonery or vulgar riot was 
 more to the taste of the populace. It was pushed to the 
 furthest limit, until in 1548 the Parlement of Paris 
 thought fit to interdict the performance of sacred 
 dramas which had lost the sense of reverence and 
 even of common propriety. They had scandalised 
 serious Protestants ; the Catholics declined to defend 
 what was indefensible ; the humanists and lovers of 
 classical art in Renaissance days thought scorn of the 
 rude mediaeval drama. Though it died by violence, its 
 existence could hardly have been prolonged for many 
 years. But in the days of its popularity the performance 
 of a mystery set a whole city in motion ; carpenters, 
 painters, costumiers, machinists were busy in prepara- 
 tion ; priests, scholars, citizens rehearsed their parts ; 
 country folk crowded to every hostelry and place of 
 lodging. On the day preceding the first morning of 
 performance the personages, duly attired Christians, 
 Jews, Saracens, kings, knights, apostles, priests defiled
 
 THE STAGE: ACTORS 71 
 
 through the streets on their way to the cathedral to 
 mass. The vast stage hard by the church presented, 
 with primitive properties, from right to left, the suc- 
 cession of places lake, mountain, manger, prison, 
 banquet - chamber in which the action should be 
 imagined; and from one station to another the actors 
 passed as the play proceeded. At one end of the stage 
 rose heaven, where God sat throned ; at the other, 
 hell-mouth gaped, and the demons entered or emerged. 
 Music aided the action ; the drama was tragedy, 
 comedy, opera, pantomime in one. The actors were 
 amateurs from every class of society clergy, scholars, 
 tradesmen, mechanics, occasionally members of the 
 noblesse. In Paris the Confraternity of the Passion had 
 almost an exclusive right to present these sacred plays ; 
 in the provinces associations were formed to carry out 
 the costly and elaborate performance. To the Confreres 
 de la Passion bourgeois folk and artisans belonged 
 the first theatre, and it was they who first presented 
 plays at regular intervals. From the Hospital of the 
 Trinity, originally a shelter for pilgrims, they migrated 
 in 1539 to the Hotel de Flandres, and thence in 1548 to 
 the Hotel de Bourgogne. Their famous place of per- 
 formance passed in time into the hands of professional 
 actors; but it was not until 1676 that the Confrerie ceased 
 to exist. 
 
 Comedy, unlike the serious drama, suffered no breach 
 of continuity during its long history. The jongleurs 
 of the Middle Ages were the immediate descendants of 
 the Roman mirnes and histrions ; their declamations, 
 accompanied by gestures, at least tended towards the 
 dramatic form. Classical comedy was never wholly 
 forgotten in the schools ; the liturgical drama and the
 
 72 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 sacred pieces developed from it had an indirect influence 
 as encouraging dramatic feeling, and providing models 
 which could be applied to other uses. The earliest 
 surviving jeux are of Arras, the work of ADAM DE LA 
 HALLE. In the Jeu d'Adam or de la FeuilUe (c. 1262) 
 satirical studies of real life mingle strangely with fairy 
 fantasy ; the poet himself, lamenting his griefs of wed- 
 lock, his father, his friends are humorously introduced ; 
 the fool and the physician play their laughable parts ; 
 and the three fay ladies, for whom the citizens have pre- 
 pared a banquet under la fenillce, grant or refuse the 
 wishes of the mortal folk in the traditional manner of 
 enchantresses amiable or perverse. The Jeu de Robin et 
 Marion first performed at Naples in 1283 is a pastoral 
 comic opera, with music, song, and dance ; the good 
 Marion is loyal to her rustic lover, and puts his rival, 
 her cavalier admirer, to shame. These were happy 
 inventions happily executed ; but they stand alone. It 
 is not until we reach the fifteenth century that mediaeval 
 comedy, in various forms, attained its true evolution. 
 
 The Moralities, of which sixty -five survive, dating, 
 almost all, from 1450 to 1550, differed from the Myste- 
 ries in the fact that their purpose was rather didactic 
 than religious ; as a rule they handled neither historical 
 nor legendary matter; they freely employed allegorical 
 personification after the fashion of the Roman de la 
 Rose. The general type is well exemplified in Bien- 
 Avise, Mai-Avis^ a kind of dramatic Pilgrim's Pro- 
 gress, with two pilgrims one who is instructed in 
 the better way by all the personified powers which 
 make for righteousness ; the other finding his com- 
 panions on the primrose path, and arriving at the 
 everlasting bonfire. Certain Moralities attack a par-
 
 MORALITIES 73 
 
 ticular vice gluttony or blasphemy, or the dishonouring 
 of parents. From satirising the social vices of the time, 
 the transition was easy to political satire or invective. 
 In the sixteenth century both the partisans of the Re- 
 formation and the adherents to the traditional creed 
 employed the Morality as a medium for ecclesiastical 
 polemics. Sometimes treating of domestic manners and 
 morals, it became a kind of bourgeois drama, presenting 
 the conditions under which character is formed. Some- 
 times again it approached the farce : two lazy mendicants, 
 one blind, the other lame, fear that they may suffer a cure 
 and lose their trade through the efficacy of the relics 
 of St. Martin ; the halt, mounted on the other's back, 
 directs his fellow in their flight ; by ill luck they encoun- 
 ter the relic-bearers, and are restored in eye and limb ; 
 the recovered cripple swears and rages ; but the man 
 born blind, ravished by the wonders of the world, breaks 
 forth in praise to God. The higher Morality naturally 
 selected types of character for satire or commendation. 
 It is easy to perceive how such a comic art as that of 
 Moliere lay in germ in this species of the mediaeval 
 drama. At a late period examples are found of the his- 
 torical Morality. The pathetic I'Empereur qui tua son 
 Neveu exhibits in its action and its stormy emotion 
 something of tragic power. The advent of the pseudo- 
 classical tragedy of the Pleiade checked the development 
 of this species. The very name " Morality " disappears 
 from the theatre after 1550. 
 
 The sottte, like the Morality, was a creation of the 
 fifteenth century. Whether it had its origin in a laicis- 
 ing of the irreverent celebration of the Feast of Fools, 
 or in that parade of fools which sometimes preceded a 
 Mystery, it was essentially a farce, but a farce in which
 
 74 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 the performers, arrayed in motley, and wearing the long- 
 eared cap, distributed between them the several roles of 
 human folly. Associations of sots, known in Paris as 
 Enfants sans Souci, known in other cities by other names, 
 presented the unwisdom or madness of the world in 
 parody. The sottie at times rose from a mere diversion 
 to satire ; like the Morality, it could readily adapt itself 
 to political criticism. The Gens Nonveaux, belonging 
 perhaps to the reign of Louis XL, mocks the hypocrisy 
 of those sanguine reformers who promise to create the 
 world anew on a better model, and yet, after all, have 
 no higher inspiration than that old greed for gold and 
 power and pleasure which possessed their predecessors. 
 Louis XI L, who permitted free comment on public affairs 
 from actors on the stage, himself employed the poet 
 Pierre Gringoire to satirise his adversary the Pope. In 
 1512 thejeu du Prince des Sots was given in Paris ; Grin- 
 goire, the Mere-Sotte, but wearing the Papal robes to 
 conceal for a time the garb of folly, discharged a prin- 
 cipal part. Such dangerous pleasantries as this were 
 vigorously restrained by Francois I. 
 
 A dramatic monologue or a sermon joyeux was com- 
 monly interposed between the sottie and the Morality or 
 miracle which followed. The sermon parodied in verse 
 the pulpit discourses of the time, with text duly an- 
 nounced, the customary scholastic divisions, and an 
 incredible licence in matter and in phrase. Among the 
 dramatic monologues of the fifteenth century is found 
 at least one little masterpiece, which has been ascribed 
 on insufficient grounds to Villon, and which would do 
 no discredit to that poet's genius the Franc- Archer de 
 Bagnolet. The francs-archers of Charles VII. a rural 
 militia were not beloved of the people ; the miles
 
 FARCES 75 
 
 gloriosus of Bagnolet village, boasting largely of his 
 valour, encounters a stuffed scarecrow, twisting to the 
 wind ; his alarms, humiliations, and final triumph are 
 rendered in a monologue which expounds the action 
 of the piece with admirable spirit. 
 
 If the Mystery served to fill the void left by the national 
 epopee, the farce may be regarded as to some extent the 
 dramatic inheritor of the spirit of the fabliau. It aims 
 at mirth and laughter for their own sakes, without any 
 purpose of edification ; it had, like the fabliau, the merit 
 of brevity, and not infrequently the fault of unabashed 
 grossness. But the very fact that it was a thing of little 
 consequence allowed the farce to exhibit at times an 
 audacity of political or ecclesiastical criticism which 
 transformed it into a dramatised pamphlet. In general 
 it chose its matter from the ludicrous misadventures of 
 private life : the priest, the monk, the husband, the 
 mother-in-law, the wife, the lover, the roguish servant 
 are the agents in broadly ludicrous intrigues ; the 
 young wife lords it over her dotard husband, and makes 
 mockery of his presumptive heirs, in La Cornette of Jean 
 d'Abondance ; in Le Cuvier, the husband, whose many 
 household duties have been scheduled, has his revenge 
 the list, which he deliberately recites while his wife 
 flounders helpless in the great washing-tub, does not 
 include the task of effecting her deliverance. 
 
 Amid much that is trivial and much that is indecent, 
 one farce stands out pre-eminent, and may indeed be 
 called a comedy of manners and of character the 
 merry misfortunes of that learned advocate, Maitre 
 Pierre Pathdin. The date is doubtless about 1470 ; 
 the author, probably a Parisian and a member of the 
 Basoche, is unknown. With all his toiling and cheat-
 
 76 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 ing, Pathelin is poor ; with infinite art and spirit he 
 beguiles the draper of the cloth which will make 
 himself a coat and his faithful Guillemette a gown ; 
 when the draper, losing no time, comes for his 
 money and an added dinner of roast goose, behold 
 Maitre Pathelin is in a raging fever, raving in every 
 dialect. Was the purchase of his cloth a dream, or 
 work of the devil ? To add to the worthy trades- 
 man's ill-luck, his shepherd has stolen his wool and 
 eaten his sheep. The dying Pathelin unexpectedly 
 appears in court to defend the accused, and having 
 previously advised his client to affect idiocy and reply 
 to all questions with the senseless utterance bee, he 
 triumphantly wins the case ; but the tables are turned 
 when Master Pathelin demands his fee, and can obtain 
 no other response than bee from the instructed shepherd. 
 The triumph of rogue over rogue is the only moral of 
 the piece ; it is a satire on fair dealing and justice, and, 
 though the morals of a farce are not to be gravely in- 
 sisted on, such morals as Maitre Pathelin presents agree 
 well with the spirit of the age which first enjoyed this 
 masterpiece of caricature. 
 
 The actors in mediaeval comedy, as in the serious 
 drama, were amateurs. The members of the academic 
 puys were succeeded by the members of guilds, or con- 
 fre'ries, or societes joyeuses. Of these societies the most 
 celebrated was that of the Parisian Enfants sans Souci. 
 With this were closely associated the Basochiens, the cor- 
 poration of clerks to the procureurs of the Parlement of 
 Paris. 1 It may be that the sots of the capital were only 
 members of the basoche, assuming for the occasion the 
 
 1 This corporation, known as the Royanme de la Basoche (basi/ica), was 
 probably as old as the fourteenth century.
 
 ACTORS OF COMEDY 77 
 
 motley garb. In colleges, scholars performed at first in 
 Latin plays, but from the fifteenth century in French. At 
 the same time, troupes of performers occasionally moved 
 from city to city, exhibiting a Mystery, but they did not 
 hold together when the occasion had passed. Profes- 
 sional comedians were brought from Italy to Lyons in 
 1548, for the entertainment of Henri II. and Catherine 
 de Medicis. From that date companies of French actors 
 appear to become numerous. New species of the drama 
 tragedy, comedy, pastoral replace the mediaeval 
 forms ; but much of the genius of French classical 
 comedy is a development from the Morality, the sottte, 
 and the farce. To present these newer forms the service 
 of trained actors was required. During the last quarter 
 of the sixteenth century the amateur performers of the 
 ancient drama finally disappear.
 
 BOOK THE SECOND 
 THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY
 
 BOOK THE SECOND 
 THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 
 RENAISSANCE AND REFORMATION 
 
 THE literature of the sixteenth century is dominated by 
 two chief influences that of the Renaissance and that of 
 the Reformation. When French armies under Charles 
 VIII. and Louis XII. made a descent on Italy, they found 
 everywhere a recognition of the importance of art, an 
 enthusiasm for beauty, a feeling for the aesthetic as 
 well as the scholarly aspects of antiquity, a new joy in 
 life, an universal curiosity, a new confidence in human 
 reason. To Latin culture a Greek culture had been 
 added ; and side by side with the mediaeval master of 
 the understanding, Aristotle, the master of the imagina- 
 tive reason, Plato, was held in honour. Before the 
 first quarter of the sixteenth century closed, France 
 had received a great gift from Italy, which profoundly 
 modified, but by no means effaced, the characteristics of 
 her national genius. The Reformation was a recovery 
 of Christian antiquity and of Hebraism, and for a time 
 (.he religious movement made common cause with the 
 
 81
 
 82 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 Renaissance ; but the grave morals, the opposition of 
 grace to nature, and the dogmatic spirit of theology 
 after a time alienated the Reforming party from the 
 mere humanism of literature and art. An interest in 
 general ideas and a capacity for dealing with them were 
 fostered by the study of antiquity both classical and 
 Christian, by the meeting of various tendencies, and by 
 the conflict of rival creeds. To embody general ideas 
 in art under a presiding feeling for beauty, to harmonise 
 thought and form, was the great work of the seventeenth 
 century ; but before this could be effected it was neces- 
 sary that France should enjoy tranquillity after the strife 
 of the civil wars. 
 
 Learning had received the distinction of court patron- 
 age when Louis XII. appointed the great scholar Budc 
 his secretary. Around Francis I., although he was him- 
 self rather a lover of the splendour and ornament of 
 the Renaissance than of its finer spirit, men of learning 
 and poets gathered. On the suggestion of GUILLAUME 
 BUDE he endowed professorships of Hebrew, Greek, 
 and Latin, to which were added those of medicine, 
 mathematics, and philosophy (1530-40), and in this 
 projected foundation of the College de France an im- 
 portant step was made towards the secularisation of 
 learned studies. The King's sister, MARGUERITE OF 
 NAVARRE (1492-1549), perhaps the most accomplished 
 woman of her time, represents more admirably than 
 Francis the genius of the age. She studied Latin, 
 Italian, Spanish, German, Hebrew, and, when forty, 
 occupied herself with Greek. Her heart was ardent 
 as well as her intellect ; she was gay and mundane, 
 and at the same time she was serious (with even a 
 strain of mystical emotion) in her concern for religion.
 
 MARGUERITE OF NAVARRE 83 
 
 Although not in communion with the Reformers, she 
 sympathised with them, and extended a generous pro- 
 tection to those who incurred danger through their liberal 
 opinions. Her poems, Marguerites de la Marguerite des 
 Princesses (1547), show the mediaeval influences forming 
 a junction with those of the Renaissance. Some are 
 religious, but side by side with her four dramatic Mys- 
 teries and her eloquent Triomphe de I' Agneau appears 
 the Histoire des Satyres et NympJies de Diane, imitated 
 from the Italian of Sannazaro. Among her latest 
 poems, which remained in manuscript until 1896, are 
 a pastoral dramatic piece expressing her grief for the 
 death of her brother Francis I. ; a second dramatic 
 poem, Comedie jouee au Mont de Marsan, in which love 
 (human or divine) triumphs over the spirit of the world, 
 over superstitious asceticism, and over the wiser temper 
 of religious mcderation. Les Prisons tells in allegory of 
 her servitude to passion, to worldly ambition, and to the 
 desire for human knowledge, until at last the divine 
 love brought her deliverance. The union of the mun- 
 dane and the moral spirit is singularly shown in Mar- 
 guerite's collection of prose tales, written in imitation of 
 Boccaccio, the Heptameron des Nouvelles (1558). 
 
 These tales were not an indiscretion of youth ; pro- 
 bably Marguerite composed them a few years before her 
 death ; perhaps their licence and wanton mirth were 
 meant to enliven the melancholy hours of her beloved 
 brother ; certainly the writer is ingenious in extracting 
 edifying lessons from narratives which do not promise 
 edification. They are not so gross as other writings of 
 the time, and this is Marguerite's true defence ; to laugh 
 at the immoralities of monks and priests was a tradition 
 in literature which neither the spirit of the Renaissance
 
 84 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 nor that of the Reformation condemned. A company 
 of ladies and gentlemen, detained by floods on their 
 return from the Pyrenean baths, beguile the time by 
 telling these tales, and the pious widow Dame Oisille 
 gives excellent assistance in showing how they tend to 
 a moral purpose. The series, designed to equal in 
 number the tales of the Decameron, is incomplete. 
 Possibly Marguerite was aided by some one or more 
 of the authors of whom she was the patroness and pro- 
 tector; but no sufficient evidence exists for the ascription 
 of the Heptamfo-on to Bonaventure des Periers. 
 
 Among the poets whom Marguerite received with 
 favour at her court was CLMENT MAROT, the versifier, 
 as characterised by Boileau, of "elegant badinage." 
 His predecessors and early contemporaries in the open- 
 ing years of the sixteenth century continued the manner 
 of the so-called rhetoriqueurs, who endeavoured to main- 
 tain allegory, now decrepit or effete, with the aid of 
 ingenuities of versification and pedantry of diction ; or 
 else they carried on something of the more living tradi- 
 tion of Villon or of Coquillard. Among the former, 
 Jean le Maire de Beiges deserves to be remembered 
 less for his verse than for his prose work, Illustrations 
 de Gaitle et Singularitez de Troie, in which the Trojan 
 origin of the French people is set forth with some 
 feeling for beauty and a mass of crude erudition. 
 Clement Marot, born at Cahors in 1495 or 1496, a 
 poet's son, was for a time in the service of Francis I. 
 as valet de chambre, and accompanied his master to 
 the battle of Pavia, where he was wounded and made 
 prisoner. Pursued by the Catholics as a heretic, and 
 afterwards by the Genevan Calvinists as a libertine, 
 he was protected as long as was possible by the King
 
 CLEMENT MAROT 85 
 
 and by his sister. He died at Turin, a refugee to 
 Italy, in 1544. 
 
 In his literary origins Marot belongs to the Middle 
 Ages ; he edited the Roman de la Rose and the works 
 of Villon ; his immediate masters were the grands rheto- 
 riqueurs ; but the spirit of the Renaissance and his 
 own genius delivered him from the oppression of their 
 authority, and his intellect was attracted by the revolt 
 and the promise of freedom found in the Reforming 
 party. A light and pleasure -loving nature, a temper 
 which made the prudent conduct of life impossible, 
 exposed him to risks, over which, aided by protectors 
 whom he knew how to flatter with a delicate grace, 
 he glided without fatal mishap. He did not bring 
 to poetry depth of passion or solidity of thought ; 
 he brought what was needed a bright intelligence, a 
 sense of measure and proportion, grace, gaiety, esprit. 
 Escaping, after his early Temple de Cupido, from the 
 allegorising style, he learned to express his personal 
 sentiments, and something of the gay, bourgeois spirit 
 of France, with aristocratic distinction. His poetry of 
 the court and of occasion has lost its savour ; but when 
 he writes familiarly (as in the Epitre au Roi pour avoir 
 ete derobe], or tells a short tale (like the fable of the rat 
 and the lion), he is charmingly bright and natural. None 
 of his poems elegies, epistles, satires, songs, epigrams, 
 rondeaux, pastorals, ballades overwhelm us by their 
 length ; he was not a writer of vast imaginative ambi- 
 tions. His best epigrams are masterpieces in their kind, 
 with happy turns of thought and expression in which 
 art seems to have the ease of nature. The satirical 
 epistle supposed to be sent, not by Marot, but by his 
 valet, to Marot's adversary, Sagon, is spirited in its
 
 86 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 insolence. L'Enfer is a satiric outbreak of indignation 
 suggested by his imprisonment in the Chatelet on the 
 charge of heresy. His versified translation of forty-nine 
 Psalms added to his glory, and brought him the honour 
 of personal danger from the hostility of the Sorbonne ; 
 but to attempt such a translation is to aim at what is 
 impossible. His gift to French poetry is especially a 
 gift of finer art firm and delicate expression, felicity in 
 rendering a thought or a feeling, certainty and grace 
 in poetic evolution, skill in handling the decasyllabic 
 line. A great poet Marot was not, and could not be ; 
 but, coming at a fortunate moment, his work served 
 literature in important ways ; it was a return from 
 laboured rhetoric to nature. In the classical age his 
 merit was recognised by La Bruyere, and the author 
 of the Fables and the Contes in some respects a kindred 
 spirit acknowledged a debt to Marot. 
 
 From Marot as a poet much was learned by Marguerite 
 of Navarre. Of his contemporaries, who were also dis- 
 ciples, the most distinguished was MELIN DE SAINT- 
 GELAIS, and on the master's death Melin passed for 
 an eminent poet. We can regard him now more justly, 
 as one who in slender work sought for elegance, and fell 
 into a mannered prettiness. While preserving something 
 of the French spirit, he suffered from the frigid ingenui- 
 ties which an imitation of Italian models suggested to 
 him; but it cannot be forgotten that Saint-Gelais brought 
 the sonnet from Italy into French poetry. The school 
 of Marot, ambitious in little things, affected much the 
 blason, which celebrates an eyebrow, a lip, a bosom, 
 a jewel, a flower, a precious stone ; lyrical inspiration 
 was slender, but clearness and grace were worth at- 
 taining, and the conception of poetry as a fine art
 
 RABELAIS 87 
 
 served to lead the way towards Ronsard and the 
 Pleiade. 
 
 The most powerful personality in literature of the 
 first half of the sixteenth century was not a poet, though 
 he wrote verses, but a great creator in imaginative prose, 
 great partly by virtue of his native genius, partly because 
 the sap of the new age of enthusiasm for science and 
 learning was thronging in his veins FRANgois RABELAIS. 
 Born about 1490 or 1495, at Chinon, in Touraine, of 
 parents in a modest station, he received his education 
 in the village of Seuille and at the convent of La Bau- 
 mette. He revolted against the routine of the schools, and 
 longed for some nutriment more succulent and savoury. 
 For fifteen years he lived as a Franciscan monk in the 
 cell and cloisters of the monastery at Fontenay-le-Comte. 
 In books, but not those of a monastic library, he found 
 salvation ; mathematics, astronomy, law, Latin, Greek 
 consoled him during his period of uncongenial seclu- 
 sion. His criminal companions books which might be 
 suspected of heresy were sequestrated. The young 
 Bishop of Maillezais his friend Geoffroy d'Estissac, 
 who had aided his studies and the great scholar Bude 
 came to his rescue, and passing first, by favour of the 
 Pope, to the Benedictine abbey of Maillezais, before 
 long he quitted the cloister, and, as a secular priest, 
 began his wanderings of a scholar in search of universal 
 knowledge. In 1530-31 he was at Montpellier, study- 
 ing medicine and lecturing on medical works of Hippo- 
 crates and Galen ; next year, at Lyons, one of the learned 
 group gathered around the great printers of that city, 
 he practised his art of physic in the public hospital, and 
 was known as a scientific author. Towards the close of 
 1532 he re-edited the popular romance Chroniques Gar- 
 7
 
 88 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 gantuincs, which tells the adventures of the " enormous 
 giant Gargantua." It was eagerly read, and brought 
 laughter to the lips of Master Rabelais' patients. Learn- 
 ing, he held, was good, but few things in this world are 
 wholesomer than laughter. The success of the Chro- 
 niques seems to have moved him to write a continuation, 
 and in 1533 appeared Pantagruel t the story of the deeds 
 and prowess of Gargantua's giant son, newly composed 
 by Alcofribas Nasier, an anagram which concealed the 
 name of Francois Rabelais. It forms the second of the 
 five books which make up its author's famous work. A 
 recast or rather a new creation of the Chronicles of 
 Gargantua, replacing the original Chroniqucs, followed 
 in 1535. It was not until 1546 and 1552 that the second 
 and in its complete form the third books of Pantagruel 
 appeared, and the authorship was acknowledged. The 
 last book was posthumous (1562 in part, 1564 in full), 
 and the inferiority of style, together with the more bitter 
 spirit of its satire, have led many critics to the opinion 
 that it is only in part from the hand of the great and wise 
 humourist. 
 
 Rabelais was in Rome in 1534, and again in 1535, as 
 physician to the French ambassador, Jean du Bellay, 
 Bishop of Paris. He pursued his scientific studies in 
 medicine and botany, took lessons in Arabic, and had 
 all a savant's intelligent curiosity for the remains of 
 antiquity. Some years of his life were passed in wan- 
 dering from one French university to another. Fearing 
 the hostility of the Sorbonne, during the last illness of 
 his protector Francis L, he fled to the imperial city of 
 Metz. He was once again in Rome with Cardinal du 
 Bellay, in 1549. Next year the author of Pantagruel 
 was appointed cure of Meudon, near Paris, but, perhaps
 
 RABELAIS 89 
 
 as a concession to publio opinion, he resigned his clerical 
 charges on the eve of the publication of his fourth book. 
 Rabelais died probably in 1552 or 1553, aged about sixty 
 years. 
 
 On his death it might well have been said that the 
 gaiety of nations was eclipsed ; but to his contemporaries 
 Rabelais appeared less as the enormous humourist, the 
 buffoon Homer, than as a great scholar and man of 
 science, whose bright temper and mirthful conversation 
 w r ere in no way inconsistent with good sense, sound 
 judgment, and even a habit of moderation. It is thus 
 that he should still be regarded. Below his laughter lay 
 wisdom; below his orgy of grossness lay a noble ideality; 
 below the extravagances of his imagination lay the equi- 
 librium of a spirit sane and strong. The life that was 
 in him was so abounding and exultant that it broke all 
 dikes and dams ; and laughter for him needed no justifi- 
 cation, it was a part of this abounding life. After the 
 medieval asceticism and the intellectual bondage of 
 scholasticism, life in Rabelais has its vast outbreak and 
 explosion ; he would be no fragment of humanity, but 
 a complete man. He would enjoy the world to the full, 
 and yet at the same time there is something of stoicism 
 in his philosophy of life ; while gaily accepting the good 
 things of the earth, he would hold himself detached from 
 the gifts of fortune, and possess his soul in a strenuous 
 sanity. Let us return such is his teaching to nature, 
 honouring the body, but giving higher honour to the 
 intellect and to the moral feeling ; let us take life seri- 
 ously, and therefore gaily ; let us face death cheerfully, 
 knowing that we do not wholly die ; with light in the 
 understanding and love in the heart, we can confront all 
 dangers and defy all doubts.
 
 90 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 He is the creator of characters which are types. His 
 giants Grandgousier, Gargantua, Pantagruel are giants 
 of good sense and large benevolence. The education of 
 Pantagruel presents the ideal pedagogy of the Renais- 
 sance, an education of the whole man mind and body 
 in contrast with the dwarfing subtleties and word- 
 spinning of the effete mediaeval schools. Friar John is 
 the monk whose passion for a life of activity cannot be 
 restrained ; his violence is the overflow of wholesome 
 energy. It is to his care that the Abbey of Thelema is 
 confided, where young men and maidens are to be occu- 
 pied with every noble toil and every high delight, an 
 abbey whose rule has but a single clause (since goodness 
 has no rule save freedom), " Do what you will." Of such 
 a fraternity, love and marriage are the happiest out- 
 come. Panurge, for whom the suggestion was derived 
 from the macaronic poet Folengo, is the fellow of Shake- 
 speare's Falstaff, in his lack of morals, his egoism, his 
 inexhaustible wit ; he is the worst and best of company. 
 We would dispense with such a disreputable associate 
 if we could, but save that he is a "very wicked lewd 
 rogue," he is "the most virtuous man in the world," 
 and we cannot part with him. Panurge would marry, 
 but fears lest he may be the victim of a faithless wife ; 
 every mode of divination, every source of prediction 
 except one is resorted to, and still his fate hangs 
 threatening ; it only remains to consult the oracle of 
 La Dive Bouteille. The voyaging quest is long and 
 perilous ; in each island at which the adventurers 
 touch, some social or ecclesiastical abuse is exhibited 
 for ridicule ; the word of the oracle is in the end 
 the mysterious " Drink " drink, that is, if one may 
 venture to interpret an oracle, of the pure water
 
 BONAVENTURE DES PERIERS 91 
 
 of wisdom and knowledge, and let the unknown 
 future rest. 
 
 The obscenity and ordure of Rabelais were to the taste 
 of his time ; his severer censures of Church and State 
 were disguised by his buffoonery ; flinging out his good 
 sense and wise counsels with a liberal hand, he also 
 wields vigorously the dunghill pitchfork. If he is gross 
 beyond what can be described, he is not, apart from the 
 evil of such grossness, a cofrupter of morals, unless 
 morals be corrupted by a belief in the goodness of the 
 natural man. The graver wrongs of his age wars of 
 ambition, the abuse of public justice, the hypocrisies, 
 cruelties, and lethargy of the ecclesiastics, distrust of the 
 intellectual movement, spurious ideals of life are vigor- 
 ously condemned. Rabelais loves goodness, charity, 
 truth ; he pleads for the right of manhood to a full and 
 free development of all its powers ; and if questions of 
 original sin and divine grace trouble him little, and his 
 creed has some of the hardihood of the Renaissance, he 
 is full of filial gratitude to le bon Dieu for His gift of life, 
 and of a world in which to live strongly should be to 
 live joyously. 
 
 The influence of Rabelais is seen in the writers of 
 prose tales who were his contemporaries and successors ; 
 but they want his broad good sense and real tem- 
 perance. BONAVENTURE DES PERIERS, whom Marguerite 
 of Navarre favoured, and whose Nouvelles Recreations, 
 with more of the tradition of the French fabliaux and 
 farces and less of the Italian manner, have something 
 in common with the stories of the Heptameron, died in 
 desperation by his own hand about 1543. His Lucianic 
 dialogues which compose the Cymbalum Mmidi show 
 the audacity of scepticism which the new ideas of the
 
 9 2 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 Renaissance engendered in ill-balanced spirits. With 
 all his boldness and ardour Rabelais exercised a certain 
 discretion, and in revising his own text clearly exhibited 
 a desire to temper valour with prudence. 
 
 It is remarkable that just at the time when Rabelais 
 published the second and best book of his Pantagruel, in 
 which the ideality and the realism of the Renaissance 
 blossom to the full, there was a certain revival of the 
 chivalric romance. The Spanish Amadis des Gaules 
 (1540-48), translated by Herberay des Essarts, was a 
 distant echo of the Romances of the Round Table. The 
 gallant achievements of courtly knights, their mystical 
 and platonic loves, were a delight to Francis I., and 
 charmed a whole generation. Thus, for the first time, 
 the literature of Spain reached France, and the influ- 
 ence of Amadis reappears in the seventeenth century in 
 the romances of d'Urfe and Mdlle. de Scudery. 
 
 If the genius of the Renaissance is expressed ardently 
 and amply in the writings of Rabelais, the genius of the 
 Reformation finds its highest and most characteristic 
 utterance through one whom Rabelais describes as the 
 "demoniacle" of Geneva JEAN CALVIN (1509-64). The 
 pale face and attenuated figure of the great Reformer, 
 whose life was a long disease, yet whose indomitable 
 will sustained him amid bodily infirmities, present a 
 striking contrast to the sanguine health and overflow- 
 ing animal spirits of the good physician who reckoned 
 laughter among the means of grace. Yet Calvin was not 
 merely a Reformer : he was also a humanist, who, in 
 his own way, made a profound study of man, and who 
 applied the learning of a master to the determination 
 of dogma. His education was partly theological, partly 
 legal ; and in his body of doctrine appear some of the
 
 CALVIN 93 
 
 rigour, the severity, and the formal procedures of the 
 law. Indignation against the imprisonment and burning 
 of Protestants, under the pretence that they were rebel- 
 lious anabaptists, drew him from obscurity ; silence, 
 he thought, was treason. He addressed to the King 
 an eloquent letter, in which he maintained that the 
 Reformed faith was neither new nor tending towards 
 schism, and next year (1536) he published his lucid 
 and logical exposition of Protestant doctrine the 
 Christiana; Religionis Institutio. It placed him, at the 
 age of twenty-seven, as leader in the forefront of the 
 new religious movement. 
 
 But the movement was not merely learned, it was 
 popular, and Calvin was resolved to present his work to 
 French readers in their own tongue. His translation 
 the Institution appeared probably in 1541. Perhaps no 
 work by an author of seven-and-twenty had ever so great 
 an influence. It consists of four books of God, of Jesus 
 as a Mediator, of the effects of His mediatorial work, 
 and of the exterior forms of the Church. The generous 
 illusion of Rabelais, that human nature is essentially 
 good, has no place in Calvin's system. Man is fallen 
 and condemned under the law ; all his righteousness 
 is as filthy rags ; God, of His mere good pleasure, from 
 all eternity predestinated some men to eternal life and 
 others to eternal death ; the Son of God came to earth 
 to redeem the elect ; through the operation of the Holy 
 Spirit in the gift of faith they are united to Christ, are 
 justified through His righteousness imputed to them, 
 and are sanctified in their hearts ; the Church is the 
 body of the faithful in every land ; the officers of the 
 Church are chosen by the people ; the sacraments are 
 two baptism and the Lord's Supper. In his spirit of
 
 94 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 system, his clearness, and the logical enchainment of 
 his ideas, Calvin is eminently French. On the one side 
 he saw the Church of Rome, with as he held its 
 human tradition, its mass of human superstitions, in- 
 tervening between the soul and God ; on the other 
 side were the scepticism, the worldliness, the religious 
 indifference of the Renaissance. Within the Reforming 
 party there was the conflict of private opinions. Calvin 
 desired to establish once for all, on the basis of the 
 Scriptures, a coherent system of dogma which should 
 impose itself upon the minds of men as of divine autho- 
 rity, which should be at once a barrier against the 
 dangers of superstition and the dangers of libertine 
 speculation. As the leaders of the French Revolution 
 propounded political constitutions founded on the idea 
 of the rights of man, so Calvin aimed at setting forth 
 a creed proceeding, if we may so put it, from a con- 
 ception of the absolute rights of God. Through the 
 mere good pleasure of our Creator, Ruler, Judge, we 
 are what we are. 
 
 It is not perhaps too much to say that Calvin is the 
 greatest writer of the sixteenth century. He learned 
 much from the prose of Latin antiquity. Clearness, 
 precision, ordonnance, sobriety, intellectual energy are 
 compensations for his lack of grace, imagination, sensi- 
 bility, and religious unction. He wrote to convince, to 
 impress his ideas upon other minds, and his austere 
 purpose was attained. In the days of the pagan Re- 
 naissance, it was well for France that there should also 
 be a Renaissance of moral rigour ; if freedom was 
 needful, so also was discipline. On the other hand, it 
 may be admitted that Calvin's reason is sometimes the 
 dupe of Calvin's reasoning.
 
 BF.ZE 95 
 
 His Life was written in French by his fellow-worker in 
 the Reformation, Theodore de Beze, who also recorded 
 the history of the Reformed Churches in France (1580). 
 Beze and Viret, together with their leader Calvin, were 
 eminent in pulpit exposition and exhortation, and in 
 Beze the preacher was conjoined with a poet. At 
 Calvin's request he undertook his translation of the 
 Psalms, to complete that by Marot, and in 1551 his 
 sacred drama the Tragedie Franqaise du sacrifice d' Abra- 
 ham, designed to inculcate the duty of entire surrender 
 to the divine will, and written with a grave and 
 restrained ardour, was presented at the University of 
 Lausanne.
 
 CHAPTER II 
 FROM THE PLEIADE TO MONTAIGNE 
 
 THE classical Renaissance was not necessarily opposed 
 to high ethical ideals ; it was not wholly an affair of the 
 sensuous imagination ; it brought with it the conception 
 of Roman virtue, and this might well unite itself (as we 
 see afterwards in Corneille) with Christian faith. Among 
 the many translators of the sixteenth century was Mon- 
 taigne's early friend the friend in memory of all his 
 life ETIENNE DE LA BOETIE (1530-63). It is not, 
 however, for his fragments of Plutarch or his graceful 
 rendering of Xenophon's Economics (named by him 
 the Mesnagerie) that we remember La Boetie ; it is 
 rather for his eloquent pleading on behalf of freedom 
 in the Discours de la Servitude Volontaire or Contrun, 
 written at sixteen revised later in which, with the 
 rhetoric of youth, he utters his invective against tyranny. 
 Before La Boetie's premature death the morals of anti- 
 quity as seen in action had been exhibited to French 
 readers in the pages of Amyot's delightful translation of 
 Plutarch's Lives (1559), to be followed, some years later, 
 by his (Euvres Morales de Plutarque. JACQUES AMYOT 
 (1513-93), from an ill-fed, ragged boy, rose to be the 
 Bishop of Auxerre. His scholarship, seen not only in 
 his Plutarch, but in his rendering of the Daphnis et Chloe 
 of Longus, and other works, was exquisite ; but still
 
 AMYOT'S PLUTARCH 97 
 
 more admirable was his sense of the capacities of French 
 prose. He divined with a rare instinct the genius of the 
 language; he felt the affinities between his Greek original 
 and the idioms of his own countrymen ; he rather re- 
 created than translated Plutarch. " We dunces," wrote 
 Montaigne, "would have been lost, had not this book 
 raised us from the mire ; thanks to it, we now venture to 
 speak and write ; ... it is our breviary." The life and 
 the ideas of the ancient world became the possession, 
 not of scholars only, but of all French readers. The 
 book was a school of manners and of thought, an in- 
 spirer of heroic deeds. "To love Plutarch," said the 
 greatest Frenchman of the century, Henry of Navarre, 
 "is to love me, for he was long the master of my 
 youth." 
 
 It was such an interest in the life and ideas of antiquity 
 as Amyot conveyed to the general mind of France that 
 was wanting to Ronsard and the group of poets sur- 
 rounding him. Their work was concerned primarily 
 with literary form ; of the life of the world and general 
 ideas, apart from form, they took too little heed. The 
 transition from Marot to Ronsard is to be traced chiefly 
 through the school of Lyons. In that city of the South, 
 letters flourished side by side with industry and com- 
 merce ; Maurice Sceve celebrated his mistress Delie, 
 "object of the highest virtue," with Petrarchan ingenui- 
 ties ; and his pupil LOUISE LAB , " la belle Cordiere," 
 sang in her sonnets of a true passion felt, as she declares, 
 " en ses os, en son sang, en son ame." The Lyonese 
 poets, though imbued with Platonic ideas, rather carry 
 on the tradition of Marot than announce the Pleiade. 
 PIERRE DE RONSARD, born at a chateau a few leagues 
 from Vendome, in the year 1524, was in the service of
 
 98 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 the sons of Francis I. as page, was in Scotland with 
 James V., and later had the prospect of a distinguished 
 diplomatic career, when deafness, consequent on a 
 serious malady, closed for him the avenue to public 
 life. He threw himself ardently into the study of 
 letters; in company with the boy Antoine de Ba'ff he 
 received lessons from an excellent Hellenist, Jean 
 Daurat, soon to be principal of the College Coqueret. 
 At the College a group of students Ronsard, Ba'if, 
 Joachim du Bellay, Remi Belleau gathered about the 
 master. The " Brigade " was formed, which, by-and- 
 by, with the addition of Jodelle and Pontus de Thyard, 
 and including Daurat, became the constellation of the 
 Pleiade. The seven associates read together, translated 
 and imitated the classics ; a common doctrine of art 
 banded them in unity ; they thought scorn of the vulgar 
 ways of popular verse ; poetry for them was an arduous 
 and exquisite toil ; its service was a religion. At length, 
 in 1549, they flung out their manifesto the Defense 
 et Illustration de la Langne Franqaise by Du Bellay, 
 the most important study in literary criticism of the 
 century. With this should be considered, as less im- 
 portant manifestoes, the later Art Podtique of Ronsard, 
 and his prefaces to the Franciade. To formulate prin- 
 ciples is not always to the advantage of a movement 
 in literature ; but champions need a banner, reformers 
 can hardly dispense with a definite creed. Against the 
 popular conception of the ignorant the Pleiade main- 
 tained that poetry was a high and difficult form of 
 art ; against the pedantry of humanism they main- 
 tained that the native tongue of France admitted of 
 literary art worthy to take its place beside that of 
 Greece or Rome. The French 'literary vocabulary, they
 
 DOCTRINE OF THE PLEIADE 99 
 
 declared, has excellences of its own, but it needs to 
 be enriched by technical terms, by words of local dia- 
 lects, by prudent adoptions from Greek and Latin, 
 by judicious developments of the existing families of 
 words, by the recovery of words that have fallen into 
 disuse. 
 
 It is unjust to the Pleiade to say that they aimed at 
 overloading poetic diction with neologisms of classical 
 origin ; they sought to innovate with discretion ; but 
 they unquestionably aimed at the formation of a poetic 
 diction distinct from that of prose ; they turned away 
 from simplicity of speech to ingenious periphrasis ; 
 they desired a select, aristocratic idiom for the service 
 of verse ; they recommended a special syntax in imita- 
 tion of the Latin*; for the elder forms of French poetry 
 they would substitute reproductions or re-creations of 
 classical forms. Rondeaux, ballades, virelais, chants 
 royaux, chansons are to be cast aside as tpiceries ; and 
 their place is to be taken by odes like those of Pindar 
 or of Horace, by the elegy, satire, epigram, epic, or by 
 newer forms justified by the practice of Italian masters. 
 Rich but not over-curious rhymes are to be cultivated, 
 with in general the alternation of masculine and feminine 
 rhymes ; the caesura is to fall in accordance with the 
 meaning. Ronsard, more liberal than Du Bellay, per- 
 mits, on the ground of classical example, the gliding 
 from couplet to couplet without a pause. "The alex- 
 andrine holds in our language the place of heroic 
 verse among the Greeks and Romans" in this state- 
 ment is indicated the chief service rendered to French 
 poetry by Ronsard and the rest of the Pleiade ; they it 
 was who, by their teaching and example, imposed on 
 later writers that majestic line, possessing the most
 
 ioo FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 varied powers, capable of the finest achievements, which 
 has yielded itself alike to the purposes of Racine and 
 to those of Victor Hugo. 
 
 Ronsard and Du Bellay broke with the tradition of 
 the Middle Ages, and inaugurated the French classical 
 school ; it remained for Malherbe, at a later date, to 
 reform the reformation of the Plciade, and to win for 
 himself the glory which properly belongs to his pre- 
 decessors. Unfortunately from its origin the French 
 classical school had in it the spirit of an intellectual 
 aristocracy, which removed it from popular sympathies ; 
 unfortunately, also, the poets of the Pleiade failed to 
 perceive that the masterpieces of Greece and Rome are 
 admirable, not because they belong to antiquity, but 
 because they are founded on the imitation of nature 
 and on ideas of the reason. They were regarded as 
 authorities equal with nature or independent of it ; and 
 thus while the school of Ronsard did much to renew 
 literary art, its teaching involved an error which even- 
 tually tended to the sterilisation of art. That error 
 found its correction in the literature of the seventeenth 
 century, and expressly in the doctrine set forth by 
 Boileau ; yet under the correction some of the con- 
 sequences of the error remained. Ronsard and his 
 followers, on the other hand, never made the assump- 
 tion, common enough in the seventeenth century, that 
 poetry could be manufactured by observance of the 
 rules, nor did they suppose that the total play of 
 emotion must be rationalised by the understanding ; 
 they left a place for the instinctive movements of poetic 
 sensibility. 
 
 During forty years Ronsard remained the " Prince of 
 Poets." Tasso sought his advice; the Chancellor Michel
 
 RONSARD 10 i 
 
 de 1'Hospital wrote in his praise; Brantome placed him 
 above Petrarch ; Queen Elizabeth and Mary Stuart sent 
 him gifts ; Charles IX. on one occasion invited him to sit 
 beside the throne. In his last hours he was still occupied 
 with his art. His death, at the close of 1585, was felt as a 
 national calamity, and pompous honours were awarded 
 to his tomb. Yet Ronsard, though ambitious of literary 
 distinction, did not lose his true self in a noisy fame. 
 His was the delicate nature of an artist; his deafness 
 perhaps added to his timidity and his love of retirement; 
 we think of him in his garden, cultivating his roses as 
 " the priest of Flora." 
 
 His work as a poet falls into four periods. From 1550 
 to 1554 he was a humanist without discretion or reserve 
 In the first three books of the Odes he attempted to rival 
 Pindar ; in the Amours de Cassandre he emulates the 
 glory of Petrarch. From 1554 to 1560, abandoning 
 his Pindarism, he was in discipleship to Anacreon l and 
 Horace. It is the period of the less ambitious odes 
 found in the fourth and fifth books, the period of the 
 Amours de Marie and the Hymnes. From 1560 to 1574 
 he was a poet of the court and of courtly occasions, an 
 eloquent declaimer on public events in the Discours des 
 Aliseres de ce Temps, and the unfortunate epic poet of his 
 unfinished Frandade. During the last ten years of his 
 life he gave freer expression to his personal feelings, 
 his sadness, his gladness ; and to these years belong the 
 admirable sonnets to Helene de Surgeres, his autumnal 
 love. 
 
 Ronsard's genius was lyrical and elegiac, but the tenden- 
 cies of a time when the great affair was the organisation 
 
 1 i.e. the Anacreontic poems, found, and published in I554> ky Henri 
 Estienne.
 
 102 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 of social life, and as a consequence the limitation of 
 individual and personal passions, were not favourable 
 to the development of lyrical poetry. In his imitations 
 of Pindar a narrative element checks the flight of song, 
 and there is a certain unreality in the premeditated 
 attempt to reproduce the passionate fluctuations and 
 supposed disorder of his model. The study of Pindar, 
 however, trained Ronsard in the handling of sustained 
 periods of verse, and interested him in complex lyri- 
 cal combinations. His Anacreontic and HoratLan odes 
 are far happier ; among these some of his most de- 
 lightful work is found. If he was deficient in great 
 ideas, he had delicacy of sentiment and an exquisite 
 sense of metrical harmony. The power which he 
 possessed as a narrative poet appears best in episodes 
 or epic fragments. His ambitious attempt to trace 
 the origin of the French monarchy from the ima- 
 ginary Trojan Francus was unfortunate in its subject, 
 and equally unfortunate in its form the rhyming 
 decasyllabic verse. 
 
 In pieces which may be called hortatory, the pulpit 
 eloquence, as it were, of a poet addressing his contem- 
 poraries on public matters, the utterances of a patriot 
 and a citizen moved by pity for his fellows, such poetry 
 as the Discours dcs Misercs de ce Temps and the Institution 
 pour I' Adolescence du Rot, Charles IX., Ronsard is original 
 and impressive, a forerunner of the orator poets of the 
 seventeenth century. His eclogues show a true feeling 
 for external nature, touched at times by a tender sadness. 
 When he escapes from the curiosities and the strain of 
 his less happy Petrarchism, he is an admirable poet of 
 love in song and sonnet ; no more beautiful variation on 
 the theme of "gather the rosebuds while ye may" exists
 
 BAlF: BELLE AU 103 
 
 than his sonnet Quand vous serez bien vieille, unless it be 
 his dainty ode Mignonne, allons voirsi la Rose. Passionate 
 in the deepest and largest sense Ronsard is not ; but it was 
 much to be sincere and tender, to observe just measure, 
 to render a subtle phase of emotion. In the fine melan- 
 choly of his elegiac poetry he is almost modern. Before 
 all else he is a master of his instrument, an inventor of 
 new effects and movements of the lyre ; in his hands the 
 entire rhythmical system was renewed or was purified. 
 His dexterity in various metres was that of a great vir- 
 tuoso, and it was not the mere dexterity which conquers 
 difficulties, it was a skill inspired and sustained by the 
 sentiment of metre. 
 
 Of the other members of the Pleiade, one Jodelle 
 is remembered chiefly in connection with the history 
 of the drama. Bai'f (1532-89), son of the French 
 ambassador at Venice, translated from Sophocles and 
 Terence, imitated Plautus, Petrarchised in sonnets, took 
 from Virgil's Georgics the inspiration of his Me'tfores, 
 was guided by the Anacreontic poems in his Passe- 
 Temps, and would fain rival Theognis in his most 
 original work Les Mimes, where a moral or satiric 
 meaning masks behind an allegory or a fable. He 
 desired to connect poetry more closely with music, and 
 with this end in view thought to reform the spelling of 
 words and to revive the quantitative metrical system 
 of classical verse. 1 REMI BELLEAU (1528-77) practised 
 the Horatian ode and the sonnet ; translated Anacreon ; 
 followed the Neapolitan Sannazaro in his Bergerie of 
 connected prose and verse, where the shepherds are 
 persons of distinction arrayed in a pastoral disguise ; 
 
 1 The " Baffin verse," French not classical, is of fifteen syllables, divided 
 into hemistichs of seven and eight syllables. 
 8
 
 104 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 and adapted the mediaeval lapidary (with imitations of 
 the pseudo-Orpheus) to the taste of the Renaissance in 
 his Amours et Nouveaux Jischanges des Pier res Precieuses, 
 These little myths and metamorphoses of gems are 
 ingenious and graceful. The delicate feeling for 
 nature which Belleau possessed is seen at its best 
 in the charming song Avril, included in his some- 
 what incoherent Bergerie. Among his papers was 
 found, after his death, a comedy, La Reconnue, which, 
 if it has little dramatic power, shows a certain instinct 
 for satire. 
 
 These are minor lights in the poetical constellation ; 
 but the star of JOACHIM DU BELLAY shines with a ray 
 which, if less brilliant than that of Ronsard, has a finer 
 and more penetrating influence. Du Bellay was born 
 about 1525, at Lire 1 , near Angers, of an illustrious family. 
 His youth was unhappy, and a plaintive melancholy 
 haunts his verse. Like Ronsard he suffered from deaf- 
 ness, and he has humorously sung its praises. Olive, 
 fifty sonnets in honour of his Platonic or Petrarchan 
 mistress, Mdlle. de Viole (the letters of whose name 
 are transposed to Olive), appeared almost at the same 
 moment as the earliest Odes of Ronsard; but before 
 long he could mock in sprightly stanzas the fantasies 
 and excesses of the Petrarchan style. It was not until 
 his residence in Rome (1551) as intendant of his cousin 
 Cardinal du Bellay, the French ambassador, that he 
 found his real self. In his Antiquites de Rome he ex- 
 presses the sentiment of ruins, the pathos of fallen 
 greatness, as it had never been expressed before. The 
 intrigues, corruption, and cynicism of Roman society, his 
 broken health, an unfortunate passion for the Faustina 
 of his Latin verses, and the longing for his beloved
 
 DU BELLAY 105 
 
 province and little Lire depressed his spirits ; in the 
 sonnets of his Regrets he embodied his intimate feelings, 
 and that lively spirit of satire which the baseness of the 
 Pontifical court summoned into life. This satiric vein 
 had, indeed, already shown itself in his mocking counsel 
 to le Poete courtisan : the courtier poet is to be a gentle- 
 man who writes at ease ; he is not to trouble himself 
 with study of the ancients ; he is to produce only pieces 
 of occasion, and these in a negligent style ; the rarer and 
 the smaller they are the better ; and happily at last he 
 may cease to bring forth even these. Possibly his poete 
 courtisan was Melin de Saint-Gelais. As a rural poet 
 Du Bellay is charming ; his Jeux Rustiques, while owing 
 much to the Lusus of the Venetian poet Navagero, have 
 in them the true breath of the fields ; it is his douce 
 province of Anjou which inspires him ; the song to 
 Venus in its happiest stanzas is only less admirable 
 than the Vanneur de Bit, with which more than any 
 other single poem the memory of Du Bellay is associ- 
 ated. The personal note, which is in general absent 
 from the poetry of Ronsard, is poignantly and ex- 
 quisitely audible in the best pieces of Du Bellay. He 
 did not live long enough to witness the complete 
 triumph of the master ; in 1560 he died exhausted, at 
 the age of thirty-five. 
 
 The Pleiade served literature by their attention to 
 form, by their skill in poetic instrumentation ; but they 
 were incapable of interpreting life in any large and 
 original way. In the hands of their successors poetry 
 languished for want of an inspiring theme. PHILIPPE 
 DESPORTES (1546-1606) was copious and skilful in his 
 reproduction and imitation of Italian models ; as a 
 courtier poet he reduced literary flattery to a fine art ;
 
 106 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 but his mannered graces are cold, his pretence of 
 passion is a laboured kind of esprit. A copy of his 
 works annotated by the hand of Malherbe survives ; 
 the comments, severe and just, remained unpublished, 
 probably because the writer was unwilling to pursue 
 an adversary whom death had removed from his way. 
 Jean Bertaut, his disciple, is a lesser Desportes. Satire 
 was developed by Jean Vauquelin de la Fresnaye, and 
 to him we owe an Art Pottique (1575) which adapts to 
 his own time the teaching of Aristotle and Horace. 
 More interesting than these is JEAN PASSERAT (1534- 
 1602), whose spirit is that of old France in its mirth 
 and mockery, and whose more serious verse has the 
 patriotism of French citizenship ; his field was small, 
 but he tilled his field gaily and courageously. The 
 villanelle J'ai perdu ma tourterdle and the ode on May- 
 day show Passerat's art in its happiest moments. 
 
 The way for a reform in dramatic poetry had been in 
 some degree prepared by plays of the sixteenth century, 
 written in Latin the work of Buchanan, Muret, and 
 others by translations from Terence, Sophocles, Euri- 
 pides, translations from Italian comedy, and renderings 
 of one Spanish model, the highly-popular Celestina of 
 Fernando de Rojas. The Latin plays were acted in 
 schools. The first performance of a play in French 
 belonging to the new tendency was that of Ronsard's 
 translation of the Plutus of Aristophanes, in 1549, by 
 his friends of the College de Coqueret. It was only by 
 amateurs, and before a limited scholarly group of spec- 
 tators, that the new classical tragedies could be presented. 
 Gradually both tragedy and comedy came to be written 
 solely with a view to publication in print. The mediaeval 
 drama still held the stage.
 
 CLASSICAL TRAGEDY 107 
 
 JODELLE'S Cleoptitre (1552), performed with enthusiasm 
 by amateurs, was therefore a false start ; it was essen- 
 tially literary, and not theatrical. Greek models were 
 crudely imitated, with a lack of almost everything that 
 gave life and charm to the Greek drama. Seneca was 
 more accessible than Sophocles, and his faults were easy 
 to imitate his moralisings, his declamatory passages, his 
 excess of emphasis. The so-called Aristotelian dramatic 
 canons, formulated by Scaliger in his Poetic, were 
 rigorously applied. Unity of place is preserved in Cleo- 
 pdtre ; the time of the action is reduced to twelve hours ; 
 there are interminable monologues, choral moralities, a 
 ghost (in Seneca's manner), a narration of the heroine's 
 death ; of action there is none, the stage stands still. 
 If Jodelle's Didon has some literary merit, it has little 
 dramatic vitality. The oratorical energy of Grevin's 
 Jules Cesar, the studies of history in La Mort de Daire 
 and La Mort d' Alexandre, by Jacques de La Taille, 
 do not compensate their deficiency in the qualities re- 
 quired by the theatre. One tragedy alone, 'La Sultane, 
 by Gabriel Bounin (1561), amid its violences and ex- 
 travagances, shows a feeling for dramatic action and 
 scenic effect. 
 
 Could the mediaeval mystery and classical tragedy 
 be reconciled ? The Protestant Reformer Beze, in his 
 Sacrifice d'A braham, attempted something of the kind ; 
 his sacred drama is a mystery by its subject, a tragedy 
 in the conduct of the action. Three tragedies on the 
 life of David one of them admirable in its rendering of 
 the love of Michol, daughter of Saul were published in 
 1556 by Loys Des-Masures : the stage arrangements are 
 those of the mediaeval drama, but the unity of time is 
 observed, and chorus and semi- chorus respond in alter-
 
 io8 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 nate strains. No junction of dramatic systems essen- 
 tially opposed proved in the end possible. When Jean 
 de La Taille wrote on a biblical subject in his Saul le 
 Furieux, a play remarkable for its impressive concep- 
 tion and development of the character of Saul, he com- 
 posed it selon Fart, and in the manner of "the old 
 tragic authors." He is uncompromising in his classical 
 method ; the mediaeval drama seemed inartificial to him 
 in the large concessions granted by the spectators to 
 the authors and actors; he would have what passes on 
 the stage approximate, at least, to reality ; the unities 
 were accepted not merely on the supposed authority 
 of Aristotle, but because they were an aid in attaining 
 verisimilitude. 
 
 The most eminent name in the history of French 
 tragedy of the sixteenth century is that of ROBERT 
 GARNIER (1534-90). His discipleship to Seneca was at 
 first that of a pupil who reproduces with exaggeration 
 his master's errors. Sensible of the want of movement 
 in his scenes, he proceeded in later plays to accumulate 
 action upon action without reducing the action to unity. 
 At length, in Les Juives (1583), which exhibits the revolt 
 of the Jewish King and his punishment by Nabucho- 
 donosor, he attained something of true pity and terror, 
 beauty of characterisation, beauty of lyrical utterance in 
 the plaintive songs of the chorus. Gamier was assuredly 
 a poet ; but even in Les Juives, the best tragedy of his 
 century, he was not a master of dramatic art. If any- 
 where he is in a true sense dramatic, it is in his example 
 of the new form of tragi-comedy. Bradamante, derived 
 from the Orlando Furioso of Ariosto, shows not only 
 poetic imagination, but a certain feeling for the require- 
 ments of the theatre.
 
 COMEDY 109 
 
 Comedy in the sixteenth century, dating from Jodelle's 
 Eugene, is either a development of the mediaeval farce, 
 indicated in point of form by the retention of octo- 
 syllabic verse, or an importation from the drama of 
 Italy. Certain plays of Aristophanes, of Terence, of 
 Plautus were translated ; but, in truth, classical models . 
 had little influence. Grevin, while professing originality, 
 really follows the traditions of the farce. Jean de La 
 Taille, in his prose comedy Les Corrivaux, prepared 
 the way for the easy and natural dialogue of the comic 
 stage. The most remarkable group of sixteenth-century 
 comedies are those translated in prose from the Italian, 
 with such obvious adaptations as might suit them to 
 French readers, by PIERRE DE LARIVEY (1540 to after 
 1611). Of the family of the Giunti, he had gallicised 
 his own name (Giunti, i.e. Arrives) ; and the originality 
 of his plays is of a like kind with that of his name ; 
 they served at least to establish an Italian tradition 
 for comedy, which was not without an influence in 
 the seventeenth century ; they served to advance the 
 art of dialogue. If any comedy of the period stands 
 out as superior to its fellows, it is Les Contents (1584), 
 by Odet de Turnebe, a free imitation of Italian models 
 united with something imported from the Spanish 
 Cclestina. Its intrigue is an Italian imbroglio ; but 
 there are lively and natural scenes, such as can but 
 rarely be found among the predecessors of Moliere. In 
 general the comedy of the sixteenth century is wildly 
 confused in plot, conventional in its types of character, 
 and too often as grossly indecent as the elder farces. 
 Before the century closed, the pastoral drama had been 
 discovered, and received influences from both Italy and 
 Spain; the soil was being prepared for that delicate
 
 no FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 flower of poetry, but as yet its nurture was little under- 
 stood, nor indeed can it be said to have ever taken kindly 
 to the climate of France. 
 
 While on the one hand the tendencies of the 
 Pleiade may be described as exotic, going forth, as 
 they did, to capture the gifts of classical and Italian 
 literature, on the other hand they pleaded strenu- 
 ously that thus only could French literature attain its 
 highest possibilities. In the scholarship of the time, 
 side by side with the humanism which revived and 
 restored the culture of Greece and Rome, was an- 
 other humanism which was essentially national. The 
 historical origins of France were studied for the first 
 time with something of a critical spirit by CLAUDE 
 FAUCHET in his Antiquitcs Gauloises et Francoises 
 (1579 1601). His Recueil de I ' Origine de la Langue et 
 Poesie Fran$oise, in spite of its errors, was an effort 
 towards French philology; and in calling attention to 
 the trouveres and their works, Fauchet may be con- 
 sidered a remote master of the school of modern literary 
 research. ESTIENNE PASQUIER (1529-1615), the jurist 
 who maintained in a famous action the cause of the 
 University against the Jesuits, in his Recherches de la 
 France treated with learning and vigour various im- 
 portant points in French history civil and ecclesiastical 
 language, literary history, and the foundation of uni- 
 versities. HENRI ESTIENNE (1531-98), who entered to 
 the full into the intoxication of classical humanism, 
 was patriotic in his reverence for his native tongue. 
 In a trilogy of little treatises (1565-79), written with 
 much spirit, he maintained that of modern languages 
 the French has the nearest affinity to the Greek, 
 attempted to establish its superiority to Italian, and
 
 JEAN BODIN in 
 
 much more to Spanish, and mocked the contemporary 
 fashion of Italianised French. 
 
 The study of history is supported on the one hand b)! 
 such erudite research as that of Fauchet and Pasquier; 
 on the other hand it is supported by political philosophy 
 and speculation. To philosophy, in the wider sense 
 of the word, the sixteenth century made no large and 
 coherent contribution ; the Platonism, Pyrrhonism, 
 Epicureanism, Stoicism of the Renaissance met and 
 clashed together ; the rival theologies of the Roman and 
 Reformed Churches contended in a struggle for life. 
 PIERRE DE LA RAMEE (1515-72) expressed the revolt 
 of rationalism against the methods of the schoolmen 
 and the authority of Aristotle; but he ordinarily wrote 
 in Latin, and his Dialectique, the first philosophical work 
 in the vulgar tongue, hardly falls within the province of 
 literary history. 
 
 The philosophy of politics is represented by one 
 great name, that of JEAN BODIN (1529-96), whose R<?- 
 publique may entitle him to be styled the Montesquieu 
 of the Renaissance. In an age which tended towards 
 the formation of great monarchies he was vigorously 
 monarchical. The patriarchal power of the sovereign 
 might well be thought needful, in the second half of 
 the century, as a barrier against anarchy ; but Bodin 
 was no advocate of tyranny ; he condemned slavery, 
 and held that religious persecution can only lead to a 
 dissolution of religious belief. A citizen is defined by 
 Bodin as a free man under the supreme government of 
 another; like Montesquieu, he devotes attention to the 
 adaptation of government to the varieties of race and 
 climate. The attempts at a general history of France 
 in the earlier part of the sixteenth century preserved
 
 112 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 the arid methods and unilluminated style of the medi- 
 aeval chronicles ; 1 in the second half of the century 
 they imitated with little skill the models of antiquity. 
 Histories of contemporary events in Europe were 
 written with conscientious impartiality by Lancelot de 
 la Popeliniere, and with personal and party passion, 
 struggling against his well-meant resolves, by Agrippa 
 d'Aubign6. The great Historia met Temporis of De 
 Thou, faithful and austere in its record of fact, was a 
 highly- important contribution to literature, but it is 
 written in Latin. 
 
 With a peculiar gift for narrative, the French have 
 been long pre-eminent as writers of memoirs, and 
 already in the sixteenth century such personal recitals 
 are numerous. The wars of Frangois I. and of Henri 
 II. gave abundant scope for the display of individual 
 enterprise and energy ; the civil wars breathed into the 
 deeds of men an intensity of passion ; the actors had 
 much to tell, and a motive for telling it each in his own 
 interest. 
 
 The Commentaires of BLAISE DE MONLUC (1502-77) 
 are said to have been named by Henri IV. "the 
 soldier's Bible " ; the Bible is one which does not 
 always inculcate mercy or peace. Monluc, a Gascon of 
 honourable birth and a soldier of fortune, had the 
 instinct of battle in his blood ; from a soldier he rose 
 through every rank to be the King's lieutenant of 
 Guyenne and a Marshal of France ; during fifty years 
 he fought, as a daring captain rather than as a great 
 general, amorous of danger, and at length, terribly 
 
 1 The narrative of the life of Bayard, by his secretary, writing under the 
 name of "Le Loyal Serviteur" (1527), is admirable for its clearness, grace, 
 and simplicity.
 
 MONLUC 113 
 
 disfigured by wounds, he sat down, not to rest, but 
 to wield his pen as if it were a sword of steel. His 
 Commentaircs were meant to be a manual for hardy 
 combatants, and what model could he set before the 
 young aspirant so animating as himself ? In his earlier 
 wars against the foreign foes of his country, Monluc was 
 indeed a model of military prowess; the civil wars added 
 cruelty to his courage ; after a fashion he was religious, 
 and a short shrift and a cord were good enough for 
 heretics and adversaries of his King. An unlettered 
 soldier, Monluc, by virtue of his energy of character 
 and directness of speech, became a most impressive and 
 spirited narrator. His Memoirs close with a sigh for 
 stern and inviolable solitude. Among the Pyrenean 
 rocks he had formerly observed a lonely monastery, in 
 view at once of Spain and France ; there it was his wish 
 to end his days. 
 
 From the opposite party in the great religious and 
 political strife came the temperate Memoirs of Lanoue, 
 the simple and beautiful record of her husband's life by 
 Madame de Mornay, and that of his own career, written 
 in an old age of gloom and passion,by D'Aubigne". The 
 ideas of Henri IV. himself a royal author in his Lettres 
 missives are embodied in the (Economies Royales of the 
 statesman Sully, whose secretaries were employed for 
 the occasion in laboriously reciting his words and deeds 
 as they had learnt them from their chief. The superficial 
 aspects of the life of society, the manners and morals 
 or lack of morals of the time, are lightly and brightly 
 exhibited by PIERRE DE BOURDEILLE, lord of BRAN- 
 TOME, Catholic abbe", soldier and courtier, observer of 
 the great world, gossip of amorous secrets. His Vies des 
 Homines Illustres et des Grands Capitaines, his Vies des
 
 II 4 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 Dames Illustres et des Dames Galantes, and his Mtmoires 
 contained matter too dangerous, perhaps, for publication 
 during his lifetime, but the author cherished the thought 
 of his posthumous renown. Brantome, wholly indifferent 
 to good and evil, had a vivid interest in life ; virtue and 
 vice concerned him alike and equally, if only they 
 had vivacity, movement, colour; and although, as with 
 Monluc, it was a physical calamity that made him turn 
 to authorship, he wrote with a nai've art, an easy grace, 
 and abundant spirit. To correct and complete Bran- 
 tome's narrative as it related to herself, Marguerite, 
 Queen of Navarre, first wife of Henri IV., prepared her 
 unfinished Memoirs, which opens the delightful series 
 of autobiographies and reminiscences of women. Her 
 account of the night of St. Bartholomew is justly 
 celebrated ; the whole record, indeed, is full of interest; 
 but there were passages of her life which it was natural 
 that she should pass over in silence ; her sins of 
 omission, as Bayle has observed, are many. 1 
 
 The controversies of the civil wars produced a militant 
 literature, in which the extreme parties contended with 
 passion, while between these a middle party, the aspirants 
 to conciliation, pleaded for the ways of prudence, and, 
 if possible, of peace. FRANCOIS HOTMAN, the effect of 
 whose Latin Franco-Gallia, a political treatise presenting 
 the Huguenot demands, has been compared to that of 
 Rousseau's Contrat Social, launched his eloquent invective 
 against the Cardinal de Lorraine, in the Epistre envoy fo au 
 Tigre de la France. Hubert Languet, the devoted friend 
 
 1 The Memoires-Journeaux of Pierre de 1'Estoile are a great magazine of 
 the gains of the writer's disinterested curiosity. The Lettres of D'Ossat and 
 the Negotiations of the President Jeannin are of importance in the records 
 of diplomacy.
 
 MILITANT LITERATURE 115 
 
 of Philip Sidney, in his Vindicia contra Tyrannos, 
 justified rebellion against princes who violate by their 
 commands the laws of God. D'Aubigne, in his Con- 
 fession de Sancy, attacked with characteristic ardour the 
 apostates and waverers of the time, above the rest that 
 threefold recanter of his faith, Harlay de Sancy. Marnix 
 de Sainte-Aldegonde, in his Tableau des Differands de la 
 Religion, mingles theological erudition with his raillery 
 against the Roman communion. Henri Estienne applied 
 the spirit and learning of a great humanist to religious 
 controversy in the second part of his Apologie pour 
 Herodote ; the marvellous tales of the Greek historian 
 may well be true, he sarcastically maintains, when in 
 this sixteenth century the abuses of the Roman Church 
 seem to pass all belief. On the other hand, Du Perron, 
 a cardinal in 1604, replied to the arguments and cita- 
 tions of the heretics. As the century drew towards its 
 close, violence declined ; the struggle was in a measure 
 appeased. In earlier days the Chancellor, Michel de 
 1' Hospital, had hoped to establish harmony between 
 the rival parties ; grief for the massacre of St. Bar- 
 tholomew hastened his death. The learned Duplessis- 
 Mornay, leader and guide of the Reformed Churches 
 of France, a devoted servant of Henri of Navarre, while 
 fervent in his own beliefs, was too deeply attached to 
 the common faith of Christianity to be an extreme 
 partisan. The reconciliation of Henri IV. with the 
 Church of Rome, which delivered France from anarchy, 
 was, however, a grief to some of his most loyal sup- 
 porters, and of these Duplessis-Mornay was the most 
 eminent. 
 
 The cause of Henri against the League was served by 
 the manuscript circulation of a prose satire, with inter-
 
 n6 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 spersed pieces of verse, the work of a group of writers, 
 moderate Catholics or converted Protestants, who loved 
 their country and their King, the Satire Menipttel- When 
 it appeared in print (1594; dated on the title-page 1593) 
 the cause was won ; the satire rose upon a wave of suc- 
 cess, like a gleaming crest of bitter spray. It is a parody 
 of the Estates of the League which had been ineffectually 
 convoked to make choice of a king. Two Rabelaisian 
 charlatans, one from Spain, one from Lorraine, offer their 
 drugs for sale in the court of the Louvre ; the virtues 
 of the Spanish Catholicon, a divine electuary, are mani- 
 fold it will change the blackest criminal into a spotless 
 lamb, it will transform a vulgar bonnet to a cardinal's 
 hat, and at need can accomplish a score of other miracles. 
 Presently the buffoon Estates file past to their assembly ; 
 the hall in which they meet is tapestried with grotesque 
 scenes from history ; the order of the sitting is deter- 
 mined, and the harangues begin, harangues in which 
 each speaker exposes his own ambitions, greeds, hypcv- 
 crisies, and egoism, until Monsieur d'Aubray, the orator 
 of the tiers Mat, closes the debate with a speech in 
 turn indignant, ironical, or gravs in its commisera- 
 tion for the popular wrongs an ut'.erance of bourgeois 
 honesty and good sense. The writers Canon Pierre 
 Leroy ; Gillot, clerk-advocate of the Parliament of Paris ; 
 Rapin, a lettered combatant at Ivry ; Jean Passerat, poet 
 and commentator on Rabelais ; Chrestien and Pithou, 
 two Protestants discreetly converted by force of events 
 met in a room of Gillot's house, where, according to 
 the legend, Boileau was afterwards born, and there con- 
 cocted the venom of their pamphlet. Its wit, in spite of 
 
 1 Varro, who to a certain extent copied from Menippus the Gadarene, had 
 called his satires Saturtz Menippea ; hence the title.
 
 DU BARTAS 117 
 
 some extravagances and the tedium of certain pages, is 
 admirable ; farce and comedy, sarcasm and moral pru- 
 dence alternate ; and it had the great good fortune of a 
 satire, that of coming at the lucky moment. 
 
 The French Huguenots were not without their poets. 
 Two of these Guillaume Saluste, Seigneur du Bartas, 
 and Agrippa d'Aubigne are eminent. The fame of Du 
 BARTAS (1544-90) was indeed European. Ronsard sent 
 him a pen of gold, and feared at a later time the rivalry 
 of his renown ; Tasso drew inspiration from his verse ; 
 the youthful Milton read him with admiration in the 
 rendering by Sylvester ; long afterwards Goethe hon- 
 oured him with praise beyond his deserts. To read his 
 poems now, notwithstanding passages of vivid descrip- 
 tion and passages of ardent devotional feeling, would 
 need rare literary fortitude. His originality lies in the 
 fact that while he was a disciple of the Pleiade, a disciple 
 crude, intemperate, and provincial, he deserted Greece 
 and Rome, and drew his subjects from Hebraic sources. 
 His Judith (1573), composed by the command of Jeanne 
 d'Albret, has more of Lucan than of Virgil in its over-em- 
 phatic style. La Sepmaine,ou la Creation en Sept Journ&s, 
 appeared in 1578, and within a few years had passed 
 through thirty editions. Du Bartas is always copious, 
 sometimes brilliant, sometimes majestic ; but laboured 
 and rhetorical description, never ending and still be- 
 ginning, fatigues the mind ; an encyclopaedia of the 
 works of creation weighs heavily upon the imagination ; 
 we sigh for the arrival of the day of rest. 
 
 THODORE-AGRIPPA D'AUBIGN (1550-1630) was not 
 among the admirers of Du Bartas. His natural temper was 
 framed for pleasure ; at another time he might have been 
 known only as a poet of the court, of lighter satire, and of
 
 n8 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 love ; the passions of the age transformed him into an 
 ardent and uncompromising combatant. His classical 
 culture was wide and exact ; at ten years old he translated 
 the Crito ; Latin, Greek, Hebrew, Italian, Spanish were 
 at his command. He might, had France been at peace 
 with herself, have appeared in literature as a somewhat 
 belated Ronsardist ; but his hereditary cause became his 
 own. While still a child he accepted from his father, in 
 presence of the withering heads of the conspirators of 
 Amboise, the oath of immitigable vengeance. Pursuits, 
 escapes, the camp, the battle-field, the prison, the court 
 made up no small part of his life of vicissitude and of 
 unalterable resolve. He roused Henri of Navarre from 
 the lethargy of pleasure ; he warned the King against 
 the crime of apostasy ; he dreadled the mass, but could 
 cheerfully have accepted the stake. Extreme in his rage 
 of party, he yet in private affairs could show good sense 
 and generosity. His elder years were darkened by what 
 he regarded as treason in his King, and by the falling 
 away from the faith of that son who, by an irony of 
 fate, became the father of Madame de Maintenon. Four 
 times condemned to death, he died in exile at the age of 
 eighty. 
 
 D'Aubigne's satirical tale, Les Aventures du Baron de 
 F&neste, contrasts the man who appears spreading his 
 plumes in the sunshine of the court with the man who 
 is, the man who lives upon his estate, among his rustic 
 neighbours, tilling his fields and serving his people and his 
 native land. As an elegiac poet D'Aubign6 is little more 
 than a degenerate issue from the Pleiade. It is in his 
 vehement poem of mourning and indignation and woe, 
 Les Tragiques, begun in 1577 but not published till 1616, 
 that his power is fully manifested. To D'Aubigne, as
 
 AGRIPPA D'AUBIGNE 119 
 
 its author, the characterisation of Sainte-Beuve exactly 
 applies : " Juvenal du xvi. siecle, apre, austere, inexor- 
 able, herisse d'hyperboles, e"tincelant de beautes, rache- 
 tant une rudesse grossiere par une sublime e"nergie." 
 In seven books it tells of the misery of France, the 
 treachery of princes, the abuse of public law and justice, 
 the fires and chains of religious persecution, the venge- 
 ance of God against the enemies of the saints, and 
 the final judgment of sinners, when air and fire and 
 water become the accusers of those who have per- 
 verted the powers of nature to purposes of cruelty. 
 The poem is ill composed, its rhetoric is often strained 
 or hard and metallic, its unrelieved horrors oppress 
 the heart ; but the cry of true passion is heard in 
 its finer pages ; from amid the turmoil and smoke, 
 living tongues of flame seem to dart forth which 
 illuminate the gloom. The influence of Les Tragiques 
 may still be felt in passages of Victor Hugo's fulgurant 
 eloquence. 
 
 In the midst of strife, however, there were men who 
 pursued the disinterested service of humanity and whose 
 work made for peace. The great surgeon Ambroise Pare", 
 full of tolerance and deeply pious, advanced his healing 
 art on the battle-field or amid the ravages of pestilence, 
 and left a large contribution to the literature of science 
 Bernard Palissy, a devout Huguenot, was not only the 
 inventor of "rustic figulines," the designer of enamelled 
 cups and platters, but a true student of nature, who would 
 substitute the faithful observation of phenomena for 
 vain and ambitious theory. Olivier de Serres, another 
 disciple of Calvin, cultivated his fields, helped to enrich 
 France by supporting Henri IV. in the introduction of 
 the industry in silk, and amassed his knowledge and
 
 120 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 experience in his admirably-written Theatre d' Agricul- 
 ture. At a later date Antoine de Montchrestien, adven- 
 turous and turbulent in his Protestant zeal, the writer of 
 tragedies which connect the sixteenth century \vith the 
 classical school of later years, became the advocate of 
 a protectionist and a colonial policy in his Traicte 1 de 
 rCEconomie Politique; the style of his essay towards eco- 
 nomic reform has some of the passion and enthusiasm of 
 a poet. 
 
 A refuge from the troubles and vicissitudes of the time 
 was sought by some in a Christianised Stoicism. Guil- 
 laume du Vair (1556-1621), eminent as a magistrate, did 
 not desert his post of duty; he pleaded eloquently, as 
 chief orator of the middle party of conciliation, on behalf 
 of unity under Henri of Navarre. In his treatise on 
 French eloquence he endeavoured to elevate the art of 
 public speaking above laboured pedantry to true human 
 discourse. But while taking part in the contentious pro- 
 gress of events, he saw the flow of human affairs as from 
 an elevated plateau. In the conversations with friends 
 which form his treatise De la Constance et Consolation 
 es Calamit^s Publiques, Du Vair's counsels are those of 
 courage and resignation, not unmingled with hope. He 
 rendered into French the stoical morals of Epictetus; 
 and in his own Sainte Philosophie and Philosophie Morale 
 des Sto'iques he endeavoured, with honest purpose, rather 
 than \vith genius, to ally speculation to religion, and to 
 show how human reason can lead the way to those ethical 
 truths which are the guiding lights of conduct. 
 
 Perhaps certitude sufficient for human life may be 
 found by limitation ; a few established truths will, after 
 all, carry us from the cradle to the grave ; and beyond 
 the bounds of certitude lies a limitless and fascinating
 
 MONTAIGNE 1 2 1 
 
 field for observation and dubious conjecture. Amid the 
 multitude of new ideas which the revival of antiquity 
 brought with it, amid the hot disputes of the rival 
 churches, amid the fierce contentions of civil war, how 
 delightful to possess one's soul in quiet, to be satisfied 
 with the needful knowledge, small though it be, which is 
 vouchsafed to us, and to amuse the mind with every 
 opinion and every varying humour of that curious and 
 wayward creature man ! And who so wayward, who so 
 wavering as one's self in all those parts of our composite 
 being which are subject to the play of time and circum- 
 stance ? Such, in an age of confusion working towards 
 clearness, an age of belligerency tending towards con- 
 cord, were the reflections of a moralist, the most original 
 of his century Michel de Montaigne. 
 
 MICHEL EYQUEM, SEIGNEUR DE MONTAIGNE, was 
 born at a chateau in Perigord, in the year 1533. His 
 father, whom Montaigne always remembered with affec- 
 tionate reverence, was a man of original ideas. He 
 entrusted the infant to the care of peasants, wishing to 
 attach him to the people ; educated him in Latin as if 
 his native tongue ; roused him at morning from sleep 
 to the sound of music. From his sixth to his thirteenth 
 year Montaigne was at the College de Guyenne, where 
 he took the leading parts in Latin tragedies composed by 
 Muret and Buchanan. In 1554 he succeeded his father 
 as councillor in the court des aides of Perigueux, the 
 members of which were soon afterwards incorporated 
 in the Parliament of Bordeaux. But nature had not 
 destined Montaigne for the duties of the magistracy ; 
 he saw too many sides of every question ; he chose 
 rather to fail in justice than in humanity. In 1565 he 
 acquired a large fortune by marriage, and having lost
 
 122 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 his father, he retired from public functions in 1570, to 
 enjoy a tranquil existence of meditation, and of rambling 
 through books. He had published, a year before, in 
 fulfilment of his father's desire, a translation of the 
 Theologia Naturalis of Raimond de Sebonde, a Spanish 
 philosopher of the fifteenth century ; and now he occu- 
 pied himself in preparing for the press the writings of 
 his dead friend La Boe"tie. Love for his father and 
 love for his friend were the two passions of Montaigne's 
 life. From 1571 to 1580 he dwelt in retreat, in company 
 with his books and his ideas, indulging his humour for 
 tranquil freedom of the mind. It was his custom to 
 enrich tfte margins of his books with notes, and his 
 earliest essays may be regarded as an extension of 
 such notes ; Plutarch and Seneca were, above all, his 
 favourites ; afterwards, the volume which he read with 
 most enjoyment, and annotated most curiously, was that 
 of his own life. 
 
 And, indeed, Montaigne's daily life, with outward 
 monotony and internal variety, was a pleasant miscel- 
 lany on which to comment. He was of a middle tem- 
 perament, "between the jovial and the melancholic"; 
 a lover of solitude, yet the reverse of morose ; choosing 
 bright companions rather than sad ; able to be silent, 
 as the mood took him, or to gossip ; loyal and frank ; 
 a hater of hypocrisy and falsehood ; a despiser of empty 
 ceremony ; disposed to interpret all things to the best ; 
 cheerful among his children ; careless of exercising 
 authority ; incapable of household management ; trust- 
 ful and kind towards his neighbours ; indulgent in his 
 judgments, yet warm in his admiration of old, heroic 
 virtue. His health, which in boyhood had been robust, 
 was shaken in middle life by an internal malady. He
 
 THE ESSAIS 123 
 
 travelled in the hope of finding strength, visiting Ger- 
 many, Switzerland, Italy, Tyrol, and observing, with a 
 serious amusement, the varieties of men and manners. 
 While still absent from France, in 1581, he learned that 
 he had been elected mayor of Bordeaux ; he hesitated 
 in accepting an honourable but irksome public office ; 
 the King permitted no dallying, and Montaigne obeyed. 
 Two years later the mayor was re-elected ; it was a period 
 of difficulty ; a Catholic and a Royalist, he had a heretic 
 brother, and himself yielded to the charm of Henri of 
 Navarre ; " for the Ghibelline I was a Guelph, for the 
 Guelph a Ghibelline." When, in 1585, pestilence raged 
 in Bordeaux, Montaigne's second period of office had 
 almost expired ; he quitted the city, and the election of 
 his successor took place in his absence. His last years 
 were brightened by the friendship almost filial of 
 Mdlle. de Gournay, an ardent admirer, and afterwards 
 editor, of the Essais. In 1592 Montaigne died, when 
 midway in his sixtieth year. 
 
 The first two books of the Essais were published by 
 their author in 1580 ; in 1588 they appeared in an 
 augmented text, with the addition of the third book. 
 The text superintended by Mdlle. de Gournay, based 
 upon a revised and enlarged copy left by Montaigne, is 
 of the year 1595. 
 
 The unity of the book, which makes no pretence to 
 unity, may be found in the fact that all its topics 
 are concerned with a- common subject the nature of 
 man ; that the writer accepts himself as the example of 
 humanity most open to his observation ; and that the 
 same tranquil, yet insatiable curiosity is everywhere pre- 
 sent. Man, as conceived by Montaigne, is of all creatures 
 the most variable, unstable, inconstant. The species
 
 124 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 includes the saint and the brute, the hero and the craven, 
 while between the extremes lies the average man, who 
 may be anything that nature, custom, or circumstances 
 make him. And as the species varies indefinitely, so 
 each individual varies endlessly from himself : his con- 
 science controls his temperament ; his temperament 
 betrays his conscience ; external events transform him 
 from what he was. Do we seek to establish our moral 
 being upon the rock of philosophical dogma ? The rock 
 gives way under our feet, and scatters as if sand. Such 
 truth as we can attain by reason is relative truth ; let 
 us pass through knowledge to a wise acceptance of our 
 ignorance ; let us be contented with the probabilities 
 which are all that our reason can attain. The truths 
 of conduct, as far as they are ascertainable, were known 
 long since to the ancient moralists. Can any virtue 
 surpass the old Roman virtue ? We believe in God, 
 although we know little about His nature or His opera- 
 tions ; and why should we disbelieve in Christianity, 
 which happens to be part of the system of things under 
 which we are born ? But why, also, should we pay such 
 a compliment to opinions different from our own as to 
 burn a heretic because he prefers the Pope of Geneva 
 to the Pope of Rome ? Let each of us ask himself, 
 "Que sais-je?" "What do I really know?" and the 
 answer will serve to temper our zeal. 
 
 While Montaigne thus saps our confidence in the 
 conclusions of the intellect, when they pass beyond a 
 narrow bound, he pays a homage to the force of will ; 
 his admiration for the heroic men of Plutarch is ardent. 
 An Epicurean by temperament, he is a Stoic through 
 his imagination ; but for us and for himself, who are 
 no heroes, the appropriate form of Stoical virtue is
 
 TEACHING OF MONTAIGNE 125 
 
 moderation within our sphere, and a wise indifference, 
 or at most a disinterested curiosity, in matters which 
 lie beyond that sphere. Let us resign ourselves to life, 
 such as it is ; let us resign ourselves to death ; and let 
 the resignation be cheerful or even gay. To spend 
 ourselves in attempted reforms of the world, of society, 
 of governments, is vain. The world will go its own 
 way ; it is for us to accept things as they are, to observe 
 the laws of our country because it is ours, to smile 
 at them if we please, and to extract our private gains 
 from a view of the reformers, the enthusiasts, the dog- 
 matists, the credulous, the combatants ; there is one 
 heroism possible for us the heroism of good sense. 
 " It is an absolute perfection, and as it were divine," 
 so we read on the last page of Florio's translation of 
 the Essais, " for a man to know how to enjoy his being 
 loyally. We seek for other conditions because we 
 understand not the use of ours ; and go out of ourselves, 
 forasmuch as we know not what abiding there is. We 
 may long enough get upon stilts, for be we upon them, 
 yet must we go with our legs. And sit we upon the 
 highest throne of the world, yet sit we upon our own 
 tail. The best and most commendable lives, and best 
 pleasing me are (in my conceit), those which with order 
 are fitted, and with decorum are ranged, to the common 
 mould and human model ; but without wonder or ex- 
 travagancy. Now hath old age need to be handled more 
 tenderly. Let us recommend it unto that God who is 
 the protector of health and fountain of all wisdom ; 
 but blithe and social." And with a stanza of Epicurean 
 optimism from Horace the Essay closes. 
 
 Such, or somewhat after this fashion, is the doctrine of 
 Montaigne. It is conveyed to the reader without system,
 
 126 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 in the most informal manner, in a series of discourses 
 which seem to wander at their own will, resembling a 
 bright and easy conversation, vivid with imagery, en- 
 livened by anecdote and citation, reminiscences from 
 history, observations of curious manners and customs, 
 offering constantly to view the person of Montaigne 
 himself in the easiest undress. The style, although 
 really carefully studied and superintended, has an air of 
 light facility, hardly interposing between the author and 
 his reader ; the book is of all books the most sociable, 
 a living companion rather than a book, playful and 
 humorous, amiable and well bred, learned without pedan- 
 try, and wise without severity. 
 
 During the last three years of his life Montaigne 
 enjoyed the friendship of a disciple who was already 
 celebrated for his eloquence as a preacher. PIERRE 
 CHARRON (1541-1603), legist and theologian, under the 
 influence of Montaigne's ideas, aspired to be a philo- 
 sopher. It was as a theologian that he wrote his book 
 of the Trots Verites, which attempts to demonstrate the 
 existence of God, the truth of Christianity, and the 
 exclusive orthodoxy of the Roman communion. It was 
 as a philosopher, in the Traiti de la Sagesse, that he 
 systematised the informal scepticism of Montaigne. In- 
 stead of putting the question, "Que sais-je ?" Charron 
 ventures the assertion, "Je ne sais." He exhibits man's 
 weakness, misery, and bondage to the passions ; gives 
 counsel for the enfranchisement of the mind ; and 
 studies the virtues of justice, prudence, temperance, 
 and valiance. God has created man, says Charron, to 
 know the truth; never can he know it of himself or 
 by human means, and one who despairs of reason is 
 in the best position for accepting divine instruction ;
 
 CHARRON 127 
 
 a Pyrrhonist at least will never be a heretic ; even if 
 religion be regarded as an invention of man, it is an 
 invention which has its uses. Not a few passages of 
 the Sagesse are directly borrowed, with slight rehand- 
 ling, from Montaigne and from Du Vair ; but, instead of 
 Montaigne's smiling agnosticism, we have a grave and 
 formal indictment of humanity ; we miss the genial 
 humour and kindly temper of the master ; we miss the 
 amiable egotism and the play of a versatile spirit ; we 
 miss the charm of an incomparable literary style.
 
 BOOK THE THIRD 
 
 THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY
 
 BOOK THE THIRD 
 TPIE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 
 LITERARY FREEDOM AND LITERARY ORDER 
 
 WITH the restoration of order under Henri IV. the 
 delights of peace began to be felt ; a mundane society, 
 polished and pleasure-loving, began to be constituted, 
 and before many years had passed the influence of 
 women and of the salon appeared in literature. Should 
 such a society be permitted to remain oblivious to 
 spiritual truth, or to repose on the pillow of scepticism 
 provided by Charron and Montaigne ? Might it not be 
 captured for religion, if religion were presented in its 
 most gracious aspect, as a source of peace and joy, a 
 gentle discipline of the heart ? If one who wore the 
 Christian armour should throw over his steel some robe 
 of courtly silk, with floral adornments, might he not 
 prove a persuasive champion of the Cross ? Such was 
 the hope of FRANCOIS DE SALES (1567-1622), Bishop 
 of Geneva, when, in 1608, he published his Introduction 
 d la Vie Devote. The angelic doctor charmed by his 
 
 mere presence, his grace of person, his winning smile, 
 
 131
 
 132 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 his dove's eyes ; he showed how amiable piety might 
 be ; his eloquence was festooned with blossoms ; he 
 strewed the path to heaven with roses; he conquered 
 by docility ; yet under his sweetness lay strength, and 
 to methodise and popularise moral self-superintendence 
 was to achieve much. The Traite de I Amour de Dieu 
 (1616), while it expounds the highest reaches of mystical 
 devotion, yet presents religion as accessible to every 
 child of God. With his tender and ardent devotion, 
 something of a poet's sentiment for nature was united ; 
 but mysticism and poetry were both subservient to his 
 aim of regulating the conduct of the heart ; he desired 
 to show how one may remain in the world, and yet not 
 be of the world ; by personal converse and by his 
 spiritual letters he became the director of courtiers and 
 of ladies. The motto of the literary Academy which 
 he founded at Annecy expresses his spirit -flores fruc- 
 tusque perennes flowers for their own sake, but chiefly 
 for the sake of fruit. Much of the genius for holiness 
 of the courtly saint has passed into the volume of 
 reminiscences by Bishop Camus, his companion and 
 disciple I' Esprit de Saint Francois de Sales. 
 
 A mundane society, however, where fine gentlemen 
 and ladies meet to admire and be admired, needs other 
 outlets for its imagination than that of the primrose 
 way to Paradise. The labour of the fields had inspired 
 Olivier de Serres with the prose Georgics of his Theatre 
 d 'Agriculture, a work directed towards utility; the romance 
 of the fields, and the pastoral, yet courtly, loves of a 
 French Arcady, were the inspiration of the endless prose 
 bucolics found in the Astree of HONOR o'URFfi. The 
 Renaissance delight in the pastoral had passed from Italy 
 to Spain ; through the Diana of the Spanish Montemayor
 
 THE ASTRE 133 
 
 it passed to France. After a period of turbulent strife 
 there was a fascination in visions of a peace, into which, 
 if warfare entered, the strange irruption only enhanced 
 an habitual calm. A whole generation waited long to 
 learn the issue of the passion of Celadon and Astre"e. 
 The romance, of which the earliest part appeared in 1610, 
 or earlier, was not completely published until 1627, when 
 its author was no longer living. The scene is laid in the 
 fields of d'Urfe's familiar Forez and on the banks of 
 the Lignon ; the time is of Merovingian antiquity. The 
 shepherd Celadon, banished on suspicion of faithless- 
 ness from the presence of his beloved Astr6e, seeks 
 death beneath the stream ; he is s:ived by the nymphs, 
 escapes the amorous pursuit of Galatea, assumes a femi- 
 nine garb, and, protected by the Druid Adamas, has 
 the felicity of daily beholding his shepherdess. At length 
 he declares himself, and is overwhelmed with reproaches; 
 true lover that he is, when he offers his body to the 
 devouring lions of the Fountain of Love, the beasts 
 refuse their prey ; the venerable Druid discreetly guides 
 events ; Celadon's fidelity receives its reward in marriage, 
 and the banks of the Lignon become a scene of universal 
 joy. The colours of the Astre'e are faded now as those 
 of some ancient tapestry, but during many years its 
 success was prodigious. D'Urfe's highest honour, of 
 many, is the confession of La Fontaine: 
 
 " Etant petit gar^onje lisais son roman, 
 Et je le Us encore ayant la barbe grise." 
 
 The Astree won its popularity, in part because it united 
 the old attraction of a chivalric or heroic strain with that 
 of the newer pastoral ; in part because it idealised the 
 gallantries and developed the amorous casuistry of the
 
 134 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 day, not without a real sense of the power of love ; in 
 part because it was supposed to exhibit ideal portraits of 
 distinguished contemporaries. It was the parent of a 
 numerous progeny ; and as the heroic romance of the 
 seventeenth century is derived in direct succession from 
 the loves of Celadon and Astree, so the comic romance, 
 beside all that it owes to the tradition of the esprit gaulois, 
 owes something to the mocking gaiety with which d'Urfe 
 exhibits the adventures and emotional vicissitudes of his 
 inconstant shepherd Hylas. 
 
 In the political and social reconstruction which fol- 
 lowed the civil and religious wars, the need of discipline 
 and order in literature was felt ; in this province, also, 
 unity under a law was seen to be desirable. The work 
 of the Pleiade had in a great measure failed ; they had 
 attempted to organise poetry and its methods, and poetry 
 was still disorganised. To reduce the realm of caprice 
 and fantasy to obedience to law was the work of FRAN- 
 COIS DE MALHERBE. Born at Caen in 1555, he had 
 published in 1587 his Larmes de Saint Pierre, an imitation 
 of the Italian poem by Tansillo, in a manner which his 
 maturer judgment must have condemned. It was not 
 until about his fortieth year that he found his true 
 direction. Du Vair, with whom he was acquainted, 
 probably led him to a true conception of the 'nature of 
 eloquence. Vigorous of character, clear in understand- 
 ing, with no affluence of imagination and no excess of 
 sensibility, Malherbe was well qualified for establishing 
 lyrical poetry upon the basis of reason, and of general 
 rather than individual sentiment. He chose the themes 
 of his odes from topics of public interest, or founded 
 them on those commonplaces of emotion which are 
 part of the possession of all men who think and feel.
 
 MALHERBE 135 
 
 If he composed his verses for some great occasion, he 
 sought for no curiosities of a private imagination, but 
 considered in what way its nobler aspects ought to be 
 regarded by the community at large ; if he consoled a 
 friend for losses caused by death, he held his personal 
 passion under restraint ; he generalised, and was con- 
 tent to utter more admirably than others the accepted 
 truths about the brevity and beauty of life, and the 
 inevitable doom of death. What he gained by such a 
 process of abstraction, he lost in vivid characterisation ; 
 his imagery lacks colour ; the movement of his verse 
 is deliberate and calculated ; his ideas are rigorously 
 enchained one to another. 
 
 It has been said that poetry the overflow of indi- 
 vidual emotion is overheard ; while oratory the appeal 
 to an audience is heard. The processes of Malherbe's 
 art were essentially oratorical ; the lyrical cry is seldom 
 audible in his verse ; it is the poetry of eloquence 
 thrown into studied stanzas. But the greater poetry of 
 the seventeenth century in France its odes, its satires, 
 its epistles, its noble dramatic scenes and much of its 
 prose literature are of the nature of oratory ; and for 
 the progress of such poetry, and even of such prose, 
 Malherbe prepared a highway. He aimed at a reforma- 
 tion of the language, which, rejecting all words either 
 base, provincial, archaic, technical, or over-learned and 
 over-curious, should employ the standard French, pure 
 and dignified, as accepted by the people of Paris. In 
 his hands language became too exclusively an instru- 
 ment of the intelligence ; yet with this instrument great 
 things were achieved by his successors. He methodised 
 and regulated versification, insisting on rich and exact 
 rhymes, condemning all licence and infirmity of .structure,
 
 136 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 condemning harshness of sound, inversion, hiatus, neg- 
 ligence in accommodating the cesura to the sense, the 
 free gliding of couplet into couplet. It may be said that 
 he rendered verse mechanical; but within the arrange- 
 ment which he prescribed, admirable effects were attain- 
 able by the mastery of genius. He pondered every word, 
 weighed every syllable, and thought no pains ill-spent if 
 only clearness, precision, the logic of ordonnance, a 
 sustained harmony were at length secured ; and until 
 the day of his death, in 1628, no decline in his art can 
 be perceived. 
 
 Malherbe fell far short of being a great poet, but 
 in the history of seventeenth-century classicism, in the 
 effort of the age to rationalise the forms of art, his 
 name is of capital importance. It cannot be said that he 
 founded a school. His immediate disciples, MAYNARD 
 and RACAN, failed to develop the movement which he 
 had initiated. Maynard laid verse by the side of verse 
 with exact care, and sometimes one or the other verse 
 is excellent, but he lacked sustained force and flight. 
 Racan had genuine inspiration ; a true feeling for nature 
 appears in his dramatic pastoral, the Bergeries (1625) ; 
 unhappily he had neither the culture nor the patience 
 needed for perfect execution ; he was rather an admir- 
 able amateur than an artist. But if Malherbe founded 
 no school, he gave an eminent example, and the 
 argument which he maintained in the cause of poetic 
 art was at a later time carried to its conclusion by 
 Boileau. 
 
 Malherbe's reform was not accepted without opposi- 
 tion. While he pleaded for the supremacy of order, 
 regularity, law, the voice of MATHURIN REGNIER (1573- 
 1613) was heard on behalf of freedom. A nephew of the
 
 MATHURIN REGNIER 137 
 
 poet Desportes, Regnier was loyal to his uncle's fame 
 and to the memory of the Pleiade ; if Malherbe spoke 
 slightingly of Desportes, and cast aside the tradition of 
 the school of Ronsard, the retort was speedy and telling 
 against the arrogant reformer, tyrant of words and syl- 
 lables, all whose achievement amounted to no more than 
 proser de la rime et rimer de la prose. Unawares, indeed, 
 Regnier, to a certain extent, co-operated with Malherbe, 
 who recognised the genius of his younger adversary ; 
 he turned away from languid elegances to observation 
 of life and truth of feeling ; if he imitated his masters 
 Horace and Ovid, or the Italian satiric poets, with whose 
 writings he had become acquainted during two periods 
 of residence in Rome, his imitations were not obsequious, 
 like those of the Pleiade, but vigorous and original, like 
 those of Boileau ; in his sense of comedy he anticipates 
 some of Moliere's feeling for the humorous perversities 
 of human character ; his language is vivid, plain, and 
 popular. The classical school of later years could not 
 reject Regnier. Boileau declared that no poet before 
 Moliere was so well acquainted with the manners and 
 characters of men ; through his impersonal study of life 
 he is indeed classic. But his ardent nature rebelled 
 against formal rule ; he trusted to the native force of 
 genius, and let his ideas and passions lead him where 
 they would. His satires are those of a painter whose 
 eye is on his object, and who handles his brush with a 
 vigorous discretion ; they are criticisms of society and 
 its types of folly or of vice, full of force and colour, yet 
 general in their intention, for, except at the poet who 
 had affronted his uncle, " le bon Regnier " struck at no 
 individual. Most admirable, amid much that is admir- 
 able, is the picture of the old worldling Macette, whose
 
 138 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 veil of pretended piety is gradually dropped as she dis- 
 courses with growing wantonness to the maiden whom 
 she would lead in the way she should not go : Macette 
 is no unworthy elder of the family of Tartufe. Regnier 
 confesses freely the passions of his own irregular life ; 
 had it been wisely conducted, his genius might have 
 carried him far ; as it was, he passed away prematurely 
 at the age of forty, the victim of his own intemperate 
 pursuit of pleasure. 
 
 Still more unfortunate was the life of a younger poet, 
 who, while honouring the genius of Malherbe, pro- 
 nounced, like Regnier, for freedom rather than order, 
 and maintained that each writer of genius should be a law 
 to himself a poet whom his contemporaries esteemed 
 too highly, and whom Malherbe, and afterwards Boileau, 
 unjustly depreciated THEOPHILE DE VIAU. A Hugue- 
 not who had abjured his faith, afterwards pursued as a 
 libertine in conduct and as a freethinker, Theophile was 
 hunted, imprisoned, exiled, condemned to execution, and 
 died exhausted in 1626, when only six -and -thirty years 
 old. He has been described as the last lyrical poet of 
 his age, and the first of the poetical exponents of the 
 new preciosity. His dramatic Pyrame et Thisbe, though 
 disfigured by those concetti which the Italian Marini an 
 honoured guest at the French court and the invasion 
 of Spanish tastes had made the mode, is not without 
 touches of genuine pathos. The odes of Theophile are 
 of free and musical movement, his descriptions of natural 
 beauty are graciously coloured, his judgment in literary 
 matters was sound and original ; but he lacked the 
 patient workmanship which art demands, and in pro- 
 claiming himself on the side of freedom as against 
 order, he was retrograding from the position which
 
 THE HOTEL DE RAMBOUILLET 139 
 
 had been secured for poetry under the leadership of 
 Malherbe. 
 
 With social order came the desire for social refinement, 
 and following the desire for refinement came the pretti- 
 nesses and affectations of over-curious elegance. Peace 
 returned to France with the monarchy of Henri IV., but 
 the Gascon manners of his court were rude. Catherine 
 de Vivonne, Marquise de Rambouillet, whose mother 
 was a great Roman lady, and whose father had been 
 French ambassador at Rome, young, beautiful, delicately 
 nurtured, retired in 1608 from the court, and a few years 
 later opened her salon of the Hotel de Rambouillet to 
 such noble and cultivated persons as were willing to be 
 the courtiers of womanly grace and wit and taste. The 
 rooms were arranged and decorated for the purposes of 
 pleasure ; the chambre bleue became the sanctuary of polite 
 society, where Arthenice (an anagram for " Catherine ") 
 was the high priestess. To dance, to sing, to touch the 
 lute was well ; to converse with wit and refinement was 
 something more admirable ; the salon became a mart for 
 the exchange of ideas ; the fashion of Spain was added 
 to the fashion of Italy ; Platonism, Petrarchism, Marinism, 
 Gongorism, the spirit of romance and the daintinesses of 
 learning and of pedantry met and mingled. Hither came 
 Malherbe, Racan, Chapelain, Vaugelas ; at a later time 
 Balzac, Segrais, Voiture, Godeau ; and again, towards 
 the mid-years of the century, Saint-Evremond and La 
 Rochefoucauld. Here Corneille read his plays from the 
 Cid to Rodogune ; here Bossuet, a marvellous boy, im- 
 provised a midnight discourse, and Voiture declared he 
 had never heard one preach so early or so late. 
 
 As Julie d'Angennes and her sister Angdlique attained 
 an age to divide their mother's authority in the salon, its
 
 140 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 sentiment grew quintessential, and its taste was subtilised 
 well-nigh to inanity. They censured Polyeucte ; they 
 found Chapelain's unhappy epic " perfectly beautiful, but 
 excessively tiresome " ; they laid their heads together over 
 Descartes' Discours de la Mcthode, and profoundly admired 
 the philosopher ; they were enraptured by the madrigals 
 on flowers, more than three score in number, offered 
 as the Guirlande de Julie on Mademoiselle's fete ; they 
 gravely debated the question which should be the ap- 
 proved spelling, muscadin or muscardin. In 1649 they 
 were sundered into rival parties Uranistes and Jobelins 
 tilting in literary lists on behalf of the respective merits 
 of a sonnet by Voiture and a sonnet by Benserade. The 
 word precuux is said to date from 1650. The Marquise 
 de Rambouillet survived Moliere's satiric comedy Les 
 Prdcieuses Ridicules (1659) by several years. Mme. de 
 Sevigne, Mine, de la Fayette, Flechier, the preacher of 
 fashion, were among the illustrious personages of the 
 decline of her salon. We smile at its follies and affecta- 
 tions ; but, while it harmed literature by magnifying 
 things that were petty, it did something to refine man- 
 ners, to quicken ideas, to encourage clearness and grace 
 of expression, and to make the pursuit of letters an avenue 
 to social distinction. Through the Hotel de Rambouillet, 
 and the salons which both in Paris and the provinces 
 imitated its modes, and pushed them to extravagance, 
 the influence of women on literature became a power 
 for good and for evil. 
 
 The "Works," as they were styled, of VINCENT 
 VOITURE (1598-1648) posthumously published re- 
 present one side of the spirit of the salon. Capable of 
 something higher, he lived to exhibit his ingenuity and 
 wit in little ways, now by a cleverly-turned verse, now
 
 PSEUDO-EPICS 141 
 
 by a letter of gallantry. Although of humble origin, 
 he was for long a presiding genius in the cJiambre bleue 
 of Arthenice. His play of mind was unhappily without 
 a subject, and to be witty on nothings puts a strain on 
 wit. Voiture expends much labour on being light, much 
 serious effort in attaining vanities. His letters were 
 admired as models of ingenious elegance ; the life has 
 long since passed from their raillery and badinage, but 
 Voiture may be credited with having helped to render 
 French prose pliant for the uses of pleasure. 
 
 The dainty trifles of the school of preciosity fluttered 
 at least during the sunshine of a day. Its ambitious 
 epics, whatever attention they may have attracted in 
 their time, cannot be said to have ever possessed real 
 life. The great style is not to be attained by tagging 
 platitudes with points. The Saint Louis of Lemoyne, 
 the Clovis of Desmarets de Saint-Sorlin, the Alaric of 
 Scudery, the Charlemagne of Louis le Laboureur remain 
 only as evidences of the vanity of misplaced ambition. 
 During twenty years JEAN CHAPELAIN, a man of no mean 
 ability in other fields, was occupied with his La Pucelle 
 d Orleans ; twelve cantos at length appeared magnifi- 
 cently in 1656, and won a brief applause ; the remaining 
 twelve cantos lie still inedited. The matter of history 
 was too humble for Chapelain's genius ; history is en- 
 nobled by an allegorical intention ; France becomes the 
 soul of man ; Charles, swayed between good and evil, is 
 tlie human will ; the Maid of Orleans is divine grace. 
 The satire of .Boileau, just in its severity, was hardly 
 needed to slay the slain. 
 
 In the prose romances, which are epics emancipated 
 from the trammels of verse, there was more vitality, 
 Bishop Camus, the friend of Francois de Sales, had
 
 142 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 attempted to sanctify the movement which d'Urfe" had 
 initiated ; but the spirit of the Astree would not unite in 
 a single stream with the spirit of the Introduction a la Vie 
 Devote. Gomberville is remembered rather for the re- 
 morseless war which he waged against the innocent con- 
 junction car, never to be admitted into polite literature, 
 than for his encyclopaedic romance Polexandre, in which 
 geography is illustrated by fiction, as copious as it is 
 fantastic ; yet it was something to annex for the first 
 time the ocean, with all its marvels, to the scenery of 
 adventure. Gombauld, the Bean Tencbreux of the Hotel 
 cle Rambouillet, secured a reading for his unreadable 
 Endymion by the supposed transparence of his allusions 
 to living persons. Desmarets de Saint-Sorlin relieved 
 the amorous exaltations of his Ariane, a tale of the time 
 of Nero, by excursions which touch the borders of 
 comedy. These are books on which the dust gathers 
 thick in ancient libraries. 
 
 But the romances of LA CALPRENEDE and of GEORGES 
 and MADELEINE DE SCUDERY might well be taken 
 down by any lover of literature who possesses the 
 virtue of fortitude. Since d'Urfe's day the taste for 
 pastoral had declined ; the newer romance was gallant 
 and heroic. Legend or history supplied its framework ; 
 but the central motive was ideal love at odds with circum- 
 stance, love the inspirer of limitless devotion and daring. 
 The art of construction was imperfectly understood ; the 
 narratives are of portentous length ; ten, twelve, twenty 
 volumes were needed to deploy the sentiments and the 
 adventures. In Cassandre, in Clcopdtre, in Pharamond, 
 La Calprenede exhibits a kind of universal history ; 
 the dissolution of the Macedonian empire, the decline 
 of the empire of Rome, the beginnings of the French
 
 PROSE ROMANCES 143 
 
 monarchy are successively presented. But the chief 
 personages are idealised portraits drawn from the society 
 of the author's time. The spirit of the Hotel de Ram- 
 bouillet is transferred to the period when the Scythian 
 Oroondate was the lover of Statira, daughter of Darius ; 
 the Prince de Conde masks in Cleopatre as Coriolan ; 
 Pharamond is the Grand Monarch in disguise. Notwith- 
 standing the faded gallantries and amorous casuistry of 
 La Calprenede's interminable romances, a certain spirit of 
 real heroism, offspring of the writer's ardent imagination 
 and bright southern temper, breathes through them. 
 They were the delight of Mine, de Sevigne and of La 
 Fontaine ; even in the eighteenth century they were the 
 companions of Crebillon, and were not forgotten by 
 Rousseau. 
 
 Still more popular was Artamene, ou le Grand Cyrus. 
 Mdlle. de Scude"ry, the " Sapho " of her Saturday salon, a 
 true jpr/aeuse, as good of heart and quick of wit as she 
 was unprepossessing of person, supplied the sentiment 
 and metaphysics of love to match the gasconading ex- 
 ploits of her brother's invention. It was the time not 
 only of preciosity, but of the Fronde, with its turbulent 
 adventures and fantastic chivalry. Under the names of 
 Medes and Persians could be discovered the adventurers, 
 the gallants, the fine ladies of the seventeenth century. 
 In Cliiie an attempt is made to study the curiosities of 
 passion ; it is a manual of polite love and elegant man- 
 ners ; in its carte de Tendre we can examine the topog- 
 raphy of love-land, trace the routes to the three cities of 
 " Tendre," and learn the dangers of the way. Thus the 
 heroic romance reached its term ; its finer spirit became 
 the possession of the tragic drama, where it was purified 
 and rendered sane. The modern novel had wandered
 
 144 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 in search of its true self, and had not succeeded in the 
 quest. When Gil Bias appeared, it was seen that the 
 novel of incident must also be the novel of character, 
 and that in its imitation of real life it could appropriate 
 some of the possessions which by that time comedy 
 had lost. 
 
 The extravagances of sentiment produced a natural 
 reaction. Not a few of the intimates of the Hotel de 
 Kambouillet found a relief from their fatigue of fine 
 manners and high-pitched emotions in the unedifying 
 jests and merry tales of the tavern. A comic, convivial, 
 burlesque or picaresque literature became, as it were, 
 a parody of the literature of preciosity. Saint-Ainand 
 (1594-1661) was at once a disciple of the Italian Marini, 
 the admired " Sapurnius " of the safon, author of at 
 least one beautiful ode La Solitude breathing a gentle 
 melancholy, and a gay singer of bacchic chants. Des- 
 marets de Saint- Sorlin, in his comedy Les Visionnaires 
 (1637), mocked the predeuses, and was applauded by 
 the spectators of the theatre. One of his heroines is 
 hopelessly enamoured of Alexander the Great; one is 
 enamoured of poetry, and sees life as if it were material 
 for the stage ; and the third is enamoured of her own 
 beauty, with its imagined potency over the hearts of 
 men. As early as 1622 CHARLES SOKEL expressed, in 
 his Histoire Comiqne de Francion, a Rabelaisian and 
 picaresque tale of low life, the revolt of the esprit 
 gaulois against the homage of the imagination to courtly 
 shepherdesses and pastoral cavaliers. It was reprinted 
 more than sixty times. In Le Berger Extravagant (1628) 
 he attempted a kind of Don Quixote for his own day 
 an "anti-romance" which recounts the pastoral follies 
 of a young Parisian bourgeois, whose wits have been set
 
 SCARRON : FURETIERE 145 
 
 wandering by such dreams as the Astree had inspired ; 
 its mirth is unhappily overloaded with pedantry. 
 
 The master of this school of seventeenth -century 
 realism was PAUL SCARRON (1610-60), the comely little 
 abbe, unconcerned with ecclesiastical scruples or good 
 manners, who, when a paralytic, twisted and tortured 
 by disease, became the husband of D'Aubigne's grand- 
 daughter, destined as Madame de Maintenon to become 
 the most influential woman in all the history of France. 
 In his Virgile Travesti he produced a vulgar counterpart 
 to the heroic epics, which their own dead-weight would 
 have speedily enough borne downwards to oblivion. 
 His Roman Comique (1651), a short and lively narrative 
 of the adventures of a troupe of comedians strolling 
 in the provinces, contrasted with the exaltations, the 
 heroisms, the delicate distresses of the ideal romance. 
 The Roman Bourgeois (1666) of ANTOINE FURETIERE is 
 a belated example of the group to which Francion 
 belongs. The great event of its author's life was his 
 exclusion from the Academy, of which he was a mem- 
 ber, on the ground that he had appropriated for the 
 advantage of his Dictionary the results of his fellow- 
 members' researches for the Dictionary, then in progress, 
 of the learned company. His Roman is a remarkable 
 study of certain types of middle-class Parisian life, often 
 animated, exact, effective in its satire ; but the analysis 
 of a petty and commonplace world needs some relief of 
 beauty or generosity to make its triviality acceptable, 
 and such relief Furetiere will not afford. 
 
 Somewhat apart from this group of satiric tales, yet 
 with a certain kinship to them, lie the more fantastic 
 satires of that fiery swashbuckler "demon des braves" 
 CYRANO DE BERGERAC (1619-55), Histoir.e Comique
 
 146 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 des Etats et Empire de la Lune, and Histoire Comique des 
 Etats et Empire du SoleiL Cyrano's taste, caught by the 
 mannerisms of Italy and extravagances of Spain, was 
 execrable. To his violences of temper he added a 
 reputation for irreligion. His comedy Le Pedant Joue 
 has the honour of having furnished Moliere with the 
 most laughable scene of the Fourberies de Scapin. The 
 voyages to the moon and the sun, in which the in- 
 habitants, their manners, governments, and ideas, are 
 presented, mingle audacities and caprices of invention 
 with a portion of satiric truth ; they lived in the 
 memories of the creator of Gulliver and the creator of 
 Micromegas.
 
 CHAPTER II 
 
 THE FRENCH ACADEMY PHILOSOPHY 
 (DESCARTES) RELIGION (PASCAL) 
 
 THE French Academy, an organised aristocracy of letters, 
 expressed the growing sense that anarchy in literature 
 must end, and that discipline and law must be recog- 
 nised in things of the mind. It is one of the glories of 
 RICHELIEU that he perceived that literature has a public 
 function, and may indeed be regarded as an affair of the 
 State. His own writings, or those composed under his 
 direction memoirs; letters; the Succincte Narration, 
 which sets forth his policy ; the Testament, which em- 
 bodies his counsel in statecraft belong less to literature 
 than to French history. But he honoured the literary 
 art ; he enjoyed the drama ; he devised plots for plays, 
 and found docile poets his Society of five to carry out 
 his designs. 
 
 In 1629 Valentin Conrart, secretary to the King, and 
 one of the frequenters of the Hotel de Rambouillet, was 
 accustomed to receive weekly a group of distinguished 
 men of letters and literary amateurs, who read their 
 manuscripts aloud, discussed the merits of new works, 
 and considered questions of criticism, grammar, and 
 language. Tidings of these reunions having reached 
 Richelieu, he proposed that the society should receive 
 an official status. By the influence of Chapelain the 
 
 147
 
 I 4 8 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 objections of certain members were overcome. The 
 Academic Fran^aise held its first sitting on March 13, 
 1634; three years later the letters patent were regis- 
 tered ; the number of members was fixed at forty ; 
 when vacancies occurred, new members were co-opted 
 for life. Its history to the year 1652 was published 
 in the following year by Pellisson, and obtained him 
 admission to a chair. The functions of the learned 
 company were to ascertain, as far as possible, the 
 French language, to regulate grammar, and to act as 
 a literary tribunal if members consented to submit their 
 works to its examination. There were hopes that autho- 
 ritative treatises on rhetoric and .poetics might be issued 
 with its sanction ; but these hopes were not fulfilled. A 
 dictionary, of which Chapelain presented the plan in 
 1638, was, however, undertaken ; progressing by slow 
 degrees, the first edition appeared in 1694. Its aim was 
 not to record every word of which an example could 
 be found, but to select those approved by the usage of 
 cultivated society and of the best contemporary or recent 
 authors. Thus it tended to establish for literary use an 
 aristocracy of words ; and while literary expression gained 
 in dignity and intellectual precision, gained as an instru- 
 ment of reason and analysis, such regulation created a 
 danger that it might lose in elements that have affinities 
 with the popular mind vivacity, colour, picturesqueness, 
 variety. At its commencement no one was more deeply 
 interested in the dictionary than Vaugelas (1585-1650), 
 a gentleman of Savoie, whose concern for the purity 
 of the language, as determined by the best usage, led 
 him to resist innovations and the invasion of foreign 
 phraseology. His Remarques sur la Langue Fran^aise 
 served as a guide to his fellow-members of the Academy.
 
 BALZAC 149 
 
 Unhappily he was wholly ignorant of the history of the 
 language. With the erudite Chapelain he mediated 
 between the scholarship and the polite society of the 
 time. But while Vaugelas was almost wholly occupied 
 with the vocabulary and grammar, Chapelain did much 
 to enforce the principles of the classical school upon 
 literary art. The Academy took up the work which 
 the salons had begun ; its spirit was more robust and 
 masculine than theirs; it was freer from passing fashions, 
 affectations, prettinesses ; it leaned on the side of intellect 
 rather than of sentiment. 
 
 In what may be called the regulation of French prose 
 the influence of JEAN-LOUIS GUEZ DE BALZAC (1594- 
 1654) was considerable. He had learnt from Malherbe 
 that a literary craftsman should leave nothing to chance, 
 that every effect should be exactly calculated. It was 
 his task to apply to prose the principles which had 
 guided his master in verse. His Lettres, of which a 
 first series appeared in 1624, and a second twelve years 
 later, are not the spontaneous intercourse of friend with 
 friend, but rather studious compositions which deal with 
 matters of learning, literature, morals, religion, politics, 
 events, and persons of the time. Their contents are of 
 little importance ; Balzac was not an original thinker, 
 but he had the art of arranging his ideas, and of ex- 
 pressing them in chosen words marshalled in ample 
 and sonorous sentences. A certain fire he had, a 
 limited power of imagination, a cultivated judgment, a 
 taste, which suffered from bad workmanship ; a true 
 affection for rural life. These hardly furnished him 
 with matter adequate to support his elevated style. 
 His letters were regarded as models of eloquence ; but 
 it is eloquence manufactured artificially and applied to
 
 150 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 subjects, not proceeding from them. His Prince, a 
 treatise on the virtues of kings, with a special refer- 
 ence to Louis XIII., was received coldly. His Aristippe, 
 which dealt with the manners and morals of a court, 
 and his Socrate Chretien, a study in ethics and theology, 
 were efforts beyond his powers. His gift to literature 
 was a gift of method and of style ; others who worked 
 in marble learned something from his studious model- 
 lings in clay. 
 
 To regulate thought required an intellect of a different 
 order from that of Balzac, " emperor of orators." It was 
 the task of RENE DESCARTES (1596-1650). A child of 
 delicate health, born at La Haye, near Tours, he became, 
 under Jesuit teachers, a precocious student both in lan- 
 guages and science. But truth, not erudition, was the 
 demand and the necessity of his mind. Solitary investi- 
 gations in mathematics were for a time succeeded by 
 the life of a soldier in the Netherlands and Holland. The 
 stream of thought was flowing, however, underground. 
 Suddenly it emerged to light. In 1619, when the young 
 volunteer was in winter quarters at Neuburg, on the 
 Danube, on a memorable day the first principles of a 
 new philosophical method presented themselves to his 
 intellect, and, as it were, claimed him for their interpreter. 
 After wanderings through various parts of Europe, and 
 a period of studious leisure in Paris, he chose Holland 
 for his place of abode (1629), and though often shifting 
 his residence, little disturbed save by the controversies of 
 philosophy and the orthodox zeal of Dutch theologians, 
 he gave his best hours during twenty years to thought. 
 An invitation from Queen Christina to the Swedish court 
 was accepted in 1649. The change in his habits and the 
 severity of a northern winter proved fatal to the health
 
 DESCARTES i 5 i 
 
 which Descartes had carefully cherished ; in February 
 of 1650 he was dead. 
 
 The mathematical cycle in the development of Des- 
 cartes' system of thought preceded the metaphysical. 
 His great achievements in analytical geometry, in optics, 
 in physical research, his explanation of the laws of nature, 
 and their application in his theory of the material universe^ 
 belong to the history of science. Algebra and geometry 
 led him towards his method in metaphysical speculation. 
 How do all primary truths verify themselves to the human 
 mind ? By the fact that an object is clearly and distinctly 
 conceived. The objects of knowledge fall into certain 
 groups or series ; in each series there is some simple 
 and dominant element which may be immediately ap- 
 prehended, and in relation to which the subordinate 
 elements become intelligible. Let us accept nothing on 
 hearsay or authority ; let us start with doubt in order to 
 arrive at certitude ; let us test the criterion of certitude to 
 the uttermost. There is one fact which I cannot doubt, 
 even in doubting all I think, and if I think, I exist "Je 
 pense, done je suis." No other evidence of this is needed 
 than that our conception is clear and distinct; in this 
 clearness and distinctness we find the principle of certi- 
 tude. Mind, then, exists, and is known to us as a thinking 
 substance. But the idea of an infinite, perfect Being is 
 also present to our intellect ; we, finite, imperfect beings, 
 could not have made it ; unmake it we cannot ; and in 
 the conception of perfection that of existence is involved. 
 Therefore God exists, and therefore the laws of our 
 consciousness, which are His laws, cannot deceive us. 
 We have seen what mind or spirit signifies a thinking 
 substance. Reduce our idea of matter to clearness and 
 distinctness, and what do w-e find ? The idea of an
 
 152 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 extended substance. Our complex humanity, made up 
 of soul and body, comprises both kinds of substance. 
 But thought and extension have nothing in common ; 
 their union can only be conceived as the collocation 
 at a single point of a machine with that which raises it 
 above a mere machine. As for the lower animals, they 
 are no more than automata. 
 
 Descartes' Principia and his Meditationes were written 
 in Latin. The Discours de la Methode (1637) anc ^ the 
 later Traite des Passions showed how the French lan- 
 guage could be adapted to the purposes of the reason. 
 Such eloquence as is found in Descartes is that of 
 thought illuminating style. The theory of the passions 
 anticipates some of the tendencies of modern psycho- 
 logy in its physical investigations. No one, however, 
 affirmed more absolutely than Descartes the freedom of 
 the will unless, indeed, we regard it as determined by 
 God : it cannot directly control the passions, but it can 
 indirectly modify them with the aid of imagination ; it 
 is the supreme mistress of action, however the passions 
 may oppose its fiat. Spiritualist as he was, Descartes 
 was not disposed to be the martyr of thought. Warned 
 by the example of Galileo, he did not desire to expose 
 himself to the dangers attending heretical opinions. He 
 separated the province of faith from that of reason : " I 
 revere our theology," he said ; but he held that theology 
 demanded other lights than those of the unaided powers 
 of man. In its own province, he made the reason his 
 absolute guide, and with results which theologians might 
 regard as dangerous. 
 
 The spirit of Descartes' work was in harmony w r ith 
 that of his time, and reacted upon literature. He sought 
 for general truths by the light of reason ; he made clear-
 
 MALEBRANCHE 153 
 
 ness a criterion of truth ; he proclaimed man a spirit ; 
 he asserted the freedom of the will. The art of the 
 classical period sought also for general truths, and sub- 
 ordinated imagination to reason. It turned away from 
 ingenuities, obscurities, mysteries ; it was essentially 
 spiritualist ; it represented the crises and heroic victories 
 of the will. 
 
 Descartes' opponent, Pierre Gassendi (1592-1655), 
 epicurean in his physics, an empiricist, though an in- 
 consistent one, in philosophy, chose the Latin language 
 as the vehicle for his ideas. A group of writers whose 
 tendencies were towards sensualism or scepticism, viewed 
 him as their master. Chapelle in verse, La Mothe le 
 Vayer in prose, may serve as representatives of art sur- 
 rendering itself to vulgar pleasures, and thought doubting 
 even its doubts, and finding repose in indifference. 
 
 The true successor of Descartes in French philosophy, 
 eminent in the second half of the century, was NICOLAS 
 DE MALEBRANCHE (1638-1715). Soul and body, Des- 
 cartes had shown, are in their very nature alien each 
 from the other. How then does the soul attain a know- 
 ledge of the external world ? In God, the absolute 
 substance, are the ideas of all things ; in God we behold 
 those ideas which matter could never convey to us, and 
 which we could never ourselves originate ; in God we 
 see and know all things. The Recherche de la Verite 
 (1674-75) was admirably written and was widely read. 
 The theologians found it dangerous ; and when six years 
 later Malebranche published his Traite de la Nature et de 
 la Grace, characterised briefly and decidedly by Bossuet as 
 " pulchra, nova, falsa," at Bossuet's request both Arnauld 
 and Fenelon attempted to refute "the extravagant Ora- 
 torian." His place in the evolution of philosophy lies
 
 154 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 between Descartes and Spinoza, who developed and com- 
 pleted the doctrine of Descartes. In the transition from 
 dualism to monism Malebranche served as a mediator. 
 
 Religious thought in the seventeenth century, wedded 
 to an austere morality, is expressed by the writers of 
 Port-Royal, and those who were in sympathy with them. 
 They could not follow the flowery path of piety not the 
 less the narrow path because it was cheerful pointed 
 out by St. Francois de Sales. Between nature and grace 
 they saw a deep and wide abyss. In closest connection 
 with them was one man of the highest genius author 
 of the Provinciales and the Pensees whose spiritual 
 history was more dramatic than any miracle-play or 
 morality of the Middle Ages. 
 
 BLAISE PASCAL was born at Clermont-Ferrand in 
 1623. His father, a president of the Court of Aids at 
 Clermont, a man of intellect and character, guided his 
 education in languages, natural science, and mathematics. 
 The boy's precocity was extraordinary ; at sixteen he had 
 written a treatise on Conic Sections, which excited the 
 astonishment of Descartes. But the intensity of study, 
 preying upon a nervous constitution, consumed his 
 health and strength ; at an early age he suffered from 
 temporary paralysis. When about twenty-three he fell 
 under the religious influences of certain disciples of St. 
 Cyran, read eagerly in the ' writings of Jansen and 
 Arnauld, and resolved to live for God alone. But to 
 restore his health he was urged to seek recreation, and 
 by degrees the interests and pleasures of the world 
 took hold upon him ; the master of his mind was the 
 sceptical Montaigne ; he moved in the mundane society 
 of the capital ; and it has been conjectured from hints 
 in his Discours sur ks Passions dc I' Amour that he loved
 
 PASCAL i 5 5 
 
 the sister of his friend, the Due de Roannez, and had 
 the vain hope of making her his wife. 
 
 The spirit of religion, however, lived within his heart, 
 and needed only to be reawakened. The reawakening 
 came in 1654 through the persuasions of his sister, 
 Jacqueline, who had abandoned the world two years 
 previously, and entered the community of Port-Royal. 
 The abbey of Port-Royal, situated some seven or eight 
 miles from Versailles, was presided over by Jacqueline 
 Arnauld, the Mere Angelique, and a brotherhood of 
 solitaries, among whom were several of the Arnauld 
 family, had settled in the valley in the year 1637. With 
 this unvowed brotherhood Pascal, though never actually 
 a solitary, associated himself at the close of 1654. An 
 escape from sudden danger in a carriage accident, 
 and a vision or ecstasy which came to him, co-operated 
 in his conversion. After his death, copies of a frag- 
 mentary and passionate writing referring to this period 
 the so-called "amulet" of Pascal were found upon 
 his person ; its words, " renonciation totale et douce," 
 and "joie, joie, joie, pleurs de joie," express something 
 of his resolution and his rapture. 
 
 The affair of the Provinciates, and the design of an 
 apology for Christianity with which his Pensees are 
 connected, together with certain scientific studies and 
 the deepening passion of religion, make up what re- 
 mained of Pascal's life. His spirit grew austere, but in 
 his austerity there was an inexpressible joy. Exhausted 
 by his ascetic practices and the inward flame of his 
 soul, Pascal died on August 19, 1662. " May God never 
 leave me " were his last words. 
 
 With Pascal's work as a mathematician and a physicist 
 we are not here concerned. In it "we see," writes a
 
 156 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 scientific authority, "the strongest marks of a great 
 original genius creating new ideas, and seizing upon, 
 mastering, and pursuing further everything that was 
 fresh and unfamiliar in his time. After the lapse of 
 more than two hundred years, we can still point to 
 much in exact science that is absolutely his ; and we 
 can indicate infinitely more which is due to his in- 
 spiration." 
 
 Jansenism and Jesuitism, opposed as they were, have 
 this in common, that both were movements in that 
 revival of Roman Catholicism which was stimulated by 
 the rivalry of the Protestant Reformation. But the 
 Jesuits sought to win the world to religion by an art 
 of piety, in which a system of accommodation was 
 recognised as a means of drawing worldlings to the 
 Church ; the Jansenists held up a severe moral ideal, 
 and humbled human nature in presence of the absolute 
 need and resistless omnipotence of divine grace. Like 
 the Jesuits, but in a different spirit, the Port-Royalists 
 devoted themselves much to the task of education. They 
 honoured classical studies ; they honoured science, dia- 
 lectics, philosophy. Their grammar, logic, geometry 
 were substantial additions to the literature of pedagogy. 
 Isaac le Maistre de Sacy and others translated and 
 annotated the Bible. Their theologian, moralist, and 
 controversialist, Pierre Nicole (1625-95), author of 
 Essais de Morale (1671), if not profound or brilliant, was 
 the possessor of learning, good sense, good feeling, and 
 religious faith. Under the influence of St. Cyran, the 
 Port-Royalists were in close sympathy with the teaching 
 of Jansen, Bishop of Ypres ; the writings of their great 
 theologian Antoine Arnauld were vigorously anti-Jesu- 
 itical. In 1653 five propositions, professedly extracted
 
 THE "LETTRES PROVINCIALES " 157 
 
 from Jansen's Augustinus, were condemned by a Papal 
 bull. The insulting triumph of the Jesuits drew Arnauld 
 again into controversy ; and on a question concerning 
 divine grace he was condemned in January 1656 by the 
 Sorbonne. "You who are clever and inquiring" (curieux), 
 said Arnauld to Pascal, " you ought to do something." 
 Next day was written the first of Pascal's Lettres a un 
 Provincial, and on 23rd January it was issued to the 
 public ; a second followed within a week ; the success 
 was immense. The writer concealed his identity under 
 the pseudonym " Louis de Montalte." 
 
 The Lettres Provinciates are eighteen in number. The 
 first three and the last three deal with the affair of 
 Arnauld and the Sorbonne, and the questions under 
 discussion as to the nature and the need of divine 
 grace. In the opening letters the clearest intellectual 
 insight and the deepest seriousness of spirit are united 
 with the finest play of irony, and even with the temper 
 of comedy. The supposed Louis de Montalte, seeking 
 theological lights from a doctor of the Sorbonne, finds 
 only how hopelessly divided in opinion are the opponents 
 of Arnauld, and how grotesquely they darken counsel 
 with speech. In the twelve letters intervening between 
 the third and the sixteenth, Pascal takes the offensive, 
 and deploys an incomparably skilful attack on the moral 
 theology of the Jesuits. For the rigid they may have a 
 stricter morality, but for the lax their casuistry supplies 
 a pliable code of morals, which, by the aid of ingenious 
 distinctions, can find excuses for the worst of crimes. 
 With force of logic, with fineness of irony, with energy 
 of moral indignation, with a literary style combining 
 strength and lightness, Pascal presses his irresistible 
 assault. The effect of the " Provincial Letters " was to
 
 158 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 carry the discussion of morals and theology before a 
 new court of appeal not the Sorbonne, but the public 
 intelligence and the unsophisticated conscience of men. 
 To French prose they added a masterpiece and a 
 model. 
 
 The subject of the Provinciates is in part a thing of the 
 past ; the Pensfos deal with problems which can never 
 lose their interest. Among Pascal's papers were found, 
 after his early death, many fragments which his sister, 
 Madame Perier, and his friends recognised as of rare 
 value ; but the editors of the little volume which ap- 
 peared in 1670, imagining that they could safeguard its 
 orthodoxy, and even amend its style, freely omitted and 
 altered what Pascal had written. It was not until 1844 
 that a complete and genuine text was established in the 
 edition of M. Faugere, We can hardly hope to arrange 
 the fragments so as to exhibit the design of that apology 
 for Christianity, with which many of them were doubt- 
 less connected, but the main outlines of Pascal's body of 
 thought can be clearly discerned. 
 
 The intellect of Pascal, so powerful in its grasp of 
 scientific truth, could find by its own researches no 
 certitude in the sphere of philosophy and religion. He 
 had been deeply influenced by the sceptical mind of 
 Montaigne. He found within him a passionate craving 
 for certitude ; man is so constituted that he can never 
 be at rest until he rests in knowledge of the truth ; but 
 man, as he now exists, is incapable of ascertaining truth; 
 he is weak and miserable, and yet the very consciousness 
 of his misery is evidence of his greatness ; " Nature 
 confounds the Pyrrhonist, and reason the dogmatist;" 
 " Man is but a reed, the feeblest of created things, but 
 a reed which thinks." How is this riddle of human
 
 PASCAL'S "PENSEES" 159 
 
 nature to be explained ? Only in one way by a recog- 
 nition of the truth taught by religion, that human nature 
 is fallen from its true estate, that man is a dethroned 
 king. And how is the dissonance in man's nature to be 
 overcome ? Only in one way through union with God 
 made man ; with Jesus Christ, the centre in which alone 
 we find bur weakness and the divine strength. Through 
 Christ man is abased and lifted up abased without de- 
 spair, and lifted up without pride ; in Him all contradic- 
 tions are reconciled. Such, in brief, is the vital thought 
 from which Pascal's apologetic proceeds. It does not 
 ignore any of the external evidences of Christianity; but 
 the irresistible evidence is that derived from the problem 
 of human nature and the essential needs of the spirit 
 a problem which religion alone can solve, and needs 
 which Christ alone can satisfy. Pascal's "Thoughts" 
 are those of an eminent intelligence. But they are more 
 than thoughts ; they are passionate lyrical cries of a 
 heart which had suffered, and which had found more 
 than consolation ; they are the interpretation of the 
 words of his amulet "Joie, joie, joie, pleurs de joie." 
 The union of the ardour of a poet or a saint with the 
 scientific rigour of a great geometer, of wit and brilliance 
 with a sublime pathos, is among the rarest phenomena 
 in literature ; all this and more is found in Pascal.
 
 CHAPTER III 
 THE DRAMA (MONTCHRESTIEN TO CORNEILLE) 
 
 THE classical and Italian drama of the sixteenth century 
 was literary, oratorical, lyrical ; it was anything but 
 dramatic. Its last representative, ANTOINE DE MONT- 
 CHRESTIEN (1575-1621), a true poet, and one whose life 
 was a series of strange adventures, wrote, like his pre- 
 decessors, rather for the readers of poetry than for the 
 theatre. With a gift for style, and a lyrical talent, seen 
 not only in the chants of the chorus, but in the general 
 character of his dramas, he had little feeling for life 
 and movement ; his personages expound their feelings 
 in admirable verse ; they do not act. He attempted a 
 tragedy L Ecossaise on the story of Mary, Queen of 
 Scots, a theme beyond his powers. In essentials he 
 belonged rather to the past, whose traditions he in- 
 herited, than to the future of the stage. But his feeling 
 for grandeur of character, for noble attitudes, for the 
 pathetic founded on admiration, and together with these 
 the firm structure of his verse, seem to warrant one in 
 thinking of him as in some respects a forerunner of 
 Corneille. 
 
 At the Hotel de Bourgogne, until 1599, the Confreres 
 de la Passion still exhibited the mediaeval drama. It- 
 passed away when their theatre was occupied by the 
 
 company of Valleran Lecomte, who had in his pay a 
 
 160
 
 ALEXANDRE HARDY 161 
 
 dramatist of inexhaustible fertility ALEXAXDRE HARDY 
 (c. 1560 to c. 1630). During thirty years, from the open- 
 ing of the seventeenth century onwards, Hardy, author 
 of some six or seven hundred pieces, of which forty-one 
 remain, reigned as master of the stage. 1 A skilful impro- 
 visor, devoid of genius, devoid of taste, he is the founder 
 of the French theatre ; he first made a true appeal to 
 the people ; he first showed a true feeling for theatrical 
 effects. Wherever material suitable for his purposes 
 could be caught at ancient or modern, French, Italian, 
 or Spanish Hardy made it his own. Whatever form 
 seemed likely to win the popular favour, this he accepted 
 or divined. The Astree had made pastoral the fashion ; 
 Hardy was ready with his pastoral dramas. The Italian 
 and Spanish novels were little tragi-comedies waiting 
 to be dramatised ; forthwith Hardy cast them into a 
 theatrical mould. Writing for the people, he was not 
 trammelled by the unities of time and place ; the medi- 
 aeval stage arrangements favoured romantic freedom. 
 In his desire to please a public which demanded anima- 
 tion, action, variety, Hardy allowed romantic incident 
 to predominate over character ; hence, though he pro- 
 duced tragedies founded on legendary or historical sub- 
 jects, his special talent is seen rather in tragi-comedy. 
 He complicated the intrigue, he varied the scenes, he 
 shortened the monologues, he suppressed or reduced 
 the chorus in a word, the drama in his hands ceased 
 to be oratorical or lyrical, and became at length dramatic. 
 The advance was great ; and it was achieved by a hack 
 playwright scrambling for his crusts of bread. 
 
 But to dramatic life and movement it was necessary 
 that order, discipline, regulation should be added. The 
 
 1 Or thirty-four pieces, if Thcagene et Cariclee be reckoned as only one.
 
 1 62 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 rules of the unities were not observed by Hardy were 
 perhaps unknown to him. But they were known to 
 others. Jean de Schelandre (the pseudonym formed 
 from the letters of his name being Daniel d'Ancheres), 
 in his vast drama in two parts, Tyr et Sidon, claimed all 
 the freedom of the mysteries in varying the scene, in 
 mingling heroic matter with buffoonery. In the edition 
 of 1628 a preface appears by Francois Ogier, a learned 
 churchman, maintaining that the modern stage, in ac- 
 cordance with altered circumstances, should maintain its 
 rights to complete imaginative liberty against the autho- 
 rity of the Greeks, who presented their works before 
 different spectators under different conditions. Ogier's 
 protest was without effect. Almost immediately after its 
 appearance the Sophonisbe of Jean de Mairet was given, 
 and the classical tragedy of France was inaugurated on 
 a popular stage. In the preface to his pastoral tragi- 
 comedy Sylvanire, Mairet in 1631 formulated the doctrine 
 of the unities. The adhesion of Richelieu and the advo- 
 cacy of Chapelain insured their triumph. The "rules" 
 came to be regarded as the laws of a literary species. 
 
 The influence of the Spanish drama, seen in the writ- 
 ings of Rotrou and others, might be supposed to make 
 for freedom. It encouraged romantic inventions and 
 ambitious extravagances of style. Much that is rude 
 and unformed is united with a curiosity for points and 
 laboured ingenuity in the dramatic work of Scudery, 
 Du Ryer, Tristan 1'Hermite. A greater dramatist than 
 these showed how Spanish romance could coalesce with 
 French tragedy in a drama which marks an epoch 
 the Cid ; and the Cid, calling forth the judgment of the 
 Academy, served to establish the supremacy of the so- 
 called rules of Aristotle.
 
 PIERRE CORNEILLE 163 
 
 PIERRE CORNEILLE, son of a legal official, was born 
 at Rouen in 1606. His high promise as a pupil of the 
 Jesuits was not confirmed when he attempted to practise 
 at the bar ; he was retiring, and spoke with difficulty. 
 At twenty-three his first dramatic piece, Melite, a comedy, 
 suggested, it is told, by an adventure of his youth, was 
 given with applause in Paris ; it glitters with points, and 
 is of a complicated intrigue, but to contemporaries the 
 plot appeared less entangled and the style more natural 
 than they seem to modern readers. The tragi-comedy, 
 Clitandre, which followed (1632), was a romantic drama, 
 crowded with extravagant incidents, after the manner of 
 Hardy. In La Veuve he returned to the style of Me'life, 
 but with less artificial brilliance and more real vivacity ; 
 it was published with laudatory verses prefixed, in one of 
 which Scudery bids the stars retire for the sun has risen. 
 The scene is laid in Paris, and some presentation of con- 
 temporary manners is made in La Galerie du Palais and 
 La Place Roy ale. It was something to replace the nurse 
 of elder comedy by the. soubrette. The attention of 
 Richelieu was attracted to the new dramatic author ; 
 he \vas numbered among the five gardens poetes who 
 worked upon the dramatic plans of the Cardinal ; but 
 he displeased his patron by his imaginative independ- 
 ence. Providing himself with a convenient excuse, 
 Corneille retired to Rouen. 
 
 These early works were ventures among which the 
 poet was groping for his true way. He can hardly be 
 said to have found it in Medce (1635), but it was an 
 advance to have attempted tragedy; the grandiose style 
 of Seneca was a challenge to his genius ; and in the 
 famous line 
 
 "Dans un si grand revcrs, que vous reste-t-il? Mot /"
 
 1 64 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 we see the flash of his indomitable pride of will, we 
 hear the sudden thunder of his verse. An acquaint- 
 ance, M. de Chalon, who had been one of the household 
 of Marie de Medicis, directed Corneille to the Spanish 
 drama. The Illusion Comique, the latest of his tentative 
 plays, is a step towards the Cid ; its plot is fantastical, 
 but in some of the fanfaronades of the braggart Mata- 
 more, imported from Spain, are pseudo-heroics which 
 only needed a certain transposition to become the lan- 
 guage of chivalric heroism. The piece closes with a 
 lofty eulogy of the French stage. 
 
 The sun had indeed risen and the stars might dis- 
 appear when in the closing days of 1636 the Cid was 
 given in Paris at the Theatre du Marais ; the eulogy of 
 the stage was speedily justified by its author. His subject 
 was found by Corneille in a Spanish drama, Las Moce- 
 dades del Cid, by Guilhem de Castro ; the treatment was 
 his own ; he reduced the action from that of a chronicle- 
 history to that of a tragedy ; he centralised it around 
 the leading personages ; he transferred it in its essen- 
 tial causes from the external world of accident to the 
 inner world of character ; the critical events are moral 
 events, victories of the soul, triumphs not of fortune 
 but of the will. And thus, though there are epic epi- 
 sodes and lyric outbreaks in the play, the Cid defi- 
 nitely fixed, for the first time in France, the type of 
 tragedy. The central tragic strife here is not one of 
 rival houses. Rodrigue, to avenge his father's wrong, 
 has slain the father of his beloved Chimene ; Chimene 
 demands from the King the head of her beloved 
 Rodrigue. In the end Rodrigue's valour atones for 
 his offence. The struggle is one of passion with 
 honour or duty ; the fortunes of the hero and heroine
 
 THE CID: HORACE 165 
 
 are affected by circumstance, but their fate lies in their 
 own high hearts. 
 
 The triumph of Corneille's play was immense. The 
 Cardinal, however, did not join in it. Richelieu's in- 
 tractable poet had glorified Spain at an inconvenient 
 moment ; he had offered an apology for the code of 
 honour when edicts had been issued to check the rage 
 of the duel ; yet worse, he had not been crushed by 
 the great man's censure. The quarrel of the Cid, in 
 which Mairet and Scudery took an embittered part, was 
 encouraged by Richelieu. He pressed the Academy, 
 of which Corneille was not a member until 1647, 
 for a judgment upon the piece, and at length he was 
 partially satisfied by a pronouncement, drawn up by 
 Chapelain, which condemned its ethics and its violation 
 of dramatic proprieties, yet could not deny the author's 
 genius. Corneille was deeply discouraged, but prepared 
 himself for future victories. 
 
 Until 1640 he remained silent. In that illustrious 
 year Horace and Cinna were presented in rapid succes- 
 sion. From Spain, the land of chivalric honour, the 
 dramatist passed to antique Rome, the mother and the 
 nurse of heroic virtue. In the Cid the dramatic con- 
 flict is between love and filial duty ; in Horace it is 
 between love, on the one side, united with the domestic 
 affections, and, on the other, devotion to country. In 
 both plays the inviolable will is arbiter of the conten- 
 tion. The story of the Horatii and Curiatii, as told by 
 Livy, is complicated by the union of the families through 
 love and marriage; but patriotism requires the sacrifice 
 of the tenderer passions. It must be admitted that the 
 interest declines after the third act, and that our sym- 
 pathies are alienated from the younger Horace by the
 
 1 66 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 murder of a sister ; we are required to feel that a private 
 crime, the offence of overstrained patriotism, is obliterated 
 in the glory of the country. In Cinna we pass from regal 
 to imperial Rome ; the commonwealth is represented by 
 Augustus; a great monarchy is glorified, but in the noblest 
 way, for the highest act of empire is to wield supreme 
 power under the sway of magnanimity, and to remain 
 the master of all self-regarding passions. The con- 
 spiracy of Cinna is discovered ; it is a prince's part to 
 pardon, and Augustus rises to a higher empire than that 
 of Rome by the conquest of himself. In both Horace 
 and Cinna there are at times a certain overstrain, an 
 excess of emphasis, a resolve to pursue heroism to all 
 extremities ; but the conception of moral grandeur is 
 genuine and lofty ; the error of Corneille was the error 
 of an imagination enamoured of the sublime. 
 
 But are there not heroisms of religion as pure as those 
 of patriotism ? And must we go back to pagan days 
 to find the highest virtue ? Or can divine grace effect 
 no miracles above those of the natural will ? Corneille 
 gives his answer to such a challenge in the tragedy 
 of Polyeucte (1643). It is the story of Christian mar- 
 tyrdom ; a homage rendered to absolute self-devotion 
 to the ideal; a canticle intoned in celebration of heavenly 
 grace. Polyeucte, the martyr, sacrifices to his faith not 
 only life, but love ; his wife, who, while she knew him 
 imperfectly, gave him an imperfect love, is won both 
 for God and for her husband by his heroism ; she is 
 caught away from her tenderness for Severe into the 
 flame of Polyeucte's devout rapture ; and through her 
 Severe himself is elevated to an unexpected magnanimity. 
 The family, the country, the monarchy, religion these 
 in turn were honoured by the genius of Corneille. He
 
 LE MENTEUR 167 
 
 had lifted the drama from a form of loose diversion 
 to be a great art ; he had recreated it as that noblest 
 pastime whose function is to exercise and invigorate 
 the soul. 
 
 The transition from Polyeucte to Le Menteur, of the 
 same year, is among the most surprising in literature. 1 
 From the most elevated of tragedies we pass to a 
 comedy, which, while not belonging to the great comedy 
 of character, is charmingly gay. We expect no grave 
 moralities here, nor do we find them. The play is a 
 free and original adaptation from a work of the Spanish 
 dramatist Alarcon, but in Corneille's hands it becomes 
 characteristically French. Young Dorante, the liar, 
 invents his fictions through an irresistible genius for 
 romancing. His indignant father may justly ask, Has 
 he a heart ? Is he a gentleman ? But how can a youth 
 with such a pretty wit resist the fascination of his own 
 lies ? He is sufficiently punished by the fact that they 
 do not assist, but rather trouble, the course of his love 
 adventure, and we demand no further poetical justice. 
 In Corneille's art, tragedy had defined itself, and comedy 
 was free to be purely comic ; but it is also literary 
 light, yet solid in structure ; easy, yet exact in style. 
 The Suite du Menteur, founded on a comedy by Lope 
 de Vega, has a curious attraction of its own, half-fantastic 
 as it is, and half-realistic ; yet it has shared the fate of 
 all continuations, and could not attain the popularity 
 of its predecessor. It lacks gaiety ; the liar has sunk 
 into a rascal, and we can hardly lend credence to the 
 amendment in his mendacious habit when he applies 
 the art of dissimulation to generous purposes. 
 
 These are the masterpieces of Corneille. Already in 
 
 1 Polyeucte may possibly be as early as 1641.
 
 1 68 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 Pompee, although its date is that of Polyeucte, while the 
 great dramatist is present throughout, he is not always 
 present at his best. It should not surprise us that 
 Corneille preferred Lucan to Virgil. Something of the 
 over-emphasis of the Pharsalia, his original, has entered 
 into the play; but the pomp of the verse is no vulgar 
 pomp. A graver fault is the want of a dramatic centre 
 for the action, which tends too much towards the epic. 
 Pompey is the presiding power of the tragedy ; his spirit 
 dominates the lesser characters ; but he does not appear 
 in person. The political interest develops somewhat to 
 the subordination of the personal interest. Corneille's 
 unhappy theory of later years, that love is unworthy of 
 a place in high tragedy, save as an episode, is here 
 exemplified in the passion of Cresar for Cleopatra ; but, 
 in truth, love is too sovereign a power to admit of its 
 being tagged to tragedy as an ornament. 
 
 Until 1636 Corneille was seeking his way. From 1636 
 to 1644 his genius soared on steady pinions. During 
 the eight years that followed he triumphed, but he also 
 faltered. Rodogune (1644), which he preferred to all his 
 other plays, is certainly, by virtue of the enormity of the 
 characters, the violence of the passions, the vastness of 
 its crimes, the most romantic of his tragedies ; it is con- 
 structed with the most skilful industry ; from scene to 
 scene the emotion is intensified and heightened until 
 the great fifth act is reached ; but if by incompar- 
 able audacity the dramatist attains the ideal, it is an 
 ideal of horror. T/teodore, a second play of martyr- 
 dom, fell far below Polyeucte. Heraclius is obscure 
 through the complication of its intrigue. Don Sanche 
 d'Aragon, a romantic tragi-comedy, is less admirable as 
 a whole than in the more brilliant scenes. In the his-
 
 CORNEILLE'S DECLINE 169 
 
 torical drama Nicomcde (1651), side by side with tragic 
 solemnities appears matter of a familiar kind. It was 
 the last great effort of its author's genius. The failure 
 of Pertharite, in 1652, led to the withdrawal of Corneille 
 from the theatre during seven years. He completed 
 during his seclusion a rendering into verse of the 
 Imitation of Jesus Christ. When he returned to the 
 stage it was with enfeebled powers, which were over- 
 strained by the effort of his will ; yet he could still write 
 noble lines, and in the tragedy-ballet of Psyche, in which 
 Quinault and Moliere were his collaborators, the most 
 charming verses are those of Corneille. His young 
 rival Racine spoke to the hearts of a generation less 
 heroic and swayed by tenderer passion, and the old 
 man resented the change. Domestic sorrows were 
 added to the grief of ill success in his art. Living 
 simply, his means were narrow for his needs. The last 
 ten years of his life were years of silence. He died in 
 1684, at the age of seventy-eight. 
 
 The drama of Corneille deals with what is extraordi- 
 nary, but in what is extraordinary it seeks for truth. 
 He finds the marvellous in the triumphs of the human 
 will. His great inventive powers were applied to creat- 
 ing situations for the manifestation of heroic energy. 
 History attracted him, because a basis of fact seemed 
 to justify what otherwise could not be accepted as pro- 
 bable. Great personages suited his purpose, because they 
 can deploy their powers on the amplest scale. His char- 
 acters, men and women, act not through blind, instinc- 
 tive passion, but with deliberate and intelligent force ; 
 they reason, and too often with casuistical subtlety, 
 about their emotions. At length he came to glorify 
 the will apart from its aims and ends, when tending
 
 1 70 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 even to crime, or acting, as it were, in the void. He 
 thought much of the principles of his art, and embodied 
 his conclusions in critical dissertations and studies of his 
 own works. He accepted the rule of the unities of place 
 and time (of which at first he was ignorant) as far as his 
 themes permitted, as far as the rules served to concen- 
 trate action and secure verisimilitude. His mastery in 
 verse of a masculine eloquence is unsurpassed ; his 
 dialogue of rapid statement and swift reply is like a 
 combat with Roman short swords ; in memorable single 
 lines he explodes, as it were, a vast charge of latent 
 energy, and effects a clearance for the progress of his 
 action. His faults, like his virtues, are great ; and 
 though faults and virtues may be travestied, both are 
 in reality alike inimitable. 
 
 Alone among Corneille's dramatic rivals, if they de- 
 serve that name Du Ryer, Tristan, Scudery, Boisrobert, 
 and others JEAN ROTROU (1609-50) had the magna- 
 nimity to render homage to the master of his art. 
 While still a boy he read Sophocles, and resolved that 
 he would live for the dramatic art. His facility was 
 great, and he had the faults of a facile writer, who started 
 on his career at the age of nineteen. He could not 
 easily submit to the regulation of the classical drama, and 
 squandered his talents in extravagant tragi- comedies; 
 but his work grew sounder and stronger towards the 
 close. Saint Genest (1646), which is derived, but in no 
 servile fashion, from Lope de Vega, recalls Polyeucte ; 
 an actor of the time of Diocletian, in performing the 
 part of a Christian martyr, is penetrated by the heroic 
 passion which he represents, confesses his faith, and 
 receives its crown in martyrdom. The tragi-comedy 
 Don Bernard de Cabrere and the tragedy Venceslas of
 
 ROTROU: THOMAS CORNEILLE 171 
 
 the following year exhibit the romantic and passionate 
 sides of Rotrou's genius. The intemperate yet noble 
 Ladislas has rashly and in error slain his brother ; he 
 is condemned to death by his father Venceslas, King 
 of Poland, and he accepts his doom. The situation is 
 such as Corneille might have imagined ; but Rotrou's 
 young hero in the end is pardoned and receives the 
 kingdom. If their careless construction and unequal 
 style in general forbade the dramas of Rotrou to hold 
 the stage, they remained as a store from which greater 
 artists than he could draw their material. His death 
 was noble : the plague having broken out at Dreux, he 
 hastened frpm Paris to the stricken town, disregarding 
 all affectionate warnings, there to perform his duty as a 
 magistrate ; within a few days the inhabitants followed 
 Rotrou's coffin to the parish church. 
 
 THOMAS CORNEILLE, the faithful and tender brother 
 of " le grand Corneille," and his successor in the 
 Academy, belongs to a younger generation. He was 
 born in 1625, and did not die until near the close 
 of the first decade of the eighteenth century. As 
 an industrious playwright he imitated his brother's 
 manner, and reproduced his situations with a feebler 
 hand. Many of his dramas are of Spanish origin, 
 comic imbroglios, tragic extravagances ; they rather 
 diverted dramatic art from its true way than aided its 
 advance. Perhaps for this reason they were the more 
 popular. His Timocrate (1656), drawn from the romance 
 of Cleopdtre, and itself a romance written for the stage, 
 had a success rarely equalled during the century. The 
 hero is at once the enemy and the lover of the Queen 
 of Argos ; under one name he besieges her, under 
 another he repels his own attack ; he is hated and
 
 i;2 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 adored, the conquered and the conqueror. The lan- 
 guors of conventional love and the plaintive accents 
 of conventional grief suited the powers of the younger 
 Corneille. His Ariane (1672) presents a heroine, 
 Ariadne, abandoned by Theseus, who reminds us of 
 one of Racine's women, drawn with less certain lines 
 and fainter colours. In Le Comte d Essex history is 
 transformed to a romance. Perhaps the greatest glory 
 of Thomas Corneille is that his reception as an Acade- 
 mician became the occasion for a just and eloquent 
 tribute to the genius of his brother uttered by Racirie, 
 when the bitterness of rivalry was forgotten and the 
 offences of Racine's earlier years were nobly repaired.
 
 CHAPTER IV 
 
 SOCIETY AND PUBLIC LIFE IN LETTERS 
 
 BEFORE noticing the theories of classical poetry in the 
 writings of its master critic, Boileau, we must glance at 
 certain writers who belonged rather to the world of 
 public life and of society than to the world of art, but 
 who became each a master in literary craft, as it were, 
 by an irresistible instinct. Memoirs, maxims, epistolary 
 correspondence, the novel, in their hands took a dis- 
 tinguished place in the hierarchy of literary art. 
 
 FRANCOIS VI., Due DE LA ROCHEFOUCAULD, Prince 
 de Marsillac, was born in 1613, of one of the greatest 
 families of France. His life is divided into two periods 
 one of passionate activity, when with romantic 
 ardour he threw himself into the struggles of the 
 Fronde, only to be foiled and disillusioned ; and the 
 other of bitter reflection, consoled by certain social 
 successes, loyal friendships, and an unique literary 
 distinction. His Maximes are the brief confession of 
 his experience of life, an utterance of the pessimism 
 of an aristocratic spirit, moulded into a form proper 
 to the little world of the salon each maxim a drop 
 of the attar not of roses but of some more poignant and 
 bitterly aromatic blossom. In the circle of Mme. de 
 Sable, now an elderly pre'cieuse, a circle half-Epicurean, 
 
 half-Jansenist, frivolously serious and morosely gay, the 
 
 173
 
 174 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 composition of maxims and "sentences" became a 
 fashion. Those of La Rochefoucauld were submitted 
 to her as to an oracle ; five years were given to shaping 
 a tiny volume ; fifteen years to rehandling and polishing 
 every phrase. They are like a collection of medals struck 
 in honour of the conquests of cynicism. The first sur- 
 reptitious edition, printed in Holland in 1664, was 
 followed by an authorised edition in 1665 ; the number 
 of maxims, at first 317, rose finally in 1678 to 504 ; some 
 were omitted ; many were reduced to the extreme of 
 concision ; under the influence of Mme. de la Fayette, 
 in the later texts the indictment of humanity was slightly 
 attenuated. " II m'a donne de 1' esprit," said Mme. de la 
 Fayette, "mais j'ai reforme son coeur." 
 
 The motto of the book, "Our virtues are commonly 
 vices in disguise," expresses its central idea. La Roche- 
 foucauld does not absolutely deny disinterested good- 
 ness ; there may be some such instinctive virtue lying 
 below all passions which submit to be analysed ; he does 
 not consider the love of God, the parental or the filial 
 affections ; but wherever he applies analysis, it is to 
 reduce each apparently disinterested feeling to self-love. 
 "We all have strength enough to endure the misfortunes 
 of another ; " " When vices desert us, we flatter ourselves 
 with the belief that it is we who desert them;" "With 
 true love it is as with apparitions every one talks of 
 them, but few persons have seen them ; " " Virtues lose 
 themselves in self-interest as rivers lose themselves in 
 the sea ; " " In the adversity of our best friends we always 
 find something which does not displease us " such are 
 the moral comments on life graven in ineffaceable lines 
 by La Rochefoucauld. He is not a philosophic thinker, 
 but he is a penetrating and remorseless critic, who re-
 
 LA ROCHEFOUCAULD 175 
 
 mains at one fixed point of view; self-interest is assuredly 
 a large factor in human conduct, and he exposes much 
 that is real in the heart of man ; much also that is not 
 universally true was true of the world in which he had 
 moved ; whether we accept or reject his doctrine, we are 
 instructed by a statement so implacable and so precise 
 of the case against human nature as he saw it. Pitiless 
 he was not himself ; perhaps his artistic instinct led him 
 to exclude concessions which would have marred the 
 unity of his conception ; possibly his vanity co-operated 
 in producing phrases which live and circulate by virtue 
 of the shock they communicate to our self-esteem. The 
 merit of his Maximes as examples of style a style which 
 may be described as lapidary is incomparable; it is 
 impossible to say more, or to say it more adequately, 
 in little ; but one wearies in the end of the monotony of 
 an idea unalterably applied, of unqualified brilliance, of 
 unrelieved concision ; we anticipate our surprise, and 
 its purpose is defeated. Traces of preciosity are found 
 in some of the earliest sentences; that infirmity was 
 soon overcome by La Rochefoucauld, and his utterances 
 become as clear and as hard as diamond. 
 
 He died at the age of sixty-seven, in the arms of 
 Bossuet. His MemoiresJ- relating to the period of 
 the Fronde, are written with an air of studied histori- 
 cal coldness, which presents a striking contrast to the 
 brilliant vivacity of Retz. 
 
 The most interesting figure of the Fronde, its portrait- 
 painter, its analyst, its historian, is CARDINAL DE RETZ 
 (1614-1679). Italian by his family, and Italian in some 
 features of his character, he had, on a scale of grandeur, 
 the very genius of conspiracy. When his first work, 
 
 1 Ed. 1662, surreptitious and incomplete ; best ed. 1817.
 
 1 76 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 La Conjuration de Ftesque, was read by Richelieu, the 
 judgment which that great statesman pronounced was 
 penetrating " Voila un dangereux esprit." Low of 
 stature, ugly, ill-made, short-sighted, Retz played the 
 part of a gallant and a duellist. Never had any one 
 less vocation for the spiritual duties of an ecclesiastic ; 
 but, being a churchman, he would be an illustrious 
 actor on the ecclesiastical stage. There was something 
 demoniac in his audacity, and with the spirit of tur- 
 bulence and intrigue was united a certain power of 
 self-restraint. When fallen, he still tried to be mag- 
 nificent, though in disgrace : he would resign his arch- 
 bishopric, pay his enormous debts, resign his cardinalate, 
 exhibit himself as the hero in misfortune. "Having lived 
 as a Catiline," said Voltaire, "he lived as an Atticus." 
 In retirement, as his adventurous life drew towards its 
 close, he wrote, at the request of Madame de Caumartin, 
 those Memoirs which remained unpublished until 1717, 
 and which have insured him a place in literature only 
 second to Saint-Simon. 
 
 It was an age remarkable for its memoirs ; those 
 of Mdlle. de Montpensier, of Mrne. de Motteville, of 
 Bussy-Rabutin are only a few of many. The Memoires 
 of Retz far surpass the rest not only in their historical 
 interest, but in their literary excellence. Arranging 
 facts and dates so that he might superbly figure in the 
 drama designed for future generations, he falsifies the 
 literal truth of things ; but he lays bare the inner truth 
 of politics, of life, of character, with incomparable mas- 
 tery. He exposes the disorder of his conduct in early 
 years with little scruple. The origins of the Fronde 
 are expounded in pages of profound sagacity. His 
 narrative has all the impetuosity, all the warmth and
 
 RETZ: MME. DE SE*VIGNE 177 
 
 hues of life, all the tumult and rumour of action ; he 
 paints, but in painting he explains ; he touches the 
 hidden springs of passion ; his portraits of contem- 
 poraries are not more vivid in their colours than they 
 are searching in their psychology : and in his style 
 there is that negligent grandeur which belongs rather 
 to the days of Louis XIII. than to the age of his 
 successor, when language grew more exact for the 
 intelligence, but lost much of its passion and untamed 
 energy. 
 
 The epistolary art, in which the art itself is nature, 
 may be said to have reached perfection, with scarcely 
 an historical development, in the letters of MME. DE 
 SEVIGNE. The letters of Balzac are rhetorical exer- 
 cises ; those of Voiture are often, to use a word of 
 Shakespeare, "heavy lightness, serious vanity." Mme. 
 de Sevigne entered into the gains of a cultivated society, 
 in which graceful converse had become a necessity of 
 existence. She wrote delightfully, because she con- 
 veyed herself into her letters, and because she con- 
 versed freely and naturally by means of her pen. Marie 
 de Rabutin - Chantal, born in 1626, deprived of both 
 parents in her earliest years, was carefully trained in 
 literary studies Latin, Italian, French under the 
 superintendence of her uncle, "le bien bon," the Abbe 
 de Coulanges. Among her teachers were the scholar 
 Menage and the poet Chapelain. Married at eighteen 
 to an unworthy husband, the Marquis Henri de Sevigne, 
 she was left at twenty-five a widow with two children, 
 the daughter whom she loved with excess of devotion, 
 and a son, who received from his mother a calmer 
 affection. She saw the life of the court, she was 
 acquainted with eminent writers, she frequented the
 
 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 Hotel dc Rambouillet (retaining from it a touch of 
 preciosity, "one superfluous ribbon," says Nisard, "in 
 a simple and elegant toilet"), she knew and loved the 
 country and its rural joys, she read with excellent 
 judgment and eager delight the great books of past 
 and present times. 
 
 When her daughter, " the prettiest girl in France," was 
 married in 1669 to M. de Grignan, soon to be Lieutenant- 
 General of Provence, Mme. de Sevigne, desiring to be 
 constantly one with her, at least in thought, transferred 
 into letters her whole life from day to day, together 
 with much of the social life of the time during a 
 period of nearly thirty years. She allowed her pen 
 to trot, throwing the reins, as she says, upon its neck ; 
 but if her letters are improvisations, they are impro- 
 visations regulated by an exquisite artistic instinct. Her 
 imagination is alert in discovering, combining, and pre- 
 senting the happiest meanings of reality. She is gay, 
 witty, ironical, malicious, and all this without a trace 
 of malignity ; amiable rather than passionate, .except 
 in the ardour of her maternal devotion, which some- 
 times proved oppressive to a daughter w r ho, though 
 not unloving, loved with a temperate heart ; faithful to 
 friends, loyal to those who had fallen into misfortune, 
 but neither sentimental nor romantic, nor disposed to 
 the generosities of a universal humanity ; a woman of 
 spirit, energy, and good sense ; capable of serious re- 
 flection, though not of profound thought ; endowed 
 with an exquisite sense of the power of words, and, 
 indeed, the creator of a literary style. While her interests 
 were in the main of a mundane kind, she was in sympathy 
 with Port-Royal ; admired the writings of Pascal, and 
 deeply reverenced Nicole. Domestic affairs, business
 
 MME. DE MAINTENON 179 
 
 (concern for her children having involved her in finan- 
 cial troubles), the aristocratic life of Paris and Versailles, 
 literature, the pleasures and tedium of the country, the 
 dulness or gaiety of a health-resort, the rise and fall 
 of those in power, the petty intrigues and spites and 
 follies of the day these, and much besides, enter into 
 Mme. de Sevigne's records, records made upon the 
 moment, with all the animation of an immediate im- 
 pression, but remaining with us as one of the chief 
 documents for the social history of the second half of 
 the seventeenth century. In April 1696 Mme. de 
 Sevigne died. 
 
 Beside the letters addressed to her daughter are 
 others far fewer in. number to her cousin Bussy- 
 Rabutin, to her cousin Mme. de Coulanges, to Pom- 
 ponne, and other correspondents. In Bussy's Memoires 
 et Correspondence (1696-97) first appeared certain of her 
 letters ; a collection, very defective and inaccurate, was 
 published in 1726 ; eight years later the first portion of 
 an authorised text was issued under the sanction of the 
 writer's grand-daughter ; gradually the material was re- 
 covered, until it became of vast extent; even since 
 the appearance of the edition among the Grands cri- 
 vains de la France two volumes of Lettres inedites have 
 been published. 
 
 Among the other letter-writers of the period, perhaps 
 the most distinguished were Mme. de Sevigne's old and 
 attached friend Mme. de la Fayette, and the woman of 
 supreme authority with the King, Mme. de Maintenon. 
 A just view of Mme. de Maintenon's character has 
 been long obscured by the letters forged under her 
 name by La Beaumelle, and by the bitter hostility 
 of Saint-Simon. On a basis of ardour and sensibility
 
 i8o FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 she built up a character of unalterable reason and good 
 sense. Her letters are not creations of genius, unless 
 practical wisdom and integrity of purpose be forms 
 of genius. She does not gossip delightfully ; at times 
 she may seem a little hard or dry ; but her reason is 
 really guided by human kindness. " Her style/' wrote 
 a high authority, Dollinger, "is clear, terse, refined, 
 often sententious ; her business letters are patterns of 
 simplicity and pregnant brevity. They might be char- 
 acterised as womanly yet manly, so well do they com- 
 bine the warmth and depth of womanly feeling with 
 the strength and lucidity of a masculine mind." The 
 foundation of Saint-Cyr, for the education of girls well- 
 born but poor, was the object of her constant solici- 
 tude ; there she put out her talents as a teacher and 
 guide of youth to the best interest ; there she found 
 play for her best affections : " C'est le lieu," she said, 
 "de delices pour moi.'"' 
 
 The friend of Madame de Sevigne, the truest woman 
 whom La Rochefoucauld had ever known, MADAME DE 
 LA FAYETTE was the author of two historical works, 
 of which one is exquisite a memorial of her friend 
 the Duchess of Orleans, and of two perhaps three 
 romances, the latest of which, in the order of chronology, 
 is the masterpiece of seventeenth-century fiction. Marie 
 de la Vergne, born in 1634, a pupil of Menage, married 
 at twenty-one to M. de la Fayette, became the trusted 
 companion of the bright and gracious Henrietta of 
 England. It is not that part of Madame's life, when 
 she acted as intermediary between Louis XIV. and her 
 brother, Charles II., that is recorded by her friend : it 
 is the history of her heart. Nothing is more touching 
 in its simplicity than the narrative of Madame's last
 
 MME. DE LA FAYETTE 181 
 
 moments ; it serves as the best possible comment on 
 the pathetic Funeral Oration of Bossuet. We have no 
 grounds for asserting that the married life of Madame de 
 la Fayette was unhappy, except through the inadequacy 
 of a husband whose best qualities seem to have been of 
 a negative kind. During the fifteen years which preceded 
 the death of La Rochefoucauld her friendship for him 
 was the centre of her existence. She seemed to bear 
 about with her some secret grief ; something remained 
 veiled from other friends than he, and they named 
 her le Brouillard. She outlived her friend by thirteen 
 years, and during ten was widowed. In 1693 she died. 
 
 Her earliest novel, La Princesse de Montpensier (1662), 
 a tale of the days of the Valois and of St. Bartholomew, 
 is remarkable for its truthful pictures of the manners 
 of the court, its rendering of natural and unexaggerated 
 feeling, and for the fact that it treats of married life, 
 occupying itself with such themes as have been dealt with 
 in many of its modern successors. The Zayde, of eight 
 years later, was written in collaboration with Segrais. 
 It is in La Princesse de Cleves (1678) that the genius and 
 the heart of Madame de la Fayette find a perfect expres- 
 sion. The Princess, married to a husband who loves 
 her devotedly, and whom she honours, but whose feel- 
 ings she cannot return, is tempted by the brilliant Due 
 de Nemours and by the weakness of her own passion, 
 to infidelity. She resolves to confide her struggle to her 
 husband, and seek in him a protector against herself. 
 The hard confession is made, but a grievous and in- 
 evitable change has passed over their lives. Believing 
 himself deceived, M. de Cleves is seized by a fever 
 and dies, not without the consolation of learning his 
 error. Nemours renews his vows and entreaties; the
 
 1 82 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 Princess refuses his hand, and atones for her error 
 in cloistered seclusion. The tale has lost none of its 
 beauty and pathos after a lapse of two centuries. Does 
 it reveal the hidden grief of the writer's life ? And was 
 her friend, the Due de la Rochefoucauld, delivered from 
 his gout and more than a score of years, transformed 
 by Madame de la Fayette into the foiled lover of her 
 tale?
 
 CHAPTER V 
 
 BOILEAU AND LA FONTAINE 
 
 THE great name in criticism of the second half of the 
 seventeenth century is that of Boileau. But one of 
 whom Boileau spoke harshly, a soldier, a man of the 
 world, the friend of Ninon de 1'Enclos, a sceptical Epicu- 
 rean, an amateur in letters, Saint-Evremond (1613-1703), 
 among his various writings, aided the cause of criticism 
 by the intuition which he had of what is excellent, 
 by a fineness of judgment as far removed from mere 
 licence as from the pedantry of rules. Fallen into 
 disfavour with the King, Saint-Evremond was received 
 into the literary society of London. His criticism is 
 that of a fastidious taste, of balance and moderation, 
 guided by tradition, yet open to new views if they 
 approved themselves to his culture and good sense. 
 Had his studies been more serious, had his feelings 
 been more generous and ardent, had his moral sense 
 been less shallow, he might have made important con- 
 tributions to literature. As it was, to be a man of the 
 world was his trade, to be a writer was only an admir- 
 able foible. 
 
 NICOLAS BOILEAU, named DESPREAUX, from a field 
 
 (pre] of his father's property at Crosne, was born in Paris, 
 
 1636, son of the registrar of the Grand'Chambre du 
 
 Palais. His choice of a profession lay between the 
 
 13 l8 *
 
 1 84 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 Church and that with which his father was connected 
 the law ; but though he made some study of theology, 
 and was called to the bar, his inclination for literature 
 could not be resisted. His whole life, indeed, was that 
 of a man of letters upright, honourable, serious, digni- 
 fied, simple ; generous to the friends whose genius he 
 could justly applaud ; merciless to books and authors 
 condemned by his reason, his good sense, his excellent 
 judgment. He was allied by an ardent admiration to 
 Racine, and less intimately to Moliere, La Fontaine, and 
 Chapelle ; Jansenist through his religious sympathies, 
 and closely attached to the venerable Arnauld; appointed 
 historiographer to the King (1677) together with Racine; 
 an Academician by the King's desire, notwithstanding 
 the opposition of his literary enemies. In his elder 
 years his great position of authority in the world of 
 letters was assured, but he suffered from infirmities of 
 body, and from an increasing severity of temper. In 
 1711 he died, bequeathing a large sum of money to the 
 poor. 
 
 Boileau's literary career falls into three periods the 
 first, militant and destructive, in which he waged suc- 
 cessful war against all that seemed to him false and 
 despicable in art ; the second, reconstructive, in which 
 he declared the doctrine of what may be termed literary 
 rationalism, and legislated for the French Parnassus ; 
 the third, dating from his appointment as historiogra- 
 pher, a period of comparative repose and, to some 
 extent, of decline, but one in which the principles of 
 his literary faith were maintained and pressed to new 
 conclusions. His writings include twelve satires (of 
 which the ninth, "A son Esprit," is the chief master- 
 piece) ; twelve epistles (that to Racine being pre-
 
 BOILEAU AS POET 185 
 
 eminent); the literary -didactic poem, L'Art Po/tique ; 
 a heroi-comical epic, Le Lutrin ; miscellaneous shorter 
 poems (among which may be noted the admirable 
 epitaph on Arnauld, and an unhappy ode, Sur la Prise 
 de Namur, 1693) ; and various critical studies in prose, 
 his Lucianic dialogue Les Heros de Roman, satirising 
 the extravagant novels not yet dismissed to oblivion, 
 and his somewhat truculent Reflexions sur Longin being 
 specially deserving of attention. The satires preceded 
 in date the epistles ; of the former, the first nine belong 
 to the years 1660-67 5 ^ ne nrs * mne f the epistles to 
 the years 1669-77 > three satires and three epistles may 
 be described as belated. The year 1674 is memorable 
 as that in which were published L'Art Poetique and 
 the first four chants of Le Lutrin. 
 
 The genius of Boileau was in a high degree intel- 
 lectual, animated by ideas ; but it is an error to suppose 
 that a sensuous element is absent from his verse. It 
 is verse of the classical school, firm and clear, but it 
 addresses the ear with a studied harmony, and what 
 Boileau saw he could render into exact, definite, and 
 vivid expression. His imagination was not in a large 
 sense creative ; he was wholly lacking in tenderness and 
 sensibility ; his feeling for external nature was no more 
 than that of a Parisian bourgeois who enjoys for a day 
 the repose of the fields ; but for Paris itself, its various 
 aspects, its life, its types, its manners, he had the eye 
 and the precise rendering of a realist in art ; his faithful 
 objective touch is like that of a Dutch painter. As a 
 moralist, he is not searching or profound ; he saw too 
 little of the inner world of the heart, and knew too im- 
 perfectly its agitations. When, however, he deals with 
 literature and a just judgment in letters may almost be
 
 1 86 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 called an element in morals all his penetration and 
 power become apparent. 
 
 To clear the ground for the new school of nature, 
 truth and reason was Boileau's first task. It was a 
 task which called for courage and skill. The public 
 taste was still uncertain. Laboured and lifeless epics 
 like Chapelain's La Pucelle, petty ingenuities in metre 
 like those of Cotin, violence and over-emphasis, ex- 
 travagances of sentiment, faded preciosities, inane 
 pastoralisms, gross or vulgar burlesques, tragedies 
 languorous and insipid, lyrics of pretended passion, 
 affectations from the degenerate Italian literature, super- 
 subtleties from Spain these had still their votaries. 
 And the conduct of life and characters of men of 
 letters were often unworthy of the vocation they pro- 
 fessed. "La haine d'un sot livre" was an inspiration for 
 Boileau, as it afterwards was for our English satirist 
 Pope ; and he felt deeply that dignity of art is connected 
 with dignity of character and rectitude of life " Le vers 
 se senttoujours des bassesses de cceur." He struck at the 
 follies and affectations of the world of letters, and he 
 struck with force : it was a needful duty, and one most 
 effectively performed. Certain of the Epistles, which 
 are written with less pitiless severity and with a more 
 accomplished mastery of verse, continue the work of the 
 Satires. From Horace he derived much, something 
 from Juvenal, and something from his predecessor Reg- 
 nier ; but he had not the lightness nor the bonhomie of 
 Horace, nor his easy and amiable wisdom. 
 
 In the Art Poetique Boileau is constructive ; he exhibits 
 the true doctrine of literature, as he conceived it. Granted 
 genius, fire, imagination the gifts of heaven what should 
 be the self-imposed discipline of a poet ? Above all,
 
 BOILEAU AS CRITIC 187 
 
 the cultivation of that power which distinguishes false 
 from true, and aids every other faculty the reason. 
 " Nothing," declares Boileau, " is beautiful save what is 
 true ; " nature is the model, the aim and end of art ; 
 reason and good sense discern reality ; they test the 
 fidelity of the artistic imitation of nature ; they alone 
 can vouch for the correspondence of the idea with 
 its object, and the adequacy of the expression to the 
 idea. What is permanent and universal in litera- 
 ture lives by the aid of no fashion of the day, but by 
 virtue of its truth to nature. And hence is derived 
 the authority of the ancient classics, which have been 
 tried by time and have endured ; these we do not 
 accept as tyrants, but we may safely follow as guides. 
 To study nature is, however, before all else to study 
 man that is, human nature and to distinguish in 
 human nature what is universal and abiding from what 
 is transitory and accidental ; we cannot be expected to 
 discover things absolutely new ; it suffices to give to 
 what is true a perfect expression. Unhappily, human 
 nature, as understood by Boileau, included little beyond 
 the court and the town. Unhappily his appreciation of 
 classical literature was defective ; to justify as true and 
 natural the mythology of Greece he has to regard it as 
 a body of symbols or a moral allegory. Unhappily his 
 survey of literature was too narrow to include the truths 
 and the splendours of Mediaeval poetry and art. For 
 historical truth, indeed, he had little sense ; seeking for 
 what is permanent and universal, he had little regard 
 for local colour and the truth of manners. To secure 
 assent from contemporary minds truth must assume 
 what they take to be its image, and a Greek or Roman 
 on the stage must not shock the demand for verisimili-
 
 1 88 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 hide made by the courtly imagination of the days of 
 Louis Quatorze. Art which fails to please is no longer 
 art. 
 
 To the workmanship, the technique of poetry, Boileau 
 attaches a high importance. Its several species idyl, 
 elegy, ode, sonnet, epigram, rondeau, ballade, madrigal, 
 satire, epic, tragedy, comedy are separated from one 
 another by fixed boundaries, and each is subject to its 
 own rules ; but genius, on occasion, may transcend those 
 rules, and snatch an unauthorised grace. It is difficult 
 to understand why from among the genres of poetry 
 Boileau omitted the fable ; perhaps he did not regard 
 its form, now in verse and now in prose, as denned ; 
 possibly he was insensible of the perfection to which 
 the fable in verse had been carried by La Fontaine. 
 The fourth chant of the Art Poetique is remarkable for 
 its lofty conception of the position of the poet ; its 
 counsels express the dignity of the writer's own literary 
 life. He has been charged not only with cruelty as a 
 satirist, but with the baseness of a flatterer of the great. 
 It would be more just to notice the honourable in- 
 dependence which he maintained, notwithstanding his 
 poetical homage to the King, which' was an inevitable 
 requisition. Boileau's influence as a critic of literature 
 can hardly be overrated ; it has much in common with 
 the influence of Pope on English literature beneficial 
 as regards his own time, somewhat restrictive and even 
 tyrannical upon later generations. 
 
 Le Lutrin (completed in 1683) is not a burlesque 
 which degrades a noble theme, but, like Pope's far 
 more admirable Rape of the Lock, a heroi-comic poem 
 humorously exalting humble matter of the day. It tells 
 of the combats of ecclesiastics respecting the position
 
 LA FONTAINE 189 
 
 of a lectern, combats in which the books of a neigh- 
 bouring publisher serve as formidable projectiles. The 
 scene is in the Sainte-Chapelle and the Palais de Justice. 
 Boileau's gift for the vivid presentation of visible detail, 
 and his skill in versification, served him here better than 
 did his choice of a subject. On the whole, we think of 
 him less as a poet than as the classical guardian and 
 legislator of poetry. He was an emancipator by direct- 
 ing art towards reason and truth ; when larger inter- 
 pretations of truth and reason than his became possible, 
 his influence acted unfavourably as a constraint. 
 
 All that Boileau lacked as a poet was possessed by 
 the most easy and natural of the singers of his time 
 one whose art is like nature in its freedom, while yet 
 it never wrongs the delicate bounds of art. JEAN DE 
 LA FONTAINE was born in 1621 at Chateau-Thierry, in 
 Champagne, son of the " maitre des eaux et forets." 
 His education was less of a scholastic kind than an 
 education derived from books read for his own plea- 
 sure, and especially from observation or reverie among 
 the woods and fields, with their population of bird, beast, 
 and insect, so dear to his heart and his imagination. Slip- 
 ping away from theology and law, he passed ten years, 
 from twenty-three to thirty-three, in seeming indolence, a 
 "bon garden," irreclaimably wayward as regards worldly 
 affairs, but already drawing in to himself all that fed his 
 genius, all sights and sounds of nature, all the lore of 
 old poets, story-tellers, translators, and already practising 
 his art of verse. Nothing that was not natural to him, 
 and wholly to his liking, would he or could he do ; but 
 happily he was born to write perfect verses, and the 
 labour of the artist was with him an instinct and a 
 delight. He allowed himself to be married to a pretty
 
 1 9 o FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 girl of fifteen, and presently forgot that he had a wife 
 and child, drifted away, and agreed in 1659 to a divi- 
 sion of goods ; but his carelessness and egoism were 
 without a touch of malignity, those of an overgrown child 
 rather than of a man. 
 
 In 1654 he published a translation of the Eunuch of 
 Terence of small worth, and not long after was favoured 
 with the patronage of Fouquet, the superintendant of 
 finance. To him La Fontaine presented his Adonis, a 
 narrative poem, graceful, picturesque, harmonious, ex- 
 pressing a delicate feeling for external nature rarely to 
 be found in poetry of the time^ and reviving some of 
 the bright Renaissance sense of antiquity. The genius 
 of France is united in La Fontaine's writings with the 
 genius of Greece. But the verses written by command 
 for Fouquet are laboured and ineffective. His ill-con- 
 structed and unfinished Songe de Vaux, partly in prose, 
 partly in verse, was designed to celebrate his patron's 
 Chateau de Vaux. 
 
 Far happier than this is the poem in dialogue Clymcne, 
 a dramatic fantasy, in which Apollo on Mount Parnassus 
 learns by the aid of the Muses the loves of Acante (La 
 Fontaine) and Clymene (Madame X . . .), a rural beauty, 
 whom the god had seen wandering on the banks of 
 Hippocrene. On the fall of his magnificent patron La 
 Fontaine did not desert him, pleading in his JiLlcgie aux 
 Nymphes de Vaux on behalf of the disgraced minister. As 
 a consequence, the poet retired for a time from Paris to 
 banishment at Limoges. But in 1664 he is again in 
 Paris or at Chateau-Thierry, his native place, where the 
 Duchesse de Bouillon, niece of Mazarin, young, gay, plea- 
 sure-loving, bestowed on him a kind protection. His 
 tedious paraphrase of Psyche, and the poem Quinquina,
 
 LA FONTAINE'S CONTES 191 
 
 in which he celebrates the recovery from illness of 'the 
 Duchess, were performances of duty and gratitude rather 
 than of native impulse ; but the tendencies of her salon, 
 restrained neither by the proprieties of the classical doc- 
 trine in literature nor those of religious strictness, may 
 have encouraged him to the production of his Contes. 
 
 In Paris, from 1661 to 1664 joyous meetings took place 
 in Boileau's rooms in the Rue du Colombier of a distin- 
 guished group, which included Moliere, Chapelle, Racine, 
 and La Fontaine. La Fontaine, the bonhomme^^Q escaped 
 from the toil of conversation which did not interest 
 him in shy or indolent taciturnity, could be a charm- 
 ing talker with companions of his choice. Probably to 
 Boileau's urgency is due the first original publication 
 of La Fontaine, a little volume of Nouvelles en Vers (1664- 
 1665), containing the Joconde, a tale from Ariosto, and a 
 comic story versified from Boccaccio. Almost imme- 
 diately there followed a collection of ten Contes, with the 
 author's name upon the title-page, and at various later 
 dates were published added tales, until five parts com- 
 pleted the series. The success was great, but great also 
 was the scandal, for the bonhomme, drawing from Boc- 
 caccio, the Heptameron, the Cent Nouvelles nouvelles, 
 Rabelais, Petronius, Athenaeus, and other sources, had 
 exhibited no more regard for decency than that which 
 bestows the graces of lightness, brightness, wit, and 
 gaiety upon indecency. His unabashed apology was 
 that the artistic laws of the conte obliged him to decline 
 the laws of modesty ; and among those who applauded 
 his tales were the Duchess de Bouillon and Mme. de 
 Sevigne. It is indeed impossible not to applaud their 
 skill in rapid and easy narrative, and the grace, freedom, 
 and spontaneity of the verse.
 
 192 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 The first six books of the Fables appeared in 1668 ; the 
 next five in two parts, in 1678 and 1679 ; the twelfth and 
 last book in 1694. When the Psyche was published, soon 
 after the first group of the Fables, the prose and verse 
 were placed in a graceful setting, which tells of the con- 
 verse of the author with his friends Boileau, Racine, and 
 Moliere (or possibly Chapelle) in the midst of the un- 
 finished gar dens of Versailles, where the author of Psyche, 
 named happily Polyphile (for he loved many things, and 
 among them his friends), will read his romance for his 
 literary comrades. 
 
 " faime lejcu, ? amour, les livres, la imisique, 
 La ville et la campagne, enfin tout : il n'est rieh 
 
 Qui ne me soit souverain bien 
 Jusq'aux sombres plaisirs d'un cccur melancolique? 
 
 Some of his friends before long had passed away, 
 but others came to fill their places. For many years 
 he was cared for and caressed by the . amiable and cul- 
 tivated Mme. de Sabliere, and when she dismissed other 
 acquaintances she still kept "her dog, her cat, and her 
 La Fontaine." The Academy would have opened its 
 doors to him sooner than to Boileau, but the King 
 would not have it so, and he was admitted (1684) only 
 when he had promised Louis XIV. henceforth to be 
 sage. When Mme. de Sabliere died, Hervart, maitre des 
 requetes, one day offered La Fontaine the hospitality 
 of his splendid house. " I was on my way there," re- 
 plied the poet. After a season of conversion, in which 
 he expressed penitence for his "infamous book" of 
 Contes, the bonhomme tranquilly died in April 1693. 
 "He is so simple," said his nurse, "that God will not 
 have courage to damn him." " He was the most sincere 
 and candid soul/' wrote his friend Maucroix, who had
 
 LA FONTAINE'S FABLES 193 
 
 been intimate with him for more than fifty years, " that 
 I have ever known ; never a disguise ; I don't know 
 that he spoke an untruth in all his life." 
 
 All that is best in the genius of La Fontaine may be 
 found in his Fables. The comedies in which he col- 
 laborated, the Captivite de Saint Male, written on the 
 suggestion of the Port-Royalists, the miscellaneous 
 poems, though some of these are admirable, even the 
 Conies, exhibit only a fragment of his mind ; in the 
 Fables the play of his faculties is exquisite, and is com- 
 plete. His imagination was unfitted for large and 
 sustained creation ; it operated most happily in a nar- 
 row compass. The Fables, however, contain much in 
 little ; they unite an element of drama and of lyric with 
 narrative ; they give scope to his feeling for nature, and 
 to his gift for the observation of human character and 
 society ; they form, as he himself has said 
 
 " Une ample come'die a cents actes divers 
 Et dont la scene est Funtvers" 
 
 He had not to invent his subjects ; he found them in 
 all the fabulists who had preceded him Greek, Latin, 
 Oriental, elder French writers "j'en lis qui sont du 
 Nord et qui sont du Midi ; " but he may be said to have 
 recreated the species. From an apologue, tending to an 
 express moral, he converted the fable into a co-nte, in 
 which narrative, description, observation, satire, dialogue 
 have an independent value, and the moral is little more 
 than an accident. This is especially true of the midmost 
 portion of the collection Books vii.-ix. which appeared 
 ten years after the earliest group. He does not impose 
 new and great ideas on the reader ; he does not interpret 
 the deepest passions ; he takes life as he sees it, as an en-
 
 I 9 4 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 tertaining comedy, touched at times with serious thought, 
 with pathos, even with melancholy, but in the main a 
 comedy, which teaches us to smile at the vanities, the 
 follies, the egoisms of mankind, and teaches us at the same 
 time something of tenderness and pity for all that is 
 gentle or weak. His morality is amiable and somewhat 
 epicurean, a morality of indulgence, of moderation, of 
 good sense. His eye for what is characteristic and pic- 
 turesque in animal life is infallible ; but his humanised 
 wild creatures are also a playful, humorous, ironical 
 presentation of mankind and of the society of his own 
 day, from the grand monarch to the bourgeois or the 
 lackey. 
 
 La Fontaine's language escapes from the limitations 
 of the classical school of the seventeenth century ; his 
 manifold reading in elder French literature enriched 
 his vocabulary ; he seems to light by instinct upon the 
 most exact and happiest word. Yet we know that the 
 perfection of his art was attained only as the result of 
 untiring diligence ; indolent and careless as he was in 
 worldly affairs, he was an indefatigable craftsman in 
 poetry. His verse is as free as it is fine ; it can accom- 
 plish whatever it intends ; now it is light and swift, but 
 when needful it can be grave and even magnificent : 
 
 " Aurait-il imprime sur le front des e"toiles 
 Ce que la nuit des temps enferme dans ses voiles ? " 
 
 It is verse which depends on no mechanical rules im- 
 posed from without ; its life and movement come from 
 within, and the lines vary, like a breeze straying among 
 blossoms, with every stress or relaxation of the writer's 
 mood. While La Fontaine derives much from antiquity, 
 he may be regarded as incarnating more than any other
 
 LA FONTAINE'S ART 195 
 
 writer of his century the genius of France, exquisite in 
 the proportion of his feeling and the expression of feeling 
 to its source and cause. If we do not name him, with 
 some of his- admirers, " the French Homer," we may at 
 least describe him, with Nisard, as a second Montaigne, 
 " mais plus doux, plus aimable, plus naTf que le premier," 
 and with all the charm of verse superadded.
 
 CHAPTER VI 
 COMEDY AND TRAGEDY MOLIERE RACINE 
 
 I 
 
 THE history of comedy, from Larivey to Moliere, is one 
 of arrested development, followed by hasty and ill- 
 regulated growth. During the first twenty-five years 
 of the seventeenth century, comedy can hardly be said 
 to have existed ; whatever tended to beauty or elevation, 
 took the form of tragi-comedy or pastoral ; what was 
 rude and popular became a farce. From the farce 
 Moliere's early work takes its origin, but of the reper- 
 tory of his predecessors little survives. Much, indeed, 
 in these performances was left to the improvisation of 
 the burlesque actors. Gros-Guillaume, Gaultier-Gar- 
 guille, Turlupin, Tabarin, rejoiced the heart of the popu- 
 lace ; but the farces tabariniques can hardly be dignified 
 with the name of literature. 
 
 In 1632 the comedy of intrigue was advanced by 
 Mairet in his Galanteries du Due (fOssone. The genius 
 of Rotrou, follower though he was of Plautus, tended 
 towards the tragic; if he is really gay, it is in La Soeur 
 (1645), a Bright tangle of extravagant incidents. For 
 Rotrou the drama of Italy supplied material ; the way 
 to the Spanish drama was opened by d'Ouville, the 
 
 only writer of the time devoted specially to comedy, in 
 
 196
 
 COMEDY BEFORE MOLIERE 197 
 
 L' 'E 'sprit Follet (1641); once opened, it became a common 
 highway. Scarron added to his Spanish originals in 
 Jodelet and Don Japhet d'Armenie his own burlesque 
 humour. The comedy of contemporary manners appears 
 with grace and charm in Corneille's early plays ; the 
 comedy of character, in his admirable Le Menteur. Saint- 
 Evremond satirised literary affectations in La Comedie 
 des Academistes ; these and other follies of the time are 
 presented with spirit in Desmaret's remarkable comedy, 
 Les Visionnaires . If we add, for sake of its study of 
 the peasant in the character of Mathieu Gareau, the 
 farcical Pedant Joue of Cyrano, we have named the 
 most notable comedies of the years which preceded 
 Les Prfaieuses Ridicules. 
 
 Their general character is extravagance of resources 
 in the plot, extravagance of conception in the char- 
 acters. Yet in both intrigue and characters there is a 
 certain monotony. The same incidents, romantic and 
 humorous, are variously mingled to produce the im- 
 broglio ; the same typical characters the braggart, the 
 parasite, the pedant, the extravagant poet, the amorous 
 old man, the designing woman, the knavish valet, the 
 garrulous nurse play their mirthful parts. If the types 
 are studied from real life rather than adopted from 
 Italian or Spanish models, they are exaggerated to ab- 
 surdity. Corneille alone is distinguished by delicacy 
 of imagination and the finer touch of a dexterous 
 artist. 
 
 JEAN-BAPTISTE PoQUELiN, who, when connected with 
 the stage, named himself MOLIERE, was born in January 
 1622, in Paris, the son of a prosperous upholsterer, Jean 
 Poquelin, and Marie Cresse, his wife. Educated at the 
 College de Clermont, he had among his fellow-pupils the
 
 198 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 Prince de Conti, Chapelle, the future poet Hesnault, the 
 future traveller Bernier. There seems to be no sufficient 
 reason to doubt that he and some of his friends after- 
 wards received lessons in philosophy from Gassendi, 
 whose influence must have tended to loosen him from 
 the traditional doctrines, and to encourage independence 
 of thought. A translation by Moliere of the great poem 
 of Lucretius has been lost, but a possible citation from 
 it appears in the second act of the Misanthrope. Legal 
 studies followed those of philosophy. But Moliere had 
 other ends in view than either those of an advocate 
 or of the hereditary office of upholsterer to the King. 
 In 1643, at the age of twenty-one, he decided to throw 
 in his lot with the theatrical company in which Madeleine 
 Bjart and her brothers were leading members. The 
 Illustre Theatre was constituted, but Paris looked askance 
 at the illustrious actors ; debt, imprisonment, and release 
 through friendly aid, formed the net result of Moliere's 
 first experiment. 
 
 The troupe decided at the close of 1645 or in the early 
 days of the following year to try their fortune in the 
 provinces. It is needless to follow in detail their move- 
 ments during twelve years twelve years fruitful in 
 experience for one who observed life with keenest eyes, 
 years of toil, in which the foundations of his art were 
 laid. At Lyons, probably in 1655, possibly in 1653, a 
 comedy, founded on the Italian of Nicolo Barbieri, 
 L'Etonrdi, saw the light, and Moliere revealed himself 
 as a poet. Young Lelie, the tourdi, is enamoured of 
 the beautiful Celie, whom the merchant Trufaldin, old 
 and rich, has purchased from corsairs. Lelie's valet Mas- 
 carille, who is the life of the play, invents stratagem on 
 stratagem to aid the lover, and is for ever foiled by his
 
 LES PRECIEUSES RIDICULES 199 
 
 master's indiscretions, until the inevitable happy denoue- 
 ment arrives. The romantic intrigue is conventional ; 
 the charm is in the vivacity and colour of the style. 
 In 1656 Le De'pit Amoureux was given with applause at 
 B^ziers ; much is derived from the Italian of Secchi, 
 something perhaps from Terence ; the tender scenes 
 of lovers' quarrels and lovers' reconciliation, contrasting 
 with the franker comedy of the loves of waiting-maid 
 and valet, still live, if the rest of the play be little re- 
 membered. 
 
 The years of apprenticeship were over when, in 1658, 
 Moliere and his company once more in Paris presented, 
 by command, before the King, Corneille's Nicomede, and, 
 leave being granted, gave his farce in the Italian style, 
 the Docteur Amoureux, before pleased spectators. The 
 company was now the troupe of Monsieur, the King's 
 brother, with the Petit-Bourbon as theatre, and there, 
 in November 1659, was enacted Moliere's first satiric play 
 on contemporary manners, Les Precieuses Ridicules. We 
 do not need the legendary old man crying from the pit 
 " Courage, Moliere ! voila la bonne com^die " to assure 
 us that the comic stage possessed at length a master- 
 piece. The dramatist had himself known the precieuses 
 of the provinces ; through them he might with less 
 danger exhibit the follies of the Hotel de Rambouillet 
 and the ruelles of the capital. The good bourgeois 
 Gorgibus is induced by his niece and daughter, two 
 precieuses, to establish himself in Paris. Their aspirant 
 lovers, unversed in the affectations of the salon, are 
 slighted and repelled ; in revenge they employ their 
 valets, Mascarille and Jodelet, to play the parts of men 
 of fashion and of taste. The exposure and confusion 
 of the ladies, with an indignant rebuke from Gorgibus, 
 14
 
 200 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 close the piece. It was a farce raised to the dignity of 
 comedy. Moliere's triumph was the triumph of good 
 sense. 
 
 After a success in Sganarelle (1660), a broad comedy 
 of vulgar jealousy, and a decided check the only one 
 in his dramatic career in the somewhat colourless tragi- 
 comedy Don Garde de Navarre (1661), Moliere found a 
 theme, suggested by the Adelphi of Terence, which was 
 happily suited to his genius. L'Jzcole des Marts (1661) 
 contrasts two methods of education one suspicious and 
 severe, the other wisely indulgent. Two brothers, Ariste 
 and Sganarelle, seek the hands of their wards, the orphan 
 sisters Isabelle and Leonor ; the amiable Ariste, aided 
 by the good sense of a gay soubrette, is rewarded with 
 happiness ; the vexatious Sganarelle is put to confusion. 
 The drama is a plea, expressing the writer's personal 
 thoughts, for nature and for freedom. The comedy of 
 manners is here replaced by the comedy of character. 
 Its success suggested to Fouquet that Moliere might 
 contribute to the amusement of the King at the fetes 
 of the Chateau de Vaux ; in fifteen days the dramatist 
 had his bright improvisation Les Facheux ready, a series 
 of character sketches in scenes rather than a comedy. 
 .The King smiled approval, and, it was whispered, hinted 
 to Moliere that another bore might with advantage be 
 added to the collection the sportsman whose talk shall 
 be of sport. At Fontainebleau he duly appeared before 
 his Majesty, and unkind spectators recognised a portrait 
 of the Marquis de Soyecourt. 
 
 Next February (1662) Moliere, aged forty, was married 
 to the actress Armande Bejart, whose age* was half his 
 own a disastrous union, which caused him inexpres- 
 sible anxiety and unhappiness. In L'fccole des Femmes
 
 AFFAIR OF TARTUFE 201 
 
 of the same year he is wiser than he had shown himself 
 in actual life. Arnolphe would train a model wife from 
 childhood by the method of jealous seclusion and in 
 infantile ignorance ; but love, in the person of young 
 Horace, finds out a way. There is pathos in the anguish 
 of Arnolphe ; yet it is not the order of nature that 
 middle-aged folks should practise perverting arts upon 
 innocent affections. The charming Agnes belongs of 
 right to Horace, and the over-wise, and therefore foolish, 
 Arnolphe must quit the scene with his despairing cry. 
 Some matter of offence was found by the devout in 
 Moliere's play ; it was the opening of a long campaign ; 
 the pr/deuses, the dainty gentle-folk, the critical disciples 
 of Aristotle, the rival comedians, were up in arms. 
 Moliere for the occasion ignored the devout ; upon the 
 others he made brilliant reprisals in La Critique de 
 I ' Ecole des Femmes (1663) and U Impromptu de Versailles 
 (1663). 
 
 Among those who war against nature and human 
 happiness, not the least dangerous foe is the religious 
 hypocrite. On May 12, 1664, Moliere presented before 
 the King the first three acts of his great character- 
 comedy Tartufe. Instantly Anne of Austria and the 
 King's confessor, now Archbishop of Paris, set to 
 work ; the public performance of " The Hypocrite " 
 was inhibited ; a savage pamphlet was directed against 
 its author by the cure of Saint-Barthelemy. Private 
 representations, however, were given ; Tartufe, in five 
 acts, was played in November in presence of the great 
 Conde". In 1665 Moliere's company was named the 
 servants of the King ; two years later a verbal permis- 
 sion was granted for the public performance of the 
 play. It appeared under the title of L'Imposteur ; the
 
 202 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 victory seemed won, when again, and without delay, the 
 blow fell ; by order of the President, M. de Lamoignon, 
 the theatre was closed. Moliere bore up courageously. 
 The King was besieging Lille ; Moliere despatched two 
 of his comrades to the camp, declaring that if the Tar- 
 tufes of France should carry all before them he must 
 cease to write. The King was friendly, but the Arch- 
 bishop fulminated threats of excommunication against 
 any one who should even read the play. At length 
 in 1669, when circumstances were more favourable, 
 Louis XIV. granted the desired permission ; in its 
 proper name Moliere's play obtained complete free- 
 dom. Bourdaloue might still pronounce condemnation ; 
 Bossuet might draw terrible morals from the author's 
 sudden death ; an actor, armed with the sword of the 
 comic spirit, had proved victorious. And yet the theolo- 
 gians were not wholly wrong ; the tendency of Moliere's 
 teaching, like that of Rabelais and like that of Montaigne, 
 is to detach morals from religion, to vindicate whatever 
 is natural, to regard good sense and good feeling as 
 sufficient guides of conduct. 
 
 There is an accent of indignation in the play ; the 
 follies of men and women may be subjects of sport ; 
 base egoism assuming the garb of religion deserves a 
 lash that draws the blood. Is it no act of natural piety 
 to defend the household against the designs of greedy 
 and sensual imposture ; no service to society to quicken 
 the penetration of those who may be made the dupes of 
 selfish craft ? While Orgon and his mother are besotted 
 by the gross pretensions of the hypocrite, while the 
 young people contend for the honest joy of life, the 
 voice of philosophic wisdom is heard through the saga- 
 cious Cleante, and that of frank good sense through
 
 DON JUAN : LE MISANTHROPE 203 
 
 the waiting-maid, Dorine. Suddenly a providence, not 
 divine but human, intervenes in the representative of the 
 monarch and the law, and the criminal at the moment of 
 triumph is captured in his own snare. 
 
 When the affair of Tartufe was in its first tangle, 
 Moliere produced a kind of dramatic counterpart Don 
 Juan, on le Fesiiu de Pierre (1665). In Don Juan whose 
 valet Sganarelle is the faithful critic of his master the 
 dramatist presented one whose cynical incredulity and 
 scorn of all religion are united with the most complete 
 moral licence ; but hypocrisy is the fashion of the day, 
 and Don Juan in sheer effrontery will invest himself for 
 an hour in the robe of a penitent. Atheist and libertine as 
 he is, there is a certain glamour of reckless courage about 
 the figure of his hero, recreated by Moliere from a 
 favourite model of Spanish origin. His comedy, while 
 a vigorous study of character, is touched with the light 
 of romance. 
 
 These are masterpieces ; but neither Tartufe nor Don 
 Juan expresses so much of the mind of Moliere as does 
 Le Misanthrope (1666). His private griefs, his public 
 warfare, had doubtless a little hardened and a little em- 
 bittered his spirit. In many respects it is a sorry world ; 
 and yet we must keep on terms with it. The misan- 
 thropist Alceste is nobly fanatical on behalf of sincerity 
 and rectitude. How does his sincerity serve the world 
 or serve himself ? And he, too, has his dose of human 
 folly, for is he not enamoured of a heartless coquette ? 
 Philinte is accommodating, and accepts the world for 
 what it is ; and yet, we might ask, is there not a more 
 settled misanthropy in such cynical acquiescence than 
 there is in the intractable virtue of Alceste ? Alone of 
 Moliere's plays, Le Misanthrope has that Shakespearean
 
 204 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 obscurity which leaves it open to various interpretations. 
 It is idle to try to discover actual originals for the charac- 
 ters. But we may remember that when Alceste cried to 
 Celimene, " C'est pour mes peche"s que je vous aime," the 
 actors who stood face to face were Moliere and the wife 
 whom he now met only on the stage. 
 
 Moliere's genius could achieve nothing higher than 
 Tartufe and the Misanthrope. His powers suffered no 
 decline, but he did not again put them to such strenuous 
 uses. In 1668 the brilliant fantasy of Amphitryon, freely 
 derived from Plautus, was succeeded by an admirable 
 comedy in prose, Georges Dandin, in which the folly of 
 unequal marriage between the substantial farmer and 
 the fine lady is mocked with bitter gaiety. Before the 
 year closed Moliere, continuing to write in prose, returned 
 to Plautus, and surpassed him in L'Avare. To be rich 
 and miserly is in itself a form of fatuity ; but Harpagon 
 is not only miserly but amorous, as far as a ruling passion 
 will admit one of subordinate influence. Le Bourgeois 
 Gentilhomme (1670), a lesson of good sense to those who 
 suffer from the social ambition to rise above their proper 
 rank, is wholly original ; it mounts in the close from 
 comedy to the extravagance of farce, and perhaps in the 
 uproarious laughter of the play we may discover a touch 
 of effort or even of spasm. The operatic Psyche (1671) 
 is memorable as having combined the talents of Moliere, 
 Corneille, and Quinault, with the added musical gifts of 
 Lulli. 
 
 In Les Femmcs Savantes (1672) Moliere returned to an 
 early theme, with variations suited to the times. The Hotel 
 de Rambouillet was closed ; the new tribe of pr^cieuses 
 had learnt the Cartesian philosophy, affected the sciences, 
 were patronesses of physics, astronomy, anatomy. Some-
 
 LES FEMMES SAVANTES 205 
 
 thing of the old romantic follies survived, and mingled 
 strangely with the pretensions to science and the pedan- 
 tries of erudition. Trissotin (doubtless a portrait in 
 caricature from the Abbe Cotin) is the Tartufe of spu- 
 rious culture ; Vadius (a possible satire of Menage) is a 
 pedant, arrogant and brutal. Shall the charming Hen- 
 riette be sacrificed to gratify her mother's domineering 
 temper and the base designs of an impostor ? The 
 forces are arrayed on either side ; the varieties of 
 learned and elegant folly in woman are finely distin- 
 guished; of the opposite party are Chrysale, the bourgeois 
 father with his rude common - sense ; the sage Ariste ; 
 the faithful servant, Martine, whose grammar may be 
 faulty, but whose wit is sound and clear ; and Henriette 
 herself, the adorable, whom to know is more of a 
 liberal education than to have explored all the Greek 
 and Latin masters of Vadius and Trissotin. The final 
 issue of the encounter between good sense, good 
 nature, reason and folly, pedantry and pride, cannot 
 be uncertain. 
 
 Le Malade Imaginaire was written when Moliere was 
 suffering from illness ; but his energy remained indomi- 
 table. The comedy continued that long polemic against 
 the medical faculty which he had sustained in L' Amour 
 Medicin, Monsieur de Pourceaugnac, and other plays. 
 Moliere had little faith in any art which professes to 
 mend nature ; the physicians were the impostors of a 
 learned hygiene. It was the dramatist's last jest at the 
 profession. While playing the part of Argan on Feb- 
 ruary 17, 1673, the "Malade Imaginaire" fell dying on 
 the stage ; he forced a laugh, but could not continue 
 his part ; at ten o'clock he was no more. Through the 
 exertions of his widow a religious funeral was permitted
 
 206 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 to an actor who had died unfortified by the rites of the 
 Church. 
 
 Many admirable though slighter pieces served as the 
 relief of his mind between the effort of his chief works. 
 In all, gaiety and good sense interpenetrate each other. 
 Kindly natured and generous, Moliere, a great observer, 
 who looked through the deeds of men, was often taci- 
 turn le contemplateur of Boileau and seemingly self- 
 absorbed. Like many persons of artistic tempera- 
 ment, he loved splendour of life ; but he was liberal 
 in his largess to those who claimed his help. He 
 brought comedy to nature, and made it a study of 
 human life. His warfare was against all that is unreal 
 and unnatural. He preached the worth of human 
 happiness, good sense, moderation, humorous toler- 
 ance. He does not indulge in heroics, and yet there 
 is heroism in his courageous outlook upon things. The 
 disciple of Moliere cannot idealise the world into a scene 
 of fairyland ; he will conceive man as far from perfect, 
 perhaps as far from perfectible ; but the world is our 
 habitation ; let us make it a cheerful one with the aid 
 of a sane temper and an energetic will. As a writer, 
 Moliere is not free from faults ; but his defects of style 
 are like the accidents that happen within the bounds 
 of a wide empire. His stature is not diminished when 
 he is placed among the greatest European figures. " I 
 read some pieces of Moliere's every year," said Goethe, 
 "just as from time to time I contemplate the engravings 
 after the great Italian masters. For we little men are 
 not able to retain the greatness of such things within 
 ourselves." 
 
 To study the contemporaries and immediate successors 
 of Moliere in comedy Thomas Corneille, Quinault,
 
 PHILIPPE QUINAULT 207 
 
 Montfleury, Boursault, Baron would be to show how 
 his genius dominates that of all his fellows. The reader 
 may well take this fact for granted. 1 
 
 II 
 
 With the close of the sanguinary follies of the Fronde, 
 with the inauguration of the personal government of Louis 
 XIV. and the triumph of an absolute monarchy, a period 
 of social and political reorganisation began. The court 
 became the centre for literature ; to please courtiers and 
 great ladies was to secure prosperity and fame ; the arts 
 of peace were magnificently ordered ; the conditions 
 were favourable to ideals of grace and beauty rather 
 than of proud sublimity ; to isolate one's self was impos- 
 sible ; literature became the pastime of a cultivated 
 society ; it might be a trivial pastime, but in fitting hands 
 it might become a noble pleasure. 
 
 The easier part was chosen by PHILIPPE QUINAULT, 
 the more arduous by Racine. Quinault (1635-88) had 
 given his first comedy as early as 1653 ; in tragedies 
 and tragi - comedies which followed, he heaped up 
 melodramatic incidents, but could not base them upon 
 characters strongly conceived, or passion truly felt. A 
 frigid sentimentality replaces passion, and this is expressed 
 with languorous monotony. Love reigns supreme in his 
 theatre ; but love, as interpreted by Quinault, is a kind 
 of dulcet gallantry. His tragedy Astrate (1663) was not 
 the less popular because its sentiment was in the con- 
 ventional mode. One comedy by Quinault, La Mere 
 
 1 An excellent guide will be found in Victor Fournel's Le Thcdtre au xvii. 
 Sihle, La Comedie.
 
 208 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 Coquette, is happy in its plot and in its easy style. But 
 he did not find his true direction until he declined or 
 should we rather say, until he rose ? into the librettist 
 for the operas of Lulli. His lyric gifts were consider- 
 able ; he could manipulate his light and fragile material 
 with extraordinary skill. The tests of truth and reality 
 were not applied to such verse ; if it was decorative, 
 the listeners were satisfied. The opera flourished, and 
 literature suffered through its pseudo-poetics. But the 
 libretti of Quinault and the ballets of Benserade are 
 representative of the time, and in his mythological or 
 chivalric inventions Benserade sometimes could attain 
 to the poetry of graceful fantasy. 
 
 Quinault retired from the regular drama almost at the 
 moment when Racine appeared. Born at La Ferte-Milon 
 in 1639, son of a procureur and comptroller of salt, JEAN 
 RACINE lost both parents while a child. His widowed 
 grandmother retired to Port-Royal in 1649. After six 
 years' schooling at Beauvais the boy passed into the 
 tutelage of the Jansenists, and among his instructors 
 was the devout and learned Nicole. Solitude, religion, 
 the abbey woods, Virgil, Sophocles, Euripides these 
 were the powers that fostered his genius. Already he 
 was experimenting in verse. At nineteen he continued 
 his studies in Paris, where the little abbe Le Vasseur, 
 who knew the salons and haunted the theatre, introduced 
 him to mundane pleasures. Racine's sensitive, mobile 
 character could easily adapt itself to the world. His 
 ode on the marriage of the King, La Nymphe de la Seine, 
 corrected by Chapelain (for to bring Tritons into a river 
 was highly improper), won him a gift of louis d'or. But 
 might not the world corrupt the young Port-Royalist's 
 innocence ? The company of ladies of the Marais
 
 RACINE'S EARLY PLAYS 209 
 
 Theatre and that of La Fontaine might not tend to 
 edification. So thought Racine's aunts ; and, with the 
 expectation that he would take orders, he was exiled to 
 Uzes, where his uncle was vicar-general, and w r here the 
 nephew could study the Summa of theology, but also 
 the Odyssey, the odes of Pindar, Petrarch, and the pretty 
 damsels who prayed in the cathedral church. 
 
 In 1663 he was again in Paris, was present at royal 
 levees, and in Boileau's chambers renewed his acquaint- 
 ance with La Fontaine, and became a companion of 
 Moliere. His vocation was not that of an ecclesiastic. 
 Two dramatic works of earlier date are lost ; his first 
 piece that appeared before the public, La Thebaide, was 
 presented in 1664 by Moliere's company. It is a tragedy 
 written in discipleship to Rotrou and to Corneille, and 
 the pupil was rather an imitator of Corneille's infirmities 
 than of his excellences. Alexandra followed towards the 
 close of the ensuing year a feeble play, in which the 
 mannered gallantry of the time was liberally transferred 
 to the kings of India and their Macedonian conqueror. 
 But amorous sighs were the mode, and there was a 
 young grand monarch who might discover himself in 
 the person of the magnanimous hero. The success was 
 great, though Saint-Evremond pronounced his censures, 
 and Corneille found ridiculous the trophies erected upon 
 the imagined ruins of his own. Discontented with the 
 performers at the Palais-Royal, Racine offered his play 
 to the Hotel de Bourgogne ; Moliere's best actress 
 seceded to the rival house. Racine's ambition may 
 excuse, but cannot justify an injurious act; a breach 
 between the friends was inevitable. 
 
 Boileau remained now, as ever, loyal loyal for warn- 
 ing as well as for encouragement. Nicole, the former
 
 210 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 * 
 
 guide of Racine's studies, in his Visionnaires, had spoken 
 of dramatic poets as " public poisoners." The reproach 
 was taken to himself by Racine, and in two letters, written 
 with some of the spirit of the Provinciates, he turned his 
 wit against his Jansenist friends. Thanks to Boileau's 
 wise and firm counsel, the second of these remained 
 unpublished. 
 
 Madame de Sevigne was the devoted admirer of the 
 great Corneille, but when she witnessed his young rival's 
 Andromaque she yielded to its pathos six reluctant tears. 
 On its first appearance in 1667 a triumph almost equal 
 to that of the Cid was secured. Never before had grace 
 and passion, art and nature, ideality and truth, been so 
 united in the theatre of France. Racine did not seek 
 for novelty in the choice of a subject ; Euripides had 
 made Andromache familiar to the Greek stage. The 
 invention of Racine was of a subtler kind than that 
 which manufactures incidents and constructs a plot. 
 Like Raphael in the art of painting, he could accept a 
 well-known theme and renew it by the finest processes 
 of genius. He did not need an extraordinary action, or 
 personages of giant proportions ; the simpler the intrigue, 
 the better could he concentrate the interest on the states 
 of a soul ; the more truly and deeply human the char- 
 acters, the more apt were they for betraying the history 
 of a passion. In its purity of outline, its harmony of 
 proportions, Andromaque was Greek; in its sentiment, 
 it gained something from Christian culture ; in its 
 manners, there was a certain reflection of the Versailles 
 of Louis XIV. It was at once classical and modern, 
 and there was no discordance between qualities which 
 had been rendered, to borrow a word from Shakespeare, 
 "harmonious charmingly." With Andromaque French
 
 LES PLAIDEURS 21 r 
 
 tragedy ceased to be oratorical, and became essentially 
 poetic. 
 
 Adversaries there were, such as success calls forth ; 
 the irritable poet retorted with epigrams of a kind which 
 multiply and perpetuate enmities. His true reprisal 
 was another work, Britannicus, establishing his fame 
 in another province of tragedy. But before Britannicus 
 appeared he had turned aside, as if his genius needed 
 recreation, to produce the comedy, or farce, or buffoonery, 
 or badinage, or mockery (for it is all these), Les Plaideurs. 
 It may be that his failure in a lawsuit moved Racine to 
 have his jest at the gentlemen of the Palais ; he and his 
 friends of the tavern of the Mouton Blanc Furetiere 
 among them may have put their wits together to de- 
 vise material for laughter, and discussed how far The 
 Wasps of Aristophanes could be acclimatised in Paris. 
 At first the burlesque was meant for an Italian troupe, 
 but Scaramouche left the town, and something more 
 carefully developed would be expected at the Hotel 
 de Bourgogne. The play was received with hisses, but 
 Moliere did not fear to laugh at what was comic, whether 
 he laughed according to the rules or against them. A 
 month later, at a court performance, Louis XIV. laughed 
 loudly ; the courtiers quickly discovered Racine's wit, 
 and the laughter was echoed by all loyal citizens. In 
 truth, there is laughing matter in the play ; the pro- 
 fessional enthusiasm of Dandin, the judge, who wears 
 his robe and cap even in bed, the rage and rapture 
 of litigation in Chicanneau and the Countess, have in 
 them something of nature beneath the caricature ; in 
 the buffoonery there is a certain extravagant grace. 
 
 Les Plaideurs, however, was only an interlude be- 
 tween graver efforts. Britannicus (1669), founded on the
 
 212 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 Annals of Tacitus, exhibits with masterly power Nero's 
 adolescence in crime ; the young tiger has grace and 
 strength, but the instinct of blood needs only to be 
 awakened within him. Agrippine is a superb incarnation 
 of womanly ambition, a Roman sister of Athalie. The 
 play was at first coldly received ; Corneille and his cabal 
 did not spare their censures. In a preface Racine struck 
 back, but afterwards repented of his bitter words and 
 withdrew them. The critics, as he says in a later pre- 
 face, disappeared ; the piece remained. His conception 
 of tragedy in contrast with that of Corneille was defined 
 by him in memorable words what is natural should 
 be sought rather than what is extraordinary ; the action 
 should be simple, " charged de peu de matiere " ; it should 
 advance gradually towards the close, sustained by the 
 interests, sentiments, and passions of the personages. 
 
 The sprightly Henrietta of England, Duchess of 
 Orleans, seems to have conceived the idea of bringing 
 the rivalry between the old dramatic poet and his young 
 successor to a decisive test. She proposed to each, 
 without the other's knowledge, a subject for a tragedy 
 the parting, for reasons of State policy, of two royal 
 lovers, Titus, Emperor of Rome, and Berenice, Queen 
 of Palestine. Perhaps Henrietta mischievously thought 
 of the relations of her friend Marie de Mancini with 
 Louis XIV. The plays appeared almost simultaneously 
 in November 1670 ; Corneille's was before long with- 
 drawn ; Racine's Berenice, in which the penetrating voice 
 of La Champmesle interpreted the sorrows of the heroine, 
 obtained a triumph. Yet the elegiac subject is hardly 
 suited to tragedy ; a situation rather than an action is 
 presented ; it needed all the poet's resources to prevent 
 the scenes from being stationary. In Berenice there is
 
 BAJAZET: MITHRIDATE: IPHIGENIE 213 
 
 a suavity in grief which gives a grace to her passion ; the 
 play, if not a drama of power, is the most charming of 
 elegiac tragedies. 
 
 Bajazet (1672), a tragedy of the seraglio, although the 
 role of the hero is feeble, has virile qualities. The fury 
 of Eastern passion, a love resembling hate, is represented 
 in the Sultana Roxane. In the Vizier Acomat, deliberate 
 in craft, intrepid in danger, Racine proved, as he proved 
 by his Nero and his Joad, that he was not always doomed 
 to fail in his characters of men. The historical events 
 were comparatively recent ; but in the perspective of 
 the theatre, distance may produce the idealising effect 
 of time. The story was perhaps found by Racine in 
 Floridon, a tale by Segrais. The heroine of Mithridate 
 (1673), the noble daughter of Ephesus, Monime, queen 
 and slave, is an ideal of womanly love, chastity, fidelity, 
 sacrifice ; gentle, submissive, and yet capable of lofty 
 courage. The play unites the passions of romance with 
 a study of large political interests hardly surpassed by 
 Corneille. The cabal which gathered head against Baja- 
 zet could only whisper its malignities when Mithridate 
 appeared. 
 
 Iphigenie, which is freely imitated from Euripides, was 
 given at the fetes of Versailles in the summer of 1674. 
 The French Iphigenia is enamoured of Achilles, and 
 death means for her not only departure from the joy 
 of youth and the light of the sun, but the Idss of love. 
 Here, as elsewhere, Racine complicates the moral situa- 
 tion with cross and counter loves: Eriphile is created to 
 be the jealous rival of Iphigenie, and to be her substitute 
 in the sacrifice of death. The ingenious transpositions, 
 which were necessary to adapt a Greek play to Versailles 
 in the second half of the seventeenth century, called forth
 
 214 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 hostile criticisms. Through miserable intrigues a com- 
 peting Iphigenie, the work of Le Clerc and Coras, was 
 produced in the spring of 1675 ; it was born dead, and 
 five days later it was buried. 
 
 The hostilities culminated two years later. It is com- 
 monly said that Racine wrote in the conventional and 
 courtly taste of his own day. In reality his presentation 
 of tragic passions in their terror and their truth shocked 
 the aristocratic proprieties which were the mode. He 
 was an innovator, and his audacity at once conquered 
 and repelled. It was known that Racine was engaged on 
 l^hedre. The Duchesse de Bouillon and her brother the 
 Due de Nevers were arbiters of elegance in literature, 
 and decreed that it should fail. A rival play on the same 
 subject was ordered from Pradon ; and to insure her 
 victory the Duchess, at a cost of fifteen thousand livres, as 
 Boileau declares, engaged the front seats of two theatres 
 for six successive evenings the one to be packed with 
 applauding spectators, the other to exhibit empty benches, 
 diversified with creatures who could hiss. Nothing could 
 dignify Pradon's play, as nothing could really degrade 
 that of Racine. But Racine was in the highest degree 
 sensitive, and such a desperate plot against his fame 
 might well make him pause and reflect. 
 
 Phedre, like Iphigenie, is a new creation from Euripides. 
 Its singular beauty has been accurately defined as a 
 mingling of horror and compassion, of terror and curio- 
 sity. It is less a drama than one great part, and that part 
 consists of a diseased state of the soul, a morbid conflict 
 of emotions, so that the play becomes overmuch a study 
 in the pathology of passion. The greatness of the role 
 of the heroine constitutes the infirmity of the play as a 
 whole ; the other characters seem to exist only for the
 
 RACINE'S RETIREMENT 215 
 
 sake of deploying the inward struggle of which Phedre 
 is the victim. Love and jealousy rage within her ; 
 remorse follows, fo? something of Christian sentiment 
 is conveyed by Racine into his classical fable. Never 
 had his power as a psychologist in art been so won- 
 derfully exhibited ; yet he had elsewhere attained more 
 completely the ideal of the drama. In the succession 
 of his profane masterpieces we may say of the last 
 that it is lesser than the first and greater. Phedre lacks 
 the balance and proportion of Andromaque ; but never 
 had Racine exhibited the tempest and ravage of passion 
 in a woman's soul on so great a scale or with force so 
 terrible. 
 
 The cabal might make him pause ; his own play, pro- 
 foundly moralised as it was, might cause him to consider. 
 Events of the day, crimes of passion, adulteries, poison- 
 ings, nameless horrors, might agitate his spirit. Had he 
 not fed the full-blown passions of the time ? What if 
 Nicole's word that playwrights were public poisoners 
 should be true ? Probably various causes operated on 
 the mobile spirit of Racine ; certainly the Christian, of 
 Jansenist education, who had slumbered within him, now 
 awakened. He resolved to quit the world and adopt the 
 Carthusian habit. The advice of his confessor was that 
 he should regulate his life by marriage. Racine yielded, 
 and found his contentment in a wife who was ignorant of 
 his plays, and in children whose inclinations and training 
 were religious. The penitent was happy in his house- 
 hold, happy also in his reconciliation with Nicole and 
 Arnauld. To Boileau he remained attached. And he 
 did not renounce the court. Was not the King the 
 anointed vicegerent of God, who could not be too much 
 honoured ? He accepted, with Boileau as fellow-labourer, 
 15
 
 216 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 the position of the King's historiographer, and endea- 
 voured to fulfil its duties. 
 
 Twelve years after his withdrawal from the theatre, 
 Racine, at the request of Madame de Maintenon, com- 
 posed his Biblical tragedy of Esther (1688-89) f r ner 
 cherished schoolgirls at Saint-Cyr. The subject was not 
 unaptly chosen a prudent and devout Esther now helped 
 to guide the fortunes of France, and she was surrounded 
 at Saint-Cyr by her chorus of young daughters of Sion. 
 Esther was rendered by the pupils, with graceful splen- 
 dours, before the King, and the delight was great. The 
 confidante of the Persian Queen indeed forgot her words ; 
 at Racine's hasty complaint the young actress wept, and 
 the poet, weeping with her, wiped away her tears. 
 
 Esther is a melodious play, exquisite in its refined style 
 and delicate versification ; but the characters are faintly 
 drawn. Its novelty lay in its lyrical movements and in 
 the poetical uses of its finely-imagined spectacle. Madame 
 de Maintenpn or her directors feared that the excitement 
 and ambitions of another play in costume might derange 
 the spirits of her girls, and when Athalie was recited at 
 Versailles, in January 1691, it was little of an event ; the 
 play passed almost unnoticed. A noisy reception, indeed, 
 would have been no fitting tribute to its solemn beauty. 
 All Racine's religious feeling, all his domestic tenderness 
 are united in Athalie with his matured feeling for Greek 
 art. The great protagonist is the Divine Being ; Provi- 
 dence replaces the fate of the ancient drama. A child 
 (for Racine was still an innovator in the French theatre) 
 was the centre of the action ; the interests were political, 
 or rather national, in the highest sense ; the events were, 
 as formerly, the developments of inward character ; but 
 events and characters were under the presiding care of
 
 ATHALIE 217 
 
 God. The tragedy is lyrical, not merely through the 
 chorus, which expresses common emotions of devout joy 
 and fear, indignation', praise, and rapture. The chorus is 
 less developed here, and its chants are less impressive 
 than in Esther. There is, however, a lyrism, personal 
 and modern, in the prophetic inspiration of the High 
 Priest, and Racine anticipated that his boldness in pre- 
 senting this might be censured by his contemporaries. 
 The unity of place, which had been disregarded in Esther, 
 is here preserved ; the scene is the temple at Jerusalem ; 
 and by its impressive grandeur, and the awful associations 
 of the place, the spectacle may be said to take part in the 
 action of the play. Perhaps it would be no exaggera- 
 tion to assert that grandeur and beauty are nowhere else 
 so united in French dramatic art as in Athalie ; perhaps 
 it might truly be described as flawless in majesty and 
 grace. 
 
 A light disfavour of the King saddened, and perhaps 
 hastened, the close of Racine's life. Port-Royal was 
 regarded as a centre of rebellious heresy ; and Racine's 
 piety to his early masters was humble and devout. He 
 had further offended by drawing up a memorandum on 
 the sufferings of the French people resulting from the 
 wars. Madame de Maintenon assured him that the cloud 
 would pass ; but the favour of death, accepted with 
 tranquillity, came before the returning favour of the 
 poet's master. He died in April 1699, soon after he had 
 entered his sixtieth year. 
 
 The highest distinction of the drama of Racine is its 
 truth to nature truth, that is, in its interpretation and 
 rendering of human passion. Historical accuracy and 
 local colour concerned him as tar as they were needful 
 with his courtly spectators for verisimilitude. The flue-
 
 218 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 tuations of passion he studies to most advantage in his 
 characters of women. Love, in all its varieties, from the 
 passion of Roxane or Phedre to the pure devotion of 
 Berenice, Iphigenie, or Monime ; maternal tenderness 
 or the tenderness of the foster-mother (Andromaque, 
 Clytemnestre, Josabeth) ; female ambition (Agrippine, 
 Athalie) these are the themes of his exposition. His 
 style has been justly characterised as a continual crea- 
 tion ; its audacity underlies its suavity ; its miracles are 
 accomplished with the simplest means. His vocabulary 
 is singularly small, yet with such a vocabulary he can 
 attain the rarest effects. From sustained dignity he can 
 pass suddenly, when the need arises, to the most direct 
 familiarity. The music of his verse is seldom rich or 
 sonorous ; it is at once a pure vehicle for the idea and a 
 delicate caress to the senses.
 
 CHAPTER VII 
 
 BOSSUET AND THE PREACHERS FENELON 
 
 I 
 
 "A MAN set under authority" these words, better than 
 any other, define Bossuet. Above him was God, repre- 
 sented in things spiritual by the Catholic Church, in 
 things temporal by the French monarchy ; below him 
 were the faithful confided to his charge, and those who 
 would lead the faithful astray from the path of obedi- 
 ence and tradition. Duty to what was above him, duty 
 to those placed under him, made up the whole of 
 Bossuet's life. ' To maintain, to defend, to - extend the 
 tradition he had received, was the first of duties. All 
 his powers as an orator, a controversialist, an educator 
 were directed to this object. He wrote and spoke to 
 dominate the intellects of men and to subdue their 
 wills, not for the sake of personal power, but for the 
 truth as he had received it from the Church and from 
 the monarchy. 
 
 JACQUES - BENIGNE BOSSUET was born in 1627, at 
 Dijon, of a middle-class family, distinguished in the 
 magistracy. In his education, pursued with resolute 
 ardour, the two traditions of Hellenism and Hebraism 
 were fused together : Homer and Virgil were much to 
 
 him ; but the Bible, above all, nourished his imagination, 
 
 219
 
 220 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 his conscience, and his will. The celebrity of his scholar- 
 ship and the flatteries of Parisian salons did not divert 
 him from his course. At twenty-five he was a priest 
 and a doctor of the Sorbonne. Six years were spent 
 at Metz, a city afflicted by the presence of Protestants 
 and Jews, where Bossuet fortified himself with theo- 
 logical studies, preached, panegyrised the saints, and 
 confuted heretics. His fame drew him to Paris, where, 
 during ten years, his sermons were among the great 
 events of the time. In 1669 he was named Bishop of 
 Condom, but, being appointed preceptor to the Dauphin, 
 he resigned his bishopric, and devoted himself to form- 
 ing the mind of a pupil, indolent and dull, who might 
 one day be the vicegerent of God for his country. 
 Bishop of Meaux in 1681, he opened the assembly of 
 French clergy next year with his memorable sermon 
 on the unity of the Church, and by his authority carried, 
 in a form decisive for freedom while respectful towards 
 Rome, the four articles which formulated the liberties 
 of the Gallican Church. The duties of his diocese, 
 controversy against Protestantism, the controversy 
 against Quietism, in which Fenelon was his antagonist, 
 devotional writings, strictures upon the stage, contro- 
 versy against the enlightened Biblical criticism of 
 Richard Simon, filled his energetic elder years. He 
 ceased from a life of glorious labour and resolute 
 combat in April 1704. 
 
 The works of Bossuet, setting aside his commentaries 
 on Holy Scripture, devotional treatises, and letters, fall 
 into three chief groups : the eloquence of the pulpit, 
 controversial writings, and writings designed for the 
 instruction of the Dauphin. 
 
 Political eloquence could not exist where power was
 
 BOSSUET'S SERMONS 221 
 
 grasped by the hands of one great ruler. Judicial elo- 
 quence lacked the breadth and elevation which come 
 with political freedom ; it contented itself with subtleties 
 of argument, decked with artificial flowers of style. The 
 pulpit was the school of oratory. St. Vincent de Paul 
 had preached with unction and a grave simplicity, and 
 Bossuet, his disciple, felt his influence. But the offering 
 which Bossuet laid upon the altar must needs be costly, 
 an offering of all his powers. While an unalterable good 
 sense regulates all he wrote, the sweep of his intellect 
 demanded plenitude of expression ; his imagination, if it 
 dealt with life and death, must needs deal with them at 
 times in the way of magnificence, which was natural to 
 it ; and his lyrical enthusiasm, fed by the prophetic 
 poetry of the Old Testament, could not but find an 
 escape in words. He sought no literary fame ; his ser- 
 mons were acts of faith, acts of duty. Out of the vast 
 mass of his discourses he printed one, a sermon of public 
 importance that on the unity of the Church. 
 
 At the request of friends, some of the Funeral Orations 
 were published. These, with his address on the profes- 
 sion of Louise de La Valliere, were all that could be 
 read of Bossuet's pulpit oratory by his contemporaries. 
 His sermons were carefully meditated and prepared, but 
 he would not check his power of lofty improvisation by 
 following the words of a manuscript. After his death his 
 papers had perilous adventures. By the devotion of his 
 first editor, Deforis, nearly two hundred sermons were 
 after many years recovered ; later students have presented 
 them with as close an approximation as is possible to 
 their original form. Bossuet's first manner that of 
 the years at Metz is sometimes marred by scholastic 
 subtleties, a pomp of quotations, too curious imagery,
 
 222 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 and a temper rather aggressive than conciliating. During 
 the period when he preached in Paris he was master of 
 all his powers, which move with freedom and at the 
 same time with a majestic order ; his grandeur grows 
 out of simplicity. As Bishop of Meaux he exhorted his 
 flock out of the abundance of his heart, often without the 
 intermediary of written preparation. 
 
 He is primarily a doctor of the faith : dogma first, de- 
 termined by authority, and commending itself to human 
 reason ; morality, not independent, but proceeding from 
 or connected with dogma, and while truly human yet 
 resting upon divine foundations. But neither dogma 
 nor morals are presented in the manner of the schools ; 
 both are made living powers by the preacher's awe, 
 adoration, joy, charity, indignation, pity ; in the large 
 ordonnance of his discourse each passion finds its 
 natural place. His eloquence grows out of his theme ; 
 his logic is the logic of clear and natural ideas ; he is 
 lucid, rapid, energetic ; then suddenly some aspect of 
 his subject awakens a lyrical emotion, and the preacher 
 rises into the prophet. 
 
 Bossuet's panegyrics of the saints are sermons in 
 which doctrine and morals are enforced by great 
 examples. His Oraisons Funebres preach, for the uses of 
 the living, the doctrine of death. Nowhere else does he 
 so fill the mind with a sense of the greatness and the 
 glory of life as when he stands beside the bier and re- 
 views the achievements or presents the characters of the 
 illustrious deceased. Observing as he did all the decorum 
 of the occasion, his discourses do not degenerate into 
 mere adulation ; some are historic surveys, magnificent 
 in their breadth of view and mastery of events. He pre- 
 sents things as he saw them, and he did not always see
 
 BOSSUET IN CONTROVERSY 223 
 
 aright. Cromwell is a hypocrite and an impostor ; the 
 revocation of the edict of Nantes is the laudable act of a 
 king who is a defender of the faith. The intolerance of 
 Bossuet proceeds not so much from his heart as from 
 the logic of his orthodoxy. His heart had a tender- 
 ness which breaks forth in many places, and signally in 
 the discourse occasioned by the death of the Duchess 
 of Orleans. This, and the eloquent memorials of her 
 mother, Henrietta, Queen of England, and of the Prince 
 de Conde, touch the heights and depths of the passions 
 proper to the grave. 
 
 Bossuet's polemic against Protestantism is sufficiently 
 represented by his Exposition de la Doctrine Catholique 
 (published 1671) and the Histoire des Variations des Eglises 
 Protestantes (1688). The latter, in its fifteen books, is an 
 attempt to overwhelm the contending Protestant com- 
 munions by one irresistible attack. Their diversities of 
 error are contrasted with the one, unchanging faith of 
 the infallible Church. Lutherans, Calvinists, Anglicans, 
 the Albigenses, the Hussites, the Wicliffites are routed 
 and slain, as opponents are slain in theological warfare 
 to rise again. History and theology co-operate in 
 the result. The characters of the Protestant Reformers 
 are studied with a remorseless scrutiny, and an art 
 which can bri'ng into relief what the work of art re- 
 quires. Why the children of the infallible Church 
 rose up in disobedience against their mother is left un- 
 explained. The great heresy, Bossuet was persuaded, 
 had almost reached its term ; the intellectual chaos 
 would soon be restored to universal order under the 
 successors of Innocent XI. 
 
 In the embittered controversy with his brother-Bishop 
 of Cambrai, on the significance of which the singular
 
 224 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 autobiography of Madame Guyon 1 throws much light, 
 Bossuet remained the victor. It was a contention 
 between dogmatic rectitude and the temper of emo- 
 tional religion. Bossuet was at first unversed in the 
 writings of the Catholic mystics. Being himself a fully- 
 formed will, watchful and armed for obedience and 
 command the "man under authority" he rightly 
 divined the dangers to dogmatic faith arising from self- 
 abandonment to God within the heart. The elaborate 
 structure of orthodoxy seemed to dissolve in the ardour 
 of a personal emotion ; it seemed to him another form 
 of the individualism which he condemned. The Church 
 was a great objective reality ; it had laid down a system 
 of belief. A love of God which ignored the method of 
 God, was but a spurious love, leading to destruction. 
 
 Protestant self-will, mystical private emotion these 
 were in turn met by the champion of tradition, and, as 
 he trusted, were subdued. Another danger he perceived, 
 not in the unregenerate will or wandering heart, but in 
 the critical intelligence. Bossuet again was right in view- 
 ing with alarm the Biblical studies of Richard Simon. 
 But his scholarship was here defective. He succeeded 
 in suppressing an edition of the Histoire Critique du Vieux 
 Testament. There were printers in Holland beyond the 
 reach of Bossuet's arm ; and Simon continued the work 
 which others have carried further with the aids of more 
 exact science. 
 
 To doubt the government of His w r orld by the Divine 
 Ruler, who assigns us our duty and our place, is to 
 sap the principles of authority and of obedience. The 
 doctrine of God's providence is at the centre of all 
 Bossuet's system of thought, at the heart of his loyal 
 
 1 Translated into English for the first time in full, 1897, by T. T. Allen.
 
 BOSSUET ON UNIVERSAL HISTORY 225 
 
 passions. On earth, the powers that be ; in France, 
 the monarch ; in heaven, a greater Monarch (we will 
 not say a magnified Louis XIV.) presiding over all the 
 affairs of this globe. When Bossuet tried to educate 
 his indocile pupil the Dauphin, he taught him how God 
 is above man, as man is above the brute. Monarchy 
 as he showed in his Politique Tiree de FEcriture Sainte is 
 hereditary and absolute ; but absolute power is not arbi- 
 trary power ; the King is God's subject, and his laws 
 must conform to those of his Divine Ruler. The Discours 
 sur FHistoire Universelle (1681) was written in the first 
 instance for the Dauphin ; but its purpose was partly 
 apologetic, and Bossuet, especially in the second part 
 of the book, had the errors of free-thinkers Spinoza 
 and Simon before his mind. 
 
 The seventeenth century had not contributed largely 
 to historical literature, save in the form of memoirs. 
 Mezeray, in the first half of the century, Fleury, in the 
 second, cannct be ranked among those writers who 
 illuminate with profound and just ideas. The Cartesian 
 philosophy viewed historical studies with haughty in- 
 difference. B:s:u3t's Discours is a vindication of the 
 ways of God in history, a theology of human progress. 
 He would exhibit the nations and generations of 
 human-kind bound each to each under the Providen- 
 tial government. The life of humanity, from Adam 
 to Charlemagne, is mapped into epochs, ages, periods 
 the periods of nature, of the law, and of grace. In 
 religion is found the unity of human history. By reli- 
 gion is meant Judaism and Christianity; by Christianity 
 is meant the Catholicism of Rome. 
 
 Having expounded the Divine policy in the govern- 
 ment of the world, Bossuet is free to study those
 
 226 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 secondary causes which have determined the rise and 
 fall of empires. With magisterial authority, and with 
 majestic skill, he presents the movements of races and 
 peoples. His sympathy with the genius of ancient 
 Rome proceeds not only from his comprehensive grasp 
 of facts, but from a kinship between his own and the 
 Roman type of character. The magnificent design of 
 Bossuet was magnificently accomplished. He hoped 
 to extend his studies, and apply his method to other 
 parts of his vast subject, but the hope was not to be 
 fulfilled. A disinterested student of the philosophy of 
 history he is not ; he is the theologian who marshals 
 facts under an accepted dogma. A conception of Pro- 
 vidence may indeed emerge from the researches of a 
 devout investigator of the life of humanity as their last 
 result; but towards that conception the secular life and 
 the various religions of the world will contribute ; the 
 ways of the Divine Spirit will appear other than those 
 of the anthropomorphic Ruler of Bossuet's imagination. 
 He was not an original thinker ; he would have scorned 
 such a distinction " 1'heretique est celui qui a une 
 opinion " ; he had received the truth, and only gave 
 it extended applications. He is "le sublime orateur des 
 idees communes." 
 
 More than an orator, before all else he was a com- 
 batant. Falling at his post as the eighteenth century 
 opened, he is like some majestic, white-haired paladin 
 of old romances which tell of the strife between French 
 chivalry and the Saracenic hordes. Bossuet fell ; the 
 age of growing incredulity and novel faiths was in- 
 augurated ; the infidels passed over the body of the 
 champion of conservative tradition.
 
 BOURDALOUE 227 
 
 II 
 
 Bossuet's contemporaries esteemed him as a preacher 
 less highly than they esteemed the Jesuit Bourdaloue. 
 The life of Louis BOURDALOUE (1632-1704) is told in 
 the words of Vinet : " He preached, confessed, consoled, 
 and then he died." It does credit to his hearers that 
 they valued him aright a modest man of simple probity. 
 He spoke, with downcast eyes and full harmonious voice, 
 as a soul to souls ; his eloquence was not that of the 
 rhetorician ; his words were grave and plain and living, 
 and were pressed home with the force of their reality. 
 He aimed never at display, but always at conviction. 
 When the crowd at St. Sulpice was moved as he 
 entered the church and ascended the pulpit, " Silence ! " 
 cried the Prince de Conde, " there is our enemy ! " 
 Bourdaloue marshalled his arguments and expositions 
 with the elaborate skill of a tactician ; he sought to 
 capture the judgment ; he reached the heart through a 
 wise director's knowledge of its inmost processes. When 
 his words were touched with emotion, it was the in- 
 voluntary manifestation of the life within him. His 
 studies of character sometimes tended to the form of 
 portraits of moral types, features in which could be 
 identified with actual persons ; but in these he was 
 the moralist, not the satirist. During, four-and-thirty 
 years Bourdaloue distributed, to those who would take 
 it, the bread of life plain, wholesome, prepared skilfully 
 and with clean hands, never varying from the evenness 
 and excellence of its quality. He does not startle or 
 dazzle a reader ; he does what is better he nourishes. 
 
 Bourdaloue pronounced only two Oraisons. Funebres,
 
 228 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 and those under the constraint of duty. He thought 
 the Christian pulpit was meant for less worldly uses 
 than the eulogy of mortal men. The Oraison Funebre 
 was more to the taste of Mascaron (1634-1703), whose 
 unequal rhetoric was at its best in his panegyric of 
 Turenne; more to the taste of the elegant FLECHIER, 
 Bishop of Nimes. All the literary graces were cultivated 
 by Flechier (1632-1710), and his eloquence is unquestion- 
 able ; but it was not the eloquence proper to the pulpit. 
 He was a man of letters, a man of the world, formed 
 in the school of preciosity, a haunter of the Hotel de 
 Rambouillet ; knowing the surface of society, he knew 
 as a moralist how to depict its manners and the evil 
 that lay in them. He did not apply doctrine to life 
 like Bossuet, nor search the heart with Bourdaloue's 
 serious zeal ; to save souls was indeed important ; to 
 exhibit his talents before the King was also important. 
 But the true eloquence of the pulpit has deeper springs 
 than lay in Flechier's mundane spirit. Already the 
 decadence has begun. 
 
 Protestantism had its preacher in JACQUES SAURIN 
 (1677-1730), clear, logical, energetic, with negligences 
 of style and sudden flashes of genius. But he belongs 
 to London, to Geneva, to the Hague more perhaps than 
 to France. An autumnal colouring, bright and abund- 
 ant, yet indicative of the decline, is displayed in the 
 discourses of the latest of the great pulpit orators, JEAN- 
 BAPTISTE MASSILLON (1663-1742), who belongs more 
 to the eighteenth than to the seventeenth century. 
 " He must increase," said Bourdaloue, " but I must 
 decrease." Massillon, with gifts of person and of natural 
 grace, sensitive, tender, a student and professor of the 
 rhetorical art, sincerely devout, yet with waverings
 
 MASSILLON 229 
 
 towards the world, had something in his genius that 
 resembled Racine. A pathetic sentiment, a feeling for 
 human passions, give his sermons qualities which con- 
 trast with the severer manner of Bourdaloue. They 
 are simple in plan ; the preacher's art lay in deploying 
 and developing a few ideas, and infusing into them an 
 imaginative sensibility ; he is facile and abundant ; fault- 
 less in amenity, but deficient in force and fire. Yet the 
 opening words of the Funeral Oration on Louis XIV. 
 " God alone is great, my brethren " are noble in their 
 simplicity; and the thought of Jesus suddenly appearing 
 in "the most august assembly of the world" in the 
 chapel at Versailles startled the hearers of the sermon 
 on the " small number of the elect." " There is an 
 orator !" cried the actor Baron, "we are only comedians;" 
 but no actor would have instituted a comparison between 
 himself and Bourdaloue. " When one enters the avenue 
 at Versailles," said Massillon, "one feels an enervating air." 
 He was aware of the rising tide of luxury and vice 
 around him ; he tried to meet it, tracing the scepticism 
 of the time to its ill-regulated passions; but he met 
 scepticism by morality detached from dogma. The 
 Petit Careme, preached before Louis XV. when a child 
 of eight, expresses the sanguine temper of the moment : 
 the young King would grow into the father of his people ; 
 the days of peace would return. Great and beneficent 
 kings are not effeminately amiable ; it were better if 
 Massillon had preached " Be strong " than " Be tender." 
 Voltaire kept on his desk the sermons of Massillon, and 
 loved to hear the musical periods of the Petit Careme 
 read aloud at meal-time. To be the favourite preacher 
 of eighteenth-century philosophers is a distinction some- 
 what compromising to an exponent of the faith..
 
 230 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 III 
 
 Bossuet's great antagonist in the controversy con- 
 cerning Quietism might have found the approval of 
 the philosophers for some of his political opinions. 
 His religious writings would have spoken to them in 
 an unknown tongue. 
 
 FRANCOIS DE SALIGNAC DE LA MOTHE-FENELON was 
 born in Perigord (1651), of an ancient and illustrious 
 family. Of one whose intellect and character were in- 
 finitely subtle and complex, the blending of all opposites, 
 it is possible to sustain the most conflicting opinions, 
 and perhaps in the end no critic can seize this Proteus. 
 Saint-Simon noticed how in his noble countenance every 
 contrary quality was expressed, and how all were har- 
 monised : " II fallait faire effort pour cesser de le re- 
 garder." During the early years of his clerical career 
 he acted as superior to female converts from Pro- 
 testantism, and as missionary among the unconverted 
 Calvinists. In 1689 he was appointed tutor to the King's 
 grandson, the Due de Bourgogne, and from a passionate 
 boy he transformed his pupil into a youth too blindly 
 docile. Fenelon's nomination to the Archbishopric of 
 Cambrai (1695), which removed him from the court, was 
 in fact a check to his ambition. His religious and his 
 political views were regarded by Louis XIV. as dangerous 
 for the Church and the monarchy. 
 
 Through his personal interest in Mine. Guyon, and 
 his sympathy with her mystical doctrine in religion 
 one which inculcated complete abnegation of the will, 
 and its replacement by absolute surrender to the Divine 
 love he came into conflict with Bossuet, and after a
 
 FENELON 231 
 
 fierce war of diplomacy and of pamphlets, in which 
 Fenelon displayed the utmost skill and energy as tac- 
 tician and dialectician, he received a temperate con- 
 demnation from Rome, and submitted. The death of 
 the Dauphin (1711), which left his former pupil heir 
 to the throne, revived Fenelon's hopes of political in- 
 fluence, but in the next year these hopes disappeared 
 with the decease of the young Due de Bourgogne. At 
 Cambrai, where he discharged his episcopal duties like 
 a saint and a grand seigneur, Fenelon died six months 
 before Louis XIV., in 1715. 
 
 1 "The most original intellect if we set Pascal aside 
 of the seventeenth century" so Fenelon is described 
 by one excellent critic. " Antique and modern," writes 
 his biographer, M. Paul Janet, "Christian and profane, 
 mystical and diplomatic, familiar and noble, gentle and 
 headstrong, natural and subtle, fascinating the eighteenth 
 century as he had fascinated the seventeenth, believing 
 like a child, and daring as Spinoza, Fenelon is one of 
 the most original figures which the Catholic Church 
 has produced." His first publication was the treatise 
 De I' Education des Filles (written 1681, published 1687), 
 composed at the request of his friends the Due and 
 Duchesse de Beauvilliers. It is based on a recognition 
 of the dignity of woman and the duty of a serious effort 
 to form her mind. It honours the reason, opposes 
 severity, would make instruction, as far as possible, a 
 delight, and would exhibit goodness in a gracious aspect ; 
 commends object-lessons in addition to book-learning, 
 indicates characteristic feminine failings (yet liveliness 
 of disposition is not regarded as one of these), exhorts 
 to a dignified simplicity in dress. The range of studies 
 
 recommended is narrow, but for Fenelon's time it was 
 16
 
 232 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 liberal ; the book marks an epoch in the history of 
 female education. 
 
 For his pupil the Due de Bourgogne, Fenelon wrote 
 his graceful prose Fables (which also include under that 
 title short tales, allegories, and fairy stories), the Dialogues 
 des Morts, aiming at the application of moral principles 
 to politics, and his Telemaque, named in the first (incom- 
 plete) edition Suite du IV e Livre de I'Odyssee (1699). In 
 this, for long the most popular of tales for the young, 
 Fenelon's imaginative devotion to antiquity finds ample 
 expression ; it narrates the wanderings of Telemachus in 
 search of his father Ulysses, under the warning guid- 
 ance and guardianship of Minerva disguised as Mentor. 
 Imitations and borrowings from classical authors are 
 freely and skilfully made. It is a poem in prose, a 
 romance of education, designed at once to charm the 
 imagination and to inculcate truths of morals, politics, 
 and religion. The didactic purpose is evident, yet it 
 remains a true work of art, full of grace and colour, 
 occasionally, indeed, languid, but often vivid ' and 
 forcible. 
 
 Fenelon's views on politics were not so much fantastic 
 as those of an idealist. He dreamed of a monarchy 
 which should submit to the control of righteousness ; 
 he mourned over the pride and extravagance of the 
 court ; he constantly pleaded against wars of ambition ; 
 he desired that a powerful and Christian nobility should 
 mediate between the crown and the people ; he con- 
 ceived a system of decentralisation which should give 
 the whole nation an interest in public affairs ; in his 
 ecclesiastical views he was Ultramontane rather than 
 Gallican. These ideas are put forth in his Direction pour 
 la Conscience dun Rot and the Plan de Gouvernement.
 
 FENELON 233 
 
 Louis XIV. suspected the political tendency of Tele- 
 maque, and caused the printing of the first edition to 
 be suspended. Fenelon has sometimes been regarded 
 as a forerunner of the Revolutionary movement ; but 
 he would rather, by ideas in which, as events proved, 
 there may have been something chimerical, have ren- 
 dered revolution impossible. 
 
 Into his controversy with Bossuet he threw himself 
 with a combative energy and a skill in defence and 
 attack that surprise one who knows him, only through 
 his Lettres Spirituelles, which tend towards the efface- 
 ment of the will in a union with God through love. 
 Bossuet pleaded against the dangers for morals and for 
 theology of a false mysticism ; Fenelon, against con- 
 founding true mysticism with what is false. In his 
 Traite de I Existence de Dieu he shows himself a bold 
 and subtle thinker : the first part, which is of a popular 
 character, attempts to prove the existence of the Deity 
 by the argument from design in nature and from the 
 reason in man ; the second part of a later date 
 follows Descartes in metaphysical proofs derived from 
 our idea of an infinite and a perfect being. To his 
 other distinctions Fenelon added that of a literary critic, 
 unsurpassed in his time, unless it be by Boileau. His 
 Dialogues sur I'Eloquence seek to replace the elaborate 
 methods of logical address, crowded with divisions and 
 subdivisions, and supported with a multitude of quota- 
 tions, by a style simple, natural, and delicate in its 
 fervency. 
 
 The admirable Lettre a F Academic, Fenelon's latest 
 gift to literature, states the case of the ancients against 
 the moderns, and of the moderns against the ancients, 
 with an attempt at impartiality, but it is evident that the
 
 234 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 writer's love was chiefly given to his favourite classical 
 authors ; simplicity and natural beauty attracted him 
 more than ingenuity or wit or laboured brilliance. He 
 feared that the language was losing some of its richness 
 and flexibility ; he condemns the use of rhyme ; he is 
 hardly just to Racine, but honours himself by his ad- 
 miration of Moliere. In dealing with historical writings 
 he recognises the importance of the study of govern- 
 ments, institutions, and social life, and at the same time 
 values highly a personal, vivid, direct manner, and a 
 feeling for all that is real, concrete, and living. To his 
 rare gifts of intellect and of the soul was added an 
 inexpressible personal charm, in which something that 
 was almost feminine was united with the reserved power 
 and authority of a man.
 
 CHAPTER VIII 
 
 TRANSITION TO THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 THE spiritual life was interpreted from within by Fenelon. 
 The facts of the moral world, as seen in society, were 
 studied, analysed, and portrayed by La Bruyere and 
 Saint-Simon. 
 
 JEAN DE LA BRUYERE (1645-96), a Parisian of the 
 bourgeoisie, appointed preceptor in history to the grand- 
 son of the great Conde, saw with the keen eyes of 
 a disenchanted observer the spectacle of seventeenth- 
 century society. In 1688, appended to his translation 
 of the Characters of Theophrastus, appeared his only 
 important work, Les Caracteres ou les Mceurs de ce 
 Siecle; revised and enlarged editions followed, until 
 the ninth was published in 1696. "I restore to the 
 public," he wrote, "what the public lent me." In a 
 series of sixteen chapters, each consisting of detached 
 paragraphs, his studies of human life and of the social 
 environment are presented in the form of maxims, reflec- 
 tions, observations, portraits. For the maxims a recent 
 model lay before him in the little volume of La Roche- 
 foucauld ; portraits, for which the romances of Mdlle. 
 de Scudery had created a taste, had been exhibited in a 
 collection formed by Mdlle. de Montpensier the growth 
 of her salon in collaboration with Segrais {Divers Por- 
 traits, 1659). Aware of his mastery as a painter of
 
 236 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 character, La Bruyere added largely to the number of 
 his portraits in the later editions. Keys, professing to 
 identify his character-sketches with living persons, en- 
 hanced the interest excited by the work ; but in many 
 instances La Bruyere aims at presenting a type rather 
 than an individual, a type which had been individualised 
 by his observation of actual persons. 
 
 A profound or an original thinker he was not. In- 
 capable of employing base means to attain worldly suc- 
 cess, his honourable failure left a certain bitterness in 
 his spirit ; he regarded the life around him as a looker- 
 on, who enjoyed the spectacle, and enjoyed also to note 
 the infirmities of those who took part in the game which 
 he had declined. He is neither a determined pessimist, 
 nor did he see realities through a roseate veil; he neither 
 thinks basely of human nature nor in a heroic fashion : 
 he studies its weakness with a view, he declares, to refor- 
 mation, but actually, perhaps, more in the way of an 
 observer than of a moral teacher. He is before all 
 else a "naturalist," a naturalist with a sufficient field 
 for investigation, though the life of the provinces and 
 that of the fields (save in their more obvious aspect 
 of mournful toil) lie beyond his sphere. The value of 
 his criticisms of men and manners arises partly from 
 the fact that he is not pledged to a system, that he 
 can take up various points of view, and express the 
 results of many moods of mind. Now he is severe, 
 and again he is indulgent ; now he appears almost a 
 cynic, and presently we find that his heart is tender ; 
 now he is grave, and in a moment mirthful ; while 
 for every purpose and in every mood he has irony at 
 his command. He divines the working of the passions 
 with a fine intelligence, and is a master in noting every
 
 LA BRUYERE 237 
 
 outward betrayal or indication of the hidden processes 
 of the heart. 
 
 The successive chapters deal with the intellect and 
 authorship, personal merit, women, the heart, society 
 and conversation, the gifts of fortune, the town, the 
 court, men in high station, the King and commonwealth, 
 the nature of man, judgments and criticism, fashion, 
 customs, the pulpit ; and under each head are grouped, 
 without formal system, those notes on life and studies 
 of society that had gradually accumulated in the author's 
 mind. A final chapter, "Des Esprits Forts," expresses 
 a vague spiritual philosophy, which probably was not 
 insincere, and which at least served to commend the 
 mundane portion of his book to pious readers. The 
 special attraction of the whole lies in its variety. A 
 volume merely of maxims would have been too rigid, 
 too oracular for such a versatile spirit as that of La 
 Bruyere. " Different things," he says, " are thought 
 out by different methods, and explained by diverse 
 expressions, it may be by a sentence, an argument, 
 a metaphor or some other figure, a parallel, a simple 
 comparison, a complete fact, a single feature, by 
 description, or by portraiture." His book contains 
 all these, and his style corresponds with the variety 
 of matter and method a style, as Voltaire justly 
 characterises it, rapid, concise, nervous, picturesque. 
 "Among all the different modes in which a single 
 thought may be expressed," wrote La Bruyere, " only 
 one is correct." To find this exact expression he 
 sometimes over -labours his style, and searches the 
 vocabulary too curiously for the most striking word. 
 In his desire for animation the periodic structure of 
 sentence yields to one of interruptions, suspensions, and
 
 238 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 surprises. He is at once a moralist and a virtuoso in 
 the literary art. 
 
 The greater part of Saint-Simon's life and the com- 
 position of his Memoires belong to the eighteenth cen- 
 tury; but his mind was moulded during his early years, 
 and retained its form and lineaments. He may be re- 
 garded as a belated representative of the great age of 
 Louis XIV. If he belongs in some degree to the newer 
 age by virtue of his sense that political reform was needed, 
 his designs of political reform were derived from the 
 past rather than pointed towards the future. Louis DE 
 ROUVRAY, Due DE SAiNT-SiMON, was born at Versailles 
 in 1675. He cherished the belief that his ancestry could 
 be traced to Charlemagne. His father, a page of Louis 
 XIII., had been named a duke and peer of France in 
 1635 ; from his father descended to the son a devotion 
 to the memory of Louis XIII., and a passionate attach- 
 ment to the dignity of his own order. 
 
 Saint-Simon's education was narrow, but he acquired 
 some Latin, and was a diligent reader of French history. 
 In 1691 he was presented to the King and was enrolled 
 as a soldier in the musketeers. He purchased by-and-by 
 what we should now call the colonelcy of a cavalry regi- 
 ment, but was ill-pleased with the system which had 
 transformed a feudal army into one where birth and 
 rank were subjected to official control ; and in 1702, 
 when others received promotion and he was passed over, 
 he sent in his resignation. Having made a fortunate 
 and happy marriage, Saint-Simon was almost constantly 
 at Versailles until the death of the King, and obtained 
 the most intimate acquaintance with what he terms the 
 mechanics of the court. He had many grievances against 
 Louis XIV., chief among them the insult shown to the
 
 SAINT-SIMON ,239 
 
 nobility in the King's legitimatising his natural offspring; 
 and he justly regarded Madame de Maintenon as his 
 enemy. 
 
 The death of the Due de Bourgogne, to whose party 
 he belonged, was a blow to Saint-Simon's hopes; but the 
 Regent remained his friend. He helped, on a diplomatic 
 mission to Spain, to negotiate the marriage of Louis XV.; 
 yet still was on fire with indignation caused by the wrongs 
 of the dukes and peers, whom he regarded as entitled 
 on historical grounds to form the great council of 
 the monarchy, and almost as rightful partners in the 
 supreme power. His political life closed in 1723 with 
 the death of the Regent. He lived in retirement at his 
 chateau of La Ferte-Vidame, sorrowfully surviving his 
 wife and his sons. In Paris, at the age of eighty (1755), 
 Saint-Simon died. 
 
 When nineteen years old, reading Bassompierre's 
 Memoires in a soldier's hour of leisure, he conceived 
 the idea of recording his own experiences, and the 
 Meinoires of Saint- Simon were begun. During later 
 years, in the camp or at the court, notes accumulated 
 in his hands, but the definitive form which they took 
 was not determined until, in his retirement at La Ferte- 
 Vidame, the Journal of Dangeau came into his hands. 
 Dangeau's Journal is dry, colourless, passionless, without 
 insight and without art ; but it is a well-informed and 
 an exact chronicle, extending over the years from 1684 
 to 1720. Saint-Simon found it "d'une fadeur a faire 
 vomir " ; its servility towards the King and Madame de 
 Maintenon enraged him ; but it exhibited facts in an 
 orderly sequence ; it might serve as a guide and a clue 
 among his own reminiscences ; on the basis of Dangeau's 
 literal transcript of occurrences he might weave his own
 
 240 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 brilliant recitals and passionate presentations of charac- 
 ter. Thus Saint-Simon's Memoires came to be written. 
 
 He himself saw much, and his eye had a demonic 
 power of observation ; nothing escaped his vision, and 
 his passions enabled him to penetrate through what he 
 saw to its secret meanings. He had gathered informa- 
 tion from those who knew the mysteries of the palace 
 and the court ; great persons, court ladies, even valets 
 and waiting-women, had been sought and searched to 
 satisfy his insatiable curiosity. It is true that the pas- 
 sions which often lit up the truth sometimes obscured it ; 
 any gossip discreditable to those whom he hated was 
 welcome to him ; he confesses that he did not pique 
 himself on his impartiality, and it is certain that he did 
 not always verify details. Nevertheless he did not con- 
 sciously falsify facts ; he had a sense of the honour of 
 a gentleman ; his spirit was serious, and his feeling of 
 duty and of religion was sincere. Without his im- 
 petuosity, his violence, his exaggerations, we might not 
 have had his vividness, like that of life itself, his incom- 
 parable portraits, more often inspired by hatred than 
 by love, his minuteness and his breadth of style, the 
 phrases which ineffaceably brand his victims, the lyrical 
 outcry of triumph over enemies of his order. His 
 style is the large style of seventeenth -century prose, 
 but alive with words that sparkle and gleam, words 
 sometimes created by himself to express the intensity 
 of his imagination. 
 
 The Memoires, the final preparation of which was the 
 work of his elder years, cover the period from 1691 to 
 1723. His manuscripts were bequeathed to his cousin, 
 the Bishop of Metz ; a lawsuit arose with Saint-Simon's 
 creditors, and in the end the papers were buried among
 
 ANCIENTS AND MODERNS 241 
 
 the public archives. Considerable fragments saw the 
 light before the close of the eighteenth century, but it 
 was not until 1829-31 that a true editio princeps, sub- 
 stantially correct, was published. The violences and 
 irregularities of Saint-Simon's style offered no obstacle 
 to the admiration of readers at a time when the 
 romantic movement was dominant. He was hailed as 
 the Tacitus of French history, and had his manner 
 something more of habitual concentration the com- 
 parison would not be unjust. 
 
 The eighteenth century may be said to have begun 
 before the year 1701 with the quarrel of the Ancients 
 and the Moderns. If we can speak of any one idea as 
 dominant during the age of the philosophers, it is the 
 idea of human progress. Through an academic dis- 
 putation that idea emerged to the light. At first a 
 religious question was complicated with a question re- 
 lating to art ; afterwards the religious question was 
 replaced by one of philosophy. As early as 1657, 
 Desmarets de Saint-Sorlin, turned pietist after a youth 
 of licence, maintained in theory, as well as by the ex- 
 amples of his unreadable epic poems, that Christian 
 heroism and Christian faith afforded material for ima- 
 ginative handling more suitable to a Christian poet thn 
 the history and fables of antiquity. Boileau, in the 
 third chant of his Art Poetique, replied the mysteries 
 of the Christian faith are too solemn, too awful, to be 
 tricked out to gratify the fancy. 
 
 Desmarets dying, bequeathed his contention to CHARLES 
 PERRAULT (1628-1703), who had burlesqued the ALneid, 
 written light and fragile pieces of verse, and occupied 
 himself as a dilettante in patristic and historical studies. 
 In 1687, after various skirmishes between partisans on
 
 242 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 either side, the quarrel assumed a new importance. The 
 King had recovered after a painful operation ; it was a 
 moment for gratulation. Perrault, at a sitting of the 
 Academy, read his poem Le Siecle de Louis le Grand, 
 in which the revolt against the classical tyranny was 
 formulated, and contemporary authors were glorified at 
 the expense of the poets of antiquity. Boileau mur- 
 mured, indignant ; Racine offered ironical commenda- 
 tions ; other Academicians patriotically applauded their 
 own praises. Light-feathered epigrams sped to and fro. 
 
 Fontenelle, in his Discours sur FEglogue and a Digres- 
 sion sur les Anciens et les Modernes, widened the field 
 of debate. Were trees in ancient days taller than those 
 in our own fields ? If not, why may not modern men 
 equal Homer, Plato, and Demosthenes ? " Nothing 
 checks the progress of things, nothing confines the 
 intelligence so much as admiration of the ancients." 
 Genius is bestowed by Nature on every age, but know- 
 ledge grows from generation to generation. In his dia- 
 logues entitled the Parallcle des Anciens et des Modernes 
 (1688-97), Perrault maintained that in art, in science, 
 in literature, the law of the human mind is a law of 
 progress ; that we are the true ancients of the earth, 
 wise with inherited science, more exact in reasoning, 
 more refined in psychological distinctions, raised to a 
 higher plane by Christianity, by the invention of print- 
 ing, and by the favour of a -great monarch. La Fontaine 
 in his charming Epitre to Huet, La Bruyere in his 
 CaractereSj Boileau in his ill - tempered Reflexions sur 
 Longin, rallied the supporters of classicism. Gradually 
 the fires smouldered or were assuaged ; Boileau and 
 Perrault were reconciled. 
 
 Perrault, if he did not honour antiquity in classical
 
 ANCIENTS AND MODERNS 243 
 
 forms, paid a homage to popular tradition in his de- 
 lightful Contes de ma Mre fOie (if, indeed, the tales be 
 his), which have been a joy to generations of children. 
 With inferior art, Madame d'Aulnoy added to the golden 
 treasury for the young. When, fifteen or twenty years 
 after the earlier war, a new campaign began between 
 the Ancients and the Moderns, the philosophical dis- 
 cussion of the idea of progress had separated itself 
 from the literary quarrel. But in the tiltings of Lamotte- 
 Houdart, the champion of the moderns, against a well- 
 equipped female knight, the learned Madame Dacier - 
 indignant at Lamotte's Iliade, recast in the eighteenth- 
 century taste a new question was raised, and one of 
 significance for the eighteenth century that of the 
 relative merits of prose and verse. 
 
 Lamotte, a writer of comedy, tragedy, opera, fables, 
 eclogues, odes, maintained that the highest literary form 
 is prose, and he versified none the less. The age was 
 indeed an age of prose an age when the salons dis- 
 cussed the latest discovery in science, the latest doctrine 
 in philosophy or politics. Its imaginative enthusiasm 
 passed over from art to speculation, and what may be 
 called the poetry of the eighteenth century is to be 
 found less in its odes or dramas or elegies than in the 
 hopes and visions which gathered about that idea of 
 human progress emerging from a literary discussion, 
 idle, perhaps, in appearance, but in its inner significance 
 no unfitting inauguration of an era which looked to the 
 future rather than to the past. 
 
 BERNARD LE BOVIER DE FONTENELLE (1657-1757), 
 a son of Corneille's sister, whose intervention in the 
 quarrel of Ancients and Moderns turned the discussion 
 in the direction of philosophy, belongs to both the
 
 244 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 seventeenth and the eighteenth centuries. In the hun- 
 dred years which made up his life, there was indeed 
 time for a second Fontenelle to develop from the first. 
 The first Fontenelle, satirised as the Cydias of La 
 Bruyere, "un compose du pedant et du precieux," was 
 an aspirant poet, without vision, without passion, who 
 tried to compensate his deficiencies by artificial elegances 
 of style. The origin of hissing is maliciously dated by 
 Racine from his tragedy Aspar. His operas fluttered 
 before they fell ; his J-Lglogues had not life enough to 
 flutter. The Dialogues des Marts (1683) is a young 
 writer's effort to be clever by paradox, an effort to show 
 his wit by incongruous juxtapositions, and a cynical 
 levelling of great reputations. But there was another 
 Fontenelle, the untrammelled disciple of Descartes, a 
 man of universal interests, passionless, but curious for 
 all knowledge, an assimilator of new ideas, a dissolver 
 of old beliefs, an intermediary between science and the 
 world of fashion, a discreet insinuator of doubts, who 
 smiled but never condescended to laugh, an intelligence 
 supple, subtle, and untiring. 
 
 In 1686 he published his Entretiens sur la Pluralite des 
 Mondes, evening conversations between an astronomer 
 and a marchioness, half-scientific, half-gallant, learned 
 coquetries with science, for which he asked no more 
 serious attention than a novel might require, while he 
 communicated the theories of Descartes and the dis- 
 coveries of Galileo, suggested that science is our safest 
 way to truth, and that truth at best is not absolute but 
 relative to the human understanding. The Histoire dcs 
 Oracles, in which the cargo of Dutch erudition that 
 loaded his original by Van Dale is skilfully lightened, 
 glided to the edge of theological storm. Fontenelle
 
 FONTENELLE 245 
 
 would show that the pagan oracles were not delivered 
 by demons, and did not cease at the coming of Jesus 
 Christ ; innocent opinions, but apt to illustrate the 
 origins and growth of superstitions, from which we too 
 may not be wholly free in spite of all our advantages of 
 true religion and sound philosophy. Of course God's 
 chosen people are not like unguided Greeks or Romans ; 
 and yet human beings are much the same in all times 
 and places. The Jesuit Baltus scented heresy, and 
 Fontenelle was very ready to admit that the devil was 
 a prophet, since Father Baltus wished it so to be, and 
 held the opinion to be orthodox. 
 
 Appointed perpetual secretary of the Academie des 
 Sciences in 1697, Fontenelle pronounced during forty 
 years the panegyrics of those who had been its mem- 
 bers. These JiLloges des Academicians are masterpieces 
 in a difficult art, luminous, dignified, generous without 
 ostentation, plain without poverty of thought or expres- 
 sion. The discreet Fontenelle loved tranquillity " If I 
 had my hand full of truths, I should take good care before 
 I opened it." He never lost a friend, acting on two 
 prudent maxims, " Everything is possible," and " Every 
 one is right." " It is not a heart," said Madame de 
 Tencin, "which you have in your breast; it is a brain." 
 It was a kindly brain, which could be for a moment 
 courageous. And thus it was possible for him to enter 
 his hundredth year, still interested in ideas, still tranquil 
 and alert. 
 
 A great arsenal for the uses of eighteenth -century 
 philosophy was constructed and stored by PIERRE BAYLE 
 (1647-1706) in his Dictionnaire Historique et Critique, of 
 which the first edition was published in 1697. Science, 
 which found its popular interpreter in Fontenelle, was
 
 246 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 a region hardly entered by Bayle ; the general history 
 of Europe, from the close of the mediaeval period, and 
 especially the records in every age of mythologies, reli- 
 gions, theologies, philosophies, formed his province, and 
 it was one of wide extent. Born in 1647, son of a Pro- 
 testant pastor, educated by Jesuits, converted by them 
 and reconverted, professor of philosophy at Sedan, a 
 fugitive to Rotterdam, professor there of history and 
 philosophy, deprived of his position for unorthodox 
 opinions, Bayle found rest not in cessation from toil, 
 but in the research of a sceptical scholar, peaceably 
 and endlessly pursued. 
 
 His early zeal of proselytism languished and expired. 
 In its place came a boundless curiosity, a penetrating 
 sagacity. His vast accumulations of knowledge were 
 like those of the students of the Renaissance. The tend- 
 encies of his intellect anticipate the tendencies of the 
 eighteenth century, but with him scepticism had not 
 become ambitious or dogmatic. He followed tranquilly 
 where reason and research led, and saw no cause why 
 religion and morals more than any other subjects should 
 not be submitted to the scrutiny of rational inquiry. 
 Since men have held all beliefs, and are more prone 
 to error than apt to find the truth, why should any 
 opinions be held sacred ? Let us ascertain and expose 
 the facts. In doing so, we shall learn the lesson of uni- 
 'versal tolerance ; and if the principle of authority in 
 matters of religion be gently sapped, can this be con- 
 sidered an evil ? Morals, which have their foundation in 
 the human understanding, remain, though all theologies 
 may be in doubt. If the idea of Providence be a super- 
 stition, why should not man guide his life by good sense 
 and moderation ? Bayle did not attack existing beliefs
 
 PIERRE BAYLE 247 
 
 with the battering-ram : he quietly removed a stone here 
 and a stone there from the foundations. If he is aggres- 
 sive, it is by means of a tranquil irony. The errors of 
 human-kind are full of curious interest ; the disputes 
 of theologians are both curious and amusing ; the moral 
 licences of men and women are singular and often 
 diverting. Why not instruct and entertain our minds 
 with the facts of the world ? 
 
 The instruction is delivered by Bayle in the dense and 
 sometimes heavy columns of his text ; the entertainment 
 will be found in the rambling gossip, interspersed with 
 illuminating ideas, of his notes. Almost every eminent 
 writer of the eighteenth century was a debtor to Bayle's 
 Dictionary. He kept his contemporaries informed of all 
 that was added to knowledge in his periodical publica- 
 tion, Nouvelles de la Republique des Lettres (begun in 1684). 
 He called himself a cloud-compeller: "My gift is to 
 create doubts ; but they are no more than doubts." 
 Yet there is light, if not warmth, in such a genius for 
 criticism as his ; and it was light not only for France, 
 but for Europe.
 
 BOOK THE FOURTH 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY
 
 BOOK THE FOURTH 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 
 MEMOIRS AND HISTORY POETRY THE 
 THEATRE THE NOVEL 
 
 I 
 
 THE literature of the second half of the seventeenth 
 century was monarchical, Christian, classical. The 
 eighteenth century was to lose the spirit of classical 
 art while retaining many of its forms, to overthrow the 
 domination of the Church, to destroy the monarchy. 
 It was an age not of great art but of militant ideas, 
 which more and more came to utilise art as their 
 vehicle. Political speculation, criticism, science, sceptical 
 philosophy invaded literature. The influence of Eng- 
 land of English free-thinkers, political writers, men 
 of science, essayists, novelists, poets replaced the in- 
 fluence of Italy and Spain, and for long that of the 
 models of ancient Greece and Rome. The century of 
 the philosophers was eminently social and mundane ; 
 the salons revived ; a new preciosity came into fashion ; 
 but as time went on the salons became rather the mart
 
 252 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 of ideas philosophical and scientific than of the dainti- 
 nesses of letters and of art. Journalism developed, and 
 thought tended to action, applied itself directly to public 
 life. While the work of destructive criticism proceeded, 
 the bases of a moral reconstruction were laid ; the free 
 play of intellect was succeeded by a great enfranchise- 
 ment of the passions ; the work of Voltaire was followed 
 by the work of Rousseau. 
 
 Before the close of the reign of Louis XIV. the old 
 order of things had suffered a decline. War, famine, 
 public debt, oppressive taxation had discredited the 
 monarchy. A dull hypocrisy hardly disguised the gross 
 licentiousness of the times. The revocation of the edict 
 of Nantes had exiled those Protestants who formed a 
 substantial part of the moral conscience of France. The 
 bitter feud of brother-bishops, Bossuet and Fenelon, 
 hurling defiance against each other for the love of God, 
 had made religion a theme for mockery. Port-Royal, 
 once the refuge of serious faith and strict morals, was 
 destroyed. The bull Unigenitus expelled the spiritual 
 element from French Christianity, reduced the clergy 
 to a state of intellectual impotence, and made a lasting 
 breach between them and the better part of the laity. 
 Meanwhile the scientific movement had been proving 
 its power. Science had come to fill the place left void 
 by religion. The period of the Regency (1715-23) is 
 one of transition from the past to the newer age, 
 shameless in morals, degraded in art ; the period of 
 Voltaire followed, when intellect sapped and mined the 
 old beliefs ; with Rousseau came the explosion of senti- 
 ment and an effort towards reconstruction. A great 
 political and social revolution closed the century. 
 
 The life of the time is seen in many memoirs, and in
 
 MEMOIRS AND LETTERS 253 
 
 the correspondence of many distinguished persons, both 
 men and women. Among the former the Mfrnoires of 
 Mdlle. Delaunay, afterwards Mme. de Staal (1684-1750) 
 are remarkable for the vein of melancholy, subdued by 
 irony, underlying a style which is formed for fine and clear 
 exactness. The Duchesse du Maine's lady-in-waiting, 
 daughter of a poor painter, but educated with care, drew 
 delicately in her literary art with an etcher's tool, and 
 her hand was controlled by a spirit which had in it 
 something of the Stoic. The Souvenirs of Mme. de 
 Caylus (1673-1729), niece of Mme. de Maintenon 
 "jamais de creature plus seduisante," says Saint-Simon 
 give pictures of the court, charming in their naivete, 
 grace, and mirth. Mme. d'Epinay, designing to tell the 
 story of her own life, disguised as a piece of fiction, 
 became in her Memoires the chronicler of the manners 
 of her time. The society of the salons and the men of 
 letters is depicted in the Memoirs of Marmontel. These 
 are but examples from an abundant literature constantly 
 augmented to the days of Mme. de Campan and Mme. 
 Roland. The general aspect of the social world in the 
 mid-century is presented by the historian Duclos (1704- 
 1772) in his Considerations sur les Mceurs de ce Siecle, and 
 with reparation for his previous neglect of the part 
 played in society by women in his Memoires pour servir 
 a I'Histoire du X VIII e Siecle. 
 
 As much or more may be learnt from the letter- 
 writers as from the writers of memoirs. If Voltaire 
 did not take the first place by his correspondence, 
 so vast, so luminous, so comprehensive, it might justly 
 be assigned to his friend Mme. du Deffand (1697- 
 1780), w r hose lucid intelligence perceived everything, 
 whose disabused heart seemed detached until old age
 
 254 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 from all that most interested her understanding. For 
 clear good sense we turn to the Marquise de Lambert, 
 for bourgeois worth and kindliness to Mme. Geoffrin, 
 for passion which kindles the page to Mdlle. de Lespi- 
 nasse, for sensibility and romance ripening to political 
 ardour and strenuous convictions to Mme. Roland. 
 Among the philosophers Diderot pours the torrent, 
 clear or turbid, of his genius into his correspondence 
 with affluent improvisation ; D'Alembert is grave, tem- 
 perate, lucid ; the Abbe Galiani, the little Machiavel "a 
 pantomime from head to foot," said Diderot the gay 
 Neapolitan punchinello, given the freedom of Paris, 
 that " capital of curiosity," is at once wit, cynic, thinker, 
 scholar, and buffoon. These, again, are but examples 
 from an epistolary swarm. 
 
 While the eighteenth century thus mirrored itself in 
 memoirs and letters, it did not forget the life of past 
 centuries. The studious Benedictines, who had already 
 accomplished much, continued their erudite labours. 
 Nicolas Freret (1688-1749), taking all antiquity for his 
 province, illuminated the study of chronology, geogra- 
 phy, sciences, arts, language, religion. Daniel and Velly 
 narrated the history of France. Vertot (1655-1735), with 
 little of the spirit of historical fidelity, displayed certain 
 gifts of an historical artist. The school of scepticism 
 was represented by the Jesuit Hardouin, who doubted 
 the authenticity of all records of the past except those 
 of his own numismatic treasures. Questions as to the 
 principles of historical certitude occupied the Academy 
 of Inscriptions during many sittings from 1720 onwards, 
 and produced a body of important studies. While the 
 Physiocrats were endeavouring to demonstrate that 
 there is a natural order in social circumstances, a philo-
 
 PHILOSOPHY OF HISTORY 255 
 
 sophy of history, which bound the ages together, was 
 developed in the writings of Montesquieu and Turgot, 
 if not of Voltaire. The Esprit des Lois, the Essai sur les 
 Mceurs, and Turgot's discourses, delivered in 1750 at the 
 Sorbonne, contributed in different degrees and ways 
 towards a new and profounder conception of the life of 
 societies or of humanity. By Turgot for the first time 
 the idea of progress was accepted as the ruling principle 
 of history. It cannot be denied that, as regards the 
 sciences of inorganic nature, he more than foreshadowed 
 Comte's theory of the three states, theological, metaphysi- 
 cal, and positive, through which the mind of humanity is 
 alleged to have travelled. 
 
 In the second half of the century, history tended to 
 become doctrinaire, aggressive, declamatory a pamphlet 
 in the form of treatise or narrative. Morelly wrote in 
 the interest of socialistic ideas, which correspond to 
 those of modern collectivism. Mably, inspired at first 
 by enthusiasm for the ancient republics, advanced to a 
 communistic creed. Condorcet, as the century drew 
 towards a close, bringing together the ideas of econo- 
 mists and historians, traced human progress through the 
 past, and uttered ardent prophecies of human perfecti- 
 bility in the future. 
 
 II 
 
 Poetry other than dramatic grew in the eighteenth 
 century upon a shallow soil. The more serious and the 
 more ardent mind of the time was occupied with science, 
 the study of nature, the study of society, philosophical 
 speculation, the criticism of religion, of government, and 
 of social arrangements. The old basis of belief upon
 
 2 $6 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 which reposed the great art of the preceding century had 
 given way. The analytic intellect distrusted the imagina- 
 tion. The conventions of a brilliant society were un- 
 favourable to the contemplative mood of high poetry. 
 The tyranny of the " rules " remained when the enthu- 
 siasm which found guidance and a safeguard in the rules 
 had departed. The language itself had lost in richness, 
 variety, harmony, and colour ; it was an admirable in- 
 strument for the intellect, but was less apt to render 
 sensations and passions ; when employed for the loftier 
 purposes of art it tended to the oratorical, with something 
 of over-emphasis and strain. The contention of La 
 Motte-Houdart that verse denaturalises and deforms ideas, 
 expresses the faith of the time, and La Motte's own cold 
 and laboured odes did not tend to refute his theory. 
 
 Chaulieu (1639-1720), the " poete de la bonne com- 
 pagnie," an anacreontic senior, patriarch of pleasure, sur- 
 vived the classical century, and sang his songs of facile, 
 epicurean delights ; his friend La Fare (16441712) sur- 
 vived, but slept and ate more than a songster should. 
 Anthony Hamilton (16467-1720) wrote graceful verses, 
 and in his brilliant Me moires de la Vie du Comte de 
 Gramont became the historian of the amorous intrigues 
 of the court of Charles II. Jean-Baptiste Rousseau 
 (1670-1741), who in the days of Mme. de Maintenon's 
 authority had in his sacred Cantates been pious by com- 
 mand, recompensed himself by retailing unbecoming 
 epigrams and for epigram he had a genuine gift to 
 the Society of the Temple. He manufactured odes with 
 skill in the mechanism of verse, and carefully secured the 
 fine disorder required in that form of art by factitious 
 enthusiasm and the abuse of mythology and allegory. 
 When Rousseau died, Lefranc de Pompignan mourned
 
 DESCRIPTIVE POETRY 257 
 
 for "le premier chantre du monde," reborn as the Orpheus 
 of France, in a poem which alone of Lefranc's numerous 
 productions and by virtue of two stanzas has not that 
 sanctity ascribed to them by Voltaire, the sanctity which 
 forbids any one to touch them. Why name their fellows 
 and successors in the eighteenth-century art of writing 
 poems without poetry ? 
 
 Louis Racine (1692-1763), son of the author of Athalie, 
 in his versified discourses on La Grace and La Religion 
 was devout and edifying, but w r ith an edification which 
 promotes slumber. If a poet in sympathy with the 
 philosophers desired to edify, he described the pheno- 
 mena of nature as Saint- Lambert (1716-1803) did in 
 his Saisons "the only work of our century," Voltaire 
 assured the author, "which will reach posterity." To 
 describe meant to draw out the inventory of nature's 
 charms with an eye not on the object but on the page 
 of the Encyclopaedia, and to avoid the indecency of 
 naming anything in direct and simple speech. The 
 Seasons of Saint-Lambert were followed by the Months 
 (Mois) of Roucher (1745-94) "the most beautiful poetic 
 shipwreck of the century," said the malicious Rivarol 
 and by the Jardins of Delille (1738-1813). When 
 Delille translated the Georgics he was saluted by Voltaire 
 as the Abbe Virgil. 1 The salons heard him with rapture 
 recite his verses as from the tripod of inspiration. He 
 was the favourite of Marie-Antoinette. Aged and blind, 
 he was a third with Homer and Milton. In death they 
 crowned his forehead, and for three days the mourning 
 crowd gazed on all that remained of their great poet. 
 And yet Delille's Jardins is no better than a patchwork 
 of carpet-gardening, in which the flowers are theatrical 
 
 1 Or was this Rivarol's ironical jest?
 
 258 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 paper-flowers. If anything lives from the descriptive 
 poetry of the eighteenth century, it is a few detached 
 lines from the writings of Lemierre. 
 
 The successor of J.-B. Rousseau in the grand ode was 
 Ecouchard Lebrun (1729-1807), rival of Pindar. All he 
 wanted to equal Pindar was some forgetfulness of self, 
 some warmth, some genuine enthusiasm, some harmony, 
 a touch of genius ; a certain dignity of imagination he 
 exhibits in his best moments. If we say that he honoured 
 Buffon and was the friend of Andre Chenier, we have 
 said in his praise that which gives him the highest dis- 
 tinction ; yet it may be added that if he often falsified 
 the ode, he, like Rousseau, excelled in epigram. It was 
 not the great lyric but le petit lyrisme which blossomed 
 and ran to seed in the thin poetic soil. The singers of 
 fragile loves and trivial pleasures are often charming, and 
 as often they are merely frivolous or merely depraved. 
 Grecourt ; Piron ; Bernard, the curled and powdered 
 Anacreon ; Bernis, Voltaire's " Babet la Bouquetiere," 
 King Frederick's poet of " sterile abundance " ; Dorat, 
 who could flutter at times with an airy grace ; Bertin, 
 born in the tropics, and with the heat of the senses in 
 his verse ; Parny, an estray in Paris from the palms and 
 fountains of the Isle Bourbon, the " dear Tibiillus " of 
 Voltaire what a swarm of butterflies, soiled or shining ! 
 
 If two or three poets deserve to be distinguished from 
 the rest, one is surely jEAN-BAPTiSTE-Louis CRESSET 
 (1709-77), whose parrot Vert-Vert, instructed by the 
 pious Sisters, demoralised by the boatmen of the Loire, 
 still edifies and scandalises the lover of happy badinage 
 in verse ; one is the young and unfortunate NICOLAS- 
 JOSEPH- LAURENT GILBERT (1751-80), less unfortunate 
 and less gifted than the legend makes him, yet luckless
 
 TRAGEDY AFTER RACINE 259 
 
 enough and embittered enough to become the satirist 
 of Academicians and philosophers and the society which 
 had scorned his muse; and the third is jEAN-PlERRE 
 CLARIS DE FLORIAN (1755-94), the amiable fabulist, 
 who, lacking La Fontaine's lyric genius, fine harmonies, 
 and penetrating good sense, yet can tell a story with 
 pleasant ease, and draw a moral with gentle propriety. 
 
 In every poetic form, except comedy, that he attempted, 
 Voltaire stands high among his contemporaries ; they 
 give us a measure of his range and excellence. But 
 the two greatest poets of the eighteenth century wrote 
 in prose. Its philosophical poet was the naturalist 
 Buffon ; its supreme lyrist was the author of La Nouvelle 
 Helo'ise. 
 
 Ill 
 
 In the history of French tragedy only one name of 
 importance that of Crebillon is to be found in the 
 interval between Racine and Voltaire. Campistron 
 feebly, Daachet formally and awkwardly, imitated 
 Racine ; Duche followed him in sacred tragedy ; La 
 Grange -Chancel (author of the Philippiques, directed 
 against the Regent) followed him in tragedies on classical 
 subjects. If any piece deserves to be distinguished 
 above the rest, it is the Manlius (1698) of La Fosse, a 
 work suggestive rather of Corneille than of Racine 
 which was founded on the Venice Preserved of Otway. 
 The art of Racine languished in inferior hands. The 
 eighteenth century, while preserving its form, thought 
 to reanimate it by the provocatives of scenic decoration 
 and more rapid and more convulsive action. 
 
 PROSPER JOLYOT DE CREBILLON (1674-1762), a diligent
 
 260 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 reader of seventeenth-century romances, transported the 
 devices of romance, its horrors, its pathetic incidents, its 
 disguises, its surprises, its discoveries, into the theatre, 
 and substituted a tragedy of violent situations for the 
 tragedy of character. His Rhadamiste et Zenobie (1711), 
 which has an air of Corneillean grandeur and heroism, 
 notwithstanding a plot so complicated that it is difficult 
 to follow, was received with unmeasured enthusiasm. To 
 be atrocious within the rules was to create a new and 
 thrilling sensation. Torrents of tears flowed for the 
 unhappy heroine of La Motte's Ines de Castro (1723), 
 secretly married to the Prince of Portugal, and pardoned 
 only when the fatal poison is in her veins. Voltaire's 
 effort to renovate classical tragedy was that of a writer 
 who loved the theatre, first for its own sake, afterwards 
 as an instrument for influencing public opinion, who 
 conceived tragedy aright as the presentation of character 
 and passion seen in action. His art suffered from his 
 extreme facility, from his inability (except it be in Zaire) 
 to attain dramatic self-detachment, from the desire to 
 conquer his spectators in the readiest ways,' by striking 
 situations, or, at a later date, by the rhetoric of philo- 
 sophical doctrine and sentiment. 
 
 There is no one, with all his faults, to set beside 
 Voltaire. Piron and Cresset are remembered, not by 
 their tragedies, but each by a single comedy. Mar- 
 montel's Memoirs live ; his tales have a faded glory ; as 
 for his tragedies, the ingenious stage asp which hissed 
 as the curtain fell on his Clcopatre, was a sound critic of 
 their mediocrity. Lemierre, with some theatrical talent, 
 wrote ill ; as the love of spectacle grew, he permitted 
 his William Tell to shoot the apple, and his widow of 
 Malabar to die in flames upon the stage.
 
 DUCIS AND SHAKESPEARE 261 
 
 Saurin in Spartacus (1760) declaimed and dissertated 
 in the manner of Voltaire. De Belloy at a lucky 
 moment showed, in his Siege de Calais (1765), that rhe- 
 torical patriotism had survived the Seven Years' War ; 
 he was supposed to have founded that national, historic 
 drama which the President Renault had projected ; but 
 with the Siege de Calais the national drama rose and 
 fell. Laharpe (1739-1803) was the latest writer who 
 compounded classical tragedy according to the approved 
 recipe. In the last quarter of the century Shakespeare 
 became known to the French public through the transla- 
 tion of Letourneur. Before that translation began to 
 appear, JEAN-FRANCOIS DUCIS (1733-1816), the patron 
 of whose imagination was his " Saint Guillaume " of 
 Stratford, though he knew no English, had in a fashion 
 presented Hamlet (1769) and Romeo and Juliet to his 
 countrymen ; King Lear, Macbeth, King John, Othello 
 (1792) followed. But Ducis came a generation too 
 soon for a true Shakespearian rendering ; simple and 
 heroic in his character as a man, he belonged to an 
 age of philosophers and sentimentalists, an age of 
 "virtue" and "nature." Shakespeare's translation is 
 as strange as that of his own Bottom. Ophelia is the 
 daughter of King Claudius ; the Queen dies by her own 
 hand ; old Montague is a Montague-Ugolino who has 
 devoured his sons ; Malcolm is believed to be a 
 mountaineer's child ; Lear is borne on the stage, sleep- 
 ing on a bed of roses, that he may beheld a sunrise ; 
 Hedelmone (Desdemona) is no longer Othello's wife ; 
 lago disappears ; Desdemona's handkerchief is not 
 among the properties; and Juliet's lark is voiceless. 
 Eighteenth-century tragedy is indeed a city of tombs. 
 
 Comedy made some amends. Before the appearance
 
 262 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 of Regnard, the actor Baron, Moliere's favourite pupil, 
 had given a lively play UHomme a bonne Fortune (1686). 
 JEAN-FRANCOIS REGNARD (1655-1709) escaped from his 
 corsair captors and slavery at Algiers, made his sorry 
 company of knaves and fools acceptable by virtue of 
 inexhaustible gaiety, bright fantasy, and the liveliest 
 of comic styles. His Joueur (1696) is a scapegrace, 
 possessed by the passion of gaming, whose love of 
 Angelique is a devotion to her dowry, but he will con- 
 sole himself for lost love by another throw of the dice. 
 His Le'gataire Universel, greedy, old, and ailing, is sur- 
 rounded by pitiless rogues, yet the curtain falls on a 
 general reconciliation. Regnard's morals may be doubt- 
 ful, but his mirth is unquestionable. 
 
 Dancourt (1661-1725), with a far less happy style, had 
 a truer power of observation, and as quick an instinct 
 for theatrical effects ; he exhibits in the Chevalier a la 
 Mode and the Bourgeoises a la Mode, if not with exact 
 fidelity, at least in telling caricature, the struggle of 
 classes in the society around him, wealth ambitious for 
 rank, rank prepared to sell itself for wealth. The same 
 spirit of cynical gaiety inspires the Double Veuvage of 
 Charles Riviere Dufresny (1655 7-1724), where husband 
 and wife, each disappointed in false tidings of the other's 
 death, exhibit transports of feigned joy on meeting, and 
 assist in the marriage of their respective lovers, each to 
 accomplish the vexation of the other. Among such 
 plays as these the Turcaret (1709) of Lesage appears as 
 the creation of a type, and a type which verifies itself 
 as drawn with a realism powerful and unfaltering. 
 
 In striking contrast with Lesage's bold and bitter satire 
 are the comedies of Marivaux, delicate indeed in observa- 
 tion of life and character, skilled in their exploration of
 
 EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY COMEDY 263 
 
 the byways of the heart, brilliant in fantasy, subtle in 
 sentiment, lightly touched by the sensuality of the day. 
 Philippe Nericault Destouches (1680-1754) had the am- 
 bition to revive the comedy of character, and by its 
 means to read moral lessons on the stage ; unfortunately 
 what he lacked was comic power. In his most cele- 
 brated piece, Le Glorieux, he returns to the theme 
 treated by Dancourt of the struggle between the ruined 
 noblesse and the aspiring middle class. Pathos and 
 something of romance are added to comedy. 
 
 Already those tendencies which were to produce the 
 so-called comedie larmoyante were at work. Piron 
 (1689-1773), who regarded it with hostility, unde- 
 signedly assisted in its creation ; Les Fits Ingrats, named 
 afterwards LEcole des Peres, given in 1728, the story 
 of a too generous father of ungrateful children, a play 
 designed for mirth, was in fact fitter to draw tears than 
 to excite laughter. Piron's special gift, however, was 
 for satire. In La Metromanie he smiles at the folly of 
 the aspirant poet with all his cherished illusions ; yet 
 young Damis with his folly, the innocent error of a 
 generous spirit, wins a sympathy to which the duller 
 representatives of good sense can make no claim. It 
 is satire also which gives whatever comic force it pos- 
 sesses to the one comedy of Cresset that is not forgotten : 
 Le Mechant (1747), a disloyal comrade, would steal the 
 heart of his friend's beloved ; soubrette and valet con- 
 spire to expose the traitor ; but Cleon, who loves mis- 
 chief in the spirit of sport, though unmasked, is little 
 disconcerted. Brilliant in lines and speeches, Le Mechant 
 is defective in its composition as a whole. 
 
 The decline in a feeling for composition, for art, for the 
 
 severity of outline, was accompanied by a development of 
 zS
 
 264 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 the emotional or sentimental element in drama. As sen- 
 sibility was quickened, and wealth and ease increased, 
 little things came to be felt as important. The middle 
 class advanced in prosperity and power. Why should 
 emperors and kings, queens and princesses occupy the 
 stage? Why neglect the joys and griefs of every-day 
 domestic life? If "nature" and "virtue" were to be 
 honoured, why not seek them here ? Man, the new 
 philosophy taught, is essentially good ; human nature 
 is of itself inclined to virtue ; if it strays through 
 force of circumstance into vice or folly, should not 
 its errors be viewed with sympathy, with tenderness ? 
 Thus comedy grew serious, and tragedy put off its 
 exalted airs ; the genius of tragedy and the genius of 
 comedy were wedded, and the comddie larmoyante, which 
 might be named more correctly the bourgeois drama, 
 was born of this union. 
 
 In the plays of NIVELLE DE LA CHAUSEE (1692-1754) 
 the new type is already formed. The relations of wife 
 and husband, of father and child, form the theme of 
 all his plays. In Mttanide, father and son, unrecognised, 
 are rivals in love ; the wife and mother, supposed to 
 be dead, is discovered ; the husband returns to her 
 arms, and is reconciled to his son. It is the victory 
 of nature and of innate goodness ; comic intention and 
 comic power are wholly absent. La Chausee's morals are 
 those of an optimist ; but those modern domestic tragedies, 
 the ethics of which do not err by over-sanguine views 
 of human nature, may trace their ancestry to Melanide. 
 
 For such serious comedy or bourgeois drama the 
 appropriate vehicle, so Diderot maintained, is prose. 
 Diderot, among his many gifts, did not possess a talent 
 for dramatic writing. But as a critic his influence was
 
 THE COMEDIE LARMOYANTE 265 
 
 considerable. Midway between tragedy and comedy 
 he perceived a place for the serious drama ; to right 
 and left, on either side of the centre, were spaces for 
 forms approximating, the one to tragedy, the other to 
 comedy. The hybrid species of tragi-comedy he wholly 
 condemned ; each genre, as he conceived it, is a unity 
 containing its own principle of life. The function of 
 the theatre is less to represent character fully formed 
 than to study the natural history of character, to exhibit 
 the environments which determine character. Its pur- 
 pose is to moralise life, and the chief means of morali- 
 sation is that effusive sensibility which is the outflow 
 of the inherent goodness of human nature. 
 
 Diderot attempted to justify his theory by examples, 
 and only proved his own incapacity as a writer for the 
 stage. His friend SEDAINE (1719-97) was more fortunate. 
 Of the bourgeois drama of the eighteenth century, Le 
 Philosophe sans le savoir alone survives. It is little more 
 than a domestic anecdote rendered dramatic, but it has 
 life and reality. The merchant Vanderk's daughter is 
 to be married ; but on the same day his son, resenting 
 an insult to his father, must expose his life in a duel. 
 Old Antoine, the intendant, would take his young master's 
 place of danger ; Antoine's daughter, Victorine, half- 
 unawares has given her heart to the gallant duellist. 
 Hopes and fears, joy and grief contend in the Vanderk 
 habitation. Sedaine made a true capture of a little pro- 
 vince of nature. When Mercier (1740-1814) tried to 
 write in the same vein, his " nature " was that of^ de- 
 clamatory sentiment imposed upon trivial incidents. 
 Beaumarchais, in his earlier pieces, was tearful and 
 romantic ; happily he repented him of his lugubrious 
 sentiment, and restored to France its old gaiety in the
 
 266 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 Barbier de Seville and the inimitable Mariage de Figaro ; 
 but amid the mirth of Figaro can be heard the detona- 
 tion of approaching revolutionary conflict. 
 
 IV 
 
 The history of the novel in the eighteenth century cor- 
 responds with the general movement of ideas ; the novel 
 begins as art, and proceeds to propagandism. ALAIN- 
 RENE LESAGE, born at Sarzeau, near Vannes, in 1668, 
 belongs as much to the seventeenth as to the eighteenth 
 century. His life of nearly eighty years (died 1747) was 
 the honourable life of a bourgeois, who was also a man 
 of genius, and who maintained his own independence 
 and that of his wife and children by the steadfast dili- 
 gence of his pen. He was no passionate reformer, no 
 preacher of ideas ; he observed life and human nature 
 with shrewd common-sense, seeing men in general as 
 creatures in whom good and evil are mixed ; his imagi- 
 nation combined and vivified all he had observed ; and 
 he recorded the results of his study of the world in a 
 style admirable for naturalness and ease, though these 
 were not attained without the careful practice of literary 
 art. 
 
 From translations for the readers of fiction and for 
 the theatre, he advanced to free adaptations, and from 
 these to work which may be called truly original. 
 Directed by the Abbe de Lyonne to Spanish literature, 
 he endeavoured in his early plays to preserve what was 
 brilliant and ingenious in the works of Spanish drama- 
 tists, and to avoid what was strained and extravagant. 
 In his Crispin Rival de son Maitre (1707), in which the
 
 LESAGE 267 
 
 roguish valet aspires to carry off his master's betrothed 
 and her fortune, he borrows only the idea of Mendoza's 
 play ; the conduct of the action, the dialogue, the char- 
 acters are his own. His prose story of the same year, 
 Le Diable Boiteux, owes but little to the suggestion 
 derived from Guevara ; it is, in fact, more nearly re- 
 lated to the Caracteres of La Brnyere ; when Asmodeus 
 discloses what had been hidden under the house-roofs 
 of the city, a succession of various human types are 
 presented, and, as in the case of La Bruyere, contem- 
 poraries attempted to identify these with actual living 
 persons. 
 
 In his remarkable satiric comedy 7'urcaret, and in his 
 realistic novel Gil Bias, Lesage enters into full pos- 
 session of his own genius. Turcaret, ou le Financier, was 
 completed early in 1708 ; the efforts of the financiers 
 to hinder its performance served in the end to enhance 
 its brief and brilliant success. The pitiless amasser of 
 wealth, Turcaret, is himself the dupe of a coquette, 
 who in her turn is the victim of a more contemptible 
 swindler. Lesage, presenting a fragment of the man- 
 ners and morals of his day, keeps us in exceedingly 
 ill company, but the comic force of the play lightens 
 the oppression of its repulsive characters. It is the 
 first masterpiece of the eighteenth -century comedie de 
 mceurs* 
 
 Much of Lesage's dramatic work was produced only 
 for the hour or the moment pieces thrown off, some- 
 times with brilliance and wit, for the Theatres de la Foire, 
 where farces, vaudevilles, and comic opera were popular. 
 They served to pay for the bread of his household. His 
 great comedy, however, a comedy in a hundred acts, is 
 the story of Gil Bias. Its composition was part of his
 
 268 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 employment during many years; the first volumes ap- 
 peared in 1715, the last volume in 1735. The question 
 of a Spanish original for the story is settled there was 
 none ; but from Spanish fiction and from Spanish history 
 Lesage borrowed what suited his purpose, without in any 
 way compromising his originality. To the picaresque 
 tales (ancj among these may be noted a distant precursor 
 of Gil Bias in the Francion of Charles Sorel) he added his 
 own humanity, and in place of a series of vulgar adven- 
 tures we are given a broad picture of social life ; the 
 comedy of manners and intrigue grows, as the author 
 proceeds, into a comedy of character, and to this some- 
 thing of the historical novel is added. The unity of the 
 book is found in the person of Gil Bias himself : he is far 
 from being a hero, but he is capable of receiving all im- 
 pressions ; he is an excellent observer of life, his temper 
 is bright, he is free from ill-nature ; we meet in him a 
 pleasant companion, and accompany him with sympathy 
 through the amusing Odyssey of his varied career. 
 
 As a moralist Lesage is the reverse of severe, but he is 
 far from being base. " All is easy and good-humoured," 
 wrote Sir Walter Scott, " gay, light, and lively ; even the 
 cavern of the robbers is illuminated with a ray of that wit 
 with which Lesage enlightens his whole narrative. It is 
 a work which renders the reader pleased with himself 
 and with mankind, where faults are placed before him in 
 the light of follies rather than vices, and where misfor- 
 tunes are so interwoven with the ludicrous that we laugh 
 in the very act of sympathising with them." In the earlier 
 portion incidents preponderate over character ; in the 
 close, some signs of the writer's fatigue appear. Of 
 Lesage's other tales and translations, Le Bachelier de 
 Salamanque (1736) takes deservedly the highest rank.
 
 MARIVAUX 269 
 
 With PIERRE CARLET DE CHAMBLAIN DE MARIVAUX 
 (1688-1763) the novel ceases to be primarily a study of 
 manners or a romance of adventures; it becomes an 
 analysis of passions to which manners and adventures 
 are subordinate. As a journalist he may be said to have 
 proceeded from Addison ; by his novels he prepared the 
 way for Richardson and for Rousseau. His early tra- 
 vesties of Homer and of Fenelon's Telemaque seem to 
 indicate a tendency towards realism, but Marivaux's 
 realism took the form not so much of observation of 
 society in its breadth and variety as of psychological 
 analysis. If he did not know the broad highway of 
 the heart, he traversed many of its secret paths. His 
 was a feminine spirit, delicate, fragile, curious, uncon- 
 cerned about general ideas ; and yet, while untiring in 
 his anatomy of the passions, he was not truly passionate ; 
 his heart may be said to have been in his head. 
 
 In the opening of the eighteenth century there was a 
 revival of preciosity, which Moliere had never really 
 killed, and in the salon of Madame de Lambert, Marivaux 
 may have learned something of his metaphysics of love 
 and something of his subtleties or affectations of style. 
 He anticipates the sensibility of the later part of the 
 century ; but sensibility with Marivaux is not profound, 
 and it is relieved by intellectual vivacity. His con- 
 ception of love has in it not a little of mere gallantry. 
 Like later eighteenth-century writers, he at once exalts 
 "virtue," and indulges his fancy in a licence which does 
 not tend towards good morals or manners. His Vie de 
 Marianne (1731-41), which occupied him during many 
 years, is a picture of social life, and a study, sometimes 
 infinitely subtle, of the emotions of his heroine ; her 
 genius for coquetry is finely allied to her maiden pride ;
 
 270 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 the hypocrite, M. de Climal old angel fallen is a new 
 variety of the family of Tartufe. Le Paysan Parvenu 
 (1735-36), which tells of the successes of one whom 
 women favour, is on a lower level of art and of morals. 
 Both novels were left unfinished ; and while both attract, 
 they also repel, and finally weary the reader. 1 Their 
 influence was considerable in converting the romance 
 of adventures into the romance of emotional incident 
 and analysis. 
 
 The work of Marivaux for the stage is more important 
 than his work in prose fiction. His comedy has been 
 described as the tragedy of Racine transposed, with love 
 leading to marriage, not to death. Love is his central 
 theme sometimes in conflict with self-love and women 
 are his protagonists. He discovers passion in its germ, 
 and traces it through its shy developments. His plays are 
 little romances handled in dramatic fashion ; each records 
 some delicate adventure of the heart. He wrote much for 
 the Comedie-Italienne, where he did not suffer from the 
 tyranny of rules and models, and where his graceful 
 fancy had free play. Of his Urge repertoire, the most 
 admirable pieces are Le Jeu de I 1 Amour et du Hasard 
 (1730) and Les Fausses Confidences (1732). In the former 
 the heroine and her chambermaid exchange costumes ; 
 the hero and his valet make a like exchange ; yet love 
 is not misled, and heroine and hero find each other 
 through their disguises. In Les Fausses Confidences the 
 young widow Araminte is won to a second love in spite 
 of her resolve, and becomes the- happy victim of her 
 own tender heart and of the devices of her assailants. 
 The " marivaudage " of Marivaux is sometimes a refined 
 
 1 The twelfth part of Marianne is by Madam Riccoboni. Only five parts 
 of the Paysan are by Marivaux.
 
 THE ABBE PREVOST 271 
 
 and novel mode of expressing delicate shades and half- 
 shades of feeling ; sometimes an over-refined or over- 
 subtle attempt to express ingenuities of sentiment, and 
 the result is then frigid, pretentious, or pedantic. No 
 one excelled him in the art, described by Voltaire, of 
 weighing flies' eggs in gossamer scales. 
 
 The Abbe A.-F. PRVOST D'EXILES (1697-1763) is 
 remembered by a single tale of rare power and beauty, 
 Manon Lescaut, but his work in literature was voluminous 
 and varied. Having deserted his Benedictine monastery 
 in 1728, he led for a time an irregular and wandering life 
 in England and Holland ; then returning to Paris, he 
 gained a living by swift and ceaseless production for the 
 booksellers. In his journal, Le Pour et le Contre, he did 
 much to inform his countrymen respecting English 
 literature, and among his translations are those of Rich- 
 ardson's Pamela, Sir Charles Grandison, and Clarissa 
 Harlowe. Many of his novels are melodramatic narra- 
 tives of romantic adventure, having a certain kinship 
 to our later romances of Anne Radcliffe and Matthew 
 Gregory Lewis, in which horror and pity, blood and 
 tears abound. Sometimes, however, when he writes of 
 passion, w r e feel that he is engaged in no sport of the 
 imagination, but transcribing the impulsive speech of his 
 own tumultuous heart. The Memoires d'un Homme de 
 Qualite, Cleveland, Le Doyen de Killerine are tragic narra- 
 tives, in which love is the presiding power. 
 
 Manon Lescaut, which appeared in 1731, as an episode 
 of the first of these, is a tale of fatal and irresistible 
 passion. The heroine is divided in heart between her 
 mundane tastes for luxury and her love for the Cheva- 
 lier des Grieux. He, knowing her inconstancy and in- 
 firmity, yet cannot escape from the tyranny of the spell
 
 272 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 which has subdued him ; his whole life is absorbed and 
 lost in his devotion to Manon, and he is with her in 
 the American wilds at the moment of her piteous death. 
 The admirable literary style of Manon Lescaut is unfelt 
 and disappears, so directly does it bring us into contact 
 with the motions of a human heart. 
 
 In the second half of the eighteenth century, philosophy, 
 on the one hand, invaded the novel and the short tale ; 
 on the other hand it was invaded by a flood of sentiment. 
 An irritated and irritating sensuality could accommodate 
 itself either to sentiment or to philosophy. Voltaire's 
 tales are, in narrative form, criticisms of belief or opinion 
 which scintillate with ironic wit. His disciple, Mar- 
 montel, would "render virtue amiable" in his Contes 
 Moraux (1761), and cure the ravage of passion with a 
 canary's song. His more ambitious Belisaire seems to 
 a modern reader a masterpiece in the genre ennuyeux. 
 His Incas is exotic without colour or credibility. Florian, 
 with little skill, imitated the Incas and Telemaque, or was 
 feebly idyllic and conventionally pastoral as a follower of 
 the Swiss Gessner. Restif de la Bretonne could be gross, 
 corrupt, declamatory, sentimental, humanitarian in turns 
 or all together. Three names are eminent that of 
 Diderot, who flung his good and evil powers, mingling 
 and fermenting, into his novels as into all else ; that of 
 Rousseau, who interpreted passion, preached its re- 
 straints, depicted the charms of the domestic interior, 
 and presented the glories of external nature in La Nou- 
 velle Heloise ; that of Bernardin de Saint-Pierre, who 
 reaches a hand to Rousseau on the one side, and on the 
 other to Chateaubriand.
 
 CHAPTER II 
 
 MONTESQUIEU VAUVENARGUES VOLTAIRE 
 
 I 
 
 THE author of De I 'Esprit des Lois was as important in 
 the history of European speculation as in that of French 
 literature ; but inevitable changes of circumstances and 
 ideas have caused his influence to wane. His life was 
 one in which the great events were thoughts. Charles- 
 Louis de Secondat, Baron de MONTESQUIEU, was born 
 in 1689 at La Brede, near Bordeaux. After his years of 
 education by the Oratorians, which left him with some- 
 thing of scepticism in his intellect, and something of 
 stoicism in his character, he pursued legal studies, and in 
 1716 became President of the Parliament of Bordeaux. 
 The scientific researches of his day attracted him ; 
 investigating anatomy, botany, natural philosophy, the 
 history of the earth, he came to see man as a portion of 
 nature, or at least as a creature whose life is largely 
 determined by natural laws. With a temper of happy 
 serenity, and an admirable balance of faculties, he was 
 possessed by an eager intellectual curiosity. " I spend 
 my life," he said, "in examining; everything interests, 
 everything surprises me." 
 
 Nothing, however, interested him so much as the 
 phenomena of human society ; he had no aptitude for 
 
 273
 
 274 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 metaphysical speculations ; his feeling for literature and 
 art was defective ; he honoured the antique world, but it 
 was the Greek and Latin historians and the ideals of 
 Roman virtue and patriotism which most deeply moved 
 him. At the same time he was a man of his own genera- 
 tion, and while essentially serious, he explored the frivo- 
 lous side of life, and yielded his imagination to the licence 
 of the day. 
 
 With enough wit and enough wantonness to capture a 
 multitude of readers, the Lettres Persanes (1721) contain a 
 serious criticism of French society in the years of the 
 Regency. It matters little that the idea of the book may 
 have been suggested by the Siamese travellers of Du- 
 fresny's Amusements ; the treatment is essentially original. 
 Things Oriental were in fashion Galland had translated 
 the Arabian Nights (1704-1708) and Montesquieu de- 
 lighted in books of travel which told of the manners, 
 customs, religions, governments of distant lands. His 
 Persians, Usbek and Rica, one the more philosophical, 
 the other the more satirical, visit Europe, inform their 
 friends by letter of all the aspects of European and espe- 
 cially of French life, and receive tidings from Persia of 
 affairs of the East, including the troubles and intrigues 
 of the eunuchs and ladies of the harem. The spirit of the 
 reaction against the despotism of Louis XIV. is expressed 
 in Montesquieu's pages ; the spirit also of religious free- 
 thought, and the reaction against ecclesiastical tyranny. 
 A sense of the dangers impending over society is present, 
 and of the need of temperate reform. Brilliant, daring, 
 ironical, licentious as the Persian Letters are, the pre- 
 vailing tone is that of judicious moderation ; and already 
 something can be discerned of the large views and wise 
 liberality of the Esprit des Lois. The book is valuable
 
 MONTESQUIEU 275 
 
 to us still as a document in the social history of the 
 eighteenth century. 
 
 In Paris, Montesquieu formed many distinguished ac- 
 quaintances, among others that of Mdlle. de Clermont, 
 sister of the Duke de Bourbon. Perhaps it was in 
 homage to her that he wrote his prose-poem, which 
 pretends to be a translation from the Greek, Le Temple 
 de Guide (1725). Its feeling for antiquity is overlaid by 
 the artificialities, long since faded, of his own day 
 " naught remains," writes M. Sorel, " but the faint and 
 subtle perfume of a sachet long hidden in a rococo 
 cabinet." Although his publications were anonymous, 
 Montesquieu was elected a member of the Academy 
 in 1728, and almost immediately after this he quitted 
 France for a long course of travel throughout Europe, 
 undertaken with the purpose of studying the manners, 
 institutions, and governments of foreign lands. At 
 Venice he gained the friendship of Lord Chesterfield, 
 and they arrived together in England, where for nearly 
 two years Montesquieu remained, frequently hearing the 
 parliamentary debates, and studying the principles of 
 English politics in the writings of Locke. His thoughts 
 on government were deeply influenced by his admira- 
 tion of the British constitution with its union of freedom 
 and order attained by a balance of the various political 
 powers of the State. On Montesquieu's return to La 
 Brede he occupied himself with that great work which 
 resumes the observations and meditations of twenty 
 years, the Esprit des Lois. In the history of Rome, 
 which impressed his imagination with its vast moral, 
 social, and political significance, he found a signal 
 example of the causes which lead a nation to greatness 
 and the causes which contribute to its decline. The
 
 276 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 study made at this point of view detached itself from the 
 more comprehensive work which he had undertaken, and 
 in 1734 appeared his Considerations sur les Causes de la 
 Grandeur et de la Decadence des Remains. 
 
 Bossuet had dealt nobly with Roman history, but 
 in the spirit of a theologian expounding the course 
 of Divine Providence in human affairs. Montesquieu 
 studied the operation of natural causes. His know- 
 ledge, indeed, was incomplete, but it was the knowledge 
 afforded by the scholarship of his own time. The love 
 of liberty, the patriotic pride, the military discipline, the 
 education in public spirit attained by discussion, the 
 national fortitude under reverses, the support given to 
 peoples against their rulers, the respect for the religion 
 of conquered tribes and races, the practice of dealing 
 at one time with only a single hostile power, are pointed 
 out as contributing to the supremacy of Rome in the 
 ancient world. Its decadence is explained as the gradual 
 re. suit of its vast overgrowth, its civil wars, the loss of 
 patriotism among the soldiery engaged in remote pro- 
 vinces, the inroads of luxury, the proscription of citizens, 
 the succession of 'unworthy rulers, the division of the 
 Empire, the incursion of the barbarians; and in treating 
 this portion of his subject Montesquieu may be said to 
 be wholly original. A short Dialogue de Sylla et dEucrate 
 may be viewed as a pendant to the Considerations, dis- 
 cussing a fragment of the subject in dramatic form. 
 Montesquieu's desire to arrive at general truths some- 
 times led him to large conclusions resting on too slender 
 a basis of fact ; but the errors in applying his method 
 detract only a little from the service which he rendered 
 to thought in a treatment of history at least tending in 
 the direction of philosophic truth.
 
 THE ESPRIT DES LOIS 277 
 
 The whole of his mind almost the whole of his exist- 
 ence is embodied in the Esprit des Lois (1748). It lacks 
 the unity of a ruling idea ; it is deficient in construction, 
 in continuity, in cohesion ; much that it contains has 
 grown obsolete or is obsolescent ; yet in the literature of 
 eighteenth-century thought it takes, perhaps, the highest 
 place ; and it must always be precious as the self-reveal- 
 ment of a great intellect swift yet patient, ardent yet 
 temperate, liberal yet the reverse of revolutionary an 
 intellect that before all else loved the light. It lacks 
 unity, because its author's mind was many-sided, and 
 he would not suppress a portion of himself to secure a 
 factitious unity. Montesquieu was a student of science, 
 who believed in the potency of the laws of nature, and 
 he saw that human society is the product of, or at least 
 is largely modified by, natural law ; he was also a be- 
 liever in the power of human reason and human will, 
 an admirer of Roman virtue, a citizen, a patriot, and a 
 reformer. He would write the natural history of humajn 
 laws, exhibit the invariable principles from which they 
 proceed, and reduce the study of governments to a 
 science ; but at the same time he would exhibit how 
 society acts upon itself; he would warn and he would 
 exhort ; he would help, if possible, to create intelligent 
 and patriotic citizens. To these intentions we may 
 add another that of a criticism, touched with satire, of 
 the contemporary political and social arrangements of 
 France. 
 
 And yet again, Montesquieu was a legist, with some of 
 the curiosity of an antiquary, not without a pride in his 
 rank, interested in its origins, and desirous to trace the 
 history of feudal laws and privileges. The Esprit des 
 Lois is not a doctrinaire exposition of a theory, but the
 
 278 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 record of a varied life of thought, in which there are 
 certain dominant tendencies, but no single absolute idea. 
 The forms of government, according to Montesquieu, 
 are three republic (including both the oligarchical 
 republic and the democratic), monarchy, despotism. 
 Each of these structural arrangements requires a prin- 
 ciple, a moral spring, to give it force and action : the 
 popular republic lives by virtue of patriotism, public 
 spirit, the love of equality ; the aristocratic republic lives 
 by the spirit of moderation among the members of the 
 ruling class ; monarchy lives by the stimulus of honour, 
 the desire of superiority and distinction ; despotism draws 
 its vital force from fear ; but each of these principles 
 may perish through its corruption or excess. The laws 
 of each country, its criminal and civil codes, its system 
 of education, its sumptuary regulations, its treatment of 
 the relation of the sexes, are intimately connected with 
 the form of government, or rather with the principle 
 which animates that form. 
 
 Laws, under the several forms of government, are next 
 considered in reference to the power of the State for 
 purposes of defence and of attack. The nature of poli- 
 tical liberty is investigated, and the requisite separation 
 of the legislative, judicial, and administrative powers is 
 exhibited m the example set forth in the British con- 
 stitution. But political freedom must include the liberty 
 of the individual ; the rights of the citizen must be 
 respected and guaranteed ; and, as part of the regulation 
 of individual freedom, the levying and collection of taxes 
 must be studied. 
 
 From this subject Montesquieu passes to his theory, 
 once celebrated, of the influence of climate and the soil 
 upon the various systems of legislation, and especially
 
 THE ESPRIT DES LOIS 279 
 
 the influence of climate upon the slave system, the virtual 
 servitude of woman, and the growth of political despotism. 
 Over against the fatalism of climate and natural condi- 
 tions he sets the duty of applying the reason to modify 
 the influences of external nature by wise institutions, 
 National character, and the manners and customs which 
 are its direct expression, if they cannot be altered by 
 laws, must be respected, and something even of direc- 
 tion or regulation may be attained. Laws in relation to 
 commerce, to money, to population, to religion, are dealt 
 with in successive books. 
 
 The duty of religious toleration is urged from the point 
 of view of a statesman, while the discussions of theology 
 are declined. Very noteworthy is the humble remon- 
 strance to the inquisitors of Spain and Portugal ascribed 
 to a Jew of eighteen, who is supposed to have perished in 
 the last auto-da-fe. The facts of the civil order are not to 
 be judged by the laws of the religious order, any more 
 than the facts of the religious order are to be judged 
 by civil laws. Here the great treatise might have closed, 
 but Montesquieu adds what may be styled an historical 
 appendix in his study of the origin and development of 
 feudal laws. At a time when antiquity was little re- 
 garded, he was an ardent lover of antiquity ; at a time 
 when mediaeval history was ignored, he was a student of 
 the forgotten centuries. 
 
 Such in outline is the great work which in large 
 measure modified the course of eighteenth - century 
 thought. Many of its views have been superseded ; 
 its collections of facts are not critically dealt with ; its 
 ideas often succeed each other without logical sequence ; 
 but Montesquieu may be said to have created a method, 
 if not a science ; he brought the study of jurisprudence 
 19
 
 280 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 and politics, in the widest sense, into literature, laicising 
 and popularising the whole subject ; he directed history 
 to the investigation of causes ; he led men to feel the 
 greatness of the social institution ; and, while retiring 
 from view behind his work, he could not but exhibit, for 
 his own day and for ours, the spectacle of a great mind 
 operating over a vast field in the interests of truth, the 
 spectacle of a great nature that loved the light, hating 
 despotism, but fearing revolution, sane, temperate, wisely 
 benevolent. In years tyrannised over by abstract ideas, 
 his work remained to plead for the concrete and the his- 
 torical ; among men devoted to the absolute in theory 
 and the extreme in practice, it remained to justify the 
 relative, to demand a consideration of circumstances and 
 conditions, to teach men how large a field of reform lay 
 within the bounds of moderation and good sense. 
 
 The Esprit des Lois was denounced by Jansenists and 
 Jesuits; it was placed in the Index, but in less than two 
 years twenty-two editions had appeared, and it was trans- 
 lated into many languages. The author justified it bril- 
 liantly in his Defense of 1750. His later writings are of 
 small importance. With failing eyesight in his declining 
 years, he could enjoy the society of friends and the illumi- 
 nation of his great fame. He died tranquilly (1755) at 
 the age of sixty-six, in the spirit of a Christian Stoic. 
 
 II 
 
 The life of society was studied by Montesquieu ; the 
 inward life of the heart was studied by a young moralist, 
 whose premature loss was lamented with tender passion 
 by Voltaire.
 
 VAUVENARGUES 281 
 
 Luc de Clapiers, Marquis de VAUVENARGUES, though 
 neither a thinker nor a writer of the highest order, 
 attaches us by the beauty of his character as seen through 
 his half-finished work, more than any other author of the 
 earlier part of the eighteenth century. He was born 
 (1715) at Aix, in Provence, received a scanty education, 
 served in the army during more than ten years, retired 
 with broken health and found no other employment, 
 lived on modest resources, enjoyed the acquaintance of 
 the Marquis de Mirabeau and the friendship and high 
 esteem of Voltaire, and died in 1747, at the early age of 
 thirty-two. His knowledge of literature hardly extended 
 beyond that of his French predecessors of the seven- 
 teenth century. The chief influences that reached him 
 came from Pascal, Bossuet, and Fenelon. His learning 
 was derived from action, from the observation of men, 
 and from acquaintance with his own heart. 
 
 The writings of Vauvenargues are the fragmentary 
 Introduction a la Connaissance de r Esprit Humain, followed 
 by Reflexions et Maximes (1746), and a few short pieces 
 of posthumous publication. He is a moralist, who 
 studies those elements of character which tend to action, 
 and turns away from metaphysical speculations. His 
 early faith in Christianity insensibly declined and dis- 
 appeared, but his spirit remained religious ; he believed 
 in God and immortality, and he never became a militant 
 philosopher. He thought generously of human nature, 
 but without extravagant optimism. The reason, acting 
 alone, he distrusted ; he found the source of our 
 highest convictions and our noblest practice in the 
 emotions, in the heart, in the obscure depths of char- 
 acter and of nature. Here, indeed, is Vauvenargues' 
 originality. In an age of ill living, he conceived a
 
 282 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 worthy ideal of conduct ; in an age tending towards 
 an exaggerated homage to reason, he honoured the 
 passions : " Great thoughts come from the heart " ; " We 
 owe, perhaps, to the passions the greatest gains of the 
 intellect " ; " The passions have taught men reason." 
 
 Vauvenargues, with none of the violences of Rousseau's 
 temperament, none of the excess of his sensibility, by 
 virtue of his recognition of the potency of nature, of 
 the heart, may be called a precursor of Rousseau. Into 
 his literary criticism he carries the same tendencies : it 
 is far from judicial criticism ; its merit is that it is per- 
 sonal and touched with emotion. His total work seems 
 but a fragment, yet his life had a certain completeness ; 
 he knew how to act, to think, to feel, and after great 
 sufferings, borne with serenity, he knew how to die. 
 
 Ill 
 
 The movement of Voltaire's mind went with that of 
 the general mind of France. During the first half of the 
 century he was primarily a man of letters ; from about 
 1750 onwards he was the aggressive philosopher, the 
 social reformer, using letters as the vehicle of militant 
 ideas. 
 
 Born in Paris in 1694, the son of a notary of good 
 family, FRANCOIS - MARIE AROUET, who assumed the 
 name VOLTAIRE (probably an anagram formed from the 
 letters of Arouet l.j., that is le jeune), was educated by 
 the Jesuits, and became a precocious versifier of little 
 pieces in the taste of the time. At an early age he was 
 introduced to the company of the wits and fine gentle- 
 men who formed the sceptical and licentious Society of
 
 VOLTAIRE'S YOUTH 283 
 
 the Temple. Old Arouet despaired of his son, who was 
 eager for pleasure, and a reluctant student of the law. 
 A short service in Holland, in the household of the 
 French ambassador, produced no better result than a 
 fruitless love-intrigue. 
 
 Again in Paris, where he ill endured the tedium of an 
 attorney's office, Voltaire haunted the theatres and the 
 salons, wrote light verse and indecorous tales, planned 
 his tragedy CEdipe, and, inspired by old M. de Caumar- 
 tin's enthusiasm for Henri IV., conceived the idea of 
 his Hcnriade. Suspected of having written defamatory 
 verses against the Regent, he was banished from the 
 capital, and when readmitted was for eleven months, on 
 the suspicion of more atrocious libels, a prisoner in the 
 Bastille. Here he composed according to his own 
 declaration, in sleep the second canto of the Henriadc, 
 and completed his CEdipe, which was presented with 
 success before the close of 1718. The prisoner of the 
 Bastille became the favourite of society, and repaid 
 his aristocratic hosts by the brilliant sallies of his 
 conversation. 
 
 A second tragedy, A rtemire, afterwards recast as Mari- 
 amne, was ill received in its earlier form. Court pensions, 
 the death of his father, and lucky financial speculations 
 brought Voltaire independence. He travelled in 1722 to 
 Holland, met Jean-Baptiste Rousseau on the way, and 
 read aloud for his new acquaintance Le Pour et le Contre, 
 a poem of faith and unfaith faith in Deism, disbelief 
 in Christianity. The meeting terminated with untimely 
 wit at Rousseau's expense and mutual hostility. Unable 
 to obtain the approbation for printing his epic, after- 
 wards named La Henriade, Voltaire arranged for a secret 
 impression, under the title La Ligue, at Rouen (1723),
 
 284 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 whence many copies were smuggled into Paris. The 
 young Queen, Marie Lecszinska, before whom his 
 Mariamne and the comedy L Indiscrct were presented, 
 favoured Voltaire. His prospects were bright, when 
 sudden disaster fell. A quarrel in the theatre with the 
 Chevalier de Rohan, followed by personal violence at 
 the hands of the Chevalier's bullies, ended for Voltaire, 
 not with the justice which he demanded, but with his 
 own lodgment in the Bastille. When released, with 
 orders to quit Paris, he thought of his acquaintance 
 and admirer Bolingbroke, and lost no time in taking 
 refuge on English soil. 
 
 Voltaire's residence in England extended over three 
 years (1726-29). Bolingbroke, Peterborough, Chester- 
 field, Pope, Swift, Gay, Thomson, Young, Samuel Clarke 
 were among his acquaintances. He discovered the 
 genius of that semi -barbarian Shakespeare, but found 
 the only reasonable English tragedy in Addison's " Cato." 
 He admired the epic power of Milton, and scorned 
 Milton's allegory of Sin and Death. He found a 
 master of philosophy in Locke. He effected a partial 
 entrance into the scientific system of Newton. He read 
 with zeal the writings of those pupils of Bayle, the 
 English Deists. He honoured English freedom and 
 the spirit of religious toleration. In 1728 the Henriade 
 was published by subscription in London, and brought 
 the author prodigious praise and not a little pelf. He 
 collected material for his Histoire de Charles XII., and, 
 observing English life and manners, prepared the Lettres 
 Philosophiques, which were to make the mind of England 
 favourably known to his countrymen. 
 
 Charles XII., like La Ligne, was printed at Rouen, and 
 smuggled into Paris. The tragedies Brutus and riphyle,
 
 VOLTAIRE AT CIREY 285 
 
 both of which show the influence of the English drama, 
 were coldly received. Voltaire rose from his fall, and 
 produced Zaire (1732), a kind of eighteenth-century 
 French " Othello/' which proved a triumph ; it was 
 held that Corneille and Racine had been surpassed. In 
 1733 a little work of mingled verse and prose, the Temple 
 du Gotit, in which recent and contemporary writers were 
 criticised, gratified the self-esteem of some, and wounded 
 the vanity of a larger number of his fellow-authors. The 
 Lettres Philosophiques sur les Anglais, which followed, 
 were condemned by the Parliament to be burnt by 
 the public executioner. With other audacities of his 
 pen, the storm increased. Voltaire took shelter (1734) 
 in Champagne, at Cirey, the chateau of Madame du 
 Chatelet. 
 
 Voltaire was forty years of age ; Madame, a woman of 
 intellect and varied culture, was twelve years younger. 
 During fifteen years, when he was not wandering 
 abroad, Cirey was the home of Voltaire, and Madame 
 du Chatelet his sympathetic, if sometimes his exacting 
 companion. To this period belong the dramas Alzire, 
 Zulime, L' Enfant Prodigue, Mahomet, Merope, Nanine. 
 The divine Emilie was devoted to science, and Voltaire 
 interpreted the Newtonian philosophy to France or dis- 
 cussed questions of physics. Many admirable pieces of 
 verse ethical essays in the manner of Pope, lighter poems 
 of occasion, Le Mondain, which contrasts the golden age of 
 simplicity with the much more agreeable age of luxury, 
 and many besides were written. Progress was made with 
 the shameless burlesque on Joan of Arc, La Pucelle. In 
 Zadig Voltaire gave the first example of his sparkling tales 
 in prose. Serious historical labours occupied him after- 
 wards to be published the Siecle de Louis XIV. and the
 
 286 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 great Essai sur les Maurs. In 1746, with the support of 
 Madame de Pompadour, he entered the French Academy. 
 The death of Madame du Chatelet, in 1749, was a cruel 
 blow to Voltaire. He endeavoured in Paris to find con- 
 solation in dramatic efforts, entering into rivalry with the 
 aged Crebillon. 
 
 Among Voltaire's correspondents, when he dwelt at 
 Cirey, was the Crown Prince of Prussia, a royal pJiilo- 
 sophe and aspirant French poet. Royal flatteries were 
 not more grateful to Voltaire than philosophic and lite- 
 rary flatteries were to Frederick. Personal acquaintance 
 followed ; but Fredefick would not receive Madame du 
 Chatelet, and Voltaire would not desert his companion. 
 Now when Madame was dead, when the Pompadour 
 ceased from her favours to the poet, when Louis turned 
 his back in response to a compliment, Frederick was to 
 secure his philosopher. In July 1750 Voltaire was in- 
 stalled at Berlin. For a time that city was " the paradise 
 of philosophes" 
 
 The Siecle de Louis XIV. was published next year. 
 Voltaire's insatiable cupidity, his tricks, his tempers, his 
 vindictiveness, shown in the Diatribe du Docteur Akakia 
 (an embittered attack on Maupertuis), alienated the King; 
 when "the orange" of Voltaire's genius "was sucked" 
 he would " throw away the rind." With unwilling delays, 
 and the humiliation of an arrest at Frankfort, Voltaire 
 escaped from the territory of the royal " Solomon " (1753), 
 and attracted to Switzerland by its spirit of toleration, 
 found himself in 1755 tenant of the chateau which he 
 named Les Delices, near Geneva, his " summer palace," 
 and that of Monrion, his "winter palace," in the neigh- 
 bourhood of Lausanne. His pen was busy : the tragedy 
 L'Orphelin de la Chine, tales, fugitive verses, the poem on
 
 THE PATRIARCH OF FERNEY 287 
 
 the earthquake at Lisbon, with its doubtful assertion of 
 Providence as a slender counterpoise to the certainty of 
 innumerable evils in the world, pursued one another in 
 varied succession. Still keeping in his hands Les Delices, 
 he purchased in 1758 the chateau and demesne of Ferney 
 on French soil, and became a kind of prince and patriarch, 
 a territorial lord, wisely benevolent to the little com- 
 munity which he made to flourish around him, and at 
 the same time the intellectual potentate of Europe. 
 
 Never had his brain been more alert and indefatigable. 
 The years from 1760 to 1778 were years of incessant 
 activity. Tragedy, comedy, opera, epistles, satires, tales 
 in verse, La PucelleJ- Le Pauvre Diable (admirable in its 
 malignity), literary criticism, a commentary on Corneille 
 (published for the benefit of the great dramatist's grand- 
 niece), brilliant tales in prose, the Essdi sur les Mceurs et 
 F Esprit des Nations, the Histoire de I' Empire de Russie sous 
 Pierre le Grand, with other voluminous historical works, 
 innumerable writings in philosophy, in religious polemics, 
 including many articles of the Dictionnaire Philosophique, 
 in politics, in jurisprudence, a vast correspondence which 
 extended his influence over the whole of Europe these 
 are but a part of the achievement of a sexagenarian 
 progressing to become an octogenarian. 
 
 His work was before all else a warfare against in- 
 tolerance and in favour of free thought. The grand 
 enemy of intellectual liberty Voltaire saw in the super- 
 stition of the Church ; his word of command was 
 short and uncompromising Ecrasez I'Infdme. Jean 
 Calas, a Protestant of Toulouse, falsely accused of the 
 murder of his son, who was alleged to have been converted 
 to the Roman communion, was tortured and broken on 
 
 1 First authorised edition, 1762; surreptitiously printed, 1755.
 
 288 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 the wheel. Voltaire, with incredible zeal, took up the 
 victim's cause, and finally established the dead man's 
 innocence. Sirven, a Protestant, declared guilty of the 
 murder of his Roman Catholic daughter, was beggared 
 and banished ; Voltaire succeeded, after eight years, in 
 effecting the reversal of the sentence. La Barre was 
 tortured and decapitated for alleged impiety. Voltaire 
 was not strong enough to overpower the French magis- 
 tracy supported now by the French monarch. He 
 turned to Frederick with a request that he would 
 give shelter to a colony of pkilosophes, who should 
 through the printing-press make a united assault upon 
 FInfdme. 
 
 In the early days of 1778, Voltaire, urged by friends, 
 imprudently consented to visit Paris. His journey was 
 like a regal progress; his reception in the capital was an 
 overwhelming ovation. In March he was ailing, but he 
 rose from his bed, was present at a performance of his 
 Irene, and became the hero and the victim of extravagant 
 popular enthusiasm. In April he eagerly pleaded at the 
 French Academy for a new dictionary, and undertook 
 himself to superintend the letter A. In May he was 
 dangerously ill; on the 26th he had the joy of learning 
 that his efforts to vindicate the memory of the unfor- 
 tunate Count Lally were crowned with success. It was 
 Voltaire's last triumph ; four days later, unshriven and 
 unhouseled, he expired. Seldom had such a coil of elec- 
 trical energy been lodged within a human brain. His 
 desire for intellectual activity was a consuming passion. 
 His love of influence, his love of glory were boundless. 
 Subject to spasms of intensest rage, capable of malig- 
 nant trickery to gain his ends, jealous, mean, irreverent, 
 mendacious, he had yet a heart open to charity and pity,
 
 VOLTAIRE'S RULING IDEAS 289 
 
 a zeal for human welfare, a loyalty to his ruling ideas, 
 and a saving good sense founded upon his swift and 
 clear perception of reality. 
 
 Voltaire's mind has been described as "a chaos of 
 clear ideas." It is easy to point out the inconsistencies 
 of his opinions, yet certain dominant thoughts can be 
 distinguished amid the chaos. He believed in a God ; 
 the arrangements of the universe require a designer ; 
 the idea of God is a benefit to society if He did not 
 exist, He must be invented. But to suppose that the 
 Deity intervenes in the affairs of the world is super- 
 stition ; He rules through general laws His executive; 
 He is represented in the heart of man by His viceroy 
 conscience. The soul is immortal, and God is just ; 
 therefore let wrong-doers beware. In L' Histoire de Jenni 
 the youthful hero is perverted by his atheistic associates, 
 and does not fear to murder his creditor ; he is recon- 
 verted to theism, and becomes one of the best men in 
 England. As to the evil which darkens the world, we 
 cannot understand it ; let us not make it worse by vain 
 perplexities ; let us hope that a future life will right the 
 balance of things ; and, meanwhile, let us attend to the 
 counsels of moderation and good sense ; let the narrow 
 bounds of our knowledge at least teach us the lesson 
 of toleration. 
 
 Applied to history, such ideas lead Voltaire, in striking 
 contrast with Bossuet, to ignore the supernatural, to 
 eliminate the Providential order, and to seek the expla- 
 nation of events in human opinion, in human sentiments, 
 in the influence of great men, even in the influence of 
 petty accident, the caprice of sa Majeste le Hasard. In 
 the epoch of classical antiquity which Voltaire under- 
 stood ill man had advanced from barbarism to a con-
 
 290 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 dition of comparative well-being and good sense ; in the 
 Christian and mediaeval period there was a recoil and 
 retrogression ; in modern times has begun a renewed 
 advance. In fixing attention on the esprit et moeurs 
 of nations their manners, opinions, institutions, senti- 
 ments, prejudices Voltaire was original, and rendered 
 most important service to the study of history. Although 
 his blindness to the significance of religious phenomena 
 is a grave defect, his historical scepticism had its uses. 
 As a writer of historical narrative he is admirably lucid 
 and rapid ; nor should the ease of his narration conceal 
 the fact that he worked laboriously and carefully among 
 original sources. With his Charles XII., his Pierre le 
 Grand, his Sicde de Louis XIV., we may class the Hcn- 
 riade as a piece of history ; its imaginative power is not 
 that of an epic, but it is an interpretation of a fragment 
 of French history in the light of one generous idea 
 that of religious toleration. 
 
 Filled with destructive passion against the Church, 
 Voltaire, in affairs of the State, was a conservative. His 
 ideal for France was an intelligent despotism. But if a 
 conservative, he was one of a reforming spirit. He 
 pleaded for freedom in the internal trade of province 
 with province, for legal and administrative uniformity 
 throughout the whole country, for a reform of the magis- 
 tracy, for a milder code of criminal jurisprudence, for 
 attention to public hygiene. His programme was not 
 ambitious, but it was reasonable, and his efforts for the 
 general welfare have been justified by time. 
 
 As a literary critic he was again conservative. He 
 belonged to the classical school, and to its least liberal 
 section. He regarded literary forms as imposed from 
 without on the content of poetry, not as growing from
 
 VOLTAIRE'S DRAMATIC WORK 291 
 
 within ; passion and imagination he would reduce to 
 the strict bounds of uninspired good sense ; he placed 
 Virgil above Homer, and preferred French tragedy to 
 that of ancient Greece ; from his involuntary admiration 
 of Shakespeare he recoiled in alarm ; if he admired Cor- 
 neille, it was with many reservations. Yet his taste was 
 less narrow than that of some of his contemporaries ; he 
 had a true feeling for the genius of the French language; 
 he possessed, after the manner of his nation and his 
 time, le grand goilt ; he honoured Boileau ; he exalted 
 Racine in the highest degree ; and, to the praise of his 
 discernment, it may be said that he discovered Athalie. 
 
 The spectacular effects of Athalie impressed Voltaire's 
 imagination. In his own tragedies, while continuing the 
 seventeenth-century tradition, he desired to exhibit more 
 striking situations, to develop more rapid action, to 
 enhance the dramatic spectacle, to add local colour. 
 His style and speech in the theatre have the conven- 
 tional monotonous pomp, the conventional monotonous 
 grace, without poetic charm, imaginative vision, or those 
 flashes which spring from passionate genius. When, as 
 was frequently the case, he wrote for the stage to ad- 
 vocate the cause of an idea, to preach tolerance or pity, 
 he attained a certain height of eloquence. Whatever 
 sensibility there was in Voltaire's heart may be dis- 
 covered in Za'ire. Merope has the distinction of being 
 a tragedy from which the passion of love is absent ; its 
 interest rests wholly on maternal affection. Tancrede is 
 remarkable as an eighteenth -century treatment of the 
 chivalric life and spirit. The Christian temper of 
 tolerance and humanity is honoured in Alzire. 
 
 Voltaire's incomparable gift of satirical wit did not 
 make him a writer of high comedy : he could be gro-
 
 292 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 tesque without lightness or brightness. But when a 
 sentimental element mingles with the comic, and almost 
 obscures it, as in Nanine (a dramatised tale derived 
 from Richardson's Pamela), the verse acquires a grace, 
 and certain scenes an amiable charm. Nanine, indeed, 
 though in dramatic form, lies close to those tales in verse 
 in which Voltaire mingled happily his wisdom and his 
 wit. "The philosophy of Horace in the language of 
 La Fontaine, this," writes a critic, "is what we find 
 from time to time in Voltaire." In his lighter verses 
 of occasion, epigram, compliment, light mockery, half- 
 playful, half-serious sentiment, he is often exquisite. 
 
 No part of Voltaire's work has suffered so little at the 
 hands of time as his tales in prose. In his contributions 
 to the satire of human-kind he learned something from 
 Rabelais, something from Swift. It is the satire of good 
 sense impatient against folly, and armed with the darts 
 of wit. Voltaire does not esteem highly the wisdom of 
 human creatures : they pretend to knowledge beyond 
 their powers ; they kill one another for an hypothesis ; 
 they find ingenious reasons for indulging their base or 
 petty passions ; their lives are under the rule of sa 
 Majeste le Hasard. But let us not rage in Timon's 
 manner against the human race ; if the world is not 
 the best of all possible worlds, it is not wholly evil. Let 
 us be content to mock at the absurdity of the universe, 
 and at the diverting, if irritating, follies of its inhabitants. 
 Above all, let us find support in work, even though 
 we do not see to what it tends ; " II faut cultiver 
 notre jardin" such is Voltaire's word, and the final 
 word of Candide. With light yet effective irony, Vol- 
 taire preaches the lesson of good sense. When bitter, 
 he is still gay ; his sad little philosophy of existence is
 
 VOLTAIRE'S CORRESPONDENCE 293 
 
 uttered with an accent of mirth ; his art in satirical 
 narrative is perfect ; he is not resigned ; he is not 
 enraged ; he is indignant, but at the same time he 
 smiles ; there is always the last resource of blindly 
 cultivating our garden. 
 
 In Voltaire's myriad-minded correspondence the whole 
 man may be found his fire, his sense, his universal 
 curiosity, his wit, his malignity, his goodness, his Protean 
 versatility, his ruling ideas ; and one may say that the 
 whole of eighteenth-century Europe presses into the 
 pages. He is not only the man of letters, the student of 
 science, the philosopher ; he is equally interested in 
 politics, in social reform, in industry, in agriculture, in 
 political economy, in philology, and, together with these, 
 in the thousand incidents of private life.
 
 CHAPTER III 
 
 DIDEROT AND THE ENCYCLOPAEDIA- 
 PHILOSOPHERS, ECONOMISTS, CRITICS BUFFON 
 
 "WHEN I recall Diderot," wrote his friend Meister, "the 
 immense variety of his ideas, the amazing multiplicity of 
 his knowledge, the rapid flight, the warmth, the im- 
 petuous tumult of his imagination, all the charm and all 
 the disorder of his conversation, I venture to liken his 
 character to Nature herself, exactly as he used to con- 
 ceive her rich, fertile, abounding in germs of every sort 
 . . . without any dominating principle, without a master, 
 and without a God." No image more suitable could be 
 found ; and his works resemble the man, in their rich- 
 ness, their fertility, their variety, and their disorder. A 
 great writer we can hardly call him, for he has left no 
 body of coherent thought, no piece of finished art ; but 
 he was the greatest of literary improvisators. 
 
 DENIS DIDEROT, son of a worthy cutler of Langres, 
 was born in 1713. Educated by the Jesuits, he turned 
 away from the regular professions, and supported him- 
 self and his ill-chosen wife by hack-work for the Paris 
 booksellers translations, philosophical essays directed 
 against revealed religion, stories written to suit the appe- 
 tite for garbage. From deism he advanced to atheism. 
 
 294
 
 THE ENCYCLOPEDIA 295 
 
 Arguing in favour of the relativity of human knowledge 
 in his Lettre stir les Avcugles (1749), he puts his plea for 
 atheism into the lips of an English man of science, but 
 the device did not save him from an imprisonment of 
 three months. 
 
 In 1745 the booksellers, contemplating a translation of 
 the English "Cyclopaedia" of Chambers, appliedto Diderot 
 for assistance. He readily undertook the task, but could 
 not be satisfied with a mere translation. In a Prospectus 
 (1750) he indicated the design of the "Encyclopaedia" 
 as he conceived it : the order and connection of the 
 various branches of knowledge should be set forth, and 
 in dictionary form the several sciences, liberal arts, and 
 mechanical arts should be dealt with by experts. The 
 homage which he rendered to science expressed the mind 
 of his time ; in the honour paid to mechanical toil and 
 industry he was in advance of his age, and may be called 
 an organiser of modern democracy. At his request 
 JEAN LE ROND D'ALEMBERT (1717-83) undertook the 
 direction of the mathematical articles, and wrote the 
 Discours Preliminaire, which classified the departments 
 of human knowledge on the basis of Bacon's concep- 
 tions, and gave a survey of intellectual progress. It was 
 welcomed with warm applause. The aid of Voltaire, 
 Montesquieu, Rousseau, Buffon, Turgot, Quesnay, and 
 a host of less illustrious writers was secured ; but the 
 vast enterprise excited the alarms of the ecclesiastical 
 party; the Jesuits were active in rivalry and opposition ; 
 Rousseau deserted and became an enemy ; D'Alembert, 
 timid, and a lover of peace, withdrew. In 1759 the 
 privilege of publication was revoked, but the Govern- 
 ment did not enforce its own decree. Through all 
 difficulties and dangers Diderot held his ground. One
 
 296 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 day he wrote a fragment of the history of philosophy ; 
 the next he was in a workshop examining the con- 
 struction of some machine : nothing was too great 
 or too small for his audacity or his patience. To 
 achieve the work, tact was needed as well as courage ; 
 at times he condescended to disguise his real opinions, 
 striving to weather the storm by yielding to it. In 1765 
 his gigantic labours were substantially accomplished, 
 though the last plates of the Encyclopedic were not issued 
 until 1772. When all was finished, the scientific move- 
 ment of the century was methodised and popularised; 
 a barrier against the invasion of the past was erected ; 
 the rationalist philosophy, with all its truths and all its 
 errors, its knowledge and its ignorance, had obtained its 
 Summa. 
 
 But, besides this co-operative work, Diderot did much, 
 and in many directions, single-handed, flinging out his 
 thoughts with ardent haste, and often leaving what he 
 had written to the mercies of chance ; a prodigal sower 
 of good and evil seed. Several of his most remarkable 
 pieces came to light, as it were, by accident, and long 
 after his death. His novel La Religieuse influenced 
 to some extent by Richardson, whom he supersti- 
 tiously admired is a repulsive exposure of conventual 
 life as it appeared to him, and of its moral disorder. 
 Jacques le Fataliste, in which the manner is coarsely 
 imitated from Sterne, a book ill- composed and often 
 malodorous, contains, among its heterogeneous tales, one 
 celebrated narrative, the Histoire de Mme. de la Pom- 
 meraye, relating a woman's base revenge on a faithless 
 lover. If anything of Diderot's can ba named a master- 
 piece, it is certainly Le Neveu de Rameau, a satire and 
 a character-study of the parasite, thrown into the form
 
 DIDEROT AS A CRITIC 297 
 
 of dialogue, which he handled with brilliant success ; 
 it remained unknown until the appearance of a German 
 version (1805), made by Goethe from a manuscript 
 copy. 
 
 In his Salons, Diderot elevated and enlarged the criti- 
 cism of the pictorial art in France. His eye for colour 
 and for contour was admirable ; but it is less the 
 technique of paintings that he studies than the sub- 
 jects, the ideas, and the moral significance. Such 
 criticism may be condemned as literary rather than 
 artistic ; it was, however, new and instructive, and did 
 much to quicken the public taste. Diderot pleaded 
 for a return to nature in the theatre ; for a bourgeois 
 drama, domestic tragedy and serious comedy, touched 
 with pathos, studied from real life, and inspired by a 
 moral purpose ; for the presentation on the stage of 
 "conditions" rather than individual types that is, of 
 character as modified by social environments and the 
 habits which they produce. He maintained that the 
 actor should rather possess than be possessed by his 
 theme, should be the master rather than the slave of 
 his sensibility. 
 
 The examples of dramatic art which Diderot gave in 
 his own plays ; the Pere de Famille and the Fils Naturel, 
 are poor affectations of a style supposed to be natural, 
 and are patently doctrinaire in their design, laboured 
 developments of a moral thesis. One piece in which 
 he paints himself, Est-il bon ? Est-il mechant ? and this 
 alone, falls little short of being admirable, and yet it 
 fails of true success. 
 
 A coherent system of thought cannot be found in 
 Diderot's writings, but they are pregnant with ideas. 
 He is deist, pantheist, atheist ; he is a materialist one,
 
 298 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 however, who conceives matter not as inert, but quick 
 with force. He is edifying and sincere in his morality; 
 and presently his morals become the doctrines of an 
 anarchical licence. All the ideas of his age struggle 
 within him, and are never reduced to unity or har- 
 mony ; light is never separate in his nature from heat, 
 and light and warmth together give rise to thoughts 
 which are sometimes the anticipations of scientific 
 genius ; he almost leaps forward to some of the con- 
 clusions of Darwin. His great powers and his inces- 
 sant energy were not directed to worldly prosperity. 
 Diderot was never rich. The Empress Catherine of 
 Russia magnificently purchased his library, and en- 
 trusted him with the books, as her librarian, providing 
 a salary which to him was wealth. He travelled to St. 
 Petersburg to thank her in person for her generous 
 and delicate gift. But her imperial generosity was not 
 greater than his own ; he was always ready to lavish 
 the treasures of his knowledge and thought in the 
 service of others ; no small fragment of his work was 
 a free gift to his friends, and passed under their name ; 
 Holbach and Raynal were among his debtors. 
 
 His correspondence presents a vivid image of the man 
 and of the group of philosophers to which he belonged ; 
 the letters addressed to Mdlle. Volland, to whom he was 
 devotedly attached during many years, are frank be- 
 trayals of his character and his life. Her loss saddened 
 his last days, but the days of sorrow were few. In 
 July 1784, Diderot died. His reputation and influence 
 were from time to time enhanced by posthumous pub- 
 lications. Other writers of his century impressed their 
 own personalities more distinctly and powerfully upon 
 society ; no other writer mingled his genius so com-
 
 THE PHILOSOPHICAL MOVEMENT 299 
 
 pletely with external things, or responded so fully and 
 variously to the stimulus of the spirit of his age. 
 
 II 
 
 The French philosophical movement the " Illumina- 
 tion " of the eighteenth century, proceeds in part from 
 the empiricism of Locke, in part from the remarkable 
 development of physical and natural science ; it incor- 
 porated the conclusions of English deism, and advanced 
 from deism to atheism. An intellectual centre for the 
 movement was provided by the Encyclopedic; a social 
 centre was found in Parisian salons. It was sustained 
 and invigorated by the passion for freedom and for 
 justice asserting itself against the despotism and abuses 
 of government and against the oppressions and abuses 
 of the Church. The opposing forces were feeble, incom- 
 petent, disorganised. The methods of government were, 
 in truth, indefensible ; religion had surrendered dogma, 
 and lost the austerity of morals ; within the citadel of 
 the Church were many professed and many secret allies 
 of the philosophers. 
 
 While in England an apologetic literature arose, pro- 
 found in thought and adequate in learning, in France no 
 sustained resistance was offered to the inroad of free 
 thought. Episcopal fulminations rolled like stage thun- 
 der; the Bastille and Vincennes were holiday retreats 
 for fatigued combatants ; imprisonment was tempered 
 with cajoleries ; the censors of the press connived with 
 their victims. The Chancellor D'AGUESSEAU (1668-1751), 
 an estimable magistrate, a dignified orator, maintained 
 the old seriousness of life and morals, and received the
 
 300 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 reward of exile. The good ROLLIN (1661-1741) dictated 
 lessons to youth drawn from antiquity and Christianity, 
 narrated ancient history, and discoursed admirably on a 
 plan of studies with a view to form the heart and mind ; 
 an amiable Christian Nestor, he was not a man-at-arms. 
 The Abbe Guenee replied to Voltaire with judgment, 
 \vit ; and erudition, in his Lettres de quelques Juifs (1769), 
 but it was a single victory in a campaign of many battles. 
 The satire of Gilbert, Le Dix-huitieme Siecle, is rudely 
 vigorous ; but Gilbert was only an angry youth, disap- 
 pointed of his fame. Freron, the "Wasp" (frclori) of 
 Voltaire's UEcossaise, might sting in his Annc'e Littc'raire, 
 but there were sharper stings in satire and epigram 
 which he must endure. Palissot might amuse the thea- 
 trical spectators of 1760 with his ridiculous philosophers; 
 the Philosopher was taken smilingly by Voltaire, and was 
 sufficiently answered by Morellet's pamphlet end the 
 bouts-rimes of Marmontel or Piron. The Voltairomanie 
 of Desfontaines is only the outbreak of resentment of 
 the accomplished and disreputable Abbe against a bene- 
 factor whose offence was to have saved him from the 
 galleys. 
 
 The sensationalist philosophy is inaugurated by JULIEN 
 OFFRAY DE LA METTRIE (1709-51) rather than by Con- 
 dillac. A physician, making observations on his own 
 case during an attack of fever, he arrived at the con- 
 clusion that thought is but a result of the mechanism 
 of the body. Man is a machine more ingeniously 
 organised than the brute. All ideas have their origin 
 in sensation. As for morals, they are not absolute, but 
 relative to society and the State. As for God, perhaps 
 He exists, but why should we worship this existence 
 more than any other ? The law of our being is to
 
 THE SENSATIONALIST SCHOOL 301 
 
 seek happiness ; the law of society is that we should 
 not interfere with the happiness of others. The pleasure 
 of the senses is not the only pleasure, but it has the 
 distinction of being universal to our species. 
 
 La Mettrie, while opposing the spiritualism of Des- 
 cartes, is more closely connected with that great thinker, 
 through his doctrine that brutes are but machines, than 
 with Locke. It is from Locke though from Locke muti- 
 latedthat ETIENNE BONNOT DE CONDILLAC (1715-80) 
 proceeds. All ideas are sensations, but sensations trans- 
 formed. Imagine a marble statue endowed successively 
 with the several human senses ; it will be seen how 
 perceptions, consciousness, memory, ideas, comparison, 
 judgment, association, abstraction, pleasure, desire are 
 developed. The ego is but the bundle of sensations 
 experienced or transformed and held in recollection. 
 Yet the unity of the ego seems to argue that it is not 
 composed of material particles. Condillac's doctrine is 
 sensationalist, but not materialistic. Condillac's disciple, 
 the physician Cabanis (1757-1808), proceeded to investi- 
 gate the nature of sensibility itself, and to develop the 
 physiological method of psychology. The unnecessary 
 soul which Condillac preserved was suppressed by 
 Destutt de Tracy (1754-1836) ; his ideology was no 
 more than a province of zoology. 
 
 The morals of the sensationalist school were expressed 
 by CLAUDE-ADRIEN HELVETIUS (1715-71), a worthy 
 and benevolent farmer-general. The motive of all our 
 actions is self-love, that tendency which leads us to seek 
 for pleasure and avoid pain ; but, by education and 
 legislation, self-love can be guided and trained so that 
 it shall harmonise with the public good. It remained 
 for a German acclimatised to Paris to compile the full
 
 302 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 manifesto of atheistic materialism. At Holbach's hos- 
 pitable table the philosophers met, and the air was 
 charged with ideas. To condense these into a system 
 was Holbach's task. Diderot, Lagrange, Naigeon may 
 have lent their assistance, but PAUL-HEXRY THIRY, 
 BARON D'HOLBACH (1723-89) must be regarded as sub- 
 stantially the author of the Systeme de la Nature (1770), 
 which the title-page prudently attributed to the deceased 
 Mirabaud. What do we desire but that men should be 
 happy, just, benevolent ? That they may become so, it 
 is necessary to deliver them from those errors on which 
 political and spiritual despotism is founded, from the 
 chains of tyrants and the chimeras of priests, and to 
 lead them back from illusions to nature, of which man 
 is a part. We find everywhere matter and motion, a 
 chain of material causes and effects, nor can we find 
 aught beside these. An ever - circulating system of 
 motions connects inorganic and organic nature, fire 
 and air and plant and animal ; free-will is as much 
 excluded as God and His miraculous providence. The 
 soul is nothing but the brain receiving and transmitting 
 motions j morals form a department of physiology. 
 Religions and governments, as they exist, are based on 
 error, and drive men into crime. But though Holbach 
 " accommodated atheism," as Grimm puts it, " to cham- 
 bermaids and hairdressers," he would not hurry forward 
 a revolution. All will come in good time ; in some 
 happier day Nature and her daughters Virtue, Reason, 
 and Truth will alone receive the adoration of mankind. 1 
 Among the friends of Holbach and Helvetius was 
 
 1 The Swiss naturalist Charles Bonnet (i7 2O ~93) endeavoured to recon- 
 cile his sensationalism with a religious faith and a private interpretation of 
 Christianity.
 
 VOLNEY: CONDORCET 303 
 
 C.-F. de Chassebceuf, Count de VOLNEY (1757-1820), 
 who modified and developed the ethics of Helvetius. 
 An Orientalist by his studies, he travelled in Egypt and 
 Syria, desiring to investigate the origins of ancient reli- 
 gions, and reported what he had seen in colourless but 
 exact description. In Les Ruines, ou Meditations sur les 
 Revolutions des Empires, he recalls the past like " an Arab 
 Ossian," monotonous and grandiose, and expounds the 
 history of humanity with cold and superficial analysis 
 clothed in a pomp of words. His faith in human 
 progress, founded on nature, reason, and justice, sus- 
 tained Volney during the rise and fall of the Girondin 
 party. 
 
 A higher and nobler spirit, who perished in the Revolu- 
 tion, but ceased not till his last moment to hope and 
 labour for the good of men, was J.-A.-N. de Caritat, 
 Marquis de CONDORCET (^743-94). Illustrious in mathe- 
 matical science, he was interested by Turgot in political 
 economy, and took a part in the polemics of theology. 
 While lying concealed from the emissaries of Robespierre 
 he wrote his Esquisse d'un Tableau Historique des Progres 
 de F Esprit. Humain. It is a philosophy of the past, and 
 almost a hymn in honour of human perfectibility. The 
 man-statue of Condillac, receiving, retaining, distinguish- 
 ing, and combining sensations, has gradually developed, 
 through nine successive epochs, from that of the hunter 
 and fisher to the citizen of 1789, who comprehends the 
 physical universe with Newton, human nature with Locke 
 and Condillac, and society with Turgot and Rousseau. In 
 the vision of the future, with its progress in knowledge 
 and in morals, its individual and social improvement, its 
 lessening inequalities between nations and classes, the 
 philosopher finds his consolation for all the calamities of
 
 304 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 the present age. Condorcet died in prison, poisoned, it 
 is believed, by his own hand. 
 
 The economists, or, as Dupont de Nemours named 
 them, the physiocrats, formed a not unimportant wing 
 of the philosophic phalanx, now in harmony with the 
 Encyclopaedic party, now in hostility. The sense of the 
 misery of France was present to many minds in the 
 opening of the century, and with the death of Louis 
 XIV. came illusive hopes of amelioration. The Abb6 
 de Saint- Pierre (1658-1743), filled with ardent zeal for 
 human happiness, condemned the government of the 
 departed Grand Monarch, and dreamed of a perpetual 
 peace ; among his dreams arose projects for the im- 
 provement of society which were justified by time. Bois- 
 guillebert, and Vauban, marshal of France and military 
 engineer, were no visionary spirits ; they pleaded for a 
 serious consideration of the general welfare, and espe- 
 cially the welfare of the agricultural class, the wealth- 
 producers of the community. To violate economic laws, 
 Boisguillebert declared, is to violate nature ; let govern- 
 ments restrain their meddling, and permit natural forces 
 to operate with freedom. 
 
 Such was the doctrine of the physiocratic school, of 
 which FRANCOIS QUESNAY (1694-1774) was the chief. 
 Let human institutions conform to nature ; enlarge the 
 bounds of freedom ; give play to the spirit of individual- 
 ism ; diminish the interference of government " laissez 
 faire, laissez passer." l Agriculture is productive, let its 
 burdens be alleviated ; manufactures are useful but 
 " sterile " : honour, therefore, above all, to the tiller of the 
 
 1 This phrase had been used by Boisguillebert and by the Marquis d'Ar- 
 genson before Gournay made it a power. On D'Argenson (1694-1757), whose 
 Considerations surlt Gouvernement de la France were not published until 1764, 
 see the study by Mr. Arthur Ogle (1893).
 
 THE PHYSIOCRATS 305 
 
 fields, who hugs nature close, and who enriches human- 
 kind ! The elder Mirabeau "ami des hommes" 
 who had anticipated Quesnay in some of his views, and 
 himself had learnt from Cantillon, met Quesnay in 1757, 
 and thenceforth subordinated his own fiery spirit, as far 
 as that was possible, to the spirit of the master. From the 
 physiocrats Gournay and Quesnay the noble-minded 
 and illustrious TURGOT (1727-81) derived many of those 
 ideas of reform which he endeavoured to put into 
 action when intendant of Limoges, and later, when 
 Minister of Finance. By his Reflexions sur la Formation 
 et la Distribution des Richesses, Turgot prepared the way 
 for Adam Smith. 
 
 In 1770 the Abbe Galiani, as alert of brain as he was 
 diminutive of stature, attacked the physiocratic doctrines 
 in \ws>*Dialogues sur le Commerce des Ble's, which Plato and 
 Moliere so Voltaire pronounced had combined to 
 write. The refutation of the Dialogues by Morellet was 
 the result of no such brilliant collaboration, and Galiani, 
 proposed that his own unstatuesque person should be 
 honoured by a statue above an inscription, declaring 
 that he had wiped out the economists, who were sending 
 the nation to sleep. The fame of his Dialogues was 
 perhaps in large measure due to the party-spirit of the 
 Encyclopaedists, animated by a vivacious attack upon 
 the physiocrats. The book was applauded, but reached 
 no second edition. 
 
 An important body of articles on literature was 
 contributed to the Encyclope'die by JEAN - FRANCOIS 
 MARMOXTEL. As early as 1719 a remarkable study 
 in aesthetics had appeared the Reflexions Critiques sur 
 la Poesie et la Peinture, by the Abbe Dubos. Art is 
 conceived as a satisfaction of the craving for vivid
 
 306 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 sensations and emotions apart from the painful con- 
 sequences which commonly attend these in actual 
 life. That portion of Dubos' work which treats of 
 "physical causes in the progress of art and literature," 
 anticipates the views of Montesquieu on the influence of 
 climate, and studies the action of environment on the 
 products of the imagination. In 1746 Charles Batteux, 
 in his treatise Les Beaux-Arts re"duits a un meme Principe, 
 defined the end of art as the imitation of nature not 
 indeed of reality, but of nature in its actual or possible 
 beauty ; of nature not as it is, but as it may be. The 
 articles of Marmontel, revised and collected in the six 
 volumes of his Elements de Literature (1787), were full 
 of instruction for his own time, delicate and just in 
 observation, as they often were, if not penetrating or 
 profound. In his earlier Pottique Fran^aise "a petard," 
 said Mairan, " laid at the doors of the Academy to blow 
 them up if they should not open " he had shown him- 
 self strangely disrespectful towards the fame of Racine, 
 Boileau, and the poet Rousseau. 
 
 The friend of Marmontel, Antoine-Leonard Thomas 
 (1732-85), honourably distinguished by the dignity of 
 his character and conduct, a composer of Eloges on 
 great men, somewhat marred by strain and oratorical 
 emphasis, put his best work into an Essai sur les 
 Eloges. At a time when Bossuet was esteemed below 
 his great deserts, Thomas almost alone recognised his 
 supremacy in eloquence. As the century advanced, and 
 philosophy developed its attack on religion and govern- 
 ments, the classical tradition in literature not only 
 remained unshaken, but seemed to gain in authority. 
 The first lieutenant of Voltaire, his literary "son," 
 LAHARPE (1739-1803) represents the critical temper of
 
 LAHARPE: GRIMM 307 
 
 the time. In 1786 he began his courses of lectures at 
 the Lycee, before a brilliant audience composed of 
 both sexes. For the first time in France, instruction 
 in literature, not trivial and not erudite, but suited to 
 persons of general culture, was made an intellectual 
 pleasure. For the first time the history of 'literature 
 was treated, in its sequence from Homer to modern 
 times, as a totality. Laharpe's judgments of his con- 
 temporaries were often misled by his bitterness of 
 spirit ; his mind was not capacious, his sympathies were 
 not liberal ; his knowledge, especially of Greek letters, 
 was defective. But he knew the great age of Louis XIV., 
 and he felt the beauty of its art. No one has written 
 with finer intelligence of Racine than he in his Lycc'e, ou 
 Cours de Litter ature. As the Revolution approached he 
 sympathised with its hopes and fears ; the professor 
 donned the bonnet rouge. The storm which burst 
 silenced his voice for a time ; in 1793 he suffered im- 
 prisonment ; and when he occupied his chair again, 
 it was a converted Laharpe who declaimed against 
 philosophers, republicans, and atheists, the tyrants of 
 reason, morals, art and letters. 
 
 The finest and surest judgment in contemporary litera- 
 ture was that of a gallicised German MELCHIOR GRIMM 
 (1723-1807). As Laharpe was bound in filial loyalty-to 
 Voltaire, so Grimm was in fraternal attachment to the 
 least French of eighteenth-century French authors 
 Diderot. From a basis of character in which there was 
 a measure of Teutonic enthusiasm and romance, his 
 intellect rose clear, light, and sure, with no mists of sen- 
 timent about it, and no clouds of fancy. During thirty- 
 seven years, as a kind of private journalist, he furnished 
 princely and royal persons of Germany, Russia, Sweden,
 
 308 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 Poland, with " Correspondence/' which reflected as from 
 a mirror all the lights of Paris to the remote North and 
 East. His own philosophy, his political views, were 
 cheerless and arid; but he could judge the work of 
 others generously as well as severely. No one of his 
 generation so intelligently appreciated Shakespeare ; no 
 one more happily interpreted Montaigne. By swift 
 aperqu, by criticism, by anecdote, by caustic raillery, or 
 serious record, he makes the intellectual world of his 
 day pass before us and expound its meanings. The 
 Revolution, the dangers of which he divined early, 
 drove him from Paris. In bidding it farewell he wished 
 that he were in his grave. 
 
 Ill 
 
 Buffon, whose power f wing was great, and who did 
 not love the heat and dust of combat, soared smoothly 
 above the philosophic strife. Born in 1707, at Mont- 
 bard, in Burgundy, GEORGE - Louis LECLERC, created 
 Comte de BUFFON by Louis XV., fortunate in the 
 possession of riches, health, and serenity of heart and 
 brain, lived in his domestic circle, apart from the coteries 
 of Paris, pursuing with dignity and infinite patience his 
 proper ends. The legend describes him as a pompous 
 Olympian even in his home ; in truth, if he was 
 majestic like a marshal of France, as Hume describes 
 him he was also natural, genial, and at times gay. His 
 appointment, in 1739, as intendant of the Royal Garden, 
 now the Jardin des Plantes, turned his studies from 
 mathematical science to natural history. 
 
 The first volumes of his vast Histoire Naturelle ap-
 
 BUFFON 309 
 
 peared in 1749 ; aided by Daubenton and others, he 
 was occupied with the succeeding volumes during forty 
 years, until death terminated his labours in 1788. The 
 defects of his work are obvious its want of method, 
 its disdain of classification, its abuse of hypotheses, its 
 humanising of the animal world, its pomp of style. But 
 the progress of science, which lowered the reputation 
 of Buffon, has again re-established his fame. Not a few 
 of his disdained hypotheses are seen to have been the 
 divinations of genius ; and if he wrote often in the 
 ornate, classical manner, he could also write with a 
 grave simplicity. 
 
 In his Discours de Reception, pronounced before the 
 French Academy in 1753, he formulated his doctrine of 
 literary style, insisting that it is, before all else, the mani- 
 festation of order in the evolution of ideas ; ideas alone 
 form the basis and inward substance of style. Rejecting 
 merely abstract conceptions as an explanation of natural 
 phenomena, viewing classifications as no more than a 
 convenience of the human intellect, refusing to regard 
 final causes as a subject of science, he envisaged nature 
 with a tranquil and comprehensive gaze, and with some- 
 thing of a poet's imagination. He perceived that the 
 globe, in its actual condition, is the result of a long 
 series of changes, and thereby he gave an impulse to 
 sound geological study ; he expounded the geography 
 of species, and almost divined the theory of their trans- 
 formation or variability ; he recognised in some degree 
 the struggle for existence and the survival of the fittest; 
 he regarded man as a part of nature, but as its noblest 
 part, capable of an intellectual and moral progress which 
 is not the mere result of physical laws. 
 
 Whatever may have been Buffon's errors as . a thinker,
 
 3io FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 he enlarged the bounds of literature by annexing the 
 province of natural history as Montesquieu had annexed 
 that of political science. His vision of the universe was 
 unclouded by passion, and part of its grandeur is derived 
 from this serenity. He studied and speculated with 
 absolute freedom, prepared to advance from his own 
 ideas to others more in accordance with observed pheno- 
 mena. " He desired to be," writes a critic, " and almost 
 became, a pure intelligence in presence of eternal things." 
 How could he concern himself with the strifes and passions 
 of a day to whom the centuries were moments in the 
 vast process of evolving change ? In Andr6 Chenier he 
 found a disciple who would fain have been the Lucretius 
 of the new system of nature.
 
 CHAPTER IV 
 
 ROUSSEAU BE AUMARCHAIS BE RNARDIN DE 
 SAINT-PIERREANDRE CHENIER 
 
 I 
 
 JEAN-JACQUES ROUSSEAU the man is inseparable from 
 Rousseau the writer ; his works proceed directly from 
 his character and his life. Born at Geneva in 1712, he 
 died at Ermenonville in 1778. His childhood was fol- 
 lowed by years of vagabondage. From 1732, the date of 
 his third residence with Madame de Warens, until 1741, 
 though his vagabondage did not wholly cease, he was 
 collecting his powers and educating his mind with studies 
 ardently pursued. During nine subsequent years in 
 Paris, in Venice, and elsewhere, he was working his way 
 towards the light ; it was the period of his gayer writings, 
 ballet, opera, comedy, and of the articles on music con- 
 tributed to the Encyclopedic : he had not yet begun to 
 preach and prophesy to his age. The great fourth period 
 of his life, from 1749 to 1762, includes all his master- 
 pieces except the Confessions. From 1762 until his death, 
 while his temper grew darker and his reason was dis- 
 turbed, Rousseau was occupied with apologetic and 
 autobiographic writings. 
 
 His mother died in giving birth to Jean-Jacques. His 
 father, a watchmaker, filled the child's head with the 
 
 21 3"
 
 312 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 follies of romances, which they read together, and gave 
 him through Plutarch's Lives a sense of the exaltations 
 of virtue. The boy's feeling for nature was quickened 
 and fostered in the garden of the pastor of Bossey. From 
 a notary's office, where he seemed an incapable fool, he 
 passed under the harsh rule of an engraver of watches, 
 learning the vices that grow from fear. At sixteen he 
 fled, and found protection at Annecy, under Madame de 
 Warens, a young and comely lady, recently converted 
 to the Roman communion, frank, kind, gay, and as 
 devoid of moral principles as any creature in the Natural 
 History. Sent to Turin for instruction, Rousseau re- 
 nounced his Protestant faith, and soon after found in 
 the good Abbe Gaime the model in part of his Savoyard 
 vicar. Some experience of domestic service was fol- 
 lowed by a year at Annecy, during which Rousseau's 
 talent as a musician was developed. From eighteen to 
 twenty he led a wandering life "starved, feasted, de- 
 spaired, was happy." Rejoining Madame de Warens 
 at Chambery in 1732, he interested himself in music, 
 physics, botany, and was more and more drawn to- 
 wards the study of letters. He methodised his reading 
 (1738-41), and passionately pursued a liberal system of 
 self-education, literary, scientific, and philosophical. 
 
 Rousseau's relations with his bonne maman, Madame de 
 Warens, had been troubled by the latest of her other loves. 
 In 1741 he set off for Paris, bearing with him the manu- 
 script of a new system of musical notation, which was 
 offered to the Academic des Sciences, and was declared 
 neither new nor useful for instrumentalists. An experi- 
 ment in life as secretary to the French Ambassador at 
 Venice closed, after fourteen months, with his abrupt dis- 
 missal. Again in Paris, Rousseau obtained celebrity by
 
 ROUSSEAU'S EARLY WRITINGS 313 
 
 his operas and comedies, was received in the salons, and 
 associated joyously with Diderot, Marmontel, and Grimm. 
 He arranged his domestic life by taking an illiterate and 
 vulgar drudge, Therese Le Vasseur, for his companion ; 
 their children were abandoned to the care of the Found- 
 ling Hospital. 
 
 In 1749 Diderot was a prisoner at Vincennes. Rous- 
 seau, on the road to visit his friend, read in the Mercure 
 de France that the Academy of Dijon had proposed as 
 the subject for a prize to be awarded next year the ques- 
 tion, " Has the progress of arts and sciences contributed 
 to purify morals ? " Suddenly a tumult of ideas arose in 
 his brain and overwhelmed him ; it was an ecstasy of the 
 intellect and the passions. With Diderot's encourage- 
 ment he undertook his indictment of civilisation; in 1750 
 the Discours sur les Sciences et les Arts was crowned. In 
 accordance with his theory he proceeded to simplify his 
 own life, intensifying his self-consciousness by singu- 
 larities of assumed austerity, and playing the part (not 
 wholly a fictitious one) of a moral reformer. Famous 
 as author of the Discours and the opera Le Devin de 
 Village, presented before the King, he returned to his 
 native Switzerland, and there re-entered the Protestant 
 communion. In 1754 he again competed for a prize 
 at Dijon, on the question, "What is the origin of in- 
 equality among men, and is it authorised by the law of 
 nature ? " Rousseau failed to obtain the prize, but the 
 Discours sur I Inegalite was published (1755) with a 
 dedication to the Republic of Geneva. He had dis- 
 covered in private property the source of all the evils 
 of society. 
 
 In Switzerland Rousseau prepared a first redaction of 
 his political treatise, the Contrat Social, and filled his
 
 314 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 heart with the beauty of those prospects which form an 
 environment for the lovers in his Helo'ise. In 1756 he was 
 established, through the kindness of Madame d'Epinay, 
 in the Hermitage, near the borders of the forest of Mont- 
 morency. His delight in the woods and fields was great; 
 his delight in Madame d'Houdetot, kinswoman of his 
 hostess, was a more troubled passion. Quarrels with 
 Madame d'Epinay, quarrels with Grimm and Diderot, 
 estrangement from Madame d'Houdetot, closed the scene 
 at the Hermitage. 
 
 Authorship, however, had its joys and consolations. 
 The Lettre a D'Alembert, a censure of the theatre (1758), 
 was succeeded by La Nouvelle Helo'ise (1761), by the 
 Contrat Social (1762), and mile (1762). The days at 
 Montmorency which followed his departure from the 
 Hermitage passed in calm. With the publication of 
 Jennie the storms began again. The book, condemned 
 by the Sorbonne, was ordered by the Parliament to be 
 burnt by the common executioner. Rousseau escaped 
 imprisonment by flight. In Switzerland he could not 
 settle near Voltaire. A champion for the doctrine of a 
 providential order of the world, an enemy of the stage 
 especially in republican Geneva Rousseau had flung 
 indignant words against Voltaire, and Voltaire had tossed 
 back w r ords of bitter scorn. Geneva had followed Paris 
 in its hostility towards Rousseau's recent publications ; 
 whose doing could it be except Voltaire's ? He fled from 
 his persecutors to Metiers, where the King of Prussia's 
 governor afforded him protection. Renewed quarrels 
 with his countrymen, clerical intolerance, mob violence, 
 an envenomed pamphlet from Voltaire, once more drove 
 him forth. He took refuge on an island in the lake of 
 Bienne, only to be expelled by the authorities of Berne.
 
 ROUSSEAU'S CHARACTER 
 
 315 
 
 Encouraged by Hume "le bon David" he arrived in 
 January 1766 in London. 
 
 At Wootton, in the Peak of Derbyshire, Rousseau pre- 
 pared the first five books of his Confessions. Within a little 
 time he had assured himself that Hume was joined with 
 D Alembert and Voltaire in a triumvirate of persecutors 
 to defame his character and render him an outcast ; the 
 whole human race had conspired to destroy him. Again 
 Rousseau fled, sojourned a year at Trye-Chateau under 
 an assumed name, and after wanderings hither and 
 thither, took refuge in Paris, where, living meanly, he 
 completed his Confessions, wrote other eloquent pieces 
 of self-vindication, and relieved his morbid cerebral 
 excitement by music and botanising rambles. The hos- 
 pitality of M. de Girardin at Ermenonville was gladly 
 accepted in May 1778 ; and there, on July 2, he suddenly 
 died ; suicide was surmised ; the seizure was probably 
 apoplectic. 
 
 Rousseau was essentially an idealist, but an idealist 
 whose dreams and visions were inspired by the play 
 of his sensibility upon his intellect and imagination, 
 and therefore he was the least impersonal of thinkers. 
 Generous of heart, he was filled with bitter suspicions; 
 inordinately proud, he nursed his pride amid sordid 
 realities; cherishing ideals of purity and innocence, he 
 sank deep in the mire of imaginative sensuality; effemi- 
 nate, he was also indomitable; an uncompromising opti- 
 mist, he saw the whole world lying in wickedness ; a 
 passionate lover of freedom, he aimed at establishing 
 the most unqualified of tyrannies ; among the devout 
 he was a free-thinker, among the philosophers he was the 
 sentimentalist of theopathy. He stands apart from his 
 contemporaries : they did homage to the understand-
 
 316 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 ing ; he was the devotee of the heart : they belonged 
 to a brilliant society; he was elated, suffered, brooded, 
 dreamed in solitude : they were aristocratic, at least 
 by virtue of the intellectual culture which they repre- 
 sented ; he was plebeian in his origin, and popular in 
 his sympathies. 
 
 He became a great writer comparatively late in life, 
 under the compulsion of a ruling idea which lies at the 
 centre of all his more important works, excepting such 
 as are apologetic and autobiographical : Nature has 
 made man good and happy ; society has made him evil 
 and miserable. Are we, then, to return to a state of 
 primitive savagery ? No : society cannot retrograde. 
 But in many ways we can ameliorate human life by 
 approximating to a natural condition. 
 
 In the Discours sur les Sciences et les Arts, the Discours 
 sur I' Inegalite, and the Lettre a D' Alernbert sur les Spec- 
 tacles, Rousseau pleads against the vices, the artificiality, 
 the insincerities, the luxuries, the false refinements, the 
 factitious passions, the dishonest pleasures of modern 
 society. " You make one wish," wrote Voltaire, " to 
 walk on all fours." By nature all men are born free 
 and equal ; society has rendered them slaves, and im- 
 pounded them in classes of rich and poor, powerful and 
 weak, master and servant, peasant and peer. Rousseau's 
 conception of the primitive state of nature, and the origin 
 of society by a contract, may not be historically exact 
 this he admits ; nevertheless, it serves well, he urges, as 
 a working hypothesis to explain the present state of 
 things, and to point the way to a happier state. It 
 exhibits property as the confiscation of natural rights ; 
 it justifies the sacred cause of insurrection ; it teaches 
 us to honour man as man, and the simple citizen more
 
 THE CONTRAT SOCIAL 317 
 
 than the noble, the scientific student, or the artist. Plain 
 morals are the only safe morals. We are told that the 
 theatre is a school of manners, purifying the passions; 
 on the contrary, it irritates and perverts them ; or it 
 offers to ridicule the man of straightforward virtue, as 
 Moliere was not ashamed to do in his Misanthrope. 
 
 Having developed his destructive criticism against 
 society as it is, Rousseau would build up. In the Contrat 
 Social he would show how freedom and government may 
 be conciliated ; how, through the arrangements of society, 
 man may in a certain sense return to the law of nature. 
 " Man is born free, and everywhere he is in chains ; " yet 
 social order, Rousseau declares, is sacred. Having re- 
 signed his individual liberty by the social pact, how may 
 man recover that liberty ? By yielding his individual 
 rights absolutely to a self-governing community of which 
 he forms a part. The volonte generate, expressing itself 
 by a plurality* of votes, resumes the free-will of every 
 individual. If any person should resist the general will, 
 he thereby sacrifices his true freedom, and he must be 
 " forced to be free." Thus the dogma of the sovereignty 
 of the people is formulated by Rousseau. Government 
 is merely a delegation of power made by the people as 
 sovereign for the uses of the people as subjects. In 
 Rousseau's system, if the tyranny of the majority 
 be established without check or qualification, at least 
 equality is secured, for, in the presence of the sove- 
 reign people and its manifested will, each individual is 
 reduced to the level of all his fellows. 
 
 La Nouvelle Helotse, in the form of a romance, con- 
 siders the purification of domestic manners. Richard- 
 son's novels are followed in the epistolary style of 
 narration, which lends itself to the exposition of senti-
 
 318 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 ment. The story is simple in its incidents. Saint- 
 Preux's crime of passion against his pupil Julie 
 resembles that of Abelard against Eloisa. Julie, like 
 Eloisa, has been a consenting party. Obedient to her 
 father's will, 'Julie marries Wolmar. In despair Saint- 
 Preux wanders abroad. Wolmar offers him his friend- 
 ship and a home. The lovers meet, are tried, and do 
 not yield to the temptation. Julie dies a victim to her 
 maternal devotion, and not too soon "Another day, 
 perhaps, and I were guilty ! " 
 
 In 1757 Rousseau conceived the design of his romance. 
 It might have been coldly edifying had not the writer's 
 consuming passion for Madame d'Houdetot, awakening 
 all that he had felt as the lover of Madame de Warens, 
 filled it with intensity of ardour. In the first part of the 
 romance, passion asserts the primitive rights of nature; 
 in the second part, those rights are shown to be no longer 
 rights in an organised society. But the idfeal of domestic 
 life exhibited is one far removed from the artificialities 
 of the world of fashion : it is a life of plain duties, patri- 
 archal manners, and gracious beneficence. Rousseau 
 the moralist is present to rebuke Rousseau the senti- 
 mentalist ; yet the sentimentalist has his own persuasive 
 power. The emotion of the lovers is reinforced by the 
 penetrating influences of the beauty of external nature ; 
 and both are interpreted with incomparable harmonies 
 of style and poignant lyrical cries, in which the violin 
 note outsoars the orchestra. 
 
 A reform of domestic life must result in a reform of 
 education. Rousseau's ideal of education, capable of 
 adaptations and modifications according to circumstances, 
 is presented in his mile. How shall a child be formed 
 in accordance, not with the vicious code of an artificial
 
 ROUSSEAU ON EDUCATION 319 
 
 society, but in harmony with nature ? Rousseau traces 
 the course of Smile's development from birth to adult 
 years. Unconstrained by swaddling-bands, suckled by 
 his mother, the child enjoys the freedom of nature, and 
 at five years old passes into the care of his father or 
 his tutor. During the earlier years his education is to 
 be negative: let him be preserved from all that is false 
 or artificial, and enter upon the heritage of childhood, 
 the gladness of animal life, vigorous delights in sun- 
 shine and open air ; at twelve he will hardly have 
 opened a book, but he will have been in vital relation 
 with real things, he will unconsciously have laid the 
 foundations of wisdom. When the time for study 
 comes, that study should be simple and sound no 
 Babel of words, but a wholesome knowledge of things ; 
 he may have learnt little, but he will know that little 
 aright ; a sunrise will be his first lesson in cosmography ; 
 he may watch the workman in his workshop ; he may 
 practise the carpenter's trade ; he may read Robin- 
 son Crusoe, and learn the lesson of self-help. Let him 
 ask at every moment, " What is the good of this ? " 
 Unpuzzled by questions of morals, metaphysics, history, 
 he will have grown up laborious, temperate, patient, 
 firm, courageous. 
 
 At fifteen the passions are awake ; let them be gently 
 and wisely guided. Let pity, gratitude, benevolence be 
 formed within the boy's heart, so that the self-regarding 
 passions may fall into a subordinate place. To read 
 Plutarch is to commune with noble spirits ; to read 
 Thucydides is almost to come into immediate contact 
 with facts. The fables of La Fontaine will serve as a 
 criticism of the errors of the passions. 
 
 And now Emile, at eighteen, may learn the sublime
 
 320 
 
 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 mysteries of that faith which is professed by Rousseau's 
 Savoyard vicar. A Will moves the universe and animates 
 nature ; that Will, acting through general laws, is guided 
 by supreme intelligence ; if the order of Providence be 
 disturbed, it is only through the abuse of man's free- 
 will ; the soul is immaterial and survives the body ; con- 
 science is the voice of God within the soul ; " dare to 
 confess God before the philosophers, dare to preach 
 humanity before the intolerant ; " God demands no other 
 worship than that of the heart. With such a preparation 
 as this. Emile may at length proceed to aesthetic culture, 
 and find his chief delight in those writers whose genius 
 has the closest kinship to nature. Finally, in Sophie, 
 formed to be the amiable companion and helpmate of 
 man, Emile should find a resting-place for his heart. 
 Alas, if she should ever betray his confidence ! 
 
 The Confessions, \vith its sequels in the Dialogues, ou 
 Rousseau juge de Jean-Jacques, and the Reveries du Pro- 
 meneur Solitaire, constitute an autobiographical romance. 
 The sombre colours of the last six Books throw out the 
 livelier lights and shades of the preceding Books. While 
 often falsifying facts and dates, Rousseau writes with all 
 the sincerity of one who was capable of boundless self- 
 deception. He will reserve no record of shame and vice 
 and humiliation, confident that in the end he must appear 
 the most virtuous of men. As the utterance of a soul 
 touched and thrilled by all the influences of nature and 
 of human life, the Confessions affects the reader like a 
 musical symphony in which various movements are in- 
 terpreted by stringed and breathing instruments. If 
 Rousseau here is less of the prophet than in his other 
 writings, he is more of the great enchanter. Should a 
 moral be drawn from the book, the author would have
 
 INFLUENCE OF ROUSSEAU 321 
 
 us learn that nature has made man good, that society 
 has the skill to corrupt him, and finally that it is in his 
 power to refashion himself to such virtue as the world 
 most needs and most impatiently rejects. 
 
 The influence of Rousseau cannot easily be over-esti- 
 mated. He restored the sentiment of religion in an age 
 of abstract deism or turbid materialism. He inaugurated 
 a moral reform. He tyrannised over France in the 
 person of his disciple Robespierre. He emancipated the 
 passions from the domination of the understanding. He 
 liberated the imagination. He caught the harmonies of 
 external nature, and gave them a new interpretation. 1 
 He restored to French prose, colour, warmth, and the 
 large utterance which it had lost. He created a literature 
 in which all that is intimate, personal, lyrical asserted 
 its rights, and urged extravagant claims. He overthrew 
 the classical ideal of art, and enthroned the ego in its 
 room. 
 
 II 
 
 The fermentation of ideas was now quickened by the 
 new life of passion passion social and democratic as the 
 days of Revolution approached ; passion also personal 
 and private, which, welcomed as a sacred fire, too often 
 made the inmost being of the individual a scene of 
 agitating and desolating conflict. 
 
 The Abbe Raynal (1713-96) made his Histoire des Deux 
 Indes a receptacle not only for just views and useful 
 
 1 Among writers who fostered the new feeling for external nature, Ramond 
 (1755-1827), who derived his inspiration, partly scientific, partly imaginative, 
 from the Swiss Alps and the Pyrenees, deserves special mention.
 
 322 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 information, but for every extravagance of thought and 
 sentiment. " Insert into my book," he said to his brother 
 philosophers, " everything that you choose against God, 
 against religion, and against government." In the third 
 edition appears a portrait of the author, posing theatri- 
 cally, with the inscription, "To the defender of humanity, 
 of truth, of liberty ! " The salons caught the temper of 
 the time. Voltairean as they were, disposed to set down 
 Rousseau as an enthusiast or a charlatan, they could 
 not resist the invasion of passion or of sensibility. It 
 mingled with a swarm of incoherent ideas and gave 
 them a new intensity of life. The incessant play of 
 intellect flashed and glittered for many spirits over a 
 moral void ; the bitter, almost misanthropic temper 
 of Chamfort's maxims and pensees may testify to the 
 vacuity of faith and joy ; sentiment and passion came 
 to fill the void; to desire, to love, to pity, to suffer, to 
 weep, was to live the true life of the heart. 
 
 Madame du Deffand (1697-1780) might oppose the 
 demon of ennui with the aid of a cool temperament 
 and a brilliant wit ; at sixty -eight, whatever ardour 
 had been secretly stored up in her nature escaped to 
 lavish itself half-maternally on Horace Walpole. Her 
 young companion and reader, who became a rival and 
 robbed her salon of its brilliance, Mdlle. de Lespinasse 
 (17327-76) might cherish a calm friendship for D'Alem- 
 bert. When M. de Guibert came to succeed M. de 
 Mora in her affections, she poured out the lava torrent 
 of passion in those Letters which have given her a place 
 beside Sappho and beside Eloisa. Madame Roland in 
 her girlhood had been the ardent pupil of Rousseau, 
 whose Nouvelle Httoise was to her as a revelation from 
 heaven. The first appearance in literature of Madame
 
 BEAUMARCHAIS 323 
 
 Necker's amazing daughter was as the eulogist of 
 Rousseau. 
 
 The intellect untouched by emotion may be aristo- 
 cratic ; passion and sentiment have popular and demo- 
 cratic instincts. " The Revolution was already in action," 
 said Napoleon, "when in 1784 Beaumarchais's Manage 
 de Figaro appeared upon the stage." If Napoleon's 
 words overstate the fact, we may at least name that 
 masterpiece of comedy a symptom of the coming ex- 
 plosion, or even, in Sainte-BeuVe's words, an armed 
 Fronde. 
 
 Pierre-Augustin Caron, who took the name of BEAU- 
 MARCHAIS (1732-99), son of a watchmaker of Paris, was 
 born under a merry star, with a true genius for comedy, 
 yet his theatrical pieces were only the recreations of a 
 man of affairs a demon of intrigue determined to build 
 up his fortune by financial adventures and commercial 
 enterprises. Suddenly in 1774-75 he leaped into fame. 
 Defeated in a trial in which his claim to fifteen thousand 
 livres was disputed, Beaumarchais, in desperate circum- 
 stances, made his appeal to public opinion in four 
 Memoires, which admirably united seriousness, gaiety, 
 argument, irony, eloquence, and dramatic talent. " I 
 am a citizen," he cried " that is to say, something wholly 
 new, unknown, unheard of in France. I am a citizen 
 that is to say, what you should have been two hundred 
 years ago, what perhaps you will be twenty years hence." 
 The word "citizen" sounded strange in 1774; it was 
 soon to become familiar. 
 
 Before this incident Beaumarchais had produced two 
 dramas, Eugenie and Les Deux Amis, of the tearful, senti- 
 mental, bourgeois type, yet with a romantic tendency, 
 which distinguishes at least Eugenie from the bourgeois
 
 324 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 drama of Diderot and of Sedaine. The failure of the 
 second may have taught their author the wisdom of 
 mirth ; he abandoned his high dramatic principles to 
 laugh and to evoke laughter. Le Barbier de Seville, de- 
 veloped from a comic opera to a comedy in five acts, 
 was given, after long delays, in 1775. The spectators 
 manifested fatigue ; instantly the play reappeared in four 
 acts, Beaumarchais having lost no time in removing the 
 fifth wheel from his carriage. It delighted the public 
 by the novelty of its abounding gaiety, a gaiety full and 
 free, yet pointed with wit, a revolving firework scattering 
 its dazzling spray. The old comic theme of the amorous 
 tutor, the charming pupil, the rival lover, adorned with 
 the prestige of youth, the intriguing attendant, was 
 renewed by a dialogue which was alive with scintillating 
 lights. 
 
 From the success of the Barbier sprang Le Mariage 
 de Figaro. Completed in 1778, the royal opposition to its 
 performance was not overcome until six years afterwards. 
 By force of public opinion the watchmaker's son had 
 triumphed over the King. The subject of the play is of 
 a good tradition a daring valet disputes the claim of a 
 libertine lord to the possession of his betrothed. Spanish 
 colour and Italian intrigue are added to the old mirth of 
 France. From Regnard the author had learnt to en- 
 tangle a varied intrigue ; from Lesage he borrowed his 
 Spanish costumes and decoration Figaro himself is a 
 Gil Bias upon the stage ; in Marivaux he saw how women 
 may assert themselves in comic action with a bright 
 audacity. The Mariage de Figaro resumes the past ; it 
 depicts the present, as a social satire, and a painting of 
 manners ; it conveys into art the experience, the spirit, 
 the temerity of Beaumarchais's adventurous life as a man
 
 THE MARRIAGE OF FIGARO 325 
 
 of the world ; it creates characters Almaviva, Suzanne, 
 Figaro himself, the budding Che'rubin. It is at the same 
 time or, rather, became through its public reception 
 a pamphlet in comedy which announces the future ; 
 it ridicules the established order with a sprightly in- 
 solence ; it pleads for social equality ; it exposes the 
 iniquity of aristocratic privilege, the venality of justice, 
 the greed of courtiers, the chicanery of politicians. 
 Figaro, since he appeared in " The Barber of Seville," has 
 grown somewhat of a moralist and a pedant; he must 
 play the part of censor of society, he must represent the 
 spirit of independent criticism, he must maintain the 
 cause of intelligence against the authority of rank and 
 station. Beaumarchais may have lacked elevation and 
 delicacy, but he knew his craft as a dramatist, and left a 
 model of prose comedy from which in later years others 
 of his art and mystery made profitable studies. He 
 restored mirth to the stage ; he rediscovered theatrical 
 intrigue ; he created a type, which was Beaumarchais 
 himself, and was also the lighter genius of France ; he 
 was the satirist of society ; he was the nimble-feathered 
 bird that foretells the storm. 
 
 Ill 
 
 BERNARDIN DE SAINT-PIERRE connects Rousseau with 
 Chateaubriand and the romantic school of the nine- 
 teenth century. The new feeling for external nature 
 attained through him a wider range, embracing the 
 romance of tropic lands ; it acquired an element of the 
 exotic ; at the same time, descriptive writing became 
 more vivid and picturesque, and the vocabulary for the
 
 326 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 purposes of description was enlarged. He added to 
 French literature a tale in which human passion and 
 the sentiment of nature are fused together by the magic 
 of genius ; he created two figures which live in the 
 popular imagination, encircled with a halo of love and 
 sorrow. 
 
 Born at Havre in 1737, Bernardin, through his ima- 
 gination, was an Utopian visionary, an idyllic dreamer ; 
 through his temper, an angry disputant with society. 
 His life was a fantastic series of adventures. Having 
 read as a boy the story of Crusoe, and listened to the 
 heroic record of the travels and sufferings of Jesuit 
 missionaries, his fancy caught fire ; he would seek some 
 undiscovered island in mid-ocean, he would found some 
 colony of the true children of nature, far from a corrupt 
 civilisation, peaceable, virtuous, and free. 
 
 In France, in Russia, he was importunate in urging 
 his extravagant designs upon persons of influence. 
 When the French Government in 1767 commissioned 
 him to work in Madagascar, he believed that his dream 
 was to come true, but a rude awakening and the accus- 
 tomed quarrels followed. He landed on the Isle of 
 France, purposing to work as an engineer, and there 
 spent his days in gazing at the sea, the skies, the 
 mountains, the tropical forests. All forms and colours 
 and sounds and scents impressed themselves on his 
 brain, and were transferred to his collection of notes. 
 When, on returning to Paris, he published (1773) his 
 Voyage a I 1 lie de France, the literature of picturesque 
 description may be said to have been founded. Already 
 in this volume his feeling for nature is inspired by an 
 emotional theism, and is burdened by his sentimental 
 science, which would exhibit a fantastic array of evi-
 
 BERNARDIN DE SAINT-PIERRE 327 
 
 dences of the designs for human welfare of an amiable 
 and ingenious Author of nature. Before the book 
 appeared, Bernardin had made the acquaintance of 
 Rousseau, then living in retirement, tormented by his 
 diseased suspicions and cloudy indignations. To his 
 new disciple Rousseau was in general gracious, and they 
 rambled together, botanising in the environs of Paris. 
 
 For a time Bernardin himself was in a condition bor- 
 dering upon insanity ; but the crisis passed, and he 
 employed himself on the Etudes de la Nature, which 
 appeared in three volumes in 1784. The tale of Paul 
 et Virginie was not included; for when the author had 
 read it aloud, though ladies wept, the sterner auditors had 
 been contemptuous ; Thomas slumbered, and Buffon 
 called for his carriage. The Etudes accumulate the 
 grotesque notions of Bernardin with reference to final 
 causes in nature : nature is benevolent and harmo- 
 nious ; society is corrupt and harsh ; scientific truth 
 is to be discovered by sentiment, and not by reason ; 
 the whole universe is planned for the happiness of 
 man ; the melon is large because it was designed for 
 the family ; the pumpkin is larger, because Providence 
 intended that it should be shared with our neighbours. 
 Providence, indeed, in a sceptical and mocking gene- 
 ration, suffered cruelly at the hands of its advocate. 
 Yet Bernardin conveyed into his book a feeling of the 
 rich and obscure life and energy of nature ; his de- 
 scriptive power is admirable. " He desired," says M. 
 Barine, " to open the door for Providence to enter ; in 
 fact he opened the door for the great Pan," and in 
 this he was a precursor of much that followed in 
 literature. 
 
 Bernardin's fame was now established. In .the senti- 
 22
 
 328 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 mental reaction against the dryness of sceptical philo- 
 sophy, in the return to a feeling for the poetical aspect 
 of things, he was looked upon as a leader. In the 
 fourth volume of Etudes (1788) he had courage to print 
 the tale of Paul et Virginie. It is an idyll of the tropics, 
 written with the moral purpose of contrasting the bene- 
 ficent influence of nature and of feeling with the dangers 
 and evils of civilised society and of the intellect. The 
 children grow up side by side in radiant innocence and 
 purest companionship ; then passion makes its invasion 
 of their hearts. The didactic commonplaces and the 
 faded sentimentalities of the idyll may veil, but cannot 
 hide, the genuine power of those pages which tell of the 
 modest ardours of first love. An element of melodrama 
 mingles with the tragic close. Throughout we do more 
 than see the landscape of the tropics : we feel the life 
 of external nature throbbing in sympathy with human 
 emotion. Something was gained by Bernardin from the 
 Daphnis and Chloe of Longus in the motives and the 
 details of his story, but it is essentially his own. It had 
 a resounding success, and among its most ardent admirers 
 was Napoleon. 
 
 Bernardin married at fifty-five, and became the father 
 of a Paul and a Virginie. On the death of his wife, whom 
 he regarded as a faithful housekeeper, he married again, 
 and his life was divided between the devotion of an old 
 man's love and endless quarrels with his colleagues of 
 the Institut. His later writings added nothing to his 
 fame. La Chaumiere Indienne the story of a pariah 
 who learns wisdom from nature and from the heart 
 has a certain charm, but it lacks the power of the better 
 portions of Paul et Virginie. The Harmonies de la Nature 
 is a feeble reflection of the Etudes. Chateaubriand, to
 
 THE REVIVAL OF ANTIQUITY 329 
 
 whom Bernardin was personally known, gave a grudging 
 recognition of the genius of his precursor. Lamartine, 
 in after years, was a more generous disciple. In January 
 1814 Bernardin died, murmuring the name of God; 
 among the great events of the time his death was almost 
 unnoticed. 
 
 IV 
 
 In the second half of the eighteenth century, aided by 
 the labours of the Academic des Inscriptions et Belles- 
 Lettres, came a revival of the study of antiquity and of 
 the sentiment for classical art. The Count de Caylus 
 (1692-1765), travelling in Italy and the East with the 
 enthusiasm of an archaeologist, presented in his writings 
 an ideal of beauty and grace which was new to sculptors 
 and painters of the time. The discovery of Pompeii fol- 
 lowed, after an interval, the discovery of Herculaneum. 
 The Abbe BARTHLEMY (1716-95) embodied the erudite 
 delights of a lifetime in his Voyage du Jeune Anacharsis 
 en Grhe (1788), which seemed a revelation of the genius 
 of Hellenism as it existed four centuries prior to the 
 Christian era. It was an ideal Greece the Greece of 
 Winckelmann and Goethe unalterably gracious, radi- 
 antly calm, which was discovered by the eighteenth 
 century ; but it served the imaginative needs of the age. 
 We trace its influence in the harmonious forms of 
 Bernardin's and Chateaubriand's imagining, and in the 
 marbles of Canova. A poet, the offspring of a Greek 
 mother and a French father Andre" Chenier a latter- 
 day Greek or demi-Greek himself, and yet truly a man 
 of his own century, interpreted this new ideal in literary 
 art.
 
 330 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 Born at Constantinople in 1762, ANDR CHNIER was 
 educated in France, travelled in Switzerland and Italy, 
 resided as secretary to the French Ambassador for three 
 weary years in England land of mists, land of dull aris- 
 tocrats returned to France in 1790, ardent in the cause 
 of constitutional freedom, and defended his opinions and 
 his friends as a journalist. The violences of the Revolu- 
 tion drove him into opposition to the Jacobin party. In 
 March 1794 he was arrested ; on the 25th July, two days 
 before the overthrow of Robespierre, Andre Chenier's 
 head fell on the scaffold. 
 
 Only two poems, the Jen de Paume and the Hymne 
 aux Suisses, were published by Chenier ; after his death 
 appeared in journals the Jeune Captive and the Jeune 
 Tarentine ; his collected poems, already known in manu- 
 script to lovers of literature, many of them fragmentary, 
 were issued in 1819. The romantic school had come 
 into existence without his aid ; but under Sainte-Beuve's 
 influence it chose to regard him as a predecessor, and 
 during the years about 1830 he was studied and imitated 
 as a master. 
 
 He belongs, however, essentially to the eighteenth 
 century, to its graceful sensuality, its revival of antiquity, 
 its faith in human reason, its comprehensive science of 
 nature and of society. In certain of his poems suggested 
 by public occasions he is little more than a disciple of 
 Lebrun. His Elegies are rather Franco-Roman than 
 Greek ; these, together with beauties of their own, have 
 the characteristic rhetoric, the conventional graces, the 
 mundane voluptuousness of their age. His philo- 
 sophical poem Hermes, of which we have designs and 
 fragments, would have been the De Rerum Natura of an 
 admiring student of Buffon.
 
 ANDRE CHENIER 331 
 
 In his fcglogues and his epic fragments he is a Greek or 
 a demi-Greek, who has learnt directly from Homer, from 
 the pastoral and idyllic poets of antiquity, and from the 
 Anthology. The Greece of Chenier's imagination is the 
 ideal Greece of his time, more finely outlined, more deli- 
 cately coloured, more exquisitely felt by him than was 
 possible with his contemporaries in an age of prose. " It 
 is the landscape-painter's Greece," writes M. Faguet, "the 
 Greece of fair river-banks, of gracious hill-slopes, of 
 comely groups around a well-head or a stream, of har- 
 monious theories beside the voiceful sea, of dancing 
 choirs upon the luminous heights, under the blue 
 heavens, which lift to ecstasy his spirit, light as the light 
 breathing of the Cyclades." 
 
 In the lambeSf inspired by the emotions of the Revolu- 
 tion during his months of imprisonment, Chenier united 
 * modern passion with the beauty of classic form ; satire 
 in these loses its critical temper, and becomes truly 
 lyrical. In his versification he attained new and alluring 
 harmonies ; he escaped from the rhythmical uniformity 
 of eighteenth- century verse, gliding sinuously from line 
 to line and from strophe to strophe. He did over again 
 for French poetry the work of the Pleiade, but he did 
 this as one who was a careful student and a critic of 
 Malherbe.
 
 BOOK THE FIFTH 
 
 1789-1850
 
 BOOK THE FIFTH 
 
 1789-1850 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 
 THE REVOLUTION AND THE EMPIRE MADAME 
 DE STAEL CHATEAUBRIAND 
 
 I 
 
 THE literature of the Revolution and the Empire is that 
 of a period of transition. Madame de Stael and Chateau- 
 briand announce the future ; the writers of an inferior 
 rank represent with declining power the past, and give 
 some faint presentiment of things to come. The great 
 political concussion was not favourable to art. Abstract 
 ideas united with the passions of the hour produced poetry 
 which was of the nature of a declamatory pamphlet. 
 Innumerable pieces were presented on the stage, but 
 their literary value is insignificant. 
 
 Marie-Joseph Chenier (1764-1811), brother of the great 
 poet who perished on the scaffold, attempted to inau- 
 gurate a school of national tragedy in his Charles IX. ; 
 neither he nor the public knew history or possessed the 
 historical sentiment his tragedy was a revolutionary 
 " school of kings." Arnault, Legouve, Neppmucene, 
 
 335
 
 336 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 Lemercier were applauded for their classic dignity, or 
 their depth of characterisation, or their pomp of lan- 
 guage. The true tragedy of the time was enacted in the 
 streets and in the clubs. Comedy was welcome in days 
 of terror as at all other times. Collin d'Harleville drew 
 mirth from the infirmities and follies of old age in Le 
 Vieux Celibataire (1792) ; Fabre d'Eglantine moralised 
 Moliere to the taste of Rousseau by exhibiting a Philante 
 debased by egoism and accommodations with the world ; 
 Louis Laya, during the trial of the King, satirised the 
 pretenders to patriotism in L'Ami des Lois, yet escaped 
 the vengeance of the Jacobins. 
 
 Historical comedy, a novelty in art, was seen in Lemer- 
 cier's Pinto (1799), where great events are reduced to 
 petty dimensions, and the destiny of nations is satirically 
 viewed as a vulgar game of trick-track. In his Christophe 
 Colomb of 1809 he dared to despise the unities of time 
 and place, and excited a battle, not bloodless, among the 
 spectators. Exotic heroes suited the imperial regime. 
 Baour-Lormian, the translator of Ossian (1801), converted 
 the story of Joseph in Egypt into a frigid tragedy ; 
 Hector and Tippoo Sahib, Mahomet II., and Ninus II. 
 (with scenes of Spanish history transported to Assyria) 
 diversified the stage. The greatest success was that of 
 Raynouard's Les Templiers (1805) ; the learned author 
 wisely applied his talents in later years to romance philo- 
 logy. Among the writers of comedy Andrieux, Etienne, 
 Duval, and others Picard has the merit of reproducing 
 the life of the day, satirising social classes and conditions 
 with vivacity and careless mirth. In melodrama, Pixere- 
 court contributed unconsciously to prepare the way for 
 the romantic stage. Desaugiers, with his gift for gay 
 plebeian song, was the master of the vaudeville.
 
 POETRY OF THE EMPIRE 337 
 
 Song of a higher kind had been heard twice or thrice 
 during the Revolution. The lesser Chenier's Chanson du 
 Depart has in it a stirring rhetoric for soldiers of the Re- 
 public sent forth to war with the acclaim of mother and 
 wife and maiden, old men and little children. Lebrun- 
 Pindare, in his ode Sur le Vaisseau le Vengeur, does not 
 quite stifle the sense of heroism under his flowers of 
 classical imagery. Rouget de Lisle's improvised verse 
 and music, La Marseillaise (1792), was an inspiration 
 which equally lent itself to the enthusiasm of victory 
 and the gallantries of despair. The pseudo-epics and 
 the descriptive poetry of the Empire are laboured and 
 lifeless. But Creuze de Lesser, in his Chevaliers de la 
 Table-Ronde (1812) and other poems, and Baour-Lormian, 
 in his Poe'sies Ossianiques, widened the horizons of litera- 
 ture. The Panhypocrisiade of Lemercier, published in 
 1819, but written several years earlisr an "infernal 
 comedy of the sixteenth century " is an amazing chaos 
 of extravagance, incompetence, and genius ; it bears to 
 Hugo's Legende des Stides the relation which the mega- 
 therium or mastodon may bear to some less monstrous 
 analogues. 
 
 If we are to look for a presentiment of Lamartine's 
 poetry, we may find it in the harmonious melancholy of 
 Chenedolle, in the grace of Fontanes' stanzas, in the 
 timid elegiac strains of Millevoye. The special charac- 
 ter of the poetry of the Empire lies in its combination 
 of the tradition derived from the eighteenth century, 
 with a certain reaching-forth to an ideal, by-and-by to 
 be realised, which it could not attain. Its comparative 
 sterility is not to be explained solely or chiefly * by 
 the vigilance of the imperial censure of publications. 
 The preceding century had lost the large feeling for
 
 338 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 composition, for beauty and severity of form ; attention 
 was fixed upon details. If invention ceased to create, 
 it must necessarily trick out what was commonplace in 
 ingenuities of decorative periphrasis. Literature in the 
 eighteenth century had almost ceased to be art, and 
 had become a social and political weapon ; under the 
 imperial rule this militant function was withdrawn ; 
 what remained for literature but frigid ambitions or 
 petty adornments, until a true sense of art was once 
 again recovered ? 
 
 The Revolution closed the salons and weakened the 
 influence of cultivated society upon literature. Journal- 
 ism and the pamphlet filled the place left vacant by 
 the salons. The Decade Philosophique was the organ of 
 the ideologists, who applied the conceptions of Condillac 
 and his followers to literary and philosophical criticism. 
 In 1789 the Journal dcs Dcbats was founded. Much 
 ardour of feeling, much vigour of intellect was ex- 
 pended in the columns of the public press. Among 
 the contributors were Andre Chenier, Mallet du Pin, 
 Suard, Rivarol. With a little ink and a guillotine, 
 Camiile Desmoulins hoped to render France happy, 
 prosperous, and republican. Heady, vain, pleasure- 
 loving, gay, bitter, sensitive, with outbreaks of generosity 
 and moments of elevation, he did something to redeem 
 his crimes and follies by pleas for justice and mercy 
 in his journal, Le Vieux Cordelier, and died, with Danton 
 as his companion, after a frenzy of resistance and 
 despair. 
 
 The orators of the Revolution glorified doctrinaire 
 abstractions, overflowed with sentimental humanity, 
 and decorated their harangues with heroic examples of 
 Roman virtue. The most abstract, colourless, and aca-
 
 MIRABEAU 339 
 
 demic was Rousseau's disciple, who took the " Supreme 
 Being" under his protection, Robespierre. The fervid 
 spirit of the Girondins found its highest expression in 
 Vergniaud, who, with infirm character, few ideas, and 
 a hesitating policy, yet possessed a power of vibrating 
 speech. Danton, the Mirabeau of the populace, was 
 richer in ideas, and with sudden accesses of imagina- 
 tion thundered in words which tended to action ; but in 
 general the Mountain cared more for deeds, than words. 
 The young Saint-Just thrilled the Convention with icy 
 apothegms which sounded each, short and sharp, like 
 the fall of the knife. Barnave, impetuous in his temper, 
 was clear and measured in discourse, and once in opposi- 
 tion to Mirabeau, defending the royal prerogative, rose 
 beyond himself to the height of a great occasion. 
 
 But it was MIRABEAU, and Mirabeau alone, who pos- 
 sessed the genius of a great statesman united with the 
 gifts of an incomparable orator. Born in 1749, of the 
 old Riquetti family, impulsive, proud, romantic, yet clear 
 of intellect and firmly grasping facts, a thinker and a 
 student, calmly indifferent to religion, irregular in his 
 conduct, the passionate foe of his father, the passionate 
 lover of his Sophie and of her child, he had conceived, 
 and in a measure comprehended, the Revolution long 
 before the explosion came. Already he was a copious 
 author on political subjects. He knew that France 
 needed individual liberty and individual responsibility; 
 he divined the dangers of a democratic despotism. He 
 hoped by the decentralisation of power to balance Paris 
 by the provinces, and quicken the political life of the 
 whole country; he desired to balance the constitution 
 by playing off the King against the Assembly, and the 
 Assembly against the Kirg, and to control the action of
 
 340 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 each by the force of public opinion. From Montesquieu 
 he had learnt the gains of separating the legislative, the 
 executive, and the judicial functions. His hatred of 
 aristocracy, enhanced by the hardship of imprisonment 
 at Vincennes, led him to ignore an influence which might 
 have assisted in the equilibration of power. As an orator 
 his ample and powerful rhetoric rested upon a basis of 
 logic ; slow and embarrassed as he began to speak, he 
 warmed as he proceeded, negligent of formal correct- 
 ness, disdainful of the conventional classical decorations, 
 magnificent in gesture, weaving together ideas, imagery, 
 and passion. His speech, said Madame de Stael, was 
 "like a powerful hammer, wielded by a skilful artist, 
 and fashioning men to his will." At the sitting of the 
 Assembly on April 2, 1791, the President announced, 
 amid murmurs, " Ah ! il est mort," which anticipated his 
 words, that Gabriel-Honore Riquetti was dead. 
 
 "The 1 8th Brumaire," writes M. Lanson, "silenced 
 the orators. For fifteen years a solitary voice was heard, 
 imperious but eloquent. . . . Napoleon was the last of 
 the great Revolutionary orators." As he advanced in 
 power he dropped the needless ornaments of rhetoric, 
 and condensed his summons to action into direct, effec- 
 tive words, now simple and going straight at some motive 
 of self-interest, now grandiose to seduce the imagination 
 to his side. Speech with Napoleon was a means of 
 government, and he knew the temper of the men whom 
 he addressed. His own taste in literature was touched 
 with sentimentality ; Ossian and Werther were among 
 his favourite books ; but what may be styled the official 
 literature of the Empire was of the decaying classical or 
 neo-classical tradition. 
 
 Yet while the democratic imperialism was the direct
 
 SCHOLARSHIP AND PHILOSOPHY 341 
 
 offspring of the Revolution with its social contract and 
 its rights of man, it was necessary to combat eighteenth- 
 century ideas and defend the throne and the altar. Great 
 scientific names Laplace, Bichat, Cuvier, Lamarck- 
 testify to the fact that a movement which made the 
 eighteenth century illustrious had not spent its force. 
 Scholarship was laying the bases for future construc- 
 tions ; Ginguene published in 1811 the first volumes 
 of his Histoire Litteraire de I'ltalie ; Fauriel and Ray- 
 nouard accumulated the materials for their historical, 
 literary, and philological studies. Philosophy was turn- 
 ing away from sensationalism, which seemed to have 
 said its final word, towards spiritualist conceptions. 
 Maine de Biran (1766-1824) found in the primitive 
 fact of consciousness the nisus of the will and in 
 the self-recognition of the ego as a cause, an escape 
 from materialism. Royer - Collard (1763-1845), after- 
 wards more distinguished in politics than he was in 
 speculation, read for his class at the Sorbonne from 
 the Scottish philosophy of Reid, and turned it by his 
 commentary as a siege-train against the positions of 
 Condillac. 
 
 The germs of new literary growths were in the soil ; 
 but the spring came slowly, and after the storms of 
 Revolution were spent, a chill was in the air. Measure- 
 less hopes, and what had come of them ? infinite desire, 
 and so poor an attainment ! A disciple of Rousseau, 
 who shared in his sentiment without his optimistic faith, 
 and who, like Rousseau, felt the beauty of external nature 
 without Rousseau's sense of its joy, Etienne Pivert de 
 SNANCOURT published in 1799 his Reveries, a book of 
 disillusion, melancholy atheism, and stoical resistance to 
 sadness, a resistance which he was unable to sustain.
 
 342 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 It was followed in 1804 by Obennann, a romance in 
 epistolary form, in which the writer, disguised in the 
 character of his hero, expresses a fixed and sterile grief, 
 knowing not what he needs, nor what he loves, nor what 
 he wills, lamenting without a cause and desiring without 
 an object. The glories of Swiss landscape, which quicken 
 his imagination, do not suffice to fill the void that is in 
 his soul ; yet perhaps in old age if ever it come he 
 may resign himself to the infinite illusion of life. It is 
 an indication of the current of the time that fifteen 
 years later, when the Libres Meditations appeared, Senan- 
 court had found his way through a vague theopathy to 
 autumnal brightness, late-born hope, and tranquil recon- 
 cilement w r ith existence. 
 
 The work of the professional critics of the time 
 Geoff roy, De Feletz, Dussault, Hoffman counts now 
 for less than the words of one who was only an amateur 
 of letters, and a moralist who never moralised in public. 
 JOSEPH JOUBERT (1754-1824), the friend of Fontanes and 
 of Chateaubriand, a delicate spirit, filled with curiosity 
 for ideas, and possessing the finest sense of the beauty 
 of literature, lacked the strength and self-confidence 
 needful in a literary career. He read everything ; he 
 published nothing ; but the Pensees, wiiich were col- 
 lected from his manuscripts by Chateaubriand, and his 
 letters reveal a thinker who loved the light, a studious 
 dilettante charmed by literary grace, a writer tormented 
 by the passion to put a volume in a page, a page in a 
 phrase, a phrase in a word. Plato in philosophy, Virgil 
 in poetry, satisfy his feeling for beauty and refinement 
 of style. From Voltaire and Rousseau he turns away, 
 offended by their lack of moral feeling, of sanity, of 
 wisdom, of delicacy. A man of the eighteenth century,
 
 MADAME DE STAEL 343 
 
 Joubert had lifted himself into thin clear heights of 
 middle air, where he saw much of the past and some- 
 thing of the future ; but the middle air is better suited 
 for speculation than for action. 
 
 II 
 
 The movement towards the romantic theory and prac- 
 tice of art was fostered in the early years of the nine- 
 teenth century by two eminent writers one a woman 
 with a virile intellect, the other a man with more than a 
 woman's imaginative sensibility by GERMAINE DE STAEL 
 and by Chateaubriand. The one exhibits the eighteenth 
 century passing into the nineteenth, receiving new de- 
 velopments, yet without a breach of continuity ; the 
 other represents a reaction against the ideas of the age 
 of the philosophers. Both opened new horizons one, 
 by the divinations of her ardent intelligence ; the other, 
 by his creative genius. Madame de Stael interpreted 
 new ideas and denned a new theory of art. Chateau- 
 briand was himself an extraordinary literary artist. The 
 style of the one is that of an admirable improvisator, 
 a brilliant and incessant converser ; that of the other 
 is at its best a miracle of studied invention, a harmony 
 of colour and of sound. The genius of the one was 
 quickened in brilliant social gatherings ; a Parisian salon 
 was her true seat of empire. The genius of the other 
 was nursed in solitude by the tempestuous sea or on 
 the w 7 ild and melancholy moors. 
 
 Germaine Necker, born in 1766, daughter of the cele- 
 brated Swiss banker and future minister of France, a 
 child of precocious intelligence and eager sympathies, 
 23
 
 344 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 reared amid the brilliant society of her mother's salon, 
 a girl whose demands on life were large demands of 
 the intellect, demands of the heart enamoured of the 
 writings of Rousseau, married at twenty to the Swedish 
 Ambassador, the Baron de Stael-Holstein, herself a light 
 and an inspirer of the constitutional party of reform in 
 the early days of the Revolution, in her literary work 
 opened fresh avenues for nineteenth-century thought. 
 She did not recoil from the eighteenth century, but 
 rather carried forward its better spirit. The Revolution, 
 as a social upheaval, she failed to understand ; her ideal 
 was liberty, not equality ; and Necker's daughter was 
 assured that all would be -well were liberty established 
 in constitutional forms of government. A republican 
 among aristocrats, she was an aristocrat among republi- 
 cans. During the years of Revolutionary trouble, the 
 years of her flights from Paris, her returns, excursions, 
 and retreats, she was sustained by her zeal for justice, 
 her pity for the oppressed, and her unquenchable faith 
 in human progress. 
 
 A crude panegyric of Rousseau, certain political 
 pamphlets, an Essai sur les Fictions, a treatise on the 
 Influence of the Passions upon the Happiness of Indi- 
 viduals and Nations (1796), were followed in 1800 by 
 her elaborate study, De la Litt<-rature consideree dans ses 
 Rapports avec les Institutions Sociales. Its central idea 
 is that of human progress : freedom, incarnated in 
 republican institutions, will assure the natural develop- 
 ment of the spirit of man ; a great literature will be 
 the offspring of progress and of freedom ; and each 
 nation will lend its lights to other nations to illuminate 
 the general advance. Madame de Stael hoped to cast 
 the spell of her intellect over the young conqueror
 
 ADOLPHE: DELPHINE 345 
 
 Bonaparte ; Bonaparte regarded a political meteor in 
 feminine form with cold and haughty aversion. In 
 1802 the husband, whom she had never loved, was 
 dead. Her passion for Benjamin Constant had passed 
 through various crises in its troubled career a series 
 of attractions ending in repulsions, and repulsions lead- 
 ing to attractions, such as may be discovered in Con- 
 stant's remarkable novel Adolphe. They could neither 
 decide to unite their lives, nor to part for ever. Adolphe, 
 in Constant's novel, after a youth of pleasure-seeking, 
 is disenchanted with life ; his love of Ellenore is that 
 of one whose passions are exhausted, who loves for 
 vanity or a new indulgence of egoism ; but Ellenore, 
 whose youth is past, will abandon all for him, and she 
 imposes on him the tyranny of her devotion. Each is 
 the other's torturer, each is the other's consolation. In 
 the mastery of his cruel psychology Constant anticipates 
 Balzac. 
 
 Madame de Stael lightened the stress of inward storm 
 by writing Delphine, the story of a woman of genius, 
 whose heroic follies bring her into warfare with the 
 world. The lover of Delphine, violent and feeble, sen- 
 timental and egoistic, is an accomplice of the world in 
 doing her wrong, and Delphine has n<a refuge but death 
 in the wilds of America. 1 
 
 In 1803 Madame de Stael received orders to trouble 
 Paris with her torrent of ideas and of speech no longer. 
 The illustrious victim of Napoleon's persecution has- 
 tened to display her ideas at Weimar, where Goethe 
 protected his equanimity, as well as might be, from 
 the storm of her approach, and Schiller endured her 
 literary enthusiasm with a sense of prostration. August 
 
 1 In the first edition, Delphine dies by her own hand.
 
 346 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 Wilhelm von Schlegel, tutor to her sons, became the 
 interpreter of Germany to her eager and apprehensive 
 mind. Having annexed Germany to her empire, she 
 advanced to the conquest of Italy, and had her Roman 
 triumph. England, which she had visited in her Re- 
 volutionary flights, and Italy conspired in the creation 
 of her novel Corinne (1807). It is again the history of a 
 woman of genius, beautiful, generous, enthusiastic, whom 
 the world understands imperfectly, and whom her Eng- 
 lish lover, after his fit of Italian romance, discards with 
 the characteristic British phlegm. The paintings of 
 Italian nature are rhetorical exercises ; the writer's sym- 
 pathy with art and history is of more value ; the inter- 
 pretation of a woman's heart is alive with personal 
 feeling. Madame de Stael's novels are old now, which 
 means that they once were young, and for her own 
 generation they had the freshness and charm of 
 youth. 
 
 Her father's death had turned her thoughts towards 
 religion. A Protestant and a liberal, her spiritualist 
 faith now found support in the moral strength of Chris- 
 tianity. She was not, like Chateaubriand, an epicurean 
 and a Catholic ; she did not care to decorate religion 
 with flowers, or make it fragrant with incense ; it 
 spoke to her not through the senses, but directly to 
 the conscience, the affections, and the will. In the 
 chapters of her book on Germany which treat of "the 
 religion of enthusiasm," her devout latitudinarianism 
 finds expression. 
 
 The bookDe t'AMemagne, published in London in 1813, 
 after the confiscation and destruction of the Paris edition 
 by the imperial police, prepared the way by criticism 
 for the romantic movement. It treats of manners, letters,
 
 DE L'ALLEMAGNE 347 
 
 art, philosophy, religion, interpreting with astonishing 
 insight, however it may have erred in important details, 
 the mind of Germany to the mind of France. It was 
 a Germany of poets, dreamers, and metaphysicians, 
 loyal and sincere, but incapable of patriotic passion, 
 disqualified for action and for freedom, which she in 
 1804 had discovered. The life of society produces lite- 
 rature in France ; the genius of inward meditation and 
 sentiment produces literature in Germany. The litera- 
 ture and art of the South are classical, those of the 
 North are romantic ; and since the life of our own 
 race and the spirit of our own religion are infused 
 into romantic art, it has in it possibilities of indefinite 
 growth. Madame de Stael advanced criticism by her 
 sense that art and literature are relative to ages, races, 
 governments, environments. She dreamed of an Euro- 
 pean or cosmopolitan literature, in which each nation, 
 while retaining its special characteristics, should be in 
 fruitful communication with its fellows. 
 
 In 1811 Madame de Stael, when forty-five, became the 
 wife of Albert de Rocca, a young Swiss officer, more 
 than twenty years her junior. Their courage was re- 
 warded by six years of happiness. Austria, Poland, 
 Russia, Sweden, England were visited. Upon the fall 
 of Napoleon Madame de Stael was once more in Paris, 
 and there in 1817 she died. The Dix Annees d'Exil, pos- 
 thumously published, records a portion of her agitated 
 life, and exhales her indignation against her imperial 
 persecutor. The unfinished Considerations sur la Revolu- 
 tion Fran^aise, designed originally as an apology for 
 Necker, defends the Revolution while admitting its 
 crimes and errors ; its true object, as the writer con- 
 ceived political liberty had been in the end attained ;
 
 348 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 her ideal of liberty was indeed far from that of a revolu- 
 tionary democracy; England, liberal, constitutional, with 
 a system at once popular and aristocratic, was the country 
 in which she saw her political aspirations most nearly 
 realised. 
 
 Ill 
 
 FRANCOIS-RENE DE CHATEAUBRIAND Was born in 1768, 
 
 at St.-Malo, of an ancient Breton family. Except for the 
 companionship of an elder sister, of fragile health and 
 romantic temper, his childhood was solitary. The pre- 
 sence of the old count his father inspired terror. The 
 boy's society was with the waves and winds, or at the 
 old chateau of Combourg, with lonely woods and wilds. 
 Horace, Tibullus, Tettmaque, the sermons of Massillon, 
 nourished his imagination or stimulated his religious 
 sentiment ; but solitude and nature were his chief in- 
 spirers. 
 
 At seventeen he already seemed worn with the fatigue 
 of unsatisfied dreaming, before he had begun to know 
 life. A commission in the army was procured for him. 
 He saw, interested yet alien in heart, something of literary 
 life in Paris ; then in Revolution days (1791) he quitted 
 France, and, with the dream of discovering the North- 
 West Passage, set sail to America. If he did not make 
 any geographical discovery, Chateaubriand found his 
 own genius in the western world. The news of the 
 execution of Louis XVI. decided him to return; a Breton 
 and a royalist should show himself among the ranks of 
 the emigrants. To gratify the wish of his family, he mar- 
 ried before crossing the frontier. Madame de Chateau-
 
 CHATEAUBRIAND 349 
 
 briand had the dignity to veil her sorrow caused by an 
 imperfect union, and at a later time she won such a portion 
 of her husband's regard as he could devote to another 
 than himself. 
 
 The episode of war having soon closed not without 
 a wound and a serious illness he found a refuge in 
 London, enduring dire poverty, but possessing the con- 
 solation of friendship with Joubert and Fontanes, and 
 there he published in 1797 his first work, the Essai sur 
 les Revolutions. The doctrine of human progress had been 
 part of the religion of the eighteenth century ; Chateau- 
 briand in 1797 had faith neither in social, nor political, 
 nor religious progress. Why be deceived by the hopes 
 of revolution, since humanity can only circle for ever 
 through an exhausting round of illusions ? The death 
 of his mother and words of a dying sister awakened him 
 from his melancholy mood ; he resolved to write a second 
 book, which should correct the errors of the first, and 
 exhibit a sourqe of hope and joy in religion. To the 
 eighteenth century Christianity had appeared as a gross 
 and barbarous superstition ; he would show that it was a 
 religion of beauty, the divine mother of poetry and of 
 art, a spring of poetic thought and feeling alike through 
 its dogma and its ritual ; he would convert literature from 
 its decaying cult of classicism, and restore to honour the 
 despised Middle Ages. 
 
 The Genie du Christianisme, begun during its author's 
 residence in London, was not completed until four years 
 later. In 1801, detaching a fragment from his poetic 
 apology for religion, he published his Atala, ou les Amours 
 de Deux Sauvages dans le Desert. It is a romance, or 
 rather a prose poem, in which the magic of style, the 
 enchantment of descriptive power, the large feeling for
 
 350 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 nature, the sensibility to human passion, conceal many 
 infirmities of design and of feeling. Chateaubriand 
 suddenly entered into his fame. 
 
 On April 18, 1802, the Concordat was celebrated with 
 high solemnities ; the Archbishop of Paris received the 
 First Consul within the portals of Notre-Dame. It was 
 the fitting moment for the publication of the Ge'nie du 
 CJiristianisme. Its value as an argumentative defence 
 of Christianity may not be great ; but it was the restora- 
 tion of religion to art, it contained or implied a new 
 system of aesthetics, it was a glorification of devout 
 sentiment, it was a pompous manifesto of romanticism, 
 it recovered a lost ideal of beauty. From Ronsard to 
 Chenier the aim of art had been to imitate the ancients, 
 while imitating or interpreting life. Let us be national, 
 let us be modern, let us therefore be Christians, de- 
 clared Chateaubriand, and let us seek for our tradition 
 in the great Christian ages. It was a revolution in art 
 for which he pleaded, and throughout the first half 
 of the nineteenth century the revolution was in active 
 progress. 
 
 The episode of Rene, which was included in the Genie, 
 and afterwards published separately, has been described 
 as a Christianised Werther; its passion is less frank, and 
 even more remote from sanity of feeling, than that of 
 Goethe's novel, but the sadness of the hero is more mag- 
 nificently posed. A sprightly English lady described 
 Chateaubriand as "wearing his heart in a sling"; he 
 did so during his whole life ; and through Rene we 
 divine the inventor of Ren6 carrying his wounded heart, 
 as in the heroine we can discern some features of his 
 sister Lucile. In all his writings his feelings centre in 
 himself : he is a pure egoist through his sensibility ; but
 
 CHATEAUBRIAND 3 5 I 
 
 around his own figure his imagination, marvellous in its 
 expansive power, can deploy boundless perspectives. 
 
 Both Atala and Rene, though brought into connection 
 with the Genie du Christianisme, are in fact more closely 
 related to the prose epic Les Natchez, written early, but 
 held in reserve until the publication of his collected works 
 in 1826-31. Les Natchez, inspired by Chateaubriand's 
 American travels, idealises the life of the Red Indian 
 tribes. The later books, where he escapes from the 
 pseudo-epic manner, have in them the finest spirit of 
 his early years, his splendour and delicacy of descrip- 
 tion, his wealth of imaginative reverie. Famous as the 
 author of the Genie, Chateaubriand was appointed secre- 
 tary to the embassy at Rome. The murder of the Due 
 d'Enghien alienated him from Napoleon. Putting aside 
 the Martyrs, on which he had been engaged, he sought 
 for fresh imagery and local colour to enrich his work, 
 in a pilgrimage to Jerusalem, a record of which was 
 published in his (1811) Itincraire de Paris a Jerusalem. 
 
 The Martyrs appeared in 1809. It was designed as a 
 great example of that art, inspired by Christianity, on 
 behalf of which he had contended in the Genie; the 
 religion of Christ, he would prove, can create passions 
 and types of character better suited for noble imagina- 
 tive treatment than those of paganism ; its supernatural 
 marvels are more than a compensation for the loss of 
 pagan mythology. The time chosen for his epopee in 
 prose is the reign of the persecutor Diocletian ; Rome 
 and the provinces of the Empire, Gaul, Egypt, the 
 deserts of the Thebaid, Jerusalem, Sparta, Athens, form 
 only portions of the scene ; heaven and hell are open 
 to the reader, but Chateaubriand, whose faith was rather 
 a sentiment than a passion, does not succeed in making
 
 352 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 his supernatural habitations and personages credible 
 even to the fancy. Far more admirable are many of 
 the terrestrial scenes and narrations, and among these, 
 in particular the story of Eudore. 
 
 In the course of the travels which led him to Jerusalem, 
 Chateaubriand had visited Spain, and it was his recollec- 
 tions of the Alhambra that moved him to write, about 
 1809, the Aventures du Dernier des Abencerages, published 
 many years later. It shows a tendency towards self- 
 restraint, excellent in itself, but not entirely in har- 
 mony with his effusive imagination. With this work 
 Chateaubriand's inventive period of authorship closed ; 
 the rest of his life was in the main that of a politician. 
 From the position of an unqualified royalist (1814-24) 
 he advanced to that of a liberal, and after 1830 may 
 be described as both royalist and republican. His 
 pamphlet of 1814, De Bonaparte et des Bourbons, was 
 declared by Louis XVIII. to be worth an army to his 
 cause. 
 
 In his later years he published an Essai sur la Lit- 
 terature Anglaise and a translation of " Paradise Lost." 
 But his chief task was the revision of the Mcmoires 
 d' Outre- Tombe, an autobiography designed for posthu- 
 mous publication, and actually issued in the pages of 
 the Presse, through the indiscreet haste of the publishers, 
 while Chateaubriand was still living. Its egotism, its 
 vanity, its malicious wit, its fierce reprisals on those 
 whom the writer regarded as his enemies, its many 
 beauties, its brilliance of style, make it an exposure of 
 all that was worst and much of what was best in his 
 character and genius. Tended by his old friend Mme. 
 Recamier, to whom, if to any one, he was sincerely 
 attached, Chateaubriand died in the summer of 1848.
 
 CHATEAUBRIAND'S INFLUENCE 353 
 
 His tomb is on the rocky islet of Grand-Be, off the coast 
 of Brittany. 
 
 Chateaubriand cannot be loved, and his character 
 cannot be admired without grave reserves. But an 
 unique genius, developed at a fortunate time, enabled 
 him to play a most significant part in the history of 
 literature. He was the greatest of landscape painters ; 
 he restored to art the sentiment of religion ; he inter- 
 preted the romantic melancholy of the age. If he posed 
 magnificently, there were native impulses which sug- 
 gested the pose ; and at times, as in the Itineraire, the 
 pose is entirely forgotten. His range of ideas is not 
 extraordinary; but vision, imagination, and the passion 
 which makes the imaginative power its instrument, were 
 his in a supereminent degree.
 
 CHAPTER II 
 
 THE CONFLICT OF IDEAS 
 
 WHILE the imagination of France was turning towards 
 the romance^of the Middle Ages and the art of Chris- 
 tianity, Hellenic scholarship was maintained by Jean- 
 Francois Boissonade. The representative of Hellenism 
 in modern letters was Courier, a brave but undisciplined 
 artillery officer under Napoleon, who loved the sight of 
 a Greek manuscript better than he loved a victory. PAUL- 
 Louis COURIER DE MERE (1772-1825) counts for nothing 
 in the history of French thought ; in the history of French 
 letters his pamphlets remain as masterpieces of Attic 
 grace, luminous, light and bright in narrative, easy in 
 dialogue, of the finest irony in comment, impeccable 
 in measure and in malice. The translator of Daphnis 
 and Chloe, wearied by war and wanderings in Italy, 
 lived under the Restoration among his vines at Veretz, 
 in Touraine. In 1816 he became the advocate of pro- 
 vincial popular rights against the vexations of the Royalist 
 reaction. He is a vine-dresser, a rustic bourgeois, oc- 
 cupied with affairs of the parish. Shall Chambord be 
 purchased for the Duke of Burgundy ? shall an in- 
 tolerant young cure forbid the villagers to dance ? shall 
 magistrates harass the humble folk ? Such are the ques- 
 tions agitating the country-side, which the vine-dresser 
 Courier will resolve. The questions have been replaced 
 
 354
 
 THEOCRATIC SCHOOL: MAISTRE 355 
 
 to-day by others ; but nothing has quite replaced the 
 Simple Discours, the Petition pour les Villageois, the 
 Pamphlet des Pamphlets, in which the ease of the best 
 sixteenth and seventeenth century prose is united with 
 a deft rapier-play like that of Voltaire, and with the 
 lucidity of the writer's classical models. 
 
 Chateaubriand's artistic and sentimental Catholicism 
 was the satisfaction of imaginative cravings. When 
 JOSEPH DE MAISTRE (1753-1821) revolted against the 
 eighteenth century, it was a revolt of the soul ; when 
 he assailed the authority of the individual-reason, it was 
 in the name of a higher reason. Son of the President of 
 the Senate of Savoy, he saw his country invaded by the 
 French Republican soldiery in 1792, and he retired to 
 Lausanne. He protested against the Revolutionary 
 aggression in his Lettres d'un Royaliste Savoisien ; in- 
 spired by the mystical Saint-Martin, in his Considerations 
 sur la France, he interpreted the meaning of the great 
 political cataclysm as the Divine judgment upon France 
 - assigned by God the place of the leader of Christendom, 
 the eldest daughter of the Church for her faithlessness 
 and proud self-will. The sacred chastisement accom- 
 plished, monarchy and Catholicism must be restored to 
 an intact and regenerated country. During fifteen years 
 Maistre served the King of Sardinia as envoy and pleni- 
 potentiary at the Russian Court, maintaining his dignity 
 in cruel distress upon the salary of a clerk. Amiable in 
 his private life, he was remorseless with the stern charity 
 of an inquisitor in dogma. In a style of extraordinary 
 clearness and force he expounded a system of ideas, 
 logically connected, on which to base a complete re- 
 organisation of European society. Those ideas are set 
 forth most powerfully in the dialogues entitled Les Soirees
 
 356 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 de Saint- Pttersbourg and the treatises Du Pape and De 
 PEglise Gallicane. 
 
 He honours reason ; not the individual reason, source 
 of innumerable errors, but the general reason, which, 
 emanating from God, reveals universal and immutable 
 truth quod semper, quod ubique, quod ab omnibus. To 
 commence philosophising we should despise the philo- 
 sophers. Of these, Bacon, to whose errors Maistre de- 
 votes a special study, is the most dangerous ; Locke is 
 the most contemptible. The eighteenth century spoke 
 of nature ; Maistre speaks of God, the Grand Monarch 
 who rules His worlds by laws which are flexible in His 
 hands. To punish is the prime duty of authority ; the 
 great Justiciary avenges Himself on the whole offending 
 race of men ; there is no government without an exe- 
 cutioner. But God is pitiful, and allows us the refuge 
 of prayer and sacrifice. Without religion there is no 
 society ; without the Catholic Church there is no reli- 
 gion ; without the sovereign Pontiff there is no Catholic 
 Church. The sovereignty of the Pope is therefore the 
 keystone of civilisation ; his it is to give and take away 
 the crowns of kings. Governments absolute over the 
 people, the Pontiff absolute over governments such 
 is the earthly reflection of the Divine monarchy in 
 heaven. To suppose that men can begin the world 
 anew from a Revolutionary year One, is the folly of 
 private reason ; society is an organism which grows 
 under providential laws ; revolutions are the expiation 
 for sins. Such are the ideas which Maistre bound 
 together in serried logic, and deployed with the mas- 
 tery of an intellectual tactician. The recoil from in- 
 dividualism to authority could not have found a more 
 absolute expression.
 
 LAMENNAIS 357 
 
 The Vicomte de Bonald (1754-1840), whose theocratic 
 views have much in common with those of Maistre, and 
 of his teacher Saint - Martin, dwelt on the necessity 
 of language as a condition of thought, and maintained 
 that language is of divine origin. Ballanche (1776- 
 1847), h a ^ poet, half philosopher, connected theocratic 
 ideas with a theory of human progress a social and 
 political palingenesis which had in it the elements of 
 political liberalism. Theocracy and liberalism met in 
 the genius of FELiciTE-RoBERT DE LAMENNAIS (1782- 
 1854) ; they engaged after a time in conflict, and in 
 the end the victory lay with his democratic sympathies. 
 A Breton and a priest, Lamennais, endowed with ima- 
 gination, passion, and eloquence, was more a prophet 
 than a priest. He saw the world around him perishing 
 through lack of faith ; religion alone could give it life 
 and health ; a Church, freed from political shackles, 
 in harmony with popular tendencies, governed by the 
 sovereign Pontiff, might animate the world anew. The 
 voice of the Catholic Church is the voice of humanity, 
 uttering the general reason of mankind. When the 
 Essai sur I' Indifference en Matiere de Religion appeared, 
 another Bossuet seemed to have arisen. But was a 
 democratic Catholicism possible ? Lamennais trusted 
 that it might be so, and as the motto of the journal 
 L Avenir (1830), in which Lacordaire and Montalembert 
 were his fellow-labourers, he chose the words Dieu et 
 Liberte. 
 
 The orthodoxy of the Avenir was suspected. Lamen- 
 nais, with his friends, journeyed to Rome "to consult 
 the Lord in Shiloh," and in the Affaires de Rome recorded 
 his experiences. The Encyclical of 1832 pronounced 
 against the doctrines dearest to his heart and conscience ;
 
 358 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 he bowed in submission, yet he could not abandon his 
 inmost convictions. His hopes for a democratic theo- 
 cracy failing, he still trusted in the peoples. But the 
 democracy of his desire and faith was one not devoted 
 to material interests; to spiritualise the democracy be- 
 came henceforth his aim. In the Paroles d'uu Croyant he 
 announced in rhythmical prose his apocalyptic visions. 
 " It is," said a contemporary, "a bonnet rouge planted on 
 a cross." In his elder years Lamennais believed in a 
 spiritual power, a common thought, a common will direct- 
 ing society, as the soul directs the body, but, like the soul, 
 invisible. His metaphysics, in which it is attempted to 
 give a scientific interpretation and application to the 
 doctrine of the Trinity, are set forth in the Esquisse dune 
 Philosophic. His former associates, Lacordaire, the elo- 
 quent Dominican, and Montalembert, the historian, 
 learned and romantic, of Western monasticism, remained 
 faithful children of the Church. Lamennais, no less 
 devout in spirit than they, died insubmissive, and above 
 his grave, among the poor of Pere-Lachaise, no cross was 
 erected. 
 
 The antagonism to eighteenth-century thought assumed 
 other forms than those of the theocratic school. VICTOR 
 COUSIN (1792-1867), a pupil of Maine de Biran and 
 Royer-Collard, became at the age of twenty-three a 
 lecturer on philosophy at the Sorbonne. He was enthu- 
 siastic, ambitious, eloquent ; with scanty knowledge he 
 spoke as one having authority, and impressed his hearers 
 with the force of a ruling personality. Led on from 
 Scotch to German philosophy, and having the advantage 
 of personal acquaintance with Hegel, he advanced 
 through psychology to metaphysics. Not in the senses 
 but in the reason, impersonal in its spontaneous activity,
 
 ECLECTIC SCHOOL: SOCIALISM 359 
 
 he recognised the source of absolute truth ; in the first 
 act of consciousness are disclosed the finite, the infinite, 
 and their mutual relations. In the history of philosophy, 
 in its four great systems of sensationalism, idealism, 
 scepticism, mysticism, he recognised the substance of 
 philosophy itself undergoing the process of evolution : 
 each system is true in what it affirms, false in what it 
 denies. With psychology as a starting-point, and eclec- 
 ticism as a method, Cousin attempted to establish a 
 spiritualist doctrine. A young leader in the domain of 
 thought, he became at a later time too imperious a ruler. 
 In the writings of his disciple and friend THEODORE 
 JOUFFROY (1796-1842) there is a deeper accent of reality. 
 Doubting, and contending with his doubts, Jouffroy 
 brooded upon the destiny of man, made inquisition into 
 the problems of psychology, refusing to identify mental 
 science with physiology, and applied his remarkable 
 powers of patient and searching thought to the solution 
 of questions in morals and aesthetics. The school of 
 Cousin has been named eclectic ; it should rather be 
 named spiritualist. The tendencies to which it owed its 
 origin extended beyond philosophy, and are apparent 
 in the literary art of Cousin's contemporaries. 
 
 As a basis for social reconstruction the spiritualist 
 philosophy was ineffectual. Another school of thought 
 issuing from the Revolution, yet opposing ts anarchic in- 
 dividualism, aspired to regenerate society by the applica- 
 tion of the principles of positive science. CLAUDE-HENRI 
 DE SAINT-SIMON (1760-1825), and FRANCOIS-CHARLES 
 FOURIER (1772-1837), differing in many of their opinions, 
 have a common distinction as the founders of modern 
 socialism. Saint-Simon's ideal was that of a State con- 
 trolled in things of the mind by men of science, and in 
 24
 
 360 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 material affairs by the captains of industry. The aim of 
 society should be the exploitation of the globe by associa- 
 tive effort. In his Nouveau Christianisme he thought to 
 deliver the Christian religion from the outworn supersti- 
 tion, as he regarded it, alike of Catholicism and Pro- 
 testantism, and to point out its true principle as adapted 
 to our nineteenth century that of human charity, the 
 united effort of men towards the well-being of the 
 poorest class. 
 
 Saint-Simon, fantastic, incoherent, deficient in the 
 scientific spirit and in the power of co-ordinating his 
 results, yet struck out suggestive ideas. A great and sys- 
 tematic thinker, AUGUSTE COMTE (1798-1857), who was 
 associated with Saint-Simon from 1817 to 1824, perceived 
 the significance of these ideas, and was urged forward by 
 them to researches properly his own. The positivism of 
 Conite consists of a philosophy and a polity, in which a 
 religion is involved. The quickening of his emotional 
 nature through an adoring friendship with Mme. Clotilde 
 de Vaux, made him sensible of the incompleteness of his 
 earlier efforts at an intellectual reconstruction ; he felt 
 the need of worship and of love. Comte's philosophy 
 proceeds from the theory that all human conceptions 
 advance from the primitive theological state, through 
 the metaphysical when abstract forces, occult causes, 
 scholastic entities are invented to explain the phenomena 
 of nature to the positive, when at length it is recog- 
 nised that human knowledge cannot pass beyond the 
 region of phenomena. With these stages corresponds 
 the progress of society from militarism, aggressive or 
 defensive, to industrialism. The several abstract sciences 
 those dealing with the laws of phenomena rather than 
 with the application of laws are so arranged by Comte
 
 POSITIVISM 361 
 
 as to exhibit each more complex science resting on a 
 simpler, to which it adds a new order of truths ; the 
 whole erection, ascending to the science of sociology, 
 which includes a dynamical as well as a statical doctrine 
 of human society a doctrine of the laws of progress as 
 well as of the laws of order is crowned by morals. 
 
 In the polity of positivism the supreme spiritual power 
 is entrusted to a priesthood of science. Their moral 
 influence will be chiefly directed to reinforcing the social 
 feeling, altruism, as against the predominance of self-love. 
 The object of religious reverence is not God, but the 
 "Great Being" Humanity, the society of the noble living 
 and the noble dead, the company, or rather the unity, 
 of all those who contribute to the better life of man. 
 To Humanity we pay our vows, we yield our gratitude, 
 we render our homage, we direct our aspirations ; for 
 Humanity we act and live in the blessed subordination 
 of egoistic desire. Women the mother, the wife, the 
 daughter purifying through affection the energies of 
 man, act, under the Great Being, as angelic guardians, 
 accomplishing a moral providence. 
 
 Comte's theory of the three states, theological, meta- 
 physical, and positive, was accepted by PIERRE JOSEPH 
 PROUDHON (1809-65), a far more brilliant writer, a 
 far less constructive thinker, and aided him in arriving 
 at conclusions which differ widely from those of Comte. 
 Son of a cooper at Besan^on, Proudhon had the virtues 
 of a true child of the people integrity, affection, courage, 
 zeal, untiring energy. Religion he would replace by 
 morality, ardent, strict, and pure. Free associations of 
 workmen, subject to no spiritual or temporal authority, 
 should arise over all the land. Qu'est-ce que la Propriety? 
 he asked in the title of a work published in 1840; and
 
 362 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 his answer was, La Propriete c'est le Vol. Property, seiz- 
 ing upon the products of labour in the form of rent or 
 interest, and rendering no equivalent, is theft. Justice 
 demands that service should be repaid by an equal ser- 
 vice. Society, freely organising itself on the principles 
 of liberty and justice, requires no government ; only 
 through such anarchy as this can true order be at- 
 tained. An apostle of modern communism, Proudhon, 
 by ideas leavening the popular mind, became no in- 
 significant influence in practical politics.
 
 CHAPTER III 
 
 POETRY OF THE ROMANTIC SCHOOL 
 
 I 
 
 THE eighteenth century did homage to the reason; it 
 sought for general truths, scientific, social, political ; its 
 art was in the main an inheritance, diminished with lapse 
 of time, from the classical art of the preceding century. 
 With Rousseau came an outburst of the personal element 
 in literature, an overflow of sensibility, an enfranchise- 
 ment of the passions, and of imagination as connected 
 with the passions ; his eloquence has in it the lyrical 
 note. The romantic movement was an assertion of 
 freedom for the imagination, and an assertion of the 
 rights of individuality. Love, wonder, hope, measure- 
 less desire, strange fears, infinite sadness, the sentiment 
 of nature, aspiration towards God, were born anew. 
 Imagination, claiming authority, refused to submit to 
 the rules of classic art. Why should the several literary 
 species be impounded each in its separate paddock ? 
 Let them mingle at the pleasure of the artist's genius ; 
 let the epic and the drama catch what they can of the 
 lyric cry ; let tragedy and comedy meet and mix. Why 
 remain in servitude to the models of Greece and Rome ? 
 Let all epochs and every clime contribute to the enrich- 
 ment of art. The primitive age was above all others the 
 
 363
 
 364 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 age of poetry. The great Christian centuries were the 
 centuries of miracle and marvel, of spiritual exaltation 
 and transcendent passion. Honour, therefore, to our 
 mediaeval forefathers ! It is the part of reason to trust 
 the imagination in the imaginative sphere. Through 
 what is most personal and intimate we reach the truths 
 of the universal heart of man. An image may at the same 
 time be a symbol ; behind a historical tableau may lie a 
 philosophical idea. 
 
 At first the romantic movement was Christian and 
 monarchical. Its assertion of freedom, its claims on 
 behalf of the ego, its licence of the imagination, were 
 in reality revolutionary. The intellect is more aristo- 
 cratic than the passions. The great spectacle of modern 
 democracy deploying its forces is more moving than any 
 pallid ideals of the past ; it has the grandeur and breadth 
 of the large phenomena of nature ; it is wide as a sun- 
 rise ; its advance is as the onset of the sea, and has like 
 rumours of victory and defeat. The romantic move- 
 ment, with no infidelity to its central principle, became 
 modern and democratic. 
 
 Foreign life and literatures lent their aid to the roman- 
 tic movement in France the passion and mystery of the 
 East; the struggle for freedom in Greece; the old ballads 
 of Spain; the mists, the solitudes, the young heroes, the 
 pallid female forms of Ossian; the feudal splendours of 
 Scott; the melancholy Harold; the mysterious Manfred ; 
 Goethe's champion of freedom, his victim of sensibility, 
 his seeker for the fountains of living knowledge ; Schiller's 
 revolters against social law, and his adventurers of the 
 court and camp. 
 
 With the renewal of imagination and sentiment came 
 a renewal of language and of metre. The poetical
 
 POETIC DICTION: ROMANTIC VERSE 365 
 
 diction of the eighteenth century had grown colourless 
 and abstract ; general terms had been preferred to parti- 
 cular ; simple, direct, and vivid words had been replaced 
 by periphrases the cock was "the domestic bird that 
 announces the day." The romantic poets sought for 
 words whether noble or vulgar that were coloured, 
 concrete, picturesque. The tendency culminated with 
 Gautier, to whom words were valuable, like gems, for 
 their gleam, their iridescence, and their hardness. Lost 
 treasures of the language were recovered ; at a later 
 date new verbal inventions were made. By degrees, also, 
 grammatical structure lost some of its rigidity ; sentences 
 and periods grew rather than were built ; phrases were 
 alive, and learnt, if there were a need, to leap and bound. 
 Verse was moulded by the feeling that inspired it ; the 
 melodies were like those of an Eolian harp, long-drawn 
 or retracted as the wind swept or touched the strings. 
 Symmetry was slighted ; harmony was valued for its 
 own sake and for its spiritual significance. Rich rhymes 
 satisfied or surprised the ear, and the poet sometimes 
 suffered through his curiosity as a virtuoso. By internal 
 licences the mobile cesura, new variations and com- 
 binations the power of the alexandrine was marvel- 
 lously enlarged ; it lost its monotony and became 
 capable of every achievement ; its external restraints 
 were lightened ; verse glided into verse as wave over- 
 taking wave. The accomplishment of these changes 
 was a gradual process, of which Hugo and Sainte-Beuve 
 were the chief initiators. Gautier and, in his elder years, 
 Hugo contributed to the later evolution of romantic 
 verse. The influence on poetical form of Lamartine, 
 Vigny, Musset, was of minor importance. 
 
 The year 1822 is memorable ; it saw the appearance
 
 366 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 of Vigny's Poemes, the Odes of Hugo, which announced 
 a new power in literature, though the direction of that 
 power was not yet defined, and almost to the same 
 moment belongs the indictment of classical literature 
 by Henri Beyle (" Stendhal ") in his study entitled 
 Racine ct Shakespeare. Around Charles Nodier, in the 
 library of the Arsenal, gathered the young revolters 
 among them Vigny, tSainte-Beuve, Emile Deschamps, 
 afterwards the translator of Romeo and Juliet and Mac- 
 beth, his brother Antony, afterwards the translator of the 
 Divine Comedy. The first Cenacle was formed ; in the 
 Muse Franqaise and in the Globe the principles of the 
 new literary school were expounded and illustrated. 
 Victor Hugo looked on with friendly intentions, but 
 still held aloof. 
 
 JEAN-PIERRE DE BERANGER (1780-1857) was not One 
 
 of this company of poets. A child of Paris, of humble 
 parentage, he discovered, after various experiments, that 
 his part was not that of a singer of large ambitions. In 
 1815 his first collection of Chansons appeared ; the fourth 
 appeared in 1833. Standing between the bourgeoisie and 
 the people, he mediated between the popular and the 
 middle-class sentiment. His songs flew like town spar- 
 rows from garret to garden ; impudent or discreet, they 
 nested everywhere. They seemed to be the embodied 
 wisdom of good sense, good temper, easy morals, love 
 without its ardours, poverty without its pains, patriotism 
 without its fatigues, a religion on familiar terms with the 
 Dieu des bonnes gens. In his elder years a Beranger 
 legend had evolved itself ; he was the sage of democracy, 
 the Socrates of the people, the patriarch to whom pil- 
 grims travelled to receive the oracles of liberal and 
 benevolent philosophy. Notwithstanding his faults in
 
 BERANGER: LAMARTINE 367 
 
 the pseudo-classic taste, Beranger was skilled in the art 
 of popular song ; he knew- the virtue of concision ; he 
 knew how to evolve swiftly his little lyric drama ; he knew 
 how to wing his verses with a volent refrain ; he could 
 catch the sentiment of the moment and of the multitude ; 
 he could be gay with touches of tenderness, and smile 
 through a tear reminiscent of departed youth and plea- 
 sure and Lisette. For the good bourgeois he was a liberal 
 in politics and religion ; for the people he was a democrat 
 who hated the Restoration, loved equality more than 
 liberty, and glorified the legendary Napoleon, repre- 
 sentative of democratic absolutism. In the history of 
 politics the songs of Beranger count for much ; in the 
 history of literature the poet has a little niche of his 
 own, with which one may be content who, if he had not 
 in elder years supposed himself the champion of a literary 
 revolution, might be called modest. 
 
 II 
 
 Among the members of the Cenacle was to be seen a 
 poet already famous, their elder by several years, who 
 might have been the master of a school had he not 
 preferred to dwell apart ; one who, born for poetry, 
 chose to look on verse as no more than an accident of 
 his existence. In the year 1820 had appeared a slender 
 volume entitled Meditations Poctiques. The soul, long 
 departed, returned in this volume to French poetry. 
 Its publication was an event hardly less important than 
 that of the Genie du Christianismc. The well-springs of 
 pure inspiration once more flowed. The critics, indeed, 
 were not all enthusiastic ; the public, with a surer instinct,
 
 368 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 recognised in Lamartine the singer they had for many 
 years desired, and despaired to find. 
 
 ALPHONSE DE LAMARTINE, born at Macon in 1790, of 
 royalist parents, had passed his childhood among the 
 tranquil fields and little hills around his homestead at 
 Milly. From his mother he learned to love the Bible, 
 Tasso, Bernardin, and a christianised version of the 
 Savoyard Vicar's faith ; at a later time he read Chateau- 
 briand, Rousseau, Milton, Byron, and was enchanted by 
 the wandering gleams and glooms of Ossian. From 
 the melancholy of youth he was roused by Italian travel, 
 and by that Italian love romance of Graziella, the cir- 
 cumstances of which he has dignified for the uses of 
 idealised autobiography. A deeper passion of love and 
 grief followed; Madame Charles, the "Julie" of Lamar- 
 tine's Raphael, the " Elvire " of his Meditations, died. 
 Lamartine had versified already in a manner which has 
 affinities with that of those eighteenth-century poets 
 and elegiac singers of the Empire whom he was to 
 banish from public regard. Love and grief evoked finer 
 and purer strains ; his deepest feelings flowed into verse 
 with perfect sincerity and perfect spontaneity. Without 
 an effort of the will he had become the most illustrious 
 poet of France. 
 
 Lamartine had held and had resigned a soldiers post 
 in the body-guard of Louis XVIII. He now accepted 
 the position of attache to the embassy at Naples ; pub- 
 lished in 1823 his Nouvelles Meditations, and two years 
 later Le Dernier Chant du Pelerinage d' Harold (Byron's 
 Childe Harold) ; after which followed a long silence. 
 Secretary in 1824 to the legation at Florence, he aban- 
 doned after a time the diplomatic career, and on the 
 eve of the Revolution of July (1830) appeared again as a
 
 LAMARTINE 369 
 
 poet in his Harmonies Poetiques et Religieuses ; travelled 
 in the East in company with his wife, and recorded 
 his impressions in the Voyage en Orient ; entered into 
 political life, at first a solitary in politics as he had been 
 in literature, but by degrees finding himself drawn more 
 and more towards democratic ideas. " Where will you 
 sit ?" he was asked on his presentation in the Chamber. 
 His smiling reply, "On the ceiling," was symbolical of 
 the fact; but from "the ceiling" his exalted oratory, 
 generous in temper, sometimes wise and well informed, 
 descended with influence. Jocelyn (1836), La Chute dun 
 Ange (1838), the Recueillements Poetiques (1839), closed 
 the series of his poetical w r orks, though he did not wholly 
 cease from song. 
 
 In 1847 Lamartine's idealising Histoire des Girondins, 
 brilliant in its romantic portraiture, had the importance 
 of a political event. The Revolution of February placed 
 him for a little time at the head of affairs ; as he had 
 been the soul of French poetry, so for a brief hour 
 he was the soul of the political life of France. With 
 the victory of imperialism Lamartine retired into the 
 shade. He w r as more than sixty years of age ; he had 
 lost his fortune and was burdened with debt. His elder 
 years were occupied with incessant improvisations for 
 the booksellers histories, biographies, tales, criticism, 
 autobiographic confidences flowed from his pen. It was 
 a gallant struggle and a sad one. Through the delicate 
 generosity of Napoleon III. he was at length relieved 
 without humiliating concessions. In 1869 Lamartine 
 died in his eightieth year. 
 
 He was a noble dreamer in practical affairs, and just 
 ideas formed a portion of his dreams. Nature had made 
 him an irreclaimable optimist ; all that is base and ugly
 
 370 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 in life passed out of view as he soared above earth in his 
 luminous ether. Sadness and doubt indeed he knew, 
 but his sadness had a charm of its own, and there 
 were consolations in maternal nature, in love, in reli- 
 gious faith and adoration. His power of vision was not 
 intense or keen ; his descriptions are commonly vague 
 or pale ; but no one could mirror more faithfully a state 
 of feeling divested of all material circumstance. The 
 pure and ample harmonies of his verse do not attack 
 the ear, but they penetrate to the soul. All the great 
 lyric themes God, nature, death, glory, melancholy, 
 solitude, regret, desire, hope, love he interpreted on 
 his instrument with a musician's inspiration. Unhappily 
 he lacked the steadfast force of will, the inexhaustible 
 patience, which go to make a complete artist ; he impro- 
 vised admirably ; he refused to labour as a master of 
 technique ; hence his diffuseness, his negligences ; hence 
 the decline of his powers after the first spontaneous 
 inspiration was exhausted. 
 
 Lamartine may have equalled but he never surpassed 
 the best poems of his earliest volume. But the elegiac 
 singer aspired to be a philosophic poet, and, infusing his 
 ideas into sentiment and narrative, became the author of 
 Jocelyn and La Chute d'un Ange. Recalling and idealis- 
 ing an episode in the life of his friend the Abbe Dumont, 
 he tells how Jocelyn, a child of humble parents not 
 yet a priest takes shelter among the mountains from 
 the Revolutionary terror ; how a proscribed youth, 
 Laurence, becomes his companion ; how Laurence is 
 found to be a girl ; how friendship passes into love ; 
 how, in order that he may receive the condemned 
 bishop's last confession, Jocelyn submits to become a 
 priest ; how the lovers part ; how Laurence wanders
 
 LAMARTINE 371 
 
 into piteous ways of passion ; how Jocelyn attends her 
 in her dying hours, and lays her body among the hills 
 and streams of their early love. It is Jocelyn who 
 chronicles events and feelings in his journal of joy and 
 of sorrow. Lamartine acknowledges that he had before 
 him as a model the idyl dear to him in childhood 
 Bernardin's Paul et Virginie. 
 
 The poem is complete in itself, but it was designed 
 as a fragment of that vast modern epopee, with humanity 
 for the hero, of which La Chute d'un Ange was another 
 fragment. The later poem, vast in dimensions, fantastic 
 in subject, negligent in style, is a work of Lamar- 
 tine's poetic decline. We are among the mountains 
 of Lebanon, where dwell the descendants of Cain. 
 The angel, enamoured of the maiden Dai'dha, becomes 
 human. Through gigantic and incoherent inventions 
 looms the idea of humanity which degrades itself by 
 subjugation to the senses, as in Jocelyn we had seen 
 the type of humanity which ascends by virtue of aspira- 
 tions of the soul. It was a poor jest to say that the 
 title of his poem La CJiute d'un Ange described its 
 author. Lamartine had failed ; he could not handle so 
 vast a subject with plastic power ; but in earlier years 
 he had accomplished enough to justify us in disregarding 
 a late failure he had brought back the soul to poetry. 
 
 Ill 
 
 Among the romantic poets who made themselves 
 known between 1820 and 1830, ALFRED DE VIGNY is 
 distinguished by the special character of his genius, 
 and by the fact that nothing in his poetry is derived
 
 372 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 from his contemporaries. Lamartine, Hugo, and, at 
 a later date, Musset, found models or suggestions in 
 his writings. He, though for a time closely connected 
 with the romantic school, really stands apart and alone. 
 Born in 1797, he followed the profession of his father, 
 that of arms, and knew the hopes, the illusions, and the 
 disappointments of military service at the time of the 
 fall of the Empire and the Bourbon restoration. He 
 read eagerly in Greek literature, in the Old Testament, 
 and among eighteenth-century philosophers. As early 
 as 1815 he wrote his admirable poem La Dryade, in which, 
 before Andre Chenier's verse had appeared, Chenier's 
 fresh and delicate feeling for antiquity was anticipated. 
 In 1822 his first volume, Pocmes, was published, includ- 
 ing the Helena, afterwards suppressed, and groups of 
 pieces classified as Antiques, Judaiques, and Modernes. 
 Already his Moise, majestic in its sobriety, was written, 
 though it waited four years for publication in the volume 
 of Poemes Antiques et Modernes (1826). Moses climbing 
 the slopes of Nebo personifies the solitude and the heavy 
 burden of genius ; his one aspiration now is for the 
 sleep of death ; and it is the lesser leader Joshua who 
 will conduct the people into the promised land. The 
 same volume included Eloa, a romance of love which 
 abandons joy through an impulse of divine pity : the 
 radiant spirit Eloa, born from a tear of Christ, resigns 
 the happiness of heaven to bring consolation to the great 
 lost angel suffering under the malediction of God. Other 
 pieces were inspired by Spain, with its southern violence 
 of passion, and by the pass of Roncesvalles, with its 
 chivalric associations. 
 
 The novel of Cinq-Mars, which had a great success, is 
 a free treatment of history ; but Vigny's best work is
 
 ALFRED DE VIGNY 373 
 
 rather the embodiment of ideas than the rendering of 
 historical matter. His Stello in its conception has some- 
 thing of kinship with Mo'ise ; in three prose tales relating 
 the sufferings of Chatterton, Chenier, and Gilbert, it illus- 
 trates the sorrows of the possessors of genius. Vigny's 
 military experience suggested another group of tales, the 
 Servitude et Grandeur Militaires ; the soldier in accepting 
 servitude finds his consolation in the duty at all costs of 
 strenuous obedience. 
 
 In 1827 Vigny quitted the army, and next year took 
 place his marriage one not unhappy, but of imperfect 
 sympathy to an English lady, Lydia Bunbury. His 
 interest in English literature was shown by translations 
 of Othello and the Merchant of Venice. The former was 
 acted with the applause of the young romanticists, who 
 worshipped Shakespeare ardently if not wisely, and who 
 bore the shock of hearing the unclassical word moucJioir 
 valiantly pronounced on the French stage. The triumph 
 of his drama of Chatterton (1835) "was overwhelming, 
 though its glory to-day seems in excess of its deserts. 
 Ten years later Vigny was admitted to the Academy. 
 But with the representation of Chatterton, and at the 
 moment of his highest fame, he suddenly ceased from 
 creative activity. Never was his mind more energetic, 
 never was his power as an artist so mature ; but, ex- 
 cept a few wonderful poems contributed to the Revue 
 des Deux Mondes, and posthumously collected, nothing 
 was given by him to the world from 1835 to 1863, the 
 year of his death. 
 
 He had always been a secluded spirit ; external com- 
 panionship left him inwardly solitary; secret so Sainte- 
 Beuve puts it in his " tower of ivory " ; touching some 
 mountain-summit for a moment so Dumas describes
 
 374 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 him if he folded his wings, as a concession to humanity. 
 A great disillusion of passion had befallen him ; but, 
 apart from this, he must have retreated into his own 
 sphere of ideas and of images, which seemed to him 
 to be almost wronged by an attempt at literary expres- 
 sion. He looked upon the world with a disenchanted 
 eye ; he despaired of the possibilities of life for himself 
 and for all men ; without declamation or display, he re- 
 signed himself to a silent and stoical acceptance of the 
 lot of man ; but out of this calm despair arose a pas- 
 sionate pity for his fellows, a pity even for things evil, 
 such as his Eloa felt for the lost angel. La Colere de 
 Samson gives majestic utterance to his despair of human 
 love ; his Mont des Oliviers, where Jesus seeks God in 
 vain, and where Judas lurks near, expresses his religious 
 despair. Nature, the benevolent mother, says Vigny, is 
 no mother, but a tomb. Yet he would not clamour 
 against the heavens or the earth ; he would meet death 
 silently when it comes, like the dying wolf of his poem 
 (La Mort du Loup), suffering but voiceless. Wealth and 
 versatility of imagination were not Vigny's gifts. His 
 dominant ideas were few, but he lived in them ; for 
 them he found apt imagery or symbol ; and in verse 
 which has the dignity of reserve and of passion con- 
 trolled to sobriety, he let them as it were involuntarily 
 escape from the seclusion of his soul. He is the thinker 
 among the poets of his time, and when splendours of 
 colour and opulence of sound have passed away, the 
 idea remains. In fragments from his papers, published 
 in 1867, with the title Journal d'un Poete, the inner history 
 of Vigny's spirit can be traced.
 
 VICTOR HUGO 375 
 
 IV 
 
 To present VICTOR HUGO in a few pages is to carve a 
 colossus on a cherry-stone. His work dominates half a 
 century. In the years of exile he began a new and 
 greater career. During the closing ten years his powers 
 had waned, but still they were extraordinary. Even 
 with death he did not retire ; posthumous publications 
 astonished and perhaps fatigued the world. 
 
 Victor-Marie Hugo was born at Besangon on February 
 26, 1802, son of a distinguished military officer 
 
 " Mon pi;re vieux soldaf, nta mtre Vendeenne" 
 
 Mother and children followed Commandant Hugo to 
 Italy in 1807 ; in Spain they halted at Ernani and at 
 Torquemada names remembered by the poet ; at 
 Madrid a Spanish Quasimodo, their school servant, 
 alarmed the brothers Eugene and Victor. A schoolboy 
 in Paris, Victor Hugo rhymed his chivalric epic, his 
 tragedy, his melodrama "les betises que je faisais avant 
 ma naissance." In 1816 he wrote in his manuscript book 
 the words, " I wish to be Chateaubriand or nothing." 
 At fifteen he was the laureate of the Jeux Floraux, the 
 "enfant sublime" of Chateaubriand's or of Soumet's 
 praise. 
 
 Founder, with his brothers, of the Conservateur Litte- 
 raire, he entered into the society of those young aspirants 
 who hoped to renew the literature of France. In 1822 
 he published his Odes et Poesies Diverses, and, obtaining a 
 pension from Louis XVIII., he married his early play- 
 fellow Adele Foucher. Romances, lyrics, dramas followed 
 in sw r ift succession. Hugo, by virtue of his genius, his 
 25
 
 376 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 domineering temper, his incessant activity, became the 
 acknowledged leader of the romantic school. In 1841 
 he was a member of the Academy ; four years later he 
 was created a peer. Elected deputy of Paris in 1848, the 
 year of revolution, he sat on the Right in the Con- 
 stituant, on the Left in the Legislative Assembly, tending 
 more and more towards socialistic democracy. The 
 Empire drove him into exile exile first at Brussels, 
 then in Jersey, finally in Guernsey, where Hugo, in his 
 own imagination, was the martyred but unsubdued 
 demi-god on his sea-beaten rock. In 1870, on the fall 
 of the Empire, he returned to Paris, witnessed the siege, 
 was elected to the National Assembly, urged a con- 
 tinuance of the war, spoke in favour of recognising 
 Garibaldi's election, and being tumultuously interrupted 
 by the Right, sent in his resignation. Occupied at Brussels 
 in the interests of his orphaned grandchildren, he was 
 requested to leave, on the ground of his zeal on behalf of 
 the fallen Communists ; he returned to Paris, and pleaded 
 in the Rappel for amnesty. In 1875 he was elected a 
 senator. His eightieth birthday was celebrated with 
 enthusiasm. Three years later, on May 23, 1885, Victor 
 Hugo died. His funeral pomps were such that one 
 might suppose the genius of France itself was about to 
 be received at the Pantheon. 
 
 In Victor Hugo an enormous imagination and a vast 
 force of will operated amid inferior faculties. His 
 character was less eminent than his genius. If it is 
 vanity to take a magnified Brocken-shadow for one's self 
 and to admire its superb gestures upon the mist,- never 
 was vanity more complete or more completely satisfied 
 than his. He was to himself the hero of a Hugo legend, 
 and did not perceive when the sublime became the
 
 THE GENIUS OF HUGO 377 
 
 ridiculous. Generous to those beneath him, charitable 
 to universal humanity, he was capable of passionate 
 vindictiveness against individuals who had wounded his 
 self-esteem; and, since whatever opposed him was neces- 
 sarily an embodiment of the power of evil, the contest 
 rose into one of Ormuzd against Ahriman. His intellect, 
 the lesser faculty, was absorbed by his imagination. 
 Vacuous generalities, clothed in magnificent rhetoric, 
 could pass with him for ideas ; but his visions are some- 
 times thoughts in images. The voice of his passions was 
 leonine, but his moral sensibility wanted delicacy. His 
 laughter was rather boisterous thjan fine. He is a poet 
 who seldom achieved a faultless rendering of the subtle 
 psychology of lovers' hearts ; there was in him a vein of 
 robust sensuality. Children were dear to him, and he 
 knew their pretty ways ; a cynical critic might allege 
 that he exploited overmuch the tender domesticities. 
 His eye seized every form, vast or minute, defined or 
 vague ; his feeling for colour was rather strong than 
 delicate ; his vision was obsessed by the antithesis of 
 light and shade ; his ear was awake to every utterance 
 of wind or wave ; phantoms of sound attacked his imagi- 
 nation ; he lent the vibrations of his nerves, his own 
 sentiments, to material objects ; he took and gave back 
 the soul of things. Words for him were living powers; 
 language was a moving mass of significant myths, from 
 which he chose and which he aggrandised ; sensations 
 created images and words, and images and words created 
 ideas. He was a master of all harmonies of verse; now 
 a solitary breather through pipe or flute ; more often the 
 conductor of an orchestra. 
 
 To say that Hugo was the greatest lyric poet of France 
 is to say too little; the claim that he was the greatest
 
 378 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 lyric poet of all literature might be urged. The power 
 and magnitude of his song result from the fact that in it 
 what is personal and what is impersonal are fused in one; 
 his soul echoed orchestrally the orchestrations of nature 
 and of humanity 
 
 " Son dme aux miilc voix, que le Dieu gu'i7 adore 
 Mit an centre de tout comme un tcho sonore." 
 
 And thus if his poetry is not great by virtue of his own 
 ideas, it becomes great as a reverberation of the sensa- 
 tions, the passions, and the thoughts of the world. He 
 did not soar tranquilly aloft and alone ; he was always 
 a combatant in the world and wave of men, or borne 
 joyously upon the flood. The evolution of his genius 
 was a long process. The Odes of 1822 and 1824, the 
 Odes et Ballades of 1826, Catholic and royalist in their 
 feeling, show in their form a struggling originality op- 
 pressed by the literary methods of his predecessors 
 J.-B. Rousseau, Lebrun, Casimir Delavigne. This origin- 
 ality asserts itself chiefly in the Ballades. His early prose 
 romances, Han d Islande (1823) and Bug-Jargal (1826) 
 the one a tale of the seventeenth-cent iry man-beast of 
 Norway, the other a tale of the generous St. Domingo 
 slave are challenges of youthful and extravagant roman- 
 ticism. Le Dernier Jour d'un Condauine '(1829) is a prose 
 study in the pathology of passion. The same year which 
 saw the publication of the last of these is also the year of 
 Les Orientales. These poems are also studies amazing 
 studies in colour, in form, in all the secrets of poetic 
 art. The East was popular Hugo was ever passionate 
 for popularity and Spain, which he had seen, is half- 
 Oriental. But of what concern is the East ? he had 
 seen a sunset last summer, and the fancy took him ; the
 
 HUGO'S EARLY WORK 379 
 
 East becomes an occasion for marvellous combinations 
 of harmony and lustrous tinctures ; art for its own sake 
 is precious. 
 
 From 1827, when Cromwell appeared, to 1843, when 
 the epic in drama Les Burgraves failed, Hugo was a 
 writer for the stage, diverting tragedy from its true 
 direction towards lyrical melodrama. 1 In the operatic 
 libretto La Esmeralda (1836) his lyrical virtuosity was 
 free to display itself in an appropriate dramatic form. 
 The libretto was founded on his own romance Notre- 
 Danie de Paris (1831), an evocation, more imaginative 
 than historical, of the old city of the fifteenth century, 
 its tragic passions, its strangeness, its horrors, and its 
 beauty ; it is a marvellous series of fantasies in black 
 and white; things live in it more truly than persons; 
 the cathedral, by its tyrannous power and intenser life, 
 seems to overshadow the other actors. The tale is a 
 juxtaposition of violent contrasts, an antithesis of dark- 
 ness and light. Through Quasimodo afflicted humanity 
 appeals for pity. 
 
 In the volume of verse which followed Les Orientales 
 after an interval of two years, Les Feuilles d' Autom'ne 
 (1831), Hugo is a master of his instrument, and does not 
 need to display his miracles of skill ; he is freer from 
 faults than in the poetry of later years, but not there- 
 fore more to be admired. His noblest triumphs were 
 almost inevitably accompanied by the excesses of his 
 audacity. Here the lyrism is that of memory and of 
 the heart intimate, tender, grave, with a feeling for the 
 hearth and home, a sensibility to the tranquillising in- 
 fluences of nature, a charity for human-kind, a faith in 
 God, a hope of immortality. Now and again, as in 
 1 See pp. 391-393-
 
 380 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 the epilogue, the spirit of public indignation breaks 
 forth 
 
 " Etfajoute d ma lyre une corde tfairain? 
 
 The spirit of the Chants du Cre'spuscule (1835) is one of 
 doubt, trouble, almost of gloom. Hugo's faith in the 
 bourgeois monarchy is already waning ; he is a satirist 
 of the present ; he sees two things that are majestic the 
 figure of Napoleon in the past, the popular flood-tide in 
 the future which rises to threaten the thrones of kings. 
 But this tide is discerned, as it were, through a dimness 
 of weltering mist. Les Voix Intericurcs (1837) resumes 
 the tendencies of the two preceding volumes ; the dead 
 Charles X. is reverently saluted ; the legendary Napoleon 
 is magnified ; the faith in the people grows clearer ; the 
 inner whispers of the soul are caught with heedful ear; 
 the voice of the sea now enters into Hugo's poetry ; 
 Nature, in the symbolic La Vache, is the mother and 
 the exuberant nurse of all living things. In Les Rayons 
 et les Ombres (1840), Nature is not only the nurse, but the 
 instructress and inspirer of the soul, mingling spirit with 
 spirit. Lamartine's Le Lac and Musset's Souvenir find a 
 companion, not more pure, but of fuller harmonies, in 
 the Tristesse d' Olympio ; reminiscences of childhood are 
 magically preserved in the poem of the Feuillantines. 
 
 From 1840 to 1853 Hugo as a lyrical poet was silent. 
 Like Lamartine, he had concerned himself with politics. 
 A private grief oppressed his spirits. In 1843 his daughter 
 Leopoldine and her husband of a few short months were 
 drowned. In 1852 the poet who had done so much to 
 magnify the first Napoleon in the popular imagination 
 was the exile who launched his prose invective Napoleon 
 le Petit. A year later appeared Les Chatiments, in which
 
 HUGO'S LATER WORK 381 
 
 satire, with some loss of critical discernment, is infused 
 with a passionate lyrical quality, unsurpassed in litera- 
 ture, and is touched at times with epic grandeur. The 
 Empire, if it severed Hugo from the soil of France, 
 restored him to himself with all his superb power and 
 all his violences and errors of genius. 
 
 The volumes of Les Contemplations (1856) mark the 
 culmination of Hugo's powers as a lyrical poet. The 
 earlier pieces are of the past, from 1830 to 1843, and 
 resemble the poems of the past. A group of poems, 
 sacred to the memory of his daughter, follow, in which 
 beauty and pathos are interpenetrated by a consoling 
 faith in humanity, in nature, and in God. The concluding 
 pieces are in a greater manner. The visionary Hugo lives 
 and moves amid a drama of darkness and of light; gloom 
 is smitten by splendour, splendour collapses into gloom ; 
 and darkness and light seem to have become vocal in 
 song. 
 
 But a further development lay before him. The great 
 lyric poet was to carry all his lyric passion into an epic 
 presentation, in detached scenes, of the life of humanity. 
 The first part of La Legende des Siecles was published in 
 1859 (later series, 1877, 1883). From the birth of Eve 
 to ihe tiumpet of judgment the vast cycle of ages and 
 events unrolls before us ; gracious episodes relieve the 
 gloom ; beauty and sublimity go hand in hand ; in the 
 shadow the great criminals are pursued by the great 
 avengers. The spirit of Les Ch&timents is conveyed into 
 a view of universal history ; if kings are tyrants and 
 priests are knaves, the people is a noble epic hero. This 
 poem is the epopee of democratic passions. 
 
 The same spirit of democratic idealism inspires Hugo's 
 romance Les Miscrables (1862). The subject now is
 
 382 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 modern ; the book is rather the chaos of a prose epic 
 than a novel ; the hero is the high-souled outcast of 
 society ; everything presses into the pages ; they are turn 
 by turn historical, narrative, descriptive, philosophical 
 (with such philosophy as Hugo has to offer), humani- 
 tarian, lyrical, dramatic, at times realistic ; a vast inven- 
 tion, beautiful, incredible, sublime, absurd, absorbing in 
 its interest, a nightmare in its tedium. 
 
 We have passed beyond the mid-century, but Hugo is 
 not to be presented as a torso. In the tale Les Travail- 
 leurs de la Mer (1866) the choral voices of the sea cover 
 the thinness and strain of the human voices ; if the 
 writer's genius is present in L'Honune qui Rit (1869), 
 it often chooses to display its most preposterous atti- 
 tudes ; the better scenes of Quatre-vingt Treize (1874) 
 beguile our judgment into the generous concessions 
 necessary to secure an undisturbed delight. These are 
 Hugo's later poems in prose. In verse he revived the 
 feelings of youth with a difference, and performed happy 
 caprices of style in the Chansons des Rues et des Bois 
 (1865) ; sang the incidents and emotions of his country's 
 sorrow and glory in L' Annee Terrible (1872); and strange 
 contrast the poetry of baby land in L' Art d'etre Grand- 
 pere (1877). Volume still followed volume Le Pape, La 
 Pitie Supreme, Religions et Religion, L'Ane, Les Quatre 
 Vents de Esprit, the drama Torquemada. The best pages 
 in these volumes are perhaps equal to the best in any of 
 their author's writings ; the pages which force antithesis, 
 pile up synonyms, develop commonplaces in endless 
 variations, the pages which are hieratic, prophetic, apo- 
 calyptic, put a strain upon the loyalty of our admiration. 
 The last legend of Hugo's imagination was the Hugo 
 legend : if theism was his faith, autotheism was his
 
 ALFRED DE MUSSET 383 
 
 superstition. Yet it is easy to restore our loyalty, and 
 to rediscover the greatest lyric poet, the greatest master 
 of poetic counterpoint that France has known. 
 
 V 
 
 ALFRED DE MUSSET has been reproached with having 
 isolated himself from the general interests and affairs 
 of his time. He did not isolate himself from youth 
 or love, and the young of two generations were his 
 advocates. Born in 1810, son of the biographer of 
 Rousseau, he was a Parisian, inheriting the sentiment 
 and the scepticism of the eighteenth century. Impres- 
 sionable, excitable, greedy of sensations, he felt around 
 him the void left by the departed glories of the Empire, 
 the void left by the passing away of religious faiths. 
 One thing was new and living poetry. Chenier's re- 
 mains had appeared ; Vigny, Hugo, Lamartine had 
 opened the avenues for the imagination ; Byron was 
 dead, but Harold and Manfred and Don Juan survived. 
 Musset, born a poet, was ready for imaginative ven- 
 tures ; he had been introduced, while still a boy, to the 
 Cenacle. Spain and Italy were the regions of romance ; 
 at nineteen he published his first collection of poems, 
 Conies d' Espagne et d' Italic, and an adolescent Cherubin- 
 Don Juan of song found himself famous. 
 
 He gave his adhesion to the romantic school, rather 
 with the light effrontery of youth than with depth of 
 conviction ; he was impertinent, ironical, incredulous, 
 blasphemous, despairing, as became an elegant Byron 
 minor of the boulevards, aged nineteen. But some of 
 the pieces were well composed ; all had the " form and
 
 384 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 feature of blown youth " ; the echoes of southern lands 
 had the fidelity and strangeness of echoes tossed from 
 Paris backwards ; certain passages and lines had a 
 classic grace ; it might even be questioned whether the 
 Ballade a la Lime was a challenge to the school of tradi- 
 tion, or a jest at the expense of his own associates. 
 
 A season of hesitation and of transition followed. 
 Musset was not disposed to play the part of the small 
 drummer-boy inciting the romantic battalion to the 
 double-quick. He began to be aware of his own in- 
 dependence. He was romantic, but he had wit and 
 a certain intellectual good-sense ; he honoured Racine 
 together with Hugo ; he could not merge his individu- 
 ality in a school. Yet, with an infirmity characteristic 
 of him, Musset was discourarged. It was not in him 
 to write great poetry of an impersonal kind ; his Nuit 
 Veniticnne had been hissed at the Odeon ; and what had 
 he to sing out of his own heart ? He resolved to make 
 the experiment. Three years after his first volume a 
 second appeared, which announced by its title that, 
 while still a dramatic poet, he had abandoned the stage ; 
 the Spectacle dans un Fauteuit declared that, though his 
 glass was small, it was from his own glass that he would 
 drink. 
 
 The glass contained the wine of love and youth 
 mingled with a grosser potion. In the drama La Coupe 
 et les Levres he exhibited libertine passion seeking 
 alliance with innocence and purity, and incapable of 
 attaining self-recovery ; in Namouna, hastily written to 
 fit the volume for publication, he presented the pursuit 
 of ideal love as conducting its victim through all the 
 lures of sensual desire ; the comedy A quoi revent les 
 jeunes Filles, with its charm of fantasy, tells of a father's
 
 MUSSET'S GREATER POETRY 385 
 
 device to prepare his daughters for the good prose of 
 wedlock by the poetry of invented romance. Musset 
 had emancipated himself from the Cenacle, and would 
 neither appeal to the eye with an overcharge of local 
 colour, nor seduce the ear with rich or curious rhymes. 
 Next year (1833) in the Revue des Deux Mondes appeared 
 Rolla,i\\Q poem which marks the culmination of Musset's 
 early manner, and of Byron's influence on his genius ; 
 the prodigal, beggared of faith, debased by self-indulg- 
 ence, is not quite a disbeliever in love ; through passion 
 he hastens forward in desperation to the refuge of 
 death. 
 
 At the close of 1833 Musset was with George Sand in 
 Italy. The hours of illusion were followed by months 
 of despair. He knew suffering, not through the imagi- 
 nation, but in his own experience. After a time calm 
 gradually returned, and the poet, great at length by virtue 
 of the sincerity of genius, awoke. He is no longer frivo- 
 lously despairing and elegantly corrupt. In Les Nuits 
 two of these (Mai, Octobre) inspired by the Italian joy and 
 pain he speaks simply and directly from the heart in 
 accents of penetrating power. Solitude, his constant 
 friend, the Muse, and love risfng from the grave of love, 
 shall be his consolers 
 
 " Aprls avoir souffert, ilfaut souffrir encore ; 
 Ilfaut aimer sans cesse, aprds avoir aim<f." 
 
 Musset's powers had matured through suffering ; the 
 Lettre a Lamartine, the Espoir en Dieu, the Souvenir, the 
 elegy A la Malibran, the later stanzas Apres une Lecture 
 (1842), are masterpieces of the true Musset the Musset 
 who will live. 
 
 At thirty Musset was old. At rare intervals came
 
 3 86 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 the flash and outbreak of a fiery mind ; but the years 
 were years of lassitude. His patriotic song, Le RJiin 
 Allemand, is of 1841. In 1852 the Academy received 
 him. " Musset s'absente trop," observed an Academi- 
 cian ; the ungracious reply, " II s'absinthe trop," told 
 the truth, and it was a piteous decline. In 1857, attended 
 by the pious Sister Marceline, Musset died. 
 
 Passion, the spirit of youth, sensibility, a love of 
 beauty, intelligence, esprit, fantasy, eloquence, graceful 
 converse these were Musset's gifts. He lacked ideas; 
 he lacked the constructive imagination ; with great capa- 
 cities as a writer, he had too little of an artist's passion 
 for perfection. His longest narrative in prose, the Con- 
 fession (fun Enfant du Siecle, has borne the lapse of time 
 ill. " J'y ai vomi la verite," he said. It is not the happiest 
 way of communicating truth, and the moral of the book, 
 that debauchery ends in cynicism, was not left for Musset 
 to discover. Some of his shorter tales have the charm 
 of fancy or the charm of tenderness, with breathings 
 of nature here, and there the musky fragrance of a Louis- 
 Quinze boudoir. Pierre et Camille, with its deaf-and- 
 dumb lovers, and their baby, who babbles in the pre- 
 sence of the relenting grandfather " Bonjour, papa," has 
 a pretty innocence. Le Fils de Titien returns to the theme 
 of fallen art, the ruin of self-indulgence. Frederic et Ber- 
 nerette and Mimi Pinson may be said to have created 
 the poetic literature of the grisette gay and good, or 
 erring and despairful making a flower of what had 
 blossomed in the stories of Paul de Kock as a weed. 
 
 Next to the most admirable of his lyric and elegiac 
 poems, Musset's best Comedies and Proverbes (proverbial 
 sayings exemplified in dramatic action), deserve a place. 
 Written in prose for readers of the Revue dcs Deux Mondcs,
 
 MUSSET'S DRAMATIC WORK 387 
 
 their scenic qualities were discovered only in 1847, when 
 the actress Madame Allan presented Un Caprice and 11 
 faut quun Porte soit ouverte ou ferine e at St. Petersburg. 
 The ambitious Shakespearian drama of political con- 
 spiracy, Lorenzaccio, was an effort beyond the province 
 and the powers of Musset. His Andre del Sarto, a tragic 
 representation of the great painter betrayed by his wife 
 and his favourite pupil, needed the relief of his happier 
 fantasy. It is in such delicate creations of a world of 
 romance, a world of sunshine and of perpetual spring, 
 as On ne badine pas avec I' Amour, Les Caprices de Mari- 
 anne, Le Chandelier, II ne faut jurer de rien^ that Musset 
 showed how romantic art could become in a high sense 
 classic by the balance of sensibility and intelligence, of 
 fantasy and passion. The graces of the age of Madame 
 de Pompadour ally themselves here with the freer graces 
 of the Italian Renaissance. Something of the romance 
 of Shakespeare's more poetic comedies mingles with the 
 artificial elegance of Marivaux. Their subject is love, 
 and still repeated love ; sentiment is relieved by the play 
 of gaiety ; the grotesque approaches the beautiful ; we 
 sail in these light-timbered barques to a land that lies not 
 very far from the Illyria and Bohemia and Arden forest 
 of our own great enchanter. 
 
 VI 
 
 Lyrical self-confession reached its limit in the poetry 
 of Musset. Detachment from self and complete sur- 
 render to the object is the law of Gautier's most char- 
 acteristic work ; he is an eye that sees, a hand that 
 moulds and colours that is all. A child of the South,
 
 388 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 born at Tarbes in i8n,THEOPHiLE GAUTIER was a pupil 
 in the painter Rioult's studio till the day when, his friend 
 the poet Gerard de Nerval having summoned him to 
 take part in the battle of Hernani, he swore by the 
 skull from which Byron drank that he would not be a 
 defaulter. His first volume, Poesies, appeared in 1830, 
 and was followed in two years by Albertus, a fantastic 
 manufacture of strangeness and horror, amorous sor- 
 cery, love-philtres, witches' Sabbaths. The Come'die de la 
 Mort evokes the illustrious shades of Raphael, Faust, 
 Don Juan to testify to the vanity of knowledge and 
 glory and art and love. Gautier's romantic enthusiasm 
 was genuine and ardent. The Orientates was his poetic 
 gospel ; but the Orientales is precisely the volume in 
 which Hugo is least effusive, and pursues art most 
 exclusively for art's sake. Love and life and death in 
 these early poems of Gautier are themes into which 
 he works coloured and picturesque details ; sentiment, 
 ideas are of value to him so far as they can be ren- 
 dered in images wrought in high relief and tinctured 
 with vivid pigments. 
 
 It was the sorrow of Gautier's life, that born, as he 
 believed, for poetry, he was forced to toil day after day, 
 year after year, as a critic of the stage and of the art- 
 exhibitions. He performed his task in workman-like 
 fashion, seeking rather to communicate impressions than 
 to pronounce judgments. His most valuable pieces of 
 literary criticism are his exhumations of the earlier 
 seventeenth -century poets Theophile, Cyrano, Saint- 
 Amant, Scarron, and others published in 1844, together 
 with a study of Villon, under the title Les Grotesques, and 
 the memoir of 1867, drawn up in compliance with the 
 request of the Minister of Public Instruction, on Les
 
 GAUTIER'S PROSE 389 
 
 Progres de la Poesie Fran^aise depuis i8jo. A reader of 
 that memoir to-day will feel, with Swift, that literary 
 reputations are dislimned and shifted as quickly and 
 softly as the forms of clouds when the wind plays 
 aloft. 
 
 In 1840 Gautier visited Spain ; afterwards he saw 
 Italy, Algeria, Constantinople, Russia, Greece. He 
 travelled not as a student of life or as a romantic 
 sentimentalist. He saw exactly, and saw all things in 
 colour ; the world was for him so much booty for the 
 eye. Endowed with a marvellous memory, an unwearied 
 searcher of the vocabulary, he could transfer the visual 
 impression, without a faltering outline or a hue grown 
 dim, into words as exact and vivid as the objects which 
 he beheld. If his imagination recomposed things, it was 
 in the manner of some admired painter ; he looked on 
 nature through the medium of a Zurbaran or a Watteau. 
 The dictionary for Gautier was a collection of gems that 
 flashed or glowed ; he chose and set them with the skill 
 and precision of a goldsmith enamoured of his art. At 
 Athens, in one of his latest wanderings, he stood in pre- 
 sence of the Parthenon, and found that he was a Greek 
 who had strayed into the Middle Ages ; on the faith of 
 Notre-Dame de Paris he had loved the old cathedrals ; 
 "the Parthenon," he writes, "has cured me of the 
 Gothic malady, which with me was never very severe." 
 
 Gautier's tales attained one of their purposes, that of 
 astonishing the bourgeois ; yet if he condescended to 
 ideas, his ideas on all subjects except art had less value 
 than those of the philistine. Mademoiselle de Maupin has 
 lost any pretensions it possessed to supereminent immor- 
 ality; its sensuality is that of a dream of youth; such 
 purity as it possesses, compared with books of acrid
 
 390 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 grossness, lies in the fact that the young author loved 
 life and cared for beauty. In shorter tales he studiously 
 constructs strangeness the sense of mystery he did not 
 in truth possess on a basis of exactly carved and exactly 
 placed material. His best invention is the tale of actors 
 strolling in the time most dear to his imagination, the 
 old days of Louis XIII., Le Capitaine Fracasse, suggested 
 doubtless by Scarron's Roman Comiqtic, and patiently 
 retouched during a quarter of a century. 
 
 Gautier as a poet found his true self in the little pieces 
 of the Emaux et Camees. He is not without sensibility, 
 but he will not embarrass himself with either feelings or 
 ideas. He has emancipated himself from the egoism of 
 the romantic tendency. He sees as a painter or a gem- 
 engraver sees, and will transpose his perceptions into 
 coloured and carven words. That is all, but that is 
 much. He values words as sounds, and can combine 
 them harmoniously in his little stanzas. Life goes on 
 around him ; he is indifferent to it, caring only to fix the 
 colour of his enamel, to cut his cameo with unfaltering 
 hand. When the Prussian assault was intended to the 
 city, when Regnault gave away his life as a soldier, 
 Gautier in the Muses' bower sat pondering his epithets 
 and filing his phrases. Was it strength, or was it weak- 
 ness ? His work survives and will survive by virtue of 
 its beauty beauty somewhat hard and material, but 
 such as the artist sought. In 1872 Gautier died. By 
 directing art to what is impersonal he prepared the way 
 for the Parnassien school, and may even be recognised 
 as one of the lineal predecessors of naturalism. 
 
 These Lamartine, Vigny, Hugo, Musset, Gautier are 
 the names which represent the poetry of nineteenth-cen- 
 tury romance; four stars of varying magnitudes, and one
 
 THE ROMANTIC DRAMA 391 
 
 enormous cometary apparition. There was also a via 
 lactea, from which a well-directed glass can easily dis- 
 entangle certain orbs, pallid or fiery : Sainte-Beuve, a 
 critic and analyst of moral disease and disenchantment 
 in the Vie, Poesies et Penstfes de Joseph Delorme; a singer 
 of spiritual reverie, modest pleasures, modest griefs, and 
 tender memories in the Consolations and the Pense'es 
 (TAoiit; a virtuoso always in his metrical researches ; 
 Auguste Barbier, eloquent in his indignant satires the 
 lambes, lover of Italian art and nature in // Pianto ; 
 Auguste Brizeux, the idyllist, in his Marie, of Breton 
 wilds and provincial works and ways ; Gerard de Nerval, 
 Hegesippe Moreau, Madame Desbordes-Valmore, and 
 paler, lessening lights. These and others dwindle for 
 the eye into a general stream of luminous atoms. 
 
 VII 
 
 The weaker side of -the romantic school is apparent in 
 the theatre. It put forth a magnificent programme of 
 dramatic reform, which it was unable to carry out. The 
 preface to Victor Hugo's Cromwell (1827) is the earliest 
 and the most important of its manifestoes. The poetry 
 of the world's childhood, we are told, was lyrical ; that 
 of its youth was epic ; the poetry of its maturity is 
 dramatic. The drama aims at truth before all else ; 
 it seeks to represent complete manhood, beautiful and 
 revolting, sublime and grotesque. Whatever is found 
 in nature should be found in art ; from multiple ele- 
 ments an aesthetic whole is to be formed by the sove- 
 reignty of imagination ; unity of time, unity of place 
 are worthless conventions ; unity of action remains, and 
 
 26
 
 392 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 must be maintained. The play meant to exemplify the 
 principles of Hugo's preface is of vast dimensions, in- 
 capable of presentation on the stage ; the large painting 
 of life for which he pleaded, and which he did not attain, 
 is of a kind more suitable to the novel than to the drama. 
 Cromwell, which departs little from the old rules respect- 
 ing time and place, is a flux and reflux of action, or of 
 speeches in place of action, with the question of the 
 hero's ambition for kingship as a centre ; its personages 
 are lay figures draped in the costumes of historical 
 romance. 
 
 The genius of Hugo was pre-eminently lyrical ; the 
 movement to which he belonged was also essentially 
 lyrical, a movement for the emancipation of the personal 
 element in art ; it is by qualities which are non-dramatic 
 that his dramas are redeemed from dishonour. When, 
 in 1830, his Hernani was presented at the Theatre Fran- 
 c^ais, a strange, long-haired, bearded, fantastically-attired 
 brigade of young supporters engaged in a melee with 
 those spectators who represented the tyranny of tradition. 
 " Kill him ! he is an Academician," was heard above 
 the tumult. Gautier's truculent waistcoat flamed in the 
 thickest of the fight. The enthusiasm of Gautier's party 
 was justified by splendours of lyrism and of oratory ; 
 but Hugo's play is ill-constructed, and the characters are 
 beings of a fantastic world. In Marion Delorme, in Le 
 Rot s amuse, in the prose-tragedy Lucrece Borgia, Victor 
 Hugo develops a favourite theme by a favourite method 
 the moral antithesis of some purity of passion surviving 
 amid a life of corruption, the apotheosis of virtue dis- 
 covered in a soul abandoned to vice, and exhibited in 
 violent contrasts. Marion is ennobled by the sacrifice 
 of whatever remains to her of honour ; the moral de-
 
 HUGO'S DRAMATIC WORK 393 
 
 formity of Lucrece is purified by her instinct of maternal 
 love ; the hideous Triboulet is beautiful by virtue of his 
 devotion as a father. The dramatic study of character 
 is too often replaced by sentimental rhetoric. Ruy Bias, 
 like Marion Delonne and Hernani, has extraordinary 
 beauties; yet the whole, with its tears and laughter, its 
 lackey turned minister of state, its amorous queen, is 
 an incredible phantasmagoria. Angela is pure melo- 
 drama; Marie Tudor is the melodrama of history. Les 
 Burgraves rises from declamation to poetry, or sinks from 
 poetry to declamation ; it is grandiose, epic, or, if the 
 reader please, symbolic ; it is much that it ought not 
 to be, much that is admirable and out of place ; failing 
 in dramatic truth, it fails with a certain sublimity. The 
 logic of action, truth of characterisation, these in tragic 
 creation are essentials ; no heights or depths of poetry 
 which is non-dramatic can entirely justify works which 
 do not accept the conditions proper to their kind. 
 
 The tragedy of Torquemada, strange in conception, 
 wonderful and wonderfully unequal in imaginative 
 power, was an inspiration of Hugo's period of exile, 
 wrought into form in his latest years. The dramas of 
 the earlier period, opening with an historical play too 
 enormous for the stage, closed in 1843 with Les Bur- 
 graves, which is an epic in dialogue. Aspiring to re- 
 volutionary freedom, the romantic drama disdained the 
 bounds of art; epic, lyric, tragedy, comedy met and 
 mingled, with a result too often chaotic. The desired 
 harmony of contraries was not attained. Past ages 
 were to be revived upon the stage. The historic evoca- 
 tion possessed too often neither historic nor human 
 truth ; it consisted in " local colour," and local colour 
 meant a picturesque display of theatrical bric-a-brac.
 
 394 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 Yet a drama requires some centre of unity. Failing 
 of unity in coherent action and well-studied character, 
 can a centre be provided by some philosophical or 
 pseudo - philosophical idea ? Victor Hugo, wealthy in 
 imagery, was not wealthy in original ideas ; in grandiose 
 prefaces he attempted to exhibit his art as the embodi- 
 ment of certain abstract conceptions. A great poet is 
 not necessarily a philosophical poet. Hugo's interpreta- 
 tions of his own art are only evidence of the fact that 
 a writer's vanity can practise on his credulity. 
 
 Among the romantic poets the thinker was Vigny. But 
 it is not by its philosophical symbolism that his Chatter- 
 ton lives ; it is by virtue of its comparative strength of 
 construction, by what is sincere in its passion, what is 
 genuine in its pathos, and by the character of its heroine, 
 Kitty Bell. In the instincts of a dramaturgist both 
 Vigny and Hugo fell far short of ALEXANDRE DUMAS 
 (1803-70). Before the battle of Hernani he had unfolded 
 the romantic banner in his Henri III. et sa Cour (1829)" ; it 
 dazzled by its theatrical inventions, its striking situations, 
 its ever-changing display of the stage properties of his- 
 torical romance. His Antony, of two years later, parent 
 of a numerous progeny, is a domestic tragedy of modern 
 life, exhaling Byronic passion, misanthropy, crime, with 
 a bastard, a seducer, a murderer for its hero, and for 
 its ornaments all those atrocities which fascinate a crowd 
 whose nerves can bear to be agreeably shattered. Some- 
 thing of abounding vitality, of tingling energy, of im- 
 petuosity, of effrontery, secured a career for Antony, the 
 Tour de Nesle, and his other plays. The trade in horrors 
 lost its gallant freebooting airs and grew industriously 
 commercial in the hands of Frederic Soulie. When in 
 1843 the year of Hugo's unsuccessful Les Burgraves
 
 DELAVIGNE: SCRIBE 395 
 
 a pseudo-classical tragedy, the Lucrece of Ponsard, was 
 presented on the stage, the enthusiasm was great ; youth 
 and romance, if they had not vanished, were less militant 
 than in the days of Hernani ; it seemed as if good sense 
 had returned to the theatre. 1 
 
 Casimir Delavigne (1793-1843) is remembered in lyric 
 poetry by his patriotic odes, Les Messe'niennes, suggested 
 by the military disasters of France. His dramatic work 
 is noteworthy, less for the writer's talent than as indi- 
 cating the influence of the romantic movement in check- 
 ing the development of classical art. Had he been free 
 to follow his natural tendencies, Delavigne would have 
 remained a creditable disciple of Racine ; he yielded to 
 the stream, and timidly approached the romantic leaders 
 in historical tragedy. Once in comedy he achieved suc- 
 cess ; UEcoU des Vieillards has the originality of present- 
 ing an old husband who is generous in heart, and a 
 young wife who is good-natured amid her frivolity. 
 Comedy during the second quarter of the century had 
 a busy ephemeral life. The name of Eugene Scribe, an 
 incessant improvisator during forty years, from 1811 
 onwards, in comedy, vaudeville, and lyric drama, seems 
 to recall that of the seventeenth-century Hardy. His 
 art was not all commerce ; he knew and he loved the 
 stage ; a philistine writing for philistines, Scribe cared 
 little for truth of character, for beauty of form ; the 
 theatrical devices became for him ends in themselves ; of 
 these he was as ingenious a master as is the juggler in 
 another art when he tosses his bewildering balls, or 
 smiles at the triumph of his inexplicable surprises. 
 
 1 The influence of the great actress Rachel helped to restore to favour the 
 classical theatre of Racine and Corneille.
 
 CHAPTER IV 
 THE NOVEL 
 
 I 
 
 THE novel in the nineteenth century has yielded itself 
 to every tendency of the age ; it has endeavoured to 
 revive the past, to paint the present, to embody a social 
 or political doctrine, to express private and personal 
 sentiment, to analyse the processes of the heart, to 
 idealise life in the magic mirror of the imagination. 
 The literature of prose fiction produced by writers who 
 felt the influence of the romantic movement tended on 
 the one hand towards lyrism, the passionate utterance 
 of individual emotion George Sand's early tales are 
 conspicuous examples ; on the other hand it turned to 
 history, seeking to effect a living and coloured evoca- 
 tion of former ages. The most impressive of these 
 evocations was assuredly Hugo's Notre-Dame de Paris. 
 It was not the earliest ; Vigny's Cinq-Mars preceded 
 Notre-Dame by five years. The writer had laboriously 
 mastered those details which help to make up the 
 romantic wise en scene ; but he sought less to interpret 
 historical truth by the imagination than to employ the 
 material of history as a vehicle for what he conceived 
 to be ideal truth. In Merimee's Chronique de Charles IX. 
 
 (1829), which also preceded Hugo's romance, the histori- 
 
 396
 
 THE HISTORICAL NOVEL 397 
 
 cal, or, if not this, the archaeological spirit is present ; it 
 skilfully sets a tale of the imagination in a framework of 
 history. 
 
 Hugo's narratives are eminent by virtue of his ima- 
 gination as a poet ; they are lyrical, dramatic, epic ; 
 as a reconstitution of history their value is little or 
 is none. The historical novel fell into the hands of 
 Alexandre Dumas. No one can deny the brilliance, the 
 animation, the bustle, the audacity, the inexhaustible 
 invention of Les Trots Mousquetaires and its high-spirited 
 fellows. There were times when no company was so 
 inspiriting to us as that of the gallant Athos, Porthos, 
 and Aramis. Let the critics assure us that Dumas' 
 history is untrue, his characters superficial, his action 
 incredible ; we admit it, and we are caught again by 
 the flash of life, the fanfaronade of adventure. We 
 throw Eugene Sue to the critics that we may save 
 Alexandre Dumas. But Dumas' brain worked faster 
 than his hand or any human hand could obey its 
 orders ; the mine of his inventive faculty needed a com- 
 mercial company and an army of diggers for its ex- 
 ploitation. He constituted himself the managing director 
 of this company ; twelve hundred volumes are said to 
 have been the output of the chief and his subordinates ; 
 the work ceased to be literature, and became mere com- 
 merce. The money that Dumas accumulated he reck- 
 lessly squandered. Half genius, half charlatan, his genius 
 decayed, and his charlatanry grew to enormous propor- 
 tions. Protected by his son, he died a poor man amid 
 the disasters of the Franco-Prussian war.
 
 398 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 II 
 
 HENRI BEYLE, who wrote under the pseudonym of 
 Stendhal, not popular among his contemporaries, though 
 winning the admiration of Merimee and the praise of 
 Balzac, predicted that he would be understood about 
 1880. If to be studied and admired is to be understood, 
 the prediction has been fulfilled. Taine pronounced him 
 the greatest psychologist of the century ; M.-Zola, doing 
 violence to facts, claimed him as a literary ancestor ; 
 M. Bourget discovered in him the author of a nineteenth- 
 century Bible and a founder of cosmopolitanism in letters. 
 During his lifetime Beyle was isolated, and had a pride 
 in isolation. Born at Grenoble in 1783, he had learnt, 
 during an unhappy childhood, to conceal his natural 
 sensibility ; in later years this reserve was pushed to 
 affectation. He served under Napoleon with coolness 
 and energy; he hated the Restoration, and, a lover of 
 Italian manners and Italian music, he chose Milan for 
 his place of abode. The eighteenth-century materialists 
 were the masters of his intellect ; " the only excuse for 
 God," he declared, " is that he does not exist " ; in man 
 he saw a being whose end is pleasure, w r hose law is 
 egoism, and who affords a curious field for studying 
 the dynamics of the passions. He honoured Napoleon 
 as an incarnation of force, the greatest of the condottieri. 
 He loved the Italian character because the passions in 
 Italy manifest themselves with the sudden outbreaks of 
 nature. He indulged his own passions as a refuge from 
 ennui, and turned the scrutiny of his intelligence upon 
 every operation of his heart. Fearing to be duped, he 
 became the dupe of his own philosophy. He aided the 
 romantic movement by the paradox that all the true
 
 HENRI BEYLE 399 
 
 classical writers were romantic in their own day they 
 sought to please their time ; the pseudo-classical writers 
 attempt to maintain a lifeless tradition. But he had little 
 in common with the romantic school, except a love for 
 Shakespeare, a certain feeling for local colour, and an 
 interest in the study of passion ; the effusion and exalta- 
 tion of romance repelled him; he laboured to be "dry," 
 and often succeeded to perfection. 
 
 His analytical study De I' Amour, resting on a sensual 
 basis, has all the depth and penetration which is possible 
 to a shallow philosophy. His notes on travel and art 
 anticipate in an informal way the 'method of criticism 
 which became a system in the hands of Taine ; in a 
 line, in a phrase, he resolves the artist into the resultant 
 of environing forces. His novels are studies in the 
 mechanics of the passions and the will. Human energy, 
 which had a happy outlet in the Napoleonic wars, must 
 seek a new career in Restoration days. Julien Sorel, the 
 low-born hero of Le Rouge et le Noin, rinding the red 
 coat impossible, must don the priestly black as a cloak 
 for his ambition. Hypocrite, seducer, and assassin, he 
 ends his career under the knife of the guillotine. La 
 Chartreuse de Parme exhibits the manners, characters, 
 intrigues of nineteenth-century Italy, with a remarkable 
 episode which gives a soldier's experiences of the field 
 of Waterloo. In the artist's plastic power Beyle was 
 wholly wanting; a collection of ingenious observations 
 in psychology may be of rare value, but it does not 
 constitute a work of art. His writings are a whetstone 
 for the intelligence, but we must bring intelligence to 
 its use, else it will grind down or break the blade. In 
 1842 he died, desiring to perpetuate his expatriation by 
 the epitaph which names him Arrigo Beyle Milanese.
 
 400 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 HI 
 
 Lyrical and idealistic are epithets which a critic is 
 tempted to affix to the novels of George Sand ; but from 
 her early lyrical manner she advanced to perfect idyllic 
 narrative ; and while she idealised,, she observed, incor- 
 porating in her best work the results of a patient and 
 faithful study of reality. A vaguer word may be applied 
 to whatever she wrote ; offspring of her idealism or her 
 realism, it is always in a true sense poetic. 
 
 LuciLE-AuRORE DUPIN,. a descendant of Marshal 
 Saxe, was born in Paris in 1804, the daughter of Lieu- 
 tenant Dupin and a mother of humble origin a child 
 at once of the aristocracy and of the people. Her early 
 years were passed in Berri, at the country-house of her 
 grandmother. Strong, calm, ruminating, bovine in 
 temperament, she had a large heart and an ardent 
 imagination. The woods, the flowers, the pastoral 
 heights and hollows, the furrows of the fields, the little 
 peasants, the hemp-dressers of the farm, their processes 
 of life, their store of old tales and rural superstitions 
 made up her earliest education. Already endless stories 
 shaped themselves in her brain. At thirteen she was 
 sent to be educated in a Paris convent ; from the bois- 
 terous moods which seclusion encouraged, she sank of 
 a sudden into depths of religious reverie, or rose to 
 heights of religious exaltation, not to be forgotten 
 when afterwards she wrote Spiridion. The country 
 cooled her devout ardour ; she read widely, poets, his- 
 torians, philosophers, without method and with bound- 
 less delight ; the Genie du Christianisme replaced the 
 Imitation; Rousseau and Byron followed Chateaubriand,
 
 GEORGE SAND 401 
 
 and romance in her heart put on the form of melan- 
 choly. At eighteen the passive Aurore was married to 
 M. Dudevant, whose worst fault was the absence of 
 those qualities of heart and brain which make wedded 
 union a happiness. Two children were born ; and 
 having obtained her freedom and a scanty allowance, 
 Madame Dudevant in 1831, in possession of her son and 
 daughter, resolved upon trying to obtain a livelihood in 
 the capital. 
 
 Perhaps she could paint birds and flowers on cigar- 
 cases and snuff-boxes ; happily her hopes received 
 small encouragement. Perhaps she could succeed in 
 journalism under her friend Delatouche ; she proved 
 wholly wanting in cleverness; her' imagination had 
 wings ; it could not hop on the perch ; before she had 
 begun the beginning of an article the column must 
 end. With her compatriot Jules Sandeau, she attempted 
 a novel Rose et Blanche. " Sand " and Sandeau were 
 fraternal names ; a countryman of Berri was tradition- 
 ally George. Henceforth the young Bohemian, who 
 traversed the quais and streets in masculine garb, should 
 be GEORGE SAND. 
 
 To write novels was to her only a process of nature ; 
 she seated herself before her table at ten o'clock, with 
 scarcely a plot, and only the slightest acquaintance with 
 her characters ; until five in the evening, while her hand 
 guided a pen, the novel wrote itself. Next day and the 
 next it was the same. By-and-by the novel had written 
 itself in full, and another was unfolding. Not that she 
 composed mechanically ; her stories were not manu- 
 factured; they grew grew with facility and in free 
 abundance. At first, a disciple of Rousseau and 
 Chateaubriand, her theme was the romance -of love.
 
 402 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 In Indiana, Valentine, Leila, Jacques, she vindicated the 
 supposed rights of passion. These novels are lyrical 
 cries of a heart that had been wounded ; protests 
 against the crime of loveless marriage, against the 
 tyranny of man, the servitude of woman ; pleas for 
 the individualism of the soul superficial in thought, 
 ill-balanced in feeling, unequal in style, yet rising to 
 passages of rare poetic beauty, and often admirable in 
 descriptive power. The imagination of George Sand had 
 translated her private experiences into romance ; yet she, 
 the spectator of her own inventions, possessed of a fund 
 of sanity which underlay the agitations of her genius, 
 while she lent herself to her creations, plied her pen 
 with a steady hand from day to day. Unwise and 
 blameful in conduct she might be for a season ; she 
 wronged her own life, and helped to ruin the life of 
 Musset, who had neither her discretion nor her years ; 
 but w r hen the inevitable rupture came she could return 
 to her better self. 
 
 Through Andre, Simon, Mauprat the last a tale of love 
 subduing and purifying the savage instincts in man her 
 art advanced in sureness and in strength. Singularly 
 accessible to external influences, singularly receptive of 
 ideas, the full significance and relations of which she 
 failed to comprehend, she felt the force of intelligences 
 stronger than her own of Lamennais, of Ledru-Rollin, 
 of Jean Raynaud, of Pierre Leroux. Mystical religious 
 sentiment, an ardent enthusiasm of humanity, mingled 
 in her mind with all the discordant formulas of socialism. 
 From 1840 to 1848 her love and large generosity of 
 nature found satisfaction in the ideals and the hopes of 
 social reform. Her novels Consuelo, Jeanne, Le Meunier 
 d'Angibault, Le Pech<? de M. Antoine, become expositions
 
 IDYLLIC TALES 403 
 
 of a thesis, or are diverted from their true development 
 to advocate a cause. The art suffers. Jeanne, so admir- 
 able in its rural heroine, wanders from nature to humani- 
 tarian symbolism; Consuelo, in which the writer studies 
 so happily the artistic temperament, too often loses itself 
 in a confusion of ill-understood ideas and tedious de- 
 clamation. But the gain of escape from the egoism of 
 passion to a more disinterested, even if a doctrinaire, 
 view of life was great. George Sand was finding her 
 way. 
 
 Indeed, while writing novels in this her second manner, 
 she had found her way ; her third manner was attained 
 before the second had lost its attraction. La Mare au 
 Diable belongs to the year 1846 ; La Petite Fadette, to 
 the year of Revolution, 1848, which George Sand, ever 
 an optimist, hailed with joy ; Francois le Champi is but 
 two years later. In these delightful tales she returns 
 from humanitarian theories to the fields of Berri, to 
 humble walks, and to the huts where poor men lie. 
 The genuine idyll of French peasant life was new to 
 French literature; the better soul of rural France, George 
 Sand found deep within herself ; she had read the ex- 
 ternal circumstances and incidents of country life with 
 an eye as faithful in observation as that of any student 
 who dignifies his collection of human documents with 
 the style and title of realism in art ; with a sense of 
 beauty and the instincts of affection she merged herself 
 in what she saw ; her feeling for nature is realised in 
 gracious art, and her art seems itself to be nature. 
 
 In the novels of her latest years she moved from Berri 
 to other regions of France, and interpreted aristocratic 
 together with peasant life. Old, experienced, infinitely 
 good and attaching, she has tales for her grandchildren,
 
 404 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 and romances Jean de la Roche, Le Marquis de Villemer, 
 and the rest for her other grandchildren the public. The 
 soul of the peasant, of the artist, of the man who must 
 lean upon a stronger, woman's arm, of the girl neither 
 child nor fully adult she entered into with deepest and 
 truest sympathy. The simple, austere, stoical, heroic 
 man she admired as one above her. Her style at its best, 
 flowing without impetuosity, full and pure without com- 
 motion, harmonious without complex involutions, can 
 mirror beauty as faithfully and as magically as an inland 
 river. "Calme, toujours plus calme," was a frequent 
 utterance of her declining years. " Ne detruisez pas la 
 verdure" were her latest words. In 1876 George Sand 
 died. Her memoirs and her correspondence make us 
 intimate with a spirit, amid all its errors, sweet, generous, 
 and gaining through experience a wisdom for the season 
 of old age. 
 
 IV 
 
 George Sand may be described as an " idealist," if we 
 add the words " with a remarkable gift for observation." 
 Her great contemporary HONORS DE BALZAC is named 
 a realist, but he was a realist haunted or attacked by 
 phantasms and nightmares of romance. Born in 1799 
 at Tours, son of an advocate turned military commis- 
 sariat-agent, Honore de Balzac, after some training in 
 the law, resolved to write, and, if possible, not to starve. 
 With his robust frame, his resolute will, manifest in a 
 face coarsely powerful, his large good-nature, his large 
 egoism, his audacity of brain, it seemed as if he might 
 shoulder his way through the crowd to fortune and to
 
 HONORS DE BALZAC 405 
 
 fame. But fortune and fame were hard to come at. 
 His tragedy Cromwell was condemned by all who saw 
 the manuscript ; his novels were published, and lie deep 
 in their refuge under the waters of oblivion. He tried 
 the trades of publisher, printer, type-founder, and suc- 
 ceeded in encumbering himself with debt. At length in 
 1829 Le Dernier Chouan, a half-historical tale of Brittany 
 in 1800, not uninfluenced by Scott, was received with a 
 measure of favour. 
 
 Next year Balzac found his truer self, overlaid with 
 journalism, pamphleteering, and miscellaneous writing, 
 in a Dutch painting of bourgeois life, Le Maison du Chat- 
 qui-pelote, which relates the sorrows of the draper's 
 daughter, Augustine, drawn from her native sphere by 
 an artist's love. From the day that Balzac began to 
 wield his pen with power to the day, in 1850, when he 
 died, exhausted by the passion of his brain, his own life 
 was concentrated in that of the creatures of his imagina- 
 tion. He had friends, and married one of the oldest of 
 them, Madame Hanska, shortly before his death. Some- 
 times for a little while he wandered away from his desk. 
 More than once he made wild attempts to secure wealth 
 by commercial enterprise or speculation. These were 
 adventures or incidents of his existence. That existence 
 itself is summed up in the volumes of his Human Comedy. 
 He wrote with desperate resolve and a violence of imagi- 
 nation ; he attacked the printer's proof as if it were crude 
 material on which to work. At six in the evening he re- 
 tired to sleep ; he rose at the noon of night, urged on his 
 brain with cups of coffee, and covered page after page 
 of manuscript, until the noon of day released him. So 
 it went on for nearly twenty years, until the intem- 
 perance of toil had worn the strong man out.
 
 406 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 There is something gross in Balzac's genius ; he has 
 little wit, little delicacy, no sense of measure, no fine 
 self-criticism, no lightness of touch, small insight into 
 the life of refined society, an imperfect sense of natural 
 beauty, a readiness to accept vulgar marvels as the equi- 
 valent of spiritual mysteries ; he is monarchical without 
 the sentiment of chivalric loyalty, a Catholic without 
 the sentiment of religion ; he piles sentence on sentence, 
 hard and heavy as the accumulated stones of a cairn. 
 Did. he love his art for its own sake ? It must have been 
 so ; but he esteemed it also as an implement of power, 
 as the means of pushing towards fame and grasping gold. 
 
 Within the gross body of his genius, however, an in- 
 tense flame burnt. He had a vivid sense of life, a 
 perception of all that can be ssen and handled, an 
 eager interest in reality, .a vast passion for things, an in- 
 exhaustible curiosity about the machinery of society, a 
 feeling, exultant or cynical, of the battle of existence, of 
 the conflict for wealth and power, with its triumphs and 
 defeats, its display of fierce volition, its pushing aside of 
 the feeble, its trampling of the fallen, its grandeur, its 
 meanness, its obscure heroisms, and the cruelties of its 
 pathos. He flung himself on the life of society with a 
 desperate energy of inspection, and tried to make the 
 vast array surrender to his imagination. And across his 
 vision of reality shot strange beams and shafts of romantic 
 illumination sometimes vulgar theatrical lights, some- 
 times gleams like those which add a new reality of wonder 
 to the etchings of Rembrandt. What he saw with the 
 eyes of the senses or those of the imagination he could 
 evoke without the loss of any fragment of its life, and 
 could transfer it to the brain of his reader as a vision 
 from which escape is impossible.
 
 BALZAC'S GENIUS 407 
 
 The higher world of aristocratic refinement, the grace 
 and natural delicacy of virginal souls, in general eluded 
 Balzac's observation. He found it hard to imagine a lady; 
 still harder though he tried and half succeeded to con- 
 ceive the mystery of a young girl's mind, in which the 
 airs of morning are nimble and sweet. The gross bour- 
 geois world, which he detested, and a world yet humbler 
 was his special sphere. He studied its various elements 
 in their environment ; a street, a house, a chamber is as 
 much to him as a human being, for it is part of the 
 creature's shell, shaped to its uses, corresponding to its 
 nature, limiting its action. He has created a population 
 of persons which numbers two thousand. Where Balzac 
 does not fail, each of these is a complete individual ; in 
 the prominent figures a controlling passion is the centre 
 of moral life the greed of money, the desire for distinc- 
 tion, the lust for power, some instinct or mania of animal 
 affection. The individual exists in a group ; power cir- 
 culates from inanimate objects to the living actors of his 
 tale ; the environment is an accomplice in the action ; 
 power circulates from member to member of the group; 
 finally, group and group enter into correspondence or 
 conflict ; and still above the turmoil is heard the ground- 
 swell of the tide of Paris. 
 
 The change from the Renes and Obermanns of melan- 
 choly romance was great. But in the government of 
 Louis-Philippe the bourgeoisie triumphed ; and Balzac 
 hated the bourgeoisie. From 1830 to 1840 were his 
 greatest years, which include the Peau de Chagrin, Eugenie 
 Grandet, La Recherche del' Absolu, LePere Goriot, and other 
 masterpieces. To name their titles would be to recite a 
 Homeric catalogue. At an early date Balzac conceived 
 the idea of connecting his tales in groups. They acquired 
 27
 
 408 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 their collective title, La Com^die Humaine, in 1842. He 
 would exhibit human documents illustrating the whole 
 social life of his time ; " the administration, the church, 
 the army, the judicature, the aristocracy, the bourgeoisie, 
 the proletariat, the peasantry, the artists, the journalists, 
 the men of letters, the actors, . . . the shopkeepers of 
 every degree, the criminals," should all appear in his 
 vast tableau of society. His record should include scenes 
 from private life, scenes from Parisian, provincial, politi- 
 cal, military, rural life, with philosophical studies in nar- 
 rative and analytic treatises on the passions. The spirit 
 of system took hold upon Balzac ; he had, in common 
 with Victor Hugo, a gift for imposing upon himself with 
 the charlatanry of pseudo-ideas ; to observe, to analyse, 
 to evoke with his imagination was not enough ; he also 
 would be among the philosophers and Balzac's philo- 
 sophy is often pretentious and vulgar, it is often banal. 
 Outside the general scheme of the human comedy lie 
 his unsuccessful attempts for the theatre, and the Contes 
 Drolatiques, in which the pseudo- antique Rabelaisian 
 manner and the affluent power do not entirely atone 
 for the anachronism of a grossness more natural in the 
 sixteenth than in the nineteenth century. 
 
 V 
 
 Was it possible to be romantic without being lyrical ? 
 Was it possible to produce purely objective work, reserv- 
 ing one's own personality, and glancing at one's audience 
 only with an occasional look of superior irony ? Such 
 was the task essayed by PROSPER MERIMEE (1803-70). 
 With some points of resemblance in character to Beyle,
 
 PROSPER ME*RIMEE 409 
 
 whose ideas were influential on his mind, Merimee pos- 
 sessed the plastic imagination and the craftsman's skill, 
 in which Beyle was deficient. " He is a gentleman," 
 said Cousin, and the words might serve for Merimee's 
 epitaph ; a gentleman not of nature's making, or God 
 Almighty's kind, but constructed in faultless bearing 
 according to the rules. Such a gentleman must betray 
 no sensibility, must express no sentiment, must indulge 
 no enthusiasm, must attach himself to no faith, must be 
 superior to all human infirmities, except the infirmity 
 of a pose which is impressive only by its correctness ; 
 he may be cynical, if the cynicism is wholly free from 
 emphasis ; he may be ironical, if the irony is sufficiently 
 disguised ; he may mystify his fellows, if he keeps the 
 pleasure of mystification for his private amusement. 
 Should he happen to be an artist, he must appear to 
 be only a dilettante. He must never incur ridicule, and 
 yet his whole attitude may be ridiculous. 
 
 Such a gentleman was Prosper Merimee. He had 
 the gift of imagination, psychological insight, the artist's 
 shaping hand. His early romantic plays were put forth 
 as those of Clara Gazul, a Spanish comedienne. His 
 Illyrian poems, La Guzla, were the work of an imaginary 
 Hyacinthe Maglanovich, and Merime'e could smile gently 
 at the credulity of a learned public. He took up the 
 short story where Xavier de Maistre, who had known 
 how to be both pathetic and amiably humorous, and 
 Charles Nodier, who had given play to a graceful 
 fantasy, left it. He purged it of sentiment, he reduced 
 fantasy to the law of the imagination, and produced 
 such works as Carmen and Colombo., each one a little 
 masterpiece of psychological truth, of temperate local 
 colour, of faultless narrative, of pure objective art.
 
 410 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 The public must not suppose that he cares for his 
 characters or what befell them ; he is an archaeologist, 
 a savant, and only by accident a teller of tales. Merimee 
 had more sensibility than he would confess ; it shows 
 itself for moments in the posthumous Lettres d une 
 Inconnue ; but he has always a bearing-rein of ironical 
 pessimism to hold his sensibility in check. The egoism 
 of the romantic school appears in Merimee inverted ; it 
 is the egoism not of effusion but of disdainful reserve. 1 
 
 1 It is one of Merimee's merits that he awakened in France an interest in 
 Russian literature.
 
 CHAPTER V 
 
 HISTORY LITERARY CRITICISM 
 
 I 
 
 THE progress of historical literature in the nineteenth 
 century was aided by the change which had taken place 
 in philosophical opinion ; instead of a rigid system of 
 abstract ideas, which disdained the thought of past ages 
 as superstition, had come an eclecticism guided by 
 spiritual beliefs. The religions of various lands and 
 various ages were viewed with sympathetic interest ; 
 the breach of continuity from mediaeval to modern 
 times was repaired ; the revolutionary spirit of in- 
 dividualism gave way before a broader concern for 
 society ; the temper in politics grew more cautious 
 and less dogmatic ; the great events of recent years en- 
 gendered historical reflection ; literary art was renewed 
 by the awakening of the romantic imagination. 
 
 The historical learning of the Empire is represented by 
 Daunou, an explorer in French literature ; by Ginguene, 
 the literary historian of Italy ; by Michaud, who devoted 
 his best years to a History of the Crusades. In his De la 
 Religion (1824-31) Benjamin Constant, in Restoration 
 days, traced the progress of the religious sentiment, 
 cleaving its way through dogma and ordinance to a 
 free and full development. Sismondi (1773-1842), in
 
 412 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 his Histoire des Franqais, investigated such sources as 
 were accessible to him, studied economic facts, and in 
 a liberal spirit exhibited the life of the nation, and not 
 merely the acts of monarchs or the intrigues of states- 
 men. His wide, though not profound, erudition com- 
 prehended Italy as well as ' France ; the Histoire des 
 Republiques Italiennes is the chart of a difficult labyrinth. 
 The method of disinterested narrative, which abstains 
 from ethical judgments, propounds no thesis, and aims 
 at no doctrinaire conclusion, was followed by Barante 
 in his Histoire des Dues de Bourgogne. The precept of 
 Quintilian expresses his rule : " Scribitur ad narrandum, 
 non ad probandum." 
 
 Each school of nineteenth-century thought has had its 
 historical exponents. Liberal Catholicism is represented 
 by Montalembert, Ozanam, De Broglie ; socialism, by 
 Louis Blanc; a patriotic Caesarism, by Thiers; the de- 
 mocratic school, by Michelet and Quinet ; philosophic 
 liberalism, by Guizot, Mignet, and Tocqueville. 
 
 AUGUSTIN THIERRY (1795-1856) nobly led the way. 
 Some pages of Chateaubriand, full of the sentiment of 
 the past, were his first inspiration ; at a later time the 
 influence of Fauriel and the novels of Walter Scott, 
 "the master of historical divination," confirmed him in 
 his sense of the uses of imagination as an aid to the 
 scholarship of history. For a time he acted as secretary 
 to Saint- Simon, and under his influence proposed a 
 scheme for a community of European peoples which 
 should leave intact the nationality of each. Then he 
 parted from his master, to pursue his way in inde- 
 pendence. It seemed to him that the social condition 
 and the revolutions of modern Europe had their origins 
 in the Germanic invasions, and especially in the Norman
 
 AUGUSTIN THIERRY 413 
 
 Conquest of England. As he read the great collection 
 of the original historians of France and Gaul, he grew 
 indignant against the modern travesties named history, 
 indignant against writers without erudition, who could 
 not see, and writers without imagination, who could not 
 depict. The conflict of races Saxons and Normans in 
 England, Gauls and Franks in his own country re- 
 mained with him as a dominant idea, but. he would not 
 lose himself in generalisations ; he would involve the 
 abstract in concrete details ; he would see, and he 
 would depict. There was much philosophy in abstain- 
 ing from philosophy overmuch. The Lettres sur I'His- 
 toire de France were followed in 1825 by the Histoire de 
 la Conquete de I' Angleterre, in which the art of histo- 
 riography attained a perfection previously unknown. 
 Through charter and chronicle, Thierry had reached 
 the spirit of the past. He had prophesied upon the 
 dry bones and to the wind, and the dry bones lived. 
 As a liberal, he had been interested in contemporary 
 politics. His political ardour had given him that his- 
 torical perspicacity which enabled him to discover the 
 soul behind an ancient text. 
 
 In 1826 Thierry, the martyr of his passionate studies, 
 suffered the calamity of blindness. With the aid of his 
 distinguished brother, of friends, and secretaries above 
 all, with the aid of the devoted woman who became his 
 wife, he pursued his work. The Re'cits des Temps Me'ro- 
 vingiens and the Essai sur V Histoire de la Formation du 
 Tiers Etat were the labours of a sightless scholar. His 
 passion for perfection was greater than ever ; twenty, 
 fifteen lines a day contented him, if his idea was ren- 
 dered clear and enduring in faultless form. Paralysis 
 made its steady advance ; still he kept his intellect above
 
 4 i4 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 his infirmities, and followed truth and beauty. On May 22, 
 1856, he woke his attendant at four in the morning, and 
 dictated with laboured speech the alteration of a phrase 
 for the revised Conquete. On the same day, " insatiable 
 of perfection," Thierry died. He is not, either in sub- 
 stance, thought, or style, the greatest of modern French 
 historians ; but, more than any other, he was an 
 initiator. 
 
 The life of FRANCOIS GUIZOT great and venerable 
 name is a portion of the history of his country. Born 
 at Nimes in 1787, of an honourable Protestant family, 
 he died, with a verse of his favourite Corneille or a text of 
 Scripture on his lips, in 1874. Austere without severity, 
 simple in habit without rudeness, indomitable in courage, 
 imperious in will, gravely eloquent, he had at once the 
 liberality and the narrowness of the middle classes, which 
 he represented when in power. A threefold task, as he 
 conceived, lies before the historian : he must ascertain 
 facts ; he must co-ordinate these facts under laws, study- 
 ing the anatomy and the physiology of society ; finally, 
 he must present the external physiognomy of the facts. 
 Guizot was not endo\ved with the artist's imagination ; 
 he had no sense of life, of colour, of literary style ; he 
 was a thinker, who saw the life of the past through the 
 medium of ideas ; he does not in his pages evoke a 
 world of animated forms, of passionate hearts, of vivid 
 incidents ; he distinguishes social forces, with a view to 
 arrive at principles ; he considers those forces in their 
 play one upon another. 
 
 The Histoire Generate de la Civilisation en Europe and 
 the Histoire de la Civilisation en France consist of lectures 
 delivered from 1828 to 1830 at the Sorbonne. 1 Guizot 
 
 1 The History of Civilisation in France closes with the fourteenth century.
 
 FRANCOIS GUIZOT 415 
 
 recognised that the study of institutions must be pre- 
 ceded by a study of the society which has given 
 them birth. In the progress of civilisation he saw not 
 merely the development of communities, but also that 
 of the individual. The civilisation of Europe, he held, 
 was most intelligibly exhibited in that of France, 
 where, more than in other countries, intellectual and 
 social development have moved hand in hand, where 
 general ideas and doctrines have always accompanied 
 great events and public revolutions. The "key to the 
 meaning of French history he found in the tendency 
 towards national and political unity. From the tenth 
 to the fourteenth century four great forces met in co- 
 operation or in conflict royalty, the feudal system, 
 the communes, the Church. Feudalism fell ; a great 
 monarchy arose upon its ruins. The human mind 
 asserted its spiritual independence in the Protestant 
 reformation. The tiers etat \vas constantly advancing 
 in strength. The power of the monarchy, dominant 
 in the seventeenth century, declined in the century 
 that followed ; the power of the people increased. In 
 modern society the elements of national life are reduced 
 to two the government on the one hand, the people 
 on the other ; how to harmonise these elements is the 
 problem of modern politics. As a capital example for 
 the French bourgeoisie, Guizot, returning to an early 
 work, made a special study of the great English revolu- 
 tion of the seventeenth century. In Germany, of the 
 preceding century, the revolution was religious and not 
 political. In France, of the succeeding century, the 
 revolution was political and not religious. The rare 
 good fortune of England lay in the fact that the spirit 
 of religious faith and the spirit of political freedom
 
 416 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 ruled together, and co-operated towards a common 
 result. 
 
 The work of FRANCOIS MIGNET (1796-1884), eminent 
 for its research, exactitude, clearness, ordonnance, has 
 been censured for its historical fatalism. In reality 
 Mignet's mind was too studious of facts to be'dominated 
 by a theory. He recognised the great forces which 
 guide and control events ; he recognised also the power 
 and freedom of the individual will. His early Histoire 
 de la Revolution Fran^aise is a sane and lucid arrange- 
 ment of material that came to his hands in chaotic 
 masses. His later and more important writings deal 
 with his special province, the sixteenth century ; his 
 method, as he advanced, grew more completely ob- 
 jective ; we discern his ideas through the lines of a 
 well-proportioned architecture. 
 
 The analytic method of Guizot, supported by a method 
 of patient induction, was applied by ALEXIS DE TOCQUE- 
 VILLE (1805-59) to the study of the great phenomenon 
 of modern democracy. Limiting the area of investiga- 
 tion to America, which he had visited on a public 
 mission, he investigated the political organisation, the 
 manners and morals, the ideas, the habits of thought 
 and feeling of the United States as influenced by the 
 democratic equality of conditions. He wrote as a liberal 
 in whom the spirit of individualism was active. He re- 
 garded the progress of democracy in the modern world 
 as inevitable ; he perceived the dangers formidable for 
 society and for individual character which accompany 
 that progress ; he believed that by foresight and wise 
 ordering many of the dangers could be averted. The 
 fears and hopes of the citizen guided and sustained in 
 Tocqueville a philosophical intelligence. Turning from
 
 TOCQUEVILLE: TRIERS 417 
 
 America to France, he designed to disengage from the 
 tangle of events the true historical significance of the 
 Revolution. Only one volume, L'Ancien Regime et la 
 Revolution, was accomplished. It can stand alone as a 
 work of capital importance. In the great upheaval he 
 saw that all was not progress ; the centralisation of 
 power under the old regime remained, and was rendered 
 even more formidable than before ; the sentiment of 
 equality continued to advance in its inevitable career ; 
 unhappily the spirit of liberty was not always its com- 
 panion, its moderator, or its guide. 
 
 ADOLPHE THIERS (1797-1877) was engaged at the same 
 time as Mignet, his lifelong friend, upon a history of the 
 French Revolution (1823-27). The same liberal prin- 
 ciples were held in common by the young authors. Their 
 methods differed widely : Mignet's orderly and compact 
 narration was luminous through its skilful arrangement ; 
 Thiers' Histoire was copious, facile, brilliant, more just 
 in its general conception than exact in statement, a 
 plea for revolutionary patriotism as against the royalist 
 reaction of the day, and not without influence in pre- 
 paring the spirit of the country for the approaching Re- 
 volution of July. His Histoire du Consulat et de I' Empire 
 (1845-62) is the great achievement of Thiers' maturity; 
 journalist, orator, minister of state, until he became the 
 chief of stricken France in 1871 his highest claim to be 
 remembered was this vast record of his country's glory. 
 He had an appetite for facts ; no detail the price of 
 bread, of soap, of candles was a matter of indifference 
 to him ; he could not show too many things, or show 
 them too clearly ; his supreme quality was intelligence ; 
 his passion was the pride of patriotism ; his foible was the 
 vanity of military success, the zeal of a chauvinist. He
 
 418 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 was a liberal ; but Napoleon summed up France, and 
 won her battles, therefore Napoleon, the great captain, 
 who ''made war with his genius and politics with his 
 passions," must be for ever magnified. The coup d'etat 
 of the third Napoleon owed a debt to the liberal his- 
 torian who had reconstructed the Napoleonic legend. 
 The campaigns and battle-pieces of Thiers are unsur- 
 passed in their kind. His style in narrative is facile, 
 abundant, animated, and so transparent that nothing 
 seems to intervene between the object and the reader 
 who has become a spectator ; a style negligent at times, 
 and even incorrect, adding no charm of its own to a 
 lucid presentation of things. 
 
 JULES MICHELET, the greatest imaginative restorer of 
 the past, the greatest historical interpreter of the soul 
 of ancient France, was born in 1798 in Paris, an infant 
 seemingly too frail and nervous to remain alive. His 
 early years gave him experience, brave and pathetic, of 
 the hardships of the poor. His father, an unsuccessful 
 printer, often found it difficult to procure bread or fire 
 for his household ; but he resolved that his son should 
 receive an education. The boy, of a fine and sensitive 
 organisation, knew cold and hunger ; he watched his 
 mother toiling, and from day to day declining in health. 
 Two sources of consolation he found the Imitation, 
 which told him of a Divine refuge from sorrow, and the 
 Museum of French monuments, which made him forget 
 all present distress in visions of the vanished centuries. 
 Mocked and persecuted by his schoolfellows, he never 
 lost courage, and had the joy of rewarding his parents 
 with the cross won by his schoolboy theme. In happy 
 country days his aunt Alexis told him legendary tales, 
 and read to him the old chroniclers of France. Michelet's
 
 -MICHELET 419 
 
 vocation was before long revealed, and its summons was 
 irresistible. 
 
 In 1827 he published his earliest works, the Precis de 
 I' Histoire Moderne, a modest survey of a wide field, in 
 which genius illuminated scholarship, and a translation 
 of the Scienza Nuova of Vico, the master who impressed 
 him with the thought that humanity is in a constant pro- 
 cess of creation under the influence of the Divine ideas. 
 The Histoire Romaine and the Introduction a I' Histoire 
 Universelle followed ; the latter a little book, written with 
 incredible ardour under the inspiration of the days of 
 July. His friend Quinet had taught him to see in his- 
 tory an ever-broadening combat for freedom in Miche- 
 let's words, "an eternal July," and the exposition of this 
 idea was of the nature of a philosophical entrancement. 
 
 A teacher at the Ecole Normale, appointed chief of 
 the historical section of the National Archives in 1831, 
 Guizot's substitute at the Sorbonne in 1833, professor 
 of history and morals at the College de France in 1838, 
 Michelet lived in and for the life of his people and of 
 his land. The Histoire de France, begun in 1830, was 
 completed thirty-seven years later. After the disasters of 
 the war of 1870-71, with failing strength the author 
 resumed his labours, endeavouring to add, as it were, an 
 appendix on the nineteenth century. 
 
 A passionate searcher among original sources, pub- 
 lished and unpublished, handling documents as if they 
 were things of flesh and blood, seeing the outward forms 
 of existence with the imaginative eye, pressing through 
 these to the soul of each successive epoch, possessed by 
 an immense pity for the obscure generations of human 
 toilers, having, more than almost any other modern writer, 
 Virgil's gift of tears, ardent in admiration, ardent in
 
 420 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 indignation, with ideas impregnated by emotions, and 
 emotions quickened by ideas, Michelet set himself to 
 resuscitate the buried past. It seemed to him that his 
 eminent predecessors Guizot, Mignet, Thiers, Thierry 
 had each envisaged history from some special point of 
 view. Each had too little of the outward body or too 
 little of the inward soul of history. Michelet dared to 
 hope that a resurrection of the integral life of the dead 
 centuries was possible. All or nothing was his word. 
 It was a bold venture, but it was a venture, or rather an 
 act, of faith. Thierry had been tyrannised by the idea 
 of the race : the race is much, but the people does not 
 march in the air ; it has a geographical basis ; it draws 
 its nutriment from a particular soil. Michelet, at the 
 moment of his narrative when France began to have a 
 life distinct from Germany, enters upon a survey of its 
 geography, in which the physiognomy and the genius 
 of each region are studied as if each were a separate 
 living creature, and the character of France itself is dis- 
 covered in the cohesion or the unity of its various parts. 
 Reaching the tenth and eleventh centuries, he feels the 
 sadness of their torpor and their violence ; ye't humanity 
 was living, and soon in the enthusiasm of Gothic art and 
 the enthusiasm of the Crusades the sacred aspirations of 
 the soul had their manifestation. At the close of the 
 mediaeval period everything seems to droop and decay : 
 no ! it was then, during the Hundred Years' War, that 
 the national consciousness was born, and patriotism was 
 incarnated in an armed shepherdess, child of the people. 
 By the thirteenth year of his labours 1843 Michelet 
 had traversed the mediaeval epoch, and reached the close 
 of the reign of Louis XI. There he paused. Seeing one 
 day high on the tower of Reims Cathedral, below which
 
 MICHELET 421 
 
 the kings of France received their consecration, a group 
 or garland of tortured and mutilated figures carved in 
 stone, the thought possessed him that the soul and faith 
 of the people should be confirmed within his own soul 
 before he could trust himself to treat of the age of the 
 great monarchy. He leaped at once the intervening 
 centuries, and was at work during eight years from 
 1845 to 1853 on the French Revolution. He found a 
 hero for his revolutionary epic in the people. 
 
 The temper of 1848 was hardly the temper in 
 which, the earlier Revolution could be judiciously in- 
 vestigated. Michelet and Quinet had added to their 
 democratic zeal the passions connected with an anti- 
 clerical campaign. The violence of liberalism was dis- 
 played in Des Jesuites, and Du Pretre, de la Femme et de la 
 Famille. When the historian returned to the sixteenth 
 century his spirit had undergone a change : he adored 
 the Middle Ages ; but was it not the period of the domi- 
 nation of the Church, and how could it be other than 
 evil ? He could no longer be a mere historian ; he 
 must also be a prophet. The volumes which treat of 
 the Reformation, the Renaissance, the wars of religion, 
 are as brilliant as earlier volumes, but they are less 
 balanced and less coherent. The equilibrium between 
 Michelet's intellect and his imagination, between his 
 ideas and his passions, was disturbed, if not destroyed. 
 
 Michelet, who had been deprived of his chair in the 
 College de France, lost also his post in the Archives 
 upon his refusal, in 1852, to swear allegiance to the 
 Emperor. Near Nantes in his tempest-beaten home, 
 near Genoa in a fold of the Apennines, where he watched 
 the lizards sleep or slide, a great appeasement came upon 
 his spirit. He had interpreted the soul of the people ; he
 
 422 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 would now interpret the soul of humbler kinsfolk the 
 bird, the insect ; he would interpret the inarticulate soul 
 of the mountain and the sea. He studied other docu- 
 ments the documents of nature with a passion of love, 
 read their meanings, and mingled as before his own 
 spirit with theirs. L'Ozseau, L' Insecte, La Mer, La Mon- 
 tagne, are canticles in prose by a learned lover of the 
 external world, rather than essays in science ; often ex- 
 travagant in style, often extreme in sentiment, and un- 
 controlled in imagination, but always the betrayals of 
 genius. 
 
 Michelet's faults as an historian are great, and such 
 as readily strike an English reader. His rash generali- 
 sations, his lyrical outbreaks, his Pindaric excitement, 
 his verbiage assuming the place of ideas, his romantic 
 excess, his violence in ecclesiastical affairs, his hostility 
 to our country, his mysticism touched with sensuality, 
 his insistence on physiological details, his quick and 
 irregular utterance these trouble at times his imagi- 
 native insight, and mar his profound science in docu- 
 ments. He died at Hyeres in 1874, hoping that God 
 would grant him reunion with his lost ones, and the 
 joys promised to those who have sought and loved. 
 
 EDGAR QUINET (1803-1875), the friend and brother- 
 in-arms of Michelet in his attack upon the Jesuits, born 
 at Bourg, of a Catholic father and a Protestant mother, 
 approached the study of literature and history with that 
 tendency to large vues d' ensemble which was natural to 
 his mind, and which had been strengthened by disciple- 
 ship to Herder. Happy in temper, sound of conscience, 
 generous of heart, he illuminated many subjects, and 
 was a complete master of none. A poet of lofty inten- 
 tions, in his Ahasverus (1833) the wandering Jew, type
 
 EDGAR QUINET 423 
 
 of humanity in its endless Odyssey in his Napoleon, his 
 Promethee, his vast encyclopaedic allegory Merlin I'En- 
 chanteur (1860), his poetry lacked form, and yielded itself 
 to the rhetoric of the intellect. 
 
 In the Genie des Religions Quinet endeavoured to 
 exhibit the religious idea as the germinative power of 
 civilisation, giving its special character to the political 
 and social idea. La Revolution, which is perhaps his 
 most important work, attempts to replace the Revolu- 
 tionary hero-worship, the- Girondin and Jacobin legends, 
 by a faithful interpretation of the meaning of events. 
 The principles of modern society and the principles of 
 the Roman Catholic Church, Quinet regarded as incap- 
 able of conciliation. In the incompetence of the leaders 
 to perceive and apply this truth, and in the fatal logic of 
 their violent and anarchic methods, lay, as he believed, 
 the causes of the failure which followed the bright hopes 
 of 1789. In 1848 Quinet was upon the barricades ; the 
 Empire drove him into exile. In his elder years, like 
 Michelet, he found a new delight in the study of nature. 
 La Creation (1870) exhibits the science of nature and 
 that of human history as presenting the same laws and 
 requiring kindred methods. It closes with the prophecy 
 of science that creation is not yet fully accomplished, and 
 that a nobler race will enter into the heritage of our 
 humanity. 
 
 II 
 
 Literary criticism in the eighteenth century had been 
 
 the criticism of taste or the criticism of dogma ; in 
 
 the nineteenth century it became naturalistic a natural 
 
 history of individual minds and their products, a natural 
 
 28
 
 424 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 history of works of art as formed or modified by social, 
 political, and moral environments, and by the tendencies 
 of races. Such criticism must inevitably have followed 
 the growth of the comparative study of literatures in an 
 age dominated by the scientific spirit. If we are to name 
 any single writer as its founder, we must name Mme. de 
 Stae'l. The French nation, she explained in L ' Allemagne, 
 inclines towards what is classical ; the Teutonic nations 
 incline towards what is romantic. She cares not to say 
 whether classical or romantic art should be preferred; it 
 is enough to show that the difference of taste results not 
 from accidental causes, but from the primitive sources of 
 imagination and of thought. 
 
 The historical tendency, proceeding from the eigh- 
 teenth century, influenced alike the study of philosophy, 
 of politics, and of literature. While Cousin gave an his- 
 torical interpretation of philosophy, and Guizot applied 
 history to the exposition of politics, a third eminent 
 professor, ABEL-FRANCOIS VILLEMAIN (1790-1870) was 
 illuminating literature with the light of history. An ac- 
 complished classical scholar, a student of English, Italian, 
 and Spanish authors, Villemain, in his Tableau de la Lit- 
 terature au Moyen Age, and his more admirable Tableau de 
 la Litte"rature au X VIII e Siecle, viewed a wide prospect, 
 and could not apply a narrow rule to the measurement 
 of all that he saw. He did not formulate a method of 
 criticism ; but instinctively he directed criticism towards 
 history. He perceived the correspondence between 
 literary products and the other phenomena of the age; 
 he observed the movement in the spirit of a period ; he 
 passed from country to country ; he made use of biog- 
 raphy as an aid in the study of letters. His learning was at 
 times defective ; his views often superficial ; he suffered
 
 DSIR NISARD 425 
 
 from his desire to entertain his audience or to capture 
 them by rhetoric. Yet Villemain served letters well, and, 
 accepted as a master by the young critics of the Globe, he 
 prepared the way for Sainte-Beuve. 
 
 While such criticism as that of Villemain was main- 
 tained by Saint-Marc Girardin (1801-73), professor of 
 French poetry at the Sorbonne, the dogmatic or doc- 
 trinaire school of criticism was represented with rare 
 ability by Dsm NISARD (1806-88). His capital work, 
 the Histoire. de la Litterature Fran^aise, the labour of 
 many years, is distinguished by a magisterial application 
 of ideas to the decision of literary questions. Criticism 
 with Nisard is not a natural history of minds, nor a 
 study of historical developments, so much as the judg- 
 ment of literary art in the light of reason. He confronts 
 each book on which he pronounces judgment with that 
 ideal of its species which he has formed in his own mind : 
 he compares it with the ideal of the genius of France, 
 which attains its highest ends rather through discipline 
 than through freedom ; he compares it with the ideal of 
 the French language ; finally, he compares it with the 
 ideal of humanity as seen in the best" literature of the 
 world. According to the result of the comparison he 
 delivers condemnation or awards the crown. In French 
 literature, at its best, he perceives a marvellous equi- 
 librium of the faculties under the control of reason ; 
 it applies general ideas to life ; it avoids individual 
 caprice ; it dreads the chimeras of imagination ; it 
 is eminently rational ; it embodies ideas in just and 
 measured form. Such literature Nisard found in the 
 great age of Louis XIV. Certain gains there may have 
 been in the eighteenth century, but these gains were 
 more than counterbalanced by losses. To disprove the
 
 426 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 saying that there is no disputing about tastes, to estab- 
 lish an order and a hierarchy in letters, to regulate 
 intellectual pleasures, was Nisard's aim ; but in attempt- 
 ing to constitute an exact science founded upon general 
 principles, he too often derived those principles from 
 the attractions and repulsions of his individual taste. 
 Criticism retrograded in his hands ; yet, in retrograding, 
 it took up a strong position : the influence of such a 
 teacher was not untimely when facile sympathies re- 
 quired the guidance or the check of a director. 
 
 The admirable critic of the romantic school, CHARLES- 
 AUGUSTIN SAINTE-BEUVE (1804-69), developed, as time 
 went on, into the great critic of the naturalistic method. 
 In his Tableau de la Poesie Franqaise au XVI e Siecle he 
 found ancestors for the romantic poets as much older 
 than the ancestors of classical art in France as Ronsard 
 is older than Malherbe. Wandering endlessly from 
 author to author in his Portraits Littt'raires and Por- 
 traits Contemporains, he studied in all its details what 
 we may term the physiology of each. The long research 
 of spirits connected with his most sustained work, Port- 
 Royal, led him to recognise certain types or families 
 under which the various minds of men can be grouped 
 and classified. During a quarter of a century he inves- 
 tigated, distinguished, defined in the vast collection of 
 little monographs which form the Causerics du Liindi 
 and the Nouveaux Lundis. They formed, as it were, a 
 natural history of intellects and temperaments ; they 
 established a new method, and illustrated that method 
 by a multitude of examples. 
 
 Never was there a more mobile spirit ; but he was as 
 exact and sure-footed as he was mobile. When we have 
 allowed for certain personal jealousies or hostilities, and
 
 SAINTE-BEUVE 427 
 
 for an excessive attraction towards what may be called 
 the morbid anatomy of minds, we may give our con- 
 fidence with scarcely a limit to the psychologist critic 
 Sainte-Beuve. Poet, novelist, student of medicine, scep- 
 tic, believer, socialist, imperialist he traversed every 
 region of ideas ; as soon as he understood each posi- 
 tion he was free to leave it behind. He did not pretend 
 to reduce criticism to a science ; he hoped that at length, 
 as the result of numberless observations, something like 
 a science might come into existence. Meanwhile he 
 would cultivate the relative and distrust the absolute. 
 He would study literary products through the persons 
 of their authors ; he would examine each detail ; he 
 would inquire into the physical characteristics of the 
 subject of his investigation ; view him through his an- 
 cestry and among his kinsfolk ; observe him in the 
 process of education ; discover him among his friends 
 and contemporaries ; note the moment when his genius 
 first unfolded itself ; note the moment when it was first 
 touched with decay ; approach him through admirers 
 and disciples ; approach him through his antagonists or 
 those whom he repelled ; and at last, if that were pos- 
 sible, find some illuminating word which resumes the 
 results of a completed study. There is no " code Sainte- 
 Beuve" by which off-hand to pronounce literary judg- 
 ments ; a method of Sainte-Beuve there is, and it is the 
 method which has best served the study of literature in 
 the nineteenth century. 
 
 Here this survey of a wide field finds its limit. The 
 course of French literature since 1850 may be studied in 
 current criticism ; it does not yet come within the scope
 
 428 FRENCH LITERATURE 
 
 of literary history. The product of these years has been 
 manifold and great ; their literary importance is attested 
 by the names among many others of Leconte de Lisle, 
 Sully Prudhomme, Verlaine, in non - dramatic poetry ; 
 of Augier and the younger Dumas in the theatre ; of 
 Flaubert, Edmond and Jules de Goncourt, Zola, Daudet, 
 Bonrget, Pierre Loti, Anatole France, in fiction ; of Taine 
 and Renan in historical study and criticism ; of Fromentin 
 in the criticism of art ; of Scherer, Brunetiere, Faguet, 
 Lemaitre, in the criticism of literature. 
 
 The dominant fact, if we discern it aright, has been 
 the scientific influence, turning poetry from romantic 
 egoism to objective art, directing the novel and the 
 drama to naturalism and to the study of social environ- 
 ments, informing history and criticism with the spirit 
 of curiosity, and prompting research for laws of evolu- 
 tion. Whether the spiritualist tendency observable at 
 the present moment be a symptom of languor and fatigue, 
 or the indication of a new moral energy, future years will 
 determine.
 
 BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 THE following notes are designed as an indication of some books 
 which may be useful to students. 
 
 Of the many Histories of French Literature the fullest and most 
 trustworthy is that at present in course of publication under the 
 editorship of M-. Petit de Julleville, Histoire de la Langue et de la 
 Litterature franc^aise (A. Colin et Cie.). M. Lanson's Histoire de 
 la Litterature fran$aise should be in the hands of every student, 
 and this may be supplemented by M. Lintilhac's Litterature 
 fratifaise (2 vols.). 
 
 The works of Mr. Saintsbury, Ge*ruzez, Demogeot, are widely 
 known, and have proved useful during many years. Much may 
 be learnt and learnt pleasantly from Paul Albert's volumes on the 
 literature of the sixteenth, seventeenth, eighteenth, and nine- 
 teenth centuries. Two volumes out of five of M. Charles Gidel's 
 Histoire de la Litterature fran$aise (Lemerre) are occupied with 
 literature from 1815 to 1886. M. Hermann Pergamini's Histoire 
 generate de la Litterature francaise (Alcan) sometimes gives fresh 
 and interesting views. For a short school history by an accom- 
 plished scholar, none is better than M. Petit de Julleville's Histoire 
 de la Litterature franfatse, which, in 555 pages, packs a great deal 
 of information. The Histoire elementaire de la Litterature fran- 
 (aise, by M. Jean Fleury, has been popular ; it tells much of the 
 contents of great books, and makes no assumption that the reader is 
 already acquainted with them. Dr. Warren's A Primer of French 
 Literature (Heath, Boston, U.S.A.) is well proportioned and well 
 arranged, but it has room for little more than names, dates, and 
 the briefest characterisations. Dr. Wells's Modern French Litera- 
 ture (Roberts, Boston, U.S.A.) sketches French .literature to
 
 430 BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 Chateaubriand, and treats with considerable fulness the literature 
 from Chateaubriand and Mme. de Stael to the present time. For 
 the present century M. G. Pellissier's Le Mouvement litteraire au 
 XIX' Stick is valuable. 
 
 Of elder histories that by Nisard is by far the most distinguished, 
 the work of a scholar and a thinker. (See p. 425 of the present 
 volume.) 
 
 The student will find Merlet's Etudes littcraircs sur les 
 Classiques francais (2 vols.), revised and enlarged by M. Lintilhac, 
 highly instructive ; the second volume is wholly occupied with 
 Corneille, Racine, and Moliere. 
 
 For the history of the French theatre the best introduction is 
 M. Petit de Julleville's Le Theatre en France ; it may be sup- 
 plemented by M. Brunetiere's Les Epoques du Theatre francais. 
 Learning wide and exact, and original thought, characterise all the 
 work of M. Brunetiere; each of his many volumes should be 
 searched by the student for what he may need. The studies of 
 M. Faguet on the writers of the sixteenth, seventeenth, eighteenth, 
 and nineteenth centuries are the work of a critic who is penetrat- 
 ing in his psychological study of authors, and who, just or unjust, 
 is always suggestive. For numberless little monographs the student 
 may turn to Sainte-Beuve. Monographs on a larger scale will be 
 found in the admirable series of Grands Ecrivains francais 
 (Hachette); the Classiques populaires (Lecene, Oudin et Cie.) 
 are in some instances no less scholarly. The writings of Scherer, 
 of M. Jules Lemaitre, and of M. Anatole France are especially 
 valuable on nineteenth-century literature. The best study of 
 French historical literature is Professor Flint's The PhilosopJiy of 
 History (1893). 
 
 Provided with such books as these the student will hardly need 
 the general histories of French literature by German writers. I 
 may name Prof. Bornhak's Geschichte der Franzosischen Literafur, 
 and the more popular history by Engel (4th ed., 1 897). Lotheissen's 
 Geschichte der Franzosischen Literatur im XVII. JalirJiundert 
 seems to me the best book on the period. The monographs in 
 German are numberless.
 
 BIBLIOGRAPHY 431 
 
 The editions of authors in the Grands Ecrivains de la France 
 are of the highest authority. The best anthology of French poetry 
 is Crepet's Les Poetes francais (4 vols.). Small anthologies of 
 French poetry since the fifteenth century, and of French lyrical 
 poets of the nineteenth century, are published by Lemerre. 
 
 The list which follows is taken partly from books which I have 
 used in writing this volume, partly from the Bibliography in M. 
 Lintilhac's Histoire de la Littcrature francaisc. To name English 
 writers and books seems unnecessary. 
 
 THE MIDDLE AGES 
 
 Histoire litterairc de la France (a vast repertory on mediaeval 
 
 literature). 
 
 GASTON PARIS. La Literature fran^aise an moyen Age. 1890. 
 AUBERTIN. Hist, de la Langue et de la Lift, fran^aises au moyen 
 
 Age. 2 vols. 1883. 
 
 G. PARIS. La Poc'sie du moyen Age. 2 vols. 1887. 
 LEON GAUTIER. Les Epopees francaises. 2nd edition. 4 vols. 
 
 1878-94. 
 J. BEDIER. Les Fabliaux, Etudes de Lilt, populaire et d^ Histoire lilt. 
 
 du moyen Age. 1895. 
 
 L. SUDRE. Les Sources du Roman de Renart. 1893. 
 LENIENT. La Satire en France au moyen Age. 1883. 
 E. LANGLOIS. Origincs et Sources du Roman de la Rose. 1890. 
 A. DEBIDOUR. Les Chroniqueurs. 2 vols. 1893. (Classiques 
 
 populaire s.} 
 
 A. JEAN ROY. Les Origines de la Poesie lyrique en France. 1889. 
 C LED AT. Rutebcuf. 1891. (Granas Ecrivains fr.} 
 MARY DARMESTETER. Froissart. 1894. (Grands Ecrivains fr.} 
 A. SARRADIN. Eustache Dcschamps. 1879. 
 C. BEAUFILS. Etude sur la Vie et les Ponies de Charles d ^ Orleans. 
 
 1861. 
 
 A. CAMPAUX. Franqois Villon. 1859. 
 A. LONGNON. Etude biographique sur. Fr. Villon. 1877. 
 LECOY DE LA MARCHE. La Chairefr. au moyen Age. 1886. 
 PETIT DE JULLEVILLE. Les Mystires. 2 vols. 1880. 
 
 Les Come'diens en Fr. au moyen Age. 1885. 
 
 La Come'die et les Mceurs en France au 
 
 moyen Age. 1886.
 
 432 BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 PETIT DE JULLEVILLE. Repertoire du Theatre comique en France au 
 
 moyen Age. 1885. 
 
 FAGUET. XVI* Siecle. 1894. (On Commines.) 
 
 MERLET. Etudes litt. (On Villehardouin, Froissart, Commines.) 
 
 Edited by Lintilhac. 1894. 
 
 L. CLEDAT. La Potsie du moyen Age. 1893. (Classiques popu- 
 
 laires.} 
 
 SIXTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 A. DARMESTETER ET A. HATZFEI.D. Le XVI e Siccle en France. 
 
 1878. 
 
 FAGUET. XVI e Siccle. 1894. 
 SAINTE-BEUVE. Tableau historique et critique de la Pocsie ft: au 
 
 XVP Siccle. 
 
 L. FEUGERE. Caracteres et Portraits lilt, du XVI' Siecle. 1859. 
 EGGER. L'Helle'nisme en France. 1 869. 
 FAGUET. La Tragtdie fr. au XVI* Siecle. 1883. 
 E. CHASLES. La Comddie en France au XVI* Siccle, 1862. 
 E. BOURCIEZ. Les Mceurs polies et la Litt. de Cour sous Henri If. 
 
 1886. 
 
 P. STAFFER. Rabelais. 1889. 
 R. MILLET. Rabelais. 1892. (Grands Ecrivainsfr.} 
 
 E. GEBHART. Rabelais, la Renaissance et la Reforme. 1895. 
 HAAG ET BORDIER. La France protestante. 2nd edition. (Vols. 
 
 i.-vi. have appeared.) 
 
 F. BuNGENER. Calvin, sa Vie, son (Euvre et ses Ecrits. 1862. 
 
 A. BiRSCH-HlRSCHFELD. Gcsckichte der Franzbsischen Littcratur, 
 seit Anfang des XVI. Jahrhunderts. Erster Band : Das Zeitalter 
 der Renaissance. 1 889. 
 
 EDERT. Entivickelungs-Geschichte der Fr. Tragodie, vornlimlich ii 
 X VI. Jahrhundert. 1856. 
 
 F. GODEFROY. Histoire de la Litt.fr. depuis le XVI 6 Siecle jusqu'a 
 
 nos Jours. 1878. 
 
 G. MERLET. Les grands Ecri-vains du XVI* Sticle. 1875. 
 
 C. LENIENT. La Satire en France, ou la Litt. militanle au XVI* Siecle. 
 
 1886. 
 
 E. COUGNY. Guillaume du Vair. 1857. 
 A. SAYOUS. Etudes litt. sur les Ecrivains fr. de la Reformation. 
 
 1854.
 
 BIBLIOGRAPHY 433 
 
 A. VINET. Moralities des X VP et XVIP Slides. 1 859. 
 P. STAFFER. Montaigne. 1895. (Grands Ecrivains fr.~) 
 P. BONNEFON. Montaigne, V Homme et PCEuvre. 1893. 
 SAINT-MARC GIRARDIN. Tableau de la Lift. //-. au XVI* Sticle. 
 
 1862. 
 
 CH. NORMAND. Monhtc. (Classiques populaires.} 
 G. Bizos. Ronsard. (Classiques populaircs.} 
 GERUZEZ. Essais d> Histoire I iff. 1853. 
 P. MORILLOT. Discourssurla Vie et les CEuvres d'Agrippa d'A ubigne". 
 
 1884. 
 H. PERGAMINI. La Satire au XVI* Siecle et les Tragiques d'Agrippa 
 
 d'Aubigne'. 1881. 
 
 SEVENTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 F. LOTHEISSEN. Geschichte der Franzosischen Litteratur im XV II. 
 
 Jahrhundert. 2 vols. 1897. 
 
 A. DUPUY. Histoire de la Litt.fr. au XVIP Siecle. 1892. 
 LE R. PERE G. LONGHAYE. Histoire de la Litt.fr. au XVII* S tide. 
 
 1895. 
 J. DEMOGEOT. Tableau de la Litt. fr. au XVIP Siecle avant Cor- 
 
 neille et Descartes. 1859. 
 
 LE Due DE BROGLIE. Malherbe. 1897. (Grands Ecrivains fr} 
 V. COUSIN. La Socittt fr. au XVIP Sihle. 1858. 
 Mme. de Sable. 1882. 
 Jacqueline Pascal. 1878. 
 Lajeunesse de Mmc. de Longueville. 1853. 
 At me. de Longiieville et la Fronde. 1859. 
 
 G. LA ROUMET. Introduction to edition of Les Predcus&s ridLulcs. 
 
 1884. 
 
 A. LE BRETON. Le Roman au XVIP Siecle. 1890. 
 SAINTE-BEUVE. Portraits de Femmes. 1855. 
 A. BOURGOIN. Valentin Conrart. 1883. 
 
 Les Maitres de la Critique au X VIP Sihle. \ 889. 
 
 PELLISSON ET D'OLIVET. Histoire de P Acddemie fr. 2 vols. 1858. 
 E. ROY. Etude sur Charles Sorel. \ 893. 
 P. MORILLOT. Scarron et le Genre burlesque. 1888. 
 
 lt Le Roman en France depuis 1610 jusqu'a nos 
 
 Jours. 
 A. FOUILLEE. Descartes. 1893. (Grands Ecrivains fr.}
 
 434 BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 F. BOUII.LIER. Histoire de la Philosophic cartisienne. 2 vols. 
 
 1868. 
 E. RlGAL. Alexandre Hardy ct le Thddtre fr. 1889. 
 
 Esquisse d'une Histoire des Theatres de Paris de 1548 a 
 
 1635. 1887. 
 GUIZOT. Co rncille et so n Temps. 1880. 
 
 G. REYNIER. Thomas Corneillc, sa Vie ct son Theatre. 1892. 
 P. MONCEAUX. Racine. (Classiques poptilaircs,} 
 SAINTE-BEUVE. Port-Royal. 7 vols. 1888. 
 
 E. DESCHANEL. Le Romantisme des Classiqucs. 1883. 
 
 P. STAFFER. l\acine et Victor Hugo. 1 887. 
 
 G. LARROUMET. La Comcdie de Molicre. 1889. 
 
 H. DURAND. Moliere. 1889. (Classiqucs populaircs.} 
 
 MAHRENHOLTZ. Molieres Leben und Werke. 1881. 
 
 V. FOURNEL. Le Theatre au XVII* Siecle: la Comcdie. 1888. 
 
 H. RIGAULT. Hist, de la Querelle des Anciens et des Modernes. 
 
 1856. 
 
 P. MORILLOT. Boileau. (Classiqucs populaires.} 
 G. LANSON. Boileau. 1892. (Grands Ecrivains fr.} 
 G. LAFENESTRE. La Fontaine. 1895. (Grands Ecrivains fr.} 
 H. TAINE. La Fontaine et ses Fables. 1879. 
 PREVOST-PARADOL. Les Moralistes fr. 1865. 
 P. JANET. Les Passions et les Caracteres dans la Litt. du XVII* 
 
 Siecle. 1888. 
 
 PELLISSON. La Bruytre. 1892. (Classiques populaircs^) 
 JACQUINET. Des Predicateurs du XVII* Siecle avant Bossuet. 
 
 1863. 
 
 G. LANSON. Bosstiet. 1891. (Classiques populaires.} 
 A. FEUGERE. Botirdaloue^sa Predication et son Temps. 1874. 
 LEHANNEUR. Mascaron. 1878. 
 L'ABBE FABRE. Flcchier oratcur. 1885. 
 L'ABUE BAYLE. Massillon. 1867. 
 G. Bizos. Fenelon. 1887. (Classiqucs populaircs.} 
 P. JANET. Fc'nclon. 1892. (Grands Ecrivains fr.} 
 R. VALLERY RADOT. Mine, de Sfyigne". 1888. (Classiqucs popu- 
 
 laires.} 
 
 G. BOISSIER. Mme. de Sc-vigne". 1887. (Grands Ecrivainsfr.} ^ 
 CTE. D'HAUSSONVILLE. Mme.de la Fayctte. 1891. (Grands Ecri- 
 
 vainsfr.) 
 
 G. BOISSIER. Saint- Simon. 1892. (Grands Ecrivains fr.} 
 J. BOURDEAU. La Rochefoucauld. 1895. (Grands Ecri-vains fr.}
 
 BIBLIOGRAPHY 435 
 
 H. HETTNER. Literaturgeschiclite des achtzehnien Jahrhunderts : 
 
 Ziveiter Theil. 1872. 
 
 VlLLEMAIN. Tableau de la Lift, au XVIII* Sihh'. 4 vols. 1841. 
 DE BARANTE. Tableau de la Litt.fr. au XVIII* Siede. 1856. 
 BERSOT. Etudes sur le XVIII* Siede. 1852. 
 VIN ET. Hist, de la Litt. fr. au X VIII* Siede. 1853. 
 J. BARNI. Hist, des Idees morales et politiques en France an XVIIP 
 
 Siede. 1865. 
 
 CARO. La Fin du XVIII* Siede. 1881. 
 
 TAINE. Les Origines de la France contemporaine. 1882. (Vol. i.). 
 A. SOREL. Montesquieu. 1889. {Grands Ecrivains fr.) 
 H. LEBASTEUR. Buffon. 1888. (Classiques populaires.) 
 M. PALEOLOGUE. Vauvenargues. 1890. (Grands Ecrivains fr.) 
 G. DESNOIRESTERRES. Voltaire et la Social/ au XVIII* Siede. 
 
 8 vols. 1871-76. 
 
 E. FAGUET. Voltaire. 1895. (Classiques poptdaires) 
 A. CHUQUET. J.-J. Rousseau. 1893. (Grands Ecrivains fr!) 
 H. BEAUDOUIN. La Vie et les CEuvres de J.-J. Rousseau. 1871. 
 SAINT-MARC GIRARDIN. J.-J. Rousseau, sa Vie et ses Outrages. 
 
 2 vols. 1875. 
 CH. LENIENT. La Comedie en France au XVIII* Siede. 2 vols. 
 
 1888. 
 E. LINTILHAC. Lcsage. 1893. (Grands Ecrivains fr.) 
 
 ,, Bcaumarchais et ses Ouvres. 1887. 
 
 A. HALLAYS. Bcaumarchais. 1897. (Grands Ecrivains fr^] 
 LEO CLARETIE. Essai sur Lesage romancier. 1890. 
 
 Florian. 1888. ( Classiques populatres.) 
 
 G. LARROUMET. Marivaux, sa Vie et ses CEuvres. 1882. 
 J. REINACH. Diderot. 1894.' (Grands Ecrivains fr) 
 J. BERTRAND. UAlembert. 1889. (Grands Ecrivains fr!) 
 L. SAY. Turgot. 1889. (Grands Ecrivains fr.) 
 
 REVOLUTION AND NINETEENTH CENTURY 
 
 E. GERUZEZ. Hist, de la Litt.fr. pendant la Revolution. 1881. 
 E. ROUSSE. Mirabeau. 1891. (Grands Ecrivains fr.) 
 DE LESCURE. Rivarol et la Societe" fr. pendant la Revolution ct 
 F Emigration. 1883.
 
 436 BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 DE LESCURE. Bemardin de Saint-Pierre. (Classiques populaires) 
 
 ,, Chateaubriand. 1892. (Grands Ecrivains fr) 
 
 G. MERLET. Tableau de la Litt.fr. 1800-1815. 1883. 
 ARVEDE BARINE. Bernardin de Saint-Pierre. 1892. (Grands 
 
 Ecrivains fr. ) 
 
 SAINTE-BEUVE. Chateaubriand et son Croupe litt. 2 vols. 1889. 
 A. BARDOUX. Chateaubriand. 1893. (Classiques populaires) 
 A. SOREL. Mine, de Stael. 1893. (Grands Ecrivains fr?) 
 G. BRANDES. Die Hauptstromungen der Litteralur des 19 Jahr- 
 
 hundert. Vol. v. 1894. 
 
 E. FAGUET. Politiques et Moralistes du XIX* Siecle. 1891. 
 G. PELLISSIER. Le Mouvement litteraire au XIX* Siecle. 1893. 
 TH. GAUTIER. Histoire de Romantisme. 1874. 
 E. ROD. Lamartine. 1893. (Classiques populaires) 
 E. DESCHANEL. Lamartine. 2 vols. 1893. 
 E. EIRE. Victor Hugo avant 1830. 1883. 
 E. DUPUY. V. Hugo, FHomme et le Poete. 1887. 
 M. PALEOLOGUE. Alfred de Vigny. 1891. (Grands Ecrivains fr.) 
 DORISON. Alfred de Vigny, Poete et Philosophe. 1892. 
 A. BARINE. Alfred de Musset. 1893. (Grands Ecrivains fr.} 
 A. CLAVEAU. Alfred de Musset. (Classiques populaires.) 
 M. DU CAMP. Thtophile Gaulier. 1890. (Grands Ecrivains fr.) 
 G. COGORDAN. Joseph de Mais/re. 1894. (Grands Ecrivains fr.) 
 E. SPULLER. Lamennais,sa Vie et ses CEuvres. 1893. 
 J.SlMON.' Victor Cousin. 1887. (Grands Ecrivains fr.) 
 E. CARO. George Sand. 1887. {Grands Ecrivains fr.) 
 
 E. ROD. Stendhal. 1892. (Grands Ecrivains fr.) 
 
 F. CORREARD. Michelet. 1887. (Classiques populaires.) 
 P. DE REMUSAT. Thiers. 1889. (Grands Ecrivains fr) 
 E. ZEVORT. Thiers. 1892. (Classiques populaires.) 
 
 A. FILON. Merime"e et ses Amis. 1894. 
 
 BRUNETIERE. JJ Evolution de la Poesie lyrique en France au XIX* 
 Sihle. 2 vols. 1894.
 
 INDEX 
 
 ABONDANCE, Jean d', 75 
 
 Adam de la Halle, 26, 27, 72 
 
 Alarcon, 167 
 
 AlbeYic de Briancon, 17 
 
 Alexis, Vie de Saint, 4 
 
 Amadis des Gaules, 23, 92 
 
 Amis et Amiles, 12 
 
 Amyot, Jacques, 96-97 
 
 Andrieux, 336 
 
 Anne of Austria, 201 
 
 Argenson, Marquis d', 304 note 
 
 Armentieres, Peronne d', 59 
 
 Arnauld, Antoine, 153, 156-157, 184, 
 
 185,215 
 
 Arnauld, Jacqueline, 155 
 Arnault, 335 
 Arouet, see Voltaire 
 Aubigne 1 , Agrippa d', 112, 113, 115, 
 
 117-119 
 
 Aucassin et Nicolette, 22 
 Aulnoy, Mme. d', 243 
 Auvergne, Martial d', 63 
 
 BAIF, Antoine de, 98, 103 
 Ballanche, 357 
 Baltus, 245 
 
 Balzac, Guez de, 149-150, 177 
 Balzac, Honor6 de, 404-408 
 Baour-Lormian, 336, 337 
 Barante, 412 
 Barbier, Auguste, 391 
 Barbieri, Nicolo, 198 
 Barlaam etjoasaph, 5 
 Barnave, 339 
 Baron, 207, 229, 262 
 Bartas, Du, 117 
 
 Barthele"my, Abbe", 329 
 
 Basoche, La, 76 
 
 Bassompierre, 239 
 
 Batteux, Charles, 306 
 
 Baude, Henri, 63 
 
 Bayle, Pierre, 243-245 
 
 Beaulieu, Geoffrey de, 51 
 
 Beaumarchais, 265, 323-325 
 
 Bejart, Armande, 200 
 
 B6jart, Madeleine, 198 
 
 Bellay, Jean du, 88 
 
 Bellay, Joachim du, 98, 99, 100, 104- 
 
 iS 
 
 Belleau, Remi, 98, 103-104^- 
 Benedictines, the, 254 
 Benoit de Sainte-More, 15 
 Benserade, 140, 208 
 Be'ranger, J.-P. de, 366-367 
 Ber9uire, Pierre, 46 
 Bernard, 258 
 Bernard, Saint, 44 
 Bernardin de Saint-Pierre, 272, 325- 
 
 329 
 
 Bernay, Alexandre de, 16 
 Bern is, 258 
 Bcioul, 19 
 Bertaut, Jean, 106 
 Berlin, 258 
 
 Beyle, Henri, 366, 398-399 
 Beze, Theodore de, 94, 107 
 Bichat, 341 
 
 Dien-Avisd, Mal-Avisd, 72 
 Blanc, Louis, 412 
 Blois, Gui de, 54 
 Bodel, Jean, 67 
 Bodin, Jean, in
 
 438 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Bottle, La, 96, 122 
 
 Boileau, Nicolas, 183-189, 241, 242 
 
 Boisguillebert, 304 
 
 Boissonade, J.-F. , 354 
 
 Bolingbroke, 284 
 
 Bonald, Vicomte de, 357 
 
 Bonnet, Charles, 302 note 
 
 Bossuet, Jacques-Be'nigne, 139, 153, 
 
 202, 219-226, 233, 276 
 Bouillon, Duchesse de, 190, 191, 214 
 Bounin, Gabriel, 107 
 Bourdaloue, 202, 227 
 Boursault, 207 
 Brantome, 113-114 
 Bretel, Jacques, 26 
 Brjzeux, Auguste, 391 
 Buchanan, 106 
 Bud, Guillaume, 82, 87 
 Buffon, 308-310, 327 
 Bunbury, Lydia, 373 
 Bussy-Rabutin, 176, 179 
 
 CABANIS, 301 
 
 Galas, Jean, 287 
 
 Calvin, Jean, 92-94 
 
 Cam pan, Mme. de, 253 
 
 Campistron, 259 
 
 Camus, Bishop, 132, 141 
 
 Cantillon, 305 
 
 Cato, Angelo, 56 
 
 Caumartin, de, 283 
 
 Caumartin, Mme. de, 176 
 
 Caylus, Count de, 329 
 
 Caylus, Mme. de, 253 
 
 Cent Nouvelles nouvelles, 66 
 
 Chamfort, 322 
 
 Chapelain, Jean, 141, 147, 149, 162, 
 
 177, 186 
 
 Chapelle, 153, 184, 192 
 Charles, Mme., 368 
 Charron, Pierre, 126-127 
 Chartier, Alain, 60- 61 
 Chastelain, Georges, 65 
 Chateaubriand, 328, 343, 348-353 
 Chatelain de Couci, the, 27 
 Chatelet, Mme. du, 285, 286 
 Chaulieu, 256 
 
 Ch6nedolle', 337 
 
 Che'nier, Andre', 329-331, 338 
 
 Che'nier, Marie-Joseph, 335, 337 
 
 Chesterfield, Lord, 275 
 
 Chrestien, 116 
 
 Chretien de Troyes, 17, 21 
 
 Christine de Pisan, 60 
 
 Clari, Robert de, 49 
 
 Clermont, Mdlle. de, 275 
 
 Collin d'Harleville, 336 
 
 Commines, Philippe de, 55-57 
 
 Comte, Auguste, 255, 360-361 
 
 Condillac, 301 
 
 Condorcet, 255, 303-304 
 
 Confre'rie de la Passion, 68, 71, 160 
 
 Conon de Re'thune, 27 
 
 Conrart, Valentin, 147 
 
 Constant, Benjamin, 345, 411 
 
 Coquillard, 63 
 
 Coras, 214 
 
 Corneille, Pierre, 139, 163-170, 204 
 
 Corneille, Thomas, 171-172, 206 
 
 Cotin, 186, 205 
 
 Coulanges, Abbe" de, 177 
 
 Coulanges, Mme. de, 179 
 
 Courier, Paul-Louis, 354-355 
 
 Cousin, Victor, 358-359 
 
 Crebillon, P. J. de, 259-260 
 
 Cretin, 65 
 
 Creus^ de Lesser, 337 
 
 Cuvier, 341 
 
 Cuvier, Le, 75 
 
 Cyrano de Bergerac, 145-146, 197 
 
 DACIER, Mme., 243 
 D'Aguesseau, 299 
 D'Alembert, 254, 295 
 Danchet, 259 
 Dancourt, 262 
 Dangeau, 239 
 Daniel, 254 
 Danse Macabrf, 63 
 Danton, 338, 339 
 Daubenton, 309 
 Daunou, 411 
 Daurat, Jean, 98 
 Dc'bats, Journal dc, 338 
 

 
 INDEX 
 
 439 
 
 De Belloy, 261 
 
 De Broglie, 412 
 
 D2ca.de Philosophiqve, 338 
 
 De Fe'letz, 342 
 
 Deffand, Mme. du, 253, 322 
 
 DeToris, 221 
 
 Delatouche, 401 
 
 Delavigne, Casimir, 395 
 
 Delille, 257-258 
 
 Ddsaugiers, 336 
 
 De'sbordes-Valmore, Mme., 391 
 
 Descartes, Ren^, 150-153 
 
 Deschamps, Antony, 366 
 
 Deschamps, Emile, 366 
 
 Desfontaines, 300 
 
 De'smarets de St.-Sorlin, 141, 142, 144, 
 
 197, 241 
 
 Des-Masures, Loys, 107 
 Desmoulins, Camille, 338 
 Desportes, Philippe, 105-106, 137 
 Despr6aux, see Boileau 
 Destouches, 263 
 Diderot, Denis, 254, 265, 272, 294- 
 
 299, 302, 313 
 
 Digulleville, Guillaume de, 43 
 Dollinger, 180 
 Dorat, 258 
 Dubos, Abb6, 305 
 Duche 1 , 259 
 Ducis, 261 
 Duclos, 253 
 
 Dudevant, Mme., see Sand, George 
 Dufresny, 262, 274 
 Dumas, Alexandre, 394, 397 
 Dumont, Abbd, 370 
 Dupont de Nemours, 304 
 Duplessis-Mornay, 115 
 Du Ryer, 162, 170 
 Dassault, 342 
 Duval, 336 
 
 Eneas, 16 
 
 Enfants san Souci, 74, 76 
 Epinay, Mme. d', 253, 314 
 Estienne, Henri, 101 note, no, 115 
 Estissac, Geoffrey d' , 7 
 
 2Q 
 
 Estoile, Pierre de 1', 114 note 
 Etienne, 336 
 
 FABRE D'EGLANTIXK, 336 
 
 Fantosme, Jordan, 47 
 
 Fauchet, Claude, no 
 
 Fauriel, 341 
 
 Fayette, Mme. de la, 174, 179, 180-182 
 
 Feiielon, 153, 230-234 
 
 Fle'chier, 140, 228 
 
 Fleury, 225 
 
 Floovent, 8 
 
 Florian, 259, 272 
 
 Fontanes, 337, 349 
 
 Fontenelle, 242, 243-245 
 
 Foucher, AcLle, 375 
 
 Fougeres, Etienne de, 42 
 
 Foulechat, Denis, 46 
 
 Fouquet, 190, 200 
 
 Fourier, 359 
 
 Fournival, Richard de, 41 
 
 Franc-Archer de Bagnolet, 74 
 
 Francis I., 82 
 
 Frederick the Great, 286, 238 
 
 FreYon, 300 
 
 Froissart, Jean, 53-55 
 
 Furetiere, Antoine, 145, 211 
 
 GACE BRULK, 27 
 
 Gaimar, 47 
 
 Gaime, Abbe", 312 
 
 Galiani, 254, 305 
 
 Gailand, 274 
 
 Gamier, Robert, 108 
 
 Gamier de Pont-Sainte-Maxence, 6, 
 
 47 
 
 Gassendi, Pierre, 153 
 Gautier, TMophile, 365, 387-390, 392 
 Gautier de Coinci, 6 
 Gel6e, Jacquemart, 31 
 Gens Nouveaux, 74 
 Geoffrin, Mme., 254 
 Geoffroi of Brittany, 28 
 Geoffrey, 342 
 Gerson, 44, 45 
 Gilbert, 258-259, 300 
 Gillot, 116
 
 440 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Ginguene\ 341, 411 
 
 Girardin, M. de, 315 
 
 Girardin, Saint-Marc, 425 
 
 Godeau, 139 
 
 Goethe, 297, 345 
 
 Gombault, 142 
 
 Gomberville, 142 
 
 Gournay, 305 
 
 Gournay, Mdlle. de, 123 
 
 Grandes Ckronique^, 50 
 
 Greban, Arnoul, 69 
 
 Greban, Simon, 69 
 
 Grecourt, 258 
 
 Cresset, 258, 260, 263 
 
 Gre'vin, 107 
 
 Grignan, Mme. de, 178 
 
 Grimm, Melchior, 307 
 
 Gringoire, Pierre, 74 
 
 Griselidis, Histoire de, 68 
 
 Guene'e, Abb6, 300 
 
 Guevara, 267 
 
 Guillaume le Cl.-rc, 42 
 
 Guillaume le Mardchal, Vie de, 47 
 
 Guirlande de Julie, 140 
 
 Guizot, Frar^ois, 412, 414-416 
 
 Guyon, Mme., 224,230 
 
 HAMILTON, Anthony, 256 
 
 Hardouin, 254 
 
 Hardy, Alexandra, 161 
 
 Helgaire, 8 
 
 Helve'tius, 301 
 
 He'nault, 261 
 
 Henri le Glichezare, 30 
 
 Herberay des Essarts, 92 
 
 Hoffman, 3^2 
 
 Holbach, Baron d 1 , 302 
 
 Hospital, Michel de 1', ico, 115 
 
 Hot man, Fran 90)5, 114 
 
 Houdetot, Mme. d', 314, 318 
 
 Huet, 242 
 
 Hugo, Victor, 365, 375-383, 391-393, 
 
 39 6 
 Hume, David, 315 
 
 JACOT DE FOREST, 16 
 Jansen, 156 
 
 Jeannin, President, 114 note 
 Jehah de Thuin, 16 
 Jobelins, 140 
 Jodelle, 98, 103, 107 
 Joinville, Jean de, 50-52 
 Joubert, Joseph, 342-343, 349 
 Jouffroy, Theodore, 359 
 
 LA BARRE, 288 
 
 Lab6, Louise, 97 
 
 La Beaumelle, 179 
 
 Laboureur, Louis le, 141 
 
 La Bruyere, 235-238, 242 
 
 La Calprenede, 142, 143 
 
 Lacordaire, 357, 358 
 
 La Fare, 256 
 
 La Fontaine, Jean d^, 189-195 
 
 La Fosse, 259 
 
 Lagrange, 302 
 
 La Grange-Chancel, 259 
 
 Laharpe, 261, 306-307 
 
 La Have, Fragment of, 9 
 
 Lally, Count, 288 
 
 Lamarck, 341 
 
 Lamartine, Alphonse de, 329, 367- 
 
 37i 
 
 Lambert, Marquise de, 254, 269 
 Lambert le Tort, 16 
 Lamennais, 357-358 
 La Mettrie, 300-301 
 Lamoignon, de, 202 
 La Motte-Houdart, 243, 256, 260 
 Languet, Hubert, 114 
 Lanoue, 113 
 Laplace, 341 
 Larivey, Pierre de, 109 
 La Rochefoucauld, 173-175, 181, 182 
 La'.ini, Brunetto, 41 
 Laya, Louis, 336 
 Le Bel, Jean, 53 
 Lebrun, Ecouchard, 258, 337 
 Le Clerc, 214 
 Lecomte, Valleran, 160 
 Lefranc de Pompignan, 256 
 Lefranc, Martin, 62 
 Legouais, Chretien, 17, 58 
 Legouv(?, 335
 
 INDEX 
 
 441 
 
 Le Maire de Beiges, Jean, 84 
 
 Lemercier, Nepomucene, 336, 337 
 
 Lemierre, 258, 260 
 
 Lemoyne, 141 
 
 L Empereur qui tua son Neveu, 73 
 
 Leroy, Pierre, 116 
 
 Lesage, 262, 266-268 
 
 Lespinasse, Mdlle. de, 254, 322 
 
 Letourneur, 261 
 
 Le Vasseur, TheYese, 313 
 
 Lille, Alain de, 37 
 
 Lorens, Friar, 41 
 
 Lorris, Gtiillaume de, 34-36 
 
 Lyonne, Abbe" de, 266 
 
 MABLY, 255 
 
 Machaut, Guillaume de, 59 
 
 Maillard, Olivier, 45 
 
 Maine de Biran, 341 
 
 Maintenon, Mme. de, 118, 145, 179- 
 
 180, 216, 217 
 
 Mairet, Jean de, 162, 165, 196 
 Maistre, Joseph de, 355-356 
 Maistre, Xavier de, 409 
 Malebranche, Nicolas de, 153 
 Malherbe, Fra^ois de, 100, 106, 134- 
 
 136, 33i 
 
 Mallet du Pin, 338 
 Marbode, Bishop, 41 
 Marguerite of Navarre, 82-84 
 Marguerite of Navarre (wife of Henri 
 
 IV.), 114 
 
 Marie de France, 20, 28 
 Marivaux, 262, 269-271 
 Marmontel, 253, 260, 272, 300, 305- 
 
 306 
 
 Marnix de Ste. Aldegonde, 115 
 Mascaron, 228 
 Massillon, J.-B. , 228, 229 
 Maupertuis, 286 
 Maynard, 136 
 
 Melin de Saint-Gelais, 86, 105 
 Manage, 177, 205 
 Mdnagier de Paris, 41 note 
 Mendoza, 267 
 Menot, Michel, 45 
 Mercier, 265 
 
 Me"ri, Huon de, 43 
 
 Me'rim^e, Prosper, 396, 408-410 
 
 Meschinot, 65 
 
 Meun, Jean de, 36-39 
 
 M5zeray, 225 
 
 Michaud, 411 
 
 Michel, Jean, 69 
 
 Michelet, Jules, 412, 418-422 
 
 Mignet, Fra^ois, 412, 416 
 
 Millevoye, 337 
 
 Mirabeau, 339-340 
 
 Mirabeau (the elder), 281, 305 
 
 Miracles de Notre-Dame, 68 
 
 Moliere, Jean-Baptiste, 146, 169, 197- 
 
 206 
 
 Molinet, 65 
 
 Monluc, Blaize de, 112-113 
 Monstrelet, 55 
 
 Montaigne, Michel de, 121-126 
 Montalembert, 357, 358, 412 
 Montchrestien, Antoine de, 120, 160 
 Montesquieu, 57, in, 255, 273-280 
 Montfleury, 207 
 
 Montpensier, Mdlle. de, 176, 235 
 Montreuil, Jean de, 46 
 Moreau, H6g6sippe, 391 
 Morellet, 300, 305 
 Morelly, 255 
 Mornay, Mme. de, 113 
 Mothe le Vayer, la, 153 
 Motteville, Mme. de, 176 
 Muret, 106 
 Musset, Alfred de, 383-387 
 
 NAIGEON, 302 
 
 Namur, Robert of, 54 
 
 Nangis, Guillaume de, 51 
 
 Napoleon I. , 340 
 
 Napoleon III., 369 
 
 Navagero, 105 
 
 Nerval, Gerard de, 388, 391 
 
 Nevers, Due de, 214 
 
 Nicole, 156, 178, 208, 209, 215 
 
 Ninon, 183 
 
 Nisard, Desire 1 , 425-426 
 
 Nivart of Ghent, 30 
 
 Nivelle de la Chausse'e,'264
 
 442 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Nodier, Charles, 366, 409 
 Novare, Philippe de, 41 
 
 OGIER, Frar^ois, 162 
 Oresme, Nicole, 46 
 Orleans, Charles d', 61-62 
 Orleans, Duchess of, 180, 212 
 Ossat, d', 114 note 
 Ouville, d', 196 
 Ozanam, 412 
 
 PALISSOT, 300 
 
 Palissy, Barnard, 119 
 
 Par6, Ambroise, 119 
 
 Parny, 258 
 
 Partenoptus de Blois, 22 
 
 Pascal, Blaise, 154-159 
 
 Pasquier, Estienne, no 
 
 Passerat, Jean, 106, 116 
 
 Pathelin, La Farce de, 66, 75-76 
 
 Pelerinage de Jerusalem, n 
 
 Pellisson, 148 
 
 P^rier, Mme. , 158 
 
 PeYiers, Bonaventure des, 84, 91 
 
 Perrault, Charles, 241-242, 243 
 
 Perron, du, 115 
 
 Physiocrats, the, 304 
 
 Picard, 336 
 
 Piron, 258, 260, 263, 300 
 
 Pithou, 116 
 
 Pixe're'court, 336 
 
 Pomponne, 179 
 
 Ponsard, 395 
 
 Popeliniere, L. de la, 112 
 
 Poquelin. See Moliere 
 
 Port-Royal, 155, 252 
 
 Pradon, 214 
 
 Presles, Raoul de, 46 
 
 Pr6vost, Abb6, 271-272 
 
 Proudhon, Pierre Joseph, 361-362 
 
 Provins, Guiot de, 42 
 
 QUESNAY, Fran9ois, 304, 305 
 Quinault, Philippe, 169, 204, 2o5, 
 
 207-208 
 
 Quinet, Edgar, 412, 422-423 
 Quinse Joies de Mariage, 66 
 
 RABELAIS, Franqois, 87-91 
 
 Racan, 136 
 
 Racine, Jean, 172, 208-218 
 
 Racine, Louis, 257 
 
 Rambouillet, Hotel de, 139 
 
 Rame'e, Pierre de la, in 
 
 Ramond, 321 note 
 
 Raoul de Houdan, 43 
 
 Rapin, 116 
 
 Raynal, Abbe 1 , 321-322 
 
 Rayounard, 336, 341 
 
 Re'camier, Mme., 352 
 
 Rtcits d" un Mfnestrel de Reini:, 50 
 
 Regnard, 262 
 
 Regnier, Mathurin, 136-138 
 
 Kenard, Roman de, 29 
 
 Representation d' Adam, 67 
 
 Restif de la Bretonne, 272 
 
 Retz, Cardinal de, 175-176 
 
 Riccoboni, Mme., 270 note 
 
 Richelieu, 147, 162, 176 
 
 Rivarol, 338 
 
 Robert de Boron, 21, 22 
 
 Rocca, Albert rie, 347 
 
 Rohan, Chevalier de, 284 
 
 Rojas, 1 06 
 
 Roland, Mm3. , 253, 254, 322 
 
 Roland, Song of , 9-11 
 
 Rollin, 300 
 
 Romulus, 28 note 
 
 Ronsard, Pierre de, 97-103 
 
 Rotrou, Jean, 162, 170-171, 196 
 
 Roucher, 257 
 
 Rouget de Lisle, 337 
 
 Rousseau, Jean-Baptiste, 256, 283 
 
 Rousseau, Jcan-Jacqu?s, 272, 311- 
 
 3 21 . 3 2 7 
 
 Roye, Jean de, 55 
 Royer-Collard, 341 
 Rutebeuf, 42, 43 
 
 SABLE, Mine, dc, 173 
 Sabliere, Mme. de, 192 
 Sacy, de, 156 
 Sagon, 85 
 Saint-Amand, 144 
 Saint-Cyran, 156
 
 INDEX 
 
 443 
 
 Sainte-Beuve, 330, 365, 366, 391, 426- 
 
 427 f 
 
 Saint-Evremond, 139, 183, 197, 209 
 Saint-Just, 339 
 Saint-Lambert, 257 
 Saint-Martin, 355, 357 
 Saint-Pierre, Abbe 1 de, 304 
 Saint-Simon, Claude-Henri de, 359- 
 
 360 
 
 Saint-Simon, Due de, 238-241 
 Sales, Fran9ois de, 131-132 
 Salle, Antoine de la, 65-66 
 Sand, George, 400-404 
 Sandeau, Jules, 401 
 Sannazaro, 103 
 Saurin, Bernard-Joseph, 261 
 Saurin, Jacques, 228 
 Scarron, Paul, 145, 197 
 Sceve, Maurice, 97 
 Schelandre, Jean de, 162 
 Schiller, 345 
 
 Schlegel, A. W. von, 346 
 Scribe, Eugene, 395 
 ScudeYy, Georges de, 142, 162, 163, 
 
 165, 170 
 
 ScudeYy, Mdlle. de, 92, 142, 143 
 Sebonde, Raimond de, 122 
 Secchi, 199 
 Sedaine, 265 
 Segrais, 181, 213, 235 
 Se'nancourt, 341-342 
 Serres, Olivier de, 119, 132 
 Serviteur, Le Loyal, 112 note 
 Se'vigne', Mme. ds, 143, 177-179, 191, 
 
 210 
 
 Simon, Richard, 220, 224, 225 
 Sirven, 288 
 Sismondi, 411-412 
 Sorel, Charles, 144, 268 
 Soulie', Fre'deYic, 394 
 Soyecourt, Marquis de, 200 
 Staal-Delaunay, Mme. de, 253 
 Stael, Mme. de, 343-348 - 
 Steinhcewel , 28 
 Stendhal. See Beyle 
 Strasburg Oaths, 4 
 Suard, 338 
 
 Sue, Eugene, 397 
 Sully, Maurice de, 44 
 Surgeres, Helene de, 101 
 
 TABARIN, 196 
 
 Taille, Jacques de la, 107 
 
 Taille, Jean de la, 108, 109 
 
 Tedbalt, 4 
 
 Tencin, Mme. de, 245 
 
 Thaon, Philippe de, 40 
 
 Thebes, Romance of, 15 
 
 Thtophile, 68 
 
 Thibaut de Champagne, 27 
 
 Thierry, Augustin, 412-414 
 
 Thiers, Adolphe, 412, 417-418 
 
 Thomas (Anglo-Norman poet), 19 
 
 Thomas, A.-L. , 306, 327 
 
 Thou, De, 112 
 
 Thyard, Pontus de, 98 
 
 Tocqueville, A. de, 412, 416-417 
 
 Tour-Landry, Livre du Chevalier de 
 
 la, 41 note 
 Touroude, 10 
 Tracy, Destutt de, 301 
 Tristan 1'Hermite, 162, 170 
 Turgot, 255 
 Turnebe, Odet de, 109 
 
 URANISTES, 140 
 
 Urfe, Honors' d', 92, 132-134 
 
 VAIR, Guillaume de, 120, 127, 134 
 
 Valenciennes, Henri de, 49 
 
 Valliere, Louise de la, 221 
 
 Van Dale, 244 
 
 Vauban, 304 
 
 Vaugelas, 148 
 
 Vauquelin de la Fresnaye, Jean, ic6 
 
 Vauvenargues, 281-282 
 
 Vaux, Mme. Clothilde de, 360 
 
 Velly, 254 
 
 Vergniaud, 339 
 
 Vertot, 254 
 
 Viau, Theophile de, 138 
 
 Vigny, Alfred de, 365, 371-374, 394, 
 
 396 
 Villehardouin, Geoffroy de, 48
 
 444 INDEX 
 
 Villemain, 424 Volney, 303 
 
 Villon, Frar^ois, 63-65, 74 Voltaire, 229, 253, 255, 260, 272, 282- 
 
 Vincent de Paul, St., 221 293, 314 
 
 Viole, Mdlle. de, 104 
 
 Violette, Roman de la, 22 
 
 Viret, 94 WAGE, 20, 47 
 
 Vivonne, Catherine de, 139 Walpole, Horace, 322 
 
 Voiture, Vincent, 139, 140-141 Warens, Mme. de, 311, 312, 318 
 
 Volland, Mdlle., 298 Wenceslas, Duke, 54 
 
 THE END
 
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 so ample, so clear-cut, and breathing so strongly the best spirit of our native land. No 
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 imitation." From FRANCES E. WILLARD, President N. W. C. T. U. 
 
 "I congratulate you on the beauty of the volume, and the thoroughness of the 
 ivork." From Bishop PHILLIPS BROOKS. 
 
 " Every day's use of this admirable work confirms me in regard to its comprehen- 
 siveness and accuracy." From CHARLES DUDLEY WAUNER. 
 
 Price, per volume, (loth or buckram, $5.00; sheep, $6.00; half calf or hilf mo- 
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 THE SUCCESSOR TO "LOOKING BACKWARD." 
 
 IPQUALITY. 'By EDWARD BELLAMY. i2mo. Cloth, 
 
 ^ $1.25. 
 
 " The book is so full of ideas, so replete with suggestive aspects., so rich 
 in quotable parts, as to form an arsenal of argument for apostles of the new 
 democracy. . . . The humane and thoughtful reader will lay down ' Equality ' 
 and regard the world about him with a feeling akin to that with which the 
 child of the tenement returns from his ' country week ' to the foul smells, the 
 discordant noises, the incessant strife of the wonted environment. Immense 
 changes are undoubtedly in store for the coming century. The industrial 
 transformations of the world for the past hundred years seem to assure for 
 the next hundred a mutation in social conditions commensurately radical. 
 The tendency is undoubtedly toward human unity, social solidarity. Science 
 will more and more make social evolution a voluntary, self-directing process 
 on the part of man." SYLVESTER BAXTER, in the Review of Reviews. 
 
 " ' Equality ' is a greater book than ' Looking Backward,' while it is more 
 powerful ; and the smoothness, the never-failing interest, the limpid clear- 
 ness and the simplicity of the argument, and the timeliness, will make it 
 extremely popular. Here is a book that every one will read and enjoy. 
 Rant there is none, but the present system is subjected to a searching arraign- 
 ment. Withal, the story is bright, optimistic, and cheerful." Boston Herald. 
 
 " Mr. Bellamy has bided his time the full nine years of Horace's counsel. 
 Calmly and quietly he has rounded out the vision which occurred to him. . . . 
 That Mr. Bellamy is earnest and honest in his convictions is evident. That 
 hundreds of earnest and honest men hold the same convictions is also evident. 
 Will the future increase, or decrease, the number ? " New York Herald. 
 
 " So ample was Mr. Bellamy's material, so rich is his imaginative power, 
 that ' Looking Backward ' scarcely gave him room to turn in. ... The 
 bstterment of man is a noble topic, and the purpose of Mr. Bellamy's ' Equal- 
 ity ' is to approach it with reverence. The book will raise many discussions. 
 The subject which Mr. Bellamy writes about is inexhaustible, and it has never- 
 failing human interest." New York Times. 
 
 " ' Equality' deserves praise for its completeness. It shows the thought 
 and work of years. It apparently treats of every phase of its subject. . . . 
 Altogether praiseworthy and very remarkable." Chicago Tribune. 
 
 " There is no question at all about the power of the author both as the 
 teller of a marvelous story and as the imaginative creator of a scheme of 
 earthly human happiness. ' Equality ' is profoundly interesting in a great 
 many different ways." Boston Daily Advertiser. 
 
 " A vastly interesting work, and those who feel in the air the coming of 
 great social, industrial, and economical changes, whether they hope for or 
 fear them, will find ' Equality ' the most absorbing reading. The ready sale 
 of the first installment of the book shows how real and general the concern 
 in these questions has grown to be." Springfield Republican. 
 
 D. APPLETON AND COMPANY, NEW YORK.
 
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