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 THE CRIMEAN DIARY 
 
 AND LETTERS 
 
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 LIEUT. -GENERAL 
 
 SIR CHARLES ASH WINDHAM, K.C.B. 
 
 WITH OBSERVATIONS UPON HIS SERVICES DURING 
 
 THE INDIAN MUTINY 
 
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 PREFACE 
 
 AN article which appeared a short time ago in one 
 of the leading weekly journals, also the suggestion 
 of many friends, first prompted me to publish my 
 late father's Crimean Correspondence and Extracts 
 from his Diary. 
 
 I thought that, as a sailor, I could not do justice 
 to the subject, and my friend Major Hugh Pearse 
 kindly undertook to edit the letters, and to him I 
 return my warmest thanks. 
 
 The veteran, Sir William Russell and I take it, 
 no higher Crimean authority exists most kindly 
 undertook to write the opening chapter; and I cannot 
 find words to express how deeply touched I have 
 been by the interest he has taken in the book. 
 
 The letters are those of a man who occupied a very 
 responsible position, and who had ample opportunities 
 of forming a correct judgment. 
 
 Naturally, I do not wish to enter into any personal 
 controversy with regard to my father's conduct either 
 in the Crimea or in India. 
 
 I am perfectly satisfied to leave the former in the 
 hands of Sir William Russell, and the latter to the 
 dictum of that most accurate and able historian, 
 Colonel Malleson, who, in reference to the siege of
 
 x PREFACE 
 
 Cawnpore by the Gwalior Contingent, has placed it 
 upon record as his deliberate opinion, that "Windham 
 saved India." 
 
 I may, however, be allowed to borrow one sentence 
 from Lord Wolseley's Life of Marlborough. He 
 says, "We must judge of what the public thought of 
 that Great Soldier at the time" 
 
 What the public thought of a much humbler soldier 
 at the time of the Crimea is well known, for by only 
 a few votes in the Cabinet did he fail to be made 
 Commander - in - Chief (vide Greville Memoirs and 
 Colonel CampbelFs Letters from the Crimea], 
 
 If this small book is appreciated by the few friends 
 now living of an old soldier who ever strove to do 
 his duty well and nobly, often under the most trying 
 circumstances, I shall feel more than repaid. 
 
 Thinking it might interest old Norfolk neighbours, 
 I have appended a short account of Felbrigg (the 
 old seat of the Windhams) taken from the Norfolk 
 Daily Standard ; also two letters from two of my 
 father's most valued friends. 
 
 CHARLES WINDHAM, 
 
 Captain Royal Navy.
 
 CONTENTS 
 
 PAGE 
 
 PREFACE BY SIR WILLIAM HOWARD RUSSELL . . i 
 
 THE CRIMEAN DIARY . . . . . 14 
 
 THE INDIAN MUTINY . . . . . 215 
 
 APPENDIX LETTERS . ... 257
 
 PREFACE 
 
 BY 
 
 SIR WILLIAM HOWARD RUSSELL. 
 
 A FEW days after the allies occupied the plateau on 
 the south of Sebastopol it was, I think, on the 
 2/th or 28th of September I rode up from Balaclava 
 to take a look at the city, on which we were destined to 
 gaze for so many eventful months ; and, as I was cross- 
 ing from the French pickets on our left, I came upon 
 a part of the Fourth Division, on their march to take 
 up their camping-ground on one of the ridges over the 
 ravine which runs from the Great Harbour. They were 
 in charge of a staff officer whom I remarked, when the 
 army left the Belbek, warmly expostulating with Lord 
 Raglan's Staff, on account of the orders which had 
 been given for the Fourth Division to remain on 
 the river that night. I had previously seen him over 
 and over again, always energetic, busy, demonstrative, 
 in Varna, and now he was hurrying up the men, who 
 had had a long tramp from the plain below, to 
 their ground in view of the beautiful city the Queen 
 of the Euxine. I asked the officer, Major Dickson, 
 whom I was with, when he came back from a few 
 minutes' conversation with his Staff acquaintance 
 u Who is that ? "
 
 2 PREFACE. 
 
 " A guardsman, named Windham," he replied. " A 
 very good man, I should think ; full of ideas. He is 
 very keen, but he's rather inclined to take the bit in 
 his teeth." 
 
 It was not, however, till some weeks later that I 
 made Colonel Windham's personal acquaintance. It 
 was on the day after the memorable battle of Bala- 
 clava. The Fourth Division had been ordered down 
 to the plain on the morning of the action to rein- 
 force the troops in the valley. They had arrived 
 late ; at least, so it was said. The First Division, 
 under the Duke of Cambridge, had also been sum- 
 moned. The appearance of these two great bodies 
 of infantry, streaming down from the plateau into the 
 Valley of Balaclava, produced, no doubt, a considerable 
 effect upon the Russians ; and Sir George Cathcart, 
 a masterful man, who had already worked himself into 
 a frame of mind conducive to violent enterprise, because 
 his counsels, for an instant assault upon Sebastopol, had 
 not been taken, was eager to dash at the Turkish 
 redoubts, and had, indeed, whilst his skirmishers 
 pressed forward and engaged the Russians in a brisk 
 musketry encounter, occupied one of them, when he 
 was once more ridden on the curb, and restrained from 
 the bold offensive which he contemplated. 
 
 The next day I rode up to the walled enclosure, which 
 was subsequently named " Cathcart's Hill," because the 
 General's Headquarters were near the elevated ridge, 
 whence there was an extensive view of the city front. 
 There was a group of officers looking down towards the 
 ground on the right, from which Evans' Division had 
 that morning driven the Russians, who had come out 
 to establish themselves in force upon it ; and amongst 
 them was Colonel Windham.
 
 PREFACE. 3 
 
 Presently, he came to the place where I stood 
 watching the movements of the troops on the extreme 
 right towards Inkerman, and, with an abrupt " Good 
 evening," asked me " if I had seen the cavalry charges 
 down below the day before, and what I thought of the 
 whole affair?" I said I had been all the morning 
 in my tent, continuing the work of the night before, 
 and writing about the battle. 
 
 " And what have you written ? " 
 
 I said " I hoped it would all appear in good time." 
 
 " I hope," said he, " that you let people at home 
 understand what a lot of muddling muffs we have out 
 here. What on earth did they mean by hurrying us 
 down there ? Two divisions ! And then making out 
 that we were late ! Late for what ? Why, when we did 
 want to do something, we were not allowed. I believe 
 if my General had been allowed to go on, and the whole 
 force had been advanced, we 'd have shoved every man- 
 jack of these Russians up into the mountains, and 
 retaken the guns. That's my private opinion, mind 
 you ! And I don't want my name in the papers." 
 
 Whilst I was living at the Headquarters Camp, I 
 went up nearly every day, early or late, to Cathcart's 
 Hill, and there I found Colonel Windham, his pipe 
 in his mouth and his note-book in hand, very 
 often, but he would not tarry long. He seemed 
 always to have something to do in addition to some- 
 thing that he had done already. His opinions on men 
 and matters were given with refreshing directness, and 
 his views were original, at all events ; full of confidence, 
 and always in advocacy of instant action ; sometimes 
 to make a dash at the Round Tower or the Redan ; 
 sometimes to break up camp and march right away 
 for Simpheropol or Eupatoria. Occasionally he had
 
 4 - PREFACE. 
 
 moments of despondency ; he doubted if we should 
 ever take the place at all ! Certainly that frame of mind 
 was justified after the battle of Inkerman, and the death 
 of his beloved chief ; and it was intensified in the terrible 
 winter, during which Windham became known through- 
 out the army for his indefatigable exertions in providing, 
 as far as he could, for the wants of the Division to 
 which he was attached, and by his liberal criticisms 
 of the officers of his own department on the Head- 
 quarters Staff. His military theories, however, were 
 not in favour. He had no experience in war. But 
 he had long service, and in the love of sport and 
 travel, which had led him far afield in the East and 
 in the West, he had all the aptitudes which go to 
 the making of a soldier. Officers of less experi- 
 ence, however, than Windham, considered themselves 
 entitled to express the most decided opinions on the 
 operations. One day, after the first bombardment, Lord 
 Cardigan, accompanied by his friend, Mr. De Burgh, 
 and an aide-de-camp, rode up to the front to take a look 
 at the batteries. They were joined by a young officer of 
 Engineers. 
 
 "Ah!" said Lord Cardigan. "I see! Those fellows 
 down below are our men, and they are firing at the 
 Russians. Those fellows who are firing towards us are 
 the Russians. Why don't we drive them away ? " 
 
 The officer explained that there were certain diffi- 
 culties in the suggested operation. But the gallant 
 General, who was a few days later to distinguish himself 
 in the valley of Balaclava, was by no means satisfied, 
 and insisted on his views with an air of haughty con- 
 viction. At last, putting up his glass, and turning 
 to remount his horse, which was down below, he 
 exclaimed ;
 
 PREFACE. 5 
 
 " I have never in all my life seen a siege conducted 
 on such principles, Squire." 
 
 The Squire assented. He had never seen such a 
 siege, either, and they rode back to Balaclava. 
 
 Windham was, indeed, a very different sort of man 
 from Lord Cardigan, but if, after a few weeks' acquaint- 
 ance such as I have described, in constant, if casual, 
 meetings with him, I had been asked what I thought his 
 failing as an officer was, I would have answered, " Reck- 
 less gallantry and dash." I say that because I have been 
 induced to write this prefatory chapter by a sense of the 
 injustice done to him by those who expressed the 
 opinion that when he left the Redan on the 8th of 
 September, 1855, ar "d walked back to the nearest 
 parallel to solicit the help to his faltering soldiers, for 
 which he had sent three times in vain, he had acted 
 unworthily. 
 
 I was not in the Redan, and I did not see General 
 Windham in the advance or the retreat from it that 
 day ; but immediately after the disastrous assault, I 
 heard, from those who were with him, particulars of 
 what came under their personal observation. One fact 
 is beyond question. At the moment Windham left 
 the Redan his presence had ceased to exercise any 
 influence over the shrinking and discomfited men, who 
 were sheltering themselves behind the traverses near the 
 salient. Nothing could save them but immediate sup- 
 port of " troops in formation," the support Windham 
 sought to obtain. His example had had no effect upon 
 these men in any way. They would not follow him. 
 He had endeavoured in vain to induce them to move 
 towards the Russians at the base of the Redan. Our 
 officers felt that without instant help the men would run. 
 There were still old soldiers who disdained to turn their
 
 6 PREFACE. 
 
 backs and fly, but they knew that if they went forward 
 they could not save the honour of the day, and that 
 they would assuredly lose their lives to no purpose. It 
 was to save those men perhaps indeed in the hope that 
 he might make good a footing in the Redan that 
 Windham made his last appeal. 
 
 Whatever may be said, or whatever has been said or 
 written, about the part he took, it appears to me 
 impossible to attribute the decision that Windham took, 
 when he crossed the ditch and walked across the open 
 to appeal to Codrington, to any regard for his personal 
 safety. The first thing he did was to stand upon 
 the top of the ditch of the advanced parallel, and ask 
 General Codrington for "the Royals, or for troops in 
 formation," to restore the fortunes of the fight, paying 
 no regard to the General's urgent words "Get down, 
 or you will be killed ! " 
 
 The assault was, indeed, a great calamity a national 
 misfortune, a political disaster. When the story of 
 that day of failure and loss reached England, there 
 was an immense sensation. In the bitterness and 
 humiliation of the defeat, which were not perhaps 
 lessened by the success of the French at the Malakoff, 
 the public rejoiced in the record of the gallantry of 
 the officer, who quickly became known as " the Hero 
 of the Redan." Windham was the only officer in 
 command of a column who entered the Redan. He 
 set a splendid example to his men, but few of them 
 followed it. Reading between the lines of his letters 
 and of the diary referring to the assault, one can see 
 the painful stress which was placed by circumstances 
 on a man like Windham, who felt that he was not 
 responsible for the disaster, at the same time that he 
 could not brills' himself to accuse British soldiers of
 
 PREFACE. 7 
 
 want of courage. It is best to leave the reader to form 
 his own conclusions respecting the conduct and motives 
 of the General, which were very recently condemned by 
 a high military authority, from the letters and from the 
 diary which follow. The opinion that it was dereliction 
 of duty for a commander to leave his men under any 
 circumstances, said to have been expressed by French 
 officers of high rank, was caught up at the time by 
 those to be found in every army, as amongst other 
 bodies of men, who are disposed to accept unfavourable 
 versions of the conduct of others. In letters written 
 from camp on September 8th and loth, I stated as 
 the results of personal enquiry and investigation the 
 facts connected with the assault ; and anyone who cares 
 to read the evidence of the soldiers who were actually 
 in the Redan, can refer to the volume of my letters 
 published in 1856. I spoke, I think, to every officer 
 who was inside the Redan, and not one of them differed 
 from the general account published in the Times. 
 Everyone expressed the highest opinion of Windham's 
 personal bearing, and none, so far as I am aware, 
 questioned the propriety of his seeking, by personal 
 entreaty as a last hope, the reinforcements which one 
 might suppose the General in the trenches would have 
 pushed forward of his own accord. That General was 
 Codrington, as gallant a gentleman and as honourable a 
 man as ever lived. We may form an opinion of the 
 impression left on Codrington's mind by Windham's 
 conduct that day, from the simple fact that soon 
 after he succeeded to the command of the army, he 
 appointed Windham Chief of the Staff ! 
 
 In recognition of his services, immediately on the fall 
 of the place, Windham was appointed Commandant 
 of Sebastopol, a post which he retained, and a very
 
 8 PREFACE. 
 
 unpleasant one it was, till the I3th of October, when 
 the notification of his promotion as Major-General for 
 distinguished conduct on the 8th September reached 
 the Crimea. 
 
 On the nth of November, Sir William Codrington 
 assumed the command of the army, Sir James Simpson 
 having been permitted to resign on the previous day. 
 From the iyth November, 1855, till the evacuation of 
 the Crimea on the I3th June, 1856, Windham was Chief 
 of the Staff. But the labours of the expedition had 
 nearly come to a close ; all the Generals had to do was 
 to obey orders from their respective Governments at 
 home, in case the diplomatic Conferences and negotia- 
 tions, which occupied so much time even in the midst of 
 war, failed in establishing a basis for treaties of peace. 
 The activity and resources of Windham, as Chief of 
 the Staff, were devoted to the improvement of all 
 that appertained to the efficiency of the troops. Had 
 another winter campaign tried the fortitude of our 
 soldiers, they would not have had to complain of 
 hunger, of want of cover, and insufficient clothing. 
 They were housed in comfortable huts, supplied by a 
 railway with fuel, forage, fresh meat, vegetables, in 
 abundance, there were excellent roads through the 
 camp ; and Windham describes, with justifiable pride, 
 the splendid appearance of the forty-six battalions 
 of British infantry, paraded in line upon the heights 
 of Telegraph Hill, on the 25th of February, for the 
 inspection of Marshal Pelissier and La Marmora. 
 
 The Brevet-Colonel of June, 1854, returned home 
 in 1856 a General Officer and a Companion of the 
 Bath, a Commander of the Legion of Honour, with a 
 medal and four clasps, a First-class of the Military 
 Order of Savoy, the Mcdjidieh, and the Turkish War
 
 PREFACE. 9 
 
 medal " a made man " his name in every mouth.* 
 But he had not long to rest upon his laurels. At 
 the end of the year 1857, ne was appointed to the 
 command of a Major- General's district in Bengal ; 
 in December, 1857, he was placed in command of 
 the Fifth and Sixth Divisions of the Field Force, 
 under Sir Colin Campbell ; and presently, at a 
 very critical moment in the history of British 
 India, was left in charge of the important post of 
 Cawnpore. It may be doubted whether Sir Colin 
 Campbell would have selected Windham for any 
 command for the old soldier, though he became a 
 Guards General, was not fond of Guards officers, nor 
 was he particularly partial to the Headquarters in the 
 Crimea. He had been, moreover, injuriously super- 
 seded, in command of the Army, by Codrington, his 
 junior, who had chosen Windham to be his right- 
 hand man. But Windham was very popular and 
 very powerful at home, and, indeed, he had been re- 
 commended to the Governor-General for the command 
 of the expeditionary force to Persia in the previous 
 
 * The reception which Windham had in England was enthusiastic, 
 and particularly in his own county, where his family had long occupied 
 a distinguished position. The public manifestations in his honour 
 afforded him the liveliest satisfaction. He had not been long in India, 
 however, before the news of the action at Cawnpore reached England, 
 and the absence of any complimentary mention of his name in the 
 General's despatches was taken to imply the dissatisfaction of the 
 Commander-in-Chief with the General's defence of his post. Ere I 
 left London, towards the end of 1857, to join Headquarters in India, 
 I waited on the Duke of Cambridge, at the Horse Guards, to pay 
 my respects. "Well," said His Royal Highness, laughingly, "we 
 will see what your Redan General makes of it now." I asked His 
 Royal Highness whom he alluded to. "Why, I mean Windham, of 
 course ! We all know that it was you made him the ' Hero of the 
 Redan.'" I intimated my belief that it was Windham, himself, who 
 had achieved the distinction.
 
 io PREFACE. 
 
 year. He was only passed over because he had never 
 served with native troops, but he was now on the 
 spot ; and so Windham was placed in charge of the 
 ill-omened town, which was the base of operations 
 for the force that had just set out for the relief of the 
 Garrison, and of the civilians, women, and children in 
 the Residency and adjacent entrenchments at Lucknow. 
 The bridge at Cawnpore was the only means of 
 passage from Oudh to the right bank of the Ganges, 
 and the main trunk road, for the great Lucknow 
 column under Sir Colin, with its civilians, women 
 and children, artillery, cavalry, soldiery, stores, guns, 
 baggage, sick and wounded. The instructions Wind- 
 ham received were explicit ; but, without plunging 
 into the heated controversy in which Malleson and 
 other writers have given judgment against him, I 
 think that the opinions of an officer like Sir John 
 Adye, who was with Windham in those days of 
 trial, carry far greater weight than the minute objec- 
 tions of inferior authorities to the details of the 
 operations which had the one all-powerful argument 
 in their favour, that the bridge was saved, and that 
 Cawnpore was held against enormous odds. When I 
 went to Simla, after the actual capture of Lucknow 
 and the campaign of Rohilcund, I met Windham, who 
 was on leave with Sir Robert Garrett. We often had 
 causeries about the Cawnpore battles, in which he 
 mentioned matters concerning officers and men 
 " things not generally known " which made me feel 
 thankful that he had held the bridge so well and at 
 all ! " Had I acted according to orders the bridge 
 would have been lost as sure as you are alive ! Why, 
 had I withdrawn my force, after I had displayed them 
 outside the entrenchments and the town, as I was
 
 PREFACE. ii 
 
 ordered to do, the whole of the 'Budmashes' would have 
 swarmed in on us ; but I gave them a blow in the face 
 which staggered the Gwalior gentlemen. Sir Colin felt 
 he had done me wrong, and he made the amends, but 
 the mischief was done. As to the shameful accusations 
 that I was ungenerous in my treatment of Carthew, I 
 can only say, that if I was guilty of anything of the 
 kind, I deserve all the obloquy that has been heaped 
 upon me ten times over. But I feel it is not true." 
 The passages in his letters and memoranda which 
 follow speak for themselves, and the letters from Sir 
 Colin Campbell and General Mansfield, which made 
 tardy acknowledgment of the injustice which had 
 been done to him by his chiefs, are the best answers 
 to those who have assailed Windham for his defence 
 of Cawnpore. That he was judicious and politic I 
 will not say, for I do not think he was either, having 
 regard to his own interests ; but that he was as honest 
 and as brave a soldier as ever served the Queen I most 
 fully believe. 
 
 W. H. R.
 
 CHARLES ASH WINDHAM, the fourth son of 
 v_x Admiral William Windham, of Felbrigg Hall, 
 Norfolk ; and a great nephew of William Windham, 
 who was Secretary of State for War and the Colonial 
 Department in Lord Grenville's Ministry "of all the 
 Talents," was born on October 8th, 1810. 
 
 He was educated at the Royal Military College, 
 Sandhurst, and entered the Coldstream Guards at the 
 age of sixteen. 
 
 The dates of his Commissions are as follows : 
 
 Ensign and Lieutenant . December 3Oth, 1826. 
 
 Lieutenant and Captain . May 3ist, 1833. 
 
 Brevet-Major . . . November 9th, 1846. 
 
 Captain and Lieut.-Colonel December 29th, 1846. 
 
 In 1849, Lieutenant - Colonel Windham married 
 Marianne Catherine Emily, daughter of Admiral Sir 
 John Beresford ; and on June 22nd of the same year 
 he exchanged to half-pay. 
 
 On the outbreak of the Crimean War, Windham 
 exerted himself to the utmost to obtain employment 
 in the field, and eventually was rewarded by receiving 
 the appointment of Assistant Quartermaster-General 
 to the 4th Division, which was commanded by a dis- 
 tinguished and experienced soldier, Lieutenant-General 
 the Honourable Sir George Cathcart.
 
 14 GENERAL IVINDHAM'S DIARY. 
 
 Windham had been promoted to the rank of 
 Colonel in the Army, on June 2Oth, 1854, and thus 
 entered on his first campaign in full maturity of mind 
 and body, and entrusted with duties of much responsi- 
 bility. He embarked at Southampton on August 9th, 
 1854, on board the steamer Harbinger, and began his 
 diary, which is given, as nearly as possible, in the form 
 in which it was written, on his arrival at Constantinople. 
 
 DIARY. 
 
 CONSTANTINOPLE, September ist, 1854. Arrived at 
 Constantinople this morning, and heard that the Army 
 was embarking for Sebastopol, and would probably 
 sail on the 3rd. 
 
 The French and English have suffered severely from 
 sickness in Bulgaria. For my part I never felt better, 
 and I sincerely hope I may be preserved to return 
 home; but, above all things, I do earnestly pray that 
 God will grant me strength and courage to behave as 
 becomes a man and a soldier, come what may. 
 
 It will be my first battle, and no man can say what 
 effect that may have on him, so I repeat that, above 
 all things, I pray for a stout heart and a clear head 
 when the battle rages fiercest, particularly should we 
 be unsuccessful. 
 
 A letter to Anthony Hudson, Esq., Colonel Wind- 
 ham's oldest and best friend, follows : 
 
 " CONSTANTINOPLE, 
 
 September isf, 1854. 
 "Mv DEAR ANTHONY, 
 
 " This is for you and William, as I have not 
 time to write to both. We have this moment (7 am.)
 
 GENERAL CATHCART. 15 
 
 dropped anchor, and we are off again directly, as the 
 Army is embarking for Sebastopol, and we shall be 
 just in time. 
 
 " I am happy to say that I never felt better in my 
 life, and lucky for me it is so. The sickness here has 
 been frightful (don't let Marianne know this), and I 
 think the attack on Sebastopol is a good deal owing to 
 this. How I pray we may succeed. Our Division is 
 gone on, and I shall have arduous duties to perform 
 without positively one single day's preparation, even 
 for my horses. They have never seen fire, nor have 
 I, so we shall be novices together ; but we must do 
 our best. 
 
 " Give my best, very best, love to William, Charlotte, 
 and all your family, as I shall not probably have 
 another chance of writing to you for some time. 
 God bless you, my dear Anthony, for all your many 
 kindnesses ; and sincerely praying that I may conduct 
 myself well before the enemy, and live to return to 
 old England. 
 
 " I remain in good health and spirits, 
 " Yours affectionately, 
 
 "C A. W." 
 
 VARNA, September 2nd, 1854. Anniversary of the 
 death of a great English soldier, Oliver Cromwell. I 
 wonder what he would do if at Varna? I had a long 
 and interesting talk, last evening, after dinner with the 
 General (Sir George Cathcart). He told me all he 
 intended doing, and I am convinced that he is 
 perfectly right in his views. He said almost exactly 
 what I wrote to Bentinck* last February. 
 
 * Brig. -Gen. commanding the Brigade of Guards.
 
 16 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY. 
 
 VARNA, September yd. Went on shore and saw 
 Lord Raglan, Sir George Brown, General Airey, 
 Admirals Dundas and Lyons. Drew some necessaries 
 for servants and the detachment of the 46th Regiment, 
 now on board here. I did what I could to find out 
 what I had to do, but, as to this, got but little 
 information. 
 
 I was glad to see Lord Raglan looking so well, and 
 as to General Brown, he looks the freshest man here ; 
 and I do not doubt he will lead the Light Division " like 
 a good 'un." 
 
 For my part, what I fear is the condition of the men. 
 They are so dispirited and downcast by sickness that I 
 very much question their fighting in the resolute way 
 I am sure they would have fought had this expedition 
 been undertaken months ago. 
 
 I think that,, from a strategical point of view, Odessa 
 is the place to attack. 
 
 Why we should choose to fight the Russians with a 
 strong fortification to assist them, instead of fighting 
 them with an open town near us that would probably 
 offer no resistance, is more than I can understand. 
 
 From what I can learn the French seem to be 
 opposed to the attack (on Sebastopol) ; the English 
 think it too late in the year, and a great many of 
 our superior officers look upon it as hazardous and 
 doubtful. And no one seems in the right spirit to 
 do it. 
 
 The French have lost a frightful number of men by 
 sickness, and will only be able to embark twenty 
 thousand ; we shall send twenty-two or twenty-three 
 thousand, and I understand the Turks will send ten 
 thousand. 
 
 One thing is certain, we must all do our best.
 
 THE WORTH OF COMMON SENSE. 17 
 
 Codrington has got Airey's Brigade,* which I am 
 delighted at, as I am sure he is a man whose heart is in 
 his profession. 
 
 VARNA, September ^th. That the French and 
 English Armies should have been here for months 
 doing nothing, and that now, when they are out of 
 health and spirits, and have lost in effective strength 
 at least one-third of their force, they should undertake 
 to beard in his den the lion that they were afraid of in 
 the open, is certainly wonderful. 
 
 Alas ! how few men there are who possess common 
 sense. Cathcart does, and I believe he is quite right in 
 most of his views. 
 
 Only fancy if we fail in this expedition ! To say 
 nothing of the bloodshed, look at the loss of reputation 
 to our arms, to the apparent certainty, or, at least, 
 strong probability, of a split with France; for a defeat 
 would assuredly produce the most bitter disputes ; 
 lastly, consider the defencelessness of our island in 
 the event of the Army being destroyed. And what, 
 I ask, are we to gain ? Sebastopol ! And in what 
 respect will Russia be injured if we have to return it 
 to her at the end of the war? 
 
 We shall, if successful, be further off peace than ever,f 
 in my opinion ; and, if unsuccessful, it is utter ruin, 
 unless we fall back upon Odessa, and declare the 
 Crimea attack to have been only a feint. God is 
 merciful, and spares many who little expect or 
 deserve it. 
 
 We shall assuredly have a rattling fight of it, and I 
 
 * Brigadier-General Airey had been appointed Quartermaster-General in 
 succession to Lord de Ros, invalided. 
 
 t This proved to be erroneous. W. II. R. 
 
 C
 
 i8 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY. 
 
 earnestly pray that these lines may stare me in the face 
 hereafter, and prove to me that, though I now think I 
 am writing wisely, I am after all a fool, and that the 
 people in whose hands the nations of England and 
 France have placed themselves are wiser by far 
 than I. 
 
 All I can say is that, as I am firmly convinced of the 
 folly of the attack, undertaken to gratify the vainglory 
 of a lot of foolhardy men, I will never expunge a 
 word. 
 
 If the Armies were in health and spirits they would 
 unquestionably take Sebastopol, and they may, and, I 
 hope, will do so now. Indeed, I do not think the odds 
 are two to one against it, but they ought to be five to 
 one in our favour before we undertake so hazardous 
 an operation. 
 
 VARNA, September %th. Got up this morning at six 
 as usual, and saw the Agamemnon moving about the 
 Bay under steam, and looking beautiful. 
 
 A vast portion of the fleet has already gone, and our 
 steam is nearly up. 
 
 We soon sailed for Baltchick,* and, on leaving the 
 Bay, ran over the dead body of one of the poor Zouaves 
 who was drowned the other day at the embarkation 
 of his corps.f 
 
 " vS.5. Harbinger" September 6th. Arrived at Bait- 
 chick Bay at half-past ten a.m., and anchored. What a 
 noble armament ! At present everything looks well, the 
 wind fair, and the outside of things all one could wish. 
 
 * A cape a few miles N. of Varna. 
 
 + A boat full, going off to a transport, had been run down by a steamer.
 
 SHARPENING THE SWORD. 19 
 
 God grant all may go on well, and old England win the 
 day. So hurrah for success ! 
 
 BALTCHICK BAY, September jth. I suppose such a 
 fleet as this was never seen before in any sea. I cannot 
 help thinking the sight of it will cast a damper on the 
 good folk of Sebastopol. 
 
 At about one o'clock p.m. the fleet got into order, the 
 French being on the right, Turks in the centre, and 
 English on the left. 
 
 I fancy we shall land nearly fifty thousand men. 
 
 . Harbinger" September <)tk. At twelve, noon, 
 we were about thirty-five miles from Cape Tarkhan, 
 and sixty-five miles from Odessa. Soon afterwards 
 the leading ships cut off their steam and we lay to, I 
 suppose for the rear portion of the fleet. 
 
 Their heads are now lying in all directions, so I 
 really do not yet know where we may ultimately go. 
 I still hope it may be Odessa, but fear not. 
 
 I find, in an old French work, that all the rivers 
 immediately to the north of Sebastopol, and falling into 
 the sea, namely, the Bulganak, Alma, Katcha, and 
 Belbek are sharp torrents in the spring and winter, but 
 easily fordable at this season. The weather to-day is 
 cloudy and autumnal, and, I may add, cold. 
 
 Had my sword sharpened and loaded my pistol, and 
 then, as soon as my three days' provisions are served 
 out, I shall be ready to land. At about 4 p.m. the 
 signal was made to anchor, and we accordingly did so 
 in about fifteen fathom water. 
 
 Who could fail to admire, by the light of the declining 
 sun, the appearance of this magnificent fleet, or to feel 
 proud of the works of science and civilization ?
 
 20 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY. 
 
 While I was in the midst of these thoughts the John 
 Masterman dropped overboard the corpse of some 
 unfortunate to remind us, I suppose, of our end, as far 
 as this being is concerned. 
 
 " S.S. Harbinger" September \Qth. The fleet still at 
 anchor this morning, the sun shining, and everything 
 looking peaceable and happy. 
 
 It seems to be the opinion on board that we shall 
 land near Eupatoria, and take possession of the narrow 
 strip of land between the salt lake and the sea. 
 
 It may be so, but we shall then be a long way from 
 Sebastopol, and have no easy business to defend our 
 lines of communications against the hordes of Cossacks 
 that I expect will be about us ; and there certainly will 
 be an end of carrying out St. Arnaud's assertion (in his 
 proclamation) that we will take Sebastopol in three 
 days, for we shall, unquestionably, not be able, in our 
 present state, to march there in that time, even if the 
 Russians received us as friends, and not as enemies. 
 
 The men are ordered to land with their knapsacks, 
 great-coats, and three days' provisions, and to leave their 
 blankets behind them. In my opinion, the knapsack is 
 a perfectly useless thing. 
 
 I have walked under weight, and have carried my own 
 provisions for many days, and I am sure that, provided 
 you took a blanket, and put in it a spare shirt, a pair of 
 shoes, and a towel, you might leave your knapsack and 
 great-coat behind you for a fortnight. 
 
 A great-coat is a great-coat and nothing more, but a 
 blanket is a blanket and great-coat too, and when men 
 lie down together in twos and threes, they can, with 
 good blankets, make themselves comfortable ; at least, 
 I always found this to be the case in my hunting trips
 
 CONCERNING KIT. 21 
 
 in North America, where I have gone through more 
 real hard work than falls to the lot of most men. 
 
 The knapsack appears to be a thing to which officers 
 are peculiarly wedded ; which can easily be accounted 
 for by their never having carried them. 
 
 If they ever had to do so, they would avoid them as 
 studiously as gipsies, pedlars, and trappers do. 
 
 Any weight, in fact, that cannot be shifted is painful 
 for a man to carry ; and as a blanket, rolled lengthways 
 and slung over the shoulder, will carry all that a man 
 can want for a fortnight, I cannot see the use of loading 
 him with more. When going on sentry duty he would 
 leave his trifling effects with his comrade, and use the 
 blanket as a great-coat ; when in his tent, his blanket is 
 his bed. 
 
 "S.S. Harbinger" September nth. At about I p.m. 
 the fleet got under weigh, and stood for the Crimea. 
 
 Before starting, Charles Woodford* came on board, 
 and I asked him whether any information had been 
 obtained as to the original strength and reinforcements 
 of the enemy. As to the first, he said he knew nothing ; 
 as to the second, it appears they have positive informa- 
 tion that ships have lately sailed from Odessa with 
 troops on board, and have safely landed them at 
 Sebastopol. 
 
 This, if true, is a considerable reflection on the 
 vigilance of our fleet. 
 
 I suppose to-morrow we shall be off our landing- 
 place, and I hope the appearance of the fleet will 
 have considerable weight with the Russians, and make 
 them overrate our numbers. 
 
 * Colonel Charles Woodford, Rifle Brigade, afterwards killed, when 
 under Windham's command at Cawnporc.
 
 22 GENERAL WIND HAM'S DIARY. 
 
 " S.S. Harbinger" September \2th. There was a 
 sharpish squall in the night, which caused our ships 
 to cast off those they were towing, but they have now 
 resumed their places. We see nothing of the French 
 and Turkish fleets, and don't know if they have gone 
 elsewhere, or dropped astern. 
 
 EUPATORIA, September i^tJi. Weighed anchor in 
 the morning, and stood to the southward ; land distant 
 about three miles to the eastward ; the country looks 
 sunburnt and very open, and has a good deal the 
 look of Newmarket Heath from the lowlands of 
 Cambridgeshire. 
 
 The French and Turkish fleets came up during the 
 night, and we made sail, and got fairly off about 9 a.m. 
 
 Anchored off Eupatoria. As they have made the 
 signal to land, I suppose we shall do so. The place, 
 though fifty miles distant from Sebastopol, appears 
 in other respects a good and safe place for landing. 
 
 DISEMBARKATION OF THE ARMY, September i^tJi 
 to September \"jth. To our great astonishment, instead 
 of landing at Eupatoria, we were ordered off this 
 morning at two o'clock, but did not start till daylight. 
 
 We landed without opposition on the tongue of land 
 between Lake Kamishli and the sea. The prearranged 
 order of landing was soon abandoned, and we got on 
 shore as best we could. 
 
 In the 4th Division, Sir George (Cathcart) went first 
 with Elliot, and left me to follow with the remainder 
 of the Staff, excepting Smith, who remained in charge 
 of the horses. 
 
 We did not land till just dark, and found the General 
 with the ist Battalion Rifle Brigade.
 
 CHOLERA AGAIN. 
 
 It soon began to rain, and we passed a wet, 
 unpleasant night on this spit of land, a good deal in 
 want of water. 
 
 We remained in this position till the iQth September, 
 during which time the tents were re-embarked, which 
 was wise ; but a vast number of stores had also to 
 be re-embarked, or, what was worse, to be abandoned, 
 which was unwise ; and showed, what has subsequently 
 been too clear, that we had hardly any transport, and 
 no method with what we had. 
 
 September iS///. At 8 p.m. I was sent for by the 
 Quartermaster- General, and, in his tent with the 
 remainder of the A.O.M.G.'s, I wrote down the order 
 of march, and galloped back with it to Sir George 
 Cathcart. 
 
 Nothing had been arranged by the Commissariat, 
 but it was still determined that we should march early 
 next mornin. 
 
 BULGAXAK VALLEY, September IQ///. Accordingly, 
 off we went, with the exception of the 63rd, and the 
 two complete companies of the 46th, who were left 
 behind, under Brigadier-General Torrens. 
 
 We had a hot, dusty, slow, drawling march to the 
 Bulganak, a mere brook, about four inches deep, and, 
 in most places, practicable for a horse to jump. 
 
 On arriving there, the advanced guard (consisting 
 of light cavalry, under Cardigan) had a small 
 skirmish with the Cossacks, who soon withdrew, and 
 we encamped upon the stream. 
 
 We had suffered a good deal at our first encamp- 
 ment from cholera, and it pursued us here. I brought 
 a man, with assistance, into our camp in a blanket.
 
 54 GENERAL WINDHAAPS DIARY. 
 
 He belonged to the 5Oth. He kept constantly 
 saying, " I want to go home. I am going home, I 
 know I am." 
 
 Poor fellow, I did what I could for him, but found 
 him dead in the morning, and so was Seymour's 
 servant. Poor Beckwith, of the Rifles, was also taken 
 ill, and we never saw him again. 
 
 BATTLE OF THE ALMA. 
 
 September 2Oth. We advanced again early in the 
 morning, and after a slow, loitering march, arrived at 
 the Alma about mid-day. When I first saw the 
 village on its banks it was in flames, but the smoke 
 from it was soon equalled, if not eclipsed, by the fire 
 from the Russian artillery. 
 
 The Light and Second Divisions crossed first, 
 and were soon followed by the First. The Third 
 and Fourth Divisions acted in support, and were 
 neither of them engaged during the day, though 
 under fire. 
 
 It was my first fight, and I was quite astounded 
 at my coolness. I did not feel a bit more nervous 
 than I should have done in Hyde Park. 
 
 The General sent me off to the left to look after 
 some Cossacks, and it was the opinion of some that 
 I should be cut off; my friends, on the contrary, did 
 not try it, but bolted. 
 
 We crossed the river as soon as possible, and the 
 General, followed by me, galloped after the Highland 
 Brigade as fast as we could, and arrived in time for 
 "the brush." 
 
 We had the pleasure of seeing the Highlanders, 
 aided by three or four guns, pitching into the Russians,
 
 ALMA. 25 
 
 who were in full retreat. I found a man of the 42nd 
 threatening to break the head of a Russian who lay 
 at his feet, and, on my stopping him, he said the fellow 
 had shot at him after receiving quarter. I heard the 
 same story from many on the field, and from all I have 
 seen, I believe it to be true. 
 
 This battle must have shown the Russians that they 
 had to deal with no ordinary infantry, as they could 
 not hold their very strong position above two and 
 a half hours. 
 
 Had they thought less of their trophies, or, in other 
 words, of their brass guns,* and more of their position, 
 they would have held it much longer. Their fear of 
 losing their guns lost them their position. 
 
 As for our attack, it was a mere stupid taking the 
 bull by the horns and throwing him. Had we not 
 let him get up again, this might have been excused ; 
 and we could have done this by sending in pursuit 
 the 3rd and 4th Divisions, the Highland Brigade, 
 and the cavalry. But we simply let him get up and 
 go off with all his artillery (save two guns), and then 
 sat down on the ground we had previously camped 
 on, and looked out for dinner. 
 
 I watched everything very closely, and was much 
 pleased at the kindness and good nature of the men 
 to their enemies. 
 
 The great slaughter was at the large battery, about 
 half-way up the hill, six hundred yards from the 
 river. Here the enemy lay thick, both on the inside 
 and outside of it, but more on the outside. 
 
 As to myself, I had nothing to do. I was never 
 exposed to a close musketry fire. The shells and 
 
 * The Russians were very badly armed, with smooth-bore flint-lock 
 muskets, converted. They possessed very few rifles.
 
 26 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY. 
 
 round shot flew about fairly, but nothing much. At 
 the end, when I was near enough, the enemy was 
 making off too fast to put one in much danger. 
 
 The more I think of the battle, the more convinced 
 I am that it might have ended the campaign. I 
 thought so at the time, and I think so more strongly 
 now* 
 
 The battery never should have been attacked. Our 
 left should have been thrown forward and to the left, 
 and have turned the right of the Russian position.! 
 Had the Russians then waited for our attack, they 
 would have been driven on to the French or into the 
 sea. Had they not waited, they must have abandoned 
 their batteries and their position. 
 
 If it be said, "Aye, but they would perhaps have 
 driven back our attack over the river and ruined it," 
 I answer, "If they could do this without their 
 batteries, why could they not drive back our centre 
 with them?" In fact, we flung away the great 
 advantages of the attack, namely, choice of time and 
 place ; and, moreover, when the battle was over, did 
 not follow up our success. 
 
 The following letter to Mrs. Windham gives some 
 interesting details of the battle : 
 
 "CAMP ON THE HEIGHTS OF ALMA, 
 
 ' ' September 2ist, 1854. 
 " MY DEAREST, 
 
 " We are now in the camp occupied by the 
 Russians yesterday. In 2 hours 50 minutes we carried 
 
 * It appears that the above remarks were written a few days later, at 
 Balaclava. 
 
 t This was St. Arnaud's plan, which Lord Raglan accepted, but did 
 not carry out. W. H. R.
 
 ALMA. 27 
 
 their position with the loss, I fear, to us of about 1 100 
 killed and wounded. 
 
 " The Guards did beautifully, and have suffered 
 much, particularly in wounded. I saw Charles Baring 
 to-day, arm lost ; Cust, killed ; Heygarth, arm and leg 
 lost ; Percy and Ennismore,* both wounded ; Charles 
 Hare, I hear, is killed, poor fellow ! Listowel and 
 Richard will regret him much. I am glad to say 
 Ennismore was gone on board ship when I went 
 down to see him. Poor Lord Chewton is desperately 
 wounded in several places, and, I fear, will not recover. 
 Colonel Chester killed, Major Rose ditto, and Montague, 
 of the 33rd, and many others. It was a beautiful 
 military sight, and I watched it as quietly as if I had 
 been in Hyde Park, but I must add, for fear you 
 should think me boastful, that I was in no kind of 
 danger ; a few cannon shot and bullets wounded some 
 half a dozen men in our Division, which supported the 
 Guards, and that was all. I am, my dear, perfectly 
 well. 
 
 " The Russian General we took prisoner, and who is 
 now on board the Agajneinnon, says of all the soldiers 
 he ever saw he has never seen anything like the British 
 infantry ; they fought more like devils than men. Tell 
 Lord Somerville that the centre battery was 600 yards 
 from the river, and consisted of twelve 32-pounders, 
 supported by 35,000 men and 50 pieces of artillery, 
 and that the allies made a clear sweep of them in less 
 than three hours. It was nobly done. 
 
 " We advance to-morrow. 
 
 " God bless you, my dear, 
 
 " Your affectionate husband, 
 
 " C. A. W." 
 
 * Present Earl of Listowel.
 
 28 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY. 
 
 A letter to William Windham, Esq., the eldest brother 
 of the writer, is also included, as it gives a good many 
 additional details of interest : 
 
 "CAMP ON HEIGHTS ABOVE THE ALMA, 
 
 "September 2isf, 1854. 
 " MY DEAR WILLIAM, 
 
 "We yesterday carried the Russian position in 
 the finest style imaginable, with the loss, I am sorry 
 to say, of noo men (British). The French did their 
 work excellently, and are well pleased with us. I 
 cannot enter into plans and minutiae, as I am writing 
 at night in the open air, without tent, and by a little 
 lantern. The glory rests with the Left Division and the 
 Guards. Our Division, though close up, was untouched 
 save a few wounded, and beyond a few bullets and 
 round shot every now and then coming up to me, 
 and a shell or two, I might as well have been in 
 Hyde Park. 
 
 "The Russians had an immensely strong position, 
 30,000 men and 50 guns, besides a battery of twelve 
 32-pounders, and they were driven to the devil in less 
 than three hours. Tell Anthony it would have done 
 him good to have stood, as I did, by Lord Raglan on 
 the height with the Guards and Highlanders, and to 
 have seen the whole plain below strewed with 
 Russians. The Russian General we took says we 
 fought more like devils than men, and how such a 
 position could have been carried under a loss of eight 
 or nine thousand I can't think. 
 
 " We have to-day been burying the dead and carrying 
 in the wounded. You could trace the route of the 
 Russian columns by the dead, dying, broken arms, 
 lost knapsacks, c., as clearly as you could a road, and,
 
 ALMA. 29 
 
 in less than five minutes, the Highlanders, at 600 yards, 
 killed a hundred men whilst they were running. 
 
 " Give my best love to Anthony, and I will send more 
 
 particulars if I am not bagged on the Katcha ; but 
 
 I think they have had a sickener, and won't stand 
 
 long before us whenever we meet. We lead next time. 
 
 " Yours ever affectionately, 
 
 " C. A. W." 
 
 Ox THE ALMA, September 2ist and 22nd. Assisted 
 some of our own, and many Russian wounded. Much 
 pleased at the conduct of our men to\vards the latter, 
 but greatly hurt at the want of exertion and system 
 in getting the wounded away. The whole of the 4th 
 Division ought to have been employed, as well as 
 others, in collecting them ; whereas hundreds of men 
 were walking about giving them bread and water, but 
 no fatigue parties were employed to carry them in, and 
 bury the dead, until nearly forty-eight hours after the 
 battle. Cholera on the increase, I am sorry to say. 
 
 KATCHA, September 2$rd The allies left the Alma, 
 and marched to the Katcha. 
 
 Sent fifty-two of the division to the beach, sick, 
 mostly, with cholera ; also my servant. 
 
 Had to destroy my brown mare before marching. 
 
 This (Katcha) is a beautiful valley, and full of the 
 finest fruit, particularly grapes, and most handsomely 
 were they plundered. This was very natural, as the 
 inhabitants had all deserted their houses, so the men 
 could not buy the fruit. 
 
 The 57th Regiment joined us. 
 
 \Yhat a strong position for the Russians to have 
 abandoned !
 
 30 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY. 
 
 BELBEK, September 2tfh. Left the valley of the 
 Katcha late, and advanced to the Belbek, a stream 
 running through another valley, rich in fruit, and about 
 as big as the Katcha. Crossed it, and camped on the 
 bushy heights to the south of the river. 
 
 Cholera still in camp. 
 
 THE FLANK MARCH, September 25/72. Under arms 
 at 7 a.m. The rest of the Army marched across country 
 in a S.S.E. direction. We (4th Division) remained as 
 a rear-guard, and to protect the sick and baggage. In 
 the afternoon Smith* was sent by Sir George with 
 despatches to Lord Raglan ; lost his way, was fired at 
 (from Sebastopol), and one of the two dragoons who 
 were with him was killed. 
 
 Smith got back about midnight. 
 
 BELBEK, September 26th. At about one o'clock this 
 morning Sir George desired me to go to the Katcha, 
 and inform the senior naval officer on the station that 
 Lord Raglan wished the base to be considered changed 
 to Balaclava, and the fleet to be moved accordingly. I 
 was also to get all commissariat stores, transport, and 
 sick on board the fleet. 
 
 I rode down to George Paget'sf tent to ask him for 
 a dragoon, when his charger kicked me, with all its 
 force, upon the right shin, and hurt me most severely. 
 However, after having had my leg dressed, I rode on, 
 and gave my orders, first to Admiral Dundas, and 
 then to Sir E. Lyons, who took me in his ship, the 
 Agamemnon, to Balaclava, where I witnessed the 
 capture of that place. 
 
 * Captain Hugh Smith, " The Buffs," D.A.Q.M.G. of the 4th Division, 
 t Lord George Paget, at this time Lieutenant-Colonel of the 4th Light 
 Dragoons.
 
 BALACLAVA. 31 
 
 In the afternoon I was attacked by either colic or 
 cholera ; was given calomel and opium every ten minutes 
 for the first two hours, then every hour. The Admiral 
 and Captain Mends both extremely kind. 
 
 BALACLAVA, September 2jth. I may think myself 
 very lucky to have had this attack here, as on shore 
 I might not have got over it. Stayed on board the 
 Agamemnon by the advice of the Admiral, Captain 
 Mends, and the doctor, and wrote to Sir George 
 Cathcart and to Powlett Somerset,* explaining my 
 absence. The Agamemnon entered the harbour of 
 Balaclava this morning ; the entrance very narrow. 
 
 BALACLAVA, September 2%th. Went on shore and 
 saw Powlett Somerset and others of Lord Raglan's 
 Staff. When there, although still ill, I determined 
 to join my Division immediately, hearing that 26,000 
 Russians were likely to attack it. Accordingly, I 
 borrowed Powlett Somerset's pony, having sent my 
 horse to camp, with the orderly I took with me to 
 the Katcha, and rode up to camp, where I arrived 
 ill and uncomfortable. 
 
 The following letter to Mr. Hudson shows how fully 
 it was expected that " the Flank March " would lead 
 to the immediate fall of Sebastopol : 
 
 " H.M.S. ' AGAMEMNON,' BALACLAVA, 
 
 "September 28 f A, 1854. 
 
 "Mv DEAR ANTHONY, 
 
 " On the 24th, the French Army encamped upon 
 the right of the road, running from the second bridge 
 
 * Colonel Powlett Somerset was an officer on the Headquarter Staff, and 
 an old friend and brother-officer to Colonel Windham.
 
 32 GENERAL WIKDHAM'S DIARY. 
 
 (further from the sea) of the Belbek to Sebastopol, and 
 the English Army on the left of it. 
 
 "About mid-day the French moved to their left 
 and front about four miles, but the English marched 
 by compass, carrying no baggage, S.S.E., to near 
 Mackenzie's farm, through the thickest copse and 
 brushwood, struck the old road from Batchi Serai 
 to Balaclava, and halted at night on the Tchernaya 
 (black water), near Tchorgoun, about four miles from 
 Balaclava. This was done because the Russians have 
 dismantled and sunk all their ships, and placed the 
 guns in battery on the north shore to the south 
 where we now are. They are quite unprepared, and 
 we hope soon to have the place. 
 
 " I was badly kicked by George Paget's horse just 
 before starting with the despatches, to announce the 
 change of the base of operations from the Katcha 
 to Balaclava to Sir Edmund Lyons, and have accord- 
 ingly come round with him ; and glad I am I did 
 so, as I was attacked with cholera the day before 
 yesterday, and they have crammed me full of calomel 
 and opium. I am now going to get on my horse 
 and rejoin Cathcart, who is within five miles of 
 this. Don't tell Marianne anything about my having 
 had the cholera. St. Arnaud goes home to-day or 
 to-morrow, being nearly dead of the same disorder. 
 Alma was a fine fight as to pluck, and has cast a 
 damper on the Russians ; but our loss was over 
 2000 men. 
 
 " Yours ever in haste, 
 
 " C. A. W." 
 
 September 2()tk. Leg still bad. After an uneasy 
 night, awoke this morning not much worse. The
 
 SKIRMISHING. 33 
 
 groans of six or seven poor fellows of the 5/th, who 
 died during the night of cholera, did not add to my 
 comfort. 
 
 At about i p.m. the Russians began firing shot and 
 shell at us, and continued doing so at intervals for the 
 remainder of the day. 
 
 At 1 1 p.m. the outlying picket reported the sounding 
 of bugles and beating of drums in the Russian lines. 
 
 At midnight, owing to four or five shots from the 
 outlying picket, we all got under arms, and in the 
 morning we found that they had captured a man from 
 a Russian patrol. 
 
 October 2nd, 1854. It is now a week since we left the 
 Belbek by the " cross-country " march, the best done 
 thing of the campaign ; but instead of turning it to 
 account, we appear determined to allow the enemy to 
 recover from his surprise and despondency, and to let him 
 erect every defence in his power. I am sure Sebastopol 
 ought to have been taken ten days ago. That is my 
 firm opinion. Days and days have been wasted since 
 I first arrived. As for the enemy, they could not have 
 prevented us ; but what with idleness and delay, we have 
 not yet done or begun anything to strengthen our 
 position against an attack from them. They fire at 
 us all day, but, I believe, do no harm. 
 
 October ^th. Not well yet. Russians to-day fired 
 with more success, as they killed one man of the 63rd, 
 and one of the 68th, and severely wounded a sergeant 
 of the 68th. 
 
 October %th. Worse, and with Sir George's permission 
 went on board the Agamemnon, where I slept. 
 
 D
 
 34 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY. 
 
 October 6th. Rejoined the camp, I hope for good, 
 as I feel better. Found the General out with four 
 companies of the s;th : three near the Quarry in our 
 front, and one further to the right. I believe the 
 Engineers intend getting one gun into position. Sad, 
 slow work, but I hope it will be proportionately sure. 
 
 October th. My birthday. May it please God to let 
 me see some others. Another day and nothing done ; 
 the Russians shooting and shelling us, and we looking 
 .on. If Sebastopol is ever taken it will be by the 
 bayonet. 
 
 We have now lost many days since we embarked 
 at Varna, and I am perfectly convinced we ought, with 
 energy, to have had the town ere this. 
 
 We may still take it, but it will be a long business. 
 The world cannot say we are all talk and no action, for 
 we never hear or say a word. No one seems to know 
 anything as to what is to be done. 
 
 October <^th. A real touch of the coming winter. A 
 strong north-east gale, with searching cold. This, added 
 to a want of wood, bad prospects, starving horses, con- 
 stant shot and shell from the enemy without any return 
 from us, were certainly cogent reasons for passing an 
 uncomfortable day. A bitter cold night. 
 
 October \Qth. Russians more than usually playful 
 with their artillery. I believe we have at last one gun 
 in position, and to-night the 3rd Division and ourselves 
 will turn out in earnest. At sunset a working party of 
 six hundred proceeded to the front, supported by a 
 covering party of one thousand, under Brigadier-General 
 Goldie. The like number were furnished by the 3rd
 
 RUSSIAN FIRE. 35 
 
 Division ; the covering force, under Brigadier-General 
 Eyre. It is now II p.m. The Russians have been 
 firing all night, but over and beyond our working 
 parties. Should they leave them alone till morning 
 it will be everything. The Light Division sent out a 
 small working party and covering force, but somehow 
 or other Captain Gordon lost his trace,* and they came 
 back. Not so, I believe, the covering party. The Rifles, 
 one wing of each battalion, are in advance of all. 
 Lord Raglan and Sir John Burgoyne came to our 
 camp at about 10.30 p.m., and I showed them the 
 way to Sir George Brown's. Sir George Cathcart went 
 afterwards to show them where the trench work was 
 going on. 
 
 Powlett Somerset told me the French were getting 
 on famously ; they have discovered a fine clay to work- 
 in, expect to have everything ready by Thursday, and 
 to take the place in forty-eight hours after opening fire. 
 We shall see. 
 
 October I ith. Rode to Balaclava, and called at Head- 
 quarters en route. Lord Raglan asked me about the 
 trenches, round which I had gone with Sir George 
 Cathcart at about half-past seven this morning. 
 
 A strong fire was kept up upon us, but there was 
 lots of time to bob down if one kept one's eyes open. 
 Got 1500 blankets for the Division. 
 
 October I2th. Was roused at about two o'clock this 
 morning by heavy firing and cheering at the trenches. 
 Was sent by Sir George to find out what was the 
 matter, and was nearly killed by a shell. 
 
 * The working party arrived late, and the trace could not be found in 
 the darkness.
 
 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY. 
 
 Found Torrens* at the trenches, and discovered that 
 all the noise and confusion had been caused by three 
 Sappers getting amongst the Russians, and being 
 fired at. 
 
 The works are progressing favourably ; and the 
 covering force remained very steady during the alarm. 
 Went to the trenches again at 10 p.m. 
 
 October i$th. The General again sent me to Bala- 
 clava. Had the reserve ammunition horses laden \vith 
 gabions. Was much struck by the extreme carelessness 
 of persons in charge of fatigue parties, and by the 
 waste of that which is most precious, namely, " the 
 means of transport." Without authority, I could, 
 of course, do nothing in the way of reform in one day. 
 
 October i^th. At Balaclava, arranging for a house 
 to be used as a store for the Division. 
 
 October \$th. Again at Balaclava on the same 
 business. Heard of poor Chewton'st death. 
 
 October i6th. At 3.20 this morning, marched 1500 
 men down to the trenches as a covering force. Stayed 
 there about an hour and a half. Got all the men into 
 position without any killed or wounded. 
 
 At a quarter to ten o'clock the Russians began a 
 tremendous fire, from every gun they had, against both 
 us and the French. A grand " tapage " they certainly 
 made, but we returned not a single shot, nor budged 
 an inch. 
 
 * Brigadier-General A. Torrens, commanding the 2nd Brigade, 4th 
 Division ; he was mortally wounded at Inkerman. 
 
 t Captain Lord Chewton, Scots Fusilier Guards ; mortally wounded 
 at the Alma.
 
 THE FIRST BOMBARDMENT. 37 
 
 In about half-an-hour this shower of shot and shell 
 passed away, and the sun shone clear again under the 
 smoke. In our Division we only had five or six 
 killed ; and, amongst others, poor little Rowley, of the 
 Grenadiers. I am sorry for it. He was killed, when 
 perfectly under cover, by a round shot striking a rock, 
 flying up into the air, and alighting on his loins. 
 
 Seeing the "weather" well settled after this storm, 
 I rode with Seymour f to Headquarters, and then on 
 to Balaclava, where I brought the Division store 
 business nearly to a close. 
 
 THE FIRST BOMBARDMENT. 
 
 At 9 p.m. Sir George sent for all his Staff", and read 
 to us Lord Raglan's mems. for the attack upon 
 Sebastopol to-morrow morning, which is to commence 
 upon the firing of three French mortars from their 
 lines : both fleets are to join in it. Hurrah ! God 
 grant it may be successful. 
 
 October I'jth. The batteries opened against the town 
 this morning at ten minutes to seven, and a grand row 
 they made. At nine o'clock the French magazine 
 of their right attack blew up ; and that battery has 
 been silent since. (It is now noon.) 
 
 FAILURE OF THE BOMBARDMENT. 
 
 I am, at this moment, much disappointed at the 
 effect of our fire. We have certainly damaged the 
 White Tower, and dismounted three guns ; and that 
 
 * Captain Rowley, Grenadier Guards. 
 
 t Lieut. -Col. Charles Seymour, Scots Fusilier Guards, brother of the 
 late Admiral Lord Alcester.
 
 38 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY. 
 
 battery looks sickly. But the " Redan " holds out 
 stoutly, and does not appear to have suffered. 
 
 We are now expecting to see the fleets attack. At 
 about i p.m. the French fleet attacked, and at 2 p.m. 
 the magazine of their left attack blew up. At 3 p.m. 
 we blew up the magazine of the " Redan," and great 
 was our cheering. 
 
 Owing to the smoke, I could not see when the 
 English fleet attacked, but they are firing away now 
 (4.30 p.m.) like mad, and have been for some time. 
 In the afternoon some caissons, in the rear of Gordon's 
 Battery, blew up ; and I fear some men were killed. 
 They sent a horse and cart some fifty feet into the air, 
 and, as certainly, have not hurt the battery. 
 
 October i8///. Marched the covering party (1000) 
 to the trenches at 3 a.m., and stayed there till 5. At 
 daylight the firing began, and continued vigorously 
 till twelve noon, when it somewhat slackened on 
 the part of the Russians. 
 
 I greatly regret to say poor Hood* was killed in 
 Gordon's Battery, about mid-day. We prepared to 
 receive the Russians on our right front, but it is now 
 3 p.m., and they have not come. 
 
 I think the Round Tower looks sickly, and that 
 is all I can say. The French have not fired a shot 
 during the day. The fleet yesterday, I understand, 
 lost nearly one hundred and fifty in killed and 
 wounded. 
 
 October \tyh. W T ent to Balaclava with the sick. 
 The pounding match went on as usual, without our 
 
 * Colonel the Honble. F. G. Hood, Grenadier Guards, who had 
 distinguished himself at the battle of the Alma.
 
 RECONNOITRING THE REDAN. 39 
 
 gaining the slightest advantage, and I am more 
 convinced than ever that we shall lose double the 
 number of men in taking the place (if we do succeed) 
 than we should have done had we attacked it twenty- 
 four days ago. 
 
 This long range firing is all nonsense ; moreover, 
 the Russians are better at it than we are, and, from 
 all I can see, our present attack is an absurdity. 
 
 October 2Otk. Horsford (Rifle Brigade), Smith, and 
 Maitland went out this morning at half-past one to 
 reconnoitre the Redan ; but they could make out 
 nothing except that the hill on which it stands is 
 too steep for infantry to get up in line. Firing 
 commenced at 6.30 a.m., and continued till dark. The 
 Russians I thought rather slack, but this may be 
 fancy. 
 
 I believe that the proper method is for us to attack 
 the south-west salient point of the town, in con- 
 junction with the French, storm it and hold it, and 
 leave the Redan and Round Tower to themselves. 
 By so doing we should turn all their batteries, and 
 get possession of that portion of the to\vn, west of 
 the harbour, which we could hold. 
 
 Euston,* Newton,! Dunkellin,| and D. Carleton, 
 came to see me, and I saw also Mark Wood,|| Percy 
 Feilding,T and young Greville.** I do not like the 
 look of things, although (it is now night) they look 
 better in the morning. 
 
 Present Duke of Grafton. f Afterwards General Newton. 
 
 % Lord Dunkellin, afterwards taken prisoner. 
 
 Present Lord Dorchester. || Afterwards General Mark Wood. 
 
 TT General the Honble. Sir Percy Feilding. ** Killed at Inkerman, 
 All the above were officers of the Coldstream Guards.
 
 40 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY. 
 
 October 2ist. General Goldie was sent last night 
 to Balaclava with 1000 men, but no attack was made 
 there. A small sortie was made upon the French 
 lines, and also upon our 2nd Division. Rode to 
 Balaclava. 
 
 This night the General has requested me, upon 
 taking the relief to the trenches to-morrow morning, 
 to advance beyond them, and see what sort of country 
 there is past the house in the left ravine. 
 
 Notwithstanding the favourable reports, I don't like 
 the aspect of affairs. 
 
 October 22nd. At 3 a.m. marched the covering 
 party to the trenches. Took Sergeant Rutland and 
 six men of the Rifles, and followed a company of 
 the 2 ist to the house in the left ravine. When there, 
 found they had been erecting a battery on a hill to 
 the left of it. 
 
 About two hundred yards in front of this battery 
 I found a French picket and working party, the latter 
 making a battery within five hundred yards of the salient 
 angle. This is a move in the right direction. 
 
 I then went forward, edging off to my right, and 
 got a good view of the town and harbour, but could 
 discover nothing as to the foot of the hill on which 
 stands the Redan, although I got within three 
 hundred yards of the town. 
 
 Came up the valley after sunrise under a heavy 
 fire of shot and shell, but was not hit. 
 
 After breakfast rode to Balaclava, and put the sick 
 on board ship. 
 
 On returning to camp, D. Carleton told me that 
 Dunkellin had been taken prisoner by a Russian 
 picket.
 
 SSR GEORGE CATHCART. 41 
 
 Letter to William Windham : 
 
 "ABOVE SEBASTOPOL, 
 
 " October 22nd, 1854. 
 
 "Mv DEAR WILLIAM, 
 
 " I had intended enclosing you and Anthony a 
 bird's-eye view of our proceedings here, but the proba- 
 bility is so great that the Illustrated News will have 
 a much better one, that I shall refrain from exhibiting 
 my talent in that line, and stick to the good old British 
 system of grumbling. We have decidedly no Wel- 
 lington here. Lord Raglan is a well-mannered, brave, 
 and amiable man of business. Sir George Cathcart is the 
 best of the Generals of Division, and he is warped and 
 out of temper ; disappointed, I fancy, at not being more 
 consulted, and, therefore, irritable and angry with most 
 people and most things. After our flank march from 
 the Belbek to the old road from Batchi Serai to Bala- 
 clava, we had turned their position, and found the town 
 defenceless on the southern side. To do Cathcart 
 justice, he proposed to Lord Raglan to assault it with 
 his Division immediately, provided he were supported. 
 This was not listened to people who are constantly 
 sneering at others, and offering suggestions, are apt to 
 get the cold shoulder given them and I fancy this is 
 the case with him. One thing is, however, clear : the 
 town was not assaulted on the 2/th or 28th September. 
 The Russians worked day and night from the 25th to 
 the i /th ult. (the day on which we opened fire), and the 
 greater part of that time we did nothing but wait for 
 the landing of our siege-train ; and on the Qth, broke 
 ground ; and, as I before said, began firing on the i/th, 
 at a range averaging at least 1200 yards. Up to this 
 day we have done nothing beyond killing (according to 
 deserters) the governor and a good many men, and if
 
 42 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY. 
 
 the point of attack be not changed, we shall, in my 
 opinion (which I have expressed for the last fourteen 
 days), continue the same laborious and useless occupa- 
 tion it is at present a mere pounding match. One 
 good battery thrown up on the ground between the 
 French and English attacks, or, if you will, on the left 
 of the English and right of the French, would clo more 
 in one day than all the others in one week. At first the 
 French thought they could knock clown the Russian 
 works in four hours. What was the result? We both 
 opened fire together at half past six a.m. Bang ! bang ! 
 bang ! Whiz ! whiz ! whiz ! Every kind of whistle, 
 hum, and noise, but, singular to say, topsy-turvy goes 
 over one French gun after another, until nine out of 
 some thirty-five are upset, when at nine a.m. exactly 
 two and a half hours from the commencement Johnny 
 Russ pitches a shell straight into the French magazine, 
 and up goes Johnny Crapaud's battery, with three 
 officers and a hundred men killed and wounded. At 
 half- past two p.m. his other battery is blown up, and 
 instead of the Russians being silenced, the French are 
 for two days ; and we have to bear the whole brunt of 
 it. Our batteries have been well made, and our fire has 
 been good ; we have blown up the Russian batteries, 
 and killed many of their men ; but the arsenal is close 
 at hand, and at night the damage of the day is repaired, 
 and we begin afresh in the morning. I do not say we 
 shall not succeed ' Patience passes science ' we may 
 blunder and punch our way in at last ; but it is clear we 
 have not a Wellington, the French a Buonaparte, or the 
 fleet a Nelson. I hope I may live through it. Dunkellin 
 was taken prisoner to-day by a Russian picket. It is 
 now nine p.m , and I have been hard at work since three 
 this morning ; and, as I may be turned out at any minute,
 
 THE BATTLE OF BALACLAVA. 43 
 
 I shall close this letter, though I have not said half what 
 I could say. Menchicoff is at Batchi Serai, and they 
 talk of attacking our right rear, defended by General 
 Bosquet and two divisions of French. I wish they may, 
 as they are pretty sure of getting a licking. He has 
 13,000 Turks to help him and 2000 British (Marines 
 and 93rd Highlanders). 
 
 " Love to Anthony and Henry and Bob. 
 
 " Your affectionate brother, 
 
 "C. A. W." 
 
 October 2yd. The same as usual a mere pounding 
 match. The French have, however, advanced a long 
 way, but they have not as yet opened their new 
 batteries. 
 
 October 2^th. Our Picquet House Battery, to the left 
 of our left ravine, opened at sunrise this morning. 
 Three 32-prs. and one mortar. 
 
 BATTLE OF BALACLAVA. 
 
 October 2$th. Horsford had just pointed out to me 
 the confused masses of French upon the hill to our 
 right, and I had just gone to point out the same to the 
 General, when up galloped Captain Ewart, of the 93rd, 
 and ordered us (the 4th Division) off to Balaclava. 
 
 We gof under arms immediately, and, on arriving at 
 the scene of action, were informed that the Turks had 
 run off to a man without firing a shot,* running 
 straight through our Cavalry Camp. The Russians in- 
 stantly took possession of the position, but abandoned 
 the greater portion of it on our approach. 
 
 * This information was quite erroneous. The Turks defended No. I 
 Redoubt very gallantly, and lost heavily. W. H. R.
 
 44 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY. 
 
 The cavalry instantly went into action, and the 
 Heavy Brigade did very well. Unfortunately the 
 Light Brigade was ordered to charge, and they did 
 so gallantly ; but, being received by three times their 
 numbers and three batteries of artillery, besides rifle- 
 men, they got cut up and driven back, losing about half 
 their number. 
 
 The 4th Division got there just as this charge was 
 being made, and the Russians abandoned two of the 
 redoubts, retaining only the one furthest to the 
 eastward. 
 
 Captain Nolan, who took the orders to Lord Cardigan, 
 was killed, charging at the head of the Light Cavalry. 
 Although a good fellow, from all I can learn, his 
 conduct was inexcusable. His whole object appears 
 to have been to have a charge at the Russians at 
 any cost ; but he could not have chosen a worse 
 time. 
 
 After the fight was over, and we had been pounded 
 for the better portion of the day, we returned at 
 night to camp, abandoning our original line as too 
 extensive. 
 
 My leg wonderfully painful all day, but I held on. 
 
 SIR DE LACY EVANS' ACTION, " LITTLE INKER- 
 MAN," October 26th. The Russians, rendered daring by 
 their success against the Turks yesterday, made to-day 
 a sortie against the 2nd Division. We (4th Division) 
 turned out, but were not wanted, as the Russians soon 
 beat a retreat, getting a handsome mauling, and losing 
 500 men in killed and wounded. 
 
 They could not stand the fire, and, though they got 
 up their guns, did not fire a shot with them. General 
 Bosquet came down, but too late for the fun. I rode
 
 SKETCH OF THE POSITION. 
 
 45 
 
 forward and joined the skirmishers of the 2nd Division 
 for a few minutes. Leg still very bad. 
 
 A letter to Mr. Hudson gives an interesting account 
 of the battle of Balaclava : 
 
 " HEIGHTS ABOVE SEBASTOPOL, 
 
 ' ' October 2 6//fc, 1854, i o /. m. 
 
 "Mv DEAR ANTHONY, 
 
 " After two stormy days we have now a lull, and, 
 for a wonder, I do not hear a single cannon or musket- 
 shot, a perfect rarity for one month, I assure you. 
 
 "Without entering into particulars of hills and dales 
 I will simply suppose that this is 
 SEBASTOPOL. 
 
 i/7 I K >N/\i 
 
 Mm 
 
 'n-M?cj tu v
 
 46 GENERAL WINDHAM*S DIARY. 
 
 " As before stated this is not a plan of the place, but 
 a mere outline to let you understand what follows. 
 Balaclava is distant about seven miles from our camp, 
 and to get to it you have to descend the heights 
 occupied by General Bosquet, and then go to your 
 right. Immediately in front of Balaclava, and to the 
 right of Bosquet's two Divisions, are a lower range of 
 heights, on which are four redoubts occupied, up to 
 yesterday, by as many thousand Turks. (Here I have 
 been interrupted by a general shout of ' To arms ! to 
 arms ! here they come ! ' &c. I immediately jumped 
 on to my horse, Sir George Cathcart being absent, 
 and told the men to stand still and to their front, and 
 to hold their tongues. I soon discovered that the alarm 
 came from some sailors, and was all nonsense ; so, after 
 riding to see that everything was quiet, I came back to 
 the camp, reported my proceedings to the General, who 
 has just returned, and shall now resume my letter.) 
 
 " Yesterday morning at 7.30 the Russians passed 
 round our right, and, giving a wide berth to Bosquet, 
 attacked these Turks, who ran away to a man, going 
 right through our cavalry who were encamped behind 
 them and before Balaclava. In addition to the Turks 
 and our cavalry, we have in the town 1000 invalids, 
 1000 Marines, and the 93rd. The cavalry, upon being 
 alarmed by the Turks running away, immediately 
 mounted ; and the Heavy Brigade went at the 
 Russians, broke them, and drove them back. The 
 enemy were strong, 20 battalions of infantry, 20 guns, 
 and 3500 horse. They had, however, met with so 
 rough a reception, particularly from the Scots Greys 
 (whose horses were fresh from England), that they had 
 partially withdrawn (the 93rd having pitched into them 
 heavily), when a Captain Nolan, of the Quartermaster-
 
 "NOBLE SIX HUNDRED? 47 
 
 General's Department, rode up to Cardigan and told him 
 it was Lord Raglan's order to him to charge the enemy 
 with the Light Brigade. Cardigan hesitated, seeing the 
 danger of leading 600 men with starved horses against 
 such a mass of cavalry, supported by a battery of 
 heavy guns in their front, another on their right, and 
 a third lot in the captured redoubt. Captain Nolan got 
 excited, insisted on its being Lord Raglan's order, and 
 Cardigan then submitted, made a most plucky and 
 valorous charge, and left on the field 300 * of his 
 men, and nearly 500 horses. Captain Nolan was 
 killed, but I have every reason to believe that this 
 melancholy business would never have happened had 
 it not been for his unfortunate conduct. Major Lowe, 
 of the 4th L. D., killed or knocked off their horses 
 thirteen Russians, and the whole plain was covered 
 with wounded men and horses. We were sent to 
 cover the town, and arrived in time to see the last 
 onset, and to have the pleasure of passing the day in 
 presence of the enemy the men lying down and 
 exposed to shot and shell. I know not who are 
 killed; Captain Morris,! of the i/th, Captain Goad, 
 1 3th Light Dragoons, Lord Fitzgibbon, Captain 
 Charteris, Nolan, and many others are, but I know 
 not all their names. At dark we marched 
 back to the camp. This morning, inspired, I 
 suppose, by their success, the Russians thought 
 proper to have a fling at our 2nd Division, under 
 Sir de Lacy Evans, and came up the hill in strong 
 force, but before they could do anything the artillery 
 
 * The Light Brigade had 113 killed, 134 wounded, 475 horses killed, 
 and 42 wounded, out of 673 horsemen who went into action. 
 
 t Captain Morris was very severely wounded, and reported killed, but 
 survived until July, 1858.
 
 48 GENERAL WIND HAM'S DIARY. 
 
 (18 guns) let fly at them, the men went at them with 
 their Minies, and Johnny Russ had to bolt with the 
 loss of 500 men, and go back at double quick speed to 
 Sebastopol. I do not think he will try it again, 
 although there is no certainty about it. The siege 
 is a long, troublesome job, badly managed from the 
 beginning, more by the French than by us ; but I 
 suppose we shall ultimately take the place, at least, 
 the French will, as they occupy the only ground by 
 which it can be taken ; and if we had had it, I believe 
 it would have been over before now, as our artillery 
 is decidedly better than theirs, and the Russians fear us 
 the most of the two, at least, so two French sergeants 
 told me the prisoners they took told them. They 
 have a great dislike to our musketry. We took some 
 prisoners to-day, but I know not as yet what informa- 
 tion they have given. The town apparently will not 
 burn ; but it is in a good deal of distress from want 
 of supplies, dirt, disease, and our shot and shell. 
 They (the prisoners) say they have lost 5000 killed 
 and wounded, which I should think was much 
 exaggerated. 
 
 " You will, of course, send this letter to William, as I 
 have not time to write to you both. My leg, where I 
 was kicked, is still most troublesome to me, and this life 
 is not the most likely to cure it, as I cannot give it rest, 
 which, from the inflammation, is what I want to do. 
 The Russians we defeated to-day were not such fine 
 men as the Grenadiers we met at Alma ; they behaved 
 steadily and retired with some order, but had not any 
 earthly chance against us, and never will have, except 
 in a panic, or with overpowering numbers. My own 
 belief is that our Army here would, on the level ground, 
 beat the 40,000 Russians they have in Sebastopol; but
 
 GOR TCHA KOFF. 49 
 
 we must not boast; they are well armed, and will give us 
 a good deal of trouble yet ; but they are certainly not 
 the good men I expected to see, although I never ran 
 wild about their Army. Tell William and Maria that 
 I hear Ennismore behaved very well at Alma. Give my 
 love to Charlotte and the girls, also to Cecilia and Cecy 
 Suffield and Tad. I generally write my military epistles 
 to you, as I know you like the game more than the rest 
 of my family. If the French cannot take the salient 
 point of the town (and I think they can) we shan't take 
 it at all. Old - * is really too bad, and it is very un- 
 fortunate that he is where he is. I shall not be much sur- 
 prised if he is tried by a court-martial; he will, however, 
 perhaps be made a G.C.B., which he ought to be ashamed 
 to wear, and the Ministry disgraced who gave it him. 
 
 " Ever, my dear Anthony, 
 
 " Yours affectionately, 
 
 "C. A. W." 
 
 October 2jtk. Had my leg lanced, which did me 
 much good. Lay quietly in my tent all day, and found 
 my leg much better. 
 
 A quiet day ; no particular event happened, except 
 that a soldier of the 93rd Highlanders shot a Zouave 
 at Balaclava for not having answered his challenge. 
 I have just heard that in the skirmish yesterday 
 Gortchakoff commanded in chief. Menchikoff told 
 the men (5000, and well supported) that they would 
 meet the same men they met the day before (the 
 Turks) ; they were then taken to mass, blessed by the 
 priest, and sent on. They were the garrison of Anapa, 
 lately arrived, it being thought wise to try fresh men, 
 and not have any that were at Alma in front. It would 
 
 * This name is unfortunately illegible. 
 E
 
 50 GENERAL WIKDHAM'S DIARY. 
 
 not do, however, and though they showed firmness, they 
 were soon routed. The Minies are telling muskets. We 
 only lost 3 officers and 12 men killed and 65 wounded, 
 and this morning we buried in one trench upwards of 
 100 Russians, besides those in the descent of the hill 
 killed in their retreat. They lost upwards of 700 men. 
 Part of the information comes from the Russian lieu- 
 tenant who took Dunkellin prisoner three or four days 
 ago, and who was himself taken yesterday. I have just 
 looked out of my tent, and, singular to say, there is not 
 a single light to be seen in the town. I wonder if this 
 forebodes anything extraordinary, perhaps a sortie. 
 
 October 2%th. Leg a vast deal better, and I hope by 
 to-morrow to have it all well. Yesterday the General 
 wrote to Lord Raglan concerning Smith and myself 
 carrying the Mackenzie Farm and Katcha despatches. 
 
 October 2Qth (Sunday). Church parade put off on 
 account of weather : wet and bitterly cold. Said my 
 prayers mentally and imperfectly ; who does not do the 
 latter ? 
 
 This week will bring a change to many, and on this 
 corner of a small peninsula will take place events that 
 will shake States, and make families in countries far 
 away shed many a bitter tear. May mine not be one 
 of them is my most earnest prayer to God. 
 
 All quiet ; the only news I have heard is that the 
 Russians, in reply to our flag of truce, said that they 
 had only two officers of the Light Cavalry Brigade 
 prisoners.* All the men and other officers were killed. 
 
 * Lieut. Chadwick, Adjutant of the I7th Lancers, and Cornet Clowes, 
 8th Hussars, were the officers, both severely wounded. There were also 
 55 non-commissioned officers and men taken, 39 of them wounded. They 
 were well treated while prisoners.
 
 INSPECTING. 51 
 
 This looks like foul play to the poor wounded fellows 
 who fell, and corroborates what many of the men said 
 at the time, namely, " They are sticking them on the 
 ground." 
 
 October ^Qth. Hot sun and lots of dust, and a most 
 bitter N.X.E. wind. Reported myself as quite well. 
 
 October ^\st. Marched the relief down to the new 
 battery at 3.30 a.m. Found the embrasures a good 
 deal knocked about, and the artillerymen employed in 
 shifting a ship's gun, for the purpose of placing another 
 in position to fire hot shot at a ship. Useless labour, as 
 she will haul off if they do not hit her in the first six 
 shots, which they will not do. 
 
 At sunrise rode to Bosquet's Division to enquire the 
 cause of firing on our right during the night. 
 
 Heard, in the course of the afternoon, that the 
 Russians (whose information is excellent), finding that 
 it was Bosquet's intention to attack them in the low 
 grounds, were so thoroughly on the qui vive that they 
 fired into one another. 
 
 This night, at about 9 o'clock, the Russians opened a 
 smart fire on the French on our right. It is now half- 
 an-hour later, and I shall turn in the more willingly as I 
 hear Osten Sacken has arrived with 20,000 men, and we 
 may expect daily to be attacked ; at least, I should 
 think so ; they say nothing at Headquarters. 
 
 November 1st, 1854. French getting on well. Rode 
 to Headquarters, and traced out for the General the 
 position of the two Armies, and the attack. 
 
 November yd. Marched down the covering party 
 without casualty. On my return, there was heavy
 
 52 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY. 
 
 firing between the enemy and the French. During 
 the day rode to Headquarters, and saw Airey about 
 reserve ammunition. 
 
 Rode home with Seymour and General Estcourt* 
 Firing heavy against the French, and on their part ; 
 also on our left. 
 
 There is no entry in the Diary on November 4th, 
 but Colonel Windham occupied himself by writing 
 the following letter to Mr. George Payne, which he 
 completed after the Battle of Inkerman: 
 
 " HEIGHTS ABOVE SEBASTOPOL, 
 
 ^ November ^th, 1854. 
 
 "Mv DEAR PAYNE, 
 
 " .... Of Alma you have, no doubt, heard 
 enough. Our Division was in reserve, and was only 
 in reach of shell and round shot ; but the Staff, being 
 on ahead, had a good opportunity of seeing all that 
 was going on. It was certainly a fine sight ; par- 
 ticularly the retreat of the Russians. I certainly never 
 saw men take a full pace of 36 inches in quicker time, 
 or more willingly, in my life. Had the 3rd and 4th 
 Divisions and Cavalry followed them up, which they 
 might easily have done, I believe we should have taken 
 many guns and prisoners ; but, I suppose, I shall be 
 told this would have been a hot-headed method of 
 proceeding. 
 
 "After waiting two entire days, we moved on at 
 a snail's pace to the Katcha and the Belbek. From 
 the latter river, as you know, we made a 'cross- 
 country' march to the old Balaclava road, and, on 
 the 27th, were in position before the town. Sir G. 
 Cathcart was all for an immediate attack, and, had 
 
 * Adjutant-General of the Army in the Crimea.
 
 11 THE SCIENTIFICALS." 53 
 
 we followed his ideas, I am convinced we should have 
 carried the place ; but the suggestion was laughed at, 
 and we were ordered to sit down and smoke for 
 twenty-one days, whilst the siege-train was being 
 landed, during which time the Russians worked day 
 and night, and have made the south side stronger 
 than the north, and all the advantages we gained 
 by the flank march have been thrown away ; and, if 
 the town be taken at all, it will, after all, have to 
 be assaulted. The only available part is the salient 
 angle in front of the French, and I hope they may 
 be able to take it. / think they will. If they fail, 
 it will be indeed a failure. The ' Scientificals,' as 
 I call them (Engineers and Artillerymen), both French 
 and English, fully expected to bowl over the Russians 
 in about a day, whereas the French batteries were 
 both silenced in three hours. We have been hammering 
 away at them for eighteen days without any result 
 whatever, as we cannot, from the nature of the ground 
 and our position, advance. The French have, however, 
 got very close, and I am in great hopes may succeed. 
 
 But artillery is the strong arm of the enemy, and, 
 with a fine arsenal to back them, we have attacked 
 him in the very way, and from the very position, 
 that he would have had us choose. Instead of taking 
 
 o 
 
 him by applying the fort au foible, we have just 
 reversed it ; and I believe that our waiting for the 
 siege-train, which was done for the express purpose 
 of saving life, will be the occasion of our losing 
 double, for now every house is fortified, and re- 
 inforcements have arrived. 
 
 "The weather to-day is very wet, and we have had 
 some days bitterly cold, and we are all heartily sick of 
 this^ business, I can assure you ; but I know there is no
 
 54 GENERAL IVINDHAM'S DIARY. 
 
 use in grumbling, and an untried man rinding fault is 
 dangerous. Since I have been here I have seen lots 
 of pluck, and that is all. The skirmish the other day 
 in front of the 2nd Division, at which I was present 
 at the finish, was well managed by Sir de Lacy 
 Evans, and the Russians got most severely handled. 
 
 " The cavalry affair at Balaclava was gallant in 
 the extreme, but destructive to the Light Brigade. 
 These Turks ran a deal better than - * ; and our 
 Division, that was sent to their assistance, had to 
 remain all day for the Russians to pelt at with 
 artillery, on account of their shameful abandonment 
 of the redoubts. We (4th Division) lost 5 men, though 
 we made them lie down, by this stupid day's work. 
 The Russians towards Balaclava are about 35,000, and, 
 I daresay, they will have a try at that place, but we 
 have restricted our line of defence, and got within 
 such a compass that I question, without very bad 
 luck on our part, their being able to succeed. 
 
 "The enemy appear to have very good information, 
 which, I fear, is not the case with us ; but I am not 
 sure, as Lord Raglan very properly keeps what he 
 hears to himself. As the weather looks a little 
 brighter, I shall walk out, and leave this letter for 
 another day. I hope, old fellow, that I may live to 
 have some sweet and dry with you on my return ; 
 but when a man gets shot at pretty often during the 
 week, he must not look too far ahead. I have had 
 but little danger, and very good luck up to this, and 
 I hope it may continue ; but there has been a deal 
 of 'craning' at this place, and I fear the leap won't 
 be well taken, but we shall see. 'All's well that ends 
 well,' and who knows what an hour may bring forth ? " 
 
 * Name illegible : no doubt a playful allusion to one of Mr. Payne's horses.
 
 INKERMAN. 55 
 
 BATTLE OF INKERMAN. 
 
 November *,t1i. Marched the relief down to the 
 trenches at 4 a.m., and, on returning, mounted my 
 horse and went into action with my Division: 2225 
 under arms. Felt quite calm and collected during the 
 fight ; nervous and unhappy after it. Loss and carnage 
 fearful. 
 
 November 6th. Buried poor Sir George, Generals 
 Strangways and Goldie, poor Charley Seymour, and 
 fourteen other officers in the Fort. De facto in com- 
 mand of the Division. 
 
 " The Fort " is better known as Cathcart's Hill. 
 
 Colonel Windham commanded the 4th Division during 
 the battle of Inkerman, Sir George Cathcart having been 
 killed, and the two brigadiers mortally wounded. 
 
 Colonel Horn, of the 2Oth Regiment, was senior to 
 Windham, but, having been detached to a particular 
 region of the battlefield, could not assume command of 
 the remains of the Division. 
 
 Lord Raglan called on Colonel Windham for an 
 official report of the proceedings of the Division, which 
 follows the letter to Mr. Payne. 
 
 Continuation of letter to Mr. Payne written on 
 November 6th and ^th : 
 
 " I left off about 3 p.m. on the 4th. In half-an-hour 
 afterwards we had conjectures afloat as to what was 
 going on at Headquarters by Sir Geo. Cathcart having 
 been sent for. Yesterday I marched the covering party 
 down to the trenches at 4 a.m., and on my return at 
 daylight the Division was immediately got under arms, 
 the right having been attacked again by the Russians.
 
 56 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY. 
 
 And what a day, my dear Payne! What pluck! 
 What confusion ! What havoc ! And what death ! I 
 hope to God I may never go through such another, 
 although I was cheerful and quiet enough, except an 
 occasional ' damn ' during the fight, which lasted about 
 eight hours. Poor Sir G. Cathcart was shot through 
 the heart, just by me ; Charles Seymour through the 
 shoulder, and afterwards bayoneted ; General Goldie 
 through the body. Col. Swyney, of the 63rd, Majors 
 Wynne and Townsend, together with nine other officers, 
 are among the killed of this Division ; C. Maitland, Col. 
 Smyth, Gen. Torrens, and twenty-eight other officers of 
 .this Division, are wounded. It was a fire with a 
 vengeance. I had the command of what was left of 
 the Division nearly the whole day, and formed them 
 on the left of the Guards, and again advanced to the 
 front, where we had to stand a complete cannonade 
 for about two hours, that killed with shell and round 
 shot the thirteen men to the front, right, and left of me. 
 If we had had ammunition we should have made a 
 more splendid example of them than we did. They 
 attacked us with near 40,000 men, and we had about 
 6000 to oppose to them,* and I think every man bagged 
 his enemy, for the dead lay by far thicker than at 
 Alma. I am proud of the ways of my countrymen, 
 and see plainly that we have far fewer skulkers than 
 the French ; but the Zouaves, both French and 
 ' Indigenes,' fight uncommonly well, and go at it like 
 a quick fencer. 
 
 " I shall not bore you about my hair-breadth escapes, 
 
 &c. When I tell you that now (November 7th) the 
 
 return of killed and wounded is made out, that we have 
 
 lost (in the 4th Division) forty-two officers and 705 men 
 
 * This appears to be an accurate estimate. See Kinglake,
 
 INKERMAN. 57 
 
 killed and wounded, out of 2225 that we took into 
 action, you may guess that they must have been pretty 
 numerous to a mounted man in the thick of it. Our 
 loss altogether you will see is heavy, and as I rode into 
 the action I met poor little Napier Sturt, Percy 
 Feilding, and many others being taken to the rear. 
 The Guards are cut to ribbons. Poor little Greville* 
 killed in his first fight, and so many of my old friends 
 that I cannot bear to think of it. I am assured that 
 the Russian corpses on the hill in front of the 2nd 
 Division are upwards of 5600, to say nothing of those 
 removed, and those not found. So in England they 
 ought to be proud of the conduct of 6000 of their 
 countrymen ; for I don't believe there were above that 
 number in action. The Russians are now, I understand 
 from officers taken prisoners, about 68,000 strong ; 
 and I have a great notion, if our countrymen and the 
 French don't send us reinforcements, we shall be done. 
 
 " So much for this stupid expedition. I always told 
 you the proper place to attack was Odessa ; then we 
 should, with the French, have formed the right with 
 near 100,000 men ; the Turks the centre with ditto ; and 
 the Austrians the left have taken Bessarabia, and 
 threatened Poland, and have obtained peace. Now 
 God only knows what we shall do ; hold our own, we 
 hope ; but even if we take Sebastopol, I see no chance 
 of doing permanent good in this country. 
 
 " My best regards to all old friends. 
 
 " Yours very truly, 
 
 " C. A. WINDHAM. 
 
 "November Jt/t. P.S. I have not time to write to my 
 dear old friend, A. Hudson, Esq., Norwich, so pray 
 
 * Lieutenant C. H. Greville, Coldstream Guards.
 
 58 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY. 
 
 forward this to him, and he will afterwards forward 
 it to my family. Don't forget this. 
 
 "Mv DEAR ANTHONY, 
 
 " This letter was originally intended for Geo. 
 Payne, but as I have not time to write (the whole 
 Division being on my hands) to you or William, I send 
 this first to you, and wish you would direct it after- 
 wards to Payne, at the Turf Club, Arlington Street ; 
 send it first to William and Marianne. I got your 
 letter yesterday ; sensible in some respects, but not 
 based on correct data. My escapes yesterday were 
 marvellous, and I give you my honour I never once 
 bobbed my head or flinched, although I was mounted 
 on a big horse, and the shot came about somewhat after 
 the fashion of a shower for five or six minutes (800 
 Russians fired at me alone, at distances varying from 
 1 50 to fifty yards ; to say nothing of round shot and 
 shell that came six or eight at a time for hours, and a 
 general running fire of musketry whenever I conveyed 
 an order) ; when I thought it all over, and was moving 
 off the field by Lord Raglan's order, a zolb. shell, 
 thrown from a ship, passed just over my cap, and by 
 my horse's ears, fell plump into the body of a dead 
 Russian, burst, and blew all the dirt over me, but did 
 not hurt either me or my horse. 
 
 " Yours ever, C. A. W. 
 
 " P.S. The grand total killed and wounded is about 
 2500, including 43 officers killed and too wounded."* 
 
 * The losses of our Army at the battle of Inkerman were : 
 Killed . . 632 
 
 Wounded . . . 1878 
 
 Missing . . .63 
 
 Total . 2573
 
 THE OFFICIAL REPORT. 59 
 
 The official report of the proceedings of the 4th 
 Division follows. It has been decided to include it, 
 as it contains an accurate and interesting account of an 
 obscure passage in the " soldiers' battle." 
 
 The very heavy losses of the Division are recorded 
 by Windham, in the Diary, April i6th, 1855. 
 
 " To Brigadier- General A irey, Q.M. G. 
 
 "CAMP ABOVE SEBASTOPOL, 
 
 " November 6th, 1854. 
 
 " SIR, In compliance with your request, I make the 
 following report to you, for the information of the 
 Commander-in-Chief. 
 
 " Yesterday, soon after daylight, musketry being 
 heard to our right, Lieutenant-General Sir George 
 Cathcart, K.C.B., ordered his Division under arms, with 
 the exception of 1000 men just relieved from the 
 trenches, and the inlying pickets. 
 
 " He ordered the different regiments to follow him 
 to the windmill, near the camp of the 2nd Division, 
 but the increasing fire, before he reached the place 
 appointed, caused him to send back his A.D.C., Captain 
 Greville, to order Brigadier-General Torrens and the 
 men left in camp to advance immediately. 
 
 "Lieutenant-Colonel Horsford, with the 1st Battalion 
 of Rifles, upon reaching the camp of the 2nd Division, 
 formed line, and advanced into action on the left of the 
 Inkerman Road. 
 
 " Brigadier-General Goldie's Brigade, with the ex- 
 ception of the right wing of the 2Oth Regiment, did 
 the same. This gallant officer, as his lordship knows, 
 fell mortally wounded. His Brigade consisted, on this 
 occasion, of some companies of the 5/th Regiment, left
 
 60 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY. 
 
 wing of the 2Oth Regiment, under Colonel Horn, and 
 of the 2 1st Fusiliers, under Lieutenant-Colonel Ainslie, 
 until he was wounded, when one wing, I understand, 
 was commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Lord West 
 (and taken to the extreme left), and the other by Major 
 Ramsay Stuart. 
 
 " Sir George Cathcart, in person, went to the right 
 of the road, and sent Captain Hugh Smith, D.A.Q.M.G., 
 to bring the right wing of the 2Oth, under Colonel 
 Crofton, to support the Guards ; and he sent me back 
 to Brigadier-General Torrens, to order up his whole 
 Brigade to the right. 
 
 " I found General Torrens to the left of the road, 
 and, as Colonel Wood, of the Royal Artillery, rode up 
 and informed me that the enemy had taken two of our 
 guns upon the left, I took upon myself to order General 
 Torrens to send Lieutenant-Colonel Swyney, of the 
 63rd, to the left (in contradiction of Sir George's order, 
 he having given me authority to do so on emergencies), 
 in support of Colonel Wood, and, I am happy to say, 
 the guns were quickly retaken. Lieutenant -Colonel 
 Swyney was killed upon advancing further against the 
 enemy, and the regiment remained under the command 
 of Major the Honourable R. Dalzell. 
 
 " I took the earliest opportunity of informing Sir 
 George Cathcart of what I had done, which met with 
 his approval ; and I then continued with him in rear 
 of the four companies of the 68th Regiment, who were 
 lower down the hill than the right wing of the 2Oth 
 Regiment. 
 
 " The 68th were led into action by Brigadier- General 
 Torrens, who fell severely wounded when in the act of 
 trying to restrain their ardour, after driving the enemy 
 before them.
 
 AFTER THE BATTLE. 61 
 
 " Sir George Cathcart expressed himself to Brigadier- 
 General Torrens, lying wounded on the ground, as 
 highly pleased at his conduct ; and then, with his 
 Staff, continued to advance until he saw the enemy 
 in full occupation of the heights above him, which 
 he had previously thought were in our possession. 
 
 " He immediately ordered me to get back the wings of 
 the 2Oth and 68th, and tried to show front with the few 
 skirmishers around him, and with them drove back the 
 enemy twice ; but I regret to say he was shot through 
 the heart. His Assistant Adjutant-General, Lieutenant- 
 Colonel C. Seymour, of the S. F. Guards, was shot 
 through the body, and afterwards bayoneted (he had 
 previously been wounded when with me) when rendering 
 him assistance. Major Maitland, his D.A.A.-General 
 (of the Grenadier Guards), was severely wounded at 
 the same time ; and his A.D.C., Captain the Honourable 
 A. Cathcart, had his horse shot under him. 
 
 " I did all I could to get back the men of the 2Oth 
 and 68th, but it was a work of time, as the ascent was 
 almost perpendicular, and the men were mixed with the 
 Guards and others, who had pursued the enemy even 
 into the meadows. 
 
 " I am happy to say that as the hillside was covered 
 with brushwood, and the men protected by a ledge of 
 rock, they moved to the rear without suffering any loss, 
 the only people being exposed being those on horse- 
 back. 
 
 "As soon as I could collect the men of the 4th 
 Division in this part of the field, I took them to the 
 rear of the 2nd Division Camp, where I found Captain 
 Hugh Smith had, with his usual zeal and activity, got 
 up the reserve ammunition. 
 
 " I beg to mention that at this point I received very
 
 62 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY. 
 
 valuable assistance from Captain Street, Brigade Major 
 to Brigadier-General Goldie, who had come to look for 
 Sir George Cathcart. 
 
 " After Captain H. Smith had distributed the ammu- 
 nition, I took the command of the men collected 
 namely, four companies of the 68th, under Lieutenant- 
 Colonel Henry Smyth ; two companies of the 2Oth ; 
 two companies of the 46th, under Captain Dallas ; 
 some men of the 1st Battalion of Rifles; and about 
 thirty men of other regiments not belonging to the 
 Division and formed line upon the left of the Guards ; 
 immediately advanced to the front, accompanied by 
 Captains Smith, Greville, and Cathcart, and placed 
 myself under the orders of Major-General Pennefather, 
 in front of the camp of the 2nd Division, and on the 
 left of the road, sending Lieutenant-Colonel Smyth, 
 with the 68th, still further to the front. 
 
 " Here I remained until I received, through Lieu- 
 tenant-Colonel the Honourable A. Gordon, Lord 
 Raglan's order to march the Division to their camp. 
 
 " The 4th Division \vent into action about 2200 men, 
 which you will observe were disseminated by regiments 
 and wings from the extreme right to the extreme left, 
 so urgent were the demands made upon Sir George by 
 officers from different parts of the action, and so neces- 
 sary was it, in his opinion, to prevent the enemy's 
 reaching the camp. 
 
 " The greater part of the Division was on the left of 
 the Inkerman Road, fighting far away from their 
 General, under the independent command of their 
 Commanding Officers. 
 
 " Sir George Cathcart had with him but a small 
 portion of the Division when we had the misfortune to 
 lose him on the slope towards Inkerman.
 
 "RIGHT AGAIN, WINDHAM!" 63 
 
 " I reported his loss on the field to the Commander- 
 in-Chief. 
 
 "I have already forwarded to you the list of killed 
 and wounded. 
 
 " I have the honour to remain, Sir, 
 
 " Your most obedient servant, 
 
 " C. A. WlXDHAM, Col, A.Q.M.G." 
 
 In a letter to Mrs. Windham, some particulars are 
 given concerning the death of Sir George Cathcart. 
 After describing the order given by himself to the 63rd 
 Regiment, Windham states that he explained to Sir 
 George why he had thus acted in opposition to his 
 orders, and Sir George, " like a generous and gallant 
 soldier, thanked me, and said I had done quite right." 
 
 " Poor Sir George," the letter continues, " I would 
 have given anything to have seen him Commander- 
 in-Chief ; he was fitted for great movements and broad 
 views. ... I cannot help thinking that if he would 
 have fallen back only twenty yards, or I might almost 
 say, if he had stood still, he would have been saved ; 
 but he would go on. When Seymour was first wounded, 
 he leant against me, and I said to Sir George : ' Sir, 
 those are Russians on the height.' He replied, ' They 
 are, and we are in a scrape.' His horse then had its 
 fore feet on a small rock. 
 
 " I answered him and said, ' Yes, Sir ; shall I ride on 
 and try and get the 68th back ? ' He replied, ' Right 
 again, Windham ; do so.' (This ' again ' referring to 
 the matter of the 63rd.) 
 
 ' : I rode forward to the right, he to the left, and in one 
 minute I might almost say in ten seconds he and 
 Seymour were killed, Charles Maitland wounded, and 
 A. Cathcart's horse shot.
 
 64 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY. 
 
 " I soon rallied, or rather got together, a few men 
 of the Guards, 3Oth, 68th, 46th, 2Oth, and 47th ; and 
 I repeat, had the General, on seeing the scrape, fallen 
 back as many yards as he advanced, I really believe 
 not twenty, he might have been spared to us ; but he 
 declared for the bayonet, and with a dozen men tried to 
 repulse twelve hundred, and being on horseback was, 
 like all the mounted officers but myself, killed or 
 wounded. 
 
 " He is a loss to the Army, God knows, and time will, 
 I fear, show it. 
 
 " I had him buried in the centre of the old fort, round 
 which he used continually to walk, with General Goldie 
 on his right, as belonging to his Division ; and General 
 Strangways (an old friend of his) on his left ; Charles 
 Seymour at his feet ; and sixteen other officers of the 
 4th Division, who fell on that day, in two lines, a few 
 yards off. 
 
 " I bought -Sir George's black mare, presented to him 
 by General Murray ; should she live to get home, I shall 
 be very happy to let any of the family have her for 
 what I gave, which, in fact, was the reason of my buying 
 her. 
 
 " She was a great favourite with him, but he did not 
 ride her on the day of his death. Pray let them know 
 this : I do not like to write upon such a subject. 
 
 " C. A. W." 
 
 November *jth. Was turned out twice in expectation 
 of an attack. Thanked God often for my many escapes 
 on the 5th. Rode to the 2nd Division Camp and 
 returned with General Eyre. A long talk with him 
 about poor Sir George. With him fell, at any rate, 
 all the dash of the Army. He was not perfect: who
 
 RALL YING. 65 
 
 is? but he had more enterprise and spirit than all 
 the rest of them put together. He is a great loss to 
 this Division. I suspect it is thought great blame 
 attaches itself to Sir George's having descended the 
 hill to the right. I admit this was a bad move, and 
 Sir George undeniably had faults as a General of 
 Division ; but it is ridiculous to throw the blame on 
 him of most of the slaughter and mischances, because 
 he went too far down with 187 men of the 68th, 154 
 of the 46th, and a portion of the right wing of 
 the 2oth. 
 
 I myself rallied or collected those men who had gone 
 down into the valley. They consisted of Guardsmen, 
 3Oth, 49th, Rifles, and odds and ends from the ist and 
 2nd Divisions. The 68th were almost the only men 
 of our Division that did go down. When the enemy 
 rushed into our centre and fired upon our inner flank, 
 killing the General, Seymour, &c., the 2Oth and 46th 
 were mostly on the hill, and I owe my life to having 
 gone forward and downward to get back the 68th 
 and other loose skirmishers. 
 
 The only men I could get to stand by me were some 
 of the Coldstream, who knew me, and asked me by 
 name to stop the men on the hill from firing at them, 
 taking them for our own people till I undeceived them. 
 
 I had no idea of the difficulty of stopping men 
 retiring, not running, under a heavy fire. 
 
 I made all the men of one company lie down until 
 I brought them fresh ammunition, after which, I led 
 them all to the front. 
 
 In fact I worked hard ; feel convinced that I did my 
 duty like a good soldier, feeling no funk. I am sure 
 I showed none, and, therefore, whether I am mentioned 
 or not in despatches, is a matter of indifference.
 
 66 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY. 
 
 Had Sir George lived, I am sure I should have been, 
 as he thanked me for having, on my own responsibility, 
 ordered the 63rd (contrary to his original orders) to the 
 left to retake the guns of Townsend's Battery. 
 
 I suppose, however, that General Pennefather, who 
 deserves much praise, will get all that is given. 
 
 They will make out that a most plucky and brave 
 resistance of individual detachments was a well-planned 
 and able defence ; whereas I know there was no plan at 
 all, and not half the officers knew who was commanding 
 them. 
 
 Poor Seymour was first wounded in the foot, 
 leant upon me, and said, " Charley, I Ve got it." I 
 handed him over to a man of the 2Oth, and rode to get 
 back the 68th. Before I had gone ten yards, he, the 
 General, Maitland, &c., were all down, and the shot flew 
 about me like hail, so much so as to make me smile at 
 the whistling. 
 
 The quantity of Russians killed here was great ; they 
 lay so thick that I could scarcely get through them, 
 and on getting off my horse to slip down a precipice 
 to the men, I took the sword from one big fellow, who, 
 in his struggles, had twisted his belt off his shoulder. 
 At least, the sword lay close to him, and I suppose 
 was his. 
 
 Wrote a report of the proceedings of the 4th Division 
 to General Airey, for Lord Raglan's information. 
 
 November %th and gth. Hard worked. Remainder 
 of 46th arrived on the 8th. In hourly expectation of 
 an attack from the Russians. We are now strengthening 
 our right, but, like everything else in this Army, far too 
 late. The mischief has been done, and they will next 
 try somewhere else. Besides, I question their holding
 
 SIX GEOXGE CATHCART. 67 
 
 the Redoubt three days, unless they make better practice 
 than heretofore, or the enemy worse. 
 
 (The Diary is very scanty for some days after 
 Inkerman, but the following letters are of interest) 
 
 " To Mr. Hudson. 
 
 "CAMP BEFORE SEBASTOPOL, 
 "November izth, 1854. 
 
 "Mv DEAR ANTHONY, 
 
 " I was so pressed by business the last time 
 I took up my pen, that I had no time to pour into 
 your ear my sorrows and grumblings at what is going 
 on here, and at the unceasing blundering that has 
 taken place in the conduct of this expedition ; not- 
 withstanding the publication of Wellington's despatches, 
 and the experience that was, or ought to have been, 
 acquired in Bulgaria since the landing of the British 
 Army in the East. 
 
 " By my letters to you, from on board the Harbinger, 
 you are aware that I always thought the attack on 
 Sebastopol to be a bad move, both from a strategical 
 and political point of view. To my letter to Cathcart, 
 as soon as I heard of his arrival in the Channel 
 (absolutely before he landed), pointing out Odessa as 
 the proper place of landing, I believe I may attribute 
 his taking me out with him, and his talking so much 
 to me as he did. A word or two by way of episode 
 upon his character. He was a man more fitted to be 
 first than second. His views upon great questions 
 were decidedly above par, and, provided he was master 
 and had everything his own way, his temper, naturally 
 irritable (though amiable), did not get riled ; and his 
 judgments, under such circumstances, were clear and 
 sound. As a General of Division he was out of his
 
 68 GENERAL IVINDHAM'S DIARY. 
 
 element ; with neither eye nor speech sufficiently clear 
 or rapid, he saw not the points of attack with suffi- 
 cient quickness, and from an over-explanatory way 
 of giving out his orders, he both confused others, 
 and often contradicted himself. He never (or rarely) 
 called regiments by their right numbers, or placed 
 them in their proper brigades ; and though I, who 
 knew him, could see what he wished, and took the 
 meaning for the word, others did not, which had the 
 effect of putting him on his high horse, frightening 
 the bringer or carrier of the order, and made confusion 
 worse confounded. Since he arrived in this country 
 his temper has been infinitely worse than it ever was, 
 and from his never having been willingly consulted, 
 he felt himself aggrieved, / fancy (for he never said 
 anything to me to that effect), and tried to find 
 occupation in fidgeting about trifling matters he had 
 much better have let alone. Having said this much 
 as to his faults, I ought to say something of his merits. 
 Although hard as a commander, he was kind and good- 
 humoured as a man, extremely vigilant and active, both 
 mentally and physically, most undeniably brave ; to 
 private soldiers kind, much averse to martinetism, and 
 a good strategist. Oh ! how I wish his advice had been 
 taken after the arrival of this Army on the heights. It 
 was simply to assault the place the next morning. Had 
 we done so we should have succeeded, and instead of 
 losing, as we have done in the trenches and the battle 
 of Inkerman, 3000 men, to say nothing of sickness, we 
 should have been in the town with half the loss, and, 
 I trust, out of the country. 
 
 "As it is, I do not see my way. The Russians 
 have as many men as we, a more numerous Artillery 
 and Cavalry, and a decided equality as to science in
 
 PLANS FOR THE FUTURE. 69 
 
 the former arm. If the French assaulted the town 
 to-morrow they would get in ; but, I fear, not hold 
 it ; yet something must be done ! To suppose that 
 men can winter on these heights, sleeping on the 
 cold, damp ground, without being killed by dysentery, 
 is nonsense, and to descend into the valley of Inkerman 
 and attack their Army, although it would, probably, be 
 successful as to the fight, would not advantage us 
 much, as we should have to abandon our siege-train, 
 and could not follow them up, as we have no means 
 of transport, and, therefore, could not leave Balaclava. 
 If I were Lord R. I would reduce the size of the 
 camp, hut the men as soon as possible, remove from 
 our batteries all the guns worth having, fortify our- 
 selves strongly, then wait patiently for reinforcements; 
 form, in the course of the winter, another Army to 
 the north; land it, and, in connection with this one, 
 begin again next spring without leaving out the north 
 side. 
 
 " I have a strong belief that a one-sided account 
 will be given of the battle of Inkerman ; for as 
 regards the 4th Division, notwithstanding its heavy 
 losses, it will be tried to be proved that it suffered 
 from disobedience of orders on the part of Sir 
 George, and that he handled the troops with little 
 or no judgment. But I was present, and I must 
 say, that no man could have been more pestered 
 and bothered by A.D.C's from the front with orders, 
 pressing and contradictory. I do not approve of Sir 
 George's habit a fatal one, alas ! for him of thrust- 
 ing himself forward and riding about so continually 
 that it was almost impossible to find him ; I do not 
 approve of his having sent forward General Torrens 
 to make a dash without thinking of a reserve, and
 
 70 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY, 
 
 without having previously made himself acquainted 
 with the absolute position of the forces, aggressive 
 and defensive ; but I maintain it to be absurd to 
 attribute to him the greater portion of the mischief, 
 when the real truth is that the action, begun with a 
 surprise, was continued with great pluck and con- 
 fusion by individuals, every disposable man, as he 
 came up, being sent to the front, in detail, to remedy 
 a momentary weakness ; and ended by the courage 
 and resolution of independent commanders (directing 
 steady and bold men) in repulsing an enormous and 
 overpowering force, three separate times. At the 
 fourth attack, had not the French come up, we should, 
 I think, have been done ; but, as they did come, the 
 enemy was finally repulsed, and his loss must have 
 been immense. We buried 4081 bodies of the Russians 
 the next day, and there must certainly be 1000 on the 
 ground on the other side of the hill ; and we have 
 brought in 1250 men severely wounded, to say nothing 
 of those who got away. I am sorry to say the Russians 
 (officers as well as men) stabbed and killed our wounded 
 without mercy, and if that sort of game is to continue, 
 I see nothing for it but retaliation, which will make 
 matters worse. Poor Sir George was shot through the 
 heart, but as soon as they got to him by the weight of 
 overpowering numbers they bayoneted him and robbed 
 him ; the same with poor Charles Seymour, and those 
 poor young fellows of the Guards who were slightly 
 wounded, they treated in the same way. In fact it will 
 not do, as has been proved, both at Alma and here, to 
 leave the wounded to their mercy, even for a minute. 
 Bar their artillery and numbers, however, they are not 
 formidable; and I live in hopes and pray that we may 
 never be driven back again.
 
 GENERAL AIREY. 71 
 
 " The grand error of this campaign, from a military 
 point of view, has been ' the want of transport,' and 
 the not properly considering what we had to do. As 
 we landed without transport and with only three days' 
 provisions, it was, in fact, nothing but a coup de main 
 against Sebastopol, with 50,000 men, that could succeed ; 
 but, alas ! we moved along at .a snail's pace (and yet, 
 after all, arrived before the town before they had erected 
 any works), and when we ultimately came before the 
 town we did nothing, not even in field fortification, but 
 remained for twenty-one days, smoking, and awaiting 
 the landing of the siege-train. Now, again, there is 
 a strong report (I know nothing as to its truth) that the 
 Army is to hut itself and pass the winter here, and yet 
 they never sent, until two days ago, for any wood or 
 other materials ; and I, therefore, fully expect to be 
 caught by the approaching winter, and this is all 
 owing to dilatoriness and indecision. As for General 
 Airey, he is more like a Private Secretary than a 
 Quartermaster - General, with a quick inconsiderate 
 manner, and no roundabout common sense, which is 
 really what is wanted for such a situation. As to in- 
 formation the Staff appear to have none, and seem to 
 know nothing of the enemy until they see him, and not 
 much then : beyond the common sort of courage to 
 be found in all men of good digestions, they appear, 
 with the exception of Wetherall, to be a moderate lot. 
 If the farm-house in which the Headquarters are now 
 established were only burnt down, we might get them 
 possibly to move. 
 
 " During the heat of the battle of the 5th, Sir George 
 ordered me to bring up the whole of Torrens' Brigade 
 from the rear of the left, to the right. When I had 
 given him this order, Lieutenant-Colonel Wood, R.A.,
 
 72 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY. 
 
 came and told me the enemy were in possession of two 
 of his guns, and that our left was turned. I immediately, 
 in direct contradiction to Sir G.'s order, desired Torrens 
 to detach the 6jrd Regiment, under Colonel Swyney, 
 to Wood's support, to restore the battle on the left, 
 and to recapture the guns ; this was done. I should 
 like to see if Lord Raglan mentions a word of it in 
 his despatch : he knows it, for I sent him, through 
 the Quartermaster - General, a full account of the 
 proceedings of the 4th Division ; but I will wager 
 not one word of it will be published, as it probably 
 won't suit their purpose for it to be seen how the 
 right were sent piecemeal into the fight. I am 
 afraid we have hard fighting and bad times before 
 us, but we must do our best ; and with Providence 
 on our side, and strong reinforcements from England 
 and France, we may weather the storm ; but it will 
 be no easy matter with the absence of head we have 
 here. Lord R. is a bold, gentlemanlike, amiably- 
 mannered man, and a good ' red - tapist,' but no 
 General. Dundas is worse. Lyons, a good fellow 
 and clever man ; and of Canrobert I know nothing, 
 but that he is a fat, punchy fellow of forty-five ; 
 they say, with a good head and great courage. 
 Of our subordinates I know none of any mark, 
 Brigadier - General Eyre perhaps the best of them ; 
 plenty of them have courage, but there are very few 
 with ideas beyond a field-day. Our loss has been 
 severe, and I expect, during the winter, to see an 
 immense deal of sickness ; but I suppose the Russians 
 will have their share of that, as they are without tents, 
 and supplies will get shorter. Would to God we had 
 gone to Odessa ; our troubles had now been over, and 
 the Emperor probably inclined to peace. As it is,
 
 THE STORM. 73 
 
 I know not what will happen. I send you a copy 
 of the report I wrote to the Quartermaster-General. 
 This ought, in fairness, to be published, but I am 
 afraid it never will, as it shows too plainly that no 
 one was, in fact, in command on the day." 
 
 THE GREAT STORM. 
 
 November \^th. At 6 a.m., the breeze freshened ; 
 at 8 a.m , our tent went ; and by 9, it was blowing 
 a perfect hurricane. Every tent down; and what with 
 snow, rain, and wind, all in camp were thoroughly 
 miserable. I can hardly imagine men living through 
 a worse day; indeed, many did not. 
 
 Some further details of the effects of the storm are 
 given in a letter to the Earl of Caledon : 
 
 " I believe the Russians are a good deal pinched, 
 and I . hope they are ; but certainly, in the way of 
 shelter, they have the best of it, as no one can fancy 
 anything much more bleak than the top of this hill. 
 The weather, when we first landed on the I4th 
 September (except that individual night), was hot 
 and fine, until the middle of October, when we had 
 two or three days of severe cold, then a sort of fine 
 Indian summer until the I4th inst, when one of the 
 most terrific hurricanes of wind, snow, and rain 
 brought in the winter. Heavy losses occurred amongst 
 the transports and shipping, and every tent in the 
 Army was blown down ; the men had to remain for 
 twenty-four hours as uncomfortably situated as any 
 mortals could possibly be. You, I daresay, can fancy 
 what a gale of wind you could not stand against, 
 accompanied by heavy drenching showers of rain,
 
 74 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY. 
 
 followed towards night by a Canadian poudre, would 
 be. It was, I think, the worst day, consideration 
 being paid to the ground, I ever passed in my life. 
 Still, here I am alive and kicking, never better, and 
 only wish others were as well off as I am." 
 
 On November I5th and i6th, Windham occupied 
 himself in exertions for the benefit of the men of 
 his Division, and had no time to make an entry in 
 his diary. 
 
 November I'jth. Rode with Wood, of the Artillery, 
 to Monastir, to look after wood for hutting the Division ; 
 found none. 
 
 November igth. Going on with my house it is 
 decidedly too big. A day of heavy wind almost as 
 bad as the I4th. Had to turn out without shoes or 
 stockings to get up the th at 4.30 a.m. Men perfectly 
 miserable, and sickness greatly on the increase. 
 
 Went and saw Codrington ; from what he told me, 
 I hope the French will do something towards Inker- 
 man. 
 
 In the letter to the Earl of Caledon, an extract of 
 which has already been given, appears the following 
 account of the gallant attack on " The Ovens," on 
 November 2Oth, under Lieutenant Tryon, of the Rifle 
 Brigade, who had already highly distinguished himself 
 
 at Inkerman : 
 
 ' ' November 2$/A, 1854. 
 
 " I firmly believe the Russian defences in our front 
 are, at this moment, stronger than when first we began 
 firing at them in October. The nature of the ground 
 admits of our advancing but slowly, and it was only
 
 HORSES STARVING. 75 
 
 four days ago that we even began to make an attack 
 on their advanced riflemen. This was done, without 
 any direction from Headquarters, by Sir John Campbell 
 (in the temporary command of this Division since 
 Cathcart's death), who sent a party of the Rifles 
 attached to the Division, under Lieutenant Tryon, a 
 fine, gallant fellow as ever lived. He dislodged the 
 enemy by night. It was well done ; Tryon was killed, 
 but the ' green men ' held their own, and repulsed the 
 enemy twice, after dislodging him with the bayonet. 
 We hold the ground still. This was, and is, the 
 only fight (and a small one it certainly was) that 
 showed the slightest scheme or forethought since we 
 landed. Tryon was a really good officer." 
 
 Further on in this letter occurs the following passage, 
 which shows the disgraceful want of forethought, and 
 mismanagement of land and sea transport, which 
 wrecked our army : 
 
 " Our horses of all ranks are literally starving, while 
 every animal in the French camp is living positively 
 in plenty ; and they sent our Cavalry, the other day, 
 forty pressed trusses of hay to keep our horses alive. 
 In fact, the old Duke's boast of being thoroughly au 
 fait as to how to feed an army, cannot be made by 
 anyone here. We have a good deal of dysentery and 
 cholera, and out of 3500 men (4th Division) have 
 760 at present on the sick list. I really hope they will 
 try and do something." 
 
 November 26th. Heard to-day that the Qth Regiment 
 and 1 200 Turks had arrived, also 2100 French; but 
 the latter is doubtful.* 
 
 * The French troops alluded to did not arrive at this time.
 
 76 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY. 
 
 We ought surely now to do something have a shy 
 at Liprandi, for instance. 
 
 A very fine day : if dry weather would last, we might 
 yet take the place. 
 
 Sir John Campbell, a pleasant, cheerful commander, 
 sprained his ankle three days ago, and has since been 
 laid up. 
 
 A gap in the Diary is well filled by the following 
 letter to Mr. Beresford Peirse, Colonel Windham's 
 brother-in-law. Some repetitions will be excused in 
 consideration of the spirit with which the story is 
 told :- 
 
 " HEIGHTS ABOVE SEBASTOPOL, 
 " Camp, 4th Division, 
 
 "December isf, 1854. 
 " MY DEAR HENRY, 
 
 " As the weather to-day seems to be inclined 
 to preserve its previous character of 'extremely bad/ 
 I shall, as well as a man can in such wet and dirt, 
 try and amuse myself by writing to you. You will be 
 sure to have heard all about Alma, and probably, long 
 ere this reaches you, all about Balaclava and Inkerman. 
 The last battle was begun by the Russians surprising 
 us, our pickets having allowed at least twenty pieces 
 of heavy ordnance (24-prs.) to get up the heights 
 before they ever fired a shot. These guns were 
 supported by heavy columns of troops, who, in the 
 mist and grey of the morning, commenced the attack : 
 first and last, 40,000 of the enemy were certainly in 
 action ; and, at the most, 8000 British, from the 
 commencement to the end, were brought to meet 
 them. The ground was all covered with a low oak 
 brush, and on the right, towards the valley of Inkerman,
 
 THE SOLDIERS' BATTLE? 77 
 
 nearly precipitous. Our Army was never commanded 
 throughout the day ; it was split up into detachments, 
 and those small bodies luckily fought (almost univer- 
 sally) with the most determined valour. I firmly 
 believe that history cannot show another battle similar 
 to Inkerman. The loss of the enemy, I am convinced, 
 was enormous; I feel sure it was above 20,000 men, and 
 almost all of them fell by musketry. A great portion 
 of our loss was, on the contrary, occasioned by shell 
 and round shot. I was present from nearly the 
 beginning. Every mounted officer near me was killed, 
 wounded, or unhorsed ; and at one time, in half-an- 
 hour, I saw thirteen men killed by round shot, within 
 five yards of me. I merely mention this (most 
 of the men were lying down) to give you an idea 
 of the weight of artillery opposed to us 40 field guns, 
 the before-mentioned heavy guns, and a considerable 
 portion of the shipping all assisted the Russian efforts 
 to dislodge us, but all this, luckily, did not succeed ; 
 and, latish in the afternoon, they gave up all further 
 attempts. The enemy showed great pluck and reso- 
 lution, and had their attack been as strong on the 25th, 
 after two divisions had marched to Balaclava, I think 
 they would have succeeded ; as it was, they didn't. 
 They found the British Infantry, notwithstanding the 
 weight of their artillery and masses, too stubborn for 
 them, and they retired, after capturing two French 
 guns that arrived late in the action, leaving us in 
 possession of our old position. 
 
 " The day was an honourable, not a profitable one ; 
 spoke volumes for the men, little for the General. 
 Why the position had been left utterly unstrengthened, 
 from the 2/th September to the 26th October, no one 
 could tell ; still more wonderful was it, that after the
 
 ;8 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY. 
 
 attack on the 2Oth October, in open day, no means 
 whatever should even have been thought of, much 
 less executed. One junior officer, who shall be 
 nameless, certainly suggested, many days previous 
 to the 5th, that the ground in the immediate front of 
 the 2nd Division might, at any rate, be cleared so 
 that the Artillery could be sent to the front, &c., &c., 
 but he was snubbed and told to mind his own 
 business ; suffice it to say that, with the exception 
 of a 3-gun battery, erected to the right of the road, 
 nothing was done, and with blood we have had to 
 pay for our idleness and want of forethought Since 
 the 5th, we have been working hard in that quarter, 
 and I therefore think the next attempt of the 
 Russians will not be there. 
 
 "As to the siege, you will see more of that in the 
 papers, and better described, than anything I can 
 write ; for my own part, I think it has been as badly 
 conducted as it well could have been. At the 
 commencement, everything on our part was presump- 
 tuous, and since then the reverse. The same may be 
 said of the French, except that since the conceit 
 was taken out of them, on the first two days, they 
 have worked hard, and, as the ground aided them, 
 have got nearer to the enemy. Why they have done 
 nothing for the last ten days I cannot say ; I suppose 
 they have cogent reasons known at Headquarters, 
 but the Army generally knows nothing of them. For 
 my part, I firmly believe that both the French and 
 English Engineers wanted to have a siege of their 
 own, and, therefore, instead of attacking the western 
 side of the town only, they have attacked the western 
 and the southern we the latter ; and we occupy 
 ground, man and fight batteries, with about 10,000
 
 SEVASTOPOL. 79 
 
 men, that would certainly require 40,000 to do it 
 properly. The result is the men are worked to death, 
 hundreds of them on the sick list, working parties 
 can't be furnished to carry out the magnificent ideas 
 of Sir J. Burgoyne, and it would not surprise me 
 to see the business end in a complete failure. I have 
 still some hope of the French and their reinforce- 
 ments, and do not pretend, as I said before, to be 
 able to judge properly of the propriety of our present 
 line of conduct ; but of one thing I can judge, and 
 that is, of the present state of the transport of this 
 Army. . . . 
 
 " This Division, on paper, is between 5800 and 6500 
 men ; 900 are absent, sick, and nearly 800 present 
 sick ; those present are dying fast ; they lie in the wet 
 and muck without medicine or any single kind of 
 comfort. Private enterprise has brought wine, brandy, 
 cheese, butter, hams, preserved meats, biscuits of all 
 kinds, bread and vegetables, to Balaclava; and any 
 officer choosing to spend his money and send down 
 a horse there may get all he wants, in reason ; but so 
 miserable is the transport of this Army that the 
 soldiers can get nothing of this, and, consequently, 
 have to go with short rations, on several occasions 
 no meat at all, or rum ; this, coupled with the wet 
 and constant exposure, night after night in the 
 trenches, will account for the alarming and still 
 increasing sickness. The night before last the Royals 
 (ist Regiment) lost 27 men by cholera, of the young 
 ones that arrived in the last draft, about a week ago. 
 Six companies of the 46th, arrived here lately, lost 
 100 men by cholera and dysentery, and have now 
 upwards of 260 men in hospital. This expedition 
 I was always firmly opposed to, conceiving it to be
 
 8o GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY. 
 
 a decidedly bad move. Odessa was the place to have 
 gone to, but we came here, and we came equipped 
 for a coup de main. The march from the Belbek to 
 Balaclava was, we all thought, for that purpose ; but 
 all of a sudden we are told to wait quietly for 
 twenty-one days doing nothing, until the siege-train 
 is landed. We then begin by making batteries at 
 a mean distance of 1500 yards, and having attacked 
 the Russians in their strong arm (artillery), with a 
 splendid arsenal to back them, we are surprised that 
 we make no impression. In the meantime, the two 
 other arms, in which we have shown ourselves to be 
 their superiors, are sacrificed ; and we see how one 
 old General may conduct, and many presumptuous 
 young ones assist in carrying on, a siege, at a time 
 of year the most unfitted, and with numbers quite 
 inadequate to the purpose. I said a siege, but it has 
 always struck me as being neither a siege, a bombard- 
 ment, nor an investment, but simply a sort of school 
 in which our young gentlemen might try the effect 
 of long-range fire, and of lo-inch shot and shell. 
 
 " We receive constantly accounts from Russian 
 prisoners, who all state the enemy to be suffering 
 immensely from sickness, and want of provisions, 
 also from general depression. I yesterday, however, 
 saw two letters from 'two wounded men taken 
 prisoners by them, and belonging to this Division, in 
 which they say that they receive a pound of bread, 
 some soup with a piece of meat in it, and a pint of 
 tea daily. The Russians appear to know everything 
 that passes here ; but I fear we are not quite so 
 enlightened as to what goes on in Sebastopol. The 
 French private soldiers have all got an idea that they 
 will attack the place to-morrow; for my part, I don't
 
 FEEDING AN ARMY. 81 
 
 believe it; however, I hope they may, and I hope 
 they may succeed, for anything would be better than 
 passing one's winter on these heights. A great many 
 officers of standing are going home, and I believe 
 there are not many left that would be sorry to go 
 also, French or English ; for my own part, however, 
 I am very easy on that head ; I am in good health 
 and good spirits, and if matters were only a little 
 better managed, I should feel easy as to the result 
 The Duke of Wellington prided himself on thoroughly 
 understanding how to ' feed an army.' I fear his 
 mantle has not fallen on any shoulders here. 
 
 "Your letter reached me three days ago, and I 
 remembered you the same day to C. Woodford. One 
 battalion of Rifles, under Horsford, is attached to this 
 Division, and most rapid promotion they have had, 
 although their being much in action has not been much 
 against them. Beckwith died of cholera, and so did 
 poor little Godfrey, the other day. Rooper, I hear, 
 also is dead, and Cook has resigned from ill-health. 
 That poor fellow Tryon, who was killed some ten days 
 ago, was a first-rate young officer, and is regretted by 
 us all. 
 
 " Poor Sir George is a great loss to me. I was of 
 essential service to him the day of his death, and, 
 had he lived, I am sure he would have got me a 
 brigade. . . . 
 
 " After getting through what I have since September 
 1 4th, without a scratch, I ought not to grumble ; and 
 when I think that my health has stood when not only 
 hundreds, but thousands, of younger men have fallen 
 in that respect, many never to rise again, I ought to 
 be thankful and am. Yet I cannot help thinking 
 that I, who have always been so near landing myself, 
 
 G
 
 82 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY. 
 
 and yet just missed it, cannot be said, in a worldly 
 point of view, to be a lucky man. 
 
 " Lord Raglan, I believe, is aware of my services at 
 Inkerman ; at any rate, the Master- General of the 
 Ordnance is, and so was poor Cathcart, who thanked 
 me for what I had done, although it was contrary to his 
 orders. I should have been eternally abused had the 
 movement been a failure ; now I suppose I shall get no 
 thanks, as it seems to be the object to cast dirt at 
 Cathcart's move to the right. It is true he went too 
 far down the hill, and it is also true that he didn't keep 
 his Division enough in hand ; in fact he was, though 
 a good strategist when he had time to think, not a good 
 tactician, and at the time everything was in confusion, 
 and few people in good humour. I smoked tranquilly 
 (without any nonsense), and felt as easy as I do at the 
 covert side ; but the fire was certainly a hot one, and 
 to this day I wonder how I escaped ; the bullets flew 
 so thick about me that I really laughed outright at the 
 whistling. I was glad enough, however, when the 
 French came up to lend a hand. The first of their 
 battalions that entered the fight were the " Zouaves- 
 Indigenes," and they went in well, and the Zouaves 
 (French) are also very fine fellows, in some respects, 
 I may say in most, the best men I ever saw ; but it will 
 not do to compare a regular French regiment of the line 
 with one of ours ; it is altogether a different thing. 
 In everything but discipline and respect for their 
 officers they are our superiors, but in fighting they 
 decidedly are not. A French general, at the time, 
 acknowledged that they never would have held the 
 position as we did, and said they had not the same 
 talent de se tenir ferme. They would have retired, 
 probably have retaken it by beat of drum, again been
 
 THE LONG CAMPAIGN. 83 
 
 beaten back, and again advanced, &c., but they never 
 would set their teeth tight, and fight it out to the last, 
 as we did. The road through the 2nd Division camp 
 was one of the most wonderful sights I ever saw, the 
 Russians being so thick that I could with difficulty 
 get my horse through them. When I tell you we 
 buried in forty-eight hours 408 1 , besides about 7 or 800 
 flung into a chalk pit, and 3 or 400 that still remain 
 unburied on the right and in the valley, to say nothing 
 of the 1400 desperately wounded that we brought in, 
 you may easily guess that they didn't get off cheaply ; 
 in fact, they were most awfully mauled, but still they 
 took off their guns, and though they marched off very 
 fast they didn't need to run. 
 
 " Now give my best love to George Melville,* and tell 
 him to be contented with Old England. If I live to get 
 home again, we will all talk these battles over again, but 
 there is much to be done before that happens. The 
 poor old Coldstream, tell him, got an awful mauling ; 
 and I helped many of them after the fight, and Percy 
 Feilding during it. Many of the men knew me, and. 
 when the skirmishers were retiring, several rallied when 
 I called to them, although they had no ammunition. I 
 was near them the greater part of the day. . . . 
 
 " It is now night ; the Russians have been just letting 
 fly a couple of loo-pound shot and shell at the French 
 (a nightly amusement), and, as everything is quiet, I shall 
 roll up in my blanket and take a snooze. Except two 
 nights on board the Agamemnon, I have not had my 
 clothes off since the I4th September to sleep very 
 seldom my boots. The Army is good-tempered, notwith- 
 standing its extreme hardships. Tell Geo. Melville that 
 
 * Colonel Windham's very intimate friend, George Whyte Melville, in 
 whose best-known book, The Interpreter, Windham figures.
 
 84 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY. 
 
 the I4th November was the worst day I ever expe- 
 rienced an awful gale of wind, ending in Canadian 
 ' Powder'; every tent blown to the devil ; and all hands 
 left to hulk up their shoulders, on a bare lofty hill, 
 exposed for hours to the blast. Many of the sick died, 
 and plenty of the horses. I hope Pern* is with you ; if 
 so, she will see this. I have received her last letters, 
 and also the dear children's. I shall write to her a 
 short note to-morrow. 
 
 " Remember me most kindly to all at Bedale, and 
 don't forget to do so to the Duke of Leeds, with whom 
 I yet hope to drink a bottle of claret at Hornby ; and 
 with young Fox, who behaved well at Alma. Describe 
 to him all the wonders and hardships of this campaign. 
 All this sort of thing, my dear Henry, is better to talk of 
 afterwards than to go through; and, though I have really 
 heard nothing but the report of guns and the whiz of 
 round shot for the last two months (no exaggeration, 
 upon my honour), I constantly wake up when these 
 Russian outbreaks begin. It is true I soon go to sleep 
 again, but what would you have a poor fellow do ? 
 
 " Love to Henrietta and all your family, and to Jos 
 and Frances Hudson. 
 
 " Yours affectionately, 
 
 "C. A. WlNDHAM." 
 
 December $rd, 1854. Since the 26th, there have been 
 a few rays of sunshine ; but, on the whole, the weather 
 has been very bad, and the roads nearly impassable. 
 
 The men, therefore, have never had a regular supply 
 of rations, and sickness has been greatly on the increase. 
 I do not pretend to know what our Generals are about, 
 particularly the French ones ; they seem resolved to 
 
 * Mrs. Windham.
 
 S//? DE LACY EVANS. 85 
 
 wait here quietly until the winter has destroyed the 
 Army. Ours certainly will be ruined by it, as our means 
 of transport are truly disgraceful. 
 
 How any man who had served under the Duke of 
 Wellington, or who had even read his despatches, could 
 ever have allowed such a state of affairs to arrive, is, to 
 me, incomprehensible. 
 
 Sir De Lacy Evans is gone. He was, after Sir 
 George Cathcart, the best of the Generals of Division : 
 in some respects his superior. 
 
 Yesterday morning we had a skirmish in the trenches. 
 The Russians killed and wounded some fourteen men, 
 chiefly of the 5Oth ; and our Rifles had again to recover 
 the advanced trench so gallantly won by poor Tryon. 
 His, by-the-bye, was the only attack made by us with 
 the slightest scheme or forethought. 
 
 This morning the Russians killed, in the same way 
 and manner (bayoneted), two men of the th, when 
 asleep. The men are so knocked up and tired that you 
 cannot keep them awake. 
 
 Things look very gloomy, in my opinion ; I hope they 
 will look better soon. 
 
 Our chief hope is that the Russians suffer as we do, 
 or more. It is now reduced to a mere question as to 
 which side can receive and feed the greatest reinforce- 
 ments. 
 
 All the advantages we had at first have been thrown 
 away. They have found out that in artillery they are 
 our superiors, that our fleet cannot injure them, and 
 that, if they can only hold on long enough to get 
 reinforcements, they may yet drive us into the sea. 
 
 They cannot, I hope, quite do that yet, but certainly 
 we have given them every chance. 
 
 General Pennefather very ill : hear he will have to
 
 86 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY. 
 
 go to England. Thus we shall lose a very respectable 
 officer. 
 
 December ()th. Rode over the battlefield of the 
 5th November : how altered ! Some few arms of the 
 men, too shallowly buried, sticking out of the earth. 
 Some broken accoutrements and dead horses no more 
 left of the many thousand that lay stretched on this 
 plain. 
 
 We have, in conjunction with the French, erected 
 two redoubts and a battery in these parts, and have 
 certainly much strengthened the position. We now 
 have, too, a very considerable command of the harbour. 
 The enemy are working hard on the opposite side, 
 and, I suppose, a heavy fight, at any rate with 
 cannon, will take place here again. 
 
 From the advance battery one gets the best of all 
 views of the town, and the only wonder is that the 
 Engineers should not have found the place out sooner. 
 If we can hold it, the ships must quit this part of 
 the water ; that is clear, and we shell a good deal 
 straighter than the enemy. Still, I question if they 
 will not be found just as good men as we are at this 
 long ball game, though they do report that all their 
 best artillerymen are killed. 
 
 Our supply of provisions is getting worse and worse, 
 all owing to the want of transport from Balaclava. 
 Now what can be more inexcusable than this? 
 
 Here we have a fleet twice as large as the French, 
 with not half the men to feed ; and yet they want 
 for nothing, we for much ; our horses are literally 
 starved, and everything for the hospitals has to be 
 brought up by the private goodwill of the already 
 overworked men.
 
 COLD AND FAMINE. 87 
 
 This is too bad ; yet it has been represented a 
 hundred times. 
 
 Armies are not to be managed in this way. A 
 man's desk is one thing, but his saddle is another ; 
 and, for a real soldier and general, more wanted than 
 the former.* 
 
 At Headquarters they have every possible comfort, 
 both for themselves and their horses ; good beds, 
 good stables, good fires, and good dinners. If their 
 horses stood out in the open air, and could scarcely 
 be kicked along ; if they could with difficulty get 
 wood to cook with ; if, like me, they had not (on 
 shore) taken off their clothes since September I4th, 
 they might possibly form a more accurate idea of the 
 discomforts of the men, and discover some remedy, 
 at any rate, for a portion of them. 
 
 The Medical Department is disgracefully neglected. 
 One might almost fancy from what one sees (officially 
 stated) in the paper that every sick man would have 
 a comfortable vehicle for his transport. What would 
 the nation say if they knew that one wretched araba, 
 without springs or covering, was all the transport that 
 the sick of each Division had on their advance to this 
 place ; that hundreds of poor devils died upon the 
 road with no means whatever of assistance ; men 
 rolling on the ground with cholera, and not a drop 
 of laudanum for them, nor any means of conveyance, 
 after the one araba (carrying four men) was filled. 
 
 This was bad enough, but was to a certain extent 
 unavoidable, as it was a forced march, with a great 
 
 * Compare with this passage Kinglake's description of Todleben. "It 
 was not at table or desk, but on that black charger of his, which our 
 people used to watch with their glasses, that he mainly defended 
 Sebastopol. "
 
 GENERAL WlNDHAM^S DIARY. 
 
 object in view ; but what excuse is there now for 
 having left the men six weeks in the mud and water, 
 without shelter or medicine, or any means of procuring 
 warmth when they are taken ill. 
 
 Since the 29th, the Royals have had 85 men 
 absolutely die ; and the Army loses 200 a day by 
 deaths and invaliding ; and yet there are plenty of 
 stores at Balaclava, plenty of horses at Varna, but, 
 unfortunately, no head here. 
 
 I have this minute heard that Lord Raglan has 
 been appointed a field-marshal. I hope that, with his 
 " baton " he will flog matters on a little faster than 
 he has done hitherto, but I doubt it. It is not in 
 him. He has not sufficient energy, and is far too 
 old for his post. He is, however, an amiable, well- 
 mannered man, and in some respects well adapted 
 for the post he fills. Few would have got on so well 
 with the French. 
 
 This expedition was, I know, undertaken in haste, 
 and, unfortunately, it has been carried on at leisure. 
 
 I know that many reasons of broad policy may be 
 acting on our commanders, of which I know nothing ; 
 and they may have very good and cogent motives for 
 acting as they do as to the attack on Sebastopol, 
 The great reasons of State can, however, have nothing 
 to do with the badness of our transport, and the 
 consequent miserable discomfort of the men ; nor 
 can they have anything to do with the great and 
 flagrant neglect of not strengthening our right after 
 the skirmish of October 26th, to say nothing of our 
 not having done so from the 27th September to 
 the loth October, during which period we had nothing 
 to do but to smoke pipes.
 
 COLD AND FAMINE. 89 
 
 December loth (Sunday). Went to church -parade. 
 The men looked cold, pinched, and unhappy, the 
 reason being that they had had nothing to eat by 1 1.30, 
 and, moreover, no prospect of getting anything before 
 night. This was the reason of their appearance, not a 
 bad one either. 
 
 At 5.30 p.m. a note came from the Commissary, 
 stating that to-morrow we should have a short allow- 
 ance of biscuit, no beef ; coffee, sugar, and rum hoped 
 for, but doubtful. 
 
 Yesterday 280 sheep arrived, which had taken two 
 days coming from Balaclava, a distance of six or seven 
 miles. This arose from the escort having been kept 
 there for hours because the sheep were not disembarked, 
 and then the men had to return owing to its getting 
 dark. By heavens! the arrangements of this Army are 
 disgraceful. 
 
 I repeat that I do not presume to talk of the great 
 questions. The Commander- in -Chief's information 
 enables him alone to judge on them. 
 
 But what have the great questions to do with the 
 health and comfort of the men? What have political 
 intrigues to do with the state of the roads here ? 
 
 Alas, alas, what a thousand pities it is that Sir 
 George Cathcart was not Commander-in-Chief. He 
 was not good as the commander of a Division, but 
 as Commander-in-Chief he would have been all in all. 
 
 He had head, energy, and activity ; saw things with 
 his own eyes ; rode about and looked at what was 
 going on, and decided for himself. 
 
 As for the matter of winter clothing, we have scarcely 
 any of it and why ? 
 
 The Prince arrived laden with it on the 4th or 5th of 
 November (I forget which). She remained outside
 
 90 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY. 
 
 Balaclava Harbour, with one single anchor, until the 
 I4th, when she was wrecked with all her goods and 
 every soul on board. How unfortunate ! how truly 
 unlucky ! was said. I thought she had very good luck 
 not to be wrecked earlier. Good God, do people expect 
 that, because they are indolent, it will please Providence 
 to prolong summer weather into mid-winter ? Did none 
 of our naval commanders know that it sometimes blew 
 in the Black Sea? 
 
 Oh dear, yes ; but the truth is, private traders had 
 got possession of the harbour, and a few days outside 
 would not matter ! 
 
 December \2th. Now, as this book* is nearing its 
 close, and I shall send it to England to-morrow, I will 
 just say that Sebastopol will never be taken without 
 immense reinforcements. If disease and starvation fall 
 upon the Russians, and the winter prevents their getting 
 reinforcements; if England and France strain every 
 nerve and send every man, I do not say but folly 
 may ultimately be made triumphant ; without this, I 
 doubt it. 
 
 How creditable to have to say that all our sick are 
 carried to Balaclava by the French mules, our own 
 ambulance corps being found perfectly useless, the 
 pensioners sick or drunk, the mules used-up or dead. 
 
 I hope this war will open the eyes of the home 
 authorities as to our inferiority in all, save fighting. 
 The French are organised for war we for nothing. 
 
 As soon as trouble turns up, all has to be organised 
 afresh, and the moment peace is declared, if some 
 jackass of a clerk can discover how a momentary 
 saving of half-a-crown can be made, made it is, 
 
 * Colonel Windham's first MS. book.
 
 "PENNY WISE, POUND FOOLISH." 91 
 
 immediately ; thus many a valuable establishment is 
 knocked on the head because it is not wanted at the 
 moment Why, for instance, should not a transport for 
 the sick exist in time of peace ? 
 
 Petty economies of this sort will, before this war is 
 over, have cost England millions. 
 
 The same may be said about the commissariat, cloth- 
 ing and arming of the Army. 
 
 All of these will have to be remodelled ; no one can 
 stand by the French and not observe their vast 
 superiority to us. Entrenching tools, axes, &c., will 
 not or ought not, at any rate be supplied for the 
 future by contract. 
 
 The Enfield rifle, or a better one, if anything superior 
 can be found, should be the arm for the infantry ; 
 and they should be a hundred times more practised 
 in shooting than they are, without the bayonet being 
 fixed. 
 
 I can clearly see that what the French call le combat 
 a la debandade is the real thing in attacking, with a 
 reserve held in hand. 
 
 This is just what the Russians do not understand ; 
 and, therefore, they have been beaten, notwithstanding 
 numbers, artillery, and position. 
 
 The French do understand it, practised it at the 
 Alma, and won easy. 
 
 We understand it less, did not practise it at the 
 Alma, and therefore lost many more men than we 
 ought, carrying the heights by mere pluck. 
 
 Our men are always educated, at least have been 
 ever since I have been in the Army, to look upon the 
 bayonet as a wonderful weapon. They fix bayonets 
 (except the Rifles), invariably, before going into action. 
 This is simply absurd.
 
 92 GENERAL WIND HAM'S DIARY. 
 
 No man should, in my opinion, ever fix his bayonet 
 as a skirmisher^ or ever be ordered to do so. Leave 
 that to him : you may be sure he will do so soon 
 enough if pressed. 
 
 A really good Infantry has no humbug about it, and 
 I can clearly see that, with a change of system and the 
 necessary practice, we could turn out ours as fine as 
 any, perhaps the finest in the world. 
 
 We are that now as to mere fighting, but we have 
 much to forget, and much to learn, in other respects. 
 
 December i^th. Rode to-day with Poulett Somerset 
 and General Cannon round the battlefield of Inkerman, 
 and pointed out to the latter all I knew. He, like 
 others, appeared to think that Cathcart, with the 4th 
 Division, had gone down on the right into the valley. 
 I was glad to undeceive him on this point. 
 
 December \6th. Ground this morning quite white 
 with snow. Last night the weather was miserable, and 
 the day is not much better. For the last week the 
 provisions of the Division have been issued with 
 extreme irregularity and great deficiency. 
 
 December igth. Rode to meet the th Regiment, 
 who are attached to our Division. Found them in 
 rear of the farm behind the 3rd Division Camp, as 
 appointed. They are under the command of an im- 
 petuous old gentleman, aged about sixty-five, who 
 ought to have been rewarded fifteen years ago if he 
 ever did anything. Now he comes and cuts out 
 younger and better men.* 
 
 * He became a General at last. W. H. R.
 
 RAIN AND SLEET. 93 
 
 December 2ist. A sharp sortie last night against the 
 French and our Green-hill and Right Attack Battery. 
 
 The 5<Dth lost fourteen killed, seventeen wounded, 
 and Captain Frampton and Lieutenant Clarke missing. 
 Major Moller is, I fear, mortally wounded. 
 
 The flank -companies of the 38th, under the orders 
 of Colonel Waddy (5Oth Regiment), and commanded 
 by Captains Gordon and Brooksbank, behaved very 
 well. 
 
 The Russian prisoners were drunk, particularly an 
 officer, and said that an entire Division had been told 
 off for the sortie say 8000 to 10,000 men. They were 
 easily repulsed. 
 
 December 2yd. Rode to Headquarters and to Bala- 
 clava. Everything was going on the same as ever ; 
 that is, most unsatisfactorily. According to my 
 opinion, if some energetic exertions are not made, 
 half the Army will be lost before the month of April. 
 
 December 2^th. Weather last night and to-day shock- 
 ingly bad ; cold rain and sleet. Ten men of the 63rd 
 died in the night, and three of other regiments. To-day 
 the 57th had five men killed and two wounded in the 
 advanced trenches. This arose from the poor fellows 
 having to lie down in the wet until perfectly numb with 
 cold. They were then obliged to rise to warm them- 
 selves, when five of them were instantly shot. The 
 others were hit by round shot. 
 
 Seeing that we have had this advanced ground a 
 month, surely this could have been seen to ; it has been 
 mentioned more than once of that I am sure. Like 
 everything else in this Army, reports are made, replied 
 to, and forgotten. I understand that the French are to
 
 94 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY. 
 
 have this ground. Should such be the case, I will bet 
 any money that in less than twenty-four hours they 
 will put their men under such cover as to be nearly 
 safe. 
 
 When I think of the difference of the two Armies, I 
 am ashamed of ours, more particularly the upper parts 
 of it. As to the men, they deserve, in some respects, 
 the most enormous credit : their submissiveness and 
 cheerfulness under their difficulties are wonderful. If 
 the French underwent what we do, they would be in a 
 state of mutiny. Every day in the French Army the 
 men in the trenches receive a good hot dinner, and 
 double allowance of rum. With us there is constantly 
 no dinner at all ; never a hot one ; and sometimes no 
 rum at all. 
 
 The English soldier, I admit, has not the savoir faire 
 of the French; and why not? 
 
 Because the object, or at any rate the result, of our 
 system is to make a fool of him. 
 
 I hope to God a change will be made after this war. 
 
 January yd, 1855. The weather to-day is shock- 
 ingly bad, and this Army will be ruined if matters 
 continue as they are. The sick are increasing in 
 numbers every day, the means of transport are de- 
 creasing, and no move made at Headquarters to remedy 
 our position. 
 
 January ^th. Snow deep. How the men are to get 
 wood for cooking is to me the puzzler ; and yet, I 
 believe, no steps have been taken to supply them with 
 any. One week of this weather will bring the Army to 
 a standstill, and then what is to be done, God only 
 knows. Heavy fall of snow.
 
 SNOW AND FROST. 95 
 
 January $th. Rode to Headquarters, and delivered 
 McPherson's and Garrett's letters about pickaxes and 
 fuel, with Sir John Campbell's note on them. 
 
 Rode home with Yea.* 
 
 At this time Colonel Windham was distressed by the 
 death of his eldest brother, to which he alludes in the 
 following letter to his brother-in-law, Mr. Robert Hook. 
 
 In this letter, and in another of the same date to 
 Mr. Hudson, painful details of the disastrous condition 
 of the Army are given : 
 
 " HEIGHTS ABOVE SEBASTOPOL, 
 
 "January $th, 1855. 
 " MY DEAR HOOK, 
 
 " Notwithstanding the heavy snow and frost, the 
 consequent misery and discomfort of this Army, and 
 the many gloomy matters that are surrounding me 
 on this cursed hill, I can still spare a tear for poor 
 dear William, whose death, from your letter of the 
 22nd, I look upon as certain. 
 
 " It is some consolation to me to know that I never, 
 at any instant of my life, felt ungrateful to him for 
 many kindnesses. 
 
 " I can hardly realize the idea of Felbrigg without 
 him. 
 
 " Alas, as time rolls on, everything tends to drive 
 me from the old corner of my birth. Anthony 
 Hudson is now almost the only inducement I have 
 to take the train to Norwich. However, my dear 
 Hook, with alarms, and firing, and shot flying, and 
 
 * Colonel Yea, commanding the jth Fusiliers, one of the best officers 
 in the Army. He was killed on the i8th June, when gallantly leading the 
 assault on the Redan.
 
 96 GENERAL WIND HAM'S DIARY. 
 
 diurnal deaths from violence and disease immediately 
 beneath my nose, I need not worry myself about 
 Norfolk, but simply pray and wish that I may live 
 to get there. 
 
 " Our state here is shocking ! Our Army so 
 thoroughly helpless ; and, on my honour as a soldier 
 and a gentleman, I believe the fault is in our rulers 
 here, not in the Duke of Newcastle. 
 
 " I shall be surprised if I see the Generals in 
 authority (appertaining to the British) now in the 
 Crimea handed down to posterity as men of head, 
 or, indeed, as anything but a comfortable, easy-going, 
 gentlemanlike set of do-nothings, who are only fit 
 to scribble a despatch to the Secretary at War. If 
 this weather lasts a fortnight this Army is ruined, 
 absolutely. This Division, which had on the 1st 
 December 3760 men under arms and fit for duty, 
 out of 6800 on the roll, has this day only 2500 
 under arms, and those absolutely crying with cold 
 and discomfort. 
 
 "I marched off last night, at 5 p.m., 1200 men to 
 the trenches, 315 of whom had only come off thence 
 at 8 in the morning ; they had most of them had no 
 fuel to work with, the snow was four or five inches 
 deep, the wind strong and cold ; their shoes (bad 
 English ammunition articles) so small and contracted 
 from wet as scarcely to allow of one pair of worsted 
 stockings, and their spirit crushed by constant 
 fatigue, wet, cold, and discomfort of all kind. They 
 do not, however, grumble. Now, is not this hard, 
 when one thinks of the thousands of pounds Old 
 England is sending out for us? Is it not hard that 
 even the parcels of goods (and I want them, for I 
 have but two shirts, and no winter clothing) sent me
 
 "EXCUSE THE ANTI-CHRISTIAN SPIRIT? 97 
 
 by Marianne and Sophie, which have arrived in the 
 Arabian, cannot be got, because she is ordered 
 instantly to convey Turks from Varna to Eupatoria? 
 Thank God I am but one of the few who suffer by 
 this, and I can easily bear it ; but when I see the 
 same negligence, bustle, hurry, and want of proper 
 arrangement in all that relates to the men, and that 
 these poor fellows have no means of helping them- 
 selves, I am fain to sink down in despondency, and 
 to acknowledge that arrangements and carelessness 
 such as we have in this Army can bring, ultimately, 
 nothing but disaster and defeat. 
 
 " I most sincerely pray that it may please God to 
 afflict the Russians (excuse the anti-Christian spirit, 
 my dear fellow) with greater hardships than He does 
 us, or else I see no way of getting out of this mess 
 with honour to Old England; for, believe me, we have 
 no working men at our head, no organisation, no 
 forethought. . . . 
 
 "Yours ever, my dear Hook, with many thanks for 
 all your kindness to Pern and the children, 
 
 " C. A. WlNDHAM." 
 
 " To Anthony Hudson. 
 
 " HEIGHTS ABOVE SEBASTOPOL, 
 
 "January 5$, 1855. 
 
 " Seeing the extreme uncertainty of human life in 
 the most favourable cases, I ought not, perhaps, to 
 bother myself about whom I shall meet on my return, 
 but think myself a lucky fellow if I ever get back ; but 
 I certainly did hope that poor William, and I sincerely 
 trusted you also, would have been alive to greet me 
 on my return. 
 
 H
 
 98 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY. 
 
 " I am in capital health, but am much out of spirits 
 owing to this bad news from home, and the state 
 of affairs here. 
 
 "The organisation and arrangements here are of the 
 worst possible ; and if Parliament does not, first or 
 last, bring the conduct of matters here to light, I 
 shall be somewhat surprised. 
 
 " The snow is now about six inches deep ; the cold 
 considerable ; the utter want of preparation to meet 
 it, wonderful ! 
 
 " There is scarcely any fuel to be had, and that little 
 got by immense labour in digging up roots. Yet the 
 men go watch and watch about in the trenches, and 
 are completely beaten. 
 
 "Our Division (4th), on paper, consists of the i/th, 
 20th, 2 ist, 46th, 57th, 63rd, 68th, ist Battalion of Rifles, 
 and a battery of Artillery in all, 6700 men (we were 
 near 8000). Of these, we have 1881 men sick at Scutari, 
 1084 sick in camp ; and, deducting servants, batmen, 
 and nurses, we cannot get 2500 men under arms, and 
 we lose about twelve men by death, and fifty by 
 invaliding, every night. 
 
 " Dysentery rages. Our poor devils have nothing 
 but bad ammunition boots, too small to allow of more 
 than one pair of socks ; and, as they are almost always 
 wet and without fuel, the malady goes on increasing; 
 and I fully expect in ten days or a fortnight, if this 
 weather continues, to see the siege brought to a dead 
 standstill. Should this be the case, you will have 
 to thank no one but the heads here. 
 
 " The organisation of the French is beautiful, ours 
 a perfect disgrace; and I do therefore hope that,
 
 PRACTICAL SUGGESTIONS. 99 
 
 if we have another campaign, we may get rid of all 
 Peninsular heroes." 
 
 January 6th. Tried to get Sir John Campbell into 
 communication with the other Generals of the Division, 
 and to get him personally to see Lord Raglan about 
 the state of the Army than which nothing can be 
 more lamentable, and a great deal of it owing to want 
 of forethought and proper management. I fear every- 
 thing is useless ; we have not a man of common sense 
 and energy among us, now that poor Cathcart is gone. 
 
 January "jth. Walked with Earle to Headquarters, 
 and suggested to Wetherall the propriety of having 
 three or four thousand snow-boots made out of 
 blankets. 
 
 January %th. Walked and looked at "the Caves" 
 with Lord West, and went round the batteries at 
 ii a.m. Wrote to the Quartermaster-General upon 
 the subject of "the Caves," proposing felt lean-to 
 shelters, which would, I think, be much preferable to 
 placing the men in " the Caves," from which they 
 would be a long time in getting, in the event of an 
 attack. 
 
 Walked afterwards to Headquarters with Sir John 
 Campbell, who spoke to Gordon about an interpreter, 
 and spoke out well, but I fear we shall not get one. 
 I believe the Headquarter people are desperately afraid 
 of any of the Divisional Staff getting the least informa- 
 tion before themselves. God knows, the information 
 we get from them is little enough ; and I should 
 recommend them to see if they could not extract 
 a little more from the prisoners than they do.
 
 GENERAL WINDffAM'S DIARY. 
 
 It is true that Lord Raglan says, in his despatch 
 to the Duke of Newcastle, after Inkerman, that, from 
 "the information he had received, an attack might be 
 expected " ; but surely, if this were so, one might have 
 expected a little more preparation on our part for its 
 reception. 
 
 January qth. Did not go to Headquarters, being 
 sick of doing so, as I never get what I ask for. 
 Received an order for eighty horses for the Division. 
 I wonder when we shall get them, and, when got, 
 whether we shall get any hay or corn to feed them 
 with. I much doubt it. 
 
 At this time the authorities are doing at Balaclava 
 what they ought to have done seven weeks ago. What 
 they should be doing now, supposing things had been 
 heretofore properly arranged, is to be forming some 
 system of transport, so that the Army would be able 
 to do something in the spring. 
 
 As it is, their whole time is taken up in planning 
 how to feed us to-morrow, and their thoughts are 
 occupied upon peace, or in dreaming how they can 
 escape from the results of their stupidity. What 
 a set ! What a set ! 
 
 January loth. Sir John Campbell wrote to Airey, 
 supporting my suggestion of the felt shed. 
 
 Late in the afternoon found Lord Raglan in camp. 
 What a pity it is that so amiable a man should not 
 have the truth strongly put before him. I am convinced 
 that this is not done. Every little good he does is 
 magnified ; the great evils, that are not attempted to 
 be corrected, are softened down, and kept in the back- 
 ground.
 
 CONCENTRATION OF OUR ARMY. 101 
 
 January \2th. Weather still severe, with frost and 
 snow. Everything in the Issuing Department going 
 on with the same slackness. At last got consent to 
 erect felt sheds for the men in the trenches. 
 
 January i^th. Walked over in a bitter snowstorm 
 to Chapman's tent about the erecting of the sheds. 
 Then returned and visited the hospital tents of the 
 46th. Found General Airey in camp enquiring into 
 last night's attack, in which we lost nine men wounded, 
 and thirteen missing. 
 
 Rode to the trenches at dusk to see about the felt ; 
 could scarcely find my way back, so thick was the fog, 
 snow, and " poudre." 
 
 Heard from Airey that the ist and 2nd Divisions 
 were to come and camp in rear of us. They are forced 
 at last into doing something to bring the means into 
 something like fair proportion to the task. Until this 
 moment it is perfectly ludicrous to see the way matters 
 have been managed. For my part, I never thought 
 Lord Raglan would command an Army well. I thought 
 it very probable that he might be caught in a trap ; I 
 was not the least surprised that we were surprised at 
 Inkerman ; but I fairly admit that I am surprised that 
 a man like him, so perfect a clerk, so continually calling 
 for details, should have allowed his Army to waste away 
 from want of method and arrangement. 
 
 I am afraid the fault must be with him.* How else 
 can it be? If one department were wrong, it might be 
 supposed that the individual at its head was to blame ; 
 but with this Army everything goes wrong. 
 
 * Notice, however, that Colonel Windham believed that Lord Raglan 
 was kept in the dark as to the state of the Army by his Staff, and see 
 entry in the Diary on June 24lh, 1855.
 
 102 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY. 
 
 January \^th. Snow considerably deeper than we 
 have yet seen it, so deep that I fear that the men will 
 not be able to get any wood for cooking. 
 
 Went early to the Commissariat to see what the 
 issuers were doing. Found them not up ; but with 
 nothing to issue. 
 
 About mid-day Lord Raglan came, and went over 
 the hospitals of the 5/th and 2ist. He desired me 
 to report upon the sheepskin coats already issued ; to 
 get as many bat animals as I could, and, with them 
 and our private horses, to bring up to-morrow from 
 Headquarters a day's rations in advance ; and, finally, 
 to breakfast with him. 
 
 Since the article in the Times of the 23rd December, 
 we have seen more of the Headquarter people than we 
 ever saw before, although the weather has been very 
 bad. It has made them move about, and has, I think, 
 done good. 
 
 January \$th. Went to Headquarters this morning 
 with fifty ponies, and sent a day's provisions to camp. 
 Breakfasted with Lord Raglan. The remarks in the 
 English Press have decidedly had the effect of stirring 
 up these gentlemen, and making them open their eyes 
 and their ears. 
 
 Did not succeed in getting the felt down to the 
 trenches by the covering-party ; hope I shall to-morrow. 
 
 January i6th. A very cold day, with a heavy and 
 keen north wind. Two men of the 2Oth frozen to 
 death on returning from the trenches this morning. 
 One man of the 2ist, whom I got carried into my 
 kitchen, will lose his fingers from frost in spite of all 
 our care.
 
 NO FUEL. 
 
 103 
 
 If this weather lasts, the Army will, in my opinion, 
 be ruined, as we have no transport to get up the clothes 
 that would save us, although it is all at Balaclava. Got 
 some of the felt forwarded to the trenches ; but it is 
 too cold to do much. 
 
 By this time, thanks to the special correspondents, 
 the public at home had become aware of the terrible 
 condition of the Army. 
 
 A storm of indignation burst upon the Government 
 at home, and upon the military authorities in the 
 Crimea. 
 
 It is clear, from Colonel Windham's Diary, on whom 
 he considered that the blame should fall. 
 
 The following letter to Mr. Hudson throws further 
 light on the gloomy scene : 
 
 "HEIGHTS ABOVE SEBASTOPOL, 
 "January i6th, 1855. 
 
 "... This Army is in great peril. The weather 
 intensely cold, the snow deep, the Commissariat in- 
 famous, the transport damnable, and no fuel. Not a 
 word that you see in the papers is exaggerated. . . . 
 
 " By energy and determination something might yet 
 be done, but when I tell you that we have this day only 
 n,ooo effective Infantry on the heights, and 3000 at 
 Balaclava, that our Artillery and Cavalry are done for, 
 you may easily conceive that such a number is small 
 for the effectives of an Army that amounts to 54,000 on 
 paper. 
 
 " I am looked upon here as a Cathcart man, and, as 
 I have hit some hard blows in conversation, I believe 
 (you may laugh, but it 's true) that I am more feared 
 than loved. Several suggestions I made relative to
 
 104 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY. 
 
 Balaclava eight weeks ago, were commenced upon 
 five days back ; and since the Times has written against 
 Headquarters, some have attributed the attack to me 
 (which is untrue), and I have been invited to breakfast, 
 and made much of. Seriously, since the articles in 
 the Times, I have observed much more activity at 
 Headquarters ; and they evidently see that sitting in 
 a warm room and writing orders, whilst the men are 
 dying by hundreds, don't suit the British public. I 
 need not tell you that, although a grumbler, I am not 
 disposed to attack people in the dark, . . . but the 
 sooner, now poor old Cathcart is gone, they hand the 
 Army over to Fred Markham, or some other man of 
 his standing, the better. 
 
 " Believe me, your Peninsular heroes are of no use 
 nowadays. They who really led the Army in Spain 
 are gone, and those who, as juveniles, served in it, have 
 not caught the mantle that fell from Wellington's 
 shoulders. 
 
 "If the weather we have now lasts three weeks, we 
 are gone, my dear Anthony, and, as an Army, ruined. 
 
 " I am very well and strong, but see clearly that the 
 climate, mismanagement, and overwork, will bring us to 
 destruction." 
 
 January \jth. Cold and snow the same as yesterday, 
 but the sun warm. Rode to Headquarters and saw 
 General Airey, who gave me another letter to Com- 
 missary-General Filder about the divisional transport 
 ponies. Went to Balaclava and presented it, when 
 Filder told me that he had no ponies, owing to the 
 ship they had given him for them having been filled 
 with sick. These latter could not be disembarked, and, 
 therefore, his horses could not be embarked.
 
 THE HELPLESS ARMY. 105 
 
 Thus the Division will have to go without fuel, and 
 everything will have to be fetched by the men. 
 
 I hope to God I may never be attached to so helpless 
 an Army again ; once in a man's life is quite enough 
 to have to do with such a set of incapables. I have 
 not seen the papers yet, but understand the attacks 
 on Lord Raglan are most severe. It is now, however, 
 too late. 
 
 January \%th. Went down to the trenches, and was 
 glad to find one small shed erected. Got the Artillery 
 to bring nails up from Balaclava. 
 
 Rode to Balaclava and saw Mr. Filder again. No 
 use, although I took him a letter from the Quarter- 
 master-General. Went also for charcoal and got a 
 third of a load, or 1200 Ibs. ; no more landed. Again 
 time and labour thrown away. 
 
 January \tyh. Wrote to Sir John Campbell, report- 
 ing in strong terms the conduct of the Balaclava 
 authorities. I did not specify the Commissariat, for 
 had I, they would have said it was the fault of the 
 Navy, and vice versa. 
 
 January 2Qth. 63rd Regiment left us. Went to 
 Balaclava, and saw them settled.* 
 
 January 26tk. Went to Balaclava to superintend the 
 disembarkation of the drafts. Arrived late in camp, 
 having had to load my mare with the knapsacks of 
 the men, and to walk in my big boots. The drafts 
 consisted of detachments for the 2Oth, 46th, and Rifles 
 in all 100 men. 
 
 * They were practically annihilated, chiefly by disease and death. 
 W. H. R.
 
 106 GENERAL WIND HAM'S DIARY. 
 
 January 2jtk. Made arrangements about the bat 
 animals, and Mr. Balcombe was appointed transport 
 officer. 
 
 Saw Lord Raglan in camp this afternoon, and spoke 
 to him on the subject. The ammunition horses are to 
 be cleaned and kept with our bat animals. 
 
 January 2$th. At work again about the bat animals. 
 Went on board the Bucephalus, and had an interview 
 with Suckling regarding my horse-trough. It is to be 
 finished on Wednesday. (This was a trough for the 
 bat horses of the 4th Division.) 
 
 January $oth. Wrote a letter to Sir J. Campbell for 
 the perusal of the Quartermaster -General, but he 
 galloped off to Balaclava before I could catch him. 
 So I took it with me to Headquarters, and got 
 Wetherall to forward it to the Commissariat. Airey 
 seems to approve highly of the regulations I have 
 written out. 
 
 January ^ist. Ponies came up for the first time. 
 
 The night before last I sent to Headquarters a young 
 cadet of the Russian Artillery. They seem pleased 
 with his information and manners. 
 
 To-night we are warned by Lord Raglan to expect 
 an attack. 
 
 February 1st, 1855. There was more continual firing 
 of musketry and artillery between the French and 
 Russians last night than I remember since the siege 
 began. I have heard a much heavier cannonade, but 
 never so much pop shooting with small arms at the 
 same time. Called up by the corporal of the Battery
 
 BOSQUET'S DIVISION. 107 
 
 Guard at half-past four, as he said the Russians 
 were advancing. Found a strong musketry fire 
 going on, with occasional French bugles. Weather 
 thick. 
 
 Waited until the sortie was repulsed. It must have 
 been a heavy one, lasting an hour, and, as the moon 
 was full, or nearly so, the loss must have been serious ;* 
 but the French keep these things very close. 
 
 Bosquet's Division paraded this morning, and marched 
 towards Inkerman and back. They evidently expected 
 an attack this morning, and I daresay we should have 
 had one had not the Russians lost all their Artillery 
 horses, which, from what my Artillery cadet says, 
 appears to be the case. 
 
 Went to Headquarters and saw Lord Raglan. 
 Heard there that the sortie against the French was 
 a heavy one, and disastrous to them as to loss of 
 men, but that the enemy had not injured their 
 works. 
 
 Went on to Balaclava. On the two last occasions 
 of going there I plainly saw that they were acting 
 on the letter I wrote General Airey weeks ago. 
 They might have employed me to carry out the plan 
 I laid down ; I could have improved upon it. 
 
 However, so long as the work is done, I care not 
 whom it is done by. 
 
 February 2.nd. Went to Headquarters on " Inker- 
 man," who, I am glad to say, is better ; and, when 
 well, one of the nicest horses I ever rode. 
 
 Received more parts of huts, and gave one to the 
 Rifles and one to the 46th. 
 
 * The French loss was 16 killed, 30 wounded, and 1 8 taken prisoners. 
 Letters from Headquarters.
 
 io8 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY. 
 
 The worst of the winter was now over, and the 
 following letter to Mrs. Windham gives a more 
 cheerful description of the state of affairs : 
 
 " HEIGHTS ABOVE SEBASTOPOL, 
 
 " February 2nd, 1855. 
 
 ". . . . The Army is looking better, and is more 
 cheerful ; the weather has improved, and the Head- 
 quarters Staff are at last carrying out the suggestions 
 I made to the Quartermaster-General about ten weeks 
 ago ; so I hope by the warm weather, should peace be 
 declared, we may be able to get the Army down to 
 Balaclava. As to its moving ten leagues before 
 May, it is ridiculous to suppose it possible. No 
 preparations are ever made for what is to happen five 
 days in advance ; and, until dire experience teaches 
 them, they will never give up the system of favouritism 
 that rules supreme. If anyone at Headquarters had 
 an insight into human character, and a knowledge of 
 men, you would have seen very different appointments 
 from those that have been made. However, let us 
 hope that peace will be proclaimed, and then the 
 appointments won't matter a bit. It would be hard 
 on the majority of mankind if fools could not get 
 on, but it is certainly annoying that they should 
 so often have the power of life and death in their 
 hands. 
 
 " The Russians made a severe sortie against the 
 French yesterday morning, and inflicted a consider- 
 able loss on them, and took a good many prisoners. 
 The French were surprised. I had to listen to the 
 fight for hours, but it was too thick to see it ; but 
 I could hear the shooting and firing as it were under 
 my nose.
 
 DISTRIBUTION OF " THE CRIMEAN FUND." 109 
 
 " We lost nobody, they not having fired at us. 
 " I hear good accounts of the nurses here. 
 " February 3rd. There is snow again this morning, 
 but it will not last. . . . 
 
 " C. A. W." 
 
 February $rd. Distributed the oranges presented by 
 the " Crimean Fund," and more bits of huts. 
 
 I am glad to hear that the transport hut at Balaclava 
 is nearly finished, and I hope that in a week the system 
 will have settled into regularity. 
 
 Rode to Headquarters, and saw the prisoner cadet. 
 He seems to be in favour, and is decidedly a Pole. 
 Ordered up the tea (of the " Crimean Fund "), of which 
 the men are fully inclined to avail themselves. Very 
 cold ; snow, wind, and frost. 
 
 February ^th (Sunday). More huts came up, and 
 the " Crimean Fund " tea arrived, and was instantly 
 distributed. No church-parade, owing to the snow 
 and cold. 
 
 More assertions that the Russians would attack us 
 again, but I hardly believe it. The town is, however, 
 well garrisoned, and immensely strengthened in bat- 
 teries. 
 
 February 6th. Blake, who had come to the Crimea 
 to superintend the distribution of the " Crimean Fund," 
 rode to camp on my grey pony. Took him round 
 the trenches, and saw with disgust that the ignorance 
 of the Engineers, and the carelessness of regimental 
 officers, have rendered my felt sheds of little or no 
 use. 
 
 The unthriftiness of this Army is something won- 
 derful.
 
 GENERAL IVINDHAM'S DIARY. 
 
 February %th. Rode to Headquarters, and found the 
 Quartermaster-General's Staff absent. 
 
 This is another instance of the annoyance of the 
 centralizing system ; in other words, of the habit they 
 have in this Army of making everyone go to Head- 
 quarters for everything, instead of leaving each Division 
 to its own A.Q.-M.G. Why should this be ? 
 
 As to checking accounts and issues, it could easily 
 be arranged once a week, and endless trouble and 
 delay spared to all concerned. 
 
 But I must control myself even in this journal 
 although it is unquestionably disgusting to be put 
 under such a system, and to see men rewarded, as 
 those at Headquarters have been, for casting ruin and 
 havoc to the right and left through their ignorance, 
 or rather want of forethought and business habits. 
 
 Had they made up for it by any marvellous 
 superiority in fighting, it might have been borne ; 
 but this they have not done, though I am far from 
 accusing any of them wanting that commonest of all 
 qualities a sufficiency of pluck to pass muster. 
 
 High and devoted courage is rare and noble, but 
 common pluck is common pluck and nothing else. 
 
 February i6th. I have not written in this book 
 for a week, because things have gone on with so 
 much sameness, that I did not care to do so. I have 
 got up four or five more wooden houses. 
 
 Saw Lord Raglan in camp yesterday. 
 
 Rode to Kamiesh to-day with Sir John Campbell, 
 and on my return found Codrington and Newton. 
 We were soon after joined by Steele and Leicester 
 Curzon. Gave them some of Payne's cura^oa. Steele 
 gave us a most gratifying account of the disastrous
 
 THE "GREAT ERROR." m 
 
 state of the Russians at Bakshi Serai and Sim- 
 pheropol. 
 
 February \^th (Sunday}. Blew hard and cold 
 almost all day. 
 
 No church-parade on account of the parson being 
 sick. 
 
 Heard this morning that the Russians had really 
 attacked Omar Pasha at Eupatoria, and had been 
 fairly repulsed. 
 
 Also heard that our tactics were to be completely 
 changed. That Niel (the French Engineer) and 
 General Jones are both against an assault, and in 
 favour of an attack on the north side, and a regular 
 investment. I do not pretend to know if this be 
 true or not. Should it be so, it will be singular that 
 we should have been trying for six months to starve 
 ourselves, and should only now prepare to starve the 
 Russians. 
 
 Read some of the debates in the Commons and 
 Lords. All too violent against the late Ministers, and 
 if a Committee be appointed, they will, in their 
 present state of feeling, probably commit some 
 absurdity. After all, the great error has been the 
 management of the transport, both as to horses and 
 roads, to Balaclava ; and if they try to prove more than 
 this they will fail, except, perhaps, in the matter of 
 "overwork." There the Headquarters are equally 
 blamable, and showed great ignorance of ways and 
 means. 
 
 February iqth. Rode to Balaclava. I am glad to 
 say that that beastly place is at last being got into 
 some shape ; and I am proud to say that everything
 
 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY. 
 
 (except the boat canal) which I suggested in the be- 
 ginning of December last is being executed, almost 
 to the letter. 
 
 The railway is progressing fast, and will soon come 
 into operation. I heard to-day that the Russian loss 
 at Eupatoria had been heavy. 
 
 Got up the boarding of the last two huts, and I shall 
 now go on a planking and charcoal expedition with the 
 ponies. 
 
 February 2Qth. This morning, at two o'clock, Sir 
 John Campbell came and woke us up, and showed us 
 a memo, desiring that the troops be kept to their 
 camps during the day, and the officers in command 
 at the trenches warned that it was probable that we 
 should be attacked, as the French and English, under 
 Bosquet and Colin Campbell, were going out in force 
 to the right, and the enemy might think it a good 
 opportunity to try a rush at our batteries. 
 
 The morning proved perfectly fearful as to weather ; 
 very cold, much snow, and a regular " poudre," with fog 
 and a gale of wind. 
 
 The weather did not clear up till dark, and no attack 
 was made. 
 
 February 2ist. Heard that Sir Colin Campbell had 
 been out with his Brigade from Balaclava yesterday 
 morning, and had hit upon the Russians ; and, had 
 the French not been deterred by the state of the 
 weather, the Russians to the number of about 1500* 
 would probably have been picked up, as they were 
 unquestionably surprised. 
 
 * The strength of the Russian force was 7000. The combined English 
 and French force amounted to 15,000, it being hoped that the Russians 
 would be surrounded, and would surrender without fighting.
 
 THE DANGER OF GREAT NIGHT-ATTACKS. 113 
 
 February 22nd. Wrote to Gordon about some boilers 
 for hot water, that the Division might have a chance 
 of washing themselves. As yet have no positive answer 
 that the blankets may be washed, although I have men- 
 tioned the subject four times at Headquarters. There 
 appears to be a perfect paralysis when any plain little 
 common-sense thing is proposed. 
 
 February 2yd. At about 2 a.m. the French assaulted 
 the Russian battery to the right of the Round Tower 
 and failed, losing 240 men and officers. 
 
 It was a severe skirmish, and affords another proof 
 of the folly of night attacks, except with a very small 
 force, easily manageable, and well acquainted with one 
 another. 
 
 February 2^th. Spoke to the Quartermaster-General 
 about the boilers. He was friendly in his answer, but 
 finding none come, I resolved to send and buy them 
 out of my own pocket. 
 
 February 2^th. The washing of the blankets awaits 
 the orders of the Ordnance Department, no one being 
 willing to sanction the outlay of is. per blanket for 
 washing, although no hesitation is shown in condemning 
 and burying them by the score after the decision of a 
 Board. 
 
 Can anything beat this in the way of childishness ? 
 
 March Jth, 1855. Everything has gone on as usual 
 during the last few days. Last night the news arrived 
 by telegraph of the Emperor of Russia's death. 
 
 If true, the world will be the gainer for the time, but 
 a loser in the long run ; for I am convinced it would be 
 
 I
 
 ii4 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY. 
 
 for the benefit of mankind that constitutional opinions 
 should get the upper hand throughout Europe. 
 
 March 1 2th. A good deal of firing ; and the Russians 
 will soon complete, in addition to their two new bat- 
 teries to the east of Careening Bay, a strong redoubt 
 upon the hill to our right of the Round Tower, called 
 the Mamelon. I, of course, shall be called a mere 
 grumbler by any who may read this journal hereafter; 
 but I must say the conduct of the French and English 
 Engineers excites my astonishment in the highest 
 degree. What the devil they can be about I do not 
 know. It appears to me that they make it an axiom 
 that it is easier to take a work from the enemy, after 
 it is complete, than it is to take the position. This 
 appears to be a lively satire on the science of military 
 engineering. 
 
 We are now told that everyone knew that the 
 Mamelon was a desirable place for us to get, but that 
 we could not hold it, as we should be shelled out by 
 the shipping. Now all the talk is that it must be 
 taken. 
 
 It appears to me that, as the hill is within range, we 
 could have stopped the Russians from fortifying it as 
 well as they could stop us. 
 
 But no matter. This is an age of peace, and not of 
 war, and perhaps so much the better. 
 
 March i^th. During the day I watched two guns of 
 Gordon's battery firing at the Mamelon work, and the 
 Russian return fire. Our practice was, I thought, very 
 good ; the Russians seem to have fallen off. Probably 
 they have lost their best artillerymen. 
 
 Had another working-party, all of the 5/th, and very
 
 LORD RAGLAN'S FEARS. 115 
 
 well they worked, finishing filling in all the tent-holes 
 of the 63rd. 
 
 March I'jth. About 9 p.m. we were turned out 
 under arms, and were marched to the quarry. It all 
 ended in a French attack. 
 
 March \%th. Lord Raglan called at the camp at 
 about 6 p.m. He seemed nervous as to the Russians 
 attacking us. A young officer of the S/th, Lieutenant 
 Mitchell, was, I fear, mortally wounded through the 
 chest this day, in the WoronzofF road. 
 
 March 2Oth. Delivered the ponies to Captain Dick, 
 of the Land Transport Corps, and had from him a 
 sketch of the intended plan. It will be very expensive, 
 and not a bit more effective than the present one. 
 What we wanted was the horses ; as soon as we got 
 them we managed our transport well, and everyone 
 was contented. 
 
 March 2$rd. Last night the Russians made one of 
 the severest sorties they have yet made, but, owing to 
 the wind, we heard but little, though we could see all. 
 The Russians attacked our Left and Right Attacks, and, 
 still more severely, the French Right Attack. In the 
 advanced battery at the Green-hill (Lord West, Field 
 Officer of the trenches), the enemy succeeded in 
 getting in, killing five men and wounding ten. They 
 were driven out before they did any harm, and left two 
 officers and seven men dead in the trenches, and, it is 
 hoped, some outside; but we do not know, as we 
 cannot look up for fear of the rifle-pits. At Gordon's 
 advanced battery seven Russians were found dead.
 
 n6 GENERAL WINDHAATS DIARY. 
 
 The English lost three officers Vicars, 97th ; 
 Cavendish Brown, 7th Fusiliers ; and Jordan, 34th 
 killed. 
 
 Lieut-Colonel Kelly, 34th, missing, as is Montague 
 of the Engineers. Major Gordon, R.E.; McHenry, 7th; 
 Godfrey, 34th wounded. One corporal and fifteen 
 men are missing, and nine are known to be killed. 
 
 A very handsome and handsomely dressed Greek, 
 who led the Russians, was killed. They pretended, 
 as usual, to be French, and fought stoutly. 
 
 I went all over both attacks this morning, and 
 counted in front of the rifle-pits, and round one 
 in particular, twenty-eight French and forty-nine 
 Russians ; inside the French lines, seven French and 
 seven Russians. One Zouave was far in advance 
 up the Mamelon. The French, I hear, lost 400 men; 
 some say 600.* 
 
 Rode to Headquarters, and G , as usual, refused 
 
 my requisition, which on this occasion was for planking 
 for the Division. 
 
 March 2$th. Went down during the armistice to 
 see the dead buried in front of the advanced battery, 
 and carefully looked at the ground. 
 
 I am convinced that from this side we shall not 
 take the place ; at any rate, if we do, it must be 
 from a French attack, on the extreme left, supported 
 by the Fleet. 
 
 So much for my observation. I have only one 
 thing to add, and that is, that no ground can be 
 more easy to defend than that near our advanced 
 battery. 
 
 * Kinglake gives the French loss as 600 killed and wounded ; English 
 loss, 70 ; Russian loss, 1300.
 
 THE SIEGE CONTINUES, 117 
 
 Dined with General Barnard, and met Henry Keppel, 
 who still thinks he could take the St. Jean d'Acre 
 into the port, and I firmly believe he could and would 
 do it. 
 
 I decidedly agree with him that the Fleet should be 
 constantly under weigh, teasing the enemy, and com- 
 pelling him to man his sea batteries. 
 
 But I will not go on growling. 
 
 For my part, I think everything on the part of 
 the allies so slackly performed that I am perfectly 
 disgusted. 
 
 March $ist. The siege goes on as usual. More 
 work is required. Very few improvements are made, 
 except such as are produced by the weather 
 
 Spoke to Lord Raglan in camp. He appears to be 
 very cheerful, and quite happy about something or 
 other. Whatever errors of judgment he may commit, 
 he may certainly safely be copied by young and old as 
 to manner : no indifferent point, after all. 
 
 Hamilton went to Balaclava, and back by Head- 
 quarters, where G again cut down the requisition 
 
 (for planking) by one-half, without any apparent 
 reason. 
 
 April ist. Church-parade was ordered at noon, but, 
 owing to the cold, Sir John Campbell sent to the 
 clergyman and told him not to come. I think he was 
 right ; but certainly it is a long time since we have 
 seen a parson. 
 
 April yh. Had a talk with Calvert, the interpreter, 
 who seems to have very considerable military talent. 
 Calvert assured me that every one of the deserters
 
 n8 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY. 
 
 stated that for two days and a half after Alma the 
 Russians positively did nothing did not even take a 
 spade in their hands. 
 
 I look upon the non-pursuit of the Russians after 
 Alma as having cost the country 20,000 men, and 
 twenty millions.* 
 
 There is no entry in the Diary of the following day, 
 but some plain speaking in a letter to Mr. Anthony 
 Hudson : 
 
 "HEIGHTS ABOVE SEBASTOPOL, 
 
 " April 6th, 1855, 10 /.;;/. 
 "Mv DEAR ANTHONY, 
 
 "Marianne enclosed me last post a letter from 
 Charlotte, in which I see you have done me another 
 most kind and friendly turn. Many, many thanks ! 
 
 Everything goes on here as usual, except the weather, 
 which is now perfectly beautiful, and I only hope it 
 may so continue until we leave this place, which I do 
 sincerely hope may be soon. I am not a desponding 
 man, or a coward, but believe me that England must 
 
 not make a point of selecting all the d dest fools 
 
 she can find for civil, military, and naval commands, 
 both at home and abroad, if she wants to succeed in a 
 war against Russia. I have been hammering for weeks 
 at the transport for this Army when I say weeks, I 
 mean months and yet here we are, at the opening of a 
 campaign, unable to move five miles. By God ! it is 
 too bad. The Crimea would be far easier to take than 
 Sebastopol 40,000 men at Theodosia (cutting off their 
 supplies by Arabat from the Don), and they would 
 soon be done ; but here we go, on the contrary, tugging 
 
 * There is no exaggeration in the estimate. W. H. R.
 
 TO-MORROW! 119 
 
 up shot and shell to fire at this place, which the French 
 won't assault, and we can't. 
 
 " Oh, my dear Anthony, would to heaven that it had 
 pleased Providence to have put me at the head of this 
 Army at Eupatoria on the I5th of September ; you may 
 depend you would have seen my round face swinging 
 or sticking over many a pot-house down in Norwich ; 
 but now it is too late ; we have nothing else for it but 
 to make peace if we can, and take the chance of getting 
 up a central rising in Europe should Russia break out 
 hereafter. I am told here that I am looked upon as a 
 very good officer, which, I suppose, is the reason they 
 do nothing for me at home. 
 
 " Love to Charlotte and the girls. I hope Harriet is 
 better. 
 
 " Ever, my dear Anthony, 
 
 " Yours affectionately (as I ought to be), 
 
 " C. A. W. 
 
 "We are told every day that we shall open our 
 batteries if we do, it is all nonsense. They can do 
 nothing it will only end in a bombardment, an 
 investment, a retreat, or a peace. Take your choice !" 
 
 April Jilt. I have received this night an order to 
 prepare for an attack to-morrow, and everything is 
 ordered to be in readiness. For aught I know, it may 
 please God to prevent my seeing either wife or children 
 again in this world ; and, therefore, I am writing with 
 serious feelings, and with no levity. Yet I wish to 
 record my feelings ; and I do say that the imbecility 
 of the conduct of the Allies, arising from I know not 
 what beyond pure stupidity, surpasses human com- 
 prehension.
 
 120 GENERAL WlNDHAM'S DIARY. 
 
 But no matter : it is clear to me that God puts 
 whom He will at the head of affairs, and arranges all 
 things as He likes. 
 
 I hope it may please Him to carry me safely through 
 the battle to-morrow, if there is one, and let me see 
 
 Pern, and little W , and the other two, once more. 
 
 Should He think proper to order it otherwise His 
 will be done. I leave my love to all my family, and 
 to dear old Anthony, my best and truest friend. 
 
 April $th (Easter Sunday}. Divine Service at eleven. 
 Dined with Sir John Campbell ; and after we had 
 returned home, an order came from the A.-G., con- 
 firming the afternoon's rumour, that the batteries are 
 to open at daybreak to-morrow. The guards of the 
 trenches to be removed to the ravines in flank. 
 
 THE SECOND BOMBARDMENT. 
 
 April <)th. Got up before daylight, and found it 
 raining, and a thick fog besides. 
 
 At sunrise we began, except Gordon's battery, 
 which fired but little. The French fire is wonder- 
 fully heavy, and up to this (6.15 a.m.) the fire from 
 the town is unquestionably less than in the October 
 opening. 
 
 8.45 a.m. Up to this the firing seems greatly in 
 our favour. I had no idea of the Russians replying 
 so mildly. The truth is, I am fairly puzzled. 
 
 ii p.m. From all I can hear, our loss has been 
 slight. We are now shelling the town like the devil. 
 
 April io//z. The firing continued all night with 
 shells, and this m6rning the batteries began again. 
 The Russians, as yesterday, scarcely making any
 
 CAPTAIN OLDERSHAWS BATTERY. 121 
 
 reply, except from the Bastion du Mat, which was 
 reported yesterday, at noon, absolutely " extinct." 
 This morning, accordingly, it has fired with greater 
 vigour than ever. 
 
 Had a long talk before noon with General Penne- 
 father, who, I think, views the case soundly. His 
 description of the " moral " of the French is certainly 
 not encouraging, and he thinks, and with reason, that 
 the British would be neither wise nor successful in 
 making an assault. 
 
 April 1 1 th. We have kept up a steady fire all day ; 
 but I expect this bombardment will prove a failure, as 
 did the October one. 
 
 Had a long talk with Steele. We never agree. He 
 holds my opinions cheap (they may be right, never- 
 theless) ; I hold his cheaper, because they have been 
 wrong. 
 
 A young Artillery officer has, I hear, had both legs 
 amputated from a wound received to-day. Poor 
 fellow ! I hope that, for his own sake, he will die. 
 
 April \^th. The advance battery, on the left of 
 Green - hill, opened fire with four guns this day, 
 Captain Oldershaw, R.A., commanding. He was 
 quickly overpowered, and nearly all his men dis- 
 abled ; but I understand that Captain Oldershaw is 
 quite contented with the parapet, and, as he is 
 promised fourteen guns to-morrow, has volunteered 
 to take the command again. 
 
 The enemy concentrated twenty 68-pounders on 
 him. I hear he had about 40 killed and wounded 
 out of his party.* 
 
 * The survivors of Captain Oldershaw's party volunteered to a man to 
 serve in the same battery under him on the following day.
 
 122 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY. 
 
 April \^th. Yesterday the bombardment continued, 
 but not so heavily as before. 
 
 At 4 p.m. to-day I heard that the French were to 
 attack the Bastion du Mat at eight o'clock. They 
 did so, and the firing has just ceased. I hope they 
 have effected a lodgment, and that our week's 
 work of shooting shot and shell will not be thrown 
 away. 
 
 A letter to Mr. Hudson gives a somewhat fuller 
 account of the French attack, together with some 
 general comments on the events of the war : 
 
 " HEIGHTS ABOVE SEBASTOPOL, 
 
 " Sunday, April i$th, 1855. 
 
 " MY DEAR ANTHONY, 
 
 "After church, this day, I was informed that 
 something serious was intended, and thought it very 
 probable that the English would be called on to 
 assault some portion of the works. About 4 p.m. I 
 was, however, informed that the French intended to 
 spring a couple of mines, and then attack the 
 Bastion du Mat after dark. This they have just 
 done, and a short, sharp, angry fight they have had ; 
 but, at present, I don't know whether they have 
 succeeded or not. It is now about half-past ten p.m., 
 and the morning will show. If they have failed, I 
 look upon this business as hopeless, unless some 
 providential accident or other helps us through. 
 How true it is that ' War ' is usually a series of 
 mistakes. The conduct of the Allies, since we have 
 arrived in this country, has been one continued piece 
 of blundering stupidity; and our opening our batteries 
 on Monday last was, in my opinion, quite unnecessary.
 
 GENERAL LIPRANDPS ADVICE. 123 
 
 We have now fired upon the place for seven days, 
 have lost many hundreds of men, and, unless we 
 follow it up with bloody assaults at different places, 
 we shall never take it ; and, should we lose a large 
 amount of men in doing so (which is more than 
 probable), we shall have thrown away more life and 
 more money, for a useless object, than was ever 
 done before. For, mind you, with the southern part 
 of this place in hand, you will be no nearer a peace 
 than you are now ; for, until you take the northern 
 side (and perhaps not even then), Russia will never 
 consent to the non-reconstruction of the fortifications 
 here ; and as they will have, in the course of a day 
 or two, 100,000 men effective within twenty miles of 
 us, it will not be so easy to take the northern side. 
 N'importe, if the French have taken the Bastion du 
 Mat to-night, and can hold it, a great point is gained 
 quo ad the capture of the place. To revert to the 
 question of the mistakes made in war. I believe if 
 General Liprandi's advice had been followed in 
 October last, we should have been done. Take your 
 map (or, if you should have none, I will enclose you 
 a rough sketch). His wish was to make an attack, with 
 10,000 men, at Inkerman ; to have thrown the same 
 number right at Balaclava ; and then, with 45,000 men, 
 to have marched straight up the Col de Balaclava, 
 and turned our whole position, a sortie being made 
 against the French Left, the same as it was on the 5th 
 of November. Had he succeeded, we should have 
 been hopelessly lost ; and had he failed, they would 
 equally have been done ; but the chances were in his 
 favour, particularly if they had never made the attack 
 at Balaclava on the 25th of October, inasmuch as 
 we never dreamt of their having such audacity, and
 
 124 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY. 
 
 were only dreaming of entering the town. I shall 
 now close for to-night, and resume, as the parsons 
 say, the thread of my discourse to-morrow. 
 
 , 10 p.m. 
 
 " Last night was most noisy, unceasing firing, 
 springing fougasses, &c. ; but I have discovered at 
 Headquarters that, though the French had entered, 
 and remained in, the Bastion du Mat all night, 
 they thought proper to withdraw in the morning. 
 I of course expected a renewal of the attack 
 to-night, but up to this minute there has been none, 
 and this night is as quiet as last night was noisy. 
 Our chiefs seem to do nothing but hold consulta- 
 tions, and I do not put the slightest faith in any 
 of them but Omar Pasha. 
 
 " I believe the Russians will have 100,000 effective 
 men at Batchi Serai in a day or two, and that, with- 
 out immense risk, loss, and luck, we shall never take 
 the place. I only sincerely hope that I may receive, 
 by the mail to-morrow, news of peace from Vienna, 
 and that I may get safely home. I do not expect 
 ever to get anything for what I have gone through. 
 I don't eat humble pie enough, or listen with sufficient 
 humility to some titled or official fool, to get on ; but 
 if I only get back again, and should ever be once more 
 employed, I must have the devil's luck, and my own 
 too, if I do not get a better lot over my head than I 
 have now. 
 
 " To revert to Liprandi. It was his intention, after 
 rising the Col de Balaclava, to have marched straight 
 upon Sebastopol, and have crushed the left wing of 
 the French. It would have been an awful hubbub 
 had he tried it ; and had he been worsted he could
 
 LIPRANDPS MARCH. 
 
 125 
 
 still have got into Sebastopol. Had he done this on 
 a foggy day, like the 5th of November, he would 
 have succeeded. 
 
 " I send you on the other side a small sketch. 
 
 " Love to Charlotte and the girls. 
 
 " Yours ever affectionately, 
 
 " C. A. W." 
 
 The dotted line shows Liprandi's intended march and attack on 
 Balaclava and the Allies.
 
 126 GENERAL WIND HAM'S DIARY. 
 
 April \6th. Rode to Headquarters, and found that 
 the French had not accomplished what they had 
 announced that they intended doing, but it appears 
 that they occupied the Flagstaff Battery all night. 
 
 I dined with David Wood, and, before dinner, had 
 a long talk with General Pennefather. Touched on 
 Cathcart, and the proceedings of the 4th Division at 
 the battle of Inkerman. 
 
 I find he knows as much of our proceedings as I 
 do of his, which is exactly what I thought; but he 
 is the hero of the battle. 
 
 What with unintentional and intentional misrepre- 
 sentations, not once in a thousand times do you 
 come at the truth. 
 
 To give an idea of what General Pennefather's 
 notion was of the 4th Division, I will just mention 
 that when I told him the Division did not go to the 
 right, although Cathcart did, and that the whole of 
 the men who went down the hill numbered about 
 380, he said : 
 
 "Well, that's pretty well out of 700." 
 
 " Why," I said, " Sir, we lost 747 killed and wounded 
 (in the Division), and 51 officers, 29 of whom were 
 killed." 
 
 He looked astonished. 
 
 April \^th. I understand that yesterday Lord 
 Raglan proposed to storm, and said he was ready. 
 This pleases many, but does not please me, nor did 
 it the French. 
 
 If we stormed we should be beaten. 
 
 What we shall do now, I know not. Our transport 
 is not ready, and, in fact, the Army is no army, and 
 is incapable of moving twenty miles. The French
 
 THE LOSS OF EGERTON. 127 
 
 are just as badly off as ourselves. In fact, we have 
 not a man amongst us. 
 
 April 19^/2. At night the Light Division attacked 
 the rifle-pits by the Woronzoff road. 
 
 April 2Oth. The attack last night succeeded, but 
 we lost 68 killed and wounded; among the former, 
 Colonel Egerton of the 77th, a fine fellow. 
 
 April 2$th. Heard that yesterday's unceasing fire by 
 the French on the left arose from their determination to 
 prevent the Russians from occupying the vacant rifle- 
 pits at the head of their advanced sap. Notwithstand- 
 ing their labours, the Russians occupied the pits, and 
 were in full possession this morning. 
 
 If true, this looks as if the French were no match for 
 them at this sort of close work, and I really begin to 
 think that they are not. The Army appears to be dull, 
 and in expectation of nothing. I do not like the idea 
 of assaulting under present circumstances. 
 
 April 26th. In the afternoon rode to the right, and 
 saw a review of Bosquet's Corps and the French 
 Cavalry. The men under arms amounted to 33,000, 
 and looked very well. Canrobert did not. 
 
 What a pity it is that we should have no real leader 
 in either Army. The French are, I think, worse off 
 than we are. They have as much prejudice, and more 
 conceit. 
 
 April 2%th. Met Morris, of the Artillery, who is 
 attached as A.D.C. to Bosquet. He told me that 
 Canrobert's letters to France are full of complaints as 
 to the English, and the hindrance we have been to him.
 
 128 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY. 
 
 He also said that the French were much disappointed 
 in Canrobert as a general. 
 
 The French force he states at 55,000 effectives : 
 very small this, and, if correct, shows they must have 
 suffered immense losses. 
 
 April 2Qth. The French on the left are keeping up 
 an incessant fire (11 p.m.). The perseverance they 
 show in fighting in the trenches is really wonderful, 
 and I must admit I think them quite right in re- 
 fusing to assault. 
 
 There are no entries in the Diary on the two following 
 days, but a letter to Mr. Hudson shows the intense 
 indignation excited in the Army by the partial dis- 
 tribution of rewards, and by the meanness with 
 which the soldier of that day was treated by the 
 authorities : 
 
 " HEIGHTS ABOVE SEBASTOPOL, 
 
 " April $Qth, 1855, 10 p.m. 
 
 " MY DEAR ANTHONY, 
 
 "The mail from England arrived this morning, 
 but as usual they do not choose to forward the letters 
 to camp, and I therefore shall not be able to answer 
 by return of post, as the mail leaves here to-morrow 
 morning. These delays occur constantly, and are 
 most irritating. I suppose England is not particularly 
 pleased at the failure of the last bombardment, or 
 rather artillery attack ; for my part, I never doubted 
 its failing, and am therefore neither surprised nor 
 annoyed. It is true that I cannot for the life of me 
 understand why we opened fire at all, but I suppose 
 they had their reasons.
 
 THE REWARDS OF WAR. 129 
 
 " I feel convinced we shall now wait until some large 
 reinforcements arrive, and with these, and time and 
 blood and money, we may take a place that common 
 dash would have carried, after Alma, with no loss at 
 all. I suppose I shall never get promoted when I see 
 Torrens, who commanded six companies, and was 
 wounded in six minutes, made a Major-General ; 
 when I see Sir John Campbell and General Eyre 
 (the latter a junior Lieutenant- Colonel to me) both 
 made Major-Generals, although they have neither been 
 really under fire with their brigades since they have 
 been here, I must say I think it hard that I, who took 
 Torrens' place and kept it for seven hours (having 
 many more men under me), should be passed over with 
 no kind of notice. The direct act of injustice about 
 the ride to the Katcha I forgive ; but this last case, 
 with both the brigades of my Division vacant, to give 
 neither to either Horn or myself, is too bad. 
 
 " It is perfectly true that Colonel G , who landed 
 
 three days after the battle, was my senior, and that I 
 have had no junior put over me ; but God bless me, 
 were we not told that merit was to be the order of the 
 day? If not, upon what principle are Lord R. and all 
 the other generals promoted over the heads of their 
 seniors ? Had the old system been adhered to I would 
 have said nothing ; but I must say that I did expect, 
 having been at every fight, I should have had some 
 consideration shown me ; but really and truly the 
 British Government is not a Government to serve 
 under. Most of the best men in this Army yea, 
 Egerton (killed the other day), and many others have 
 got nothing, and I firmly believe never will have. 
 
 "If we are to be rewarded, it is a d d shame not 
 
 to do so at once. Is it the fault of the Army that 
 
 K
 
 130 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY. 
 
 Sebastopol is not taken ? Have the heads not 
 blundered, and hesitated, and pottered away thousands 
 of poor devils who would a million of times sooner 
 have died in the breach ? Why then reward the heads, 
 who have done all the mischief, and decline giving 
 anything to the men, who have done all the work ? 
 The Emperor of Russia allows the defenders of 
 Sebastopol to count one month's service in the town 
 during the siege for six months, whereas that old 
 petrified dandy, Lord Palmerston, won't even allow 
 the winter campaign, that has absolutely killed one 
 man out of three, to count for aught extra this is 
 purely brutal. To-day is cold ; the weather is, how- 
 ever, soon going to be hot, and, I am sorry to say, 
 fever is on the increase, and we have a few cases of 
 cholera. I expect we shall await our transport until 
 the heat knocks down the Army ; and not until 
 England rises in a towering passion do I see any 
 chance of getting rid of the horrid imbeciles that 
 beset us on all hands. As to the French, they are 
 worse off for Generals than we are ; they have as 
 much prejudice, and a great deal more conceit ; and I 
 believe their Army here to be thoroughly disgusted 
 with their Generals and Engineers, and well they may 
 be. This is a growling letter ; but I am angry at the 
 letters not having arrived, and at everything going 
 wrong. Love to Charlotte and the girls. 
 
 " Ever, my dear Anthony, 
 
 " Yours affectionately, 
 
 " C. A. W." 
 
 May 2nd, 1855. Observed about mid-day, with Sir 
 John Campbell's glass a new and powerful one
 
 GENERAL BELLA MARMORA. 131 
 
 that a large body of Russians were entering the 
 town. At about 3 p.m. the Russians made a sortie 
 upon the French Left Attack. The fight lasted an 
 hour, and the firing very heavy. 
 
 Heard to-day that a force of ten thousand French 
 and English troops were to go to Kertch. At last 
 they appear to open their eyes to what is wanted. 
 
 May &th. Having finished my old book, I have 
 neglected to write my Diary for a week. 
 
 On Sunday last I heard at Headquarters that the 
 expedition to Kertch had been recalled by General 
 Canrobert, from orders received from Paris. Here 
 the "worry" has been going on as usual. In fact, 
 this campaign is enough to drive anyone mad 
 nothing but waste, stupidity, orders, and counter- 
 orders. 
 
 May tyh. Rode to Headquarters, and presented 
 Airey with a calculation of transport animals 
 necessary to move an Army of 24,000 Infantry, 3000 
 Cavalry, and 3000 Artillery, with fourteen days' 
 provision and ammunition complete. 
 
 General della Marmora arrived at Headquarters 
 while I was there quite a young, active man. 
 
 I was yesterday shown a letter from General Yorke 
 to Lord Raglan, informing him that Lord Hardinge 
 did not think it proper to recommend me for an 
 advance of rank. This advance would have given 
 me 200 per annum, and seeing that I have served 
 Her Majesty twenty-nine years, and have never yet 
 received one shilling that I have not paid for, I did 
 think I might have had a chance. As it is, my 
 insurances swallow up my pay, and as those who
 
 132 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY. 
 
 have not been here during the winter are to be given 
 the good things, I must content myself with the 
 reflection that if I have done but little, I have, at any 
 rate, received nothing. 
 
 The expedition to Kertch, which sailed a week 
 ago, arrived safely at its destination, and was about 
 to disembark, when it was recalled by General 
 Canrobert. 
 
 This little pleasing episode cost us 50,000 in 
 coals, and has not a little disgusted those sent 
 upon it. 
 
 I have heard various reasons given for its recall, 
 but do not pretend to know the real one. Should 
 it occasion the Russians to strengthen themselves 
 there and at Kaffa, we must hark back, and go over 
 the old ground. 
 
 May IO//Z. This morning at one o'clock, it 
 being very dark, a sortie was made by the Russians 
 on Gordon's Advanced Parallel ; it was quickly 
 repulsed, with much cheering, and small loss. I soon 
 saw, from the quantity of shells thrown by the enemy, 
 that they had not succeeded. 
 
 (From a letter to Mr. Hudson, of same date?) 
 
 " Whether my eyes have been blinded by looking 
 at Sebastopol every day, and all day (to say nothing 
 of the nights), is a matter for your judgment ; but, 
 supposing they are not, I am free to confess that I 
 do not see how we are to take this side of the town 
 without immense loss of life, time, and money ; and 
 when we have taken it, I cannot see what use it will 
 be to us, as we cannot use the harbour until we have 
 conquered the north side as well.
 
 CALCULA TIONS. 133 
 
 "To do this, an Army (either this or some other) 
 must move, and I therefore have said, and do say, 
 that to attack this south side by assault, to lose 
 thousands of men in doing so, and to risk a defeat, 
 is pure insanity. If unsuccessful, all the ' prestige ' 
 now in our favour will be gone, and many of our 
 men with it ; if successful, we shall have to draw 
 off, and attack the Army on the outside, either by 
 crossing the Tchernaya, embarking at Balaclava for 
 Aloushta, or some place to the eastward or by 
 going by sea to Eupatoria. 
 
 " I am aware that some men think that the north 
 side could be easily and rapidly attacked from the 
 south side ; but I believe they are thoroughly in 
 the wrong. 
 
 "The Allies, as I have oft repeated for months, 
 ought to have been ready to move, if wanted, on 
 the ist of May they are not : it is of no importance 
 to my argument to know who is to blame for this 
 flagrant error. 
 
 " I made a calculation some days ago, for the 
 Quartermaster- General, as to the number of baggage 
 animals it would take to move an Army of 24,000 
 Infantry, 3000 Cavalry, and 3000 Artillery, with 14 
 days' provisions, forage, and reserve ammunition ; 
 together with all its camp equipage, and forage, for 
 its bat animals. 
 
 "I found that it would require 15,000 mules, or 
 horses, and 5000 transport men, the meat being 
 driven with the troops, and killed as required. 
 
 " 3500 two-wheeled carts, and 8000 animals, would 
 do better. 
 
 "If 30,000 British troops could be moved with this 
 amount of transport, I do not see why others could
 
 134 GENERAL WIND HAM'S DIARY. 
 
 not do as much ; and as every man can, as we did, 
 carry, at any rate, two days' provisions on his back, 
 I think twice the amount of transport I have 
 mentioned might move an army of nearly 100,000 
 men for ten days. 
 
 " Owing to the withdrawal of the expedition to 
 Kertch, and its appearance in that quarter having 
 awakened the enemy, I should be inclined now, all 
 things considered, to try Eupatoria. 
 
 " The greatest mistake the enemy has made since 
 we landed in this country was the not attacking and 
 taking Eupatoria, before advancing against us at 
 Balaclava and Inkerman last year. 
 
 " Liprandi's plan of attack, if carried out against 
 us at Inkerman, would, I think, have succeeded ; 
 but no matter, they made a fatal mistake when 
 they allowed us to get a firm hold of Eupatoria, 
 and by it will probably, if the war lasts, lose the 
 Crimea. 
 
 " My plan is to give up the trenches (if compelled 
 to do so by events), and strengthen ourselves in every 
 possible way upon the heights ; then to assemble 
 every possible means of transport at Eupatoria, to 
 collect there all the Cavalry, and every man we can 
 spare, and make a bold advance straight on 
 Simpheropol, and bring the campaign to an issue 
 by one or two great fights. 
 
 " I am told that the French have now more than 
 40,000 men at Constantinople, and nearly as many 
 more coming. 
 
 "We must now have nearly 100,000 men upon 
 these heights, and when we get the whole of the 
 Sardinians (4000 have arrived), we surely can hold 
 this place, and Eupatoria also, safely, in conjunction
 
 CHOLERA AGAIN. 133 
 
 with the Turks, and yet advance against the Russians 
 at Simpheropol with 100,000 men. 
 
 " If we do this we shall win, but we must not 
 potter away our time here and pertinaciously, like 
 an old Leicester tup, keep butting against the post 
 when the gate is wide open before us. 
 
 "If we persist in attacking the Russian Army 
 through Sebastopol (for that is what we are doing), 
 we shall merely play their game, and waste everything 
 that is most valuable, and probably shall not get away 
 from this cursed place before the winter. 
 
 " We have had a few cases of cholera, but I hope 
 the heat won't begin in earnest before the latter end 
 of June, and until then we shall, I hope, do well 
 enough. 
 
 " You cannot think how disgusted I have been with 
 things here ; and when I read Lord Palmerston's 
 speech, declining to allow this winter campaign to 
 count for anything extra in the way of service, I felt 
 more disgusted than at anything I ever knew in my 
 life. 
 
 " Had he consented it would have cost the country 
 next to nothing, for how many will ever live to benefit 
 by it? 
 
 "It was a harsh and cruel decision, and when I look 
 back at the ungrumbling manner in which the private 
 soldier laid down his health and life during the last 
 horrid winter, I feel certain that none but a pampered 
 statesman would ever have made such a speech. 
 
 " Yours ever, though wet and tired, 
 
 " C. A. W."
 
 136 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY. 
 
 May \2tk. Just after I had coiled myself up in 
 my blankets, a sapper came and stated there had 
 been a heavy attack on the Green-hill Advance, and 
 asked for an ambulance waggon. 
 
 I turned out and got on my horse (1.30 a.m.), 
 went to Major Grant, and ordered one. 
 
 I then returned and went to the trenches, and found 
 there were thirty-six killed and wounded on our side, 
 and about twelve Russians killed in the trenches. 
 
 Macbeath was much pleased with the conduct of the 
 men. Shocking wet night, and some of the men 
 severely wounded. Captain Edwards, of the 68th, 
 killed. 
 
 May \$th (Sunday}. Sent for early by the Quarter- 
 master-General, and fancied I should, on seeing him, 
 hear something of importance; but it all ended in his 
 sending me to Balaclava to enquire into fuel and ration 
 questions, thus giving me a long ride for absolutely 
 nothing for how is it possible that I should con- 
 tradict the reports of two gentlemen at the head of 
 their departments? 
 
 Alas ! it is really painful to see a really good- 
 tempered man like Airey placed in such a position. 
 He would have made a very good brigadier, but is 
 utterly unfit for his present place. 
 
 May i^th. Went this day with Sir John Campbell, 
 and was examined by Sir John McNeil and Colonel 
 Tulloch. 
 
 I answered very few questions, for the plain reason 
 that I did not know they were examining us both 
 together. 
 
 I could see that the examination took a line that
 
 CANROBERT. 137 
 
 must damage Airey very much ; indeed, it is difficult 
 to see how it could do otherwise, or how he can get 
 over the fearful delay in issuing the things sent from 
 England, occasioned by his plan of making everything 
 pass through Headquarters, and not allowing the 
 Divisional Staff to have anything to do with the 
 subject, beyond the passing on of requisitions. 
 
 May \tyth. Heard to-day that Canrobert was 
 certainly displaced, and the command of the French 
 given to Pelissier.* 
 
 Sent down eight carts for the Rifles' huts, with 
 written authority for their issue, and found there 
 were none left. How annoying are these arrange- 
 ments. 
 
 May 22nd. Expedition sailed to Kertch. 
 
 About twelve midnight a most heavy fire began 
 on the left between the French and Russians, and 
 lasted till near daylight. The loss, I should think, 
 must be severe, and I only hope the French have 
 succeeded in doing what they wanted. 
 
 Matters are unquestionably pressed on more 
 vigorously than by Canrobert. 
 
 May 2-$rd. Heard this morning that the French 
 loss last night amounted to 1200. This, I trust, is 
 exaggerated. 
 
 May 2^th Went to the Cavalry review, near 
 Monastir. When talking to Mrs. Duberly, Omar 
 Pasha came up and spoke to her. He is a soldier- 
 
 * General Canrobert behaved in a very soldierlike and manly way 
 under most difficult circumstances, and earned the generously-expressed 
 admiration of Lord Raglan.
 
 138 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY. 
 
 like looking man, and his appearance by far more 
 military and gentlemanlike than that of the French 
 generals. Pelissier seems, however, to have stirred up 
 the French. Their loss the night before last was 
 between iioo and 1200 men, but last night the 
 Russians bolted, and the French completed what 
 they wanted to do, and are now very cock-a-hoop. 
 There is much talk of the Mamelon being assaulted 
 to-night. 
 
 What I believe is certain is, that a large force will 
 go to-morrow into the valley of the Tchernaya, and 
 stay there. 
 
 It is now late, and the shelling is very heavy. What 
 is singular is that the Russians have sent seven 
 steamers to anchor off the Mamelon, which proves 
 their information to be pretty good. The ships, how- 
 ever, seem to have done harm the night before last, 
 having killed a large number of their own men. Their 
 loss is said to have been 4000 men that night. 
 
 May 2$th. This morning found that a large portion 
 of the Army had moved from our rear and from 
 Balaclava, and now occupy the heights close to the 
 Tchernaya, immediately in front of the redoubts lost 
 by the Turks on October 25th. 
 
 The Russians did not dispute the ground, but made 
 off as fast as they could. 
 
 May 2jth. Heard this morning that the expedition 
 to Kertch arrived and disembarked there on the 24th ; 
 also that the Russians had blown up their batteries, 
 and deserted the place. 
 
 Our men are now at Yenikali, and have captured 
 fifty guns and destroyed a large foundry.
 
 S/K JOHN CAMPBELL. 139 
 
 At Headquarters to-day I heard Sir E. Lyons most 
 highly spoken of. Steele says they have information 
 that the Russians acknowledge to having lost 50,000 
 men out of the 80,000 they had here during the winter. 
 The enemy certainly has had a very bad week of it 
 from the French. 
 
 May ^Qth. No change among the troops outside. 
 
 Walked round the trenches with Pakenham and 
 Smith. The guns are unquestionably heavier, the 
 mortars more advanced, and ammunition more plenti- 
 ful than before ; and people seem to think that 
 something will really be done in the next bombard- 
 ment. 
 
 I nevertheless disapprove of it, and think it perfectly 
 useless. The Army outside should be beaten first, and 
 then both sides taken at once. 
 
 June 1st, 1855. After dinner I met Sir John 
 Campbell on his return from dining with Lord Raglan. 
 He told me that we had had very considerable success 
 in the Sea of Azof, had captured or destroyed 240 
 coasting vessels, four men-of-war steamers, and six 
 millions of rations. 
 
 June 2nd. Sir John came this forenoon and showed 
 me a " confidential " memo, from Lord Raglan, by 
 which it appears that we are soon to attack the 
 quarries in front of the Redan. It does not say if 
 the attack is to be made by night or day, but the rest 
 of the plan is plain enough. But I cannot see what we 
 can want to take the Quarries for until the French try 
 the Mamelon, and then I think it would be wiser to 
 attack the whole place at once, instead of losing
 
 HO GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY. 
 
 hundreds of men in these nasty little "bit-by-bit" 
 affairs. 
 
 June ^rd. Yesterday afternoon Sir John Campbell 
 announced that he was ordered off to Kertch, and gave 
 up the command of the Division.* I am sorry for it, 
 as he is a good-tempered and agreeable man, cheerful, 
 kind, and hospitable. Last night he gave me his cave, 
 and to-day made me a present of half his cocks and 
 hens, and his ewe and lamb, besides pots of marma- 
 lade, &c. 
 
 June Ajh. Sir John Campbell left us, and went to 
 Balaclava. He had not gone long when up came 
 Bentinck, and, though unwell, I stayed some time with 
 him. Ordered a fatigue-party to put the ground in 
 order for his horses, &c. He and his A.D.C., Greville, 
 dined with us. He has very kindly ordered Smith and 
 me to dine with him every day. 
 
 June $th. Went to Headquarters, and on to Bala- 
 clava ; very hot indeed. I cannot find out if the 
 Russians have as yet shown any symptoms of being 
 hard hit by our Kertch operations. 
 
 June 6tk. Another very fine day, but did not go out, 
 not being well yet. 
 
 At 3 p.m. our batteries opened against the place, and 
 towards evening the Russian fire certainly did not 
 appear strong. Fire continued all night on our part, 
 and the enemy scarcely returned a shot. Heard that 
 the French Cavalry (if not ours also) were to advance 
 
 * To Lieutenant-General Bentinck, who had returned to the Crimea 
 from England.
 
 THE ATTACK ON "THE QUARRIES.'' 141 
 
 up the country, and that an attack was to be made 
 upon the Mamelon by the French, and on the Quarries 
 in front of the Redan by us, to-morrow. 
 
 This I think likely, and I hope it will prove true. 
 Something, I fully expect, will come off, and the 
 sooner the better. 
 
 June 7th, A few minutes after ten a magazine in 
 Gordon's Attack blew up with a very heavy discharge, 
 and I am afraid has done considerable damage. 
 Daniell came up from Balaclava, and called on me. 
 While he was here Bentinck informed me that the 
 intended attack on the Quarries and Mamelon were 
 to take place at half- past five o'clock p.m. An hour 
 later news arrived that, owing to the heat, the French 
 would not attack till half-past six. 
 
 At a quarter-past six the signal went, and they 
 attacked the Mamelon, and carried it with little or no 
 opposition. 
 
 Previous to the attack I accompanied Norcott and 
 300 of the 68th to the Woronzoff road, and placed 
 them in reserve and, I hoped, in safety. I took 
 Hamilton with me and left him there. On our way 
 down a 42 -pounder came slap into the middle of the 
 men, but, thank God, hurt no one. 
 
 After seeing the men safely placed, I returned and 
 reported the fact to Bentinck, and watched the attack. 
 
 The French took the Mamelon quickly and gallantly, 
 and with very little loss ;. but as soon as they had done 
 so, they (as far as I could see) chose to follow on and 
 attack the Malakoff Tower. Here they were warmly 
 received, and lost, I fancy (I am writing at midnight, 
 and don't know), a great many men. 
 
 Somehow or other they appeared to be driven from
 
 142 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY. 
 
 the Mamelon, as well as out of the Round Tower, 
 and were positively attacked in their trenches, until 
 a reserve came up, retook the Mamelon, and reattacked 
 the Tower, unsuccessfully. 
 
 We could see nothing of the proceedings of the 
 British owing to the dense smoke, but at about 8 p.m. 
 General Pennefather sent to Bentinck, saying he was 
 hard pressed, and wanted two battalions to support him. 
 These were quickly told off, and P. Herbert desired 
 me to march them past Pennefather's tent, and learn 
 where they were to go. 
 
 My horse being saddled, and the men not ready, 
 I rode to General Pennefather's (thinking thereby to 
 save time), when I found he thought that I was already 
 at the advanced works. 
 
 Now, seeing that I had not had any notice of his 
 distress above five or six minutes before I called on 
 him, I was certainly surprised at his being astonished 
 that I was not already in the advanced trenches. My 
 surprise was, however, increased when, upon my gallop- 
 ing back and going to the i/th lines, a distance of at 
 most 300 yards, to find the men falling in, and Colonel 
 P. Herbert present, who told me that six hundred men 
 I was about to march down should only act as a 
 reserve, and on no account be taken to the front. 
 
 No sooner had I sent Earle with this order to 
 General Bentinck, thereby letting him know that I 
 considered that I was no longer under the orders of 
 General Pennefather, but of Lord Raglan, than I 
 received an order to turn in the whole of the six 
 hundred men, and to march down a separate party, 
 previously told off as a second reserve, under Colonel 
 Maxwell, of the 46th, to the support of Colonel Norcott, 
 whom I had originally taken down.
 
 DESCRIPTION OF " THE MA MELON." 143 
 
 So much for having a variety of " Kings of 
 Brentford." 
 
 On arriving on the scene of action I found that Lord 
 Raglan was quite right, and General Pennefather quite 
 wrong, as everything was going on successfully, and 
 there being no appearance of our losing (either French 
 or English) the ground we had taken. 
 
 June 8///. A nasty, blowy, dusty day. 
 
 Went early to Headquarters, having been sent for to 
 receive, as usual, the most childish orders. Remained 
 in camp until I marched down Colonel Kirby and the 
 48th to the Woronzoff road. A mistake was made 
 about a party of 250 men going to the Right Attack ; 
 not Smith's fault. They did not leave camp till mid- 
 night. 
 
 June qth. At 12 o'clock there was an armistice to 
 bury the dead. I rode to the Quarries, where I found 
 some thirty of our men dead, or being carried away, 
 and about two hundred Russians. 
 
 I went as close to the Redan as the Russian sentries 
 would allow, and I looked both at their officers and 
 men. They looked, according to my opinion, annoyed 
 and distressed. They were captious at officers looking 
 at the Redan; and there was no one, as on the last 
 occasion, to ask us when we intended going away. 
 
 I afterwards rode on to the Mamelon, and a very 
 clever, well-contrived work it is, and I hope it will 
 prove a good lesson to our gentlemen of the Engineers. 
 The parapet was immensely thick, and the space in rear 
 of the guns very narrow. The screen in the rear was 
 also very thick say twenty feet and the work was 
 mostly built of gabions about eight feet high.
 
 144 GENERAL IVINDHAM'S DIARY. 
 
 The confusion in it was not so great as the 
 description would have led one to suppose, although 
 there were, of course, many guns upset and broken, 
 and many Russians buried, half buried, and unburied 
 lying here and there. 
 
 The loss of the French, in taking it, appears to have 
 been very small ; and had they not gone on, contrary 
 to orders and without supports, to the attack of the 
 Malakoff Tower, they would have lost few men, and 
 be where they are with many of their best men alive. 
 
 June loth. Rode to Headquarters, and saw Lord 
 Raglan about Cathcart's monumental inscription in 
 Russian. He asked me to dinner, and I accordingly 
 stayed, and had a pleasant dinner. Had a long talk 
 with him and also with Airey. The latter appears, 
 and is, a much better man in theory than in practice, 
 on paper than in action. In fact, to judge from his 
 conversation, had he had his own way, the whole 
 management of the Army would have been exactly the 
 reverse of what it has been. 
 
 He told me that the Russians had 45,000 men in the 
 town, and plenty of provisions ; but, upon my telling 
 him that I did not believe the Russians could bring 
 60,000 men into the field against us, he agreed. 
 
 June nth. Rode with Bentinck, Smith, and Greville 
 to Kamiesh. The French have nearly, if not quite, 
 finished the ditch and rampart round this town for 
 re-embarkation. It strikes me that it is using rather 
 a superabundance of caution, but as they have lots 
 of hands, it is perhaps as well. 
 
 What the devil can Russia mean by not coming 
 to terms? Is it not surprising to see a nation con-
 
 TOWARDS THE REDAN. 145 
 
 tinuing an immense war like this, when she cannot, 
 by any conceivable success, make us do more than we 
 ourselves are willing to do viz., go away, and remove 
 our Army. 
 
 June \2th. Went to Headquarters by appointment, 
 but Airey had not time to speak to me about the 
 place of attack I pointed out to him on the evening 
 of the roth. I rode with him, and we selected a place 
 for the 63rd, which regiment will rejoin the Division 
 to-morrow (having been completely reconstituted). 
 
 We have made a further advance towards the Redan, 
 and have got two mortars into the battery. It is to be 
 armed with two lo-inch and three 32-pounder guns, 
 and these two mortars. 
 
 By a deserter we hear it is asserted that the town 
 is all mined, and that the Russians are ready to spring 
 the mines and quit for the other side as soon as we 
 advance. 
 
 This, however, is more easily said than done, unless 
 they are determined to blow themselves up with us. 
 They are certainly in a very considerable funk, and, 
 if I were Commander-in-Chief, I would immediately 
 assault the heights and shut them up, and go at the 
 town on the other side. 
 
 The man said that of his regiment of 1 500 they had 
 only fifty left. 
 
 June \^th. The 6jrd come to-morrow instead of 
 to-day. At about half-past six Lord Raglan rode 
 into camp to call on McPherson, and afterwards came 
 and looked at Sir George Cathcart's tomb, and decided 
 upon the Russian inscription being placed upon the 
 centre. When at the fort, he looked at the town and 
 
 L
 
 146 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY. 
 
 advanced works through my glass, asked many 
 questions, and remained there for some time. Sir 
 John Campbell also came there, having arrived from 
 Kertch. 
 
 The tone of the Army is decidedly good, and 
 everybody looks upon success as nearly certain. God 
 grant it may be so, and that we may all live to 
 see it. 
 
 Four hundred of the 57th were sent to the advance 
 of the Right Attack, having been ordered to join that 
 attack in " After Orders." I daresay there will be 
 nothing for them to do, notwithstanding, as I have 
 great doubts of the Russians making any more sorties 
 in force. 
 
 June i^th. Rode with Bentinck and Smith to 
 Monastir in the afternoon. The General much sur- 
 prised at the beautiful sea view and the romantic 
 appearance of the place. The day was beautiful, and 
 certainly nothing could look more grand than the 
 high, bold, rocky coast, with the calm blue waves 
 hundreds of feet below, large steamers of 2000 tons 
 looking like little boats. 
 
 June i$th. General Airey came to camp to take a 
 stare from the Fort.* Sir John Campbell arrived 
 from Balaclava late, and dined with the 57th. At 
 1 1 p.m. a short, sharp fire of large and small arms 
 commenced between the Mamelon and Round Tower 
 and parts adjacent. 
 
 * Better kno vn as Cathcart's Hill.
 
 THE REDAN. , 47 
 
 FIRST ASSAULT ON THE REDAN. 
 
 June ijth. Running about all day, preparing for 
 the assault. 
 
 Marched off scaling and wool-bag party, under 
 Hamilton, twenty-five minutes past midnight. Perhaps 
 I should say twenty-seven minutes past, there being a 
 difference of two minutes between Sir George Brown's 
 time and mine. 
 
 About an hour before, General Bentinck received 
 an intimation that the attack would probably be at 
 3 a.m. (i8th), and that care must be taken to have 
 all the troops down in time. I accordingly told the 
 General that I agreed with him that there was no 
 necessity to alter the orders, but that I would tighten, 
 and not slacken, the cord. I therefore hurried off the 
 party a quarter of an hour before the time named, 
 and left camp, with Sir John Campbell and his party 
 (1750 strong), about five minutes before one o'clock. 
 
 Although Colonel Windham was aware that his 
 post would be with the Reserve Brigade during the 
 assault, he thought it possible that it also might be 
 engaged, and wrote the following letter, to be des- 
 patched to Mrs. Windham in the event of his death : 
 
 "June I7//&, 1855. 
 " MY DEAREST PEM, 
 
 " Our batteries opened again this morning, and 
 we have received orders to storm the place in a few 
 hours. I do not anticipate that it will be a very 
 bloody affair; but, as I shall be of the party, it may- 
 please God that I shall lose my life. If so, you will
 
 148 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY. 
 
 bear in mind that my last thoughts will be with you 
 and the children. As I have never received a single 
 thing from the Government during the twenty-nine 
 years that I have served, I hope that the Queen, 
 should I fall, will do something for you and the 
 children. At any rate, petition Her Majesty direct, 
 and ask no one else ; for, if she will do nothing, you 
 may be sure that no one else will. My commission 
 money will be lost, and you will be badly off; but, 
 my dearest, I can't help it. You must do the best 
 you can with the children, and I only pray that God 
 will protect both you and them when I am no more. 
 
 Kiss little W for me, and tell him he must be a 
 
 good boy, and not be troublesome to his mother 
 when he grows up ; and do the same and say the 
 same constantly to the other two. If they turn out 
 well all will go well. Now give my best love to all 
 my brothers and sisters, and to yours, and do not 
 forget dear Anthony Hudson, the oldest and best 
 
 friend I ever had. D will see about your money 
 
 affairs, and look to the insurances, &c. 
 
 " Give my love to Guy and Charlotte, and also 
 remember me kindly and warmly to the Somervilles 
 and Des Voeuxs, particularly to C. Des V. and 
 Mary S. And now, my dearest, God bless you and 
 protect you and the children, and may He enable 
 me, as heretofore, to go on like a man to-morrow, 
 and assist in bringing this detestable siege to an end. 
 I cannot help thinking the Queen, should I fall, will 
 do something for you if applied to. 
 
 " Ever, my dearest, 
 " Your affectionate husband, 
 
 " C. A. VV.
 
 FAILURE OF THE ATTACK. 149 
 
 "P.S. It is now 12 (midnight), and I am off to 
 the trenches ; so God bless you, my dearest, and the 
 children. To-morrow will, I hope, be a proud day 
 for Old England, and not a sorry one for you." 
 
 June \Wt. On arriving at the twenty-one gun 
 battery I found no officer of Engineers, although one 
 had been promised me, to give Hamilton's party, of 
 one hundred and ten, wool-bags and scaling-ladders. 
 
 When I had been there a minute or two Colonel 
 
 [name illegible] came, made me an offer to 
 
 direct the working -party, and went, I believe, with 
 Hamilton and the scaling-party. 
 
 After seeing all the men file in the trenches, I left 
 to march down the Second Brigade to their place. 
 
 On my way back, Cathcart asked me, from Sir 
 George Brown, if the Fourth Division was in its 
 place, to which I replied, "Yes." 
 
 Owing to the time I had been detained, I met 
 Bentinck, with the Second Brigade, in the Woronzoff 
 road, and conducted them to the caves, and other 
 places of comparative security ; while Bentinck rode 
 to the twenty-one gun battery, to see Sir George 
 Brown. 
 
 Shortly after the Second Brigade was settled and 
 comfortable the attack began ; and, though I was 
 sent out twice to look at the proceedings, I could see 
 nothing, owing to the smoke and heavy fire ; but we 
 soon learnt that the attack had been a failure, and 
 that Yea and Sir John Campbell were killed. At 
 about half- past nine General Bentinck sent to Sir 
 George Brown for orders, and was told that we 
 might march home with the Reserve Brigade. We 
 shortly afterwards returned to the camp, and found
 
 ISO GENERAL WIND HAM'S DIARY. 
 
 the Twentieth there they had formed the working 
 party. 
 
 June igth. Rode to Headquarters, and had luncheon 
 with Lord Raglan. Found people somewhat down, 
 more so than I see any necessity for. 
 
 The attack was badly planned, and worse executed ; 
 and, from the hour being changed, as well as the 
 previous system of attack altered, late at night, 
 everything went wrong.* 
 
 I look upon poor Sir John as having been one of 
 the kindest, best -hearted men I ever knew in my life, 
 and as brave as any man could be; but he was a person 
 without the organ of arrangement, and one who thought 
 that " British pluck" would do everything. 
 
 Now British pluck is very much like any other 
 pluck, and British soldiers will be found to resemble 
 others most uncommonly, if they are badly managed. 
 Had the covering and wool-bag parties been placed, 
 before daylight, down the hill to the left, and thrown 
 as far forward as the ground would allow, and had the 
 5/th (the storming column) been also placed in their 
 rear, clear of all the works, and the supports to the 
 storming- party placed in rear of the Quarries, the 
 men in the advance moving forward to the "re-enter- 
 ing angle" of the Redan, as was ordered, and not 
 to the apex, the attack might have succeeded at 
 least, they would have reached the place. 
 
 Nothing of the sort, however, was done ; everything 
 was left to haphazard, and people appeared to think 
 that as soon as a cheer was heard the work would 
 
 * The change was made at the request, or demand, of the French, 
 and against Lord Raglan's wish and advice ; it must, however, be 
 allowed that the French gave good reason for the change.
 
 SIR JOHN CAMPBELL. 151 
 
 be carried. But it was not so. The enemy were 
 prepared and steady ; their guns were loaded ; and 
 they showered such a fire of grape upon the advanced 
 party, that the whole thing failed. 
 
 One way and another we lost a thousand men, 
 killed and wounded, as near as I can guess ; and I 
 can see no likelihood of our deriving any advantage 
 from this attack, except that the Allied Commanders 
 may now be induced to take the field, and try their 
 hand at the outside, not the inside.* 
 
 The more I look at the matter, the more convinced 
 I am that every man lost in front of these works is 
 pure waste, as we must eventually invest the town ; 
 and the sooner we do it the better. 
 
 General Bentinck gave strict orders to Sir John not 
 to lead the storming-party, and I too begged him to 
 turn his attention more to direction, and less to leading; 
 but I saw it was of no use, and told Hume, his A.D.C., 
 that I was sure he would make a rush, which was 
 exactly what he did, and accordingly lost his life, and 
 did not win. 
 
 Poor fellow, he was as kind-hearted and gallant a 
 man as you would meet with anywhere : but, alas 
 for his wife and family, he thought of nothing but 
 carrying the Redan with his own sword. 
 
 The French, if anything, conducted their affairs 
 worse than we did. 
 
 June 20th. Rode to Headquarters, where I heard that 
 95 officers and 1443 men were either killed or wounded. 
 This is a most severe loss, and, added to those lost in the 
 attack on the Quarries, makes an entire Brigade of our 
 
 * Windham's opinion on that subject completely changed when he 
 became Chief of the Staff.- W. II. K.
 
 152 GENERAL WINDHAM^S DIARY. 
 
 little Army, which can but ill be spared. All this too 
 for nothing, except a couple of houses, and a slight 
 advance to the left of the Left Attack gained by 
 Eyre. 
 
 The men, I understand, did not behave well. But 
 this, no doubt, arose from mismanagement of the 
 attack, and is possibly a good lesson for some of our 
 officers, who always seem to think that British pluck 
 has done, and can do, everything. Now British pluck 
 is not absolutely universal. When present it is as 
 good as any pluck, and in some respects better, but 
 without head is worth very little. 
 
 June 22nd. Heard to-day that we shall give up the 
 houses that were taken by Eyre's Brigade, and destroy 
 the Russian rifle-pits. What next is to be done seems 
 difficult to say. It is quite clear to my mind that they 
 will try another assault, simply because it is a thing 
 they can do, and whether it succeeds or not seems 
 to matter very little. Oh dear ! oh dear ! what a 
 wonderful thing is reputation, and what a miraculous 
 thing is discipline. 
 
 The French troops attacked better than ours, but both 
 made a disgraceful failure ; whereas, had the French 
 stuck to the original scheme, we should certainly have 
 had the Malakoff, and possibly the Redan. It must be 
 admitted, however, that the French got out better (from 
 some cause or other), and attacked in large numbers, 
 and with greater spirit, than we did ; but their supports 
 were badly arranged, and Pelissier seems to have made 
 a considerable mull of it. 
 
 A letter to Mr. Anthony Hudson gives some par- 
 ticulars of the assault, and shows how it failed :
 
 THE REDAN. 
 
 '53 
 
 "HEIGHTS ABOVE SEBASTOPOL, 
 "June 22nd, 1855. 
 
 "Mv DEAR ANTHONY, 
 
 " You will long ere this have received an 
 account of our failure on the i8th, as well as that 
 of the French ; by it we have lost ninety-five officers 
 and 1453 men, and the only little bit of advance we 
 gained costs us daily so many men, that we give it 
 up to-night. The truth is, the original plan was 
 bad, and made worse by the hour of attack being 
 changed at a late time of the night. The Russians 
 were perfectly prepared, and I am by no means sure 
 that, as soon as 'shelling' the different points for 
 three hours previous to our storming was abandoned, 
 we could ever have taken the Redan ; acting as we 
 did it was impossible. 
 
 " The Redan is an arrow-headed work, supported 
 by other works in the rear, and may be represented 
 thus : 
 
 Rifles. 
 Quarries. First Brigade, First Brigade, 
 
 Fourth Division. Light Division.
 
 154 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY. 
 
 "The 4th Division was ordered to go at No. i, 
 the Light Division at No. 2, and they were formed 
 at and in the advanced works, where they were so 
 crowded that they could not have very easily been 
 got out under ' no fire/ and where it was most difficult 
 to make them do it under lots of grape, and after 
 one has been trying for months to make them stick 
 to their trenches. The 1st Brigade of the 2nd 
 Division was to have assaulted the apex of the 
 Redan as soon as the 4th and Light entered it by 
 the two re-entering angles. In fact, a brigade from 
 each Division was told off for the purpose, consisting 
 of 1760 men each. Sir John Campbell, with our ist 
 Brigade, was told by me, from my previous knowledge 
 of the ground, to keep down the hill to the left of 
 his advanced party, so as to drop the Redan, and be 
 invisible to all save the two batteries upon its proper 
 right. This he did not do, and he made hardly any 
 arrangements, or thought of aught save being the first 
 in. He was as brave and as kind a fellow as ever lived, 
 and during all this arduous, long winter he was never 
 once unhappy or depressed, or did I ever have a word 
 with him, poor fellow. He was hit right through the 
 head by a grape shot, and poor Yea, who commanded 
 the Light Division Attack (an old friend of mine), met 
 the same fate from a rifle, and the whole thing became 
 a perfect failure. I am too tired to go on. Love to 
 Charlotte and the girls. 
 
 " Yours ever, C. A. W." 
 
 June 2^rd. It seems positive that General Penne- 
 father goes to England, and that General Estcourt is 
 better. The Guards having come to the front, the 
 duties are greatly lightened.
 
 DEATH OF ESTCOURT. 155 
 
 June 24/7*. It is positive that General Pennefather 
 goes to England, but not positive that poor Estcourt 
 is better, as he died this morning. 
 
 I am sorry for this, as he was a talented, gentle- 
 manlike man, superior in intelligence to most at 
 Headquarters. 
 
 I cannot make out what is going to be done next. 
 I fancy the Malakoff Tower will be tried, and cannot 
 for the life of me understand why it should not be 
 taken. But alas ! what is the good of forming 
 opinions as to what will be done by a sort of disjointed 
 command, such as we have. 
 
 In my opinion, Napoleon III. would do much better 
 to appoint Lord Raglan Commander-in- Chief of the 
 Armies. He is an amiable man, the oldest soldier, 
 and, I believe, if left to himself, the best.* 
 
 At any rate, if the original plan of attack had been 
 carried out on the i8th, we should have done something 
 more respectable than we did, and not have made a 
 disgraceful failure. 
 
 June 2jth. Heard this morning that Steele and 
 Lord Raglan have both been very ill (cholera). 
 
 Rode with Bentinck to the Maison d'Eau, and took 
 a good survey of the town from that point. Afterwards 
 went on to Headquarters, where, I am glad to say, we 
 heard that Lord Raglan was better, and saw Steele 
 looking quite fresh. A great deal of sickness, however, 
 appears to be about, and there is some talk of Lord 
 Raglan being obliged to go away for a short time. 
 Codrington will, I believe, and I am glad of it, rejoin 
 the Army to-morrow. 
 
 * This remark should be set against some harsh criticisms of Lord 
 Raglan which occur in the Diary. Windham frequently remarks that he, 
 of course, did not know what difficulties Lord Raglan had to contend with.
 
 156 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY. 
 
 June 28t/i. A Medical Board assembled on Sir 
 George Brown, and he goes home. 
 
 At half- past six Bentinck returned, and informed 
 us that, at half-past four p.m., Lord Raglan had been 
 taken much worse ; and at about half-past nine Ed. 
 Somerset* rode to the Cave, and informed us that 
 he had died about an hour previously. 
 
 Poor Lord Raglan. I am most deeply sorry for it. 
 His age, his previous position with the Duke, his rank 
 and excellent manner made him admirably adapted 
 to deal with the French. Looking to the extreme 
 difficulty of finding a successor to him, I cannot help 
 thinking his loss a serious one. 
 
 June 2<)th. Morris, of the Artillery (Bosquet's A.D.C.), 
 told me last night that the cause of Canrobert's resign- 
 ing was that Lord Raglan would not raise the siege 
 and go forth against the enemy. Bosquet called Sir 
 George Brown to witness the truth of his statement, 
 who, by his silence, admitted it. 
 
 " // faut prendre une partie," was Canrobert's expres- 
 sion, and his arguments were the same that I have often 
 used. Would to God that his advice had been followed. 
 
 Heaven alone knows what we (the Allies) shall do 
 now. Lose 10,000 more men at the Malakoff, I 
 suppose. 
 
 July yd, 1855. Among the many rewards dis- 
 tributed I find I have got nothing, and suppose I 
 never shall have, so I will not grumble. 
 
 Heard that General Simpson was appointed 
 Commander-in-Chief, and that another Chief of the 
 Staff was coming out. 
 
 * Lord Raglan's nephew, afterwards General E. A. Somerset, C.B.
 
 SICKNESS AND DEATH. 157 
 
 July $th. Dined on rice soup and tapioca, having 
 been unwell since the 2nd. 
 
 July 6th. Ditto. 
 
 (Colonel Windham was ill for eleven days, but 
 remained at his duty.) 
 
 July 'jth. Major Harrison, of the 63rd, was killed 
 by a round shot in marching with the relief to the 
 trenches, or rather in riding down, for he was 
 mounted. Hard luck this, considering that the day 
 was so thick that it must have been a chance shot. 
 Such is fate. 
 
 July loth. I have still been kept in by this nasty 
 diarrhoea and fever, but think I am decidedly better. 
 Yesterday I heard that Calvert* and Vicot were both 
 taken desperately ill at Headquarters with cholera. 
 
 Calvert died last night, and Vico to-day. There 
 has been a great uprooting of the Staff there. 
 
 July \2th. All right, but not quite strong. 
 
 July i^tk. Rode to Headquarters, and found 
 Arthur HardingeJ unwell. That young fellow ought 
 to go home, or his father will lose him. 
 
 Barnard told me that his appointment, and others, 
 were in abeyance, by a telegraphic despatch. The 
 truth is that everything is unsettled ; the French very 
 down in the mouth ; and future proceedings of all 
 kinds uncertain in the highest degree. 
 
 * Mr. Calvert was the Russian interpreter at Headquarters. 
 f Le Commandant Vico, the very popular French Military Attache at 
 Headquarters. 
 
 t he late General the Honble. Sir Arthur Hardinge.
 
 158 GENERAL WIND HAM'S DIARY. 
 
 July \%th. A sortie was made last night, about mid- 
 night, against our attack (centre of it). It was quickly 
 repulsed, with a loss on our side of three killed and two 
 wounded. Much yelling on the part of the Russians, 
 but no very daring advance. Garrett was down there, 
 and the 48th had to receive the attack, and, I under- 
 stand, behaved steadily, although from the want of a 
 banquette the men can never fire properly. 
 
 July ityh, Rode to Headquarters, where every- 
 thing looks as dull as ditch-water. Saw Airey and 
 Steele the latter not looking well. Spoke about 
 some bricks for the ovens, and was told that it was 
 what Lord Raglan had wanted ever since he came 
 here. This, I suppose, was the reason that no one 
 ever tried it until I took the matter in hand. 
 
 There is no entry in the Diary on July 2Oth, but 
 a letter to Mr. Hudson may still be read with advan- 
 tage by those whose duty it is to write despatches. 
 Medals are still issued when most of the men entitled 
 to them have left the Army : 
 
 " HEIGHTS ABOVE SEBASTOPOL, 
 
 "July 2oth, 1855. 
 
 "Mv DEAR ANTHONY, 
 
 " This old bruin, Pelissier, keeps everything to 
 himself, and gives us nothing but a grand and over- 
 powering example of bad manners and bad language. 
 I hope he may have something beyond this in him 
 time will show. As for me, I am very well ; and 
 if we succeed in taking this southern side of the 
 town without getting my head knocked off, I shall 
 return to England, as I clearly see that I have no 
 chance of getting on with such a lot as we have at
 
 "THE SYSTEM IS ROTTEN." 159 
 
 home and here. I think Lord R.'s despatch of the 
 business of the i8th as absurd a document as was 
 ever written ; and until Commanders give up the 
 habit of undistinguishing praise, the sooner they leave 
 out men's names the better. It was an ill-arranged 
 and worse executed plan, and deserved to have been 
 passed over in silence at the best, merely mentioning 
 the poor fellows who went gallantly to the front and 
 fell. Singular to say, the regiment that with us 
 deserved the most praise is scarcely mentioned ; and 
 an officer of the I7th (Captain J. Croker), who was 
 killed, and who was as fine a fellow as ever stepped, 
 was not mentioned;* and others who behaved very 
 unlike him got puffed, as did Sir G. Brown and the 
 Generals of Division, who deserved about as much 
 credit as you did at Norwich. The whole system, 
 my dear Anthony, is purely rotten, and nothing else. 
 I am in hopes that I may live yet to see one other 
 good fight, well commanded, and where those who 
 do the work shall get the credit The British 
 Government is certainly a pleasant Government to 
 serve, and always so handsome and rapid with their 
 rewards : by God, they would sicken almost any- 
 one, let alone such an intemperate one as I am. My 
 best love to Charlotte and the girls. 
 
 " Nothing will occur before August on our side, 
 and then, I suppose, the same sort of thing again. 
 "Ever, my dear Anthony, 
 
 "Yours affectionately, 
 
 " c. A. w:.' 
 
 " I am really and truly sorry for poor Caledon." 
 (Who had recently died.) 
 
 * This is a mistake ; Captain Croker was mentioned.
 
 160 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY. 
 
 July 2$rd. Bricks for a new oven came up from 
 Balaclava. Last night there were two heavy affairs 
 between the French and Russians, one on the right, 
 to seaward of the Malakoff and Mamelon, and one 
 on the left, at the Bastion Centrale. Very heavy 
 shelling, but we were left perfectly quiet* 
 
 On my return to-day from Headquarters with Percy 
 Herbert, agreed to go with him to the French Right 
 Attack, from the Mamelon to the advance ; some 
 grape, round shot, and rifle balls flew over us, but the 
 shooting was very moderate. The heat was most 
 oppressive. 
 
 The French have certainly done a great deal since 
 the 1 8th June, in advancing towards the Malakoff and 
 Little Redan. The more I see of the attack the more 
 convinced am I of the folly of attacking a place that 
 we could not properly invest. However, I am always 
 met with a host of absurd objections, proving if 
 anything that perseverance in error is better than 
 beginning again. 
 
 July 2.^th. To-day has been distressingly hot, and 
 I gladly bring this volume to a close. 
 I am in very good health. 
 
 July 2<)th (Sunday). I finished the last volume on 
 the 24th, and, from idleness, have neglected to write 
 in this till to-day. The last mail brought out the 
 appointments to the Bath, and I see I am a Companion ; 
 much good may it do me. 
 
 To have withheld these honours until now, and to 
 have given the great dissatisfaction that the Ministry 
 
 * This was generally the case at the close of the siege. Todleben gives, 
 as reason, that we were not so dangerous as the French. W. H. R.
 
 THE D UKE OF NE WCA STLE. 1 6 1 
 
 have given in their distribution, certainly required the 
 united talent of a British Cabinet. If Alma, Balaclava, 
 and Inkerman were the test of merit, why not have 
 given the Bath after those battles ? If the winter were 
 to be the test, why exclude those who served through 
 the winter? As it is, many cannot see why they are 
 included ; others, why they are excluded ; and many 
 are naturally and properly most annoyed. 
 
 In fact, the Government wanted to make more than 
 it was worth of a bauble ; and those who, like myself, 
 think they fairly earned it in November last, do not 
 thank them for their tardy gift ; and those who have 
 since gone through hardships and dangers think, with 
 reason, that they are fully entitled to it, and are 
 disgusted at its not being given to them. 
 
 I speak plainly. Our Government is a disgusting 
 one to serve, and rewards men according to anything 
 but merit and hard work. 
 
 Was introduced to the Duke of Newcastle at the 
 Old Fort (Cathcart's Hill). 
 
 Rode out with Airey, who was accompanied by 
 
 Colonel , who is a fool, if ever I saw one. What 
 
 selections they have made in this Army ! They are 
 enough to frighten horses from their oats. 
 
 July $\st. Yesterday I dined, as usual, with the 
 General, and met the Duke of Newcastle, with whom 
 I had a long talk concerning last winter, preparations 
 for this winter, &c. 
 
 I think him, and always have thought him, an 
 ill-used and much-abused man. Had he been well 
 seconded here, I firmly believe all the outcry would 
 have been saved; but I see now that this year we 
 shall have very nearly the same result as last, unless 
 
 M
 
 162 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY. 
 
 the Q.M.G. and Commissariat are made to do something 
 else than dream. 
 
 I think the Duke one of the most reasonable and 
 sensible men who have come out here, and I am sure 
 that in his explanation in the House of Lords he 
 took as much blame upon himself as he was entitled 
 to. 
 
 August ~$rd. In general orders, I see that Assistant- 
 Surgeon is dismissed the Service ; and, as the 
 
 proceedings of the Court of Enquiry* will be published, 
 I shall be held up as a time-server and worshipper of 
 the powers that be. This will certainly be rather a 
 new character for me to appear in, never having been 
 supposed to have the bump of veneration very strongly 
 developed. 
 
 August 8th. I dined yesterday with Wilbraham; and 
 for the last five days, I own, have not written in this 
 book, although during that time I have been put in 
 orders to command the 2nd Brigade of the 2nd Division. 
 I yesterday saw it for the first time, and a very fine 
 brigade it unquestionably is, and I only hope I may 
 live through the campaign to command it. 
 
 At seven yesterday morning I paraded with it, for 
 the first time, to see General Markham distribute 
 medals for distinguished conduct to two N.C.O.'s and 
 a private of the 47th. 
 
 To-day I have quitted the old 4th Division, where 
 I have been for nearly a year, without having a 
 disagreeable word with a soul. 
 
 * Colonel Windham had been President of this Court of Enquiry, 
 
 which made investigations as to the authorship of a letter published in 
 
 the Times, bringing false charges against the Army Medical Depart- 
 ment.
 
 MORE DEATHS. 163 
 
 August <)tk. I attended the parade of the 47th this 
 morning at half-past ten ; was introduced to the officers 
 of that regiment, and had a little talk with the different 
 sergeants and men that I came across. 
 
 I went yesterday with Markham and the Duke of 
 Newcastle over the Right Attack, and got caught in 
 a heavy shower and thoroughly ducked. A shell also 
 fell in the trench about two or three yards from us, and 
 I had just time to slip out of the way. 
 
 The firing last night was heavy ; they threw three 
 shells up to the Old Fort (Cathcart's Hill), and seemed 
 determined to hunt out the Duke of Newcastle. 
 
 August loth. Dined early, and rode down to the 
 trenches at about half-past seven. Lieutenant-Colonel 
 Cuddy,* 55th, commanded in the advance; heard a 
 good character of him, and, from what I could see, 
 he deserved it. Went over all the works, and then 
 visited the Reserves, and established myself in my hut. 
 No musketry, but increasing shell, shot, and grape from 
 9 p.m. till 2 a.m., when it slackened for an hour, and 
 then went on till 4 a.m. 
 
 August nth. On visiting the advance this morning, 
 I found that the casualties amounted to about twenty, 
 four or five of whom were dead or dying. Captain 
 Elton, 55th Regiment, was wounded. 
 
 Poor Coppinger, of the Commissariat, died to-day. 
 
 August \2th. Went to church at eleven, and after- 
 wards, with Markham,! to see the hospitals of the 
 
 * Killed at the assault on the Redan, September 8th, 1855. 
 
 t Lieutenant-General Markham had joined the Army from India, and 
 had taken command of the 2nd Division, in succession to Sir John 
 Pennefather.
 
 164 GENERAL WIND HAM'S DIARY. 
 
 Division. Early in the morning I was called upon by 
 Sir William Eyre, who desired to have a talk with me 
 upon Quartermaster-General's matters. 
 
 At 5 p.m. attended the funeral of poor Coppinger, as 
 strong as a horse, and only twenty-eight, and yet taken 
 off quickly by fever and diarrhoea. He came out with 
 me in the Harbinger. 
 
 7.30 p.m. General Markham came and told me the 
 result of the conference at Headquarters. 
 
 It appears that 24,000 of the Russian Imperial Guard 
 have arrived, and that a false attack upon our trenches, 
 and a real one on the Tchernaya, are expected. 
 
 Sir Colin Campbell has gone to the Right Attack 
 with the whole of his Division, and we are all ordered 
 to be in readiness throughout the night, and to be under 
 arms at 3 a.m. to-morrow. 
 
 This is all right, but I feel very uncertain whether this 
 will be more than a false alarm, and for this reason : 
 I do not see how 24,000 men will enable the Russians 
 to force the attacking party. If they are able to do 
 so, we cannot be warranted in besieging (as we call it) 
 Sebastopol. However, let them come on. I shall be 
 glad of it, for if we beat them (and we shall, please 
 God), I think they will give up the defence. 
 
 Their real point is the Mamelon, and I cannot but 
 think the French will hold it, in spite of all the 
 Russians can do. 
 
 August i$th. The whole Army of the Allies was 
 under arms from 3 a.m. till daylight. The Russians did 
 not move. 
 
 August \\th. Heard that Sir R. Airey was very 
 unwell.
 
 A RUSSIAN REPULSE. 165 
 
 August i$th. Heard Airey was worse, and, from 
 what was said to me, I think it possible that they 
 will offer the post to me, if he is obliged to leave. If 
 so, I shall take it ; but I fear we are very much behind 
 with everything. 
 
 Young Hardinge is ordered to England. 
 
 August \6th. This morning Wilbraham came and 
 told me to have the brigade in readiness to fall in, 
 the Russians having attacked the line of the Tchernaya 
 in force, somewhere near the Aqueduct Bridge at 
 Tchorgoun, at about half-past eight. 
 
 The reports were somewhat contradictory, some 
 saying the Russians were falling back, others that 
 they were advancing in great force. Our Cavalry was 
 all out on the plain, and our Artillery in places taking 
 part in the fight. 
 
 The cannonade appears pretty smart. 
 
 5.30 p.m. I have just heard that the Russians have 
 been heavily repulsed, with a loss of upwards of 2000 
 men killed, probably an exaggeration. However, David 
 Wood, who has been down into the plain (we the 
 Infantry were all kept in readiness to turn out), says 
 he thinks the enemy must have lost 6000 in killed and 
 wounded. 
 
 Went, as General of the Right Attack, to the 
 trenches, and was informed that a sortie might fairly 
 be expected. 
 
 Went all round the advance, and saw that Colonel 
 Hume (95th) had everything in place. On returning 
 from the advance, received a despatch from Airey 
 informing me that both attacks would open fire at 
 daybreak. Settled everything on that head, and then 
 went to my hut.
 
 1 66 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY. 
 
 Some particulars of the battle of the Tchernaya are 
 given in a letter to Mr. Hudson : 
 
 "HEIGHTS ABOVE SEBASTOPOL, 
 
 "August i6M, 1855. 
 "My DEAR ANTHONY, 
 
 " I am for the trenches to-night, and as I think 
 it very likely the enemy will begin in the morning, 
 I do not know what will be the result to me 
 personally, so I take up my pen to write to you. 
 I have written to Marianne, but of course not this 
 sort of letter, as it would merely frighten her. The 
 Russians are now descending in great force to the 
 Tchernaya, and, as they are pushing on their 
 waggons and heavy artillery, I do not doubt they 
 mean business, and before long I expect we shall 
 have a heavy fight. I should say they are from 
 30,000 to 40,000 men (visible), and, from all we can 
 learn, they are in much greater force on the Belbek. 
 Omar Pasha, I am sorry to say, is at Constantinople, 
 for without him I do not rank the Turks very highly. 
 We have, however, now on the Tchernaya : 
 
 Sardinians . . . . 10,000 
 
 Turks ..... 20,000 
 
 French 20,000 
 
 English Cavalry .... 2,000 
 
 French Cavalry .... 4,000 
 
 And about 100 guns. 
 
 " If these men fight as they ought, the Russians 
 cannot get across, and, for my part, I don't know 
 that they would if they could, for we have fully 
 60,000 men up here. One thing is, however, clear, 
 and that is, from some cause or another, ever since
 
 BATTLE OF THE TCHERNAYA. 167 
 
 the flank march, the Russians have always taken the 
 initiative, and may do so again. 
 
 " I have no expectation of anything serious occurring 
 before the morning of the i8th, and I firmly believe, 
 from the nature of the ground, that the Russians never 
 will go down into the plain, unless they are 80,000 or 
 100,000 strong. If they come it will be a noble fight, 
 and if we win it, which by God's help we will, it will be 
 a crusher to the pride of the Autocrat. The English 
 and French have 8000 sabres (effective) in the field, and 
 the Turks and Sardinians 1000; so we ought to do 
 something if once the Russky come into the plain. 
 
 " I hope my brigade may be there, as it is one of 
 the finest in the Army, and 2500 real good Minies 
 are not to be sneezed at, supported and assisted by 
 a good steady battery of 1 2-pounders ; besides, my 
 men led at Alma and Inkerman, and are fully con- 
 vinced that they can lick the Russians, and they are, 
 moreover, healthy and cheerful. If the Russians really 
 make an advance into the plain (which I doubt), it 
 will unquestionably bring matters to a crisis, a con- 
 summation devoutly to be wished. In fact, although 
 the affair will, I fear, be bloody, yet, should the 
 Philistines come down into the plain to give us 
 battle, I do hope the ' Lord will deliver them into 
 our hands,' and that we shall make a better use of 
 our advantage than we did at Alma. I hear we 
 intend opening our batteries this afternoon, but doubt 
 the truth of the report; but as I do not close this 
 until my return to-morrow morning from the trenches, I 
 may have many things to add. I have just heard that 
 the Russians have left 2000 dead and wounded about 
 Tchorgoun ; if so, the Sardinians and French must 
 have done well."
 
 168 GENERAL WIND HAM'S DIARY. 
 
 August ijth. In the trenches all day. The batteries 
 opened fire at daybreak, and, for a quarter of an hour 
 at least, the Russians made no reply, after that they 
 kept it up well for about two hours, and occasioned 
 us much loss. 
 
 On my return to camp I found that Captain 
 Hammet, R.N., had been killed ; poor little Dennis 
 (of the Buffs), who was with me in the Right Attack, 
 mortally wounded by a shell (both legs and one arm 
 shot away) ; together with fifty-eight others killed and 
 wounded. This does not include Artillery, Sappers, 
 or Sailors. We had five guns disabled, the Left 
 Attack many more twelve, I believe. Oldfield * 
 was killed on the Left, and Henry t lost his arm. 
 
 The continuation of Colonel Windham's letter to 
 Mr. Hudson follows: 
 
 "10 /.;., August i^th, 1855. 
 
 " I have just returned from a twenty-four hours' bout 
 in the trenches. Our batteries opened this morning at 
 daylight, at the request of the French ; our loss in 
 the Right Attack was fifty killed and wounded, and 
 on the Left I should think ab'out half. I was the 
 General of the Right, and am very tired. 
 
 "I hear the battle of yesterday was much more 
 than was at first thought. Report here says that the 
 Grand Duke Constantine was present. Gorchakoff 
 commanded the reserve, Liprandi one of the wings, 
 and General Reid the other ; this latter was killed, 
 and we have all his plans and papers. The Russians 
 lost full 5000 men, and were really and truly hand- 
 
 * Captain Anthony Oldfield, R.A., who had frequently distinguished 
 himself during the siege. 
 
 t Brevet-Major C. S. Henry, R.A.
 
 VISIT TO THE SCENE OF ACTION. 169 
 
 somely licked ; but then again they, as usual, were 
 not followed up. There was our Cavalry all drawn 
 up in rear, and yet nothing done. I am so tired 
 that I will not finish this to-night" 
 
 August \$>th. This morning at daylight, though after 
 a bad night's rest, I rose and started with Roger Swire* 
 for the Tchernaya. I see plainly that the fight was 
 a severe one, and the Russian loss heavy. Returned 
 home quickly, as the battle-field was decidedly un- 
 pleasant. I saw at least a thousand bodies at the 
 Tete-de-ponts. 
 
 I understand that the Sardinians gave a good 
 account of the enemy, who were fresh troops from 
 Warsaw. 
 
 On my return, rode to see Eyre concerning his 
 bakery for the 3rd Division. I saw General Simpson, 
 who told me that he thought the Russians would again 
 try the Tchernaya, as their orders from St. Petersburg 
 were most positive. I cannot see why they attacked 
 it before, still less do I see why they should again. 
 It appears to be merely playing our game. 
 
 I hear the garrison of Sebastopol is much de- 
 moralised, and believe it ; otherwise, why did not 
 they sally, as directed, on the morning of the i6th? 
 The French may do something soon at the Malakoff, 
 as we help them by keeping under the fire from the 
 Redan. 
 
 August I9//2. General Markham still very unwell, 
 though somewhat better. Up to 7 p.m. I heard no 
 account of poor young Dennis's death. He was with 
 me in the trenches on the night of the i6th; the day 
 following he, unfortunately, would not take the advice 
 
 * Lieutenant in the ijth Regiment, and A.D.C. to General Windham.
 
 i;o GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY. 
 
 of a sapper as to the safety of the place he was in, 
 nor take warning from one shell that lit and burst 
 near him, but persisted in eating his breakfast in the 
 same place, when a second shell came and broke both 
 his thighs and one arm. Yet he is still alive, though 
 dying. 
 
 August 2O//2. Markham, I am glad to say, is looking 
 better, and when I spoke to him this morning, was as 
 fresh again as yesterday. 
 
 August 2ist (1.30 a.m.}. Thesiger has just come in 
 to let me know that the brigade must be under arms 
 at 3 o'clock, as a row is expected. 
 
 Our information lately has been better, and so it 
 may on this occasion prove correct. Should it be so, 
 I only pray that God may give us a complete and 
 glorious victory, should the enemy come out in force, 
 and that our being in a state of preparation may enable 
 us to deal him a severe blow. 
 
 God grant that " Crapaud " and ourselves may do 
 it well, and that the Russians may catch it even 
 hotter than they did in the Tchernaya. 
 
 August 22nd. In the evening, whilst at dinner, a 
 round shot came through Markham's stable and killed 
 King's horse. Went down to the trenches at 7.30 p.m. 
 After going all round and through the advance, and 
 having been very nearly caught by a shell, I returned 
 to my old quarters, the hut ; and had not been long 
 there before a telegraphic message came to order me 
 to throw out sentries about the white rifle-pits, and 
 to take special care that the Russians did not turn the 
 left of the French Right Attack.
 
 A PAUSE. 171 
 
 I went down and did so. Tyler, of the 62nd, is 
 active, and, with practice, will make a good trenchman. 
 
 August 2T,rd. Musketry sharp at 4 a.m., as I went 
 round the advance ; but there was no attack, and 
 I am glad of it, though I think Tyler would have 
 done very well. 
 
 August 2^th. Forwarded the Field Officer's report, 
 and am sorry to see that the casualties amounted to 
 seven killed and thirty wounded. 
 
 Markham informed me that a severe attack was 
 expected on the Tchernaya, and that if it were 
 unsuccessful, the enemy was expected to withdraw 
 altogether. Tant mieux, say I ; I only hope he will 
 get a good thrashing, as he did on the i6th. 
 
 August 2$tk. No attack from the enemy, but we 
 are still ordered to be on the look-out ; and so 
 thoroughly convinced are the people at Head- 
 quarters that something serious will occur on the 
 right, that Sir C. Campbell and his Highlanders 
 are to be sent to Balaclava. 
 
 Poor young Dennis is still alive. 
 
 August 26th. Went to church, and walked after- 
 wards with Bentinck and visited him in his cave.* I 
 should be grievously sorry to see us make peace now, 
 unless the Russians consented to terms that really 
 proved us to be victorious. If we carry on now we 
 must before next spring bring them to their senses, 
 no matter what the size of their Army may be. 
 
 * This was a very curious and comfortable excavation, close to 
 Cathcart's Hill. W. H. R.
 
 172 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY. 
 
 Heard to-day that the 6th Parallel was opened to 
 aid the French. This is the only reason that could 
 be given for such an absurdity ; for, as regards our 
 attack, it is as useful as the fifth wheel to a coach, 
 and will cost us many men. The enemy appear to 
 be working very hard on the north side, and at the 
 bridge. What means the latter? Is it for retreat, 
 or advance, or both ? I cannot help thinking it looks 
 like a preparation to withdraw, and I sincerely hope it 
 may be so, for I am convinced we do not shine as 
 besiegers. 
 
 Heard to-day that poor Torrens had died in Paris. 
 Poor fellow ! I am very sorry for it. I suppose it was 
 from the effects of his dangerous wound at Inkerman. 
 
 August 2jth. An investiture of the Bath took place 
 at Headquarters. I did not go, as I was ordered to 
 remain in camp in readiness to turn out, should 
 the Division be wanted. No French officers were 
 decorated, which I consider a great mistake. 
 
 The Russians finished and opened the bridge across 
 the harbour, and I expect that as soon as the moon 
 wanes we shall find out what they intend doing. 
 
 August 2th. Intended to ride to Balaclava, but 
 found that the other Brigadier had gone. As General 
 Markham does not wish us both to be absent for 
 any length of time I curtailed my ride, and merely 
 looked over the heights to the right, then on to 
 Inkerman, and the Light Division look-out. 
 
 Heard yesterday from Howard, of the 2Oth, that 
 three spies had been executed by the French. 
 
 Owing to the Highland Brigade having gone to 
 Balaclava, duty falls very heavily upon our men.
 
 BRIDGING SEBASTOPOL HARBOUR. 173 
 
 The worst of it is that no arrivals ever seem to do 
 more than make good our losses. The 56th have 
 joined us in this attack. 
 
 A letter to Mr. Greville, written on the following day, 
 fills a gap in the Diary : 
 
 " HEIGHTS ABOVE SEBASTOPOL, 
 " August 2%th, 1855. 
 
 " Many thanks for your letter of the 6th. I agree to 
 almost all you say, but I think you underrate the losses 
 and difficulties of the Russians. We have all been 
 continually confined to camp, expecting daily that 
 some important move will be made by the enemy, 
 either on our trenches or our right. 
 
 " For my part, I believe the much talked of attack 
 that is to be was begun and ended on the i6th August. 
 The Russians advanced very firmly on that day, but 
 they got a severe thrashing, and, from what I saw, I 
 cannot put down their loss at less than 5000 men, 
 which, I think, is more than they would lose for the 
 mere purpose of reconnoitring. However, the im- 
 pression here is that they will attack us again 
 somewhere, and, if that fails, cut off for good. 
 
 " They have finished the bridge across the harbour, 
 which of course gives them great facility of bringing 
 troops into the town ; and they have also been working 
 immensely hard on the north side in throwing up 
 defensive works, which looks as if they meant to use 
 the bridge in decreasing, and not increasing, their 
 garrison. A few days, I really think, must bring 
 matters to something like a crisis. 
 
 " We cannot go on throwing away life and time much 
 longer in the way we have done.
 
 174 GENERAL WIKDHAM'S DIARY. 
 
 " The last three times I have gone as General to the 
 trenches I have lost 33, 27, and 97 men ; in fact, we 
 lose in casualties upwards of 250 men in a week. 
 The attack with which I am connected is the largest 
 and, I believe, the most dangerous ; but they lose men 
 in the left one too. 
 
 " The moon is now at the full, and I do not expect 
 an ' hooroosh ' at us until that is passed ; but as soon as 
 we come to the dark nights, I fancy the enemy will 
 have a try. If they do not they will have made their 
 minds up to abandon the south side, and will probably 
 look to peace, for I am convinced that their loss during 
 the winter will be awful, and ours ought not to be so ; 
 although, from the carelessness and want of method 
 of our people in authority, I dread it beyond measure. 
 Pray do not think that I wish to cast dirt at others, but 
 I assure you there is a slackness and a constant looking 
 to home for all the common necessaries, that makes 
 me dread the passing the winter here. In the first 
 place, they put faith in the railway a perfect absurdity ; 
 then, again, in the 'Army Works Corps,' not much 
 better ; and, lastly, in the Land Transport Corps 
 a corps as ill managed and as badly started as any- 
 thing can well be. I do not say we shall be as badly 
 off as last winter. Our men themselves are better, 
 as are our regimental officers, but still I think there 
 will be much misery, and much unnecessary misery, 
 from the want of method at Headquarters. I am 
 writing to you in private^ but you may believe me when 
 
 I tell you is a fool plainly and simply, and all the 
 
 greater one from his having a certain quantity of 
 specious paper talent, that induces people at home to 
 believe that he knows what he is about. 
 
 " I have for some time had the command of a
 
 LOSSES OF THE FRENCH. 175 
 
 brigade, but I suppose they will not make me a 
 Brigadier-General, as it costs the Government a few 
 shillings a year ; and as a younger son, I am, of course, 
 bound to be shot for nothing. 
 
 " Yours very truly, 
 
 " C. A. WlNDHAM." 
 
 August 2C)th. The French magazine in the Mamelon 
 exploded last night, by which they lost forty killed 
 and a hundred wounded. We lost five killed and 
 fourteen wounded. The magazine contained twelve 
 hundred barrels of powder. 
 
 The French have certainly been very unlucky, or 
 very careless, with, their magazines. 
 
 August $oth. I have been waiting in pretty nearly 
 all day, expecting a visit from the Field Officer of the 
 trenches ; I being the General of the Right Attack 
 to-night, and a very unpleasant duty it unquestion- 
 ably is. 
 
 Called on Markham, and begged that he would use 
 his exertions with the Engineers to get them to make 
 a banquette to the 5th Parallel, and put the whole 
 parapet into a proper state, which it sadly wants. 
 
 Walked up to see Bentinck, who saw Bosquet 
 yesterday, and received a true account of the French 
 losses from him. They are certainly very great, at 
 least 250 men a day, from death, wounds, and sick- 
 ness. 
 
 I hope I shall get through this with safety and credit, 
 and that God will spare me as he has often done 
 before. 
 
 I am free to admit that I have no desire to be 
 attacked in the trenches where no generalship can be
 
 i;6 GENERAL WIND HAM'S DIARY. 
 
 exhibited, and where the confusion is such that you are 
 as likely to be shot by friend as foe. 
 
 The French are certainly getting very near the 
 Malakoff ditch, and if they ever mean storming, will do 
 so in a few days. 
 
 August 3 !.$/. I came off duty at six this morning. 
 Passed a most unpleasant night, when in my hut, from 
 a superabundance of fleas. 
 
 At about 11.30 p.m., the moon being very bright, 
 about fifteen or twenty Russians attacked the working- 
 party in front of the 5th Parallel. The advanced 
 sentries ran in without a moment's hesitation, and the 
 working-party ran away, leaving everything behind 
 them, which allowed the Russians to upset all that had 
 been done. A sharp skirmish then took place between 
 the th and th and a party of the enemy, in which 
 the Russians were ultimately driven back. We lost 
 some twenty-three men, four of whom were officers ; 
 Lieutenant Preston was killed on the spot. 
 
 I was not present, nor did I hear anything until it 
 was all over, but it appears to have been a bad business. 
 Had our sentries behaved well, there would probably 
 have been no fight. 
 
 September ist, 1855. Received the Field Officer's 
 report, and am sorry to see by it that the casualties 
 on the night of the 3<Dth amounted to fifty-nine. 
 
 Rode to Headquarters, and saw General Barnard 
 about the transport arrangements for the winter, and 
 also spoke to him about the 5th Parallel. 
 
 He wished me to go to General Simpson, which I 
 did, and told him what I thought of it in plain and 
 strong language. He referred me to Colonel Chapman,
 
 ANOTHER BAD NIGHT IN THE TRENCHES. 177 
 
 with whom I had a long talk. He admitted its being 
 very incomplete, and promised to apply for fifty 
 additional miners, and to do his best to complete 
 it. 
 
 After Chapman I saw Bentinck, and advised him to 
 apply for 12,000 saplings to hut the 4th Division, as 
 I am convinced no number of huts will arrive for the 
 troops before winter is upon us. 
 
 Hear that was a more ruinous business last night 
 than the night before. Captain Fraser, of the Q5th, 
 killed ; the Adjutant of the 3Oth since dead ; and an 
 officer of the Buffs killed ; besides several men killed, 
 and some taken prisoners. 
 
 September 2nd {Sunday}. The anniversary of old 
 Cromwell's death, and of the "crowning mercy of 
 Worcester." I have always fancied this day an his- 
 torical one as regards England, and, therefore, have 
 fully expected an attack. 
 
 Went to church at 1 1 . 
 
 After dinner I received a " confidential " letter from 
 General Barnard to General Markham, announcing an 
 intended attack in great force by the Russians to- 
 morrow upon the Turks at or near Baidar, the French 
 at the Tchernaya, and ourselves in the trenches. 
 Owing to the numbers being specified, and the places 
 marked, it looks like business, and we are all ordered to 
 be in readiness. Yet I can hardly think the enemy can 
 make a successful move upon so extended a line. 
 Surely, if he makes the reverse, we can turn it to 
 some profit. 
 
 I hope that we may be given the victory, as I am 
 convinced that if the Russians fail they will abandon 
 Sebastopol altogether, and will be more likely to make 
 
 N
 
 178 GENERAL WINDHAM^S DIARY. 
 
 peace than if we took the Malakoff and the Redan 
 without their having this last throw of the dice. 
 
 Gave Bentinck a calculation of the number of 
 saplings requisite to hut his Division. 
 
 Went round the hospitals with Markham, who told 
 me I was to take his place upon a Board at 1 1 a.m. 
 to-morrow, in connection with Soyer* and his soup. 
 Heard to-day that poor young Dennis was dead. 
 
 September yd. Sat at a Board as Markham's repre- 
 sentative, in the First Division Camp, to take into 
 consideration a letter from Lord Panmure relative to 
 the soldiers having some hot soup before going on and 
 when coming off duty in the trenches. 
 
 In one respect it was a most pleasant Board, as 
 M. Soyer gave us a most excellent luncheon, of which 
 General Eyre partook most heartily, although he dis- 
 approved of the principle of Soyer's cooking, &c. 
 
 Another order from Headquarters about being pre- 
 pared for the enemy, but no enemy came. 
 
 September 4^/2. Rode to Headquarters, and saw the 
 Quartermaster-General relative to getting poles for the 
 62nd to hut themselves. He consented, and I rode 
 on to Balaclava to arrange for their being sent up to 
 camp with as little delay as possible. Found a great 
 deal of shot and shell still coming ashore and going 
 up to the front ; so I expect to hear of our opening 
 again, and then, I suppose, we shall assault. 
 
 At dinner an order came to hold ourselves in readi- 
 ness. 
 
 * The French cook who came to teach our men how to prepare their 
 food, and did some good. He published his experiences under the title, 
 A Culinary Campaign.*?*!. H. R.
 
 BOMBARDMENT BY THE FRENCH. 179 
 
 September ^th. Got up to-day before daylight, and, 
 to my surprise, the French Left Attack opened fire 
 at sunrise with severity, aided very slightly by our 
 batteries and their own right. 
 
 I don't think I ever saw anything more beautiful 
 than the commencement. The morning was clear and 
 lovely ; from some condition of the atmosphere, the 
 smoke did not disperse. 
 
 The flashes of the guns and the ships at sea could 
 plainly be seen under a curtain of smoke ; and the 
 town, too, was brightly lighted up by the just rising 
 sun. I never saw anything so perfect. None of the 
 other bombardments were half so beautiful to look at. 
 
 Heard that Anderson,* of the 3ist, was killed last 
 night at that beastly sap, and a great many men hit, 
 in trying to hold the rifle-pit in front of our right. 
 Captain Rowlands, of the 4ist, with twelve men, got 
 into it easily enough ; but seeing himself about to be 
 surrounded by the Russians, and being heavily shelled 
 by the Malakoff, he retired again to the trenches. 
 
 We lose about twenty men a night in this absurd 
 business, which, if the Malakoff were taken, would be 
 ours at once, and which cannot be held at all until 
 the Malakoff is taken. 
 
 Rode to Headquarters, and called on Chapman on 
 my way back. Heard from him what was intended 
 to-night. In three or four hours I shall be in the 
 trenches ; and I thought of writing to Pern, knowing 
 it to be a service of danger, but I shall not it 
 would only frighten her if I were not hurt, and do 
 her no good if I were. 
 
 A long conference to-day at Headquarters : General 
 Pelissier, Omar Pasha, Sir E. Lyons, and Simpson. 
 
 * Captain Charles Anderson, 315! Regiment, Assistant Engineer.
 
 i8o GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY. 
 
 The bombardment has been continued by the 
 French all day, but not very spiritedly ; it is now 
 half-past three o'clock. 
 
 At 5 p.m. Charles Woodford came and had a long 
 talk with me ; and from what he and the Engineers 
 told me, I directed Lieutenant-Colonel Hancock,* of 
 the 9/th, the Field Officer of the trenches, to post 
 his men for the protection of the sap, and of the right 
 of the 5th Parallel. 
 
 Left for the trenches at 6.20 p.m. 
 
 September 6th. The posting of the sentries and the 
 sap both got on very well. The Engineers reported 
 most favourably of the whole proceedings. 
 
 We had a quiet night, whether owing to the 
 arrangement of the sentries, or to the previous bom- 
 bardment, I don't know. One thing is certain, the 
 sap progressed well, and the working-party only had 
 two men very slightly wounded. 
 
 The whole casualties during the night did not ex- 
 ceed ten. 
 
 During the greater part of the night we were illu- 
 mined by a Russian ship, set on fire by the Allies. 
 
 Have been employed for some time during the 
 day in explaining to Colonel Daniell the nature of 
 the ground where the right sap now is in front of 
 our right. Buckley, and afterwards Scarlett, came to 
 ask me how the sentries were to be posted, they 
 then being on their way to the trenches. I then 
 found that Lewis was the General of the Right 
 Attack, and not Daniell, so my plans and lecture 
 have been thrown away for to-night. 
 
 * Lieutenant-Colonel the Honourable H. R. Hancock, killed three 
 days later at the assault on the Redan.
 
 SELECTED TO LEAD THE ASSAULT. 181 
 
 September 'jth. Saw Lewis on his return from the 
 trenches, at 6 a.m. He told me that they had had 
 a bad night of it, and that poor Buckley* was 
 killed. 
 
 The batteries kept up a tremendous fire all night, 
 and to-day they are doing the same. A conference 
 is being held at Headquarters, which, I suppose, will 
 receive the final intentions of the Allied Commanders. 
 
 If my brigade is ordered to lead the assault 
 against the Redan, it is a hundred to one that I am 
 killed ; but better far die so than get ignominiously 
 hit in the trenches. 
 
 At one time to-day the firing was quite tremen- 
 dous ; at other times they have slackened or nearly 
 ceased. 
 
 Erecting my stable hut, which, with a wall outside 
 my house, will make, I think, a good job of it. 
 
 At about half-past ten I was sent for by General 
 Markham, and I was informed I was to lead the 
 storming-party against the Redan to-morrow. 
 
 I look upon the attack as certain to fail, unless the 
 Russians give way as soon as the French have got 
 the Malakoff. We know nothing of the obstacles we 
 have to meet with, and all we do know is that there 
 is a very deep ditch, over which we must get 
 somehow or other. 
 
 God's will be done. I pity poor dear Pern, and 
 deeply regret the prospect of not seeing her and dear 
 
 little W again. I must, however, do my duty, 
 
 and do my best ; and hope that God will have mercy 
 upon my many sins, and have pity on me and my 
 children, and preserve my poor dear wife to take 
 care of them. 
 
 * Captain D. F. B. Buckley, Scots Fusilier Guards.
 
 i82 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY. 
 
 Asked the Duke of Newcastle to interest himself, 
 on behalf of dear Pern and the children, with the 
 Queen, which in the kindest way he promised me 
 to do. 
 
 I like that man. He is honest, kind-hearted, and 
 sharp-sighted. 
 
 Before entering into Colonel Windham's account 
 of the storming of the Redan and of his proceedings 
 on that occasion, it may be well to remind the reader 
 that Colonel Windham was not responsible in any 
 way for the arrangements made. 
 
 Sir James Simpson, the British Commander-in- 
 Chief, entrusted the command of our troops which 
 were to form the assaulting force to Lieutenant- 
 Generals Codrington and Markham. 
 
 It will be seen from the detailed account of the 
 assault, written by Windham for his children, that 
 he was not told that he was to lead the storming- 
 party of the 2nd Division, until all the arrange- 
 ments had been made. 
 
 Foreseeing a probable disaster, Windham protested 
 strongly against the narrow front (20 files only) on 
 which the storming-party was to advance. 
 
 His protests were, however, unavailing, and he 
 retired to make all the arrangement of his affairs 
 that was possible, fully expecting to fall in the 
 assault, but determined (in his own words) to do 
 his duty as a Christian and a soldier to the last 
 breath.
 
 " THE TIES OF THIS WORLD? 183 
 
 Among other letters written before the assault 
 was the following, to his wife : 
 
 "CAMP, 2ND DIVISION, 
 " HEIGHTS ABOVE SEBASTOPOL, 
 
 ' ' September jfA, 1855. 
 
 " This may possibly, ay, and probably will, be the 
 last letter you will ever receive from me. Your last 
 only reached me this day, enclosing dear little 
 
 W 's drawings 'to please Papa' (God in His 
 
 mercy bless him !), and also a kind scrap from dear 
 , and my oldest and best friend, Anthony. 
 
 "It is now late, and I am ordered to-morrow to 
 lead the storming-party of the 2nd Division against 
 the Redan, an operation, my dear, of great difficulty 
 and great danger. I shall probably fall, but I have 
 spoken to that kind-hearted man, the Duke of 
 Newcastle, who is now here, and asked him to 
 interest himself for you and the children, should such 
 be the case. 
 
 " That I may return to see you all again is my 
 most earnest prayer, but should I not, I hope God 
 Almighty will, in His mercy, give me a clear head 
 and resolute heart to do my duty as a Christian and 
 a soldier to the last breath. Give my love to all 
 your brothers and sisters, as well as to mine, and my 
 blessings, dearest, upon you and the children. May 
 they be a happiness and comfort to you, and may we 
 all meet together in the world to come. 
 
 " No soldier ought to marry the ties of this world 
 ought not to have so strong a hold on him. I have 
 left this letter in the hands of Mr. Baudiere (son of 
 the Vicar of St. Mary's). I shall read prayers with
 
 i8 4 GENERAL WINDHAM^ DIARY. 
 
 him to-night, and hope to go to-morrow to the 
 assault with a light and cheerful heart, and God 
 grant we may succeed. Love to Guy and Charlotte. 
 
 " Yours, my dearest Pern, most truly, 
 
 "and your affectionate husband, 
 
 " C. A. W." 
 
 "The Duke of N promised to make a personal 
 
 request to the Queen in your behalf, should I fall 
 most kind and the Queen will, I think, help you 
 and the children, in consideration of what I have 
 done and shall do. This feeling has made me quite 
 happy." 
 
 SECOND ASSAULT ON THE REDAN. 
 
 September Qth. Awoke and rose this morning 
 before six, having slept very well. I dare not 
 
 think of Marianne and that dear little boy W , 
 
 and my comfortable little home at Myton, as it 
 unmans me quite. But God help them, and by His 
 mercy, for their sake, may I get through this day. 
 
 If the Russians stand an assault, I have no 
 expectation of beating them, but quite the reverse ; 
 and yet, wonderful to say, with these opinions, I really 
 do not feel nervous, and never slept better. 
 
 And now, my dear Pern, this journal I have ordered 
 to be sent to you, provided I am never to write in 
 it again. It is written hurriedly, and in some places 
 violently, but always honestly. 
 
 Mind, if I die, you must live for the boys, and you 
 must get help from the Government. 
 
 Do this by properly applying for a pension. This 
 application, made direct to the Queen, will, I am sure, 
 succeed, as she is a kind-hearted woman.
 
 THE SECOND A SSA ULT. 185 
 
 Kiss the children for me, and remember me to the 
 Somervilles, Hudsons, and Des Vceuxs. And now, 
 my dear, again God bless you ; I shall soon march 
 down to the assault. 
 
 The following short account of the assault seems to 
 have been written on the night of September 8th : 
 
 The assault took place at one, and I went over the 
 Parallel at the head of the 4ist The Grenadiers 
 followed me pretty well, but not in the best order. I 
 went straight at the ditch, and did all that man could 
 do to get them into the centre of the battery, but it 
 was no go. I ran out into the middle of the battery 
 with my sword over my head, but it was useless. 
 They would stick to their gabions and to firing, and 
 not come to the bayonet ; so, after holding on to it 
 for near an hour, and having sent back Swire twice, 
 a young officer, Lieutenant Young,* of the iQth, and 
 Colonel Eman,f to tell Codrington that he must send 
 me the supports in some formation, I went back 
 myself and asked leave to have a fresh battalion. 
 
 This was granted, and I put myself at the head 
 of the " Royals." Whilst Codrington was considering 
 whether he would let me go on or not, the whole 
 attacking force fell back, leaving behind numbers of 
 killed and wounded. 
 
 If I could have got the men of the storming-party 
 to make a rush, I should have carried it ; but I 
 never could. They were all in disorder, and each 
 looking out for himself. The officers behaved well, 
 and so did the men as individuals, but not 
 collectively. 
 
 * Ensign W. W. Young, who was severely wounded. 
 
 t Lieutenant- Colonel J. Eman, C. B., 4ist Regiment, killed.
 
 1 86 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY. 
 
 Came back very hoarse. Poor Roger Swire is 
 badly wounded. 
 
 Dined with David Wood, and after dinner was 
 sent for to Headquarters, where I told General 
 Simpson the same as I had told Codrington that 
 there was nothing to stop good troops, and that if 
 the Highlanders, who were not tired and overworked 
 in the trenches, were let at it, they would be sure 
 to carry it. 
 
 September <)th. The whole of last night loud reports 
 were heard, and large fires blazing, and everything 
 clearly prepared for abandoning the town. 
 
 This morning it was found evacuated, and so ends 
 the memorable and bloody Siege of Sebastopol, the 
 greatest ever known in ancient or modern times. 
 
 September nth. Early in the morning Barnard 
 came and offered me the post of Commandant or 
 Governor of that part of Sebastopol surrendered to 
 the English. I was much surprised at this, seeing 
 that the attack on the Redan had failed, and know- 
 ing that, with most men, success is the criterion of 
 merit. 
 
 I accepted it most willingly, for certainly it is a 
 great compliment. 
 
 God knows I did the best I could, and I believe 
 the Army here think so ; but after all, it is not 
 pleasant to be a beaten cock. 
 
 A few more entries were made in the Diary, 
 principally allusions to Windham's work as Governor, 
 which was arduous and unpleasant
 
 ANOTHER FAILURE. 187 
 
 A letter to Mr. Greville, written a few days later, 
 throws further light on the failure of the assault: 
 
 " DOCKYARD, SEBASTOPOL, 
 
 " September 14^, 1855. 
 
 "This is the anniversary of our landing, and here 
 I am, at last, resting myself in that town which I 
 fully expected would have taken some time longer 
 to have got into. 
 
 " And when you consider that two out of the three 
 French attacks, and our one, all failed, you will 
 probably agree with me in thinking we have, on 
 the whole, been very lucky. 
 
 "'Except to assist the French,' by giving occupa- 
 tion to some thousand Russians, the attack on the 
 Redan was thoroughly useless, as it is completely 
 commanded by the Malakoff.* It was badly planned, 
 and I firmly believe (from the fact of our men never 
 having advanced a yard since the i8th of June) that, 
 until a very few hours before the assault took place, 
 it never was intended. That part of the above 
 paragraph marked by inverted commas, was the 
 reason given out here. Only look at it ! To have 
 been good for anything, the attack ought to have 
 taken place at the same instant as the attack on the 
 Malakoff, whereas it was ordered that none of the 
 other attacks should be made until a succes assure 
 had taken place at the Tower. In other words, the 
 other attacks did not take place until they were 
 useless. I told all my Generals that I was convinced 
 that, unless the Russians bolted on the loss of the 
 
 * The capture of the Redan would have caused the surrender of the 
 bulk of the Russians, as they could not have used the bridge to the 
 north side. W. H. R.
 
 1 88 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY. 
 
 Malakoff, we should never succeed. And why did I 
 say this? Simply because I agree with Napoleon, 
 that troops should not be exposed to grape for 300 
 yards. Under a severe fire it is impossible to form 
 men, and as they had to get over a high parallel, 
 they were perfectly sure to be broken at the very 
 start. Men ' in formation ' may hold it under fire 
 with a fair start and good discipline, but, once broken, 
 the thing is hopeless. The result was that I went 
 straight at the battery, followed by a few Grenadiers 
 and officers, crossed the ditch, and went through the 
 third embrasure on the proper left, and found myself 
 alone, or nearly so, in the battery. 
 
 " Hartnady, a Grenadier of the 41 st, was the first over 
 after me, wounded ; Kenealy, ditto, the second ; and 
 Dan Mahoney the third, immediately shot through the 
 head ; as was an officer of the 9Oth. I did all I could to 
 get them on by advancing and cheering in my own 
 person, by turning round, patting them on the back, 
 telling them to look to their bayonets, &c., but it was 
 useless. Those who had got between the parapet and 
 screen were of many different regiments, unacquainted 
 with me or each other, and could not be got on ; and 
 I have heard since that their great stumbling-block was 
 their conviction that the whole battery was ' mined.' It 
 is odd, but nevertheless true, that their great fear of 
 gunpowder was the cause of their halting directly over 
 the magazine. There was a great deal of individual 
 pluck, particularly in the officers, and many of the old 
 soldiers behaved well ; but there was no ' united pluck,' 
 and without that how can you act against numbers. 
 
 "... So, although I have been handsomely spoken 
 of by both officers and men engaged, I suppose I shall 
 meet with my Inkerman fate, and, after having borne
 
 MARKHAM AND EYRE 189 
 
 the brunt and dangers of the day, be thanked by my 
 inferiors, approved of by my conscience, and be un- 
 rewarded. . . . 
 
 " I have been made Governor of the English portion 
 of Sebastopol, and am therefore a sort of little Osten 
 Sacken. 
 
 "The first thing I had to do was to clean out the 
 hospitals, in which there were about 500 dead, and every 
 species of dirt. I am sure I wish, with you, this war 
 was over ; but if it continue, I do hope that we may have 
 to act alone, and in a country where there is no electric 
 wire, and under a man who is not obliged to wait every 
 day for orders from home. 
 
 " The three Generals you mention are the best here, 
 and the first* the best of the three. Markham's health, 
 I am sorry to say, is too much broken, and Eyre's bad 
 temper too intact 
 
 " In fact, until the Home Government make up their 
 minds to choose a proper person, without fear of the 
 Army or the Press, we shall never get on as we ought to 
 do. For my part, I do not dislike General Simpson ; he 
 has been very kind to me ; but he is too old, and has no 
 weight, and in fact does not ' command ' the Army. It 
 
 is lucky for that the town is taken, for his 
 
 arrangements for the winter were so absurd that we 
 must have come to a standstill. 
 
 " Sebastopol must have been one of the handsomest 
 places in the world. It is now one heap of ruins. I 
 cannot put down the Russian loss at the iast bombard- 
 ment and attack at less than 15 to 20 thousand men. 
 The Allied Cavalry (10,000 sabres) and the Light Artillery 
 ought ere this to have been at Eupatoria, or on the 
 Alma, whereas we have not moved. 
 
 * Sir William Codrington.
 
 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY. 
 
 " So now farewell ; show my letters to whom you like, 
 but do not, as an old friend, use them to my detriment. 
 To you I write the naked truth, which of course ought 
 not to be published until the world is good enough 
 to hear it. 
 
 " Yours ever, 
 
 "C. A. WlNDHAM." 
 
 A month later, General Simpson called on Windham 
 for information required by Lord Pan mure, the Secretary 
 of State for War. 
 
 The unofficial and official letters to General Simpson 
 merit attention, as does the private letter to Mr. Greville. 
 
 " To General Simpson. 
 
 "CAMP, SEBASTOPOL, 
 
 "October itfA, 1855. 
 "MY DEAR SIR, 
 
 "After our conversation this morning, I should 
 like to place before you my opinions ; but as to the 
 propriety or impropriety of the attack on the Redan 
 I shall remain silent, as also upon the details of the 
 attack, and shall confine myself to that which came 
 under my notice. The whole character of the fight 
 at the Redan would have been changed had the 
 leading party never stopped at the salient, but gone, 
 without halting, at the second line of defence ; and 
 from the gallantry of their advance to the salient, who 
 can say they would not have done this, had not their 
 leaders been killed. Had they done so the fight 
 would have been at the second line, not at the salient; 
 and the supports would have arrived inside, instead
 
 REASONS. 191 
 
 of outside, the battery. I arrived after the Light 
 Division, and attacked on their right. I went through 
 the third embrasure (I think) on the proper left of 
 the work, but was not followed by any numbers, as 
 the men clung to the salient. This again would not 
 have happened had we gone straight at the second 
 line without halting. It is true that I (and others) 
 tried to get the men out of the proper right face of 
 the work (to which I had crossed from the left), 
 without success ; but, in justice to all parties, it should 
 be remembered that, what with traverses and screens, 
 the men were necessarily cut up into small bodies (to 
 say nothing of being of different regiments), and a 
 simultaneous rush was, therefore, almost impossible 
 when once file firing began. Without a certain body 
 of men, it was useless to attack the second line ; but 
 how get them out of these little chambers, in which 
 they were necessarily separated into small parties? 
 I have no hesitation in saying that the men I came 
 across did hang back, but I do not say it was 
 altogether from want of courage : want of mutual 
 support was the great thing ; this the intermixture of 
 the regiments rendered difficult, and the construction 
 of the battery almost impossible ; it could have been 
 avoided by a rapid and continued advance from the 
 first, but could not be overcome. I stated -at the 
 time (and think so still by my subsequent observation), 
 that one united battalion, thrown on the proper left 
 face of the work, would have carried the second line, 
 provided they could have kept clear of the men 
 upon the salient; this I told Sir W. Codrington at 
 the time, and I was then sanguine as to the complete 
 success of such a move. But since I have cooled, 
 and calmly looked at the batter}', I am not sure that
 
 192 GENERAL WIND HASPS DIARY. 
 
 we could have held it ; but we should, at any rate, 
 have brought the question to a fair trial. 
 
 " Sir William waiting for a few minutes to see what 
 the French were doing was the wisest plan of the 
 two. Had the Royals (the regiment I got from 
 General Markham) run to the salient, I am positive 
 it would only have added to the slaughter, as there 
 would have been no means, under such a fire, of 
 preventing them from intermingling with the others. 
 The failure of our attack, particularly at such a 
 moment, was very unlucky, but it does not follow 
 that if renewed it would have succeeded ; and it 
 should be borne in mind that the French failed in 
 all their attacks against the works open in the rear, 
 and that the Russians, after their defeat at the 
 Malakoff, turned greater weight on us. 
 
 " As to the ladders, they were long enough, and I 
 cannot see what use Field Artillery could have been 
 to us. I have only now to request that you will 
 not suppose for a moment that I attribute our 
 failure to the Light Division men, as individuals. 
 I only think that had their leaders not been killed, 
 the men would probably have gone into the battery 
 with a rush, instead of firing into it ; and it would 
 have remained to be proved whether or not we could 
 have held it. At any rate, we should, under these 
 circumstances, have tried the question fairly. 
 
 " With regard to the belief held by the men as to 
 the work being mined, I saw no explosion during 
 the time I was there; but I think I should have, 
 had we succeeded."
 
 ARGUMENTS. 193 
 
 Letter to Mr. Charles Greville, enclosing a copy of 
 the official letter to General Simpson : 
 
 " SEBASTOPOL, 
 
 "October i$th, 1855. 
 
 "This is very nearly the letter I have to-day for- 
 warded to General Simpson for Lord Panmure's perusal, 
 and it contains my honest opinion. I declined saying 
 anything as to the attack of the Redan being wise or 
 unwise. I have all along been against it. The attack, 
 if made anywhere, should have been made between 
 the Karabelnaia Ravine and Malakoff, which would 
 have aided the French more, and put us more within 
 reach of one another ; but no matter as to this. What 
 I wish you to do is to stop any enquiry into the 
 conduct of the troops. If any man ought to know 
 what that conduct was, it is your humble servant ; 
 and yet, I assure you on my honour, if before a 
 court, I could not bring home a case to anyone of 
 my own knowledge. The regiments were so inter- 
 mixed (and I had thirteen different regiments, or parts 
 of them, in the scramble), the men strangers to me 
 and one another, and to the officers who addressed 
 them, that I am quite sure it would only create an 
 immense deal of bad feeling, and do no atom of 
 good. The country ought, in justice, to remember 
 that we called on the men to attack a work that 
 was perfect, and defended by more men than we could 
 bring against it, to say nothing of the protection of 
 distant batteries ; and so they ought not to allow 
 their national pride to come down too heavily upon 
 the men who 'stood' probably better in the Redan 
 than many would have done who complain of them.
 
 194 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY. 
 
 " I much regret the strong attacks against General 
 Simpson. They are not fair ; he is by no means a 
 bad man. . . . We all know he is not the ' personage ' 
 Lord Raglan was, that there is not for him, with the 
 French, the same amount of ' prestige ' that there was 
 for the friend and secretary of ' Vilainton,' the man 
 who had lost hJs arm at Mont St. Jean, and had gone 
 through the wars of the Empire ; all this is true, and 
 it is also true that he cannot speak French nearly as 
 well as Lord Raglan. 
 
 " I am told, but I know not if it is true, that the 
 French strongly opposed our going to Eupatoria ; 
 if so, they have prevented the Russian Army from 
 being cut to pieces. One of the great dislikes I 
 have always had to the attack on the south side 
 has been the certainty that we should lose 10,000 
 men, and the equal certainty that we must after- 
 wards go to the north before anything could really 
 be done against the Russian Army. 
 
 " Des Salles has fallen back from the Belbek, and all 
 idea of turning their left is abandoned. I always 
 thought it would be. The authorities do not seem to 
 have made up their minds where the Cavalry are to 
 go, but the general opinion is to the Bosphorus. 
 
 " If this war lasts, everything will depend upon the 
 early opening of the campaign before the enemy 
 can receive his reinforcements. We ought to have 
 six weeks start of him, and in that time crush him. 
 But for this purpose everything should be prepared 
 at Eupatoria, ready for a start the first fine weather ; 
 but I am afraid this will not be done. We shall be 
 looking to the Russians retiring (which I think they 
 will do) and to the diplomats. 
 
 " I would look to nothing but God and the sword,
 
 THE RECRUITS. 195 
 
 and would smite them hip and thigh, from the rising 
 to the setting of the sun. 
 
 " There is one good thing in rest, we shall be able 
 to touch up our recruits a little ; and, had these roads 
 not been going on, we should soon have had them tidy 
 soldiers, and it must be admitted that the trenches have 
 done them much harm. 
 
 " Only think of my having a Division ! As to the 
 newspapers, they seem to make me the greatest hero 
 that ever was, which is purely and simply ridiculous. 
 I am too old, however, to have my head turned by 
 that sort of nonsense, and am well aware that this 
 day fortnight I might be just as much in their black 
 books as I am the reverse now. I have no belief in 
 the Russians attacking us again, notwithstanding the 
 advice from Berlin. I think they can hardly be so 
 foolish ; yet fighting is, of all things, the most uncertain. 
 
 " Pray do no harm with my letters, particularly this 
 one, and do what you can to stop the 'nagging' the 
 Army and 'hitting it in the raw.' When we meet 
 the Russians in the open field I hope to see a different 
 account of old ' Brickdust.' 
 
 " Yours very truly, 
 
 " C. A. WINDHAM." 
 
 Official report to Lieutenant-General James Simpson, 
 Commander- in-Chief in the Crimea : 
 
 " SEBASTOPOL, 
 
 " October 15^, 1855. 
 
 " SIR, 
 
 " I have the honour to inform you that I have 
 no remark to make upon the first portion of Lord 
 Panmure's despatch.
 
 196 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY. 
 
 " The conduct of the troops in the attack upon the 
 Redan, on the 8th September, was good in their 
 advance to the salient ; after the unfortunate halt there, 
 it was characterised by hesitation and want of unity 
 of purpose, which I attribute (i) to the regiments 
 becoming intermingled ; (2) to the construction of the 
 battery (the face being divided into small chambers) ; 
 (3) the difficulty of getting any simultaneous move- 
 ment ; and (4) the dread of the work being mined. 
 
 " The leading Division having lost its leaders and not 
 going at once to the second line, but commencing firing, 
 is enough to account for our want of success. 
 
 " Had there been no halt until we arrived at the 
 second line, my party and the supports would have 
 ' brought up ' inside, instead of outside, the battery. 
 
 "Whether we could have held the work is a matter 
 of doubt ; at the moment I thought we could, but upon 
 reflection, and considering the fact of our Allies having 
 failed against all works open in the rear, I am not 
 so confident as to the correctness of my first opinion. 
 
 "At the time I thought that an entire battalion 
 thrown over the proper left face of the work, clear of 
 our men then fighting, would have carried the second 
 line, and I think so still. 
 
 " But had the ' Royals ' (which regiment was granted 
 me for this purpose) joined the men at the salient (and 
 who can say they would not have done so), their attack 
 would only have added to our losses. 
 
 " I saw no reason to complain of the length of the 
 ladders. 
 
 " I do not see how Field Artillery could have been 
 brought advantageously into play. I saw artillerymen 
 present for the purpose of spiking the guns. 
 
 " I beg to enclose a letter from Captain Rowlands,
 
 A POPULAR CRY. 197 
 
 of the 4 1st, who led the Grenadiers of that regiment on 
 the 8th September, touching the men's opinion as to 
 the work being mined. 
 
 " I saw no explosions during the fight, but, from what 
 was observed next day, I think it fortunate that no 
 second attack was made, as I should probably have 
 seen many. 
 
 " I enclose a sketch of the work, and, for the 
 information of Lord Panmure, wish to say that what 
 I call the second line of defence was simply a ditch, 
 perfectly easy to pass over both ways, in which the 
 Russians were placed, their heads only being visible. 
 
 " I have the honour to be, Sir, 
 
 " Your obedient humble servant, 
 "C. A. WlNDHAM, 
 
 "Major- General Commanding 4th Division" 
 
 A letter to Mr. Charles Greville, written a few days 
 later, gives some interesting particulars of the assault : 
 
 "CAMP, SEBASTOPOL, 
 
 " 2oth October, 1855. 
 
 " Many thanks for your two last letters : both reached 
 me yesterday. What a curious thing is a popular cry ! 
 If my head was inclined to be turned I might fancy 
 myself a hero ; but, after all, I really did but little. 
 Praise ought only to be given to me for trying to 
 remedy an error, and quickly seeing the only way 
 it could be done with any chance of success. Not 
 liking to set a bad example by retiring in my own 
 person, I sent four times to let them know what I 
 wanted, which was, 'Soldiers in formation and under 
 obedience.' No number of scattered men joining the
 
 198 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY. 
 
 rear of an already disjointed lot has any chance 
 of moving it, or restoring order; as well might you 
 hope, by doubling the rear of a riotous mob, to make 
 them more rational in front. By the enclosed sketch 
 you will see that our men, having got into those little 
 chambers numbered I, 2, 3, &c., were by necessity cut 
 up into small parties ; and as the Russians held in force 
 the proper right and the four flanking guns, the only 
 thing to do was to get our men out of that position 
 and take the second line an easily-traversed ditch 
 by a dash, which would have induced all followers 
 to come into the battery, instead of into the salient. 
 
 " This I found impossible. I tried it three times. 
 Many of the men could not see me, others were busy 
 firing; two only came out with me when I went forward, 
 and took a shot, by my order, at a Russian officer, 
 where I have put a cross. But in spite of the most 
 approved theatrical attitudes, and strong language, I 
 could never succeed in getting attended to, the 
 more so as I found myself with the Light Division 
 (who were the leaders), and not one man in fifty 
 knew me. All this time, when I was at work in the 
 chambers and in the battery, the men on the salient 
 kept up firing at the Russian heads visible in the 
 second line, and at the re-entering angle upon the 
 proper right. Having failed, I immediately sent for 
 support, and, as the men looked shaky, called upon 
 them to hold on to what they had got : that supports 
 were coming ; and some officer (very wisely) had the 
 ' advance ' sounded lustily on the outside by a bugler 
 of the 62nd. I kept eagerly watching for some number 
 of formed men with officers, that I might lead them over 
 the ditch of the second line. The guns of the whole 
 battery, bar the flank ones, had been abandoned, and
 
 GORTCHAKOFF'S DESPATCH. . 199 
 
 therefore it is probable that, with a battalion of men 
 in order, I should have taken the second line. I 
 wight have held it, especially if the enemy had con- 
 tented himself with firing at us from the third line 
 until our working-party had secured us. I say I might, 
 but I do not think I could, unless which is possible 
 the Russians should have bolted upon seeing both 
 Redan and Malakoff lost. As soon as ever the fresh 
 battalion had mounted the parapet on the proper left, 
 the men on the salient, outside the ditch, would have 
 joined their comrades, and we should have had a hell 
 of a rough-and-tumble fight before we had given way; 
 for I much question if the enemy would have held the 
 battery on the proper right (four guns) with my 
 troops in possession of the second line, and if they 
 had not, the men in the trenches would have come 
 out much more freely. It was these guns that helped 
 to cut us up so in the advance, together with the 
 mass of riflemen placed there. 
 
 " You will probably now understand why I wanted 
 soldiers in formation. It was because I wanted to 
 make a move, and, by attraction, obtain what I could 
 not get \>y propulsion ; that is to say, to lead the men 
 out of the chambers and off the salient and parapet 
 into the second line, thereby bringing the taking and 
 holding of the battery to a fair trial. 
 
 "As to the town, except the store-houses in the 
 dockyard, everything is in ruins (but Fort Nicholas). 
 The inhabitants consisted of some used-up soldiers, 
 and the hospitals, houses, and streets were full of 
 dead bodies. 
 
 " Gortchakoff s despatch described very correctly the 
 state of the town. If the Russians can hold on 
 through the winter (why they should try to do so is
 
 200 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY. 
 
 to me marvellous), it will come to what I told you, 
 namely, a loss on our part of 10,000 men to get us 
 out of our difficulties; for, if the Russians can feed 
 themselves, nothing will drive them out so easily as 
 an Army acting from the Eupatoria coast. I believe 
 the weather difficulty could be yet overcome ; and a 
 battle fought on the head waters of the river running 
 westward, or anywhere near Simpheropol, if decisive, 
 would seal the fate of the Crimea. Long before the 
 assault, I told the Duke of Newcastle that the first 
 step to take, previous to attacking the south side, was 
 to have Horse Artillery, Cavalry, and every spare thing 
 in the shape of transport and provisions sent to 
 Eupatoria, so as to be ready to follow up success, if 
 such were granted us and it will now have to come 
 to this : and it is on this account that I would, if 
 possible, have all the English Cavalry, &c., that could 
 be spared sent there now, and not to the Bosphorus, 
 that they might be ready in the spring to act before 
 the Russian reinforcements could arrive. If this had 
 been done in connection with the Turks, and 55,000 
 Infantry had been collected, it would have settled 
 Russky's hash, because had he denuded this part 
 of troops, those left here of us would have taken 
 the north shore, and our object would have been 
 gained. 
 
 "The only Russian woman I have seen is a one- 
 eyed one of fifty (used as cook at Headquarters), since 
 the 8th of September. 
 
 " Yours very truly, 
 
 "C. A. WlNDHAM."
 
 THE REDAN. 201 
 
 It has been decided to include in this book the 
 following paper, although it was not written for 
 publication, as the discussions anticipated by General 
 Windham have arisen recently : 
 
 "ACCOUNT OF THE ATTACK ON THE REDAN 
 
 "ON THE STH SEPTEMBER, 1855. 
 
 (Written in 1857.) 
 
 " As I think it quite possible that hereafter dis- 
 cussions may arise as to the attack on the Redan 
 on the 8th of September, 1855, I am determined 
 to write a short account of the matter, for the satis- 
 faction of my children ; in this account, which is 
 not meant for publication, I will, as far as I am 
 able, speak the whole truth, and only hope that I 
 may not state anything unfair of any party concerned. 
 
 "On the afternoon of the 7th of September, 1855, 
 I was sent for to Markham's hut, and informed by 
 him that my brigade would furnish the storming 
 party of the 2nd Division; and that the attack was 
 to take place the next day at twelve o'clock, pro- 
 vided the French met with success at the Malakoff. 
 
 " The attacking-party told off for the Redan was 
 as follows : 
 
 1. 200 men . . Covering-party. 
 
 2. 320 . . Scaling-ladder-party. 
 
 3. 1000 . . Storming-party. 
 
 4. 400 . . Working-party. 
 
 " This force was to be drawn equally from the 
 Light and 2nd Divisions. The first and second parties 
 were to go abreast, and the storming-party was to
 
 202 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY. 
 
 toss up which should lead (to prevent jealousy, I 
 suppose). I accordingly tossed up with Colonel 
 Unett, who on that day was in temporary com- 
 mand of Shirley's Brigade, owing to his (S.'s) absence. 
 
 " Percy Herbert flung up a Napoleon ; I lost the 
 toss, and Unett chose the lead. 
 
 " I now think it right to state, as nearly as I can, 
 my impressions at the time as to the ultimate fate 
 of the attack. There were a good many officers 
 present ; amongst others, Brigadier-General Warren, 
 Colonel Mauleverer, Colonel P. Herbert, Colonel 
 Wilbraham, and Markham himself. Unett, as soon 
 as he had chosen the lead, went out of the hut.* 
 
 " Having heard that the ditch was revetted, and 
 twenty-five feet deep, I honestly stated that I did 
 not see how it was possible to carry the work in the 
 way we were going to attack it. Our ladders were 
 reported to us as being twenty-four feet long, and I 
 naturally asked how it was possible to pass over any 
 number of men with rapidity with such short ladders. 
 
 " I also strongly objected to going out twenty file 
 abreast from one given point, stating that I felt sure 
 the rear of the column never would, or could, keep 
 up ; that the proper \vay to attack was to rush from 
 the whole length of the 5th Parallel, and then to be 
 backed up by men in order from the rear. 
 
 " I also objected (after the experience of the 1 8th 
 June) to there being no 'banquette,' stating that I 
 felt sure some of the men really would hang upon 
 the gabions and not be able to get over, whilst others 
 would pretend to do so. To these objections I met 
 but with one reply from Markham, and it was always 
 to this effect : ' It is no use" talking, Windham, all that 
 
 * He was mortally wounded in the assault.
 
 THE REDAN. 203 
 
 is settled, and you must do it as directed.' I succeeded 
 in nothing but getting a promise of some tubs and 
 planks to form a ' banquette ' along that portion of the 
 5th Parallel from which we had to get. I was told 
 that Warren's. Brigade would support me, and I here 
 firmly state that I went to the attack looking upon 
 myself as immediately under Markham, and relying 
 upon the 2nd Division to support me. In proof of 
 this, I solemnly declare to having shaken hands with 
 Markham after my long discussion in opposition to 
 the proposed plan of attack, and said, ' Well, you 
 may depend upon my going into the battery, if I 
 keep upon my legs ; but if I ever get to the second 
 line, mind, I will not quit it for the white buildings 
 until you or Warren come up.' Having retired to my 
 hut, I made my will, wrote my letters, &c., and sent 
 for the officers in command of the two regiments from 
 which the storming column was drawn, namely, the 
 41 st and 62nd (Eman and Tyler).* Having given 
 them my directions, particularly as to the men not 
 fixing their bayonets (for fear of their tumbling on 
 to one another in the ditch) until they were absolutely 
 in the work, I lit my cigar, and passed my time as 
 usual until the evening, when I went with Swire, my 
 A.D.C., to Baudiere's hut, and had him read prayers to 
 us ; after this I went to bed, and slept soundly till the 
 morning. 
 
 " I thought we were under arms a great deal too 
 soon but that perhaps is a fault on the right side. 
 I remember the morning was both cold and windy. I 
 marched my party to the head of the Light Division 
 ravine, and there I saw Codrington, who asked me if 
 
 * Colonel Eman was killed, and Colonel Tyler severely wounded in the 
 assault.
 
 204 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY. 
 
 I knew the details of the attack, to which I replied 
 Yes. 
 
 " I was on horseback, and rode down the front of the 
 company of the 4 1st, and told them that although the 
 service they were on was one of danger, that we should 
 no doubt do it well and successfully. That I begged 
 they would be cool and quiet, and not fix their bayonets 
 until they were over the ditch of the Redan. That 
 there would then be plenty of time for that, as the 
 Light Division would be ahead of us, and that I wished 
 to avoid accidents in descending the ladders. It was 
 only after seeing Codrington that I found out Shirley 
 had come back, which put me more out of joint as 
 commanding the storming-party, and made me hold my 
 tongue when in the trenches, and refer everyone to him 
 for orders. I, however, took upon myself to see that 
 Maude was all right with his ladders ; and I sent back 
 an order to Dr. Alexander, of the Light Division (with- 
 out consulting Shirley), upon finding out that the 
 Medical Officer at the Quarries had been there up- 
 wards of twenty-four hours, and had used up all his 
 lint, bandages, &c., of which he then had none. This 
 was about two hours before the attack. 
 
 " I had two men of the leading company of the 4ist 
 killed (one next to me) before the attack, and the 
 Russians kept shelling us heavily ; one portion of the 
 shell that killed the right-hand man of the Grenadier 
 company of the 41 st next me, also struck Captain 
 Hood, of the Buffs, in the stomach, and obliged him 
 to withdraw.
 
 THE REDAN. 205 
 
 THE ATTACK. 
 
 " As soon as the flag was up I was ready, and ordered 
 my men to follow me along the trench until I came to 
 the proper place to cross. I then jumped over, and the 
 first thing I did was to collar the man next me and 
 make him unfix his bayonet ; when I got up to the 
 advanced sap (having my back to the Redan, and 
 facing my own men), I observed some were inclined to 
 make for the shelter of this sap, and I accordingly 
 ordered Roger Swire to place himself there and pre- 
 vent their entering it. 
 
 " I proceeded on to the Redan with the Grenadier 
 company and Eman. Upon coming up to the work 
 I diverged slightly to the right, to clear the Light 
 Division, and went at once into the ditch, which, thank 
 God, was not revetted for above six feet ; and was the 
 first man of the 2nd Division storming - party that 
 crossed the ditch. I was accompanied by Privates 
 Hartnady, Kenealy, and Mahoney the rest of the 
 company I thought slow, and I called to them loudly 
 to hurry on ; as soon as I got a dozen or fifteen men 
 over, I turned and entered the work at the second 
 or third embrasure to the right, the first being on 
 fire, and went straight into the middle of the work. 
 / was followed by no one, to the best of my belief. 
 I crossed the work, and went into the chambers 
 upon the proper right face of it, and patted many of 
 the men upon the back, and tried to get them out 
 of both the openings towards the second line it was 
 of no use : I was never followed but by one man 
 of the 88th, and two men of the Rifles. The man of 
 the 88th came out most gallantly, and was abreast of
 
 206 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY. 
 
 me ; the first rifleman also came out well, and it was to 
 these two men, who unfortunately would fire and not 
 charge, that I said, " Well, if you will fire, shoot that 
 (a strong expletive)," pointing to a Russian officer, who 
 was kicking away the gabions in his front to give his 
 men a good shot at us. Finding, notwithstanding my 
 cheering and doing the theatrical, that these three men 
 were all that came, we fell back ; and, on my getting 
 upon the parapet, the men were nearly taking a panic. 
 I accordingly ran upon the top of it (amongst their 
 muskets), and assured them that there was no cause for 
 fear, and implored them not to fall back ; the men on 
 the salient gave me a hearty cheer, and all seemed 
 right. I then sent Roger Swire back for the supports 
 (having recrossed the ditch), and returned on to the 
 parapet of the Redan. In a short time another panic 
 came on, and I thought they would all be off; but I 
 shouted to them to stand firm a bugler of the 62nd 
 sounded the advance, the men cheered, and all was 
 again quiet. I now, after having hit a man of the 62nd 
 with my fist for firing through the burning embrasure, 
 tried my best to get the men away from the salient, 
 where they were crowded, along the proper left face 
 of the work ; but beyond a dozen it was no go. I 
 accordingly crossed the ditch, and young Swire having 
 returned, I sent him back immediately to desire that 
 our batteries would keep up a heavy fire upon the 
 Redan, no matter whether they hit us or not. I also 
 sent back another officer (I have heard it was Major 
 Rickman, of the 77th, but I cannot say from my own 
 knowledge that it was) to request support ; until this 
 time I had received only a few scattered men, and I 
 think it was about this time that a fair-sized party of 
 the 23rd came out, and also some riflemen, under
 
 THE REDAN. 207 
 
 Captain Hammond* and Major Ryder. A sergeant of 
 the Rifles would have been of great service to me, as he 
 was active, cool, and brave ; but he was killed whilst I 
 had my hand upon his arm, being shot through his 
 black belt, and the blood spurting quite out from his 
 body. 
 
 "A sergeant and party of the 23rd also behaved 
 tranquilly and well ; and I cannot help thinking I 
 might have succeeded in getting at this time fifty 
 men to have followed me to the proper left of the 
 work, had this sergeant not told me distinctly that 
 the last words of Sir VV. Codrington, on sending them 
 out of the trenches, were, ' Mind and not go to the 
 right' The sergeant was so cool and collected that I 
 could not but believe him, and replied, ' Well, I suppose 
 he sees something there that I cannot see.' At this 
 time a tremendous volley of grape and musket balls 
 came, and certainly must have knocked over at least 
 twelve or fifteen of the party, and the rest soon dis- 
 persed from the heavy fire. Having again been 
 thwarted, I had nothing for it but to send again to 
 hurry on the supports, requesting they might be sent in 
 a mass, and some sort of order. This time I em- 
 ployed Lieutenant Young, of the igth Foot, who was 
 wounded. No numbers, however, came, and ammuni- 
 tion began to run short, and the men to get slack. I 
 accordingly called Colonel Eman to me, and said, 
 ' Now, Eman, you are a man of high rank ; you ought 
 to have some weight with the General, whoever he 
 may be. Go and tell him, that if he cannot send 
 or bring me some real support, and in some order, 
 I would rather, by God, he sent me none.' I was 
 
 angry. 
 
 * Captain Hammond was killed.
 
 2o8 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY. 
 
 "Stones now began to be thrown, and the ground 
 was thickly strewed with dead and wounded ; but I 
 still thought the fire at the Redan was by no means 
 insupportable ; and if I could only have got a fresh 
 battalion over, at the proper re-entering angle, on the 
 left of the work, I felt convinced I could get the 
 second line. Seeing that Eman's message had 
 apparently no effect, I at last turned round to a 
 young officer, standing close to me, and asked him 
 his name. He replied, as I understood, Graylock (it 
 was Crealock). I then said to him, ' I have sent five 
 times for support; the last man I sent was Eman. 
 Now, bear witness that I am not in a funk (at which 
 he smiled), but I will now go back myself, and try 
 what I can do.' 
 
 " I accordingly called out to the man on the salient 
 to hold on till I got up the support ; and then, running 
 back to the 5th Parallel, I saw Codrington standing 
 in the trench. Without going from the top of the 
 parallel, I said to him, ' If you will only send me a 
 fresh battalion now, and help me out with it, I can 
 carry the work.' His answer was, ' Come down, Wind- 
 ham, you '11 only be killed there. Why, my good 
 fellow, they won't go, and I have no number to 
 send.' Seeing the trench filled with wounded and 
 disheartened men, I immediately asked for Markham ; 
 and hearing he was in the Quarries, I ran across, a 
 distance of fifty or sixty yards, and found he was not 
 there, but at the old advance. I ran to him, and found 
 him in company with Richard Wilbraham, Percy 
 Herbert, young Thesiger, and King. The first thing 
 I said to him was, ' Only give a battalion, and help 
 me out with it, and I will carry the work at once.' 
 He said, ' Can you ? then take the Royals.' I asked
 
 THE REDAN. 209 
 
 Wilbraham to order the batteries to keep a heavy fire 
 upon the Redan, and immediately, without a second's 
 delay (and I appeal to Markham's Staff on this point), 
 I marched the Royals to the front. As soon as I got 
 to Codrington I halted the regiment, jumped on to 
 the parallel, spoke to the men, telling them to stick 
 to me, and not mind the others now on the salient 
 of the Redan ; and then, turning to Codrington, said, 
 ' Now, sir, I am ready ; give the word, and help me.' 
 He pulled me down from the top of the parallel, and 
 said, ' Come down, Windham, don't be in such a hurry ; 
 let me see what the French are about.' Having been 
 stopped, I argued the case as quietly as I could. He 
 (C.) asked me if I thought I was sure to succeed ; if 
 it were possible to get men out steadily under such 
 a fire. I admitted the difficulties and uncertainties I 
 admitted that if I failed on the left the loss would, 
 of course, be great. At this time Williams, of the 
 Artillery, ran back from the Redan, and said to me, 
 ' Sir, if you will only now come on, Major Maude says 
 he will open out and let you through.' To this I 
 offered all the opposition I could. I told Codrington 
 that if the attacking-party once joined the men on 
 the salient, it was all over ; and, beyond file firing and 
 logs, you would get nothing ; that the only thing to 
 do was to keep clear of the other, and try the proper 
 left of the work. At this time a panic seized the 
 men at the Redan, and the day was lost. Upon 
 reviewing my own conduct up to this point, I think 
 very highly of it ; and had I only replied to Cod- 
 rington when he pulled me down from the top of 
 the parallel, when at the head of the Royals, 'Well, 
 sir, do as you like about the attack I will rejoin the 
 men at the salient,' I should have abandoned my
 
 210 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY. 
 
 plan of attack on the proper left (the only thing to 
 have been done), but I should have given my most 
 bitter enemy no chance of saying one word against 
 me. 
 
 " I have heard it said that I ought to have returned 
 (and so I should in a minute or so, had not the 
 repulse occurred) ; and people seem to insinuate that 
 an exposed position at the 5th Parallel was a place 
 of comparative comfort ; but it was not so, nor did 
 I seek it on that account. 
 
 " I was now desperately tired and hoarse, having been 
 in great excitement and continued exertion for eight 
 hours, but, after having assisted in stopping the men 
 from abandoning the 5th Parallel, I strongly recom- 
 mended Codrington to send to Simpson and ask him to 
 attack again with the Highland Division, adding, ' I am, 
 as you know, a married man with children, but having 
 been three times into the work, and the old flag not 
 being where it ought to be, I will volunteer to lead 
 them and show them where they ought to go over.' I 
 believe that orders were sent to the Highland Division, 
 because I have heard Rokeby express his surprise at Sir 
 Colin Campbell declining to attack unless the orders were 
 sent in writing* 
 
 " No further attack being intended, and being hurt by 
 a gabion and greatly fatigued, I asked Markham, as my 
 brigade was reduced to nothing, to allow me to go home, 
 which he did; and I \vent and dined with Colonel David 
 Wood, at that time commanding the Artillery attached 
 to my old Division, the 4th. I of course talked over 
 
 * General Simpson says in his Despatch, "The trenches were, 
 subsequently to this attack, so crowded with troops, that I was unable 
 to organise a second assault, which I had intended to make with the 
 Highlanders, &c."
 
 THE CA USES OF FA 1L URE. 2 1 1 
 
 the attack without disguise, and said that so convinced 
 was I (notwithstanding David Wood's opinion) that the 
 place could be taken, that I was determined if I went to 
 Headquarters I would tell them so, recommend it, and 
 offer to lead it. Hardly had I said these words when 
 Barnston, of the Quartermaster-General's Department, 
 came in and said, ' General Windham, you are wanted 
 at Headquarters.' David Wood lent me his pony ; I 
 got up from table and rode off immediately. Upon 
 entering the great room at Headquarters, I saw at table 
 General Simpson, Sir Colin Campbell, Airey, Steele, 
 de Suleau, &c., &c. 
 
 " I told the General I had come according to orders ; 
 he seemed surprised to see me, saying he had not sent; 
 to which I replied that Captain Barnston had ordered 
 me there, and that I had left my dinner on purpose to 
 come. He then asked me to sit down, and said, ' How 
 comes it we failed at the Redan ? ' I told him bluntly, 
 ' From want of pluck and method.' That there was 
 nothing in the work itself to stop anyone. Seeing that 
 he did not much like this answer so openly given, I 
 stopped, and afterwards said to Airey, who sat between 
 me and the General, sufficiently loud for the latter to 
 hear, ' Tell the General he ought to attack again at once 
 with the Highland Division.' The General heard me, 
 and asked again what I had said. I repeated my 
 advice, to attack again immediately, and that I was 
 quite sure I could carry the work in half-an-hour. To 
 this, Simpson's reply was somewhat curious. (Sir Colin 
 sat next him and heard all I had said.) ' Well, may be 
 you 're right, but I must see Pelissier about it in the 
 morning, first.' So strong were the opinions I expressed 
 as to the whole attack, that I received next day a letter 
 from Steele (which I now have), deprecating my plain
 
 212 GENERAL WINDHAM^S DIARY, 
 
 speech. The next day I saw General Simpson after 
 he had visited the works the Russians had abandoned 
 during the night, and I then asked him whether he 
 thought my impressions and opinions wrong ; his reply 
 was kind and frank. He said, ' Eh, mon, but ye have 
 spoken the truth ; ye have gallantly won your spurs, 
 and I hope you will get them.' Upon giving me my 
 Major-General's commission, on my birthday, the 8th 
 of October, he said, ' Here's your General's commission, 
 Windham ; the spurs have not yet come, but I hope 
 they will later.' And I will just add that they have 
 not come yet, although I have been in England 
 months. 
 
 " I daresay people will like to know whether I still 
 believe that the Redan could have been taken had I 
 gone on with the Royals. All things considered, I think 
 it would not ; the men looked disheartened, the trenches 
 were filled with wounded, over whom they had just 
 passed (which always must have a bad effect), and 
 instead of going forward in one continued stream, they 
 would have met almost as many coming back as going 
 on. If I had to do it again from the beginning, I think 
 it unquestionably could be carried, but I am not so 
 certain, as I was at the time, that anything would have 
 turned the fight when once the men began to hang 
 in the chambers." 
 
 CONCLUDING REMARKS: CRIMEA. 
 
 As has already been stated, Windham was, on the 
 nth September, 1855, appointed Commandant of the 
 British portion of Sebastopol ; but he only held this 
 appointment for a month, as, on the I4th October of 
 the same year, he was specially promoted to the rank
 
 CONCLUDING REMARKS. 213 
 
 of Major-General, for his distinguished conduct on 
 the occasion of the assault on the Redan. 
 
 General Simpson had warmly and generously recom- 
 mended Windham's claims, but the knighthood, which 
 he considered that Windham had fairly earned, was 
 not bestowed till many years had elapsed. 
 
 General Windham was gratified by being given 
 command of his old Division, the 4th, which knew 
 him so well, and which owed as much to his exertions, 
 in camp and on the line of march, as to his gallant 
 leading in battle. 
 
 Still higher honour, and duties of even higher 
 responsibility, were, however, in store for Windham ; 
 and on the i/th November, 1855, he was appointed 
 Chief of the Staff to his friend, Sir William Codrington, 
 who had succeeded General Simpson as Commander- 
 in-Chief in the Crimea. 
 
 In Windham's hands this office became a useful 
 reality, and it was on the condition that it should be 
 such, that Windham accepted it. 
 
 Fully supported by his chief, for whom he felt both 
 respect and affection, General Windham now entered 
 on what was probably the happiest period of his life. 
 Incessantly busied with plans for the improvement of 
 the Army, and daily seeing the troops improve in 
 health, efficiency, and mobility, Windham was in his 
 element. 
 
 It is natural that the letters written by him at this 
 period are, in some respects, less interesting to the 
 general reader than were those written in the days of 
 battle and adversity. Windham's official position now 
 tied his tongue, and, moreover, there was little to find 
 fault with. 
 
 So, trusted and respected by his chief, by the Army
 
 214 GENERAL WIND HAM'S DIARY. 
 
 in the Crimea, and by the public at home, General 
 Windham worked loyally to the end, "sticking to the 
 ship" in the final dull and uneventful days as he had 
 in that dark and gloomy time when she seemed likely 
 to founder. 
 
 Peace came at last, and on June 3Oth, 1856, he 
 embarked for home one of the last to quit the 
 Crimea, as he had been one of the first to set foot on 
 its shore. 
 
 There must still be many who can remember the 
 enthusiasm with which Windham was received in 
 England, and with which, much to his gratification, 
 his native county of Norfolk heaped honours upon him. 
 
 The gift of a Sword of Honour and the Freedom 
 of the City of Norwich were followed by the triumphant 
 election of the distinguished soldier to Parliament, in 
 which unfamiliar scene General Windham fulfilled his 
 promise to his constituents to speak only on matters 
 with which he was acquainted. 
 
 It should here be mentioned that Mr. Anthony 
 Hudson, the old and dear friend to whom so many 
 of the letters in this volume were written, lived to 
 welcome General Windham to England, and to rejoice 
 in his honours, but died while Windham was on his 
 voyage to India.
 
 THE INDIAN MUTINY. 
 
 ON the outbreak of the Indian Mutiny Major- 
 General Windham at once offered his services, 
 which were eventually accepted, owing to the numerous 
 casualties in the higher ranks. The General arrived at 
 Calcutta very shortly after the fall of Delhi, the capture 
 of which place was completed on September 2Oth, 1857. 
 
 General Windham applied immediately for a com- 
 mand in the field, and finding that there was no im- 
 mediate intention to employ him, volunteered to keep 
 open the lines of communication, if placed in command 
 of some of the disarmed regiments of the Bengal Army. 
 
 This offer was not accepted, and shortly afterwards he 
 was ordered to take command of the Sirhind Division, 
 a district which had been denuded of troops, and which 
 was far removed from all chance of active service. 
 
 Windham was, however, suddenly relieved from the 
 depression and disappointment caused by this order, 
 as Sir Colin Campbell, the new Commander-in-Chief, 
 who was about to march from Cawnpore to withdraw 
 the garrison of Lucknow (now commanded by Outram), 
 placed Windham in command of his base of operations. 
 
 Sir Colin marched from Cawnpore on the 9th 
 November, 1857, leaving Windham in his first inde- 
 pendent command. That independence was, however, 
 but very partial ; and it is evident, both from the 
 instructions given him and from the manner in which
 
 216 GENERAL WIND HAM'S DIARY. 
 
 he acted under them, that Windham had little freedom 
 of action. 
 
 His garrison was a small one (about five hundred 
 Europeans and a few Sikhs), and he was directed 
 by the Commander -in -Chief to place his troops 
 within the entrenchment which, on the re-occupation 
 of Cawnpore by Havelock in July, had been hastily 
 constructed on the river. 
 
 His further orders were not to attack any enemy 
 unless by so doing he could prevent the bombard- 
 ment of the entrenchment ; to send to the Commander- 
 in-Chief all detachments of European Infantry that 
 arrived from down country ; and, further, he was ordered 
 not to detain troops, even if seriously threatened, 
 without first asking for instructions. 
 
 It appears, in fact, that Sir Colin Campbell was so 
 intent on the second relief of Lucknow, an object 
 certainly of vital importance, and a task of great 
 difficulty, that he disregarded the danger of Windham's 
 small force being attacked and crushed by the Gwalior 
 troops. 
 
 Sir Colin persuaded himself that no such attack 
 would be made before his return from Lucknow, and 
 grievous was his miscalculation. Moreover, he had 
 not the excuse of want of warning, for the chivalrous 
 Outram wrote to him in good time, pointing out that it 
 was " obviously to the advantage of the State that, before 
 Lucknow was relieved, the Gwalior rebels should be 
 first effectually destroyed," and stating that the Lucknow 
 garrison could hold out till the end of November. 
 
 The Commander -in -Chief having marched away 
 from Cawnpore, Windham prepared at once to carry 
 out his instructions. He took measures to clear the 
 ' glacis ' of the entrenchment, and the country beyond
 
 THE MUTINY. 217 
 
 it ; to strengthen the works ; and to train men to work 
 the guns. 
 
 There was no time to be lost, for the error of the 
 Commander-in-Chief was promptly exposed ; Tantia 
 Topi, the most capable leader produced by the Mutiny, 
 was already advancing against Cawnpore, and marched 
 from Calpi on the day following Sir Colin's departure. 
 
 Windham's responsibility was now very great, for 
 the defeat and destruction of his small force would 
 leave the Commander-in-Chief without a base, and 
 with a victorious enemy acting in his rear. Windham 
 saw clearly that he would be attacked, and made an 
 urgent application to Sir Colin for permission to 
 retain such troops as he might think absolutely 
 necessary for the defence of his position, continuing, 
 meanwhile, loyally to send on reinforcements to his 
 chief. 
 
 On November I3th, the Chief of the Staff, Major- 
 General Mansfield (afterwards Lord Sandhurst), wrote 
 Windham the warm letter of thanks for his co- 
 operation given in the Observations, and on the 
 following day gave him authoritity to detain certain 
 troops. By this means Windham's force was gradually 
 increased from the original strength of 500, until on 
 the 26th November, when his first action was fought, 
 he had about 1400 bayonets in the field, together with 
 about 300 men left to guard the entrenchment. 
 
 Before this date, however, the situation had become 
 more and more critical ; the Gwalior contingent was 
 approaching him rapidly, and all communication with 
 Lucknow suddenly ceased on the iQth. To add to 
 his difficulties he learned, on the 22nd November, 
 that the enemy had surprised and defeated a police 
 force at Banni, on the high road to Lucknow.
 
 2i8 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY. 
 
 Windham at once resolved to weaken his small force, 
 with the object of restoring communication with the 
 Commander-in-Chief ; and at 3 a.m. on the following 
 morning sent a wing of the Madras Infantry Regiment, 
 with two guns manned by Europeans, to re-occupy the 
 Banni Bridge. 
 
 Then, having to choose between an active and a 
 passive defence, his decision was quickly formed. 
 That it was to attack, rather than to be attacked, will 
 surprise no one who has read the preceding pages. 
 
 Such is ever the best course of action against an 
 Asiatic enemy, and it was also the most congenial to 
 the bold and resolute Windham. 
 
 Early on the morning of the 24th November he broke 
 up his camp, and marched six miles south-westward 
 to meet the advancing enemy ; two days later he 
 attacked and defeated a force of 3000 men with six 
 heavy guns. The fight was severe, and the enemy 
 left half his guns in the hands of the 34th Regiment 
 when driven from the field. 
 
 The British loss on this day amounted to ninety-two 
 killed and wounded, six of whom were officers. 
 
 The troops then returned to Cawnpore in excellent 
 spirits, and took up a position, previously selected, from 
 which Windham hoped to be able so to act against the 
 enemy as to defend the city and bridge from his attack. 
 
 A letter had been received from the Commander-in- 
 Chiefs camp to the effect that all was well, and that 
 the Army was marching back towards Cawnpore. 
 
 Tantia Topi now showed the instincts of a real 
 general, and taking advantage of his great superiority, 
 both in numbers and in artillery, endeavoured to crush 
 Windham before the Commander-in-Chiefs arrival. 
 
 Two days' severe fighting followed (November 2/th
 
 BEFORE CAWNPORE. 219 
 
 and 28th), during which Windham's small force suffered 
 heavily, partly from the great strength and the deter- 
 mined action of the enemy, and partly from an 
 untoward incident to which further allusion will be 
 made presently. 
 
 Such were the odds against him, and such the 
 difficulties caused by this incident, that Sir Colin 
 Campbell, on his arrival (on the evening of the 28th 
 November), found Windham's force on the point of 
 being driven into the entrenched position. 
 
 General Windham's conduct of affairs, during his 
 three days' righting before Cawnpore, has been freely 
 criticised, both by competent and incompetent writers ; 
 by those acquainted with all the facts of the case ; and 
 by those who obviously are not acquainted with them. 
 
 He has been blamed for taking up too extended 
 a position for his small force ; but this, it should be 
 remembered, he did in compliance with the written 
 instructions of the Commander-in-Chief ; perfectly 
 proper instructions they were too, or they would not 
 have been issued by that experienced and cautious 
 soldier. 
 
 As for Windham's choice of method in his defence 
 of Cawnpore, the opinion of Colonel Malleson should 
 justify him. 
 
 " That Windham," he writes, at the conclusion of his 
 description of the fighting, " was justified in deciding to 
 make an aggressive defence cannot, I think, be ques- 
 tioned. It is the opinion of those best qualified to 
 form an opinion, that, regard being had to the enormous 
 superiority of the rebels in artillery, a purely defensive 
 system would have ensured the destruction of his force } 
 and the occupation of Cawnpore by the rebels, with 
 consequences Sir Colin and the women and children
 
 220 GENERAL WIND H AM* S DIARY. 
 
 of the Lucknow garrison being on the other side of the 
 river the evil extent of which it would be difficult to 
 exaggerate. 
 
 " Windham, by his military instincts, saved the 
 country from this disaster." 
 
 The circumstance previously alluded to as causing 
 the worst of General Windham's difficulties, was one 
 happily of very rare occurrence in our military history ; 
 one which the General could not have provided against, 
 and for which he was in no way to blame. 
 
 There is both official and private testimony establish- 
 ing the fact, as appears from a letter addressed to 
 H.R.H. the Duke of Cambridge by Sir Colin Campbell, 
 as soon as the latter discovered that he had been guilty 
 of an unintentional injustice to General Windham. 
 
 Sir Colin, in this letter, mentions the "remarkable 
 forbearance " of General Windham towards the person 
 who had caused his discomfiture, and adds that the true 
 facts of the case had come to light without pressure on 
 Windham's part. 
 
 General Windham's conduct had indeed been most 
 generous. 
 
 The official despatches follow : 
 
 "The Right Honourable the Governor-General in Council 
 has received the following despatch from his Excellency the 
 Commander-in-Chief, and hastens to give publicity to it. 
 
 "It supplies an omission* in a previous despatch from his 
 Excellency, which was printed in the Gazette Extraordinary 
 of the 24th instant. 
 
 " Major-General Windham's reputation as a leader of 
 conspicuous bravery and coolness, and the reputation of 
 the gallant force which he commanded, will have lost nothing 
 
 * This omission was that of a favourable notice of the name of General 
 Windham and of the officers who had served under him.
 
 THE OFFICIAL DESPATCHES. 221 
 
 from an accidental omission, such as General Sir Colin 
 Campbell has occasion to regret. 
 
 " But the Governor-General in Council will not fail to bring 
 to the notice of the Government in England the opinion 
 formed by his Excellency of the difficulties against which 
 Major-General Windham, with the officers and men under 
 his orders, had to contend. 
 
 " To the Right Honourable the Governor- General. 
 
 "HEADQUARTERS, CAMP, NEAR CAWNPORE, 
 
 ''the 2oth of December, 1857. 
 " MY LORD, 
 
 " I have the honour to bring to your Lordship's notice 
 an omission, which I have to regret, in my despatch of the 
 2nd December, and I beg to be allowed now to repair it. 
 " I desire to make my acknowledgment of the great 
 difficulties in which Major- General Windham, C.B., was 
 placed during the operations he describes in his despatch, 
 and to recommend him and the officers, whom he notices 
 as having rendered him assistance, to your Lordship's 
 protection and good offices. 
 
 "I may mention, in conclusion, that Major-General Wind- 
 ham is ignorant of the contents of my despatch of the 2nd 
 December, and that I am prompted to take this step solely 
 as a matter of justice to the Major-General and the other 
 officers concerned. 
 
 " I have, &c., 
 
 " C. CAMPBELL, General, 
 " Cornmander-in-Chief. n 
 
 Seldom has an act of injustice been more frankly and 
 honourably undone, but it is, unfortunately, the fact that 
 the slur on General Windham's reputation, cast by Sir 
 Colin Campbell's hasty condemnation of the operations 
 before Cawnpore, has made a far deeper impression 
 on public opinion than has his subsequent attempted 
 reparation.
 
 222 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY. 
 
 It seems desirable, therefore, to complete General 
 Windham's exoneration, and to make it as widely 
 known as possible, by the republication of a pamphlet, 
 privately printed by him in 1865, entitled, Observations, 
 supported by documents ; a supplement to Colonel 
 Adye's "Defence of Cawnpore." 
 
 THE OBSERVATIONS. 
 
 "By those who only read the title-page of this 
 pamphlet, it may be asked Why, after the lapse 
 of many years, publish anything relative to the 
 proceedings at Cawnpore in November, 1857? Why 
 trumpet a work, well and ably written, it is true, but 
 composed by one who served with you, who was 
 your friend, and who wrote to do you justice? I 
 reply, that Colonel Adye had not permission to 
 publish certain letters and documents which prove 
 the correctness of his statement, but that I have. 
 Also, I may add that, having now been graciously 
 rewarded, without application on my part, I can 
 appeal to public intelligence as to my proceedings 
 under very trying circumstances, without my inten- 
 tions being misrepresented. 
 
 " Moreover, although a man may nay, in this country 
 often must bear in silence the hasty comments of the 
 daily Press, it does not follow that he is called upon to 
 be equally reticent when he has reason to suspect that 
 certain transactions in which he was chiefly concerned, 
 and in which his conduct has been criticised, are about 
 to appear in a work which, from the known ability of 
 its author, is likely to descend to posterity. 
 
 " The reader will find, should he condescend to 
 peruse these few remarks, that I have carefully
 
 COMMENTS. 223 
 
 avoided giving my own impressions and wishes, with- 
 out at the same time giving proof of their correctness ; 
 that I have likewise avoided entering into minute 
 details, or the description of individual actions, 
 knowing the almost utter impossibility in such cases 
 of doing justice to all parties. 
 
 " Difficult is it fairly to represent the quiet actions 
 of daily life more difficult far to detail with justice 
 those that happen in the excitement of a fight. 
 
 " I shall avail myself, however, of this opportunity, 
 not only to strongly recommend Colonel Adye's work 
 to those desirous of knowing the truth as to the 
 proceedings at Cawnpore, but also to explain why, 
 in my opinion, he was justified in selecting those 
 well-known lines of Addison for his motto : 
 
 'T is not for mortals to command success ; 
 
 But we '11 do more, Sempronius we '11 deserve it. 
 
 " In adopting this couplet, it might seem at first 
 sight as though the able statement which follows 
 had been drawn up by Adye with a view rather 
 of describing difficulties which excused a 'failure,' 
 than of recording measures and movements which, 
 despite all difficulties (and they were great and 
 many), led to a 'success.' 
 
 " That the latter is proved by his narrative will be 
 obvious to the reader, who shall bear in mind the 
 nature of the duties entrusted to me. 
 
 " These were twofold : 
 
 " i. The forwarding from day to day, as they 
 should arrive, troops, material, ammunition, 
 &c., to the main Army, under Lord Clyde, 
 at Lucknow.
 
 224 GENERAL WINDHAM*S DIARY. 
 
 " 2. The defence of the entrenchments, hospital, and 
 bridge at Cawnpore, and the watching of the 
 Gwalior Contingent. 
 
 " The first of these duties, though involving no small 
 amount of labour and anxiety, was of routine character. 
 
 "That it was performed efficiently, and to the 
 satisfaction of His Excellency, is proved by the 
 testimony of the Chief of the Staff in the following 
 
 handsome letter : 
 
 "CAMP, ALUMBAGH, 
 
 "November itf/i, 1857. 
 
 "Mv DEAR WINDHAM, Your official and private letters 
 of yesterday have both just come to hand, and I lost no 
 time in reading them to the Chief. He desires me to thank 
 you warmly for all you are doing to support him. The 
 impulse you have given to everything is immense, and his 
 expression to me is, ' I cannot be too thankful for having 
 him at Cawnpore just now.' The troops you have sent on 
 will be of incalculable advantage to us, as we shall be 
 compelled to leave so many posts as we go along. 
 Crawford's guns will keep our batteries undiminished 
 after providing for the proper armament of those posts. 
 The trans-Goomtee scheme will not do, I am afraid (it 
 was followed next time) and we must proceed deliberately 
 with the big guns and the sappers, clearing our road as 
 we go along, and saving the troops from musketry fire as 
 much as we can. I think, with management, we shall 
 be able to accomplish this to a great extent. I under- 
 stand there are some troops just arrived into camp, which, 
 I suppose, is Colonel Welles' party. 
 
 " Yours truly, 
 
 "W. R. MANSFIELD. 
 " To Major-General Windham. 
 
 "P.S. You were quite right about the camels, and Sir 
 Colin entirely approves your decision."
 
 THE GWALIOR CONTINGENT. 225 
 
 . " This letter, I think, proves that the first part of my 
 duty was satisfactorily performed up to that date ; and 
 I think I may add, without any fear of contradiction, 
 that it continued to be so performed to the end. The 
 other duty was of a far more serious and responsible 
 nature. As Colonel Adye has truly said, 'the safety 
 of the position at Cawnpore was at that time a matter 
 of the highest importance.' It is with no intention 
 of unduly enhancing the value of my own service that 
 I call attention to that remark ; for it is still my 
 opinion, taking into consideration all the circum- 
 stances of that time, whether as regarded the 
 condition of our own forces or those of the enemy, 
 that the one point in all India on which, at the 
 moment of the relief of Lucknow, the Queen's 
 supremacy in that country chiefly depended, was 
 the position I had been appointed to protect. Had 
 the enemy once carried the entrenchments, and 
 secured or destroyed the bridge over the Ganges 
 into Oude, it is difficult to over-estimate the con- 
 sequences that would have ensued. 
 
 " The hope was that he would not make the 
 attempt ; this also was the opinion of the Com- 
 mander-in-Chief, founded upon information that he 
 had received previous to his departure for Lucknow. 
 
 " The Gwalior Contingent was the force from which 
 alone an attack was to be apprehended. 
 
 " But though a maiden force, and better equipped, 
 organised, and commanded than any other body of 
 men in the rebel armies, yet it was considered that, 
 numbering, according to General Havelock's calcula- 
 tion, under 5000 men, it would be reluctant to hazard 
 an assault upon a fortified post defended by British 
 troops. I fancy its numbers were underrated, for I 
 
 Q
 
 226 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY. 
 
 was subsequently informed by Major Grimes, who was 
 its paymaster when the mutiny broke out, that at that 
 time it was 8500 strong, and its ranks were after- 
 wards largely reinforced. In addition to this, it is 
 said that large numbers of men from Lucknow, who, 
 by a preconcerted arrangement, abandoned that city 
 after the arrival of the British Army there, crossed 
 the Ganges between Futtehpore - Choorassie and 
 Sheorajpore, and joined them. I think this was 
 the case. But be that as it might, the enemy 
 which threatened Cawnpore in the last week of 
 November, 1857, joined as it certainly was by the 
 Dinapore mutineers, was no longer of small account. 
 It had become a large and formidable army. Nor 
 did its intention of attacking us long remain proble- 
 matical. It advanced boldly with 700 scaling-ladders, 
 six or seven batteries of artillery, a large siege-train, 
 and 23,000 rounds of ammunition for guns. The very 
 attempt I was appointed to watch was now at hand. 
 How the attempt was made, and how it was resisted 
 under what disadvantages on the one hand, and 
 with what desperation on the other Colonel Adye's 
 pages graphically and truthfully describe. But that 
 it was resisted successfully, that the vital point 
 entrusted to the guardianship of my force was held 
 in security, that the all-important entrenchments and 
 bridge were saved, and the Commander - in - Chiefs 
 movements with his charge from Lucknow unmolested, 
 the same pages likewise show. 
 
 " Now, as this was the duty entrusted to us, it is clear 
 that we not only ' deserved ' success, but we obtained 
 it. But, judging from some criticisms, I am rather 
 called on to prove that, though I did obtain success, 
 I did not deserve it, because, forsooth, I myself
 
 CRITICISMS. 227 
 
 created the very difficulties under which the contest 
 was waged ! 
 
 " i. It is said that I took up a position outside the 
 town when I ought to have remained in the 
 entrenchment, and have kept the town between 
 myself and the enemy ! 
 
 " 2. It is said that, having taken up that position, 
 I advanced to meet the enemy, when I should 
 rather have waited to receive his attack ! 
 
 " These criticisms are somewhat singular. Had I 
 failed to accomplish the task assigned to me, they 
 might, perhaps, have been looked upon as plausible, 
 though even in that case they would have been far 
 from just or reasonable. 
 
 " But the issue being what it was, they hardly call for 
 an answer. . 
 
 " It may be fairly assumed that if a general gains 
 his object, his tactics could not have been very much 
 in fault. I am prepared, however, in the present 
 instance to go further, and to assert that, had I 
 adopted measures in accordance with the views of 
 my critics, I should most probably have lost the 
 position instead of holding it, and have brought on 
 the bombardment of the entrenchments and the de- 
 struction of the bridge, which it was my particular 
 duty to prevent.* 
 
 " Remain in the entrenchment, indeed ! Why, it had 
 been so hastily constructed, and was so weak and 
 unfinished, that it could not have resisted a bombard- 
 ment from even half the mortars the enemy had 
 brought with them. Crowded as it was with sick, 
 
 * Vide paragraph 9, Appendix.
 
 228 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY. 
 
 powder, stores, and men, even if the troops under 
 me had been picked veterans, accustomed to act to- 
 gether, I question their standing the 'pounding' they 
 would have had in that confined but yet unprotected 
 space. 
 
 " Again, How preserve the bridge but by keeping the 
 enemy from getting within range of it? What better 
 evidence can be given of the inadequacy of the en- 
 trenchment to protect the bridge than the fact that as 
 soon as we entered it, on the night of the 28th, the 
 enemy planted his guns, and opened fire upon the 
 bridge at daylight next morning? 
 
 " Again, How could I keep the town between myself 
 and the enemy without holding the town ? The enemy 
 must have it, or I must. It must harbour one side or 
 the other. Hence the view I chose to take, and which, 
 moreover, was strictly in accordance with my instruc- 
 tions, as far as those instructions went. 
 
 " 2. Then in regard to my going out to meet the 
 enemy. How did this prejudice the defence ? I 
 attacked the centre of three parties that were sepa- 
 rately coming down to meet me. It had approached 
 to within three miles of my position on the canal, and 
 was still advancing. Surely a handsome thrashing 
 the loss of three guns and many men did not make 
 it advance quicker. I did not go to meet it until 
 it had absolutely started to meet me. I determined 
 to strike the first blow ; and in doing so, I do not 
 hesitate to say, contributed in no small degree to the 
 attainment of the end in view, having gained at least 
 twenty-four hours in time and three guns, to say 
 nothing of the prestige. 
 
 " Then if all this be so, why should Colonel Adye 
 have chosen such a motto ?
 
 DEFENCES. 229. 
 
 " Simply because there is a sense in which its appli- 
 cation is both just and appropriate. ' The position ' 
 (viz., the entrenchment and bridge,) could, in my 
 opinion, be better defended by holding the town and 
 its outskirts than in any other way. But I desired 
 not only to use the town as a cover to the entrench- 
 ment, but also to prevent the town itself from being 
 pillaged. 
 
 "To show that this was a long-cherished idea of 
 mine, I wrote on the loth November to the Chief 
 of the Staff, pointing out certain brick-kilns just 
 without the town as offering the best line of defence. 
 In his reply to me he says (extract of letter dated 
 nth November, 1857) 'Having not had a moment 
 of time to spare, when I was at Cawnpore, I am not 
 able to give an opinion on the military position there. 
 But it appears to me that if your retreat is secured, 
 it is a great advantage to prevent the pillage of the 
 city.' 
 
 "Although this was no order to undertake its defence, 
 it surely allowed me to do so if I thought I could do 
 it with safety. 
 
 " I had pointed out the same position to Colonel 
 Adye. I had had everything cleared away between 
 these brick-kilns and the advancing enemy, and had 
 fully made up my mind a fortnight before the enemy 
 arrived where I would meet them. This Colonel Adye 
 knew. He and others who, like him, ably supported me, 
 were, of course, grievously disappointed in not having 
 succeeded in gaining that, which, though not the main 
 point, was one that we wished much to gain. We 
 fought hard for it. Only those who have worked well 
 and fought bravely for a desired object, and with well- 
 grounded hopes of obtaining it, can appreciate the
 
 230 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY. 
 
 disappointment caused by seeing that object frustrated. 
 Colonel Adye shared this disappointment, but he knew, 
 at the same time, that the result, which, in common 
 with myself, he deplored, was placed beyond my 
 control. Hence the motto on his title-page, which, 
 as referring to this part of our proceedings, was no 
 less happy in its selection than just in its application ; 
 for in this case, though we could not ' command ' 
 success, we did ' deserve ' it. 
 
 " I now come to a criticism that I consider well 
 worthy of an answer. It is this ' Why did Windham 
 not send his baggage to the rear on the morning of the 
 2/th ? It was an error his not having done so.' It 
 is curious that, amongst the many accusations that 
 have appeared against me in print, this should never 
 have been amongst the number, to the best of my 
 recollection. It is still more curious that it should 
 never have been made to me in conversation ; for, in 
 my opinion, it is the weakest point of my case. The 
 question, as it stands above, was reported to me by 
 an old friend as having been asked by an officer 
 of high rank in England, shortly after the news of the 
 fighting at Cawnpore arrived here. 
 
 " My reply is very short and simple, namely- ' I 
 think it was an error.' It must not, however, be 
 supposed that I forgot to do this ; on the contrary, 
 I had, at three o'clock that very morning, issued an 
 order directing all the baggage and camp equipage 
 to be taken to the island in the Ganges, just abreast 
 the entrenchment. I deeply regret having rescinded 
 that order shortly after its issue. I discussed the order 
 at the time with several officers, and the following were 
 my reasons for rescinding it :
 
 THE RESCINDED ORDER. 231 
 
 " I. I did not wish to alarm the friendly, or to 
 encourage the adverse, part of the population 
 of the town in my rear by showing any in- 
 tention of retiring. 
 
 " 2. Colonel Bruce's russeldar of police, a native 
 officer in whom he had much confidence, stated 
 through him to me, that if we only remained 
 quiet, the enemy, after the defeat he had 
 experienced the day before, would not advance 
 at all. 
 
 " 3. By my instructions (vide paragraph 8), I was 
 ordered to show a bold front, and to make 
 the most of myself, provided my retreat was 
 secure. 
 
 "4. I felt sure that I could, as soon as the enemy 
 was reported as crossing the canal, have my 
 baggage and camp equipage removed, and 
 cover its removal (so short a distance had it 
 to go), by holding the village of Sesamhow. 
 
 " I rescinded that order with much doubt and hesi- 
 tation ; and I deeply regret I did so. Had I not done 
 so, I should at once have posted my force, as I 
 originally intended, behind the before-mentioned brick- 
 kilns, and the misconduct that produced the confusion 
 of that day would probably never have occurred. 
 Having thus frankly admitted my own error of judg- 
 ment (as proved by the result), allow me to add, in 
 justice to myself, that I feel convinced I could, under 
 ordinary circumstances, have accomplished all I aimed 
 at namely, ' to show a bold front to deter the advance 
 of the enemy ; but should he cross the canal, then to 
 cover the removal of my baggage, and take up my
 
 232 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY. 
 
 intended position. In this I was frustrated;* I hope 
 no other officer may ever meet with the same hard 
 fate.' I have said that we ' deserved ' success ; and this 
 assertion is not made without substantial evidence to 
 support it. 
 
 "By the kind permission of His Royal Highness 
 the Commander-in-Chief, I am enabled to refer to a 
 letter written to him by the late Lord Clyde, on the 
 subject of the proceedings in question, now published 
 for the first time, and which more than bears out 
 what I have said : 
 
 "CAMP, SHERAJPORE, 
 
 ''December 2$tk, 1857. 
 
 "SiR, Your Royal Highness is aware that there was 
 much, at the time of my arrival in Cawnpore, to cause 
 me to think very gravely of the occurrences which had 
 previously taken place. 
 
 "In justice to Major-General Windham, C.B., I have the 
 honour to bring to the notice of your Royal Highness, that 
 certain facts have lately come to my knowledge, which 
 placed that officer in a most difficult and unfortunate 
 position. 
 
 "Lieutenant-Colonel .... misconducted himself on the 
 26th and 27th November in a manner which has rarely 
 been seen amongst the officers of Her Majesty's service ; 
 his conduct was pusillanimous and imbecile to the last 
 degree, and he actually gave orders for the retreat of his 
 own regiment, and a portion of another, in the very face 
 of the orders of his General, and when the troops were 
 not seriously pressed by the enemy. 
 
 "The consequence was, the men became excited, and 
 
 * The village of Sesamhow, in my immediate right front, was given up 
 without a struggle, the strength of the position lost, and endless confusion 
 created, by one man, who, by-the-bye, had no right to be there, as I had 
 displaced him from his command hours before the fight began, for his 
 misconduct on the a6th.
 
 LORD CLYDE'S LETTER. 233 
 
 a state of things arose which Major-General Windham could 
 not control, though he used his best efforts to meet the 
 difficulty. 
 
 "Major-General Windham, while treating this officer with 
 remarkable forbearance, deprived him of the power of doing 
 further mischief.* 
 
 "After some correspondence, a Court of Enquiry was 
 held, and the facts above stated are in evidence. 
 
 " Painful as much that has occurred must have been to 
 the Major-General, it cannot but be now a matter of great 
 satisfaction to him that, without pressure on his part, these 
 facts have come to light, and now serve to explain so 
 much of what might otherwise have been injurious to his 
 reputation. 
 
 " I have further to remark that the troops at Cawnpore 
 consisted, for the most part, of detachments en route to 
 join their regiments, the headquarters of which were 
 employed elsewhere. 
 
 "This was another serious disadvantage to the Major- 
 General, which, ensuing as a consequence of the difficulty 
 of the times, was also beyond his control, there having 
 been no sufficient opportunity of organising the detachments 
 in battalions. 
 
 "Your Royal Highness will well appreciate how much 
 the moral strength of the garrison would be shaken by 
 such a contingency, and, I trust, will be pleased graciously 
 
 "* December 2nd, 1857. 
 
 " MY DEAR WINDHAM, Pray excuse me for not having answered 
 
 you sooner. With regard to Colonel 's case, I think no one 
 
 could deny that you have acted with the utmost propriety towards the 
 service, and great forbearance to a man whose conduct on a very trying 
 and difficult occasion, did you such terrible injury. I am confident 
 the Chief thinks as I do. 
 
 ' ' Believe me, yours very truly, 
 
 "W. R. MANSFIELD."
 
 234 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY. 
 
 to afford the full benefit of the circumstance to the 
 Major-General. 
 
 " I have the honour to be, Sir, 
 
 " The very humble and devoted servant of 
 " your Royal Highness, 
 
 (Signed) " C. CAMPBELL, General, 
 
 " Commander-in-Chief, East Indies."* 
 
 " The circumstances which occasioned that letter 
 are somewhat singular, and serve to illustrate, in a 
 remarkable manner, the chances attaching to the 
 fortune of an officer in command of a British force. 
 Lord Clyde reached Cawnpore from Lucknow on 
 November 28th ; on the 2nd December following he 
 sent home a despatch relating to the state of affairs 
 as he found them on his arrival there. In that 
 despatch he saw fit to omit all favourable mention 
 of my name, and of the names of those officers 
 who had served under my orders during the arduous 
 operations in which we had been engaged. Why 
 was this omission made ? It could not have been 
 by accident ; and, certainly, it was not because I had 
 failed to hold ' the position ' which had been entrusted 
 to my charge, for the entrenchment and its contents, 
 together with the bridge, were handed over in safety. 
 
 "*The above letter was forwarded to me by General Mansfield 
 with the following : 
 
 ''December ztyh, 1857. 
 
 "Mv DEAR WINDHAM, I believe this is the best Christmas-box I 
 
 could send you. I conceive that the Court of Enquiry on Colonel 
 
 is one of the most happy circumstances of your life, and I very 
 sincerely congratulate you on its result. It explains everything in 
 official form, after careful investigation, which was quite unintelligible 
 before. 
 
 ' ' Yours very truly, 
 
 " W. R. MANSFIELD."
 
 THE SEQUEL. 235 
 
 Then, why was my name omitted ? I ask the question, 
 as the Commander-in-Chief never told me, and I do 
 not know to this day. I suppose it was because I 
 attempted to do more than was required, and that 
 my attempt had not succeeded ; that, having endea- 
 voured to protect the town from pillage, as well as 
 to protect the entrenchment and bridge, the town 
 had, nevertheless, been penetrated by the enemy ; in 
 one word, that British troops had, from whatever 
 cause or accident, retreated before the enemy. The 
 fact of this retreat, together with the loss of some 
 camp equipage, appeared, to the Commander-in-Chief, 
 ' disastrous.' I do not complain of this view of the 
 case. Though I had been fighting with less than 
 2000 men (and these composed greatly of detach- 
 ments), against 25,000; with eight* light guns, drawn 
 by bullocks and manned by natives, against sixty or 
 seventy pieces of artillery, many of them well horsed ; 
 with no permanent staff (and the officers employed 
 by me on such duty new both to the work and the 
 ground), I quite allow that Lord Clyde had reason to 
 look gravely on the matter when he saw the smaller 
 force retiring before the larger on the evening of 
 the 28th. Such a view of the case is perhaps only 
 a necessary consequence of that prestige which the 
 British arms have earned in many a well-fought field, 
 and which it was especially essential to sustain in India 
 at that moment. The only question to be decided in 
 circumstances of that kind, so far as I was individually 
 concerned and it was not enquired into at the date of 
 His Excellency's first despatch of December 2nd was 
 
 " * The two 24-pounders, drawn by elephants, were only got into 
 action once, and, from the usual intractability of these animals, were 
 of more trouble than they were worth.
 
 236 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY. 
 
 this: 'Was the result supposed to affect British prestige 
 owing to me as General in command?' 
 
 " It would seem, judging from certain expressions in 
 his private letter to His Royal Highness, as well as 
 in his supplementary public despatch to the Governor- 
 General of India, that this was Lord Clyde's first 
 impression on his arrival at Cawnpore, though I am 
 bound to admit that he neither then nor afterwards 
 ever uttered a syllable to me upon the subject. 
 
 " At the end, however, of seventeen days subsequent 
 to the date of his first despatch, after a painful and 
 patient enquiry, instituted, be it observed, not at my 
 instigation, but, in consequence of rumours that had 
 reached him, by desire of the Commander- in -Chief 
 himself, His Excellency then arrived at an opposite 
 conclusion. 
 
 " He then found that ' difficulties,' over and above 
 those necessary ' difficulties ' inseparable from the 
 inferiority and composition of the force under my 
 command, had so embarrassed the operations I con- 
 ducted as to hinder the attainment of that full measure 
 of success which might otherwise have been anticipated 
 from them. Of those difficulties I have no desire to 
 speak further. They have always been to me a most 
 painful subject, as the like of them must ever be to 
 a soldier who has his country's honour at heart. Lord 
 Clyde has characterised them, and the occasion of them, 
 in language which cannot be misunderstood, and will 
 not be deemed unmerited. He shall be my witness 
 whether, in the face of those difficulties of which he 
 makes mention, I claim too much when I say that 
 I deserved the success which they had so great a share 
 in rendering impossible. 
 
 " The reader may agree with me in thinking that the
 
 GENERAL CART HEW. 237 
 
 great wonder was, not that the town, after a long 
 struggle, was penetrated by a daring enemy, but that 
 the vital point was not wrested from my grasp. 
 
 " I am told, indeed, that the question has been asked, 
 What if reinforcements had not arrived at the moment 
 they did, on which side would the victory have been 
 then? 
 
 " In reply to this let me ask If I risked losing the 
 entrenchment by entering it on the 28th, should I not 
 have been more likely to do so by entering it on the 
 25th? One thing is clear it took the enemy three 
 days and nights to get me into that which he came 
 to get me out of; and, as I never was got out of it, I 
 shall decline to argue the question. 
 
 " Lastly, I have heard it said that ' I was surprised at 
 Cawnpore ' ; that I had been ' careless, and took no 
 pains to prevent it' In answer to these assertions, I 
 have to remark that they are simply untrue. Had 
 they been true, I should have had to blame General 
 Carthew, as I requested him to look to this whilst 
 I remained in Cawnpore carrying on the telegraphic and 
 other correspondence between Lucknow and Calcutta. 
 I selected him for that duty, not only from his good 
 sense and ability, but from his knowledge of the 
 language ; and I had no reason ever to regret my 
 selection, as no one at Cawnpore did better service 
 than this officer. Let his letters speak for themselves : 
 
 " CAMP, NEAR CAWNPORE, 
 
 " November 22nd, 11.5 p.m. 
 
 "Mr DEAR SIR, Your order has just been received, and 
 arrangements are being made to carry it out. 
 
 " I have outlying pickets round the camp, furnishing a 
 complete chain of sentries all round; but I have no inlying
 
 238 GENERAL WINDHAM>S DIARY. 
 
 pickets beyond the quarter-guards of regiments. Those 
 pickets are about 200 yards in front, and the chain of 
 sentries 100 yards in front of them. I will establish the 
 inlying pickets as desired. 
 
 "Yours faithfully, 
 
 "M. CARTHEW. 
 
 " CAMP ON CANAL, NEAR CAWNPORE. 
 
 "Mv DEAR SIR, I have just received your note (8 p.m.), 
 and will do all in my power to prevent the enemy coming 
 upon us unawares. I will patrol frequently, both with 
 Infantry and Cavalry. The bridge to the right is blocked 
 up with carts, and guns are mounted on the left bridge. 
 
 " I remain, yours faithfully, 
 
 "M. CARTHEW, Brigadier. 
 
 " November 2yd. 
 
 "MY DEAR SIR, Your orders shall be attended to imme- 
 diately ; some have already been carried out. 
 
 "The intelligence received to-day has induced me to 
 strengthen the bridge with the loose wood lying about. 
 The wood will not be destroyed. 
 
 " I remain, yours faithfully, 
 
 "M. CARTHEW, Brigadier. 
 
 "CAMP AT BRIDGE ON CALPEE ROAD, 
 NEAR CAWNPORE, 
 " November 
 
 "Mv DEAR SIR, The encampment has been completed. 
 All tents are up and pitched. Our right is near three- 
 quarters of a mile from the Baree Bridge. I have therefore 
 a picket of twelve hussars there now, and will have one con- 
 sisting of an officer and thirty men out immediately. I have 
 intelligence that a large body of the enemy, amounting to
 
 LETTERS FROM THE OUTPOSTS. 239 
 
 2000, are at a place called Dhurmungulpoor, about three 
 coss from this. This information was given me by a man on 
 his way to Cawnpore, to report to Captain Bruce, having 
 his nose cut off, and made his escape from them this morning. 
 Captain Gordon, of 82nd, has been good enough to give his 
 services in erecting a log breastwork at the head of the bridge 
 on our left. I will also have the bridge further protected by 
 placing several empty carts across it ; and, with a picket well 
 to the front on the Calpee road, I hope we shall be well pre- 
 pared for the enemy if he should come this way. The officer 
 in charge of the Cavalry visited some of the neighbouring 
 villages this morning. At a place called Kulenpore, on the 
 Delhi road, he learnt that at Choukeypore twelve sowars and 
 a duffadar of the enemy are posted, and eight miles further 
 on, at Shuley, the main body of the enemy is stationed, being 
 sixteen miles from Kulenpore, and eighteen from this camp. 
 
 " I remain, yours faithfully, 
 
 "M. CARTHEW, Brigadier. 
 
 " To Major- General Wtndham, C.B. 
 
 "CAMP, NEAR CAWNPORE, 
 " November 2$th. 
 
 "Mv DEAR SIR, A scout, who was sent out early this 
 morning from the sowars' camp (but not a sowar), has just 
 come in, and reports as follows: A small advance picket 
 of the enemy is now at Punkee, 18 guns at Chichoundee, 18 
 at Dhurmungulpoor, and about 18 have gone off towards 
 Segounlee, with the view, I imagine, of coming on the Delhi 
 grand road. There are at Chichoundee 200 horsemen ; of 
 Infantry he can give no idea, but says the topes and gardens 
 are filled with them. The guns are large some drawn by six 
 and five pairs of bullocks. 
 
 " Their advance in this direction, I think, leaves no doubt 
 but that they intend their attack upon us and Cawnpore, and 
 probably the guns which have gone off to Segounlee are for 
 that purpose. Another scout is expected in at three o'clock.
 
 240 GENERAL IVINDHAM'S DIARY. 
 
 I shall keep the whole force in camp ready accoutred 
 throughout the night, and patrol without ceasing, both Cavalry 
 and Infantry. 
 
 " I remain, yours faithfully, 
 
 " M. CARTHEW, Brigadier. 
 
 " It was this last letter that made me at once proceed 
 to the camp on the canal ready for the proceedings 
 of the morrow. I myself reconnoitred the enemy, and, 
 finding him absolutely advancing, determined to follow 
 the advice of the ' Great Duke,' and attack him on 
 the move. 
 
 " I remained immovable on the morning of the 2?th 
 from design, firmly believing that I could cover the 
 removal of my ' impedimenta ' should the enemy think 
 proper to cross the canal ; and I wish to reiterate that 
 it is still my opinion that I could have done so had 
 I not been met by conduct I little expected, and which 
 is explained in Lord Clyde's letter of December 23. 
 
 " I have little more to add, having answered, I hope, 
 temperately and fairly, the main drift of those criticisms 
 which have come under my observation. 
 
 " In conclusion, I beg to recommend Colonel Adye's 
 volume, together with these notes and documents, to 
 the impartial consideration of the public. His state- 
 ments are correct, and, if duly weighed, will vindicate 
 my professional reputation from the aspersions that 
 have been cast upon it by certain parties. Though 
 conscious that they were undeserved, I will not say 
 that those aspersions have caused me no pain. It 
 would be mere affectation to make any such assertion. 
 But I may truly say that they were not expected, 
 at least from the quarter whence they chiefly proceeded. 
 
 " My career in India was attended by much mortifi-
 
 MISJUDGED A T HOME. 241 
 
 cation ; for having been sent to India, at no little 
 personal sacrifice and inconvenience, for the purpose, 
 as I believed, of taking the command of a Division in 
 the field, I had no sooner landed at Calcutta than 
 I was informed that this could not be, and that I was 
 destined, on the contrary, to the charge of the troops 
 stationed at Umballa (a few invalids), distant some 
 500 miles from the seat of operations. Yet this was 
 a mortification I had to endure in common with nearly 
 every other officer of my rank in India at the time ; 
 and, coming in the ordinary course of service, must, 
 I suppose, be reckoned as one of the varied mischances 
 of a soldier's fortune. 
 
 "The very last mortification I expected was being 
 misjudged by my countrymen at home during my 
 temporary employment. No doubt that this was so 
 is to be ascribed, in a great measure, to those facilities 
 of telegraphic communication to which many a false 
 impression owes its origin, as well as the sort of 
 necessity which is in a manner forced upon the public 
 Press of this country, in these impatient days, to 
 comment upon current events without the materials 
 necessary to form a correct judgment. But this does 
 not diminish the sense of injustice to a public man 
 who may happen to be the subject of it. 
 
 " However, I will say no more, but be content to 
 abide the issue of a calmer reflection than my case 
 possibly has hitherto received, recognising much truth 
 in the remark of a distinguished Foreign Minister long 
 resident amongst us a remark made in reference to 
 the very proceedings to which these notes relate that 
 ' though this country is the hardest of any for a public 
 man to serve, in consequence of the habit which pre- 
 vails among its people of pronouncing judgment on 
 
 R
 
 242 GENERAL WINDHAM 'S DIARY. 
 
 imperfect information, yet that in the end it is the 
 most just nation upon the face of the earth.' 
 
 " C. A. W." 
 
 The instructions issued to General Windham by the 
 Chief of Staff were as follows : 
 
 "BY ORDER OF THE COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF. 
 
 " Memorandum by the Chief of the Staff, for the guidance 
 of Major-General Windham, C.B. 
 
 " HEADQUARTERS, CAWNPORE, 
 " November 6th, 1857. 
 
 " i. Major-General Windham, C.B., will assume command 
 of the Cawnpore Division, as a temporary arrangement, in 
 pursuance of the General Order issued this day. 
 
 " 2. His attention will be immediately directed towards the 
 improvement of the defences and of the entrenchment which 
 now covers the Commissariat, two of the hospitals, &c., &c. 
 
 "3. He will communicate daily with Captain Bruce, the 
 police magistrate, who will furnish all the intelligence to the 
 Major-General which it is in his power to collect. 
 
 "4. A careful watch must be maintained over the move- 
 ments of the Gwalior Force, which, it is supposed, will 
 arrive at Culpee on Monday, the Qth instant. 
 
 "5. If this force show a real disposition to cross the 
 Jumna, the garrison of Futtehpore* should be withdrawn 
 to Cawnpore, and execute the march in two days, bringing 
 their guns with them, and destroying the entrenchment. 
 
 " 6. A postt should be formed in such case at Lohunda, 
 the terminus of the railway, to consist of not less than (5) 
 five Companies of Infantry and (4) four guns. 
 
 "* Officer in command at Futtehpore must communicate this, but 
 quite confidentially, to the chief district authority. 
 " t To be furnished from Allahabad.
 
 OFFICIAL INSTRUCTIONS. 243 
 
 " 7. Parties proceeding from Lohunda to Cawnpore should, 
 if the contingency alluded to take place, be of the strength 
 of a battalion. But the bullock-train parties are not to be 
 discontinued till positive information respecting the move- 
 ment of the Gwalior Contingent renders such precautions 
 absolutely necessary. 
 
 " 8. Supposing this to have taken place, General Windham 
 will make as great show as he can of what troops he 
 may have at Cawnpore, leaving a sufficient guard in the 
 entrenchment, by encamping them conspicuously and in 
 somewhat extended order, looking, however, well to his line 
 of retreat. 
 
 " 9. He will not move out to attack unless compelled to do 
 so by the force of circumstances, to save the bombardment 
 of the entrenchment. 
 
 " 10. For the present the garrison of Cawnpore will consist 
 of the detachments of H.M. 5th Fusiliers, 84th Regiment, 
 and recovered men of various corps, and of the Head- 
 quarters of H.M. 64th Regiment, amounting in all to 
 about 500 men. 
 
 " The British Infantry, which will be arriving from day to 
 day, will be sent forward into Oude by wings of Regiments, 
 unless General Windham should be seriously threatened. 
 But, of course, in such case he will have been able to 
 take the orders of the Commander-in-Chief. 
 
 "n. General Windham may retain the small Madras 
 Brigade under Brigadier Carthew for a few days, until the 
 intentions of the Gwalior Contingent are developed. This 
 force will arrive, with convoy, on the loth. 
 
 "12. He will direct Brigadier Campbell, commanding at 
 Allahabad, and the officers commanding at Futtehpore, to 
 report to him, and communicate so much of these in- 
 structions to those officers as affects them. 
 
 "By order, 
 
 " W. R. MANSFIELD, Major-General, 
 " Chief of the Staff."
 
 244 GENERAL WIND HAM'S DIARY. 
 
 "BY ORDER OF THE COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF. 
 
 " Memorandum by the Chief of the Staff, for the guidance of 
 Major-General Windham, C.B. 
 
 " HEADQUARTERS, CAWNPORE, 
 " November SM, 1857. 
 
 "In continuation of former instructions, Major-General 
 Windham is requested to direct his attention to the general 
 position of the stations threatened or affected by the Gwalior 
 Contingent. 
 
 "Assuming that force to have arrived at Calpee, it is 
 apparent from the map that, besides the Jumna, there are, 
 between that place and Cawnpore, the Rind Nuddee, and the 
 Pandoo Nuddee. 
 
 "Supposing the enemy to contemplate an advance on the 
 line of the Ganges from Calpee, he would proceed either to 
 Akburpoor or Ghatimpoor. 
 
 "In either case, measures would be taken to destroy the 
 bridges on these streams. 
 
 " If the enemy proceed to Akburpoor, it is tolerably evident 
 that he would be bound either for Cawnpore or to Sheoraj- 
 poor; there would be ample time then to take urgent 
 measures at Cawnpore, supposing the bridges to have been 
 destroyed. 
 
 " If, on the contrary, he makes for Ghatimpoor, it may be 
 presumed that his aim is Futtehpoor. 
 
 "When he is at Ghatimpoor, it will be time enough to 
 think of abandoning the post of Futtehpoor, which is to be 
 avoided as long as possible, consistently with the military 
 safety of the garrison. 
 
 " Assuming that he is bound for Cawnpore, it will be for 
 General Windham to exercise his discretion in calling up the 
 Futtehpoor garrison as a reinforcement. This should only be 
 done as a last resource, government having been fully restored 
 in the Futtehpoor district, the interests of which would be 
 sacrificed by an abandonment of the post.
 
 INSTRUCTIONS. 245 
 
 " General Windham will have at his disposal about 500 rank 
 and file British troops, including a detachment of the Naval 
 Brigade left to work his guns. 
 
 " The Madras force will give him 550 rank and file, with 
 six field guns. 
 
 " (2) 24-pounders have been added to his ordnance in the 
 last three days, making in all nine guns for the entrenchment, 
 besides the Madras guns above alluded to. There are in 
 addition (2) Q-pounders and (i) 24-pounder howitzer, with 
 ammunition in their waggons, available for movement, but for 
 which there are no gunners. 
 
 " There are now in course of arrival, at very early date, at 
 Cawnpore 
 
 i Company Reserve Artillery, R.A. 
 
 1 Horse Field Battalion, R.A. 
 Military Train. 
 
 5 Companies H.M. 23rd Foot. 
 Detachments H.M. 82nd do., and 
 
 2 Madras H.A. guns. 
 
 "The 23rd, and the Military Train, and the Royal Artillery 
 will pursue their march towards Lucknow without delay, with 
 convoys of ammunition, Engineers, Park and Commissariat 
 stores. The detachments of the 82nd will remain at Cawn- 
 pore till they reach the strength of a wing, when they will 
 make the distance to Alumbagh in two marches. 
 
 " Major-General Windham will have the goodness to send 
 due notice of the arrival and departure of every detachment 
 and convoy, to and from Cawnpore, to the officer in charge of 
 the Quartermaster-General's Department at Headquarters. 
 
 "By order, 
 
 "W. R. MANSFIELD, Major-General, 
 "Chief of the Staff."
 
 246 GENERAL WIND HAM'S DIARY. 
 
 "OFFICIAL DESPATCH. 
 
 " From Major-General C. A. Windham, C.B., io His Excellency 
 General Sir Colin Campbell, G.C.B., Commander-in- Chief. 
 
 " CAWNPORE, 
 
 30^ November, 1857. 
 "SiR, 
 
 " In giving an account of the proceedings of the force 
 under my command before Cawnpore during the operations of 
 the 26th, 27th, 28th, and 2Qth instant, I trust Your Excellency 
 will excuse the hasty manner in which it is necessarily drawn 
 up, owing to the constant demands upon me at the present 
 moment. 
 
 "Having received, through Captain H. Bruce, of the 5th 
 Punjaub Cavalry, information of the movements of the 
 Gwalior Contingent, but having received none whatever from 
 your Excellency for several days from Lucknow, in answer 
 to my letters to the Chief of the Staff, I was obliged to act for 
 myself. 
 
 "I therefore resolved to encamp my force on the canal, 
 ready to strike at any portion of the advancing enemy that 
 came within my reach, keeping at the same time my com- 
 munications safe with Cawnpore. 
 
 " Finding that the Contingent were determined to advance, 
 I resolved to meet their first Division on the Pandoo Nuddee. 
 My force consisted of about 1200 bayonets, and eight guns, 
 and 100 mounted Sowars. Having sent my camp equipage 
 and baggage to the rear, I advanced to the attack in the 
 following order : 
 
 "Four companies of the Rifle Brigade, under Colonel 
 R. Walpole ; followed by four companies of the 88th Con- 
 naught Rangers, under Lieutenant-Colonel E. H. Maxwell; 
 and four light 6-pounder Madras guns, under Lieutenant 
 Chamier; the whole under the command of Brigadier Carthew, 
 of the Madras Native Infantry.
 
 THE DESPATCH. 247 
 
 "Following this force was the 34th Regiment, under 
 Lieutenant-Colonel R. Kelly, with four g-pounder guns; 
 the 82nd Regiment in reserve, with spare ammunition, &c. 
 
 " I had given directions, in the event of the enemy being 
 found directly in our front, and if the ground permitted, that 
 Brigadier Carthew should occupy the ground to the left of 
 the road, and that Lieutenant-Colonel Kelly, with the 34th 
 divided into wings, and supported by his artillery, should take 
 the right. It so happened, however, that this order, on our 
 coming into action, became exactly inverted by my directions, 
 in consequence of a sudden turn of the road. No confusion, 
 however, was caused. The advance was made with a com- 
 plete line of skirmishers along the whole front, with supports 
 on either side, and a reserve in the centre. 
 
 "The enemy, strongly posted on the other side of the dry 
 bed of the Pandoo Nuddee, opened a heavy fire of artillery 
 from siege and field guns; but such was the eagerness and 
 courage of the troops, and so well were they led by their 
 officers, that we carried the position with a rush, the men 
 cheering as they went; and the village, more than half-a-mile 
 in its rear, was rapidly cleared. The mutineers hastily took to 
 flight, leaving in our possession two eight-inch iron howitzers 
 and one 6-pounder gun. 
 
 "In this fight my loss was not severe; but I regret very 
 much that a very promising young officer, Captain H. H. Day, 
 88th Regiment, was killed. 
 
 " Observing from a height on the other side of the village, 
 that the enemy's main body was at hand, and that the one 
 just defeated was their leading Division, I at once decided 
 on retiring to protect Cawnpore, my entrenchments, and the 
 bridge over the Ganges. We accordingly fell back, followed, 
 however, by the enemy up to the bridge over the canal. 
 
 "On the morning of the 27th, the enemy commenced their 
 attack, with an overwhelming force of heavy artillery. My 
 position was in front of the city. I was threatened on all 
 sides, and very seriously attacked on my front and right flank. 
 The heavy fighting in front, at the point of junction of the
 
 248 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY. 
 
 Calpee and Delhi roads, fell more especially upon the Rifle 
 Brigade, ably commanded by Colonel Walpole ; who was sup- 
 ported by the 88th Regiment and four guns (two p-pounders, 
 two 24-pounder howitzers), under Captain D. S. Greene, 
 R A., and two 24-pounder guns manned by seamen of the 
 Shannon, under Lieutenant Hay, R.N., who was twice wounded. 
 Lieutenant-Colonel John Adye, R.A., also afforded me marked 
 assistance with these guns. 
 
 "In spite of the heavy bombardment of the enemy, my 
 troops resisted the attack for five hours, and still held the 
 ground, until, on my proceeding personally to make sure of 
 the safety of the Fort, I found, from the number of men 
 bayonetted by the 88th Regiment, that the mutineers had fully 
 penetrated the town ; and having been told that they were 
 then attacking the Fort, I directed Major-General Dupuis, 
 R.A. (who, as my second-in-command, I had left with the 
 main body), to fall back the whole force into the Fort, with all 
 our stores and guns, shortly before dark. 
 
 "Owing to the flight of the camp-followers at the com- 
 mencement of the action, notwithstanding the long time we 
 held the ground, I regret to state that, in making this 
 retrograde movement, I was unable to carry off all my camp 
 equipage and some of the baggage. Had not an error 
 occurred in the conveyance of an order issued by me, I am 
 of opinion that I could have held my ground, at all events, 
 until dark. 
 
 "I must not omit, in this stage of the proceedings, to 
 report that the flank attack was well met, and resisted, for 
 a considerable time, by the 34th Regiment, under Lieutenant- 
 Colonel Kelly, and the Madras Battery, under Lieutenant 
 Chamier, together with that part of the 82nd Regiment which 
 was detached in this direction, under Lieutenant-Colonel D. 
 Watson. 
 
 "In retiring within the entrenchments, I followed the 
 general instructions issued to me by Your Excellency, con- 
 veyed through the Chief of the Staff; namely, to preserve the 
 safety of the bridge over the Ganges, and my communications
 
 THE DESPATCH. 249 
 
 with your force, so severely engaged in the important operation 
 of the relief of Lucknow, as far as possible. I strictly 
 adhered to the defensive. 
 
 "After falling back to the Fort, I assembled the superior 
 officers on the evening of the 27th, and proposed a night 
 attack, should I be able to receive reliable information as 
 to where the enemy had assembled his artillery. 
 
 "As, however, I could obtain none (or, at all events, none 
 that was satisfactory), I decided 
 
 "Firstly. That on the following day Colonel Walpole, 
 Rifle Brigade, should have the defence of the advanced 
 portion of the town on the left side of the canal, standing 
 with your back to the Ganges. The details of the force upon 
 this point were as follows : 
 
 "Five companies Rifle Brigade, under Lieutenant-Colonel 
 C. Woodford. 
 
 "Two companies of the 32nd Regiment, under Lieutenant- 
 Colonel Watson. 
 
 " Four guns { Two 9-pounders ) Under Captain 
 
 I Two 24-pr. howitzers J Greene, R.A. 
 
 " (Two of these guns were manned by Madras Gunners, 
 and two by Seikhs.) 
 
 " Secondly. That Brigadier N. Wilson, with the 64th 
 Regiment, was to hold the Fort, and establish a strong picket 
 at the Baptist Chapel on the extreme right. 
 
 " Thirdly. That Brigadier Carthew, with the 34th Regi- 
 ment, under Lieutenant-Colonel Kelly, and four Madras guns, 
 should hold the Bithoor road in advance of the Baptist 
 Chapel, receiving support from the picket there if wanted. 
 
 "Fourthly. That, with the 88th Regiment, under Lieu- 
 tenant-Colonel Maxwell, I should defend the portion of the 
 town nearest the Ganges, on the left of the canal, and support 
 Colonel Walpole if required. 
 
 "The fighting on the 28th was very severe. On the left 
 advance, Colonel Walpole, with the Rifles, supported by 
 Captain Greene's Battery, and part of the 8 2nd Regiment,
 
 250 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY. 
 
 achieved a complete victory over the enemy, and captured two 
 i8-pounder guns. 
 
 "The glory of this well-contested fight belongs entirely 
 to the above-named companies and Artillery. 
 
 "It was owing to the gallantry of the men and officers, 
 under the able leading of Colonel Walpole, and of my 
 lamented relation, Lieutenant-Colonel Woodford, of the Rifle 
 Brigade (who, I deeply regret to say, was killed), and of 
 Lieutenant-Colonel Watson, Sand, and of Captain Greene, R.A., 
 that this hard-contested fight was won and brought to so profit- 
 able an end. I had nothing to do with it beyond sending 
 them supports, and at the end, of bringing some up myself. 
 
 " I repeat that the credit is entirely due to the above- 
 mentioned officers and men. 
 
 "Brigadier Wilson thought proper, prompted by zeal for 
 the service, to lead his regiment against four guns placed in 
 front of Brigadier Carthew. In this daring exploit, I regret to 
 say, he lost his life, together with several valuable and able 
 officers. Major T. Stirling, 64th Regiment, was killed in 
 spiking one of the guns ; as was also that fine, gallant young 
 man, Captain R. C. M'Crea, 64th Regiment, who acted as 
 Deputy-Assistant Quartermaster-General to the force here. 
 Captain W. Morphey, 64th Regiment (the Brigade Major), 
 also fell at the same time. Our numbers were not sufficient 
 to enable us to carry off the guns. 
 
 "Captain A. P. Bowlby, now the senior officer of the 64th 
 Regiment, distinguished himself, as did also Captain H. F. 
 Saunders, of the yoth Regiment, who was attached to the 
 64th, and is senior to Captain Bowlby, whose conduct he 
 describes as most devoted and gallant ; as was also that of the 
 men of the regiment. 
 
 "Brigadier Carthew, of the Madras Native Infantry, had 
 a most severe and strong contest with the enemy from 
 morning till night; but I regret to add, that he felt himself 
 obliged to retire at dark. 
 
 "During the night of the 28th instant, the enemy occupied 
 the town, and on the morning of the 2gth commenced
 
 THE DESPATCH. 251 
 
 bombarding my entrenchments with a few guns, and struck 
 the bridge of boats several times. 
 
 " The guns mounted in the Fort were superior in number to 
 those of the enemy, and were well manned, throughout the 
 day, by the officers, non-commissioned officers, and men of 
 the Royal Artillery, seamen of the Shannon, Madras and 
 Bengal Gunners, and Seikhs. 
 
 "The chief out-work was occupied by the Rifle Brigade, 
 and in the course of the afternoon, by Your Excellency's 
 instructions, they were advanced, and gallantly drove the 
 mutineers out of that portion of the city nearest to our 
 works, under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel Fyers, who 
 was supported by Colonel Walpole. 
 
 "Throughout the short period I have had the temporary 
 command of this Division, I have received, both in the field 
 and elsewhere, the most important assistance from Captain 
 H. Bruce, 5th Punjaub Cavalry. Without him I should have 
 been at a great loss for reliable information, and although 
 I am aware that Your Excellency is not ignorant of his 
 abilities, courage, and assiduity, I think it my duty to make 
 this mention of his service to the country. 
 
 "Pressed as I am by the operations now going forward, 
 I am not able to specify the services of every individual who 
 has assisted me, where all have behaved so well. I have 
 no Staff of my own, except Captain Roger Swire, of the 
 1 7th Foot, my A.D.C., who has behaved with his usual zeal 
 and courage. 
 
 " I therefore hope I may be allowed to thank, through Your 
 Excellency, the under-mentioned officers for the great services 
 they have voluntarily rendered me during this trying time : 
 Major-General J. E. Dupuis, C.B., com- 
 manding Royal Artillery in India. 
 Lieu tenant -Colonel John Adye, C.B., Assis- 
 
 tant Adjutant-General, Royal Artillery. 
 
 Lieutenant-Colonel H. D. Harness, com- 
 manding Royal Engineers. 
 
 Major Norman M'Leod, Bengal Engineers. t 
 
 Specially.
 
 252 GENERAL WIND HAM'S DIARY. 
 
 Lieutenant-Colonel John Simpson, 34th Regiment. 
 
 Senior Surgeon R. C. Elliot, C.B., Royal Artillery. 
 
 Captain John Gordon, 82nd Regiment. 
 
 Captain Sarsfield Greene, Royal Artillery. 
 
 Captain Smyth, Bengal Artillery. 
 
 "There are several other officers in addition, who I for- 
 tunately found detained here en route to join Your Excellency's 
 force, and I beg to submit their names also, viz. : 
 
 Captain R. G. Brackenbury, 6ist Regiment. 
 
 Lieutenant Arthur Henley, 52nd Light Infantry. 
 
 Lieutenant Valentine Ryan, 64th Regiment. 
 
 Captain Ellis Cunliffe, ist Bengal Fusiliers. 
 
 Lieutenant E. H. Bugden, 82nd Regiment (to whom I 
 gave the command of the 100 mounted Sowars). 
 
 Captain C. E. Mansfield, 33rd Regiment. 
 
 Lieutenant P. Scratchley, Royal Engineers. 
 
 Lieutenant W. C. Milne, 74th Bengal Native Infantry. 
 " I beg to inform Your Excellency that I have called for 
 nominal returns of the killed and wounded, and I have also 
 directed all officers commanding corps, regiments, and 
 batteries, &c., to forward to me the names of any officers, 
 non-commissioned officers, or soldiers, who may have es- 
 pecially distinguished themselves by gallantry in the field, 
 which shall be forwarded to Your Excellency without delay. 
 
 " In conclusion, I hope I may be permitted to express my 
 sincere thanks to all the regimental officers, non-commissioned 
 officers, and men, for the zeal, gallantry, and courage with 
 which they have carried out my orders during the four days of 
 harassing actions, which have successively taken place in the 
 defence of this important strategic centre of present operations. 
 " I beg to forward the enclosed Despatch, which I have 
 received from Major-General Dupuis ; and I have called upon 
 the various officers commanding corps, &c., to forward me the 
 names of any officers they may wish to recommend, which 
 I will send to Your Excellency as soon as I receive them. 
 
 " I have, &c., 
 "C. A. WINDHAM, Major-General.'' 1
 
 THE END OF THE MUTINY. 253 
 
 General Windham's share of the troubles and trials 
 of the great Indian Campaign was now to come to an 
 abrupt end. 
 
 He had landed in India on the 6th October, and saw 
 no more of the enemy after the battle in which 
 exactly two months later Sir Colin Campbell defeated 
 the Gwalior Contingent. 
 
 In this battle Windham took but a minor part, for, 
 much to his distress, he was placed for the occasion 
 in command of the troops who occupied the entrench- 
 ment, which he had successfully defended against such 
 heavy odds. 
 
 Immediately afterwards he was ordered up-country 
 by the Commander-in-Chief, and was directed to assume 
 command of the Lahore Division. 
 
 From this uncongenial place of banishment he made 
 several attempts to return to active service, but with 
 no success. 
 
 The following passage in a letter from Sir Colin 
 Campbell gave him genuine pleasure : 
 
 "CAMP, CAWNPORE, 
 
 "February i$th, 1858. 
 "Mv DEAR GENERAL, 
 
 " I have been putting off from day to day answering 
 your last letter to me till I feel that it is almost too late to do so. 
 " Pray believe me when I say that my first feelings of pain 
 have been obliterated by that communication. 
 
 ****** 
 
 " Believe me, 
 " Very faithfully yours, 
 
 "C. CAMPBELL."
 
 254 GENERAL IVINDHAM'S DIARY. 
 
 The following was Windham's reply, and with it we 
 will close this record of an unfortunate episode in the 
 life of a good soldier, an episode which shows on w r hat 
 a precarious basis the reputation of a commander may 
 sometimes rest : 
 
 "MEEAN MEER, 
 
 " 2 ist February, 1858. 
 "DEAR SIR COLIN, 
 
 " It is with unfeigned satisfaction that I acknowledge 
 the receipt of your letter of the i5th from Cawnpore. 
 
 " I do not wish to trouble you or put myself in the way, but 
 should the Siege of Lucknow, from adverse circumstances, 
 drag on (God grant for all our sakes it may not), and 
 vacancies occur, I hope you will remember that I shall be 
 happy and proud to join the force under you. 
 
 " Believe me, dear Sir Colin, 
 " Yours faithfully, 
 
 "C. A. WlNDHAM." 
 
 It is much to be regretted that Sir Colin's " amende " 
 did not go beyond words, and that he was not disposed 
 to avail himself of the services so frankly offered. 
 Nothing short of again entrusting General Windham 
 with a command in the field would have atoned for the 
 wrong inflicted by Sir Colin's hasty condemnation of 
 the operations before Cawnpore. Words count for little, 
 particularly official words ; and ninety-nine men out of 
 a hundred remember that the successful soldier Lord 
 Clyde condemned Windham's operations before Cawn- 
 pore : the hundredth may be aware that the condemna- 
 tion was withdrawn. 
 
 On the termination of the operations near Cawnpore, 
 General Windham was directed by the Commander-in- 
 Chief to leave the Field Army and to proceed to 
 Lahore, and assume command there. 
 
 Windham retained command of the Lahore Division
 
 THE CONCLUSION. 255 
 
 until March ist, 1861, when he returned to England, a 
 saddened and disappointed man. 
 
 In June of the same year he was appointed Colonel 
 of the 46th Regiment, and on February 5th, 1863, he 
 became a Lieutenant-General. 
 
 In 1865 the long-delayed Knighthood of the Bath 
 was bestowed upon him, and on the 3rd October, 1867, 
 he received command of the forces in Canada, which 
 appointment he held to the day of his death. 
 
 Lieutenant-General Sir Charles Ash Windham, 
 K.C.B., died at Jacksonville, in Florida, on February 
 4th, 1870.
 
 APPENDIX
 
 " December gth, 1895. 
 " MY DEAR CHARLIE, 
 
 "I return your printed cutting. You must not think 
 me lukewarm about the character of your gallant father 
 and my dear old friend. 
 
 " I have spoken to many old generals, and none of them 
 seem ever to have read the article to which you allude. 
 
 " Few people had a better opportunity than I had of 
 seeing the way in which your gallant father led the assault 
 on the Redan. We all knew the straits to which he was 
 reduced. 
 
 "Holding rank as Brigadier-General when in the Crimea, 
 I was present at the Council of War, held on the yth 
 September, the day before the attack. When it was announced 
 from the chair (Simpson sat in the chair, moved back and 
 did not speak) that two thousand men were told off for 
 the assault on the Redan, I exclaimed, ' ten thousand you 
 mean ! ' 
 
 "I was at once checked by some general, and told I was 
 there only out of compliment. 
 
 " I had been four months attending the trenches daily. 
 
 "We were completely outwitted in the time selected by 
 the French; they knew that n a.m., the time selected for 
 their assault, was that when the Russians took their rest 
 
 " We were not to assault the Redan until the French flag 
 was hoisted on the Malakoff tower; in fact, when every 
 Russian was in his place to defend it. 
 
 " I was ordered on no account to leave our guns. I made 
 my men leave their arms behind them. I had a magazine 
 blown up in one battery, the men tore the stakes out of 
 the gabions, and it was as much as I could do to prevent 
 the men, so armed, rushing in to your father's assistance. 
 
 " Always your sincere old friend, 
 
 "HARRY KEPPEL. 
 "CAPTAIN CHARLES WIXDHAM, R.N."
 
 260 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY. 
 
 11 DEAR CAPTAIN WINDHAM, 
 
 " I was much pleased to hear that you were engaged 
 collecting matter and correspondence relating to your father 
 with a view to publication. 
 
 " He was an old and early comrade and friend, staunch 
 in his attachments, and without, I believe, a foe in private 
 life. He was remarkable for his unruffled calmness and 
 complete disregard of danger, as the very charges trumped 
 up against him would serve to show. I rode a part of the 
 way down with him the day he led the attack upon the 
 Redan at Sebastopol. 
 
 " He was perhaps too out-spoken to please the Head- 
 quarter Staff, who ill-brooked censure or suggestions. 
 
 " He was beloved by all who served with him and appre- 
 ciated his frank and upright nature. 
 
 " I could write at great length, but must not trespass on 
 your spare time. His fault perhaps was, that he was too 
 sanguine of success, and thought no obstacle was too for- 
 midable, as his feat in riding ' Major A ' would serve to 
 show, with odds (I believe 100 to i) against him. 
 
 " I wish your publication that success which the subject 
 merits. As Cato says in Addison's representation of him : 
 
 ' 'T is not in mortals to command success, 
 We will do more, Sempronius, we will deserve it.' 
 
 " Command me, if I can at any time help you further. 
 
 "Yours most truly, 
 
 "DORCHESTER. 
 
 "FOLKESTONE, loth February, 1896."
 
 APPENDIX. 261 
 
 "27, WEST CROMWELL ROAD, 
 
 " SOUTH KENSINGTON, S.W., 
 
 "2jth November, 1896. 
 "DEAR WINDHAM, 
 
 " It is a pleasure to me to know that in the forthcoming 
 volume on your father's career, you have quoted the opinion 
 I have recorded on the battle fought by him at Kauhpur 
 during the Indian Mutiny. I adhere to all I wrote in my 
 latest edition of that book (the Cabinet edition) regarding the 
 consequences the fatal consequences which would have 
 overtaken us had your father hesitated for a moment. His 
 decision saved India from a terrible disaster. There is one 
 thing, however, that I regret ; and that is, that I did not bring 
 more prominently forward the fact that the letters written by 
 your father to Lord Clyde, whilst every moment was of 
 importance, were withheld from that officer until it was too 
 late to take action on them. This neglect, whilst it damns 
 some one, only increases your father's merits; for left alone 
 in a position of great responsibility, and badly supported by 
 some, he yet saved the position. Your father's reputation 
 really required no vindication. No one out of India knew 
 half the difficulties he had to contend with: yet, if I may 
 quote Napoleon, 'he left a reputation without spot,' the best 
 inheritance he could leave to his children. 
 
 " Yours very truly, 
 
 "G. B, MALLESON. 
 "CAPT. C. WINDHAM, R.N."
 
 FELBRIGG HALL 
 
 SUNSET is the hour of sadness, and the time of Nature's 
 mourning over the decline of the sun in his splendour, and 
 the advent of the chilly night. Sunset in autumn, when the 
 crimson of the western sky harmonizes with the reddening 
 leaves, and when the bare branches of the trees seem like 
 arms upstretched beseeching an inexorable Fate in an agony 
 of fear, is the time to visit Felbrigg, with its memories of an 
 ancient house whose sun has gone down in gloom, and whose 
 wide-spreading lawns now echo to the tread of the stranger. 
 Felbrigg is a lovely place, the park being a perfect picture 
 of sylvan beauty at all times, while near at hand is the wide 
 expanse of Aylmerton and Runton Heaths, and, beyond, the 
 long blue line of the ocean. The approaches from Cromer 
 are of a peculiarly picturesque character the road winding 
 through strips of woodland of surpassing beauty, the umbra- 
 geous foliage above and the wealth of green bracken and 
 the banks of wild flowers beneath making it a favourite walk 
 of the visitors at the seaside a mile or two away. It is not 
 often that the park is open to the public, but the church 
 stands within its borders, and thither the way is always free. 
 If the hall is not available, the church where its lords have 
 worshipped for ages is full of memorials of their departed 
 greatness. There lie the old Felbriggs. Simon, who died in 
 1351, is pictured in brass; with his wife Alice, who was buried 
 at Harling, in effigy at his side. Close by is the figure of 
 Roger de Felbrigg, who died abroad in 1380, and beside him 
 that of his wife Elizabeth. But the finest memorial of all
 
 264 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY. 
 
 is that of the gallant Sir Simon de Felbrigg, Knight of the 
 Garter, and Standard-bearer to King Richard II., whose 
 great brass fills the whole width of the centre aisle. He is 
 in magnificent armour, with the standard in his hand, and the 
 garter upon his knee; and beside him, in a flowing cloak, is 
 his wife Margaret, daughter of Primeslaus, Duke of Teschen 
 in Bohemia, and domicella to the Queen of her spouse's Royal 
 master. She died in 1416, and her husband married again; 
 and both he and his second wife were buried, not at Felbrigg, 
 but at Norwich, in the chancel of the Church of the Black 
 Friars, now known as the Blackfriars' Hall. A glance at the 
 inscription below the figures will show that the date of the 
 knight's death has never been filled in. Then there are 
 memorials of the Windhams, one that to Thomas Windham, 
 who died in 1599 with the following quaint lines : 
 
 " Liv'st them, Thomas? Yes Where? with God on high. 
 Art thou not dead ? Yes, and here I lye : 
 I that with men on earth did live to die, 
 Dy'd for to live with Christ eternally." 
 
 Nollekyns did the bust which adorns the monument of the 
 statesman Windham, and which is on the south side of the 
 chancel. 
 
 Felbrigg Hall is a stately mansion in the style which pre- 
 vailed at the time of Henry VIII. It was several times 
 enlarged by the Windham family, for the most part in a style 
 corresponding with the ancient south front. This is in three 
 storeys, its chief characteristic being a stately solidity, from 
 which its large mullioned and transomed windows do not at 
 all detract. It shows three bays running up to the level of 
 the parapet of the roof, the outer two being irregularly 
 octagonal in plan, and the middle one, which contains the 
 entrance, square. The doorway is circular, and above is an 
 entablature, with a frieze enriched with carving, supported by 
 handsome columns on moulded pedestals. Over the doorway 
 are carved panels, above which are two three-light windows,
 
 APPENDIX. 265 
 
 separated by a string course. The large windows are a 
 peculiar feature at Felbrigg, and might, with advantage, be 
 studied by those whose idea of "domestic Gothic" is a 
 multiplicity of corners and as little light as possible. The 
 upper storey is in the roof, the three gablets rising in the 
 plane of the main wall, and opening upon the roof of the 
 bays. In lieu of a balustrade proper, the pious aspiration, 
 " Gloria Deo in Excelsis," appears, each letter being pierced 
 quite through a somewhat novel arrangement. There are 
 two gables, one with a continuous bay to the level of those in 
 the front, at the end next the stables, &c. ; but at the other 
 end, adjacent to the more modern part of the building, only 
 one, with bays as before, the window in the ground floor 
 opening direct to the grounds, French casement fashion. 
 Heraldic animals serve as finials to both the main buildings 
 and the angles of the bays, while above the roof tall chimneys 
 rise in triple clusters. The fine effect of the building is 
 considerably enhanced by the eminence upon which it stands. 
 The stable quadrangle, in a similar style to the main building, 
 was erected in 1825 by Admiral Windham, and the entrance 
 gates to the park 600 acres were put up in 1841-2. 
 
 A quaint account of the interior, and the pictures with 
 which it was adorned, was given in the Norfolk Tour (1829): 
 "The house, built in the style of the period of Henry. VIII., 
 contains some excellent pictures by Rembrandt, Bergham, 
 Vanderveldt, &c. The dining-room is decorated with good 
 portraits of the Windham family. In the drawing-room is a 
 Usurer, by Rembrandt ; and the portrait of an old woman, by 
 the same artist, supposed to be his mother, deserves particular 
 attention. There are also some good paintings of sea engage- 
 ments one in particular, by Vanderveldt, jun., with the effect 
 of smoke from the vessels in the foreground, which is made to 
 receive the light, is very masterly : the subject is the engage- 
 ment between the English and Van Tromp, in which Sir 
 Edward Spragg was killed. Its companion, by the elder 
 Vanderveldt, a sea-fight, is a confused and wholly un-
 
 266 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY. 
 
 interesting performance. Over each of these pieces is a 
 Storm, by Vanderveldt, jun., in his usual style of ex- 
 cellence. At the other end of the room are two very fine 
 views of the River Thames one at Billingsgate Market, the 
 other before the alteration at London Bridge. Over one of 
 these pictures is a landscape, by Bergham ; and over the other 
 a small but highly-coloured picture the Finding of Achilles 
 at the Court of Lycomedes said to be by Rubens. From 
 the drawing-room you proceed to the cabinet, where the small 
 pictures are by much the best. Two or three Storms, by 
 Vanderveldt, jun., in his best manner; Cows Stalled, by 
 Sagtleven ; Scheveling Market, and a small landscape, by 
 Paul Brill, are excellent : the trees of the latter are very finely 
 touched. Some of the larger pictures are very good, par- 
 ticularly two views of the Cascade of Terni, by G. B. H. 
 Busuri. The rest of the collection in this room is chiefly 
 composed of Italian landscapes and small views of Italian 
 ruins, in opaque colours. One of the best pictures in this 
 house is an Italian seaport in a hazy morning, by Vernet, 
 every part of which is truly and delicately expressed. A 
 portrait of Rubens, and another of his wife, adorn one of 
 the bed-chambers whether by himself is doubtful. That of 
 Rubens is, however, very like one of him in the British 
 Museum. 
 
 " The library is fitted up with much elegance in the pointed 
 style, and admirably corresponds with the building of the 
 south front. Here is a collection of prints from the best 
 masters. The gloom thrown into the apartment by the deep 
 projecting munnions, the painted windows, and the sombre 
 hue of the wainscot, renders it a retirement truly adapted to 
 study." 
 
 In ancient times the Manor of Felbrigg was held by the 
 Bigods, prior to its occupation by the Felbriggs. By order 
 of Sir Simon Felbrigg it was sold after the death of his 
 wife Catherine, the purchaser being Lord Scales, one of the 
 knight's trustees. He sold it again to John Windham, who
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 had had a lease of it from Felbrigg. John Windham, who 
 had married the Lady Margery, relict of Sir Edward Hastings, 
 of Elsing, and daughter of Sir Robert Clifford, of Buckenham 
 Castle, made Felbrigg his seat ; but was considerably troubled 
 by the stand taken by Sir John Felbrigg, who claimed the 
 manor by hereditary right. In Windham's absence Sir John 
 made a forcible entry into the house, and when Mistress 
 Windham locked herself up in a room to keep some sort 
 of possession, he threatened to set the place on fire. 
 Finally, the lady was dragged out, tradition says by the 
 hair of her head, and the Felbrigg sat once more in his 
 ancestral hall. Windham, however, obtained the King's 
 order to the Sheriff, Thomas Montgomery, to be put into 
 possession again, and the upshot of the business was the 
 payment by Windham of two hundred marks to get rid of 
 Felbrigg's claim. The latter, on receipt of this sum, released 
 all his right and claim to the lordship, and conveyed it to 
 John Windham by fine. This was in the 39th year of Henry 
 VI., a time at which, teste the Paston letters, people who had 
 power at their back did practically as they pleased. The 
 Windhams came from Wymondham Town, where, in the 
 reign of Henry I., Alward de Wymondham was a witness 
 to William d'Albini's foundation charter of the Priory there. 
 Edric de Wymondham, who died in 1277, was Treasurer of 
 the King's Council and Baron of the Exchequer. 
 
 John Windham, son and heir to the first of the name, was 
 an unfortunate man. By his wife Margaret, daughter of Sir 
 John Felbrigg, he obtained the manors of Crownthorpe, 
 Banningham, Colby, and Ingworth; and, assisting Henry 
 VIII. at the battle of Stoke, in 1489, he was knighted for 
 his valour. Four years later, on the 6th May, 1503, he was 
 beheaded on Tower Hill, in company with Sir James Tyrrell, 
 having been condemned as a traitor to his sovereign for 
 joining a conspiracy in favour of Edmund de la Pole, Earl 
 of Suffolk. He was buried in the Church of the Austen Friars 
 in London, far away from his Norfolk home. His son and
 
 268 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY. 
 
 heir, Sir Thomas, fell on better times. Knighted by Sir 
 Edward Howard, Admiral of the English Fleet, at Crowton 
 Bay, near Brest, he became Vice-Admiral, Knight of the 
 King's Body Guard, and a member of the Privy Council. 
 From his will, dated at Felbrigg, October 22nd, 1521, it 
 would appear that he then held the Manors of Crownthorpe, 
 Wicklewood, Hackford, Aylmerton, Runton, Barningham, 
 Ingworth, Tuttington, Colby, Briston, Wolterton, Melton, 
 Melton Cockfield, and Felbrigg. He was buried in Norwich 
 Cathedral. His brother, Sir Thomas, married Elizabeth, 
 daughter and co-heiress of Sir John Sydenham, of Orchard, 
 in Devonshire, and became the ancestor of the Earls of 
 Egremont. Sir Edmund Windham, by his wife Susan, a 
 daughter of Sir Roger Townshend, of Raynham, had three 
 sons and a daughter named Amy. Roger married one of 
 the Heydons of Baconsthorpe, and died without issue. 
 Francis, Judge of the Common Pleas, married Elizabeth, 
 daughter of Lord Keeper Sir Nicholas Bacon, died without 
 issue in 1592, and was honoured with a quaint monument 
 in the north chancel aisle of St. Peter Mancroft Church, 
 at Norwich. The tradition that he died of gaol fever has 
 no foundation in fact. The estates then went by entail to 
 Thomas Windham, the third son of Sir John Windham, 
 of Orchard. Thomas had two wives, and his son, John 
 Windham, four, and yet the line failed again for lack of 
 issue. William Windham, John's brother-in-law, took the 
 estate next, and died in 1689. His son, Ash Windham, 
 named after his grandfather, Sir Thomas Ash, of Twicken- 
 ham, was lord in 1740. William Windham, his son, was 
 a colonel in the Norfolk Militia, a great patron of manly 
 exercises, and an associate of the wits of his time. The 
 friend and admirer of Garrick, he left that distinguished actor 
 his executor when he died in 1761, his son William being a 
 minor. 
 
 William Windham, the statesman, was born in 1750 in 
 Golden Square, London, and educated at Eton, Glasgow,
 
 APPENDIX. 269 
 
 and Oxford. He gave small promise then of his future 
 greatness, and took so little interest in public affairs that it 
 was a standing joke of one of his acquaintances that " Wind- 
 ham would never know who was Prime Minister"; while at 
 the age of twenty he refused the post of secretary to his 
 father's friend Townshend, who had just been appointed 
 Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. In 1773 he joined Lord 
 Mulgrave in his voyage of discovery in Polar regions, but 
 he was attacked by an illness so severe that he was obliged 
 to be put ashore in Norway. His first essay as a public 
 speaker was at the Swan Inn, in Norwich, on the 28th 
 January, 1778, and it was occasioned by a call for a sub- 
 scription on behalf of the Government for the carrying on 
 of the American War. Windham favoured conciliation, not 
 from anything like cowardice, as he had amply vindicated 
 his courage before by quelling a mutiny of the West Norfolk 
 Militia, of which he was an officer, by seizing the leader, and 
 felling some of his supporters amidst a shower of stones from 
 the rabble. In 1780 he was a candidate for Norwich, but 
 was unsuccessful; in 1783 he won the seat, to be defeated in 
 1802. He took part in the impeachment of Warren Hastings, 
 held for seven years the office of Secretary for War under 
 Pitt, and was one of the leaders of the Opposition during 
 the Addington Administration. On his presenting himself 
 for re-election at Norwich, after appointment as Secretary 
 for War, he met with a rough reception, and at his " chairing " 
 a stone was thrown at him. Windham, undaunted, jumped 
 down from his elevation, collared his man, and handed him 
 over to the officers. Windham's animosity to the Peace of 
 Amiens lost him his seat in 1802 ; he tried for a Norfolk 
 seat, failed, and finally met with luck at St. Mawes. He 
 served another term from 1806 as Secretary for War, and 
 also for the Colonies in the "Administration of all the 
 Talents," which had only a twelvemonth's existence. In 
 1810 he died. Assisting to save the library of his friend 
 North, when the latter's mansion in Berkeley Square was
 
 2/0 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY. 
 
 on fire, he sustained an injury to the hip, which subsequently 
 necessitated an operation. With a feeling of tenderness for 
 his wife, he sent her away, on a plea of business, and then 
 prepared for the worst, receiving the sacrament at the hands 
 of Dr. Fisher at the Charterhouse, and spending the rest of 
 his time as if his hours were numbered. At first the 
 symptoms were favourable, but a fever made its appearance, 
 and on the 4th June this amiable and talented man breathed 
 his last. On the evening of Sunday, the roth, his remains 
 reached Norwich on their way to their last resting-place at 
 Felbrigg, and a large concourse attended them to the Maid's 
 Head Hotel, where they lay in state for that night. On the 
 following morning the journey was resumed, and at four 
 o'clock, amid a great throng of county gentry and tenantry, 
 the coffin was deposited in the family vault. Windham was 
 generally regarded as a man of honour and liberal for his 
 age ; and he was not only temperate, but highly accomplished 
 at a time of intemperance and much ignorance even in high 
 places. He was opposed to Parliamentary reform, but he 
 was in favour of Catholic emancipation. He would not 
 support the war with America, but in readiness for the 
 projected invasion of England he would dare everything, 
 and raised a corps of Volunteers at Felbrigg on his own 
 account. His wife, the daughter of Commodore Forrest, 
 survived him, and erected to his memory the noble monument 
 in Felbrigg Church. 
 
 Upon William Windham's death the Felbrigg estate went 
 to his nephew, Vice-Admiral William Lukin, the son of Dr. 
 Lukin, Dean of Wells, and formerly Rector of Metton, a 
 living held conjointly with that of Felbrigg, his mother being 
 a Doughty of Hanworth Hall, Norfolk. The Admiral took 
 the name of Windham, in accordance with the provisions 
 of his uncle's will, and under his regime Felbrigg was well 
 cared for. He married Anne, a daughter of Peter Thel- 
 luson, and by her had thirteen children. And among his 
 many grandchildren occur many well-known names of the
 
 APPENDIX, 271 
 
 present day Lords Revelstoke, Cromer, Listowel, Lady 
 Suffield, Colonel Hare, Lady Yarborough, Mr. Windham 
 Holly, &c. 
 
 Admiral Windham's daughter, Maria, married her relative, 
 George Wyndham (another branch of the family settled at 
 Cromer Hall, Norfolk), and of her children, only one, the 
 present Lady Alfred Paget, survives. Under his grandson, 
 William Frederick Windham, the son of William Howe Wind- 
 ham, by Sophia, fourth daughter of the Marquis of Bristol, 
 and the nephew of General Sir Charles Ash Windham, a 
 gallant Crimean warrior, and the hero of the Redan, Felbrigg 
 was sold to Mr. John Ketton, a Norwich merchant, who 
 made his fortune out of cotton-seed during the time of the 
 Russian War. 
 
 Over the career of the last of the Windhams, who fell 
 so low as to drive the Cromer coach at a pound a week, 
 we draw the veil Some day, perhaps in another gene- 
 ration, the story which was brought out at the famous trial 
 (by which the unjustly -aspersed General Sir Charles Wind- 
 ham practically beggared himself in endeavouring to save 
 the family property), and the recital of the prodigal's freaks, 
 will make a curious chapter of local history. At the present 
 there are those alive to whom it would mean nothing but 
 pain, albeit it was so long ago as the 8th February, 1866, 
 nearly four years after the sacrifice of Felbrigg, that he was 
 laid to rest in the last home of his race in the church in the 
 park attached to his ancestral home. 
 
 It may, however, be interesting to record the following 
 incident, that when he was dying the only member of his 
 family that he telegraphed for was his uncle, the General, 
 who arrived in hot haste, and being met by his friend, 
 Mr. P. E. Hansell, they proceeded to the hotel, to find 
 that life was already extinct. The General clasped the still 
 warm hand of the dead man, and, deeply affected, remarked, 
 " Poor boy, I tried to save you, and I tried to save the 
 property ; now both are gone."
 
 32439 
 
 272 GENERAL WINDHAM'S DIARY. 
 
 The present owner of Felbrigg, Mr. R. W. Ketton, is well 
 known and respected in the Cromer district; and has, ever 
 since his accession to the property, taken his due share in 
 county business as a County Councillor and as a Justice of 
 the Peace. 
 
 The above account of Felbrigg is taken from a series of papers on 
 "The Ancestral Halls of Norfolk," published in the autumn of 1895 in 
 the columns of the Norfolk Weekly Standard. 
 
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