UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA 
 AT LOS ANGELES
 
 LETTER 
 
 O F 
 
 CLAUDIO \TOLOMEIy 
 
 Tranflated from the ITALIAN. 
 
 In which he examines the 
 
 E S T 10 N, 
 
 Whether a PRINCE Jhould in Policy punijh his 
 MAGISTRATES #^ MINISTERS, who againft 
 the Duty of their Office have injured the People, 
 or rather to cover and conceal their Crimes, and 
 by fome fecret Way or other put a Stop to them. 
 
 WITH 
 Hiftorical NOTES, and Political REFLECTIONS. 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 Printed for T. COOPER, at the Globe in Pater-Nojter- 
 Row. M.DCC.XXXTX.
 
 [iii] 
 
 14-3 
 
 T O T H E 
 
 READER. 
 
 tion 
 
 HE Italian Original of the 
 following Letter is to be 
 read in the printed Collec- 
 of Claud io Tolomei'j Let- 
 ters. It is the firft of the fourth 
 Book. The Importance of the ^ue- 
 ftion herein examined is fuch> that it 
 deferves the particular Attention of 
 Iftf PRINCE. It is his chief In- 
 |f tereft not to take a wrong Step in fo 
 a 2 delicate 
 
 301291
 
 [iv] 
 
 delicate an Affair, which concerns 
 his own Prefervation as well as the 
 Welfare of his People. The Man- 
 ner how the i^ueftion is handled is 
 fo judicious and agreeable, that it 
 cannot but inflruEl and delight the 
 Reader at the fame time ; who may 
 eajily by it perceive ths Author s 
 Character, that he was a Jim 
 Gentleman, a polite Scholar, and 
 well acquainted with the World. 
 
 CLAUDIO TOLOMEI was one of 
 thofe great Genii, that Italy produ- 
 ced in the Jixteenth Century. "The 
 golden Age of that Nation in Re- 
 JpeEl both to all Sorts of Learning, 
 and liberal Arts. He was a Na- 
 tive of Siena, of a noble and ancient 
 Family. His Knowledge was not 
 confined to any Profeffion. He was 
 Majler of three noble Languages, 
 Greek, Latin, and Italian, an elo- 
 quent Orator, moft elegant Poet, a 
 
 good
 
 good Philofopher^ and an excellent 
 Lawyer. He faffed the beft Part 
 of his Life at Rome, employed in 
 public Affairs, and in the Service of 
 his Country. Fortune was not fa- 
 vourable enough to his Merit, hav- 
 ing raifed him to no higher Dignity, 
 than to that of a Bifhopric : But he 
 was recompenfed with the Reputation 
 and Fame he got by his Learning 
 and Manner of Writing ; which 
 have rendered his Name glorious 
 among the be ft Italian Writers (a). 
 Thus much of this great Man for 
 the P refent. A full Account of his 
 Life the Public may expeft at an- 
 other Time. 
 
 How hard a Task it is to make 
 an exaEi Tranjlation^ is too well 
 
 (a) Ghilini Teatro efUomini Letterati, Vsl. \. pag. 39. 
 Crcfcimbeni Hiftoria delia volgar Poefia. I. 2. *. 30. 
 
 known
 
 [vi] 
 
 known by thofe, who have ever tried 
 it, and are capable of judging of the 
 different Genius and Beauty of 
 Languages ; and in particular of 
 the Italian and Englifh. The Tran- 
 Jlator was fenfible of the Difficulty ; 
 and therefore he did not presume fo 
 much on his Ability as to attempt to 
 come up to the Original. His par- 
 ticular Intent and Care has been 
 only to exprefs the Senfe of the Au- 
 thor in the beft Manner he could. 
 
 To the 'Tranjlation he has added 
 Hiftorical Notes, which he thought 
 neceffary for the better Underftand- 
 ing of thofe FaEls> and Characters 
 of Perfons therein occasionally men- 
 tioned. He has examined them 
 both) in order to clear what his Au- 
 thor fays, and to confirm Truth ^ 
 which is the Soul of Hiftory. With 
 them he has joined fuch Political 
 Reflections, as they occurred to his 
 
 Mind
 
 [vii] 
 
 Mind in the drawing up the Hifto- 
 rical Notes : Being of Opinion, that 
 proper Reflexions, and efpecially 
 Political ought to be the main Profit 
 of reading Hi/lory ; For by the Mo- 
 tives of human AElions we know 
 what Men are, and by the Conduft of 
 others we may take an Example for 
 our own Inftru&ion. 
 
 Should this Piece meet with the 
 Approbation of the Public, it would 
 be a great Encouragement to the 
 Tranjlator to go on with another 
 Letter (tho imperfeEtJ of the fame 
 Author^ relating to a Queftion no 
 lefs important^ than the prefent. 'viz. 
 Whether a Prince fhould punifli 
 thofe, who fpeak ill of him.
 
 E R R A r A. 
 
 PAGE 27. for Copyiftsread. Copiftes. 
 Page 34. the Cardinals r. the major 
 
 Part of the Cardinals. 
 Page 35. Credidttur r. Creditur. 
 PoJJeffbnes r. PoJJeffiones. 
 Page 40. of Templars r. 0/V^ Templars. 
 
 In the Note f/>) Z>w// r. Dupuy. 
 Page 69. In the Note (i) quelem r. qualem, 
 Page 73. Licentioujhencet. Licentioufnefs. 
 
 an r. *W. 
 
 Page 75. In the Note (k) am r. jam. 
 Page 1 1 8. d/ Cilicia r. in Cilicia, 
 Page 133. in or r. in order. 
 
 CL AUDIO
 
 CLAUDIO TOLOMEI 
 
 -ij '!*>'[ i .;>,>. ifctoftsig io Lii& ^I'-'ux'-rr! 
 '? O 
 
 M. ANTON FRANCESCO 
 
 S A N T I, Of T R I E V I. 
 
 Could not anfwer your Letter 
 of the nth of September before 
 this Time, for the very Day I 
 received it I was obliged to ride 
 
 out to Tivoli) partly becaufe I 
 was engaged with fome Gentlemen, and 
 partly too for my own Diverfion. From 
 thence afterwards we went rambling about 
 feveral little Towns, now feeing one Thing, 
 now another, wherever we heard there was 
 any Remains of thofe ancient wonderful 
 Buildings. After ten Days I came back, and 
 perufed your Letter again, and conlidering 
 the Queftions you afk my Sentiment upon, 
 I have not been fufficiently able to give you 
 
 J Trie-ji the fame with Tre<v i, as it is commonly called 
 by the Geographers. There are two Boroughs of that Name, 
 both in the Ecclefiailical State ; one in Umbria, or Dutchy 
 of Spoleto, formerly an Epifcopal Town, the other in the 
 Campagne of Rome, upon the Borders of the Kingdom of Na- 
 ples ; which of the two is meant here I can't determine. 
 
 B an
 
 . 
 
 an Anfwer to them all at once. I {hall 
 therefore for the prefent anfwer only to the 
 firft Article, which highly deferves to be 
 examined, and, when well refolved, will be 
 of the greateft. Advantage. And fmce, as I 
 think, our prefent Times make the Subject 
 more important, and of greater Confidera- 
 tion, I will therefore endeavour to treat of 
 it at large ; in doing which, if perchance I 
 fhould,from the plain and low Stile of Letters, 
 rife to that of a Difcourfe, I beg you'll forgive 
 me; the Importance of the Subject, the Pro- 
 babilities that appear on different Sides, and 
 my Defire of revolving the Queftion well and 
 rightly, prompt and engage me to be per- 
 haps longer than you would wifh for ; but, 
 I believe, that neither Time, nor Labour, 
 nor Words will be loft, provided Truth be 
 known. 
 
 The Doubt then, which in the firft Place 
 you propofe to me, is this. Whether a 
 Prince^ finding out a Magiflrate or Mini- 
 fler to have done many Afts of Injuftice t 
 foould publlckly and. jeverely punijh him t 
 or whether it be better to keep them^ as 
 much as peffible, concealed, and by fome Je- 
 cret Way or other apply a Remedy to pre- 
 vent them. This Article, by the Tenour 
 and Difpofition of the Laws, needs no 
 Difcuffion ; for the Laws require that he 
 mould not only undergo a public Punim- 
 ment, but farther, that he mould be more 
 feverely punifhed than others, -f ^- n ^ 
 
 indeed,
 
 [3 ] 
 
 indeed, if private Men, for their Crimes, 
 deferve an heavy Punifhment, how much 
 the more mould thofe Perfons deferve it, who 
 are placed in that Station, to deter others 
 from doing Wrong ? And if the Prince, by 
 raifmg them to high Places and Offices, put 
 Juftice and his Honour in their Hands, of 
 what Punimment are they not deferving, 
 who by their wicked Adtions offend both 
 God and the Prince, and with them the 
 People too ? But fince in our Days there are 
 fome People, who being led into Miftakes, 
 by I know not what Show of Reafons, fay, 
 That it does not become a wife Prince to 
 expofe, and render infamous his Magiftrates 
 and Minifters by making public their ill 
 and unjuft Actions, but to be more prudent 
 to conceal them ; I thought therefore, in 
 order that this Point might be better under- 
 flood, to treat of it fully and diftimftly. 
 
 They that maintain it to be not a prudent 
 Way to punifh, and render them infamous, 
 alledge this Reafon chiefly for it.That among 
 the firft Supporters of a Prince are to be 
 reckoned the Magiftrates and Minifters; and 
 among the Things, that give Repute to a 
 Magiftrate or Minifter, are the Truft the 
 People put in him, and the Opinion of his 
 being good and juft. It is this Truft and 
 Opinion of the Magiftrate's Uprightnefs and 
 Integrity, that makes him to be look'd upon 
 as a facred Thing ; and by that Means the 
 Prince's Efteem alfo among his People be- 
 B 2 comes
 
 [41 
 
 comes greater ; whereas, on the other Hand, 
 whenever 'tis difcovered that the Magiflrate 
 commits Injustice and Wickednefs, the 
 People have no more Confidence in him, 
 and will hate and defpiie him, which confe- 
 quently will diminish the Prince's Greatnefs 
 and Reputation. * The having made public 
 the bafe and fcandalous Actions of Appius 
 Claudius Regillamis, was the Caufe both of 
 his Ruin, and the Abolition of the Decem- 
 iijrafj and gave Occafion to change the Go- 
 vernment into another Form. ~f- From this 
 Confideration, I fuppofe, Pope Leo X. 
 was induced not to make a public Example 
 of an Auditor of the Rota, as he would 
 have done, had he not thought that the 
 Repute and Dignity of that Office would 
 have been leflened, by making public that it 
 was ferved by bad and wicked Minifters ; J 
 considering particularly, that in our Age 
 the Affairs and Government of Rome is more 
 iupported by the Shadow of a good Fame, 
 than by the Strength and Force of Power. 
 They add to this, That thole Magiftrates or 
 Minifters having been chofen by the Prince, 
 if they afterwards fhould be expoied to the 
 People as infamous Rogues, the Prince alfo 
 would be expoied for want of Judgment, in 
 chufmg them for fuch Pofts, which can't 
 but injure his Credit very much. And if 
 there are Inftances of Sovereigns, who have 
 punim'd even one who did not deferve it, 
 and this for no other Reafon, but to fave 
 
 the
 
 m. 
 
 the Appearance of not having been miftaken 
 in their Judgment in charging him with 
 Crimes he was innocent of, * as Tiberius did 
 with his Friend of Rbodus ; iffo, I fay, how 
 much more reafonable is it not to punim 
 one who deferves it, that the Prince might 
 not expofe his own want of Underftanding, 
 in having firft approved him as a good and 
 fit Perfon for that Employment ? 
 
 Belides this Consideration, a Prince 
 who proceeds fo far, as to punim feverely 
 nis own Minifters and Magiftrates, will 
 eafily fall under the Denomination of a cruel 
 Man, becaufe if he is fo cruel againft his 
 own, what can it not be thought and believed 
 he'll be againft thofe that are Strangers ? 
 From whence he'll fall into Infamy and 
 Danger. Into Infamy, becaufe Cruelty is 
 fo much abhorred in every Man whom- 
 foever, as may be feen in Sylla, Caligula, 
 Nero, Maximin, and many others. Into 
 Danger, -f- as it happen'd to Alexander 
 the Great after his coming back to Ba- 
 bylon from India, who, for being too cruel 
 againft his Minifters on the many Com- 
 plaints of the People, J was poifon'd by 
 Antipater, employing his Son Iotas to ex- 
 ecute it * which he did for fear his wicked 
 Actions mould meet with the fame Punim- 
 ment which many others had met with. 
 
 Laftly they fay, That a Prince, who 
 mews too much Cruelty towards his Magi- 
 ftrates or Minifters, gives Reaibn to doubt, 
 
 and
 
 [6] 
 
 and believe, that he does it rather to get 
 their Eftate, than for any other Motive ; 
 and fo that he is rather moved and incited 
 to it by Avarice than Juftice, * as it was 
 believed and publickly reported of Philip 
 King of France, who abolifhed the Order of 
 theTm/f/tfr^thathe did it to get their Riches, 
 and that thofe poor Wretches were innocent, 
 and had committed no Crime at all. 
 
 * In the like Manner alfo, was Vef- 
 pafian blamed for raifing to Ports and Of- 
 fices the moft rapacious CommiiTaries he 
 could know of, that he might afterwards, 
 when grown rich by their difhoneft Ways 
 and Means, punifh them, and fqueefe them 
 like a Spunge ; taking away from them all 
 they had got by Rapacioufnefs and Extor- 
 tion. * This Reflection moved the old 
 Romans, under the Government of that 
 good Republic, after having fubdued Mace- 
 donia^ not to make War again ft the Rho- 
 dians, tho' they had good Reafon for it, 
 left it mould be thought (the Rhodians 
 being a wealthy People,) they had done it ra- 
 ther for the Defire of their Riches, than for 
 the fake of Vengeance. 
 
 Thefe apparent Reafons have caft, as it 
 were, a Mift before the Eyes of many, as 
 not to let them fee and diftinguim the 
 Light of Truth j therefore I thought to 
 do my Endeavour to make it clear, by 
 difperfmg the Cloud that overfhadowed it. I 
 fay therefore, * fince the moft fevere Laws 
 
 have
 
 [7] 
 
 have been made by the Ancients againft the 
 Wickednefs and Injuflice of Magiftrates, 
 that Prudence, in this, as in other Cafes (to 
 ufe the Expreflion) gives a Relifh to all 
 Virtues, and is the Mother of all good 
 Actions. And fo much as the Law re- 
 lates to Things of greater Weight and Im- 
 portance, fb much it ought to be fuppofed, 
 that it was made with greater Prudence. 
 To what Purpofe then is the Law fo religi- 
 oufly made, if for private Refpects the Ex- 
 ecution of it is hindred? I'll not attempt here 
 to examine of what Moment is to all Re- 
 publics and Sovereignties, either the Prefer- 
 vation or the Corruption of the Laws ; this 
 having already been fully demonftrated by 
 ancient Philofophers, and many learned 
 Men in feveral Places of their Works. This 
 Confederation alone might be fufficient to 
 make every Prince fenfible of the Obferva- 
 tion of the Laws. For as the Soul gives 
 Life to the Body, fo the Laws give Life 
 to Cities and Governments ; and as when 
 the Soul is departed, the Body falls into 
 Corruption, fo when the Laws are neglected 
 and not obferved, all the Good and Welfare 
 of Civil Life is thrown into Confufion and 
 deftroyed. From this Caufe Chilon, one of 
 the Seven Wife Men of Greece, prudently 
 faid, That the happieft City would be that, 
 in which the Laws, well inftituted, were 
 kept and obferved. 
 
 Befides,
 
 Befides, I fay, that if a private Man, 
 who does not act according to, but difobey 
 the Laws, ought to be punifhed, how much 
 more deferves he to be fo, who is placed in 
 that Station for the Care and Guard of 
 the Laws ? For as Men of fuch a Rank 
 expect a greater Reward for their good 
 Actions, fo they deferve a greater Punimment 
 for their ill ones. 
 
 But to proceed further. Who does not 
 fee, that by punifhing them, the Honour 
 and Dignity of their Office is prefervedj 
 and, on the contrary, by not punifhing 
 them, is corrupted ? Becaufe if the Prince 
 punimes them, the People then, and all the 
 World, is convinced that he is very juft, 
 and punimes the Great as well as the Mean- 
 eft when they do Wrong, doing Juftice to 
 them equally, according to their Defert ; 
 and that he will not fupport unjuft and ra- 
 pacious Perfbns in Places of Honour and 
 Importance, but whenever any fuch a one 
 is difcovered to be there, he feverely pu- 
 nimes him. 
 
 From this follow many good Effects. 
 In the firft Place, the Prince is look'd up- 
 on to be very juft, which Thing, every bo- 
 dy knows, what great Credit it gives to a 
 Prince, who is willing to keep an equal 
 Juftice with all, according to their Defert. 
 In this, as in many other Particulars, the 
 Prince {hews himfelf the Image of God. 
 And befides, that in punifhing a Magiftrate, 
 
 all
 
 others, for fear of the like Punifhment, dare 
 not to tranfgrefs the Laws. From whence that 
 Office will be well adminiftred, and rife to 
 a greater Repute and Honour. And in- 
 deed one of the great Effects that Punifh- 
 ment produces, is that it makes thofe to be 
 good who don't undergo and feel it, but 
 fear it only. * William King of Sicily, 
 furnamed, The Good, finding one of his 
 Minifters had done fome Villanies and In- 
 juftice, put him to Death ; and, having flead 
 him, fpread the Skin on the Judgment-Seat, 
 where, when alive, he had prefided. Af- 
 terwards he promoted the Son to the fame 
 Office. This Example ftruck all the Judges 
 with fuch a Terror, that for a great while 
 no Complaint of any Injuftice was heard of. 
 The fame had been formerly done by a 
 King of Perjia. * Aurelian was a very 
 great Emperor, and one of them, who by 
 his virtuous Actions gave Reputation to the 
 Empire; yet he always punim'd moft fe- 
 verely all thofe of his Minifters and Officers, 
 that were guilty of any Fault ; being of 
 Opinion (as certain it is) that the nearer 
 the Evil is, the more it wants a fpeedy Re- 
 medy. That Saying of Solon is very true, 
 That Cities and Sovereignties can't be pre- 
 ferved without Punifhment and Reward ; 
 two Things, which Democritus was wont to 
 call the two Gods of Government. On 
 the other Hand, if a Prince does not punifh 
 them, to prevent an ill Opinion and Report 
 C of
 
 C '1 
 
 of that Office or Magiftracy, then the Mi- 
 niters become unjuft, infolent, rapacious ; 
 becaufe they have no fear of being punifh'd, 
 thinking themfelves to be facred and invio- 
 lable, and having almoft an AfTurance, 
 that the Prince, not to difcredit the Place, 
 will never punim their Crimes. 
 
 Let it be further obferved, that the Wick- 
 ednefs and Injuftice of the Magiftrates and 
 Minifters are always told, tho' not believ'd 
 by all ; for it is impoffible they mould be 
 fo fecretly committed, as not to be known 
 by fomebody or other, and efpecially by 
 thofe that fufFer by their Rapacity. And 
 becaufe Pain does naturally make People 
 cry out, they muft confequently cry aloud j 
 fo that by Degrees the Wickednefs of the 
 Magiftrates comes to be openly known and 
 believed. If therefore they fee that the Prince 
 does not punim them, he'll be looked upon 
 either as filly and weak, becaufe he does not 
 know how to punim j or as bad and wicked, 
 becaufe he will not punim them. From 
 whence it follows, that he'll be either had 
 in Contempt, or hated by the People ; 
 both which are the Poifons of every Sove- 
 reignty. He'll be had in Contempt, for 
 Men judge that Prince to be good for no- 
 thing, from his not knowing how to redrefs 
 fuch a Diforder, that fo deeply ftains his 
 Honour ; and every one foon begins to have 
 but -Hi tie Regard for him, and think how 
 tb.cy may alfo either cheat, or force him to 
 
 comply
 
 Mr] 
 
 comply with their Will ; * as we read of 
 that King of Cyprus, whofe Neglect in pu- 
 nifhing the Injuries, that one Subject did to 
 another, began to embolden every one to 
 injure him too, for which he was entirely 
 defpifed. And the Prince will be hated, as 
 I faid, becaufe from his being not ignorant of 
 the Injuflice and Rapacity of the Magiftrates 
 and Minifters, and yet not puniming them, 
 many imagine him to be the Author, and 
 have a Share in it. For how could he bear 
 them, was it otherwife ? It was very fhame- 
 ful what * the Emperor Ne-o did always 
 fay to his new Governors of the Provinces, 
 viz. You know what I want ; which Words 
 what other Meaning could they have, but 
 that, Rob, plunder, affafTinate every one, and 
 contrive Ways and Means to get me much, 
 and let no-body have any Thing left to live ? 
 Indeed a moft wicked and unworthy Saying 
 of any one, that would be called Sovereign. 
 What more ? A great Name, and incre- 
 dible Reputation accrues to a Prince, when 
 he gives excellent and remarkable Examples 
 of himfelf in all Virtues, as Liberality, In- 
 trepidity and Greatnefs of Soul, Temperance, 
 Humanity, Juftice, ExampleSj I fay, not 
 like what are commonly and daily to be 
 feen, but that are above the ordinary Rate. 
 And in regard to our Purpofe in the Cafe 
 of Juftice, fuch an Example is, when tlie 
 Prince punimes a great Magiftrate, or a 
 very dear Favourite of his, for high Miide- 
 C 2 meauours
 
 [ 12] 
 
 meanours committed and clearly proved. 
 
 XVI *- As among others, we read that of * Alex- 
 ander Mammaa^ who put to a public Death, 
 and that by Smoke, Turinus his chief Fa- 
 vourite, -f- This Act of Juftice in Alexander 
 was by every one much praifed, and it in- 
 creafed not a little his Credit and Fame. 
 
 Laftly. Let us add to what has been 
 laid, that a rapacious and unjuft Magiftrate 
 or Minifter is />s 'tis reafonable to be foj 
 always highly hated by the People ; from 
 which it follows, that the Prince, in puniih - 
 ing him, gains an infinite Love from all 
 thofc Men that hated him, and the Love for 
 the Puniiher is equal in Proportion to die 
 
 xvi n. Hate they had for the puniflied. * The 
 Emperor Tiberius never did any Thing that 
 pleafed fo much the Roman People, as the 
 condemning to Death Sejanus ; for he was 
 moft of all hated by every one for his Power, 
 Infolence, and Cruelty. And tho' Tiberius 
 was, even after Sej anus's Death, hated, yet 
 this befel him on Account of the Cruelty 
 and Avarice he had fliewn in other Actions, 
 and not in Sej anus's Cafe, which, far ' from 
 Hatred, got him the Love of all his Subjects. 
 
 f A convenient Death for his Crime, which was, as the 
 Romans called it, the Selling of Smoke ; that is, the Empe- 
 ror's Favours, extorting Mony or Prefents from thofe, who 
 app'y'd themfelves to him for any Poft or Favour from the 
 Emperor, and impofmg upon them as if he had ufed his In- 
 tereft in their Behalf \\ith his Matter, whereas he had done 
 rc thing towards it. 
 
 *The
 
 [ 13] 
 
 * The Hatred the People of Florence had 
 for the Duke of Athens was exceflively 
 great, yet this notwithftanding, the Day he 
 was turned out of the Government and City, 
 they were calmed by getting into their Hands 
 William d'Affifi, the Duke's Minifter, a- 
 gainfl whom they had an Ill-will beyond 
 ExprefTion. But a better, and of a frefher 
 Date, is the Example of * Duke Valentin^ 
 who gain'd the Hearts of the People of 
 Romagna y by beheading his Governor Re- 
 mirro da Oreo at Ce/ena, who, for his many 
 cruel Ufages in .that Province, had brought 
 upon himfelf the extreme Hatred and Ill- 
 will of all. 
 
 This therefore offers to Princes a very fair 
 Occafion to do the Duty of Juftice, to bring 
 the Magiftracy to its Integrity, and gain 
 the Love of the People. And what is 
 more beiides, fometimes to enrich them- 
 felves juftly and lawfully, with the Spoil of 
 the unjuft Magiftrates. What does it avail 
 therefore to fay, that by making public the 
 vile Actions of a Magiftrate, the Reputation 
 of the-Office is taken away ? fince its Repu- 
 tion fuffers more by bearing than punifhing 
 them. Nay, it raifes it whenever 'tis known, 
 that the Place is cleanied and purged from bad 
 and guilty Men, and not when it ferves for a 
 Neft and Nurfery of them ; for as the Body 
 recovers Health, and gathers more Strength , 
 when purged of the ill and peccant Humours, 
 fo Magiftracy becomes glorious and pow- 
 erful,
 
 [ HJ 
 
 crful, when purged of knavifh and wicked 
 Magiftrates. And if Pope Leo the Xth did 
 not punifh that Auditor of die Rota, the 
 Reafon, perhaps, was, either that he found 
 not a fufficient Caufe for it, or foms other 
 Particular intervened, which was unknown 
 to any body but himfelf, or elfe he had 
 done better to have punifh'd him. Neither 
 does it avail to fay, that the Prince, by pu- 
 niihing a Magistrate, (hews his want of 
 Judgment in the Choice he made of him ; 
 becaufe his Judgment would be worfe for 
 continuing him in that Place, acting againft 
 JufHce, the public Good, and his own Ho- 
 nour. And of two Evils a wife Man ought 
 always to chufe the lefs ; fb much the more, in 
 that his firft Error is excufiible, but in no wile 
 the fecond j becaufe our Mind has fo many 
 Difguifes and crafty Devices, diat it eafily 
 conceals itfelf ; neither can Men be ib well 
 known at firft, and many give a fair Expecta- 
 tion of themlelves proving good, who after- 
 wards, in Bufmefs and Management of Af- 
 fairs, difcover themfelves to be very ill Men. 
 Who would have believed in the Beginning 
 of * Nero's Empire, that he would after- 
 wards have proved fo wicked and cruel, having 
 given at firft fuch great Marks of Virtue 
 and Goodnefs ? A Prince therefore may be 
 reafonably excufed, if he chufes one that af- 
 terwards proves bad ; but when after he has 
 known the WickednefTes of the Minifter, 
 aud they are made apptar, he cannjQt be ex- 
 
 cufed 3
 
 . 
 
 cufed, if he takes no Notice of them ; for 
 if Regard was to be had to this Confidera- 
 tion, no Prince could ever bring to Punifh- 
 ment a Minifter, whom he had firft chofen. 
 So that neidier Tiberius mould have punifh- 
 ed Sejanus, * neither Commodus Perenntus, XXII. 
 
 * nor Severus Plautianus, nor Alexander xxni. 
 Turinus. I will not fpeak of our Times, 
 
 that afford In fiances of a frefher Date, as of 
 
 * Sultan Soliman, * the King of England* xxiv. 
 and others too. Neither is there any Dan- XX Y- 
 ger, that the Prince mould be taxed with 
 Cruelty, when he punimes his Minifter 
 juftly, and not to fatisfy his Paffion or Ma- 
 lice againft him. For 'tis neceffary the Mi- 
 nifter mould deferve the Punifhment, and the 
 Crime be clear and evident, fo as that it is Ju- 
 
 ftice that moves the Prince to take that Courfe, 
 and not the Prince that gives the Motion to 
 Juftice, becaufe this is what gives him the 
 Name of Cruel, as in former Times it did 
 happen to Tiberius. But when he has juft 
 Reafon to chaftife them, in the firft Place, 
 he will be feldom obliged to ufe the like Ex- 
 ample, others having been already admo- 
 nifhed and terrified by the firft. In the 
 fecond Place, he appears to have Compaf- 
 fion for all thofe that might be injured, and 
 with Violence opprefTed by fuch a Magi- 
 ftrate, had he not been punim'd. * Antoni- xxvi. 
 ?ws Pius did not fail to punifh feverely all of 
 them, who upoa froof appear'd to be ill and 
 
 wicked
 
 t 16] 
 
 wicked Men ; neverthelefs he was always 
 diftinguimed by the Name of Pius. 
 
 This fame Way of proceeding will keep 
 off from the Prince the Imputation of being 
 Covetous, and the Calumny of puniming his 
 Magiftrates to take away their Eftates, and 
 enrich himfelf ; becaufe, wherever Juftice is 
 manifeflly feen, the Sting of Infamy cannot 
 be fear'd, but rather the Reward of Glory 
 ought to be hoped for, lince exact Juftice is 
 done even againft Men of Power and Au- 
 thority ; and fo much the more, becaufe he 
 may well punifh. the Magiftrate without 
 touching his Goods, except fb much as is 
 granted to him by the Laws. Nay more, 
 it would be a double Glory for a Prince, if, 
 the Rapine of the Minifter being known, 
 he mould not only punifh him for it, but ' 
 procure a Reftitution of Goods to be made 
 to them, from whom they were taken 
 away, or, at leaft, would convert them to 
 fome pious Ufe, as Building of Chapels, En- 
 dowing young Women, Benefactions to 
 Churches, Alms to Hofpitals, and the like 
 charitable Works. I do not pretend to fay, 
 that this Rule to punifh the Minifters, who 
 do Wrong, might not admit a Diftinction 
 in many particular Cafes, that happen in the 
 World, wherein Confideration ought to be 
 had to the Condition of the Prince, the 
 Quality of the Minifter, the Kind and 
 Number of the Faults, the Manner how 
 they were committed, the Regard to the 
 
 Times
 
 Times, and many other Circumftances, which 
 I do not intend here at prefent to give parti- 
 cular Rules for: but 'tis enough that in ge- 
 neral this Determination be true and juft ; 
 and that a Prince, who will follow this Way, 
 will be lefs miftaken than by taking another 
 Method ; for this has along with it for its 
 Directors, the Juftice .and Love of the Peo- 
 ple ; whereas any other befides is join'd with 
 Injuflice, and the hatred of every one. I could 
 with more Examples, and perhaps r with 
 fome other Reafons have enlarged my Dif- 
 courfe on this Subject, but I thought what 
 has been faid to be fufficient, if not too 
 much ; but let it be as it will, I beg you 
 would not confider either the Prolixity or 
 Brevity of Words, but only the Sincerity and 
 Plainnefs of Truth ; For Truth, fully and 
 perfectly underftood, is fo profitable and 
 pleafing, that it makes one immediately to 
 nave a Diflafte for any Shew and Vanity 
 whatfoever either of Words or Fictions, that 
 darken her. Would to God that Men 
 were fo pleafed to receive, and reftore 
 Truth to her Dignity as eafily, as (lie fhews 
 herfelf to them. But I will not, by fpeak- 
 ing what is true, begin fome new Complaint, 
 that might render me odious, as Truth itfelf 
 is become, for the fame Reafon, Farewel. 
 
 From Sc. Silveiter, 
 ii. Oft. 1542,
 
 THE 
 
 Hiftorical Notes 
 
 AND 
 
 POLITICAL REFLECTIONS, 
 
 NUMBER I. 
 
 And indeed^ if private Men deferve, &c.] 
 H U S Arcadius the Emperor, (a) 
 ' Multo magis enim poena digni 
 * funt, quibus cum plurimum ho- 
 ' ncris per noftram juflionem dela- 
 ' turn eft, occulto inveniuntur in 
 
 * crimine.' Magiftrates and Judges are the 
 
 Prince's Deputies for the Execution of Juftice ; 
 they are chofen by him to reprefent his Per- 
 fon, and to perform his Duty ; to which End, 
 he intrufts them with his Power, and with it Ju- 
 ftice herfelf ; relying upon their Ability and 
 Integrity, that they would difpenfe Juftice to 
 his Subjects, as himfelf would do. ' Credidit 
 
 * enim Princeps, fays Charifius^ fpeakitig of 
 
 * the Pr*feftus Preetorio, eos, qui ob fingula- 
 
 (a) L.S.C. de Efifc. & Cler. 
 
 * rem
 
 t i? 1 
 
 * rem induftriam explorata eorum fide ,& 
 ' gravitate ad hujus officii magnitudinem adfu- 
 
 * bentur, non aliter judicatures efle pro fapi- 
 
 * entia & luce dignitatis fuse, quam ipfe foret 
 
 * judicature.' (&} Whenever therefore, by 
 abufing of that Power, they expofe Juftice td 
 Corruption and Fraud, they are guilty of a high 
 Breach of Trad, and confequently deferve a 
 greater Punifhment for their Crimes. ' Gravius 
 ' enim puniendus eflet judex, qui injuriam intu- 
 
 * lit-Quarum enim rerum cuftodes ac vindices 
 ' efle debemus, fi ab officio deferi rios patiamur, 
 ' feverius pleclendi fumus. (c.) 
 
 Befides the Offence that a corrupt Magiftrate 
 commits againft God, the Prince, and the People, 
 as our Author here obferves, it is to be confidered 
 what a bad Example he gives to the Public, 
 and what ill Confequences will follow from it. 
 Will not the common People look upon Corrup- 
 tion and Bribery with a favourable Eye, wher^ 
 they fee the Magiftrates not exempt from them ? 
 And what is more, that far from being brought 
 to Cenfure and Punifhment, they are connived 
 at, and fupported by the fupreme Power, and 
 rmd their Advantages in. it too ? Will not this 
 Example fecfuce arid incite them to do the fame 
 in their private Concerns ? If fetch a great 
 Man afts thus, why Jhould not I ? This- is 1 the 
 common People's Language and Way of Rea- 
 foning. They are very watchful on their Supe- 
 riors Conduct, and they are glad fo find Faults 
 in ft, to' juftify their own. And what Crime 
 
 (b) L. Unica D. de Ojfic. Pr*f.Prat. 
 (cj Bidinv de Rep*b. I. 6. c. 6. 
 
 D 2
 
 [ 20 ] 
 
 will they not dare to commit, when they know 
 that Juftice is to be fold ? That Money or other 
 Considerations can fave them from the Punim-* 
 ment of the Law ? It will be worth the Rea- 
 der's while to look into Juftiniarfs Conftitution* 
 relating to this Subject, (d) The Paflage is too 
 long to have a Place here. I mail only fet down 
 the laft Part of it. * Eft quoque hoc facrorum 
 
 * eloquiorum mirabile & vefum, quod avaritia 
 
 * omnium fit mater malorum, maxime quando 
 ' non privatorum fed judicum inhseret animabus. 
 *' Quis enim fine periculo non furetur* quis non 
 ' latrocinabitur fine reatu ad adminiftratorem 
 ' refpiciens ? Ilium namque videns omnia auro 
 c vendentem, & prasfumens quia quidquid ege- 
 ' rit illicitum, hoc pecunias dando redimet : 
 
 5 hinc Homicidium, & Adulterium, & inva- 
 e fiones, & vulnera, & raptus virginum, & com- 
 
 6 merciorum confufio, & contemtus legum & 
 ' judicum, omnibus haec venalia propofita e(Te 
 ' putantibus tanquim aliquod vilium mancipio- 
 
 * rum. 
 
 NUMBER II. 
 
 Appius Claudius ', &c.] The Revolution and 
 Change of Government, that happen'd to Rome 
 by the Occafion of Appius Claudius's Attempt 
 upon the Honour of Virginia^ is fo commonly 
 knoy/n, that it would be fuperfluous to take 
 any further Notice of it. But we muft obferve, 
 that this Inftance of Appius Claudius \s brought in 
 
 ; (<i) Nave/I. 8. ;' tbt Preface. 
 
 here
 
 here only to prove, that the DifcoVery of the 
 Magiftrate*s Wickednefs will make the People 
 hate and defpife him, from which the Magiftra- 
 cy kfelf will fuffer too, as the Decemvirate did 
 by that of Appius Claudius^ and as a Prince 
 would do by expofing his Magiftrate's or Mini- 
 fter's Wickedneis. Thus far this Inftance may 
 have a Relation to the Cafe in Queftion, and nof 
 in any other Refpects. Since the Queftion fup- 
 pofes an inferior Magiftrate, and not a Sovereign 
 to be wicked, and to be in the Sovereign's Power 
 either to punim him or not. Whereas Appius 
 Claudius ) and fo the reft of the Decemvirate, was 
 a mpreme Magiftrate, and had no other above 
 him to be refpon fable to for his Actions, and 
 who could conceal or punim his Crimes accord- 
 ing to his own Will. Indeed the Decemvirate 
 had ufurped the fupreme Power, but this has 
 nothing to do with the Point in Queftion ; it is 
 enough that they did exercife it. Appius was 
 the Magiftrate and the Sovereign at the fame 
 Time ; neither was it in his Power to have con- 
 ceal'd his wicked Attempt, neither was it his 
 Intercft to have it difcover'd. His -violent Way 
 of proceeding difcover'd his vile Defign, and 
 the juft Clamours and heroic Refiftance of the 
 injured Party, and that moft noble Example of 
 a Roman Father, in facrificing with his own 
 Hand his Daughter's Life to Honour ; all 
 thefeThings, meeting with the Difpofition of the 
 People againft Tyranny, were the Occafion of 
 the Abolifhment of the Decemvirate, and of the 
 Romans recovering their Liberty. Nothing 
 could have prevented this Revolution, but either 
 the flavim Compliance and Submiflion of Virgi- 
 ?iia's Father and Relations, or a ftronger Force 
 
 on
 
 <ori the Decemvirate's Side, to fupport themfelves 
 againft the People. . I do not find our Author 
 to have taken Notice of this Inftance, in his 
 Anfwer to the Objections of his Adverfaries ; 
 perhaps he thought that fuperfluous, after all 
 he had (aid for the Confirmation of his Opinion > 
 and the more* becaufe the Inftance, as I have 
 faid, does not fquare with the Cafe fuppofed in 
 the Queftion* which, I think, might ferve for 
 a fufficient Anfwer. But befides, the Confidera- 
 tion of the Good, that the Roman People reaped! 
 from this Difcovery* plainly convinces us of 
 the Advantage the Subjects may receive from 
 making public the Magiftrates and Minifters 
 Crimes. Had the Decemvirate's Power continued,- 
 Rome would not only have entirely loft its Liber- 
 ty, but had never rofe to that Pitch of Greatnefs 
 and Glory, that afterwards me did, while under 
 a free Government. Hence we may conclude, 
 that a Prince, by expofing and feverely punifh- 
 ing the Magiftrate's, of Minifter's Crimes; can- 
 not but do what will pleafe the People, and be 
 advantageous both to them and to himfelf -, gain- 
 ing by that juft Means the Love and Refpect 
 of his Subjects j by which alone a Prince may be 
 (aid to govern, and be fure of the Throne. 
 
 NUMBER III. 
 
 Pope Leo X. was induced not to make a pub- 
 lic Example of an Auditor of the Rota.] Who 
 was this Auditor of the Rota, and what was his 
 Crime, I am not able to give an Account of, 
 tho* I have fearched into many Books,- that I 
 thought could have fatisfy'd my Curiofity 5 but 
 
 all
 
 all my Pains have been loft. Particular Fads of 
 this Nature are very feldom tranfmitted to Po- 
 fterity in Print, but they are commonly known 
 by Report among thofe, who frequent the 
 Places where they did happen. Betides, 'tis to 
 be fuppofed, that the Pope took particular Care 
 not to let the Reafon of his Conduct be known, 
 pr at leaft he difcovered the Secret but to fome 
 few of his moft intimate Acquaintance. 
 
 As for the Magiftracy here mentioned^ the 
 Rota is one of the chief Courts of Juftice, in 
 which there prefide twelve Judges, called Akdi- 
 tpri dela Rota. Pope Sixtus IV. reduced them to 
 that Number. The Determinations of this Court, 
 ftiled Decifiones Rot<e, are of very great Autho- 
 rity in Judgment, for the Settling of any doubtful- 
 Point in Law ; infomuch that the Advocates in 
 their Pleadings quote them as Law. Sic Rota 
 definivit. Of the Origine, Jurifdiction, Privi- 
 leges, &c. of this Court, the curious Reader 
 may confult Vcftriu?-s Introduftio in Roman* 
 Aul<e Attionem, & Judiciorum Mores * \. 2. c. 17. 
 and the Note of Gravatius on the Place. Cohel- 
 Uus Not ft i Cardinalatus^ c. 19. 
 
 NUMBER IV. 
 
 Confideririg particularly^ that in eur Age the 
 AffairsandGowrnment ofRomzare morefupported 
 by the Shadow of a good Fame, than by the 
 Strength and Force of Power."] "What our Au- 
 thor fays here of the Government of Rome in 
 his Days, when that Court was, by the Faults 
 of the Popes, brought to a very low and precari- 
 ous Condition, may be faid of it in regard to all 
 
 Times
 
 [**} 
 
 Times ; considering how fmall and weak would 
 be its Forces, were they not fupported by a 
 crafty Politique, under the Shadow of a religious 
 Authority and Power. 
 
 NUMBER V. 
 
 As Tiberius did with his Friend of Rhodus.] 
 This was a moft fingular Inftance of ffberius's 
 Cruelty, if it does notdeferve the Name of a mad 
 Rage. He had been of Opinion, that his SonDru- 
 fus's Death was caufed by Intemperance and Dif- 
 temper ; he continued in this Belief for fome Years, 
 till at laft it came to his Knowledge by Apicata^ 
 Sejanus's repudiated Wife, that Drujus had been 
 poifoned by Sejanus, with the Confent and Affift- 
 ance of Livilla^ or Livia^ Drufus'-s own 
 Wife (a). At this Tiberius fell into fuch a Fury 
 and Excefs of Cruelty, that he fpared no Tor- 
 ments nor Punimments againft any one, whom 
 he fufpected might have been concerned in, 
 the Fad:. He was taken up whole Days in the 
 Examination of this Caufe, and was very intent 
 upon it, infomuch that having been told, 
 whilft thus employ'd, that the Man, in whofe 
 Houfe he had formerly lived at Rbodus^ and 
 whom he had with friendly Letters invited to 
 come - to him, was arrived, he gave Order he 
 Ihould be put to the Torture without any De- 
 lay, as if he had been one of the Accomplices. 
 But afterwards finding himfelf miftaken, far 
 from faving the Man, and acknowledging his 
 
 (a) Dion, lib, 5 7. ittjm. fcflib. 58. 
 
 Miftake
 
 [*5 J 
 
 Miftake, he commanded he fhould be put td 
 Death i left he fhould difcover the Injury he had 
 done him. (b} This is not the only Inftance of 
 fuch a wicked political Way of Ztberius's pro- 
 ceeding. He had at another Time tortured 
 with exquifite Torments one charged with a 
 Crime, who at length was found to have been 
 unjuftly accufed ; neverthelefs, he ordered him 
 to be killed immediately ; alledging as a Reafori 
 tojuftify his tyrannical Action, that the Man 
 had fuffered too great an Injury ever to live hap- 
 py. In the like Manner his SuccefTor Caligula, 
 having, by a Miftake of the Name, puniflied 
 another Perfon than whom he intended, faicf 
 for the Juftification df his Action, that he de- 
 ferved to be thus punifhed as well as the other. 
 (c)What is not human Pride, the Seed and Root 
 almoft of all evil Actions, capable to perfuade a 
 Man to do ? Tiberius chofe rather to act againft 
 his own Gonfcience and Juftice, by the medding 
 of innocent Blood, than to acknowledge his 
 Miftake ; and to be rather a cruel Tyrant, than 
 to be thought a Man fubject to Error. Can 
 we after this wonder at the political Conduct 
 of Princes ? Becaufe they are fuperior in Power 
 to others, they would alfo be thought to be fu- 
 perior in Senfe and Underftanding ; uncapable of 
 committing any Faulty or to be in the Wrong ; 
 and to fupport themfelves in this vain Opinion, 
 they will abufe that Power, which has been in- 
 truded in their Hands, for the Defence of 
 Truth, Execution of Juftice, and Protection of 
 
 (b) Sueton. in Tib. c. 62. 
 
 (c ) Sueton. in Calig. c. 30. 
 
 E their
 
 [ 26 ] 
 
 their Subjects, by maintaining Falmood and Er- 
 rors, protecting and giving Courfe to Injuftice, 
 and opprefling and deitroying the People. 
 
 NUMBER VI. 
 
 As it happened to Alexander the Great, &c.] 
 This Account, agrees intirely with Jujlin, from 
 whom, I don't doubt, our Author had it. ' Ba- 
 ' byloniam redit (fays he) ibi multas devictas 
 ' gentes Prsefectos fuos accufaverunt, quos fine 
 ' refpectu amicitias in confpectu legatorum ne- 
 ' cari juflit.' (a) But by the Teftimony of Dio- 
 dorus 'Siculus, Arrian, Curtius, and others, this 
 Fact did not happen at Babylon^ but on the 
 Way to it. So that Juftin may be accufed of 
 being miftaken, and befides, of contradicting 
 himfelf ; fince he foon after relates what had 
 happened to Alexander on his Way to Babylon. 
 () ' Ab ultimis littoribus Oceani Babyloniam 
 revertenti nunciatur, &c.' and a few Words 
 after, * Hac igitur ex caufa Babyloniam feftinan- 
 * ti.' And immediately after this, he mentions 
 Alexander's Arrival at Babylon, with what he 
 did there. ' Reverfus igitur Babyloniam, &c. 
 
 Eongarfius imputes this Contradiction to the 
 Failure of Juftin's Memory -, but it does not 
 feem very probable, that in fo mort a Narration as 
 he gives of Aleander's Journey, he would have 
 forgot what but a few Lines before he had 
 faid, and have contradicted himfelf fo manifeft- 
 
 (a) Lib. 12. c. 10. 
 
 (b) Lib. eod. C, 13,
 
 ly. Therefore I am rather inclined to think the 
 Text of Jujiin to be corrupted, either by the 
 Copyifts, or others, who did not well under- 
 ftand the Signification of the Word ibi 9 that 
 immediately follows, which ought not to be 
 taken here as a local Adverb, there* but 
 as marking the Time whilft the Action was 
 done, for tum^ then, in which Signification 
 it is alfo taken by the beft Authors. Inftead of 
 redit 9 I would read tendit ; a very fmall Altera- 
 tion. It is well known, that in Manufcripts the 
 Letters r and t are very oft put one for another ; 
 (c ) and that n is frequently expreffed by a Line 
 upon the Syllable ; fo that tedit for tendit could 
 have been eaiily changed into redit. According 
 to this natural Emendation, and by taking 
 ibi here for turn, then^ at that Time., whilft he 
 was on his March to Babylon, as if he had 
 faid, Babyloniam tendenti^ Jujiin will not then 
 contradict himfelf, and will agree with the reft of 
 the Hiftorians. 
 
 As for Alexander's puniming his Minifters fo 
 feverely, I think it fo far from deferving to be 
 blamed as too cruel, that it ought to be com- 
 mended as the moft juft and political Action he 
 ever did. Let any one reflect upon the Mo- 
 tives and Reafon, and the good Effects of it, 
 and he will be foon convinced of the Truth. It 
 ought to be confidered, how great a Number 
 there was of thofe conquered Nations, that they 
 were but lately fubdued by him, and confequent- 
 ly unwilling to bear the Yoke of a new Go- 
 vernment , the Diftance they were at from Ma- 
 
 (c) r. Sciopp. de Art. Critic. 
 
 E cedonia
 
 [28] 
 
 eedonia, and the ufual barbarous Treatments, 
 that conquered Nations generally meet with 
 from their new Governors. All thefe Things, 
 I fay, confidered, Alexander did but what Ju- 
 ftice and Politicks required him to do ; that is, 
 to give a favourable Ear to the Complaints of 
 thofe wretched opprefled People, and by an ex- 
 emplary Punimment of their moft wicked Go- 
 vernors, (d) to convince them of the exact Ju- 
 ftice he difpenfed to all his Subjects, which could 
 not but gain him the Affection of them, and 
 difpofe them to live quiet under fo juft a Mo- 
 narch, laying afide any Thoughts of a Revolt, 
 to free themfelves from his Power ; and at the 
 fame Time, by ftriking a Terror upon the Go- 
 vernors to prevent for the future their infolent 
 and tyrannical Way of treating the People, com- 
 mitted to their Care and Adminiftration. And 
 indeed, it was this juft Severity of Alexander, 
 that kept in Order fo many different Nations, 
 that were in different Parts of the World under 
 his Dominion, the Governors of them not 
 daring to do any Injury to the People, as Arrian 
 very well obferves in relating this Action. 
 Quasut nuntiatafunt (that is, the Crimes of 
 Cleandrus and Sitalces) necari eos juflit, ut & 
 reliquiSatrap aut Prsefides, aut Principes, qui 
 iis locis conftituerentur, metuerent, fi officium 
 non feciffent, fefe eodem fupplicio affectum iri. 
 Quod certe, fi quid aliud, gentes quas ab A- 
 lexandro vi fubactas effent, vel fua fponte dc- 
 ditionem fecifTent (quarum tanta erat multitude, 
 
 (d) The Crimes, with which the Governors were charged, 
 are mentioned by Curtius, lib. 13. c. i. and Arrian, 1. 6. 
 p. m. 142. 
 
 4 tantoque
 
 [*9 J 
 
 f tantoque locorum intervallo inter fe disjunge- 
 
 * bantur) in officio continuit. Neque enirn lice- 
 
 * bat fub Alexandri imperio cuiquam Prasfecto 
 ' fubditos injuria afficere. (e} 
 
 What can be faid more glorious in praife of A- 
 Itxander ? Does he not deferve for this the Name 
 of Great ; , rather than for all his Conquefts ? To 
 what End or Profit is the Conquering of Nations 
 without the Knowledge of Wei! -governing, in 
 doing Juftice to the People ? What can give to 
 a Conqueror a ftronger Aflurance of a peaceable 
 Enjoyment of his Conquefts, than to gain the 
 Love of the Subjects by a juft Adminiftration ? 
 Would the Princes follow Alexander's Example 
 in this, how much greater wouldthey be, and how 
 much happier their Subjects ! 
 
 NUMBER VII. 
 
 Was poifoned by Antipater, &c .] The Man- 
 ner of Alexander's Death was varioufly reported ; 
 but this mentioned here by our Author, was the 
 moft commonly believed. ' Veneno necatum, 
 fays Gurtius, (a] credidere plerique, filium An- 
 tipatri inter Miniftros, lollam nomine, patris 
 juflij deduTe.' And Juftin avers it as the true 
 pne. (b) i Amici caufam morbi, intemperiem 
 ebrietatis aiileminaverunt : Re autem vera infi- 
 dias fuerunt ? quarum infamiam fuccefTorum po- 
 teutia pppreffit. Auctor infidiarum Antipater 
 fuit, 
 
 (e) Lib. 6. p. m. 142, 143. edit. H. Stepb. 1575. 
 
 (a) lib. 10. c. 10. and the Note of Pitifcus on it. 
 
 (b) Lib. 12. c. 13 fef 14. 
 
 N U M-
 
 NUMBER VIII. 
 
 Which he did, becaufe, &c.] This was not 
 the only Reafon, that moved Anti-pater ta poi- 
 fon Alexander. There were many others, tho* 
 the Fear of the Danger of his Life, being in- 
 creafed by the fevere Punimment inflicted on 
 thofe Governors, might have haftened him to 
 put in Execution his treacherous Defign againft 
 Alexander. c Qui, Antipater^ cum cariffimos 
 amicos ejus interferes videret ; Alexandrum 
 Lynciftam, generum fuum occifum : fe mag- 
 nis rebus in Grsecia geftis, non tarn gratum 
 apud regem, quam invidiofum eiTe : A matre 
 quoque ejus Olympiade variis g fe criminationibus 
 vexatum : Hue accedebant ante paucos dies 
 fupplicia in Prasfeclos devictarum nationum cru- 
 deliter habita. Ex quibus rebus fe quoque a 
 Macedonia non ad focietatem militias, fed ad 
 pcenam evocatum arbitrabatur. (a) So that it 
 can't be faid, that Alexander's Severity in punifh- 
 ing the Governors of the Provinces, was the 
 only Caufe of his having been poifoned. Be- 
 fides, no human Prudence, nor Caution can be 
 capable to withftand and prevent Treacheries 
 of this Nature, to which a good as well a as bad 
 Prince is expofed ; and confequently the Fear 
 of falling into fuch a Danger, ought not to hin- 
 der Princes from doing Juftice, and puniming 
 their wicked Miniiters, the OpprefTors of the 
 People, 
 
 (b) Jujl. Loc. cit. 
 
 N U M-
 
 NUMBER IX. 
 
 Philip of France, &?<:.] The Abolition of the 
 Order of the Knights Templars, which happened 
 in the Beginning of the I4th Century, in the 
 Reign of Philip the IVth, furnamed le Bel, 
 King of France, and the Pontificate of Clement 
 the Vth, the firft Pope that tranflated the See of 
 Rome to Avignon* is a very memorable Fad: 
 generally know.n and mentioned in Hiftory, and 
 never doubted of by any Author. But what 
 were the Motives and Caufe of it, and whether 
 thofe Knights were guilty of fuch execrable 
 Crimes, as they were accufed of, and condemned 
 for, and their Order abolinVd, is what the Hif- 
 torians do not agree upon ; every one judging 
 according to his Inclination and Intereft. It 
 would be too tedious here to give a full Account, 
 and enter into a particular Examination of this Af- 
 fair. Two modern ingenious Authors have al- 
 ready taken the Pains to write at large on this 
 Subject, (a) the curious Reader may for his fur- 
 ther Satisfaction confult them, and judge of the 
 Merit of the Caufe. I mail only take Notice of 
 what I think more remarkable, and will ferve to 
 clear both the Fact, and what our Author fays 
 of it. I can't but admire his Prudence in writing -, 
 he fays no more on this Point, than what is out 
 of any Difpute, necefTary to his Purpofe, and 
 could give no Offence to any Party. It is cer- 
 
 (a) Dupuy Hijloire de la CenJan. fa Temffcrt. Gurtler. 
 ijl. Tcmplariorum. 
 
 tain
 
 [ 32] 
 
 tain by the Teftimony of all the moft credited 
 Hiftorians, that in thofe Times when this 
 Fad happened, the common Report was, that 
 (J?) the Knights Templars were innocent of 
 thofe abominable Crimes they were charged with, 
 and that the Perfecution againfl them was raifed, 
 and contrived by the King of Framed Malice, 
 to the End of enriching himfelf with their Eftate ; 
 and at the fame Time to deliver himfelf from 
 the Fear and Sufpicion he had of them, as fo- 
 menting the popular Tumults againft him ; that 
 Order being immenfely rich and powerful in his 
 Kingdom. According to this common Report 
 of thofe Times is the Sentiment of many ancient 
 as well as modern Hiftorians, even among the 
 French (V), who do freely and impartially lay 
 the Charge of fo unjuft and barbarous a Perfe- 
 cution on their King, as the Contriver and Pro- 
 moter of it for his own Intereft. As for the 
 Part the Pope acled in this Affair, our Author 
 takes no Notice of it, as not necerTary to his Pur- 
 pofe ; and to have mentioned it, would in all 
 Probability have difobliged the Court of Rome, 
 wherein he lived, and had Expectation of Pre- 
 ferment from it. I will not accufe the Pope as 
 the firft Promoter of this Perfecution, tho' forrie 
 have done it, (d] who tell us, that it was the 
 Pope's Requeft to the King of France, that he 
 would put to Death and deftroy all the Knights 
 
 (b) Villani /. 8. c. 92. An'oninus. Trithemiits in Cbron. 
 Hirfang. Nauclcrus & alii apuddaccon. in Vita Clem. V. 
 
 (c) Among the reft, Papyrius Maffbn dnnal. Franc, 
 fr'ezeray, Sec. 
 
 (d) Girard du Haillain, or Halfain, Hijl. de Trance, 
 torn 2. in the Life of Phi Up h Eel.
 
 t33 1 
 
 Templars, as they were the greateft Expofers of 
 the Pope's and Clergy's difTolute Life and Vices ; 
 which the King promifed him to do. But this 
 Charge is without Grounds, the contrary being 
 commonly attefted by the Hiftorians, v;z. That 
 it was at the King's Requeft that the Pope gave 
 his Hand to it. But for all this he is no lefs 
 (not to fay more) to be blamed and condemned 
 than the King of France, for fo bafely complying 
 with his wicked Defign, which he approved 
 a,nd executed for no other End, than to fupport 
 himfelf in that Dignity, obtained by the King's 
 Power and Intereft on fcandalous Conditions , to 
 the Performance of which he had engaged him- 
 felf in the moft folemn and facred Manner. 
 (<?) Thus mamefully and infamoufiy proftitu- 
 ting his Confciehce and Character, and expofing 
 himfelf and his Memory to the Reproaches 
 of the World, to melter, if poflible, the King's 
 moft unchriftian and inhuman Action from them ; 
 as a late Writer (/) has done, by appealing to the 
 Teftimony of the Pope's Bulls forthejuftification 
 of the King. A Teftimony (if he really intend- 
 ed what he fays) that, far from deferving any 
 Credit, ought not to be admitted in a Caufe, in 
 Which the Pope as well as the King are Parties. 
 Did not the Pope act in this Affair to comply 
 with the King's Will ? fo that both were in the 
 fame Combination. How can one of them 
 be excus'd or juftify'd by the other? What 
 among the reft was that Article, which the 
 King referved to tell him afterwards, and he pro- 
 mifed to perform, tho' ignorant of what it was ? 
 
 (t) V. Ciaccon. Fit. Pontlf. Roman, in Vita Clem. V. 
 (f) Ba/uzius in his Notes on the Life of Chmtnt V. /* 
 Fit. Pap. Avenion. torn. I,/. 590.
 
 [34] 
 
 (*g) A Propofal of fuch a Nature brings along 
 with it a juft Sufpicion of Wickednefs -, and no 
 Man would engage himfelf to the Performance 
 of it but he, who is refolved to ftick at nothing 
 for his own Intereft. And why did he not per- 
 form the Article of condemning as an Heretic, 
 and burning the Bones of Pope Boniface the 
 Vlllth ? Was not this one in the Agreement 
 between him and the King when the Popedom 
 was ofTer'd to him ? Did he not promife to 
 execute it when Pope ? Indeed we muft fay 
 he would, had he not feen the Difficulty of exe- 
 cuting it, and in particular the Prejudice he 
 would have confequently fuffered by it, which 
 was no lefs, than to make and declare his Elec- 
 tion to the Pontificate void ; fince the Cardinals, 
 who had chcfen him Pope, had been promoted 
 to that Dign'ty by Boniface , fo that This could 
 not be condemned without obliging them to 
 refign the Cardinal (hip. Therefore he, to pre- 
 vent the Lofs of the Triple Crown, inftead of 
 condemning Boniface, and burning his Bones as 
 an Heretick, gave his Hand to the Perfecution 
 of the Templars^ to the King's Satisfaction, who 
 eafily gave up the Proceeding againft Boniface for 
 the Riches he gathered from the Destruction of 
 the 'Templars. For the Confirmation of what I fay, 
 both of theKing's and the Pope'sConducT: in this 
 Affair, Pll name no other Hiftorian, butdntoninus 
 of Siena Archbimop of Florence ', who lived in the 
 next Century after the Abolition of the "Templars. 
 His Authority claims RefpecT: from the Church 
 of Rome, fince he has no lefs deferved of her, 
 than to be canonized a Saint, and as fuch di- 
 
 (*l) Ciaccon. I. c. mentioning the fix Articles propofed by 
 the King to the Pope. Sexcum arduum & difficile oportuno 
 ton pore aperiendum rejicio. 
 
 vine
 
 [35] 
 
 vine Honour is pay'd and Prayers addreffedto 
 him. Antoninus'^ Words are the following. ( g > 
 Ifti ergo (that is, the two Informers again ft the 
 lemplars) cum in carcere eflent infinuaverunt 
 officialibus reg.'s, illos religiofos de ordine 
 Templariorum hasrefibus & flagitiis irretitos ; 
 unde fi procederetur in inquifitione contra eos, 
 procurante hoc Rege a Pontifice, magnas divi- 
 tias & multas eorum facile obtinere poflet. 
 Quod cumRegi nunciatum fuifTet,fuggeiTit Pon- 
 tifici, ut deleret ordinem ilium, utpote hsere- 
 fibus implicatum & nefandis erroribus. Credi- 
 dttur tamen magisiridudus ad extorquendampe- 
 cuniam ab illis, & bona eorum, exodio concepto 
 contra magiftrum manfionis,quam ex zelojuftitiae. 
 Pontifex autem ut infeftationem Regis a fe amo- 
 veret, follicitantis pro obfervatione fupradicli-se 
 promi (Tionis (that is, the condemning of Boni- 
 face the VHIth as an Heretic) & Regi in hoc 
 complaceret, abfque alia difcuflione materias 
 eorum, quae Templariis objiciebantur, utrum 
 vere an calumniofe procederetur, petitioni Regis 
 acquievit, concedens per literas apoftolicas, ut 
 omnes Templarii per orbem difperfi certa die 
 determinata caperentur, & omnia eorum bona 
 fequeftrarentur : qui ubique habebant magnas 
 pofleflbnes, & bona, & loca multa. Quas au- 
 tem in Francia erant, eorum Rex fecit per offi- 
 ciates fuos omnia ufurpari pro curia fua, &c.' 
 Thus far of Avtoninus's Paflage for the prefent 
 Purpofe, the whole is too long to be tranfcribed 
 here. () What have they to fay againft An- 
 F 2 toninufs 
 
 (g}. Hijlor. 3. part, ad an 1308. 
 
 (b) According to this Ciacconius, Anno 1307. Philippus 
 Fr^ncorum Rex, magno comitatu Pidavios, quo Pontifex 
 
 ejus
 
 [ 36 1 
 
 toninufs Tetlimony ? That he took this Account 
 from J. Villani. (.t) But let, if they will too, An- 
 toninufs Words be the fame with Villanfs, what 
 then ? He could not have faid any Thing of 
 this Traniaction, but what he had from other 
 Writers before him, or by Tradition. It was 
 impoifible for him to know, of his own Know- 
 ledge, what had been palled above 100 Years 
 before, unlefs they'll fay, that he had it from 
 Revelation ; but how they can reject then his Au- 
 thority., let thcmfelves anfwer to that. And could 
 Antcr.inus have followed a better Author than 
 Villani ? He had lived in the Time when the 
 Facl happened, and his Hiftory has in every 
 Age been efteem'd, and credited for its Since- 
 rity. Does not he, without paying any Regard 
 to his Countrymen, tell us, that one of thofe 
 wicked Wretches, that accufed the Templars, 
 was a Florentine ? [k] Let them, if they can, 
 name any other Hiftorian, that Antoninus could 
 
 cjus rogatu, cum curia acceflerat, adiit, Papamque roga- 
 vit, uc quintum e poftulatis praeftaret, Bonifaciique memo- 
 fiam execraretur, corpus comban mandaret, & omnia acla 
 refcinderet, affirmans, fe 43. capita haerefeos contra ipfum 
 probare pofle Pontifex iniquis Regis poftulatis refragari 
 son audens, neque Bonifacii Catholici Pontificis memoriam 
 abolere volens, confilio ufus Cardinalis Pratenfis, Regem ita 
 elafit, ut diceret earn rem Concilio generali opus habere, quod 
 brevi ipfe Vienna? indicere conftituerat. Rex Parifios jedit, 
 Pontifex ex ejus poteftate exiens, Avenionem in Narbonenfi 
 turrt-primum acceffit, qua? in Regis Carol! ditione erat. Cas- 
 terum antcquam Piclaviis difcederet Templariorum ordinem 
 Regis Francorum inftigatione abrogavit, & eorum immenfas 
 opes partim Pontificio, Regioque fifco addixit, partim fra- 
 tribus Hofpitalariis, &c. 
 
 (i) Vittorel. Addlt. ad Ciaccon. 
 
 (t) Nafo Dei noftro Fiorentiao. 
 
 have
 
 have preferred for Credit to Villani. But is it An-- 
 toninus alone that has followed him in the Ac- 
 count, of this FacT: ? Have not the beft Hifto- 
 rians after that Time done the fame ? Befides 
 that what Villani^ and with him our Author 
 fays, of the Motives and Caufe of the 'Templars 
 Perfecution, and of their Innocence, is what was 
 the common Report and Opinion in thofeTimes, 
 as we faid before. A French Author who lived 
 then, and quoted by MaffoH, roundly and plainly 
 fays, that they were unjuftly perfecuted. ' Gal- 
 4 licus fcriptor, fays Maffon^ illius temporis 
 ' Templarios injuria everfos, ordinemque ilium 
 ' fancliffimum fuifle dicit. Tho' I would not 
 anfwer for the Holinefs of that Order, yet the 
 Injuftice done to the Knights, is what I think 
 to be very apparent from the following Confide- 
 rations on Particulars generally attefted by the 
 Hiftorians. 
 
 Firft. Who were thofe, who firft accufed 
 them, but two, and they the moft profligate 
 Wretches , one a very debauched Man, who, 
 for his Vices and Herefy, had been condemned 
 to Prifon for Life by the Mafter of that Order, 
 to whofe Jurifdiclion he was fubject as a Mem- 
 ber of it, and being Prior of Montfaucon. The 
 other of the fame Order too, but a Man aban- 
 doned to all fort of Wickednefs, an Exile from 
 his Country, and for his Crimes kept Prifoner. 
 Both fuch Villains, thatdy'd of violent Deaths-, 
 the Prior killed, and the other hang'd. 
 
 Secondly. The Manner how they were arrefted ; 
 that is, by a fecret Order of the King, which was 
 to be executed tho s in very different Places, at 
 the fame Time. To this Purpofe the Words 
 of Bernard Guidoni^ which he begins his Nar- 
 
 301291 rative
 
 [38] 
 
 rative with, are too remarkable not to be tran- 
 fcribed here. (*) ' Anno (1307) res mira, res 
 ' magna noftris accidit temporibus, quas futuris 
 
 * fcribitur memoranda. In fefto fiquidem Sandti 
 c Edvardi Confeflbris 3. Idus Octobris feria 
 ' fexta fuerunt capti primo Templarii ubique in 
 ' regno Francias ex ordinatione Regis & Confilii, 
 ' inopinate, fane mirantibus cunctis, audientibus 
 ' antiquam Templi militiam ab ecclefia Romana 
 ' nimis privilegiatam una die fubito capti- 
 ' van, caufamque ignorantibus captionis tarn 
 ' repenting exceptis paucis fecretariis &jura~ 
 
 ' tis. The very fame Words are to be 
 
 read in Theodoricus de Niem. (/) 
 
 t fbirdlylh<& Manner of proceeding againft them, 
 which was not by Way of Juftice, obferving the 
 Forms of the Law as to pafs a definitive Sentence 
 on the Caufe ; but by a Provifion or Order from 
 a Fulnefs of Power. Thus the Pope himfelf 
 fays, in his Bull for the Abolition of the Order. 
 (m) * Non per viam fententke definitive, cum 
 
 * earn fuper hoc fecundum inquifitiones & pro- 
 ' ceflus fuper his habitos non poflemus ferre de 
 4 jure, fed per viam provijionis feu ordinationis 
 
 * apoftolictfi &c.' And can we after this fay 
 with Baluzius, that no Credit ought to be given 
 to Albericus de Rofate ? () A very famous 
 lawyer of Bergamo, living in 1350; that is, not 
 
 (*k) ApudEaluz. in V it. Pap. Avenion. torn. i. p. 65. 
 
 (1) Vita Pontificum Romanor. publifhed by Eccardw in his 
 Collection, torn. p. pag. 1474. 
 
 (m) ApudGurtler. . \^\. This Bull was publifhed in 
 the fecond Seflion of the Synod tfViennc in France. 
 
 (n) In Latin Roxiatus by Jacob Bergomenf. which is 
 tranflated by Sanjovino, di Rofata, and Rofattu by For/lent*. 
 Sift. Jur. civil. /. 2, 
 
 many
 
 [39] 
 
 many Years after the Abolition of the Templar s^ 
 and who declares of what he fays, that he had 
 it from the Mouth of one who had been an Ex- 
 aminer of the Caufe, and Teftimonies. * Tem- 
 plarii, thefe are his Words, erant magnus ordo 
 in ecclefia, & erant milites ftrenui beatas Ma- 
 riae ; & deftrudus fuit ille ordo tempore Cle- 
 mentis Papas V. ad provocationem Regis Fran- 
 cis. Et ficut audivi ab uno, qui fuit exami- 
 nator caufas & teftium, deftradtus fuit contra 
 juftitiam, & mihi dixit quod ipfe Clemens pro- 
 tulit hoc : ' Et fi non per viam juftitias poteft 
 deftrui, deftruatur tamen per viam expedien- 
 tiae, ne fcandalizetur charus filius nofter Rex 
 
 Francise. That the Pope condemned the 
 
 Order of the 'Templars in Compliance with the 
 
 Requeft of the King, is a Fact too evident to 
 
 be deny'd. In the Continuation of Martinus 
 
 Polonus^ publifhed by Eccardus^ it is faid. 
 
 Eodem anno (1311) Clemens Papa Quintus 
 
 Viennas celebravit generale concilium, in quo 
 
 multa conftituit, Clementinas edidit, ordinem 
 
 Templariorum deflruxit ad nutum Regis Fran- 
 
 ci<e, qui Ecclefiam tune Bonifacii papas VIII. 
 
 tanquam haeretici memoriam damnari petiit, 
 
 & ofTa ejus igne cremari. Sed cum totus 
 
 ecclefiafticus ordo fibi refifte ret, defiit ab in- 
 
 cepto torn. i. p. 1438. 
 
 Fourthly. The Enormky and Extravagance 
 of the Crimes imputed to them is fuch, that 
 without very clear and convincing Proofs, no 
 Man can give any Credit to, (0) at leaft as to 
 
 believe 
 
 (a) Quid hie taflor difturus eft ? (fays Mariana, after 
 he had given a Catalogue of the Crimes they were charged 
 
 with)
 
 believe, that all fuch Abominations were com- 
 monly practifed, and as Laws eftablimed among 
 the whole Order, (p) And indeed we read, 
 that in Spain they were declared innocent of the 
 Crimes they were accufed of ; and this by the 
 common Voice of the Bifhops and Clergy af- 
 fembled in Council at Salamanca. But the lad 
 Determination of the whole Affair being left to 
 the Pope, his Authority prevailed againft the 
 Council s Decree ; fo that the Order of Templars 
 was abolifhed, and all their Eftates and Towns 
 were feized by the King, (q) After the fame 
 
 Manner 
 
 with) Facia ha?c, ac non fifta potius, fimiliaque anicularum 
 fabulis efle judicabit ? And a little after, he acknowledges 
 that nothing might be faid for the Credibility of the Fact, 
 but that it is attefted by the Pope. Tarn cito in omne im- 
 f robitatis genus publice degenerafle vix eflet credibile, niii 
 
 Clementis diplomata Unde hasc haufimus, indicio effent 
 
 famam haudquaquam vanam fuiffe, &c. Hijl. de Reb. 
 Hifp. lib. 15. c. 10. 
 
 (p) The Reader may find them related from Records by 
 
 Dupin and Bzyvius, &c. I can't forbear to meution 
 
 one of them, as fo very remarkable for its Extravagancy, 
 that no-body can believe it without expofing himfelf to be 
 ridiculed, or pity'd for his want of Senfe ; and yet this was 
 one of the Articles, which the Pope gave to his CommifiU- 
 ries to inquire into in examining the Witneffes. Item, Quod 
 in receptione Fratrum difti crdini?, vel circa interdum reci- 
 fiens, & receptus aliquando fe deofculabantur in ore, in um- 
 
 bilico, feu in ventre nudo, & in ano feu fpina dorfi Item 
 
 aliquando in virga virili The like ridiculous Charge is in our 
 Days laid on the Members of a Society, renowned for keep- 
 ing the Secret among themfelves. 
 
 (q) Salamamicze in Veftonibus Patrum concilium habitum 
 eft de vinftis atque fupplicibus q szeftione habita, cauf- 
 faque cpgnita, pro eorum innocentia pronunciatum communi 
 Patrum fufrragio : Ad Pontificem tamen Romanum rejefta 
 totius rei fumma deliberatio. Ea contra Patrum decretum 
 valuit. Deletoque ordine, bona abs Rege occupata, atque 
 oppida omnia funt. Marian, at. loc.
 
 Mariner in Italy they were acquitted in a Council 
 held at Ravenna (anno 1 3 1 1 ) by Raynaldus Conco- 
 regius Archbifhop of that See, a Man renowned in 
 Hiftory for the ftrict Diicipline, and Reformation 
 of Manners he introduced in his Diocefe, and for 
 the Holinefs of his Life very much efteemedj and 
 honoured as a Saint, (r) In that Council the Caufe 
 of the Templars in particular was moft carefully 
 examined, the Knights were fummoned to ap- 
 pear, the Accufations and Witnefles againft them 
 produced, and they that appeared were heard and 
 difmirTed , and otheisof them according to the faid 
 Council's Order, cleared themfelves of the Accu- 
 fations before the Bifhop of Bologna. A full Ac- 
 count of what pafled in that Council concerning 
 the Templars^ the Reader may find in the Hi- 
 ftory of Ravenna written by Rubeus^ one of 
 the beft Hiftorians of Italy, (j) It is worthy to be 
 remarked, Firft, that the Fathers aflembled in that 
 Council unanimoufly refufed to refer the Judg- 
 ment of this Affair to the Pope, becaufe, they 
 faid, a General Council was ihortly to be con- 
 voked. Secondly, That the 'Templars mould 
 not be put to the Queftion, in which all agreed, 
 except two Dominican Friers both Inquifitors ; 
 that is to fay, cruel and fanguinary Tormentors 
 by Profeffion. Thirdly, Tho' in the next fol- 
 lowing Seflion it was decreed, that the Innocents 
 fhould be abfolved, and the guilty punimed ac- 
 cording to Law i yet they explained themfelves, 
 that by Innocents ought to be underftood 
 
 (r) y. Rultus, tiifi. Raven. 1. 6. /. 538. VgbtL lj*I. 
 Sacra, torn. z. 
 
 (t) I have madeUfe of the Edition of Vcntt. 1589, in, 
 Fol. 1. 6. P. 524,. & feq. 
 
 G thofc
 
 [4*] 
 
 thofe, that had revoked their Confeflion made for 
 Fear of Torments , or if it appeared, that they 
 did not dare to revoke it for Fear of undergoing 
 new ones. Fourthly, That the Order mould con- 
 tinue in the Pofleflion of their Goods and Eftate, 
 if the major Part of them were innocent ; and 
 the Guilty abjuring their Herefy, had fuffered 
 Punimment according to the Rules of the Or- 
 der. But for all this the Pope's Sentence for the 
 
 Abolition of it prevailed. Likewife in Gef- 
 
 many^ ~ where the Templars, trufting to the Ju- 
 ftice of their Caufe, with an undaunted Cou- 
 rage oppofed the Pope's Bull, which was to be 
 put in Execution againft them by Peter the 
 Archbifhop of Mayance^who had thePope'sCom- 
 miflion, and had for that Reafon called a Synod 
 there. They, forefeeing the Defign of it, boldly 
 appeared in the Synod, protefted the Innocence 
 of their Brethren, who had fuffered in France, 
 and appealed for their Caufe to the next Pope, 
 who was to fucceed Clement, with the Body of all 
 the Clergy with him affembled. This Remon- 
 ftfance had fuch an Effect, that a new Commif- 
 6on was fent from the Pope to the Archbifhop, 
 according to which the Templars Caufe was 
 heard and examined, and having by Proofs 
 cleared themfelves of the Charge laid to them, 
 they were accordingly by the Sentence abfolved 
 as Innocent. Tho' to give Place to the Pope's 
 Bull, the Name and Statutes of the Order were 
 abolilhed ; but They were admitted into other 
 Military Orders, and their Eftates divided and 
 appropriated to the fame. (/) Is not this a very 
 
 (t) SerartuslMogunt. Rer. I. 5. p. m. 850 Naucter. 
 Cbronogr. vol. 2. /. m. 986. Mariana, I. c. 
 
 ftrong
 
 [43] 
 
 ftrong Prefumption, not to fay more, in Favour 
 of the Templars ? They are abfolved by Coun- 
 cils in Spain, Italy, and Germany and con- 
 demned no where but in France. How came 
 this to pafs ? If the French Templars were found 
 Guilty, let them be punifhed, but why fhould 
 the whole Order fuffer for them ? The Reafon is 
 plain, the two wicked Contrivers and Promoters 
 of this unjuft Perfecution, the Pope and the 
 King, were both in France, and both refolved to 
 invade the Riches of that Order. 
 
 Fifthly. The Refignation and Conftancy, 
 with which they bore the moft exquifite Tor- 
 ments, and cruel Death, always proteiling and 
 declaring their Innocency, no Promifes nor Fear 
 prevailing upon it : And even thofe who had con- 
 fefled themfelves guilty before, faying all what 
 the Judges would have them to fay, yet when 
 at the Place of Execution, they intirely retrafted 
 all what they had faid, attefting it to be falfe, 
 and extorted from them by Fear, and Violence of 
 Torments, and feduced to it by the Pope and 
 the King, as their Grand Matter in particular 
 moft folemnly did. This is an uncontefted Faft, 
 and it would be needlefs to bring Teftimonies 
 for it. I'll only impart to the Reader the 
 Words of Bernardus Guidonis, (u] whom I 
 have already quoted before, as one whofe Au- 
 thority alone would have been fumcient, had all 
 the Hiftorians been fiient on this Particular. 
 He not only lived at that very fame Time, but 
 was a Frenchman, and Frier of the Order of 
 St. Dominick, a Bimop, and Inquifitor againil 
 the Heretics in the Kingdom of France -, not 
 
 (*) Alias de la. Guionie, or la Guicaie. V. Moreri's Diet. 
 Artie Guidonis. 
 
 n.
 
 [44] 
 
 to mention that he dedicated his Book * to. 
 Pope John the XXIft or XXIId, according to 
 others, dement the Vth's Succeflbr. Guidonis^ 
 after having given an Account of fome Execu- 
 tions made of the Templars, concludes thus. 
 Unum autem mirandurn fuit, quod omnes, & 
 finguli figillat'm confefliones fuas, quas prius 
 fecerant injudicio, &jurati confeffi fuerant di- 
 cere veritatem, penitus retractarunt ; dicentes 
 fe falfa dixifTe prius & fe fuifTe mentitos, nul- 
 lam fuper hoc reddentes caufam aliam nifi vim 
 vel metum tormentorum quod de fe talia fate- 
 
 rentur It was a very hard Fate for them, 
 
 not only in that they extorted from them a Con- 
 fefiion by Torments, but that what they faid 
 afterwards availed them nothing, but they were 
 accounted to have relapfed, and as fuch were 
 condemned , and thoie who did never confefs 
 were kept in Prifon. (w] * Qui pnefatos cafus 
 ' enormes de fe & de aliis publice confetti funt 
 ' & poftea negaverunt, velut prolapfi combufti 
 
 * funt ; qui autem nunquam voluerunt fateri, in 
 
 ' carceribus detinentur And another Writer 
 
 of this Pope's Life. ' Multi eorum revocant quod 
 
 * dixerant. Movetur quseflio contra eos utrumta- 
 
 * ]is revocatio poiTit dici relapfio, & judicarur 
 
 * contra eos quod fie. Unde in Pariiiis combu- 
 4 runtur quinquaginta quatuor, ftantibus eis in 
 ' propofito quod veri Catholici eflent. (x) 
 
 * Flores Chronicorum, feu Catalogus Pontificum Roma- 
 norom The wiiole Book was never printed by what I 
 know ; but I have feen a .VIS. of it. 
 
 (iv) In the Life of Clement the Vth, writ by John, a 
 Canon ofSt Vi3or of Paris, printed by Ba/uzius, in V 'it is 
 Papar. 4<venionenf. torn, I. 
 
 (' x) Ptoiem^us luceufis ordin. Praedicat. apud eundem 
 Baluzium. 
 
 and
 
 [45] 
 
 And Amalricus Augerii de Biterris. Sed 
 poftea illi qui denegabant, cum tormentis ipfam 
 (veritatem de pncmims) tune libenter confite- 
 bantur, & aliqui ipforum in tormentis fine 
 confeffione moriebantur vel comburebantur. * 
 The cruel and barbarous Manner they were 
 were treated with, and their Conftancy in fuffer- 
 ing violent Torments and Death, could not but 
 confirm the People in the Notion they had of 
 their being unjuftly charged with thofe Crimes ; 
 infomuch that they look'd upon them as Mar- 
 tyrs, and as fuch they were honoured by many 
 Perfons of exemplary and holy Life ; and the 
 Bones and Ames of fome of them were fecretly 
 carry'd away and kept as Relicks. 
 
 The Reafons in Favour of the Templars are 
 fo ftrong, that even fome of the moft partial 
 for the other Side dare not plainly to acknowledge 
 them, but leave the Decifion in Doubt. c De- 
 ' letus eft ordo jure an injuria dubium eft. (y ) 
 We may eafily underftandby this modeft Way of 
 Speaking, that it was not an eafy Matter for them 
 to juftify the King's and Pope's Actions. 
 
 After all thefe Confederations, I can't but 
 conclude with Majfon's Words. ' Quid hie lec- 
 
 * tores dicturi funt ? Regem ilium certe impium, 
 ' Pontificem inclementem fateantur neceite eft, 
 
 * mitiorem enim fententiam dicere non pof- 
 fint. (z) 
 
 * Apud eund. Baluz. /. c. 
 
 (y) Jofeph. Geldolph. a Rifckel. in his Book Patriarch* 
 Familiarum religiofarum, & fuppares eorum. Brux. 1641. 81/0 
 Ad me quod attinet, fidem relinquo penes authores & Cle- 
 mentis V. relationem. Bruottinus in Propugnac. Verit. I. \ . 
 
 C. 17. $. 2. 
 
 (K) dnnal Franc. /, 3. in Fit. Philip. Pulchri. 
 
 Fll
 
 [46] 
 
 I'll add to this but one Reflection, which is, 
 that Philip le Bell has not been the firft Prince, 
 neither Clement the Vth the firfl Pope, that have 
 abufed the Holinefs of Religion to cover their 
 private Intereft and wicked Actions ; and to 
 raife and promote Perfecutions under the Cloak 
 of Piety to enrich themfelves, or for fome other 
 worldly End, at the Coft of many and many 
 innocent People's Lives. The Treatments the 
 Jews have often met with from feveral Princes, 
 the Holy Wars, and the Perfecutions againft 
 them, whom they call Heretics, are too well 
 known to the World, as not to fee the political 
 End they propofed to themfelves by promoting 
 and carrying them on. 
 
 NUMBER X. 
 
 In the like Manner alfo was Vefpafian blamed^ 
 &c.] This is reported by Suetonius as a com- 
 mon Belief of the People, not affirming, or deny- 
 ing the Truth of it. ' Creditur etiam, fays he, 
 ; procuratorum rapaciflimum quemque ad am- 
 * pliora ofEcia ex induftria folitus promovere, 
 ' quo locupletiores mox condemnaret : quibus 
 4 quidem vulgo pro fpongiis dicebatur uti, quod 
 ' quafi & ficcos madefaceret, & exprimeret hu- 
 ' mentes. (a) I find no other Author mention- 
 ing this Fad: ; which alone, if true, would 
 deeply ftain the Glory of his Name. A Prince, 
 that makes Ufe of fuch Means to get Money, 
 deferves no better Name than that of a Tyrant. 
 
 (a} Vefpaf. c. 6. 
 
 How-
 
 [47] 
 
 However this Imputation may be, the Hifto- 
 rians agree in blaming Vefyafian for his Greedinefs 
 of Money, to fatisfy which, he would not be 
 afhamed of the moft fordid and unjuft Ways to 
 fqueeze it out from the People. He not only 
 renewed the Duties and Taxes, aboliihed by 
 Gklba^ but charged the Subjects with new and 
 heavy ones. He increafed the Tributes of the 
 Provinces, of fome even double. He made 
 a public Traffick of what a private Man would 
 have been afhamed of, buying Things in order 
 to fell them at a better Rate , but what is word, 
 he would fell Offices and Places, and take Mo- 
 ney to difcharge accufed Perfons, without any 
 Regard whether they were innocent or guilty. 
 (b] Indeed he never went fo far as to put to 
 Death an Innocent Man on Account of enriching 
 himfelf. (c) Yet to fave Criminals for Money's 
 Sake, is what he can't be too much condemn'd 
 for ; as acting againft the principal Duty of a 
 Prince, which is to be the Guardian and Executor 
 of the Laws for the Maintenance of Juflrice, in 
 bringing Criminals to Punimmertt. What will 
 become of the particular as well as the public 
 Good, whenever the Execution of the Law is 
 fet to Sale, and Crimes find an Afyle in Mo- 
 ney ? Neither deferves he to be lefs blamed for 
 his fordid Way of getting Money by Traffick 
 in buying and felling Goods, debating in fo 
 fhameful a Manner the Grandeur and Dignity of 
 the Princely Character; from whence the Refpect 
 and Veneration, that is due to it, will be leflencd. 
 
 (b) Sueton. in Vefpaf. c. 16. 
 
 (c) Dion Caff. /. 66, 
 
 Ava-
 
 [48] 
 
 Avarice and fordid Gain will make any Man to 
 be defpifed and hated, but how much more the 
 Prince ! Traffick is within the Province of the 
 Subjects and not of Princes ; (d) and the Sub- 
 jects cannot but fuffer whenever Princes turn 
 Merchants. It is Traffick that the greateft Part 
 of the Subjects get their Livelihood and fup- 
 port their Families by. The Emperors Hcno- 
 rius and 'Theodofius forbid Traffick to the No- 
 bleSi (e) wifely confidering how prejudicial it 
 would be to the common People and Merchants, 
 fhould Traffick be permitted to Men of Rank 
 and Power. 
 
 Some perhaps would rather lay the Blame of 
 this upon MucianuSy the Emperor's chief Mini- 
 fter and Favourite. It was he that advifed Vef- 
 yafian to raife and gather up Money by any 
 Means whatfoever, Money, as he was wont 
 to fay on all Occafions, being the Sinews of 
 of War. Under this fpecious Pretext of carry- 
 ing on the War, and to fupply the Treafury for 
 the neceflary Expences of the State, he ufed 
 all the moft unreafonable and unjuft Ways to 
 fqueeze Money from the People, having no 
 Regard to the Manner, provided he could get 
 a great deal. Informations againft the rich Sub- 
 jects, and Confifcations of their Eftates being 
 every-where encouraged, the wealthier any 
 Man was, the nearer and furer he was to be op- 
 
 (d) Princes fhould always remember that truly royal 
 Saying of Alexander the Great. ' Me non mercatorem me- 
 * mini effe fed Regem. Curt. 1. 4. f. 11. 14. 
 
 (e) L. 3 . Cod. de commertiis & mfrcatvribu}. 
 
 i prefTed
 
 [49 ] 
 
 prefled and ruined. (/) But, I think, 
 Jlan ought to be more blamed for following and 
 giving himfelf over to his chief Minifter's Ad- 
 vice and Conduit, fo contrary to Juflice arid 
 Reafon, and fo prejudicial to his Honour and 
 the People's Good. This he knew too well, 
 and himfelf at firfl appeared to have fome Re- 
 morfe in doing it ; but afterwards, by the 
 Profperity of his Fortune, and the Inilructions 
 of ill Mafters, that is his Minifters, he got over 
 all Remorfe, and boldly went on in this wicked 
 Way of opprefling the People, (g) Befides, he 
 could not but know and fee, ihatMucianus, at the 
 fame time he was filling the public Coffers,gathered 
 immenfe Riches to himfelf, living in fuch a mag- 
 nificent and profufe Manner, that expofed his 
 Pride and Vanity to the Eyes of the World, 
 -and cart at once a 'tacit Reproach upon his 
 Mailer's frugal Way of Living. The Advo- 
 cates for Mucianus will fay, that he had fuch a 
 Regard for his Mailer's Honour, that he in this, 
 contrary to the ufual Method of chief Mini- 
 fters, took upon himfelf the Odium of the 
 People. And that he acted as a public-fpirited 
 Man, in that he contributed out of his own 
 Purfe to the Expences of the War. But let 
 a prime Minifter do what he can to take upon 
 himfelf the Odium of the People, yet he can't 
 hinder it from reflecting upon his Mailer, by 
 whofe Order or Approbation he is fuppofed to 
 aft. Befides, who is that prime Minifter, who 
 would not gladly bear the People's Odium, 
 
 (f) Tfcit, tiift. /. 4 . ( . 84. 
 (gj ** 
 
 H
 
 [ 5 ] 
 
 was he fo well aflured of his Mailer's Love and 
 Protection, as Mucianus was of Vefpafiaife ? 
 Kara avis in t err is ? It was this AfTurance, that 
 made Mucianus fo bold and impudent as not 
 to mind, and defpife the People's Clamour 
 and Hatred. Had Vefpafian once withdrawn 
 from him the Influence of his Favour and Pro- 
 tection, Mucianus then would have immediately 
 felt the Effects of the public Odium, and fallen 
 a Victim to the People's Rage, as Sejanus did 
 under 'Tiberius. As for Muciaxus's fupplying 
 with his own Money the Expences of the War, 
 it is indeed a plain Inftance of a prime Minifter's 
 public Spirit. He advanced Money out of his 
 own Purfe, in order to take a greater Sum out 
 of the public Stock, (h] to reimburfe himfelf. 
 And this was but a true minifterial Trick, for by 
 his Example many were induced to do the fame (/') 
 no doubt with the Hope of being reimburfed, 
 with the like Advantage, but they found them- 
 felves miftaken at laft. There were but few to 
 whom that Liberty was allow'd ; and thofe, 
 I do not queftion, were his chief Creatures. But 
 how can this mameful Way of raifing Money 
 by the Oppreflion of the Subjects be excufed, 
 either in the Matter, or the prime Minifter ? I 
 will not fay, that it was agamft.all Juftice and 
 Reafon, and therefore unlawful on any Account 
 whatfoever. If it was neceflary for the Support 
 
 (b) Propriis qaoque opibus Mucianus bellum juvit, lar- 
 gus privatim, quo avidius de Republica fumeret. So I 
 read this Paffage, in Tacit, lac. fit. 
 
 (i) Caeteri conferendarum pecuniarura exemplum fecuti , 
 rariffimus quifque eandem in reciperando liceutiam habne- 
 runt id. 
 
 of
 
 of a War, why was it continued after the War 
 was ended, and Peace fettled at home ? Why 
 were not thofe heavy Taxes, Duties, Tolls, and 
 Tributes abolifhed, or at leaft diminished ? Why 
 did not thofe infufferable Extortions ceafe ? (k) 
 The Reafon, I think, is very plain. The In- 
 tereft of the Mafter, and his prime Minifter 
 went Hand in Hand ; Muciams's Zeal in pro- 
 moting I'efpafiatfs Caufe againft Vitdlius^ and 
 feeing him fettled on the Roman Throne, had 
 no other Motive but his Ambition. He knew 
 JSefpq/ian's Temper too well, as to doubt of his 
 having all the Power of the public Adminiftra- 
 tiori under him ; and to be in fact the Emperor, 
 while Vefpafian had the Name of it. And in- 
 deed his Power and Way of living and acting 
 were fuch. (/) Veffa/ian^ on his Side, could not 
 but favour and protect a Man, who had been fo 
 active in his Intereft, and who had found Means 
 how to indulge his violent Pamon for Money, with 
 a continual Supply of vaft Spurns, which he 
 fqueezed out of the Subjects by any unjuft and 
 fcand,alous W r ay , fo that the Mafter found his 
 Account in having fuch a prime Minifter, as 
 well as the Minifter in having fuch a Mafter. 
 This, rather than good Nature, was the 
 Reafon why Vefpafian was fo kind and indulgent 
 to him, gave him fuch an abfolute Power, and 
 fo patiently bore his outrageous Manners, and 
 infamous Life. He was (;) haughty and 
 
 (k) Quae gravia, & intoleranda, fed neceffitate armorura 
 excufata, etiam in pace manfere, Id. 
 (1) V. Dio. /. 66. 
 (m ) Dio. Tacit. Sueton. 
 
 H 2 proud^
 
 proud, expecting from every one to be refpeeted 
 and honoured above all ; infolent to the higheft 
 Degree, in particular to Vefpafian^ whom he 
 look'd upon as a Companion in the Empire, 
 boafting of his own Merit, and carry.'d this Im- 
 pudence fo far as to write to the Senate, that he 
 had the Empire in his Hand, but made a Prefent 
 of it to Vefpafian. He was of fo ' revengeful 
 a Temper, that People were more afraid of of- 
 fending him than his Mafter ; a rapacious and 
 tyrannical Minifter, and a Man mo'ft infamous 
 for a lewd and debauched Life. Vefpafian inTruth 
 had great Obligation to Mucianus for promoting 
 and lupporting his Election to the Empire, but 
 yet Mttcianus's Behaviour and Conduct towards 
 -him was fuch, that he mould have loft all the 
 Merit of what he had done for him. 
 
 But what can be faid in Fefpafiatfs Excufe for 
 the immenfe Riches he got by the wicked and 
 moft fcandalous Management of his favourite (n) 
 Concubine C<enis^ whom he had taken to Court, 
 and lived with her as if fhe had been a lawful 
 "Wife. It was this cunning Woman that kept 
 a public Sale of civil and military Places, of 
 religious Preferments, of Pardons to Criminals, 
 and. even of the Emperor's Anfwers and Deter- 
 minations ; difpofing of them at an high Rate. 
 Vefpa/ian indeed did not appear to be concerned 
 in this Traffick, but the Money going thro' her 
 Hand, and his dirty Way of getting it being 
 well known from other Inftances,the People could 
 not but think that what was done by fodearand inti- 
 mate aPerfon to him asCW;w was by his Direction 
 
 (n) Dio. /. /. 
 
 and
 
 [J3] 
 
 and Approbation. He could not at lead have 
 been ignorant of it, and Jhe would not have 
 done it, had me not been aflured of her Power 
 over him. And what Good can a People ex- 
 pect from a Court fo corrupted ? Or what can 
 debafe more a Prince, and make him defpi- 
 cable, than to be fuch a Slave to his Paflion, as 
 to let his Miftrefs have an Influence in what con- 
 cerns the Difpofal of Places? After all this, it will 
 be afked, how it came to pafs, that Vefpafian 
 was beloved both by the Senate and the People, 
 and that he is commonly reckoned one of the 
 beft Emperors. The Queftion is eafily anfwer- 
 ed, by ponfidering, Firft^ That he came to the 
 Empire after it had been for the Space of many 
 and many Years under the heavy Scourge of the 
 moft cruel and infamous Tyrants ; to thefe if 
 Vefpafian be compared, what Praife, what Ad- 
 miration does he not deferve ! 
 
 Secondly. His many good Qualities, Quali- 
 ties as moft neceflary to, fo feldom to be found 
 in Princes ; and therefore by the People more 
 valued and admired in them, than commonly 
 in others. It was this Love and Admiration 
 of his good Qualities that prevailed with the Ro- 
 mans again ft the Odium of his Vices. Vefpafian^ 
 (o) far from being haughty and proud, was a 
 Prince humble, affable, and familiar, of a free 
 Accefs to all, at any Time, and received all in a 
 Manner as if he had not been Emperor, but a 
 private Man. In Convefation pleafant bearing 
 to be rally'd, and anfwering with Reparties. 
 He bore with the greateft Calmnefs the Liberty 
 his Friends took with him in fpeaking their 
 
 (o) Dio. Suet. Aurel. 7i8or, Eutrop. Tacit. 
 
 Minds-.
 
 [54] 
 
 Minds. In the like Manner he heard the 
 Taunts and fly Reflections caft on him by the 
 Advocates in their Pleadings, and defpifed the 
 Infolence and the virulent Tongues of the 
 Philofophers. He never mewed himfelf to be 
 angry, or offended at anonymous Libels or Sa- 
 tires (then very much in Fafhion againft the Em- 
 perors) reflecting upon him , and far from inquiring 
 after the Authors to punifh them, he would an- 
 fwer with others in Defence of the contrary, 
 and trouble himfelf no further with them. He 
 was remarkable for Humanity and Greatnefs of 
 Soul ; forgetting Injuries, and never feeking to 
 be revenged of his Enemies. No Man was put 
 to Death by him unjuftly, or on Sufpicion and 
 Fear he had of him ; and even they that con- 
 fpired againft him fuffered no other Punifhment 
 but to be banimed. The public Affairs were 
 not managed in a fecret and myfterious Way, 
 or by his abfolute Power, but he always com- 
 municated them to the Senate, where he never 
 failed to be prefent, when not hindered by fome 
 kwful Caufe, and then he would communicate 
 them in Writing, and make often his Sons read 
 them to the Aflembly ; he fhewed all the Marks 
 of Honour and Refpect to the Senators, and con- 
 verfed with them very familiarly, inviting every 
 Day many of them to his Table. He purged the 
 Senate and the Equeftrian Order of Peyfons unwor- 
 thy of that Dignity, and he chofe out of 'Italy and 
 the Provinces Men of the greateft Merit to fill the 
 vacant Places. He made excellent Laws for the 
 Reformation of Manners -, and his private Life 
 was an Example of Frugality, which did more 
 contribute to correct the Roman Luxury of a 
 long Standing, than all the Laws m^de againft 
 2 it.
 
 1 [ 55 1 
 
 k. Not to 'mention the military Difcipline, the 
 Care of fettling the State, that was in a deplo- 
 rable Condition by what had been fuffered under 
 the former Emperors, with many other Parti- 
 culars, I will come laftly to what concerns more 
 the Point in Queftion. I mean his Liberality 
 and Generality .worthy of a Prince. Tho* he 
 was too greedy of Money, and gathered it hi 
 that moft infamous and fordid Way we have 
 mentioned before , yet it cannot be faid, that he 
 was covetous, heaping up Riches for the only 
 Sake of Money, or to enrich his Family ; nei- 
 ther that he did lavim them in his private Plea- 
 fures. No, he employ'd his Riches in the 
 moft prudent^ generous, and princely Manner 
 for the Benefit of the Public and the People. 
 Thefe Expenees were very great and magnifi- 
 cent, his own but neceflary and moderate. He 
 adorned Rome with noble Edifices, he made 
 Highways, and Aqueducts, and open'd Paflages 
 thro* Mountains and Rocks ; he repaired and 
 beautify'd many Towns in all the Parts of the 
 Empire, that had been almoft ruined either by- 
 Earthquakes or Fire ; and all thefe Works at 
 his own Coft, and without any Prejudice of the 
 Inhabitants. And what I think he deferves moft 
 to be commended for, that in the Execution 
 of the Works, he preferred the Advantage of 
 the common People, to any Projects offered to 
 him to fave Expenees, that more Workmen 
 might get their Livelihood, by their being em- 
 ploy 'd in them. He was very liberal towards 
 all Sorts of People. He generoufly fupply'd 
 Men of Quality in Want to fupport the Dignity 
 of their Rank j and handfomdy rewarded the 
 good Poets, and Artificers -excelling : in theft 
 
 Handi-
 
 [56] 
 
 Handicraft. In fhort, he was a mighty En- 
 courager of Arts and Learning, and the firft 
 of the Emperors that appointed a Salary to the 
 Rhetoric Matters either of Greek or Latin at 
 Rome. Are we after alJ this to wonder, that 
 Vefpafian was fo generally beloved ? It is not a 
 fmall Comfort to the Subjects when fqueezed 
 and oppreffed with Duties, Taxes, &V. to 
 fee, that their Money is laid out for public 
 Ufes, and to their own, and not a foreign Na- 
 tion's Profit, and that they are made Partakres 
 of it by being employ 'd in fome Way or other, 
 fb that they might live well and fupport their 
 Families. If Princes would follow Vefpafian's 
 Example in this, they would not hear fo fre- 
 quent Complaints of their Subjects for being too 
 much charged with Taxes and Duties, &c. If 
 no Reafon and Juftice, Policy at leaft mould 
 move them to act as Vefpafian did. But I fear 
 this Example is too old to be imitated in our 
 Days. The common People, like Horfes and 
 other Animals for human Ufes, will go thro* 
 hard Works when their Matters do not ftarve 
 and hardly treat them. I remember to have 
 heard a Story of an ingenious Painter, who, to 
 exprefs the Difference of the Subjects Condition 
 under a good and a bad Prince, made a Picture 
 reprefenting two Afles both charged with heavy 
 Loads but one feemed to be in good Cafe, and 
 the other very poor and weak, both in the 
 Act of falling backward on their Legs by the 
 Weight of the Charge. The Mafter of the firffc 
 had taken Hold of his Afs's Tale, as helping 
 him from not falling, and giving him Time to 
 raife up himfelf i but the Mafter of the weak 
 Afs looked to be angry, and was holding a 
 
 Stick
 
 Stick in his Hand, as if he was beating the unfortu- 
 nate Animal. The Painter, being afked the Mean- 
 ing of the Pifture, anfwered in ajocofe Way, 
 Pray, Sir, (to his Friend; who had been afking 
 him) fuppofing you were an Afs, whom of the 
 two Matters here reprefented would you chufe 
 to have ? That to be fure, faid he without Hefi- 
 tation, pointing at the Mafter, that was helping 
 his Afs to rife ; tho* he has heavily charged his 
 Afs, yet he takes fome Care of him, and does 
 not abufe and beat the poor Beaft. Now, good 
 Sir, reply'd the Painter, if you will be pleafed 
 to apply the Reprefentatibn of the Pifture to 
 Subjects and Princes, you will foon underftand 
 the Meaning of it. This I have found to be 
 true in fact. Some Years ago when I was ih 
 Flanders, I obferved thofe Towns that were un- 
 der the French, to be populous, and the Inhabi- 
 tants by the Countenance appear'd to be eafy 
 and chearful ; whereas the Towns under the 
 Germans and the Dutch feemed to be lefs peo- 
 pled, and the Inhabitants poor and dejected. I 
 could not but wonder at this ; and the more 
 when I heard the People of thofe Towns that 
 had been formerly under the French, to wifh for 
 them again j remembting how happier they 
 were in thofe Times* and the Towns more 
 peopled and rich. Talking with fome of them 
 upon the Subject^ and inquiring into the Reafon 
 they had for preferring the French to the others, 
 the Mafter of the Houfe, where I lodged, very 
 freely faid to me j Sir, tho* the French are no 
 better than the Germans and the Dutch, and 
 perhaps worfe, if you will, in that they are con- 
 tinually getting and fqueezing out Money from 
 us ; yet for all this you know well the Genius of 
 I that
 
 [98 J 
 
 that Nation : They love good Cheer, fine Dref- 
 fmg, Gaming, Aflemblies, Comedies and O- 
 peras, in fhort, all Sorts of Diverftons, which 
 they cannot have without fpending Money a- 
 mong us, and employing many Tradefmen and 
 other People ; To that the Money they have 
 taken from us, comes to us again, and by that 
 Way we live, and by the continual Circulation of 
 Money, we never want it ; whereas the Ger- 
 mans and the Dutch grow rich by us, and we 
 get nothing, or very little from them ; living 
 very frugally, and faving as much as they can , 
 which is carried away out of ours into their own 
 Country. In Conclufion, Sir, we chufe to be 
 under the French, becaufe if they live upon us 
 we live upon them, and tho* we fill their Purfe 
 with our Money, yet we may fay, we have at 
 lead a Finger in it. 
 
 Thus much can be faid in Praife of Vefpafian, 
 which plainly fhews he was not by Nature a co- 
 vetous Man. As for the reft, let the Indigency 
 of the public Treafury, and the Expences for 
 the Support of the War and the State be as 
 great as they will, no Prince can be juftified or 
 excufed for raifmg Money from his Subjects 
 by fo unjuft, fordid, and fcandalous Means as 
 Vefpafian did. To adminifter Juftice, to let the 
 I,aw of the Country have its Courfe, to let the 
 Subjects enjoy their Liberties, and live eafy 
 under the Government, is the indifpenfable Du- 
 ty of a Prince, and the ultimate End of com- 
 mon Society. This is what makes the People 
 truly happy, and the Prince beloved ; not the 
 Greatnefs and Magnificence of public Buildings, 
 Ornaments, and other Expences, whenever 
 they cannot be fupported without oppreiTmg the 
 Subjects. N u M-
 
 [ 59] 
 
 NUMBER XL 
 
 The old Romans, &c .] Livy (a) has left us 
 *n Account of what paffed in the Senate upon 
 this A ffair ; but I do not find he mentions the 
 Reafon, why the Senate came to that Refolution 
 of not making War againft the Rhodians, which, 
 I think, he mould have done. The Motives 
 and Reafons of human Actions, but more par- 
 ticularly of public ones, as the Decrees of a 
 Senate, are the Soul of Hiftory, and without 
 the Knowledge of them, Hiftory is but of lit- 
 tle Ufe. Livy at leaft mould have preferved us 
 the famous Speech, that M. Porcius Cato made 
 on this Occafion, perhaps by it we might have 
 guefied at the Reafon of the Senate's Refolution ; 
 fince it was that Speech that the Caufe of the 
 Rloodiam was moft fupported by. But to our 
 Misfortune that Speech of Cato was fo common 
 in Livfs Time, that he thought himfelf dif- 
 penfed with from the Labour of tranfcribing it 
 in his Hiftory, referring the Reader to Cato's 
 Book y intitled, Qrig'mum, wherein it was to be 
 found. It feems very ftrange to me, that the 
 Hiftorians, whofe chief End is to inform and in- 
 ftru<5t Pofterity, and who above all mould 
 know how Things of this Nature, as well as 
 others, are fubject and expofed to the In- 
 juries of Time, and Men's Neglect ; yet they, 
 J fay, are very oft fo carelefs, as to neg- 
 lect to tranfmit to Pofterity thofe remarkabk 
 
 (ft) lib. 45. c. 20. fcf ftq. 
 
 I 2 Monu-
 
 [6o] 
 
 Monuments of great Men'sGenius's, which would 
 be not only curious but ufeful. And this they 
 do upon no other Consideration, but becaufe fuch 
 Pieces were known and current at the Time 
 when they writ , as if they were from it aflured, 
 that Pofterity would have the fame Advantage 
 too. But to return to Cato's Speech. The few 
 Fragments of it ftill remaining we owe to A. 
 Gellius's Induftry, who lays them down to vin- 
 dicate Cato from fullim fire's Objections 
 agalnft it. (b*) In thofe Fragments we do not 
 rind any Trace, that could lead us to the guefling 
 of the Senate's Reafon for taking that Refolu- 
 tion -, but only by what A. Gellius fays in the 
 Narrative of what gave Occafion to the Speech, 
 we may fairly take a Hint of what Cato would 
 have more infifted upon, to prevail upon the Se- 
 nate for not declaring War ; that is, the De- 
 fign of many great Men to enrich themfelves 
 by the Spoils of the Rhodians. ' Sententias, 
 ' are Ge!lius's Words, rogari ceptas, cumque 
 ' partim Senatorum de Rhodienfibus quererentur, 
 '* maleque eos animates fuilTe dicerent, bellum- 
 c que eo illis faciendum cenferent ; turn M. Cato 
 
 * exfurgit, & optimos fidiffimofque focios, qitc- 
 
 * rum opibus diripendis pojfidendifque non pauci 
 ' exfummatibus viris intenti infeftique erant, de- 
 4 f enfant confers aiumque pergit. We can hardly 
 think fuch a Man as Cato, renowned not only 
 for his Eloquence, but remarkable above all 
 of his Time for Gravity, and the Stridnefs he 
 exercifed in the Cenformip j fuch a Man, I fay, 
 we can hardly think, would have pafled over a 
 
 Lib. 7. f . 3. 
 
 Point
 
 [6.] 
 
 Point fo becoming to his Character to take No- 
 tice of, and that in all Probability would have 
 much prevailed on the Mind of the found Part 
 of the Senators ; and what is more, it would 
 have expofed, and put to the Blum and Confu- 
 fion thofe covetous and ambitious Men, by lay- 
 ing open the fecret View they had in this Affair. 
 Such a Reproach, from the Mouth of a Man of 
 fo great Authority as Cato was, could not but 
 make a deep Impreflion upon them, and their 
 Confcioufnefs would have abated not a little of 
 that pretended Animofity againft the Rhodians ; 
 particularly if we confider, that the Romans at 
 that Time were not fo corrupted as they were 
 afterwards, when all Senfe of Virtue and Shame 
 was intirely loft, A true Mark of a near ap- 
 proaching Ruin of a free State. 
 
 But notwithftanding the Silence of Livy, what 
 our Author advances of the Reafon, that mov'd 
 the Senate not to declare "War againft the Rho- 
 4ians, is not of his own Imagination, but he 
 had it from Salluftius in the Hiftory of the Ca~ 
 talinarian War. There C<ffar, in the Begin- 
 ning of his Speech to the Senate, fays. * Mag- 
 f na mihi copia eft memorandi, P. C. qui Reges 
 aut qui Populi ira aut mifericordia impulfi male 
 confuluerint : Sed ea malo dicere, quas Majo- 
 res noftri contra lubidinem animi fui rede atque 
 ordine fecere. Bello Macedonico, quod cum 
 Rege Perfe geflimus, Rhodiorum Ci vitas mag- 
 na, atque magnifica, qu Populi Romani opi- 
 bus creverat, infida atque advorfa nobis fuit : 
 Sed poftquam bello confecto de Rhodiisconful- 
 tum eft, Majores noftri ne quis divitiarum ma- 
 gis, quam injurise bellum inceptum diceret, 
 impunitos eos dimifere. 
 
 Such
 
 [ 62 J 
 
 Such a Conduct of the Roman Senate can't be 
 too much praifed, or admired, and it ought to 
 ferve for an Example to others -, but this can't 
 be expected wherein Corruption prevails. A ftrict 
 and true Notion of the Honour of their Coun- 
 try is what guided and determined the Roman 
 Senators to this Refolution. They were fo jea- 
 lous of it, that they would not fuffer it to be 
 expofed even to the leaft Shadow of Sufpicion i 
 neither permit it to be abufed by (elf-interefted 
 Men, who attempted under it to fcreen their 
 covetous and ambitious Defigns. What Excufe 
 then can be made for Livy in parting over in 
 Silence fo noble and truly glorious a Motive, 
 on which the Roman Senate would not declare 
 War againft the RJjodians ? Surely he is not fo 
 carelefs or envious an Hiftorian as to omit what 
 might add a Luftretothe Honour of his Coun- 
 try, or to deprive her of a due Glory. Shall we 
 then fay, that he thought by not mentioning it, 
 the Roman Generality in forgiving Injuries, and 
 the Mildnefs, which the Rhodians were treated 
 \vith by theSenate,was more glorious than theMo- 
 tive of it ? Or rather that he would not let Po- 
 fterity think, that in thofe happy Days of the 
 Republic, fo renowned for Virtue and Valour, 
 the great Men, who were at the Helm of it, 
 were corrupted with Self-intereft and Ambition ? 
 Certain it is, that in mentioning thofe, who were 
 moft againft the Rhodians^ he has not a Word 
 of their Dsfign and View, (c] ' InfeftuTimi 
 ' Rhodiis erant, qui Confules, Praetorefve, aut 
 * Legati gefTerant in Macedonia bellum. In- 
 
 deed
 
 [63] 
 
 deed he is not fo referved when he mentions the 
 Praetor, of whom he fays, that what he did 
 was in View to have been chofen the Comman- 
 der of that Expedition, (d) ' M. Juvencius 
 
 Thalna Praetor Populum adverfus Rho- 
 
 dios incitabat, rogationemque promulgaverat, 
 ut Rhodiis bellum indiceretur : Et ex magi- 
 ftratibus ejus anni deligerent qui ad id bellum 
 cum clafle mitteretur ; fe eum fperans futurum 
 efle. But in Regard to the Rbodians, Livy 
 not only mentions their unfair Conduct not 
 acling as it became Friends and Confederates of 
 theRomans, but exaggerates the Pride andHaugh- 
 tinefs of their Proceeding. The Rhodians^ in 
 a former EmbafTy to Rome, in Order to perfuade 
 them to make Peace with Perfeus, among other 
 Things, they faid, they had done the fame Office 
 with Perfeus, concluding, (?) * Per quos ftetiflet 
 quo minus belli finis fieret, adverfus eos quid 
 nbi faciendum eflet, Rhodios confideraturos 
 erTe. Upon this Livy breaks out with the fol- 
 owing Remark, a fhort but very expreflive one. 
 Ne nunc quidem hasc fine indignatione legi 
 audirive pofle certum habeo. Inde exiftimari 
 poteft, qui habitus animorum audientibus ea 
 Patribus fuerit. The Rhodians Manner of 
 Talking thus to the Romans at that Time is not 
 be excufed ; yet I cannot but think, that Liiy 
 by this Remark intended to make the Modera- 
 tion and Mildnefs of the Senate in general to- 
 wards the Rhodians to appear greater ; but more 
 fpecially that of C#to, who afterwards, when a 
 
 c. 22. 
 
 M> 44- f - 4- 
 
 War
 
 [ 64 ] 
 
 War againft them was propofed in the Senate, 
 deckred himfelf againft it, by defending the Rbo- 
 dian Caufe in a moft eloquent and ftrong Manner, 
 which contributed not a little to prevent the 
 War. * Plurimum, (/) fays Livyon this Oc- 
 ' cafion, caufam eorum adjuVit M. Porcius Ca- 
 * to ; qui afper ingenio, turn leriem mitemque 
 c Senatorem egit. But what could have been 
 Cato's Reafon for acYmg at this Conjuncture fo 
 contrary to his natural Severity ? Certainly he 
 was "hot a Man lefs fenfible of the Injuries and 
 Affronts put upon his Country, than the reft of 
 the Senators. From whence now this Indul- 
 gence and Mildnefs of Temper in him ? Either 
 he really thought the Rhbdidns did not deferve 
 to be fo much blamed and condemned, as was 
 cry'd up by thofe defigning Meh : Or he took 
 upon him the Defence of theRbodians to oppofe, 
 and difappoint the fordid arid felf-interefted 
 Views of thofe chief Promoters of the War. 
 Views that would have then expofed the Roman 
 Greatnefs to the Cenfure of other Nations, and 
 encouraged Corruption and Vice for the future, 
 and brought on at laft the Ruin of the Republic : 
 to covet after Power and Riches being the great- 
 eft Evil in a free Government. But let the 
 Reafon be what it will, we can't but think, that 
 Cato acted in this Affair as it became a true 
 Patriot, and uncorrupted Senator ; oppofing 
 Vice, and protecting Virtue. 
 
 This Example of the Romans ought to open 
 the Eyes of every Nation, not to engage them- 
 felves in a War without confidering and fearch- 
 
 (fj L*. 45, f . 25. 
 
 ing
 
 [6;] 
 
 ing before-hand into the trueMotives ofthofe,who 
 are moft zealous and violent for it ; whether 
 their Motives are really, as they pretend^ the 
 Safety, Honour, and Intereft of the Public, or 
 not rather their own particular Views of inrich- 
 ing themfelves, and keeping the Power in 
 their Hands. Many Wars have been promo- 
 ted, and Treaties of Peace rejected on. that Ac- 
 count by the Intrigues and Cabals of a Party ^ 
 againft the real Intereft of the Nation, which at 
 laft, but too late, by feeling the dire Effects of 
 a long and expenfive War, was convinced it 
 had been deluded into it. 
 
 I'll only remark, one Thing more, which is^ 
 that by the bad Advice, and the Indifcretion in 
 fpeaking of fome of the Rhodians^ hot-headed 
 and ftirring Men among the common People, 
 the whole Nation became expofed to the Re- 
 proaches of not keeping Faith, of double Deal- 
 ing, and the like , (h] and what was the worft 
 to the Refentment of the Romans , which 
 would have fallen very heavy upon them, had 
 not the Wifdom, Eloquence, 'and Authority of 
 Cato prevehted the War. ' Quid igitur ? faid 
 Aftymedes, the Rhodian Legate, in his Speech to 
 the Senate, for the Excufe of their Conduct* 
 * ' Nihil ne fa&um neque dictum eft in civitate 
 * veftra, Rhodij, quod holletis, quo merito of- 
 ' fenderetur Populus Romanus ? Hinc jam non 
 
 (b) Rhodiornm Civitas infida, atque adverfa nobis fuit. 
 In the above quoted Pa/age o/'Salluftius. Rhodij quoq; 
 fideliffimi antea Romanis, turn dubia fide fpeculati fortu- 
 fcam, proniores Regis partibns fuifie vifi funt />//. Pater- 
 (ttfos, /< i . c g. Aad what is faid of them in Lity. 
 
 K * quod
 
 [66] 
 
 1 quod fadum eft, defenfurus fum, non adeo in- 
 " fanio : Sed publicam caufam a privatorum 
 6 culpa fegregaturus. Nulla enim eft Civitas, 
 4 qu<e non & improbos cives aliquando^ & impe- 
 
 * ritam multitudinem femper babeat. (A Sen- 
 tence worthy to be writ in golden Letters) Etiam 
 ' apud vos fuifle audivi, qui aflentando multitu- 
 
 * dini graffarentur : Et feceflifle aliquando a vo- 
 
 * bis plebem, nee in poteftate veftra Rempubli^ 
 
 * cam fuifle. Si hoc in tarn bene morata Civi- 
 
 * tate accidere potuit, mirari quifquam poteft 
 c aliquos ruifle apud nos, qui Regis amicitiam 
 ' petentes plebem noftram confiliis depravarent ? 
 4 Qui tamen nihil ultra valuerunt, quam ut in 
 
 e officio ceflaremus. From this Cafe of the 
 
 Rhodians^ we may learn how mifchievous and 
 dangerous are to the true Intereft, Honour, and 
 Safety of a Country the Advices of fuch Poli- 
 ticians ; efpecially when they are at the Head of 
 
 * Parry. 
 
 NUMBER XII. 
 
 fbe nioft fevere Laws have been made by the 
 Ancient^ &c.] By the Law of the twelve 
 Tables, a Judge, convided of having taken Mo- 
 ney for his Sentence, was puniftied with Death. 
 (a) Did the Romans model this Law after the 
 Example ofCambyfes King of Per/ia, in putting 
 to Death Sifamnes. one of his Judges for the fame 
 Crime ? The Conjedure is not altogether impro- 
 bable, 
 
 (a) Related by A. GelKut, 1, 20. c, i.
 
 [6 7 ] 
 
 bable, according to a famous Chilian, (b) This 
 Law grew afterwards obfolete, becaufe it was 
 looked upon as too fevere. But can Death be 
 thought to be too fevere a Punifhment for a 
 Judge, who againft all divine and human Laws 
 fells his Confcience, and his Oath of doing Ju- 
 ftice ? Who betrays for Money that facred 
 Truft put in him to the Protection of Crimes, 
 and the Oppreflion of his Fellow-SubjecTs ? (c) 
 No, when this Law was made, the Romans had 
 a better Notion of Juftice and Virtue, than to 
 think it too fevere ; but when Corruption of 
 Manners begun to creep in among them, it was 
 then, that the Crime appeared to them lefs hei- 
 nous, and confequently its Punimment too fe- 
 vere. It is this altering the Notion of Virtue 
 and Juftice, that will bring at laft a Nation to 
 Ruin, if not timely corrected. But tho* this 
 Law of the twelve Tables was abrogated, yet 
 Corruption in Judges and other Magiftrates was 
 always reckoned by the Law a great Crime, 
 and punifhed either with Fine, Infamy, Lofs of 
 all Goods, Tranfportation into an Ifland, Banifh- 
 ment, and even with corporal Punimment, and 
 K 2 Death 
 
 (I) BaUuinut ad leg. 12. lab. /. 51. Fa8um id eft 
 vivente adhuc Athenis Solone, Roma: imperante Tarquinio 
 Superbo, vix oftoginta annis ante Decemviros j ejus itaque 
 & hi meminiffe potuerant, ejufque etiam memoria & ex* 
 emplo commoveri. 
 
 (c) An judicis (fays Cacilius in A. Gellius loc. cit.) ilh'us 
 perfidiam contra omnia jura divina atque humana jusju- 
 randum fuum pecunia vendentis -Non digmun^effe cap'itis 
 poer.a exiilimes ?
 
 [ 68 ] 
 
 Death according to its Quality, (d) And con- 
 fidering how much the Adminiftrarion of Ju- 
 ilice concerns the whole Society, the Law gave 
 Power to any one to accufe a Magiftrate Guilty 
 of Corruption on any Account whatfoever, either 
 whilft in Office or after, (e] In order to which 
 he was by the Law oblig'd under Penalty at 
 the F,nd of his Adminiftration not to leave 
 the Country, wherein he had exercifed his 
 Office, but to continue there for fifty Days 
 appointed to hear any Complaint or Accu- 
 fation brought by the People againft him. (f) 
 And indeed what greater Evil can there be in a 
 Government, than to let fuch a Corruption in 
 Magiftrates go unpunimed ? What Difference 
 then would be between Juftice and Robbery ? 
 (g) If they do not defer ve a worfe Name than 
 Robbers, as by the Law they are called. Ju- 
 dices fares. 
 
 How happy would it be for a Nation to have 
 a Prince fo averfe to corrupted Magiftrates, as 
 
 the 
 
 (d) Lex Julia, lex Cornelia, and others. V. Sigon. de 
 Ant.jur.P. R. lib. z. c. 27. Anton. Auguflinus de leg. f? 
 
 fenatusconf. D. ad 1. Jul. repetund. C. de pcen. Judic. qui 
 
 male Judicar, & ill Commenfatores Jujlinian. novel. 8. 
 
 c. 8. . Ji quis. 
 
 (e) L. Jubemus C. ad L. Jul. repetund. Injlitut. I. 4. 
 de public. Judic. 
 
 (f) C. ut omnes Judices tarn civil, quam militar. poft 
 adminiftrat. depofit. 50 dies in Civitat. vel cert. loc. per- 
 maneant. Confirmed by Juftin, Novel. 95 cff 161. which 
 Regulation was formerly obferved in France by the Teftimo- 
 uy of Bugnonius, des loix abregees, p. 16. 
 
 (g) Et quas tandem major effe potert in Republict peftis, 
 quam fi tales corruptelas impune graffentur ? Quid a latroci- 
 iis Judicia difFerrent ? Baiduin. I. c.
 
 [69 j 
 
 the Emperor Alexander Se-verus was. (ti) It is 
 related by an Hiftorian, who was very familiarly 
 acquainted with him, that if he had at any Time 
 feen a Judge convicted of Corruption, he would 
 hold up his Finger as if he would bore out his 
 Eye. Hence Balduinus takes Occafion to re- 
 fled: upon the Corruption of the Judges in his 
 Time, with the following (harp but merry Ex- 
 preflion. (/') But how many Fingers 'would Alex- 
 ander want now ? when if he had an hundred 
 Hands , as the Poets feign of Briareus, be would 
 not have Fingers enough. He might have added 
 too, what Septimius another Hittorian reported of 
 the fame Alexander to this Purpofe, viz. (k] He 
 had fuch an Indignation againft thofe Judges, that 
 wereonlyfufpected of Corruption, thatif by Chance 
 he did fee any of them, he would be in fo great an 
 Emotion, that he would vomit Choler, and his 
 Face be all in a Flame for Rage, fo that he 
 was not able to fpeak a Word. (7) And he or- 
 dered by a Proclamation, that none mould come 
 into his Prefence, who was confcious to himfelf, 
 that his Character was not clear in that Particu- 
 
 (h) Encolpius apud Lamprid. in Vita Alex. Ilium fi 
 unquam furem judicem vidiffet, paratum habuiffe digitum, 
 ut illi oculum erueret, tantum odium tenebat eorum de qui- 
 bus apud fe probatum effet, quod fures fuifient. 
 
 (i) At quot nunc digitis opus haberet Alexander ? Non 
 fi centimanus eflet, quelem Poetae fuum Briareum fingunt, 
 effet fatis. Ealduin. I. fit. 
 
 (k) Addit Septimius tanti flomachi fuiffe Alexandrum in 
 eos Judices, qui furtorum fama laboraffent, etiam fi damna- 
 ti non effent, ut fi eos cafu aliquo videret, commotione ani- 
 mi, ftomachi choleram evomeret, toto vultu iHardefcente ; 
 ica ut nihil pofletloqui. apud eund. Lamprid. I. c. 
 
 (I) Per praeconem edixit, ut nemo falutaret Principem, 
 qai fe furem effe noffet, ne aliquando deteftu* capitali fup- 
 plicio fubdcretur. Idem Lamprid, Lc.
 
 [TO] 
 
 kr ; left lie, being afterwards difcovered to be 
 fuch, mould undergo a capital Punifhment. But 
 Alexander Severus is too particular an Inftance tq 
 meet with the like. The Stomachs of Princes are 
 generally too ftrong to be moved at the Sight of 
 corrupted Magiftrates ; and fhould they revive 
 the fame Proclamation, their Courts would not 
 be fo fplendid and numerous as they are. 
 
 NUMBER XIII. 
 
 William King of Sicily, furnamed the Good, 
 &V.] As his Father William the Firft, for his 
 Cruelty and Avarice, deferved of his Subjects the 
 Name of the Bad, II Cattivo^ il Malo ; fo his 
 Son William the Second, who fuccceded him, 
 for his good Qualities and Actions, acquired the 
 Name of the Good, II Buono. So true it is that 
 often, (a) 
 
 Degenerant nati Patribus, vincuntque Parentes^ 
 Ingeniumque fuum retinent. 
 
 Tho* to degenerate for the worfe is more com- 
 monly obferved in the Sons of great and excel- 
 lent Men, than the contrary, (b) Fazello and 
 Cqftazzo, two noted Hiftorians of Sicily y who 
 have given us a full Account of this King's Life, 
 make no mention of this Act of his exemplary 
 Juftice -, neither have I been able to find out 
 from whence our Author had it. 
 
 As for the King of Perfia here mentioned, 
 Herodotus (c) informs us, that it was Cambyfes^ 
 ' the 
 
 (a) Manil. 1. 4. "j. 77. 
 
 (b) y. Spartian. in Vh. Sever, 
 (t) L. 5. *. 25
 
 the Judge condemned Sifamnes, and his Soil 
 Otanes. This Manner of putting People to 
 Death, viz. to flea them alive, was cuftomary 
 among the Perfians. (d) But we cannot fay, 
 that it was the ordinary Punifhment for cor- 
 rupt Judges, fince by the Teftimony of the 
 fame Herodotus^ (e) Darius condemned Sandoces^ 
 one of his Judges, for the fame Crime to be cru- 
 cified. But Cambyfefs Example was followed 
 by Artaxerxes, (/) with three corrupt Judges, 
 by fleaing them alive, and fpreading their Skins 
 upon the Judgment-Seats, on which their Suc- 
 ceflbrs were to fit. So that Ammianus Marcel- 
 linus cannot be excufed for queftioning the Fact 
 by faying, ( g ) ' Nam quod fuperfedere corio 
 ' damnati Judicis Judex alius cogebatur, aut 
 
 * finxit vetuftas, aut olim recepta confuqfudo 
 
 * ceflavit. That this Cuftom was not obferved 
 in his Time, we may believe him , but that 
 the Thing was never practifed, aut finxit ve- 
 tuftas^ is what he would not have faid, had he 
 been acquainted with the ancient Hiftory of 
 Perjta. 
 
 In latter Times I find Meemet the Second, 
 he that took CwJiantmGpk, to have dealt with 
 a Cadi (Judge) convicted of having fold Juftice 
 more than once, after the fame Manner, that 
 Cambyfes did with Sifamnes and Otanes. (h] He 
 flea'd the Judge alive, and appointed that the 
 
 Son 
 
 (d) V. BriJ/bn. dertgno Per/ar. I. 2. no. 217. 
 ft) L. 7 
 
 (f) Diodor. Sicul. /. 15. 
 
 (?) L. 23. circa finem. 
 
 (h) Theod. Spatutugino Comment, dclle Qng. de Principi 
 
 L. 23. circa faem. 
 Theod. Spatulug 
 Turcki, /. i./. 68.
 
 .[7f ] 
 
 Son, who fucceded him in the Poft, mould fit 
 on his Father's Skin fpread on a Tapeftry ; and 
 at the inftalling of him, told him, being in the 
 Pofture of a condemned Mam ' Mind 'well 
 
 * what Ifay^ as I have flea* d alive your Father ^ 
 
 * fo you may ajfure your felf Til do to you^ if you da 
 ' not obferve Juftice. 
 
 NUMBER XIV. 
 
 Aurelian was a very great Emperor ', &c.] 
 The Severity of Aurelian in puniming Crimes 
 was fuch, that made him pafs for a cruel, fierce, 
 and fanguinary Man , (a) and I do not doubt 
 he was by his Temper inclined to Cruelty, in- 
 fomuch that even many of thofe, who acknow- 
 ledge the Advantages and Glory the Roman 
 Empire acquired by his extraordinary Valour, 
 and Severity of Difcipline, will not reckon him 
 either among the good nor the bad Princes, be- 
 caufe he wanted Clemency, the firft and diftin- 
 guifhing Virtue of a Prince, (b) 
 
 Indeed a rigid and fevere Prince, tho* he in 
 other Refpects be a moft excellent one, yet will 
 never gain the general Love of the Subjecls. 
 And as fuch a Prince is more neceflary to a Na- 
 tion brought low, and plunged into Corruption 
 
 by 
 
 (a) Aurelianus quod negari non poteft feverus, truculen. 
 tuo, fanguinarius fuit Princeps. fipi/c. in vita. In the 
 
 fame Manner Eutrofius. Sasvus & fanguinarius animi 
 
 immcdici, & ad crudelitatem propenfioris - and Aure!. 
 Vil. fuit faevus & fanguinarius, & trux omni tempore. 
 
 (b) Aurelianara multi neque inter bpnos, neque inter 
 malos Principes ponunt idcirco, quod ei clenjentia Impefa- 
 torum dos prims defusrit. I'epife, /. c.
 
 [73 ] 
 
 by the Neglect of the Law, and Want of 
 good Difcipline, fo the more he is expofed to 
 the Ill-will, and Odium of the common Peo- 
 ple, who feduced by Ignorance and Licentiouf- 
 nence, not confidering the publick Good, 
 look upon Virtue and Difcipline as Cruelty and 
 Tyranny. This was Aurelian's Cafe ; fo that it 
 is no Wonder he was not generally beloved, but 
 feared, and confequently hated and blamed as too 
 cruel and fanguinary, tho* a very great Emperor. 
 (c] I do not pretend to juftify all his Actions, and 
 clear him from the Imputation of Cruelty ; but I 
 may venture to fay, that confidering the Corrup- 
 tion of thofeTimesboth in the Army an civil Admi- 
 ftration, we cannot but confefs,that it was a great 
 Happinefs for the Roman State to have had 
 fuch a Man as Aiirellan at the Head of it, in or- 
 der to preferve it. Thofe very Hiftorians, that 
 give him the Character of a cruel, fierce and, fan- 
 guinary Man, acknowledge neverthelefs at the 
 fame Time the good Effects his Cruelty produ- 
 ced. It was by the fevere and exemplary Pu- 
 nifhments that he kept the Army in good Or- 
 der and Difcipline i having ftruck fuch a Terror 
 on the Soldiers, that after a Fault had been 
 once chaftifed, it was never committed again. 
 (d} He puniihed in the fame Manner fecret and 
 L public 
 
 (c) Timer! ctepit, fays the fame Author, Princeps opti- 
 mus, non amari. Quuna alii dicerent perodiendum talem 
 Principem non optandum : Alii bonum quidem Medicum fed 
 tnala ratione curantem. I read here Perodiendum ir.ilead of 
 Perfodiendum. 7. Sa:maf. in Notis adb. L & Vo/. de Vitlis 
 Lat Serm. /. 4. c. 15. 
 
 (d) Fuii Severitatis immenfas, difciplinae ungularis- 
 
 Militibus ita timori fait, ut Tub eo poileaquam feme! cum 
 
 gcnti
 
 [74] 
 
 public Informers , (?) but above all, he fpared 
 no Torments nor Punimments againft corrupt 
 and rapacious Governors, and Officers of the Pro- 
 vinces, (f) And to mow that he had Regard to 
 no Peribn, and to give Example to others 
 from his own Family, he chaftifed his Slaves 
 and Domefticks feverely, and many of them as 
 Criminals he gave up to public Juftice to be 
 try'd by the Law. () By this Means he cor- 
 rected in great part the diflblute and debauched 
 Manners then reigning. ' Diflblutorum mo- 
 * rum magna ex parte corrector , as Eutropius 
 fays of him. If fo rigid and fevere a Conduct 
 could not intirely reform the Abufes and Cor- 
 ruptions, muft we think a mild and gentle one 
 would have done it ? No ; the Roman State 
 was then in fuch a Condition, that it was in need 
 of fuch an Emperor like Aurelian, (b] who by 
 making wholefome Laws, keeping a ftrict Dif- 
 cipline, and ftriking Terror with the Severity 
 of Punimments, could keep the State in Or- 
 der ; which he effectually did, having purged the 
 
 Em- 
 
 ingenti feveritate caftrenfia peccata correxit, nemo pecca- 
 
 verit. Id. Vopifc. I. c. Difciplinae militaris, & morum 
 
 diffolutorum magna ex parte coreeftor. Eutrop. in Vit. 
 Aurcl. L 9. 
 
 (e) Quadruplatores ac delatores ingenti feveritate perfe 
 catus eft Id. Vopifc. 
 
 (f) Fures provinciales repetundarum ac peculatus reos 
 ultra militarem modum eft perfecutus ut eos ingentibus fup- 
 pliciis, cruciatibulque puniret. Id. & durel. Vitt. 
 
 (g) Servos & Miniftros peccantes coram ie caedi jubebat 
 multos fervos e familia propria qui peccaverant, legibus 
 audiendos judiciis publicis dedit. Vopifc. 
 
 (b) Aureliano, Principi neceflario magis quam bono- 
 Vopifc.- Neceflarius magis in quibufdam quam in ullo ama 
 bills Imperator. Eutrop. L c.
 
 (7S1 
 
 Empire of all that was wicked, abominable, and 
 mifchievous, of Divifions and Factions, and 
 what difturbed the public as well as the private 
 Peace. (?) Who can after this blame Aurelian 
 for his Severity, and charge him with Cruelty, 
 and Thirft of human Blood ? In this View 
 we ought to confider Aurelian*?, Severity, which 
 could not but have appeared greater, than it real- 
 ly was ; fo as to be reputed an Excefs of Cruelty 
 by the greateft Part of the People of that cor- 
 rupt Age, and therefore he was look'd upon as 
 a Man unfit for it, that is to fay, he would not 
 condefcend to be corrupted as they were. It 
 was on this Confideration that the Emperor Va- 
 lerian would not intruft his Son Gallienus, and 
 the Army to his Care and Direction, preferring 
 P oft humus to him. () But nothing can convince us 
 better of how much Good Aure Han's Severity 
 was for the Roman Empire, than the Sentiment 
 the Senate, the People, and the Army exprefled 
 at his Death, and the Honours paid to his 
 Memory. The Good is never known but when 
 it is loft, according to that Italian Saying, 
 
 Nonfi conofce il ben fe nonfi perde. 
 
 The Senate was very fenfible of the Lofs of fo 
 
 great a Prince ; but much more was the People, 
 
 L 2 who 
 
 (i) Quicquid fane fcelerum fait, quicquid malse confci- 
 mse. vel etiam funeftorum, quicquid denique fa&ionum 
 Aurelianus toto penitus orbe purgavit. Vopifc. 
 
 (k) See Valerians Letter to the Conful Antonius Callus 
 on this Subjeft, reported by Vopifc. Among the reft he fays 
 of Aurelian, Nimius eft, multus eft, gravis eft, & ad noftra 
 am non facit tempora.
 
 [76] 
 
 who would openly call him, iToe tfutor and In- 
 ftruftor of the Senate. The Army buried him 
 with magnificent Pomp, and a {lately Monu- 
 ment, and a Temple was erected, and dedicated 
 to his Name, even by thofe, by whofe Hands 
 he had been {lain, repenting of what they had 
 done, and blaming their Credulity impofed on 
 by the falfe Suggeftion of one wicked Man ; and 
 at the Army's Requeft to the Senate he was con- 
 fecrated a God, and by his SuccefTor Statues were 
 dedicated to him. (/) Betides what greater 
 Proof can be given of the Advantages and Good 
 the Roman Empire reaped from Aureliatfs Con- 
 duct in governing, than to confider how after 
 his Death, when the Empire continued for fe- 
 veral Months without any Prince, or abfolute 
 Magiftrate at the Head of it (an unparalleled 
 Interregnum taken Notice of by the Hiftorians) 
 (m} How, I fay, all that while the Roman 
 State enjoy 'd a perfect Calm, without the leaft 
 Commotion of Change or Diforder. Peace and 
 Obedience among the People, and a perfect Har- 
 mony in the Army, and a refpected Authority in 
 the Senate , fo that in fo favourable a Conjuncture 
 for ambitious Men to invade the Government, 
 yet none was found to bold, as to make fuch an 
 Attempt, or mew by any Way his Inclination 
 to it. And what was more furprizing ? the pru- 
 dent and modefh Behaviour both of the Senate 
 and the Army, and the Deference they payM 
 each other in the Choice of a Perfon, that de- 
 ferved to fucceed Aurelian. From whence all this 
 
 Tran- 
 
 . (1) V. Vopjfc. andZoftm. I. i. in Aurd. 
 (m) Fofifc, in Tacit, Aurel. Viet.
 
 [77] 
 
 Tranquillity, Concord, and Order in fo dange- 
 rous a Time for the Roman Empire, but from 
 durelian's Severity and Difcipline ? It was this 
 that had wrought fo good a Difpofition of Mind 
 in every Part of the State, as to know and do 
 their Duty, and as Vopifcus fays, to fear them- 
 felves. (n) Nothing can be faid more glorious 
 of a Prince, than whztslurelms Viftor fays of Au~ 
 relian in the Character he gives of him, and 
 which confirms what I have faid concerning his 
 Severity. c Tantum ille vir feveritate atque 
 f incorruptis artibus potuit, ut facinorofis exitio ; 
 ' pravis merui , fecuritati bonis ; optimo cuique 
 * defiderio ; nemini infolentias atque oftentationi 
 eflet. (o) 
 
 (n) Ergo quod rarum & difficile fuit S. P. Q^R. perpef- 
 fus eft, ut imperatorem per fex menfes, dum bonus quseritur, 
 Refpublica non haberet. Quae ilia concordia Militum ? 
 <juanu Populi quies ? quam gravis Senatus authoritas fuerit ? 
 nullus ufquam Tyrannus emerlit ; fub judicio Senatus & Mi- 
 litum, Populique R. totus orbis eft temperatus, non illi 
 Principem quemquam ut re&e facerent, non tribunitiam po- 
 teftatem formidabant, fed quod eft in Vita optimum, fe 
 timebant. 
 
 (o) Thus I have taken the Liberty to correft the Paflage, 
 which according to the common Reading is very corrupted. 
 [// ejiti necis auftoribut exitio ; pravis metui, fimulata dubiis, 
 &c. 
 
 NUM.
 
 NUMBER XV. 
 
 Jbat King of Cyprus, fcfr .] The Character of 
 this King of Cyprus our Author had from Boc- 
 cace y in the yth Novel of the firft Day of his 
 Decamerone. Boccace does not mention his 
 Name, but only fays, he was the firft King of 
 Cyprus after the Taking ofjerufalem by Godfrey 
 of Bouillon ; from whence we may conclude, 
 that it was Guy de Luzignan, or Luzignen, or 
 Lujtgnan, (thus varioufly this Name is written ) 
 who firft took the Title of King of that Ifland, 
 (a) which he had bought from King Richard 
 the Firft of England^ on Condition he renoun- 
 ced to him all the Rights and Pretenfions he had 
 to the Kingdom of Jerufakm^ which he had 
 been difpoffefs'd of by Saladin. But the Charac- 
 ter of Guy de Luzignan^ by what I can find in 
 Hiftory, does not anfwer the Character of this 
 King of Cyprus ; fo that we muft fuppofe that 
 Boccace either took this Account from a common 
 Report, or that he had fome other Prince in 
 View, whom not willing to name, he defcribed 
 him as the firft King of Cyprus ; or perhaps the 
 whole Narration was a pure Invention of his. 
 But let that be as it will, the Contents of the No- 
 vel is as follows. ' A Gentlewoman of Gafco- 
 ' ny coming back from Jerufalem, where me 
 ' had been in Prilgrimage to vifit the Holy Se- 
 ' pulchre, in her Way landed in Cyprus, there 
 6 me met with very outrageous Treatment from 
 
 ' fome 
 
 (a) This happened in 119192.
 
 [79] 
 
 fome villainous, wicked Fellows ; for which 
 1 {he intended to lay her Complaints before the 
 ; King to have them punifhed : But me was 
 ; told, he lived a flothful Life, and was fo in- 
 ; dolent, that he not only did not punim the 
 
 * Injuries done to others, but in a moft fhame- 
 1 ful Manner patiently bore even his own. Tthe 
 1 Woman hearing this, and defpairing to obtain 
 1 Juftice from the King, neverthelefs me re- 
 1 folved to go to him, with no other Defign 
 1 than to tax him in a iharp, but modeft Man- 
 
 * ner with the miferable Condition he was in 
 ' by his flothful Way of Living. According 
 ' to this Refolution me prefented herfelf to the 
 c King, and told him, me was not come into 
 ' his Prefence to implore Juftice for the Wrong 
 ' done to her, but only to beg, he would teach 
 ' her how to bear Injuries ; having been inform- 
 ' ed, he bore them very eafily : That by his In- 
 
 * ftruclion me might alfo bear her own, which, 
 ' had it been poflible, me would have willingly 
 ' made over to him, who was fo patient in 
 ' bearing his ov/n. At thefe Words the King, 
 4 as awakened from a Sleep, begun from that 
 ' Time to punim very feverely them, that did 
 ' any Thing againft the Honour of his Crown ; 
 4 giving the firft Example of his Severity, by 
 
 * puniihing thofe Villains, who had injured and 
 ' abufed this Gentlewoman. 
 
 Such an Impreflion can a modeft Reproach, 
 when ufed at a proper Time, make on the 
 Mind of a miftalcen Prince in his Conduct, as to 
 render him fenfible of his Error, and to difpofe 
 him to take a better Courfe. Would a Prince's 
 Minifter and Favourite, whenever Neceflity re r 
 quires it, take the fame Liberty with his Matter" 
 
 that
 
 that this Stranger Woman did with the King 
 of Cyprus, he would aft more according to his 
 Duty, than by flattering and indulging his 
 Paflions and Inclinations ; which will confirm 
 him in the wrong Way he has taken to the Pre- 
 judice both of the Subjects, and his own Repu- 
 tation. 
 
 NUMBER XVI. 
 
 The Emperor Nero, &c.~] Suet on. c. 32. 
 ' Nulli delegavit officium, ut non adjiceret. 
 ' Scis quid mihi opus fit, & hoc agamus, ne 
 
 ' quis quidquam habeat Nero was an unpa- 
 
 rallelled Tyrant, a Tyrant above all Shame, and 
 without any Conduct. His Paffions were let 
 loofe to the abfolute Difpofal of Youth and 
 Power.The greater were the Extravagances of his 
 Tyranny, the greater he thought was his Glory. " 
 Had not he been fuch, he would have been 
 more refer ved in declaring his Mind fo freely to 
 thofe, whom he employed in public Charges. 
 It would have been enough to have chofe Per- 
 fons fit, and difpofed to plunder the People 
 without any further Inftruction. Perfons of 
 fuch a Difpofition there are never Wanting in a 
 Government. His rapacious and tyrannical 
 Ways of raifing Money was fo well known, 
 that whoever accepted any Employment under 
 him, could not be ignorant of what he ought to 
 do in order to pleafe him. The Choice of Per- 
 fons, who are to be intruded with the public 
 Administration is the Touch-ftone, by which 
 the Subjects will judge of their Prince's Charac- 
 ter, and his private Views ; which when once ma- 
 
 nifefted
 
 t 8' 1 
 
 mfefted, a Minifter cannot but underftarid the 
 Reafon, why he has been chofen to that Poi^ 
 and will act accordingly. The Choice itfelf car- 
 rying along with it the Condition, upon which 
 it is made i and tho* not exprefTed in Words, it 
 will be eafily underflood both by the Choofer 
 and the Chofen. 
 
 NUMBER XVII. 
 
 Alexander Mamaea, ^who put to a public 
 Death, and that by Smoak^ Turinus his chief Fa- 
 vourite, &c.] Alexander Severus is commonly- 
 called by the Name of his Mother Mamaa^ or 
 Mamma a-) as well on Account of the great 
 Refpect he paid to her (who had taken particu- 
 lar Care of his Education) as of the fuperior 
 Influence fhe had over him. We have in ano- 
 ther Place taken Notice of the peculiar Averfion 
 this truly great Emperor had for corrupt judges* 
 and public Officers, that oppreffed the People* 
 What our Author mentions here of him is rela- 
 ting to his Favourites. 
 
 The Conduct and Fall of Vetronius Turinus, 
 the Wifdom of Alexander in the Manner of 
 difcovering his ill Practices, and the Punifhmerrt 
 he inflicted on him may ferve for an Example 
 to Minifters and Favourites not to abufe the 
 Prince's Favour, and the Truft put in them , 
 and likewife to Princes to be very cautious in 
 choofing fuch Perfons, that are deferving of 
 their Favour, and Confidence , to be watchful 
 on their Conduct, and to punifh and reward 
 them accordingly j left they themfelves, as well 
 as fHeir Subjects, ihould fuffer by the Artifice*. 
 M of
 
 [ H2 ] 
 
 of their Favourites. I think therefore a full 
 Account of fuch an Example to be worth the 
 Reader's Attention, which I (hall give in the 
 Words of the Learned Dr. Watton^ (a] as defcri- 
 bed by Lampridius. () 
 
 * Turinu? was a Man, whom Alexander had 
 received into his Familiarity fo far, that he 
 pretended no Man had fo great an Intereft 
 with the Emperor as himfelf. He offered 
 his Service to any-body for Money to folli- 
 cite the Emperor for them ; and drove fo in- 
 famous a Trade, that it reflected upon Alex- 
 ander, whom the World believed to be very 
 weak, otherwife they could not imagine that 
 Turinus would fo long be fuffered ; for what 
 they fo publicly complained of could not, as 
 they thought, be a Secret at Court. At laft 
 Alexander began to fufpecl: him, but not being 
 willing to punifh him without certain Evidence, 
 took this Method to find him out. He or- 
 dered one whom he could confide in, to afk a 
 Boon of himfelf in public, and then command- 
 ed him to defire Turinus to ufe his hitereft 
 privately with the Emperor, and to fecond his 
 Petition at a fitting Opportunity. Turinus 
 willingly promifed his Afliftance ; and when 
 the Petitioner came again, tho* he had never 
 mentioned the Man's Cafe to the Emperor, 
 yet he told him he had, and did not queftion 
 Sjccefs , and upon that Hope demanded a 
 Sum of Money for his Pains, if he could pro- 
 
 ' cure 
 
 (A) In his Hijiory ofRomefrow the Death of Antoninus 
 us, fcfr. p. 464. 
 (l>) In Yita Altxand. SPV. inter. Hifl. Aug. Script.
 
 [83] 
 
 cure the Thing, which the Man fued for. 
 This Demand the Petitioner agreed to before 
 Witnefs, and acquainted the Emperor with it, 
 who immediately gave him the Thing, which 
 he was commanded to put in for at firft. <Tu- 
 rinus then came upon him for the Money, that 
 was agreed upon between them ; telling the 
 Man, that it was his Intereft that got him his 
 Requeft, tho* at the fameTime Turinus had ne- 
 ver fpoken a Word in his Behalf to the Em- 
 peror, as the Petitioner well knew. Upon 1u- 
 rinus's Demand, the Money was paid by the 
 Petitioner before Witnefs, and the whole Evi- 
 dence was laid before the Emperor. Alexan- 
 der then had Proof enough to convict him ; 
 but refolving to make him an effectual Exam- 
 ple to deter any-body elfe from ever ufing the 
 Emperor's Name to fuch a Purpofe, he com- 
 manded Enquiry to be made into the former 
 Behaviour or lurinus. And when he found 
 that lurinus made a common Practice of taking 
 Money on both Sides, efpecially of thofe who 
 wanted Governments and Prefidentmips of 
 Provinces, which had an Influence upon the 
 Adminiftration of Juftice throughout the Em- 
 pire, he commanded him to be tied to a Stake 
 in the Forum Tr an/it or ium^ wher6 all the Ci- 
 ty might fee him as they paft by, whilft the 
 Crier made this Proclamation, Let him peri/b 
 by Smoak, that fold it. 
 
 Ma N u M-
 
 [84] 
 
 NUMBER XVIII. 
 
 The Emperor Tiberius never did any 
 
 that pleafed fo much the Roman People^ as the 
 
 condemning to Death Sejanus, &c.~] The Marks 
 
 of the great Satisfaction the People of Rome 
 
 had in the Fall of Sejanus were feen in the 
 
 Manner how they treated him, and his Body 
 
 after Death. As foon as Sejanus was arrefted, 
 
 in his Way to the Prifon they infulted him with 
 
 Reproaches, Curfes, and a thoufand Indignities ; 
 
 not permitting him to cover his Face, and even 
 
 buffeted him. Pulled down and broke in Pieces 
 
 his Statues, and with Fury dragged them along 
 
 the Streets ; after the fame Manner did 
 
 they drag his dead Body for three Days, and 
 
 at laft threw it into the 'Tiber. The Obferva- 
 
 tion of Dion Caffius in the Defcription of Seja- 
 
 nus's Fall deferves to have a Place here, (a) ' Is 
 
 vero cafus humanam imbecillitatem egregie ob 
 
 oculos pcnit, monetque nufquam inflate fe 
 
 gerere. Quern enim mane, ut pneftantiorem 
 
 fe, univerfi ad curiam comitati fuere, tune 
 
 quafi nequaquam fe meliorem, in carcerem ra- 
 
 puerunt : Quern coronis ante dignati fuerant, 
 
 ei turn vincula induxerunt : Quern tanquam 
 
 Dominum ftipaverant, eum fugitivi inftar cu- 
 
 ftodierunt, tegimenque obvelanti fefe, detraxe- 
 
 runt : Quern vefte purpura prsetexta ornave- 
 
 rant, ei caput verberabant : Cui genua flexe- 
 
 rant, ac ut Deo facrificaverant, eum turn ad 
 
 mortem duxerunt. The Senate, to fhew how 
 
 (*) Lib. 58. p. 628. 
 
 fenfible
 
 fenftble they were of the Deliverance from fo bad 
 a Minifter, voted that none (hould mourn for 
 -him, the Statue of Liberty tq be fet up in the 
 Forum, and what was never known before, a 
 Feftival Day to be kept for i{ by the Artprity 
 of all the Magistrates and Ppntigs i anej every 
 Year upon the Day of Sfjaqus's C>eath a Fefti-^ 
 yal to be celebrated with, public Spirts, &ff. 
 Yet this very Senate, that now in fueh an extra-, 
 ordinary Manner was rejoicing for <%'<?# j's. 
 Death, that had arrefted and condemned him * 
 this very Senate, I fay, the fame P$y he was 
 arrefted, before Tiberiufs Let$e.? was read, 
 praifed, and flatter'd him w^th gQp4 "Wimes 
 and Acclamations ; thinking the Lettey contained 
 his Advancement to the Dignity and Office of 
 the Tribune, by which they prornifed themfelves 
 great Hopes, and were fo fure of the Succefs, 
 that they would boaft of what they were to re- 
 ceive from him, as if they had been a&mlly in 
 Poffeffion of it. But as foon as the Contents of 
 the Letter were known, he was immediately 
 abandoned by all ; every one me,wing fris Aver- 
 fion for him : Infomuch, that thofe wretched 
 Sycophants his Creatures, who fat near him, at 
 the hearing of the Letter, left their Pkces, as a 
 Declaration, that they had nothing to da with 
 fp infamous a Perfon. : Such is the Conduct 
 of a corrupt Senate. Sejanufs Fall ought to be 
 an, inftructive LefTon for a Minifter of State. 
 He'll learn by it to behave himfelf with Modefty 
 and Humility, not with Pride and Inference. 
 k How little he is to depend on his Matter's Fa- 
 * vour and Protection : HOW lefs/ to truft to, h,is 
 Friends and Creatures : And how dangerous it is 
 to incur the common People's Difpteafure and 
 hatred. N u M-
 
 [86 J 
 
 NUMBER XIX. 
 
 The Hatred the People of Florence had for the 
 Duke of Athens, &c.] Gualtieri or Gtialtiero 
 in Italian, the fame with the French, Gautier, 
 and the Englfo, Walter. This and not Ugo, as 
 Summonte calls him, (a] was the Name of this 
 Duke of Athens. He was the Sixth of that Name 
 Count of Brienne, a Town of Champagne in 
 France, which with the Title of Count gave the 
 Name to that moft noble and ancient Family. 
 () The Italian Writers call it Brenna (c) by a 
 Corruption of the French Brienne, or the Latin 
 Brienna. He is by the Hiftorians more com- 
 monly ftyled Duke of Athens. That Duke- 
 dom had by Marriage defcended from the Fa- 
 mily de la Roche to that of Brienne, but they 
 were difpoflefTed of the Dominion , fothat Gual- 
 tieri was in reality but a titular Duke of Athens. 
 He was brought up at the Court of Robert 
 King of Naples, co whom he was related, and 
 by whom he was twice fent to Florence on the 
 following Occafions. 
 
 In the Year 1326, the Florentines were much 
 infefted by Caftruccio Caftracani, Sovereign of 
 Lucca, a warlike and ambitious Man, and a 
 powerful Enemy, who the Year before had de- 
 feated their Army. In this State of Affairs 
 
 (a) Hijl. di Napolit. I. 3. in the Life of King Robert. 
 
 (b) V. Moreri Artie. Brienne. 
 
 (c) I find it alfo writ Sretufa by Miftake, if 'tis not a 
 Fault of the Preis. 
 
 they
 
 [87] 
 
 they refolved to put themfelves under a Prince, 
 in order to be better able by his Conduct and 
 Management to withfland Caftruccio, and to 
 defend and fecure their Territory againft his 
 Power and Attempts. Charles Duke of Cala- 
 bria, King Robert's Son, was at that Time a 
 moft renowned Prince for his Virtue and good 
 Qualities. Him they chofe for their Mafter 
 on certain Conditions agreed upon, that the 
 Liberty of the Government might bepreferved. 
 The Duke Charles, being then taken up in rai- 
 ting an Army to carry on the War againft Sicily, 
 could not immediately go to Florence ; but to 
 lofe no Time to accept fo honourable and ad- 
 vantageous an Offer, the King his Father fent 
 Gualtieri in the Duke's Name to take PoflerTion 
 of the Government, with Power to act as Deputy 
 in his Son's Abfence. In that fhort Time of his 
 Adminiftration (the Duke of Calabria coming 
 foon after) he difcharged his CommirTion and 
 Duty in fo difcreet and moderate a Manner, as 
 to gain the general Approbation and Affection 
 of the Florentines, leaving behind him at his 
 Departure a good Opinion of his Wifdom and 
 Prudence. The Death of Caftruccio Caftraca- 
 ni, which happened in 1328, delivered Florence 
 from the Fear and Jealoufy of that formidable 
 Enemy ; and foon after in the fame Year died 
 the Duke of Calabria. From that Time the Flo- 
 rentines had no Prince over them till the Year 
 1342, when finding themfelves difappointed of 
 taking Lucca, and duTatisfied with their General 
 Malatefta's Conduct, they thought neceflary 
 both to repair the Lofs, and to fettle Order at 
 Home, to have a foreign Prince at the Head of 
 their Government. They turned their Thoughts 
 
 on
 
 [88 J 
 
 oh Gutiliieri) as a Man, who had given them for- 
 ifierly fbrhe Prodf of his Abilities. In order to 
 St, they addr'effed themfelves to King Robert^ 
 Who willingly ferit him over to them. Others 
 fay, that they reqtifcfted the King for a Prince 
 Without naming any one in particular, but that 
 the King propofed Gttaliiefi ; confidering he 
 would be acceptable to them on the Account 
 of his former Behaviour. Let this be as it 
 will, Gtidliieri (Game the fecond Time to Plo- 
 retice, received by the People with all Appro- 
 bation arid Marks of Refpecl. It was then, 
 that at the Inftigation and Management of the 
 Party of the Nobles, and their Adherents, and 
 by Cabals j Briberies, and Treachery Gualtiefiwas 
 made Sovereign of Florence for Life, to the Pre- 
 judice of the People's Rights and Liberty, (d) 
 So true it is, that free Nations by their own 
 Folly, and Corruption work for themfelves 
 the Chains they are enflaved with ; for 'tis im- 
 pofflble for a foreign Prince to make himfelf 
 Mafter (if the Liberties of any Country without 
 the Afliftance of a Party. As foon as Gtialtieri 
 was put at the Head of the Government, he 
 loft neither Time nor Opportunity to make him- 
 felf absolute Mafter of it , ufing all the unjuft 
 and tyrannical Means to opprefs the People. He 
 burdened them with heavy Taxes, Duties, and 
 other Iriipofitions. He raifed Troops out of 
 
 (A) A particular Account of the Tranfaftion of this 
 Affair, as well as the tyrannical Government of Gualtieri t 
 may be read in Villcmi, Amtnirato, an4 other Florentine 
 1-f iftorians, and in the Life of Gualtleri written by Sifaano 
 {, among the Viie di ^jtattfo bttotfiini illuftri. Flor. 
 p. 51. &/(j. 
 
 his
 
 his own Nation. He preferred Strangers, and 
 Men of no Worth to Pods and Dignities. He 
 perfecuted thofe he thought to be againft him, 
 and put Men to Death without any Regard to 
 Juftice or Pity : And, what was more odiaus to 
 the Italian Nation, he debauched the Modefty 
 and Chaftity of the Women by introducing 
 French Modes and Manners. All thefe Excefles 
 he pretended to juftify by fome Pretext or 
 other ; as to make neceflary Provifions for the 
 Defence and Support of the Republic : To reward 
 Merit, and do ftricl Juftice : To fettle Tranquillity 
 and Peace at Home, and to poliih. the Nation, 
 by living and converfing after the polite Falhion 
 of foreign Courts. Gualtieri wanted neither 
 Minifters nor Officers to approve and execute 
 his evil Defign, and they were, as ufually Mi- 
 nifters are in fuch Cafes, no lefs rapacious and 
 tyrannical than their Mafter. William d'Affji 
 (e) was one of them, who had under him the 
 Poft of Confervadore del Popolo^ fo violent and 
 cruel a Man, that he feemed to take Pleafure in 
 the Shedding of human Blood. He was intirely 
 at Gualtierfs Devotion, and would ftick at no- 
 thing to ferve him ; having no regard to the Li- 
 berty of his Country, neither fparing his 
 Coutrymen's Lives and Fortunes'. Gualtierfs 
 Conduct at laft was fuch, that rendered himfelf 
 odious to all. No lefs than three Confpiracies 
 iN were 
 
 (e) Villani calls him Giulio <T Afcefi. 4feji and JJfifi is 
 the fame, the Variation comes from the Difference of" the 
 Pronunciation. The Florentines fay dfcefi for dffiji, as Dante 
 Parad. (. 1 1 . It is a Town in the Ecclefiaftical State in 
 Umbria. I find him alfo called da Scefi, and da Sift but I 
 fuppofe by Fault of the Prefs.
 
 [f] 
 
 were formed againft him at the fame time, and 
 what is more fbrprifing, each was igno- 
 rant of the other ; tut at laft breaking out, and 
 having joined together, a general Infurrection 
 was made againft him ; they befieged his Palace, 
 refolved to have him dead or alive in their 
 Hands. It was then, that the People would 
 never be brought to hear of any Accommoda- 
 tion before he had given them up the faid Wil- 
 liam rfdfffii his Son, and another of his Fa- 
 vourites. To which Demand the Duke was 
 forced to yield, to fave his own Life. The Man- 
 ner how William tfAJJifi, and his Son were put 
 to Death by the enraged Multitude, is not to 
 be defcribed without Horror. The Injuries 
 were fo frefh, the Hatred fo exceffive, and the 
 Defire of recovering the anc ; ent Liberty fo im- 
 patient, that no Room was left for Reafon and 
 Pity to work on their Minds. They like hun- 
 gry Wolves fell at firft on his Son, a tender 
 Youth not above twenty Years old , but neither 
 the Age, nor the Beauty of his Perfon, nor his 
 Innocency could fave him from their Fury and 
 Rage He was in a mcft barbarous Manner 
 killed, and torn to pieces before the Father's 
 Eyes, as a Victim for his Crimes, and himfelf 
 afterwards underwent the fame Fate. But their 
 Third of Vengeance was not quenched with the 
 Blood they had med. His dead Body was ex- 
 pofed to all the mod ignominious and cruel 
 Treatment They would with curious Eyes 
 look into the Wounds, and feel them with their 
 Hands ; and that all the Senfes might have a 
 Share in the Vengeance, they bit and ate the 
 Flefti, which fome of them, to make it more re- 
 Jiihing to the Palate, dreffed as Meat. 
 
 Thus
 
 [9'] 
 
 Thus the wicked Minifter with his Son fell a 
 Victim of the People inftead of his Mafter. 
 After this the Multitude's Fury was aftwaged, 
 permitting Gualtieri to go away from Florence 
 on Conditions. Such an End had Gualtierfs 
 ufurped Sovereignty, a violent but very mort 
 one, having lafted not a Year. The fforen- 
 tines, to exprefs their Joy, and to give Thanks 
 to God for the Delivery from his Tyranny, and 
 the Recovering of their Liberty, appointed an 
 annual Feftival to be celebrated on that Day, (f) 
 and folemnized like Rafter-Sunday with a proper 
 Office, and Offerings in the Name of the Com- 
 mon, and all the Companies of the Arts. 
 
 Gualtieri is not only to be blamed as unjuft in 
 attempting to ufurp the Goverment of Florence^ 
 inftead of being the Protector of it, which he 
 was called in for ; but alfo for his impolitical 
 Conduct in the Purfuit of his Intent. The 
 wrong Steps he took in this Regard were fo ma- 
 ny, that it would be too long to examine them 
 here. Perhaps I mall have an Occafion of do- 
 ing it another Time. It will be enough for the 
 prefent, to take Notice of the Want of Courage 
 he (hewed at laft, in capitulating with the Floren- 
 tines^ and going away in fo mameful a Manner. 
 Since he was once brought to that Pafs, either 
 to die or conquer, he ought, inftead of fhutting 
 himfelf up with his Friends in his Palace, to 
 have with thofe few Forces he had, withftood 
 the Fury of the People, and try, the Fortune of 
 Arms ; and tho' in a bad Caufe, choofe rather 
 to die like a valiant Man, than to furrender him- 
 N 2 felf 
 
 ( t) The z6th of Julj, St. Annd* Feftival,
 
 [92] 
 
 felf on fo ignominious Conditions. Victory 
 might have eftablifhed his Power, and Death 
 would have preferved to Pofterity his odious 
 Name, but with the Eloge of a brave and re- 
 folute Man, like Cataline by Flcrus. Pulcher- 
 * rima morte fi pro patria fie concidi/Tet. Or Cu- 
 c rio by Lucan. ' Fortis Virtute coafta. But 
 Bravery and Refolution are feldom to be found 
 in a cruel tyrannical Mind. The Confcience cf 
 the Crimes (hatches the Arms from the Hand 
 of a Tyrant, and turns them againft him, who 
 not daring to withftand her Threatnings, pur- 
 fued every- where by her, runs away as a Coward 
 with Trembling and Confufion. 
 
 NUMBER XX. 
 
 Duke Valentin (a] Rimirro da Oreo] Our 
 
 Author exprefly fays, that Rimirro da Orcc, or 
 Remiro d'Orco as we read in Macbiavelj was be- 
 headed Col far tagiiar la left a. And with 
 
 him 
 
 (a) In Saxfe-vino's Hiftory of the Family of the Orfai, he 
 is called Oreo Rimi.ro, but no doubt by the Printer's Fault. 
 Our Author call? him Rimirro : Mackiafoel t Remiro. one of 
 the Er.glij'b 1 ranflatv^rs Romiro. All thefe Varieties are 
 from ti:e Difference of" the Pronunciation. I take the Name 
 to be the fame with the Spanljb Ramiio, or Ramirez. The 
 Latin Authors have rendered it Remerus, and Remirtu Orctu, 
 as if the Surname had been Oreo, and fo he is called by 
 Santacroce \Sccretaria tT Apollo, fag. C>3-] Remiro Oreo. I 
 \vculd rather have faid de Oreo, becaufe I think the -urnamc 
 to have been taken frcm the Place \\here he nas born, or 
 from whence the Fsmiiy came. In the Country of Brefcia 
 there are two Towns called by the fame Name Orci, diitiu 
 guiihtd by Veccbi and NW-TM the lail is more renowned.
 
 [93 1 
 
 him agrees Forftner (b}. Remirum Orcum 
 
 Capite plefti jufjit. The French Tranflator (c) 
 of Macbiavel. Couper fa fete. And both the 
 
 Englijh Tranflators. His Head chopt off His 
 
 Head to be ft ruck off. Thus rendering Macbia- 
 vel's Words, Lo fece mettere in duoi pezzi. I 
 will fet down the whole Paflage of Machia- 
 vel, not only for the Reader's better Informa- 
 tion concerning this Action of Duke Valentine^ 
 which that Politician takes a moft particular No- 
 tice, and gives a full Account of : But alfo to 
 mark fome Faults committed by the French and 
 Englijh Tranflators of this Paflage (d). c E 
 perche quefta parte e degna di notizia, & da 
 efler imitata da altri, non voglio lafciarla in 
 dietro. Prefo che hebbe il Duca la Romagna, 
 trovandola efler ftata comandata da Signori im- 
 potenti, quali piu tofto haveano fpogliato i loro 
 fudditi che correttoli, & dato loro piu materia 
 di difunione che d'Unione, tanto che quella 
 Provincia era piena di latrocinii, di Brighe, & 
 d'Ogni altra forte d'Infolenza, giudico necefla- 
 rio a volerla ridurre pacifica & obediente al 
 braccio Regio, darli unbuono governo. Pero 
 vi prepofe mefler Remiro d'Orco, huomo cru- 
 dele & expedite, al quale dette pieniilima po- 
 tefta. Coftui in brieve tempo la riduffe paci- 
 fica & unita con grandiflima riputatione. Di 
 poi giudico il Duca non effere a propofito fl 
 eccefliva autorita, perche dubitava non diven- 
 
 ' tafle- 
 
 (b) Not. Polit. in Com. Tacit. Annul. I i. fag. 32. et. 
 Trancof. 1662. in S<vo. 
 
 (c) Gafpar Daufvergne. Raven 1577. in izmo. 
 
 (d) In his Book // Principe, cap. 7.
 
 [ 94} 
 
 c tafle odiofa. Prepofevi un giudicio civile nel 
 
 * mezzo della Provincia, con un Prefidente ec* 
 c cellentiffimo, dove ogni Citta havea 1'A vvoca- 
 
 * to fuo. Et perche cognofceva ]e rigorofita 
 ' paflate haverli generato qualche odio, per pur- 
 ' gare gli animi di quelli Popoli, & guadagnar- 
 
 * fell in tutto, volfe moftrare che fe crudelta al- 
 ' cuna era feguita, non era nata da lui, ma da 
 ' 1'acerba natura del Miniftro. Et prefo foprd. 
 ' quefto occafione, lo fece mettere una mattina 
 ' in duoi pezzi a Cefena in fu la piazza, con un 
 ' pezzo di legno & un coltello fanguinofo a 
 ' canto. La ferocita del quale fpettacolo fece 
 ' quelli popoli in un tempo rimanere fodisfatti & 
 4 ftupidi 
 
 We nave two Engli/h Tranflations of Machia- 
 vefs Prince, one by Edward Dacres, and ano- 
 ther by an anonymous Hand, and which is 
 printed in the Edition of Macbtavel's Works 
 in Folio , according to this the above quoted Ita- 
 lian Paflage, is thus tranflated. ' And becaufe 
 this Part is not unworthy to be known for 
 Imitation's Sake, I will not pafs it in Silence. 
 When the Duke had poffefs'd himfelf of Ro- 
 magna, finding it had been governed by poor 
 and inferior Lords, who had rather robbed 
 than corrected their Subjects, and given them 
 more occafion for Difcord than Unity ; info- 
 much as that Province was full of Robberies, 
 Riots, and all Manner of Infolencies, to reduce 
 them to Unanimity and Subjection to Monar- 
 chy, he thought it neceflary to provide them a 
 good Governor, and thereupon he conferred 
 that Charge upon Romiro d'Orco with abfolute 
 Power, tho* he was a cruel and a paflionate 
 Man. Oreo was not long before he had 
 
 fettled
 
 fettled it in Peace, with no fmall Reputation 
 to himfelf. Afterwards, the Duke apprehend- 
 ing fo large a Power mi^ht grow odious to the 
 People, he erected a Court of Judicature in 
 the- middle of the Province, in which every 
 City had its Advocate ; and an excellent Per- 
 fon was appointed to prefide. And becaufe 
 he difcover'd, that his pafs'd Severity had 
 created him many Enemies ; to remove that 
 ill Opinion, and recover the Affection of the 
 People, he had a Mind to mow, that if any 
 Cruelty had been exercifed, it proceeded not 
 from him, but from the Arrogance of his Mi- 
 nifter ; and for their further Confirmation, he 
 caufed the faid Governor to be apprehended, 
 and his Head chop'd off one Morning in the 
 Market-place at Cefena, with a wooden Dag- 
 ger on one Side of him, and a bloody Knife 
 on the other ; the Ferocity of which Spectacle 
 not only appeas'd, but amaz'd the People for 
 a while.' I'll not take upon myfelf at pre- 
 fent, to examine how exact and faithful is the 
 abovefaid Tranflation, and that of Dacres y in 
 every Particular. I mail only take Notice in 
 them both of fome Miftakes, and thofe in par- 
 ticular, that regard the Manner of Remiro d* 
 Oreo's Death. In the firft Place he mifunderftood 
 the Meaning of thofe Words. Et prefo fopra quefta 
 occafione^ by tranflating them. And for their fur- 
 ther Confirmation he caufed the fame Governor to be 
 apprehended. And in the like Manner Dacres, 
 laying hold on him ; as if prefo was to be refer- 
 red to Remiro d'Orco ; and fopra quflo to the 
 People. Whereas prefo is to be join'd with occa- 
 fione. Prefo occajionc^ having taken hold of the 
 Occafion. And fopra quefic, to the Duke's De- 
 
 fign.
 
 [96] 
 
 fign. So that MachiavePs Meaning is, that the 
 Duke Valentine? in order to perfuade the People 
 that thofe Cruelties formerly committed, did not 
 proceed from him, and fo to gain the Affection 
 of the People, which he had loft on that Ac- 
 count, charged his Governor Remiro d'Orco 
 with them ; and upon this he took hold of the 
 Occafion to put him to death. The French 
 Tranflator hasjuftly exprefled the Ssnfe of the 
 Words. Si bien que frenant occafion fur eel a 
 
 In the fecond Place, both the Engtifh Tranfla- 
 tors, as well as the French^ make Mcahiavel fay, 
 that Remiro d'Orco was beheaded in the Market- 
 place of Cefena ; whereas the true Meaning of 
 what he fays, is, that the Duke caufed one 
 Morning to be expofed to the publick View, in 
 the Market-place at Cefena, the Body of Remiro 
 d'Orco cut in two, according to the Latin 
 Tranflation made by Syhefter Telttts, (e) ' Atque 
 ad hanc rem ornandam(are his Words)occafione 
 arrepta judicem ilium, Remerum Orcum, in 
 duas partes difciflum fummo quodani mane 
 frufto ligni, ac cruento gladio ad ejus latus 
 aptato, in Cefenatiurn medio foro ftratum de- 
 
 ponendum curavit 
 
 Laurenzo Capelloni, an Italian Author too, 
 relates this Fact after the fame Manner, according 
 to the French Tranflation of his Work. (I have 
 not the Italian Copy by me (/.) ' Le fit un 
 ' matin mettre fur la place de Cefena en deux 
 
 (e) Sifafftro Teglh, an Italian of Ftiligno, in the Dutchy 
 of fpo'eto, and one of thofe learned Men, that left Italy on 
 Account of Religion in the i6//-> Century. 
 
 (f) Les divers Difccurs, printed at!T;tf/ J S95> in 8^^. 
 
 ' pieces
 
 ..,, 
 
 * pieces fur une table. Trajano Boccalini affo" 
 lays, that Remiro d'Orco was quarter'd. He 
 does not mention his Name, but 'tis evident 
 by the Narration of the Fact, that he means 
 Remiro d'Orco (V) * II Duca Valentino doppo 
 haver fatte commettere un infinita di fceleratez- 
 ze dal fuo Vicario criminale nelle Citta di Ro- 
 magna, motlrando che tutto fufle fucceduto 
 contro la fua ottima intentione, confegno il 
 povero Giudice all* imprecationi e befternie de, 
 Popoli, che lo vollero in quarti. 
 In the third place, the French Tranflator has 
 not thefe Words. Con un pezzo di legno & un col- 
 tello fanguinofo a canto^ a Particular that was not 
 to be neglected in fo remarkable an Execution. 
 But the Englift) Tranflators have quite alter'd the 
 Meaning. The Anonymous has very ridicu- 
 loufly transformed un pezzo di legno, a Piece of 
 Wood, into a wooden Dagger , and E. Dacres, 
 into a Gibbet : he was left upon a Gibbet with 
 
 a bloody Sword by his Side And Capelloni 
 
 makes this Piece of Wood to be a Leaver, avec 
 un Levier. The Piece of Wood, and the 
 bloody Knife were laid on each Side of his Body, 
 I imagine, as the Inftruments of the Death 
 he was put to* that is, killed* and cut in 
 two, as Butchers do Sheep ; and by this to ftrike 
 Terror on the People. 
 
 . The faid Englijh Tranfiators have committed 
 another Fault in rendering in un tempo for a 
 while. They fhould have faid* at once, or at 
 the fame 'Time , that is, the People were fatif- 
 fy'd and furpris'd at the fame Time. 
 
 (g) Offer*, fopra gli An. di C. TacitO, A imo, p. 66. 
 li. 1677. in 4/. 
 
 O The
 
 [98] 
 
 The Fad being thus, as it is defcribed by 
 Macbiavel, how can it be faid with our Author, 
 that Remiro d'Orco was beheaded ? M&chiaveFs 
 Authority in what concerns the Duke Valentine's 
 Actions, is, without difpute, to be preferred 
 to any other Writer , confidering the Time he 
 liv'd in, and the Knowledge he had of the Duke 
 Valentine's Affairs. Neither do I remember to 
 have met with any other Author contemporary, 
 that has made mention of it. But what more 
 furprifcs me, is, that Tomafo 1'omafi, who many 
 Years after Macbiavel writ the Life of that 
 Duke at large ; and Gregorio Leti^ who gave a 
 new Edition of Toma/Ps Work, with Notes and 
 Additions ; yet both have been fo negligent, as 
 not to take Notice of it. I know no other way 
 to reconcile our Author's with Macbiavel's Ac- 
 count, than to fuppofe, as it is commonly prac- 
 tifed in the like Executions, that Remiro d'Orco 
 was beheaded at firft, and afterwards his Body 
 cut into two ; and then expos'd to the publick 
 View. This was the Spectacle that Macbiavel 
 calls fierce. La Ferocita del quale Spcttacolo ; 
 which he could not have faid, had Remiro d* 
 Oreo been- only beheaded. Such an Execution 
 having nothing of extraordinary Cruelty in it. 
 Befides, had he been only beheaded, to what 
 Intent could the bloody Knife have been expos'd 
 to the People's View ? Inftead of Coltello Knife, 
 Machiavel would have &AMannaia, which is the 
 proper Inftrument for beheading, ufed in L'aly ; 
 from whence I fuppofe the Scotch Name Maiden 
 may be derived. I know no other Particular of 
 this Prefident of Romagna Remiro d'Orco but 
 
 what
 
 [ 99] 
 
 what I read in Sanfovino (/') : which is, that Pope 
 Alexander the VI/, with his Son the Duke Va- 
 lentine^ intending by Treachery to feize on the 
 Eftate of Guido Ealdo da Monlefeltro, Duke of 
 Urbino, and at the fame Time on his Perfon to 
 put him out of the World, the Pope had before- 
 hand fent Order to Remiro d'Orco to march 
 with a great Army againft the Town of San 
 Leo, under Colour of purfuing the Banditi -, but 
 in reality, to lie in wait for Guido Baldo, in cafe, 
 that efcaping from Valentine's Power, he mould 
 go there to fave himfelf, as they thought he 
 would in all Probability do, that Town being 
 in his Territory, and a very ftrong and fortified 
 Place. In fact, Guido Baldo^ at the hearing that 
 Valentine's Troops had furpris'd fome Places in 
 his State, run away from Urlino^ taking the 
 Road of San Leo ; and he would infallibly have 
 fallen into Remiro's Hands, had not he by Pro- 
 vidence met a Shepherd, who gave him notice 
 of the Danger he was in, and conducted him 
 through Bye- ways out of the Territory of Ur- 
 bino into that of Cefena^ a Town then under the 
 Dominion of the Venetians. 
 
 The Fate, that Remiro d'Orco met with from 
 his Mafter Valentine, commonly attends a Mini- 
 fter, who is the Inftrument of the Matter's Ty- 
 ranny. He is not only hated by the People, that 
 iuffer and groan under it, but by his Mafter alfo, 
 who, being confcious that himfelf is the Author 
 of what the Minifter has- done, looks upon him 
 with a fufpicious and fearful Eye, as an Accufer 
 and Reproacher of his wicked Will and Actions. 
 
 (i) Hi/I, di Cafa Orfina, lib. 9. p. 128. 
 
 O2 So
 
 SD that he'll be ready on any Occafion, to iay 
 the Blame on him, and facrifice him to the 
 People's Wrath and Indignation ; and by this 
 means attempt to free himfelf from the Imputa- 
 tion of Cruelty'among his Subjects, and the Fear 
 of being reproach'd with his Crimes while his 
 Minifter continues in Favor and unpunilh'd. 
 4 Cmdelitatis Miniftri, fays a Politician (}, ut 
 e exprobrantes a Principibus afpiciuntur, adeoque 
 c haud raro omnis fasvitije infamia in hos exone- 
 * ratur. 
 
 NUMBER XXI. 
 
 In the Beginning of Nero'j Empire.'] The firft 
 five Years of Nero's Reign were remarkable not 
 only for the wholefome Regulations and Laws 
 then enacted j but alfo for the Marks he gave of 
 his good Difpofition to Liberality, Clemency, 
 and Affability, which he neglected no Occafion 
 to mew (a). Infomuch that it was by fome re- 
 ported, the Emperor Trajan was wont to fay, 
 that all the former Princes fell very mort of the. 
 ve Years of Nero (b). Had Nero continued in 
 the fame Way thro' the whole Courfe of his 
 Life, his Name, no doubt, would have been 
 remember'd with Honor ; whereas now, from 
 what he did afterwards, it is mentioned with 
 Horror and Deteftation, and is become the Name 
 of a moft infamous and execrable Tyrant. But 
 
 (k) FcrJJner. Not. Polit. ad C. Tacit. Anna!. 1. 3. p. m. 
 441. 
 
 (a) Sueton. in Ner. c. i o. 
 
 (b) Aurel. Via. Epitt. 
 
 from
 
 from whence was this great Change in Nerd's 
 Conduct ? From the Indulgence, as Dion Cqffius 
 obferves (c} y of Burrus and Seneca, whofe Care 
 and Direction he was committed to, and who 
 had the greateft Sway with him. Theie two 
 Men, tho* much efteem'd for Wifdom and Pru- 
 dence , yet the more they ought to be blamed 
 for the wrong Way they took with Nero, to bring 
 him to the Knowledge of Virtue, and the Ap- 
 plication to publick Affairs. He was a young 
 Man, naturally inclined to Pleafures and Vices, 
 and averfe from good and ferious Application. 
 They, inftead of curbing in fome meafure the 
 Violence of his Paflions, rather encouraged them 
 in a full Career, by fuffering him to follow his 
 own Pleafures and Diveriions. This they did, 
 according to Dion's Acccount, thinking that 
 Courfe of Nero's Life would be of no great Pre- 
 judice to the State, and that by a full Enjoyment 
 of Pleafures he would foon grow tired, and 
 know by Experience the Vanity and Weaknefs 
 of them ; fo that of his own Accord, they hoped, 
 he would renounce them, and take a better Turn. 
 A very ftrangc Way of thinking ! But who can 
 believe,two fuch wife Men, asBurrus and Seneca^ 
 to have been ignorant, or not have confidered, 
 that a young Man wilfull, fenfible of his fuperior 
 Power, and brought up in the greateft Luxury, 
 and to an entire Liberty, far from growing tired 
 of Plea/ures by the Enjoyment of them, would 
 not be 'more corrupted and debauched? That 
 Men become very wicked by Degrees, and not 
 all at once. That Crimes, like Rings in a Chain, 
 
 (c) Itf.6i. 
 
 draw
 
 [ 102 ] 
 
 draw on one another, is To plain and evident by 
 Reafon and Experience, that no Man of any 
 Senfe and Knowledge of the World could ever 
 have been ignorant of it, much lefs Burrus and 
 Seneca. Betides it was too notorious for to 
 doubt of Nero's vicious Nature. She difcovered 
 herfelf very early, and tho' at the Beginning me 
 did work but flovvly and privately, and under 
 the Shelter of Youth (an Age fubject to Errors 
 and Irregularities) yet even then fhe was fo ftrong 
 and active, that any Body could not but fee, 
 that Nero's Vices were by Nature implanted 
 in him ; fo that they were tier's, and not the 
 Vices of Youth (cT). And who mould or 
 could have fooner, and better known Nero's 
 Temper and Inclinations, but thofe two great 
 wife Men, who were conftant Attenders upon 
 him, knew him from his Infancy, and whofe 
 Direction and Inftruction he had been intruded 
 to ? Was it not then their Duty to have ufed a 
 moft particular Diligence, andimployed the fitteft 
 Means imaginable to prevent the Growth, if not 
 poflible to extirpate thofe vicious Seeds by a 
 timely and good Difcipline ; and not, as they 
 did by their Indulgence, fupply them with frem 
 Nourimment, fo as to let them take a deeper 
 Root ? Can we charge them with fo grofs a 
 Miftake ? No. What mail we think of them 
 then ? Would it be too ram in me, if I mould 
 fay, that the View they had in this Conduct was 
 
 (d] Sueton in Ner. tap. 26. PetulantJaoa, libidinem, hi- 
 xuriam, avaritiam, crudelitatem, fenfim quidem primo & 
 occulte, velut juvenili errore exercuit : fed ut tune quoque 
 dubiam nemifti foret, Naturae ilia vitia, non setatis effe. 
 
 their
 
 their particular Intereft ? That is, to have a 
 greater Influence on Nero, and by it to keep 
 in their Hands that governing Power, which 
 they had taken away from Agrippina his 
 Mother. We know too well, that it has 
 been an ordinary Trick of the Governors, and 
 Favourites of Princes, to indulge the Paffions of 
 their Mafters, in order to divert their Minds 
 from the Application to public Affairs, taking 
 upon themfelves the whole Adminiftration of 
 the State ; and by that Means become Mafters 
 both of the Prince and the People. In every 
 Nation we may find Inftances of this old mini- 
 fterial Practice ; and in our own, not to mention 
 others, we have Cardinal Wolfey, who by this 
 Engine raifed himfelf up to that exorbitant 
 Height of Power he had under Henry the 
 Eighth. Indeed we muft acknowledge, that 
 Burrus and Seneca are not to be compared to the 
 chief Minifters of latter Ages : Their Conduct 
 plainly mewing, that far from abufing of the 
 Power they had, the Roman Empire, by the 
 Teftimony of Trajan, was never before fo well 
 governed as in thole five Years of Nero, whilft 
 they fteer*d the Helm of the Government. 
 They were Men fit for that Poft, and it would 
 have been happy for the Romans had they con- 
 tinued in it. But for all this, we ought to con- 
 fider, that wife and prudent Men are not always 
 free from the Ambition of Power , and that when 
 fuch Men have once attained it, they will 
 make a good Ufe of it to their Matter's, their 
 own, and their Country's Intereft. But, alas ! 
 to meet with fuch chief Minifters is too great an 
 Happinefs for a Country to be often enjoyed. Let 
 
 Burrus
 
 [ ,04] 
 
 Burrus and Seneca, be praifed for their 
 Knowledge and Wifdom, yet both were Cour- 
 tiers, and Courtiers, if I may fay, by ProferTion ; 
 living conftantly at Court, and concerning them- 
 felves with all the Tranfactions, and Cabals there 
 formed : fuch Courtiers, as they were, could not 
 but afpire to arrive at Power, Riches* and Ho- 
 nours : things that are not to be got without 
 having the Prince's Favour , and how could 
 they obtain this without Flattery, Diflimulatfon, 
 Artifices, Intrigues, and fervile Means to pleafe 
 and indulge his Inclinations ? And the more, in fo 
 corrupt a court as the Roman then was, and under 
 a Prince fo inclined to Vices as Nero. Who- 
 ever has not the like Talents, neither will fol- 
 low this Conduct, he is an improper Perfon to 
 be a Courtier, and can have no Hope of being 
 ever raifed to any Poft, but much lefs to become 
 a Prime Minifter. 
 
 Befides are we not to be furprifed at thofe two 
 Men, one renowned for Gravity of Manners, 
 and the other profefling to be a Stoick Philofo- 
 pher, for fuffering a young Prince, and fuch as 
 Nero, to pafs his Time in Pleafures and Riots ? 
 Was this their Conduct confident with the Gra- 
 vity of Manners, or the Precepts of the Stoic 
 Philofophy ? No, veuy far from it. Have we 
 not juft Reafon therefore to fufpect, that a pri- 
 vate Intereft made them ad contrary to what 
 they outwardly appeared and profefled to be ? 
 And what could have been this Intereft, but, as 
 I faid before, to have in their Hands the whole 
 Management of the public Affairs ? It was this 
 private Intereft that joined and made them agree 
 to well together in the Direction of their Mafter, 
 
 tho'
 
 r i<* ] 
 
 tho* they differed in their Manners (e). This is 
 hot the only Action of Burrus, that puts his 
 Gravity of Manners in doubt ; not to defcend to 
 every particular Action^ did not he ad like a 
 true Courtier, and a wicked Sycophant, in be- 
 ing the fir ft to applaud Nero for the Murder of 
 his Mother ? Sending on that Account his Offi- 
 cers to congratulate with him ; and this in order 
 to relieve by a moft bafe and abominable Flat- 
 tery Nero's Mind, from thofe cruel Torments 
 he juftly fuffered in his Confcience by the Hor- 
 ror of the Crime (f). 
 
 I will not charge him orSeneca, with having been 
 any Way concerned in contriving Agrippina's 
 Death, tho* both are not altogether free from 
 being iufpecled of it ; yet certain it is, that after 
 Agrippina's, Efcape from the firft Attempt made 
 againft her Life, Nero, fending for both, asked 
 their Advice, what was to be done in that Cafe> 
 whether he mould have her killed or not. 
 They then far from declaring their Opinion 
 againft the Murder, or taking any Step to pre- 
 vent it, behaved themfelves in fuch a crafty, but 
 mean Manner, as to plainly fhew theirApproba- 
 tion of the Execution of it. Is this the Way of 
 acYng like a Man of a firm and conftant Mind ? 
 Or as a true Stoic Philofopher ? Would not fuch 
 a one have chofen rather to perifh, than to give 
 any Countenance to a Parricide ? As for Seneca's 
 Charadkr, if what Dion Coffins (g) fays of him 
 
 (e) Burrus gravitate morum. Seneca comitate 
 
 honefta. Tacit. An. lib. 13. cap. z. 
 
 (f) Tacit. An. lib. 14. cap. IO. 
 
 (g) Dion, Iib.t>l. p. m. 694. & lib. 62. j>af. 713. 
 
 P ' be
 
 [ 106 J 
 
 be true (and there is very little Reafon to be- 
 lieve the contrary) he was a Stoic Philofopher 
 indeed, I mean, like one of thofe, that are ex- 
 pofed to ridicule, cried down, and detefted for 
 their Vices both by the Latin and Greek Au- 
 thors. A vain, ambitious, covetous, hypocri- 
 tical Man, a bafe Flatterer, given to loofe and 
 abominable Paffions, and what furpafTes all, a 
 moft wicked and infamous Preceptor, who in- 
 ftead of infpiring, according to his Duty, and 
 Profeffion, into the tender Mind of his Scholar 
 a true Senfe of Virtue and Morality, both by 
 Precepts and Example, corrupted and debauch- 
 ed him, to fatisfy his own unnatural Luft. 
 
 After all this, would it appear ftrange to think 
 that Seneca and Burrus had their private Intereft 
 and View in indulging, and fuffering Nero to 
 follow fuch a Courfe of Life, which they could 
 not but difapprove, as the moft pernicious for a 
 young Man vicioufly inclined ; and which inftead 
 of correcting, would infallibly have corrupted his 
 Nature more and more, and prove at laft to be 
 his own, and the Empire's Ruin ? And what 
 could they expect after all for themfelves, but 
 their own Deftruction ? A Fate commonly at- 
 tending the like Minifters, and Prince's Favourites. 
 Another Caufe of this Change in Nero for the 
 worft, was the Converfation of the young Peo- 
 ple he had about him, the Companions of his 
 Pleafures. Thofe wretched Creatures made 
 their Court to him by flattering his Inclinations, 
 and encouraging him in his Pleafures and De- 
 bauches , and taking Advantage of the Free- 
 dom and Familiarity he ufed with them, loft no 
 Opportunity to give him an Averfion for his 
 Governors, as if it were below his Greatnefs 
 
 and
 
 [I0 7 ] 
 
 and Dignity to be dependent on, and directed 
 in his Aclions by the,m, over whom he 
 had an abfolute Power, and not they over 
 him. Was he then afraid of them ? Why to le 
 treated in that Manner ? By theie and the like 
 Suggeftions, which young People eafiiy give the 
 Hearing to, Nero begun to renounce ail Shame, 
 and to openly defpife the Remonftrances of Eur- 
 rus and Seneca ; giving himfelf up to his own 
 diforderly Appetites, and vicious Inclinations. 
 But who ought to be blamed for this ? Eurnis 
 and Seneca themfelves, who did not take that 
 due Care neceffary for a young Man's Educa- 
 tion, in chufmg fober and modeft Men for his 
 Companions, who by their good Behaviour 
 might have had fome Influence on his ConducT:, 
 and hindered him at lead to run into Excefs. 
 Did they not know, that bad Company foon 
 corrupts Youth ? That nothing is fo dangerous 
 and prejudicial to a young Prince, as to have flat- 
 tening debauched Fellows about him ? How can 
 we excufe thofe two wife Men for fuch a Con- 
 ducT: ? How can we think they had no particular 
 Intereft in it ? I am perfwaded they had. They 
 thought, and hoped, as I have already men- 
 tioned, by this Indulgence to gain more of Ne- 
 ro's Favour, and keep in their Hands the Power 
 of managing the public Affairs , Seneca in par- 
 ticular, who had been fo familiar with him. I 
 make no doubt, that in that Cafe, the Roman 
 Empire would have been well governed ; but 
 why ? Becaufe they were Men of Senfe, Men 
 of Parts, and Ability, that had a good Know- 
 ledge of the World, and knew what it was, 
 and how to govern. But all this will not mew 
 them to have been lefs ambitious of Power. It 
 P 2 was
 
 [ io8] 
 
 was indeed very unfortunate both for them and 
 the Roman Empire, that they were difappointed 
 in their Aim ; yet it muft be owned, that the 
 Ambition of Power trade them to take fo wrong 
 a Step, as to indulge Nero's vicious Inclinations ; 
 and that by this Indulgence Nero changed for 
 the worft, from whence at laft he fell into Ex- 
 cefs of Tyranny. 
 
 I'll conclude with one Obfervation more 
 on this Subject -, which is, that Nero's Go- 
 vernment for the firft five Years of his Reign 
 is not to be fuppofed to have been in reality fo 
 good, as one would imagine by the Notice taken 
 of it, and from the Report of that Saying of 
 Trajan before mentioned : No, but fo far, as it- 
 is compared with what proved to be afterwards 
 under the fame Nero, and what had formerly 
 been under thofe Monfters of Princes, liberius, 
 Caligula, and Claudius, his Predeceffors. We 
 ought to confider, that after a Succeffion of Ty- 
 rants, any Prince, who is tolerable, would pafs 
 for an extraordinary good one , and an indiffe- 
 rent Adminirtration of the Public under him 
 be extolled as the wifeft and beft of all. People 
 judge of the Goodnefs and Badnefs of their Go- 
 vernors, and Government, as they do of other 
 Things, not by their real Merit, but by com- 
 paring them with others , praifmg o? blaming 
 them accordingly. It was by this Comparifon 
 that Nero's five Years Reign were fo much com- 
 mended and admired. The Author, who re- 
 lates the Report of Trajan's Saying (which by 
 the by is not without Hyperbole) mews by his 
 Words, that he was of this Opinion. Nero, 
 fays he, for the Space of five Years appeared to 
 be fuch a Prince, as might be borne with ; from 
 
 whence.
 
 1 109 ] 
 
 whence, he adds, fome took Occafion to report 
 that Saying of Trajan, &c. ' Ifte (Nero} quin- 
 quennio tokrabilis vifus ; inde quidam prodide- 
 runt, Trajanum folitum dicere, Procul diftare 
 ncipes a Neronis quinquennio, . 
 
 NUMBER XXII. 
 
 Neither Commodus, Perennius, &V.] Peren- 
 nius, or Perennis, Captain of the Guards, and 
 chief Minifter and Favourite of the Emperor 
 Commodus, aflumed fuch a Power, that the Go- 
 vernment of the whole Empire was intirely in, 
 his Hand. The Hiftorians do not agree in his 
 Character. If we believe Dion Coffins^ (a) he 
 was a very worthy Man, moft moderate and 
 modeft, free from coveting either Riches or 
 Glory, a faithful and upright Minifter of State, 
 who had at Heart the public Good, and the 
 Prefervation of the Empire. That he was 
 forced by the negligent Conduct of his Mafter in 
 minding nothing, but Pleafures, and all Sorts of 
 Debaucheries, to take upon himfelf the Charge 
 of the whole Government. In {hort, he was a 
 Man undeferving of the Fate he met with, not 
 only in Regard to himfelf, but to the public In- 
 tereft in particular. The only Reproach he 
 cafts upon him, is his Ambition of Power; to 
 compafs which he contrived the Death of Pater- 
 nus, his Colleague in the Command of the 
 Guards , which afterwards proved his Ruin : 
 The Soldiers upon any Difappointment laying 
 
 (a) Lib. 62. 
 
 their
 
 [ no ] 
 
 their Complaints againft him, and being angry 
 at him as the Author of it. The fame did the 
 Army, that was mBritain: they mutiny'd againft 
 him, and fent fome of their Body to accufe him 
 to the Emperor, of defigning to advance his Son 
 to the Imperial Dignity. Commodus delivered him 
 up to the Soldiers of the Guards he was Com- 
 mander of, who put him to Death, &V . Thus far 
 Dion. But Herodian (b~) and Lampridius (c} have 
 drawn his Character in quite different Colours. 
 He is reprefented as a moft wicked Minifter of 
 State, ambitious, rapacious, infolent, and cruel. 
 It was he, by their Account, that indulged his 
 Mafter in Pleafures and Debaucheries ; in order 
 to get the governing Power into his Hands. 
 That by Artifices and Calumnies he deftroyed or 
 kept off from Court all the ancient, and faithful 
 Minifters of M.Aurelius, Commodus*s Father,fo as 
 to have no-body near his Mafter but himfelf ; 
 and who, to enrich himfelf by their Spoils, ad- 
 vifed him, not to let anyMan of great Rank have 
 Power, but to root them out: By which Means 
 he treasured up immenfe Riches. He had the 
 Ear of his Mafter open only to his wicked Sug- 
 geftions, which could not fail of having the Ap- 
 probation from fo vicious and corrupted a Mind, 
 as that of Commodus was ; fo that he had him in- 
 tirely under his Direction. And what can a bad 
 Minifter of State wifh for more, to execute his 
 ill Defigns, and obtain his particular End ? 
 This could not but prove a very heavy Oppref- 
 fion to the Roman People ; but what made their 
 
 (b) Lib. i. 
 
 (c ) In Vita CommoJi Anton, inter Hifl. Ang. Script. 
 
 Con-
 
 t "I ] 
 
 Condition the more miferable was, that they 
 knew, the Minifter to be the Caufe, and Author 
 of the Evils they fuffered. The People will 
 (boner bear to be fcourged by the absolute Hand 
 of their Prince, than by the fervile one of a Fel- 
 low- Subjedl. And they will never hate, and 
 defpife the Prince fo much, than when they fee, 
 his Minifter to have fuch an Influence over him, 
 as to make him act for his own private End to 
 their Oppreffion, and againft the public Good. 
 
 Herodian goes further, charging him with 
 aiming at the Empire. He gives an Account 
 of his Defign, the Means he took to execute it, 
 and how it was difcovered -, for which he was 
 put to Death. I will not trouble the Reader 
 with it, he may for his Satisfaction look into 
 Herodiarfs Hiftory. Thus we find two diffe- 
 rent Characters of Perennius given by the Hi- 
 ftorians, one fo oppofite to the other, that 'tis 
 impoflible both mould fit the fame Perfon. 
 Which of the two mall we believe the true one ? 
 Whom of the Hiftorians (hall we prefer for 
 Credit ? Dion or Herodian. I will take no No- 
 tice of Lampridius^ as an Hiftorian of later 
 Date. Neither will I. put in doubt Xiphilin's Sin- 
 cerity in the Abridgment he has left us of 
 Dion's Hiftory, of which this Part relating to 
 the Life of Commodus with many others are loft ; 
 and we know no more of it, but what we read 
 in Xipbilin. What this Author therefore fays, 
 we muft take as from Dion. Now it cannot 
 but feem very ftrange, that Dion and Herodian 
 both living at the fame Time, and at Rome in 
 Commodus's Reign : both profefling, that what 
 they write was not from other Hiftorians, but 
 of their own Knowledge ; mould yet fo much 
 difagree in the Character of Perennius, a Man not 
 
 of
 
 t "2 ] 
 
 of a private Condition ; but of the higheft Rank 
 and Power in that Time, as the chief Favourite 
 and prime Minifter of the Roman Emperor. I 
 cannot deny, that Dion's Testimony is of a great 
 Weight, as an Hiftorian of Credit, particularly 
 in what he relates of his own Time ; considering 
 the Advantage he had over other Hiftorians to 
 be better informed of the public Tranfactions, 
 and the Characters of the Men then in Power ; 
 having been a Senator, Conful more than once, 
 intruded with the Government of Cities and 
 Provinces, cohfidered and favoured by Empe 
 rors, and familiarly converging with them. Be- 
 fides, which more concerns the prefent Queftion, 
 he is an Hiftorian not charged with Flattery. 
 And the Life of Commodus, which he writ before 
 he undertook the general Roman Hiftory, had 
 the Approbation of the Emperor Severus, and 
 others, Men of Distinction I fuppofe, that had 
 the Perufal of it. Notwithstanding all this to 
 fupport Dion's Authority, I am more inclined to 
 prefer Herodian's Teftimony to Dion's in this 
 Point, upon the following Reafons. 
 
 Firft. Becaufe Herodian is fo full and par- 
 ticular in what he fays of Perennius^ that he 
 leaves no room to doubt of the Truth of it ; 
 and mould we doubt of it, we might in the 
 fame Manner doubt of all we read in the an- 
 cient Hiftorians, who give us no other Guaran- 
 tee for their Credit, but their own Word ; and 
 we have no other Reafon to take their Word for 
 what they fay, but the Efteem, that ancient 
 Writers, either Contemporaries or of fubfequent 
 Ages had of their Ability and Sincerity. Tho* 
 Herodian^ like the reft of the Hiftorians, has 
 been taxed with Miftakes, or fufpefted in fome 
 Particulars (which neither Dion is free from) yet 
 
 he
 
 he has deferred to have a Rank among the good 
 Hiftorians, by the Judgment of the Learned. 
 And to come to the Point in Hand, I do not 
 remember, that in what he has writ of Commo- 
 dus 9 he has ever been charged with Falfhood ; 
 and we have no other Author, that I know 
 who has given a larger and more difttnct Ac- 
 count of that Emperor's Life. And as for Pe- 
 renniuSs Character, we find, he has been follow- 
 ed by Lampridius, who was well acquainted 
 with his Hiftory, as were alfo Spar ti anus ^ and 
 CapitolinuS) all three making mention of him in 
 their Hiftories. 
 
 My Second Reafon is, Becaufe it feems Dion 
 faas abfent from Rome for feme while in Comma- 
 dus's Reign, and about the Time when Peren- 
 mus was in Power. Since he, fpeaking of the 
 Occurrences of that Time, mentions his being at 
 Cilicia with his Father, then Governor of that 
 Province : So that he might not have been fo 
 well informed of Perennius's Actions, as Hero- 
 dtan might have been, who was prefent at 
 Rome, 
 
 But Laftly, And what, to fpeak freely my 
 Mind, prevails with me to take Herodian's Side, 
 is becaufe there is lefs Reafon to fufpect him, 
 than Dion of Partiality ; he was but a private 
 Man 'tis true, but much confidered for his Learn- 
 ing and Capacity, and never had any Share in 
 public Employments, as Dion and his Father 
 had. Dion's Father, as we have faid before, 
 was Governor of Cilicia under Commodus, whilft 
 Pertnnius was Minifter of State, and in the 
 Height of Power. Indeed we are not aflured, 
 that he was a Creature of Perennius, or that he 
 had any particular Obligation to, or Friendmip 
 Q for
 
 [ "4] 
 
 for him ; nevertheiefs, 'tis not improbable to 
 think, according to the ufual Way of prime 
 Minifters in difpofing of public Places, that he 
 was by Perennius's Favour or Protection pro- 
 moted or continued in that Charge of Honour 
 and Authority. So that on this Regard Dion 
 might have been partial in his Character ; the 
 Senfe of Gratitude prevailing with him fo far, as 
 to prefer that Character, which would be advan- 
 tageous to the Memory of that Minifter of State, 
 and which, I do not doubt, many of his Favou- 
 rites and Friends gave him. Indeed he charges him 
 with having been the Author otPaternufs Death, 
 not bearing to have a Colleague in the Command 
 of the Guards. But what is this Charge in Com- 
 parifon of the Crimes and Wickednefs, that Hero- 
 dian charges him with ? Or what in Comparifon of 
 the Encomium Dion befto ws upon him ? Befides, 
 that the Fact might have been fo evident, and 
 generally known, and the Report of it fo cur- 
 rent, that it would have expofed hisPartiality too 
 openly, had he either pafs'd it over in Silence, 
 or palliated it ; and then the Good he faid of 
 him would by that have loft all Credit. He 
 therefore very artfully acknowledges a Fact, 
 which could not be deny'd, in order to fpeak in 
 Commendation of him with a greater A flu ranee, 
 and Appearance of Truth ; and this he could 
 more eafilydo, by charging (as he does) Commodus 
 with all the flagitious Actions imputed to Peren- 
 mus. The Character of that Emperor was fo 
 odious and abominable, that nothing could have 
 been faid of a Tyrant, that would not have been 
 believed of him. To lay the Faults of the 
 Prince on the prime Minifter, and the Faults of 
 the latter on the Prince according to Men's par- 
 ticular
 
 ticukr Inclinations, is what we know, and fee 
 practifed in every Monarchy. But I think, 
 Dion mould not have faid, that Perennius had the 
 whole Care and Management of all the military, 
 civil, and public Affairs ; (d) neither that 
 ommodus did not mind at all what concerned 
 the Government. Since when a Minifter of 
 State is in veiled with fuch a Power, and his Ma- 
 fter is fo neglectful of the Care of the State, any 
 Man, but, above all, the fuffering People will; 
 and with juft Reafon charge the prime Minifter 
 with the ill Conduct and Adminiftration of 
 the public Affairs, and with all the Mifchiefs 
 and Oppreflions befalling them, as the Caufe 
 and Author of the Evil. Befides, if Perennius 
 was of that Temper, as not to bear a Colleague 
 in the Command of the Guards ; infomuch that 
 his Ambition pufhed him fo far, as to contrive 
 the Death of Paternus, as Dion himfelf acknow- 
 ledges ; How can we after this reafonably think, 
 that he would have bore any other to have a 
 Share with him in fo high a Poft, as that of prime 
 Minifter ? And that he would not have ufed 
 all Artifices and Power to prevent it, and taken 
 at laft the fame Meafures with his Competitor, 
 that he had taken with Paternus ? 
 
 Again, I do not pretend to fay, that a Man 
 of that Quality, and in that Station of Life as 
 D/0#, is not in a better Way, than a private Man, 
 as Herodian, to know the publick Tranfactions, 
 and the fecret Engines of a Prince's, and his 
 prime Minifter's Actions. Certainly he is, and 
 may, if he takes the proper Meafures, come at 
 
 (el) Perennis non modo negotia militaria, fed etiam caz- 
 tera traftare, atque adeo Reipubiics: prseciTe cogebatur. 
 
 the
 
 t M6 j 
 
 the Knowledge of them. But what I fay is this, 
 that a private Man may be lefs fufpected of Par- 
 tiality, than a Man in publick Employments, or 
 a Courtier. The Intereft that fuch a Man has 
 either in Tiding with, or oppofmg the prime Mi- 
 nifter is greater, than a private Man can have i 
 and therefore the Character he gives of him is 
 more fubject to be fufpected of having been 
 drawn by a partial Hand, not with the Pencil 
 and Colours of Truth, but Intereft and Paflion. 
 Befides, to judge of Things of this Nature, as 
 theCharacter of Princes, or prime Minifters, does 
 riot require any particular Knowledge of public 
 Tranfactions, or fecret Motives of Actions. No ? 
 the Character of Perfons fo confpicuous in the 
 State, and fo concerned in the Government of it, 
 cannot but be known by the People ; it is the 
 People that feels the Effects of the Goodnefs or 
 Badnefs of a prime Minifter ; it is by thefe Ef- 
 fects that they judge of his Ability, Integrity, 
 and other Qualities neceflary to a Man in that 
 high Poft, whofe Duty is to have the Care, and 
 to procure the Advantage of the Public. To. 
 judge of the Caufe by its Effects, is a true Maxim 
 both in natural and moral Philofophy, particu- 
 larly when confirmed by a long Experience. To 
 judge according to this Rule is the fureft Way of 
 judging of Men's Characters. Herodian, I do 
 not doubt, being a private Man, had Perennius'-s 
 Character chiefly from the Sentiments of the 
 Public ; and therefore in this Particular he de- 
 ferves more Credit than Dion. Whether a prime 
 Minifter be rapacious, cruel, haughty and 
 infolent, &c. is not a Myftery of State, which 
 is known but to few , he will be eafily difcover*d 
 by his own Actions and Behaviour, to judge of 
 
 which
 
 which there is no need of being a great Politician, 
 or a Man of much Penetration. I will not defcend 
 to Particulars, and make the Truth of what I 
 have faid more vifible, left I mould be too long 
 pn this Subject. 
 
 As for the Approbation the Emperor Severus^ 
 and others (Courtiers not unlikely) gave to 
 Dion's Life of Commodus, it will not be an Ar- 
 gument with me, for the Truth of every Parti- 
 cular therein mentioned. Such Approbations 
 are no more to be valued, than Compliments. 
 Neither do we know how Severus, and the reft 
 ftood affected to Perennius*s Memory ; but fure 
 we may be, that Dion would not have commu- 
 nicated his Hiftory to Severus, had he not been 
 perfuaded before- hand, that what he had writ 
 would have met with Severus's Approbation. Be- 
 iides, the Teftimony an Author gives of him- 
 felf, in Praife of his Work, may be juftly fuf- 
 pected i and he can't expect any Credit, but as a 
 Favour. When a Man has no other Authority 
 for what he fays, but his own Word, the Italian 
 is wont to fay, II Credere e Cortejia. 
 
 Thus much concerning the different Character 
 of Perennius given by Dion and Herodian. I 
 {hall now come to make a fhort Reflection upon 
 the Fall of that Minifter of State. It is agreed 
 on every hand, that the Soldiers were difpleafed 
 at him, that they mutiny'd againft, and accufed 
 him to the Emperor -, upon which he was put 
 to death. A wicked Minifter of State, who 
 knows himfelf to be odious to the People, ought 
 never to difoblige the Army. It is their Sword, 
 that protects him, by keeping the opprefled 
 People in Awe, left they mould take the Re- 
 venge on him for what they fuffer from his Ill- 
 conduct.
 
 conduct. Whoever has the Sword In his Hand, 
 will be always ready to turn it againft him, by 
 whom he thinks himfelf injured. This a 
 prime Minifter fhould confider, as alfo the Cha- 
 racter of the Men of that Profeflion (e). 
 
 And how they, by knowing their own 
 Strength, and the Neceflity he has o/ them, 
 are apt to be foon difobliged on any fmall Dif- 
 appointment : In which Cafe they will never 
 want the Affiftance of a difaffected Party, or 
 fome of his powerful Enemies ; particularly if 
 there be a riling Favourite, who aims at his Poft, 
 and is a Man of a daring undertaking Spirit. 
 Thus Cleander, as Dion fays, took the Opportu- 
 nity of the Army's Complaints and Accusations 
 againft Perennius, to prevail with Commodus to 
 give him up to the Guards to be put to Death. 
 And it is not altogether improbable, thztCIeavder 
 had a Hand in what the Soldiers did, at leaft in 
 fomenting their Difcontent. Perennius mould 
 have been more careful to guard himfelf againft 
 him. A prime Minifter can never be too cautious 
 againft a new Favourite ; and he ought, for his 
 own Security, to free himfelf from fuch a Com- 
 petitor by fome Means or other. In Conclufion, 
 a Prince, who will be abfolute, as well as a Mi- 
 nifter of State, who will opprefs the People, and 
 keep himfelf in Power in fpight of their Com- 
 plaints and Threatenings, and of the Artifices of 
 his Enemies and Competitors : Both, I fay, muft 
 follow that Advice the Emperor Severus gave to 
 
 (e) Lucan, I. 10. v. 407 (ff 8. 
 
 Nulla fides, pietafque <viris qul caflra fequuntur r 
 Vtnalefyue mamis ; ifcfas, ubi maxima mertfj, 
 
 2 his
 
 t "9 ] 
 
 his Sons; and which himfelf had followed* as 2 
 Maxim of his Government, viz. Enrich the Sol- 
 diers, and defpife all the reft (/). 
 
 NUMBER XXIII. 
 
 Neither Severus Plautianus.] I do not believe, 
 that Hiftory can afford us an Inftance of a 
 greater Favourite, and more powerful Minifter, 
 than Plautianus was under Septimius Severus ; 
 neither at the fame time of a more wicked, proud, 
 and infolent one. A true Mark of the Power a 
 prime Minifter has with his Mafter ! Plautianus 
 (a) was born in Africa^ of a mean Family ; he 
 pafled his Youth in a low and infamous Condi- 
 tion, and was even condemned to Banimment, 
 as a feditious Man, and guilty of many other 
 Crimes, Neverthelefs, all thefe Difadvantages 
 were not an Obftacle to his Fortune, not to fay, 
 that perhaps they laid the firft Step to it. Severus 
 took fuch an Affection for him, that he raifed 
 him to the higheft Pofts of Honour and Autho- 
 rity, and made him fo powerful and rich, that he 
 was the greateft Man, even in Comparifon of the 
 Roman Emperors themfelves ; never refufing 
 him any thing, but giving him all the Power of 
 doing what he would, as if he in a manner had 
 been the Emperor, and Severus his Officer. He 
 exprefled a Wifh to have him for his Succeffor, 
 and preferred his Daughter Fulvia Plautilla, be- 
 
 (f) Locupletate milites, casteros omnes contemnite, apud 
 Dion, in Sever. 
 
 (a) Vide Herodian, I 3. Dion, I. 7$. 
 
 fore
 
 [ 120 ] 
 
 fore all the moft noble and beautiful Roman 
 Ladies, to be his eldeft Son Caracalltfs Wife. 
 But what wzsPlautianus'sMzrit to have deferved 
 fo much from Severus ? Tho* we know by Exi 
 perience, that it is not Merit which recommends 
 a Man to be the chief Favourite and Minifter 
 of a Prince j yet fuch a Man has always fome 
 Qualification or other, which to the Prince's 
 Eyes at lead appears, as deferving his Favour, 
 and that Poft. Now I do not find the Hiftorians 
 to have taken any particular Notice of what 
 raifed Plautiantis to that extraordinary Degree of 
 Favour, and Power with Severus. What they 
 lay of him, rs only relating to what he did whilft 
 in the Height of Fortune. As for his hav- 
 ing been Severn's Countryman, and, as fome 
 thought, of his Kindred, this might perhaps 
 have put him in the Way of getting Preferments j 
 but, I cannot think, this alone would have been 
 fufHcient to raife him to that Excefs of Favour 
 and Power ; considering how often the Country- 
 men and Relations of Princes are kept under 
 for no other Reafon, but becaufe they have that 
 Advantage above the reft ; and fometime they 
 meet with a harder Fate. 
 
 Neither was Plautianus's Behaviour "towards 
 the Emperor and his Family fuch, as to deferve 
 his Affection. His Infolence, Ambition, and 
 Vanity were too notorious not to be known, and 
 too great to be borne by any other Mafter. Nei- 
 ther was Severus fuch a weak, timorous, or in- 
 dolent and negligent Prince, as to be impofed 
 upon, or eafily to be managed and governed. 
 No, he was of a quite different Temper. He 
 \vas quick-fighted, and cunning, vigilant, active, 
 and refolute, and took upon himfelf the Care 
 
 and
 
 [ r 
 
 and Management of the public Affairs. Shall 
 we fay then, that the Likenefs of Inclinations 
 was the Caufe of Plc.utianus's growing fo great 
 a Favourite and Minifter ? This is the ordinary- 
 Bond, that Nature ties. Men with in Friendfhip. 
 Both the Mailer and Minifter were cruel, Lovers 
 of Riches, ambitious, and violent in their Paf- 
 fions. Both iii their Youth had lived an irregular 
 diffolute Life, and been guilty of feveral Crimes. 
 Not to mention, that Severus's former Condition 
 was not much fuperior, if not fo low as that of 
 Plautianus^. But if that be true, which Hero- 
 dian fays was reported by fome, viz. That Se- 
 *uerus had abufed Plautianus when in the prime 
 of his Youth ; if this, I fay, be true, there is 
 no more Reafon to wonder either at Severus's 
 blind Affection for him, or at Plautianus^ want 
 of Merit to be raifed to fuch a Height of Fortune : 
 Neither at the ill Behaviour of the Minifter, 
 nor at the Matter's Indulgence. The more 
 criminal is. a Paflion, the ftronger is its Power 
 upon the Man's Heart, from the Corruption of 
 the Underftanding : and confequently it is hardly 
 to be conquer*d. But let the Caufe have been 
 what it will ; certain it is, that Severus's Affec- 
 tion for Plautianus was exceedingly great. 
 At the Time when Plautianus was accufed of at- 
 tempting againft his, and his Son's Life, and of 
 defigning to invade the Empire, and everr after 
 his Death, Severus could not forbear to give fome 
 Marks of his Affection for him. After all this 
 ought we to be furprifed, either at the Minifter's" 
 Power, Haughtinefs, Infolence, and Vanity,or at 
 the Meannefs of the Romans in flattering him in 
 fo fhameful a Manner as they did ? Plautianus^ 
 Images were expos'd to the public View, his 
 R Statues
 
 [m] 
 
 Statues erected not only in the Provinces, 
 but even at Rome^ and were even more in Num- 
 ber, and bigger, than thofe of the Emperors. 
 This was done not by private Men alone, but 
 by the Senate's Authority. The Soldiers as well 
 as the Senators did fwear by Ptautiaws's Fortune, 
 and public Prayers were addrefled to the Gods 
 for the Prefervation of his Health and Life. In 
 fhort, Plautianus was more honoured, flattered, 
 and feared, than the Emperor himfelf in every 
 Refpect. Such is the Influence, that a Prince's 
 Favourite has upon a corrupt enflaved Nation, as 
 the Romans were under the Yoke of an abfolute 
 Prince, and whofe Will was directed by fo 
 wicked a Minifter as Plautianus. Should I re- 
 hearfe the particular Actions of this Man, and 
 make Reflections upon them, it would be a Sub- 
 ject of too long a Difcourfe for my prefent De- 
 gn. I leave it therefore to the Reader to con- 
 fult Dion Coffins and Herodian for it. This I 
 will only fay, that the chief Gaufe of Platttianus's 
 "Ruin was his Vanity and Ambition in giving his 
 Daughter for a Wife to Caracalla^ Severn /s 
 eldeft Son , and his infolent Behaviour with that 
 young Prince, and other near Relations of Se- 
 verus ; not to mention his Calumnies againft the 
 Emprefs, and the outrageous Treatment me re- 
 ceiv'd from him ; from all which he drew upon 
 himfelf the Ill-will and Hatred of them. As 
 for what my Author Tolomei fays here of him, 
 #;z. That he was punifh'd by Severus, it is a 
 Fact contradicted by the Teftimony of the two 
 above-mentioned Hiftorians Dion and Herodi&n. 
 Both they agree in the main Point, tho* not ex- 
 actly in every Particular ; which is, that when 
 Stverus heard Plaut'wnus juftifying himfelf from 
 
 what
 
 what he was accufed of, that is, of confpiring 
 againft the Emperor and his Son Caracalla's Life j 
 Severus then appeared to be in fome manner 
 moved at it ; upon which Caracalla, fearing 
 perhaps he mould be faved, furioufly fell on him, 
 
 S'ving, at the fame time, order to a military 
 fficer,and others there prefent to kill him, which 
 was immediately executed. According to this Ac- 
 count it can't be faid, that Severus punim'd or 
 put him to Death ; fo that we may juftly charge 
 our Author with a Miftake : and very likely he 
 was deceived by Spartianus, whom he gave 
 Credit to, without farther examining the Fa& 
 in other Hiftorians. Spartianus's Words are: 
 
 * (b} Poftea iterum cum Plautiano in gratiam re- 
 e diit (Severu-s] & veluti ovans urbem ingrefTus 
 1 Capitolium petiit. Quamvis & ipfum procedenti 
 
 * tempore occiderit Which laft Expreffion cannot 
 be underftood otherwife, but that either Severus 
 himfelf flew him, or he was put to Death by 
 his Order* 
 
 NUMBER XXIV. 
 
 .-t'vI7" r>7b-: : ?F>"a" '^ '''& ' v' '' ' * 
 
 Sultan Solyman] Among other royal Qualities, 
 that rendered Solyman the Magnificent to be re- 
 nowned and admired not only in his Time, but 
 in future Ages, was the Adminiftration of Juf- 
 tice in puniihing the Mtnifters, that by Frauds, 
 Extortions, and felling their Judgments, op- 
 prefled the Subjects to enrich themfelves. The 
 
 1) In fit. Stv<r. 
 
 R 2 Character 
 
 4U/T
 
 [ "4] 
 
 Character, that Sagredo (a} gives of him, de- 
 ferves the Reader's Attention, as it is the Model 
 ^for a Prince, how he ought to govern. 
 *' Solytnan* fays he, wanted nothing,but Religion 
 (the Chriftian) to have been one of the beft 
 Monarch s in the World. He made a public 
 Declaration, that if any one had in the former 
 Reign been defrauded, either in his Eftate, or 
 Goods, he would make Reftitution of it out of 
 the beft and deareft Part of his Treafures. He 
 was above all others a ftrict Obferver of the 
 Rites of his Religion. He begun at firft with the 
 Care of the Temple or Mofchey, to which the 
 Mufulmans attributed the happy Iflue of his 
 Defigns. He punifh'd feverely the Ufurpers of 
 the Revenues of the Hofpitals, and other pious 
 Places. He fubdued Wickednefs, and reftored 
 Juftice, formerly abandoned and banim*d from 
 the Courts of Judicature. He never put to 
 Death Bajhas on the only Crime of being rich, 
 as his Predeceflbr did, but becaufe they had 
 fattened themfelves with the Subftance of the 
 People. Many Cadis (Judges) were executed for 
 having fold Juftice. Over the Government of 
 the Provinces he fet thofe,whofe principal Virtue 
 was Probity, and not poor hungry ones. He 
 would that the Governors of States ftiould imi- 
 tate the copious Rivers, that in their Courfe 
 leave what they meet with, and not the Tor- 
 rents, that break down and fweep away all along 
 with them.* Such a. Character of a Turkijh Mo- 
 narch might put to the Blufh many Chriftian 
 Princes. 
 
 (a) Mtmorie JJIaricbe de Mftnurchl Ottomani, pag. 1 46. 
 Ven. i6SS. 4/0. 
 
 NUMBER
 
 NUMBER XXV. 
 
 Me King of England, fcfr.] By the King of* 
 England^ our Author certainly means /&ry 
 the Eighth then alive ; that is, in 1 542 the 
 Date of his Letter. But whom of this King's 
 Minifters he had in View, we can't positively 
 fay. Cromwell had been beheaded not above 
 two Years before, viz. in 1540. But with 
 what Juftice he was condemned to Death, is 
 what I leave the Reader to judge by the Hi- 
 ftory of thofe Times. I will only fay, what I 
 think no-body will contradict, that he does not 
 deferve to be put in the fame Rank with Seja- 
 itus, Pcrennius, and the reft here mentioned. 
 And if our Author thought otherwife, we 
 ought to confider, that he was an Italian, and 
 had never been in England ; fo that he had not 
 the Opportunity of being rightly informed of the 
 Tranfactions of this Kingdom ; but he followed 
 the Voice of the common Report then in Italy, 
 which, I am fure, was not favourable to Crom- 
 well's Character, particularly at Rome, where 
 our Author lived a great Part of his Life ; con- 
 fidering, that he was look'd upon by the Adhe- 
 rents to that Church, as the chief Promoter of 
 the Proteftant Religion in England. As for 
 Cardinal Wolfey, he indeed may be juftly placed 
 among thofe ancient Minifters of State as Seja- 
 nus, Perennms, &c. But his Punimment was 
 prevented by natural Death ; tho* he had loft 
 the King's Favour, and begun to feel the Effects 
 of his Matter's Indignation. As for Empfcn 
 and Dudley, tho' they were called to an Account, 
 
 and
 
 1 126 ] 
 
 and punimed in the Beginning of Henry the" 
 Eighth's Reign ; yet they had not been his, but 
 his Predeceflbr*s Ministers* who advanced them 
 to Power, and made them the tnftruments to 
 opprefs his Subjects* in order to fatisfy his ava- 
 ricious Temper ; and while he lived they both 
 continued in his Favour, and were protected by 
 it. So that they could not have been brought 
 as Inftances in the Cafe our Author is fpeaking 
 of j unlefs we will fuppofe, that he was mifta^ 
 ken, and from their Suffering under Henry the 
 Eighth's Reign, concluded, that they had been 
 his Minifters, 
 
 NUMBER XXVI. 
 
 Antoninus Pius^ sJV.] Among the moft ex- 
 cellent Gifts with which Nature had endued An* 
 toninus^ were Sweetnefs of Temper and Incli- 
 nation to Clemency i which above all adornM 
 his Character. Thefe were remarkable in him 
 whilft in a private Life, but they became more 
 confpicuous to the Eye of the World* by the 
 Conduct he obferved when Emperor in govern^ 
 ing the Roman State : For which he deferved 
 from the Senate the Name of Pius, as a Mark 
 of a fuperior Merit. A Name more glorious 
 and noble for a Prince than all the Titles, that 
 Vanity, Pride, and Flattery could ever beftow 
 upon him. But tho' Clemency was hispredominant 
 Virtue, yet he never fuffered her to take Place 
 before JufttDi. He underftood too well both 
 the End of Government,and the neceflaryMeans 
 to obtain it, as not to know, that to do 
 Juftice is the chief Duty of a Prince j and that 
 
 Clemency
 
 [ "7] 
 
 Clemeney ought to be directed by Prudence, 
 g,nd not by a Weaknefs of Temper, too fehfible 
 at another Man's differing without reflecting on 
 jthe Caufe, which he fufFers for. Antoninus was 
 clement without offending Juftice. He loved 
 them both equally, and difpenfed them ac- 
 cording as Prudence required. No Coniidera- 
 tion prevailed with him fo far, as not to re- 
 ward Merit, or punifh Crimes i but he diftri- 
 buted with an impartial Hand to every one 
 what was his Due : fo that his Juftice was not 
 extinguifhed by the Brightness of Clemency, 
 whilft both of them mone in their proper Sphere 
 thro' all his A6Hons. According to this we ought 
 to underftand what our Author fays of him here, 
 vi-z. That he punimed very feverely them, who 
 were convicted of being ill and wicked Men. And 
 indeed it cannot be fuppofed otherwife, if we 
 will confider, how neceflary Juftice is to a Go- 
 vernment, and how happy and flouriming the 
 Roman Empire was under Antoninus^ Conduct ; 
 and this for the Space of no lefs, than twenty r 
 three Years that he reigned. Had we now 
 what J)ioH did write of this Emperor, or a 
 better and larger Account of his Life, than 
 what we read of it in Capitolinus^ we could, I 
 do not doubt, produce feveral Inftances of his 
 ftrict Juftice in puniming Criminals ; but to our 
 great Lofs, that Part of Z)/0's Hiftory has been 
 wanting many hundred Years ago , and Capito- 
 linus gives fo fhort and general Account of him, 
 that we are ignorant of the particular Actions of 
 this great Emperor,as well as of the publicTranf- 
 adlions of that Time. Neverthelefs, by Capitoli- 
 nus's Teftimony we are aflured, that he treated 
 his Servants about him with very great Seve-
 
 rity ; infomuch that neither they, nor his Friends 
 did ever abufe his Authority by impofing upon 
 People, as to make them believe, that Pre- 
 ferments, Places, &c. were to be gotten by the 
 Favour, and Intereft they had with him . (a) 
 
 Befides, he took fo particular a Care of the 
 Adminiftration of Juftice, that there is no room 
 to doubt, of his puniming moft feverely thofe, 
 who by the Nature of their Crimes rendered 
 themfelves unworthy of receiving the Benefit of 
 his Clemency. He obliged the Intendants of 
 the Provinces to give a ftrict Account of their 
 Adminiftration, if they had not behaved them- 
 felves with Moderation, as he had ordered them 
 to do, in railing Taxes, &c. on the Subjects ; 
 giving a favourable hearing to the Complaints, 
 that were brought againft them (). He purged 
 the Empire of that public Nufance of Vermin, 
 that feed on the Ruin of others. I mean the 
 Informers, and the like (r). 
 
 He took all poflible Care, that Men of the 
 greateft Juftice, and Probity mould be intrufted 
 with the public Adminiftration (d). And it is 
 
 (a) Amicis fuis in Imperio fuo non aliter ufus eft, quarn 
 privatus ; quia & ipfi nunquam de eo cum libertis fuis per 
 fumum aliquid vendiderunt, fiquidem libertis fuis feveriflime 
 ufus eft. 
 
 (b] Procuratores fuos & modefte fufcipere tributa juflit ; 
 excedentes modum, rationem fadlorum fuorum reddere prae- 
 cepit ; nee unquam laetatus eft lucro, quo Provincialis op- 
 preffus eft. Contra Procuratores fuos conquerentes libenter 
 audivit. 
 
 (f) Quadruplatores extinfti funt. 
 
 (<T) Viros sequiflimos ad adminiftrandam Rempublicam 
 quasrens. Eutrop. Quantum ejus fieri poterat, viros asqui- 
 tati maxime ftudiofos Republicas adminiftrationi pra;ficiebat. 
 Dion ex Suid. 
 
 remarked,
 
 Remarked, that Gavius Maximus, his Captain of 
 the Guards, continued in that Pott for twen ty 
 Years, as a Man moft exact, juft, and impar- 
 tial (e). 
 
 But what renders Antoninus' s Character more 
 noble and glorious, is the Prudence of his Con- 
 duel: in the Government. A Conduct fo very 
 contrary to the Politicks of Princes, that it de- 
 ferves the more Notice and Admiration. 
 A Conduct modelled not by human Paffions, 
 but by Virtue, and the Knowledge of what is 
 the true End of civil Society, and the Duty of 
 a Prince. He looked upon the Sovereignty and 
 the Subjects with a quite different Eye, than 
 Princes and Politicians do. They may learn 
 from his Example, 
 
 Firft, That it is not Power and Pomp, that 
 make a Prince truly great ; but Virtue and the 
 Love of his People. That the Dignity and 
 Majefty of the Crown is not abafed, but rather 
 more elevated by the Prince's Condefcenfion in 
 converging, and behaving himfelf with his Sub- 
 jects in a Manner moft obliging ; and not in an 
 imperious haughty Way, as if he was abfolute 
 Mafter, and they his Slaves (f). 
 
 Secondly, That it is not impoffible for a Prince 
 to know and manage the Affairs of the Govern-^ 
 ment himfelf. To be perfectly acquainted with 
 
 (e) Gavius Maximus prsefeftus praetorii ufque ad vicefi- 
 mum annum fub eo pervenit, vir feveriffimus. Capita/. 
 
 (f) Imperatorium faftigium ad fummam civilitatem dc- 
 duxit ; unde plus crevit : reclamantibus aulicis miniftris, 
 qui illo nihil per internuncios agente, nee terrere poterant ho- 
 mines aliquando, nee ea, quae occulta non erant, vendere, 
 
 S the
 
 the State and Revenues of his Dominions (f), 
 without the Afliftance of a Miniiler of State, or 
 Favourites. This is what Princes are wont to 
 reckon too great a Burden, and below the Dig- 
 nity of their Condition. That is to fay, they will 
 rather indulge their Paflions, than apply their 
 Minds to public Bufinefs. Befides, it is what 
 Courtiers can neither relifh, or approve ; becaufe 
 they do not find their Account with fuch a Ma- 
 fter, who knows and does every Thing himfelf. 
 It is their Intereft to keep the Prince in Igno- 
 rance, plunged in Pleafures, and averfe from. 
 Application , that they may have the Manage- 
 ment of all the public Affairs. But this is what 
 is the Duty of a Prince, what the People juftly 
 expect from him , and (which is more) what will 
 infallibly prevent the Caufe of all the common 
 Evils in a Government, viz. 
 
 The Prince to be impofed upon or mifled by 
 falfe Reprefentations, bad Advices, and wicked 
 Suggeftions of a Minifter of State. 
 
 The Favourites and Courtiers to take Advantage 
 of their Matter's Favours to opprefs the Subjects. 
 
 The Selling of Places and Preferments, or . 
 giving them to Men unfit and unworthy of I 
 them. And in fhort exclude all Sorts of Bribery, fl 
 Extorfion, and the like. 
 
 The Intriguing and Caballing of Parties, their 
 Animofity, and the Influence they have upon 
 the People. 
 
 The People's Diflatisfadion and Complaints, 
 and the ill Opinion and Averfion they have for 
 their Prince. 
 
 (|) Rationcs omnium Provinciarum apprime fcivit, & 
 ve&igalium. Id, 
 
 In
 
 f '3'] 
 
 In few Words, a Prince by following this 
 wife Conduct of Antoninus would bring all his 
 Subjects to Peace and Union, and gain their 
 Love and Efteem. 
 
 Thirdly, That a Prince mould pay to the Se- 
 nate that Deference, which is due to fo noble 
 and venerable a Body ; and to that Power they 
 are intrufted with by the Laws of the 
 Country ; and which himfelf would expect from 
 a Prince, was he a Member of it () He mould 
 confult the Senate, and hear their Advice on 
 whatfoever concerns the public Intereft, and at 
 the fame time inform the People with the Rea- 
 fons of his Reiblution (/) ; and not keep them 
 in the Dark, or impofe upon them, and oblige 
 them to fubmit to his, or his Minifter'sWill with 
 an implicit Faith. It is highly reafonable and 
 juft, that a Prince mould act thus with his 
 People, it being his Duty to do fo -, and it 
 will give a great Satisfaction to the People, fince 
 they bear the Burden of the public Expences for 
 the Support of the Government, to know all 
 the Tranfactions relating to their own Intereft, 
 to fpeak freely their Sentiments, and make Re- 
 monftrances, when neceflary, againft them. This 
 is that Happiriefs, which a free Government 
 under a Prince mould enjoy ; and therefore the 
 People can never be too jealous of it, neither too 
 watchful in preferring it againft any Attempt or 
 Defign. Such a Happinefs is what at prefent 
 
 (h) Senat^^ntum detulit Imperator, quantum cum pri- 
 vatus effet ab alio Principe optavit. Id. 
 
 (/) Omnium qus geffit & in Senatu & per edi&a ratio- 
 nem reddidit. Id. 
 
 S 2 the
 
 [ '32 ] 
 
 the Englijh above all Nations might be proud to 
 boaft of enjoying, were they fenfible of it. 
 
 Fourthly, That a Prince's Ear fhculd be al- 
 ways open to hear the Grievances and Com- 
 plaints of his Subjects, in order to relieve them 
 by the moft proper Remedies. To hear any 
 Propofal offered, that tends to the pubiic Good, 
 and to encourage it when really fo. To hear 
 with Moderation his Friends, freely oppoltng his 
 Sentiments, and to receive a good Advice with 
 Gladnefs. (k) But what Sort of Men were Antoni- 
 mts's Friends ? We may judge from his Cha- 
 racter. "What muft his Court have been then ? 
 Quite different, no doubt, from the modern. 
 
 Fifibhy That a Prince fhould be a good Ma- 
 nager of the public Money, fo as to employ it 
 but in what is neceffary or advantageous to the 
 Public ; it being the Public's and not his own 
 Money, and he only the Adminiftrator of it. 
 He therefore ought not to lavifh it in fuperfluous 
 Expences, or in his particular Pleafures , nei- 
 ther in Penfions to worthlefs idle Fellows. No- 
 thing being fo fhamcful and even cruel, accord- 
 to Antoninus*s Saying, than to let thofe, who 
 contribute nothing with their Induftry to the 
 Service of the Republic, eat up its Subft^nce. 
 
 CO 
 
 If a Prince will be liberal to his Friends, he 
 fhould, as Antoninus was, be liberal of what is 
 
 (k) M. Anton, der el. bis. 1. I. . 16. fcf /. 6. . 30. 
 Wherein he gives the Character of this Emperpr. 
 
 (I) Salaria multis fubtraxit, quos otiofos videbat accipere, 
 dicens, Nihil effe fordidius, imo crudelius quam fi Rempu- 
 blicam ii arroderent, qui nihil in earn iuo labors conferrent. 
 M Capitol. 
 
 his
 
 [133] 
 
 his own, and not of what is the Public's. To 
 be liberal of what belongs to another, and by it 
 to gain the Credit of being Liberal, is to injure 
 the Man not only by depriving him of his own ; 
 but alfo of the Merit and Glory of the Action, 
 which he has a Right to claim, as the Matter of 
 what has raifed the Reputation of the Giver. 
 Antoninu^s Carefulnefs in faving the public Mo- 
 ney went fo far, as to furnifh the Pay of the Sol- 
 diers out of his own Purfe. Had he any parti- 
 cular Defign in this, as fome Emperors had in 
 obliging the Army with Liberalities, &c. in or- 
 to fupport their Ambition thereby, and opprefs 
 the People : Had, I fay, Antoninus fuch a De- 
 fign, yet even then he would have acted ac- 
 cording to common Juftice, by not charging 
 the Public with the Expence of an Army, 
 which was to be intirely at his Service, and for 
 their Deftruction. No, Antoninus had no other 
 Defign in being fo liberal of his own, but to 
 fave, as I have faid, the public Money ; info- 
 much that he diminimed the vaft Eftate he had 
 before he was Emperor, and left the Mrarium 
 greatly rich, (m) In fhort, a Prince mould 
 govern with no other View or Intereft, than to 
 procure the public Welfare ; and like a good 
 Mafter of a Family, with fuch Care and Dili- 
 gence, as if the Government was his own do- 
 meftic Concern, and the Subjects as a Part of 
 his Family. () 
 
 (m) Hie ante Imperium ditiffimus, opes quidem fuas fti- 
 pendiis Militum, & circa amicos liberalitatibus minuit ; v- 
 rum ^Erarium opulentum reliquit. Eutrop. I. 8. 
 
 ( n ) Tanta fane diligentia fubjeclos fibi Populos rexit, ut 
 omnia, & omnes quafi fua eflent, curaret. Id. Capitol. 
 Quae (the public Bufaejs} incredibili diligentia ad fpeciem 
 optimi Patrisfamilias exfequebatur. Aurel. ViSt. in E pit. 
 
 Can
 
 t '34] 
 
 Can we form a better, and greater Idea of a 
 Prince, and his Governing ? How happy and 
 fiourifhing then muft have been the Condition of 
 the Roman Provinces, and the whole Empire ? 
 What the Love and Veneration of the People 
 for their Mailer? 
 
 It was his moft juft and prudent Way of go- 
 verning, that made -.Antoninus, tho* a very peaceful 
 Prince, to be fo refpected, loved, and feared at 
 fame theTime by foreign Nations, that no Empe- 
 ror had ever fuch an Authority among them. ( 0} 
 Antoninus gaveLaw to them, appointed Princes to 
 be their Governors, and was the Arbitrator of 
 their Difputes. This is a convincing Proof, 
 that the Reputation of a Prince's governing his 
 Subjects with \Vifdom and Juttice is more power- 
 ful, than a Number of Forces, to prevent the 
 neighbouring Princes from difturbing the Peace 
 of his Dominion ; and confequently that no- 
 thing cxpofes more a Nation to be affronted, 
 and infulted by neighbouring Powers, than the 
 ill Opinion of its Government, and Ability of 
 its Minifters. Foreign Princes will on any Occa- 
 iion take from it what Advantage they can, and 
 either by Force, orArtifices bring that Nation to 
 comply with their own Meafures. 
 
 fo) Tantum fane authoritatis apud exteras gentes nemo 
 habuit, cum Temper amaverit pacem, &c. Id. Capital. 
 Quamvis eum Numae contulerit ajtas fua, cum or^em Terrae 
 nullo bello per annos viginti tres audtoritate fola rexit, adeo 
 trementibus eum atque amantibus cunftis Regibus, Nationi- 
 bufque, & Populis, ut Parentem feu Patronum magis quam 
 Dominum Imperatoremve reputarent ; omnefque uno in cce- 
 leftium morem propitium optantes, de controverfiis inter fe 
 Judicempofcerent. Aurel.Vift. Lc. Eutrop; I. 8. ^f Capi- 
 tal, in ejus Vita. 
 
 Indeed
 
 t '35] 
 
 Indeed Antoninus^ Politics were fo much 
 above the common Rules of governing, as his 
 Character was above that of other Princes, that 
 is to fay, unparallePd , (p) yet it might ferve for 
 a Pattern to be imitated in fome Meafure at leaft ; 
 was it not, that the prevailing Politics of the 
 Age has fo corrupted the true Notions of go- 
 verning, that any other (how much the more 
 Antoninus's \) is defpifed, and received with 
 a Horfe-laugh among Minifters of State and 
 Courtiers ; in the like Manner, that the Stoic 
 Moral Philofophy was among the ignorant vici- 
 ous Romans in Per/tus's Time : whofe Verfes, 
 (q) allowing fome Alteration, may be well ap- 
 plied to the prefent Cafe. 
 
 Dixerts h<ec inter Proceres, aul<eque Miniftros, 
 Continuo craflum ridens Vulpennius mgens, 
 Centum Antoninos curto cenfujje licetur. 
 
 (p) Tantae bonitatis in Principatu fait, ut baud dubie fine 
 exemplo vixerit. Aurel. Vi8. in Epitom. Hunc fere nulla 
 vitiorum labes maculavit. Aurel. Vi8. 
 
 (f) Satyr. V. infne. 
 
 FINIS.
 
 jli& 
 
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