THE LIBRARY THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA > %;-. IV^M 1 . i *H '-''//S / ]from,a,!kotB(fnif>h Ty JSroefy azpressly for tfus work. WITH NUMEROUS ENGRAVINGS. STJRIEiK'l' Er.terefl arcarrtinjjKtaof tgffl -nth* nti 1962 by Virluf I'.c in fhn rjfrt^Dliicr et il , iXs,fir) i'wrt lit linwd 'itji tur !hi Si-Ann DtsSiG of Nrwln LIBRARY UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA DAVIS r THE WAR WITH THE SOL A HISTORY OF THE LATE REBELLION WITH BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES OF LEADING STATESMEN AND DISTINGUISHED NAVAL AND MILITARY COMMANDERS, ETC. BY ROBERT TOMES, M.D. CONTINUED FROM THE BEGINNING OF THE YEAR 1864 TO THE END OF THE WAR BY BENJAMIN G. SMITH, ESQ. VOLUME I. NEW YORK: VIRTUE & YORSTON, PUBLISHERS, 12 DEY STREET. Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year Ofle Thoasand Eight Hundred and Sixty-two, ET ROBERT TOMES, In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States for the Southern District of New York. PREFACE. WHEN the first numbers of this work were issued, nothing appeared more certain than that the civil war, the history of which it was intended faithfully to record, would be of short duration, and that a single volume would be amply sufficient to comprise all that a faithful detail of events would require. A few of the more far-sighted persons in the community thought the contest might last twelve or eighteen months, but none were bold enough to hazard the conjecture that it would be prolonged through four eventful years. The dis- tinguished Secretary of State, Mr. Seward, confidently promised the extinction of the rebellion in sixty days. But as month after month and year after year elapsed, and the scene of warlike operations extended over a constantly widening area, with an ever-increasing earnestness in the two sections of the country arrayed against each other, it became apparent that not one volume, nor even two, would suffice for a complete history of the war. Happily, the end came at last, and though not altogether unexpected by those who knew the actual exhaustion of the South, with a suddenness almost as startling so accustomed had the public mind become to a state of war as the first burst of hostilities in the bombardment of Fort Sumter. When the "makers of history" ceased, the writers of it began to see a termination of their labors, and only then could the publishers set limits to the extent of the work. It is hoped, now that the work is complete, the reading public will find that the intention of making it a faithful and impartial history has been in a great measure accomplished. That it is -not free from some of the defects in- separable from all contemporary history is not claimed for it. Many years must elapse, and perhaps all the participants in the great National struggle will have passed from the scene before a perfect history of the great civil war will be PREFACE. given to the world, or before even the truth will be ascertained with regard to many important facts, and the springs of action of many of the most distinguished actors on either side. A perfect history was probably never written. The great- est of English historians, Macaulay, said : "There are poems which we should be inclined to designate as faultless, or as disfigured only by blemishes which pass unnoticed in the general blaze of excellence. There are speeches, some speeches of Demosthenes particularly, in which it would be impossible to alter a word without altering it for the worse. But we are acquainted with no historjr which approaches to our notion of what a history ought to be ; with no history which does not widely depart, either on the right hand or on the left, from the exact line." If this is true with regard to history in general, how great must be the difficulty attendant on the task of eliminating the truth from documents and reports, the authors of which, belonging to one or the other party, are almost certain to be interested in concealing one set of facts and giving excessive prom- inence to another ! It is believed, however, that this task, difficult as it was, has been accomplished with a great degree of success, and that the impartiality which should characterize the records of the historian has been in this work freely exercised. In conclusion, let the hope be expressed that, dreadful as was the fratricidal contest, it will not be the task of posterity to record that it was without beneficial results, but rather that as it was like a destructive tropical tempest in its approach and during its continuance, the times which succeeded it resembled the calm which settles upon the face of nature when the storm has passed, and that the subsequent career of the Great Republic was one of uninterrupted prosperity and peaceful progress. THE PUBLISHERS. LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. VOLUME I. PAGE PORTRAIT OF GENERAL WINFIELD SCOTT Frontispiece. FORT SUMTER Vignette Title. ' PORTRAIT OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN. To FACE 1 2 PORTRAIT OF S. A. DOUGLAS 17 CHARLESTONS. C., AND ITS VICINITY " 59 PORTRAIT OF JEFFERSON DAVIS " 94 PORTRAIT OF PRESIDENT BUCHANAN 120 PORTRAIT OF WILLIAM H. SEWARD 122 PORTRAIT OF GIDEON WELLES " 127 ** PORTRAIT OF GENERAL BEAUREGARD. 143 ^ MASSACHUSETTS MILITIA PASSING THROUGH BALTIMORE 187 - FORTRESS MONROE AND VICINITY. " 217 ** PORTRAIT OF GENERAL LYON. " 3Q5 - WASHINGTON, D. C., AND ITS VICINITY " 320 " PORTRAIT OF GENERAL SANS'S " 344 X RICHMOND, VA., AND ITS VICINITY. 333 S STRUGGLE ON A BRIDGE DURING THE RETREAT FROM MANASSAS " 408 -" PORTRAIT OF GENERAL FREMONT " 424 -* j PORTRAIT OF GENERAL SIGEL 426- * BATTLE AT WILSON'S CREEK, MO. DEATH OF GENERAL LYON. " 438 , DESTRUCTION OF THE PRIVATEER PETREL BY THE ST. LAWRENCE : " 524.-*" BATTLE OF BALL'S BLUFF- RES CUING THE BODY OF GENERAL BAKER " 582 .-^ PORTRAITS OF ADMIRALS DUPONT, GOLDSBOROUGH, DAHLGREN, STRINGHAM, AND WINSLOW... " 599 ^ BOMBARDMENT OF PORT ROYAL, S. C " 605 MAP OF THE ATLANTIC COAST FROM VIRGINIA TO FLORIDA " 648 - PORTRAIT OF GENERAL HALLECK. " 656 "* THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH: A HISTORY OF THE GREAT AMERICAN REBELLION; BEING A COMPLETE NARRATIVE OF THE ORIGIN AND PROGRESS OF THE WAR, \vrnr BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES OF LEADING STATESMEN, NAVAL AND MILITARY COMMANDERS, ETC. BY ROBERT TOMES, M.D., AUTHOR OF "BATTLES OF AMERICA," ETC., ETC. ILLUSTRATED BY HIGHLY-FINISHED STEEL ENGRAVINGS OF BATTLE SCENES, FORTIFICA- TIONS, MAPS, PORTRAITS, ETC., FROM DRAWINGS MADE EXPRESSLY FOR THIS WORK, BY F. O. C. DARLEY, AND OTHER EMINENT AMERICAN ARTISTS. ttEW YORK: VIRTUE AND COMPANY, 26 JOHN STREET. Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year One Thousand Eight Hundred .and Sixty-two, BY ROBERT TOMES, In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States for the Southern District of New York. TO -(general SKinfieto gtatt, U. S. A., THIS WORK IS RESPECTFULLY DEDICATED BY HIS OBEDIENT SERVANTS, THE PUBLISHERS. THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH A HISTORY OF THE GREAT AMERICAN REBELLION. CHAPTER I. State Sovereignty : its Honest and Dishonest Advocates. Northern Conciliation. Southern Domination. Northern Independence. Increased Power of the North. Alarm at the Encroachments of the South. The Kansas Struggle. Organization of the Republican Party. Nomination of John C. Fremont for President. His Opinions on Slavery. An exciting Political Contest. Election of Buchanan. Audacious Expressions of Opinion. Uneasiness of Southern Partisans. Causes of their Anxiety. An early Secession Speech of Jefferson Davis. The Appeals of the Southern Press. Perversion of the Principles of the Republican Party. Delusions of Commerce. Re-establi-hment of the Slave Trade. Alliances with the "Cotton Kingdom. "Conspirators in high places. Illegal use of Public Moneys. HI uses of Munitions of War, Navy, etc. Increased Strength of the Republican Party. South Carolina first to move to ward Disunion. A Secession Resolution. A Secession Commissioner. An emphatic Speech from Brooks, of South Carolina. Political Conventions. Division of the Democrats. Nominations for the Presidency. Chicago Convention. Lincoln nominated for President. Motives of the South in the division of the Democratic Party. A Secession Message from the Governor of South Carolina. Suggestions of Treason from a Virginian Governor. Election of Lincoln as President. MANY of the political leaders of the extreme Southern States of the Ameri- can Union had long since boldly as- serted that each individual State pos- essed a sovereignty paramount to that of the united commonwealth of the Re- public of the United States of America. Some of these men, deluded by the artful sophistries of the subtle Calhoun, the apostle of the doctrine of " State Rights," in avowing their political her- esy, gave expression, it is believed, to an honest conviction. Others, however, influenced by personal interests, sought only to gratify their ambition or to soothe their disappointment by creating a faction from which they hoped to ob- tain favors they had failed in extorting from the country. In the mean time the people of the Southern States, with the exception perhaps of those of South Carolina, who had been misled by the persuasive plausibilities of their favorite Calhoun, continued to cherish a patri- otic sentiment of attachment to the Union. While the partisan leaders of the South were enabled, through the concil- iatory concessions of Northern politi- cians, to wield the political power of the country to their own purposes of per- sonal and sectional advantage, they THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. shrewdly disguised their selfish design beneath a mark of traditional regard for the Constitution of the United States. When, however, the North began to grow restless under its subser- vience to Southern domination, and to manifest a desire for emancipation, the partisan leaders of the South became anxious lest they should lose the polit- ical mastery by which they had so long governed a nation in the interests of a faction. Alarmed by these evidences of Northern independence, the Southern leaders asserted their theory of State sovereignty with increased audacity, and threatened to evoke its exercise to the destruction of the Union. They thus hoped to frighten the Northern people, who were known to be fondly devoted to the united country, into renewed submission to Southern control. The North had, in the mean time, been rapidly gaining in power through the natural increase of population and an immense European immigration. The South had striven to balance this growing ascendency by an increase of slave States. By artful party combinations, and skillful management of Northern politicians, the partisan leaders of the South for awhile succeeded in their purpose. Texas was annexed at the expense of a war with Mexico, and established a slave State ; an intrigue, though it proved abortive, was set on foot to force Spain into the sale of servile Cuba ; and finally the Missouri Compromise act was abrogated, for the purpose of admitting the Territories of Nebraska and Kansas as slaveholding States. The Northern people became alarmed by these continued encroach- ments of the South, and resolutely pre- pared to check them. In spite of the virtual abrogation of the Missouri Com- promise act, by which the new Territory was thrown open to slavery, Kansas, through the efforts of the advocates of free soil, was filled with Northern set- tlers, and became by the votes of its in- habitants a free State. This, however, was not effected without a struggle. The neighboring slave States had sent in armed bands to resist the Northern immigration, and a bloody strife en- sued, which greatly stirred the antago- nistic interests and sentiments of the Northern and Southern States. It was in the course of this bitter contention that the Republican party was formed, to resist the further exten- sion of slavery. It soon gathered to its standard such a force as to threaten a successful opposition to the oldest and most powerful political combinations. Fully organized, the Republican party met in convention at Philadel- phia on the 17th of June, and 1856t nominated John C. Fremont, the emi- nent explorer, for President. Though a native of South Carolina, he was known to be strongly opposed to the extension of slavery, and in favor of free labor. He, however, objected to any interference with the rights of the Southern States secured to them by the Constitution of the United States, as tie thus declared in a letter addressed to some leading members of the Repub- lican party: "I heartily concur," he DISCONTENT OF SOUTHERN LEADERS. wrote, " in all movements which have for their object to repair the mischiefs arising from the violation of good faith in the repeal of the Missouri Compro- mise. I am opposed to slavery in the abstract and upon principle, sustained and made habitual by long-settled con- victions. While I feel inflexible in the belief that it ought not to be interfered with where it exists under the shield of State sovereignty, I am as inflexibly op- posed to its extension on this continent beyond its present limits." This is probably not only a fair exposition of his individual opinion, on the exciting question of slavery, but of that of the great mass of the Republican party. The political contest for the Presi- dency which ensued upon the nomina- tion of Fremont was one of the most stirring of our periodical excitements. The result was the triumph of the can- didate of the Democratic party, James Buchanan, for whom the whole South, with the exception of Maryland, whose choice was for Fillrnore, had cast its vote. Fremont, however, had received the large suffrage of one hundred and fourteen out of the whole electoral vote i of three hundred and six. New York, Ohio, Michigan, Iowa, Wisconsin, and the six New England States were array- ed in favor of the Republican candidate. By the election of their favorite, Mr. Buchanan, the Southern leaders were apparently soothed, and they settled into a temporary political contentment. In the course of the electoral contest, some had audaciously declared that in case of the election of the Republican candidate, the slave States would ex- ercise their self-asserted sovereignty, and secede from the Union. This threat, however, deemed but the angry effusion of political contention, or a mere electioneering ruse, was little heeded. Though exulting in the triumph of the election of their favorite, Buchanan, of whose sympathy with their political views they did not seem to doubt, and by whose elevation to power they had appa- rently established the security of their own, the political leaders of the South soon began to show evident symptoms of restless discontent. The already ac- quired and growing strength of the Re- publican party darkened their prospect of continued domination ; the issue of the Kansas struggle had resulted in the defeat of their hope of securing another slave State ; freer expositions* of the evils of their cherished institution, and the insurrectionary attempt at Harper's Ferry, aroused their fears ; and the auda- cious prophecies of Republican leaders, who foretold an "irrepressible conflict," threatened them with a resolute oppo- sition. They now began to be hopeless of future triumphs, and prepared, some by open appeals to sectional prejudice, and others by secret means, to dissolve the Union. More than two years since, Jefferson Davis, then a senator of the United States, now the Pres- ident of the self-styled Confederate States, boldly avowed, in a speech at Jackson, Mississippi, these insurrection- For example, the publication of Helper's "Impend- ing Crisis." 1858. THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. ary sentiments, which prove that the present rebellion, of which he is the mas- ter spirit, had been with him for a long time a "foregone conclusion." "If an abolitionist," he said, " be chosen Pres- ident of the United States, you will have presented to you the question of whether you will permit the Govern- ment to pass into the hands of your avowed and implacable enemies ? With- out pausing for an answer, I will state my own position to be that such a re- sult would be a species of revolution by which the purposes of the Government would be destroyed and the observance of its mere forms entitled to no respect. In that event, in such a manner as should be most expedient, I should deem it your duty to provide for your safety outside of the Union, with those who have already shown the will, and would have acquired the power, to de- prive you of your birthright, and to reduce you to worse than the colonial dependence of your fathers." The Southern press, too, began to urge emphatically the right of secession, and the advantage to the States of the South of separation from the Union. To 'gain the sympathy of the people, who had yet a traditional reverence for the Government founded by Washing- ton and the patriots of the Revolution, incessant appeals were made alternately to their fears, their passions, and their cupidity. The principles of the Repub- lican party and its leaders were studi- ously perverted. Their objects were declared to be the abolition of slavery, which they were determined to accom- plish, at any hazard to the lives and property of the Southern people. The inhabitants of the sea-ports were de- luded with the magnificent prospects of a direct trade with Europe, by which the dwindling cities of the South would be swollen into the importance of Tyre and Carthage, and enriched with the wealth of the whole commercial world. The cupidity, too, and pride of the poorer population, the " mean whites, " the Pariahs of the South, who, with- out property and without enterprise to acquire it, had nothing to fear from the abolition of slavery, or to hope from the promotion of commerce, were aroused by the promise of the re-establishment of the slave-trade, by which the Laz- arus of the pine barren would be enabled to count his negroes with the Dives of the rice jungle. The hazards, moreover, of casting off the protection of the powerful Government of the United States and incurring the interpo- sition of its contemned authority were conjured away by the confident assur- ances that Great Britain and France would eagerly embrace the cause and seek the alliance of the " Cotton king- dom," to which European trade would be forced to do homage. The people of the South were thus artfully being seduced from their alle- giance to the Union while their leaders were conspiring to destroy it. The President, Buchanan, bound in close ties of political sympathy with the promi- nent partisans of the Southern States, had selected from among them the chief members of his cabinet, to whose guid- SOUTH CAROLINA DESIRING TO SECEDE. 9 ance he yielded his feeble will, which they seemed to lead unresistingly to their own purposes. The treasury, the army, the navy, and the state, either under the control of Southern conspira- tors directly, or indirectly through the perhaps unconscious connivance of Northern political allies, were adminis- tered to the advantage of a rebellion which had been long contemplated. The public moneys were illegally appro- priated for Southern purposes, the naval ships were dispatched to remote parts of the world, munitions of war were pro- fusely distributed among the States of the South, and the offices of the Gov- ernment both at home and abroad were filled by confederates of the conspirators of the slave States. In the mean time, the Republican party, with increased strength, was pre- paring to join in the struggle for polit- ical ascendency with renewed hope. Its undoubted power became so mani- fest, that the more impatient of the Southern leaders lost all hope of suc- cessful opposition within the Union, and began to prepare for open resistance. South Carolina, with her loyalty to the Union long since weakened by false theories and seditious practices, was the first to move toward secession. On the 30th of November a resolution was offered in the House of Rep- resentatives of South Carolina, that " South Carolina is ready to enter, together with other slaveholding States, or such as desire prompt action, into the formation of a Southern confederacy;" and the governor was requested to for- 1860, ward the resolution to the various Southern States. To this succeeded other action toward the same object. In the following January, Mr. Memminger, a prominent politi- cian of the State, presented himself at Richmond, as the commissioner of South Carolina to Virginia, and delivered a long speech, in the course of which he argued that the guarantees of the Con- stitution of the United States were powerless to protect the South, and that it must demand new guarantees if the Union was to be preserved. Some of the more impatient of the politicians of South Carolina had antici- pated by many years in their rhetorical effusions, this grave action of their State. In 1856, Preston Brooks, a mem- ber of the United States Congress from South Carolina, whose emphasis of action was made manifest by his murderous attack upon Senator Sumner, of Massa- chusetts, delivered these characteristic words to some of his fellow-citizens who were honoring him with a public ban- quet : "I tell you, fellow-citizens, from the bottom of my heart, that the only mode which I think for meeting the issue is just to tear the Constitution of the United States, trample it under foot, and form a Southern confederacy, every State of which shall be a slave- holding State. I believe it as I stand in the face of my Maker I believe it on my responsibility to you, as your honored representative, that the only hope of the South is in the South, and that the only available means of making 10 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. 1860. that hope effective is to cut asunder the bonds that tie us together, and take our separate position in the family of na- tions." These sentiments found a ready echo among the seditiously disposed people of South Carolina. The period for the electoral struggle for the Presidency was approaching. The conventions for the nomination of candidates had met. The Democratic National Convention assembled on the 25th of April, at Charleston, in South Carolina. Caleb Gushing, of Massachusetts, was elected president, and a platform was adopted. This, however, did not concede to the South all it claimed as "necessary guarantees for the preservation of the Union," and the Southern delegates withdrawing, organized a Southern convention. This met on the 3d of May, but after many ineffectual attempts, failing to agree upon a candidate for the Presidency, adjourned to meet at Richmond. The Democratic National Convention had also adjourned to meet at Baltimore, on the 13th of June. On reassembling, a large number of delegates again with- drew, Those remaining nominated Ste*- phen A. Douglas, of Illinois, for Presi- dent, and Benjamin Fitzpatrick, of Ala- bama, for Yice-President. The seceders met and nominated John C. Breckin- ridge, of Kentucky, then Vice-President of the United States, for President, and for Yice-President, Joseph Lane, of Ore- gon. These nominations were after- ward confirmed by the convention at Richmond. In the mean time a con- vention, styling itself the " Constitu- tional Union," met at Baltimore on the 9th of May, and nominated John Bell, of Tennessee, for President, and Edward Everett, of Massachusetts, for Yice- President. Again, at Chicago, on the 16th of May, the convention of that now imposing party, the National Republican, met in convention and nominated Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois, for President, and Hannibal Hamlin, of Maine, for Yice- President. The leaders of the South had evi- dently determined to forego the advan- tage of their usual political combina- tions with their fellow-partisans of the North, by whose aid they could alone hope to secure their prescriptive impor- tance in the Union. They were willing thus to weaken by division those who were still inclined to succor them in an unavoidable struggle with a party whose power if established they professed to consider fatal to their rights. It would seem that disunion with them was a predetermined act, and that they wished the success of the National Republicans, whom they persisted in denouncing as abolitionists, to justify their contemplated Southern rebellion to the people of the South, whose sensitive anxieties for the security of their slave interests might be readily excited to an angry resistance to the constitutional authorities of the United States. The division of the Democratic party, from which certainly the Southern leaders could have no fears of an invasion of their constitu- tional rights, threw the election into the power of the Republicans, whom LINCOLN DENOUNCED IN THE SOUTH. 11 they professed to dread as the avowed enemies of the institutions of the South. The result, easily foreseen, soon occur- red. As it became evident that Lincoln would be elected, the conspirators of the South, some of whom were in the highest places of the States and of the Union, began, through message, speech, and the press, to denounce the Republican candidate as an aboli- tionist, whose purpose, at the head of a powerful party, was to interfere with Southern slavery, and by incendiary appeals to excite the people to resist- ance. In South Carolina, the conspira- tors, confident of the sympathy of the misguided people, did not hesitate to declare their rebellious purposes. On the day before the Presidential election, the governor of South Carolina deliv- ered a message to the Legislature, in which he boldly avowed the principles of secession, and recommended the ap- pointment of delegates to a convention to be assembled for the purpose of dis- solving all connection with the United States. Even in Virginia, Governor Letcher, at that early date, did not fear to sug- gest treason, and declared in his message to the Legislature : " It is useless to at- tempt to conceal the fact, that in the present temper of the Southern people, it [alluding to the probable election of Lincoln] can not and will not be sub- mitted to. * * * The idea of permit- ting such a man to have the control and direction of the army and navy of the United States, and the appointment of high judicial and executive officers, post- masters included, can not be entertained by the South for a moment." On No- vember the 6th the election took place, and Abraham Lincoln, as was foreseen, was elected President of the United States. His principles and character will be best illustrated by a cursory history of his life and political career. 12 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. CHAPTER II. Birth of Lincoln. His Ancestry. Humble Parentage. Early Education. Small Accomplishments extensively Util- ized. Handling of the Axe. Death of his Mother. Study of the Bible. Second Marriage of his Father. Young Lincoln's earliest Literary Acquirements. Later pursuits of Learning. Bodily Development and Accomplish- ments. First Trip on a Flat Boat. A Migration to Illinois. A feat of "Splitting Kails." A Hand on a Flat Boat. Reward of Industry and Integrity. General Manager of a Shop and Mill. A Volunteer in the Black Hawk War. A sudden and unexpected Promotion. Return to Civil Life. A Candidate for the Legislature. A Partnership in a Shop. Failure. An extemporaneous Surveyor Elected Member of the Legislature. Good opinion of his Constituents. Reading Law. Admission to the Bar. Professional Success. Prominent among the Politicians. A Canvass of the State. Elected Whig Member of Congress. His Votes and Opinions on the Slave Question. Return to practice as a Lawyer. Member of Whig National Convention. A Champion of the Repub- lican Party. Nominated a United States Senator. Canvass of the State. Contest with Douglas. A Victory and a Defeat. His candid Answers to Questions on Slavery. Nominated for the Presidency. Enthusiasm of his Party. An exciting Canvass. Elected President. Sudden Elevation." Honest Abe." Character and Manners. ABRAHAM LINCOLN was born in Hardin County, Kentucky, on the 12th of Feb- ruary, 1809. From the dark and con- fused traditions of an humble ancestry, a mole-eyed investigator has traced back the lineage of our President to some forefathers who emigrated from England to America, and settled in Berks County, Pennsylvania, where they were engaged in the tranquil pursuit of farming, and known as peaceful mem- bers of the " Society of Friends." One of them, however, the great-grandfather of Abraham Lincoln, removed to Vir- ginia, where his grandson, Thomas Lin- coln, the father of the President, was born. The family soon migrated to Kentucky. Here Thomas, Abraham's father, being left poor and uneducated, led the life of an itinerant laborer, ready to put his shoulder to any work that promised a fair day's wages. He, how- ever, on marrying Nancy Hanks, in 1806, became less movable, and fixed himself a settler in Hardin County, where our President was born. With- out property and without education, Thomas Lincoln found himself in the unenviable position of one of those "poor whites" who in a society based on slavery are contemned alike by the negro and his master. He therefore de- termined to emigrate to a free State, where personal labor was deemed no humiliation and honest poverty no dis- grace. He accordingly moved, in the autumn of 1816, to Spencer County, Indiana, when his son Abraham had reached the age of eight years. The youth had alread}^ while in Kentucky, picked up some stray scraps of learning, and could not only read and cipher, but write. This rare accomplishment of the juvenile scholar proved invaluable to the Lincoln family and the illiterate neighbors of their forest home in Indi- ana. They had left relatives and friends in Kentucky, and were naturally desir- ous of keeping up a correspondence with them. Young Abraham's Lin- coln's services were accordingly put into requisition as the secretary, not only of PURSUIT OF LITERATURE UNDER DIFFICULTIES. 13 his father, who could barely sign his name, and of his mother, who, "though a ready reader, had not been taught the accomplishment of writing," but of many of the other rude settlers of the wilderness. He thus early acquired a facility of expression which proved of good service to him in after time, and aided his future advancement in life. This, however, was only the occupa- tion of his rare intervals of leisure. He more frequently handled the axe than the pen. A log-house was to be built, and his father's land to be cleared of its forest growth of oaks and hickories. Abraham was young, but well-grown, and wondrously strong for his age, and took to the rude labor with instinctive readiness. " An axe was at once placed in his hands, and from that time until he attained his twenty-third year, when not employed in labor on the farm, he was almost constantly wielding that most useful instrument."* In 1818, young Lincoln lost his mother, a pious woman of the Baptist persuasion, who had taken care that no Sunday should pass without having a chapter of the Bible read either by her- self or one of her children. Her son is said thus to have acquired a familiarity with the words and principles of the Scriptures, which made an abiding im- pression upon his memory and conduct. His father, however, soon provided him- self with another wife, by marrying a Mrs. Sally Johnston, of Kentucky, who proved a worthy substitute to her not- "Life of Abraham Lincoln." Horace Greeley & Co., New York. able predecessor. Schooling was too dear, and the necessity of hard work too pressing, to allow of much devotion to study, and Abraham was left chiefly to his own unaided exertions for his education. With barely a year's in- struction in all, he succeeded, by dili- gently reading the rare books that fell in his way, in developing his naturally vigorous understanding, and preparing himself for the success which has mark- ed his life. His earliest literary acqui- sitions, after his spelling-book and the Bible, were a stray copy of Esop's Fables, which he .conned until he learned it by heart ; the Pilgrim's Progress, Franklin's Autobiography, Weems' pic- turesque Life of Washington, and Riley's wondrous narrative of travel. At the age of fifteen he earned, by three days' work, in reaping a distant neighbor's corn, Ramsay's History of the Revolu- tion, and soon after crowned his ardu- ous pursuit of literature with the acqui- sition of a copy of Plutarch's Lives. "He studied English grammar after he was twenty-three years of age ; at twenty-five he mastered enough of geometry, trigonometry, and mensura- tion to enable him to take the field as a surveyor ; and he studied the six books of Euclid after he had served a term in Congress, and when he was forty years of age, amid the pressure of an exten- sive legal practice, and of frequent de- mands upon his time by the public."* In the mean time, while young Lin- coln was striving against every disad- " Life of Abraham Lincoln." Horace Greeley & Co., New York. 14 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. vantage for mental progress, he was ad- vancing rapidly in physical stature and robustness. His rough backwoods life was hardening his muscle and knitting his stalwart frame, so that he soon became not only foremost in felling a tree or "splitting a rail," but the most noted among his comrades in feats of wrestling, leaping, and throwing the bar. His spirit of independence and adventure was displayed in a trip on a flat-boat to New Orleans, which he made at the age of nineteen, as one of the hands. The fame of the prairie lands of Illinois, with their seductive promise of cheap lands and natural richness of soil, had reached the Lincoln family, and tempted them to seek its " fresh fields and pastures new." Accordingly, in the spring of 1830, Thomas Lincoln, with his wife and children, abandoned his home in Indiana and journeyed to the new land of promise. Ox-carts loaded with the women folk, the household goods, the farming utensils, and provi- sion of corn and bacon for the journey, and driven by the patriarch and his son, our present President, carried all the hopes and fortunes of the Lincolns to their new home. After a slow and long journey through an unfrequented coun- try, picturesque to the eye with its diversified scenery, but trying to the endurance of the traveler with its mountain acclivities, its deep water- courses, and perplexing forests, they finally arrived in Illinois. Here the Lincolns settled in Macon County, where the strong arm and skilled labor of Abraham, now one-and-twenty years of age, were at once put to service. The summer was mostly spent in build- ing the log-house, as a protection against the storms and frosts of the approaching autumn and winter. The next step was to prepare the bit of prairie which had fallen to the lot of the Lincolns, for a crop of Indian corn. It was now that Abraham accomplished that memorable feat of "splitting the rails" for the ten- acre field, which has subsequently been cultivated to such advantage by the fertilizing rhetoric of political orators. The winter compelling an intermission of labor on the farm, and the severity of the season restricting the means of livelihood at home, young Lincoln was induced to accept the offer of a neighbor to assist in floating a flat-boat from Beardstown, on the Illinois River, to New Orleans. Having performed this service greatly to the satisfaction of his em- ployer, he was rewarded by him with the appointment of general manager of his shop and mill in New Salem. He had been thus occupied for several months, when, on the breaking out of the Black Hawk war in 1832, he joined a company of volunteers. Lincoln was at once chosen the captain, an unex- pected elevation, which he declared gave him more pleasure than any subsequent honor which has fallen to his lot. The war being soon brought to a close, Lin- coln returned to civil life, after the brief military career of three months. On reaching New Salem, he was in- duced to offer himself as a " Whig" can- didate for the Legislature, but was de- feated by his Democratic opponent. He MEMBER OF CONGRESS. 15 now formed a partnership, and buying a stock of goods on credit, opened a coun- try store. He was also appointed post- master at New Salem. The business, however, not proving successful, nor the office remunerative, he was soon in such pecuniary straits as to be forced to close his doors. His next effort for a liveli- hood was as an extemporaneous assist- ant surveyor, for which he readily pre- pared himself by obtaining a field com- pass, a chain, and a treatise on surveying. In 1834, Lincoln was elected a mem- ber of the Legislature of Illinois. Al- though reticent of speech, he by the faithful discharge of his duties, and his personal and political rectitude of con- duct, won so much of the good opinion of his constituents that they re-elected him for three successive terms. Even while practicing as a surveyor, Lincoln had been in the habit of read- ing books on law. After entering the Legislature, he began to study them with increased attention, and in 1836 had made such progress that he was admitted to the bar. In April of the following year he became a partner of a Mr. John F. Stuart, and removed to Springfield, where he began the practice of his profession. His success as a lawyer was immediate, and he soon at- tained to such eminence, that he ranked among the chief legal practitioners of the neighborhood. His forte was in the management of jury cases. Though laboriously occupied with his profession, Lincoln took a prominent lead in poli- tics. His sympathies were with the Whigs, and having been chosen a candi- date for Presidential elector in 1844, he canvassed the whole State of Illinois and a portion of Indiana in favor of Henry Clay. In 1846 he was elected by the Whigs a member of Congress, and in December, 1847, took his seat in the House of Representatives. Though opposed to the annexation of Texas and the w r ar with Mexico, which had been then brought to a triumphant close by the conquest of the Mexican capital, Lincoln never failed to recognize the good service of our soldiers, and to join in all the congressional votes of ac- knowledgment and reward. At an early period Lincoln had mani- fested those opinions on slavery which secured for him the nomination of the Republican party, and elevated him to his present high position. In a protest, which is recorded upon the journal of the Illinois Legislature on the 3d of March, 1837, he united with a fellow-member in saying that : " They believe that the institution of slavery is founded on both injustice and bad policy ; but that the promulgation of abolition doctrines tends rather to increase than abate its evils. "They believe that the Congress of the United States has no power, under the Constitution, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the different States. "They believe that the Congress of the United States has the power under the Constitution to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia ; but that the power ought not to be exercised unless at the request of the people of said District." 16 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. His action while in Congress, as since his election to the Presidency, has been in strict accordance with the scrupulous regard thus early expressed for all con- stitutional obligations in respect to Southern slavery, while he has never failed to do his utmost to restrict within its legal bounds an institution which he does not favor. He showed his resolute opposition to its extension by voting, while in Congress, no less than forty- two times for the Wilmot proviso. His action on other questions was in har- mony with his professed Whig principles, and a protective tariff, river and harbor improvements, and the sale of the pub- lic lands at a low valuation, received his support and vote. Lincoln, having served in Congress but a single term, returned to the prac- tice of his profession in Springfield. In 1848, however, he was a member of the Whig National Convention, and warmly concurred in the nomination of General Zachar}^ Taylor for the Presidency. In 1849 he was the Whig candidate for the .United States Senate, but as the majority of the Legislature of Illinois was Demo- cratic, was beaten by his competitor, General Shields. The repeal of the Missouri Compro- mise aroused Lincoln once more to active political effort, and he came for- ward as a champion of the new Repub- lican party organized to resist the ex- tension of slavery. In the canvass for the choice of a senator in the place of General Shields, he sustained Judge Turnbull, and to his spirited efforts was attributed the triumph of that Republi- can candidate. So prominent had he now become as a leader of the new party, that in the Republican National Convention of 1856, which nominated John C. Fremont for President, Lincoln was pressed by the delegates from the State of Illinois as a nominee for the Vice-Presidency. Being nominated on the 2d of June, 1858, by the Republican party of his State, candidate for the United States Senate, in opposition to Douglas, Lin- coln canvassed Illinois together with his eminent competitor. Having already, in the struggle between Turnbull and Shields, tested his powers with the " Little Giant," as the partisans of Doug- las fondly termed him, in allusion to his combined loftiness of intellect and smallness of stature, Lincoln did not hesitate to challenge his doughty antag- onist to another encounter. The polit- ical contest which ensued became mem- orable, and Lincoln exhibited, as a free- soil combatant, such pluck and bottom that he was hailed by the Republicans of Illinois as their favorite champion. They claimed that he had victoriously sustained their principles against the stoutest leader of their antagonists. He, however, with all his vigor of fight, did not succeed in his immediate purpose of gaining the prize of the senatorship. The popular vote, it is true, proclaimed him victor, but his competitor, Douglas, received the suffrage of the State Sen- ate in consequence of the unequal ap- portionment law of Illinois, which gave the Democrats an undue share of its members. Lincoln, however, had se- \\ LINCOLN'S OPINIONS ON SLAVERY. 17 cured for himself, among the expanding Republican party, an importance which obtained for him the nomination for the Presidency, and finally his elevation to that high office. How far his political views upon the question of slavery are justifications of a defiance of the authority of his gov- ernment, as is pretended by those seek- ing pretexts for rebellion, his own words will prove. In the course of his polit- ical contest for the senatorship, Douglas proposed certain questions to him, which are here given, with Lincoln's answers, which present a candid exposition of his opinions. *' ' Question 1 . I desire to know whether Lincoln to-day stands pledged, as he did in 1854, in favor of the unconditional repeal of the Fugitive Slave law ? Answer. I do not now, nor ever did, stand pledged in favor of the uncondi- tional repeal of the Fugitive Slave law. Q. 2. I desire him to answer whether he stands pledged to-day, as he did in 1854, against the admission of any more slave States into the Union, even if the people want them ?" A. I do not now, nor ever did, stand pledged against the admission of any more slave States into the Union. Q. 3. I want to know whether he stands pledged against the admission of a new State into the Union, with such a constitution as the people of that State may see fit to make ? A. I do not stand pledged against the admission of a new State into the Union, with such a constitution as the people of that State may see fit to make. Q. 4. I want to know whether he stands to-day pledged to the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia ? A. I do not stand to-day pledged to the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia. Q. 5. I desire him to answer whether he stands pledged to the prohibition of the slave-trade between the different States ? A. I do not stand pledged to the prohibition of the slave-trade between the different States. Q. 6. I desire to know whether he stands pledged to prohibit slavery in all the Territories of the United States, north as well as south of the Missouri Compromise line ? A. I am impliedly, if not expressly, pledged to a belief in the right and duty of. Congress to prohibit slavery in all the United States' Territories. Q. 7. I desire him to answer whether he is opposed to the acquisition of any new territory, unless slavery is first pro- hibited therein ? A. I am not generally opposed to hon- est acquisition of territory ; and, in any given case, I would or would not oppose such acquisition, according as I might think such acquisition would or would not aggravate the slavery question among ourselves. Now, my friends, it will be perceived, upon an examination of these questions and answers, that so far I have only answered that I was not pledged to this, that, or the other. The Judge has not framed his interrogatories to ask me anything more than this, and I have 18 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. answered in strict accordance with the interrogatories, and have answered truly that I am not pledged at all upon any of the points to which I have answered. But I am not disposed to hang upon the exact form of his interrogatory. I am rather disposed to take up at least some of these questions, and state what I really think upon them. As to the first one, in regard to the Fugitive Slave law, I have never hesi- O ' tated to say, and I do not now hesitate to say, that I think, under the Consti- tution of the United States, the people of the Southern States are entitled to a Congressional Fugitive Slave law. Hav- ing said that, I have had nothing to say in regard to the existing Fugitive Slave law, further than that I think it should have been framed so as to be free from some of the objections that pertain, to it, without lessening its efficiency. And inasmuch as we are not now in an agitation in regard to an alteration or modification of that law, I would not be the man to introduce it as a new subject of agitation upon the general question of slavery. In regard to the other question, of whether I am pledged to the admission of any more slave States into the Union, I state to you very frankly, that I would be exceedingly sorry ever to be put in a position of having to pass upon that question. I should be exceedingly glad to know that there would never be another slave State admitted into the Union ; but I must add that, if slavery shall be kept out of the Territories during the territorial existence of any one given Territory, and then the people shall, having a fair chance and a clear field, when they come to adopt the Constitution, do such an extraordinary thing as to adopt a slave constitution, uninfluenced by the actual presence of the institution among them, I see no alternative, if we own the country, but to admit them into the Union. The third interrogatory is answered by the answer to the second, it being, as I conceive, the same as the second. The fourth one is in regard to the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia. In relation to that, I have my mind very distinctly made up. I should be exceedingly glad to see slavery abolished in the District of Columbia. I believe that Congress possesses the constitutional power to abolish it. Yet, as a member of Congress, I should not, with my present views, be in favor of endeavoring to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, unless it would be upon these conditions : First, that the abolition should be gradual. Second, that it should be on a vote of the ma- jority of qualified voters in the District ; and third, that compensation should be made to unwilling owners. With these three conditions, I confess I would be exceedingly glad to see Congress abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, and, in the language of Henry Clay, " sweep from our capital that foul blot upon our nation ." In regard to the fifth interrogatory, I must say here, that as to the question of the abolition of the slave-trade be- tween the different States, I can truly AN EXCITING ELECTION. 19 answer, as I have, that I am pledged to nothing about it. It is a subject to which I have not given that mature consideration that would make me feel authorized to state a position so as to hold myself entirely bound by it. In other words, that question has never been prominently enough before me to induce me to investigate whether we really have the constitutional power to do it. I could investigate it if I had sufficient time to bring myself to a con- clusion upon that subject ; but I have not done so, and I say so frankly to you here, and to Judge Douglas. I must say, however, that if I should be of opinion that Congress does possess the constitutional power to abolish the slave-trade among the different States, I should still not be in favor of the exer- cise of that power unless upon some conservative principle, as I conceive it, akin to what I have said in relation to the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia. My answer as to whether I desire that slavery should be prohibited in all the Territories of the United States, is full and explicit within itself, and can not be made clearer by any comments of mine. So I suppose in regard to the question whether I am opposed to the acquisition of any more territory unless slavery is first prohibited therein, my answer is such that I could add nothing by way of illustration, or making myself better understood, than the answer which I have placed in writing." On the 16th of May, the Re- ISfiO 1 publican National Convention met at Chicago. After two ballots, which resulted in no choice, Lincoln was chosen on the third, receiving three hundred and fifty-four of the whole four hun- dred and sixty-five votes.* The elec- tion was then made unanimous. The party responded enthusiastically to the choice, and began at once to stir the country with an exciting canvass. The "Wide Awakes," unarmed but uni- formed armies of voters, were mustered and led by bands of music, paraded through the streets in marching order by day, and in torchlight processions at night. Illuminated banners, gigantic flags, and posters made the names of Lincoln and Hamlin familiar to every eye and ear. Republican orators, of whom Seward, himself the leading competitor for the nomination of President with Lincoln, was the chief, posted from State to State, city to city, and through- out the rural districts, gathering great crowds and arousing them by their fervid rhetoric to resist the encroachments of slavery, and rally to the standard of the party organized to oppose it. The divided Democrats and the so- called Unionists were not less demon- strative with their flaunting and noisy appeals through party emblems, pro- cessions, "monster" meetings, and po- litical speech. The country was never so agitated and party spirit so enven- omed. Mutterings, in the mean time, The whole number of votes was 465, of which 253 were necessary to a choice. On the first ballot, Seward re- ceived 173J, Lincoln 102, Cameron 50}, and Bates 48 ; the rest were scattered. On the second ballot, Seward re- ceived 184$, and Lincoln 181 ; on the third, Lincoln had 354, Seward 110 J, Dayton 1, and McLean a vote. 20 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. 1860. of disaffection came from the South anticipating defeat, but were either not listened to, or scouted as the grumbling of impotent discontent. The clamor of party drowned all but its own voice. In consequence of the dissensions and divisions of the Democratic party, the Republicans succeeded in electing their candidate. Abraham Lincoln was elect- ed President of the United States, having received the electoral vote of seventeen States California, Connec- ticut, Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Maine, Massachusetts, Michigan, Minnesota, New Hampshire, New York, Ohio, Ore- gon, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, Ver- mont, and Wisconsin while the electoral vote of eleven States was given to Breck- iriridge, three for Bell, and two for Douglas. The whole popular vote, how- ever, was only 1,857,610 for the Repub- lican candidate, while that for the other three combined amounted to 2,804,560. Lincoln, by his election, became at once, from a comparatively obscure per- son, whose name before his nomination was hardly known beyond the limits of the State of Illinois, the most prominent man in the country. Though acknowl- edged in his own State as an acute law- yer and skillful politician, he had never been recognized by the country at large as a leading statesman. He had, how- ever, acquired in Illinois such a repute for political and personal integrity, that the people of the North, of all parties, disgusted with the corruption in high places, readily accepted him as a chief magistrate, upon whom they might rely for a strict adherence to his constitu- tional obligations. The "honest Abe 77 of his partisans would prove, it was be- lieved, the worthy President of the great Republic. Personally, Lincoln, who in character and manner has the unreserved and pop- ular characteristics of the Western man, has no pretensions to the stately dignity we are apt to associate with the office of President. Retaining the informal habits of his early life, he is easily accessible, and yields without reserve his ready so- cial sympathy to the first comer. A tall, gaunt man, with bending shoulders like an overweighted Atlas, nearly six feet and a half in height, and of great physical vigor developed by the rude labor of his earlier, and strengthened by the simple habits of his later years, he looks the rep- resentative of the sturdy democracy of the country. With none of the pretentious refinements of a fastidious culture, he yet has a naturally vigorous understand- ing, carefully improved by legal and po- litical study. A certain logical acumen seems the characteristic of his mind, and tracing with untiring pertinacity the windings of an argument, he is skilled in distinguishing the plausible from the true. His mental like his moral char- acter seems to have a natural bias for truth, and the nation, in these days of political crime, confidently trusts in his honesty. EFFECT OF LINCOLN'S ELECTION. 21 CHAPTER III. The Election of Lincoln a signal and pretext of Insurrection. The news hailed with joy in South Carolina,. Secession Meetings. Sympathy of Slave States. Offer of Aid from Virginia. Secession Movement in New Orleans. A Call for an Army in South Carolina. Resignation of the United States Senators from South Carolina. Tendency to Rebellion in the other Slave States. Action of the Legislature of Georgia. Florida hails the "Gallant Palmetto Flag." The Governor of Alabama advises to prepare for Secession. Conventions ordered. Increase of the Seces- sion Mania in South Carolina. Flying of the Palmetto Flag, and excited enthusiasm of the People.- An infectious example. Arming of Georgia. Commissioners from Mississippi. Mutual Counsel and Advice. Arming of the Southern People. Purchases of Arms from the North.- Increased Barbarity at the South. Feeling at the North. Trust in the sentiment of Union. Hope from Congress and the President. Disappointment. President Buchanan's Message. 1860, THE election of Lincoln was made the signal in the South, as it was the pretext, for the open defiance of the authority of the Federal Govern- ment. The intelligence of the fact was received at Charleston, S. C., with un- disguised joy, and the citizens gave vent to their enthusiasm in "long-continued cheering for a Southern confederacy." Meetings were held, where local orators delivered stirring speeches, in which they declared that Southern independ- ence could only be secured by the se- cession of South Carolina, and were rapturously applauded. The conspira- tors of the different Southern States in- terchanged expressions of sympathy and offers of mutual service. From Vir- ginia, even at that early period, came a proffer to South Carolina of a volunteer corps to aid her in her projected rebellion. In New Orleans, placards were posted on the walls of the city inviting the cit- izens to military organization, and soon " minute men" were mustered in every cotton State. On the 10th of November a bill was introduced in the Legislature of South Carolina for calling out and equipping an army of ten thousand volunteers, and on the same day was ordered an election for delegates to a convention to take action on the question of secession. This was followed by the resignation by the South Carolina senators of their seats in the Senate of the United States, which was accepted with enthusiasm. Finally, on November 13th, the Legis- lature adjourned sine die, when its pre- paratory acts of secession were honored by a torch-light procession in the cap- ital of the State. The other cotton States, though less precipitate than South Carolina in legis- lative action, gave early indications of their tendency to insurrection. The Legislature of Georgia refused to order the election of a senator to fill a vacancy in the United States Seriate. The Gov- ernor of Florida sent a telegraphic greet- ing to the Governor of South Carolina, declaring that " Florida is with the gal- lant Palmetto flag." The Governor of Alabama advised his fellow-citizens to prepare for secession, and gave notice of his intention to order an election of 22 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. delegates to a State convention. An extra session of the Legislature of Vir- ginia was called to "take into consid- eration the condition of public affairs." At the same time great meetings were held at New Orleans, Augusta, Mont- gomery, Vicksburg, and other Southern cities, in favor of disunion. Each day brought with it a fresh development of the secession mania. The citizens of Charleston gathered in crowds to "in- augurate the revolution." The palmetto flag, the symbol of the State, was hoisted upon tall poles of pine erected for the purpose, and flung out from every pub- lic building, hotel, and private residence. Men, women, and children flaunted se- cession badges, and yielded unresistingly to the common madness. In the meanwhile the example of South Carolina was infecting her neigh- bors. The Legislature of Georgia voted N OV , an appropriation of a million of 18 dollars " to arm and equip the State," and ordered an election of del- egates to a convention. The Legislature ]\ ov , of North Carolina refused to elect 30 a United States Senator. The Legislature of Mississippi authorized the Nov. governor to appoint commissioners 29- to visit the slaveholding States, to devise means in co-operation for "their common defense and safety." The Leg- Dec, islature of Florida unanimously 1* passed the bill calling for a con- vention. The Legislature of Georgia again, unable to check its impatience, Dec, made a further advance toward re- 3| bellion by considering a resolution to invite a conference of the Southern States, for mutual counsel in regard to the best means of resistance to the North. The people of the slave States were daily arming themselves for an antici- pated encounter with the Federal au- thorities they were provoking. Im- mense purchases of arms and ammunition were made at New York, Boston, and Hartford. The rage against the unsym- pathetic citizens of the North, who by an unhappy fate chanced to be exposed to their insults and violence, was mani- fested with increased barbarity. The loyal citizens of the country, though alarmed by these rebellious in- dications of the slave States, yet trusted to the sentiment of union to check, and the power as well as the disposition of the Federal Government to repress them. Some looked to Congress, now in Dec, session, for a ready compliance with 3, measures of conciliation and compro- mise, by which Southern discontent might be soothed by Northern concession. Oth- ers trusting in the power of Government, hoped that the chief magistrate, now that his weak will and vacillating purposes could be steadied and directed by con- gressional resolution, would bind with the fetters of authority the rebellion be- fore it should be aroused in its might. The message of Buchanan, however, soon dissipated these hopes. Instead of a dignified vindication of authority, Dec, it was an ill-concealed attempt at ^ justification of its contemners, and an open declaration of their impunity. This remarkable document will be always considered a not inefficient promoter of BUCHANAN'S MESSAGE. 23 rebellion, and is now recorded as an important fact in its history. PRESIDENT BUCHANAN'S MESSAGE. "FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: " Throughout the year since our last meeting, the country has been eminently prosperous in all its material interests. The general health has been excellent, our harvests have been abundant, and plenty smiles throughout the land. Our commerce and manufactures have been prosecuted with energy and industry, and have yielded fair and ample re- turns. In short, no nation in the tide of time has ever presented a specta- cle of greater material prosperity than we have done until within a very recent period. 11 Why is it, then, that discontent now so extensively prevails, and the Union of the States, which is the source of all these blessings, is threatened with destruction ? The long-continued and intemperate interference of the Northern people with the question of slavery in the Southern States has at length pro- duced its natural effects. The different sections of the Union are now arrayed against each other, and the time has ar- rived, so much dreaded by the Father of his Country, when hostile geograph- ical parties have been formed. I have long foreseen and often forewarned my countrymen of the now impending dan- ger. This does not proceed solely from the claims on the part of Congress or the Territorial Legislature to exclude slav- ery from the Territories, nor from the efforts of different States to defeat the execution of the Fugitive Slave law. ' ' All or any of these evils might have been endured by the South without danger to the Union (as others have been), in the hope that time and re- flection might apply the remedy. The immediate peril arises not so much from these causes, as from the fact that the incessant and violent agitation of the slavery question throughout the North for the last quarter of a century, has at Jength produced its malign influence on the slaves, and inspired them with vague notions of freedom. Hence a sense of security no longer exists around the family altar. This feeling of peace at home has given place to apprehensions of servile insurrection. Many a ma- tron throughout the South retires at night in dread of what may befall her- self and her children before the morn- ing. Should this apprehension of do- mestic danger, whether real or imagin- ary, extend and intensify itself until it shall pervade the masses of the Southern people, then disunion will become inev- itable. Self-preservation is the first law of nature, and has been implanted in the heart of man by his Creator for the wisest purpose ; and no political union, however fraught with blessings and ben- efits in all other respects, can long con- tinue, if the necessary consequence be to render the homes and the firesides of nearly half the parties to it habitually and hopelessly insecure. Sooner or later the bonds of such a union must be sev- ered. It is my conviction that this fatal period has not yet arrived ; and my THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. prayer to God is, that he would preserve the Constitution and the Union through- out all generations. " But let us take warning in time, and remove the cause of danger. It can not be denied that for five-and-twenty years the agitation at the North against slav- ery in the South has been incessant. In 1835, pictorial handbills and inflamma- tory appeals were circulated extensively throughout the South, of a character to excite the passions of the slaves ; and, in the language of G-en. Jackson, ' to stimulate them to insurrection, and pro- duce all the horrors of a servile war.' This agitation has ever since been con- tinued by the public press, by the pro- ceedings of State and county conven- tions, and by abolition sermons .and lectures. The time of Congress has been occupied in violent speeches on this never-ending subject, and appeals in pamphlet and other forms, indorsed by distinguished names, have been sent forth from this central point, and spread broadcast over the Union. " How easy would it be for the Amer- ican people to settle the slavery question forever, and to restore peace and har- mony to this distracted country ! "They, and they alone, can do it. All that is necessary to accomplish the object, and all for which the slave States have ever contended, is to be let alone and permitted to manage their domestic institutions in their own way. As sov- ereign States, they, and they alone, are responsible before God and the world for the slavery existing among them. For this, the people of the North are not more responsible, and have no more right to interfere, than with similar in- stitutions in Russia or in Brazil. Upon their good sense and patriotic forbear- ance I confess I still greatly rely. With- out their aid, it is beyond the power of any President, no matter what may be his own political proclivities, to restore peace and harmony among the States. Wisely limited and restrained as is his power, under our Constitution and laws, he alone can accomplish but little, for good or for evil, on such a momentous question. " And this brings me to observe that the election of any one of our fellow- citizens to the office of President does not of itself afford just cause for dis- solving the Union. This is more espe- cially true if his election has been effected by a mere plurality, and not a majority, of the people, and has re- sulted from transient and temporary causes, which may probably never again occur. In order to justify a resort to revolutionary resistance, the Federal Government must be guilty of ' a delib- erate, palpable, and dangerous exercise' of powers not granted by the Constitu- tion. The late Presidential election, however, has been held in strict con- formity with its express provisions. How, then, can the result justify a rev- olution to destroy this very Constitu- tion ? Reason, justice, a regard for the Constitution, all require that we shall wait for some overt and dangerous act on the part of the President-elect before resorting to such a remedy. "It is said, however, that the ante- THE SOUTH AND ITS RIGHTS. 25 cedents of the President-elect have been sufficient to justify the fears of the South that he will attempt to invade their con- stitutional rights. But are such appre- hensions of contingent danger in the future sufficient to justify the immediate destruction of the noblest system of government ever devised by mortals ? From the very nature of his office, and its high responsibilities, he must neces- sarily be conservative. The stern duty of administering the vast and compli- cated concerns of this Government af- fords in itself a guarantee that he will not attempt any violation of a clear constitutional right. After all, he is no more than the chief executive officer of the Government. His province is not to make, but to execute, the laws ; and it is a remarkable fact in our history, that, notwithstanding the repeated ef- forts of the Anti-Slavery party, no single act has ever passed Congress, unless we may possibly except the Missouri Com- promise, impairing in the slightest de- gree the rights of the South to their property in slaves. And it may also be observed, judging from the present in- dications, that no probability exists of the passage of such an act, by a ma- jority of both Houses, either in the present or the next Congress. Surely, under these circumstances, we ought to be restrained from present action by the precept of Him who spake as never man spoke, that ' sufficient unto the day is the evil thereof.' The day of evil may never come, unless we shall rashly bring it upon ourselves. " It is alleged as one cause for imme- 4 diate secession, that the Southern States are denied equal rights with the other States in the common Territories. But by what authority are these denied ? Not by Congress, which has never passed, and I believe never will pass, any act to exclude slavery from these Territories ; and certainly not by the Supreme Court, which has solemnly decided that slaves are property, and, like all other prop- erty, their owners have a right to take them into the common Territories, and hold them there under the protection of the Constitution. "So far, then, as Congress is con- cerned, the objection is not to anything they have already done, but to what they may do hereafter. It will surely be admitted that this apprehension of future danger is no good reason for an immediate dissolution of the Union. It is true that the Territorial Legislature of Kansas, on the 23d of February, 1860, passed in great haste an act, over the veto of the governor, declaring that slavery ' is, and shall be, forever pro- hibited in this Territory.' Such an act, however, plainly violating the rights of property secured by the Constitution, will surely be declared void by the ju- diciary whenever it shall be presented in a legal form. " Only three days after my inaugurar tion, the Supreme Court of the United States solemnly adjudged that the power did not exist in a Territorial Legislature. Yet such has been the factious temper of the times, that the correctness of this decision has been extensively impugned before the people, and the question has 26 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. given rise to angry political conflicts throughout the country. Those who have appealed from this judgment of our highest constitutional tribunal to pop- ular assemblies would, if they could, in- vest a Territorial Legislature with power to annul the sacred rights of property. This power Congress is expressly for- bidden, by the Federal Constitution, to exercise. Every State Legislature in the Union is forbidden, by its own Con- stitution, to exercise it. It can not be exercised in any State except by the people, in their highest sovereign capac- ity, when framing or amending their State Constitution. ' ' In like manner it can only be exer- cised by the people of a Territory rep- resented in a convention of delegates, for the purpose of framing a constitution, preparatory to admission as a State into the Union. Then, and not until then, are they invested with power to decide the question, whether slavery shall or shall not exist within their limits. This is an act of sovereign authority, and not of subordinate territorial legislation. Were it otherwise, then indeed would the equality of the States in the Terri- tories be destroyed, and the right of property in slaves would depend, not upon the guarantees of the Constitution, but upon the shifting majorities of an irresponsible Territorial Legislature. Such a doctrine, from its intrinsic un- soundness, can not long influence any considerable portion of our people, much less can it afford a good reason for a dissolution of the Union. ' The most palpable violations of con- stiUitional duty which have yet been committed, consist in the acts of differ- ent State legislatures to defeat the ex- ecution of the Fugitive Slave law. It ought to be remembered, however, that for these acts neither Congress nor any President can justly be held responsible. Having been passed in violation of the Federal Constitution, they are, there- fore, null and void. All the courts, both State and national, before whom the question has arisen, have from the beginning declared the Fugitive Slave law to be constitutional. The single exception is that of a State court in Wisconsin ; and this has not only been reversed by the proper appellate tri- bunal, but has met with such universal reprobation that there can be no danger from it as a precedent. The validity of this law has been established over and over again by the Supreme Court of the United States with perfect unan- imity. It is founded upon an express provision of the Constitution, requiring that fugitive slaves who escape from service in one State to another shall be ' delivered up' to their masters. With- out this provision, it is a well-known historical fact that the Constitution itself could never have been adopted by the Convention. " In one form or other, under the acts of 1793 and 1850, both being sub- stantially the same, the Fugitive Slave law has been the law of the land from the days of Washington until the present moment. Here, then, a clear case is presented, in which it will be the duty of the next President, as it has been my BUCHANAN ON SECESSION. own, to act with vigor in executing this supreme law against the conflicting en- actments of State legislatures. Should he fail in the performance of this high duty, he will then have manifested a dis- regard of the Constitution and laws, to the great injury of the people of nearly one half of the States of the Union. But are we to presume in advance that he will thus violate his duty ? This would be at war with every principle of justice and of Christian charity. Let us wait for the overt act. The Fugitive Slave law has been carried into execu- tion in every contested case since the commencement of the present adminis- tration ; though often, it is to be re- gretted, with great loss and inconveni- ence to the master, and with consider- able expense to the Government. Let us trust that the State legislatures will repeal their unconstitutional and obnox- ious enactments. Unless this shall be done without any necessary delay, it is impossible for any human power to save the Union. "The Southern States, standing on the basis of the Constitution, have a right to demand this act of justice from the States of the North. Should it be refused, then the Constitution, to which all the States are parties, will have been willfully violated by one portion of them in a provision essential to the domestic security and happiness of the remain- der. In that event, the injured States, after having first used all peaceful and constitutional means to obtain redress, would be justified in revolutionary re- sistance to the Government of the Union. " I have purposely confined my re- marks to revolutionary resistance, be- cause it has been claimed within the last few years that any State, whenever this shall be its sovereign will and pleasure, may secede from the Union, in accord- ance with the Constitution, and without any violation of the constitutional rights of the other members of the confed- eracy. That, as each became parties to the Union by a vote of its own people assembled in convention, so any one of them may retire from the Union in a similar manner by the vote of such a convention. " In order to justify secession as a constitutional remedy, it must be on the principle that the Federal Government is a mere voluntary association of States, to be dissolved at pleasure by any one of the contracting parties. If this be so, the confederacy is a rope of sand, to be penetrated and dissolved by the first adverse wave of public opinion in any of the States. In this manner our thirty-three States may resolve them- selves into as many petty, jarring, and hostiles republics, each one retiring from the Union, without responsibility, when- ! ever any sudden excitement might impel them to such a course. By this process a union might be entirely broken into fragments in a few weeks, which cost our forefathers many years of toil, pri- vation, and blood to establish. ' ' Such a principle is wholly incon- sistent with the history as well as the character of the Federal Constitution. After it was framed, with the greatest deliberation and care, it was submitted 28 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. to conventions of the people of the several States for ratification. Its pro- visions were discussed at length in these bodies, composed of the first men of the country. Its opponents contended that it conferred powers upon the Federal Government dangerous to the rights of the States, while its advocates main- tained that under a fair construction of the instrument there was no foundation for such apprehensions. In that mighty struggle between the first intellects of this or any other country, it never oc- curred to any individual, either among its opponents or advocates, to assert, or even to intimate, that their efforts were all vain labor, because the moment any State felt herself aggrieved she might secede from the Union. What a crush- ing argument would this have proved against those who dreaded that the rights of the States would be endangered by the Constitution ! The truth is, that it was not until many years after the origin of the Federal Government that such a proposition was first advanced. ' ' It was then met and refuted by the conclusive arguments of General Jack- son, who, in his message of 16th Janu- ary, 1833, transmitted the nullifying or- dinance of South Carolina to Congress, employs the following language : ' The right of the people of a single State to absolve themselves at will, and without the consent of the other States, from their most solemn obligations, and haz- ard the liberty and happiness of the millions composing this Union, can not be acknowledged. Such authority is believed to be utterly repugnant both to the principles upon which the General Government is constituted, and to the objects which it was expressly formed to attain. 7 " It is not pretended that any clause in the Constitution gives countenance to such a theory. It is altogether founded upon inference, not from any language contained in the instrument itself, but from the sovereign character of the several States by which it was ratified. But is it beyond the power of a State, like an individual, to yield a portion of its sovereign rights to secure the re- mainder ? In the language of Mr. Mad- ison, who has been called the Father of the Constitution : ' It was formed by the States that is, by the people in each of the States, acting in their high- est sovereign capacity ; and formed con- sequently by the same authority which formed the State constitutions.' " Nor is the Government of the United States, created by the Constitution, less a government in the strict sense of the term, within the sphere of its powers, than the governments created by the constitutions of the States are, within their several spheres. It is, like them, organized into legislative, executive, and judiciary departments. It operates, like them, directly on persons and things ; and, like them, it has at command a physical force for executing the powers committed to it. " It was intended to be perpetual, and not be annulled at the pleasure of any one of the contracting parties. The old articles of confederation were entitled ' Articles of Confederation and Perpet- PERPETUITY OF THE UNION. 29 ual Union between the States ;' and by the 13th article it is expressly declared that ' the articles of this Confederation shall be inviolably observed by every State, and the Union shall be perpetual.' The preamble to the Constitution of the United States, having express reference to the articles of Confederation, recites that it was established ' in order to form a more perfect union.' And yet it is contended that this ' more perfect union' does not include the essential attribute of perpetuity. " But that the Union was designed to be perpetual, appears conclusively from the nature and extent of the powers conferred by the Constitution on the Federal Government. These powers embrace the very highest attributes of national sovereignty. They place both the sword and the purse under its con- trol. Congress has power to make war, and to make peace ; to raise and sup- port armies and navies, and to conclude treaties with foreign governments. It is invested with the power to coin money, and to regulate the value thereof, and to regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among the several States. It is not necessary to enumerate the other high powers which have been conferred upon the Federal Government. In order to carry the enumerated powers into effect, Congress possesses the exclusive right to lay and collect duties on imports, and in common with the States to lay and col- lect all other taxes. "But the Constitution has not only conferred these high powers upon Con- gress, but it has adopted effectual means to restrain the States from interfering with their exercise. For that purpose ! it has, in strong prohibitory language, expressly declared that ' no State shall enter into any treaty, alliance, or con- federation ; grant letters of marque and reprisal ; coin money ; emit bills of credit ; make anything but gold and silver coin a tender in payment of debts ; pass any bill of attainder, ex post facto law, or law impairing the obligation of contracts.' Moreover, ' without the con- sent of Congress, no State shall lay any imposts or duties on any imports or ex- ports, except what may be absolutely necessary for executing its inspection laws ;' and if they exceed this amount, the excess shall belong to the United States. ' ' And ' no State shall, without the con- sent of Congress, lay any duty of tonnage ; keep troops, or ships of war, in time of peace ; enter into any agreement or compact with another State, or with a foreign power ; or engage in war, unless actually invaded, or in such imminent danger as will not admit of delay.' " In order still further to secure the uninterrupted exercise of these high powers against State interposition, it is provided ' that this Constitution, and the laws of the United States which shall be made in pursuance thereof, and all treaties made, or which shall be made, under the authority of the United States, shall be the supreme law of the land ; and the judges in every State shall be bound thereby, anything in the Constitution or laws of any State to the contrary notwithstanding.' 30 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. " The solemn sanction of religion has been superadded to the obligations of official duty, and all Senators and Rep- resentatives of the United States, all members of State Legislature, and all executive and judicial officers, ' both of the United States and of the several States, shall be bound by oath or affirm- ation to support this Constitution.' " In order to carry into effect these powers, the Constitution has established a perfect government in all its forms, legislative, executive, and judicial ; and this Government, to the extent of its powers, acts directly upon the individual citizen of every State, and executes its own decrees by the agency of its own officers. In this respect it differs en- tirely from the Government under the old confederation, which was confined to making requisitions on the States in their sovereign character. This left it in the discretion of each whether to obey or to refuse, and they often declined to comply with such requisition. It thus became necessary, for the purpose of re- moving this barrier, and, * in order to form a more perfect union,' to establish a government which could act directly upon the people, and execute its own laws without the intermediate agency of the States. This has been accomplished by the Constitution of the United States. " In short, the Government created by the Constitution, and deriving its au- thority from the sovereign people of each of the several States, has precisely the same right to exercise its power over the people of all these States, in the enumerated cases, that each one of them possesses over subjects not del- egated to the United States, but ' re- served to the States respectively, or to the people.' "To the extent of the delegated pow- ers, the Constitution of the United States is as much a part of the Constitution of each State, and is as binding upon its people, as though it had been textually inserted therein. " This Government, therefore, is a great and powerful government, in- vested with all the attributes of sov- ereignty over the special subjects to which its authority extends. Its framers never intended to implant in its bosom the seeds of its own destruction, nor were they, at its creation, guilty of the absurdity of providing for its own disso- lution. It was not intended by its framers to be the baseless fabric of a vision which, at the touch of the en- chanter, would vanish into thin air, but a substantial and mighty fabric, capable of resisting the slow decay of time, and of defying -the storms of ages. Indeed, well may the jealous patriots of that day have indulged fears that a government of such high powers might violate the reserved rights of the States, and wisely did they adopt the rule of a strict con- struction of these powers to prevent the danger ! But they did not fear, nor had they any reason to imagine, that the Constitution would ever be so inter- preted as to enable any State, by her own act, and without the consent of her sister States, to discharge her people from all or any of their Federal obliga- tions. THE DUTY OF THE PRESIDENT. 31 " It may be asked, then, are the peo- ple of the States without redress against j the tyranny and oppression of the Fed- eral Government ? By no means. The right of resistance on the part of the governed against the oppression of their governments can not be denied. It ex- ists independently of all constitutions, and has been exercised at all periods of the world's history. Under it old gov- ernments have been destroyed, and new ones have taken their place. It is em- bodied in strong and express language in our own Declaration of Independence. But the distinction must ever be ob- served, that this is revolution against an established government, and not a vol- untary secession from it by virtue of an inherent constitutional right. In short, let us look the danger fairly in the face : secession is neither more nor less than i revolution. It may or it may not be a i justifiable revolution, but still it is revo- lution. " What, in the mean time, is the re- sponsibility and true position of the i Executive ? He is bound by solemn j oath before God and the country ' to take care that the laws be faithfully ex- ecuted,' and from this obligation he can not be absolved by any human power. But what if the performance of this duty, in whole or in part, has been ren- dered impracticable by events over which he could have exercised no control ? Such, at the present moment, is the case throughout the State of South Carolina, so far as the laws of the United States to secure the administration of justice by means of the Federal judiciary are concerned. All the Federal officers within its limits, through whose agency alone these laws can be carried into ex- ecution, have already resigned. "We no longer have a district judge, a district attorney, or a marshal, in South Caro- lina. In fact, the whole machinery of the Federal Government necessary for the distribution of remedial justice among the people has been demolished, and it would be difficult, if not impossible, to replace it. " The only acts of Congress on the statute-book, bearing upon this subject, are those of the 28th February, 1795, and 3d March, 1807. These authorize the President, after he shall have ascer- tained that the marshal, with his posse comitatus, is unable to execute civil or criminal process in any particular case, to call forth the militia and employ the army and navy to aid him in performing this service, having first by proclama- tion commanded the insurgents to dis- perse and retire peaceably to their re- spective abodes within a limited time. 7 This duty can not by possibility be per- formed in a State where no judicial au- thority exists to issue process, and where there is no marshal to execute it, and where, even if there were such an offi- cer, the entire population would consti- tute one solid combination to resist him. " The bare enumeration of these pro- visions proves how inadequate they are without further legislation to overcome a united opposition in a single State, not to speak of other States who may place themselves in a similar attitude. Con- gress alone has power to decide whether 32 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. the present laws can or can not be amended so as to carry out more effect- ually the objects of the Constitution. " The same insuperable obstacles do not lie in the way of executing the laws for the collection of the customs. The revenue still continues to be collected, as heretofore, at the custom-house in Charleston ; and shetild the collector unfortunately resign, a successor may be appointed to perform this duty. " Then in regard to the property of the United States in South Carolina. This has been purchased for a fair equiv- alent, ' by the consent of the Legislature of the State,' 'for the erection of forts, magazines, arsenals,' etc., and over these the authority ' to exercise exclusive leg- islation' has been expressly granted by ; the Constitution to Congress. It is not- believed that any attempt will be made to expel the United States from this property by force ; but if in this I should prove to be mistaken, the officer in com- mand of the forts has received orders to act strictly on the defensive. In such a contingency the responsibility for conse- quences would rightfully rest upon the heads of the assailants. "Apart from the execution of the laws, so far as this may be practicable, the Executive has no authority to de- cide what shall be the relations between the Federal Government and South Car- olina. He has been invested with no such discretion. He possesses no power to change the relations heretofore exist- . ing between them, much less to ac- knowledge the independence of that State. This would be to invest a mere executive officer with the power of rec- ognizing the dissolution of the confed- eracy among our thirty-three sovereign States. It bears no resemblance to the recognition of a foreign de facto govern- ment, involving no such responsibility. Any attempt to do this would, on his part, be a naked act of usurpation. It is, therefore, my duty to submit to Con- gress the whole question in all its bear- ings. The course of events is so rapidly hastening forward, that the emergency may soon arise, when you may be called upon to decide the momentous question whether you possess the power, by force of arms, to compel a State to remain in the Union. I should feel mvself / recreant to my duty were I not to express an opinion on this important subject. " The question fairly stated is : Has the Constitution delegated to Congress the power to coerce a State into sub- mission which is attempting to with- draw, or has actually withdrawn, from the confederacy? If answered in the affirmative, it must be on the principle that the power has been conferred upon Congress to declare and to make war against a State. After much serious re- flection, I have arrived at the conclusion that no such power has been delegated to Congress, or to any other depart- ment of the Federal Government, It is manifest, upon an inspection of the Con- stitution, that this is not among the spe- cific and enumerated powers granted to Congress ; and it is equally apparent that its exercise is not ' necessary and proper for carrying into execution' any EFFECT OF WAR ON THE UNION. 33 one of these powers. So far from this po\ver having been delegated to Con- gress, it was expressly refused by the Convention which framed the Consti- tution. " It appears, from the proceedings of that body, that on the 31st May, 1787, the clause ' authorizing an exertion of the force of the whole against a delinquent State, 1 came up for consideration. Mr. Madison opposed it in a brief but pow- erful speech, from which I shall extract but a single sentence. He observed : ' The use of force against a State would look more like a declaration of war than an infliction of punishment, and would probably be considered by the party at- tacked as a dissolution of all previous compacts by which it might be bound.' Upon his motion, the clause was unani- mously postponed, and was never, I be- lieve, again presented. Soon afterward, on the 8th June, 1787, when incident- ally adverting to the subject, he said : ' Any government for the United States, formed on the supposed practicability of using force against the unconstitu- tional proceedings of the States, would prove as visionary and fallacious as the Government of Congress,' evidently meaning the then existing Congress of the old confederation. "Without descending to particulars, it may be safely asserted that the power to make war against a State is at va- riance with the whole spirit and intent of the Constitution. Suppose such a war should result in the conquest of a State, how are we to govern it after- ward ? ' Shall we hold it as a province, 5 and govern it by despotic power? In the nature of things we could not, by physical force, control the will of the people, and compel them to elect Sen- ators and Representatives to Congress, and to perform all the other duties de- pending upon their own volition, and "required from the free citizens of a free State, as a constituent member of the confederacy. ' ' But if we possessed this power, would it be wise to exercise it under existing circumstances ? The object would doubt- less be to preserve the Union. War would not only present the most effect- ual means of destroying it, but would banish all hope of its peaceable recon- struction. Besides, in the fraternal con- flict, a vast amount of blood and treasure would be expended, rendering future reconciliation between the States im- possible. In the mean time, who can foretell what would be the sufferings and privations of the people during its existence ? " The fact is, that our Union rests upon public opinion, and can never be cemented by the blood of its citizens shed in civil war. If it can not live in the affections of the people, it must one day perish. Congress possess many means of preserving it by conciliation ; but the sword was not placed in their hand to preserve it by force. " But may I be permitted solemnly to invoke my countrymen to pause and deliberate, before they determine to de- stroy this, the grandest temple which has ever been dedicated to human free- dom since the world began ? It has THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. been consecrated by the blood of our fathers, by the glories of the past, and by the hopes of the future. The Union has already made us the most pros- perous and, ere long, will, if preserved, render us the most powerful nation on the face of the earth. In every foreign region of the globe the title of American' citizen is held in the highest respect, and when pronounced in a foreign land it causes the hearts of our countrymen to swell with honest pride. Surely when we reach the brink of the yawning abyss, we shall recoil with horror from the last fatal plunge. By such a dread catastrophe the hopes of the friends of freedom throughout the world would be destroyed, and a long night of leaden despotism would enshroud the nations. Our example for more than eighty years would not only be lost, but it would be quoted as a conclusive proof that man is unfit for self-government. "It is not every wrong nay, not every grievous wrong which can just- ify a resort to such a fearful alternative. This ought to be the last desperate remedy of a despairing people, after every other constitutional means of con- ciliation had been exhausted. We should reflect that under this free Government there is an incessant ebb and flow in public opinion. The slavery question, like everything human, will have its day. I firmly believe that it has al- ready reached and passed its culmi- nating point. But if, in the midst of the existing excitement, the Union shall perish, the evil may then become irrep- arable. Congress can contribute much to avert it by proposing and recom- mending to the Legislatures of the sev- eral States the remedy for existing evils, which the Constitution has itself provided for its own preservation. This has been tried at different critical pe- riods of our history, and always with eminent success. It is to be found in the 5th article providing for its own amendment. Under this article, amend- ments have been proposed by two thirds of both Houses of Congress, and have been ' ratified by the Legislatures of three fourths of the several States,' and have consequently become parts of the Constitution. To this process the coun- try is indebted for the clause prohib- iting Congress from passing any law respecting an establishment of religion, or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press, or of the right of petition. To this we are also indebted for the bill of Rights, which secures the people against any abuse of power by the Fed- eral Government. Such were the ap- prehensions justly entertained by the friends of State Rights at that period as to have rendered it extremely doubtful whether the Constitution could have long survived without these amend- ments. "Again : the Constitution was amend- ed by the same process after the election of President Jefferson by the House of Representatives, in February, 1803. This amendment was rendered neces- sary to prevent a recurrence of the dangers which had seriously threatened the existence of the Government during the pendency of that election. The art- THE SOUTH AND ITS RIGHTS. 35 icle for its own amendment was intended to secure the amicable adjustment of conflicting constitutional questions like the present which might arise between the governments of the States and that of the United States. This appears from cotemporaneous history. In this connection, I shall merely call attention to a few sentences in Mr. Madison's justly celebrated report in 1799 to the Legislature of Virginia. In this he ably and conclusively defended the resolu- tions of the preceding Legislature against the strictures of several other State Leg- islatures. These were mainly founded upon the protest of the Virginia Legis- lature against the ' Alien and Sedition Acts,' as ' palpable and alarming infrac- tions of the Constitution.' In pointing out the peaceful and constitutional rem- edies and he referred to none other to which the States were authorized to resort on such occasions, he con- cludes by saying, ' that the Legislatures of the States might have made a direct representation to Congress with a view to obtain a rescinding of the two offens- ive acts, or they might have represented to their respective senators in Congress their wish that two thirds thereof would propose an explanatory amendment to the Constitution ; or two thirds of them- selves, if such had been their option, might, by an application to Congress, have obtained a convention for the same object.' " This is the very course which I earnestly recommend in order to obtain an ' explanatory amendment' of the Con- stitution on the subject of slavery. This might originate with Congress or the State Legislatures, as may be deemed most advisable to attain the object. ' ' The explanatory amendment might be confined to the final settlement of the true construction of the Constitution on three special points : "1. An express recognition of the right of property in slaves in the States where it now exists or may hereafter exist. "2. The duty of protecting this right in all the common Territories through- out their territorial existence, and until they shall be admitted as States into the Union, with or without slavery, as their constitutions may prescribe. "3. A like recognition of the right of the master to have his slave, who has escaped from one State to another, restored and ' delivered up' to him, and of the validity of the Fugitive Slave law enacted for this purpose, together with a declaration that all State laws impairing or defeating this right are vio- lations of the Constitution, and are con- sequently null and void. " It may be objected that this con- struction of the Constitution has al- ready been settled by the Supreme Court of the United States, and what more ought to be required ? The an- swer is, that a very large proportion of the people of the United States still contest the correctness of this decision, and never will cease from agitation and admit its binding force until clearly established by the people of the several States in their sovereign character. Such an explanatory amendment would, 36 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. it is believed, forever terminate the existing dissensions and restore peace and harmony among the States. " It ought not to be doubted that such an appeal to the arbitrament es- tablished by the Constitution itself would be received with favor by all the States of the confederacy. In any event it ought to be tried in a spirit of concilia- tion before any of these States shall sep- arate themselves from the Union. " When I entered upon the duties of the Presidential office, the aspect neither of our foreign nor domestic affairs was at all satisfactory. We were involved in dangerous complications with several nations, and two of our Territories were in a state of revolution against the Gov- ernment. A restoration of the African slave-trade had numerous and powerful advocates. Unlawful military expedi- tions were countenanced by many of our citizens, and were suffered, in defiance of the efforts of the Government, to es- cape from our shores, for the purpose of making war upon the unoffending people of neighboring republics with whom we were at peace. In addition to these and other difficulties, we expe- rienced a revulsion in monetary affairs, soon after my advent to power, of un- exampled severity and of ruinous con- sequences to all the great interests of the country. When we take a retro- spect of what was then our condition, and contrast this with its material pros- perity at the time of the late Presi- dential election, we have abundant reason to return our grateful thanks to that merciful Providence which has never forsaken us as a nation in all our past trials." CHAPTER IY. Meeting of Congress. Little Hope. Determination of the Disuuionists. Refusal to Vote. Reasons. Opposed to Compromise. Bold Assertions of Southern Senators. A Programme of Rebellion. A Menace of Rebellion. An Appeal for Union. Caucuses and Conferences. Failure. Increased Violence and Hostility. Bewilderment of the Moderates. President Buchanan's indisposition to exercise Authority. His Message an Encouragement to Rebellion. General Scott's Advice. Advice not Taken. Dissension in the Cabinet. Resignation of Cass. Continued but ineffectual attempts of Congress. Firmness of the Republicans. Speech of Wade. Resolutions of Crittenden. The state of Feeling in the Country. Depression of Trade and Commerce. Bankruptcy. Suspension of Specie Payment. Emptiness of the National Treasury. Resignation of Cobb. Appointment of Dix. A continued belief in the Cessation of Troubles. Speech of Seward. FROM the very first day of the meet- 1860. ing of Congress it became evi- Dec, 3 dent that the distracted country had little to hope from its action. All the members from South Carolina, and most of those from Florida, Alabama, Georgia, arid Mississippi, who still re- tained their seats in the national legis- lature with a formal affectation of alle- giance to the Union, showed at once their obstinate determination to dis- solve it. They refused to vote on the resolution, "that so much of the Presi- dent's message as relates to the present AUDACITY IN CONGRESS. 37 perilous condition of the country be re- ferred to a .special committee of one from each State," audaciously declaring, as a reason for their recreancy, that the States to which they owed allegiance had, in their "sovereign" capacity, or- dered conventions to consider their rela- tions with the Federal Union, and that they looked to them for an authoritative decision of the question. Some even proclaimed that they were now, and had ever been, opposed to all compromises. The introduction of a resolution ex- pressing fidelity to the Union, and pledg- ing the House to maintain it, was fiercely opposed by the disaffected Southern members, and every indication was given of a predetermined hostility to all efforts at conciliation. Such were the sentiments and action, not only of the Southern members of the less restrained House of Representatives, but of the more composed Senate. Even a senator from North Carolina, a State which was believed to be loyal to the Union, did not hesitate to propose a division of the public property between the North and South, while the senators of Mississippi, Georgia, and Texas declared any attempt on the part of the Federal authorities to resist the progress of insurrection would be opposed by force. The sena- tor* from Georgia, after a bold avowal of the projected rebellion, published by anticipation its programme, and flaunted it in the face of the Senate with the declaration, that "before the 4th of March before your President is inaugu- rated there will be five States, if not Mr. Iverson. eight, that will be out of the Union, and will have formed a constitution for a frame of government." He declared that the South wanted no concessions, and would receive none. "You can not," he added, " stop this revolution. It is not the liberty laws, but the mob law, which the South fears. They do not dread these overt acts, for, without the power of the Federal Government, by force, under the Republican rule, their institution would not last ten years, and they know it. They intend to go out of this Union. Before the 4th of March five States will have declared their independence, and I am satisfied that three other States will follow as soon as the action of the people can be had. Arkansas will call her convention, and Louisiana will fol- low. And though there is a clog in the way in the lone star of Texas, in the person of the governor, who will not consent to call the Legislature, yet the public sentiment is so strong, that even her governor may be over-ridden ; and if he will not yield to that public senti- ment, some Texan Brutus may arise to rid his country of this old, hoary-headed traitor. There has been a good deal of vaporing and threatening, but they came from the last men who would carry out their threats. Men talk about their eighteen millions, but we hear a few days afterward of these same men being switched in the face, and they tremble like a sheep-stealing dog. There will be no war. The North, governed by such far-seeing statesmen as the senator from New York, will see the futility of 38 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. this. In less than twelve months a Southern confederacy will be formed, and it will be the most successful gov- ernment on earth. The Southern States, thus banded together, will be able to resist any force in the world. We do not expect war, but we will be prepared for it, and we are not a feeble race of Mexicans either." This menace of rebellion was received with a cautious but defiant silence on the part of most of the Republicans, and timid expressions from the moderate men of all parties of a hope of still allaying the fierce temper of the South by the persuasives of conciliation and compromise. Crittenden, of Kentucky, the Nestor of the Senate, appealed to the sentiment of Union by an eloquent exposition of its blessings, and the dangers to the country of its dissolution. " This Union was established/' he said, "by great sacrifices, and it is worthy of great sacrifices and great concessions for its maintenance. I trust that there is no senator but who is willing to yield and conciliate, and to compromise, in order to preserve the Union to the na- tion and to the country. I look with dismay, and something like despair, to the condition of this country when the Union is stricken down and we shall be turned loose to speculate on the founda- tions of a new government. I look at it with fear and trembling, which pre- dispose me to the most solemn consider- ation that I am capable of feeling, and to search out, if possible, some means for the reconciliation, of the different sections and members of this Union, to see if we can not again restore that harmony and fraternity that belong to the Union which has given us so much blessing and prosperity." The Senate and House, with brief intervals of adjournment, during which vain attempts were made by caucuses and conferences to appease contention, continued their fruitless deliberations. The representatives of the extreme Southern States became daily more in- veterate in their expressions of hostility to the Federal Government, and more outspoken in their expressions of dis- loyalty. The more moderate men of the South and those of the North seemed bewildered and powerless to counsel or to act. President Buchanan, surrounded by men whose ill-concealed treason was soon to display itself in open rebellion, showed no disposition to exercise his power in protecting the authority of the Federal Government already boldly de- fied. His message, manipulated to their purpose by the hands of traitors, had, while it argued against, the right of secession, put in a plea for its extenua- tion on the score of provocation from the North, and by confessing the impo- tency of the Federal authority to en- force obedience, encouraged the dis- affected to rebel, with assurances of im- punity. His conduct was in conformity with the assertion in his message, that coercion was unconstitutional, and he studiously withheld every indication of a manifestation of the exercise of ex- ecutive authority to check the intent or to repress the overt act of rebellion. ADVICE OF GENERAL SCOTT. 39 The commander-iii-chief, Lieutenant- General Scott, had already at an early Of ti 29 P er id urged upon the President I860, the necessity of prompt measures to thwart the action of threatened se- cession. " From a knowledge of our Southern population,'' he wrote in a letter to Mr. Buchanan, "it is my sol- emn conviction that there is some danger of an early act of rashness preliminary to secession, viz., the seizure of some or all of the following forts : Forts Jackson and St. Philip, in the Mississippi, below New Orleans, both without garrisons ; Fort Morgan, below Mobile, without a garrison ; forts Pickens and McRae, Pensacola harbor, with an insufficient garrison for one ; Fort Pulaski, below Savannah, without a garrison ; forts Moultrie and Sumter, Charleston har- bor, the former with an insufficient gar- rison, and the latter without any ; and Fort Monroe, Hampton Roads, without a sufficient garrison. In my opinion all these works should be immediately so garrisoned, as to make any attempt to take any one of them by surprise or coup de main ridiculous. "With the army faithful to its alle- giance, and the navy probably equally so, and with a Federal Executive for the next twelve months of firmness and mod- eration, which the country has a right to expect moderation being an element of power not less than firmness there is good reason to hope that the danger of secession may be made to pass away without one conflict of arms, one exe- cution, or one arrest for treason." This timely advice of the veteran Scott, always vigilant to preserve the Union, was unheeded by the President, whose feeble will was guided by those who were seeking to destroy it. His traitorous associates in the Government threatened to resign, in case he com- plied with the suggestions of Scott, and extorted from him the pledge not to reinforce the forts. While thus pro- moting their traitorous purposes with the sanction and under the protection of the Federal Executive, these plotters of rebellion clung to the Government, whose authority they were daily weak- ening while they were strengthening their own power of ill. There had been, however, already some dissension in the cabinet in regard to the subject of reinforcing the South- ern forts ; and when the expediency of sending an additional force to Major Anderson, in command of a feeble gar- rison at Fort Moultrie, in Charleston harbor, became manifest, two Northern members, Cass and Toucey, earnestly pleaded for it. They were, however, overborne, and the President, hampered by his pledges and controlled by his Southern advisers, sent not a single soldier to sustain the insulted and threatened authority of the Govern-, ment. Cass, with patriotic indig- |> eCt nation at this remissness of duty, M resigned his seat in the cabinet. While the President was thus yield- ing, unresistingly, to the promoters of rebellion, Congress was continuing its futile attempts to check it by resolu- tions. The debates, however, became only more angry and the discord more 40 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. obvious. The secessionists increased in violence and audacity, and the extreme Republicans, provoked to more obsti- nate resistance, renewed their declara- tions of opposing all compromises. Wade, the Republican senator for Ohio, said, in a forcible speech : " We beat you on the plainest and most palpable issue ever presented to the American people, and one which every man understood ; and now, when we come to the capital, we tell you that our candidates must and shall be in- augurated must and shall administer this government precisely as the Con- stitution prescribes. It would not only be humiliating, but highly dishonorable to us, if we listened to any compromise by which we should lay aside the honest verdict of the people. When it comes to that, you have no government, but anarchy intervenes, and civil war may follow, and all the evils that human im- agination can raise may be consequent upon such a course as that. The Amer- ican people would lose the sheet-anchor of Liberty whenever it is denied on this floor that a majority fairly given shall rule. I know not what others may do, but I tell you, that with that verdict of the people in my pocket, and standing on the platform on which these candi- dates were elected, I would suffer any- thing before I would compromise in any way. I deem it no case where we have a right to extend courtesy or generosity. The absolute right, the most sacred that a free people can bestow upon any man, is their verdict that gives him a full title to the office he holds. If we can not stand there we can not stand anywhere, and, my friends, any other verdict would be as fatal to you as to us." The moderate men of both the North and the South with an amiable persist- ency still persevered in their endeavors to preserve the national peace by plans of conciliation and compromise. These, however, met with little encouragement from the embittered partisans of ex- treme opinions, and the hope of "saving the Union" by mutual concessions daily diminished. The resolutions of Mr. Crittenden, of Kentucky, seemed from the high character of the veteran states- man who offered them, to make the greatest impression upon public opinion. These proposed to renew the Missouri Compromise line prohibiting slavery in the Territory north of 36 deg. 30 min., and protecting it south of that lat- itude ; to admit new States with or with- out slavery, as their constitutions shall provide ; to prohibit the abolition of slavery by Congress in the States ; to prohibit its abolition in the District of Columbia so long as it exists either in Virginia or Maryland ; to permit the transportation of slaves in any of the States by land or water ; to provide for the payment of fugitive slaves, when rescued ; to repeal one obnoxious feat- ure of the Fugitive Slave law the ine- quality of the fee to the commissioner ; to ask the repeal of all the Personal Liberty bills in the Northern States, and effectually to execute the laws for the suppression of the African slave-trade. These were to be submitted to the people as amendments to the Constitu- BANKRUPTCY. tion, and to be changed at no subse- quent time. While treason was being uttered in Congress, plotted in the cabinet, and encouraged to overt act in the slave States, unchecked by the national au- thority, which seemed indisposed, if not incapable of vindicating its supremacy, there was a general feeling of discour- agement throughout the country. This was increased by the universal depres- sion in trade and commerce. The great business of the Northern commercial and manufacturing cities with the South had been almost entirely arrested. The Southern merchants made no new, and failed to pay for their old, purchases. The payment of the great debt of three hundred millions of dollars due to the North suddenly stopped, and fears were already entertained that it would never be resumed. The Southern banks hav- ing suspended the payment of specie, had so depreciated the value of their currency, that exchange upon the North rose to such a height as almost to pre- clude remittances from the South when- ever there were still found those" dis- posed to make them. Northern mer- chants, thus suddenly deprived of their Southern resources, were forced into bankruptcy. The banks necessarily sym- pathized with the ruin of their custom- ers, and although those of New York and Boston were enabled, through the abundance of their resources, to sustain their credit and even to increase their loans, the banks of Philadelphia, Balti- more, Washington, and Richmond sus- pended specie payment. 6 To add to this financial embarrass- ment, the national treasury was threat- ened with bankruptcy. So little faith had the country in the government as controlled by the Southern advisers of the President, that the secretary of the treasury, Howell Cobb, of Georgia, could only obtain a loan at a discount of 25 per cent, of the usual market rates in periods of national prosperity. Cobb was so perplexed by the financial em- barrassments of his department, that, under the pretence of a difference of political views with the President, he re- signed, and betook himself to the more congenial work of disturbing the loyalty of his native State. His successor, John A. Dix, of New York, a Northern man, was enabled, however, through the con- fidence inspired by his integrity and patriotism, to restore the public credit and again fill the treasury. With all these causes, however, tend- ing to depress the public feeling, there was still a strong belief among Northern people, that the civil troubles would, although none pretended to know how, be soon settled. This seemed to be based upon the supposed attachment to the Union among the people even in South Carolina. How far this belief in the loyalty of the Southern slave States prevailed is well illustrated by a speech of Seward, then senator, now secretary of state. He thus jauntily descanted on the grave subject of Southern disaffec- tion : " Now, gentleman, my belief about all this is, that whether it is Massachu- D CC| setts or South Carolina, or whether 22t THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. it is New York or Florida, it would turn out the same way in each case. There is no such thing in the book, no such thing in reason, no such thing in philos- ophy, and no such thing in nature, as any State existing on the continent of North America outside of the United States of America. I do not believe a word of it ; and I do not believe it for a good many reasons. Some I have already hinted at ; and one is, because I do not see any good reason given for it. The best reason I see given for it is, that the people of some of the Southern States hate us of the free States very badly, and they say that we hate them, and that all love is lost between us. Well, I do not believe a word of that. On the other hand, I do know for my- self and for you, that, bating some little differences of opinion about advantages, and about proscription, and about office, and about freedom, and about slavery, and all those which are family difficulties, for which we do not take any outsiders in any part of the world into our councils on either side, there is not a state on the earth, outside of the American Union, which I like half so well as I do the State of South Carolina [cheers] neither England, nor Ireland, nor Scot- land, nor France, nor Turkey ; although from Turkey they sent me Arab horses, and from South Carolina they send me nothing but curses. Still, I like South Carolina better than I like any of them ; and I have the presumption and vanity to believe that if there were nobody to overhear the State of South Carolina when she is talking, she would confess that she liked us tolerably well. I am very sure that if anybody were to make a descent on New York to-morrow whether Louis Napoleon, or the Prince of Wales, or his mother [laughter], or the Emperor of Russia, or the Emperor of Austria, all the hills of South Carolina would pour forth their population for the rescue of New York. [Cries of ' Good,' and applause.] God knows how this may be. I do not pretend to know, I only conjecture. But this I do know, that if any of those powers were to make a descent on South Carolina, I know who would go to her rescue. [A voice ' We'd all go.'] We would all go everybody. ['That's so,' and great applause.] Therefore they do not humbug me with their secession, and I do not think they will humbug you ; and I do not believe that, if they do not humbug you and me, they will much longer succeed in humbugging them- selves. [Laughter.] Now, fellow-citi- zens, this is the ultimate result of all this business. These States are always to be together always shall. Talk of striking down a star from that constella- tion it is a thing which can not be done. [Applause.] I do not see any less stars to-day than I did a week ago, and I expect to see more all the while. [Laughter.] The question then is, what in these times when people are laboring under the delusion that they are going out of the Union and going to set up for themselves ought we to do in order to hold them in ? I do not know any better rule than the rule which every good father of a family ob- SEWARD ON SECESSION. serves. It is this. If a man wishes not to keep his family together, it is the easiest thing in the world to place them apart. He will do so at once if he only gets discontented with his son, quarrels with him, complains of him, torments him, threatens him, coerces him. This is the way to get rid of the family, and to get them all out of doors. On the other hand, if you wish to keep them, you have got only one way to do it. That is, be patient, kind, paternal, for- bearing, and wait until they come to reflect for themselves. The South is to us what the wife is to her husband. I do not know any man in the world who can not get rid of his wife if he tries. * * * I do not know a man on earth who even though his wife was as troublesome as the wife of Socrates cannot keep his wife if he wants to do so ; all that he needs is, to keep his own virtue and his own temper. [Applause.] Now, in all this business I propose that we shall keep our own virtue, which, in politics, is loyalty, and our own temper, which, in politics, consists in remember- ing that men may differ, that brethren may differ. If we keep entirely cool, and entirely calm, and entirely kind, a debate will ensue which will be kindly in itself, and it will prove very soon either that we are wrong and we shall concede to our offended brethren or else that we are right, and they will acquiesce and come back into fraternal relations with us. I do not wish to an- ticipate any question. We have a great many statesmen who demand at once to know what the North proposes to do what the Government proposes to do whether we propose to coerce our Southern brethren back into their allegi- ance. They ask us, as of course they may rightly ask, what will be the value of fraternity which is compelled? All I have to say on that subject is, that so long ago as the time of Sir Thomas More, he discovered, and set down the discovery in his writings, that there were a great many schoolmasters, and that while there were a very few who knew how to instruct children, there were a great many who knew how to whip them. [Laughter.] I propose to have no question on that subject, but to hear complaints, to redress them if they ought to be redressed, and if we have the power to redress them ; and I expect them to be withdrawn if they are un- reasonable, because I know that the necessities which made this Union exist, for these States, are stronger to-day than they were when the Union was made, and that those necessities are en- during, while the passions of men are short-lived and ephemeral. I believe that secession was stronger on the night of the 6th of November last, when a President and Vice-President who were unacceptable to the slave States were elected, than it is now. That is now some fifty days since, and I believe that every . day's sun which set since that time, has set on mollified passions and prejudices, and that if you will only give it time, sixty days' more suns will give you a much brighter and more cheerful atmosphere." [Loud and long con- tinued applause.] 44 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. CHAPTER V. The Inaction of Government. The Bewilderment of the North. Movement of the South. Precipitancy of South Carolina. Election of Convention of South Carolina. Impatience of Action. Anticipatory Programme. Gov- ernor Gist's last Message. Action of other Slave States. Alabama Declaration of Causes. Immediate Secession views of the Governor of Florida. Immediate Secession views of the Governor of Georgia. Vigilance Committees. Arming and Equipping. Conventions called. Meeting of South Carolina Convention. Adjournment to Charles- ton. Ordinance of Secession. Manifestation of Popular Feeling in the South. Audacity of Southern Members of Congress. Proceedings of South Carolina Convention. Proclamation of the Act of Secession of South Carolina. Declaration of Causes. Withdrawal from Congress of the Members of South Carolina. Apparent attempts made to check the precipitate action of South Carolina. Motives of such attempts. Opposition to Disunion from Maryland. Union Sentiments in Virginia. Loyalty of Eastern and Western Virginia contrasted. Proposed Conferences. Disposition of Tennessee. Firm stand for the Union of Johnson and Etheredge. Letter of Bell, of Tennessee. Feeling in Kentucky. Governor Magoffin's Propositions. Manful resistance of Governor Houston, of Texas. Silence of Arkansas. Irresolution of Georgia. Union eloquence of Alexander H. Stephens. Feeling in Alabama. Mississippi. Louisiana. How the Propositions of the other Slave States were received by South Carolina. South Carolina's Assurances. Force of Example. Anticipated Effect. Ordinance of Concurrence. 1860. WHILE the President, meekly sub- missive to the influence of his traitorous advisers, was confessing and man- ifesting impotency ; while the na- tional councils, alternately frightened by the defiance of audacious rebels and pro- voked by their threats, were now striv- ing to soothe them by plans of concilia- tion and compromise, and again con- tending with them in angry discussion ; while the people of the North, bewil- dered by the inaction of the Federal authority, the perplexing deliberations of Congress, and the frivolous conjec- tures of their leaders, seemed doubtful whether to hope or to fear, and willing to yield their destiny to the uncertain- ties of chance, the South was moving j with unhesitating strides toward re- bellion. South Carolina, with characteristic precipitancy, established her claim to precedence in secession. The delegates to the convention called by the act of the Legislature were elected on the 5th of December, to meet on the 17th. The leaders of South Carolina, however, as if impatient of all deliberation, did not await its action. They summoned the people in masses throughout the State, and distinctly announced the programme of rebellion. At a large meeting in Charleston, Mr. Memminger, an ft OV , able lawyer of that city, and a **0. prominent politician, declared even be- fore the election of the delegates that the convention, within three days of its assembling, would declare South Caro- lina out of the Union ; that a commis- sioner would be sent to the capital of the United States to treat in regard to the forts and other Federal property, which would be formally demanded, and if not given up, that the armed men of South Carolina would take them. Pre- suming upon the easy temper of Bu- chanan, or the corrupt connivance of his traitorous advisers, he did not hesitate IMMEDIATE SECESSION RECOMMENDED. to declare that he had no fear of the interference of the President, while he complacently dwelt upon the powerless- ness of his successor, who would be too much embarrassed by the difficulty of organizing his government and obtain- ing the sanction of Congress, to apply coercion to South Carolina, until* she had been joined by the other cotton States, when, thus strengthened, she would be able to resist it. The governor* of the State, in his D ec , last message, urged the prospective 7 convention to immediate action. "The delay," he said, "of the con- vention for a single week to pass the ordinance of secession, will have a blight- ing and chilling influence upon the action of the other Southern States. The op- ponents of the movement everywhere will be encouraged to make another effort to rally their now disorganized and scattered forces to defeat our action and stay our onward march. Fabius conquered by delay, and there are those of his school, though with a more un- worthy purpose, who, shrinking from open and manly attack, use this veil to hide their deformity, and from a masked battery to discharge their missiles. But I trust they will strike the armor of truth and fall harmless at our feet, and that by the 28th of December no flag but the Palmetto will float over any part of South Carolina." Great encouragement had already come from the leaders of the other cot- ton States, who hoped, by the hasty action of South Carolina, to precipitate their fellow-citizens into a separation from that Union for which there might be still a traditional reverence. At an early meeting at Mobile the secession leaders of Alabama had issued a jv OVt declaration of causes for separation 15* which they emphatically urged. After a long and bitter exposition of the wrongs they had suffered from the North, they declared : "The time has come for us 'to put our house in order,' and, if need be, to stand by our arms. " We will not give the enemy time to collect his strength and wield the powers of government against us, by waiting for any further 'overt act.' Therefore, be it " Resolved, 1. That the election of Abraham Lincoln to the Presidency upon the principles avowed by the Black Re- publican party is, in our opinion, a vir- tual overthrow of the Constitution and of the equal right of the States. "2. That the idea of submission by the South to the rule of such a man and such a party should be repudiated from one end of her borders to the other. "3. That in the language of the Con- stitution of Alabama, under which she was admitted into the Union, ' All po- litical power is inherent in the people, and all free governments are founded on their authority, and intended for their benefit ; and, therefore, they have have at all times an inalienable and in- defeasible right to alter, reform, or abol- ish their form of government in such manner as they may think expedient,' " 4. That, in the present state of things, it is the deliberate opinion of THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. this meeting, assembled without distinc- tion of parties, that the State of Ala- bama should withdraw from the Federal Union without any further delay than may be necessary to obtain in the speed- iest manner a consultation with other slaveholding States, in the hope of se- curing their co-operation in a move- ment which we deem essential to our safety." It is true that in this document a con- sultation with other slaveholding States was recommended, with the hope of se- curing their co-operation, but at the same time it advised immediate action. A meeting was held in Louisiana, at which a similar declaration was sug- gested. The Governor of Florida invoked the N OV , Legislature to immediate secession. 26, For myself," he said, " in full view of the responsibility of my position, I most decidedly declare that, in my opin- ion, the only hope the Southern States have for domestic peace or safety, or for future respectability and prosperity, is dependent on their action now ; and that the proper action is, secession from our faithless, perjured confederates." Gov- ernor Brown, too, of Georgia a State thought to be extremely reluctant to dissolve its connection with the Union D ec , had written a letter in favor of early 9 secession. Mississippi had sent com- missioners to all the slaveholding States to confer with them on the means " for their common defence and safety." Vig- ilance committees had been formed in the cotton States, money appropriated for equipping and arming, and conven- tions called, whose purpose was une- quivocally the severance of their con- nection with the Federal Union. The Convention of South Carolina assembled on the day appointed, but in consequence of the prevalence of j) eCt an epidemic of small-pox at the 17. capital, adjourned from Columbia to Charleston, where, by a unanimous vote on the 20th of December, this, the first formal act of secession, was passed : "AN ORDINANCE TO DISSOLVE THE UNION BE- TWEEN THE STATE OF SOUTH CAROLINA AND OTHER STATES UNITED WITH HER UNDER THE COMPACT ENTITLED THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA : " We, the people of the State of South Carolina, in convention assembled, do declare and ordain, and it is hereby declared and ordained, that the ordi- nance adopted by us in convention, on the 23d day of May, in the year of our Lord 1788, whereby the Constitution of the United States of America was rati- fied, and also all acts and parts of acts of the General Assembly of this State ratifying the amendments of the said Constitution, are hereby repealed, and that the Union now subsisting between South Carolina and other States under the name of the United States of Amer- ica is hereby dissolved." That in Charleston and throughout South Carolina the passage of this or- dinance should be received with a mani- festation of popular joy was expected ; that in Mobile, and New Orleans, Mem- phis, Macon, Norfolk, and even in Balti- more, it should be welcomed by the firing of guns, the cheers of the people, mill- AUDACITY OF TREASON. tary parades, the singing of the Marseil- laise, the decorating of busts of Calhoun with secession cockades, the raising of the Palmetto flag, the burning of bonfires, and the illuminating of the streets, was, if a discouraging, not a surprising, exhi- bition on the part of an excited and de- luded people ; that, however, a member of the Federal Congress, in the very capital of the Union, should venture to applaud this attempt to dissolve it by declaring that " one of the sovereign States of this confederacy has, by the glorious act of her people, withdrawn, in vindication of her rights, from the Union,' 7 * and that some of his fellows should clap their hands in sympathetic response, was an audacity of treason as astounding as it was unexampled. The Convention of South Carolina proceeded rapidly in its work of disso- D eC( lution. Commissioners were ap- 21 pointed to proceed to Washington, and to treat for a peaceful settlement of the relations between the United States and the "sovereign" State of South Carolina, and negotiate for the transfer of forts and other public property. The newly elected governor, Pickens, Dec. proclaimed to the world, in accord- 22 ance with the act of secession, that ' ' South Carolina is, and has a right to be, a separate, sovereign, free, and in- dependent State, and, as such, has a right to levy war, conclude peace, ne- gotiate treaties, leagues, or covenants, and to do all acts whatever that right- l) ec fully appertain to a free and inde- 24 pendent State." Mr. Garnet, member of Congress for Virginia. This was followed by the " DECLARATION OF CAUSES WHICH INDUCED THE SECESSION OF SOUTH CAROLINA. "The people of the State of South Carolina, in convention assembled, on the 2d day of April, A.D. 1852, de- clared that the frequent violations of the Constitution of the United States by the Federal Government, and its encroach- ments upon the reserved rights of the States, fully justified this State in their withdrawal from the Federal Union ; but in deference to the opinions and wishes of the other slaveholding States, she forbore at that time to exercise this right. Since that time these encroach- ments have continued to increase, and further forbearance ceases to be a virtue. ' ' And now the State of South Carolina having resumed her separate and equal place among nations, deems it due to herself, to the remaining United States of America, and to the nations of the world, that she should declare the im- mediate causes which have led to this act. " In the year 1765, that portion of the British empire embracing Great Britain undertook to make laws for the govern- ment of that portion composed of the thirteen American Colonies. A struggle for the right of self-government ensued, which resulted, on the 4th of July, 1776, in a declaration, by the Colonies, ' that they are, and of right ought to be, FREE AND INDEPENDENT STATES ; and that, as free and independent states, they have full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. and to do all other- acts and things which independent states may of right do.' " They further solemnly declared that whenever any ' form of government be- comes destructive of the ends for which it was established, it is the right of the people to alter or abolish it, and to in- stitute a new government.' Deeming the Government of Great Britain to have become destructive of these ends, they declare that the Colonies ' are ab- solved from all allegiance to the British Crown, and that all political connection between them and the state of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dis- solved.' "In pursuance of this Declaration of Independence, each of the thirteen States proceeded to exercise its separate sovereignty ; adopted for itself a consti- tution, and appointed officers for the ad- ministration of government in all its departments legislative, executive, and judicial. For purposes of defence they united their arms and their counsels ; and in 1778 they entered into a league known as the Articles of Confederation, whereby they agreed to intrust the ad- ministration of their external relations to a common agent, known as the Congress of the United States, expressly declar- ing, in the first article, ' that each State retains its sovereignty, freedom, and in- dependence, and every power, jurisdic- tion, and right which is not, by this con- federation, expressly delegated to the United States in Congress assembled.' " Under this confederation the war of the Revolution was carried on ; and on the 3d of September, 1783, the contest ended, and a definite treaty was signed by Great Britain, in which she acknow- ledged the independence of the Colonies in the following terms : "'ARTICLE 1. His Britannic Majesty acknowledges the said United States, viz. : New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia, to be FREE, SOVEREIGN, AND INDEPENDENT STATES | that he treats with them as such ; and, for himself, his heirs, and successors, relinquishes all claims to the govern- ment, property, and territorial rights of the same and every part thereof.' " Thus were established the two great principles asserted by the Colonies, namely, the right of a state to govern itself; and the right of a people to abolish a government when it becomes destructive of the ends for which it was instituted. And concurrent with the establishment of these principles was the fact, that each Colony became, and was recognized by the mother country, as a FREE, SOVEREIGN, AND INDEPENDENT STATE. "In 1787, deputies were appointed by the States to revise the articles of confederation ; and on 17th September, 1787, these deputies recommended, for the adoption of the States, the articles of union known as the Constitution of the United States. "The parties to whom this constitu- tion was submitted were the several sovereign States ; they were to agree or DECLARATION OF SOUTH CAROLINA. disagree, and when nine of them agreed, the compact was to take effect among those concurring ; and the General Gov- ernment, as the common agent, was then to be invested with their authority. ' ' If only nine of the thirteen States had concurred, the other four would have remained as they then were separate sovereign states, independent of any of the provisions of the Constitution. In fact, two of the States did not accede to the Constitution until long after it had gone into operation among the other eleven ; and during that interval, they each exercised the functions of an inde- pendent nation. " By this constitution, certain duties were imposed upon the several States, and the exercise of certain of their powers was restrained, which necessarily impelled their continued existence as sovereign states. But, to remove all doubt, an amendment was added, which declared that the powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people. On the 23d May, 1788, South Carolina, by a convention of her people, passed an ordinance assenting to this Constitution, and afterwards altered her own Constitution to conform herself to the obligations she had undertaken. "Thus was established, by compact between the States, a government with defined objects and powers, limited to the 'express words of the grant. This limitation left the whole remaining mass of power subject to the clause reserving it to the States or the people, and ren- 7 dered unnecessary any specification of reserved rights. We hold that the Government thus established is subject to the two great principles asserted in the Declaration of Independence ; and we hold further, that the mode of its formation subjects it to a third funda- mental principle, namely, the law of compact. We maintain that in every compact between two or more parties, the obligation is mutual ; that the failure of one of the contracting parties to per- form a material part of the agreement entirely releases the obligation of the other ; and that where no arbiter is pro- vided, each party is remitted to his own judgment to determine the fact of fail- ure, with all its consequences. "In the present case, that fact is established with certainty. We assert that fourteen of the States have deliber- ately refused for years past to fulfil their constitutional obligations, and we refer to their own statutes for proof. " The Constitution of the United States, in its fourth article, provides as follows : " 'No person held to service or labor in one State under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in conse- quence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered up, on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due. 7 "This stipulation was so material to the compact, that without it that compact would not have been made. The greater number of the contracting parties held slaves, and they had previously evinced 50 THE AVAR WITH THE SOUTH. their estimate of the value of such a stipulation by making it a condition in the ordinance for the government of the territory ceded by Virginia, which ob- ligations, and the laws of the General Government, have ceased to effect the objects of the Constitution. The States of Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, Massachusetts, Connecticut, Rhode Isl- and, New York, Pennsylvania, Illinois, Indiana, Michigan, Wisconsin, and Iowa have enacted laws which either nullify the acts of Congress, or render useless any attempt to execute them. In many of these States the fugitive is discharged from the service of labor claimed, and in none of them has the State Govern- ment complied with the stipulation made in the Constitution. The State of New Jersey, at an early day, passed a law in conformity with her constitutional obli- gation ; but the current of anti-slavery feeling has led her more recently to enact laws which render inoperative the remedies provided by her own laws and by the laws of Congress. In the State of New York. even, the right of transit for a slave has been denied by her tri- bunals : and the States of Ohio and Iowa have refused to surrender to justice fugitives charged with murder, and with inciting servile insurrection in the State of Virginia. Thus the con- stitutional compact has been deliberately broken and disregarded by the non- slaveholding States ; and the conse- quence follows, that South Carolina is released from her obligation. " The ends for which this Constitution was framed are declared by itself to be ' to form a more perfect union, to estab- lish justice, insure domestic tranquility, provide for common defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity.' " These ends it endeavored to accom- plish by a federal government, in which each State was recognized as an equal, and had separate control over its own institutions. The right of property in slaves was recognized by giving to free persons distinct political rights ; by giv- ing them the right to represent, and burdening them with direct taxes for, three-fifths of their slaves ; by authoriz- ing the importation of slaves for twenty years ; and by stipulating for the rendi- tion of fugitives from labor. " We affirm that these ends for which this Government was instituted have been defeated, and the Government itself has been destructive of them by the action of the non-slaveholding States. Those States have assumed the right of deciding upon the propriety of our domestic institutions ; and have denied the rights of property established in fifteen of the States and recognized by the Constitution ; they have de- nounced as sinful the institution of slavery ; they have permitted the open establishment among them of societies, whose avowed object is to disturb the peace of and eloin the property of the citizens of other States. They have encouraged and assisted thousands of our slaves to leave their homes ; and those who remain have been incited by emissaries, books, and pictures to ser- vile insurrection. WITHDRAWAL OF SOUTH CAROLINA SENATORS. 51 " For twenty-five years this agitation has been steadily increasing, until it has now secured to its aid the power of the common government. Observing the forms of the Constitution, a sectional party has found within that article es- tablishing the Executive department, the means of subverting the Constitution itself. A geographical line has been drawn across the Union, and all the States north of that line have united in the election of a man to the high office of President of the United States whose opinions and purposes are hostile to slavery. He is to be intrusted with the administration of the common govern- ment, because he has declared that that ' government can not endure permanently half slave, half free,' and that the public mind must rest in the belief that slavery ivS in the course of ultimate extinction. " This sectional combination for the subversion of the Constitution has been aided, in some of the States, by elevating to citizenship persons who, by the su- preme law of the land, are incapable of becoming citizens ; and their votes have been used to inaugurate a new policy hostile to the South, and destructive of its peace and safety. ' ' On the 4th of March next this party will take possession of the Government. It has announced that the South shall be excluded from the common territory, that the judicial tribunal shall be made sectional, and that a war must be waged against slavery until it shall cease throughout the United States. " The guarantees of the Constitution will then no longer exist ; the equal rights of the States will be lost. The slaveholding States will no longer have the power of self-government or self- protection, and the Federal Government will have become their enemy. " Sectional interest and animosity will deepen the irritation, and all hopej of remedy is rendered vain by the fact that the public opinion at the North has invested a great political error with the sanctions of a more erroneous religious belief. " We, therefore, the people of South Carolina, by our delegates in convention assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of fD our intentions, have solemnly declared that the Union heretofore existing be- tween this State and the other States of North America is dissolved, and that the State of South Carolina has resumed her position among the nations of the world as a separate and independent state, with full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish com- merce, and to do all other acts and things which independent states may of right do." The South Carolina members, at the same time that their State declared its independence, formally withdrew from Congress with a studious expres- sion in their letter to the Speaker of the House of Representatives of a desire to do so with a feeling of " mutual regard and respect for each other, and the hope that in our future relations we may better enjoy that peace and har- mony essential to the happiness of a free and enlightened people." THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. Apparent attempts had been made by some of the political leaders of the South to arrest this precipitate action of South Carolina. Some of these were undoubt- edly prompted by a sincere attachment to the Union and a desire to preserve it. Some only affected the sentiment of pa- triotism, while others, equally resolved upon secession with the men of South Carolina, were desirous of a concert of action, in order to secure strength of effort and certainty of effect by combi- nation. The Governor of Maryland, though beset by a strong secession sen- timent in his State, resolutely opposed any indication of opposition to the legit- imate authority of the Federal Govern- ment. In answer to a memorial of some of the more influential inhabitants of Maryland, urging him to convene the Legislature, he declared : " Identified as I am by birth and every other tie with the South, a slaveholder, Nov. and feeling as warmly for my native 27 State as- any man can do, I am yet compelled by my sense of fair dealing, and my respect for the Constitution of our country, to declare that I see noth- ing in the bare election of Mr. Lincoln which would justify the South in taking any steps tending toward a separation of these States. Mr. Lincoln being elected, I am willing to await further results. If he will administer the gov- ernment in a proper and patriotic man- ner, we are all bound to submit to his administration, much as we may have opposed his election." j) ec . At a later period, at a Demo- * cratic convention held in the city of Baltimore, the following resolution was passed : ' ' Resolved, That we deplore the action taken by our sister State of South Caro- lina, and earnestly protest against an ordinance of secession on her part as being unconstitutional, disorganizing, and precipitate, and unfriendly, if not arrogant, toward the counsels and situa- tions of the other slaveholding States ; and we believe that such act of secession will weaken and must divide their ulti- mate position ; and while we declare for co-operation, we will firmly resist being dragged into secession. Maryland will not stand as a sentinel at the bidding of South Carolina, and we remind her, by the memories of the Revolution, that such purpose can not be justified ; and, in conclusion, in a fraternal spirit, we entreat South Carolina to suspend all further action until such measures of peaceful adjustment have first been tried and have failed." Virginia, though many of her leaders, deeply infected with the heresies of Cal- houn, were known to regard secession from the LTnited States as an act if not immediately desirable, at any rate legal and justifiable, seemed to stand firm for the Union. Her political writers, in an emphatic protest against the assumed right of South Carolina to individual action, thus rebuked her presumption : " Throwing aside the question of con- stitutional right to secede at all, there is something due to comity, to neighbor- hood associations, to propriety. No man has a ' right, ' by setting fire to his own house, to endanger the house of his DISPOSITION OF TENNESSEE. 53 neighbor. Virginia, in this Union, or out of it as a sovereign, and as poten- tial as South Carolina, has her own in- terests to look after, her own rights to be secured, her own feelings to be re- spected and she will demand this from South Carolina just as much as she would from any other State in the pres- ent United States. It would seem as if in the course now pursued, fearing the conservative action of Virginia, and not desiring, in truth, ' a united South, 7 cer- tain cotton States were for going off by themselves, for the mere sake of ' form- ing a cotton confederacy,' totally irre- spective of other Southern States which do not recognize cotton as their king, and totally regardless of any interests or any views but their own. It used to be a ' united South !' It was formerly dis- union and secession for aggression by the General Government. It is now a disunited South secession on account of the untoward result of a Presidential election ! This is not the way to uphold the rights of the States and the rights of the South. It is weakening our own position, and destroying our own strength." The Virginian leaders, even the most headstrong advocates of States' Rights, seemed desirous of making an effort to hold fast by the Union. At a polit- D ec , ical banquet in Richmond, " The 5 Union," "Virginia in the Union," and other patriotic toasts, were drunk and responded to with enthusiasm. While there might be doubt of the con- tinued loyalty of Eastern, there was no question of the persistency of that of Western, Virginia, whose proximity to the free States of Illinois and Ohio, and identity of origin, habits, and interests, made them as one people. The loyalty of the East was conditional upon such concessions to the slave power as the most sanguine believers in compromise could hardly anticipate. The loyalty of the West, comparatively free of the entanglement of slave interests, was sin- cere and unconstrained. Virginia strove to check the precip- itancy of South Carolina by appointing a commissioner to urge an arrest of proceedings until there might be a con- ference among the slave States. Tennessee, though her governor was suspected even at that early period of a strong sympathy, if not active concur- rence, with the leaders of the rebellion, was apparently indisposed to secession. Her United States senator, and formerly governor, Andrew Johnson, and Emer- son Etheredge, a member of the House of Representatives, were among the first to deny emphatically the assumed right of secession, and to call it treason. They both have continued as they began, the firm assertors of the Federal authority and the resolute opponents of its ene- mies. Johnson, in the Senate of jj eCt the United States, while even 19. Northern men were doubting the right of the Government to suppress a re- bellion against its authority, thus em- phatically argued not only for its ex- istence, but for its exercise : " Have we not the power to enforce the laws in the State of South Carolina, as well as in the State of Vermont or THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. any other State ? And notwithstanding they may resolve and declare them- selves absolved from all allegiance to this Union, yet it does riot save them from the compact. If South Carolina drives out the Federal courts from the State, then the Federal Government has a right to re-establish the courts. If she excludes the mails, the Federal Gov- ernment has a right and the authority to carry the mails. If she resists the collec- tion of revenue in the port of Charleston, or any other ports, then the Government has a right to enter and enforce the law. If she undertakes to take possession of the property of the Government, the Gov- ernment has a right to take all means to retain that property. And if they make any effort to dispossess the Government, or to resist the execution of the judicial system, then South Carolina puts her- self in the wrong, and it is the duty of the Government to see the judiciary faithfully executed. Yes, sir, faithfully executed. In December, 1805, South Carolina made a deed of cession of the land on which these forts stand a full and free cession with certain condi- tions, and has had possession of these forts till this day. And now has South Carolina any right to attempt to drive the Government from that property ? If she secedes, and makes any attempt of this kind, does she not come within the meaning of the Constitution, where it speaks of levying war ? And in levy- ing war, she does what the Constitution declares to be treason. We may as well talk of things as they are, for if anything can be treason, within the scope of the Constitution, is not levying war upon the Government, treason ? Is not at- tempting to take the property of the Government and expel the Government soldiers therefrom, treason ? Is not at- tempting to resist the collection of the revenue, attempting to exclude the mails, and driving the Federal court from her borders, treason ? What is it ? I ask, in the name of the Constitution, what is it ? It is treason, and nothing but treason." With a sympathy among many of the political leaders of Tennessee with seces- sion, and an undisguised effort to pro- mote it, there yet seemed to exist among the people throughout the State, but especially in the eastern districts, a firm attachment to the Union. A secession meeting at Memphis was disturbed ^ OVt by manifestations of opposition on 30. the part of a large gathering of union- ists. The Honorable John Bell, of Nash- ville, who had been a candidate for the Presidency, in a letter in answer to an invitation to an assemblage of secession- ists, declared that he was for the Union, that he did not think that the election of Lincoln was a just cause for its disso- lution, and that the South, equally with the North, was responsible for the angry sectionalism of feeling which prevailed. In Kentucky the Union sentiment was, as it continues to be, predominant. There was, however, great uneasiness of feeling and a disposition on the part of many of the political leaders of the State to act concurrently with the cotton States, or to demand excessive conces- sions from the North as the condition of CONCILIATION FROM KENTUCKY. 55 loyalty. Governor Magoffin seemed by D ec , this circular sent to the governors 9 of the various slave States, to have made a sincere effort toward conciliation. " COMMONWEALTH OF KENTUCKY, EXECUTIVE ) DEPARTMENT, FRANKFORT, Dec. 9, 1860. f " Entertaining the opinion that some movement should be instituted at the earliest possible moment to arrest the progress of events which seem to be rapidly hurrying the Government of the Union to dismemberment, as an initia- tory step I have, with great diffidence, concluded to submit to the governors of the slave States a series of propositions, and to ask their counsel and co-operation in bringing about a settlement upon them as a basis. Should the proposi- tions be approved, they can be sub- mitted to the assembling legislatures and conventions of the slave States, and a convention of all of said States, or of those only approving, be called to pass upon them, and ask a general convention of all the States of the Union that may be disposed to meet us on this basis for a full conference. The present good to be accomplished would be to arrest the secession movement until the question as to whether the Union can be pre- served upon fair and honorable terms can be fully tested. If there be a basis for the adjustment of our difficulties within the Union, nothing should be left undone in order to its development. To this end, it seems to me there should be a conference of the States in some form, and it appears to me the form above suggested would be most effect- ive. I, therefore, as the governor of a State having as deep a stake in the per- petuity of the Union, and at the same time as much solicitude for the mainte- nance of the institution of slavery as any other, would respectfully beg leave to submit for your consideration the fol- lowing outline of propositions : "First. Repeal, by an amendment of the Constitution of the United States, all laws in the free States in any degree nullifying or obstructing the execution of the Fugitive Slave law. "Second. Amendments to said law to enforce its thorough execution in all the free States, providing compensation to the owner of the slave from the State which fails to deliver him up under the requirements of the law, or throws ob- structions in the way of his recovery. " Third. The passage of a law by Congress compelling the governors of free States to return fugitives from justice, indicted by a grand jury in an- other State for stealing or enticing away a slave. " Fourth. To amend the Constitution so as to divide all the Territories be- longing to the United States, or here- after to be acquired, between the free arid the slave States, say upon the line of the 37th degree of north latitude all north of that line to come into the Union with requisite population as free States, and all south of the same to come in as slave States. "Fifth. To amend the Constitution so as to guarantee forever to all the States the free navigation of the Missis- sippi River. " Sixth. To alter the Constitution so 56 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. as to give the South the power, say in the United States Senate, to protect it- self from unconstitutional and oppressive legislation upon the subject of slavery. " Respectfully, "Your obedient servant, " B. MAGOFFIN." Governor Houston, of Texas, man- fully resisted the progress of the se- cessionists of that State by refusing to convene the Legislature, and strove to check the precipitancy of South Caro- lina by recommending a conference of the slave States. The governor of Ar- kansas uttered no expression of opinion in this crisis, but it was hoped that his silence was an indication that the people were loyal to the Union. Georgia was evidently still irresolute. Alexander H. Stephens, one of her lead- ing statesmen, now Vice-President of the Southern Confederacy, spoke elo- quently in behalf of the Union, and the D ec , Legislature urged the other slave 15. States, in a circular addressed to them, not to act separately and precip- itately. Even in Alabama, at a meeting held N OV| in Baldwin County, a unanimous 24. resolution was passed against se- cession ; in Mississippi a large gathering Nov. f citizens in Vicksburg expressed 29. the belief by a resolution that there were " yet remedies within the Union ;" in Louisiana a leading journal declared [to c , that there was a " disposition to 15. move with deliberation and to try all remedies, until means of security and equality in the Union are exhausted, before the State considers the United States as a foreign government and its citizens as aliens." South Carolina had, however, treated with contempt this lingering loyalty, and gave no heed to the suggestions of the other slave States. The convention refused to listen to the commissioners of Kentucky and Virginia, and even laid upon the table the proposition of the Legislature of Georgia without read- ing it. South Carolina was doubtless strengthened in resolution by secret al- liances and pledges of conformity on the part of the political leaders in the other slave States, and could estimate at its just value a public affectation of loyalty to the Union by men who had conspired to destroy it. In South Carolina itself the people had been long prepared for secession, and required no persuasions or threats to effect what they impa- tiently desired. In the other " cotton" States, however, partly from an attach- ment to the Union and partly from a reluctance to assume the responsibility of dissolving it, there was a hesitating dis- affection which could only be quickened to rebellion by the force of example. South Carolina, though professing her willingness and boasting her ability to stand alone, did not doubt that her lead would be soon followed by her sister States. Confident in this belief, a committee of the convention at Charleston introduced the following ordinance, in which the concurrence in secession of the Dec. slaveholding States and their or- 25. ganization into a separate government, were already assumed by anticipation : FASTING AND PRAYER. 57 "First. That the conventions of the seceding slaveholding States of the United States unite with South Caro- lina, and hold a convention at Mont- gomery, Ala., for the purpose of forming a Southern confederacy. ' ' Second. That the said seceding States appoint, by their respective conventions or legislatures, as many delegates as they have representatives in the present Congress of the United States, to the said convention to be held at Mont- gomery, and that on the adoption of the constitution of the Southern confederacy, the vote shall be by States. " Third. That whenever the terms of the constitution shall be agreed upon by the said convention, the same shall be submitted at as early a day as practi- cable to the convention and legislature of each State respectively, so as to en- able them to ratify or reject the said constitution. " Fourth. That in the opinion of South Carolina, the Constitution of the United States will form a suitable basis for the confederacy of the Southern States with- drawing. "Fifth. That the South Carolina con- vention appoint by ballot eight delegates to represent South Carolina in the con- vention for the formation of a Southern confederacy. "Lastly. That one commissioner in each State be elected to call the atten^ tion of the people to this ordinance." CHAPTER VI. Energetic Action of the Convention at Charleston. Proclamation for Fasting and Prayer by the President of the United States. Compromise Committees : their ineffectiveness. The Senator of Georgia's opinion of them. Despair of the Senator from Kentucky. Feeling at the North. Activity of South Carolina. Resolution of Inquiry passed by the Charleston Convention hi regard to the Federal Forts. Intense interest of the Charleston people. Description of the Forts. Anxiety of Major Anderson. Hopelessness of the Defence of Fort Moultrie. A Call of Duty. A Resolution taken. Preparations to abandon Fort Moultrie. Ruse. Expedition at Night. In possession of Fort Sumter. Excitement in Charleston. The abandoned Federal Forts taken possession of by the South Caro- linians. The condition of Fort Moultrie described. Seizure of Public Property. Indignation against Major An-r derson. Anderson assumes the Responsibility. Energetic Preparations at Charleston for War. Sympathy from the Gulf States. Feeling at the North. The great Robbery of the Indian Trust Fund. The supposed Criminals. The order for the removal of Arms from Pittsburg Excitement of the Citizens. Relief in a Mass Meeting. Fears at the North. The deed of Anderson hailed with enthusiasm. Newspaper Rhetoric. The effect at Washington. Resignation of Floyd. A strange Correspondence. Departure of the South Carolina Commissioners, from Wash- ington, and Correspondence. WHILE the convention at Charleston was energetically pursuing its course of independent government, the President at Washington did nothing but be- wail the misfortunes of the country in a proclamation of a day to be set apart 8 1S60. for humiliation, fasting, and prayer, and Congress continued its futile attempts at compromise. The committees of Thir-. ty-three" and "Thirteen," appointed to consider and report on the crisis of the country, met, adjourned, and met again 58 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. without any result but the increased conviction that conciliation was imprac- ticable. That there were some sincere efforts made by the moderate men of the South, with the desire of appeasing dis- union, may be believed, but that the representatives of the extreme opinions of the cotton States had, if the wish for, not the least expectation of, their success, D ec , may be inferred from this telegram 23t dispatched to his constituents by the United States senator from Georgia : " I came here to secure your consti- tutional rights, and to demonstrate to you that you can get no guarantee for those rights from your Northern con- federates. " The whole subject was referred to a committee of thirteen in the Senate. I was appointed on the committee, and accepted the trust. I submitted propo- sitions which, so far from receiving a decided support from a single member of the Republican party of the com- mittee, were all treated with derision or contempt. A vote was then taken in the committee on amendments to the Constitution, proposed by Hon. J. J. Crittenden, and each and all of them were voted against, unanimously, by the Black Republican members of the committee. " In addition to these facts, a majority of the Black Republican members of the committee declared distinctly that they had no guarantees to offer, which was silently acquiesced in by the other mem- bers. ' The Black Republican members of this committee are representative men of the party and section, and, to the ex- tent of my information, truly represent them. "The Committee of Thirty-Three on Friday adjourned for a week, without coming to any vote after solemnly pledg- ing themselves to vote on all the propo- sitions then before them that day. It is controlled by the Black Republicans, your enemies, who only seek to amuse you with delusive hope until your elec- tion, that you may defeat the friends of secession. " If you are deceived by them, it shall not be my fault. I have put the test fairly and frankly. It is decisive against you now. I tell you, upon the faith of a true man, that all further looking to the North for security for your constitu- tional rights in the Union ought to be instantly abandoned. "It is fraught with nothing but ruin to yourselves and to your posterity. Secession, by the 4th day of March next, should be thundered from the ballot-box by the unanimous voice of Georgia on the 2d day of January next. Such a voice will be your best guarantee for liberty, tranquility, and glory. "R. TOOMBS." The venerable Crittenden, of Ken- tucky, whose fidelity to the Union was beyond perad venture, even despaired, and seeing no prospect in congressional action of an accommodation, exclaimed, that it was the darkest day of his life that he was overwhelmed with solicitude for the country, and that nothing but the affection of the people for the Union could restore peace. In the mean rn 3 ip to d , -i H. ra vf> CD !S - Commissioners. " JAS. L. ORE, ) " To the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES." THE PRESIDENT'S REPLY, " WASHINGTON CITY, Dec, 30, 1860. " GENTLEMEN : I have had the honor to receive your communication of 28th inst., together with a copy of ' your full powers from the convention of the people of South Carolina,' authorizing you to treat with the Government of the United States on various important subjects therein mentioned, and also a copy of the Ordinance, bearing date on the 20th inst., declaring that ' the union now subsisting between South Carolina and other States, under the name of the United States of America, is hereby dissolved.' "In answer to this communication, I PRESIDENT'S REPLY. 71 have to say that my position as Presi- dent of the United States was clearly defined in the message to Congress on the 3d inst. In that I stated that, ' apart from the execution of the laws, so far as this may be practicable, the Executive has no authority to decide what shall be the relations between the Federal Government and South Carolina. He has been invested with no such dis- cretion. He possesses no power to change the relations hitherto existing between them, much less to acknow- ledge the independence of that State. This would be to invest a mere execu- tive officer with the power of recogniz- ing the dissolution of the confederacy among our thirty-three sovereign States. It bears no resemblance to the recogni- tion of a foreign de facto government involving no such responsibility. Any attempt to do this would, on his part, be a naked act of usurpation. It is therefore my duty to submit to Con- gress the whole question in all its bear- ings. "Such is my opinion still. I could, therefore, meet you only as private gentlemen of the highest character, and was entirely willing to communicate to Congress any proposition you might have to make to that body upon the subject. Of this you were well aware. It was my earnest desire that such a disposition might be made of the whole subject by Congress, who alone possess the power, as to prevent the inaugura- tion of a civil war between the parties in regard to the possession of the Fed- eral forts in the harbor of Charleston ; and I therefore deeply regret that, in your -opinion, ' the events of the last twenty-four hours render this impossi- ble.' In conclusion, you urge upon me ' the immediate withdrawal of the troops from the harbor of Charleston,' stating that ' under present circumstances they are a standing menace, which renders negotiation impossible, and, as our re- cent experience shows, threatens speed- ily to bring to a bloody issue questions which ought to be settled with temper- ance and judgment.' "The reason for this change in your position is, that since your arrival in Washington, ' an officer of the United States, acting, as we [you] are assured, not only without, but against, your [my] orders, has dismantled one fort and occupied another thus altering to a most important extent the condition of affairs under which we [you] came.' You also allege that you came here, ' the representatives of an authority which could, at any time within the past sixty days, have taken possession of the forts in Charleston harbor, but which, upon pledges given in a manner that we [you] cannot doubt, determined to trust to your [my] honor rather than to its power.' " This brings me to a consideration of the nature of those alleged pledges, and in what manner they have been observed. In my message of the 3d of December last, I stated, in regard to the property of the United States in South Carolina, that it ' has been purchased for a fair equivalent, by the consent of the Legis- lature of the State, for the erection of THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. forts, magazines, arsenals, etc., and over these the authority ' to exercise exclu- tive legislation' has been expressly granted by the Constitution to Congress. It is not believed that any attempt will be made to expel the United States from this property by force ; but if in this I should prove to be mistaken, the officer in command of the forts has received orders to act strictly on the defensive. In such a contingency, the responsibility for consequences would rightfully rest upon the heads of the assailants.' This being the condition of the parties, on Saturday, 8th December, four of the representatives from South Carolina called upon me, and requested an inter- view. We had an earnest conversation on the subject of these forts, and the best means of preventing a collision between the parties, for the purpose of sparing the effusion of blood. I sug- gested, for prudential reasons, that it would be best to put in writing what they said to me verbally. They did so, accordingly, and on Monday morning, the 10th inst., three of them presented to me a paper signed by all the repre- sentatives from South Carolina, with a single exception, of which the following is a copy : " To His EXCELLENCY JAMES BUCHANAN, PBES- IDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. " In compliance with our statement to you yesterday, we now express to you our strong convictions, that neither the constituted authorities, nor any body of the people of the State of South Caro- lina, will either attack or molest the United States forts in the harbor of Charleston previously to the act of the convention, and we hope and believe not until an offer has been made, through an accredited representative, to nego- tiate for an amicable arrangement of all matters between the State and the Fed- eral Government, provided that no re- inforcements shall be sent into those forts, and their relative military status shall remain as at present. ' ' JOHN MCQUEEN, " M. L. BONHAM, " W. W. BOYCE, "LAWRENCE M. KEITT. " WASHINGTON, Dec. 9, 1 860. " And here I must, in justice to my- self, remark that at the time the paper was presented to me, I objected to the word 'provided,' as it might be con- strued into an agreement on my part, which I never would make. They said that nothing was further from their in- tention they did not so understand it, and I should not so consider it. It is evident they could enter into no recip- rocal agreement with me on the subject. They did not profess to have authority to do this, and were acting in their in- dividual character. I considered it as nothing more, in effect, than the promise of highly honorable gentlemen to exert their influence for the purpose expressed. The event has proven that they have faithfully kept this promise, although I have never since received a line from any one of them, or from any member of the convention on the subject. It is well known that it was my determina- tion and this I freely expressed not to reinforce the forts in the harbor, and BUCHANAN AND SOUTHERN COMMISSIONERS. thus produce a collision, until they had been actually attacked, or until I had certain evidence that they were about to be attacked. This paper I received most cordially, and considered it as a happy omen that peace might be still pre- served, and that time might be thus given for reflection. This is the whole foundation for the alleged pledge. " But I acted in the same manner as I would have done had I entered into a positive and formal agreement with par- ties capable of contracting, although such an agreement would have been on my part, from the nature of my official du- ties, impossible. The world knows that I have never sent any reinforcements to the forts in Charleston harbor, and I have certainly never authorized any change to be made ' in their relative military status.' Bearing upon this sub- ject, I refer you to an order issued by the secretary of war, on the llth inst. to Major Anderson; but not brought to my notice until the 21st inst. It is as follows : " MEMORANDUM OF VERBAL INSTRUCTIONS TO MAJOR ANDERSON, FIRST ARTILLERY, COM- MANDING FORT MOTTLTRIE, S. C. ' ' You are aware of the great anxiety of the secretary of war that a collision of the troops with the people of this State shall be avoided, and of his studied determination to pursue a course with reference to the military force and forts in this harbor, which shall guard against such a collision. He has therefore care- fully abstained from increasing the force at this point, or taking any measures which might add to the present excited state of the public mind, or which would 10 throw any doubt on the confidence he feels that South Carolina will not at- tempt by violence to obtain possession of the public works, or interfere with their occupancy. " But as the counsel and acts of rash and impulsive persons may possibly dis- appoint these expectations of the Gov- ernment, he deems it proper that you should be prepared with instructions to meet so unhappy a contingency. He has therefore directed me, verbally, to give you such instructions. " You are carefully to avoid every act which would needlessly tend to pro- voke aggression, and for that reason you are not, without necessity, to take up any position which could be con- strued into the assumption of a hostile attitude ; but you are to hold possession of the forts in the harbor, and if attacked, you are to defend yourself to the last ex- tremity. The smallness of your force will not permit you, perhaps, to occupy more than one of the three forts, but an attack on, or attempt to take possession of, either of them, will be regarded as an act of hostility, and you may then put your command into either of them which you may deem most proper to in- crease its power of resistance. You are also authorized to take similar steps when- ever you have tangible evidence of a design to proceed to a hostile act. "V. P. BUTLER, " Assistant Adjutant-General. "FoRT MOULTRIE, S. C., Dec. 11, 1860." " This is in conformity to my in- structions to Major Buell. "JOHN B. FLOYD, Secretary of War." THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. " These were the last instructions transmitted to Major Anderson before his removal to Fort Sumter, with a single exception in regard to a partic- ular which does not in any degree affect the present question. Under these cir- cumstances, it is clear that Major An- derson acted upon his own responsi- bility, and without authority, unless, in- deed, he had ' tangible evidence of a design to proceed to a hostile act' on the part of South Carolina, which has not yet been alleged. Still, he is a brave and honorable officer, and justice re- quires that he should not be condemned without a fair hearing. " Be this as it may, when I learned that Major Anderson had left Fort Moul- trie and proceeded to Fort Sumter, my first promptings were to command him to return to his former position, and there to await the contingencies pre- sented in his instructions. This would only have been done with any degree of safety to the command by the con- currence of the South Carolina author- ities. But before any step could pos- sibly have been taken in this direction, we received information that the ' Pal- metto flag floated out to the breeze at Castle Pinckney, and a large military force went over last night (the 27th) to Fort Moultrie.' Thus the authorities of South Carolina, without waiting or ask- ing for any explanations, and doubtless believing, as you have expressed it, that the officer had acted not only without, but against, my orders, on the very next day after the night when the removal was made, seized by a military force two of the Federal forts in the harbor of Charleston, and have covered them un- der their own flag instead of that of the United States. " At this gloomy period of our his- tory, startling events succeed each other rapidly. On the very day, the 27th in- stant, that possession of these two forts was taken, the Palmetto flag was raised over the Federal custom-house and post- office in Charleston ; and on the same day every officer of the customs col- lector, naval officer, surveyor, and ap- praiser resigned their offices. And this, although it was well known from the language of my message that, as an ex- ecutive officer, I felt myself bound to col- lect the revenue at the port of Charles- ton under the existing laws. In the harbor of Charleston we now find three forts confronting each other, over all of which the Federal flag floated only four days ago ; but now, over two of them, this flag has been supplanted, and the Palmetto flag has been substituted in its stead. It is under all these circum- stances that I am urged immediately to withdraw the troops from the harbor of Charleston, and am informed that without this, negotiation is impossible. This I cannot do this I will not do. Such an idea was never thought of by me in any possible contingency. No such allusion had been made in any communication between myself and any human being. But the inference is that I am bound to withdraw the troops from the only fort remaining in the possession of the United States in the harbor of Charleston^, because the officer there in A SECOND LETTER TO BUCHANAN. 75 command of all of the forts thought proper, without instructions, to change his position from one of them to an- other. " At this point of writing, I have re- ceived information by telegraph from Captain Humphreys, in command of the arsenal at Charleston, that ' it has to- day (Sunday, the 30th) been taken by force of arms.' It is estimated that the munitions of war belonging to this ar- senal are worth half a million of dollars. " Comment is needless. After this information, I have only to add, that while it is my duty to defend Fort Sumter, as a portion of the public prop- erty of the United States, against hos- tile attacks, from whatever quarter they may come, by such means as I possess for this purpose, I do not perceive how such a defence can be construed into a menace against the city of Charleston. With great personal regard, I remain yours, very respectfully, "JAMES BUCHANAN. "To Hon. ROBERT W. BARNWELL, JAMES H. ADAMS, JAMES L. ORB." SECOND LETTER OF THE COMMISSIONERS TO THE PRESIDENT. "WASHINGTON, D. C., Jan. 1, 1861. ' ' Sm : We have the honor to acknowl- edge the receipt of your letter of the 30th December, in reply to a note ad- dressed by us to you, on the 28th of the same month, as commissioners from South Carolina. " In reference to the declaration with which your reply commences, that your ' position as President of the United States was already denned in the mes- sage to Congress of the 3d instant,' that you possess ' no power to change the relations heretofore existing between South Carolina and the United States,' ' much less to acknowledge the inde- pendence of that State,' and that conse- quently you could meet us only as private gentlemen of the highest char- acter, with an entire willingness to com- municate to Congress any proposition we might have to make we deem it only necessary to say that the State of South Carolina having, in the exercise of that great right of self-government which underlies all our political organ- izations, declared herself sovereign and independent, we, as her representatives, felt no special solicitude as to the char- acter in which you might recognize us. Satisfied that the State had simply ex- ercised her unquestionable right, we were prepared, in order to reach sub- stantial good, to waive the formal con- siderations which your constitutional scruples might have prevented you from extending. We came here, therefore, expecting to be received as you did re- ceive us, and perfectly content with that entire willingness, of which you assured us, to submit any proposition to Con- gress which we might have to make upon the subject of the independence of the State. The willingness was ample recognition of the condition of public af- fairs which rendered our presence nec- essary. In this position, however, it is our. duty, both to the State which we represent and to ourselves, to correct several important misconceptions of our letter into which you have fallen. THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. "You say : ' It was my earnest de- sire that such a disposition might be made of the whole subject by Congress, who alone possess the power, to prevent the inauguration of a civil war between the parties in regard to the possession of the Federal forts in the harbor of Charleston ; and I therefore deeply re- gret that in your opinion the events of the last twenty-four hours render this impossible.' We expressed no such opin- ion, and the language which you quote as ours, is altered in its sense by the omission of a most important part of the sentence. What we did say was, ' But the events of the last twenty-four hours render such an assurance impossible.' Place that ' assurance 7 as contained in our letter in the sentence, and we are prepared to repeat it. ' ' Again professing to quote our lan- guage, you say : ' Thus the authorities of South Carolina, without waiting or asking for any explanation, and doubt- less believing, as you have expressed it, that the officer had acted not only with- out, but against, my orders,' etc. We expressed no such opinion in reference to the belief of the people of South Carolina. The language which you have quoted was applied solely and entirely to our assurances obtained here, and based, as you well know, upon your own declaration a declaration which, at that time, it was impossible for the authorities of South Carolina to have known. But, without following this let- ter into all its details, we propose only to meet the chief points of the argu- ment, " Some weeks ago, the State of South Carolina declared her intention, in the existing condition of public affairs, to secede from the United States. She called a convention of her people to put her declaration in force. The conven- tion met and passed the ordinance of secession. All this you anticipated, and your course of action was thoroughly considered in your annual message. You declared you had no right, and would not attempt, to coerce a seceding State, but that you were bound by your constitutional oath, and would defend the property of the United States within the borders of South Carolina if an attempt was made to take it by force. Seeing very early that this question of property was a difficult and delicate one, you manifested a desire to settle it with- out collision. You did not reinforce the garrison in the harbor of Charleston. You removed a distinguished and vet- eran officer from the command of Fort Moultrie because he attempted to in- crease his supply of ammunition. You refused to send additional troops to the same garrison when applied for by the officer appointed to succeed him. You accepted the resignation of the oldest and most eminent member of your cab- inet, rather than allow the garrison to be strengthened. You compelled an officer stationed at Fort Surnter to re- turn immediately to the arsenal forty muskets which he had taken to arm his men. You expressed, not to one, but to many, of the most distinguished of our public characters, whose testimony will be placed upon the record whenever it BUCHANAN CALLED TO ACCOUNT. 77 is necessary, your anxiety for a peaceful termination of this controversy, and your willingness not to disturb the mili- tary status of the forts, if commission- ers should be sent to the Government, whose communications you promised to submit to Congress. You received and acted on assurances from the highest official authorities of South Carolina, that no attempt would* be made to dis- turb your possession of the forts and property of the United States, if you would not disturb their existing condition until the commissioners had been sent and the attempt to negotiate had failed. You took from the members of the House of Representatives a written memorandum that no such attempt should be made, ' provided that no re- inforcements should be sent into those forts, and their relative military status shall remain as at present.' And al- though you attach no force to the accept- ance of such a paper although you ' considered it as nothing more in effect than the promise of highly honorable gentlemen' as an obligation on one side, without corresponding obligation on the other it must be remembered (if we were rightly informed) that you were pledged, if you ever did send reinforce- ments, to return it to those from whom you had received it, before you executed your resolution. You sent orders to your officers, commanding them strictly to follow a line of conduct in conformity with such an understanding. Besides all this, you had received formal and official notice from the Governor of South Carolina that we had been ap- pointed commissioners, and were on our way to Washington. You knew the implied condition under which we came ; our arrival was notified to you, and an hour appointed for an interview. We arrived in Washington on Wednesday, at three o'clock, and you appointed an interview with us at one the next day. Early on that day (Thursday) the news was received here of the movement of Major Anderson. That news was com- municated to you immediately, and you postponed our meeting until half-past two o'clock on Friday, in order that you might consult your cabinet. On Friday we saw you, and we called upon you then to redeem your pledge. You could not deny it. With the facts we have stated, and in the face of the crowning and conclusive fact that your secretary of war had resigned his seat in the cabinet, upon the publicly avowed ground that the action of Major Ander- son had violated the pledged faith of the Government, and that unless the pledge was instantly redeemed, he was dis- honored, denial was impossible ; you did not deny it. You do not deny it now, but you seek to escape from its obligations on the grounds, first, that we terminated all negotiation by de- manding, as a preliminary, the with- drawal of the United States troops from the harbor of Charleston ; and, second, that the authorities of South Carolina, instead of asking explanation, and giv- ing you the opportunity to vindicate yourself, took possession of other prop- erty of the United States. We will examine both. 78 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. " In the first place, we deny positively that we have ever in any way made any such demand. Our letter is in your possession ; it will stand by this on rec- ord. In it we informed you of the objects of our mission. We say that it would have been our duty to have assured you of our readiness to com- mence negotiations, with the most earn- est and anxious desire to settle all ques- tions between us amicably and to our mutual advantage, but that events had rendered that assurance impossible. We stated the events, and we said that until some satisfactory explanation of these events was given us, we could not pro- ceed ; and then, having made this re- quest for explanation, we added : ' And in conclusion, we would urge upon you the immediate withdrawal of the troops from the harbor of Charleston. Under present circumstances they are a stand- ing menace, which renders negotiation impossible, 7 etc. ' Under present cir- cumstances !' What circumstances ? Why, clearly the occupation of Fort Sumter and the dismantling of Fort Moultrie by Major Anderson, in the face of your pledges, and without ex- planation or practical disavowal. And there is nothing in the letter which would, or could, have prevented you from declining to withdraw the troops, and offering the restoration of the status to which you were pledged, if such had been you desire. It would have been wiser and better, in our opinion, to have withdrawn the troops ; and this opinion we urged upon you ; but we demanded nothing but such an explanation of the events of the last twenty-four hours as would restore our confidence in the spirit with which the negotiations should be conducted. In relation to this with- drawal of the troops from the harbor, we are compelled, however, to notice one passage of your letter. Referring to it, you say : ' This I cannot do. This I will not do. Such an idea was never thought of by me in any possible con- tingency. No allusion to it had ever been made in any communication be- tween myself and any human being.' "In -reply to this statement, we are compelled to say, that your conversation with us left upon our minds the distinct impression, that you did seriously con- template the withdrawal of the troops from Charleston harbor. And in sup- port of this impression we would add, that we have - the positive assurance of gentlemen of the highest possible public reputation and the most unsullied integ- rity - - men whose name and fame, secured by long service and patriotic achievements, place their testimony be- yond cavil that such suggestions had been made to and urged upon you by them, and had formed the subject of more than one earnest discussion with you. And it was this knowledge that induced us to urge upon you a policy, which had to recommend it its own wisdom and the might of such authority. As to the second point, that the author- ities of South Carolina, instead of ask- ing explanations, and giving you the opportunity to vindicate yourself, took possession of other property of the United States, we would observe : 1. FALSE TRUST. That even if this were so, it does not avail you for defence, for the oppor- tunity for decision was afforded you be- fore these facts occurred. We arrived in Washington on Wednesday ; the news from Major Anderson reached here early on Thursday, and was immediately com- municated to you. All that day men of the highest consideration men who had striven successfully to lift you to your great office who had been your tried and true friends through the troubles of your administration, sought you and entreated you to act to act at once. They told you that every hour compli- cated your position. They only asked you to give the assurance that if the facts were so that if the commander had acted without and against your orders, and in violation of your pledges that you would restore the status you had pledged your honor to maintain. You refused to decide. Your secretary at war, your immediate and proper ad- viser in this whole matter, waited anx- iously for your decision, until he felt that delay was becoming dishonor. More than twelve hours passed, and two cab- inet meetings had adjourned, before you knew what the authorities of South Carolina had done ; and your prompt decision at any moment of that time would have avoided the subsequent complications. But, if you had known the acts of the authorities of South Carolina, should that have prevented your keeping your faith? What was the condition of things ? For the last sixty days you had in Charleston harbor not force enough to hold the forts against an equal enemy. Two of them were empty one of those two the most important in the harbor. It could have been taken at any time. You ought to know better than any man that it would have been taken, but for the efforts of those who put their trust in your honor. Believing that they were threatened by Fort Sumter especially, the people were with difficulty restrained from securing, without blood, the possession of this im- portant fortress. After many and reiter- ated assurances, given on your behalf, which we can not believe unauthorized, they determined to forbear, and in good faith sent on their commissioners to nego- O tiate with you. They meant you no harm wished you no ill. They thought of you kindly, believed you true, and were willing, as far as was consistent with duty, to spare you unnecessary and hostile collision. Scarcely had these commissioners left than Major Andersou waged war. No other words will de- scribe his action. It was not a peaceful change from one fort to another ; it was a hostile act in the highest sense, and only justified in the presence of a su- perior enemy, and in imminent peril. He abandoned his position, spiked his guns, burned his gun-carriages, made preparations for the destruction of his post, and withdrew, under cover of the night, to a safer position. This was war. No man could have believed (without your assurance) that any officer could have taken such a step, ' not only without orders, but against orders.' What the State did was in simple self- defence ; for this act, with all its attend- 80 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. ing circumstances, was as much war as firing a volley; and war being thus begun, until those commencing it ex- plained their action and disavowed their intention, there was no room for delay ; and even at this moment while we are writing, it is more than probable, from the tenor of your letter, that reinforce- ments are hurrying on to the conflict, so that when the first gun shall be fired, there will have been on your part one continuous, consistent series of actions, commencing in a demonstration essen- tially warlike, supported by regular re- inforcements, and terminating in defeat or victory. And all this without the slightest provocation ; for, among the many things which you have said, there is one thing you cannot say you have waited anxiously for news from the seat of war, in hopes that delay would furnish some excuse for this precipita- tion. But this ' tangible evidence of a design to proceed to a hostile act, on the part of the authorities of South Carolina,' which is the only justification of Major Anderson you are forced to admit, ' has not yet been alleged. 7 But you have decided, you have resolved to hold, by force, what you have obtained through our misplaced confidence ; and by refusing to disavow the action of Major Anderson, have converted his violation of orders into a legitimate act of your executive authority. Be the issue what it may, of this we are as- sured, that, if Fort Moultrie has been recorded in history as a memorial of Carolina gallantry, Fort Sumter will live upon the succeeding page as an imper- ishable testimony of Carolina faith. " By your course, you have probably rendered civil war inevitable. Be it so. If you choose to force this issue upon us, the State of South Carolina will ac- cept it, and, relying upon Him who is the God of Justice as well as the God of Hosts, will endeavor to perform the great duty which lies before her hope- fully, bravely, and thoroughly. " Our mission being one for negotia- tion and peace, and your note leaving us without hope of a withdrawal of the troops from Fort Sumter, or of the res- toration of the status quo existing at the time of our arrival, and intimating, as we think, your determination to rein- force the garrison in the harbor of Charleston, we respectfully inform you that we purpose returning to Charleston to-morrow afternoon. " We have the honor to be, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servants. "R. W. BARNWELL, \ " J. H. ADAMS, > Commissioners. "JAMES L. ORE, ) "To His Excellency the PRESIDENT OF THE STATES." The only reply by Mr. Buchanan to this paper was these words endorsed upon it : "EXECUTIVE MAKSIOX, " Half-past three o'clock, Wednesday. "This paper, just presented to the President, is of such a character that he declines to receive it." FORT SUMTER BESIEGED. 81 CHAPTER VII. Increased Belligerency of South Carolina. Progress of the Works in the Harbor of Charleston. Betrayal of a United States Government Vessel. Fort Sumter Besieged. Stars and Stripes still Flying. Offensive Emblem of Union to the Char lestonians. Plans for Degrading it. Example of South Carolina followed by other States. Seizure of Federal Forts in Georgia and North Carolina. Indications of Hostility. A more Resolute Tone at Washington. The Order for Removal of Cannoii from Pittsburg Revoked. A feeble attempt to Reinforce Fort Sumter. The Sailing of the Star of the West. A cautious Offing. Arrival at Charleston. A vigilant Enemy. Fire Opened. A critical Position. Return of the Star of the West. The Demonstration at Fort Sumter. Correspondence be- tween Major Anderson and Governor Pickens. The improvement at Washington under the inspiration of a patriotic Secretary of War. Correspondence of Holt with the Governor of North Carolina. The Cotton States not checked by strong words. Secession of Mississippi. Secession of Florida and Alabama. Secession Enthusiasm in Mobile. Seizure of Fort Barrancas and the Navy Yard at Pensacola. An insolent Telegram from Florida to Washington. Secession of Georgia. Opposition of some leading Politicians. Popular Demonstrations. Secession of Louisiana. Seizure of Federal Property. More cautious proceedings of Texas. Secession of Texas. Departure of the Sen- ators of the Seceding States from Washington. Farewell Speech of Benjamin, of Louisiana. Farewell Speech of Davis. Hand-shaking in the Senate. The slow Awakening of the North. Union Meetings. The Union Senti- ment variously Manifested. Indignation against the Abolitionists. Alarm about the Safety of Washington. Scott on Guard. Peace Convention. 1861. IN South Carolina the people became daily more belligerent in their attitude toward the Federal Government. The works which had been ordered by the convention for the defence of the harbor of Charleston were labored at with great diligence, and soon the South Car- olinians boasted that they were able to resist any attempts to reinforce Major Anderson, now in command of Fort Sumter. Batteries of earthwork, pal- metto logs, and sand were erected and mounted with cannon on Sullivan's and Morris islands, guarding the approach to the harbor. The South Carolina commander at Castle Pinckney issued an order, forbidding all boats to ap- proach the wharfs without permission, under the severest penalties if disobeyed. The river front of the city was care- fully guarded, and mounted patrols pa- raded the streets night and day. Ship- 11 masters were notified that all vessels must enter and clear . at Charleston. The United States revenue cutter the William Aiken, betrayed by her captain into the hands of the insurrectionists, was received into the service of South Carolina, and with her armament and crew increased, was ready, under the Palmetto flag, to turn her guns against the government which her commander had sworn to defend against all enemies. So great was the ardor and diligence of the South Carolinians, that they soon had their works in such a state of pro- gress that Fort Sumter was completely besieged, and Major Anderson threat- ened with an attack. The people looked with excessive hostility at the flag of the United States still floating in their har- bor, and the prevailing desire was to re- move, if possible, that emblem of the Union, so lately the object of their 82 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. pride, but which they now strove to dishonor. This intense feeling of aver- sion found expression in a universal cry for the capture of Fort Sumter. Plans of all kinds were devised to effect the purpose. Some proposed to float down rafts, loaded with burning tar-barrels, and thus smoke out the United States garrison ; some suggested bribing the soldiers j some thought that a floating battery might be built with breastworks of cotton-bales, behind which sharp- shooters could post themselves and pick off each man in the fort ; some hit upon the expedient of filling bomb-shells with prussic acid to throw among the troops and poison them, while others recom- mended a more protracted, if not more Christian method, of cutting off their supplies and starving them to death.* In the mean time, the example of South Carolina in taking possession of the Federal property, was being fol- lowed by other States. Fort Pulaski was seized by the troops of Georgia, by order of the Governor, and even Gov- ernor Ellis, of North Carolina, dispatched the troops of the State to take possession of Fort Macon, at Beaufort, the forts at Wilmington, and the United States ar- senal at Fayetteville. At Mobile, too, Fort Morgan and the arsenal, containing six stands of arms, 1,500 barrels of powder, 300,000 rounds of musket car- tridges, and other munitions of war, were seized by the secessionists. These acts of undisguised hostility, though they preceded the meeting of the conventions in those States, gave an indication that 9 South Carolinian, could not be mistaken of a predeter- mined purpose to defy and resist the Federal authority. A more resolute tone had, in the mean while, been assumed by the President. No longer exclusively under the control of traitorous advisers, he ventured to speak more authoritatively. The order for the removal of the cannon from the Alleghany arsenal to Southern forts, which had so greatly stirred the indigna- tion of the citizens of Pittsburg, was re- voked, and a feeble attempt* made to sustain Major Anderson and his little garrison at Fort Sumter. The steamship Star of the West a merchant vessel chartered by the Gov- ernment having taken on board two hundred and fifty artillerists and ma- rines, and a supply of stores and ammu- nition, sailed at night for Charles- j an , ton, though she cleared for New 5. Orleans and Havana. She thus stole away in the darkness and under false pretences, with the hope that she might reach her destination and effect her pur- pose of reinforcing Major Anderson without exciting the suspicion of his besiegers. After a prosperous passage, the steam- er having previously extinguished all her lights, lest she should be seen, arrived at Charleston Bar at half-past one j an , o'clock in the morning. Here it 9, was necessary to check her speed and grope her way cautiously, for there were no lights in the light-houses to guide her in her dangerous course. She con- The secretary of the interior. Thompson, resigned in consequence. THE STAR OF THE WEST. 83 tinued, however, to move on slowly, the lead being thrown at every moment until four o'clock, when a light was seen through the haze of the early dawn. This was supposed to be a signal from Fort Sumter, and the ship having steered in that direction, hove to, to wait for daylight. As the day broke, a Charleston steam- er, the General Clinch, was discovered, which, as soon as she caught sight of the Star of the West, began to burn blue and red lights, as signals to the batteries. Those on guard at Morris Island were at once on the alert and at their posts be- fore the orders could be given them to prepare for action. They expected at every moment a volley from Fort Sum- ter as they themselves got ready to fire at the approaching steamer. The Star of the West, too, was preparing for a warm reception. The soldiers were thrust below, and none allowed on deck but the crew. She, however, proceeded on her course, following in the wake of the little Charleston steamer, which steamed on, keeping about two miles ahead, and perseveringly sending off rockets and burning blue lights even until after broad daylight. When the Star of the West had reached within two miles of Fort Moultrie, and about the same distance of Fort Sumter, the battery at Morris Island, from which the Palmetto flag was flying, opened fire. After the first shot the Star of the West hoisted a large American ensign at the fore, in addition to the American flag flying from tto flagstaff. She, in spite of the fire, continued her course for ten minutes. In the mean time, the shots from Morris Island came thick and fast. Several passed clear over the steamer, one between the smoke-stack and walk- ing-beam of the engine, one within an ace of the rudder, and another struck the ship just abaft the fore-rigging and stove in the planking. " At the same time," says McGowan, the captain, in his report, " there was a movement of two steamers from near Fort Moultrie, one of them towing a schooner (I presume an armed schooner), with the intention of cutting us off. Our position now became rather critical, as we had to approach Fort Moultrie within three-quarters of a mile before we could keep away for Fort Sumter. A steamer approaching us, with an armed schooner in tow, and the battery on the island firing at us all the time, and having no cannon to defend ourselves from the at- tack of the vessels, we concluded that to avoid certain capture or destruction we would endeavor to get to sea. Conse- quently we wore round and steered down the channel, the battery firing upon us until the shot fell short," Fort Sumter, in the mean time, had " made no demonstration, except at the port-holes, where the guns were run out, bearing on Morris Island." * Major An- derson, however, at once dispatched a letter to Governor Pickens, which, with the answer and rejoinder, are here given : " To His EXCELLENCY THE GOVERNOR or SOUTH CAROLINA. " SIR : Two of your batteries fired Charleston Courier. THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. this morning on an unarmed vessel bearing the flag of my Government. As I have not been notified that war has been declared by South Carolina against the United States, I cannot but think this a hostile act, committed with- out your sanction or authority. Under that hope, I refrain from opening a fire on your batteries. I have the honor, therefore, respectfully to ask whether the above-mentioned act one which I believe without parallel in the history of our country or any other civilized government was committed in obe- dience to your instructions, and notify you, if it is not disclaimed, that I regard it as an act of war, and I shall not, after reasonable time for the return of my messenger, permit any vessel to pass within the range of the guns of my fort. In order to save, as far as it is in my power, the shedding of blood, I beg you will take due notification of my decision for the good of all concerned. Hoping, however, your answer may justify a further continuance of forbearance on my part, I remain, respectfully, " ROBERT ANDERSON." Gov. Pickens, in reply, after describing the position of South Carolina toward the States, said that any attempt to send United States troops into Charleston harbor, to reinforce the forts, would be regarded as an act of hostility ; and in conclusion, added, " that any attempt to reinforce the troops at Fort Sumter, or to retake and resume possession of the forts within the waters of South Caro- lina which Major Anderson abandoned, after spiking the cannon and doing other damage, cannot be regarded by the au- thorities of the State as indicative of any other purpose than the coercion of the State by the armed force of the Government ; special agents, therefore, have been off the bar to warn approach- ing vessels, armed and unarmed, having troops to reinforce Fort Sumter aboard, not to enter the harbor. Special orders have been given the commanders at the forts not to fire on such vessels until a shot across their bows should warn them of the prohibition of the State. Under these circumstances the Star of the "West, it is understood, this morning attempted to enter the harbor with troops, after having been notified she could not enter, and consequently she was fired into. This act is perfectly justified by me. " In regard to your threat about ves- sels in the harbor, it is only necessary for me to say, you must be the judge of your responsibility. Your position in the harbor has been tolerated by the authorities of the State, and while the act of which you complain is in perfect consistency with the rights and duties of the State, it is not perceived how far the conduct you propose to adopt can find a parallel in the history of any country, or be reconciled with any other purpose than that of your Government imposing on the State the condition of a conquered province. "F. W. PICKENS." " To His EXCELLENCY GOVERNOR PICKENS. " SIR : I have the honor to acknowl- edge the receipt of your communication, and say, that under the circumstances I SECEDING STATES. 85 have deemed it proper to refer the whole matter to my Government, and intend deferring the course I indicated in my note this morning until the arrival from Washington of such instructions as I may receive. ' ' I have the honor also to express the hope that no obstructions will be placed in the way, and that you will do me the favor of giving every facility for the de- parture and return of the bearer, Lieu- tenant T. Talbot, who is directed to make the journey. " ROBERT ANDERSON." There were other evidences, besides this well-intentioned, but humble and fruitless attempt to reinforce Major Anderson, of an increased indisposition on the part of the Federal Govern- ment to continue to yield unresistingly to the demands and encroachments of the secessionists. Under the patriotic inspiration of the new secretary of war, Holt, a more positive assertion of Fed- eral authority was assumed. Dignified words at least were spoken, if not effect- ive measures taken, in vindication of the Government. To the Governor of North Carolina, who, after restoring the forts of that State to the authorities of the United States, had asked if " it was the purpose of the administration to coerce the Southern States?" the sec- retary of war had responded somewhat equivocally, but still in words more authoritative than the Government of Buchanan had yet ventured to utter. " In reply to your inquiry," wrote the secretary, "whether it is the purpose of the President to garrison the forts of North Carolina during his administration, I am directed to say that they, in com- mon with the other forts, arsenals, and other property of the United States, are in the charge of the President, and that if assailed, no matter from what quarter or under what pretext, it is his duty to protect them by all the means which the law has placed at his disposal. It is not his purpose to garrison the forts to which you refer at present, because he considers them entirely safe, as heretofore, under the shelter of that law-abiding sentiment for which the people of North Carolina have ever been distinguished. Should they, how- ever, be attacked or menaced with danger of being seized or taken from the possession of the United States, he could not escape from his constitutional obligation to defend and preserve them. The very satisfactory and patriotic as- surance given by your Excellency justi- fies him, however, in entertaining the confident expectation that no such con- tingency will arise." The cotton States, now, had got be- yond the influence of words however fitly spoken, and had been so long as- sured of impunity, that they did not hesitate in their career of insurrection. Mississippi was the first to follow South Carolina in seceding from the j an . Union. The ordinance of seces- 9 sion was opposed only by fifteen mem- bers of the convention, and they resisted but a day, when they, too, signed with the rest. Florida and Alabama j an , immediately succeeded. In the U. former State the ordinance secession 86 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. was carried by a vote of sixty-two to seven. In the latter, though there was the reputable minority of thirty-nine members of the convention to oppose the prevailing number of sixty-one, still the act of secession was hailed with immense enthusiasm. Judge Jones, of the United States District Court, an- nounced with exulting emphasis, from the windows of the court-room at Mobile, that the United States Court for the Southern District of Alabama was "adjourned forever." A prodigal se- cessionist of the same city gave one hundred cords of wood for the use of the secession garrison in occupation of the Federal Fort Morgan, and proffered twenty negro men to labor on the works to defend the harbor against the United States. The day was declared to be "the wildest day of 'excitement in the annals of Mobile." On receiving the news of the simultaneous secession of Florida an immense crowd collected about the " secession pole" to witness the raising of the " Southern flag," which was hoisted to the top amid the ' ' shouts of the multitude and the thunders of can- non." The "Mobile Cadets" paraded the streets all day with the " splendid flag, a most gorgeous banner," which had been presented to them by " sympa- thetic ladies." At night the houses were illuminated so brilliantly, and tar- barrels burnt so profusely, that "the broad boulevard of Government Street became an avenue of light." To crown this exultant display of secession senti- ment, the Federal custom-house was lighted up by "patriotic candles," thus affording ' ' a choice epicureanism of triumph and rejoicing" to those excited citizens as they "piled Ossas of insult on Pelions of injury to Uncle Sam."* On the passage of the secession ordi- nance by Florida, her troops, joined by those of Alabama, seized upon Fort Barrancas and the navy-yard at j au , Pensacola, and thus became pos- W. sessed not only of important posts of defence, but large supplies of ordnance, ammunition, and stores. "Having no means of resistance," said the United States officer in command in his dispatch to the Government, " I surrendered and hauled down my flag." The secession- ists of Florida, themselves, telegraphed to their senators in Washington : ' ' This move was in consequence of the Govern- ment garrisoning Fort Pickens, which has before remained unoccupied." "You will propose to the administration," they added, with insolent dictation, "to re- sume the status quo ante bettum, and we will immediately evacuate." Georgia was the next to adopt in con- vention the secession ordinance by j au , a vote of two hundred and eight 19. against eighty-nine. Some of the lead- ing politicians of the State, as Alex- ander H. Stephens and Herschel V. Johnson, lately a candidate for Yice- President of the United States, opposed this hasty action, and emphatic manifest- ations of dislike were exhibited by many of the people at being thus hurried out of the Union. The usual popular demonstrations, however, followed the Mobile Advertiser. FAREWELL OF JEFF. DAVIS. 87 passage of the ordinance ; sky-rockets were let off, torches burned, and mass meetings gathered and were stirred by martial music and jubilant speech. In a week after, Louisiana followed Jan. Georgia, the convention having, by 26 a vote of one hundred and thirteen to seventeen, declared her out of the Union. The seizure of Federal prop- Feb. er ty, forts, arsenals, and treasure ! succeeded. Texas, checked by the obstinate loyalty of Governor Houston, was less precipitate, but finally passed, in convention, an ordinance of secession. This, however, was on the condition of its approval by the people, to whose suffrage it was to be submitted on the 23d of February, and, if sanctioned, to take effect on the 3d of March. Texas was thus far the only State which had ventured to submit the question of se- cession to popular vote. The State finally yielded, and declared itself out of the Union on the 4th of March. The senators of these various seceding States had lingered at Washington as long as, under the pretence of a desire for conciliation, they could, by intrig- uing with their confederates at the cap- ital, promote their plans, and by wheed- ling a feeble Executive, embarrass the action of government. They now, however, threw off all dis- guise, and in the Senate of the United States openly confessed their designs and defied all the efforts of the Federal authority to counteract them. Senator Benjamin, of Louisiana, publicly an- nounced his intention of taking farewell of the Senate in a parting "secession" speech. A large crowd gathered to hear him, and as he closed with the declaration that the South could never be subjugated, a shout of applause rose from the galleries, packed with his sym- pathizing friends. Jefferson Davis, then United States senator from Mississippi, now the Pres- ident of the Confederate States, with an unusual mastery of his impulsive rhet- oric, thus with studied deliberation and cool assurance confessed his seces- j an , sion faith, and declared his readi- 21. ness to fight for it : " I rise for the purpose of announcing to the Senate that I have satisfactory evidence that the State of Mississippi, by solemn ordinance in convention as- sembled, has declared her separation from the United States. Under these circumstances, of course, my functions terminate here. It has seemed to be proper that I should appear in the Sen- ate and announce that fact, and to say something, though very little, upon it. The occasion does not invite rne to go into the argument, and my physical con- dition will not permit it, yet something would seem to be necessary on the part of the State I here represent, on an oc- casion like this. It is known to sen- ators who have served here, that I have for many years advocated, as an essen- tial attribute of State sovereignty, the right of a State to secede from the Union. If, therefore, I had not believed there was justifiable cause if I had thought the State was acting without sufficient provocation still, under my theory of government, I should have 88 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. felt bound by her action. I, however, may say I think she had justifiable cause, and I approve of her acts. I conferred with the people before that act was taken, and counselled them that if they could not remain, that they should take the act. I hope none will confound this expression of opinion with the advocacy of the right of a State to remain in the Union, and disregard its constitutional obligations by nullifica- tion. Nullification and secession are in- deed antagonistic principles. Nullifica- tion is the remedy which is to be sought and applied, within the Union, against an agent of the United States, when the agent has violated constitutional obli- gations, and the State assumes for itself, and appeals to other States to support it. But when the States themselves, and the people of the States, have so acted as to convince us that they will not regard our constitutional rights, then, and then for the first time, arises the question of secession in its practical application. That great man who now reposes with his fathers, who has been so often arraigned for want of fealty to the Union, advocated the doctrine of nullification, because it preserved the Union. It was because of his deep- seated attachment to the Union that Mr. Calhoun advocated the doctrine of nullification, which he claimed would give peace within the limits of the Union, and not disturb it, and only be the means of bringing the agent before the proper tribunal of the States for judgment. Secession belongs to a dif- ferent class of rights, and is to be justi- fied upon the basis that the States are sovereign. The time has been, and I hope the time will come again, when a better appreciation of our Union will prevent any one denying that each State is a sovereign in its own right. There- fore I say I concur in the act of my State, and feel bound by it. It is by this confounding of nullification and se- cession that the name of another great man has been invoked to justify the co- ercion of a seceding State. The phrase 'to execute the law, 7 as used by Gen- eral Jackson, was applied to a State refusing to obey the laws and still re- maining in the Union. I remember well when Massachusetts was arraigned before the Senate. The record of that occasion will show that I said, if Massa- chusetts, in pursuing the line of steps, takes the last step which separates her from the Union, the right is hers, and I will neither vote one dollar nor one man to coerce her, but I will say to her, ' God speed !' ' Mr. Davis then pro- ceeded to argue that the equality spoken of in the Declaration of Independence was the equality of a class in political rights, referring to the charge against George III. for inciting insurrection, as proof that it had no reference to the slaves. "But we have proclaimed our independence. This is done with no hostility or any desire to injure any sec- tion of the country, nor even for our pe- cuniary benefit, but from the high and solid foundation of defending and pro- tecting the rights we inherited, and transmitting them unshorn to our pos- terity. I know I feel no hostility to NORTHERN LOYALTY. 89 you senators here, and am sure there is not one of you, whatever may have been the sharp discussions between us, to whom I cannot now say, in the presence of my God, I wish you well. And such is the feeling, I am sure, the people I represent feel toward those whom you represent. I, therefore, feel I but ex- press their desire, when I say I hope and they hope for those' peaceful rela- tions with you, though we must part, that may be mutually beneficial to us in the future. There will be peace if you so will it, and you may bring dis- aster on every part of the country, if you thus will have it. And if you will have it thus, we will invoke the God of our fathers, who delivered them from the paw of the lion, to protect us from the ravages of the bear ; and thus put- ting our trust in God, and our own firm hearts and strong arms, we will vindi- cate and defend the rights we claim. In the course of my long career I have met with a great variety of men here, and there have been points of collision between us. Whatever of offence there has been to me, I leave here. I carry no hostile feelings away. Whatever of of- fence I have given, which has not been redressed, I am willing to say to sen- ators, in this hour of parting, I offer you my apology for anything I may have done in the Senate ; and I go thus released from obligation, remembering no injury I have received, and having discharged what I deem the duty of man, to offer the only reparation at this hour for every injury I have ever inflicted." As the senators from Florida, Ala- 12 bama, and Mississippi all in open re- bellion against the United States Gov- ernment were about leaving the Sen- ate chamber, most of their fellow-sen- ators, even those of the North, shook hands with them ! The Northern people were slowly awaking to the great dangers which be- set the Union, and gradually rising to the efforts necessary to protect it. Pros- trated in sympathy with the long inert- ness of the Government and its still lan- guid action, they might have appeared to a casual observer indifferent to the great issue. There were, however, al- ready indications of that loyalty to the Union which has since manifested itself in such a generous outpouring of men and money. Large meetings were held throughout the country to express de- votion to its institutions and to offer service in their defence. At a popular gathering at Chicago, in Illinois, j an , resolutions were adopted express- * ing love for the Union ; declaring that every attempt to rend it was the basest treason and most insane folly ; that the Constitution of the United States formed a union between the people of the sev- eral States, and was intended to be per- petual ; that every attempt by a State to secede or annul the laws of the United States was not only a usurpation of the powers of the General Government, but an aggression upon the equal rights of the other States ; that peaceable seces- sion, if possible, must necessarily be a matter of agreement between the States, and until such an agreement be made, the existing Government had no choice but 90 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. to enforce the law and protect the prop- erty of the nation ; that in view of what was occurring in the Southern States, of threats to prevent the inauguration of a President constitutionally elected, it was incumbent upon the loyal people of the several States to be prepared to render all their aid, military and other- wise, to the enforcement of the Federal laws, and that Major Anderson deserved the thanks of the country for the course pursued by him. At Cincinnati, a large meeting of workingmen was held, at which resolu- Jan, tions were adopted declaring that 5 the Union must be preserved in its integrity by the enforcement of the laws in every part of the country, through whatever means may be necessary. At Portland, in Maine, also, the people gathered in a " mass meeting," and passed similar resolutions. The legislatures of various Northern States adopted resolutions in favor of the Union, and offered aid to the Pres- ident to sustain the Government. New York tendered whatever "aid in men or money might be required to enforce the laws and uphold the authority of the Federal Government." Massachusetts did the same, and after declaring that South Carolina had committed an act of war, passed a bill authorizing the in- crease of the volunteer military of the State. At the same time, it is true, that there were meetings of Northern citizens, at which there was a disposition to treat the recreant States with more tender- ness. These, however, indicated no less the Union sentiment of the country, though they favored more conciliatory treatment. In New Jersey, resolutions were reported deploring the state of the country advising, as a means of settling differences, the adoption by the people of the Crittenden resolutions, or some other pacific measures, with such modifications as might be deemed expe- dient ; recommending the Legislature of New Jersey to pass a law to take a vote of the people, yes or no, on these ; ap- proving of the course of Virginia in ap- pointing a commission to go to Wash- ington, and counselling the Legislature to do the same. It was the Union sentiment, more- over, however rudely expressed, which prompted some of the citizens of Roch- ester to break up an abolitionist meet- ing with noisy shouts for General Scott and Major Anderson, and others to re- sist with violence the hanging across the streets of a banner bearing the inscrip- tion, "No compromise wi.th slavery." It was the same feeling, doubtless, which urged the crowd to overwhelm the dis- union declarations of Wendell Phillips at Boston with noisy demonstrations of dissatisfaction, and hustle him in the streets until he was forced to take ref- uge with a squad of policemen. In the mean time, some alarm was excited in regard to the safety of Wash- ington, which was known to be filled with secessionists. It was rumored that plots had been laid and military com- panies organized in Maryland and Vir- ginia, to seize the capital and prevent the inauguration of Lincoln. This call GENERAL ALARM. 91 to arms of General Carrington is a mem- orable illustration of the public fearful- ness begotten by the general suspicion. " To THE PUBLIC. " Whereas the militia of the district is not organized, and threats have been made that the President-elect shall not be inaugurated in Washington, and there is reason, therefore, to apprehend that on the 4th of March next our city may be made the scene of riot, violence, and bloodshed ; and whereas the under- signed believes that the honor of the nation and our city demands that the President-elect shall be inaugurated in the national metropolis, and that the young men of Washington city are de- termined not to desert their homes in the hour of danger, but to maintain their ground and defend their families and friends, in the Union and on the side of the Constitution and the laws, therefore the undersigned earnestly invites all who concur with him in opinion, and who are not now connected with some military company, to join with him in forming a temporary military organization, with a view of preserving peace and order in our midst on the 4th of March next, or when- ever the emergency requires it and for that purpose to unite with the volunteer companies of our city, which have, in a spirit of gallantry and patriotism worthy of our imitation, pledged themselves to the cause of the Union, the Constitution, and the laws. It is proper to state that I take this step after consultation with friends in whom I have the greatest con- fidence. It is not my object to interfere with my brother officers of the militia ; the organization proposed is to be purely volunteer, for the purpose above stated, in which I am willing to serve in any capacity. I make the proposition, not as one of the generals of the militia, but as a citizen of Washington, who is pre- pared to defend his home and his honor at the peril of his life. " EDWARD C. CARRINGTON." Lieut. General Scott, however, the venerable custodian of the Union, was on guard, and by his prompt military measures of defence soon relieved the inquietude at the capital. Even in New York a suspicion of se- cret plots arose, and excited public anx- iety. The entire force at the Brooklyn navy-yard was put under arms, the guns of the frigate North Carolina shotted, and the city militia mustered, in readi- ness to resist the rumored attack of a band of secession conspirators. A measure of obvious duty, though perhaps not of technical right, tardily begun and but ineffectively carried out, that of seizing, by the police of New York, arms intended for the seceded States, excited not unnaturally great in- dignation at the South, and some less expected disfavor even at the North. j ail , The mayor of the city of New York 24, eagerly disclaimed any responsibility for the "outrage," and declared that if he had the power, he " would summarily punish the authors of this illegal and un- justifiable seizure of private property." The Governor of Georgia retaliated by seizing some New York vessels in the har- bor of Savannah, which were held until the arms claimed by him were restored. 92 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. While the feeling between the union- ists and secessionists was thus becom- ing daily more exasperated, and threat- ening a collision of arms, a peace con- vention, suggested by the State of Vir- ginia, had assembled in Washington and been organized, with ex-President Tyler to preside over it. CHAPTER VIII. The Meeting of the General Congress of the Seceding States at Montgomery. Organization. Formation of Provisional Government and Constitution. No Conciliation or Compromise. Nature of the New Constitution. Its Politic Clauses. Election of President and Vice-President. Good Choice. Extremists and Moderates both suited. Life of Jefferson Davis. His Birth. Parentage. Military Career. Resignation. Cotton Planting. Political Career. A Volunteer Officer in the Mexican War. Turns the Tide of Battle at Buena Vista. Appointed Brigadier-General. Scruples of a States Rights Man. Senator of the United States. Chairman of Committee on Military Affairs. Unsuccessful Candidate for Governor. Electioneering for Pierce. Secretary of War, and services in that office. Personal Character and Appearance. Elected President of the Confederate States. Inaugural Address. Biography of Alexander H. Stephens. A poor Youth. Educated by Charity. Rapid eminence as a Lawyer. Leader of the Whig Party in Congress. Retirement from Public Life. Disease. Stirred by the Secession Movement. Strong for the Union. A sudden Conversion. An earnest Proselyte. Personal Appearance and Character. A remarkable Speech. The Cabinet of President Davis. Robert Toombs : his Life and Character. Charles Gustavus Memminger : his Life and Character. Le Roy Pope Walker : his Life and Character. Judah P. Benjamin : his Life and Char- acter. Stephen M. Mallory : his Life and Character. John H. Reagan : his Life and Character. 1861, IN accordance with a proposition of Alabama, all the conventions of the se- ceding States sent delegates to a general congress, which met at Montgomery on the 4th of February. In a few days after its organization, the Feb. form of a provisional government 8 and a constitution were unani- mously agreed upon, to take effect im- mediately. No suggestion was made for the restoration of harmony with the Union from which the States repre- sented in the convention had separated. The subjects of conciliation and corn- promise were waived as totally obsolete. To form an independent nation and provide for its government and defence was the sole object, apparently, of the desire, as it was the motive of the action, of the members of the convention. The constitution adopted was based on that of the United States, with mod- ifications peculiar to the new govern- ment. The preamble dwelt especially on the separate sovereignty of the individ- ual States of the new confederacy, and thus strove to give legal sanction to that heresy which had proved so fatal to the harmony of the Union. It declared : " We, the deputies of the sovereign and independent States of South Caro- lina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Missis- sippi, and Louisiana, invoking the favor of Almighty God, do hereby, in behalf of these States, ordain and establish this constitution for the provisional govern- ment of the same, to continue one year from the inauguration of the President, or until a permanent constitution or con- federation between the said States shall CONSTITUTION OF SOUTHERN CONFEDERACY. 93 be put in operation, whichsoever shall first occur." To conciliate the governments of Eu- rope, on whose interposition in behalf of the new confederacy great calcula- tions were made, but whose policy of abolishing the slave-trade seemed fatal to an alliance with any state which might favor that cruel commerce, the following article was adopted : " The importation of African negroes from any foreign country other than the slaveholding States of the United States, is hereby forbidden, and Congress is required to pass such laws as shall effectually prevent the same." At the same time, to give full protec- tion to the institution as it existed in the slave States comprising the confederacy, a stringent fugitive law set forth that : ' ' A slave in one State escaping to another shall be delivered up on the claim of the party to whom said slave may belong, by the executive authority of the State in which such slave may be found ; and in case of any abduction or forcible rescue, full compensation, including the value of the slave, and all costs and expenses, shall be made to the party by the State in which such abduction or rescue shall take place." The following clause was ingeniously introduced as a forcible appeal to Vir- ginia and other border States, still re- luctant to leave the Union and try the hazards of the new confederacy. " Congress shall also have power to prohibit the introduction of slaves from any State not a member of this confed- eracy." In the clause relating to the tariff, the favorite Southern doctrine of taxa- tion for revenue, and not for protection, was distinctly enunciated thus : "The Congress shall have power to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises for revenue necessary to pay the debts and carry on the government of the confederacy, and all duties, im- posts, and excises shall be uniform throughout the confederacy." To close up all accounts with the old Union and start the new under the most favorable auspices, an ostentatious pro- fusion of fairness of dealing was made in an article declaring that ' ' the gov- ernment hereby instituted shall take immediate steps for the settlement of all matters between the States forming it and their late confederates of the United States, in relation to the public property and public debt at the time of their withdrawal from them, these States hereby declaring it to be their wish and earnest desire to adjust everything per- taining to the common property, com- mon liabilities, and common obligations of that union upon principles of right, justice, equity, and good faith." After the adoption of the Constitution, the Congress proceeded at once to the election of a provisional President and and Yice-President. Jefferson Davis, of Mississippi, was chosen the former, and Alexander H. Stephens, of Georgia, the latter. No better appointments could have been made to further the purposes of the new confederacy. Both were experienced statesmen of prac- tised executive talents. Davis, who had J 94 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. been long known as an advocate of State Rights, served to give assurance to the extremists of the South that their special interests were safe in his keep- ing, while Stephens, whose reluctant se- cessionism had been equally conspicu- ous, gave confidence to the moderate men, and encouraged them to give in their adherence to a government of which he was a prominent executive officer. Jefferson Davis was born on the third of June, 1808, in Christian, now Todd, County, Kentucky. His father, who was a planter and an officer in the army of Revolutionary renown, removed to Mississippi while his son was yet a child. After a sound preliminary academical discipline at school and college, young Davis was admitted a cadet at West Point in 1824. In 1828 he graduated, and entered into active military service. In the Black Hawk war he earned pro- motion by his gallantry, and being raised to a first lieutenantcy of dragoons, served in that rank in various expeditions against the Indian tribes of the West. In 1835 he resigned his commission and took to cotton planting in Missis- sippi. He was, however, soon with- drawn from his retirement by the polit- ical interests of the country, and in 1844 was chosen a Presidential elector of Mississippi, to vote for Polk and Dallas, the candidates of the Democratic party, for which Davis had early shown his partiality. In 1845, Davis was chosen a member of Congress, and at once assumed a prominent position, as a debater, on the side of his political friends, the Demo- crats. The Mexican war having in the mean time broken out. and a Mississippi regiment having elected him its colonel, he left at once his seat in the House of Representatives, and hastened to the scene of hostilities. He was with Taylor at the storming of Monterey, and at the battle of Buena Vista came up, in the nick of time, at the head of his Missis- sippians, and turned the waving tide of battle in favor of the American troops. He was wounded while pertinaciously resisting a superior force, but still re- mained in the saddle until the end of the battle. General Taylor complimented him highly in his dispatch. On the ex- piration of the term of service of his regiment he returned home, but on his way he was met with a commission of brigadier-general of volunteers from President Polk. This, however, with a scrupulous regard for the " sovereign" rights of his State, he refused to accept, on the ground that the Federal author- ity, in making such an appointment, was interfering with the prerogative of Mississippi In 1847, Davis was appointed by the Governor of Mississippi senator of the United States, to fill a casual vacancy. In the next year, however, he was unanimously elected by the Legislature to complete the term, and again in 1850 was a second time chosen. He was appointed chairman of the com- mittee on military affairs, and took a prominent part in the debates on most important questions, but especially on those which bore upon the interests of .Entered, atmnfttttit *t/ art o Virtu? ' **%& office jf wforthe j JEFFERSON DAVIS PERSONALLY. 95 the slave States. He proved himself a resolute defender of slavery, and be- came remarkable for his advocacy of State Rights as supremely sovereign to those of the Union. In 1851 he was nominated candidate for governor ex- pressly as an exponent of these views, but was defeated by the " Union" can- didate, Henry S. Foote, who, however, secured his election by the small ma- jority only of nine hundred. Having resigned his seat in the Sen- ate, on accepting the nomination for governor, he, after his defeat, remained in retirement until the Presidential can- vass of 1852, when he electioneered ac- tively for Pierce, and was rewarded, on his accession to the Presidency, by the appointment of secretary of war. In this office Davis proved himself an ex- ecutive officer of great capacity and en- ergy. He infused a new spirit into the war department, and introduced various effective reforms and improvements. The adoption of the light infantry sys- tem of tactics, the manufacture of rifled muskets, pistols, and the Minnie ball, and the increase of our coast defences are among the changes he effected. On the accession of Buchanan to the Presidency, Davis, being deprived of his secretaryship of war, was again elected by the Legislature of Mississippi to the Senate of the United States, and there he remained until the secession of his State, when he took his farewell in the remarkable speech already recorded. Though Davis is a man of meagre frame and delicate organization, he is possessed of great energy and powers of endurance. His executive talents no one can question, and being ready of speech, some would claim for him the gift of eloquence. His military educa- tion and service, his experience as sec- retary of the war department of the United States, his familiarity with po- litical intrigue, his dauntless spirit, and his natural capacity are what make Jef- ferson Davis so effective an ally and so formidable a foe. On the 18th of February, 1861, Davis was inaugurated provisional President of the " Confederate States of America," when he delivered his inaugural. INAUGURAL OP JEFFERSON DAVIS. " GENTLEMEN OF THE CONGRESS OF THE CON- FEDERATE STATES OF AMERICA, FRIENDS AND FELLOW-CITIZENS : " Called to the difficult and respon- sible station of Chief Executive of the Provisional Government which you have instituted, I approach the discharge of .the duties assigned me with an humble distrust of my abilities, "but with a sus- taining confidence in the wisdom of those who are to guide and aid me in the administration of public affairs, and an abiding faith in the virtue and pa- triotism of the people. Looking forward to the speedy establishment of a per- manent government to take the place of this, and which by its greater moral and physical power will be better able to com- bat with the many difficulties which arise from the conflicting interests of separate nations, I enter upon the duties of the office to which I have been chosen with the hope that the beginning of our ca- reer as a confederacy may not be ob- THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. structed by hostile opposition to our enjoyment of the separate existence and independence which we have asserted, and which, with the blessing of Provi- dence, we intend to maintain. " Our present condition, achieved in a manner unprecedented in the history of nations, illustrates the American idea that governments rest upon the consent of the governed, and that it is the right of the people to alter and abolish gov- ernments whenever they become de- structive to the ends for which they were established. The declared com- pact of the Union from which we have withdrawn was to establish justice, in- sure domestic tranquility, provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of lib- erty to ourselves and our posterity ; and when in the judgment of the sovereign States now composing this confederacy, it has been perverted from the purposes for which it was ordained, and ceased to answer the ends for which it was estab- lished, a peaceful appeal to the ballot- box declared that, so far as they were concerned, the government created by that compact should cease to exist. In this they merely asserted the right which the Declaration of Independence of 1776 defined to be inalienable. Of the time and occasion of its exercise they as sov- ereigns were the final judges, each for itself. The impartial, enlightened verdict of mankind will vindicate the rectitude of our conduct, and He who knows the hearts of men will judge of the sincerity with which we labored to preserve the government of our fathers in its spirit. "The right solemnly proclaimed at the birth of the States, and which has been affirmed and reaffirmed in the bills of rights of the States subsequently ad- mitted into the Union of 1789, unde- niably recognizes in the people the power to resume the authority delegated for the purposes of government. Thus the sovereign States here represented pro- ceeded to form this confederacy, and it is by the abuse of language that their act has been denominated revolution. They formed a new alliance, but within each State its government has remained. The rights of person and property have not been disturbed. The agent through whom they communicated with foreign nations is changed, but this does not necessarily interrupt their international relations. Sustained by the conscious- ness that the transition from the former Union to the present confederacy has not proceeded from a disregard on our part of our just obligations or any fail- ure to perform every constitutional duty ; moved by no interest or passion to in- vade the rights of others ; anxious to cultivate peace and commerce with all. nations, if we may not hope to avoid war, we may at least expect that pos- terity will acquit us of having needlessly engaged in it. Doubly justified by the absence of wrong on our part, and by wanton aggression on the part of others, there can be no cause to doubt that the courage and patriotism of the people of the Confederate States will be found equal to any measure of defence which soon their security may require. " An agricultural people, whose chief PRESIDENT DAVIS' INAUGURAL. 97 interest is the export of a commodity required in every manufacturing coun- try, our true policy is peace, and the freest trade which our necessities will permit. It is alike our interest and that of all those to whom we would sell and from whom we would buy, that there should be the fewest practicable re- strictions upon the interchange of com- modities. There can be but little riv- alry between ours and any manufactur- ing or navigating community, such as the northeastern States of the American Union. It must follow, therefore, that mutual interest would invite good-will and kind offices. If, however, passion or lust of dominion should cloud the judgment or inflame the ambition of those States, we must prepare to meet the emergency and maintain by the final arbitrament of the sword the position which we have assumed among the na- tions of the earth. "We have entered upon a career of independence, and it must be inflexibly pursued through many years of contro- versy with our late associates of the Northern States. We have vainly en- deavored to secure tranquility and ob- tain respect for the rights to which we were entitled. As a necessity, not a choice, we have resorted to the remedy of separation, and henceforth our ener- gies must be directed to the conduct of our own affairs and the perpetuity of the confederacy which we have formed. If a just perception of mutual interest shall permit us peaceably to pursue our separate political career, my most earn- est desire will have been fulfilled. But 13 if this be denied us, and the integrity of our territory and jurisdiction be assailed, it will but remain it;r us with firm re- solve to appeal to arms and invoke the blessing of Providence on a just cause. " As a consequence of our new condi- tion, and with a view to meet antici- pated wants, it will be necessary to provide a speedy and efficient organiza- tion of the branches of the Executive department having special charge of for- eign intercourse, finance, military affairs, and postal service. For purposes of de- fence the Confederate States may, un- der ordinary circumstances, rely mainly upon their militia ; but it is deemed ad- visable, in the present condition of af- fairs, that there should be a well in- structed, disciplined army, more nu- merous than would usually be required on a peace establishment. I also sug- gest that, for the protection of our har- bors and commerce on the high seas, a navy adapted to those objects will be required. These necessities have, doubt- less, engaged the attention of Congress. " With a constitution differing only from that of our fathers in so far as it is explanatory of their well-known intent, freed from sectional conflicts, which have interfered with the pursuits of the gen- eral welfare, it is not unreasonable to expect that the States from which we have recently parted may seek to unite their fortunes to ours under the govern- ment which we have instituted. For this your constitution makes adequate provision, but beyond this, if I mistake not, the judgment and will of the people are, that union with the States from 98 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. which they have separated is neither practicable nor desirable. To increase the power, develop the resources, and promote the happiness of the confed- eracy, it is requisite there should be so much homogeneity that the welfare of every portion would be the aim of the whole. Where this does not exist, an- tagonisms are engendered which must and should result in separation. " Actuated solely by a desire to pre- serve our own rights and to promote our own welfare, the separation of the Confederate States has been marked by no aggression upon others, and followed by no domestic convulsion. Our indus- trial pursuits have received no check, the cultivation of our fields progresses as heretofore, and even should we be in- volved in war, there would be no con- siderable diminution. in the production of the staples which have constituted our exports, in which the commercial world has an interest scarcely less than our own. This common interest of pro- ducer and consumer can only be inter- cepted by an exterior force which should obstruct its transmission to foreign mar- kets, a course of conduct which would be detrimental to manufacturing and commercial interests abroad. "Should reason guide the action of the government from which we have separated, a policy so detrimental to the civilized world, the Northern States in- cluded, could not be dictated by even a stronger desire to inflict injury upon us ; but if it be otherwise, a terrible re- sponsibility will rest upon it, and the suffering of millions will bear testimony to the folly and wickedness of our ag- gressors. In the mean time there will remain to us, besides the ordinary rem- edies before suggested, the well-known resources for retaliation upon the com- merce of an enemy. " Experience in public stations of a subordinate grade to this which your kindness has conferred, has taught me that care and toil and disappointments are the price of official elevation. You will see many errors to forgive, many deficiencies to tolerate, but you shall not find in me either want of zeal or fidelity to the cause that is to me the highest in hope and of most enduring affection. Your generosity has bestowed upon me an undeserved distinction, one which I neither sought nor desired. Upon the continuance of that sentiment, and upon your wisdom and patriotism, I rely to direct and support me in the performance of the duties required at my hands. "We have changed the constituent parts, but not the system of our gov- ernment. The Constitution formed by our fathers is that of these Confederate States. In their exposition of it, and in the judicial construction it has received, we have a light which reveals its true meaning. Thus instructed as to the just interpretation of that instrument, and ever remembering that all offices are but trusts held for the people, and that delegated powers are to be strictly construed, I will hope by due diligence in the performance of my duties, though I may disappoint your expectation, yet to retain, when retiring, something of ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS. 99 the good will and confidence which will welcome my entrance into office. " It is joyous in the midst of perilous times to look around upon a people united in heart, when one purpose of high resolve animates and actuates the whole where the sacrifices to be made are not weighed in the balance against honor, right, liberty, and equality. Ob- stacles may retard, but they cannot long prevent, the progress of a movement sanctioned by its justice and sustained by a virtuous people. Reverently let us invoke the God of our fathers to guide and protect us in our efforts to perpetuate the principles which by His blessing they were able to vindicate, es- tablish, and transmit to their posterity ; and with a continuance of His favor ever gratefully acknowledged, we may hope- fully look forward to success, to peace, to prosperity." Alexander H. Stephens, the Vice- President of the new Confederacy, was born in Georgia on the llth of Feb- ruary, 1812. His parents were too poor to educate him, but the youth showing an early quickness of parts, attracted the attention of some neighbors, who chari- tably sent him to school and college and supported him until he was able to make his own livelihood. Choosing the law for his profession, he was admitted to the bar in 1834, and rose rapidly to dis- tinction. In 1843 he was elected by the Whigs a member of Congress, but on the dissolution of their party, he joined the Democrats, and became one of their most prominent leaders. In 1858 he refused to be any longer a can- didate for Congress, and retired, ap- parently forever, to private life. From early youth he had suffered from illness, and now, after the wearing effects of a stirring political career, he seemed in- capable of further activity of effort. He was, however, roused by the seces- sion movement in his State, and came forward to resist it. He voted against the secession ordinance passed by the convention of Georgia, and sustained the cause of the Union so manfully in a re- markable speech, that he was hailed by loyal men throughout the country as their great Southern champion. It was even rumored that President Lincoln had offered him a seat in his proposed cabinet. Stephens, however, did not long resist the prevailing sentiment of his State, but giving in his adherence to the secessionists, exhibited the usual zeal of sudden converts by surpassing the veteran apostles of secession in his defence of the doctrine. Wasted to a shadow by a protracted disease, the Vice-President of the Con- federacy weighs but ninety-six pounds. He yet seems, in spite of a feeble body, capable of great mental effort. Though his voice, in its shrill and piping tones, gives manifestation of the physical weak- ness of the invalid, he yet does not hes- itate to exercise it in prolonged efforts of oratory, which not seldom rise to the power of true eloquence. Eager, apparently, to vindicate him- self from all suspicion of the sincerity of his conversion, to which his late loyalty to the Union may have exposed him, he has manifested an ultraism of opinion in 100 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. favor of slavery, its benefits and its rights, which few even of his present confederates have ventured to assert. March He thus held forth to the applause 21* of his fellow-citizens of Savannah, and to the horror of the Christian world, in a speech exposing the objects of the Southern rebellion : "The new Constitution has put at rest forever all the agitating questions re- lating to our peculiar institutions Af- rican slavery as it exists among us the proper status of the negro in our form of civilization. This was the immediate cause of the late rupture and present revolution. Jefferson, in his forecast, had anticipated this as the ' rock upon which the old Union would split. 7 He was right. What was conjecture with him, is now a realized fact. But whether he fully comprehended the great truth upon which that rock stood and stands, may be doubted. The prevailing ideas entertained by him and most of the lead- ing statesmen at the time of the forma- tion of the old Constitution were, that the enslavement of the African was in violation of the laws of nature ; that it was wrong in principle, socially, mor- ally, and politically. It was an evil they knew not well how to deal with, but the general opinion of the men of that day was, that somehow or other, in the or- der of Providence, the institution would be evanescent and pass -away. This idea, though not incorporated in the Constitution, was the prevailing idea at the time. The Constitution, it is true, secured every essential guarantee to the institution while it should last, and hence no argument can be justly used against the constitutional guarantees thus se- cured, because of the common sentiment of the day. Those ideas, however, were fundamentally wrong. They rested upon the assumption of the equality of races. This was an error. It was a sandy foundation, and the idea of a govern- ment built upon it ; when the ' storm came and the wind blew, it fell.' " Our new government is founded upon exactly the opposite idea ; its foundations are laid, its corner-stone rests, upon the great truth that the negro is not equal to the white man. That slavery subordination to the supe- rior race is his natural and moral con- dition. This, our new government, is the first, in the history of the world, -based upon this great physical and moral truth. This truth has been slow in the process of its development, like all other truths in the various departments of science. It has been so even among us. Many who hear me, perhaps, can recollect well, that this truth was not generally admitted, even within their day. The errors of the past generation still clung to many as late as twenty years ago. Those at the North who still cling to these errors, with a zeal above knowl- edge, we justly denominate fanatics. "In the conflict thus far, success has been, on our side, complete throughout the length and breadth of the Confed- erate States. It is upon this, as I have stated, our actual fabric is firmly plant- ed, and I cannot permit myself to doubt the ultimate success of a full recogni- SLAVERY A CORNER-STONE. 101 tion of this principle throughout the civilized and enlightened world. " As I have stated, the truth of this principle may be slow in development, as all truths are, and ever have been in the various branches of science. It was so with the principles announced by Galileo ; it was so with Adam Smith and his principles of political economy ; it was so with Harvey and his theory of the circulation of the blood. It is stated that not a single one of the medical pro- fession, living at the time of the an- nouncement of the truths made by him, admitted them. Now they are univer- sally acknowledged. May we not, there- fore, look with confidence to the ulti- mate universal acknowledgment of the truths upon which our system rests. It is the first government ever instituted upon principles of strict conformity to nature, and the ordination of Provi- dence, in furnishing the materials of human society. Many governments have been founded upon the principle of certain classes, but the classes- thus enslaved were of the same race, and in violation of the laws of nature. Our system commits no such violation of nature's laws. The negro, by nature, or by the curse against Canaan, is fitted for that condition which he occupies in our system. The architect, in the con- struction of buildings, lays the founda- tion with the proper materials, the granite ; then comes the brick or the marble. The substratum of our society is made of the materials fitted by na- ture for it, and by experience we know that it is best, not only for the superior, but for the inferior race, that it should be so. It is, indeed, in conformity with the ordinance of the Creator. It is not for us to inquire into the wisdom of His ordinances, or to question them. For His own purposes he has made one race to differ from another, as He has made ' one star to differ from another star in glory. 7 "The great objects of humanity are best attained when conformed to His laws and decrees, in the formation of governments, as well as in all things else. Our confederacy is founded upon principles in strict conformity with these laws. This stone which was rejected by the first builders ' is become the chief stone of the corner' in our new edifice. ' ' The progress of disintegration in the old Union may be expected to go on with almost absolute certainty. We are now the nucleus of a growing power, which, if we are true to ourselves, our destiny, and high mission, will become the controlling power on this continent. To what extent accessions will go on in the process of time, or where it will end, the future will determine." With President Davis and Vice-Pres- ident Stephens were associated in the executive department of the confederacy Robert Toombs, of Georgia, as secre- tary of state ; C. S. Memminger, of South Carolina, as secretary of the treasury ; Leroy Pope Walker, of Ala- bama, as secretary of war ; Judah P. Benjamin, of Louisiana, as attorney- general ; Stephen M. Mallory, of Flor- ida, as secretary of the navy ; and John H. Reagan as postmaster-general. 102 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. Toombs was born in Wilkes County, Georgia, on the 2d of July, 1810. His early education was received in his na- tive State, but after a short collegiate career at the University of Georgia, he was transferred to Union College, at Schenectady, in New York, where he graduated. After studying for the bar, his restless hankering for adventure in- duced him to volunteer to serve in the Creek war, and he was chosen captain. On his return home he was elected to the Legislature, and subsequently a member of the United States House of Representatives and of the United States Senate. He was conspicuous always as an intemperate advocate of slavery and of the sovereign rights of the Southern States. It was he who boasted that he would call the roll of his slaves at the base of the Bunker Hill Monument in Boston. He was among the first to move in behalf of secession, and while still a senator of the United States, did not cease to conspire and stir up his fellow-citizens in rebellion against the Union. Possessed of an impulsive tem- per, and unscrupulous in the use of means to gratify his passion, he is one of the most audacious and active, if not the most capable, of the confederate leaders. Charles Gustavus Memminger was born in Wurtemburg, Germany, on the 7th of January, 1803. At the age of two years he was brought to Charleston by his mother, a poor widow, who soon after died and left him destitute. Found a vagrant child in the streets, he was sent to the orphan asylum of the city, where he remained until he was nine years old. His lively parts attracted the notice of Governor Thomas Bennett, who received him into his fam- ily and sent him to Columbia College, the university of the State, where he graduated in 1820. He now studied law, and was admitted to practice in 1825. His first political action was as an opponent of South Carolina nullifica- tion, which he resisted strenuously and so conspicuously, that he was recognized a leader of the Union party. He aided the cause with pen as well as speech, and not only wrote against nullification in the political journals, but ridiculed it in a work entitled, " The Book of Nulli- fication," written in Scriptural style. In 1836 he was first elected to the Legislature, and continued to serve un- remittingly until 1852. Being appointed chairman of the committee on finance a position he retained for many years he made that subject an especial study. He opposed the suspension of specie payment by the banks of South Caro- lina in 1839, and on the question com- ing before the courts, was employed to assist the attorney-general in the prose- cution of a case. Though opposed by the ablest counsel of the State, he gained his cause, and the banks were declared to have forfeited their charters. While in the Legislature, he advocated the adop- tion of the Sub-treasury scheme, and abandoning his early opinions, sustained the peculiar political views of Calhoun. In 1852 he retired from public life, but again in 1854 sought and obtained THE CONFEDERATE CABINET. 103 his election to the Legislature, with the view of effecting a reform in the system of public schools, in which he finally succeeded, in spite of an obstinate op- position. In 1859 he was appointed a commis- sioner of South Carolina to the State of Virginia, to induce co-operation, on the part of the slave States, in resistance to the abolitionists of the North, a fear of whom had been awakened by the insur- rectionary attempt of John Brown at Harper's Ferry. Memminger has always borne the character of an upright man in private life, though for a long time his po- litical integrity was suspected by the con- stant disunionists, as they recalled his early efforts in favor of the Union and his tardy conversion to the doctrine of State Rights. His active interest in the Epis- copal Church, to whose general conven- tion he was frequently a delegate, and his earnest efforts to advance the public education and improve the charitable institutions of his city and State, have given him a character for piety and benevolence which none are disposed to question. His practised capacity as a financier, and his general accomplish- .ments, make him one of the most effi- cient of President Davis' cabinet. Leroy Pope Walker was born in Ala- bama in the year 1816. His family is one of note ; his father was a man of wealth and some military distinction ; one of his brothers was a member of Congress, another a judge, and both are prominent men in the new confederacy. The present secretary of war was always known as a Southern Democrat, espe- cially devoted to the interests of the slave States. He ranks high as a law- yer, is a man of eloquence and capacity in business, and was among the first and most ardent to espouse the cause of se- cession in his State. The attorney-general, Judah P. Ben- jamin, attained to great eminence as a jurist and an advocate in Louisiana. While a senator of the United States, he was a professed Whig, but always a State Rights' partisan. He is a brilliant rhet- orician, a subtle lawyer, a man skilled in political intrigue, and unscrupulous in the use of means to effect the objects of party or to reach the aim of his personal ambition. Stephen M. Mallory was for a long period a United States senator from Florida, and though unobtrusive, bore the character of a useful member of the upper house of Congress. He was al- ways considered a conservative man in his political views, and supposed to be strongly attached to the Union. He is thought to have linked his fortunes to secession rather from the force of cir- cumstances, than from any personal predilections for the cause. He was probably appointed secretary of the navy of the Confederate States in con- sequence of his presumed experience obtained as chairman of the committee of the United States Senate on naval affairs. John H. Reagan, the postmaster of the Confederate States, was but little known beyond the boundaries of his own State, although he had served sev- eral terms in the national Congress. 104 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. CHAPTER IX. Abraham Lincoln and Hannibal Hamlin declared duly elected President and Vice-President of the United States. Opening of Electoral Votes. The reading of the Vote of South Carolina. Concentration of public attention upon Lincoln. The Siege of Springfield. Throng of Visitors. Insatiable Curiosity. Lincoln Photographed. House and Furniture minutely described. Habits and Personal Appearance of the new President taken off. Social Free- dom and Political Reticence. A Newspaper Interpreter. Lincoln speaking for himself. A grave Farewell. Com- mencement of a triumphal Journey. Speeches. Homely Oratory. A clever Illustration. A Night Suiprise. An unexpected Visitor. Portentous Intelligence. A Tragic Plot. Who were the Conspirators ? The effect of the intelligence upon Lincoln and his Friends. A sudden and mysterious Movement.- Lincoln safe in Washington. Indignation at Baltimore. Exposition of the Plot, and how it was ferreted out. Congressional Debates. Critten- den Compromise. Adjournment of Peace Conference. The Product. Hopefulness of the North. Speculations in regard to Lincoln's Policy. The Inauguration. The Ceremonies. Novel Additions. Thirty-four young Ladies in loving Union. A strong Military Force in Ambush. Reading of the Message. The Notables. The Crowd. The Message of Lincoln. ON the 14th of February, Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois, and Hannibal Ham- lin, of Maine, were declared "duly |O/>| J elected" President and Vice-Pres- ident of the United States for the four years commencing on the 4th of March, 1861. The senators and members of Congress having been assembled in the House of Representatives, and Vice- President Breckinridge having taken his seat at the right of the speaker, he, in accordance with the Constitution, opened the packages containing the electoral votes of the several States, and the re- sult was announced. The reading of the vote of South Carolina was received with an exhibition of good-humored hi- larity. Immediately after the election of Lin- coln, and before it was constitutionally announced, all the attention of the pub- lic was concentrated upon the future President. Eager office-seekers, news- paper gossip-mongers, insatiate photog- raphers, aspiring politicians, and civic deputations thronged the little town of Springfield, in Illinois, and beset Mr. Lincoln in his humble home. With his usual readiness of welcome, he had a hand to shake with all comers, and none went away without a good-natured word and an impression of the unpretending amiability and simple honesty of the new President. His visitors, with a desire to satisfy the insatiable curiosity of the public, concentrated their powers of ob- servation upon him, and took care to describe with photographic minuteness his every feature, word, movement, and local surrounding. Through his wicket gate, open to every comer, they walked, unbidden, into his residence, noting each clap-board of its shingly structure, and reproduced in print and picture the "good-sized house of wood, simply but tastefully furnished, surrounded by trees and flowers." Having a free run from kitchen to garret, they strolled into the library, cataloguing his law-books, and inspecting his accounts, informed the LINCOLN PHOTOGRAPHED. 105 world that " he owes no man a dollar ;" they lounged in the parlor and took an inventory of Brussels carpet, sofa, pi- ano, and of Mrs. Lincoln, in her newest silk. They dogged Mr. Lincoln every- where, from his breakfast, through the town to his daily round of business, and back again to his dining-table, duly re- porting that " he loves a good dinner, and eats with the appetite which goes with a great brain, but his food is plain and nutritious ; he never drinks intox- icating liquors of any sort." Meanwhile, they had fixed every line and tint, every light and shadow, of the man upon their memorandum-books and photographic plates. Thus his fellow- citizens throughout the country could see at a glance that " his features, though they are those of a man of mark, are not such as belong to a handsome man ; that his eyes are " dark grey, and fine when lighted up ;" his hair black and, though thin, wiry ; " his head sits well on his shoulders, but beyond that, defies de- scription ;" that his "head is unlike either Webster or Clay's, but is very large and phrenologically well propor- tioned, betokening power in all its de- velopments ;" that he has " a slightly Roman nose, a wide-cut mouth, and a dark complexion, with the appearance of having been weather-beaten." There was, however, notwithstanding the free exposition of Mr. Lincoln to his inquisitive visiters on most points, a res- olute reticence in regard to his future action toward the secession States of the South. To the " hundreds of people" who had flocked to Springfield and met u him at a public reception in the town- hall, he frankly declared that the time had not come for a definition of the policy of his administration, and that they must be satisfied for the present with a hearty greeting, which he pro- ceeded to give by "shaking hands with most of the attendants."* Public curiosity was aroused to the highest pitch, and although Lincoln res- olutely kept silence, some of the news- papers, unable to resist the universal eagerness for an oracular response, spoke for him : "I will suffer," said his news- paper interpreter in behalf of Lincoln, " death before I will consent, or will ad- vise my friends to consent, to any con- cession or compromise which looks like buying the privilege of taking possession of this government, to which we have a constitutional right, because whatever I might think of the merit of the various propositions before Congress, I should regard any concession in the face of menace the destruction of the Govern- ment itself, and a consent on all hands that our system shall be brought down to a level with the existing disorgan- ized state of affairs in Mexico. But this thing will hereafter be as it is now, in the hands of the people ; and if they desire to call a convention to remove any grievances complained of, or to give new guarantees for the perma- nence of vested rights, it is not mine to oppose." When his election was, however, duly declared, Mr. Lincoln ventured to speak for himself. On the llth of February * New York Times, Feb. 4th, 1861. 100 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. he bade farewell to his fellow-citizens at Springfield in these grave words : " MY FRIENDS : No one not in my po- sition can appreciate the sadness I feel at this parting. To this people I owe all that I am. Here I have lived more than a quarter of a century, here my children were born, and here one of them lies buried. I know not how soon I shall see you again. A duty devolves upon me which is, perhaps, greater than that which has devolved upon any other man since the days of Washington. He never would have succeeded except for the .aid of Divine Providence, upon which he at all times relied. I feel that I cannot succeed without the same Di- vine aid which sustained him ; and in the same Almighty Being I place my reliance for support, and I hope you, my friends, will all pray that I may re- ceive that Divine assistance, without which I cannot succeed, but with which success is certain. Again I bid you all an affectionate farewell." This solemn leave-taking brought tears into his eyes and those of his fellow-cit- izens. He now commenced a triumphant journey toward Washington. Crowds of people, with civic deputations at their head, met and welcomed him on his passage through the large cities. His speeches, which were frequent, showed an amiable desire, though not always gracefully expressed, to conciliate his political opponents by yielding his par- tisanship to the general interests of the country, but evinced a resolute deter- mination to uphold the Federal au- thority against the attacks of its ene- mies. His homely oratory was taken generally in good part by those who listened to it, and it occasionally, by an apt illustration, struck a chord of pop- ular sympathy. "In their [the seces- sionists] view," he said happily at In- dianapolis, " the Union, as a family relation, would seem to be no regular marriage, but rather a sort of free-love arrangement, to be maintained on pas- sional attraction." After passing through Cincinnati, In- dianapolis, Columbus, Pittsburg, Xew York, and Trenton, he finally reached Philadelphia. Here, to the usual pro- gramme of military parade, public re- ception, speech-making, and shaking of hands, was added that of raising the American flag upon Independence Hall, the ancient seat of Congress, on Fri- day, the 22d of February, the anniver- sary of Washington's birthday. On the night previous, Mr. Lincoln, after having gone to bed in the hotel, was aroused and informed that a visitor desired to see him on " a matter of life and death." He was refused admission, unless he gave his name, which he did, and as it was one that carried with it an authority* that Mr. Lincoln was not disposed to pass unheeded, he, while " yet disrobed," received the visitor. The object of this mysterious, noc- turnal visit was to inform Mr. Lincoln of the organization of a body of men who had determined that he should not be inaugurated President, and to effect their purpose, were ready to capture The visitor was, it is believed, the son of the present secretary of state. LINCOLN SAFE IN WASHINGTON. 107 him or to take his life on his way to Washington. Some influential persons in the interests of the secessionists were Fei), supposed to be implicated in the 23t plot. The morning's telegraph came with this startling announcement : "Statesmen laid the plan, bankers in- dorsed it, and adventurers were to carry it into effect. As they understood Mr. Lincoln was to leave Harrisburg at nine o'clock this morning by special train, the idea was, if possible, to throw the cars from the road at some point where they would rush down a steep embank- ment and destroy in a moment the lives of all on board. In case of the failure of this project, their plan was to sur- round the carriage on the way from depot to depot in Baltimore, and assas- sinate him with dagger or pistol-shot." Whatever may have been the exact nature of the revelation, it was suffi- ciently serious to induce his wife and friends to persuade the reluctant Mr. Lincoln to forego the continuance of his triumphal progress of public reception, flag-raising, speech-making, and hand- shaking. " Mr. Lincoln did not want to yield," says the telegraph reporter, "and Col. Sumner actually cried with indignation ; but Mrs. Lincoln, seconded by Mr. Judd F e b, and Mr. Lincoln's original inform- 23a ant, insisted upon it, and at nine o'clock Mr. Lincoln left on a special train. He wore a Scotch plaid cap and a very long military cloak, so that he was en- tirely unrecognizable. Accompanied by Superintendent Lewis and one friend, he started, while all the town, with the exception of Mrs. Lincoln, Col. Sumner, Mr. Judd, and two reporters, who were sworn to secresy, supposed him to be asleep. " The telegraph wires were put be- yond the reach of any one who might desire to use them." At the same moment that the world was excited by this alarming intelli- gence, its agitation was composed by the welcome statement that Mr. Lin- coln had arrived safe atWillard's Hotel, in Washington, and on the same day, " accompanied by Mr. Seward, had paid his respects to President Buchanan" at the White House. The press and people of Baltimore supposed to be friendly to secession ex- pressed great disappointment and indig- nation that Lincoln and his friends should have manifested any distrust of their hospitality. Those, however, who were unquestionably loyal to the Union, confessed to a riotious intent on the part of some of the people of Baltimore, and declared that Lincoln's proceeding was "a simple and practical avoidance of what might have been an occasion of disorder and of mortification to all inter- ested in the preservation of the good name of the city."* A detailed, and apparently authentic exposition of the formation of the plot, the agents employed, and the means used to thwart it, appeared in one of the Northern journals.f " Some of Mr. Lincoln's friends having heard that a conspiracy existed to as- sassinate him on his way to Washington, Baltimore American. f Albany Evening Journal. 108 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. set on foot an investigation of the matter. For this purpose they em- ployed a detective of great experience, who was engaged at Baltimore in the business some three weeks prior to Mr. Lincoln's expected arrival there, employing both men and women to assist him. Shortly after his coming to Baltimore, the detective discovered a combination of men banded together under a most solemn oath to assas- sinate the President-elect. The leader of the conspirators was an Italian refu- gee, a barber, well-known in Balti- more, who assumed the name of Orsini, as indicative of the part he was to per- form. The assistants employed by the detective, who, like himself, were stran- gers in Baltimore city, by assuming to be secessionists from Louisiana and other seceding States, gained the con- fidence of some of the conspirators, and were intrusted with their plans. It was arranged in case Mr. Lincoln should pass safely over the railroad to Balti- more, that the conspirators should mingle with the crowd which might sur- round his carriage, and by pretending to be his friends, be enabled to approach his person, when, upon a signal from their leader, some of them would shoot at Mr. Lincoln with their pistols, and others would throw into his carriage hand-grenades filled with detonating powder, similar to those used in the attempted assassination of the Emperor Louis Napoleon. It was intended that in the confusion which should result from this attack, the assailants should escape to a vessel which was waiting in the harbor to receive them, and be carried to Mobile, in the seceding State of Alabama. " Upon Mr. Lincoln's arrival in Phila- delphia upon Thursday, the 21st of February, the detective visited Philadel- phia, and submitted to certain friends of the President-elect the information he had collected as to the conspirators and their plans. An interview was immedi- ately arranged between Mr. Lincoln and the detective. The interview took place in Mr. Lincoln's room, in the Conti- nental Hotel, where he was staying dur- ing his visit in Philadelphia. ' ' Mr. Lincoln, having heard the officer's statement, informed him that he had promised to raise the American flag on Independence Hall on the next morning the morning of the anniversary of Washington's birthday and that he had accepted the invitation of the Pennsylvania Legislature to be publicly received by that body in the afternoon of the same day. ' Both of these en- gagements,' said he, with emphasis, 'I will keep if it costs me my life. If, however, after I shall have concluded these engagements, you can take me in safety to Washington, I will place my- self at your disposal, and authorize you to make such arrangements as you may deem proper for that purpose. "On the next day, in the morning, Mr. Lincoln performed the ceremony of raising the American flag on Indepen- dence Hall, in Philadelphia, according to his promise, and arrived at Harrisburg on the afternoon of the same day, where he was formally welcomed by the Penn- THE ASSASSINS' PLOT. 109 sylvania Legislature. After the recep- tion, he retired to his hotel, the Jones House, and withdrew with a few con- fidential friends to a private apartment. Here he remained until nearly six o'clock in the evening, when, in company with Colonel Lamon, he quietly entered a carriage without observation, and was driven to the Pennsylvania Railroad, where a special train for Philadelphia was waiting for him. Simultaneously with his departure from Harrisburg, the telegraph wires were cut, so that his departure, if it should become known, might not be communicated at a dis- tance. "The special train arrived in Phila- delphia at a quarter to eleven at night. Here he was met by the detective, who had a carriage in readiness into which the party entered, and were driven to the depot of the Philadelphia, Wil- mington, and Baltimore Railroad. ' ' They did not reach the depot until a quarter past eleven ; but, fortunately for them, the regular train, the hour of which for starting was eleven, had been delayed. The party then took berths in the sleeping car, and without change of cars passed directly through to Washington, where they arrived at the usual hour, half-past six o'clock, on the morning of Saturday the 23d. Mr. Lincoln wore no disguise whatever, but journeyed in an ordinary traveling dress. " It is proper to state here that, prior to Mr. Lincoln's arrival in Philadelphia, General Scott and Senator Seward, in Washington, had been apprised, from independent sources, that imminent dan- ger threatened Mr. Lincoln in case he should publicly pass through Baltimore and accordingly a special messenger, Mr. Frederick W. Seward, a son of Sena- tor Seward, was dispatched to Philadel- phia, to urge Mr. Lincoln to come direct to Washington, in a quiet manner. The messenger arrived in Philadelphia late on Thursday night, and had an interview with the President-elect, immediately subsequent to his interview with the detective. He was informed that Mr. Lincoln would arrive by the early train on Saturday morning, and, in accord- ance with this information, Mr. Wash- burn, member of Congress from Illinois, awaited the President-elect at the depot in Washington, whence he was taken in a carriage to Willard's Hotel, where Senator Seward stood ready to receive him. "The detective traveled with Mr. Lin- coln under the name of E. J. Allen, which name was registered with the President- elect's on the book at Willard's Hotel. Being a well-known individual, he was speedily recognized, and suspicion nat- urally arose that he had been instru- mental in exposing the plot which caused Mr. Lincoln's hurried journey. It was deemed prudent that he should leave Washington two days after his arrival, although he had intended to remain and witness the ceremonies of inaugu- ration. "The friends of Mr. Lincoln do not question the loyalty and hospitality of the people of Maryland, but they were aware that a few disaffected citizens 110 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. who sympathized warmly with the se- cessionists, were determined to frus- trate, at all hazards, the inauguration of the President-elect, even at the cost of his life. " The characters and pursuits of the conspirators were various. Some of them were impelled by a fanatical zeal which they termed patriotism, and they justified their acts by the example of Brutus, in ridding his country of a ty- rant. One of them was accustomed to recite passages put into the mouth of the character of Brutus, in Shakspeare's play of "Julius Caesar." Others were stimulated by the offer of pecuniary re- ward. These, it was observed, staid away from their usual places of work for several weeks prior to the intended assault. Although their circumstances had previously rendered them depend- ent on their daily labor for support, they were during this time abundantly supplied with money, which they squan- dered in bar-rooms and disreputable places. " After the discovery of the plot, a strict watch was kept by the agents of detection over the movements of the conspirators, and efficient measures were adopted to guard against any attack which they might meditate upon the President-elect until he was installed in office. " Mr. Lincoln's family left Harrisburg for Baltimore, on their way to Wash- ington, in the special train intended for him. And as, before starting, a mes- sage announcing Mr. Lincoln's depart- ure and arrival at Washington had been telegraphed to Baltimore over the wires, which had been repaired that morning, the passage through Baltimore was safely effected. "The remark of Mr. Lincoln, during the ceremony of raising the flag on In- dependence Hall on Friday morning, that he would assert his principles on his inauguration, although he were to be assassinated on the spot, had evident reference to the communication made to him by the detective on the night pre- ceding. " The names of the conspirators will not at present be divulged ; but they are in possession of responsible parties, including the President. "The number originally ascertained to be banded together for the assassina- tion of Mr. Lincoln was twenty ; but the number of those who were fully ap- prised of the details of the plot became daily smaller as the time for executing it drew near. "Some of the women employed by the detective went to serve as waiters, seamstresses, etc., in the families of the conspirators, and a record was regularly kept of what was said and done to fur- ther their enterprise. A record was also kept by the detective of their de- liberations in secret conclave, but, for sufficient reasons, it is withheld for the present from publication. The detec- tive and his agents regularly contributed money to pay the expenses of the con- spiracy." In the mean time, while the tri- umphal progress of Mr. Lincoln was brought to so inglorious a close by his THE PEACE CONFERENCE. Ill forced flight to the capital, and the country was rejoicing at his escape from his enemies, the Senate was busily at work striving, by excited debate and discordant motions, to compose the country. The " Crittenden Comprom- ise" continued to be the main subject of discussion, which promised to be in- definitely protracted by the perplexing amendments of the secessionists on the one hand, and the Republicans on the other. The "Peace Conference," too, Feb. was m constant session, and after a 27. long labor finally adjourned sine die, after having brought forth a propo- sition of compromise which was destined to prove, like the rest, but an abortive attempt to conciliate discordant factions. The more important points of this plan were embraced in these two sections of the thirteenth article : 11 Sec. 1. In all the present territory of the United States north of the par- allel of 36 degrees 30 minutes of north latitude, involuntary servitude, except as punishment of crime, is prohibited. In all the present territory south of that line the status of persons held to service or labor, as it now exists, shall not be changed. Nor shall any law be passed by Congress or the territorial legis- lature to hinder or prevent the taking of such persons from any of the States of the Union to said territory, nor to impair the rights arising from said rela- tion. But the same shall be subject to judicial cognizance in the Federal courts, according to the course of the common law. When any territory, north or south of said line, with such boundary as Congress may prescribe, shall contain a pop Jation equal to that required for a member of Congress, it shall, if its form of government be re- publican, be admitted into the Union on an equal footing with the original States, with or without involuntary serv- itude, as the constitution of such State may provide. " Sec. 2. Territory shall not be ac- quired by the United States, unless by treaty ; nor, except for naval and com- mercial stations and depots, unless such treaty shall be ratified by four-fifths of all the members of the Senate." The other articles prohibited Con- gress from abolishing slavery in the Dis- trict of Columbia without the consent of Maryland and of the owners, and without making due compensation ; from abolishing slavery in the United States dock-yards ; and from taxing slaves high- er than land. One article prohibited the slave-trade forever ; and another aimed at a more thorough execution of the Fugitive Slave law. These propositions of the peace con- ference seemed to meet with no more favor than the other attempts to har- monize the discordant opinions of the Senate. The people of the North, how- ever, were still hopeful, though they despaired of the efficacy of congres- sional action. It was to the future Pres- ident that the universal attention was directed. Various speculations were in- dulged in, in regard to his policy ; but while some believed that it would be conciliatory or conservative, as they termed it, and others, that it would 112 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. be in strict conformity with his party pledges and fatal t > all hopes of com- promise, none doused that the power of the Federal authority would be as- serted by the new President with more firmness than it had been by his prede- cessor. The day for the inauguration of the new President came. The usual cere- March monies were observed, with the ** addition, however, of some de- tails peculiar to the times. While " thir- ty-four young ladies in white, seated in a van, labeled Constitution," ostenta- tiously represented the sisterly union of the thirt}r-four States in the public pro- cession, a considerable force of regulars and militia had, by the cautious previ- sion of the veteran commander-in-chief, Lieutenant-General Scott, been secretly disposed, so as to be in readiness to sup- press any hostile attempt to disturb the national programme. Mr. Lincoln having reached, in corn- pany with President Buchanan, the plat- form on the portico of the Capitol, where the judges of the Supreme Court, the senators, and members of the House of Representatives, the foreign ambassa- dors, and other notable persons had as- sembled, was formally introduced to the twenty-five thousand people gathered below, and in " a clear, strong voice" proceeded to read his inaugural : " FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE UNITED STATES : "In compliance with a custom as old as the Government itself, I appear be- fore you to address you briefly, and to take, in your presence, the oath pre- scribed by the Constitution of the United States to be taken by the President be- fore he enters on the execution of his office. " I do not consider it necessary, at present, for me to discuss those matters of administration about which there is no special anxiety or excitement. Ap- prehension seems to exist among the people of the Southern States that, by the accession of a Republican adminis- tration, their property, and their peace, and personal security are to be endan- gered. There has never been any rea- sonable cause for such apprehension. Indeed, the most ample evidence to the contrary has all the while existed and been open to their inspection. It is found in nearly all the published speeches of him who now addresses you. I do but quote from one of those speeches, when I declare that ' I have no pur- pose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists.' I believe I have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so. Those who nominated and elected me, did so with the full knowledge that I had made this, and made many similar declara- tions, and had never recanted them. And more than this, they placed in the platform, for my acceptance, and as a law to themselves and to me, the clear and emphatic resolution which I now read : ' ' ' Resolved, That the maintenance in- violate of the rights of the States, and especially the right of each State to or- der and control its own domestic insti- tions according to its own judgment ex- LINCOLN ON FUGITIVE SLAVES. 113 clusively, is essential to that balance of power on which the perfection and en- durance of our political fabric depend ; and we denounce the lawless invasion by armed force of the soil of any State or Territory, no matter under what pre- text, as among the gravest of crimes.' " I now reiterate these sentiments ; and in doing so I only press upon the public attention the most conclusive evi- dence of which the case is susceptible, that the property, peace, and security of no section are to be in anywise en- dangered by the now incoming admin- istration. "I add, too, that all the protection which, consistently with the Constitu- tion and the laws, can be given, will be cheerfully given to all the States when lawfully demanded, for whatever cause, as cheerfully to one section as to an- other. ' ' There is much controversy about the delivering up of fugitives from service or labor. The clause I now read is as plainly written in the Constitution as any other of its provisions : " ' No person held to service or labor in one State under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in conse- quence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due.' "It is scarcely questioned that this provision was intended by those who made it for the reclaiming of what we call fugitive slaves ; and the intention of the lawgiver is the law. 15 "All members of Congress swear their support to the whole Constitution to this provision as well as any other. To the proposition, then, that slaves whose cases come within the terms of this clause ' shall be delivered up,' their oaths are unanimous. Now, if they would make the effort in good temper, could they not, with nearly equal unan- imity, frame and pass a law by means of which to keep good that unanimous oath? ' ' There is some difference of opinion whether this clause should be enforced by national or by state authority ; but surely that difference is not a very material one. If the slave is to be sur- rendered, it can be of but little conse- quence to him or to others by which authority it is done ; and should any one, in any case, be content that this oath shall go unkept on a merely un- substantial controversy as to how it shall be kept? " Again, in any law upon this subject, ought not all the safeguards of liberty known in the civilized and humane ju- risprudence to be introduced, so that a free man be not, in any case, surren- dered as a slave ? And might it not be well at the same time to provide by law for the enforcement of that clause in the Constitution which guaranties that ' the citizens of each State shall be entitled to all the privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States ?' " I take the official oath to-day with no mental reservations, and with no purpose to construe the Constitution or laws by any hypercritical rules ; and 114 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. while I do not choose now to specify particular acts of Congress as proper to be enforced, I do suggest that it will be much safer for all, both in official and private stations, to conform to and abide by all those acts which stand unrepealed, than to violate any of them, trusting to find impunity in having them held to be unconstitutional . "It is seventy-two years since the first inauguration of a President under our national Constitution. During that period fifteen different and very distin- guished citizens have in succession ad- ministered the executive branch of the Government. They have conducted it through many perils, and generally with great success. Yet, with all this scope for precedent, I now enter upon the same task, for the brief constitutional term of four years, under great and peculiar difficulties. "A disruption of the Federal Union, heretofore only menaced, is now formi- dably attempted. I hold that in the con- templation of universal law and of the Constitution, the union of these States is perpetual. Perpetuity is implied, if not expressed, in the fundamental law of all national governments. It is safe to assert that no government proper ever had a provision in its organic law for its own termination. Continue to execute all the express provisions of our national Constitution, and the Union will endure forever, it being impossible to destroy it except by some action not provided for in the instrument itself. 1 ' Again : if the United States be not a government proper, but an association of States in the nature of a contract merely, can it, as a contract, be peace- ably unmade by less than all the parties who made it ? One party to a contract may violate it break it, so to speak ; but does it not require all to lawfully rescind it ? Descending from these gen- eral principles, we find the proposition that in legal contemplation the Union is perpetual, confirmed by the history of the Union itself. " The Union is much older than the Constitution. It was formed, in fact, by the Articles of Association in 1774. It was matured and continued in the Dec- laration of Independence in 1776. It was further matured, and the faith of all the then thirteen States expressly plighted and engaged that it should be perpetual, by the Articles of Confedera- tion, in 1778 ; and, finally, in 1787, one of the declared objects for ordaining and establishing the Constitution was to form a more perfect Union. But if the de- struction of the Union by one or by a part only of the States be lawfully pos- sible, the Union is less than before, the Constitution having lost the vital ele- ment of perpetuity. "It follows from these views that no State, upon its own mere motion, can lawfully get out of the Union ; that re- solves and ordinances to that effect are legally void ; and that acts of violence within any State or States against the authority of the United States, are in- surrectionary or revolutionary, accord- ing to circumstances. " I therefore consider that in view of the Constitution and the laws, the Union WHAT LINCOLN WILL DO. 115 is unbroken, and, to the extent of my abil- ity, I shall take care, as the Constitution itself expressly enjoins upon me, that the laws of the Union shall be faithfully executed in all the States. Doing this, which I deem to be only a simple duty on my part, I shall perfectly perform it, so far as is practicable, unless my rightful masters, the American people, shall withhold the requisition, or in some authoritative manner direct the contrary. " I trust this will not be regarded as a menace, but only as the declared pur- pose of the Union that it will constitu- tionally defend and maintain itself. " In doing this there need be no bloodshed nor violence, and there shall be none, unless it is forced upon the na- tional authority. " The power confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the prop- erty and places belonging to the Govern- ment, and collect the duties and im- posts ; but beyond what may be neces- sary for these objects, there will be no invasion, no using of force against or among the people anywhere. " Where hostility to the United States shall be so great and so universal as to prevent competent resident citizens from holding the Federal offices, there will be no attempt to force obnoxious strangers among the people that object. While the strict legal right may exist of the Government to enforce the exercise of these offices, the attempt to do so would be so irritating, and so nearly impracti- cable withal, that I deem it better to fore- go for the time the uses of such offices. "The mails, unless repelled, will con- tinue to be furnished in all parts of the Union. " So far as possible, the people every- where shall have that sense of perfect security which is most favorable to calm thought and reflection. "The course here indicated will be followed, unless current events and ex- perience shall show a modification or change to be proper ; and in every case and exigency my best discretion will be exercised according to the circumstances actually existing, and with a view and hope of a peaceful solution of the na- tional troubles, and the restoration of fraternal sympathies and affections. "That there are persons, in one sec- tion or another, who seek to destroy the Union at all events, and are glad of any pretext to do it, I will neither affirm nor deny. But if there be such, I need ad- dress no word to them. "To those, however, who really love the Union, may I not speak, before en- tering upon so grave a matter as the destruction of our national fabric, with all its benefits, its memories, and its hopes ? Would it not be well to ascer- tain why we do it ? Will you hazard so desperate a step while any portion of the ills you fly from have no real exist- ence ? Will you while the certain ills you fly to are greater than all the real ones you fly from will you risk the commission of so fearful a mistake ? All profess to be content in the Union if all constitutional rights can be main- tained. Is it true, then, that any right, plainly written in the Constitution, has 116 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. been denied ? I think not. Happily the human mind is so constituted, that no party can reach to the audacity of doing this. " Think, if you can, of a single in- stance in which a plainly written pro- vision of the Constitution has ever been denied. If, by the mere force of num- bers, a majority should deprive a mi- nority of any clearly written constitu- tional right, it might, in a moral point of view, justify revolution ; it certainly would if such right were a vital one. But such is not our case. ' ' All the vital rights of minorities and of individuals are so plainly assured to them by affirmations and negations, guar- antees and prohibitions in the Constitu- tion, that controversies never arise con- cerning them. But no organic law can ever be framed with a provision specif- ically applicable to every question which may occur in practical administration. No foresight can anticipate, nor any doc- ument of reasonable length contain, ex- press provisions for all possible questions. Shall fugitives from labor be surrendered by national or by State authorities ? The Constitution does not expressly say. Must Congress protect slavery in the Territories ? The Constitution does not expressly say. From questions of this class spring all our constitutional con- troversies, and we divide upon them into majorities and minorities. "If the minority will not acquiesce, the majority must, or the Government must cease. There is no alternative for continuing the Government but acqui- escence on the one side or the other. If a minority in such a case will secede rather than acquiesce, they make a pre- cedent which in turn will ruin and di- vide them, for a minority of their own will secede from them whenever a ma- jority refuses to be controlled by such a minority. For instance, why not any portion of a new confederacy, a year or two hence, arbitrarily secede again, pre- cisely as portions of the present Union now claim to secede from it ? All who cherish disunion sentiments are now being educated to the exact temper of doing this. Is there such perfect iden- tity of interests among the States to compose a new Union as to produce harmony only, and prevent renewed secession ? Plainly the central idea of secession is the essence of anarchy. " A majority held in restraint by con- stitutional check and limitation, and always changing easily with deliberate changes of popular opinions and senti- ments, is the only true sovereign of a free people. Whoever rejects it, does, of necessity, fly to anarchy or to despot- ism. Unanimity is impossible ; the rule of a majority, as a permanent arrange- ment, is wholly inadmissible. So that, rejecting the majority principle, anarchy or despotism in some form is all that is left. " I do not forget the position assumed by some, that constitutional questions are to be decided by the Supreme Court, nor do I deny that such decisions must be binding in any case upon the parties to a suit as to the object of that suit, while they are also entitled to very high respect and consideration in all parallel B1POSSIBILITY OF SEPARATION. 117 cases by all other departments of the Government ; and while it is obviously possible that such decision may be erro- neous in any given case, still the evil effect following it, being limited to that particular case, with the chance that it may be overruled and never become a precedent for other cases, can better be borne than could the evils of a different practice. ' ' At the same time the candid citizen must confess that if the policy of the Government upon the vital questions affecting the whole people is to be irre- vocably fixed by the decisions of the Supreme Court, the instant they are made, as in ordinary litigation between parties in personal actions, the people will have ceased to be their own masters, unless having to that extent practically resigned their government into the hands of that eminent tribunal. " Nor is there in this view any assault upon the court or the judges. It is a duty from which they may not shrink, to decide cases properly brought before them ; and it is no fault of theirs if others seek to turn their decisions to political purposes. One section of our country believes slavery is right and ought to be extended, while the other believes it is wrong and ought not to be extended ; and this is the only substan- tial dispute ; and the fugitive slave clause of the Constitution, and the law for the suppression of the foreign slave- trade, are each as well enforced, perhaps, as any law can ever be in a community where the moral sense of the people imperfectly supports the law itself. The great body of the people abide by the dry legal obligation in both cases, and a few break over in each. This, I think, cannot be perfectly cured, and it would be worse in both cases after the separa- tion of the sections than before. The foreign slave trade, now imperfectly suppressed, would be ultimately revived, without restriction, in one section ; while fugitive slaves, now only partially surrendered, would not be surrendered at all by the other. "Physically speaking, we cannot sepa- rate we cannot remove our respective sections from each other, nor build an impassable wall between them. A hus- band and wife may be divorced, and go out of the presence and beyond the reach of each other, but the different parts of our country cannot do this. They cannot but remain face to face ; and intercourse, either amicable or hostile, must continue between them. Is it possible, then, to make that inter- course more advantageous or more satis- factory after separation than before ? Can aliens make treaties easier than friends can make laws ? Can treaties be more faithfully enforced between aliens than laws can among friends? Suppose you go to war, you cannot fight always ; and when, after much loss on both sides and no gain on either, you cease fighting, the identical questions as to terms of intercourse are again upon you. "This country, with its institutions, belongs to the people who inhabit it. Whenever they shall grow weary of the existing government, they can exercise 118 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. their constitutional right of amending, or their revolutionary right to dis- member or overthrow it. I cannot be ignorant of the fact that many worthy and patriotic citizens are desirous of having the national Constitution amended. While I make no recom- mendation of amendment, I fully recog- nize the full authority of the people over the whole -subject, to be exercised in either of the modes prescribed in the instrument itself, and I should, under existing circumstances, favor, rather than oppose, a fair opportunity being afforded the people to act upon it. "I will venture to add, that to me the convention mode seems preferable, in that it allows amendments to orig- inate with the people themselves, in- stead of only permitting them to take or reject propositions originated by oth- ers not especially chosen for the pur- pose, and which might not be precisely such as they would wish either to ac- cept or refuse. I understand that a proposed amendment to the Constitu- tion (which amendment, however, I have not seen) has passed Congress, to the effect that the Federal Government shall never interfere with the domestic institutions of States, including that of persons held to service. To avoid mis- construction of what I have said, I de- part from my purpose not to speak of particular amendments, so far as to say that, holding such a provision to now be implied constitutional law, I have no objection to its being made express and irrevocable. "The chief magistrate derives all his authority from the people, and they have conferred none upon him to fix the terms for the separation of the States. The people themselves, also, can do this if they choose, but the Ex- ecutive, as such, has nothing to do with it. His duty is to administer the pres- ent Government as it came to his hands, and to transmit it unimpaired by him to his successor. Why should there not be a patient confidence in the ultimate jus- tice of the people ? Is there any better or equal hope in the world ? In our present differences, is either party with- out faith of being in the right ? If the Almighty Ruler of nations, with his eter- nal truth and justice, be on your side of the North, or on yours of the South, that truth and that justice will surely prevail by the judgment of this great tribunal, the American people. By the frame of the Government under which we live, this same people have wisely given their public servants but little power for mischief, and have with equal wisdom provided for the return of that little to their own hands at very short intervals. While the people retain their virtue and vigilance, no administration, by any extreme wickedness or folly, can very seriously injure the Government in the short space of four years. " My countrymen, one and all, think calmly and well upon this whole sub- ject. Nothing valuable can be lost by taking time. " If there be an object to hurry any of you, in hot haste, to a step which you would never take deliberately, that ob- ject will be frustrated by taking time ; EFFECT OF LINCOLN'S MESSAGE. 119 but 110 good object can be frustrated by it. " Such of you as are now dissatisfied still have the old Constitution unim- paired, and on the sensitive point, the laws of your own framing under it ; while the new administration will have no immediate power, if it would, to change either. "If it were admitted that you who are dissatisfied hold the right side in the dispute, there is still no single reason for precipitate action. Intelligence, pa- triotism, Christianity, and a firm reli- ance on Him who has never yet forsaken this favored land, are still competent to adjust, in the best way, all our present difficulties. " In your hands, my dissatisfied fel- low-countrymen, and not in mine, is the momentous issue of civil war. The Government will not assail you. " You can have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors. You have no oath registered in heaven to destroy the Government, while I shall have the most solemn one to "preserve, protect, and defend" it. " I am loth to close. We are not enemies, but friends. We must not be enemies. Though passion may have strained, it must not break our bonds of affection. ' ' The mystic cords of memory, stretch- ing from every battle-field and patriot grave to every living heart and hearth- stone all over this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the Union, when again touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels of our nature." CHAPTER X. The opinion of the Secessionists on the Message. The opinion of the Unionists. Unanimous satisfaction at the exit of Buchanan. The fate of Buchanan. A Nation's Reproach. Difficulty of forming a Judgment. What were the Motives of his conduct. A fatal Administration. Life of Buchanan. Birth. Origin. Early Education. Political Career. Member of the Legislature. Minister to Kussia. United States Senator. Adherent of General Jackson. Opposed to Nullification. Political friend of Van Buren. Supporter of his Policy. Rallies to the support of Tyler. In favor of the Recognition of Texas. An advocate of the War with Mexico. Secretary of State under Polk. Retirement to Private Life. Opposed to the Wilmot Proviso. Advocates Compromises. Ambassador to Great Britain. The famous Ostend Conference. Its Manifesto. Return to the United States. Candidate for President- Elected President. Public Confidence. His conduct in regard to Kansas. Charged with Partisanship. Secession of Six States from the Union. Historic importance of Buchanan. Could Buchanan have checked the Rebellion ? Why he did not. Last act of his Administration. Opinion of Free Traders of his signing the Morrill Tariff. The two Patriots in his Cabinet. Lincoln's Cabinet. Its party character. William H. Seward. His Life. Education. Political Career. Character and Personal Appearance. Salmon Portland Chase. His Birth. Education. Pro- fessional success. Opinions on Slavery. Political Career. Character. Simon Cameron. His Origin. Influence in Pennsylvania. His Character. Gideon Welles : his Career and Character. Montgomery Blair : his Career and Character. Edward Bates : his Career and Character. Caleb B. Smith : his Career and Character. WHILE the secessionists pronounced the message of President Lincoln war- like, and affected great indignation, and even in Baltimore some of the daily journals declared it " sectional and mis- chievous," the unionists accepted the 120 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. document as firm, but conservative. Those in North Carolina who were still clear of the heresy of secession, wel- comed it as a hopeful indication of the peace policy of the administration ; and while in Missouri the exponent "of one party declared that it "met the highest expectations of the country, both in point of statesmanship and patriotism," that of another expressed its disappointment at not having " a more conservative and conciliatory expression of sentiments." Whatever may have been the differ- ence of opinion in regard to Lincoln, there was a unanimous feeling of satis- faction, among all who continued loyal to the Union, that Buchanan was no longer President. Whatever may be his hope of justifi- cation by posterity, Buchanan must resign himself for the present to the reproach of an- afflicted people. With his administration will always be asso- ciated those complicated ills of factious and corrupt government, vacillating and contemned authority, to which are owing the present civil strife and the arrested progress of the country. It would be difficult in the heat of war and under the pressure of national suffering to as- sume that equanimity of temper or reach that elevated height necessary to a broad and dispassionate judgment of the de- gree of responsibility to be attached to the head of an administration which has proved so fatal to the country. Whether his conduct is to be attrib- uted to habitual partisanship, evil coun- sel, corrupt motive, or senile weakness, cannot be easily determined. To the direful results of his administration, however, President Buchanan can tri- umphantly oppose a previous career of prosperous statesmanship and a private life of unquestioned purity. James Buchanan, the fifteenth Presi- dent of the United States, was born at Stony Batter, in Franklin County, Penn- sylvania, on the 22d of April, 1791. His father was an Irishman who emi- grated to America in 1783. His mother, however, Elizabeth Spear, was the daughter of a Pennsylvania farmer. In spite of the poverty of his parents, their son was sent to Dickinson College, where he graduated with the honors of his class. In 1812 he began to practice law at Lancaster, and with such success, that he retired, at the age of forty, with a fair competence. At twenty-three years of age he was" elected a member of the Legislature. In 1820 he first entered Congress, and continued to serve until 1831, when he resigned, and was appointed minister to Russia by President Jackson, to whom he was a faithful adherent. In 1833 he returned, and was elected United States senator from Pennsylvania, and continued a firm supporter of Jackson's policy. He stood firmly by the President in his successful conflicts with the United States Bank and the nullification of South Carolina. During the agitation in 1835 of the question of the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, he advocated the reception by Congress of petitions in its favor, but strove to resist their effect by the introduction of an act de- claring that Congress had no power to LIFE OF BUCHANAN. 121 legislate upon the subject. Buchanan gave to President Yan Buren the same uncompromising political support that he had given to his predecessor. On the change of policy effected by President Tyler, after the death of Har- rison, Buchanan rallied to the support of the administration ; he advocated the recognition of the independence of Texas, as he subsequently did its admission into the Union and the consequent war with Mexico. Under President Polk he be- came secretary of state, and at the ex- piration of the Presidential term retired to private life. He, however, used his great political influence in opposition to the Wilmot proviso, and in favor of an extension to the Pacific Ocean of the Missouri Compromise line of latitude 36 degrees 30 minutes north. On the accession of Pierce to the Presidency, Buchanan was appointed ambassador to Great Britain. It was while thus serv- ing that he joined with the United States minister to Paris, and Pierre Soule, the minister to Madrid, in forming the no- table Ostend Conference, the object of which was to^ induce Spain to sell Cuba. A memorandum of the proceedings of the conference was published, and has been dignified with the title of a protocol. This set forth the import- ance of Cuba, commercially and de- fensively, to the United States ; the advantage to Spain in consenting to receive compensation for a possession the prolonged tenure of which was so uncertain, and the necessity in case the island should fall under the control, like St. Domingo, of its African population 16 of the interference of the United States to secure the Southern slave States from so dangerous a neighborhood of free negroes. Mr. Buchanan returned to the United States in the spring of 1856, and in the following June was unanimously nom- inated, by the Democratic Convention at Cincinnati, candidate for President. In November he was elected by the electoral vote of nineteen States. Upon his accession to office there was a gen- eral willingness to concede to him a dis- position to repress sectional differences and to administer the Government with a national spirit. His administration, however, served only to reinvigorate factious dispute, and the Republican party attacked him with great animosity for his partisan efforts to secure the ad- mission of Kansas as a slave State. The most momentous event, however, during Buchanan's administration, was the secession of six States from the Union. This will always give him an historic importance, and serve to make his char- acter and conduct subjects of the deep- est interest to the investigator of the causes of the civil war initiated during his Presidency. " That Buchanan could have checked the fatal movement [the rebellion], no one can affirm ; but that it was his duty to make the effort, few will deny. That he did not do so, is attributed by some to corrupt connivance with the conspir- ators who shared his counsels ; by some, to the timidity of enfeebled age ; and by others, to the conviction that neither right nor expediency would justify an 122 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. attempt to repress the rising rebellion. His irreproachable personal character, his previous career of reputable states- manship, and his honored position as President, forbid the imputation of trea- sonable design or corrupt motive. It is more reasonable to attribute his conduct to the influence of unworthy but unsus- pected counsellors acting upon an in- firm judgment and unsteady moral courage." * The last act of President Buchanan's administration was the signing of the Morrill tariff. This sanction of high protective custom dues was contrary to his professed opinion that duties should be levied only for revenue. The advo- cates of free trade, both in the United States and Europe, condemn this act as one of the most unworthy of his admin- istration, while the protectionists doubt- less commend it as the best. Within a few weeks of the close of his term of office, Buchanan had called to his aid in the cabinet two statesmen whose energetic action, inspired by the truest patriotism, had served to redeem, to some degree, an administration which had proved so fatal to the country. These men were Joseph H. Holt, of Kentucky, and John A. Dix, of New York, the former the secretary of war, and the latter secretary of the treasury. It was hoped that Lincoln would have waived so far his party predilections as to have retained these statesmen, who had won the confidence of the nation by their loyal firmness in sustaining the dignity and power of the Federal au- o Manuscript work, by the author. thority against the menace of disaffec- tion and the attack of treason. The new President, however, in ac- cordance with traditional practice, chose his cabinet from that party to which he was indebted for his own elevation. Win. H. Seward, of New York, was appointed secretary of state ; Salmon P. Chase, of Ohio, secretary of the treasury ; Simon Cameron, of Pennsylvania, secretary of war ; Gideon Welles, of Connecticut, secretary of the navy ; Montgomery Blair, of Maryland, postmaster-general ; Edward Bates, of Missouri, attorney- general ; and Caleb B. Smith, of In- diana, secretary of the interior. Some of these were known to the country as prominent statesmen ; others, possessed only of local fame, were com- paratively obscure, but all had been active promoters of the " Republican" cause. The most distinguished was the secretary of state. William H. Seward was born in the village of Florida, Orange County, in the State of New York, on the 1 6th day of May, 1801. After a good elementary schooling he was sent to Union College, at Schenectady, where he received his academic degree with the honors of his class. In 1820 he became a student at law in the office of John Anthon, Esq., an eminent counsellor of the city of New York, but completed his studies under the guidance of Ogden Hoffman, then district attorney. In 1822 he was ad- mitted to the bar at Goshen, in Orange County, but soon after removed to Au- burn, where he formed a partnership with Judge Miller, whose daughter he LIFE OF SEWARD. 123 subsequently married. His success as a lawyer was rapid and well assured, and he soon ranked among the most honored members of the profession. His first political step was as a warm partisan of the anti-masonic cause, but in 1823 he appeared as a youthful leader in the canvass for the re-election of John Quincy Adams to the Presidency. Elected senator of his State in 1830, he soon became prominent as an advocate of measures of reform. After four years' service in the Sen- ate of New York, he' was nominated the Whig candidate for 'Governor, but was defeated by his veteran Democratic op- ponent, William L. Marcy. Again a candidate at the succeeding election, he triumphed over his old competitor, and was elected Governor by the large ma- jority of ten thousand. In 1840 he was a third time a candidate and once more successful, being chosen as a rep- resentative of the party which had tri- umphantly carried the election of. Pres- ident Harrison, of whom he had proved himself in the canvass an energetic supporter. In 1848 he advocated the nomination of General Zachary Taylor, and strove zealously in behalf of his election. The successful Whig party of the New York State Legislature soon after elected Seward senator of the United States. On the death of Taylor and the accession of Fillmore, Seward was suddenly deprived of that leader- ship upon which he had not unnaturally presumed. His supposed extreme opin- ions on the subject of slavery were un- doubtedly averse to his being accepted, by Fillmore, as an exponent of the pol- icy of his conciliatory administration. Seward opposed emphatically the com- promise measures of 1850. "I feel assured," said he, in his speech on the question, ' ' that slavery must give way, and will give way to the salutary instructions of economy and to the ripen- ing influences of humanity ; that eman- cipation is- inevitable and is near ; that it may b'e hastened or hindered ; that all measures which fortify slavery or extend it tend to the consummation of violence ; all that cherek its extension and abate its strength tend to its peace- ful extirpation. But I will adopt none but lawful, constitutional, and peaceful means to secure even that end ; and none such can I or will I forego." "In 1852, Seward was an advocate for the election of General Scott as Pres- ident, though he did not concur with the concessions made to the slave in- terests of the South in the manifesto of his party. In the Senate he at the same .time continued his persistent opposition to the extension of slavery, and em- phatically denounced the Kansas-Ne- braska bill. After the dissolution of the Whig party, and the formation of the new Republican combination, of which he was one of the prominent founders and leaders, he was a candidate for nomina- tion as President. He, however, was forced to yield to the superior "avail- ability" of Colonel Fremont, for whose election, notwithstanding, he canvassed vigorously. During the summer of 1859, Mr. Sew- 124 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. ard visited Europe, and extended his tour to Syria and Egypt. His reception was everywhere studiously courteous in deference to his recognized position as a distinguished and leading statesman in his own country. In 1860, Seward was forced again to yield his presumed claims to a compara- tively obscure man. At the Repub- lican Convention which met at Chicago, Seward was the leading candidate for nomination as President, but after sev- eral obstinate ballots gave way to Mr. Lincoln, who was chosen, and whose subsequent triumphant election to office was greatly due to the zealous efforts of his late rival. Notwithstanding his previous persist- ent resistance to the encroachments of, and his apparent readiness for, the "ir- repressible conflict" with slavery, Sew- ard is supposed to be among the most conciliatory of Lincoln's cabinet. Though some may doubt whether he is possessed of the moral grandeur capable of rising to the greatness of the present occasion, none will question the secretary's mental capacity to master the ordinary tech- nical difficulties of his office. A man of refined culture and tact, his speeches and writings possess a dignity of tone and a completeness of literary finish which are rarely to be discovered in the effusions of our extemporized speakers and writers. Judging him from the rapid flashes of speech, struck off in the course of a heated political canvass, there are some, especially in Europe, who affect to think that Seward is more eager to captivate the undiscerning many than to convince the judicious few. In appearance, Mr. Seward, with his slight figure of medium size, his heavy features, and his worn expression, is not imposing. His eyes, however, brighten with excitement, and his face not seldom assumes an attractive vivacity. The secretary of the treasury, Salmon Portland Chase, was born at Cornish, in New Hampshire, 011 the 13th of Jan- uary, 1808. Two years after the death of his father, and at the age of twelve, he was placed under the charge of his uncle, Bishop Chase, of Ohio, with whom he removed from Worthington to Cin- cinnati, and there entered the college of which the bishop had been appointed president. Here, however, he remained but a year, when he returned to his mother's home in Keene, New Hamp- shire. In 1824 he was admitted a stu- dent of Dartmouth College, where he received his degree after two years' study. After graduating, he opened a school at Washington, and numbered among his pupils the sons of Henry Clay, William Wirt, and Samuel L. Southard. In the mean time, he studied law under the direction of Wirt, and in 1829, quitting his school, he- was ad- mitted to the bar at Washington. In 1830, Mr. Chase removed to Cin- cinnati, where he strove to establish himself as a lawyer. While waiting for practice, he published an edition of the Statutes of Ohio, with original notes, and a prefatory sketch of the history of the State. This work served to bring him into notice, and add to his legal SALMON P. CHASE. 125 business. He now became a thriving practitioner, and was appointed solicitor of two of the banks. Being employed in 1837 in behalf of a negro woman who was claimed to be a fugitive slave, Mr. Chase argued that Congress had not the right to impose upon State magistrates any duty or con- fer any power in such cases. Again, soon after, while defending James E. Birny, who had been arrested for harboring a negro slave, he held that slavery is local, and dependent for its legality upon State law, and that therefore a slave who made his escape into Ohio became free, and might be harbored with impunity. In 1846, Mr. Chase, together with William H. Seward, was defendant's counsel in the Van Zandt case, before the Supreme Court of the United States. In an elaborate argument, he contended that, by the ordinance of 1787, no fu- gitive from service could be reclaimed from Ohio unless there had been an es- cape from one of the original States ; that it was the clear understanding of the framers of the Constitution, and of the people who adopted it, that slavery was to be left exclusively to the dis- posal of the several States, without sanction or support from the National Government ; and that the clause in the Constitution relating to persons held to service was one of compact, and con- ferred no power of legislation on Con- gress. Other cases ensued in which Mr. Chase defended the same positions, and thus became identified with those who resisted all national recognition of slavery. Devoted to his professional pursuits, Mr. Chase avoided for a long time all positive alliances with political parties, but had voted sometimes with the Dem- ocrats, and at other times and more fre- quently with the Whigs In 1841, how- ever, he became one of the originators of the ' ' Liberty" party of Ohio, and was the author of their address to the peo- ple. In 1843 he was a member of the convention of this party which met at Buffalo. While one of a committee nominated by said convention, he op- posed the resolution, "to regard and treat the third clause of the Constitu- tion, whenever applied to the case of a fugitive slave, as utterly null and void, and consequently as forming no part of the Constitution of the United States, whenever we are called upon or sworn to support it." This resolution was accord- ingly rejected by the committee, and not reported, although it was afterward re- newed by its original mover, and adopted by the convention. When twitted in the United States Senate by Senator Butler, of South Carolina, for the men- tal reservation seemingly sanctioned by this resolution, Chase responded : "I have only to say, I never proposed the resolution ; I never would propose or vote for such a resolution. I hold no doctrine of mental reservation. Every man, in my judgment, should speak just as he thinks, keeping nothing back, here or elsewhere."* The New American Cyclopedia. New York : D. Appleton & Co. 126 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. In 1845, a convention, at the sug- gestion of Mr. Chase, met in Cincinnati, of "all who, believing that whatever is worth preserving in republicanism can be maintained only by uncompromising war against the usurpations of the slave power, and are therefore resolved to use all constitutional and honorable means to effect the extinction of slavery within their respective States, and its reduction to its constitutional limits in the United States." The gathering was large, con- sisting of two thousand delegates and four thousand interested visiters. The address the main burden of which was opposition to the extension of slavery was written by Mr. Chase, and was widely circulated. When the second convention met, in 1847, Mr. Chase op- posed the making of Federal nomina- tions, believing that the general agita- tion throughout the country in regard to the Wilmot proviso would extend the basis of the movement against slavery extension, and afford a less restricted foundation for a party. In 1848, however, distrusting the Whig and Democratic parties, Mr. Chase again called a convention in fa- vor of free territory. It was largely attended, but it merged itself in the National Convention, which met at Buf- falo in August of the same year, and nominated Martin Van Buren for Pres- ident. The Democratic party of Ohio having now adopted the free-soil views of Mr. Chase, he accepted their nom- ination for the United States Senate, and in 1849 was elected. He continued to act with the Democrats of his State until 1852, when, upon the nomination of Pierce, they accepted the platform of the Baltimore Convention, approving of the compromise acts of 1850, and denouncing the further agitation of the question of slavery extension. Having abandoned his old allies, he gave in his adherence to the Independent Demo- cratic Convention, assembled at Pitts- burg in 1852, which adopted a manifesto mainly prepared by Mr. Chase. When the Nebraska bill agitated the country, and induced the formation of the Republican party, Mr. Chase, find- ing its principles in consonance with his long established views, eagerly joined it, and became one of its leaders. In 1855, Mr. Chase was nominated as Governor of Ohio, and being elected, was inaugurated in January of the suc- ceeding year. He gave proof, in his new office, of a moderation and discre- tion which many were disposed to ques- tion, in consequence of his supposed extreme opinions on slavery. At the close of his first term he was disposed to retire, but was so urgently pressed to accept a re-nomination, that he was pre- vailed upon and re-elected Governor. After the expiration of his second term he was again elected senator of the United States, but resigned his seat to accept his present position in the cabinet of Mr. Lincoln, of which he is considered not only one of the ablest, but firmest members. Simon Cameron, a man of humble origin, successively a printer's appren- tice, printer, journalist, a local politician, a United States senator, and now the l-Voir. a Puotograpfc. ov Braav SIMON CAMERON. 127 secretary of war, was born in Penn- sylvania. He has been for a long time one of the most influential men in that State, and the success of the Republican party there was greatly indebted to his efforts. Wielding a large capital act- ively employed in railroads, mining operations, and other active enterprises in Pennsylvania, he was enabled to ex- ercise a wide influence, which was owing not less to his financial than to his political ability. His executive talents, thoroughly exercised by his extensive business relations, are calculated to make him an effective officer in the busy department of which he is the chief. Gideon Welles was originally a prin- ter, and subsequently editor of the Hartford Times, in the skilful conduct of which he has acquired all his political fame. His reputation had, however, hardly extended beyond the limits of his native State of Connecticut, when he was called, to a position in Lincoln's cabinet, at the earnest solicitation, it is believed, of his brother-in-law, Vice- President Hamlin. As the editor of the Hartford Times, he was considered one of the most forcible exponents of the Democratic policy. Warmly expressing the doctrine of non-extension of slavery, he soon identified himself with the Re- publican party, of which he was an ardent supporter. He has frequently represented his State in its own Legisla- ture and Senate, but never in the Fed- eral councils. It may be doubted whe- ther, with his reflective habits as a political thinker and writer, and his restricted experience of the business of state, he has the scope of view and energy of action necessary to the chief of the naval department during a great war. Montgomery Blair, a son of the vig- orous Democratic journalist, Francis Preston Blair, the founder and editor of the Washington Globe, was born in Kentucky. Like his father, he is a valiant defender of the Republican cause, and is supposed to have been one of the most emphatic of the cab- inet to urge the full exercise of the Federal authority in checking treason, as he is among the most resolute in favor of vigorously waging war against rebellion. His energy of will and sanguineness of temperament render him a spirited coadjutor of the execu- tive in the stir of conflict ; but in the quiet of peace, his fitness for office, and especially that practical one which he holds, might be more questionable. Edward Bates, the attorney-general, was born in Groochland County, in Virginia, in 1791. Having been care- fully educated by a relative of high culture, he emigrated with a brother to Missouri, where he began to practice law. He soon acquired eminence as a jurist. Although he served in the Legislature of Missouri, and represented that State in Congress, his life has been mostly devoted to the pursuits of his profession. In 1847, however, he was a member of the convention which met at Chicago for the advancement of internal improvements, where he com- manded attention by a brilliant speech 128 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. and his impressive character. Efforts were made to induce him to give to the State the benefit of his acknowledged powers, but he refused office in Missouri and resisted the offer of a place in the cabinet of President Fillmore. His early political bias was shown by his support of Henry Clay and John Quincy Adams, with whose views of public policy he generally accorded. At a later period he opposed the repeal of the Missouri Compromise act, and the admission of Kansas as a State under the Lecompton Constitution, and other- wise exhibited his sympathy with the free-soil party. An accomplished jurist, he worthily fills his office of attorney- general, and a man of dignified personal character, he gives increased weight to the present cabinet. Caleb B. Smith, of Indiana, the secretary of the interior, has brought with him from his own State a high reputation for ability and integrity, and he is considered an effective member of the present Government. CHAPTER XI. Action of the Confederate States. Organization of an Army. Its composition. Officers. Resignations in the United States Army. Buchanan's sanction of Treason. A change of conduct under Secretary Holt. The Treason of Twiggs. His Expulsion from the Army. His Surrender of Government Property to the Authorities of Texas. Its Character and Value. Military Career of General Twiggs. His motives for Seceding. Treachery. Encouragement of the Confederate States. Defiant Tone and Attitude. Commissioners to Washington. Their Letter to the Sec- retary of State. A polite Rebuff. The Commissioners linger in Washington. Career of Independent Government of the Confederate States. A new Flag. A Political Blunder. The influence of a bit of Bunting. The motive for adopting a new Flag. The Confederate Flag described. Active preparation for War. General Beauregard sent to Charleston. Call upon the Confederate States for Militia. Progress of the Works in the Harbor of Charleston. Soldiers and Negroes. Floating Battery. Ardent Gentlemen as Privates. Statesmen in the Ranks. Rumored Evacuation of Fort Sumter. - Courteous relations between Major Anderson and Citizens of Charleston. Messengers from the Federal Government. Vigilance of the Batteries. An Eastern Schooner driven out of the Harbor. Per- plexities of Lincoln and his Cabinet. A Decision at last. A Demonstration to be made in favor of Major Anderson. Preparations. A Special Messenger sent to the Authorities of Charleston. The purport of his Message. The effect upon the Southern Confederacy. Excitement at Charleston. Appeal to Arms. Departure of the Confederate Commissioners from Washington. Their parting Defiance. Correspondence between Beauregard and the Secretary of War of the Confederates. Correspondence between Beauregard and Anderson. THE " Confederate States" having or- ganized a government, proceeded to prepare to sustain it by the formation of a military establishment. This was composed of one corps of engineers, one corps of artillery, six regiments of infantry, one regiment of cavalry, and of a staff department, making in all ten thousand seven hun- dred and forty-five officers and men. Those who had abandoned the United States for the Confederate service gave the new army a large supply of highly educated and experienced officers. This number was daily increasing. The government of Buchanan had at first sanctioned the disloyalty of many of our officers by accepting their resig- TREASON OF TWIGGS. 129 nations, though their purpose in giving up theip commissions could not be doubted. Inspired, however, by the patriotic counsels of his new secretary of war, Holt, Buchanan had become less considerate toward treason. When, Pel,, therefore, General Twiggs, a vet- 18. eran officer of the army of the United States, surrendered the posts which he commanded to the commis- sioners of Texas, the President, with unusual impatience and severity, did not wait for a resignation, but expelled the disloyal officer from the army. By this action of General Twiggs, the State authorities of Texas, which was on the eve of its -secession from the United States, became possessed of an immense supply of arms and military stores of all kinds, to be added, as none could doubt, to the resources of the Confederate States. In San Antonio, the arsenal contained forty-four cannon and howitzers of different calibres, one thousand nine hundred muskets, rifles, and Sharp's carbines, four hundred Colt's pistols, two magazines full of am- munition, containing one million five hundred thousand ball-cartridges, and five thousand five hundred pounds of powder. At Forts Brown, Duncan, and Clark there were large numbers of cannon and magazines filled with ammunition. At the varicrus posts there were sev- eral thousand mules and horses, many hundred waggons, abundant clothing and stores, and a great variety of val- uable implements. The whole of the Federal property thus traitorously dis- 17 posed of amounted in value to nearly a million and a half of dollars. General Daniel E. Twiggs was one of the oldest officers in the United States army, which he had entered in 1812, at the age of twenty-two years. He had served under our flag with a fair reputa- tion. He was a captain during the war with Great Britain ; served as a ma- jor under Generals Gaines and Jackson in the Florida campaign ; took part in the Black Hawk war ; was in command of the arsenal at Augusta during the nullification excitement, and in the Mex- ican war received the rank of brevet brigadier-general for his services at Palo Alto and Resaca de la Palma ; com- manded a division at Monterey, and shared with General Scott in the tri- umphs of our army from Vera Cruz to the capital of Mexico. He was in com- mand of the department of Texas, with his headquarters at San Antonio, when he brought to so dishonorable a close his long career of reputable military service. He ranked next to Lieutenant- General Scott, and would have been en- titled, if he had remained loyal to his country, to have succeeded him in the chief command of our army. A Geor- gian by birth, and a large owner of land and slaves, his adherence to his own State was not unexpected, but few thought that one of the most honored officers of the Federal army would have been guilty of adding treachery to treason. Encouraged by the addition of Texas to the confederacy, and an unconcealed sympathy on the part of some of the 130 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. other slave States, which gave promise of further acquisitions, the new govern- ment at Montgomery, Alabama, assumed a more independent tone and defiant at- titude. Commissioners Messrs. John Forsyth arid Martin J. Crawford were appointed to negotiate with the United States. On their arrival at Washington they presented themselves as the rep- resentatives of an independent power. March " Seven States," they said, " of the 12 late Federal Union having, in the exercise of the inherent right of every free people to change or reform their po- litical institutions, and through conven- tions of their people, withdrawn from the United States and reassumed the attri- butes of sovereign power delegated to it, have formed a government of their own. The Confederate States constitute an in- dependent nation de facto and de jure, and possess a government perfect in all its parts and endowed with all the means of self-support." With this assumption of independence, the commissioners pro- ceeded to declare their purpose. ' ' With a view to a speedy adjustment of all questions growing out of this political separation upon such terms of amity and good-will as the respective in- terests, geographical contiguity, and fu- ture welfare of the two nations may render necessary," they said that they were instructed to " make to the Gov- ernment of the United States overtures for the opening of negotiations, assuring the Government of the United States that the President, Congress, and people of the Confederate States earnestly desire a peaceful solution of those great questions ; that it is neither their inter- est nor their wish to make any demand which is not founded in strictest justice, nor to do any act to injure their late confederates." The secretary of state, Mr. Seward, had already declined the request of the commissioners for an unofficial interview with him, and now refused their demand for an official presentation to the Presi- dent. It is curious, however, at this period, to note with what studied court- esy a high state officer is constrained to address, and with what diplomatic con- sideration to argue the question of re- bellion with its confessed representa- tives. "The secretary of state," wrote Mr. Seward, "frankly confesses that he understands the events which have recently occurred, and the condition of political affairs which actually exists in the part of the Union to which his at- tention has thus been directed, very differently from the aspect in which they are presented by Messrs. Forsyth and Crawford. He sees in them, not a rightful and accomplished revolution and an independent nation, with an estab- lished government, but rather a perver- I sion of a temporary and partisan ex- citement to the inconsiderate purposes of an unjustifiable and unconstitutional aggression upon the rights and the authority vested in the Federal Govern- ment, and hitherto benignly exercised, as from their very nature they always so must be exercised, for the mainten- ance of the Union, the preservation of liberty, and the society, peace, welfare, happiness, and aggrandizement of the THE FLAG OF THE CONFEDERACY. 131 American people. The secretary of state, therefore, avows to Messrs. For- syth and Crawford that he looks pa- tiently but confidently for the cure of evils which have resulted from proceed- ings so unnecessary, so unwise, so un- usual, and so unnatural, not to irregular negotiations, having in view new and untried relations with agencies unknown to and acting in derogation of the Con- stitution and laws, but to regular and considerate action of the people in those States, in co-operation with their brethren in the other States, through the Congress of the United States, and such extraordinary conventions, if there shall be need thereof, as the Federal Constitution contemplates and author- izes to be assembled. "It is, however, the purpose of the secretary of state, on this occasion, not to invite, or engage in, any discussion of these subjects, but simply to set forth his reasons for declining to comply with the request of Messrs. Forsyth and Crawford. " On the 4th of March hist., the newly elected President of the United States, in view of all the facts bearing on the present question, assumed the executive administration of the Government, first delivering, in accordance with an early, honored custom, an inaugural address to the people of the United States. The secretary of state respectfully sub- mits a copy of this address to Messrs. Forsyth and Crawford. ' ' A simple reference to it will be suffi- cient to satisfy those gentlemen that the secretary of state, guided by the princi- ples therein announced, is prevented altogether from admitting or assuming that the States referred to by them have, in law or in fact, withdrawn from the Federal Union, or that they could do so in the manner described by Messrs. Forsyth and Crawford, or in any other manner than with the consent and concert of the people of the United States, to be given through a national convention, to be assembled in conform- ity with the provisions of the Consti- tution of the United States. Of course the secretary of state cannot act upon the assumption, or in any way admit that the so-called Confederate States constitute a foreign power, with whom diplomatic relations ought to be estab- lished." The commissioners, in spite of this re- buff, or encouraged probably by the courteous style in which it was con- veyed, still lingered at the capital awaiting the issue of events. The Confederate States continued to pursue with vigor their career of inde- pendent government. Having set up a constitution and an administration of their own, they now adopted a flag. In this respect they acted with less than their usual discretion. Presuming, as they still did undoubtedly, however justly or unjustly, upon a strong sym- pathy in the border and middle States with their movement, it was not politic to have disregarded the revered symbol of the united glory of the country. They thought, doubtless, that it was merely a matter of a bit of bunting with more or less colored stripes and 132 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. stars, but they forgot how such trifles are endeared to the heart of a nation when they have once become associated with its history. The committee to whom was referred the subject of the Confederate flag, seemed not altogether unconscious of the influence of the stars and stripes upon the national sentiment, and in their report thus ingeniously strove to weaken it: "Whatever attachment may be felt, from association, for the ' stars and stripes' (an attachment which, your committee may be per- mitted to say, they do not all share), it is manifest that in inaugurating a new government, we cannot," said the com- mittee, "retain the flag of the govern- ment from which we have withdrawn, with any propriety, or without encount- ering very obvious practical difficulties. There is no propriety in retaining the ensign of a government which, in the opinion of the States composing this confederacy, had become so oppressive and injurious to their interests as to re- quire their separation from it. It is idle to talk of ' keeping' the flag of the United States when we have voluntarily seceded from them. It is superfluous to dwell upon the practical difficulties which would flow from the fact of two^ distinct and probably hostile govern- ments, both employing the same or very similar flags. It would be a political and military solecism. It would pro- duce endless confusion and mistakes. It would lead to perpetual disputes. As to ' the glories of the old flag, ' we must bear in mind that the battles of the Revolution, about which our fond- est and proudest memories cluster, were not fought beneath its folds ,- and although in more recent times in the war of 1812 and in the war with Mexico the South did win her fair share of glory, and shed her full measure of blood under its guidance and in its defence, we think the impartial page of history will preserve and commemorate the fact more imperishably than a mere piece of striped bunting. When the colonies achieved their independence of the ' mother country' (which up to the last they fondly called her), they did not desire to retain the British flag or any- thing at all similar to it. Yet under that flag they had been planted, and nurtured, and fostered. Under that flag they had fought in their infancy for their very existence against more than one determined foe. Under it they had repelled and driven back the relentless savage, and carried it farther and farther into the decreasing wilderness as the standard of civilization and religion. Under it the youthful Washington won his spurs, in the memorable and un- fortunate expedition of Braddock, and Americans helped to plant it on the Heights of Abraham, where the im- mortal Wolfe fell, covered with glory, in the arms of victory. But our fore- fathers, when they separated themselves from Great Britain a separation not on account of their hatred of the En- glish constitution or of English institu- tions, but in consequence of the tyran- nical and unconstitutional rule of Lord North's administration, and because PREPARATIONS AT CHARLESTON. 133 their destiny beckoned them on to in- dependent expansion and achievement cast no lingering, regretful looks be- hind. They were proud of their race and lineage, proud of their heritage in the glories, and genius, and language of Old England, but they were influenced by the spirit of the motto of the great Hampden, ' Vestigia nulla restrorsum.' They were determined to build up a new power among the nations of the .world. They therefore did not attempt ' to keep the old flag.' We think it good to imitate them in this compara- tively little matter, as well as to emu- late them in greater and more import- ant ones." The committee (of which it may not be impertinent to say that a South Carolinian was chairman, who, from the traditional disloyalty of his native State, was less likely to sympathize with the rev- erence of the nation for the symbol of its union) therefore recommended a new flag for the Confederate States, which was adopted. This consists of a red field with a white space extending hori- zontally through the centre and equal in width to one third the width of the flag, the red spaces above and below being of the same width as the white ; the union blue extends down through the white space, but terminates at the lower red one. In the blue are stars corresponding in number to the States of the confederacy. "The three col- ors, red, white, and blue, are the true republican colors. In heraldry they are emblematic of the three great virtues, of valor, purity, and truth," reported the committee, while they added, "the col- ors constrast admirably, and are lasting." The Confederate Government began to prepare actively for war. The gov- ernors of the several States having been ordered by President Davis, issued pro- clamations, calling upon the militia to muster. General Beauregard, formerly a major in the United States engineer corps, was dispatched to take March command of the works and forces 5. at Charleston. In the mean time the South Carolinians had made great pro- gress in strengthening and manning their defences. The people of Charles- ton were raging each day more furiously as they contemplated the flag of the Union persistingly raised in their har- bor. ' ' The fate of the Southern Con- federacy hangs," they said, "by the ensign halliards of Fort Sumter." The Governor of South Carolina made re- peated calls for troops, until seven thou- sand men had been gathered, and im- mense gangs of negro slaves brought from the plantations in the interior and set to work upon the fortifications. The floating batteries, which had been in course of construction for months, were now finished, mounted, manned, and anchored in the harbor. Ardent gentlemen of South Carolina volun- teered as privates, among whom there was a large number of the members of the convention, which had lately ad- journed. Senators and members of Congress from Carolina and other se- ceded States had offered their services, and while some, like Senator Wigfall, of Texas, received appointments on General 134 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. Beauregard's staff, others were con- strained to take their places in the ranks. In the mean time, however, there were still rumors that a conflict would be avoided by the evacuation of Fort Sumter by Major Anderson, with whom there continued to be preserved a court- eous relation by the citizens of Charles- ton, who not unfrequently had him to dinner, or supplied him with delicacies from their tables and madeira from their cellars. Messengers traveling by land passed between the Federal Govern- ment and the fort, with the concurrence of the authorities of South Carolina. The batteries in the harbor, however, abated not a jot of their vigilance, and were determined not to let a vessel enter under the flag of the United States. A trading schooner of Boston, laden with ice, having drifted in a dense fog over the Charleston bar, close to the fort on Morris Island, was fired at. The captain hoisted the stars and stripes, but this only increased the intensity of the attack ; and he was glad finally to make his escape to sea, after having received several thirty-two-pounder shots in his rigging. At Washington, the President and cabinet were supposed to be a long time perplexed how to act in regard to Fort Sumter, but finally came to a de- cision. It was determined to make a demonstration at least of sustaining Major Anderson. A fleet was hurriedly fitted out for the purpose, and prepared to sail, the destination of which it was not doubted was Charleston, although not publicly announced. At the same time a special messenger was sent by the United States Government to the authorities at Charleston, bearing the message that a peaceable effort would be made to supply the garrison of Fort Sumter with provisions, and that if this were not permitted, force would be tried. The Southern Confederacy accepted this as a menace of hostility. The people of Charleston were roused to a high degree of excitement. "We have patiently submitted," they said, " to the insolent military domination of a hand- ful of men in our bay for over three months after the declaration of our in- dependence of the United States. The object of that self-humiliation has been to avoid the effusion of blood while such . preparation was making as to render it causeless and useless. " It seems we have been unable, by discretion, forbearance, and preparation, to effect the desired object, and that now the issue of battle is to be forced upon us. The gage is thrown down, and we accept the challenge. We will meet the invader, and the God of battles must decide the issue between the hostile hirelings of Abolition hate and Northern tyranny, and the people of South Car- olina defending their freedom and their homes. We hope such a blow will be struck in behalf of the South, that Sumter and Charleston harbor will be remembered at the North as long as they exist as a people."* The commissioners of the Con- April federate States now left Washing- 9t Charleston Mercury. SURRENDER OF FORT SUMTER DEMANDED. 135 ton, after sending a defiant missive to the secretary of state : " It is proper, how- ever, to advise you," they said in their dispatch to Mr. Seward, " that it were well to dismiss the hopes you seem to entertain, that, by any of the modes indicated, the people of the Confeder- ate States will ever be brought to sub- mit to the authority of the Government of the United States. You are dealing with delusions, too, when you seek to separate our people from our Govern- ment, and to characterize the deliberate, sovereign act of the people as a ' per- version of a temporary and partisan ex- citement.' If you cherish these dreams, you will be awakened from them, and find them as unreal and unsubstantial as others in which you have recently indulged. The undersigned would omit the performance of an obvious duty were they to fail to make known to the Government of the United States, that the people of the Confederate States have declared their independence with a full knowledge of all the responsibil- ties of that act, and with as firm a de- termination to maintain it by all the means with which nature has endowed them, as that which sustained their fathers when they threw off the author- ity of the British crown." As soon as it was suspected at Charleston that there was an intention on the part of the Federal authorities to make an effort to sustain Major Anderson and his garrison, all communi- cation between the people and the fort was at once stopped. Upon the arrival of the Federal messenger, Beauregard announced the fact by telegraph to the secretary of war of the Confederate States, Larry P. Walker. " An authorized messenger from Pres- ident Lincoln just informed Gover- April nor Pickens and myself," wrote $ Beauregard, " that provisions will be sent to Fort Sumter peaceably, or other- wise by force." To this the secretary answered : "If you have no doubt of the author- ized character of the agent who April communicated to you the intention !* of the Washington Government, to sup- ply Fort Sumter by force, you will at once demand its evacuation, and if this is refused, proceed in such a manner as you may determine to reduce it. An- swer." Beauregard briefly responded : April "The demand will be made at W twelve o'clock." The secretary, in his impatience, again replied : ' ' Unless there are especial reasons connected with your own con- dition, it is considered proper that you should make the demand at an early hour." "The reasons are special for twelve o'clock," was the positive response April of the General. W, Accordingly Beauregard made his de- mand on the llth of April, which led to the following correspondence : "HEADQUARTERS, PROVISIONAL ARMY, C. S. A. ) CHARLESTON, S. C., April 11, 1861 2 P.M. ) " SIR : The Government of the Con- federate States has hitherto forborne from any hostile demonstration against Fort Sumter, in the hope that the Gov- 136 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. eminent of the United States, with a view to the amicable adjustment of all questions between the two governments, and to avert the calamities of war, would voluntarily evacuate it. There was reason at one time to believe that such would be the course pursued by the Government of the United States ; and under that impression, my Government has refrained from making any demand for the surrender of the fort. " But the Confederate States can no longer delay assuming actual possession of a fortification commanding the en- trance of one of their harbors, and necessary to its defence and security. "I am ordered by the Government of the Confederate States to demand the evacuation of Fort Sumter. My aids, Colonel Chesnut and Captain Lee, are authoized to make such demand of you. All proper facilities will be af- forded for the removal of yourself and command, together with company arms and property, and all private property, to any post in the United States which you may elect. The flag which you have upheld so long and with so much fortitude, under the most trying circum- stances, may be saluted by you on taking it down. " Colonel Chesnut and Captain Lee will, for a reasonable time, await your answer. " I am, sir, very respectfully, " Your obedient servant, " G. T. BEAUREGARD, " Brigadier-General Commanding. "Major ROBERT ANDERSON, commanding at Fort Sumter, Charleston Harbor, S. C." " HEADQUARTERS, FORT SUMTER, S. C., } April 11, 1861. \ " GENERAL : I have the honor to ac- knowledge the receipt of your communi- cation demanding the evacuation of this fort ; and to say in reply thereto, that it is a demand with which I regret that my sense of honor and of my obliga- tions to my Government prevent my compliance. " Thanking you for the fair, manly, and courteous terms proposed, and for the high compliment paid me, "I am, General, very respectfully, " Your obedient servant, "ROBERT ANDERSON, "Major U. S. Army, Commanding. " To Brigadier-General G. T. BEAUREGARD, commanding Provisional Army, C. S. A." " MONTGOMERY, April 11. " Gen. BEAUREGARD, Charleston : " We do not desire needlessly to bom- bard Fort Sumter, if Major Anderson will state the time at which, as indicated by him, he will evacuate, and agree that, in the mean time, he will not use his guns against us, unless ours should be employed against Fort Sumter. You are thus to avoid the effusion of blood. If this or its equivalent be refused, re- duce the fort as your judgment decides to be most practicable. "L. P. WALKER, Sec. of War." " HEADQUARTERS, PROVISIONAL ARMT, C. S. A. ) CHARLESTON, April 11, 1861 11 P.M. f "MAJOR : In consequence of the verbal observations made by you to my aids, Messrs. Chesnut and Lee, in relation to the conditon of your supplies, and that you would in a few days be starved out CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN BEAUREGARD AND ANDERSON. 137 if our guns did not batter you to pieces or words to that effect and desiring no useless effusion of blood, I communi- cated both the verbal observation and your written answer to my communica- tion to my Government. " If you will state the time at which you will evacuate Fort Sumter, and agree that in the mean time you will not use your guns against us, unless ours shall be employed against Fort Sumter, we will abstain from opening fire upon you. Colonel Chesnut and Captain Lee are authorized by me to enter into such an agreement with you. You are therefore requested to com- municate to them an open answer. " I remain, Major, very respectfully, "Your obedient servant, " G-. T. BEAUREGARD, " Brigadier-General Commanding. " Major ROBERT ANDERSON, commanding at Fort Sumter, Charleston Harbor, S. C." "HEADQUARTERS, FORT SUMTER, S. C., } 2.30 A.M., April 12, 1861. ) " GENERAL : I have the honor to ac- knowledge the receipt of your second communication of the llth inst., by Colonel Chesnut, and to state, in reply, that cordially uniting with you in the desire to avoid the useless effusion of blood, I will, if provided with the proper and necessary means of transportation, evacuate Fort Sumter by noon on the 15th instant, should I not receive, prior to that time, controlling instructions from my Government, or additional supplies ; and that I will not, in the mean time, open my fire upon your forces, unless compelled to do so by some hostile act against this fort or the flag of my Government, by the forces under your command, or by some por- tion of them, or by the perpetration of some act showing a hostile intention on your part against this fort, or the flag it bears. " I have the honor to be, General, " Your obedient servant, "ROBERT ANDERSON, "Major U. S. A. Commanding. " To Brigadier-General G. T. BEAUREGARD, commanding Provisional Army, C. S. A." " FORT SUMTER, S. C., April 12, 1861, 3.20 A '" \ .M. \ "SiR: By authority of Brigadier- General Beauregard, commanding the Provisional forces of the Confederate States, we have the honor to notify you that he will open the fire of his batteries on Fort Sumter in one hour from this time. " We have the honor to be, very re- spectfully, " Your obedient servants, " JAMES CHESNUT, Jr., " Aid-de-Camp. " STEPHEN D. LEE, " Captain S. C. Army and Aid-de-Camp. " Major ROBERT ANDERSON, United States Army, commanding Fort Sumter." 18 138 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. CHAPTER XII. Excitement in the North in regard to Fort Sumtor. Precarious position of Major Anderson and his Garrison. Opinion of General Scott. No effort to sustain Fort Sumter reported. Effect of the Intelligence. Government at last re- solved to make an Attempt. Change of Feeling at the North. Preparations of the Federal Government. A Fleet got Ready. Its Composition and Force. The proposed destination uncertain. Arrival at the Rendezvous at Charleston. Non-arrival of the Tug -boats. Defeat of purpose. Schemes concocted. Failure. Fort Sumter. The Artificial Island. Construction and Cost. The Fortress. Its Character. Strength and number of Guns. Its in- completeness. Its Position and Distances. Its meagre Garrison. Activity of the Enemy. Skilful Engineering of Beauregard. Description of Fort Moultrie. Its Strength and Armament. The Iron Battery at Point Cum. mings. The Floating Battery. Its Construction and Efficiency. The Batteries at Fort Johnson. Their Strength and Construction. The Force of the Enemy. Defences of Charleston. Skill of Beauregard. Life of Beauregard. Birth. A Cadet at West Point. Curious change of Name. His Father. Ducal descent of his Mother. Graduation of Beauregard. His Services in the War with Mexico. Differs in opinion with his superior. Beauregard' s Judg- ment Triumphant. Rewards of Gallantry. Another illustration of superior Judgment and another Triumph. Return to Louisiana. Honor to the young Hero. Government appointments. Personal appearance and character. Becomes a Secessionist. Correspondence between Beauregard and Anderson. Opening of the Fire upon Fort Sumter. Extent of Fire surprising. Tardy Response of Major Anderson. Division of his Garrison. Who fired the first Gun? Enthusiasm of the Men. -Effect of the Fire. The Enemy's Vigor. The Parapet of Fort Sumter dreadfully damaged. Danger to Life. Havoc among the Gruns en barbette. The effect of the Enemy's Rifled Can- non.- On guard. " Shot or Shell." The laborers at the Guns. A Hit in the Centre. The Barracks on Fire. Danger of the Magazine. Continued Conflagration. The descent of the Flag. Only a Salute. A genuine Shot. The Flag still flying. " Knocked down temporarily." Cessation of the Fire of Fort Sumter during the Night. The Enemy still firing. Attempt to rig new Halyards for the Flag. Expecting Aid or an Assault. Saturday Morn- ing The Conflagration of the Barracks continuing. Its Effect. Terrific Scene. Danger of an Explosion. Powder thrown overboard. Scarcity of Cartridges. An Explosion The Crash. Breaking of the Flagstaff. Flag nailed to its Place. Arrival of a Stranger through an Embrasure. The agitated Wigfall. His purpose. Displays his white Handkerchief. An uncomfortable Post. An Interview with the Major. "I am General Wigfall. " Depart- ure of Wigfall. An unauthorized Messenger. Commissioners from Beauregard. Interview with Major Anderson. Hoisting of the White Flag. Terms of Surrender agreed upon. Departure of Major Anderson and his Garrison. Firing of Salute to the United States Flag. Accident. Major Anderson sails for New York. THE public mind at the North had ; and naval force as the Government at been greatly excited in regard to ! that time could not command, to rein- ' Fort Sumter. The position of | force Fort Sumter. Anderson's mas- Major Anderson with his meagre garri- ! terly movement, in quitting Fort Moul- son was known to be very precarious, j trie, and his resolute and protracted besieged as he was by .the powerful works in Charleston harbor, with an in- furiated mob of seven thousand men to defend them, and cut off from all com- munication by land or sea. The highest military authority of the Union, Lieu- tenant-General Scott, was reported to have given it as his opinion that it was impracticable, without such a military support of the flag of the United States, while surrounded by those who with intense hostility were resolutely bent upon dishonoring it, had won for him the sympathy of the whole country. When, therefore, it was authoritatively declared again and again that no effort could or would be made to sustain him, an anguish of despair wrung every UNITED STATES EXPEDITION TO FORT SUMTER. 139 patriotic heart. A sudden change, how- ever, came with the rumor that the Government had at last determined at all hazards to make the attempt, and the desponding nation was once more cheered with hope. The Federal authorities were evi- dently preparing for some momentous movement. Orders had been issued to have the vessels of war at the various navy yards immediately detailed for service. A number of large merchant steamers and sailing vessels had been chartered. The garrisons of the various forts in the Northern harbors had been got ready to embark. The recruiting in the large cities for sailors and soldiers had been stimulated to unusual exertion. Finally, a fleet was got ready and sailed, and although the Government strove to keep its destination a secret, all sus- pected, as they hoped, that it was Charleston. The vessels sailed from the various ports where they happened to be, to meet at a certain rendezvous de- termined upon. The steam sloop of war Pawnee, Captain S. C. Rowan, of ten guns, and with two hundred men, sailed from Washington with sealed orders on the morning of Saturday, April April 6th. On the afternoon of 6th, the same day, the steam sloop of war Powhatan, of eleven guns, and with two hundred and seventy-five men, left the Brooklyn navy yard. On the following Monday, the revenue April cutter Harriet Lane, after having 8 exchanged her revenue flag for that of the United States, sailed from the harbor of New York with an armament of five guns and a crew of ninety-six men. Three of the largest and swiftest of the merchant steamers hitherto engaged in peaceful commerce had been char- tered, and now laden with armed men and munitions of war joined ' the ex- pedition. The Atlantic, with three hun- dred and fifty-eight troops, com- \^ r [\ posed of Companies A and M of 7. the Second Artillery, Companies C and H of the Second Infantry, and Company A of Sappers and Miners, from West Point, steamed out of the harbor of New York on the morning of Sunday, April 7th. Two days after, the Baltic fol- lowed, with a hundred and sixty j^prii troops, Companies C and D, which 9, had been lately recruited and stationed at Governor's Island, in New York bay. On the same day the Illinois put to sea with three hundred troops, made ^n\ up of Companies B, E, F, G, and H, 9, of a detachment of Company D, and two companies of the Second Infantry gathered from the recruits at Governor's Island, Be dice's Island, and Fort Ham- ilton. Two steam- tugs the Yankee, which sailed on Monday, the 8th of April, ^ r [\ and the Uncle Ben, which followed 8 on the day after completed this hurried- ly gathered but not unimposing naval force. Thirty launches were also distributed among the larger steamers, to be used for the purpose of landing the troops through the surf under the cover of the fire of the armed vessels, or, being pro- tected with sand-bags, and armed with 140 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. swivel guns and riflemen, to aid in the attack of batteries.* Of this force, though the whole was supposed by the people to be destined for Charleston, only the Powhatan, the Pawnee, the Harriet Lane, the Baltic, and the steam-tugs sailed for that port. The rest took their course for the Gulf of Mexico, to reinforce the garrisons of the Federal forts on the coasts of Ala- bama and Florida. The Pawnee, the Harriet Lane, and April the Baltic reached the rendezvous 12t off Charleston on the 12th of April, but the Yankee and Uncle Ben had failed to arrive, having been de- tained by unfavorable weather. The orders of the fleet were, that unarmed boats should first be sent in with stores ; but if they were fired upon, an effort was to be made to relieve the fort by force. Without the tug-boats, the pro- posed object of the expedition could not be effectually accomplished, as the only unarmed steamer, the Baltic, was of too great a draught of water to pass the bar of Charleston, and the steam-tugs were alone capable of approaching the fort through the shallow water. The naval commanders, however, after a The whole force may be thus recapitulated : Vesstb. puny. jjf en , Sloop of war Pawnee 10 200 Sloop of war Powhatan 11 275 Cutter Harriet Lane 5 96 Steam transport Atlantic 353 Steam transport Baltic 160 Steam transport Illinois 300 Steam-tug Yankee Ordinary crew. Steam-tug Uncle Ben Ordinary crew. Total number of vessels 8 Total number of guns (for marine service) 26 Total number of men and troops 1,380 council, determined to make an effort for the relief of Major Anderson who was already under shot, for as soon as the first rockets had been sent up to signalize the concentration of the fleet, the enemy had opened fire. The plan agreed upon was to hoist out the small boats and launches, load them with men and stores, and to tow them as far as possible, and then, while covering them with the guns of the steamers, to send them in alone. This, however, failed in consequence of the Baltic having got aground during the night, while prepa- rations were being made to disembark her stores and troops. Other schemes were devised, but before they could be put into execution, the time for action had past. Fort Sumter had fallen. Fort Sumter had been considered one of the strongest works in the United States. The island upon which it is built was artificially constructed by placing upon the original sand and mud a large quantity of refuse granite, brought from Northern quarries, and pressing it deeply down until an un- yielding foundation was laid. This alone cost the labor of ten years and an expense of five hundred thousand dol- lars, to which another half million was added before the completion of the whole fort. The walls of the fortifica- tion, composed of brick and compact concrete, are sixty feet in height and from eight to twelve feet in thickness. The fort is pentagonal, and is pierced for three tiers of guns, on all sides but the southern, where are the sally-ports and docks, which Iiad been left unpro- FORTS AT CHARLESTON. tected, as it looks toward the land, and the work had been mainly intended as a defence against attack from the sea. Although it was originally designed to have armed the fort with one hun- dred and forty cannon of various cali- bres, there were but seventy-five in position when the enemy opened fire. Of these, eleven were Paixhans, and a number, thirty-two pounders, four of which were en barbette, and uncovered, and being on pivots could be made to take a wide range. Fort Moultrie was within command of nine of the Paix- hans, and the two others pointed toward Castle Pinckney, too far distant, how- ever, to be within range. Most of the large columbiads in the fort were not yet mounted. The magazines were well supplied with ammunition, sufficient it was thought for a year, and artificial wells had been constructed capable of holding a supply of water for the same period. The distance from Fort Sumter to Charleston is three miles and three eighths of a mile. Together with Fort Moultrie, which had been abandoned by Anderson, Sumter was surrounded by Cumming's Point and Fort Johnson, where strong works had been con- structed and mounted, and a floating battery. From Fort Moultrie, Fort Sumter is distant one and one-eighth of a mile ; from Cumming's Point three- fourths of a mile ; from Fort Johnson one and one fourth of a mile ; while the floating battery had been anchored about a half a mile on the weak side of Sumter. The greatest range of the guns of Fort Sumter was estimated at three miles, which placed the city of Charleston beyond reach of its fire. Six hundred men would have been required fully to garrison the fort and work the guns ; but Major Anderson could only muster one hundred and nine,* of whom thirty were laborers, and fifteen composed the band. The enemy had diligently improved every moment in strengthening the Fed- eral forts they had taken possession of, and in adding new works, under the skilful direction of General Beauregard, once esteemed as among the ablest offi- cers of engineers in the United States service. Fort Moultrie, on Sullivan's Island, had been repaired, its dismantled guns unspiked and mounted again, and the lateral spaces between the cannon pro- tected by sand-bags, to secure them against a flank fire. Though a weak work, in comparison with Fort Sumter, its walls, built of brick, capped with stone and filled in with earth, presented a solid enclosure of nearly sixteen feet in thickness. Its original armament The garrison was thus composed : Officers. Bank. Kesiment or Cm-pi- ll. Anderson ..Major 1st Artillery .. S.W. Crawford. Ass't Surgeon.. Medical Staff . A. Doubleday. .Captain 1 st Artillery . . T. Seymour Captain . . T. Talbot 1st Lieut. Jeff. C. Davis . . 1st Lieut.. J. N. Hall. ...2d Lieut . J. G. Foster Captain . . G. W. Snyder..lst Lieut.. E. K. Meade.. .2d Lieut.. Officers Band Artillerists Laborers . . . 1st Artillery . . ...1st Artillery .. ...1st Artillery . . ...1st Artillery . . ...Engineers . . . Engineers ...Engineers Original Entr7 Into Scr-Tice. July 1,1825... .March 10,1851 .July 1,1842... July 1, 1846. . . .May 22, 1847.. June IT, 1848. .July 1,1849 .. July 1, 1846 . . July 1,1856... Julyl, 1857... Penn. N. Y. Vt. B.C. lud. N. Y. N. H. N. Y Va. 9 15 55 Total 109 142 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. was composed of eleven guns of heavy calibre and several powerful mortars. On Cuimning's Point the enemy had erected a battery made of thick logs of yellow pine. This was covered with a slanting roof of the same material which had been rendered ball-proof by railroad iron dovetailed and riveted together. The port-holes were supplied with iron shutters, which opened as the guns were thrust out to fire, and fell as they re- coiled after a shot, and thus shut in the artillerists within an iron-bound and im- penetrable cover. This novel battery was mounted with three columbiads, which bore directly on the southern and weakest side of Fort Sumter. The most curious, and not the least effective, perhaps, of the enemy's works, was the floating battery, which in the course of its construction had given rise to much speculation and not a little rid- icule. This, too, was constructed of heavy pine logs and faced with a double layer of railroad iron. It was about a hundred feet in length and twenty-five in width. Its face presented an angle horizontally disposed, formed by its re- treating roof and the front wall inclining backward as it descended to the water. It was mounted with four guns of the heaviest calibre, which were said to re- quire sixty men to work them. A mag- azine for ammunition was built in the hold, below the water-line, and lined with sand-bags, laid seven feet thick, not only to protect it from shot, but to act as ballast necessary to counterpoise the heavy armament above. To the stern of this strange structure was attached a floating hospital, to provide for the or- dinary emergencies of war. At Fort Johnson so called from its being the site of an old work no longer existing on James' Island, two long batteries were erected of sand, and mounted with heavy cannon and mor- tars. Other temporary structures were raised, some of palmetto logs, and oth- ers of earth and sand, on Morris and Stono islands, HadriPs Point, and other parts of the harbor, which bore on its approaches, or upon Fort Sumter. A large force, said to have amounted to over seven thousand men, had been mustered to the defence of Charleston. Four thousand of these were manning the works in the harbor, while the rest were held in reserve on Sullivan and Morris islands and in Charleston, to be ready to repel any attack by land. The city itself was immediately de- fended by the fort at Castle Pinckney, and cannon on the Battery in front of Charleston. These, however, could only be of service in case the above works had failed to keep out any intruder. Castle Pinckney is situated at the south- ern extremity of Shute's Folly Island. Its armament consists of some thirty- two pounders, columbiads, and mortars, amounting in all to about twenty-five pieces. Its walls are six feet in thick- ness, and are pierced for one row of guns, while there is another en barbette. The work is small, and of little import- ance in an attack from the sea. All the old defences had been greatly improved, and new ones constructed, by the skilful engineering of General Beauregard, the i\ LIFE OF BEAUREGARD. 143 officer who had been sent by the gov- ernment of the Confederate States to take command at Charleston. Peter Gustavus Toutant Beauregard had already, while in the service of the United States, won a distinguished rep- utation as an engineer. He was born on his father's plantation, near New Or- leans. The family name is said to be Toutant, and that of the estate Beaure- gard, which, by a curious accident, was originally attached to the patronymic, and assumed by the present bearer, in this wise : The youth, when admitted a cadet at West Point, was presented as Toutant de Beauregard, signifying mere- ly that he was a Toutant of the planta- tion of Beauregard, and thus entered upon the records of the institution. This, however, was supposed to be his surname, and he was so called. Not averse, probably, to the dignified sound- ing of the appellation, the youth did not care to correct the error, and subse- quently assumed the name of Beaure- gard as his own. His father was a wealthy Creole, with extensive estates in Louisiana, and a descendant of a reputable French fam- ily. His mother's name was Reggio, for whom has been claimed a descent from the Italian ducal house of the Reg- gios of Italy. In 1834, young Beaure- gard entered the military academy at West Point, where he graduated in 1838, ranking the second of a class of forty- five cadets. On his graduation, he re- ceived the commission of a second lieu- tenant in the First Regiment of Artillery, but in a week after was transferred to the Corps of Engineers. In June, 1839, he was promoted a first lieutenant, and was serving in this grade when the war with Mexico broke out. He accompa- nied the army to Vera Cruz, and con- tinued with it during its career of con- quest to the capital of Mexico. At the very first moment he gave in- dications of that surety of eye, precision of foresight, and carefulness of judgment which are his distinguishing qualities. Before Vera Cruz, he was sent out at the head of a party of sappers and miners to dig and prepare a trench, in accordance with the directions of his ' colonel. Upon examining the ground, | however, he appeared to find serious obstacles to the proposed plan. To as- sure himself, he climbed a tree, and with the aid of his glass took a careful survey, which resulted in confirming the objections to his colonel's plan. He dis- covered that the trench, if made as pro- posed, would be enfiladed by the en- emy's guns. It was a difficult position for a young subaltern thus to find him- self at variance with "the judgment of his superior. He, however, did not hesi- tate, but returned to his colonel without having turned a sod. The officer, sur- prised to see him so soon, asked if he had done the work already. Beaure- gard replied that he had not touched it, and gave his reasons. The colonel was still more startled by the presumption of the youthful subaltern who had ven- tured to dispute the judgment of his su- perior, instead of submissively obeying his orders. He accordingly, with the characteristic presumptuousness of the 144: THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. military commander, reminded him of duties of obedience, and at the same time impatiently declared that " the ground had been thoroughly examined, a perfect reconnoisance had been made, and that a mistake was impossible." Notwithstanding this, he was impressed by the judgment of Beauregard, and took another survey of the ground, when he found reason to concur with the view of his young lieutenant. For his gallant conduct at Contreras and Cherubusco, Beauregard was bre- vetted captain, to date from 20th of August, 1847, and again for his services at Chapultepec, he was promoted to the brevet rank of major, to date from the 13th of September of the same year. At the assault of the Belen gate of the city of Mexico, Beauregard was wounded, and throughout the whole campaign he was not only among the most brave, but ranked among the ablest and most use- ful of the officers. General Scott, in his dispatch from the capital of Mexico, into which he had just entered as conqueror, spoke of Beauregard as one of " our dis- tinguished engineers," by the aid of whose efficient and daring reconnois- ances, he was enabled to follow up the victory of El Molino del Rey with the triumphal capture of the city of Mexico. Again, in his official report, Scott al- luded to Beauregard as one of the five lieutenants of engineers "who were the admiration of all" during the storming of the fortress of Chapultepec, the strug- gle at the gates, and the entrance into the capital. Another illustration of the correct- ness of his judgment is given in the following incident, said to have occurred before the city of Mexico : A night or two before the attack, a council of war was held. There were assembled all the officers, from the Lieu- tenant-General, including Major-General Worth and others, down to Beauregard, the youngest in the room. The council sat many hours. All the officers, but one, had spoken, and unanimously main- tained a plan of operations at variance with that of Scott. The officer who had not tendered his opinion was Beau- regard. At last General Pierce crossed over and said : il You have not expressed an opinion." "I have not been called on," said Beauregard. Pierce, soon resum- ing his seat, announced that Lieutenant Beauregard had not given his views. Being then called upon, he remarked, that if the plan which had received the con- sent of all but the commanding' general was carried into effect, it would prove disastrous. It would be another Cheru- busco affair. He then detailed the ob- jections to it at length ; and taking up the other, urged the reasons in its favor with equal earnestness. The council reversed their decision. The city of Mexico was entered according to the plan urged by the young lieutenant, and it would seem that his reasons in- fluenced the decision. A few days after- ward, General Scott, in the presence of a number of general officers, alluded to Lieutenant Beauregard's opinion at the council, and the consequences which had followed from it. On his return to Louisiana, the young FIRE OPENED ON SUMTER. 145 liero was presented with a costly sword. The Government of the United States appointed him the chief engineer to su- perintend the construction of the Mint and Custom house at New Orleans, and of the fortifications at the mouth of the Mississippi. Beauregard is now (1862) about forty- three years of age, and with his healthful manhood, his vigorous and concentrated frame, his promptitude of movement and power of endurance, has all the bodily qualifications for a hardy cam- paigner. His abilities and thorough cul- ture as an engineer are unquestioned, and his admirers claim for him great capacity as a strategist and leader of armies. Born in Louisiana, and bound to it by the strong ties of family and prop- erty, he has not unnaturally joined his destiny to the fate of his native State. He is, moreover, supposed to have been early involved in the Southern conspir- acy, through the influence of his brother- in-law, John Slidell, the former senator of the United States from Louisiana, and one of the main instigators of the present rebellion. " By authority of Brigadier-General Beauregard, commanding the provisional April forces of the Confederate States, 12 we have the honor to notify you that he will open the fire of his batteries on Fort Sumter in one hour from this time." This was the communication ad- dressed by the aids-de-camp of Beaure- gard to Major Anderson at twenty min- utes past three o'clock on the morning of Friday, the 12th of April. At twenty minutes past four o'clock, accordingly, 19 the batteries surrounding Fort Sumter opened fire. Major Anderson waited until full daylight, as he did not care to waste any of his ammunition before re- plying. He, however, immediately or- dered the sentinels away from the para- pets, the posterns closed, the flag drawn up, and forbid his men to leave the bomb-proofs until summoned by the drum. The extent of the enemy's fire greatly surprised the garrison, which, however, was now explained by the revelation, for the first time, of a battery of which there had been hitherto no suspicion. This was a battery on Sullivan's Island, masked by a cover of brush-wood and other materials. Skilfully constructed, heavily mounted, and artfully protected, its fire was very effective. It showed seventeen mortars, throwing ten-inch shells, and thirty-three heavy cannons, most of which were columbiads. The shots from these powerful guns struck against the walls of Fort Sumter with a "terrific crash," as the defenders de- clared, and several of the shells burst inside the fort. Major Anderson, however, did not re- spond, and as late as half-past six o'clock had not fired a shot, the men at that hour being at breakfast, which they ate " leisurely and calmly." Immediately after, however, everything was got ready for work. The garrison was so few in number and so worn out by the harass- ing labors of a long siege, that it was found necessary to husband its strength. The whole was accordingly divided into three reliefs or parties, which were to 146 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. work the batteries in turns each during four hours. The first relief was under the com- mand of Captain Doubleday, of the Artillery, and Lieutenant Snyder, of the Engineer Corps. Upon this party ac- cordingly devolved the duty of opening the fire, and at seven o'clock in the morning the first gun was fired by Doubleday. The fire was directed against the batteries at Cumming's Point, sixteen hundred yards distant ; the iron floating battery, anchored about two thousand yards away, and Fort Moultrie and the additional batteries on Sullivan's Island. The cannonade was kept up with great spirit for four hours ; and such was the enthusiasm of the garrison, that it was impossible to prevent the reliefs off duty from taking part in the work. The fire told apparently with good effect upon the walls of Fort Moultrie, the embrasures of which were considerably damaged. The battery on Cumming's Point, however, seemed invulnerable, shot and shell glancing harmlessly off from its mail of iron. The enemy's fire was constant arid effective. Their shells burst in rapid succession against all parts of the fort, scattering the loosened brick and stone in every direction, breaking the windows and setting fire to whatever wood-work they touched. The gorge in the rear of the fort was already so pierced with balls that it looked like a sieve. LV The enemy poured their heaviest fire on the parapet of the fort, and it became impossible to go there without the cer- tainty of death. Their shot, aimed prin- cipally at the guns en barbette, soon made great havoc among them, disabling one ten-inch columbiad, one eight-inch co- lumbiad, one forty-two pounder, and two eight-inch howitzers. At the same time, a large portion of the parapet, upon which these guns were placed, was carried away, and Major Anderson was obliged to forbid his men to expose themselves there any longer in manning the barbette, or uncovered, cannons. The garrison was thus limited to the use of the two lower tiers of guns, which were protected by casemates. An English rifle cannon, which had been presented to Charleston by an enthusiastic friend of secession at Liver- pool, was fired with great accuracy. Its balls frequently entered the embrasures of Fort Sumter, and on one occasion slightly wounded four men. More mis- chief would have been done, had not a man been kept constantly on the look- out to cry, whenever the enemy fired, " shot" or " shell," as it happened to be, so that our men could seek safety under cover. Our soldiers never faltered at their work, and even the laborers, though at the beginning reluctant to handle the guns, finally took hold and vied with the others in the dangerous service. " We had to abandon one gun," wrote one of the officers, "on account of the close fire made upon it. Hearing the fire renewed, I went to the spot. I there found a party of workmen engaged in serving it. I saw one of them stoop- ing over, with his hands on his knees, convulsed with joy, while the tears rolled down his powder-begrimed cheeks. FIRST DAY OF THE SIEGE. 147 ' What are you doing here with that gun ?' I asked. ' Hit it right in the centre,' was the reply ; the man meaning that his shot had taken effect in the centre of the floating battery.'' The shot of the enemy was particu- larly destructive to the barracks where the officers had their quarters. Most of the brick work was demolished, and the interior, of wood, was in flames several times. As the day advanced, the fire was continued with more vigor by the enemy than ever, while Major Anderson soon found his ability to re- spond greatly diminished. His car- tridges became exhausted about noon, and he was forced to set his men to work in the magazine, making them of blankets and shirts. The frequent conflagration of the officers' barracks was now a source of increased annoyance and danger. Three times they had caught, and three times been put out. While extinguishing the j flames, the men were obliged to go out ; upon the parapet, where, though di- i rectly exposed to the thickest of the shower of balls, they could not resist the temptation of discharging clandestinely the cannon which had been loaded and pointed on the day before, ready to fire. The soldiers throughout exhibited great daring. On Friday, when some of our vessels outside having saluted the fort, Major Anderson ordered his flag to be lowered and raised in response, Ser- geant Hart, catching a glance at it just as it was descending, and thinking it had been cut away by a shot, rushed out into the open parade in the thickest of the fire, in order to raise it. As it rose, a ball really did come which divided the halyards, but the rope caught by the wind twisted around the staff and held the flag in its place. A veteran sergeant, of the name of Kearnan, who had served in the Mex- ican campaigns, was struck on the head by a portion of masonry shivered by a shot, and felled to the ground. On rising, he was asked if he were badly hurt. " No," said he, " I was only knocked down temporarily." The men were now obliged to keep so close to their work, that their meals were served to them while at their guns. The fire of the enemy became more brisk and accurate as the day was closing. Their iron battery at Cumming's Point, with its rifled cannon, was making great havoc, striking the embrasures at every shot. During Friday night some of our men strove to climb the flagstaff and rig new halyards in place of those which had been cut away, but could not suc- ceed. The flag, however, still was fly- ing. At night, Major Anderson ordered the port-holes to be closed, and ceased active operations, but the enemy con- tinued their fire, A shot or shell struck against the walls, within which the little garrison was cooped up, about every fif- teen minutes during the whole night. Major Anderson stationed until next morning a non-commissioned officer and four men at each salient embrasure, to be in readiness for any boats that might come, whether from friend or foe, as relief from the fleet outside or an assault from the enemy was not improbable. 148 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. On Saturday morning the officers' quarters again caught fire from the burst- April m g f a ten-inch shell discharged 13. by the enemy. It was now found impossible even to make the attempt to put out the conflagration, as red-hot shot were pouring constantly into the fort, and from the general ruin the ex- posure was so great. The main gates were already destro}*ed, so that five hun- dred men could have readily formed in the gorge and marched in without oppo- sition. The walls, too, were so weak- ened, it was feared that each shot might pierce or prostrate them. The fire of the barracks spread rapidly, and was soon sweeping up all the wood-work of the fortress. Great fears were now entertained for the safety of the magazine. Every man who could be spared was put to work in removing the powder. Ninety-six barrels were rolled out through the flames, at the imminent hazard of life, and most of them flung into the sea. Two hundred were left behind, as it was found impossible to make any further effort, in consequence of the excessive heat, to remove them. The doors of the magazine were now closed and locked, but there was a constant dread of an explosion as the flames gathered about the whole structure. The direction of the wind was such that it blew the smoke into the fort, and so filled it that the men could no longer see each other, and the air became so hot and stifling that it was almost im- possible to breathe. They were finally forced to cover their faces with wet cloths, and often thus to lie prostrate on the ground. Some, however, man- aged to grope their way to the cannon. A gun was occasionally fired, to give the fleet and the enemy notice that the gar- rison still held out, but the cannoneers could not see to aim, and the cartridges had became so scarce that there was hardly a cannon wad left. As the sparks flew thick in every direction, it was impossible to attempt to make fresh cartridges. The men at the same time had become prostrate, as much in con- sequence of their constant working at the guns as for want of proper food. They had eaten their last biscuit thirty- six hours previous. In the mean time the enemy increased their fire, which, added to the conflagra- tion, the heat and the smoke, the crash and the ruin, produced a scene of inde- scribable awe and confusion. "The crashing of the shot, the bursting of the shells, the falling of walls, and the roar of the flames made," reported an eye- witness, "a pandemonium of the fort." Now, to add to the horror of the scene, the shells and ammunition in the upper service-magazines exploded, scat- tering the tower and upper portions of the structure in every direction. "The crash of the beams, the roar of the flames, the rapid explosion of the shells, and the shower of fragments of the fort, with the blackness of the smoke, made the scene," wrote one who was present. 11 indescribably terrific and grand." The conflagration continued to spread, and having reached the men's quarters, soon enveloped them in flames. The ARRIVAL OF WIGFALL. 149 barrels of powder which had been taken out of the magazine and retained for use, were now in danger of explosion. All but four were accordingly thrown through the embrasures into the water, and those which were left were wrapped in many thicknesses of wetted woollen blankets. The garrison was now re- duced to its last three cartridges, and those were already in the guns. The flagstaff, which seemed to have been the constant aim of the enemy, had been struck already eight times, when it received a ninth shot, which broke it at about fifty feet from the truck and brought down the flag. " The flag is down it has been shot away !" was the cry, when Lieutenant Hall rushed out and brought it in safely. It was found impossible, from the entanglement of the halyards, to hoist it again, and it was accordingly nailed to the broken staff and planted upon the ramparts in the midst of a shower of shot and shell from the enemy's busy batteries. Soon after the flag had fallen, and toward the close of day, a man presented himself at one of the embrasures of the fort in a boat, with a white handkerchief tied to a sword, asking to see Major Anderson. In his impatience, however, to get under cover, he climbed up, and was crawling through the embrasure when he was told that Major Anderson was at the main gate. He, however, did not heed what was said, but continued to make his way into the fort, where, on landing, he said, hurriedly : " I wish to see Major Anderson ; I am General Wigfall, and come from General Beauregard :" while he added, with great agitation, "let us stop this firing. You are. on fire, and your flag is down. Let us quit." Lieutenant Davis replied : " No, sir our flag is not down. Step out here and you will see it waving over the ramparts." "Let us quit this," exclaimed the agitated Wigfall. " Here's a white flag [handing his handkerchief] will any- body wave it out of the embrasure ?" " That is for you to do, if you choose," was the reply ; to which Wigfall re- joined : " If there's no one else to do it, I will ;" and jumping into the embrasure through which he had just crawled, he waved his white handkerchief toward Fort Moultrie. The tiring, however, of the enemy still continued, to the evident disappointment of Wigfall, who, after repeated requests on his part, was re- lieved from his hazardous position by a corporal who took his place and waved the flag. The enemy, however, still gave it no heed, and the corporal, finding the shot falling thick and fast about him, leaped down from the embrasure, exclaiming: "Damn it! they don't re- spect this flag they are firing at it." " They fired at me two or three times, and I stood it," answered Wigfall, " and I should think you might stand it once." As he spoke, he turned toward the officers and added : " If you will show a white flag from your ramparts, they will cease firing." Lieutenant Davis replied: "If you request that a flag shall be shown there while you hold a 150 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. conference with Major Anderson, and for that purpose alone, it may be done." At this moment Major Anderson came up, and Wigfall said to him : "I am General Wigfall, and come from General Beauregard, who wishes to stop this." The Major, rising on his toes, and coming down firmly on his heels, ex- claimed, "Well, sir!" "Major Anderson," resumed Wigfall, ' ' you have defended your flag nobly, sir. You have done all that is possible for man to do, and General Beauregard wishes to stop the fight. On what terms, Major Anderson, will you evacu- ate this fort ?" " General Beauregard is already ac- quainted with my only terms," replied the Major. "Do I understand that you will evac- uate upon the terms proposed the other day ?" " Yes, sir, and on those conditions only." "Then, sir," said Wigfall, "I under- stand that the fort is to be ours ?" " On those conditions only, I repeat," firmly declared Anderson. "Very well that's all I have to do. You military men will arrange every- thing else on your own terms," said the modest Wigfall, and retired. He now left in his boat, his white handkerchief waving from the rampart where it had been placed at his request, but the United States flag nailed to the broken staff was no longer standing. Shortly after his departure, Major Lee, the Honorable Porcher Miles, Sen- ator Chesnut, and the Honorable Roger A. Pryor, the staff of General Beaure- gard, approached the fort with a white flag, and said they came from General Beauregard, who had observed that the flag had been down and raised again a few minutes afterward. The General had sent over, desiring to know if he could render any assistance, as he had observed that the fort was on fire. Ma- jor Anderson, in replying, requested them to thank General Beauregard for the offer, but it was too late, as he had just agreed with General Beauregard for an evacuation. The three, com- prising the deputy, looked at each other blankly, and asked with whom ? Major Anderson, observing that there was something wrong, remarked that Gen- eral Wigfall, who had just left, had rep- resented himself to be the Aid of General Beauregard, and that he had come over to make the proposition. After some conversation among them- selves, they said to Major Anderson that Wigfall had not seen General Beauregard for two days. Major Anderson replied that General WigfalFs offer and its ac- ceptance had placed him in a peculiar po- sition, and ordered the United States flag to be raised again. They then requested him to place in writing what General Wigfall had said to him, and they would lay it before General Beauregard, and at the same time urged him to leave the flag down in the meanwhile, with which request Anderson complied. After the note reached General Beau- regard, he sent his adjutant-general and other members of his staff, including the Honorable Roger A. Pryor and Gover- SURRENDER OF FORT SUMTER. 151 nor Manning, proposing the same con- ditions which Major Anderson had of- fered to go out upon, with the exception only of not saluting his flag. Major An- derson said that he had already informed General Beauregard that he was going out. They asked him if he would not accept of the terms without the salute. Major Anderson told them, No ; but that it should be an open point. General Beauregard soon after sent word that Major Anderson's terms had been accepted, and that he would send the Isabel, or any other vessel at his command, to convey him and his men to any port in the United States he should choose. The terms of evacuation were, that the garrison should take all their indi- vidual and company's property with them ; that they should march out with their side and other arms, with all the honors in their own way and in their own time, and that they should salute their flag and bear it away with them. It was late on Saturday night when the terms demanded were finally agreed to by General Beauregard. Next morn- ing, on Sunday, the Isabel came April down from Charleston and an- !* chored near Fort Sumter, and the little steamer Clinch lay alongside the wharf to transport Major Anderson and his men to the larger vessel. When the baggage had been all put on board the Clinch, -the soldiers being inside of the fort under arms, a number were detailed to salute the United States flag. At the fiftieth gun, the flag was lowered and the men set up a loud cheer. In firing, however, this last discharge, a premature explosion took place which killed one man instantane- ously, seriously wounded another, and injured less seriously two other men. These were the- only casualties of mo- ment during the whole conflict. The troops, now being formed, were marched out, while the band played "Yankee Doodle" and "Hail to the Chief." Remaining on board the Isabel during the night, in consequence of the state of the tide, Major Anderson and his command were transferred next morning to the Baltic, and during the evening of the day after sailed for New York. 152 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. CHAPTER XIII. Cannonade of Fort Sumter. Its severity. Damage to the Fortress. The "Impress of Ruin." The Interior of the Fort. Its condition. The Parade. Dismantled Guns. Walls hanging in Fragments. The shattered Flagstaff. The Parapet. Its damaged condition. The Guns. Confusion. The condition of the Guns. Dismantled. Flung everywhere. Cracked. Broken. The effect of a Ninety-six Pounder. The risk to the Magazine. Gren- ades, Balls, Shells, Rammers, charred Timber, etc., etc. The Exterior. Peppered Walls. Indentations of the Balls. A threatened Breach. Outside the Fort. Effect of the Fire of Fort Sumter upon the Enemy's Works. Fort Moultrie. Its damaged condition. Battered Archways. Splintered Rafters. Dropping Ceilings. Innumera- ble Balls. Barracks and Officers' Quarters. The Confederate and Palmetto Flags. How many times struck. The Exterior. No Hot Shot from Sumter. The Battery at Point Cummings uninjured. Indentations in its Iron Armor. The interest of the People of Charleston at the approach of the Struggle. Alert with expectation. Firing of Signal Guns. Alarm. The City of Charleston aroused. The Call to Arms. The mustering of the Soldiery. De- serted Homes. The Guards trebled. The Flotilla of Guard Boats. A veteran Secessionist fires the First Gun. A thronging Multitude spectators of the scene, Night and Day. The raising of the Confederate Flag upon Fort Sumter. "A merry Peal." A People " wild with joy." General Beauregard's Order. Announcement of Victory. Delight in the Seceded States. The effect of the news in Virginia. The news in the North. Conflicting Tele- grams. Effect. Doubt and Fear. The Truth at last. Opinions of the conduct of Anderson. His Life. Birth. Military Education. Early Services. Promotion. Gallantry in the Mexican War. His conduct at Fort Sumter. Want of Concert with the United States Fleet explained. His report of the Fall of Fort Sumter. Complimentary tribute from the Government. Anderson's Popularity. His Personal Appearance and Character. A pious Scene. The United States Flag raised. Determination to Reinforce Fort Pickens. The Forts in Pensacola Harbor seized by the Insurgents of Florida. General Bragg, of the Confederate Army. Better known as Captain Bragg, of the United States Army. Description of Fort Pickens. Its Construction and Strength. Fort McRae. Description. Its Construction and Strength. Fort Barrancas. Its description. Construction. Strength. Movement of Lieuten- ant Slemmer. First successful attempt to Reinforce Fort Pickens. The second attempt. Arrival of the Atlantic. Debarkation of Troops and Supplies. Arrival of the Powhatan. Arrival of the Illinois. Debarkation of Troops and Supplies. Colonel Brown in command of Fort Pickens. Force and threatening position of the Enemy. 1861. ALTHOUGH not a man had been killed or seriously wounded on either* side by a hostile gun during the bombard- ment of Fort Sumter, the cannon- ade was certainly very heavy and well directed, as is proved by the condition of the works after the engagement. All parts of Fort Sumter, except the outer walls and casemates, " bore the impress of ruin," declared a Southern writer. The interior structure was de- scribed as roofless, bare, blackened, and perforated by shot and shell, while the Some have persistently declared that the Confed- erates suffered a great loss, but concealed it. There seems to be little doubt that not one of their men was killed. walls hung in fragments, ready to totter down. The parade was strewn with fragments of shell and of the shattered buildings. Four guns lay dismounted on the ramparts, and every step was im- peded by portions of the broken struc- ture. The remnant of the shattered flagstaff showed the marks of four balls. The parapet was torn in many places, and the guns were knocked in scat- tered confusion everywhere. Some were turned on their sides ; some were en- tirely forced from their places, and many were so bruised and cracked, as to be no longer of use. The largest gun had been dismounted by its own THE FORTS AFTER THE BOMBARDMENT. 153 recoil. In the magazine there was a hole made by a red-hot shot which had forced and bored its way half way through the wall of brick. A ninety- six pound shell, after shattering a gran- ite block to pieces, had finally exploded against the magazine and forced the iron door from its place, thus exposing the powder within to the next shot. Gren- ades, balls, shells, rammers, charred timber, and fragments of brick and ma- sonry were mingled in confusion every- where. The exterior walls, though not mate- rially injured, presented the aspect, as described by a writer,* as if the strong- hold had just recovered from an attack of small-pox, so " pitted" was it with the indentations of balls, which had torn away, as they struck, the brick-work by " bushels-full." There was, however, no breach made in the external walls, though at the southeast angle there was suffi- cient damage done already as to threaten it. Upon the rim of the island, at the base of the fort, the stones were strewed with scattered fragments of brick, con- crete, shells, and ca.nnon-balls. The cannonade of Fort Sumter had been no less destructive to the works of the enemy, particularly to Fort Moul- trie. A writerf who visited it imme- diately after the bombardment, wrote : " The raking fire from Fort Sumter against Fort Moultrie was terribly de- structive, and when viewed in connec- tion with the fact that no life was lost, is the most extraordinary case ever re- corded in history. As you enter, the New York Herald. f Charleston Courier. eye falls upon the battered walls of the archway, with openings in some places large enough for windows. In other places may be seen the hanging splinters of the rafters, large pieces of ceiling seemingly about to drop, while the holes in the roof throw a clear light over the scene of destruction, which renders it painfully impressive. It would be an. almost impossible task to count the number of balls discharged at this de- voted fortress. The walls of the offi- cers' quarters were battered with eight or ten balls, which had penetrated the whole depth of the building The west- ern wall on the upper balcony was en- tirely shot away. The barracks were almost entirely destroyed. The furnace for heating hot shot was struck four times, the flag of the Confederate States received three shots, and the Palmetto flag four a rather singular and pe- culiar circumstance, when viewed in connection with the seven Confederate States. The merlons of sand-bags, etc., remain unbroken. " On the outside walls we counted over one hundred shots. Laborers were engaged in clearing away fallen bricks, etc. It will be necessary to pull down the old walls and rebuild them. Even the beds and bedding in the officers' quar- ters and the men's barracks were cut and torn into splinters and shreds. Had it not been for the bomb-proof shelter, the loss of life would no doubt have been appalling. One shell entered the brick wall of Major Ripley's bedroom, ran down the wall, and burst on the bureau immediately over the head of the 20 154 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. bed. Our limited time prevented us from visiting the battery to the north of Fort Moultrie. We learn, however, that though many of the buildings around it had been struck several times, and fences, trees, etc., cut away, the battery sustained no injury. Provi- dentially, no hot shot was thrown from Sumter probably from the fact that the garrison had no fuel." The battery on Cumming's Point had escaped without damage, beyond six in- dentations in its iron armor, showing the accuracy of the firing of Fort Sum- ter, as well as proving the invulnera- bility of the novel structure. The greatest interest had been nat- urally displayed by the people of Charles- ton at the approach of and during the bombardment of Fort Sumter. The en- thusiasm was described as V intense, and the eagerness for the conflict, if it must come, as unbounded." For days before the attack, the citizens of Charleston were alert with expectation. Thus, at midnight, on one occasion, a discharge of the signal guns of Citadel Square being fired, the whole city was aroused. Hundreds of men left their beds, hurry- ing to and fro toward their respective posts. In the absence of sufficient armo- ries, the armed citizens gathered at the corners of the streets, in the public squares, and other convenient places, and all night long the roll of the drum, the steady tramp of the military, and the gal- lop of the cavalry resounding through the city betokened, apparently, the approach of the long-expected hostilities. The Home-Guard corps of old men, who from their age were exempt from the ordinary military duties, rode through the city, arousing the soldiers to arms, and doing other duty required by the emergency. Numbers of citizens were up all night. The Seventeenth Regiment, eight hun- dred strong, mustered in an hour, and left for the fortifications. The Rutledge Mounted Riflemen, the Charleston Dra- goons, the German Hussars, and Phenix Sharpshooters, composed of the citizens of Charleston, followed, and in a short space several thousand homes were be- reft for a time of all their male members capable of bearing arms. The guards of the city were trebled. One hundred " beat men," armed with muskets and revolvers, who, at the first sound of the "bell of St. Michael's," would be reinforced by eight hundred more, patrolled the streets, in addition to the usual horse and foot police. A flotilla of small boats, with flaming torches, guarded the bar every night. A veteran Southern politician, well known as a secession agitator through- out the South, the Honorable Edmund Ruffin, of Virginia, a man over sixty years of age, shouldered his rifle and marched to the works as a private ;* and even boys, hardly in their teens, volun- teered to serve in the ranks, and bore part in the conflict. From the firing of the first gun at Fort Sumter until its surrender, the in- tensity of interest continued unabated. Day fl&^pight the streets were thronged with people, " full of excitement and enthusiasm." The housetops, the Bat- He fired the first gun against Fort Sumter. SOUTHERN JOY ON THE FALL OF SUMTER. 155 tery, the wharves, the shipping, and every place from which a view could be had of the scene, were thronged by an eager multitude. When at last, after thirty-three hours of impatient watching of the struggle, the Confederate flag rose upon the ruined walls of Fort Sum- ter, the bells of all the churches in the city of Charleston rang out " a merry peal, 7 ' and the citizens became " wild with joy.' ; * General Beauregard announced the April f^l f Sumter in a general order, M studiously flattering to his troops : HEADQUARTERS PROVISIONAL ARMY, C. S. A., ) CHARLESTON, S. C., April 14. f GENERAL ORDERS, No. 20. *' The Brigadier- General commanding is happy to congratulate the troops under his command on the brilliant success which has crowned their gal- lantry, privations, and hardships, by the reduction of the stronghold in the har- bor of Charleston. This feat of arms has been accomplished alter a severe cannonading of about thirty-three hours, in which all the troops have indicated, by their daring and bravery, that our cause must and shall triumph. "Fort Sumter, which surrendered yes- terday about 1.45 P.M., will be evacu- ated at 9 o'clock, A.M., to-day, and to show our magnanimity to the gallant defenders, who were only executing the A newspaper correspondent wrote : " The scene in the city, after the raising of the flag of truce and the surrender, is indescribable ; the people were perfectly wild. Men on horseback rode through the streets proclaiming the news, amidst the greatest enthusiasm. " On the arrival of the officers from the fort they were marched through the streets, followed by an immense crowd, hurrahing, shouting, and yelling with excitement." orders of their government, they will be allowed to evacuate upon the same terms which were offered to them before the bombardment commenced. Our success should not lull us into a false security, but should encourage us in the neces- sary preparations to meet a powerful enemy, who may at any time attempt to avenge this, their h'rst check in the present contest. " The commandants of batteries will promptly send in their reports through the proper channels, giving a journal of the firing of their batteries against Fort Sumter, and of the fire of Fort Sumter against their batteries ; furnishing the names of those who particularly distin- guished themselves, and other incidents relative thereto, in order that the Gen- eral commanding may be able to make known to the Confederate States Gov- ernment, in a proper manner, their bravery and gallantry. " The General is highly gratified to state that the troops, by their labor, privations, and endurance at the batte- ries, and at their posts, have exhibited the highest characteristics of tried sol- diers, and he takes the occasion to thank all, his staff, the regulars, the volun- teers, the militia, the naval forces, and the numerous individuals who have con- tributed to the surrender of Fort Sumter. " By order of Brigadier-General Beau- regard, " D. R. JONES, Ass't. Adj. -General." The authorities at Montgomery, the seat of the Confederate Government, were honored on the occasion by a serenade, when the secretary of war, 156 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. Walker, after exulting in the success at Charleston, prophesied " that the flag which now flaunts the breeze here [Montgomery] , would float over the dome of the old Capitol before the first of May." " Let them try," he added, "Southern chivalry, and test the extent of Southern resources, and it might float eventually over Faneuil Hall itself." Throughout all the States which had already seceded, great delight was mani- fested at the fall of Sumter. Even in Virginia, which still affected to be loyal, but whose convention was on the eve of passing an ordinance of secession, a "wild shout" of delight went up from the crowds which had gathered -about the newspaper offices, eager for the news, when the telegram was an- nounced : " Sumter is taken, and the Confederate flag waves over it !" At the North, the progress of the bom- bardment, as it was briefly told in the hourly telegrams, was watched with painful anxiety. Many doubted, it is true, the ability of Major Anderson to hold out, although generally the hope was entertained of a successful issue to the attempt of the Government to rein- force him. When, therefore, the daily newspaper, so eagerly clutched and read, gave out with spasmodic emphasis its costive revelations, the public mind was tortured with doubt and fear. First came the brief announcement : " The cannonading is going on fiercely from all points." Then followed immediately the ominous intelligence : " Fort Sumter is on fire !" relieved, however, by the cheering news: "The Federal flag still waves." Again the telegram declared : " Major Anderson is hemmed in by ruins and fire. Every building in Fort Sum- ter is burning." This alarming intelli- gence was, however, mitigated by the encouraging assurance, " This does not in anywise diminish his strength." ' ' The destruction of Fort Sumter is inevita- ble," was the next disheartening word ; but in a succeeding paragraph hope smiled once more with the declaration, that " Two ships are making in toward Morris Island, with a view to land troops and silence the batteries there." "The flames have nearly subsided in Fort Sumter," was again a hopeful gleam of sunshine, blotted out, however, by the dark line which closed the paragraph : " but Major Anderson does not fire any guns." Finally came the announcement of the last scene of the exciting drama : " CHARLESTON, via AUGUSTA, \ April 13, 1861. " FORT SUMTER HAS SURRENDERED ! "The Confederate flag floats over its walls ! " None of the garrison or Confederate troops are hurt. " The bombarding has closed. " Major Anderson has drawn down the stripes and stars, and displays a white flag, which has been answered from the city, and a boat is on the way to Sumter.'' The conduct of Major Anderson was freely discussed ; but though there were some to question his military capacity, and even to doubt his loyalty, the coun- try finally settled into the conviction that he had acted bravely and pru- dently, and resolutely persisted in claim- LIFE OF MAJOR ANDERSON. 157 ing him as one of its heroes who had gallantly sustained the honor of the United States flag. Robert Anderson was born in Ken- tucky. In 1821 he was admitted a cadet at the military academy of West Point. After completing the usual four years' course of study, he graduated on the 1st of July, 1825, and entered the army as second lieutenant of the Second, but was soon after transferred to the Third, Artillery. During the Black Hawk war, in 1832, he served as acting inspector- general of the Illinois volunteers, of which Mr. Lincoln, now President, was captain. In June, 1833, Anderson was pro- moted to a first lieutenantcy, and in 1835 he became assistant instructor of artillery in the military academy at West Point. After serving for three or four months in the subordinate position, he was appointed instructor-in-chiof of this branch of study, and held the place until 1837. In 1838, he was selected by General Scott as one of his aids-de- camp, and served in the campaign against the Indians in Florida. He was rewarded for his gallant conduct by pro- motion, in 1838, to the brevet rank of captain. In the same year he served as adjutant-general, but resigned in 1841, on being promoted to the captaincy of his own regiment. During the Mexican war, Captain Anderson served under General Scott, whom he accompanied in all his tri- umphs, from the siege of Vera Cruz to the capture of the Mexican capital. He greatly distinguished himself at El Molino del Hey, one of the hardest fought battles of the whole campaign. Here, while acting field officer, he was severely wounded, but continued at the head of his column, " regardless of pain and self-preservation, and setting a hand- some example" wrote Captain Blake in his report " to his men of coolness, energy, and courage." His services on that day won for him his brevet as ma- jor. His conduct of the battery he commanded at Chapultepec elicited the praise of Scott, who mentioned him in his dispatches with an emphatic dec- laration of his great services. On the 18th of November, 1860, Ma- jor Anderson was ordered to Fort Moul- trie, in the harbor of Charleston, to re- lieve Colonel Gardiner, sent to Texas. His judicious movement in abandoning this post, as well as his defence and final surrender of Fort Sumter, have been al- ready described. The want of concert of action between Major Anderson and the fleet has been the source of perplexity. Some have attributed it to the fact that the message to him, conveying the intention of his government, had been studiously with- held by the authorities at Charleston. Others, however, have surmised that it was never seriously designed to expose the armed vessels to the fire of the Charleston forts, and that Major Ander- son, made aware of this circumstance through his private dispatches, had acted accordingly. It has been also suggested that the administration at Washington had intended only to make a demonstration of force, without con- 158 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. templating the exercise of it, either for the purpose of intimidating the people of Charleston, or precipitating them, if war was their purpose, into the first act of hos- tility, while the Government was per- forming an obvious act of duty in making an attempt to supply a starving garrison with provisions. Whatever may have been the real or pretended object, the first gun fired by the Charleston forts was considered an act of war against the Union, and rallied all its friends to its defence. Anderson's report of the surrender of Fort Sumter was brief, and to the point : " Having defended," he wrote to the secretary of war, Cameron, " Fort Sum- ter for thirty-four hours, until the quar- ters were entirely burned, the main gates destroyed by fire, the gorge wall seriously injured, the magazine sur- rounded b} 7 " flames, and its door closed from the effects of the heat, four barrels and three cartridges of powder only being available, and no provisions but pork remaining, I accepted terms of evacuation offered by General Beaure- gard, being the same offered by him on the llth instant [April] , prior to the com- mencement of hostilities, and marched out of the fort Sunday afternoon, the 14th instant [April], with colors flying and drums beating, bringing away com- pany and private property, and saluting my flag with fifty guns." The secretary of war responded with a complimentary tribute : "I am directed," he wrote, "by the President of the United States, to com- municate to you, and through you to the officers and men under your command at forts Moultrie and Sumter, the ap- probation of the Government of your and their judicious and gallant conduct there, and to tender to you and them the thanks of the Government for the same." Major Anderson, as an adopted hero of the country, became at once an object of universal curiosity. His portrait was displayed in every shop-window, and his name was soon familiar to every ear. Personally there is nothing very impressive about the " hero of Fort Sumter." A man of small stature and shrunken frame, he would easily pass unnoticed. The general expression of his face is that of quiet amiability, yet in the keenness of his concentrated eyes and in the firm closure of his thin lips there are signs of a resoluteness equal to the severest trials of a soldier's pro- fession. There is a simple earnestness, to which a certain puritanical fervor of piety gives zest, that marks all his words and writings, and commends him to the sympathy of the unsophisticated multitude. His raising of the flag he had brought with him from Fort Moultrie, as he took possession of Fort Sumter, was accompanied by a ceremony character- istic of Major Anderson's devotional tendencies. Having gathered all his men about the staff, he himself took the halyards in his hand, and kneeling down, directed the chaplain to offer a prayer. At its close, having fervently uttered the " Amen," in which he was THE FORTS OF PENSACOLA. 159 joined by the rest, he slowly raised the flag, as the band struck up " Hail, Co- lumbia !" When the United States Government had resolved upon an attempt to send provisions to Fort Sumter, it also deter- mined to reinforce Fort Pickens, which was the only one of the several public works in the harbor of Pensacola which remained in the possession of the Fed- eral Government. The insurgents of Florida had seized all the rest early in January, and now held them with a strong force under the command of General Bragg, of the Confederate army, more honorably known as Captain Bragg, the commander of the battery which did such good service in the battle of Buena Vista, and to whom General Taylor ad- dressed his famous command : "A little more grape, Captain Bragg." Pensacola being one of the largest and safest harbors on the Southern coast, had been chosen as the principal naval station of the South. Here, ac- cordingly, a large navy-yard and arsenal had been established, and strong works of defence constructed. The principal of these was Fort Pickens, built upon the island of Santa Rosa, a long stretch of low land which intervenes between the harbor and the sea. The fortress rises upon the extreme western point of the island, and commands both the harbor and approaches. It is a bas- tioned work of great strength and ex- tent, requiring a garrison of one thou- sand two hundred and sixty soldiers. The walls are of granite forty-five feet high and twelve feet thick, pierced for three tiers of guns, two of which are concreted, and the third en barbette. Its whole armament, when complete, consists of sixty-three forty-two pound- ers, seventeen thirty-two pounders, forty- nine twenty-four pounders, five eight- eens, thirteen twelves, six brass field- pieces, twenty-six brass flank howitzers, thirteen heavy eight-inch howitzers, one thirteen-inch mortar, four heavy ten- inch mortars, four light eight-inch mor- tars, four sixteen-inch stone mortars, and five cohorns making in all two hundred and ten guns. Fort Pickens was begun in 1828, and completed in 1853, at a cost of one million of dollars. Directly opposite, on the mainland, stands Fort McRae, also a bastioned work of considerable strength, with walls of brick, twelve feet thick, and mounting one hundred and fifty cannon, in three tiers two under casemates, and the third en barbette. When properly garrisoned, it contains six hundred and fifty men. The guns, like those of Fort Pickens, have a wide range, and, to- gether with the water-battery of eight guns toward the south, Forts Pickens and McRae defend the harbor of Pen- sacola from every approach in the direc- tion of the Gulf of Mexico. On the mainland, directly north of Fort Pickens, is another strong bas- tioned work, called Fort St. Carlos de Barrancas, from the ancient Spanish for- tress originally standing upon the same site. It is mounted with forty-nine guns, and requires a garrison of two hundred and fifty men. A strong re- doubt is built in its rear to give it ad- n 160 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. ditional support. Forts McRae and Barrancas, together with the navy-yard and arsenal, having been seized by the Confederates, there seemed imminent danger of their getting possession also of Fort Pickens, but they were thwarted in then" design by Lieutenant Slemmer, the United States commander. This young officer being on the alert, no sooner discovered their purpose, than he concentrated his little garrison of eighty men within the fort, and kept the enemy at bay until the 12th of April, when the first successful attempt was made to reinforce him. This was ef- fected by the United States man-of-war Brooklyn, and is thus described by one* who shared in the enterprise : "On Friday, April 12th,' 7 says he, "our captain received orders to pre- pare for landing the troops (Company A, First Artillery) which we brought from Fort Monroe. After sunset, all the boats were hoisted out and dropped astern. Volunteers were called for to man them, and every man in the ship volunteered. After selecting the crews, they were armed to the teeth for cover- ing the landing of the troops. As the enemy threatened to prevent the land- ing, having stationed coast-guards along shore for that purpose, it was necessary to send a considerable force ; so the Sabine and St. Louis' boats were sent to assist our men. After the moon had set, all deck lights were extinguished, to prevent the enemy discovering our move- ments. Strange to say, the light-house on shore, whose powerful light would Correspondent I make the position of our ships visible, was put out about the same time. Be- tween ten and eleven o'clock the ship got under way, creeping slowly toward the shore and sounding all the way, an- choring in seven fathoms of water, which indicated close proximity to the shore. The boats were then got alongside, and the men disembarked. At this time the ship's deck presented an interesting and lively spectacle, though all was done very quietly, reflecting great credit upon the officers in command. After all was ready, Lieutenant Albert N. Smith, who had command of the boat expedition, shoved off, and the other boats followed in line. He intended landing on the beach near the ship and marching to the fort, a distance of about three miles ; but finding the surf too heavy, he de- termined to pull into the harbor and land in front of Pickens. He was successful ; the doors of the fort were opened, and the troops entered. In the mean while the Wyandotte carried all the Sabine 's marines and put them on the Brooklyn, which, together with the Brooklyn's marines, were to go also. The boats made a second trip, being successful in getting the marines into the fort ; but day broke before the boats got out of the harbor, making the sleepy sentinels on McRea and Barrancas rub their eyes in astonishment, not daring to molest the returning party." This landing of marines was, however, but a temporary provision. The regu- lar reinforcements soon arrived and took their place. The transport steamer At- lantic was the first to arrive, with four I REINFORCEMENT OF FORT PICKENS. 161 hundred and fifty men, sixty-nine horses, and large supplies of food and muni- April tions. She sailed from New York 16* on the 7th of April, and having stopped on her way at Key West to take on board additional men and sup- plies, arrived on the evening of the 16th off the island of Santa Rosa, and anchored four miles from the shore, close to the frigate Sabine. The Sa- bine, 50 guns, was the flag-ship under Captain Adams, the commander of the squadron, which was composed in ad- dition of the steam-corvette Brooklyn, 14 guns, the corvette St. Louis, 22 guns, the Water-Witch, Crusader, the Wyandotte and Mohawk, each 10 guns, for some time stationed off Pensacola. Immediately after the arrival of the Atlantic, the operation of landing her reinforcements began. Taking in tow the small boats of the fleet, some twenty in number, and the night having closed in and all lights being put out, the steamer stood in toward the shore and anchored within a mile of Fort Pickens. The guns of Fort McRae and of the water batteries, in command of the rebels, were in direct range, and signal rockets were firing from Fort Pickens, indicating the expectation of an attack. The first boat from the Atlantic pushed off at half-past nine o'clock, containing Colonel Brown, the commander, who was to supersede the intrepid subaltern, Lieutenant Slemmer. The other boats containing the troops soon followed, and before midnight the most of the officers and troops had reached the fort in safety. On the next morning, at an 21 early hour, the rest of the men April were landed, with the exception of 1? the artillerists of Barry's Flying Artil- lery. To land these with their horses, the Atlantic weighed anchor and moved to a point, three and a half miles distant from Fort Pickens, but within a half a mile of the beach of the island of Santa Rosa. The troublesome work of landing the horses did not com- mence before noon, and continuing all night, was not completed until next morning. The steamer Powhatan, Commander David D. Porter, had in the mean April time arrived, and in two days W after was followed by the transport steamer Illinois, which had been April detained by the effects of the se- 19. vere weather to which she had been ex- posed. The Illinois brought three hun- dred men, a number of horses, five hun- dred muskets, and also a large quantity of munitions of war and provisions. The troops were landed in safety during the next morning, but three days passed before the horses, forage, the ordnance, provisions, and general stores were con- veyed to the shore. Four of the horses on board the Illinois had perished during the stormy -passage, one was drowned alongside the ship, another had his neck broken while landing through the surf, and a third died from exhaustion. Dur- ing the debarkation, the steamers Pow- hatan and Brooklyn took such a posi- tion that they could at the same time shield the transports under the cover of their guns, and prevent the enemy on the mainland from attempting to invade 162 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. the island, and thus obstruct the land- ing. Colonel Brown now being the senior officer, assumed the command of Fort Pickens. He succeeded, with additional men and defences, in keeping at bay the large forces of the Confederates gathered on the mainland opposite. The rebel General Bragg was reported to have had under his command, at various times, no less than ten thousand men, who were kept busily strengthening the works in the harbor and entrenching their camp. CHAPTER XIY. Divided Opinion of the North in regard to the Political Causes of the Civil Quarrel. Uniformity of Sentiment in regard to the Attack on Fort Sumter. The National Dignity insulted. Necessity of Striking in behalf of the National Honor. The cry of the Masses. Their faith in the indissolubility of the Union. The Flag to be again raised all over the United States. The Opinions of the Press. War pronounced to be inevitable. Change of Senti- ment. Union Sentiment of a Journal once threatened by the Mob for its Sympathy with the South. The Tirades of the Ultra-Kepublicans. An Ultra- Republican Paper on the Unity of Feeling. The Proclamation of President Lincoln. Its effect at the North. Enthusiasm of the People. A sudden and universal blazing of the " Stars and Stripes." Scarcity of Bunting. Patriotic Waistcoats and Boddices. Patriotic Neckerchiefs and Mantillas. Patri- otic Shopkeepers and Patriotic Customers. Patriotic fervor of the Newspapers. Flowers of Rhetoric. A fervid Leader. Exceptional cases of protest at the North against the President's Proclamation. Bold dissent in New En- gland. An Appeal in behalf of the Secessionists from Maine. An Opposition to the War from Connecticut. A vigorous word for the Union from Kentucky. Call for Militia. Circular of the Secretary of War. Quotas of Militia of each State. The Patriotic Response from the North. The Refusal and bold Defiance of the Slave States. The Answer of the Governor of Virginia. Answer of the Governor of Missouri. Answer of the Governor of North Carolina. Answer of the Governor of Kentucky. Answer of the Governor of Tennessee. Poetical Response from President Jefferson Davis. His Privateering Proclamation. His Call for Soldiers. The effect of his Proclamation at the North. Opinion of Privateering, which is pronounced Piracy. President Lincoln's Proclamation. A Blockade announced. Southern Privateers to be dealt with as Pirates. ALTHOUGH opinion at the North, in re- gard to the political causes of the civil quarrel, was still widely di- vided, there was hardly but one senti- ment concerning the blow which had been struck by the rebellious South at Fort Sumter. It was almost universally felt that the dignity of the nation had been insulted in this violence to its flag, and that it had become necessary, in order to vindicate the national honor, as well as to preserve the national existence, to meet force with force. The few who were less sanguine as to the issue even acknowledged that an appeal to arms was absolutely obligatory, were it only to assert the idea of government, and thus save the country from anarchy and social disorder. The more hopeful, however, who formed the great mass of the people, were eager not only to avenge the insulted flag, but to restore it to its former proud position through- out the wide domain of the United States. With their traditional reverence for the Union, and faith in its power, they could not contemplate the possi- bility of its disruption ; and doubting the PRESIDENT'S PROCLAMATION. 163 persistency of secession, and presuming on its weakness, they fondly believed that with a single effort of the Federal might, rebellion could be suppressed, and the flag raised once more over a united land. Though the expression of opinion by the press was toned somewhat by its various shades of partisanship, there was hardly a journal which ventured to dispute the necessity of war. They in- dulged, it is true, in mutual recrimina- tions, charging each other with having caused an event which they all now ac- knowledged to be inevitable. One jour- nal, which hitherto had so warmly espoused the cause of the secessionists of the South as to expose it to the threats of a Northern mob, now declared : "In a conflict of this sort, there can be but two parties a Northern and a Southern party ; for all other parties will cease to exist. The political principles, organ- izations, and issues which have divided our country and our people, in various shapes and forms, since the treaty of our independence with England, will all be very soon overwhelmed in the sweep- ing changes of a civil war. It would be folly now to argue what might, could, would, or should have been done by Southern fire-eaters and Northern dis- organizers in 1854, 1860, or by Mr. Buchanan, or by Mr. Lincoln, or by .the late session of Congress. Civil war is upon us, and the questions which now supersede all others are : What are the consequences now before us? Where is this war to end, and how, and when ? What is our duty under this warlike condition of things ? and what are the movements and the conditions necessary to change this state of war to a state of peace ?" An ultra Republican journal, after giving vent to a tirade against " our journals lately parading the pranks of the secessionists with scarcely disguised exultation," declares, " Democrat as well as Republican, Conservative, and Radical, instinctively feel that the guns fired at Sumter were aimed at the heart of the American Republic. Not even in the lowest groggery of our city [New York] would it be safe to propose cheers for Beauregard and Governor Pickens. The Tories of the Revolution were relatively ten times as numerous here as are the open sympathizers with the Palmetto rebels. It is hard to lose Surnter ; it is a consolation to know that in losing it we have gained a united people. Henceforth, the loyal States are a unit in uncompromising hostility to treason, wherever plotted, however just- ified. Fort Sumter is temporarily lost, but the country is saved. Live the Re- public I" The proclamation of the President, giving an authoritative sanction to the national sentiment, served still more to arouse the spirit of union. PROCLAMATION or THE PRESIDENT. " Whereas the laws of the United States have been for some time past, and now are, opposed, and the execution thereof obstructed in the States of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Florida, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Texas, by combinations too powerful to be sup- 164 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. pressed by the ordinary course of judi- cial proceedings, or by the powers vested in the marshals by law ; now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, Presi- dent of the United States, in virtue of the power in me vested by the Constitu- tion and the laws, have thought fit to call forth, and hereby do call forth, the militia of the several States of the Union to the aggregate number of 75,000, in order to suppress said com- binations, and to cause the laws to be duly executed. " The details for this object will be im- mediately communicated to the State authorities through the War Department. I appeal to all loyal citizens to favor, facilitate, and aid this effort to maintain the honor, the integrity, and existence of our national Union, and the perpetu- ity of popular government, and to re- dress wrongs already long enough en- dured. I deem it proper to say that the first service assigned to the forces hereby called forth will probably be to repossess the forts, places, and property which have been seized from the Union ; and in every event the' utmost care will be observed, consistently with the objects aforesaid, to avoid any devastation, any destruction of or interference with pro- perty, or any disturbance of peaceful citizens in any part of the country ; and I hereby command the persons compos- ing the combinations aforesaid to dis- perse, and retire peaceably to their re- spective abodes within twenty days from this date. "Deeming that the present condition of public affairs presents an extraordinary occasion, I do hereby, in virtue of the power in me vested by the Constitution, convene both Houses of Congress. The senators and representatives are there- fore summoned to assemble at their re- spective chambers at twelve o'clock, noon, on Thursday, the fourth day of July next, then and there to consider and determine such measures as, in their wisdom, the public safety and interest may seem to demand. " In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. " Done at the city of Washington, this fifteenth day of April, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-one, and of the independence of the United States the eighty-fifth. " ABRAHAM LINCOLN. " By the President. " WM. H. SEWAKD, Secretary of State." Throughout the North the effect of this proclamation was to excite the people to an intense enthusiasm. The population of the large cities became suddenly so absorbed in the excitement of the hour, that all the ordinary trans- actions of business were suspended. Flags floated from every public building, church steeple, and private house. Such was the demand for bunting, that the ordinary supply was soon exhausted, and the ardent gathered every chance- colored rag or ribbon that fell in their way, to fashion into the "stars and stripes" of their patriotic desire. Union devices and badges were sold at the corners of every street, and flaunted upon each patriotic waistcoat and boddice. A BURST OF PATRIOTISM. 165 Shop windows patriotically glowed with the national colors, and a display of female bonnets and mantillas, as well as male neckerchiefs and shirt bosoms profusely studded with stars and varie- gated with red and white stripes, re- vealed the enthusiasm of patriotic deal- ers, and awakened the longing of patri- otic wearers. The newspapers forgot their factious contentions and joined in a fervid ex- pression of Union sentiments. Their leading articles burst forth into unusual flowers of patriotic rhetoric. "The incidents of the last two days," wrote one,* not among the most uncon- trolled, " will live in history. Not for fifty years has such a spectacle been seen, as that glorious uprising of Ameri- can loyalty which greeted the news that open war had been commenced upon the Constitution and Government of the United States. The great heart of the American people beat with one high pulsation of courage, and of fervid love and devotion to the great Republic. Party dissensions were instantly hushed : political differences disappeared, and were as thoroughly forgotten as if they had never existed ; party bonds flashed into nothingness in the glowing flame of patriotism. ; men ceased to think of themselves or their parties, they thought only of their country and of the dangers which menace its existence. Nothing for years has brought the hearts of all the people so close together or so in- spired them all with common hopes, and common fears, and a common aim, as New York Times, April 16th. the bombardment and surrender of an American fortress. " We look upon this sublime outburst of public sentiment as the most perfect vindication of popular institutions the most conclusive reply to the impugn ers of American loyalty, the country has ever seen. It has been quite common to say that such a Republic as ours could never be permanent, because it lacked the conditions of a profound and abiding loyalty. The Government could never inspire a patriotic instinct, fervid enough to melt the bonds of party, or powerful enough to override the selfish- ness which free institutions so rapidly develop. The hearts of our own peo- ple had begun to sink within them, at the apparent insensibility of the public to the dangers which menaced the Government. The public mind seemed to have been demoralized the public heart seemed insensible to perils which threatened utter extinction to our great Republic. The secession movement, infinitely the most formidable danger which has ever menaced our Govern- ment, was regarded with indifference and treated as merely a novel form of our usual political contentions. The best among us began to despair of a country which seemed incompetent to understand its dangers, and indifferent to its own de- struction. " But all this is changed. The can- non which bombarded Sumter awoke strange echoes, and touched forgotten chords in the American heart. Ameri- can loyalty leaped into instant life, and stood radiant and ready for the fierce 166 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. encounter. From one end of the land to the other in the crowded streets of cities, and in the solitude of the country wherever the splendor of the stars and stripes, the glittering emblems of our country's glory, meets the eye, come forth shouts of devotion and pledges of aid, which give sure guarantees for the perpetuity of American freedom. War can inflict no scars on such a people. It can do them no damage which time can- not repair. It cannot shake the solid foundations of their material prosperity, while it will strengthen the manly and heroic virtues which defy its fierce and frowning front." Although the prevailing tone of the North was one of enthusiasm in behalf of waging war against those who had insulted the flag of the Union, there were still some of the Northern papers which ventured to protest against the President's proclamation. From New England, by a strange contrast with its general feeling, came some of the bold- est dissent from the predominating sen- timent of the nation. " Democrats of Maine !" was the dar- ing appeal of an audacious Northern editor,* " the loyal sons of the South have gathered around Charleston as your fathers of old gathered about Boston in defence of the same sacred principles of liberty principles which you have ever upheld and defended with your vote, your voice, and your strong right arm. Your sympathies are with the defenders of the truth and the right. Those who have inaugurated this unholy Bangor (Me.) Union. and unjustifiable war are no friends of yours, no friends of Democratic liberty. Will you aid them in their work of sub- jugation and tyranny? " When the Government at Washing- ton calls for volunteers or recruits to carry on the work of subjugation and tyranny under the specious phrase of ' enforcing the laws,' ' retaking and pro- tecting the public property,' and ' col- lecting the revenue,' let every Democrat fold his arms and bid the minions of Tory despotism do a Tory despot's work. Say to them, fearlessly and boldly in the language of England's great lord, the Earl of Chatham, whose bold words in behalf of the struggling Colonies of America, in the dark hours of the Rev- olution, have enshrined his name in the heart of every friend of freedom and immortalized his fame wherever the name of liberty is known say in his thrilling language : ' If I were a South- erner, as I am a Northerner, while a foreign troop was landed in my country, I would never lay down my arms never, never, never!" Another,* more calmly, but not less decidedly, opposed the war : " The President has issued his proc- lamation, calling Congress to meet on the 4th of July. Also calling for 75,000 volunteers to aid in carrying on a con- flict with the South. The news already received from the border States indi- cates that they will leave the Union, and that the war will be between nineteen free and fifteen slave States. "Could this war policy possibly save * Hartford (Ct.) Times. THE CALL FOR MILITIA. 167 the Union and promote the welfare of the people, we could look upon it with more complacency. But as it must in- evitably more completely divide the Union and injure the interests of the whole country, we believe it to be an unwise and unsafe policy. To march soldiers into the Southern country to contend with armies and yellow fever, and to end in no good, but much evil, does not seem to be a discreet or a righteous policy. " A bloody conflict may be continued with the South for weeks, for months, or for years. At its close a compromise must be made no more favorable to the North than was the Crittenden com- promise. But the evils of the unneces- sary strife will continue into the long years of the future, and be felt by millions. No good whatever can come out of the shocking conflict. "War has been commenced. Its or- igin is the negro agitation. Let the friends of the agitation point out the spot where a slave has been benefitted, if they can. Great evils have come. Where are the benefits?" As a set-off, however, to this expres- sion of Southern opinion at the North, there was a vigorous word uttered for union in the slave State of Kentucky : " The secession leaders," wrote the editor of the Louisville Journal, " are relying very largely upon the first shock of battle for the promotion of a general secession feeling in the Southern States. They ought, however, to consider that the sympathies of honest and sensible men are not likely to go with the wrong- doers. If the General Government com- mit any wrong or outrage upon South Carolina or Florida, it will be con- demned ; but if a United States vessel shall be fired into and her men slain for a mere attempt to take food to the Gov- ernment's troops in the Government's own forts, and if war shall grow out of the collision, no spirit of secession or re- bellion will be created thereby this side the cotton line. Such, at least, is our opinion, founded upon our conviction that the great mass of our fellow-citizens are sensible, and patriotic, and just. Who that loves his country would see it humiliated and its honor trampled on ?" With the proclamation by the Presi- dent came the call upon the several States for their quotas of militia to make up the required number of troops to be mustered for the suppression of the re- bellion and the defence of the Union. The following circular was addressed by the secretary of war to the governors not only of the free States, but of those slave States whose loyalty might be sus- pected, but which yet nominally contin- ued to acknowledge the Federal au- thority : " SIR : Under the act of Congress for calling out the militia to execute the laws of the Union to suppress insurrec- tion, to repel invasion, etc., approved February 28, 1795, I have the honor to request your Excellency to cause to be immediately detailed from the militia of your State the quota designated in the table below, to serve as infantry or riflemen for a period of three months, unless sooner discharged. Your Excel- 168 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. lency will please communicate to me the time at about which your quota will be expected at its rendezvous, as it will be met as soon as practicable by an officer or officers to muster it into the service and pay of the United States. At the same time the oath of fidelity to the United States will be administered to every officer and man. The mustering officers will be instructed to receive no man under the rank of commissioned officer who is in years apparently over forty-five or under eighteen, or who is not in physical strength and vigor. The quota for each State is as follows : Maine 1 New Hampshire 1 Vermont 1 Massachusetts 2 Rhode Island 1 Connecticut 1 New York 17 New Jersey 4 Pennsylvania 16 Delaware 1 Tennessee 2 Maryland 4 Virginia 3 North Carolina 2 Kentucky 4 Arkansas 1 Missouri 4 Ohio 13 Indiana 6 Illinois 6 Michigan 1 Iowa 1 Minnesota 1 Wisconsin . 1 "It is ordered that each regiment shall consist, on an aggregate of officers and men, of 780. The total thus to be called out is 73,391. The remainder, to constitute the 75,000 men under the President's proclamation, will be com- posed of troops in the District of Co- lumbia." In response to this call, there came from all the free States, without an ex- ception, an ardent expression of patriotic sympathy with the President's procla- mation, and an immediate effort to meet its requirements. Proclamations were at once addressed by the governors to the people of the several Northern States, appealing to their loyalty, and invoking them to manifest it by taking up arms in defence of the Union. The slave States, with the exception of Maryland and Delaware, answered with a resolute refusal, expressed in a tone of bold defiance of the Federal au- thority. The Governor of Virginia, John Letcher, wrote : "I have only to say, that the militia of Virginia will not be furnished to the powers at Washington for any such use or purpose as they have in view. Your object is to subjugate the Southern States, and a requisition made upon me for such an object an object, in my judgment, not within the purview of the Constitution or the act of 1795 will not be complied with. You have chosen to inaugurate civil war, and having done so, we will meet it in a spirit as determined as the ad- ministration has exhibited toward the South," C. F. Jackson, Governor of Missouri, wrote : " Your requisition, in my judg- ment, is illegal, unconstitutional, and revolutionary in its objects, inhuman and diabolical, and cannot be complied with. Not one man will the State of Missouri furnish to carry on such an unholy crusade." John W. Ellis, Governor of North Carolina, wrote: "I have to say in reply, that I regard the levy of troops made by the administration for the pur- pose of subjugating the States of the South, as in violation of the Constitu- tion, and a usurpation of power. I can be no party to this wicked violation of the laws of the country, and to this war SOUTHERN PRIVATEERING. 169 upon the liberties of a free people. You can get no troops from North Carolina." Magoffin, the Governor of Kentucky, wrote : "I say emphatically that Ken- tucky will furnish no troops for the wicked purpose of subduing her sister Southern States. 7 ' Governor Harris, of Tennessee, re- plied : " Tennessee will not furnish a single man for coercion, but fifty thou- sand, if necessary, for the defence of our rights, or those of our Southern brethren." Governor Reeder, of Arkansas, an- swered with equal resoluteness of re- fusal, but less courtesy : ' ' In answer to your demand for troops from Arkansas to subjugate the South- ern States, I have to say that none will be furnished. The demand is only add- ing insult to injury. "The people of this Commonwealth are freemen, not slaves, and will defend to the last extremity their honor, lives, and property against Northern men- dacity and usurpation." President Davis, of the Confederate States, after venting this exulting jeu d'esprit, "With mortar, Paixhan, and petard We sent the foe our Beauregard, ' ' met the proclamation of President Lin- coln with this menacing document : "Whereas Abraham Lincoln, Presi- dent of the United States, has, by proc- lamation, announced his intention of in- vading the Confederacy with an armed force, for the purpose of capturing its fortresses, and thereby subverting its 22 independence and subjecting the free people thereof to the dominion of a foreign power ; and whereas it has thus become the duty of this Government to repel the threatened invasion, and de- fend the rights and liberties of the people by all the means which the laws of nations and usages of civilized war- fare place at its disposal ; "Now, therefore, I, Jefferson Davis, President of the Confederate States of America, do issue this, my proclamation, inviting all those who may desire, by service in private armed vessels on the high seas, to aid this Government in re- sisting so wanton and wicked an aggres- sion, to make application for commis- sions or letters of marque and reprisal, to be issued under the seal of these Confederate States ; and I do further notify all persons applying for letters of marque, to make a statement in writing, giving the name and suitable description of the character, tonnage, and force of the vessel, name of the place of resi- dence of each owner concerned therein, and the intended number of crew, and to sign each statement, and deliver the same to the secretary of state or collector of the port of entry of these Confederate States, to be by him transmitted to the secretary of state j and I do further notify all applicants aforesaid, before any commission or letter of marque is issued to any vessel, or the owner or the owners thereof, and the commander for the time being, they will be required to give bond to the Confederate States, with, at least, two responsible sureties not interested in such vessel, in the 1TO THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. penal sum of five thousand dollars ; or if such vessel be provided with more than one hundred and fifty men, then in the penal sum of ten thousand dollars, with the condition that the owners, officers, and crew who shall be employed on board such commissioned vessel shall observe the laws of these Confederate States, and the instructions given them for the regulation of their conduct, that shall satisfy all damages done contrary to the tenor thereof by such vessel dur- ing her commission, and deliver up the same when revoked by the President of the Confederate States. "And I do further specially enjoin on all persons holding offices, civil and military, under the authority of the Confederate States, that they be vigilant and zealous in the discharge of the duties incident thereto ; and I do, more- ever, exhort the good people of these Confederate States, as they love their country as they prize the blessings of free government as they feel the wrongs of the past, and those now threatened in an aggravated form by those whose enmity is more implacable, because unprovoked to exert them- selves in preserving order, in promoting concord, in maintaining the authority and efficacy of the laws, and in support- ing and invigorating all the measures which may be adopted for a common defence, and by which, under the bless- ings of Divine Providence, we may hope for a speedy, just, and honorable peace. "In witness whereof, I have set my hand and have caused the seal of the Confederate States of America to be attached this seventeenth day of April, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-one. " JEFFERSON DAVIS. " ROBERT TOOMBS, Secretary of State." At the same time that President Davis thus threatened Northern com- merce with a fleet of privateers, he called upon the Confederacy for a hun- dred and fifty thousand men, in addition to the thirty-two thousand already de- manded. A loan of five millions of dollars had been issued, and subscrip- tions were reported to be rapidly coming in under the stimulus of approaching war. Davis' invitation to applications for letters of marque created great alarm, and was received by the North with a universal burst of indignation. Priva- teering was pronounced an infamous weapon of warfare. The destruction of private property in the course of a con- flict between two hostile parties was declared to be a relic of barbarism. Davis was reminded of the treaties of the United States with certain European powers, which prohibited citizens of either nation from accepting letters of marque from any authority hostile to the agreeing parties. This, they de- clared, would prevent his obtaining pri- vateers from Europe, and destroy any hope of toleration from them from that quarter. It was declared that there was not one foreign port where, if Davis' privateers should venture to enter, they would not be seized as pirates, and dealt with accordingly. If any man, in this country, or in any other, dared to ac- THE FRIGHT AT THE NORTH. 171 cept a letter of marque from the Con- federacy and act upon it, he would, it was threatened, be hung as a pirate. The proclamation was, in a word, branded as a formal sanction of piracy, and it was met not only with the menace of the yard-arm, but its author was re- minded that the most terrific retaliation awaited him if he should carry out his purpose. "The first seizure of an American vessel by one of his privateers will let loose," said a journalist,* " upon the South more John Browns than he can hire pirates in a year." The commercial cities of the North were greatly fluttered by the prospect of a swoop by the rebellious birds of prey upon their fleets which were winging their way over every sea and ocean. The Chamber of Commerce of New York met and resolved, "That the proposition of Mr. Jefferson Davis to issue letters of marque to whomsoever may apply for them, emanating from no recognized government, is not only without the sanction of public law, but piratical in its tendencies, and therefore deserving the stern condemnation of the civilized world." To this was added the further resolution, that "it is the duty of our Government to issue at once a proclamation warning all persons that privateering under the commissions pro- posed will be dealt with as simple pi- racy." The President promptly responded by establishing a blockade of the ports of the seceding States, and did not hesitate to warn all privateers sailing o New York Times. under the flag of the Confederates that they would be treated as pirates : " Whereas an insurrection against the Government of the United States has broken out in the States of South Caro- lina, Georgia, Alabama, Florida, Missis- sippi, Louisiana, and Texas, and the laws of the United States for the collec- tion of the revenue can not be efficiently executed therein conformably to that provision of the Constitution which re- quires duties to be uniform throughout the United States ; " And whereas a combination of per- sons, engaged in such insurrection, have threatened to grant pretended letters of marque to authorize the bearers thereof to commit assaults on the lives, vessels, and property of good citizens of the country lawfully engaged in commerce on the high seas, and in waters of the United States ; "And whereas an Executive Procla- mation has been already issued, requir- ing the persons engaged in these dis- orderly proceedings to desist therefrom, calling out a militia force for the purpose of repressing the same, and convening Congress in extraordinary session to deliberate and determine thereon ; "Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, with a view to the same purposes before men- tioned, and to the protection of the public peace, and the lives and property of quiet and orderly citizens pursuing their lawful occupations, until Congress shall have assembled and deliberated on the said unlawful proceedings, or until the same shall have ceased, have further 172 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. deemed it advisable to set on foot a blockade of the ports within the States aforesaid, in pursuance of the laws of the United States and of the laws of nations in such cases provided. For this purpose a competent force will be posted so as to prevent entrance and exit of vessels from the ports aforesaid. If, therefore, with a view to violate such blockade, a vessel shall approach, or shall attempt to leave any of the said ports, she will be duly warned by the commander of one of the blockading vessels, who will endorse on her register the fact and date of such warning ; and if the same vessel shall again attempt to enter or leave the blockaded port, she will be captured and sent to the nearest convenient port, for such proceedings against her and her cargo as prize as may be deemed advisable. " And I hereby proclaim and declare, that if any person, under the pretended authority of said States, or under any other pretence, shall molest a vessel of the United States, or the persons or cargo on board of her, such person will be held amenable to the laws of the United States for the prevention and punishment of piracy. "ABRAHAM LINCOLN. " By the President. " WILLIAM H. SEWABD, Secretary of State. " WASHINGTON, April 19, 1861." CHAPTER XV. Inquietude about the Border States. The Convention of Virginia. Committee appointed to wait upon the President. Its Message. President Lincoln's Answer. Its effect. Virginia Convention passes an Act of Secession. Im- patience of the Secessionists. Proclamation of Governor Letcher. Recognition of the Southern Confederacy. Preparations for War. The Harbor of Norfolk Obstructed. Attempt on Harper's Ferry. Description of the place. Its picturesque beauty. Its Resources. Unhappy Associations. Virginia Troops Mustering for an Attack upon Harper's Ferry. A Force Marches. Description of the March. The Federal Commander and his little Garrison. Anticipated Attack. Preparations to thwart its object. Preparing for a Conflagration. Positive Information. The Torch applied. Retreat of the Federal Commander and his Men. An excited Populace. Held at Bay. Con- tinued Flight of the Federal Commander. Safe arrival in Pennsylvania. Rewards of Gallantry. Another De- struction of Public Property. Hemming in of the Gosport Navy Yard. Exulting Dispatch. Description of the Navy Yard. The Ships. Resolution of Commodore Macaulay. The Demand of the Insurgents. Arrival of the Pawnee. Her Sail from Fortress Monroe to Norfolk. Boisterous Welcome. The Marines set to work. Socuring the Papers. Destruction of Arms. The Firing of the Barracks. Laying of the Trains. Departure of the Pawnee. A Signal. The Conflagration of Ships and Navy Yard. The Burning of the old Pennsylvania. The People of Norfolk bursting through the Gates of the Navy Yard. The Havoc. Incomplete Destruction. Curious Reasons for it. Details of the Property destroyed. The Feeling at the North. The Destruction pronounced unnecessary. Quick work of the Insurgents. Flection of defiant Batteries. THE greatest inquietude had long ex- isted at the North in regard to the action of the border States, and more especially of Maryland and Virginia. 1861. In the latter State a convention had been for some time in secret session, and the result was awaited with intense anxiety. A committee, consisting of PRESIDENT'S ANSWER TO VIRGINIA. 173 Messrs. Preston, Stuart, and Randolph, had been appointed to wait upon the President at Washington, and to present to him the following preamble and res- olution passed by the Convention of Virginia : " Whereas, in the opinion of this Con- vention, the uncertainty which prevails in the public mind as to the policy which the Federal Executive intends to pursue toward the seceded States is extremely injurious to the industrial and commer- cial interests of the country, tends to keep up an excitement which is unfavor- able to the adjustment of the pending difficulties, and threatens a disturbance of the public peace, therefore, " Resolved, That a committee of three delegates be appointed to wait on the President of the United States, present to him this preamble, and respectfully ask him to communicate to this Conven- tion the policy which the Federal Ex- ecutive intends to pursue in regard to the Confederate States." The bearers of this demand, courteous April in form but insolent in substance, 13. were duly presented at the White House, and received from Mr. Lincoln a response in which he characteristically rather discussed the question amiably with his interlocutors, than firmly as- serted his Executive authority. "In answer, I," said the President, ' ' have to say that having, at the begin- ing of my official term, expressed my intended policy as plainly as I was able, it is with deep regret and mortification I now learn there is great and injurious uncertainty in the public mind as to what course I intend to pursue. Not having as yet seen occasion to change, it is now my purpose to pursue the course marked out in the inaugural ad- dress. I commend a careful considera- tion of the whole document as the best expression I can give to my purposes. As I then and therein said, I now re- peat : ' The power confided in me will be used to hold, and possess property and places belonging to the Government, and to collect the duties and imports ; but beyond what is necessary for these objects there will be no invasion, no using of force against and among the people anywhere.' By the words ' prop- erty and places belonging to the Gov- ernment,' I chiefly allude to the military posts and property which were in pos- session of the Government when it came into my hands. But if, as now appears to be true, in pursuit of a purpose to drive the United States authority from these places, an unprovoked assault has been made upon Fort Sumter, I shall hold myself at liberty to repossess it, if I can, and like places which had been seized before the Government was de- volved upon me ; and in any event I shall, to the best of my ability, repel force by force. In case it proves true that Fort Sumter has been assaulted, as is reported, I shall, perhaps, cause the United States mails to be withdrawn from all the States which claim to have seceded, believing that the commence- ment of actual war against the Govern- ment justifies and possibly demands it. I scarcely need to say that I consider the military posts and property situated 174 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. within the States which claim to have seceded, as yet belonging to the Govern- ment of the United States, as much as they did before the supposed secession. Whatever else I may do for the purpose, I shall not attempt to collect the duties and imposts by any armed invasion of any part of the country ; not meaning by this, however, that I may not land a force deemed necessary to relieve a fort upon the border of the country. From the fact that I have quoted a part of the inaugural address, it must not be in- ferred that I repudiate any other part, the whole of which I reaffirm, except so far as what I now say of the mails may be regarded as a modification." This answer, however, was sufficiently firm to convince the Virginian commis- sioners that the President had deter- mined to exercise his proper authority in the suppression of rebellion. Their return to Richmond with this response served to precipitate the action of the Convention, and accordingly it passed, in secret session, on the 17th of April, an April ordinance of secession, conditional, 17. however, upon its ratification by a majority of the votes of the people of the State on the fourth Thursday in the ensuing month of May. The secession leaders of Virginia, however, in their impatience to rebel, could not await the deliberate course of law, and began at once a series of hostile acts, soon to result in open war against the Federal authority. Letcher, the Governor of Virginia, April issued a proclamation in which he 17* recognized the independence of the seceded States, declaring that they have. " by authority of their people, solemnly rescued the powers granted by them to the United States, and have framed a constitution and organized a government for themselves, to which the people of those States are yielding willing obedi- ence, and have so notified the President of the United States by all the formal- ities incident to such action, and thereby become to the United States a separate, independent, and foreign power." At the same time he thought proper "to order all armed volunteer regiments or companies within the State forthwith to hold themselves in readiness for im- mediate orders." Before the people of the State, how- ever, had an opportunity of expressing their will as legally provided by the acts of the Virginia Legislature and Conven- tion, Governor Letcher commenced to wage war against the United States. He ordered the main entrance of the harbor of Norfolk to be obstructed by the sinking of small boats, to prevent communication with the Federal navy- yard at that port, which he had evi- dently determined to seize on the first occasion favorable to his purpose, as will be developed in the course of this narrative. His first attempt, however, was to capture the United States arsenal and armory at Harper's Ferry. This town, now so memorable, is in Jefferson Co., Virginia. It is situated on the Potomac River, just where the Shenandoah enters, and the two streams united pass through the Blue Ridge. The town originally A FORCE ftlARCHES. 175 clustered about the base of a hill, but is gradually rising up its steep sides, and some scattered hamlets and houses have already reached the table-land on the summit, nearly four hundred feet above the water. The ridge on either side of the gap through which the Potomac, united with the Shenandoah, forces its way, rises in steep and bare cliffs to an elevation of twelve hundred feet or more, the simple grandeur of which, contrast- ing with the picturesque beauty of the lesser and cultivated heights, gives to the surrounding scenery of Harper's Ferry the most impressive effect. Thomas Jefferson said that it was " one of the most stupendous scenes in nature, and well worth a voyage across the Atlantic to witness." The town contains a population of about ten thousand, and has become of considerable trading importance as the point of junction of the Baltimore and Ohio and the Winchester and Potomac railways. A bridge of nine hundred feet in length connects it with the op- posite shore of Maryland. The main business of the place is manufacturing. It has one of the largest mills in the United States for grinding flour. Addi- tional importance was given to the town by the establishment there of the Fed- eral arsenal and armory. Ninety thou- sand stand of arms were ordinarily stored in the depots, and the work-shops were capable of producing twenty-five thousand annually. The place had already acquired an unhappy association with our sectional quarrels, by the invasion of John Brown, who, at the head of twenty-two men, had taken possession of the town and strove to excite the negroes of Virginia to insurrection. It has again repeatedly become a scene of commotion and con- flict during this civil war. The Governor of Virginia was eager to possess himself of the arsenal and armory, and thus supply his secession allies with the means of carrying on the war against the United States, which he contemplated. He accordingly sent \^ r [\ secret orders to Charleston, the !$ county seat of Jefferson, to muster a force for the purpose of seizing the Fed- eral property at Harper's Ferry. Some three thousand men had been summoned, but only two hundred and fifty, in con- sequence of the suddenness of the call, mustered at Halltown, the rendezvous half way between the county town and Harper's Ferry, and about four miles from each place. Here they remained until night, that they might have the cover of darkness for their intended act of violence against the laws of the United States. The force having been formed, con- sisting of a small body of infantry, termed the Jefferson Battalion, commanded April by a Captain Allen, one piece of ar- 18t tillery, and a squad of ' ' Fauquier" cav- alry, under a Captain Ashby, marched, at about eight o'clock in the night of the very day on which the order had been received from Richmond. " The troops marched," says one who was with them, "in silence, and about a mile from the starting-point the col- umn was challenged by sentries posted 176 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. in the road. They halted, loaded with ball-cartridge, and advanced with fixed bayonets until they reached the brow of the hill overlooking the town and at the outskirts of the village of Bolivar. Here the advance was again challenged, and the column halted. As these sen- tries were known to be employes of the armories, and as it was thought prob- able from the temper manifested during the day that the whole body of work- men had united with the Government troops, thus giving them four hundred effective men, with full preparation and choice of position, it was thought proper to send a flag into the town to ascertain how matters stood. An influential gen- tleman accompanying the troops, of- fered his services to execute this deli- cate duty, and to dissuade the citizens, if possible, from taking part in the con- test. From after-knowledge it was as- certained that this precaution was un- necessary, as the mass of the inhabitants were loyal to the soil where they lived, and such as might have entertained dif- ferent sentiments were silenced by the reports of the imposing force which was supposed to be at hand. " While the Virginia officers were in consultation, there was seen in the di- rection of the armory a flash, accompa- nied by a report like the discharge of a cannon, followed by a number of other flashes in quick succession, and then the sky and surrounding mountains were lighted with the steady glare of ascend- ing flames. Captain Ashby, with his squad, immediately rode down into the town, and in a short time returned with the report that the troops had fired the public buildings and retreated across the Potomac bridge, taking the mount- ain road toward Carlisle Barracks, in Pennsylvania. " On our way down we met a long line of men, women, and boys, carrying loads of muskets, bayonets, and other military equipments. The streets at the confluence of the two rivers were brill- iantly illuminated by the flames from the old arsenal, which burned like a furnace. The inclosure around these buildings was covered with splintered glass, which had been blown out by the explosion of the powder-train. A few arm-boxes, open and empty, lay near the entrance ; but nearly all the mus- kets in this building, fifteen thousand, as stated, were destroyed. " Of the armory buildings on Poto- mac Street, one large work-shop was in a light blaze, and two others on fire. Alarmed by the first explosions, the citizens hesitated to approach the work- shops, and warned the Virginia troops not to do so, supposing them to be mined ; but presently becoming reas- sured on that subject, they went to work with the engines, extinguished some of the fires, and prevented their extension to the town and railroad bridges." The plans of the secessionists had been anticipated and their designs thwarted by the Federal commander and his little force at Harper's Ferry. The Federal garrison consisted of a detachment of United States Rifles, amounting to about forty in number, BURNING OF HARPER'S FERRY ARSENAL. 177 under the command of Lieutenant Roger Jones. This officer had been notified some days previously by the Govern- ment at Washington of the danger which April threatened his post. On the 17th 17 of April, before the march of the Virginians, he learned from various sources that the attack was to be made on the succeeding day. The militia of the town of Harper's Ferry, although they professed loyalty, were either alarmed at the rumors of an approach- ing force, or unwilling to oppose it, and consequently disbanded. The workmen employed at the arsenal and armory showed symptoms, if not of disaffection, at least of great uneasiness. Every hour brought with it fresh rumors, more or less exaggerated, of the advancing secessionists. The railroad was in their power, and a special train, bearing armed men, was known to be hurrying forward. Troops, amounting to two thousand in number, were reported to have gathered from Winchester, Charles- ton, and other neighboring points, and to be marching to Harper's Ferry. Lieutenant Jones, conscious of the purpose of this movement, and unable, with his meagre garrison of forty men in a country believed to be hostile, to defend his post, determined to destroy the arsenal and armory, lest their im- portant works and valuable supplies of arms should fall into the possession of those who were undoubtedly determined to use them in waging war against the Federal Government. Early in the evening of the 17th of April, accordingly, the Lieutenant set his 23 men to work in making prepara- April tions for the destruction of the ^. public property, should it prove neces- sary. With swords the soldiers cut up the planks and other timber to supply wood for firing the buildings. The mattresses were ripped up, their con- tents emptied out, and then filled with powder. This was all done inside of the arsenals and armories, to conceal the purpose from the people of the town, whose loyalty was suspected, and who, if they should discover it, might rise and prevent it. The arms, some fifteen thousand stand, were now collected and piled together, and the chipped wood and mattresses filled with powder were so placed that the guns and the buildings might all be destroyed together in one common explosion and conflagration. On the next night, having received k$ril "positive and reliable information 18. that twenty-five hundred or three thou- sand State troops would reach Harper's Ferry in two hours from Winchester^ and that the troops from Halltown, in- creased to three hundred, were advanc- ing, and even at that time a few min- utes after ten o'clock within twenty minutes' march of the Ferry," Lieuten- ant Jones gave the order to apply the torch. The windows and doors of the buildings had been opened so that the flames could have free sway, and when all was ready, the fires were started in the carpenter's shop, and the trains lead- ing to the powder ignited. This done, the Lieutenant marched out his men and began a rapid retreat. In three min- utes after, the buildings of the arsenal ITS THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. and the carpenter's shop were in a "com- plete blaze." The fire alarmed the town, and its ex- cited populace pursued Lieutenant Jones and his men, coming upon them just as they had reached the bridge, for the purpose of escaping across. The crowd pressed forward, crying vengeance upon them for having set fire to the buildings. Jones wheeled his men, and facing the multitude declared, unless they dis- persed, he would fire upon them. The intimidated throng shrunk back, and Jones took the occasion to continue his retreat and take to the woods, followed, however, by several shots, which fortu- nately were without effect. He now hurried northward, his way being lighted up by the blazing buildings. The ex- plosion took place almost as soon as he got beyond the town, and he flattered himself that the destruction of the ar- senal and armory had been complete. Hurriedly marching all night across streams and bogs, he reached Hagers- April town in safety on the next morn- 19* ing, at seven o'clock, and thence pursued his way to Chambersburg, in Pennsylvania, where, confident of being among a loyal people, he could stop to refresh his wayworn men, who had marched all night and eaten nothing since they left Harper's Ferry. Four of his little garrison, however, were missing, and it was feared that they had been captured, or perhaps slain. From Chambersburg Lieutenant Jones proceeded with his men to Carlisle Bar- April racks, a Federal post, whence he 20. dispatched a report of his pro- ceedings to the United States Govern- ment. His conduct met with the approbation of the President, who, in consideration of " his skilful and gallant conduct at Harper's Ferry," gave him the commis- sion of assistant-quarter-master-general with the rank of captain, and sent to him through the secretary this flattering tribute : " WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, ) April 22d, 1861. j " LIEUTENANT ROGER JONES : " MY DEAR SIR : I am directed by the President of the United States to communicate to you, and through you to the officers and men under your com- mand at Harper's Ferry armory, the approbation of the Government of your and their judicious conduct there, and to tender to you and them the thanks of the Government for the same. " I am, sir, very respectfully, ' ' SIMON CAMERON, "Secretary of War." This was soon followed by another more important, but less justifiable de- struction of public property in Virginia. It will be recollected that Governor Letcher had already ordered the main entrance of the harbor of Norfolk to be obstructed by the sinking of small boats. Seven vessels had been sunk at the mouth of the Elizabeth River, the only channel of communication between the sea and the Gosport navy-yard. The obvious object of this was to hem in that important naval station, so that by preventing the egress of the United States vessels there, or the ingress of THE NORFOLK NAVY YARD. 1T9 any force that might be sent to their aid, the navy -yard with its ships and its stores should be at the mercy of the State of Virginia. The dispatch which announced the execution of the Gover- nor's order exultingly declared : " Thus have we secured for Virginia three of the best ships of the navy," alluding to the Cumberland, Merrimac, and Penn- sylvania, then among the vessels in the Gosport navy-yard at Norfolk. The inhabitants had, moreover, shown their hostile intentions by seizing the United April States magazine, situated below the *9* city, and containing four thousand kegs of powder. The navy-yard was in command of Commodore Charles S. Macaulay, a vet- eran naval officer. The establishment, one of the largest in the United States, contained not only stores of naval and military munitions of war and ships, but arsenals, foundries, workshops, and docks a mass of public property which had cost the United States over fifty millions of dollars. There were twelve vessels of war stationed at the yard, with an aggregate tonnage of about thirty-five thousand tons, and an armament of six hundred and fifty guns. These were the Penn- sylvania, a sailing vessel, the largest line- of-battle-ship ever built in the United States. Her tonnage was three thou- sand three hundred and forty-one tons, and she was built to carry a hundred and twenty guns, to work which and the ship would have required a crew of a thousand men. Built in 1837, at Phil- adelphia, she remained there as the wonder of all sight-seers, until she sailed to Norfolk, many years after, where she has remained a useless hulk, too unwieldy and too expensive for service. The Delaware, also a sailing line-of- battle-ship, was of two thousand six hun- dred and thirty-three tons, carrying an armament of eighty-four guns, and a crew of eight hundred men. She, however, was rotten, and had been long condemned as unfit for service. The Columbus, a line-of-battle-ship^, of two thousand four hundred and eighty tons burthen, and rated for eighty guns and eight hundred men, was also useless as a sailing vessel, but was thought capable of being converted into a steamer. The Raritan, a frigate of one thousand seven hundred and twenty-six tons, and fifty guns, was another vessel which had been condemned as unfit for service. The Plymouth, a first-class sloop-of- war, of nine hundred and eighty-nine tons, and twenty-two guns, was under- going repairs, and was a vessel of little value. There was the New York, the keel of which was laid forty-five years ago, still on the stocks, and was hardly thought to be available. To these vessels of little value, may be added the old United States, built in 1797. There were, however, the four sailing ships, the fine frigate Cumberland, the Germantown, the Columbia, and the brig Dolphin, which were for the most part in good condition and capable of the best service. In addition was the first-class steam frigate the Merrimac, 180 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. of three thousand two hundred tons, and forty guns. Built at the Charlestown navy-yard, near Boston, in 1855, she had proved herself ever since to be one of the most powerful and valuable steamers in the United States navy. Commodore Macaulay, supposed to be acting with the concurrence of the authorities at Washington, now deter- mined to save what little he could of this valuable Government property, and destroy the remainder in order to pre- vent its falling into the possession of the April Virginians. The commander of 20. the insurgents at Norfolk, General Taliafero, had already demanded the surrender of the navy-yard, and after a conference with the Commodore, at noon, declared that he had his assurance that " none of the vessels should be removed, nor a shot fired, except in self-defence." However this may be, the Commodore doubtless was so persuaded of the hos- tile intent of the threatening force in Norfolk, as to believe that the most de- cided measures had become necessary to thwart it. In the evening the United States April steamer the Pawnee arrived from 20t Washington with two hundred volunteers and a hundred marines, in addition to her own crew, and after stopping at Fortress Monroe and taking on board a reinforcement of men, pro- ceeded at once to co-operate with Com- modore Macaulay, and aid him in what- ever action he had determined upon. It was about seven o'clock, on a clear April moonlight night, that the Pawnee, 20* Captain Paulding, flying at her peak the commodore's pennant, moved from the dock of Fort Monroe cheered by the shouts of the garrison gathered on the parapet of the fortress, and steamed off for Norfolk. Notwithstand- ing the sunken vessels in the channel, the steamer passed without difficulty up Hampton Roads, past Norfolk, to Gos- port navy-yard, where she arrived at half-past eight o'clock. The people of Norfolk and Portsmouth were greatly disturbed by her approach, as they be- lieved she had come to aid in bom- barding their towns. Overcome with fright, and unprepared for resistance, they made no show of opposition, but every inhabitant took care to keep at a discreet distance. Our people at the navy-yard, expect- ing the coming of the Pawnee, were on the alert, and as she came alongside the dock, the sailors on board the Cumber- land and Pennsylvania, crowding into the shrouds and manning the yards, heartily cheered her. Cut off as they had been for so long a time from all communication with the town, insulted and threatened daily with attack by the infuriated insurgents of Virginia, they saw, in the arrival of the Pawnee, a means of relief, if not an opportunity of vindicating the national dignity, and exulted greatly. As soon as the steamer had made fast to the dock, Colonel Wardrop, the mil- itary commander, marched out his men and stationed them at the gates of the navy-yard, to prevent the entrance of the insurgents, should they make the attempt. The marines of the different DESTRUCTION OF NORFOLK NAVY YARD. 181 vessels were now mustered and set busily to work. Some collected the records, papers, and archives from the offices and placed them on board the Pawnee, and some gathered whatever was val- uable, important, and easily transferable from the various ships, and stored it in the Cumberland. After thus having se- cured what could be readily carried away, the marines were ordered to be- gin the work of destruction. Many thousand stands of arms, and a large quantity of pistols and revolvers, were broken by severing the barrels from the stocks, and thrown into the river. Thou- sands of shot and shell followed, and everything on the ships that might be of service to the insurgents met with the same fate. The cannon which were still left un spiked were now spiked and dismantled, and some fifteen hundred cannon, of which several were Dahlgrens and columbiads, were thus destroyed. The men kept on at this work of de- struction from nine o'clock until mid- night, when the moon, sinking behind the horizon, failed any longer to give its light. The barracks, within the yard, were now set on fire, in order that the marines might see by the glare to continue their labors, which they re- newed with increased spirit, as if en- livened by the crackling and blaze of the conflagration. The day, however, was approaching, and it was feared that the insurgents, gathering in force, might obstruct the escape of the Pawnee and the Cumberland. G-unpowder trains were now laid upon the decks of the doomed ships and the ship-houses. The crews of the various ships and all who belonged to the navy-yard, with the ex- ception of two left behind to fire the trains, now hurried on board of the April Pawnee and Cumberland. The for- 21. mer left the dock on Sunday morning, at four o'clock, on her return. As she cast off her moorings she sent up a sig- nal rocket, and as it burst, the torch was applied, and in a moment the whole yard seemed to be wrapped in a com- mon flame. Ships and ship-houses caught simultaneously, and the old New York, the keel of which had been laid forty-five years before, and was still on the stocks, burned, with its huge wooden cover, like tinder. The Pennsylvania, the Merrimac, the G-ermantown, the Plymouth, the Raritan, the Columbia, and the brig Dolphin caught at the same time, and were left in flames. Some of the guns were loaded, though not charged with shot, and when the fire reached them they exploded and added to the effect of this scene of destruction. "The Pennsylvania burned like a vol- cano for five hours and a half before her mainmast fell. I stood watching," says an eye-witness,* "the proud but per- ishing old leviathan, as this sign of her manhood was about to come down. At precisely half-past nine o'clock by my watch, the tall tree that stood in her centre tottered and fell, and crushed deep into her burning sides, while a stream of sparks flooded the sky." Two of the ships the Delaware and Columbus had been already scuttled and sunk on the day before the arrival New York Times, April 26. 182 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. of the Pawnee. The rest, with the ex- ception of the old hulk, the United States, left untouched, had been fired. The only vessel thus which was saved was the fine man-of-war Cumberland, which, in tow of the Yankee tug-boat, followed the Pawnee down the river. No sooner had the Pawnee steamed away, than the people of Norfolk and Portsmouth broke through the gates and filled the navy-yard. Soon after, a military company raised the flag of Vir- ginia and took formal possession of the place in the name of that State. The insurgents, though grieved at the loss of the Cumberland, which they had hoped to secure, were surprised that the destruction, when once begun, had not been more thorough. A hopeful writer, whose sanguine speculations it is curious now to read, gives, at the time of the act, this reason for its in- completeness. " Long before," he says, " the workshops and armories, the foun- dries, and ship- wood left unharmed, can bring forth new weapons of offence, this war will be ended. And may be, as of yore, the stars and stripes will float over Gosport navy-yard. All that is now spared will then be so much gained!" A Norfolk editor reported, after a cur- sory visit, that " the property destroyed embraced, besides the ship-houses and contents, the range of buildings on the north line of the yard (except the com- modore's and commander's residences, which are unhurt), the old marine bar- racks and one or two work-shops, the immense lifting shears, the ships Penn- sylvania, Merrimac, Raritan, Columbus, and brig Dolphin burned to the water's edge ; the sloop Germantown, broken and sunk ; the Plymouth, scuttled and sunk even with her deck ; and a vast amount of small arms, chronometers, and valuable engines and machinery in the ordnance and other shops, broken up and rendered utterly useless." The feeling at the North, on the de- struction of this valuable public prop- erty, was one of national humiliation, not unmixed with anger at the Govern- ment for not having avoided it by timely precaution. Every one spoke of it as a great loss and a national disgrace. By proper foresight, steam-tugs could have been provided, it was believed, to tow every vessel away from the navy-yard in safety. Even when by delay it had become too late to make such means available, it was thought that a more resolute commander might have kept the threatening insurgents at Norfolk at bay. With a fleet of ships heavily armed at his command, it was urged that he might have turned his guns upon the towns of Norfolk and Ports- mouth, and have successfully repelled every attack. The insurgents, on the very day of the departure of the Pawnee, had be- gun to unspike the cannon and remove them below Norfolk to mount the sand batteries which they had raised in de- fence of their harbor and in defiance of the Federal authorities. The Cumberland was towed from the navy-yard by the steam-tug Yankee, which followed in the wake of the Paw- nee. The three vessels proceeded down GREAT MEETING AT NEW YORK. 183 the river until nine o'clock in the morn- ing, when they came to anchor at the point where the channel had been ob- structed with sunken vessels. Boats were sent out to sound, with the view of discovering another passage. This, however, proving without avail, the fleet weighed anchor and forced its way di- rectly through the obstructions. The Cumberland got entangled with one of the sunken vessels and carried it along with her, and for a time there seemed danger of her drifting on the shore, where the enemy had their batteries. Another steamer, the Keystone State, however, arriving from Washington, went to her aid, and, in conjunction with the tug Yankee, succeeded in free- ing her from the wreck and towing her safely under the guns of Fort Monroe. CHAPTER XYI. Increased War Spirit of the North. Unity of Sentiment. Great Meetings. Great Meeting at New York. The Patri- otic Enthusiasm of the Citizens. The display of Union Colors and Symbols. The immense Gathering at Union Square. A dozen "Monster Meetings." Officers and Orators. The supposed effect of the New York Demonstra- tion upon the Southern Rebellion. No passing Effervescence of Popular Emotion. Generous Largesses of Men and Money. Rapid Military Organization. March to the Capital. Dangers of Washington. Precautions for its Safety. Disaffection of Maryland. An anxious Proclamation. The Agitation of Baltimore. Continued Anxiety aboTit Washington. Rumored Approach of Jefferson Davis. The effect at the North. Military Aspect of the Northern Cities. March of the Sixth Massachusetts Regiment. Triumphal Ovations on its route. Arrival in Bal- timore. Anxieties about its reception. The Mob of Baltimore. The Cars Attacked. Obstruction of the Track. The March of the Massachusetts Men through the Streets of Baltimore. The Attack on them by the Mob. The First Shot. The Soldiers return the Fire. A continued Struggle. The tragic Result. The Massachusetts Men Fight their way and reach Washington. The Philadelphia Men turned back. The Killed and Wounded. Indig- nation at the North. A pathetic Dispatch from the Governor of Massachusetts. An Official Statement. Deter- mined Hostility of Maryland. The impotent Authorities of Maryland. Vague Response of the Mayor of Baltimore _ to the Governor of Massachusetts. A decided Rejoinder. The Governor of Maryland perplexed. A Message to the President. Commissioners sent. The President's Answer Continued Alarm of the Governor of Maryland. A strange Proposition. A dignified Rebuke from the Secretary of State. THE war spirit which had been aroused at the North by the fall of Fort Surnter continued to increase in intensity. Immense meetings were held in the free States, at which leading politi- cians of all parties vied in their ex- pressions of devotion to the Union, and willingness to sustain it at all hazards to life and property. Stirring resolu- tions were passed and committees ap- pointed to collect money and organize troops for the defence of the Union and vindication of an insulted government. The most memorable of these great gatherings was that which was called by "leading citizens, without dis- April tinction of party," and assembled 20. around Union Square, New York. On the day appointed, the business of the city was by common consent arrested. Commerce, trade, and wealth all de- serted their usual resorts, and sought to 184: THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. join in the demonstration of patriotism. Immense numbers of people gathered from all parts of the town and flowed in continuous streams from early morning until evening, through the main streets, toward the square. The buildings every- where were decorated with flags ; the " stars and stripes' 7 floated from church steeples, and canopied the thorough- fares. The national colors bloomed freshly upon patriotic coats and gowns, and the whole population was alive with the excitement of the occasion. It was estimated that a hundred thou- sand people or more were gathered within and about Union Square. The throng was so immense, that, expanding beyond the limits of a single ' ' monster meeting," it supplied material for a score. Separate " stands" were raised, and a dozen orators at the same mo- ment found a crowd of earnest listeners to their fervid and patriotic rhetoric. Presided over by imposing dignitaries, aided by a long list of notable citizens as vice-presidents and secretaries, opened with prayer by civic divines of popular repute, and addressed by eloquent speak- ers, these meetings were conducted with unusual eclat. It was proclaimed in the gigantic capitals of the next morning's papers as "the greatest demonstration the world ever saw." It was sanguinely believed by many that this emphatic expression of attach- ment to the Union, and resolution to up- hold it, would alone suppress the South- ern rebellion, the leaders of which were thought to have hitherto presumed upon a supposed sympathy with their cause of many people at the North. Nor was this great demonstration a mere passing effervescence of popular emotion. The people throughout the North soon gave a vigorous proof of the earnestness of their devotion to the Union by their generous largesses of men and money. In two short weeks about forty millions of dollars more than two millions of which were given by the city of New York were voluntarily contributed to- ward suppressing the rebellion ; and those who offered their services to take up arms in behalf of the Union exceeded b}>- sev- eral hundred thousand the whole num- ber called for from both free and slave States by the President in his procla- mation. The legislatures of the States passed war-bills, and voted large appro- priations of mone} 7 . In Boston, the banks agreed to lend ten per cent, of their whole capital to the State of Mas- sachusetts to aid in the defence of the Government. In other Northern cities, the municipal corporations voted large sums, and capitalists vied with each other in their generous offers of financial service. Many of the regularly organized mili- tia corps were at once ready to take the field, and march without delay to Wash- ington, the capital, which was supposed to be in danger from the insurgents of Virginia and the disaffected of Mary- land. The Virginians had already erected batteries on the Potomac, mus- tered large forces, and it was rumored that Ben McCulloch, the noted Texan ranger at their head, who had been lately seen in Washington, was, in con- DISAFFECTION OF MARYLAND. 185 junction with confederates in that city and Maryland, preparing to seize upon the capital. The Federal Government itself showed great anxiety about its safety. Such of the militia of the Dis- trict of Columbia whose loyalty could be trusted had been hurriedly mustered, and, together with the small regular force at that time in Washington, placed on guard. Soldiers were stationed at the Capitol and all the public buildings. Batteries of guns were posted at the " Long Bridge," which crosses the Poto- mac, and connects the city of Washing- ton with the opposite shore of Virginia. All the avenues and railroads leading to the capital were guarded by detach- ments of the small force of militia and regulars at command. Maryland was known to be greatly disaffected, although it had hitherto been restrained from any violent exhibition of its rebellious tendencies by the influ- ence of its governor and a large num- ber, like him, who were attached to the Union. The proclamation of Governor Hicks, after the fall of Sumter, and the call by the President for the militia of the various States, indicated the antag- onism of opinion and the dangerous April effervescence of feeling which ex- * 8 isted in Maryland. He proclaimed : "To THE PEOPLE or MARYLAND. "The unfortunate state of affairs now existing in the country has greatly ex- cited the people of Maryland. " In consequence of our peculiar po- sition, it is not to be expected that the people of the State can unanimously agree upon the best mode of preserving 24 the honor and integrity of the State, and of maintaining within her limits that peace so earnestly desired by all good citizens. " The emergency is great. The con- sequences of a rash step will be fearful. It is the imperative duty of every true son of Maryland to do all that can tend to arrest the threatened evil. I there- fore counsel the people, in all earnest- ness, to withhold their hands from what- ever may tend to precipitate us into the gulf of discord and ruin gaping to re- ceive us. " I counsel the people to abstain from all heated controversy upon the subject ; to avoid all things that tend to crimina- tion and recrimination, in order that the origin of our evil day may be forgotten now by every patriot, in the earnest de- sire to avert from us its fruit. "All powers vested in the Governor of the State will be strenuously ex- erted to preserve the peace and main- tain inviolate the honor and integrity of Maryland. "I call upon the people to obey the laws, and to aid the constituted author- ities in their endeavors to preserve the fair fame of our State untarnished. " I assure the people that no troops will be sent from Maryland, unless it may be for the defence of the national capital. "It is my intention in the future, as it has been my endeavor in the past, to preserve the people of Maryland from civil war ; and I invoke the assistance of every true and loyal citizen to aid me in this emergency. 186 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. " The people of this State will, in a short time, have the opportunity af- forded them, in a special election of members of Congress of the United States, to express their devotion to the Union, or their desire to have it broken up. T. H. HICKS. "BALTIMORE, April 18, 1861." Baltimore especially, never renowned for its respect for public order, was suspected of a disposition to combine with the insurgents of Virginia, in a violent disruption of the Union. The Virginians openly in arms, were thus threatening the capital of the United States on one side ; the disaf- fected of Maryland on the other, were scarcely restrained from violence, while secret conspirators, and a suspected pop- ulation in Washington itself, aroused the fears of the whole Northern people for its safety and quickened them to effort in its defence. An additional stimulus came in the rumor that Jefferson Davis, the President of the Confederate States, was hurrying to the North, at the head of a considerable force which was rap- idly increasing on the way. The militia from, the nearest points pushed forward at once, and the volunteers of all the Northern States organized with great rapidity. The large cities assumed a warlike air. Men in uniform filled the streets ; the public parks were turned into parade grounds ; public buildings were appropriated and rude structures of wood raised for barracks ; and troops were constantly marching in and out on their way to Washington. The Sixth Regiment of Massachusetts militia was the first to march, ancl passed through a succession of triumphal ovations from town to town, greeted on their arrival with the cheers of immense multitudes of enthusiastic people, and urged forward on their patriotic mission with inspiriting shouts of encouragement. After having thus triumphantly passed through New York and Philadelphia, this noble regiment arrived in Baltimore, where a different reception awaited it. It was half- Ap r ji past ten o'clock in the morning 19. when the Massachusetts men reached the city. Here horses were attached to the cars to convey them from one end to the other of the city to reach the depot of the Baltimore and Wash- ington Railroad. The regiment filled eleven cars. Meeting with no opposition on their arrival, or indication even of an unfriendly spirit, the regiment started in the most cheerful mood. Fears, it is true, had been expressed by some anx- ious inhabitants of the danger of an at- tack, but these were now deemed only the alarms of the timid. The cars, how- ever, had only proceeded the length of two blocks, or squares of houses, when it became clear that the anxiety of the Baltimoreans was not unfounded. A great mass of excited people so ob- structed the streets that the horses could hardly push through it. This mob at the same time began with hootings, } r ells, and threatening cries, to try to provoke the Massachusetts men. The soldiers, however, neither showed them- selves nor responded to the insults they were receiving. Stones, brickbats, and I BALTIMORE MOB. 1ST bits of pavement torn from the side- walks were now thrown by the infuria- ted mob against the cars, smashing the windows and bruising some of the troops. In spite, however, of this at- tack, nine of the cars moved steadily on, and deposited their inmates in safety at the depot. Two cars, with the rest of the Massachusetts men, were yet be- hind. In the mean time, the Baltimore mob had succeeded in obstructing the track by means of large and heavy iron anchors, lying near by, which they dragged into the street and- placed across the rails. The mob having ac- complished this work, began to exult with loud shouts for " the South," "Jef- ferson Davis," "South Carolina," and " secession," to give vent to their hatred of the North by groans for "Lincoln" and " Massachusetts," and to attack the soldiers, from some of whom they suc- ceeded in snatching the muskets. It was now determined to abandon the cars, and march through the streets to the depot. The one hundred men, accordingly, who were, all that were left behind of the regiment, alighted, and forming, prepared to push forward. Just as they began to move they were met by a large throng crowding down the street, with a secession flag borne at their head. As they approached they saluted the little band of Massachusetts men with a volley of stones, and cried out to them that they could not proceed through the city, and that if they . at- tempted it, " not a white nigger of them would be left alive." Nothing daunted, the soldiers con- tinued their march, when the missiles from the mob began to fly thick and fast. The crowd increased at every step and became more violent each moment, hurling paving stones and brickbats at the soldiers continually. Two of them had been struck and knocked down by stones, when there came a shot from either pistol or gun. The captain in command of the Massa- chusetts men now ordered them to prime their guns, which had been hith- erto loaded though not capped, and to protect themselves. The soldiers ac- cordingly fired into the people, who, with renewed fury, returned the shot by an increased volley of missiles and the discharge of revolvers. The Mayor of Baltimore at last came forward, and occasionally putting himself at the head of the troops, made a show of protec- tion, which proved, however, of little effect. The Massachusetts men were forced to fight their way through the streets to the depot, a mile distant. The route was a continued scene of struggle between the mob and the sol- diers the one hurling missiles of all kinds, and occasionally discharging re- volvers and guns, and the other return- ing the attack with a regular musket fire from their ranks. Many, both sol- diers and citizens, fell dead by the way- side, some of whom were borne away by their comrades, while others were carried into the nearest apothecary shops. Reaching the depot, the little band of soldiers, who had thus cut their way through the infuriated mob, once 188 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. more joined their fellows who awaited them, and the whole regiment prepared to start for Washington. The mob, how- ever, had followed, and still beset them. "The scene while the troops were changing cars," wrote an eye-witness, " was indescribably fearful. Taunts, clothed in the most fearful language, were hurled at them by the panting crowd, who, almost breathless with run- ning, passed up to the car windows, pre- senting knives and revolvers, and cursed up into the faces of the soldiers. The police were thrown in between the cars, and forming a barrier, the troops changed cars, many of them cocking their muskets as they stepped on the platform. " After embarking, the assemblage ex- pected to see the train move off, but its departure was evidently delayed in the vain hope that the crowd would dis- perse ; but no, it swelled ; and the troops expressed to the officers of the road their determination to go at once, or they would leave the cars and make their way to Washington. " While the delay was increasing the excitement, a wild cry was raised on the platform, and a dense crowd ran down the platform, and out the railroad track toward the Spring Gardens, until the track for a mile was black with an ex- cited, rushing mass. The crowd, as it went, placed obstructions of every de- scription on the track. Great logs and telegraph poles, requiring a dozen or more men to move them, were laid across the rails, and stones rolled from the embankment. "A body of police followed after the crowd, both in a full run, and removed the obstructions as fast as they were placed on the track. Various attempts were made to tear up the track with logs of wood and pieces of timber, and there was a great outcry for pickaxes and handspikes, but only one or two could be found. The police interfered on every occasion, but the crowd grow- ing larger and more excited, would dash off at a break-neck run for another position farther on, until the county line was reached. The police followed, run- ning, until forced to stop from fatigue. At this point many of the throng gave it up from exhaustion ; but a crowd, longer- winded, dashed on for. nearly a mile farther, now and then pausing to attempt to force the rails, or place some obstruction upon them. They could be distinctly seen for a mile along the track, where it makes a bend at the Washington road bridge. When the train went out, the mass of people had almost returned to the depot." In the same railroad train by which the Massachusetts regiment had come from Philadelphia, there were some Pennsylvania troops. These formed one half of the Washington Brigade, and con- sisted of six companies of the First Reg- iment, under the command of Lieuten- ant-Colonel Berry, and four companies of the Second Regiment, under Lieu- tenant-Colonel Schoenleber and Major Gullman. Being, however, unarmed, they did not venture an attempt to force their way, and remained in the cars at the depot where they had at first arrived. THE MASSACHUSETTS DEAD. 189 They, too, were assailed by the insulting cries of the mob, and some of them were bruised severely by missiles hurled against the cars, which broke the win- dows and penetrated inside. After re- maining for two hours thus exposed, they were finally protected by the po- lice of Baltimore, but were obliged to i I retrace their way back to the North. The total number of killed and wounded, in the street conflict between the Massachusetts regiment and Balti- more mob, amounted to twenty-two. Of these, nine citizens and two soldiers were killed, and three citizens and eight soldiers wounded. This tragic event excited great indignation throughout the North, and especially in Massachu- setts, where the victims of the Balti- more riot were considered as martyrs who had been sacrificed to a holy cause. The Governor of the State expressed his reverence for their memory in this pa- triotic dispatch to the Mayor of Bal- timore : "I pray you cause the bodies of our Massachusetts soldiers, dead in battle, to be immediately laid out, preserved in ice, and tenderly sent forward by ex- press to me. All expenses will be paid by this Commonwealth. " JOHN A. ANDREW, " Governor of Massachusetts." The occurrence,* however, presented c The following report by Captain Follambec, who com- manded the Massachusetts men. who fought their way through Baltimore, though not in every respect accurate, is interesting : " We arrived in Baltimore about ten o'clock A. M. The cars are drawn through the city by horses. There were about thirty cars in our train, there being, in addition to Colonel Jones' command, 1,200 troops from Philadelphia, a graver aspect than it showed merely in its sentimental bearings. The corn- without uniforms or arms, they intending to get them here. After we arrived, the cars were taken, two at a time, and drawn to the depot, at the lower part of the city, a mob assaulting them all the way. The Lowell Mechanic Phalanx car was the ninth, and we waited till after the rest had left for our turn, till two men came to me and informed me that I had better take my command and march to the other depot, as the mob had taken up the track to prevent the passage of the cars. I imme- diately informed Captain Pickering, of the Lawrence Light Infantry, and we filed out of the cars in regular order. Captain Hart's company, of Lowell, and Captain Bilk's, of Stoneham, did the same, and formed in a line on the side- walk. The captains consulted together, and decided that the command should devolve upon me. I immediately took my position at the right, wheeled into column of sections, and requested them to march in close order. Before we had started, the mob was upon us, with a seces- sion flag attached to a pole, and told us we never could march through that city. They would kill every white nigger of us before we could reach the other depot. I paid no attention to them, but after I had wheeled the battalion, gave the order to march. " As soon as the order was given, the brickbats began to fly into our ranks from the mob. I called a policeman, and requested him to lead the way to the other depot. He did so. After we had marched about a hundred yards, we came to a bridge. The rebels had torn up most of the planks. We had to play ' Scotch hop' to get over it. As soon as we had crossed the bridge they commenced to fire upon us from the streets and houses. We were loaded, but not capped. I ordered the men to cap their rifles and protect themselves, and then we returned their fire, and laid a great many of them away. I saw four fall on the sidewalk at one time. They followed us up, and we fought our way to the other depot, about one mile. They kept at us till the cars started. Quite a number of the rascals were shot after we entered the cars. We went very slowly, for we expected the rails were torn up along the road. " I do not know how much damage we did. Report says about forty were killed, but I think that is exag- gerated. Still, it may be so. There is any quantity of them wounded. Quite a number of horses were killed. The mayor of the city met us almost half way. He said that there would be no more trouble, and that we could get through, and kept with me for about a hundred yards; but the stones and balls whistled too near his head, and he left, took a gun from one of my company, fired, and brought his man down. That was, the last I saw of him. We fought our way to the cars, and joined Colonel Jones and the seven companies that left us at the other end of the city ; and now we are here, every man of 190 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. mimication between the North and the capital was threatened with being cut off. The riot at Baltimore proved no mere sudden effervescence of popular fury, such as falls as rapidly as it arises, but the expression of a determined hos- tility on the part of a great portion of Maryland to the Federal Government. The authorities of the city of Baltimore, as well as of the State, confessed their powerlessness to control the people in their manifestations of opposition to the rightful authority of the Union, and by the weakness of their protests almost justified, if they did not sanction them. The Mayor of Baltimore gave this vague answer to the tender appeal of the Gov- ernor of Massachusetts : "BALTIMORE, April 20, 1861. "THE HON. JOHN A. ANDREW, GOVERNOR OF MASSACHUSETTS : " SIR : No one deplores the sad events of yesterday in this city more deeply than myself, but they were inevitable. Our people viewed the passage of armed troops to another State through the streets as an invasion of our soil, and could not be restrained. The authori- ties exerted themselves to the best of their ability, but with only partial suc- cess. Governor Hicks was present, and concurs in all my views as to the pro- ceedings now necessary for our pro- tection. When are these scenes to the old Phalanx, safe and sound, with the exception of a few marks made by brickbats, and all we want now is a chance to go to Baltimore and clean out all the roughs there. If Colonel Jones would march his command there, we would do it. There are five or six of the regiment missing, and alt of the band. I am in hopes that most, if not all of them, are alive." cease ? Are we to have a war of sec- tions ? God forbid. The bodies of the Massachusetts soldiers could not be sent out to Boston, as you requested, all communication between this city and Philadelphia by railroad, and with Bos- ton \)y steamers, having ceased ; but they have been placed in cemented cof- fins, and will be placed with proper funeral ceremonies in the mausoleum of Greenmount Cemetery, where they shall be retained until further directions are received from you. The wounded are tenderly cared for. I appreciate your offer, but Baltimore will claim it as her right to pay all expenses in- curred. Very respectfully, your obe- dient servant, GEO. W. BROWN, "Mayor of Baltimore." The Governor of Massachusetts re- joined with a few words as direct in their significant expression of national duty as the Mayor of Baltimore's letter was vague and undecided : "To HIS HONOR GEO. W. BROWN, MAYOR OF BALTIMORE : " DEAR SIR : I appreciate your kind attention to our wounded and our dead, and trust that at the earliest moment the remains of our fallen will return to us. I am overwhelmed with surprise that a peaceful march of American cit- izens over the highway to the defence of our common capital should be deemed aggressive to Baltimoreans. Through New York the march was triumphal. " JOHN A. ANDREW, " Governor of Massachusetts." The Governor of the State, who was believed to be firmly attached to the AGITATION IN MARYLAND. 191 Union, seemed so overwhelmed by the responsibilities of his position, or so awed by the manifestations of disaffec- tion in his State, as to be incapable of action. In conjunction with the Mayor of Baltimore, he sent a telegraphic dis- patch to the President of the United States, which clearly revealed his agita- ted condition : "MAYOR'S OFFICE, BALTIMORE, ) April 19, 1SG1. ) "To His EXCELLENCY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES : " SIR : A collision between the citizens and the Northern troops has taken place in Baltimore, and the excitement is fearful. Send no more troops here. We will endeavor to prevent all blood- shed. "A public meeting of citizens has been called, and the troops of the State and the city have been ordered out to preserve the peace. They will be enough. Respectfully, " THOS. H. HICKS, Governor. " GEO. WM. BROWN, Mayor." This was immediately followed by the sending of three commissioners to ex- plain, personally, to the President of the United States, the trepidation of the authorities caused by the riot at Balti- more, and the continued threats of the disaffected. These gentlemen were pro- vided with the following manifesto : " MAYOR'S OFFICE, BALTIMORE, ) April 19, 1861. j "To His EXCELLENCY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES : " SIR : This will be presented to you by the Hon. H. Lenox Bond, Geo. W. Dobbin, and John C. Brune, Esqrs., who will proceed to Washington by an ex- press train, at my request, in order to explain fully the fearful condition of our affairs in this city. The people are ex- asperated to the highest degree by the passage of troops, and the citizens are universally decided in the opinion that no more troops should be ordered to come. ' ' The authorities of the city did their best to-day to protect both strangers and citizens, and to prevent a collision, but in vain ; and but for their great efforts a fearful slaughter would have occurred. "Under these circumstances, it is my solemn duty to inform you that it is not possible for more soldiers to pass through Baltimore, unless they fight their way at every step. ' ' I therefore hope and trust, and most earnestly request, that no more troops be permitted or ordered by the Govern- ment to pass through the city. If they should attempt it, the responsibility for the bloodshed will not rest upon me. "With great respect, your obedient servant, " GEO. WM. BROWN, Mayor. "I have been in Baltimore since Tuesday evening, and co-operated with Mayor Brown in his untiring efforts to allay and prevent the excitement and suppress the fearful outbreak as indicated above, and I fully concur in all that is said by him in the above communication. " Very respectfully your obedient servant, THOS. H. HICKS, " Governor of Maryland." 192 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. President Lincoln's answer was tend- erly considerate of the nervous agitation of the Maryland officials, and indicated as well by its complacent concessions how at that early period the Govern- ment was embarrassed by the manoeuvres of its enemies. "WASHINGTON, April 20, 1861. " GOVERNOR HlCKS AND MAYOR BBOWN : " GENTLEMEN : Your letter, by Messrs. Bond, Dobbin, and Brune, is received. I tender you both my sincere thanks for your efforts to keep the peace in the trying situation in which you are placed. For the future, troops must be brought here, but I make no point of bringing them, through Baltimore. " Without any military knowledge myself, of course I must leave details to General Scott. He hastily said this morning, in the presence of these gen- tlemen, ' March them around Baltimore, and not through it.' " I sincerely hope the General, on fuller reflection, will consider this prac- tical and proper, and -that you will not object to it. " By this a collision of the people of Baltimore with the troops will be avoided, unless they go out of their way to seek it. I hope you will exert your influence to prevent this. " Now and ever I shall do all in my power for peace, consistently with the maintenance of the Government. "Your obedient servant, " ABRAHAM LINCOLN." The Governor's agitation was not calmed, however, by the good-natured sympathy of President Lincoln and his readiness of concession. On the con- trary, each day the disaffected people of Maryland became more threatening and their Governor more alarmed. He now begged that no more troops should be sent not only through Baltimore, but through Maryland, while he proposed, with a strange disregard of the dignity of the Government to which he claimed to be loyal, that the English ambassador at Washington should be invited to mediate between the United States and its rebellious citizens ! " EXECUTIVE CHAMBER, ANNAPOLIS, ) April 22, 1861. J " To His EXCELLENCY A. LINCOLN, PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES : SIR : I feel it my duty, most respect- fully, to advise you that no more troops be ordered or allowed to pass through Maryland, and that the troops now off Annapolis be sent elsewhere, and I most respectfully urge that a truce be offered by you, so that the effusion of blood may be prevented. I respectfully sug- gest that Lord Lyons be requested to act as mediator between the contending parties of our country. "I have the honor to be, very re- spectfully, your obedient servant, "Tnos. H. HICKS." The President, on receiving this re- markable missive, no longer trusted to his own amiable and informal mode of dealing with his adversaries, but sub- mitted the Governor's dispatch to the secretary of state, to be dealt with ac- cording to that distinguished statesman's more official and dignified manner : A DIGNIFIED REBUKE FROM SECRETARY SEWARD. 193 "DEPARTMENT OF STATE, April 22, 1861. " His EXCELLENCY THOS. H. HICKS, GOVERNOR OF MARYLAND : " SIR : I have had the honor to re- ceive your communication of this morn- ing, in which you inform me that you have felt it to be your duty to advise the President of the United States to order elsewhere the troops then off An- napolis, and also that no more may be sent through Maryland ; and that you have further suggested that Lord Lyons be requested to act as mediator between the contending parties in our country, to prevent the effusion of blood. " The President directs me to ac- knowledge the receipt of that communi- cation, and to assure you that he has weighed the counsels which it contains with the respect which he habitually cherishes for the Chief Magistrates of the several States, and especially for yourself. He regrets, as deeply as any magistrate or citizen of the country can, that demonstrations against the safety of the United States, with very exten- sive preparations for the effusion of blood, have made it his dnty to call out the force to which you allude. " The force now sought to be brought through Maryland is intended for noth- ing but the defence of this capital. The President has necessarily confided the choice of the national highway, which that force shall take in coming to this city, to the Lieutenant-General com- manding the army of the United States, who, like his only predecessor, is not less distinguished for his humanity than 25 for his loyalty, patriotism, and distin- guished public service. "The President instructs me to add, that the national highway thus selected by the Lieutenant-General has been chosen by him, upon consultation with prominent magistrates and citizens of Maryland, as the one which, while a route is absolutely necessary, is furthest removed from the populous cities of the State, and with the expectation that it would, therefore, be the least objection- able one. " The President cannot but remember that there has been a time in the his- tory of our country when a General of the American Union, with forces de- signed for the defence of its capital, was not unwelcome anywhere in the State of Maryland, and certainly not at An- napolis, then, as now, the capital of that patriotic State, and then, also, one of the capitals of the Union. " If eighty years could have oblit- erated all the other noble sentiments of that age in Maryland, the President would be hopeful, nevertheless, that there is one that would forever remain there and everywhere. That sentiment is, that no domestic contention whatever that may arise among the parties of this Republic ought in any case to be re- ferred to any foreign arbitrament, least of all to the arbitrament of a European monarchy. "I have the honor to be, with distin- guished consideration, your Excellency's most obedient servant, " WILLIAM H. SEWARD." 194 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. CHAPTER XYII. Indignation against Maryland in the North. To Washington through Baltimore. An energetic Citizen of New York addresses the President. An Editorial Re-echo. Increased Martial Ardor. The Seventh Regiment. Its composi- tion. Anticipatory Heroes. Their Departure from New York. Enthusiasm of the People. March of the Sev- enth. Its Glorification. An Account by an Historiographer from the Ranks. The Eighth Massachusetts. Obstructions to their March to the Capital. General Butler in command. His Promptitude and Energy. Seizure of the Ferry-boat Maryland. Arrival at Annapolis. Rescue of "Old Ironsides." The difficulty of the Achieve- ment. Honor to Butler. His Biography. Birth and Descent. Education. Professional Career. Prominence as a Lawyer. His Legal Characteristics. First Appearance in Public Life. A Delegate to the Democratic Convention at Charleston. A Breckenridge Elector. A Candidate for Governor of Massachusetts. Suspiciously regarded. A proof of Loyalty. Welcomed as a Defender of the Union. Appointed to Command by his Political Opponent. His Energy and Success. National Gratitude. Personal Description and Character of Butler. His Coolness in Danger illustrated. Other proofs hi the course of this History. 1861. THE attack of the mob of Baltimore upon the Massachusetts troops, and the apparent determination of the se- cessionists of Maryland, by ob- structing the railroads, tearing up the tracks, and burning the bridges, to cut off all communication through their State between Washington and the North, greatly angered the Northern people. The universal cry was now, " To Washington through Baltimore !" and the determination was expressed that the way must be cleared at all haz- ards. An energetic citizen* of New York addressed the President in an emphatic letter, in which he said : "It is demanded of Government that they at once take measures to open and establish those lines of communication, and that they protect and preserve them from any further interruption. Unless this is done, the people will be compelled to take it into their own hands, let the consequences be what it Mr. George Law. may and let them fall where they will." The press echoed these resolute senti- ments of a private citizen with emphatic sympathy, and declared : "If any man of position as a military leader or as a strong, resolute commander, would offer to lead a force through Baltimore, with or without orders, he could have fifty thousand followers as soon as they could rush to his standard." To this, an ed- itor added, alluding to the energetic private citizen already referred to, that he " could raise in three days volunteers enough to clear the track, even if it should leave Baltimore an ash-heap." The doom of that city was foreshadowed as a second Sodom which must be de- stroyed, "if it is necessary first to de- stroy the Government at Washington that now defends it." . . In the mean time, the martial ardor of the country was daily intensifying. I The choice military corps of the large cities hurried forward to the endan- gered capital. The Seventh Militia Reg- THE NEW YORK SEVENTH. 195 iment of the city was the first to move of the large force rapidly mustering everywhere in New York. This corps, composed of young men belonging more or less to the wealthier classes, and long admired for the precision of their drill and the elegance of their tenue, was the pet regiment of the city. When, there- fore, it was announced that these youth- ful soldiers, who had been hitherto the mere ornaments of a gala parade, had determined to come forward to assume the serious work of fighting for their country, the population of the city ap- plauded their spirited resolution, and, confident of their good conduct, antici- pated its rewards by bestowing upon them the honors of an accomplished April heroism. On the day of their de- 19 parture for Washington the city was unusually excited. "Never be- fore," said a daily paper, "were the people moved to such a pitch of enthu- siastic patriotism. There have been gala days, and funeral pageants, and military shows, and complimentary re- ceptions, and triumphal processions that filled the streets with crowds of curi- ous, wondering, sympathetic people, but never has there been developed such a universal, heartfelt, deep-rooted, genu- ine enthusiasm. The American colors were prominent everywhere on house- tops, on flagstaff's, on horses attached to all kinds of vehicles, on ropes stretched across the streets, on the masts of ship- ping in the harbor, on breastpins, on the lappets of coats, on the fronts of men's hats ; on all sides the glorious old red, white, and blue waved in the joyous breeze and every eye was dazzled with bright colors. The awful solemnity of civil war came pressing home to our people who had sons, and brothers, and fathers just departing, perhaps never to return. The news of the difficulties in Baltimore, the struggle of the troops with the rabble, the reported death of many, the rumors of an attack on the capital, the tearing up of railroad tracks, and all the attendant horrors of internecine warfare, struck terror into many a stout heart, while the tears of kind-hearted women flowed copiously as a rain-storm." " It was many Fourths- of- July rolled into one," was the comprehensive cli- max arrived at by a writer* who had in vain attempted an adequate description of the scene. The story of the journey of the Seventh to Philadelphia ; its prudent dodging of the rioters at Baltimore, by passing down the Delaware and up the Chesapeake ; its arrival and encamp- ment at Annapolis, and its famous march to Washington were told again and again in daily newspapers, in pictorial week- lies, and in grave monthlies. The regiment did not want for his- toriographers, as in its gallant ranks there were those who were not unknown to fame for their skill in the literary art. Onef who recorded the eventful progress of the Seventh to Washington, gave an animating account, from which the following extracts are made : " Swift through New Jersey. * * * o New York Times, April 20. f Captain Fitz- James O'Brien, in the New York Times. 196 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. All along the track shouting crowds, hoarse and valorous, sent to us, as we passed, their hopes and wishes. When we stopped at the different stations, rough hands came in through the win- dows, apparently unconnected with any one in particular until you shook them, and then the subtle magnetic thrill told that there were bold hearts beating at the end. This continued until night closed, and, indeed, until after midnight. " Within the cars the sight was strange. A thousand young men, the flower of the North, in whose welfare a million of friends and relatives were interested, were rushing along to con- jectured hostilities with the same smil- ing faces that they would wear going to a ' German' party in Fifth Avenue. It was more like a festivity than a march. Those fine old songs, the chorusses of which were familiar to all, were sung with sweet voice. * * * " Our arrival at Philadelphia took place at four o'clock. We slept in the cars, awaiting orders from our Colonel, but, at daylight, hunger and it may be thirst becoming imperious, we sallied out and roamed about that cheerless neighborhood that surrounds the depot. * * * Finding that we were likely to remain for some time in the city al- though under the impression that we were to go straight through to Balti- more we wandered away from the desert of the depot and descended on civilized quarters. The superintendent of the Deaf and Dumb Asylum was a man for the emergency. He provided a handsome breakfast for all such mem- bers of the Seventh as chose to partake of it, and we commanded beefsteak on our fingers, and ordered tea by sign- manual. Great numbers of our regi- ment, being luxurious dogs, went down to the Continental and Girard hotels, where they campaigned on marble floors, and bivouacked on velvet couches ; they are such delicate fellows, the Seventh Regiment ! * * " We, of course, were entirely ig- norant of our route, or how we were going. The general feeling of the regi- ment was in favor of pushing our way coute qui coute straight through Balti- more. Rumors came along that the city was in arms. The Massachusetts troops had to fight their way through, killing eighteen, and losing two men. This seemed only to stimulate our boys, and the universal word was Baltimore ! But, as it turned out afterward, we were under a wise direction, and the policy of our Colonel, to whom we perhaps are altogether indebted for bringing us safe here, was, I presume, to avoid all un- necessary collision, and bring his regi- ment intact into Washington. The rails were reported to have been torn up for forty miles about Baltimore, and as we were summoned for the defence of the capital, it follows, according to reason, that if we could get there without loss we would better fulfil our duty. As it happened afterward, we had to run through more peril than Baltimore could have offered. " There seemed but little enthusiasm in Philadelphia. * * I understand that the people were out in large num- DODGING BALTIMORE. 197 bers to see us enter, but our delay dis- appointed them, and they went home. > # ifl-Q came an d went without a re- ception or demonstration. " There was one peculiar difference that I noticed existing between the Massachusetts regiments that we met in Philadelphia and our men. The Massa- chusetts men to whom all honor be given for the splendid manner in which they afterward acted in a most trying situation presented a singular moral contrast to the members of the Seventh. They were earnest, grim, determined. Badly equipped, haggard, unshorn, they yet had a manhood in their look that hardships could not kill. They were evidently thinking all the time of the contest into which they were about to enter. Their grey, eager eyes seemed to be looking for the heights of Vir- ginia. With us it was somewhat differ- ent. Our men were gay and careless, confident of being at any moment capa- ble of performing, and more than per- forming, their duty. They looked battle in the face with a smile, and were ready to hob-nob with an enemy and kill him afterward. The one was courage in the rough ; the other was courage bur- nished. The steel was the same in both, but the last was a little more pol- ished. " On April 20, at 4.20 P.M., we left the Philadelphia dock, on board the steamer Boston. The regiment was in entire ignorance of its destination. Some said we were going back to New York, at which suggestion there was a howl of indignation. Others presumed that we were going to steam up the Poto- mac a course which was not much ap- proved of, inasmuch that we were cooped up in a kind of river steamer that a shot from the fort at Alexandria might sink at any moment. * * * " The first evening, April 20, on board the Boston, passed delightfully. We were all in first-rate spirits, and the calm, sweet evenings that stole on us as we approached the South, diffused a soft and gentle influence over us. The scene on board the ship was exceedingly picturesque. Fellows fumbling in hav- ersacks for rations, or extracting sand- wiches from reluctant canteens ; guards pacing up and down with drawn bay- onets ; knapsacks piled in corners ; bristling heaps of muskets, with sharp, shining teeth, crowded into every avail- able nook ; picturesque groups of men lolling on deck, pipe or cigar in mouth, indulged in the doke far niente, as if they were on the blue shores of Capri rather than on their way to battle ; un- buttoned jackets, crossed legs, heads leaning on knapsacks, blue uniforms everywhere, with here and there a glint of officers' red enlivening the foreground all formed a scene that such painters as the English Warren would have rev- elled in. " I regret to say that all was not rose- colored. The steamer that the Colonel chartered had to get ready at three or four hours' notice, he having changed his plans, in consequence of the tearing up of the rails around Baltimore. The result was that she was imperfectly pro- visioned. As the appetites of the men 198 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. began to develop, the resources of the vessel began to appear. In the first place, she was far too small to accom- modate a thousand men, and we were obliged to sleep in all sorts of impossible attitudes. There is an ingenious device known to carpenters as ' dove-tailing,' and we were so thick that we had posi- tively to dove-tail, only that there was very little of the dove about it j for when perambulating soldiers stepped on the faces and stomachs of the sleepers, as they lay on deck, the greeting that they received had but little flavor of the olive-branch. " Notwithstanding that we found very soon that the commissariat was in a bad way, the men were as jolly as sandboys. I never saw a more good-humored set of men in my life. Fellows who would at Delmonico's have sent back a turban de volatile awe truffes because the truffles were tough, here cheerfully took their places in file between decks, tin plates and tin cups in hand, in order to get an insufficient piece of beef and a vision of coffee. But it was all merrily done. The scant fare was seasoned with hilar- ity ; and here I say to those people in New York who have sneered at the Seventh Regiment as being dandies, and guilty of the unpardonable crimes of cleanliness and kid gloves, that they would cease to scoff and remain to bless had they beheld the square, honest, genial way in which these military Brummells roughed it. Farther on you will see what they did in the way of endurance and activity. " April 21st was Sunday. A glorious, cloudless day. We had steamed all night, and about ten o'clock were in the vicinity of Chesapeake Bay. At eleven o'clock A. M. we had service read by our chaplain, and at one p. M. we were seven miles from the coast. The day was calm and delicious. In spite of our troubles with regard to food troubles, be it understood, entirely unavoidable we drank in with delight the serenity of the scene. A hazy tent of blue hung over our heads. On one side the dim thread of shore hemmed in the sea. Flights of loons and ducks skimmed along the ocean, rising lazily, and spat- tering the waves with their wings as they flew against the wind, until they rose into air, and, wheeling, swept into calmer feeding grounds. Now and then the calm of the hour was broken with the heavy tramp of men and the me- tallic voice of the corporal of the guard relieving his comrades. At five o'clock p. M. we passed a light-ship and hailed her, our object being to discover whe- ther any United States vessels were in the neighborhood waiting to convoy us up the Potomac River. We had heard that the forts at Alexandria were ready to open upon us if we attempted to pass up, and our steamer was of such a build that, had a shell or shot struck it, we would have been burned or drowned. It therefore behooved us to be cautious. The answers we got from the light-ship and other vessels that we hailed in this spot were unsatisfactory, and although the feelings of the men were unanimous in wishing to force the Potomac, wiser counsels, as it proved, were behind us, ARRIVAL AT ANNAPOLIS. and we kept on. * * * All this time we were entirely ignorant of where we were going. The officers kept all secret, and our conjectures drifted like a drifting boat. On the morning of the 22d we were in sight of Annapolis, off which the Constitution was lying, and there found the Eighth Regiment of Massachusetts volunteers, on board the Marj-land. They were aground, owing, it is supposed, to the treachery of the captain, whom they put in irons, and wanted to hang. I regret to say that they did not do it. During the greater portion of that forenoon we were oc- cupied in trying to get the Maryland off the sand-bar on which she was grounded. From our decks we could see the men in file trying to rock her, so as to facilitate our tugging. These men were without water and without food, were well conducted and uncom- plaining, and behaved, in all respects, like heroes. They were under the com- mand of Colonel Butler. * * * "On the afternoon of the 22d we landed at the Annapolis dock, after having spent hours in trying to relieve the Maryland. For the first time in his life your correspondent was put to work to roll flour barrels. He was intrusted with the honorable and onerous duty of transporting stores from the steamer to the dock. Later still he descended to the position of mess servant, when, in company with gentlemen well-known in Broadway for immaculate kids, he had the honor of attending on his company with buckets of cooked meat and crack- ers, the only difference between him and Co. and the ordinary waiter being, that the former were civil. "After this I had the pleasing duty of performing three hours of guard duty on the dock with a view to protect the baggage and stores. It was monotonous being my first guard but not un- pleasant. The moon rose calm and white. A long dock next to the one on which I was stationed stretched away into the bay, resting on its numerous piles, until it looked in the clear moon- light like a centipede. All was still and calm, until at certain periods the guard challenged persons attempting to pass. There was a holy influence in the hour, and somehow the hot fever of anxiety that had been over us for days, seemed to pass away under the touch of the magnetic fingers of the night. " We were quartered in the buildings belonging to the Naval School at An- napolis. I had a bunking-place in what is there called a fort, which is a rickety structure that a lucifer match would set on fire, but furnished with imposing guns. I suppose it was merely built to practice the cadets, because as a defence it is worthless. The same evening, boats were sent off from the yard, and toward nightfall the Massachusetts men landed, fagged, hungry, thirsty, but indomitable. At an early hour there was a universal snore through the Naval School of An- napolis. "The two days that we remained at Annapolis were welcome. We had been without a fair night's sleep since we left New York, and even the hard quarters we had there were luxury compared to 200 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. the dirty decks of the Boston. Besides, there were natural attractions. The grounds are very prettily laid out, and in the course of my experience I never saw a handsomer or better bred set of young men than the cadets ; and they have proved loyal, only twenty having left the school owing to political con- viction. The remainder are sound Union fellows, eager to prove their de- votion to the flag. After spending a delightful time in the Navy School, rest- ing and amusing ourselves, our repose was disturbed, at 9 P. M., April 23d, by rockets being thrown up in the bay. The men were scattered all over the grounds j some in bed, others walking or smoking, all more or less undressed. The rockets being of a suspicious char- acter, it was conjectured that a Southern fleet was outside, and our drummer beat the roll-call to arms. From the stroke of the drum until the time that every man, fully equipped and in fighting- order, was in the ranks, was exactly, by watch, seven minutes. It is needless to say anything about such celerity it speaks for itself. The alarm, however, proved to be false, the vessels in the offing proving to be laden with the Seventy-first and other New York regi- ments ; so that, after an unpremeditated trial of our readiness for action, we were permitted to retire to our virtuous couches, which means, permit me to say, a blanket on the floor, with a military overcoat over you, and a nasal concert all around you that, in noise and num- ber, outvies Musard's celebrated concerts monstres. "On the morning of the 24th of April we started on what afterward proved to be one of the hardest marches on record. The secessionists of Annap- olis and the surrounding district had threatened to cut us off in our march, and even went so far as to say that they would attack our quarters. This, of course, was the drunken Southern ebullition. A civilian told me that he met in the streets of Annapolis two cavalry soldiers who came to cut our throats without delay, but as each brave warrior was endeavoring to hold the other up, my friend did not apprehend much danger. "A curious revulsion of feeling took place at Annapolis, and indeed all through Maryland, after our arrival. " The admirable good conduct which characterizes the regiment, the open liberality which it displays in all pecuni- ary transactions, and the courteous de-- meanor which it exhibits to all classes, took the narrow-minded population of this excessively wretched town by sur- prise. They were prepared for pillage. They thought we were going to sack the place. They found, instead, that we were prepared and willing to pay liberal prices for everything, and that even patriotic presentations were steadily re- fused. While we were in the Navy School, of course all sorts of rumors as to our operations were floating about. It surprised me that no one suggested that we were to go off in a balloon ; however, all surmises were put to an end by our receiving orders, the evening of the 23d, to assemble in marching MARCH TO WASHINGTON. 201 order next morning. The dawn saw us up. Knapsacks, with our blankets and overcoats strapped on them, were piled on the green. A brief and insufficient breakfast was taken, our canteens filled with vinegar and water, cartridges dis- tributed to each man, and after muster- ing and loading, we started on our first march through a hostile country. " General Scott has stated, as I have been informed, that the march that we performed from Annapolis to the Junc- tion is one of the most remarkable on record. I know that I felt it the most fatiguing, and some of our officers have told me that it was the most perilous. We marched the first eight miles under a burning sun, in heavy marching order, in less than three hours ; and it is well- known that, placing all elementary con- siderations out of the way, marching on a railroad track is the most harassing. We started at about eight o'clock A. M., and for the first time saw the town of Annapolis, which, without any disre- spect to that place, I may say, looked very much as if some celestial school- boy, with a box of toys under his arm, had dropped a few houses and men as he was going home from school, and that the accidental settlement was called An- napolis. Through the town we marched, the people unsympathizing, but afraid. They saw the Seventh for the first time, and for the first time they realized the men that they had threatened. " The tracks had been torn up be- tween Annapolis and the Junction, and here it was that the wonderful qualities of the Massachusetts Eighth Regiment 25 came out. The locomotives had been taken to pieces by the inhabitants, in order to prevent our travel. In steps a Massachusetts volunteer, looks at the piece-meal engine, takes up a flange, and says coolly, ' I made this engine, and 1 can put it together again.' Engineers were wanted when the engine was ready. Nineteen stepped out of the ranks. The rails were torn up. Practical railroad makers out of the regiment laid them again, and all this, mind you, without care or food. These brave boys, I say, were starving while they were doing this good work. What their Colonel was doing I can't say. As we marched along the track that they had laid, they greeted us with ranks of smiling but hungry faces. One boy told me, with a laugh on his young lips, that he had not eaten anything for thirty hours. There was not, thank God, a haversack in our regiment that was not emptied into the hands of these ill-treated heroes, nor a flask that was not at their disposal. "Our march lay through an arid, sandy, tobacco-growing country. The sun poured on our heads like hot lava. The Sixth and Second companies were sent on for skirmishing duty, under the command of Captains Clarke and Nevers, the latter commanding as senior officer. A car, on which was placed a howitzer, loaded with grape and canister, headed the column, manned by the engineer and artillery corps, commanded by Lieu- tenant Bunting. This was the rallying point of the skirmishing party, on which, in case of difficulty, they could fall back. In the centre of the column came the 202 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. cars laden with medical stores, and bear- ing our sick and wounded, while the extreme rear was brought up with a second howitzer, loaded also with grape and canister. The engineer corps, of course, had to do the forwarding work. New York dandies, sir ! but they built bridges, laid rails, and headed the regi- ment through that terrible march. After marching about eight miles, dur- ing which time several men caved in from exhaustion, and one young gentle- man was sun-struck and sent back to New York, we halted, and instantly, with the divine instinct which character- izes the hungry soldier, proceeded to forage. The worst of it was, there was no foraging to be done. The only house within reach was inhabited by a lethargic person, who, like most Southern men, had no idea of gaining money by labor. We offered him extravagant prices to get us fresh water, and it was with the utmost reluctance we could get him to obtain us a few pailfuls. Over the mantle-piece of his miserable shanty I saw a curious coincidence the portrait of Colonel Duryea, of our regiment. ' ' After a brief rest of about an hour, we again commenced our march ; a march which lasted until the next morn- ing a march than which, in history, nothing but those marches in which de- feated troops have fled from the enemy, can equal. Our Colonel, it seems, de- termined to march by railroad, in pref- erence to the common road, inasmuch as he had obtained such secret informa- tion as led him to suppose that we were waited for on the latter route. Events justified his judgment. There were cavalry troops posted in denies to cut us off. They could not have done it, of course, but they could have harassed us severely. As we went along the rail- road we threw out skirmishing parties from the Second and Sixth companies, to keep the road clear. I know not if I can describe that night's march. I have dim recollections of deep cuts through which we passed, gloomy and treacher- ous-looking, with the moon shining full on our muskets, while the banks were wrapped in shade, and each moment expecting to see the flash and hear the crack of the rifle of the Southern guer- rilla. The tree frogs and lizards made a mournful music as we passed. The soil on which we traveled was soft and heavy. The sleepers lying at intervals across the track made the march terribly fatiguing. On all sides dark, lonely pine woods stretched away, and high over the hooting of owls or the plain- tive petition of the whip-poor-will rose the bass commands of Halt ! Forward ! March ! and when we came to any ticklish spot, the word would run from the head of the column along the line, ' Holes,' ' Bridge, pass it along/ etc. " As the night wore on, the monotony of the march became oppressive. Owing to our having to explore every inch of the way, we did not make more than a mile, or a mile and a half an hour. We ran out of stimulants, and almost out of water. Most of us had not slept for four nights, and as the night advanced, our march was almost a stagger. This was not so much fatigue as want of ex- MARCH OF THE EIGHTH MASSACHUSETTS. 203 citement. Our fellows were spoiling for a fight, and when a dropping shot was heard in the distance, it was wonderful to see how the languid legs straightened and the column braced itself for action. If we had had even the smallest kind of a skirmish, the men would have been able to walk to Washington. As it was, we went sleepily on. I myself fell asleep walking in the ranks. Numbers, I find, followed my example ; but never before was there shown such indomitable pluck and perseverance as the Seventh showed in that march of twenty miles. The country that we passed through seemed to have been entirely deserted. The inhabitants, who were going to kill us when they thought we daren't come through, now vamosed their respective ranches, and we saw them not. Houses were empty. The population retired into the interior, burying their money and carrying their families along with them. They, it seems, were under the impression that we came to ravage and pillage, and they fled as the Gauls must have fled when Attila and his Huns came down on them from the North. As we did at Annapolis, we did in Maryland State. We left an impression that can not be forgotten. Everything was paid for. No discourtesy was of- fered to any inhabitant, and the sobriety of the regiment should be an example to others. * * * " The secret of this forced march, as well as our unexpected descent on An- napolis, was the result of Col. Lefferts' judgment, which has since been sus- tained by events. Finding that the line along the Potomac was closed, and the route to Washington by Baltimore equally impracticable, he came to the conclusion that Annapolis, commanding, as it did, the route to the capital, must of necessity be made the basis of mili- tary operations. It. was important to the Government to have a free channel through which to transport troops, and this post presented the readiest means. The fact that since then all the Northern troops have passed through the line that we thus opened, is a sufficient comment on the admirable judgment that decided on -the movement. It secured the in- tegrity of the regiment, and saved lives the loss of which would have plunged New York into mourning. Too much importance can not be attached to this strategy." The Eighth Massachusetts Regiment, which had passed through New York on the day of the departure of the April S-eventh Regiment, had, after reach- 19 ing Philadelphia, pushed forward by the railway as far as the Susquehanna River. Here it was found impossible to continue the route through Maryland, in consequence of the destruction of the bridges by the secessionists. Brigadier- General Butler, of Massachusetts, had accompanied the Eighth on his way to Washington to assume the general com- mand of the militia force of his State, sent to aid in the defence of the capital. He accordingly assumed the command and directed the movements of the Massachusetts soldiers when thus ob- structed on their march. It was by his energy and promptitude of action that 204 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. a way was finally cleared to the capital. General Butler seized the steam ferry- boat the Maryland, on the Susquehanna, and embarking his troops sailed down the river into Chesapeake Bay and took possession of the city of Annapolis. Here his first act was to save the ship Constitution used by the cadets of the Naval School as an exercise ship, and familiarly known as " Old Ironsides," one of the most revered of our national relics from the clutch of some insur- gents who were about pouncing upon her. The General learning of the help- less condition, from want of a crew, of the old ship, mustered his men and de- clared "if there are any men in the ranks who understand how to manage a ship, let them step forward." Fifty-three presented themselves, and they were immediately put on board. The Mary- land then took her in tow, and she was safely borne out of harm's way. The General's announcement of the event April m hi g order of the day was char- 22. acteristic : " The purpose which could only be hinted at in the orders of yesterday has been accomplished. The frigate Con- stitution has lain for a long time at this port, substantially at the mercy of the armed mob which sometimes paralyzes the otherwise loyal State of Maryland. Deeds of daring, successful contests, and glorious victories had rendered Old Ironsides so conspicuous in the naval history of the country, that she was fitly chosen as the school in which to train the future officers of the navy to like heroic acts. It was given to Massa- chusetts and Essex counties first to man her ; it was reserved to Massachusetts to have the honor to retain her for the ser- vice of the Union and the laws. This is a sufficient triumph of right a suffi- cient triumph for us. By this the blood of our friends, shed by the Baltimore mob, is so far avenged. The Eighth Regiment may hereafter cheer lustily upon all proper occasions, but never without orders. The old Constitution, by their efforts, aided untiringly by the United States officers having her in charge, is now ' possessed, occupied, and enjoyed' by the Government of the United States, and is safe from all her enemies." The revered Constitution had been thus rescued with much difficulty from imminent danger. For four days and nights, previous to the arrival of Gen- eral Butler, her crew had been at quarters with the guns shotted. The insurgents of Maryland were plotting her destruction or capture. It may easily be imagined that it was a work of no little difficulty to move her, threatened as she was by the people on shore. She had four anchors and seven chains out when the Maryland was ordered by General Butler alongside. One anchor alone was hove up, the rest were slipped, and finally by lighting and careening, and by dint of hard labor, she was dragged over the bar. The crew of the Maryland were only kept to their work and duty by placing a guard over them armed with revolvers. After dragging her over the bar, the vessel grounded on the Outer Spit. About ten RESCUE OF THE COXSTTTUTIOIV. 205 P.M., information having been brought off that the channel outside the ship would be obstructed, kedges were laid out, and it was endeavored to warp the ship over the Spit, part of the men being at the guns. The Maryland hav- ing been run aground by her officers during the warping, a squall came up and drove the ship ashore again. At daylight a steam-tug from Havre de Grace came in sight, and was taken to tow the ship out. She was then taken in tow by the R. R. Cuyler, and brought to New York. Subsequently she was sent to Newport, Rhode Island, whither the Naval School formerly at Annapolis was removed. The General's next operation was to re-establish the railroad between An- napolis and Washington. His own ranks supplied skilled mechanics to reconstruct the broken engines, and the hardy men of Massachusetts, aided by the tender hands of the gentlemen of New York, performed the rude labor of laying the iron rails. These timely services of General Butler won for him the gratitude of the whole Northern people who fondly cherished his rising military repute, and hailed him in advance as one of their future heroes. Benjamin F. Butler was born in Deer- field, Rockingham County, New Hamp- shire, in 1818. He claims relationship with the Cilleys, a family of Revolution- ary renown, from which sprang the Honorable Jonathan Cilley, who was killed in a duel with his associate in Congress, Graves, of Kentucky. Young Butler was educated at a Baptist college in Waterville, Maine. He subsequently studied law, and removing to Massachu- setts commenced its practice at Lowell. Here he soon acquired prominence as a successful advocate in jury cases. He was remarkable for his devotion to the interests of his clients, and the oratori- cal vehemence with which he defended their cause. With an impulsive nature, and great flexibility and readiness of speech, restrained by no over-fastidious- ness of rhetoric, his eloquence is distin- guished rather by its force than its re- finement. Though long prominent as an active politician of the Democratic party, his first appearance in public life was in 1853, when he became a member of the Legislature of Massachusetts. In the same year he was elected to the Con- stitutional Convention, and in 1859-60 was senator of the State. In May, 1860, he was chosen a delegate to the Demo- cratic Convention, which first met at Charleston. In the rupture which ensued in the party, he sided with the Southern faction, and was a member of the subsequent convention at Baltimore which nominated Breckenridge for Presi- dent. He was appointed one of the Presidential electors for Massachusetts, and headed the electoral list on the Breckenridge ticket. He was also nom- inated as the candidate for Governor of Massachusetts, by that portion of the Democratic party supposed to be favor- able to the policy of the slave States. Though suspiciously regarded in the anti-slavery State of Massachusetts as a 206 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. political ally of the "States Rights" men of the South, he, on the first overt act of Southern rebellion, proved his loyalty to the Union by coming forward among the earliest to offer his services in its defence. Governor Andrew, of Massachusetts, though always his politi- cal opponent, was glad to welcome so spirited and able a co-operator in the common cause of national unity, and appointed him commander of the Eighth Massachusetts Regiment. Leading this corps to the defence of the capital, he found his progress suddenly obstructed ; and an occasion offering for the exercise of those energies which characterize him, he exerted them with a spirit and a suc- cess which won for him the gratitude of the whole nation. General Butler is a man in the prime of life, being forty-three years of age. Though somewhat unwieldy in appear- ance, he is possessed of great physical activity. His expression, disfigured by a cast in his left eye, might be thought severe and even sinister by the casual observer, but by his friends he is es- teemed as an amiable companion, and by his subordinates readily obeyed as a popular commander. With his acknowledged energy in action, fertility of resource, and cool- ness in danger, there is reason to be- lieve when his natural impulsiveness of character has been duly tempered by military experience, that he will become one of the most efficient leaders in the present war. As proof of his coolness and intre- pidity in danger s the following incident is told. It occurred in Lowell, Massa- chusetts, in 1856. " It was during the Presidential con- test, and Hon. Rufus Choate had been invited to address the conservative citi- zens. The largest hall of the city was crowded to excess ; the audience was wild with enthusiasm, as the brilliant orator swayed them by his eloquence ; but in the midst of the applause a jar was felt, a crash was heard, and every face save one turned pale as the cry went forth, ' The floor is sinking !' The man whose cheek knew no pallor was General Butler. He sprang up and calmed the fears of the multitude by telling them that he did not apprehend the least danger ; that the architect was present ; but to allay any misgiving, he would go with the architect and exam- ine the building. An immediate in- vestigation showed that the edifice was in the greatest possible danger, and a sudden movement, a rush on the part of the assembly, would result in the slaugh- ter of thousands. Forgetful of himself, he bravely pushed through the dense crowd. He did not shriek he showed no marks of trepidation but with a bland countenance whispered a few ap- parently pleasant and assuring words to Mr. Choate. Mr. Butler then turned to the audience, and in a calm, clear voice remarked : ' My friends, there is no present danger ; but as the house is overcrowded, it will be better to quietly adjourn to the open air ; and I there- fore invite you to the front of the Mer- rimack House.' The whole thing was accomplished in a few moments. It CHARACTER OF GENERAL BUTLER. 207 was only by Mr. Butler's self-passession that the catastrophe was avoided. On this occasion he showed more cool cour- age than any battle will ever call into requisition. In the life of Mr. Choate we find what the words were that blandly fell, sotto voce, from Mr. Butler, viz., ' Mr. Choate, I must clear this house, or we shall all be in h 11 in five minutes!'"* Before the close of this history, there will be many other more memorable incidents to record, in which Butler will have given proof of his characteristic energy and courage. CHAPTER XVIII. Perplexities of President Lincoln and his Cabinet. Humiliating Expedients. The Gdvernor of Maryland and the Mayor of Baltimore summoned to Washington. The Conference with the President. Opinion of General Scott. The Federal Authority agrees not to bring Troops through Baltimore. End of the Conference. Another Inter- view. Troops Recalled from Cockeysville. The continued Movement of Troops to Washington. The Route by Annapolis kept open by General Butler. Opposition from Maryland. A Protest from the Governor. Response of Butler. Another Letter from Butler. A pertinent Question as to the Loyalty of Maryland. A Rebuke to the Governor. Another Protest from Governor Hicks. The Legislature of Maryland convened. A Home-thrust from Butler. Fastidious regard for Maryland. Offer to suppress a Slave Insurrection. The offer declined. The Legis- lature of Maryland meets at Frederick. The Message of the Governor. Amiable Rhetoric. Gentleness, Peace, and Neutrality. The Secession tendencies of the Legislature. Hesitation. Union Meetings. A forcible Appeal to Loyalty. Movement of Butler to the Relay House. Indirect Action of the Legislature. The " Board of Public Safety." Its purpose. Defeated by the Conservatives. Animosity of the Legislature. Expression of Opinion in regard to the Re-opening of Communications. A quasi Justification of the violence of the Maryland Rioters. Guarantees demanded from the Federal Government. Commissioners sent to the President. Their Report. Sympathy with Secession manifested. 1861. THE President and his cabinet, beset by a rebellion the extent of which it was impossible to measure, and unpre- pared to meet it with the scattered resources of a government they were so suddenly called to administer, were nat- urally perplexed. Surrounded with dan- gers, the greater as they were unde- fined, and prevented from the exercise of powers which, however great, were yet beyond their control, the Federal authorities were obliged to resort to the humiliating expedient of temporizing with the insurgents of Maryland. The President accordingly summoned the Governor of Maryland and the Mayor of Baltimore to Washington to \ ' ' consult" with them for ' ' the pres- 21. ervation of the peace of Maryland." " Governor Hicks not being at hand, Mayor Brown, with several notable cit- izens, proceeded without him to the capital in obedience to the summons of the President. An audience was imme- diately granted by President Lincoln, accompanied by all the members of his cabinet and Lieutenant-General Scott. A long conversation and discussionf en- Harper's Weekly. f The occurrences at this interview are related as re- ported in the "statement" of Mayor Brown, National In- telligencer, April 22. 208 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. sued. The President recognized the good faith of the city and State author- ities of Maryland, and insisted upon his own. He admitted the excited state of feeling in Baltimore, and his desire and duty to avoid the fatal consequences of a collision with the people. He urged, on the other hand, the absolute, irre- sistible necessity of having a transit through the State for such troops as might be necessary for the protection of the Federal capital. The protection of Washington, he asseverated with great earnestness, was the sole object of concentrating troops there, and he protested that none of the troops brought through Maryland were intended for any purposes hostile to the State or aggres- sive as against the Southern States. Being now unable to bring them up the Potomac in security, the Government must either bring them through Mary- land or abandon the capital. " General Scott being called upon for his opinion, said that troops might be brought through Maryland, without passing through Baltimore, by either carrying them from Perryville to An- napolis and thence by rail to Wash- ington, or by bringing them to the Re- lay House, on the Northern Central Railroad, and marching them to the Re- lay House, on the Washington Railroad, and thence transporting them by rail to the capital. If the people of Maryland would permit the troops to go by either of these routes uninterruptedly, the ne- cessity of their passing through Balti- more might be avoided. If, however, the General declared, the people would not allow them to take this circuitous route, the soldiers would be obliged to select their own best course, and, if need be, fight their own way through Baltimore, a result which he most earnestly depre- cated. "The President expressed his hearty concurrence with the desire of the Gen- eral to avoid a collision, and said that no more troops should be ordered to pass through Baltimore, if they were permitted to go uninterruptedly by ei- ther of the routes suggested by General Scott. The secretary of war, Cameron, gave his assent to the decision of Mr. Lincoln. " Mayor Brown assured the President that the city authorities would use all lawful means to prevent their citizens from leaving Baltimore to attack the troops in passing at a distance ; but he urged at the same time the impossibility of their being able to promise anything more than their best efforts in that di- rection. The excitement was great, he told the President ; the people of all classes were fully aroused, and it was impossible for any one to answer for the consequences of the presence of Northern troops anywhere within the borders of Maryland. He reminded the President, also, that the jurisdiction of the city authorities was confined to their own population, and that he could give no promises for the people elsewhere, because he would be unable to keep them if given. The President frankly acknowledged this difficulty, and said that the Government would only ask the city authorities to use their best THROUGH MARYLAND. 209 efforts with respect to those under their jurisdiction. " The interview terminated with the distinct assurance on the part of the President, that no more troops would be sent through Baltimore, unless ob- structed in their transit in other di- rections, and with the understanding that the city authorities should do-their best to restrain their own people. " The Mayor and his companions, be- fore departing, urged upon the Presi- dent in the most earnest manner a course of policy which would give peace to the country, and especially the with- drawal of all orders contemplating the passage of troops through any part of Maryland." The Mayor had, however, just as he was about leaving the capital, received a dispatch informing him of the march of Pennsylvania troops to Cockeysville, in Maryland, only distant fifteen miles from Baltimore. This appeared to him as a threatening approach, and he hur- ried with his dispatch to the President, who expressed great surprise at its pur- port, and immediately summoned Gen- eral Scott and the secretary of war, who at once appeared, in company with the other members of the cabinet. The dispatch containing intelligence of the movement of the Pennsylvania troops was now submitted to the whole con- clave. Mr. Lincoln having declared that he had no idea that a force was to move on that day to Cockeysville, urged emphatically the immediate recall of the troops, to avoid the slightest suspicion of bad faith on his part in summoning 27 the Mayor of Baltimore to Washington, and allowing troops to advance toward the city during his absence. The Pres- ident then expressed his desire that the troops might, if practicable, be sent back at once to York or Harrisburg. General Scott warmly concurred, and immediately issued an order to that ef- fect and delivered it to an aid-de-camp, who departed on the instant. At the same time assurances were given that the troops at Cockeysville were not in- tended to march through Baltimore, but to the Relay House, on the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad. The military activity, however, of the free States was quickly relieving the Government from its position of per- plexity and humiliation. The militia regiments already organized, and the volunteer corps forming with wonderful rapidity, kept daily moving on toward the capital. Some reached Annapolis by the way of Philadelphia, while others were transported directly thither from Northern ports on steamers chartered by the Government for the purpose. The route from Annapolis to Washing- ton, through a disaffected State, was kept clear by the energetic action of General Butler, who continued to hold the chief command in that quarter. This spirited officer met with great opposition in Maryland from the au- thorities of that State, either intimidated by the rebellious, or disposed to sympa- thize with their disloyalty. Governor Hicks had repaired to Annapolis, the capital of Maryland, and remonstrated against Butler's landing of the troops : 210 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. April "I would most earnestly advise," 20. he wrote, "that you do not land your men at Annapolis. The excite- ment here is very great, and I think that you should take your men else- where. I have telegraphed to the sec- retary of war, advising against your landing your men here." To this communication Butler merely answered, in the first place, that the ar- rival of his command at Annapolis was the result of circumstances beyond his control, and that their landing was a necessary part of the performance of his duty to the Federal Government. Re- ceiving no reply, he wrote another com- munication to the Governor, demanding a direct answer to a question very per- April tinent to the loyalty of the State 22. of Maryland: "I desire of your Excellency an immediate reply," wrote Butler, "whether I have the permission of the State authorities of Maryland to land the men under my command, and of passing quietly through the State on my way to Washington, respecting pri- vate property, and paying for what I receive, and outraging the rights of none a duty which I am bound to do in obedience to the requisitions of the United States." At the same time Gen- eral Butler took occasion to object to the sectional character the Governor had attributed to the State troops, sum- moned to the defence of the Union : "I beg leave," he said, "to call your Ex- cellency's attention to what I hope I may be pardoned for deeming an ill-ad- vised designation of the men under my command. They are not Northern troops ; they are a part of the whole militia of the United States, obeying the call of the President." Governor Hicks withheld his consent to the landing of the troops, but con- tented himself with a protest against the movement, declaring, that "in view of the excited condition" of Maryland, he considered it an " unwise step on the part of the Government." In the mean time, Governor Hicks, though hitherto he had firmly refused, summoned the Legislature to meet at Annapolis. This was a timid con- April cession to the secessionists, who 26. were believed to control that body. Butler having, in spite of protests and threatened resistance, landed his troops, had, in order to secure their transit, taken possession of the Annapolis and Elk Ridge Railroad. The Governor protested against this seizure of the railroad, declaring that its military pos- session would prevent the members of the Legislature from assembling at An- napolis, the capital. He, however, thus exposed his secession proclivities, if not his complicity with the rebellious, which he had vainly attempted to conceal, but which had caused his ready compliance with their demands. Butler, in his answer to the Governor's protest, thrust this charge of prevarication home to him : "HEADQUARTERS, THIRD BRIGADE, II. S. MIL., ) ANNAPOLIS, MD., April 23, 1861. ) "To His EXCELLENCY THOS. H. HICKS, GOV- ERNOR OF MARYLAND : "You are credibly informed that I have taken possession of the Annapolis BUTLER AT ANNAPOLIS. 211 and Elk Ridge Railroad. It might have escaped your memory, but at the official meeting between your Excellency and the Mayor of Annapolis, and the au- thorities of the Government and myself, it was expressly stated as the reason why I should not land, and that my troops could not land, because the com- pany had taken up the rails, and they were private property. It is difficult to see how it could be that if my troops could not pass over the railroad one way, the members of the Legislature could pass the other way. I have taken possession for the purpose of preventing the carrying out of the threats of the mob, as officially represented to me by the master of transportation of this city, ' that if my troops passed over the rail- road, the railroad should be destroyed.' " If the government of the State had taken possession of the railroad in any emergency, I should have long waited before I entered upon it. But, as I had the honor to inform your Excellency in regard to insurrection against the laws of Maryland, I am here armed to main- tain those laws, if your Excellency de- sires, and the peace of the United States, against all disorderly persons whatever. I am endeavoring to save, and not to destroy, to obtain means of transporta- tion, so I can vacate the capital prior to the sitting of the Legislature, and not be under the painful necessity of occu- pying your beautiful city while the Leg- islature is in session. I have the honor to be your Excellency's obedient serv- ant, Br.-Gen. B. F. BUTLER." While thus resolute, however, in the performance of his duty to the General Government, Butler was not less solic- itous to uphold the institutions and sup- port the laws of Maryland. His fastid- ious regard for the State was manifest on the occasion of a threatened rising of the negroes. Butler offered the aid of his troops in suppressing the rumored insurrection. "HEADQUARTERS THIRD BRIG. MASS. V. MIL., ) ANNAPOLIS, April 23, 1861. f " To HIS EXCELLENCY THOMAS H. HICKS, GOV- ERNOR OF THE STATE OF MARYLAND : ' ' I did myself the honor, in my com- munication of yesterday, wherein I asked permission to land the portion of the militia of the United States under my command, to state that they were armed only against the disturbers of the peace of the State of Maryland and of the United States. " I have understood within the last hour that some apprehensions are en- tertained of an insurrection of the negro population of this neighborhood. I am anxious to convince all classes of per- sons that the forces under my command are not here in any way to interfere with or countenance any interference with the laws of the State. I am there- fore ready to co-operate with your Ex- cellency in suppressing most promptly and effectively any insurrection against the laws of Maryland. " I beg, therefore, that you announce publicly that any portion of the forces under my command is at your Excel- lency's disposal, to act immediately for the preservation and quietness of the peace of this community. 212 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. "And I have the honor to be your Excellency's obedient servant, "BENJAMIN F. BUTLER, " General of Third Brigade." The Governor gratefully acknowl- edged this tender of service, but, confi- dent in the ability of the citizens them- selves to suppress any insurrection of the slave population of Maryland, de- clined General Butler's conciliatory but officious offer. The Legislature of Maryland, under the pretence that it was not safe to meet in Annapolis, the capital, while in the military possession of General Butler with Northern troops, convened at Fred- erick. The Governor, in his message, April g ave a resume of his action, and 27 after bewailing the angry disposi- tion of the State, strove, in a strain of amiable rhetoric, to compose it by counseling gentleness, peace, and neu- trality. " It is my duty," he said, " to advise you of my own convictions of the proper course to be pursued by Maryland in the emergency which is upon us. It is of no consequence now to discuss the causes which have induced our troubles. Let us look to our distressing present and to our portentous future. The fate of Maryland, and perhaps of her sister border slave States, will undoubtedly be seriously affected by the action of your honorable body. Therefore should every good citizen bend all his energies to the task before us, and therefore should the animosities and bickerings of the past be forgotten, and all strike hands in the bold cause of restoring peace to our State and to our country. I honestly and most earnestly entertain the conviction, that the only safety of Maryland lies in preserving a neutral position between our brethren of the North and of the South. We have vio- lated no right of either section. We have been loyal to the Union. The un- happy contest between the two sections has not been commenced or encouraged by us, although we have suffered from it in the past. The impending war has not come by any act or any wish of ours. We have done all we could to avert it. We have hoped that Maryland and other border slave States, by their conserva- tive position and love for the Union, might have acted as mediators between the extremes of both sections, and thus have prevented the terrible evils of a prolonged civil war. Entertaining these views, I cannot counsel Maryland to take sides against the General Govern- ment until it shall commit outrages on us which would justify us in resisting its authority. As a consequence, I can give no other counsel than that we shall array ourselves for union and peace, and thus preserve our soil from being polluted with the blood of brethren. Thus, if war must be between the North and South, we may force the contending parties to transfer the field of battle from our soil, so that our lives and property may be secure." There was a strong disposition on the part of a majority of the Legislature of Maryland to precipitate the State into secession. Checked, however, by the increased manifestation of loyalty to the DEFEAT OF SECESSION IN MARYLAND. 213 Union, on the part of some of their fel- low-citizens, and awed by the rapid ac- cumulation of United States troops in Maryland and in Washington, they hes- itated. Meetings had, in the mean time, gathered in Baltimore and other parts of the State, and passed resolutions of loyalty to the Union. The United States flag began to be unfurled, and secession badges and colors to disappear. There was, however, in the rapid mustering of the Northern militia, a more forcible appeal in behalf of the Union. The concentration at Annapolis of a large May force, and the movement of Gen- 5 eral Butler to the Relay House, at the junction of the Baltimore and Ohio and Baltimore and Washington rail- ways, only seven miles south of Balti- more, and commanding its most import- ant communications, caused even the most headstrong of the Maryland Legis- lature to pause before taking the dan- gerous step of secession to which they had been otherwise so inclined. Find- ing the Federal Government prepared to vindicate its authority, and fearful of bringing upon their State its armed vengeance, the secessionists gave up all hope of the direct accomplishment of their purpose,* but strove to secure its fulfilment by indirect action. Not ven- turing to pass an act of immediate se- cession, they made an effort to bring it about sooner or later through the es- tablishment of a " Board of Public Safety," to be officered and controlled by their own friends. This board was A vote, however, was taken, which resulted in fifty- three against and thirteen for secession from the Union. intended to assume the executive power of the State in place of the regularly constituted authorities, whose supposed fidelity to the Union was an obstacle to the designs of the secessionists. Thus they hoped to accomplish indirectly their fixed purpose of wresting Maryland from the Union. Their intention, however, being obvious, was at once opposed and defeated by the timely interposition of the conservatives of the State. At a con- vention which met at Baltimore, the 3j a y following resolutions were passed : & " Resolved, That the Convention, in the name of the order-loving people of Baltimore, do solemnly protest against the attempt now making in the Legis- lature of Maryland to inaugurate a mil- itary despotism, by the enactment of a bill to create a Committee of Public Safety, which, under a profession of providing for the protection, safety, peace, and defence of the State, would, if enacted into a law, confer on an irre- sponsible body powers which are uncon- stitutional and tyrannical in principle, and which, by withdrawing from the citizen all guarantees now enjoyed for his individual security, must endanger the public peace ; and in the event of the enactment of that bill, we shall es- teem it our duty to avail ourselves of all constitutional remedies for defeating its execution and vindicating public liberty. "Resolved, secondly, That the mea- sures enacted and enacting by the Leg- islature are indicative of a purpose on the part of the majority thereof, to pre- cipitate Maryland into a struggle with the 214 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. constitutional authorities of the Union, and to effect, by indirect action, a re- sult which they acknowledge they are unable to accomplish by direct legisla- tion on the subject, and that we depre- cate any efforts to change the relations at present existing between the Union and this State, by any authority whatsoever." The secessionists of the Legislature, though thwarted in their plans of hos- tility, did not conceal their animosity to the Northern States and the Federal Government. When called upon by the Mayor of Baltimore for action in regard to the restoration of the communications between that city and other parts of the country, which had been closed by the destruction of railroad bridges, and the hostile attitude of the people of Mary- land, a committee was appointed to con- sider the subject. In their report, while they confessed that "the almost total interruption of direct communication between Baltimore and the North, by destruction of bridges upon the North- ern, Central, and Philadelphia railroads, is an evil very aggravated in its charac- ter, not only in itself but in its manifest bearings upon the prosperity of the State and its commercial metropolis," they could not refrain from a quasi justification of the violence which had caused it. The committee declared that "in the face of a danger which would seem inevitable, if facilities for invasion were offered to the fanatical and excited multitudes of the Northern cities, where animosity to Baltimore and Maryland is measured by no standard, and who pub- licly threaten our destruction, without subordination even to the Federal au- thority, it could hardly be consistent with the commonest prudence to re- open the avenues which would bring them to our very doors." Adding, "that the channels of intercourse with the Northern States cannot be effectually re-established without a guarantee from some quarter of the safety and peace of Maryland," the committee recommended that this should be sought from the Federal Government. Three commissioners were accordingly appointed to communicate with the President of the United States " in re- gard to the present and any proposed military use or occupation of the soil and property of the State by the Gen- eral Government." Having proceeded to the capital and communicated with Mr. Lincoln and his cabinet, the commis- sioners duly reported the result. The report h a cautiously worded document, but the sympathy of its authors with secession is manifest, in spite of their technical adherence to the legal obliga- tions of loyalty. "To THE HONORABLE GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF MARYLAND : " The undersigned commissioners have the honor to report to the General ]fl a y Assembly of Maryland that they * waited in person on the President of the United States on the 4th inst., and pre- sented him with a copy of the joint res- olutions adopted by your honorable body on the 2d inst. They were received by the President with respectful courtesy, and made such representations as were necessary to convey to him the sense of REPORT OF MARYLAND COMMISSIONERS. 215 the General Assembly of Maryland, in relation to the occupation of the capital of the State by Federal troops, and the forcible seizure of property of the State, and of private citizens on the Annapolis Railroad, and on the Washington Branch of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad ; and in this connection his attention was called to the suspension of intercourse between Baltimore and Washington, and other parts of the State with Annapolis, and the indignity put upon the State while still in the Federal Union, by such an interference with the private rights of its citizens, and by such an occupation of its soil and ways of communication by the Federal Government. Full ex- planations were exchanged between the undersigned and the secretary of war and secretary of state, who were present and participated in the discussion, as to the facts and circumstances rendered necessary by the extraordinary incidents accompanying the passage of the Fed- eral troops through Maryland en route to the city of Washington, and especially in reference to those acts of the author- ities of the city of Baltimore, which arrested the progress of the troops by the railroads leading from Pennsylvania and Delaware into Maryland, and of the opposition to the landing of the troops subsequently at Annapolis by the Gov- ernor of the State, and in conjunction with the action of the authorities of the State. The hostile feeling manifested by the people to the passage of these troops through Maryland was considered and treated with entire frankness by the undersigned, who, while acknowledging all the legal obligations of the State to the Federal Government, set forth fully the strength of the sympathy felt by a large portion of our people for our Southern brethren in the present crisis. Although many of the instances and circumstances referred to were regarded in different lights by the undersigned and the Federal Government, even to the extent of a difference of opinion as to some of the facts involved, yet in re- gard to the general principle at issue a concurrence of opinion was reached. The President concurred with the under- signed in the opinion that so long as Maryland has not taken, and was not about taking, a hostile attitude to the Federal Government, that the executive military occupation of her ways of com- munication, and the seizure of the prop- erty of her citizens, would be without justification ; and what has been referred to in this connection, so far as it oc- curred, was treated by the Government as an act of necessity and self-preserva- tion. The undersigned did not feel themselves authorized to enter into any engagement with the Federal Govern- ment to induce it to change its relations to the State of Maryland, considering it proper under the circumstances to leave the entire discretion and responsi- bility of the existing state of things to that Government, making such repre- sentations as they deem proper to vindi- cate the moral and legal aspects of the question, and especially insisting on its obligation to relieve the State promptly from restraint and indignity, and to ab- stain from all action in the transportation 216 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. of troops that can be regarded as in- tended for chastisement or prompted by resentment. The undersigned are not able to indicate to what extent or to what degree the executive discretion will be exercised in modifying the rela- tions which now exist between the State of Maryland and the Federal Govern- ment, and in the particular matter of the commercial communication between the city of Baltimore and the other part of the country, brought to the attention of the General Assembly by the Mayor and City Council of Baltimore ; but they feel authorized to express the opinion that some modification may be expected. The undersigned feel painfully confident that a war is to be waged to reduce all the seceding States to allegiance to the Federal Government, and that the whole military power of the Federal Govern- ment will be exerted to accomplish that purpose ; and though the expression of this opinion is not called for by the res- olution of your honorable bodies, yet ? having had the opportunity to ascertain its entire accuracy, and because it will explain much of the military prepara- tions and movements of the troops through the State of Maryland, it is proper to bring it to your attention. " OTHO SCOTT, "ROBERT M. McLANE, " WM. J. Ross." CHAPTER XIX. The rapid Response to the President's Call for Troops. The Capital pronounced safe. Maryland Awed. Virginia kept in check. Increased Resources of the Government. Reinforcement of Fortress Monroe. Description of Fortress Monroe. The importance of its Position. Its Construction. Site. Communications with the Mainland. The Outer Walls. The form of the Fort. The Armament. Late Additions. The Moat. The Water Battery. The Gates. The Redoubt. How Commanded. Its Approaches. How Defended. The Defects of the Fort. The Ex- terior. The Hygeia Hotel. Old Point Comfort. Importance of the Post. Danger of losing it. Anxiety of the North. Reinforcements from Massachusetts. Increased Authority and Vigor of the Federal Government. New Military Departments. Another Call from the President for Troops. His Proclamation. The swift Answer of the North. Virginia and North Carolina included in the Blockade. Increase of the Fleet. Purchase of Merchant Steamers. General Butler's Fortifications at the Relay House. Command of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad. Reconstruction of Bridges and Opening of Communications. Fort McHenry Reinforced. Its effect upon Baltimore. Description of the Fortress. The good conduct of its Commander. Position of the Fort. Reaction of Sentiment in Maryland. Union Feeling claimed to be predominant. Union Meetings and Union Orators. Speech of Reverdy Johnson. Presentation of Flag to the Home Guard of Frederick. Great Crowds of Unionists. Remarkable dis- play of Union Emblems. Manly Rhetoric of Johnson. Sensible Advice to Marylanders. A fervid Appeal in behalf of the United States Flag. The Secessionists awed to silence. Secret efforts to advance Secession. The City of Baltimore tranquilized. Disbandment of the City Soldiery. Butler Marches into the City. His Reception. Encampment on Federal Hill. Proclamation of Butler. Seizure of Arms. Arrest of prominent Citizens. Good effects of Decision. The Governor of Maryland takes Courage. He responds to the President's Call for Troops. A Proclamation Modified to suit Equivocal Loyalty. Comparative Propriety of the Legislature. A Spirit of Dis- affection finds vent. The last Act of the Legislature. The Route through Baltimore opened. The first great Victory for the Union. 1861, SUCH had been the promptitude with which the North had responded to the proclamation, of the 15th of April, of the President calling forth the militia, that in less than ten days after, more than twenty thousand troops had - m w CO . FORTRESS MONROE. 217 marched. The capital, which was sup- posed to have been in imminent danger from Virginia and Maryland, was now pronounced safe. The insurgents of the former State in arms against the Federal Government, and who had mustered to the number of several thousands, and en- camped on the banks of the Potomac opposite to Washington, were kept in awe by the militia which had rapidly accumulated at the capital. Maryland, dominated by ' a considerable Federal force in possession of the channels of communication, also feared any longer to make violent demonstration of its dis- affection, and appeared suddenly to be converted to loyalty. The Federal Government strength- ened thus by the military ardor and promptitude of the loyal States, was enabled not only to provide for the im- mediate defence of the capital, and to check the rebellious tendencies of Mary- land, but to reinforce a post of the greatest importance in the future con- duct of the war. This was Fortress Monroe, the most extensive work of defence in the United States. Situated at the mouth of the Chesapeake, it com- mands the only approaches from, the sea to Maryland and Virginia, and to the various rivers, the Susquehannah, the Potomac, Rappahannock, York, James, and the numerous small streams and creeks which empty into the bay, and thus find their outlet to the Atlantic Ocean. Fortress Monroe was designed by the celebrated ' French engineer General Barnard, in 1819, then in the service of 28 the United States. Such has been the magnitude of the work, that although thus early begun, it is yet incomplete. It is built upon a peninsula connected with the mainland by a narrow strip of sand beach, not more than forty rods in width. In addition to this communica- tion, there has been constructed a cause- way with a bridge toward its end which leads from the fort to the road on the mainland which passes to Hampton. This passage is so narrow and so com- pletely commanded by some of the heaviest guns of the fort, as to render any approach in that direction almost impracticable. The waters of the bay which flow in between the peninsula and the mainland, enclosed, as it were, like a lake, between the natural neck of sand and the artificial causeway, vary in width from one to three miles. The outer walls of Fortress Monroe embrace an area of nearly sixty-five acres, of which twenty-five regularly laid out and shaded by a fine growth of live oak form the parade ground. The work is bastioned, and is of an irregular heptagon form. The walls, constructed of granite and embanked with thick mounds of sand and clay, rise to a height of thirty-five feet. On the ramparts are mounted heavy guns, some of which are forty-two pounders and others co- lumbiads. These being en barbette are uncovered. There are about seventy large casemates, which are bomb and shot proof. Some of these are appro- priated for officers' quarters, and others for guard-houses and general barracks. The embrasures, though intended orig- 218 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. inally for forty-two pounders, are suffi- ciently large for columbiads of the great- est size. The armament of the fortress as orig- inally recorded in the official statement was composed of forty-two forty-two pounders, a hundred and thirty-nine thirty-two pounders, ten twenty-four pounders, fourteen eighteen pounders, twenty-five twelve pounders, twelve field pieces, sixteen flank howitzers, twenty heavy eight-inch howitzers, five light eight-inch howitzers, three thirteen-inch mortars, seven heavy ten-inch mortars, three light ten-inch mortars, five light eight-inch mortars, five sixteen-inch stone mortars, and fifteen cohorns, mak- ing in all three hundred and seventy-one guns. This armament, however, has been much modified and considerably aug- mented since. Columbiads of various calibres have been liberally supplied, and mortars of various construction and other cannon added, so that the guns of the fort at present are much more nu- merous and effective. A broad and deep moat surrounds the whole work. This is faced with dressed granite, and when flooded by the opening of the gates, is supplied with water, varying from eight to fifteen feet in depth, and from seventy-five to a hundred and fifty feet in breadth, present- ing a formidable obstacle to be overcome in an attempted assault. As the fort was chiefly intended to protect the approaches from sea, the chief labor and expense were concen- trated upon the work in that direction. Here is what is termed the Water Battery, which is constructed of stone, of a thickness so great, and of a masonry so solid, that it is supposed to be proof against any weight of metal. It has forty-two embrasures, originally mounted with that number of forty-two pounders. Presenting a formidable front to the sea, this defence would seem impregnable to a naval attack from without. The slope of the battery is laid with green turf, like the ramparts of the rest of the fortress, and in times of peace was a favorite promenade for the fashionable frequenters of the peninsula seeking the fresh breezes of the ocean.- On the north side of the fort there is a postern gate, which leads to a redoubt or outerwork, built to protect the land side, which, as the work was never in- tended except as a protection against a foreign enemy, was left, as in all our coast defences, comparatively weak. Since, however, the commencement of this civil war, great efforts have been made to give additional strength to this portion of the works. Heavy guns and mortars have been mounted to command the artificial causeway and the strip of beach which join the peninsula with the mainland. The surface of the country in the immediate neighborhood, more- over, being generally level, there is hardly a favorable point for commencing the operations of a siege. The only rising ground for many miles is a slight elevation with trees on either side, at the extremity of the neck of land. This, however, is so commanded by the guns of the fort as to be untenable. FORT MONROE SECURED. 219 On the beach outside of the walls there is a fifteen-inch columbiad placed there for practice, and for additional de- fence against an attack from the sea. It, however, also commands the neck of land, and would seem to check the ap- proach of the most ventursome in that direction. The whole cost of the ex- tensive works of Fortress Monroe has been estimated at nearly three millions. The greatest deficiency of the fort is the precariousness of its supply of water. An attempt was made some fifteen years ago to bore an Artesian well, but the effort was abandoned, and the only de- pendence at present is upon large cis- terns, which are supplied by the rains. Outside of the fort are the numerous foundries and work and machine shops, where large quantities of munitions of war can be rapidly fabricated. There is a wharf on the southern side of the peninsula, three hundred yards distant from the fort, where vessels of the greatest draft of water can lie. About a quarter of a mile distant, and on the western side of the walls, stands the "Hygeia Hotel," a famous resort in past summers for "the planters of the South in search of the sea breeze at " Old Point Comfort," as the peninsula is called. Within the fort itself there is a group of nearly fifty houses of brick and wood, forming quite a village, and on one side of the parade ground is a seemly Episcopal chapel. To secure this important post became at once a matter of the greatest moment. Placed as it was within the boundaries of a State already in open rebellion, and threatened by a force gathered appar- ently for the purpose of attempting to wrest it from the meagre garrison which held it, there was great danger of its loss. Massachusetts, however, which had been foremost in pouring out her resources of men and money in defence of the Union, came to the rescue, and promptly sent one of her regiments of militia to aid in its defence. Embarking on board of the steamer Maine, at Boston, the Fourth Regiment of Massa- chusetts militia sailed directly to the Chesapeake, and landed in safety April at Fortress Monroe on the 20th of 2 ^ April. The Government, encouraged by the enthusiasm of loyalty of the people, and fortified by their generosity of service, began to assert with more confidence, and to vindicate with more firmness, its contemned authority. New military de- partments were organized. The ^ril District of Columbia, Fort Wash- 27. ington and the adjacent country, and the State of Maryland as far as Bladens- burgh, were erected into the Department of Washington, and placed under the command of Colonel J. K. F. Mansfield, inspector-general, with his headquarters at the capital. That part of Maryland including the country for twenty miles on each side of the railroad from An- napolis to the city of Washington, as far as Bladensburgh, was formed into a new military department, entitled the De- partment of Annapolis, and Butler, with the rank of brigadier-general of Massa- chusetts volunteers, assigned to the command, with his headquarters at An- 220 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. napolis. To these was added a third, the Department of Pennsylvania, includ- ing that State, the State of Delaware, and all of Maryland not within the other departments, and the command given to Major-General Patterson, with his headquarters at Philadelphia, or any other point which he might be tempo- rarily occupying. This was soon after followed by this May proclamation of the President call- 3 ing for volunteers for three years, and an increase of the regular army and navy : " Whereas existing exigencies demand immediate and adequate measures for the protection of the national Constitu- tion and the preservation of the national Union, by the suppression of the insur- rectionary combinations now existing in several States for opposing the laws of the Union and obstructing the execution thereof, to which end a military force in addition to that called forth by my proclamation of the fifteenth day of April in the present year appears to be indispensably necessary, now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, and Commander-in-chief of the Army and Navy thereof, and of the militia of the several States, when called into actual service, do hereby call into the service of the United States forty-two thousand and thirty-four vol- unteers, to serve for a period of three years, unless sooner discharged, and to be mustered into service as infantry and cavalry. The proportions of each arm and the details of enrolment and organ- ization will be made known through the department of war ; and I also direct that the regular army of the United States be increased by the addition of eight regiments of infantry, one regi- ment of cavalry, and one regiment of artillerjT", making altogether a maximum aggregate increase of 22,714 officers and enlisted men, the details of which in- crease will also be made known through the department of war ; and I further direct the enlistment, for not less than one nor more than three years, of 18,000 seamen, in addition to the present force, for the naval service of the United States. The details of the enlistment and organization will be made known through the department of the navy. The call for volunteers, hereby made, and the direction of the increase of the regular army, and for the enlistment of seamen hereby given, together with the plan of organization adopted for the volunteers and for the regular forces hereby authorized, will be submitted to Congress as soon as assembled. " In the mean time I earnestly invoke the co-operation of all good citizens in the measures hereby adopted for the effectual suppression of .unlawful vio- lence, for the impartial enforcement of constitutional laws, and for the speediest possible restoration of peace and order, and with those of happiness and pros- perity throughout our country. 1 ' In testimony whereof, I have here- unto set my hand, and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. " Done at the city of Washington this third day of May, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and BALTIMORE AWED. sixty-one, and of the Independence of the United States the eighty-fifth. " ABRAHAM LINCOLN. " By the President. " WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State." All the Northern States began to re- spond rapidly to this call of the Presi- dent for additional troops, and the Gov- ernment was judiciously availing itself of its increased naval and military re- sources. Virginia and North Carolina were included in the blockade already April declared, of South Carolina, Geor- 27t gia, Florida, Alabama, Louisiana, Mississippi, and Texas. Merchant steam- ers were purchased or chartered to strengthen the naval arm, quite inade- quate to the duty of watching so exten- sive a line of sea-coast. The various ports on the Chesapeake and the Poto- mac were especially guarded by the Government cruisers, and the communi- cations of Virginia with the sea thus effectually cut off. As before stated, General Butler, with May a large force, took possession of the 5 Relay House, at the junction of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, only seven miles from Baltimore. Here he planted eight howitzers on the viaduct over the Patapsco River and threw up en- trenchments. He thus could overawe the rebellious tendencies of that disaffected city, and, by commanding the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, prevent the sending of supplies to the insurgents of Virginia in force at Harper's Ferry, by their sympathizers in Maryland. At the same time the communications between Balti- more and the North were being opened by the reconstruction of the railroad bridges, destroyed by the rioters of Maryland, and troops from Pennsylvania were preparing to advance. Fort McHenry, too, which had been fortunately preserved to the Govern- ment by the resolute conduct of its Fed- eral commander, Captain Robinson, was reinforced, and, with its guns threaten- ing the destruction of their city, kept the people of Baltimore discreetly quiet. When the Northern troops were at- tacked on their passage through Balti- more, Fort McHenry had been threat- ened by the mob ; but Captain Robin- son made it so manifest that he was de- termined to defend his post to the last extremity, that the most violently dis- posed forbore to attack him. Fort McHenry is an old-fashioned work, built many years ago. Though never of great strength, it succeeded during the war of 1812 in resisting a bombardment by the British fleet. Its guns are all on the parapet, without any protection from casemates, and its armament, prin- cipally composed of forty-two pounders, ten-inch mortars, and eight-inch how- itzers, though originally deemed formi- dable enough, would prove of little ef- fect against the improved cannon of more modern times. Situated, how- ever, on a point of land between the harbor of Baltimore and the Patapsco River which empties into it, its posi- tion is favorable for defending the ap- proaches, while it commands at the same time a portion of the city. Sev- eral artillery companies were thrown in to reinforce the garrison, and Major 222 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. Morris assumed the command, while Robinson was transferred to other service. The union sentiment of Maryland was now claimed to be predominant. Large meetings were held and addressed in strains of loyal rhetoric by leading poli- ticians of Maryland, who, although their fidelity to the Federal Government had never been questioned, had hitherto been prevented from openly manifesting it. Reverdy Johnson, an eminent law- yer and statesman of Maryland, took the occasion of the presentation of a United States flag by the ladies of Fred- erick, to the Home Guard of that place, to deliver a glowing eulogy upon the Union. There was a large audience gathered to listen to his ardent rhetoric. The population of the city was swelled by the influx of a large number of friends of the Union, from the neigh- boring towns and villages, some in troops on horseback, some in long trains of country vehicles of every kind, and others in groups afoot. All came in their holiday costume, and with bloom- ing manifestations of their loyalty. " Union cockades and badges were dis- played in profusion upon the coats of the jubilant Union men, numbers of whom were decidedly ambitious in their ideas of patriotic personal adornment, wearing cockades as large as sunflow- ers. The stars and stripes fluttered from about forty different points, and alto- gether," says an exultant newspaper re- porter, " Frederick may be said to have donned her holiday suit for the occa- sion." Reverdy Johnson's speech was a manly defence of the Government, and a sensible exposition of the advantages of the Union to all the States, and espe- cially to Maryland : "I hope," he said, "you will con- sider the occasion as justifying a few thoughts as to the duty and interest of our State in the present emergency. In the original causes which have pro- duced it, she, thank God, had no share. Among the foremost and bravest in winning our independence ; among the truest and wisest in forming our Gov- ernment, and among the first in adopt- ing it, her sons have uniformly given it a faithful and zealous support. No treasonable thought, so far as we know, ever entered the mind of one of them ; certainly no threat of treason was ever whispered by them. They ever felt the immense advantage of the Union ; they saw evidenced by everything around them the blessings it conferred upon Maryland and upon all ; prosperity un- exampled, a national power increasing every year with a rapidity and to a de- gree never before witnessed in a na- tion's history, and winning for us a name challenging the respect and admiration of the world. They saw in the extent of the country, and the differences of climate and habits, elements of strength rather than of weakness, and appre- hended therefore no parricidal efforts in any quarter to destroy the Government. If occasionally murmurs of dissatisfac- tion were heard elsewhere, they were attributed to the whining disposition of some and the disappointed ambition of SPEECH OF REVERDY JOHNSON. 223 others. They were ridiculed, subjected to no other punishment, but left to stand as ' monuments of the safety with which error of opinion may be tolerated where reason is left free to combat it. 7 No ' whisky insurrection' ever occurred within our borders ; no ordinance of nullification was ever threatened by us ; and, if we continue true to patriotic duty, no ordinance of secession, direct or indi- rect, open or covert, will ever be adopt- ed by those in authority, or, if madly adopted, be tolerated by the people. "To this steadfast attachment to the Union we are not only bound by grati- tude to the noble ancestry by whose patriotic wisdom it was bequeathed to us, and by the unappreciable blessings the bequest has conferred upon us, but by the assurance, which the most stolid intellect can hardly fail to feel, that its destruction would not only and at once deprive us of all these, but precipitate us into irreparable ruin. In this ruin all would more or less participate, but our geographical position would make it to us immediate and total. A peace- able disseverance the good and great men who have heretofore guided our public councils ever predicted to be im- possible. The proclamations now trum- peted through the land, the marshaling of hosts by thousands and tens of thou- sands, the whitening of our waters with an immense naval marine, the blockade of ports, the prostration of commerce, the destruction of almost all civil em- ployment, the heated tone of the public press of all sections, belching forth the most bitter enmity all, all testify to the truth of the prediction. How this is to result, Heaven alone knows. " But to my mind one thing is cer- tain : the Government by no single act of its own has given cause for resist- ance to its rightful authority. The pow- ers which it was exercising at the mo- ment when rebellion began to muster its ' armies of pestilence,' were clearly con- ferred upon it by the Constitution. And if the Executive, then just legally cho- sen, had meditated any illegal policy, the friends of constitutional rights were numerous enough in Congress, had they remained at their posts, as they were bound to do by their oaths and their duty to the holy cause of constitutional government, successfully and peacefully to have thwarted it. "The professed especial friends of Southern rights, instead of this, rudely shot from their spheres, and, under the utterly ridiculous claim of constitutional right, advised State secession. Mad- men if not worse they desecrated, too, in support of this dogma, the name of Calhoun. He may have committed political errors who has not ? His doc- trine of nullification was certainly one, in the judgment of all his great com- peers, sanctioned by almost the entire country, but he never maintained the nonsensical heresy of rightful secession. On the contrary, long after that of the short-lived nullification, in February, 1844, writing to his 'political friends and supporters' refusing to permit his name to be presented before the then approaching Baltimore Convention, he said : 224 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. " ' That each State has the right to act as it pleases in whatever relates to itself exclusively, no one will deny j but it is a perfectly novel doctrine that any State has such a right when she comes to act in concert with others in reference to what concerns the whole. In such cases it is the plainest dictate of common sense, that whatever affects the whole should be regulated by the 'mutual con- sent of all, and not by the discretion of each? " That great philosophical statesman understood, as in another letter of the 3d of July, 1843, he invites his coun- trymen to understand, ' in all its great and beautiful proportions, the noble po- litical structure reared by the wisdom and patriotism of our ancestors, and to have the virtue and the sense to pre- serve and protect it,' and declared it the ' duty of the Federal Government, un- der the guarantees of the Constitution, promptly to suppress physical force as an element of change, and to keep wide open the door for the free and full action of all the moral elements in its power.' " The truth is and I regret sincerely to believe it that fear of a violation of Southern rights was with the prompters of the rebellion but a pretence. "What they have done and are still doing at the sacrifice of the nation's wel- fare, and of the welfare of their own sec- tion, exerting every nerve to accomplish, was and is but to retain official power, which they fancied was passing from them. Look at the usurped government at Montgomery. The mention of names is unnecessary ; they are destined to an unhappy immortality. Those who plot- ted the seizure of forts, arsenals, mints, navy -yards, custom-houses, the admitted property of the United States, seducing soldiers and sailors from their sworn al- legiance using the very Senate cham- ber, dedicated and sacred to duty, as a spot from which to issue their treach- erous telegrams are there to be seen all in power, actual or prospective. The fact too clearly tells the revolting story. Men long enjoying public honors, earn- ing through many years of service a na- tional fame owning their renown be- cause of the world- wide fame of a glori- ous government, are striving, day and night, to reduce it to- dishonor and de- struction. Thank God, our consolation is that the effort, however pregnant with the present calamity, will fall short of its horrid aim. They may ' as well strike at the heavens with their arms' as lift them against the ' American Union.' "That the end must fail, who can doubt ? The recent census furnishes pregnant proof of this. It shows that the free States have a population of males, between eighteen and forty-five, of 3,778,000, and all the slave States only 1,655,000, and the seceding States, excluding Virginia, but 531,000 ; and if to this vast difference of men is added that of wealth, inventive skill, habits of industry, and the absence of any ele- ment of domestic danger, the disparity is infinitely greater. In a struggle be- tween such hosts which may God in his mercy avert who can fail to see what must be the end ? HONOR TO THE FLAG. 225 " But to our State these facts teach a lesson that all can understand. If mad and wicked enough to attempt it, what could we do to resist this immense power on our borders ? Call on the South ? Make our State the battle- field ? How long could the entire South, if flying to our succor, remain with and aid us ? They might assist in drenching our land with blood ; they might witness with us the desolation that in such a contest would be our doom. They would be compelled to retire within their own limits, and we left alone in our calamity, to be rendered the more acute when we awoke as we should to the insanity and crime which occasioned it. Looking, therefore, to interest alone, adherence to the Gov- ernment is our clear policy." The orator closed with a fervid appeal to the reverence of his listeners for the national flag. "Though not especially impulsive, I cannot, 7 ' he said, "imagine how an American eye can look upon that stand- ard without emotion. The twenty stars added to the first constellation tell its proud history, its mighty influence, and its unequalled career. Are these now to be forgotten and lost ? Tell me not that this is sentiment. Sentiment, to be sure it is, but it is one that purifies, and animates, and strengthens the national heart. God may be worshipped (I make the comparison with all proper reverence) in the open field, in the stable but is there no virtue in the cathedral ? Does not the soul turn its thoughts heavenwards the moment its sacred 29 threshold is crossed? This, too, is senti- ment, but it is one that honors our nature, and proves our loyalty to the Almighty. "So it is with our national emblem. The man who is dead to its influence is in mind a fool or in heart a traitor. It is this emblem I am the honored organ now to present to you. I need not commend it to your constant, vigilant care ; that, I am sure, it will ever be your pride to give it. When, if ever your hearts shah 1 despond when, if ever you shall desire your patriotism to be specially animated, throw it to the winds, gaze on its beautiful folds, remember the years and the fields over which, from '76 to the present time, it has been trium- phantly borne ; remember how it has consoled the dying and animated the survivor ; remember that it served to kindle even to a brighter flame the patriotic ardor of Washington went with him through all the struggles of the Revolution, consoled him in defeat, gave to victory an additional charm, and that his dying moments were consoled and cheered by the hope that it would forever float over a perpetual union, and you at once feel its almost holy influence and swear to stand by and maintain it till life itself shall be no more." With this increased demonstration of Federal power, and this bolder mani- festation of loyalty on the part of the unionists of Maryland, the secessionists no longer ventured upon an open dis- play of their sentiments. They, how- ever, still continued secretly to aid the insurgents of Virginia with supplies of 226 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. men and means, and to promote their cause by concealed efforts to involve the State in the Southern insurrection. The city of Baltimore had suddenly become wondrously tranquilized, and May submitted almost without a mur- tf mur to the disbandment of its citizen soldiery. A few days subse- quently, General Butler, who marched May into the city with a force of two 13. thousand men, of whom the Sixth Regiment of Massachusetts, before so cruelly treated, formed a part, was welcomed with apparent enthusiasm. "The streets were crowded with ap- plauding people, Union flags flung to the breeze, and in some instances the private dwellings were illuminated."* Butler immediately encamped upon Federal Hill, an elevation commanding the city, and proceeded at once, with characteristic energy, to secure the mili- tary occupation of Baltimore. On the next day he issued this proclamation : " DEPARTMENT OF ANNAPOLIS, FEDERAL HILL, ) BALTIMORE, May 14, 1861. ) "A detachment of the forces of the Federal Government under my com- mand have occupied the city of Balti- more for the purpose, among other things, of enforcing respect and obedi- ence to the laws as well of the State, if requested thereto by the civil authorities, as of the United States, which are being violated within its limits by some malig- nant and traitorous men ; and in order to testify the acceptance, by the Federal Government, of the fact that the city and all the well-intentioned portion of New York Times, May 15. its inhabitants are loyal to the Union and the Constitution, and are to be so regarded and treated by all. To the end, therefore, that all misunderstanding of the purposes of the Government may be prevented, and to set at rest all un- founded, false, and seditious rumors, to relieve all apprehensions, if any are felt by the well-disposed portion of the com- munity, and to make it thoroughly understood by all traitors, their aiders or abettors, that their rebellious acts must cease, I hereby, by the authority vested in me, as commander of the de- partment of Annapolis, of which the city of Baltimore forms a part, do now command and make known that no loyal and well-disposed citizen will be disturbed in his lawful occupation or business, that private property will not be interfered with by the men under my command, or allowed to be interfered with by others, except in so far as it may be used to afford aid and comfort to those in rebellion against the Govern- ment, whether here or elsewhere, all of which property, munitions of war, and that fitted to aid and support the re- bellion, will be seized and held subject to confiscation ; and, therefore, all manu- facturers of arms and munitions of war are hereby requested to report to me forthwith, so that the lawfulness of their occupation may be known and under- stood, and all misconstruction of their doings be avoided. No transportation from the city to the rebels of articles fitted to aid and support troops in the field will be permitted, and the fact of such transportation after the publication BUTLER IN BALTIMORE. 227 of this proclamation will be taken and received as proof of illegal intention on the part of the consignees, and will ren- der the goods liable to seizure and con- fiscation. "The Government being ready to re- ceive all such stores and supplies, arrangements will be made to contract for them immediately ; and the owners and manufacturers of such articles of equipment, and clothing, and munitions of war, and provisions are desired to put themselves in communication with the commanding General, in order that their workshops may be employed for loyal purposes, and the artisans of the city resume and carry on their wonted profitable occupations. " The acting assistant-quarter-master and commissary of subsistence of the United States here stationed, has been instructed to procure and furnish at fair prices 40,000 rations for the use of the army of the United States, and further supplies will be drawn from the city to the full extent of its capacity if the patriotic and loyal men choose so to furnish supplies. " All assemblages, except the ordinary police of armed bodies of men, other than those regularly organized and com- missioned by the State of Maryland and acting under the orders of the Governor thereof, for drill and other purposes, are forbidden within the department. " All officers of the militia of Mary- land having command within the limits of the department, are requested to re- port through their officers forthwith to the General in command, so that he may be able to know and distinguish the regularly commissioned and loyal troops of Maryland from armed bodies who may claim to be such. " The ordinary operations of the cor- porate government of the city of Balti- more and of the civil authorities will not be interfered with, but, on the con- trary, will be aided by all the power at the command of the General upon proper call being made ; and all such authori- ties are cordially invited to co-operate with the General in command to carry out the purposes set forth in the procla- mation, so that the city of Baltimore may be shown to the country to be, what she is in fact, patriotic and loyal to the Union, the Constitution, and the laws. No flag, banner, ensign, or de- vice of the so-called Confederate States, or of any of them, will be permitted to be raised or shown in this department, and the exhibition of either of them by evil-disposed persons will be deemed, and taken to be, evidence of a design to afford aid and comfort to the enemies of the country. To make it the more apparent that the Government of the United States by far more relies upon the loyalty, patriotism, and zeal of the good citizens of Baltimore and vicinity than upon any exhibition of force calcu- lated to intimidate them into that obe- dience to the laws which the Govern- ment doubts not will be paid from in- herent respect and love of order, the commanding General has brought to the city with him, of the many thousand troops in the immediate neighborhood, which might be at once concentrated 228 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. here, scarcely more than an ordinary guard, and, until it fails him, he will continue to rely upon that loyalty and patriotism of the citizens of Maryland which have never yet been found want- ing to the Government in time of need. The General in command desires to greet and treat in this part of his department all the citizens thereof as friends and broth- ers, having a common purpose, a common loyalty, and a common country. Any infractions of the laws by the troops un- der his command, or any disorderly, un- soldierlike conduct, or any interferences with private property, he desires to have immediately reported to him, and he pledges himself that if any soldier so far forgets himself as to break those laws that he has sworn to defend and en- force, he shall be most rigorously pun- ished. " The General believes that if the suggestions and requests contained in this proclamation are carried out by the co-operation of all good and Union-lov- ing citizens, and peace, and quiet, and certainty of future peace and quiet are thus restored, business will resume its accustomed channels, trade take the place of dulness and inactivity, efficient labor displace idleness, and Baltimore will be, in fact, what she is entitled to be in the front rank of the commercial cities of the nation. " Given at Baltimore, the day and year herein first above written. " BENJ. F. BUTLER, " B.-G. Com. Depart, of Annapolis." This was soon followed by the seizure of a large quantity of arms, amounting to "fifteen dray-loads," which had been secreted by the secessionists of Balti- more, and the arrest of some leading citizens suspected of conniving at the overthrow of the Federal authority. These decided measures produced an immediate effect. The Governor of Ma- ryland, who had been so intimidated by the disaffected of his State that he had not hitherto ventured to pay full alle- giance to that government to which he claimed to be loyal, now, after a jfl a y delay of a month, responded favor- 14* ably to the President's call for troops. He yet, however, was constrained to deal tenderly with the uncertain temper of his fellow-citizens, and to qualify his appeal to arms in defence of the Union, by a condition to suit their equivocal loyalty. "Whereas the President of the United States, by his proclamation of April 15, 1861, has called upon me, the Governor of Maryland, for four regiments of in- fantry or riflemen, to serve for a period of three months, the said requisition being made in the spirit and in pursu- ance of the law ; and "Whereas to the said requisition has been added the written assurance of the secretary of war, that said four regi- ments shall be detailed to serve within the limits of the State of Maryland, or for the defence of the capital of the United States, and not to serve beyond the limits aforesaid ; " Now, therefore, I, Thomas Holliday Hicks, Governor of Maryland, do, by this my proclamation, call upon loyal citizens of Maryland to volunteer their THE FIRST VICTORY. 229 services to the extent of four regiments, as aforesaid, to serve during a period of three months within the limits of Mary- land, or for the defence of the capital of the United States, to be subject under the conditions aforesaid, to the orders of the Commander-in-chief of the army of the United States. " Given under my hand and the great seal of the State of Maryland, at the city of Frederick, this 14th day of May, 1861. "Tnos. H. HICKS." The Legislature, too, was frightened into comparative propriety, and brought jjf ay its refractory proceedings to a close M by a sudden adjournment. The spirit of disaffection, however, which May prevailed, was made manifest by W the adoption, a few days before, of these resolutions : " Whereas the war against the Con- federate States is unconstitutional and repugnant to civilization, and will re- sult in a bloody and shameful overthrow of our institutions ; and while recog- nizing the obligations of Maryland to the Union, we sympathize with the South in the struggle for their rights for the sake of humanity, we are for peace and reconciliation, and solemnly protest against this war, and will take no part in it ; therefore, "Resolved, That Maryland implores the President, in the name of God, to cease this unholy war, at least until Congress assembles ; that Maryland de- sires and consents to the recognition of the independence of the Confederate States. The military occupation of Ma- ryland is unconstitutional, and she pro- tests against it, though the violent in- terference with the transit of Federal troops is discountenanced ; that the vin- dication of her rights be left to time and reason, and that a convention, under existing circumstances, is inexpedient." The last act of the Legislature of Ma- ryland was to appoint two commission- ers to visit President Jefferson Davis, two to visit President Lincoln, two to visit Richmond, and two to visit Penn- sylvania. The route through Baltimore to the capital was now secured, and the Fed- eral Government could claim its first great victory in the struggle for the as- sertion of its authority. 230 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. CHAPTER XX. Increased Energy of the Government. Augmenting force of Secession. Progress of North Carolina to Secession. Seizure of United States Mint and Arsenal. Action of the Governor. Convening of the Legislature. Denuncia- tion of the President's Proclamation. Ordinance of Secession. Union with the Confederate States. Action of Arkansas. Seizure of Federal Property. Act of Secession. Sanguine hopes entertained of Tennessee. Union Sentiment in Tennessee. A Vote against a Convention. Disregarded by the Governor. Legislature Convened. Military League with the Southern Confederacy. Ratification of League. Opposition in the Legislature. Question submitted to the People.-*-Strange Contrast. Arbitrary Action. Pretended Submission to the Will of the People. Apology of the Tennessee Legislature. The strong Union Sentiment in Eastern Tennessee. Description of East Tennessee. Character of the Population. Opposition to the Action of the Legislature. A Convention called at Knoxville. Its object. The unavailing resistance in East Tennessee. Ratification by the People of the State of the Ordinance of Secession. Great Encouragement for the Union in Western Virginia. Description of Western Virginia. Geographical and Social Characteristics. Whites and Blacks. Free Labor. Sympathy with the North. Enterprise and Thrift. Immense Resources. Future Prospects. Disputes with Eastern Virginia. Difference of Interests. Unequal Taxation. Opposition to Secession. Union Meetings. Convention in Western Virginia "New Virginia." Action of the Convention. An ardent Appeal for the Union. Rallying to Arms. Union En- thusiasm. Union Military Companies. Union Preachers. The first Encounter in Western Virginia. A bloodless beginning of a Bloody War. 1861, WHILE the Federal Government was asserting its authority with in- creased energy and power, and the Union sentiment of the North was daily strengthening, the Southern rebellion was augmenting with even greater force and rapidity. North Carolina was passing through the various phases of defiance and spoliation of the General Govern- ment which had marked the career of the other slave States in their progress to secession. Her Governor had reso- lutely and contemptuously refused the call of the President for the State's quota of troops for the defence of the Union. April The United States Branch Mint 21* had been seized and held by a military force under his command, and April on the next day the Federal arsenal 22 at Fayetteville, filled with muni- tions of war belonging to the United States, was forced to surrender to the State authorities. At the same time the Governor of North Carolina called for thirty thousand volunteers, in addition to the regular militia, and ordered them to be ready at a moment's notice. These acts, the purport of which was obvious, were followed by April the Governor's proclamation con- 26t vening the Legislature. In this docu- ment he denounced President Lincoln's proclamation and Secretary Cameron's requisition for seventy-five thousand troops, the " high-handed act of tyran- nical outrage," the object of which was "the violent subversion of the liberties of a free people constituting a large part of the whole population of the United States ; it is not only," the Gov- ernor added, "in violation of all con- stitutional law, utter disregard of every SECESSION OF NORTH CAROLINA. 231 sentiment of humanity and Christian civilization, and conceived in a spirit of aggression unparalleled by any act of recorded history, but is a direct step toward the subjugation of the whole South, and the conversion of a free re- public, inherited from our fathers, into a military despotism, to be established by worse than foreign enemies on the ruins of our once glorious Constitution of equal rights." He closed by an appeal to the fidelity of the people of North Carolina, to the "sovereign" authority of their State. " I furthermore ex- hort," he said, "all good citizens throughout the State to be mindful that their first allegiance is due to the sover- eignty which protects their homes and dearest interests, as their first service is due for the sacred defence of their hearths, and of the soil which holds the graves of our glorious dead. United action in defence of the sovereignty of North Carolina, and of the rights of the South, becomes now the duty of all." May ^ n three weeks after, a convention 20. "declared and ordained that the ordinance adopted by the State of North Carolina, in the Convention of 1789, whereby the Constitution of the United States was ratified and adopted, and also all acts and parts of acts of the General Assembly ratifying and adopting amendments to the said Constitution, are hereby repealed, rescinded, and abrogated." It was then " declared and ordained" that, the union with the United States being dissolved, and North Carolina in full possession of the "rights of sov- ereignty, the State accepts the Constitu- tion of the ' Confederate States of Amer- ica,' and will enter into federal association with them, when admitted in due form. North Carolina thus gave in her adher- ence to the new confederacy, and joined in the armed combination to dissolve the old Union. Arkansas was the next to follow. She began, too, with spoliation. At April Napoleon, the Federal depot was 22. seized by order of the Governor, and military supplies belonging to the United States, consisting of one hundred and fifty thousand ball cartridges, a hundred Maynard rifles, two hundred cavalry saddles, and five hundred sabres, were appropriated by the State. Fort Smith, too, which had cost the Federal Gov- ernment over three hundred thousand dollars, was forced to surrender. The State troops upon taking possession ^ T [\ raised the Confederate flag amid 25, the firing of cannon and the exulting cheers of the people, who gave shouts of applause for the citizen soldiery of Arkansas, its Governor, and for Jeffer- son Davis. These usual preliminaries of disrup- tion were soon followed by the jjj a y act of secession from the Federal ? Union, the adoption of the Constitution of the Confederate States, and the ad- mission of the State as another member of the Southern Confederacy. Tennessee, the last to attach her fortunes to the chances of the new con- federacy, it was fondly hoped by the North would have clung to the old Union. Though her Governor, who was THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. known to be in league with the Confed- erates, had responded so defiantly to the President's requisition for troops, there was yet believed to be a loyalty to the Federal Government so strong, particu- larly in the eastern part of the State, that it could counteract the machinations of those political leaders of Tennessee who were striving to wrest her from the Union. This belief was encouraged by the vote of the State on the question of holding a convention for the considera- tion of the policy of seceding. By a large majority, the people of Tennessee decided against the convention. The Governor, though thus rebuked by this expression of popular will, gave it no heed, but persisted in his determination to force the State out of the Union. He accordingly convened the Legislature the majority of which accorded with him in sentiment for the purpose of accomplishing indirectly what seemed impracticable through the direct action of the suffrage of the people. The Legislature having met, both Houses May passed at once, in secret session, ! a joint resolution authorizing the Governor to enter into a military league with the Confederate States. Three commissioners were accordingly ap- pointed ; and having held a conference with an agent of the new government, jfay expressly delegated for the pur- ? pose, the following was agreed to : " The State of Tennessee, looking to a speedy admission into the confederacy established by the Confederate States of America, in accordance with the Consti- tution for the Provisional Government of said States, enters into the following temporary convention, agreement, and military league with the Confederate States, for the purpose of meeting pressing exigencies affecting the com- mon rights, interests, and safety of said States and said Confederacy : ' ' First. Until said State shall become a member of said Confederacy, accord- ing to the Constitutions of both powers, the whole military force and military operations, offensive and defensive, of said State in the impending conflict with the United States shall be under the chief control and direction of the Presi- dent of the Confederate States upon the same basis, principles, and footing as if said State were now and during the in- terval a member of said Confederacy ; said force, together with that of the Confederate States, to be employed for the common defence. " Second. The State of Tennessee will, upon becoming a member of said Con- federacy, under the permanent Constitu- tion of said Confederate States, if the same shall occur, turn over to the said Confederate States all the public prop- erty, naval stores, and munitions of war of which she may then be in possession, acquired from the United States, on the same terms and in the same manner as the other States of said Confederacy have done in like cases. " Third. Whatever expenditure of money, if any, the said State of Tennes- see shall make before she becomes a member of said Confederacy, shall be met and provided for by the Confederate States. TENNESSEE FORCED FROM THE UNION. 233 "This convention entered into and agreed on, in the city of Nashville, Tennessee, on the seventh day of May, A.D. 1861, by Henry W. Hilliard, the duly authorized commissioner to act in the matter for the Confederate States, and Gustavus A. Henry, Archibald 0. W. Totten, and Washington Barrow, commissioners, duly authorized to act in like manner for the State of Tennessee. The whole subject to the approval and ratification of the proper authorities of both governments, respectively. "In testimony whereof, the parties aforesaid have hereunto set their hands and seals, the day and year aforesaid, in duplicate originals. "HENRY W. HILLIARD, ' ' Commissioner for the Confederate States of America. " GUSTAVUS A. HENRY, "A. 0. W. TOTTEN, " WASHINGTON BARROW, "Commissioners on the part of Ten- nessee." The Legislature hastened to ratify this league, and thus secure the future secession of the State, by an act which, placing the military resources under the control of the Confederate States, would enable them to repress by coer- cion any appearance of dissatisfaction in Tennessee. There was, however, a manifestation of opposition, even in the Legislature, to this disregard of the voice of the people. The resolution ratifying the league was opposed in the Senate by a vote of six to fourteen, four not having voted at all ; and in the 30 House by a vote of fifteen to forty-two, eighteen having withheld their votes. After having thus deprived the people of all independence of action, the Legis- lature, with an affected regard for the popular will, formally submitted to the vote of the State a question which they had already decided by an act of their own, in defiance of the declared senti- ment of a majority of their fellow-cit- izens. The following is a curious con- trast to the league already formed with the Confederate States. The semblance of deference to popular will and the reality of arbitrary power, not seldom, combined, was never more strikingly manifest than in these two doc- jj a y urnents emanating from the same source : "SEC. 1. Be it enacted by the General Assembly of the State of Tennessee, That immediately after the passage of this act, the Governor of this State shall, by proclamation, direct the sheriffs of the several counties in this State to open and hold an election at the various voting pre- cincts in their respective counties on the 8th day of June, 1861 ; that the said sher- iffs, or, in the absence of the sheriffs, the coroner of the county, shall immediately advertise the election contemplated by this act ; that said sheriffs appoint a deputy to hold said election for each voting precinct, and that said deputy appoint three judges and two clerks for each precinct ; and if no officer shall, from any cause, attend any voting pre- cinct to open and hold said election, then any justice of the peace, or, in the absence of a justice of the peace, any re- 234 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. spectable freeholder may appoint an offi- cer, judges, and clerks to open and hold said election. Said officers, judges, and clerks shall be sworn as now required by law, and who, after being so sworn, shall open and hold an election, open and close at the time of day and in the manner now required by law in elec- tions for members to the General As- sembly. " SEC. 2. Be it further enacted, That at said election the following declaration shall be submitted to a vote of the qual- ified voters of the State of Tennessee, for their ratification or rejection : " DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE AND ORDINANCE DISSOLVING THE FEDERAL RE- LATION between the State of Tennessee and the United States of America. " First. We, the people of the State of Tennessee, waiving an expression of opinion as to the abstract doctrine of secession, but asserting the right as a free and independent people to alter, reform, or abolish our form of govern- ment in such manner as we think proper, do ordain and declare that all the laws and ordinances by which the State of Tennessee became a member of the Fed- eral Union of the United States of Amer- ica are hereby abrogated and annulled, and that all obligations on our part be withdrawn therefrom ; and we do hereby resume all the rights, functions, and powers which by any of said laws and ordinances were conveyed to the Government of the United States, and absolve ourselves from all the obliga- tions, restraints, and duties incurred thereto ; and do hereby henceforth be- come a free, sovereign, and independent State. "Second. We furthermore declare and ordain, that Article 10, Sections 1 and 2 of the Constitution of the State of Ten- nessee, which requires members of the General Assembly, and all officers, civil and military, to take an oath to support the Constitution of the United States, be, and the same are hereby abrogated and annulled ; and all parts of the Con- stitution of the State of Tennessee mak- ing citizenship of the United States a qualification for office, and recognizing the Constitution of the United States as the supreme law of this State, are in like manner abrogated and annulled. " Third. We furthermore ordain and declare, that all rights acquired and vested under the Constitution of the United States, or under any act of Con- gress passed in pursuance thereof, or under any laws of this State, and not incompatible with this ordinance, shall remain in force, and have the same effect as if this' ordinance had not been passed. "SEC. 3. Be it further enacted, That said election shall be by ballot, that those voting for the Declaration and Or- dinance shall have written or printed on their ballots ' Separation/ and those voting against it shall have written or printed on their ballots ' No Separa- tion.' That the clerks holding said election shall keep regular scrolls of the voters, as now required by law in the election of members to the General As- sembly ; that the clerks and judges shall certify the same, with the number of SECESSION OF TENNESSEE. 235 votes for 'Separation,' and the number of votes for ' No Separation.' The offi- cer holding the election shall return the same to the sheriff of the county, at the county seat, on the Monday next after the election. The sheriff shall imme- diately make out, certify, and send to the Governor the number of votes polled, and the number of votes for ' Separa- tion,' and the number for 'No Separa- tion,' and file one of the original scrolls with the clerk of the county court ; that upon comparing the vote by the Gov- ernor in the office of the secretary of state, which shall be at least by the 24th day of June, 1861, and may be sooner if the returns are all received by the Governor, if a majority of the votes polled shall be for ' Separation,' the Governor shall, by his proclamation, make it known, and declare all con- nection by the State of Tennessee with the Federal Union dissolved, and that Tennessee is a free, independent gov- ernment, free from all obligations to, or connection with, the Federal Govern- ment ; and that the Governor shall cause ' the vote by counties' to be published, the number for ' Separation,' and the number for 'No Separation,' whether a majority vote for ' Separation' or ' No Separation.' " SEC. 4. Be it further enacted, That in the election to be held under the pro- visions of this act, upon the Declaration submitted to the people, all volunteers and other persons connected with the service of this State, qualified to vote for members of the Legislature in the counties where they reside, shall be en- titled to vote in any county in the State where they may be in active service, or under orders, or on parole, at the time of said election ; and all other voters shall vote in the county where they rer side, as now required by law in voting for members of the General Assembly. " SEC. 5. Be it further enacted, That at the same time, and under the rules and regulations prescribed for the election hereinbefore ordered, the following or- dinance shall be submitted to the popu- lar vote. To wit : " AN ORDINANCE for the adoption of the Constitution of the Provisional Gov- ernment of the Confederate States of America. "We, the people of Tennessee, sol- emnly impressed by the perils that sur- round us, do hereby adopt and ratify the Constitution of the Provisional Gov- ernment of the Confederate States of America, ordained and established at Montgomery, Alabama, on the 8th day of February, 1861, to be in force during the existence thereof, or until such time as we may supersede it by the adoption of a permanent constitution. "SEC. 6. Be it further enacted, That those in favor of the adoption of said Provisional Constitution, and thereby securing to Tennessee equal representa- tion in the deliberations and councils of the Confederate States, shall have writ- ten or printed on their ballots the word ' Representation ;' opposed, the words ' No Representation.' " SEC. 7. Be it further enacted, That in the event the people shall adopt the Constitution of the Provisional Govern- 236 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. ment of the Confederate States at the election herein ordered, it shall be the duty of the Governor forthwith to issue writs of election for delegates to repre- sent the State of Tennessee in the said Provisional Government. That the State shall be represented by as many dele- gates as it was entitled to members of Congress to the recent Congress of the United States of America, who shall be elected from the several congressional districts as now established by law, in the mode and manner now prescribed for the election of members of Congress of the United States. " SEC. 8. Be it further enacted, That this act shall take effect from and after its passage. W. C. WHITTHORNE, ' Speaker of House of Rep. "B. L. STOVALL, " Speaker of the Senate." The Tennessee Legislature, conscious that their arbitrary action in this mat- ter was inconsistent with their professed deference to the popular will, issued a labored apology of their conduct. In regard to the secrecy of their session, they confessed that it was the first time in the history of the State that the "rule" had been adopted, but justified and strove to dignify it by some honored historic parallels. The people of Ten- nessee were reminded that the conven- tion which framed the Declaration of Independence of the United States, and that which framed the Constitution of the United States, held their sessions in secret, and that the Senate of the United States not infrequently sits with closed doors. To those who had " taken occa- sion to condemn" them, they answered with the sneer that they ' ' may be purer than those who framed the Declaration of Independence, but we very much doubt whether they will have greater hold upon public confidence." In justification of their course, they declared that " the country was excited, and the public demands imperious ;" that they desired to legislate uninflu- enced and unretarded by the crowds that would have otherwise attended their deliberations, and that the western part of Tennessee was in an exposed condition, with no military defence whatever ; that the towns and counties bordering on the Mississippi were liable to be assailed by the armed forces col- lected at Cairo, and they desired that no act on their part should form the pre- text for such an invasion, so long as it could be avoided. " Our fellow- citizens of West Tennessee and of Arkansas are laboring night and day," they said, " to erect batteries on the river to prevent the descent of the enemy. A duty that we owed to them and to the cause of humanity demanded that we should not make our action known till the latest possible moment. If some desired light while we were at work, we equally de- sired to save the blood and property of Tennesseeans." This no doubt was a satisfactory ex- cuse to the secessionists of Tennessee, but hardly a sufficient motive in the opinion of the loyal for depriving them of their constitutional rights, to uphold which that " enemy" so denounced by the Legislature was in arms. UNIONISTS OF EAST TENNESSEE. 237 Throughout Tennessee there was un- doubtedly a strong attachment to the Union, but particularly in the eastern part of the State, a region bordering on the Alleghany range, where the people, possessed of but few slaves, had few interests in common with the lordly planters of the rest of the State. In- habiting a country the land of which can only be cultivated profitably by the personal labor of the proprietors, the people of East Tennessee have learned to depend upon their own resources. They have thus become industrious and self-reliant, and acquired a respect for labor which, as it assimilates them to the people of the North, tends to with- draw their sympathies from the South- ern slaveholders, who, with negroes to do their work, exult in the aristocracy of idleness. The action of the Tennessee Legisla- ture was particularly odious to the inde- pendent yeomen of East Tennessee, and they immediately called a convention to be held in Knoxville, "disapproving," as they declared, " of the hasty and in- considerate action of our General As- sembly, and sincerely desirous to do, in the midst of the troubles which surround us, what will be best for our country and for all classes of our citizens." The resistance, however, of this portion of the State has not yet proved of much avail to the cause of the Union, and did not prevent the people of Tennessee, under the terrorism, doubtless, of the mil- itary power, from sanctioning, by a large majority of votes, the arbitrary action of the Legislature. Though the Federal Government was disappointed in its anticipations of sup- port in Tennessee, it found great en- couragement in Virginia, where the people of the northwestern district, in spite of the secession of the State, had taken a bold stand for the Union. This portion of Virginia, bounded on the east by the Alleghany range of mount- ains, on the north and west by the free States of Pennsylvania and Ohio, and on the south by the Kanawha valley, watered by the river of that name which empties into the Ohio, has much of the geographical and social characteristics of the North. The negro element of the population is comparatively small, there being but fifteen thousand slaves to three hundred and fifty-five thousand four hundred and ninety-two whites ; while in the middle district, between the Blue Ridge and the Alleghanies, the proportion of slaves is forty-eight thou- sand and forty to two hundred and forty- three thousand one hundred and fifty- five whites ; and in Eastern Virginia, lying between the Blue Ridge and the Atlantic, the number of slaves reaches the large proportion of four hundred and thirty-eight thousand four hundred and sixteen to four hundred and forty- eight thousand nine hundred and thirty- two whites. The proportion of the negro to the white population, moreover, has been rapidly decreasing in Western Virginia. The number of slaves, it is true, through- out the whole State, has lessened during the last ten years, but it is only in the middle and western districts, and espe- 238 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. cially in the latter, where the whites have much augmented in number. Of the whole increase of the white popula- tion of the State, from 1850 to 1860, estimated at one hundred and fifty-two thousand seven hundred and seventy- nine, no less than seventy-nine thousand eight hundred and twelve more than one-half of the total increase was in Western Virginia. This comparative freedom from slavery has produced not only a social diversity, but a difference of interest, which had long tended greatly to weaken the alliance of the western district with the rest of the State. There are, besides, natural influences which, at the same time, have continued to strengthen the sympathy of Western Virginia with the North. The abundant resources of coal and iron have attracted the enterprise of North- ern capitalists and caused an immigration of working-men to a country where the slaves are so few as neither to degrade nor to compete with free labor. The close proximity, moreover, of the States of Pennsylvania and Ohio, between which Western Virginia is wedged, has naturally brought it into such an intimate social and trading relationship with them, that it has become emulous of the spirit of enterprise which, under the impulse of freedom, animates its neighbors. Its chief city, Wheeling, is already so alive with the zealous activity of commerce and manufactures, that it rivals in pros- perity some of the most flourishing communities of the North. The whole region has immense resources for the support of a large and thriving popula- tion. With a wholesome climate, cooled by the bracing atmosphere of the mountains ; with a soil of valley and hill- side enriched by the flow of numerous rivers, and sources of wealth in its forests, its water power, its minerals, its navigable streams, and its railroad com- munications, Western Virginia presents a seductive invitation to enterprise and a certain promise of liberal reward. While the affinities of this district are thus naturally with its energetic neigh- bors of the free North / local political differences, apart from an original an- tagonism, have for a long time existed to interrupt its relations with the pre- dominant slave power of the State. Presuming upon its political ascendency, Eastern Virginia had executed vast pro- jects of improvement, especially for its own benefit, and imposed an unequal weight of the prodigal expenditure in- curred, upon the western district. A tax was laid, but all slaves under twelve years of age were exempted. As East- ern Virginia was chiefly engaged in rais- ing negroes for the Southwestern slave- markets, this exemption of a large portion of what was one of their most valuable products, was considered an unjust exception in favor of its own interests. Western Virginia complained grievously, and finally strove in conse- quence to separate from the eastern part of the State. Efforts to this effect had been made, and seemed at one time to have nearly succeeded. An opposition to the action of the political leaders of Eastern Virginia in their movement toward wresting the ACTION OF WESTERN VIRGINIA. 239 State from the Union, naturally came from the inhabitants of the west. At the convention which met on the 17th of April at Richmond, the delegates from Western Virginia protested almost unanimously against the act of secession which was passed. Such was the pop- ular indignation to which they exposed themselves by their firm resistance to the prevalent disunion sentiment of that locality, that they barely escaped with their lives from the excited mob of the rebellious city. Not satisfied with protests, Western Virginia determined to resist by action the violent disruption of its relations with the Union. Large meetings were held, and it was recommended at a April gathering in Harrison County, 22. that the people of all the coun- ties of Northwestern Virginia should appoint delegates, not less than five in number, of "their wisest, best, and discreetest men," to meet in conven- tion at Wheeling, on the 13th of May, to " consult and determine upon such action as the people of Northwestern Virginia should take in the present fearful emergency." This recommendation met with gen- eral approval, and accordingly delegates, representing thirty of the fifty western Ui a y counties, assembled at Wheeling. 1* The long-desired object of many Western Virginians became the prom- inent subject of discussion, on the propo- sition of Mr. Carlile for the separation of the western district of Virginia from the rest, and its organization into a State to |>e called " New Virginia." This, however, was not adopted, on the ground that it acknowledged the principle of secession, and thus seemed to justify the act of the secessionists of Virginia, against whom and their doc- trines the loyal men of the West had arrayed themselves. Mr. Carlile 's res- olution of separation being, however, changed into one of inquiry as to its policy, became more acceptable, and in this form was adopted. The convention, waiving for the pres- ent the question of separation, contented itself with passing resolutions denounc- ing the action of the secessionists of the State, expressing its own loyal attach- ment to the Union, recommending the citizens to vote against the act of seces- sion to be submitted to their suffrage, and in case it should be passed, to ap- point delegates to a general convention to meet for the purpose of devising such measures and taking such action as the welfare and safety of the people they represent might demand. Closing with this ardent appeal to the loyalty of the people of Northwestern Virginia, the convention adjourned : "In obedience to the fourteenth* res- olution of the convention which met in this city on the 13th instant, we earn- estly conjure you to enter actively and immediately upon the great work of preparing your neighbors and friends, "Resolved, That each county represented in this con- vention, and any others that may be disposed to co-ope- rate with us, be requested to appoint a committee of five, whose duty it shall be to see that all things that may be necessary to be done be attended to, to carry out the ob- jects of this convention, and to correspond with the cen- tral committee." 240 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. as well as yourselves, for the firm, stern, and decided stand necessary to be taken and adhered to at all hazards, and main- tained at any and every cost, if we would preserve to ourselves and transmit to our posterity that unity of government which constitutes us one people, which we justly regard as the palladium of our liberties and the main pillar in the edi- fice of our independence. In this way, and in this way alone, we can save our- selves from the innumerable evils conse- quent upon secession and all the horrors of civil war. " Why should the people of North- western Virginia allow themselves to be dragged into the rebellion inaugurated by ambitious and heartless men, who have banded themselves together to de- stroy a government formed for you by your patriot fathers, and which has se- cured to you all the liberties consistent with the nature of man, and has, for near three-fourths of a century, shel- tered you in sunshine and in storm, n ade you the admiration of the civil- ized world, and conferred upon you a title more honored, respected, and re- vered than that of king or potentate the title of American citizen. Will you passively surrender it and submit to be used by the conspirators engaged in this effort to enslave you, as their in- struments by which your enslavement is to be effected ? " Freemen who would remain free must prove themselves worthy to be free, and must themselves first strike the blow. " What is secession ? A deed not to be accomplished in the broad glare of a noonday sun, but a deed of darkness, which had to be performed in secret conclave by the reckless spirits who ac- complished it, in contempt of the people, their masters under our form of govern- ment, but whom the leaders in this work of destruction have determined to enslave. " What is secession ? Bankruptcy, ruin, civil war, ending in military des- potism. Prior to the adoption of the ordinance of secession in Virginia, and to the passage by the Legislature of the bill calling a convention, all was peace, and the great business interests of our State were uninterrupted. From the hour that it was proclaimed the ordi- nance of secession had been passed, business of every description has been paralyzed ; State, corporation, and indi- vidual credit is prostrate, and bank- ruptcy and ruin stare us in the face, and war, civil war, with all its attendant horrors, is upon us. Secession, all now see, is war. It is preceded by war, ac- companied and sustained by war, ush- ered into being by war. " Who are to stand the brunt of this contest ? Will it be those who have clamored loudest for secession, and who have done the most to bring on the present crisis ? These are the first to flee from the very approach of danger. They hurry, in every train and by every coach, from the anticipated scenes of disturbance. Will the disunion major- ity of the Richmond Convention come into the ranks and shoulder the musket in the strife which they have inaugu- ADDRESS OF LOYAL VIRGINIANS. 241 rated ? They will keep at a respectful distance from danger. They will fill the lucrative offices and secure the rich appointments which appertain to the new order of things. They will luxuri- ate on two or three or four hundred dol- lars per month, with horses, and serv- ants, and rations to match, while the Union-loving people will be called upon, for the honor of Virginia and two shil- lings per day, to do the fighting and un- dergo the hardships of war. ' We are all Virginians,' say they ; ' the State must be sustained, and, right or wrong, we must all fight for Virginia,' etc. ' ' What is it to fight for Virginia ? What is it to sustain the State ? Is it to urge her upon a course which leads to visible and gaping destruction ? Is this the way and the only way in which we can testify our devotion to the common- wealth ? If the feelings which actuated our Revolutionary fathers be not all dead in us, we shall exhibit our love for Virginia by repudiating this tyrannical rule which the Richmond Convention has endeavored to impose, and not suffer ourselves to be sold like sheep from the shambles. The people yet hold their destinies in their own hands ; it is for them to accept or reject a tyranny worse many times than that from which the war of '76 delivered us not the tyranny of one man, but of many. "But, people of Northwestern Vir- ginia, why should we thus permit our- selves to be tyrannized over and made slaves of by the haughty arrogance and wicked machinations of would-be Eastern despots ? Are we submissionists, craven 31 cowards, who will yield to daring ambi- tion the rich legacy of freedom which we have inherited from our fathers, or are we men who know our rights, and know- ing, dare maintain them ? If we are, we will resist the usurpers, and drive from our midst the rebellion sought to be forced upon us. We will, in the strength of our cause, resolutely and determinedly stand by our rights and our liberties, secured to us by the strug- gles of our Revolutionary fathers and the authors of the Constitution under which we have grown and prospered beyond all precedent in the world's history ; we will maintain, protect, and defend that Constitution and the Union with all our strength and with all our powers, ever remembering that ' Resist- ance to tyrants is obedience to God.' " We utterly repudiate the war sought to be forced upon us without and against the consent and earnest protestations of the people who have not produced it, but who have, we regret to say, thus far offered no resistance, but have sub- mitted to the filling up of armies and the quartering of troops in their midst ; taking for the purpose our young men who had, in a time of profound peace, and with no expectation of ever being called upon to aid in a rebellion, attached themselves to the volunteer corps of our State. The people, stunned by the magnitude of the crime, have for a time offered no resistance ; but as returning reason enables them to perceive dis- tinctly the objects and purposes of the vile perpetrators of this deed, their hearts swell within them, and already 242 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. the cry has gone up from our mountains and our valleys, 'Resistance to tyrants is obedience to God.' "Let us urge you, then, that our re- sistance may be effectual, to act in the spirit of the resolutions here appended, adopted by the Convention whose com- mittee we are. Let all our ends be di- rected to the creation of an organized resistance to the despotism of the tyrants who have been in session in Richmond, and who are about to reassemble, that we may maintain our position in the Union under the flag of our common country, which has for so many years waved gracefully and protectingly over us, and which, when we behold upon its ample folds the stripes and the stars of freedom, causes our bosoms to glow with patriotic heat, and our hearts to swell with honest love of country. That this flag, the symbol of our might, challenges our admiration, and justly claims our every effort against those who have dared to desecrate and dishonor it, we all admit. Let us, then, see that we take the proper measures to make effectual those efforts. "This Convention to assemble on the llth proximo is looked to to organize our action. Its importance, its necessity will at once strike your minds ; take immediate steps, therefore, to secure for your representatives in the Convention your most determined, resolute, temper- ate, and wisest men. We have already detained you too long ; the time for action, prompt, firm, and decided, has come. In the hope that our action will be that of a united people, we take leave of you. confidently calculating that you will give your body, soul, strength, mind, and all the energies of your nature to the work of saving your country from becoming the theatre of a bloody war, brought upon you without your consent and against your will. Let us show Mr. Ex-Secretary Cobb, now President of the Montgomery Con- gress, that we are not willing to recog- nize the transfer of us made by the Richmond Convention, nor do we intend to allow our borders, as he says they will be, to be made the theatre of this war. "Fellow-citizens, we ask you to read and ponder well the passage from Mr. Cobb's speech we recite : " ' The people of the Gulf States need have no apprehensions ; they might go on with their planting and their other business as usual ; the war would not come to their section ; its theatre would be along the borders of the Ohio River and in Virginia.' " The Convention between Virginia and the Confederate States, by which the control of all military operations is placed in the hands of President Davis, insures this result. "Fellow-citizens, 'these are times when we must not stop to count sacrifi- ces and costs, where honor, and charac- ter, and self-preservation are put in issue.' The patriot and sage, Daniel Webster, in a speech delivered at Wash- ington in 1851, at the laying of the corner-stone of the addition to the Cap- itol, spoke as follows : " 'Ye men of the Blue Ridge, many FIRST CONFLICT IN WESTERN VIRGINIA. 243 thousands of whom are nearer to this capital than the seat of Government of your own State, what do you think of breaking up this great association into fragments of States and of people ? I know that some of you, and I believe that you all would be almost as much shocked at the announcement of such a catastrophe, as if you were informed that the Blue Ridge itself would soon totter from its base ; and ye, men of Western Virginia, who occupy the slope from the Alleghanies to Ohio and Ken- tucky, what benefit do you propose to yourselves by disunion ? If you secede, what do you " secede" from, and what do you "secede" to? Do you look for the current of the Ohio to change and to bring you and your commerce to the tide-waters of Eastern rivers? What man in his senses can suppose that one would remain part and parcel of Vir- ginia in a month after Virginia had ceased to be a part and parcel of the United States ?' " Fellow-citizens of Northwestern Vir- ginia, the issue is with you. Your des- tiny is in your own hands. If you are worthy descendants of worthy sires, you will rally to the defence of your liberties, and the Constitution, which has protected and blessed you, will still extend over you its protecting aegis. If you hesitate or falter, all is lost, and you and your children to the latest posterity are destined to perpetual slavery. "JOHN S. CARLILE, JAS. S. WHEAT, A. WILSON, C. D. HUBBARD, F. H. PIER- POINT, S. H. WOODWARD, C. TARR, G. R. LATHAM, JAMES W. PAXTON." In sympathy with this spirited action of their political leaders, the people of Western Virginia showed a sentiment of patriotism, and an alacrity not sur- passed even at the North, to rally to arms in defence of the Union. A gen- eral fast was kept at Wheeling, and jj[ a y the clergymen who preached on W. the occasion vied with each other in fer- vor of patriotic appeal. The churches were decorated with the stars and stripes. One loyal pulpit orator declared that he would have no fellowship with traitors, and if there was a secessionist in his congregation, he wished him to leave. Another prayed that the rebels "might be subdued or wiped from the face of the earth."* "Union" military companies were formed throughout the loyal district, prepared to resist the advance of the troops in arms to uphold the Southern Confederacy, with which the Governor of Virginia and his fellow-conspirators had leagued the State. The first en- counter took place at the town of jjf a y Clarksburg, in Harrison County. 20, Two companies of " Confederate mil- itary" having marched into the place, the court-house bell was rung, and im- mediately forth came two other com- panies of " Union military." The latter immediately summoned the former to surrender their arms, which after a brief parley was complied with. This was the bloodless beginning of that series of tragic conflicts in which the struggle in Western Virginia has abounded. o New York Herald, May 10. 244 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. CHAPTER XXI. Missouri. Secession Governor and Political Leaders. The Loyalty of the State undoubted at the North. Majority of Inhabitants opposed to Slavery. Proportion of Slaves to Free Population. Small number of Slave Owners. Free Labor. The Foreign Population. Germans. Their Character and Enterprise. Their Sentiments on Slavery The Action of the Secessionists. Insulting Answer of the Governor to the President's Requisition. Governor's Message. Denunciation of the Federal Authority. Sympathy with the Confederate States. Secret Session of the Legislature. The Governor's Call for Militia. Pretext and Purpose. Alertness of the Union Men of St. Louis. Mustering of Union Volunteers. Rapid Response to the President's Requisition. Home Guards. Guarding the Arsenal. Graphic Account of the Rescue of Arms. Captain Lyon. His Spirited Conduct. Mustering of his Forces. March against the Governor's Secession Camp at Fort Jackson. The Camp surrounded. Disposition of Forces. A Summons to Surrender. Surrender of the Secessionists. Dissatisfaction of the Secessionists. An Excited Crowd. Attack upon the Troops. The Soldiers respond. Fatal Results. Official Justification. Great Agitation in St. Louis. Attack of the City Mob upon the German Home Guard. Another Fatal Collision. Death of the Innocent. Major-General Harney. His return to St. Louis. Biography of Harney. His Headstrong Character. Difficulties at Vancouver. Recalled. Appointed to the Command of the Western Department. Visit to Washing- ton. Capture on the way. Release. Return to St. Louis. A Declaration of Loyalty. Good Advice to Missouri. Conciliatory Proclamation. The " Military Bill." Its Results. Second Proclamation of Harney. A Denuncia- tion of the "Military Bill." Energetic Movements. Secessionists dispersed at Liberty. The affair at Potosi. A Lady delivered of a Secession Flag. League of Harney with the Leader of Secession Troops. The first Effect. Harney Cajoled. Impolitic Conduct. Withdrawal of Hamey. Appointment of Lyon to a Brigadier-Generalship. Succeeds to the Command of Union Troops in Missouri. Energy. MISSOURI, though its Governor and many of its most influential polit- ical leaders were known to be in league with the conspirators of the South, contained so great a majority of inhabitants who, in interests and senti- ment, were opposed to slavery, that none at the North doubted, whatever might be the attempts on its loyalty, of its adherence to the Union. Of its whole population of about one million three hundred thousand, the slaves con- stitute not more than a tenth part. Of the whites, there are nearly one hun- dred thousand of foreign birth. The slaveholders amount to little more than twenty thousand, and of these there are hardly a score who possess more than fifty negroes, while the larger propor- tion can number but one, two, or three on their slave-rolls. With this small proportion of slaves and slave- owners, and large number of inhabitants dependent alone upon free labor, the prevailing political sentiment of the State has been in sympathy with that of the North. The larger propor- tion of the white population of foreign birth are Germans, who, with their patient industry and rigid economy, have become among the most thriving portion of the people. Good agricul- turists, and ambitious of becoming landed proprietors, many have settled upon the fertile prairie districts of the State, and with the aversion to the aid of slave labor natural to those long accustomed to honest toil, cultivate SECESSIONISM IN MISSOURI. 245 their farms themselves. Among them, too, are large numbers of plodding tradesmen, skilled artificers, and miners, who having availed themselves of the great natural resources of the State are among the most energetic and prosperous of those engaged in commerce, mining, and manufactures. This large and in- fluential German population is, almost without an exception, opposed to slavery, and devotedly attached to that Union under whose liberal sway they have had free scope for the exercise of their in- dustry, and hitherto secured the enjoy- ment of its fruits. Notwithstanding the predominating sentiment of loyalty, the political lead- ers of Missouri were determined to make an effort to wrest the State from the Union, or to create by internal dis- order a division in favor of the seced- ers, by which they hoped to embarrass the Federal authority in its efforts to suppress the Southern rebellion. The Governor, C. F. Jackson, had sent an insulting refusal to the demand of Presi- dent Lincoln for troops : " Your requisi- tion," he said, "in my judgment, is illegal, unconstitutional, and revolution- ary in its objects inhuman and diaboli- cal, and cannot be complied with, Not one man will the State of Missouri furnish to carry on such an unholy crusade." Again, in his message to the Legisla- May ture of Missouri convened to con- 3 sider the policy of the State in relation to the civil quarrel, the Gover- nor denounced the conduct of the Fed- eral Government as unconstitutional, and tending toward "consolidated des- potism," while in these words he mani- fested his own sympathy with the rebellious States, and indicated his dis- position to commit Missouri to their destiny : " Our interests and sympathies are identified with those of the slaveholding States, and necessarily unite our desti- nies with theirs. The similarity of our social and political institutions, our industrial interests, our sympathies, habits, and tastes, our common origin, territorial contiguity, all concur in point- ing out our duty in regard to the sep- aration now taking place between the States of the old Federal Union. Mis- souri has at this time no war to prosecute. It is not her policy to make an aggres- sion, but in the present state of the country she would be faithless to her honor, recreant to her duty, were she to hesitate a moment in making the most ample preparation for the protec- tion of her people against the aggres- sions of all assailants. I therefore rec- ommend an appropriation of a sufficient sum of money to place the State at the earliest practicable moment in a com- plete state of defence." The Legislature, the majority of which was ready to act in compliance with the seditious inclinations of the Governor, held its session in secret. Sustained by its acts, the Governor's next step was to call out the militia of the State and or- der them to be encamped, under the pretext to perfect their organization and drill, but in reality, as it was believed, to have an armed force under his con- THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. trol ready to further the objects of seces- sion, by keeping in awe the loyal cit- izens of Missouri, and seizing the Fed- eral property. The arsenal at St. Louis, with its abundant supplies of arms be- longing to the United States, was only saved from the grasp of the disloyal Governor and his mob of secession fol- lowers by the prompt action of the Governor of the neighboring State of Illinois. The successful exploit by which this valuable property was secured, is well told in the following narrative : " Captain James H. Stokes, of Chi- cago, late of the regular army, volun- teered to undertake the perilous mission, and Governor Yates placed in his hands the requisition of the secretary of war for 10, 000 muskets. Captain Stokes went to St. Louis, and made his way as rapidly as possible to the arsenal. He found it sur- rounded by an immense mob, and the postern gates all closed. His utmost ef- forts to penetrate the crowd were for a long time unavailing. The requisition was shown. Captain L}^on doubted the possibility of executing it. He said the arsenal was surrounded by a thousand spies, and every movement was watched and reported to the headquarters of the secessionists, who could throw an over- powering force upon them at any mo- ment. Captain Stokes represented that every hour's delay was rendering the cap- ture of the arsenal more certain, and the arms must be moved to Illinois now or never. Major Callender agreed with him, and told him to take them at his own time and in his own way. This was Wednesday night, 24th April. " Captain Stokes had a spy in the camp, whom he met at intervals in a certain place in the city. On Thursday he received information that Governor Jackson had ordered two thousand armed men down from Jefferson City, whose movements could only contem- plate a seizure of the arsenal, by occu- pying the heights around it, and plant- ing batteries thereon. The job would have been an easy one. They had al- ready planted one battery on the St. Louis levee, and another at Powder Point, a short distance below the ar- senal. Captain Stokes immediately tel- egraphed to Alton to have the steamer City of Alton drop down to the arsenal, landing about midnight. He then re- turned to the arsenal and commenced moving the boxes of guns, weighing some three hundred pounds each, down to the lower floor. " About seven hundred men were em- ployed in the work. He then took five hundred Kentucky flint-lock muskets, which had been sent there to be altered, and sent them to be placed on a steamer as a blind to cover his real movements. The secessionists nabbed them at once, and raised a perfect bedlam over the capture. A large portion of the outside crowd left the arsenal when this move- ment was executed, and Captain Lyon took the remainder, who were lying around as spies, and locked them up in the guard-house. About eleven o'clock the steamer City of Alton came along- side, planks were shoved out from the windows to the main deck, and the boxes slid down. When the 10,000 LOYALTY IN ST. LOUIS. 247 were safely on board, Captain Stokes went to Captain Lyon and Major Cal- lender and urged them, by the most pressing appeals, to let him empty the arsenal. They told him to go ahead and take whatever he wanted. Accord- ingly, he took 10,000 more muskets, 500 new rifle carbines, 500 revolvers, 110,000 musket cartridges, to say noth- ing of the cannon and a large quantity of miscellaneous accoutrements, leaving only 7,000 muskets in the arsenal to arm the St. Louis volunteers. " When the whole were on board, about two o'clock on Friday morning the order was given by the captain of the steamer to cast off. Judge of the consternation of all hands when it was found that she would not move. The arms had been piled in great quantities around the engines to protect them against the battery on the levee, and the great weight had fastened the bows of the boat firmly on a rock, which was tearing a hole through the bottom at every turn of the wheels. A man of less nerve than Captain Stokes would have gone crazy on the spot. He called the arsenal men on board, and com- menced moving the boxes to the stern. "Fortunately, when about two hun- dred boxes had been shifted, the boat fell away from the shore, and floated in deep water. ' Which way ?' said Cap- tain Mitchell, of the steamer. ' Straight to Alton, in the regular channel.' replied Captain Stokes. ' What if we are at- tacked ?' said Captain Mitchell. ' Then we will fight,' said Captain Stokes. 'What if we are overpowered?' said Captain Mitchell. ' Run her to the deepest part of the river, and sink her/' replied Captain Stokes. ' I'll do it,' was the heroic answer of Captain Mitchell ; and away they went past the secession battery, past the entire St. Louis levee, and on to Alton, in the regular channel, where they arrived at five o'clock in the morning. " When the boat touched the landing, Captain Stokes, fearing pursuit by some two or three of the secession military companies by which the city of St. Louis is disgraced, ran to the market-house and rang the fire-bell. The citizens came flocking pell-mell to the river in all sorts of habiliments. Captain Stokes informed them of the situation of things, and pointed out the freight-cars. In- stantly men, women, and children boarded the steamer, seized the freight, and clambered up the levees to the cars. Rich and poor tugged together with might and main for two hours, when the cargo was all deposited in the cars, and the train moved off, amid their enthusiastic cheers, for Springfield." The loyal men of St. Louis, the ma- jority of whose citizens were of unques- tioned fidelity to the Union, were also on the alert. Four regiments of volun- teers were immediately mustered, ready to do service for the United States, so that the energetic Colonel Frank P. Blair, to whose efforts this success was greatly due, had the satisfaction of writ- ing to Washington that Missouri, in spite of the Governor's insulting re- fusal, had responded faithfully, within a week, to the President's call for troops. 248 TPIE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. At the same time, several thousands of the citizens of St. Louis had enrolled themselves as a home guard, and were stationed at the arsenal to guard its im- portant stores, and be in readiness for other loyal service. The Government at Washington had, with more than usual foresight and promptitude, sent orders to Captain Lyon, in command of the small Federal force of regulars at St. Louis, to enrol, if necessary, ten thou- sand men for the maintenance of the authority of the United States Govern- ment. This spirited young officer at once zealously applied himself to the work, and immediately, with the aid of Blair's regiments, was able to muster a force of nearly six thousand. Lyon's first movement was to check the military operations of the Governor, who had encamped some eight hundred militia at Camp Jackson,* on the out- skirts of the city of St. Louis. Lyon jji a y accordingly marched with his whole W force through the streets of the city, which was greatly agitated by the then unusual event, to the undulating coun- try beyond. On reaching the camp, he drew up the First and Third regi- ments, under the respective commands " The main avenue of Camp Jackson, recently under command of General Frost, had the name of Davis, and a principal street of the same camp that of Beauregard ; and a body of men had also been received into that camp by its commander which had been notoriously organized in the interests of the secessionists, the men openly wearing the dress and badge distinguishing the army of the so- called Southern Confederacy. It is also a notorious fact that a quantity of arms had been received into the camp which were unlawfully taken from the United States ar- senal at Baton Rouge, and surreptitiously passed up the river in boxes marked ' marble. ' ' ' General Barney's Procla- mation, May 14th. of Colonel Siegel and Colonel F. P. Blair, and his small detachment of United States regulars, on the northern side, where he also posted four pieces of artillery. The Second Regiment, un- der Colonel Borenstein, was so placed as to command the western, and Colonel Shuttner, with his force of volunteers, took position on the south. Guards were posted at the entrance to the camp to prevent any one either going out or in, and several pieces of flying artillery were placed upon the sur- rounding heights commanding the en- campment. Having thus effectually sur- rounded in less than a half hour the Governor's force, which had no alterna- tive but submission, Lyon summoned the general in command to surrender. " HEADQTJABTEKS U. S. TROOPS, ) ST. Louis, May 10. f " To GENERAL D. M. FROST : " Sm : Your command is regarded as evidently hostile toward the Govern- ment of the United States. It is, for the most part, made up of those seces- sionists who have openly avowed their hostility to the General Government, and have been plotting for the seizure of its property and the overthrow of its authority. You are openly in communi- cation with the so-called Southern Con- federacy, which is now at war with the United States ; and you are receiving at your camp, from the said Confeder- acy, under its flag, large supplies of material of war, most of which is known to be the property of the United States. These extraordinar}* preparations plainly indicate none other than the well-known SURRENDER OF CAMP JACKSON. purpose of the Governor of this State, under whose orders you are acting, and whose purpose, recently communicated to the Legislature, has just been respond- ed to by that body in the most unpar- alleled legislation, having in direct view hostilities toward the General Govern- ment, and co-operation with its enemies. " In view of these considerations, and your failure to disperse in obedience to the proclamation of the President, and of the eminent necessity of State policy and welfare, and obligations imposed upon me by instructions from Washing- ton, it is my duty to demand, and I do hereby demand of you, an immediate surrender of your command, with no other conditions than that all persons surrendering under this demand shall be humanely and kindly treated. Be- lieving myself prepared to enforce this demand, one half hour's time before doing so will be allowed for your com- pliance therewith. "N. LYON, 11 Captain Second Infantry." The general in command of the so- called State troops, believed, however, to be in arms to sustain the cause of secession, finding that resistance would be of no avail, promptly surrendered himself and his whole force, while em- phatically declaring that his men had been enrolled under the authority of the State with no hostile object. The troops, when they discovered that they had been so unceremoniously disposed of, gave vent to their dissatis- faction, as they were marched out and placed under guard, in the "wildest 32 yells, curses, and groans," in which they were joined by a portion of the large mob which had in the mean time gath- ered and followed the troops from the city. When Captain Lyon proceeded to take possession of the surrendered camp, the crowd became still more excited, and beginning with casting in- sults and imprecations upon the United States soldiers, finally threw at them stones and any other missile at hand. The troops, however, did not lose their self-control, and went calmly on. Fi- nally, one of the mob fired a revolver and shot a soldier dead. As he fell, his comrades turned round and presented their muskets, when some of the crowd again fired. On the second discharge, one of the captains ordered his company to fire, which dispersed the throng, kill- ing a large number, of whom several were women and children drawn to the spot by a fatal curiosity. The following statement, given on the authority of Captain Lyon, explicitly justifies the conduct of the United States soldiers : ' ' The first firing was some half dozen shots near the head of the column, com- posed of the First Regiment, which was guarding the prisoners. It occurred in this wise : The artillery were stationed on the bluff northeast of Camp Jackson, with their pieces bearing on the camp. The men of this command were most insultingly treated by the mob ; with the foulest epithets, were pushed, struck, and pelted with stones and dirt. All this was patiently borne, until one of the mob discharged a revolver at the 250 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. men. At this they fired, but not more than six shots, which were sufficient to disperse that portion of the mob. How many were killed by this fire is not known. None of the First Regiment (Colonel Blair's) fired, although continu- ally and shamefully abused both by the prisoners and the mob. " The second and most destructive firing was from the rear of the column guarding the prisoners. The mob at the point intervening between Camp Jack- son and the rear of the column, and, in fact, on all sides, were very abusive, and one of them, on being expostulated with, became very belligerent, drew his revolver, and fired at Lieutenant Saxton, of the regular army, three times, during which a crowd around him cheered him on, many of them drawing their revol- vers and firing on the United States troops. The man who commenced the firing, preparatory to a fourth shot, laid his pistol across his arm, and was taking deliberate aim at Lieutenant Saxton, when he was thrust through with a bayonet, and fired upon at the same time, being killed instantly. Here the column of troops having received the order to march, Lieutenant Saxton's command passed on, and a company in the rear became the objects of a furious attack, when, several of their number having been shot, the company came to a halt, and fired with fatal effect. The mob, in retreating from both sides of the line, returned the fire, and the troops replied again. The command was then given by Captain Lyon to cease firing, and the order was promptly obeyed, as rapidly as it could be passed along the line. "The sad results are much to be lamented. The killing of innocent men, women, and children is deplorable. There was no intention to fire upon peaceable citizens. The regular troops were over in the camp, beyond the mob, and in range of the firing. The troops manifested every forbearance, and at last discharged their guns, simply obey- ing the impulse, natural to us all, of self-defence. If innocent men, women, and children, whose curiosity placed them in a dangerous position, suffered with the guilty, it is no fault of the troops." The fatal collision of the mob of St. Louis with the United States volunteers was the cause of great excitement, and increased the exasperation, of that por- tion of the populace favorable to the secessionists, against the Federal troops and officers. The Germans, prominent in the ranks of loyalty, were more espe- cially the objects of the indignation of the infuriated disunionists, who sought the earliest opportunity of venting their rage and revenging upon them the fall of their confederates. On the very next jjj a y day after the capture of Fort Jack- W son, an occasion occurred which resulted in another tragedy. A. body of Ger- man Home Guards having been enrolled at the arsenal and supplied with arms, proceeded to march through the city. Great crowds had collected, which re- ceived the troops with hootings and hisses, and a man out of the throng fired a revolver, shooting dead one of GENERAL HARNEY. 251 the soldiers. This discharge being im- mediately followed by two others from the neighboring houses, the troops sud- denly turned round, presented their muskets, and fired a volley down the street. A promiscuous slaughter fol- lowed, in which innocent women and children again suftered the fate of the guilty. These two fatal collisions had resulted in the death and wounding of some fifty in all, and served to embitter still more the unhappy feeling already existing among the inhabitants of the same city. The return, however, of Major-Gen- eral Harney, the commander of the de- partment of the West, to St. Louis, where he had established his headquar- ters, served for a time to compose the angry dissensions in Missouri, and to give hopes of saving that State from the evils of a civil conflict. William Selby Harney was born in Tennessee in the year 1800, and entered the army as a second lieutenant of the First Infantry at the age of eighteen. He had acquired, during his long service, the reputation of an energetic, though arbitrary officer. His characteristic im- pulsiveness and headstrong disregard of consequences led him to assume pos- session of the island of San Juan, in Vancouver's Bay, during the dispute with Great Britain in regard to the boundary line between the northwestern possessions of that power and Oregon. This unauthorized act excited greatly the anger of England, which was only appeased by the recall of Harney and the conciliatory action of the veteran Scott, who was sent to supersede him in command. At the beginning of the present civil war, Harney was the Commander-in- chief of the Western Department, but was temporarily absent from St. Louis during the disturbances in that city, having been summoned to Washington. On his way he was taken prisoner by the Confederates at Harper's Ferry, but being soon released, he hastened, after a brief visit to the capital, to resume his duties in the West. Though the ties of birth and property attached him strongly to the slave States, he promptly declared his firm loyalty to the Union : " The Government, whose honors have been bestowed upon me, I shall serve," he wrote, in a published letter, " for the remainder of my days. The flag whose glories I have witnessed shall never be forsaken by me while I can strike a blow for its defense. While I have breath I shall be ready to serve the Government of the United States, and be its faithful, loyal soldier." To these expressions of loyalty the General added some pertinent advice to Missouri : " Secession would, in my opinion," he emphatically declared, " be her ruin. The only special interest of Missouri, in common with the Confederate States, is slavery. Her interest in that institu- tion is now protected by the Federal Constitution. But if Missouri secedes, that protection is gone. Surrounded on three sides by free States, which might soon become hostile, it would not be Ions: until a slave could not be found THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. within her borders. What interest could Missouri, then, have with the cotton States, or a confederacy founded on slavery and its extension ? The pro- tection of her slave property, if nothing- else, admonishes her to never give up the Union. Other interests of vast mag- nitude can only be preserved by a stead- fast adherence and support of the United States Government. All hope of a Pa- cific Railroad, so deeply interesting to St. Louis and the whole State, must vanish with the Federal Government. Great manufacturing and commercial interests with which the cotton States can have no sympathy, must perish in case of secession, and from her present proud condition of a powerful, thriving State, rapidly developing every ele- ment of wealth and social prosperity, Missouri would dwindle to a mere ap- pendage and convenience for the mili- tary aristocracy established in the cot- ton States." Immediately on his return to his post at St. Louis, General Harney strove with unquestioned sincerity, but uncer- May tain vigor, to allay the civil strife 12* in Missouri. In his first proclama- tion he assumed a highly conciliatory tone : " I most anxiously desire," he pro- claimed, "to discharge the delicate and onerous duties devolved upon me so as to preserve the public peace. I shall carefully abstain from the exercise of any unnecessary powers, and from all interference with the proper functions of the public officers of the State and city. I therefore call upon the public authorities and the people to aid me in preserving the public peace. "The military force stationed in this department by the authority of the Government, and now under my com- mand, will only be used in the last re- sort to preserve peace. I trust I may be spared the necessity of resorting to martial law, but the public peace must be preserved, and the lives and property of the people protected. Upon a care- ful review of my instructions, I find I have no authority to change the loca- tion of the Home Guards. " To avoid all cases ot irritation and excitement, if called upon to aid the local authorities in preserving the public peace, I shall, in preference, make use of the regular army." In the mean time, the Legislature, still in session at Jefferson City, passed a "military bill," the object of which was apparently to resist the Federal author- ity. The Governor was authorized to call out the militia, and a large sum was appropriated to arm and equip them. At the same time extraordinary powers were given to the Governor, by which he might control the State troops to his own purposes, which no one could doubt were in accordance with the in- terests of secession. No sooner had the "military bill" passed, than the Gover- nor began to avail himself of the priv- ileges it conferred, by mustering a mil- itary force, and ordering the telegraph and railroad bridges which communi- cated with St. Louis to be destroyed, in order to prevent the loyal troops of that city from marching to the rescue of the HARNEY ATTEMPTS CONCILIATION. 253 State from the grasp of its secession conspirators. General Harney now issued a second May proclamation, to the gentle plead- 17* ings of which in behalf of loyalty he added a not very undecided declara- tion of the rebellious character of the "military bill." "It is with regret," he said, "that I feel it my duty to call your attention to the recent act of the General Assembly of Missouri, known as the ' military bill, 7 which is the result, no doubt, of the temporary excitement that now pervades the public mind. This bill cannot be regarded in any other light than an in- direct secession ordinance, ignoring even the forms resorted to by other States. Manifestly its most material provisions are in conflict with the Constitution and laws of the United States. To this ex- tent it is a nullity, and cannot and ought not to be upheld or regarded by the good citizens of Missouri. There are obligations and duties resting upon the people of Missouri under the Constitu- tion and laws of the United States which are paramount, and which I trust you will carefully consider and weigh well before you will allow yourselves to be carried out of the Union, under the form of yielding obedience to this ' mili- tary bill,' which is clearly in violation of your duties as citizens of the United States." To this proclamation succeeded an energetic movement toward repressing the secession demonstrations in various parts of the State of Missouri. Two hundred armed secessionists were dis- persed from the arsenal at Liberty, and soon after the Federal arms met with other success. Some Union men having been driven from Potosi, in Washington County, Captain Lyon sent a small force, consisting of a hundred and fifty volunteers under the command of jn ay Captain Coles, to their relief. Ar- !* riving at Potosi before daylight, Cap- tain Coles posted a chain of sentinels around the town, and stationed guards at the houses of the prominent seces- sionists. As the day broke, some hun- dred and fifty men found themselves thus imprisoned without hope of escape. Most of them were released on giving their parole and taking the oath not to take up arms against the United States, while the prominent leaders were held captive. Various munitions of war and other supplies intended for the secession- ists were at the same time seized. On their way back from Potosi, the Union troops put to flight at De Soto a com- pany of secession cavalry, captured a score or more of their horses, and their flag, secreted within the hoops of a lady of the place. The service of the surgeon of the United States volunteers was very appropriately put into requisition on the occasion. On entering, " the doctor thought he observed the lady of the house sitting in rather an uneasy posi- tion, and he very politely asked her to rise. At first the lady hesitated, but finding the doctor's persuasive suavity more than she could withstand, she slow- ly rose, when the bright folds of the rebel ensign appeared around the lady's feet. The doctor, bowing a graceful ' beg par- 251 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. don, madam,' stooped, and quietly catch- ing hold of the gaudy color, found in his possession a secession flag thirty* feet long and nine feet wide." Having apparently checked the rising spirit of rebellion by judicious military movements, General Harney sought, by a quasi league with the leader of the so-called State troops, to establish a per- manent truce with the seditiously dis- posed citizens of Missouri. He accord- ingly held a personal interview with Sterling Price, appointed by the Gov- ernor a major-general of the Missouri militia, and who, like him, was doubtless in league with the Southern leaders of rebellion. General Harney, persuaded by the artful plausibilities of the shrewd May Pri ce > was cajoled into an agree- 21 ment, by which he pledged the Federal authority to withhold its power, and to leave the seditious Governor and his confederates to pursue their own designs, under the pretext of preserv- ing order in the State. In a joint decla- ration, signed by General Harney and the major-general of the so-styled State Guard, it was announced that " General Price, having by commission full author- ity over the militia of the State of Missouri, undertakes, with the sanction of the Governor of the State already St. Louis Democrat, May 17. declared, to direct the whole power of the State officers to maintain order within the State among the people thereof ; and General Harney publicly declares that this object being thus assured, he can have no occasion, as he has no wish, to make military movements which might otherwise create excitements and jeal- ousies which he most earnestly desires to avoid/' Although the immediate effect of this compact was to tranquilize the public sentiment of Missouri, it soon became evident that the Governor and his con- federates had been using General Harney to further their own seditious purposes. They continued to muster their military forces, and were evidently bent upon hostility to the Union men of the State. The Government at Washington becom- ing conscious of the impolitic action of General Harney, withdrew him from the Western Department. Lyon, who May had been lately promoted to the !? rank of brigadier-general of volunteers, succeeded to the command of the Fed- eral forces in Missouri. This energetic officer at once proceeded to assert the authority of the Union by the most decisive action. We shall soon have occasion to say more of him and his spirited achievements. LOYALTY OF THE WEST. 255 CHAPTER XXII. Spirit of Loyalty of the Free States of the "West. Attachment to the Union. Interests in the Struggle. The danger of being cut off from the Mississippi. The Position of Illinois. Her interest in the preservation of Communication. Spirited Action. Military Possession of Cairo. Situation of Cairo. The Key to the Northwest. The motive for founding the City. Marshy Site. Artificial Dykes. Great Size and enormous Expense. Illinois Central Railroad. Population of Cairo. Its Docks. A Reservoir of Water. Artificial Remedies. Future Prospects. Neighbor- hood of Cairo described. Cairo as a Military Post. Bird's Point. Its Position. Description of the place. Its Importance. Danger of its Seizure. Secured to the United States by General Lyon. Communications with Cairo. Columbus. Paducah. Military Possession of Cairo a blow to the Enemy. Their Opinion. Increased Military Energy of the United States. Move across the Potomac. The vote on Secession in Virginia. Scruples of Govern- ment. The crossing of the Potomac. Arlington Heights occupied. Entrenchments. Opposition anticipated at Alexandria. The animosity of the City. Secession Flags. Expedition against Alexandria. The plan. Move- ment of the Michigan Regiment. Embarkation of the New York Fire Zouaves. The Steamer Pawnee. Indiscreet haste of the Zouaves. Landing at Alexandria. Death of Colonel Ellsworth. The Michigan Regiment disap- pointed. Escape of Virginia Troops. Capture of thirty seven Horsemen. Occupation of Alexandria. Sacrifice of a promising life. Biography of Ellsworth. Early Career. Military Tastes. His Company of Chicago Zouaves. How shown and admired. Application for a clerkship in the War Department. Disappointment. Made a Lieu- tenant in the Army. Resignation. Recruits the Fire Zouaves at New York, and becomes their Colonel. Grief at his death. A touching Letter. 1861, THE free States of the West, actuated by a sentiment of loyalty which inspir- ited them to vindicate the honor and preserve the integrity of a Union to which they were fondly at- tached, exhibited the greatest alertness in coming to the rescue of the Federal Government. Finding, moreover, their interests deeply involved in a struggle, which, with the secession of Louisiana, Mississippi, Arkansas, Tennessee, and the unsettled condition of Missouri and Kentucky, threatened, by obstructing the navigation of the Mississippi River, to cut off that great channel of com- munication between the Northern lakes and the Gulf of Mexico, they felt, with all the impressiveness of a motive of self- preservation, the necessity of resisting the rebellion. Illinois, from her geographical posi- tion, had been the chief State to profit from that bountiful provision of nature which united Lake Michigan and the Gulf of Mexico, and brought the north- ern city of Chicago into close relation- ship with tropical New Orleans. This State, accordingly, alive to the import- ance of securing a communication which had proved so great a source of inspira- tion to her enterprise and of the wealth that had crowned its efforts, eagerly strove to further the endeavors of the Federal Government to prevent the dis- ruption of the Union. Her troops re- sponded readily to the call of the Gov- ernor, and were soon enabled to hold in force the most important strategic point of the West. This was the city of Cairo, within her own borders. 256 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. Cairo is situated at the extreme south of Illinois, in Alexandria County, on the delta at the confluence of the Ohio with the Mississippi. On the east the former separates it from Kentucky, and on the west the latter separates it from Missouri. Cairo thus, by its position, commands the navigation of both rivers and the shores of the two neighboring States at this point. It is, as it were, the key to that extensive and important ter- ritory familiarly known as the Great Northwest, watered by the upper Mis- sissippi, the Ohio, the Missouri, and their tributary streams. The city was founded with the expectation, from the natural advantages of geographical po- sition, of its becoming a great trading emporium. Immense sums were ex- pended in rendering it habitable. Nat- urally a swamp, the land was covered with water for the greater part of the year. Large dykes or levees were raised for two miles and a half along the bor- ders of the Mississippi and Ohio, and joined by a transverse embankment, so as to close in the site and shut out the constant overflow of those rivers. Several attempts had been made in vain to protect the town from inundation, until finally the present works were constructed at an enormous expense. These now consist of vast dykes, from ten to thirty feet in height, with a breadth, at the top, from twenty to fifty feet, and at the bottom, from eighty to a hundred feet. Much of the structure was built at the expense of the Illinois Central Railroad Company, to which a great portion of the land belonged, and here its extreme southern depot and works have been established. The inhabitants, amounting to about four thousand, have settled chiefly in the quarter bordered by the Ohio, where they have filled in the marshy site of the town almost to the height of the embankment, which protects it from the tide-waters of the river. The loading and unloading of freight is performed by means of large floating docks or wharf- boats, so contrived and moored that they can be adapted to the rise and fall of the tide, and thus always present an even communication with the embanked shore. After a heavy fall of rain, the en- closure within the levees or dykes, which forms a large artificial basin, collects the water. This, however, has been par- tially remedied by digging a deep canal through the centre of the town to re- ceive the rain-fall. With this are con- nected drains which open through the dykes into the rivers. When their wa- ters, however, are high, the heavy rains cannot be thus disposed of, and recourse is had to a steam-pump. The only effectual mode which has as yet been proposed of rendering this admirably situated city entirely free from the dan- ger of inundation, is to fill up the whole basin with earth brought from the hills in the interior. This will undoubtedly be accomplished in the course of a brief time, whenever enterprise shall resume its peaceful progress. The neighborhood of Cairo is thus de- scribed by a local observer : " The nearest high land in any di- DESCRIPTION OF CAIRO. 257 rection from Cairo is about nine miles distant, on the Central Railway, and all between are cypress swamps, with here and there a marshy opening, called a farm, and covered with a mass of heavy timber, vines and creepers, through which the sun cannot penetrate. The high land, commencing at the edge of this swamp, rises several hundred feet, often presenting mountainous aspects ; the timber is maple, beech, hickory, and oak. Springs are frequent, and where farms are opened they well reward the laborer ; but more than three-fourths of all this high land is an unbroken wilderness. "On the Illinois side of the Ohio, above Mound City (six miles from Cairo), the shore is high and free from inunda- tion, while on tbe Kentucky side the land is low and swampy, the distance to the hills being from six to twelve miles. The Illinois bank of the Mississippi is low, yet occasionally there are hills, as at Thebes, but above this point it is subject to overflow for 150 miles. The Mississippi shore of Missouri is swampy in every direction, and the nearest high land is as much as fifty miles distant, near Cape Girardeau, which is the only place where southern Missouri can reach the river with teams. From Cape Gi- rardeau to the Gulf of Mexico extends a succession of cypress swamps, cane- brakes, and bayous the scene of deso- lation being varied only at long intervals by farms, always protected by a levee. On the east side of the river there are occasionally high lands and bluffs, on which the towns are situated. Opposite 33 Cairo, in Missouri, is the little village of Bird's Point, from which a railroad ex- tends twenty or thirty miles toward Little Rock, in Arkansas. In such a wilderness of swamps and waters, Cairo is really a place of refuge and a harbor of safety." The importance of Cairo as a basis of military operations was recognized early in the struggle, and in the course of the month of May a force of over six thou- sand Illinois volunteers encamped there under the command of Brigadier-Gen- eral Prentiss. They immediately com- menced the construction of four en- trenched camps, and mounted heavy guns upon the dykes. The site of Cairo is commanded only in one direction. This is from the Mis- souri side of the Mississippi River, at Bird's Point, where the land rises two or three feet above the top of the Cairo dykes. "Bird's Point consists of scarcely half a dozen unpretending houses and a wharf-boat, which is the principal feature of the town, inasmuch as it supports on its floating bottom the chief store, grocery, and commission-house of the town. * * * Standing upon even as low a situation as the deck of the wharf-boat, the housetops and spires within the Cairo levee are plainly visible, and within easy range of a battery at Bird's Point ; and although the latter place is situated on low bottom land and subject to frequent overflows, yet the still lower situation of Cairo is so pal- pable, that, to a spectator at Bird's Point, it seems as if the great rivers 258 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. which here mix their waters had been displaced from their beds to make room for the houses which are hugged within the huge embraces of the levee. The river here is very wide, and but for the murky turbulence of its water, and the steady onward motion of the current, would give one an idea of an arm of the sea." There was great danger lest the seces- sionists of Missouri and Tennessee should seize this important position. Brigadier- General Lyon, however, was on the alert, and anticipated the movements of the enemy by promptly dispatching a regiment of Missouri volunteers, under Colonel Shuttner, to Bird's Point. Here they immediately fortified a camp, and thus bid defiance to attack. The communications of Cairo through the Illinois Central Railroad with the North, give it every advantage of rapid reinforcement. In twenty-four hours troops can reach the place not only from Illinois, Missouri, and Kentucky, but from Indiana, Wisconsin, and Michigan. About a score of miles below Cairo, on the Kentucky bank of the Missis- sippi River, is situated the town of Co- lumbus, the Northern terminus of vari- ous Southern railways. This place has become of great interest, in connection with the present war, as an important strategic post, having been seized and held by the enemy. Paducah, again, forty miles to the east of Cairo, on the Kentucky side of the Ohio, at its con- fluence with the Tennessee, is another point of great importance, commanding as it does the mouth of the latter river, and connected as it is with the Southern series of railways. This important place fortunately remains in the possession of the United States troops. The prompt military occupation of Cairo, and the preparations made for its defence, were heavy blows to the seces- sionists. They strove, however, to find consolation in the presumption that " this audacious movement has had good effect in developing the purpose of our enemies to prosecute the war in earnest, and in its inspiring influence upon the Tennessee and Kentucky mind. It con- veys a threat which the people of those States will join their brethren of the Confederate States in resenting with promptitude. 7 ' They, nevertheless, were forced to acknowledge the importance of the pos- session of Cairo to the Federal troops. "Geography," they admitted, "has made Cairo a strategical position of the utmost consequence. It is the key to the upper, as New Orleans and the Lake and the Balize are the key to the lower Mississippi. It can blockade St. Louis on the one hand, and Louisville on the other ; while, if in possession of a considerable force, possessing heavy ordnance, and commanding the railroad leading south of that point, it would menace the city of Memphis, and open the way for an invading army to make that an advanced post of occupation. It is not pleasant to contemplate such a pos- sibility. But it is good policy to face it fairly, if we would defeat it effectually." The United States Government, with its rapidly accumulating forces, was FIRST MOVEMENT INTO VIRGINIA. 259 beginning to present in every direction a more vigorous opposition to the enemy. Washington being considered temporarily out of danger, and the dis- affected of Maryland no longer feared, General Scott ventured to make a move across the Potomac. Virginia, though previously in arms and leagued with the Confederate States in open resistance to the Federal authorities, had yet, with an affected regard for law, submitted the ordinance of secession to the vote of her May people. In the middle and east- 2S * ern districts of the State the vote was almost unanimous in favor of seces- sion, while in the western it was nearly unanimous in opposition. The United States Government is supposed to have thus far withheld the assertion by arms of its authorit} 7 in Virginia, that the people might enjoy in freedom the ex- ercise of their suffrage. It was accord- May ingty n t until the day after the 2^ vote on secession had been taken that Scott threw across the Potomac, into the insurgent State, a portion of the troops encamped in and about the cap- ital, which constituted already, such had been the military promptitude of the North, a force of nearly fifty thousand militia and volunteers. The number of men detached for this purpose was nearly thirteen thou- sand, formed into two columns, one of which was sent to occupy Arlington Heights and the rest of the Virginia shore opposite to Washington, and the other Alexandria, on the Potomac River, about six miles south of the capital. The former, being the larger portion of the troops, crossed by the Long bridge at Washington and the iron bridge at Georgetown, and took possession of the high banks of the Virginia side of the river. Driving the scattered outpost guards of the enemy before them, they were permitted to occupy the ground with little opposition, and at once began to throw up fortifications. At Alexandria, which had just voted almost unanimously for secession, and where an intense feeling of animosity to the Federal troops was known to pre- vail, greater opposition was anticipated. The town had been long flaunting its secession flags in the sight of the capital, the troops of the enemy were parading its streets, and its citizens were in arms apparently prepared for resistance. It was accordingly determined to surround the place, not only to secure its posses- sion, but the capture of the armed force within. For this purpose the Third Regiment of Michigan militia, in com- mand of Colonel Wilcox, accompanied by a detachment of United States cav- alry, and supported by two pieces of Sherman's flying artillery, crossed the Long bridge into Virginia, with the view of marching to Alexandria by land and advancing upon the city in the rear. The Fire Zouave Regiment of New York, commanded by Colonel Ellsworth, was dispatched by water to take Alexandria in front. The steamer Pawnee had been previously moored in the Potomac off the town, so as to command it with her guns. The Zouaves, however, reached their destination in advance of the Michigan 260 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. troops, and impelled by an imprudent impetuosity hastened to land. The town was at once alarmed, and the enemy's troops succeeded in effecting their escape before the Michigan regiment, coming up in the rear, could cut them off. The landing of the Zouaves, and the subse- quent tragedy in which their young Colonel lost his life, have been thus mi- nutely detailed by one* who was at his death : "It was not until our boats were about to draw up to the wharf," he says, "that our approach was noticed in any way ; but at the latest minute a few sentinels, whom we had long before dis- cerned, fired their muskets in the air as a warning, and, running rapidly into the town, disappeared. Two or three of the Zouaves, fancying that the shots were directed toward them (which they cer- tainly were not), discharged their rifles after the retreating forms, but no injury to anybody followed. The town was thus put on its guard, but yet so early was the hour, and so apparently un- locked for our arrival, that when we landed, about half-past five o'clock A. M., the streets were as deserted as if it had been midnight. "Before our troops disembarked, a boat, filled with armed marines, and carrying a flag of truce, put off from the Pawnee, and landed ahead of us. From the officer in charge we learned that the Pawnee had already proposed terms of submission to the town, and that the rebels had consented to vacate within a specified time. This seemed New York Tribune, May 26. to settle the question of a contest in the negative ; but in the confusion of mus- tering and forming the men, the intelli- gence was not well understood, and re- ceived but little attention. Indeed, I am quite sure that the Pawnee's officer did not seek Colonel Ellsworth, to com- municate with him, and that the Colonel only obtained a meagre share of infor- mation by seeking it directly from the bearer of the flag of truce himself. No doubt this omission arose from the con- fused condition in which affairs then stood. But it would have caused no difference in the Colonel's military plans. No attack was meditated, except in case of a forcible resistance to his progress. On the other hand, the idea of the place being under a truce seemed to banish every suspicion of a resistance either from multitudes or individuals. It was just possibly this consideration that led Colonel Ellsworth to forego the requisite personal precautions, which, if taken, would have prevented his unhappy death. But I am sure none of us at that time estimated the probability of the danger which afterward menaced us. Perhaps the thought of actual bloodshed and death in war was too foreign to our experiences to be rightly weighed. But it certainly did not enter our minds then, as poor Ellsworth's fate has since taught us it should have done, that a town half waked, half terrified, and under truce, could harbor any peril for us. So the Colonel gave some rapid directions for the interruption of the railway course, by displacing a few rails near the depot, and then turned toward the centre of DEATH OF ELLSWORTH. 261 the town, to destroy the means of com- munication southward by the telegraph 5 a measure which he appeared to regard as very seriously important. He was accompanied by Mr. H. J. Winser, mil- itary secretary to the regiment, the chaplain, the Rev. E. W. Dodge, and myself. At first he summoned no guard to follow him, but he afterward turned and called forward a single squad, with a sergeant from the first company. We passed quickly through the streets, meeting a few bewildered travellers issuing from the principal hotel, which seemed to be slowly coming to its daily senses, and were about to turn toward the telegraph office, when the Colonel, first of all, caught sight of the secession flag, which has so long swung insolently in full view of the President's House. He immediately sent back the sergeant, with an order for the advance of the entire first company, and, leaving the matter of the telegraph office for a while, pushed on to the hotel, which proved to be the Marshall House, a second-class inn. On entering the open door the Colonel met a man in his shirt and trowsers, of whom he demanded what sort of flag it was that hung above the roof. The stranger, who seemed greatly alarmed, declared he knew nothing of it, and that he was only a boarder there. Without questioning him further the Colonel sprang up stairs, and we all followed to the topmost story, whence, by means of a ladder, he clambered to the roof, cut down the flag with Winser's knife, and brought it from its staff. There were two men in bed in the garret whom we had not observed at all when we entered, their position being some- what concealed, but who now rose in great apparent amazement, although I observed that they were more than half dressed. We at once turned to descend, private Brownell leading the way, and Colonel Ellsworth immediately following him with the flag. As Brownell reached the first landing-place, or entry, after a descent of some dozen steps, a man jumped from a dark passage, and hardly noticing the private, levelled a double- barrelled gun square at the Colonel's breast. Brownell made a quick pass to turn the weapon aside, but the fellow's hand was firm, and he discharged one barrel straight to its aim, the slugs or buckshot with which it was loaded en- tering the Colonel's heart, and killing him at the instant. I think my arm was resting on poor Ellsworth's shoulder at the moment. At any rate, he seemed to fall almost from my own grasp. He was on the second or third step from the landing, and he dropped forward with that heavy, horrible, headlong weight which always comes of sudden death inflicted in this manner. His assailant had turned like a flash to give the con- tents of the other barrel to Brownell, but either he could not command his aim, or the Zouave was too quick with him, for the slugs went over his head, and passed through the panels and wainscot of a door which sheltered some sleeping lodgers. Simultaneously with this sec- ond shot, and sounding like the echo of the first, Brownell's rifle was heard, and the assassin staggered backward. He 262 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. was hit exactly in the middle of the face, and the wound, as I afterward saw it, was the most frightful I ever wit- nessed. Of course Brownell did not know how fatal his shot had been, and so before the man dropped, he thrust his sabre bayonet through and through the body, the force of the blow sending the dead man violently down the upper section of the second flight of stairs, at the foot of which he lay with his face to the floor. Winser ran from above cry- ing, ' Who is hit ?' but as he glanced downward by our feet, he needed no answer. "Bewildered for an instant by the suddenness of this attack, and not knowing what more might be in store, we forbore to proceed, and gathered together defensively. There were but seven of us altogether, and one was without a weapon of any kind. Brow- nell instantly reloaded, and while doing so perceived the door through which the assailant's shot had passed, beginning to open. He brought his rifle to the shoulder, and menaced the occupants, two travellers, with immediate death if they stirred. The three other privates guarded the passages, of which there were quite a number converging to the point where we stood, while the chaplain and Winser looked to the staircase by which we had descended, and the adjoin- ing chambers. I ran down stairs to see if anything was threatened from the story below, but it soon appeared there was no danger from that quarter. How- ever, we were not at all disposed to move from our position. From the opening doors, and through the pas- sages, we discerned a sufficient number of forms to assure us that we were dreadfully in the minority. I think now that there was no danger, and that the single assailant acted without concert with anybody ; but it is impossible to know accurately, and it was certainly a doubtful question then. The first thing to be done was to look to our dead friend and leader. He had fallen on his face, and the streams of blood that flowed from his wound had literally flooded the way. The chaplain turned him gently over, and I stooped and called his name aloud, at which I thought then he mur- mured inarticulately. I presume I was mistaken, and I am not sure that he spoke a word after being struck, although in my dispatch I repeated a single ex- clamation which I had believed he ut- tered. It might have been Brownell, or the chaplain, who was close behind me. Winser and I lifted the body with all the care we could apply, and laid it upon a bed in a room near by. The rebel flag, stained with his blood, and purified by this contact from the baseness of its former meaning, we laid about his feet. It was at first difficult to discover the precise locality of his wound, for all parts of his coat were equally saturated with blood. By cautiously loosening his belt and unbuttoning his coat we found where the shot had penetrated. None of us had any medical knowledge, but we saw that all hope must be resigned. Nevertheless, it seemed proper to sum- mon the surgeon as speedily as possible. This could not easily be done ; for, DEATH OF ELLSWORTH AVENGED. 263 secluded as we were in that part of the town, and uncertain whether an ambush might not be awaiting us also, no man could volunteer to venture forth alone ; and to go together, and leave the Col- onel's body behind, was out of the question. We wondered at the long delay of the first company, for the ad- vance of which the Colonel had sent back before approaching the hotel ; but we subsequently learned that they had mistaken a street, and gone a little out of their way. Before they arrived we had removed some of the unsightly stains from the Colonel's features, and composed his limbs. His expression in death was beautifully natural. The Colonel was a singularly handsome man, and, excepting the pallor, there was nothing different in his countenance now from what all his friends had so lately been accustomed to gladly recognize. The detachment was heard approaching at last, a reinforcement was easily called up, and the surgeon was sent for. His arrival, not long after, of course sealed our own unhappy belief. A sufficient guard was presently distributed over the house, but meanwhile I had remembered the Colonel's earnestness about the tele- graph seizure, and obtained permission to guide a squad of Zouaves to the office, which was found to be entirely open, with all the doors ajar yet appar- ently deserted. It looked like another chance of a surprise. The men re- mained in charge. I presume it was not wholly in order for me, a civilian, to start upon this mission, but I was the only person who knew the whereabouts of the office, and the Colonel had been very positive about the matter. When I returned to the hotel, there was a terrible scene enacting. A woman had run from a lower room to the stairway where the body of the defender of the secession flag lay, and recognizing it, cried aloud with an agony so heart-rend- ing that no person could witness it with- out emotion. She flung her arms in the air, struck her brow madly, and seemed in every way utterly abandoned to des- olation and frenzy. She offered no re- proaches appeared, indeed, almost re- gardless of our presence, and yielded only to her own frantic despair. It was her husband that had been shot. He was the proprietor of the hotel. His name was James T. Jackson. Winser was confident it was the same man who met us at the door when we entered, and told us he was a boarder. His wife, as I said, was wild almost to insanity. Yet she listened when spoken to, and although no consolation could be offered her by us for what she had lost, she seemed sensible to the assurance that the safety of her children, for whom she expressed fears, could not possibly be endangered. "It is not from any wish to fasten obloquy upon the slayer of Colonel Ells- worth, but simply because it struck me as a frightful fact, that I say the face of the dead man wore the most revolting expression of rage and hatred that I ever saw. Perhaps the nature of his wound added to this effect, and the wound was something so appalling that I shall not attempt to describe it as it 264 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. impressed me. It is probable that such a result from a bullet wound could not ensue once in a thousand times. Either of Brownell's onslaughts would have been instantaneously fatal. The sabre wound was not less effective than that of the ball. The gun which Jackson had fired lay beneath him, clasped in his arms, and as we did not at first all know that both barrels had been discharged, it was thought necessary to remove it, lest it should be suddenly seized and made use of from below. In doing this, his countenance was revealed. " As the morning advanced, the towns- people began to gather in the vicinity, and a guard was fixed, preventing in- gress and egress. This was done to keep all parties from knowing what had oc- curred, for the Zouaves were so devoted to their Colonel that it was feared if they all were made acquainted with the real fact, they would sack the house. On the other hand, it was not thought wise to let the Alexandrians know thus early the fate of their townsman. The Zouaves were the only regiment that had arrived, and their head and soul was gone. Besides, the duties which the Colonel had hurriedly assigned before leaving them had scattered some com- panies in various quarters of the town. Several persons sought admission to the Marshall House, among them a sister of the dead man, who had heard the rumor, but who was not allowed to know the true state of the case. It was painful to hear her remark, as she went away, that ' of course they wouldn't shoot a man dead in his own house about a bit of old bunting.' Many of the lodgers were anxious to go forth, but they were detained until after I had left. All sorts of arguments and persuasions were em- ployed, but the Zouave guards were in- exorable." The Michigan regiment, though pre- vented by the impetuous movement of the Zouaves from fully effecting its object, succeeded, however, in capturing some thirty-seven of the enemy's cavalry. The rest had made off by the railroad extending into the interior of Yirginia. The occupation of Alexandria was in- deed secured, but at the sacrifice of a life suddenly arrested in its youthful promise of patriotic service. The friends of the Union mourned the fate of young Ells- worth, and honored his memory as that of a hero. Elmer E. Ellsworth was born at Malta, Saratoga County, in the State of New York, on the 23d of April, 1837. His parents not being rich were unable to give him more than the advantages of an ordinary common school educa- tion. He, however, seemed to have some early inclinations for a military career, and an effort was made to obtain for him an admission into the academy at West Point. Not succeeding in this purpose, the lad was placed as a clerk in a trading establishment at Troy, and thence removed to the city of New York, where he remained engaged in similar occupations for several years. He subsequently emigrated to the West, and .obtained the position of a clerk with an attorney in Chicago. He now com- menced the study of the law, but devoted LIFE OF ELLSWORTH. 265 his leisure time to the study of military science. About this time he was chosen cap- tain of a volunteer company, whom he induced to adopt the uniform and drill of the French Zouaves, whose efficiency had been recently displayed in the Cri- mea. His soldiers soon became the pride of Chicago and the wonder of other cities, where, during a round of visits, they ex- hibited their striking costume and pecu- liar manners. On his return to the West he was chosen quartermaster of the north- ern division of Illinois, and paymaster- general of the State militia. He, how- ever, still persevered in his legal studies, and was soon after admitted to the bar. On the election of his friend, Mr. Lin- coln, to the Presidency, Ellsworth made application for the chief clerkship in the war department, but the secretary of war was prevented from bestowing it upon him in consequence of his pledge to a previous applicant. He, however, received, through the influence of the President, the commission of second lieutenant in the army. In the mean time, war with the South becoming im- minent, young Ellsworth resigned his lieutenancy, and, offering his services to recruit a regiment, repaired at once to New York for the purpose. The proverbial courage and energy of the city firemen led him to seek among them for the men suitable for the forma- tion of a corps of Zouaves, of whom dash, daring, and activity are expected. He soon succeeded in enrolling a thou- sand firemen, and sailed, with the ap- plause and good wishes of all New 34 York, for Washington, at the head of his regiment, on the 29th of April. His tragic death has been already recorded. There was an element of tender affec- tion in the character of the youthful hero which endeared him to his family and friends, and served to increase the public regard for his memory. On the night previous to his departure on the fatal expedition to Alexandria, he wrote to his betrothed, and this reverential and pathetic letter to his parents, of whom he was the only surviving child : " HEADQUARTERS 1 ST ZOUAVES, CAMP LINCOLN, ) WASHINGTON, D. C., May 23, 1861. J " MY DEAR FATHER AND MOTHER : The regiment is ordered to move across the river to-night. We have no means of knowing what reception we are to meet with. I am inclined to the opinion that our entrance to the city of Alexandria will be hotly contested, as I am just in- formed a large force has arrived there to-day. Should this happen, my dear parents, it may be my lot to be injured in some manner. Whatever may hap- pen, cherish the consolation that I was engaged in the performance of a sacred duty ; and to-night, thinking over the probabilities of to-morrow, and the oc- currences of the past, I am perfectly content to accept whatever my fortune may be, confident that He who noteth even the fall of a sparrow, will have some purpose even in the fate of one like me. " My darling and ever-loved parents, good-bye. God bless, protect, and care for you. ELMER." 266 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. CHAPTER XXIII. How the Virginians failed to take Fortress Monroe. Efforts to counteract its Loss. The importance of Fortress Monroe to the Union. The danger to Norfolk. Fortification of Virginia Rivers and Coasts. Abundant Cannon from the Navy Yard. Se wall's Point. Its Position. Raising of Fortifications by the Secessionists. Attempt to prevent the Work by the Federal Cruisers. Attack of the Star on Sewall's Point. Official Report of Captain Eagle. A lively Account by the Enemy. Effect of the Attack. The Reinforcement of Fortress Monroe. Number of Troops. Major-General Butler ordered to the Command of the Department of Virginia. Arrival at Fortress Mon- roe. His enthusiastic Reception. Immediate Action. A Foothold upon the Land of Virginia secured. Increased Reinforcements at Fortress Monroe. Expedition to Newport News. Situation of the place. No resistance. Mili- tary possession. Intrenchments. Continued labor of the Enemy in fortifying their Coast. The Works at Acquia Creek. Position of Acquia Creek and its strategic importance. Nature of the Batteries. Attack by Captain Ward. Silencing Batteries. Hauling off the Freeborn. Renewal of Attack. Official Statement. Unsuccessful attempt of the Harriet Lane upon an Enemy's Battery. Spectators at Fortress Monroe. Butler eager for Action. The Expedition against Little and Big Bethel planned. The Federal Troops. Number and Commanders. Brigadier-General Pierce. Previous Military Experience. The details of the plan of the Expedition. A confused Statement explained. The Reserves. How they were to Co-operate. Big Bethel. Its Position. Ignorance of Federal Officers. March of Colonel Duryea. Delays in Progress. A Fire in the Rear. A Countermarch. No Enemy. A fatal Blunder. Return of Vermonters and Massachusetts Men. The Blunder explained. Who was to blame ? The General's self-justification. Defence of Colonel Bendix. THE Virginians having failed, through the rare and happy accident of its being held by a loyal officer at the time of their insurrection, in obtaining possession of Fortress Monroe, made great efforts to counteract the loss of so important a defence. This strong work, which held as it were in its grip the neck of Chesapeake Bay, and throttled Vir- ginia by commanding its channels of communication with the sea, was also, as a basis of offensive operations, the most important possession retained by the Federal Government. The people of Norfolk especially felt themselves en- dangered by the proximity of the great fortress, where the Union could mus- ter within its impregnable walls and under its commanding guns, armies and fleets ready to be directed at any mo- ment upon the neighboring shores, and thus threaten the safety of their city. The Virginians accordingly made haste to fortify that part of their coast more immediately exposed to an attack from Fortress Monroe. With the cannon left at the Norfolk navy-yard, after the blundering attempt at its destruction by the Federal officer in command, they were abundantly supplied with means of arming their defences. They accord- ingly raised fortifications on every point of land, and at every river's mouth where there seemed danger of an attack. Among these is Sewall's Point, at the confluence of the Elizabeth and James rivers, directly opposite to Fortress Monroe, and about four miles distant. This low spit of land not only com- mands the mouths of these two rivers, ATTACK ON SEW ALL'S POINT. 267 but presents a favorable place for the landing of troops to operate in the rear of Norfolk. The Virginians accordingly sent down gangs of negroes, and some soldiers, to raise batteries of sand, and to mount them with cannon. While thus occupied, commander Harry Ulay Eagle, of the United States steamer 18 Star, who was on the watch, dis- covered the work in progress. "Sev- eral noises were heard during the night, but not distinct enough for me," reported Captain Eagle officially, "to trace them. At half-past five P.M. I heard distinct blows, as if from an axe securing tim- ber platforms for gun-carriages inside of the embrasures, and immediately I ordered a shot to be fired over them. The rebels immediately hoisted a white flag with some design on it, and fired a shot that cut the fore spencer guys near the gaff. I immediately beat to quar- ters and returned their fire, which was continued by them. I expended fifteen round of grape, twelve ten-inch shot, thirty-two ten-inch shell, ten shell for thirty-two pounders, and forty-five thir- ty-two-pound shot, making a total of one hundred and fourteen shots, which," adds the captain, "I think did some execution among the rebels. I only de- sisted for want of ammunition, having only five eight-pound charges remaining for the pivot gun." The action continued for an hour and a quarter, and although the official state- ment makes no allusion to the fact, it would seem that another Federal vessel bore a not ineffective part in the en- gagement. Captain Ward came up op- portunely with the steamer Freeborn, and taking a position within five hun- dred yards of the shore, opened with thirty- two-pound round shot. "He soon drove the party out of the work, and was not long in hammering two or three of the embrasures into one. The defenders, with a mounted officer at their head, took refuge in a clump of trees near by, into which Captain Ward presently threw a shot, which had the effect of routing the party." One of the enemy gave the following account of the affair, from which it would seem there was less " execution among the rebels" than Captain Eagle had expected. " The enemy had three eight-inch co- lumbiads, from which they kept up an incessant and rapid firing. Their guns were aimed with remarkable precision. Any one of their shots would have struck a boat of the size of theirs ; but, thank God, not one did its diabolical work among us. Almost half their shot struck our battery, and* several shells exploded on top of it. One tre- mendous bomb hit the muzzle of the cannon at which Lieutenant MofFet and myself were working, and exploded in the embrasure, not three feet from us, covering us with the turf and splinters of the battery, and so tearing up the embrasure as to make it large enough for three guns. Another shell passed within a foot of Robert Lockhart, as he ran out to plant the flag a little farther to the left than where it had been waving. He did not have time to get behind the battery after the cry of ' look out 7 was 268 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. given and before the ball came. He fell flat on the ground, and that saved him. Privates Mayo and Porter had one ball pass between their legs while they were shoveling away sand from in front of their gun. "The trees near the fort were com- pletely peeled and trimmed by the grape and shell. A chain came whizzing just a foot above the battery, struck a tree about ten feet off, and cut it in two as smoothly as you could cut a sprig of asparagus. The shell, and grape, and thirty-two-pounders rained down among us all the time as thickly as hail, and all of us are the possessors of some of these trophies, gathered on the ground of our first successful battle-field." The attack, however, upon Sewall's Point had the effect of putting the Vir- ginians on the alert, to increase the strength of that place. They immedi- ately concentrated two thousand troops there, and added "four of the heaviest guns" to the battery, which they have hitherto continued to hold in defiance of Fortress Monroe and the Federal cruisers. The United States Government, alive to the importance of Fortress Monroe, not only as a defensive work, but as a basis of operations, had hastened to strengthen its garrison and to place there a large body of troops. Before the close of May there were over five thousand men collected within its walls. To Butler, created a major-general, who had proved so energetic an officer at Annapolis and Baltimore, being suc- ceeded at Baltimore by General Cad- wallader was given the command of the new military department of Virginia, embracing the eastern district to the summit of the Blue Ridge, and also j>j a y the States of North and South Car- I8t olina. Fortress Monroe was included within Butler's command, and thither he jjj a y repaired and established his head- 22t quarters. His arrival was welcomed with enthusiasm, and honored by the usual military ceremonies. Salutes were fired, and there was a grand review, on the parade ground, of the troops, amount- ing to over four thousand men, who re- ceived their new chief with loud hurrahs. The General's first movement was to take possession of Hampton, separated from Fort Monroe, or rather the penin- sula of Old Point Comfort, upon which the fortress stands, only by an artificial causeway and a narrow neck of land. A regiment of volunteers was detailed for the purpose of resisting any possible opposition, and they marched across the causeway. The Virginians, as soon as they observed the approach of the Fed- eral troops, hurried to set fire to the bridge, where they had accumulated combustibles for the purpose. The ad- vance guard, however, of the volunteers pushed on rapidly, and before the fire had done much damage, extinguished it and put the enemy to flight, with the loss of one field-piece. This was seized and thrown into the bay, and General Butler continuing his progress, and making his reconnoissance, selected the site for a permanent encampment upon the farm of a Mr. Segar, a unionist. Next day CAPTURE OF NEWPORT NEWS. 269 two regiments were here encamped, and a foothold secured upon the mainland of Virginia. Reinforcements continuing to pour into Fortress Monroe, General Butler was enabled again to make a successful advance into the territory of the enemy. May Embarking twenty-five hundred 27 men in transports at the wharf of the fort, consisting principally of Ver- mont and Massachusetts regiments, he dispatched them to take possession of Newport News. This place is situated on the left bank of the James River, on the same peninsula formed between that stream and the York River, to which Fortress Monroe itself is joined by a causeway and narrow neck of land. The expedition met with no resistance, and no attempt at it, beyond several in- effectual shots from the enemy's batteries on the opposite side of James River. Intrenchments were immediately begun after the landing of the troops, and Newport News, a post which commands the peninsula on which it is situated, and a small island in the stream which it was feared might be fortified by the Confederates, was thus secured. The enemy were vigorously providing for the defence of the Virginia coast, thus threatened by the increased force at Fortress Monroe, and by the accumu- lation, under the cover of its guns, of armed United States vessels in the Chesapeake Bay and its tributaries. The Confederates had not only erected batteries upon the Elizabeth, James, York, Rappahannock, and Potomac rivers, but upon the smaller streams which empty into them. One of the most formidable of these works had been constructed at the mouth of the Acquia Creek. This place had been judiciously chosen by the enemy as a point of the utmost importance in the defence of Virginia. Here is situated the eastern terminus of the Fredericks- burgh and Potomac Railway, which, ex- tending from the river to Fredericks- burgh, continues from that city to Richmond, the capital of Virginia. The mouth of the Acquia, where it empties into the Potomac on the Virginia side of the river, is about fifty miles from Washington, and seventy-five from Rich- mond. The current of travel from the North to the South, after passing down the Potomac from Washington, usually took this direction, by rail, to the capital of Virginia and more Southern destina- tions. Strong batteries had been raised on the shore and on high and commanding ground behind. These, Captain Ward, of the United States steamer Freeborn, determined to make an effort to reduce. He, accordingly, supported by the two steamers, Anaeosta and Resolute, ]jf a y opened fire. After an incessant *1. discharge, kept up for two hours, the three lower batteries at the railroad terminus were silenced. His ammuni- tion, however, having been expended, and the enemy continuing to fire with great effect from their guns on the heights, Captain Ward was obliged to haul off the Freeborn. The other two small steamers, being unprovided with rifled guns, were unable to fire at a 270 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. sufficiently long range to be of much aid, and they were accordingly pre- vented from taking any very effective share in the engagement. On the next day the steamers Pawnee and Yankee joined Ward's flotilla, and the action was renewed. Captain Ward, in his report to the secretary of the navy, thus details the events of the can- nonade : "I have the honor," he wrote, "to report a renewal of the bombardment at Acquia Creek, commencing at eleven o'clock and thirty minutes in the fore- noon this day, and terminating, from fatigue of the men (the day being very warm, and the firing on our side inces- sant), at 4.30 in the afternoon, being a duration of five hours. The firing on shore was scarcely as spirited at any time as yesterday. The heights were abandoned, the guns apparently having been transferred to the earth-works at the railway terminus, in replacement of the batteries there silenced by ours yes- terday. During the last hour of the en- gagement only two or three shots were thrown from the shore, by a few individ- uals seen stealthily now and then to emerge from, concealment, and who hastily loaded and fired a single gun. The bulk of the party had left half an hour before, and squads were observed from time to time taking to their heels along the beach, with a speed and bottom truly commendable for its pru- dence^ and highly amusing to the sea- men. I did not deem it advisable to permit so feeble a fire to wear out my men. Therefore, I discontinued the engagement. Several shots came on board of us, causing the vessel to leak badly, and, besides other injuries, clip- ping the port-wheel, the wrought-iron shaft being gouged by a shot which would have shattered it if of cast iron. Fortunately I have again neither killed nor wounded to report, though the shot at times fell thick about us, testing the gallantry and steadiness of my men, which I consider of standard proof for any emergency. I proceed to Washing- ton to repair damages and refill my ex- hausted magazine. The Pawnee re- mains, meantime, below, to supply my place in the blockade. Captain Rowan, of that ship, joined me last night, re- plenishing my exhausted stores, and most gallantly opened the fire this morning, having followed my lead in shore toward the batteries. His ship received numerous wounds, both below and aloft, inflicted by the enemy's shot. On account of her size, she being more easily hit, she appeared to be their favorite mark, and was herself often a sheet of flame, owing to the great rapid- ity of her discharges. The enemy set fire to the large passenger and freight depot on the end of the long pier, as we were approaching, probably to remove it as an obstruction to their aim, but were not permitted to extinguish the flames during the whole five hours' can- nonade. Consequently nearly the whole pier is destroyed, leaving only the charred piles remaining above the water to mark its former position. * *** ** ** ** * * ! "More than one hundred shots have ATTACK ON ACQUIA CREEK. 271 fallen aboard and around us, any one of which would have struck a frigate. We had more than a thousand shots dis- charged at us within range, and have ourselves fired upward of three hundred shots and shells, with seventeen hun- dred pounds of powder. What damage we have inflicted remains to be seen. That we have received none not easily repaired, is truly remarkable. The Anacosta and Reliance were not per- mitted to come under damaging fire, their support having been necessary to embolden those engaged, by giving them confidence that if disabled in the ma- chinery, assistance was at hand to drag them out." The enemy, however, notwithstanding this spirited attack, persisted in holding their position, and by increased fortifica- tions rendered the batteries of Acquia Creek among the most formidable of their defensive works. The naval force, under Commodore Stringham, which had now gathered in Hampton Roads, and was blockading the Chesapeake, continued to be active, but, however spiritedly managed, seemed to effect but little in its attempts upon the enemy's batteries. The Harriet Lane, commanded by Captain Faunce, June started out on a cruise up the 5t James River, to look out for bat- teries. Having discovered one at the mouth of the Nansemond, which joins the James at Hampton Roads, the Har- riet Lane opened fire. Being within sight of Fortress Monroe, the soldiers thronged the ramparts to watch the scene. The cannonade of the steamer was briskly responded to by the enemy, who, with their guns of longer range and heavier metal, succeeded in effecting greater damage than they received. The Harriet Lane, after continuing the action for half an hour, in the course of which she was struck by several shot from a thirty-four-pound rifled cannon, hauled off and returned to her anchor- age under the guns of the fort. Reinforcements still continuing to pour into Fortress Monroe, the active Butler became eager for action. The outposts at Newport News and Hamp- ton having been annoyed by a body of the enemy posted at Little Bethel, about eight miles distant from both encampments, General Butler resolved upon an attempt to surprise and cap- ture it. He accordingly sent out an expedition for the purpose. This j une was composed of two divisions 9, the one made up of the New York regi- ment of Zouaves, commanded by Col- onel Duryea, and the Albany (N. Y.) regiment under Colonel Townsend, sup- ported by a detachment of United States artillery, with three cannon, led by Lieutenant Greble. The other division was composed of the New York Steuben Regiment, commanded by Colonel Ben- dix, and detachments of the First Ver- mont and Third Massachusetts, under Lieutenant-Colonel Washburn. The whole expedition was placed under the command of General Pierce, a mili- tia brigadier-general of Massachusetts, whose military service had hitherto been restricted to the holiday parades of Bos- ton Common or the village green. The 272 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. plan of the enterprise is thus set forth by General Butler himself: " I ordered," he wrote, in his official report, " General Pierce, who is in com- mand of Camp Hamilton, at Hampton, to send Duryea's regiment of Zouaves June to be ferried over Hampton Creek W at one o'clock this morning, and to march by the road up to Newmarket Bridge, then crossing the bridge, to go by a by-road, and thus put the regiment in the rear of the enemy and between Big Bethel and Little Bethel, in part for the purpose of cutting him off, and then to make an attack upon Little Bethel. I directed General Pierce to support him (Colonel Duryea) from Hampton with Colonel Townsend's regiment, with two mounted howitzers, and to march about an hour later. At the same time I directed Colonel Phelps, commanding at Newport News, to send out a bat- talion, composed of such companies of the regiments under his command as he thought best, under command of Lieu- tenant-Colonel Washburn, in time to make a demonstration upon Little Bethel in front, and to have him supported by Colonel Bendix's regiment, with two field-pieces." From this not very perspicuous state- ment of General Butler, it may be in- ferred that Colonel Duryea's regiment from Hampton, and Lieutenant-Colonel Washburn's force from Newport News, were to move in advance, the former to the rear and the latter to the front of Little Bethel, while Colonel Town- send's regiment from Hampton, and Colonel Bendix's regiment from New- port News, were to move later and act as a reserve. The two latter were to form a junc- tion at a fork of the road leading from Hampton to Newport News, the two points from which they were separately to march, about a mile and a half from Little Bethel. "I directed," continues Butler, in his official report, " the march to be so timed that the attack should be made just at daybreak, and that after the attack was made upon Little Bethel, Duryea's regiment and a regiment from Newport News should follow imme- diately upon the heels of the fugitives, if they were enabled to cut them off, and attack the battery on the road to Big Bethel, while covered by the fugi- tives ; or if it was thought expedient by General Pierce, failing to surprise the camp at Little Bethel, they should at- tempt to take the work near Big Bethel." This Big Bethel is some four miles farther from Fortress Monroe than Little Bethel, on the road from the town of Hampton to Yorktowri, of revo- lutionary renown. Its exact locality, the character of the surrounding coun- try, the force of the enemy, the strength of their fortifications, or even the fact of their existence, was a mystery prob- ably not only to the General-in-chief, but to all his subordinate officers. It was, however, soon to be solved with a fatal result. Colonel Duryea having formed his regiment of Zouaves, seven hundred and forty strong, and sent skirmishers for- ward in advance, began his march from MARCH TO LITTLE BETHEL. 273 Hampton at half-past eleven o'clock at night, toward Little Bethel. His men moved spiritedly forward, cheered with the prospect of a successful issue to their enterprise. The march for two miles was slow, in consequence of the tardy arrival of the howitzer which was to be placed at the head of the advanc- ing column. There was again a delay at Hampton Creek, for want of surf- boats, to convey the troops across. These, however, finally arrived, and the troops being transported to the other side, re- sumed their march, and soon came up with the two companies sent forward as skirmishers an hour and a half in ad- vance of the main body. The whole force now pushed on with quickened step, without pausing a moment for rest, and at four o'clock in the morning fell in with the picket guard of the enemy at Little Bethel. This, consisting of four soldiers and an officer in command, being captured, the regiment began to move forward on the road toward Big Bethel. At this moment a heavy fire of musketry and cannon was heard in the rear. Believing it to be an attempt by the enemy to cut off his reserve, Colonel Duryea immediately gave the order to countermarch his men, and they at once proceeded in double quick time in direction of the cannonade. After having thus rapidly retraced their march for five miles, they discovered that there was no enemy in their rear, but that the firing had come from their friends brought into collision by a fatal blunder. Lieutenant-Colonel Washburn, with his detachment of Massachusetts men 35 and Vermonters, had also, in accordance with the plan of the expedition, moved on. Setting out from Newport News, he had marched within reach of the front of Little Bethel, when the cannonade heard in his rear startled him too, and in- duced him to march back again to meet an enemy, but only to discover that he and Colonel Duryea had been deceived by the same fatal blunder of our troops. This was soon explained. Colonel Bendix having with his German regi- ment set out in due time from Newport News, reached the cross roads, and halted, to await the coming up of, and to form a junction with, the Albany regi- ment under Colonel Townsend, on their route from Hampton. " Up to this point the plan," says Butler, in his offi- cial report, ' ' had been vigorously, ac- curately, and successfully carried out ; but here, by some strange fatuity and yet unexplained blunder, without any word of notice, while Colonel Townsend was in column en route, and when the head of the column was within one hun- dred yards, Colonel Bendix's regiment opened fire, with both artillery and mus- ketry, upon Colonel Townsend's column, which, in the hurry and confusion, was irregularly returned by some of Colonel Townsend's men, who feared they had fallen into an ambuscade. Colonel Townsend's column immediately re- treated to the eminence near by, and were not pursued by Colonel Bendix's men. By this almost criminal blunder, two men of Colonel Townsend's regi- ment were killed and eight, more or less, wounded." 274 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. Every one was naturally anxious to free himself from the blame of what the General has termed an " almost criminal blunder." He in his own justification declared, that "to prevent the possibil- ity of mistake in the darkness, I directed that no attack should be made until the watchword Boston should be shouted by the attacking regiment, and, in case that by any mistake in the march the regiments that were to make the junc- tion should unexpectedly meet and be unknown to each other, also directed that the members of Colonel Townsend's reg- iment should be known, if in daylight, by something white worn on their arm." The General seemed to impute the fault to Colonel Bendix's Germans, who, he declared, were the first to open fire. They, however, strenuously defended themselves, asserting that the mistake was mutual, and the attack on both sides simultaneous. The adjutant of the German regiment came to the res- cue of its fame with the following dec- laration : "Colonel Bendix had not received any order or intimation that our troops should wear white badges around the arm for the purpose of mutual recogni- tion, and if he had, he would not have been able to distinguish such badge at the distance and in the dusk of the morning. Colonel Bendix's command did not wear such badges. The uniform of the Albany regiment was very sim- ilar to the uniform of the secession troops. It is doubtful which side opened fire. Many of the Albany boys admit that they fired first, mistaking the Steu- ben regiment for enemies, probably for the reason that the latter wore no white badges. " When Colonel Townsend's troops approached the junction over a slight ridge, they appeared to be a troop of cavalry, because General Pierce and staff, and Colonel Townsend and staff, in a body, rode in advance of their troops, and without any advance guard thrown out, as customary, to reconnoi- tre and protect the head of the column. If the latter precaution had been taken, the unfortunate mistake would not have happened. It was known that our side had no cavalry." INEXPERIENCED LEADER. 275 CHAPTER XXIV. Sejious Effects of the Blunder at Little Bethel. Inexperienced Leader. Unwise Counsellors. Second Advance of General Pierce. Reinforcements. Arrival of the Advance at Little Bethel. A deserted Camp. March to Big Bethel. The Enemy reported in Force. Battle given. Spirit of the Men. Plan of Battle. Colonel Duryea's Zouaves. The Struggle. Retreat. The Skirmishers. Their Retreat. Death of Greble. Withdrawal of the Artil- lery. Action of the New York Troops. Relative Number of Troops Engaged. Losses. Enemy's Account of the Affair of Big Bethel. Attempts at Justification by the Federal Officers. Consoling Reflection of General Butler. Censure of General Pierce. Promises to Justify Himself. Patriotism. Gallant Behavior of the Soldiers. Proofs. Rescue of Guns. Rescue of Body of Lieutenant Greble. The Last to Retreat. Death of Major Win- throp. His Bravery. His Last Moments. Admiration of the Enemy. Life of Winthrop. Adventurous Career. Restlessness. His Military Career. Author of the Plan of Battle at Big Bethel. Literary Tastes. Success of his Posthumous Works. 1861. GRIEVOUS as had been the blunder at Little Bethel, and fatal as it was to our own men destroyed by their com- rades, it was still more serious in its effects upon the subsequent fate of the expedition. The inexperienced leader, counselled by those who were no more skilled in the art of war than him- self, and piqued into an indiscreet ac- tivity by disappointment, determined to make an effort to redeem the unsuccess- ful beginning of the enterprise. He accordingly ordered his troops again to the advance. The enemy, in the mean time, were on the alert, and had fallen back from Little to Big Bethel, where the main body was posted under the cover of a strong battery of several heavy guns. General Pierce, without having made any reconnoissance, and en- tirely ignorant of the force of his antag- onists or the nature of their position or defences, did not hesitate to push on his troops, against this concealed and un- numbered foe, at Great Bethel. He, however, had the prudence, as he ad- vanced, to send back to General Butler for reinforcements, who sent forward Colonel Allen, with his New York city regiment, and Colonel Carr, with that of Troy (N. Y.) Colonel Duryea, with his Zouaves, again assumed the advance, supported by Colonel Bendix and his Germans, and Colonel Townsend, with the Albany regiment. On reaching Little Bethel, from which a stray shot was fired by a retreating troop of cavalry, the camp was found deserted, and this being de- stroyed, our troops pushed on toward Big Bethel. Here the main body ar- Jime rived at about ten o'clock in the 10* morning, and halted in consequence of the intelligence brought back by those who had been sent forward to skirmish in advance. Captain Kilpatrick, who commanded these skirmishers, had evi- dently not underrated the strength of the enemy, for he reported that he had found them " with about from three 276 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. thousand to five thousand men, posted in a strong position on the opposite side of the bridge three earth-works and a masked battery on the right and left ; in advance of the stream, thirty pieces of artillery and a large force of cavalry." In face of this portentous report of the numbers and strength of position of the enemy, the troops were drawn up in line of battle, and prepared to give fight. The soldiers, though previously fatigued by their long and rapid march, and dispirited by the fatal mistake of the previous night, were at once reani- mated by the prospect of a struggle. "It put a new spirit into the men, as the word passed down the line. They were no longer tired and sleepy. Each freshened up to his place- in the ranks and closed up in column." The skirmishers, now led by Lieuten- ant-Colonel Warren, were again thrown forward on the right and left, supported by the advance guard of Duryea's Zou- aves and three pieces of United States artillery, under the command of Lieu- tenant Greble. The enemy at once opened fire from their batteries directly facing the road, but our men answered with a shout, and continued to press forward. The enemy's fire was so heavy that it was found useless to attempt to meet it directly by discharges of musketry, and accordingly the Federal forces were de- ployed. Lieutenant Greble, with his three howitzers, being posted in the road toward the front, was left alone to face the batteries, while the rest as- sumed positions toward the enemy's right and left, with the view of flanking. Colonel Duryea's Zouaves and Colonel Townsend's Albany regiment crossed from the road on the left through some cultivated farm-ground and orchards, to an open field on the enemy's right, with their skirmishers in advance, and tKe Germans, the Massachusetts men, and Vermonters passed into a forest on the right of the road, and toward the left of the enemy. As the Zouaves advanced, the enemy opened their batteries upon them. Col- onel Duryea, however, urged them for- ward at the double-quick step, until, finding the fire very "destructive," he thought it prudent to seek refuge in a neighboring wood, where he halted to rest his men, and to complete his prep- arations for charging the batteries in flank. After remaining two hours and a half in this imperfect cover, where they were still within range of the enemy's guns,- the Zouaves returned to the open field and spiritedly advanced toward the rebel batteries, with the intention of making an attempt to carry them by storm. They had not proceeded far, how- ever, before they discovered lying across their path an almost impassable swamp, with a small stream running through it. These proved to be insurmountable ob- stacles. They persevered, however, with great spirit till the order came from General Pierce to retreat. Colonel Duryea, now collecting such of his killed and wounded as he could find, withdrew his men and took to the road in the rear. The Germans, at the same time, were ORDER TO RETREAT. 2T7 acting on the right in conjunction with the Zouaves on the left, and, like them, had made several spirited attempts at charging the batteries, but foiled by the same obstacles of morass and creek and heavy fire, were also forced to withdraw. Lieutenant Greble, with his three pieces of artillery, had, in the mean time, been returning the fire of the en- emy with considerable effect, and had steadily advanced until he reached within two hundred yards of the Confederate works. The skirmishers, headed by Lieuten- ant-Colonel Warren, had made good progress. "We continued to advance," reported Captain Kilpatrick, in com- mand, "clearing all before us, till we reached a point just on the edge of the woods where the fire was so hot and heavy that we were compelled to halt, and there we remained as directed by Lieutenant-Colonel Warren, till that gal- lant officer had made dispositions to turn their flanks. The enemy's fire at this time began to tell upon us with great effect. My men were falling one after another, as was the case of the rest of the command. " Our abject being now accomplished, to remain longer in this exposed posi- tion was useless ; numbers of our men being killed and wounded, having re- ceived a grape-shot through my thigh, which tore off a portion of the rectangle on Colonel Duryea's left shoulder, passed through my leg. and killed a soldier in the rear, I withdrew my men to the skirts of the wood. We managed to reach Lieutenant Greble's battery and bring to his aid several of my men. The charge was then sounded, and Lieu- tenant Greble opened fire with grape and canister within two hundred yards of the enemy's lines. Captains Win- slow, Bartlett, and myself charged with our commands in front ; Captain Denike and Lieutenant Duryea (son of Colonel Duryea), and about two hundred of the Troy Rifles, upon the right ; Colonel Townsend, with his men, to the left. The enemy were forced out of the first battery, all the forces were rapidly ad- vancing, and everything promised a speedy victory, when we were ordered to fall back. Where this order came from, I do not know. We maintained our position till Colonel Townsend be- gan to retire with his whole command. Being left thus alone, and no prospects of receiving aid, we ordered the men to fall back, which they did, and in good order, forming their line of battle about one hundred and fifty yards in the rear. A few minutes afterward, orders came from General Pierce to cease firing and retire." Greble, after two hours of spirited work with his artillery, was struck by a cannon-ball in the head and killed in- stantly. With his death, the fall of the larger number of the artillerists, and the exhaustion of ammunition, it was found necessary to withdraw the guns, which was done by the Massachusetts men and Yermonters, under Lieutenant-Colonel Washburne. The body of the young lieutenant was borne off, lying upon one of those cannon which he had so gal- lantly served. 278 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. The New York regiment sent to rein- force the Federal troops, reached the battle-field in time to share in the en- gagement. The commander, Colonel Allen, in his official report, says : " Upon reporting to General Pierce, he directed me to proceed to the front and deploy my regiment in front of the bat- tery, which I did, and so remained for one hour and forty minutes under a heavy fire of at least twenty guns, some of them rifled, and about four shell guns the enemy deploying in my front with about 1,200 men and two guns, but made no advance. They, however, threw out two heavy flanking parties on my right and left, the former with two guns, and completely outflanked the en- tire brigade, at which time General Pierce deemed it proper to retire." The number of Federal troops on the field of battle, including the reinforce- ments, amounted to about four thou- sand. Of these, sixteen were killed, thirty-four wounded, and five missing, making a total of fifty-three. The Fed- eral loss, moreover, was increased by the fatal blunder, which resulted in kill- ing two and wounding nineteen. The enemy reported that their whole force engaged did not exceed eleven hun- dred men, under the command of Gen- eral Magruder, and one killed and two wounded, as the total of their loss. One who served with them gave this account of the affair : " On Monday morning, six hundred infantry and two guns, under General Magruder, left the camp and proceeded toward Hampton, but after advancing a mile or two, received information that the Yankees were coming in large force. We then retired, and after reaching camp the guns were placed in battery and the infantry took their places be- hind their breast- work. Everybody was cool, and all were anxious to give the invaders a good reception. About nine o'clock the glittering bayonets of the enemy appeared on the hill opposite, and above them waved the star-span- gled banner. The moment the head of the columa advanced far enough to show one or two companies, the Parrott gun of the howitzer battery opened on them, throwing a shell right into their midst. Their ranks broke in confusion, and the column, or as much of it as we could see, retreated behind two small farm-houses. From their position a fire was opened on us, which was replied to by our bat- tery, which commanded the route of their approach. Our firing was excel- lent, and the shells scattered in all di- rections, when they burst. They could hardly approach the guns which they were firing, for the shells which came from our battery. Within our encamp- ment fell a perfect hail-storm of canis- ter shot, bullets, and balls. Remarkable to say, not one of our men was killed inside of our encampment. Several horses were slain by the shells and bullets. Finding that bombardment would not answer, the enemy, about eleven o'clock, tried to carry the posi- tion by assault, but met a terrible re- pulse at the hands of the infantry as he tried to scale the breast-works. The men disregarded sometimes the defences THE DEFEAT AT BIG BETHEL JUSTIFIED. 279 erected for them, and, leaping on the embankment, stood and fired at the Yankees, cutting them down as they came up. One company of the New York Seventh Regiment, under Captain Winthrop, attempted to take the re- doubt on the left. The marsh they crossed was strewn with their bodies. Their captain, a fine-looking man, reached the fence, and, leaping on a log, waved his sword, crying, ' Come on, boys! one charge, and the day is ours !' The words were his last, for a Carolina rifle ended his life the next moment, and his men fled in terror back. At the redoubt on the right, a company of about three hundred New York Zou- aves charged one of our guns, but could not stand the fire of the infantry, and retreated precipitately. During these charges the main body of the enemy on the hill were attempting to concentrate for a general assault, but the shells from the howitzer battery prevented them. As one regiment would give up the effort, another would be marched to the position, but with no better success, for a shell would scatter them like chaff. The men did not seem able to stand fire at all. About one o'clock their guns were silenced, and a few moments after, their infantry retreated precipitately down the road to Hampton. Our cav- alry, numbering three companies, went in pursuit, and harassed them down to the edge of Hampton. As they re- treated, many of the wounded fell along the road and died, and the whole road to Hampton was strewn with hav- ersacks, overcoats, canteens, muskets, etc., which the men had thrown off in their retreat." The Federal officers engaged in the unfortunate affairs of Little and Big Bethel strove to justify their conduct of the expedition, or to shift upon one another the responsibility of its failure. The commander-in-chief, General But- ler, consoled himself with the thought, "in the unfortunate combination of cir- cumstances, and the result which we have experienced, we have gained more than we have lost. Our troops have learned to have confidence in themselves under fire, the enemy have shown that they wih 1 not meet us in the open field, and our officers have learned wherein their organization and drill are defi- cient." The militia Brigadier-General Pierce, who commanded the expedition, was so overwhelmed with censure, that he was forced to seek refuge within the col- umns of the newspaper, and persisting in the assertion of the excellence of his military conduct, promised a future justification of his skill as a com- mander : * " CAMP HAMILTON, June 12, 1861. " To THE EDITORS OF THE BOSTON JOURNAL : " Please correct the erroneous reports set afloat by my enemies. There were but seven killed of the forces that went from this camp, in the expedition to Little and Big Bethel, on the 10th of this month, and Colonel Townsend, of the Third Regiment New York Volun- teers, who was formerly adjutant-gen- 6 His justification was subsequently published. It cast the blame upon his superior in command. 280 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. eral of the State of New York, offers to certify that I gave my orders properly, and that, under the circumstances, the battle could not have been managed better. "This I write that the public may not judge me before I have time to be heard. "Captain Haggerty and Major Win- throp, of General Butler's staff, were with me, and advising me to do as I did. General Butler has not intimated to me, as yet, that he blames me at all. In haste, yours, E. W. PIERCE." He subsequently confessed his incom- petency as an officer by modestly re- tiring from the brigadier-generalship, and proved his patriotism by serving as a private in the ranks. The soldiers unquestionably behaved with even more gallantry and firmness than might have been expected from raw troops, indiscreetly exposed to the batteries of a concealed and numerous enemy, and unskilfully managed by in- competent leaders. There were many instances of individual courage, which proved the spirit of the men and their capability, under proper command, of effectively serving the cause which they had so eagerly adopted. During the retreat, Captain Wilson, of Colonel Carr's regiment of Troy (N. Y.), finding that a six-pounder had been left on the field, about fifty rods from the battery, shouted to his men : " Boys ! there's a cannon ; we must not leave it behind ; we must take it with us." The whole company to a man cried out, "We'll take it;" and they were immediately marched back to ob- tain the piece. They had hardly reached it, when the enemy opened fire upon them, killing one of the brave fellows and wounding two others. The drag- ropes were detached, but the men tied them to the gun, in the midst of a shower of shot, and with a cheer ran it into the woods bordering the road. Captain Wilson, then, followed by five men, returned once more to the ex- posed spot to which the enemy's fire was hotly aimed, and securing the cais- son, and also the body of poor Greble, who had fallen dead at his post, re- tired again to the cover of the woods, whence he retreated in safety with his hard-earned trophies. A score of men only, under the command of Lieuten- ant White, after firing their last charges from their howitzer, were left far in the rear, and being the last to leave the field, kept at bay a squadron of the enemy's cavalry and some infantry dur- ing their retreat to the main body. The young Major Winthrop fell while gallantly urging on the troops, by his example and stirring words, to the at- tack. A fellow-officer who was with him during the engagement has testified to his spirit. " I made a reconnoissance," he said, "with Major Winthrop about twelve o'clock in the day, and can testify to his bravery and daring. He was very much exhausted, having wanted for sleep, food, and water, and the day had turned out very hot. We stuck our heads out of some underbrush, and in- stantly there was a perfect shower of balls rained upon us, which compelled us to withdraw a few paces. Major DEATH OF MAJOR WINTHROP. 281 Winthrop laid himself behind a tree, saying if he could only sleep for five minutes he would be all right. He re- marked as he did this, that he was going to see the inside of that intrenchment before he went back to the fortress his manner being that of cool, ordinary con- versation. He continued self-possessed and cool throughout the whole engage- ment, up to the time when he received his death- wound, which happened by the side of Lieutenant Herringen, Company E, who remained with him and cared for him until life had fled. He was shot in the side." The enemy found him to be the most conspicuous aim for their fatal shots. Their riflemen from their covers in the pits before the batteries had several times deliberately fired at him, as they declared he was constantly " conspicu- ous at the head of the advancing Federal troops, loudly cheering them on to the assault." Theodore Winthrop was born in New Haven, Connecticut, in 1834, and was a descendant of the famous colonial gov- ernor of his name. He was possessed of a warm temperament, which gave the impulse to effort, but at the same time of a vagrant fancy, which hindered con- centration and led to uncertainty of pur- pose. Educated at Yale College, and endowed with a natural taste for litera- ture, he at one time aspired to be an author. Again his impulsive character, untutored by the discipline of routine, sought vent for its irregular forces in the adventure of exploration and travel. He crossed the Rocky Mountains to 36 California, and again on his return he started with Lieutenant Strain on his bold expedition across the mountains, the jungles, and unnavigable rivers of the Isthmus of Darien. His physical strength, however, proved unequal to the trials of that adventurous explora- tion, and he returned to New York, his nominal home, to venture upon a new field of labor. He studied and began the practice of law. His errant fancies, however, were not favorable to the steady pursuit of the law, and he met with but little success. One of the fondest of his friends who knew him well, has said that ' ' partly from ill- health, partly from temperament, a dreary sadness overhung his life and dispirited his efforts. Glad of his friends' success, and conscious of the kindred impulse, he still wistfully de- layed. Of great industry and restless endeavor, he saw success slide by, and seemed to be waiting in melancholy patience the rising of a happier star. It has risen at last, and shines upon his grave." On the fall of Sumter, he saw in the war which must ensue a new scope for his adventurous spirit and unemployed energies. " On the Sunday afternoon after the fall of Sumter he was walking with a friend in the woods upon Staten Island, near his home. No man could have a clearer conception of the significance of that event. An American in the no- blest sense, he felt that the time had come in which our liberties could be maintained only in the same way that 282 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. they were won. ' To-morrow,' said his friend, 'we shall have a proclamation from the President.' ' Then to-mor- row,' he answered, ' I shall enlist.' He did so. If he had hesitated before, there could be no hesitation now. Mother, sisters, brother, farewell! It is God who calls in the voice of my i ? 9& country. * He joined, together with his brother, the Seventh Regiment, which was the first to leave New York to go to the defence of the capital. After his regi- ment was mustered out of the Federal service, young Winthrop was appointed aid-de-camp and military secretary to General Butler, whom he accompanied to Fortress Monroe. He was no.w fairly embarked for the war. With his natu- ral hopefulness of temper, he was ex- ceedingly sanguine of the success of the Federal arms. "A few burned villages, a dozen guerrillas hung, one scouring skirmish or battle will pacify," he wrote, "a whole State. Under the discipline and esprit du corps of a regiment or an army the South may fight ; but they will not have moral conviction enough to risk Harper's Weekly. their separate lives except in assassina- tions, and those a few sharp examples will terminate. We heard their threats at Annapolis. We heard also the pitiful plaints of the timid who believed the threats. No ; if we are patient and well led, we shall do our work without much massacre." The equivocal honor of the plan of the expedition to Little Bethel has been claimed for him, and a memorandum with its main details was found among .his papers after his death, and published. The fact that to so inexperienced a soldier recourse was had for the plan of the expedition, is a confession of incom- petency on the part of his elders and superiors which betokened ill for its success. Young Winthrop during his campaign wrote frequently for a Boston magazine, and his spirited account of the march of the Seventh Regiment, and its first experiences in actual warfare, was re- ceived with great popular favor. Since his death, several of his stories and two novels written by him have been pub- lished, awakening an interest naturally heightened by the heroic death of their patriotic author. GENERAL McCLELLAX. 283 CHAPTER XXV. The Call of the Country for the services of its Citizens. The Sword laid aside for the pursuits of Peace. States com- peting for a military leader. George B. McClellan. Present position. Hopes for the future. A Bonaparte or a Washington? Life of George B. McClellan. Inheritance of paternal qualities. Family Descent. Military Edu- cation. At West Point. First of his class. Enters the Army. Organizes the Sappers and Miners. His success. Services and rewards in the Mexican Campaign. Laborious work at Vera Cruz. A dangerous Reconnoissance at Contreras. In the fight. Services at Churubusco. Well-earned praise. Brevetted Captain. At Molino del Rey. At Chapultepec. One of the "five Lieutenants of Engineers who won the admiration of all." In the same list with Beauregard. McClellan accepts the command of the Sappers and Miners. Two years at West Point. Scientific Pursuits and Writings. Superintendent of construction of Fort Delaware. Married. Chief Engineer in Texas. Surveyor of North Pacific Railroad. Services acknowledged by Jefferson Davis. Secret Service in the West Indies. Sent to the Crimea. Report on European Armies. The character of the work. Description of the Storming of the Malakoff. Practical views in regard to Coast Defences. McClellan resigns his Army command. Vice -President and Chief Engineer of the Illinois Central Railroad. President and General Superintendent of the Ohio and Mississippi Railroad. Summoned by the country to resume his Sword. Services competed for by Pennsylvania and Ohio. Accepts a Major-Generalship from Ohio. Commissioned by the United States a Major- General. Command of the Department of Ohio. Personal appearance and character of McClellan. Campaign in Western Virginia. Movements of the Enemy. Movements of General Patterson from Pennsylvania and McClellan from Ohio. Proclamation of McClellan. Crossing the Ohio into Western Virginia. 1861, WHEN our domestic quarrel had be- come so exasperated that civil war was inevitable, and the country called for the services of all who were able to take up arms in its defence, there was one who, though he had laid aside the sword for the pursuits of peace, had given such proofs of military ca- pacity, that States competed for him as the leader of their armies. This was Greorge B. McClellan, the present com- mander-in-chief of the United States forces, who at this moment holds the proudest position in the country, and is destined perhaps, should the capricious fortunes of war favor him, to acquire a military fame rivaling that of a Caesar or a Bonaparte, while it is to be accom- panied, it may be hoped, with a moder- ation of power and a disinterestedness of patriotism which shall elevate Mc- Clellan far beyond the imperial grand- eur of the Roman and French emperors, and advance him in moral greatness as the saviour of the republic next to Washington its revered founder. George B. McClellan was born in Philadelphia, on the third of January, eighteen hundred and twenty-six. His father was a surgeon of that city, famous in his profession for skill, intrepidity, promptitude, and dexterity qualities which his son is believed to have in- herited, though exercised in a different sphere of duty. The family, as its name indicates, was of Scotch origin, and orig- inally settled in New England, where some of its members still live. In 1842, young McClellan, at the age of sixteen, entered the Military Acad- 284 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. emy of West Point. After the usual course of four years of study he grad- uated in 1846, being twenty years old, at the head of his class. He entered the army as brevet second lieutenant of engineers, an honored, corps into which the most distinguished students of West Point are only admitted. On the dec- laration of war against Mexico, Congress passed an act establishing _a company of sappers, miners, and pontoon construc- tors to be added to the corps of engi- neers, and young McClellan was ap- pointed its second lieutenant. Upon him and two other officers devolved the duty of organizing and drilling this new branch of service. The recruits were accordingly mustered at West Point, where they were practised in sapping, mining, constructing bridges, and pre- paring the materials for sieges. At the same time they were thoroughly drilled and disciplined as infantry sol- diers. Colonel Totten, the chief of this department, declared in his report, that when this new company, composed of seventy-one men, left West Point for the war, they were in ' ' admirable discipline," and warmly applauded the skill and energy displayed by McClel- lan and his associates in their work of organization and drill. Proceeding first to Camargo, in Mexico, and reporting for duty to General Taylor, the com- pany was ordered to return to Mata- moras, and act with the column about marching under the command of General Patterson. At Matamoras the captain and nine- teen men of the corps were invalided and left in the hospital. Lieutenant McClellan and his comrade, Lieutenant Grustavus W. Smith now a major-gen- eral in the Confederate army proceeded in command of the remainder of the company to Yera Cruz. "During the march from Matamoras to Yittoria," reported Colonel Totten, " the company, then reduced to forty-five effectives, ex- ecuted a great amount of work on the roads, fords, etc., as it did in proceeding thence to Tampico, where it formed, with one company of the Third and one of the Seventh Infantry, a pioneer party, under Captain Henry of the Third Infan- try. The detailed reports of these labors exhibit the greatest efficiency and excel- lent discipline under severe and trying circumstances, Lieutenant Smith having then but one officer, Lieutenant McClel- lan, under his command." On arriving at Yera Cruz, the captain, invalided at Matamoras, resumed the command of the company, to which was attached also another subordinate officer. To the conduct of the sappers and min- ers at the siege of Yera Cruz, Colonel Totten paid this tribute : "During the siege of Yera Cruz," he said, " I was witness to the great exertions and ser- vices of this company, animated by and emulating the zeal and devotion of its excellent officers, Lieutenants Smith, McClellan, and Foster." During the whole work of the siege, the labors of the company were incessant. " The total of the company was so small," said Totten, "and demands for its aid so inces- sant, that every man may be said to have been constantly on duty, with scarcely a MEXICO. 285 moment for rest and refreshment." The captain was unable, from continued ill- ness, to take any very effective part in the onerous duties of the command, and soon after died, leaving the weight of labor and responsibility to rest upon his youthful subordinates, who proved them- selves equal to the task, and earned another tribute from their superior, Col- onel Totten, who declared that they " directed the operations with unsur- passed intelligence and zeal." The same officer, in his reports of the services of the company, whether on the march, in the field, or in the trenches, had occasion but to repeat his praises both of men and officers. He said : " Severe labors followed the surrender of Yera Cruz and its castle, and accom- panied the march to the battle of Cerro Gordo, in which the company displayed, in various parts of the field, its gallantry and efficiency. It entered the city of Jalapa with the advance of Twiggs' division, and Puebla with the advance of Worth's. During the pause at the latter place, the instruction of the com- pany in its appropriate studies and ex- ercises was resumed by its persevering and zealous officers, and assistance was given by all in the repairs of the de- fences. Marching from Puebla with General Twiggs' division, the company was joined to General Worth at Chalon, and arrived in front of San Antonio on the 18th of August, having greatly assisted in clearing the road of obstruc- tions placed by the enemy." On the next day, the 19th of August, the company was placed at the head of the column commanded by General Pillow. Before the battle at Contreras opened, Lieutenant McClellan was or- dered, together with another officer of engineers, to reconnoitre the position of the enemy. They, however, fell in with the advance guards of the Mexicans, and being fired upon, and losing their horses, which were killed, barely escaped in safety back to the lines. During the engagement which ensued, Lieutenant McClellan joined Magruder's battery. General Twiggs bore testimony to his good service on that day : " Lieutenant George B. McClellan, after Lieutenant Calender was wounded, took charge of and managed the how- itzer battery (Lieutenant Reno being detached with the rockets) with judg- ment and success, until it became so dis- abled as to require shelter. For Lieu- tenant McClellan's efficiency and gallan- try in this affair, I present his name for the favorable consideration of the Gen- eral in-chief." On the next day, when the battle of Churubusco was fought and the victory won, McClellan again obtained the "hon- orable mention" of his commander, and a, brevet rank. General Persifer F. Smith, with whose division the young Lieuten- ant served, declared in his report : "Lieutenant G. W. Smith, in com- mand of the engineer company, and Lieutenant McClellan, his subaltern, dis- tinguished themselves throughout the whole of the three actions. Nothing seemed to them too bold to be under- taken, or too difficult to be executed, and their services as engineers were as 286 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. valuable as those they rendered in battle at the head of their gallant men." In the battle of Molino del Rey, too, which succeeded, McClellan was again conspicuous among the most active and brave. He was brevetted captain in acknowledgment of his services. He, however, declined the promotion, and was still only a lieutenant during the attack on Chapultepec. His seryices on this occasion, in erecting batteries before the engagement, and his gallantry in fighting during the battle, brought him once more within the notice of his supe- riors. General Scott named him in his dispatch as one of "those five lieuten- ants of engineers" who "won the ad- miration of all." The name of his famous competitor, Beauregard, was on the same honored list. McClellan was thus with the army of General Scott during the whole of its victorious progress from Yera Cruz to the capital, and at every step the young Lieutenant won an increase of honor for his good conduct. He was brevetted captain for his service in Mexico, and returned in 1848 to West Point with his company of sappers and miners, of which he soon after became com- mander. Here McClellan remained for more than two years, in comparative inac- tivity, but improved the time by study and devotion to the welfare of the service. He translated from the French, with which he is said to be thoroughly acquainted, a military work, which has been adopted as a text-book, and modi- fying in accordance with the latest sys- tem of tactics, the bayonet exercise, introduced it into the army. During the summer and autumn of 1851, McClellan was charged with the superintendence of the construction of Fort Delaware, and in the spring of the same year was ordered to duty in the exploration of the Red River, under Major R. B. Marcy, whose daughter he married. While engaged in this work he was ordered to Texas, as chief engineer, under the command of General Persifer Smith of that department, and had been occupied for several months in surveying the rivers and harbors of the State, when he was transferred to the Pacific coast, to command the western division of the survey of the route for the North Pacific Railroad, to pass from the Mis- sissippi to the Pacific Ocean. Jefferson Davis, the present President of the Southern Confederacy, then secretary of war of the United States, in his report to Congress thus acknowl- edged the services of McClellan as an explorer : " The examination of the approaches and passes of the Cascade Mountains, made by Captain McClellan, of the corps of engineers, presents a reconnoissance of great value, and, though performed under adverse circumstances, exhibits all the information necessary to deter- mine the practicability of this portion of the route, and reflects the highest credit on the capacity and resources of that officer." Again he added : " Captain McClel- lan, of the corps of engineers, after the completion of his field operations, AT THE CRIMEA. 287 was directed to visit various railroads, and to collect information and facts established in the construction and work- ing of existing roads, to serve as data in determining the practicability of con- structing and working roads over the several routes explored. The results of his inquiries will be found in a very valuable memoir herewith submitted." This public duty was followed by the performance of some secret service for the Government in the West Indies. In 1855, McClellan received a com- mission of captain in the United States cavalry, and was appointed by the Gov- ernment, together with Colonel Richard Delafield and Major Alfred Mordecai, to proceed to the Crimea and report upon the war then waging between Russia and the allied powers of France and England. The result of his observations was embodied in a work entitled, "Re- port on the Organization of European Armies and the Operations of the War. 77 It is acknowledged to be a production showing a thorough mastery of the mil- itary art. Its demonstrations evince an exact knowledge of science and a broad view in the application of its principles. The author, in the freedom of his criti- cism, does not hesitate to disregard the pretensions of rank and authority, and submit the strategy and tactics of the most distinguished European officers to the test of his own judgment. This self- reliance, though it might be thought by some presumptuous in so young a man, comes from a consciousness of power, derived not only from original genius but careful culture, which gives promise that McClellan will be the great leader the country requires. Of the clear and precise style of McClellan as a writer, the following de- scription of the storming of the Mala- koff presents a good illustration : ' ' In their admirable arrangements for the attack of the Malakoff, the French counted on two things for success : first, they had ascertained that the Russians were in the habit of relieving the guard of the Malakoff at noon, and that a great part of the old guard marched out before the new one arrived, in order to avoid the loss which would arise from crowding the work with men ; in the second place, it was determined to keep up a most violent vertical fire until the very moment of the assault, thus driving the Russians into the bomb-proofs, and enabling the storming party to enter the work with but little opposition. "The hour of noon was therefore selected for the assault, and the strong columns intended for the work were at an early hour assembled in the advanced trenches, all in admirable order, and furnished with precise instructions. "The mortars maintained an unre- mitting fire until the moment appointed. The very instant the last volley was dis- charged, the storming party of Zouaves rushed over the thirty paces before them, and were in the work before the aston- ished Russians knew what had happened. It was stated that this party lost- but eleven in entering the work. Other troops advanced rapidly to support the storming party, a bridge was formed by rolling up five ladders with planks 288 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. lashed to them, a communication was at once commenced between the advanced trench and the bridge, brigade after brigade passed over, the redoubt was at once occupied by the storming party, and thus the Malakoff, and with it Se- bastopol, was won. The few Russians remaining in the work made a desperate resistance. Many gallant attempts were made by Russian columns to ascend the steep slope in rear and regain the lost work ; but as the road was narrow, difficult, and obstructed, the position strong, and the French in force, all their furious efforts were in vain, and the Malakoff remained in possession of those who had so gallantly and skilfully won it. With regard to the final retreat to the north side, it can only be said that a personal examination of the locality merely confirms its necessity, and the impression so generally entertained that it was the finest operation of the war ; so admirably was it carried out that not a straggler remained behind ; a few men, so severely wounded as to be unfit for rough and hurried transportation, were the only ghastly human trophies that remained to the allies. The retreat, being a more difficult operation than the assault, is worthy of more admiration, but the Russian retreat to the north side, and the French assault upon the Malakoff must each be regarded as a masterpiece of its kind, deserving the closest study. It is difficult to imagine what point in either can be criticised, for both evinced consummate skill, dis- cipline, coolness, and courage." The practical tendency of his mind and the character of his studies may be seen in the conclusions with which he has closed his report. From them can be inferred the probable direction of his present efforts toward securing the safety of the country. " It is believed that a calm considera- tion of the events so hastily and imper- fectly narrated in the preceding pages must lead all unprejudiced persons among our countrymen to a firm con- viction on two vital points : " 1st. That our system of perma.nent coast defences is a wise and proper one, which ought to be completed and armed with the least possible delay. " 2d. That mere individual courage C3 cannot suffice to overcome the forces that would be brought against us were we involved in a European war, but that it must be rendered manage- able by discipline, and directed by that consummate and mechanical military skill which can only be acquired by a course of education instituted for that special purpose, and by long habit. " In the day of sailing vessels the successful siege of Sebastopol would have been impossible. It is evident that the Russians did not appreciate the advantages afforded by steamers, and were unprepared to sustain a siege. "This same power of steam would enable European nations to disembark even a larger force than that which finally encamped around Sebastopol. To resist such an attack, should it ever be made, our cities and harbors must be fortified, and these fortifications must be provided with guns, ammunition, and ON THE RAILROAD. 289 instructed artillerists. To repel the ad- vance of such an army into the interior, it is not enough to trust to the number of brave but undisciplined men that we can bring to bear against it. " An invading army of fifteen thou- sand or twenty thousand men could easily be crushed by the unremitting attacks of superior numbers ; but when it comes to the case of more than one hundred thousand disciplined veterans, the very multitude brought to bear against them works its own destruction ; because, if without discipline and in- struction, they cannot be handled, and are in their own way. We cannot afford a Moscow campaign. " Our regular army never can be, and perhaps never ought to be, large enough to provide for all the contingencies that may arise ; but it should be as large as its ordinary avocations in the defence of the frontier will justify ; the number of officers and non-commissioned officers should be unusually large, to provide for a sudden increase ; and the greatest possible care should be bestowed upon the instruction of the special arms of the artillery and engineer troops. " The militia and volunteer system should be placed upon some tangible and effective basis, instructions furnished them from the regular army, and all possible means taken to spread sound military information among them. " In the vicinity of our sea-coast for- tifications it would be well to provide a sufficient number of volunteer com- panies, with the means of instruction in heavy artillery, detailing officers of the 37 regular artillery as instructors, who should, at the same time, be in charge of, and responsible for, the guns and material. " In time of war, or when war is im- minent, local companies of regular artil- lery might easily be enlisted for short terms of service, or for the war, in the sea-coast towns. The same thing might advantageously be carried into effect on a small scale in times of peace." After returning from Europe, McClel- lan, finding that the army, in those piping times of peace, did not offer a sufficient scope for his activity, resigned his commission and accepted the ap- pointment of vice-president and chief engineer of the Illinois Central Railroad. After serving three years in this office, he accepted that of president and gen- eral superintendent of the Ohio and Mississippi Railroad. He was actively engaged in the performance of the civil duties pertaining to this position when, war becoming imminent, he was sum- moned to resume his sword. Governor Curtin, of Pennsylvania, strove to secure his services in organizing the militia of that State. The Governor of Ohio, how- ever, was beforehand, and had already offered to him the command of the Ohio troops with the rank of major-general, which McClellan unhesitatingly accepted. A few weeks subsequently he was ]jj a y commissioned by the United States W. Government a major-general in the regular army and given the command of the department of Ohio, embracing the States of Illinois, Indiana, Ohio, and that part of Virginia lying north of the 290 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. Great Kanawha River and west of the Green Brier River and the Maryland line, with so much of Pennsylvania as lies west of a line drawn from the Mary- land line to the north-east corner of McKean County. We shall soon follow the energetic leader, in his campaign in Western Virginia, from the triumphs of which he was called to his present high position. McClellan, now thirty-five years old, is in the prime of life. A man of short stature and broad frame, with a tend- ency to corpulency, though of compact structure, he is possessed of great phys- ical activity and powers of endurance. Not prone to loquacity, he is reticent of his own counsel, and when he speaks expresses himself in few words, and with the decisive tone which character- izes the energetic man of action, rather than the speculative discourser. His temperament is that of the prevailing Anglo-American type, a combination of the sanguine and nervous. He has the thoughtful forecast of the one and the rapid movement of the other. This commingling of the two temperaments is shown in the dark though not black hair, in the light-colored but piercing eyes, in the full but concentrated frame, in the small hands and feet, and in the rounded but well-knit limbs. His combined military knowledge and civil experience fit him eminently for the command of a mixed force of vol- unteers "and regulars, enabling him to harmonize their discordant elements. He can appreciate fully the value of the disciplined soldier, and yet is not un- conscious that important aid may be rendered by the citizen when aroused to take up arms in defence of his country. He has discovered, from actual contact, the character of his countrymen, and knows how gradually to subject their impatience of control to the stern re- quirements of militaiy law. The secessionists of Eastern Virginia, emboldened by the advance of the troops of the Confederate States, soon strove to overawe or subject the Union men of the Western District. Having accumulated a considerable force at Harper's Ferry, they moved towards Grafton and other points west of the Alleghanies. It became, therefore, a matter of moment with the Federal Government, in order to sustain its loyal supporters in Virginia, to counteract this movement of the secessionists. The neighboring States of Pennsylvania and Ohio, between which that part of the western district of Virginia most de- voted to the Union is enclosed, naturally presented the proper basis for opera- tions in that quarter. Accordingly, General Patterson, at the head of the Pennsylvania troops, was ordered to march upon Harper's Ferry, while Gen- eral McClellan, in command of his Ohio force, was directed to cross the Ohio River and co-operate with him. Pre- vious to doing this, however, it was necessary to give a check to the seces- sion force advancing through Western Virginia. McClellan accordingly pre- pared to co-operate with the loyal West- ern Virginians, led by Colonel jj a y Kelley, who were to march to meet 27. McCLELLAN'S PROCLAMATION. 291 the enemy at Grafton. Previous to moving his force across the Ohio, Mc- Clellan issued this proclamation : "HEADQUARTERS, DEPT. OF THE OHIO, ) CINCINNATI, May 26, 1861. j "To THE PEOPLE OF WESTERN VIRGINIA: ' ' VIRGINIANS : The General Govern- ment has long enough endured the machinations of a few factious rebels in your midst! Armed traitors have in vain endeavored to deter you from ex- pressing your loyalty at the polls. Hav- ing failed in this infamous attempt to deprive you of the exercise of your dearest rights, they now seek to inaugu- rate a reign of terror, and thus force you to yield to their schemes, and sub- mit to the yoke of the traitorous con- spiracy dignified by the name of the Southern Confederacy. '.' They are destroying the property of citizens of your State, and ruining your magnificent railways. The General Government has heretofore carefully ab- stained from sending troops across the Ohio, or even from posting them along its banks, although frequently urged by many of your prominent citizens to do so. It determined to await the result of the State election, desirous that no one might be able to say that the slight- est effort had been made from this side to influence the expression of your opinion, although the many agencies brought to bear upon you by the rebels were well known. You have now shown, under the most adverse circumstances, that the great mass of the people of Western Virginia are true and loyal to the beneficent Government under which we and our fathers have lived so long. As soon as the result of the election was known, the traitors commenced their work of destruction. ' ' The General Government cannot close its ears to the demand you have made for assistance. I have ordered troops to cross the river. They come as your friends and brothers as enemies only to the armed rebels who are preying upon you. Your homes, your families, and your property are safe under our protection. All your rights shall be re- ligiously protected. "Notwithstanding all that has been said by the traitors to induce you to believe that our advent among you will be signalized by interference with your slaves, understand one thing clearly : not only will we abstain from all interference, but we will, on the contrary, with an iron hand, crush any attempt at insur- rection on their part. " Now that we are in your midst, I call upon you to fly to arms, and support the General Government ; sever the connection that binds you to traitors ; proclaim to the world that the faith and loyalty so long boasted of by the Old Dominion are still preserved in Western Virginia, and that you remain true to the stars and stripes. "G. B. McCLELLAN, 11 Major- General Commanding." This was followed by a proclamation to the army. "CINCINNATI, May 26, 1861. " To THE SOLDIERS OF THE ADVANCING COLUMN : "You are ordered to cross the frontier and enter upon the soil of Vir- 292 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. ginia. Your mission is to restore peace and confidence, to protect the majesty of the law and to rescue our brethren from the grasp of armed traitors. You are to act in concert with the Virginia troops and to support their advance. " I place under the safeguard of your honor the persons and property of the Virginians. I know that you will re- spect their feelings, and all their rights. Preserve the strictest discipline re- member that each one of you holds in his keeping the honor of Ohio and the Union. " If you are called upon to overcome armed opposition, I know that your courage is equal to the task, but re- member that your only foes are the armed traitors, and show mercy even to them when they are in your power, for many of them are misguided. When under your protection the loyal men of Western Virginia have been enabled to organize and arm, they can protect themselves, and you can then return to your homes with the proud satisfaction of having preserved a gallant people from destruction. " GEO. B. McCLELLAN, " Major-General Commanding." The 16th Ohio Regiment, commanded by Colonel Irvine, and the 14th, jfl a y under Colonel Lander, a noted 27. frontiersman, were on the next day after these proclamations thrown across the Ohio into Western Virginia. The for- mer crossing the Ohio to Wheeling, and the latter at Marietta to Parkersburg, continued their progress through West- ern Virginia by the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad. Their advance was hailed by the people with great enthusiasm 'and demonstrations of loyalty, and many volunteers joined their standard. The campaign in Western Virginia had now fairly opened. AT PHILIPPI. 293 CHAPTER XXVI. Junction of the Ohio Troops with the Western Virginians. Colonel Kelley takes possession of Grafton. March to Philippi. A severe march. Delay. Colonel Lander in advance. Colonel Kelley mistakes the route. -The Enemy on the alert. The Attack. Retreat of the Enemy. Pursuit. Arrival of Kelley, who joins in the pursuit. Kelley wounded. Prospects of death. Biography of Kelley. Tributes of admiration. Recovery of Kelley. Comparative losses at Philippi. Trophies. Movement of General Patterson. Attack on Romney. March of Colonel Wallace. A long and hard March. Flight of the Enemy. Good moral effect of the advance of the Federal Forces. Spirited Skirmish of Corporal Hayes and his thirteen men. Tribute from General Patterson. The political action of the Union men of Western Virginia. Convention at Wheeling. Declaration of Grievances and Ordinance of Reorganization passed. The motion to form a new State defeated. New State Officers appointed. Proclamation of Governor Pir.rpont. Call upon the President for aid to put down the Insurrection in Virginia. Answer of the Secretary of War. Counter-manifesto of Governor Letcher. Appeal of the Secessionist Governor to Western Virginia. Effects of proclamations and counter-proclamations. Increased civil rage in Virginia. 1861. THE Ohio troops despatched by Gen- eral McClellan, though delayed on "the railway in consequence of the derangement of the tracks and the de- struction of the bridges by the enemy, finally succeeded in forming a junction with the Western Virginians. Colonel Kelley, who commanded the latter, had with great promptitude marched May u P n Grafton. Upon reaching this 29. place, the enemy, about fifteen hundred strong, retired, and the West- ern Virginians took possession of it, without striking a blow. Being now reinforced, not only by the Ohio troops, but by the Seventh and Ninth regi- ments of Indiana, Kelley determined to dislodge the enemy at Philippi, on the Monongahela River, twenty miles south of Grrafton, where they were encamped with a force of two thousand men. The Union force at Grafton set out at June ten o'clock, in two divisions, one 2 composed of the First Virginia Regiment, part of the Ohio Sixteenth and the Indiana Seventh, under the command of Colonel Kelley ; the other, of the Indiana Regiment and the Ohio Fourteenth, which joined at Webster on the route, commanded by Colonel Lan- der. The former division proceeded by railroad as far as a small way station, five miles only from Grafton, and marched the rest of the distance, twenty- two miles, to Philippi. The latter was conveyed by railroad as far as Webster, and marched the remaining twelve miles to Philippi. The march was performed during the night, with the view of coming upon the enemy before the break of day, and taking them by surprise. A severe storm was raging, and the night was so dark that it was exceedingly difficult to form the troops the violence of the wind was such, that the word of com- mand could hardly be passed from front to rear. Order was, however, finally 294 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. established, and the troops began their march. All night they toiled on through the darkness and storm, the soft earth yielding beneath their feet at every step. Thus impeded, the whole force was prevented from arriving at the time proposed. The division under Colonel Lander, having the shortest distance to march, was the first to reach its destination, Juiie but did not arrive until five o'clock in the morning, instead of four, the hour when the joint attack was to have taken place, in accordance with the plan. It had been intended that Colonel Lander's march upon the enemy in front should have been simultaneous with a movement in their rear by Col- onel Kelley, with a view to completely surround Philippi and close in upon the enemy. But Colonel Kelley, with his long march of twenty- two miles, im- peded by the darkness and the storm, was greatly delayed, and, moreover, mistook the road, coming in below in- stead of above the town, where it was intended he should have cut off the re- treat of the enemy. Colonel Lander's force, as it ap- proached Philippi in front, was discov- ered by a woman, who, after firing two discharges from a gun, sent her son across the hills to apprise the enemy of their danger. Lander continued to push on, but when he reached a point commanding the town, and began to dispose his artillery and troops in order to be ready, when Kelley should arrive, to make the simultaneous attack proposed, he found the enemy on the alert. Their advance guards, posted on the neighboring heights and among the woods and brushwood on both sides of the road, opened a brisk fire. Lander hurriedly ordered his guns to be moved into position, and responded with a volley, while, at the same time, the infantry prepared to ad- vance into the town. "A moment's delay to the infantry," says their commander, Dermot, in his re- port, " was occasioned by want of know- ledge on my part as to which of the two roads led to the bridge leading into the town across the river. At the forks of the road I halted my command, and, riding rapidly to the guns, got the de- sired information from Colonel Lander. So informed, I proceeded on the double- quick down the declivity of the hill, and here had a full view of the enemy, and I must confess that I never saw a flight determined on with greater promptness or executed with more despatch. The enemy was under the command of Col. G. A. Porterfield. What his strength was, is variously estimated. On my own judgment I would say from one thousand five hundred to two thousand, of which I should think five hundred were cavalry. ' ' They had no artillery but a swivel. I have conversed with many of the citizens of the town as to the strength of Colonel Porterfield's command. Some say the Colonel himself professed to have two thousand five hundred troops. It is my opinion that he had but magni- fied his own strength, with a view to in- timidate the people and crush out the Union sentiment. FLIGHT OF THE ENEMY. 295 " When I first saw the enemy, it seemed to me he was pushing for the bridge, which I was rapidly approach- ing ; but it turned out that it was neces- sary to converge towards the bridge to gain the street leading out of the town on the opposite side from that entered by my command. The bridge is a nar- row structure, some three or four hun- dred feet in length, spanning the Valley River, a branch of the Monongahela. A small body of determined troops could have impeded our progress and crippled us at the bridge, and I appre- hended resistance at this point. " Toward it my men poured down the hill, in good order, and with an energy and determination that assured me in advance that victory was certain. In a moment I was at the mouth of the bridge ; one of the passages was barri- caded, the other clear ; through it (Com- pany B, commanded by Captain Morgan, in advance) my men pushed ; the Seventh Indiana first, then Colonel Steedman's command, not including the artillery, then Colonel Crittenden's, and opened upon the enemy, then retreating in wild disorder. Both parties being upon the full run, and the distance be- tween them being quite considerable, but little execution could be done. I pursued the enemy from the bridge through the town and for several miles beyond. At one time 1 thought I should be able to capture his entire baggage train ; but the horses, to prevent this, were cut from many of the wagons and mounted, and the wagons and contents left as our booty. The wagons were filled with munitions of war, blankets, knapsacks, clothing, baggage of officers and men, and with a considerable amount of flour and forage." It was not until Colonel Lander's di- vision had thus begun the attack, that Colonel Kelley arrived with his force, and then, in consequence of having mistaken the road, at a point where, instead of cutting off the retreat of the enemy, he could only join in the pur- suit. This, however, he did with great spirit, though with less effect than if he had arrived but a moment sooner. With a " friendly cheer," Kelley 's troops made their presence known to their comrades, and descending the declivity of the heights upon which they had first appeared, they were soon in quick pur- suit of the enemy. Some followed and cut down those who had taken refuge among the wooded hills, and others gave chase to the fugitives upon the road, whom they pursued for several miles, "overtaking, killing, and wounding a number." Col. Kelley himself, "with a bravery amounting to rashness," was among the foremost of his men in the pursuit. He had thus reached the upper part of the town, when one of the enemy, concealed behind a fence, turned upon him and shot him in the breast. The wound was severe, and was thought to have been mortal. He himself de- spaired of recovery, and said to a friend at his side : "I expect I shall have to die ; I would be glad to live if it might be that I might do something for my country ; but if it cannot be, I shall 296 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. have at least the consolation of knowing that I fell in a just cause.'' . When it was supposed that Kelley would not survive his wound, great regret was felt at the prospective loss to the service of so devoted a Union- ist and spirited soldier. Although an Eastern man, having been born in Deer- field, New Hampshire, he had taken up his residence in Wheeling, and was among the first to sustain the cause of the Federal Government in Western Virginia. Educated at West Point, though latterly engaged in civil occu- pations, he continued to cherish his military tastes, and had served as the colonel of a city regiment in Wheeling. At the commencement of the war, he was urged to resume his position and lead his former comrades to battle for the Union. He did not hesitate a mo- ment, but accepting the command on one day, he was on the next en route for the scene of war. General McClellan, and Morris, the brigadier-general of the United States volunteers of Virginia, as soon as they heard that Kelley was wounded, hast- ened to make known to him their admi- ration of his gallantry and worth. " Say to Colonel Kelley, 7 ' wrote Mc- Clellan to Morris, "that I cannot yet believe it possible that one who has opened his career so brilliantly can be mortally wounded. In the name of the country I thank him for his conduct, which has been the most brilliant episode of the war thus far. If it can cheer him in his last moments, tell him I cannot re- pair his loss, and that I only regret that I cannot be by his side to thank him in person. God bless him !" To this hearty testimonial of affec- tionate admiration, General Morris added his emphatic approbation of Kelley's conduct : " I am extremely pleased and greatly gratified with your gallant and soldierly conduct in the expedition, which owes its success to your skill and bravery. I feel that your country owes you a deep debt of gratitude for your services on the occasion ; and a grateful people can- not but render to you that honor you so richly deserve." These despatches were borne by Morris' aide-de-camp to the litter of the prostrate officer, and as he was supposed to be dying, they did not hesitate to read them to him. His eyes filled with tears as he listened, but he was too weak to speak a word. The despatches were, after being read, put into his hands, and he held them with a fond grasp until he was removed from the litter to the bed in the next room, prepared for his com- fort. Kelley finally recovered, and was made a brigadier-general for his ser- vices. In this rout of the secessionists at Philippi, no one but Kelley, of our forces, was wounded, but it was sup- posed that the enemy had met with some loss of life. Their commander, Colonel Willy, was taken prisoner, and their camp was captured, with the seces- sion flag, seven hundred and eighty stand of arms, a number of horses, and a quantity of blankets and provisions. Though, as a military operation, the CAPTURE OF ROMNEY. 297 rout of the enemy at Philippi was comparatively a failure, the moral effect proved so great in Western Virginia that that loyal district was temporarily relieved of all fears of the domination of the secessionists. Major-General Patterson was, in the mean time, advancing through Pennsyl- vania from the north towards Maryland and Virginia, with the view of co-oper- ating with General McClellan, about to approach from the west, in 'a combined effort against the secession troops gath- ered in force at Harper's Ferry. While Patterson was at Chambersburg, an attack was made upon Romney, in Vir- ginia, by a portion of his advance troops stationed at Cumberland, in Maryland. This was planned by Colonel Wallace, of the Eleventh Indiana Volunteers, who, having learned that several hun- dred troops were quartered at Romney, drilling, imprisoning Union men, and otherwise annoying loyal citizens, de- termined to rout them out. The Col- June onel, accordingly, started at ten !? o'clock in the morning from Cum- berland with eight hundred men, and proceeded by railway twenty-one miles to Xew Creek station. Arriving in the afternoon, he began his march at four o'clock, with the hope of reaching Rom- ney at an early hour next day. The road, however, leading across the mountains, through narrow passes and along high bluffs, proved difficult, so that after a long and fatiguing march of twenty-three miles, Colonel Wallace did not arrive before the town until past eight o'clock in the morning. 38 The enemy were on the alert, and on the approach of their assailants their mounted picket guards fired and gal- loped into the town to arouse their com- rades. 11 In approaching the place, it was necessary," wrote Colonel Wallace, in his animated report of the affair, "for me to cross a bridge over the South Branch of the Potomac. A reconnois- sance satisfied me that the passage of the bridge would be the chief obstacle in my way, although I could distinctly see the enemy drawn ur on the bluff which is the town site, supporting a battery of two guns, pianted so as to sweep the road completely. " I directed my advance guard to cross the bridge on a run, leap down the em- bankment at the farther entrance, and observe the windows of a large brick house not farther off than seventy-five yards. Their appearance was the signal for an assault. A warm fire opened from the house, which the guard returned, with no other loss than the wounding of a sergeant. The firing continued several minutes. I led a second company across the bridge, and by following up a ravine got them into a position that soon drove the enemy from the house to a mountain in its rear. " My attention was then turned to the battery on the hill. Instead of follow- ing the road, as the rebels expected, I pushed five companies in skirmishing order and at double-quick time, up a hill to the right, intending to get around the left flank of the enemy, arid cut off their retreat. Hardly had my companies de- 298 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. ployed and started forward, and got within rifle range, before the rebels limbered up and got off' over the bluff in the hottest haste. Between their position and that of my men was a deep, precipitous gorge, the crossing of which occupied about ten minutes. When the opposite ridge was gained, we discovered the rebels, indiscriminately blent with a mass of women and children, flying as for life from the town. Having no horse, pursuit of the cannoniers was out of the question, as they went off under whip and spur. After that I quietly marched into the place, and took possession of the empty houses and a legion of negroes, who alone seemed unscared at our presence. After searching the town for arms, camp equipage, etc., I returned to Cumberland, by the same road, reach- ing camp at eleven o'clock at night. My return was forced, owing to the fact that there was not a mile on the road that did not offer half a dozen positions for the ruin or rout of my regiment by a much smaller force." The Colonel was proud of the achieve- ment of his men, and took occasion to direct the notice of General Patterson to the wonders they had accomplished. " I beg," he said, " to call your attention to the length of our march, eighty-seven miles in all, forty-six of which were on foot, over a continuous succession of mountains, made in twenty-four hours, without rest, and varied by a brisk en- gagement, without leaving a man be- hind ; and what is more, my men are ready to repeat it to-morrow." The loss of the enemy could not be ascertained with precision ; two of them, however, were undoubtedly killed, and one wounded. A number of tents and a quantity of stores were captured, and some guns destroyed. The Colonel, moreover, congratulated himself upon the impressive moral effect of his spirited demonstration. "One good result," he said, ''has come of it. The loyal men in that region have taken heart. Yery shortly, I think, you will hear of another Union company from that district. Moreover, it has brought home to the insolent ' chivalry' a wholesome respect for Northern prowess." The Indiana Volunteers, or Zouaves, as they termed themselves, soon had an opportunity of again displaying their spirit. A scouting party, consist- j uue ing of thirteen mounted men, led 26 by Corporal Hayes, a ranger of re- nown during the Mexican war, crossed from Maryland and proceeded on a re- connoitering expedition into Virginia. They proceeded within a quarter of a mile of Frankfort, half way between Cumberland, whence they had set out, and Ronmey, the scene of the former exploit of the Indiana men. Finding the place full of the enemy's cavalry, they turned back, and meeting forty-one mounted secessionists, charged full upon them, driving them back more than a mile, capturing seventeen of the horses and killing eight of their riders. In the collision, Corporal Hayes, the leader of the Indiana men, was wounded with sabre cuts and bullets. A man of great daring and strength, he had already CONVENTION AT WHEELING. 299 killed two men with his own hand, when he himself was wounded, but he had still strength enough to wield his sabre with such effect, that he brought a third dead to the ground. His comrades, however, were now forced to bear back their exhausted lead- er and halt. They had thus remained about an honr, when the fugitives of the enemy returned with a reinforcement of seventy-five men. Coming suddenly up, they forced the Indiana men to abandon their horses and seek safety by crossing Paterson Creek and landing upon a small island at its mouth. Here they were being closed in by the larger num- o */ o bers of the enemy, and again compelled to fly, but not until they had fired upon their assailants with such effect, that twenty-three of them were made to bite the dust. The Zouaves finally reached their camp with the loss of only one man, who had been left behind wound- ed, and whom the enemy despatched, after his capture, with their bayonets. Major- General Patterson honored the spirited exploit of the Indiana men with a special mention in the orders of the day. For a proper appreciation of the military events in Western Virginia, it is necessary to resume the history of the political action of the Union men of that loyal district. The Convention which had adjourned to meet at Wheeling now reassembled. At the opening of June the session a discussion arose as to U the policy to be pursued by West- ern Virginia. Some favored a separa- tion and the formation of a new com- monwealth, while others, who finally carried the day, advocated the reorgan- ization of the existing State. Accord- ingly a Declaration of Grievances and an ordinance of reorganization having been reported by Mr. Carlile, the chair- man of the " Committee on Business," they were submitted to the approval of the Convention. These were adopted by a vote of seventy in favor and three against, not, however, until the opinion of the members was tested on the ques- tion of forming a new State. A mem- ber offered the resolution, "that one of the leading objects of the Convention, after establishing a provisional govern- ment, is the separation of Western from Eastern Virginia." This, however, on a motion to lay it on the table, which was carried by a vote of fifty- seven to seventeen, was temporarily defeated. The Declaration of Grievances, and the ordinance for the Reorganization of the State Government, having thus been carried by a large majority, was formally signed by all the members present. j une On the same day, the Convention, in 20. conformity with this act, proceeded to the election of provisional State officers. Frank H. Pierpont, of Marion County, was unanimously chosen Governor, Daniel Paisly, of Marion County, Lieu- tenant-Governor, and Messieurs Lamb, Paxhon, Van Winkle, Harrison, and Lazar members of the council. These gentlemen, immediately upon being elected, were sworn into office, each taking this newly prescribed form of oath : " I solemnly swear (or affirm) that I 300 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. will support the Constitution of the United States and the laws made in pursuance thereof, as the supreme law of the land, anything in the Constitution and laws of the State of Virginia, or in the or- dinances of the Convention which as- sembled in Richmond on the 13th day of February last, to the contrary not- withstanding, and that I will uphold and defend the Government of Virginia as vindicated and restored by the Conven- tion which assembled in Wheeling on the llth day of June, 1861." The Convention, after this momentous action, closed their session with passing ordinances adopting the former military laws of Virginia and recognizing the duty of the State to respond to the re- quisition of the President of the United States for militia and volunteers. The new Governor soon after issued June a proclamation causing the General 22. Assembly to be composed of dele- gates to be elected as provided by the Convention of June llth in its ordi- nance for the State Government. These delegates were accordingly chosen, and j u ly assembled at Wheeling, when Gov- ! ernor Pierpont delivered his first message.* "To THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF DELEGATES OF THE COM- MONWEALTH OF VIRGINIA Gentlemen : You have been con- vened in extraordinary session in midsummer, when, under other circumstances, yoii should be at home attending to pursuits incident to this season of the year. The exigen- cies with which we find ourselves surrounded demand your counsels. " I regret that I cannot congratulate you on the peace and prosperity of the country, in the manner which has been customary with Executives, both State and Federal. For the present, those happy days which, as a nation, we have so long enjoyed, and that prosperity which has Bmiled upon us, as upon no other nation, are departed. Following this independent action of Western Virginia, the new Governor became anxious about the safety of the commonwealth from " the banding to- gether of large numbers of evil-minded persons, aided by men of like mind from other States, whose purpose was to in- vade the State," and confessing his want of a sufficient military force, to over- come them, earnestly called upon the President of the United States for as- sistance. The secretary of war responded in behalf of the Federal chief magistrate, that a large additional force would be soon sent to the relief of the new Gov- ernor of Virginia, and at the same time took occasion to apologize for the appar- ent remissness hitherto of the Federal authority: "The full extent," wrote Secretary Cameron, "of the conspiracy against popular rights, which has cul- minated in the atrocities to which you refer, was not known when its outbreak took place at Charleston. It now ap- pears that it was matured for many years by secret organizations throughout the country, especially in the slave States. By this means, when the Presi- dent called upon Virginia, in April, for "It is my painful duty to announce that the late Ex- ecutive of the State, with a large part of the State officers, civil and military, under him, are at war with the loyal people of Virginia and the Constitutional Government of the United States. They have leagued themselves with persons from other States to tear down the benign Govern- ments, State and Federal, erected by the wisdom and patriotism of our fathers, and under which our liberties have so long been protected and our prosperity secured. They have institute:! civil war in our midst, and created a system of terror around us to intimidate our people. " But while we are passing through this period of gloom and darkness in our country's history, we must not de- GOVERNOR PIERPONT'S MESSAGE. 301 its quota of troops, then deemed necessary to put it down in the States in which it spair, or fold our hands until the chains of despotism shall he fastened upon us by those conspiring against our liberties. As freemen, who know their rights and dare de- fend them, our spirits must rise above the intimidation and violence employed against us ; and we must meet and conquer every obstacle these men are attempting to inter- pose between us and our liberties. If we manfully exert ourselves we shall succeed. There is a just God who " rides upon the whirlwind and directs the storrn." Let us look to him with abiding confidence. " The fact is no longer disguised, that there has been in the South, for many years, a secret organization, laboring with steady perseverance to overturn the Federal Govern- ment, and destroy constitutional liberty in this country. The various conventions held in that portion of the coun- try, for some years past, ostensibly for other objects, have only been the means of feeling the public pulse to ascer- tain if there was sufficient disease in the body politic for dissolution. The cry of danger to the institution of slavery has been a mere pretext to arouse and excite the people. In abandoning the Constitution of the Union, the leaders of the movement must have known that they were greatly weakening the safeguards and protection which were necessary to the existence of that institution. ' ' It has been urged that secession was necessary to pro- tect the slave interest of the South. As a usual thing, those who are interested in a species of property, are the best informed in regard to their own rights, and the most tenacious in maintaining them. Secession has not origin- ated among the large slaveholders of the South, nor has it found among that class its busiest and most ardent ad- vocates. The sections of the country in which the largest slave interests have existed in this State, have heretofore been the most decided in support of the Union. The votes given at the last November and February elections in Eastern and Western Virginia, will show that the slave- holders themselves considered the safety of their property as dependent upon the maintenance of the Union. An- other pertinent fact may be mentioned in this connection. It is, that in sections where slaves are numerous, it is always much easier to introduce a mob-law and intimida- tion to control the votes of the people. The constant ap- prehension of servile insurrection makes the matter an easy subject of control in a crisis like the present. East- ern and Western Virginia are illustrations of the truth of thi* statement. " What affiliations this great conspiracy has had in the Northern States, remains yet unknown. The spirit which has been roused throughout the North has carried all opposition before it. But the extent of the treasonable plot has not been fully developed. Before the designs of the conspira- tors were made manifest, thousands of good men sympa- thized with the effort, as they regarded it, of the South to maintain their constitutional rights ; but these have all had shown itself in arms, the call was responded to by an order from the chief abandoned them when the true purpose was ascertained. If there are any in the North, or in the border States, who still adhere to the conspiracy, they will attempt to aid its object by indirect means ; by opposing and caviling at the efforts to which the Government, in a struggle for exist- ence, may use in its own defence, and by attempting to raise a popular outcry against coercion, and advocating a peaceable separation. A bold stand for Recession would scarcely be attempted ; but those who sympathize with the leaders of rebellion will seek by covert and indirect means to aid the object of the conspirators. ' ' There is only one question now for each American citizen to decide in this controversy : Do you desire to stand by and live under the Constitution which has con- tributed so long and so greatly to the happiness and pros- perity of the people, and to transmit its blessings to our posterity ? Or, do you desire the Union broken up, and an oligarchy or military despotism established in its stead ? The leaders of the South are striving for the latter. The Government of the United States is exerting its whole force to maintain the integrity of the former. There can be no neutral ground. The secession leaders have declared that they desire no compromise, except the unconditional surrender to them of the objects they have been aiming to accomplish, and the consent of the Gov- ernment to its own destruction. The very proposition of compromise places a false issue before the country. It implies that the Federal Government has committed some great wrong which ought to be remedied before peace can be restored ; when in fact the leaders in the South have controlled the legislation of the country for years, and the laws now in existence were made or suggested by them- selves when in power. ' ' The position of this State is a peculiar one at this mo- ment. Last November, at the Presidential election, it gave upward of sixteen thousand majority for Bell and Douglas, both Union candidates for the Presidency. Their principal competitor was loudly proclaimed as also true to the Union ; and throughout the canvass any imputation of favoring disunion was indignantly denied by the advo- cates of all the candidates. At the election for members of the Convention in February last, there was a majority of over sixty thousand votes given to the Union candi- dates ; and the people by an equal majority determined that no act of that Convention should change the relations of the State to the Federal Government, unless ratified by the popular vote. Yet the delegates to that Convention passed the ordinance of secession, and attached the State to the Southern league, called the Confederate States ; and to render the step irretrievable, and defeat the whole ob- ject of requiring a ratification of the people to render such acts valid, they put them into effect immediately ; and before the vote could be taken on the question of ratifica- tion, transferred the whole military force of our State to 302 THE WAR WITH TPIE SOUTH. confederate in Virginia to his armed followers, to seize the navy-yard at Gosport ; and the authorities of the the President of the Confederacy, and surrendered to him military possession of our territory. ' ' When the chains had been thus fastened upon us, we were called to vote upon the ordinance of secession. The same reign of terror which compelled Union men to vote as they did in the Convention, was brought to bear on the people themselves. Vast numbers were obliged, by in- timidation and fear of threatened violence, to vote for secession. Many did not vote at all. Many, no doubt, were influenced by the consideration, that the measures already adopted had placed the Commonwealth helplessly within the grasp of the President of the Southern Con- federacy, and that she could not escape from his power by the rejection of the ordinance. "It is claimed that the ordinance of secession has been ratified by a majority of ninety-four thousand votes. Had the people of Virginia, then, so greatly changed ? The best evidence that they had not is found in the fact that, wherever the vote was fully free, there was a much larger majority against secession than was given at the election in February to the Union candidates for the Convention. The means of intimidation and violence, which were re- sorted to over a large portion of the State, to compel an appearance of unanimity in favor of secession, show that the leaders of this movement felt that the hearts of the people were not with them. " The proclamation of the President, calling for seventy- live thousand volunteer troops, is commonly relied upon to justify the ordinance of secession. That proclamation was issued on the 15th of April, 1861. It must not, how- ever, be overlooked, that on the 6th of March, 1861, the pretended Congress at Montgomery provided by law for calling into the field a force of one hundred thousand volunteers ; and that on the 12th of April the Secretary of War of the Confederate States publicly announced that war was commenced, and that the Capitol at Washington would be captured before the first of May. The intention to capture the capital of the Union was repeatedly pro- claimed in influential papers at Richmond and other Southern cities before the 15th of April. It was, in fact, long a cherished object of the leaders in this great con- spiracy. Did they expect the President of the nation to yield the Capitol, and retire in disgrace, without adopting any measures of defence? Yet Virginia, we are told, seceded because the President, under such circumstances, called volunteers to the defence of the country. " I need not remark to you, gentlemen, how fatal the attempted disseverance of the Union must prove to all our material interests. Secession, and annexation to the South, would cut off every outlet for our productions. We cannot get them to the Confederate States across the Alleghanies. The Ohio River and the country beyond it State, who had till then shown repug- nance to the plot, found themselves stripped of all actual power, and after- would be closed to our trade. With Maryland in the Union, our outlet to the East would be interrupted ; while we could not carry our products across the Pennsylvania line, by the Monongahela or other route. In time of war we would encounter a hostile force, and in time of peace a custom-house at every turn. " The interests of the people of Virginia were entrusted to the Richmond Convention. How have they fulfilled that trust ? Why, if war was to come, was our land made the battle-field ? Why was this Commonwealth interposed as a barrier to protect the States of the South, who under- took to overthrow the Union in utter disregard to our re- monstrances ? In the position in which the Richmond Convention have placed us, our homes are exposed to all the horrors of civil war, while the President of the Mont- gomery Congress can announce to the people of the Gulf States that ' they need now have no apprehension ; they might go on with their planting and business as usual ; the war would not come to their section ; its theatre would be along the borders of the Ohio River, and in Virginia.' " Have we done wrong in rejecting the authority of the men who have thus betrayed the interests confided to their charge ? ' ' Under these circumstances the people of the State who desired to preserve a Virginia in the Union, by their dele- gates appointed at primary meetings, assembled at Wheel- ing on the 13th of May last, to consider the measures nec- essary to protect their constitutional rights and liberties, their lives and their property. Before- a frank comparison could be had, differences of opinion were to be expected, and such differences accordingly then existed. That Con- vention, however, after three days' mature consideration, determined to call upon the loyal people of the State, after the vote was taken on the Secession ordinance, to elect delegates to a Convention to be held on the llth day of June, 1861. All who witnessed the assembling of the last Convention, will bear witness to the solemnity of the occasion. Its action was attended with singular unanim- ity, and has resulted in the reorganization of the State government, as a member of the Union. ' ' Their journal and ordinances will be submitted to you. Plain principles vindicate their acts. The Constitution of the United States was adopted by the people of the United States ; and the powers thus derived could be resumed only by the consent of the people who conferred them. That Constitution is the supreme law of the land. The Constitution of the State recognizes it as such, and all the laws of the State virtually recognize the same principle. The Governor, the Legislature, and all State officers, civil and military, when they entered upon the discharge of their duties, took an oath to support the Constitution of GOVERNOR PIERPONT'S MESSAGE. 303 wards were manifestly permitted to re- tain the empty forms of office only be- cause they consented to use them at the bidding of the invaders. " The President, however, never sup- posed that a brave and free people, though surprised and unarmed, could long be subjugated by a class of politi- cal adventurers always adverse to them : and the fact that they have already rallied, reorganized their government, the United States. When the Convention assembled at Wheeling on the llth of June, they found the late Gov- ernor, and many of the other officers of the State, engaged in an attempt to overthrow the Constitution they had sworn to support. Whatever they might actually effect, with the aid of their confederates, by unlawful intimida- tion and violence, they could not lawfully deprive the good people of this Commonwealth of the protection afforded by the Constitution and laws of the Union, and of the rights to which they are entitled under the same. The Convention attempted no change of the fundamental law of the State for light and transient causes. The alter- ations adopted were such only as were imperatively re- quired by the necessity of the case ; to give vitality and force to the Constitution of the State, and enable it to operate in the circumstances under which we are placed. They attempted no revolution. Whatever others may have done, we remain as we were, citizens of Virginia, citizens of the United States, recognizing and obeying the Constitutions and laws of both. "I trust, gentlemen, you will excuse me for dwelling so long upon these important topics. ' ' Immediately on entering upon the duties of my office, I addressed an official communication to the President of the United States, stating briefly the circumstances in which we were placed, and demanding protection against invasion and domestic violence to which our people were subjected, and I am happy to inform you that the President, through the Secretary of War, promptly gave me very satisfactory assurances that the guarantee embodied in the Constitution of the United States would be efficiently com- plied with, by affording to our people a full protection. I transmit herewith copies of these communications. " I also send you herewith a copy of a communication received from the Secretary of the Interior at Washington, certifying officially the apportionment of representatives in the XXXVIIIth Congress under the census of 18GO. Virginia has thirteen representatives. Under the new ap- portionment she will have eleven only. Before the term of the XXXVIIIth Congress commences, it will be nec- essary, therefore, to redistrict the State, in conformity and checked the march of these invad- ers, demonstrates how justly he appre- ciated them. "The failure, hitherto, of the State authorities, in consequence of the cir- cumstances to which I have adverted, to organize its quota of troops called for by the President, imposed upon him the necessity of providing himself for their organization, and this has been done to some extent. But instructions have now with the principles established in the 13th and 14th sec- tions of the 4th Article of the Constitution. ' ' The President of the United States has issued his proc- lamation convening an extra session of Congress, to meet at the National Capitol on the 4th of this month. The two senators from this State have vacated their offices. It is known to me that they are engaged in the conspiracy to overturn the Government of the United States, and in re- bellion to its lawful authority. They have renounced the title of citizens of the United States, claiming to be citizens of a foreign and hostile State. They have aban- doned the posts assigned to them by the State of Virginia in the Senate of the United States, to take office under the rebellious Government of the Confederate States. I rec- ommend, therefore, the election of senators to fill the vacancies which have thus occurred. <* <* " The subject of the revenue will demand your atten- tion. A recklessness has characterized the Legislature of the State for the last ten years, that has involved us in a most onerous debt. For many yeai's past the western part of the State has been contributing in an unequal, an un- just proportion to the revenue, which has been largely expended on internal improvements, for the benefit of our eastern brethren, from which the west has received no ad- vantage in any form. The proceeds of the heavy debt contracted on State account have also been applied to eastern railroads and improvements from which the west derives no benefit. The leaders of secession in the Gulf States have adroitly involved Virginia in an immense ex- penditure in support of their treasonable schemes ; and to save their own people and property, have managed to transfer the theatre of war to our territory. Before they are driven out, the whole of the material interests of the State east of the Blue Ridge will probably be destroyed, including the internal improvements, upon which such lavish expenditure has been made. - o "You have met, gentlemen, in the midst of civil war, but I trust you may yet be assembled under happier auspices, when the strife shall be over, and peace and prosperity be restored to this once happy country. All which is respectfully submitted. F. H. PIEIIPONT." THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. been given to the agents of the Federal Government to proceed hereafter under your direction, and the company and field officers will be commissioned by }^ou. 7 ' The secessionist Governor, John Letch- er, met these declarations of independ- ence, and the efforts to defend it, on the part of the new Governor, with a coun- ter manifesto, asserting that Virginia had seceded by a vote of the majority of her people, and appealing to the West- ern Virginians "to yield to the will of the State." "Men of the North-west," he said, "I appeal to you, by all the considera- tions which have drawn us together as one people heretofore, to rally to the standard of the Old Dominion. By all the sacred ties of consanguinity, by the intermixtures of the blood of East and West, by common paternity, by friend- ships hallowed by a thousand cherished recollections and memories of the past, by the relics of the great men of other days, come to Virginia's banner, and drive the invaders from your soil. There may be traitors in the midst of you, who, for selfish ends, have turned against their mother, and would permit her to be ignominiously oppressed and degraded. But I cannot, will not be- lieve that a majority of you are not true sons, who will not give your blood and your treasure for Virginia's defence." The Governor, at the same time, re- minded the people of Western Virginia of the " magnanimity" of the Eastern districts, in consenting at last to an equalization of taxation, by which the cause of complaint of the former against the latter had been removed. "Let one heart," exclaimed the Governor, " one mind, one energy, one power nerve every patriot to arms in a common cause. The heart that will not beat in unison with Virginia is now a traitor's heart, the arm that will not strike home in her cause now, is palsied by coward fear. " The troops are posted at Huttons- ville. Come with your own good weap- ons and meet them as brothers !" Such proclamations and counter-proc- lamations and appeals to diverse loyal- ties only served to quicken the rage of fellow-citizen arrayed against fellow-cit- izen, and more deeply to involve them in the perplexing horrors of civil war. ' ) ' KGi // >/'. A./1/./ /J -A /> si X! /J /-' ' LIFE OF GENERAL LYON. 305 CHAPTER XXVII. Failure in Missouri of General Harney's League. Barney's Successor of ' ' sterner stuff. ' ' Life of General Lyon. Birth and early Life. Parentage. His rustic home. Early fondness for Mathematics. A cadet at West Point. Grad- uation. Service in the Army. Mexican Campaign. Good deeds and just recompenses. Service in California. Indian Warfare. In Kansas. Sympathies with the Free-soilers. Takes up the pen in their defence. His writings and opinions. Captain Lyon in command of the Arsenal at St. Louis. His prompt action at the beginning of the Civil War. Capture of Fort Jackson. Seizure of the J. C. Swan. Capture of lead at Ironton. Lyon succeeds Hamey. Unsuccessful attempt of the secessionist Price to wheedle him. Lyon refuses to be governed by the Harney League. Alarm of the Secessionists. The muster of the Secessionists in Jefferson City. Personal inter- view of Governor Jackson with General Lyon. Firmness of Lyon. The Secessionists giving up all hope of pro- moting their cause by diplomacy. Making a stand at Jefferson City. Destruction of Telegraph and Railway bridges. Proclamation of Governor Jackson. Counter-proclamation of General Lyon. General Lyon determines to rout out the disunion plotters from Jefferson City. 1861. THE league which General Harney had, with a too yielding confidence in their professions of peace, made with the secession leaders of Missouri, failed, as has been recorded, to check rebellion in that State. After his re- call, and the succession to the command of General Lyon, a man of sterner stuff, Missouri promised to vindicate more decidedly its loyalty to the Union. Nathaniel Lyon was born in Ashford, Wyndham County, Connecticut. His father was Amasa Lyon, a hard-working and thriving farmer of the place, where his intelligence and integrity won the appreciation of its inhabitants, who elected him a justice of the peace. His wife, whose family name was Kezia, was a descendant of the Knowltons, one of whom, Colonel Thomas Knowlton, had served in the French colonial war, and in the Revolutionary struggle, having commanded a Connecticut company at Bunker's Hill, and fallen on the plains of Harlem. Washington honored his 39 memory with the tribute : ' ' He would have been an honor to any country." There is little record left of the boy- hood, of General Lyon. It was passed among the simple associations of his rustic home. In the winter he was sent to the village school, and in seed-time and harvest he aided his father or his neighbors in farm-work. An aged fel- low-townsman in recalling, at the grave of the heroic soldier, his recollections of the country boy, said : ' ' Nathaniel worked for me on my farm when he was a boy. He was smart, daring, and res- olute, and wonderfully attached to his mother." General Lyon, on the night before his last battle, while lying with a fellow- officer between two steep rocks, where the space was so narrow that there was hardly room to move, made light of the inconvenience, and playfully remarked, with a fond allusion to his home, that he was " born between two rocks." He referred to the position of the house 306 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. where he was born, and the homestead of his family, which ' ' stands about four miles from Eastford (Ashford was divided in 1847, and the name of the northern portion of the township changed to Eastford), on the road to Hampton. Leaving the little hamlet of Phcenix- ville," says his biographer,* "we climb a long hill, thence over a rough road to a valley, nestled in which, between two steep and rocky hills, about twenty rods from the highway, is the house a small, old building, somewhat out of repair, with rusty clapboards, which were once painted red." Though he found in the village school little opportunity for the development of his talent, he is reported to have shown a natural aptitude and fondness for the study of mathematics. This early taste probably induced his parents to obtain for him an appointment to a cadetship in West Point, where he en- tered at the age of eighteen. He grad- uated in 1841, ranking the eleventh of his class, a position which proved a fair degree of successful study. He com- menced his military service, on leaving the academy, as a second lieutenant of infantry, and first entered upon active duty in Florida, during the campaign against the Seminole Indians. He was subsequently stationed at various points on our Western frontier, and on the breaking out of the war with Mexico, accompanied the army of Scott as first lieutenant. He took part in the siege The Last Political Writings of General Nathaniel Lyon, United States Army, with a Sketch of his Life and Military Services. New York, Kudd & Carleton, 1861. of Vera Cruz, and at the battle of Cerro G-ordo, where his good service was ac- knowledged by the commander of his regiment. " No sooner," said he, "had the height become ours, than the enemy appeared in large force on the Jalapa road, and we were ordered to that point. Captain Canby, with a small de- tachment, accompanied by Lieutenant Lyon, pressed hotly in their rear, and were soon in possession of a battery of three pieces which had been firing upon us in reverse." At Contreras, too, he bore a gallant part, and in the pursuit aided in cap- turing several pieces of artillery, which were turned upon the fugitives. For his good conduct and spirit at Churu- busco, he was recommended by his superior to "the special notice of the colonel commanding the brigade/'' and was rewarded for his services with the rank of brevet captain. At the capture of the Mexican capital, he was with the advance, and while fighting spiritedly at the Belen gate, was wounded with a musket-ball. On the declaration of peace with Mexico, Lyon, now captain, was ordered to Jefferson barracks, in Missouri, pre- liminary to a proposed march across the Rocky Mountains to California. He was, however, finally despatched by sea around Cape Horn, and reached Cali- fornia soon after its acquisition by the United States. Here he was chiefly oc- cupied with frontier duty, and proved his activity and his capability as a skir- mishing officer in Indian warfare. Subsequently ordered to the territo- LYON A FREE-SOILER. SOT ries of Kansas and Nebraska, he found himself in the midst of the violent agi- tation to which that part of the country had become exposed. His sympathies were at once aroused in favor of the principles of the free-soilers, and with such fervor, that he was induced to take up the pen, though more used to the sword, in their defence. While station- ed at Camp Riley, in Kansas, in the summer and autumn of 1860, he wrote a series of anonymous articles for the Manhattan depress, a weekly journal published at one of the neighboring settlements. His private as well as his published writings show him to have been an earnest advocate of the Republican cause. Of the rebellious designs of the cotton States he seemed to have been fully conscious, and at the same time persuaded that they could be thwarted by a prompt exercise of executive au- thority. "There seems to be," he wrote, "little doubt that several of the Southern States will precipitate them- selves into disaster and disgrace, if al- lowed to do so ; but this can be pre- vented by the President, if he chooses to exercise his authority as becomes the chief magistrate of our great and power- ful country. But unfortunately, Mr. Buchanan seems to regard himself as elected to submit tremblingly to any and every demand of the South, and I fear he can never rouse himself to take such action as our emergencies now require, as due to the country from him. Time must show : the only thing safe to pre- dict is, that the conduct of the South must involve her people in suffering and shame." Again he wrote, " Our cause is to honor labor and elevate the laborer ; our candidate, Abe Lincoln." In the follow- ing exposition of the degradation of labor by slavery, he shows a thoughtful consideration of the subject. "In countries," he wrote, "where slavery exists, labor devolves for the most part upon the slaves, and is there- fore identified with slavery ; and the white free laborer being valued by slave- owners, who control public opinion, only as so much physical organism (bone, muscle, etc.) for producing means, is degraded to the level of the slave, so far as his influence and moral status go, and is even lower in physical comforts, for the want of the intelligent care the slave-owner bestows upon the slave, and of which he, the free laborer, has be- come incompetent by a mental depravity corresponding to his moral degradation. This is a truth of philosophy and polit- ical economy, that man rises to a posi- tion corresponding to the rights and responsibilities devolved upon him ; and therefore the only true way to make a man is to invest him with the rights, duties, and responsibilities of a man, and he generally rises in intellectual and moral greatness to a position cor- responding to these circumstances ; and it is the very want of them that makes the free non-slaveholding persons of the slave States so degraded and imbecile, that the slaves themselves feel a con- scious superiority, in which they are encouraged by their owners, to the ex- 308 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. tent of thinking it better to be a nigger than a poor white man ; and this is done to pacify the slave and thus secure this artificial system of securing the products of labor to the non-laboring classes, and also, by degrading white laborers, pre- vent their industry from competing with slave labor, to reduce thereby the value of slaves." From Kansas, Captain Lyon was transferred to the command of the ar- senal at St. Louis, where he was when the present civil war broke out. His prompt action in surrounding and cap- turing Camp Jackson, and his active measures toward checking the secession movement at Liberty and Potosi, have been already recorded. His subsequent action while commanding the Federal forces in Missouri, as a brigadier-general, was characterized by a spirit and promptitude which gave promise of security to the State and a certainty of renown to himself, which have won for him the gratitude of the country, and fixed him forever in its annals as among the bravest and most devoted of its heroes and patriots. General Lyon, even while General May Harney was in command, seeing 22. how that officer had been deceived by the secession leaders, who, while pretending peace, were preparing for war, did not intermit his vigilance for a moment. He seized, on the very next day after the signing of the Harney league, the steamer J. C. Swan, at a point thirty miles below St. Louis, and caused her to be brought up and secured at the arsenal in the city. This was the vessel which had been employed by the secessionists to con- vey the arms from Baton Rouge, which Lyon had seized after capturing Camp Jackson. He also succeeded, in spite of considerable resistance, in seizing five thousand pounds of lead at Iron- ton, on the Iron Mountain Railroad, while in transit to the Confederates in the South. Price, the military leader of the secessionists, was evidently disturbed by the recall of his unsuspecting ally, and the transfer of power to the hands of the less confiding and more decid- ed Lyon. Price, however, strove to wheedle him as he had done his prede- cessor, by fair words. In a proclamation issued to the brigadier-generals com- manding the various military districts of Missouri, he expressed the desire that the State, in accordance with the Harney league, should exercise the right of determining its position in the con- test, without the aid of any military force on either side. At the same time, alluding to the change in the command of the Federal forces, he said, with evident anxiety, though affected confi- dence, " The Government has thought proper to remove General Harney from the command of the Department of the West ; but as the successor of General Harney will certainly consider himself and his Government in honor bound to carry out this agreement in good faith, I feel assured that his removal should give no cause of uneasiness to our citi- zens for the security of their liberties and property. I intend on my part to FIRMNESS OF LYON. 309 adhere both in its spirit and to the letter. The rumor in circulation, that it is the intention of the officers now in command of this Department to disarm those of our citizens who do not agree in opinion with the administration at Washington, and put arms in the hands of those who, in some localities of this State, are supposed to sympathize with the views of the Federal Government, are, I trust, unfounded. The purpose of such a movement could not be mis- understood, and it would not only be a violation of the agreement referred to, and an equally plain violation of our constitutional right, but a gross indignity to the citizens of the State, which would be resisted to the last extremity." Notwithstanding this affected confi- dence, that General Lyon would thus carry out a league so dangerous to the loyalty of the State, and for the form- ing of which General Harney had been recalled, the secessionists became alarmed for their safety. Hurrying from the faithful St. Louis, they gathered together in Jefferson City, the capital of the State, where, under the sanction of the dis- loyal Governor, they were pursuing their machinations for wresting Missouri from the Union. Governor Jackson himself now strove, by a personal inter- view with General Lyon, to make with him an agreement such as had paralyzed the Federal authority under Harney's league. He proposed to disband the militia, or State guard as it was termed, provided Lyon would consent to disarm the Union volunteers. This the latter resolutely refused, insisting that the Federal Government should enjoy the unrestricted right to move and station its troops throughout the State when- ever and wherever, in the opinion of its officers, it might be necessary, either for the protection of loyal subjects of the Federal Government or for repelling invasion. General Lyon in this memorandum specified in detail his answer to j une the Governor's wily proposition. W " General Lyon," he wrote, " sets forth as his conviction that if the Government withdrew its forces entirely, secret and subtle measures would be resorted to to provide arms and effect organizations which, upon any pretext, could put forth a formidable opposition to the General Government, and, even without arming, combinations would doubtless form in certain localities to oppress and drive out loyal citizens, to whom the Govern- ment is bound to give protection, but which it would be helpless to do, as also to repress such combinations, if its forces could not be sent into the State. A large aggressive force might be formed and advanced from the exterior into the State, to assist it in carrying out the secession programme, and the Government could not, under the limit- ation proposed, take posts on these borders to meet and repel such force. The Government could not shrink from its duties nor abdicate its corresponding rights ; and, in addition to the above, it is the duty of its civil officers to ex- ecute civil process, and in case of re- sistance to receive the support of mili- tary force. ' The proposition of the Gov- 310 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. ernor would at once overturn the Gov- ernment privileges and prerogatives, which he (General Lyon) has neither the wish nor authority to do. In his opin- ion, if the Governor and the State au- thorities would earnestly set about to maintain the peace of the State, and de- clare their purposes to resist outrages upon loyal citizens of the Government, and repress insurrections against it, and, in case of violent combinations needing co-operation of the United States troops, they should call upon or accept such assistance, and in case of threatened in- vasion the Government troops took suitable posts to meet it, the purposes of the Government would be subserved, and no infringement of the State's rights or dignity committed. He would take good care, in such faithful co-oper- ation of the State authorities to this end, that no individual should be injured in person or property, and that the ut- most delicacy should be observed toward all peaceable persons concerned in these relations. Upon this basis, in General Lyon's opinion, could the rights of both the General and State governments be secured and peace maintained." The Governor finding that the reso- lute Lyon was not to be shaken from his firm determination to uphold the Fed- eral authority and sustain the loyal citi- zens of Missouri, lost all further hope of promoting secession by diplomacy, and appealed to arms. He hurried with his confederates to Jefferson City, the capital, destroying on the route the telegraph wires and railroad bridges, with the evident purpose of commencing war and resisting the Federal authority. At the same time the Governor issued an insurrectionary proclamation.* " To TIIE PEOPLE OF MISSOURI : A series of unprovoked and unparalleled outrages have been inflicted upon the peace and dignity of this Commonwealth, and upon the rights and liberties of its people, by wicked and unprin- cipled men, professing to act under the authority of the United States Government; the solemn enactments of your Legislature have been nullified ; your volunteer soldiers have been taken prisoners ; your commerce with your sister States has been suspended ; your trade with your own fellow-citizens has been and is subjected to the harassing control of an armed soldiery ; peaceful citizens have been imprisoned without warrant of law ; unoffend- ing and defenceless men, women, and children have been ruthlessly shot down and murdered ; and other unbear- able indignities have been heaped upon your State and yourselves. " To all these outrages and indignities you have submit- ted with a patriotic forbearance which has only encouraged the perpetrators of these grievous wrongs to attempt still bolder and more daring usurpations. " It has been my earnest endeavor, under all these em- barrassing circumstances, to maintain the peace of the State, and to avert, if possible, from our borders, the deso- lating effects of a civil war. With that object in view, I authorized Major-General Price, several weeks ago, to arrange with General Harney, commanding the Federal forces in this State, the terms of an agreement by which the peace of the State might be preserved. They came, on the 21st of May, to an understanding, which was made public. The State authorities have faithfully labored to carry out the terms of that agreement. " The Federal Government, on the other hand, not only manifested its strong disapprobation of it, by the instant dismissal of the distinguished officer who, on his part, en- tered into it, but it at once began, and has unintermit- tingly earned out a system of hostile operations, in utter contempt of that agreement, and the reckless disregard of its own plighted faith. These acts have latterly por- tended revolution and civil war so unmistakably, that I resolved to make one further effort to avert these dangers from you. I therefore solicited an interview with Briga- dier-General Lyon, commanding the Federal army in Missouri. It was granted, and, on the 10th instant, waiv- ing all questions of personal and official dignity, I went to St. Louis, accompanied by Major-General Price. "We had an interview on the llth instant with Gen- eral Lyon and Colonel F. P. Blair, Jr., at which I submit- ted to them this proposition : That I would disband the State Guard and break up its organization ; that I would disarm all the companies which had been armed by the State ; that I would pledge myself not to attempt to or- ganize the militia under the military bill ; that no arms PROCLAMATION OF LYOK 311 General Lyon responded to this mani- festo of hostility of the Governor of or munitions of war should be brought into the State ; that I would protect all citizens equally in all their rights, regardless of their political opinions ; that I would repress all insurrectionary movements within the State ; that I would repel all attempts to invade it, from whatever quar- ter and by whomsoever made ; and that I would thus maintain a strict neutrality in the present unhappy con- test, and preserve the peace of the State. And I further proposed that 1 would, if necessary, invoke the assistance of the United States troops to carry out these pledges. All this I proposed to do upon condition that the Federal Government would undertake to disarm the Home Guards, which it has illegally organized and armed throughout the State, and pledge itself not to occupy with its troops any localities in the State not occupied by them at this time. " Nothing but the most earnest desire to avert the hor- rors of civil war from our beloved State could have tempted me to propose these humiliating terms. They were rejected by the Federal officers. " They demanded not only the disorganization and dis- arming of the State militia, and the nullification of the military bill, but they refused to disarm their own Home Guards, and insisted that the Federal Government should enjoy an unrestricted right to move and station its troops throughout the State whenever and wherever it might, in the opinion of its officers, be necessary, either for the protection of the "loyal subjects" of the Federal Govern- ment or for the repelling of invasion, and they plainly an- nounced that it was the intention of the Administration to take military occupation, under these pretexts, of the whole State, and to reduce it, as avowed by General Lyon himself, to the 'exact condition of Maryland.' The ac- ceptance by me of these degrading terms would not only have sullied the honor of Missouri, but would have aroused the indignation of every brave citizen, and precipitated the very conflict which it has been my aim to prevent. We refused to accede to them, and the conference was broken up. " Fellow-citizens, all our efforts toward conciliation have failed. We can hope nothing from the justice or modera- tion of the agents of the Federal Government in this State. They are energetically hastening the execution of their bloody and revolutionary schemes for the inaugura- tion of civil war in your midst ; for the military occupa- tion of your State by armed bands of lawless invaders for the overthrow of your State government ; and for the sub- version of those liberties which that government has always sought to protect ; and they intend to exert their whole power to subjugate you, if possible, to the military despotism which has usurped the powers of the Federal Government. ' ' Now, therefore, I, C. F. Jackson, Governor of the Missouri, by issuing a counter-procla- mation.* State of Missouri, do, in view of the foregoing facts, and by virtue of the powers vested in me by the Constitution and laws of this Commonwealth, issue this my proclama- tion, calling the militia of the State, to the number of fifty thousand, into the active service of the State, for the purpose of repelling said invasion, and for the protection of the lives, liberty, and property of the citizens of this State. And I earnestly exhort all good citizens of Missouri to rally under the flag of their State for the protection of their endangered homes and firesides, and for the defence of their most sacred rights and dearest liberties. ' ' In issuing this proclamation, I hold it to be my solemn duty to remind you that Missouri is still one*of the United States ; that the Executive department of the State Gov- ernment does not arrogate to itself the power to disturb that relation ; that that power has been wisely vested in a convention, which will, at the proper time, express your sovereign will ; and that, meanwhile, it is your duty to obey all the constitutional requirements of the Federal Gov- ernment. But it is equally my duty to advise you that your first allegiance is due to your own State, and that you are under no obligation whatever to obey the uncon- stitutional edicts of the military despotism which has en- throned itself at Washington, nor to submit to the in- famous and degrading sway of its wicked minions in this State. No brave and true-hearted Missourian will obey the one or submit to the other. Rise, then, and drive out ignominiously the invaders who have dared to desecrate the soil which your labors have made fruitful, and which is consecrated by your homes. " Given under my hand, as Governor, and under the great seal of the State of Missouri, at Jefferson City, this 12th day of June, 1861. " By the Governor. CLAIBOB.NE F. JACKSON. "B. F. MASSEY, Secretary of State." " To TIIE CITIZENS OF MISSOURI : Prior to the procla- mation issued by Governor Jackson, of date of June 12, it is well known to you that the Governor and Legislature sympathized with the rebellion movements now in pro- gress in the country, and had adopted every means in their power to effect a separation of this State from the General Government. For this purpose, parties of avowed secessionists have been organized into military companies throughout the State, with the full knowledge and ap- proval of the Governor. The establishment of encamp- ments in the State at an unusual period of the year, and authorized for an indefinite period, could have had no other object than the concentration of a large military force, to be subjected to the provisions of the military law then in contemplation, and subsequently passed a bill so offensive to all peaceable inhabitants, and so palpably un- constitutional, that it could be accepted by those only who were to conform to its extraordinary provisions for the 312 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. He at the same time marshalled his forces at St. Louis, and hurried to purpose of effecting their cherished object the disruption of the Federal Government. That bill provides for an obligation to the State on the part of all persons enrolled under its provisions irrespective of any obligation to the United States, when the Constitution requires all State officers to take an oath of allegiance to the United States. This of itself is a repudiation of all author- ity of the Federal Government, whose Constitution is the supreme law, on the part of the State Government, its officers, and such citizens as might choose to adopt the provisions of the bill, and, coupled as it was, on the part of the Legislature and the Governor, with declarations hostile to its authority and in sympathy with those who were arrayed in a condition of actual hostility against it, could leave no doubt of its object to carry out the pro- visions of this extraordinary bill, having in direct view hostilities to the Federal Government. It was so de- nounced by General Harney, who characterized it as a secession ordinance in his proclamation of 14th May last. That proclamation, doubtless, gave rise to an interview between General Harney and General Price, that resulted in an agreement which it was hoped would lead to a res- toration of tranquillity and good order in your State. That a repudiation of the military bill, and all efforts of the militia of the State under its provisions was the basis of the agreement, was shown as well by this proclamation of General Harney immediately preceding it, as by a paper submitted to General Price, containing the preliminary conditions to an interview with him. ' ' This agreement failed to define specifically the terms of the peace, or how far a suspension of the provisions of the military bill should form a part of it, though from the express declaration of General Harney at the time of the conference, as well as from the foregoing paper, a suspen- sion of any action under the bill until there could be a judicial termination of its character by some competent tribunal, must in good faith be regarded as a fundamental basis of the negotiation. " Nevertheless, immediately after this arrangement, and up to the time of Governor Jackson's proclamation, in- augurating complaints of attempts to execute the provi- sions of this bill, by which most exasperating hardships have been imposed upon peaceful loyal citizens, coupled with persecutions and proscriptions of those opposed to its provisions, have been made to me as commander of the United States forces here, and have been carried to the authorities at Washington, with appeals for relief, from the Union men of all parties of the State who have been abused, insulted, and, in some instances, driven from their homes. " That relief I conceive it to be the duty of a just gov- ernment to use every exertion in its power to give. Upon this point the policy of the Government is set forth in the rout out the Governor and his secession bands from Jefferson City, the capital following communication from the Department at Wash- ington : " ' ADJUTANT-GENERAL'S OFFICE, ) WASHINGTON, May 27, 1861. f " ' BRIGADIER-GENERAL W. S. HARNEY, COMMANDING DE- PARTMENT WEST ST. Louis Sir : The President observes with concern that, notwithstanding the pledge of the State authorities to co-operate in preserving the peace of Missouri, loyal citizens in great numbers continue to be driven from their homes. It is immaterial whether these outrages continue from inactivity or indisposition on the part of the State authorities to prevent them. It is enough that they continue, and it will devolve on yon the duty of putting a stop to them summarily by the force under your command, to be aided by such troops as you may require from Kansas, Iowa, and Illinois. The pro- fessions of loyalty to the Union by the State authorities of Missouri are not to be relied upon. They have already falsified their professions too often, and are too far com- mitted to secession to be admitted to your confidence, and you can only be sure of their desisting from their wicked purposes when it is not in their power to prosecute them. You will, therefore, be unceasingly watchful of their movements, and not permit the clamors of their partisans and the opponents of the wise measures already taken to prevent you from checking every movement against the Government, however disguised, under the pretended State authority. The authority of the United States is paramount, and whenever it is apparent that a movement whether by order of State authorities or not is hostile, you will not hesitate to put it down. " 'L. THOMAS, Adjutant-General.' "It is my design to carry out these instructions in their letter and spirit. Their justness and propriety will be ap- preciated by whoever takes an enlightened view of the relations of the citizens of Missouri to the General Gov- ernment, nor can such policy be construed as at all dis- paraging to the rights or dignity of the State of Missouri, or as infringing in any sense upon the individual liberty of its citizens. The recent proclamation of Governor Jackson, by which he has set at defiance the authorities of the United States, and urged you to make war upon them, is but a consummation of his treasonable purposes, long indicated by his acts and expressed opinions, and now made manifest. If, hi suppressing these treasonable pro- jects, carrying out the policy of the Government, and maintaining its dignity as above indicated, hostilities should unfortunately occur, and unhappy consequences should follow, I would hope that all aggravation of those events may be avoided, and that they may be diverted from the innocent, and may fall only on the heads of those by whom they have been provoked. " In the discharge of these plain but onerous duties, I FIRST MOVEMENT OF LYON. 313 of Missouri, where they were plotting against and making ready to attack the Union troops and overthrow the Fed- eral authority. CHAPTER XXVIII. General Lyon's movement from St. Louis. Occupation of the Railroad. Force under Lyon. Embarkation of Troops. Arrival at Jefferson City. Flight of the Enemy. Their destructive proceedings. General Lyon in pursuit. Boernstein at the capital. Route of General Lyon. Reception by the way. Rochefort. First indication of the Enemy. Dispersion of Scouts. Disembarkation of General Lyon. March of the Federal Troops. Coming up with the Enemy. Position of the Antagonist. Opening Fire. Battle of Booneville. Flight of the Enemy. Courage and coolness of General Lyon. Pursuit of the Enemy. Another Stand and another Rout. A deserted Camp. A half-cooked Breakfast. The Federal Boats doing good service. Capture of a Battery. The stand at the Fair Grounds. A third Rout. The scattering of the Enemy. The Killed and Wounded. The Prisoners. A warlike Parson. Successful Appeal to an " old Rebel." Comparative strength of Forces. Approach to Boone- ville. A civic and military Delegation. Welcome to the Town. Union Enthusiasm. The Secessionists' Demand. Danger to the Unionists. The "Greatest Crime," etc. General Lyon's Proclamation. Forgiveness of Rebels. Mildness and Severity. Proclamation of Boernstein at Jefferson City. The Missouri Convention taking Cour- age. Convoked to reassemble. The Congratulations of the Unionists. Another Riot in St. Louis. Attack upon the Federal Soldiers. Tragic Results. The Verdict of a St. Louis Jury. General Lyon inspirited. A bold move to the Southwest. Sterling Price and Ben McCulloch. Departure of Lyon. An Augmenting Force. 1861. GENERAL LYON'S first movement was to send the Second Regiment of Missouri Volunteers, under the com- mand of Colonel Siegel, by land, along June the Pacific Railroad, to occupy the 12 line, and thus prevent any further destruction, by the secessionists, of the bridges. This detachment proceeded, without any show of opposition, as far as the Gasconade River, where the enemy had destroyed the bridge. On June the next day, Lyon embarked his 13 troops in two divisions ; one con- sisting of the Second Battalion of the First Regiment of Missouri Volunteers, commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel An- drews, one section of Tofcten's light ar- shall look for the countenance and active co-operation of all good citizens, and I shall expect them to discounte- nance all illegal combinations or organizations, and sup- port and uphold, by every lawful means, the Federal Gov- 40 tillery, and two companies of regulars under Captain Lathrop ; and the other of the First Battalion of the First Regi- ment of Missouri Volunteers under Colonel Blair, another section of Tot- ten's artillery, and a detachment of pioneers, numbering in all about two thousand men. Each division was em- barked on board of a river steamer at the wharves of St. Louis, and together with the men a large supply of horses, baggage wagons, camp equipage, am- munition, and provisions was put on board, evidently with the view of a long march. General Lyon and his staff em- barked with the second division, and the two steamers proceeded up the Missouri eminent, upon the maintenance of which depend their liberties and the perfect enjoyment of all their rights. " N. LYON, "Brigadier-General U. S. Volunteers Commanding." THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. to Jefferson City, the capital, situated on that river, near the centre of the State. On the second day after embarking, June General Lyon reached Jefferson 15. City, but on marching into the place found that Governor Jackson, General Sterling Price, and their seces- sion confederates and bands, had re- treated the day before to Booneville, some forty miles farther up the Missouri, within the interior of the State. They had striven to conceal their destination, but the people of Jefferson City had no doubt of the direction of their flight, and being loyally disposed, freely gave all the information they possessed to the Federal officers. In their retreat the secessionists had sought to hinder pursuit, by seizing the cars and loco- motives, which they carried along with them, and by destroying the bridges and telegraphs, as they hurriedly pushed forward. Lyon promptly hurried on in pur- June su it- Embarking again in the M> steamers, to which was added a third, he moved with his troops up the Missouri, having left three companies of Boernstein's regiment under the command of the Colonel himself, at Jefferson City, to protect the capital. On passing the little town of Marion, on the Missouri River, the inhabitants manifested their loyalty by heartily cheering the expedition. Having reach- ed Providence during the night, the steamers hauled up until daybreak, when they continued their course. At Rochefort the sullenness of some of the people indicated that the Federal forces had arrived in a part of the State where they were less welcome. Though the citizens were little disposed to be com- municative, the information was obtained from them that the enemy were in con- siderable force some miles below Boone- ville. The expedition, after pressing into the service a steam ferry-boat at Roche- fort, continued its course up the river, until it reached a point within eight miles of Booneville. Here was seen the first indication of the enemy in a battery on the bluff or high embankment of the river, and some scouts appeared, who hastened, on seeing the steamers, to convey information of their approach to the main body of the secessionists. The boats now moved at once to the shore, where there was a stretch of al- luvial land or "bottom" a mile and a half in width between the water and the bluff, on the south side of the river, and making fast, the troops disembarked without opposition. Scouts were now sent in advance, and the main body followed them, marching along the river road. The troops had thus proceeded about a mile and a half to the point where the road ascends the bluffs, when a firing was heard, indicat- ing that our scouts were engaged with the picket guards of the enemy, whom they succeeded in driving back. The Federal troops continued to push on, marching up the gentle slope of the as- cent for nearly half a mile, when their advanced guard came galloping back with the information that the enemy BATTLE OF BOONEVILLE. 315 were in full force, posted advantageously upon the summit of the rising ground, about three hundred yards in front. Their position was on the crest of the hill along which the road ascends. Colonel Marmaduke, in command, held the road itself with a troop of horsemen and a battalion of infantry. On his left was a brick house occupied by a portion of his force, and to the rear, in a lane leading to the river, was formed the main body of his left wing. Behind this again stretched a wheat-field, in which had gathered small bodies of men apparently without form or order. The enemy's right wing was posted be- hind a "worm" fence, which divided the wheat-field where the men were formed from a neighboring field of Indian corn. The Federal troops, as soon as they discovered the position of the enemy, formed on the ridge of rising ground facing them and separated only by a shallow valley with a scattered growth of oak. On our right there were also some trees, while on the left there was a field of Indian corn. The regular troops were posted, with Colonel Blair's regi- ment of Missouri Volunteers, on the left, and the Germans, also volunteers, under Lieutenant-Colonel Shaeffer, on the right. Captain Totten, of the light artillery, opened the engagement by firing a shell from a twelve-pounder, among the enemy's force in the road. This was immediately followed by another well- aimed shell, which fell among the throngs in the wheat-field, and forced them to a hasty retreat. The battle thus begun, our men on the right and left advanced in good order and soon opened with a volley of musketry, which was spiritedly returned by the enemy. The regulars on our right marched boldly along the field of In- dian corn, until they reached the ascent which led to the crest upon which the enemy were posted. They now began to move more cautiously, creeping along and firing when a good opportunity for a shot presented. The volunteers sent to support them gallantly followed the ex- ample of the regulars and spiritedly joined in the attack. The Germans on the right were advancing no less firm- ly and persistently and engaging the enemy's left. The secessionists were forced back by the steady advance of our men, and the effective firing of Totten's artillery. They, however, as they retired, still made a show of re- sistance. Two bombshells, sent by Totten against the brick house, within which the enemy had sought cover, penetrated the wall and effectually routed them out. After this the secessionists gave way more rapidly before the steady ad- vance of our troops, and were soon forced to abandon their position, which the Federalists occupied in twenty min- utes after the first shot fired by Totten, which opened the engagement. " The commander, General Lyon," says an eye-witness of the battle, " ex- hibited the most remarkable coolness, and preserved throughout that undis- turbed presence of mind shown by him 316 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. alike in the camp, in private life, and on the field of battle. ' Forward, on the extreme right ;' ' give them another shot, Captain Totten,' echoed above the roar of musketry, clear and distinct, from the lips of the general who led the advancing column." The enemy continued to retreat and the Federalists to pursue without further collision, until the latter had advanced about a mile and a half, when the for- mer made a stand in some woods near their encampment. Two shells, how- ever, and a volley of musketry soon put them again to the rout, and they fled in confusion towards Booneville. Their deserted camp, which our men now oc- cupied, was found to contain a consider- able quantity of provisions, arms, and ammunition. The evident haste with which, after the landing of the Federal- ists, they had advanced to meet them, proved how unexpected had been their arrival. The breakfasts of the men were found in the course of preparation in the camp ; the half-baked bread, the partially fried pork, the ham with the knife sticking in the meat, and the pots of coffee still on the fire, showed how sudden had been their movement. Our troops gave them no opportunity of re- suming the cooking of their morning's meal, or of breaking their long morning's fast. A company being left. to guard the camp, General Lyon led the rest of his force on to Booneville. In the mean time, while the main body of the Federalists had been acquitting themselves so satisfactorily on land, the artillerists under Captain Yoorhies, and the company of infantry in command of Captain Richardson, who had been re- luctantly left behind to take charge of the boats, contrived also to do some effectual service. After the troops be- gan their march, Richardson went ashore with his men, and captured a battery of two iron six-pounders, posted on the river about five miles below Booneville. He then moved on with one of the boats, the McDowell, towards the town, with the view of co-operating with the land force. This he was able to effect, when Lyon had marched within a mile of Booneville, where the secessionists, again at the fair grounds, seemed disposed to make a stand. Captain Richardson being from his position on the river in their rear, first discovered their intention, and was enabled to fire upon them with great effect. A shot from his howitzer, fol- lowed by a fire from Totten's artillery, and a volley of musketry from Lyon's main body, which had in the mean time become aware of the enemy's purpose, soon scattered them for a third time. The secessionists now continued their flight, dispersing in various directions. Some crossed the river, some went south, but the chief portion, after hav- ing passed through the town, escaped up the Missouri in boats to the west. In the course of the attack and pur- i. suit by the Federal forces, there were but three of them killed, ten wounded, and one missing. It was difficult to es- timate the loss of the secessionists, but it is supposed to have been large. Eighty were taken prisoners, of whom SUDDEN CONVERSION TO LOYALTY. 317 twenty-six were captured by the chap- lain of the First Regiment. " He had charge," says the authority before quoted, "of a party of four men, two mounted and two on foot, with which to take charge of the wounded. Ascend- ing the brow of a hill, he suddenly came upon a company of twenty-four rebels, armed with revolvers, and fully bent upon securing a place of safety for their carcasses. Their intentions, however, were considerably modified, when the parson ordered them to halt, which they did, surrendering their arms. Surround- ed by the squad of five men, they were then marched on board the Louisiana, prisoners of war. The parson also captured two other secessionists during the day, and at one time, needing a wagon and horses for the wounded, and finding friendly suggestions wasted on a stubborn old rebel, placed a revolver at his head, and the desired articles were forthcoming. In time of peace the preacher had prepared for war." The enemy were reported to have been four thousand strong, and the Federalists only two thousand, of whom less than half were actively engaged. Governor Jackson is supposed to have discreetly kept at a distance from the battle, and to have been among the first to seek safety in flight while General Sterling Price was prevented by an in- opportune attack of illness from taking command of the secession forces. As General Lyon was approaching the town of Booneville, he was met by some of the officials and leading citizens bearing a flag of truce. They were anxious to impress upon the victors, that the greater proportion of their fellow-citizens were favorable to the Federal cause. General Lyon received them in a conciliatory spirit, and as- sured them that, if no resistance should be offered to the entrance of his troops, no harm need be feared. Soon after Major O'Brien, a military officer of Booneville, presented himself, and the town was formally surrendered. The Federal troops now advanced, headed by General Lyon and the civic and military representatives of the place. On pass- ing through the principal street, they were met by a party of citizens waving the United States flag and cheering lustily for the Union, to which the Fed- eral troops gave a hearty response. The " stars and stripes" now suddenly fluttered out from house window and church steeple, and Booneville pro- claimed itself once more a loyal town. " One can hardly imagine," declares a writer who was present on the occasion, " the joy expressed and felt by the loyal citizens when the Federal troops entered the city. Stores which had been closed all day, began to open, the national flag was quickly run up on a secession pole, cheers for the Union, Lyon, Blair, and Lincoln were frequently heard, and everything betokened the restoration of peace, law, and order. ' True men' are reported to have said, ' that had the troops delayed ten days longer, it would have been impossible for them to have remained in safety. Irresponsible vaga- bonds had been taking guns wherever they could find them, and notifying the 318 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. most substantial and prosperous citizens to leave.' One worthy citizen, the pro- prietor of the City Hotel, was said to have denounced ' the whole secession movement as the greatest crime com- mitted since the crucifixion of our Saviour.' ' On the next day after entering Boone- Jiine ville, General Lyon released his 18 prisoners, most of whom were youths and had been misled, as he be- lieved, by the artful devices of older conspirators. In the mean time Colonel Boernstein, who had been left with a battalion of the Second Regiment of Missouri Volun- teers, in command of Jefferson City, the capital, was effectually keeping in check the secessionists, and striving to soothe the disaffected with proclaiming summary punishment for treason and security for property. "Your personal safety, "he said, "will be protected, and your property respected. Slave prop- erty will not be interfered with by any part of my command, nor will slaves be allowed to enter my lines without written authority from their masters ; and, notwithstanding we are in times of war, I shall endeavor to execute my in- structions with moderation and forbear- ance, and at the same time shall not suffer the least attempt to destroy the Union and its Government, by the per- formance of any unlawful act." Under the protection of the military rule of Boernstein, at the capital, and in- spirited by the success of the Federal troops under Lyon, the members of the Convention of the State of Missouri took courage. Having already, as early as February, refused by a large majority to consider the question of secession, they now prepared to execute the will of the people whom they represented, in thwarting the action of the secessionist Governor and his confederates of the Legislature. The Convention was ac- cordingly called to reassemble in Jeffer- son City, on the twenty-second day of July. Lyon having by his prompt movement swept the eastern part of Missouri, from St. Louis to Booneville, clear of the secession leaders and their bands, the unionists began to congratulate them- selves that the State was now secure in the enjoyment of a loyal tranquillity. There was, however, even in St. Louis, some unwillingness to submit quietly to the Federal power. The military au- thorities having considered it prudent to station guards on the various railways leading from the city, had detailed a regiment commanded by Colonel Kail- man for that duty. After detailing the necessary number of men, the rest of the regiment returned, passing through St. Louis, when a collision took j une place with the citizens. !? The event was thus related by one of the journals* of that city. " Forming at the depot in good order, they marched quietly down Broadway and Seventh Street without interruption or disturbance of any kind, so far as is known, till Company B reached St. Charles Street. At that point a half- drunken or crazed individual insulted St. Louis Democrat. RIOT IN ST. LOUIS. 319 the troops with language so abusive and threatening, that several of them took him into custody. The captain came up, inquiring into the circumstances of the case, and, on the prisoner's protest- ing that he meant no harm, ordered his release. This took place in Olive Street. In a moment afterward a pistol was fired from a second-story window on the east side of the street, just south of Olive, a second almost simultaneously from near the pavement, and instantly a third from the window above. " Some of the troops noticed that an attack was in contemplation, and began arranging caps on their muskets, a movement perceived by spectators, who were as yet unaware of the cause. During this quick movement one of the muskets accidentally exploded, and this occurred near the time of the first firing of the pistol as described. "Colonel Kallman gave the order to halt, pistol shots still firing from the windows. The order was promptly obeyed, and the troops, till then march- ing four abreast, wheeled westward and formed into double file, fronting east. No order to fire was given. Captain Risech, of Company I, inarching in the rear, was shot so as to be disabled from command, and a soldier at the same time fell senseless in the ranks. The troops began firing briskly up to the windows of the Missouri engine-house and Recorder's court-room, and the second story of the building adjoining on the north. The fire of the pistols was returned, but soon ceased, the officers below passing along the ranks and ordering the troops to stop firing. The terrible scene, which lasted scarcely a minute and a half or two minutes at the furthest, was thus terminated." There were no less than six victims of this tragic occurrence, all of whom were private citizens, while the soldiers escaped with but some slight ^ ounds. The coroner's jury, after a long investi- gation of ten days, rendered a verdict which, while it exonerated citizens and the military officers, imputed the blame to the soldiers. They declared that the "wounds were inflicted without any provocation or discharge of firearms from the citizens then present, and also without any order to fire having been given by the officers of the said com- panies." General Lyon, inspirited by his success in the north and east, and trusting to the loyalty which his triumphs had en- couraged to manifest itself, now boldly determined to push on to the south- west, where Sterling Price and Ben McCulloch, the Texan ranger, had form- ed a junction and mustered a strong force. Lyon accordingly, with his char- acteristic self-reliance, left Boone- j u iy ville, with only two thousand men. ** This meagre band, however, rapidly in- creased on the march by the accessions of the loyal men of the country, who welcomed and offered their services readily to the victorious leader of the Federal troops. The events of this campaign and its fatal results will be re- lated in the due course of this narrative. 320 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. CHAPTER XXIX. Unabated spirit of the North. Large mustering of Troops. The Force at Washington. The Potomac Line. Com- manders. Force at Fortress Monroe. Force in the neighborhood of Harper's Ferry. Force in Western Virginia. Force at Cairo. Force in Missouri. Force in Maryland. The Line on the Potomac. Topography of the Country. The dangers of the ground. Fortifications. Arlington Heights. Alexandria. The ghost of a city. Deserted Streets. Abandoned Houses. Closed Warehouses and Shops. Military Occupation. Present Inhabitants. Soldiers and Negroes. Description of Vienna. Description of Fairfax Court House. The Position of the Enemy in Virginia. Manassas Junction. Position and Fortifications. Distances and Communications. Exploit of Lieut. Tompkins at Fairfax Court House. A spirited Charge. The result. The affair at Vienna. A clear field reported. Orders to General Schenck. Departure of Schenck. His Force. How it was disposed of. A sudden stoppage. A Masked Battery. A Conflict. Killed and Wounded. Conduct of the Engineer. Criticism upon the manage- ment of the Expedition. The Enterprise denounced. The sacrifice. Gallantry of Federal Troops. An account of the Enemy. Tribute to a "Few." The Enemy's Potteries on the Potomac. Captain Ward's Reconnoissance of Matthias Point. An Attack planned. Landing of Men. Federal Batteries raised on the Virginia Shore. A sudden surprise from the Enemy. Death of Captain Ward. An official criticism on the expedition. 1861. THERE was no abatement of the mili- tary spirit of the loyal North. With each development of secession there was an increased vigor shown on the part of the defenders of the Union. In two or three months after the fall of Fort Sumter it was estimated that two hundred arid twenty-five thousand men, militia and volunteers, had already mus- tered into the service of the United States. Of these there were some sixty thousand who had marched to the pro- tection of the capital, one half of whom were stationed in and about the city of Washington, under the command of Brigadier-General J. K. T. Mansfield, and the other half on the opposite and south side of the Potomac, under the command of Brigadier-General T. McDowell. Twelve thousand men were at Fortress Monroe and its environs, in command of Major-General B. F. Butler. Twenty thousand had marched from Pennsyl- vania under Majors-General Robert Pat- terson and W. H. Kein to the neighbor- hood of Harper's Ferry, to which point Major-General George Cadwallader with six thousand was also proceeding. This combined force was intended to co-oper- ate with Major-General George B. Mc- Clellan, who, crossing the Ohio from the west, was in Western Virginia at the head of twenty-five thousand men. Seven thousand had gathered at Cairo, under the command of Brigadier-Gen- eral B. M. Prentiss ; and Brigadier-Gen- eral Lyon was supposed to be able to muster throughout the State of Missouri a force of nearly thirteen thousand. Major-General N. P. Banks, who had suc- ceeded Cadwallader, was keeping Balti- more and Maryland in check with over ten thousand. The rest of this large army was still in camp in the various Northern and Western States, ready to I I : EH M o p o w h 8 " y 8 " 8 Of ^ ^ H S > I ri 'I I ti i THE GHOST OF A CITY. 321 march to any point to which it might be directed. The line of the Federal forces on the south side of the Potomac opposite to AVushington extended from Alexandria on the east in the direction of Vienna on the west, a distance of about sixteen miles, and again to the north toward Fairfax Court House, over twelve miles from the capital. The whole country is rolling, composed of hills and shallow valleys, and intersected with numerous small streams. The ground is very favorable for defence. Its approaches, winding in narrow roads or lanes about the hills, are readily commanded by fortifications, while a march through it would be greatly exposed to surprises from ambuscades and concealed batter- ies. There is hardly a spot which a com- manding officer would select for the manoeuvering of a large force in regular battle. The most commanding heights had been seized by the Federal forces, upon which they had raised entrenchments and redoubts. Among these was Arling- ton Heights, directly opposite and com- manding the capital, formerly the prop- erty of George Washington Custis, the descendant of Washington's wife, and now belonging to Mrs. Lee, whose hus- band is a general in the service of the Confederate States. Here General Mc- Dowell had his headquarters. Alexandria, on the Potomac, about seven miles from Washington, was also held in force by the Federal troops, and its approaches commanded by the con- struction of an earthen redoubt. This 41 city ordinarily contained about ten thou- sand inhabitants, mostly engaged in com- merce. Grain, flour, and tobacco were its principal exports, and its domestic trade was in negroes, for the sale of whom there were two thriving slave-pens. On the possession of Alexandria by our troops, the greater portion of the lead- ing people, who were devoted to the cause of secession, abandoned the place and allowed it to become little more than barracks for soldiers or a refuge for the negroes whom their masters could not compel to fly with them. Its communi- cations with the interior, by means of canals and railways, and with other ports by the Potomac, were cut off by the war, and the city now presents but a ghost of its former self. The great ware- houses and mills on the wharves are closed, save perhaps here and there one which has been opened as a guard- house for soldiers or a receptacle for munitions of war. The little river steam- boats still ply between Washington and the town, but convey only armed sol- diers, or a few privileged visitors, who can neither embark nor disembark with- out submitting their " passes" to a vig- ilant sentinel. The main street, still bearing in its name, " King," a reverential reminiscence of colonial loyalty, is silent except to the rumbling of heavy bag- gage wagons or the clatter of the mounted dragoon. Most of the shops are closed and their shutters heavily barred with iron. The few which re- main open, show the timid anxiety of their occupants, by the darkened win- dows and half-opened doors. The villas 322 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. in the suburbs are deserted, with the vines hanging from the verandahs in tangled neglect, and the gardens over- grown with weeds. The public halls and hotels are turned into barracks, and private mansions and school-houses into military hospitals ; churches and church- yards are locked and abandoned by priest and sexton. Soldiers are on guard at the corner of every street. But few of the ordinary inhabitants of the town are to be seen, except some "poor whites," who may be still slinking out of hovels or into the groggeries, and the negroes, who are idly chatting as they lie in groups upon the door-steps, or striving to support their sudden inde- pendence by selling fruits and pastry and other delicacies to lounging soldiers. Vienna, towards which the other ex- tremity of the Federal line of occupation extended on the south side of the Potomac, is a small village on the London and Hampshire Railroad, about fifteen miles from Alexandria and nearly twelve from Washington. It was near this point that the Federal troops were im- prudently exposed to an attack from the enemy, which will soon be narrated. Fairfax Court House, though of in- considerable size, is a place of more importance than Vienna. It is situated on the turnpike road leading from Alex- andria to Centreville, and is about fifteen miles both from Washington and Alex- andria. This was also the scene of an early skirmish, between a troop of Fed- eral cavalry and the enemy, in which our soldiers were enabled by the gal- lantry of their leader to acquit them- selves with more credit than in the blundering expedition to Vienna. The enemy had, in the mean time, while the Federal forces had been cross- ing the Potomac and occupying the country bordering on that river, been mustering a large number of troops in Virginia. Their main force was posted at ' ' Ma- nassas Junction," a railway station where the Manassas Gap Railroad joins that between Orange and Alexandria. The place derives all its importance from its strategic position, as it commands the land communications from the north with Richmond. Here Beauregard was in command, and exercising all his skill as an engineer in fortifying the post. The distance of Manassas Junction, to the south-west, from Alexandria is about twenty-seven miles ; from Washington, south, thirty-two ; and from Richmond a hundred and thirty-five miles north. From Manassas Junction the enemy's line extended toward Acquia Creek on their right ; in the direction of Harper's Ferry on their left, whence a consider- able body was manoeuvering with the view of subjecting Western Virginia, and in front to Fairfax Court House. It was at this last place that Lieu- tenant Tompkins performed his spirited xploit. Being ordered on a scout- jj a y ing expedition, he set out from the ** camp on the Potomac, at half-past ten o'clock at night, with a company of United States cavalry numbering seven- y-five men. He reached Fairfax Court Souse next morning before daylight, at three o'clock. Having surprised and DISASTER AT VIENNA. 323 captured the enemy's picket guard, the Lieutenant boldly pushed into the town. As he entered, he was met by a fire from the windows of the houses. He then charged on the troops he found there, and drove them from the town. They, however, being reinforced by several companies, were encouraged to return, when Tompkins, finding himself greatly outnumbered, retreated in good order, bringing with him as trophies five prison- ers fully armed and equipped and two horses. " My loss," the Lieutenant officially reported, "is three men missing, three slightly wounded, and twelve horses lost. The loss of the rebels is from twenty to twenty-five in killed and wounded. From observations I should judge that the rebels at that point numbered fully one thousand five hundred men." The Lieutenant himself was reported to have lost two horses killed under him, but to have escaped with but a slight wound from the fall of one of them. The affair which occurred at Vienna was less successful. A detachment of Connecticut troops having been sent out to reconnoitre, reported, although one of the men had been wounded by a concealed shot, that the railroad from the Federal lines to two miles beyond Vienna was clear of the enemy. On the same night, however, General McDowell learned that the secessionists were about to obstruct the road, by destroying the bridges and tearing up the rails. He accordingly ordered Brigadier-General Schenck, of the Ohio Volunteers, for- merly member of Congress, to recon- noitre the ground and station guards at the various exposed points of the road. Schenck accordingly mustered six hun- dred and sixty- eight rank and file, with twenty-nine field and company officers of the First Ohio Volunteers, and started on the expedition from his camp three miles beyond Alexandria. Placing his men in the railroad cars he proceeded on his route along the Loudon and Hampshire Railroad, upon which the village of Vienna is situated, at a dis- tance of about fifteen miles from the city of Alexandria. In accordance with his orders, Schenck stationed one hundred and thirty men at the crossing of the road, and sent one hundred and seventeen men to Falls Church to reconnoitre in that di- rection. He then went on, leaving one hundred and thirty men to guard the railroad and the bridge between the crossing and Vienna. He had now only four companies left, consisting of two hundred and seventy-five men. With this remnant of his force he proceeded toward Vienna." " On turning the curve slowly, within one quarter of a mile of Vienna," said the Brigadier in his official report, "we were fired upon by raking masked batteries of, I think, three guns, with shells, round shot, and grape, killing and wound- ing the men on the platform and in the cars before the train could be stopped. When the train stopped, the engine could not, on account of damage to some part of the running machinery, draw the train out of the fire. The engine being in the rear, we left the 324 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. cars, and retired to the right and left of the train through the woods. "Finding that the enemy's batteries were sustained by what appeared about a regiment of infantry, and by cavalry, which force we have since understood to have been some fifteen hundred South Carolinians, we fell back along the rail- road, throwing out skirmishers on both flanks ; and this was about seven p. M. Thus we retired slowly, bearing off our wounded five miles to this point, which we reached at ten o'clock." The loss reported was five killed, six wounded, and ten missing. The Gen- eral had good ground of complaint against the engineer, who, he says, 11 when the men left the cars, instead of retiring slowly, as I ordered, detached his engine with one passenger car from the rest of the disabled train and aban- doned us, running to Alexandria, and we have heard nothing from him since. Thus we were deprived of a rallying- point, and of all means of conveying the wounded, who had to be carried on litters and in blankets." The conduct of the expedition was se- verely censured. A writer* who accom- panied it, and wrote a graphic descrip- tion of it, while he did not withhold his admiration of the courage of the Ohio troops and their leaders, did not hesitate to rebuke the imprudent management of the enterprise. He wrote : " However wise or necessary this plan of dropping squads behind might be in an ordinary advance, it certainly was of doubtful ex- pediency in this case. There were no Correspondent of the New York Tribune. villages or groups of houses along the route, among which the enemy's men could have established themselves in force, and the only point from which an attack could be seriously apprehended was Vienna itself. Had the entire regi- ment and a larger body would have been better been pushed rapidly down to Vienna, we should have been more fully prepared to encounter and act against an ambush ; and, had all proved quiet, nothing would have been lost, since we had the advantage of railroad speed, by stationing the guards on the return, instead of the advance. It is true that the entire course of the road is through a valley, and that the hills on either side, and the heavy thickets which screen them, appear to offer excellent situations for ambuscade ; but the roads in the neighborhood are few, and those which exist are quite impracticable for the ready transportation of troops, not to speak of artillery. Decidedly the sus- picious spot was Vienna and its vicinity. A certain disposition to tardy caution was frustrated by the carelessness of the engine-driver. He had been directed to stop at the distance of a mile from the town, whence skirmishers were to be thrown out, and proper reconnoissances to be made. Instead of doing so, he shot ahead until within half a mile or less, so that this single chance of avert- ing the impending danger was wasted. The train was rounding a gentle curve, and the men were laughing, quite un- conscious of peril, when the first round of shot fell among them, tearing five of them to pieces, and wounding many THE AMBUSH AT VIENNA. 325 others. The rebels' guns had been care- fully planted in the curve, and were hidden until the worst part of their work was accomplished. The first dis- charge was the most fatal. The four companies were disposed upon open platform cars, and were first of all ex- posed to the enemy's fire. The engine was at the rear of the train. It was fortunate that most of the men were sitting, for the shot flew high, and only those who stood erect were struck. Major Hughey was among the foremost, but was unharmed. General Schenck and Colonel McCook were in a covered car behind the troops. The Colonel instantly sprang out, and gathered the best part of his men together. The enemy's field-pieces had been stationed to command the line of the railroad and nothing else. They were at the termin- ation of the curve, to the left of the track, and elevated a few feet above the grade. With the exception of that company which was the most exposed, and which suffered the most, the men promptly assembled near Colonel Mc- Cook, who proceeded to form them in line of battle, and to lead them into the protection of a little wood, or thicket, at the right of the track, apart from the range of the battery. Meanwhile shot and shell continued to assail the train, and those who lingered near it. The engine-driver, in a panic, detached his locomotive and a single car, and dashed off at full speed. The rebel artillerists then directed their range, so as to menace Colonel McCook 's three com- panies, upon which the Colonel quietly marched them over to the left of the track, into another clump of trees, where he collected all his little force, and arrayed them boldly in line. The shot from the rebels now flew very wild, cutting the trees overhead and around, and, in their hurry, they made the frequent blunder of discharging their shell without opening the fuse. But, notwithstanding this, Colonel McCook's position was far from comfortable. He saw that he was prodigiously outnum- bered, and that if the enemy could only keep their wits for a few minutes, he must inevitably be captured, or ven- ture a struggle at fearful odds. He had only about one hundred and eighty men, while the rebel force exceeded two thousand. Their field-pieces alone, de- cently managed, would have destroyed the little Ohio band in a twinkling. But the Ohio men never flinched, and this was the reward of their bravery : the rebels observing such a mere handful beari ig themselves undaunted before their superior host, were at first amazed, and tLen startled into the conviction that powerful reinforcements must be close at hand. How else, it seemed to them, could this sprinkling of troops hold their ground. It could be nothing but the confidence of overwhelming strength that sustained them. And this is not conjecture. The information since re- ceived from Vienna proves it to have been their real belief. Disheartened by this belief, they became irresolute, their fire slackened, they wavered, and, in a few minutes, broke up their lines and slowly retired. At the same time THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. Colonel McCook, having secured his wounded, also withdrew, his two thou- sand assailants making no attempt or motion to oppose his retreat." The enemy, too, gave their version of the affair at Vienna, claiming a victory, which they said they had won with a force of six hundred Carolinians, a com- pany of artillery, and two companies of cavalry. They, moreover, insisted that the attack was an extemporaneous one, and that they "had scarcely time to place two cannon in position" when the Federal troops first showed them- selves. One " well-directed shot," which raked the railroad cars, was sufficient, they asserted, to cause consternation and dismay, and force the Federalists to fly to the woods. "A few of the party," however, they confessed, " exhibited some bravery, and endeavored, by shouts, to rally their flying comrades, but it was impossible." The enemy had possession, on their right, to the south of Alexandria, of the Virginian bank of the river Po- tomac, and here they had been zeal- ously at work, protecting themselves with batteries. Captain Ward, of the steamer Freeborn, and in command of the flotilla of the Potomac, was on the alert, and was eager to prevent the completion of these batteries. Ac- cordingly, having discovered that the enemy were about to erect works at Matthias Point, a commanding position fifty miles below Washington, where the river narrows and makes an abrupt turn, first to the north and then to the south, Captain Ward determined to try to dislodge them. His plan was, to effect a landing upon the point under cover of the guns of his steamer, and after driving away the enemy, to de- stroy the works in progress and cut down the trees which concealed them from the river. He accordingly obtained from Captain Rowan, in command j une of the Pawnee, stationed above on 27, the Potomac, off the mouth of Acquia Creek, two boats' crews, and these, to- gether with some of his own men, num- bering in all about forty, armed and equipped with axes and building ma- terials, he sent ashore at Matthias Point, while he closed in with his own steamer to cover their landing. The men succeeded in reaching the land without resistance, and selecting a position began at once to construct sand-bag breastworks. Under cover of the guns of the Freeborn they re- mained at work unmolested for four hours and a half. At five o'clock in the afternoon, however, when returning to their boats, with the view of going on board the steamer to obtain cannon to mount upon the work, a large number of the enemy suddenly made their ap- pearance, and fired upon them a volley of musketry. The men hurried in confusion to their boats, and as they pushed off, left some of their comrades behind. The Free- born, in the mean time, brought her guns to bear upon the enemy, who were, however, greatly protected by the brushwood, behind which they had sought cover, and whence they kept up a direct fire upon the steamer. The gun- DEATH OF CAPTAIN WARD. 327 ner at the bow guns being wounded, Captain "Ward took his place himself, and was sighting the piece, when a Minie ball struck him in the abdomen and killed him almost on the instant. That the enterprise of Captain Ward, however gallantly conducted, was an imprudent one, seemed to be the opinion of some of his fellow-officers. Captain Rowan, of the Pawnee, says " the Res- olute returned, with a request from Captain Ward that I should send her back, if I had no more important service for her. I immediately despatched the Reliance to Captain Ward, knowing the danger to which our people would be exposed if he contemplated a landing at Matthias Point, as I feared was his in- tention, judging from the nature of the order he gave me, to furnish him with such equipments as were necessary to cut down trees on the Point and burn them ;" and Captain Rowan continues with the declaration, that " Lieutenant Chaplin and his command" (whom he sent to the aid of Ward, and complimented for their gallantry) " escaped utter de- struction by a miracle." CHAPTER XXX. Occupation of Harper's Ferry by the Enemy. Their Force. General Johnston. His Life and Character. The advant- ages of position at Harper's Ferry. The defences of the place. The movement of the Federal Forces upon Har- per's Ferry. Combination of Federal Generals. Alarm of General Johnston. Evacuation of Harper's Ferry. Destructiveness. A lively description by a Secessionist. A conflagration. A picture. Route of Johnston. Ad- vance of the Federalists. Movement of General Patterson. Crossing the Potomac. Coming up with the Enemy. Battle of Falling Waters. A droll description. The Secessionists routed. Flight to Bunker Hill. Pursuit by General Patterson. Arrival at Martinsburgh. Losses at Falling Waters. Harper's Ferry unoccupied. Return to Harper's Ferry of a detachment of the Enemy. Their proceedings on the occasion. Terror and destruction. Com- bined movement of the Secessionists. Subjection of Western Virginia intended. The Secession force under Gen- eral Garnett. The encampment at Laurel Hill. Distribution of Troops. March of General Wise. Position of Johnston. Advance of General McClellan. Proclamations. Disposition of his forces. Skilful strategy. General Rosencranz sent against the enemy. Battle of Rich Mountain. Flight of the Enemy. Losses. A rich Capture. Advance of McClellan to Beverly. Sudden disappearance of the Enemy. McClellan in possession of Beverly. The retreat of the Enemy. Possession of their camp. McClellan's movement to cut them off. Importance of Beverly. The enemy's works. Inner and outer works. Rifle Pits. Abattis. Redoubts. McClellan's reports. Surrender of Pegram and his force. Correspondence on the occasion. Coming up with Garnett. Battle of Carrick's Ford. Death of Garnett. Account of the Battle. Reports of McClellan. A glowing tribute to his Soldiers. Failure of a well-laid plan. Escape of the Fugitives. An enemy's account of the Battle of Rich Mountain. 1861, EVER since the abandonment and un- fortunately incomplete destruction of the public works at Harper's Ferry by Lieutenant Jones, already described in an earlier part of this nar- rative, the enemy had occupied the place. A large force, amounting to nearly twenty thousand men, was here mustered under one of their ablest officers, General Johnston. Joseph Eccleston Johnston was born in Virginia, in 1804, and at an early THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. age entered the military academy of West Point. After a career of success- ful study in this institution, he received the commission of second lieutenant of artillery. In 1836, he became first lieutenant, and was appointed to the lucrative position of assistant commis- sary of subsistence. In 1838, such was his high professional repute, he was promoted to a first lieutenancy in that corps d'elitethQ Topographical Engineers, in which rank he served during the Indian war in Florida, and was brevetted captain in reward for his services. In 1846, he was promoted captain in full, and during the Mexican war served with distinction, first in the engineer corps, and subsequently with the volti- geurs. He was brevetted twice for good service and gallant conduct. At the end of the war he resumed his position as an officer of engineers, and after a long service in the bureau of that de- partment, was appointed, by General Scott, in June, 1860, quartermaster-gen- eral. Notwithstanding this late ap- pointment to so important a post, which would seem to have been a proof of great reliance placed in his fidelity by the commander-in-chief of the United States, Johnston was among the earliest of the Federal officers of Southern origin to abandon the Union and give in his adherence to secession. He is, though fifty-seven years of age, a man of great energy, and is esteemed as one of the ablest officers in the service of the Southern Confederacy. With great ability as a strategist and a man of in- flexible spirit, he is believed to be as a leader and conspirator a most persistent and formidable antagonist. A square and compact head, a firm compression of the upper lip and a certain fulness of animal development about the lower lip, chin, and neck, are the external in- dications of those qualities of calcula- tion, firmness, and brute courage which are known to characterize him. Johnston seemed determined to hold Harper's Ferry as a basis of operations. Commanding the Ohio and Baltimore Railroad, the great avenue of communi- cation between the valley of the Ohio and the sea, through Chesapeake Bay, and being separated from Maryland only by the river, and from Pennsylvania by a narrow stretch of the former State, Harper's Ferry was favorably placed for operating in Western Virginia, Mary- land, or even in Pennsylvania. The enemy seemed determined to hold the position, and raised works of defence commanding the various approaches not only on the Virginia but the Maryland side of the river, where they occupied the high banks in force. The Federal forces now moved from three different points with the view of driving the secessionists from Harper's Ferry. General McClellan was advanc- ing from the Ohio through Western Virginia ; General Stone, detached from the army before Washington, was mov- ing up the Potomac ; and General Pat- terson marching with his column from Pennsylvania in the north, with the view of closing in upon the enemy's position at Harper's Ferry. General Johnston becoming alarmed, EVACUATION OF HARPER'S FERRY. 329 determined to evacuate the place. Be- fore leaving, however, he strove to ren- der it untenable by and useless to his antagonists. All the machinery of the public works left, after the incomplete de- struction by Lieutenant Jones, had been already removed to Richmond and there utilized, greatly to the advantage of the enemy. Johnston, however, destroyed all the remnant of the arsenals and work- shops, the great railway bridge over the Potomac, and a portion of the railroad itself. A secessionist officer has given a lively description of the evacuation. June " O 11 Thursday, just as the troops 13. were in a fair way for the enjoy- ment of the holiday from military duty, consequent upon the fast-day, an order was circulated among the different regi- ments for immediate preparations for march. This was the first intimation we had of General Johnston's purpose to evacuate Harper's Ferry. Instantly the whole place was in a stir. Hundreds of baggage-wagons were laden, burly, big-bellied broad treads, and stuffed with provision stores, while ammunition was carefully deposited in safe trains, and from every side arose the swelling strains of music as the troops took up the line of march. " The necessity of this step was ren- dered the more apparent by the fact that intelligence had been received of the rapid approach of General McClel- lan's division of the Federal army toward Winchester. Thus we were to be intercepted, and our small force com- pletely hemmed in by the constantly augmenting numbers of the Northerners, 42 and either cut to pieces or compelled to surrender. Our commander very pru- dently chose to take neither horn of the dilemma, but resolved to desert Harper's Ferry and boldly strike into the valley of Virginia, where he could attack the enemy. We are thus to be made the offensive party, and shall certainly, in good time, make a proper report of our interview with the blustering Hoosiers and Buckeyes. "The companies of Captains Desha and Pope were quickly under arms, and moved to the armory yard, where, hav- ing stacked their rifles, they awaited orders. The Kentuckians, under Col- onel Duncan, reported themselves at the same place, and were subsequently re- moved to Camp Hill, overlooking the battery. A large number of men left by railway for Winchester, and others, for lack of transportation, marched afoot. During the day there was an indescrib- able scene of excitement. Broadway, in its palmiest day, never witnessed such a jam as this little town. The business houses were closed, families were at- tempting to move their effects, and every street and avenue was crowded with loaded wagons. Officers were dashing hither and thither, and soldiers were on the qui vive for movement. Loads of provisions, that it was found impossible to transport, were dumped in the river. There was a general rush by the boys for sugar and bread. It was, indeed, in more senses than one, a fast day. In the first place, we had no regu- lar meal, and every movement was made at the most accelerated rate of speed. 330 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. ''During the afternoon, the pickets of the enemy were distinctly observable on the Maryland Heights, and Captain Desha and Lieutenant Rogers took crack at them with their rifles, which caused the tories to disappear rather suddenly. " Just after dark, Captain Desha's company was ordered to accompany Major Whiting, the chief engineer, across the Potomac, and make preparations for blowing up the bridge. This was an undertaking of no inconsiderable hazard. The enemy was known to be in the im- mediate vicinity, and it was thought not unlikely that they might attempt to force a passage of the bridge. I have slept in many places and under many disadvantages, but never before above a foaming, turbulent river, and just above a terrible mine that in an instant could flash the structure into a myriad of frag- ments. The night, however, passed quietly, and in the early grey of the morning we were visited by Major Whiting. The immense bridge, over three quarters of a mile in length, was thoroughly saturated, the torch lit, and just as we reached the Virginia shore the magnificent structure was hurried into mid air, falling a shapeless mass of ruins into the rapid stream. The burn- ing debris, with the clouds of lurid flame, presented a picture worthy an artist's study. In an hour or two the massive and extensive armory buildings were ignited, arid the conflagration that en- sued was of the most terrific and im- pressive character. In order to prevent the flames extending to private property, the troops were detailed to act as fire- men, under Captain Fauntleroy, of the Confederate navy, and right manfully did they discharge their arduous duty. Not a penny's worth of that which did not belong to the Government was de- stroyed." After evacuating Harper's Ferry, Gen- eral Johnston retreated along the valley of the Shenandoah to Winchester, in order to secure his communications with the main body of the secessionists at Manassas Junction and the city of Rich- mond. It is here necessary to recur to the progress of the Federal forces, which had caused this sudden and important movement of the enemy from Harper's Ferry. General Patterson left Chambersburg, in Pennsylvania, on June 8th, with nearly twenty thousand men, on his march southward through Maryland. From Cumberland and Hagerstown, in the latter State, he marched to Williams- port, on the Potomac, about twenty- j,, nc five miles northwest of Harper's !$ Ferry. Here he crossed the river into Virginia, a movement effected with- jujy out opposition or difficulty. The 2 enemy, however, although they made no show of resistance to the passage of the troops over the Potomac, were in consid- erable force at a short distance from the ford by which the Federal army was passing. This was the enemy's rear guard, con- sisting of three or four thousand men, with cavalry and artillery under the command of General Jackson, encamped AFFAIR AT FALLING WATERS. 331 at a, place called Falling Waters, near Hainesville. The advance of the Federal army, consisting of the Wisconsin First and the Pennsylvania Eleventh and Twelfth Regiments, with artillery and cavalry, was immediately thrown forward by Patterson, while his main body was still crossing the river to attack the enemy. at Falling Waters. The commencement of the engagement is thus drolly de- scribed by a participator : "The battle commenced about nine o'clock, as no other battle probably ever commenced in the history of war. Colonel Perkins' battery was in advance, and the Colonel himself a quarter of a mile in the lead of his men, when, upon making a turn in the road, he came suddenly upon two mounted officers. Military salutes were passed, hands were shaken all round, and the strangers asked Colonel Perkins what company he belonged to, and when he had got in. The Colonel replied that he belonged to Company C, and had just arrived. One of the strangers observed, reflectively, ' Company C ! Company C !' and just then the first piece of the battery showed itself around the turn, when he ex- claimed, 'Artillery, by God!' and fled for his life with his companion. Colonel Perkins immediately shouted to his men, ' Now, boys, come on, we've got 'em.' In less than a minute the battery was in operation, and blazing away right and left, while the rebels could be seen in all directions, trying to form their men." The infantry in support of the battery came promptly into line after the first shot, and poured such rapid volleys of musketry upon the enemy that they did not find time to form. They ac- cordingly retired in confusion, turning and shooting irregularly as they went. However, on reaching a farm belonging to a person of the name of Porterfield, they succeeded in forming, and made a brief stand. Although covered by the house and barn, behind and within which they sought refuge, they were soon again forced to fly, being shelled out by the artillery. They were pursued be- yond Hainesville, when our wearied men awaited the coming up of their comrades, and the secessionists continued their retreat to Martinsburgh. Joined by the secession troops in occupation of that place, they again fell back until they reached the main body under Gen- eral Johnston, encamped at Bunker Hill. General Patterson followed closely with his whole force, and took possession of Martinsburgh without resistance, on the day after it had been abandoned by the enemy. The loss of the Federal troops engaged in the affair at Falling Waters, was three killed and ten wounded ; that of the enemy was esti- mated to amount to nearly thirty killed and fifty wounded. Their force in the battle was said to have numbered five thousand men, while the unionists were less than three thousand. Harper's Ferry, for some good strat- egic reason, doubtless, was not occupied by the Federal troops, and General Johnston, emboldened by the fact, sent back a detachment to the place, which 332 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. destroyed the fine bridge over the Sheii- andoah, the railroad bridge, and many of the public buildings and private dwellings. Co-operating with the army under General Johnston, whose retreat from Harper's Ferry and subsequent ma- noeuvres until he reached Winchester have been already alluded to, were two other columns of Confederate troops, thrown into Western Virginia with the object of subjecting that loyal district. One of these columns/estimated to num- ber about ten thousand men, under the command of General R. S. Garnett, a Virginian, and formerly an officer of repute in the Federal service, had marched into the valley of Cheat River, the principal and eastern branch of the fork of the Monongahela. Garnett had his headquarters at Beverly, on the eastern side of the ridge called Laurel Hill, which lies parallel to the Alleghany range of mountains. Detachments of his command were distributed in various parts of Western Virginia, at Bealington, Buckhannon, Romney, and at points ap- proaching Philippi and Grafton, which had been seized by the unionists under General Kelley. The third column of secession troops, under the command of Wise, the former Governor of Virginia, had advanced from the extreme southwest of the State beyond the Greenbrier Mountains, into the valley of the Kanawha. Johnston was thus to the east of the Alleghanies, between that range and the Blue Ridge, and so placed that he might co-operate either with the Confederate line extending from Manassas to the Potomac, or give aid to Garnett, who was not far from him, though on the other side of the mountains, while W T ise was to act in co-operation with the whole to the extreme west beyond the Allegha- nies. General McClellaii* having now, in General McClellan, on entering Virginia, issued these proclamations : ' ' HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF THE OHIO, ) GRAFTON (VA ), June 23, 1861. "To THE INHABITANTS OF WESTERN VIRGINIA : The army of this department, headed by Virginia troops r is rapidly occupying all Western Virginia. This is done in co- operation with and in support of such civil authorities of the State as are faithful to the Constitution and laws of the United States. The proclamation issued by me under date of May 26, 1861, will be strictly maintained. Your houses, families, property, and all your rights will be religiously respected. ( We are enemies to none but armed rebels, and those voluntarily giving them aid. All officers of this army will be held responsible for the most prompt and vigorous action in repressing disorder and punishing aggression by those under their command. " To my great regret I find that the enemies of the United States continue to carry on a system of hostilities prohibited by the laws of war among belligerent nations, and of course far more wicked and intolerable when di- rected against loyal citizens engaged in the defence of the common Government of ail. Individuals and marauding parties are pursuing a guerrilla warfare, firing upon sen- tinels and pickets, burning bridges, insulting, and even killing citizens because of their Union sentiments, and committing many kindred acts. " I do now, therefore, make proclamation and warn all persons that individuals or parties engaged in this species of warfare, irregular in every view which can be taken of it, thus attacking sentries, pickets, or other soldiers, de- stroying public or private property, or committing injuries against any of the inhabitants because of Union senti- ments or conduct, will be dealt with in their persons and property according to the severest rules of military law. ' ' All persons giving information or aid to the public enemies will be arrested and kept in close custody ; and all persons bearing arms, unless of known loyalty, will be arrested and held for examination. " GEO. B. MCCLELLAN, Major-General U. S. A., " Commanding Department." "To THE SOLDIERS OF THE ARMY OF THE WEST: You are here to support the Government of your country, and protect the lives and liberties of your brethren, threatened DISPOSITION OF McCLELLAN'S FORCES. 333 person, entered Western Virginia, from Ohio, disposed his force so as to counter- act this combination of the Confederates for the subjection of the loyal valley of the Kanawha. He first sent a detach- ment, under the command of General Cox, up the Kanawha River to meet Wise advancing in that direction, and keep him in check, while he himself, with his main body, having reached Clarksburgh, on the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, marched directly from that place against the enemy under G-arnett, encamped at Laurel Hill, near Beverly. At the same time a detachment was sent to Philippi to act with the Western Vir- ginians there under Kelley, and move to Bealington in order to prevent the re- treat of the enemy by the Cheat valley ; another body of troops was despatched to West Union, in case they should strive to escape by that way over the Alle- ghanies and form a junction with John- ston at Winchester. The only other means of retreat was by a rebellious and traitorous foe. No higher or nobler duty could devolve on you, and I expect you to bring to its performance the highest and noblest qualities of soldiers discipline, courage, and mercy. "I call upon the officers of every grade to enforce the highest discipline, and I know thali those of all grades, privates and officers, will display in battle cool, heroic courage, and will know how to show mercy to a disarmed enemy. Bear in mind that you are in the country of friends, not of enemies that you are here to protect, not to destroy. Take nothing, destroy nothing unless you are ordered to do so by your general officers. Remember that I have pledged my word to the people of Western Vir- ginia, that their rights in person and property shall be re- spected. I ask every one of you to make good this promise in its broadest sense. ' We have come here to save, not to upturn. I do not appeal to the fear of punishment, but to your appreciation of the sacredness of the cause in which we are engaged. Carry into battle the conviction that you are right and that God is on our side. Your enemies have violated every through the Cheat Mountain Gap, above Beverly, which the self-reliant McClellan determined himself to close, by a victory which he confidently calculated upon. Having reached Buckhannon on his march, and after some spirited j u jy skirmishes with the enemy's ad- ? vance in that neighborhood, McClellan's scouts discovered a large body of the enemy, under Colonel Pegram, in an en- trenched camp in Rich Mountain Gap of the Laurel Hill range. This position, twenty-six miles east from Buckhannon and four from Beverly, commanded the road to Staunton, a town situated to the west of the Alleghanies. After a thorough reconnoissance, Mc- Clellan sent a detachment under Colonel, now General, Rosencranz, to make a circuit through the woods and attack the position at Rich Mountain, while he himself led his main body against Gar- nett's principal camp at Laurel Hill. After a long and rapid march, eight miles of which were through a dense moral law ; neither God nor man can sustain them. They have without cause rebelled against a mild and paternal Government ; they have seized upon public and private property ; they have outraged the persons of Northern men merely because they came from the North, and of Southern Union men merely because they loved the Union ; they have placed themselves beneath contempt, unless they can retrieve some honor on the field of battle. " You will pursue a different course ; you will be honest, brave, and merciful ; you will respect the right of private opinion ; you will punish no man for opinion's sake. Show to the world that you differ from our enemies in these points of honor, honesty, and respect for private opinion, and that we inaugurate no reign of terror where- ever we go. " Soldiers, I have heard that there was danger here. I have come to place myself at your head, and share it with you. I fear now but one thing, that you will not find foemen worthy of your steel. 1 know that I can rely upon you. GEO. B. MCCLELLAN, Maj.-Gen. Com'g." 334: THE WAU WITH THE SOUTH. mountain forest and in a dark night with a severe storm of rain, Rosen- cranz halted his troops next morning in j u jy view of the enemy's pickets. The '* Federal force numbered sixteen hundred men-; that of the secessionists, estimated at two thousand, was strongly entrenched on the west side of the mount- ain, at its foot. They had felled and " rolled whole trees from the mountain side and lapped them together, filling in with stones and earth from a trench outside," testifies General Rosencranz's guide, who thus gives an artless and interesting account of his personal ex- perience in the battle. "We started," he says, "about day- light, having first taken something to eat (but got nothing more until six o'clock next night, when some of them got a little beef), and turned into the woods on our right. I led, accompanied by Colonel Landor, through a pathless route in the woods, by which I had made my escape about four weeks before. We pushed along through the bushes, laurels, and rocks, followed by the whole division in perfect silence. The bushes wetted us thoroughly, and it was very cold. Our circuit was about five miles. About noon we reached the top of the mountain, near my father's farm. It was not intended that the enemy should know of our movements ; but a dragoon with despatches from General McClellan, who was sent after us. fell into the hands of the enemy, and they thus found out our movements. They im- mediately despatched two thousand five hundred men to the top of the mountain with three cannon. They entrenched themselves with earth-works on my father's farm, just where we were to come into the road. We did not know they were there until we came on their pickets, and their cannon opened fire upon us. We were then about a quarter of a mile from the house, and skirmish- ing began. I left the advance and went into the main body of the army. I had no arms of any kind. The rain began pouring down in torrents, while the enemy fired his cannon, cutting off the tree-tops over our heads quite lively. They fired rapidly. I thought, from the firing, they had twenty-five or thirty pieces. We had no cannon with us. Our boys stood still in the rain about half an hour. The Eighth and Tenth then led off, bearing to. the left of our position. The bushes were so thick we could not see out, nor could the enemy see us. The enemy's musket balls could not reach us. Our boys, keeping up a fire, got down within sight and then pre- tended to run, but they only fell down in the bushes and behind rocks. This drew the enemy from their entrench- ments, when our boys let into them with their Enfield and Minie rifles, and I never heard such screaming in my life. The Nineteenth, in the mean time, advanced to a fence in a line with the breastworks, and fired one round. The whole earth seemed to shake. They then gave the Indiana boys a tremen- dous cheer, and the enemy broke from their entrenchments in every way they could. The Indiana boys had previously been ordered to fix bayonets. We could BATTLE OF RICH MOUNTAIN. 335 hear the rattle of the iron very plainly as the order was obeyed. Charge bayonets was then ordered, and away went our boys after the enemy. One man alone stood his ground, and fired a cannon, until shot by a revolver. A general race for about three hundred yards followed through the bush, when our men were recalled and reformed in line of battle, to receive the enemy from the entrenchments at the foot of the mountains, as we supposed they would certainly attack us from that point ; but it seemed that as soon as they no longer heard the firing of the cannon they gave up all for lost. They then deserted their works and took off whatever way they could. A reinforcement, which was also coming from Beverly to the aid of the two thousand five hundred, retreated for the same reason. We took all their wagons, tents, provisions, stores, and cannon, many guns which they left, many horses, mules, etc. In short, we got everything they had, as they took nothing but such horses as they were on. We found several of these in the woods. One hundred and thirty-five of the enemy were buried before I left. They were for the most part shot in the head, and hard to be recognized. Some six hundred, who had managed to get down to the river at Caplinger's, finding no chance of escape, sent in a flag of truce, and on Saturday morning they were escorted into Beverly by the Chicago cavalry, which had been sent after them, Gen. McClellan having in the mean time gone on there with his main column." The enemy lost a hundred and fifty killed and about three hundred wound- ed and captured. The Federal loss was reported to have been but eighteen killed and some thirty-five wounded. The struggle lasted only forty minutes, when the enemy lied precipitately, aban- doning everything, camp and camp equi- page, provisions, artillery, and ammuni- tion, to our victorious troops. In the mean time, while Rosencranz was routing the enemy at Rich Mountain, General McClellan was advancing toward Beverly. He arrived at night before the enemy's fortified position at Laurel Hill, and waited but for the break of morning to plant his cannon on a com- manding position and begin his attack. The morning came, and it was dis- jj,jy covered that the enemy had fled, 12, abandoning their strong position, which was occupied by a detachment of troops under General Morris, while McClellan himself delayed not a moment in push- ing forward to Beverly to prevent their retreat in that direction. The enemy thus headed off by the prompt movement of McClellan, were forced to countermarch and seek another outlet of escape. They now fled down the valley toward St. George. McClellan at once despatched Captain Benharn, with a detachment from his own force, to join General Morris and the troops left in occupation of the enemy's aban- doned camp, and followed the fugitives in rapid pursuit. General McClellan, in his report of the action under Rosencranz, gave a j u |y characteristically terse yet compre- 12. hensive account of the victory : 336 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. " HEADQUARTERS DEFT. OF OHIO, ) RICH MOUNTAIN, VA., July 12, 9 A. M. [ " COLONEL E. D. TOWNSEND : "We are in possession of all the enemy's works up to a point in sight of Beverly. We have taken all his guns, a very large amount of wagons, tents, etc. everything that he had. A large number of prisoners were also taken, many of whom are wounded, and sev- eral of whom are officers. The enemy lost many killed. We have lost, in all, perhaps twenty killed and forty wounded, of whom all but two or three belong to the column under General Rosencranz, which turned the position of the enemy. The mass of the rebels escaped through the woods, entirely disorganized. " Among the prisoners is Dr. Taylor, formerly of the army. Colonel Pegram was in command of the enemy's forces. " General Rosencranz's column left camp yesterday morning, and marched eight miles through the mountains, reach- ing the turnpike two or three miles in the rear of the enemy, and defeated an ad- vance force and captured a couple of guns. I had a position ready for twelve guns near the main camp, and as the guns were moving up, it was ascertained that the enemy had retreated. "I am now pushing on to Beverly. A part of General Rosencranz's troops are now within three miles of it. Our success is complete, and almost blood- less. The behavior of our troops in action and toward the prisoners is ad- mirable. "G. B. McCLELLAN, Maj.-Gen. Com." McClellan's own movement on Beverly, though effected without a struggle with the enemy, was still more important than that of Rosencranz. The position which they had abandoned at Beverly, on the approach of the Federal troops, was considered of great importance naturally, arid had been strengthened by elaborate works. These consisted of a line of entrenchments nearly a mile in extent, stretching on both sides of the main road which runs from Philippi to Beverly. Divided by this road they ex- tended up the slopes of the hills on either side, and commanded one of the most important mountain passes. Rifle pits were dug to the depth of three feet, while the earth was thrown up so as to form breastworks to each, which were further protected by large bushes. Trees had been cut down and their trunks and branches so prepared and disposed as to form an abattis, which extended for several hundred yards in front of the approaches. On the summits of two commanding elevations of ground were built redoubts of logs and earth, with embrasures for six cannon and loop- holes for musketry. Within the outer works were others, consisting of en- trenchments with two salients for cannon. This was intended as a cover under which the enemy, in case he had been driven from his exterior fortifications, might make a stand. The work seemed so formidable, and the natural position of Beverly so strong, that if the seces- sionists had been disposed to hold their ground, it would probably have cost a severe struggle and great loss of life to have driven them from it. SURRENDER OF PEGRAM. 33T General McClellan summed up the result with his usual conciseness : " BEVERLY, July 13, 1861. " COL. E. D. TOWXSEND, WASHINGTON, D. C. : " The success of the day is all that I could desire. We captured six brass cannon, of which one is rifled, and all the enemy's camp equipage and trans- portation, even to his cups. The num- ber of tents will probably reach two hundred, and more than sixty wagons. Their killed and wounded will amount to fully one hundred and fifty, with at least one hundred* prisoners, and more coming in constantly. I know already often officers killed and prisoners. Their retreat was complete. I occupied Bev- erly by a rapid march. Garnett aban- doned his camp early this morning, leaving much of his equipage. He came within a few miles of Beverly, but our rapid march turned him back in great confusion, and he is now retreating on the road to St. George. General Morris is to follow him up closely. I have tel- egraphed for the two Pennsylvania reg- iments at Cumberland to join General Hill at Rowlesburg. The General is concentrating all his troops at Rowles- burg, and will cut off Garnett's retreat near West Union, or, if possible, at St. George. I may say that we have driven out some ten thousand troops, strongly intrenched, with the loss of eleven killed and thirty-five wounded. Provision re- turns found here show Garnett's force to have been ten thousand men. They were Eastern Yirginians, Georgians, Tennesseeans, and, I think, Carolinians. 1 trust that General Cox has by this 43 time driven Wise out of the Kanawha Valley. In that case I shall have ac- complished the object of liberating Western Virginia. I hope the General- in-Chief will approve of my operations. " G. B. McCLELLAN, " Major-General Department of Ohio." The good result of McClellan's prompt movement and possession of Beverly following the success of Rosencranz was soon manifest in the surrender of Gen. Pegram, who had been routed at Rich Mountain. This was thus announced by McClellan in his despatch to W'ash- ington : " HEADQUARTERS, BEVERLY, VA., July 13, 1861. " COL. E. D. TOWNSEND, WASHINGTON, D. C. : " I have received from Colonel Pe- gram propositions for the surrender, with his officers and remnant of his command say six hundred men. They are said to be extremely penitent, and determined never again to take up arms against the General Government. I shall have near nine hundred or one thousand prisoners to take care of when Colonel Pegram comes in. The latest accounts make the loss of the rebels in killed some one hundred and fifty. "G. B. McCLELLAN, " Major-General Department of Ohio." The correspondence which passed be- tween the Confederate general and McClellan was as follows : " HEADQUARTERS AT MR. KETTLE'S HOUSE, " Near Tygarfs Valley River, \ Six miles from Beverly, July 12, 1861. j " To ' COMMANDING OFFICER' OF NORTHERN FORCES, BEVERLY, VIRGINIA : 11 SIR : I write to state to you that I 338 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. have, in consequence of the retreat of General Garnett, and the jaded and re- duced condition of my command, most of them having been without food for two days, concluded, with the concur- rence of a majority of my captains and field-officers, to surrender my command to you to-morrow as prisoners of war. I ha,ve only to add, I trust they will re- ceive at your hands such treatment as has been invariably shown to the North- ern prisoners by the South. ' ' I am, sir, your obedient servant, "JOHN PEGRAM, " Lieut.-Col. P. A. C. S. commanding." " HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT or OHIO, ) BEVERLY, VA., July 13, 1861. ) " JOHX PEGRAM, ESQ., STYLING HIMSELF LIEU- TENANT-COLONEL P. A. C. S. : " SIR : Your communication, dated yesterday, proposing to surrender as pris- oners of war the force assembled un- der your command, has been delivered to me. As commander of this depart- ment, I will receive you and them with the kindness due to prisoners of war ; but it is not in my power to relieve you or them from any liabilities incurred by taking arms against the United States. I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant, GEO. B. MCCLELLAN, " Major-General U. S. A., Com. Dept." General Garnett having fled from Beverly, and been turned by McClellan and Rosencranz, was forced to seek safety in the direction of St. George. General Morris, however, and Captain Benham followed close after him, and succeeding in coming up with him at Carrack's Ford, forced him to a fight, in which the Confederate commander lost his life, and his troops were once more dispersed. One who served under General Morris has given this account of the engagement : 11 We entered the camp at Laurel Hill at ten A.M. on Friday, the 12th, and at eleven o'clock the Fourteenth Ohio and Seventh and Ninth Indiana regiments started in pursuit. The command push- ed on about two miles south of Leeds- ville that night, and halted to rest from eleven P.M. till two A.M. At that early hour on Saturday morning, the force pushed forward in a pitiless rain-storm, guided by the baggage, tents, trunks, blankets, haversacks, knapsacks, and even clothing of the flying enemy. It was found by our advanced guard that the enemy, in striking off on the ' Lead- ing Creek' road, had felled trees across it as they fled, to retard the movement of our artillery. Fortunately a guide directed our men into a cross road, which, though extremely rough, led again into the route of the enemy at some distance from the Beverly road, and this road for that distance was un- obstructed. Reaching the enemy's track again, it was found necessary to keep relays of axe-men at work in advance to clear the road, and yet, in the face of the terrible storm, our gallant men literally cut their way through, handling their axes like heroes, and gaining on the enemy sensibly every hour. " The road was a terribly rough one, and was rendered extremely muddy by the rain, and the passage of several thousand troops in front had not im- BATTLE OF CARRACK'S FORD. 339 proved its condition ; but when it was found that the enemy had left the turn- pike and struck off to the right over a lucre wood-path, up and down the roughest hills, over rocks, and through a dense forest, hoping to discourage pursuit, there was still no flinching. The boys had no time to eat or rest, and thought nothing of such things they were after the enemy, and with this incentive, and the prospect of a fight ahead, they performed one of the most severe marches of the war with an eager alacrity exhilarating to behold. This route led across the branches of the Cheat River several times, the men plunging through the streams with a dash, and hurrying forward with re- newed zeal as the articles thrown away along the road began to indicate that the foe was so hard pushed that he must soon endeavor to make a stand. " At the fourth ford, known as Car- rack's Ford, we caught sight of the en- emy. Some thirty or forty wagons were discovered in the river and at the banks of the ford, apparently stuck fast. As our column pushed rapidly forward across a level space, the Fourteenth Reg- iment, Colonel Stedman, in front, the teamsters called out that they would sur- render. The position, however, looked so suspicious that the men were disposed in proper order, and skirmishers were thrown out toward the ford, the line moving down in fine order. Just as our advance was near the stream, and only about two hundred yards from a steep bluff rising on the other side, an officer was seen to rise from the bushes and give an order to fire, and immediately a volley, coming from the brow of the hill, followed by a very rapidly delivered fire from their artillery, announced the fact that the enemy had taken a stand on his own ground. The Fourteenth and Seventh Indiana formed under the fire, and with the utmost rapidity began to return it, our sharpshooters picking off numbers of the enemy, whose fire went almost entirely over the heads of our men, the shot from three rifled guns cutting off the trees from two to four feet over the heads of the troops in position. The Fourteenth Ohio, being nearest the ford, were almost exclusively aimed at, and for a while the iron hail above them was terrible, the roar of the guns across the river, the crashing of trees, shells bursting, and volley upon volley of musketry, making ' war's fell music' for at least twenty minutes. Yet the men stood like stones, and returned the fire with the greatest rapidity and the best of order. Not a man flinched. Meantime, Burnett's artillery came up and opened, and, under cover of their well-directed fire, the Seventh Indiana was directed to cross the river and climb the steep, almost perpendicular, face of the bluff, on the enemy's right. The order was in process of execution, and two companies had nearly scaled the cliff, when they were ordered to return, and Captain Benham directed them to move down the bed of the stream, under the bluff, and between, but below, the fire of both armies, and turn the enemy's right flank. No sooner said than it was undertaken. Colonel Dumont led his 340 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. men down the stream so rapidly, that the enemy were unable to bring their guns to bear upon them until they were concealed by the smoke and out of reach of the depression of the guns on the bluff. Meantime, the Fourteenth Ohio and the Ninth Indiana, with the artillery, kept up a brisk fire in front, until, with a cheer, Colonel Dumont's men scaled the lower bank on the enemy's right and poured in a volley. No sooner were our boys seen coming over the brink of the river bank, than the entire force of the enemy, variously estimated at from three thousand to four thousand, fled in the wildest con- fusion. " On came the regiments and artillery from beyond the river, and our whole force joined in a hot pursuit. After leading along about a quarter of a mile, the road again crosses the stream, and at this point General Garnett endeavored vainly to stop his routed troops and rally them around him. Major Gordon, of the Seventh Indiana, leading the ad- vance, reached the bank in pursuit among the first, and discovering a point from which fire could be effectively de- livered, called up Captain Ferry's com- pany of his regiment, and ordered them to fire. Garnett stood near the river bank, and fell, shot through the heart. A Georgia boy was the only one who fell near him. The panic-stricken forces of the enemy abandoned the dead body of the General, and fled up the hill in utter rout. They were pursued about two miles, when our exhausted men were recalled. " General Garnett's body was brought to this place to-day, and properly cared for, and word has been sent to his friends that it is at their disposal." McClellan, who is always reticent of speech, again pithily summed up the results of his campaign in these few words : " HUTTONSVILLE VA., July 14, 1861. " COLONEL E. D. TOWNSEND, ASSISTANT- ADJU- TANT-GENERAL : ' ' General Garnett and his forces have been routed and his baggage and one gun taken. His army is completely de- moralized. General Garnet was killed while attempting to rally his forces at Carrack's Ford, near St. George. We have completely annihilated the enemy in Western Virginia. Our loss is but thirteen killed and not more than forty wounded, while the enemy's loss is not far from two hundred killed, and the number of prisoners we have taken will amount to at least one thousand. We have captured seven of the enemy's guns in all. A portion of Garnett's forces retreated, but I look for their capture by General Hill, who is in hot pursuit. The troops that Garnett had under his command are said to be the crack regiments of Eastern Virginia, aided by Georgians, Tennesseeans, and Carolinians. Our success is complete, and I firmly believe that secession is killed in this section of the country. " G. B. MCCLELLAN, Maj.-Gen. U. S. A." McClellan at the same time proved himself not incapable of a warm sym- pathy with the soldier, and of a fervid expression of it, by this glowing tribute RESULT IN WESTERN VIRGINIA. 341 to the courage and good conduct of his troops : " HEADQUARTERS ARMY OF OCCUPATION, j WESTERX YIRGIXIA, BEVERLY, VA., July 19. ) " SOLDIERS OF THE ARMY OF THE WEST : " I am more than satisfied with you. You have annihilated two armies, com- manded by educated and experienced soldiers, intrenched in mountain fast- nesses, and fortified at their leisure. You have taken five guns, twelve colors, fifteen hundred stand of arms, one thousand prisoners, including more than forty officers. One of the two com- manders of the rebels is a prisoner, the oilier lost his life on the field of battle. You have killed more than two hundred and fifty of the enemy, who has lost all his baggage and camp equipage. All this has been accomplished with the loss of twenty brave men killed and sixty wounded on your part. You have proved that Union men, fighting for the preservation of our Government, are more than a match for our misguided and erring brothers. More than this, you have shown mercy to the vanquished. You have made long and arduous march- es, with insufficient food, frequently ex- posed to the inclemency of the weather. I have not hesitated to demand this of you, feeling that I could rely on your endurance, patriotism, and courage. In the future I may have still greater de- mands to make upon you still greater sacrifices for you to offer. It shall be my care to provide for you to the ex- tent of my ability ; but I know now that by your valor and endurance you will accomplish all that is asked. Soldiers, I have confidence in you, and I trust you have learned to confide in me. Remember that discipline and subordination are qualities of equal value with courage. I am proud to say that you have gained the highest reward that American troops can receive the thanks of Congress and the applause of your fellow-citizens. "GEORGE B. MCCLELLAN, Maj.-Gen." McClellan was, however, disappointed, notwithstanding his well-laid plan, in his expectation of cutting off completely the escape of the Confederate forces. General Hill had failed to intercept the fugitives at West Union and thus pre- vent their crossing the mountains. If McClellan's skilful strategy had not thus been thwarted by the incompetency or indifference of his subordinate, the result in Western Virginia might have justified his boast, that " secession was killed in that section of the country." This campaign, however, had been more brilliant and successful than that of any Federal general since the beginning of the war. He was soon called to a wider field, destined to be the scene of still greater deeds, it was hoped, as it was of graver duties and weightier re- sponsibilities. The enemy strove to console them- selves for their defeat in Western Vir- ginia by an attempt to diminish its gravity, and to exaggerate the strength of the Federal forces. A writer in one of their journals* gave this account of the battle of Rich Mountain : " It is a sad pleasure to communicate * The Richmond Whig. 34:2 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. to you a state of affairs in Northwestern Virginia that at first sight may appear disastrous, but which, upon closer ex- amination, sheds many a ray of satisfac- tion and encouragement to our future career satisfaction that our late ill suc- cess has lost to our State that portion which should never have been defended, and encouragement from the fact that our gallant boys fight with so much suc- cess against a thousand odds. " Camp Garnett is situated in a gorge just beyond the pass that runs between Rich and another mountain. The low slope of this latter mountain retreats from the camp, and consequently does not command it ; but the more perpen- dicular slope of Rich Mountain is adja- cent to the position, and upon it there is an eminence that is considered the very key to Camp Garnett. On Tuesday last, Colonel Pegram, knowing the im- portance of this point, detached three companies (Buckingham Lee Guard, Rockbridge Guard, and Pryor Rifles) and one gun from the Lynchburgh Artillery, to secure the position at all hazards. They gained the height, and about ten o'clock had built a breastwork to the height of two logs ; meanwhile the enemy, headed by the Union Mountain- eers, had, by squads and companies, reached a point beyond the breastworks and a little more elevated. Immediately they commenced an attack upon our unfinished breastwork from the distance of fifteen hundred yards. They ad- vanced, and fired with Minie rifles in- cessantly. No execution, however, was done with these arms. Our loss was at shorter distances from the deadly fire of our brother Virginians. Approaching within five hundred yards, they began to feel the fatal shots from our boys. At this and shorter distances they were mowed down like wheat before the blade. At every volley from us they fell back in confusion, but their overwhelming numbers pressed forward until they dis- charged their pieces in our very faces ; then we thought retreat better than a foolhardy death, and each one sought safety in flight down the other side of the mountain. " The whole force of the enemy was said to have been eight thousand. Three thousand advanced to the attack, while the rest were held in reserve. Part of the reserve occupied Rich Mountain, while part descended that mountain, crossed the pass, and occupied the side of the other mountain, not far from the road thus being on both sides of the road, in order, I suppose, to cut off Colonel Pegram, if he should attempt to retreat to Beverly. Our whole force in the engagement was two hundred and fifty. We held the enemy in check with this little handful for an hour and a half. Leonidas, with his three hundred Spartans, could have done no more. Our loss was, considering all the circum- stances, comparatively small sixty will cover the whole. The Buckingham Lee Guard suffered most severely, having thirty men, together with Captain Irving and Lieutenant Boyd, killed. Captain Curry, of the Rockbridge Guard, and Captain Anderson, of the Lynchburgh Artillery, were also among the killed. THE ENEMY'S ACCOUNT. 343 Four hundred of the enemy found a merited doom in death. " The battle began at half-past one, and ended at three. At sunset, report says that Colonel Pegram led six com- panies out from his camp up Rich Mountain to retake his position, but mistaking his way he missed his mark, and told his men to save themselves as best they could he would return and bring out the regiment. In this latter attempt he was taken prisoner. Many of his men cut through the enemy, and came up with our regiment on its re- treat. This is the last we know of the affair. "Now for the movements of our (the Forty- fourth) regiment. That morning (the llth) we resumed our march at Beverly from Staunton to Laurel Hill, and had advanced five miles, when Colonel Scott received a despatch from Colonel Pegram, urgently begging for assistance. Colonel Scott faced about, marched back to Beverly, and took a road almost at right angles for Rich Mountain. Within three miles of Rich Mountain he heard the firing, and ad- vanced at quick time to the scene of action. Arriving there at three o'clock, when the firing had almost ceased, he halted in the mountain path. And upon his six hundred unconscious men the reserve of the enemy were looking down from each mountain. They must have mistaken us for friends, or our destruc- tion would have been certain. Colonel Scott was not aware of the proximity of the enemy until he sent forward a scout (Lipford, of Fluvanna) to recon- noitre. This scout being shot, he im- mediately ordered a retreat. Sending on the baggage train, he returned to Beverly. Here he halted an hour, and resumed his march toward the Cheat Mountains. After two nights' and a day's march we reached Greenbrier River, at which place (Saturday morning) I left the camp, on special detail, for Rich- mond." 344 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. CHAPTER XXXI. Maryland still a source of inquietude. Successor to General Butler. Failure of Cadwalader. Major-General Banks. Birth. Early Education. At work in a Factory. Ambitious Youth. Apprentice to a Machinist. Dramatic Tastes. Amateur Theatricals A public Lecturer. Editor of a Paper. Politician. Member of the Legislature. Shifting of his Profession. A Machinist turned Lawyer. Speaker of Massachusetts House of Eepresentatives. A Democrat. Member of Congress Abandonment of Party. A Reviser of the Constitution. A Republican. Speaker of Congress. Governor of Massachusetts. Retirement from Public Life. Manager. Director of Illi- nois Central Railroad. Removal to Chicago. Martial qualities. Appointed Major-General. In command of the Department of Annapolis. Personal Appearance and Character. Energy in Maryland. Arrest of Kane Kane's Conduct. Action of Police. Justification of the Arrest of Kane. Protest of Police Commissioners. Rejoinder of Banks. Suspicion of the Loyalty of Police Commissioners. Discovery of Concealed Arms. Arrest of Police Commissioners Good effect upon the Unionists. Pro vest -Marshal. Martial Law. Relief of Baltimore. A new Police Marshal. The Federal Troops withdrawn from the City. Stringent orders. Maryland and Baltimore secured to Federal Authority. 1861. MARYLAND continued to be a source of great inquietude to the Federal Government. General Butler had apparently succeeded, when in command of that department, by his prompt energy, in keeping the restless seces- sionists in awe, and the less active unionists in courage. On his removal, however, to Fortress Monroe, his suc- cessor, Cadwalader, either by a too great disposition to conciliate, or with too little force to subject, allowed a freer scope to the seditious, and gave a pro- portionate check to the loyal. The Federal authority, however, was June now represented by a man who had W the capacity as well as the resolu- tion to make it respected. This was Major-General Banks, who had been ap- pointed to the command of the depart- ment of Annapolis, with his headquarters in Fort McHenry, at Baltimore. Nathaniel Prentiss Banks was bom in Waltham, Massachusetts, on the 30th of January, 1816. In common with most New England youths of whatever origin, he was sent to the public school of the State, where he made fair pro- gress in the elements of a good English education. As his father, however, who was the overseer of a cotton factory, was forced to be frugal, and to economize both time and money, he withdrew his son at an early period from school and set him to work under his own eye. Anxious to be something more than a mere operative, tied down to the un- varying routine of the day's labor, the lad sought, by apprenticing himself to a machinist, a wider scope for the exercise of his faculties. Having a taste for dramatic entertain- ments, he got up, by the aid of his com- rades, for the amusement of his leisure hours, theatrical representations, in which he assumed the leading parts, and with such success, that some of his friends would have persuaded him to become v J Rogers art of ' ' LIFE OF BANKS. 345 an actor by profession. He, however, resisted their inducements and his own natural inclinations, and confined his public performances to the stage of the lecture-room. He became quite noted in the neighborhood as a holder forth at lyceums, temperance societies, and political meetings. With the literary culture thus acquired in the course of his career as a lecturer, he was embold- ened to assume the editorship of the newspaper of his native village. His new functions necessarily involved an interest in politics, and becoming a po- litical advocate he was rewarded by his Democratic allies with an appointment in the custom-house at Boston, under the administration of President Polk. He, at the same time, continued his ad- vocacy of the Democratic cause by occasional speeches at political meetings, where he was always a prominent and favorite speaker. In 1849, Banks was elected a repre- sentative of his native district to the Legislature of Massachusetts, and was entered on the roll of members as a " machinist." He, however, soon, with characteristic American versatility, shift- ed from trade to a profession, for in the very next year he was recorded as a "lawyer." In 1851, he was elected speaker of the House of Representatives of Massachu- setts, by the coalition, of Democrats and Free-soilers, of which he had become one of the ablest and most prominent advocates. In the succeeding year he was again chosen speaker by the same combination, and afterward elected a 44 member of the United States Congress. During the very first session of congres- sional service, Banks abandoned his Democratic allies, by voting against the Kansas-Nebraska bill, and thus became more exclusively a free-soiler. During the summer of 1853 he pre- sided over the convention summoned to revise the constitution of the State of Massachusetts ; in the next year he was again elected to Congress, though at this time by a coalition between the American (Know Nothing) and Republican parties, his old allies the Democrats having for- saken him as he had them. He was now adopted by the Republicans as their candidate for speaker of the House of Representatives of the United States Congress. A contest ensued, which lasted for two months, at the close of which Banks was finally chosen by a plurality of votes. Notwithstanding the vigorous opposition to his election, his conduct in this trying position was such as to secure, at the close of the session, an emphatic vote of thanks for the ac- ceptable manner with which he had per- formed his duties. He was again elected a member of the succeeding Congress, and in 1857, having been nominated both by the " Ameri- cans" and ' ' Republicans, " was chosen Go- vernor of Massachusetts. So thoroughly had he won the good opinion of his fellow-citizens, that he was elected to the same high office for three successive years. His political friends were again preparing to secure for him the govern- orship, when they were surprised and disappointed by the announcement of 34:6 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. his intention to retire forever from po- litical life. His abilities as an administrative officer were so remarkable, that the Illinois Central Railroad Company de- termined to secure them, and appointed him their manager-director. On receiv- ing this lucrative appointment he re- moved to Chicago, and had entered upon the performance of his new duties when the present civil war broke out. While the chief executive officer of Massachusetts, and ex qfficio commander of the State forces, he had exhibited great interest in military matters, and much aptitude in their conduct. Com- mended thus by his martial tastes and reputed military acquirements, and favored by the party in power, of which May he was a resolute ally, he was ap- 30. pointed major-general, and received the command of the department of An- June napolis, where his energetic pro- 10* ceedings, in checking secession in Maryland, will now be related. General Banks, though possessed of little military experience, has qualities which naturally fit him to command an army of volunteers. He has a happy faculty of organization and remarkable administrative skill. He can readily shift from one sphere of duty to another, however diverse, while with great power of concentration he seems so to devote himself to each fresh vocation as thor- oughly to master it. In the full vigor of a manly prime, with a physical struc- ture capable of much endurance, great activity of body and mind, a quick per- ception and tenacious industry, much knowledge of men and experience as a political leader, General Banks seemed likely to become a hardy campaigner, a prompt tactician, a persistent antagonist, and a commander who, honored and obeyed by his soldiers, would lead them to victory. General Banks, on assuming command in Maryland, at once proceeded to take measures for the effectual suppression of the secession movement, which, dur- ing the mild administration of General Cadwalader, had again made much pro- gress in the State, and especially in the city of Baltimore. His first step was to arrest* George P. Kane, marshal of the police of Balti- more. It seems strange that this official, whose complicity with the secessionists could not be doubted, should have been so long allowed to exercise his functions, which he was evidently directing to the advantage of the enemies of the Federal In this and other cases of arrest, now become frequent, of treasonable and suspected persons, the privilege of the habeas corpus was denied, the writ having been suspended by President Lincoln. This unusual exercise of authority gave rise to much discussion. Some contended that the President had exceeded his constitutional powers, while others claimed that he had kept within the limits of his legal prerogative. Among the former was the chief- justice of the United States, Taney, who had granted a writ of habeas carpus to John Merryman. a notable citizen of Baltimore, who had been arrested on suspicion of polit- ical offence. General Cadwalader, however, had refused obedience on the ground that he had been authorized by President Lincoln to suspend the writ of habeas carpus. Chief-Justice Taney rejoined with an order of attachment for contempt of court against the General, who, however, refused admittance to the marshal attempting to serve it. Thereupon Jxidge Taney made an elaborate and learned statement to the court, in which he argued that the Presi- dent had transcended his authority in suspending the writ of habeas corpus, and that Congress alone possessed that power. There were, however, other able jurists who fully justified the President's action. ARREST OF KANE. 347 Government. As early as the attack by the Baltimore mob on the Massachusetts April soldiers, he had telegraphed to 19* Bradley T. Johnson, holding a com- mand in the Confederate army, declar- ing that the streets of the city were "red with blood," and emphatically urging him to come with his men to meet the Northern troops who were expected, while he boastingly said, " We will fight them, and whip them, or die." Kane, it could not be questioned, was keeping up a constant correspondence with the secession leaders, and was pre- paring to organize in Baltimore a move- ment to oppose the Federal authorities and co-operate with the enemy. The police force under his control was so modified by changes among the men, or by influences brought to bear upon them, that they were ready to do the bidding of the marshal and carry out his insur- rectionary plans. Arms had been ob- tained by Kane and secreted at the head- quarters and the stations of the police, and it seemed that he was only awaiting a favorable opportunity to rise with his whole force and begin an insurrection, which it was hoped might wrest Balti- more from the Federal authority. Banks accordingly determined to ar- j llue rest the marshal. Eighteen hun- 27. dred men marched from Fort Mc- Henry into Baltimore with loaded mus- kets and fixed bayonets, just before daybreak. " The men," wrote a lively correspondent,* "wore their cartridge boxes, in which were a few rounds, but no knapsacks. They knew, there- New York Herald. fore, that serious work was expected, and that they had not far to go to find it. They had marched a square, when a policeman, in his cool summer uniform, and swinging his long baton, was ob- served crossing the street ahead. In- stantly the head of the column opened, the body swept on, and the policeman, riveted to the ground in astonishment at this manoeuvre, unknown to the tactics of either Matsell or Vidocq, found him- self swallowed up and borne along in the resistless advance. Two squares ahead another policeman was discovered. Again the column opened and another was engulfed. By the time the column reached the residence of the marshal, not less than fifty seven of the vigilant guardians of the night had been thus swallowed up ; but when they found that their captors had halted at the door of the marshal's house, they began to smell a rat of the largest possible dimen- sions. An officer now rang the bell. After some delay a night-capped head popped out of the window, and the well-known voice of Marshal Kane in- quired, in a rather gruff tone, what was wanted. The officer blandly replied that he himself was the article just then in demand. ' Hum, hum,' said the mar- shal, never at a loss for a joke, ' I'll supply that demand.' "Did the vision of escape cross the marshal's mind ? Possibly. It is certain that he skipped with agility to a back window, raised the curtain and looked out. Alas ! the moonbeams played upon five hundred glittering bayonets in the yard below. The game was up, and the 348 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. marshal knew he must submit to his in- evitable fate. He descended the stairs and opened the front door. ' Good God !' he exclaimed to the officer in command, ' why did you not bring five or six more regiments and some artil- lery ? If you had sent me a note and a carriage, I would have come without all this fuss.' "It was daybreak then, and the column moved briskly forward, and the marshal enjoyed the rare sight of sunrise from the ramparts of Fort McHenry. The policemen were released as soon as the gate of the fortress was closed upon the marshal, and, returning to the city, soon spread the tidings like wildfire throughout the town. It is said that General Banks was convinced that the rebels in the city would rise in a few days unless this step was taken." General Banks justified this arrest in a proclamation.* " HEADQUARTEBS OF THE DEPARTMENT OF ANNAPOLIS, June 27, 1861. ' ' By virtue of the authority vested in me, and in obedience of orders as Commanding General of the Military Depart- ment at Annapolis, I have arrested, and do now detain in custody, Mr. George P. Kane, chief of police of the city of Baltimore. I deem it proper, at this the moment of ar- rest, to make a formal and public declaration of the motive by which I have been governed in this proceeding. It is not my purpose, neither is it in consonance with my in- structions, to interfere in any manner whatever with the legitimate government of the people of Baltimore or Maryland. I desire to support the public authorities in all appropriate duties in preserving the peace, protecting the property, in obeying and enforcing every municipal regu- lation and public statute consistent with the Constitution and laws of the United States and Maryland. But unlaw- ful combinations of men organized for resistance to such laws, to provide hidden deposits of arms and ammunition, to encourage contraband traffic with men at war with the Government, and who, while enjoying its protection and privileges, stealthily wait an opportunity to combine their means and forces with those in rebellion against its author- ity, are not among the recognized or legal rights of any The commissioners, forming a board of reputable citizens of Baltimore, upon whom the control of the police devolved by law, protested emphatically against this action of General Banks as illegal.* class of men, arid cannot be permitted under any form of government. Such combinations are well known to exist in this Department, and the mass of the citizens of Balti- more and of Maryland loyal to the Constitution and the Union are neither parties to nor responsible for them. But the chief of police is not only cognizant of these facts, but in contravention of his duty and in violation of law, he is, by direction or indirection, both witness and pro- tector to the transactions and parties engaged therein. Under such circumstances the Government cannot regard him otherwise than as the head of an armed force hostile to its authority, and acting in concert with its avowed enemies ; for this reason, superseding his official authority, as well as of the commissioners of police, I have arrested, and do now detain him in custody of the United States ; and, in further pursuance of my instructions, I have ap- pointed for the time being, Colonel Kenly, of the First Maryland Regiment of Volunteers, provost marshal in and for the city of Baltimore, to superintend and cause to be executed the police laws provided by the Legislature of Maryland, with the aid and assistance of the subordinate officers of the police department, and he will be respected accordingly. ' ' Whenever a loyal citizen shall be otherwise named for the performance of his duty, who will execute the laws impartially and in good faith to the Government of the United States, the military of this Department will render to him that instant and willing obedience which is due from every good citizen to the Government. " NATH. P. BANKS, Major-General Commanding Dept." The following was the protest of the commissioners : " Whereas, The laws of the State of Maryland give the whole and exclusive control of the police force of the city to the Board of Police organized and appointed by the General Assembly ; and not only are the said Board June bound to exercise the powers vested in and discharge 27. the duties imposed upon them, but all other persons are positively prohibited, under heavy penalties, from inter- fering with them in so doing ; and whereas, there is no power given to the Board to transfer the control over any portion of the public force to any person or persons whomsoever, other than the officers of police appointed by them, in pursuance of the express provisions of the law, and acting under their orders ; and whereas, by the orders of Major-General Banks, an officer of the United States Army commanding in this city, the marshal of police has been arrested, the Board of Police superseded, and an officer of the army has been appointed provost marshal, and directed to assume the command and control of the police force of the city ; therefore be it ARREST OF COMMISSIONERS. 349 The assertion in their protest, that the active operation of the police law was suspended by the arrest of its chief executive officer and his acolytes, was met by a counter-declaration* of G-en- " Resolved, That this Board do solemnly protest against the order and proceedings above referred to, of Major- General Banks, as an arbitrary exercise of military power, not warranted by any provision of the Constitution or Laws of the United States, or of the State of Maryland, but in derogation of all of them. " Resolved, That while the Board, yielding to the force of circumstances, will do nothing to increase the present excitement, or obstruct the execution of such measures as Major-General Banks may deem proper to take on his own responsibility for the preservation of the peace of the city and of public order, they cannot, consistently with their views of official duty, and of the obligations of their oaths of office, recognize the right of any of the officers or men of the police force, as such, to receive orders or directions from any other authority than from this Board. " Resolved, That in the opinion of the Board, the forcible suspension of their functions suspends at the same time the active operation of the police law, and puts the officers and men oif duty for the present, leaving them subject, however, to the rules and regulations of the service as to their personal conduct and deportment, and to the orders which this Board may see fit hereafter to issue, when the present illegal suspension of their functions shall be re- moved. "CHARLES HOWARD, President, WILLIAM H. GATCHELL, CHARLES D. HINKS, JOHN W. DAVIS, GEORGE W. BROWN, Mayor, and ex offitio member of the Board. ' ' "My attention," wrote the General to his provost marshal, "has been called to a resolution purporting to have been this day (June 27 ) passed by the late board of police commissioners, expressing the opinion that ' the suspension of their functions suspended at the same time the operations of the police law, and puts the officers and men oif duty for the present.' ' ' You will take special notice, sir, that by my procla- mation of this day neither the law nor the officers ap- pointed to execute the laws are affected in any manner whatever, except as it operates upon the members of the board of commissioners and the chief of police, whose functions were and are suspended. Every part of the police law is to be enforced by you, except that which re- fers to the authority of the commissioners and chief of police ; and every officer aud man, with the exception of those persons above named, will be continued in service by you, in the positions they now occupy, and with the advantages they now receive, unless one or more shall re- fuse to discharge their duties. ' ' If any police officer declines to perform his duty, in eral Banks in his instructions to the pro- vost marshal, Kenly, whom he had ap- pointed. It now was suspected that the board of commissioners of police, who had protested so earnestly against the arrest of Kane and the deposition of the police, were implicated in the conspiracy of the marshal and his men, to overthrow the Federal authority. This suspicion was confirmed by the discovery of a large quantity of arms and munitions of war concealed at the headquarters of police, under the control of the commissioners themselves. In addition to what was found secreted at the various public stations, there was discovered at the headquarters the fol- lowing formidable collection of imple- ments and munitions of war : Two six- pound iron guns ; two four-pound iron guns ; half ton assorted shot ; half keg shot for steam gun one hundred and twenty flint muskets ; two Hall's car- bines ; forty-six rifles ; three double-bar- order to avoid the anarchy which it was the purpose of the commissioners to bring upon the city, by incorrectly stating that it had been by my act deprived of its police protection, you will select, in conference with such of the public authorities as will aid you, good men and true to fill their places and discharge their duties. "You will also take especial notice that no opinion, resolution, or other act of the late board of commissioners can operate to limit the effective force of the police law, or to discharge any officer engaged in its execution. If any provision of the law fails to be executed, it will be from the choice of the city ; and if any officer, except such as are herein named, leaves the service, it will be upon his own decision. : ' You will cause these views to be made known as the rule of your conduct. ;| I repeat my declaration and my purpose no interven- tion with the laws or government of the city whatever is intended, except to prevent secret, violent, and treason- able combinations of disloyal men against the Government of the United States." 350 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. relied shot guns ; eight single-barrelled shot guns ; nine horse pistols ; sixty-five small pistols ; one hundred and thirty- two bullet moulds ; four cwt. balls ; eight dirk knives ; five swords ; eight kettle drums ; one lot of screw drivers j one box musket cartridges ; thirty-three gun coats ; forty-four copper flasks ; eighteen muskets ; one hundred and seventeen canisters ; one lot flannel bags ; twelve old muskets ; twenty-five Minie muskets ; forty-six Hall's car- bines ; one lot of slow matches ; forty- eight thousand percussion caps ; two kegs ball cartridges ; one hundred rifle ball cartridges ; seven hundred and thirty-five Hall's rifle cartridges ; three thousand one hundred and sixty-two round ball cartridges ; six thousand five hundred and twenty long ball Minie cartridges ; seven canister shot ; twenty small flasks ; one ball, twelve -pounder, labelled ' ' from Fort Sumter to Colonel Kane." General Banks accordingly did not hesitate to arrest the police commission- ers themselves.* These decided measures of General On making the arrest General Banks issued this procla- mation : " The headquarters under the charge of the Board, July when abandoned by the officers, resembled in some ! respects a concealed arsenal. After public recognition and protest against the suspension of their functions, they continued their sessions daily. Upon a forced and un- warrantable construction of my proclamation of the 28th ultimo, they declared that police law was suspended, and the police officers and men put off duty for the present, intending to leave the city without any police protection whatever. ' ' They refused to recognize the officers and men neces- sarily selected by the provost marshal for its protection, and hold, subject to their orders now and hereafter, the old police force, a large body of armed men, for sonic Banks seemed to have an inspiriting effect upon the Union men of Baltimore who rallied around him. At their su-- o gestion he relieved the city from the control of martial law, and substituted a citizen of Baltimore, George R. Dodge, Esquire, as marshal, in place of Colonel John P. Kenly, one of the officers of the Federal army, who, as provost mar- shal, had joined to his military duties the civic functions of chief of police. General Banks gave proof of his dis- position to recognize the right of self- government by this new appointment, which he had made, as he stated, " at the suggestion and upon the advice of very many influential and honorable citizens of Baltimore, representing its different sections, parties, and interests. And in order that public opinion shall have proper influence, and the civil authority due weight in all municipal affairs, it is my desire," he added, " and expectation, that the marshal shall receive suggestion, advice, and direction from them and other loyal citizens, as from all the de- partments of the government of the city, and in all respects to administer purpose not known to the government, and inconsistent with its peace or security. " To anticipate any intentions or orders on their part, I have placed temporarily a portion of the force under my command within the city. " I disclaim, on the part of the Government I represent, all desire, intention, and purpose to interfere in any man- ner whatever with the ordinary municipal affairs of the city of Baltimore. Whenever a loyal citizen can be named who will execute its police laws with impartiality, and in good faith to the United States, the military force will be withdrawn from the central parts of the municipality at once. No soldiers will be permitted in the city except under regulations satisfactorily to the marshal ; and if any so admitted violate the municipal law, they shall be pun- ished by the civil law, by the civil tribunals. EXTRAORDINARY SESSION OF CONGRESS. 351 every department of the police law in full freedom, for the peace and prosperity of the city, and the honor and perpetuity of the United States." General Banks, at the same time, withdrew the Federal troops from the Custom House, Post Office, City Hall, and other public buildings and squares where they had been posted, while he was executing these decided measures for the suppression of the supposed in- surrectionary movement. The soldiers accordingly broke up their camps within the city and resumed their former position in the suburbs. The officers, moreover, were ordered not to allow a man to visit Baltimore unless with good cause and without arms, while the soldiers were counselled to good conduct and reminded that who- ever violated " the ordinances established for the government of the city, will be punished by the civil tribunals according to the laws of the State." The prompt and energetic action of General Banks seemed effectually to have checked every attempt at insurrec- tion, and so to have secured the city of Baltimore and the State of Maryland to the Federal power, that the Union senti- ment, wherever it might exist, had free scope for development and expression. CHAPTER XXXII. Meeting of Congress in Extraordinary Session. Importance. Peculiar character. Message of President Lincoln. Tts style. Its purport. Justification of his conduct. Action in regard to Fort Sumter explained. His sugges- tions and demands. Regret at being forced into the War. Report of Secretary of War. His suggestions. Report of Secretary of Treasury His Financial Schemes. Report of Secretary of Navy. His statements of the Naval Force and suggestions for additional strength. The unity of Congress. Irrelevant Discussion effectually checked. General war spirit. Few exceptions. Union of all parties. Extremists. Breckenridge in opposition. Others like him. Eccentricity of Abolitionists. Mr. Lovejoy's motion tabled. The President's action sanctioned. Superfluous Legislation. Division of responsibility. Heroic remedies. The Military Acts. Great Vote of Men and Money. The President's demands exceeded. The President apologizes for the largeness of his demands. The Act of Confiscation. Reluctance of Lincoln to sign. Unanimity of Congress. The small Majority of Op- ponents. Protest against the Treason Bill. The Integrity of the Union declared to be the object of the War. Expulsion of Southern Members of Congress. Adjournment of Congress. 1861. ON the Fourth of July, Congress as- sembled in extraordinary session in accordance with the proclamation of the President. This Congress, apart from its important action, will be always memorable as the first would that it were the last ! in which the United States was not represented in its unity. With the exception of Kentucky, Ten- nessee, Missouri, and Maryland, whose allegiance, though divided, still clung to the sovereignty of the Union, all the slave States contumaciously withheld their representatives from the national Legislature, and gave their fealty to a government arbitrarily created by them- 352 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. selves, denied by the United States, and unrecognized f by the world. On the day after the assembling of July Congress, President Lincoln sent 5 in his message to the two Houses. This document was characteristic of its author, being forcible in argument though somewhat inelegant in expression, and exhibited such a strong sense of con- stitutional obligations, that it was re- ceived as a welcome indication of his honesty of purpose. The President began by alluding to the condition of the country at the time of his inauguration, and declared that his policy " looked to the exhaustion of all peaceful measures before a resort to stronger ones. It sought only to hold the public places and property not already wrested from the Government, and to collect the revenue ; relying for the rest on time, discussion, and the ballot box." Concerning his action in regard to Fort Sumter, he said that he had deter- mined at first, after consulting with his cabinet and the commander-in-chief, to abandon all intention of making an effort to hold it. Failing, however, in an at- tempt to reinforce Fort Pickens, in con- sequence of delay in the arrival of orders, by which it was intended to manifest the " policy" of the Government, he was driven to the necessity of appearing to relieve Fort Sumter. ' ' It was believed, " said the President, ' ' that to abandon that position under the circumstances, would be utterly ruinous ; that the necessity under which it was to be done would not be understood j that by many it would be construed as a part of a voluntary policy ; that at home it would discourage the friends of the Union, embolden its adversaries, and go far to insure to the latter a recognition abroad ; that, in fact, it would be our national de- struction consummated." The President thus resolved upon pro- visioning the garrison at Fort Sumter, which was threatened with starvation. While proceeding to execute this pur- pose, South Carolina inaugurated the civil war by bombarding the fort and forcing Major Anderson to surrender. The President being thus driven to evoke the full war power of the Govern- ment, made a demand upon the country for troops. The call was only obeyed by the free States and Delaware. Vir- ginia passed an ordinance of secession, but even before its passage seized the arsenal at Harper's Ferry and the navy- yard at Gosport. Referring to the atti- tude of neutrality which Kentucky pro- posed to maintain, the President called it " disunion completed." He admitted that in calling for troops, and suspending the habeas corpus act, he had exceeded his constitutional powers, and looked to Congress for indemnity. He was forced to choose between breaking one law, or seeing all the others violated with im- punity, and chose the former as the least evil. His demands from Congress were summed up as follows : "It is now recommended that you give the legal means for making this contest a short and decisive one ; that you place at the control of the Govern- ment for the work at least four hun- PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE. 353 dred thousand men and $400,000,000. That number of men is about one tenth of those of proper ages, within the regions where, apparently, all are will- ing to engage ; and the sum is less than a twenty-third part of the money-value owned by the men who seem ready to devote the whole. A debt of $600,000,- 000 now is a less sum per head than was the debt of our Revolution when we came out of that struggle, and the money-value in the country bears even a greater proportion to what it was then than does the population. Surely each man has as strong a motive now to pre- serve our liberties as each had then to establish them. A right result at this time will be worth more to the world than ten times the men and ten times the money." The President then proceeded to show that there is not, and never was, any such thing as State sovereignty touched upon the cases of Florida and Texas, and denied the principle of secession, which he called one of perpetual disintegration. He affirmed that the people in many of the seceded States were still in favor of the Union, and charged the seceding politicians with keeping out of view the rights of the people. Alluding to the resignations of officers of the navy and, army, he said that not one private soldier or sailor had resigned. " Our popular Government," he con- tinued, "has often been called an ex- periment. Two points in it our people have settled the successful establishing and the successful administrating of it. One still remains. Its successful main- 45 tenance against a formidable internal attempt to overthrow it. It is now for them to demonstrate to the world that those who can fairly carry an election can also suppress a rebellion ; that bal- lots are the rightful and peaceful suc- cessors of bullets, and that when ballots have fairly and constitutionally decided, there can be no successful appeal back to bullets ; that there can be no success- ful appeal except to ballots themselves at succeeding elections. Such will be a great lesson of peace, teaching men that what they cannot take by an election, neither can they take it by a war ; teaching all the folly of being the be- ginners of a war.' ; Finally, the President regretted that he had been forced into this war, and emphatically declared that he would not betray the vast and sacred trust confided to him by a free people. Accompanying the President's mes- sage were the reports of the several ex- ecutive officers of the Federal Govern- ment. The Secretary of War, Mr. Cameron, recommended that, in the enlistment of men to fill the additional regiments of the regular army, the term should be made for three years, and that a bounty of one hundred dollars be given to all who should receive an honorable dis- charge at the close of their service ; that an appropriation be made for the re- construction and equipment of railroads, the expense of maintaining and operat- ing them, and also for the construction of additional telegraph lines and their appurtenances that a special appropri- 354 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. ation be made for the reconstruction of the Long Bridge across the Potomac ; that Congress consider the subject of a properly organized military tribunal, empowered to take cognizance of crim- inal offences, and to punish the guilty ; also, the enlargement of the powers of the commissariat, and the better equip- ment of the army ; that our troops should be supplied in part from private domestic factories, instead of from abroad. The Secretary further recommended a more liberal supply of improved arms to the militia of the States and Territories, and called attention to the system of disci- pline pursued at West Point. He con- cluded with a recommendation, that Congress should authorize the appoint- ment of an Assistant Secretary of War, and the requisite appropriation for an extra force of clerks. The report of Mr. Chase and the finan- cial scheme it developed were considered very able. The Secretary of the Treasury asked for $320,000,000. He believed that $80,000,000 should be sought by taxa- tion, to meet the ordinary demands for 1862, for which actual appropriations had been made amounting to $65,887,- 849 34, while interest, estimated at $9,000,000 and $5,000,000, toward the reduction and final extinguishment of the public debt, would complete the amount. He proposed to meet this de- mand by a duty of 2| cents per pound laid on brown sugar, 3 cents per pound on clayed sugar, 4 cents per pound on loaf and other refined sugars, 21 cents per pound on the syrup of sugar-cane, 6 cents per pound on candy, 6 cents per gallon on molasses, and 4 cents per gallon on sour molasses ; and suggested also that a duty of 5 cents per pound be im- posed on coffee, 15 cents per pound on black tea, and 20 cents per pound on green tea. The collection of internal duties on stills and distilled liquors, ale and beer, tobacco, bank-notes, spring- carriages, silver-ware and jewelry, and on legacies was recommended, although it was suggested that, if preferred by Congress, the plan of taxation of real and personal property would achieve the same result. The use of the confiscated prop- erty of the rebels, together with a reduc- tion, for a time at least, of 10 per cent, upon salaries and wages paid by the Fed- eral Government, was also recommended. To raise the $240,000,000 needed for the thorough prosecution of the war, the Secretary proposed a national loan of not less than $100,000,000, to be issued in the form of Treasury notes, bearing a yearly interest of 7 3-10 per centum (an interest equal to one cent a day on $50, and therefore very easy of calculation), and in sums of $50, $100, $500, $1,000, and $5,000 ; books to be opened at the Treasury Office in Wash- ington, and at various other offices throughout the States, and sums sub- scribed to be paid in cash. In case the national loan should prove insufficient, it was proposed that bonds, or certificates of debt, be issued to lenders in the ountry, or in any foreign country, not exceeding in the aggregate $100, 000, 000, to be made redeemable at the pleasure of the Government after a period not REPORTS OF DEPARTMENTS. 355 exceeding 30 years, and bearing an in- terest not exceeding 7 per cent. To supply the full amount required for the service of the fiscal year, it was recom- mended that provision be made for the issue of Treasury notes for $10 or $20 each, payable one year from date, to an amount not exceeding $50,000,000 these notes bearing interest at the rate of 3 05-100 per cent., and exchangeable at the will of the holder for Treasury notes with 7 3-10 per cent, interest, or exchequer bills. The Secretary of the Navy asked Congress to sanction the extraordinary measures which were necessarily taken to meet the difficulties treachery had thrown in the way of the Department. Purchases and contracts had been made, the authority for which was found in the exigencies of the times. The naval force in commission was stated to have been augmented to 82 vessels, carrying upward of 1,100 guns, and a comple- ment of about 13,000 men, exclusive of officers and marines. The Naval Acad- emy, formerly at Annapolis, temporarily removed to Newport, Rhode Island, was reported to be without its authorized number of pupils, one third of the dis- tricts having neglected or refused to be represented, and there being no legal way of supplying this deficiency from other districts. It was suggested that Con- gress should provide for the deficit, and that for a period, at least, the numbers in the school should riot be increased until there was a full complement of officers. The Secretary recommended that an officer should be appointed, to be known as the director of ordnance, who should, under the Department, have the immediate supervision of the manufac- ture, description, and supply of ordnance for the navy, in all its details. A change or modification of the law regulating the navy ration was advised, by which the vessels stationed along the coast might be regularly supplied with nourishing food. An increase of the number of surgeons and assistant surgeons was recommend- ed ; also an increase of the marine corps, with, perhaps, an entire reorganization of the corps ; also, the appointment of a proper and competent board to inquire into the expediency of iron-clad steamers or floating batteries ; also, an increase of the clerical force of the Department, together with the appointment of an Assistant Secretary of the Navy. The Congress now in session applied itself with directness and unity of pur- pose to the momentous interests of the country, unexampled in its previous history. One of the very first acts of the House of Representatives was to check all irrelevant discussion by adopt- ing a resolution " only to consider bills and resolutions concerning military and naval appropriations for the Government and financial affairs connected therewith, and that all bills of a private character, and all other bills and resolutions not directly connected with the raising of revenue and military and naval affairs shall be referred without debate to the appropriate committees, to be considered at the next regular session of Congress." To this resolution, however, was added an amendment to admit the considera- 356 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. tion of questions of a judicial character. Both senators and representatives, with but few exceptions, responding to the universal war spirit of the country, waived all partisan objects and animos- ities, and with great unanimity intrusted the Government with the power and means of maintaining its authority. Democrats and Republicans were thus found in friendly union. Those who had so long been arrayed against each other in political camps were now mustered under the same banner. A few there were who, from incompatibility and other causes, resisted all fusion with this general political combination ; others, though disposed to union from similarity of principle, were yet too impetuously in advance to be always within the com- mon control. Breckenridge, the senator from Ken- tucky, and former Vice-President, hardly making an effort to conceal that sym- pathy with the seceding States which his subsequent conduct has more clearly manifested, opposed every measure of the Government. Other senators and representatives from border States of divided allegiance were alike bold in their expression of opposition. Some even from the Northern States, either from a perverse partisanship or a weak loyalty, did not hesitate to resist the general patriotic action of their fellow- legislators. An early indication was made of the eccentric tendencies of the extreme ab- olitionists. Mr. Lovejoy, of Illinois, in- troduced a resolution declaring that it is no part of the duty of the army to capture and return fugitive slaves ; also directing inquiry as to the expediency of repealing the fugitive slave law. This was promptly tabled by a vote of eighty-seven to sixty-two. The perti- nacious member for Illinois, on a subse- quent day, renewed his resolution, which he, however, modified by dropping the recommendation in regard to the fugitive slave law. His perseverance was re- warded by the passage of his resolution by a vote of ninety- two to fifty-five. True to their pledge to confine them- selves strictly to the business of the occasion, both houses of Congress pro- ceeded directly and rapidly to pass vari- ous acts of immediate moment. The action of the President in his efforts to check the insurrection was duly con- firmed and ratified, and his scruples and those of the country, in regard to measures confessedly unconstitutional, but universally acknowledged to be necessary, removed. Some publicists contended, it is true, that no such justi- fication for the conduct of Mr. Lincoln was required, and that the action of Congress was supererogatory, as it could not make that legal which was in itself illegal. The first law of nations, as of individuals, that of self-preservation, and the plea of necessity, were sufficient to authorize or extenuate the President's action. Congress, however, was credited with the generous motive of desiring to share in the responsibility, whatever it might be, of the chief magistrate of the Union, who had applied an heroic rem- edy to save the state while apparently in extremis. ACT OF CONFISCATION. 357 The most important proceeding, how- ever, of Congress, about the relevancy and purport of which there could be no question, was the passage of an act authorizing the President to call into the field an army of five hundred thou- sand volunteers, to serve for three years, or during the war. At the same time 1 | .an increase of the regular army was voted, and various acts were passed with the view of improving the condition and efficiency of the soldiers. Their pay, which before had been eleven dol- lars a month, was increased to thirteen. The navy was no less amply provided for. The President was authorized to buy or charter as many merchant vessels as might be necessary to complete the blockade or check privateering. Twenty- three gun-boats, and twelve side-wheel steamers of light draught, and four first- class sloops of war were voted as addi- tions to the navy, and bills passed to secure the proper number of sailors and marines for the manning of this expan- sive naval force. The appropriations of money were equally liberal, amounting in all to the immense sum of five hundred millions, thus exceeding by a hundred millions the demand of President Lincoln, who, in his message, had asked for four hun- dred millions of money and four hun- dred thousand men, while he excused the apparent exorbitancy of his demand by a proof of its reasonableness. " That number of men," he said, " is about one-tenth of those of proper ages within the regions where apparently all are willing to engage ; and the sum is less than a twenty-third part of the money- value owned by the men who seem ready to devote the whole. A debt of six hundred millions of dollars now, is a less sum per head than was the debt of our Revolution when we came out of that struggle ; and the money-value in the country now bears even a greater proportion to what it was then than does the population. Surely each man has as strong a motive now to preserve our lib- erties as each had then to establish them'." The act, however, which will probably bear the most important part in the final issue of the war, was that entitled " An act to confiscate property used for insurrectionary purposes." This was proposed by Senator Trumbull, of Illi- nois, and adopted by a vote of thirty-three to six. The act is here given at length : ' ' Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That if, during the present or any future insur- rection against the Government of the United States, after the President of the United States shall have declared, by proclamation, that the laws of the United States are opposed, and the ex- ecution thereof obstructed, by combina- tions too powerful to be suppressed by the ordinary course of judicial proceed- ings, or by the power vested in the marshals by law, any person or persons, his heir, or their agent, attorney or em- ployee, shall purchase or acquire, sell or give, any property of whatsoever kind or description, with intent to use or em- ploy the same, or suffer the same to be used or employed, in aiding, abetting, 358 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. or promoting such insurrection or resist- ance to the laws, or any person or per- sons engaged therein ; or if any person or persons being the owner or owners of any such property, shall knowingly use or employ, or consent to the use or employment of the same as aforesaid, all such property is hereby declared to be lawful subject of prize and capture wherever found, and it shall be the duty of the President of the United States to ca"use the same to be seized, confiscated, and condemned. "SEC. 2. And be it further enacted, That such prizes and capture shall be condemned in the district or circuit court of the United States having juris- diction of the amount, or in admiralty in any district in which the same may be seized, or into which they may be taken and proceedings instituted. " SEC. 3. And be it further enacted, That the attorney-general, or any dis- trict attorney of the United States in which said property may at the time be, may institute the proceedings of con- demnation, and in such case they shall be wholly for the benefit of the United States ; or any person may file an in- formation with such attorney, in which case the proceedings shall be for the use of such informer and the United States in equal parts. "SEC. 4. And be it further enacted, That whenever any person claiming to be entitled to the service or labor of any other person, under the laws of any State, shall employ such person in aiding or promoting any insurrection, or in re- sisting the laws of the United States, or shall permit him to be so employed, he shall forfeit all right to such service or labor, and the person whose labor or service is thus claimed shall be thence- forth discharged therefrom, any law to the contrary notwithstanding." The President is reported to have signed this act of confiscation with great reluctance. It had, however, been passed by the Senate with wonderful unanimity, there being only a minority of six who voted against it. These were Breck- enridge and Powell of Kentucky, John- son of Missouri, Kennedy and Pearce of Maryland, and Polk of Missouri, men who either openly sympathized with the secessionists, or were little disposed to resist them. The bill entitled "An act to define and punish certain conspiracies" also met with opposition from the same source. Not content with resisting it by their votes, nine senators, who composed the minority, entered their formal protest* against its passage. " PROTEST. The undersigned members of the Senate dissent from the passage of the bill on the following grounds : ' ' The Government of the United States is a Government of specially delegated powers, and though treason is one of the highest crimes known to the law, it is a political offence. " To guard against the abuses which, in times of high excitement had, in the history of England, previous to the revolution of 1688, too often sacrificed able, virtuous, and innocent men on the charge of treason and kindred oifences, unaccompanied by acts, the Constitution of the United States expressly defines the crime of treason in the follow- ing terms : '"Art. 3, Sec. 3. Treason against the United States shall consist only in levying war against them, or in adhering to their enemies, giving them aid and comfort. ' ' ' It further provides that ' no person shall be convicted of treason, unless on the testimony of two witnesses to the same overt act, or on confession in open court. ' ADJOURNMENT OF CONGRESS. 359 While Congress proved its warlike spirit by rejecting without debate every conciliatory proposition for securing peace, it unanimously passed a resolu- tion, declaring that the only object of the Government in prosecuting the war was to maintain the integrity and the " The intent to restrict Congress in the creation of crimes of the nature created by this bill seems obvious, for in treason all are principals, and in any conspiracy of the kind stated in the bill, an overt act in pursuance of it, proved by two witnesses, would be treason against the United States. "Thus the creation of an offence resting in intention alone, without overt act, would render nugatory the pro- visions last quoted, and the door would be open for those similar oppressions and cruelties which, under the excite- ment of political struggles, have so often disgraced the past history of the world. " The undersigned can conceive no possible object in de- fining the crime of treason by our ancestors, and requiring proof by two witnesses to the same overt act, to justify the conviction of the accused, unless it be to restrict the power of Congress in the creation of a political crime kin- dred to treason, and charged as resting an intent, which would, if accompanied by an overt act, be treason. unity of the entire country, and when these were secured, it should terminate. The senators and members of the House belonging to the Confederate States hav- ing been stigmatized by being expelled from Congress, both Houses finally ad- journed on the 6th of August. " It matters not that the punishment prescribed in the law is not death but imprisonment, for the passage of the bill, though it might not affect the life of an innocent man, would give, from the uncertainty of the offence charged, and the proof requisite to sustain it, the utmost latitude to prosecutions founded on personal emnity a.nd political animosity, and the suspicions as to the intention which they inevitably engender. ' J. A. BAYARD, Delaware. ' JOHN C. BRECKENRIDGE, Kentucky. ' L. W. POWELL, Kentucky. ' WALDO P. JOHNSON, Missouri. ' J. D. BRIGHT, Indiana. 'W. SAULSBURY, Delaware. ' TRUSTEN POLK, Missouri. ' J. A. PEARCE, Maryland. 'A. KENNEDY, Maryland." CHAPTER XXXIII. The magnitude of the present struggle. Relative strength of the two antagonists. Population of the United States. Population of Northern States. Population of Southern States. Number of Slaves. Population of Seceded States. Number of Slaves. Proportion liable to Military Duty in the United States. Proportion at the North. At the South. The Slaves an element of strength. Slave Labor compared with Free. Nature of Southern Resources. The advantages of Agriculture in times of War.-^The Southern Force in the field. Is it exaggerated ? Propor- tion of Soldiers to Population in the states of Europe. The Armies of North and South compared numerically. The Sentiment of North and South What the South is fighting for. Slavery endangered. Slavery, how re- garded by the South. Union an Abstraction. Slavery a Reality. How the Southerner and Northerner fight. Material Resources of North and South compared. Munitions of War at the South. Superiority of the North. Southern and Northern Marine. Navies. Edible products of North and South compared. Live-stock, Grain, etc. The Wealth of the South. Cotton and Negroes. Their Value computed. The Geographical Difficulties of the War. Area of the Southern States. A Gigantic War. Hope in the Future. To form a judgment of the magni- tude of the present struggle, its probable duration, and its final issue, it will be necessary to measure the relative strength of the contending par- ties. The whole population of the United States, according to the census of the year 1860, was thirty-one million 360 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. four hundred and forty thousand five hundred and ninety-seven (31,440,597) souls. Of these, eighteen million nine hundred and five thousand and eighty- two (18,905,082) inhabited the Northern States, and twelve million two hundred and forty thousand two hundred and ninety-six (12, 240,296), the Southern or slave States. Of the aggregate North- ern population, two hundred and twenty- one thousand seven hundred and thirty- eight (221,738) were negroes, who of course are free, leaving a population of whites amounting to eighteen million six hundred and eighty-three thousand three hundred and forty-four (18,683,344). Of the population of the Southern States, eight million forty-one thousand nine hundred and eighty-two were whites (8,041,982), two hundred and forty-seven thousand nine hundred and seventy-one (247,971) free blacks, and three million nine hundred and fifty thousand three hundred and forty-three (3,950,343) were slaves. Of the slave States, eleven only have seceded Alabama, Arkansas, Florida, Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi, North Carolina, South Carolina, Tennessee, Texas, and Virginia, whose white popu- lation amounts to five million four hun- dred and fifty thousand seven hundred and eleven (5,450,711), and negro pop- ulation to three million six hundred and fifty-two thousand three hundred and three (3,652,303). Portions of Western Virginia and Eastern Tennessee being still loyal to the Federal Government, in estimating the strength of the enemy, it would be necessary perhaps to deduct nearly a million persons, were they not more than counterbalanced by the fight- ing force supplied to the South by the still loyal States of Missouri, Kentucky, and Maryland. The proportion of white males through- out the United States between eighteen and forty-five years of age, being the period when men are supposed to be serviceable for military duty, is estimated at five million four hundred and eighty- four thousand (5,484,000). Of these, three million seven hundred and sev- enty-eight thousand (3,778,000) are pos- sessed by the Northern States ; one mil- lion one hundred and eighty-six thou- sand (1,186,000) by the seceded States ; five hundred and thirty-nine thousand (539,000) by the border slave States, and fifty-one thousand (51,000) by the Territories. These latter belonging to the border States and Territories, which are divided in sentiment may be ap- portioned equally between the two bel- ligerents. The number of fighting men at the service of the Federal Government would thus seem greatly to surpass the available force of the Southern Con- federacy. But it must be borne in mind, that an estimate based on age alone is not entirely reliable. It would not be practicable for the North, even under the most urgent demands for men, to bring into the field all of those who are within the age of military service. A large number of such are necessarily so occupied by labor, indispensable to the trade, manufactures, and commerce of the country, that their services could ADVANTAGE OF SLAVERY. 361 not be withdrawn from civil life without ruin to those resources of the nation upon which its power as a belligerent depends. There are, moreover, from the complicated nature of the relations of society and business which prevail in a highly civilized community like that of the North, obligations, ties, habits, and affections which men are either unable or unwilling to rend. They thus become reluctant, however patriotically disposed, to leave their homes to carry on war against a distant people. In the seceded States, the laboring population is composed of slaves, who amount in round numbers to four mil- lions. These, provided they remain faithful to their masters, form an element of greater strength than the same num- ber of white laborers at the North. As the negro children and women are forced to work as well as the men, it is neces- sary, in forming a comparative estimate of the laboring power of the North and South, to give due weight to this fact. It probably gives an additional force which may be numerically estimated as one -third of the whole. The four mil- lions of Southern slaves may thus be considered as equalling six millions of Northern white laborers in productive power. It must be also recollected that slave labor may be kept up to a maxi- mum of work upon a minimum of sup- port. Labor that is free not only exer- cises its will in regard to the extent and character of its work, but its caprices and tastes in the use of the results. Agriculture, moreover, being the chief productive industry of the slave States, 46 admits, by its simple operations, of com- paratively rude labor, while but little supervision of a superior intelligence is required. There is no occasion accord- ingly for the employment at the South of that large class of intelligent masters and workmen, who, engaged in the more complicated vocations of commerce, trade, and manufactures requiring prac- tised skill, can not arrest their functions without diminishing, if not ruining, the main sources of Northern wealth. The Southerner can leave his cotton, rice, and tobacco fields to be tilled by his gangs of negro slaves, while their dis- ciplined obedience may be rendered subservient to his wealth in his absence. Thus in the slave States large numbers of whites are free to go to the war, while the same class in the North are kept at home. The agricultural pursuits of the South have, moreover, the advantage of being easily adapted to the immediate neces- sities of the war. A tobacco or cotton plantation can be changed in the course of a single season into fields of corn, to which the patient slave may transfer his unthinking labor with undiminished effect, though his dulled brain has hardly awakened to the consciousness of the change. The complicated occupations of the North do not admit of these rapid changes. It would be hardly prac- ticable to turn a Broadway drygoods store into a corn mill, and its shopmen into millers, or a New England pin fac- tory, with its complicated machinery, into an armory, and its workmen into makers of improved rifles. 362 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. That the Congress of the Southern Confederacy should have authorized the President to call out four hundred thou- sand men, was considered a vaunting affectation of power which it did not possess. It seems probable, however, that the seceded States had already over three hundred thousand soldiers in the field. On October 1st, 1861, the follow- ing estimate was made by a New York journal :* THE FORCK8 BEFORE WASHINGTON. Gen. Beauregard's column 70,000 Gen. Johnston's column between Chain Bridge and Leesburgh 43,000 Gen. Magruder's reinforcement, intended to cross the Potomac at Aquia Creek 25,000 Total 138,000 At the various batteries on the Potomac, York, James, Rappahannock rivers At Yorktown, Norfolk, and Portsmouth Reserves at Fredericksburgh 5,000 Petersburgh 3,000 Brentsville 1,000 Culpepper 3,000 Gordonsville 3,000 Staunton 3,000 Covington 2,000 Charlottesville 5,000 Lynchville 5,000 Burkesville and other places . . . 3,270 Other places 5,000 15,000 20,000 In Western Virginia, under Generals Lee, Wise, and Floyd Near Winchester and Strasburg In Kentucky, Missouri, and the West In coast fortifications 38,270 25,000 10,000 41,000 10,000 Total in the field 297,270 This is certainly a large number of soldiers in proportion to the population. With the four millions of slaves added to the five millions of whites, the aggre- gate number of the inhabitants of the Confederacy amounts to only nine mil- lions, and three hundred thousand sol- diers would be very nearly in the pro- portion of one soldier to every thirty inhabitants. In Prussia, which supplies the largest army relative to its popula- New York Herald. tion, there is but one soldier to every forty-eight inhabitants, in Austria one to fifty-five, in Holland one to fifty-eight, in Spain one to sixty-one, in France one to seventy, and in Russia one to ninety. The following is the estimate of the force taking one to fifty as the ratio which the North and South can rela- tively sustain. Delaware, Maryland, and Missouri are, however, classed with the Northern States, although they have undoubtedly supplied a large contingent to the Southern Confederacy. States. Population. Troops. Virginia 1,596.000 31,920 North Carolina 992,000 19,8-10 Georgia 1,057,000 21 .140 Florida 140,000 2,800 Alabama 964.000 19,280 Mississippi 791,000 15,820 Louisiana 709,000 14.180 Arkansas 435.000 8.700 Texas 902,000 12,040 Tennessee 1,109.000 22.180 Kentucky 1,155,000 23,100 South Carolina 703,000 14,060 Total 10,253,000 205,060 gtates. Population. Soldiers. Maine 62*,000 12.560 New Hampshire .: 326,000 6,520 Vermont 315,000 6,300 Massachusetts 1,231,000 24,620 Rhode Island 174,000 3,480 Connecticut 460,000 9.200 New York 3,880,000 77,600 Pennsylvania 2,906,000 58,120 New Jersey 672,000 13,440 Ohio 2,339,000 46,780 Indiana! .'.' 1,350,000 27,000 Illinois 1,711,000 34,220 Michigan 749,000 14,980 Wisconsin 775,000 15,500 l owa 675.000 13,500 Minnesota 172,000 3.440 Kansas 107,000 2,140 Oregon 52,000 1.040 California 380,000 7,600 Delaware 112,000 2,240 Maryland 687,000 13,740 Missouri 1,182,('00 23640 Territories 220,000 4,400 Total 21,103,000 422,060 The North has greatly exceeded this estimate, as may be seen by the follow- ing statement in Secretary Cameron's Report of July 2d, 1861. SOUTHERN SENTIMENT. 363 The following presents the entire es- timated strength of the army, both vol- unteers and regulars : , Volunteers. , States. Three Months. For the War. Aggregate. California - 4,688 4,688 Connecticut 2,236 12,400 14,636 Delaware 775 2,000 2,775 Illinois 4,941 .... 80,000 .... 84,941 Indiana 4,686 .... 57,332 .... 62,018 Iowa 968 ... 19,800 .... 20,768 Kentucky - .... 15,000 .... 15,000 Maine 768 .... 14,239 .... 15.007 Maryland .... 7,000.... 7,000 Massachusetts 3,435 26,760 30,195 Michigan 781 .... 28,550 .... 29,331 Minnesota 4,160 4,160 Missouri 9,356 22,130 31,486 New Hampshire 779 .... 9,600 .... 10,379 New Jersey 3,068 .... 9,342 .... 12,410 New York 10,188 . . . 100,200 . . . 110,388 Ohio 10,236 .... 81,205 .... 91,441 Pennsylvania 19, 199 94,760 . . 1 13,959 Rhode Island 1,285 .... 5,898 .... 7,183 Vermont 780 8,000 8,780 Virginia 779 .... 12,000 .... 12,779 Wisconsin 792 .... 14,153 .... 14,945 Kansas 5,000 5,000 Colorado .... 1,000.... 1,000 Nebraska .... 2,500.... 2,500 Nevada 1,000 1,000 New Mexico .... 1,000.... 1,000 District of Columbia 2,823 1,000 3,823 Total 77,875 . . . 640,637 . . . 718,512 Estimated strength of the regular army, including the new enlistments un- der the act of Congress of July 29, 1861 .... 20,334 .... Total ... 660,971 .... The several arms of the service are estimated as follows : Volunteers. Regulars. Aggregate. Infantry 557,208 .... 11,175 .... 568,383 Cavalry 54,654 .... 4,744 .... 59,398 Artillery 20,380 .... 4,308 .... 24,688 Rifles and Sharpshooters. 8,395 8,395 Engineers 107 107 Total 640,637 .... 20,334 .... 660,971 The force of the Southern Confeder- acy, there is also reason to believe, transcends the estimate in this chapter. It is stated on good authority that on December 1, 18G1, the enemy had 360,000 men in the field. [These esti- mates have been all exceeded since, as will be seen in the course of this nar- rative.] Some in making such an estimate might be disposed to deduct the slaves from the population of the Southern States. It has, however, been already shown that the negro element more than supplies the same numerical quan- tity of labor at the North, and thus should be considered as setting free a proportionate number of inhabitants for military service. In calculating the probable ratio of soldiers to the population in the South- ern Confederac}^, the sentiment of the people must also be taken into account. However unreasonable or criminal we at the North may consider the motive which has induced those in the South to rise in arms against the Federal author- ity, it can not be now questioned that the general opinion of the latter is that the war they are waging, is one in de- fence of their country and its institu- tions. Apart from the political heresy of " State Rights," which widely prevails among the Southern people, freeing them, as they erroneously believe, from all fealty to the sovereignty of the Union, they are firmly persuaded that the existence of slavery is endangered by Northern ag- gression. It is needless here to strive to prove the groundlessness of this belief, or to trace it to its probably real source, the plausible arguments and corrupt designs of ambitious political leaders. 364 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. Of the existence of such a belief, what- ever may have been its cause, there can be little doubt. The Southern people imagine they are fighting for their dearest interests, believing, also, that slavery, which is interwoven with all that attaches them to their country, is in danger. This institution is the foundation of their property, the principle of their social organization, and an element of their domestic life. Not only is it clung to as their wealth, their main social tie, and chief source of domestic enjoyment, but it is commended to them by the traditions of their forefathers, who es- tablished and bequeathed it ; by the sophistries of their leaders, who claim it to be the corner-stone of political freedom and happiness ; and by the teachings of their religious guides, who sanction it on the revered authority of the revelation of God. Contending thus, as they believe, for property, society, home, political excel- lence, history, and even religion, it is not surprising that the Southern Con- federacy should engage in the struggle with all the earnestness and energy that have ever characterized a spirited people rising in defence of interests dearer to them than life itself. In calculating, therefore, the power of resistance of our antagonists, it is neces- sary to give full weight to the sentiments which actuate them. The ordinary es- timates of statisticians would fall far short of the might of a people stimu- lated by the intensity of a dominating passion, which unquestionably has been aroused in the South by the supposed danger to slavery. When in South Carolina an aged man of three-score and ten, the grey-haired politician Ruffin, joins the ranks and is the first to open fire upon the Federal flag at Sumter ; when a patriarch of the Church, Bishop Polk, of Louisiana, lays aside the crosier, the emblem of the gentle shepherd meekly leading his flock to the Lord's pasturage, and grasping the sword fiercely marshals soldiers to battle ; when boys just in their teens leave the playground and its mimic con- tests, and, encouraged by a mother's smile, shoulder the musket and go with tragic earnestness to the battle-field, to return perhaps in death to that mother's embrace, through whose tears even then shine a glow of exultation in the sacri- fice of her child to his country ; when a people thus are willing to give up so much that is dear to a cause which they believe dearer still, what becomes of the calculations of the unfeeling statis- tician ? That the Confederate States thus have been enabled to call into the field a larger proportion of their population than is usually estimated as the quota of soldiers in the same number of inhab- itants, will be readily conceded. The ordinary limit for military service be- tween eighteen and forty-five has un- doubtedly been practically if not for- mally extended. Old men of three- score, as well as boys hardly in their teens, are to be seen more frequently in the ranks of the enemy than in our own or in any other army. COMPARATIVE RESOURCES. 365 There is also undoubtedly a strong patriotic sentiment at the North, which has already shown itself in the rapid enrolment of an immense force, now estimated at 600,000 men. This is in- spired by an enthusiastic attachment to the Union, and a deep indignation against those who have attempted to destroy it. The Northern sentiment, unlike that of the South, comes from no fear of danger to any immediate personal interests. Our people feel secure in their own States, of retaining all their social insti- tutions. The advantages of the Union, though firmly believed in and spiritedly contended for, are not felt to be direct and personal. They accept as a truth, that the preservation of the Government in its unity is essential to the glory of their country. Practically experiencing all the immediate benefits of good gov- ernment, security to property, to life, and to the pursuit of happiness, they can not personally appreciate the danger to their interests that would arise from dismem- berment of the nation. To them, there- fore, the assertion, by arms, of the Fed- eral authority which to the thoughtful statesman is absolutely necessary for the preservation of national existence is merely a struggle for an idea. The common soldier, at the North, so far as he is prompted by any motive beyond the simple duty of serving his country, is fighting for an abstraction, while the Southerner has taken up arms for a reality. This of course is to be under- stood rather as a difference in sentiment than in nature ; for the preservation of the Union is believed to be, by the thoughtful, a much more genuine inter- est than the conservation of slavery, even if it were endangered. The sentimental influence, however, prevailing to a much greater extent at the South than at the North, has pro- duced in the former a more intense de- gree of earnestness. It is seen not only in the wonderful force and obstinacy with which the Confederates have hitherto resisted the superior numbers and re- sources of the Federal Government, but in the spirit with which the Southern soldier enters battle. He rushes to the fight with a wild shout, and seems in- spired with an insatiable desire of venge- ance. The Northern soldier, on the contrary, is observed to be silent, and though not less brave, is certainly less fierce. In regard to material resources, those of the North undoubtedly greatly pre- ponderate. The South, however, is prob- ably provided with means which will prove to a people, animated as they are by an intense spirit of fanaticism, amply sufficient for carrying on a long defen- sive war. Of munitions of war, the Southern Confederacy is reported to have a large supply. A Southern journal,* whose account, however, must be taken with reserve, asserted that the following arms had been seized since the beginning of the secession movement : Baton Kouge 70,000 Alabama Arsenal. . . . 20,000 Elizabeth, N. C 30,000 Fayetteville, N. C. . . 35,000 Charleston 23,000 Harper's Ferry 5,000 Norfolk 7,000 Other places 100,000 Total 290,000 The following are reported to have The Memphis Appeal, 366 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. been previously purchased by the sev- eral seceding States. Alabama 80,000 Mississippi 50,000 Virginia 73.000 Florida 17,000 Louisiana 30,000 Georgia 120,000 South Carolina 47,000 Total 417,000 This makes a grand total of 707,000 stand of arms, to which the same author- ity adds 200,000 revolvers. Another Southern newspaper* makes the following statement : " The facts we are about to state are official and indisputable. Under a single order of the late Secretary of War, the Hon. Mr. Floyd, made during last year, there were 115,000 improved muskets and rifles transferred from the Spring- field Armory and Watervliet Arsenal to different arsenals at the South. The precise destination that was reached by all these arms, we have official authority for stating to have been as follows : Percussion Altered Percus. Muskets. Muskets. Rifles. Charleston (S. C.) Arsenal. . 9,280 6,720 2,000 North Carolina Arsenal 15,408 9,520 2,000 Augusta (Ga.) Arsenal 12,380 7,620 2,000 Mount Vernon (Ala.) 9,280 5,720 2,000 Baton Rouge, La 18,520 11,420 2,000 " The total number of improved arms thus supplied to five depositories in the South, by a single order of the late Secretary of War, was 114,868. What numbers were supplied by other and minor orders, and what numbers of im- proved arms had, before the great order, been deposited in the South, can not now be ascertained." The Southern Confederates, moreover, were well supplied, by the capture of the Federal forts, foundries, and navy-yards, with a large quantity of ordnance of vari- The Richmond (Va.) Inquirer. ous kinds. At the same time, having suc- ceeded in securing machinery abandoned or incompletely destroyed by the United States garrisons, they have been enabled to manufacture arms and cannon, while they have continued, in spite of the blockade, to add constantly to their store from Europe. It is supposed, therefore, though they may have some difficulty in readily supplying themselves with pow- der, that the enemy have generally a good stock of the best munitions of war. Their resources in this respect, though more abundant, perhaps, at the begin- ning of the war than those of the North, will diminish in comparison, if hostilities should be long protracted. The North- ern States, apart from their free com- merce with Europe, have, with their more skilled artisanship, greater sup- plies of coal and iron, and facilities of machinery, advantages with which the slave States can not possibly compete. It is in the marine, however, that the inferiority of the Southern Confed- eracy is most manifest. Notwithstand- ing the extended sea-coast of the slave States, and the fact that their chief pro- ductions are raised for export, their commerce has been almost entirely carried on by Northern vessels. Their own commercial marine was confined to a few small coasters, an occasional trader to foreign countries, and to river steam- ers. The new government has therefore but little material from which to form a navy. The Federal vessels which the secessionists have seized, added to those they already possessed, have been armed, and constitute a naval force which is THE NAVIES. 367 estimated at twenty-six steamers and propellers, mounted with a total of fifty guns, and five sailing vessels, originally United States revenue cutters, carrying in all ten guns. It is true that, by the abandonment by United States officers of the Norfolk navy-yard and the incom- plete destruction of the vessels, several men-of-war, more or less available for ser- vice, fell into their possession. These, however, have been hitherto blockaded in James River by the Federal Fortress Monroe and our cruisers. The privateers fitted out may amount perhaps to about a score, carrying prob- ably four guns each. The whole naval force of the Southern Confederacy can hardly be more than half a hundred vessels, with a total of 150 guns. The Federal navy, though at the beginning of the conflict in a condition very unfavorable for service, was even then immeasurably superior to the strongest force that the enemy could float. Those United States vessels which were fit for use had been sent mostly on for- eign service, through, it was suspected, the machinations of Southern conspira- tors. With these, the whole available July force amounted, according to the 3t report of the Secretary of the Navy, to: Guns. 1 ship-of-the-line 84 8 frigates 400 20 sloops 406 3 brigs 16 3 storeships 7 6 steam frigates 212 5 first-class steam sloops 90 4 first-class side- wheel steamers 46 8 second-class steam sloops 45 5 third-class screw steamers 28 4 second-class side-wheel steamers 8 2 steam tenders 4 69 1,346 Of this force the following were in commission, the remainder being in or- dinary, dismantled, etc. : Guns. 2 frigates 100 11 sloops 232 3 storeships 7 1 screw frigate 12 5 first-class steam sloops 90 3 side-wheel steamers 35 8 second-class steam sloops 45 5 third-class screw steamers 28 3 side-wheel steamers 6 1 steam tender 1 42 555 These vessels had a complement, ex- clusive of officers and marines, of about 7,600 men, and nearly all of them were on foreign stations. The home squadron consisted of 12 vessels, carrying 187 guns and about 2,000 men. Of this squadron only 4 small vessels, carrying 25 guns and about 280 men, were in Northern ports. With the immense commercial marine, however, of the North, the Federal Government can augment its naval force almost indefinitely. Already, at j u jy the beginning of July, it had ! thirty-seven regular men-of-war, and thirty-nine steam gun-boats engaged in blockading the Southern coast, with an aggregate of 59,229 tons, 720 guns, and 10,113 men. In addition, the Govern- ment had either bought or chartered some thirty-nine merchant steamers, and has been since constantly augmenting this force, besides building fleets of gun- boats and other craft. Mr. Welles, the Secretary of the Navy, in his report (December 2d) makes the following com- putation : "When the vessels now building and purchased, of every class, are armed, 368 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. equipped, and ready for service, the condition of the navy will be as follows : OLD NAVY. Class. No. Tonnage. Ships-of-line 6 16,094 . Frigates 7 .... 12,104 . Sloops 17 .... 16,031 . Brigs 2 .... 539 . Store-ships 3 342 . Receiving ships, etc 6 .... 6,340 . Screw frigates 6 .... 21,460 . First-class screw sloops. 6 .... 11,953 . First-class side- wheel steam sloops 4 .... 8,003 . Second-class screw sloops 8 .... 7,593 . Third-class screw sloops 5 .... 2,405 . Third-class side-wheel steamers. . . 4 .... 1,808 . Steam tenders . . . 2 . . 599 . Guns. ... 504 . . . 350 ... 342 ... 12 ... 7 . . . 100 . . . 222 . . . 109 . .. 46 . .. 45 . .. 28 . .. 28 4 Total ........................ 76 105,271 ...1,803 PURCHASED VESSELS. Side-wheel steamers 36 26,680 Screw steamers 43 20,403 Ships 13 .... 9,998 Schooners 24 5,324 Barks 18.... 8,432 Brigs 2 460 . 166 . 175 . 52 . 49 . 78 4 Total.. ..136 71,297 .... 524 VESSSELS CONSTRUCTED. Screw sloops 14 .... 16,787 Gun-boats 23 .... 11,661 Side-wheel steamers 12 .... 8,400 Iron-clad steamers 3 .... 4,600 Total.. ..52 41,448 98 92 48 18 256 making a total of 264 vessels, 2,583 guns, and 218,016 tons. The aggregate number of seamen in the service on the th of March last was 7,600. The number now is not less than 22,000." It was supposed by the unionists, at the commencement of the conflict, that the secessionists would soon fail in their resistance from want of food. However inferior the seceded States may be to the loyal States in the supply of edible products, the quantity produced by the former is not so much less as has been supposed, and is amply sufficient to sus- tain their population. The value of the live-stock in all the slave States amounts to $240,000,000, while that of the free States is esti- mated at $300,000,000. If we deduct from the former the value of the live- stock of the States of Delaware, Mary- land, Kentucky, and Missouri, the large amount of $180,000,000 is left as the product of the seceded States alone. The quantity of cereals, wheat, rye, In- dian corn, and oats annually produced by all the slave States is computed at 400,000,000 bushels, while that of the free States amounts to 350,000,000 only. If, again, we deduct from the former the production of the four slave States still loyal, the result leaves for the seceded States 333,628,204 bushels. In addition to this large supply of edible products, there must be added rice, of which 250,000,000 bushels are produced in the slave States, and none in the free. If we again deduct the small amount of 6,400 bushels produced in Kentucky and Missouri, there is left the large number of 214,993,600 bushels of rice as the product of the seceded States. Of cane-sugar 247,294 pounds, and of molasses 12,108,305 gallons, are pro- duced in the seceded States, a trifling quantity of both in the other slave States, and only a few gallons of the latter and none of the former in the free. In the annual production of barley and buckwheat, however, the free States greatly surpass the slave, that of the former being 13,750,000 bushels, and that of the latter only 560,200, of which 310,000 bushels are produced by the se- CAN THE ENEMY BE STARVED OUT? 369 ceded States. Of butter, the free States produce also the large quantity of 246,- 000,000 Ibs., while the seceded States produce only 44,770,000 Ibs., and the other slave States Delaware, 1,058,- 308 Ibs. ; Maryland, 3,806,161 Ibs. ; Kentucky, 9,847,523 Ibs. ; and Missouri, 7,834,359 Ibs. Of cheese, the product of the free States amounts to 104,000,- 000 Ibs., that of the seceded States 963,- 000 Ibs. only, and of the other slave States 424,488 Ibs. Of potatoes, the product in the free States gives the an- nual amount of 54, 000, 000 bushels ; that of the four slave States, Delaware, Mary- land, Kentucky, and Missouri, gives 3,393,974, and that of the other slave States 40,500,000. It must be under- stood that the potatoes of the Northern States are mostly those known as the Irish, and those of the slave States the sweet. Thus it will be seen that there is little probability of the insurrection- ists being starved out.* We give here some other valuable statistics which will assist in forming a comparative estimate of the re- sources of the two belligerents. TOBACCO. States. Pounds. Delaware None. Maryland 21,407,497 Kentucky 55,501,196 Missouri 17,113,784 In the other slave States 86,000,000 In all the free States 20,000,000 COTTON. States. Bales. Delaware None. Maryland None. Missouri None. Kentucky 758 In all the slave States 2,500,000 400 Ibs. in each bale. In all the free States None. 47 In estimating the resources of the Southern Confederacy, it must be borne in mind that it has hitherto reaped some benefit, though partial, directly from its communications with Maryland, Missouri and Kentucky, and indirectly through those States from the abounding North. The larger portion of the wealth, how- ever, of the slave States is dependent upon their cotton, estimated at an an- nual value of $200,000,000, and their slaves, computed to be worth from $700,000,000 to $1,000,000,000. The VALUE OF HOME-MADE MANUFACTURES. States. Dollars. Delaware 38,121 Maryland 1 11 ,828 Kentucky 2,459,128 Missouri 1,674,706 In the other slave States 14,349,347 In all the free States 9,260,000 WOOL. States. Pounds. Delaware 58,000 Maryland 477,000 Kentucky 2,300,000 Missouri 1,627,000 In the other slave States 9,000,000 In all the free States 40,000,000 HAT. States. Tons. Delaware 30,159 Maryland 157,956 Kentucky 113,747 Missouri 116,925 In the other slave States 721,676 In all the free States 12,700,000 FLAX. States. Pounds. Delaware 11,174 Maryland 35,686 Kentucky 2,100,116 Missouri 557,160 In the other slave States 2,000,000 In all the free States 3,000,000 POPULATION. INCREASE IN THE PAST TEN YEARS. In Delaware, Mary- land, Kentucky, Missouri 34 per cent. In the other slave States 25 per cent. 370 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. cotton, as long as the present blockade exists, and is respected by foreign pow- ers, is nearly valueless, for with but few unimportant uses for it at home, it is raised almost entirely for foreign export. As for the slaves, if they remain faith- ful, their labor can be transferred, though with a loss of profit, to the production of what is needed during the war, or even to operations essential to it. To form an idea of the magnitude of the work which the North has before it, it is necessary to consider the geograph- ical difficulties to be overcome. With the greatly superior resources of our Government, the war will probably be for the most part an offensive one, in the sense that it will be carried on in the enemy's territory. The extent of that territory, therefore, becomes a question of the utmost importance in estimating the probable magnitude of our opera- tions. The total area of the slave States, exclusive of Delaware, is no less than 886,199 square miles. To this im- mense territory there is a coast line of 3,523 miles, a shore line of 25,414, and an interior boundary line of 7,031 miles in length. Maryland, Missouri, and Kentucky, although loyal, are included in this estimate, for they form a part of the present field of military operations. The free State of Kansas, embracing 125,283 square miles, and the Western Territories with an aggregate area of 1,163,066 square miles, might be added perhaps, as they have already become, to some extent, and will continue to be, scenes of conflict. There is no record in history of so gigantic a war, and never have lived a people with such resources to carry it on. May the end be as beneficent as the means are profuse ! KING COTTON. 3T1 CHAPTER XXXIV. The Effect of Cotton upon Secession. Southern opinion. King Cotton and his Foreign Subjects. The influence of Cotton in England and France. The force of necessity operating in two ways. Will the hopes of the South be disappointed? New sources of a Cotton Supply. Southern Agents in Europe. Foreign Ministers appointed by the Federal Government. Their Character. Adams. Dayton. Instructions of Mr. Seward, Secretary of State. Intelligence from England anxiously awaited. Lord John Russell's Speech in Parliament. The Southern Confed- eracy acknowledged a Belligerent. Speech of Lord Palmerston. Effect in the United States. England denounced. Cotton in the Ears. Ungenerous expression of the British Press. Order of the British Government in regard to Armed Vessels and Privateers of the Belligerents. Declaration of the Emperor of France. Other Powers of Europe. Queen Victoria's Proclamation. Debate in the House of Lords. Lord Ellenborough's Speech. Blockade Denned. Contraband of War. Speech of Earl Granville. His Definition of Blockade and Contraband. Speech of the Earl of Derby. Declares Privateering not Piracy. British Subjects must be Protected. Speech of Lord Brougham. De- clares Privateering not Piracy. Warning to British Subjects. Speech of the Lord Chancellor. The Interests of Eng- land. How affected by the War. English soreness. How viewed by North and South. Difficulties. Correspond- ence between Lord Lyons and Seward. Seizure of Slidcll and Mason. Feeling toward the United States in France. Courtesy and Disinterestedness of French Writers. Visit of Prince Napoleon. The Comte de Paris and the Due de Chartres. The Letter of the Emperor of Russia. Se ward's Circular on Sea and Lake Fortifications. Its effect. Its true purport. 1861. THE presumption that their chief pro- duct was of vital importance to Europe, and especially to Great Britain and France, had undoubtedly a great influence in encouraging the cotton-producing States to take the bold step of seceding from the Union. Firmly persuaded that the millions of operatives of the British and French manufacturing towns were bound in compulsory subjec- tion to cotton, which the Southern plant- ers, in boastful pride of its power, had crowned " king, 7 ' they believed that all national obligations must necessarily yield to the peremptory allegiance de- manded by their proclaimed monarch. Without cotton, they supposed that the looms of Manchester and Mulhause would be stopped, their operatives deprived of work and necessarily of bread, and that the cry of the famished millions of England and France would so ring in imperial and queenly ears, that the voice of international justice and law could not be heard. They contended that self- preservation, the first law of nations as of individuals, would force the govern- ments of England and France to break through all restrictions of convention and right, to obtain what was supposed to be necessary to their vitality. It may be supererogatory now, while the march of events is so rapidly crushing out the most elaborate preconceived theories, to remind the sanguine calcula- tors of the South that the very necessity upon which they presumed, has a modi- fying power. Suddenly deprived of a product necessary to the support, if not to the existence, of a large portion of their people, the governments of Europe invoked new sources of produc- THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. tion, and India, Africa, South America, and the West Indies at once responded with a generous promise of a cotton sup- ply. That great suffering among Euro- pean operatives was a consequence of the sudden arrest of the commercial rela- tions of Great Britain and France with the Southern States of America, cannot be denied, but that it will act as a stim- ulus to the production of cotton else- where, will hardly be doubted. The Southern Confederacy, confidently calculating upon its controlling influence upon the policy of Europe, arising from its monopoly of the cotton supply, sent, at an early period, three commissioners, Messrs. Yancey and Mann to Great Britain, and Host to France, with the view of pressing, and giving a timely direction to, the interposition of these governments in the present struggle. The Federal Government, under the administration of its Republican chief, Mr. Lincoln, hastened to counteract the influence of the agents of the Confed- eracy, by sending to the various courts of Europe ambassadors of unquestioned loyalty, to take the place of those who had been appointed by Mr. Buchanan while under the guidance of his Southern advisers. While the patriotism of some of these was unquestioned, the dis- loyalty of others was either suspect or manifest. To the court of St. James was sent Mr. Adams, of Massachusetts, the son of John Quincy Adams and the grand- son of John Adams, a man who with large and refined culture, much social importance from wealth and family, and considerable political experience, is an able and dignified representative of the country, capable not only faithfully to guard its interests, but honorably to uphold its character. Mr. Dayton, of New Jersey, was sent to the court of the Tuileries, and though he wants the qual- ification of speaking the French lan- guage seldom possessed by our repre- sentatives sent to France is admitted to be a judicious statesman. A senator of the United States, and the candidate for Yice-President with Fremont for President, he had been elevated to such high political position at home, that it was reasonable to hope he would prove an able and dignified representative of the country abroad. The spirit of the instructions given to these ministers may be learned from the somewhat defiant message to the French secretary of state from Secretary Seward through Mr. Dayton: "Tell Mr. .Thouvenel, then, with the highest consideration and good feeling, that the thought of a dissolution of this Union, peaceably or by force, has never entered into the mind of any candid statesman here, and it is high time that it be dismissed by statesmen of Europe." While at the South the secessionists were confidently anticipating sympathy and an alliance in Europe, the North was not without anxiety lest they might be conceded. The intelligence from Eng- land especially was anxiously awaited. The first authoritative assertion of m a y the position of the English Govern- 6t ment came from Lord John Russell, the foreign secretary, in the British Parlia- THE SOUTH ACKNOWLEDGED A BELLIGERENT. 373 ment, in answer to a question from Mr. Gregory, who had already exhibited his sympathy with the seceded States, by giving notice of a motion to recognize them. In the House of Commons Mr. Greg- ory said : "Mr. Lincoln had proclaimed a blockade of the ports of the seven Confederate States, and, therefore, it was necessary to ask a question with regard to two other States which were in an attitude of hostility to the United States, although they did not belong to the South. He had to ask the noble lord, the Foreign Secretary 1st. Whether any attempt of the Government of the United States to levy Federal dues off foreign vessels outside the ports of North Carolina and Virginia, before such vessels break bulk, would not be an infringement of international law, and, if so, whether our Minister at Washington had received instr ictions to that effect? 2d. Whether the Government of the United States had been informed that a blockade of any port of the Southern confederated States, unless effec- tive, will not be recognized ? 3d. The Government of the United States having refused to relinquish the belligerent right of issuing letters-of-marque, the seven Southern con- federated and sovereign States having become to the United States a separate and independent foreign power, whether Her Majesty's Government recognizes the right of the President of the Southern Confederacy to issue letters- of-marque, and, if so, whether our Minister at Washing- ton had been notified to that effect ?" (Hear, hear.) Lord J. Russell said : "In regard to the honorable gentleman's first ques- tion, I have to say that, having consulted the Queen's Advocate with respect to Federal dues to be levied out- side the ports of North Carolina and Virginia, he stated to me that the answer to such a question must depend entirely upon the circumstances of the case, and that it could not at all be declared beforehand whether such an attempt to levy dues would be according or contrary to international law. Of course, no instructions on that sub- ject have been sent to Her Majesty's Minister at Wash- ington ; but Lord Lyons is of opinion that such an in- tention would be found impracticable, and would not be likely to be effective. [Hear, hear.] With respect to the honorable gentlemen's second question, whether the Gov- ernment of the United States have been informed that a blockade of any port of the Southern Confederacy, unless it were effective, would not be recognized, I certainly have not frit it necessary to give any instructions to our Minister on that subject. It is well known to Lord Lyons, and it certainly has been declared law by the United States, that no blockade could be recognized or deemed valid unless it were an effective blockade [hear, hear] , and I have no doubt that there would be no difference between Her Majesty's Government and the Government of the United States on that point. With regard to the honorable member's next question, as to the belligerent right of issuing letters-of- marque, I must, in the first place, wait for more explana- tion, and, in the second place, reserve part of the answer which I have to give. With respect to belligerent rights in the case of certain portions of a state being in insurrec- tion, there was a precedent which seems applicable to this purpose in the year 1825. The British Government at that time allowed the belligerent rights of the Provisional Government of Greece, and in consequence of that allow- ance, the Turkish Government made a remonstrance. I may state the nature of that remonstrance, and the reply of Mr. Canning. ' The Turkish Government complained that the British Government allowed to the Greek a bel- ligerent character, and observed that it appeared to forget that to subjects in rebellion no national character could properly belong.' But the British Government informed Mr. Stratford Canning, that ' the character of belligerency was not so much a principle as a fact ; that a certain degree of force and consistency, acquired by any mass of popula- tion engaged in war, entitled that population to be treated as a belligerent, and, even if their title were questionable, rendered it the interest well understood of all civilized nations so to treat them ; for what was the alternative ? A power or a community (call it which you will) which was at war with another, and which covered the sea with its cruisers, must either be acknowledged as a belligerent or dealt with as a pirate ;' which latter character, as ap- plied to the Greeks, was loudly disclaimed. In a separate dispatch of the same date (12th of October, 1825), Mr. S. Canning was reminded that when the British Government acknowledged the right of either belligerent to visit and detain British merchant vessels having enemy's property on board, and to confiscate such property, it was necessarily implied as a condition of such acknowledgment that the detention was for the purpose of bringing the vessels de- tained before an established court of prize, and that con- fiscation did not take place until after condemnation by such competent tribunal. The question has been under the consideration of the Government. They have con- sulted the law officers of the Crown. The Attorney and Solicitor-General, and the Queen's Advocate, and the Gov- ernment have come to the opinion thai the Southern Confederacy of America, according to those principles which seem to them to be just principles, must be treated as a belligerent. [Hear, hear.] But further questions arise out of that question, with re- spect to which we are still in doubt as what are the altera- tions which are to be made in the law of nations in consequence of the declaration of Paris ; and those questions being of a difficult and intricate nature, have not yet been determined upon. They are still under the consideration of the Government, and will be still further considered, before any declaration is made to other powers." (Hear, hear.) At a later hour the same evening, Mr. Bentinck asked Lord Palmerston, the Prime Minister, whether, after the 374 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. news recently received from America, he still adhered to the financial policy of Mr. Gladstone. Lord Palmerston said : "_No one can regret more than I do the intelligence which has been received within the last few days from America ; but, at the same time, any one must have been short-sighted and little capable of anticipating the prob- able course of human events who had not for a long time foreseen events of a similar character to those which we now deplore. [Hear, hear.] From the commencement of this unfortunate quarrel between the two sections of the United States, it was evident that the causes of disunion were too deeply seated to make it possible that separation would not take place, and it was also obvious that passions were so roused on both sides as to make it highly improbable that such separation could take place without a contest. In answer to the question of the honorable member, I would say that, however much I regret the intelligence which we have received within the last few days, yet that in- telligence ought not, in my opinion, to make any difference in the arrangements which, after the fullest consideration, we considered were calculated to meet all the requirements of the public service during the present year." (Hear, hear.) The declaration in behalf of the British Government by Lord John Rus- sell in his speech, that " the Southern Confederacy of America, according to those principles which seem to them to be just principles, must be treated as a belligerent," momentarily aroused great indignation at the North. England was charged with being recusant to her pro- fessed love of liberty and respect for law, in thus sanctioning the insurrection of a people who had exhibited a disre- gard for both, by proclaiming rebellion and slavery just and proper. Her states- men were denounced as being influenced merely by commercial interests, as if their ears were so stuffed with cotton that they could not listen to the voices of justice and humanity. If it had not been, however, for the ungenerous expression of opinion of the public press of Great Britain, to which, however, there were some honorable exceptions, there would probably have been less disposition in the United States to except to the action of the British Government. Many of the English journals, by precipitately predicting the dismemberment of the country as the result of the civil contest, and studiously perverting the motive of the struggle, greatly offended Northern sentiment. While they brought in strong relief the resolution of the Federal Government, in accordance with constitutional obliga- tions, not to interfere with slavery, they at the same time studiously covered the desire of the seceded States to extend and perpetuate it, with the pretext that they were fighting for commercial liberty. The original declaration of the British Government was modified by a subse- quent order in council, by which the belligerent character conceded to the Southern Confederacy was deprived of its chief advantage, that of the power of disposing in English ports of prizes cap- tured at sea. It is true that this was to be applied equally to both parties. It was, however, a curtailment of bellig- erent rights more injurious to the South- ern Confederacy than to the United States, as the latter, alone possessed of a commercial marine, was liable to suffer from captures. The order of the British Government was conveyed in the following letter : "FOREIGN OFFICE, June 1, 1861. To THE LORDS COMMISSIONERS OF THE ADMIRALTY My Lords : Her Majesty's Government, as you are aware, de- sirous of observing the strictest neutrality in the contest which appears to be imminent between the United States and the so-styled Confederate States of North America ; and with the view more effectually to carry out this prin- ciple, they propose to interdict the armed vessels, and also ENGLISH DECLARATION OF NEUTRALITY. 375 the privateers of both parties, from carrying prizes made by them into ports, harbors, roadsteads, or waters of the United Kingdom, or any of Her Majesty's colonies or pos- sessions abroad. " I have accordingly to acquaint your lordships that the Queen has been pleased to direct that orders, in conform- ity with the principles above stated, should forthwith be addressed to all proper authorities in the United King- dom, and to Her Majesty's naval and other authorities in all quarters beyond the United Kingdom, for their guid- ance in the circumstances. I have, etc. J. RUSSELL." A decree of the Emperor of France, June coinciding in principle with the H* action of the British Government, soon followed. It was thus officially pronounced : "His Majesty the Emperor of the French, taking into consideration the state of peace which now exists between France and the United States of America, has resolved to maintain a strict neutrality in the struggle between the Government of the Union and the States which propose to form a separate confederation. In consequence, His Majesty, considering article 14 of the naval law of August, 1861, the third article of the law of the 10th of April, 1825, articles 84 and 85 of the Penal Code, 65 and follow- ing of the decree of the 24th of March, 1852, 313 and following of the Code Penal Maritime, and article 21 of the Code Napoleon, declares "1. No vessel of war or privateer of either of the bel- ligerent parties will be allowed to enter or stay with prizes in our ports or roadsteads longer than twenty-four hours, excepting in case of compulsory delay (relacheforcee). "2. No sale of goods belonging to prizes is allowed in our ports and roadsteads. " 3. Every Frenchman is prohibited from taking a com- mission under either of the two parties to arm vessels of war, or to accept letters-of-marque for privateering pur- poses, or to assist in any manner whatsoever the equipment or armament of a vessel of war or privateering of either party. "4. Every Frenchman, whether residing in France or abroad, is likewise prohibited from enlisting or taking ser- vice either in the land army or on board vessels of war or privateers of either of the two belligerent parties. "5. Frenchmen residing in France or abroad must like- wise abstain from any act which, committed in violation of the laws of the empire or of international law, might be considered as an act hostile to one of the two parties and contrary to the neutrality which we have resolved to observe. All persons acting contrary to the prohibitions and recommendations contained in the present declaration will be prosecuted, if required, conformably to the enact- ments of the law of the 10th of April, 1825, and of articles 84 and 85 of the Penal Code, without prejudice to the ap- plication that might be made against such offenders of the enactments of the 21st article of the Code Napoleon, and of articles 65 and following of the decree of the 24th of March, 1852, on the merchant service, 313 and following of the Penal Code for the navy. " His Majesty declares, moreover, that every Frenchman contra vening the present enactments will have no claim to any protection from his government against any acts or measures, whatever they may be, which the belligerents might exercise or decree. NAPOLEON. "THOUVENEL, Minister of Foreign Affairs." Most of the other powers of Europe issued similar decrees, recognizing the Southern Confederacy as a belligerent, but placing the same restrictions upon its armed cruisers, as well as those of the United States, as had been done by Great Britain and France. The Queen of England, moreover, issued a proclamation, in which the "royal determination to maintain a strict and impartial neutrality," was re- iterated, offences against such neutrality specified, and their penalties awarded.* BT THE QUEEN A PROCLAMATION. "VICTORIA R. ' ' Whereas, We are happily at peace with all sovereigns, powers, and states ; "And whereas hostilities have unhappily commenced between the Government of the United States of America and certain States styling themselves ' the Confederate States of America ;' " And whereas we, being at peace with the Government of the United States, have declared our Royal determina- tion to maintain a strict and impartial neutrality in the contest between the said contending parties ; " We, therefore, have thought fit, by and with the ad- vice of our Privy Council, to issue this our Royal Procla- mation : "And we do hereby strictly charge and command all our loving subjects to observe a strict neutrality in and during the aforesaid hostilities, and to abstain from violat- ing or contravening either the laws and statutes of the realm in this behalf, or the law of nations in relation thereto, as they will answer to the contrary at their peril. "And whereas, in and by a certain statute made and passed in the fifty-ninth year of His Majesty King George III., entitled 'an act to prevent the enlisting or engage- ment of His Majesty's subjects to serve in a foreign service, and the fitting out or equipping, in His Majesty's domin- 376 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. The proclamation of the Queen was followed by a discussion in the House ions, vessels for warlike purposes, without His Majesty's license,' it is, among other things, declared and enacted as follows : " 'That if any natural born subject of His Majesty, his heirs and successors, without the leave or license of His Majesty, his heirs or successors, for that purpose first had and obtained, under the sign manual of His Majesty, his heirs or successors, or signified by order in council, or by proclamation of His Majesty, his heirs or successors, shall take or accept, or shall agree to take or accept, any mili- tary commission, or shall otherwise enter into the military service as a commissioned or non-commissioned officer, or shall enlist or enter himself to enlist, or shall agree to en- list or to enter himself to serve as a soldier, or to be em- ployed, or shall serve in any warlike or military operation in the service of, or for, or under, or in aid of any foreign prince, state, potentate, colony, province, or part of any province or people, or of any person or persons, exercising or assuming to exercise the powers of government in or over any foreign country, colony, province, or part of any province or people, either as an officer or a soldier, or in any other military capacity ; or if any natural born sub- ject of His Majesty shall, without such leave or license as aforesaid, accept, or agree to take or accept, any commis- sion, warrant, or appointment, as an officer, or shall enlist or enter himself, or shall agree to enlist or enter himself, to serve as a sailor or marine, or to be employed or en- gaged, or shall serve in and on board any ship or vessel of war, or in and on board any ship or vessel used or fitted out, or equipped, or intended to be used for any warlike purpose, in the service of, or for, or under, or in aid of any foreign power, prince, state, potentate, colony, province, or part of any province or people, or of any person or persons exercising or assuming to exercise the powers of government in or over any foreign country, colony, prov- ince, or part of any province or people ; or, if any natural born subject of His Majesty shall, without such leave and license as aforesaid, engage, contract, or agree to go, or shall go, to any foreign state, country, colony, province, or part of any province, or to any place beyond the seas, with an intent or in order to enlist or enter himself to serve, or with intent to serve, in any warlike or military operation whatever, whether by land or by sea, in the service of, or for, or under, or in aid of any foreign prince, state, potentate, colony, province, or part of any province or people, or in the service of, or for, or under, or in aid of any person or persons exercising or assuming to exercise the powers of government in or over any foreign country, colony, province, or part of any province, or people, either as an officer or a soldier, or in any other military capacity, or an officer or sailor, or marine in any such ship or vessel as aforesaid, although no enlisting money, or pay, or reward shall have been or shall be in any or either of the cases aforesaid actually paid to or received by him, or of Lords, in the course of which the questions of what constitutes a blockade by any person to or for his use or benefit ; or if any person whatever, within the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, or any part of His Majesty's dominions else- where, or in any country, colony, settlement, island, or place belonging to or subject to His Majesty, shall hire, retain, engage, or procure, or shall attempt or endeavor to hire, retain, engage, or procure any person or persons whatever to enlist, or enter, or engage to enlist, or to serve or to be employed in any such service or employment as aforesaid, as an officer, soldier, Bailor, or marine, either in land or sea service, for, or under, or in aid of any foreign prince, state, potentate, colony, province, or part of any province or people, or for, or under, or in aid of any per- son or persons exercising or assuming to exercise any powers of government as aforesaid, or to go or to agree to go or embark from any part of His Majesty's dominions, for the purpose or with intent to be enlisted, entered, en- gaged, or employed as aforesaid, whether any enlisting money, pay, or reward shall have been or shall be actually given or received, or not ; in any or either of such cases every person so offending shall be deemed guilty of a mis- demeanor, and upon being convicted thereof, upon any information or indictment, shall be punishable by fine and imprisonment, or either of them, at the discretion of the Court before which such offender shall be convicted.' "And it is in and by the said act further enacted : " 'That if any person, within any part of the United Kingdom or in any part of His Majesty's dominions be- yond the seas, shall without the leave and license of His Majesty, for that purpose first had and obtained as afore- said, equip, furnish, fit out, or arm, or attempt or endeavor to equip, furnish, fit out, or arm, or procure to be equipped, furnished, fitted out, or armed, or shall knowingly aid, assist, or be concerned in the equipping, furnishing, fitting out, or arming of any ship or vessel, with intent or in order that such ship or vessel shall be employed in the service of any foreign prince, state, or potentate, or of any foreign colony, province, or part of any province or people, or of any person or persons, exercising or assuming to ex- ercise any powers of government in or over any foreign state, colony, province, or part of any province or people, as a transport or store ship, or with intent to cruise or commit hostilities against any prince, state, or potentate, or against the subjects or citizens of any prince, state, or potentate, or against the persons exercising or assuming to exercise the powers of government in any colony, prov- ince, or part of any province or country, or against the inhabitants of any foreign colony, province, or part of any province or country, with whom His Majesty shall not then be at war ; or shall, within the United Kingdom, or any of His Majesty's dominions, or in any settlement, colony, territory, island, or place belonging or subject to His Majesty, issue or deliver any commission for any ship or vessel to the intent that such ship or vessel shall be BLOCKADE AND CONTRABAND DEFINED. 377 and how contraband of war should be defined, were solved variously by the employed as aforesaid, every such person so offending shall be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor, and shall upon con- viction thereof, upon any information or indictment, be punished by fine and imprisonment, or either of them, at the discretion of the Court in which such offender shall be convicted ; and every such ship or vessel, with the tackle, apparel, and furniture, together with all the mate- rials, arms, ammunition, and stores which may belong to or be on board of any such ship or vessel, shall be for- feited ; and it shall be lawful for any officer of His Maj- esty's customs or excise, or any officer of His Majesty's navy, who is by law empowered to make seizures, for any forfeiture incurred under any of the laws of customs or excise, or the laws of trade and navigation, to seize such ships and vessels aforesaid, and in such places and in such manner in which the officers of His Majesty's customs or excise and the officers of His Majesty's navy are empowered respectively to make seizures under the laws of customs and excise, or under the laws of trade and navigation ; and that every ship and vessel, with the tackle, apparel, and furniture, together with all the materials, arms, am- munition, and stores which may belong to or be on board of such ship or vessel, may be prosecuted and condemned in the like manner, and in such courts as ships or vessels may be prosecuted and condemned for any breach of the laws made for the protection of the revenues of customs and excise, or of the laws of trade and navigation. ' ' ' And it is in and by the said act further enacted : " ' That if any person in any part of the United King- dom of Great Britain and Ireland, or in any part of His Majesty's dominions beyond the seas, without leave and license of His Majesty, for that purpose first had and ob- tained as aforesaid, shall, by adding to the number of the guns of such- vessel, or by changing those on board for other guns, or by the addition of any equipment for war, increase or augment, or procure to be increased or aug- mented, or shall be knowingly concerned in increasing or augmenting the warlike force of any ship or vessel of war or cruiser, or other armed vessel, which at the time of her arrival in any part of the United Kingdom, or any of His Majesty's dominions, was a ship of war, cruiser, or armed vessel in the service of any foreign prince, state, or poten- tate, or of any person or persons exercising or assuming to exercise any powers of government in or over any colony, province, or part of any province or people belonging to the subjects of any such prince, state, or potentate, or to the inhabitants of any colony, province, or part of any province or country under the control of any person or persons so exercising or assuming to exercise the powers of government, eveiy such person so offending shall be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor, and shall, upon being convicted thereof, upon any information or indictment, be punished by fine and imprisonment, or either of them, at 48 different speakers. Lord Ellenborough, opposed to the present Government, de- the discretion of the Court before which such offender shall be convicted.' " Now, in order that none of our subjects may unwarily render themselves liable to the penalties imposed by the said statute, we do hereby strictly command, that no person or persons whatsoever do commit any act, matter, or thing whatsoever, contrary to the provisions of the said statute, upon pain of the several penalties by the said statute im- posed, and of our high displeasure. " And we do hereby further warn all our loving sub- jects, and all persons whatsoever entitled to our protec- tion, that if any of them shall presume, in contempt of this Royal Proclamation, and of our high displeasure, to do any acts in derogation of their duty as subjects of a neutral sovereign, in the said contest, or in violation or contravention of the law of nations in that behalf as, for example and more especially, by entering into the military service of either of the said contending parties as commis- sioned or non-commissioned officers or soldiers ; or by serving as officers, sailors, or marines on board any ship or vessel of war or transport of or in the service of either of the said contending parties; or by serving as officers, sailors, or marines on board any privateer bearing letters- of -marque of or from either of the said contending parties ; or by engaging to go or going to any place beyond the seas with intent to enlist or engage in any such service, or by procuring or attempting to procure within Her Majesty's dominions, at home or abroad, others to do so ; or by fit- ting out, arming, or equipping any ship or vessel to be em- ployed as a ship-of-war, or privateer, or transport, by either of the said contending parties ; or by breaking, or endeavoring to break, any blockade lawfully and actually established by or on behalf of either of the said contending parties ; or by carrying officers, soldiers, despatches, arms, military stores, or materials, or any article or articles con- sidered and deemed to be contraband of war according to the law of modern usage of nations, for the use or service of either of the said contending parties, all persons so offending will incur and be liable to the several penalties and penal consequences by the said statute, or by the law of nations, in that behalf imposed or denounced. ' ' And we do hereby declare that all our subjects and per- sons entitled to our protection who may misconduct them- selves in the premises will do so at their peril and of their own wrong, and that they will in nowise obtain any pro- tection from us against any liability or penal consequences, but will, on the contrary, incur our high displeasure by such misconduct. " Given at our Court at the White Lodge, Richmond Park, this 13th day of May, in the year of our Lord 1861, and In the 24th year of our reign. " GOD save the QUEEN." London Gazette, May 14. 378 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. clared if they adhered to the maritime law agreed to by the Plenipotentiaries of Paris, which declared that, "in order to be binding, a blockade must be an effectual blockade" that was to say, that it should be maintained by a force sufficient to prevent access to the ene- my's coasts, and these words were to be literally understood that "a blockade was a thing almost physically impossible, because no nation in the world possessed a fleet large enough for this purpose." His lordship, moreover, expressed his regret that the Queen, in her proclama- tion, had not clearly asserted the well- recognized principle, that "contraband of war was that which, in possession of an enemy, would enable him better to carry on the war." Earl Granville, as Lord President, spoke authoritatively for the Govern- ment, and declared, "There was no doubt that blockade was lawfully and actually established, if maintained in a proper form and manner, and by such a force as to make it, not impossible, but difficult for vessels to enter or come out." In regard to contraband of war, his lordship said : ' ' Certain articles were clearly contraband of war, and the character of others could only be deter- mined by the decision of the prize courts. Her Majesty's Government, therefore, had pursued a wise course, in his opinion, in not specifying what was contraband of war." The Earl of Derby, though the leader of the opposition, was not disposed, he said, "to complain of the terms of the proclamation as being vague and un- certain." He, however, insisted that Her Majesty's Government should make it clearly understood that "a mere paper blockade, alleged to extend over a wide extent of coast which it was impossible to blockade, would not be recognized as valid by the Brit- ish Government." In regard to the declaration of the United States, that the privateers of the States in rebellion are pirates, his lordship said : "He ap- prehended that if anything was clearer than another, it was that privateering was not piracy, and that no law could make that piracy, as regarded the sub- jects of one nation, which was not piracy by the law of nations. Conse- quently the United States must not be allowed to entertain this doctrine, and to call upon Her Majesty's Government not to interfere. They must not strain the law so as to visit with penalty of death, as for piracy, persons entitled to Her Majesty's protection. That was a question which could not be viewed with indifference, but must be seriously considered by the Government." Lord Brougham said : "It was clear that privateering was not piracy, by the law of nations, however much it might be lamented that it was not so. But if any person or subject of this country (Great Britain) entered into an expedi- tion against another country, with which we (Great Britain) were at peace, that was of itself a piratical act, and they had themselves to blame who, after full warning, chose to take that course, and could not expect their govern- ment to interpose to save them from A PRIVATEER NOT A PIRATE. 379 the extreme penalties attached to that course." The Lord Chancellor declared, "There was no doubt that if an Englishman en- gaged in the service of the Southern States, he violated the laws of the coun- try and rendered himself liable to pun- ishment, and that he had no right to trust to the protection of his native country to shield him from the conse- quences of his act. But though that individual would be guilty of a breach of the law of his own country, he could not be treated as a pirate, and those who treated him as a pirate would be guilty of murder" Lord Kingsdown said : " As to the state of the law, there could be no doubt a pri- vateer acting under a government was not a pirate. No doubt the United States did not put the extravagant proclama- tion they had issued upon the ground that privateers were pirates, because they themselves insisted upon the right of privateering. But they put it upon this ground, that they were dealing with rebels, and that they would hang them, not, properly speaking, as pirates, but as persons who were guilty of high treason against the State to which they were subject. Of course it was a matter for their own consideration what was to be the operation of that proclamation. He believed that the enforcement of that doctrine would be an act of barbarity which would produce an outcry through- out the civilized world, but he hoped that it was a mere brutum fulmen, and not in- tended to be carried out. But that being the case with regard to their own coun- try, the case with regard to England was quite different. We had recognized the Southern Confederacy, not as an inde- pendent State, but as a belligerent Power ; and therefore, if the Federal Government should act upon the principle they had laid down as against British subjects, he apprehended that this Govern- ment might with perfect justice interfere, and under some circumstances they might, by the influence of public opinion, be com- pelled to interfere. Yet, at the same time, the offender could not as a right, having acted in violation of the feeling of his own country, and therefore of his own government, call upon his govern- ment to interfere." Lord Brougham, at the close of the debate, made a pertinent allusion to the case of Ambrister and Arbuthnot, exe- cuted by General Jackson, to remind British subjects of the risk they run in serving on either side : "A case had occurred," his lordship said, "about thirty years ago, where two British subjects were tried and hanged for piratical interference on land, and no step was taken to save their lives or avenge their death." Such are the intimate and extensive commercial relations between Great Britain and the United States, that any war waged by the one must necessarily affect the interests of the other. The present struggle has inflicted an enor- mous injury upon the manufacturing and commercial resources of England, and produced a corresponding degree of national soreness, which is watched with equal interest by both belligerents 380 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. in this country, though with different feelings. The United States looks on with defiant vigilance, while the South- ern Confederacy, in the hope of an English alliance, industriously strives to inflame British irritability to active hos- tility. Difficulties soon arose in regard to the seizure of British vessels and the im- prisonment of British subjects, followed by a disputatious correspondence be- tween the British ambassador at Wash- ington, Lord Lyons, and William H. Seward, the secretary of state of the United States ; but nothing occurred beyond the power of diplomacy to solve till the seizure of Messrs. Slidell and Mason, the ambassadors of the Southern Confederacy, under the British flag, and in transitu between neutral ports the history of which belongs to a more ad- vanced part of this narrative an event which threatened for a short time to bring about an open rupture. France, though its emperor was repu- ted to be disposed to interfere in our civil quarrel, by a recognition of the South- ern Confederacy, excited less inquietude in the United States than Great Britain. Under the French imperial dynasty, with its restrictions upon the press and legislature, there is necessarily less free- dom of expression of opinion than in the constitutional monarchy of England, where all are free to write and speak what they think. There was accord- ingly in the former a more decorous re- serve in regard to the merits of the question at issue, and consequently France, by apparently preserving a more dignified neutrality, did less than Great Britain to arouse unkindly feeling in the United States. French writers, as their country's material interests were not so much endangered, were able to discuss the question according to the abstract principles of liberty and right, while the English, less disinterested, treated it in reference to its practical bearings upon a suffering trade and commerce. The visit of the cousin of the Em- peror of France, Prince Jerome Napo- leon, and his advocacy of the Northern cause, served to beget a friendly feeling at the North towards France, which was strengthened by the accession of the two young French princes to the ranks of our army the Comte de Paris and the Due de Chartres who, though of the Orleans dynasty, and exiles, were yet welcomed in America as countrymen of the gallant Lafayette. The Emperor of Russia manifested his regard for the United States by counselling reconciliation. His prime minister expressed the opinion of his imperial master in a letter* addressed to M. Ed. de Stoeckl, Russian minister at Washington, with instructions to read it to the President. c "Sx. PETERSBURGH, July 10. "M. DE STOECKL, ETC., ETC. Sir: From the beginning of the conflict which divides the United States of Amer- ica, you have been desired to make known to the Federal Government the deep interest with which our august mas- ter was observing the development of a crisis which puts in question the prosperity and even the existence of tho Union. The Emperor profoundly regrets to see thai the hope of a peaceful solution is not realized, and that Amei- ican citizens already in arms are ready to let loose upon the country the most formidable of the scourges of polit- SEWARD'S CIRCULAR. 381 A circular by the Secretary of State, Mr. Seward, requesting the Governors of the several States to draw the atten- tion of the legislative authorities to the necessity of providing sea and lake coast fortifications, created some inquietude, ical society a civil war. For the more than eighty years that it has existed, the American Union owes its inde- pendence, its towering rise, and its progress to the concord of its members, consecrated, under the auspices of its illustrious founder, by institutions which have been able to reconcile the Union with liberty. This Union has been faithful. It has exhibited to the world the spectacle of a prosperity without example in the annals of history. It would be deplorable that, after so conclusive an experi- ence, the United States should be hurried into a breach of the solemn compact which, up to this time, has made their power. In spite of the diversity of their constitu- tions and of their interests, and perhaps even because of this diversity. Providence seems to urge them to draw closer the traditional cord which is the basis of the very condition of their political existence. In any event, the sacrifices which they might impose upon themselves to maintain it are beyond comparison with those which dis- solution would bring after it. United they perfect them- selves, isolated they are paralyzed. "The struggle which unhappily has just arisen can neither be indefinitely prolonged, nor lead to the total destruction of one of the parties. Sooner or later it will be necessary to come to some settlement, whatsoever it may be, which may cause the divergent interests now actually in conflict to co-exist. The American nation would then give a proof of high political wisdom in seek- ing in common such a settlement before a useless effusion of blood, a barren squandering of strength and public riches, and acts of violence and reciprocal reprisals shall have come to deepen an abyss between the two parties of the confederation, to end, definitely, in their mutual ex- haustion, and in the ruin, perhaps irreparable, of their commercial and political power. Our august master can not resign himself to admit such deplorable anticipations. " His Imperial Majesty still places his confidence in that practical good sense of the citizens of the Union who ap- preciate so judiciously their true interests. His Majesty is happy to believe that the members of the Federal Gov- ernment and the influential men of the two parties will as if indicating the danger of Europe in- terfering in behalf of the seceded States. This circular, however, having been care- fully bruited abroad, was believed to be intended rather as a warning to foreign nations than as advice for ourselves. seize all occasions, and will unite all their efforts to calm the effervescence of the passions. There are no interests so divergent that it may not be possible to reconcile them by laboring to that end with zeal and perseverance, in a spirit of justice and moderation. "If, within the limits of your friendly relations, your language and your counsels may contribute to this result, you will respond, sir, to the intentions of His Majesty, the Emperor, in devoting to this the personal influence which you may have been able to acquire during your long residence at Washington, and the consideration which belongs to your character as the representative of a sovereign animated by the most friendly sentiments towards the American Union. This Union is not simply, in our eyes, an element essential to the universal political equilibrium ; it constitutes besides a nation to which our august master and all Russia have pledged the most friendly interest ; for the two countries, placed at the extremities of the two worlds, both in the ascending pe- riod of their development, appear called to a natural community of interests and of sympathies, of which they have already given mutual proofs to each other. I do not wish here to approach any of the questions which divide the United States. We are not called upon to express ourselves in this contest. The preceding consid- erations have no other object than to attest the lively solicitude of the Emperor in the presence of the dangers which menace the American Union, and the sincere wishes which His Majesty entertains for the maintenance of that great work, so laboriously raised, and which appeared so rich in its future. "It is in this sense, sir, that I desire you to express yourself, as well to the members of the general Govern- ment as to the influential persons whom you may meet, giving them the assurance that in every event the Ameri- can nation may count upon our most cordial sympathy on the part of our august master during the important crisis which it is passing through at present. "Receive, sir, the expression of my very deep consid- eration. GORTSCH AKOFF. ' ' 382 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. CHAPTER XXXV. The marshaling of the Forces on the Potomac Strength of the Federal Army. Uncertain Estimates. Neglect of Officers. Embarrassment of Officials. The Secretary of War left to conjecture. The Commander-in-Chief unac- quainted with his Army An undisciplined mass. Impatience of the Nation. " On to Richmond." Origin of the cr y. Contempt of the Enemy. Effect of the "On to Richmond" cry upon the Cabinet and Commander-in-Chief. The Advance against the Enemy determined upon. General Irvine McDowell. His Life and Character. The Federal Army. How distributed. The Strength of the Enemy. Contradictory Computations. The position of Manassas described. A Eulogy of Beauregard. Remarkable Reticence. A truculent Proclamation of Bcauregard. "Beauty and Booty." A reckless Movement. Advantages of the Enemy. Reluctance of Scott and McDowell. Who led the Federal Troops to Bull Run ? Press, Politicians, and Cabinet. 1861, SUCH was the patriotic alacrity with which the North had already, in the months of May and June, re- sponded to the call of the President, that over 200,000 militia and volunteers had been enrolled, and many of them engaged in active service. The enemy had been no less energetic, with the ad- vantage of earlier preparation. By the middle of July, Washington was pro- nounced safe, the Virginian shore of the Potomac occupied, Maryland tranquil- lized, and the communications through it with the loyal States restored ; a con- siderable force was marching to Harper's Ferry to operate in the valley of the Shenandoah, and McClellan had com- pleted his triumphant campaign in West- ern Virginia. The force in and about Washington was variously conjectured to amount to from 40,000 to 60,000 men, but it was difficult to form a precise estimate. So precipitately had the troops, inspirited by the eager patriotism of the country, poured in, and so hastily had they been enrolled, that many of the inexperienced officers, perplexed by duties of which they were ignorant, had either not as- certained or failed to make returns of the number of their men. The Secretary of War, in common with other officials, overwhelmed by the suddenly increased magnitude of his labors, was inca- pable for the moment of evolving order out of the general confusion. He was therefore left to conjecture, in regard to the armed multitude which had rushed to the rescue of the endangered government. The Commander-in-chief, it is believed, was unable, at that time, to compute with any degree of accuracy even the numerical force under his com- mand, and with much less certainty its efficacy as a military power. While none could witness without patriotic pride the spirit and the excellence of material of the immense throng of citi- zens mustered to defend with their lives the national existence, no careful observ- er could behold the undisciplined mass without anxious inquietude. The country, however, indignant at those who, after having destroyed the p g o | w u " "OX TO RICHMOND." 383 unity of the nation, now threatened to attack the Government in the very seat of its capital, was impatient to avenge both the injury and insult. Not com- prehending the necessity of military or- ganization and discipline, or too impul- sive to await their slow operation, and at the same time proud of and confident in their citizen soldiers, the people of the North became impatient of inaction. This feeling found expression in the public press, oftener a servile flatterer than an independent guide of popular opinion. Most of the Northern news- papers were filled with systematic at- tacks upon the administration at Wash- ington and the Commander-in-chief for their inertness, and with vehement ap- peals to action. Thus was raised the cry of " On to Richmond." The enemy, it was declared, were a mere handful of bravadoes, who were presuming upon the cowardice of the North, which they had always proclaimed and the inactivity of the Federal forces seemed to confirm. With one swoop of the "grand army' 7 of the North, it was again and again declared the Southern braggarts would be swept away, not only from Washing- ton, which they impudently confronted, but from their own capital, which they had audaciously established at Rich- mond. The newspaper cry of " On to Rich- mond," re-echoed by the people and by their representatives at Washington in Congress assembled, was taken up even, it is said, by the President and the Cab- inet, and borne with official emphasis to the ears of the veteran Commander-in- chief. General Scott is believed long to have turned a deaf ear to the suggestion, however loud and peremptory, with which, with his military experience, he considered it dangerous, if not fatal, to comply. He, however, finally yielded, and it was determined to move from the line of the Potomac against the enemy. It was resolved by the Commander-in- chief, General Scott, to advance with an army variously estimated at from 30,000 to 45,000 men, to be placed under the immediate command of General Mc- Dowell, than whom there was not at that time an officer in the United States of higher consideration. Irvine McDowell was born in Ohio, and having received the appointment to a cadetship, entered West Point in 1834. After the usual course of study, of four years, he graduated, and in 1838 was promoted to the rank of brevet second lieutenant. For a short time, until November, 1841, he was instructor of tactics at the academy of West Point, and subsequently appointed adjutant, which office he held until October, 1845. In the mean time he had been pro- moted to a first lieutenancy, his rank taking date from October, 1842. From October, 1845, to May, 1847, he was aide- de-camp to General Wool, and served in that capacity during the Mexican war. For his gallant conduct at the battle of Buena Vista, he was honored with the brevet rank of captain. On the 23d of February, 1847, he was again promoted to the post of assistant adju- tant-general, with the rank of captain in May, 1847. In February, 1851, he 384 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. relinquished rank in the line. On March 31st, 1856, he was still adjutant-general, with promotion, however, to the rank of major. In May, 1861, he was elevated to the high rank of brigadier-general, and appointed to the command of the Federal line on the Potomac. All who are brought in contact with General McDowell are greatly impressed with his soldierly bearing, his frank and courteous manners, and his apparent force of character, though softened in ex- pression by his gentle and modest mien. "He is a man," said the London Times correspondent, " in the prime of life, some forty and odd years of age, very powerfully built, with a kindly, honest, soldierly expression in face and man- ners. A French writer in the Opinion Na- tionale, of Paris, reported to be no less a personage than Prince Napoleon himself, though probably one of his suite, who accompanied him on his visit to the United States, says : " General McDowell commands all the troops on the right bank of the Potomac. He is a man of forty-two years, tall and large. His face is not particularly fine, but it is remarkably open and sympa- thetic, through its air of frankness and kindness. " If McClellan resembles one of our engineer officers, McDowell resembles one of our infantry officers. Did I not dread reducing to puerile shades the search for resemblances and assimila- tions, I should say that McDowell has the type of a chief of battalion of foot chasseurs. His conversation, his char- acter, and his principles are still superior to his appearance, favorable as that is. He is one of the honestest, truest, sim- plest men that you can meet. He sus- tained a terrible check at Bull Run, and he speaks of it without bitterness, with- out recrimination, with an accent of sin- cerity and an elevation of sentiment that do him the greatest honor. Deprived of the supreme command in consequence of that reverse, he has seen McClellan, his fellow-student at West Point, young- er than himself by several years, inherit his honors, his position, and his growing popularity. He has taken, without complaint and without murmur, an in- ferior place under him whose mission it is to repair the misfortune attached to his name. Well, no one doubts that McDowell will be the most submissive, most devoted of McClellan's lieutenants. McDowell has, besides, a reputation in the army of being a sort of stoic philos- opher, a reputation sought after and more or less deserved by a certain num- ber of West Point pupils. He drinks neither wine, tea, nor coffee, does not smoke, and has habits of sobriety and self-denial quite in keeping with his Puritan principles." In addition to the army under the im- mediate command of General McDowell, soon to advance against the enemy in Virginia, there was a considerable force under General Patterson, who, as has already been seen, was in pursuit of the enemy under General Johnston, in the northeastern part of Virginia, near Winchester. General Scott relied upon Patterson to beat, or so keep STRENGTH OF MANASSAS. 385 Johnston in check as to prevent his forming a junction with Beauregard, the Confederate commander, against whom McDowell's attack was to be directed. Manassas Junction was the main posi- tion and headquarters of Beauregard. Here and in its environs he held an army which was variously estimated at from 50,000 to 75,000, although he him- self has declared that at that time his whole effective force amounted to only 17,000 men. "The position of Manassas," accord- ing to a Louisianian, writing from its encampments, "is by nature one of the strongest that could be found in the whole State. About half way between the eastern spur of the Blue Ridge and the Potomac, below Alexandria, it com- mands the whole country between, so perfectly that there is scarce a possibil- ity of its being turned. The right wing stretches off towards the head waters of the Occoquan, through a wooded country, which is easily made impassable by the felling of trees. The left is a rolling table-land, easily commanded from the successive elevations, till you reach a country so rough and so rugged that it is a defence to itself. The key to the whole position, in fact, is pre- cisely that point which General Beaure- gard chose for his centre, and which he has fortified so strongly that, in the opinion of military men, 5,000 men could there hold 20,000 at bay. "The position, in fact, is fortified in part by nature herself. It is a succes- sion of hills, nearly equidistant from 49 each other, in front of which is a ravine, so deep and so thickly wooded that it is passable only at two points, and those through gorges which fifty men can de- fend against a whole army." The same authority bears personal witness to the strength of this position in the declara- tion, " that it was at one of these points that the Washington Artillery were at first encamped, and though only half the battalion was then there, and we had only one company of infantry to sup- port us, we slept as soundly under the protection of our guns as if we had been in a fort of the amplest dimen- sions. " Of the fortifications superadded here by General Beauregard to those of na- ture, it is of course," says the cautious enemy, "not proper for me to speak." He, however, tells the general reader that "he will have a sufficiently pre- cise idea of them by conceiving a line of forts some two miles in extent, zig- zag in form, with angles, salients, bas- tions, casemates, and everything that properly belongs to works of this kind. The strength and advantages of this position at Manassas are very much in- creased by the fact, that fourteen miles farther on is a position of similar forma- tion, while the country between is ad- mirably adapted to the subsistence and entrenchment of troops, in numbers as large as they can easily be manoeuvred on the real battle-field. Water is good and abundant ; forage, such as is every- where found in the rich farming districts of Virginia, and the communication with all parts of the country easy. 386 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. ' ' Here, overlooking an extensive plain, watered by mountain streams, which ultimately find their way to the Poto- mac, and divided into verdant fields of wheat and oats and corn, pasture and meadow, are the headquarters of the advanced forces of the army of the Potomac. They are South Carolinians, Louisianians, Alabamians, Mississippi- ans, and Virginians for the most part ; the first two, singularly enough, being in front and they will keep it, their friends at home may rest assured. Never," exclaims the partial chronicler, "have I seen a finer body of men men who were more obedient to discipline, or who breathed a more self-sacrificing patriot- ism. The same enthusiastic eulogist of all that pertains to the cause of his fellow- secessionists, pays this tribute to Gen- eral Beauregard : "As might be ex- pected from the skill with which he has chosen his position, and the system with which he encamps and moves his men, General Beauregard is very popular here. I doubt if Napoleon himself had more the undivided confidence of his army. By nature, as also from a wise policy, he is very reticent. Not an individual here knows his plans or a single move of a regiment before it is made, and then only the colonel and his men know where it goes to. There is not a man here who can give anything like a satis- factory answer how many men he has or where his exact lines are. For the distance of fourteen miles around, you see tents everywhere, and from them you can make a rough estimate of his men ; but how many more are encamped on the by-roads and in the forests none can tell. The new-comer, from what he sees at first glance, puts down the number at about 30,000 men ; those who have been here longest, estimate his force at 45,000, 50,000, and some even at 60,000 strong. And there is the same discrepancy as to the quantity of .his artillery. So close does the General keep his affairs to him- self, that his left hand hardly knows what his right hand doeth, and so jealous is he of this prerogative of a commanding offi- cer, that I verily believe if he suspected his coat of any acquaintance with the plans revolving within him, he would cast it from him."* * Of the truculent spirit which animated this distin- guished leader, there is evidence in this proclamation : "HEADQUARTERS, DEFT. OF ALEXANDRIA, | CAMP PICKENS, June 5, 1861. \ " To THE PEOPLE OF THE COUNTIES OF LOUDON, FAIRFAX, AND PRINCE WILLIAM A reckless and unprincipled tyrant has invaded your soil. Abraham Lincoln, regardless of all moral, legal, and constitutional restraints, has thrown his Abolition hosts among you, who are murdering and im- prisoning your citizens, confiscating and destroying your property, and committing other acts of violence and out- rage too shocking and revolting to humanity to be enu- merated. "All rules of civilized warfare are abandoned, and they proclaim by their acts, if not on their banners, that their war-cry is ' BEAUTY AND BOOTY.' All that is dear to man your honor and that of your wives and daughters your fortunes and your lives, are involved in this momentous contest. ' ' In the name, therefore, of the constituted authorities of the Confederate States in the sacred cause of constitu- tional liberty and self-government, for which we are con- tending in behalf of civilization itself, I, Gr. T. Beaure- gard, Brigadier-General of the Confederate States, com- manding at Camp Pickens, Manassas Junction, do make this my proclamation, and invite and enjoin you by every consideration dear to the hearts of freemen and patriots. by the name and memory of your Revolutionary fathers, and by the purity and sanctity of your domestic firesides, to rally to the standard of your State and country, and by every means in your power compatible with honorable WHO LED THE ARMY. 387 It was against a force that none of the Federal officers could compute with ac- curacy, entrenched in a position strong by nature and fortified by art, ai d com- manded by the ablest of the Confederate commanders, that General Scott, yield- ing to the passionate impulse of popular feeling, reluctantly determined to throw his undisciplined masses. It is true it was reasonable to suppose that the force of the enemy was no more disciplined than our own, but it could not fail to be warfare, to drive back and expel the invaders from your land. " I conjure you to be true and loyal to your countr and her legal and constitutional authorities, and especially to be vigilant of the movements and acts of the enemy, so as to enable you to give the earliest authentic information at these headquarters, or to the officers under my com- mand. " I desire to assure you that the utmost protection in my power will be given to you all. " G. T. BEAUEEGARD, "Brigadier-General Commanding. " Official THOMAS JORDAN, " Acting Assistant Adjutant-General." recognized by every one of military ex- perience, as an unquestionable fact, that raw troops always act at a disadvantage as assailants, and with most effect when on the defensive and under the cover of fortifications or breastworks. In the offensive movement, therefore, of the Federal troops against the Confederate army, entrenched at Manassas, the ad- vantage was clearly on the side of the enemy. Conscious of this, the Com- mander-in-chief, Scott, reluctantly gave his orders to advance, and his experi- enced general, McDowell, reluctantly obeyed him. The leadership, however, of the army had been practically as- sumed by an excited people, an obse- quious press, the artful politicians, and an inexperienced cabinet, and with the cry of " On to Richmond," they led a brave but undisciplined force to the defeat at Bull Run. 388 THE WAK WITH THE SOUTH. CHAPTER XXXYI. March of Federal Troops from Washington. The Guard of the Fortifications. The Guard of the Capital. General Mansfield. His Military Career and Character. Premature old age. No power of organization. Advance of the " Grand Army." The Four Divisions. Roads and Direction of March. Burnside's Brigade. Advance of Hunter's Division. Tyler's Division. Miles' Division. Encampment. Advance of the 17th of July. A Ruse of the Enemy mistaken. Beauregard's Statement. Spirited Advance on Fairfax Court House. Retirement of the Enemy. A graphic account of the Federal Success. The raising of the " Star Spangled Banner. "Appearance of Fairfax Court House. Behavior of the Federal Troops. A stringent Proclamation of McDowell. Encampment at Fairfax Court House and Neighborhood The Advance of Tyler's Division to Centreville. Retirement of the Enemy. Their object. Description of Bull Run. Topography of the Country. A Reconnoissance. Colonel Richardson's Advance. The Enemy in Force at Blackburn's Ford. Movement of the Enemy. Retreat or Advance? Major Barnard's Opinion. Fire opened. Tyler's persistency. A serious Engagement. Reinforcements. An unequal Struggle. Retirement of the Federal Forces. Beauregard's Report of the Battle of the 18th of July. 1861, ON the 15th of July, the Federal forces, consisting of fifty-five regi- ments, but numbering in all, in consequence of the numerical incom- pleteness of most of them, but 45,000 men, and accompanied by six batteries of artillery, began their march toward Manassas from their various encamp- ments on the west side of the Potomac and in the neighborhood of Washing- ton. Some 16,000 thousand men remained on the left bank of the Potomac as a reserve to watch the capital, and a strong guard on the right to hold the forts and intrenchments on that side, to guard the bridges and crossings of the river, and to cover the roads to Alex- andria, Fairfax, and Falls Church. Gen- eral Mansfield was in command at Wash- ington. J. K. Mansfield was born in Connec- ticut, and entered West Point Academy in 1817. In July, 1822, he graduated, and was at once promoted to the rank of brevet second lieutenant in the corps of Engineers. In March, 1832, he be- came a first lieutenant ; in July, 1838, a captain, and in 1846-7 served as chief engineer of the army under Gen- eral Taylor throughout his Mexican campaign. He was honored with the rank of brevet major for his gallant con- duct in the defence of Fort Brown, on the Rio Grande, on May 9th, 1846, and was severely wounded at the battle of Monterey. He was promoted to the rank of brevet lieutenant-colonel, in Septem- ber, 1846, and subsequently to that of brevet colonel, for his spirit and good service at the battle of Buena Vista. On the 28th of May, 1853, he was ap- pointed inspector-general of the army, with the rank of colonel, when he re- linquished his position in the corps of Engineers. On the accession of Presi- dent Lincoln, Mansfield was made a brigadier-general, and placed in com- mand of the forces at Washington. He is but fifty-five years of age, but ADVANCE OF THE "GRAND ARMY." 389 with his long white beard and hair, his subdued bearing, his amiable manners, his fondness for social talk, and his yielding disposition, would seem to have the characteristics, if not the infirmities, of a much older man. With too much forbearance toward individual assump- tion, and too little assertion of his own dignity, General Mansfield has the qual- ities rather of the good-natured patriarch of a rustic community than of the rigid military commander. Much of the ir- regularity of the troops under his com- mand may be attributed to his want of firmness. Of unquestioned skill in his profession, and of distinguished bravery in the field, he is yet deficient in those stern qualities of the commander requisite in the organization of a volunteer force. General McDowell having left his rear thus guarded, began his march. His " grand army," as it was exultingly termed, moved in four divisions, each numbering nearly 12,000 men. Three different roads were taken, and the whole force directed toward the line formed by portions of the Manassas Gap and Orange and Alexandria railroads. The divergence of the different lines of march was thus arranged, that if circum- stances admitted, a flank movement might be made on the enemy's intrenched position. At the same time a wider ex- tent of country could thus be swept, while there would be less chance of the various columns clogging each other's movement. The brigade under the command of Colonel Burnside, consisting of the First and Second Rhode Island regiments, the New York Seventy-first, and the Second New Hampshire Volunteers, to- gether with two batteries, broke up its encampment near Washington and cross- ed over the long bridge into Virginia on the afternoon of the 15th of July. Joining the central column on the left bank of the Potomac, under the com- mand of Acting Major-General Hunter, this combined force on the next day (the 16th) took the direct turnpike road to Fairfax Court House. The division forming the extreme right, under the command of General Tyler, and composed of his brigade of Connecticut regiments, the New York Sixty-ninth and Seventy-ninth and oth- ers, at the same time took the Leesburg road, passing through Vienna. The division under the command of Acting Major-General Miles marched by the old Braddock road to the extreme left, south of the turnpike taken by Hunter's division. On the first day the several divisions, having proceeded by these different routes, had marched about eight or nine miles, when the whole army encamped. Early next morning a general advance was ordered. The whole force con- j u i y sequently resumed its march. The '? enemy apparently strove, by felling trees across the roads and by sending out their skirmishers, to embarrass the ad- vance of our troops. It was supposed by the Federal commanders, that their opponents having been taken by surprise, were thus making a serious effort at resistance. General Beauregard, however, in his 390 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. report, declared, that being ' ' oppor- tunely informed of the determination of the enemy to advance on Manassas," his advanced brigades on the night of the 16th of July were made aware of the impending movement, and in exact ac- cordance with his instructions ' ' their withdrawal within the lines of Bull Run was effected with complete success dur- ing the day and night of the 17th of July." Accordingly the felled trees across the roads, the incomplete batteries, the oc- casional encampments, and the skirmish- ing fire our troops met on their advance and swept before them, were probably only so many feints of resistance, while the enemy were falling back to their strong positions at Bull Run and Ma- nassas, whither they were desirous of enticing the Federal army. Our men expecting resistance at Fair- fax Court House, advanced against the place with great spirit. "The whole division," says one who was with Hunt- er's column, "with a growing eagerness for battle, kept insensibly accelerating its pace, till of its own accord it almost reached a ' double quick.' They were the first, of course, to reach the Court House, and the first consequently to be seen by the Confederates, who, surprised* at finding the enemy crossing along the turnpike road, when they expected him only by the Braddock road, seized hold of their cannon in that quarter and ran with them to the centre. At the same time Mr. George Wilkes, from whose graphic account this extract is made, wrote on the common presumption of the Federalists, that the enemy were taken by surprise. reports were brought that the Federal troops were approaching on the right and appearing also in strong force in the direction of the left. They did not wait, therefore, to hear the shouts of the Rhode Islanders and the Seventy-first as they prepared to charge, but dropping whatever they were about, incontinently fled with wild huzzas ; the Burnside brigade in a few minutes afterward tore their way into the village, looking ea- gerly to the right and left for foes, and in their disappointment penetrating often the abandoned dwellings, in the hopes of finding some secreted squads of the Confederates there. But though entirely gone they had barely escaped ; and had the fifth division been a little farther forward, they must have been intercepted and cut off'. As it was, they left their tents, camp equipage, forage, a quantity of arms and flour, and, in some instances, their uniforms and swords. * * * So precipitate was their flight, that the camp kettles were seething with their intended meals, and it was necessary that a corporal of the Rhode Islanders should take down their rebel flag from the Court House, and put the star-span- gled banner in its place. * * * "The village presented an extraordi- nary spectacle on the afternoon of the capture. The soldiers, unrestrained by duty, entered every dwelling that had been abandoned, and taking its desertion as a confession of judgment on the part of its proprietor, sacked it as mer- cilessly as if it had been condemned to plunder by a lawful process. " In some instances they set houses FEDERAL TROOPS AT FAIRFAX COURT HOUSE. 391 on fire, in some insulted women, and terror took possession of the town. Toward the close of the day, when the rage of acquisition had subsided, the place wore the softened aspect of a car- nival ; and soldiers, apparelled in crino- line and female sheen, walked with their bearded gallants up and down, replying with affected gab to the rather racy compliments tendered them from every side. This, to the superficial looker-on, gave the scene a merry show ; but I noticed that the shuddering inhabitants regarded it with fear and undisguised ab- horrence. One female, hearing me con- demn the conduct of the soldiers, as a fellow passed by with a pair of ladies' ruflled drawers hauled up over his pan- taloons, said she ' thought it was really too bad that the clothes of Mr. Smith's poor dead mother, which had been packed away for several years untouched, should be desecrated in that coarse, vulgar way.' I myself half shuddered as she made this remark on the fellow's conduct, and I made up my mind thence- forth to contribute my share of effort to put a check upon such shocking license. I have been desirous all along to conceal whatever was discreditable to our sol- diers ; but I now perceive that this is the worst way to treat the evil. Public condemnation must be turned upon their outrages in its fullest tide, and if that ceases to nerve the officers sufficiently to enable them to make the men behave, we had better give up this war." To this humane reflection, which honors the writer, may be added, in confirmation of his statement of the conduct of our undisciplined troops, the order of Gen- eral McDowell, in which he illustrates not only his characteristic goodness of heart, but his firmness of rule as a com- mander. " HEADQUARTERS, DEPARTMENT or VA. FAIRFAX COURT HOUSE, July 18. "It is with deepest mortification that the General commanding finds it neces- sary to reiterate his orders for the pres- ervation of the property of the inhabit- ants of the district occupied by the troops under his command. Hardly had we arrived at this place when, to the horror of every right-minded person, several houses were broken open, and others were in flames, by the act of some of those who, it has been the boast of the loyal, came here to protect the oppressed and free the country from the domination of a hated party. The property of this people is at the mercy of troops who, we rightly say, are the most intelligent, best educated, and most law-abiding of any that were ever under arms. But do not, therefore, the acts of yesterday cast the deepest stain upon them ? It was claim- ed by some that their particular corps were not engaged in these acts. This is of but little moment : since the individuals are not found out, we are all alike dis- graced. Commanders of regiments will select a commissioned officer as a provost marshal, and ten men as a police force under him, whose special and sole duty it shall be to preserve the property from depredations, and to arrest all wrong- doers of whatever regiment or corps they may be. Any one found commit- ting the slightest depredation, killing 392 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. pigs or poultry, or trespassing on the property of the inhabitants, will be re- ported to headquarters, and the least that will be done to them will be to send them to Alexandria jail. It is again ordered that no one shall arrest or at- tempt to arrest any citizen not in arms at the time, or search or attempt to search any house, or even to enter the same with- out permission. The troops must be- have themselves with as much forbear- ance and propriety as if they were at their own homes. They are here to fight the enemies of the country, not to judge and punish the unarmed and de- fenceless, however guilty they may be. When necessary, that will be done by the proper person. By command of " GENERAL MCDOWELL. " JAMES B. FRY, "Assistant Adjutant- General." Most of the army had encamped for the night at Fairfax Court House, and in its neighborhood beyond. The more advanced troops, composing the first division, commanded by General Tyler, had pushed on to Centreville, whence the enemy had retired, with the view, as it appears by Beauregard's report, of drawing on our army. " This move- ment," says that General, "had the in- tended effect of deceiving the enemy as to my ulterior purposes, and led him to anticipate an unresisted passage of Bull Run." Bull Run is a small stream running nearly from west to east to its junction with the Occoquan River, which emp- ties into the Potomac. Nearly midwa}' between Centreville and Manassas, its distance from both is about three miles. From Washington it is twenty-nine miles distant. The stream being ordinarily shallow and sluggish, is easily fordable, but it is occasionally swollen suddenly by the summer rains so as to become impass- able. The banks for the most part are rocky and steep, but there are passage- ways over them leading to and from the numerous fords. The country immedi- ately bordering Bull Run is broken and thickly wooded, but as it leaves the stream it becomes rolling and open. The northern bank is higher, and com- mands the other and lower side. General T}der's division having ad- vanced to Centreville, it was determined to make a reconnoissance in the neigh- borhood of Bull Run. Colonel Richard- son, accordingly, was directed to j u iy push forward with his brigade, con- 18, sisting of the First Massachusetts Regi- ment, the Second Michigan, and the Twelfth New York, accompanied by a portion of Sherman's battery, under the command of Captain Ayres. On proceeding along the road that leads to that part of Bull Run which is crossed by what is termed Blackburn Ford, it became evident from occasional glimpses that the enemy were there in force, although, owing to the thickness of the wood on the banks of the stream, no distinct view could be obtained. *' I represented to General Tyler," says Major Barnard, of the Engineers, "that his point was the enemy's strong posi- ion on the direct road to Manassas Junction ; that it was no part of the )lan to assail it. I did not, however, RETREAT OF GENERAL TYLER. 393 object to a 'demonstration, 7 believing that it. would favor what I supposed still to be the commanding general's plan of campaign.' 7 In the mean time, from a neighboring height the enemy could be seen moving his troops on the road lead- ing from Manassas to Blackburn's Ford. To most of the Federal officers it ap- peared that this was a movement of re- treat. " I was perfectly sure," declares Major Barnard, " that they were columns moving up to meet us from Manassas." It was determined, however, in spite of the Major's opinion, that an attack upon the enemy should be risked. ' ' Two twenty-pounder Parrott guns were ac- cordingly ordered up, and fire opened in various directions, without," says Bar- nard, " our being able to perceive the degree of effect they produced. 7 ' A dozen rounds had been thus fired, when the enemy responded by a rapid dis- charge from a battery apparently close to the stream and near the ford. Our twenty-pounders were now aimed di- rectly at this point, and another battery, that of Ayres, was brought up and sta- tioned on our left to strengthen the fire. The enemy's guns soon after ceased to respond. Ours, however, continued playing for about half an hour, when Major Barnard thinking it a useless ex- penditure of ammunition, said so to the Assistant Adjutant-General at his side. General Tyler seemed to be of the same opinion, for he soon ceased his fire alto- gether. But General Tyler was not disposed thus to give up the fight, and having ordered his troops to advance, renewed 50 the unequal struggle with his conceal- ed foe, notwithstanding Major Barnard strove to impress upon him that " it was no part of the commanding generaFs plan to bring on a serious engagement." Reinforcements were now brought up, and the demonstration became a battle, which, after lasting for three hours and a half, resulted in the retire- ment, by the order of General McDowell, of our brave men, who so long had en- dured an unequal struggle with a con- cealed and powerful foe. The loss of the Federalists was about sixty killed, and the effect was dispiriting upon our troops, as they had been forced to re- tire from a contest with an enemy whose strength they had so undervalued as to suppose he would yield almost at the first blow. The enemy were much elated at their success, which they not unnaturally ex- aggerated into an important victory. Their commander, General Beauregard, made the engagement the subject of a most elaborate report, which, though unquestionably partial, is of such interest as to justify the following extracts. " On the morning of the 18th, finding that the enemy was assuming a threaten- ing attitude, in addition to the regiments whose positions have been already stated, I ordered up from Camp Pickens, as a reserve, in rear of Bonharn's brig- ade, the effective men of six companies of Kelly's Eighth Regiment Louisiana Vol- unteers and Kirkland's Eleventh Regi- ment North Carolina Volunteers, which, having arrived the night before en route for Winchester, I had halted, in view of 394 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. the existing necessities of the service. Subsequently the latter was placed in position on the left of Bonham's brigade. "Appearing in heavy force in front of Bonham's position, the enemy about meridian opened fire with several twenty- pounder rifled guns, from a hill over one and a half miles from Bull Run. At the same time Kemper, supported by two companies of light infantry, occupied a ridge on the left of the Centre ville road, about 600 yards in advance of the ford, with two six-pounder (smooth) guns. At first the firing of the enemy was at ran- dom ; but by half-past twelve P.M. he had obtained the range of our position, and poured into the brigade a shower of shot, but without injury to us in men, horses, or guns. From the distance, however, our guns could not reply with effect, and we did not attempt it, pa- tiently awaiting a more opportune mo- ment. " Meanwhile a light battery was push- ed forward by the enemy, whereupon Kemper threw only six solid shot, with the effect of driving back both the bat- tery and its supporting force. This is understood to have been Ayres' battery, and the damage must have been consid- erable to have obliged such a retrograde movement on the part of that officer. " The purposes of Kemper's position having now been fully served, his pieces and support were withdrawn across Mitchell's Ford to a point previously designated, and which commanded the direct approaches to the ford. " About half-past eleven A.M. the enemy was also discovered by the pickets of Longstreet's brigade advancing in strong columns of infantry with artillery and cavalry on Blackburn's Ford. " At meridian the pickets fell back silently before the advancing foe across the ford, which, as well as the entire southern bank of the stream for the whole front of Longstreet's brigade, was covered at the water's edge by an ex- tended line of skirmishers, while two six-pounders of Walton's battery, under Lieutenant Garnett, were advantageously placed to command the direct approach to the ford, but with orders to retire to the rear as soon as commanded by the enemy. " The northern bank of the stream, in front of Longstreet's position, rises with a steep slope at least fifty feet above the level of the water, leaving a narrow berme in front of the ford of some twenty yards. This ridge formed for them an admirable natural parapet, be- hind which they could, and did, approach under shelter, in heavy force, within less than one hundred yards of our skirmish- ers. The southern shore was almost a plain, raised but a few feet above the water for several hundred yards, then rising with a very gradual, gentle slope, and undulating back to Manassas. On the immediate bank there was a fringe of trees, but with little, if any, under- growth or shelter, while on the other shore there were timber and much thick brush and covering. The ground in rear of our skirmishers, and occupied by our artillery, was an old field extending along the stream about one mile, and immediately back for about half a mile, BEAITREGARD'S REPORT. 395 to a border or skirting of dense second growth pines. The whole of this ground was commanded at all points by the ridge occupied by the enemy's musketry, as was also the country to the rear for a distance much beyond the range of twenty-pounder rifled guns, by the range of hills on which their batteries were planted, and which, it may be further noted, commanded also all our ap- proaches from this direction to the three threatened fords. " Before advancing his infantry, the enemy maintained a fire of rifled artil- lery from the batteries just mentioned for half an hour, then he pushed for- ward a column of over three thousand infantry to the assault, with such a weight of numbers as to be repelled with difficulty by the comparatively small force of not more than 1,200 bayonets, with which Brigadier-General Longstreet met him with characteristic vigor and intrepidity. Our troops en- gaged at this time were the First and Seventeenth, and four companies of the Eleventh Regiment Virginia Volunteers. Their resistance was resolute and main- tained with a steadiness worthy of all praise. It was successful, and the en- emy was repulsed. In a short time, however, he returned to the contest with increased force and determination, but was again foiled and driven back by our skirmishers and Longstreet's reserve companies, which were brought up and employed at the most vigorously assailed points at the critical moment. "It was now that Brigadier-General Longstreet sent for reinforcements from Early's brigade, which I had anticipated by directing the advance of General Early, with two regiments of infantry and two pieces of artillery. As these came upon the field, the enemy had advanced a third time, with heavy num- bers, to force Longstreet's position. Hays' regiment, Seventh Louisiana Vol- unteers, which was in advance, was placed on the bank of the stream, un- der some cover, to the immediate right and left of the ford, relieving Corse's regiment, Seventeenth Virginia Volun- teers. This was done under a heavy fire of musketry, with promising steadi- ness. .The Seventh Virginia, under Lieutenant-Colonel Williams, was then formed to the right, also under heavy fire, and pushed forward to the stream, relieving the First Regiment Virginia Volunteers. At the same time two rifled guns, brought up with Early's brigade, were moved down in the field to the right of the road, so as to be concealed from the enemy's artillery by the girth of timber on the immediate bank of the stream, and there opened fire, directed only by the sound of the enemy's musketry. Unable to effect a passage, the enemy kept up a scattering fire for some time. Some of our troops had pushed across the stream, and sev- eral small parties of Corse's regiment, under command of Captain Mayre, met and drove the enemy with the bayonet ; but as the roadway from the ford was too narrow for a combined movement in force, General Longstreet recalled them to the south bank. Meanwhile the re- mainder of Early's infantry and artillery 396 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. had been called up that is, six compa- nies of the Twenty-fourth Regiment Virginia Volunteers, under Lieutenant- Colonel Hairston, and five pieces of artillery, one rifled gun, and four six- pounder brass guns, including two six- pounder guns under Lieutenant Garnett, which had been previously sent to the rear by General Longstreet. This in- fantry was at once placed in position to the left of the ford, in a space unoccu- pied by Hays, and the artillery was unlimbered in battery to the right of the road, in a line with the two guns already in action. A scattering fire of musketry was still kept up by the ene- my for a short time, but that was soon silenced. " It was at this stage of the affair that a remarkable artillery duel was commenced and maintained on our side with a long trained professional oppo- nent, superior in the character as well as the number of his weapons, provided with improved munitions -and every ar- tillery appliance, and at the same time occupying the commanding position. The results were marvellous and fitting precursors to the artillery achievements of the 21st of July. In the outset our fire was directed against the enemy's infantry, whose bayonets, gleaming above the tree-tops, alone indicated their presence and force. This drew the attention of a battery placed on a high commanding ridge, and the duel began in earnest. For a time the aim of the adversary was inaccurate, but this was quickly corrected, and shot fell and shell burst thick and fast in the very midst of our battery, wounding, in the course of the combat, Captain Es- chelinan, five privates, and the horse of Lieutenant Richardson. From the position of our pieces and the nature of the ground, their aim could only be di- rected at the smoke of the enemy's artillery. How skilfully and with what execution this was done can only be realized by an eye-witness. For a few moments their guns were silenced, but were soon reopened. By direction of General Longstreet, his battery was then advanced by hand out of the ranges now ascertained by the enemy, and a shower of spherical-case, shell, and round shot flew over the heads of our gunners ; but one of our pieces had be- come hors du combat from an enlarged vent. From the new position our guns fired as before, with no other aim than the smoke and flash of their adver- saries' pieces renewed and urged the conflict with such signal vigor and effect that gradually the fire of the enemy slack- ened, the intervals between their dis- charges grew longer, and finally ceased, and we fired a last gun at a baffled, flying foe, whose heavy masses in the distance were plainly seen to break and scatter in wild confusion and utter rout, strewing the ground with cast-away guns, hats, blankets, and knapsacks, as our parting shell was thrown amongst them. In their retreat one of their pieces was abandoned, but from the nature of the ground it was not sent for that night, and, under cover of dark- ness, the enemy recovered it. "The guns engaged in this singular BEAUREGARD'S REPORT. 397 conflict, on our side, were three six- pounder rifled pieces and four ordinary six-pouriders, all of Walton's battery, the Washington Artillery, of New Or- leans. The officers immediately attach- ed were Captain Eschelman, lieutenants C. W. Squires, Richardson, Garnett, and Whittington. At the same time our infantry held the bank of the stream in advance of our guns, and the missiles of the combatants flew to and fro above them, as, cool and veteran-like, for more than an hour they steadily awaited the moment and signal for the advance. " While the conflict was at its height, before Blackburn's Ford, about four p. M., the enemy again displayed himself in force before Bonham's position. At this Colonel Kershaw, with four com- panies of his regiment, Second South Carolina, and one piece of Kemper's artillery, were thrown across Mitchell's Ford to the ridge which Kemper had occupied that morning. Two solid shot and three spherical case, thrown among them with a precision inaugurated by that artillerist at Vienna, effected their discomfiture and disappearance, and our troops in that quarter were again drawn within our lines, having discharged the duty assigned. " At the close of the engagement be- fore Blackburn's Ford, I directed Gen- eral Longstreet to withdraw the First and Seventeenth regiments, which had borne the brunt of the action, to a po- sition in reserve, leaving Colonel Early to occupy the field with his brigade and Garland's regiment. " As a part of the history of this en- gagement, I desire to place on record, that on the 18th of July not one yard of intrenchments nor one rifle-pit shel- tered the men at Blackburn's Ford, who, officers and men, with rare exceptions, were on that day for the first time under fire, and who, taking and maintaining every position ordered, can not be too much commended for their soldierly behavior." . * * * 398 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. CHAPTER XXXVII. The Repulse at Blackburn's Ford. How it happened. A Demonstration turned into a Battle Defeat inevitable. Fortunate interposition of McDowell. Plan of Battle changed The original plan. Why it was altered. The new plan. The Lines at Centre ville. Arrivals from Washington. Spectators of the expected Battle. Throngs of Civil- ians, Officials, Newspaper Reporters, Members of Congress, etc. The delay at Centreville. Order of Battle. Order in regard to Provisions. Uncertainty of Supplies. Want of Organization and System. The Day chosen for the Advance. Frank admission of McDowell. Original intention of McDowell. Not carried out, unfortunately. Evil effect upon the Troops A cause of the Panic at Bull Run. A hurried March. The effects of " Double Quick." Description of Centreville. Roads to and from. Disposition of the Fed.iral Army. The various Divisions. Where posted. McDowell's account of his plan. Delay in starting. Advance of Tyler's Division. Before the Enemy. Position of Tyler's Troops. Biding their time. Advance of Hunter's Division. Circuitous Route. Arrival at Sudley's Springs. Burnside's Brigade. Delay at the Stream. Confronting the Enemy. The Attack begins. The Second Rhode Islanders hard pressed. The First Rhode Islanders to the Rescue. Death of Colonel Slocum. The New Yorkers advance. The Regulars follow. Colonel Porter's Brigade. Its advance. In the Bat- tle. Hunter wounded. Porter in command of the Division. Advance of Heintzelman's Division. No Road. McDowell on the Right. His account of the progress of the Battle. The Rout. The Panic. Efforts of McDowell. Partial success. The Reserve brought up. Blenker's Brigade. Its conduct. The Demonstration at Blackburn's Ford . Success . Panic. 1861. THE repulse of our troops at Black- burn's Ford was evidently in con- sequence of what was intended merely as a demonstration, having been, by a false judgment of General Tyler, turned into a serious struggle. A com- paratively small force of Federal troops had thus been suddenly confronted with the main body of the enemy, posted at the strongest part of their line of defence. Defeat was inevitable, when a mere rec- onnoitering force was brought into col- lision with the might of a whole army. General McDowell fortunately rode up in time to arrest the useless sacrifice, and was so persuaded of the strength of that part of the enemy's position against which our small advanced force had been, with fatal recklessness, vainly striving, that he determined to change his whole plan of battle. His original determination had been to turn the po- sition of Manassas by his left, in the direction in which Tyler's unfortunate " demonstration" had been made. This plan, if it had been carried out, would have brought our force, by a flank move- ment, probably as far to the west as the little stream of Wolf Run, which empties into the Occoquan River still nearer to the Potomac than Bull Run, and of course further to our left and the ene- my's right than even Blackburn's Ford. McDowell, however, having ascertained that the nature of the country to the left or southward of Manassas was unfit for the operations of a large army, and that the enemy were best prepared to defend themselves in that direction, as was evident from the result of the " de- monstration" at Blackburn's Ford, sud- denly changed his original plan. He McDOWELL'S ORDER OF BATTLE. 399 now determined to move by the right, turning the enemy's left. In the mean time, McDowell drew back his whole army within the line of Centreville, about three miles in front of Bull Run and twenty-six in advance of Washington. Great preparations were now made for an advance. Rein- forcements of artillery, trains after trains of wagons loaded with stores for a long march, ambulances supplied with all the requirements for the sick and the wounded, and vehicles of every kind were coming in hourly from Washing- ton. Great crowds of visitors, the Secre- tary of War and other officials, members of Congress, newspaper reporters, foreign travellers, and curious citizens, some in carriages crowded with jovial compan- ions and heaped up with hampers of eatables and wine, some on horseback, and many even on foot, thronged forward from the capital to the scene of the ex- pected battle. For two days and nights the army had remained at Centreville in excited ex- pectation, when, finally on the third, July General McDowell issued his order 20, of battle. * " HEADQUABTERS DEPT. AKMY EASTERN ) VA., CENTREVILLE, July 20, 1861. f " The enemy has planted a battery on the Warrenton turnpike to defend the passage of Bull Run ; has seized the stone bridge, and made a heavy abattis on the right bank, to oppose our advance in that direction. The ford above the bridge is also guarded, whether with artillery or not is not positively known, but every indication favors the belief that he purposes to defend the passage of the stream. "It is intended to turn the position, force the enemy from the road that it may be reopened, and, if possible, de- stroy the railroad leading from Manassas to the valley of Virginia, where the enemy has a large force. As this may be resisted by all the force of the enemy, the troops will be disposed of as follows : "The first division, General Tyler's, with the exception of Richardson's brig- ade, will, at half-past two o'clock in the morning precisely, be on the Warrenton turnpike to threaten the passage of the bridge, but will not open fire until full daybreak. "The second division (Hunter's) will move from its camp at two o'clock in the morning, precisely, and led by Captain Woodbury, of the Engineers, will, after passing Cub Run, turn to the right and pass the Bull Run stream above the ford at Sudley's Spring, and then turn- ing down to the left, descend the stream and clear away the enemy who may be guarding the lower ford and bridge. It will then bear off to the right, and make room for the succeeding division. "The third division (Heintzelman's) will march at half-past two o'clock in the morning, and follow the road taken by the second division, but will cross at the lower ford after it has been turned as above, and then, going to the left, take place between the stream and the second division. "The fifth division (Miles') will take position on the Centreville Heights (Richardson's brigade will, for the time, 400 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. form part of the fifth division, and will continue in its present position). One brigade will be in the village, and one near the present station of Richardson's brigade. This division will threaten the Blackburn Ford, and remain in reserve at Centreville. The commander will open fire with artillery only, and will bear in mind that it is a demonstration only he is to make. He will cause such defensive works, abattis, earth-works, etc., to be thrown up as will strengthen his position. Lieutenant Prime, of the Engineers, will be charged with this duty. "These movements may lead to the gravest results, and commanders of divi- sions and brigades should bear in mind the immense consequences involved. There must be no failure, and every effort must be made to prevent strag- gling. " JSTo one must be allowed to leave the ranks without special authority. After completing the movements ordered, the troops must be held in order of battle, as they may be attacked at any moment. ' ' By order of " BRIGADIER-GENERAL McDoWELL. "JAMES B. FRY, Adjutant-General." To this was added an order for each man to be supplied with provisions to the extent of the ability of the subsist- ence department. The fact that in this document there is an apparent uncer- tainty in regard to that ability, while the necessity of the soldiers' having three days' rations is declared, is an in- dication of the want of organization and system with which it is suspected this important military enterprise was under- taken. HEADQUARTERS DEPT. NORTHEASTERN VA., CENTREVILLE, July 20, 1861 iRN ) " To THE COMMANDERS OF DIVISIONS AND BRIG- ADES : "The commanders of the divisions will give the necessary orders that an equal distribution of the subsistence stores on hand may be made immedi- ately to the different companies in their respective commands, so that they shall be provided for the same number of days, and that the same may be cooked and put into the haversacks of the men. The subsistence stores now in the pos- session of each division, with the fresh beef that can be drawn from the chief commissary, must last to include the 23d inst. By command of "BRIGADIER-GrENERAL McDoWELL. "JAMES B. FRY, Adjutant-General." General McDowell had chosen the next day, Sunday, the 21st of July, for his advance to attack the enemy in their position at Bull Run. He had been thus delayed by "the inability of the subor- dinate commanders to get earlier a true account of the state of their commands." Such is the frank admission that the commanding general makes of the loose hold he possessed of his " grand army." There could be no more striking proof of the incomplete organization of the armed mass with which he was about to take the risks of battle. It was originally the intention of General McDowell to move the several columns out on the road a few miles in advance of Centreville during the THE MARCH TO BULL RUN. 401 evening of the 20th of July, so that they might have a shorter march in the morning when the attack was to be made. He, however, unfortunately " de- ferred to those who had the greatest distance to go, and who preferred start- ing early in the morning and making but one move." We say unfortunately, believing that the undisciplined ardor with which the men, under their incom- petent regimental commanders, pushed forward on the next day, was an influ- ential cause of the panic at Bull Run. With a hurried march, mostly at "double quick," the raw soldiers became exhaust- ed, and thus prostrated by fatigue were less proof against depressing emotions. If a part of the march had been per- formed, as was prudently intended by McDowell, on the night before, there would have been less distance to accom- plish on the day of the attack, and con- sequently less fatigue of our men, urged forward by their own intemperate ardor and the unskilled leadership of their in- experienced officers. Centreville, which had been selected as General McDowell's headquarters, and in which and its neighborhood his army was encamped, is a village of small houses built upon the western acclivity of a ridge running nearly north and south. It is about twenty-six miles from Washington and twenty from Alex- andria. Through it passes the War- renton turnpike. This road takes a westerly direction from Alexandria, on the Potomac ; at the east traverses Fair- fax Court House and Centreville, and crossing Bull Run about four miles from 51 the latter village, proceeds to Warrenton beyond. The road from Centreville to Manassas Junction starts from the former place at a right angle with the Warren- ton turnpike, and passing in a southerly direction crosses Bull Run at Blackburn's Ford. There is another road, known as the " old Braddock road," which enters Centreville from a southeasterly direc- tion. The various divisions of the army, previous to the advance on Bull Run, were stationed on and near these roads, ready to take up their march and assume their positions in the contemplated battle. The first division, that of General Tyler, was on the Warrenton turnpike about a mile and a half in advance of Centreville, with the exception of that brigade commanded by Richardson which had opened the attack on the 18th. Having fallen back after that unsuccess- ful attempt, Richardson still occupied the road, the Centreville and Manassas, which led to Blackburn's Ford. The second division, that of General Hun- ter, was also on the Warrenton turn- pike, though two or three miles to the rear of Tyler's division, and to the east of Centreville, while the latter was in advance to the west. The third division, commanded by General Heintzelman, was on the old Braddock road, about a mile and a half in the rear of Centre- ville ; and the fifth division, commanded by General Miles, was on the same road, but nearer to the village. The fourth division, commanded by General Runyon, had been left seven miles in the rear of Centreville, to guard the communications 402 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. by the way of Vienna and the Orange and Alexandria Railroad, with the en- trenchments on the Potomac and the base of operations at Washington. His force thus skilfully disposed, Gen- eral McDowell proceeded to execute his plan of battle, which is best described in his own words : "My personal reconnoissance," he says, "of the roads to the south had shown that it was not practicable to carry out the original plan of turning the enemy's position on their right. The affair of the 18th, at Blackburn's Ford, showed that he was too strong at that point for us to force a passage there without great loss ; and if we did, that it would bring us in front of his strong position at Manassas, which was not de- sired. Our information was that the stone bridge, over which the Warrenton road crossed Bull Run, to the west of Centreville, was defended by a battery in position, and the road on his side of the stream impeded by a heavy abattis. The alternative was, therefore, to turn the extreme left of his position. Reli- able information was obtained of an un- defended ford about three miles above the bridge, there being another ford between it and the bridge, which was defended. It was therefore determined to take the road to the upper ford, and after crossing, to get behind the forces guarding the lower ford and the bridge, and after occupying the Warrenton road east of the bridge, to send out a force to destroy the railroad at or near Gaines- ville, and thus break up the communi- cation between the enemy's forces at Manassas and those in the valley of Virginia, before Winchester, which had been held in check by Major-General Patterson. " Brigadier-General Tyler was direct- ed to move with three of his brigades on the Warrenton road, and commence cannonading the enemy's batteries, while Hunter's division, moving after him, should, after passing a little stream called Cub Run, turn to the right and north and move around to the upper ford, and there turn south and get behind the enemy ; Colonel Heintzelman's division was to follow Hunter's as far as the turn- ing-off place to the lower ford, where he was to cross after the enemy should have been driven out by Hunter's divi- sion ; the fifth division (Miles') to be in reserve on the Centreville ridge. "I had felt anxious about the road from Manassas, by Blackburn's Ford, to Centreville, along this ridge, fearing that while we should be in force to the front, and endeavoring to turn the enemy's position, we ourselves should be turned by him by this road ; for if he should once obtain possession of this ridge, which overlooks all the country to the west to the foot of the spurs of the Blue Ridge, we should have been irretrievably cut off and destroyed. I had, therefore, directed this point to be held in force, and sent an engineer to extemporize some field-works to strengthen the posi- tion." The divisions were ordered to march at two o'clock in the morning, that they might avoid the sweltering heat of a July sun. There was, however, con- THE MARCH TO BULL RUN. 403 siderable delay in breaking up the en- j n ly campments and getting into march- 21 ing order. The movement at last began. The division of Tyler in advance on the Warrenton turnpike was the first to move. This was composed only of Sherman's, Schenck's, and Keyes' brig- ades ; the fourth, that of Richardson, being posted on the road leading to Blackburn's Ford, in order to act in con- junction with Miles' division, held in re- serve in case the enemy should attempt to make a flank movement from this di- rection. General Tyler did not succeed in get- ting his troops to move until half-past two o'clock, half an hour after the time ordered. Schenck's and Sherman's brig- ades, with Ayres' and Carlisle's batteries, were pushed on in advance, and arrived in front of the bridge where the War- renton turnpike crosses Bull Run, at half-past six in the morning. Keyes' brigade had been halted within two miles of the stream, in order to watch the cross road which communicates at that point with the Warrenton turnpike. Tyler, having been ordered to threaten the bridge, posted his troops accord- ingly. Schenck's brigade was formed into line, with its left resting in the direction of the bridge and the battery which the enemy had established to de- fend it, with the view of threatening both. Sherman's brigade was posted to the right of the turnpike, so as to be ready to sustain Schenck or to cross the stream of Bull Run when the progress of Hunter's division should justify the movement. The thirty-pounder gun attached to Carlisle's battery was posted in advance on the road, and Ayres' bat- tery also, but at a considerable distance in the rear. Carlisle's battery was placed on the left of Sherman's brigade. Having thus disposed his force and fired his signal-gun, Tyler awaited the move- ment of the main body on his right and the enemy's left, which we now proceed to trace. Colonel Hunter's division, the second, had followed the march of Tyler along the Warrenton turnpike until it crossed the streamlet termed Cub Run, when it turned to the right and took the by- road through the woods, which, by a cir- cuitous course, led to an upper ford of Bull Run, called Sudley's Spring, where the enemy's left was posted. This move- ment was in accordance with McDowell's plan of flanking Beauregard in that di- rection and getting in his rear, with the view of seizing and cutting off his com- munication by means of the Manassas Gap Railroad with Winchester, where Johnston was known to be with a consid- erable rebel force. The circuitous road through the wood was found to be longer and more diffi- cult to march than was anticipated, and accordingly Hunter's division did not reach the ford of Bull Run at Sudley's Spring until half- past nine o'clock in the morning. General Burnside's brigade was foremost, fhe men being greatly prostrated by the heat of the day, now considerably advanced, and their intem- perate ardor in marching, could not be prevented from breaking from the ranks THE AVAR WITH THE SOUTH. to fill their canteens and slake their thirst in the stream. This caused much delay in re-forming and crossing the ford. Finally, however, order was restored, and the brigade crossed Bull Run and advanced, Colonel Slocum, of the Second Rhode Island Regiment, having thrown out skirmishers on either flank and in front. The enemy now showed themselves, and soon the head of Burnside's brigade was confronting them. The Second Regiment of Rhode Islanders was im- mediately pushed forward with its bat- tery of artillery, and the rest of the brig- ade was formed in a field to the right of the road. The enemy had already begun their fire, and General Hunter, who commanded the division, had been wounded and obliged to retire from the field. The Second Rhode Islanders being closely pressed, Burnside ordered up to their support the Seventy-first New York Militia and the Second New Hampshire Volunteers. As, however, they were slow in forming, the First Rhode Island- ers were brought up. Their commander, Major Balch, led them gallantly to the field of action, where they "performed most effective service" in assisting their " comrades to repel the attack of the enemy's forces. The Second Rhode Island Regiment of Volunteers," con- tinues General Burnside in his official report from which we quote, "had steadily borne the enemy's attack, and had bravely stood its ground, even com- pelling him to give way. At this time Colonel Slocum (of the Second Rhode Island) fell, mortally wounded, and soon after Major Ballou was very severely injured by a cannon-ball that killed his horse and crushed one of his legs. The regiment, under the command of Lieu- tenant-Colonel Wheaton, continued gal- lantly to hold its position. Soon after, Colonel Martin, of the Seventy-first Reg- iment New York State Militia, led his regiment into action, and planting the two howitzers belonging to the regiment upon the right of his line, worked them most effectively. The battery of the Second Rhode Island Regiment, on the knoll upon the extreme right, was used in silencing the heavy masked battery in front, occasionally throwing in shot and shell upon the enemy's infantry, six regiments of which were attempting to force our position. Cap- tain Reynolds, who was in command of this battery, served it with great coolness, precision, and skill. The Second Regi- ment of New Hampshire Volunteers, under Colonel Marston, was now brought into the field, and rendered great service in defending the position. Colonel Marston was wounded early in the action, and Lieutenant-Colonel Fiske ably di- rected the advance of the regiment. Thus rny whole brigade," declares Burn- side with just exultation, "was brought into the engagement at the earliest pos- sible moment, and succeeded in com- pelling the enemy to retire. We were wholly without support, bearing the brunt of the contest until relieved by Major Sykes, of the Third Infantry, United States Army, who formed his battalion most admirably in front of the BATTLE OF BULL RUN. 405 enemy, and pouring in a destructive fire upon his lines assisted in staggering him." Colonel Andrew Porter, commanding a brigade in the same division, that of Hunter (the second), followed closely upon the advance of Burnside. Porter's brigade was composed of Griffin's battery, with a detachment of marines to support it, of the Twenty-seventh New York Volunteer Regiment, Colonel Slocum ; of the Fourteenth New York State Mi- litia, Colonel Wood ; of the Eighth New York State Militia, Colonel Lyons ; of a battalion of regulars, Major Sykes ; of the first company of Second Dragoons and four companies of cavalry, Major Palmer with a total strength of 3,700 men. Porter following closely upon the ad- vance of Burnside 's brigade, as soon as he reached the scene of action turned the head of his brigade slightly to the right, in order to gain time and room for deployment in that direction. Grif- fin's battery pushed through the woods to the fields beyond, followed promptly by the supporting corps of marines and the Fourteenth New York State Militia, at considerable distance behind, while the Twenty-seventh advanced at the same time, but more to the left. All went spiritedly forward and at a " double quick." " The enemy," says Porter in his report, " appeared drawn up in a long line, extending along the Warrenton turnpike, from a house and haystack upon our extreme right to a house beyond the left of the division. Behind that house there was a heavy masked battery, which, with three others along his line on the heights beyond, covered the ground upon which we were ad- vancing with all sorts of projectiles. A grove in front of his right wing afforded it shelter and protection, while the shrub- bery along the road in the fences screened somewhat his left wing. " Griffin advanced to within one thou- sand yards, and opened a deadly and unerring fire upon his batteries, which were soon silenced or driven away. " Our right was rapidly developed by the marines, Twenty-seventh, Four- teenth, and Eighth, with the cavalry in rear of the right ; the enemy retreating in more precipitation than order as our line advanced. The second brigade (Burnside's) was at this time attacking the enemy's right with perhaps too hasty vigor. " The enemy clung to the protecting wood with great tenacity, and the Rhode Island battery became so much endan- gered as to impel the commander of the second brigade to call for the assistance of the battalion of regulars." At this moment Colonel Porter learned that Hunter had been wounded, and that the command of the division de- volved upon him. He therefore de- tached at once the battalion of regulars to the support of the hard-pressed brig- ade of Burnside in advance. In the mean time, the third division, under Heintzelman, had followed the road taken by the second (Hunter's), with the view, however, of stopping at an intermediate ford before reaching 406 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. that of Sudley's Spring, covered by the latter. " Between two and three miles beyond Centreville," reports General Heintzelman, "we left the Warrenton turnpike, turning into a country road on the right. Captain Wright accom- panied the head of Colonel Hunter's column, with directions to stop at a road which turned in to the left to a ford across Bull Run, about half way between the point where we turned off from the turnpike and Sudley's Spring, at which latter point Colonel Hunter's division was to cross. No such road* was found to exist, and about eleven o'clock we found ourselves at Sudley's Spring, about ten miles from Centre- ville, with one brigade of Colonel Hun- ter's division still on our side of the Run. Before reaching this point the battle had commenced." General McDowell himself had hast- ened to his right to direct the move- ment in person at that point where the main battle was, in accordance with his plan, being fought. His own statement of the progress of the action, therefore, based upon his personal experience, is the most interesting, while its frankness and modesty guarantee its truthfulness : " On reaching the ford at Sudley's Spring," reports the General, "I found part of the leading brigade of Hunter's division (Burnside's) had crossed, but the men were slow in getting over, stop- ping to drink. As at this time the clouds of dust from the direction of Another striking proof of the recklessness with which our army was being led to battle against a concealed foe in an unknown country. Manassas indicated the immediate ap- proach of a large force, and fearing it might come down on the head of the column before the division could all get over and sustain it, orders were sent back to the heads of regiments to break from the column and come forward sep- arately as fast as possible. Orders were sent by an officer to the reserve brigade of Heintzelman's division to come by a nearer road across the fields, and an aide-de-camp was sent to Brigadier-Gen- eral Tyler to direct him to press for- ward his attack, as large bodies of the enemy were passing in front of him to attack the division which had crossed over. The ground between the stream and the road leading from Sudley's Spring south, and over which Burnside's brigade marched, was for about a mile from the ford thickly wooded, while on the right of the road for about the same distance, the country was divided be- tween fields and woods. About a mile from the road the country on both sides of the road is open, and for nearly a mile farther large rolling fields extend down to the Warrenton turnpike, which crosses what became the field of battle through the valley of a small water- course, a tributary of Bull Run. " Shortly after the leading regiment of the first brigade reached this open space, and while others and the second brigade were crossing to the front and right, the enemy opened his fire, begin- ning with artillery, and followed it up with infantry. The leading brigade (Burnside's) had to sustain this shock for a short time without support, and BATTLE OF BULL RUN. 407 did it well. The battalion of regular infantry was sent to sustain it, and shortly afterward the other corps of Porter's brigade a regiment detached from Heintzelman's division to the left forced the enemy back far enough to allow Sherman's and Keyes' brigades of Tyler's division to cross from their po- sition to the Warrenton road. These drove the right of the enemy under- stood to have been commanded by Beau- regard from the front of the field, and out of the detached woods, and down to the road, and across it up the slopes on the other .side. While this was going on, Heintzelman's division was moving down the field to the stream and up the road beyond. Beyond the Warrenton road, and to the left of the road down which our troops had marched from Sudley's Spring, is a hill with a farm- house on it. Behind this hill the enemy had, early in the day, some of his most annoying batteries planted. Across the road from this hill was another hill, or, rather, elevated ridge, or table-land. The hottest part of the contest was for the possession of the hill with a house on it. The force engaged here was Heintzelman's division, Wilcox's and Howard's brigades on the right, sup- ported by part of Porter's brigade and the cavalry under Palmer, and Frank- lin's brigade of Heintzelman's division, Sherman's brigade of Tyler's division in the centre and up the road, while Keyes' brigade of Tyler's division was on the left, attacking the batteries near the stone bridge. The Rhode Island bat- tery of Burnside's brigade also partici- pated in this attack by its fire from the north of the turnpike. The enemy was understood to have been commanded by J. E. Johnston. Ricketts' battery, which did such effective service, and played so brilliant a part in the contest, was, to- gether with Griffin's battery, on the side of the hill, and became the object of the special attention of the enemy, who suc- ceeded our officers mistaking one of his regiments for one of our own, and allowing it to approach without firing upon it in disabling the battery, and then attempted to take it. Three times was he repulsed by different corps in succession and driven back, and the guns taken by hand, the horses being killed and pulled away. The third time it was supposed by us all that the re- pulse was final, for he was driven en- tirely from the hill, and so far beyond it as not to be in sight, and all were cer- tain the day was ours. He had before this been driven nearly a mile and a half, and was beyond the Warrenton road, which was entirely in our pos- session from the stone bridge westward, and our engineers were just completing the removal of the abattis across the road, to allow our reinforcement (Schenck's brigade and Ayres' battery) to join us. ' ' The enemy was evidently disheart- ened and broken. But we had been fighting since half-past ten o'clock in the morning, and it was after three o'clock in the afternoon. The men had been up since two o'clock in the morn- ing, and had made what, to those un- used to such things, seemed a long march before coming into action, though 408 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. the longest distance gone over was not more than nine and a half miles ; and though they had three days 7 provisions served out to them the day before, many no doubt did not eat them, or threw them away on the march or during the battle, and were therefore without food. They had done much severe fighting ; some of the regiments which had been driven from the hill in the first two attempts of the enemy to keep possession of it had become shaken, were unsteady, and had many men out of the ranks. " It was at this time that the enemy's reinforcements came to his aid from the railway train, understood to have just arrived from the valley with the residue of Johnston's army. They threw them- selves into the woods on our right, and opened a fire of musketry on our men, which caused them to break and retire down the hillside. This soon degen- erated into disorder, for which there was no remedy. Every effort was made to rally them, even beyond the reach of the enemy's fire, but in vain. The bat- talion of regular infantry alone moved up the hill opposite to the one with the house upon it, and there maintained it- self until our men could get down to and across the Warrenton turnpike, on the way back to the position we occu- pied in the morning. The plain was covered with retreating troops, and they seemed to infect those with whom they came in contact. The retreat soon be- came a rout, and this soon degenerated still further into a panic." McDowell, now seeing that all was lost, did his utmost to save his panic-stricken army from the consequences of a dis- orderly retreat. He gave the necessary orders to restrain and cover the flight of his defeated troops. He begged the men to form in line and offer the appear- ance at least of organization. He so far succeeded for the moment as to cover their retreat with a force of regulars, until they had recrossed Bull Run. On reaching the road, however, by the vari- ous fords, in detached parties, often with- out their officers, or with such as were as incapable of self-command as the men, and, therefore, unfit to govern others, the panic increased by mutual infection. " They became intermingled," says Gen- eral McDowell, "and all organization was lost." Orders were sent to Miles' division for a force to move forward and pro- tect the retreat of the main body. Blenker's brigade was accordingly dis- patched for this purpose, and how it acted, and what it effected may be learned from this report of the com- mander. " It was about four o'clock, P.M.," says Colonel Blenker, "when I received orders to advance upon the road from Centreville to Warrenton. This order was executed with great difficulty, as the road was nearly choked up by retreating baggage wagons of several divisions, and by the vast num- ber of flying soldiers belonging to vari- ous regiments. Nevertheless, owing to the coolness of the commanding officers and the good discipline of the men, the passage through the village was success- fully executed, and the further advance THE RETREAT FROM BULL RUN. 409 made with the utmost precision ; and I was thus enabled to take a position which would prevent the advance of the enemy and protect the retreat of the army. The Eighth Regiment took position a mile and a half south of Centreville, on both sides of the road leading to Bull Run. The Twenty-ninth Regiment stood half a mile behind the Eighth, enchiquier by companies. The Garibaldi Guard stood in reserve in line behind the Twenty-ninth Regiment. The retreat of great numbers of flying soldiers con- tinued until nine o'clock in the evening, the great majority in wild confusion, and but few in collected bodies. Soon after- ward, several squadrons of the enemy's cavalry advanced along the road, and appeared before the outposts. They were challenged, 'Who comes here?' and, remaining without any answer, I, being just present at the outpost, called 'Union forever!' whereupon the officer of the enemy's cavalry commanded, ' En avant! en avantf knock him down!' Now the skirmishers fired, when the enemy turned around, leaving several killed and wounded on the spot. About nine prisoners who were already in their hands were liberated by this action. Afterward, we were several times mo- lested from various sides by the enemy's 52 cavalry. At about midnight the com- mand to leave the position and march to Washington was given by General Mc- Dowell. The brigade retired in perfect order, and ready to repel any attack on the road from Centreville to Fairfax Court House, Annandale, to Washing- ton. Besides the six guns which were mounted by our men and thereby pre- served to our army, the Eighth Regi- ment brought in in safety two Umion colors left behind by soldiers on the field of battle. The -officers and men did their duty admirably, and the undersigned commander deems it his duty to express herewith officially his entire satisfaction with the conduct of his brigade." To complete the account of the action at Bull Rim, it is only necessary to note that the demonstration in front of the enemy at Blackburn's Ford was effect- ively carried out by the brigades of Colonels Richardson and Davies, aided by the well-served field battery of Major Hunter and other artillery, consisting of rifled ten and twenty pounders. In the course of the morning the enemy in this direction were driven back several times and kept in effectual check, until the panic occurred on our right, and the general rout began. 410 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. CHAPTER XXXVIII. Senseless Panic of the Federal Troops at Bull Run. The shock to the Enemy. An incomplete Pursuit. Confusion in the Federal Ranks. Havoc. Loss of Artillery. A graphic description. General McDowell's efforts to Rally. Covering the Retreat. The Federal Force at Centreville. Falling back. Reasons for it. Increased disorder. The flight to Washington. Intense selfishness. Scattered Troops. Desertions. Demoralization. Non-pursuit by the Enemy a tribute to the spirit of the Federal Troops. The force of the two Antagonists at Bull Run. Losses. Contradictory reports. Synopsis of Beauregard's report. Discussion therefrom. An apt illustration from Plutarch. A letter from Beauregard. The causes of the defeat at Bull Run. Failure of Patterson. His own justification. Superseded in command. Delay in the advance of the Federal Army. McDowell's explanations of the delay. Why the advance was not postponed. The penalty of ill-success. McDowell superseded by General McClellan. A gracious concession. A patriotic sacrifice. 1861. THE senseless panic which seized our army after it had driven the enemy from the ground held by their left, and at a moment when a Federal victory seemed assured, became entirely uncon- trollable. The secessionists had been, however, so paralyzed by the spirited onset of our troops, that they were un- able to take full advantage of the rout and confusion which ensued. They fol- lowed in the first instance only the re- treating columns of our right across the ford and along the Warrenton turnpike to Cub Run, about a mile and a half from Bull Run and half way to Centre- ville. Here the fugitives were arrested by the thronging baggage wagons, artil- lery, ambulances, carriages, and horses which blocked up the road, and the confusion became greater and the panic more intense. A disorderly mass of soldiers, horsemen, and pedestrians ob- structing each other, and maddc^d by the difficulty of escape, was thus ut the mercy of their pursuers, whose artillery did more havoc at this moment than during the whole engagement on the battle-field. Such was the disorder, that our troops could not be again formed, but giving themselves up to their fears, sought safety only in flight. The horses were cut from gun-carriages and caissons, and cannon which had been gallantly served and spiritedly saved from the grasp of the enemy on the battle-field, were now left ingloriojusly upon the road to fall into their hands without an effort to defend them. An eye-witness* describes the scene with much graphic power. "I got my horse," he says, " up into the field out of the road, and went on rapidly toward the front. Soon I met soldiers, who were coming through the corn, mostly without arms ; and presently I saw firelocks, cooking-tins, knapsacks, and great-coats on the ground, and observed that the confusion and speed of the baggage carts became greater, and that many of them were crowded with men, or were fol- lowed by others who clung to them. Mr. Russell, of the London Times. FLIGHT OF THE FEDERAL TROOPS. 411 The ambulances were crowded with sol- diers, but it did not look as if there were many wounded. Negro servants on led horses dashed frantically past ; men in uniform, whom it were a disgrace to the profession of arms to call ' soldiers,' swarmed by on mules, chargers, and even draught horses, which had been cut out of carts or wagons, and went on with harness clinging to their heels, as frightened as their riders. Men literally screamed with rage and fright when their way was blocked up. On I rode, asking all, ' What is all this about ?' and now and then, but rarely, receiving the answer, ' We're whipped ;' or, ' We're repulsed.' Faces black and dusty, tongues out in the heat, eyes staring- it was a most wonderful sight. On they came, like him, ' Who; having once turned round, goes on, And turns no more his head, For he knoweth that a fearful fiend Doth close behind him tread.' But where was the fiend ? I looked in vain. There was, indeed, some cannon- ading in front of me and in their rear, but still the firing was comparatively distant, and the runaways were far out of range. As I advanced, the number of carts diminished, but the mounted men increased, and the column of fugi- tives became denser. A few buggies and light wagons filled with men, whose faces would have made up ' a great Leporello' in the ghost scene, tried to pierce the rear of the mass of carts, which were now solidified and moving on like a glacier. I crossed a small ditch by the roadside, got out on the road to escape some snake fences, and, looking before me, saw there was still a crowd of men in uniforms coming along. The road was strewn with articles of clothing firelocks, waist-belts, cartouch- boxes, caps, great-coats, mess-tins, musi- cal instruments, cartridges, bayonets and sheaths, swords and pistols even bis- cuits, water-bottles, and pieces of meat." General McDowell still continued his efforts to check this reckless and danger- ous flight. After directing Porter and Blenker with their brigades to cover the retreat of his right and the main body, he rode toward Blackburn's Ford, where Colonel Richardson had been posted. He found this officer already retreating, in accordance with the orders of the commander of his division. He imme- diately ordered him to halt his brigade and take up the most practicable line of defence ; and ordering up the First and Second JSTew Jersey regiments, and the De Kalb, belonging to Runyon's division, placed a reserve behind Cen- treville to sustain him, and took the com- mand himself. Having made the best disposition of this force to check the enemy, McDowell succeeded in calming somewhat the panic of the fugitives, and "the retreating current passed slowly through Centreville to the rear." The enemy in the mean time had, on the retirement of Colonel Richardson's brigade, taken possession of Blackburn's Ford, and threatened to turn the right of our army as it fell back. About sun- down the whole of McDowell's force was within Centreville. It now became a question whether an effort should be made to hold this place. The General's 412 THE AVAR WITH THE SOUTH. filial decision and the reasons for it are best given in his own words : "The condition of our artillery and its ammunition, and the want of food for the men, who had generally aban- doned or thrown away all that had been issued the day before, and the utter dis- organization and consequent demoraliza- tion of the mass of the army, seemed to all who were near enough to be con- sulted division and brigade, command- ers and staff to admit of no alternative but to fall back ; the more so as the position at Blackburn's Ford was then in the possession of the enemy, and he was already turning our left. On send- ing the officers of the staff to the differ- ent camps, they found, as they reported to me, that our decision had been antici- pated by the troops, most of those who had come in from the front being already on the road to the rear, the panic with which they came in still continuing and hurrying them along." Indeed, however desirable it might have been to hold Centreville, the total demoralization of the Federal troops rendered it impracticable. Carried away by an irrational panic that affected our raw recruits like an attack of insanity, they hurried impetuously toward Wash- ington. Officers and men losing all self- control and self-respect, and alike reck- less of the duties of command and obe- dience, abandoned themselves to the mere desire of personal safety. There was no longer any pretence on the part of most of the soldiers and many of the commanders to the least regard for mili- tary discipline. Some seized the ambu- lances, and heedless of comrades left wounded or dying on the field, rejoiced in their own effective means of escape. Others cut away the artillery horses, and rode hastily away, without a thought of the prize so ingloriously abandoned to the enemy. Some despoiled the stables of the country people, whose houses they had failed to protect, and rode off in boastful triumph : or even stole the horses from which their riders had just dismounted to relieve a wounded or con- sole a dying comrade. Surgeons, while lingering on the battle-field in the per- formance of their holy duties to which but few of them, to their eternal honor, were recreant were thus deprived of the means of escape by men who, reck- less of all obligations, cared only for their own safety. The panic-stricken army continued its flight all the afternoon and night of Sunday and the following day. Even after the reserve under Blenker reached the capital on Monday afternoon, j H jy stragglers continued to come in. 22. Many of the fugitives, not well assured of safety even there, or disinclined to further military service, did not stOD in Washington, but hurried to their dis- tant homes in New York, Pennsylvania, and New England. So complete and long-continued was the demoralization of the "grand army" of the Potomac, that it was said, and apparently not with much exaggeration, that a squadron of the enemy's cavalry might have captured the capital on the day after the battle of Bull Run. For weeks afterward there was a constant and not unfounded fear, LOSSES AT BULL RUN. 413 that if Beauregard should advance, Washington would be at his mercy. That the enemy did not pursue was a tribute to the spirit of our troops, and a proof of the victory they might have gained had they shown as much persist- ency in the continuance of the struggle as they had gallantry in the opening. The whole number of the Federal force which crossed Bull Run and en- gaged in the battle was 18,000 men. The strength of the enemy was variously computed at from 50,000 to 100,000 men. Beauregard himself declared, that on the 21st of August, the day of the bat- tle, he had but 27,800 effective men, in- cluding the 6,200 brought by General Johnston during the struggle from Win- chester, and 1,700 by General Holmes from Fredericksburg. Our loss was estimated at 481 killed, 1,011 wounded, and 1,216 missing, making a total of 2,708. The loss in artillery and equipments is officially stated as follows : In Artillery Company D, Second Ar- tillery, Captain Arnold, six rifled pieces. Company I, First Artillery, Captain Ricketts, six rifled Parrott ten-pounders. Company E, Second Artillery, Captain Carlisle, two rifled pieces and two how- itzers. This company had six pieces in the action. Company , Fifth Artil- lery, Captain Griffin, one rifled piece, four smooth bored six pieces in the action. Company G, First Artillery, one thirty-pounder Parrott gun one thirty-pounder and two twenty-pounder Parrott guns in action. Rhode Island battery, five rifled pieces six in action. Total, seventeen rifled and eight smooth- bore guns. In Small- Arms etc. One hundred and fifty boxes small-arm cartridges. Eighty- seven boxes rifled cannon ammunition. Thirty boxes of old firearms. Thirteen wagons loaded with provisions, and three thousand bushels of oats. It is estima- ted, in addition, that 2,500 muskets and 8,000 knapsacks and blankets were lost. The enemy estimated our loss at the apparently exaggerated number of 4,500 exclusive of the missing, and their own at the proportionately diminished amount of 393 killed and 1,200 wounded.* c GENERAL J. E. JOHNSTON'S REPORT OF THE BATTLE OF BULL RUN. "I assumed command at Harper's Ferry on the 23d of May. The force at that point then consisted of nine regiments and two battalions of infantry, four companies of artillery with sixteen pieces without caissons, harness, or horses, and about 300 cavalry. They were of course undisciplined, several regiments without accoutrements, and with an entirely inadequate supply of ammunition. " I lost no time in making a complete reconnoissance of the place and its environs, in which the chief engineer, Major (now Brigadier-General) Whiting, ably assisted. The results confirmed my preconceived ideas. "The position is untenable by any force not strong enough to take the field against an invading army, and to hold both sides of the Potomac. It is a triangle, two sides being formed by the Potomac and the Shenandoah, and the third by Furnace Ridge. The plateau thus inclosed, and the end of Furnace Ridge itself, the only defensible posi- tion, which, however, required for its adequate occupation double our numbers, was exposed to enfilade and reverse fires of artillery from heights on the Maryland side of the river. Within that line the ground was more favorable to an attacking than to a defending force. The Potomac can be easily crossed at many points above and below, so that it is easily turned. It is twenty miles from the great route into the valley of Virginia from Pennsylvania and Mary- land, by which General Patterson's approach was expected. Its garrison was thus out of position to defend that valley, or to prevent General McClellan's junction with General Patterson. These were the obvious and important objects to be kept in view. Besides being in position for them, it was necessary to be able, on emergency, to join General Beauregard. "The occupation of Harper's Ferry by our army per- fectly suited the enemy's views. We were bound to a 414 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. The chief cause of the defeat of the Federal troops at Bull Run was the junction of General Johnston's force fixed point. His movements were unrestricted. These views were submitted to the military authorities. The continued occupation of the place was, however, deemed by them indispensable. I determined to hold it until the great objects of the government required its abandonment. "The practicable roads from the west and northwest, as well as from Manassas, meet the route from Pennsylvania and Maryland at Winchester. That point was, therefore, in my opinion, our best position. " The distinguished commander of the army of the Potomac was convinced, like myself, of our dependence upon each other, and promised to co-operate with me in case of need. To guard against surprise, and to Impose upon the enemy, Major Whiting was directed to mount a few heavy guns upon Furnace Ridge, and otherwise strengthen the position. " I was employed, until the 13th of June, in continuing what had been begun by my predecessor, Colonel (now Major-General) Jackson, the organization, instruction, and equipment of the troops, and providing means of trans- portation and artillery horses. The river was observed from the Point of Bocks to the western part of the county of Berkeley the most distant portions by the indefatigable Stuart with his cavalry. General Patterson's troops were within a few hours of Williainsport, and General McClel- lan's in Western Virginia, were supposed to be approach- ing to effect a junction with Patterson, whose force was reported, by well-informed persons, to be 18,000 men. " On the morning of the 13th of June, information was received from Winchester that Romney was occupied by 2,000 Federal troops, supposed to be the vanguard of the army. " Colonel A. P. Hill, with his own (Thirteenth) and Colonel Gibbon's (Tenth) Virginia regiments were dis- patched by railway to Winchester. He was directed to move thence toward Romney to take the best position and best measures to check the advance of the enemy. He was to add to his command the Third Tennessee Regiment, which had just arrived at Winchester. " During that day and the next the heavy baggage and remaining public property were sent to Winchester by the railway, and the bridges on the Potomac destroyed. On the morning of the 15th, the army left Harper's Ferry for Winchester (the force had been increased by these regi- ments since the 1st of June) and bivouacked four miles beyond Charlestown. On the morning of the 16th, intelli- gence was received that General Patterson's army had crossed the Potomac at Williamsport, also that the United States force at Romney had fallen back. A courier from Richmond brought a dispatch authorizing me to evacuate Harper's Feny at my discretion. "The army was ordered to gain the Martinsburg turn- with that of Beauregard. General Mc- Dowell said in his report : " It is known that in estimating the pike by a flank movement to Bunker's Hill in order to place itself between Winchester and the expected advance of Patterson. On hearing of this, the enemy re-crossed the river precipitately. Resuming my first direction and plan, I proceeded to Winchester. There the army was in position to oppose either McClellan from the went, or Patterson from the northeast, and to form a junction with General Beauregard when necessary. " Lieutenant-Colonel George Stewart, with his Maryland battalion, was sent to Harper's Ferry to bring off some public property said to have been left. As McClellan was moving southeastward from Grafton, Colonel Hill's com- mand was withdrawn from Romney. The defence of that region of the country was intrusted to Colonel McDonald's regiment of cavalry. Intelligence from Maryland indica- ting another movement by Patterson, Colonel Jackson, with his brigade, was sent to the neighborhood of Martins- burg to support Colonel Stuart. The latter officer had been placed in observation on the line of the Potomac with his cavalry. His increasing vigilance and activity were relied on to repress small incursions of the enemy, to give intel- ligence of invasion by them, and to watch, harass, and circumscribe their every movement. Colonel Jackson was instructed to destroy such of the rolling stock of the Balti- more and Ohio Railroad as could not be brought off, and to have so much of it as could be made available to our service, brought to Winchester. " Major Whiting was ordered to plan defensive works, and to have some heavy guns on navy carriages mounted. About 2,500 militia, under Brigadier-General Carson, were called out from Frederick and the neighboring counties toman them. " On the 2d of July, General Patterson again crossed the Potomac. Colonel Jackson, pursuant to instructions, fell back before him. In retiring, he gave him a severe lesson in the affair at Falling Waters. With a battalion of the Fifth Virginia Regiment (Harper's) and Pendleton's battery of field artillery, he engaged the enemy's advance. Skilfully taking a position where the smallness of his force was concealed, he engaged them for a considerable time, inflicted a heavy loss, and retired when about to be outflanfced, scarcely losing a man, but bringing off forty- five prisoners. "Upon this intelligence, the army, strengthened by the arrival of General Bee and Colonel Elzey, and the Ninth Georgia Regiment, was ordered forward to the support of Jackson. It met him at Darksville, six miles from Mar- tinsburg, where it took up a position for action, as Gen- eral Patterson, it was supposed, was closely following Colonel Jackson. We waited for him in this position four days, hoping to be attacked by an adversary at least double our number, but unwilling to attack him in a town so de- JOHNSTON'S REPORT. 415 force to go against Manassas, I engaged not to have to do with the enemy's forces under Johnston, then kept in feasible as Martinsburg, with its solid buildings and in- closures of masonry. Convinced at length that he would not approach us, I returned to Winchester, much to the disappointment of our troops, who were eager for battle with the invaders. Colonel Stuart, with his cavalry, as usual, remained near the enemy. "Before the 15th of July, the enemy's force, according to the best intelligence to be obtained, amounted to about 32,000. Ours had been increased by eight Southern regi- ments. On the 15th of July, Colonel Stuart reported the advance of General Patterson from Martinsburg. He halted, however, at Bunker's Hill, nine miles from Win- chester, where he remained on the 16th. On the 17th he moved to his left to Smithfield. This created the impres- sion that he intended to attack us on the south, or was merely holding us in check, while General Beauregard should be attacked at Manassas by General Scott. " About one o'clock on the morning of July 18th, I re- ceived from the government a telegraph dispatch, inform- ing me that the Northern army was advancing upon Ma- nassas, then held by General Beauregard, and directing me, if practicable, to go to that officer's assistance, send- ing my sick to Culpepper Court House. " In the exercise of the discretion conferred by the terms of the order, I at once determined to march to join Gen- eral Beauregard. The best service which the army of the Shenandoah could render was to prevent the defeat of that of the Potomac. To be able to do this, it was necessary, in the first instance, to defeat General Patterson or to elude him. The latter course was the most speedy and certain, and was therefore adopted. Our sick, nearly 1,700 in number, were provided for in Winchester. For the de- fence of that place the militia of Generals Carson and Meem seemed ample ; for I thought it certain that Gen- eral Patterson would follow my movement as soon as he discerned it. Evading him by the disposition made of the advance guard under Colonel Stuart, the army moved through Ashby's Gap to Piedmont, a station of the Ma 1 nassas Gap Railroad. Hence the infantry were to be trans- ported by the railway, while the cavalry and artillery were ordered to continue their march. I reached Manassas about noon on the 20th, preceded by the Seventh and Eighth Georgia regiments, and by Jackson's brigade, con- sisting of the Second, Fourth, Fifth, Twenty-seventh, and Thirty-third Virginia regiments. I was accompanied by General Bee, with the Fourth Alabama, the Second and two companies of the Eleventh Mississippi. The president of the railroad company had assured me that the remain- ing troops should arrive during the day. "I found General Beauregard's position too extensive, and the ground too densely wooded and intricate to be learned in the brief time at my disposal, and therefore check in the valley by Major-General Patterson, or those kept engaged by Major-General Butler, and I know determined to rely on his knowledge of it and of the ene- my's positions. This I did readily, from full confidence in his capacity " His troops were divided into eight brigades, occupying the defensive line of Bull Run. Brigadier-General Swell's was posted at the Union Mills Ford ; Brigadier-General D. R. Jones' at McLean's ford ; Brigadier-General Long- street' sat Blackburn's Ford ; Brigadier-General Bonham's at Mitchell's Ford; Colonel Cocke's at Ball's Ford, some three miles above, and Colonel Evans, with a regiment and a battalion, formed the extreme left at the stone bridge. The brigades of Brigadier-General Holmes and Colonel Early were in reserve, in rear of the right. I regarded the arrival of the remainder of the army of the Shenandoah, during the night, as certain, and Patterson's with the grand army, on the 22d, as probable. During the evening it was determined, instead of remaining in the defensive positions then occupied, to assume the offensive, and attack the enemy before such a junction. "General Beauregard proposed a plan of battle, which I approved without hesitation. He drew up the necessary order during the night, which was approved formally by me at half-past four o'clock on the morning of the 21st. The early movements of the enemy on that morning, and the non-arrival of the expected troops, prevented its ex- ecution. General Beauregard afterward proposed a modi- fication of the abandoned plan to attack with our right, while th left stood on the defensive. This, too, became impracticable, and a battle ensued, different in place and circumstance from any previous plan on our side. ' Soon after sunrise, on the morning of the 21st, a light cannonade was opened on Colonel Evans' position ; a similar demonstration was made against the centre soon after, and strong forces were observed in front of it and of the right. About eight o'clock General Beauregard and I placed ourselves on a commanding hill in the rear of General Bonham's left ; near nine o'clock the signal officer, Captain Alexander, reported that a large body of troops was crossing the valley of Bull Run, some two miles above the bridge General Bee, who had been placed near Colonel Cocke's position, Colonel Hampton, with his legion, and Colonel Jackson, from a point near Bonham's left, were ordered to hasten to the left flank. " The signal officer soon called our attention to a heavy cloud of dust to the northwest, and about ten miles off, such as the march of an army would raise, This excited apprehensions of General Patterson's approach. " The enemy, under cover of a strong demonstration on our right, made a long detour through the woods on his right, crossed Bull Run two miles above our left, and threw himself upon the flank and rear of our position. This movement was fortunately discovered in time for us to 416 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. every effort was made by the General- in-chief that this should be done, and that even if Johnston joined Beauregard check its progress, and ultimately to form a new line of battle nearly at right angles with the defensive line of Bull Run. " On discovering that the enemy had crossed the stream above him, Colonel Evans moved to his left with eleven companies and two field-pieces, to oppose his advance, and disposed his little force under cover of the woods near the intersection of the Warrenton turnpike and the Sudley road. Here he was attacked by the enemy in immensely superior numbers, against which he maintained himself with skill and unshrinking courage. General Bee, moving toward the enemy, guided by the firing, had, with a Kold'er's eye, selected the position near the Henry House, and formed his troops upon it. They were the Seventh and Eighth Georgia, Fourth Alabama, Second Mississippi, and two companies of the Eleventh Mississippi Regiment, with Imboden's battery. Being compelled, however, to sustain Colonel Evans, he crossed the valley and formed on the right and somewhat in advance of his position. Here the joint force, little exceeding five regiments, with six field-pieces, held the ground against about 15,000 United States troops for an hour, until, finding themselves outflanked by the continually arriving troops of the enemy, they fell back to General Bee's first position, upon the line of which Jackson, just arriving, formed his brig- ade arid Standard's battery. Colonel Hampton, who had by this time advanced with his legion as far as the turn- pike, rendered efficient service in maintaining the orderly character of the retreat from that point, and here fell the gallant Lieutenant-Colonel Johnson, his second in com- mand. " In the mean time, I awaited, with General Beaure- gard, near the centre, the full development of the enemy's designs. About eleven o'clock the violence of the firing on the left indicated a battle, and the march of a large body from the enemy's centre toward the conflict was shown by clouds of dust. I was thus convinced that his great effort was to be made with his right. I stated that conviction to General Beauregard, and the absolute neces- sity of immediately strengthening our left as much as possible. Orders were accordingly at once sent to General Holmes and Colonel Early to move with all speed to the sound of the firing, and to General Bonham to send up two of his regiments and a battery. General Beauregard and I then hurried at a rapid gallop to the scene of action, about four miles off. On the way I directed my chief of artillery, Colonel Pendleton, to follow with his own and Alburtis' batteries. We came not a moment too soon. The long contest against five-fold odds and heavy losses, especially of field officers, had greatly discouraged the troops of General Bee and Colonel Evans. Our presence with them under fire, and some example, had the happiest it would not be because he could be fol- lowed by General Patterson, but from causes not necessary for me to refer effect on the spirit of the troops. Order was soon restored and the battle re-established, to which the firmness of Jackson's brigade greatly contributed. Then, in a brief and rapid conference, General Beauregard was assigned to the command of the left, which, as the younger officer, he claimed, while I returned to that of the whole field. The aspect of affairs was critical ; but I had full confidence in the skill and indomitable courage of General Beauregard, the high soldierly qualities of Generals Bee and Jackson and Colonel Evans, and the devoted patriotism of their troops. Orders were first dispatched to hasten the march of General Holmes', Colonel Early's, and General Bon- ham's regiments. General Ewell was also directed to fol- low with all speed. Many of the broken troops, frag- ments of companies, and individual stragglers were re- formed and brought into action, with the aid of my staff and a portion of General Beauregard's. "Colonel (Governor) Smith, with his battalion, and Colonel Hampton, with his regiment, were ordered up to reinforce the right. I have since learned that General Beauregard had previously ordered them into the battle. They belonged to his corps. Colonel Smith's cheerful courage had a fine influence, not only on the spirit of his own men, but upon the stragglers from the troops engaged. The largest body of these, equal to about four companies, having no competent field-officer, I placed them under command of one of my staff, Colonel F. J. Thomas, who fell while gallantly leading it against the enemy. These reinforcements were all sent to the right to re-establish more perfectly that part of our line. Having attended to these pressing duties at the immediate scene of conflict, my eye was next directed to Colonel Cocke's brigade, the nearest at hand. Hastening to his position, I desired him to lead his troops into action. He informed me, however, that a large body of the enemy's troops, beyond the stream and below the bridge, threatened us from that quarter. He was, therefore, left in his position. . "My headquarters were now established near tho Lewis house. From this commanding elevation my view em- braced the position of the enemy beyond the stream and the approaches to the stone bridge, a point of especial importance. I could also see the advances of our troops far down the valley, in the direction of Manassas, and observe the progress of the action and the manoeuvres of the enemy. ' ' We had now sixteen guns and two hundred and sixty cavalry, and a little above nine regiments of the army of ;he Shenandoah, and six guns and less than the strength of three regiments of that of the Potomac, engaged with about 35,000 United States troops, among whom were full 3,000 men of the old regular army. Yet this admirable artillery and brave infantry and cavalry lost no foot of JOHNSTON'S REPORT. 417 to you knew them all. This was not done, and the enemy was free to assem- ble from every direction in numbers ground. For nearly three hours they maintained their position, repelling five successive assaults by the heavy masses of the enemy, whose numbers enabled him con- tinually to bring up fresh troops as their preceding col- umns were driven back. " Colonel Stuart contributed to one of these repulses by a well-timed and vigorous charge on the enemy's right flank with two companies of his cavalry. The efficiency of our infantry and cavalry might have been expected from a patriotic people, accustomed, like ours, to the management of arms and horses, but that of the artillery was little less than wonderful. They were opposed to batteries far superior in the number, range, and equipment of their guns, with educated officers and thoroughly in- structed soldiers. We had but one educated artillerist (Colonel Pendleton), that model of a Christian soldier, yet they exhibited as much superiority to the enemy in skill as in courage. Their fire was superior both in rapidity and precision. " About two o'clock, an officer of General Beauregard's adjutant-general's office galloped from Manassas to report to me that a United States army had reached the line of Manassas Gap Railroad, was marching toward us, and then but three or four miles from our left flank." [This ' ' army" turned out to be a part of General John- ston's own army of "the Shenancloah," the opportune arrival of which decided the day against us ] "The expected reinforcements appeared soon after. Colonel Cocke was then desired to lead his brigade into action to support the right of the troops engaged, which he did with alacrity and effect. Within a half hour the two regiments of General Bonham's brigade (Cash's and Kershaw's) came up, and were directed against the enemy's right, which he seemed to be strengthening. Fisher's North Carolina Regiment was soon after sent in the same direction. About three o'clock, while the enemy seemed to be striving to outflank and drive back our left, and thus separate us from Manassas, General E. K. Smith arrived with three regiments of Elzey's brigade. He was in- structed to attack the right flank of the enemy now ex- posed to us. Before the movement was completed he fell severely wounded. Colonel Elzey, at once taking com- mand, executed it with great promptitude and vigor. General Beauregard rapidly seized the opportunity thus afforded him, and threw forward his whole line. The enemy was driven back from the long-contested hill, and victory was no longer doubtful. He made yet another at- tempt to retrieve the day. He again extended his right with a still wider sweep to turn our left. Just as he re- formed to renew the battle, Colonel Early's three regi- ments came upon the field. The enemy's new formation exposed his right flank more even than the previous one. 53 only limited by the amount of his rail- road rolling-stock and his supply of pro- visions. To the forces, therefore, we Colonel Early was, therefore, ordered to throw himself directly upon it ; supported by Colonel Stuart's cavalry and Beckham's battery, he executed this attack bravely and well, while a simultaneous charge was made by Gen- eral Beauregard in front. " The enemy was broken by this combined attack. He lost all the artillery which he bad advanced to the scene of the conflict. He had no more fresh troops to rally on, and a general rout ensued. " Instructions were instantly sent to General Bonham to march by the quickest route to the turnpike, to inter- cept the fugitives ; and to General Longstreet to follow as closely as possible upon the right. Their progress was checked by the enemy's reserve, and by night, at Centre- ville. ' ' Schenck's brigade made a slight demonstration toward Lewis's Ford, which was quickly checked by Holmes's brigade, which had just arrived from the right. His artil- lery, under Captain Walker, was used with great skill. "Colonel Stuart pressed the pursuit of the enemy's principal line of retreat, the Sudley Road. Four com- panies of cavalry, under Colonel Bradford and Lieutenant- Colonel Munford, which I had held in reserve, were ordered to cross the stream at Ball's Ford, to reach the turnpike, the line of retreat of the enemy's left. Our cavalry found the roads encumbered with dead and wounded (many of whom seemed to have been thrown from wagons), arms, accoutrements, and clothing. " A report came tome from the right that a strong body of United States troops was advancing upon Manassas. General Holmes, who had just reached the field, and Gen- eral Ewcll on his way to it, were ordered to meet the ex- pected attack. They found no foe, however. " Our victory was as complete as one gained by infantry and artillery can be. An adequate force of cavalry would have made it decisive. " It is due, under Almighty God, to the skill and reso- lution of General Beauregard, the admirable conduct of Generals Bee, E. K. Smith, and Jackson, and of Colonels (commanding brigades) Evans, Cocke, Early, and Elzey, and the unyielding firmness of our patriotic volunteers. The admirable character of our troops is incontestably proved by the result of this battle ; especially when it is remem- bered that little more than 6,000 men of the army of the Shenandoah, with sixteen guns, and less than 2,000 of that of the Potomac, with six guns, for full five hours success- fully resisted 35,000 United States troops, with a powerful artillery and a superior force of regular cavalry. Our forces engaged, gradually increasing during the contest, amounted to but men at the close of the battle. The brunt of this hard-fought engagement fell upon the troops who held their ground so long with such heroic res- 418 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. drove in from Fairfax Court House, Fairfax Station, Germantown, and Cen- treville, and those under Beauregard at Manassas, must be added those under Johnston from Winchester, and those brought up by Davis from Richmond, and other places at the South, to which is to be added the levy en masse or- olution. The unfading honor which they won was dearly bought with the blood of our best and bravest. Their loss was far heavier, in proportion, than those coming later into action. "Every regiment and battery engaged performed its part well. The commanders of brigades have been already mentioned. I refer you to General Beauregard's report for the names of the officers of the army of the Potomac who distinguished themselves most. I cannot enumerate all of the army of the Shenandoah who deserve distinction, and will confine myself to those of high rank. Colonels Bartow and Fisher (killed), Jones (mortally wounded), Harper, J. F. Preston, Cummings, Faulkner, Gartrell, and Vaughan ; J. E. B. Stuart, of the cavalry, and Pendleton, of the artillery, Lieutenant-Colonels Echols, Lightfoot, Lackland, G. H. Stewart, and Gardner. The last-named gallant officer was severely wounded. " The loss of the army of the Potomac was 108 killed, 510 wounded, 12 missing. That of the army of the Shenandoah was 270 killed, 979 wounded, 18 missing. Total killed 378 Total wounded 1,489 Total missing 30 " That of the enemy could not be ascertained. It must have been between 4,000 and 5,000. Twenty-eight pieces of artillery, about 5,000 muskets, and nearly 500,000 cartridges, a garrison flag, and ten colors were captured on the field or in the pursuit. Besides these, we captured sixty-four artillery horses, with their harness, twenty-six wagons, and much camp equipage, clothing, and other property abandoned in their flight. "The officers of my staff deserve high commendation for their efficient and gallant services during the day and the campaign, and I beg leave to call the attention of the government to their merits. Major W. H. C. Whiting, Chief Engineer, was invaluable to me for his signal ability in his profession, and for his indefatigable activity before and in the battle. Major McClean, Chief Quartermaster, and Major Kearsley, Chief Commissary, conducted their respective departments with skill and energy. Major Khett, A. A. General, who joined me only the day before, was of great service. I left him at Manassas, and to his experience and energy I intrusted the care of ordering my troops to the field of battle as they should arrive, and for- warding ammunition for the artillery during the action. dered by the Richmond authorities, which was ordered to assemble at Ma- nassas. What all this amounted to, I cannot say certainly much more than we attacked them with." Why General Patterson failed to check Johnston at Winchester, either by an attack or the semblance of one, Captains C. M. Fauntleroy, C. S. Navy, T. L. Preston, A. A. A. General, and Lieutenant J. B. Washington, A. D. C., conveyed my orders bravely and well on their first field, as did several gallant gentlemen who volunteered their services Colonel Cole, of Florida ; Major Deas, of Ala- bama ; Colonel Duncan, of Kentucky ; Lieutenant Beverly Randolph, C. S. Navy, aided Colonel F. J. Thomas in the command of the body of troops he led into action, and fought with gallantry. With these was my gallant friend, Captain Barlow Mason, who was mortally wounded. I have already mentioned the brave death of ordnance officer Colonel F. J. Thomas. I was much indebted, also, to Colonels J. J. Preston, Manning, Miles, and Chisholm, and Captain Stevens, of the engineers corps, members of General Beauregard's staff, who kindly proffered their services, and rendered efficient and valuable aid at differ- ent times during the day. Colonel G. W. Lay, of General Bonham's staff, delivered my instructions to the troops sent in pursuit and to intercept the enemy, with much in- telligence and courage. " It will be remarked that the three brigadier-generals of the army of the Shenandoah were all wounded. I have already mentioned the wound of General Smith. General Jackson though painfully wounded early in the day, com- manded his brigade to the close of the action. General Bee, after great exposure at the commencement of the engagement, was mortally wounded just as our reinforce- ments were coming up. "The apparent firmness of the United States troops at Centreville, who had not been engaged, which checked our pursuit, the strong forces occupying the works near Georgetown, Arlington, and Alexandria, the certainty, too, that General Patterson, if needed, would reach Washing- ton with his army of 30,000 men sooner than we could, and the condition and inadequate means of the army in ammunition, provisions, and transportation, prevented any serious thoughts of advancing against the capital. It is certain that the fresh troops within the works were, in number, quite sufficient for their defence ; if not, General Patterson's army would certainly reinforce them soon enough. "This report will be presented to you by my aide-de- camp, Lieutenant J. B. Washington, by whom, and by General Beauregard's aid, Lieutenant Ferguson, the cap- tured colors are transmitted to the War Department." DEFENCE OF PATTERSON. 419 is a question which can only be justly answered in the future, when time shall have allayed mutual suspicion and sobered the general judgment. Public opinion emphatically censured General Patterson, and the Federal Government superseded him in his command, for having failed in his duty. He requested a court of inquiry, but this was not con- ceded ; the General, however, at a pub- lic dinner in Philadelphia, sought the opportunity of justifying his conduct, in a speech of which the following is the newspaper report : "I would here," said General Patter- son, "state a few facts. On the 3d of June I took command at Chambersburg. On the 4th I was informed by the General-in-chief that he considered the addition to his force of a battery of ar- tillery and some regular infantry indis- pensable. On the 8th of June a letter of instructions was sent me, in which I was told that there must be no re- verse ; a check or a drawn battle would be a victory to the enemy, filling his heart with joy, his ranks with men, and his magazines with voluntary contribu- tions, and, therefore, to take my mea- sures circumspectly, and attempt nothing without a clear prospect of success. This was good instruction and most sen- sible advice. Good or bad, I was to obey ; and I did. " On Friday, the 13th, I was in- formed that, on the supposition that I would cross the river on the next Mon- day or Tuesday, General McDowell would be instructed to make a demon- stration on Manassas Junction. I was surprised at the order, but promptly obeyed. On the 15th I reached Ha- gerstown, and on the 16th two-thirds of my forces had crossed the Potomac. The promised demonstration by General McDowell, in the direction of Manassas Junction, was not made, and on the 16th, just three days after I had been told I was expected to cross, I was telegraphed by the General-in-chief to send him ' at once all the regular troops, horse and foot, and the Rhode Island regiment and battery,' and told that I was strong enough without the regulars, and to keep within limits until I could satisfy myself that I ought to go beyond them. On the 17th I was again telegraphed : ' We are pressed here. Send the troops I have twice called for without delay.' This was imperative, and the troops were sent, leaving me without a single piece of artillery, and, for the time, a single troop of cavalry. It was a gloomy night, but they were all brought over the river again without loss. " On the 20th of June I was asked by the General-in-chief to propose, without delay, a plan of operations. On the 21st I submitted to the General- in-chief my plan, which was to abandon the present line of operations, move all supplies to Frederick, occupy Maryland Heights with Major Dojubleday's heavy guns, and a brigade of infantry to sup- port them, and with everything else horse, foot, and artillery to cross the Potomac at Point of Rocks, and unite with Colonel Stone's force at Leesburg, from which point I could operate as 420 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. circumstances should demand and the General's orders should require. No reply was received ; but on the 27th the General telegraphed me that he supposed I was that day crossing the river in pursuit of the enemy. " On that day the enemy was in condition to cross the river to pursue me. He had over 15,000 men and from twenty to twenty-four guns, while I had but about 10,000 men and six guns the latter immovable for want of har- ness. On the 28th I informed the Gen- eral of the strength of the enemy and of my own force ; that I would not, on my own responsibility, attack without artillery, but would do so cheerfully and promptly if he would give me an explicit order to that effect. No order was given. On the 24th I received the harness for my single battery of six smooth-bore guns, and on the 30th gave the order to cross. On the 2d of July I crossed, met the enemy, and whipped them. " On the 9th of July a council was held, at which all the commanders of divisions and brigades and chiefs of staff were present. Colonel Stone, the junior line officer, spoke twice and decid- edly against an advance, advocating a direct movement to Shephardstown and Charlestown. All who spoke opposed an advance, and all voted against one. On the same day L informed the General- in-chief of the condition of affairs in the valley, and proposed that I should go to Charlestown and occupy Harper's Ferry, and asked to be informed when he would attack Manassas. On the 12th I was directed to go where I had proposed, and informed that Manassas would be attacked on Tuesday, the 16th. On the 13th I was telegraphed : ' If not strong enough to beat the enemy early next week, make demonstrations so as to detain him in the valley of Winchester. 7 I made the demonstrations, and on the 16th, the day General Scott said he would attack Manassas, I drove the enemy's pickets into his intrenchments at Winchester, and on the 17th marched to Charlestown. "On the 13th I telegraphed the General-in-chief that Johnston was in a position to have his strength doubled just as I could reach him, and that I would rather lose the chance of accom- plishing something brilliant than by hazarding my column destroy the fruits of the campaign by defeat, closing my dispatch thus : ' If wrong, let me be instructed.' But no instructions came. This was eight days before the battle of Manassas. On the 17th General Scott telegraphed : ' McDowell's first day's work has driven the enemy be- yond Fairfax Court House. To-morrow, probably, the Junction will be carried.' With this information I was happy. Johnston had been detained the ap- pointed time, and the work of my col- umn had been done. " On the 18th, at half-past one in the morning, I telegraphed General Scott the condition of the enemy's force and of my own, referring to my letter of the 16th for full information, and closed the dispatch by asking. ' Shall I attack ?' This was plain English and could not be misunderstood, but I received no reply. CAUSE OF DEFEAT. 1 expected to be attacked where I was. and if Manassas was not to be attacked on that day, as stated in General Scott's dispatch of the day pre- vious, I ought to have been ordered down forthwith to join in the battle, and the attack delayed until I came. I could have been there on the day that the battle was fought, and my assistance might have produced a different result. " On the 20th I heard that Johnston had marched, with 35,000 Confederate troops and a large artillery force, in a southeasterly direction. I immediately telegraphed the information to General Scott, and know that he received it the same day. " In accordance with instructions I came to Harper's Ferry on the 21st, which place I held until relieved." The delay which ensued in the advance of our army against the enemy was an- other cause of the defeat at Bull Run. If the attack had been made at an earlier day, Beauregard would have been caught at a time when the aid of Johnston must have failed him. The causes which com- pelled McDowell's delay are best stated in his own words. He says : ' ' When I submitted to the General- in-chief, in compliance with his verbal instructions, the plan of operations and estimate of force required, the time I was to proceed to carry it into effect was fixed for the 8th of July, Monday. Every facility possible was given me by the General-in-chief and the heads of the administrative departments in mak- ing the necessary preparations. But the regiments, owing, I was told, to a want of transportation, came over slowly. Many of them did not come across till eight or nine days after the time fixed upon, and went forward without my even seeing them, and without having been together before in a brigade. The sending reinforcements to General Pat- terson, by drawing off the wagons, was a further and unavoidable cause of delay. Notwithstanding the Herculean efforts of the Quartermaster-General, and his favoring me in every way, the wagons for ammunition, subsistence, etc., and the horses for the trains and the artillery, did not arrive for more than a week after the time appointed to move. I was not even prepared as late as the 15th ultimo, and the desire I should move became great, and it was wished I should not, if possible, delay longer than Tuesday, the 16th ultimo. When I did set out, on the 16th, I was still deficient in wagons for subsistence. But I went forward, trusting to their being procured in time to follow me. The trains thus hurriedly gathered together, with horses, wagons, drivers, and wagon managers, all new and unused to each other, moved with difficulty and disor- der, and was the cause of a day's delay in getting the provisions forward, mak- ing it necessary to make on Sunday the attack we should have made on Satur- day. I could not, with every exertion, get forward with the troops earlier than we did. I wished to go to Centre ville the second day, which would have taken us there on the 17th, and enabled us, so far as they were concerned, to go into action on the 19th, instead of the 21st ; 422 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. but when I went forward from Fairfax Court House, beyond Grermantown, to urge them forward, I was told it was impossible for the men to march farther. They had only come from Vienna, about six miles, and it was not more than six and a half miles farther to Centre ville in all a march of twelve and a half miles ; but the men were foot weary ; not so much, I was told, by the distance marched, as by the time they had been on foot, caused by the obstructions in the road, and the slow pace we had to move to avoid ambuscades. The men were, moreover, unaccustomed to march- ing, their bodies not in condition for that kind of work, and not used to carrying even the load of light marching order." Why, on the other hand, having been compelled to delay so long, it was im- practicable to secure safety by a longer arrest of movement, is a question for the answer to which it is best again to refer to the frank statement of McDowell, who says : "I could not, as I have said, more early push on faster, nor could I delay. A large and the best part of my forces were three months volunteers, whose term of service was about to expire, but who were sent forward as having long enough to serve for the purpose of the expedition. On the eve of the battle the Fourth Pennsylvania Regiment of Volunteers, and the battery of volunteer artillery of the New York Eighth Militia, whose term of service expired, insisted on their discharge. I wrote to the regi- ment, expressing a request for them to remain a short time, and the Hon. Sec- retary of War, who was at the time on the ground, tried to induce the battery to remain at least five days. But in vain. They insisted on their discharge that night. It was granted, and the next morning, when the army moved forward into battle, these troops moved to the rear to the sound of the enemy's cannon. "In the next few days, day by day, I should have lost 10,000 of the best armed, drilled, officered, and disciplined troops in the army. In other words, every day which added to the strength of the enemy made us weaker." McDowell, thus unfavored by fortune, lost the battle of Bull Run, and paid the penalty of his ill-success by being compelled to yield the chief command to a younger, and, as yet, more fortunate officer. General McClellan superseded him as the commander of the forces on the Potomac. McDowell, with the mod- esty of true worth, graciously yielded his place, and, without a word of com- plaint, assumed a subordinate position under the younger superior, with whom he acted in perfect accord, ready to serve his country and make every personal sacrifice consistent with the preservation of personal honor. APPOINTMENT OF FREMONT. 423 CHAPTER XXXIX. The popular call for Fremont. His popularity explained. The favorite of the Republican Party. Appointed a Major- General. Return of Fremont from France. Command in the West. His popularity there. Life of Fremont. His Parentage. Marriage of his Father. Youth. Collegiate Education. Dismissal from College. An early love passage. Teacher of Mathematics. A Cruise at Sea. Professor of Mathematics in the Navy. A Civil Engineer. Explorer. A Lieutenant in the Army. In love with Jessie Benton. A Runaway Match. Explorations. Con- quest of California. Dismissed from the Army. A Pardon refused. Fresh Explorations. A Landowner. Visit to Europe. Fremont's return to the United States. His Command in the Army. Lingering on his way to St. Louis. Important events in Missouri. Lyon's Exploits. Colonel Sigel. His Life and Career. His Command in Missouri. His Advance to the Southwest. His Force. Moves against the Enemy. The Battle of Carthage. Position of the Enemy. A graphic account of the Engagement by an eye-witness. The Enemy's account. General Lyon's Advance. His Force. How diminished. The reported strength of the Enemy. The Rendezvous. Crane Creek. A severe March in pursuit of the Enemy. Dug Springs. A brilliant Skirmish. Return to Spring- field. An urgent demand for Reinforcements. No Answer. A Mission. A bootless Errand. The great Explorer on his Dignity. A repulsed Official. Lyon's Resolve. Apologies for Fremont. Partial Judgments. Difficulty of Decision. FROM the commencement of the civil struggle there was a popular call, OO especially among the " Republi- cans," for the services of Fremont. It was not only his pre-eminence in the Republican party, of which he had been a candidate for President, but the spirit and capacity which he had exhibited in his adventurous explorations through the pathless regions of the West and in the conquest of California, which marked him out, in popular estimation, as a proper leader in the war. The Presi- dent of the United States, Mr. Lincoln, with a ready response to the universal acclamation of his party, and in graceful concession to the claims of one who had July been its chosen chief, at once ap- 9* pointed Fremont a major-general, and gave him the command of the West- ern Department. At the time of his appointment Fremont was in France, whence^ after exercising his character- istic energy in supplying the immediate needs of the Federal Government with arms, he hastened back to the United States. After lingering awhile in Wash- ington, in consultation with the Presi- dent and cabinet upon the plans of the campaign, he proceeded to St. Louis, where he was to establish his head- quarters. There was a general concur- rence in the fitness of his appointment and great expectations of his success. In the West, with which his career as an explorer had identified him, and where his adventurous character was in sym- pathy with the pioneer life of the people, he was especially popular. Though military formalists may have doubted the policy of appointing a man with so little skill and experience in the art of 424 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. war to lead a great army, most believed that one vvho had proved himself, in danger and difficulty, so capable of con- trolling his fellows, would be equal to all the trials of his new position. John Charles Fremont was born in Savannah, Georgia, on the 21st of Jan- uary, 1813. His father, a Frenchman by birth, had emigrated to Norfolk, Va., where he taught his native language. Here he fell in love with a Mrs. Pryor, the divorced wife of Major Pryor, forty-five years her senior, and whom, through the influence of her friends, she had been persuaded to marry while a girl of seventeen. The marriage was naturally an unhappy one, and recourse was had, by the consent of both parties, to a bill of divorce. The Major subse- quently married his housekeeper, and Mrs. Pryor became the wife of F^mont's father. Her maiden name was Anne Beverly Whiting, and she claimed to be connected by mariiage with the family of Washington. Fremont's father having died in 1818, his widow removed to Charleston with her three children. John Charles, her son, was sent, at the age of fifteen, to Charleston College, where he entered the Junior class. He was making good progress in his studies, when he was suddenly distracted from his academic duties by a youthful love passage. This led to irregularities and inattention, which caused his expulsion from col- lege. He now sought and obtained employment as a private teacher of his favorite pursuit, the mathematics. In 1833 he was appointed schoolmaster on board of the United States sloop-of-war Natchez, and sailed on a cruise to the coast of South America. On his return to Charleston, after an absence of two years, he was honored by the college from which he had been expelled, with the degrees of bachelor and master of arts. Soon after, having passed a rigorous examination, he was appointed professor of mathematics in the navy, and ordered to the frigate Independence. He, however, now de- termined to give up the sea, and betak- ing himself to civil engineering on land, was employed for awhile on the railroads of South Carolina and Tennessee. In 1837 he was, with Captain Williams, en- gaged in a military reconnoissance of the mountainous regions of Georgia, North Carolina, and Tennessee, made in anticipation of a campaign against the Cherokee Indians. In 18389 he ac- companied M. Nicollet, appointed by the Government to explore the country between the Missouri and the British line. While thus engaged, he received, from President Van Buren, the com- mission of second lieutenant in the corps of Topographical Engineers. In 1840, while occupied at the capital in preparing the reports of his expedition, he fell in love with Miss Jessie Benton, the daughter of Colonel Thomas H. Benton, a United States senator from Missouri. His suit was accepted by the maid, but refused by her parents on the score of her extreme youth, she being only fifteen years of age. Fremont soon after received, at the instigation prob- ably of Colonel Benton, a peremptory FREMONT IN CALIFORNIA. 425 order from the War Department to pro- ceed on a survey to the river Desmoines. This mission was rapidly accomplished by the impatient suitor, who, soon after his return, on the 19th of October, 1841, secretly married Miss Benton. On May 2, 1842, Fremont set out from Washington on an exploration of the Rocky Mountains, and particularly the South Pass, which had been suggested to the Government by himself. The re- port of his first expedition, which was concluded in October, 1842, attracted great attention. In May, 1843, Lieu- tenant Fremont started on a second ex- pedition, much more comprehensive in its design than the first, extending through the valleys of the Columbia River. While on this expedition he crossed the mountains on the Pacific coast, reaching Sutter's Fort, on the Sac- ramento, early in March, 1844, after forty days of great trial and suffering. The preparation of the report of this expedition occupied the remainder of that year, and in the spring of 1845, having been brevetted captain, he started on a third expedition, to explore the great basin and maritime region of Oregon and California. This expedition was full of stirring incident. The Mexi- can war having, in the mean time, broken out, Fremont was diverted from the scientific object of his exploration by a call to arms. He defended himself bravely and skilfully against the Mexi- can General Castro, who threatened to attack him with an overwhelming force. Subsequently, under Fremont's leader- ship, the Californians succeeded in ex- 54 pelling Castro from the northern part of the territory, and on July 4 the Ameri- can settlers elected Fremont governor. About this time he was promoted to a lieutenant-colonelcy, and on January 13, 1847. he concluded with the Mexicans articles of capitulation which terminated the war in California, and left that coun- try in possession of the United States. Having quarrelled with General Kear- ney, his superior in command, Fremont was refused permission to join the army in Mexico, and ultimately was court- martialed and sentenced to be dismissed from the service. President Polk re- mitted the penalty, but Fremont refused to avail himself of the favor, declaring that he was not conscious of having done anything to merit the finding of the court. In October, 1848, he started on a fourth exploring expedition, along the waters of the Upper Rio Grande and through the country of the Apaches, Camanches, etc., hoping to find a prac- ticable route to California. This expe- dition also proved one of great trial and suffering. Having purchased a vast tract of land in California, known as the Mariposa estate, Fremont has the pros- pect of great wealth, though for the present embarrassed by lawsuits and heavy mortgages. In 1849 he was elected one of the United States senators from California, drawing the short term and serving but three weeks. In 1852 he visited Europe, where he was received with every mark of respect by eminent men of letters and of science. In 1853 he made a fifth and highly successful exploring expedition, between the Mis- 426 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. sissippi Valley and the Pacific, and in 1856 was nominated by the Republicans as their candidate for the Presidency. He received 114 electoral votes, and was defeated by Mr. Buchanan, who had 174. Returning to California in 1858, he devoted himself to the care of his vast estates until February, 1861, when he departed for Europe, whence he was summoned, as we have seen, to bear an important part in the present war. While Fremont was still lingering on his route to St. Louis, important events were occurring in Missouri. The ener- getic movements of G-eneral Lyon, his expedition up the Missouri River, his seizure of Jefferson City, the capital, his expulsion of the secession bands at Booneville, his possession of that town, and his march to the southwestern part of the State, where the enemy were mustering in force, have been already recorded. General Lyon was spiritedly seconded in his efforts to establish the Federal authority by his subaltern, Col- onel Sigel. Franz Sigel was born in the Duchy of Baden, in Germany. During the revolution of 1848 he sided with the liberals, and under the provisional gov- ernment was appointed to command the republican forces of the Grand Duchy of Baden. He proved himself a skilful general ; but when the revolutionary government was overturned, and its army obliged to yield to the reactionary move- ment in Germany aided by the armed force of Prussia, Sigel, like Hecker and other German patriots, made his escape to the United States. Making St. Louis his home, he raised in that city, on the commencement of the civil war, a regi- ment of Germans, who appointed him their colonel. So great was the trust of his fellow-countryman, Hecker, in his skill as a military leader, that he left his home in Illinois, to which he had retired, and entered the ranks of SigeFs regiment as a private, together with his son, whom he had brought with him. Soon after Hecker was summoned back to Illinois to assume the command of a regiment of Germans formed in that State. He at first refused, declaring that he had no higher ambition than to serve as a pri- vate under his old friend Sigel, but finally yielded to the persevering de- mands of his fellow-citizens in Illinois, and returned there to take command of a regiment of Jagers. Sigel was urged by the Germans of New York to become the general of a brigade, but refused, declaring that Missouri presented a wider field of usefulness, and that he did not care to desert the loyal Germans of his own adopted State. Though still a young man, Sigel's foreign experience as a military leader has made him one of the most accomplished officers, and he has given proof on various occasions during the fierce conflict in Missouri, that he not only is versed in the military art, but possesses that rare aptitude for command, which comes only from nature. Sigel had pushed on in advance of Lyon, and had penetrated, after various encounters with the secession bands of Missouri, to the extreme southwest of the State. While encamped at Neo- sho, on the river of that name, in the aecenlOig 4 jet er Confrtn SI lit? ly Vtrtvf t C" aOle flats efTta of ** Jislrui aurt of the rTlu&l Stoke ftrt/ir sivdttr BATTLE OF CARTHAGE. 427 southwestern corner of Missouri, near the frontier of what is called the Indian territory, he discovered that the enemy were in considerable force some miles north of Carthage, on the borders of Kansas. Colonel Sigel determined to advance and give them battle. He accordingly marched with a force consisting of eight companies of his own regiment (the Third), under Lieutenant-Colonel Has- endenbel ; seven companies of the Fifth Regiment, Colonel Solomon ; and two batteries of artillery with four field-pieces, each commanded by Major Backhoff. His total strength in men was about 1,800. That of the enemy was com- puted to be 5,500 in all, of whom 3,000 were mounted ; their artillery consisted of a battery of four six-pounders and one twelve-pounder. Generals Price and Rains commanded this force in person. Sigel found the enemy advantageously posted on the prairie about ten miles north of Carthage. He, however, did not hesitate even with his inferior force to give them immediate battle. He July opened fire at ten o'clock in the 5 morning from his artillery, aimed at the enemy's centre. " The aim was so effective," says an eye-witness, " that in less than one hour the enemy's twelve-pounder was dis- mounted, and by noon the whole battery of the State troops was silenced. Re- peatedly the columns of the enemy gave way under the heavy fire, but rallied again, until our infantry, which had heretofore remained in security behind the batteries, were ordered to advance, when the centre of the enemy at once was broken. To remedy this disaster, about 1,700 of the enemy's cavalry were ordered to fall back, and by a side move- ment try to get possession of Colonel Sigel's baggage train, which had been left some three miles behind on the road, and thus encircle and cut him off from retreat. But this manoeuvre did not succeed. The moment that Colonel Sigel saw what was intended, he ordered his men to retreat, which was done in the greatest order, at the same time giving word to the baggage train to advance. Before the enemy's designs could be carried out, Colonel Sigel had his bag- gage train in safety. The wagons were placed in the centre of his column, pro- tected in the front by Major Backhoff's artillery and Colonel Solomon's battalion, and in the rear by Colonel Sigel's eight companies. " By this time it was four o'clock P.M. Our troops had suffered a loss of only about twenty killed and forty wounded, while the enemy's loss was stated, by some of their officers who had been taken prisoners, to amount at least to two or three hundred. The difference in the list of killed is mainly due to the efficient use of our artillery, which mowed down the enemy, while our troops were scarcely hurt by the fire from the miserable battery on the other side. " Having thus placed his baggage train in a secure position, Colonel Sigel follow- ed the enemy, who had now taken posi- tion on the south side of a creek, cutting through the only road leading to Car- 428 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. thage. Here General Price thought his State troops could cut off all further ad- vance of Colonel Sigel's forces, and at the first show of a retreat fall in their rear and cut them to pieces. To Colonel Sigel it was absolutely necessary to pass the creek and clear the road to Carthage, as he could not run the risk of being surrounded by an army of such nu- merical superiority by remaining where he was or by retreating. To dupe the enemy, he ordered his artillery to ob- lique, two pieces to the right and two to the left, following the movement with part of his force. "The enemy supposing it to be Sigel's intention to escape them by cutting a road at their extreme sides, immediately left the road leading over the bluffs, south of the creek, to Carthage, and advanced to the right and left, to pre- vent Sigel's force from crossing their line. But scarcely had they advanced within 400 yards of our troops, when our artillery suddenly wheeled around and poured a most terrific volley of canister on the rebel cavalry from both sides. Simultaneously our infantry was ordered to advance at double-quick step across the bridge, and in a few moments the whole body of State troops was flying in all directions. Not a show of resistance was made. Eighty-one horses, sixty-five double shot-guns, and some revolvers fell into the hands of our troops. Some fifty prisoners were taken, and from them the number of killed and wounded was ascertained to amount to nearly 300. Yery few on our side were lost. "After this splendid achievement Col- onel Sigel proceeded to move toward Carthage, the road to which place was now open. But all along the road, squads of the State troops kept at the side of our forces, though not daring to attack, and occasionally saluted by a discharge from the rifles of our infantry. Arriving at Carthage, Colonel Sigel found it in possession of the enemy ; a secession flag waving from the top of the court-house was quickly shot down by our troops. ' ' Colonel Sigel now found it neces- sary to retire to Sarcoxie, eight miles southwest of Carthage, as his ammuni- tion was beginning to give out, and it was necessary to connect again with the balance of our Southwestern army, con- centrated at Mount Yernon and Spring- field. The road to Sarcoxie passes around Carthage, and is covered with heavy woods, which it was Colonel Sigel's object to gain, since the State troops at Carthage, almost altogether cavalry, could not follow him there. " Fully aware of this, the enemy had taken his position on the road leading into the woods, prepared to dispute Colonel Sigel's advance to the last. The most desperate conflict now commenced ; the infantry on both sides engaging for the first time. Our troops fought splen- didly, and for the first time the rebel troops screwed up some courage. But their arms were very inefficient, and their cavalry could be of little use. The battle raged for over two hours, from a quarter past six to half-past eight o'clock, and was altogether the most ENEMY'S ACCOUNT. 429 hotly contested encounter of the day. Over two hundred rebels bit the dust ; our loss was eight killed and about twenty wounded. One officer, Captain Strodmann, was wounded. Our cannon fired ninety-five rounds. When the enemy retreated to Carthage, about a mile from the place of engagement, Col- onel Sigel had got his troops into the wood, where they were secure from any further attack." Although exhausted by ten hours' severe fighting in the heat, and suffer- ing intensely from thirst, Colonel Sigel ordered his forces to press on toward Sarcoxie. Thence the retreat was con- tinued to Mount Yernon, Lawrence County, and finally a junction was formed with General Lyon at Spring- field, whose movements will be soon re- lated. The following is the enemy's account of the affair at Carthage, as given by one of their officers, Colonel Hughes, in a letter to the editor of the Liberty (Mo.) Tribune : " CAMP NEAR CARTHAGE, " In a few days I hope to be able to inform your Excellency of the disbanding of the organizations to which you have been pleased to call my attention. I am satisfied a large majority even of the Union men in Kentucky are opposed to any such organization here by the Fed- eral Government, or the transportation of arms, men, or munitions over our soil to the State of Tennessee." Whereupon the Governor of Tennes- see rejoined: "We cannot believe that Kentucky will, at the instigation of either of the belligerents, abandon the position of neutrality so lately and solemnly as- sumed, or permit it to be so used as to render a hollow peace more harassing and dangerous than open war." In the mean time the Legislature as- sembled, in the election of which the loyalty of the people of Kentucky had so signally manifested itself, by return- ing a large majority of Unionists. The Governor in his message acknowledged the interference with his cherished pro- ject of neutrality, by the action of both belligerents, but dwelt with especial in- 488 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. dignation upon the conduct of the Federal Government. He at the same time still held to the neutral policy, declaring that " In regard to our national difficulties, my action, from first to last, has been dictated by an earnest wish to preserve the neutrality and peace of Kentucky. I am not conscious of any lack of vigi- lance or effort on my part in maintaining the peaceful attitude of neutrality which the people of the State have determined to occupy. The very corner-stone of the theory of the States Rights party, to which I have always adhered, is the right of the people of a State, by a lawful ex- pression of a majority thereof, to deter- mine the policy and the relations of the commonwealth. My functions are purely executive, and I am bound by my oath of office to carry out the lawful will of the people, whether the policy they pre- fer accords with my own views or not. The Constitution is the only barrier be- tween the people and the Executive which I recognize. I was elected governor by a majority of the people, who well knew my political sentiments. Since my elec- tion great questions have arisen, which, if contemplated in the canvass, it was hoped would be settled by adjustment in the councils of the Federal Govern- ment ; and these questions unhappily in- volve the external relations, the peace and prosperity of Kentucky. I deprecate the introduction of these questions, and did all I could to avert the issues. No man lives, or ever did live, who more honestly and earnestly desires to uphold and perpetuate the Union by a faithful execution of the Federal Constitution." While thus professing fidelity to the Union, the Governor took occasion to set forth at length his reasons for opposing the action of the Federal authority. The Legislature showed itself more loyal. The House of Representatives, by the large vote of seventy-six to twenty, ordered the United States flag to be hoisted over the Capitol at Frankfort, and the Senate refused, by a vote of twenty-four to twelve, to listen to the reading of an address by some supposed secessionists. When the loyalty of Ken- tucky was thus clearly manifested, Gen- eral, the ci-devant Bishop, Polk, com- mander-in-chief of the Confederate forces in southern Missouri and in Memphis, at once took possession of Columbus, in Kentucky. This place, situated on the Mississippi about twenty-two miles below Cairo, is one of the most important stra- tegic points in the West. General Polk justified this invasion of Kentucky and disregard of its neutrality on the score of a " mihtary necessity." Jefferson Davis, the President of the Confederate States, moreover, sanctioned the act on the same ground.* Polk, in this letter to Governor Magoffin, entered into a more detailed exposition of the motives of his conduct : " COLUMBUS, KENTUCKY, September 9. " GOVERNOR B. MAGOFFIN, FRANKFORT, KENTUCKY : I should have dispatched you, immediately the troops under my command took possession of this posi- tion, the very few words I addressed to the people here ; but my duties since that time have so pressed me, that I have but This was denied, however, by certain delegates from Tennessee to the Confederate Government. FOLK'S OCCUPATION OF COLUMBUS. 489 now the first leisure time to communicate with you. It will be sufficient for me to inform you, which my short address here will do, that I had information on which I could rely, that the Federal forces in- tended and were preparing to seize Co- lumbus. I need not describe the danger resulting to west Tennessee from such seizure. * * * In evidence of the in- formation possessed, I will state, as the Confederate forces occupied this place, the Federal troops were formed on the opposite bank in formidable numbers, with their cannon turned upon Columbus. The citizens of the town had fled with terror, and not a word of assurance of safety or protection had been addressed to them. Since I have taken possession of this place, I have been informed by highly responsible citizens of your State, that certain representatives of the Fed- eral Government are setting up com- plaint of my act of occupying it, and are making it a pretence for seizing other positions. Upon this course of proceed- ing I have no comment to make, but I am prepared to say, that I will agree to withdraw the Confederate troops from Kentucky, provided she will agree that the troops of the Federal Government be withdrawn simultaneously, with a guaranty which I will give reciprocally for the Confederate Government, that the Federal troops shall not be allowed to enter or occupy any point in Kentucky in the future. " I have the honor to be, your obedi- ent servant, LEONIDAS POLK, " Major-General Commanding." As soon as General Grant, in command 62 of the Federal troops at Cairo, in Illi- nois, situated at the junction of the Ohio and Mississippi, discovered this move- ment of General Polk to Columbus, he did not hesitate to disregard the delusive neutrality of Kentucky, but took posses- sion of Paducah. This town is placed at the junction of the Ohio and Tennes- see rivers, forty-seven miles east of Cairo. Its position had become of the utmost importance, now that Kentucky was des- tined to be a scene of conflict. The enemy, by the possession of Columbus, and Hickman, on the Mississippi, and by the advance of troops from Tennessee into other parts of Kentucky, threatened to flank Cairo, and the movement of General Grant became necessary for the protection of that important Federal post. The Legislature of Kentucky received the announcement of the invasion of the State by General Polk with the greatest anger, and denouncing it in these resolu- tions, showed their determination to ex- pel the invaders : "Resolved, That Kentucky's peace and neutrality have been wantonly viola- $$n\ t ted, her soil has been invaded, and 12. the rights of her citizens have been gross,- ly infringed by the so-called Southern Confederate forces. This has been done without cause, therefore, "Be it resolved by the General As- sembly of the commonwealth of Ken- tucky, that the Governor be requested to call out the military force of the State to expel and drive out the invaders. " Resolved, That the United States be invoked to give that aid and assistance, that protection against invasion, which is 490 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. granted to each one of the States by the fourth section of the fourth article of the Constitution of the United States. "Resolved, That General Robert An- derson be, and he is hereby requested, to enter immediately upon the discharge of his duties in this military district. "Resolved, That we appeal to the people of Kentucky, by the ties of patri- otism and honor, by the ties of common interest and common defence, by the re- membrances of the past and by the hopes of the future national existence, to assist in repelling and driving out the wanton violators of our peace and neutrality, the lawless invaders of our soil." The loyalty of the Legislature of Ken- tucky was emphatically expressed by the vote on these resolutions, which were passed in the House by the majority of seventy-one to twenty-six, and in the Sen- ate of twenty-six to eight. This loyalty was still further manifested by the action of the Legislature, which rejected an at- tempt to include the Federal troops at Paducah in the same category with the Confederate force, and passed the orig- inal resolutions in spite of a veto of the Governor. Magoffin was now reluctantly compelled to issue a proclamation thus mildly drawn : "In obedience to the subjoined resolu- tion, adopted by the General Assembly of the commonwealth of Kentucky, the Gov- ernment of the Confederate States, the State of Tennessee, and all others concern- ed, are hereby informed that ' Kentucky expects the Confederate or Tennessee troops to be withdrawn from her soil un- conditionally.' "In testimony whereof, I have here- unto set my name, and caused the seal of the commonwealth to be affixed. Done at Frankfort this the 13th day of September, A. D. 1861, and in the seven- tieth year of the commonwealth. " B. MAGOFFIN." " Resolved by the General Assembly of the commonwealth of Kentucky, That his Excellency Governor Magoffin be, and he is hereby instructed, to inform those con- cerned, that Kentucky expects the Con- federate or Tennessee troops to be with- drawn from her soil unconditionally." The Legislature of Kentucky contin- ued to give proof of its devotion to the cause of the Union. The chairman of the committee on foreign relations, in his re- port, declared that the tax law passed by Congress was within its constitutional powers, and should be obeyed by Ken- tucky. His report, which was adopted in the House by the majority of seventy-two to thirty, concluded with this emphatic expression of aversion to the insurgents and loyalty to the United States : "The effort now being made to over- throw the Government is unspeakably wicked. Kentucky abhors that effort. She will not weigh money in the scales against a government which has been her boast and her pride, and which she re- gards as the very palladium of the liber- ties of the people." A further defiance of the authority of Kentucky and of the Union sentiment of its people came from General Zollicoffer, the Confederate general commanding in Tennessee. He occupied the mountain passes at Cumberland, known as the LOYALTY OF THE KENTUCKY LEGISLATURE. 491 I " Gap," and the three long mountains in Kentucky, justifying himself thus in a letter to Governor Magoffin : " For weeks I have known, 7 ' he wrote, " that the Federal commander at Hoskins' Cross Roads was threatening the invasion of East Tennessee, and ruthlessly urging our own people to destroy their own road bridge. I postponed this precautionary measure until the despotic Government at Washington, refusing to recognize the neutrality of Kentucky, has established formidable camps in the centre and other parts of the State, with the view, first to subjugate our gallant sister, then our- selves. Tennessee feels, and has ever felt, toward Kentucky as a twin sister ; their people are as one people, in kin- dred, sympathy, valor, and patriotism ; we have felt, and still feel, a religious re- spect for Kentucky's neutrality ; we will spect it as long as our safety will permit. If the Federal forces will now withdraw from their menacing position, the forces under my command shall be immediately withdrawn." The loyal Legislature of Kentucky re- turned to the charge against its invaders with these stringent resolutions : " Whereas Kentucky has been invaded by the so-called Confederate States, and their commanders so invading the State have insolently prescribed the conditions upon which they will withdraw, thus insulting the dignity of the State by de- manding terms to which Kentucky can- not listen without dishonor ; therefore " Be it resolved, That the invaders must be expelled, inasmuch as there are Fed- eral troops assembled in Kentucky, for the purpose of preserving the tranquillity of the State and defending the people of Kentucky in the peaceful enjoyment of their lives and property ; it is further "Resolved, That General Robert An- derson, a native of Kentucky, who has been appointed to the command of the department of Cumberland, be requested to take instant command, with authority and power from the commonwealth to call out a volunteer force in Kentucky for the purpose of repelling the invaders from our soil. " Resolved, That in using the means which duty and honor require shall be used to expel the invader from the soil of Kentucky, no citizen shall be molested on account of his political opinions ; that no citizen's property shall be taken or confiscated because of such opinions, nor shall any slave be set free by any military commander ; and that all peaceable citi- zens and their families are entitled to and shall receive the fullest protection of the Government in the enjoyment of their lives, their liberties, and their property. "Resolved, That his Excellency the Governor of the commonwealth of Ken- tucky be requested to give all the aid in his power to accomplish the end of these resolutions, and that he call out so much of the military force of the State under his command as may be necessary there- for, and that he place the same under the command of General Thomas L. Crittenden. ' ' Resolved, That the patriotism of every Kentuckian is invoked, and is confidently relied upon, to give active aid in the de- fence of the commonwealth." 492 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. These patriotic resolutions, though passed in the Senate by the significant majority of twenty-five to nine, were ve- toed by the Governor. The House, how- ever, in spite of the veto, took them up and triumphantly passed them by a ma- jority of sixty-eight to twenty-two. Kentucky had thus deliberately as a Sept. State taken its stand for the Union. 20. Its people, however, were greatly divided in sentiment, and it soon became evident that by a horrid fratricidal war their State was destined to illustrate once more the tragic meaning of its Indian name, the "Dark and Bloody Ground." Those Kentuckians opposed to the ac- tion of the Legislature at once mustered in arms to resist it and make common cause with the Confederate States. Buckner, the former inspector-general, and a native of Kentucky, commissioned. a brigadier-general of the Confederate army, took possession of Bowling Green and openly defied the constituted author- Sept, ities of his State. Issuing a procla- 18t mation to his fellow- citizens, he denounced the Legislature as ' ' faithless to the will of the people." " They have endeavored," he declared, " to make your gallant State a fortress in which, under the guise of neutrality, the armed forces of the United States might se- cretly prepare to subjugate alike the people of Kentucky and the Southern States. ' ' It was not until after months of covert and open violation of your neu- trality, with large encampments of Fede- ral troops on your territory, and a recent official declaration of the President of the United States not to regard your neutral position, coupled with a well-pre- pared scheme to seize an additional point in your territory, which was of vital im- portance to the safety and defence of Tennessee, that the troops of the South- ern Confederacy, on the invitation of the people of Kentucky, occupied a defensive position in your State. In doing so, the commander announced his purpose to evacuate your territory simultaneously with a similar movement on the part of the Federal forces, whenever the Legis- lature of Kentucky shall undertake to enforce against the belligerents the strict neutrality which they have so often de- clared. I return among you, citizens of Kentucky, at the head of a force the advance of which is composed entirely of Kentuckians. We do not come to molest any citizen, whatever may be his political opinions. Unlike the agents of the Northern despotism, who seek to reduce us to the condition of dependent vassals, we believe that the recognition of the civil rights of citizens is the foun- dation of constitutional liberty, and that the claim of the President of the United States to declare martial law, to suspend the privilege of the writ of habeas cor- pus, and to convert every barrack and prison in the land into a bastile, is noth- ing but the claim which other tyrants have assumed to subjugate a free peo- ple. The Confederate States occupy Bowling Green as a defensive position." After this severe tirade against the United States, to which Kentucky had solemnly renewed its pledge of fidelity and zealous defence of the illegal inva- ANDERSON IN KENTUCKY. 493 sion of the State by the Confederates, this insurrectionary general, while bear- ing the commission of the enemy, still affected a regard for the neutrality of Kentucky. "I renew," he said, "the pledges of commanders of other columns of Confederate troops to retire from the territory of Kentucky, on the same con- ditions which will govern their move- ments. I further give you," he added, "my own assurance, that the force under my command will be used as an aid to the Government of Kentucky in carrying out the strict neutrality de- sired by its people, whenever they un- dertake to enforce it against the two belligerents alike." The Federal commander in Kentucky, General Anderson, of Sumter fame, met this plausible manifesto of the disloyal Buckner with a counter-proclamation. " Called," he declared, " by the Legisla- ture of this, my native State, I hereby assume command of this department. I come to enforce, not to make laws, and, God willing, to protect your property and lives. The enemies of the country have dared to invade our soil. Kentucky is in danger. She has vainly striven to keep peace with her neighbors. Our State is now invaded by those who pto- fessed to be her friends, but who now seek to conquer her. No true son of Kentucky can longer hesitate as to his duty to his State and country. The invaders must, and, God willing, will be expelled. The leader of the hostile forces who now ap- proaches is, I regret to say, a Kentuck- ian, making war on Kentucky and Ken- tuckians. Let all past differences of opinion be overlooked. Every one who now rallies to the support of our Union and our State is a friend. Rally, then, my countrymen, around the flag our fathers loved, and which has shielded us so long. I call you to arms for self-de- fence and for the protection of all that is dear to freemen. Let us trust in God, and do our duty as did our fathers." Great preparations were now made for the coming conflict, which it was evi- dent was about to assume in Kentucky, from its position as a border State, and the divided sentiment of its people, the character of a severe and protracted civil struggle. Troops poured in from the Northern free States of Illinois, Indiana, and Ohio, and combining with the loyal men of Kentucky, soon formed a for- midable Federal force prepared to sus- tain the cause of the Union. Their gene- ral, Anderson, being a Kentuckian by birth, having proved his fidelity to the Union in his gallant defence of Fort Sumter, and expressed his patriotism so emphatically in his spirited proclamation, was thought to be especially the man for the occasion. Great hopes were enter- tained of his successful leadership, when they were suddenly extinguished by his resignation on the score of ill health. General Sherman was appointed to suc- ceed him, but he, also, depressed by dis- ease or overwhelmed by the responsi- bilities of his position, was found to be wanting. This was revealed by that notable detective visit of the Secretary of War to the West, and on the publica- tion of that remarkable diary of Adju- tant-General Thomas, in which General 494 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. Sherman is reputed to' have confidentially declared that all the young men of Ken- tucky were secessionists, that the old ones who were loyal were indisposed to take up arms against them, and that it would require two hundred thousand men from the other States to keep Ken- tucky within the Union. After such a confession of impotency General Sher- man was removed, and General Buell ap- pointed his successor in the command of the department of Kentucky. It is hoped that now the great State of Ken- tucky, however beset by the machina- tions and assaults of the enemy, may finally be saved to the Union. That this will be the result, every zealous patriot hopes, though no judicious observer can fail to see that it will not be without a struggle. In the mean time, the men loyal to the Union and the partisans of the Confed- erate States were daily manifesting more openly their mutual hostility. Some of the more notable men of the State did not hesitate to array themselves on the side of the enemy. Ex-Governor More- head was arrested in Louisville, charged with treason, and Senator Breckenridge, formerly the Vice-President of the United Sept. States, fled from Frankfort to avoid 21 the same fate, and joined the Con- federate army. John C. Breckenridge was born near Lexington, Kentucky, on the 21st of January, 1832. He is the grandson of John Breckenridge, who was attorney- general under Jefferson, and a United States senator from Kentucky in 1801. His uncle is the famous Presbyterian di- vine, John Breckenridge, D.D., a man remarkable for his controversial skill, and who, although a strenuous opponent of the abolition propagandists, has, dur- ing the present civil conflict, manfully sustained the cause of the Union. His nephew, after a collegiate and legal edu- cation, removed to Iowa to practice law ; but soon returned to his native State, where, after marrying a Miss Birch, of Georgetown, he established himself as a lawyer in Lexington, and acquired an em- inent position in his profession. On the breaking out of the war with Mexico, Breckenridge was chosen a ma- jor of Kentucky volunteers, but had lit- tle opportunity of seeing active service, though his legal .ability was called into requisition as a defender of General Pil- low in the course of the numerous court- martials to which that litigious officer became a party, in consequence of dis- putes with his superiors and subordin- ates. After the war, Mr. Breckenridge was elected a member of Congress from Kentucky, and displayed remarkable aptitude as a debater. In 1851 he was again elected, after a severe electioneer- ing contest with General Leslie Coombs. At the next election, his perseverance and tact as a candidate for popular suf- frage were still more tried, but with the same success, resulting in a triumph over his competitor, Governor Robert Letcher, after a violent struggle. On the accession of President Pierce, Mr. Breckenridge was offered the ap- pointment of minister to Spain, which he declined, and Mr. Pierre Soule, of Louis- iana, was chosen. In 1856 he was elect- LIFE OF ROSECRANS. 495 ed Yice-President of the United States, the youngest man who had ever been chosen, and entered upon his office on the 4th of March, 1857. As president of the Senate he gave general satisfaction by the impartiality and dignity with which he ruled over that august body. During the last year of his Vice-Presi- dency he was nominated, by the South- ern faction of the Democratic party, a candidate for the Presidency. On the inauguration of Lincoln, Breckenridge returned to Kentucky and was elected senator of the United States. After serv- ing during the extra session of Congress, called by President Lincoln, when he evi- dently strove, by factious opposition, to embarrass the Federal Government in the conduct of the war, he, while still a sen- ator, openly defied the national author- ity by joining the ranks of its enemies. Breckenridge is an active and shrewd politician, a vigorous and plausible de- bater, and a showy rhetorician. His eulogy on Henry Clay, to whom he was politically opposed, was much admired for its brilliancy of expression and im- partiality of spirit. Mr. Breckenridge, though he has had no great opportunity as yet of exhibiting his daring on the battle-field, showed himself ready to meet an opponent in deadly encounter, by challenging a fellow-member of Congress to the duello. The fight did not take place, owing to the discretion of his antagonist. CHAPTER XLYI. Western Virginia. General Eosecrans successor to General McClellan. Life and Character of Rosecrans. Military Career. Service at West Point. Resigns and turns Manufacturer. Offers his services for the War. Accepted and appointed to a Command. At Carnifex Ferry. The Enemy on the Gauley River. General Floyd. His Life and Character. His official career. Abuse of trust. General calamity. Advance of the Unionists. Strength of their Force. The March. Its difficulties and trials. A terra incognita. Scaling the mountains. Muddlety Bottoms. Sight of the Enemy. Close at their heels. A deserted Camp. Cautious Advance. Scattering of the Enemy's Skirmishers. Exact intelligence at last. The Battle of Carnifex Ferry. A long struggle. Rosecrans' official Report. Comparative Strength and Losses on both sides. Retreat of the Enemy across the river. Enemy's account. Strength of the Position abandoned by the Enemy. Description of their Intrenchments on the Gauley River. Cheat Mountain Pass. Its strength. Description of the Federal Position there. General Lee determines to try an Assault. Repulsed by General Reynolds. Reynolds' official Report. 1861. ON the appointment of General Mc- Clellan to the command of the Fed- eral forces on the Potomac, Gene- ral Rosecrans became his successor in July Western Virginia. William S. Rose- 22. crans, if not born, spent his child- hood and youth in the State of Ohio. He entered the military academy at West Point in 1838, and after the usual four years' study, graduated with distinction in July, 1842. In accordance with his merit, he was admitted at once to the rank of second lieutenant of that corps d'etite, the Engineers. He was soon 496 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. after appointed one of the teachers in the academy at West Point, where he had passed so creditable a career as a student. For four years he continued in this position, having been successive- ly Assistant Professor of Engineering from September, 1843, to August, 1844 ; Assistant Professor of Natural and Ex- perimental Philosophy from August, 1844, to August, 1845, and again of Engi- neering for the two years from the latter date to August, 1847. In March, 1853, he received the commission of first lieu- tenant, but averse to the comparative in- activity to which a soldier's life was doom- ed in those piping times of peace, he sought in civil occupation a more stirring sphere for his active energies. He be- came a manufacturer of oil in the West, and was thus engaged when the civil war broke out. He now offered his services to the Government, which gladly accepted them, and appointed him to an important command under General McClellan, in Western Yirginia. His good and effective conduct as a subordinate has been al- ready recorded. His services as a com- manding general in that department, where the Federal arms hitherto have been illustrated by the wisest manage- ment and greatest success, now claim notice. The enemy, supposed to be five or six thousand strong, were intrenched at Carnifex Ferry, on the right bank of the Gauley River, a tributary stream of the Great Kanawha, situated in Western Virginia about seven or eight miles south of Summer ville. The commander-in- chief of the secession force was General Floyd, lately secretary of war of the United States under Buchanan. John Buchanan Floyd was born in Montgomery, Pulaski County, Virginia, in 1805. Educated at the University of South Carolina in Columbia, subsequent- ly studying law, and admitted to the bar in 1828, he removed in 1836 to Arkan- sas, where he practiced his profession for several years. He afterwards returned to Virginia, and lived in Washington County of that State. In 1847 he was elected a member of the lower house of the Virginia Legislature, and was re- chosen in 1849. In December of that year he was elected, by the General As- sembly, Governor of Virginia. After the expiration of his term of office in Janu- ary, 1853, he remained for a time in pri- vate life, but was again elected to the Legislature in 1855. In 1856, having been chosen a Presidential elector, he cast his vote for Buchanan, for whose nomination he had been a strenuous ad- vocate in the Democratic convention at Cincinnati, and whose election he fur- thered by every possible effort. Buchan- an, on his accession to the Presidency, rewarded his faithful adherent by ap- pointing Floyd secretary of war. His administration of this office was directed, as is now evident, to the single purpose of weakening the Federal Government and strengthening its enemies. His con- trol of the war department gave him the opportunity, of which he freely availed himself, of preparing the seces- sionists, by an artful distribution in their favor of the munitions of war, for the armed assault upon the Union, which he, LIFE OF FLOYD. 497 doubtless, as one of the main conspira- tors against the Government, had long contemplated. Toward the close of Bu- chanan's administration, when the seces- sion plot was fully ripe for execution, Floyd resigned the secretaryship of war, and openly joining the insurgents was appointed by them one of their brigadier- generals. No public official in the Unit- ed States ever incurred greater contume- ly for abuse of trust. His name is never uttered without a prefix to it, branding him as the vilest criminal, and charges are made not only imputing to him ad- ministrative perversion in the interests of secession, but private peculation for personal advantage. Such is the history of the General Floyd in command of the Confederate troops at Carnifex Ferry, whom General Rosecrans had resolved upon advancing to meet and drive from their stronghold in Western Virginia. The Federal force numbered only 4,500 men, but though thus inferior in strength to the enemy, who, moreover, had the advantage of a strongly intrench- ed position, the resolute Rosecrans de- termined to advance against them. A long march over a wild and mountainous country, of which little was known or could be learned, lay before him. He, however, led his column steadily on day and night, crossing mountains and wad- ing through the same tortuous streams again and again. After passing over Kreitz's Mountain, a spur of the Alle- .ghany range, the weary soldiers sought a camping place at the base, but such were the inclination and irregularity of the ground, that there was not a spot 63 where man or beast could find rest or safety in sleep. On pushing into the valley, the main body was at last enabled to bivouac, while the scouts were scour- ing the neighboring mountains and gorges for the enemy, whose mounted skirmish- ers began now to show themselves. The country, as the column advanced, became more and more difficult and dan- gerous to penetrate. It was "seamed with by-roads, blind paths, and mountain passes. It was also infested with bush- wackers, and, in order, "says a campaign- er, ' ' to stop up all avenues by which it could be possible for the enemy to strike our lines in the rear or centre, the Gene- ral and his engineering corps found it necessary to make minute reconnois- sances." Finally, Powell Mountain, the loftiest summit in Western Virginia, was scaled, and traces of the enemy became more distinct. Upon the highest ridge the remains of a deserted camp were discov- ered, showing that a considerable body of men bad been there, and the informa- tion was extorted from some women, at a house on the roadside, that the enemy in large force were intrenched on the Gauley River. Persons occasionally met were generally either indisposed to give information or too ignorant to convey it intelligibly, and the General and his offi- cers were greatly perplexed in the wild country. The advance guard, however, moved cautiously forward into " Muddlety Bot- toms," scattering before them several hundred of the enemy, who disappeared as they caught sight of our troops. The ! i 498 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. main body followed the advance, and en- camping for the night in the meadows, in the expectation of an early march to battle on the morrow, slept upon their arms. The advance guard was again in mo- Sept, tion at four o'clock next morning, 16 and was soon followed by the whole column. On approaching Summerville, after a march of eight miles, a troop of the enemy's cavalry was seen scamper- ing out of the village, and it was learned that a Virginia regiment had retreated to the camp at Gauley River, only six hours before. The march was now con- tinued with the greatest caution, as our troops were nearing the enemy's posi- tion, and there was danger of masked batteries and ambuscades. Skirmishers were pushed forward on either flank of the column, and scouts were sent for- ward to scour the woods and thickets. After passing some six miles beyond Summerville, a small force of dragoons and infantry was dispatched through the woods to the bank. of the Gauley River, in order to destroy a ferry-boat. As they approached, however, they were met by a fire from the opposite side of the river. A small detachment was sent to the succor of our men, which succeed- ed in scattering the enemy's skirmishers, who had hid themselves among the rocks. " From thence," says the campaigner* already quoted, ' ' not a bridle-path, ra- vine, nor neighboring cliff was passed without a thorough examination in ad- vance. At about one o'clock the column New York Daily Times. halted at the forks of the road, one branch leading to Cross Lanes and Gauley Bridge, the other to Lewisburgh, via Carnifex Ferry. An hour before halting here, the Commander-in-chief had no know- ledge of the geographical position of Floyd, but an intelligent mountaineer lad, who had been in the rebel camp, opportunely made his appearance to en- lighten him. Most of us had labored under an erroneous supposition that the enemy was fortified below Cross Lanes, and it was confirmed by ignorant or treacherous inhabitants, but the lad re- lieved us from our anxious embarrass- ment. From him we learned that Floyd was on the cliffs overlooking Carnifex Ferry, and that a mile farther up the road approaching him there was another fork leading among the hills to Cross Lanes. He innocently suggested its im- portance in a military point of view, and it was deemed important to make a thor- ough reconnoissance of the premises. Heavy columns were immediately de- ployed in line of battle on the rear, and strong columns of skirmishers enveloped the ridges in front, when General Ben- ham was ordered to move on down the road. Nearly two hours were thus oc- cupied, when Benham sent back word that the reconnoissance was effected to the point desired, and the track was clear. General Rosecrans immediately went to the front to make inquiries as to sharp firing heard in the direction of the ferry. It turned out that our skirmishers had driven in the rebel pickets, and in the chase had disturbed a considerable body of the enemy under Colonel Reynolds, MARCH TO THE GAULEY RIVER. 499 who were encamped on the hill, not a mile and a half from the forks of the road where we had been halting so long. The news was communicated to the troops, who received it with inspiriting shouts. It was now perfectly obvious to all that we were about to engage the enemy. The men braced themselves manfully for it, and displayed splendid spirit. The Irish regiment, under Colonel Lytle, who have the right of the column, having al- ready snuffed the enemy, pressed on with fiery zeal, with the gallant Smith and his Thirteenth Ohio on their heels. The remainder of Benham's brigade, the Twelfth Ohio, under Colonel Lowe, was halted at the foot of the hill to guard the cross road, while McCook and Scammon were moving their columns toward the front by another route over the ridges. ' ' General Benham now asked permis- sion to press upon the enemy with his brigade, and General Rosecrans gave his consent to a demonstration for reconnois- sance. * * * Intense excitement pre- vailed. " It was precisely 3.45 o'clock in the afternoon when the Commander-in-chief rode to the top of an adjacent hill to make an observation. His staff were clustered about him waiting orders, and our artillery was laboring up the hill, when our attention was attracted by quick, sharp firing in the forests, just ahead of us. Almost simultaneously, and before we could interchange re- marks, our very souls were thrilled by a terrific and prolonged roar of musk- etry. Suspicion flashed through our minds that the gallant 1st brigade had fallen into an ambuscade or masked bat- tery. " * * We were all in an agony of suspense. But scarce an instant elapsed when, with a long sigh of grateful relief, we heard the swift volleys of our own gallant lads. * * * We could see nothing of the battle, not even smoke, but we knew by the infernal din that our battalions were swarming about the enemy. Only the 10th and 8th com- panies of the Thirteenth Regiment had yet gone forward. Lowe's Twelfth Ohio had been ordered up by General Rose- crans, and it now came charging up the road at double quick, its brave colonel at the head ; and as the lads raised the crest of the hill they saluted the Gen- eral, who was waiting to direct their commander, with a splendid volley of cheers. The Twelfth plunged into the jungle on the left, Adjutant-General Hartsuff leading Lowe toward his posi- tion. As the bold fellows rushed into the woods, they flung knapsacks and blankets desperately into the field, and pitched forward to regain their places. Hartsuff now came back, and by order of the General, sent forward McMul- len's howitzers and Snyder's two field- pieces. 11 No tidings came up from the field. General Rosecrans, having made all nec- essary disposition to protect his rear, advanced to the front. Pushing down the ferry road, which was densely shaded by masses of undergrowth and heavy forests, we still saw no battle ; but the terrific uproar, which seemed almost within the cast of a pebble, and the 500 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. hurtling bullets cutting the twigs over- head, were proof that the enemy was close at hand. Directly a gleam of light from a clearing in front, with a long stream of fire blazing along the works of the enemy, showed where they were. The General took position near the bat- tery, but from that time until the last column groped out of the woods in thick darkness, he was in the midst of the combat, directing the general move- ments of the division. Benham was also in the front of battle, watching his brigade with reckless exposure of his person, encouraging and emboldening the men by his fearlessness. " Meantime McCook's brigade of Ger- mans had formed in line of battle on the crest of Rebel Hill, and Scammou's little brigade was marching in to form behind him to protect our left. I had returned from the front with an order to Scain- mon to send a detachment to try the enemy's right, and Major R. B. Hayes, of the Twenty-third Ohio, dashed off through the forest with four companies. " The wounded were now being rap- idly brought in. It was, perhaps, six o'clock when Colonel Lowe was an- nounced among the killed. The firing continued with intensified violence on our side, but it appeared to slacken on the part of the enemy. But the din was still terrific, showing that the rebels intended to make us pay for victory. The sun was rapidly sinking when orders arrived to forward the Dutch brigade. It was my grand satisfaction to be pres- ent and witness the magnificent recep- tion of the order. Colonel R. L. Mc- Cook, acting brigadier, in his citizen's dress, stood in his stirrups, and snatch- ing his slouched hat from his head, roared out ' Forward, my bully Dutch! We'll go over their d d intrench- ments if every man dies on the other side.' The usually phlegmatic Teutons, inflamed with passionate excitement, exploded with terrific cheers. * * " As the column deployed into the road, Captain Hartsuff volunteered to lead the column into position, when three thousand Dutchmen again yelled them- selves hoarse, and McCook spurred on- ward to the front to reconnoitre his post. The brigade was not permitted to storm, but the Ninth Ohio, McCook's own regi- ment, and Colonel Moore's Twenty- eighth, had opportunity to show their steadiness under a galling fire. The Third German Regiment was detained in the rear, and did not get into action at all, but its colonel, Porschner, went into the storm of bullets to see how the battle raged. "As darkness approached, the fire slackened. The rebels seemed to be getting weary, or out of ammunition, and our officers were endeavoring to get their men into a position for a gen- eral assault. But profound darkness set in before arrangements were com- pleted, and it became absolutely neces- sary to withdraw our troops. It was nine o'clock at night, however, before we retired to bivouac, under the very batteries of the rebels, intending to carry them by storm before sunrise next morn- ing. But the enemy did not wait for us, and our triumph was only half a victory. BATTLE OF CARNIFEX FERRY. 501 " We will now return to detail the en- gagement more minutely. When Gen- eral Benham went to the front, an armed reconnoissance of the rebel position, not a general action, was intended. We knew nothing of the position not even where it was located, nor anything of the topographical features of the massively broken mountains about it. Besides, the men had marched seventeen miles and a half, and many of them were har- assed and wearied with scouting and skirmishing all day over the hills. The whole column, in fact, had been astir since three o'clock in the morning, and were obviously unfit for battle. Captain Hartsuff strenuously objected to a gen- eral engagement, and earnestly recom- mended that the army should go into camp and refresh themselves with food and sleep with the understanding that an immediate reconnoissance was imper- atively necessary. " General Benham pushed onward with this understanding, when the en- emy's inside pickets were driven in by the Irish skirmishers. A few moments afterward the rebels, hearing his men in the ravine under their guns, let drive at them their first infernal volley along their whole line on the right. It is be- lieved the rebels did not see our men at all, but fired at a venture into the jungle, at a range at which they had manifestly practiced. But not a man of ours was hurt, and Floyd's precipitation had ex- posed his lines. General Benham, Colo- nel Lytle, and Colonel Smith, however, were keeping a sharp look-out for sur- prises, the old General saying he would never be caught by a masked battery. The way was now described by rebel bullets, and the Tenth was deployed up the hill to the right, and the Thirteenth down the hill into the ravine to the left Lytle and Smith each at the head of their regiments. Our batteries were still behind, and Lowe's Twelfth Ohio was some distance in the rear coming up slowly, so that the Tenth and Thir- teenth had to support the enemy's fire a long time without assistance. But they did it gallantly, and continued to advance until they got to the edge of the abattis in front of the enemy, where they stood near the verge of the forest. In consequence of the rugged and im- practicable nature of the ground, the line of the Tenth was broken, and the right wing was separated from the centre. Colonel Lytle could not see this on account of the jungle, and Gene- ral Benham was directing a movement on the extreme left, when Lytle ordered the colors forward, and shouting, ' Fol- low, Tenth !' he made a dash up the road, intended to charge the battery, and succeeded in getting within little more than a hundred yards of the rebel parapets before he was discovered. A terrific fire opened upon him, and his four gallant companies, who followed him with frantic cheers, suffered severely. A ball went through his left leg and wounded his horse, which became un- manageable and threw him. The horse dashed over the rebel intrenchments and was killed, and the gallant Lytle him- self was assisted into a house not a hund- red feet off, and heard the crash of can- 502 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. non-balls through it and over it until the battle ended. Color-sergeant Fitz- gibbons, who was behind the Colonel when he fell, had his right hand shat- tered, but, gathering the Stars and Stripes in his left, he waved them again enthusiastically, and was torn to pieces by a round shot. Sergeant O'Connor snatched the falling colors and again held them aloft, when he was also struck by a ball in his left hand ; but he dropped behind a log and kept the colors flying until exhaustion compelled him to drop them. His captain, Stephen Mc- Groarty, as gallant a fellow as ever wore sword, snatched them up again, and while rolling them up, ordered his men to retire to cover, and in bringing up the rear a ball struck him in the right breast, and went through him without disabling him, until after he got out of the field with his flag. Every man of his com- pany stuck to him with unswerving fidelity. * * * * "The Twelfth Ohio had found their route impracticable, and their brave colonel carried them over a rugged route squarely into the front of the battle, and gave them an opportunity to do their share of duty. Colonel Lowe was encouraging and directing them in front, when he was struck by a shot fairly in the centre of his forehead, and he fell without a groan. A moment afterward a charge of grape mangled both his legs. * * * * " Snyder's two rifled six-pounders and McMullen's batteries were planted in the road about two hundred yards in front of the rebel mam battery, and were served rapidly and with considerable effect. Subsequently, part of each was removed to the right. " At dusk, McCook's brigade was or- dered into position. The Ninth was carried around to the left of the rebel battery by Captain Hartsuff, to make a rush upon it under a flanking battery, which had been discovered in the woods, on their extreme left, but which had not been served during the engagement. The bold fellows, under their colonel, pushed forward under a galling storm of musketry, and were about to dash head- long at the enemy under cover of dark- ness, when they were ordered back, after suffering a loss of one killed and ten wounded. The four companies under Major Hayes, after infinite difficulty scal- ing precipices and forcing their way through dense thickets of laurel and blackberry bushes, had been halted in a ravine in front of the centre of the rebels' right wing, and they were after- ward supported by the Twenty-eighth, under Colonel Moor. The former met with no casualties, though under fire. The latter pushed across the ravine, and extended the line up a precipitous hill, until the whole of the main front of the enemy was enveloped by our lines. He lost two killed and thirty-one wounded. " It was now pitchy dark. It was im- possible to distinguish an object a yard from your eyes, and it was so obviously unwise to storm the works in such dense obscurity, that the General was com- pelled to withdraw the troops. They retired slowly and mad at their disap- pointment, and bivouacked wearied and ROSECRANS' REPORT. 503 supperless within musket range of the rebel front. It was nine o'clock at night when they got out of the forest where they had labored and fought unflinch- ingly for five hours." General Rosecrans thus briefly de- scribes, in his official report, the severe and long engagement at Carnifex Ferry : " HEADQUARTERS, ARMY OF VIRGINIA, ) CAMP SCOTT, Sept. 11, P. M. ) To COLONEL E. D. TOWNSEND : " We yesterday marched seventeen and a half miles, reached the enemy's intrenched position in front of Carnifex Ferry, driving his advanced outposts and pickets before us. We found him occupying a strongly intrenched position, covered by a forest too dense to admit of its being seen at a distance of three hundred yards. His force was five regi- ments, besides the one driven in. He had probably sixteen pieces of artillery. At three o'clock we began a strong re- connoissance, which proceeded to such a length that we were about to assault the position on the flank and front, when night coming on and our troops being completely exhausted, I drew them out of the woods and posted them in the order of battle behind ridges immedi- ately in front of the enemy's position, where they rested on their arms till morning. " Shortly after daylight a runaway con- traband came in and reported that the enemy had crossed the Grauley during the night by means of the ferry, and a bridge which they had completed. Colo- nel Ewing was ordered to take posses- sion of the camp, which he did at about seven o'clock, capturing a few prisoners, two stand of qolors, a considerable quan- tity of arms, with quartermaster's stores, messing and camp equipage. ' ' The enemy have destroyed the bridge across the Gauley, which there rushes through a deep gorge, and our troops being still much fatigued, and having no material for immediately replacing the bridge, it was thought prudent to en- camp the troops and occupy the ferry and captured camp, sending a few rifle cannon shots at the enemy to produce a moral effect. Our loss will probably amount to twenty killed and one hun- dred wounded. The enemy's loss had not been ascertained, but from report it must have been considerable. " H. S. ROSECRANS." The enemy reported themselves only 1,700 strong, and boasted of having re- pelled their assailants several times, who, however, they confessed, fought with " terrible fury." Our force, according to their account, consisted of nine regiments with six pieces of artillery. In conse- quence of those superior numbers, as they declared, and the prospect of reinforce- ment of the Federal force, it was deter- mined by General Floyd to retreat and not hazard another battle. He consequently crossed the river Gauley and fell back about fifteen miles from Gauley Bridge, on the main Charleston road, within a short distance of the encampment of General Wise at Dogwood and Hawk's Nest. The enemy made a great boast of their successful retreat. " I think," says one of their officers, "that the public and all military men will agree 504 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. that both our fight and our fall back to the side of the river are among the most remarkable incidents in the history of war. Seventeen hundred men, with six inferior pieces of artillery, fought back four times their number, with much superior artillery, for more than four long hours, repulsed them three times, and remained masters of the ground. They then retired with their baggage, stores, and more than two hundred sick and wounded, across the river, from ten P.M. to four A.M., along one of the steepest and worst single-track roads that ever horse's hoof trod or man ever saw. At four o'clock they were three miles from the enemy, with their newly constructed bridge destroyed and their boats sunk behind them. I think these facts show a generalship seldom exhib- ited anywhere." The enemy, however, were forced from a position which they believed they could sustain " even against such terrific odds" as in their imaginations they credited the Federal general with possessing. Their camp on the Gauley River, which they were compelled to abandon, was very favorably situated for defence, and had been elaborately strengthened by artificial works, which embraced almost a square mile of ground. There was a large battery flanked by breast-works of logs, which extended to the. cliffs which rose above the river some three hundred and fifty feet high. The intrenched camp of the enemy was within a basin of the mountain, protected from all missiles but shells. The river Lynchburg (Va.) Republican. flowed deep in the rear, where it was crossed by the ferry, but above and be- low there were dangerous rapids. In front of the camp was a ravine, thickly grown with forest wood and thicket, which so concealed the position that it could hardly be seen from without until it was reached. On the right were strong works which stretched over the rocks to the very edge of their precipices. The left was the only portion of the works tolerably accessible. That the enemy, therefore, should have retired from such a position was in itself a tribute to the gallantry of their assail- ants, and a victorious result of which General Rosecrans could justly boast. While the Federalists under Rose- crans were thus successful in assailing the enemy's intrenchments on the Gauley River, another portion of our army, in Western Virginia, was proving itself equally capable of acting on the defensive. After General McClellan had driven the enemy out of the Cheat River Valley, he took possession of the Cheat Mount- ain Pass, which leads from Central into Western Virginia, over the main chain of the Alleghanies. Here fortifications had been erected to add to the great natural strength of the position, which one* of the enemy had testified to be " a defence almost impregnable. Some of our men," he wrote, " Colonel Rust himself among them, have approached it so nearly as to look over into it and see all that was going on in it, and also the exact nature of the fortification. It is built on the summit of Cheat Mount- A writer in the Kichmond Dispatch. THE CHEAT MOUNTAIN FASTNESS. 505 ain, in Randolph County, just where the road crosses upon a hill which has no level land upon its top, but suddenly descends on both sides. The forest along the road at this point, as for many miles of the adjacent country, consists of white pines, which are tall and stand close together, while the un- dergrowth is almost wholly mountain laurel, so dense and interlocked as to be almost impenetrable. Here the enemy cleared several acres on each side of the road. On the outer boundary they placed the tall pines they had cut down, partially trimmed and skinned, with their tops outward, presenting to any one approaching a mass of sharp points, raised to a considerable height, and strongly interlocked. Inside of this they built a wall of logs and cut a deep ditch. In the road they built up, in line with the fortification, breast-works of great strength, and mounted them with pivot guns, while in the centre they erected a block-house, pierced and armed also with cannon. On the east side from the fort to the Cheat River, one mile and a quarter distant, they cleared the road for some distance on both sides, and this can be all the way swept by the cannon. The same is the case on the road west- wardly for some distance. ' ' Recurring to the remarkable fort on Cheat Mountain, while it is creditable to the ingenuity of the enemy, it induces a very earnest regret that we ourselves had not held that position when we had it. But if it cannot be taken, of course it can and will be turned. General Lee has, indeed, already turned it, but he 64 had still some hope of taking it, which, we suppose, this expedition will induce him to abandon. It is defended by 1,200 men, who are good, with their protection, against probably as many thousand. But if our forces march on beyond it, the position is useless to the enemy, and will have to be abandoned." Lee, of*Arlingtou House, Va. the de- scendant of Major Lee, of Revolu- e pt t tionary fame, and the husband of 12. a descendant of Mrs. Washington once an esteemed officer of the United States, now a Confederate general, with a large force, computed to amount to eight or nine thousand men, determined, not- withstanding the formidable strength of this position at Cheat Mountain Pass, to assail it. His rash attempt, however, was signally defeated by General Rey- nolds, the Federal officer in command, who gave this official report of the re- sult : " HEADQUARTERS, FIRST BRIGADE I. Y. M., ) ELK WATER, September 17, 1861. ) " To GEO. L. HARTSUFF, ASSISTANT ADJUTANT- GENERAL, DEPARTMENT OF OHIO : " SIR : The operations of this brigade for the past few days may be summed up as follows : On the 12th instant, the enemy, 9,000 strong, with eight to twelve pieces of artillery, under com- mand of General R. E. Lee, advanced on this position by the Huntersville pike. Our advanced pickets portions of the Fifteenth Indiana and Sixth Ohio gradually fell back to our main picket station, two companies of the Seven- teenth Indiana, under Colonel Hascall, checking the enemy's advance at the 506 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. Point Mountain turnpike, and then fall- ing back on the regiment, which occu- pied a very advanced position on our right front, and which was now ordered in. The enemy threw into the woods on our left front three regiments, who made their way to the right and rear of Cheat Mountain, took a position on the road leading to Huttonsville, broke the telegraph wire and cut off our com- munication with Colonel Kimball's Four- teenth Indiana cavalry on Cheat Summit. Simultaneously another force of the en- emy, of about equal strength, advanced by the Stanton pike on the front of Cheat Mountain and threw two regi- ments to the right and rear of Cheat Mountain, which united with the three regiments from the other column of the enemy. The two posts, Cheat Summit and Elk Water, are seven miles apart by a bridle path, over the mountains, and eighteen by the wagon road via Huttonville, Cheat Mountain Pass, the former headquarters of the brigade be- ing at the foot of the mountain, ten miles from the summit. The enemy, advancing toward the pass, by which he might possibly have obtained the rear or left of Elk Water, was met there by three companies of the Thir- teenth Indiana, ordered up for that purpose, and by one company of the Fourteenth Indiana, from the summit. These four companies engaged and gal- lantly held in check greatly superior numbers of the enemy, foiled him in his attempt to obtain the rear or left of Elk Water, and threw him into the rear and right of Cheat Mountain the compa- nies retiring to the pass at the foot of the mountain. "The enemy, about 5,000 strong, were closed in on Cheat Summit, and became engaged with detachments of the Fourteenth Indiana and Twenty- fourth and Twenty-fifth Ohio, from the summit, in all about three hundred, who, deployed in the wood, held in check and killed many of the enemy, who did not at any time succeed in getting sufficiently near the field re- doubt to give Dunn's battery an oppor- tunity of firing into him. So matters rested at dark on the 12th, with heavy forces in front and in plain sight of both posts, communication cut off, and the supply train for the mountain, loaded with provisions which were needed, waiting for an opportunity to pass up the hill. " Determined to force a communica- tion with Cheat, I ordered the Thir- teenth Indiana, under Colonel Sullivan, to cut their way, if necessary, by the mail road, and the greater part of the Third Ohio and Second Virginia, under Colonels Morrow and Moss respectively, to do the same by the path, the two commands starting at three o'clock A. M. on the 13th, the former from Cheat Mountain Pass and the latter from Elk Water, so as to fall upon the enemy, if possible, simultaneously. Early on the 13th the small force of about three hundred from the summit engaged the enemy, and with such effect that, not- withstanding his greatly superior num- bers, he retired in great haste and dis- order, leaving large quantities of cloth- REPULSE AT CHEAT MOUNTAIN. 507 ing and equipments on the ground ; and our relieving forces failing to catch the enemy, marched to the summit, secur- ing the provision train and reopening our communication. While this was taking place on the mountain, and as yet unknown to us, the enemy, under Lee, advanced on Elk Water, apparently for a general attack. One rifled ten- pounder Parrott gun, from Loomis' bat- tery, was run to the front three-fourths of a mile, and delivered a few shots at the enemy, doing fine execution, caus- ing him to withdraw out of convenient range. Our relative positions remained unchanged until near dark, when we learned the result of the movement on the mountain, as above stated, and the enemy retired somewhat for the night. "On the 14th, early, the enemy was again in position in front of Elk Water, and a few rounds, supported by a com- pany of the Fifteenth Indiana, were again administered, which caused him o to withdraw as before. The forces that had been repulsed from Cheat returned, and were again driven back by a com- paratively small force from the mount- ain. The Seventeenth Indiana was ordered up the path to open commu- nication and make way for another supply train, but, as before, found the little band from the summit had already done the work. During the afternoon of the 14th the enemy withdrew from before Elk Water, and is now princi- pally concentrated some ten miles from this post, at or near his main camp. On the 15th he appeared in stronger force than at any previous time in front of Cheat, and attempted a flank move- ment by the left, but was driven back by the ever vigilant and gallant garrison of the field redoubt on the summit. To- day the enemy has also retired from the front of Cheat, but to what precise posi- tion I am not yet informed. The re- sults of these affairs are, that we have killed near one hundred of the enemy, including Colonel John A. Washington, aid-de-camp to General Lee, and have taken about twenty prisoners. We have lost nine killed, including Lieutenant Junod, Fourteenth Indiana, two miss- ing, and about sixty prisoners, including Captain James Bense and Lieutenants Gilman and Shaffer of the Sixth Ohio, and Lieutenant Merrill of the Engineers. I append the reports of Colonel Kimball, Fourteenth Indiana, Captain Higgins, Twenty-fourth Ohio, and Lieutenant- Colonel Owen and Colonel Wagner of the Fifteenth Indiana. " J. J. REYNOLDS, " Brig.-Gen. Com'g First Brigade. " GEO. S. Ross, Assistant Adjutant-General." 508 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. CHAPTER XLVII. General Reynolds' Reconnoissance in Western Virginia. The Enemy on Greenbrier River. An Engagement. Rey- nolds' Official Account of the affair. A forced March and a heavy Fire. A successful Enterprise. The Enemy's account. Contradictory statements. The Enemy boast a victory. Rout and Confusion. Comparative Losses. Kelley a Brigadier-General. Recovered from his wound. Again active. March to Romney. Capture of Romney. A brief Official Report. Exaggeration of the Enemy. Palliation of Defeat. An Apologist. Surprise of Guy- andotte. Treachery and Barbarity. Suddenness of Attack. Carelessness of the Unionists. Fury of the Seces- sionists. Flight of the Secessionists. Arrival of a Federal Force from Ohio. The criminal Connivance of the In- habitants of Guyandotte. Excitement and Exasperation of the Federal Troops. Burning of ' Guyandotte. Terrible Retribution. No Pity. General Rosecrans on the Gauley River. Floyd and his Force. Batteries of the Enemy. Fire across the river. Rosecrans' plan for a Surprise. March of the several Divisions of the Federal Forces. Failure of the Enterprise. Escape of Floyd. His retreat. Benham held responsible. Arrest. Court- martial postponed. The end of the Campaign in Western Virginia. How the Federal Troops were distributed. The new State of Kanawha established. 1861. GENERAL REYNOLDS, who had so suc- cessfully resisted, with his meagre force in his stronghold at Cheat Mountain Pass, the large numbers with which the Confederate general, Lee, had assailed him, now ventured to assume the offensive against the enemy. Rey- nolds started out with a detachment of Oct. 5,000 men on what he was pleased 2 to term merely a reconnoissance of the enemy's intrenched position on the Greenbrier River, twelve miles from his own encampment. His official report is the best account of the affair, which became quite a serious engagement. " HEADQUARTERS FIRST BRIGADE, ARMY \ OF OCCUPATION, WESTERN VIRGINIA, v ELKWATER, Oct. 4, 1861. ) " GEORGE S. HARTSUFF, ASSISTANT ADJUTANT- GENERAL : " SIR : On the night of the 2d of Oc- tober, at twelve o'clock, I started from the summit of Cheat Mountain to make an armed reconuoissance of the enemv's position on the Greenbrier River, twelve miles in advance. Our force consisted of Howe's battery, Fourth Regular Ar- tillery, Loomis' battery, Michigan Vol- unteer Artillery, part of Damn's battery, Virginia Volunteer Artillery, Twenty- fourth, Twenty-fifth, and Thirty-second Ohio regiments, Seventh, Ninth, Thir- teenth, Fourteenth, Fifteenth, and Sev- enteenth Indiana regiments (the last four being reduced by continuous hard service and sickness to about half regi- ments), parts of Robinson's company of Ohio, Greenfield's reserve, and Brack- en's Indiana cavalry in all about 5,000. Milroy's Ninth Indiana Regiment drove in the enemy's advanced pickets, and deployed to our right, driving the enemy on that flank into his intrenchments. Kimball's Fourteenth Indiana was ad- vanced directly to the enemy's front and right, to drive his advanced regiments from a position suitable for our artillery : this was soon done in gallant style, and REYNOLDS' RECOtftfOISSANCE. 509 our batteries took their position within about 700 yards of the intrenchments and opened fire. Some of the enemy's guns were visible, and others concealed. We disabled three of his guns, made a thorough reconnoissance, and after hav- ing fully and successfully accomplished the object of the expedition, retired leisurely and in good order to Cheat Mountain, arriving at sundown, having marched twenty-four miles, and been under the enemy's fire four hours. The enemy's force was about 9,000, and we distinctly saw heavy reinforcements of infantry and artillery arrive while we were in front of the works. "We took thirteen prisoners. The number of killed and wounded could not be accurately ascertained, but from those actually counted in the field, and estimated in the trenches which could be seen from the heights, it is believed the number reached at least 300. Our loss was surprisingly small 8 killed and 32 wounded, most of them slightly the proximity of our batteries to the in- trenchments causing many shots to pass over us. Very respectfully, etc. " J. J. REYNOLDS, " Brigadier-General Commanding. "GEN. S. ROSE, Adjutant-General." The enemy's account materially dif- fered from that of General Reynolds. The Confederate general in his report boastingly declared that our troops were driven back in such disorder that their officers failed, " with words of mingled command, remonstrance, and entreaty," to rally them again to the charge. " Rapidly and in disorder they retired," continues the Confederate general in his official report, " into the turnpike, and soon thereafter the entire force of the enemy artillery, infantry, and cavalry retreated in confusion along the road and adjacent fields, leaving behind them, at different points, numbers of their killed, guns, knapsacks, canteens, etc. Among other trophies taken were a stand of United States colors, which are held subject to the order of the com- manding general. This engagement lasted from seven in the morning to half-past two in the afternoon, at which time the enemy who had come with artillery to bombard and demoralize us, with infantry to storm our camp, with cavalry to rout and destroy us, and with four days' rations cooked in his haver- sack to prosecute a rapid march either toward Stanton or toward Huntersville was in precipitate retreat back to his Cheat Mountain fastness. His loss in killed and wounded is estimated at from 250 to 300 ; among them an officer of superior rank. Our own, I am happy to say, was very inconsiderable, not ex- ceeding fifty in all." Kelley, who had distinguished himself at the commencement of the campaign in Western Virginia, and been rewarded for his gallantry with promotion to a brigadier-generalship, having now re- covered from his wound received at the battle of Philippi, was again doing good service for the Federal cause. Starting from his camp at New Creek, o c t, Hampshire County, with an Ohio 25. regiment, six companies of the Seventh, and one company of the Third Virginia 510 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. regiments, and three pieces of artillery, he pushed on toward Romney with the view of driving out the enemy, who oc- cupied that place. Within about six miles his advance met the enemy's picket guards and drove them back upon the town. Kelley now followed with his whole force, and after a two hours' en- gagement completely routed the enemy and took possession of Romney. He thus briefly reported his success : " ROMNEY, VA., Saturday, Oct. 26, P. M. " In obedience to your orders, I moved on this place at twelve o'clock last night, attacked the enemy at three o'clock this afternoon, and drove in their outposts, and after a brilliant action of two hours completely routed them, taking all their cannon and much of their camp equi- page, and many prisoners. Our loss is but trifling, but cannot say to what ex- tent, "BRIG.-GEN. B. F. KELLEY, Com'g." The enemy could not conceal their mortification at the loss of Romney, but strove to palliate it by exaggerating the strength of the Federal force and the weakness of their own.* Kichmond Enquirer. This was one of their accounts of the affair : " An engagement took place yesterday (October 25), be- tween Colonel Angus McDonald's cavalry, 200 in number, and about 200 militia under Colonel Munroe, and a body of Yankee troops, variously estimated at from 3,000 to 5,000. Our little force was obliged to retreat before superior numbers. The fight commenced three or four miles from Romney, whither our troops had gone to meet the enemy. After fighting some time, it was found that they could not keep back the Hessians, and a retreat to- ward Romney followed, the enemy pursuing. Our army wagons blocked up the road, and the artillery could not pass, and it was consequently captured, with wagons, tents, baggage, etc. ; and we regret to add that Colonel McDonald, it is believed, fell into the hands of the pur- The surprise, by the secessionists of Guyandotte a town situated at the ^ ov , confluence of the Guyandotte and 10 Ohio rivers, at the extreme west of Virginia near its Kentucky and Ohio frontiers accompanied, as it was reput- ed to be, with treachery and barbarity, greatly excited the indignation of the Unionists, who took dreadful revenge by burning the town to ashes.* sners. When last seen he was on horseback, with the enemy but a short distance in the rear. Some of his friends fear that he has been killed, as the Hessians, it has been stated, exhibited no disposition to take prisoners, but rode up to teamsters and killed them with their sabres. Major 0. R. Funster escaped. He was thrown from a horse, but was carried off in a carriage, and has reached this place in a bruised condition. Some twenty or thirty of the cavalry have reached Winchester, from whom we obtain these particulars. " Although directly from the scene of the engagement, they bring reports containing discrepancies as to details. I aim to give what I believe to be the most reliable. It is believed we had about twenty killed, and a number wounded. A large number of the enemy were killed, the artillery making roads through them. "The enemy are, no doubt, once more in Romney, and some of our citizens fear they may extend their visit to Winchester forty-two miles being the distance but I have no such fears, " A militia force left here this morning in the direction of Romney, to check them if they should have the temerity to advance in this direction. The cars have gone to Charlestown to bring some troops from that place, to go also toward Romney. Of course our people regret that the enemy have, for once, ' stolen a march on our men,' and given the invaders some cause to ' crow.' " The following, from the Iron ton Register (Ohio), in the absence of any official account, is the most authentic record of these transactions at present attainable : "Colonel R. V. Whaley, of Wayne County, Va., was forming the Ninth Virginia Regiment with his camp at Guyandotte. He had altogether about 150 men, but many were absent on furlough last Sunday. On Saturday, November 9th, thirty -five men of the cavalry of Colonel Zeigler's Fifth Virginia, under Lieutenants Feazzel and Shanley, joined him ; and probably Colonel Whaley had on Sunday night, when attacked, not to exceed 135 or 140 men under his command, in Guyandotte. Eighteen were in the hospital, mostly with the measles. The attack was sudden and entirely unexpected, and his men were, some at thurch, some sauntering about town, some asleep in GUYANDOTTE BURNT TO ASHES. 511 Both parties seem to have displayed in this affair an unusual degree of feroc- ity. One of the Federal fugitives hav- ing surrendered to the secessionists and begged his life, received for answer : " We their quarters, and only a ' camp guard,' but no ' pickets' out. In short, they were in a criminally careless condi- tion. About eight o'clock in the evening the rebel guerrilla cavalry of Colonel Jenkins, in force estimated from 400 to 800 very good authority puts it at 800, but probably 400 is nearer the actual number suddenly fell upon Colonel Whaley, from different directions. ' Rally !' was instantly the word in Whaley 's camp ; the men gathered in squads, sheltering themselves behind build- ings, embankments, and from the darkness of their vari- ous places of making stands, made a gallant resistance of over an hour, pouring a dreadful fire upon their assailants in the streets. From their scattered condition at the out- set, probably not many over one hundred Union men got to their guns Enfield rifles but those that did, fought desperately against four to one, and they only gave up the fight at last when overwhelmed by superior numbers. ' ' There was a sanguinary struggle at the bridge over the Guyandotte River, and those who have since visited the bridge report it covered with blood, as in a slaughter- house. Some of the Federal troops were killed here, and their bodies are said to have been thrown off the bridge into the river by their rebel antagonists. A reliable man, who was in the fight, tells us that one wounded man begged not to be thrown over, but he says ' I heard a splash !' Three of our men attempted to swim the Guy- andotte River, two of them are reported shot ; one did swim the river, but he received a bullet in the leg. One man was pulled out from under a house. Another, con- cealed near, says : ' I heard an officer yell, "Here, shoot this d d Yankee !" ' William Wilson, of Marion, in this county, is said to have been thrown from the bridge. He swam out, concealed himself, and after daylight the next morning, he, with another man, having passed up the bank of the Ohio, was shot from the house of Robert Stewart, a notorious rebel, just above Guyandotte, and wounded severely in the thigh. Wilson was lying at Fuller's in Quaker Bottom, Monday night. Yells of the infuriated rebels were often heard, such as : ' Don' t let a man escape !' ' Give 'em hell !' ' Take no prisoners !' and language not best to repeat. There are reports of fir- ing on our men from the windows in town so men in the fight say. "The rebels pursued the squads, charging upon them around the corners, running down individuals, killing some, wounding others, taking others prisoners, and after the fight was over they hauled many from places where they bad attempted to conceal themselves. The rebel do not take prisoners," and had his throat immediately cut from ear to ear. To complete the history of the cam- paign in Western Virginia, it is ne- cessary to recur to the operations of troops held possession of the town until about eight o'clock Monday morning, when they left just as the steamer Boston, with a portion of the Fifth Virginia, under command of Colonel Zeigler, was about arriving, and other Union soldiers were gathering in from the country for thirty miles above and thirty below. " The rebels captured about two hundred Eniield rifles, thirty-eight cavalry horses, and all the saddles and horse equipments which had not been received, and were new ; also they took some commissary stores. When they first made the attack, a strong party went directly to the stables where our men had their horses, in the manner showing that they had been fully ' posted.' Several of their horses were killed. ' ' There is no doubt that the rebels in town had accu- rately informed the rebel troops of the condition of all things there, and that the rebel people of that place were expecting the attack at the very time it was made, and had governed themselves accordingly. One of our con- cealed men, who escaped, heard the rapturous congratu- lations between Colonel Jenkins and John W. Hite, a notorious secession citizen, on Monday morning. A rebel family, under whose house one of our escaped men was hidden, heard them over his head, getting an ' early breakfast' for a squad of the victors, and heard the women of the house laugh and carry on in great glee about the whipped Yankees. " About nine o'clock Monday morning, Colonel Zeigler, of the Fifth Virginia Regiment, arrived at Guyandotte from Ceredo, with a force of Union troops the last of the rebel troops leaving as he arrived. Stories of the night before were heard ; the general rebel conduct of Guyan- dotte through the nine months past was recollected ; Guyandotte as the headquarters of rebel spies, and as a nest of traitors, called by many ' vipers and rattlesnakes,' was thought of ; there was much excitement and exas- peration, and soon the town was in flames ! The compact part of the town all the business portion was committed to the 'devouring element.' The flouring-mill at the upper part of the town was also burnt. Robert Stewart's fine residence, above town, from which Wilson was shot in the morning, also his stables, went the same way. As near as we can judge, from one-half to two-thirds of the houses in town were burnt, probably, safe to say, over one hundred houses. " This tragic narrative closes with the severe sentence, ' No pity is due the rebels there the men, and some of the women for their hard fate.' " 512 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. General Rosecrans. It will be recol- lected that this energetic commander, after forcing General Floyd to cross the Gauley River, took possession of the en- emy's deserted camp on the banks of that stream. Floyd having thrown his force over to the west side of New River which by confluence with the Gauley forms the Great Kanawha had erected three batteries of two guns each, one oppo- site General Rosecrans' headquarters at Tompkins' farm, five miles above the town of Gauley, another opposite the Kanawha Falls, a mile and a half below the town, and a third opposite the mouth of the Gauley, where the town itself is situated. By these batteries the enemy were enabled so to command the road over which Rosecrans' supply trains from the Falls to his headquarters were oblig- ed to pass a distance of six miles that the wagons could only proceed in the night- time. During the day, Floyd kept up a fire of shells across the river upon the Federal encampments, but did little damage, wounding only two men and killing a few horses. Rosecrans had in the mean time got some cannon in position, by which he succeeded in silenc- ing the enemy's most telling battery, op- posite the mouth of the Gauley River. A battery of ten Parrott guns had also been received by Rosecrans. which he was posting with the view of responding effectually to that battery of the enemy which bore upon the Kanawha Falls. While thus meeting Floyd in front, Rosecrans was planning to take him on the flank and in the rear, with the hope of surrounding his whole force and com- pelling it to surrender. One who was following our army has thus reported the result : * "It was extremely desirable," says he, "to turn Floyd's position and get into his rear if possible, and for this purpose Major Crawford, of the United States Army, a member of General Rosecrans' staff, was directed to make an examination of the slope of the moun- tain toward a deserted ferry, known as Townsend's Ferry, and from which, after crossing the river and ascending the op- posite mountain, a road led directly to the town of Fayette, in the rear of Floyd's position. After incredible labor a road was made down the mountain the distance of one mile, and over rocks and down ravines Major Crawford, with his force of pioneers, passed several boats and two large floats capable of contain- ing ninety or one hundred me*n. The enemy were not watching the ferry on the opposite side, and by Monday night all was ready. Schenck's brigade was to have crossed at this ferry. The boats were in the river, and the move- ment about to be made, when the river suddenly rose, and in a short time became a dashing torrent. To attempt to cross would have hazarded the lives of the men. But one thing was to be done as we could not strike them in the rear, we could reach their flank, and the order was given to the brigade to cross below the entrance of New River into the Kanawha. "Meantime the first Kentucky regi- ment had been ordered across, under FLIGHT AND ESCAPE OF FLOYD. 513 Major Leeper, to attack them on the hill [Cotton Hill] opposite Gauley. This was done, and the hill taken, with a loss of four men killed, five wounded, and six missing.. Twenty of the enemy were killed and wounded. Five miles down the river General Benham had crossed with his entire brigade, and was coming up rapidly. The enemy fell back toward a line of intrenchments they had constructed at Dickerson's farm, on the road from Gauley to Fayette. Fearing that they would retreat, General Rosecrans sent orders to General Benham to push for- ward at once a large force to Cassiday's mill, the key-point of the position. A road led from this mill directly to the road running from Fayette to Raleigh, over which the enemy must pass should he determine to retire. It was the in- tention of General Rosecrans that this force should have been thrown upon the flank of the retreating army, while Schenck's and Benham's brigades push- ed them in the rear. By some strange mismanagement upon the part of Gen- eral Benham, the force at the mill was ordered by him to rejoin his command by another road. The enemy, knowing that we would outflank him by the very road from Cassiday's mill, made no stand at his intrenchments, and hastily retreated. The road was strewn with tents, tent poles, cooking utensils, and ammunition, as he lightened his wagons in his flight. Benham now pressed his rear through Fayette and along the Raleigh road, and came up with his rear guard about two miles from the town. 65 He attacked this force, consisting of four hundred cavalry and several regiments of infantry, killing Colonel Croghan, who commanded the cavalry, and several others. He brought up his artillery and opened fire upon them with effect. Again they retreated, closely pursued until nightfall, when, from the exhaus- tion of our men, who were without food or blankets, a halt was ordered, and shortly afterwards an order from the commanding general arrived directing a return of our forces." Floyd was reported to have had a force of 5,000 men and a train of 300 wagons. His escape was a great dis- appointment to General Rosecrans, who, holding General Benham responsible for having failed to cut off the retreat, or- dered his arrest. The commander-in- chief, General McClellan, however, re- leased Benham, and postponed the court- martial. The flight of Floyd put an end to the campaign in Western Virginia. The Confederate commander, Lee, had al- ready been withdrawn to command in South Carolina and superintend the de- fences of the Southern coast, threatened by the naval expeditions. Floyd re- turned a disappointed man after his in- glorious campaign in Western Virginia, and was subsequently sent to Ken- tucky. General Wise was still more dispirited, and was believed to have sought for a time in obscure retirement a refuge from the scorn excited by his unskilful generalship. Our troops were variously distributed. General Reynolds continued to hold, 514 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. with a small force, the important pass of Cheat Mountain, the greater portion of his Western regiments having been sent to Kentucky or to join General Kelley, at Romney, with the view of being ready to co-operate in probable movements on the Potomac. General Rosecrans established his winter-quar- ters at Wheeling. Thus ended the cam- paign in Western Virginia, which though not illustrated by any very brilliant feat of arms, except at the commencement, proved to be the most successful since the civil war began. In the mean time, the inhabitants of Western Virginia had adopted, by an immense majority, the ordinance for dividing the old commonwealth of Vir- ginia and establishing a new State, call- ed Kanawha, to be composed of the counties west of the Alleghany Mount- ains. CHAPTER XLVIII. Alarm at the North about Southern Privateers. Action of European Powers on the subject. Its effect upon Southern Privateering. Effect of the Blockade. Mitigation of feeling at the North. Inquietude of the Federal Govern- ment. Proposition of the Secretary of State to the European Powers. The Congress of Paris. Its Articles. Why not agreed to by the United States Eagerness of Secretary Se ward. Imprudent Concessions. A Fortunate Dis- appointment. Europe un wiling to apply the principles of the Congress of Paris to the Southern Confederacy. Reasons. Jeff. Davis' Government acknowledged a Belligerent. Seward withdraws his Proposition. The Com- merce of the Slave States. Commercial Marine. War Vessels and Privateers. Bold adventurers. The first Priva- teer. The Savannah. Description. Her fate. Trial of her officers and crew at New York. Disagreement of the jury. Excitement at the South. Threatened Retaliation. Victims selected. The fatal Lot. Prisoners sent to Charleston. Treated as criminals. Change of sentiment at the North. Necessity of treating the Southern Con- federacy as a Belligerent. Rebels on sea like Rebels on land. The number of Prizes captured by the Enemy. Cruise of the Jeff. Davis. Description of the Vessel. Her Prizes. Recapture of one of her Prizes. A tragic Deed. _ The Negro hero Tillman Public curiosity. History and Description of Tillman. Wreck of the Jeff. Davis. Re-capture of the Cuba. The story simply told. The young Prize-master. His account of the affair. THE alarm produced at the North, by the issue of letters of marque on the part of the Southern Confederacy, was much greater than has been hitherto justified by the result. The action of the great powers of Europe, restricting the privileges of armed vessels of the ' ' bellig- erents" to the delay of twenty-four hours in their various ports, refusing them the opportunity of selling prizes, adding to their armaments and stores, or of refitting, except in cases of absolute necessity, pressed with especial weight upon South- ern privateering, and greatly diminished its power for evil ; while the Federal blockade of Southern ports, becoming daily more stringent, has rendered the enterprise of sailing under letters of marque extremely hazardous. Though privateering was denounced by President Lincoln in his proclamation as piracy, and those taken in the act SEWARD'S PROPOSITION ON PRIVATEERING. 515 threatened with the retribution due to that crime, there has been a growing tendency at the North, on the score of policy, to mitigate the severe punish- ment which the privateers of the South- ern Confederacy were formerly declared to have merited. The early inquietude of the Federal Government is clearly revealed in the hasty, and perhaps ill- advised, proposition of the Secretary of State to the powers of Europe who were parties to the agreement at the Congress of Paris, in 1856, to concur with them in the abolition of privateering. The assent .of our Government, it will be recollected, was refused to the action of the Congress of Paris, because to its articles of agreement abolishing priva- teering, granting enemy's goods, with the exception of contraband of war, immu- nity from seizure under a neutral flag, giving neutrals' goods, with the same ex- ception, protection under the enemy's flag, and declaring that blockades to be valid must be effective there was not added the exemption from seizure of pri- vate property on the sea, under all cir- cumstances, as on land. The Secretary of State, in his eagerness to prevent the evil of Southern privateering, which, at the time, appeared so formidable, hur- ried to give in his adhesion to the propo- sitions of the Congress of Paris, without insisting, like the astute Marcy, on the ex- emption of private property from seizure on the sea. He thus waived a privilege of immense importance, without asking for that compensation which alone could repay the United States with a large commercial marine and comparatively small naval power for the loss of its pe- culiarly effective arm of offence, the pri- vateer. Fortunately, perhaps, for the United States, the proposition of Secretary Sew- ard was met by England and France with the condition, that the principles laid down by the Congress of Paris should not be applicable to the Southern Confederacy. These European powers had already committed themselves to the recognition of the Confederacy as a belligerent, and therefore were bound in honor to concede to it the privileges be- longing to that character. The Govern- ment of Jefferson Davis was held by France and England as possessed of all the ordinary international rights of a war power, and of course entitled to issue letters of marque, until by its own free will it had given up the privilege. With this condition attached to the ac- ceptance of his proposition to make the United States a party to the agreement of the Congress of Paris abolishing pri- vateering, Seward found himself frus- trated in his object of weakening the Southern Confederacy, and withdrew his offer of concurrence. The slave States having, in comparison with the free, an insignificant commercial marine, had, although possessed of an extensive sea-coast, but a small number of vessels armed or manned by their own people. Their commerce was chiefly carried on in Northern bottoms and by Northern sailors. On the breaking out of the civil war, however, they seized, without scruple, those vessels belonging to the Government and private persons 516 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. which happened to be lying in their har- bors. They were thus enabled to obtain a considerable fleet of sailing vessels and steamers, though mostly of small tonnage, with the exception of those which fell into their hands on the abandonment of the Norfolk Navy Yard. Of these latter they made effective use, having restored some of them, among which was the Merrimac, that became such a formidable machine of destruction.* Many of the vessels thus surrepti- tiously obtained were converted into pri- vateers, and have met with various fates, which it is now proposed to record. * The following list of vessels in the service of the Con- federates is obtained from the New York Herald of No- vember 19, 1861, and is probably as nearly accurate as is now possible : LIST OF PRIVATEERS. Name. Class. Alice Schooner. Antonio Schooner. Beauregard Bonita Brig Bradford Steamer . Cotton Plant Steamer . Coffee Steamer . Calhoun Steamer . Curtis Peck Steamer . Curlew Steamer . Dixie Schooner . Dodge Schooner . Everglade Steamer . Gordon Steamer . Geo. Page Steamer . Geo. B. Baker Schooner. Huntress Steamer . Ivy Steamer . James Grey Propeller . Jackson Steamer . Jeff. Davis Brig Judith Schooner . John A. Moore. . . . Steamer . Lady Davis Steamer . Lewis Cass Schooner . McRae Steamer . McClellan Schooner . Merrimac Steamer . Commander. Guns. Tons. . A. 0. Murphy .... Capt. Libby ...... 276 Capt. Lynch ...... 2 Geo. N. Hollins. . . 3 1,058 Capt. Hunter ..... 1 T. J. Moore ....... 1 150 1 100' J. Mclntosh Kell. . Capt. Lockwood... 2 500 1 2 200 _ 1 _ Capt. Gwaltemey. . 2 200 Capt. Coxetter. ... 5 5 250 T. B. Hager ...... 2 2 100 6 600 J. G. Breshwood . . 6 145 6 Among those persons engaged in the coast- ing trade, of whom not a few were North- ern men, and the large number of naval officers who had deserted the United States flag and adopted that of the Con- federacy, it was not difficult to find bold adventurers and competent officers to command these vessels, many of which have been handled with rare skill and daring. While some have fallen an easy prey, others have eluded the vigi- lance of our blockading fleets and es- caped from the pursuit of our swiftest cruisers. The first privateer commissioned by Name. Class. Manassas Steamer . Masanon Steamer . Marion Steamer . Mystic Steamer . Music Steamer . Northampton Steamer . Nina Steamer . Nashville Steamer . , Nelins Steamer . Neva Schooner. Pickens Schooner . Petrel Schooner . Patrick Henry Steamer . Richmond Steamer . Sumter Steamer . Sallie Schooner . Savannah Schooner . Screamer Steamer . Sallust Schooner . South Carolina. .. .Steamer . St. Nicholas Steamer . Tuscarora. Steamer . Vixen Steamer . Washington Schooner . Wm. H. Webb Steamer . York Schooner . Yorktown . . . . Steamer . , Commander. Guns. Tons. 2 4 Capt. Hicks 1 1,220 Wm. Perry Capt. Kennedy ,R. Semmes Capt. Libby 1 140 T. H. Baker . . .1 54 Capt. Coxetter. . . . Capt. Parrish 8 1,400 RECAPITULATION. Steamers 36 Uncertain 1 Schooners 16 Brigs 2 Total 55 In addition to the above list, the Southerners have at their disposal some very large steamers, that could upon SOUTHERN PRIVATEERS. 517 the President of the Confederate States was captured. This was the Savannah, emergency be converted into vessels of war. are the following : Name. Tons. Atlantic 623 America 372 General Miramon .... 296 Galveston 945 Mexico 1,059 Magnolia 843 Among them Name Tons. Suwanee 494 Star of the West 1,172 Tennessee 1,179 Texas 1,125 W. G. Hewes 1,100 Matagorda 425 And the following vessels are at present in use by the rebels, as transports : Prince of Wales. Cheeney. Louisville. Kentucky. Tucker. Sovereign. Victoria. Little Rock. Admiral. John Walsh. Chester Ashley. Nebraska. Ingomar. Belfast. F. Nortrebe. John Simmons. Alonzo Childs. Arkansas. General Pike. E. H. Mears. Equality. Mary Patterson. RECAPITULATION. Privateers 55 Steamers under the rebel control, not in use 12 Transports 22 Total 89 OFFICERS IN THE REBEL SERVICE. CAPTAINS. Lawrence Rousseau, of Louisiana. Josiah Tattnall, of Georgia. Victor M. Randolph, of Alabama. D. N. Ingraham, of South Carolina. French Forrest, of Virginia. George N. Hollins, of Maryland. Samuel Barron, of Virginia. William F. Lynch, of Virginia. Isaac F. Sterett, of Maryland. COMMANDERS. E. Favana, of Florida. Thomas W. Brent, of Florida. Raphael Semmes, of Alabama. Henry J. Hartstene, of South Carolina. Sidney Smith Lee, of Virginia. William G. Whittle, of Virginia. Robert D. Thornton, of Virginia. Robert J. Robb, of Virginia. Murray Mason, of Virginia. William W. Hunter, of Virginia. Archibald B. Fairfax, of Virginia. William McBlair, of Maryland. Richard L. Page, of Virginia. Frederick Chatard, of Maryland. made memorable by the trial of her cap- tain and crew for piracy. She was a small Arthur Sinclair, of Virginia. Charles A. Kennedy, of North Carolina. Matthew F. Maury, of Tennessee. John R. Tucker, of Virginia. Robert F. Pinckney, of Maryland. Thomas R. Rootes, of Georgia. James L. Henderson, of Virginia. William S. Muir, of North Carolina. Thomas F. Hunter, of Virginia. Charles F. Mclntosh, of Virginia. William S. Muse, of North Carolina. LIEUTENANTS. F. B. Renshaw, of Pennsylvania. James H. North, of South Carolina. Thomas B. Huger, of South Carolina. John Rutledge, of South Carolina. C. M. Morris, of South Carolina. A. F. Warley, of South Carolina. John Kell, of Georgia. Joseph Fry, of Georgia. J. R. Hamilton, of South Carolina. J. R. Eggleston, of Mississippi. R. S. Chapman, of Alabama. Thomas P. Pelot, of South Carolina. William G. Doxier, of South Carolina. Maurice Simons, of South Carolina. C. L. Sayre, of Alabama. J. M. Stribling, of South Carolina. Philip Porcher, of South Carolina. P. U. Murphy, of North Carolina. W. N. E. Boudinot, of North Carolina. Thomas M. Crosson, of North Carolina. William W. Roberts, of North Carolina. David Coleman, of North Carolina. R. C. Duval, of North Carolina. Crosson, of North Carolina. MIDSHIPMEN. W. T. Moore, of North Carolina. John Grimball, of . Henry H. Tyson, of Maryland. Leroy H. Washington, of Georgia. W. B. Hart, of Georgia. Barron Carter, of Georgia. W. A. W. Spotswood, of Virginia. Edward Wonders, of North Carolina. William F. Carrington, of Virginia. Wyatt M. Brown, of North Carolina. Arthur M. Lynch, of South Carolina. D. B. Phillips, of . Charles E. Lining, of South Carolina. 518 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. schooner of only fifty tons measurement, and. was originally used as a pilot-boat in the harbor of Charleston, but, having been condemned as unserviceable, had been laid up. Though old, she was a fast sailer. Having been refitted, armed with an eighteen-pounder which was mounted on a swivel midships, well supplied with ammunition, stores, and water for a long voyage, and manned with a crew June f twenty men, the Savannah set 2 sail from Charleston. Her cruise and subsequent fate were PAYMASTERS. W. W. J. Bell, of Florida. Henry Meyers, of Georgia. John Johnston, of North Carolina. CHIEF ENGINEER. Samuel Archibald, of Maryland. J. "W. Parks, of North Carolina. FIRST ASSISTANT ENGINEER. John H. Loper. NAVAL AGENTS. Oliver S Dewey, of North Carolina. Marshall P. Farks, of Virginia. MARINES. COLONEL. Lloyd J. Bell, of Maryland. LIEUTENANT COLONEL. Henry B. Tyler, of Virginia. MAJOR. George H. Terry, of Virginia. CAPTAINS. Israel Green, of Virginia. George Holmes, of Florida. SECOND LIEUTENANTS. James R. Y. Fenack, of Georgia. Wilber F. Johnson, of Georgia. Edmund J. Lloyd, of Virginia. RECAPITULATION. Captains 9 Commanders 25 Lieutenants 24 Midshipmen 6 Surgeons 7 Paymasters 3 Chief Engineer 1 First Assistant Engineer. 1 Navy Agents 2 Colonel of Marines 1 Lieut. -Col. of Marines . . 1 Major of Marines 1 Captains of Marines .... 2 Second Lieuts. of Marines 3 Total.. ..87 thus told in one of the daily newspa- pers :* " The Savannah went to sea on Sun- day, 2d of June, and the next day fell in with the brig Joseph, of Rockland, Maine, from Cardenas, Cuba, with a cargo of sugar consigned to Welch & Co., Philadelphia. The pirate set her colors so as to deceive the Joseph, and the latter hove to and her captain went aboard the piratical craft, under the im- pression that she was in distress. No sooner had he done so than the captain of the privateer said, ' Your vessel is taken as a prize under the authority of the Confederate States. 7 Eight men were put aboard the Joseph, and they were directed to take her and the crew to the nearest port, which was that of Georgetown, S. C. This occurred about the middle of the afternoon. Soon after the Savannah and Joseph parted com- pany, the brig Perry, a man-of-war, hove in sight, a little north of the Hole in the Wall ; but as her guns were run back, her port-holes closed, and the vessel otherwise purposely disguised, she was mistaken for a merchantman, and the pirates, flushed with their recent success, and with so inviting a prospect of plunder before them, full of great expectations, made all sail for the supposed prize. They had got within a mile of the brig before they discovered their blunder, when they put about, more anxious to escape than they had been before to make the seizure. The Perry at once gave chase, and fired several shots, four of which were returned by the eighteen- * New York Tribune. CONFEDERATE PRIVATEERS. 519 pounder of the Savannah. Two of the shots from the Perry went through the foresail of the pilot-boat ; the shots of the Savannah did not take effect. The next occurrence was the surrender of the pirates, who were taken on board the Perry, and were subsequently trans- ferred to the Minnesota, lying off Charles- ton, where they were put in irons." The officers and crew of the Savannah were subsequently sent to New York, where they were placed in the custody of the United States marshal and con- fined in the City Prison, to take their trial for piracy. They were accordingly duly arraigned and tried for this crime, but the jury having failed to agree, the private ersmen were re-committed to prison to await future action. About the same time a trial of some men similarly charged took place in Philadelphia, which resulted in their conviction of piracy. Meanwhile the Southern Confederacy was greatly excited on the score of these trials, and the threatened punishment of the captured privateersmen as pirates. Jefferson Davis officially declared that, in case of their execution, he would re- taliate upon the Federal prisoners who had fallen into his hands ; and to prove the fixedness of his resolve he immedi- ately gave orders for the selection by lot among the principal captives then at Richmond, of those who were to answer with their lives for the privateersmen who should be executed by the United States Government. The enemy, prin- cipally by their successes at Bull Run, had become possessed of a large number of prisoners, many of whom were officers of high rank, and the fatal chance fell to some of the principal of them, of whom Colonel Corcoran, the commander of the Sixty-ninth Irish Regiment, of New York, who had acquitted himself with rare gallantry before Manassas, is the best known. He and the other victims of the fatal lot were transferred from Richmond to Charleston, where they were closely imprisoned and treated with the harshness used only toward criminals ; and where they long remained, with their lives in suspense, awaiting the action of the Federal Government in regard to the ca.ptured privateersmen. In the progress, however, of the civil war, there has been a manifest change of sentiment in the North. As the strength of the Southern insurgents has become more apparent, there has been an increasing willingness to consider them as belligerents, and to award them all the privileges which belong to that charac- ter. Though at the commencement of the conflict the Federal Government res- olutely refused to treat with the enemy in regard to it, the exchange of prison- ers is now effected with the formalities usual between belligerents in regular war. With this concession, the natural result of the severity and prolongation of the struggle, the conviction has been growing, that policy requires that pris- oners taken on sea must be treated in every respect like those captured on the land. It is therefore probable that Con- federate privateersmen are in no more danger of the yard-arm than prisoners of war are of the gallows. It is impossible to give the exact 520 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. number of prizes taken by the privateers Jau, f the enemy, but, to this date, the 16 whole would hardly amount to half a hundred. The recapture of several of the prizes by their original crews has supplied some of the most startling and tragic incidents of the war. The "Jeff. Davis " had proved herself one of the most audacious of the Southern priva- teers, and the most successful in her ad- venturous enterprise. She was formerly known as the slaver Echo, and having been captured while engaged in that cruel traffic on the coast of Africa, was taken into the harbor of Charleston and condemned. She was rigged as a brig, and not having the "low, black" look of the traditional corsair, but the rusty and substantial appearance of the ordin- ary merchantman, was especially calcu- lated to deceive the unwary. Having been mounted with a thirty- two-pounder, placed on a pivot amidships, and on each side with a thirty-two-pounder, and a twelve-pounder, she sailed out of Savan- nah on a cruise. Her commander was Captain Coxetter, said to be of Dutch origin ; her first lieutenant was one Por- chal, formerly a midshipman in the United States navy ; and her crew consisted of about sixty men, of all nations. Her cruise, boldly pushed even to Nantucket Shoals, was very successful, and alarm- ing to the commerce of New England. Among her prizes was the schooner S. J. Waring, recaptured by her negro cook, William Tillman.* The following is the narrative of a passenger : "The privateer," he says, after describing the capture of the Waring by the Jeff. Davis, " took some of our The Jeff. Davis, after her adven- ^u w , turous cruise, was wrecked on the !? charts, coasting books, a sextant, some plates, coffee cups, a lot of table cloths, a quantity of flour, several oil-cans, a tub of butter, some cases of preserved lobster, and other articles, together with all the fire-arms which they could find, except a single-barrelled pistol belonging to myself, and another owned by William Stedding, one of our crew. " Having sent their boat load of stuff off, they returned with a prize crew, consisting of a prize master, mate, and second mate, and two men, taking in exchange for them Captain Smith, of Brooklyn ; T. J. Smith, first mate, of New York ; T. Davidson, second mate, and two seamen. The prize crew consisted of Montague Amiel, a Charleston pilot, prize-master ; Stephens, mate, an Irishman, who had been in this country about ten years ago, but had been at sea until nine months since, when he returned, and three sailors, one of whom acted as second mate and slept in the cabin ; the other two were hands, whose names are James Milnor, of South Carolina, and James Dorsey, of Pt. Pleasant, N. J. There were, therefore, on the schooner the prize crew of five ; William Tillman, the colored stew- ard ; William Stedding and Daniel McLeod, seamen, and myself ; of the original party four nine persons in all. " The schooner was headed for Charleston, or some inlet on the coast near that port. We were not put in irons, but were treated with as much kindness as we could ex- pect. The steward continued to cook and provide for us, and our men worked the vessel. I became quite intimate with the officers, am 1 expected soon to be a prisoner of war in Charleston, though we had hoped that we might fall in with a United States vessel, and be rescued from our cap- tors. Thus we got along quietly on our way southward, till Tuesday, the 10th inst. , when we were fifty miles south and one hundred miles east of that port, and thought we might get in the next day. "What followed, I did not anticipate. It is true that, now, when I look back, I remember that Amiel had con- gratulated himself upon a valuable prize that he had found in the steward, whom he vowed was worth a cool thousand on Meeting Street, Charleston. And I further remember that on several occasions Tillman, the steward, shook his head and muttered, ' Dem fo'ks nebber git to Charls'n ;' but I supposed then that he was expecting, like the rest of us, to meet with a friend in one of Uncle Sam's cruisers. " It was a bright moonlight night, that of Tuesday, so pleasant that I i-emained on deck till eleven P.M. , later than I usually did. The steward had turned in at eight, as was his habit. Our trunk cabin projected about three feet above the main deck, and was entered by a companion-way in the middle of the forward end. When I went down, the mate was nodding on the cabin roof, just in front of the wheel, in a half recumbent position. Behind him stood William Stedding, one of our old crew, at the wheel. WRECK OF THE JEFF. DAVIS. 521 bar outside of St. Augustine, in Florida, while attempting to make a harbor. Milnor, the South Carolinian, lay asleep on a pile of sails at the foot of the foremast. McLeod, another of our men, with Dorsey, the Jerseynian, were asleep in the forecastle. The cabin lamp was burning on the table when I went be- low, and Captain Amiel lay snoring in his berth, sound asleep in his state-room. In the state-room on the other side of the cabin slept the steward and second mate, the fonder on top, the latter in the second berth, the third and lowest sleeping-place being unoccupied. " The weather being sultry, the doors of the state-rooms had been taken off, so that not only were the rooms open from the cabin, but iny room, in the rear of the captain's, opened into his, the door between being also down. I took my coat and vest off very leisurely, and swallowed a draught of cherry brandy before getting into bed, so that I should think it was eleven when I retired. It could not have been more than ten minutes later when I was awak- ened from a light sleep by a peculiar sound in the captain's room, which I knew instinctively could only have been produced by an axe cleaving Amiel's skull. No sooner did the ' thush' strike upon my ear than I leaped out of bed, and leaning against the door-casing in the partition, saw the steward dart through the twilight for he had extinguished the light, noiseless as a cat across the cabin, toward the second mate's room. I also saw, at the same glance, Captain Amiel rise from his berth and attempt to follow him ; but the blood blinded him, and he fell to the floor with a horrid gurgling sound in his throat. All this was the work of a second. The cleaving of the skull, like the flash from a gun preceding the report, was fol- lowed by a weak, faint cry, like that of a sick child, and the gurgling in the throat. I knew then that his wound was mortal. Stooping sideways, the steward entered the second mate's cabin, and once more swung his axe, but not so effectively. "The mate started up with a 'Q d d n you, don't strike me again,' and clutched at the steward's breast ; but eluding the wounded man, he ran on deck to where the man was lying near the wheel-house, and keeping his axe behind him, demanded ' what all this noise was about ?' The mate, who had been aroused by the outcries of the captain and second mate, had raised himself up on his elbow and stared at the steward in a half stupid, half fascinated way, not seeing the pistol which Stedding, the man at the helm, had pointed at him for use in case of necessity. As he turned his face toward the steward, the latter drove his weapon home into the base of his skull. Stedding and the steward then tumbled him overboard. He rose on the wave with a hoarse cry, when about two lengths astern, the water having raised him ; but he must have soon gone down to his long account. "Then the steward came down to the cabin, where I still was, while Stedding stood, pistol in hand, guarding the deck. The captain cried faintly twice to me by name, 66 She proved, notwithstanding every at- tempt to save her, a total loss. ' Help me help me ;' but he was past help. Another swishing blow of the axe, and he did not repeat the cry. Then the steward returned to the second mate's cabin, where, seated on a pile of starch boxes, his legs drawn up and his head between his knees, was the half-stupefied man. Again and again the axe fell, and again and again the cry, ' Don't do that,' fell on my ear, each time fainter than the last. Stedding now came down, and the steward and he took the corpse of the captain by the feet, and dragging it up the companion-way, tossed it overboard. Meantime I had got some irons out, hoping to intercede to save bloodshed. Stedding and the steward once more came down, and each taking the second mate by the shoulder, led him out from the place where he had crouched on the starch boxes. He seemed to walk with their assistance, as they went up the companion-way, but his head lay a pulpy mass upon his shoulder, and a mo- ment after a splash alongside told the fato of another of the privateers . " There were three persons on board who knew nothing of all this the two privateer sailors, and Donald McLeod, one of our sailors, whom I subsequently learned would not join the steward and Stedding in the attempt to re- capture the vessel. Handing me hispistol, Stedding went forward and roused Milnor, the South Carolinian, a young man of two or three-and-twenty. from his sleep at the foot of the mainmast, and called him aft. Not seeing his comrades when he came into the cabin, he was much frightened and begged for life. The steward told him he would not kill him but iron him, and his fate must depend upon his good behavior ; he wanted to spill as little blood as possible. He willingly held out his wrists for the irons. They then went forward to the forecastle and called the other privateer, Dorsey. Upon learning the condition of affairs he begged for his life, which they promised to spare if he would assist in working the ship and be true and faithful ; to all of which he agreed. ' ' The steward now took command, and the schooner headed for the north, with a fair wind. None of us knew anything of navigation, but we trusted to good fortune and the land to enable us to make out our course. The South Carolinian was released from irons the next morning, and proved a very useful and willing fellow in working the ship. On Friday the 19th, at eight o'clock in the morn- ing, we made the land, which became quite distinct by noon, and we kept on our way with good weather, sound- ing our way as we went. Of course, we had to be vigilant. * < ' Two of our hands might turn upon us at any mo- ment, and McLeod was not faithful ; for three days before we got in, therefore, the steward went forward and slept with them in the forecastle. Stedding, Tillman, and I managed it so that two of us were on deck all the while, and always aft of the other three. The two men on watch carried the two pistols, and the one that slept always kept 522 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. With the S. J. Waring, there came on the same day into the harbor of New York the brig Cuba, which had been one eye open, lest we might be attacked. On Sunday morning, July 21st, at nine o'clock, we got a pilot off Sandy Hook, and soon after hired a tug for $60 to tow us up to New York, where we arrived about four P.M., truly thank- ful for our great deliverance." Tillman, the negro steward, became the hero of the day, and his history, personal appearance, and character were minutely investigated. He was described as " of medium height, rather strongly built, crisp hair, of nearly unmixed negro blood, and bearing in his countenance an expression of honesty and strong common sense, with some touches of humor . ' ' His age was given as ' ' twenty -seven last birthday," and his early history thus detailed : "He was born of free colored parents in Milford, Delaware. His parents moved to Providence, Rhode Island, when he was fourteen years old, and he has since called that place his home. He has followed the sea for years, and has been in the employ of Jonas Smith & Co., No. 227 Front Street (New York), by whom the Waring was owned, for the last three years." The following account is derived from the log of Cap- tain Strout : "Sailed from Trinidad de Cuba for London on July 2, with a cargo of sugar and molasses. On the morning of July 4, in latitude 21 10', longitude 73 15', on the south side of Cuba, was brought to by a shot from the privateer steamer Sumter, formerly the Marquis de la Habana, and on heaving to was boarded by a boat from her, and or- dered to come on board the steamer and bring my ship's papers. The steamer at the time had the Stars and Stripes flying from, her peak, which were afterward taken down and the secession flag hoisted. On arriving on board I was ordered below in the cabin, and delivered my papers to the captain, who, after examining them, destroyed them, saying that I was a prisoner, and that the brig should be taken into port and sold. At this time Captain Shoppy, of the brig Machias, of Machias, came on board, and after presenting his ship's papers, which were destroyed, we were told to go on board our vessels, and that they would be towed to some port in Cuba. "Hawsers were then got out, and the two brigs were taken in tow ; this was about twelve o'clock, 4th July, and the brigs continued in tow until four A.M., July 5th, when the hawser of the Machias parted ; the Cuba was towed some ten miles farther, when she was let off and search re-captured by her original captain and crew under similar circumstances.* made for the Machias. On coming up again, they could not get near enough to our brig to get the hawser, on ac- count of the heavy sea, when she proceeded on with the Machias. All sail was then made for Cuba, and she was headed in for land, having received a prize crew of five men, consisting of one midshipman, two sailors, and two marines, who threatened, ' in case Captain Strout and his men refused to work the vessel, they would shoot them.' Continued working the vessel in toward the eastward until the 7th, when the officer concluded to keep her off for some Southern port, where he could run her in or on shore." On the night of the 8th Captain Strout succeeded, after a desperate resistance on the part of the sailors and ma- rines in regaining possession of his vessel. On the 14th of July the midshipman managed to get possession of a pistol, by breaking open a chest while all hands were engaged in working the ship, and with it went up to the maintop. Captain Strout coming on deck, and seeing the pistol in his hand, turned to go below for arms, when the midshipman threatened to shoot him if he did. The captain, however, went below, procured a revolver, and ordered him down on the deck. On his refusal two shots were fired at him, one of which taking effect in his shoulder, he came down. The young prize officer had been a United States mid- shipman, and was a graduate of the Naval School at An- napolis. He gave the following account of his capture : "I tried to work the ship with Captain Strout' s crew, and had given positive orders to the men to keep their arms on, and help to work, whether seamen or not, where- ever it was possible. The men neglected it ; and I, for the first time in four days and nights had left mine off. they being in the bunk below at the time of Captain Strout's movement. I had laid myself down on deck and gone asleep. When I awoke I found all the men aft, without arms, and six men, Captain Strout, his mate, and five men, ranged opposite and around me, with arms in their hands. I immediately went below, having been permitted to pass them, with the intention of getting my arms, but I found them gone ; and when I returned on deck I met the cap- tain and his mate facing me, with my pistols The cap- tain demanded my surrender, and said he had my arms. " As soon as I got up to lam he ordered me forward, and said everything should be done fairly with us, etc. He put us in irons, but not having sufficient he 'tied several of the men with ropes. He took my irons off an hour after ; but I was watched, and afterward locked up." THE SUMTER. 523 CHAPTER XLIX. The Privateer Sumter. Her History and Construction. Armament and Officers. Her escape from New Orleans. An eventful Cruise. Arrival at Gibraltar. The Privateer Petrel. Her Destruction by the St. Lawrence. The Dixie and her triumphs. The mystery of Privateering. The seizure of the St. Nicholas. An "Artful Dodger." His capture at last. Cutting out of Schooner Judah. A formidable attempt of New Orleans. The Enemy's Flotilla. A Steam Ram. Its Construction. Commodore Hollins. The United States Fleet. Hollins' Attack. A Jubilant Bulletin. The other side. The Breaking of the Blockade. Voyage of the Bermuda. Arrival of the Nashville in England. 1861. THE most adventurous of the Con- federate privateers, and the most successful, as she so long eluded the constant pursuit of the Federal cruisers, was the Sumter. She was first called the Colon, and subsequently the Marquis de la Habana. She was an iron screw- steamer, built at Montreal, and was for a time engaged in the packet service be- tween New Orleans and Havana. Hav- ing made the passage between these two ports in less time than any other, she had the reputation of being a remark- ably fast sailer. Originally owned by Spanish Americans, she was chartered by the faction of Miramon, claiming the Government of Mexico, and being cap- tured by a United States squadron off Vera Cruz, was sent to New Orleans for adjudication. After being subjected to a trial for piracy, the vessel was returned to her original owners. She was now purchased by some citi- zens of New Orleans, and thoroughly overhauled. Her old engines and boilers were taken out and new ones put in be- low the water-line. Her upper works, with her cabins for passengers, were re- moved, and a clear deck, fore and aft,' thus secured. She was pierced for four guns on each side. She was armed with a rifled, eighty-two pounder, mounted on a swivel amidship, and eight thirty-two pounders. The bulwarks were so ar- ranged, that this extensive armament might be concealed from passing vessels. The large swivel gun was hidden from view by means of a wooden structure which had the appearance of a perma- nent galley, but which could be taken to pieces in a few minutes. The vessel was thoroughly braced and strengthened in every part, and well-manned and equip- ped. Her crew, consisting of sixty-five sailors and twenty-five marines, were picked men, and her captain and officers remarkable for their skill and enterprise. The look of the Sumter would seem to have been by no means attractive. She is described as an "awkwardly rigged bark, having the appearance of being half merchantman, half man-of-war. Her masts appear strongly set, and her sails are much too small for a vessel of her build. She carries three trysails, all of them being much larger than those 524 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. usually carried by a sailing vessel (we say sailing vessel, because it is a trick of the captain to take down the smoke- stack and pass himself as a sailing ves- sel, a ruse that has been successful). She has a fore staysail and jib. She has two large quarter boats, and one hang- ing at the stern. She also carries top- gallant sails. Her courses are deep, particularly the mainsail, and her top- sails bear the appearance of having a reef in them. A vessel of good sailing qualities can find no difficulty in run- ning away from her, provided such a course is deemed advisable. The range of her largest gun is 2,000 yards, at high elevation ; but the execution is small at a greater distance than 1,500 yards. Her other guns have been sup- plied from the Norfolk Navy Yard."* Closely watched by the sloop-of-war Brooklyn, blockading the mouths of the Mississippi, the Sumter made several ineffectual attempts to elude her vigi- j u iy lance, but finally succeeded in mak- ? ing her escape after being chased four hours. " With three cheers for the * Captain and officers of the privateer Sumter : COMMANDER. Eaphael Semmes. LIEUTENANTS. John M. Kells, K. F. Chapman, W. E. Evans, J. M. Stribling. PAYMASTER. Henry Myers. PASSED ASSISTANT SURGEON. Francis I. Golt. LIEUTENANT OF MARINES. Beckett K. Howell. MIDSHIPMEN. R. F. Armstrong, Wm. A. Hicks, A. G. Hudgins, J. D. Wilson. GUNNER. Thomas C. Cuddy. SAILMAKER. M. P. Beaufort. FIRST ASSISTANT ENGINEER, ACTING AS CHIEF. M. J. Freeman. SECOND ASSISTANT. W. P. Brooks. THIRD ASSISTANTS. Matthew O'Brien, S. W. Cummings. The Sumter is 1,137 tons register, 184 feet long, 30 feet beam, and 13 feet depth of hold. Southern Confederacy," the Sumter sail- ed upon her adventurous cruise, and im- mediately began a series of ravages upon Northern commerce, which every effort failed to check. Making a course for the West Indies, she captured eight American vessels on the south side of Cuba, and burned one ship, the Golden Rocket, near the Isle of Pines. She af- * terward cruised for a time on the South American coast, in the neighborhood of Guiana and Brazil, but having extended her voyages as far as the coast of Spain, burning and capturing many vessels, finally put into Gibraltar, where being blockaded by the United States gunboat Tuscarora, she was sold. The little Petrel, formerly the revenue cutter Aiken, was disposed to be no less adventurous, but proved less successful than the Sumter. On the very first day after leaving the harbor of Charles- ^ t ton, she, with blind recklessness, * threw herself into the fatal embrace of a powerful Federal man-of-war the Uni- ted States frigate St. Lawrence having mistaken her for a merchantman.* * The story is well told in this account of her destruction : ' ' The St. Lawrence had been cruising for a month along the Atlantic coast, between Cape Henry and Savannah, and on the morning of the 1st of August, while just outside the harbor of Charleston, espied a long, rakish schooner, filled with men and mounting three or four guns, sailing rapidly down upon her. The port- holes were still shut, but the flag was at the peak, and the St. Lawrence looked not unlike a great lubberly merchantman becalmed in a strange latitude, and too unwieldy for any purposes save the holding of a big cargo for the avarice of an enemy to court and a daring priva- teer to secure. " As the stranger came down, the St. Lciwrence hoisted all sail and affected to be anxious to get out to sea. In reality, however, she was edging closer in to shore, and making arrangements below to receive the reckless visit- MYSTERY OF PRIVATEERING. 525 From, the very nature of these priva- teering enterprises which to be success- ors with appropriate largess. Directly a shot came skip- ping over the water, falling into the sea a few rods ahead of the frigate, and a number followed it in quick succes- sion, but nearly all cither striking beyond or passing over. The final discharge consisted of grape juicl canister, which made some little dalliance with the frigate's rigging, and admonished the commander that the play was growing serious. " At this time the vessels were within speaking distance, and a man in uniform was seen mounted upon the pirate's deck, who shouted to the St. Lawrence to lay to and send over a boat. The crew were distinctly seen flourishing their cutlasses, and the gunners ramming and pointing their guns. She carried three guns, supposed to be rifled cannon. Then the St. Lawrence threw up her ports, and disclosed a whole broadside of cannon, with the gunners behind the guns holding lighted fuses, and directly the broad decks were rilled with seamen in blue jackets, armed with muskets, who sprang into the shrouds and ran out on the yards, laying prone in the maintop, on the bow- sprit, and at every point where aim could be taken with advantage. In a word, the ugly merchant was meta- morphosed into a bristling war-ship, with a man at every point, and a broadside of cannon looking into the eyes of the pirates. The latter, taken aback, recoiled a moment, but before they had time for action, even for thought, the guns belched forth their iron messengers, splintering the masts, cutting the rigging and the sails as with knives, breaking the spars and the booms, and literally carving the schooner into pieces, and opening gulfs into which the water rushed as through sluices, fill- ing the hold, and admonishing the rebels that their sole hopes of life lay in the ship's boat, or in wrestling with the sea. "The fire still continued, and the water was full of driftwood. Many of the men leaped overboard, and the rest, launching the life-boat, jumped in and held up a white handkerchief as a sign of surrender. But one man had an opportunity to go down into the cabin for his property, and he was the lieutenant, named Harvey, formerly a midshipman in the United States service, under command of Captain Sartori. Harvey recovered his trunk. "The St. Lawrence still continued the fire with small arms, but directing their aim at the hulk, and not at the small boat, the crew, excepting four men, were not in- jured. In ten minutes from the time of the discharge of her first gun, the Petrel swayed heavily and went under, carrying down four men of her crew. The officers of the St. Lawrence now discovered the life-boat and the flag of humiliation. They dropped a boat and made out the rebels, and finally passed them on board ship, where they were ironed as fast as received, and securely con- ful must be conducted with the utmost secrecy they are involved in a mystery fined below. In the engagement, the St. Lawrence re- ceived two shots, one in the foresail, the other in the quarter-deck. She transferred her prisoners to the steamer Flag on Sunday morning, and they were at once brought to Philadelphia." Philadelphia Press, The people of Charleston, however, consoled themselves for the loss of the Petrel, with the triumphs of the Dixie, whose successes were thus described in the Charles- ton Mercury : ' ' The thunders of a Confederate salute in our harbor yesterday morning set all the town agog with curi- A u? . osity. A general rush to the wharves resulted in the 28. ascertainment of the fact, that the gay little privateer Dixie, safe from the perils of fire and water and Yankee cruisers was again under the guns of Castle Pinckney. We are in- debted to the courtesy of Captain Moore, the gallant and enterprising captain, for an interesting account of the ad- ventures of the cruise. " The Dixie weighed anchor in Charleston harbor July 18. On the following day, aided by a stiff breeze, she suc- ceeded in getting out safely to sea. By what channel her exit was accomplished, we leave to the serene contempla- tion of the 'cute blockaders, who permitted the saucy little craft to slip through their fingers. The privateer pursued a southeasterly course, without any incident of special moment, until Tuesday, the 23d ult. At an early hour on that day Captain Moore made a sail upon the lee quar- ter, and tacking ship, soon overhauled her. A gun fired across the bow of the stranger speedily brought her to. The captain was ordered to come on board the Dixie, and his papers showed his vessel to be the bark Glen, of Port- land, Maine, bound to Fort" Jefferson, Tortugas, with a cargo of coal. Without further ceremony the Yankee skipper was informed of the business of his captors, and made prisoner. A prize crew was put aboard the Glen, who did not take her to Fort Jefferson, aud the Dixie went on her way rejoicing. On Thursday the 25th, the schooner Mary Alice, of New York, from the West Indies, with a cargo of sugar, bound for New York, hove insight. A messenger from "long Tom" explained the meaning of the Stars and Bars, and the Mary Alice was soon a prize. [As our readers know, she was afterward re- captured by the blockaders.] OQ the 27th, two sails were for a short time in sight, but a heavy squall came up, ac- companied by a waterspout, which passed close ahead of the privateer, and when this subsided, the vessels had dis- appeared. On Monday, the 29th, two sails were again de- scried, but the Dixie was unable to come up with them. On the 30th the hermaphrodite brig Robert R. Kirkland, of Baltimore, loaded with salt, consigned to a firm in that city, was spoken. She was, of course, permitted to pass. The captain of the brig, however, was induced to take on board the cook of the Glen, the prisoners on board the 526 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. which it is presumptuous on the part of the chronicler to attempt to penetrate. This imperfect record, therefore, is presented merely as an illustration of the general character of Southern privateering, and not as a precise narrative of the details of its conduct. It would be impossible to describe with minuteness the cruises of the various vessels which have sailed under letters of marque to prey upon Northern commerce. Many successful as well as unsuccessful attempts have been made to elude the vigilance of the Federal blockade ; numerous prizes have been captured and re-captured ; some depreda- Dixie having become more numerous than was desirable. On the evening of the 31st, no less than nine sails were visible. About sundown the Dixie gave chase to one of these vessels, which, from information obtained from one of the prisoners, was believed to be the bark Albertina, armed with two rifled cannon. Two of the guns of the privateer were loaded with grape and canister, and when the stranger was sufficiently near, a shot was fired across her bow, which had the desired effect of bringing her to. She proved to be the bark Rowena, of Philadelphia, from Laguayra, with coffee, for Philadelphia. The Eowena, as well as her coffee, was, of course, duly ' bagged.' But in- asmuch as her crew numbered thirteen, besides four pas- sengers, Captain Moore deemed it prudent to go aboard of her himself as prize-master, taking with him several of the prisoners, and leaving on board the Dixie a crew of four men, under command of Lieutenant L. D. Benton, with the remainder of the prisoners. The privateer being now in latitude 30 38', longitude 76 25', and with the bark Rowena in her wake, was headed west. On the 2d of August she made a strange steamer, but managed to elude her. On Sunday the 4th of August, before daylight, a vessel's light was discovered to the eastward, but the Dixie kept shy of her. Shortly after daybreak, a steamer was plainly seen in the same direction. For a while she gave chase to the Dixie, but Lieutenant Benton finding himself off a well-known and convenient harbor of our coast, now a port of entry, decided to run in without de- lay. The steamer, finding her chase ineffectual, hauled off to the southward. "The subsequent adventures," concludes the writer, ' ' of the gallant little craft are not of a nature to interest our readers. Suffice it to say that she did not again ven- ture far out from shore, but passed through the ' efficient' blockade, and with guns booming and colors flying, yester- tions have been committed with impunity, while others have been signally avenged ; not a few vessels have been robbed, burn- ed, or sunk by the enemy's cruisers, which in other instances have been ar- rested in their destructive career by the activity of our cruisers. In these enter- prises great daring, skill, and ingenuity have been displayed on both sides. The seizure of the steamer St. Nicholas, j line in Chesapeake Bay, was a success- 28. ful exploit on the part of the enemy, ac- complished by means of a clever ruse which was applaudingly narrated by a sympathizing writer* of Baltimore. It day forenoon startled from their gravity the quiet people of this 'nest of rebellion.' " He thus records the " brilliant exploit :" "The St. Nicholas, Captain Jacob Kirwan, left this city on Friday morning last, having on board about forty-five passengers. Among thos who went aboard the boat pre- vious to her departure from this city was a very respectable 'French lady,' who was heavily veiled, and pleading in- disposition, she was immediately shown to her state-room. There were also a party of about twenty-five men dressed in the garb of mechanics, carrying with them carpenters', tinners' , blacksmiths' , and other tools. "The boat left at the usual hour for Point Lookout, and other points on the Potomac River, and everything passed off as usual until the boat arrived at Point Lookout oil Saturday morning last. " When near Point Lookout, the ' French lady' appeared on deck, not in crinoline, but hi the person of a stalwart man, who was immediately surrounded by the party of mechanics above alluded to. Captain Kirwan demanded an explanation, when the ' lady-man' coolly informed him that he designed confiscating the steamer and going on a privateering expedition. Finding himself overpowered, Captain Kirwan was compelled to submit quietly, and the boat was formally handed over to the man and his crew, who took possession, and proceeded to run the steamer to a point known as ' The Cone,' on the Virginia shore. "Upon landing at the 'The Cone,' the steamer was boarded by a body of about 1,000 Virginia troops, when the passengers were all landed and allowed to go on their way unmolested. About 150 of the troops were then placed on board the steamer, Captain Kirwan and fourteen of the crew being retained as prisoners. ' ' Leaving the shore, the steamer was run down as far as the mouth of the Rappahannock River, where the ' new THE "ARTFUL DODGER" CAUGHT. 527 is satisfactory to record that this "artful dodger," variously known as Col. Rich- ard Thomas, Zouave, and the "French lady," was caught in a second attempt. Having returned to Maryland he took passage on board the steamer May Wash- ington, bound to Baltimore, but was de- tected before he was able to carry out his purpose of capturing her. He strove to outface his captors by a protest against the invasion of his rights as a passenger. This failing, he escaped from those who had seized him, and tried to hide himself from further pursuit by taking to a chest of drawers. He was, however, dragged out, and securely held until the arrival of the vessel at Baltimore, when he was thrust into Fort McHenry, and retained as a prisoner.* captain' hailed three large brigs, which were lying off a few miles from Fredericksburgh. The vessels were im- mediately boarded by the privateer, and not having a sufficient force on board to offer any resistance, they were all then quietly delivered over to the party as prizes. The prizes, one of which was laden with coffee, a second with ice, and the third with coal, were run into Fredericks- burgh, Virginia, and delivered into the possession of the Virginians, the steamer being kept at that port, together with her captain and crew. ' ' Captain Norris, the clerk of the St. Nicholas, together with five of the stewards, came passengers on board the Express, having been released at the ' The Cone,' who give the above particulars. ' ' This official report of the cutting out of the schooner Judah, while lying off the Pensacola Navy Yard, records Aug. a " brilliant exploit" of another character, executed 13. by the Federal officers and sailors of our navy. Its dash and success, showing the greatest gallantry and skill on the part of our brave seamen in their true character, are more than a set-off to the impudent ingenuity of the artful captain of the enemy in disguise of the " French lady." " OFF FORT PICKEXS, Sept. 15, 1861. " SIR," wrote Captain Mervine to the Secretary of the Navy, " I have the honor to inform you that a boat ex- pedition was fitted out from this ship on the night of the 13th instant, consisting of the first launch, and first, second, and third cutters, under the commands of Lieu- tenants Rubsell, Sproston, Blake, and Midshipman Steece, One of the most formidable efforts of the enemy on the water, however, o f/ t. was made against the Federal block- Ut ading fleet off New Orleans. This en- respectively assisted by Captain Reynolds of the marines, Assistant-Surgeon Kennedy, Assistant-Engineer White, Gunner Horton, and Midshipmen Forrest and Higginson. The whole force detailed consisted of about 100 men, officers, sailors, and marines. The object of the expedk tion was the destruction of a schooner which lay off the Pensacola Navy Yard, supposed to be fitting out as a pri- vateer, and the spiking of a gun, in battery, at the south- east end of the yard. " The movements of the schooner had been assiduously watched for several days and nights, and I deemed it so morally certain that she was intended for a privateer, that I determine/! the attempt should be made to destroy her, even in face of the fearful odds which would have to be encountered. Lieutenant Russell had charge of the ex- pedition, and, with Lieutenant Blake, was to attack the vessel, while Lieutenant Sproston and Midshipman Steece spiked the guns. 4 ' The attack was made on the morning of the 14th instant at half-past three o'clock. The schooner, named the Judah, was found moored to the wharf, under the protection of a battery and field piece, and to be armed with a pivot and four broadside guns. Her crew were on her, and prepared to receive our forces, pouring in a volley of musketry as the boat neared the vessel. A des- perate resistance was made from the decks of the schooner, but her men were driven off on to the wharf by our boarders, where they rallied and were joined by the guard, and kept up a continued fire upon our men. " In the mean time the vessel was set on fire in several places. That which -finally consumed her was lighted in the cabin by Assistant-Engineer White and a coal-heaver, Patrick Driscoll, who went as a volunteer. She burned to the water's edge, and has since, while burning, been set free from her moorings, and has drifted down opposite Fort Barrancas, where she sunk. " Of the party assigned to the spiking of the gun, only Lieutenant Sproston and Gunner Boreton were able, after considerable search, to find it, the party becoming sepa- rated in the darkness. No opposition was made to their landing. Midshipman Steece, with his command, had gone to the aid of those on the schooner, where he per- formed valuable service. Very fortunately only one man was foimd in charge of the gun, and he immediately levelled his piece at Lieutenant Sproston, but was shot down by Gunner Horton before he could obtain certain aim. Both pieces exploded simultaneously. The gun, which was found to be a 10-inch columbiad, was immedi- ately spiked, and, bringing off its tompion, these two officers returned to their boat. 14 The work proposed having thus been well and thor- 528 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. terprise, although undertaken by what was properly termed by the Confede- rates a portion of their regular navy, under the command of one of their com- oughly done in the short space of fifteen minutes, and the whole force of the enemy in the yard reported hy de- serters as over 1,000 strong being aroused, our boats pulled away, and rallying at a short distance from the shore, fired six charges of canister from their howitzers into the yard, with what result it is impossible to say. Three of the enemy are known to have been killed, and our officers are confident the number is much larger. The boats then returned to the ship, arriving there about daylight. "But, sir, I am grieved to report that this brilliant affair was not unattended by loss on our side. I have to report as killed by shots from the cross-trees of the schooner, while the boats were approaching, boatswain's mate Charles H. Lamphere, and John R. Herring, seaman and captain of the howitzer, two of the best men in our ship, and marine John Smith the first 'man to board the schooner, and who behaved most gallantly who was, by a sad mistake, having lost his distinguishing mark, killed by one of our own men. We have wounded, probably mortally, seamen R. Clark and E. K. Osborn ; severely, nine other seamen. Captain Reynolds received a severe contusion on his shoulder, and Midshipman Hig- ginson had the end of his thumb shot off. Lieutenants Russell and Blake had narrow escapes, the flesh of each being grazed by one or more musket-balls. "It is not an easy task to select individual instances of daring or bravery where all behaved so gallantly. The officers unite in giving great credit to the coolness and bravery with which they were supported by the men, and the latter have learned to look with new pride and confi- dence on the former. The marines, especially, seem to have sustained the reputation borne by their branch of the service, as they receive encomiums from all sides. Assistant-Surgeon Kennedy rendered valuable assistance in the care of the wounded. Assistant-Engineer White brought down from the cross-trees of the schooner a man who had been seen to fire upon the boats, killing him instantly. I inclose, herewith, a complete list of all en- gaged in the affair, with the names of the killed and wounded in each boat. I have the honor to be, very re- spectfully, your obedient servant, " WILLIAM MERVINE, " Flag Officer Commanding Gulf Blockade Squadron. " P. S. By a strange inadvertency, my mind being so much engrossed with the expedition itself, I omitted to give credit to Captain Bailey, of this ship, for maturing the plan and taking charge of fitting out the expedition to the minutest detail. It is to his though tfulness that a great portion of its success must be ascribed. W. M." modores, was conducted with all the mystery and artifice of the more irreg- ular of their nautical proceedings. The enemy had extemporized a flo- tilla consisting of a steam-tug or " ram," the Manassas, mounted with one sixty- four pounder Dahlgren ; the steamer Calhoun, with one twenty-four pounder Dahlgren ; the steamer Ivy, with an eight- inch thirty-two pounder, rifled ; the steamer Jackson, with two eight-inch columbiads ; the steamer McRea, with a sixty-four pounder on a pivot, four eight- inch columbiads, and a twenty-four pounder, rifled ; and the cutter Pickens, with an eight-inch columbiad and four twenty- four-pound carronades. The Ma- nassas had been convertedfrom the steam- tug Enoch Train into a " ram/' of peculiar construction. She was double planked all over with wood of six feet in thick- ness. Her bow extended to a length of nine feet, made of the thickest and strongest oak timber. This, together with the whole surface of the vessel, was covered with iron plates, two inches thick. Her hull rose only two feet and a quarter above the water, and her deck was covered in with a slanting roof of heavy wood covered with iron plates. From her bow, below the water-mark, projected an iron borer, as thick as a man's arm, intended to pierce and sink any vessel she might oppose. Her low- ness in the water rendered her but little exposed to shot, while her iron-mail was said to be impenetrable to the heaviest cannon-ball. Captain Hollins, whose fame had hith- erto rested upon his exploit at San Juan, EXPLOIT OF HOLLINS. 529 where he had burnt to ashes an unre- sisting town, was the commodore of this flotilla. The United States fleet, which he now sailed out to attack, was composed of the Richmond, 14 guns, the Vincennes, 21 guns, the Preble, 16 guns, and the small steamers Water Witch and Night- ingale, of one gun each. Choosing a dark night, Captain Hollins sailed from Fort Jackson with his for- midable steam ram, his flotilla, and a number of fire-rafts. The enemy gave this account of the expedition : ' ' On Friday night last our fleet started from Fort Jackson, the Manassas leading the way. The night was intensely dark, and the Manassas ran into a vessel, strik- ing her near the bow and cutting into her upward of twenty feet. Appalling shrieks were heard aboard the doomed ship ; signal rockets were fired ; the enemy beat to quarters, and a perfect iron hail fell upon and around the Ma- nassas, during which her machinery be- came deranged. The Tuscarora and the Watson came up with five barges which had been cut loose and set adrift on the stream. " When the morning came, our fleet commenced to pursue the retreating enemy, and a heavy cannonading began, which lasted till eight o'clock. Several shots struck the Richmond. The shots from the Yankees were badly aimed, as they did not touch one of our vessels. When the firing ended, the fleet returned to the city, with the prize schooner Joseph H. Toone, loaded with coal, and which had been deserted during the 67 night. A large quantity of lumber, which had been intended for the con- struction of a fortification at the head of the Passes, was burned. The prizes cap- tured were the Joseph H. Toone, and a launch belonging to the Federal steamer Richmond, which latter was laden with cutlasses. The vessel sunk was not the Preble, but the Yincennes. Three ves- sels of our expedition arrived on Satur- day night." Commodore Hollins exulted over his pretended victory in this dispatch : "FORT JACKSON, October 12, 1861. " Last night I attacked the blockaders with my little fleet. I succeeded, after a very short struggle, in driving them all aground on the Southwest Pass bar, except the Preble, which I sunk. I captured a prize from them, and after they were fast in the sand I peppered them well. There were no casualties on our side. It was a complete success. " HOLLINS."* Hollins' statements, however, are positively contra- dicted in this official report of Captain Pope to the flag officer of the United States fleet : " UNITED STATES STEAMER RICHMOND, SOUTHWEST PASS ) OF MISSISSPPI RIVER, Oct. 13, 1861. f " SIR : I have the honor to make the following report : At 3.45A.M., October 12, 1861, while the watch on deck were employed in taking coal on board from the schooner Joseph H. Toone, a ram was discovered in close proximity to this ship. By the time the alarm could be given, she had struck the ship abreast of the port fore channels, tear- ing the schooner from her fastenings and forcing a hole through the ship's side. Passing aft, the ram endeavored to effect a breach in the stern, but failed. Three planks in the ship's side were stove in about two feet below the water-line, making a hole about five inches in circumfer- ence. At the first alarm, the crew promptly and coolly repaired to their quarters, and as the ram passed abreast of the ship, the entire port battery was discharged at her, with what effect it is impossible to discover, owing to the dark- ness. A red light was shown as a signal of danger, and the squadron was under way in a very few minutes, having 530 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. The insurgents have dwelt with great complacency upon the success with which various vessels have eluded the Federal blockade. They boast of the voyage of the steamer Bermuda, which sailed from Europe to Charleston with army supplies slipped their cables. I ordered the Prehle and Vincennes to proceed down the Southwest Pass, while I covered their retreat, which they did at about 4.50 A.M. At this time, three large fire-rafts, stretching across the river, were rap- idly nearing us, while several larger steamers and a bark- rigged propeller were seen astern of them. " The squadron proceeded down the river in the follow- ing order : 1st, the Preble ; 2d, the Vincennes ; 3d, the Richmond ; 4th, the Water Witch with the prize schooner Frolic in tow. When abreast of the pilot settlement, the pilot informed me that he did not consider it safe to ven- ture to turn this ship in the river, but that he believed he could pass over the bar. I accordingly attempted to pass over the bar with the squadron, but in the passage the Vincennes and Richmond grounded, while the Preble went over clear. This occurred about eight o'clock, and the enemy, who were now down the river with the fire steam- ers, commenced firing at us, while we returned the fire from our port battery and rifled gun on the poop, our shot, however, falling short of the enemy, while their shell burst on all sides of us, and several passed directly over the ship. " At 9.30, Commander Handy, of the Vincennes, mistak- ing my signal to the ships outside the bar, to get under way, for a signal for him to abandon his ship, came on board the Richmond with all his officers and a large num- ber of his crew, the remainder having gone on board the Water Witch. Captain Handy, before leaving his ship, had placed a lighted slow-match at the magazine. Having waited a reasonable time for an explosion, I directed Com- mander Handy to return to his ship, with his crew, to start his water, and, if necessary, at his own request, to throw overboard his small guns, for the purpose of lightening his ship, and to carry out his kedge with a cable to heave and returned with a cargo of cotton ; of the escape of the Nashville and her arrival in England, after having burnt the Harvey Birch in the English Channel, and of the hitherto fortunate ventures of the Fingal, Isabel, Theodora, and others. off by. At ten A.M. the enemy ceased firing, and with- drew up the river. During the engagement a shell entered our quarter port, and one of the boats was stove by another shell. " I have this morning succeeded in getting this ship over the bar. The McClellan and South Carolina are using all exertions to get the Vincennes off. The Nightingale is hard and fast ashore to the end of the bar. I have suc- ceeded in reducing the leak of this ship so that our small engines keep the ship free. This is only temporary, and the ship will have to go to some place and have three planks put in. I have received rifle guns and placed the thirty-two-pounder on the forecastle, and the twelve- pounder on the poop. Could I have possibly managed this ship in any other way than keeping her head up and down the river, I would have stopped at' Pilot Town to give battle, but this was found too hazardous, owing to her ex- treme length. The attempt was made, but a broadside could not be brought to bear without running the ship ashore. I then concluded, as advised, to start for the bar, and trust to finding water enough to cross. " In narrating the affair of the river, I omitted to state that the ram sunk one of our large cutters, and a shot from the enemy stove the gig. I am pleased to say that the Vincennes is afloat, and at anchor outside on my star- board quarter. Assistant-Surgeon Robinson, from the Vin- cennes, is ordered to temporary duty on board this ship. Assistant- Surgeon Howell, condemned by survey, will re- turn in the McClellan. The master of the Nightingale will deliver fifty tons of coal to the McClellan. This, together with what I will take out, will, I trust, lighten her so that we can haul her off. " Very respectfully, JOHN POPE, Captain. "To Flag Officer WM. A. McKEAN." EXPEDITION TO HATTERAS. 531 CHAPTER L. Naval Resources of the United States. Navy and Commercial Marine. Tardy action of Government. Action at last. Naval Expeditions. Blockade. Expedition to Hatteras. Rendezvous at Fortress Monroe. The Fleet. How composed. The Troops. How composed. The Commanders. in-chief. Life and Naval Career of Commodore Stringham. Secrecy of the Object of the Expedition. How disclosed. The Object explained. The Coast of North Carolina described. Inlets and Sounds. Hatteras Inlet. Enemy's Fortifications. Forts Hatteras and Clark. Ar- rival of the Fleet off Hatteras. Place for disembarkation selected. The Landing of Troops. Difficulties and Dis- asters. The Troops Landed. Their embarrassment. Position of the war vessels. The Monticello aground. Fire from the Enemy. Response from the Monticello. Fort Clark abandoned by the Enemy. Movement of the Troops on land. Sufferings. Renewed action of the war vessels. Great effect of Bombardment. A successful shot. The day settled. The White Flag raised. Negotiations for surrender. Disagreement. Terms agreed to. Sur- render of the Enemy. General Butler's Official Dispatch. Official Reports of the Enemy. Commodore Barren's account of the fight, and his surrender. 1861. THE Federal Government, with a well- organized navy at its command and the enormous commercial marine of the North at its service, possessed a powerful means of carrying on the war, which the insurgent slave States, with their meagre naval resources, had great reason to dread ; but, with its ships of war designedly scattered, as it was ' sus- pected, over the seas of the world, by an administration under the control of men conspiring to dissolve the Union, and suddenly confronted with an enemy whose hostility and power our statesmen persistently continued to underrate, was slow in deriving advantage from, its su- periority on the sea. Aroused at last to the necessity of exercising its full power in a war the formidable character of which could no longer be concealed, the Government brought to bear the power- ful means of offence offered by its navy and the commercial marine. The men- of-war were recalled from remote foreign stations and employed in the blockade of the extensive coast of the insurgent slave States ; merchant craft, sailing vessels, and steamers of all kinds were chartered and purchased, and fleets of gun-boats rapidly constructed. It was thus that the Federal Govern- ment was enabled, in addition to giving efficiency to the blockade, to commence a series of expeditions to the Southern coast. The first was that to Hatteras, off North Carolina, which will now be described. Fortress Monroe having been made the rendezvous for the various ves- \ U g t sels, the expedition sailed thence 26. on the 26th of August. It was com- posed of two steam frigates, the Min- nesota, Captain G. A. Van Brunt the flag-ship of Commodore Stringham, who was the naval chief in command and the Wabash, Captain Mercer ; three gun-boats, the Pawnee, Captain Rowan, the Monticello, Commander Gillis, and 532 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. the Harriet Lane, Captain Faunce ; and two transports, the Adelaide and the George Peabody. To these were added several old hulks, to be filled with stones and sunk in the channels, and a number of surf and flat boats for landing the troops. The steam frigate Susquehannah subsequently joined the fleet. The troops, which for the most part embarked on the transports, were composed of 500 men of the Twentieth Regiment of New York Volunteers. Colonel Max Weber ; 220 of the Ninth Regiment of New York Volunteers, Colonel Hawkins ; 100 of the Union Coast Guard, Captain Nixon, and one company of the United States Artil- lery, Lieutenant Lamed, making in all about 900 soldiers. To General Butler had been intrusted the military and to Commodore Stringham the naval com- mand of the expedition. Of the former, the readers of this history have been duly informed ; of the latter, a veteran naval commander, there is an honorable rec- ord of service which it is proper now to exhibit. Silas H. Stringham was born at New- burg, in the State of New York, in the year 1796. His first naval service was as a midshipman on board the frigate President, Commodore Rodgers, in 1809. In 1830 he commanded the Falmouth, on the West Indian station. From 1835 to 1837 he held a command in the Mediterranean ; at its close he was or- dered to the Porpoise and sent in search of a pirate then cruising on our coast. In 1842 he commanded the Independ- ence, attached to the home squadron, and in 1847 he took command of the Ohio, dispatched on special service to Brazil. He was subsequently placed in command at the Brooklyn Navy Yard, where he remained until the Mexican war, when he again took charge of the Ohio, and led the squadron in the suc- cessful bombardment of Vera Cruz and the capture of the Castle San Juan d'Ulloa. In 1852 he sailed in command of the Mediterranean squadron, and on his return in 1855 was appointed com- mandant of the navy yard at Charles- town, in Massachusetts. At the com- mencement of the war he was ordered to the chief command of the naval force blockading the coast of the hostile States. It was while on this service that he was called to conduct the first naval expedi- tion. Though studious efforts had been made to conceal the place of attack, the public at the North, and more especially the enemy at the South, had discovered it. The object of the expedition was to take possession of Hatteras and the other inlets on the coast of North Carolina, which the enemy had defended by vari- ous fortifications. These inlets are pas- sages from the Atlantic Ocean to the sounds or lagoons shut in from the sea by those long stretches of sand beaches peculiar to the coast of North Carolina. The command of these sounds, of which the principal are Pamlico and Albe- marle, was of eminent advantage to the enemy, as they afforded not only means of ready exit and entrance through the inlets to privateers and vessels desirous of eluding the Federal cruisers, 'but an interior communication by the Dismal LANDING AT HATTERAS. 533 Swamp Canal with the Chesapeake. To secure the possession of these inlets, the principal ones had be^n protected by fortifications. Old Topsail Inlet, leading to Beaufort (N. C.), was defended by a granite fort, strongly built and mounted with forty guns. This was originally constructed at the expense of the Federal Government, but was seized by the in- surgents of Carolina. Ocracoke Inlet, farther north, was also defended by a work built by the United States, termed Fort Morgan. Hatteras Inlet, some forty miles still farther north, near the cape whence it derives its name, had been but recently formed by the action of the sea on these ever-shifting sand beaches. This new channel, connecting the ocean with Pamlico Sound, and allowing the passage of vessels drawing fifteen feet of water, was much used by the enemy in their restricted commerce, and they had made great efforts to secure it. They had here constructed two forts, called Hatteras and Clark. The chief object of the naval expedition was to de- stroy or gain possession of them, and thus wrest the command of Hatteras In- let from the enemy. ' On the evening of the 27th of August, the fleet, with the exception of the Sus- quehannah, arrived off Hatteras, and the object of the expedition was officially an- nounced to those engaged in it. Con- tinuing to close in with the land, on the next morning all the vessels, with the ex- ception of the Susquehannah, which did not arrive until later in the day. were in position to prepare for landing the troops. The place selected for the dis- embarkation was about three miles from Hatteras Inlet. The two hulks which had been towed from Fortress Monroe for the purpose, were now filled with troops, and the iron surf-boats and others began to convey them to the shore. In the mean time, the guns of the men-of-war were so directed as to cover their land- ing. The breakers were high and beat- ing powerfully, so that the iron boats conveying the first two companies of soldiers were nearly capsized and thrown violently upon the beach, with the surf pouring in torrents ever their sterns. The men were forced to leap out of the boats and wade breast-deep to the land. A boat from the Pawnee had been more successful and had succeeded on her first trip in landing her load of men high and dry, but on the second she cap- sized, turning every man into the water, but no one, fortunately, was drowned. The iron surf-boats it was found im- practicable further to use, and every other boat which attempted to land was either upset or crushed by the breakers upon the shore. After, therefore, land- ing about 300 men, no other attempt was made on the first day to disembark the troops. Those landed consisted of two companies of the Twentieth New York Regiment, with Colonel Weber and Lieutenant-Colonel Harris ; a com- pany of the Ninth New York, Captain Jardine ; a company of regular artillery, Captain Larned ; a detachment of ma- rines from the men-of-war, commanded by Majors Doughty and Shuttle worth, some sailors from the Pawnee, under Lieutenants Crosby and Blue, and two THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. surgeons, Drs. King and Jones. This small force was provided with only two rifled howitzers, one of which had been disabled by the loss of a wheel in the course of the difficult landing. Much of the ammunition, moreover, had been damaged by the water, and no supply of provisions had been yet brought off from the ships. The troops were, how- ever, formed into line, and organized as well as circumstances would allow, but, owing to their isolation, their small num- bers, and their pitiable condition from the drenching in sea water to which they had been exposed, and their want of necessaries, were greatly embarrassed how to act. In the mean time, the war vessels had taken up their position in front of the forts, and the Wabash, taking the lead, had opened fire upon Fort Clark. The naval cannonade was very heavy, and though the enemy's batteries responded at first with great spirit, they gradually relaxed their fire, and finally ceased altogether at about two o'clock in the afternoon. At this time, the Monticello, having a comparatively small draft of water, closed in with the shore and moved toward the entrance to the inlet, within fire of the other work of the enemy, Fort Hatteras. While in this position she got aground, and the Con- federates opened a heavy fire upon her. The Monticello, however, responded with great spirit, and after firing fifty-five shells in fifty minutes, nearly silenced the fort. At the close, she fortunately suc- ceeded in floating again, and moved out of range, but not until she had received seven eight-inch shot in her hull, though without serious damage to the ship or the loss of a single man. In the mean time, the troops on shore having discovered, by means of their scouts, that Fort Clark had been aban- doned, proceeded to take possession of it and hoist upon the ramparts the United States flag ; but the ships of war not recognizing their own standard, again directed a heavy fire upon the fort, so that our men were obliged to evacuate it. "In mistake," says a suffering cam- paigner, ' ' the fire was thus kept up on our forces until they were compelled to retreat and leave there the stores, in the quartermaster's department, which they had found, and which they now so much needed, for they had become exhausted in their exertions to land the forces, and had then marched to the fort in wet clothes and without anything to eat since five A.M., and it was now about five P.M., and it became necessary to fall back to the landing. In doing so they captured some negroes who had been acting as cooks for the forces there, and other prisoners in arms. From these it was found that their forces were greater than ours, and that they were expecting re- inforcements. No alternative was. left but to be resigned to whatever fate was in store, and all tried to be as cheerful as possible. Some sheep and geese were found and ' acquired' (to use a secession phrase) by our troops,, and dispatched very unceremoniously. Camp fires were then built, and our prey was roasted (or rather burned) on the bayonets and cut- BOMBARDMENT. 535 lasses, and on this the troops made their supper and breakfast. The manner in which it was served did not make it particularly inviting, but yet it was evi- dently very much relished in the ab- sence of everything else. Night was now upon us, and bade fair to be stormy. Every now and again a little rain would fall and dampen our clothes, which had not become dry from the experience of the morning. Our pickets were posted around in different positions to prevent a surprise, and we bivouacked on the beach. It was an anxious night to all. While we were lying on the beach, dis- coursing the comfort that it would afford us to be taken prisoners and marched to Richmond, they were getting reinforce- ments into Fort Hatteras and were ar- ranging to attack us, which would have resulted in our capture, for they out- numbered us, and they were on their own ground, and better organized than we were. Fortunately their pickets re- ported that we were moving forward in large numbers to attack them, and they waited until morning for our approach. We, however, were quite willing to re- main in safety where we were, and when morning dawned we saw the vessels coming in again from sea, whither the high winds compelled them to retreat for the night, and we took up our march for Fort Clark, and at the same time the vessels advanced and opened such a hail- storm of shells as caused us to halt out- side of Fort Clark, as it was necessary for our vessels to fire over that fort to reach Fort Hatteras. During the firing the troops took a position about half a mile from Fort Clark, and planted the rifled howitzer so as to command some steamers which were lying off Fort Hat- teras, in the bay, either to land more troops or remove those in the fort, if they could no longer hold it. Happily for us they were'within the range of our gun, and we compelled them to retire beyond their position and remain there, and thus we prevented any communica- tion with the fort except by signals. While holding that position, the Pawnee by accident opened fire, and her shells fell so near the troops as to compel them to retire from their position and remain between the two fires until the white flag was hoisted on Fort Hatteras, when the troops advanced toward the fort and all firing ceased." The men-of-war had, in the early morning, begun the bombardment, \ U g t whose effective service was relieving 29, the suffering campaigners on shore from their anxiety. The Susquehannah had opened the fire with an eleven-inch shell, which was immediately followed by de- structive broadsides from the Minnesota and the Wabash, almost every shell fall- ing and bursting within the work. About two hours subsequently the Harriet Lane and the Cumberland joined in, and greatly added to the severity of the fire. The enemy continued to resist pertina- ciously until an eleven-inch shell, having made its way through a ventilator, ex- ploded within the bomb-proof, in the middle of the battery, where the garrison had sought refuge from the shower of shot which our ships continued to pour upon them. This last shot settled the day, for 536 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. it struck within their only cover and burst near the magazine. The enemy now gave up all hope and raised upon the ramparts the white flag of truce. The fleet now ceased to fire, and General Butler, landing at the fort, demanded an unconditional surrender. To this Commodore Barron, who had commanded in the forts, objected, and proposed that the officers be allowed to march out with their side-arms, and that the men be permitted, after laying down their arms, to return to their homes. Butler, refusing these demands, insisted upon a surrender to which he was will- ing to grant only one condition, that the officers and men should be treated as prisoners of war. Barron no longer hesitated to comply, and articles of ca- pitulation were drawn up on board the Minnesota, and signed by Commodore Stringham and General Butler on the part of the United States, and on that of the Confederates by Commodore Barron, Colonel Martin, and Major Andrews. The official reports contain the most authentic and detailed narrative of the affair. Here is that of General Butler : " UNITED STATES FLAG-SHIP MINNESOTA, \ August 30, 1861. j " MAJOK-GENEKAL J. E. WOOL, COMMANDING DEPARTMENT OF VIEGINIA : " GENERAL: Agreeably to your orders, 1 embarked on the transport steamers Adelaide and George Peabody 500 of the Twelfth Regiment New York Vol- unteers, Colonel Weber commanding ; 220 of the Ninth Regiment New York Volunteers, Colonel Hawkins command- ing; 100 of the Union Coast Guard, Captain Nixon commanding ; 60 of the Second United States Artillery, Lieu- tenant Larned commanding, as a force to operate in conjunction with the fleet, under command of Flag Officer String- ham, against the rebel forts at Hatteras Inlet. "We left Fortress Monroe on Monday, at one o'clock p. M. The last ship of our fleet arrived off Hatteras Inlet about four o'clock Tuesday afternoon. Such preparations as were possible for the landing were made in the evening, and at daylight next morning dispositions were made for an attack upon the forts by the fleet and for the landing of the troops. Owing to the previous prevalence of southwest gales, a heavy surf was break- ing on the beach. Every effort was made to land the troops, and after about 315 were landed, including 55 marines from the fleet and the regulars, both the iron boats upon which we depended were swamped in the surf, and both flat boats stove, and a brave attempt made by Lieutenant Crosby, of the United States Army (serving with the army as port captain at Fortress Monroe), who had volunteered to come down with the steam-tug Fanny, belonging to the army, to land in a boat from the war-steamer Pawnee, resulted ^in the beaching of the boat, so that she could not be got off. It was impracticable to land more troops because of the rising wind and sea. Fortunately, a twelve-pound rifled boat gun, loaned us by the flag-ship, and a twelve-pound howitzer were landed, the last slightly damaged. Our landing was BUTLER'S REPORT. 537 completely covered by the shells of the Monticello and the Harriet Lane. I was on board the Harriet Lane, directing the disembarkation of the troops, by means of signals, and was about landing with them at the time the boats were stove. We were induced to desist from further attempts at landing troops by the rising of the wind, and because, in the mean time, the fleet had opened fire upon the nearest fort, which was finally silenced, and its flag struck. No firing had opened upon our troops from the other fort, and its flag was also struck. Sup- posing this to be a signal of surrender, Colonel Weber advanced his troops, al- ready landed, upon the beach. The Harriet Lane, Captain Faunce, by my direction, tried to cross the bar to get in the smooth water of the inlet, when fire was opened upon the Monticello (which had proceeded in advance of us) from the other fort. Several shots struck her, but without causing any casualties, as I am informed. So well convinced were the officers of both navy and army that the forts had surrendered at this time, that the Susquehannah had towed the frigate Cumberland to an offing. The fire was then reopened as there was no signal from either upon both forts. In the mean time, a few men from the Coast Guard had advanced up the beach, with Mr. Wiegel (who was acting as volunteer aid, and whose gallantry and services I wish to commend), and took possession of the smaller fort, which was found to have been abandoned by the enemy, and raised the American flag thereon. It had become necessary, owing to the 68 threatening appearance of the weather, that all the ships should make an offing, which was done with reluctance, from necessity, thus leaving the troops upon shore a part in possession of the small fort (about seven hundred yards from the larger one), and the rest bivouacked upon the beach, near the place of land- ing, about two miles north of the forts. Early the next morning the Harriet Lane ran in shore for the purpose of covering any attack upon the troops. At the same time a large steamer- was observed coming down the Sound, inside the land, with reinforcements for the enemy, but she was prevented from landing by Captain Johnson, of the Coast Guard, who had placed the two guns from the ship and a six-pounder captured from the enemy in a small sand battery, and opened fire upon the rebel steamer. "At eight o'clock the fleet opened fire again, the flag-ship being anchored as near as the water allowed, and the other ships coming gallantly into action. It was evident, after a few experiments, that our shots fell short. An increased length of fuse was telegraphed, and firing commenced with shells of fifteen seconds fuse. I had sent Mr. Fiske, acting aide-de-camp, on shore, for the purpose of gaining intelligence of the movements of the troops and of the enemy. I then went with the Fanny, for the purpose of effecting a landing of the remainder of the troops, when a white flag was run up from the fort. I then went with the Fanny over the bar into the inlet. At the same time the troops, under Colonel Weber, marched 538 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. up the beach, and signal was made from the flag-ship to cease firing. As the Fanny rounded in over the bar, the rebel steamer Winslow went up the channel, having a large number of seces- sion troops on board, which she had not landed. We threw a shot at her from the Fanny, but she proved to be out of range. I then sent Lieutenant - Crosby on shore to demand the meaning of the white flag. The boat soon re- turned, bringing Mr. Wiegel, with the following written communication from Samuel Barron, late captain in the United States Navy : " MEMORANDUM. " FOET HATTEKAS, August 29, 1861. " Flag Officer Samuel Barron, Confed- erate States Navy, offers to surrender Fort Hatteras, with all the arms and munitions of war. The officers allowed to go out with side-arms, and the men without arms to retire. " S. BARRON, " Commanding Naval Defence, Virginia and North Carolina." " And also a verbal communication stating that he had in the fort 615 men, and 1,000 more within an hour's call, but that he was anxious to spare the effusion of blood. To both the written and verbal communications I made the reply which follows, and sent it by Lieu- tenant Crosby : " MEMORANDUM. "Benjamin F. Butler, Major-General United States Army, commanding, in re- ply to the communication of Samuel Barron, commanding forces at Fort Hat- teras, cannot admit the terms proposed. The terms proposed are these : full ca- pitulation, the officers and men to be treated as prisoners of war. No other terms admissible. "Commanding officers to meet on board flag-ship Minnesota to arrange details. "August 29, 1861." " After waiting three quarters of an hour Lieutenant Crosby returned, bring- ing with him Captain Barron, Major Andrews, and Colonel Martin, of the rebel forces, who, on being received aboard the tug Fanny, informed me that they had accepted the terms proposed in my memorandum, and had come to sur- render themselves and their command as prisoners of war. I informed them that, as the expedition was a combined one from the army and navy, the surrender must be made on board the flag-ship to Flag Officer Stringham, as well as to myself. We went on board the Minne- sota for that purpose. On arriving there the following articles of capitulation were signed, which I hope will meet your approval : " OFF HATTERAS INLET, UNITED STATES \ FLAG-SHIP MINNESOTA, Aug. 29, A.D. 1861. f "Articles of capitulation between Flag Officer Stringham, commanding the Atlantic Blockading Squadron, and Ben- jamin F. Butler, United States Army, commanding on behalf of the Govern- ment, and Samuel Barron, commanding the naval forces for the defence of North Carolina and Virginia, and Colonel Mar- tin, commanding the forces, and Major Andrews, commanding the same forces at Fort Hatteras. CAPITULATION OF FORT HATTERAS. 589 " It is stipulated and agreed between the contracting parties, that the forces under command of the said Barron, Mar- tin, and Andrews, and all munitions of war, arms, men, and property, under the command of said Barron, Martin, and Andrews, be unconditionally surrender- ed to the Government of the United States in terms of full capitulation. " And it is stipulated and agreed by the contracting parties on the part of the United States Government, that the officers and men shall receive the treat- ment due to prisoners of war. " In witness whereof, we, the said Stringham and Butler, on behalf of the United States, and the said Barron, Mar- tin, and Andrews, representing the forces at Hatteras Inlet, hereunto interchange- ably set our hands, this 29th day of Au- gust, A.D. 1861, and of the Independence of the United States the eighty-fifth year. " S. H. STRINGHAM, Flag Officer Atlantic Blockading Squadron. " BENJ. F. BUTLER, Major- General United States 'Army Commanding. " S. BARRON, Flag Officer, Confederate States Navy, Commanding naval forces Virginia and North Carolina. " WM. F. MARTIN, Colonel Seventh Light Infantry, North Carolina Volunteers. " W. L. G. ANDREWS, Major Command- ing Forts Hatteras and Clark. "I then landed, and took a formal surrender of the forts, with all the men and munitions of war, inspected the troops, to see that the arms, had been properly surrendered, marched them out, and embarked them on board the Ade- laide, and marched my troops into the fort, and raised our flag upon it, amid the cheers of our men and a salute of thirteen guns, which had been shotted by the enemy. The embarkation of the wounded, which was conducted with great care and tenderness from a tempo- rary wharf erected for the purpose, took so long that night came on, and so dark that it was impossible for the pilots to take the Adelaide over the bar, thereby causing delay. I may mention in this connection that the Adelaide, in carrying in the troops, at the moment that my terms of capitulation were under consid- eration by the enemy, had grounded upon the bar, but by the active and judicious exertions of Commander Stell- wagen, after some delay was got off. At the same time, the Harriet Lane, in at- tempting to enter the bar, had grounded, and remained fast ; both were under the guns of the fort. This, to me, was a moment of the greatest anxiety. By these accidents, a valuable ship of war and a transport steamer, with a large portion of my troops, were within the power of the enemy. I had demanded the strongest terms, which he was con- sidering. He might refuse, and, seeing our disadvantage, renew the action. But I determined to abate not a tittle of what I believed to be due to the dignity of the Government ; not even to give an official title to the officer in command of the rebels. Besides, my tug was in the inlet, and at least I could carry on the engage- ment with two rifled six-pounders well supplied with Sawyer's shells. " Upon taking possession of Fort Hat- teras I found that it had mounted ten 540 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. guns, with four yet unmounted and one large ten-inch columbiad, all ready for mounting. I append the official muster roll of Colonel Martin, furnished by him, of the officers and men captured by us. " The position of the fort is an exceed- ingly strong one, nearly surrounded on all sides by water, and only to be ap- proached by a march of 500 yards cir- cuitously over a long neck of sand, within half-musket range, and over a causeway a few feet only in width, and which was commanded by two thirty-two pound guns, loaded with grape and canister, which were expended in our salute. It had a well-protected magazine and bomb- proof, capable of sheltering some 300 or 400 men. The parapet was nearly of octagon form, inclosing about two-thirds of an acre of ground, well covered, with sufficient traverses, and ramparts, and parapets, upon which our shells had made but little impression. "The larger work, nearest this inlet, was known as Fort Hatteras. Fort Clark, which was about 700 yards northerly, is a square redoubt, mounting five guns and two six-pounders. The enemy had spiked these guns, but in a very inefficient man- ner, upon abandoning the fort the day before. I had all the troops on shore at the time of the surrender of the forts, but re-embarked the regulars and the marines. Finding it impossible, without a delay of the fleet which could not be justified under the state of facts at Fort- ress Monroe, and owing to the threaten- ing appearance of the weather, I disem- barked the provisions, making, with the provisions captured, about five days' ra- tions for the use of the troops. "On consultation with Flag Officer Stringham and Commander Stellwagen, I determined to leave the troops and hold the fort, because of the strength of the fortifications and its importance, and because, if again in the possession of the enemy, with a sufficient armament, the very great difficulty of its capture, until I could get some further instructions from the Government. Commodore Stringham directed the steamers Mon- ticello and Pawnee to remain- inside, and these with the men in the forts are suf- ficient to hold the position against any force which is likely, or indeed possible, to be sent against it. The importance of the point cannot be overrated. When the channel is buoyed out, any vessel may carry fifteen feet water over it with ease. Once inside, there is a safe harbor and anchorage in all weathers. From there the whole coast of Virginia and North Carolina, from Norfolk to Cape Lookout, is within our reach, by light draft vessels, which cannot possibly live at sea during the winter months. From it offensive operations may be made upon the whole coast of North Carolina to Bogue Inlet, extending many miles inland to Washington, Newbern, and Beaufort. In the language of the chief engineer of the rebels, Colonel Thompson, in an official report, ' It is the key to the Albemarle.' In my judgment, it is a station second in im- portance only to Fortress Monroe on this coast. As a depot for coaling and supplies for the blockading squadron, it UNIVERSAL GOOD CONDUCT. 541 is invaluable. As a harbor for our coast- ing trade, or inlet from the winter storm, or from pirates, it is of the first import- ance. By holding it, Hatteras light may again send forth its cheering ray to the storm-beaten mariner, of which the worse than vandalism of the rebels deprives him. . It has but one drawback a want of good water but a condenser, like the one now in operation at Fortress Monroe, at a cost of a few hundred dollars, will obviate that difficulty. * * * " While all have done well, I desire to speak in terms of especial commenda- tion, in addition to those before men- tioned, of the steadiness and cool courage of Colonel Max Weber, whom we were obliged to leave in command of a de- tachment of 300 men on a strange coast, without camp equipage or possibility of aid, in the face of an enemy 600 strong, on a dark and stormy night; of Lieu- tenant-Colonel Weiss, who conducted a reconnoissance of 20 men; of the dar- ing and prompt efficiency of Captain Nixon, of the Coast Guards, who, with his men, occupied Fort Clark during the first night, although dismantled, in the face of an enemy of unknown numbers. I desire to commend to your attention Captain Jardine, of the New York Ninth, who was left in command of the de- tachment of his regiment when the un- fortunate casualty to the Harriet Lane prevented Colonel Hawkins from land- ing. Permit me to speak of the effi- ciency of the regulars under Lieutenant Larned, who worked zealously in aiding to land their comrades of the volunteers, overwhelmed with the rolling surf. I desire especially to make acknowledg- ments to Messrs. Wiegel and Durivage, volunteer aids, who planted the American flag upon Fort Clark, on the second morning, to indicate to the fleet its sur- render, and to prevent the further wast- ing of shells upon it a service of great danger from the fire of their own friends. I make honorable mention of young Fiske, who risked his life among the breakers, being thrown on shore, to carry my orders to the troops landed, and to apprise them of the movements and intentions of the fleet ; also, my thanks for the valuable aid of Captain Haggerty, who was employed in visiting the prizes in the harbor while we were agreeing upon the terms of capitulation. Of the service to the country of the gen- tlemen of the navy proper, I may not speak, for one ought not to praise when he has no right to censure, and they will be appropriately mentioned, I doubt not, by the commander, who is capable of appreciating their good conduct. But I am emboldened to ask permission, if the Department shall determine to occupy the point as a permanent post, that its name be changed, by general order, from Fort Hatteras to Fort Stringham. But of those gentlemen who served under my immediate command, I may make honorable mention, as I have be- fore done, of the zealous, intrepid, and untiring action of Lieutenant Crosby, who took an armed canal-boat (the steam-tug Fanny, from Fortress Monroe) to Hatteras Inlet, in order that the ex- pedition might have the aid of a steamer of the lightest draft. Captain Shuttle- 54:2 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. worth, of the marine corps, deserves well for his loyalty and efficiency in his active detachment of marines. Much of the success of the expedition is due to the preparation of the transport ser- vice by Commander Stellwagen, and the prompt presence of mind with which he took the troops from their peril, when the Adelaide touched on the bar, is a rare quality in an officer in danger. "Although Captain Faunce, of the Pawnee service, now in command of the Harriet Lane, was unfortunate enough to get his vessel on one of the numerous sand bars about the inlet, it happened, I believe, in consequence of a determi- nation, creditable in him, to aid me by being near to cover the troops in land- ing. Captain Lowry, who had the George Peabody in charge, brought in his vessel with safety, with the troops, who were pleased with his care and con- duct. He still remains at the inlet. "In fine, General, I may congratulate you and the country upon a glorious victory in your department, in which we captured more than 700 men, 25 pieces of artillery, 1,000 stand of arms, a large quantity of ordnance stores, provisions, 3 valuable prizes, 2 light boats, and 4 stand of colors, one of which had been presented within a week by the ladies of Newbern, North Carolina, to the ' North Carolina Defenders.' "By the goodness of that Providence which watches over our nation, no one of the fleet or army was in the least degree injured. The enemy's loss was not officially reported to us, but was as- certained to be 12 or 15 killed and 35 wounded. * I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant, BENJAMIN F. BUTLER, "Major-General United States Army Commanding Volunteers."* Extracts from the official reports of the enemy will com- plete the history of the capture of Hatteras. "ON BOARD UNITED STATES SHIP MINNESOTA, Sept. 1, 1861. "To THE ADJUTANT-GENERAL OF NORTH CAROLINA : c- o o coo ' ' I arrived at Fort Hatteras on the evening of the 28th August, in company with Commodore Barren, flag officer Confederate States Navy, in charge of the defences of Virginia and North Carolina, and found that during the day the enemy had attacked the forces under the com- mand of Colonel Wm. F. Martin, as well as Forts Clark and Hatteras, under my command, and after a day of most severe and unceasing fighting, the Colonel had succeeded in concentrating all the forces within the walls of Fort Hatteras. Colonel Martin himself was utterly prostrated by the duties of the day, and after consultation with him, I proposed that we invite Commodore 5 Barren, an officer of great experience, to take the general command and direct the succeeding operations. Commodore Barron consented, and assumed the command. I then proceeded to examine our guns and munitions, and prepare the fort for the action of the coming morning. ' ' There were but two guns mounted on the side next to Fort Clark, both thirty-two pounders, and one gun on the corner next the bar, an eight-inch shell gun. During tho night I tore away a traverse on the back face of the work, and brought another gun to bear in the same direction. The companies of my command, under Captains Cobden, Lamb, and Sutton, having been in action all the previous day, displaying great courage and devotion, being per- fectly exhausted, I placed the batteries in charge of fresh troops, as follows : Nos. 2 and 3 of the channel battery under the command of Captain Thomas Sparrow, assisted by Lieutenants Shaw and Thomas ; Nos. 4 and 5 of the same battery were under command of Lieutenant-Colonel George W. Johnston, assisted by First Lieutenant Mose and Second Lieutenant George W. Daniel ; No. 6, facing the bar, and No. 7, facing Fort Clark, were placed in charge of Major Henry A- Gillion, assisted by Lieutenants Johnston and Grimes ; No. 8, a gun mounted on a naval carriage, was commanded by Lieutenant Murdaugh, of the Confederate States Navy, assisted by Lieutenant Sharp and Midshipman Stafford. "Captain Thomas H. Sharp had command of No. 1, but owing to the wrenches not fitting the eccentric axles, was unable to bring it into action. He staid by his gun during most of the engagement, but could not fire. Thus we had but three guns we could bring to bear (if the enemy CAPTIVES. 543 The enemy's officers and men captured at Fort Hatteras were conveyed to the took up his position of the previous day), viz., Nos. 6, 7, and 8. . " At 7.40 o'clock A. M. of the 20th, the enemy opened fire on us from the steam frigate Minnesota (43 guns), Wabash' (43 guns), Susquehanna (15 guns), frigate Cumberland (24 guns), steamer Pawnee (10 guns), and Harriet Lane (5 guns), and a rifled battery of three guns erected in the sand hills three miles east of Fort Clark. Thus you will see they brought 73 guns of the most approved kind and heaviest metal to bear upon us the shells thrown being 9-inch, 10-inch and 11-inch Dahlgren, Paixhan, and Co- lumbiad ; while from the position taken we were unable to reach them with the greatest elevation. The men of the channel battery were ordered to leave their guns and protect themselves as well as possible, the council of the commanding officers having decided that it was to be an action of endurance until our reinforcements came up. After a few shots had been fired, and it was ascertained that we could not reach them, our guns ceased fire, and only answered the fire of the enemy occasionally, to show that we had not surrendered. The shower of shell in half an hour became literally tremendous, as we had falling into and immediately around the works not less, on an average, than ten each minute, and, the sea being smooth, the firing was remarkably accurate. One officer counted twenty-eight shells as falling so as to damage us, in one minute, and several others counted twenty in a minute. At a quarter to eleven o'clock a council of the officers was held, and it was determined to surrender. A white flag was raised, and the firing ceased at eleven o'clock. Thus, for three hours and twenty minutes Fort Hatteras resisted a storm of shells perhaps more terrible than ever fell upon any other works. At the time the council determined to surrender, two of our guns were dismounted, 4 men were reported killed, and between twenty-five and thirty badly wounded. One shell had fallen into the room adjoining the magazine, and the magazine was reported on fire. It is useless to attempt a further description. The men gene- rally behaved well. Nearly every commissioned officer, from the Commodore down, was more or less wounded, and fifty or sixty of the non-commissioned officers and men, who would not report to the surgeon. o 35 c- c- c- " W. S. G. ANDREWS, Major, etc." Commodore Barren, after repeating what has been al- ready recorded in the previous report, thus concludes his official account : " I was requested," says Commodore Barren, "by Col- onel Martin and Major Andrews, commanding the post, to assume command of the fort, to which I assented, Colonel North, and after being held for some time as prisoners of war, were exchanged. Bradford volunteering to assist me in the duties of defence. In assuming this grave responsibility I was not unaware that we could be shelled out of the fort ; but expecting the arrival from Newbern of a regiment of North Carolina volunteers at or before midnight (the fleet having put to sea, and appearances indicating bad weather), we designed an assault on Fort Clark, three quarters of a mile distant from Fort Hatteras, which had been taken possession of by a party landed from the shipping ; but, unfortunately, the regiment did not arrive until the following day, after the bombardment had commenced, and when the time came that I deemed evacuation or surrender unavoidable, the means of escape were not at my command. On the next day, at 7.40 A.M. , the fleet, consisting of the Minnesota, Wabash, Susquehanna, Cumberland, Pawnee, and Harriet Lane (other steamers being in company), took their posi- tions and opened fire. In addition to the batteries of the ships, the enemy had during the night erected a battery of rifled field guns near to Fort Clark, which also opened upon us. " During the first hour the shells of the ships fell short, we only firing occasionally to ascertain whether our shot would reach them, and wishing to reserve our very limited supply of ammunition till the vessels might find it neces- sary to come nearer in, but they, after some practice, got the exact range of their nine, ten, and eleven inch guns, and did not find it necessary to alter their positions, while not a shot from our battery reached them with the greatest elevation we could get. This state of things shells burst- ing over and in the fort every few seconds having con- tinued for about three hours, the men were directed to take shelter under the parapet and traverses, and I called a council of officers, at which it was unanimously agreed that holding out longer could only result in a greater loss of life, without the ability to damage our adversaries, and, just at this time, the magazine being reported on fire, a shell having fallen through the ventilator of the ' bomb- proof,' into the room adjoining the principal magazine, I ordered a white flag to be shown, when the firing ceased, and the surrender was made upon the conditions of the accompanying ' articles of capitulation. ' "The personnel of this command are now ' prisoners of war' on board this ship (the Minnesota), where everything is done to make them as comfortable as possible under the circumstances, Flag Officer Stringham, Captain Van Brunt, and Commander Case extending to us characteristic court- esy and kindness. We are to be landed at Fort Hamilton, New York harbor. ~ So far as ascertained, there were this day two killed, twenty-five or thirty wounded, and many others slightly wounded." 544 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. CHAPTER LI. Effect of the Surrender of Hatteras upon the Enemy. Fort Morgan, at Ocracoke Inlet, abandoned without a blow. Reaction of sentiment of the Inhabitants of Hatteras. Emphatic expression of Loyalty. Convention of the In- habitants of Hyde County. Affirmation of Fidelity to the Union. Convention at Hatteras. A sweeping Ordi- nance. Character of the Inhabitants of Hatteras. Election for United States Congress. Choice of Mr. Foster. His claim to a seat not acknowledged. Great hopes defeated. Expedition to Chicamacomico. Description of Chica- macomico. Objects of the Expedition. Roanoke Island. Its relative position to contiguous Land and to the Sounds. The advantage of the Position. The Expedition. How composed. Its Start. Trouble in Disembarka- tion. The Loss of the Fanny. Success of the Enemy and their encouragement. Expedition of the Enemy. Landing of the Enemy upon Hatteras. The Retreat of the Federalists. Their Trials. Rescue.. The Fleet. Flight of the Enemy. Naval Official Report. -Version of the Enemy. Contradictory Accounts. Comparative Losses. The Enemy forced to Retreat. Still in possession of Roanoke Island. 1861. THE successful expedition to Hatte- ras seemed momentarily to have wrought a very depressing effect upon the enemy. After the capture of Forts Clark and Hatteras, they almost despaired of holding those great barriers of sand, upon which North Carolina was dependent not only for the protection of its coast but for the liberty of its com- merce. Soon after the Federal victory at Hatteras Inlet, the frigate Savannah sailed to Ocracoke Inlet to the south, and finding Fort Morgan abandoned, took possession of that strong work, without meeting with the least resist- ance. The natives of that district of North Carolina suddenly evinced a strong feel- ing of loyalty, and emphatically ex- pressed it by a course of political ac- tion as friendly to the United States as it was hostile to the Southern Confed- Q C t. eracy. A convention of the citizens 12 of Hyde County was held and res- olutions framed in which the members affirmed "voluntarily and deliberately" their loyalty to the Government of the United States, and expressed their "un- alterable attachment to that qonstitu- tion which is the basis of the Union and founded by their fathers." A committee was then formed to draw up a statement of grievances of the loyal inhabitants of North Carolina. A ' ' declaration of in- dependence" was the result. This docu- ment, modelled on the original Declara- tion of Independence, affected all the pomp of that stately document. Subsequently a convention was held at Hatteras, with a professed rep- ]v ov . resentation of forty-five counties of 18. North Carolina. This imposing body unhesitatingly assumed the prerogative of the whole power of the State, and overthrowing its constituted authorities as being in league with the Southern Confederacy, provided for its govern- ment in allegiance to the United States by a sweeping "ordinance." This movement, in connection with the LOYAL HATTERAS. 545 triumph of the Federal arms at Hatteras, seemed an augury of returning loyalty in North Carolina ; but to those who knew the shiftless character of the inhabitants of the sand beaches of Hatteras many of whom were known to be careless fish- ermen or unscrupulous wreckers it was evident that the influence of their action would be small and their fidelity doubtful. The convention assembled at Hatteras adjourned, subject to be convened by the President of the United States, and Mr. Lincoln was induced to issue a procla- mation ordering an election to be held for the Second Congressional District, on Wednesday, 27th of November. The election accordingly took place, and a Mr. Foster was chosen a member of the House of the Representatives of the United States. This body, however, re- fused to admit his claims to a seat. Brilliant as had been the first success of the expedition to Hatteras, the results proved less satisfactory than might have been anticipated. A series of attempts to improve the advantage of holding this important position proved abortive, in consequence of imprudence or ill-for- tune. The expedition to Chicamacom- ico was the first of these small and un- profitable enterprises. This point is at the northernmost extremity of the great stretch of sand beach called Hatteras Island, upon the southwestern end of which are situated the two forts, Clark and Hatteras, which had been wrested from the enemy. Chicamacomico is about forty miles from these works, and Colonel Hawkins, in command of the Federal troops at the forts, determined 69 to send a force in that direction, in order to watch the enemy, who had taken pos- session of Roanoke Island with 3,000 men, and to prevent their landing on Hatteras.* Roanoke Island is an im- portant position, commanding the en- trance from the sea through Oregon Inlet to Albemarle Sound, and the commu- nication of the latter with Pamlico Sound. Between Roanoke Island and the northern end of Hatteras, where Chicamacomico is situated, there inter- venes only a stretch of sand beach, about fifteen miles in length, insulated by two inlets from the sea Loggerhead Inlet, which divides it on the south from * The following description of Hatteras Island is taken from "Leslie's Pictorial History of the War :" "A few words as to the character of Hatteras Island are necessary to an understanding of the operations of which it has heen the theatre. Its length from Hatteras Inlet, where Forts Hatteras and Clark are situated, to Hatteras light-house is about thirteen miles ; it then takes a northern direction, and extends to Loggerhead Inlet, a distance of twenty-seven miles, making the total length of the island about forty miles. Its width averages about one mile, although there are some parts which are above two miles wide, while at several points it is only about one-third of a mile. In a word, it is little more than a series of sand heaps, interspersed with clumps of dwarfed live oaks, with now and then a marsh filled with marsh grass. Other than these there is no green thing to be seen. The population may be as great as 500 souls, though no one appears to have any very distinct idea of the exact number. They live by fishing, oystering, pilot- ing, and wrecking ; or, as they innocently call it, ' plun- dering.' They are very ignorant, simple-minded, and in every respect as provincial as any class of human beings can well be. They live in rude houses, many of them mere huts, on the peaks of which at the present time, something designed to be a white flag, floats. Most of the inhabitants were born on the island, and many have never been away from it. Formerly there were no schools or churches ; now there are schools, and a place of wor- ship. There is a kind of spicy plant or shrub growing on the island called yopon, the leaves and sprigs of which the inhabitants gather and use in the place of tea and coffee. A bushel of the leaves they exchange for a bushel of corn, by which means they obtain their chief supply." 546 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. Hatteras, and Oregon Inlet, which sepa- rates it on the north from the beach which flanks Roanoke Island on the sea- side. By the possession of Roanoke Island, the enemy could command not only these inlets to the sea, of which they might avail themselves for the passage of their privateers and trading vessels, and protect the approach to Carolina and Virginia by Albemarle Sound, but threaten even to wrest Hat- teras Island from the Federal forces. Colonel Hawkins, conscious of the im- portance of Roanoke Island, was anx- ious to thwart the purposes of the enemy, in seizing it. He accordingly sent the Twentieth Indiana Regiment diminished in strength by three com- panies, which had been left at Fortress Monroe to occupy Chicamacornico and throw up intrenchments, with the view of preventing a landing from the enemy at Roanoke Island, which is only fifteen miles distant. The Indiana Regiment, under the com- Sep t, mand of Colonel Brown, embarked 29. on board the gun-boats Putnam and Ceres, and sailing on the morning of September 29th, arrived on the same evening off Chicamacomico. In conse- quence, however, of the shallowness of the water, the vessels were obliged to anchor at a distance of three miles from land. The soldiers were not able to dis- embark until next morning, when being transferred to small boats they were safely landed. The regiment was des- titute of everything except a small quan- tity of provisions, as all the supplies, camp equipage, intrenching implements, food and ammunition were to be sent next day by the steam-tug Fanny. This vessel, however, with its import- ant freight, had been detained at the forts a day beyond the appointed time, and did not sail until the 1st of Octo- ber. In the evening of that day she made her appearance off the point, but while preparing to land her stores, three gun-boats hove in sight, and before their character could be ascertained, opened fire upon her. Ten persons, who had the good luck to be in the only boat which had put off for the land, escaped ; all the rest, thirty-one soldiers and sailors, were captured, together with the tug-boat and its valuable freight. Property to the value of over $150,000 thus fell into the hands of the enemy. The loss, more- over, of the camp equipage, intrenching tools, and provisions of the Indiana Reg- iment, totally defeated the object of their enterprise. The enemy, encouraged by their suc- cess in the capture of the Fanny, now ventured upon a more extensive enter- prise. Organizing an expedition, con- sisting of six small steamers, a number of transports, cotton and flat boats, and some 2,000 or 3,000 men, they appeared off Chicamacomico, with the view of surprising and capturing the Indiana oct, Regiment now encamped at that * point. The armed vessels of the enemy began the attack by throwing shells into the Federal camp, and at the same time, under the cover of this fire, landed two bodies of men, one above and one below the encampment of the Indiana men, with the purpose of surrounding DISASTER AT CHICAMACOMICO. 547 them and cutting oft' their retreat. Col- onel Brown, seeing that he could not de- fend himself against such odds, withdrew his men, and luckily succeeded during the night in eluding the vigilance of the detachment in his rear. Meanwhile, Col- onel Hawkins had become aware of the imminent danger of his comrades, and had marched to their rescue with 500 men, supported by the frigate Susque- hannah and the gun-boat Monticello. The retreating troops were in the mean time exposed to trials which tested to the utmost their fortitude and powers of en- durance.* While Colonel Hawkins had The retreat is thus described by one of the sufferers : "Sorrowfully," says he, "we turned our backs on our camp and prepared for the long march to Hatteras light- house, where we expected reinforcement from Colonel Hawkins. "This was about nine o'clock. The sun was shining on the white sand of the beach, heating the air as if it were a furnace. The men had neither provisions nor water. The haste in which they had rushed to repel the enemy had prevented this, and it was too late to go back to camp. Company F, Lieutenant Logan, was thrown forward in the advance, and Company K, Captain Reid, was detailed as a rear guard ; and well he performed his duty, picking up the stragglers and keeping the enemy in check. Several times the enemy advanced in force, and he halted to give them battle, but they declined. " It was a march I shall never forget. The first ten miles was terrible. No water, the men unused to long marches, the sand heavy, and the feet of the men sinking into it at every step, and a point below to be gained in order to join Company F, to prevent their being cut off. As the regiment pushed along, man after man would stagger from the ranks, and fall upon the hot sand, and, looking back, I saw our colonel trudging along with his men, having given up his horse to a sick soldier. "But the most sorrowful sight of all was the islanders leaving their homes from fear of the enemy. They could be seen in groups, sometimes with a little cart carrying their provisions, but mostly with nothing, fleeing for dear life. Mothers carrying their babes, fathers leading along the boys, grandfathers and grandmothers straggling along from homes they had left behind. Relying on our pro- tection they had been our friends, but in an evil hour we had been compelled to leave them. When will we learn that guns and men are necessary to enforce the laws? encouraged the retreating Indiana men with assurances that they would be rein- forced by land, the naval force* secured When shall we learn that our protection cannot be given, unless by gun-boats and batteries ? "We still toiled on, the heat most intense, and no water. Hunger was nothing in comparison with thirst. It was maddening. The sea rolling at our feet and noth- ing to drink. I started to take a scout to watch the movements of the enemy's vessels. I skirted the sound, for some ten miles. In every clump of bushes I would find men utterly exhausted. The enemy's vessels were now nearly opposite," steaming down the sound to cut off our retreat. I would tell them this, but they would say, 'They did not care, they would die there,' so utterly hopeless did they seem. "Near sunset I caught sight of the army drawn up in line of battle on the beach about a mile distant. Soon joining them I found that the enemy were reported in force in front. After some delay the army marched by the right flank, skirmishers ahead, until we reached the narrow inlet about five miles above Hatteras light-house, and here our great danger was at once seen. The fleet of the enemy had drawn up in line, so as to sweep the beach and render a passage impossible, but had neglected to land their men. It was now near twilight. The clouds in the west reflected the bright tints of the sun, and showed us the enemy in the foreground. In the east heavy gray clouds lowered, and our uniforms correspond- ing, hid us from their view, as we silently stole along, the roar of the surf drowning the footsteps of the men and the commands of the officers, yet every little while we would watch, expecting to see the flash of the enemy's cannon, or hear the report of the bursting shell in our little band. It was a narrow escape, and a providential one, and our colonel was affected to tears at the danger we had passed. " At midnight we reached Hatteras light-house, having made a march of twenty-eight miles. Here we found water, and using the light-house as a fort, we encamped for the night, and woke up next morning feeling like sand-crabs, and ready, like them, to go into our holes, could we find them." The following official reports of the naval com- manders are the simplest and probably most truthful records of their good services : ' ' UNITED STATES STEAM FRIGATE SUSQUEHANNAH, OFF HATTEKAS INLET, Oct. 6, 1861. " CAPTAIN LARDNER TO COMMANDER GOLDSBOROUGH : ' ' SIR : Late in the afternoon of the 4th instant I re- ceived information that the enemy had landed in large force at Chicamacomico and Keneekut, and the Indiana Regiment posted there was in full retreat before them. Also, that our three tugs in the inlet were aground or disabled. The Fanny had been captured the day before. THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. their safety by driving off the swarming assailants. The account given by the enemy of this affair was of course as flattering to themselves as it was denunciatory of our troops. As in this work it is designed not only to record the events of the war, I at once got under way with this ship and the Monticello, and anchored for the night close to the shore in Hatteras Cove. At daylight I found our troops in arid about this light-house, and in distress for want of provisions, which they had been without for twenty-four hours. I supplied them with food, and at the request of the commanding officer, remained for their protection during the day. Learning that the enemy was in large force at Keneekut, I sent the Monticello to drive them off, which important service was performed by Lieutenant-Commanding Braine with great effect and good conduct. His report is inclosed. " I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant, " J. L. LARDNER, Captain. "To Flag Officer L. M. GOLDSBOROUGH, etc., etc." " UNITED STATES SHIP MONTICELLO, OFF CAPE HATTERAS, Oct.. 5, 1861. " LIEUTENANT BRAINE TO CAPTAIN LARDNER : "SIR: I have the honor to inform you, that, in obe- dience to your order of this morning, I stood through the inner channel of Hatteras Shoals, at half-past twelve p. M., and stood close along shore to the northward, keep- ing a bright look-out from aloft. At half-past one p. M. we discovered several vessels over the woodland Kenee- kut, and at the same time a regiment marching to the northward, carrying a rebel flag in their midst, with many stragglers in their rear ; also two tugs inside flying the same flag. As they came out of the woods of Keneekut, we ran close in shore, and opened a deliberate fire upon them at a distance of three-quarters of a mile. At our first shell, which fell apparently in tbeir midst, they rolled up their flag and scattered, moving rapidly up the beach to the northward. We followed them, firing rapid- ly from three guns, driving them up to a clump of woods, in which they took refuge, and abreast of which their steamers lay. We now shelled the woods, and could see them embarking in small boats after their vessels, evidently in great confusion, and suffering greatly from our fire. "Their steamers now opened fire upon us, firing, how- ever, but three shots, which fell short. Two boats filled with men were struck by our shells and destroyed. Three more steamers came down the sound and took position opposite the woods. We were shelling also two sloops. We continued firing deliberately from half-past one P. M. until half- past three p. M. , when two men were discovered on the sea-beach making signals to us. Supposing them but to illustrate the spirit of those en- gaged in it, the subjoined account* of to be two of the Indiana Kegiment, we sent an armed boat and crew to bring them off, covering them at the same time with our fire. Upon the boat nearing the beach they took to the water. One of them was successful in reaching the boat private Warren 0. Haver, Company H, 20th Regiment of Indiana troops. The other man private Charles White, Company H, 20th Regiment In- diana troops was unfortunately drowned in the surf. " Private Haver informs me that he was taken prisoner on the morning of the 4th ; that he witnessed one shot which was very destructive. He states that two of our shells fell into two sloops loaded with men, blowing the vessels to pieces and sinking them. Also that several officers were killed, and their horses seen running about the track. He had just escaped from his captors, after shooting the captain of one of the rebel companies. He states that the enemy were in the greatest confusion, rushing wildly into the water, striving to get off to their vessels. Private Haver now directed me to the point where the rebels were congregated, waiting an oppor- tunity to get off. I opened fire again with success, scattering them. We were now very close, in three fathoms water, and the fire of the second shell told with effect. Six steamers were now off the point, one of which I recognized as the Fanny. At twenty-five minutes past five we ceased firing, leaving the enemy scattered along the beach for upward of four miles. I fired repeatedly at the enemy's steamers with our rifled cannon, a Parrot thirty-pounder, and struck the Fanny, I think, once ; I found the range of this piece much short of what I had anticipated, many of the shot turning end over end, and not exceeding much the range of the smooth-bore thirty- two-pounder. "I inclose herewith the memorandum of the amount of ammunition expended to-day. I am, respectfully, you 1 - obedient servant, Lieutenant D. L. BRAINE, ' ' Commanding United States steamer Monticello. "To Captain J. L. LARDNER, Commanding United States steamer Susquehannah, off Cape Hatteras." "Colonel Wright left Camp Georgia, Roanoke Island, on Thursday, midnight, and arrived at Chicamacomico on Friday. Colonel Wright made the attack on the Fed- erals at nine o'clock in the morning, by firing shell from two ten-pound howitzers from on board the transport Cotton Plant, when about one mile from the shore. As soon as the Colonel opened fire they began to retreat. The howitzers were commanded by Lieutenant J. R. Sturgis, with forty men. When the Colonel saw they were about to retreat, he embarked the guns of his three companies on board of a flat-boat, for the purpose of effecting a landing and putting chase after them. Com- pany H, commanded by Captain Nesbit; Company E, commanded by Captain Griffin, and Company N, com- EXAGGERATIONS OF THE ENEMY. 549 the attack on Chicamacomico, with its minuteness of detail and spitefulness of commentary, will serve both objects. manded by Captain Jones, were landed immediately, leaving the remaining portion of the Third Georgia Regi- ment and the North Carolina Regiment some four or five miles in the rear, on board the other vessels of the fleet. The three companies that landed consisted of 210 men, while the enemy, from their muster rolls, were about 1,200. "When the Colonel landed, he had signaled the re- maining portion of the Georgia Third to advance, and, when near shore, they commenced embarking in their flat- boats. Colonel Wright took but one of his howitzers with him, leaving the other on board the Cotton Plant, under command of Captain Carrsville, to cover his landing. "After the three companies had effected a safe landing, the other howitzer was then brought on shore, and they then commenced the pursuit of the flying Yankees, and were joined by each company of the remaining portion of the Georgia Regiment as fast as they effected a landing. The two howitzers and ammunition were drawn through the deep sand by the men during the entire pursuit of twenty-five miles, having in the mean time encamped on Friday night at Keneekut, a distance of eighteen miles from the starting-point. ' ' The pursuit was continued early next morning, to within one mile of the Hatteras light-house. When about six miles from the starting-place, Colonel Wright, being on horseback, and considerably in advance of his command, overtook a party of thirteen Yankees, together with their adjutant. He made a gallant charge on them, when the adjutant shot his horse and commenced loading again, when the Colonel grabbed up a small Yankee, and presented him as a breast-work to ward oif the adju- tant's fire. With this he advanced on the adjutant with his repeater, and captured four, including the adjutant. " As our forces continued to advance, they commenced taking prisoners - in all about forty and killed seven or eight of the flying Hessians "One of the North Carolina companies landed at the same time as the Georgians, and joined in the pursuit with great bravery, while the other portion of the North Caro- lina Regiment were ordered to hasten to the light-house, just below Keneekut, to intercept the retreat of the Fed- eralists. Keneekut is eight miles above the light-house, toward Chicamacomico. They were unable to land, owing to the shoal water, though they did everything they could to accomplish that object. They got their guns on board the flat and shoved off, but got aground, and even waded in till they found themselves again getting into deep water. They sent a small boat to take the soundings, and found it impossible to land, owing to the formation of the flats. "Colonel Wright continued in pursuit till he found the North Carolina regiments, under Colonel Shaw, unable to land, and ascertaining that the Yankees had been rein- Notwithstanding the exaggerated es- timate by the enemy of their spirit, and of the want of it on the part of their an- forced by 900 men from Hatteras, he withdrew his forces to the position he had occupied the night before. After getting back to this position, the Federal steamer Monti- cello took up position about half a mile from shore, and opened fire on them by broadsiders, with eleven-inch shell, and continued to shell them for five hours, without injury to any one except a slight bruise on one man's leg, who fell down in endeavoring to dodge a ball which rolled over his leg, and a slight scratch on another's face from the ex- plosion of a shell. "The Cotton Plant, under orders from Commander Lynch, now ran up the Chicamacomico, and took on board the entire forces which had got back to that point, to- gether with the enemy's entire camp equipage, consisting of 300 tents, cartridge boxes, haversacks, canteens, cook- ing utensils, provisions, etc., together with their private wardrobe, which they were in too great haste to take with them. The entire expedition then returned to Roanoke Island, arriving on Sunday night at twelve o'clock. ' ' The Twentieth Indiana Regiment was drawn up on shore preparatory to giving our forces battle, probably to frighten them off, but seeing the determined action of our forces toward landing, the cowardly whelps took to their heels down toward Hatteras, leaving everything, even their private wardrobes, papers, etc. This example of gallantry was set them by their colonel, who put spurs to his horse, and was the swiftest of the whole pack. "Our entire fleet, except the Cotton Plant, then moved their position to Hatteras light-house, in order to inter- cept the retreat of the Yankees, but it coming on dark before they could commence landing, and the want of sufficient boats to make an expeditious landing, the Yan- kees made their escape to the fort at Hatteras. "The Georgia troops, from the Cotton Plant, having effected a landing, put out down the beach in pursuit of the flying Yankees, but they being entirely too fleet of foot for them, escaped to Hatteras light-house. " At the time of the retreat of the Yankees, had it been high tide, they would not have escaped, as the sand was of such a nature as to utterly preclude the possibility of running, save below the high-water mark. Our men had to drag their field howitzers through this sand twelve miles that is from Chicamacomico to Hatteras Light; and during the chase, one member of the Georgia Regiment died from exhaustion in pursuing the Yankees. His re- mains were brought to this city by the Junaluska. "A sergeant-major of the Indiana Regiment shot the horse of Colonel Wright, of the Georgia Regiment, from under him, which appeared to be the only evidence of bravery evinced by the whole party. Colonel Wright cap- tured this man, and for his bravery treated him very courteously.'' Norfolk Day-Book. 550 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. tagonists, they were forced, under the heavy bombardment of the Monticello and Susquehannah, to take to their boats and fly for their lives, from the island of Hatteras, which has since remained in the undisputed possession of the United States. The Confederates, however, on returning to Roanoke Island, continued to hold that important position for some time, and did not finally yield it up until after a severe struggle. CHAPTER LII. The Difficulties of the Chronicler from the vastness of the field of War. Necessity of frequent change of View. A Napoleon wanted to conduct the War. A Tacitus required to write its History. To attempt to write the History now, presumptuous. The Purpose of the Present Chronicler. The Enemy's Position at Columbus, iu Kentucky. The Strength of Position and Fortifications. Description of Belmont. Encampment of the Enemy there. Expedition from Cairo. Objects. Composition of the Expedition. The Troops. Gun-boats. Landing of the Troops. Operation of the Gun-boats. Movements of the Troops. Plan of attack upon Belmont. Collision with the Enemy. Retreat and Confusion of the Enemy. Recklessness of the Federalists. The Enemy Reinforced from Columbus. The Fire from the Forts. General Grant forcing his way to his Boats. Fierce Struggle. Action of the Gun-boats. Successful Retreat of the Federalists. Their losses. The losses of the Enemy. General Grant's Official Report. Report of General McClernand. The Enemy claim a victory at Belmont. General Polk's Report. President Jeff. Davis' Letter. Exultation at the Result. 1861. IN the present gigantic conflict, ex- tending over a territory of many thousands of miles, the chronicler is not only forced largely to expand his view, but frequently to shift it to remote points. He passes rapidly across a vast continent ; he is at one moment on the sands of the Atlantic Ocean, and at an- other on the bluffs of the Mississippi River ; he is now on the Chesapeake, in the East, and now on the prairies of the West ; he has hardly reached the rocky passes of the Alleghanies before he is summoned to appear in the rice-fields of Carolina, the everglades of Florida, or the bayous of Louisiana. It is not merely the events of a single war which he is called upon to chronicle, but, as it were, a number of wars carried on sim- ultaneously in various States, each of which has the territorial magnitude of a great nation. Though the conflict has but one motive, and it may be attempted to conduct it in accordance with a single plan, the scenes of the various struggles are so remote from each other, and their character so diversified by local circum- stances, that to give unity to the action and history of the war would require the genius of a Napoleon for the one, and the genius of a Tacitus for the other. While resting in the hope that the former has been or will soon be found, to secure to our country the military triumphs es- sential to its future prosperity, it may be left to posterity to find the latter to record them. The attempt now to write the history of the present war as it BATTLE OF BELMONT. 551 should be and as it doubtless will be written in the future would only result in disappointment to the reader, and in an exhibition of impotent presumption on the part of the historian. Our aim is the humbler one, that of merely chron- icling events as they occur, with the wish of gratifying the hurried reader of the present, though not without the hope of supplying a useful record for the deliber- ate historian of the future. This narrative must now be suddenly shifted from the Atlantic to the Missis- sippi, in order to record the events of an- other expedition. In this, although the navy bore a useful part, the more essen- tial service was performed by the army. At Columbus, in Kentucky, the Con- federate General Polk had established his headquarters, where he had concen- trated a large force composed of from 20,000 to 30,000, constructed an en- trenched camp, erected strong works on the high bluffs on the river Mississippi, and mounted them with over 100 guns. Opposite to this strong position, on the Missouri, back of the river, lies the small village of Belmont. This place was also occupied by several Confederate regi- ments, forming a portion of the army under the command of Polk. General Grant, who commanded the Federal force at Cairo, determined to make an attempt to surprise and capture them. The en- terprise seemed the more easy of accom- plishment, from the position of the ene- my's encampment at Belmont, where the banks of the Mississippi, being low and covered with trees, appeared to favor an unseen approach. On the evening of November the sixth, the Seventh Iowa Regiment, N OF , Colonel Lanman, the Twenty-sev- 6. enth Regiment, Colonel Buford, the Twenty-ninth, Colonel Fouke, the Thir- tieth, Colonel Logan, and the Twenty- second, Colonel Dougherty, all of Illi- nois, with two companies of cavalry and Taylor's battery of six guns, making in all a force of 2,850 men, having em- barked at Cairo on board the steamers Memphis, Aleck Scott, Chancellor Mont- gomery and Keystone, dropped down the Mississippi, escorted by the gun- boats Tyler and Lexington. After reach- ing a point about eight miles below Cairo, the fleet came to anchor and re- mained until nearly daylight next morn- ing. They now continued their way down the river until within four miles of Belmont, when they made for the shore, and the troops landing took up their march for the enemy's encampment. The two-gunboats in the mean time steamed on in the direction of Colum- bus with the view of engaging the bat- teries there, and thus diverting the at- tention of the enemy from the move- ment against Belmont. The Federal troops on landing divided, and took different lines of march, in order to come upon the enemy from all sides, and surround them. Colonel Buford led his regiment, the Twenty- seventh Illinois, along a circuitous route, to the rear and from the south. Colonel Lanman, with the Seventh Iowa, and Colonel Fouke, with the Twenty-ninth Illinois, marched in the same direction and advanced from the west ; while Col- 552 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. oriel Dougherty, with the Twenty-second Illinois, and Colonel Logan, with the Thirtieth Illinois, approached from the north. Colonels Lanman and Dough- erty, with their regiments, being in ad- vance, came upon the enemy first, but found them on the alert, drawn up in line of battle in their camp and a corn- field which extended in the rear. Lan- man and Dougherty commenced the at- tack, and drove their antagonists from the camp and the field back into the woods, where they were met by the divisions approaching in that direction. Being hotly received, the enemy were compelled to retrace their steps and fall back into their old position. Here they were again met by Lanman and Dough- erty, but struggled spiritedly for two hours, when they were repulsed, and fled in confusion to the banks of the river. The Federal troops exulting in their success, yielded recklessly to the excite- ment of victory. They scattered care- lessly over the field, beyond the call and regardless of the command of their offi- cers ; some were busy examining the tents ; some rifling the baggage, some supplying themselves with the arms which the fugitives had thrown down in their panic, and all were unmindful of the possibility of being caught while thus in disorder. In the mean time, General Pillow had crossed over from the Ken- tucky side with a large and fresh force, which he had thrown between the scat- tered Federalists and the boats, in order to cut off their retreat. At the same moment the guns of Columbus, opposite, began to pour in among them a shower of bomb-shells. General Grant finding his scattered troops thus hemmed in, called together and formed them as best he could, and made a desperate effort to reach the boats. He finally succeeded, but only after a terrible struggle with the enemy, through whose lines his men had to cut their way. The gun-boats in the mean time had come to the rescue, and by their fire kept the enemy at bay and covered the embarkation of our troops, which was finally effected, though a se- vere loss was sustained in the bloody struggle with Pillow's force.* The following is the official account of General Grant, the commander-in-chief at Cairo : " HEADQUARTERS DISTRICT SOUTHEAST MISSOURI, / CAIRO, Nov. 10, 1861. \ "S. WILLIAMS, ASSISTANT- ADJUTANT-GENERAL, WASHING- TON, D. C. : " SIR : On the evening of the 6th instant I left this place with 2,850 men, all armed, to make a reconnoissance to- ward Columbus. The object of the expedition was to prevent the enemy from sending out reinforcements to Price's army in Missouri, and also from cutting off two small columns that I had been directed to send out from this place and Cape Girardeau in pursuit of Jeff. Thompson. ' ' Knowing that Columbus was strongly garrisoned, I asked General Smith, commanding at Paducah, Ky., to make demonstrations in thelsarne directions. He did so by ordering a small force to Mayfield, and another in the direction of Columbus, not to approach nearer, however, than twelve or fifteen miles. I also sent a small force on the Kentucky side with orders not to approach nearer than Elliot's Mills, some twelve miles from Columbus. "The expedition under my immediate command was stopped about nine miles below here, on the Kentucky shore, and remained until morning. All this served to distract the enemy, and lead him to think he was to be attacked in his strongly fortified position. At daylight we proceeded down the river to a point just out of range of the rebel guns, and debarked on the Missouri shore. From here the troops were marched by a flank for about one mile toward Belmont, and then drawn up in line, one battalion having been left as a reserve near the trans- ports. Two companies from each regiment, five skele tons in number, were thrown out as skirmishers to ascer- tain the position of the enemy. " It was but a few moments before they met him, and LOSSES AT BELMONT. 553 The loss of the national forces in this desperate engagement amounted to the a general engagement ensued. The balance of my force, with the exception of the reserve, was then thrown for- ward, all as skirmishers, and the enemy driven, foot by foot, and from tree to tree, back to their encampment on the river's bank, a distance of over two miles. Here they had strengthened their position by felling the timber for several hundred yards around their camp, and making a sort of abatis. "Our men charged through this, driving the enemy over the river banks and into their transports in quick time, leaving us in possession of everything not exceed- ingly portable. " Belmont is on low ground, and every foot of it com- manded by the guns on the opposite shore, and. of course, could not be held for a single hour after the enemy be- came aware of the withdrawal of their troops. Having no wagons with me I could not move any of the captured property, consequently gave orders for its destruction. Their tents, blankets, etc., were set on fire, and we re- tired, taking their artillery with us. Two pieces being drawn by hand, and one by an efficient team, were spiked and left in the woods, bringing two to this place. ' ' Before we got fairly under way, the enemy made his appearance again and attempted to surround us. Our troops were not in the least discoxiraged, but charged the enemy, and again defeated him . " Our loss was about 85 killed, 150 wounded many of them but slightly and about an equal number missing. Nearly all the missing were from the Seventh Iowa Regi- ment, who behaved with great gallantry, and suffered more severely than any other troops. "All the troops behaved with great gallantry, much of which is to be attributed to the coolness and presence of mind of the officers, particiilarly the colonels. General McClernand was in the midst of danger throughout the engagement, and displayed both coolness and judgment. His horse was three times shot. My horse was also shot. under me. " To my staff Captains Eawins, Lagone, and Hillyer, and volunteer aids, Captains Hatch and Graham I ain much indebted for the assistance they gave. Colonel Wester, acting chief engineer, also accompanied me, and displayed highly soldier-like qxialities. Colonel Dough- erty, Twenty-second Illinois Volunteers, was three times wounded and taken prisoner. "The Seventh Iowa Eegiment lost their lieutenant- colonel (killed), colonel and major severely wounded. * * * Surgeon Brinton was on the field during the entire engagement, and displayed great ability and effi- ciency in providing for the wounded and organizing the medical corps. "The gun -boats Tyler and Lexington, Captains Walke and Stembell, United States Navy, commanding, con- 70 large number of 607 men, of whom 84 were killed, 288 wounded, and 235 miss- voyed the expedition, and rendered most efficient service. Immediately upon our landing they engaged the enemy's batteries, and protected our transports throughout. * * * I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant, " U. S. GRANT, Brigadier- General Commanding." The report of General McClernand, serving under Gen- eral Grant, is here given with all its explicltness of detail, as the most authentic narrative of the battle of Belmont. "GENEBAL McCLEKNAND'S EEPOET. " BRIGADE HEADQUARTERS, CAMP CAIRO, Nw. 12, 1861. " BRIGADIER GENERAL U. S. GRANT, COMMANDING DISTRICT SOUTHEASTERN MISSOURI : " SIR : I have the honor to report the part taken by the forces under my command in the action before Columbus, Kentucky, on the 7th instant. " These forces consisted of a portion of my own brigade, viz. : The Twenty-seventh Regiment, Colonel N. B. Buford ; the Thirteenth Regiment, Colonel Philip B. Fouke ; the Thirty- first Regiment, Colonel John A. Logan, including one company of cavalry under Captain J. J. Dollins. The strength of the Twenty-seventh Regiment was 720, rank and tile ; that of the Thirteenth, 500 ; that of the Thirty- first, 610 exclusive of 70 mounted men ; being in all 1,900 men, rank and file. To this force you added, by your order of the 6th instant, Captain Delano's company of Adams County cavalry, 72 men, under Lieutenant J. R. Catlin, and Captain Ezra Taylor's battery of Chicago Light Artillery of six pieces and 114 men. The total disposable force under my command was 2,086, rank and file all Hlinois volunteers. ' ' Having embarked on the steamer Scott, with the Thirteenth and Thirty-first regiments, on the evening of the 6th instant, I left Cairo at five o'clock, and proceeded down the Mississippi to the foot of Island No. 1, and lay to for the night on the Kentucky shore, eleven miles above Columbus, as previously instructed by you. Posting a strong guard for the protection of the boat, and those that followed to the same point, I remained until seven o'clock on the following morning. At that hour, preceded by the gun-boats Tyler and Lexington, and followed by the remainder of the transports, I proceeded down the river to the designated landing on the Missouri shore, about two and a half miles in a direct line from Columbus and Bel- mont. By half-past eight o'clock the rest of the trans- ports had arrived and the whole force was disembarked, and, marching beyond a collection of cornfields in front of the landing, was formed for an advance movement, and awaited your order. Ordering Dollins' and Delano's cav- alry to scour the woods along the road to Belmont and report to me from time to time, the remainder of my com- mand followed theTwenty.seventh in front, the Thirtieth next, supported by a section of Taylor's battery, succeeded 554: THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. ing. The enemy's loss was computed as and taken prisoners. Their camp, more- high as 1,000 in all, killed, wounded, over, was burned, and two pieces of by the Thirty-first and the remainder of Taylor's battery, the Twenty-ninth Illinois Kegiment, who had, upon my the Seventh Iowa, Colonel Lanman, and the Twenty- invitation, kindly joined my staff. Our men pressed vig- second Illinois, Colonel Dougherty, who had been assigned orously upon the enemy and drove them back, their cav- by you to that portion of the command. alry leaving that part of the field and not appearing again " When the rear of the column had reached a road in- until attacked by Captain Dollins, on the river bank below tersecting our line of march, about a mile and a half from their encampment, and chased out of sight, near the close the abatis surrounding the enemy's camp, the line of battle of the contest. was formed on ground which I had previously selected. " Advancing about a quarter of a mile farther, this force The Twenty-seventh and Thirtieth having formed too far again came up with the enemy, who by this time had been in advance, were recalled to the position first assigned them reinforced upon this part of the field, as I since learn, by the Twenty-seventh on the right and the Thirtieth on three regiments and a company of cavalry. Thus strength- the left. A section of Taylor's battery was disposed on ened, he attempted to turn our left flank, but ordering the left of the Thirtieth, and 200 feet in the rear of the Colonel Logan to extend the line of battle by a flank line, the Thirty-first in the centre, and the Seventh Iowa movement, and bringing up a section of Taylor's battery, and Twenty-second Illinois forming the left wing, masking commanded by First Lieutenant B. A. White, under the two sections of artillery. direction of Captain Schwartz, to cover the space thus " By this time Dollins' cavalry were skirmishing sharply made between the Thirtieth and Thirty-first, the attempt with the enemy's pickets to the right and in advance of was frustrated. Having completed that disposition, we our line, and the enemy had shifted the heavy fire of their again opened a deadly fire from both infantry and artillery, batteries at Columbus from our gun-boats to our advancing and after a desperate resistance drove the enemy back the line, but without effect. With your permission I now third time, forcing them to seek cover among thick woods ordered two companies from each regiment of my com- and brush, protected by the heavy guns at Columbus. mand to advance, instructing them to seek out and develop " In this struggle, while leading the charge, I received the position of the enemy, the Twenty-second Illinois and a ball in one of my holsters, which failed of harm by strik- Seventh Iowa pushing forward similar parties at the same ing a pistol. Here Colonels Fouke and Logan urged on time. their men by the most energetic appeals ; here Captain ' ' A sharp firing having immediately commenced between Dresser's horse was shot under him, while Capt. Schwartz's the skirmishing parties of the Thirtieth and Thirty-first horse was twice wounded ; here the projectiles from the and the enemy, I ordered forward another party to their enemy's heavy guns at Columbus, and their artillery at support, rode forward, selected a new position, and ordered Belmont, crashed through the woods over and among us ; up the balance of my command the Twenty-seventh to here again, all my staff who were with me displayed the pass around the head of a pond, the Thirtieth and Thirty- greatest intrepidity and activity ; and here, too, many of first, with the artillery, crossing the dry bed of the same our officers were killed or wounded ; nor should I omit to slough in their front. On their arrival I re-formed the line add that this gallant conduct was stimulated by your of battle in the same order as before. It was my expecta- presence and inspired by your example. Here your horse tion that the Twenty-second Illinois and the Seventh Iowa was killed under you. would resume their former positions on the left wing, " While this struggle was going on, a tremendous fire which would have perfected a line sufficient to inclose the from the Twenty-seventh, which had approached the abatis enemy's camp, on all sides accessible to us, thus enabling on the right and rear of the tents, was heard. About the us to command the river above and below them, and pre- same time the Seventh and Twenty-second, which had vent the crossing of reinforcements from Columbus, insur- passed the rear of the Thirtieth and Thirty-first, hastened ing his capture as well as defeat. up, and, closing the space between them and the Twenty- The Thirtieth and Thirty-first, and the artillery, moving seventh, poured a deadly fire upon the enemy. forward, promptly relieved the skirmishing parties, and ' ' A combined movement was now made upon three sides soon became engaged with a heavy body of the enemy's of the enemy's works, and driving him across the abatis, infantry and cavalry. The struggle, which was continued we followed close upon his heels into the clear space around for half an hour with great severity, threw our ranks into his camp. The Twenty-seventh was the first seen by me temporary disorder ; but the men promptly rallied under entering upon this ground. I called the attention of the the gallant example of Colonels Fouke and Logan, assisted other regiments to their approach, and the whole line was by Major Berryman, acting assistant adjutant-general of quickened by eager and impatient emulation. In a few my brigade ; also by Captain Schwartz, acting chief of minutes our entire force was within the inclosure. artillery ; Captain Dresser, of the artillery ; Lieutenant ' ' Under the skilful direction of Captain Schwartz, Cap- Babcock, of the Second Cavalry ; and Lieutenant Eddy, of tain Taylor now brought up his battery within 300 yards 1 ENEMY ABANDON BELMONT. 555 artillery, a considerable number of En- field rifles, and several hundred horses of the enemy's tents, and opened fire upon them. He fled with precipitation from the tents, and took shelter behind some buildings near the river, and into the woods above the camp, under cover of his batteries at Columbus. "Near this battery I met Colonel Dougherty, who was leading the Seventh and Twenty-second through the open space toward the tents. "At the same time our lines upon the right and left were pressing up the line of fire from our battery, which now ceased firing, and our men rushed forward among the tents and toward some buildings near the river. Passing over to the right of the camp I met with Colonel Buford, for the first time since his detour around the pond, and congratulated him upon the ardor of his men to be the first to pass the enemy's works. " During the execution of this movement, Captain Alexander Bielaski, one of my aides-de-camp, who had ac- companied Col. Buford during the march of the Twenty- seventh, separate from the main command, having dis- mounted from his horse, which had been several times wounded, was shot down while advancing with the flag of his adopted country in his hand, and calling on the men in his rear to follow him. " Near him, and a few minutes afterward, Colonel Lan- man fell, severely wounded in the thigh, while leading his men in a desperate charge. " Galloping my horse down to the river, I found Cap- tain Bozart, of Company K, Twenty- seventh Regiment, supported by squads of men who had joined him, sharply engaged with a detachment of the enemy, whom he drove into the woods above the camp. Here the firing was very hot. My own head was grazed by a ball ; my horse was wounded in the shoulders, and his caparison torn in several places. Here, too, one of the enemy's caissons fell into my hands, and a capture of artillery was made by Captain Schwartz, a portion of the Seventh gallantly as- sisting in achieving this result. "Having complete possession of the enemy's camp, in full view of his formidable batteries at Columbus, I gave the word for three cheers for the Union, to which the brave men around me responded with the most enthusiastic ap- plause. " Several of the enemy's steamers being within range above arid below, I ordered a section of Taylor's battery, under direction of Captain Schwartz, down near the river, and opened a fire upon them and upon Columbus itself, with what effect I could not learn. The enemy's tents were set on fire, destroying his camp equipage, about 4,000 blankets, and his means of transportation. Such horses and other property as could be removed were seized, and four pieces of artillery brought to the rear. ' ' The enemy at Columbus, seeing us in possession of his camp, directed upon us the fire of his heavy guns, but, captured. On the day after the battle the enemy abandoned Belmont as un- ranging too high, inflicted no injury. Information came at the same time of the crossing of heavy bodies of troops above us, amounting, as I since learn, to five regiments, which, joining those which had fled in that direction, formed rapidly in our rear with the design of cutting off our communication with our transports. To prevent this, and having fully accomplished the object of the expedi- tion, I ordered Captain Taylor to reverse his guns and open fire upon the enemy in his new position, which was done with great spirit and effect, breaking his line and opening our way by the main road. Promptly responding to an order to that effect, Colonel Logan ordered his flag in front of his regiment, prepared to force his way in the same direction if necessary. Moving on he was followed by the whole force, except the Twenty-seventh and the cavalry companies of Captains Dollins and Delano. Determined to preserve my command unbroken, and to defeat the evident design of the enemy to divide it, I twice rode back across the field to bring up the Twenty- seventh and Dollins' cavalry, and also dispatched Major Brayman for the same purpose, but without accomplishing the object, they having sought in returning the same route by which they advanced in the morning. ' ' On passing into the woods, the Thirtieth, the Seventh, and Twenty-second encountered a heavy fire on their right and left successively, which was returned with such vigor and effect as to drive back the superior force of the enemy and silence his firing, but not until the Seventh and Twenty-second had been thrown into temporary dis- order. Here Lieutenant-Colonel Wentz, of the Seventh, and Captain Markley, of the Thirtieth, with several privates, were killed, and Colonel Dougherty of the Twenty-second, and Major McClurken, of the Thirtieth, who was near me, were severely wounded. Here my body servant killed one of the enemy by a pistol shot. 1 ' Driving the enemy back on either side, we moved on, occasionally exchanging shots with straggling parties, in the course of which my horse received another ball, being one of two fired at me from the corner of a field. Captain Schwartz was at my right when these shots were fired. "At this stage of the contest, according to the admis- sion of rebel officers, the enemy's forces had swelled, by frequent reinforcements from the other side of the river, to cover thirteen regiments of infantry, and something less than two squadrons of cavalry, excluding his artillery, four pieces of which were in our possession, and two of which, after being spiked, together with part of one of our own caissons, were left on the way for want of animals to bring them off. The other two, with their horses and harness, were brought off. "On reaching the landing and not finding the detach- ments of the Seventh and Twenty-second, which you had left behind in the morning to guard the boats, I ordered 556 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. tenable. The enemy claimed to have gained a triumphant victory at Belmont, Delano's cavalry, which was embarking, to the rear of the fields to watch the enemy. Within an hour all our forces which had arrived were embarked, Captain Schwartz, Captain Hatch, assistant-quartermaster, and myself be- ing the last to get on board. Suddenly the enemy, in strong force (whose approach had been discovered by Lieutenant-Colonel John H. White, of the Thirty-first, who was conspicuous through the day for his dauntless courage and conduct), came within range of our musketry, when a terrible fire was opened upon him by the gun- boats, as well as by Taylor's battery and the infantry. The engagement thus renewed was kept up with great spirit, and with deadly effect upon the enemy, until the transports had passed beyond his reach. Exposed to the terrible fire of the gun-boats and Taylor's battery, a great mimber of the enemy were killed and wounded in this, the closing scene of a battle of six hours' duration. ' ' The Twenty-seventh and Dollins' cavalry being yet behind, I ordered my transports to continue in the rear of the fleet, excepting the gun-boats ; and after proceeding a short distance, landed and directed the gun-boats to return and await their appearance. "At this moment Lieutenant H. A. Rust, adjutant of the Twenty-seventh, hastened up and announced the ap- proach of the Twenty-seventh and Dollins' cavalry. Ac- companied by Captain Schwartz and Captain Hatch, I rode down the river bank, and met Colonel Buford with a part of his command. Inferring that my transport was wait- ing to receive him, I went farther down the river and met Captain Dollins, whom I instructed to embark, and still farther met the remainder of the Twenty-seventh, which had halted on the bank where the gun-boat Tyler was lying to, the Lexington lying still farther down. The rest of the boats having gone forward, Captain Walker, of the Tyler, at my request, promptly took the remainder of the Twenty-seventh on board, Captain Stambell, of the Lexington, covering the embarkation. ' ' Having thus embarked all my command, I returned with Captains Schwartz and Hatch to my transports and re-embarked, reaching Cairo about midnight, after a day of almost unceasing marching and conflict. ' ' I cannot bestow too high commendation upon all whom I had the honor to command on that day. Sup- plied with inferior and defective arms, many of which could not be discharged, and others bursting in use, they fought an enemy in woods with which he was familiar, behind defensive works which he had been preparing for months, in the face of a battery at Belmont, and under his heavy guns at Columbus, and although numbering three or four to our one, beat him, captured several stands of his colors, destroying his camp and carrying off a large amount of his property, already mentioned. From his own semi-official account his loss was 600 killed, and exulted accordingly. "Accept for yourself," wrote Jefferson Davis to Gen- wounded, and missing, including among the killed and wounded a number of officers, and probably among the missing 155 prisoners, who were brought to this post. " To mention all who did well would include every man in my command who came under my personal notice. Both officers and privates did their whole duty, nobly sustaining the enviable character of Americans and Illi- noisans. They shed new lustre upon the venerated flag of their country by upholding it in triumph amid the shock of battle and the din of arms. The blood they so freely poured out proved their devotion to their country, and serves to hallow a just cause with glorious recollec- tions. The success was that of citizen soldiers. " Major Brayman, Captains Schwartz and Dresser, and Lieutenants Eddy and Babcock, all members of my staff, are entitled to my gratitude for the zeal and alacrity with which they bore my orders in the face of danger, and dis- charged all their duties in the field. Colonels Buford, Fouke, and Logan repeatedly led their regiments to the charge, and as often drove the enemy back in confusion, thus inspiring their men with kindred ardor, and largely contributing to the success of our arms. Colonel Logan's admirable tactics not only foiled the frequent attempts of the enemy to flank him, but secured a steady advance to- ward the enemy's camp. Colonel Fouke and his com- mand, exposed throughout to a galling fire from the enemy, never ceased to press forward. His march was marked by the killed and wounded of the foe, mingled with many of his own men. ' ' Accomplishing a difficult circuit, Colonel Buford, ac- tive, eager, and emulous, was the first to throw his men within the enemy's defences. Captain Taylor and Lieu- tenant White managed the battery attached to my com- mand with admirable skill and most successful effect. Captain J. J. Dollins, with his company of cavalry, dis- played unsurpassed activity and daring. Having been early in the day detached from his regiment (the Thirty- first), he found his way in company of the Twenty- seventh to the enemy's camp on the lower side, charging his line with an impetuosity characteristic of himself and his brave followers. " Our victory, though signal and extraordinary, cost many valuable lives. Of the Twenty-seventh eleven were killed, forty-two wounded, and twenty-eight are miss- ing. Among the wounded was Lieutenant William Ship- ley, of Company A, a gallant and promising young officer, who has since died. Of the Thirtieth nine were killed, twenty-seven wounded, and eight are missing. Among the killed is Captain Thomas G. Markley, of Company D, a brave and valuable officer, who died true to his trust. "Major Thomas McClerken, an accomplished and effi- cient officer, whose services were conspicuous on the field, was severely, and, I fear, mortally wounded. Of the LOSSES AT BELMONT. 557 eral Polk, "and the officers and men under your command, my sincere thanks Thirty-first ten were killed, sixty-one wounded, and eighteen are missing ; Captain John W. Rigby, of Com- pany E a veteran and faithful officer being among the wounded ; also Captain Wm. A. L*oney, of Company C, who was severely injured while leading his company into a desperate encounter with a detachment of the enemy. Of Dollins' cavalry one was killed and two wounded. Of Taylor's company of light artillery five were wounded, among whom was First Lieutenant Charles W. Everett. " In closing this report, unavoidably somewhat imper- fect, I cannot forbear bearing my testimony to the gal- lantry and good conduct of every arm of your whole force. Each did well, and I share in the just pride which their valor has inspired in you as their successful commander. " I have the honor to be, your obedient servant, " JOHN A. McCLERNAND, " Brigadier-General Commanding." General Polk, in his official report, thus simply re- corded the event : "HEADQUARTERS FIBST DIVISION WESTERN DEPARTMENT, COLUMBUS, KY., Nov. 7, 1861. "To GENERAL HEADQUARTERS, THROUGH GENERAL A. S. JOHNSTON : ' ' The enemy came down on the opposite side of the river, Belmont, to-day, about 7,500 strong, landed under cover of gun-boats, attacked Colonel Tappan's camp. I sent over three regiments under General Pillow to his relief, then at intervals three others, then General Cheatham. for the glorious contribution you have just made to our common cause."* ' ' I then took over two others in person, to support a flank movement which I had directed. It was a hard- fought battle, lasting from 10.30 A.M. to 5 P.M. They took Beltzhoover' s battery, four pieces of which we recap- tured. The enemy were thoroughly routed. We pursued them to their boats seven miles, then drove their boats before us. The road was strewn with their dead and wounded, guns, ammunition, and equipments. Our loss considerable ; theirs heavy. L. POLK, " Major-General Commanding." OFFICIAL REPORT OF NATIONAL LOSSES. Killed. Wounded. Missing. Seventh Iowa Regiment 26 75 ] 19 Twenty-second Illinois Regiment . . 26 70 25 Twenty-seventh Illinois Regiment .10 42 29 Thirtieth Illinois Regiment 9 28 42 Thirty-first Illinois Regiment 10 62 10 Taylor's Chicago Battery 3 Dollins' Illinois Cavalry 1 4 Delano's Illinois Cavalry 1 2 On Gun-boat Tyler 1 2 RECAPITULATION. Killed 84 Wounded 288 Missing 235 Total casualties 607 558 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. CHAPTER LIII. The Enemy emulating the United States Expeditions. The Fire Zouaves under "Billy Wilson" at Santa Rosa. Bitter Hostility against them. Preparations of the Enemy. Landing of General Anderson at Deer Point. Attack upon the Encampment of the Zouaves. The Zouaves surprised and forced to retreat. The Enemy rifle and fire the Encampment. The Zouaves, reinforced from Fort Pickens, return to the charge. The Enemy forced to retreat, and suffer greatly in making for their boats. Comparative Losses. Enemy's account of the affair. Colonel Brown's Report. A characteristic Report from "Billy Wilson." Personal Trophies. Wilson reported killed. Exhibition of his Head and Hair in Pensacola. The Ladies of Secessia wearing bits of Wilson's Flag. Long inactivity on both sides. Bombardment of the Enemy's works near Pensacola. Purpose of the attack. The Federal vessels preparing. Getting into position. Great enthusiasm. Fire opened. Engagement with Fort McRae. Difficulties from shallowness of the water. The Richmond obliged to retire. The Niagara continues the fight. The Enemy's Flag down and up again. Guns of Fort McRae silenced. End of first day. The results summed up. Bombard- ment renewed. The men-of-war not in action. Warrington set on fire. A steamer disabled. The second day's work summed up. Damage to Fort Pickens. Close of the action. A second Bombardment. The result. 1861. THE enemy, apparently desirous of emulating the imposing naval ex- peditions of the Federalists, ven- tured in their turn to make an assault upon Santa Rosa Island, opposite to Pen- sacola. Here the Fire Zouaves, recruited in the city of New York, and commanded by that civic notability, Colonel "Billy Wilson," had lately arrived and encamp- ed about a mile from the Federal Fort Pickens. The object of the enemy was to surprise and capture those robust fellows, against whom a bitter hostility had been engendered at the South by their supposed unscrupulous designs. The secessionist leader, General Ander- son, had mustered some fifteen hundred men, who volunteered their services from the various camps in the neighborhood of Pensacola. Embarking his force at Oct. night upon several steamers, laun- 9 ches, and small boats, he landed about two o'clock in the morning at Deer Point Santa Rosa Island, four miles above the encampment of the Wilson Zouaves. Anderson immediately advan- ced, dividing his troops into three col- umns, each taking a different direction. Meeting first with the picket guards and driving them back, they soon came upon the encampment itself, which the several divisions of the enemy surrounded and began to attack. The Zouaves were taken by surprise, and although they fought well, were forced to fall back and seek the cover of the two batteries, Lin- coln and Totten, situated on either side of the island, about 400 yards from Fort Pickens. The enemy having soon rifled the encampment, set fire to the tents and barracks. In the mean tune, the Zou- aves, as they were retreating, were met by a reinforcement of regulars sent out from Fort Pickens, and the combined force returned to the charge. The enemy, as soon as they discovered their danger, made for the boats with great speed and in much confusion. Followed closely, ATTACK ON SANTA ROSA. 559 and fired upon by a succession of volleys as they were embarking and making sail, they suffered greatly. One of their laun- ches loaded with men being completely riddled by bullets, sunk, and it was esti- mated that they lost 150 men in all. Twenty-two were killed, five wounded, thirty-three were left on the island, and others were drowned or carried away j:o the mainland. The Federal loss in all, although the enemy claimed to have killed a hundred men, was computed to amount to thirteen killed, thirty wounded, and nineteen taken prisoners. The enemy seemed little satisfied with the result, and recorded it with less than their usual exultation : , " Our men," wrote one of their chron- iclers,* " retired in great confusion, and the line was a confused mass, moving without orders, and almost without ob- ject. We expected every moment to be shelled by Pickens and the fleet, which could have swept the island and not left a man. Fortunately for us they had sent out several companies to intercept our boats and cut off our retreat. These lay behind the sand hills and embankment, and fired upon our disorganized masses. Several attempts were made to rally into line, but without effect. The island is alternate marshes, ravines, and hills, with occasional long sandy plains. Whenever we met these squads we had to carry the place by storm, yet their advantage was too manifest. ' ' They could hide behind sand hills, completely protecting themselves from our bullets, and fire into our disorganized Atlanta Intelligencer. body for several minutes before we could come upon them. Several times we met these hostile squads and mistook them for friends, occasioning us heavy loss. One time, I remember in particular, we were assailed by a body of Zouaves who stood in a swamp ; as they commenced firing we gave the watchword, and were answered 'friends.' I thought perhaps they had forgotten the reply, yet they continued to shoot down the men around me at a fearful rate. I noticed them more closely, and could perceive the pe- culiarity of their dress, and could tell by the whiz of their bullets that they were armed with rifles that were not like ours. ' ' We then turned upon them and soon cleaned out the company. This was the severest tug of all, and we suffered se- verely before we discovered their com- plexions. In the spot I fought from I saw some seven or eight of our men fall within five feet of me, while several others fell around. This was about the last skirmish we had, yet straggling bodies fired for miles, doing but little damage. Scattered as we were for such a distance, and exhausted as were our men, they could have completely cut us off with cavalry or flying artillery had they had either. It took a long time for us to re- embark. As we were huddled together in open scows, they fired upon us after we were out of reach, and shot several of our men. Their large Enfield rifles carry a ball a great distance, and elevate my musket as I would, the bullet fell short of the beach, while their balls fell among us or passed just over our heads. Here 560 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. Brigadier- General Anderson was wound- o ed very severely, though he had passed all danger on the island, and that, too, far in the rear of the enemy. "It was wonderful that our soldiers should have fallen into such disorder and been so given up to excitement. Our men were as brave and daring as it was possible for soldiers to be, and in the presence of the enemy acted with as much gallantry as the occasion warranted. One cause of the confusion of ranks was the strange land we had to climb over, and the deep bogs we had to wade. I should rather attempt to scale the rug- gedest peak of the Rocky Mountains than to make a forced march on Santa Rosa Island. It is impossible for the best drilled troops in the world to keep in line in such a place. Another thing that pre- vented, was that the advanced bodies were less tired than the rear, and march- ed too fast. Again, one section just in front of us had their captain killed and a lieutenant wounded, and came crowd- ing back into our ranks. " I scarcely know whether we achieved a victory or suffered a defeat. We did the duty which we went to perform, and did it well ; yet we shot down our own friends in numbers. Indeed, I think as many of our own men were shot by friends as by foes. Night skirmishing is a dangerous business, especially in an unknown country, as was the island of Santa Rosa." Colonel Brown, the commander of Fort Pickens, in his official report, which fol- lows, gives a clear and authentic state- ment of the whole affair : " HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF FLORIDA, ) FORT PICKENS, Friday, Oct. 11, 1861. ) " COLONEL : I briefly reported to you on the 9th instant, that the rebels had landed on this island, partially destroyed the camp of the Sixth Regiment New York Volunteers, and had been driven off by our troops. ' I now report in detail the results of the attack. For the better understand- ing of the several movements, it may be well to state that the enemy landed about four miles from this port. The place may be recognized on the map by three ponds and a mound ; that the island there is about three-fourths of a mile wide ; that a short distance below it narrows to some two hundred yards, then widens again, and at camp the distance across is about five-eighths of a mile ; that a suc- cession of three or four sand ridges run on the sea parallel with the coast along the island, and low swampy ground inter- spersed with sand hillocks ; some bushes and a few trees extend along the harbor side, both shores being a sandy beach. " Wilson's camp is near the sea-coast, and a short mile from the fort. The two batteries spoken of in his report, and to which he retreated batteries Lincoln and Totten are, the first on the harbor, and the other on the Gulf side, about 400 yards from Fort Pickens. "About two o'clock on the morning of the 9th instant I was awakened by the officer of the day, who reported that a picket driven in had reported the land- ing of sixty men on the point. Having little confidence in the correctness of this report, I directed that no alarm should OFFICIAL REPORT. 561 be made, and shortly after he reported that the alarm was false. About half- past three o'clock he again reported that volleys of musketry were heard at the camp of the Sixth Regiment New York Volunteers. I immediately ordered the roll to be beaten, Major Yodges to take two companies and proceed to the spot, and Major Arnold to man the guns on the ramparts on the space. ' ' About half an hour after this time the firing was heavy, and the light of the burning camp seen. I sent a staff officer to communicate with Major Vodges, who returned very soon and said he had fallen in with a large body of the enemy on the inside shore, and could not find the Major. I immediately ordered Major Ar- nold to proceed to support Major Yodges, with two companies, and at the same time sent an order to Colonel Wilson to advance and attack the enemy. I also dispatched a staff officer on board the steamer McClellan, with orders for him to take position opposite the landing- place, and open on the enemy ; unfortu- nately at the same time directing him to go to the Potomac, lying near, and ask for some men to assist him in case land- ing was necessary. Captain Powell di- rected him to tow his ship to the scene of action, which so delayed him that he did not arrive until after the enemy had vacated. Captain Powell acted from the best of motives, and, under ordinary cir- cumstances, from correct principles, but the result was unfortunate, as the McClel- lan could have driven the rebel steamers away, and we must have made prisoners of most of the invaders. 71 " At the request of Major Arnold, late in the morning I sent forward a light field gun, which, however, did not reach until the affair was over. "As I propose only briefly to allude to the volunteers, I respectfully refer you to the official report of the colonel of the regiment. The picket of this regiment, and the guards, sustained its principal, if not entire loss, and behaved well. Cap- tain Daly's company, on duty with the regulars, did good service, and the cap- tain is spoken of by Major Arnold in terms of high approbation. He had two men killed. Captain Bailey's company was at a battery, and was not called out ; he was performing his appropriate duty during the fight. Major Yodges, with Companies A, First Artillery, and E, Third Infantry, proceeded behind the Spanish fort, about a mile from this fort, when, from the obscurity of the night, he found himself and command com- pletely intermingled with the enemy. He was immediately recognized and made prisoner, the command devolving on Captain Hildt, of the Third Infantry, who disengaged his command from their perilous position and opened a heavy fire on the enemy, and finally, with great gallantry, forced them to retreat he being ably supported by Lieut. Zeeley, my assistant adjutant-general, who vol- unteered for the occasion with a loss of ten killed. "Major Arnold at this moment came up, and, the enemy retreating, followed on. During this time, Major Power and Lieutenant Jackson, whom I had suc- cessively sent on to push forward the 56.2 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. Zouaves, succeeded in getting some col- lected, and Colonel Wilson also advanced, the enemy precipitately retreating. "Major Arnold, Captain Robertson, and Lieut. Shipley's companies promptly followed and attacked, and as they were embarking, the other companies arriving upon the ground successively, Captain Robertson opened a heavy fire at short musket range on the crowded masses, and Lieutenant Shipley, some fifteen minutes later, joined him, and their fire must have been very effective. This was continued so long as they were within range. When they got beyond it, the Major ordered the men to cease firing, and to give them three cheers, to which there was no response. During the time of this occurrence, Major Power came up with two small companies of Zouaves, and subsequently Colonel Wilson, with a portion of his regiment. " When it is considered that less than 200 regulars with some 50 volunteers pursued five times their number four miles and expelled them, under a heavy fire, from the island they had desecrated, it will, I trust, be considered an evidence of their having gallantly performed their duty. The plan of attack of the enemy was judicious, and, if executed with or- dinary ability, might have been attended with serious loss ; but he failed in all save the burning of one half of the tents of the Sixth Regiment, which, being covered with bushes, were very combustible, and in rifling the trunks of the officers. He did not reach within 500 yards of the batteries, the guns of which he was to spike, nor within a mile of the fort he was to enter pell-mell, the fugitives re- treating before his victorious arms. I have now in my possession nine spikes taken from the bodies of the dead, de- signed for our guns. " Our loss is, of regulars, four killed, twenty-six wounded most very slightly, and eight missing, among whom is Major Yodges ; of the Sixth Regiment New York Volunteers, ten killed, six wounded, and sixteen missing. " The enemy's loss, as known to us, is fourteen killed, including one captain, seven wounded, including one lieutenant two have since died and five officers and twenty-two enlisted men, prisoners ; and, as he was known to have carried off some of his dead, and probably most of his wounded, those in our hands being severely so, and unable to be removed, and as the heaviest loss is supposed to have been in the boats at the re-embark- ation, it was probably three times as great in killed and wounded as I have named. "I close, with the agreeable duty of naming to you the officers engaged, who so faithfully performed their duty. I ! mention Major Vodges first who unfor- tunately was taken prisoner before a gun on our part was fired to say that, as second in command, and my executive officer, he has efficiently and industriously performed his duty during the whole time of my command, and his services have been very valuable. Major Arnold, who succeeded to the command after the capture of his superior, conducted the affair with great gallantry, prudence, and ability ; he speaks in the highest terms of Captains Robertson and Heildt, and REPORT OF "BILLY WILSON." 563 Lieutenants Shipley and Seeley, and, in- deed, of all the others whose names I give : Major Power and Lieutenant Reese, of the Engineers ; Lieutenants Duryea, Langdon, Jackson, and Taylor, of the United States Army, and Captain Dole, of the New York Volunteers ; and it gives me great pleasure to append the names of non-commissioned officers and privates named by their company com- manders for distinguished good conduct, and to recommend them to the favorable notice of the Government. The following are the companies of Majors Yodges and Arnold who participated in the battle, and (with a very few exceptions of indi- viduals) to whom the greatest praise is due : Company A, First Artillery, Com- pany H, Second Artillery, and Companies C and E, Third Infantry. 1 ' I estimated the force of the enemy at 1,200 or 1,500, having closely observed them through a fine telescope as they re- treated. The two steamers, and a large barge of equal size, and five or six laun- ches, were all crowded with troops, and the almost unanimous estimate of the officers is 1,600, from personal observa- tion. I am, Colonel, very respectfully, 3 r ours, HARVEY BROWN, ' ' Colonel Commanding. " COLOKEL E. D. TOWNSEND, Assistant Adju- tant-General, Washington, D. C." The official report of " Billy Wilson" is too characteristic to be omitted. He thus wrote to General Arthur, of the State of New York : " SIR : We have had our first fight. It was a terrible one for the enemy. We lost nine men ; wounded, seven ; missing, ten out of what force I had with me. You must know my companies are scat- tered about. I have with me five com- panies, numbering 360, of which 50 were sick, 47 detailed on service at the fort, and about TO on guard that night. We have to watch a mile of the beach and three-fourths of a mile in front of our encampment. The island is three-fourths of a mile wide at this point. We had 133 men to turn out. "On the morning of the 9th instant (October), at half-past three o'clock, the enemy attacked us in three columns, commencing by attacking with small parties of twenty or thirty men every sentinel. Two companies charged the picket tent, the three bodies numbering in all 2,000 men, simultaneously firing volleys of musketry into the hospital and guard-house. We were out and formed in quick time. The sentinels, the guard, and officers came running in. They had fought retreating, until overpowered, killing quite a number of them. Several of our pickets were killed and wounded. Private W. Scott deliberately waited until one column was within ten feet of him, and then shot the commanding offi- cer, Captain Bradford. In an instant after we were formed, fronting, as I sup- posed, the enemy. It was so dark that I could not discover a man ten feet off. We were fired into from three sides. I had just sent out Captain Harelton with his company to the front as skirmishers, and Captain Duffy with twenty men to the left flank, to endeavor to find out the whereabouts of the enemy and draw their fire, when, bang ! we got it from all 564 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. sides. By companies and file I wheeled my men into line and returned the fire. At this moment a blaze arose the tents were all on fire ; the quartermaster's and commission store or building was also on fire, all at one time. The distance from the camp to the commission building is an eighth of a mile. We could then see our enemy for the first time, in dense masses in the centre of our camp, and extended along the ridge. Companies were seen moving across the ridges en- deavoring to surround us. A large body of men were also drawn up fronting the camp, firing into our camp, and setting fire to everything. We retired behind the first ridge toward the sea, halted, and faced the enemy. I had but sixty men with me ; I sent out for the rest of my men and officers, but could not find them. Stragglers came in and reported that Lieutenant-Colonel Creighton, Captains Harelton, Huherer, Hotrel, and Lieuten- ant Silloway had retired toward the fort. On hearing this, I said to my few men, ' We will be cut off ; they are trying to surround us ; we are too few to fight so many ;' and they gradually, being in good order, moved toward the beach on the first battery, where we rested a few moments. We then, as daylight ap- peared, marched in chase of the enemy. Until this time I had heard no news of my men, nor of the regulars. I then learned from Major Towen that several companies were in chase of the enemy. We hurried up, some seven miles, and arrived a few moments too late at the place where the enemy were getting slaughtered by our men, while they were endeavoring to embark. There were three steamboats and three barges. The enemy lost in killed and wounded about 500 men. General Anderson led them on. Their war-cry was, ' Death to Wil- son ! No quarter to Wilson's Zouaves !' Five thousand dollars was the reward for him, dead or alive. All our loss is about 20 killed, 15 wounded, and 20 prisoners. " Our new clothes are all destroyed. I have lost everything I had ; my men also. They burned us out completely. Our papers and books are burned. My commission is safe. I sent to the post- office the day before the fight. My men did well. They have smelt gunpowder now they are all right. We com- mence the fight to-morrow. They have 12,000 men. They are exhibiting my head and hair in Pensacola. The re- ward is already claimed ; also an old flag, which I nailed to a flag-staff on the Fourth of July, which has been hanging there ever since ; nothing left, however, but the stars. The ladies have cut it up in pieces and have it pinned on their bosoms as a trophy. Every one in Pen- sacola has my sword and uniform. I must have had a large quantity of hair, plenty of swords and uniforms. They say if I was to be taken alive, I was to be put in a cage and exhibited. " Yesterday five Americans and two ladies escaped from Pensacola and gave us all the news of how they describe the terrible victory. We lay upon our arms every night. I have slept but little this week. I don't feel well. We will want 800 uniforms. Your obedient servant, "WILLIAM WILSON, Col. Com'g." BOMBARDMENT OF PENSACOLA. 565 After this daring but unsuccessful at- tempt of the enemy at Pensacola, the an- tagonists, though confronting each other so closely, remained quiet in mutual de- fiance for a long time. On the 22d of November, however, fl OVi the silence was broken by a com- 22. bined bombardment, from the Fed- eral vessels of war and Fort Pickens, of the enemy's works on the mainland sur- rounding the harbor of Pensacola. The object of the attack was generally to do as much damage as possible to the enemy, but especially to draw their fire, in order to test the range of their guns, as an attempt was to be made to destroy the navy yard at Pensacola and its fortress. The United States steamer Niagara, the Richmond, and the Mont- gomery, under the general command of Flag- Officer McKean, were the- three national vessels, then off' Fort Pickens, which took part in the engagement. On the day before, every preparation was made for action. To protect the machinery of the steamers, bags of coal were placed around such portions of it as might be exposed to shot, and all the usual preliminaries arranged. Orders were issued to the vessels to move at daylight next morning and take such a position as to be able to engage Fort McRae and the water and sand bat- teries in front of it. It was agreed be- tween Captain McKean and Colonel Brown, that the latter should begin the attack by opening fire on the enemy's little steamers, as they passed on their usual daily route from the city of Pensacola to the navy yard, and endeavor to sink them, so as to prevent the transporta- tion of reinforcements. At sunrise the men-of-war were all ready. The boats had been hoisted out and moored alongside, the shot and shell brought up from below, and " steam got up," ready for a move. The chaplain offered up the usual morning prayer and implored the blessing of God upon the enterprise. The flag-officer address- ed a few direct words to his officers and men, urging upon them "strict obedi- ence to all orders, coolness, judgment, and precision in firing." The crew re- sponded with three hearty cheers, and impatiently awaited the order for weigh- ing anchor and moving to take part in the action. At about half-past nine o'clock the enemy's little steamers were seen com- ing down from Pensacola, and were anxiously watched until they made fast to the dock at the navy yard. At this moment, just twelve minutes to ten o'clock, Fort Pickens opened^fire. The crews of the men-of-war greeted the sound of the cannon with a loud hurrah, and the order being given to weigh anchor, the work was done with a " will." As it was necessary, in order to bring the guns of the Niagara within range, to run into water so shoal, that even in a smooth sea there would be only twenty inches under the keel, great caution had to be used in working her in. She was forced to seek a position in which she would be able, in case of a blow, to move at once into deeper water. The Richmond, in the mean time, came under the stern of the Niagara, and was 566 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. ordered by the commodore on board of the latter, his flag-ship to move in until within range of the forts and open fire. This she did immediately, and was at once hotly engaged. The Niagara con- tinued cautiously to steam on until she also came within range, as was supposed, when she dropped her anchor. The enemy's guns at Fort McRae and the water battery were in the mean time firing, but their shots fell short of the Niagara. This steamer being moored, fired her first shot from an eighty-four- pound rifled gun, which appeared to tell. On discharging an eleven-inch cannon, its shot was seen to fall short. Several subsequent attempts proving equally in- effectual, a boat was sent out to sound, and it being found that the steamer could move still closer in, the anchor was hove, and the Niagara brought a fourth of a mile nearer to the forts. "We now again," wrote one of the officers of the Niagara, " opened fire from our ^broadside guns, and this time to some purpose. Almost every shot told, and there must have been a fearful scat- tering of pieces, as our shell exploded over their heads. I do not think there was ever any target practice in the navy that can show such a record of effective shots. The rebels were constantly throw- ing shot at us, and seemed to be either increasing the charge of powder or else getting more elevation, for their shots gradually came nearer, though it was not until late in the afternoon that we were struck. By twelve o'clock both the Rich- mond and Niagara, together with the guns bearing from Fort Pickens and bat- tery Scott, were playing into Fort McRae and its surrounding batteries. We aver- aged one shell every three minutes, and as the Richmond had more guns, though smaller, and more than our number of guns were being served from Santa Rosa, there were about two shells each minute being fired at this point. ' ' About one o'clock a firing commenced from a masked battery which disclosed itself in the woods along the shore, and about a mile south of McRae. They seemed to have a particular spite against us by the pertinacity with which they fired at us ; but finding that they could not reach us, they turned their attention to the Richmond, which was nearer in shore. Many of their shot came very close to the latter, and had they been well directed would have done a great deal of damage. Only one took effect, however, and I regret to record that this killed one man and wounded seven. The man killed was captain of the gun, and was in the act of taking aim when struck. The wounded were but slightly hurt. The battery of the Richmond was now brought to bear upon the hidden rebels, but I do not think it did much execution, as most of her shot were seen to fall short. About five o'clock she hauled out." The Niagara continued the engage- ment, and her fire seemed to have great effect. A wooden barrack in the rear of Fort McRae was set on fire, and the flag- staff of the fort shot away, bringing down the enemy's flag, which, however, was soon raised again. The firing con- tinued on both sides until six o'clock, BURNING OF WARRINGTON. 567 when the guns of Fort McRae no longer responded. The Niagara continued to pour shot and shell into the silenced batteries, when it becoming too dark to fire with any certainty of aim, she hauled off and anchored out of range. She had suffered little during the engage- ment, having received but two shots in her sides, one of which passed through the lieutenants' room, scattering every- thing within. The Niagara had fired the large number of 180 shells, some of which were filled with sand for the purpose of rendering them more effective in breach- ing the walls. The effect of this heavy bombardment was supposed to have been the dismounting of the heaviest gun of Fort McRae, and silencing the rest. Thus closed the first day, during which Fort Pickens had been as active with its guns as the men-of-war. "My fire," says Colonel Brown, ' ' was incessant, from the time of opening until it was too dark to see, at the rate of a shot for each gun every fifteen or twenty minutes, the fire of the enemy being somewhat slower. By noon the guns of Fort Mc- Rae were all silenced but one. * * We reduced very perceptibly the fire of Barrancas, entirely silenced that in the navy yard and in one or two other bat- teries, the efficiency of our fire at the close of the day not being the least im- paired." Early on the next morning the bom- fl ov . bardment was renewed from Fort 2B. Pickens. The steamers not being able to get within range, owing to the shallowness of the water, were prevented from taking any effective part in the en- gagement. " My fire this day," wrote Colonel Brown, "was less rapid, and I think more efficient, than that of yester- day. Fort McRae, so effectually silenced yesterday, did not fire again to-day. We silenced entirely one or two guns, and had one of ours disabled by a shot coming through the embrasure. "About three o'clock, fire was com- municated to one of the houses in War- rington, and shortly afterwards to the church steeple, the church and the whole village being immediately in rear of the rebel batteries, they apparently having placed them purposely directly in front of the largest and most valuable build- ings. The fire rapidly communicated to other buildings along the street, until probably two-thirds of it was consumed ; and about the same time fire was dis- covered issuing from the back part of the navy yard, probably in Wolcott, a village to the north, immediately adjoin- ing the yard as Warrington does on the west. Finally, it penetrated to the yard, and as it continued to burn brightly all night, I concluded that either in it or in Wolcott many buildings were destroyed. Yery heavy damage was also done to the buildings of the yard by the ava- lanche of shot, shell, and splinters show- ered unceasingly on them for two days, but as they were nearly fire-proof, being built of brick and covered with slate, I could not succeed in firing them, my hot shot and shells not having any power of igniting them. "The steamer Time, which was then lying at the wharf, was abandoned on the first day and exposed to our fire, 568 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. which probably entirely disabled her. The fire was again continued till dark, and with mortars, occasionally, until two o'clock the next morning, when the combat ceased." Colonel Brown thus briefly sums up the damage sustained by Fort Pickens : ' ' The fort, though it has received a great many shot and shell, is, in every respect, save the disabling of one gun-carriage and the loss of service of six men, as efficient as it was at the commencement of the combat." The most serious damage done by the enemy was suffered by the Richmond on the first day of the engagement. A shot struck her on the water-line, and penetrating the side, dropped in the pur- ser's room, and, in spite of her steam pumps, she made water so fast that it was found necessary to send her to Key West for repairs. An accident occur- red in Fort Pickens which was more fatal than any of the direct blows of the enemy. One of the men was trying to empty a shell which had fallen in the fort, by knocking it against another. An explosion followed, which discharged another shell, and resulted in instantly killing five soldiers and wounding seven more. After this heavy bombardment which, notwithstanding it lasted two days, did little damage to either side the old state of quiet ensued between the enemy about Pensacola and our forces on Santa Rosa Island, but was again dis- turbed at the opening of the new year (January 1, 1862) by a fire from Fort Pickens upon one of the enemy's steam- ers. The Confederate commander, Gen- eral Bragg, responded from his batteries, and the bombardment was continued on both sides for a whole day. Next morn- ing the enemy renewed his fire, but it not being responded to, no further en- gagement took place. Little damage was done to either antagonist. THE PUBLIC ON BULL RUN. 569 CHAPTER LIV. The effect of the Defeat at Bull Run upon Public Opinion at the North. Popular Indignation. Indiscriminate cen- sure. The Innocent confounded with the Guilty. Frank confession of the Commander-in-Chief. Injustice to General McDowell. Vicarious suffering. Who were to blame ? Graceful resignation of a victim of popular Prejudice. A new Candidate for Public Fame. General McClellan appointed to the chief command on the Poto- mac. His journey to Washington. Modesty. The single speech. Arrival at the Capital. Immediate attention to Business. Improved Police and better Discipline. Checks to secession in Washington. Regulation of the Press The Department of McClellan denned. Organization. Fortifications on the Potomac. Their extent and strength. Safety of Washington secured. Maryland Tranquillized. General Dix at Baltimore. General Banks on the Potomac. " All is quiet on the Potomac." Skirmishes. The affair at Bolivar. Success of the Unionists. Sup- posed change in the position of the Enemy Position of Banks' Division. Strengthening of the Enemy's right, and supposed drawing in of their left. The cause of the attack at Ball's Bluff. Prudence of McClellan. Recon- noissanceof Drainesville. Leesburg. Reported evacuation of the two places. Instructions of McClellan. Stone's notification of his movement across the Potomac, and the disaster at Ball's Bluff. 1861. AFTER the reckless attack and conse- quent defeat of the Federal forces at Bull Run, the country was sud- denly awakened from the delusion in which it had indulged as to the all-con- quering might of its own undisciplined troops and the inferiority of those of the Confederates. The people naturally turned against those who had designedly or ignorantly excited their hopes. The "On to Richmond" cry was drowned in a flood of popular indignation. Public opinion is seldom discriminating, and often not only confounds the innocent with the guilty, but visits the sins of the latter upon the former. This was emphatically the case in the popular ver- dict in regard to the battle at Bull Run. The penitent whimperings of the instiga- tors of that movement were readily list- ened to and their sins forgiven, while the innocent actors in it were forced to submit to the rigors of an unsparing penance. 72 The veteran Commander-in-chief fore- stalled popular censure by his frank con- fession, that he had been the greatest coward of all, in having yielded, in op- position to his own judgment, to the im- pulse of public sentiment. General Mc- Dowell, who had led the army to that fatal battle-field merely in obedience to a military superior, suffered most in rep- utation. The public censure was chiefly directed against him, and there still lin- gers a prejudice against McDowell, which, by consigning him to a subordinate posi- tion, has deprived the country of the services of one of its ablest and most pa- triotic leaders. To appease the popular anger at the defeat at Bull Run, the sacrifice of a victim became necessary, and the unfor- tunate general was made to atone vica- riously for the ignorant excitement of the multitude, the artful provocations of an unscrupulous press, the partisan 570 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. schemes of designing politicians, the fac- ile concurrence of a dependent adminis- tration, and the confessed weakness of the commander-in-chief. For all these combined were the causes of the fatal movement, and upon their authors the popular indignation should have been heaped, and not upon the head of the brave and skilful McDowell. Fortunately for the country, there were those who, in their devotion to its interests, were willing to come to its rescue, though at the risk of sacrificing reputation more dear to a soldier than his life. A successor was found to the sacrificed McDowell, who yielded with graceful resignation to his substitute, and with patriotic submissiveness became his subordinate. The successful campaign of General McClellan in Western Vir- ginia had won for him great renown, and July when the Government selected him 22. to command our army on the Poto- mac, the people welcomed the choice with acclamation. The young General hurried rapidly to his post of duty, and, modestly disclaim- ing those expressions of applause which the American people so bountifully be- stow even in advance, kept aloof from the crowd eager to exalt and idolize him. In his native Philadelphia, however, he could not escape the importunate mul- titude, but even while yielding so far as to address them, the brevity of his speech, and its deprecation of unearned favor, proved his distaste for indiscrim- inate applause. " My friends and old townsmen," he said, " I thank you for your reception, and might reply, if this were not a time for action, and not for speech. Your applause, as I take it, is intended for my brave soldiers in Western Virginia. I am going to fulfil new duties, and I trust that your kindness will give me courage and strength. Good-bye." As soon as General McClellan reached Washington, he immediately as- juiy sumed command on the Potomac, 26. and began a rigorous course of or- ganization and discipline, by which, it was hoped, the unformed mass of raw recruits might be converted into a power- ful army of orderly soldiers. His first act was to enforce a rigid system of military police. The indulgent Mans- field having been transferred to a com- mand at Fortress Monroe, General Porter was appointed provost marshal, and the capital soon ceased to be scandalized by the debauchery of idle officers filling the hotels, and vagrant soldiers roaming the streets. General McClellan thus indicated in an " order" his determination to re- j u [y form the prevailing abuse : 30. "The General commanding the divi- sion has with much regret observed that large numbers of officers and men sta- tioned in the vicinity of Washington, are in the habit of frequenting the streets and hotels of the city. This practice is eminently prejudicial to good order and military discipline, and must at once be discontinued. " The time and services of all persons connected with this division should be devoted to their appropriate duties with their respective commands. It is there- McCLELLAN ON THE POTOMAC. 571 fore directed that hereafter no officer or soldier be allowed to absent himself from his camp and visit Washington, except for the performance of some public duty, or the transaction of important private business, for which purposes written permits will be given by the command- ers of brigades. The permit will state the object of the visit. Brigade com- manders will be held responsible for the strict execution of this order." The severe scrutiny which ensued as to the loyalty of many employed in the public offices, and of the citizens, male and female, of Washington, in which city it was suspected there was much active sympathy with the enemy, was supposed to have been suggested by the newly-ap- pointed General. The representatives, in the capital, of the newspaper press throughout the North, were especially invited by General McClellan to " con- sult" with him, and the result of the conference was the unanimous decision, that the following "suggestions" be trans- mitted to the editors of all the newspa- pers in all the loyal States and in the District of Columbia : " 1st. That all such editors be required to refrain from publishing, either as ed- itorial or correspondence, any descrip- tion, from any point of view, of any matter that might furnish aid and com- fort to the enemy. " 2d. That they be also requested and earnestly solicited to signify to their correspondents here and elsewhere their approval of the foregoing suggestion, and to comply with it in spirit and letter." It was, moreover, resolved that the Government be respectfully requested to afford the representatives of the press facilities for obtaining and immediately transmitting all information suitable for publication, particularly touching en- gagements with the enemy. By a general order, the extent of Gen- eral McClellan's command was denned. His military control was greatly enlarged beyond that of any serving under the veteran Scott, still the commander-in- chief. "There will be added," are the terms of the order, "to the Department of the Shenandoah the counties of Washington, Alleghany, in Maryland, and such other parts of Virginia as may be covered by the army in its operations. And there will be added to the Department of Wash- ington the counties of Prince George, Montgomery, and Frederick. The re- mainder of Maryland, and all of Penn- sylvania and Delaware, will constitute the Department of Pennsylvania, head- quarters Baltimore. The Department of Washington and the Department of Northeastern Virginia will constitute a geographical division under Major-Gen- eral McClellan, United States Army, headquarters Washington." The organization of the large army on the Potomac which had rapidly increas- ed after the battle of Bull Run, under the inspiring influence of the new and trust- ed leader now absorbed the interest of General McClellan. He devoted him- self with ceaseless activity to the work. His staff was appointed, and new appoint- ments and promotions to generalships and other ranks rapidly made. The 572 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. whole army was divided into brigades and divisions, and chiefs selected to com- mand them. An attempt was made to secure efficiency of officers, by establish- ing commissions to examine into their military knowledge. A large number of resignations followed, some of which were voluntary, from self-confessed, and many compulsory in consequence of proved, incompetence. The fortifications on the Potomac, under the eye and direction of McClellan, were j> ec , so rapidly extended and perfected, ? that the chief engineer, Brigadier- General Barnard, was enabled to state in his report that the defences of Washington "consisted of about forty- eight works, mounting over 300 guns, some of which are of very large size," and, to add, "that the actual defensive perimeter occupied is about thirty-five miles, exceeding the length of the famous, and hitherto the most extensive fortified by extemporized field-works lines of Torres Vedras by several miles." With the great increase of the national forces and the extension and comple- tion of the defensive works on the Po- tomac, there was no longer any fear for the safety of Washington. Maryland, too, remained tranquil and loyal. Gen- eral Dix had succeeded General Banks in the command of this department, and was pursuing, with the same good effect, his predecessor's policy of awing the secessionists and encouraging the friends of the Union. General Banks, super- seding General Patterson, had been trans- ferred to the upper Potomac, whither we shall follow him, to record the only military movements which for many months called for a variation in the oft- repeated dispatch, "All is quiet to-day on the Potomac." Occasional skirmishes occurred along the whole line of the Potomac. Of these the most important occurred at Bolivar Heights, in the neighborhood of Harper's Ferry. The enemy held this posi- o c j, tion with a force estimated at 3,000 H. men, under the command of Colonel Ashby. The Federal troops, consisting of portions of the Twenty-eighth Penn- sylvania, the Thirteenth Massachusetts, and the Third Wisconsin Regiments, numbered a little more than 1,000 men. The enemy attacked the three companies belonging to the Massachu- setts Regiment commanded by Major J. P. Gould which were garrisoning Harper's Ferry ; these having been re- inforced, drove back the secessionists, but in turn were forced to retire. Col- onel Geary now hastened, from his post at Point of Rocks, on the opposite side of the river, with more troops and some artillery, and succeeded in forcing the [ enemy from their position on the com- manding Heights of Bolivar with great loss. Their leader, Ashby, was killed, and some hundred or more of their men either lost their lives or were severely wounded. A thirty-two pound colum- biad was taken from them with other trophies. The Unionists were reported to have lost only thirteen men in the engagement. The enemy, in shifting the position of their forces, having strengthened their DRAINESVILLE OCCUPIED. 573 centre at Manassas and extended their right toward the creeks and rivers below Alexandria, were supposed to have drawn back their left, which had been resting on Drainesville and Lees- burgh above Washington. It was from these points or their neighborhood that Maryland had been for a long time threatened, and it had evidently been the intention of the enemy to cross the Potomac somewhere in this direction and approach the capital by a flank movement. To provide against such a movement, a large force had been concen- trated on the Maryland side of the river. This was the division under the com- mand of Major-General Banks, stationed on a line extending from Great Falls to Harper's Ferry. Banks commanded in person from Great Falls to Edward's Ferry, with his headquarters near Darnestown, twenty-tv o miles above Washington. General Stone held with his brigade the position between Ed- ward's and Conrad's ferries, and Colonels Lander and Geary and others with their regiments completed the line from the latter point to Harper's Ferry. When the enemy began to change their position on the Potomac a move- ment which had become manifest from their retiring from Munson's Hill and the immediate neighborhood of Alexan- dria, and from the strengthening of their right on Acquia Creek and the other streams toward the mouth of the Poto- mac, where they had laboriously con- structed a series of powerful batteries it was supposed that they had entirely changed their plans. "It appeared evi- dent that they had given up all hope of crossing the upper Potomac, and it was concluded that they had withdrawn the main force which they had so long re- tained in that direction. This presump- tion led to the fatal encounter at Ball's Bluff. General McClellan, although he un- doubtedly was of the opinion that the force on the enemy's left had been greatly diminished in the course of the change in their line of operations, seemed to have acted with a prudence that it would have been well if some -of his subordinates had emulated. Drainesville, lower down and on the same side of the Potomac, had been, like Leesburgh, a point of concentration for the forces of the enemy's left. The troops at both places were supposed to have been greatly diminished. In order to ascertain the fact in regard to Draines- ville, General McClellan ordered General McCall to make a reconnoissance in force in that direction. McCall succeeded in reaching Drainesville without any o c t, show of resistance, and moreover W learned that Leesburgh had been also evacuated. At the same time, General McClellan, anxious to ascertain more accurately the state of things at Lees- burgh, ordered General Stone to be on the watch in that direction. His in- structions were conveyed in this dis- patch : " General McClellan desires me to in- form you that General McCall occu- Oct. pied Drainesville yesterday, and is 20t still there. Will send out heavy recon- noissances to-day in all directions from 574: THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. that point. The General desires that you keep a good look-out upon Lees- burgh, to see if this movement has the effect to drive them away. Perhaps a slight demonstration on your part would have the effect to move them. "A. Y. COLBURN, "Assistant Adjutant-General. "Headquarters of the Army of the Potomac, October 20, 1861." Geneial McClellan, probably not ex- pecting that the enemy would be found in any considerable force, or if they were, not intending to give them battle, had recalled General McCall, who, after C t, completing the object of his recon- 21* noitring expedition, returned to his former camp at Longley, nearer the centre of the Federal line on the Vir- ginian side of the Potomac. In the mean time General Stone having received the dispatch of General McClellan, dated the 20th of October, answered it from Poolsville on the same day, as fol- lows : " Made a feint of crossing at this place, this afternoon, and at the same time started a reconnoitring party toward Leesburgh from Harrison's Island. The enemy's pickets retired to intrench- ments. Report of reconnoitring party not yet received. I have means of crossing 125 men once in ten minutes at each of two points. River falling slowly. " C. P. STONE, Brigadier-General.''' This dispatch conveyed the first infor- mation to headquarters of that move- ment across the Potomac which re- sulted in the fatal disaster of Ball's Bluff. CHAPTER LY. General Stone's movements across the Potomac. Edward's Ferry. Harrison's Island. The Reconnoissance toward Leesburgh. Conclusions of General Stone. His determination. A Demonstration made. Troops thrown across the Potomac. A gallant Reconnoissance. Movements of Colonel Devens. Report of no Enemy to be seen. Orders of Stone. Disobedience of them. General Baker arrives at the Headquarters of Stone. His orders. Colonel Devens attacked by the Enemy at Ball's Bluff. Baker to the Rescue. Crossing of the Potomac. The Difficulties for want of proper means. Criminal Neglect. The fatal consequences. The struggle at Ball's Bluff. Defeat. Fatal disaster. General Stone's movements on the Left. General McClellan's orders in the emergency. Fresh Troops ordered across the Potomac. Banks ordered to advance. McClellan at Edward's Ferry. A bridge for cross- ing the Potomac secured. Troops withdrawn from the Virginia shore. The losses at Ball's Bluff'. The causes of the disaster. Who was to blame. What General Stone says for himself. Exultation of the Enemy. Death of Baker. His Life and Character. The causes of his popularity. His obscure origin. His early destitution. Hig spirited efforts for support. His aspirations. An emigrant to the West. A lawyer. A member of Congress. Colonel in the War with Mexico On the Isthmus of Panama. In California. Oregon. Colonel of California Regiment. Promotion offered, but refused. Eloquence. GENERAL STONE, in accordance with the instructions he had received from General McClellan, and as he stated to him in his dispatch, made a feint of 1861. crossing the Potomac at Edward's Ferry, and sent a reconnoitring party, consist- ing of four companies of the Fifteenth Massachusetts Regiment, then stationed RECONNOISSANCE OF DEVENS. 575 at Harrison's Island, situated between Edward's and Conrad's ferry, and lying about midway of the two banks of the river Potomac. This reconnoitring party crossed from the island to the Virginian shore, and after penetrating the country to within a mile of Leesburgh, returned without having met even a picket guard, although they reported they had dis- covered an encampment of thirty tents, in a wood near the town. Presuming upon the reports thus brought back, General Stone seems to have concluded that the enemy was no longer in force at Leesburgh, and doubtless believed that there was now an opportunity, if any troops were left in that place, to carry out the suggestion of McClellan thus given to him : " Perhaps a slight demon- stration on your part would have the effect to. move them." He determined to cross the river for that purpose. Accord- ingly, having proceeded in person to Ed- ward's Ferry, he prepared to throw across at that point a considerable force to make the main attack upon the enemy, while at Conrad's Ferry above, he ordered a feint to be made, and from Harrison's Island, between the two places, the small force there was directed to cross into Yirginia and destroy the encampment reported to have been seen near Lees- burgh. Colonel Devens, in command of C t, the Massachusetts men, accordingly 21* crossed from the island and pro- ceeded to carry out this purpose. At the same time, to distract the attention of the enemy from this movement from Harrison's Island, and in order to recon- noitre in the direction of Leesburgh from Edward's Ferry, General Stone sent from this point across the river two companies of the First Minnesota Regiment, and a company of thirty-one of the Van Alen cavalry, under the command of Major Mix, accompanied by several staff offi- cers. They were ordered to advance along the road to Leesburgh until they arrived in the vicinity of a battery known to be hidden there. " This reconnois- sance was most gallantly conducted, and the party proceeded along the Leesburgh road, nearly two miles from the ferry, and when near the position of the hid- den battery came suddenly upon a Mis- sissippi Regiment, about thirty- five yards distant, received its fire, and returned it with their pistols. The fire of the enemy killed one horse, but Lieutenant Gouraud seized the dismounted man, and drawing him on his horse behind him, carried him unhurt from the field. One private of the Fourth Virginia cav- alry was brought off by the party a prisoner, and being well mounted and armed, his mount replaced the one lost by the fire of the enemy."* Colonel Devens, in the meantime, had got his four companies of Massachusetts men across the stream from Harrison's Island, and had reached the position of the reported camp near Leesburgh. He sent back word that no such camp could be found, and that the scouts of the pre- vious day who had reported its existence had been deceived by the uncertain light, and had mistaken the open spaces between the trees for tents. Devens hav- ing at the same time discovered a place General Stone's official report. 576 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. of supposed security in a wood for his small force, proceeded to make an exam- ination of the country between his posi- tion and Leesburgh, with the result, as he reported, that " thus far he could find no enemy."* " Immediately on the receipt of this intelligence, brought me by Lieutenant Howe, who accompanied both parties (of the 20th and 21st), I ordered," says General Stone, "a non-commissioned officer and ten cavalry to join Colonel Devens for the purpose of scouring the country near him while engaged in his reconnoissance, and giving due notice of the approach of any force, and that Lieutenant-Colonel Ward, with his bat- talion of the Fifteenth Massachusetts, should move on to Stuart's Mills, half a mile to the right of the landing-place of Colonel Devens, and see where, in a strong position, he could watch and pro- tect the flank of Colonel Devens on his return, and secure a second crossing more favorable than the first, and con- nected by a good road with Leesburgh. Captain Candy, assistant adjutant-gen- eral, and General Lander accompanied the cavalry to serve with it. ' ' For some reason never explained to me," adds General Stone, "neither of these orders was carried out." General Baker now presented him- self at headquarters, stating that his California Regiment was at Conrad's Ferry, and that the rest of his brigade was ready to march. General Stone at once directed him to Harrison's Island, and to assume the command there. The * General Stone's official report. written orders Baker received were as follows : "EDWARD'S FERKT, October 21, 1861. " COLONEL E. D. BAKER, COMMANDER OP BRI- GADE : " COLONEL : In case of heavy firing in front of Harrison's Island, you will ad- vance the California Regiment of your brigade, or retire the regiments under Colonels Lee and Devens, now on the Virginia side of the river, at your discre- tion, assuming command on arrival. "Very respectfully, Colonel, "Your most obedient servant, "CHARLES P. STONE, " Brigadier- General Commanding." This, the next dispatch from head- quarters, came on the same day : " HEADQUARTERS CORPS OF OBSERVATION, ) EDWARD'S FERRY, Oct. 21, 11.50. f " E. D. BAKER, COMMANDING BRIGADE : "COLONEL: I am informed that the force of the enemy is about 4,000 all told. If you can push them, you may do so, as far as to have a strong position near Leesburgh, if you can keep them before you, avoiding their batteries. If they pass Leesburgh and take the Green Spring Road, you will not follow far, but seize the first good position to cover that road. Their design is to draw us on, if they are obliged to retreat, as far as Goose Creek, where they can be re- inforced from Manassas and have a strong position. " Report frequently, so that, when they are pushed, Grover can come up on their flank. Yours, respectfully and truly, "CHARLES P. STONE, " Brigadier- General Commanding." BALL'S BLUFF. 577 Before General Baker, in obedience to his first order, could throw any of his force across the river to the Virginia bank, Colonel Devens, who had formed his four companies in line on Ball's Bluff, in a cornfield surrounded by a dense wood, had been already assailed. An irregular skirmishing fire was the only result until the arrival of more troops, which the enemy were evidently awaiting that they might reap a bloodier harvest. At about noon three companies of the Massachusetts Regiment had crossed, followed by 600 of the California Brigade, two companies of the Tammany Regiment, accompanied by howitzers and one rifled cannon under the direction of Lieutenant Bramhall, of the Ninth New York. The crossing of the two branches of the river, formed by Harrison's Island, and the Chesapeake and Ohio Canal, which runs along the Maryland shore, though easily made with proper means of transport, was exceedingly slow, in consequence of the small number of boats and their bad condition, and caused the defeat of the whole enterprise. The en- tire means of transportation, even at Ed- ward's Ferry, where General Stone com- manded in person and proposed to throw across the river his main force, consisted only of " two shaky scows, and one ship's yawl into which fifteen persons might perhaps be crowded. The consequence was, that General Stone was only able to throw a very small portion of his force into Virginia, when there was a pressing need for all. The means of transport from the 73 Maryland shore to Harrison's Island and thence to the Virginia shore were equally deficient. To cross the canal, recourse was had to the expedient of placing a canal boat lengthwise between the banks. The only provision for crossing thence to Harrison's Island, over a swift channel two hundred yards in width, were two scows or flat-bottomed boats, holding thirty persons each. It was found impossible to transport by this in- adequate means more than a hundred and twenty soldiers an hour. From Harrison's Island again to the Virginia shore, the only means of transportation consisted of a scow and a yawl or life- boat. The stream on this side is narrow, being only a hundred yards wide, but its current is rapid, and the Virginian bank is ten feet high, clayey and slippery, while it is backed by the wooded bluff known as Ball's Bluff, from eighty to a hundred and fifty feet in height. General Baker having been ordered with his brigade to reinforce the remain- ing Massachusetts men, reached the river bank as the latter were crossing. "The reinforcements from the Massachusetts regiments were using the boats to cross, and the rate at which troops went over was painfully slow," says a careful chronicler.* " By and by a scow capable of holding forty persons was discovered in the canal, and with infinite pains dumped over into the river. Late in the morning Wistar's [lieutenant-colonel of California First Regiment] battalion began to cross in this, and, finally, getting the other boats, had all landed on Harri- * New York World. 578 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. son's Island in the early afternoon. The transit of the Virginia channel was still slower. Here there were only the scow and life-boat. The current was very swift, and, as on the Maryland side, each boat had to be pushed up stream a dozen rods with setting-poles in order to hit the landing on the opposite side. The men worked heroically, but the last of the California battalion did not reach the Virginia heights until four o'clock p. M. At that time a smart conflict had been continuing for two hours, while skir- mishing shots had been exchanged since breakfast. Large numbers of our killed or wounded on the heights were brought down the bluff and passed over to the island in the returning boats. There was a farm-house on the island, directly in the line of our transit, round which the troops made a detour in crossing. Long before Wistar's battalion had all passed to the Virginia side, this house was turned into a hospital, every room being occu- pied by our sufferers." " Meanwhile Baker had accompanied the first half of Wistar's command to the opposite shore, had visited the battle- field, conferred with Devens and Lee, seen at a glance the prospects of the day, and come down again to the bank of the river. The Virginia channel was so narrow that commands could be shouted from the island to the shore. Rittman, the senior captain of Wistar's battalion, was in command on the island, superintending the transit on the Vir- ginia side. "Baker shouted to Rittman to send word to General Stone that the enemy were pressing him in force ; that he was in need of instant assistance, but would endeavor to hold his ground till Gorman could effect a junction. Rittman dis- patched an orderly to headquarters with this statement. General Stone says that it failed to reach him. If it had, it would in any event have reached him too late. "We may now leave the island, the twin river branches, and ascend the slippery banks and the precipitous wood- ed bluff, by a winding blood-stained path, to the fire and carnage of the deathful opening above. By some ap- propriate chance the enemy did not make his concerted onset, his final and fatal charges, until the greater portion of our reinforcements had reached the field, and Baker, taking command, and knowing that no further help could reach him, was disposing his little col- umn in brave battle order. Brave, but less strategic, since he retained the position which he found Devens, Lee, and Coggswell had chosen before him (that, perhaps, into which Devens, re- turning, had been forced), he refused to imitate the Indian warfare of the tree- sheltered and skulking foe. The field was a parallelogram, seventy-five yards wide by two hundred in length. At the distant front, and down the right and left, a thick, dark forest skirted its sides. Behind, the bluff fell steeply off to the river. About a hundred feet from the edge occurred the only interruption to the dead level of this arena, a gentle roll stretching in front of our lines, certainly not more than a yard in height, yet BATTLE OF BALL'S BLUFF. 579 affording some little cover for both artillery and infantry. A spur of the field, shaped like a cow's horn, extended a dozen rods into the woods on the left, half way between the enemy's front and our own. Directly on the left, and near where the winding path led our forces to the fight, a ravine fell slightly off, its opposite bank ascending to the thicket of woods which thus totally surrounded the field. "At near four o'clock, then, Baker took the action in hand, looking around him to note the position of affairs. No enemy was anywhere visible in rank, but from the woods in the extreme front a galling irregular fire poured out upon our men. The latter were ranged in no very exact order from right to left, the wings partially covered by the thicket ; portions of the centre lying close to the edge of the hill, while others boldly stepped forward, delivered their fire at the woods, returned to load, and advance again and again. It was not certain that we were doing much execution, but not a moment passed unmarked by the fall of some of our gallant boys. Baker told Devens and Lee to keep their Massachusetts men on the right and stretched along the centre ; placed Wis- tar and the Californians in charge of the left, and gave the artillery in charge of Colonel Coggswell, whose Tammany companies were also located in the centre. "Here also was placed the one piece which alone proved of the slightest use to us in the battle. A James' rifled cannon, throwing a thirteen-pound shell, passed over to the Virginia shore in the afternoon, manned by nine or ten of the Rhode Island marines, to whose battery (B) it belonged. As there was no com- missioned officer of the company present, the brave Lieutenant Bramhall, of the battery attached to the New York Ninth Regiment, volunteered to act as captain of the gun. Arriving on the Virginia shore, his men dismounted the gun, took the carriage to pieces, and with ropes dragged gun, wheels, and ammunition up the precipice, getting in position on the field at a quarter past four. The other guns carried over were two little mountain howitzers, belonging to Rick- etts' (regular battery), one placed on each flank of our line, and apparently entirely neglected throughout the battle. / <-J o "Some disposition having thus been made of our forces (which, as I shall hereafter show, at no one time mustered over 1,300 men), the more serious busi- ness commenced ; not, however, till General Baker had received another message from General Stone, stating that 4,000 rebels had marched against the former from Leesburgh at two and a quarter p. M. This he showed to Wistar, who said that if they moved so long ago, the distance being only two miles, they must now be close at hand. Baker said: 'It's an ugly business.' A quick consultation was held. Evidently no retreat could be effected in safety. The fire was growing hot in front. A retro- grade movement would undoubtedly call forth a rush in force from the woods, and at the river bank there were only two boats, carrying sixty persons, to 580 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. take a column of thirteen hundred men over a swift channel one hundred yards in width. Oh, yes ; retreat was impos- sible ! All that could be done all that our noble officers, with their leader, could or dared think of was the chance of maintaining their ground until Gor- man could force his way to their aid from Edward's Ferry on the left, with the alternative, in probable default of his success, of sacrificing their commands at as great loss to the enemy as their desperate courage could inflict. "The real battle commenced on the left. Baker threw the whole responsi- bility of that wing upon Wistar. The latter did not like the appearance of the adjacent wood region, and threw for- ward companies A and D of his battalion to 'feel 7 them. Captains Markoe and Wade, the former well ahead, accord- ingly advanced on their hazardous duty ; passed through the forest to the cow's- horn projection of the field, crossed it, and had arrived within ten paces of the farther thicket, when a murderous fire blazed out upon them. The poor fel- lows gallantly sprang through it upon their assailants, and were in a moment fighting in the woods. Not half of them ever came back. But the rebels, taking this as a signal for the commencement of the action, now bestirred themselves in force, and, with hideous yells, fired a terrific volley along their whole front. Only the sheeted flash showed itself from those fronting forests ; the foe still clung to cover ; but the infernal hail of bullets rattled against our whole line, and many brave souls were loosed by that first fiery revelation of the enemy's strength. Our reply was instant and extended. In a second both ends of the field were clouded with smoke, the day's skirmish- ing was over, and the contest that was to rage so hotly for an hour had fiercely commenced. "We are all tired of accounts of the petty conflicts which have marked this war, in which forces have engaged at long distances, and the so-called ' murderous' fire and ' desperate attacks' have resulted in three or four chance losses and the success of no one in par- ticular. But I say that this contest, on the Northern side, was most heroically fought, and in a true sacrificial spirit. There is nothing like it in our history. See what was crowded into that terrible hour ! Our little band was pent up in a narrow and defenceless slaughter pen. The enemy was in force in front ; he began to creep down the treacherous sides of the inclosure ; his sharpshooters climbed the trees everywhere, picking out the stateliest and gallantest forms for the death they so unerringty dealt us. Our lines thus received a scathing fire from the front, from above, and a cross-fire at angles right and left. All they could do in reply was to aim steadily and swiftly at the places whence the loudest yells and deadliest volleys proceeded. But they dropped every- where, and were borne by dozens to the gory skiffs below. On the right the Massachusetts men were more than decimated by the regular, unavoidable shower of bullets. But against our left, where Wistar commanded, the rebels, i BRAMHALL'S CANNON. 581 confident of their force and the effect of their deadly fire in front, began to make venturesome charges, each one repelled by the gallant fire of the Californians, but each one getting nearer our lines than the last. On the fourth charge they actually flanked our left and sprang forth, savage and eager, irom the thicket be- yond the ravine. Down this they were about to plunge, showing a bravery not part of their usual tactics, and our fel- lows lifted their muskets for a volley. 'Hold! 7 cried Wistar to his men; 'not a man of you must fire ;' and he dashed at the piece of one ; ' wait till they reach the bottom of the ravine ; then we'll have them.' So they charged down the hill, only to meet the most effective vol- ley fired on our side during the day. When the smoke rose, their front ranks lay fallen in the hollow of the valley of death ; the rear had broken and fled in disorder through the forest. The fifth charge but this brings me to the main feature of the field, a splendid central picture, which will furnish a theme for American poets and painters long after the feebler tints and groupings of this tumult shall have faded out. '' Lieutenant Bramhall had posted his gun near the centre of our line, and opened fire to the best advantage possi- ble. When he mounted the piece he had with him eight artillerists, three riders, a corporal and sergeant. In ten minutes five of these were shot down ; in the end all but two were killed, wounded, or missing. Lieutenant Bram- hall himself was severely wounded, but stood by his gun. Colonel Coggswell saw the necessity of the case, informed Colonels Wistar and Lee, Adjutant Harvey (of Baker's brigade), and Cap- tain Stewart (of General Stone's staff, present on the field), and those five dis- tinguished officers and determined men manned the piece themselves. Coggs- well and Harvey, understanding the business, would load while Lee and Wistar were giving orders to their com- mands and spurring them into the fight ; then Wistar and Stewart would wheel the gun forward to position ; Coggswell would take aim and give the word to Harvey, who held the percussion lanyard. In this way and by these men a dozen of the twenty rounds used were fired, doing more effect than all our mus- ketry volleys. When the enemy was making his fifth charge on the left, the cannon had just been loaded and was pointed at the woods in front. Captain Beiral, of the Californians, who was with his company supporting the piece, ex- claimed to Coggswell, ' Look to the left ! look to the left !' Coggswell saw the dark column of the rebels sweeping across the spur of the field, wheeled the terrible gun around, and discharged it square at their centre. The shell opened a lane through the charging force, a score of traitors falling to fight no more, and the column shut itself up on the main body behind. " But the end was fast approaching. Our thinning forces were assailed by four times their number. From every side death stormed upon their unsheltered bodies. Half their line officers were wounded or killed. The undaunted lead- 582 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. ers were also falling. Ward, lieutenant- colonel of the Fifteenth, had received a frightful wound ; Coggswell was shot through the wrist ; Lee, Devens, Har- vey, and Stewart were still fighting sadly and in vain ; a ball shattered Wis- tar's sword-arm he dropped the weap- on, picked it up with his left hand, and General Baker himself restored it to the scabbard. Alas, that the chivalric lead- er should never again do such kindly service for a brother-in-arms ! The yell- ing enemy began to break from the wood and through the smoke upon our confused lines. The crisis had come. There was some hand-to-hand fighting ; a few of the grey-coats got entangled with our own forces ; we took a prison- er and passed him to the rear ; they took a dozen, and made charge after charge. Just then a body of men appeared, pressing down from the left. The Gen- eral ordered the troops around him to stand firm, and cried, ' Who are those men ?' ' Confederate troops, you d d Yankees !' was the reply ; and they rush- ed almost within bayonet distance. One huge red-haired ruffian drew a revolver, came close to Baker, and fired four balls at the General's head, every one of which took effect, and a glorious soul fled through their ghastly openings. Cap- tain Beiral seized the slayer by the throat and blew out his brains the hero and the traitor falling within the same minute, and face to face. In a second the enemy swarmed over the spot. ' For God's sake, boys!' cried Adjutant Har- vey, in his hot English way, ' are you going to let them have the General's body ?' An angry howl was the answer, and a dozen of our fellows charged, with set teeth and bayonets fixed, upon the rebels, who recoiled from the shock and surrendered their priceless trophy. This was passed down the bluff and safely conveyed to the island. But now our lines were hopelessly disordered. The rebels came through both field and woods in final force. Coggswell saw that the day was lost, and that the des- perate, impossible retreat had come. So he ordered our men to retire for em- barkation, and the field was yielded to the foe. ' ' Large numbers of the Northern troops had anticipated his order ; for an hour the shore had been lined with stragglers and wearied men. Still, the reinforcing business had not ceased from the island, and during the fiercest of the action the two boats, which were bringing away the dead and wounded, returned from each trip laden with the residue of the Tammany and Massachusetts regiments. A distressing event occurred which I have not seen elsewhere recorded. The life-boat proved a death-boat soonest of the two, swamping, from some cause, while conveying to the battle-field the last twenty members of the Tammany com- panies. Nearly all the occupants were drowned, and only one boat remained for the use of our overpowered and re- treating forces. "Down the hill they came, in every direction and without order, hotly fol- lowed by the rebels to the very edge of the descent. Then the pursuers paused, too cautious to meet the chance of vol- : RETREAT FROM BALL'S BLUFF. 583 leys from Harrison's Island, but throw- ing a plunging fire upon the retiring loyalists, and aiming -ruthlessly at the hundreds trying to swim the rapid river channel. Why should I describe that final scene ? the tumult and agony of that headlong descent, the clamor and crowd along the shore, the rush into one wretched skiff, already over-laden with wounded men, which forced it beneath the surface and brought the horror of death by water upon men who had already so fairly faced the battle-field. I recoil from thinking of those who, struck down by the fire from above, slipped in their own blood upon the clayey river bank ; of those who wasted too feeble strength in swimming half way across the cruel stream ; of the shouts for help where no help came. But I record with satisfaction the de- termination of Beiral and his few asso- cates, who dragged their cannon to the edge of the hill, rolling it over and be- yond the enemy's reach. And what more gallant than the stubborn refusal of the beleaguered colonels to surrender while the rebels were decimating their commands from the bluff above ? Led by Coggswell and Lee, several organized companies charged up at their torment- ors, once and again returning dangerous volleys from our side. At all events, they kept the enemy at bay till long after nightfall closed upon the scene. All who could escape to the island had es- caped, and midnight was close at hand before the two colonels and the other field officers still on the shore saw that their duty was accomplished, and sur- rendered themselves and the remnant of their commands to the enemy." General Stone, in the mean time, re- mained at Edward's Ferry, unaware of the disastrous issue of the conflict of General Baker with the enemy at Ball's Bluff. ' While these scenes were being enacted on the right," says General Stone in his official report, ' ' I was pre- paring on the left for a rapid push for- ward to the road by which the enemy would retreat, if driven, and entirely un- suspicious of the perilous condition of our troops. The additional artillery had already been sent, and when the messen- ger, who did not leave the field until after three o'clock, was questioned as to Colonel Baker's position, he informed me that the Colonel, when he left, seemed to feel perfectly secure, and could doubt- less hold his position in case he should not advance. The same statement was made by another messenger half an hour later, and I watched anxiously for a sign of advance on the right, in order to push forward General Gorman. It 'was, as had been explained to Colonel Baker, imprac- ticable to throw General Gorman's brig- ade directly to the right by reason of the battery in the woods, between which we had never been able to reconnoitre. "At four P.M., or thereabouts, I tele- graphed to General Banks for a brigade of his. division, intending it to occupy the ground on this side of the river .-near Harrison's Island, which would be aban- doned in case of a rapid advance, and shortly after, as the fire slackened, a messenger was waited for on whose tid- ings should be given orders either for the 584 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. advance of General Gorman to cut off the retreat of the enemy, or for the dis- position for the night in the position then held. "At five P.M. Captain Candy arrived from the field and announced the melan- choly tidings of Colonel Baker's death, but with no intelligence of any further disaster. I immediately apprised Gen- eral Banks of Colonel Baker's death, and I rode quickly to the right to assume command. Before arriving opposite the island, men who had crossed the river plainly gave evidence of the disaster, and on reaching the same I was satisfied of it by the conduct of the men then land- ing in boats. "The reports made to me were that the enemy's force was 1 0,000 men. This I considered, as it proved to be, an ex- aggeration. Orders were then given to hold the island and establish a patrol on the tow-path from opposite the island to the line of pickets near the Monocacy, and I returned to the left to secure the troops there from disaster and make preparations for moving them as rapidly as possible." General McClellan had now heard of the disaster, and telegraphed from head- quarters the order to hold Harrison's Island and the Virginia shore opposite to Edward's Ferry at all hazards. Troops were accordingly ordered again to cross the river at the latter point, though with- out any more adequate means of trans- Oct, portation being provided. By next 22. morning some 4,400 infantry had reached the opposite shore, together with a section of Bickeits' battery and a de- tachment of Van Alen's cavalry. Harri- son's Island had been entirely evacuated before daybreak, a flag of truce having in the mean time gone to the enemy on Ball's Bluff and come back with boat-loads of the dead and wounded, gathered from that fatal field. McClellan having previously ordered Gen. Banks to advance, now rode himself to Edward's Ferry. His first operation was to construct a bridge of boats across the river, and he was about throwing to the opposite side large reinforcements, when he discovered that the enemy were being rapidly strengthened by great num- bers of men from Manassas, and on the following day he ordered all the troops to be withdrawn from the Virginia shore. In this disaster the Federal loss in wounded, drowned, killed, and taken captive amounted to about -a thousand out of the nineteen hundred men en- gaged. The enemy's loss was estimated at less than four hundred, and their whole force engaged at nearly four thousand strong. As the disaster at Ball's Bluff was unquestionably due to a reckless disre- gard of ordinary prudence, the command- ing general has been naturally anxious to be acquitted of the blame. It is therefore with a desire to allow General Stone a fair hearing, that the following account in the official report of his in- terview with General Baker and his in- structions is given at length. ' ' General Baker having arrived at Conrad's Ferry with the First California Regiment, at an early hour proceeded (Monday, 21st October) to Edward's EXULTATION OP THE ENEMY. 585 Ferry and reported to me in person, stat- ing that his regiment was at the former place and the three other regiments of his brigade ready to march. I directed him to Harrison's Island to assume the command, and in a full conversation ex- plained to him the position as it then stood. I told him that General McCall had advanced his troops to Drainesville, and that I was extremely desirous of as- certaining the exact position and force of the enemy in our front, and of explor- ing as far as it was safe on the right toward Leesburgh and on the left toward the Leesburgh and Gum Spring road. I also informed Colonel Baker that Gen- eral Gorman, opposite Edward's Ferry, should be reinforced, and that I would make every effort to push Gorman's troops carefully forward to discover the best line from that ferry to the Leesburgh and Gum Spring road, already mentioned ; and the position of the breast-works and hidden battery, which prevented the movement of troops directly from left to right, was also pointed out to him. The means of transportation across, of the sufficiency of which he (Baker) was to be judge, was detailed, and authority given him to make use of the guns of a section each of Vaughan's and Bunting's batteries, together with French's mount- ain howitzers, all the troops of his brig- ade and the Tammany Regiment, besides the Nineteenth and part of the Twentieth regiments of Massachusetts Volunteers, and I left it to his discretion, after view- ing the ground, to retire from the Virginia shore under the cover of his guns and the fire of the large infantry force, or to 74 pass over the reinforcements in case he found it practicable, and the position on the other side favorable. I stated that I wished no advance made unless the en- emy were of inferior force, and under no circumstance to pass beyond Leesburgh or a strong position between it and Goose Creek, on the Gum Spring i. e., the Manassas road. Colonel Baker was cau- tioned in reference to passing artillery across the river, and I begged if he did do so, to see it well supported by good infantry. The General pointed out to him the position of some bluffs on this side of the river, from which artillery could act with effect on the other, and, leaving the matter of crossing more troops or retiring what were already over to his discretion, gave him entire control of op- erations on the right. This gallant and energetic officer left me about nine A.M., or half-past nine, and galloped off quickly to his command." The enemy were very exultant on the occasion of this success. Colonel Evans, their commander, was made a general, and his victory magnified by exaggerated reports. His force engaged was said to be only 2,500 infantry against an enemy of "10,000 men with five batteries of artillery." "One man to four, with a strong artillery force helping the four !" "History," said they, " shows few feats of arms so splendid ! Henceforth the name of General Evans will take its place on the roll of heroes, and his unconquerable troops have achieved a deed that will make their memories glorious for genera- tions to come." By the death of General Baker the 586 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. country lost one of its most popular favor- ites. The events of his life and the qual- ities of his character were such as to com- mend him especially to popular regard. His humble origin his successful struggle with the trials of poverty his elevation to a distinguished position by the force of his own talents in spite of every social and educational disadvantage his eager enterprise and self-reliance, which led him to seek with the pioneers of the West the freer scope of a new country unrestrained by the formalities and un- restricted by the prejudices of a long- established society his knowledge of the sentiments and habits of the laborious classes his fervid rhetoric his readiness to take up arms for the defence of his adopted country and finally the gallant sacrifice of his life in its behalf, combined to endear the memory of Baker to the heart of the American people. Edward D. Baker was born in Eng- land, but came with his parents, who were Quakers, to this country when an infant. They chose Philadelphia for their home, but surviving their arrival but a short time, their son was left an orphan. Destitute of friends and for- tune, he was at an early age left to his own unaided efforts for a support. He learned the trade of a weaver, and sup- ported a younger brother and himself until he was twenty years of age. Not satisfied, however, with this humble con- dition, he determined to try his fortune in the far West. He accordingly started on foot, taking his brother with him, in search of the promised land. They walked across the Alleghany Mountains and traversed the States of Ohio and Indiana, then partially a wilderness, until they finally reached the Wabash. De- scending this river in a canoe, they landed in an uncleared region of Illinois. With the rapid influx of immigrants, the place they had chosen for their new home soon became a prosperous settlement, and the elder Baker, the subject of this biogra- phy, conscious of his talents, sought a wider scope for them in the study of the law. On being admitted to the bar, he acquired eminence as a lawyer, and with increasing aspirations for distinction, be- came a politician. In 1845 he was elected, by the Whigs of Illinois, one of the representatives of the State to the Federal Congress, where his singular readiness as a speaker and aptitude for business made him conspicuous. On the declaration of war with Mexico he re- turned to Illinois, and raising a volunteer regiment, of which he became the col- onel, he at once led it to the Rio Grande. During a temporary cessation of active hostility Baker returned to Washington, where he had an opportunity of express- ing his opinion on the policy of the war and giving his vote. This accomplished, he returned to his command, and accom- panied the army of Scott on its triumph- ant march from Vera Cruz to the capital of Mexico, showing himself a valiant officer in the various conflicts in which he shared. At the battle of Cerro Gordo, when General Shields was disabled by a shot, Baker succeeded to the temporary command of the brigade of New York regiments, which he skilfully led, to the end of that fierce conflict. GENERAL BAKER. 587 After the war, Baker was again elected to Congress, and served until the com- pletion of his term in 1850. Seeking a fresh field of enterprise, he followed the rush of emigration to the gold fields of California, but was induced to remain at Panama, where he formed a contract with the Panama Railroad Company, to pre- pare the Isthmus for the contemplated railway. He accordingly assembled four hundred laborers, and having equipped them, set to work. After having survey- ed and cleared a considerable portion of the track, he was taken ill with the Pan- ama fever, and was obliged to forfeit his contract and return home. In 1852, Baker went with his family to California, in the hope of retrieving his health and fortune, both greatly im- paired by his enterprise on the fatal Isthmus of Panama. He established himself in San Francisco, and soon secured a high position as a lawyer. His fame as an orator continued to in- crease with every occasion for the dis- play of his eloquence. On the death of Broderick, the United States senator from California, who had fallen in a duel, Baker delivered the funeral eulogy. Those who heard it were greatly im- pressed with its rhetorical power, which is said to have wrought such an effect upon his immense audience, that each lis- tener broke forth in sobs and cries. Baker was again, by his restless spirit of adventure, stirred to another change. He removed to Oregon, where his fame had preceded him, and being at once accepted as worthy of the highest honors of the State, he was chosen, in 1860, United States senator for six years. In the Senate, as in the lower house, he was acknowledged as a leader, and in the conflict with the disunionists of the South was one of the most eloquent defenders of the Union. When war be- came unavoidable, he raised a regiment of Californians and led them to the anticipated field of battle on the Poto- mac. He was soon after placed in com- mand of a brigade as acting briga- dier-general, and would have enjoyed that rank, and the still higher one of major-general, had he not, with re- markable devotion to the State of Oregon, refused the proffered honors. These he could not have accepted with- out resigning his senatorship, which he preferred to hold and thus continue in the service of Oregon. This extract from his last speech in the Senate, in answer to Senator Breckin- ridge's ill-concealed attempts to thwart the action of the Federal Government and further the interest of the Southern Con- federacy, of which he subsequently be- came an open adherent, will illustrate the style of General Baker's rhetoric : ' ' I tell the senator that his predic- tions, sometimes for the South, some- times for the Middle States, sometimes for the North-east, and then wandering away in airy visions out to the far Pacific, about the dread of our people, as for loss of blood and treasure, provoking them to disloyalty, are false in sentiment, false in fact, and false in loyalty. The senator from Kentucky is mistaken in them all. Five hundred million dollars ! What then ? Great Britain gave more than two 588 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. thousand millions in the great battle for constitutional liberty, which she led at one time almost single-handed against the world. Five hundred thousand men*! What then ? We have them ; they are ours ; they are the children of the coun- try. They belong to the whole country ; they are our sons, our kinsmen ; and there are many of us who will give them all up before we will abate one word of our just demand, or retreat one inch from the line which divides right from wrong. " Sir, it is not a question of men or money in that sense. All the money, all the men, are, in our judgment, well bestowed in such a cause. When we give them, we know their value. Know- ing their value well, we give them with the more pride and the more joy. Sir, how can we retreat ? Sir, how can we make peace ? Who shall treat ? What commissioners ? Who would go ? Upon what terms ? Where is to be your boundary line ? Where the end of the principles we shall have to give up ? What will become of constitutional gov- ernment ? What will become of public liberty ? What of past glories ? What of future hopes ? Shall we sink into the insignificance of the grave a degraded, defeated, emasculated people, frightened by the results of one battle, and scared at the visions raised by the imagination of the senator from Kentucky upon this floor ? No, sir ; a thousand times, no, sir ! We will rally, if, indeed, our swords be necessary we will rally the people, the loyal people of the whole country. They will pour forth their treasure, their money, their men, with- out stint, without measure. The most peaceable man in this body may stamp his foot upon this senate chamber floor, as of old a warrior and a senator did, and from that single tramp there will spring forth armed legions. Shall one battle determine the fate of an empire* or a dozen ? The loss of one thousand men or twenty thousand men, one hun- dred million dollars or five hundred mil- lion dollars ? In a year's peace, or ten years at most of peaceful progress, we can restore them all. There will be some graves reeking with blood, watered by the tears of affection. There will be some privation : there will be some loss of luxury? There will be somewhat more need for labor to procure the necessaries of life. When that is said, all is said. If we have the country, the whole country, the Union, the Constitu- tion, free government with these there will return all the blessings of well- ordered civilization ; the path of the country will be a career of greatness and of glory such as, in the olden time, our fathers saw in the dim visions of years yet to come, and such as would have been ours now, to-day, if it had not been for the treason for which the senator too often seeks to apologize." BATTLE OF DRAINESVILLE. 589 CHAPTER LYI. Drainesville. Description of the place. Position of General McCall's Division. Its relations to the rest of the Army of the Potomac. Change of the Enemy's Line. Repeated Collisions. Audacity of the Confederates. Attack on Unionists. McCall resolved to Punish. Orders to General Ord. Movements of his Brigade. Movement of Gen- eral Reynolds. Engagement of General Ord with the Enemy. A Union Victory. A successful Forage. Strength of the Enemy. Exaggerations. Comparative Losses. Retirement of Union troops. The Enemy confess their Disasters. A resolute Secessionist in the agonies of death. The Enemy more cautious. General Jackson at Win- chester. Lander at Romney. The Enemy strengthen and extend their Fortifications on the Potomac. The River Communication with Washington Blockaded. General Magruder active at Yorktown. Hampton Burned. The Movements of the Union troops in preparation for an Attack. A Cruel Work thoroughly done. Magruder retires to the security of his Intrenchments. Progress of Loyalty in Maryland. Judicious Military Administration of General Dix. -Union Success iu the Maryland Elections. A valuable Accession to the Union. Accomack and North- ampton restored to the Federal Authority. General Dix's Operations. Resignation of General Scott. Proceed- ings on the occasion. 1861, OUR army on the Potomac had soon an opportunity of redeeming the fatal blunder at Ball's Bluff, by a successful engagement with the enemy at Drainesville. This place is situated in Fairfax County, Virginia, opposite to Coon's Ferry and Great Falls on the Maryland bank of the Potomac, about seventeen miles distant from Washington, in a north-westerly direction. General McCall held the command of the division in this quarter, with his main encamp- ments at Langley's and Prospect Hill, a few miles to the north of the chain bridge, on the Virginia side of the Potomac, and near the Leesburgh road, running not far from the river. McCall's division thus formed the extreme right of the line under the immediate command of McClellan, and was, as it were, the point of junction between the main body of our army opposite Washington and the forces under Banks on the upper Potomac. The lines of the enemy having closed in the form of a semicircle around Mc- Clellan's position in Virginia, were thus brought very near to his right and his left. This was especially the case in re- gard to the former, where General Mc- Call was in command, whose troops were thus frequently brought into collision with parties of the enemy during their respective foraging expeditions. The Confederates having become very bold in their movements, General Mc- Call determined to punish them. The immediate provocation was the advance of their picket guards to within four or five miles of the national line, the seizure of two "good Union men," and the plunder and threatening of others. Mc- Call having discovered that the enemy held a reserve force near Drainesville, whenever they were making these pro- voking incursions, gave orders to Brig- adier-General Ord to move with his 590 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. brigade "to surround and capture their party, and at the same time to collect a supply of forage from the farms of some of the rank secessionists in that vicinity." At the same time Brigadier- General S. J. Reynolds with the First Brigade was directed to move on to Difficult Creek, in the direction of Leesburgh, in order to support General Ord, in case the en- emy should come from the latter place, where they were in force, to the rescue of Drainesville. General Ord, in accordance with his j) ec , orders, moved with his force con- 20. sisting of the Sixth, Ninth, and Twelfth Pennsylvania regiments, the Bucktail Rifles, five companies of the First Pennsylvania cavalry, and Captain Easton's battery of four guns. The en- gagement which ensued is thus succinctly described by General McCall : " At half-past ten o'clock A.M., on the 20th, I received a dispatch from General Ord, written on the march, informing me that the guide had learned on the way that there was a full brigade, but with- out artillery, at Hendon's Station, 500 infantry and cavalry at Hunter's Mills, and 200 infantry between Drainesville and the Potomac. I immediately mounted my horse, and with my staff and an es- cort of cavalry moved rapidly forward to overtake, if possible, General Ord's brigade. I stopped a few moments with Brigadier-General Reynolds at Difficult Creek, and having directed him to be in readiness to move forward rapidly in case he should be required to support General Ord, I rode on. When within about two miles of Drainesville, I heard the first gun fired by the enemy. It was soon answered by Easton's battery, which imparted to me the fact that the enemy had artillery with them. A rapid ride soon brought me to the field, where General Ord was hotly engaged. I found Easton's battery judiciously placed, and in full blast upon the enemy's battery about 500 yards in front, on the Centre- ville road. Here I stopped to observe the practice of our battery, while one of my staff rode off to ascertain where Gen- eral Ord was. "While here, admiring the accuracy of the shot and shell thrown by this bat- tery upon the battery of the enemy, a force of infantry and cavalry made their appearance from cover on the enemy's right, moving in a direction to turn our left. Colonel McCalmont, whose regi- ment was on the left, was notified of this movement ; but a few shell from our bat- tery, skillfully thrown into their midst, checked their advance, and drove them back ingloriously to cover. "Not hearing anything of General Ord, I set out in search of him on our right, where brisk firing was at the time going on. Here was the Ninth Infantry. Colonel Jackson, who had gallantly met the enemy at close quarters, and nobly sustained the credit of his State. " By this time Captain Sheets, of my staff, reported that he found General Ord near the centre of the front. Pro- ceeding there, I found the Rifles and a party of the Sixth Infantry Pennsylvania Reserve, engaged under a brisk fire with the enemy. Having met General Ord, we moved forward, and the position "GLORIOUS SUCCESS." 591 where the enemy's battery had been placed was soon gained, and here we had evidence of the fine artillery practice of Easton's battery. The road was strewed with men and horses, two cais- sons one of them blown up a limber, a gun-carriage wheel, and a quantity of artillery ammunition, small-arms, and an immense quantity of heavy clothing, blankets, etc. "The battle was now over, and the victory won. With my consent, Gen- eral Ord made an advance of about half a mile, but nothing further was to be seen, as the enemy, in full flight, had pressed beyond our reach." The total loss of the Nationals was but seven killed, sixty-one wounded including a lieutenant- colonel and four captains and three missing. The forag- ing object of the expedition was no less triumphantly achieved. Sixteen wagon- loads of "excellent" hay and twenty-two of corn were secured. The enemy's force consisted, as re- ported by General McCall, of the First Kentucky Regiment, about eight hun- dred strong, the Tenth Alabama, nine hundred strong, a South Carolina regi- ment, a Virginia regiment, and prob- ably several others. The commander- in-chief of the enemy, General J. E. B. Stuart, in his report to General Beaure- gard, gives the following as the compo- sition of his force : "Eleventh Virginia Volunteers, Col. S. Garland, Jr. ; Sixth South Carolina Volunteers, Lieutenant-Colonel Secrest ; Tenth Alabama Volunteers, Colonel J. H Harvey ; First Kentucky Volunteers, Colonel Thomas H. Taylor making an aggregate force of 1,600 infantry ; Sum- ter Flying Artillery, four pieces, Captain A. S. Cutts ; 1,000 North Carolina Cav- alry, Major Gordon." While Stuart thus apparently dimin- ished his own force, he seemed desirous of exaggerating that of McCalPs, by giving currency to the rumor that " he had fifteen regiments of infantry, several batteries, and seven companies of cav- alry." In his report, General Stuart confessed to a loss of forty-three killed, a hundred and forty-three wounded, and eight missing, and consoled himself for his defeat by calling it " a glorious suc- cess." It is true General McCall did not think it prudent to hold the ground he had won, but drew back his troops to their old encampment ; but the enemy, not- withstanding their boasting report, were fain, at last, to acknowledge that the "heavy skirmish" at Drainesville had "resulted disastrously."* One brave fellow, even in the agonies of death, ac- knowledged the defeat, while he consoled himself with exulting over a previous suc- cess. " We whipped you at Manassas," he cried out to our victorious soldiers, " but you have.the best of us to-day." The enemy, although they had so long threatened the seizure of Washington and the invasion of Maryland, were evi- dently not much disposed to venture be- yond their intrenched lines on the south of the Potomac. A defiant demonstra- tion, however, was made on their ex- treme left by General Jackson, with ten Richmond Dispatch. 592 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. thousand men, in the course of which he damaged the Chesapeake and Ohio Ca- nal, compelled the evacuation of Han- cock, and seemed to threaten an advance into Maryland. Subsequently, he with- drew to Winchester, and General Lander, who had been watching his movements, took possession of Romney. The enemy laboriously extended their works of defence, and added to their strength. The result was shown by the fortifications they erected on the right bank of the lower Potomac a series of formidable batteries, which extended from Accomack Creek, near Mount Ver- non, to the Chesapeake Bay. These were connected with the enemy's centre at Manassas by the forts on the Occoquan River, and stretched from headland to headland, at the mouths of the numer- ous streams, which, after seaming the Virginia shore, pass into the Potomac. They thus were enabled, as it were, to blockade the river communication with Washington ; but the navigation, though it was greatly impeded by the heavy guns of the enemy, was by no means entirely checked, and the national vessels con- tinued to pass and repass, and with but little damage. Beyond a frequent but generally in- effective fire from these numerous bat- teries on the lower Potomac, the enemy in that quarter generally showed great reserve in commencing offensive opera- tions. General Magruder, however, who commanded a force of the enemy at Yorktown, would occasionally exhibit an activity which kept the national troops at Fortress Monroe and in the neighboring encampments on the alert. Hampton, in consequence, which had been early seized by General Butler, was abandoned as of no immediate strategic importance, and because it exposed an occupying force to danger without a compensating benefit. Magruder, informed that it was the intention of General Butler again to oc- cupy Hampton, with the view of making it the winter quarters of his troops, deter- mined upon thwarting that purpose, by the cruel expedient of burning the town. He, at the same time, hoped to take the Federalists at a disadvantage, and accord- ingly advanced with a large force, esti- mated at seven thousand infantry, with the addition of two hundred cavalry and eight pieces of artillery, and made a de- monstration in the neighborhood of the Federal encampment at Newport News. Information of this movement was at once dispatched to General Phelps, in command at this latter place, and thence conveyed to Fortress Monroe. Measures were now taken to prepare for the enemy in case they should venture upon an offensive movement. The garrison at Fortress Monroe and the fleet were got ready for action, and the troops from the various encampments at Newport News and elsewhere mustered for defence. The enemy, in the mean time, having set out late in the day, had occupied ^ U g, Hampton with an advanced guard ? in the afternoon. Thence they marched forward to the bridge leading out of the town toward Newport News. The Federalists had made ready to receive them. "At ten o'clock P.M.," wrote a chron- HAMPTON BURNED. 593 icier* then at Fortress Monroe, "Gen- eral Butler, after visiting Camp Hamilton, went to Hampton Bridge and instructed the force posted there to hold the position, and resist any attempt either to destroy or pass the bridge. About twenty-five feet of the planks had been taken up, and the timbers cut away on the Hamp- ton side. At that point our force, con- sisting of a detachment of Max Weber's riflemen, erected a barricade. When General Butler left, everything was quiet in the village, and there was no appearance of anything unusual. Shortly after a rebel force came to the bridge, and commenced a vigorous attack on our force there. A sharp contest ensued, which resulted in loss to the enemy and their retreat. The rebels then com- menced to fire the town. Fire was first set to the buildings nearest to the bridge. Those who committed this act of van- dalism were, to a considerable extent, former leading citizens of Hampton and owners of property, and consequently among the greatest sufferers. They dis- tributed themselves through the village, went to the residences of the few re- maining white inhabitants, and warned them to prepare for the event that was at hand. No other reason was given than that they had orders to burn the village, and that it would be done. No time was given to remove furniture or other effects, and scarcely enough to al- low the terrified people to dress and es- cape to the street." The reports of the enemy testified to the thoroughness of the cruel work. New York Tribune. 75 " The town," says one, " was burned to the ground on Wednesday night (Au- gust 7), by the order of General Magru- der. . The expedition for its destruction was composed of the Mecklenburg Cav- alry, Captain Goode ; Old Dominion Dragoons, Captain Phillips ; York Rang- ers, Captain Sinclair ; Warwick Beaure- gards, Captain Custis ; and six companies of the Fourteenth Virginia Regiment ; the whole force being under the command of Colonel James J. Hodges, of the Four- teenth. The town was most effectually fired. But a single house was left stand- ing. The village church was intended to be spared, but caught fire accidentally, and was consumed to the ground. Many of the members of the companies were citizens of Hampton, and set fire to their own houses." General Magruder, finding that any further advance had been checked by the alertness of General Butler, retired after the destruction of Hampton to his in- trenched position at Great Bethel, which he subsequently abandoned, and kept within the more secure limits of York- town. Maryland, in the mean time, under the judicious military administration of Gen- eral Dix, who had succeeded General Banks in that department, was daily re- vealing its latent loyalty, or becoming more discreet in its manifestations of dis- affection. The elections throughout the State had resulted in large majorities in favor of the " Union" candidates. In the choice of Governor, Bradford the loyal competitor received 39,731 votes, while his antagonist, Howard, the candidate of 594: THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. the " Peace Party," as the disaffected of Maryland now termed themselves, ob- tained only 8,987. The congressional and legislative elections were equally tri- umphant for the Unionists, who, encour- aged by the formidable display of Fed- eral might, no longer hesitated openly to profess sentiments of loyalty. General Dix was enabled, also, by a mere demonstration of the great force at his command, to secure a valuable ac- cession to the Federal authority. This consisted of Accomack and Northampton, the two counties of Virginia which con- stitute the lower end of the peninsula, formed by the Chesapeake Bay on the west and the Atlantic Ocean on the east. Though geographically continuous with the State of Delaware, and entirely sev- ered by the whole breadth of the Chesa- peake Bay from Virginia, the counties of Accomack and Northampton belong to the domain of the latter State. Their inhabitants, moreover, if not sympathiz- ing with the secession of the parent State, had submitted to the authority of the Southern Confederacy. A Confederate force held Drummondtown, the county seat of Accomack. Intrenchments had been raised, the roads obstructed by fallen trees, the light-houses on the coasts ex- tinguished, and a general defiance offered to the authority of the United States. As the counties of Accomack and North- ampton, from their territorial position, had been included within the Department of Baltimore, commanded by General Dix, it devolved upon him to make the effort to restore them to the Federal ju- risdiction. General Dix accordingly mustered a force of 5,000 troops, composed of the Second Delaware, the Seventeenth Mas- sachusetts, the Fifth New York, Twenty- first Indiana, Tenth Wisconsin, and Sixth Michigan regiments, and giving the com- mand to General Lockwood, of Dela- ware, ordered them to advance through that State into the two Virginia counties. General Dix anticipated their march, by the issue of a conciliatory proclama- tion, which was distributed among the inhabitants of Accomack and Northamp- ton.* " PROCLAMATION TO THE PEOPLE OF ACCOMACK AND NORTH- AMPTON COUNTIES, VA. The military forces of the United States are about to enter your counties as a part of the Union. They will go among you as friends, and with the earnest hope that they may not, by your own acts, be forced to become your enemies. They will invade no rights of person or property. On the contrary, your laws, your institutions, your usages will be scrupulously respected. There need be no fear that the quietude of any fireside will be disturbed, unless the disturbance is caused by yourselves. Special directions have been given not to interfere with the condition of any persons held to domestic service ; and, in order that there may be no ground for mistake or pretext for misrepresentation, commanders of regiments and corps have been instructed not to permit any such persons to come within their lines. The command of the expedition is intrusted to Brigadier-General Henry H. Lockwood, of Delaware, a State identical, in some of the distinctive features of its social organization, with your own. Portions of his force come from counties in Mary- land bordering on one of yours. From him, and from them, you may be assured of the sympathy of near neigh- bors, as well as friends, if you do not repel it by hostile resistance or attack. Their mission is to assert the author- ity of the United States; to reopen your intercourse with the loyal States, and especially with Maryland, which has just proclaimed her devotion to the Union by the most triumphant vote in her political annals ; to restore to commerce its accustomed guides, by re-establishing the lights on your coast ; to afford you a free export for the products of your labor, and a free ingress for the neces- saries and comforts of life, which you require in exchange ; and, in a word, to put an end to the embarrassments and restrictions brought upon you by a causeless and unjusti- fiable rebellion. If the calamities of intestine war, which are desolating ACCOMACK AND NORTHAMPTON. 595 This politic proclamation had been ( sent to the people of Accomack and 16t Northampton the day before the arrival of General Lockwood, who landed in the former county on the 17th of No- vember. His reception was by no means unfriendly, and he marched to Drum- mondtown without opposition, the en- emy, numbering about 3,000 men, who held that place, having abandoned their works of defence and disbanded on his approach. Having effected what was necessary to re-establish the Federal au- thority, and left a force to secure it, Gen- eral Lockwood returned in a few weeks with the rest of his troops. To preserve the continuity of this nar- rative of the military operations of the army of the Potomac, the record of an event of profound interest to the coun- try, though in time it preceded much already related, has been postponed until now. We refer to the resignation of other districts of Virginia, and have already crimsoned her fields with fraternal blood, fall also upon you, it will not be the fault of the Government. It asks only that its authority may be recognized. It sends among you a force too strong to be successfully opposed a force which can not be resisted in any other spirit than that of wanton- ness and malignity. If there are any among you, who, rejecting all overtures of friendship, thus provoke retali- ation, and draw down upon themselves consequences which the Government is most anxious to avert, to their account must be laid the blood which may be shed, and the desolation which may be brought upon peaceful homes. On all who are thus reckless of the obligations of human- ity and duty, and on all who are found in arms, the severest punishment warranted by the laws of war will be visited. To those who remain in the quiet pursuit of their do- mestic occupations, the public authorities assure all they can give peace, freedom from annoyance, protection from foreign and internal enemies, a guarantee of all constitu- tional and legal rights, and the blessings of a just and parental Government. JOHN A. Dix, Major-General Commanding. HEADQUARTERS, BALTIMORE, Nov. 13, 1861. General Winfield Scott, the veteran com- mander-in-chief. On the 31st of oct, October the secretary of war, Mr. &! Cameron, received this letter from Gen- eral Scott : " HEADQUARTERS OF THE ARMY, WASH- INGTOST, October 31, 1861. " THE HON. S. CAMERON, SECRETARY OF WAR : "SiR: For more than three years I have been unable, from a hurt, to mount a horse or to walk more than three paces at a time, and that with much pain. Other and new infirmities, dropsy and vertigo, admonish me that repose of mind and body, with the appliances of surgery and medicine, are necessary to add a little more to a life already protracted much beyond the usual span of man. It is under such circumstances, made doubly painful by the unnatural and unjust re- bellion now raging in the Southern States of our so lately prosperous and happy Union, that I am compelled to request that my name shall be placed on the list of army officers retired from active ser- vice. As this request is founded on an absolute right, granted by a recent act of Congress, I am entirely at liberty to say it is with deep regret that I withdraw myself in these momentous times from the orders of a President who has treated me with much distinguished kindness and courtesy ; whom I know, upon much personal intercourse, to be patriotic without sectional partialities or preju- dices ; to be highly conscientious in the performance of every duty, and of un- rivaled activity and perseverance ; and to you, Mr. Secretary, whom I now offi- cially address for the last time, I beg to 596 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. acknowledge my many obligations for the uniform high consideration I have received at your hands, and have the honor to remain, sir, with high respect, your obedient servant, " WINFIELD SCOTT." This communication was transmitted to the President, and by him laid before a cabinet council convened for the pur- pose of considering it. The request of the veteran General was, of course, com- plied with, as the motive which impelled it, that of age and infirmity, could not be courteously resisted. This resignation having thus been ac- cepted, General McClellan was at once notified that he had been selected as the successor of the late Commander-in- chief. The President, accompanied by every member of the cabinet, now vis- ited General Scott at his own residence, and read to him the following order : " On the 1st day of November, A.D. 1861, upon his own application to the President of the United States, Brevet Lieutenant-General Winfield Scott is or- dered to be placed, and hereby is placed, upon the list of retired officers of the army of the United States, without re- duction in his current pay, subsistence, or allowances. " The American people will hear with sadness and deep emotion that General Scott has withdrawn from the active con- trol of the army, while the President and unanimous cabinet express their own and the nation's sympathy in his personal affliction, and their profound sense of the important public services rendered by him to his country during his long and brilliant career, among which will ever be gratefully distinguished his faithful devotion to the Constitution, the Union, and the flag, when assailed by parricidal rebellion. ABRAHAM LINCOLN." The aged General stood up, and with him rose the President and the members of the cabinet. Deeply affected by the occasion, Scott feelingly said : " President, this hour overwhelms me. It overpays all services I have attempted to render to my country. If I had any claims before, they are all obliterated by this expression of approval by the Presi- dent, with the remaining support of his cabinet. I know the President and his cabinet well. I know that the country has placed its interests in this trying crisis in safe keeping. Their counsels are wise ; their labors are as untiring as they are loyal, and their course is the right one." After these few words, overcome by emotion and tottering from the effects of a wound received in battle, and from the infirmities that accompany age, the veteran General sank to his seat, saying : " President, you must excuse me. I am unable to stand longer to give utterance to the feelings of gratitude which oppress me. In my retirement, I shall offer up my prayers to God for this Administra- tion, and for my country. I shall pray for it with confidence in its success over all enemies, and that speedily." The President and each member of his cabinet now bade farewell to the General, after an assurance from Mr. Lincoln that provision would be made for the members of his staff. On jf ov , the next day, the Secretary of War ! RESIGNATION OF GENERAL SCOTT. 597 thus officially answered General Scott's letter of resignation : " WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, ) Nov. 1, 1861. j ' ' GENERAL : It was my duty to lay before the President your letter of yes- terday, asking to be relieved, under the recent act of Congress. In separating from you I can not refrain from express- ing my deep regret that your health, shattered by long service and repeated wounds received in your country's de- fence, should render it necessary for you to retire from your high position at this momentous period of our history. Al- though you are not to remain in active service, I yet hope that while I continue in charge of the department over which I now preside, I shall at times be per- mitted to avail myself of the benefits of your wise counsels and sage experience. It has been my good fortune to enjoy a personal acquaintance with you for over thirty years, and the pleasant relations of that long time have been greatly strengthened by your cordial and entire co-operation in all the great questions which have occupied the department and convulsed the country for the last six months. In parting from you, I can fl only express the hope that a merciful Providence, that has protected you amid so many trials, will improve your health and continue your life long after the peo- ple of the country shall have been restored to their former happiness and prosperity. "I am, General, very sincerely, your friend and servant, " SIMON CAMERON, Sec. of War. " LIEUT.-GEN. WrNTiELD SCOTT, Present." General McClellan, in his order assum- ing the command of the armies of the United States, paid a graceful tribute to his veteran predecessor : " In the midst of the difficulties which encompass and divide the nation, hesi- tation and self-distrust may well ac- company the assumption of so vast a responsibility, but confiding as I do, in the loyalty, discipline, and courage of our troops, and believing as I do, that Providence will favor ours as the just cause, I can not doubt that success will crown our efforts and sacrifices. The army will unite with me in the feeling of regret that the weight of many years, and the effect of increasing infirmities, contracted and intensified in his coun- try's service, should just now remove from our head the great soldier of our nation, the hero who, in his youth, raised high the reputation of his country in the fields of Canada, which he sanctified with his blood ; who in more mature years proved to the world that American skill and valor could repeat, if not eclipse, the exploits of Cortez in the land of the Montezumas ; whose whole life has been devoted to the service of his country ; whose whole efforts have been directed to uphold our honor at the smallest sac- rifice of life ; a warrior who scorned the selfish glories of the battle-field when his great qualities as a statesman could be employed more profitably for his country ; a citizen who in his declining years has given to the world the most shining instance of loyalty in disregard- ing all ties of birth and clinging still to the cause of truth and honor. Such has 598 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. been the career and character of Win- field Scott, whom it has long been the delight of the nation to honor, both as a man and a soldier. While we regret his loss, there is one thing we can not regret the bright example he has left for our emulation. Let us all hope and pray that his declining years may be passed in peace and happiness, and that they may be cheered by the success of the country and the cause he has fought for and loved so well. Beyond all that, let us do nothing that can cause him to blush for us ; let no defeat of the army he has so long commanded embitter his last years, but let our victories illumin- ate the close of a life so grand. " GEORGE B. McCLELLAN, " Major-General Commanding U. S. A." CHAPTER LYII. The development of the Naval Resources of the United States. Great Naval Expeditions. The first Naval Expedi- tion. Rendezvous in Hampton Roads. Life of Commodore Dupont. The composition of the Naval and Military portions of the Expedition. Life of General Sherman. Sailing of the Expedition. Favorable auspices, Eagerness of the Public Interest. Destination and object of the Expedition. A great storm. Its effects. Port Royal. De- scription of Port Royal and neighboring coasts. Preparations of the Enemy for defence. The Forts described. The victory of Dupont. Official Reports. THE great naval resources of the Northern States were being rapidly applied to the use of the war power of the Government. Though its organ- ized navy had been always small in pro- portion to the commercial importance of the nation, and though it had been tem- porarily rendered almost powerless by the traitorous action of men who had been intrusted with its control, there ex- isted in the trading marine of the North- ern people a resource of naval might which was destined to exert a most im- portant influence in the great conflict with the South. The magnitude of this resource be- came manifest in the large naval ex- peditions which were sent to the coasts of the enemy. One of the most exten- sive and important of these, after Q C ^ several months of laborious prep- 29t aration, sailed from Hampton Roads on the 29th of October. The number of vessels amounted to seventy-seven, of which sixteen were armed naval vessels, twenty-three steam transports, twenty- six sailing vessels, and twelve steam- boats, such as steam-tugs, ferry-boats, and other small craft.* WAR VESSELS. 1. Steam frigate Wabash, flag-ship, 3,200 tons, 40 guns, carrying Flag Officer Commodore Samuel F. Dupont ; Captain Charles H. Davis. GUN-BOATS. 2. Augusta, Captain E. G. Parrot ; 3. Curlew, Captain Geo. H. Cooper ; 4. Florida, Captain J. R. Goldsborough ; 5. Georgia, Captain ; 6. Isaac Smith, Captain J. W. A. Nicholson ; 7. Mohican, Captain S. W. Gordon ; 8. Ottawa, Captain Thomas H. Stevens ; 9. Pawnee, Captain R. H. Wyman ; 10. Pembina, Captain P. Crosby ; 11. Pen.- EXPEDITION TO PORT ROYAL. 599 Commodore Samuel F. Dupont, the naval commander-in-chief of this for- midable expedition, was born at Bergen Point, in New Jersey, in 1803. His origin, as the name indicates, is French, his father having emigrated from France to the United States in 1799. An uncle established the mills near Wilmington, Delaware, where the famous "Dupont powder" is fabricated, and the works are guin, Captain T. A. Budd ; 12. Pocahontas, Captain P. Drayton ; 13. R. B. Forbes, Captain H. S. Newcomb ; U. Seminole, Captain ,1. P. Gillies ; 15. Seneca, Captain Dan- iel Anmien ; 16. Unadilla, Captain N. Collins. STEAM TRANSPORTS. 1. Ariel, Captain Terry ; 2. Atlan- tic, Captain ; 3. Baltic, Captain Comstock ; 4. Ben. Deford, Captain ; 5. Cahawba, Captain Baker ; 6. Coatzacoalcos, Captain Bocock ; 7. Daniel Webster, Cap- tain Johnson ; 8. Empire City, Captain Baxter ; 9. Erics- son, Captain Cowles ; 10. Locust Point, Captain French; 11. Marion, Captain Philips; 12. Matanzas, Captain Lees- burg ; 13. Ocean Queen. Captain Seabury ; 14. Oriental, Captain Tuzo ; 15. Parkersburg, Captain ; 16. Philadelphia, Captain Barton ; 17. Potomac, Captain Hil- liard ; 18. Roanoke, Captain Couch ; 19. Star of the South, Captain Kearnley; 20. Union, Captain ; 21. Van- derbilt, Captain Lefevre ; 22. Winfield Scott, Captain Litchfield ; 23. Osceola, Captain Morrill. STEAM-TUGS. 1. 0. M. Petit; 2. Mercury. FERRY-BOATS. 1. Commodore Perry; 2. Ethan Allen; 3. Stepping Stone. STEAMBOATS. 1. May Flower ; 2. Belvidere; 3. Gov- ernor ; 4. Baltimore ; 5. Philadelphia ; 6. Peerless ; 7. Pilot Boy. SAILING VESSELS. 1. Ship Great Republic ; 2. Ship Ocean Express ; 3. Ship Golden Eagle ; 4. Ship Zenas Coffin ; 5. Bark J. A. Bishop ; 6. Brig Belle of the Bay ; 7. Brig. Ellen P. Stewart ; 8. Schooner S. F. Abbott ; 9. Schooner E. D. Allen; 10. Schooner Aid; 11. Schooner J. M Vance ; 12. Schooner M. E. Clark ; 13. Schooner D. Jones ; 14. Schooner E. English ; 15. Schooner J. Frambes ; 16. Schooner G. Barthol; 17. Schooner Western Star; 18. Schooner Saratoga ; 19. Schooner S. J. Bright ; 20. Schooner G. M. Neil ; 21. Schooner David Faust ; 22. Schooner R. S. Misler ; 23. Schooner G. Chester ; 24. Schooner J. Satterthwaite ; 25. Schooner Snowflake ; 26. Schooner Arden Reid. RECAPITULATION OF VESSELS. Naval vessels, 16 ; Steam- tugs, 2 ; Ferry-boats, 3 ; Steam transports, 23 ; Sailing vessels, 26 ; Steamboats, 7 ; Total, 77. The Vandalia, from the blockading squadron off Sa- vannah, joined at Port Royal. still carried on by members of the Du- pont family. The subject of this sketch received from President Madison his warrant as a midshipman in the United States navy, December 19th, 1815. His first cruise was in the Franklin, a seventy- four-gun ship, in the year 1817. After various and almost constant active ser- vice, in 1845 he commanded the frigate Congress, on a cruise in the Pacific. Being in the bay of San Francisco, in Upper California, at the moment when the war with Mexico began, Captain Dupont was transferred to the command of the Cyane. His first duty was to transport Colonel Fremont and his ad- venturous band of trappers and Indians to San Diego, the little harbor of which Dupont was thus the first to enter with a United States man-of-war. He con- tinued during the conflict with Mexico to cruise on the California coast, and his good services in aiding the military op- erations on land, gained him a high trib- ute of praise. After Captain Dupont's return from the Pacific in October, 1848, he remain- ed on land in various employments at several of our naval dep6ts until 1857, when he sailed to China in command of the Minnesota. Having again returned to the United States, he was, in 1860, placed at the head of the navy yard in Philadelphia. His latest and crowning command was that of the great aaval expedition, the operations of which are about to be related. Commodore Dupont has the repute of being one of the most able and en- ergetic, as well as faithful, of our naval 600 TIIE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. officers. In all the higher departments of his profession his conscientious prin- ciple, ability of organization, and scien- tific skill have been fully tested, and proved to be equal to every trial. His services in the Ordnance Department ; his counsels in the organization of the Naval School at Annapolis ; his co-oper- ation in the establishment of the light- house system ; his aid in revising the navy regulations ; his conscientious dis- charge of the delicate duty, as a member of the Naval Retiring Board, of remov- ing inefficient officers ; his endeavors to substitute for flogging some less degrad- ing punishment ; and his continued zeal for the elevation of the character both of the sailors and their officers, have shown Dupont to be a man who can rise beyond the mere technical routine of his profession, and reach the nobler sphere of social and patriotic duty. His able con- duct of the great naval expedition has confirmed the estimate of his character held by his most partial admirers. The military portion of the great ex- pedition was hardly less imposing than that of the naval. Fifteen thousand troops* embarked on board the trans- LAND FORCES. The division of the army accompanying the expedition tinder command of Brigadier-General T. W. Sherman, con- sisted of three brigades and several unattached regiments, as follows : FIRST BRIGADE. Geneml Egbert L. Viele. New Hamp- shire Third, Colonel*rE. W. Fellows ; Maine Eighth, ColonA Lee Strickland ; New York Forty-sixth, Colonel Rudolph Rosa ; New York Forty-seventh, Colonel Henry Moore ; New York Forty-eighth, Colonel James H. Perry. SECOND BRIGADE. General Isaac Ingalls Stevens. Penn- sylvania Fiftieth, Colonel Benjamin C. Christ ; Pennsyl- vania Roundhead Volunteers, Colonel David Leasure ; Michigan Eighth, Colonel William M. Fenton ; New York Seventy-ninth, Lieutenant-Colonel William H. Nobles. ports, carrying with them immense supplies of provisions, munitions of war, horses, and engineering imple- ments. The chief command of this force was given to Brigadier-General T. W. Sherman, whose previous career is thus briefly sketched : Thomas W. Sherman was born in Rhode Island, graduated at the West Point Military Academy in 1836, stand- ing number eighteen in a class of forty- six cadets, and was appointed second lieutenant in the Third United States Artillery in July, 1836. In March, 1837, he became assistant commissary of sub- sistence, and in the same month of the following year was promoted to a first lieutenancy. Just at the breaking out of the troubles with Mexico he was pro- moted to a captaincy, his commission bearing date May 28, 1846. He served with distinction previously in the Florida wars, and accompanied General Taylor to Mexico, rendering himself conspicu- ous for the zeal and efficiency with which he performed his duty. He was brevet- ted major for his gallant and meritorious conduct at the battle of Buena Yista, February 23, 1847. Since the close of the Mexican war he has been on duty in various parts of the country, always rendering efficient service. In August, 1857, while on duty at the Minnesota Agency, in the Indian country, he was THIRD BRIGADE. General Horatio Gates Wright. New Hampshire Fourth, Colonel Thomas J Whipple; Connec- ticut Sixth, Colonel James L. Chatfield ; Connecticut Seventh, Colonel A. A. Terry ; Maine Ninth, Colonel Richworth Rich. UNCLASSIFIED REGIMENTS. Third Rhode Island, Colonel Brown ; Massachusetts Twenty-first, Colonel Morse ; New York Engineer Volunteer battalion, Colonel W. Serrill. HOPES AXD FEARS. 601 distinguished for the prudence and firm- ness with which he acted in averting a war with the Mississippi tribes of the Sioux. On the formation of the Fifth Artillery he was appointed lieutenant- colonel of the regiment, a portion of which was engaged in the Bull Run fight, under the name of Sherman's, and sub- sequently Ayres' battery. He was made a brigadier-general May 17, 1861. The expedition sailed under the most c t, favorable auspices. The frigate Wa- 29 bash, having on board Commodore Dupont and General Sherman and his staff', led the van and steamed for Hamp- ton Roads at the break of a day upon which the sun shone with autumnal clearness. The ramparts of Fortress Monroe, at the early hour of five o'clock in the morning, were crowded with soldiers, watching the movement of the flag-ship as she led off, followed by the fleet of gun-boats and transports. Hearty hurrahs greeted each vessel as it assum- ed its appropriate position. The mili- tary bands on the transports struck up a succession of tunes, and the departure was animated with the cheerful excite- ment of the moment and the hopeful ex- pectation of the future. The course of the great expedition, with its numerous men-of-war, trans- ports, and other vessels, and large force of troops, was watched with eager in- terest throughout the country. The ob- ject of the enterprise excited the impa- tient curiosity of all, and gave rise to various speculations. Though a studious secrecy was affected by those controlling the movements of the expedition, it soon 76 became obvious that its aim had been disclosed, not only to the indiscreet news- mongers of the North, but to the vigilant enemy of the South. Great results from this expedition were anticipated by the Unionists, while pro- portionate fears were entertained by the friends of the South. After it had sail- ed, a great storm arose, not unusual at the season, which, sweeping along the Atlantic coast, awakened the anxiety of the North in regard to the "Great Ar- mada," as it was ominously termed. The first intelligence, coming from the enemy, seemed to confirm the anticipations of disaster. The fleet was reported to have been scattered by the storm, and many of the vessels lost at sea or driven upon a hostile shore. The subsequent news, still from the same source, was hardly more encouraging. The remnant of the expedition, it was stated by the Southern papers, had reached its destination, and had been unsuccessful in its attempt at invasion. It was now disclosed that the expedition was intended to operate against Port Royal, where the well-in- formed enemy had made formidable pre- parations for defence. Port Royal is an inlet which opens into the Atlantic in latitude 32 8' north, distant fifty miles in a southeast direc- tion from the harbor of Charleston, and fifteen miles northeast from the entrance through Tybee Inlet to the port of Sa- vannah, in Georgia. The coast of the Carolinas and Georgia has a peculiar conformation, the original deposit of sand by the sea being divided into nu- merous islands by inlets from the ocean, 602 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. and bodies of water, termed, according to their extent, sounds, swamps, or creeks, through which the inland rivers find their way to the Atlantic. The numerous isl- ands into which the coast is thus broken up, differ in fertility, according to their position. Those directly bordering the ocean are mere sandbanks, hardly above the level of the sea, and are barely capa- ble of cultivation ; but serve as natural defences to the inner islands, which they protect from the full influence of the At- lantic tides. The peculiar richness of soil of these inner islands, where is grown the best of rice and the famous Sea Island cotton, is thus accounted for : " Along the coast of South Carolina, as in North Carolina and Georgia, stretch- es a low, narrow sand-bar a kind of de- fensive outwork of the land, seldom inhabited except by lost Indians and runaway negroes, who subsist by hunting and fishing. At distant intervals there are shallow branches through which the quiet tide steals in twice a day, swelling the natural lagoons and damming the outlet of the fresh-water stream till the current is destroyed and turned back, and their flood dispersed far and wide over the debatable land of the Cypress Swamp. Then, when the heavy rains in the interior have swollen the rivers, their eddying currents deposit all along the edges of the sandy islands and capes the rich freight they have brought from the calcareous or granitic mountains in which they rise, with the organic waste of the great forests through which they flow. This is the soil of the rice and cotton plantations, which are always found in such parts of the tidal swamps adjoining the mainland, or the sandy isl- ands, as are left nearly dry at the ebb of the water."* Port Royal entrance is bounded on the right, on going in, by Edding's Island, and on the left by Hilton Head Island. Here the Broad River, after being joined by Beaufort River, empties. These bod- ies of water, though fed by inland streams, are greatly enlarged by influx from the ocean through the various inlets dividing the outer bars of sand. The whole re- gion about Beaufort, bounded by the At- lantic, the Broad River, the Coosaw River, and St. Helena Sound, has an area of about twenty-five miles by fifteen, composed of over a dozen islands, sepa- rated from each other by rivers or creeks, as they are called. The enemy having timely information of the object and approach of the great expedition, had made formidable prepa- rations to defend the entrance of Port Royal.f They had constructed on either o New York World. | The following account of Port Royal, of Beaufort, and the neighboring country is from the New York World: "The entrance to Port Royal is the best channel for ships through the bars in the whole range of ports below Norfolk. Within the roads, even over the bar, there are three and a half fathoms water, or twenty-one feet, and probably twenty-seven feet at high tide. The command of waters, too, which the possession of Port Royal en- trance gives, is immense. Ships which draw fourteen or fifteen feet water may go in at Tybee and proceed through land to Beaufort, in Port Royal Islands ; and from Beau- fort, vessels of eight or nine feet water may go through land to Charleston. From Charleston, vessels drawing seven or eight feet water may go through land to the river Medway, in Georgia, which lies thirty miles south of Sa- vannah. " Port Royal Island, the chief of the group above men- tioned, is surrounded by the Broad, Port Royal, Coosaw, and Beaufort rivers, and is about twelve miles long and THE FORTS AT PORT ROYAL. 603 side strong fortifications. At Bay Point, on St. Philip's Island, on the right of six wide. On the east side of the island, and about mid- way, stands the town of Beaufort, on Beaufort River, the approach of which does not admit vessels of over eleven feet draft. Beaufort is about ten mites from the sea, and sixteen miles from the Charleston and Savannah Railroad, and this important line is itself directly approachable by water through Broad River and St. Helena Sound and Combahee River. A force moving up the river from Beau- fort, via Beaufort and Coosaw and Port Royal rivers, would strike the Charleston and Savannah Railroad at about midway between Charleston and Savannah, and about fifty miles from either city a fact which renders obvious the immense strategic importance of that line. Beaufort District has an area of 1,540 square miles. The surface is low and level, and the soil sandy and alluvial, producing cotton, rice, etc., in great abundance. The an- nual yield of the district is about 50,000,000 pounds of rice, and 13,000 bales of Sea Island cotton, annually, al- together valued at upward of $5,000,000. It is one of the most densely populated portions of South Carolina. Its inhabitants, according to the census of 1860, num- bered 40,014, divided as follows : Whites 6,714 Free colored 800 Slaves 32,500 Total colored 33,300 " The region around Port Royal entrance and island has a strange and romantic history. It was, in fact, the first settled spot on the coast of North America. How interesting, in view of our expedition, to read the history of another expedition to the same locality, just three hun- dred years ago. The first colony was sent out by Admiral Coligni, a zealous Protestant, and then one of the Minis- ters of the Crown, who, at the time of the war between the French Protestants and Catholics, obtained permission of Charles IX. to plant a colony of Protestants in Florida a name then applied also to a great part of the Southern coast. Command of two vessels was accordingly given to Jean Ribault, a ' man expert in sea cruises, ' and in the spring of 1562 he landed on the Florida coast. Sailing northward, he discovered several rivers, one of which, from ' the fairness and largeness of its harbor,' he called the Port Royal River. "The old chronicler, Landonniere, who accompanied the expedition, describes the scene in glowing colors. Splendid forests, shores festooned with rich grape clusters, birds of brilliant plumage, stags and deer in the luxuriant savannas. As the commander cast his eye across the waters of the beautiful river before him, says Landonniere, and measured the breadth of its mouth and the depth of its sounding, he persuaded himself that ' all the argosies of Venice could ride upon its bosom.' Accordingly, upon the island a few miles up Port Royal River, he erected, it the entrance, was Fort Beauregarcl. This work, constructed of sand and pal- is said, on the very spot where the town of Beaufort now stands, a pillar, with the arms of France, and a few days after built a fort, which, in honor of his king, Charles IX., he called 'Charles' Fort' Arc Carolina from which circumstance the country took the name of Carolina. Thus it was that on that very spot that, for the first time, three hundred years ago, on the North American coast, the flag of a civilized colony might be seen by the ap- proaching mariner. But this first French colony did not flourish, and after sending out another to the same locality, the French, in 1567, gave up all idea of making settle- ments. o o o Early in the seventeenth century Lord Cardross led a colony from Scotland, and settled in Port Royal ; but this place, claiming, from an agreement with the Lords Proprietaries, co-ordinate authority with the Gov- ernor and Grand Council of Charleston, it was compelled, with circumstances of outrage, to acknowledge submission. Settlement, however, does not seem to have progressed very rapidly, for in a tract, entitled, 'A New Description, of that Fertile and Pleasant Province of Carolina, by John Archdale, Governor of the same, 1767,' the following passage occurs : ' The principal place is Port Royal please God it may be sealed with English and Scots in a considerable body, because it is a bold port, and also a frontier upon the Spaniard at Augustine. The Scots did, about twenty years since, begin a settlement with about ten families, but were distressed by the Spaniards. Oh ! how might the Scots, that go now as Switzers to serve foreign nations, how might they, I say, strengthen our American colonies, and increase the trade of Great Britain, and enrich them- selves at home and abroad !' In 1670, William Sayle was sent out as governor, and in his letter of instructions he was told to ' cause all the people of Port Royal to swear allegiance to our sovereign lord the King, and subscribe fidelity to the proprietors and the form of government established by them.' ' ' The town of Beaufort was founded about 1 700. It was called Beauford, in honor of Prince Henry, Duke of Beauford, Lord Palatine. It is thus described just a cen- tury ago : ' Beaufort is the next most considerable place, though a small town, pleasantly situated on the south side of a sea island, named Port Royal, from its harbor, which is capacious and safe, and into which ships of a large size may sail.' " Sir Charles Ly ell, in his ' Travels in the United States,' says : " 'Beaufort, a picturesque town composed of an assem- blage of villas, the summer residences of numerous plant- ers, who retire here during the hot season, when the interior of South Carolina is unhealthy for the whites. Each villa is shaded by a verandah, surrounded by live oaks and orange trees. ' ' ' 604 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. metto logs, stood upon a sand- spit jut- ting out from the island. On the front, toward the sea, was a lunette, mounting twelve guns, to the right of which was a small salient with three, and to the left a small redan with two guns. A wide swamp gave a natural defence to the rear, and an artificial ditch, with a stock- ade, protected the front. The armament of the fort was sixteen guns in all, con- sisting of eight thirty-two pounders en barbette, one ten-inch columbiad for shell, one eleven-inch columbiad, two twenty- four pounders with smooth bores, one twenty-four pounder rifled, and three forty-two pounder guns in casemates. A large magazine for ammunition was constructed within the works, and an ex- tensive wooden barrack outside, in the rear. The garrison was computed to amount to about five hundred men. On the left of the entrance of Port Royal, on going in, there was Fort Walker. This was built upon a bluff eight feet high, on the island of Hilton Head. It was a regular work, with bastions and curtains, and required three months of negro labor to con- struct. Its position commanded the Port Royal entrance and the approach to the town of Beaufort by the Beaufort River. The enemy had mounted it with twenty- three guns, of excellent workmanship and great range. There were two ten- inch shell guns, one thirty-two pounder rifle cannon,* ten eight-inch columbiads, and three twenty-four pounders. On On this there was found the inscription, "Presented to Brigadier-General Beauregard, by his friends in England, in haste." the land side, there was a redan crossing the entrance to the fort upon which the three twenty-four pounders were mount- ed ; the rest of the cannon were all en barbette, arranged on carriages of the most approved construction. A ditch, fifteen feet wide and ten deep, protected with stockades, surrounded the work. Traverses and covered ways had been added to secure the garrison from ex- posure, and a shelter provided as a cover for sharpshooters. Three magazines had been built and filled with ammunition, several wells dug, containing a good sup- ply of water, and every possible pro- vision for the large garrison, said to number no less than thirteen hundred men. When the first intelligence was re- ceived at the North, through the enemy's reports, of the disastrous effects of the storm upon the " Great Armada," and its subsequent attack in a crippled con- dition upon the formidable defences at Port Royal, there was great anxiety as to the result. A suspense for several days ensued, during which rumors still came from the enemy of disaster to the expedition. A dispatch-boat finally ar- rived with authentic statements, which disclosed the joyful intelligence of the success of the great enterprise. The fleet had, indeed, been exposed to a se- vere storm on the third day after sailing, off the coast of Hatteras. The vessels had been scattered ; some had been forced to return to Fortress Monroe ; some had been driven ashore, and all had been battered and much delayed by the gale. A victory, however, had, in REPORT OF DUPONT. 605 spite of these disasters, crowned the per- severance and skill of the resolute naval chief, Commodore Dupont, to whose spirit, unappalled by misfortune, the glorious success of the enterprise was mainly due. His direct and modest official report contains the best account of his plan of operations and its success- ful accomplishment : " From the reconnoissance of the 5th November we were led," says Dupont, " to believe that the forts on Bay Point and Hilton Head were armed with more than twenty guns each, of the heaviest calibre and longest range, and were well constructed and well manned ; but that the one on Hilton Head was the strongest. The distance between them is two and two-tenths nautical miles too great to admit of their being advantageously en- gaged at the same time, except at long shot. I resolved, therefore, to under- take the reduction of Hilton Head or, as I shall hereafter call it, Fort Walker first, i\nd afterward to turn my atten- tion to Fort Beauregard, the fort on Bay Point. " The greater part of the guns of Fort Walker were presented upon two water fronts, and the flanks were but slightly guarded, especially on the north, on which side the approach of an enemy had not been looked for. "A fleet of the enemy, consisting of seven steamers, armed, but to what ex- tent I was not informed further than that they carried rifled guns, occupied the northern portion of the harbor, and stretched along from the mouth of Beau- fort River to Skull Creek. It was high water on the 7th inst. at 11.35 A.M. by the tables of the Coast Survey. " These circumstances, the superiority of Fort Walker and its weakness on the northern flank, the presence of the rebel fleet, and the flood-tide of the morning, decided the plan of attack and the order of battle. " The order of bat% comprised a main squadron, ranged in a line ahead, and a flanking squadron, which was to be thrown off on the northern section of the harbor to engage the enemy's flotilla, and prevent them raking the rear ships of the main line, when it turned to the southward, or cutting off a disabled vessel. " The main squadron consisted of the frigate Wabash, Commander C. K. P. Rogers, the leading ship ; the frigate Susquehannah, Captain J. S. Lardner ; the sloop Mohican, Commander S. W. Gordon ; the sloop Seminole, Command- er J. P. Gillis ; the sloop Pawnee, Lieu- tenant-Commanding R. L. C. Wyrnan ; the gun-boat Unadilla, Lieutenant-Com- manding J. H. Stevens ; the gun-boat Pembina, Lieutenant-Commanding J. P. Bankhead ; and the sailing sloop Yan- dalia, Commander F. S. Haggerty, towed by the Isaac Smith, Lieutenant-Com- manding W. A. Nicholson. ' ' The flanking squadron consisted of the gun-boat Bienville, Commander Charles Stedman, the leading ship ; the gun-boat Seneca, Lieutenant-Command- ing Daniel Ammen ; the gun-boat Curlew, Lieutenant-Commanding P. G. Wat- mough ; the gun-boat Penguin, Lieu- tenant-Commanding P. A. Budd ; and 606 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. the gun-boat Augusta, Commander E. Gr. Parrott, the closing ship of that line. "The plan of attack was to pass up midway between Forts Walker and Beauregard, receiving and returning the fire of both to a certain distance, about two and half miles north of the latter. At that point the line was to turn to the south round by tbe west, and close in with Fort Walker, encountering it on its weakest flank, and at the same time en- filading in nearly a direct line its two water faces. While standing to the southward the vessels of the line were to tide, which kept them under com- mand, while tho rate of going was**di- minished. "When abreast of the fort the engine was to be slowed and the movement re- duced to only as much as would be just sufficient to overcome the tide, to pre- serve the order of battle by passing the batteries in slow succession, and to avoid becoming a fixed mark for the enemy's fire. On reaching the extremity of Hil- ton Head, and the shoal ground making off from it, the line was to turn to the north by the east, and, passing to the northward, to engage Fort Walker with the port battery, nearer than when first on the same course. These evolutions were to be repeated. * * * " The captains of the ships had been called on board and instructed as to the general formation of the lines and their own respective places. " At 8 o'clock the signal was made to Nov. g e t under way. At 8.10 the ship, ? riding to the flood, tripped her anchor, and at 8.30 the ship turned and was headed in for the forts. At 9 o'clock the signal was made for 'close order. 7 At 9.26 the action commenced by a gun from Fort Walker, immediately followed by another from Fort Beauregard. This was answered at once from this ship and immediately after from the Susquehan- nah. At 10 o'clock the leading ship of the line turned to the southward and made signal to the Yandalia, which ship, in tow of the Isaac Smith, was dropping astern, and was exposed, without sup- port, to the fire of Fort Beauregard, to join company. At 10.15 the signal was made for closer action, the Wabash slowly passed Fort Walker at distance, when abreast of 800 yards. At 11 o'clock the signal was made to get into the preserve stations, and at 11.15 to fol- low the motions of the Commander-in- chief. " Standing to the northward, * * * the ship's head was again turned to the southward, and she passed the guns of Fort Walker at a distance less than 600 yards. (The sights were adjusted to 550 yards.) At 11.30 the enemy's flag was shot away. "The second fire with the starboard guns of the Wabash and of Captain Lardner in the Susquehannah, my second in command, who always kept so near as to give me the entire support of his formidable battery, seems, at this short distance, to have discomfited the enemy. Its effect was increased by the shells thrown from the smaller vessels at the enfilading point. It was evident that the enemy's fire was becoming much less frequent, and finally it was kept up at CAPTURE OF PORT ROYAL. 607 such long intervals and with so few guns as to be of little consequence. "After the Wabash and Susquehan- nah had passed to the northward, and given the fort the fire of their port bat- tery the third time, the enemy had en- tirely ceased to reply and the battle was ended. " At 1.15 the Ottawa signalled that the works at Hilton Head were abandoned. This information was, a few minutes later, repeated by the Pembina. As soon as the starboard guns of this ship and the Susquehannah had been brought to bear a third time upon Fort Walker, I sent Commander John Rodgers on shore with a flag of truce. The hasty flight of the enemy was visible, and was reported from the tops. At 2.20 Captain Rodgers hoisted the flag of the Union over the deserted post. At 2.45 I anchored, and sent Commander C. R. P. Rodgers on shore with the marines and a party of seamen to take possession, and prevent, if necessary, the destruction of public property. " The transports now got under way, and came up rapidly, and by nightfall Brigadier-General Wright's brigade had landed and entered upon the occupation of the ground. ' ' I have said in the beginning of this report that the plan of attack designed making the reduction of Fort Walker the business of the day. In passing to the northward, however, we had improved every opportunity of firing at long range upon Fort Beauregard. As soon as the fate of Fort Walker was decided, I dis- patched a small squadron to Fort Beau- regard to reconnoitre and ascertain its condition, and to prevent the rebel steamers returning to carry away either persons or property. " Near sunset it was discovered that the flag upon this fort was hauled down, and that the fort was apparently aban- doned. " At sunrise the next day the Ameri- can ensign was hoisted on the flagstaff of Fort Beauregard by Lieutenant-Com- manding Ammen. "The Pocahontas, Commander Perci- val Drayton, had suffered from the gale of Friday night so badly as not to be able to enter Port Royal until the morn- ing of the 7th. He reached the scene of action about 12 o'clock, and rendered gallant service by engaging the batteries on both sides in succession." The whole loss of the Unionists was eight killed and twenty-three wounded. The enemy sought to console them- selves under defeat by undervaluing the importance of their loss, and over-esti- mating the spirit of their resistance.* il The battle of Port Royal will be remembered," says a writer in the Charleston Courier, " as one of the best fought and best conducted battles which have signalized the war in which we are engaged. If General Ripley had been ap- pointed a general in command two months sooner, every- thing would have been in a better state of preparation But these two previous months were wasted in doing nothing for our defence. Within the time left for him, General Ripley did all that untiring energy and skill could accomplish, to put our coast in a state of preparation. The two islands of Hilton Head and Bay Point, with their extreme limits, constitute the two points which guard the entrance to Port Royal Sound, about three miles in width. On these two points forts were erected Fort Walker on Hilton Head, and Fort Beauregard on Bay Point The time we possessed enabled us to make them only earth- works, without any protection from shells or bombs. ' ' The island of Hilton Head was commanded by Gen- eral Drayton. The officers immediately superintending the 608 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. " Our troops," said a writer in the Charleston Courier, " did their duty faith- fully and bravely, and fought until to artillery and conducting the fire of Fort Walker were Colonel Wagener, Major Arthur Huger, and Captain Yates, of the regular service, especially detailed by General Kip- ley to aid in directing the artillery. Colonel Dunovant commanded at Fort Beauregard, hut he generally allowed Captain Elliott, of the Beaufort artillery, to direct and con- duct the batteries of the fort. The day was beautiful calm and clear, with scarcely a cloud in the heavens just such a day as our invaders would have ordained, if they could, to carry on their operations. In such a sketch of the battle as, amid the excitement and the thousands of baseless rumors, we are enabled to present to our readers, a brief review of the earlier events of the memorable day will not be uninteresting. " The great fleet of the enemy passed our bar on Sunday, the 3d inst., and on the following day was anchored off Port Royal entrance. About five o'clock on Monday after- noon, Commodore Tatnall, with his ' mosquito fleet,' ran out from the harbor, and made the first hostile demonstra- tion. The immense armada of the invaders, numbering at that time thirty- six vessels, was drawn up in line of battle, and as our little flotilla steamed up to within a mile of them and opened its fire, the scene was an inspiring one, but almost ludicrous in the disparity of the opposing fleet. The enemy replied to our fire almost immediately. After an exchange of some twenty shots Commodore Tatnall re- tired, and was not pursued. "About seven o'clock on Tuesday morning, several of the largest Yankee war steamers having come within range, the batteries of Forts Walker and Beauregard were opened, and the steamers threw a number of shells in over our works, inflicting no damage on Fort Walker, and but slightly wounding two of the garrison of Fort Beauregard. This engagement lasted, with short intervals, for nearly two hours, when the enemy drew off. The steamers made a similar but shorter reconnoissance on Wednesday even- ing, but without any important results. On the next day the weather was rough, and the fleet lay at anchor five or six miles from shore. During the day several straggling transports came up, swelling the number of vessels to forty-one. All Tuesday night, and all day Wednesday and Wednesday night, our men stood at their guns, moment- arily expecting an attack, and receiving only such scanty rest and refreshment as chance afforded. ' ' Thursday dawned gloriously upon our wearied but un- daunted gunners, and all felt that the day of trial had at last arrived. Scarcely had breakfast been dispatched, when the hostile fleet was observed in commotion. The great war steamers formed rapidly in single file, and with- in supporting distance of each other, the frigate Wabash, the flag-ship of Commodore Dupont, in the van. As the long line of formidable-looking vessels, thirteen in num- fight longer would have been sheer folly. Though encountering immense odds, no signs of cowardice marked their conduct. ber, most of them powerful propellers, with a few sailing men-of-war in tow, swept rapidly and majestically in, with ports open, and bristling with guns of the heaviest calibre, the sight was grand and imposing. This was at half-past eight o'clock. Until the Wabash came within the range of and directly opposite our batteries on Hilton Head, all was still. Suddenly the fifteen heavy guns of Fort Walker, which had been aimed directly at the huge frigate, belched forth their simultaneous fire, and the action was begun. " Almost immediately afterward, the batteries of Fort Beauregard, on the other side of the entrance, also opened their fire. The enemy at first did not reply ; but as the second steamer came opposite to Fort Walker, the hulls of the first three were suddenly wrapped in smoke, and the shot and shell of three tremendous broadsides, making in all seventy-five guns, came crashing against our works. "From this moment the bombardment was incessant and terrific ; one by one the propellers bore down upon our forts, delivered their fire as they passed, until nine had gained the interior of the harbor, beyond the range of our guns. The Minnesota, still followed by the others, then turned round and steamed slowly out, giving a broad- side to Fort Beauregard as she repassed. Then the battle was continued, the enemy's vessels sailing in an elliptical course, pouring one broadside into Bay Point, and then sweeping around to deliver the other against Hilton Head. This furious fire from 400 guns, many of them the eleven- inch Dahlgren pattern, and some even thirteen-inch bore (for a sabot of that diameter was found in Fort Beaure- gard), was maintained incessantly, and the roar of the cannonade seemed continuous. " Meanwhile our garrisons were making a gallant de- fence. They kept up a vigorous and well-directed fire against their assailants, and, notwithstanding that their best gun was dismounted at the beginning of the action, they succeeded in setting fire to several of the ships. Whenever this happened, however, the enemy would haul off and soon extinguish the flames. The effect of our guns was in many instances plainly visible from the forts. Although the sides of the Wabash are of massive strength, several of her ports were knocked into one. Nor was she the only vessel upon which this evidence of the power of our fire could be seen. Many of the other steamers were likewise badly hulled. " After some time spent in sailing round and delivering their broadsides in rotation, in the manner we have de- scribed, the enemy's steamers adopted another and more successful plan of attack. One of them took a position inside the harbor, so as to enfilade the batteries of Fort Walker, while several opened a simultaneous enfilading fire from the outside. Besides this terrific cross-fire, two of the largest steamers maintained the fire in front of the CAPTURE OF PORT ROYAL. 609 Officers and soldiers exemplified the an- cient character of the State, and deserve fort. Thus three various converging streams of shot and shell were rained amongst the brave little garrison for hours. The vessels came up within a half mile of the shore, but nearly all our guns had by this time become dismounted, and were no longer able to reply with serious effect. "Soon after eleven o'clock, the batteries of Bay Point were silenced. The fire of Fort Walker, as far as the guns that remained were concerned, was not a whit slackened until one o'clock. By that time the dreadful condition of the fort became too apparent to be disregarded longer. The guns lay in every direction, dismantled and useless ; the defences were terribly shattered, the-dead and dying were to be seen on every side, and still the iron balls poured pitilessly in. " In this strait it was determined to abandon the fort. A long waste, about a mile in extent, and commanded by the enemy's guns, intervened between the garrison and the woods. Across this they were ordered to run for their lives, each man for himself, the object being to scatter them as much as possible, so as not to afford a target for the rifled guns of the fleet. ''The preparations for running this terrible gauntlet were soon made. Knapsacks were abandoned, but the men retained their muskets. Each of the wounded was placed in a blanket, and carried off by four men. The safety of the living precluded the idea of removing the dead. And thus the gallant little band quitted the scene of their glory and scampered off, each one as best he could, toward the woods. The retreat was covered by a small detachment, who remained in the fort for an hour after their comrades had left. Among those who remained were Captain Harmes, with six men ; Lieutenant Milchers, with four men ; and Lieutenant Bischoff, with four men. These worked three guns until about two o'clock, when they also quitted the post. ' ' The abandonment of Fort Beauregard was equally a necessity. The garrison were exhausted, and in momen- tary danger of being cut off. When Colonel Dunovant ordered a retreat, tears of mortification and indignation filled the eyes of Captain Elliott at the sad necessity. The retreat was admirably conducted, and rendered entirely successful by the prudent energy of Captain Hancket, one of General Ripley's aids, who had gotten together some twelve flats at Station Creek, by which the troops passed safely over to St. Helena Island. From there they passed to Beaufort Island, and reached the train at Pocotaligo without the loss or injury of a man. In this fort none were killed, and but five were wounded ; and two of these were wounded by negligence in loading a cannon, by which hot shot was driven on the powder without the wet wad preceding it. ' ' The rest of the story is briefly told. Late Thursday 77 our profound gratitude and admira- tion." night the garrison of Fort Walker had collected at the landing, in the hope of being able to reach Bluffton by water. Luckily several Confederate steamers were within hail. But here a ludicrous mistake occurred. The re- treating troops imagined the little steamers to be Yankee gun-boats, while the crews of the steamers were convinced that the troops were a body of disembarked Yankees. Acting upon this double delusion, a deal of mutual re- connoitering was made, and it was only after a vast variety of strategic approaches that they reached the conclusion that it was 'all right.' A quick trip to Bluffton followed. Thence the troops marched to Hardeeville, seventeen miles distant. The road along which they dragged their exhausted frames was filled with a heterogeneous throng of fugitives of all conditions, carriages, carts, and convey- ances, of every description, that could, by any possibility, be pressed into service. The spectacle was a sad one. "Thus ended the defence of Port Royal. The mortifi- cation of the disaster is lessened by the consciousness that our troops deserved success. " What injury we did the enemy we do not know. Our firing was, of course, less efficient than theirs. Our troops were volunteers theirs were picked artillerists ; yet it is very remarkable how very few were killed or wounded amongst our troops. The following memoranda found in the forts are interest- ing, as developments of the spirit of our Southern enemy : "November 5. Private Murdock, B. V. A., concussion of the brain, slight. "November 7. Private Crews, W. S. G., fore-arm and arm torn off by hot shot accidentally. "Amputation of the arm just below the anatomical neck. " Private Crews, W. S. G., fore-arm torn badly ; ampu- tation. ' ' The above are the wounded left behind in charge of the enemy, and as they were not magnanimous enough to spare these poor fellows from the wounds necessitating the, above operations. I hope they will not prove themselves doubly Goths and Vandals by neglecting them. "E. B. TTJRNFOLD, Surgeon of Port," "BAY POINT, Nov. 7, 1861. "Five o'clock P.M. 12th Regiment S. C. V., November 7, 1861. "I am compelled to leave some poor fellows who can not be removed. Treat them kindly ; let your motto be, ' ' After the other fort had fallen we preferred leaving our untenable position to assist in establishing the South- ern Confederacy to better purposes than we can in Fort Lafayette. STEPHEN ELLIOTT, "Colonel Com'g S. C. V., Fort Beauregard." 610 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. CHAPTER LVIII. The Expectations from the Expedition to Port Royal not realized. The Enemy prepared. The Troops unable to move with advantage. Conciliatory Proclamation of General Sherman. Its reception by the people of South Carolina. Welcome from the Negroes. Interviews with them. Various reports of the conduct of the Slaves. Plundering and destruction by the Negroes. Devastation of Beaufort. Picturesqueness of the city. Tropical beauty. Aris- tocratic luxury. Military order established in Beaufort. Negroes indisposed to labor. Cotton. How much obtained. Activity of Commodore Dupont. Expedition to the Bay of St. Helena and Warsaw Sound. The advantageous results. Occupation of Tybee Island. A circuitous route to Savannah. An unsuccessful attempt to secure it. A combined movement of the Naval and Military Forces -at Port Royal. Its success. 1861. SUCCESSFULLY as the great expedition to Port Royal had been conducted, it was not followed immediately by the strategic consequences and moral effects expected from it. South Caro- lina and Georgia had been early pre- pared for an invasion of their coasts, and by an excessive strain upon their resources had provided for their own defence, without calling for such aid from the Confederacy as to weaken, as was fondly hoped, its military force on the Potomac. Though the well-constructed works at Port Royal had fallen before the skilful attack of the naval portion of the great expedition, the troops which had been landed there were neither in num- bers nor efficiency sufficiently strong to venture immediately upon a march into the interior, where the enemy had suc- ceeded in mustering a formidable force to oppose them. Although the Con- federacy had left the States of Georgia and Carolina to trust mainly to their own efforts for protection, it had sent to them one of its ablest officers, General Lee, of Virginia, to direct the operations for defence. He, accordingly, holding the chief command, so placed his troops as to secure the railroad communication between Savannah and Charleston, and constructed such hasty fortifications as he hoped might check the progress of the Federal gun-boats through the nu- merous channels which led from the sea into the interior. In spite of these preparations, the formidable gun-boats, as will be recorded, did succeed in ad- vancing as far as the depth of those shallow waters would allow, and swept away all obstructions to their approach ; but the Federal troops were forced to remain for a long time encamped at the island of Hilton Head, upon which they had landed, and in occupation of the forts they had taken, now respectively called by the names of Welles and Sew- ard, in honor of the secretaries of state and the navy. General Sherman sought by a concili- atory appeal to the inhabitants to revive their loyalty. In his " proclamation to HONEYED WORDS. 611 the people of South Carolina," he strove with gentle words to bring them back to the fold of the Union.* "In obedience to the orders of the President of these United States of America, I have landed on your shores, with a small force of national troops. " The dictates of a duty which, under the Constitution, I owe to a great, sovereign State, and to a proud and hos- pitable people, among whom I have passed some of the pleasantest days of my life, prompt me to proclaim that we have come amongst you with no feelings of personal animosity, no design to harm your citizens, destroy your property, or interfere with any of your lawful rights, or your social and local institutions, beyond what the causes herein briefly alluded to may render unavoidable. " Citizens of South Carolina ! The civilized world stands appalled at the course you are pursuing ; appalled at the crime you are committing against your own mother the best, the most enlightened, and heretofore the most pros- perous of nations. You are in a state of active rebellion against the laws of your country. You have lawlessly seized upon the forts, arsenals, and other property belong- ing to our common country, and within your own borders with this property you are in arms and waging a ruthless war against your constitutional government, and thus threatening the existence of a government which you are bound by the terms of the solemn compact to live under and faithfully support. " In doing this you are not only undermining and pre- paring the way for totally ignoring your own political and social existence, but you are threatening the civilized world with the odious sentiment, that self-government is impossible with civilized man. "Fellow-citizens. I implore you to pause and reflect upon the tenor and consequences of your acts. If the awful sacrifices made by the destruction of your property, the shedding of fraternal blood in battle, the mourning and wailing of widows and orphans throughout our land are insufficient to deter you from further pursuing this un- holy war, then ponder, I beseech you, upon the ultimate, but yet not less certain result which its further progress must necessarily and naturally entail upon your once happy and prosperous State. Indeed, can you pursue this fratricidal war, and continue to imbrue your hands in the loyal blood of your countrymen, your friends, your kins- men, for no other object than to unlawfully disrupt the confederacy of a great people a confederacy established by your own hands in order to set up, were it possible, an independent government, under which you can never live in peace, prosperity, or quietness ? " Carolinians, we have come among you as loyal men, fully impressed with our constitutional obligations to the citizens of your State. Those obligations shall be per- formed as far as in our power. But be not deceived ; the obligations of suppressing armed combinations against the The reception of this document, as de- scribed by an eye-witness, will illustrate the spirit of the people to whom it was addressed : " Lieutenant Magner, of General Sher- man's staff, accompanied by Dr. Bacon, of the Seventh Connecticut, was detailed by General Sherman this morning (No- vember 13) to convey to the rebels, un- der a flag of truce, his proclamation, which was addressed to the loyal citizens of South Carolina, inviting them to re- turn to their homes and promising them protection. The bearers of the flag were sent to Beaufort in the gun-boat Seneca, Captain Ammen, accompanied by the Pernbina, Captain Bankhead, and the Isaac Smith, Captain Nicholson. The men were sent to quarters while going, as an attack was looked for at any mo- ment ; but the flotilla reached Beaufort without any hostile demonstration being made against it. The bearers of dis- patches were placed ashore in the cutter under a flag of truce, accompanied by a negro, who was picked up while ascend- ing the river, who, being acquainted with the country, was to act as guide. Mules were found, and, led by the negro, they proceeded into the country, and after penetrating about ten miles they were met by a Rev. Mr. Walker, a Baptist clergyman, formerly of Beaufort. To their inquiries whether there were any constitutional authorities is paramount to all others. If in the performance of this duty other minor but important obligations should be neglected, it must be attributed to the necessities of the case; because rights dependent on the laws of the State must be necessarily subordinate to military exigences, created by insurrection and rebellion. "T. W. SHERMAN, Brig.-Gen. Com'g. " HEADQUARTERS, E. C., PORT ROYAL, S. C., Nov. 8, 1861." 612 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. rebel camps in the vicinity, he informed them that the camps they were looking after were a number of miles off, and advised them not to proceed farther, as he did not deem it prudent or safe. They were not quite satisfied with the inform- ation he gave, as his conduct was some- what suspicious, and they inquired of the negro guide as to the distance. He informed them that it was about half a mile farther on. They concluded to pro- ceed. They had gone about half a mile when they were met by two rebel offi- cers, one of whom bore a white hand- kerchief upon an oar, which they had brought from a small boat in a creek close by, in which they had evidently come. They proved to be a first lieu- tenant and a second lieutenant from a Charleston company. "The object of the mission was ex^ plained by the bearers of the flag, and they were politely informed that there were no loyal citizens in South Carolina, and that their mission was fruitless." There was another class of inhabit- ants, however, the negro slaves, who were more ready to welcome the repre- sentatives of a powerful government, which they, in their innocent ignorance of constitutional obligations and political expedients, seemed to believe had thus presented itself, in its might and benef- icence, to set them free. When they observed the landing of the troops, they flocked along the banks in great num- bers, some bringing parcels and bundles, as if expecting the soldiers to take them at once to a home of freedom. " Every variety of negro and slave was repre- sented," wrote a correspondent to a jour- nal* whose sympathy, it is needless to say, is rather with the slave than his master. "I say negro and slave, for it is a melancholy fact that some slaves are apparently as white as their masters, and as intelligent. Darkies of genuine Congo physiques and darkies of the genuine Uncle Tom pattern darkies young and jubilant darkies middle-aged and eager and gray-haired, solemn-looking fel- lows some appeared mystified, and some intelligent the quadroon and the octoroon, possessing an undistinguish- able tint of negro blood, mingled one drop with seven of Southern nativity and ancient family, formed, to speak mildly, an interesting scene. " As fast as the contraband article came within reach, it was placed in the guard- house, an old frame building behind Fort Walker. Here quite a collection was made. They were huddling together, half in fear and half in hope, when a naval officer of the Bienville looked in upon them asking, ' Well, well, what are you all about ?' " ' Dat's just what we'd like to find out, mas'r,' was the response. " The officer assured them that they would be kindly taken care of, and, per- haps found something to do, and need not be alarmed. " 'Tank God for dat, mas'r,' was the reply. " On drawing them into conversation, they said that they caught a great deal of fish in Port Royal harbor, fishing at night, after the plantation work was New York Tribune. THE NEGROES AT PORT ROYAL. 613 over. Two slaves were found recon- noitring about on their own account, and on being brought into camp, ex- plained that they belonged to Mrs. Pinck- ney, of Charleston, and came down to ' see what de white people were all about.' They said that the white people all ran away when the ships came up, crying, 'Great God! Great God! Great God! the Yankees are coming ; fire the boats.' Other slaves reported that ' when the white folks see the little boats coming up, dey laffed at dem, but when dey see de big checker-sided vessels comin', dey laffed on de oder side der moufs.' ' The correspondent of another news- paper, equally uniform in its advocacy of the rights of freedom, wrote : " Early in the morning after the vic- tory, the plantation negroes began to come into camp, and with the genuine African instinct for trade, each had pro- vided himself with a turkey, a shoulder of bacon, or two shoulders and a brace of hams in the shape of a struggling porker, which he bore kicking and squeal- ing under his arm. It was amusing to see the pertinacity with which the fellows would cling to their prize, even while waiting to be questioned under guard of a file of soldiers. The instant one was spoken to, the bit of a wide-awake, or the rimless crown of straw which did duty as a hat, would be jerked off with characteristic obsequiousness, the negro stand scraping and bowing, answering meanwhile his catechism as well as he could with the noisy and struggling beast distracting his attention. " Several who came in brought wagons loaded with knapsacks and other accou- trements, which they had picked up on the way. All seemed ready to work, and those who were so fortunate as to have possessed themselves of some stray horse or a pair of plantation mules, found abundant occupation. '* Our troops were accompanied in their first reconnoissance into the island by Dr. J. J. Craven, of the third brigade, who reports the negroes on the planta- tions farther inland as almost wild with delight at the advent of our troops and the hasty flight of their masters, which they described with the utmost gusto. " ' Lord ! massa,' said one, ' we're so glad to see you. We'se prayed and prayed the good Lord that he would send yer Yankees, and we knowed you'se was coming.' " ' How could you know that ?' asked Dr. Craven. ' You can't read the paper ; how did you get the news ?' "'No, massa, we'se can't read, but we'se can listen. Massa and missus used to read, and sometimes they'se would read loud, and then we would listen so' making an expressive gesture indica- tive of close attention at a key-hole. ' When I'se get a chance I'se would list'n, and Jim him would list'n, and we put the bits together, and we knowed the Yankees were coming. Bless the Lord, massa." "Another stout fellow asserted that the good Lord had appeared to him in the shape of a ' Yankee,' who assured him that his hour of deliverance was at hand. The poor, trusting creatures never seemed to question that a war which 614 THE WAR \VITH THE SOUTH. they had heard was all about them must mean their deliverance from a bondage with which they do not seern to have been sufficiently in love to follow the for- tunes of their fleeing masters. A driver's whip which was picked up, and which the correspondent of the Evening Post now has in his possession, was shown one of them, and he was asked if he knew what it was. " ' Golly, massa !' said the negro, with a suspicious, sidelong look at the familiar whip he saw raised aloft, ' Guess dis nig- ger knows what dat dere is,' and he pro- ceeded to explain the use to which it was applied. ' ' When some doubt was expressed as to the negro statements in regard to number, one of them answered : " ' We can't read, but we can count.' " 'How did you learn to count?' '"Picking cotton, massa. We'se all got to count when we pick cotton, mas- sa.' " The negroes whom their masters had left behind in their hasty .retreat from their plantations and homes, were for the most part disposed to consider the inva- sion as the opportunity for license, and seemed to have no idea of orderly free- dom. The beautiful town of Beaufort,* A newspaper correspondent gives the following ac- count of Beaufort and the ravages committed by the negroes : "Beaufort is a beautiful little village of 2,000 inhabit- ants, laid out with some regularity, with broad streets, fine- ly shaded by trees of patriarchal growth, whose branches frequently interlace above, forming a shady bower, and protecting from the almost tropical sun pleasant walks and avenues. The houses are mostly of two stories, with a wide verandah in front, well shaded, and surrounded by gardens filled with rare flowers and plants, which exhale most delightful odors. Here we found in November roses a chosen resort of the wealthy possess- ors of the rich plantations of rice and Sea Island cotton, became a scene of de- vastation. Its broad avenues, border- ed by trees of ancient growth, whose branches interlaced and formed a shade impenetrable by the rays of an almost tropical sun ; its luxurious houses, shut out from light and curiosity by vine- covered verandahs and groves of orange and lemon, and surrounded by gardens of tropical plants and fruits which, in a region where roses blossom in Novem- ber, grow luxuriantly in the open air made Beaufort a place of great attrac- tion. To these external beauties was added that interior charm of social re- in full bloom, and golden oranges and lemons gleaming among the green leaves. Indeed, nearly all the fruits of the tropics can be grown in the open air in this lovely cli- mate. But in spite of all the beauties of nature, the pro- fusion of fruits, the wealth of flowers, and the elegant residences of cultivated people, there was something in- expressibly melancholy about the village. On every hand we saw signs of the hasty flight of the inhabitants, and much more plain were the indications of the wanton de- struction and ruthless plundering of houses by the slaves. It was too evident that their barbarous instincts had, for the time being, full sway. The village had felt their savage hands close at its very throat. With none to hin- der or stop them, they held a perfect saturnalia for a day, and made the quiet streets of the village ring with their savage cries and wild orgies. The two remaining whites, trembling for their lives, kept close within their houses, and escaped being victims of the negroes' revenge. Five or six negroes had been shot by the whites because they refused to seek the woods with them. This maddened and infuriated the negroes to a pitch of frenzy that made them greedy for any act of retaliation, and murder would have been committed by them had not the whites kept out of the way. Captain Bankhead, of the Pembina, and the commander of the Unadilla, checked in a measure their excesses. But the work had been nearly completed before their arrival. While we passed through the streets we saw groups of slaves men, women, and children some from a distance, who had been engaged in plunder, as many of them had the plunder with them. They were ordered to disgorge, and obliged to place it where they stole it from." THE HAVOC AT BEAUFORT. 615 fmement which a long-established society of persons of wealth and culture alone can give to their homes. Such was the place which, abandoned by its white in- habitants, had fallen into the hands of the negroes, whose barbarous instincts, no longer restrained, converted the abodes of refined tranquillity and lux- ury into scenes of brutal revelry and reckless waste. Beaufort, however, was soon wrested from the negroes by the Federal troops, and military order substituted for bar- barous license. Though a rude soldiery may not be ordinarily desirable as occu- pants of a well-ordered home, the lordly inhabitants of Beaufort have reason to congratulate themselves that their abodes are no longer in the keeping of their own servants, of whose fidelity they were wont to boast. Though the negroes flocked about the camps to the number of some four or five thousand, and seemed in the best humor possible with the new-comers, they showed but little disposition to work for them. It was difficult to pre- vail upon them to gather the cotton which w T hitened the fertile plantations of Beaufort ; they preferred, now that they were no longer in dread of the overseer's lash, to luxuriate in the spoils of their absent masters' dwellings, or to carry on a small and not laborious huck- stering trade with the camps, where they were fond of lingering within sound of the drum and within sight of the mili- tary trappings which charmed their bar- barous tastes. A few hundred bales of cotton were gathered, shipped and sold in New York for the benefit of the Gov- ernment. The planters themselves, how- ever, at every advance of the Federal force from the sea, as they abandoned their plantations, burned their rich har- vests, and thus diminished the expected trophies of cotton. Though the troops made little prog- ress, the fleet, under the energetic com- mand of Commodore Dupont, was act- ive. Expeditions were sent to secure possession of the Bay of St. Helena, to the north of Port Royal, and of War- saw Island, near the entrance from the sea to Savannah.* The result of these expeditions is stated in the official reports of their respective commanders addressed to Com- modore Dupont Commander Rodgers, who commanded the expedition to Warsaw Island, reported as follows : " UNITED STATES FLAG-SHIP WABASH, i " POKT ROYAL HARBOR, S. C., Dec. 6, 1861. j ' ' SIR : On yesterday morning I left Tybee Roads before daylight with the steamers Ottawa, Seneca, and Pembina, and crossed the bar of Warsaw Sound at half- tide, not hav- ing less than eighteen feet of water upon it. " We approached the fort on Warsaw Island within a mile, and seeing neither guns nor men, we did not fire, but I sent Lieutenant Barnes to it with a white flag. He found it an inclosed octagonal work, with platforms for eight guns on the water faces. The land forces were pro- tected by abatis. The work was well intrenched. The guns had been removed, the platforms cut, and the mag- azine blown up. From the freshness of the foot-prints and other signs, it appeared to have been abandoned very recently. Adjoining the fort are huts or sheds for a large garrison. Some lumber and bricks remain ; everything else had been carried away. "We immediately pushed on to Cabbage Island, where we had been led to look for another battery, but there was nothing of the kind there. We went to the mouth of the creek, through the Romilly Marsh, and to the mouth of Wilmington River. " From the mouth of Wilmington River we observed a battery, bearing from us about north-west by west half west, and distant about three miles. It is on the river, and just above a house with a red cupola, which is one of the Coast Survey points of triangulation, and is about ten miles from Savannah. Between the house and the fort was a large encampment, but we could not count the tents. We counted five guns, apparently of large calibre 616 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. The results of these expeditions would be, it was supposed, of great advantage on the face of the battery toward us. We < could only see one gun upon the other face, but there may have been more. We were near enough to see the men on the ram- parts and the glittering of their bayonets. We saw sev- eral small vessels ; some of them in Romilly Marsh were in tow of a small steam-tug, but they were all beyond our reach. " Upon Little Tybee Island we could see no earth-works, but could not get nearer to it than two miles because of the shoals. In coming out of Warsaw Sound at high tide we had not less than 21 feet of water on the bar. "Returning to Tybee Roads at one o'clock, I landed and made a reconnoissance on foot with the marines of the Savannah and detachments of small-arm men from that ship and the Ottawa. Upon reaching the mouth of the Laz- areth Creek, having no boats in which to cross, our progress was stopped. We waited until low tide, but the creek was unfordable. I was able, however, with the assistance of Lieutenant Luce, to obtain from the top of a tree the po- sition in which a battery has been supposed to exist, and am satisfied that there is no battery there. The spar which was mistaken for a derrick is simply a place of look- out, and there was no appearance of any earth-work or po- sition for guns. A battery at such a place would be of no use whatever. There may. however, have been a signal gun placed there, as the point upon which the spar is raised upon the south-eastern part of Little Tybee Island, and is a commanding point of observation. ' ' I have to thank Lieutenant-Commanding Stevens for the most earnest, cordial, and efficient co-operation ; and also Lieutenants 'Commanding Ammen and Bankhead, whose vessels were always in the right place, and always well handled. I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant, C. R. P. RODGEES, Com'd." Commander Drayton an active officer in the Federal service and a brother of the commander-in-chief of the South Carolina troops, to whom by the fatal chances of this unnatural strife he was now directly opposed in mor- tal conflict commanded the expedition to the Bay of St. Helena. This is Commander Drayton's report : " UNITED STATES STEAMEE PAWNEE, i " POET ROYAL HAEBOE, Nov. 25, 1861. ) " SIE : In obedience to instructions contained in your letter of the 24th instant I left this harbor at three o'clock A.M of the 24th inst. in company with the Unadilla, Lieu- tenant-Commanding Collins, and the Pembina, Lieuten- ant-Commanding Bankhead, piloted by the Vixen, Captain Boutelle. We crossed this bar at half -past four o'clock, and that of St. Helena at half past nine o'clock a steamer supposed to be the General Clinch being then off the Edisto River, which position she shortly left, and steamed up the river. ' ' I soon afterward came in sight of a fort on the point in the contemplated attempts upon the cities of Charleston and Savannah. -The of Otter Island, into which, at the distance of a mile, I threw a few shells, as did the gun-boats, to discover if it were occupied. There being no answer, I sent a boat on shore to take possession, and found it to be a regular tri- angular work, with two faces toward the water, of 250 feet each, with bastions and a curtain on the land side the whole surrounded by a ditch. The magazine had been blown up and everything carried away or destroyed, the only thing left being the fragments of an eighty-pound rifled gun, which had been burst. There was also on the outside a large quantity of timber and palmetto logs, which I left undisturbed, there being little or no proba- bility of any one coming to remove it, and considering that, should we occupy the place, it would be required to finish the work. " Having made the above examination, I continued up the Coosaw River with the gun-boats, piloted by Captain Boutelle. When just passing Morgan River, two miles from Otter Island, I came in sight of a fort directly ahead, and at the junction of Barnwell Creek with the Coosaw. When within a mile we threw a few shells into it, and there being no signs of occupation, and the negroes show- ing themselves in the neighborhood, I sent a boat on shore to take possession, and found it to be a redoubt, with a ditch on three faces, and a steep slope toward the water, above which the parapet was elevated thirty feet, its name being (as we found by papers picked up) Fort Hay- ward. The armament had consisted of only three guns one rifle, which had been removed and two eighteen pounders, which being of a very antiquated make, and spiked, I destroyed by breaking the trunions off. ' ' The next morning early I returned and removed to this vessel a quantity of intrenching tools which I found near the fort, together with a large sling cart and two siege carriages, which had not been much injured by the fire which had consumed sufficiently to render useless the other one and all the timbers. This being completed, I returned to Otter Creek Island, and found there the Vixen, which had preceded us for the purpose of bringing off an engineer, Lieutenant O'Rourke, who had been sent by General Sherman to join us at Coffin's Landing. He desired to make a drawing of the fort, and, as it was late, I anchored for the night, leaving again on the morning of the 27th with the gun-boats and Vixen (there not being water for the Pawnee) to ascend the Ashepoo River, as I understood that there was a military station a short dis- tance up. After running a few miles I discovered a re- doubt, and having, as before, satisfied myself that it was not occupied, I landed and found that, like the others, it was very carefully and scientifically built, with a deep ditch around it. Everything had been destroyed and carried away except a rifled twenty-four pounder and an old En- glish eighteen pounder, both of which had been burst, and CAPTURE OF TYBEE ISLAND. 617 possession of the Bay of St. Helena se- cured the command of large rivers com- another eighteen pounder, which I destroyed. Having performed this duty, I continued up the river, thinking that I might find fortifications at Mosquito Creek, which offers the only inland channel of communiciition with Charleston. None had, however, been erected there, and I continued up the river to the plantation on Hutchinson Island, about twelve miles above Otter Island, which was as far as the vessels could go. Here were a large number of negroes, "but no white men, although they told me there was a picket of soldiers about three miles beyond. At this time I heard heavy firing, and, as we all supposed it proceeded from the Pawnee, I hurried every one on board and re- turned down the river as quickly as possible, but on reach- ing that vessel was told that the sounds came from the direction of Beaufort. " Then, with the Pawnee, got under weigh, and, accom- panied by the other vessels, ran across the bay to Hunting Island River, where I landed and looked for the fortifica- tions on the point of Hunting Island, but could not find the least appearance of there ever having been any there. The light-house had been recently blown up, and all the public property carried away. I had now examined all the points mentioned in your letter except Coffin's Land- ing, which had been visited by Lieutenant O'Rourke, on his way across, and he reporting that no works had been erected there, I did not think it worth the delay that would have been occasioned there. I left Hunting Island Harbor at seven o'clock this morning, and reached my an- chorage here at meridian. ' ' With regard to the other inquiries that I was or- dered to make, I would beg leave to say, that whenever practicable, the slaves have been removed, as on the northern side of the Ashepoo, where there is no communi- cation with the Edisto. At all the plantations south of that a great many still remain at Hutchinson Island not less, I think, than 120. Not a white man seems to be left anywhere outside the line of military occupation, which was higher than I was able to go with the vessels. "The slaves are doing nothing, are very friendly, and assisted us voluntarily wherever we wanted their aid, and sometimes, as at Fort Hayward, worked very hard. I overheard one of them say that it was but fair they should do so for us, as we were working for them . The more in- telligent among them told me that there was no packed cotton this year, and that not much more than half the cotton and scarcely any of the provision crop had been gathered. c- o o o " I forgot to mention that, as far as we could make out, on our return down the river (the Ashepoo), they appeared to be burning houses in the dii'ection of the South Edisto Kiver, or on those plantations which must have still been in the possession of the whites, and the same thing seemed to be continued during the night. 78 municating with the interior of South Carolina, and an excellent harbor near Charleston itself. The possession of Warsaw Inlet and Sound was no less important, as it gave the command of an entrance to the Savannah River, with a passage little inferior to that of Ty- bee. Tybee Island was subsequently seized and held by the Federal troops, without an attempt at resistance by the enemy beyond an occasional unavailing shot from Fort Pulaski.* This powerful " I can not finish without mentioning the obligations I am under to Captain Boutelle, for the skill and untiring energy he displayed in piloting us through those inland waters ; and I think the people must have been a little surprised at seeing vessels of war passing at full speed up narrow and not over deep rivers, such as the Coosaw and Ashepoo. I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant, " DRATTON, Commanding Pawnee." c The following descriptions of Port Pulaski and Fort Jackson are from the New York Herald : " Fort Pulaski guards the city on its sea approaches. It is built on Cockspur Island, fourteen miles from Savannah, at the mouth of the Savannah River. The site of the fortification was selected by Major Babcock, of the United States Engineer Corps, about twenty-six years ago, but it was not till 1831 that the work of erecting the present massive masonry fortification was commenced in earnest. In that year Captain (now Quartermaster-General) Mans- field took charge of its construction. The fort was fin- ished a few years ago, at a cost of $963,000. The fort is of pentagonal form, covering several acres. Its walls are forty feet high, and present two falls on the sea approach, with ranges of fire radiating at opposite angles. The fort is embrasured on the front and channel side for one row of guns, under bomb-proof casemates, with an additional tier of guns open, or en barbette. The salient points and flanking approaches on the rear of the work have no em- brasures for heavy cannon, but are thoroughly covered by enfilading musketry loopholes, which renders a landing or escalading extremely hazardous to an enemy. The full armament of the fort will consist, on the lower tier, of sixty-five thirty-two pounders (iron pieces), and the upper tier of fifty-three twenty-four pounders, four eighteen- pounder flanking howitzers, one thirteen-inch mortar, twelve eight-inch columbiads, and seven ten-inch mortars in all 1 50 guns. The columbiads are heavy and very destructive weapons of long range, and adapted to use spherical shot or shell. They are capable of an elevation of 180 degrees, and a vertical fire of five degrees, depressed 618 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. work, which at the commencement of the civil troubles had been appropriated by the secessionists of Georgia, gave them the command of the main entrance to Savannah through the mouth of the Sa- vannah River. By Warsaw Sound, how- ever, which Commodore Dupont had succeeded in securing, there is another means of reaching the Savannah River, and thence the city of Savannah itself. A stream termed St. Augustine Creek, which flows from the Savannah River, and widening into what is called the Wilmington River, empties into Warsaw Sound, and thus offers a circuitous route from the sea by which the city of Sa- vannah can be reached without passing through the main entrance commanded by the formidable guns of Fort Pulaski. Commodore Dupont, availing himself of to thirty-six degrees elevation. The interior of the fort is well supplied with massive furnaces for heating shot, officers' quarters, soldiers' barracks, and an immense sup- ply of shot, powder, and muskets. A wide ditch sur- rounds the work, which, when dry, can be used by sharp- shooters, or could, if necessary, at the approach of an enemy, be easily flooded. Beyond the ditch is a glacis, or inclined bank, which is enfiladed by the guns from the lower or casemate row of the fortification. The full war garrison of the fort is 800 men, but one-half that number could hold it successfully against a very large force Ves- sels of any considerable size in beating up the channel to Savannah are obliged to approach within seventy yards of the fort, and at this point many guns of large calibre can be made to concentrate their fire. The fortification is pronounced by expert army engineers one of the strongest and most perfect of its kind on this continent. It covers a larger area than Fort Sumter, but has one tier of guns less. "FORT JACKSON. This is a small work, built on a low marsh, four miles from Savannah, on a site near the bend of the river, and commands important points on the chan- nel, on the interior line of fortifications. It is built of heavy brick masonry. Its armament consists of ten twenty- four pounders (iron guns), three field pieces, five eight-inch howitzers, one ten-inch mortar, and one eight-inch mortar. It cost the government $80,000. There is also an exterior line of fortification erected to protect the mouth of the Savannah on its sea approach at Tybee Island." his gun-boats of light draft, had succeed- ed in approaching the Savannah j an , River by the passage through St. 27. Augustine Creek, in the rear of Fort Pulaski. His plan, however, of reach- ing the city itself, and cutting off' the communication between it and Fort Pu- laski, has been thus far thwarted by the operations of the secessionists, who, through the incontinence of the North- ern press, having timely information of their danger, were enabled to provide against it. A combined operation of the naval and military forces from Port Royal met with more immediate success. The en- emy had been endeavoring to shut up the Federal forces within Port Royal Island, where they had first landed and were encamped. For this purpose the South Carolinians had placed obstructions in Coosaw River and the other streams and creeks which separate the island from the mainland, had constructed batteries, the principal of which were at Seabr.ook, Boyd's Creek, and at Port Royal Ferry, and had so posted their troops as to con- centrate a force of 2,500 or 3,000 men at either of these points. To thwart the designs of the enemy, Commodore Du- pont and General Sherman agreed upon a combined expedition. Commander C. R. P. Rodgers was ap- pointed to the command of the na- j an , ] val forces, consisting of the gun- 1862. boats Ottawa, Lieutenant-Commanding Stevens ; Pembina, Lieutenant-Com- manding Bankhead ; four armed boats carrying howitzers, under the charge of Lieutenants Upshur, Luce, and Irwin, ATTACK ON COOSAW. 619 and Acting-Master Kempff, all of which were to enter the Coosaw by Beaufort River ; the gun-boat Seneca, Lieuten- ant-Commanding Ammen, and the tug- boat Ellen, Acting-Master-Commanding Budd. The last two were to move up Beaufort River and approach the batter- ies at Seabrook and Port Royal Ferry by Whale Branch. The armed tug E. B. Hale, Acting-Master Foster, under the command of Lieutenant Barnes, was afterward dispatched to Commander Rodgers. A land force of about 6,000 men the Roundhead Regiment, Colonel Lea- sure ; Eighth Michigan, Colonel Fenton ; Fiftieth Pennsylvania, Colonel Christ ; and the Seventy-ninth New York, Major Morrison ; together with the Forty-sev- enth New York, Colonel Frazier ; and the Forty-eighth New York, Colonel Perry accompanied the expedition, all forming a brigade under the command of Brigadier-General Isaac J. Stevens. The result of the expedition is fully de- tailed in this report of the naval com- mander, submitted to Commodore Du- pont : " UNITED STATES FLAG-SHIP WABASH, [ "PoBT ROYAL HARBOR, S. C., Jan. 3, 1862. ) " SIR : I reached Beaufort at noon on the 31st of December, with the gun- boats Ottawa, Lieutenant- Commanding Stevens ; and Pembina, Lieutenant-Com- manding Baiikhead ; and the four large boats of this ship, each carrying a twelve- pound howitzer, under Lieutenants Up- shur, Luce, and Irwin, and Acting-Master Kempff. At sunset Lieutenant Barnes, of this ship, joined me with the armed steamer E. B. Hale, Acting-Master-Com- manding Foster. In order that no inti- mation might be given to the enemy of our approach, these vessels remained at Beaufort until after dark, when they ascended the river to a point about two miles from the Coosaw, where we an- chored to await daylight. At four the next morning I moved on with the launches, and at daylight joined General Stevens, at the head of his column, and at the appointed place of rendezvous. " The troops having all embarked, we crossed the Coosaw, and at eight A.M. the first detachment of volunteers landed, under cover of our boat guns, at Hay- wood's plantation, and with them went the two light howitzers of the Wabash, to serve as a section of light artillery, under Lieutenant Irwin, of this ship. At sunrise Lieutenant- Commanding Ste- vens succeeded in getting the Ottawa through the difficult passage of the Brick- yard, and in joining me in front of the column, the Pembina and E. B. Hale ar- riving shortly afterward. We proceeded to the next landing, at Adams' planta- tion, where the remaining troops were ordered to disembark. On our way up we threw a few shells into what seemed an outpost of the enemy, near a long embankment. " Anchoring the gun-boat at ten o'clock so as to cover the route of the advancing column and the second point of debark- ation, where also our launches were sta- tioned, I went up in the Hale to within range of the battery at Port Royal Ferry, at which Lieutenant Barnes threw a few shot and shell, dislodging a body of troops 620 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. stationed in the adjoining field, but eli- citing no response from the battery. " At half past one P.M., General Ste- vens being ready to move, the gun-boats shelled the woods in front of his skir- mishers, and then advancing we threw a rapid fire into the fort at Port Royal Ferry, and anchored in front of it at two forty P.M., the Ottawa passing be- tween the heads of the two causeways. The enemy had succeeded in taking off all their guns save one, but I could not learn whether airy except field pieces had been removed on the day of attack. We found a quantity of eight-inch shells and thirty- pounder rifled shells in the magazines. "At half-past two the Seneca, Lieu- tenant-Commanding Ammen, and the Ellen, Master-Commanding Budd, the other vessels which you had placed under my orders, having passed from Broad River through Whale Branch, came with- in signal distance, and their commanders came on board the Ottawa, having as- sisted in the destruction of the works at Seabrook ; but their vessels were pre- vented by the lowness of the tide from joining me. The Ellen came up at eight o'clock, and the Seneca the next morn- ing. "Immediately after the Ottawa had anchored, the ferry was reopened, and the Pennsylvania Roundheads passed over and occupied the fort, where they were joined, about four o'clock, by Gen- eral Stevens' advance guard. The enemy appearing in force and in line of battle upon the right of our troops, at fifteen minutes past four o'clock the Ottawa moved down the river a short distance with the Pembina and opened fire with eleven-inch and Parrott guns, their shells falling among the enemy's troops with great effect, driving them into the woods and clearing the flank of our column, where the skirmishers had been engaged and the enemy had opened fire from a field battery of several pieces. Soon after sunset we ceased firing for a while, and the enemy sent a flag of truce to one of our advanced posts, to ask permission to carry off their killed and wounded. Just then the gun-boats reopened, and before General Stevens' messenger could convey his reply, that the firing should cease for an hour, to enable the enemy to carry off their wounded, the officer who had brought the flag had galloped off. At sunset I landed our heavy how- itzer, directing Lieutenant Upshur to place it in battery with the guns already on shore under Lieutenant Irwin, there being no artillery with the brigade but that of the Wabash. At the same time Lieutenant Luce, with the second launch and its rifled gun, and Lieutenant Barnes, with the Hale, were sent to the lower landing to protect the boats and steamer in which our troops had crossed, and su- perintend their removal to the ferry, which was accomplished about midnight. " At sunrise we re-embarked our boat guns. At thirty minutes past nine o'clock on the morning of the 2d, the enemy again appearing in the wood, we opened a hot fire of shot and shells from the Ottawa, Seneca, Pembina, Ellen, and Hale, and after firing briskly for a time slackened the fire so as to drop a shot or FOREIGN INTERFERENCE. 621 shell into the woods about once a minute. At forty minutes past nine o'clock our troops began to recross the ferry, and were all over by noon, our field guns having been landed, at the request of General Stevens, to cover the rear of the returning column. The enemy made no further demonstration. The scows which had been used in crossing were taken to our vessels, to be towed to Beaufort, and at two P.M. we got under way and moved down the Coosaw to a point near the Beaufort River, where we were compelled to wait for the morning's tide to pass through the Brickyard Chan- nel. * * * * " I have the honor to be, etc., " C. R. P. RODGERS, Commander. "To Flag-Officer S. F. DUPONT, Commanding South Atlantic Blockading Squadron." Lieutenant-Commanding Ammen, with the gun-boats Seneca and Ellen, meeting with but little resistance, thoroughly ac- complished his work at Seabrook, driving the enemy from that quarter and de- stroying the fortifications. CHAPTER LIX. Inquietude about European Interference. Want of Cotton. Impatience of England and France. Aversion of the United States to Interference. Neutrality of Europe. Official expressions of opinion. Officiousness of M. Fould. Offensive declaratio'i of Lord John Russell. Opinion of Mr. Gladstone. The War denounced by the Foreign Press as Unjust and Ineffectual. Separation of the States held in Europe to be final. Basis of this opinion. Influence of the Southern agents in Europe. Irritation in the United States in consequence. Exultation at the Capture of Slidell and Mason. Life of Slidell. Political career and character. -Life of Mason. Career and character. Mission of Slidell and Mason. Their escape from Charleston. Reception in Havana. On board the Trent. The San Jacinto. Her cruise. After the Trent. The Trent overhauled and brought to. Capture of Slidell and Mason. Arrival of the San Jacinto in the United States. Mason and Slidell in Fort Warren. 1861. A NATURAL inquietude was felt from the very commencement of the civil war, lest the great powers of Europe might, when they found their commercial interests, which were so closely inter- woven with those of the United States, disturbed by the conflict, seek an occasion for interference. The want of cotton to supply the great manufacturers of Europe with material for continued production of their fabrics, and consequently neces- sary means for the subsistence of their millions of workmen, would, none could deny, be felt more intensely, especially by France and England, with each day's duration of the war, and render them impatient to bring it to a close. The United States, confident of its pow- er soon to restore its authority throughout its whole domain, and with the natural self-respect of a great nation, was exceed- ingly averse to any interposition of for- eign powers in its domestic quarrel. All suggestions of friendly mediation were proudly disdained, and all movements which bore the semblance of interfer- THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. ence were anxiously watched. Though the governments of France and England, directing their action in accordance with a discreet regard for the international rights of the United States, preserved a strict neutrality, there were many leaders of opinion in both countries who did not hesitate to express views of the civil quarrel exceedingly distasteful to the public sentiment of the North. Nor were these merely the speculations of publicists, whose liberty of opinion, when restrained by the ordinary proprieties of discussion, no American freeman would dispute, but were the enunciations of ministers of those very governments which professed a resolute adherence to the strictest neutrality. The present minister of finance of France, Monsieur Fould, had expressed, not officially, but officiously to use a dis- tinction borrowed from the French his fear that the union was forever dissolved. Earl Russell, too, the foreign minister of England, had ventured, though not indeed in his official capacity, to indulge in the offensive epigrammatic declaration, that the North was fighting for dominion and the South for independence. The cautious and insinuating Mr. Gladstone, moreover, even while professing a tender regard for the Government of the United States, could not refrain from expressing the opinion that in its attempt to subdue its rebellious citizens, it had undertaken what was impracticable. These authoritative if not official judg- ments were naturally unwelcome to a people who showed by their generous devotion to their cause their faith in its justice and confidence in its triumph. This perversion, as it was deemed, of the motives and premature conclusion as to the results of the war, found an exagger- ated echo in portions of the foreign press, which, while disclaiming any feeling of sympathy with the slavery of the South, virtually advocated its cause by denounc- ing the North as waging an unjust and ineffectual war. Public opinion in Europe, based chiefly upon the assumption that the separation of the seceding States was an ultimate rupture, beyond the possibility of recon- struction, was thus unfavorable to a war for the Union. The disfavor with which the action of the Federal Government was viewed by the European powers was attributed principally to a desire to check the progress of a great nation, which they feared was destined to attain a prepon- derating influence in the world, and to the injury they sustained by the inter- ruption of those commercial relations which are essential not only to the sus- tenance, but to the political obedience of European operatives. Another cause perhaps the most irritating to the North- ern people of the unfriendly feeling in Europe could be traced to the influ- ence of the agents of the Southern Con- federacy, who had been busily intrigu- ing, since the commencement of the civil troubles, with the leaders of opin- ion in London and Paris. They had suc- ceeded, by their artful expositions of the commercial advantage to Europe of direct and free trade with the South, in arousing the cupidity of the manufac- turers of Manchester and Lyons, and CAPTURE OF SLIDELL AND MASON. 623 had thus created a strong interest in their favor. At the same time they had so exaggerated the resources of the Con- federacy and the unity of sentiment of those in subjection to it. and proportion- ately so underestimated the power and loyalty of the North, as to create a belief that the suppression of the rebellion was not practicable, nor even desirable. The mischief produced by those intriguing agents of the Southern Confederacy will account for the satisfaction with which the people of the North received the in- telligence of the capture of Slidell and Mason, the commissioners sent by Jeffer- son Davis to London and Paris. John Slidell, though one of the most devoted adherents of the Southern slav- ery faction, and among the chief insti- gators of secession, is a native of the North. He was born in the city of New York in the year 1793. His father was a thriving tradesman, who, after accu- mulating a fortune as a taUow-chandler, became president of a bank. No man was more highly esteemed by his fellow- townsmen than he who was always spoken of as "honest old John Slidell." His son John having, at the age of one-and- twenty, been engaged in a duel, which ill accorded with the orderly associations of a staid tradesman's family, was forced to seek in the license of New Orleans society a more congenial sphere. He accordingly emigrated to that city, and, possessed of a good education and much cleverness, was, after perfecting himself in the study of the law, admitted to the bar. He met with rapid success, and was appointed by President Jackson the United States district attorney at New Orleans. He was repeatedly elected a member of the State Legislature, and finally a representative to the United States Congress, where, by his political tact and his skill in debate, he early ac- quired a commanding position. When war with Mexico seemed immi- nent, Slidell was sent by President Polk as a special envoy to the Mexican govern- ment with the professed purpose of mak- ing an effort to prevent hostilities. His mission, however, proved of no avail, as, after a long discussion, he was refused an official acknowledgment. A devoted adherent to the slavery in- terest of the South, and an earnest ad- vocate for extending its domination by the acquisition of new territory, he was appointed by President Pierce United States minister to Central America, in the hope that by his characteristic skil- fulness of intrigue he might further the Southern policy of the administration in that quarter. On the appointment of Soule as min- ister to Madrid, Slidell was chosen by the Legislature of Louisiana to succeed him in the U. S. Senate, to which he was subsequently re-elected for the term of six years. He was thus a senator during the administration of Buchanan, and was the master spirit of the con- spiracy then formed for the dissolution of the Union. He had been offered by Buchanan the appointment of minister plenipotentiary to Paris, but declined it, as he preferred remaining at Washing- ton, where his presence was necessary to the development of the plot against 624 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. the Federal authority. Possessed of great wealth, and surrounding himself in his luxurious home with every social attraction, he exercised great influence upon the facile society of the capital. He thus contrived to mould the public sen- timent of Washington to his purposes socially, while politically he was pro- moting his designs, through his influence over Buchanan, who yielded his feeble will to his control without resistance. Lingering in Washington as long as he could intrigue with impunity, he did not leave the capital until the secession of Louisiana was beyond peradventure, w r hen he took leave of the U. S. Senate in a defiant challenge to the sovereignty of the Union. He was soon after elected a member from Louisiana of the Congress of the Confederate States. In personal appearance Slidell with his portly person, defiant air, and intel- lectual head is impressive ; and he is universally recognized as a man of capac- ity. A master of political tact and in- trigue, he is not over-scrupulous in the choice of means to attain the objects of his restless ambition. He is the brother of the clever author, the late Lieutenant Alexander Slidell Mackenzie, who is thought by many to have tarnished an otherwise spotless reputation by the ex- ecution of young Spencer, the son of the secretary of state, John C. Spencer, on the charge of being an instigator of a mutinous plot on board the brig Somers. Trusting to his political shrewdness, so- cial tact, and familiarity with the French language, Jefferson Davis appointed John Slidell to intrigue for the recognition of the Southern Confederacy, and otherwise promote its interests in Paris. With him was sent James Murray Mason, to per- form the same part in London. James Murray Mason was born in 1797, on Analostan Island, Fairfax Coun- ty, in Virginia. His descent has been traced to George Mason, an English Cav- alier who fought on the royal side dur- ing the civil war, and after the defeat of the king's troops at Worcester fled to America. Landing at Norfolk, he be- came a Virginia planter, and was the progenitor of the distinguished family of Masons, of whom James Murray Mason is one of the most notable descendants. Mason, after a preliminary schooling at his Virginian home, and in George- town, in the District of Columbia, was sent to the University of Pennsylvania, where he graduated in 1818. He sub- sequently attended lectures on law at the College of William and Mary, in Williamsburgh, Virginia, and completed his studies under the direction of Ben- jamin Watkins Leigh, an eminent law- yer of Richmond. In 1820 he was licensed to practice, and after several years' successful pur- suit of his profession began his political career as a member of the House of Delegates of Virginia, to which he was first elected in 1826, and subsequently re-elected twice. In 1829 he was a dele- gate to the convention convoked for the revision of the State constitution. In 1837 he was chosen a member of the House of Representatives of the United States Congress, but served only a single term. In 1847 he was elected by the LIFE OF MASON. 625 Legislature of Virginia to the United States Senate. For fourteen years he had been a senator, when, on the seces- sion of his State, he abandoned the na- tional service. For a long time he was an acknowledged leader in the Senate, and for many years was chairman of the committee on foreign affairs. Mason was always among the most prominent defenders of slavery in the Senate. He was the chief author of the Fugitive Slave Bill, and on the Kansas- Nebraska, and all other questions involv- ing slavery, he tenaciously defended the special claims of that institution. He was no less an advocate of the "State Rights" doctrine of Calhoun, and always insisted upon the right of secession. In September, 1855, he wrote : " But one course remains for the South imme- diate, absolute, and eternal separation. Better, far better, to stand toward the Northern States as we stand to the rest of the world enemies in war. in peace friends than to remain halting under a common government, enemies in the guise of peace, or friends at war." Yet, soothed by the conciliatory attentions of New England, he could not refrain from complimenting an audience at Bun- ker Hill with this tribute to their patri- otism : "I shall tell," he said, "in old Virginia, when I return to her hal- lowed land, that I found the spirit of Massachusetts as buoyant, as patriotic, as completely filled with the emotions that should govern patriotism, when I visited Bunker Hill, as it was when that battle was fought." As early as in the spring of 1860, 79 Mason, with a prescience of his future disloyalty, ventured to declare in the Senate, that "he recognized no allegiance to this Government ; he recognized and acknowledged no allegiance to this Gov- ernment none whatever." He remain- ed, however, in the Senate until his na- tive State allied herself to the enemies of the United States. He then took a defiant farewell, and after serving a while as a member of the Confederate Con- gress at Richmond, accepted the appoint- ment of Commissioner to London. The first information which reached the North of the mission of Slidell and Mason was through vague allusions in the Southern papers. Subsequently, however, there came, through the same source, a direct statement of their ap- pointment, and an exulting account of their departure, in spite of the vigilance of the Federal cruisers. The Mercury, of Charleston, whence the Commissioners sailed, gave this full revelation of their escape : " For some time past the papers of the interior have been indulging in sly Oct. hints as to the whereabouts of H Messrs. Mason and Slidell. We have hitherto not made any allusion to their movements ; but the causes which in- duced our reticence being removed, we may now, without indiscretion, narrate the facts of their embarkation. The Commissioners having resolved to make the venture of running the blockade of Charleston, after mature deliberation se- lected for the experiment the staunch and swift little steamer Theodora, which was, therefore, got ready for sea with all 626 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. dispatch. The preparations having been completed, they embarked a little before midnight on Friday, October llth. The party of passengers who were starting on this very unusual and somewhat haz- ardous trip consisted of the following persons : "Hon. J. M. Mason, of Virginia ; Mr. McFaiiand, secretary to Mr. Mason ; Hon. John Slidell, of Louisiana ; Mrs. Slidell ; Miss Mathilde Slidell ; Miss Ro- sine Slidell ; Mr. Eustis, secretary to Mr. Slidell ; Mrs. Eustis, who is a daughter of Mr. Corcoran, the Washington banker ; Colonel Le Mat, of Louisiana, the in- ventor of the grape-shot revolver, and two or three other gentlemen whom it will be best for the present not to name. " The night was pitch dark, and about midnight a light rain commenced falling, which rendered the chances of being de- tected by the blockaders exceedingly slim. At one o'clock on Saturday morn- ing, the hasty ' good-byes,' and ' God- speed-yous' having been said, the cables of the Theodora were loosened, and she glided down the harbor on her important mission. As the steamer passed Fort Sumter, every light on board was extin- guished, and away she went, right through the fingers of the blockaders, far out at sea. On the evening of the llth she reached Nassau in safety, where, had the opportunity been a favorable one, the Commissioners would have disembarked ; but, on inquiring, they ascertained that the English steamer connecting with that point touched at New York. However gratifying a sight of New York might have been under other circumstances, the Commissioners determined in this instance to forego the pleasure. So the Theodora left Nassau and steamed away toward Cuba. On the 16th instant she arrived at Cardenas, where the Commis- sioners landed. The news that a South- ern steamer had arrived, with Messrs. Mason and Slidell on board, which was telegraphed from Cardenas to Havana, was scarcely credited at the latter place. But when, on the 17th instant, the The- odora came up the harbor of Havana, displaying the Confederate flag, the quays were immediately thronged with thou- sands of wondering spectators, and a most cordial and enthusiastic reception was given to the adventurous little craft." The two Commissioners and their at- taches remained in Havana, where they were received with a partial welcome, and were even entertained by the British con- sul, though, it is said, not officially and presented by him to the Captain-General of Cuba until the 7th of November, when they embarked on board the British mail steamer Trent, for St. Thomas, jfov. whence they expected to be trans- ? ferred to another British mail steamer for Southampton, in England. In the mean time, while the Commis- sioners were pursuing their voyage, the United States steamer San Jacinto, a first- class screw steam sloop, mounting fifteen guns, had arrived in the West Indies from the African coast, where she had been one of the vessels of the usual squadron on that station. Captain Charles Wilkes had assumed command of the San Ja- cinto at Fernando Po, where he had been awaiting her arrival. In the course of AFTER THE TRENT. 627 his cruise in the West Indies, where he was on the look-out for privateers, he learned at Cieni'uegos, from the news- papers, that the Theodora had run the blockade at Charleston and arrived at Havana, after landing the Confederate Commissioners, with their families and secretaries, at Cardenas. Captain Wilkes determined at once to intercept the The- odora on her return to Charleston, and accordingly, having taken on board hur- riedly a sufficient quantity of coal for a short cruise, left Cienfuegos on the 26th of October, and arrived at Havana on the 28th. Here he found that he was too late for the Theodora, as she had al- ready returned to Charleston. The Com- missioners, however, were still in Havana, and having heard of their intention to take passage in the British mail packet Trent for St. Thomas, en route for Eng- land, Capt. Wilkes " conceived the bold plan of intercepting the English steam- er, and in the event of these persons being on board, to make them prisoners." The San Jacinto was accordingly filled up with coal " in great haste," and pro- visioned, and took her departure from jg ov , Havana on the 2d of November. 2 After proceeding to Key West in search of the Powhatan, to aid him in his object, but failing to find her, Captain Wilkes, "nothing daunted, fully resolved to undertake the boldy conceived enter- prise alone." On the morning of the 5th of November the San Jacinto left Key West, and running to the north side of the island of Cuba, touched at Sagua La Grande, where Captain Wilkes tele- graphed to the American consul-general, Mr. Schufeldt. at Havana, for information as to the day of sailing of the Trent, but received no response. The San Jacinto now steamed for the Old Bahama Chan- nel, situated about twenty miles east of the north side of Cuba, two hundred and forty miles from Havana, and nearly ten from the light-house of Paradon La Grande. As the channel contracts there to the width of fifteen miles, and was directly in the course of the Trent, there was not much probability of missing her. During the night of the 7th of November, having reached this channel, the San Jacinto laid off and on, with all her batteries loaded, and the bulwarks around the pivot gun on the forecastle removed. At the same time Captain Wilkes issued an order to Lieutenant D. M. Fairfax, the executive officer of the ship, to have two boats ready manned and armed to board the English packet as soon as she should be hove to under the guns of the San Jacinto. The Lieu- tenant was, moreover, ordered, in case, on boarding the Trent, he found Messrs. Slidell, Mason, Eustis, and McFarland among the passengers, to make them prisoners and send them immediately on board the San Jacinto, while to their families he was instructed by the Captain to offer, in his name, his cabin, in case they should resolve upon going to the United States. Captain Wilkes closed his order with the remark : " I trust that all those under your command, in exe- cuting this important and delicate duty, will conduct themselves with all the deli- cacy and kindness which become our naval service." 628 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. The second and third cutters of the ship were accordingly manned, armed, and kept in readiness for the service con- N OV| templated, of which Lieut. Fairfax 8 was to have the conduct. Thus pre- pared, the coming of the Trent was anx- iously watched. She finally made her appearance at about noon on the 8th of November. Everything was made ready ; the men were beat to quarters, and as soon as the British steamer was within reach, every gun on the starboard of the San Jacinto was trained upon her. A shot from the pivot gun was now dis- charged across her bow. The Trent hoisted English colors, but " showed no disposition to slacken her speed or heave to." The San Jacinto responded by unfurling the United States flag, arid waiting until the Trent was close upon her, fired a shell across her bow, which brought her to. Captain Wilkes now hailed her, and saying he would send a boat, ordered Lieutenant Fair- fax to board her. The Lieutenant ac- cordingly went in the second cutter, while the third cutter remained alongside of the San Jacinto in readiness to follow in case it were wanted. The proceedings of Lieutenant Fairfax are best detailed in his own report to Captain Wilkes, of the strict truthfulness of which his hon- orable character is the surest proof. " U. S. STEAMER SAN JACINTO, | At Sea, Nov. 12. ) " At 1.20 P.M. on the 8th inst., I re- paired," wrote Lieut. Fairfax, "along- side of the British mail packet in an armed cutter, accompanied by Mr. Hous- ton, second assistant engineer, and Mr. Grace, the boatswain. I went on board the Trent alone, leaving the two officers in the boat, with orders to wait until it became necessary to show some force. I was shown up by the first officer to the quarter-deck, where I met the captain and informed him who I was, asking to see his passenger list. He declined let- ting me see it. I then told him that I had information of Mr. Mason, Mr. Sli- dell, Mr. Eustis, and Mr. McFarland hav- ing taken their passage at Havana in the packet to St. Thomas, and would satisfy myself whether they were on board be- fore allowing his steamer to proceed. Mr. Slidell, evidently hearing his name mentioned, came up to me and asked if I wanted to see him. Mr. Mason soon joined us, and then Mr. Eustis and Mr. McFarland, when I made known the object of my visit. The captain of the Trent opposed anything like a search of his vessel, nor would he consent to show his papers or passenger list. The four gentlemen above mentioned protested also against my arresting and sending them to the United States steamer near by. There was considerable noise among the passengers just about that time, and that led Mr. Houston and Mr. Grace to repair on board with some six or eight men, all armed. After several unsuc- cessful efforts to persuade Mr. Mason and Mr. Slidell to go with me peaceably, I called to Mr. Houston and ordered him to return to the ship with the informa- tion that the four gentlemen named in your order of the 8th inst. were on board, and force must be applied to take them 'out of the packet. SEIZURE OF SLIDELL AND MASON. 629 " About three minutes after, there was still greater excitement on the quarter- deck, which brought Mr. Grace with his armed party. I, however, deemed the presence of any armed men unnecessary, and only calculated to alarm the ladies present, and directed Mr. Grace to re- turn to the lower deck, where he had been since coming on board. It must have been less than half an hour after I boarded the Trent when the second armed cutter, under Lieutenant Greer, came alongside (only two armed boats being used). He brought in the third cutter eight marines and four machinists, in addition to a crew of some twelve When the marines and some men. armed men had been formed just out- side of the main-deck cabin, where these four gentlemen had gone to pack up their baggage. I renewed my efforts to OO O ' / induce them to accompany me on board. Still refusing to accompany me unless force was applied, I called in to my as- sistance four or five officers, and first taking hold of Mr. Mason's shoulder, with another officer on the opposite side, I went as far as the gangway of the steamer and delivered him over to Lieu- tenant Greer, to be placed in the boat. I then returned for Mr. Slidell, who in- sisted that I must apply considerable force to get him to go with me ; calling in at least three officers, he also was taken in charge and handed over to Mr. Greer. " Mr. McFarland and Mr. Eustis, after protesting, went quietly into the boat. They had been permitted to collect their baggage, but were sent in advance of it under charge of Lieutenant Greer. I gave my personal attention to the lug- gage, saw it put in a boat, and sent in charge of an officer to the San Jacinto. 'When Mr. Slidell was taken pris- oner, a great deal of noise was made by some of the passengers, which caused Lieutenant Greer to send the marines into the cabin. They were immediately ordered to return to their former posi- tion outside. I carried out my purpose without using any force beyond what ap- pears in this report. " The mail agent, who is a retired commander in the British navy, seemed to have a great deal to say as to the propriety of my course ; but I purposely avoided all official intercourse with him. When I was finally leaving the steamer he made some apology for his rude con- duct, and expressed, personally, his ap- proval of the manner in which I carried out my orders. We parted company with the Trent at 3.20 P.M." The San Jacinto now returned with its prisoners to the United States, ar- riving at Sandy Hook on the 18th of November. Dispatches from the Secre- tary of the Navy met Captain Wilkes there, and in accordance with their in- structions he immediately sailed for Bos- ton, where the prisoners were placed in Fort Warren. 630 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. CHAPTER LX. Joy on the Capture of Slidell and Mason. Immoderate excitement. Captain Wilkes in Boston. A hero. Banquet in Boston. Immoderate praise of Wilkes. His modest explanation of his conduct. Universal applause of Wilkes' act. Subsequent reflection. Probable effect in Great Britain. Public anxiety. Congress and the Secretary of the Navy approve of the conduct of Wilkes. Caution and Foresight of Mr. Seward. Dispatch to Mr. Adams. Great indignation in England on the arrival of the Trent. Immediate preparations for war. The Law Officers consulted. Lord John Russell demands the surrender of Slidell and Mason. Continued and increased excitement in Eng- land. Increased anxiety in the United States. Divided opinion. Government resolves to give up Slidell and Mason. The general relief. Mr. Seward's dispatch. Ingenious argument. 1861. THE capture of Slidell and Mason was a source of universal satisfaction to the people of the North. Known, as they were, to be the chief among the instigators of secession, and the ablest and most unscrupulous of its political managers, it was not unnaturally con- sidered, by those who loved the Union, a triumph to have arrested two of its archest enemies in their career of mis- chief. Exulting in a capture which was supposed to be important to its cause, the North allowed its sense of satisfaction to reveal itself in immoderate joy, with- out a due regard to the possible effect upon the relations with Great Britain of an event involving some of the grand questions of international law. It was thus that the citizens of Boston, in the fervor of their delight, welcomed Captain Wilkes with his prisoners as if he had been a hero returning with the trophies of a great victory. The civic authorities of Boston received him pub- licly, and the mayor, in set phrase, told him, "We honor you as an eminent scientific navigator and explorer, as a gallant and meritorious officer of our navy, and for the sagacity, judgment, decision, and firmness which character- ized your recent brilliant achievement, the effect of which upon the present re- bellion may prove not less important than the glorious naval victories on the Southern coast." A banquet was sub- sequently given in Boston to the Captain and his first lieutenant, Fairfax, at which a judicial dignitary presided and civic magistrates assisted. Eulogistic speeches were uttered, in which the act of Captain Wilkes was immoderately praised as a deed of heroism, and its legality and policy inconsiderately assumed as un- questionable. The hero of the occasion modestly waived the personal praises as unmerited, and took the opportunity of explaining the motives of his conduct, which he seemed to think required justi- fication. "Before deciding on the course I adopt- ed,' 7 he said, " I examined the authorities Kent, Wheaton, and the rest and satisfied myself that these ' Commission- ers,' or ' Ministers,' as they styled them- POPULAR EXULTATION. 631 selves, had no rights which attach to such functionaries when properly ap- pointed ; and finding that I had a right to take written dispatches, I took it for granted that I had a right to take these 'Commissioners,' as the embodi- ments of dispatches. I therefore took it upon myself to say to those gen- tlemen that they must produce their passports from the General Govern- ment, and as they could not do that, I arrested them." In the rest of the country the feeling was in accord with that which had been exhibited so demonstratively in the city of Boston. A common sentiment of de- light was expressed at the capture of Slidell and Mason, and universal applause bestowed upon their captor. To this first effervescence of feeling there ensued a calmer state of the pub- lic mind, which led to a reflection on the probable solution in Great Britain of a question to which that irritable gov- ernment had been made a party, by the fact of the seizure of the Confederate Commissioners while under the cover of the British flag. It was, however, so easy to discover, in the arbitrary career of that domineering power, so many pre- cedents of naval outrage, that public opinion at the North was persuaded without difficulty that England could not so repudiate her own conduct as to com- plain of an act supposed to be in har- mony with it. The intelligence of the effect in Great Britain of the seizure of the Confeder- ate Commissioners was, notwithstanding, awaited with considerable anxiety, not so much from any disquietude about the legality of the act, as from the fear lest the British Government, suspected of an unfriendly disposition, might make it a pretext for interfering with a conflict which it was known to be anxious to bring to a close. Though the popular exultation at the capture of Slidell and Mason, and ap- plause of their captor, were officially re-echoed by Congress and the Secretary of the Navy, the more cautious Secretary of State seemed from the earliest moment to have been aware of the gravity of the international question involved in the act, and in a dispatch* to the * DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON, ) Nov. 30, 1861. i CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS, ESQ., etc. : SIR : Your confidential note of the 15th of November, not marked as a dispatch, has been submitted to the President, and I hasten to reply to it in time for the Wed- nesday's mail. We are impressed very favorably by Lord Palmerston's conversation with you. You spoke the simple fact when you told him that the life of this insurrection is sustained by its hopes of recognition in Great Britain and France. It would perish in ninety days if those hopes should cease. I have never for a moment believed that such a recogni- tion could take place without producing immediately a war between the United States and all the recognizing Powers. I have not supposed it possible that the British Government could fail to see this, and, at the same time, 1 have sincerely believed the British Government must, in its inmost heart, be as averse from such a war as I know this Government is. I am sure that this Government has carefully avoided giving any cause of offence or irritation to Great Britain. But it seems to me that the British Government has been inattentive to the currents that seem to be bringing the two countries into collision. c I infer from Lord Palmerston's remark, that the British Government is now awake to the importance of averting possible conflict, and disposed to confer and act with earn- estness to that end. If so, we are disposed to meet them in the same spirit, as a nation chiefly of British lineage, sentiments, and sympathies a civilized and humane na- tion, a Christian people. Since that conversation was held, Captain Wilkes, in 632 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. American Minister at London prepared the way for its amicable solution. On the arrival of the Trent in Eng- land, and the publication of the highly colored statements of its officers, the seizure of Slidell and Mason was de- nounced as an outrage, and the popular indignation greatly excited. The British Government, moreover, assuming that it had been wantonly insulted by the United States, made rapid and formida- ble preparations for war. The ques- tion of the seizure of the Confederate Commissioners having been formally submitted to the law officers of the Crown, who had pronounced it contrary to international law, Earl Russell, the secretary of foreign affairs, at once sent through the British minister, Lord Lyons, the steamer Sail Jacinto, lias boarded a British colonial steamer, and taken from her deck the two insurgents, who were proceeding to Europe on an errand of treason against their own country. This is a new incident unknown to and unforeseen, at least in its circumstances, by Lord Palmerston. It is to be met and disposed of by the two Governments, if possible, in the spirit to which I have adverted. Lord Lyons has prudently refrained from open- ing the subject to me, as I presume waiting instructions from home. We adhere to that course now, because we think it more prudent that the ground taken by the Brit- ish Government should be first made known to us here, and that the discussion, if there be one, shall be had here. It is proper, however, that you should know one fact in the case, without indicating that we attach importance to it namely, that in the capture of Messrs. Mason and Slidell on board a British vessel, Captain Wilkes having acted without any instruction from the Government, the subject is therefore free from the embarrassment which might have resulted if the act had been specially directed by us. I trust that the British Government will consider the subject in a friendly temper, and it may expect the best disposition on the part of this Government. Although this is a confidential note, I shall not object to you reading it to Earl Russell and Lord Palmerston, if you deem it expedient. I am, sir, your obedient servant, WILLIAM H. SEWARD. at Washington, a formal demand* for the surrender of Slidell and Mason. FOREIGN OFFICE, Nov. 30, 1802. THE LORD LYONS, K.C.B., etc. : MY LORD Intelligence of a very grave nature has reached her Majesty's Government. This intelligence was conveyed officially to the know- ledge of the Admiralty by Commander Williams, agent for mails on board the contract steamer Trent. It appears from the letter of Commander Williams, dated " Royal Mail Contract Packet Trent, at Sea, Novem- ber 9," that the Trent left Havana on the 7th inst., with her Majesty's mail for England, having on board numer- ous passengers. Commander Williams states that shortly after noon on the 8th, a steamer having the appearance of a man-of-war, but not showing colors, was observed ahead. On nearing her, at fifteen minutes past one P.M., she fired a round shot from her pivot gun across the bows of the Trent, and showed American colors. While the Trent was approaching her slowly, the American vessel discharged a shell across the bows of the Trent, exploding half a cable's length ahead of her. The Trent then stopped, and an officer with a large armed guard of marines boarded her ; the officer demanded a list of the passengers ; but compliance with this demand being re- fused, the officer said he had orders to arrest Messrs. Mason, Slidell, McFarland, and Eustis, and that he had sure information of their being passengers of the Trent. While some parley was going on upon the matter, Mr. Slidell stepped forward and told the American officer that the four persons he had named were standing before him. The commander of the Trent and Commander Williams protested against the act of taking by force, out of the Trent these four passengers, then under the protection of the British flag. But the Sau Jacinto was at that time only two hundred yards from the Trent, her ship's company at quarters, her ports open and tompions out. Resistance was therefore out of the question, and the four gentlemen before named were forcibly taken out of the ship. A further demand was made that the commander of the Trent should proceed on board the San Jacinto ; but he said he would not go unless compelled forcibly likewise, and this demand was not insisted upon. It thus appears that certain individuals have been forci- bly taken from on board a British vessel, the ship of a neutral Power, while such vessel was pursuing a lawful and innocent voyage an act of violence which was an affront to the British flag and a violation of international law. Her Majesty's Government, bearing in mind the friendly relations which have long subsisted between Great Britain and the United States, are willing to believe that the United States naval officer who committed the aggression was not acting in compliance with any authority from his government, or that, if he conceived himself to be so authorized, he greatly misunderstood the EXCITEMENT IN ENGLAND. 633 In the mean while, before this grave dispatch could reach its destination and an answer be returned, the popular ex- citement in England continued to inten- sify. The British Government at the same time was sanctioning the public agitation by its increased activity in warlike preparation, which it did not lessen even after being assured by the dispatch of Mr. Seward,* that the seizure of Slidell and Mason had not been au- thorized by the American Government, and of its conciliatory disposition. This apparent exhibition of hostile feeling on the part of the British Gov- ernment and people was received in the United States partly with anxiety lest a foreign war should complicate our domestic troubles, and partly with a defiant resolution to maintain the posi- tion assumed by force of arms. Opinion instructions which he had received. For the Govern- ment of the United States must be fully aware that the British Government could not allow such an affront to the national honor to pass without full reparation, and her Majesty's Government are unwilling to believe that it could be the deliberate intention of the Government of the United States unnecessarily to force into discussion between the two Governments a question of so grave a character, and with regard to which the whole British nation would be sure to entertain such unanimity of feel- ing. Her Majesty's Government, therefore, trust that when this matter shall have been brought under the con- sideration of the Government of the United States, it will, of its own accord, offer to the British Government such redress as alone could satisfy the British nation, namely : The liberation of the four gentlemen and their de- livery to your lordship, in order that they may again be placed under British protection, and a suitable apology for the aggression which has been committed. Should these terms not be offered by Mr. Seward, you will propose them to him. You are at liberty to read this dispatch to the Secre- tary of State, and if he shall desire it, you will give him a copy of it. lam, etc., RUSSELL. See dispatch of Mr. Seward to Mr. Adams, of Nov. 1, before quoted. 80 was thus divided while the demand of Great Britain was under consideration by our Government. When, finally, the resolution was taken to give up Slidell and Mason, and the announce- ment made to the public by the publi- cation of the correspondence between the two Governments, there was a general feeling of relief. This may be accounted for partly by the discreet courtesy of Earl Russell's dispatch, partly by the ingenious answer of Mr. Seward, who had contrived to show that the demand of England was only in accordance with American views of in- ternational law, but chiefly by the satis- faction of evading the complication of a foreign war which might have prevented the success of the great cause of restor- ing the Union to which the national heart was so intensely devoted.* This is the memorable dispatch of Mr. Seward ad- dressed to Lord Lyons, the British minister, in answer to the demand of the English Government : " DEPARTMENT OF STATE, ) " WASHINGTON, December 2Qth, 1861. f "Mr LORD: Earl Russell's dispatch of November the 30th, a copy of which you have left with me at my re- quest, is of the following effect, namely, that a letter of Commander Williams, dated royal mail contract boat Trent, at sea, November 9th, states that that vessel left Havana on the 7th of November with her Majesty's mails for England, having on board numerous passengers, " Shortly after noon, on the 8th of November, the United States war steamer San Jacinto, Captain Wilkes, not showing colors, was observed ahead. That steamer, on being neared by the Trent, at one o'clock fifteen min- utes in the afternoon, fired a round shot from a pivot gun across her bows and showed American colors. While the Trent was approaching slowly toward the San Jacinto she discharged a shell across the Trent's bows, which ex- ploded at half a cable's length before her. The Trent then stopped, and an officer with a large anned guard of marines boarded her. " The officer said he had orders to arrest Messrs. Mason, Slidell, McFarland, and Eustis, and had sure information that they were passengers in the Trent. While some par- THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. Although there were points in the reply of Mr. Seward to which the British ley was going on upon this matter, Mr. Slidell stepped forward and said to the American officer that the four per- sons he had named were standing before him. The com- mander of the Trent and Commander Williams protested against the act of taking these four passengers out of the Trent, they then being under the protection of the British flag. But the San Jacinto was at this time only two hundred yards distant, her ship's company at quarters, her ports open and tompions out, and so resistance was out of the question. " The four persons before named were then forcibly taken out of the ship. A further demand was made that the commander of the Trent should proceed on board the San Jaciuto, but he said he would not go unless forcibly compelled likewise, and this demand was not insisted upon. Upon this statement Earl Kussell remarks that it thus appears that certain individuals have been forcibly taken from on board a British vessel, the ship of a neutral power, while that vessel was pursuing a lawful and inno- cent voyage ; an act of violence which was an affront to the British flag, and a violation of international law. " Earl Eussell next says that her Majesty's Government, bearing in mind the friendly relations which have long subsisted between Great Britain and the United States, are willing to believe that the naval officer who commit- ted this aggression was not acting in compliance with any authority from his government, or that if he conceived himself to be so authorized, he greatly misunderstood the instructions which he received, "Earl Russell argues that the United States must be fully aware that the British Government could not allow such an affront on the national honor to pass without full reparation, and they are willing to believe that it could not be the deliberate intention of the Government of the United States unnecessarily to force into discussion be- tween the two Governments a question of so grave a char- acter, and with regard to which the whole British nation would be sure to entertain such unanimity of feeling. " Earl Russell, resting upon the statement and the ar- gument which I have thus recited, closes with saying that her Majesty's Government trust that when this matter shall have been brought under the consideration of the Government of the United States, it will, of its own ac- cord, offer to the British Government such redress as alone could satisfy the British nation, namely, the liberation of the four prisoners taken from the Trent, and their deliv- ery to your lordship, in order that they may again be placed under British protection, and a suitable apology for the aggression which has been committed. Earl Rus- sell finally instructs you to propose these terms to me if I should not first offer them on the part of this Govern- ment. " This dispatch has been submitted to the President. Government might, if not pacifically dis- posed, take exception, there was little " The British Government has rightly conjectured, what it is my duty to state, that Captain Wilkes, in conceiv- ing and executing the proceeding in question, acted upon his own suggestions of duty, without any direction, or instruction, or even foreknowledge of it, on the part of this Government. .A r o directions hud been given to him, or any oilier naval officer, to arrest the four persons named, or any of them on the Trent, or on any other Brit- ish vessel, at the place where it occurred or elsewhere. "The British Government will justly infer from these facts that the United States not only have had no purpose, but even no thought of forcing into discussion the ques- tion which has arisen, or any other which could affect in any way the sensibilities of the British nation. " It is true that a round shot was fired by the San Ja- cinto from her pivot gun when the Trent was approach- ing ; but as the facts have been reported to this Govern- ment, the shot was, nevertheless, intentionally fired in a direction so obviously divergent from the course of the Trent as to be quite as harmless as a blank shot, while it should be regarded as a signal. So, also, we learn that the Trent was not approaching the San Jaciuto slowly when the shell was fired across her bows, but, on the con- trary, the Trent was, or seemed to be, moving under a full head of steam, as if with a purpose to pass the San Jacinto. " We are informed, also, that the boarding officer (Lieu- tenant Fairfax) did not board the Trent with a large armed guard, but he left his marines in his boat when he entered the Trent. He stated his instructions from Cap- tain Wilkes to search for the four persons named, in a re- spectful and courteous though decided manner, and he asked the captain of the Trent to show his passenger list, which was refused. The Lieutenant, as we are informed, did not employ absolute force in transferring the passen- gers, but he used just so much as was necessary to satisfy the parties concerned that refusal or resistance would be unavailing. " So, also, we are informed that the captain of the Trent was not at any time, or in any way, required to go on board the San Jacinto. " These modifications of the case, as presented by Com- mander Williams, are based upon our official reports. "I have now to remind your lordship of some facts which doubtlessly were omitted by Earl Russell with the very proper and becoming motive of allowing them to be brought into the case on the part of the United States in the way most satisfactory to this Government. "These facts are that, at the time the transaction oc- curred, an insurrection was existing in the United States, which this Government was engaged in suppressing by the employment of land and naval forces ; that, in regard to this domestic strife, the United States considered Great Britain as a friendly power, while she has assumed for her- SEWARD'S DISPATCH. 635 doubt, as the Secretary had complied with the demand for the surrender of the self the attitude of a neutral ; and that Spain was consid- ered in the same light, and had assumed the same attitude as Great Britain. ' It had been settled by correspondence that the United States and Great Britain mutually recognized as applica- ble to this local strife these two articles of the declaration made by the Congress of Paris in 1856, namely, That the neutral or friendly flag should cover enemy's goods not contraband of war, and that neutral goods, not contra- band of war, are not liable to capture under an enemy's flag. ' ' These exceptions of contraband from favor were a negative acceptance by the parties of the rule hitherto everywhere recognized as a part of the law of nations, that whatever is contraband is liable to capture and con- fiscation in all cases. " James M. Mason, and McFarland are citizens of the United States, and residents of Virginia. ' ' John Slidell, and George Eustis are citizens of the United States, and residents of Louisiana. " It was well known at Havana, when these parties em- barked on the Trent, that James M. Mason was proceeding to England in the affected character of a Minister Pleni- potentiary to the Court of St. James, under a pretended commission from Jefferson Davis, who had assumed to be President of the insurrectionary party in the United States, and McFarland was going with him in a like unreal char- acter of Secretary of Legation to the pretended mission. "John Slidell, in similar circumstances, was going to Paris as a pretended Minister to the Emperor of the French, and George Eustis was the chosen Secretary of Legation for that simulated mission. " The fact that these persons had assumed such charac- ters has been since avowed by the same Jefferson Davis in a pretended message to an unlawful and insurrectionary Congress. It was, as we think, rightly presumed that these ministers bore pretended credentials and instructions, and such papers are, in the law, known as dispatches. We are informed by our consul at Paris that these dis- patches, having escaped the search of the Trent, were actually conveyed and delivered to emissaries of the in- surrection in England. " Although it is not essential, yet it is pioper to state, as I do also upon information and belief, that the owner and agent, and all the officers of the Trent, including the commander, Williams, had knowledge of the assumed characters and purposes of the persons before named when they embarked on that vessel. "Your lordship will now perceive that the case before us, instead of presenting a merely flagrant act of violence on the part of Captain Wilkes, as might well be inferred from the incomplete statement of it that went up to the British Government, was undertaken as a simple, legal, captured persons, that his action would be accepted as satisfactory. As soon. customary, and belligerent proceeding by Captain Wilkes to arrest and capture a neutral vessel engaged in carrying contraband of war for the use and benefit of the insur- gents. "The question before us is, whether this proceeding was authorized by, and conducted according to, the law of nations. ' ' It involves the following inquiries : " 1st. Were the persons named, and their supposed dis- patches, contraband of war ? "2d. Might Captain Wilkes lawfully stop and search the Trent for these contraband persons and dispatches ? " 3d. Did he exercise that right in a lawful and proper manner ? "4th. Having found the contraband persons on board, and in presumed possession of the contraband dispatches, had he a right to capture the persons ? " 5th. Did he exercise that right of capture in the man- ner allowed and recognized by the law of nations ? "If all these inquiries shall be resolved in the affirma- tive, the British Government will have no claim for reparation. " I address myself to the first inquiry, namely : ' ' Were the four persons mentioned, and their supposed dispatches, contraband ? " Maritime law so generally deals, as its professors say, m rem. , that is, with property, and so seldom with persons, that it seems a straining of the term contraband to apply it to them. But persons as well as property may become contraband, since the word means, broadly, ' contrary to proclamation, prohibited, illegal, unlawful.' All writers and judges pronounce naval or military persons in the service of the enemy contraband. ' ' Vattel says : ' War allows us to cut off from an enemy all his resources, and to hinder him from sending ministers to solicit assistance.' And Sir William Scott says : ' You may stop the embassador of your enemy on his passage. Dispatches are not less clearly contraband, and the bear- ers or couriers who undertake to carry them, fall under the same condemnation.' "A subtlety might be raised whether pretended minis- ters of a usurping power, not recognized as legal by either the belligerent or the neutral, could be held to be contraband. But it would disappear on being subjected to what is the true test on all cases, namely : the spirit of the law. Sir William Scott, speaking of civil magistrates who were arrested and detained as contraband, says : " 'It appears to me on principle to be but reasonable that, when it is of sufficient importance to the enemy that such persons should be sent out on the public service, at the public expense, it should afford equal ground of for- feiture against the vessel that may be let out for a purpose so intimately connected with the hostile operation.' 636 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. therefore, as it was known that Mason and Slidell were to be surrendered, all "I trust that I have shown that the four persons who were taken from the Trent by Captain Wilkes, and their dispatches, were contraband of war. " The second inquiry is, whether Captain Wilkes had a right by the law of nations to detain and search the Trent? ' ' The Trent, though she carried mails, was a contract or merchant vessel, a common carrier, for here maritime law knows only three classes of vessels vessels of war, revenue vessels, and merchant vessels The Trent falls within the latter class. Whatever disputes have existed concerning a right of visitation or search in time of peace, none, it is supposed, has existed in modern times about the rights of a belligerent in time of war to capture con- traband in neutral and even friendly merchant vessels, and of the right of visitation and search, in order to de- termine whether they are neutral, and are documented as such according to the law of nations. "I assume in the present case, what, as I read in the British authorities, is regarded by Great Britain herself as true maritime law, that the circumstance that the Trent was proceeding from a neutral port to another neutral port does not modify the rights of the belligerent power. " The third question is, whether Captain Wilkes exer- cised the right of search in a lawful and proper manner. If any doubt hung over this point, as the case was pre- sented in the statement of it adopted by the British Gov- ernment, I think it must have already passed away before the modifications of that statement which I have already submitted. "I proceed to the fourth inquiry, namely: Having found the suspected contraband of war on board the Trent, had Captain Wilkes a right to capture the same ? Such a capture is the chief, if not the only recognized object of the permitted visitation and search. The principle of the law is, that the belligerent exposed to danger may prevent the contraband persons or things from applying them- selves, or being applied to the hostile uses or purposes designed. The law is so very liberal in this respect, that when contraband is found on board a neutral vessel, not only is the contraband forfeited, but the vessel, which is the vehicle of its passage or transportation, being tainted, also becomes contraband, and is subjected to capture and confiscation. "Only the fifth question remains, namely : Did Captain Wilkes exercise the right of capturing the contraband in conformity with the law of nations ? It is just here that the difficulties of the case begin. What is the manner which the law of nations prescribes for disposing of the contraband when you have found and seized it on board of the neutral vessel ? ' ' The answer would be easily found if the question were What shall you do with the contraband vessel? fear of further quarrel with Great Britain on that score was allayed. Few cared You must take or send her into a convenient port and subject her to a judicial prosecution there in admiralty, which will try and decide the questions of belligerency, neutrality, contraband, and capture. So, again, you will promptly find the same answer if the question were What is the manner of proceeding prescribed by the law of nations in regard to the contraband, if it be property or things of material or pecuniary value ? " But the question here concerns the mode of procedure in regard, not to the vessel that was carrying the contra- band, nor yet to the contraband things which worked the forfeiture of the vessel, but to contraband persons. ' ' The books of law are dumb. Yet the question is as important as it is difficult. First, the belligerent captor has a right to prevent the contraband officer, soldier, sailor, minister, messenger, or carrier from proceeding on his unlawful voyage, and reaching the destined scene of his injurious service. But, on the other hand, the person captured may be innocent, that is, he may not be contra- band. ' ' He therefore has a right to a fair trial of the accusa- tion against him. The neutral state that has taken him under its flag is bound to protect him if he is not contra- band, and is therefore entitled to be satisfied upon that important question. The faith of that state is pledged to his safety, if innocent, as its justice is pledged to his sur- render, if he is really contraband. " Here are conflicting claims involving personal liberty, life, honor, and duty. Here are conflicting national claims, involving welfare, safety, honor, and empire. They require a tribunal and a trial. The captors and the captured are equals ; the neutral and the belligerent state are equals. " While the liw authorities were found silent, it was suggested at an early day by this Government that you should take the captured persons into a convenient port and institute judicial proceedings there to try the contro- I versy. But only courts of admiralty have jurisdiction in maritime cases, and these courts have formulas to try only claims to contraband chattels, but none to try claims con- cerning contraband persons. The courts can entertain no proceedings and render no judgment in favor or against the alleged contraband men. "It was replied, all this is true; but you can reach in these courts a decision which will have the moral weight of a judicial one, by a circuitous proceeding. Convey the suspected men, together with the suspected vessel, into port, and try there the question whether the vessel is contraband. You can prove it to be so by proving tho suspected men to be contraband, and the court must then determine the vessel to be contraband. " If the men are not contraband, the vessel will escape condemnation. Still, there is no judgment for or against SEWARD'S DISPATCH. 637 to test the logic of Mr. Seward's argu- ments, or to discuss the proprieties of the captured persons. But it was assumed that there would result from the determination of the court con- cerning the vessel a legal certainty concerning the charac- ter of the men. This course of proceeding seemed open to many objections. It elevates the incidental inferior private interest into the proper place of the main para- mount public one, and possibly it may make the fortunes, the safety, or the existence of a nation depend on the accident of a merely personal and pecuniary litigation. " Moreover, when the judgment of the prize court upon the lawfulness of the capture of the vessels is rendered, it really concludes nothing, and binds neither the belliger- ent state nor the neutral upon the great question of the disposition to be made of the captured contraband persons. That question is still to be really determined, if at all, by diplomatic arrangement or by war. " One may well express his surprise, when told that the law of nations has furnished no more reasonable, practi- cal, and perfect mode than this of determining questions of such grave import between sovereign powers. The regret we may feel on the occasion is nevertheless modi- fied by the reflection that the difficulty is not altogether anomalous. "Similar and equal deficiencies are found in every sys- tem of municipal law, especially in the system which exists in the greater portions of Great Britain and the United States. The title to personal property can hardly ever be resolved by a court without resorting to the fiction that the claimant has lost, and the possessor has found it ; and the title of real estate is disputed by real litigants under the names of imaginary persons. "It must be confessed, however, that while all aggrieved nations demand, and all impartial ones concede, the need of some form of judicial process in determining the char- acters of contraband persons, no form than the illogical and circuitous one thus described exists, nor has any other yet been suggested. Practically, therefore, the choice is between that judicial remedy, or no judicial remedy what- ever. " If there be no judicial remedy, the result is that the question must be determined by the captor himself on the deck of the prize vessel. Very grave objections are against such a course. The captor is armed, the neutral is un- armed. The captor is interested, prejudiced, and perhaps violent ; the neutral, if truly neutral, is disinterested, subdued, and helpless. "The tribunal is irresponsible while its judgment is carried into instant execution. The captured party is compelled to submit, though bound by no legal, moral, or treaty obligation to acquiesce. Reparation is distant and problematical, and depends at last on the justice, magnan- imity, or weakness of the state in whose behalf and by whose authority the capture was made. his language. To a discriminating judg- ment, however, Mr. Seward seemed to "Out of these disputes, reprisals and wars necessarily arise, and these are so frequent and destructive that it may well be doubted whether this form of remedy is not a greater social evil than all that could follow if the bel- ligerent right of search were universally renounced and abolished forever. But carry the case one step farther. "What if the state that has made the capture unrea- sonably refuses to hear the complaint of the neutral, or to redress it ! In that case the very act of capture would be an act of war, of war begun without notice, and pos- sibly entirely without provocation. "I think all unprejudiced minds will agree that, im- perfect as the existing judicial remedy may be supposed to be, it would be, as a general practice, better to follow it than to adopt the summary one of leaving the decision with the captor, and relying upon diplomatic debates to review his decision. Practically it is a question of choice between law, with its imperfections and delays, and war, with its evils and desolations. " Nor is it ever to be forgotten that neutrality, honestly and justly preserved, is always the harbinger of peace, and is therefore the common interest of nations, which is only saying that it is the interest of humanity itself. ' ' At the same time it is not to be denied that it may sometimes happen that the judicial remedy will become impossible as by the shipwreck of the prize vessel, or other circumstances, which excuse the captor from sending or taking her into port for confiscation. In such a case the right of the captor to the custody of the captured per- sons, and to dispose of them, if they are really contra- band, so as to defeat their unlawful purposes, can not rea- sonably be denied. "What rule shall be applied in such a case? Clearly the captor ought to be required to show that the failure of the judicial remedy results from circumstances beyond his control, and without his fault. Otherwise he would be allowed to derive advantage from a wrongful act of his own. "In the present case, Captain Wilkes, after capturing the contraband persons and making prize of the Trent in what seems to us a perfectly lawful manner, instead of sending her into port, released her from the capture, and permitted her to proceed with her whole cargo upon her voyage. "He thus effectually prevented the judicial examination which might otherwise have occurred. If now the cap- ture of the contraband persons and the capture of the contraband vessel are to be regarded, not as two separable or distinct transactions under the law of nations, but as one transaction, one capture only, then it follows that the capture in this case was left unfinished or was abandoned. ' ' Whether the United States have a right to retain the chief public benefits of it, namely, the custody of the 638 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. have detracted somewhat from the dig- nity of the position he had assumed, captured persons, on proving them to be contraband, "will depend upon the preliminary question whether the leaving of the transaction unfinished was necessary, or whether it was unnecessary, and, therefore, voluntary. If it was necessary, Great Britain, as we suppose, must, of course, waive the defect, and the consequent failure of the ju- dicial remedy. "On the other hand, it is not seen how the United States can insist upon her waiver of that judicial remedy, if the defect of the capture resulted from an act of Cap- tain Wilkes, which would be a fault on their own side. ' Captain Wilkes has presented to this Government his reasons for releasing the Trent. " 'I forbore to seize her,' he says, 'in consequence of my being so reduced in officers and crew, and the derange- ment it would cause innocent persons, there being a large number of passengers who would have been put to great loss and inconvenience, as well as disappointment, from the interruption it would have caused them, in not being able to join the steamer from St. Thomas to Europe. " ' I therefore concluded to sacrifice the interests of my officers and crew in the prize, and suffered her to proceed, after the detention necessary to effect the transfer of those Commissioners, considering I had obtained the important end I had in view, and which affected the interests of our country, and interrupted the action of that of the Con- federates.' ' ' I shall consider first how these reasons ought to affect the action of this Government, and, secondly, how they ought to be expected to affect the action of Great Britain. The reasons are satisfactory to this Government, so far as Captain Wilkes is concerned. It could not desire that the San Jacinto, her officers and crew, should be exposed to danger and loss by weakening their number to detach a prize crew to go on board the Trent. Still less could it disavow the humane motive of preventing inconve- niences, losses, and perhaps disasters to the several hun- dred innocent passengers found on board the prize vessel. " Nor could this Government perceive any ground for questioning the fact that these reasons, though apparently incongruous, did operate in the mind of Captain Wilkes, and determined him to release the Trent. Human ac- tions generally proceed upon mingled and sometimes con- flicting motives. He measured the sacrifices which this decision would cost. It manifestly, however, did not occur to him that beyond the sacrifice of the private in- terests (as he calls them) of his officers and crew, there might also possibly be a sacrifice even of the chief and public object of his capture, namely, the right of his Gov- ernment to the custody and disposition of the captured persons. ' ' This Government cannot censure him for this oversight. It confesses that the whole subject came unforeseen upon which was that of a statesman whose conduct was prompted by justice and the Government, as doubtless it did upon him. Its present convictions on the point in question are the results of deliberate examination and deductions now made, and not of any impressions previously formed. "Nevertheless, the question now is, not whether Captain Wilkes is justified in what he did, but what is the present view of the Government as to the effect of what he has done. Assuming now, for argument's sake only, that the release of the Trent, if voluntary, involved a waiver of the claim of the Government to hold the captured persons, the United States could, in that case, have no hesitation in saying that the act which has thus already been ap- proved by the Government, must be allowed to draw its legal consequences after it. " It is of the very nature of a gift or a charity that the giver cannot after the exercise of his benevolence is past, recall or modify its benefits. " We are thus brought directly to the question, whether we are entitled to regard the release of the Trent as in- voluntary, or whether we are obliged to consider that it was voluntary. Clearly, the release would have been in- voluntary had it been made solely upon the first ground assigned for it by Captain Wilkes, namely, a want of a sufficient force to send the prize vessel into port for adju- dication. " It is not the duty of a captor to hazard his own vessel in order to secure a judicial examination to the captured party. No large prize crew, however, is legally necessary, for it is the duty of the captured party to acquiesce and go willingly before the tribunal to whose jurisdiction it appeals. ' ' If the captured party indicated proposes to employ means of resistance which the captor cannot, with proba- ble safety to himself overcome, he may properly leave the vessel to go forward, and neither she nor the state she represents can ever afterwards justly object that the captor deprived her of the judicial remedy to which she was entitled. " But the second reason assigned by Captain Wilkes for releasing the Trent differs from the first. At best, there- fore, it must be held that Captain Wilkes, as he explains himself, acted from combined sentiments of prudence and generosity, and so that the release of the prize vessel was not strictly necessary or involuntary. ' ' Secondly. How ought we to expect these explanations by Captain Wilkes of his own reasons for leaving the cap- ture incomplete to affect the action of the British Govern- ment. The observation upon this point which first occurs is, that Captain Wilkes' explanations were not made to the authorities of the captured vessel. "If made known to them, they might have approved and taken the release, upon the condition of waiving a judicial investigation of the whole transaction, or they SEWARD'S DISPATCH. 639 moral .principle, when he confessed thai, under different circumstances, he might have refused to accept the release upon that condi- tion. " But the case is one not with them but with the British Government. If we claim that Great Britain ought not to insist that a judicial trial has been lost because we voluntarily released the offending vessel out of consider- ation for her innocent passengers, I do not see how she is to be bound to acquiesce in the decision which was thus made by us without necessity on our part and without knowledge of conditions or consent on her own. ' ' The question between Great Britain and ourselves, thus stated, would be a question, not of right and of law, but of favor to be conceded by her to us in return for favors shown by us to her, of the value of which favors on both sides we ourselves shall be the judge. " Of course the United States could have no thought of raising such a question in any case. " I trust I have shown, to the satisfaction of the British Government, by a very simple and natural statement of the facts and analysis of the law applicable to them, that this Government has neither meditated nor practised nor approved any deliberate wrong ha the transaction to which they have called its attention ; and, on the con- trary, that what has happened has been simply an inad- vertency, consisting in a departure by the naval officer, free from any wrongful motive, from a rule uncertainly established, and probably by the several parties concerned either imperfectly understood or entirely unknown. " For this error the British Government has a right to expect the same reparation that we, as an independent state, should expect from Great Britain, or from any other friendly nation, in a similar case. "I have not been unaware that, in examining this question, I have fallen into an argument for what seems to be the British side of it against my own country. But I am relieved from all embarrassment on that subject. " I had hardly fallen into that line of argument, when I discovered that I was really defending and maintaining, not an exclusive British interest, but an old, honored, and cherished American cause, not upon British authori- ties, but upon principles that constitute a large portion of the distinctive policy by which the United States have developed the resources of a continent, and thus, becom- ing a considerable maritime power, have won the respect and confidence of many nations. " These principles were laid down for us in 1804 by James Madison, when secretary of state in the adminis- tration of Thomas Jefferson, in instructions given to James Monroe, our minister to England. " Although the case before him concerned a descrip- tion of persons different from those who are incidentally the subjects of the present discussion, the ground he as- sumed then was the same I now occupy, and the argu- would have been actuated by the less honorable motives of policy and ex- ments by which he sustained himself upon it have been an inspiration to me in preparing this reply. ' ' Whenever,' he says, ' property found in a neutral is supposed to be liable, on any ground, to capture and con- demnation, the rule in all cases is that the question shall not be decided by the captor, but be carried before a legal tribunal, where a regular trial may be had, and where the captor himself is liable to damages for an abuse of his power.' " Can it be reasonable, then, or just, that a belligerent commander who is thus restricted and thus responsible in a case of mere property, of trivial amount, should be per- mitted, without recurring to any tribunal whatever, to examine the crew of a neutral vessel, to decide the im- portant question of their respective allegiances and to carry that decision into execution by forcing every indi- vidual he may choose into a service abhorrent to his feel- ings, cutting him off from his most tender connections, exposing his mind and his person to the most humil- iating discipline, and his life itself to the greatest dan- ger ? Reason, justice, and humanity unite in protesting against so extravagant a proceeding. " If I decide this case in favor of my own Government, I must disallow its most cherished principles, and reverse and forever abandon its essential policy. The country can not afford the sacrifice. " If I maintain those principles and adhere to that pol- icy, I must surrender the case itself. " It will be seen, therefore, that this Government could not deny the justice of the claim presented to us in this respect upon its merits. " We are asked to do to the British nation just what we have always insisted all nations ought to do to us. " The claim of the British Government is not made in a discourteous manner. This Government, since its first organization, has never used more guarded language in a similar case. ' ' In coming to my conclusion, I have not forgotten that if the safety of this Union required the detention of the captured persons, it would be the right and duty of this Government to detain them. But the effectual check and waning proportions of the existing insurrection, as well as the comparative unimportance of the captured per- sons themselves, when dispassionately weighed, happily forbid me from resorting to that defence. " Nor am I unaware that American citizens are not in any case to be unnecessarily surrendered for any purpose into the keeping of a foreign state. Only the captured persons, however, or others who are interested in them, could justly raise a question on that ground. " Nor have I been tempted at all by suggestions that cases might be found in history where Great Britain re- fused to yield to other nations, and even to ourselves, 640 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. pediency. " In coming to my conclu- sion, I have not forgotten," said the Secretary, "that if the safety of this Union required the detention of the captured persons, it would be the right and duty of this Government to detain them. But the effectual check and wan- ing proportions of the existing insur- rection, as well as the comparative unimportance of the captured persons themselves, when dispassionately weigh- claims like that which is now before us. Those cases oc- curred when Great Britain, as well as the United States, was the home of generations which, with all their peculiar interests and passions, have passed away. She could in no other way so effectually disavow any such inquiries, as we think she does now, by assuming as her own the grounds upon which we stood. " It would tell little for our claims to the character of a just and magnanimous people if we should so far consent to be guided by the law of retaliation as to lift up buried injuries from their graves to oppose against what national consistency and the national conscience compel us to re- gard as a claim intrinsically right ' ' Putting behind me all suggestions of this kind, I pre- fer_to express my satisfaction that by the adjustment of ed, happily forbid me from resorting to that defence." There was no necessity for thus prejudging a case which, as Mr. Seward himself acknowledged, had not arisen. If conscience permitted, policy forbade the declaration that justice would only be done when interest did not oppose. In statesmanship a blunder has been said to be worse than a crime : this seemed like both. the present case upon principles confessed to be American, and yet, as I trust, mutually satisfactory to both of the nations concerned, a question is finally and rightly settled between them which heretofore exhausting not only all forms of peaceful discussion, but also the arbitrament of war itself, for more than half a century alienated the two countries from each other, and perplexed with fears and apprehensions all other nations. ' ' The four prisoners in question are now held in mil- itary custody at Fort Warren, in the State of Massachu- setts. They will be cheerfully liberated. Tour lordship will please indicate a time and place for receiving them. " I avail myself of this occasion to offer to your lordship a renewed assurance of my very high consideration. "WILLIAM H. SEWARD." SEWARD'S ARGUMENT. 641 CHAPTER LXI. Seward's view of Wilkes' error. Excessive courtesy of Wilkes. Ungrateful return of Great Britain. Seward's argu- ment based upon newspaper opinion Dispatch of M. Thouvenel. Fair statement of International Law. Its influence upon the United States Government. The effect in England of the surrender of Slidell and Mason. Comments and Dispatch of Mr. Seward. Response of Lord John Russell. Cost to Great Britain. Loss to both countries. Seward should have anticipated the demand of Great Britain. Departure of Slidell and Mason. Pas- sage on the Rinaldo. Arrival in St. Thomas. Arrival in England. Their reception. In Paris and London. 1861, MR. SEWARD, having assumed that the ground upon which Great Brit- ain based its demand for the return of the Commissioners to the protection of its flag was the irregularity of remov- ing their persons from the Trent, instead of seizing the vessel herself and carrying her into an American port for adjudica- tion by the admiralty courts, had plaus- ibly argued that Captain Wilkes had erred from excessive courtesy. This of- ficer had thus, according to Mr. Seward, by voluntarily omitting a formality which nothing but necessity could fully justify, destroyed the claims of the United States Government to hold the captured per- sons. The generosity of Captain Wilkes in forbearing to seize the steamer, how- ever commendable its motive, which was stated by himself to be " the derange- ment it would cause innocent persons, there being a large number of passen- gers who would have been put to a great loss and inconvenience," had thus caused him to commit an irregularity which pre- vented his Government from refusing the demand of Great Britain. This inge- nious argument, while it awarded the right by law to the British Government, 81 imputed to it an ungrateful return for an intended benefit. Mr. Seward, however, had assumed as the basis of the English demand what had been the unauthorized specula- tion of the English press, and not the official statement of the English Gov- ernment. Lord John Russell had, in his first dispatch demanding the restora- tion of Slidell and Mason, forborne to argue the question, and only declared their seizure to be "an act of violence which was an affront to the British flag and a violation of international law." The dispatch* of Monsieur Thouvenel, Monsieur Thouvenel' s dispatch to the French minis- ter at Washington is a model of terse diplomatic ex- pression, and a forcible exposition of the modern European doctrine of the rights of neutrals. It is here given in full: ' ' ADMINISTRATION OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS, ) "POLITICAL DEPARTMENT, PARIS, Dec. 3. 1861. \ " SIR : The arrest of Messieurs Mason and Slidell, on board the English packet Trent, by the American cruiser, has produced in France, if not the same emotion as in England, at least extreme astonishment and sensation. Public sentiment was at once engrossed with the lawful- ness and the consequence of such an act, and the im- pression which has resulted from this has not been for an instant doubtful. The fact has appeared so much out of accordance with the ordinary rules of international law that it has chosen to throw the responsibility for it exclu- sively on the commander of the San Jacinto. It is not given to us to know whether this supposition is well THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. the minister of foreign affairs of France, sent by the order of the French Em- founded, and the Government of the Emperor has there- fore also had to examine the question raised by the taking away of the two passengers from the Trent. The desire to contribute to prevent a conflict, perhaps imminent, be- tween two powers for which it is animated by sentiments equally friendly, and the duty to uphold, for the purpose of placing the rights of its own flag under shelter from any attack, certain principles essential to the security of neu- trals, have, after mature reflection, convinced it that it could not, under the circumstances, remain entirely silent, " If, to our deep regret, the cabinet of Washington were disposed to approve the conduct of the commander of the San Jacinto, it would be either by considering Messrs. Mason and Slidell as enemies or as seeing in them nothing but rebels. In the one, as in the other case, there would be a forgetfulness extremely annoying of principles upon which we have always found the United States in agreement with us. By what title, in effect, would the American cruiser, in the first case, have arrested Messrs. Masjn and Slidell ? The United States have admitted, with us, in the treaties concluded between the two coun- tries, that the freedom of the flag extends itself over the persons found on board should they be enemies of one of the two parties, unless the question is of military people actually in the service of the enemy. Messrs. Mason and Slidell were, therefore, by virtue of this principle, which we have never found any difficulty in causing to be in- serted in our treaties of friendship and commerce, per- fectly at liberty under the neutral flag of England. Doubt- less it will not be pretended that they could be considered as contraband of war. That which constitutes contraband of war is not yet, it is true, exactly settled ; the limita- tions are not absolutely the same for all the powers ; but in what relates to persons, the special stipulations which are found in the treaties concerning military people define plainly the character of those who only can be seized upon by belligerents ; but there is no need to demonstrate that Messrs. Mason and Slidell could not be assimilated to per- sons in that category. ' ' There remains, therefore, to invoke, in explanation of their capture, only the pretext that they were the bear- ers of official dispatches from the enemy. But this is the moment to recall a circumstance which governs all this affair, and which renders the conduct of the American cruiser unjustifiable. The Trent was not destined to a point belonging to one of the belligerents ; she was carry- ing to a neutral country her cargo and her passengers ; and, moreover, it was in a neutral port that they were taken. If it were admissible that, under such conditions, the neutral flag does not completely cover the persons and merchandise it carries, its immunity would be nothing more than an idle word. At any moment the commerce and the navigation of the third powers would have to suf- peror with the beneficent intention of arresting war, contained an exposition fer from their innocent and even their indirect relations with the one or the other of the belligerents. These last would no longer find themselves as having only the right to exact from the neutral entire impartiality, and to in- terdict all intermeddling on his part in acts of hospitality ; they would impose on his freedom of commerce and navi- gation restrictions which modern international law has re- fused to admit as legitimate, and we should, in a word, fall back upon vexatious practices, against which, in other epochs, no power has more earnestly protested than the United States. " If the cabinet of Washington would only look on the two persons arrested as rebels, whom it is always lawful to seize, the question, to place it on other ground, could not be solved, however, in a sense in favor of the com- mander of the San Jacinto. There would be, in such case, misapprehension of the principle which makes a vessel a portion of the territory of the nation whose flag it bears, and violation of that immunity which prohibits a foreign sovereign, by consequence, from the exercise of his juris- diction. It certainly is not necessary to recall to mind with what energy, under every circumstance, the Govern- ment of the United States has maintained this immunity, and the right of asylum which is the consequence of it. Not wishing to enter upon a more deep discussion of the question raised by the capture of Messrs. Mason ami Sli- dell, I have said enough, I think, to settle the point that the cabinet at Washington could not, without striking a blow at the principles which all neutral nations are alike interested in holding in respect, nor without taking the attitude of contradiction of its own course up to this time, give its approbation to the proceedings of the commander of the San Jacinto. In this state of things it evidently should not, according to our views, hesitate about the de- termination to be taken. "Lord Lyons is already instructed to present the de- mand for satisfaction which the English cabinet is under the necessity of reducing to form, and which consists in the immediate release of the persons taken from on board the Trent, and in sending explanations which may take from this act its offensive character toward the British flag. The Federal Government will be inspired by a just and exalted feeling in deferring to these requests. One would search in vain to what end, for what interest it would hazard to provoke by a different attitude a rupture with Great Britain. For ourselves we should see in that fact a deplorable complication, in every respect, of the difficulties with which the cabinet at Washington has al- ready to struggle, and a precedent of a nature seriously to disquiet all the powers which continue outside of the ex- isting contest. We believe that we give evidence of loyal friendship for the cabinet of Washington by not permit- ting it to remain in ignorance, in this condition of things, THOUVENEL OX SLIDELL AND MASON. 643 of the question which probably was a fair statement of the principles of the international law of modern Europe. This came with better grace from France always liberal in its views of neutral rights than from England, whose prin- ciples and conduct relative to neutrality had been so selfish and arbitrary. Mr. Seward, though, as he declared, the President had decided upon the dis- position to be made of the subject before he had received this paper of Monsieur Thouvenel, must have been confirmed in the policy, if not the justice, of acceding to the British demand, by this authori- tative exposition of the French* view of the question. The arrival in England of intelli- gence of a favorable solution to the question of giving up the Southern Commissioners, which had so agitated the nation, caused there a very general feeling of relief. It was evidently not the desire of the British people to wage war with the United States, and the Government, now that the danger of a conflict had passed, seemed dis- posed to avoid all further chances of dispute. The dispatch, however, of Mr. Seward was commented upon with considerable severity by the press, and its doctrines officially denied acceptance by Earl Rus- sell in a response addressed to Lord of our manner of regarding it. I request you, therefore, sir, to seize the first occasion of opening yourself frankly to Mr. Seward, und, if he asks it, send him a copy of this dispatch. Receive, sir, the assurance of my high consid- eration. TliODVENEL." The Austrian, Prussian, Russian, and other Govern- ments sent dispatches of similar import. Lyons and submitted to the Secretary of State. * FOREIGN OFFICE, Jan. 23, 18G2. MY LORD : I mentioned in my dispatch of the 10th instant, that her Majesty's Government differed from Mr. Seward in some of the conclusions at which he had arrived, and that I should state to you on a future occa- sion wherein these differences consisted. I now proceed to do so. It is necessary to observe that I propose to discuss the questions involved in this correspondence solely on the principles of international law. Mr. Seward himself, speaking of the capture of the four gentlemen taken from on board the Trent, says : " The question before us is whether this proceeding was authorized by and conducted according to the law of nations." This is, in fact, the na,- ture of the question which has been, but happily is no longer, at issue. It concerned the respective rights of belligerents and of neutrals. We must therefore discard entirely from our minds the allegations that the captured persons were rebels, and we must consider them only as enemies of the United States at war with its Government, for that is the ground on which Mr. Seward ultimately places the discussion It is the only ground upon which foreign Governments can treat it. The first inquiry that arises, therefore, is as Mr. Seward states it, "Were the persons named, and their supposed dispatches, contraband of war?" Upon this question her Majesty's Government differs en- tirely from Mr. Seward. The general right and duty of a neutral power to main- tain its own communications and friendly relations with both belligerents can not be disputed. "A neutral na- tion," says Vattel (Vattel, book iii., chap. 7, sec. 118), ' ' continues, with the two parties at war, in the several relations nature has placed between nations. It is ready to perform toward both of them all the duties of human- ity, reciprocally due from nation to nation." In the per- formance of these duties, on both sides, the neutral nation has itself a most direct and material interest, especially when it has numerous citizens resident in the territories of both belligerents ; and when its citizens, resident both there and at home, have property of great value in the territories of the belligerents, which may be exposed to danger from acts of confiscation and violence if the pro- tection of their own Government should be withheld. This is the case with respect to British subjects during the present civil war in North America. Acting upon these principles, Sir William Scott, in the case of the Caroline [The Caroline (Chr. Rob., 461 ), cited and approved by Wheaton ("Elements," part iv., chap. 3, sec. 22)] during the war between Great Britain and France, decided that the carrying of dispatches from the French ambassador, resident in the United States, to the Government of France by a United States merchant ship 644 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. Little remains to complete the nar- rative of this remarkable event, which was no violation of the neutrality of the United States in the war between Great Britain and France, and that such dispatches could not be treated as contraband of war : " The neutral country," he said, " has a right to pre- serve its relations with the enemy, and you are not at liberty to conclude that any communication between them can partake, in any degree, of the nature of hostility against you. The enemy may have its hostile projects to be attempted with the neutral state, but your reliance is on the integrity of that neutral state, that it will not favor nor participate in such designs, but, as far as its own counsels and actions are concerned, will oppose them. And if there should be private reasons to suppose that this confidence in the good faith of the neutral state has a doubtful foundation, that is matter for the caution of the Government, to be counteracted by just measures of preventive policy ; but it is no ground on which this court can pronounce that the neutral carrier has violated his duty by bearing dispatches, which, as far as he can know, may be presumed to be of an innocent nature, and in the maintenance of a pacific connection." And he con- tinues, shortly afterward, "It is to be considered also, with regard to this question, what may be due to the con- venience of the neutral state ; for its interest may require that the intercourse of correspondence with the enemy's country should not be altogether interdicted. It might be thought to amount almost to a declnration, that an ambassador from the enemy shall not reside in the neutral state if he is declared to be debarred from the only means of communicating with his own. For to what useful purpose can he reside there without the opportuni- ties of such a communication ? It is too much to say that all the business of the two states shall be transacted by the minister of the neutral state resident in the enemy's country. The practice of nations has allowed to neutral states the privilege of receiving ministers from the bel- ligerent states, and the use and convenience of an imme- diate negotiation with them." That these principles must necessarily extend to every kind of diplomatic communication between government and government, whether by sending or receiving ambas- sadors or commissioners personally, or by sending or re- ceiving dispatches from or to such ambassadors or com- missioners, or from or to the respective governments, is too plain to need argument ; and it seems no less clear that such communication must be as legitimate and inno- cent in their first commencement as afterward, and that the rule can not be restricted to the case in which diplo- matic relations are already formally established by the residence of an accredited minister of the belligerent power in the neutral country. It is the neutrality of the one party to the communication, and not either the mode of the communication or the time when it first takes had cost Great Britain an expenditure of ten millions of dollars, for prepura- place, which furnishes the test of the true application of the principle. The only distinction arising out of the pe- culiar circumstances of a civil war and of the non-recog- nition of the independence of the de facto government of one of the belligerents, either by the other belligerents or by the neutral power, is this that "for the purpose of avoiding the difficulties which might arise from a formal and positive solution of these questions diplomatic agents are frequently substituted, who are clothed with the powers and enjoy the immunities of ministers, though they are not invested with the representative character, nor entitled to diplomatic honors." (Wheaton, "Ele- ments," part iii., chap. 1, sec. 5.) Upon this footing Messrs. Mason and Slidell, who are expressly stated by Mr. Seward to have been sent as pretended Ministers Pleni- potentiary from the Southern States to the Courts of St. James and of Paris, must have been sent, and would have been, if at all, received, and the reception of these gentlemen upon this footing could not have been justly regarded, according to the law of nations, as a hostile or unfriendly act toward the United States. Nor indeed is it clear that these gentlemen would have been clothed with any powers, or have enjoyed any immunities, beyond those accorded to diplomatic agents not officially recognized. It appears to her Majesty's Government to be a neces- sary and certain deduction from these principles, that the conveyance of public agents of this character from Havana to St. Thomas on their way to Great Britain and France, and of their credentials or dispatches (if any) on board the Trent, was not and could not be a violation of the duties of neutrality on the part of that vessel, and, both for that reason and also because the destination of these persons and of their dispatches was bonafide neutral, it is in the judgment of her Majesty's Government clear and certain they were not contraband. The doctrine of contraband has its whole foundation and origin in the principle which is nowhere more accu- rately explained than in the following passage of Bynker- shoek. After stating in general terms the duty of impartial neutrality, he adds : " Et sane id, quod modo dicebam, non tan turn ratio docet, sed et uses, inter omnes fere gentes receptus. Quamvis enim libera sint cum amicorum nostrorum hosti- bus commercia, usu tamen placuit, ne alterutrum his rebus juvemus, quibus bellum contra amicos nostros instruatur et foveatur. Non licet igitur alterutri advehere ea, quibus in bello gerendo opus habet ; ut sunt tormenta arma, et quorum prascipuus in bello usus, ruilites. Optimo jure interdictum est, ne quid eorum hostibus sub- ministremus ; quia his rebus nos ipsi quodammodo vide- remur amicis nostris bellum facere." (Bynkershoek, "Quaest. Jur. Publ.," lib. i., cap. 9.) The principle of contraband of war is here clearly ex. \VAII AVOIDED. tions of war, and inflicted upon her peo- ple as well as upon those of the United plained, and it is impossible that mon, or dispatches, which do not come within that principle, can in this sense be contraband The penalty of knowingly carrying con- traband of war is, as Mr. Seward states, nothing less than the confiscation of the ship ; but it is impossible that this penalty can be incurred when the neutral has done no more than employ means usual among nations for main- taining his own proper relations with one of the belliger- ents. It is of the very essence of the definition of contra- band that the articles should have a hostile, and not a neutral destination. " Goods," says Lord Stowell (the linina,' 3 Chr. Rob., 167), "going to a neutral port can- not come under the description of contraband, all goods going there being equally lawful. The rule respecting contraband," he adds, " as I have always understood it, is that articles must be taken in delicto, in the natural prosecution of the voyage to an enemy's port." On what just principle can it be contended that a hostile destina- tion is less necessary, or a neutral destination more ob- noxious, for constituting a contraband character in the case of public agents or dispatches than in the case of arms and ammunition ? Mr. Seward seeks to support his conclusion on this point by a reference to the well-known dictum of Sir William Scott in the case of the Caroline, that " you may stop the ambassador of your enemy on his passage" (The Caroline, 6 Chr. Rob., 468) ; and to another dictum of the same judge, in the case of the Orozembo, that civil functionaries, " if sent for a purpose intimately connected with the hostile operations [The Orozembo, 6 Chr. Rob., 434, may fall under the same rule with persons whose employment is directly military.]" These quotations are, as it seems to her Majesty's Government, irrelevant. The words of Sir W. Scott are in both cases applied by Mr. Seward in a sense different from that in which they were used. Sir William Scott does not say that an ambassador, sent from a belligerent to a neutral state, may be stopped as contraband while on Ms passage on board a neutral vessel belonging to that or any other neutral state ; nor that, if he be not contra- band, the other belligerent would have any right to stop him on such a voyage. The sole object which Sir William Scott had in view was to explain the extent and limits of the doctrine of the inviolability of ambassadors, in virtue of that character, for he says : ' ' The limits that are assigned to the operations of war against them, by Vattel and other writers on these sub- jects, are, that you may exercise your right of war against them wherever the character of hostility exists. You may stop the ambassador of your enemy on his passage ; but when lie has arrived, and has taken upon him the functions of his office, and has been admitted in his representative character, he becomes a sort of middle States incalculable damage, from its fa- tal influence upon their commercial and man, entitled to peculiar privileges, as set apart for the protection of the relations of amity and peace, in main- taining which all nations are in some degree interested." There is certainly nothing in this passage from which an inference can be drawn so totally opposed to the gene- ral tenor of the whole judgment as that an ambassador, proceeding to the country to which he is sent, and on board a neutral vessel belonging to that country, can be stopped on the ground that the conveyance of such an ambassador is a breach of neutrality, which it must be if he be contraband of war. Sir William Scott is here ex- pressing not his own opinion merely, but the doctrine which he considers to have been laid down by writers of authority upon the subject. No writer of authority has ever suggested that an ambassador proceeding to a neutral state on board one of its merchant ships is contraband of war. The only writer named by Sir William Scott is Vattel (Vattel. lib. iv., cap. 7, sec. 85), whose words are these : ' ' On peut encore attaquer et arreter ses gens (i. e. , gens de 1'ennemi) partout ou on a la liberte d'exercer des actes d'hostilite. Non seulement done on peut justement re- fuser le passage aux Ministres qu'un ennemi envoye Jk d'autres Souverains ; on les arrete meme, s'ils entrepren- ment de passer secretement et sans permission dans les lieux dont on est maitre." And he adds as an example the seizure of a French ambassador when passing through the dominions of Hanover, during war between England and France, by the King of England, who was also sovereign of Hanover. The rule, therefore, to be collected from these authori- ties is, that you may stop an enemy's ambassador in any place of which you are yourself the master, or in any other place where you have a right to exercise acts of hostility. Your own territory, or ships of your own country, are places of which you are yourself the master. The enemy's territory, or the enemy's ships, are places in which you have a right to exercise acts of hostility. Neutral vessels, guilty of no violation of the laws of neutrality, are places where you have no right to exercise acts of hostility. It would be an inversion of the doctrine that ambassa- dors have peculiar privileges to argue that they are less protected than other men. The right conclusion is, that an ambassador sent to a neutral power is inviolable on the high seas as well as in neutral waters, while under the protection of the neu- tral flag. The other dictum of Sir William Scott, in the case of the Orozembo, is even less pertinent to the present ques- tion. That related to the case of a neutral ship which, upon the effect of the evidence given on the trial, was held by the court to have been engaged as an enemy's transport to convey the enemy's military officers, and 646 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. financial relations, greatly stirred their national prejudices, and nearly involved some of his civil officers whose duties were intinvitcly connected with military operations, from the enemy's country to one of the enemy's colonies, which was about to be the theatre of those operations, the whole being done under color of a simulated neutral destination. But as long as a neutral government, within whose territories no military operations are carried on, adheres to its pro- fession of neutrality, the duties of civil officers on a mis- sion to that government and within its territory cannot possibly be " connected with" any "military operations" in the sense in which these words were used by Sir William Scott, as, indeed, is rendered quite clear by the passages already cited from his own judgment in the case of the Caroline. In connection with this part of the subject, it is neces- sary to notice a remarkable passage in Mr. Seward's note, in which he says, " I assume, in the present case, what, as I read British authorities, is regarded by Great Britain herself as true maritime law, that the circumstance that the Trent was proceeding from a neutral port to another neutral port does not modify the right of the belligerent capture." If, indeed, the immediate and ostensible voyage of the Trent had been to a neutral port, but her ultimate and real destination to some port of the enemy, her Majesty's Government might have been better able to understand the reference to British authorities contained in this passage. It is undoubtedly the law, as laid down by British authorities, that if the real destination of the vessel be hostile (that is, to the enemy or the enemy's country), it cannot be covered and rendered innocent by a fictitious destination to a neutral port. But if the real terminus of the voyage be bona fide in a neutral territory, no English, nor, indeed, as her Majesty's Government be- lieve, any American authority can be found which has ever given countenance to the doctrine that either men or dispatches can be subject, during such a voyage and on board such a neutral vessel, to belligerent capture as con- traband of war. Her Majesty's Government regard such a doc- trine as wholly irreconcilable with the true principles of maritime law, and certainly icith those principles as they have been under- stood in the courts of this countrt/. It is to be further observed that packets engaged in the postal service, and keeping Tip the regular and periodical communications between the different countries of Europe and America and other parts of the world, though in the absence of treaty stipulations they may not be exempted from visit and search in time of war, nor from the penalties of any violation of neutrality, if proved to have been knowingly committed, are still, when sailing in the ordi- nary and innocent course of their legitimate employment, which consists in the conveyance of mails and passengers, entitled to peculiar favor and protection from all govern- ments in whose service they are engaged. To detain, them in a conflict which would have wasted their mutual resources, and might disturb, or interfere with them, without the very gravest cause, would be an act of a most noxious and injurious character, not only to a vast number and variety of indi- vidual and private interests, but to the public interests of neutral and friendly governments. It has been necessary to dwell upon these points in some detail, because they involve principles of the highest im- portance, and because, if Mr. Seward's argument were acted upon as sound, the most injurious consequences might follow. For instance, in the present war, according to Mr. Sew- ard's doctrine, any packet ship carrying a Confederate agent from Dover to Calais, or from Calais to Dover, might be captured and carried to New York. In case of war between Austria and Italy, the conveyance of an Italian minister or agent might cause the capture of a neutral packet ply- ing between Malta and Marseilles, or between Malta and Gibraltar, the condemnation of the ship at Trieste, and the confinement of the minister or agent in an Austrian prison. So in the late war between Great Britain and France, on the one hand, and Russia on the other, a Kus- sian minister going from Hamburg to Washington, in an American ship, might have been brought to Portsmouth, the ship might have been condemned, and the minister sent to the Tower of London. So also a Confederate ves- sel of war might capture a Cunard steamer on its way from Halifax to Liverpool, on the ground of its carrying dispatches from Mr. Seward to Mr. Adams. In view, therefore, of the erroneous principles asserted by Mr. Seward, and the consequences they involve, her Majesty's Government think it necessary to declare that they would not acqtiiesce in the capture of any British merchant ship in circumstances similar to those of the Trent, and that the fact of its being brought before a prize court, though it would alter the character, would not diminish the gravity of the offence against the law of nations which would thereby be committed. Having disposed of the question, whether the persons named and their supposed dispatches were contraband of war, I am relieved from the necessity of discussing the other questions raised by Mr. Seward namely, whether Captain Wilkes had lawfully a right to stop and search the Trent for these persons and their supposed dispatches ; whether that right, assuming that he possessed it, was ex- ercised by him in a lawful and proper manner ; and whether he had a right to capture the persons found on board. The fifth question put by Mr. Seward namely, whether Captain Wilkes exercised the alleged right of capture in the manner allowed and recognized by the law of nations, is resolved by Mr. Seward himself in the negative. I cannot conclude, however, without noticing one very singular passage in Mr. Seward's dispatch. Mr. Seward asserts that ' ' if the safety of this Union re- DEPARTURE OF SLIDELL AND MASON". 647 have blasted forever the hopes of re-es- tablishing that union upon which the North relies for its future national great- ness. As we believe that the position of Slidell and Mason, whether in prison at Fort Warren or in the saloons of Paris and London, is of little import to the in- terests of the present struggle, we do not hesitate in avowing the opinion, that Mr. Reward would have better preserved the dignity of the nation by anticipating the demand of Great Britain and sending back the captives immediately on their arrival in the United States. To give completeness to this narrative, it is necessary to relate the movements quired the detention of the captured persons, it would be the duty of this Government to detain them." He pro- ceeds to say that the waning proportions of the insurrec- tion, and the comparative unimportance of the captured persons themselves, forbid him from resorting to that defence. Mr. Seward does not here assert any right founded on international law, however inconvenient or irritating to neutral nations. He entirely loses sight of the vast difference which exists between the exercise of an extreme right and the commission of an unquestion- able wrong. His frankness compels me to be equally open, and to inform him that Great Britain could not have sub- mitted to the perpetration of that wrong, however nourish- ing might have been the insurrection in the South, and how- ever important the persons captured might have been. Happily, all danger of hostile collision on this subject has been avoided. It is the earnest hope of her Majesty's Government that similar dangers, if they should arise, may be averted by peaceful negotiations conducted in the spirit which befits the organs of two great nations. I request you to read this dispatch to Mr. Seward, and give him a copy of it. I am, etc., RUSSELL. of the Commissioners on their release. It is to be hoped this will be the last oc- casion for the annalist to record the pro- ceedings of those personages, whose ab- sence from the country will doubtless prove a less source of inquietude than was their presence. The British gun-boat Rinaldo being ordered by Lord Lyons to proceed j an , j^ to Provincetown, Mass., awaited W$Z there the transfer of Messrs. Slidell and Mason from Fort Warren to the protec- tion of the British flag, which was effect- ed on the first day of January. The tug- boat Starlight received them at the fort and conveyed them to the British vessel, which sailed immediately for Halifax. A severe storm blew the Rinaldo off the coast of America, and she was obliged to change her course for Bermuda. Thence the Commissioners were taken to St. Thomas, where they embarked on board the English steamer La Plata, and arriv- ed at Southampton, in England, on the 29th of January. A large crowd of the curious gathered on the dock to catch a glimpse of these troublesome personages, but " no demonstration was made on their landing." Mr. Slidell, having joined his family, proceeded to Paris, and Mr. Mason to London, their respective fields of future intrigue. 648 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. CHAPTER LXII. Extent and conformation of the Southern coast. A plan for the obstruction of Harbors. Stone Fleet. Sailing of Stone Fleet. Composition. Plan of operation. Charleston Harbor obstructed. Intentions in regard to Savannah. Forestalled by the Enemy. Effect in Europe. The Stone Fleet pronounced barbarous. The English Press. Protest of Lord John Russell. His Dispatch. The Monileur on the Stone Fleet. The false views of the American Press. Explanation of Secretary Seward. Stone Fleets justified by example of Great Britain. Cases cited. Alexandria and Boulogne. Extraordinary Dispatch of Loi'd Herbert. Ingenuity and disingenuousness of the Brit- ish Press. A distinction without a difference. Two Naval Expeditions. Expedition to Ship Island. Arrival of General Phelps.- Description of Ship Island. Phelps' first enterprise. An impolitic Proclamation. Movements to Biloxi. Reinforcements. Departure of General Butler. Capture of Cedar Keys. A great gain by a small Ex- pedition. Future designs. 1861. THE immense extent and peculiar conformation of the Southern coast of the United States induced the Government, in order to render the block- ade more effective, to close some of the numerous channels through bayous, creeks, and small streams by which the enemy's and foreign vessels were enabled to elude the vigilance of the Federal cruisers. After the capture of Forts Hatteras and Clark, by the combined naval and military expedition under Commodore Stringham and General Butler, several old vessels, filled with stone, which had been towed there for the purpose, were sunk in Ocracoke Inlet, to interrupt the passage through that channel to and from Pamlico Sound. This was the beginning of a more systematic and extensive plan, which reached its full development in the " stone fleet," a part of which, con- sisting of twenty-five vessels, sailed ft ov , from New Bedford on the 20th of 20. November. These were mostly old "whalers," no longer serviceable, and which having been purchased at prices varying from, five hundred to five thou- sand dollars, were loaded with stone and dispatched to Port Royal. A number of other vessels of similar character were also bought, to be used for a like pur- pose. The whole number purchased by the Government was about sixty, at an aggregate expense of a hundred and sixty thousand dollars. Sixteen of the fleet which reached Port Royal were dispatched to the north and sunk in the main channel leading to Charleston Har- bor. Through the bottom of each of these vessels had been passed a pipe, which was temporarily plugged. On reaching its destination, the plug was removed, and the water rushing in sunk the stone-laden hulks.* The operation in the channel leading to Charleston Harbor is thus described by one who was present : " In the course of the afternoon all the whalers arrived and were towed up toward the bar in a convenient Dee position to be taken over. About five o'clock the *' * Correspondent of the N. Y. Tribvme, \NT1C COAI CX' : STONE FLEET. 649 It was intended to have disposed of the rest of the stone fleet at Port Royal, Ottawa came out, and towed iirst theTenedos and then the Leonidas to their positions on the extreme right and left of the line. In a few minutes after anchoring, the crew of the Tenedos left her side in two boats, and we knew the ship was sinking. The process was much slower than had been expected. When the plug was removed, the water rushed in a stream from one side of the vessel to the other, but there was only a single hole, and when that was reached inside, it entered from the outside with greatly diminished force. "The sinking of the fleet was intrusted to Capt. Charles H. Davis, formerly, from 1842 to 1849, chief of a hydro- graphic party on the Coast Survey, and ever since more or less intimately connected with it. It is remarkable that vrhen, in 1851, an appropriation was made by the Federal Government for the improvement of Charleston Harbor, and, at the request of South Carolina, a commission of navy and army officers was appointed to superintend the work, Captain Davis was one of the commission, and for three or four years was engaged in these operations. The present attempt was of somewhat different character. The plan adopted by him may be easily understood by reference to a chart of the harbor, or by the following description : The entrance by the main ship channel runs from the bar to Fort Sumter, six miles, nearly south and north. The city is three miles beyond, bearing about N. W. The other channels are Sanford's, Swash, the North, and Maffit's, or Sullivan's Island, which need not be particularly described. Only the latter is practicable for vessels of any draught, but all serve more or less to empty the waters discharged by the Ashley and Cooper rivers. Over the bar, at the entrance of the main ship channel, is a narrow passage, through which vessels may carry eleven feet at low water ; about seventeen at high water. The plan of Captain Davis for closing the harbor proceeded on the following principles : " 1st. The obstructions are to be placed on both sides of the crest of the bar, so that the same forces which have created the bar may be relied on to keep them in their places. ~2(] The bar is not to be obstructed entirely; for natural forces would soon open a new passage, since the rivers must discharge themselves by some outlet ; but to be only partially obstructed, so that, while this channel is ruined, no old one, like Swash or Sanford, shall be im- proved, or a new one formed. " 3d. The vessels are to be so placed that on the chan- nel course it shall be difficult to draw a line through any part of it that will not be intercepted by one of them. A ship, therefore, endeavoring to make her way out or in, cannot do it by taking the bearing of any point of depart- ure, as she cannot sail on any straight line. " 4th. The vessels are to be placed checkerwise, and at 82 by sinking them in the mouth of the Savannah River, but as the enemy, fear- some distance from each other, so as to create an artificial unevenness of the bottom, remotely resembling Hell Gate and Holmes' Hole, which unevenness will rise to eddies, counter currents and whirlpools, adding so seriously to the difficulties of navigation that it can only be practicable by steamers or with a very commanding breeze. ' With reference to the second, it may be added that no other channel now existing will be closed, at least for the present ; for if such a plan were carried too far, the formation of a new channel would be inevitable. More- over, for the purposes of the blockade, the obstruction of the main channel is entirely sufficient. "The execution of the foregoing plan was begun by buoying out the channel and circumscribing within four points the space where the vessels were all to be sunk. "The distance between the points from S.W. to N.E. is about an eighth of a mile ; the breadth perhaps half as much. It will be understood that it was no part of the plan to build a wall of ships across, but to drop them at a little distance from each other, on the principles above stated, closing the channel to navigation, but leaving it open to the water. " Work was resumed on Friday morning, the 20th, the Ottawa and Pocahontas bringing the ships to their stations. The placing them was an operation of considerable nicety, especially as some of the vessels were so deep as to be with difficulty dragged on the bar, except at high water. A graver hindrance to their exact location was found in the imperfection of the arrangement for sinking, several of the ships remaining afloat so long after the plug was knocked out that they swung out of position. They were, nevertheless, finally placed very nearly according to the plan. By half-past ten the last plug was drawn, and every ship of the sixteen was either sunk or sinking. Our expectations have been to some extent disappointed in the character of the expedition while it was in progress. None of the vessels wholly disappeared from sight, and those which, heeled over farthest and were most under water, had subsided in a very deliberate manner. An im- passable line of wrecks was drawn for an eighth of a mile between the points above indicated. All but two or three were careened. Some were on their beam ends, some down by the head, others by the stern, and masts, spars, and rigging of the thickly crowded ships were mingled and tangled in the greatest confusion. They did not long remain so. The boats which had been swarming about the wrecks, picking up stores, sails, and whatever was to be got, returning heavily laden, were ordered back to cut down the masts. As they fell the sound of heavy cannon echoed down the bay, and for the next two hours the crash of falling masts was accompanied by the same salute. The guns of Sumter were the requiem of the fleet. Some staunch old ships died very hard, settling 650 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. ing an attack, had already obstructed this entrance from the sea, the operation became unnecessary. In Europe, these measures were de- nounced as a barbarous mode of warfare, and a sin against nature. The English press was especially virulent in its cen- sure, and characterized the obstruction of Charleston Harbor, by the sinking of the "stone fleet," as an atrocious bar- barity, almost unparalleled in the history of the world. The British Government, even, was induced to protest, through its representative at Washington, against the act. Earl Russell, in his dispatch, had declared that " such a cruel plan would seem to imply despair of the restoration of the Union, the professed object of the war ; for it could never be the .wish of the United States Govern- ment to destroy cities from which their own country was to derive a portion of its riches and prosperity. Such a plan could only be adopted as a measure of re- venge and of irremediable injury against an enemy." His lordship moreover de- clared that " even as a scheme of em- bittered and sanguinary war, such a measure would not be justifiable. It would be a plot against the commerce of all maritime nations, and against the free intercourse of the Southern States of America with the civilized world." The official organ of the French Gov- very slowly, and still upright when they had felt the bottom. One ship out of the sixteen, the Robin Hood, with upright masts, stood solitary sentinel over the wrecks. As evening came on she was set on fire, and gave us as the crown of our novel experiment, the rare sight of a ship on fire at sea. The light-house on Morris Island was blown up by the rebels on the night of Decem- ber 19, while the fleet was lying off the harbor." ernment, the Moniteur, though generally so reticent, did not hesitate to character- ize the " stone fleet" as a vindictive prosecution of the war, and a provoca- tion to the indignation of the world. European opinion on the subject, how- ever, had been formed on the state- ments of the American press, which had misrepresented the purpose of the Federal Government, declaring, with unreflecting exultation, that the stone fleet was intended to destroy for- ever the harbors in which it was to be sunk. An authoritative correction of the misapprehension of the objects and effects of the plan of obstruction was made by Mr. Seward directly to Lord Lyons, who thus stated it in the report of his conversation on the subject with the Secretary of State : " Mr. Seward observed that it was altogether a mistake to suppose that this plan had been devised with a view to injure the harbors permanent^. It was, he said, simply a temporary mili- tary measure adopted to aid the block- ade. The Government of the United States had last spring, with a navy very little prepared for so extensive an ope- ration, undertaken to blockade upward of three thousand miles of coast. The Secretary of the Navy had reported that he could stop up the ' large holes' by means of his ships, but that he could not stop up the ' small ones.' It had been found necessary, therefore, to close some of the numerous small inlets by sinking vessels in the channels. It would be the duty of the Government of the ENGLAND ON STONE FLEETS. 651 United States to remove all these ob- structions as soon as the Union was restored. It was well understood that this was an obligation incumbent on the Federal Government. At the end of the war with Great Britain, that Government had been called upon to remove a vessel which had been sunk in the harbor of Savannah, and had recognized the obli- gation and removed the vessel according- ly. Moreover, the United States were now engaged in a civil war with the South. He was not prepared to say that, as an operation in war, it was un- justifiable to destroy permanently the harbors of the enemy ; but nothing of the kind had been done on the present occasion. Vessels had been sunk by the rebels to prevent the access to their ports of the cruisers of the United States. The same measure had been adopted by the United States in order to make the blockade complete. When the war was ended, the removal of all these obstructions would be a mere mat- ter of expense ; there would be no great difficulty in removing them effectually. Besides, as had already been done in the case of Port Royal, the United States would open better harbors than those which they closed. " I asked Mr. Seward whether the principal entrance to Charleston Harbor had not been recently closed altogether by vessels sunk by order of this Govern- ment ; and I observed to him that the opening of a new port thirty or forty miles off, would hardly console the people of the large town of Charleston for the destruction of their own harbor. " Mr. Seward said that the best proof he could give me that the harbor of Charleston had not been rendered inac- cessible was, that in spite of the sunken vessels and of the blockading squadron, a British steamer, laden with contra- band of war, had just succeeded in get- ting in." There were those who were prepared to justify the design, even if it were in- tended perpetually to block up the har- bors of the Southern coast, by the naval career of Great Britain, so abound- ing in precedents of unscrupulous war- fare. An English writer* reminded his indignant countrymen that, " on the evacuation of the city and port of Alex- andria and embarkation of the troops, in 1807, five vessels, laden with stone, were sunk in the narrow passage by which our (British) squadron, under the command of Admiral Lewis, had entered and then sailed ; concluding that it would be the last exit of any vessel from the port erroneously, however, as it has subsequently appeared." To this remarkable precedent was ad- ded another, f which received the formal sanction of the British King and Gov- ernment. It was given in this dispatch, marked "most secret," addressed by Lord Hobart to Sir N. S. Hammond, controller of the navy : * Galignani's Messenger, Jan. 17. f Sir Walter Scott, in his " Life of Napoleon," thus al- ludes to the Boulogne affair : "England . . unable to get opportunities of assailing French vessels, was induced to have recourse to strange and, as it proved, ineffectual means of carrying on hostil- ities. Such was the attempt at destroying the harbor of Boulogne, by sinking in the roads ships loaded with stones. ' ' 652 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. STREET, Feb. 9, 1 804. " It being thought advisable, under the present circumstances of the war, that an attempt should be made for carrying into execution the project sug- gested in the inclosed paper for choking up the entrance into the harbor of Bou- logne ; and the success of such an enter- prise depending in a great measure upon the secrecy and dispatch with which the preparations may be made, I have the King's command to signify to you that you take these preparations under your immediate control, and that you com- municate confidentially with Mr. - , supplying him with such funds and giving him such orders for the purchase of vessels, and providing the materials which you may judge necessary for accomplishing the object in view. As soon as the vessels shall be sufficiently laden, you will give instructions that they should proceed with all possible expedition to the Downs, where further orders will proceed from Lord Keith. HOBART." To these precedents might be added others, some of which occurred upon the very coast against the obstructions on which England is now, with a not unnatural regard for its own interests in an illegal trade, so intensely indignant. The English writers who had denounced the stone fleet as indicating principles of barbarity worthy only of East India pi- rates, strove to parry those thrusts which brought home to themselves similar acts. Their ingenuity of fence is manifest in such verbal tours de maitre as the follow- ing : "We confess we are infinitely aston- ished," said the London Morning Post* " to find a contemporary journal indi- rectly palliating the destruction of the port of Charleston by the precedent of our having proposed to sink ships, in 1804, in front of the harbor of Boulogne. Can it be necessary to draw out in words the obvious distinction between military and commercial ports between a harbor widened and defended for the express purpose of the conquest and subjugation of England, and a harbor valuable to its own country merely in fostering the com- merce of all the maritime nations of Europe ? To block up permanently the mouth of the Garonne, and to destroy thereby the port of Bordeaux, would have been the corresponding barbarity, though it is one which no European Government ever imagined. But for England to have destroyed the port of Boulogne in 1804, even if she had done so, would have been simply equivalent to the blowing up of Sebastopol by Turkey and her allies in 1856." This distinction between military and commercial does not now, if ever it did, apply to the port of Boulogne, to Alex- andria, in Egypt, or to those harbors of which Savannah, it is believed, was one that the English attempted to "choke up" during their war with America. The control of the Federal Govern- ment over the coasts of the enemy was still further extended by the success of two minor naval expeditions. A \ ov , force of nineteen hundred men, con- 26, sisting of the Massachusetts Twenty-sixth * Supposed to be a semi-official organ of Lord Palmers- ton. OCCUPATION OF SHIP ISLAND. 653 and the Connecticut Ninth Regiment, with Captain Manning's battery of ar- tillery, rendezvoused at Fortress Mon- roe, and thence sailed in the steam- transport Constitution to Ship Island. This expedition was under the tempo- rary command of Brigadier-General W. Phelps, during the absence of General Butler, who remained at the North to further the ultimate purposes of the en- terprise. General Phelps arrived at Ship D ec , Island on the evening of the 3d 3 of December. It had been in the occupation of the Federal Government since September, when the enemy had abandoned it to a small naval force, which took possession of the island and a half-finished fort upon it. On his ar- rival, General Phelps accordingly found the United States vessels of war, the Massachusetts and R. L. Cuyler, in the harbor with several prizes, and a hun- dred and seventy sailors under a naval lieutenant, garrisoning the incomplete fortification at the west end of the island. Phelps landed his force, not- withstanding the marshy ground was little favorable for occupation. " The land," said the General in his report, " is in no respect suitable for a camp, especially in view of such instructions as one of the regiments present particularly needs. Should the stay here be of long continuance, huts with floors will be ne- cessary." Ship Island is situated in longitude 89, a little north of latitude 30, with- in the domain of the State of Missis- sippi. It is about sixty miles from New Orleans, nearly the same distance from the North-East Pass, at the mouth of the Mississippi River, forty miles from Mo- bile, and ninety from Fort Pickens. It lies between Horn Island, on the east, and Cat Island, on the west, and is dis- tant about five miles from each. Some ten or twelve miles to the north, on the mainland of Mississippi, are the towns of Biloxi, Pascagoula, and Mississippi City. These towns are favorite summer resorts for the wealthy planters and mer- chants of the Gulf States, and not being easily approached in consequence of a bar off their shores, were places of refuge for the enemy's small vessels. Ship Island is somewhat undulating, and extends in a slight curve about sev- en miles east-north-east and west-south- west. At West Point (the western end), where the fort is placed, the island is little more than an eighth of a mile wide, and is a mere sand spit, utterly barren of grass or foliage of any kind. The eastern end, or East Point, is about three-quarters of a mile in width, and is well wooded with pine, cedar, and live oak. The whole island contains somewhat less than two square miles of territory. Excellent water can be obtained in un- limited supply by sinking a barrel any- where in the saturated soil. There is a natural pasturage upon which a few cattle can thrive tolerably, but most of the island is left free to the alligators and such reptiles as abound in the swamps and lagoons of that region. A brick building, a few scattered huts, and a stone light-house are the only evidences of a civilized occupation. G54: THE WAR WITH TPIE SOUTH. The island possesses a very superior harbor, into which vessels drawing nine- teen feet can be carried at low water. It is situated north of the west end of the island. The anchorage ground, with a depth of water equal to that on the bar, is five miles long, and averages three and a quarter miles in width. The harbor is safe from the most dangerous storms in the Gulf those from the eastward and southward and might be easily entered during these storms without a pilot, if good light-houses were placed in proper positions. The rise and fall of the tide is- only from twelve to fourteen inches. General Phelps 7 first step, after land- ing his force, was to issue a proclama- tion, which was singularly ill-adapted to the presumed purpose of conciliating the insurgents of Mississippi and Louis- iana. His next was to proceed to Biloxi, D CC , on the mainland, where he landed M a considerable force and took pos- session of a small fort abandoned by the enemy on his approach. Biloxi, how- ever, was not at that time permanently held by the Federal troops. Large reinforcements were subse- quently sent to Ship Island, and finally , 20, General Butler himself departed to assume the command there. The expedition to the coast of Florida, though less imposing, was more fruitful of immediate advantage. This was ac- complished by a single vessel : the United States steamer Hatteras, Commander George F. Emmons. This active officer succeeded in destroying a number of the enemy's small vessels, seizing a fort, and obtaining possession of Ce- j an , 5 ? dar Keys, without meeting with 1862. the least resistance. This is the name given to a group of islands situated on the west coast of Florida, within the Gulf of Mexico. By the occupation of Cedar Keys, the western terminus of the Florida Railroad, which crosses the State from the Gulf of Mexico to the Atlantic Ocean, the enemy were forced to make the long circuit of the whole peninsula to keep up their communica- tions between the opposite coasts. The forts having been dismantled, one or two active cruisers were thought sufficient to retain the command of this important point until, in the course of future opera- tions, it might be utilized for a greater enterprise. HUNTER SUCCEEDS FREMONT. 655 CHAPTER LXIII. Successor of General Fremont in Missouri. General Hunter. His opinions of Fremont. New masters, new laws. A Veteran. Reluctant obedience. Change of plans. Life of Hunter. Military experience. Attached to Lincoln. Misfortunes of a Presidential Tour. Rewards for personal service The Army in Missouri ordered to retreat. Direction of the Retreat. Return of the Enemy under Price and McCulloch. Checked by the Unionists. Lexington and Springfield re-occupied by the Enemy. General Hunter makes way for a Successor. Major-General Halleck succeeds Hunter. Hunter sent to Kansas. Life of Halleck. Military education. A Lieutenant of En- gineers. Scientific studies. A writer and lecturer. Promotion. Secretary of State of California. Member of the Convention. Assists in drafting the Constitution. Resignation in the Army. Settles in California. A Lawyer in San Francisco. Made a Major-General. Appointed to the command of the West. Character. Great Expecta- tions. Halleck' s first occupation. Thwarting the machinations of the Rebellious. Organizing and Disciplining. Halleck's famous order, excluding Fugitive Slaves from the Camps. Denounced by the Anti-Slavery Party. The order explained by Halleck. Stringent measures at St. Louis. Expedition of General Pope. Pope's success. Its wondrous effects. Halleck on bridge-burning. Guerrilla warfare in Missouri. A grand eifort to clear Mis- souri of the Enemy. Movements against Price. Skirmishing before Springfield. A Battle expected. Disappoint- ment. Price retreats from Springfield. Pursuit of Price. The Enemy followed into Arkansas. Hoisting the Amer- ican Flag on the soil of Arkansas. The Enemy make a stand at Sugar Creek. Enemy defeated. 1861, WHEN Fremont was suddenly arrested in his hopeful career of conquest in Missouri, General Hunter, as the next in rank, succeeded to the chief com- N OT| mand. The old proverb, "New mas- ters, new laws," found another illus- tration in the complete change, by Gen- eral Hunter, of the plan of campaign. The new leader had not concealed, even while serving under Fremont, his disa- greement with his superior, whom he did not hesitate to denounce as incapable. Hunter, a man of three-score years of age, a veteran officer and a rigid stickler for the formalities of the military art, forced to yield a reluctant obedience to a comparatively young and inexperienced chief, had been not unnaturally disposed to question the irregular vigor of the impulsive Fremont, while under his com- mand. That the veteran Hunter, now being free to act on his own responsibil- ity, should at once revise the plans of Fremont, was consistent with his want of reverence for a commander in whose reputed genius he could find no compen- sation for his comparative youth and ig- norance of the military art. Hunter himself had been schooled in the rigid discipline of the regular officer. Educated at West Point, he graduated in 1822, the twenty-fifth in a class of forty. He was immediately commissioned a second lieutenant of infantry, and rose to the rank of first lieutenant and cap- tain of cavalry, when he resigned. In 1842 he re-entered the army as a pay- master, and was in this position with the rank of major when the present civil war began. Attaching himself to Mr. Lin- coln, he accompanied him on his way to Washington, but having met with an accident at Buffalo, where he was so hustled by the crowd that his collar-bone 656 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. became dislocated, he was unable to com- plete that eventful journey. On the ac- cession of President Lincoln, Hunter was rewarded with a colonelcy of cavalry, and subsequently with a brigadier-gen- eralship, in which rank he commanded a division of the advance at Bull Run, where he was wounded at the beginning of the battle. As soon as Hunter assumed the com- mand of the army in Missouri, he ordered it to fall back from the advanced position to which it had been led by the hopeful Fremont. Hunter's own division and the divisions of Generals Pope and Stur- gis, retired by the way of Warsaw, while those of Generals Sigel and Asboth, in advance, after moving a short distance to the south, for the purpose of covering the retirement of the main body from Springfield, returned to that place and thence fell back to Holla. The enemy, under Price and McCul- loch, who had discreetly fled before Fremont toward the borders of Arkan- sas, now emboldened by the retreat of General Hunter, retraced their steps, and again occupying Lexington and Springfield, penetrated into the centre of Missouri and resumed their ravages in that afflicted State. They were, however, checked by occasional spirited attacks of the Federal forces. Colonel Greensle drove the enemy out of Hinton, Texas County, and planted the national flag on the court-house. A detachment of a hundred and ten of the First Kan- sas cavalry, under Colonel Anthony, , charged an encampment at Little Blue, in Western Missouri, and dis- persed it. A party of the enemy, under Colofiel Gordon, attacked the train ^ OVt on the Platte County Railroad, 30. when an escort of Missouri cavalry, under Major Hugh, came to the rescue. The enemy were routed, leaving behind them seventeen killed and wounded and five prisoners. Five only of the Unionists were slightly wounded. The Federal troops, under Colonel Bowman, again put the enemy to flight at Salem. Fifteen were killed and wounded on our side, but the enemy lost thirty-nine in all. Other spirited skirmishes occurred, which ren- dered the enemy more cautious in their advance. No effectual attempt, however, was immediately made to prevent them resuming their former positions in the south-western part of the State. General Hunter, after holding the chief command but a few days, was obliged to make way for a successor. This was Major-Geiieral Halleck, who had been appointed by the Presi- J\ T OV , dent to the command of the Western ^ Department, while to his predecessor, Hunter, was given the command of Kan- sas. General Halleck reached St. Louis on the 18th of November, and at ^ ov , once began with great energy to 18i organize the army, and rigorously to prosecute the military administration of his department. Henry Wager Halleck was born in the State of New York in the year 1818. He entered the Military Academy at West Point in the year 1835, and grad- uated in 1839, ranking the second of his class. Brigadier- General Stevens, of Oregon, was the competitor who LIFE OF IIALLECK. 657 won the first place. In accordance with his high position at the academy, young Halleck was brevetted a second lieutenant of the corps d'dlite of engi- neers, and retained at West Point as an assistant professor of engineering for a year. In 1841 he gave to the world the result of his scientific studies in a work on " Bitumen its Uses." In January, 1845, he was promoted to a first lieu- tenantcy ; and in the same year, such was his repute as an accomplished stu- dent of his art, that he was selected by the committee of the Lowell Institute, at Boston, as one of its annual lecturers. The subject of his course was " military science and art. 7 ' These lectures were subsequently published, with the addi- tion of a long essay on the " Justifia- bleness of War." This work is consid- ered a creditable proof of his knowledge and research. It contains much useful information on the military art, and is replete with historical illustrations. During the Mexican war, Halleck was rewarded for his services with the brevet rank of captain. From 1847 to the close of 1849 he was secretary of state of the newly conquered territory of California, while under military administration. He also served as chief of the staff of Com- modore Shubrick during his operations on the Pacific coast in 1847 and 1848. In 1849 he was elected a member of the convention which met at Monterey to form a constitution" for the proposed State of California, and was appointed one of the committee to draft that paper. In July, 1853, he was promoted to the full rank of captain of engineers, but 83 resigned in August of the succeeding year. He now determined to settle perma- nently in California, where he established himself as a lawyer, and became partner in the well-known legal firm of Halleck, Billings & Co., of San Francisco. He was engaged in the successful prosecu- tion of his new profession when he re- ceived the appointment to a major-gen- eralship in the army. His commission dates from August 1, 1854, though Con- gress did not bestow it upon him until November, 1860, when he was selected to take the chief command of the De- partment of the West. General Halleck is in the vigor of life, being forty-three years of age. With his military knowledge and practical ac- quaintance with public as well as private business, he was singularly well adapted to the command of a department which required the skill of a strategist com- bined with the ability of a statesman. He possesses great energy of body and mind with remarkable promptitude in action and perseverance of effort. From a leader possessed of such qualities, the country naturally expects much, and it has an assurance in the good service General Halleck has already rendered, that its expectations will not be disap- pointed. The chief occupation of Halleck, when he first assumed the command in Mis- souri, was to thwart the machinations of the rebellious, by some of whom he was surrounded in St. Louis, to discipline the troops under his command, enforce a stricter police within the camps, and 658 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. organize those combined naval and mili- tary expeditions at St. Louis and Cairo,* on the Mississippi, and Paducah on the Ohio, which have since, by their brilliant results, exercised so great an influence on the fate of the war. General Halleck's order to exclude fugitive slaves from the Federal camps seemed to exhibit such a tenderness for the peculiar institution of the South, and such an indifference to the sympathy of some of . the Northern people with its victims, that it was emphatically de- nounced by the enthusiastic advocates of liberty as a concession to slavery. The General, however, justified his or- der on the ground that the free com- munication of the slaves with the camps was inconsistent with good order and the safety of the army, and these negroes were suspected of carrying military in- formation to the enemy. Determined to check the active sym- pathy of the wealthy secessionists of St. Louis with the enemy, General Hal- leek ordered an assessment upon all such for the benefit of the Union refugees who had flocked into the city, on the retirement of the Federal army from the interior of the State. This having been resisted by a Mr. Engel, of St. Louis, a thriving merchant, who ap- pealed to the civil courts, General Hal- leek ordered him to leave the Depart- ment of Missouri. He, at the same time, declared officially, that any attempt to interfere with the execution of an order Cairo and Paducah, though the former is in Illinois and the letter in Kentucky, were included in the depart- ment under the command of Halleck. from headquarters would be regarded and punished as a military offence. By these rigid measures, all expressions and acts of disloyally within the immediate control of the Federal arms were effec- tually suppressed. Though General Halleck was awaiting the full organization of his army before attempting to make a clean sweep of the enemy from the State of Missouri, he was detefmined to keep the marauding bands of secessionists in check. He accordingly dispatched General Pope from Sedalia, with a considerable force, to disperse the enemy's encampments in Western Missouri. The result is told in this official report of General Pope : " HEADQUARTERS DISTRICT CEXTRAL Mis- } SOURI, OTTER VILLE, Dec. 23, 1861. f " CAPTAIN : I have the honor to state that, having replaced by troops from D CC( Lamine the garrison of Sedalia, I ^* marched frtfm that place on Sunday, the 15th instant, with a column of infantry, cavalry, and artillery, numbering about 4,000 men. The first brigade was com- manded by Colonel J. C. Davis, Indiana Volunteers ; the second by Colonel F. Steele, Eighth Iowa Regiment. The object of the movement was to interpose between Price's army on the Osage and the recruits, escort, and supplies on their way south from the Mississippi River. This body of the enemy was represented to be between four and six thousand strong, with a large train of supplies. " I encamped on the 15th eleven miles southwest of Sedalia. That the enemy might be thoroughly misled as to the destination of the expedition, it was POPE IX WESTERN MISSOURI. given out that the movement was upon Warsaw, and the troops pursued the road to that place several miles beyond Sedalia. I threw forward on Clinton four companies of the First Missouri cavalry, under Major Hubbard, with orders to watch any movement from Osceola, to prevent any reconnoissance of our main column, and to intercept any messengers to the enemy at Osceola. On the 1 6th I pushed forward by forced march twenty -seven miles, and with my whole force occupied, at sunset, a posi- tion between the direct road from War- rensburg to Clinton, and the road by Chilhowee, which latter is the road here- tofore pursued by returning soldiers and by recruits. Shortly after sunset, the advance, consisting of four companies of Iowa cavalry, under Major Torrence. captured the enemy's pickets at Chilho- wee, and learned that he was encamped in force (about 2,200) six miles north of that town. ' ' After resting the horses and men for a couple of hours, I threw forward ten companies of cavalry and a section of ar- tillery, under Lieutenant-Colonel Brown, Seventh Missouri Regiment, in pursuit, and followed with my whole force, post- ing the main body between Warrensburg and Rose Hill, to support the pursuing column. I, at the same time, reinforced Major Hubbard with two companies of Merrill's horse, and directed him, in or- der to secure our flank in the pursuit, to push forward as far as possible toward Osceola. This officer executed his duty with distinguished ability and vigor, driving back and capturing the pickets and one entire company of the enemy's cavalry, with tents/baggage, arid wagons. One of the pickets and two wagons were captured within the lines of Rains' divi- sion, encamped north of the Osage River. ' ' The column under Lieutenant- Colonel Brown continued the pursuit vigorously all night of the 16th, all day of the 17th, and part of the night of the same day, his advance guard consisting of Foster's company of Ohio cavalry and a detach- ment of thirty men of the Fourth regular cavalry, occupying Johnstown in the course of the night. The enemy began to scatter as soon as the pursuit grew close, disappearing in every direction in the bushes and by every bye-path, driv- ing their wagons into farm-yards remote from the road, and throwing out their loads. As these wagons were all two- horse wagons of the country, and had been, in fact, taken by force from the farm-houses, it was impossible to identify them. When our pursuit reached Johns- town, about midnight on the 17th, the enemy, reduced to about 500, scattered completely, one portion fleeing precipi- tately toward Butler, and the other toward Papinsville. " The main body of my command moved slowly toward Warrensburg, awaiting the return of the force under Lieutenant-Colonel Brown, which pro- ceeded from Johnstown to scour the country south of Grand River to the neighborhood of Clinton. In these ope- rations, sixteen wagons, loaded with tents and supplies, and one hundred and fifty prisoners were captured. The enemy's force was thoroughly dispersed. 6fiO THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. i " On the morning of the 18th, Lieu- tenant-Colonel Brown's forces rejoined the command. Knowing that there must still be a large force of the enemy north of us, I moved forward slowly, on the 18th, toward Warrensburg. and, when near that town, the spies and scouts I had sent out before marching from Seda- lia, in the direction of Lexington, Waver- ly, and Arrow Rock, reported to me that a large force was moving from the two latter places and would encamp that night at the mouth of Clear Creek, just south of Milford. " I posted the main body of my com- mand between Warreusburg and Knob Noster, to close all outlet to the south between those two points, and dispatched seven companies of cavalry (five of the the Ohio First and two of the Fourth regular cavalry), afterward reinforced by another company of regular cavalry and a section of artillery, all under com- mand of Colonel J. C. Davis, Indiana Volunteers, to march on the town of Milford, so as to turn the enemy's left and rear and intercept his retreat to the northeast, at the same time directing Major Marshall, with Merrill's regiment of horse, to march from Warrensburg on the same point, turning the enemy's right and rear, and forming junction with Colonel Davis. " The main body of my command occupied a -point four miles south, and ready to advance at a moment's notice, or to intercept the enemy's retreat south. Colonel Davis inarched promptly and vigorously with the forces under his command, and at a late hour in the afternoon came upon the enemy en- camped in the wooded bottom land on the west side of Blackwater, opposite the mouth of Clear Creek. His pickets were immediately driven in across the stream, which was deep, miry, and im- passable, except by a long, narrow bridge, which the enemy occupied in force, as is believed, under Colonel Ma,goffin. "Colonel Davis brought forward his force, and directed that the bridge be carried by assault. The two companies of the Fourth regular cavalry being in advance, under the command respective- ly of Lieutenant Gordon and Lieutenant Amory, were designated for that service, and were supported by the five com- panies of the First Iowa Cavalry. Lieu- tenant Gordon, of the Fourth Cavalry, led the charge in person, with the utmost gallantry and vigor, carried the bridge in fine style, and immediately formed his company on the opposite side. He was promptly followed by the other companies. The force of the enemy posted at the bridge retreated precipi- tately over a narrow open space into the woods, where his whole force was posted. The two companies of the Fourth Cav- alry formed in line at once, advanced upon the enemy, and were received with a volley of small-arms, muskets, rifles, and shot guns. One man was killed and eight w r ounded by this discharge. With one exception, all belonged to Company D, Fourth Cavalry, Lieutenant Gordon. " Lieutenant Gordon himself received several balls through the cap. Our forces still continuing to press forward, and the GALLANTRY OF POPE'S TROOPS. 6fil enemy finding his retreat south and west cut off, and that he was in presence of a large force, and at best could only pro- long the contest a short time, surrendered at discretion. His force, reported by colonel commanding, consisted of parts of two regiments of infantry and three companies of cavalry, numbering in all 1,300 men, among whom there were three colonels (Robinson. Alexander, and Magoffin), one lieutenant-colonel (Rob- inson), one major (Harris), and fifty-one commissioned company officers. About five hundred horses and mules, seventy- three wagons heavily loaded with pow- der, lead, tents, subsistence stores and supplies of various kinds, fell into our hands, as also a thousand stand of arms. " The whole force captured, with their train, were marched into the camp of the main body, reaching there about midnight. Many arms were thrown away by the enemy, in the bushes and creek, when he surrendered, and have not yet been found. ' ' It was impossible to furnish any ac- curate account of the number of prison- ers, arms, or horses when I telegraphed, as they surrendered just at dark, and were brought into camp at a late hour of the night. The weather was bitterly cold, and the troops marched as early as possible the next morning for Sedalia and Otterville. As the prisoners and arms were at once sent down to St. Louis, I have not yet had the opportunity of making an accurate count of them. The numbers, as stated, were reported to me by Colonel Robinson, their commander, by Colonel J. C. Davis, and by Major Torrence, Iowa Cavalry. "The forces under Colonel Davis be- haved with great gallantry, and the con- duct of Colonel Davis himself was dis- tinguished. "I desire to present to your special notice Colonel J. C. Davis, Indiana Vol- unteers ; Major Hubbard, First Missouri Cavalry, and Lieutenant Gordon, Fourth regular cavalry. Both officers and men behaved well throughout. " Within five days, the infantry com- posing this expedition have marched one hundred miles, the cavalry more than double that distance have swept the whole country of the enemy west of Se- dalia as far as Rose Hill, to a line within fifteen miles of the Osage have captured nearly fifteen hundred (1,500) prisoners, twelve hundred (1,200) stand of arms, nearly one hundred (100) wagons, and a large quantity of supplies. ' ' The march alone would do credit to old soldiers, as it gives me pleasure to state that it has been performed with cheerfulness and alacrity. The troops re-occupied their camps at Sedalia and Otterville just one week after they marched out of them. " I am, Captain, " Your obedient servant, " JOHN POPE, " Brigadier-General Commanding. " To Captain J. C. KELTON, A. A. G., Depart- ment of Missouri." The effect upon the enemy of the suc- cess of General Pope's expedition was momentarily very great. General Price's camp at Springfield was seized with a 662 THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH. sudden panic, and a large portion of his disorganized army fled in dismay, de- stroying the bridges behind them. This destruction of bridges by the disorderly bands of secessionists throughout the State was promptly met by a determina- tion, on the part of General Halleck, to execute all those caught and found guilty of the barbarous act. Some of the per- petrators having been seized, General Halleck resolved upon their execution. This led to a protest on the part of General Price, who claimed for them the rights of military prisoners. General Halleck, however, answered firmly with the declaration, that bridge-burners, while not acting immediately under a duly organized military command, in the course of regular warfare, were not en- titled to be treated as soldiers, and that they would be held as criminals. General Pope's successful expedition was soon followed by other spirited at- tacks upon the enemy. Colonel Birge, Dec. with a battalion of sharp-shooters 28 and two hundred cavalry under Col. Glover, attacked the enemy encamped near Mount Zion Church, Broome Coun- ty, and completely routed them. " The rebels lost in killed, wounded, and missing not less than one hundred and fifty. Ninety horses were taken, and a load of arms, saddles, and all their camp equipage. Our loss, eight or nine killed and about twenty-five wounded."* Again, two hundred of the First Iowa Cavalry, a hundred and fifty of the First Wisconsin Cavalry, under Ma- jor Hubbard, and some Ohio Cavalry, St. Louis Demxrat. 1862. numbering in all four hundred and j an , fifty troopers, attacked the enemy's $ camp of a thousand men, posted on Sil- ver Creek/ After a struggle of an hour the enemy fled, leaving seven dead on the field, forty prisoners, and all their camp equipage and stores. The whole Federal loss amounted only to four killed and three wounded.* General Halleck, having finally suc- ceeded in establishing order in a depart- ment which he had found in a state of confusion from the loose administration of his predecessor, in checking manifes- tations of disloyalty within the scope of his military rule, and in organizing and disciplining his army, was prepared to make a grand effort to clear Missouri of the enemy, and to restore the State to the Federal authority. General Price, presuming on the long delayed advance of the Union troops, had concentrated at Springfield a force estimated at 12,000 men, and pushed his picket guards fifteen miles beyond to the north and east. He was, moreover, in expectation, as it was rumored, of being strengthened by large reinforcements un- der General Mclntosh, from Arkansas. There was a combined movement of the Federal troops with the view of con- centrating at Lebanon. The divisions of Colonel Asboth and General Sigel moved at the beginning of February from Holla, in that direction. Generals Davis, Cur- tis, and Prentiss had, with their respect- ive forces, marched for the same point. c The guerrilla character which the war in Missouri as- sumed at this time, makes it impracticable to trace all its operations in detail. PRICE'S RETREAT. 663 General Price, in command of the enemy at Springfield, seemed greatly alarmed at this combined movement, and is said to have harangued his troops, declaring that they were surrounded, and must decide either to surrender or fight. They resolved to fight. The weather was exceedingly unfavor- able for a rapid march, but the various divisions of the Federal army, though delayed by the swollen streams and the miry roads, continued steadily to advance, and reaching Lebanon formed together and prepared to move forward to Spring- field. General Curtis, who commanded in chief, formed his army in three divisions, placing the right under Colonel Jeffer- son C. Davis, the centre under General Sigel, and the left under General Carr. Feb. Thus formed, the army marched 11 forward toward Springfield. On the day after setting out, the advance guard came into collision with the enemy. During the first skirmish, nine of the secessionists were killed, while the Unionists had but one man slightly Feb. wounded. The second affair, which 12. occurred in the evening, was some- what more severe : 300 of the enemy attacked the Federal picket guards, but were driven back with a loss of thirty. This was supposed to be an offer of battle, and accordingly General Curtis advanced a force of cavalry and infantry, with a battery which was mounted upon a hill, to command the road by which it was supposed the enemy were about to ad- vance from Springfield. The guns hav- ing opened fire, and no response being made, the troops which had been thrown forward were withdrawn, leaving, how- ever, a strong guard. During the night nothing occurred while the Federal army was resting on its arms, expectant of an attack, but a skirmishing fire between the pickets. At three o'clock in the morning the Unionists moved for- p e fo. ward in line of battle, and at the IS. break of day the third division with the Fourth Iowa Regiment in advance, en- tered Springfield and took possession of the town without resistance. General Price had retreated with his army but a few hours before, leaving only his sick, some six hundred or more, behind/" The appearance of their quarters, which the enemy had evidently hoped to occupy for the winter, is thus de- scribed by a correspondent of the New York Herald: "The winter quarters erected in Springfield by Price's army, and which they abandoned in complete order, will accommodate 10,000 men without being over-crowded. They consist of log and board structures, the former well chinked with mud and clay, and the latter built generally tight and comfortable. Most of them have a flooring of boards, and are all furnished with substantial brick fire- places and chimneys, some of the largest buildings having two or three. Berths are arranged in tiers, like those ou steamboats and sleeping cars, and every portion of space is carefully economized. Some of these habitations are roofed with raw hides, and there are numerous chairs seated with the same material. In some of the camps these buildings are promiscuously dropped down, while in others they are arranged in streets and lanes, according to the highest style of urban regularity. The appearance of the cantonment attests the haste of departure. There are cooking utensils containing the remains of the last meal, porkers lying dead on the ground with the fatal gash in their throats and the knife lying beside them, sheep partially flayed and disembowelled, dough mixed in the pans or poured on the ground, with the " ripple marks" still freshly distinct, and whisky bottles whence the last drink has been drained, but in which the scent of the Bourbon is lingering still. The people of Springfield and the rebel sick left behind say that they were deficient in tents, blankets, and clothing, and that they will suffer sadly from thus being driven from their comfortable quarters to bivouac in the open air. They fully expected to remain here the entire winter." 664 THE AVAR WITH THE SOUTH. General Curtis, without delay, fol- lowed in pursuit of the retreating enemy and sent out at the same time scouting parties of cavalry to capture any bands of the secessionists that might be strag- gling from their main body. It was thus that Brigadier-General Price, the son of General Sterling Price, was captured at Warsaw, together with several other officers belonging to the staff of the rebel chief, and 500 recruits under their charge. General Curtis moved on with great speed toward the Arkansas border, whither the enemy were hastening. Coming up with the rear guard of Price, several skirmishes ensued, in the course of which a few on both sides were killed and a large number of the enemy's strag- glers taken prisoners. Curtis continued his pursuit, following the enemy into Arkansas. Here, however, General Price, having been reinforced by 18 General Ben McCulloch, made a stand at Sugar Creek, and " was defeated," said General Halleck, in his brief tele- graphic dispatch, after a short en- f e fo, gagement, and again fled. Many 20, rebel prisoners were taken, and the arms which Price's men threw away in their flight ; but the enemy claimed to have won the advantage, stating that their loss was but 100, while that of the Union army was treble the number. Thus Missouri was effectually cleared of the main force of the enemy, and apparently forever secured to the Union, while to the success of the Federal arms in that State was added the tri- umph of having once more hoisted the United States flag upon the soil of Ar- kansas. PART 1 THE WAR FOR THE UNION!! ILLUSTRATIONS BY F. O. C. BARLEY. PRICE, 25C. COPYRIGHT WORK. SOLD ONLY TO SUBSCRIBERS. Now in course of Pullication, in Parts, 2 5 cents each, THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH: AN ILLUSTRATED of % (limit American |UkIIi0it BY ROBERT TOMES, M.D., AUTHOR OF " BATTLES OF AMERICA," " THE AMERICANS IN JAPAN," JOINT EDITOR OF " UNITED STATES EXPEDITION TO JAPAN," ETC., ETC. Tins will be a complete history of the present war. All the engagements, both naval and military, will be described with the utmost fullness of detail and accuracy of observation. To secure these essential requisites to a faithful history, the Author has visited the fields of the principal battles already fought, and the chief scenes of our present military operations where the most important future events of the great struggle will probably occur. This ad- vantage of personal observation will be continued throughout the course of the publication, v so that it may never be without the freshness of originality or the soundness of truth. The work will contain not only descriptions of the battles, but present a continuous narrative of the history of the war, and a record of the political transactions relating to it, with biogra- phies of the statesmen and military and naval officers who shall bear a conspicuous part in its conduct. It will be uniform with, and a natural sequel to, "TiiE BATTLES OP AMERICA," and it will thus complete the naval and military history of the country to the present time. To render such a History more interesting as well as attractive, the Publishers have engaged the services of that eminent American artist F. 0. C. DARLEY to furnish original designs for the work. Other Eminent Artists will contribute important illustrations, including Birds-eye Views of our principal defenses and Maps of the surrounding country. Authentic Portraits of the most prominent characters will also be given the whole being engraved on steel in the tirst style of art. CONDITIONS OF PUBLICATION. The work will be printed in a clear, bold type, on superfine, calendered paper, and will be issued in Parts, at Twenty-five Cents each. Each part will be payable on delivery, the carrier not being al- In case of subscribers moving, or not being- regularly supplied, a note addressed to the Publishers, by mail, will receive immediate attention. It is intended to complete the work in about thirty Parts; and the lowed to give credit or receive payment hi advance. [ Publishers will endeavor not to exceed that number. VIRTUE AND COMPANY, 26 JOHN STREET, NEW YORK. BOSTON. . . . -13 TKEMONT Row. ALBANY 21 Douw's BUILDINGS. BALTIMORE 24 SECOND STREET. CHICAGO 117 S. CLARKE STREET. CINCINNATI 28 SHORT'S BUILDINGS. DETROIT . . Cor. WOODWARD and JEFFERSON Av's. PHILADELPHIA 222 WALNUT STREET. PITTSBURG 164 THIRD STREET. PORTLAND 161 MIDDLE STREET. PROVIDENCE 26 EXCHANGE PLACE. WASHINGTON 488 SEVENTH STREET And Sold by tbeir Agents in all the Principal Cities throughout the United States and Canadas. PART i THE WAR FOR THE UNION!! ILLUSTRATIONS 15 Y F. (). (\ DARLKY. PRICE, 25c. COPYRIGHT WORK. SOLD ONLY TO SU 15SCKI HKHS. Now in course of Publication, in Parts, 25 cents each, THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH: AN ILLUSTRATED listo 0f tin dirat American Etbdliflii. ' "-o vj/ ^_> BY ROBERT TOMES, M. D., AUTHOR OF " BATTLES OF AMERICA," " THE AMERICANS IN JAPAN," JOINT EDITOR OF " UNITED STATES EXPEDITION TO JAPAN," ETC., ETC. Tins will be a complete history of the present war. All the engagements, both naval and military, will be described with the utmost fullness of detail and accuracy of observation. To secure these essential requisites to a faithful history, the Author has visited the fields of the principal battles already fought, and the chief scenes of our present military operations where the most important future events of the great struggle will probably occur. This ad- vantage of personal observation will be continued throughout the course of the publication, so that it may never be without the freshness of originality or the soundness of truth. The work will contain not only descriptions of the battles, but present a continuous narrative of the history of the war, and a record of the political transactions relating to it, with biogra- phies of the statesmen and military and naval officers who shall bear a conspicuous part in its conduct. It will be uniform with, and a natural sequel to, "THE BATTLES OF AMERICA," and it will thus complete the naval and military history of the country to the present time. To render such a History more interesting as well as attractive, the Publishers have engaged the services of that eminent American artist F. 0. C. DARLEY to furnish original designs for the work. Other Eminent Artists will contribute important illustrations, including Birds-eye View r s of our principal defenses and Maps of the surrounding country. Authentic Portraits of the most prominent characters will also be given the whole being engraved on steel in the tirst style of art. CONDITIONS OF PUBLICATION. The work will be printed in a clear, bold type, on superfine, calendered paper, and will be issued in Parts, at Twenty-five Cents each. Each part will be payable on delivery, the carrier not being al- In case of subscribers moving, 'or not being regularly supplied, a note addressed to the Publishers, by mail, will receive immediate attention. It is intended to complete the work in about thirty I'arts; and the lowed to give credit or receive payment in advance. j Publishers will endeavor not to exceed that number. VIRTUE AND COMPANY, 26 JOHN STREET, NEW YORK. BOSTON . . 13 TREMONT Row. ALBANY 21 Douw's BUILDINGS. BALTIMORE 24 SECOND STREET. CHICAGO 1 17 S. CLARKE STREET. CINCINNATI 2* SHOBT'S BUILDINGS. DETROIT . . Cor. WOODWARD and JEFFERSON Av's. PHILADELPHIA 222 WALNUT STREET. PITTSBURG 164 THIRD STREET. PORTLAND '. 161 MIDDLE STREET. PROVIDENCE 26 EXCHANGE PLACE. WASHINGTON 488 SEVENTH STREET And Sold by their Agents in all the I-riucipal Cities throughout the United States and Cauadus. PART 3 THE WAR FOR THE UNION!! ILLUSTRATIONS BY F. O. C. BARLEY. PRICE, 25C. COPYRIGHT WORK. SOLD ONLY TO SUBSCRIBERS. NEW NATIONAL WORK ON THE PRESENT WAR. Now in course of Publication, in Parts, 2 5 cents each, THE WAR WITH THE SOUTH: AN ILLUSTRATED fistaw of tk ^reat Sbmcsn IldjeUimt. "<> ^~^ ( -- ^ BY ROBERT TOMES, M.D., AUTHOR OF " BATTLES OF AMERICA," " THE AMERICANS IN JAPAN," JOINT EDITOR OF " UNITED STATES EXPEDITION TO JAPAN," ETC., ETC. THIS will be a complete history of the present war. All the engagements, both naval and military, will be described with the utmost fullness of detail and accuracy of observation. To secure these essential requisites to a faithful history, the Author has visited the fields of the principal battles already fought, and the chief scenes of our present military operations where the most important future events of the great struggle will probably occur. This ad- vantage of personal observation will be continued throughout the course of the publication, so that it may never be without the freshness of originality or the soundness of truth. The work will contain not only descriptions of the battles, but present a continuous narrative of the history of the war, and a record of the political transactions relating to it, with biogra- phies of the statesmen and military and naval officers who shall bear a conspicuous part in its conduct. It will be uniform with, and a natural sequel to, "THE BATTLES OF AMERICA," and it will thus complete the naval and military history of the country to the present time. To render such a History more interesting as well as attractive, the Publishers have engaged the services of that eminent American artist F. 0. C. DARLEY to furnish original designs for the work. Other Eminent Artists will contribute important illustrations, including Birds-eye Views of our principal defenses and Maps of the surrounding country. Authentic Portraits of the most prominent characters will also be given the whole being engraved on steel in the first style of art. CONDITIONS OP PUBLICATION. The work will be printed in a clear, bold type, on superfine, calendered paper, and will be issued in Parts, at Twenty-five Cents each. Each part will be payable on delivery, the carrier not being al- lowed to give credit or receive payment in advance. In case of subscribers moving, or not being regularly supplied, a note addressed to the Publishers, by mail, will receive immediate attention. It is intended to complete the work in about thirty Parts ; and the Publishers will endeavor not to exceed that number. VIRTUE AND COMPANY, 26 JOHN STREET, NEW YORK. BOSTON . . 13 TREMONT Row. ALBANY 21 Douw's BUILDINGS. BALTIMORE 24 SECOND STREET. CHICAGO 117 S. CLARKE STREET. CINCINNATI 2S SHORT'S BUILDINGS. DETROIT . . Cor. WOODWARD and JEFTEBSOX Av's. PHILADELPHIA 222 WALNUT STREET PITTSBURG 164 THIRD STREET. PORTLAND 161 MIDDLE STREET. PROVIDENCE 26 EXCHANGE PLACE. WASHINGTON 488i SEVENTH STREET And Sold by their Agents in all the Principal Cities throughout the United States and Canadas. PART 4 THE WAR FOR THE UNION!! ILLUSTRATIONS BY F. O. C. BARLEY. PRICE, 25c. COPYRIGHT WORK. SOLD ONLY TO SUBSCRIBERS. PREMIUM PLATE!! THE Publishers will give with this edition of the " BATTLES .or AMERICA," as a Premium, the splendidly engraved Portrait Of Lieut, -General WIKFIELD SCOTT. Size, 19 by 24 inches. The likeness, taken from a fine photograph, is pronounced by the press and other competent authorities, to be THE BEST YET PUBLISHED. BATTLES OP AMERICA BY SEA AND LAND: A COMPLETE NAVAL AND MILITARY HISTORY OF THE COUNTRY, giogtapljical Sluices uf 6mt totoil HU& Iftilttarg C0mmanhrs t an& Illustrative guurirotcs. BY ROBERT TOMES, M.D., Author of u The Americans in Japan" joint editor of U. S. Government Expedition to Japan, etc., etc. THE national character of the " BATTLES OF AMERICA," as a record of the many triumphs of our countrymen on land and sea, commends it to every patriotic heart. The most elaborate research has been diligently exercised to give historical fullness and accuracy to the work, while the natural desire of readers to be entertained as well as instructed has been duly considered. It will not be found a mere dull record of dates and events, but a history as history should always be of the life of the times. The skeleton annals of public occurrences have been rilled in and vitalized with biographical accounts, sketches r.f manners and character, descriptions of scenery, and well-authenticated illustrative anecdotes. Of the various books on American History, the work now issued is believed to be the first and only complete and comprehensive one on the subject of which it treats, inasmuch as it commences with the Colonial War with France, and includes the Revolutionary Struggle, the War of 1812, and the Mexican Campaigns. In its pages the reader will find a full account of all the glorious achievements of our soldiers and sailors deeds of which every American is so justly proud. No book could be more appropriately brought under public notice at the present time than the " BATTLES OF AMERICA BY SEA AND LAND ;" and, confident in the faithfulness and ability displayed in its execution, the Publishers unhesitatingly present it to the American public as a truly patriotic and NATIONAL WORK. The illustrations, chiefly from original drawings by those eminent American artists, F. 0. C. Darley, Alonzo Chappell, J. R. Chapin, and others, consisting of battle scenes by sea and land and other important incidents, as well as portraits of naval and military commanders, are all engraved on steel, in the first style of art. CONDITIONS OF PUBLICATION. The work will be printed in a clear, bold type, on superfine calendered paper, and will be issued in parts, at Twenty-five Cents each. No order received for less than the entire work. In cases of subscribers removing, or not being regularly supplied, a note addressed to the Publishers, by mail, will receive immediate attention. The work will be completed in about Fifty Parts. VIRTUE & CO., 26 JOHN STREET, NEW YORK, And sold by their Af/ents throughout the United States and Canada. RETURN TO the circulation desk of any University of California Library or to the NORTHERN REGIONAL LIBRARY FACILITY Bldg. 400, Richmond Field Station University of California Richmond, CA 94804-4698 ALL BOOKS MAY BE RECALLED AFTER 7 DAYS 2-month loans may be renewed by calling (510)642-6753 1-year loans may be recharged by bringing books to NRLF Renewals and recharges may be made 4 days prior to due date, DUE AS STAMPED BELOW 12,000(11/95) w 324488 *&:$