BijOlif' ;' -if ^ ■
ijpSfffe;i££3;Li*fes
PHMMMMIIMMHMHIOTPVH'nHMHH
THE THIRTY YEARS
' . .' .:.;-■.-..."'... . :;■ ; r"." : ■.-■.'"■'... ■ : .': \. - . - _■:-.'■■■■
T?
f
a«Mt
By ADOLPHUS L. FITZGERALD
r
i mMiK HXtfaawncaMBg
wwm
iM 1im r w ii i iwii m ii>i)iii»iiniiiiiii
» u
cUJ-t^a^o*-*] jZ.
THE THIRTY YEARS'
WAR ON SILVER
MONEY SCIENTIFICALLY TREATED
AND LOGICALLY PRESENTED
By A. L. FITZGERALD
Justice Supreme Court of Nevada
The earth is wronged by man's oppression."
CHICAGO
AINSWORTH &° COMPANY
I903
Copyright, 1903,
By Adolphus L. Fitzgerald
■
I ■
> >
■
I
1 I ■
as
.-r
jElrdimtarg
TO EVERY HONEST MAN AND WOMAN IN THE
UNITED STATES
388474
• r t • <
» . * ' » • «
• _ • » • •
• • •
• •• * ...
> • • « * *
* r
9 *
» t
1 < '
•♦•• -•. • • •
■ • • 4 •
PREFATORY.
Imagination anticipates the exclamation, " Another
book on Money! What can possibly be its raison
d'etre? " Its reason for asking the boon of existence
is this : its author, notwithstanding tbe multitude and
magnitude of books, pamphlets and speeches on money,
believed that the question had not been solved, although
so profound a thinker as John Stuart Mill " thought the
theory of value complete, and feared to say more lest he
should leave nothing for the reader to do."
Hence three great motives, rather three aspects or views
of one great motive, impelled the author to venture upon
asking attention to one more. This motive was love of
truth, — love of truth in science, truth in humanity and
truth in patriotism, or love of one's native country. The
principle believed in and adopted was that all truth and
every truth is good, and all error and every error is bad,
and that the great duty of the noble of earth is to battle
for the overthrow of the latter and the establishment of
the former. Love of justice, too, was an equally animating
principle, for truth and justice never yet had conflict with
each other; but their contests have always been a joint
one against error and injustice.
If, then, this volume should aid in the unfolding and
establishment of truth in monetary science, truth in
humanity, even to the doing of justice to the millions of
China and India whose money has been destroyed by what
to them is foreign power, and truth in patriotism or love
of his own country, the God-favored land of Uncle Sam,
_— ^ S
6 Prefatory
and honesty and safety in business, — then whatever may
be the magnitude of the contumely that may be heaped
upon him therefor, the author will always, even in the
hour when the bright beauty of this fair world shall be
forever fading from his view, rejoice that he had the
strength of body and the courage of soul to undertake
the work.
The " gold men," those who wish money dear and men
cheap, the dollar and its owner powerful and arrogant
and men weak and humble, will take no pleasure in its
perusal. They who wish to bring the world to such a
condition in its finances, industries and governments that
they can with satisfaction contemplate the sad state of
things when it may truthfully be said of humanity that
by it venerium in auro bibitur [poison is drunk from a
cup of gold], will turn in hatred from the truths herein-
after stated. The Constitution-breakers, — those in the
Congress (Senate and House), and those too in other
departments of the Federal government, nay, rather and
properly, other departments of the Federal public service,
the silver demonetizers and the greenback monetizers,
— will be deeply offended hereby. But though " the
heathen rage, and the people imagine a vain thing,"-
that men were made for the dollar, and not the dollar for
men, — yet the truth shall not be shaken thereby or the
author's soul uncalmed. The first will march steadily on
to its final triumph over its enemy, error, and the second,
unmoved, will witness the conflict, always while living
trusting to that great heart of humanity in each truly
American bosom that ever throbs in unison with science,
truth, justice and fair-dealing among men, those sure har-
bingers and producers of the progress of the race of man
on the earth, — that true progress ordained in the eternal
counsels of the All-Father aforetime for all his children,
Prefatory 7
and not alone for the powerful, the cunning, the unscru-
pulous, the unshackled few.
In the days before the invention of the equalizing
weapon, men wisely, lawfully and rightfully joined them-
selves together in societies to protect themselves from
the physically overstrong who used their unusual strength
not to protect, but to oppress their weaker fellowmcn ;
so now the public service society, composed of all fair-
minded people, should join themselves together for the
people's protection from the mentally overstrong who use
their unusual strength in finance. Godlike knowledge and
power though it be, for the Satanic purpose of self-
aggrandizement, self-exaltation and self-glorification,
though marching thereto over the dead bodies of thou-
sands and the wrecked happiness of millions, and not for
the divine purpose for which such great financial strength
was given to them, to wit, to improve man physically,
mentally and morally ; make his sojourn here on earth
happy ; and that he, taught by the example of the great
and the powerful, who are at the same time also the good,
make his soul holy, fit for " that house not made with
hands, eternal in the heavens."
Especially in these days, and even far more so than in
those in which the noble old Roman uttered the words,
may it be said, "Auri sacra fames! " [Accursed greed of
gold!]
Wisdom and goodness framed the Constitution of the
United States, of course including the scientific monetary
system therein contained, and the unwisdom of cunning
should no longer be permitted to break the Constitution
or overthrow its wise financial plan. Modern greed for
gold should be taught, if need be, sternly taught, —
though it is fervently prayed that the mild means of
reason may suffice therefor, — that man is more than the
8 Prefatory
dollar; that the well-being of man is the object to be at-
tained, and that money is only a means thereto ; his well-
being the final cause and money one of the many and truly
very great efficient causes therefor.
Likewise will another thought ever be a pleasing reflec-
tion, should this book in any degree aid in accomplishing
the result and purpose above outlined. That thought is
this, that the. injustice perpetrated upon all those who had
stored their years of labor in (i) silver coin, (2) silver
bullion. (3) silver mines and mining machinery and min-
ing buildings and homes in mining camps, (4) in learn-
ing the art and craft of scientific mining, and (5) in
learning the art and craft of practical mining, when the
value of their property was legislated out of it by the
usurped power of the Federal Congress of 1873 and its
successors, — when that great and cruel injustice is done
away, it will ever be a solace and comfort to the author
in his moments of joy or sadness to think that his little
volume may in some small degree have contributed to the
happy result.
Twelve long years of unsuccessful oral effort among
the politicians local to Nevada, and over three years
among those general to the whole United States, to get
the views contained in this volume embodied in political
platforms and policies, State and national, for the pur-
pose of having them put into operation in the practical
administration of the public financial service, has well
taught the author the ever-to-be-kept-in-view lesson
that —
" Whoever makes an effort to be useful is soon called
upon to make a second effort to bear the disappointment
of his want of success."
Notwithstanding such apathy of the politicians, the
" Giant Despair " has not yet altogether throttled him.
Prefatory 9
He now makes appeal from the adverse judgment against
his oral efforts before the politicians through this, his
printed effort, to the people — to the people, that august
tribunal, by whose judgment, after the question shall
have been fully, fairly and properly presented to it, he is
perfectly willing to abide.
As an apologetic for the fact that quotations from other
tongues and translations of them into English are given,
it is stated that without the quotations, the meaning in-
tended could not have been so well or clearly expressed ;
and without the translations, not so well understood by
some who perhaps may read.
The author cannot refrain from here expressing his
indebtedness to his clear-headed and practical friend,
G. McM. Ross, Esq., of Virginia City, Nevada, for valu-
able and timely suggestions made, aid rendered and en-
couragement given during the writing and preparation of
this book.
A closing thought it is hoped may be permitted : the
book is an expression, feeble indeed though it be, of the
author's gratitude to the miners and others of the long
hard-used State of Nevada for their many years of kind-
ness to him ; and now, with the hope that it may be bene-
ficial to them and to the toiling millions elsewhere upon
the earth, " The Thirty Years War " on silver is com-
mended to, it is hoped, a not unkind public.
A. L. Fitzgerald.
Carson, Ncv., August, 1903.
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
PART I.
What is Honey in the General Sense of the Term ?
CHAPTER I.
The Definitions and Concepts of Money Gen-
erally Given by Writers on Economics 33
Topics of Chapter I. — The Definition and Concept of the
Encyclopedia Britannica — Most Important- — Medium of
Exchange — Standard of Comparison — Money — Com-
mon Denominator or Common Measure of Value —
Standard of Deferred Payments — Storing Value : Those
of Charles S. Devas — Money — Currency ■ — Legal Ten-
der : Those of Lyman J. Gage — Conundrum — How
Money Came Into Existence — Inconvenience of Barter
— The Medium of Exchange - — A Storehouse for Value
— A Paper Promise — Queer Results of Shifting Prices:
Those of Prof. J. Laurence Laughlin — Money is Merely
a " Road," Not the Place to Which the Road Leads :
Those of the Hon. Thomas B. Reed — Money is a " Hay-
rack " — A Challenge — Incidents — Confession of Adam
Smith — A Noble Confession — Deep, Dark, Difficult,
Abstract and Obscure Subject.
CHAPTER II.
Showing the Errors of the Common and Even
Universally Accepted Views 49
Topics of Chapter II. — The Accepted Definition of Money
— Restated in Compact Form — (1) Medium of Ex-
12 Table of Contents
change; (2) Measure of Value; (3) Measure or Stan-
dard of Deferred Payments — Criticism of the Definition
— Mental Confusion, Third Point Included in Second
— Second Point False or Meaningless — Illustrations —
Definition of Definition — Worst Definition Ever Made
— First Point False or Meaningless — Illustrations —
The Three Points Gone — Not a Step Made Toward a
Definition of Money — Mere Incidents of Money — A
Pertinent Question — Whence? — How? — The Answer
— The Law — Declaring Some Thing or Things Tender.
CHAPTER III.
The True Concept and Definition of Money. ... 54
SECTION I. — General Statement.
Topics of Section I. — Motion Made — "The Thirty Years'
War" — Royal Metals — In Europe Down to 1816 — In
the States Down to Formation of the Federal Constitu-
tion — Social Civility — Entreaty — True Definition of
Money — Tender, Commonly Called "Legal Tender" —
Economic Atmosphere Clears Up.
SECTION II. — Specific Statement.
Topics of Section II. — Resulting from Tender, Two Attri-
butes: (1) Payer of Debts; (2) Discharger of Obliga-
tions—Resulting from These Three, Two Characteris-
tics: (1) Common Measure of Value; (2) Medium of
Exchange — Resulting from These Five, Several Inci-
dents : (1) Measure or Standard of Deferred Payments;
(2) Storer of Value — The Unit — The Triad — The
Pentad — The Septad.
SECTION III. — Attributes of Money, to Wit, the Paver
of Debts and Discharger of Obligations.
Topics of Section III. — Meaning of Debt — Three Ele-
ments: (1) Money; (2) Amount; (3) Contract — Pay-
ing a Debt — Tender Pays, and Nothing Else Pays — Il-
lustration, Offers of Substitutes — Suit, Attachment,
Table of Contents 13
Ruin — " Standard Dollar " and Greenbacks — An-
other Illustration, Ten Thousand Dollars at Five Per
Cent a Month — The Remedy is Tender, No Other
Remedy — Duty of Sovereignty — Sovereignty Monetizes,
Citizen Cannot Demonetize — Congressional Enactment
That the Citizen or Foreigner Can Demonetize the
"Standard Dollar !"— Effect of Tender — Further Illus-
tration — Horses, Other Commodities, Lands, Cubic Yard
of Uncoined Gold, National Bank Notes, etc., etc. — Still
Further Illustration — Thousand Horses, Failure to De-
liver, Remedy, Damages in Money, Property Sold for
Money, This Pays "Debt" — Language Contradictory —
Tort — Remedy — " Pays Debt " — Viewed from Another
Point — " Tender Amends " — Discharges Obligation —
Second Attribute, the Discharger of Obligations —
Reader Congratulated — Commentary on the History of
the Times.
SECTION IV. — Characteristics of Money: the Measure
of Value and the Medium of Exchange.
Topics of Section IV. — The First Characteristics (a)
Common Denominator of Value — "Common Measure of
Value " — Meaning of Term — Professor Laughlin — His
Axiom — His Influence — Measure and Measured Must
be of the Same Kind — Length by Length, etc. — Gold
Solomons —" Incident as Closed " — Definition of a Frac-
tion — Numerator and Denominator — Illustrations :
Sheep, Hogs, Cows, Horses — Not the Invention of the
Author — Statement in Proportion — Mathematical Ab-
surdity — I-^0=ce,2-^0=05,3-^0=(>o, 1,000,000
-f = 05 — Ergo, 1 = 1 ,000,000 ! — Divine Right — Bank-
ers Dictating the Legislation on Money — Laws of the No-
bility, Crimes and Punishments — Class-law Makers — 1 =
2 ! — 1 = 3! — 1 = 1,000,000 ! — Climax — " Fiat Money "
— Sublime Language — (b) The Common Measure of
Value — An Incident — Old Pocketknife and Cigar Case
— The Gold Solomon's Money — Photograph of Knife
— "Unstop Ears," "Uncover Eyes" — Another Incident
— Benighted West — Mountain of Prejudice, Wall of Ig-
norance — Professor Laughlin — Best Comment — Hon.
14 Table of Contents
Thomas Bracket Reed — "Hay Rack," Wagon — The
Boeotia of America — Two Boeotias — One Large Boeotia
Except — Henry George's Definition of Money — Defects
of All Definitions Given Are Three — Too General —
Illustration — In What Sense Is It True That Money Is
the Common Measure of Value? — Not in the "Broad"
Sense — Not in the " Breezy " Sense — Chimeras Dire —
— The Apparent Thing and the Real Thing — Apparent
Good and Real Good — Apparent and Real Measure of
Value — Illustration — Safe or Unsafe Banking — De-
posit of Government Bonds — Absolute Necessity of Ten-
der — Strange Proposition — Law of Contracts is Abol-
ished — Court Could Not Enforce Contract — No Such
Thing as Money, or Representative of Money — Case
i: Commodity as Measure — Wheat — Fatal Objections
— Wheat Money! — Illustration: Money Vaults, Wheat
Bins ! — No Longer Almighty Dollar, but Almighty
Wheat ! — Illustration — Case 2 : Twelve Commodities
— Jury Selecting Money — "Hung Jury" — Number 1 —
Potato Money — Risings and Fallings Various — Mathe-
matical Experts — Science, Knowledge ! — Staple Money
— Case 3 : Plaintiff or Defendant Endowed with Sov-
ereignty — Why the Cry About Measure of Value
Changing? — Credit Sales — Cash Sales — No Difference
Between Them — Barter — Law and Medicine — Jane —
Money a Yardstick, etc. — Quantitative and Qualitative
Theories — ■ Mahomet — One Ten-dollar Gold-piece in
the World ! — Like Measures Like — A Hundred Yards
— Difference Between Yardstick and Money — Four
Points — Other Differences — Two Kinds of Yardstick
Wood — Gross Injustice — Other Material — Crime —
The Yardstick of 72 Inches — The Crushed Man and His
Family — Enactments Not Laws — Reservoir — Golden
Thread — Payment Itself — Credit Not Sufficient —
The Yardsticks Equal All Other Things — First Step in
the World Enslavement — Micropolis and Megalopolis —
Witenagemote — Nagrom — Apparent Basis, True Basis
— The General Measure of Value — "The Goose Hawks
High" — Mr. Nagrom's Health — "Heartless Lawyers"
— Typical Case — " Ninety-five Per Cent " — Ninety-five
Table of Contents 15
Per Cent Fools ! — World Made Wrong — Business on
Lottery Basis! — Fiat Money — Two Great Blunders —
Palace Car — Special Medium of Exchange — No Uni-
versal Medium of Exchange — Direct Exchange, Barter
— Striking Instances of Mental Confusion and Error —
Must Take It Unless He Prefers Not to — Legal Tender
Not Money! — Incidents of Money — Standard of De-
ferred Payments — Storer of Value — The Store Place
and the Store — Can a Valueless Thing Be a Storer of
Value ? — Metaphorical Use — Petitio Principii — Igno-
ratio Elenchi — Legislating Value into a Thing — War
Times Times of Temporary Prosperity — The Physical
Qualities of Money Material — Nine Qualities — The
Monument.
PART II.
What is Honey in the United States of America?
CHAPTER IV.
Nature of the Government 145
SECTION I. — The Three Fundamental Forms of Gov-
ernment.
Topics of Section I. — The Convention of 1787 — Monarchy,
Aristocracy, Democracy — Monarchy Absolute ■ — Mon-
archy Limited — Aristocracy — Soon Becomes Kakis-
tocracy — The Great Have Not Historical Heirs- — " Eter-
nal Vigilance " — ■ Oligarchy — Mere Paucity — Political
Superstition — Etymology — The Bull a Symbol- — The
Charge Against Prometheus — Ancestral Boasting —
Democracy, Two Kinds — Democracy Direct — Impos-
sible — Nevada — Original Thirteen States — Eighty Mil-
lions.
SECTION II. — Form of Government of the United States.
Topics of Section II. — Democracy, Indirect or Representa-
tive—The Character of the Men of 1787 — The Four
Grand Divisions of the Government — The Theory —
1 6 Table of Contents
Things General, Things Local — ■ Doctrine Hedged About
— Tenth Amendment — Only One Source of Power- —
Interpretation, Conscience — "Reserved" — The First
Grand Division of the Attributes of Sovereignty — In-
stances of Powers Not Granted — The Power to Make
Amendments — National Divorce Law — Declare Money
— Lame and Impotent Conclusion ■ — The Second Grand
Division of the Attributes of Sovereignty — The Three-
fold Division of the Legislative Department — The
House of Representatives — The Present — The Past —
Wisdom — Folly — The Power of the " Veto " Power —
The Title Governor — Misnomer — Executive — Royal
Governor — Reverse Superstition ■ — Titles of Federal
Officers — Division and Subdivision of Attributes —
"Haul Down the Flag" — Strike Down the Constitution
— Cui Bono/ — "Proves Too Much" — Abolish State
Government — Gold Solomon and Spellbinder Logic
— Artemus Ward's Logic — Remarkable Assumption —
Perjury — The Anarchist — Constitution "Played Out"
— Abraham Lincoln- — "Shall Grass Grow in the
Streets?" — "Great and Solemn Duty" — Constitution
Binding — Money is Tender — Convertible Terms.
CHAPTER V.
Constitutional Provisions Regarding Money... 174
SECTION I. — The Clauses Themselves.
Topics of Section I. — Limitation on the Power of the State
— The Borrowing Clause — The Coining Clause.
SECTION II. — A Brief Commentary on Those Clauses.
SUB-SECTION I. — Introductory.
Topics of Sub-Section I. — Thesis — Rule of Interpretation
— No Express Grant — No Implied Grant — Tender in the
Colonies.
SUB-SECTION II.— First Contention.
Topics of Sub-Section II. — Limitation on the Power of the
States — Interpretation Unique — Money "Fixed" in the
Table of Contents 17
Constitution — Vicious Interpretation — A is A and Not
A — First Illustration — Second Illustration — C mgres-
sional Jury — The Convention of 17X7 — Mr. Randolph's
Proposition — Mr. Charles Pinckney's Draft of a Fed-
eral Government — Gold, Silver or Copper a Tender —
Gold, Silver or Copper Rejected — The Committee of
Detail — Committee Elected — Committee's Report ■ —
Specie a Tender — Specie Rejected — The Committee of
Style — Committee of Style Report Digest of Plan -
Gold or Silver Coin a Tender — Gold or Silver Coin Re-
jected — Gold and Silver Coin Made the Tender —
Restatement in Brief — Standard Dictionary — Nevada
Statute of 1899 and Those of 1901 - The Prayer of the
Saxons — The Prayer of the Americans!
SUB-SECTION IIP— Second Contention.
Topics of Sub-Section III. — The Money-Borrowing Clause
— Question Stated — Non Sequitur — State Has Such
Power — Corporations Have Such Power — Each Per-
son Has Such Power — Quotation from Opinion -
Power to Borrow Money, Power to Declare Money -
Power to Sell Whisky — Language Reversed — Language
Changed — No Strength Gained from Other Powers —
Monarchy Interpreted In — Labor in Vain — Congres-
sional and Judicial Will the Supreme Law! — Making a
New Constitution — Congressional and Judicial Tyranny
Enthroned- — Some Comments on the Decision — Ten
Commandments and Declaration of Independence- — If
Not One, Then Not All — No Tendency to Include —
Treaty-making Power — Incongruity — Congressional
Money and a " Presidential "-Senatorial Money — Scho-
lastic Puzzle — Modern Puzzle — August Tribunal — Ar-
bitrary Power Enthroned ■ — Extract from Mr. Madison's
Journal — Emit Bills of Credit — Not a Tender — Power
Exists Not Without Express Grant — Safe Power,
Notes, Involved in Borrowing, but Not the Unsafe
Power, the Power of Declaring Them Tender — Door
Shut Against Paper Money — Paper Money Impossible
— No Paper Money in Europe — Beast of Revelation -
Stricken Out — Again No Tender — 9 to 2 — A and Not
2
1 8 Table of Contents
A — History of the Times — Hundred Years Later —
Provides Against Counterfeiting — Counterfeiting Two
Things Punishable: (i) Securities; (2) Current Coin
— Counterfeiting Greenbacks Not Punishable — Re-
quired Express Grant — Making a Constitution
— Much-Needed Lesson — Greenback Factories —
Strictly Construed — Counterfeiting Uncurrent Coin —
Counterfeiting Foreign Coin — Three-cent Piece — Gold-
dollar Piece — Lurking Anarchy — Accounting for the
Error — Errors of the Great — Inter Alia Two Causes of
the Error — Failure of Attorneys — Temper of the Times
— Brief of Counsel — Currency and Tender the Same
Thing ! — Tender and Evidence ! — Contradiction in
Terms — Unwarrantable Assumption — Peace and War —
The Constitution Adequate to War — Oath of Office —
Same for Peace and War — Life of the Nation — Life-
Preserving Powers — Treason — Purse — Sword — Military
Service — Shame ! — No Excuse — Preservative Destruc-
tion ! — Better Form of Government — Remedy — De-
stroy to Protect ! — The Greenback During the Civil
War and at the Present Time — Incident — Logical or
Legal Fallacy Not Shown — Two Classes : Hope from
the First, None from the Second — Remedy : Votes
in Congress — Reason in Court — Analysis of the
Greenback Objections — Mere Sentiment — Serv-
iceable Then, Harmless Now — Serviceable Then,
Harmful Now — Harmful Then and Harmful Now —
Fall of Sixty-five Per Cent — Supplies Purchased —
Prices Raised — Paid "Dollar for Dollar "— Made War
Cost Two to Three Times More — Taxing Power —
Greenbacks Now — Reserve — Money to Redeem
Money! — One Hundred Million Dollars — The Sec-
retary and the Banks — Nullifies the Quality of Tender
— Increases the Apparent Measure of Value, but Not the
R ea l — Interpretation Makes Them Money, Practice
Makes Then Mere Promise — Confusion — Attitude of
the True Patriot — Unconstitutional — Greenbacks as
Tender Unconstitutional — Guilt — Tyranny — Motive
Good — Motive Bad — Forced Loan — Money Material
Scarce or Insufficient — Inconsistency — Temper of the
Table of Contents 19
Times — Life of the Nation — Admission Fatal — As-
sumption — Two Errors in Contest — War Knded — The
Blue and the Gray — Slavery Gone — The Boxer,
"Solar Plexus" — President Lincoln — The New Danger
— The Burnt Pig: Wise Man or Nation — Main Point
Unnoticed — Power in One Only — "Vailed" — If the
Truth Wounds — Time to Unvail — Three Possible
Places — Comparison with Other Instruments — Apt
Language — Compare Similar Language — True Seat of
the Power — Seat of Coining Power.
SUB-SECTION IV.— Third Contention.
Topics of Sub-Section IV. — Same Argument — To Coin
— Who Coined — To Regulate — The Ratio — Regulate
Foreign Coin — Silver the Standard of 1792 — Struck
Down by Usurped Power in 1873 — Adopting Foreign
Coin — Golden Calf — Dagon — Apparent Measure-
No Control Over Purchasing Power — Counterfeiting —
"Better Than They Knew "■ — Oncoming Tide — The
__ Danger of Poverty — The Danger of Wealth — Narrow
the Basis of Money — Strike Out Half the Money -
Satis-production — The Shield of the Constitution —
Definition of Money — Representatives of Money — Sil-
ver Not Money — Demonetized Money! — Fractional
Silver — Savings of the Poor — Illustrative Cases — Too
Small — Classes Should he Equal as to Money — De-
ception — ■ Ten Per Cent — Congress Cannot Coin
Tokens, but Money — "What is a Token?" -Thing and
Sign — Token and Sign — A Wrong — A "Legal"
Fraud — Director of the Mint — Silver Dollar Not a
Tender — Crushing? — Tender Unless Otherwise Ex-
pressed in the Contract — Tender Declined! — Strange
Error — "Uncover Ears "■- Millionaire and Orator (?)
— " Campaign Text-books " — Dictation of Creditor -
Creditor Endowed with the Highest Attribute of Sov-
ereignty! — Debtor Legislated into Slavery — "Legal
Tender" "with a String to It" — Sinning with a Cart
Rope — Legislative Trap — Large Contracts Payable in
the True Tender — The Small Contracts Payable in Ten
der with a "Cart Rope" — Discrimination Against the
20 Table of Contents
Poor — Trap for the Unwary — Government by the Dol-
lar: Plutocracy — Charge Against Silver Men: Inconsist-
ency — Confession — Yielding to Compulsion — No Con-
fession, but a Protest — Tricky Argument — Zero — Ap-
palling Misstatement — No Silver Money, All Token —
Battle of Truth and Error — Plausible Error and Un-
palatable Truth — Even Battling for Truth is More In-
spiring — Right and Might — Wise Prayer — Coinage
Power in Congress — The Two Clauses Fixing Money
— Question Stated — Question Answered — No Over-
sight — Status of Foreign Coins Now — An Incident —
Vagueness Illustrated — "Coin Paper" — Might End Dis-
cussion.
PART III.
Views Supplementary, Corroborative and General.
CHAPTER VI.
Anticipatory Objection 241
Topics of Chapter VI. — Anticipatory Objection — Con-
temporaneous Interpretation — Statute of 1792 — Force
of the Maxim in General — Minimum Here — Never
Conclusive — Income Tax Case — No Contemporaneous
Interpretation — No Usurpation in 1792 — Mere Induce-
ment — Supposititious Case — Functions of Courts —
Testable Since 1873 Only — Protesting Submission —
Yardstick, etc. — Tender Makes Value — A Valueless
Thing — Additional Value — Law the Source of Power
— Three Per Cent — Fifty Cents Silver Legislated into
One-hundred-cent Dollar — Money the Real, Represen-
tatives the Apparent, Measure of Value- — The Source of
Mischief — Common Mass — Shrewd Financiers — Sons
and Daughters of Toil — Duty of Government.
CHAPTER VII.
Authority of Great Names 247
Topics of Chapter VII. — The Framers of the Constitution
— Thomas Jefferson — His Denial — Made no Argument
Table of Contents 21
— Iliad of Woes — Daniel Webster — The Great Ex-
pounder of the Constitution — James G. Blaine — What
Defeated James G. Blaine for the " Presidency" in [884?
— "Rum, Romanism and Rebellion" -Too Trivial -
"The Speech of James G. Blaine in the Senate in 1S7S"
Congress Has No Power Over Tender — Weighty
Dictum — Congress Has Power to Coin and Regulate —
— Plumed Knight — Political Death — John Randolph
Tucker — Important Provision — Medium in Payment of
Debts — Coins Struck by Congress — No Hint of Power
— Regulation of the Relation of Debtor and Creditor —
Unwarrantable Perversion — Congress the Instrument —
Solution of Debts Between Man and Man.
CHAPTER VIII.
he Practical Result of This, the Scientific
and Constitutional View of the Money
Question 253
SECTION I. — General Statement.
Topics of Section I. — First, to Restore Silver — Second, to
Remove " Scarecrow " - Patriots — " Free Coinage"
Workmanship Main Thing — No Danger — Foreign
Coin — Paying Power Scarce To-day — Feudal Tenure,
Chattel Slavery — Control Labor and the Products of
Labor — Obey the Constitution — Money, Suitable in
Kind and Adequate in Amount — Replacing Greenbacks
with Silver Coin.
SECTION II. — Specific Statement.
Topics of Section II. — Gold as Money in Small Transac-
tions — Three Hundred and Fifty Millions of Green-
backs — Three Reasons — Money Not Tokens — Not
Gold Enough — Gold Cannot be Coined in Pieces Small
Enough — Gold Dollar-piece — Too Small — Section of
Green Pea — Gold Midgets — Silver and Gold Created
for Money — Paper Falls in Value — Dishonest Declar-
ing — Honest Borrowing.
22 Table of Contents
CHAPTER IX.
The Insufficiency of the Supply of Gold in the
United States and in the World 259
Topics of Chafer 7X— Per Capita Not $28, Only $10.70
— Statement in Detail — Panic, Cataclysm, etc. — "End-
less Chain "— Per Capita in the World Not $5, Only
$1.60 — Sane Thinking and Sane Speaking — Fair
Showing Only Eighty (80) Cents — "Face of a Dog,"
" Heart of a Stag."
CHAPTER X.
An Ethical Question 262
SECTION I. — When the Money of a Country Cannot Be
Changed Without the Commission of a Moral Wrong.
Topics of Section I. — Paper Money Ethically Considered —
Measure of Value and Storer of Value Each Has Value
in Itself — Yardstick and Payment — Storing Place and
Thing Stored — Labor Stored in Lands and Houses —
Labor Stored in Personal Property — Labor Stored in
Money — Government Owes Protection, Citizen or Resi-
dent Owes Obedience- — legislating Value Out of Lands
— Legislating Value out of Personal Property —
Legislating Value Out of Money — Rob for Its Own
Benefit — Rob for the Benefit of Others — Strike Out All
Metallic Money — The Moral Quality of the Action —
One-half: Moral Quality the Same — Old Money and
New Money — Government May Increase Money With-
out Moral Wrong — More Money Needed — Right to
Supply It — Constitutional Provision — Inadequate
Supply Makes Money Dear — Supplying Deficiency No
Moral Wrong — Unjust Prosperity — Comparison with
Wheat — Wheat Famine — Money Famine — Legis-
lating Wheat Down Without Necessity Therefor —
Wicked — Moral Wrong of Government to Silver
Owner, Not to Silver Itself ! — No Surplus of Money ■ —
Never Too Much — Whole Burden Thrown on Silver
Owners — Gold Kings — " Silver Kings " — Silly Instru-
Table of Contents 23
ment of the Unholy War — An Incident: A Spell-
hinder on the Comstock Lode — Exulting Mockery —
Silver Dead, Dead, Dead! — Nevada a Silver State — Pa-
triotism Forbids — "Protection to American Industries"
— Patriotism Cannot Prefer Greenbacks to Silver —
Product of Our Own Country — Patriotism and Greed
— If Not Needed as Tender, Greenbacks Hurt Silver
— Mischievous Sentiment — Withal Unconstitutional
— English Form of Government — American Form of
Government — Guard Liberty — Taste of Arbitrary
Power — Principiis Obsta — Sagacious Englishman —
Man in a Silver-producing State — Manufacturing State
— Not Fair Play — -Supply and Demand — Applies to
Money — Strange Contradiction — Wisely Provided For
— Gold for Large, Silver for Small Transactions — No
"String Tender" — Efficient Remedy — Gold Unsuited
for Small Transactions — Silver Somewhat Unsuited for
Large Transactions — A Much-used Argument (?) —
Silver Bulky — "Cart Loads of Silver," Train Loads of
Gold — Bank Checks, Notes, Drafts, Bills — Imaginary
Fear — Same Choice Then as Now — The Ladies — If
Power Exists, no Moral Right to Change — The Whole
People Cannot.
SECTION II. — How a Country Could Adopt Money With-
out Committing Moral Wrong.
Topics of Section II. — A Country Could, Without Moral
Wrong, Adopt But Not Change Money — Crusoe Island
— Two Ways — First by Law Choosing Some Valuable
Thing or Things as Money — Three Ways — Seignior-
age — Private Owner Puts Coin (Money) in Circulation
— Taxing — Government Puts Coin in Circulation —
When Coining Should Begin and Cease — Law Con-
trols Entirely — No Money but Fiat Money — Change
Pro .Bono Publico — Royal Metals Belong to the Crown,
or People — Government Again Puts Money in Circula-
tion — Once Coined and Put in Circulation Becomes
Private Property — Tautology — Worthy of Protection
— Valueless Thing — Paper — Tender — Value, Immense
Value — Become the Most Valuable Thing — Gold Coin
24 Table of Contents
the Most Valuable Thing in the United States — Gold
Solomonic Nonsense — Spellbinder Twaddle — Legis-
lated Value — This Paper Money Like Public Coinage
Mentioned — How Government Can Get Back Money —
Taxing — " Flooding " the Country with Money — " Old
Issue," "New Issue" — Evils of — Cowardly and Unjust
— Money a Creature of the Law — Silly Cry — "Per-
petual Motion " — " Sun Do Move."
CHAPTER XI.
The Currency 281
SECTION I. — General Remarks.
Topics of Section I. — Regulating the " Currency " — Pres-
ent Currency Law Unscientific, Unconstitutional, Clumsy
and Unjust — Its Author, Salmon P. Chase; His Admis-
sion — As Secretary of the Treasury — As Justice of the
Supreme Court — Conceived in Illegality — Its Advocates
Constantly Tinkering at It — Great Resources May Fail
Some Day, Then Calamities.
SECTION II. — Debasing the Money.
Topics of Section II. — Words Show Crudeness and Mis-
understanding — How Money Could be Debased — De-
basing Money, Two Ways — Gold Dollars 12.5 Grains — A
Cheat — A Meaner Cheat — More or Less— The Method
of Tyrants — President Roosevelt's View of Money —
Interest Rates — Elasticity — Banks Should Furnish
Circulation — Growth of a Century — " Instrumentalities "
— Interchangeable Money! — Vague Language — The
Usual Fallacious Views — Elasticity, Uses of — The Con-
gress has no Power Over " Interest Rates " — Makes
the Congress Abdicate — Not Safe Power for Banks —
A Governmental, Not a Corporate, Power — Interest of
Banks — Interest of Banks Antagonistic to the Public
Interests — Historical Error — Tinker and Tinker and
Tinker — Economic Errors — Too General — " Instru-
mentalities " — Legitimate Power — Usurped Power —
How Many Kinds of Money? — Parity — Criminal
Offense.
Table of Contents 25
SECTION III. — Inflating the Currency
Topics of Section III. — Mr. Nagrom — Increasing Differ-
ence Between Real and Apparent .Measure of Value — In-
flation of Currency — Contraction of Money — No De
basement, but Righting a Wrong — No Inflation of
the Currency — Setting a Broken Leg — Charge Surgeon
Instead of Breaker — "The Poor Orphan" Illustrative
Incident — Hard Times for Two Years — Ages upon
Ages — March in Procession before Election; Out of
Premises After — The Difference Between Money and
Currency — " Comprehension " ■ — " Extension " — Ex-
tension of Money is I — Extension of Currency is 7 —
Confusing and Darkening Treatment — The Evils of the
Present System — Seven-headed Monster — Adding
Heads — Fractional-silver Head — Silver-dollar Head —
"Cable Tow," "Cart Rope "■- Gold-certificate Head —
Warehouse Receipt — Treasury-certificate Head — Clear-
ing House Clerks — National Bank Notes Head, Tender
to Itself — Greenback Head, Sometimes On and Some-
times Off — Little Nickel (Plate) Llead — At Each Agi-
tation a Head Given — Difference Between Real and Ap-
parent Measure Widened — "Executive-certificate" Head
— ''Congressional-certificate" Head — "Supreme Court
Certificate " Head — $500 Per Capita — Safe Banking
Laws.
CHAPTER XII.
The Battle That Should Have Been Fought —
The Suit That Should Have Been Brought
— Can the Lesson Even Now Be Taught ?-
Can the Remedy Even Now Be Wrought?. . .299
SECTION I.— The Battle That Should Have Been
Fought.
Topics of Section I. — The Speech That Was Never Made
— Five-minute Speech — From 1878 to 1896 — No Com-
promise — The Provisions and Their History — Oath of
Office—" Cloak Room "— " Idiot Get Through "— from
26 Table of Contents
Constitutional Government to Congressional Tyranny —
As It Is, Not As It Is Wanted — Interpreting in and In-
terpreting out — The People Can See This — Remem-
brance — History — The Bad Like Good Names — Good
Names a Stimulus, Bad a Deterrent — From 1896 to 1900
— In the Light — Democratic President in 1884 — Demo-
cratic Party Rids Itself of Its Gold Leaders — The Five
Strong Points Yielded — Erroneous Concept of Money
— Constitutionality of Silver Demonetization — Uncon-
stitutionality of Greenback Monetization — Effect on
Silver — Plain Words — Full "Legal Tender" of Six
Hundred Million Silver Dollars Admitted — "Legal
Tender " of Fifty Millions of Fractional Silver Admitted
— Grant and Lee — $28.00 Per Capita— " Still Not
Enough " is for Argument — Truth Shown, Position is
Won — The Admissions " Flood " the Country with
Money — Truth Shows no Danger — Silver Fell from
Legislation, and Legislation Could and Should Raise
It — With Admission, Plausible; with Truth, Fal-
lacy Apparent — World's Opinion — England in 1816 —
Germany in 1871 — United States in 1873 — Three Per
Cent — The United States Demonetized Silver, the
United States Can Remonetize It — $1.29 — Not One Dol-
lar Per Capita — In the " Year of Prosperity " — Strike
Out Shams — Name It " Currency," Not Money — No
False Colors — Director of the Mint — Statisticians —
Honest and Fair Treatment of All — What Defeated
Harrison in 1892 ? — Republican Convention — Demo-
cratic Convention — The Two Candidates — The An-
swer — -Gold Men Secure for Four Years — Must Look
Ahead — Harrison's Election Would Have Consolidated
the Democracy — Ablest, Strongest Man — Dividing the
South — Throwing Off the Mask — Mr. Carlisle —
Wanted in the West: Is It Too Late? — Reputation —
Further as to the Battle That Should Have Been Fought
— Challenge of Dominant Party's Nominee — Accept-
ance and Answer of Minority Party's Nominee — Too
Long in Coming — Condemns Its Greatest Leaders —
— No Condemnation of True Democracy — The Causes
of the Prosperity of 1899 and After — (1) Time for Re-
action — Long Period of Depression — Resources of the
Table of Contents 27
Country — Can Stand Much — Crisis of 1893: What
Caused It — Monetary Conference at Brussels in 1892-
Baron Rothschild's Proposition — Its Rejection — His
Prediction — The Dominant Party Make the Tariff Policy
the Excuse — The Special Session of Congress — Repeal
of Purchasing Clause of "Sherman Law" — Then and
Now — Postmaster-General Payne — " So Fatuous "■
Purchasing Clause of Tariff — "Not Dead, but Sleep-
eth " — A Giant Ready for Battle — Famine in India and
Other Countries — Prosperity from Famine — Pious
Southern Lady — Gold Solomon's Prayer for Prosper-
ity — Murderer's Obliterated Tracks — Money Borrowed
— Times Good — Money to be Paid, Times Bad — " Uncle
Sam's" Estate — Post Hoc Ergo Propter Hoc — Argu-
mentum ad Simplicem — Illustrations — Death of Good
Men and Women.
SECTION II.— The Suit That Should Have Been
Brought.
Topics of Section II. — Not Mandamus — Must be Law for
Mandamus — The People's Mandate to the Congress —
True Remedy — Action of Debt — Presenting the Strength
of the Case.
SECTION III. — Can the Lesson Even Now Be Taught?
Topics of Section III. — Fifteen Years Behind the Times —
Statute of Limitations Runs Not in Fifteen Years -
God's Prosecuting Officers — Lost Battles — Lost Faith
■ — If .Only Stepping-stone, Deserve Defeat — Devotees
Never Surrender — -Mercenaries May — Their Pay —
Death, Temporary ; Resurrection Glorious — Laus Deo.
SECTION IV.— Can the Remedy Even Now Be Wrought?
Topics of Section IV. — The Spirit of 1776 — Why the
Threefold Battle? — Too Astute — Let the People
Understand — Suitable Remembrance — Admitting the
Case Away — Before All Three Tribunals — The Two
Rolls — Micropolis — Megalopolis — Constitution in a
Washington Museum.
28 Table of Contents
CHAPTER XIII.
Should the Whole People of the United States
Ever Surrender or Grant Away from Them-
selves to the General Government, or Any
Branch of the General Government, or to
Any Other Body, Tribunal or Power, Their
Power to Declare Tender, Their Power to
Say What Shall Be the Money of the United
States 326
Topics of Chapter XIII. — No, a Thousand Times, No! —
Most Tremendous Power — Supposititious Case — Labor
Stored in Old Money — Robbery — New Jeremiad —
Manufactories of Public Sentiment — Opprobrious Epi-
thets — Silver Lunatics — Gold Lunatics — The Party
of Paper Money — Rage of the Gold Solomons — New
Love — Wise People - — Legislation, State and National —
Spirit of Tyranny — Acts of Corporate Bodies — A
Dreadful Example — An Act in the Dark — Secret Poi-
son — Deception — Fatal Admission — Cannot be Trusted
— The Lawful and Proper Way to Change.
CHAPTER XIV.
The Parity 331
Topics of Chapter XII'. — First Answer: Silver Not De-
monetized ! — Second Answer : Stamp of the Govern-
ment — A Commemorative Medal, Money — The How —
The True Reason — Check Received — Check Refused —
Check for $100 — Check for $1,000 — Diamonds. Check
for $1,000,000 — That Which Will Not Pay Debts Will
Not be Taken in Payment of Debts — The Poor, the Un-
wary and the Uninformed — Soon No One Would Take
the Silver Dollars — The Whole Matter — Greenbacks —
Redeeming Money with Money ! — Redeeming a Twenty-
dollar Gold-piece with a Twenty-dollar Gold-piece ! —
Redeeming the Redeemer ! — Parity is Equality — Shades
of the Untruthful — One Price, Not a Silver Price and a
Gold Price — Shipments of Silver Coin and Bullion —
Table of Contents 29
Shipments of Gold Coin — Little, if Any, Harm — Scar-
city of Any Article Causes Importations of It — Nations,
as Men, Dependent — Teaches Humanity — Variation of
the Ratio Small — Exact Parity — Exact Timepieces -
Only Approach to Perfection — Staleness — God ! — Gold
Solomon Abolishes Himself — From Abraham and Homer
to Industrial Conspirators — Silver Can be Used in
Large Transactions, Gold Not in Small — Disturbed
Parity Rule — Gold Should Have Been Demonetized —
Scientific Money — The Gresham Law — Henry George
— Deeper Law — Broader Generalization — Temporary
Disturbance — Wheat and Maize — Gold and Silver —
Mutual Check and Balance — No Harm — Disparity and
Scarcity — Demonetization Produced Disparity; Remon-
etization Will Produce Parity — Moral Murder — Obey
Constitution, and No Fear — A Political Platform; Per-
version of It — " Why Did Colorado and Nevada Take to
the Woods?"— Silver Platform, Gold Man on It — Sil-
ver Overvalued; Gold Overvalued — Ratio, 15V2 to 1-
Ratio 16 to 1 — Not True — Silver Monometallism; Gold
Monometallism — Silver " Rawhead and Bloody Bones"
— Conspiracy of Greed — French Indemnity — Six Hun-
dred Million Dollars in Gold Coin — Germany in Finan-
cial Straits — Bank of England Notes Tender — Eng-
land's Admission — England's Reason — Bank of Eng-
land Notes Money — No Intrinsic Value — Money
Made of a Valueless Thing — England's Policy — Amer-
ica's Policy.
CHAPTER XV.
Gold for Shipment to Foreign Countries 348
Topics of Chaffer XV. — Some Repetition — The Gold Sol-
omon's Gibraltar — After his Desertion — As Good
Money as Any in the World — Character of the Deserter
— Motive for Change — Proper Feeling — Reputation
— Principle — The Question — The Answer: Your Com-
modities Would Pay Just as They do Now — Cargo Buys
Coins — Cannot be All Buying and No Selling — Trav-
elers — With Something to Sell No Difficulty — Then as
30 Table of Contents
Now — Uniformity in Coin — Uniformity in Weights and
Measures — Bad Example.
CHAPTER XVI.
Conclusion 353
Topics of Chapter XVI. — Restoring Silver — The Consti-
tution — " Written Constitution " — Liberty and Tyranny
■ — Contracts Among Men — Constitution in Government
— Sad Day ■ — Days of Gladness.
PART I.
What is Money in the General Sense
of the Term?
31
CHAPTER I.
The Definition and Concept of Money Generally
Given by Writers on Economics.
The Concept of Money entertained by writers on
Economics generally, and embodied in their defini-
tions, is so remarkable for errors, vagueness and
confusion that a number will be quoted here.
The Definition and Concept of the Encyclopedia
Britannica. — " The functions which money discharges
in the social organism are — at least in the opinion of
all writers worth noticing here — clearly manifest. The
most important is that of facilitating exchanges. It is Most
not necessary to dwell on the great importance of this
office. The mere consideration of industrial organization
shows that it is based on the division of employments ;
but the earliest economic writers saw clearly that division
of employment was rendered possible only by the use of
a medium of exchange. They saw that the result of Medium of
increasing specialization of labor was to bring about a
state of things in which each individual produced little
or nothing directly adapted to satisfy his own wants, and
that each one was to live by exchanging his products for
those of others. They saw, moreover, that this was not
feasible without some object which all would be willing
to accept for their peculiar products, for otherwise, the
difficulty of getting those together whose wants were
reciprocal would be a complete hindrance to the develop-
ment of exchange, which alone made division of labor
3 33
34
Thirty Years' War on Silver
Standard
of com-
parison.
Money.
Common
denomi-
nator or
common
measure
value.
of
possible. A second function, hardly inferior in impor-
tance to the one just mentioned, is that of affording a
ready means of estimating the comparative value of dif-
ferent commodities. Without some common commodity
as a standard of comparison this would be almost impos-
sible. ' If a tailor had only coats, and wanted to buy
bread or a horse, it would be very troublesome to ascer-
tain how much bread he ought to obtain for a coat, or
how many coats he should give for a horse ; ' and as the
number of commodities to be dealt with increased, the
problem would become harder, ' for each commodity
would have to be quoted in terms of every other com-
modity.' Indeed it may be reasonably maintained that
the idea of general value could not be formed without the
existence of money, and all that is known of savage races
tends to bear out this view. The adoption of some one
commodity renders the comparison of values easy. ' The
chosen commodity becomes a common denominator or
common measure of value in terms of which we estimate
the value of all other goods,' and thus money, which in
its primary function renders exchanges possible by acting
as an intermediate term in each exchange, also makes
exchanges easier by making them definite. Another func-
tion of money comes into being with the progress of
society. One of the most distinctive features of advanc-
ing civilization is the increasing tendency of people to
trust each other. Thus there is a continual increase in
relations of contract, as may be seen by examining the
development of any legal system. Now a contract implies
something to be done in the future, and for estimating
the value of that future act a standard is required ; and
here money, which already acts as a medium of exchange
and as a measure of value at a given time, performs a
third function, by affording an approximate means of
What is Money? 35
estimating the present value of the future act, and in this
respect may be regarded as a standard of value, or, if the standard of
phrase be preferred, of deferred payments. Some writers payments.
attribute a fourth function to money, inasmuch as they
regard it as being a means of easily storing up value, storing
Doubtless it does supply this need, which is a specially
pressing one in early civilization, owing to the insecurity
which then exists, but with the progress of settled govern-
ment the need becomes less extreme. Other forms of in-
vestment grow up, and the habit of hoarding money
becomes unusual. It is therefore better to regard the
functions of money as being only three in number, viz.,
to furnish (1) the common medium by which exchanges
are rendered possible, (2) the common measure by which
the comparative values of those exchanges are estimated,
and (3) the standard by which future obligations are
determined." — Ency. Brit., Vol. XVI, pages 746 and 747.
The Definition and Concept of Charles S. Devas.
— "Definitions of Money, Currency and Legal Tender. —
If what has been said on a medium of exchange and a
measure of value is clear, we ought to be able to construct
a clear definition of money, and to distinguish it from
the terms currency and legal tender.
" Money is an exchangeable good which is both a Money.
medium of exchange and a measure of value.
" Currency is any medium of exchange which is cur- currency,
rent in a certain region ; that is to say, which freely cir-
culates there — which as a rule every one there will take
in exchange.
" Legal tender is any medium of exchange which every Legal
one must by law take in exchange, unless he has pre-
viously made a special arrangement to the contrary with
the other party to any contract." — Charles S. Devas's
Political Economy, pages 312 and 313.
36 Thirty Years' War on Silver
The following article, though written for young peo-
ple, must, as coming from a gentleman of the eminence
and standing of ex-Secretary Gage, be presumed to em-
body his real views. For such a man would not desire to
sow error in the youthful mind of the country, to bring a
harvest of woe in the future. Besides, his views are
essentially the same as those of accredited economists
generally.
The Definition and Concept of Lyman J. Gage. —
"What is Money ? " — Possibly it is not a fair conundrum.
Questions which come properly under that appellation
have a misleading quality in their terms of statement with
a great simplicity revealed when the answer is forthcom-
ing. The prime need of a good conundrum is that its
answer shall be obvious when the veiled terms of the
question shall be drawn aside.
" There is at least a marked difference between the
question, What is money ? and the ordinary guessing rival-
ries which arise when conundrums are put forth. When
the right answer to the conundrum is reached, the peculiar
relation of answer to question excites a laugh, while ques-
tion and answer, having no real value, soon pass from the
mind and are forgotten. On the other hand, a right
answer to this question, What is money? opens to the
mind a pleasurable look into a real truth — a truth which
affects all people in a most intimate manner.
" The question has been answered in a number of ways,
and most people, seeing so many different guesses at it,
don't try to find the answer, but content themselves in
saying, ' Well, I give it up.' Now there ought to be a
very clear and correct understanding of this subject, and
I am one of those who believe it to be so simple that it
may be brought within the comprehension of an intelligent
lad of ten or twelve years. This article will be an effort
so to present it as to make it easily understood.
What is Money? 37
" In a certain school one of the younger pupils was
asked to write a definition of salt ; to tell what it is in
itself, the use it serves, et cetera, et cetera. He made
this graphic explanation : ' Salt is a white powder which
everybody has on the table at meal-time, and it makes
potatoes taste awful bad if you don't put any of it on 'em.'
HOW MONEY CAME INTO EXISTENCE.
' The description is very good, but hardly compre-
hensive. If the same boy were asked, ' What is money ? '
he would probably reply : ' Money is something that will
buy everything, and it makes people feel awful poor if
they haven't any.' Everybody would admit the truthful-
ness of the boy's answer, so far as it goes, but, like the
definition of salt, it is manifestly inadequate. We want
to reach a little deeper.
" There are two ways to arrive at knowledge of a thing :
The one is to observe the development of those forces and
conditions which create the thing ; the other is to analyze
the fact after it appears, and learn, if possible, the ele-
ments which constitute it. The botanist, by this latter
method, makes known to us the history and constitution
of the plant.
" On the other hand, we, the simplest of us, can watch
the plant as it first appears above the soil. We can observe
the growing stalk, and see it as it gradually takes on leaf
and bud, until rewarded by the beauty of the blossom.
We may not know the scientific names which have been
given to any of the parts and processes of the plant, but
we have a clear and satisfying idea of the law of the life
in that plant in the world. In the same way we may study
money and read its history.
" Once, money was unknown. It was a rude and bar-
baric period. Men enjoyed the use of but few things then.
386474
38 Thirty Years' War on Silver
There was very little of the luxuries. Even the comforts
of life were wanting. Some, however, had things beyond
their needs, and a portion of these they desired to ex-
change for other things of which they had none.
' The hunter, skilled in the chase, had more than he
needed of furs and skins, but he wanted salt, or fruit, or
fish. To obtain them, he was obliged to find some one
who had a surplus of these things, and was in need of
furs or skins. When these two met, a trade was made.
" The terms of the exchange were very irregular, and
often those who had things to exchange could find no one
who possessed the things they desired, or if they found
such a person, the owner did not desire the things of
which the other was possessed. It is easy to see how
troublesome this all was, and to understand the loss of
time and the many disappointments which were involved.
"After a while a man appeared who was able to gather
into a common stock a variety of things, the most gen-
erally desired by the people. These he would exchange
with any one who had desirable things of any kind, which
in turn he would keep on hand until some one else ap-
peared who should desire them. The hunter with his
furs or skins could go to the trader, and on terms mutually
agreed upon, he could exchange the products of the chase
for any of the goods or wares in the trader's stock.
INCONVENIENCES OF BARTER.
" Of course, in a community where there was only one
such trader, he was in a position to make thrifty bargains
for himself. In the earlier days of our country, especially
on the frontiers among the Indians, this was the method
of trade. The Hudson Bay Company and John Jacob
Astor established trading posts throughout the great
Northwest. They kept on hand guns and powder and
What is Money? 39
shot, blankets, beads and many articles of finery, such
as would attract the Indian's taste or supply his needs.
"As men advanced from barbarism toward civilization,
industry became diversified, and with new tools and im-
proved methods, wealth — the total of useful things —
increased both in quantity and variety. The tiller of the
soil produced not only enough to give him a power of
exchange sufficient for his immediate varied needs ; he
had still a surplus remaining, the power of which he
desired to keep against a possible future when he might
find his season's toil wasted or lost.
" Few products of the land can be kept even one year ;
they will decay or become damaged by age. This was
equally true of the products of most forms of industry.
It was natural, therefore, in fact, it was absolutely neces-
sary, that such products should be at once exchanged.
" It was also natural that the owner of such products
or goods, after securing in exchange such articles as were
required for his immediate use, should want the difference
— the surplus — in some commodity which would not
lose value by being put aside or kept, and which could be
the most readily exchanged back again when the time of
need should come.
" Many people were thus situated, and so it came about
that for certain things there was a special demand, and
out of several things thus favored there came at last to
be one preferred to any and all others. That thing became
the common medium of exchange for all other things ;
that is to say, it became common for him who had potat< >es
to exchange them for that particular thing, and then that
particular thing he would again exchange for other goods,
as his needs or desires might dictate.
" So universal did this practice become that all other
things came at last to be priced or valued by the quan-
4-0 Thirty Years' War on Silver
tity of that particular thing for which they could be ex-
changed. Now that particular thing, whatever it was at
any time or place, acquired the function and the name of
money.
THE MEDIUM OF EXCHANGE.
"As everything else was first exchanged for it, it be-
came what money is now scientifically declared to be, ' the
common medium of exchange.' As all other things be-
came related to it, as to the quantity which must be given
in exchange for it, it took on another quality ; it became
the measurer of values.
" But this particular thing, which thus became the
common medium of exchange and the measure of value,
was not always and everywhere the same. It differed
greatly according to time and peoples. In one country
the particular thing we are talking about, and which we
will now call money, was the cowry-shell ; in another, it
was iron ; in another, bearskins.
" When the Pilgrims landed, they found that the money
used by the Indians consisted of wampum — small shell
beads pierced and strung. Even at this time the Indian
tribes in Alaska use as a ' medium of exchange ' and a
measure of price or value small beads made of turquoise.
They are, and for generations have been, the money of
those people. How it came to be so none of them can tell.
A STOREHOUSE FOR VALUE.
" Well, among other things which came to be thus used
as money were gold and silver. They were adopted, not
by any agreement ; they were the result of a natural selec-
tion, and well it is that it was so, because of all things ever
used as money they best meet the requirements. They
are practically indestructible, divisible into small portions,
and change in value slowly. It is good that they change
What is Money? 41
in value slowly. Because of that they arc safer to keep
until a future time than other things, with a reasonable
expectation that they will buy as much then as now. For
that reason they possess another quality : they are in a
sense a storehouse for value.
"And so the economists find a third term for the de-
scription of money. They say not only that it is a com-
mon medium of exchange and a measure of value, but
they add, it is a store for value.
" Now when gold and silver first became money, they
were not coined as at present. They both passed by
weight, and everybody had to carry scales to weigh them
with, and that was very awkward. Besides, there was
trouble about the quality. There may be much difference
in purity between two pieces of gold of like weight, and
they will therefore possess a real difference in value.
" When stable government became established, it under-
took to cure these troubles by coining the metals. This
did not make money of them. They were money before.
The government simply took certain quantities of the
metals, put its stamp upon the different-sized pieces, and
Sfave each a name.
" The stamp really certified that each certain piece was
of exact equal weight and fineness with every other piece
of the same name. In our country we call the different coins
dollars, half-dollars, dimes and so forth. We no longer
talk about money by weights. We talk about it by the
names of the pieces which by law contain so much weight
of so much fineness. This is a great convenience in every
way.
" Since society has become settled, people have become'
willing to trust one another. One man will now sell his
goods or wares to another on the latter' s promise to pay
him at a future time. But, naturally enough, the one who
42 Thirty Years' War on Silver
sells wants to know with what he will be paid. If he is to
be paid in dollars, he wants to know that they will be the
same kind of dollars for which he could sell his goods
now ; consequently money at this point gets another qual-
ity. It is a standard for future payment.
A PAPER PROMISE.
" We have now watched and seen how money grew
to be, and how it serves human uses. We have seen that
it is a common medium of exchange, a measure of value,
a store of value, a standard of future payment; and if you
asked an economist to tell you what is money, these are
the very terms he would use to answer you.
" This story about money could be brought to an end
right here were it not that the reader would perhaps say:
' Well, I for one have seen very little of the kind of money
which the story describes. I have seen and handled silver,
and occasionally a gold-piece, but nearly all the money
that goes through my hands is made of paper. He doesn't
say anything at all about that. Doesn't he call that
money ? ' So the story is not reaily complete without a
few words about paper money.
' It must be admitted that paper money is also ' a com-
mon medium of exchange,' and serves many uses which
gold money serves, but it is very different in its char-
acter. Real money, gold, or silver where silver is the
standard money, possesses its power to buy things by
reason of what it is in itself. Paper money possesses its
power by reason of what it promises.
' If people have faith that the promise printed on the
paper will be faithfully kept, they will give their property
or their service for it as freely as they will for real money.
It all depends upon faith in the promise. If any one
doubts this, he can prove it by an experiment : —
What is Money? 43
" Take a five-dollar gold-piece and disfigure it with a
hammer until nothing can be read upon the coin, or even
melt it into a mere lump. It will still be worth five dollar-,
at the mint. Then take a five-dollar note, issued either by
a bank or by the government. If you disfigure that so
that nothing can be seen to determine who made the prom-
ise to pay, or for what amount the promise read, you will
find to your regret that the piece of paper is worth -
nothing.
" Now if the value of paper money depends upon the
faith which men have that its promise will be kept, it will
be well for us to understand what the promise means. It
is a promise to pay in coin, which is real money — the kind
of monev which I have been describing.
" Convertibility, that is, the quality of being readily ex-
changeable for coin money, is the very soul of sound
paper money. When once this saving quality is injured
for any cause, so that faith is shaken, then paper money
falls below the value of coin money.
"At such a time evils innumerable appear, for it is an
unwritten, but nevertheless certain, law that where paper
money falls below the value of coined money it supplants
the coined money and takes the place of true money, by
which things, even then, are really related in price and
values determined. Thus it becomes a fluctuating and
unsettling medium of exchange. The prices of things
then vary from day to day, according to the influences
which operate either to raise or lower the paper money
in its relation to real money.
" This happened during the Civil War, when legal-
tender notes, commonly called ' greenbacks,' were issued.
They soon became the only circulating medium of the
country, and their value rose and fell in response to either
victory or defeat in battle. As measured in gold, they
44 Thirty Years' War on Silver
fell to a point where they were worth only thirty-five
cents on the dollar, and, since commodities were quoted
in terms of paper money, prices more than doubled in the
four years of the war.
QUEER RESULTS OF SHIFTING PRICES.
" Thus the merchant who bought two thousand dollars'
worth of cotton cloth before the greenbacks fell appre-
ciably in value, found in a year that he could sell his cloth
for three thousand dollars ; and the transaction being ap-
parently profitable, he sought to repeat it, but found that
he could only buy as much with his three thousand dollars
as he had the year before with two thousand dollars ; and
so, later, he could only buy as much for four thousand
dollars as he had once bought for two thousand dollars.
"A familiar instance of what occurs when the country
suffers from the blight of a depreciating paper currency
grew out of a transaction during the Revolutionary War.
Then the paper money of the Revolution depreciated so
rapidly that the laborer was said to have lost his wages
while he was earning them, and a merchant illustrated
the rise in prices and the depreciation of the paper money
of the Revolution by showing that at first he bought a
hogshead of sugar and disposed of it at a fine profit ; but
the currency in which he was paid would only buy a
tierce, which he sold also for a good profit, and then, to
his chagrin, the proceeds would only buy a barrel.
" By looking backward as we have done, and by trac-
ing the development of society upward, we can see how
men advanced from that stage where barter was the rule
of exchange to that period when money became a natural
and useful intermediary, and to that further and higher
state where character and credit gave to the simple prom-
ise to pay a power hardly inferior to the potency of the
thing promised." — Youth's Companion. June 20, ipoi.
What is Money? 45
The Definition and Concept of Prof. J. Laurence
Laughlin. — ''Money is merely a road — not the place
to which the road leads." — Laughlin' 's Political Economy,
page 108.
The Definition and Concept of the Hon. Thomas
B. Reed. — " Money is a hayrack."
This last definition and concept of money was taken
from the newspapers at the time the Hon. Thomas B.
Reed made speeches on the Pacific coast during the
presidential campaign of 1896.
The definitions and concepts of many other authors
might be given, but it is deemed that no service would
be derived from further quotations, as they all are merely
repetitions of those above given, or simply parts of them.
From the foregoing examples the character of all the
others may be judged. They are all alike.
A Challenge. — After any man has read all the writ-
ings of these modern days on the subject, — and surely
the quantity is enormous and even appalling, — the chal-
lenge is made to him to say that he has a clear, adequate,
and satisfying knowledge of the subject.
Incidents. — An incident : In a conversation with a
very prominent politician of one of the Eastern States
recently, the author put to him the questions, "Do you
understand the Silver Question? Do you understand
What is Money?" He answered, "No; I frankly con-
fess I do not. Recently I was invited to address a meet-
ing on this subject. I thought I understood it. and sat
down to write my address. I thought and thought ; out-
lined and outlined ; but finally arose from my table with-
out understanding the subject; and I do not yet under-
stand it."
Another incident : Recently the author had the pleasure
of listening to a part of a course of lectures on " Money '
46 Thirty Years' War on Silver
in one of the Eastern Universities by a gentleman whom
he had heard called the ablest political economist in the
United States; and he certainly was, in the judgment
of the author, a very able man. In the first lecture he
gave his concept and definition of money. At the close
the author remarked to some gentlemen sitting near him
that he should like to ask a few questions, at the same
time stating the questions. The questions were designed
to bring out the fallacies of the definition of money that
had just been given. It is not to the author known
whether the questions ever reached the ears of the lec-
turer ; but this is known to him, that on the next evening
the first statement the lecturer made was this : " Gentle-
men, last evening I gave you a definition of money ; this
evening I take it back ; it is not Correct." He gave no
other definition of mohey that evening ; and being com-
pelled to leave the place before another lecture, the author
never knew whether he ever gave any.
The Confession of Adam Smith. — These incidents
are given to show the darkness, uncertainty and confusion
on this subject ; and taken in connection with the follow-
ing confession of Adam Smith, the " father of political
economy," and the greatest of all the writers thereon, are,
it is hoped, sufficient justification for introducing them
here : —
" In order to investigate the principles w Inch regulate
the exchangeable value of commodities, I shall endeavor
to show : —
" First, What is the real measure of this exchangeable
value ; or, wherein consists the real price of all com-
modities.
" Secondly, What are the different parts of which this
real price is composed or made up.
What is Money? 47
"And, lastly, What are the different circumstances which
sometimes raise some or all of these different parts of
price above, and sometimes sink them below, their nat-
ural or ordinary rate ; or, what are the causes which
sometimes hinder the market price, that is, the actual price
of commodities, from coinciding exactly with what may
be called their actual price.
" I shall endeavor to explain, as fully and distinctly as
I can, those three subjects in the three following chap-
ters, for which I must very earnestly entreat both the
patience and attention of the reader: his patience, in order
to examine a detail which may perhaps in some places
appear unnecessarily tedious ; and his attention, in order
to understand what may, perhaps, after the fullest expli-
cation which I am capable of giving it, appear still in
some degree obscure. I am always willing to run some
hazard of being tedious in order to be sure that I am per-
spicuous ; and after taking the utmost pains that I can to
be perspicuous, some obscurity may still appear to remain
upon a subject in its own nature extremely abstracted." —
Adam Smith's " Wealth of Nations," page 74.
In the foregoing paragraph Adam Smith, it is thought,
practically confesses that he does not understand the
subject. For after, in effect, saying it is a deep, dark and
difficult subject, he says that after he shall have\ written
all thereon that he intends to write, he fears the subject
will still be obscure and not understood. This is taken as
a noble confession of his own inability fully to compre-
hend, grasp and see through the subject: for if he had
clear views, and expressed them in clear language, it
would certainly have been a poor compliment to his read-
ers to say to them that he feared that they could not under-
stand the subject, although he could!
48 Thirty Years' War on Silver
It may be admitted, then, that the subject is one diffi-
cult of comprehension. It is deep, dark, abstract and
obscure. But is it insoluble, as some have suggested?
It is believed that it may be easily understood if ap-
proached from the right point of view ; and this will be
now attempted.
CHAPTER II.
Showing the Error of the Common and Even
Universally Accepted Views.
THE ACCEPTED DEFINITION OF MONEY. — That the Re-stated In
i r 11 ,-t i • compact
errors and fallacies ot the accepted views may form.
clearly appear, those views will now be re-stated in
compact form, doing, however, not the slightest injustice
to them in the re-statement. ■
According to those views, Money is —
i . A medium of exchange ;
2. A measure of value ; and
3. A measure or standard of deferred payments.
Criticism of the Accepted Definition. — That this
is a fair statement, a glance at the quotations in the pre-
ceding chapter will show. Now let us examine it. It
may perhaps better be done by taking up the points in the
inverse order, the third or last one first. Confusion and confusion.
inaccuracy appear at the very beginning. Third point is,
" Money is measure or standard of deferred payments ; "
the second point is, "Money is a measure of value/' Now,
if money is a measure of value, it measures all values.
Then why say money measures all values and then add
a third point and say it is a measure or standard of de-
ferred payments ? As well say it measures all values, and
then add third point to say it measures the value of a hat !
or that the yardstick, in its multiples and aliquot, or equal,
parts, is that which measures all length, and then add a
second point to the definition, to wit, it measures the
4 49
50 Thirty Years' War on Silver
length of a street ! The second point of the definition is
included in the first point.
Third point Clearlv, then, the third point vanishes, disappears in
included in . .
the second, the second point, as being' contained therein ; and we gain
nothing therefrom toward a definition or true concept of
money.
second point Let us proceed to the second point, to wit, " Money is a
meaningless, measure of value." This must mean one of two things :
(i) Money is the only measure of values; or (2) money
"is a measure of values, and other things also are measures
of values.
If the first is meant, to wit, Money is the only measure
illustrations, of value, it is false. Illustration : A says to B, " I will
give you my horse for $50." B says, "Agreed." Does
not the $50 measure the value of the horse? And does
not the horse also measure the value of the $50?
Again, A says to B, " I will give you my horse for your
cow." B says, "Agreed." Does not the horse measure
the value of the cow, and does not the cow measure the
value of the horse?
In the two transactions stated is there a particle of
difference between the functions, the work, of the $50 in
the first transaction and those of the cow in the second?
There is not a particle of difference — their functions are
precisely the same. Then there are other measures of
value besides money, and what is the difference between
those measures and money? Thus far Ave have seen none.
Which horn of the dilemma will be taken? If the first
meaning is chosen, to wit, " Money is the only measure
of value," it is shown to be false ; if the second meaning
be chosen, to wit, " Money is a measure of value, and
other things also are measures of value," what is the dif-
ference between those other things, or measures of value,
and money?
What is Money? 51
In science a definition to be of any value must dis- Definition «f
tinguish the thing- defined from every other thing. If it dt "" ,tlou -
does not distinguish it from even one single other thing,
then it is not a good definition. In the definition above-
given from the writers on economics, the term money is
not distinguished from any other thing in the world.
Hence, of all the definitions of things made or attempted
to be made, there could hardly be a worse. Wore* deflni-
Thus, the third point and the second point of this made!™
widely used and accepted definition of money are gone,
and we have not made a step toward a definition of money !
Let us examine the first point thereof, to wit, " Money
is a medium of exchange." This is overthrown by the n,-,t point
same reasoning that overthrew the other. It also must m^a^iess.
mean one of two things : ( 1 ) Money is the only medium
of exchange; or, (2) Money is a medium of exchange,
and that there are likewise other media of exchange be-
sides money.
If the first, to wit. Money is the only medium of ex-
change, be the meaning intended, it is false. Illustra- illustrations.
tion : A wants B's cow, but B does not want A's horse. A
gives his horse to C for $50, and then gives the $50 to B
for B's cow. Is not the $50 the medium, the means, by
which the transaction is carried on, the medium or means
by which A gets B's cow?
But suppose A gives his horse to C for C's watch, and
then gives the watch to B for B's cow. Is not the watch
the medium, the means, by which the transaction is carried
on; the medium, the means, by which A gets B's cow
And is there a particle of difference between the func-
tions, the work, of the $50 in the first transaction and
the functions, the work, of the watch in the second?
There is not a particle of difference, the functions of the
$50 and those of the watch are precisely the same.
52
Thirty Years' War on Silver
Mere inci-
dents of
money.
The three Then the definition in its entirety, its first, second and
gone, ^jj.^ p j n t s> j s gone, and we have not yet made a single
step towards a definition of money ! We have all that
each and all of the writers on political economy that the
author has ever read, and that is no small number, have
written, and we stand just where we stood at starting.
Not a step not a single step made in advance ! And this — while it is
made toward ... . . , 111 • •
a definition not desired to be even critical, much less hypercritical or
of money. . ....
severe, yet there can be no impropriety in saying — in a
boasted science, taught in the great universities of the
world !
But again to our subject. The three points or divis-
ions of the definition above given are indeed incidents
of money, but mere incidents ; the main thing is not even
suggested by them ! Further on in this work it will be
perceived that what are here termed " incidents " of
money are there called by another designation, in order
to make clear certain distinctions that otherwise it was
feared might not be so well understood.
True, in the work of Devas, a quotation from which
can be found on page 35 of this work, there is a vague
reference to something that might possibly be magnified
into a bare suggestion ; but more of that hereafter.
A Pertinent Question. — A pertinent question for the
propounders and advocates of such definitions of money is,
Whence and how gets money this power to be ( 1 ) a
medium of exchange, (2) a measure of value and (3) a
measure or standard of deferred payments? No state-
ment of the question, much less an answer thereto, is made
by any writer whom the author of this work has ever
read. If any has ever been made, he has never seen or
heard of it.
The Answer. — The answer is, The law gives the
power. How ? By declaring that some thing or some
Whence?
How ?
The law.
What is Money? 53
things shall be tender. That is the word used in the Con- Declaring
someth 1 -
or thin
tender.
something
stitution of the Lnited btates, and is the correct one, al- <»r things
though the phrase in common parlance is " legal tender."
The word "legal" is tautological. You cannot make a
" tender" unless you do all things necessary to make it
legal. If you do less than all, it is in legal, and the correct,
language, " no tender.'
»j
CHAPTER III.
The True Concept and Definition of Money.
A
SECTION I.
General Statement : Tender.
s has been seen, the definitions of money usually
given by the text-book makers and other authors
on the subject, are vague, uncertain, fallacious
and misleading. In legal language, they are " unintel-
ligible and uncertain," and " should be stricken out on
Motion motion." And here and now is filed a motion to strike
niude.
tiiem out ; and it is humbly trusted that the Great Court
of the Sovereigns, the people of America, may grant the
motion, overrule the decision - of those usurping courts,
the Congress of 1S73 and its successors, and adopt the,
as it is most earnestly and sincerely believed, true, clear,
precise, accurate and scientific definition of money which
shall now be given.
The Thirty Years' War. — But before giving it,
with its explication and elaboration, it is hoped that in-
dulgence may be granted for just one remark, and like-
wise pardon for making the same. It is this : in the light
of what has already been said, showing the absurdity of
the views of even renowned writers on " economic
science," so-called, on the subject of money, can it be won-
dered at that we have had in America a " thirty years'
54
What is Money? 55
war " on the subject ; and that the only result of it so far is
that those who believe that silver is a royal metal, — that Royal
is, a metal of which money can be made, as was the case
with it in every country in Europe until England, by in Europe
legislative enactment, in 18 16 struck off its royal crown, 1816.
that is, legislated the money function out of it, thereby
preventing it thereafter in that country from being a royal
metal, a precious or money metal ; and also as was its
status in the minds of those great, wise and good men who
framed the Constitution of the United States, since by in the states
said Constitution gold and silver are the only things of mation <>f
. . Constitution.
which money can be made in this country, as it is pro-
posed conclusively to show in Part II of this work, — the
only result, it is repeated, of this " thirty years' war,"
is that those men who so believed as to silver are by
the, in their own opinion, nearly all-wise Gold Solomons,
called " silver lunatics." Shades of Solomon and the
Seven Sages defend us !
In the eastern part of the United States the writer has
been, even on social occasions, when the amenities of
life and the civilities common among gentlemen, it seems, Social
would have forbidden, been called a " silver lunatic " by
Gold Solomons, and that even before he had opened his
mouth, or said a word, but simply when he was intro-
duced as a man from Nevada ! This too could not
have been because he was, as has been said of him by
some even in Nevada, " making himself a bore and un-
popular on this subject; " because as stated above, it was
immediately on his being introduced and before he had
uttered a syllable !
Gentle reader, please do not suppose that these matters Entreaty,
have left any feeling in the mind of the writer. No! no! !
no ! ! ! They are given only for this purpose : to show how
wise and polite a wise Gold Solomon may be !
56
Thirty Years' War on Silver
True defini- The true definition of money is as follows: Money is
money. tender, and only money is tender ; and tender is money,
and only tender is money.
Tender eom- As stated on a preceding page, the word " tender "
•• legal t'en-here has the same meaning that the phrase " legal tender "
has in the common language of life.
Eeonomic Yield to money its true meaning as stated above and
atmosphere , , ,, • » i 4 • 1 •>
clears up. instantly the economic and commercial atmosphere,
so to speak, clears up.
Resulting
from ten-
der two at-
tributes :
(1) payer of
debts; (2)
discharger of
obligations.
Resulting
from these
three, two
character-
istics: (1)
Common
measure of
value; (2)
medium of
exchange.
Resulting
from these
five, several
incidents:
(1) Measure
or standard
of value; (2)
storer of
value.
SECTION II.
Specific Statement.
Resulting from this quality, tender, and from this
quality alone, money acquires two what it is hoped may
not be improperly called most important attributes : —
i. A payer of debts; and
2. A discharger of obligations.
Resulting from tender and from the attributes of debt-
paving and obligation discharging, money acquires two,
it is believed properly termed, very important character-
istics : —
i. A common measure of value, sometimes called a
common denominator of value ; and
2. A medium of exchange.
Resulting from tender and the attributes of debt-paying
and obligation discharging, and also the characteristics
of common measure of value or common denominator of
value, money acquires several interesting incidents, such
as : —
i. A measure or standard of deferred payments; and
2. A storer of value.
Starting from the quality of tender, the unit, signify-
What is Money? 57
ing the unit of power, we have it is hoped a clear view of
the cause and effect relation between the seven things rep-
resented by the seven terms, — tender, payer, discharger,
measure, medium, standard and storer. The single terms
are used for brevity and convenience in representation :
" payer," meaning payer of debts ; " discharger," dis-
charger of obligations ; " measure," measure of value ;
"medium," medium of exchange; " standard " (used here
for measure), standard of deferred payments; "storer,"
storer of value.
The meaning intended to be conveyed is this : that
the unit, tender, produces the dnad, the payer and the
discharger; and the dnad, the payer and the discharger
together with their producer, the unit, produces the triad
of tender and payer and discharger ; and the triad pro-
duces the measure and the medium ; and these two to-
gether with their producer, the triad, produces the pentad
of tender and payer and discharger and measure and me-
dium ; and these five, the pentad, produce the standard and
storer ; and these two together with their producer, the
pentad, produce the septad, of tender and payer and dis-
charger and measure and medium and standard and
storer.
Each of these is interblended with each of the others
in every case or transaction. But whatever the case or
transaction and whichever one of the seven is for the
time being the foremost or prominent one in the mind
of the writer or dealer, that and all the remaining five
go back for their strength to the original source of
power, the unit, the tender. This interblending of the
powers and forces of the terms in all transactions causes
some writers to think one of them is the function of
money and some another; and they give their definitions
and concepts accordingly. But in all cases the main
58
Thirtv Years' War on Silver
thing is the function of tender. To this all the others go
forward for their moving power, as all the cars, however
long the train, go forward to the engine for their moving
power.
These will be examined in the order above stated ; and
first of money as a payer of debts and discharger of
obligations.
SECTION III.
Payer of Debts and Discharger of Obligations.
What is the meaning of the term debt? and what is
Meaning of the meaning of paying a debt? For the general pur-
pose of trade and commerce and the ordinary affairs of
life these terms are sufficiently well understood. But
for the clear and accurate purposes of science, it is be-
lieved that there is somewhat more in them than is ordi-
narily perceived — that they contain a deeper meaning,
which, like most valuable truth, lies not on the surface.
For the purpose in hand, a debt may be defined as a
certain sum of money due or to become due from one
person to another by contract expressed or implied. The
essential qualities are: (i) It must refer to money; (2)
the sum or amount of money must be fixed and deter-
(3) amount ;.,,.. ,
(3) contract, mined; and (3) it must be a contract either expressed
or implied.
Paying a debt is the debtor's taking the exact amount
of money required, or at least that much, and handing
it to the payee or creditor ; and this pays the debt, al-
though the payee or creditor may not desire that it pay
Tender pays.it. The law says such an act pays the debt; and there
eT*e pay" n8: is nothing else in the world that can do that, that is, pay
the debt, except money, tender. It would not at all do
Three ele-
ments :
(1) Money
Paying a
debt.
What is Money? 59
to offer for the purpose any of the substitutes for money, offers of
. ... . substitutes.
that is, those tilings that arc commonly called money, but
are not by the law made tender. The creditor would
have the right to reject them, and then sue the debtor
for the amount of the debt and interest, and also make
the debtor pay the costs of the suit.
While this is not the place fully to answer the question,
What is money in the United States ? — that question
being, for special reason, reserved for Part II of this
work, — yet a reference is necessarily made to it here,
otherwise illustration of the subject could not well be
made.
Illustration : A incurs a debt to B for, say, one hundred
dollars, or indeed any amount. A wishes to make pay-
ment. He goes to B and offers him the amount in national
bank notes. B says, " No, I will not take those, because
they are not money, not tender." A then goes and gets
silver in half- or quarter-dollars or dimes and offers them
to B. B says, " No, I will take ten dollars of the amount
that you owe me in fractional silver coin, but for the
remainder I will not take fractional silver, because it is
not money, not tender." A then tries gold certificates ;
but meets with a like answer and like result. A then
tries silver certificates, but meets with a like answer and
like result. A then tries treasury certificates, and meets
with a like answer and like result. B then sues A ; suit, at-
... iii- 1 • taxhment,
attaches his property ; breaks him up in business ; ruins ruin.
him and makes him pay the cost of the suit. All tbis : and
all the time A has in his pocket thousands of what is called
money ; called dollars, but it will not pay his debt ! What
man of reason and prudence would desire to be placed in
such a position? But this is the perilous position that
millions of people of the United States are in to-day !
In the foregoing illustrations and also in those which
6o
Thirty Years' War on Silver
barks.
cent.
a month.
"standard are to follow immediately here, the "standard dollar"
dollar " and .
in silver and the treasury note, popularly called " green-
back," are intentionally left out, because those two re-
quire special treatment after we ascertain what is money
in the United States. But when such treatment has been
had, it will clearly appear that neither of them materially
change the aspect of affairs.
Another illustration : A, although having plenty of
property, suddenly has pressing need of money. He bor-
Ten thou- rows of B ten thousand dollars at five per cent a month
Vis per a 8 interest, payable in ninety days. At the end of the ninety
days he wishes to pay back the money and thereby stop
the ruinous interest. He sees B and tells him his desire ;
but B does not desire the payment, well knowing that A's
property is good for the money and wishing to keep the
high rate of interest running. What can A do to rid
himself of this distressing state of things? Certainly the
law must afford him a remedy ! It is not possible that
A must be compelled to await B's pleasure and let the
note run for nearly six years until outlawry is about to
come and thereby ruin A by this heavy rate of interest.
Think of it ; ten thousand dollars at five per cent a month
interest would in five years amount to thirty thousand
dollars in interest. A would thus at the end of five
years owe B forty thousand dollars ! Will A have to
submit to this ? No ; the law does give A a full, com-
plete and effective remedy. But how? Simply by money,
tender ; that is the chief function of money, to afford A
the remedy. The law does it by providing some thing, or
some things, which A can take to B and thereby pay the
debt, whether B is willing or unwilling that it pay it.
And whatever thing or things that can, in any land or
any country, at any time, be so taken is money ; and
nothing else is money. It is the duty of the law-making
Remedy is
tender : no
other pos-
sible rem-
edy.
What is Money? 61
department of a sovereignty or government to provide Duty of bov-
this thing or these things, and to provide them in suffi- ereiBnty -
cient quantity. And when the sovereignty has provided
them, it is absurd to say that the citizen can deprive sovereign
them of this function. How absurd to say that the citizen "uTzen'can-
can demonetize what the sovereign has monetized! And monetize.
this is precisely what it comes to if the citizen has the
right to say in what a debt to him has to be paid. Think
of an enactment of the Congress declaring that a citizen congres-
or even a foreigner has the right to demonetize the n""it that*
"standard dollar! " If the sovereign monetizes, nothing or foreigner
but the sovereign can demonetize ; both are acts of sov- eh"e the
standard
ereignty. dollar.
In the case last mentioned, a lawyer being consulted
would tell A to make B a " tender," and if B accept
it, A would be free from the debt ; but if B refuse it,
then B could, of course, sue A and get the amount of the Effe ,. t of
original claim, ten thousand dollars and the interest ae- tender -
cruing up to the time of the " tender ; " but he could
get no interest for the time after the " tender " or any
costs of suits, but B would have to pay all of A's costs.
This would be complete protection to A and no injury
to B. This is what money is for ; and the citizen has
no voice in the matter, even if there should be wdiat has
been called a " specific contract " law on the statute books.
But more of this hereafter.
A further illustration : Suppose A owes B a debt of one
hundred dollars and wishes to pay the same, and for
that purpose offers to B a thousand as fine horses Horses.
as ever fed on the blue grass of Kentucky. Would
they pay the debt? No. B could sue A and make him
pay debt and costs just the same as if A had done noth-
ing whatever. Suppose A offered any other article or other
commodity in any amount, would it or they pay? No;
62
Thirty Years' War on Silver
Cubic yard
of uncoined
gold.
National
bank notes.
it would be just the same as in the case of the horses.
Lands. Suppose A offered a deed with perfect title and full pos-
session of the finest and most valuable block of buildings
in San Francisco, Chicago or New York. Would this
pay? No; no better than the horses. Suppose A offered
a cubic yard of pure but uncoined gold. Would that
pay ? No ; no more than the others. Lastly, suppose
A offered one million " dollars " in national bank
notes or any of the substitutes for money. Would they
do ? No ; still no more effective than the others.
Thus it is seen that nothing can pay a debt except
legal tender, and consequently nothing but legal tender
is money.
Still further to illustrate : Suppose A for a valuable
consideration agrees that he, six months hence, at some
designated place, will deliver to B a thousand horses,
or indeeel any other thing or things except money. Is
there any power in any court or in any department
of the government to make him do it ? No. " What,"
men have often said to the author, " is it possible that the
court cannot compel him to comply with his contract?"
The court cannot ; it lias no such power. A moment's
reflection shows that the court could not possibly have
such power. Suppose A did not have the horses and
could not get them. Surely no earthly power can perform
an impossibility ; and the proof that any other power than
earthly could would be very interesting discourse. Then
Remedy. what is B to do ? Has he no remedy ? Yes ; he has a
remedy, and a good one, too, provided A has sufficient
property which " is not exempt from execution." It is
this : B can sue A for the damages that resulted to B
by reason of A's failure to comply with his contract. The
jury, provided a jury is demanded in the case, or the
judge, if no jury is demanded, will estimate and deter-
Thousand
horses.
Failure to
deliver.
What is Money? 63
mine in money, in tender, the amount of the damages that Damages in
,. money.
B has suffered from As failure to comply with Ins con-
tract. And the estimation can be determined or made in
nothing else but money, tender; it cannot be in grain,
animals, vegetables, or indeed in article or commodit) :
it must be money, tender, not in any one or more of
the six substitutes for money. Then under the authority
of the court, " executions " will issue against the property
of A, and enough of A's property will, under die author- Property
11. sold for
ity of the court, be put up for sale to the highest bidder money.
bv public auction to raise the amount of money, tender,
fixed as the damages ; and this money, tender, will be
turned over to B, and this pays the debt; for in the This pays
eye of the law, when the amount of the damage is " fixed "
by the judgment of the court in money, tender, at that
moment it becomes a " debt," a " sum certain " due by
implied contract. As the judges and text-book writers
say, the law implies a contract on the part of A, the
defendant in the case, to pay the judgment.
True, this language of the law writers is lamentably language
° contra-
contradictory to their definition of contract. A " con- dictory.
tract," they say, is an " agreement " between two or
more persons. There must be an agreement, a meeting
of minds, at the same time and on or about the same
thing; a proposition made on one side and accepted on
the other. To say that the judgment of a court is a
contract in the above-mentioned sense is a striking mis-
nomer. There is no agreement between a plaintiff and a
defendant in a case; on the contrary, there is the sharpest
and sternest disagreement, and the losing party dis-
agrees even with the court or jury that decides the case.
The author has long thought that this contradictory lan-
guage in the law should be discarded and more accurate
and at least ^incontradictory phraseology employed. It is
64
Thirty Years' War on Silver
believed it could be done ; but this is not the place for the
attempt.
A last illustration : Suppose A through inadvert-
ence, negligence or even malice should damage B in a
Tort. manner that is in the language of the law called a tort,
that is, damage arising otherwise than by breach of con-
tract. For instance, destroy his property, — say burn his
house, or kill his horse, or assault his person, in such
Remedy. manner that the law gives B a remedy. Now, what is
the remedy? Almost precisely as that in the last illustra-
tion. B brings suit, and a jury or judge, as the case may
be, estimates and fixes the damages in money, tender.
The same. Judgment is entered and execution is issued, and A's
property is taken into the custody of the law, put up for
sale to the highest bidder until a sufficient quantity of
the property is thus sold to raise the amount of the judg-
ment in money, tender ; and this money, tender, is handed
over to A, and this, as in the last illustration, pays the
debt ; for in this case, too, the law calls it a " debt " by
reason of its being assumed that there is an implied
contract on the part of the defendant to pay the judg-
ment. In this case it is to be observed that there never
has been an agreement between A and B ; on the contrary,
there has been disagreement and contest all the time.
viewed from Let us now view this picture from another point. Sup-
point, pose, as stated above, that A damage B by a " tort "
committed through inadvertence, negligence or even
malice ; but also that A after reflecting on his " inad-
vertence," " negligence," or, in case of " malice," the
" atrocity of his intended crime," wishes to make repara-
tion and thereby free himself from all liability in the
matter, and especially from paying heavy costs of suit.
Certainly in morals he has the right to do so, and he
should have it also in law. But suppose B is a " hard
" Pays
debt."
What is Money? 65
man " and says, " No ; he must pay me all my damages
and die costs of the suit. I shall sue him." What is A
to do? Must he wait until he is sued and cast in the
suit, and then pay all damages and the costs ? No ; the
law is wise and fair. He can do what in law is called
" tender amends," that is, offer to B sufficient money, « Tender
tender, to cover all the " damages " B has suffered from
A's act ; and this discharges the obligation. Hence the Discharges
money is called, in this view of the case, a discharger ° >lga
of obligations, as there is as yet no " debt " in the techni-
cal sense of the term, but rather an obligation or liability.
True that, in case B should refuse the money, the tender,
and bring his suit and recover judgment, there would
be, by fiction of the law, as soon as a judgment was " dock-
eted " against A, a " debt " due from him to B. For, in
this case, as in a case stated some pages back, B could
get the amount of the damages awarded to him by the
court ; but he could not get his costs out of A ; on the
contrary, he would have to pay A's costs if he recovered
judgment for no more than A tendered to him. There-
fore to make the statement, even in language, as accurate
as possible, the second attribute of money is called the second attn-
discharger of obligations, as contradistinguished from the charger of
u , ., „ obligations.
narrower term debts.
The reader is congratulated on his at last reaching Reader
the end of these, it is feared, over-minute and elaborate lated."
illustrations. They would have been much briefer and
fewer had it not been that nearly every point of them
has been hotly contested and disputed by Gold Solomons
of great eminence and notoriety in the politics of many
States and by some of great eminence in politics of the
nation. As a commentary on the history of the times, if commentary
' , , on history of
for no other reason, at least a few of the alleged argu- the times.
ments with which Gold Solomons have, in their own opin-
5
66
Thirty Years' War on Silver
Common
measure of
value.
ion, crushed the author in conversation on the silver
question will be given.
SECTION IV.
Characteristics of Money : The Measure of Value
and the Medium of Exchange.
First Characteristic. — The first characteristic of
money considered will be what is usually called A Com-
mon Measure of Value ; and sometimes a Common De-
nominator of Value.
(a) The Common Denominator of Value. — Now
what is meant by this phrase, " Common Measure of
Value ? " The solution of it pierces deep. The common
view of it is inadequate, fallacious, misleading and ex-
ceedingly mischievous ; the true view is full, logical, right-
guiding and very beneficial.
The Standard Dictionary defines " measure " thus :
" Extent, quantity, capacity, value or dimensions in gen-
eral of anything, as ascertained by a certain rule or
standard."
J. Laurence Laughlin, Ph. D., Head Professor of
Political Economy in the University of Chicago, as his
name and titles appear on the title page of his work
entitled, " The Elements of Political Economy," first pub-
lished in 1887, a revised edition appearing in the year
1902, in discussing money as a measure of value, says,
" We ought then to find a common denominator of
His axioms, value ; " and then he adds, "First of all, the common
denominator of value must itself have value, and gold and
silver have been chosen by common consent for this
function." Then from this axiom he draws the inference
that " paper money " cannot be a common denominator
of value, because according to his axiom the common
Meaning of
term.
Professor
Laughlin.
His infer
ence.
What is Money? 67
denominator of value must itself have value. Then he
absurdly argues for the demonetization of silver, one of
the things he has just said " have been chosen by common
consent for that function ; and because they have value
in themselves ! "
A measure of a thing must be of the same kind or Measure and
nature as the thing measured. Length must be meas- must be of
ured by length, as a rope by feet and inches, a road by kind.
miles ; a surface by surface, as a tract of land by acres ;
capacity by capacity, as tank by barrels or gallons ; weight
by weight, as an ox by the pound ; and time by time, as
the visit to a friend by hours, days, weeks. But it does
not follow from all this that paper money could not be
a common denominator of value ; that is, in a country
where the law permitted money to be made of paper, as
is the case in England but not in the United States, as
will hereafter be proved.
The writer of this text has frequently asked even Gold
Solomons what is meant by their statement that " money
is a measure of value " and " money is a common de-
nominator of value ; " and even the Gold Solomons were
not eminently successful in their explanations ! But after
fruitless attempts they would seem to give up in despair,
but preserve dignity by that loftiness of manner signified
by the phrase " regarding the incident as closed." "incident as
The phrase " common denominator " comes to us from
that branch of the science of mathematics called arith-
metic, and pertains to " fractions." A fraction is one Definition of
or more of the equal parts into which one whole number
or more whole numbers of the same kind have been
divided. Sufficient for the purpose here in mind to say
that a fraction has two parts, a numerator and a denom-
inator. The denominator denominates or names the frac-
tion. The word etymologically considered comes from
68 Thirty Years' War on Silver
the Latin, de (from) and nomen (name), — in the ab-
lative case it is nomine. Divide any object, say, an
apple, into equal parts, and thus make fractions of it ; not
into unequal parts, for that would be making it mere
fragments. If the apple be divided into two equal parts,
what would each part be called? What would it be
named? What would it be denominated {de nomine)?
What denominator of the fraction given? Each part
would be called a half ; that would be the name of the
part, and the denominator of the fraction would be " 2,"
signifying the fraction's name, halves, and the numerator
of the fraction would be " 1," because that numerates, or
numbers, the parts of the apple after its division. And
so on, if divided into thirds, fourths, or fifths, etc., the
denominators would be two, three, four, five, etc.
Suppose we take the fractions |, f , f. Each of these
has a denominator; that of the first one is 2; that
of the second, 3 ; and that of the third, 4 ; but there does
not yet appear a denominator that is common to all
three of the fractions, to wit, the 1 the f, and the f .
Can one be obtained ? — Yes. How ? — By simply chang-
ing the name of each fraction without changing its value,
denominating it differently. Converting or changing i
into ^2 does not change its value, because T 6 ^ equals \- t
in mathematical language r 6 o = \. Changing § into T 8 2
does not change its value, because T 8 ¥ equals f ; mathe-
matice , i%=f ; and changing f into ^ does not change
its value, because yV equals f; mathematice, tV — J.
There is something very analogous to this in money,
and it is designated by calling it the common denominator
iiiustra- of value, or values. It may perhaps be illustrated thus :
tions: sheep, . ... .
hogs, cows, Suppose one hog equals in value two sheep ; one cow two
hox - ses. . , .
hogs ; and one horse two cows. Mathematice, one
(horse) equals two (cows) ; one (cow) equals two
What is Money? 69
(hogs) ; and one (hog) equals two (sheep). Here horses
measure cows, and cows measure horses ; cows measure
hogs, and hogs measure cows ; therefore, horses measure
hogs, and hogs measure horses ; and hogs measure sheep,
and sheep measure hogs ; therefore horses measure sheep,
and sheep measure horses. In all these cases, horses,
cows, hogs and sheep mutually measure each other.
But suppose we can get the value or measure of any of
these things in money, then we can get the measure of all
in money. Assuming a sheep to be of the measure of a
dollar, or, in common language, " worth a dollar," then
a hog would be of the value of two dollars ; a cow, four
dollars ; and a horse, eight dollars. Thus we see that
dollars is the measure common to sheep, hogs, cows and
horses. And so it might be on through the entire list of
commodities and lands ; indeed, all things which are
bought and sold in the market or business of the world.
Keeping in mind the fact that in fractions the denom-
inators denote division ; thus, in § the denominator 3
shows that some thing, say an apple, has been divided
into 3 parts, and in | that the thing has been divided
into 4 parts, and so on for any number ; perhaps it may
be, even though somewhat awkwardly, expressed, rather
roughly indicated, mathematicc thus : —
sheep hogs cows horses
dollars dollars dollars dollars
In each case " dollars " names, or denominates, the value
of the commodity, the sheep, the hog, the cow, or the
horse ; it is the name common to all to express their value.
Of course, it is not claimed that the foregoing is ex-
pressed in rigid and perfectly accurate mathematical
language, but it is hoped it may aid in getting a clearer
notion of monev as a common denominator of value.
jo Thirty Years' War on Silver
Perhaps the matter may be made a little clearer by the
following : —
Sheep divided by dollars gives dollars as a quotient;
hogs divided by dollars gives dollars as a quotient ; cows
divided by dollars gives dollars as a quotient ; and horses
divided by dollars gives dollars as a quotient. Mathe-
matice : —
Sheep -f- dollars = dollars ; hogs -f- dollars = dollars ;
cows -r- dollars = dollars ; and horses —■ dollars = dollars.
Again, in the case put on page 69, suppose it be assumed
that one sheep is of the value of two dollars instead of one
dollar ; a hog, four dollars ; a cow, eight dollars ; and a
horse, sixteen dollars.
Then specifically, one (1) sheep is divided into two (2)
dollars; one (1) hog into four (4) dollars; one (1) cow
into eight (8) dollars ; and one (1) horse into sixteen (16)
dollars. Mathematice, thus : —
1 sheep -r- $1 = $2 ; 1 hog-^$i=$4; 1 cow-=-$i =
$8; and 1 horse -=- $1 = $16; or —
$1 is the common denominator of sheep, hog, cow and
horse ; or again —
sheep hog cow horse
$1.00 $1.00 $1.00 $1.00
; or lastly
1 sheep # 1 hog ^ i cow tf0
— = $2.00: — — S4.00; -; — $8.00;
$I.OO j^~.ww , $1.00 ^~ • J1.00
1 1 horse <* c
and -£zr ~ #16.00.
In estimating the accuracy, clearness and utility of the
foregoing attempt at mathematical illustration, it should
by the reader be borne in mind that the phrase, " Money
Not the in- a common denominator of value," is not the invention of
the author, the author, but that of the " economists," and that he was
merely endeavoring to throw some light on a subject
which, from conversations with Gold Solomons, Spell-
What is Money? 71
binders and others, he found somewhat obscure to them,
and generally misunderstood. He hopes that some little
light has been shed on the subject, and also that a little
more may be by the statement that, after all, the phrase,
" Money is a common denominator of value," may be
regarded as metaphorical, the simile involved being, matli-
ematice, thus : —
Common denominator : fractions : : money : value. statement
And it may be expanded thus : as a common denominator tion.
is to fractions so is money to value, or values.
Perhaps the thought may arise, Why was it necessary
to change the supposititious value of the sheep from one
dollar in the first statement of the case into two dollars
in the second ? The reason was this : to avoid a mathe-
matical difficulty, yea, absurditv ; however, an absurdity Mathemat-
. ~ Jcal absurd-
generally stated in mathematical works, and without apol- "y-
ogy or blush, and it was feared if such absurdity appeared
here, the Gold Solomons and Spellbinders might seize
thereon for unwise and other " campaign " purposes.
This is the absurdity, in the instances stated, to wit,
sheep hog cow „«-,.J horse.
and
$1.00 $1.00 $1.00 $1.00
it might have been very well, while the horse,
valued at $8, cow at $4 and the hog at $2, were
under consideration ; but when the sheep valued at $1
came, there would be trouble. It perhaps might, with
some kind of mathematical propriety, or at least analogy,
be said that the horse of the value of $8 was divided into
eight parts, each part of the value of $1 ; but how in
the name of all the Silver Lunatics and Gold Solomons
could it be said that one sheep of the value of $1 was
divided at all ? He still remained one sheep ; he surely
never was divided into anything until the butcher got him,
and not into dollars or fractions then, but into chops, etc. !
72 Thirty Years' War on Silver
But suppose the Silver Lunatic in his death struggle
with the Spellbinder and the Gold Solomon had tim-
idly ventured to suggest that it did not mean that it was
practicable, that it could really be done, but merely in a
Pickwickian sense, as it were, — the same as the math-
ematical books say that I -~- o = <» , which, translated
into the vernacular, means that one divided by zero equals
infinity !
Then Spellbinder and Gold Solomon would roar out
like bulls of Bashan, and scare poor Silver Lunatic out of
his sixth (and mathematical) sense, saying, " Why, you
stupid little Argentarius Lunaticus, do you not know that
that is not only impossible, but leads to the wildest and
most absurd conclusions?" Formally stated now in
Spellbinder and Gold Solomon jargon, the objections
are as follows : —
(i) The thing is impossible. How can zero, naught,
mere nothing, divide ? Nothing can do nothing — " do "
division or anything else. (2) Even if zero, naught,
mere nothing, could divide, how could it ever live long
enough to divide infinitely ? Just to think ; it, the little
zero, naught, mere nothing, could beat a million, for if a
million divides a number, it could not make infinity as a
quotient, and you say that zero could. It is absurd !
And (3) if all these absurdities could be gotten over and
answered, then the greatest of all would still stare you in
the face, yes, stare you right in the face, to wit : Now, if
1 + = go one divided by zero equals infinity ( 1 -r- O = 0= ) , would
2 + = oo you not say also that two divided by zero likewise equals
infinity? Would you not say that? Silver Lunatic,
loquitur: " Yes, I would also say that." Spellbinder
and Gold Solomon, loquntur: " Would you also say that
34-0= co three divided by zero equals infinity (3-^-0=^)?
Silver Lunatic, loq.: "I would say that." Spellbinder
What is Money? 73
and Gold Solomon, loq.: "And a million?" Silver
Lunatic, loq.: "Yes, a million!" Spellbinder and Gold 1,000,000 -=-
Solomon, loq.: ; ' Now, just see what you have come
to! Suppose you will also admit now a rule of mathe-
matics universally accepted as true by all mathe-
maticians? But even that, too, is doubtful, since you
Silver Lunatics are so besotted in your ignorance that you
dare to deny the right, yea, the ' divine right,' of the Gold
Solomons to rule the world ; yes, ' divine right,' because Divine
... T right.
did not God give it to them, and that is by divine right. It
is just, right and fair, too, that the Gold Solomons — the
men of money — should rule the world, by dictating the
legislation on money, because they understand that sub-
ject. But will you, sirrah, admit the rule, the axiom of
mathematics, that things that are equal to the same thing
are equal to each other? Will you admit that?" Silver
Lunatic speaks, and even with a little rising of courage:
" You put a question that seems to involve two points, as
most pettifoggers do, designing to produce confusion, and
fog and mist. The first seems to be the right of the Gold
Solomons to dictate the legislation on money, and the sec-
ond is your mathematical axiom. The first I deny, because
it involves the right of the burglar to dictate the legislation
on burglary, for do not the burglar and the banker go
each into his work with the same general motive, to make
money? Does either go in for charity, benevolence or
religion? And each going in with the selfish motive of
making money, each would, if permitted to dictate the leg- Bankers dic
islation pertaining to his business, shape the legislation to legislation
his own selfish ends. No ; better to let all the rascals, —
burglars, bankers, lawyers, judges, doctors, clergymen,
carpenters, blacksmiths, farmers, mechanics, railroaders,
butchers, bakers, et id omiic genus, in short, even the Gold
Solomons and Silver Lunatics, — go in and watch each
74 Thirty Years' War on Silver
taw of the other. Look at the laws of some Christian lands when
nobility.
the nobility enacted them. Nobility — abuse of that en-
dearing term, noble ; ever is it that the doer of bad deeds
seeks to cover them under attractive names. In England,
according to Lord Holland, there were, as late as 1810,
two hundred and thirty-eight (238), if memory serves
correctly, distinct offenses for which the punishment was
death. In some countries it was the right (" divine right,"
was it?) of the noble lord to sleep with the daughter
of his tenant the first night after her marriage. Look also
at the penalty, and reason given therefor, for the offense
of a Christian man having sexual intercourse with a Jew-
ish woman, to wit, " sexual intercourse between a Chris-
crimes and tian man and a Jewess was deemed a crime against nature,
punishments. . . . .
and was punishable with death by burning. Quia est rem
habere emu cane, rem habere a Christiano cum Judaea
quae cauis reputatur; sic comburi debet ? Rather would I
trust the whole people to make the laws on all subjects
class-law than to any class of them to make the laws on subjects
appertaining to their own class, or to those appertaining
to any other special class, or the laws generally, even if
that class were the nobility or the Gold Solomons. If all
men will not be generous, benevolent and unselfish (if
they were so, all laws and other acts would be good and
serviceable), it is better, as stated above, to let all the ras-
cals watch each other.
" O, ye Gold Solomons, pardon me, but ' I was run
away with.'
" Now to the second point of your question, to wit, the
mathematical axiom that things that are equal to the
same thing are equal to each other. I admit that."
Spellbinder and Gold Solomons speak : ' Well, you
do, do you? Then we shall not deign to notice your
tirade against us nobility, but proceed at once to show the
1 =2!
What is Money? 75
absurdity in which you have involved yourself, trusting
that it may teach you humility and modesty, and withal
better manners than to be attacking your betters — us
nobility ; better manners than to blackguard your betters.
Then if one divided by zero equals infinity (mathematice,
1 -r- o = e/> ) , and two divided by zero equals infinity
also (mathematice, 2-f-o = =oo), then, according to our
axiom, things that are equal to the same thing are equal
to each other, one equals two {mathematice, 1=2)!
" Again, if one divided by zero equals infinity (mathe-
matice, 1 -=-o=os), and three divided by zero equals
likewise infinity (mathematice, 3-^-0= e/>), then, ac-
cording to the axiom, one equals three! 1 = 3;;
" Lastly, if one divided by zero equals infinity (mathe-
matice, ( I -T- O = • c» ) , and a million divided by zero
equals infinity, too, then, according to the axiom, one is i = 1,000,-
equal to a million !
" And so on for any sum to multi-millions. And thus
you would make the poor, little miserable, ' measly,' Silver climax.
Lunatic equal in the sight of Infinity, the infinite God,
to the multi-millionaire. What a blasphemy ! Shame
on you, shame on you ! "
Let it not be understood from the foregoing that the
author has, by the lips of Silver Lunatics, attacked either
mathematics or the mathematicians. Such is not the case.
First, it is the Gold Solomons that speak. Second, it
merely shows that when a discussion touches upon the
infinite, the infinite in any respect, even in mathematics,
man's faculties fail him. There one day is as a thousand
years, and a thousand years are as one day — one equals
infinity (i = o»). Should the author's views, limited
and imperfect as they are, be attacked for this reason, then
it may be supposed that the mathematician would break a
lance in his defense. It shows, too, that all argument
7 6
Thirty Years' War on Silver
" Tiat
money.
Sublime
language.
and reasoning, discourse of every kind, is subject to the
imperfection of the human language. The language of
man is indeed a wonderful thing, but his shortcomings
here too may teach the sublime virtue of humility.
" But, beloved, be not ignorant of this one thing, that
one day is with the Lord as a thousand years, and a thou-
sand years as one day." 2 Peter 3: 8.
And it is clear that money gets its power to be the
common denominator of value from its obligation-dis-
charging power and its debt-paying power, and both the
two powers come from its being the " legal-tender "
power, and the " legal-tender " power comes from the law
and the law alone. Hence all money is made by mandate
of the law, the fiat of the law, and is therefore " fiat "
money. There cannot possibly be any money but " fiat "
money, Gold Solomons to the contrary notwithstanding.
Think of the ridicule that has been cast upon Silver Lun-
atics for their " fiat " money, as if there could be any
money but fiat money ! Fiat is a word from the Latin
language, meaning, " let be made." The sublime language
of the Almighty recorded for the whole earth in the first
chapter of the book of B'reshith, is, according to the Vul-
gate : —
" Dixitque Dens: fiat lux. Et facta est lux. Et vidit
Deits lucem quod esset bona. Et divisit lucem a tenebris.
Appellavitque lucent Diem, et tcnebras Xoctein." Gen-
csis 1:3-5.
["And God said: Let light be made. And light was
made. (In the English Version it is, 'And God said, Let
there be light, and there was light.') And God saw the
light that it was good. And he divided the light from the
darkness. And God called the light Day, and the dark-
ness he called Night."
In the august scene above narrated, in the sublime Ian-
What is Money? 77
guage of the Hebrew Scriptures, no one, it is believed,
feels greater admiration and awe than the author, or with
deeper reverence and awe prostrates himself in worship
before the Author of created light ; and although it is,
indeed, comparing things smaller, and yet those things
of immense import to the American people, to things the
greatest, yet it is hoped and believed that there is not even
the appearance of irreverence or lightness in illustrating
the great act of the framers in creating money by the
august scene above so sublimely stated. Therefore with
no irreverence may it be said : —
So the carefully weighed language of the Federal Con-
stitution was, by its wise framers, put therein, and by the
whole people of the United States adopted for the whole
people of the United States, Let gold and silver be made
money, and gold and silver were made money; Let gold
coin and silver coin be money, and gold coin and silver
coin were money. The fiat, and the fiat alone, did it.
See the analogy in verse 4: "And God saw the light
that it was good." So here. The sovereign, the people,
saw the money of the Constitution, the gold coin and the
silver coin, that they were good. "And He divided the
light from the darkness." So here, the framers divided
the money from the things that were not money.
Verse 5 : "And God called the light Day, and the dark-
ness he called Night." So here, the wise framers called
the gold coins and the silver coins money. And they did
not call other things money, because other things were
not money. God gave suitable names, to wit, the Light
and Darkness. So the wise framers gave the gold coins
and the silver coins a suitable name. Money. But the
usurpers confound the darkness with light ; they call other
things than gold coins and silver coins money ; yea, they
even call bits of paper money.
78 Thirty Years' War on Silver
Whenever the day comes that the courts of the United
States will do their sworn duty under the Federal Con-
stitution, it will take a higher authority than the usurped
power of the Congress to unmonetize, demonetize, either
gold coin or silver coin. But of that, more anon. So
much for money as the common denominator of value.
Let us examine it now as —
(b) The Common Measure of Value. — In what
sense is money the "common measure of value"? It is,
when properly understood and defined, the common
measure of value, but not as misunderstood and so defined
by the Gold Solomons. For they and the accredited politi-
cal economists — in the day's phrase of fashion, " econ-
omists " — define " money " as a " measure of value," and
say whatever measures value is money. This has already
been shown to be untrue. See pages 49 and 50.
For it was there shown that any commodity measures
value, even land, since the law now makes land a com-
modity. It would indeed seem impossible that any sane
mind could so claim, but nevertheless it is so, as the fol-
lowing, selected from many similar incidents in the
An incident, author's experience will show. During the first contest
for the presidency between Mr. McKinley and Mr. Bryan,
the author was going from Nevada to California. In the
smoker one morning a conversation arose between three
gentlemen and himself on the political topics of the day.
Of course the " silver question " came in. Opinions were
expressed, certainly in a most friendly manner, indeed ;
but they were contradictory and emphatic. The three
gentlemen, it is believed as intelligent men as can be
found in any State of the American Union, expressed
their definition of money, the same that has been herein
discussed, that of the economists and the campaign Spell-
binders, namely, " Money is a measure of value. The
What is Money? 79
definition was attacked by the line of argument hereinbe-
fore given, the author's old pocketknife and a cigarcase oid pocket-
belonging to one of the gentlemen being used instead cigarcase.
of cow and horse, as in the argument before given.
When it conclusively appeared that the old pocketknife
fulfilled every function of money according to their defini-
tion of it, then each one of them held steadfastly to his
definition, and said the old pocketknife was money ! The
author said, " Gentlemen, if that is the case, I am defeated ;
the victory is yours. I crown the brow of each of you
with the laurel of intellectual victory, and I retire a sadder
but wiser man. When you say that my old pocketknife
here is money, I feel as helpless to make response to you
as if you were to say to me, " This is dark midnight, and
we cannot see you, and you cannot see us. Helpless,
helpless am I ! " A pause of some duration occurred.
Then one of the gentlemen said, " Let us admit for the
sake of argument only that the pocketknife is not money,
and hear your view." The answer was : " No, I never
danced a tight rope for any audience yet, and I cannot
begin it now." Finally, after reflection, one of the gen-
tlemen said, " I will admit the pocketknife is not money ;
it is not money, and I will admit it, not only for the sake of
argument, but also for all purposes." The answer : " Then
I could argue with you." Soon the second gentleman
made a statement similar to that made by the first, and
received similar answer. The third gentleman still re-
mained silent. At length this : The Author. — " Well,
sir, your two comrades have deserted you on the
battlefield. Do you still maintain the contest solitary
and alone, claiming all the honor of your victory
for your own famed brow?" He answered, ''Well, no,
the knife is not money, and 1 will admit it." Then the
argument proceeded. At its end the three were silenced.
8o
Thirty Years' War on Silver
The Gold
Solomon's
money.
Photograph
of knife.
At parting with them, the man who held out the longest
for the contention that the knife was money, said, " Yon
ought to write a book on this subject, and if you should
do so, I assure you that I shall buy a copy." Reflecting
on the occurrence a half hour after, in crossing the bay
from Oakland to San kiancisco, the author said, " Such
ignorance on so important a matter is astounding and
appalling. The book ought indeed to be written, and I
shall endeavor to write it." That was in June, 1896, and
not until now, October, 1902, has opportunity come to
write, so great has been the restraint of ' Theages's
bridle " upon the author.
The identical old pocketknife used on the occasion men-
tioned has been laid away in a cabinet of curios " for the
benefit of future generations," labeled thus : —
" THE GOLD SOLOMONS' MONEY ! "
The reader may suppose that the foregoing is wholly
or in part imaginary ; but it is true, and repeated as ac-
What is Money? 81
curately, and even literally, as it is possible for memory
to recall. This and other incidents that might seem out
of place in a work of the nature of the one in hand, are
introduced, among other purposes, for this, to show that
in America during- what is usually termed a political
campaign men stop, — or rather, to nse the original, not
the usually translated phrasing of the old Hebrew Bible,
refuse to "unstop," — their ears and to "uncover," not "Unstop"
ears.
"open," their eyes to new thoughts and arguments, as "Uncover"
men in troublous times lock and bar their doors and win-
dows lest thieves and robbers break in. But they should
likewise remember that though they may occasionally, by
thus acting, keep out a thief or robber, they will also keep
out the friends and neighbors who make cheerful and safe
the hearthstone, and keep out also the bright beams of
Apollo, the god of day, the blessed sunshine that illumines,
warms and comforts. Certainly the dark chambers of the
human soul are in need of the friends, the neighbors and
the light to cheer, comfort and guide.
Please to keep in mind the fact that these gentlemen,
intelligent though they were, contended, as numbers of
others have contended, rather than abandon their " def-
inition," that anything that can be exchanged for some
other thing, even an old pocketknife, is money.
Another Incident. — Let us see some of the other
thing's that have been claimed to be money. And here
again it is believed that an incident among many in the
experience of the author would best illustrate and explain.
In a conversation with a gentleman who was a Spell-
binder on the Republican side in the last campaign be-
tween Mr. Bryan and Mr. McKinley, and who was sent
out to the West to teach the benighted there how to vote Benighted
on the money question, and who exhibited letters from
the " National Committee " thanking him for his very
6
82 Thirty Years' War on Silver
efficient and able efforts, and indeed attributing a large
part of the success of the party to those efforts, the fol-
lowing occurred : —
Author. — "Question: What is money?" Spell-
binder. — Answer : " Money is anything that circulates
from hand to hand in the business of the country."
Author : " But checks, gold certificates, silver certificates
and so forth circulate in this country, and are they
money ? " Spellbinder : " Yes, anything issued under
any law of the United States government is money."
Author: "Would that include demonetized silver coin,
silver certificates, gold certificates, treasury certificates,
national bank notes and government bonds?" Spell-
binder (unabashed and with emphasis) : ' Yes."
Author : " And are they tender also ? " Spellbinder
(triumphantly) : "Yes, they are full legal tender to any
amount. As I before stated, anything issued under any
law of the United States government is legal tender to
any amount."
Here the conversation ended, the countenance of the
Spellbinder beaming with an air of victory and tri-
umph, and that of the author clouded by the thought
that here, as in so many cases among those in high place
mountain of and favor, the mountain of prejudice was too high to pass
wall of ' ig-and the wall of ignorance too thick for reason to penetrate.
These are two of the definitions of money : one broad
and all engulfing, anything ; the other more narrow, but
certainly breezy. Let us touch upon a few others. A
glance at page 45 of this book will show that Professor
Be"f h com- Laughlin says, " Money is a road." The best comment
on this is simply to print it !
During the campaign of 1896, the Hon. Thomas
Hon. Thoma 8 Brackett Reed, who for a long time occupied the second
Keed. e highest position in the government of the United States,
aorauie.
Professor
Laug
Best
ment
What is Money? 83
to wit, Speaker of the House of Representatives, was
sent by the " National Committee," or at least he came
to the West to teach the unlettered denizens of California
and those of Oregon how to vote on the silver question.
His first appearance was in Los Angeles, Cal. There
he told an admiring audience what money was, and how
they should vote on it. He said they had just then had
an election " down in Maine," in which he had taken part,
and told them down there what money was, and that
money was a wagon ! He said money was a hayrack, and. •• Hayrack "
of course, everyone knows that a hayrack is a kind of a " ago1
wagon, a wagon for hauling hay. He pictured in glow-
ing colors how the " down-east " farmers threw up their
pitchforks in gleeful joy when they at last got to the pro-
found thought that money was a hayrack, that this came
home to their hearts, homes, haystacks and pitchforks,
and that the victory that they rolled up for the grand
old party at the ensuing election was glorious indeed.
Some months after the election, in which McKinley, the
Gold Solomons and gold were triumphant, and Bryan,
the Silver Lunatics and silver were overthrown, the
author was 111 San Francisco, and fell into conversation
with an old and very dear friend of his, a gentleman from
Maine, and, by the way, a Republican. His friend ex-
pressed great joy that California and Oregon had gone
Republican, and that silver was defeated. The author
told the matters above stated, and then said to his friend :
" Fred, when I first read in the papers Speaker Reed's
financial philosophy and the glorious deeds of those
' down-easters,' I said to myself, Well, Maine is surely
the Boeotia of America ; but when a few weeks after I The Boeotia
saw that California and Oregon had followed the ' down-
easters,' I said, Indeed, America has two Boeotias, one in t»vo
its northeast and the other in its northwest corner. But
84 Thirty Years' War on Silver
subsequently, when I saw the victory of the Gold Sol-
omons over the whole country, I thought the whole land
of Uncle Sam, from ocean to ocean, and from Great Lakes
one va*t to the Gulf, was one vast Boeotia, except Nevada (here
cept, ' he was interrupted, but subsequently added) — and some
others."
One general remark about all these so-called " defini-
tions " of money, including that of so profound a thinker
Henry and accurate a writer as Henry George, to wit, " Money
definition of is a labor-saving device to facilitate exchange," may be
made. They are ( 1 ) in the mam fallacious, false and
Defects of misleading; (2) they not only do not distinguish money
tions given from every other thing in the world, as a good and ac-
curate and correct definition of it should do, but they do
not distinguish money from any other thing in the world ;
and (3) even in the parts of them where there are some
Too general, elements of truth they are too general to be of any value.
illustration. They might well be thus illustrated: A gentleman visits
New York or any other large city, and sees a man of
remarkable appearance in bearing, stature, pose, etc., and
says to his resident friend, " Who is that?" and receives
for answer, " That is a citizen of New York." A perfectly
truthful response to the inquiry, but utterly worthless to
the inquirer ; it is too general to be of any value. Indeed,
a large amount of the speaking, writing and teaching of
our country is just of this character, too general to be of
any value, and when an attempt is made to be specific, the
speaker, writer or teacher, as the case may be, too often
falls into error.
In What Sense Is It True That Money Is the
Common Measure of Value? — Now, in the light of
what has gone before, let us endeavor to ascertain, if pos-
sible, in what sense it is true that money is a common
measure of value, or a common denominator of value.
What is Money? 85
It cannot be true thai money, in the broad sense of the Noi in
three intelligent gentlemen heretofore mentioned, to wit, sense.
anything that can he exchanged for some other thing,
or any commodity, is a common measure of value, or a
common denominator of value. That is simply impos-
sible, and too absurd to be taken into consideration, and
will be dismissed without further remark.
Is it true that money in the sense of the breezy def-
inition of the Spellbinder heretofore given, to wit, any-
thing that is issued under any law of the United States,
even including national bank notes and government bonds.
is not only money, full " legal tender " for any amount,
as the Spellbinder claimed, but also a common denom-
inator of value? That is likewise impossible, and too ah- Not in
" breezy "
surd to merit further mention. Indeed, it would not, in sense. '
the first instance heretofore given, like many other con-
tentions heretofore given, have been at all worthy of men-
tion, had it not been (1) by way of commentary on the
history of the times, and (2) to show what kind of mon-
sters met, attacked and slaughtered the Silver Lunatics.
Surelv thev were monsters of air, chimeras dire ! chimeras
ral sense of a man w< mid
not be shocked by that, then in the name of all the ethical
canons, what could shock it? The wooden yardstick was
doubled in length; the metal yardstick was doubled in
value; but each worked a great wrong on him who had
to deliver by such increased yardstick or increased dollar,
and put unjust gain into the pocket of him who received
by either.
Let us consider the analogy in just one point further.
Suppose this increased yardstick was not only endowed
by law with the foregoing qualities, but also with that of
being the payment itself as well as the measure of the Payment
amount. Then suppose cloths were the only things to
be measured and paid for in yardsticks. Now say that
within a given country or area there are one hundred
yards of cloth to be measured and paid for in yardsticks;
but the government has furnished ten yardsticks only tor
this country or area. Of course, the ratio or proportion
of cloth to the yardsticks must be as ten to one, that is, one
yardstick would equal ten yards of cloth. Keeping in
mind the fact that nothing but yardsticks could be offered
in payment for cloth, there would be a great scramble for
those yardsticks, and they would have to move from
place to place and from hand to hand with lightning speed
to meet the demand. And if the demand for them was
greater than the supply, with all the rapidity of change
from place to place and hand to hand, then business would
things.
H2 Thirty Years' War on Silver
to that extent have to stop ; because there would be nothing
to pay with, to carry it on. It is no answer to this to say
credit not that credit would supply the deficiency. That is impos-
sible ; for where there was credit yesterday or in time past,
there must be payment to-day, or in time present. Credit
aids in trade and commerce, but it does not carry it on ;
payment is what carries it on.
In the case supposed, in a most material sense, it is true
The yard- the ten yardsticks equal the one hundred yards of cloth.
aii other ' For, if it were possible, suppose it to be the case that
there was no other business in the country or area but
this cloth business, measured and paid for in yardsticks
alone, then certainly the man who had all the yardsticks
would soon get all the cloth. For the man who had cloth
but no yardsticks, but owed yardsticks to some third
man, would have to go to the man who had all the yard-
sticks to get from him enough to pay the demand on him.
The man with all the yardsticks could put his own price
on the cloth ; he would give, say, instead of a yardstick for
ten yards of cloth, only a yardstick for twenty yards of
cloth. Thus for his yardsticks he would soon get all the
cloth and one-half of the yardsticks, too. And, of course,
then it would only be a matter of time when all the cloth
and also all the yardsticks would be owned by him.
Would there be any essential difference in the case men-
tioned, if there were, instead of just one thing, to wit,
cloth, to be measured and paid for in yardsticks, and if
there were various things, such as ropes, ribbons, threads,
pipes, irons, rubber, lumber, etc., etc.? Certainly none;
only, the business would cover a larger extent, requiring a
mind of larger grasp and comprehension to carry it on.
Soon, in such case, the man with the ten yardsticks would
get all the things that were measured and paid for in them.
Just precisely would this be the case with money, that
What is Money? 113
by which all other things, commodities, including lands,
are measured and paid for.
In a most material sense, money bears proportion and
is equal to all other things ; for, as stated in the yard-
stick case, he who has all the yardsticks can soon get all aii the vard-
. ... . htick* will
the other things measured and paid for in yardsticks and soon give a 11
... 1 1 " 11 1 other things.
the yardsticks in addition ; so he who has all the money
can soon get all the other things and also the money, ah the
• t 1 money will
Then all the remainder of the human race on the earth, soon give ail
1 tt 11 °*her t hi hi;-..
men, women and children, would be his slaves ! He could
say to man, woman or child, "Do my bidding or starve
— die!" and refusing would be starvation, death.
There would be no essential difference again if all the
money were in the hands of a few men or a corporation,
or a few corporations, for then the men running the cor-
poration or corporations could say to man, woman or
child, " Do our bidding or you starve — die ! " The
world has made long and rapid strides in that direction
within the last quarter of a century. What will be the
condition within a quarter of a century more, unless a
check be found, is fearful to contemplate !
All the books say that money is the common measure
of value. That must mean money measures all values,
at least, in the common and general sense of the term. It
has been shown that like measures like, and that only like
measures like. The unlike cannot measure the unlike.
Value, then, and value only, can measure value. Then
the thing that measures and the thing that is measured
must equal each other. Of course, it is not here meant or
asserted that the yardstick itself, in one application to the
piece of cloth a hundred yards in length equals the cloth
in length, but that the yardstick in its one hundred appli-
cations does equal the cloth in length. So the yardstick
multiplied equals the cloth.
8
H4 Thirty Years' War on Silver
So in a hundred dollars' worth of cloth, it is not meanr
or asserted that a single dollar equals the cloth in value,
but the dollar in its hundred applications does equal the
cloth in value.
And when we consider in the supposititious case that the
yardstick is payment as well as measure, then the equality
is apparent and perfect. Then, too, all the length to be
measured, which we may call the general length, and all
the yardsticks with their practicable applications to the
separate parts of the general length must be equal to
each other in length ; and when in the supposititious case,
it is considered that the yardstick is payment as well as
measure, then all the length to be measured and the yard-
stick in all of its practicable applications to the separate
parts of the general length, equals the general length
in value, just as it before equaled the general length in
length.
So the dollar, being payment as well as measure
in its practicable applications, equals all value, as valuable
things. The thing may be conceived as if all the length
to be measured was in one continuous piece, as is a
piece of cloth, and the thing measuring was in another
continuous piece ; say, cloth a hundred yards long, the
thing to be measured, and the yardstick, measuring 'rod,
a hundred yards long, the thing that measures ; these two
certainly must equal each other, otherwise it is false
measure, either over or under, either being wrong. Equal-
ity is the thing demanded.
Now all the things to be measured in value, that is, all
things of all kinds, may be taken together and considered
as one thing, giving us the general concept of value ; and
the dollar in all of its practicable applications to the sep-
arate parts of this general concept of value may be con-
sidered as another continuous thing, like the yardstick
What is Money? i 1 5
above- mentioned; and surely these two things must equal
each other, otherwise there will be false measurement in
value, either over or under, either being bad. Equality
here, too, is what is wanted.
So the dollar in its practicable application to all value,
or valuable things, must equal that value or those valuable
things. Otherwise there will be false measurement and
a want of equality. There should be nice, proper and
suitable adjustment of laws in these matters. There is a
science of social statics and dynamics here that requires as
great skill in their adjustment as the statics and dynamics
of physics; yea, even greater. But that skill has for a
quarter of a century been wanting in our country.
Those who deny the equality between money and value,
as so many have so recklessly done, will also have to deny
that "money is the common measure of value." How
strange that writers, Spellbinders and Gold Solomons
will vociferate that " money is the common measure of
value," and then deny that it measures value — say there
is no equality! Then if money is not the common meas-
ure of value, what is it? and they and all the text-writers
must readjust their definitions of money. And if money,
the measure, does not equal the commodities, the things
measured, then there is inequality, and therefore injustice.
A fair measure of value is needed as well as a fair meas-
ure of length, width, capacity, etc., etc. As false weights
and measures are wrong in trade and business, so are false
measures of value wrong in trade and business. They are
a cheat and a swindle, because they are concealed. A slow
poison is only known when the effect appears in sickness
or death, so false measure of value is only known when
financial sickness and death in the body politic appear,
that is, hard times, panic, and want and starvation.
Then it appears that the dollars in their practicable ap-
inent.
116 Thirty Years' War on Silver
plications to the values measure the values ; all the dollars
in their practicable application to all the values in their
practicable applications measure each other. He who
denies the proposition denies that the dollars measure,
denies that " money is the common measure of value."
First step in One of the steps in the conspiracy for the world's en-
the world's . . . .
enslave- slavement was the silver demonetization. But this will be
treated more fully in subsequent pages.
MICROPOLIS AND MEGALOPOLIS.
(a.) Micro polis. — It is believed that the reader is now
in a position to understand the unwritten history of Mi-
cropolis and Megalopolis. Had Lemuel Gulliver extended
his travels to the two cities named, he might have been
able to report the following history : —
Micropolis is a small island, situated in the midst of the
largest ocean, and as yet neither boat nor ship from for-
eign land has touched on its shores. Its inhabitants con-
sist of just one hundred souls, men, women and children,
whose bodies are in all respects about as are our own. Its
government is republican in form. Its laws, customs,
educational institutions, etc., need not be discussed here.
Suffice it to say that the Micropolitans think them the very
best, and are very proud of them. Their monetary sys-
tem they think, or rather did think, was especially excel-
lent, and were much given to boasting thereof. It con-
sisted of gold coin alone, and amounted in all to ten dol-
lars per capita ; but based on this coin were five kinds of
promises to pay ; but with those promises one could not
pay his debt unless the creditor was willing to take them
and discharge the debt ; the gold coin alone would pay
and discharge the debt. These promises were printed
under government authority on paper of different colors,
to wit, red, green, yellow, blue and brown, white being
What is Money? 117
rejected because it would " show dirt " so plainly, and,
besides, it was said, it was of the color of silver, that
hated metal that the Micropolitans had rejected. Here it
should be stated that at one time silver coin and gold coin
constituted the only money of the island, there being equal
amounts of each, ten dollars in silver and ten dollars in
gold, making in all twenty dollars per capita. But one
time, some years before the period of which we are writ-
ing, a strange disease broke out on the island, something
very much resembling: " yellow jaundice," and their Wit- witenage-
• ,• mote.
enagemote (meaning in Micropohtanese, Parliament, or
General Assembly) was so much affected by it that its
members generally went to sleep for a whole session.
When they woke up, it was ascertained that there was on
the statute book a statute that silver coin should no longer
be used as money, and that no debt could be paid except in
gold coin. No one could tell how the statute got on the
statute book, but sure it was there ! The sleep of the
" yellow jaundice " was so deep and profound that the
people and the Witenagemote both had permitted the
statute to remain on the statute book ; and they have
obeyed it up to the time of which we are writing, although
the constitution of the government of Micropolis plainly
says that silver coin as well as gold coin shall be the money
of Micropolis.
Now there was living at this time among the Micro-
politans a very " long-headed," shrewd man by the name
of Nagrom. Having a genius for finance, and being a Nagrom.
" Napoleon of finance," Nagrom, like his prototype in war
at the siege of Toulon, saw the situation and acted. He
said : —
' These Micropolitans are unwise, they are like unto
the Ninevites, 'not knowing their right band from their
left.' They think the measure of value in Micropolis is
n8 Thirty Years' War on Silver
the gold coin, the red paper, the green paper, the yellow
paper, the blue paper and the brown paper, making in all
twenty dollars per capita, twenty dollars for each man,
woman and child ; and, as there are one hundred capita
(heads), twenty dollars multiplied by the one hundred
will make two thousand dollars in all. This is the appar-
ent measure of value, the real measure of value is the sum
of ten dollars per capita, and ten dollars multiplied by one
hundred make one thousand dollars.
" Now the people in their trade and business think, and
they act on the thought, that there are two thousand dol-
lars in money in Micropolis, arriving at that amount thus:
there are one hundred heads, each head having ten dollars
in gold coin, and also ten dollars in the red, green, blue
and brown paper, making in all twenty dollars per capita
($20 X 1 00 = $2,000). The truth being that there are
only one thousand dollars in money, the real money
being the gold coin ($10 X too = $1,000).
" Again, the people think, and they act on the thought
that those two thousand dollars in (apparent) money con-
stitute the measure of value of all their property, that
is, of all the property in Micropolis. Hence they in
their trade and business, buying and selling, value each his
Apparent property on that apparent basis, to wit, that all of the
basis! money amounts to two thousand dollars instead of on the
true basis, that all of the money amounts to only one thou-
sand dollars. Accordingly each one measures his own
property by the apparent and not by the real measure, by
the two thousand dollars ($2,000) instead of the one
thousand dollars ($1,000), in the apparent as well as in
• the real money, and makes it four hundred dollars ($400)
instead of two hundred dollars ($200) per capita.
' This makes the value of all the property in Micropolis
estimated or expressed in money as forty thousand dollars
What is Money? 1 19
($40,000). Thus: one hundred heads (capita), each head
having four hundred dollars, would make forty thousand
dollars ($400 X 1 00 = $40,000), instead of twenty thou-
sand dollars. Thus one hundred heads, each having two
hundred dollars, would make twenty thousand dollars
($200 X 1 00 = $20,000). The forty thousand dollars
($40,000) is the apparent measure of value of all the
property in Micropolis, but the real measure thereof is
only twenty thousand dollars ($20,000)."
Thus said Nagrom, and thus in addition said Nagrom:
" Now each Micropolitan himself measures his own prop-
erty at double its real value, and he likewise measures the
property of others in the same manner — at double its real
value. As I have a very large amount of property, I shall
immediately sell it all, convert it into money at this appar-
ent measure of value. [For it is not to be understood
by the statement above made that each Micropolitan had
four hundred dollars' worth of property, that it was in-
tended to mean that each himself individually had just
exactly that much. No ; the meaning was that that was
the per capita, some having more, much more, and some
having less, much less ; but the average was four hundred
dollars for each one.]
" Having now sold my property and gotten into my
possession ten thousand dollars in gold coin, the real
measure of value of all the property, I will simply lock
that up in my ' strong box,' where no one can get to it."
Then he proceeded as follows : The money, mind you.
was not put in a bank. Nagrom was too shrewd for
that; banks have failed, and banks might again fail, and
that would be awkward.
Nagrom had ten thousand dollars, one half of the real
money of Micropolis. There were out of his possession,
and in circulation among the people, ten thousand dollars
120 Thirty Years' War on Silver
of real money and twenty thousand dollars of apparent
money, things generally called money, but things that
would, could not pay debts, the red, the green, the yellow,
the blue and the brown paper.
Nagrom now goes to his old friend, Mr. Simplex Gold
Solomon, the president of the bank, and says, " Simplex,
old boy, how are you ? " " Feeling quite well, thank you."
" How about your reserves ? " " Reserves all right, too ;
more than twenty-five per cent." After some moments of
apparent meditation : " Simplex, I'll take a loan from you,
if you desire." " Of course, glad to put our money with
you; how much?" Again meditation. "Well, say five
thousand. I may not have use for it, but I would like to
be sure, and when I get through with it, I can return it."
" What interest shall I have put in the note, Mr. Nag-
rom?" "O what you please. I care very little about
that ; small matter, small matter." ' Two per cent a
month, then? " " Certainly, if you desire." " What time
note to run, Mr. Nagrom ? " "As long as you please ; two
years, if you like."
Simplex Gold Solomon thinks this " is fine," " good
customer, heavy interest, and I'll make it therefore long
time. All these bring in money, and also give the bank
commercial standing." Note is signed. Then : " By the
way, Simplex, how much gold have you on hand ? "
"About seven thousand." ' Well, let this five thousand
be in gold." So Nagrom got his five thousand in gold.
This too he put in his " strong box." Now he has in his
individual control three fourths iY\) of the real money,
the real measure of value, of Micropolis. Of the twenty
thousand dollars he has ten in his own right and five in
his legal control for two years. Nagrom then seems to
retire from " the business world." Nothing is seen of
him for some time.
What is Money? 121
In the meantime, men go on in business, trading, buy-
ing and selling — all on the old basis, the basis that there
are forty thousand dollars in Micropolis, that the general The general
measure of all the property of Micropolis is forty thou- value,
sand dollars.
After a time, three-fourths of the real money being thus
withdrawn from circulation, some " financial stringency "
begins to be felt. The banks lend largely, and still a
stringency is reported in the monetary affairs. Suddenly
the report is in circulation that Mr. Nagrom has retired
from business, and having considerable money on hand,
he is very generously coming to the assistance of " de-
serving persons," and lending on very reasonable terms,
and at short times of payment, so that by thus turning the
money over at short intervals, as soon as each gets out of
his own financial strait, he can assist so many more. Mr.
Nagrom is much lauded for his generosity and humanity.
The borrowing is brisk, and consequently business is
brisk, and for a while the " goose hawks high." "The goose
Again, after a time the majority of the Micropolitans high.'"
are indebted to Mr. Nagrom in amounts more or less
large ; but they do not at all fear pressure from so benev-
olent a gentleman as Mr. Nagrom !
Soon sympathetic people are distressed at the news that
has just leaked out that the philanthropic Mr. Nagrom,
he who so generously assisted so many needy and de-
serving people in the late financial crisis, is now himself,
and by reason of that very assistance, in financial embar-
rassment! A wave of sympathy passes over Micropolis,
and thrills the nerves of all.
In business circles it is now stated that Mr. Nagrom
has been compelled to instruct his attorneys to collect all
that they can on his claims, so that, if possible, he may
meet the demands made upon him, and that Mr. Nagrom's
122 Thirty Years' War on Silver
Mr. Nagrom's health is so impaired by the nervous shock that followed
on the result of his losses that he will retire to some quiet
place and endeavor to regain it.
"Heartless Then through the agency of the heartless lawyers,
suits are commenced. Mr. Nagrom has two years by his
contract in which to pay back the money that he bor-
rowed from the bank, but the debts of his numerous
debtors are now already due.
Typical case. Take one case, typical of many that followed Mr.
Nagrom 's suits : —
Mr. A owed Mr. Nagrom one hundred dollars, and
when Mr. Nagrom's lawyer called for the money, Mr. A
handed him a check on the bank. The lawyer said, " Well,
if this check is paid in gold coin, all right ; but if not, then
I shall return it, and you must pay me the money, the gold
coin. On presentation of the check to the bank, the cashier
offers the lawyer the hundred dollars in red paper. The
lawyer refuses it because it is not tender, and so states. A
similar offer is made in green paper, with similar result.
Then are made in succession offers of yellow paper, blue
paper and brown paper ; and finally offer is made in silver
coin, some of that which had been coined before the en-
actment of the statute declaring silver coin should not pay
debts, and some after the said enactment. But all are re-
fused, and the ground of the refusal is stated to be because
none of the things offered were tender.
The lawyer then returns to Mr. A and informs him that
the bank refuses payment of the check, and demands the
money clue to Mr. Nagrom. Mr. A rushes to the bank
and demands to know why payment is refused, reminding
the bank officials that his credit balance is one hundred
dollars, and yet his one hundred dollar check is refused
payment! The bank officials inform him of what had
taken place. Mr. A then endeavors to get the gold coin
What is Money? 123
from the bank and also elsewhere, but he cannot. He then
goes back to the bank, and gets a hundred dollars in red
paper, a hundred in green paper, a hundred in yellow
paper, a hundred in blue paper, a hundred in brown paper
and a hundred in silver coin, and then goes and offers each
of these in succession to the lawyer of Mr. Nagrom ; but
each offer is refused, the lawyer stating the reason of each
refusal to be that no one of them is tender, that he will
take gold coin in payment, and nothing else. Mr. A
makes other efforts to get the gold coin, but fails. He
has thus in hand six hundred dollars in so-called money,
and he has besides this five hundred dollars' worth of
property, and yet suit is brought against him, his prop-
erty is attached, his business broken up, judgment for the
hundred dollars and the cost of the suit is docketed against
him. All his property is put up and sold by public auc-
tion. Mr. Nagrom's agent is there with sufficient gold
coin in hand to bid in all the property for the amount of
the judgment and costs, and so bids, and Mr. A goes forth
a ruined man ! Think of it, he has five times the amount
of the debt in property, and it all goes for the debt!
A similar process is soon applied to Mr. B, Mr. C, Mr.
D and many others, until at length all the property, both
personal and real, including the gold coin, has passed by
regular proceedings in the honorable, the judicial, tri-
bunals of Micropolis into the hands of Mr. Nagrom.
At this juncture the keel of a foreign steamer for the
first time touches the shore of Micropolis. The captain
of it is a sagacious man, and soon learns the importance
of Mr. Nagrom in this new-found state. In conversation
with Air. Nagrom, he inquires of him how he, a private
citizen, had managed to acquire all the " lands, property,
and money" of Micropolis. On being informed, he said,
"Mr. Nagrom, von are wasting vour life." Mr. Nagrom
124 Thirty Years' War on Silver
rejoined, " How so? " " Thus : this is no place for such a
man as you. Micropolis is too small. You have con-
quered all, everything here ; there is no ambition left for
you here, nothing to do ; life here will ' stale upon you.' '
Mr. Nagrom responded, " Well, I confess that for some
time I have had a feeling of weariness, but did not know
what to do, and even now I can see nothing ahead for me.
So I guess I must just tough it out." ' Pshaw, man,
that is no way to do, that is no way to look at the matter."
" What then? " " Get up all your gold coin and all your
title deeds to your lands, and all your judgments and bills
of sale for your personal property and ship with me.
secretly. I'll show you what to do. You need Megalop-
olis, and Megalopolis needs you."
Mr. Nagrom accordingly gatbers up all his gold coin,
all his deeds of lands and bills of sale of personal
property, and sails in Captain Landcleave's steamer.
Soon they land at the capital of the Empress of the East.
There, on the recommendation of Captain Landcleave, and
his vouching that the titles were good, he disposes of all
of bis lands, personal property and all of his people in
Micropolis at a good round sum, and again sails in Cap-
tain Landcleave's steamer for Megalopolis, where a favor-
able voyage soon lands them.
Let us here take a parting glance at Micropolis. About
a week after the sailing of Captain Landcleave a rumor
arose that the distress of the people of Micropolis so
worked upon the tender feelings of Mr. Nagrom that his
mind became unbalanced, and that in a fit of melancholia
he tbrew himself from a cliff that projected over at a
point on the island and was drowned. The public grief
was great. Many beautiful eulogiums were spoken and
written to his. memory, and a classic marble sbaft, tall
and symmetrical, has been erected to his memory at the
What is Money? 125
spot where his untimely end came. On it is the brief but
impressive legend —
Requicscat in pace. [Rest in peace.]
(b.) Megalopolis. — Some months after the event nar-
rated in the preceding division occurred, the Megalopolitan
great dailies, the Universe, the Nebula, the Star-Dust,
etc., had announcements somewhat as follows : —
' It is definitely ascertained now that the great world-
famous financier, Mr. Nagrom, has arrived in Meg-
alopolis, and at least for some considerable time will re-
main among vis."
The great event passed out of the public mind, as
great events are wont to do, and the Megalopolitans went
about their usual avocations, working, struggling, buying,
selling, " marrying and giving in marriage."
It was at first supposed that a history of Megalopolis,
given somewhat in detail, should here be inserted, but on
reflection two considerations forbid : ( 1 ) The space neces-
sary therefor cannot be obtained; and (2) the details are
too harrowing and sickening. Therefore a few general
remarks only will be made. Its history was in general
very similar to that heretofore given of Micropolis, only it
took a longer time, required a wider reach of intellectual
vision to grasp the situation, and instead of one man
owning all the property, it required syndicates, corpora-
tions, corporations of corporations and trusts. These,
however, all these, followed, and soon the Megalopolitans
found that they could get neither a beefsteak nor coal with
which to cook it without bowing in servile submission to a
few men who controlled these syndicates, corporations,
corporations of corporations and trusts. Then Megalopolis
passed under the complete domination of industrial and
economic tyranny, and its inhabitants, while glorying in
126 Thirty Years' War on Silver
their fancied freedom, liberty, civil and religious, educa-
tional institutions, and, in short, general excellence and
superiority to all the world, found that the names only of
all those things remained to them, but the substance had
fled, and that they were indeed industrial and economic
slaves.
They realized the difference between a real and an ap-
parent measure of value. And when the whole thing: was
accomplished, they would in the brief intervals that they
sometimes obtained between the hours of severe toil, talk
it over among themselves. At such times one might often
hear them say that they wondered then at their former
blindness ; that they had often seen the statements made
••Ninety-five by statisticians and others that ninety-five (95) per cent
oi the men who entered into business failed, and that
but five (5) per cent succeeded; but that they had always
accepted the explanation of the phenomenon given by
the Gold Solomons, that the failures were due to a want
of business sagacity, that such things must in the very
nature of things occur, and that " all could not draw the
prize in the lottery of business ! " They said that they
never for a moment dreamed that such explanations im-
" Ninety-five plied (i) that ninety-five (05) per cent of the men in
fools- business were fools! (2) that "if such things must in the
very nature of things occur," then that God had made man
world made and the world wrong, and that his work and conduct were
wrong.
impeachable; and (3) that "if all could not draw the
Business on prize in the lottery — business," why was business organized
s "on the basis of a lottery ? Why was there but one prize in
business, or, according to the statistical statement, but
five prizes in the hundred in business?
These things seemed obvious and plain after the whole
mischief had happened. But there was no remedy ; the
poor Megalopolitans toiled and thought, and sighed and
What is Money? 127
regretted, but that was all. The law had wrought their
ruin, even while they were praising, adoring the law.
We must here take leave of the Megalopolitans, even
in their distress, and go on to the next subdivision of the
section.
The Second Characteristic: Money the Common
Medium of Exchange. — After what has already been
stated, it would seem that little need be said on this topic.
Of course, money is the common medium of exchange,
as stated elsewhere, under the " characteristics " of money,
giving that term a distinctive meaning in that connection,
getting its power to be such medium from its power to
be a common measure of value, and getting its power to
be a common measure of value from its compulsory power
to pay debts and discharge obligations, whether the cred-
itor or obligee is willing or unwilling that it should so
pay and discharge, and getting this power so to pay and
discharge from its power or quality of tender, and getting
the power of tender from the law, and the law only ! Thus
all money is money simply by the fiat of the law-making
power of the government, and consequently is simply fiat Fiat money.
money. And he who says to the contrary, or ridicules or
abuses the man who does so say, as thousands of Gold
Solomons and Spellbinders have done in late years, is
justly subject to the charge of ignorance or dishonesty.
Even at the risk of tedious and unnecessary repetition,
a risk most keenly felt by the author, the matter will be
briefly stated in another form.
Logically, and by the most rigid ratiocination at that,
going strictly from cause to effect all the way through,
the case is this : —
The law makes tender; tender makes compulsory pay-
ment of debts and discharge of obligations ; compulsory
payment of debts and discharge of obligations makes com-
128 Thirty Years' War on Silver
mon measure of value ; and common measure of value
makes common medium of exchange.
Two Great Blunders. — Some writers, and even those
of great fame, failing to perceive, or, if perceiving, will-
fully ignoring this relation of cause and effect between
the law, through tender down, as stated, to common me-
dium of exchange, make two grievous blunders : ( I ) They
ridicule the idea of " fiat money," and (2) think and say
that the main thing about money is that it is the common
medium of exchange. This is to make the mistake of
saying that the main thing about a railway train is the
Palace car. Pullman palace car. True, to the passenger intent on his
own comfort and convenience alone, not thinking or car-
ing for anything else, the palace car is the main thing
about the train But to the man of thought and reflection,
the steam cylinder, with the expansive power of steam
therein, is the main thing about the train. That is the
thing that makes all the other things, including the palace
car, " go."
Let the steam cylinder be disabled, and all stops ; let
the palace car be disabled, it alone stops, all the others can
go on. So take away from money the law-given power
of tender, and all other things connected with it, including
power to be a common medium of exchange, instantly
cease.
It is easily perceived how writers, looking on the sur-
face alone, should suppose that the exchanging function
of money is its main function, because that is conspicuous,
obvious to the view of all. A late very profound writer,
seeking for a definition of money, goes to a little child to
get it. The little child says, " Money is what you buy
things with." The same definition was given to the author
within the past week by a man who prides himself on
his clear head and hard common sense. But just im-
What is Money? 129
agine a common medium of exchange with which you
could not pay a debt ! Of course, anything can, in an
individual case, be special medium of exchange in that Special me-
case. This was shown many pages back in the case where change.
A wanted B's cow, but B did not want A's horse, so
A first gave his horse to C for C's watch, and then gave
the watch to B for B's cow. Unquestionably the watch
was the medium by which the transaction was carried on,
by which A got B's cow. But money is the only thing
that can be a common medium of exchange, and a common
medium is all that is needed in trade, business, and com-
merce. Perhaps nothing could be a universal medium of No universal
11 1 1 1 c medium of
exchange, because all things are not exchangeable, borne exchange.
things are neither for sale nor exchange, and in the cases
of such things nothing could be their medium of exchange,
because they have no exchange. And even among the
things that are exchangeable, it is perhaps possible that
there is no universal medium of exchange, because it
might perhaps possibly occur that a person might have
some one certain thing that he would not exchange except
for one certain other thing. Then of course there could
be no medium between those two things. If the exchange
could be made at all, it would have to be direct exchange, Direct ex-
giving one thing for another thing, that is, barter. The barter.'
non-exchangeables either by barter or money need not be
discussed here.
In this world the most glaring, striking, flaring objeet
to the sight is not the important or main one in merit; if
so, the blanket, flaming advertising bills of the circus or
theater would be superior to the canvas of Angelo. The
most ear-piercing and loud-roaring sounds are not the
most pleasing or attractive to the ear ; if so, the mouthings
and roarings of the "blatherskite," — almost was said
Spellbinder — would be superior to the convincing
9
130 Thirty Years' War on Silver
words of the genuine orator or those of the man of sound
thinking and fairness in argument. The raging of the
tempest is more striking to the senses of man, but the rays
of the " far-darting " Apollo, the calm sunshine, are far
more useful to him. The glaring and the effective are
often quite in contrast to each other. So it is with money,
the exchanging power thereof is the glaring, but debt
paying is the effective.
If the reader will now turn to page 35 and read again
the definitions of " money," " currency " and " legal ten-
der " there quoted from one of the latest writers, Charles
S. Devas, in his work entitled " Political Economy," pub-
lished in 1 90 1 in London and in New York and Bombay,
striking in- he will see a striking instance of confusion and error,
stances of . r . .. . ..
logical con- coming from failure to grasp the true concept of money.
error. ' The first statement there made is as follows : —
" Money is any exchangeable good which is both a
medium of exchange and a measure of value." This def-
inition of money distinguishes it from no commodity.
Every commodity, from a pocketknife to a steam engine,
has every attribute and quality and characteristic and
incident there ascribed to money. To show in detail,
every commodity is ( 1) a " good ; " (2) it is an exchange-
able " good ; " (3) it is a medium of exchange ; and (4) it
is a measure of value."
The second statement is : " Currency is any medium of
exchange which is current in a certain region, that is to
say, which circulates there, which, as a rule, every one
there will take in exchange."
That is simply to say that currency is currency ! Let
us analyze a little : the elements or factors of currency are
— (1) a medium of exchange ; (2) it is current (currency
is current!) ; (3) it circulates (this is precisely the same
as current, hence the third point is the same as the sec-
What is Money? 131
ond) ; and (4) it is something which, as a rule, every one-
there (that is, in the circle of circulation) will take in
exchange. This again is the same as the second and third
points, and is merely saying that currency is currency !
that what circulates circulates ! that a circle is circular or a
circle ! It would seem that further comment on this point
were unnecessary.
The third statement is : " Legal tender is any medium of
exchange which every one must by law take in exchange,
unless he has previously made a special arrangement to
the contrary with the other party to any contract."
Not, indeed, is it an easy task to analyze such a jumble.
This author is not selected here for criticism because of
there being absurdities in him greater than in the others.
No, all are equally confused, illogical and absurd on this
subject. He is selected because he is one of the latest.
Again to analyze : The qualities or characteristics of
"legal tender" are — (1) a medium of exchange (re-
member anything can be a medium of exchange) ; (2)
such a medium of exchange as " every one must by law
take in exchange, unless he has previously made a special
arrangement to the contrary."
That is, he must take it in exchange unless he prefers Must take it
not to do so. Think of a " legal tender " that one can prefers not to.
neither make legal nor tender, as if it were possible to have
any tender that is not legal! As heretofore shown, an
offer in payment or discharge which the law does not say
pays or discharges is not a tender. If such an offer were
pleaded in court the answer thereto would be " no tender."
that is to deny the tender.
If the citizen has the right or power to say what is
lender, then there is no tender. For until the citizen
speaks, the tender cannot be known, and when he speaks
he may make anything a tender ; therefore the possible
132 Thirty Years' War on Silver
tender is anything " in the heavens above, the earth be-
neath, or the waters under the earth." and the actual ten-
der is nothing! that is, there is no actual tender!
Under these definitions of "legal tender" and
"Lepi ten- money it is quite doubtful whether "legal tender" is
money. money or not ! According to them money has four ele-
ments : (1) "good;" (2) exchangeability; (3) medium;
and (4) measure; and "legal tender" has but two: (1)
a medium; and (2) compulsoriness (and even that com-
pulsoriness is drawn back as with " a cart rope " when-
ever one party says, no compulsoriness!). Of course,
there is nothing of compulsion with such a limitation. If
there is any clear or definite or comprehensible meaning to
these definitions, or this definition, it would seem that
" legal tender " is excluded from the category of money !
Analyses of all the definitions of money given on
pages 34-48 of this work, and of all others that the author
has ever read, afford no better results. All are vague,
uncertain, foggy, misty, contradictory and fragmentary,
and make no distinction between money and any article of
trade or commerce, or any commodity. Surely such def-
initions of money, or of anything else, are worthless ; yea,
they are more than worthless, they are mischievous and
harmful, leading to false valuations, speculation and
panic, and also to misery and woe. •
The Incidents of Money. — (1) That money is a
standard of measure or standard of deferred payments. Of course
ments? y "it has this incident, and also the incident of being a meas-
ure or standard of every deferred or undischarged obliga-
tion, whether that obligation be to deliver at a future date
some commodity, or whether it arises from a tort, that is,
injury inflicted by one person upon another without and
independent of contract. Money is the ultimate solvent
of all obligations in business, trade and commerce, whether
What is Money? 133
considered from the point of view of the law or that of
" economics." (2) The second and last incident that
need be considered here is that money is a storer of value. storer of
This, although perhaps cutting little figure in the solution
of the question, What is money ? is a very important mat-
ter in true statesmanship and ethics and ordinary fair
dealing between man and man.
Is money a storer of value as well as a measure of value
and a medium of exchange? — Most assuredly. A man
labors for twenty years in raising wheat. Instead of
storing the product of each year in an " elevator," he sells
it and gets for it money, that thing that his government
has said to him will pay any debt that he may owe and
discharge any obligation that he may incur. If he stores
his wheat each year of the twenty in the elevator, the
elevator is the storeplace of his labor, and the wheat
the store of his labor; and if he stores in money, the
money-box is the storeplace of his labor, and the money The store-
is the store of his labor. Suppose after storing for the^tore.
twenty years in the elevator, his government should
say to him. " Hereafter neither you nor anyone else in
this country shall use wheat," would this not be legislat-
ing him out of his twenty years' labor? Of course it
would. Is there a particle of difference between that and
if he should store in silver money, his government, after
twenty years of such storing, should say to him, " Here-
after neither you nor anyone else in this country shall use
silver as money "? There is not a particle of difference;
each would simply rob him of his twenty years' labor, so
far as the money value of the store was concerned. If
by any chance the necessities of the government required
this in any case, then statesmanship, justice, ethics and
fair dealing would require that full compensation be
made to him, just the same as if his horses, his cattle, in
134 Thirty Years' War on Silver
short, any commodity, or his lands were taken for gov-
ernment purposes. There is a general constitutional pro-
vision in the States of the American Union that private
property shall not he taken for public use without just
compensation. Can it be possible that under such a pro-
vision private property can be taken for private use, that
is, the use of a few persons at all ! and much less without
any compensation ? Vet this was precisely what was
done in the United States thirty years ago in the con-
gressional enactments demonetizing silver, so far as the
money value of silver was concerned, and still Gold Sol-
omons and Spellbinders tell us " no moral wrong was
done" in such congressional enactments — they cannot
properly be called laws, for they violate the Constitution
of the United States, and whatever does that cannot be
law in the United States. Even the tortuous interpreta-
tion of courts cannot make such things laws, for by and
by judges will arise who will say, " Away with such mon-
strous follies."
Lest misunderstanding should arise, let it be here said
that in the cases above mentioned the commodity value
of the wheat money and also the commodity value of the
silver money would remain. For when money is made of
a thing that has value attached to it before being made
into money, or declared money, then that thing has two
kinds of value, to wit : ( I ) Its former commodity value,
which still remains to it, though perhaps sometimes in-
creased by reason of the addition of the money value, as
gold is perhaps more used for ornaments by reason of
the value added thereto from its being used as money,
its scarcity making people want it more, and the wealthy
and all who can do so get it more. It is believed that silver
watches and silver ornaments are less, and gold watches
and eold ornaments are more numerous since silver fell
What is Money? 135
in value and gold rose in value. However this may be,
it is conceded that the former commodity value of the
thing subsequently made into money remains to it ; and
(2) the money value which it has acquired by reason
of its being made into money. The ratio or proportion of
those two values would be an interesting study, but can-
not be more than barely mentioned here, with the remark
that the two are perhaps about equal, as silver, since its
demonetization, has fallen to about one-half of its former
value.
However this may be, it is conceded that in the illus-
trative cases above mentioned, whatever of commodity
value remains to wheat after its supposed demonetization,
say, for shipment to foreign countries and other purposes,
if any, it would, of course, still have ; it would simply
remain ; and also whatever of commodity value remained
to silver after its usurpative demonetization in 1873, say,
for shipment, ornament or use, it also still had. it simply
remained. But its money value is all gone, or so nearly so
that what is left to it is unappreciable, and its owner was
robbed of this money value that was by usurped power
legislated out of it.
When money is by legislation made of a valueless thing,
then it gets value, immense value, simply by being so
made money, and when the thing so made money is again
by legislation demonetized, unmonetized, deprived of the
money quality or function, then what came by legislation
goes by legislation. All of its value came into it by legis-
lation, and all of its value goes out of it by legislation.
It was a valueless thing before monetization ; it becomes
again a valueless thing after demonetization.
Can a Valueless Thing Be a Storer of Value? —
Here also might, it is supposed, properly be made a few
remarks on the question, Can a valueless thing be a storer
136 Thirty Years' War on Silver
of value? The answer is, it cannot. And here the
" economists " do have one truth. If a man puts his labor
in useless or worthless exertion, he wastes his labor, and
loses it. A man puts in a day's work in removing a pile
of stones from one side of his lot to the other, and then
puts in the next day's work in taking them back to the
place from which they were removed. He thereby stores
no labor, he simply wastes two days' work, loses two clays'
work. The exercise might be beneficial, but that is all.
Here too would come a dilemma to the accredited
"economists/' For they contend that "fiat" money is
absurd, that it is no money at all, that the legislature can-
not make money, that it cannot legislate silver or paper
into money, that the " business world " determines what
is and shall be money.
If such be -the case (but it is not the case), how could
paper money, leaving out silver for the time being, be a
storer of value? It could not, for it has no value, and
their own maxim is that a valueless thing cannot be a
storer of value.
Likewise it may be successfully argued that a valueless
thing cannot be a measure of value, because only like can
be the measure of like, the unlike cannot measure each
other. One cannot measure length by weight. Think of
one's saying that a street is a pound long, or that a day
is a ton in duration ! No, as heretofore shown, like meas-
ures like; weight, weight; length, length; time, time; and
space, space, etc.
Metaphorical True, there is here, as elsewhere, a metaphorical use of
the language, which is sometimes beautiful and effective,
but it is poetical and fanciful, altogether unsuited to
science, except to illustrate, beautify and render attractive
that which science has already made clear, if it is applied
to a scientific subject. For instance, we might, as citizens
What is Money? 137
of one of Europe's most renowned nations generally do,
estimate distance in hours, and say of a certain road that
it is five hours long, meaning, of course, that it would take
that length of time to pass over it. But here the mode of
travel would cut a very important figure. If it were rail-
way train, automohile, horse earriage, or foot traveling.
great differences would be in the length of the road.
Think again of attempting to compare a great general
to a great orator, as Alexander to Demosthenes, Caesar
to Cicero or Napoleon to Patrick Henry !
No; the comparison must be between like and like:
orator and orator, Demosthenes and Cicero; general and
general, Alexander and Caesar, Napoleon and Welling-
ton ; poet and poet. Homer and Virgil; etc. A humorous
illustration may perhaps be pardonable : a country lad
was asked if his father could play the fiddle, and re-
sponded, " I wish I had as many dollars as my father can
play the fiddle ! "
But notwithstanding all this, silver, paper and other
things may be money, a measure of value and a storer of
value. For a valueless thing cannot indeed, while it
remains valueless, be money, a measure of value or a
storer of value ; but when legislation legislates value into
anything, whether silver or paper or other thing, that
formerly valueless thing can without difficulty be money,
measure of value and storer of value.
So when the learned professors, the Gold Solomons
and the Spellbinders say that money, measure of
value, medium of exchange and storer of value cannot
be made of a valueless thing they furnish a beautiful
instance of the fallacy called by the logicians petitio prin- Petitio
. ... , 1 .. , 1" •• 1 principil.
cipn; they completely beg the question; they assume
that the. thing is and remains valueless even after being
made into money, measure, medium and storer. They
■3«
Thirty Years' War on Silver
Ignoratio
elenchi.
also in this case exhibit another grave error, the logical
fallacy denominated ignoratio clench i [ignorance or mis-
apprehension of the question].
The question was, Could the legislature legislate value
into a thing? and not. Could a valueless thing be a
measure of value? or Could a valueless thing be money,
medium or storer of value?
Legislating
value into
thing.
If the legislature cannot legislate value into a
thing.
War times
times of
temporary
prosperity.
what is the good of tariff laws? If such is the case,
tariff laws could neither raise the price of domestic goods
nor keep foreign goods out of the country. The effect
of tariff is to legislate more value into domestic goods
and to legislate a corresponding amount of value out of
foreign goods.
When the Congress declares war. it thereby legislates
value into all war material and supplies. Hence war
times are times of temporary prosperity ; but when the
time comes for paying the debts made by the war, then
" hard times," trouble and distress appear
It would seem that the assertion that value cannot be
legislated into or out of a thing is too absurd for even
the Gold Solomons or Spellbinders to make ; but it is
not so, they do make the assertions.
Suppose the legislature this coming winter should pass
a law — and it could pass such a law — removing the
capital of Nevada from Carson to Reno, would that act
legislate value out of Carson and legislate value into
Reno? Should such an event happen, even the Gold
Solomons of Carson would say, " Xow is the winter of
our discontent ; " and those of Reno exclaim, " And ours
' made glorious summer ' by this noble legislation of
Democracy ! "
The Physical Qualities of Money Material. —
The physical qualities of the material of which money
What is Money? 139
is, or should be, made, occupy considerable space in many
treatises on money. Those are highly important indeed,
as questions of coinage, practical governmental affairs
and in some measure in statesmanship ; but have no bear-
ing whatever on the philosophic and scientific question,
What is money ? and consequently will receive but brief
mention here. Before making even that, if the author
may once more be permitted to become reminiscent, he
will state his disappointment, when he once, while in a
large citv of the Union, put himself to considerable incon-
venience to attend a lecture on money, advertised to be
given bv a learned professor of economics in one of
the great universities of the land. He anticipated much ;
but all that was given was some physical characteristics
of the material of money.
The physical qualities of money that will be mentioned
here are nine in number, as follows : —
1. Desirability, that is, have value; should have such Nine
-. qualities.
qualities of utility as would cause men to make efforts
to get it, give something in exchange for it.
2. Portability, that is, smallness in bulk, and lightness
in weight in proportion to its value. Not indeed, too
small like diamonds, for this would largely curtail its
usefulness as money.
3. Divisibility, capability of being divided into small,
aliquot or equal parts. For if not, small transactions
could not be carried on ; the retail trade would have to
stop. Silver is necessary for the retail trade.
4. Homogeneousness, that is, when divided each part
would be alike and equally valuable ; not like a beef when
butchered and prepared for the cuisine, it becomes beef-
steaks (porterhouse and tenderloin), briskets, soup bones,
etc., etc. ; but like gold or silver, that when divided a part
thereof equal in weight is equal in value.
140 Thirty Years' War on Silver
5. Reunition, that is, the capability of being reunited
or put together again after having undergone division,
as gold and silver coins in the melting pot after having
been before struck into coins ; not like the bullock which
after he has once undergone the process of division pre-
paratory to the skill of the chef, could not certainly by
chef, butcher or other mere man, and perhaps not even
by Omnipotence itself, be put together again as he was
before he has been used in illustration of the butcher's
and the chef's skill.
6. Durability, that is, the old fashioned, Anglo-Saxon
quality of holding out for a long time and being in good
condition at its end; not like a potato or a turnip, brief
in its duration and offensive in its last days.
7. Sameness, that is, does not take on or exude mat-
ter that is unbeautiful, as rust or corrosion.
8. Distinguishability, that is, facility of identification
and readiness of classification, as was profoundly said
of Edmund Burke, that if a stranger stopped with him
but for a few moments under an arch as shelter from
a passing shower, the stranger would say there was a
great man, one of the truly royal and sacerdotal class.
So of the money metals, gold and silver, one can readily
see that they are indeed the " royal metals ; " not royal
because kings in the olden times claimed the lands in
which they were found, but royal because of all things
God has endowed them most liberally with all of the
attributes, characteristics, qualities and incidents suitable
for money ! These attributes, characteristics, qualities
and incidents were recognized by the Aryan race gen-
erally, the Indo-European, the Hebrew, the Greek, the
Roman and the Anglo-Saxon ; in short, wherever has
been found a royal race there is found also the recogni-
tion and use of the roval metals.
What is Money? 141
9. Steadiness, that is, not changing with " every wind
of financial doctrine;" but from the days in which the
Father of the Faithful bought from the children of Heth
the cave of Machpelah, that he might have where to bury
his dead Sarah, on through Homeric, the later Greek and
the Roman times down to the infamous Congress 1 >f
1873, the royal metal, silver, has, with its twin brother,
gold, been the " current money with the merchant " — not
mere " currency," but current money; not a thing that
is " current " until some one says, " No, I shall not take
it ; it shall not be current ; I will check its currency, its
running, its flow ; " but current until the sovereign, the
American people — not that unfaithful servant, the usurp-
ing American Congress of 1873 — says, " No ; silver shall
no longer be current money in this land ! "
It is believed that now has been answered the ques-
tion propounded for Part I of this work, namely. What
is monev in sreneral? what is monev in anv land or anv
country at any time? The answer is simple, consisting
of but three words, but those three are of sublime import.
To the memory of the unknown man who invented the
thing, not the words, there should, in every mart of
commerce in every civilized land, be erected a monument Tin- monu-
taller and more imposing and durable than should be
that to him who invented the steam engine, the cotton
gin, the electric telegraph, the telephone, or the moveable
types ; and equal almost to that which should be erected
to the memory of him who invented the alphabet or
brought it into Greece ; for is it not said that the Phoene-
cian Cadmos brought the alphabet into Greece? On such
monument, wherever erected, should be placed the true
definition of money, in any land or country at any time : —
MONEY IS TENDER.
ment.
PART II.
What is Money in the United States
J
of America?
CHAPTER IV.
Nature of the Government.
SECTION I.
The Three Fundamental Forms of Government.
The Convention of 1787. — Properly to answer
the question that constitutes Part II of this work,
namely, What is money in the United States of
America? it becomes imperatively necessary to consider
briefly governmental science, a subject much considered
in the days of the patriots and statesmen of 1776 and
those of the Constitutional Convention that sat in the city
of Philadelphia from the 14th of April, 1787, to the 17th
of September in the same year, and there framed that Con-
stitution of government for the United States of America,
that the ablest, wisest and best statesmen and students of
the science of government in all lands, among them Eng-
land's great premier, William E. Gladstone, have pro-
nounced the best that was ever evolved from the wisdom
and benevolence of man.
The fundamental forms of government are three, to
wit : —
1. Monarchy: the government of the one; Monarchy.
2. Aristocracy: the government of the best; or some- Aristocracy.
times called. Oligarchy : the government of the few : and
3. Democracy: the government of the people. Democracy.
Monarchy, Two Kinds. — Monarchy is of two kinds:
(1) absolute: and (2) limited.
10 I45
146 Thirty Years' War on Silver
Monarchy Absolute. — The monarchy absolute was
well illustrated historically during the time of the Bour-
bons in France, up to the beginning of the reign of the
sixteenth Louis, and by the Tudors and other " houses "
of England up to and later than the time of the first
Charles. In each of those lands it took a regicide to rid
the people of absolute monarchy. In France, the beau-
tiful and the gay, the head of the good man Louis was
cleaved from his body by la guillotine; and in solemn and
sober England, Charles's fell under the ax of the com-
mon executioner. It would seem unnecessary to use
argument or persuasion that America desires not the
monarchy absolute.
Monarchy Limited. — Monarchy limited is illustrated
by the government of England since the times of the
Long Parliament. The immortals of the Revolutionary
period of America carried on a long, bloody, devastating
war of seven years to free America from this form of
government ; and it is hoped that the " spirit of '76 " still
survives in the bosoms of most of the people, albeit some
do contrast the " uncouthness and vulgarity " of Uncle
Sam with the " elegance and refinement " of John Bull.
It is not believed that the monarchy limited is yet desired
by many in America, though it is by a few, however
much it may be feared by many of the wise and good
that such a monarchy may be stealthily introduced while
the names and forms of constitutional government may
still be possessed.
Aristocracy. — Aristocracy, the government of the
" best," soon degenerates into the government of the
worst. If it were really and truly the best, as the Greek
elements of the word indicate (aristos, meaning best),
there should be no objection; for there is a "divine
right " to rule, and that right is in the people, and the
What is Money in the United States? 147
people have the divine right to the best that is in him or
them whom they, the people, call into their service,
whether that service be on the farm, in the workshop, in
the learned professions, in the army, in the navy, in the
cabinet, in statesmanship piloting the ship of state or
elsewhere ; in each, those whom the people call into their
service should be those who best know how to do the
work needing to be done and who most unselfishly, most
benevolently and most lovingly carry their knowledge
into effect. The people rule ; no one rules them ; all
serve them. When unskilfulness, by trickery and
chicanery or other corruption, works itself into position
over skilfulness, it is rank usurpation ; and when the
people call unskilfulness into their service over the prayer
of skilfulness, it is rank injustice. Duty in the servant
bids him give his best to his master, the people ; and duty
in the master, the people, bids them give the position,
high or low, very or only slightly responsible, to him
who can and will best fill it. But this knowledge, this
capacity to serve the people comes not by heredity, is
not transmitted from father to son along with broad
acres and full purses ; it comes from the " God of
heaven ; " and as often attends upon the landless and the
purseless as upon the acred and pelfed. Aristocracy trans-
mits to its progeny its pride and its arrogance more often
and more abundantly than it does its virtues and its
excellence ; and hence the aristocracy soon becomes the soon be-
kakistocracy ; that is, the government of the best soon tstocracy.'
becomes the misgovernment of the worst. How many
of America's great men have transmitted their greatness
to their offspring? Surely not many. The great names
of the Revolutionary period of American history do not
reappear in the subsequent periods. Washington, Jeffer-
son, Madison, Franklin, Hamilton, ct al. have given no
148 Thirty Years' War on Silver
" Eternal
vigilance."
The great posterity to history ; Clay, Webster and Calhoun have not
have not his-. . . ' .
torical heirs. historical heirs ; Jritt, Burke and box appear not in the
present catalogue of British statesmen ; and Bismarck and
Moltke are not now conspicuous names in the cabinet or
army of Germany. Yet Edward VII., the descendant of
George III., sits on the throne of England, and William
III., descendant of William II., sits in the imperial seat
of Germany ! If merit instead of hereditary right ruled,
would the two last be first in their respective countries ?
It will then be taken for granted that monarchy, either
absolute or limited, is not a plant that flourishes on
American soil, at least not yet; and it is fervently prayed
it may never be. Still it should never be forgotten that
the maxim of Thomas Jefferson and others of the wise
of the earth, " Eternal vigilance is the price of liberty,"
is the first duty of a free people.
Oligarchv.- — Oligarchy, or the government of the
few, is only another name for Aristocracy ; for why should
the few govern unless the few have special qualifications
for the office of government ? There is nothing in simple
fewness to commend it. Mere paucity has in it nothing
of the divine ! If the few that have the possession of
the government are the best qualified therefor, then
they have the right to govern ; but if not, then another
few or the many should take their places. Merit or
capability for service and not mere paucity should be the
test of qualification for office.
The name Oligarchy is odious, because of what oli-
garchs have done ; and the name Aristocracy is odious
because of what aristocrats have done. But the aristoc-
racy in choosing a name for themselves acted with the
cunning so often displayed by parties and factions, to
wit, cover their acts by a name expressive of good quali-
ties. This is a very common device even in the forma-
3Iere
paucity.
What is Money in the United States? 149
tion of parties. And it often happens that parties are
formed on wise and just and good principles by wise
and just and good men; but afterward fall into the hands
of the foolish, the unjust and the bad, who substitute
unwise, unjust and bad principles and measures for the
good old ones, but still preserve the party name. The
undiscriminating sustain the party and vote its leaders
into office, thinking the old name means the old principles,
when such is not the case. To do this is a superstition,
— a political superstition ! What is the meaning of Poiitimi
this word superstition? Let the reader stop here and
attempt to frame a definition of it, and it is believed that
it is not altogether certain that he will succeed at the
first effort. The dictionaries give several definitions, as
do also most people who speak or write on the subject.
For instance, " belief or a specific form of belief in which
ignorant or abnormal religious feeling is shown." Then
ignorance or abnormality is superstition, if shown in
religious matters. According to this definition it would
probably be impossible for any religious sect or division
of Christendom not to regard each other sect or division
as superstitious ; for in some things each would most
probably regard all the others as ignorant or abnormal,
that is, as not knowing the truth or not acting by the
norm or rule. But surely mere ignorance and abnor-
mality cannot be superstition ; for, if so, we all are perhaps
superstitious ; for who can truly claim that he is wholly
wise and knowing, and that he always acts according to
the true norm or rule ? Take a second instance, " cre-
dulity regarding the supernatural, or any instance of it."
Is credulity regarding the supernatural superstition? If
so, if one gives credence to the miracles of either the
Hebrew Scriptures or those recorded in the New Testa-
ment, is he also superstitious?
150 Thirty Years' War on Silver
Etymology. The word superstition comes from two words of the
Latin language, super (over) and stare (to stand), and
it is believed that most generally the true meaning of a
word is best discovered by following the etymological
path. Through this path then we are led to the con-
clusion that something stands over. What is it in the
case in hand? A symbol or a ceremony is used by the
wise to illustrate a truth ; the wise pass away, and the
symbol or ceremony falls into the hands of the ignorant.
The ignorant know not the meaning to be conveyed by
the symbol or ceremony, but they see the symbol or wit-
ness the ceremony, and forthwith think the efficacy thereof
is the symbol or ceremony itself ! The symbol or cere-
mony stands over, remains, when the meaning is lost.
It is man's lifeless, decaying carcass when the soul or
spirit has fled from it ; the sooner it also passes away
the better. If it remains, it corrupts and poisons the
living who are near it. So the dead symbol or ceremony
remaining, or standing over, after the meaning thereof
has departed, corrupts and destroys the thought and
feeling of those who see or witness the same. This is
superstition. The corrupting influence thereof is shown
in the fact that the feeling in favor of the dead symbol
or lifeless ceremony is often stronger than was that in
favor of the living thought symbolized or illustrated in
ceremony. Men quarrel and fight over their symbols
and ceremonies more than over their meanings. The
meanings make men loving and tolerant ; the symbols and
ceremonies make them spiteful and warlike. The old and
wise priest of the Egyptian religion did not worship the
The bun a bull, the symbol, nor the ceremonies performed in the
temple ; he only regarded them as symbols of the vernal
equinox, when the sun, the symbol of the great God,
What is Money in the United States? 151
was in the constellation Taurus, the Bull. The common
and later unwise priest saw the symbol and witnessed
the ceremony, and worshiped them, and still later fought
for them !
So a political party is formed and organized by good
and wise men on a true principle or true principles, and
a name accordingly is given to it. Soon the object of
the formers and organizers is accomplished, or it is hope-
lessly lost, the logic of. events rendering its accomplish-
ment impossible. Still the name remains, stands over, a
veritable political superstition, corrupting the very air
of political meetings at which Spellbinders deceive their
dupes.
The Charge against Prometheus. — Truly the
charge against Prometheus for his benefits to mankind
and his punishment therefor give us a valuable lesson ;
it is thus related by Francis Bacon, Lord Verulam : —
' Tradition says that man was made by Prometheus,
and made of clay ; only that Prometheus took particles
from different animals and mixed them in. He, desiring
to benefit and protect his own work, and to be regarded
not as the founder only, but also as the amplifier and
enlarger of the human race, stole up to heaven with a
bundle of fennel-stalks in his hand, kindled them at the
chariot of the sun, and so brought fire to the earth and
presented it to mankind. For this so great benefit re-
ceived at his hands, men (it is said) were far from being
grateful ; so far indeed, that they conspired together and
impeached him and his invention before Jupiter. This
act of theirs was not so taken as justice may seem to have
required. For the accusation proved very acceptable both
to Jupiter and the rest of the gods ; and so delighted were
they, that they not only indulged mankind with the use
152 Thirty Years' War on Silver
of fire, but presented them likewise with a new gift, of all
others most agreeable and desirable, — perpetual youth.
* * * * *
There follows a remarkable part of the parable. Men,
we are told, instead of gratulation and thanksgiving, fell
to remonstrance and indignation, and brought an accu-
sation before Jupiter both against Prometheus and against
Fire; and this act was moreover by him so well liked,
that in consideration of it he accumulated fresh benefits
upon mankind. For how should the crime of ingratitude
toward their maker, a vice which includes in itself almost
all others, deserve approbation and reward? and what
could be the drift of such a fiction ? But this is not what
is meant. The meaning of the allegory is, that the accusa-
tion and arraignment by men both of their own nature
and of art, proceeds from an excellent condition of mind,
and issues in good ; whereas the contrary is hated by the
gods, and is unlucky. For they who extravagantly extol
human nature as it is and the arts as received, who spend
themselves in admiration of what they already possess and
hold up as perfect the sciences which are professed and
cultivated, are wanting, first, in reverence to the divine
nature, with the perfection of which they almost presume
to compare, and next in usefulness toward man, as
thinking that they have already reached the summit of
things and finished their work, and therefore need seek
no further. The}' on the other hand who arraign and
accuse nature and the arts, and abound with complain-
ings, are not only more modest (if it be truly considered)
in their sentiment, but are also stimulated perpetually to
fresh industry and new discoveries."
Hacc fabitla docet [this fable teaches] that modesty is
meritorious, and that vainglory is reprehensible and
hated by both gods and men. When a man boasts and
What is Money in the United States? 153
boasts and boasts of his ancestors, it is a pretty sure sign Anoestmi
that that is about all that he has of which he can boast ; he
has ample leisure and opportunity for such boasting-. So
when a Spellbinder boasts and boasts and boasts and
keeps on boasting of the achievements of his party, it
is a pretty sure sign that the said party is now in a situa-
tion similar to that of the man boasting of his ancestors
— the party has no present principles worthy of boasting :
it is a dead carcass from which the soul or spirit has fled,
and it is corrupting the body politic, and it is only
political superstition that yields it reverence. The name
stands over, and political superstition holds, that in honor ;
while thought condemns the present attitude of the party
and marches on to new deeds blessing humanity. Super-
stition stops and wastes its time in self-worship ; truth
leaves its past record to the care of the gods and proceeds
on its way in doing good to man. A party that has no
present principles to commend it, but appeals to its past,
is dead, and has no right to live. Jupiter condemned
Prometheus, and the people will condemn such a party.
Man will and should disregard it. The party whose merit
is entirely in the past should appeal to the past for its
approbation and support, and not to the present. The
present has its own burden, and the past cannot lift that
burden ; only the present can serve the present.
It is not claimed that the past merits or achievements
of an individual man are not to be considered ; on the con-
trary, those are the surest guaranty of his future useful-
ness. But with party and a man claiming under the merit
of his ancestors, it is different. For in those cases new
and different men rule and lead the party, and the descend-
ant is not always, and rarely is, of the same temper as his
ancestor. Each individual person on his own merit should
be the rule, and the exception to it should be rare.
154 Thirty Years' War on Silver
Impossible.
Nevada.
Original
thirteen
States.
Eighty
millions.
From the foregoing it is confidently concluded that
neither monarchy nor aristocracy, alias oligarchy, is de-
sired by the American people, although some have stated
in the author's hearing that they thought the English
government better than that of the United States;
but it is a matter of congratulation that as yet the num-
ber so thinking is not large. See to it, you, the people,
the sovereigns of America, that it does not increase!
Again, " Eternal vigilance is the price of liberty." It
is certain that the forefathers rejected the monarchy and
the aristocracy, including its alias, and, after wise and
mature deliberation, adopted the third form, democracy.
Democracy, Two Kinds. — Democracy also is of two
kinds: (i) democracy direct, sometimes called pure
democracy, and (2) democracy indirect, or representative.
Democracy Direct. — The first, democracy direct,
though given as a class by all the renowned writers on
the science of government, is impossible, and never ex-
isted. Ancient Athens is given as an example of it ; and
although perhaps coming nearer to it than any other state,
it lacked much of being such. Direct or pure democracy
means that all of the people meet, make, interpret and
execute the laws. And this never happened in Athens.
Perhaps one-fourth or even one-half of the people never
participated in the making, interpreting or executing of
the laws of Athens. Indeed, such a thing is impossible
except in a state too small for any practical purpose of
government in this bold, stirring, aggressive, grasping
world of ours. The people of even the small State of
Nevada could not meet at one time and in one place for
any one or all of these purposes. Those of the original
thirteen States on the Atlantic slope would have still
greater difficulties to overcome ; and to think of it with the
eighty millions of Americans now would be absurd.
What is Money in the United States? 155
The New England town meeting is often cited as
pure democracy ; but it was not so. It was local and lim-
ited ; had jurisdiction over only a small part of the terri-
tory of the State and a small part of the subjects apper-
taining to government — a mere arc of the circle of the
attributes of sovereignty ; purely democratic, as far as
it went ; but its extent over both the territory of the sov-
ereignty and the attributes of the sovereignty was small,
too small to be cited as a pure democracy in the full sense
of the word.
Again, the people, the sovereigns, should ever be on
their guard against granting away to any tribunal too
many of these sovereign attributes. Keep power in their
own hands and let their servants apply for it in individual
cases when it is needed. This is not only safer, but the
only course of safety. The history of the world proves it.
When the people grant away their power, they have legally
provided themselves with a master, or masters as the case
may be ; and that master or those masters will master
them, rule them with a strong hand. Tyranny armed
with the State's powers is awful and cruel. Revolution
is then the only cure ; and even successful revolution is
dreadful, and unsuccessful is appalling; and hence men
often remain slaves rather than risk the perils of attempt-
ing to gain relief by revolution. No ; the people, if wise,
will not surrender their sovereign powers. The people
should delegate enough power, but not too much ; and
when the danger line is doubtful, it is best to halt. It is
safer afterward to grant more power than to attempt to
recall power unwisely granted. When the tiger has tasted
blood, he wants more. When tyranny has tasted power,
it thinks it is its right to hold on to it, and deems itself
injured when deprived of it.
156 Thirty Years' War on Silver
SECTION II.
The Form of the Government of the United States.
Democracy Indirect or Representative. — Conse-
quently democracy indirect or representative was the form
of government wisely chosen by the convention at Phila-
delphia in 1787, and subsequently adopted by the sover-
eign people of the United States in 1789.
The charac- The men composing that convention had carefullv and
ter of the . .
men of 1787. laboriously studied the science of human government and
were deeply versed in the knowledge of human nature.
They knew the weakness and corruption of men, and also
the weakness as well as the strength of each kind of gov-
ernment ; and they, to preserve liberty, formed a govern-
ment of checks and balances of power. No one kind of
government and no one department of any kind was given
all power.
The four The government under the Constitution there framed,
ions of the and subsequently adopted bv the whole people of the thir-
crovoriimcot
teen States, has four grand divisions, although but two
are generally noticed or mentioned. They are as fol-
lows : —
1. The general government ;
2. The state governments ;
3. The powers reserved to the people of a state ; and
4. The powers reserved to the whole people of the
United States.
The Theory. — The theory on which the members of
the convention proceeded was that matters appertaining
Things to the whole people of the United States, the people at
large, should be under the jurisdiction of the general
government to the extent of the powers granted to it by
the Constitution, but no further ; and the control and
What is Money in the United States? 157
direction and management of such matters were ceded,
given, granted, by the Constitution to the said general
government ; hut the jurisdiction, management, direction
and control of all matters and things that were not by the Things
J local.
Constitution ceded, given, granted, to the said general
government were retained by States or by the people
either of a State or of the whole United States. This
great doctrine was not even left to the natural and proper
interpretation of the instrument itself, though that would
have been sufficient. The wisdom of that day, well know-
ing the aggressive and usurping nature of legislatures
and of men in power, chose to hedge this doctrine about Doctrine
r & hedged
with a special inhibition. The tenth amendment to the about.
Constitution of the United States contains this inhibition.
It is as follows : —
" The powers not delegated to the United States by the Tenth
... amendment.
Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are re-
served to the States respectively or to the people."
Mark the language, " not delegated to the United
States by the Constitution." The powers are " dele-
gated ; " not before possessed, or otherwise obtained, but
delegated, and delegated in one manner alone, that is, by only one
~ . . . . " source of
the Constitution ; there is no other possible source of power.
powers in the general government except the Constitu-
tion. If the Constitution gives not a certain power
claimed, then, however much such power may be needed
or desired, the general government has it not ; and woe
to the man whose conscience will permit him in his seat interpreta-
in the Senate of the United States, or in the House of science.
Representatives, or on the bench of the Supreme Court of
the United States, to read into that instrument, or inter-
pret into it, what he believes in his heart the framers of
it did not put there ! To such a man, be it said, " Let the
unjust and perjured judge or legislator tremble; for God
will smite him with the sword of his wrath ! "
158 Thirty Years' War on Silver
" Reserved." — Mark the language further : Powers
" are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people ; "
not ceded, given or granted to the States or to the people,
as was the language in reference to the powers granted
to the general government, but reserved to the States or to
the people. The States and the people did not receive,
had nothing given or granted to them ; they simply re-
tained all that was not by the Constitution granted to the
general government, they quoad [as to] the reserved
powers remaining sovereign. The general government
has no power over the reserved powers.
The First Grand Division of the Attributes of
Sovereignty. — Mark the caution and care of the wise
framers ; they would not consent to intrust all the powers,
all the attributes of sovereignty, to one government even,
but provided for two, the general government and the
state governments ; and some, and those of vast impor-
tance, they declined to give to either.
Instances of Powers Not Granted. — Instances of
powers granted to the general government need not be
mentioned ; the face of the Constitution shows them in
abundance. Instances of powers reserved or powers
remaining in the State governments sufficiently appear in
their respective constitutions, but a few instances of
powers not delegated to the general government, but re-
served or remaining to the whole people of all or a spe-
cified majority of the United States, will be given, and
also a few of those reserved or remaining to the people
of a single State in contradistinction to the government
of said State. As to the first : —
The Power to Make Amendments. — The power to
make amendments to the Constitution is a power reserved
to the whole people of the United States or a specified
Force law. majority thereof. The power to make a national divorce
What is Money in the United States? 159
law is a power so reserved, for no one snrely would claim
that one State had the power to make a divorce law that
could be operative in another State. Indeed, numerous
are the instances of such reserved powers that could be
cited, and among them, the power to determine what thing
or things should be money or tender, provided it were Declare
ever deemed desirable to change from the two metals,
gold and silver, that are now the money metals fixed and
settled by the Constitution.
Instances of Powers Reserved to the States or
to the People of the States. — Instances of powers re-
served to the State or to the people of a State may be
given as follows : ( 1 ) To make amendments to a State
constitution; (2) to punish crimes, say, murder, burglary,
larceny, etc. ; in short, to attempt to enumerate the powers
reserved to the State or to the people of a State would be
like attempting to enumerate the trees of the forest or
the flowers of the field ! All of those powers are attributes
of sovereignty, and yet men high, indeed, very high, in
national councils, influence and authority, say that because
the power to say what thing or things shall be money is Lame and
an attribute of sovereignty, ergo, it belongs exclusively conclusion,
to the Congress !
This is the first grand division of the attributes of sov-
ereignty under the Constitution of the United States.
The Second Grand Division of the Attributes of
Sovereignty. — The next grand division of those attri-
butes is the threefold division of the powers of the general
government ; for the powers of the state governments
need not be mentioned here, except in one instance, and
that will more properly come further on. The threefold
division of the powers of the general government are as
follows : —
1. The legislative ;
160 Thirty Years' War on Silver
2. The executive ; and
3. The judicial.
The Threefold Division of the Legislative De-
partment. — So careful were the framers to guard and
protect liberty and hedge it about that they even divided
the legislative department into two branches ; yea, when
fully understood, into three branches. They are as fol-
lows : —
1. The Senate;
2. The House of Representatives ; and
3. The revisory power of the executive branch, usually
called the " veto " power of the president.
The House of Representatives. — (1) May indul-
gence be granted for a few words of comment on these.
For convenience, the second branch will be treated first.
The members of the House of Representatives are elected
for a short period of time, every two years, and by the
people of the several States, in what is denominated con-
gressional districts. These members, coming directly and
recently from the people by their free suffrages, are sup-
The present, posed to represent the present, — the present in its wisdom,
its interests, its thought, its wishes and its needs, not for-
getting its wrath and its injustice.
The Senate. — (2) The members of the Senate are
elected by the legislatures of the several States for a long
period of time, six years ; and these are supposed to
The past. represent the past. — the past in its wisdom, its experience,
wisdom— its care and foresight for even the welfare of the present.
By these means it was hoped that the rashness and pre-
cipitation, and sometimes even the folly, revenge, greed
and avarice of the present might be checked by the calm-
ness, deliberation, wisdom and steadiness of the past.
Surelv it is a bad and sad day for any man or nation when
he or it lightly casts aside the wisdom of the past. Let it
What is Money in the United States? 161
not be supposed that the preservation of the folly or
unwisdom of the past is here advocated. The folly and
unwisdom of both past and present should be discarded ;
but in the hasty judgment, the profoundest wisdom and
deepest truth are often branded with the brand of folly
and falsehood.
The Revisory Power of the President. — (3) The
revisory power of the president is really and very truly a
third branch of the law-making department of the gen-
eral government. This power is usually called the " veto "
power of the president ; and by that power the president The power
has more power over any bill before the Senate or House " veto »
of Representatives than any single member of either of
those branches, and also more than a majority of the
members of either the Senate or the House. For a bare
majority of one can pass any bill over the objections of
any minority, large or small ; but over the objections of
the president, usually called his " veto," it requires two-
thirds of the members of each House to pass any bill.
Surely such a power is worthy of being called a third and
distinct department of the law-making power.
The Title, Governor. — For the purpose here intended
it is not necessary to speak further of either the state gov-
ernments or of the other two divisions of the general gov-
ernment, to wit, the executive and judicial. But one re-
mark may perhaps be pardonable, as to the misnomer in Misnomer.
the word governor as the designation of the chief execu-
tive officer of the various state governments. Executive Executive.
is certainly the correct and more appropriate word, for
he is simply the minister, or servant, of the people, who is
chiefly charged with the execution of their laws, that is,
the laws that they have made through their agents or
representatives. He does not govern the people, he simply
serves them ; he is their servant or minister. He is not a
ii
162 Thirty Years 1 War on Silver
" Royal
governor.'
Reverse
superstition.
" royal governor " sent out by a monarch on the other side
of the water to govern his majesty's loyal subjects in
his majesty's name; but he is the servant of the sov-
ereign people of the State. The name " governor " is a
survival of the times of monarchy, and should be replaced
by a name more descriptive of the office as that office now
is. " Executive " is the proper word. In the word " gov-
ernor " there is a kind of reverse superstition ; superstition,
because the name stands over after the functions are
changed ; reverse, because in this case a more odious title
remains to stand for very well liked functions of office,
whereas in most superstitions a pleasing name is retained
to cover a change to odious functions.
Titles of Federal Offices. — The same things may
be said of the officeholders of the general government, ex-
cept that there is no superstition in their names ; the
names of these were chosen at the times the offices were
created and the functions of them designated, and hence
appropriate names or designations were given to them.
But all of the officers of the general government are simply
servants or ministers of the sovereign people, a fact that
neither the officers nor the people should ever lose sight
of ; and the man, whether in or out of office, who is not
content with such titles of office and such functions of
office may be well fitted to be a " royal governor " of a
province, but not to be the servant or minister of a sov-
ereign people.
Division and Subdivision of Attributes. — Thus
carefully, cautiously and wisely did the immortal framers
of the Constitution of the United States divide and sub-
divide the powers of the governments that were therein
recognized and erected, " in order to secure the blessings
of liberty to themselves and their posterity ; " and shame,
shame on him, whether in the legislative, executive or
" Haul down
the flag."
What is Money in the United States? 163
judicial departments thereof, who would dare to strike
down the Constitution! If to "haul down the flag be
treason, deserving of death on the spot," what in the
name of all the milder and more heroic virtues should be
the designation of him who would dare to strike down the strike
Constitution of his country ! 'constitution.
Cui Bono [To idiom for good; or to what purpose] ?
— Doubtless the query has arisen in the reader's mind,
Why this brief sketch or outline of the government of the
United States? Astounding as it may be to state it, the
reason is this : —
Again and again has the author in conversation on the
subject of money met the following argument from Gold
Solomons, Spellbinders, lawyers, intelligent laymen, and
even from so high an official elevation as senator of the
United States has come the argument that is now stated.
High Official will represent all of them : —
High Official : " Why, do you say that the Congress has
not the power to say what shall be the money of this
country ? "
Author : " Yes, that is what I say."
H. O. : " Do you not know that the power to determine
what thing or things shall be money is an attribute of
sovereignty ? "
A. : " Yes, that is known to me."
H. O. : "Then (with a crushing look and air of
triumph) how can you dare to say that the Congress of
the United States has not the power to say what thing or
things shall be the money of this country ? "
Usually here the " incident-is-closed " attitude would
be struck by H. O., and the conversation would cease.
This argument " proves too much, and therefore proves « proves too
nothing." If because a power is an attribute of sov-
ereignty, it necessarily goes to the general government,
much."
164 Thirty Years' War on Silver
then a State could not punish for the crime of murder,
for surely to punish for murder is an attribute of sov-
ereignty ; nor for treason against itself, that is, the State,
in contradistinction to the treason against the general gov-
ernment ; nor even for larceny. In short, if this argument
is valid, it instantly, and in three words — attribute of
sovereignty — wipes out and destroys every vestige of
State government in the United States ! For any power
exercised under the constitution of any State in the Union
is an exercise of an attribute 01 sovereignty, to wit, tax
Abolishes laws, divorce laws, and so forth. So under it State con-
ernment. stitutions, State legislatures, State courts, State executives
are each and all abolished !
It is believed that further comment is unnecessary ; for
he who makes such an alleged argument proclaims his
own ignorance of the Constitution and government of his
country.
Gold Solomon and Spellbinder Logic. — It is
certainly Gold Solomon and Spellbinder logic to say
that under the government instituted under and by the
Constitution of the United States, because the power to
say what thing or things shall be the money of a country
is an attribute of sovereignty, therefore that power, the
power to say what thing or things shall be the money of
the United States, is in the Congress of the United States !
In truth, the famous logical " clincher " of the noted
humorist, Artemus Ward, has now passed into total
eclipse ; in comparison to this new mode of ratiocination
of the Gold Solomon and the Spellbinder, the formula
of poor Artemus is as nothing. That formula was,
Artemus " My wife is a Presbyterian, but I keep a cow." Poor
° S1C " Artemus, thy glory has departed, and the Gold Solomon
and the Spellbinder reign in thy stead Sic transit
gloria — Artemus [thus passes the glory of — Artemus] !
What is Money in the United States? 165
Remarkable Logical Assumption. — Seriously to
consider the matter, the fallacy of the contention of the
Gold Solomon, the Spellbinder, the senator and all that
class is that it assumes and implies that all of the attributes
of sovereignty are lodged in the Congress ! an assump-
tion so utterly false and repugnant to the truth that it
would seem that a ten-year-old boy in school should be re-
buked for such an assertion or assumption, and yet grave
senators and men presuming to put themselves forward
as leaders of the people make it, urge it and fight for it.
If being an attribute of sovereignty takes a power to
the Congress, then all the powers are taken from the
executive department, and also from the judicial depart-
ment, and carried by the three magical words, " attribute
of sovereignty," to the Congress. The president and the
justice of the Supreme Court are stripped of all power,
except the president's " veto " power. In short, the Con-
gress has all the attributes of sovereignty. Has it come
to this ?
The Truth. — No ; under the Constitution of the
United States the Congress has certain powers expressly
granted to it, and whenever it exercises more than those
and those that are " necessary and proper " to carry those
into effect, it is a plain, palpable usurpation of power on
the part of the Congress ; and when it is consciously done,
the men doing it violate their oath of office, and that is
usually and rightly called perjury. Perjury.
The Anarchist. — The anarchist is one who destroys
law, or one who advocates the destroying of law : and
what is he then who thus destroys or thus advocates the
destroying of the Constitution of his country but an an-
archist? And when a great officer of the government of
the United States says the Constitution is antiquated. Constitution
" plaved out," and cannot and should not be observed, he ont."
1 66 Thirty Years' War on Silver
is a traitor to his country, and should be dismissed from
its service ; and those out of office, whether Gold Sol-
omons, Spellbinders, lawyers or intelligent laymen, who
say the same thing, are likewise traitors and unworthy to
enter the service of their country that they would thus
destroy.
Contrast such conduct and such speeches with the sub-
Abraham lime utterance of Abraham Lincoln when delegations went
to see him after his election to the presidency the first
time, but before he took the oath of office and entered upon
the duties thereof.
' It was reserved for the delegation from New York to'
call out from Mr. Lincoln his first expression touching
the great controversy of the hour. He exchanged re-
marks with ex-Governor King. Judge James, William
Curtis Noyes and Francis Granger. William E. Dodge
had stood, awaiting his turn. As soon as his opportunity
came, he raised his voice enough to be heard by all pres-
ent, and, addressing Mr. Lincoln, declared that the whole
country in great anxiety was awaiting his inaugural
address, and then added : ' It is for you, sir, to say whether
the whole nation shall be plunged into bankruptcy.
"Shaii grass whether the grass shall grow in the streets of our com-
grow in the . , ., . ,
streets? •• mercial cities.
" ' Then I say it shall not." he answered, with a merry
twinkle of his eye. ' If it depends upon me, the grass will
not grow anywhere except in the fields and meadows.'
" ' Then you will yield to the just demands of the South.
You will leave her to control her own institutions. You
will admit slave States into the Union on the same con-
dition as free States. You will not go to war on account
of slavery.'
"A sad but stern expression swept over Mr. Lincoln's
face. ' I do not know that I understand your meaning,
What is Money in the United States? 167
Mr. Dodge,' he said,' without raising his voice, ' nor do I
know what my acts or opinions may he in the future,
beyond this : if I shall ever come to the great office of
president of the United States, I shall take an oath. I
shall swear that I will faithfully execute the office of
president of the United States, of all the United States,
and that I will, to the best of my ability, preserve, pro-
tect, and defend the Constitution of the United States.
This is a great and solemn duty. With the support of the " Great and
" t 1 11 J solemn
people and the assistance of the Almighty I shall under- duty."
take to perform it. I have full faith that I shall perform
it. It is not the Constitution as I would like to have it,
but as it is, that is to be defended. The Constitution will
not be preserved and defended until it is enforced and
obeyed in every part of every one of the United States. It
must be so respected, obeyed, enforced and defended, let
the grass grow where it may.' " — Taken from pages 7 /
and 75 of L. E. Chittenden's "Recollections of President
Lincoln and His Administration."
In preparing this work it has been the earnest desire
of the author that no " untempered mortar " should be
" daubed thereon," that nothing even seemingly partisan
should have place therein.
" Because, even because they have seduced my people,
saying, Peace, and there was no peace ; and one built up a
wall, and, lo, others daubed it with untempered mortar :
Say unto them which daub it with untempered mortar,
that it shall fall : there shall be an overflowing shower ;
and ye, O great hailstones, shall fall ; and a stormy wind
shall rend it. Lo, when the wall is fallen, shall it not be
said unto you, Where is the daubing wherewith you have
daubed it? Therefore thus saith the Lord God; I will
even rend it with a stormy wind in my fury ; and there
shall be an overflowing shower in mine anger, and great
i68 Thirty Years' War on Silver
hailstones in my fury to consume it. So will I break down
the wall that ye have daubed with untempered mortar, and
bring it down to the rround, so that the foundation
thereof shall be discovered, and it shall fall, and ye shall
be consumed in the midst thereof : and ye shall know that
I am the Lord. Thus will I accomplish my wrath upon
the wall, and upon them that have daubed it with untem-
pered mortar, and will say unto you, The wall is no more,
neither they that daubed it ; to wit, the prophets of Israel
which prophesy concerning Jerusalem, and which see vis-
ions of peace for her, and there is no peace, saith the Lord
God." — Ezckiel 13:10-16.
Therefore for a time he hesitated about the two matters
now to be mentioned. At length, however, he considered
that the matters themselves are in no sense " untempered
mortar ; " and he trusted that his presentation of them
may be such that it would in no sense be " untempered
mortar ; " that it could not be truthfully said that he
had " daubed it with untempered mortar."
These two matters are President Jefferson's purchase of
the Louisiana Territory and President Lincoln's Eman-
cipation Proclamation. Both have been charged to have
been blots upon the escutcheons, the one of a great Re-
publican president and the other of a great Democratic
president, inasmuch as each was in violation of the Con-
stitution of the United States.
If they were violations of the Constitution of the
United States, which Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Lincoln had
each so solemnly sworn to " observe, protect and defend,"
how can matters be reconciled ? how can the act of each
be reconciled with the oath and conscience of each, and
especially in the light of the above-mentioned declaration
of Mr. Lincoln that although the Constitution was not as
he wanted it, vet he thought it a " great and solemn
What is Money in the United States? 169
duty " to preserve, protect and defend it, as his oath of
office would require? and also in the light of Mr. Jeffer-
son's repeated and repeated assertion that no power exists
in the Federal government or in any branch thereof except
the powers granted expressly or impliedly in the Constitu-
tion? Is it after all that Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Jefferson
were mistaken, that the Constitution is not binding on the
consciences of Presidents, Congresses or Supreme Courts
of the United States when it contains matter that they dis-
like, or when it does not contain matter that they like?
It is believed that only small intellects and small moral
natures could so hold. Neither Mr. Jefferson nor Mr.
Lincoln ever so held or believed.
In the first case Mr. Jefferson, in a great emergency
that was upon the country, made the Louisiana Purchase.
He admitted its unconstitutionality, but hoped and urged a
Constitutional amendment ratifying his unconstitutional
act. Had this been done as he wished it done, and as it
should have been done, all would have been well. His
unconstitutional act, as he admitted it was unconstitu-
tional, would never have been drawn into a precedent to
plague future generations. The situation was this : the
territory of the Louisiana Purchase was of great, almost
vital importance to the people of the United States. One
fact alone made it of the greatest importance. The mouth
of the Mississippi River and much of the length of that
great waterway was within that territory. Its importance
to the country may be shown by the figure it cut in holding
the country together during the Civil War, from i860 to
1865. That river called thousands of soldiers into the
Union ranks. They said one part of that great river
should not be within the territory of one nation and an-
other part within the territory of another nation ; it must
all belong to the United States. The condition of things
170 Thirty Years' War on Silver
with the French nation made it necessary that Bonaparte
should sell, and Jefferson had to make the purchase then
or never at all. He could not wait for a constitutional
amendment to give him authority, for before that could be
made, the opportunity would be lost. Jefferson was in the
position of an agent, or servant, who saw a great oppor-
tunity for his principal, or master, but had no authority to
seize it, but did seize the opportunity, trusting that his
principal, or master, would ratify the act. Should the prin-
cipal, or master, fail to ratify, the agent, or servant, would
be ruined ; but should he ratify, all would be well. The
agent, or servant, should not claim power where he has it
not, for that is destructive to the principal, or master. He
should admit want of power and plead his principal, or
master's, interest and benefit from his act in his defense.
This is just what Mr. Jefferson did. He did not let slip
the opportunity to obtain the great benefit of the Louisiana
Purchase to his principal, or master, the American people.
He did not claim authority to act. He simply put matters
in such a situation that his principal, or master, the Amer-
ican people, could ratify or repudiate his act. If they did
the former, all would be well ; if the latter, he himself
would be ruined. The people never repudiated Mr. Jef-
ferson's act in any respect ; the benefit to them was too
great. He had their gratitude for it instead of their dis-
approval of it. Through the mismanagement of leaders
at the time, the people were never called upon to ratify the
act of purchase. Jefferson wanted it done, urged it to be
done, and had it been done, all would have been well.
The country would have received a great benefit and the
Constitution no wound. As it was, this wound of the
Constitution has led to others, not so much from the fault
of Mr. Jefferson as from the fault of those who were
leaders in the Senate and House of Representatives during
those times.
What is Money in the United States? 171
In the second case, the case of Mr. Lincoln's Emancipa-
tion Proclamation, the facts and situation were similar.
Mr. Lincoln was conducting- the Union side of the great
Civil War. From first to last in that contest the negro
was an important consideration. Some think he, that is,
his slavery, was the cause of that war, though in truth
other causes had a great deal to do with bringing it on.
Before, during and after the contest the status of the
negro was an important matter, indeed it is not wholly
without import even now. His status during the war be-
came very important. What to do with him when he was
captured and brought into Union lines, or when he vol-
untarily came therein, was a question. General B. F.
Butler claims in his book published some years ago that
he solved the problem. He said those negroes are 11
by the Confederate authorities in construction of fortifi-
cations, etc., hence they are " contraband of war," and
shall be confiscated to the Union. This was done, and
the negro, although he had obtained freedom, and was
" a man and a brother," found himself again a " chattel,"
this time, however, a " confiscated chattel ; " and then be-
cause a confiscated chattel, a freed chattel ! Truly human
slavery produces queer logic. Here his slavery, the quality
of " chattel " in him, is not only admitted, and admitted
to be lawful," but it is actually made the cause, foundation
and very reason for his freedom ! However queer it may
be, it was accepted as the solution of the question, and
Mr. Lincoln issued his Emancipation Proclamation on it,
claiming the right to free all the slaves as a " war
measure."
But like Mr. Jefferson, Mr. Lincoln did not rest here;
he and his friends- saw the necessity of legalizing the abo-
lition of slavery.
A point of some importance appeared here. Granting
172 Thirty Years' War on Silver
that the " contraband of war " notion freed and legally
freed those negroes who had been actually used by the
Confederate authorities in the construction of fortifica-
tions, etc., how about those negroes who had never been
so used? Could "contraband of war" reach and free
those? It was feared not, and to let the negroes be part
free and part slave was not desired. In the beginning of
the contest, and before the beginning of the war, Mr.
Lincoln had said of the United States that they must be
all slave or all free, that a house divided against itself can-
not stand. This same idea may have had some effect,
that the negroes must be all free or all slave, that in that
case, too, a house divided against itself cannot stand.
At all events the leaders took steps to cure the matter,
and in the same way that Mr. Jefferson urged the matter
of the Louisiana Purchase be cured. The method was by
an amendment to the Federal Constitution abolishing
slavery. The amendment is the thirteenth, and is as fol-
lows : —
ARTICLE XIII.
Section i. Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude,
except as a punishment for crime, whereof the party shall
have been duly convicted, shall exist within the United
States, or any place subject to their jurisdiction.
Sec. 2. Congress shall have the power to enforce this
article by appropriate legislation.
This amendment was designed to cure the evil. There-
fore Mr. Lincoln acted in the great emergency, that was
before him as did Mr. Jefferson in the great emergency
that was before him ; he acted as he deemed his principal,
his master, the people's interest, required, and trusted to
their ratification of his act. This case is stronger than the
case of Mr. Jefferson. In Mr. Jefferson's case there was
What is Money in the United States? 173
no ratification by the people, because none was ever asked
of them ; in Mr. Lincoln's case there was a ratification,
and promptly given when asked of the people, and this
ever settles the matter. Therefore, when properly con-
sidered, neither the case of Mr. Jefferson in his Louisiana
Purchase nor that of Mr. Lincoln in his Emancipation
Proclamation, can be reasonably drawn into a precedent
for violating the Constitution of the United States. The
right to violate it exists in no man, whether president,
legislator or judge ; nor in any set of men, whether presi-
dents, legislators or judges. Each and all are under their
oath and in their consciences bound to obey it, bound to
observe, obey, protect and defend it. May God grant that
each and all may ever do so.
Trusting that the foregoing will convince all honest,
rational and fair-minded men who may do the author the
honor to read these pages, that the Constitution of the
United States is binding, and that in it alone is to be constitution
sought the legitimate and rightful source of all powers and
every power that is exercised by the Congress or by any
other department or branch of the general government, let
us endeavor to see what provision that instrument makes
with regard to money ; for from that instrument, and from
that instrument alone, can be obtained the knowledge that
will enable us to answer the question propounded for Part
II of this work, to wit, What is money in the United
States ?
Having in Part I established the fact that money is Money is
tender, and that tender is money, and that nothing else but
tender is money, in short, that the two terms are inter-
changeable, in logical language " convertible," let us turn comertn>ie
to the Constitution and see what provisions are therein
made on the subject of money.
CHAPTER V.
Constitutional Provisions Regarding Honey.
SECTION I.
The Clauses Themselves.
The clauses of the Constitution bearing- on the sub-
ject of money are three, to wit: —
I. The first one is contained in a part of clause
i, section 10, article I, to wit: —
Limitation on the Power of the State. — " No State
shall . . . make anything but gold and silver coin a tender
in payment of debts."
2. The Borrowing Clause. — The second is found in
clause 2 of the last-named section, to wit : —
' The Congress shall have power ... to borrow money
on the credit of the United States ; " and —
3. The Coining Clause. — The third is in clause 5 of
section 8 of article 1, to wit, —
' The Congress shall have power ... to coin money,
regulate the value thereof and of foreign coin, and fix the
standard of weights and measures."
'to'
SECTION II.
A Brief Commentary on Those Clauses.
Sub-Section I.
Introductory.
Thesis. — The thesis now proposed to be established is
that silver coin is, and, since the formation of the Consti-
174
What is Money in the United States? 175
tution of the United States, always has been, money, ten-
der, and there is no power, either State or Federal, to
change it without an amendment to the Federal Consti-
tution authorizing the change
In discussing this question the following rule of in-
terpretation is laid down, to wit : —
Rule of Interpretation. — It is a rule of interpreta-
tion that every writer on the Federal Constitution admits,
that when a power is claimed to be in the general gov-
ernment, those so claiming must show in the Con-
stitution either an express grant of the power claimed
or that the power claimed is " necessary and proper " to
carry out some express grant of power therein. In short,
that there must be either an express grant of such power
or an implied grant thereof.
No Express Grant. — There is not, and could not be,
any pretense by any one that the power to make tender,
the power to say what thing or things should be tender,
is an express grant of the Federal Constitution. Then
the only question that remains is, Is there in said Consti-
tution an implied grant of such power?
No Implied Grant. — The very language of clause 1
of section 10 of article 1 settles the question ; there is abso-
lutely no room for doubt. It is : " No State shall make
anything but gold and silver coin a tender in payment of
debts." But of course each State can make gold and
silver coin such tender. But for perversity the argument
would end here. The language admits of but one inter-
pretation ; there is no need of construction. The lan-
guage interprets itself.
Tender in the Colonies. — Before the formation of
the Federal government, each State or Colony in America
had and exercised the power of saying what was tender
in said State, Virginia saying tobacco in it, Massachusetts
176 Thirty Years' War on Silver
wampum in it, etc. Each State having that power, then
what took it away ?
Passing over the broad claims sometimes made for the
commercial clause in the Federal Constitution, three things
only have ever been suggested as having done so, and
these are the three clauses mentioned in the preceding sec-
tion, to wit, the States' limitation clause, the borrowing
clause and the coining clause.
Sub-Section II.
First Contention.
Limitation (i) FlRST CONTENTION: THE LIMITATION ON THE
the "states? Power of the States. — The first is (said clause 1 of
section 10 of article 1 above referred to) : " No State shall
make anything but gold and silver coin a tender in pay-
ment of debts."
When it is said that no State shall make anything but
gold and silver coin a tender in payment of debts, can it
be possible that it meant, no State shall make gold and
silver coin a tender in payment of debts ? No State shall
make anything but gold and silver coin tender means it
shall not make those! I venture to assert that no such
interpreta- interpretation of language has ever before been thought of
by civilized man. On the contrary, the conclusion is irre-
sistible that each State has the power to do just that thing,
to declare gold and silver coin such tender, and it can
declare nothing else such tender ; it cannot declare gold
or silver coin, it must declare gold and silver coin, if it
declares anything. Thus the " legal tender " is, by the
Federal Constitution, " fixed " in gold and silver coin
thT't'oni-.tY- beyond the power of change by either the State or the
Federal government. If a State has not the power to
declare anything whatever such tender, in short, no power
tion unique.
Money
fixed
What is Money in the United States? 177
over the subject, what sense is there in saying no State
shall make anything but gold and silver coin such tender?
In that case the language in said clause is without sense,
meaningless, utterly void and nugatory ; it cuts no figure
in the instrument, adds nothing thereto and takes nothing
therefrom. That must be a vicious interpretation that vicious in-
renders such language of no effect. The truth is, the
power to fix tender is, under the Constitution, either a
State power, the State power being limited to gold and
silver coin, not gold or silver coin, or it is a constitutional
power, meaning a power fully expressed in the Federal
Constitution and self-executing, requiring neither State
nor Federal legislation to carry it into effect, except the
enacting by the Congress of coinage laws.
In either case, it comes to precisely the same thing. If
a State power, the State must have " legal tender," and
it can only have gold and silver coin, not gold or silver
coin ; if a Federal power, then, too, the Constitution fixes
it in gold and silver coin, not in gold or silver coin. In
either case it is beyond change by either the State or
Federal power until an amendment to the Federal Con-
stitution authorizes such change.
To say that no State shall make anything but gold and
silver coin tender means that no State shall make gold
and silver coin tender, is equivalent in logic to saying that
A is A and not A at one and the same time. a is a and
At the risk of once more being considered prolix, a few
illustrative cases are presented : —
First Illustration. — First : Suppose in the most re-
mote and benighted school district that ever existed in
any " sleepy hollow " in the vast dominions of Uncle
Sam, or over which any Ichabod Crane ever reigned, that
twelve boys, to wit, James, John, Thomas, Richard, Wil-
liam, Edward, Samuel, Matthew, Mark, Luke, Jeremiah
12
not
178 Thirty Years' War on Silver
and Ezekiel, should approach the teacher and say :
" Teacher, may we twelve boys go in swimming to-day ? "
and he responds, " None but James and John may go."
James and John go, but the remaining ten remain. Then,
on their return, the teacher flogs James and John for
going! Would not the trustees of said school be fully
justified in dismissing the said teacher as being both
mentally and morally unfit? In such case it might truly
be said, talis paedagogus nascitur non fit [free transla-
tion, Such a pedagogue was born an ass, not made such].
Second Illustration. — Second : Suppose a cattle
buyer goes to a cattle raiser and says to him, " Will you
sell me some cattle?" The cattle raiser says, 'Yes."
Buyer says, " At what price ? " Raiser answers, " Twenty
dollars a head." Buyer says, " I will take all that you will
let me have at the price, good and bad, just as they stand.
Now, how many may I take ? " Raiser responds, " You
can have none but those in corral number one and corral
number two." Buyer says. " I will take them ; " and he
takes the cattle in corral number one and corral number
two, and subsequently offers the raiser the amount of
money agreed upon. Raiser sues buyer in replevin or any
other appropriate manner ; would he win ? Not unless
Congress- the Congress of the United States were the jury!
It is really too clear to admit of controversy that even
were it the case, the powers under the Constitution
were powers granted to the States therein and thereby
that they, the States, would have the undoubted right to
make gold and silver coin tender, and neither the Congress
nor any other department or branch of the general govern-
ment could " say them nay." And when it is considered
that the powers of the States were reserved powers and
not granted ones, then it would seem that even absurdity
itself could not claim otherwise than that the States had
such right.
s ion a I jury.
What is Money in the United States? 179
Thus far it is seen that the State has not lost its power
to declare what shall be tender, except that it is limited
in its choice to gold and silver coin, not to gold or silver
coin.
The Convention of 1787. — The several States elected
delegates to a convention to revise the Articles of Confed-
eration. The convention met in the city of Philadelphia,
Pa., on the fourteenth day of April, 1787, and elected
Gen. George Washington as its president.
Mr. Randolph's Proposition. — The delegates from
Virginia, as the movement for a convention had orig-
inated with that State, requested one of their number, Mr.
Edmond Randolph, to prepare a proposition to revise the
Federal system. Mr. Randolph did so in fifteen resolu-
tions, but the question under consideration in this book
was not mentioned in any of them, thus leaving the money-
declaring, as it was before, with the several States.
Mr. Charles Pinckney's Draft of a Federal Gov-
ernment. — On Tuesday, the twenty-ninth day of May,
Mr. Charles Pinckney laid before the house the draft of a
Federal government, which he had prepared for the con-
sideration of the convention. In article eleven of said
draft, to be found on page 71 of Mr. Madison's work,
cited on page 188 of this book, was this clause: —
" No State . . . shall make anything but gold, silver or -Gold, silver
copper a tender in payment of debts.'' tender"*" "
Here is the beginning of the discussion of the subject
of tender, or money, in that convention in which our form
of general government was framed. But this proposition Gold, silver
for gold, silver or copper to be the tender for the United rejected! 1 '
States was rejected.
The Committee of Detail. — On Monday, the twenty-
third day of June, Mr. Gerry moved (seepage 418 of said
work) that the proceedings of the convention for the es-
i8o Thirty Years' War on Silver
Committee
elected.
Committee's
report.
" Specie a
tender."
Specie re-
jected.
Committee
of style re-
ports digest
of plan.
tablishment of a national government (excepting the part
relating to the executive) be referred to a committee to
prepare and report a constitution conformable thereto. It
should be kept in mind that the convention had at this time
been in session over a month, and the members were con-
stantly suggesting, proposing and discussing plans and
systems of government for the whole country and the
powers to be granted to the general government to be by
the constitution formed. The motion of Mr. Gerry was
adopted, the committee to be appointed the next day. On
the next day, the twenty-fourth of June, the committee
was elected by ballot, and consisted of Mr. Rutledge, Mr.
Randolph, Mr. Gorham, and Mr. Ellsworth. This com-
mittee was called the Committee of Detail. (See page 427
of said work.)
The said committee of detail made a report on the
twenty-sixth day of July, taking, as careful men should
always take, time to do their work, a little over a month.
And in said report is the following : —
" No State shall make anything but specie a tender in
payment of debts." (See page 459 of said work.)
This proposition to make specie the tender, likewise
failed to meet the approbation of the great statesmen and
thinkers who composed that convention.
The Committee of Style.— On Saturday, the eighth
day of September, a committee was appointed by ballot,
called the " Committee of Style," etc. It consisted of Mr.
Johnson, Mr. Hamilton, Mr. Gouverneur Morris, Mr.
Madison and Mr. King. (See page 591 of said work.)
On Wednesday, the twelfth day of September, Dr.
Johnson, from the " Committee of Style," reported a
digest of a plan, clause 1 of section 10 of article 1 of
which (to be found on page 706 of said work) is as
follows : —
' No State shall make anything but gold or silver coin
What is Money in the United States? 181
a tender in payment of debts." Mark the language here, "Gold or
gold or silver coin, the choice to the State of either, or the tender."
disjunctive used.
On Friday, the fourteenth day of September, the first
clause of " Committee of Style," to wit, clause i of section
10, article I, was altered so as to read: —
;< No State shall make anything but gold and silver coin Gold or
i r i 1 »j /o <• silver re-
a tender in payment oi debts. (See page 729 of said jected.
work.)
The language here is changed on motion to gold and Gold and
• 1 n ,, ,, ... . . . , . , . ,, silver made
silver coin; or, the disjunctive, is rejected, and and, the tender,
the conjunctive is inserted in its stead.
Re-statement in Brief. — A glance at the foregoing
sketch shows : —
First. — Mr. Randolph's proposition presented early
in the session, making no reference whatever to the sub-
ject of money, but leaving that subject where it was be-
fore, that is, in the uncontrolled power of each State.
Second. — The draft of a Federal government by
Mr. Charles Pinckney coming on for hearing over a
month later, providing for control of the State govern-
ments on this subject, by limiting their choice to gold,
silver or copper, that is, leaving to each State its choice to
have gold as its tender, or silver as its tender, or copper as
its tender, or perhaps ail three of them.
Third. — The report of the "Committee of Detail."
coming on three months and over after the beginning of
the session, in which it is proposed to limit each State to
" specie " as its tender ; and —
Fourth. — The report of the digest of a plan by the
" Committee of Style," coming on for hearing four
months lacking two days after the session began, in
which it is proposed to limit each State to gold or silver
coin as its tender, that is, each State could have gold as
its tender, or it could have silver as its tender.
182 Thirty Years' War on Silver
Century
Dictionary.
Nevada,
statute of
1899 and
those of
1901.
But all of these proposals were rejected after debate,
discussion and consideration by the final wisdom of the
convention, and gold and silver coin were fixed in the Con-
stitution itself as the tender of the whole country, free
from the control of the State power, and also from the
control of the Federal power.
In the light of the foregoing, is it possible for intelli-
gence and honesty to say that either any State or the Con-
gress has any power over tender? And the ruling to the
contrary by the Supreme Court of the United States is
one of the few remarkable instances of error into which
that court has fallen.
In the face of all this, that usually very accurate work
the Century Dictionary, published in 1895, says: —
"The Constitution of the United States provides that
no State shall make anything but gold or [italics are the
author's] silver coin legal tender in payment of debts,"
quoting the same from E. Atkinson in the Forum, Oct.,
1 89 1, page 226.
And mirabile dicta [wonderful to be said], the plucky
little champion of bimetalism, Nevada, did in the years
1889 and 1901 fall into the same error. Witness the
" Statutes of Nevada, 1899," page 153, " No State shall
. . . make anything but gold or [italics the author's]
silver coin a tender in payment of debts ; " and also wit-
ness " Statute of Nevada, 1901," on page 153 also, " No
State shall make anything but gold or [italics the author's]
silver coin a tender in payment of debts."
This change from and to or between the two words
" gold " and " silver " began in 1899 ; before that, in 1897,
it was printed correctly, " gold and silver."
In view of these errors of the Gold Solomons, the
Spellbinders, the Congress, the Supreme Court of the
United States, the learned authors and publishers of the
What is Money in the United States? 183
Century Dictionary, and last, but not least, the little
champion of silver, Nevada, one is tempted to mutilate,
alter and change that pathetic prayer of the Saxons of
England on the invasion of their country by the Normans,
" Libera nos, Dominc, furore Normanorum " [Deliver us, The prayer
O God, from the fury of the Normans], to "Libera nos, Saxons.
Doniine, malitia malitiosorum, avaritia avarorum et stul- The prayer
titia stultorum " [Deliver us, O God, from the fury of the American.
furious, the malice of the malicious, the avarice of the
avaricious and the folly of the foolish!], and after so
treating, to adopt it.
Sub-Section III.
Second Contention.
(2) The Second Contention : The Money Borrow- The money-
/-< t-» 1 o 1 1 • borrowing
ing Clause. — Does the State lose this power under the clause.
second subdivision just mentioned, the money-borrowing
clause, to wit, " The Congress shall have power to borrow
money on the credit of the United States " ? The Su-
preme Court of the United States in the " legal tender
case," no U. S., page 448. says it does. The Supreme
Court of the United States in said case had under consid-
eration this question : —
Has the Congress the power to declare the United Question
States treasury note (popularly called the "greenback")
a "legal tender" in payment of debts?
To which question Mr. Justice Gray, speaking for a
majority of the court, says, Yes ; because the Congress is,
under said clause 2 of section 8 of article 1, given the
power to borrow money! So complete a non sequitur is No n seq-
rarely met with in any kind of literature, much less in
judicial decisions. Just to think, the Congress has the
power to borrow money ; ergo, the Congress has the power
184 Thirty Years' War on Silver
State has
such power.
Corporations
have such
power.
Each persoD
has such
power.
Quotation
from opin-
ion.
Power to
borrow
money.
Power to de-
clare money
to say what thing or things shall be money — the power
to declare money ; that is, the power to say what thing
or things shall be " legal tender."
If the power to borrow money carries with it the power
to make money, to declare tender, the power to say what
thing or things shall be money, the power to make " legal
tender," then each State has the power to make money, to
declare money, to say what is money, to make " legal
tender ; " for it cannot be denied that each State has the
power to borrow money. Further, many corporations
have the power to borrow money, and they also have the
power to make money, to declare money, to say what is
money, to make " legal tender; " in short, each citizen of
the United States has the power to borrow money, pro-
vided he can find a lender thereof, and he too, then, has
the power to make money, to declare money, say what is
money, to make " legal tender ! "
Lest doubt should arise in the mind of the reader as to
whether the decision of the Supreme Court was as stated,
the sentence in page 448 of Volume no, U. S. Reports,
will be here quoted, to wit : —
" The exercise of this power [the power to declare the
greenback " legal tender "] not being prohibited to Con-
gress by the Constitution, it is included in the power
expressly granted to borrow money on the credit of the
United States."
Nothinsr could be clearer than that the court derives
the power to declare the greenback " legal tender " from
the power to borrow money ! And it is perfectly clear
that the two powers, to borrow money and to declare
money, the power to say what shall be money, are totally
distinct ; there is no connection between them. The power
to make " legal tender " could be derived from any other
power expressly granted to the Congress just as reason-
What is Money in the United States? 185
ably and as logically as it could be from the power to bor-
row money. Such an interpretation is virtually an over-
throwing and destroying of the Constitution. It might
with equal propriety be said that a license to borrow or
sell whisky by retail would be a license to manufacture Power to
J sell whisky.
or make whisky. The borrowing or selling and the
manufacturing or making would each relate to whisky,
and that is all the connection between them ; so the bor-
rowing of money and the making of a thing by law to be
money each relate to money, and that is all the connection
between them. Were the language reversed, that is, were Language
. reversed.
the grant in the Constitution the reverse of what it is, to
wit, instead of saying, " The Congress shall have power
to borrow money on the credit of the United States," it had
said, " The Congress shall have power to declare tender,"
in other words, to make anything it may please a tender
in payment of debts, then the power to borrow could with
equal reason be derived from the power to declare, as the
power to declare can now be derived from the power to
borrow. It is just as reasonable to say that a power to
declare money " includes " the power to borrow money,
as that the power to borrow money " includes " the power
to declare money. There is absolutely no logical or legal
connection between the grants.
Asrain, had the language of the Constitution been, " The Language
° & & . . changed.
Congress shall have power to make gold and silver coin a
tender in payment of debts," surely it could not with any
showing of reason be claimed that the Congress could
make gold or silver coin such tender, or that it could make
anything else such tender ! In the first case the tender is
fixed in gold and silver coin. But in the second case, to
extend such a grant to saying that the Congress could
make anything else than gold and silver coin a tender
would be equivalent to saying, if one man should say to
186 Thirty Years' War on Silver
another, "You may have my coat and hat," the court
could reasonably interpret it to mean that he could have
his shirt also !
No Strength Gained from Other Powers. — It adds
nothing to the argumentative, logical or legal strength of
the reasoning of the decision of the court to lay down a
number of other powers that by the Constitution are
expressly granted to the Congress. In said opinion the
following other powers are quoted from the Constitution
and laid down, the court seeming to suppose that they
might in some way strengthen its reasoning : —
" The Congress shall have power —
" To lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts and excises,
to pay the debts and provide for the common defense and
general welfare of the United States ; but all duties, im-
posts and excises shall be uniform throughout the United
States ;
' To borrow money on the credit of the United States ;
' To regulate commerce with foreign nations, and
among the several States, and with the Indian tribes ;
" To coin money, regulate the value thereof, and of
foreign coin, and fix the standard of weights and meas-
ures."
It is confidently submitted that no one of these powers,
vast though indeed they are, even hints at the inclusion
therein of the power to say what thing shall be money.
Such an interpretation could interpret anything whatever
into the Constitution. Such could easily interpret mon-
Monarehy archy, even monarchy absolute, into the Constitution :
interprete ^^ ^ .^ & stron g er reaS0 n, provided monarchy absolute
were believed to be necessary " to provide for the com-
mon defense and general welfare of the United States."
If the Congress or the Supreme Court of the United
States can interpret anything that either or both wish into
What is Money in the United States? 187
the Constitution, then the four months" labor of the Phil- Labor in
vain.
adelphia convention, from the 14th of April to the 17th of
September, 1787, was in vain; that immortal instrument
is abolished by interpretation! The will of the Congress Congres-
J ' sional and
or the will of the Supreme Court, or of both, as the case judicial will
1 • tin- supreme
may be, becomes the " law of the land," and not the Con- law.
stitution itself and the " laws made in pursuance thereof,"
as the said Constitution provides. Such interpretations
are not interpretations of the Constitution, but making a Making a
_ Dew Consti-
new Constitution; and that power lies not in the Congress Hon.
or the Supreme Court or in both of them, but in the sov-
ereign people of the whole United States. Law, logic and
reason are crushed and smothered by such interpretations!
Liberty and justice tremble for their safety, and congres- Congres-
sional and
sional and judicial tyranny are enthroned! judicial tyr-
. anny en-
Some Comments on the Decision. — After laying' throned.
down these powers heretofore quoted, the court seems to
become somewhat conscious of the fog, mist, vagueness
and uncertainty involved in the opinion that far ; and, in-
deed, as well might it lay down the ten commandments Ten Com-
. mandments
or the Declaration of Independence and then claim that and the
. , Declaration
the point was established by them! No; if no one ot the <>t inde-
1 # pendence.
powers claimed carries with it the power in question,
what use in laying them down in the opinion? None. If
no one of them individually carries it, then all combined if not one,
. , • ■ r m l • r then not all.
cannot carry it; and a fortiori [with stronger reason | , it
no one of them individually even tends to carry or include No tendency
it. And it is confidently affirmed that no one of the
powers laid down even tends to carry with it or include
within it the power in question. As well derive the
money-declaring power from the power to declare war or
make treaties, for each of these relate to money. And if Treaty mak-
the war-making and treaty-making power each carried
with it and included in it the money-declaring power, then
i88
Thirty Years' War on Silver
Scholastic
puzzle.
Modern
puzzle.
August
tribunal.
Arbitrary
power en-
throned.
the money-making or money-declaring power would be in
two different tribunals, to wit, in the whole Congress, con-
sisting of the Senate, House of Representatives, and in
the President " with the advice and consent of the Sen-
incongruity, ate." Such a situation would be intolerable ; for the Con-
gress might declare one thing money and the President
and Senate another thing to be money ! Then we would
congres- have a congressional monev and a " presidential "-senato-
sional money '
and y rresi- rial money, or we would have no money at all; tor the
senatorial Congress, havinc: the power, migfht sav that the " presiden-
money. & , , i 11
tial "-senatorial money should not be money, and that
would kill it ; and the President and the Senate, likewise
having such power, might say that the congressional
money should not be money, and that would kill it ! Then
both moneys would be made by those having full power so
to make, and also destroyed by those having full power
so to destroy. This would not indeed be the old scholastic
puzzle of an irresistible force meeting with an immovable
body ; but an equally difficult modern one of irresistible
force meeting with another irresistible force !
Truly the assertion that the money-borrowing power
includes in it the money-declaring power is so extremely
absurd as to border on the ridiculous, although it does
come to us stamped with the authority of the " most
august judicial tribunal in the world"! To argue
against this is like arguing against the proposition that
noonday is not midnight ! It is so destitute of logic, rea-
son, common sense, sound sense and sound judgment that
it would not merit even mention, were it not that so great
are the evils flowing therefrom when it comes from the
tribunal that it does. It strikes down the Constitution of
our country and enthrones arbitrary power and plain
usurpation in the seat of government.
Extract from Mr. Madison's Journal. — In the
What is Money in the United States? 189
" Journal of the Constitutional Convention," a work writ-
ten by Mr. Madison during the time the convention was
in session, the notes being taken as he sat in his seat dur-
ing the progress of the debates, may be found strong cor-
roboration of the view that Congress has no power over
tender. The account may be found on pages 541, 542
and 543 of the edition of said work by Mr. E. H. Scott,
published in 1893. A few quotations will be made: —
" Mr. Gouverneur Morris moved to strike out, ' and
emit bills on the credit of the United States.' If the Emit bills of
United States had credit, such bills would be unnecessary ; *
if they had not, unjust and useless.
" Mr. Butler seconds the motion.
" Mr. Madison: Will it not be sufficient to prohibit the
making them a tender? | Italics Mr. Madison's.] This Not a ten-
will remove the temptation to emit them with unjust
views. And promissory notes, in that shape, may in some
emergencies be best.
" Mr. Gouverneur Morris : Striking out the words will
leave room still for notes of a responsible [italics Mr.
Madison's] minister, which will do all the good without
mischief. The moneyed interest will oppose the plan of
government, if paper emissions be not prohibited.
" Mr. Gorham was for striking out without inserting
any prohibition. If the words stand, they may suggest
and lead to the measure.
" Mr. Mason had doubts on the subject. Congress, he Power exists
, , ,,11 1 -j not without
thought, would not have the power, unless it were ex- express
pressed. Though he had a mortal hatred to paper money,
yet as he could not foresee all emergencies, he was un- safe power,
willing to tie the hands of the legislature. He observed voived in
that the late war could not have been carried on had such but "not the
..... . unsafe, the
a prohibition existed. power of ,$100,
and hands him five twenty-dollar gold-pieces ; and it is
claimed that those five pieces are an evidence of debt!
Not so ; they are evidence of the payment of the debt !
Tender pays debts ; promises to pay, whether written or
printed on paper, or stamped on metal, are simply evi-
dences of debts. Tender cannot be a promise to pay ; it
simply pays; and a promise to pay cannot be tender, it
simply promises, does nothing more. Therefore a " legal contradie-
. ' ,, . . .... . tion in
tender promise to pay is a contradiction in terms! terms.
(2) Again in said brief it was assumed that in times
of war, the general government had the power and the
right to declare the greenback " legal tender." If that
be true, then it has that right at all times. Where is the Unwarranted
. , , r 1 /~> • • 11 assumption.
article, section or clause of the Constitution which says
or implies or hints at the existence therein of such a power
or right in time of war? It has never been pointed out.
It has been assumed, but never shown to exist. No; the
Constitution is made for both peace and war. Powers are Peace and
granted therein suitable for times of peace, and likewise
those suitable for times of war. Its wise framers did not
198 Thirty Years' War on Silver
Constitution
adequate to
war.
Oath of
office.
Same for
peace and
war.
Life of the
cation.
Treason.
Purse.
overlook the probabilities of war, either foreign or do-
mestic (civil), but they therein provided fully and com-
pletely for both. It would be an impeachment of their
handiwork had it been otherwise ! The Constitution is
the same in peace and in war ; it changes not ; it is not
one thing in peace and another in war. And the person
who takes on oath to " support, protect and defend it,"
whether that person takes such oath as president, or sen-
ator or representative of the United States, or as a jus-
tice of its Supreme Court, takes it regardless of times.
He does not swear that he will " support, protect and de-
fend it," except in times of war, and then that he will
violate it ! There is no such reservation. He swears to
" support, protect and defend " it in war as well as in
peace, and a violation thereof at either time is equally a
violation of his oath. Let the article, section or clause
thereof be pointed out which relieves him of his oath in
time of war, before its protection is pleaded as claimed.
Such article, section or clause has never been found
therein ; and it never can be, unless put there by amend-
ment in future. It is not there now, and never has been
there.
Let not the Spellbinder fallacy of " preserving the
life of the nation " deceive us here. The life of the nation
should indeed at all times be preserved. But is it to be
supposed that the Constitution does not provide for its
own preservation ! Shame on the man who would make
such a charge against its wise framers ! See the vast
powers given for that purpose : —
Life-preserving Powers. — (1) The Constitution de-
fines treason against the United States, and provides death
as the punishment therefor; (2) it gives the general gov-
ernment the full power of the purse, the power to tax the
citizen and people owning property, whether citizen or
What is Money in the United States? 199
not, to the full extent of all their money and property,
including in the latter term their lands; (3) it gives to
it the full power of the sword ; the general government Sword,
can under the provisions of the Constitution raise armies
unlimited in number! and (4) it gives power to compel -Military
service.
every man to the field and take all of his property to pay
the expenses thereof! And yet the charge is made that
the Constitution does not provide for the defense of the
life of the nation, and that is made and urged as an
excuse for those who violate it! What ought to be said Shame!
of such a doctrine?
The Constitution gives the Congress the power law-
fully to tax to the full extent of all the land and personal
property, money being included in the latter, in the
country ; and yet the Congress in mere wantonness and No excuse.
lust of power usurps the power to declare the green-
back tender, and plead the defense of the life of the
nation as an excuse! Absurditas absurditatum! I Ab-
surdity of absurdities.] No; this excuse will not, can-
not salve the consciences of the men who have done, or
those who are now, doing it !
Suppose absolute monarehv were necessary to preserve Preservative
11 - ... destruction.
the life of the nation, couid the Congress introduce it
or employ it without violating the Constitution? Is
there any provision therein for that purpose? And if
the Congress should introduce it or employ it, even for
that purpose, would its members who had sworn to pre-
serve, protect and defend it be guiltless of perjury and
the destruction of the Constitution ?
Think again what this implies, to wit, that the republic
founded by the wise Fathers is not competent to its own
defense, but must call in a better form of government. Better form
of govern-
to wit, an absolute monarchy! No, my countrymen, be meat.
not deceived! The Constitution provides and provides
200 Thirty Years' War on Silver
Keniedy.
Destroy to
protect !
well for any and every emergency, when wisdom and
patriotism and unselfishness administer it. Your remedy
is to turn out of office the unwise, unpatriotic and the
selfish and keep in or put in those of a wise, patriotic and
unselfish character. Shun the usurper of power, in what-
ever department of the government he may be, as you
would an adder ; for it is he who will overturn the Con-
stitution and laws of your country and destroy your
liberties !
Once more, if there is any power not granted to the
general government, but which, at the same time, is
necessary to the preservation of the life of the nation,
can those who have sworn to preserve, protect and de-
fend the Constitution as it is, employ that power with-
out violating their oath of office ? When the employment
of such a power goes to the extent of overthrowing the
whole Constitution, as would be the case in the employing
of absolute monarchy, then would it not be revolution D
and when it goes to the extent of only partial over-
throw of the Constitution, is it not to that extent revolu-
tion — partial revolution ? That would be burning the
barn to destroy the rats ; killing the patient to cure his
disease ! Let no one be deceived ; that day of necessity
has not yet been, and, with a reasonable amount of virtue
in the people, it will never be ; but without that virtue
there is no telling what calamities may come to the land.
O Spellbinder, into what depths of gloom, sorrow and
woe have you led your countrymen ! and far worse is
coming, unless the downward course is arrested ; and the
fervent prayer is that it may soon be arrested.
The Greenbacks During the Civil War and
at the Present Time. — In discussions with Democrats
and others this matter has come up, and is of special
importance, since a mistaken view of it at this moment
What is Money in the United States? 201
stands, as it has for a long time stood, in the way of a
scientific and constitutional financial system in the United
States. In conversation with many Democrats and others
with the object of getting the views herein expressed
adopted as the views and financial policy of that party,
dialogues similar to the following would take place: —
The author would state his views until the point was
reached that showed the greenback could not constitu-
tionally be made tender, then : —
Democrat: " Your views then destroy the greenback, as
' legal tender '? "
Author: 'Yes, the Constitution will not permit it;
and we should obey the mandates of that, the supreme
law of the land."
D. : " But I have always been a greenbacker, and do
not desire to see the greenbacks destroyed as ' legal
tender,' because they helped us during the civil war ;
they materially aided the cause of the Union during the
civil war ; and I have always been, and am now, in favor
of them as a ' legal tender.' "
Vivid indeed in the author's mind is the impression incident.
of one conversation with a very prominent, popular and
eloquent Democrat. When the point was reached that
showed that the author's views destroyed the green-
back as tender, he said, " Well, I am opposed to that."
He raised his hand as if addressing an audience, and his
fine eyes flashed, as he continued, " Remember. I shall
fight that as long as I have voice or strength to battle! "
Similar conversations, though less striking in effect per-
haps, have taken place with other Democrats, and with
Silver Republicans, and Populists, and Gold Democrats.
Indeed, no one has ever shown a logical or legal fallacy Logical <>r
in the author's position on the money question. The not shown. '
only thing has been with the silver men, that it destroys
202 Thirty Years' War on Silver
Remedy.
Votes in
Congress.
Iieason
court.
Mere
ment.
seuti-
xwo Masses: the quality of tender in the greenback, and with the
hope from .....
tiie first, none gold men that it tails to make money scarce. With the
from the 1111 1 1 • 1
second. latter class, the gold men who desire money to be scarce
and that the control of the country should pass into the
hands of the " moneyed " men, there is no hope. That
class have had that end in view since 1862, and nothing
but power can swerve them from it. Argument, reason,
justice, right and truth are helpless. Power to outvote
them in the National Legislature alone can be effective,
or argumentative power and patriotic sentiment before
the bench of the Supreme Court of the United States.
But with the former class, it is believed there is hope.
Analysis of the Greenback Objection. — Now
let us endeavor to analyze the greenback objection: there
are five answers to it, any one entirely sufficient : ■ —
1. First, mere sentiment. Mere sentiment should not
control the mind in such matters. Sentiment and grat-
itude legitimately influence to a large extent in the cases
of human beings and to a considerable extent in the
cases of animals, but not in a non-sentient thing like
the greenback. Reason and intelligence forbid this. This,
of course, assumes that the greenbacks were beneficial
during the war (but this is denied as a fact, and the
negative will be proved further on), and that they are
simply harmless now.
2. Second, harmful now. Assuming the greenback
to have been of service during the war, but to have be-
come harmful now ; surely in that case nothing but
financial superstition could advocate their retention. The
subject may be considered under three aspects: —
3. (a) Harmful during the war: supplies. Third,
that the greenbacks were harmful during the war ; that
they wrought great evils to the country then, and are
working other evils to the country now. What evil
Serviceable
t lien, harm-
less now.
Service-
able then,
harmful
now.
Harmful
then and
harmful
now.
What is Money in the United States? 203
wrought they during the war? The Congress issued
diem and (leaving out the constitutional question for
the time being) endowed them with the " legal tender "
quality. They soon fell off in value sixty-five (65) Fail of 65
per cent, fell down to thirty-five (35) cents on the dollar.
While at that rate the government purchased millions Supplies
° purchased.
upon millions of dollars' worth of supplies. The dealers,
of course, in fixing their prices for their commodities
" allowed for the depreciation " in the measure of value
in which they were to get their pay, to wit, the green-
back, and put up their prices accordingly. A thing that prices
they would have sold for one dollar before, they would
then charge nearly the sum of three dollars for, and in
many cases more, because the merchants allow for con-
tingencies. Subsequently the government redeemed those
" legal tender " greenbacks, giving " dollar for dollar " raid "dollar
for them in gold ! And all statisticians agree that the
" legal tender " greenback enactment made the war cost
the United States from two to three times more than it Made the
war <■<>-<
would otherwise have cost. Think a moment, too, of two to three
times more.
redeeming " legal tender " ! That which pays a debt has
itself to be redeemed !
All this, when the Constitution gives to the Congress
the full taxing power, to the extent of every acre of land Taxing
& l . J power.
and every piece of personal property, including every
dollar in the whole United States ! Was there necessity
for the " legal tender " greenback enactment ? — No ; a
thousand times no ! Did it do good ? — No ; a thou-
sand times no ! Did it do harm ? — Yes ; immense and
fearful harm !
(b) Harmful now: reserve. Is the greenback enact- Greenbacks
ment doing harm now? — Yes, immense harm. What
harm ? — It causes the secretary of the treasury of
the United States to keep in its vaults unused and out
204 Thirty Years' War on Silver
Reserve. of circulation a large supply of gold coin to redeem
these " legal tender " greenback notes ! Think of making
them " legal tender " and then redeeming them as if
they were mere promises to pay ! This is under every
administration of the general government since 1873,
the excuse given for a large part of the large reserve
of gold coin kept in the vaults of the treasury at Wash-
Money to re-ington, and, of course, kept out of circulation — a reserve
deem money!
of money kept to redeem money ! This reserve is one
one hundred hundred millions of dollars ! And when the New York
millions of
dollars. banks get ' short of cash " the secretary of the treasury
The seere- of the United States Hies to their assistance with the
tary and the . .
banks. money of the United States ; but when other citizens of
the great republic get " short of cash," he budgeth not.
They are "small fry;" let them go under!
(c) Real and apparent measure of value. The " legal
tender " greenback enactment is doing harm now in
another way, and has been doing this harm for years.
It is this : —
If the reader will call to mind the distinction between
the apparent and the real measure of value given in Part
I of this work, he will readily see in what manner
the " legal tender " greenback is doing harm at this time.
If the government redeems the greenback in gold coin,
Nuiiifier, the it nullifies the ; ' le^al tender " quality of it, because
quality of & '
tender. what has to be itself redeemed does not pay debts ; and
when the government thus keeps in its vaults and out
increases of circulation so large an amount to redeem the green-
apparent ... . . . ...
measure of backs, it cuts down the real measure 01 value by so
value, but , , .. . . . '.
not the real. much, while the apparent measure remains as betore.
interpreta- So the greenback, while under congressional enactment"
tion makes L .
them money. and Supreme Court interpretation, is legally tender, yet
praetiee . ... . - _. .
makes them under the practical administration of affairs it is mere
mere prom- ,
ise. promise to pay, and has itself to be redeemed in money.
What is Money in the United States? 205
tender, the real measure of value, gold coin. This makes
confusion, and works harm to the great mass of dealers Confusion.
and business men, and gives undue advantage to the mil-
lionaires and those of great wealth. If the greenbacks
are money, tender, constituting a part of the real measure
of value of the country, they should be so treated by the
government that makes them so ; but if they are not
money, tender, a part of the real measure of value of
the country, they should not be so represented — it is an
imposition to do so. Again, let it be said, to redeem
money with money is a contradiction in terms. If such
is the character of the greenback, certainly there is small
ground for sentiment in their favor in the heart of the
true patriot, one who truly loves his country and aims to Attitude of
promote her prosperity and welfare. patriot.
4. Fourth, unconstitutional. In the three preceding
points it was assumed for the sake of the argument, and
that alone, that the " legal tender " clause of the green-
back enactment was constitutional. That, however, is
not the case ; it is clearly unconstitutional. Now to those Green-
who are inclined to let sentiment govern their minds and tender un-
. . . 1 a • oonstitu-
actions m this matter, a tew remarks. Assuming now tionai.
in this point the contrary, that is, that the said enactment
is in violation of the Constitution, can it be possible
that, in the mind of any one, mere sentiment should con-
trol the Constitution of the United States? Is the Con-
stitution binding on the acts and conscience of the citizen ?
If not, in the name of all that is honest and fair, let us
abolish the sham ! If it is binding, then can anything
overthrow it without guilt in the person who overthrows Guilt.
it, either in the whole of it or in a part of it? Let the
people of America beware how they permit the infrac-
tion of their Constitution, even in the smallest part ! For
when the time comes that tyranny attempts to usurp the Tyranny.
206 Thirty Years' War on Silver
seat of power and assume the reins of government, as it
surely will, as the history of every people that ever
existed shows, then the tyrant will mockingly say to
them, ' You regarded not your Constitution, and why
indeed should I ? " But suppose the people make answer,
Motive good." But we disregarded it for good purposes, with pure
and laudable motives," the tyrant may still taunt them
with, " Still, you disregarded it, showing you deemed
it not binding when you wanted it otherwise ; so I dis-
Motive bad. regard it, deeming it not binding, when I want it other-
wise."
i-oreed loan. 5. Fifth, the greenback a forced loan, and that with-
out interest. The immorality of the greenback enact-
ment will be fully discussed further on, and therefore will
be merely mentioned here. If they were made money,
tender, for all purposes, and so treated, the case might
Money ma- be different, according as the material of which money
teriisl scarce 1111 1 •
or insuffl- could be made was or was not too scarce, that is, so
cieiit. ... ... - .
scarce as to make it impossible to get enough ot it
for the trade and business of the country. Could such
have been the case when the greenback enactment was
enacted? Surely not, when a few years later money
material in the form of silver was demonetized, stricken
out. The inherent dishonesty of striking out one kind
of money and putting in another kind is discussed here-
after.
Again, how could any but the most hardened face an
audience of his countrymen and say to them, " I want
inconsist- the Constitution observed and enforced in one particular,
naming it ; but I do not want it enforced in another par-
ticular, naming it!" If anything could justify "hissing
from the stand," would it not be this? And yet men
of all parties, and some high in the nation's councils,
after admitting to the author that the Congress had, and
eney.
What is Money in the United States? 207
has, neither the power to make the greenback tender
nor the power to take the quality of tender out of the
silver coin, say that they do not want either the quality
of tender taken away from the " greenbacks " or the
quality of tender restored to the silver coin ! Could any-
thing, even the most undoubted and highest utility, justify
this position?- — No; the citizen is bound by his allegiance
to observe, support, protect and defend the Constitu-
tion ; and every office holder, from the president of the
United States down to the constable of the township, is
bound to do the same, both by his allegiance and by his
positive oath to that effect. Conscience says, If the
Constitution is wrong, amend it ; but conscience equally
says, Obey it until it is amended. The author admits
himself " old-fashioned," that he believes conscience is
a higher and better guide than prejudice, and that the
Constitution of the United States is binding on the citizens
of the United States, one and all, both great and small.
He was told once by a very prominent statesman of
America that if one should appeal to the consciences
of members of the Senate or of the House of Repre-
sentatives, that "the cloak-room would be full of mem-
bers," and that the question would be asked, " When will
the idiot get through?" His answer was, and it now
is, "If that be true, we have already passed from con-
stitutional government to congressional and judicial
tyranny, and the people should know it!"
It must be believed that those desiring greenbacks,
whether they are constitutional or unconstitutional, and
those not desiring silver coin, although silver coin is
constitutional, will retreat from such a position when they
reflect on the gravity of the case, and what is really in-
volved therein. Hoping that such may be the case, let
us return to the question of the constitutionality of the
208
Thirty Years' War on Silver
legal
Temper of
the times.
Lift* of the
ii.il ion.
Admission
fatal.
tender ' clause of the greenback enactment.
(2) Second, the second reason for the remarkably
illogical and unsound decision of the Supreme Court, is
this : the temper of the times was quite unfavorable to
calm, steady and sound judicial investigation and decision.
The country had not long emerged from a great Civil
War ; the passions and prejudices of the hour had not
cooled and men were apt to look upon every denial of
the constitutionality of a power that was claimed by
the Congress as having its motives in opposition to the
Union cause. The " life of the nation " fallacy was in
the very air and may have invaded the usually calm
and tranquil region of the judicial mind. The counsel
for the plaintiff in error admitted the power in the Con-
gress to declare the greenbacks were " legal tender " in
times of war ; and the court could most logically respond,
' Then the Congress has the same power in times of
peace, for there is no difference between them." The
Assumption, counsel also assumed that the greenbacks rendered great
service to the Union cause during the war ; and they also
failed to show wherein they were harmful in time of
peace. In both positions they were wrong ; the green-
backs wrought injury during the war, and they are
working injury now. Of course, under the circumstances,
the court dreading any assertion of limitations on the
powers of the Congress, and amid the general fog and
mist of the " economic " writers on money, listened to
the contest of the two erroneous views that were urged
and gave judgment in accordance with the temper of
the times. Under the circumstances it is less w r onderful
but not excusable that it did so.
If during the war the line of demarcation between
State power and Federal power so far as slavery was
concerned was in controversy, that day is now past.
Two errors
in contest.
What is Money in the United States? 209
Forty-three years have elapsed since the unhappy con-
test began, and thirty-eight since the echo of the last
gun died away over the hills of Old Virginia at Appo-
mattox. The men of the North and the men of the
South who so grandly and bravely met each other in that
ever-to-be-remembered contest are nearly all in their
graves. Lincoln and Davis, Grant and Lee, and most of War ended.
the gallant comrades of each, are silent in the sleep of
death. Blue and array meet, srive and receive the hand- The blue
to - & . and the
shake of cordial friendship, transact business together, gray.
their sons and daughters intermarry, and in all things
act as if the loving peace between them had never
been broken! No man or woman in America, either in
the North or in the South, in the East or in the West,
desires or would consent to the restoration of slavery, or slavery
to a dissolution of the Union. The danger from that **"'
source is long past. Under these circumstances to be
eternally giving the best attention and most careful guard
to the points of danger during those times would be act-
ing as the greatest of Grecian orators said on a similar
occasion Athens acted, to wit, as an unskilful boxer, who, The boxer,
well remembering the spot where his antagonist struck
him last, erects his guard over that spot, thus leaving
other vulnerable places exposed, and therefore meets
defeat. If the two noted prize-fighters who, some years
since, fought at Carson, were ever to meet in the ring "Solar
again, it is not believed that the "solar plexus" of the
defeated on that occasion would be the spot on which
the " knock-out " blow would fall. Both athletes would
be too shrewd for that. And yet the Congress and the
Supreme Court still stand guard over a dreaded " solar
plexus " blow from the Southern Confederacy ! Gentle-
men, such conduct is unwise! Such conduct is not the
conduct of statesmanship. President Lincoln saw clearly, Lincota?
14
210 Thirty Years' War on Silver
when the last gun at Appomattox was fired, that the
danger from that quarter was forever over ; and he saw,
The new too, the new danger from what he called the " enthrone-
danger.
ment of corporate power ; " and this danger he more
dreaded than he had ever dreaded the other.
The burnt True, the burnt pig- knows the fire ; but a wise man
pig. / r »
or nation should know the coming danger, although not
wise man or felt before. Wisdom anticipates and prevents future
nation. .,,.,. . .
evils ; stolidity receives them when they come, and after-
ward bemoans its fate. Let not the United States act
the part of the burnt pig!
Main point Read the briefs of the counsel in the said case and the
unnoticed. . .
opinions of the justices, and it will be seen that no argu-
ment at all was made on the language of clause I, sec-
tion 10 of article i, to wit, " No State shall make any-
thing but gold and silver coin a tender in payment of
debts," a clause that by itself settles the whole question.
For it irrefragably proves that but for this limitation on
the powers already existing in the States, the States
could make anything they pleased a tender in payment of
debts. Now, if the States had the power to declare tender
Power in oneand the Congress also had that power, then there were clash
only. .
and conflict on the face of the instrument. The Congress
might say one thing was tender and the State another,
and then who should decide? The truth is that said
clause i of section 10 of article I was entirely omitted
from the discussion by both court and counsel, and that
is the controlling clause on the whole subject ! Why
this was the case the author is unable to say. Whether
the force of the language of the clause was unknown to
them (for they certainly had it before their eves, as it
was printed in the court's statement of the general powers
granted in the Constitution to the Congress), or whether
it was omitted for other reasons, is to the author unknown.
What is Money in the United States? 21 1
If unknown to them, it is melancholy; if known and
"vailed," as a very great man once said the seat of some "Vailed."
of the sovereign powers of our government should he,
then indeed is the case more melancholy. For whomsoever
the truth wounds may know that he is in error, li the
truth hurts one, he should know that he needs its medic- if the truth
inal virtues; and in this respect even the congressmen,
the senators and the justices of the United States Supreme
Court are the same as other people. So far as the author
is concerned any discord is unpleasant to him ; hut if
discord be inevitable, he would prefer to be in accord
with truth than with the Congress or the Supreme Court.
If at an)- time in the history of our country it was wise
to " vail " the place in which any attribute of the sover-
eignty thereof is placed, the time has now surely arrived
to make an unvailing thereof. The wisdom of the vail-
ing at any time may well be questioned, but the wisdom
of the " unvailing " at the present time is beyond ques- Time to
tion. The people should know their rights that they may
intelligently guard and defend them.
It will doubtless be granted by every one that the
tender-declaring power could not exist in two different
departments or branches of the government at the same
time. As previously stated, one might declare one thing
to be a tender and the other another thing to be a tender.
There are but three possible places for this power under Throe not-
our constitutional system, to wit, (1) in the separate state "' c P
governments, where it existed before the formation of the
general government; (2) in the general government, or
in some branch of it, as the Congress ; or (3) in the whole
people, that is, embodied and fixed in the Constitution,
and to be changed only in the manner in which other
provisions of the Constitution can be changed, that is,
by amendment thereto.
212 Thirty Years' War on Silvei
It was not left without limitation in the State govern-
ment as it was before ; the language, " No State shall
make anything but gold and silver coin a tender in pay-
ment of debts," is too plain a negation for that. That
it was not granted to the general government or to the
Comparison congressional branch of it is equally clear. Compare
with other . .
instruments, similar language in any other grant of things or powers.
A is by will making grants of lands to B and C. He
wills to B " all of my lands in the county of Z," and then
wills to C " all of my lands in the county of T." He
then adds a clause, saying, : ' No part of my lands in
the Manor of Dale and the Manor of Sale is hereby
willed to B, the Manors of Dale and Sale being in the
county of Z." Can it be possible that interpretation, how-
ever ingenious it may be, could interpret the ownership
of Dale and Sale into C ? No ; the ownership of Dale
and Sale would remain just where it was before, that is,
in the grantor A. So here the tender-declaring power
remains, so far as this clause is concerned, just where
it was before, in the whole people of the United States,
if there is to be a tender common to all of the States.
Had it been the intention of the framers of the instru-
ment to transfer the tender-declaring power for each State
from the State to the Congress, can it be even imagined
that those learned, profound and straightforward men
would have "beat round the bush" in this manner? —
Apt ian- No ; they would have said plainly and simply, ' The
Congress shall have power to declare what thing or things
shall be tender," and " No State shall have power over
tender," just as they said, ' The Congress shall have
power to declare war," etc., etc. On the contrary they
studiously avoided giving the tender-declaring power to
the Congress; because they wisely refused to entrust that
or any other department of the government with that
gruage.
What is Money in the United States? 213
most tremendous and alarming of all the powers of
government! That power they fixed in the Constitution,
to be changed, if ever, by themselves only, that is, the
people.
Again, as to the money-borrowing clause, compare Compare
... . ,' . . . ,.. . . . similar
similar language in any other situation in lite. A land- language.
lord writes to his farm manager, saying, " Borrow horses
with which to do a certain piece of work, naming it."
The manager argues: ' 'Borrowing' includes 'making,'
therefore I will buy brood mares and raise the horses."
Could he bind the landlord on such a document? 1 Truly,
truly this interpretation passes human belief! Before
its sweeping usurpation nothing is safe !
Therefore, so far as the first and second contentions,
to wit, the tender-declaring clause and money-borrow-
ing clause, are concerned there is not the " shadow of
shade " of power in the Congress to make the greenback
" legal tender." So far as the " legal tender " quality of
the greenback is concerned this argument might end
here ; for the Supreme Court of the United States does
not claim the power under any other clause than the
money-borrowing clause.
Therefore the only possible seat of the tender-declar- True s<>:it of
the power.
ing power is in the third place above mentioned, to wit,
the whole people of the United States ; and at present it
is fixed and settled in gold and silver coins, subject to
change only, as it should be, by the whole people of the
United States through amendment to the Federal Consti-
tution.
The question might reasonably be here asked, How are
these gold and silver coins that in the United States are
to be the tender in payment of debts, to be made? Where Seat of coin-
is lodged the power to make them ? The answer to the
third contention for the existence in the Congress of
214 Thirty Years' War on Silver
the money-declaring power, or the tender-declaring
power, will also be answer to this question ; and to that
answer let us immediately proceed. It is contained in —
Sub-Section IV.
The Third Contention.
(3) The third contention, as hereinbefore stated, was
under clause 5, section 8, article 1, to wit: "The Con-
gress shall have the power to coin money, regulate the
value thereof and of foreign coin, and fix the standard of
weights and measures."
Again the " legal tender " making power being in the
State or Colony before the formation of the Federal
Constitution, did the State or Colony lose it under said
clause 5 of section 8 of article t, above mentioned, to
wit : ' The Congress shall have power to coin money,
regulate the value thereof and of foreign coin, and fix
the standard of weights and measures "?
The same argument that in general proves such power
not to go with the borrowing clause, will avail to show
that such power goes not with the coining clause.
To coin. To coin is merely to weigh, alloy, shape and stamp
metal, as it were hall-marking, so that one interested
can see at a glance that a piece offered in payment has
the requisite amount of metal therein.
In former times in England bishops of the church and
others had and exercised the power to coin money ; that
is, to weigh, alloy, shape and stamp metal. In California
who coined, in the " '49 " days, private persons coined gold, that is,
weighed, alloyed, shaped and stamped that metal. But
the power to make or declare money, to say what is
money, to say what is " legal tender," is a power totally
Same argu-
ment.
What is Money in the United States? 215
different from weighing, alloying, shaping and stamping-
metal. The power to regulate the value of money coined To regulate
is the power to say what proportion of pure metal and of
alloy shall be in the pieces of metal coined, to wit: as to
silver, so much in the dime, so much in the quarter-dollar,
so much in the half-dollar, and so much in the dollar;
and likewise as to gold, so much in the half-eagle, so
much in the eagle, and so much in the double eagle ; and
so on for any other coin that the Congress might by law
authorize to be made and have made, Of course, fixing
the amount of silver in the silver coins, and the amount
of gold in the gold coins, is fixing the ratio between the The ratio.
silver and the gold.
To regulate the value of foreign coins is to sav what Regulate
j- • • 1 11 1 111 r f« r <''fin coin-
toreign com shall be considered equivalent to any one of
the coins above mentioned; or, as the case may be, any
other coin that the Congress might in future see proper
to authorize and have made. In other words it is simply
adopting a foreign coin as a coin of the United States,
the same as if the Congress should weigh, alloy, shape
and stamp two pieces of metal, and call each piece " a
dollar," as it did in the " trade dollar " and the " standard
dollar." The Congress did in former days adopt foreign
coin ; of the coins adopted, some were the coin of Eng-
land, some those of France, some of Spain and some of
the South American states. And when it adopted them,
it simply said in the statutes what each coin thus adopted
should be equivalent to in the coin of the United States.
For instance, the " Spanish-milled dollar," as the coin
was called in the statute, was declared, " regfulated," to
be equivalent in value to the silver dollar of the Amer-
ican coinage; and this silver dollar of the American
coinage, under the first statute on the subject in the Silver the
standard of
year 1792, was by the said statute made the unit or stand- i~i>~
2i6 Thirty Years' War on Silver
ard of value ; all of the other silver coin, and the " gold
dollar," and all the other gold coins, were " regulated "
in value by it, made to conform to it. In other words,
struck down the Congress of 1873 in its usurpative act struck down
power in the standard of value, the monetary unit, erected by the
1873
whole people of the United States, and erected one dic-
tated by only a part of said people, to wit, the Gold
Solomons !
Adopting This action of the Congress in saying what some of the
'coin of England, France, Spain and some of the South
American .states were equivalent to in value in the Amer-
ican coin was the same as if the Congress had coined
other coins and said what they should be equivalent to in
value based on the monetary unit ; to wit, the American
silver dollar. And when the Congress of 1873 usurp-
atively (if a word-coining may be allowed) struck down
the silver dollar of the whole people, and erected the gold
dollar of the Gold Solomons, it was acting as did Aaron
and his wicked followers, who, while Moses was in the
mount receiving instruction and guidance from the Most
Golden calf. High, fashioned a " golden calf ' and by it seduced
Israel away from the worship of the true God. So the
wicked Congress of 1873, while the whole people of the
United States were quietly, steadily and industriously
pursuing their usual affairs, not dreaming that danger,
treachery and betrayal were at hand, dethroned the silver
dollar of the forefathers and enthroned the gold dollar
of the Gold Solomons, rolling the silver dollar, as it were.
Dagon. in the mud, as if it were a mere Dagon, and thereby se-
duced the people from their own true standard of value,
the silver dollar, and also their own true measure of
value, the gold coins and the silver coins, and erected
Apparent instead an apparent measure of value ; to wit, gold coins
and six substitutes or representatives of those coins.
measure.
What is Money in the United States? 217
thereby entailing a quarter of a century and more of
suffering and misery upon them, — and more to follow
unless a check to it can be made.
Further than the foregoing as to the power of ( Congress
to " coin money, regulate the value thereof and of foreign
coin," there is not.
The Congress has not the power in any other sense to
declare or regulate the value of either the coins of the
United States Mint or of those the Congress might see
proper to adopt from foreign mints. The Congress has
no power to " declare " or " regulate " the purchasing Xo control
power in the markets or trade of the United States, or chasing
|M)\V«T.
elsewhere, of either the coins of the United States mints
or those of any foreign mint.
The Congress has the power to coin, that is to weigh,
alloy, shape and stamp the two metals gold and silver ;
and in another clause of the Constitution, the Congress
is given the power to provide for the prevention of coun- Counter-
terfeiting the coin it has provided. But the power to
declare money, say what is " legal tender," is in neither
any State nor in the Congress ; it is fixed and settled by
the Constitution in gold and silver ; not in gold or silver,
or vet in other substance or material, or in all combined,
but simply in gold and silver coin.
It is frequently remarked of those good and great and
wise men who framed our Federal Constitution, that they
" builded better than they knew." That, it is believed, is "Ueit.-r
a mistake. The truth may be thus expressed : they builded knew."
better than their descendants and their successors in the
administration of the Federal government that they so
wisely framed have known.
When in the Constitution a power is expressly granted
to the Congress, it is generally and correctly interpreted
as meaning that the said power is exclusively granted to
2i8 Thirty Years' War on Silver
the Congress ; that is, no other branch or department of
government has it, neither the State governments, nor
any department of the Federal government, other than the
Congress ; that is, has it to the extent needed for the
whole country and whole people. Thus when the Consti-
tution says the Congress shall have power to declare war,
it has never been claimed that the war-declaring power
lies elsewhere than in the Congress ; so with the power to
lay taxes on imposts, and some other powers. It is true
that in some cases powers granted to the Congress are
not deemed taken away from the States until the Con-
gress exercises its power in reference thereto. For in-
stance, the Constitution gives the Congress the power " to
establish a uniform rule ... on the subject of bank-
ruptcies throughout the United States." This has been
correctly interpreted to mean that until the Congress
passes such uniform rule, each State can make a rule
applicable only to itself, but not thereafter. When and
while the congressional law is in operation, the State law
erases to be effective; but the State power rises again
when the Congress repeals its law on the subject. While
the question has never, so far as the author's knowledge
extends, been raised as to whether a State can coin money
for use within its own boundaries, it seems to him that it
could not. Such power would be at least like the bank-
ruptcies power ; that is, inoperative during the time that
there were in operation coinage laws enacted by the Con-
gress. Were the Congress to abolish all of its coinage
laws, and not enact others in their stead, a very serious
question and condition of things would arise. Under such
a condition of things the question would arise, Would the
States be compelled to do without coins, money? Such a
condition of things has never existed, and probably never
will exist. Hence its discussion here would be fruitless.
What is Money in the United States? 219
But while laws of the Congress do exist providing for the
coinage, it seems clear that laws of the States providing
for the same thing would not only be useless but also
mischievous. Two reasons seem conclusive of the ques-
tion : —
(1) Confusion would follow: there would be the Fed-
eral dollar and the State dollar: and constant misunder-
standing and bickering over the same ; and —
(2) Legal impossibility would exist. If the Federal
dollar should have 412^2 grains of silver therein, and the
State dollar only 400 grains, or vice versa, which should
pay a debt? If the State dollar should be ruled to pay a
given debt, then the Federal dollar would be nullified, de-
monetized, and the congressional law defied, and thus an
express grant of power to the Congress by the Constitu-
tion set at naught.
On the contrary, if the court should hold that the State
dollar of 400 grains could not pay the debt, but that only
the Federal dollars of 412^ grains could so pay, then
the State coinage law and the State dollar would be of no
effect. The seat of the coining power must be exclusively
in the one or the other, either in the State government or
in the Federal government. It could not without conflict
exist in each at the same time. Then which must give
way, the State or the Federal law? — Manifestly th?
former; for clause 2 of Article VI of the Constitution of
the United States is as follows : —
' This Constitution, and the laws of the United States
which shall be made in pursuance thereof, and all treaties
made, or which shall be made, under the authority of the
United States, shall be the supreme law of the land, and
the judges in every State shall be bound thereby, anything
in the Constitution or laws of any State to the contrary
notwithstanding."
220 Thirty Years' War on Silver
Under the said clause manifestly the conflicting State
law would be a nullity ; and the debt could not be paid or
discharged by the State dollar. It is impossible that two
things different in value should pay the same debt unless
the law expressly so declares. If the creditor has the legal
right to demand the more valuable dollar, the Federal,
then the debtor cannot pay with the less valuable, the
State dollar ; and if the debtor has the legal right to pay,
discharge, his debt with the less valuable, the State dollar,
then the creditor cannot demand of him the more valuable,
the Federal dollar. The two would be inconsistent.
Hence the State must \ ield ; and therefore it follows that
the State cannot " coin money." It might indeed coin
metal, but such coin could not be money.
It should perhaps be remarked here that the California
coins heretofore referred to were not money, and those
coining them or offering them in trade made no pretense
that they were money. Those coins were fifty-dollar
pieces and called " slugs." In real essence they were
simply bullion, bullion hall-marked so that one to whom
a piece of it was offered could know that it had the
requisite amount of metal therein; but debts could not
have been paid with them ; the creditor might have taken
them and cancelled the debt, but not unless he chose to do
so. The characters of those coining them were the only
guaranty for their weight and fineness. Like any other
article of trade, the character of the maker is the only
guaranty for the cpiality of the article. When such char-
acter is good, the article passes in trade ; when such char-
acter is bad, the article may be good, but the maker's
character gives no assurance of it, rather the contrary. The
article may " sell itself," but the maker's character will not
sell it. Those coins were not money. Their shape being
octangular, prevented them from being counterfeits. Had
What is Money in the United States? 221
they been in size and shape like the Federal coins, those
coining or passing them would have been counterfeiters ;
and on conviction thereof would have been confined in the
penitentiary as felons.
The coinage of the bishops' and others was different.
There the " crown," the sovereign, delegated to the bishop
and some others the right to coin, the said " crown "
having said right to delegate, as it also had the right to
declare the money metals. The two powers should be
kept distinct in mind ; to wit, ( 1 ) the power to declare the
money metals, and (2) the power to coin those metals
into coin, thus making them money. Legal coins are
money ; illegal coins are not money. Making coins under
a law enacted by proper authority is right and beneficial,
and coins so made are money , but making coins similar
to the legal coins is wrong, and even criminal, and coins
so illegally made are not money.
Those good and great and wise framers of our form
of Federal government, having vast knowledge of human
nature, and deep insight thereinto, and large experience
in governmental affairs, and knowing the weakness and
corruption of man and the danger to which liberty was
ever exposed in consequence thereof chose in said clauses
of said Constitution to erect a barrier, as they, in many
other clauses of that immortal instrument, chose to erect
barriers asfainst the oncominsf tide of ignorance, weak- oncoming
° . tide.
ness and corruption that they foresaw would inevitably
beat against the structure that they had so wisely and
benevolently framed.
Forecasting the future they in act said : If the people of
these United States should become poverty stricken, they The danger
."of poverty.
may make unwise and desperate efforts to better their
condition, as did their progenitors in the dark days of
the Revolutionary period, by making things other than
222 Thirty Years' War on Silver
gold and silver coin money ; to wit, tobacco, wampum,
beaver skins, paper, etc., etc., things unsuited to such a
function, and thus unwittingly bring upon themselves
untold woes and miseries. And on the other hand, should
The danger the said people, or a large part of them, become rich and
of wealth. * l & l
prosperous, they may, as is common in such cases, be-
come also vainglorious, arrogant and overbearing, and
say, " There is too much money in this land ; the common
people make a living too easily ; they have too much time
to cultivate their intellects ; they may become too inde-
pendent to be governed as we wish to govern them, or
to serve us as we wish that they serve us. We must nar-
row the basis of money ; make it less plentiful, and there-
fore harder to get, so that, as we have now the greater
part of gold we can make it so much more valuable, and
thus increase our power over men, labor and the products
of labor. We will strike out one-half of the money, take
away from silver its money function and leave its com-
modity function only, thus making the rich richer, more
vainglorious, more arrogant and overbearing, and the
poor poorer, more abject, more cringing, more debased
and obedient."
The Fathers said, " No ; we will equally prevent the
superabundance and the consequent debasement of money
by its overproduction by declaring other things than gold
coin and silver coin money, ' legal tender ; ' and the under-
production and scarcity and the consequent overvalua-
tion of money by declaring gold coin alone to be money,
or declaring silver coin alone to be money. We will have
neither ' over ' nor ' under,' but simply satis-produc-
tion — just the right amount, neither too much nor too
little. We will put it out of the power of either the Con-
gress or the State legislatures to make other thing or
coin and silver coin money, a legal
Narrow
basis of
mouey.
Strike out
half of the
money.
Satis-pro-
(luction.
things than
gold
What is Money in the United States? 223
tender. Those coins, the gold coins and the silver coins,
shall be the money of the country, and nothing else
shall be.
Tims the " crime of '73" though its aim was deadly,
was wholly a nugatory act; the shield of the Federal Con- The shield
. . , , rr , . „ 1 , 1 of "'«' Con-
stitution is interposed to ward on the deadly blow, and stitution.
through the wisdom and benevolence of our forefathers,
silver is, and though we all may not always have known
it, always has been, money, " legal tender." Lazarus can
tender his dimes, quarter-dollars, half-dollars, and dol-
lars of silver, in any amount to Dives, and Dives dare not
refuse to take them. Laus Deo! [Praise be to God!]
Just here it may again be stated that " legal tender "
is money, and nothing else is money. Only that thing is Definition of
• 7 7 r 1 • i 1 money.
money which discharges a debt or an obligation, though
the creditor or obligee may be unwilling that it discharge
it; and tender is the only thing that can do that.
The other things, so-called money, are only represen- Represen-
r • 1 • r 11 tatives of
tatives of money, but not money, it is on this tallacy money,
that the vast structure of substitutes for money is built ;
that fruitful source of speculation and disaster. In this
country there is now left, if the silver demonetization
enactments are held constitutional and valid, but one kind
of money, to wit, gold coin ; but there are six kinds of
so-called money, to wit: (1) gold certificates; (2) silver;
(3) silver certificates; (4) treasury certificates; (5) na-
tional bank notes; and (6) treasury notes, popularly
called greenbacks, since every Federal administration
since 1873 has treated the greenback as mere token, not
money ; like unto silver, mere promise to pay, not as
pay.
The Fractional Silver. — The best that can be silver not
claimed for silver, the demonetization act being held valid,
is that ten per cent of it, that is, ten per cent of the frac-
224 Thirty Years' War on Silver
tional silver only, and not of the silver dollar, is money ;
and that is too small to be of any practical value.
Indeed not that much. For if A owes B $100 he can
compel B to take ten dollars of it in silver coin, and that is
ten per cent. But if A owes B $1,000, even $1,000,000, still
B can compel A to pay all but ten dollars in gold coin ; and
what per cent of the million dollars is ten dollars ? Thus
we see in every case the larger transactions of the rich are
protected in gold coin, the legal money ; but the smaller
transactions of the poor must go on in unprotected
mo"e° n ' etized mone y> demonetized money, silver. In act the gold
standard men say. Provided the millionaire is protected,
what care we for the poor man ?
Let us make an illustrative case here. Suppose a poor
man acquires a little business in which he takes in from
time to time ten-cent pieces, twenty-five-cent pieces and
fifty-cent pieces. He lives very economically, and after
ten or twenty years he has saved and kept in some secret
place, say, five thousand dollars. He then wishes to
" settle down," and agrees to buy a small tract of land for
a house for his family and himself, the price agreed upon
being one thousand and fifty dollars, fifty dollars being
paid to bind the bargain. The deed is made out and
signed and acknowledged by the grantor and tendered to
the buyer on his paying the thousand dollars. The buyer
gets out his " strong box " and counts out the supposed
money in the silver coin that he has taken in his own deal-
ings. The seller says, " No; I shall not take those except
to the amount of ten dollars. You must srct me srold coin
of the United States for the remainder, the nine hundred
and ninety dollars. I reject all the silver coin as not
being tender, except the ten dollars." The poor man
replies, "I cannot get those." "Then," says the seller,
" I shall sue you for damages for breach of contract." He
Fractional
silver.
Savings of
< lie poor.
Illustrative
cases.
What is Money in the United States? 225
dors so, and collects five hundred dollars in damages and
costs !
The same poor man having taken possession of the lot
contracts with a builder to build him a house for his fam-
ily and himself at a thousand dollars. When the house is
finished, he draws out of his strong box or secret place
a thousand dollars in dimes, quarters and halves, and
offers them in payment. The builder rejects them, say-
ing, "I refuse to receive them, all except ten dollars of
them, because the remainder, the nine hundred and ninety,
are not tender."' The poor man again finds himself in the
clutch of the law, and has in the end to pay heavy dam-
ages and costs.
In the meantime the poor man has contracted with a
furniture dealer to furnish his expected house for his
family and himself. The furniture is sold to him for a
thousand dollars. The dealer requests payment. The
poor man offers payment in dimes, quarter-dollars and
half-dollars. They are refused with like statement as
before. Again suits, costs, etc., come, and the poor man
is entirely broken up. The only thing valuable he has is
the " experience," the knowledge gained that his silver
coin is not money! it will not pay his debts, although for
ten or twenty years his government has called it money,
and taught him to believe it was money, and would pay
his debts !
Of course, in the illustration given the law would afford
to him who sold the land, built the house or sold the fur-
niture other remedies than suits for damages ; for instance,
treating the transactions as sales and permitting actions
for the price, and on the rendition of judgment putting
up all the poor man's property, including his dimes, quar-
ters and halves to sale by public auction to make the
amount in gold coin, the tender, the legal money, the only
15
226 Thirty Years' War on Silver
Deception.
Ten per
cent.
real money. But whatever the remedy, the destruction to
the poor man would be equally complete.
Thus it is clearly seen that the extent to which the
"fractional silver" coin — that is, the silver coin under the
Too small, denomination of one dollar — is money, is so small that it
amounts to nothing, except in the transaction of the poor
people under the amount of ten dollars. But what does
the Gold Solomon care for those people ! Let the rich
have money, real money, tender, that thing that pays
debts, say they ; but the poor must get on with demon-
etized money — money that is money in name only, not
classes in fact and effect. This thing is wrong; the money of
equal* as toone class should be just as good as the money of any
other class. The " fractional silver " coin should not be
called money ; it is a deception so to call it. If we call ten
per cent of the amount of silver coin in circulation money,
it is the fullest extent to which it is money ; but as stated
above, it is not that much.
congress The Congress has the right under the Constitution to
tokens, but coin money, not to coin tokens. No such right as the
latter is granted to it ; and without a grant it has no power
of any kind.
i, " What is a token? " The answer may be found in the
Standard Dictionary, page 1898, as follows: —
"A metal tablet, resembling a coin, formerly issued in
England by tradesmen and others, as evidence of an
amount due, as stated thereon, by the issuer to the holder."
The word " token " comes from the Anglo-Saxon word
tacen, meaning a sign. There may be tokens of many
things, yea, perhaps, of anything; as a "token of love," a
" token of respect," a " token of a covenant," etc. As
in any case in which there may be a thing and a sign of
that thing, so there may be the thing and the token of that
thing. Thus money, the thing signed, signified, tokened,
•' What is
token."
Thing and
sign.
Token and
sign.
What is Money in the United States? 227
and the sign or token that signifies it, tokens it. The Con-
gress is granted the power to coin money, the thing ; but
no power to coin the sign, the token of that thing. If
the Congress coins gold or silver coins, those coins are
money; and neither the Congress, the State nor the in-
dividual person or man has the right to demonetize them !
Once more, please, think of demonetized money, un-
moneyed money!
Even if the Congress had such power, and most clearly
it has not, it would be wicked to use it, as it has attempted a wrong,
to do, in such a manner as to make the great mass of
the people believe that the thing thus coined was money,
thus creating in them the belief that these things so coined
went into, made a part of, and swelled the measure of
value to that extent. If the Congress had the power " to
coin " tokens, they should go under the name of tokens ;
let them not be claimed to be money. Shams and frauds a •« legal "
and cheats should not be stamped with the sign, the
" token," of legality.
When the director of the mint compiles his statistics, Director of
showing the amount of money in circulation, he puts in
the " fractional silver " coins to their full nominal or face
value, dime for dime, quarter for quarter and half-dollar
for half-dollar, and calls the whole amount so much added
to the money in circulation. The statisticians follow him,
and the deceived people, although " sovereign," believe
both and suffer for their credulity.
Clearly the " fractional silver " should not be set down
by director of the mint, statistician or honest man as a
part of the money in circulation, because it is not a part
of it.
The Silver Dollar. — Let us pass on now to the
" silver dollar," the " standard dollar." How many times
have Gold Solomons, Spellbinders and others proclaimed
228
Thirty Years' War on Silver
Silver dollar full
not a tender. .
Crushing
' from the housetops " that the " standard dollar " was
legal tender " for any amount ! Yea, with sorrow
it is stated that even " silver men " have also fallen into
this error ! Scores and hundreds of times in oral argu-
ments on this subject with Gold Solomons, Spellbinders
and even silver men has the author, in their opinion, been
crushed thus : —
Gold Solomon, Spellbinder or Silver Man. —
" Well, I know the * standard dollar ' in silver is ' legal
tender ' for any amount. I do not mean the ' trade dollar, '
but the ' standard dollar ! ' Here would follow large dis-
course, showing the difference between them ; to wit, the
" trade dollar " was coined for the Oriental trade, etc.,
etc. When that discourse would be ended, then the author
would say, "Well, I know the 'standard dollar' — I do
not mean the ' trade dollar ' — is not full tender for ' any
amount,' even the smallest amount, although you meant
by ' any amount ' the largest amount. So both of us
knowing the same thing in opposite ways, one of us has
to be wrong ! Such knowledge is like unto much other
so-called knowledge passing current these days, it lacks
an essential ingredient of knowledge ; that is, it is not
true." Every speaker whom the author has ever heard
speak on the point admitted the " standard dollar " to be
; ' legal tender " for any amount. The " silver " news-
papers do the same, even at this time, as do also the speak-
ers ; that is, in the " campaign " of 1902. Right here in
Carson, the author had to look up the statute passed by
the Congress and show it to " silver " men even, showing
that the "standard dollar" (silver) is "legal tender"
for any amount unless otherwise expressed in the con-
tract. Unless otherwise expressed in the contract ! and
that makes it tender not at ail. Think of a tender that the
the contract, person to whom it is lendered has the right, the legal
Tender un-
less other-
wise ex-
What is Money in the United States? 229
right, to reject! Such a thing is no tender; it is mere Tender de-
" token," like unto the " fractional silver " coin. Indeed, < ' ,,ned!
it is not so good ; for the " fractional silver " coin is tender
under even the unconstitutional congressional enactment
to the extent of ten dollars on any one contract, although
Professor Laughlin, in his work referred to in a previous
part of this work, says the "fractional silver" coin is
tender only to the extent of five dollars on any one con-
tract. This mistake is constantlv made by writers and Grange
error.
speakers who are for the " gold standard," and those who
are for silver and the gold and silver standard. The cir-
cumstance is mentioned here to show how little are the
statements of writers and speakers on the " money ques-
tion " to be relied upon. Sometimes one is tempted to
think that the people are wise not " to uncover their " incover
ears."
ears " during a political campaign, so gross is the
ignorance as to the most ordinary facts, as well as to the
most obvious reasoning on the topics discussed. The
millionaires plan their campaign — instruct their " small Mniionahe
beer " orators, Spellbinders, what to say, and those orator.
Spellbinders draw out their campaign text-books and "Campaign
. r . .... , ... text-books."
state the false and mischievous contents thereof with-
out a blush. Indeed they have far less belief in the
truth of the ten commandments and the sermon on the
mount than they do in those same "campaign text-
books; " and their enthusiasm for the latter is a thousand
times greater than it is for the former. The author has
on occasion in conversation, even while riding in the rail-
way trains, been compelled to meet with a smile the draw-
ing out of the campaign text-book by the Spellbinder
who was boasting of his achievements in the campaign
that had just then closed.
But again to the " silver dollar " that is full ' legal
tender" for any amount however large unless otherwise
230 Thirty Years' War on Silver
expressed in the contract, and if otherwise expressed in
the contract not " legal tender " for any amount, how-
Dictation of ever small ! In other words, the creditor can dictate to
("i*t*ilit 01* ■
the whole people of the United States what shall be tender
in his contracts! What an absurdity and wrong that
would be, even if the whole people of the United States
had not fixed the tender in the Constitution! and with
that fixing, it is unbounded and unblushing impudence
creditor en- in the creditor to claim such a power, an attribute of sov-
the highest ereignty ! No wonder that the government of the United
'sovereignty. States has so rapidly degenerated into a plutocracy, that is,
a government by plutos, the Greek word for wealth, when
a usurping Congress by congressional enactment endows
the individual creditor and the whole creditor class with
an attribute of sovereignty, and thereby legislates the in-
dividual debtor and the whole debtor class out of their
Debtor birthright of liberty and government by law, and legis-
!nto Sla S hwery.lates them into slavery and government by the whim and
wish and avarice of the creditor.
Such " legal tender " is well expressed by a more for-
cible than elegant phrase much used nowadays, to wit,
" i^gai " legal tender " " with a string to it." A gift made in
"with' string such a way that the giver has the power to resume the
thing given at his pleasure, is a gift " with a string to it,"
presumably to pull it back with. So a " legal tender " that
is " les-al tender " which can be otherwise expressed in the
-sinning contract, is a " legal tender " with a " cart rope " attached
IV ear *"with which to draw it out of the "legal tender" class.
The Bible speaks of those who "sin as it were with a
cart rope." This must be it !
" Woe unto them that draw iniquity with cords of van-
ity, and sin as it were with a cart rope." Isaiah 5: 18.
This unless-otherwise-expressed-in-the-contract ' legal
tender " is, like the " legal tender " of the " fractional
What is Money in the United States? 231
silver " to the amount of only ten dollars in any one con-
tract, merely a legislative trap enacted to catch the poor Legislative
and the unwary. The larger transactions of the wealthy,
the contracts for the hundreds, the thousands and the mil-
lions of dollars, are worthy in importance of the trouble of
being- put into writing-, and such contracts almost inva- The large
P c, ., contracts
riably read " payable in gold coin of the United States payable in
- r J ° t the true
with high " interest payable in like gold coin." The gold tender,
coin is the tender, the real money. The smaller transac- The smaller
contracts
tions of the poor, the " dime," the " quarter-dollar," the payable in
r tender with
"half-dollar" and the "dollar" contracts, are rather too a "cart
rope."
small in their importance to be worthy of the trouble and
expense of having them reduced to writing — especially
in the numerous cases of those unskilled in the art of
drawing up contracts. All such contracts are, by the un-
constitutional congressional enactment, made payable in
the " legal tender " with a " string to it " — the cart rope
" legal tender." If such " legal tender " be by the poor
man received in the " silver dollar " pieces, the " stan-
dard dollar " pieces, he finds he can pay nothing with
them ! If in " fractional silver," then only to the amount
of ten dollars, unless the creditor be willing to receive them
in payment for a larger sum ; though this poor man re-
ceiving " fractional silver " in payment can, under the
said enactment, compel his poor friend to whom he owes
ten dollars or less to receive the entire claim in such silver
coin. This is discriminating against those least able to Discrim-
inates
bear it, the poor. against the
Again, these enactments work a hardship on the honest,
straightforward but unwary man. He, knowing himself Trap for the
to be honest and fair, treats others as if they were so, too,
and generally makes his contracts for payment in " dol-
lars," not dreaming that certain kinds of " dollars " would
be less valuable to him. This he does not find out until he
232 Thirty Years' War on Silver
Govern-
ment by the
dollar:
plutocracy.
Confession.
offers those " dollars " on his contracts to pay " gold
coin," and then he finds them rejected.
These are legislative traps for the honest and the un-
wary ; and they have rapidly caused the democratic gov-
ernment of the United States to degenerate into a pluto-
cratic government, a government by the " almighty dol-
lar," which it has been said the Americans worship.
The author has frequently heard " silver men " ridi-
culed by the Gold Solomons for desiring their own debts
to be paid to them in " gold coin " and having their con-
tracts for payments to them to read " payable in gold
charge coin of the United States." The charge was (1) that such
Ver men in- conduct was inconsistent with the professions of the silver
men ; that they wanted pay to themselves in" gold coin, but
to have the privilege of paying to others in silver coin ;
and (2) that it was a practical confession on the part of
the " silver men " that the " gold coin " was the better
money. Profound wisdom and honest argument ! Un-
worthy as it is of notice, it must be taken up, lest the self-
complacent Gold Solomon should proclaim his victory on
this point !
(1) Why should the " silver man " any more than the
Gold Solomon be willing to receive in payment a " dol-
lar " with which he could not pay his debt to the Gold
Solomon ! It makes no difference in this case that the so-
called law under which the situation is brought about is
unconstitutional ; the strong hand of power, upholding
oppression, has maintained it for thirty years, and until
overthrown by legislative repeal or judicial decision or
by both, the " silver man " is bound to yield to it, or be
utterly destroyed. There is no inconsistency in it ; it is
simply yielding to a usurpation and a tyranny that he
is unable to resist.
(2) How does it admit that " gold coin " is the better
money ?
Yielding to
compul-
sion.
What is Money in the United States? 233
Under a scientific and constitutional monetary system,
"gold coin" would be no better than " silver coin" and
" silver coin " no better than " gold coin ; " the two kinds
of coins would simply be equal. But under the unsci- >o confes-
sion, hut a
entific and unconstitutional system forced upon the people protest.
by a usurping Congress, the " gold coin " is, of course,
the better money. Indeed, under said system the " gold
coin " is the only money; and honest and fair expression
in the congressional enactment and in the speeches and
writings on the subject would so call it, not call the
" silver coins " money, to entrap the poor and the unwary.
There is no shadow of inconsistency or any damaging Tricky ar-
admission in the mode of conduct of the " silver men."
It is perfectly natural, reasonable, fair and honest ; and it
is certainly unfair, a sophistical and tricky argument, so
to charge them.
It thus clearly appears that neither the " silver dollar "
(the "standard dollar") nor the "fractional silver" is
money, tender. The small amount of the finality of
money, or tender, that is in them, is too insignificant to
be of any real value. The value of it is zero, and its zero.
presence in the statute only misleads and works mis-
chief.
When the director of the United States mint, the
Spellbinder, the statisticians, the newspapers and even
the "silver men" loudly proclaim that there are six Appalling
1 ^ misstate-
hundred millions (600,000,000) of full ''' legal tender " ment.
" silver dollars " in circulation in the United States, the
magnitude of the falsehood and mischief is appalling!
And when they say that there are fifty millions (50,000,-
000) of fractional silver money in circulation in the
United States, the magnitude of the falsehood of that ut-
terance, too, is appalling! Practically there is no silver No silver
11 , . money: all
money at all now in the United States; the silver coin token.
234 Thirty Years' War on Silver
Battle of
truth and
error.
Plausible
error and
unpalatable
truth.
Even bat-
tling for
truth is
more inspir-
ing.
Right and
might.
Wise prayer,
is all " token, " not money. In estimating the amount
of money in circulation in the United States, all of the
silver coins, whether the dollar or the fractional, should
be thrown out and disregarded. When the law, the Con-
stitution, that makes them money, and the only money,
is enforced, then those coins should be counted as money
in circulation in the United States, and not until then.
How difficult is truth's battle with error ! But we must
not despair. The search of the good of the world is
for truth, and their battle is for the victory of truth
over error ; and the search of the bad of the world is
for plausible error, and their battle is for the victory
of plausible error over unpalatable truth. How glorious
is even the unsuccessful battle for truth ! and the suc-
cessful battle for it is not more glorious, but sometimes
and with some persons more inspiring ; while the battle
for plausible error, successful or unsuccessful, neither
improves nor exalts the human soul : it is mere power
divorced from right , and that is the characteristic of
vSatan and his fallen demons. Each victory in it is worse
for the victor even than would be defeat. If would
seem wise to pray, " O God, defeat me in my battle for
plausible error ! ' and that too whether that battle be
religious, political or economic.
Bird's-eye View. — It may be of service to take a
bird's-eye view of the three clauses of the Constitution
under which has been claimed for the Congress the
power to declare tender : —
i. First, the clause of limitation of power in the States,
to wit, " No State shall make anything but gold and
silver coin a tender in payment of debts." This, instead
of granting the power of declaring tender to the Congress,
by crushing, overwhelming implication, as has been seen,
prevents said power from going there. In the light of
What is Money in the United States? 235
it, nothing but the most positive and clear express grant
of the power to the Congress could avail ;
2. Second, the clause granting to die Congress the
" power to borrow money on the credit of the United
States." As has been shown, if this clause grants the
said power, then the Congress is omnipotent ; constitu-
tional government in America has passed away and con-
gressional tyranny reigns in its stead ; and —
3. Third, the clause granting to the Congress the
" power to coin money, regulate the value thereof and of
foreign coin."
This clause has been shown not to have even a tendency
to grant, imply or include the power to declare tender.
In the first clause above mentioned, to wit, " No State
shall make anything but gold and silver coin a tender
in payments of debts," is fixed what shall be the money
of the country, gold and silver coins ; for money is
tender and tender is money, and a mere token is neither
money nor tender. In the third clause above mentioned,
the coining clause, is fixed the power to make those coins.
That power is fixed in the Congress, and properly so ; coinage
for they should be fixed for the whole people of the congress.
United States, and no single State has the power to
do that. The two clauses together determine all the
power over the money question, the first clause declaring The two
• 1 r 1 ■ 1 1111 1 11 causes fix-
the material of which money should be made, to wit, gold ing money.
and silver, and the second clause declaring how those
two materials should be made into the coins that alone
should be money.
Here is the full answer to the question that heads
Part II of this work, to wit : —
236 Thirty Years' War on Silver
Question
stated.
Question
answered.
What is Money in the United States?
The answer is as follows : —
Gold and silver coins, coined and regnlated in value
by the Congress, are the money of the United States.
These, and nothing but these, are money in the United
States.
No Oversight. — In framing the above-given defini-
tion of money in the United States, sight has not been
lost of the power of the Congress over foreign coin.
The question proposed is, What is money in the
United States now ? not, What was money in the United
States at any time in the past? neither was it, What may
be money at any time in the future? but simply, What
is money now ?
Of course, the Congress, as has been shown, did in
status of times past " regulate the value " of some foreign coins,
now. and thereby make them money in the United States ; but
the laws — those were laws, not simply usurpative enact-
ments by the Congress — have been repealed. And al-
though at times such coins have been money, they are
not money now.
The Congress may at some future time or times " regu-
late the value " of some foreign coins and thus make them
a part of the money of this country : and when it shall
have done so, then those coins also will constitute a part
of the money of the country ; but they are not such now.
An Incident. — In a conversation with a number of
gentlemen of the bar, among them being one whose
superior in reputation and ability does not exist on the
Pacific coast, if in the whole country, the author put to
him the question, " What clause of the Constitution
grants or implies the grant of the power in the Congress
to declare the greenback or anything else a tender ? "
What is Money in the United States? 237
He, after a few moments' reflection, replied : " The Con-
stitution gives Congress the power to coin money and
declare its value." The author said, "No; that power
is not given, I think." He said, " O, 1 know that that is
the case." The author said, " Allow me to state, as I
feel sure that I can, the exact language of the Constitu-
tion on that subject and then let us examine it. The
exact language is : ' The Congress shall have power to
coin money, and regulate [not declare] the value thereof
and of foreign coin.' ' The gentleman, in stating his
view that the coining clause gave the power to the Con-
gress to declare tender, was interrupted by another very
earnest and able lawyer present, a strong " gold stan-
dard " man, with the remark, "That could not be; you
cannot coin paper." That remark anticipated what the
author intended saying. It is stated here to show that
the vagueness on this subject exists in the highest places. Vagueness
not only in official stations but intellectual stations also.
To coin paper would be language entirely unfitting and
improper in any serious utterance, oral or written. Metals
are coined ; paper is printed. Gold and silver are the " coin
only metals authorized by the Constitution to be coined
for the purpose of money, and those alone can be legally
so coined. Paper can neither be so " coined " nor so
printed. Paper cannot be money in the United States
until the Constitution is changed or destroyed. God
forbid that the latter may ever be done !
So far as the logical, legal and constitutional proof and
demonstration of the question proposed for discussion in Might end
1 • 1 1 • • , ,. . . . discussion.
this work are concerned, it might well end here, for the
proof and the demonstration are clear and irrefragable
that under the said Constitution, as well as under the
general scientific definition, money is tender, and only
tender is money. The Constitution fixes the tender of
238 Thirty Years' War on Silver
the country, and therefore the Constitution fixes the
money of the country. It fixes the said tender in gold
and silver coin, therefore it fixes the money of the country
in gold and silver coin. Quod est demonstrandum
[which was the thing to be demonstrated].
PART III .
Views Supplementary and Corroborative
and General
CHAPTER VI.
Anticipatory Objection.
CONTEMPORANEOUS INTERPRETATION. The legal
maxim, " A contemporaneous interpretation of the
statute avails much in law," may probably be
invoked on this question ; and as the Congress at a very
early period in the history of the government, to wit,
1792, passed a statute declaring what should be tender statute of
in the United States, the said law should have great
weight as a contemporaneous interpretation of the Fed-
eral Constitution on this subject. The argumentative Force of
, maxim in
force of the maxim in general is cheerfully admitted, and general.
also its legitimate force in this particular question ; but it is
denied that it was ever conclusive, and in the case under
discussion affirmed that the force of the maxim is reduced minimum
here.
to a minimum.
First : As to the maxim not being conclusive, numer- Never con-
, elusive.
ous instances could be cited from the Supreme Court
of the United States. Reference however will be made
to but one, the " income tax " case. There contempora- income tax
neous interpretations by both the Congress and the Su-
preme Court of the United States were in a recent case
held insufficient to sustain the law ; notwithstanding both,
the recent income tax law was overthrown, thus show-
ing conclusively that in the judgment of the tribunal to
which we have to make final appeal, the Supreme Court
of the United States, contemporaneous interpretations,
though they may indeed avail much, yet are not con-
clusive.
16 241
242 Thirty Years' War on Silver
No contem-
poraneous
interpreta-
tion.
No usurpa-
tion in 1792.
Mere induce
nnnl.
Suppositi-
tious case.
Functions
of courts.
Second : In the case under consideration there is in
truth no contemporaneous interpretation by either the
Congress or the Supreme Court. The question has never
in any manner come before the Supreme Court of the
United States, and consequently there is no interpretation,
contemporaneous or otherwise, by that tribunal. There
is no interpretation by the Congress that could have
been tested until A. D. 1873, for the law of 1792 said
just what the Constitution itself said, to wit, gold and
silver coin shall be tender. There was in that no usurpa-
tion of power by the Congress, only a statement of the
constitutional provision by way of inducement as pre-
paratory to enacting a coinage law.
Suppose Mr. , a plaintiff in an imaginary pro-
ceeding, had lived in 1793, and believed that the Con-
gress had no power over tender, and wished to test the
question ; he had no means of doing so. Had he brought
suit and alleged that the Congress had usurped power
over tender, not authorized by its warrant of authority,
to wit, the Federal Constitution, he would have been
answered by the court thus : —
" You, Mr. , are not hurt ; you have no cause
of action. You say the Federal Constitution makes gold
and silver coin tender. The Congress also says gold
and silver coin are tender. Thus you have already pre-
cisely what you want, and precisely what you demand,
gold coin and silver coin tender, money. This court
does not sit to try imaginary questions ; it sits to try
cases in which rights are denied and wrongs are com-
mitted. It enforces rights and redresses wrongs;
it does not attempt to aid persons who are uninjured.
Its function is not to solve problems, but to settle
rights. Your case is dismissed."
But since 1873 rights have been denied and wrongs
Supplementary and Corroborative Views 243
innumerable committed. Thousands of persons have
been denied their constitutional rights of paving- their
debts and discharging - their obligations in silver coin,
a right guaranteed to them in the Constitution of the
United States. Since that date, 1873, and that date Testable
,,..,.. . . since 1873
alone, the courts have had jurisdiction to give a remedy only.
for those wrongs.
Considering how startling the notion of the silver de-
monetization was, and the history of the times since then,
it is submitted that the nearly three decades of protest- protesting
.... . . . , 1 submission.
ing submission, but not acquiescence therein, should not
be regarded as even in the nature of a contemporaneous
interpretation.
Money in What Sense Common Measure of
Value. — The assertion that money is the common
measure of values, the common denominator of all values,
as many put it, is true when properly understood ; but
it is not true as our friends, the " gold standard " men,
would have us understand it, that is, as a mere yardstick, Yardstick,
etc.
a mere gallon measure, a mere pound weight. It is this
and more ; they have no value by reason of their being
yardstick, gallon measure or pound weight, except indeed
a few cents, or may be a few dollars, as a pocketknife,
pen or other tool or implement has value. On the con-
trary the thing that is money, tender, gets value, and Tender
indeed immense value, simply by being money, "legal value.
tender." In truth, take anv valueless thing even, and a valueless
., tbiug.
legislate the money function into it, the " legal tender
function, the debt and obligation discharging function,—
and it is by legislation only that anything valuable or
valueless can get the money function, " legal tender "
function, the debt and obligation discharging function, —
and that valueless thing immediately gets value simply
by reason of having that function. To say that the thing
244 Thirty Years' War on Silver
Additional
value.
Law the
source of
power.
Three per
rent.
Fifty rents
silver legis-
lated into
one-hun-
dred-cent
dollar.
that pays a man's debts, whether the creditor is willing
or unwilling that it should pay them, gets no value if
previously valueless, or no additional value if previously
valuable, by reason of this power, this function of paying,
is, with all due respect, absurd. To say that the thing
that discharges a man's obligation generally, whether the
obligee is willing or unwilling that it should discharge
it, gets no value if previously valueless, or additional
value if previously valuable, is likewise absurd. And
remember, nothing, whether valuable or valueless, can
discharge an obligation, the obligee being unwilling that
it should do it, unless that thing gets that power, that
function, by legislation ; the law and the law only can
do that.
Therefore to say, as do the " gold standard " men,
that gold gets no additional value by reason of having
the money function, the " legal tender " function, the
debt and obligation discharging function, legislated into
it alone, whereas it was formerly in gold and silver
jointly, is absurd ; and equally absurd is the statement so
often iterated and reiterated that silver fell in the market
from natural causes, and not from adverse legislation.
When silver was demonetized in America in 1873, it was
at a premium of three per cent over gold. They legis-
late the money function out of silver, and then complain
that the " silver men " wish to have fifty cents' worth of
silver legislated into a one-hundred-cent dollar! No, the
" silver men " simply wish that the money function of
silver, put therein by the wise and good and benevolent
framers of our Federal Constitution, be not legislated
out of it by the usurped power of the Federal Congress.
Leave to silver its constitutional money function, and the
" silver men " are perfectly willing to let silver take its
chances in the markets of the world, with gold and all
other articles.
Supplementary and Corroborative Views 245
Money, real money, tender, — " legal tender," if yon Money the
prefer, — is indeed the common measure of values, the sent'atives
common denominator of all values, getting its power ent, measure
so to be from legislation, and from legislation alone: but
a representative of money, though in the inaccurate speech
of the mass of mankind called money, is not money, not
such measure of value or common denominator whether
such representative be (1) silver coin, (2) silver cer-
tificates, (3) gold certificates, (4) treasury certificates,
(5) national bank notes or (6) treasury notes, popularly
called greenbacks, as said treasury notes have been treated
by every Federal administration since 1873. Each Fed-
eral administration since 1873 has treated the greenback
as a mere promise to pay and not as pay.
The Source of Mischief. — And right here is one
great source of mischief in our present system. The mass common
of mankind think that all those six things just enumer-
ated are, together with the gold coin, money, the measure
of values, and so act in their business, — contracts, pur-
chases, etc. But the " shrewd financier " knows that
gold coin alone is money ; hence, when pay-day comes
round, the common mass of men can get nothing with
which to pay their debts or discharge their obligations ;
the " shrewd financiers " have " cornered " all of that shrewd
thing. Therefore crises, panics, financial cataclysms, aneieTB -
come, and the " shrewd financiers " for their " cornered "
gold get the homes and other hard earnings of the com-
mon mass of men. The losers go hungry, starve, die;
their sons and daughters begin anew — labor, toil, stint sons and
and save. The "shrewd financiers" dole out pittances toiif
of gold on which said sons and daughters can operate ;
but soon another panic, crisis, cataclysm, comes, and
down go the sons and daughters of toil and up go the
" shrewd financiers ! " This thing should stop. It is
246 Thirty Years' War on Silver
Duty of the duty of the government to provide money, and
Govern- . .
ment. enough money ; not enough of deceiving shams, repre-
sentatives of money. The Fathers wisely told us how
to do it, and we should follow in the path of their
wisdom.
CHAPTER VII.
The Authority of Great Names.
The Framers of the Constitution. — i. The first in
the list of great names that will be cited in support
of the doctrines hereinbefore laid down will
be those of the framers of the Federal Constitution,
with that of George Washington, the " father of his
country," at their head, although in the Philadelphia
Convention there were men his equal in statesmanship,
political science and finance. In this list of great names,
let particular mention be made of Madison, Hamilton,
Gouverneur Morris, Wilson and Dr. Franklin. The ex-,
tract from the debates of that convention hereinbefore
made show incontestably that the members of that con-
vention were very nearly unanimous in their opinions
that gold coin and silver coin should be the only money
in this country and entirely unanimous in the opinion
that they had in the Constitution made them the only
money.
2. Thomas Jefferson. — The second in the list of the
great names is that of Thomas Jefferson. In section
5383 on page 574 of the work of Mr. John P. Foley,
entitled the " Jeffersonian Cyclopedia," is the follow-
ing : —
' I deny the power of the general government of mak- His denial.
ing paper money, or anything else a legal tender."
The author does not know the line of argument by Made no
which Air. Jefferson established his conclusion. Indeed,
247
248 Thirty Years' War on Silver
Iliad of
woes.
The great
expounder of
the consti- of the Constitution."
tution.
so far as he is aware, no argument was ever made by
him ; he simply stated his conclusion. It is much to be
regretted that Mr. Jefferson did not leave to posterity
his argument as well as his conclusion on this always
most interesting, but now most important subject. But
even the conclusion of Thomas Jefferson on any sub-
ject appertaining to the proper interpretation of our
Federal Constitution is deemed of great weight, and his
opinion that the Federal government has no power to
declare tender or say what thing or things shall be
money is unequivocal. Had he given his argument, per-
haps the Iliad of woes that have fallen upon the Amer-
ican people since 1873 would have been averted.
3. Daniel Webster. — The third in the list of great
names is that of Daniel Webster, the " great expounder
His unequivocal statement that the
Congress has no such power will appear in the next
division, to wit, —
4. James G. Blaine. — The fourth in the list of great
names is that of James G. Blaine. But before quoting
here his utterances on this subject, will the reader indulge
a brief digression? It is to inquire, —
What Defeated James G. Blaine for the Pres-
idency in 1880? — The author frankly admits that he
cannot tell, he does not know ; but he has an opinion.
That opinion is that it was not " rum, Romanism and
rebellion." That utterance of the moment by what would
seem to be a bigoted and fanatical clergyman, and for
which Mr. Blaine was not responsible — he did not make
Too trivial, it or approve of it — was far too trivial a cause to have
produced so tremendous results ! A few voters may have
been influenced by it ; but it is believed that the people
of the great city of New York are far too intelligent to
allow such a trivial occurrence to change well-settled
" Rum,
Romanism
and
Rebellion.'
Supplementary and Corroborative Views 249
previous convictions. Then what did cause that defeat?
It is believed the following did: —
The Speech of James G. Blaine ix the Senate in
^g. — " I believe gold and silver coin to be the money
of the Constitution — indeed, the money of the American
people anterior to the Constitution, money which the
organic law of the Republic recognized as independent
of its own existence. No power was conferred on Con- congress has
, no power
srress to declare that either metal should not be money, over tender.
Congress has therefore, in my judgment, no more power
to demonetize silver than to demonetize gold; no more
power to demonetize either than to demonetize both.
In this statement I am but repeating the weighty dictum Weighty
r ° ° dictum.
of the first of constitutional lawyers. ' I am certainly
of opinion,' said Mr. Webster, 'that gold and silver,
at rates fixed by Congress, constitute the legal standard
of value in this country, and that neither Congress nor
any State has authority to establish any other standard
or to displace this standard.' Few persons can be found,
I apprehend, who will maintain that Congress possesses
the power to demonetize both gold and silver, or that
Congress could be justified in prohibiting the coinage
of both ; and yet in logic and legal construction it would
be difficult to show where and why the power of Con-
gress over silver is greater than over gold — greater
over either than over both. If, therefore, silver has been
demonetized, I am in favor of remonetizing it. If its
coinage has been prohibited, I am in favor of ordering
it to be resumed. If it has been restricted, I am in favor
of ordering it to be enlarged.
' What power, then, has Congress over gold and Congress
•1 1 t 1 1 1 • ■ 1 1 ,,i,s power
silver? — It has the exclusive power to com them; the to coin and
. . .... regulate
exclusive power to regulate their value, — very great, only.
very wise, very necessary powers, for the discreet exer-
250 Thirty Years' War on Silver
cise of which a critical occasion has now arisen. How-
ever men may differ about causes and processes, all will
admit that within a few years a great disturbance has
taken place in the relative values of gold and silver, and
that silver is worth less or gold is worth more in the
money markets of the world in 1878 than in 1873, when
the further coinage of silver dollars was prohibited in
this country." — Taken from pages 163, 164 and 163 of
James G. Blaine's " Political Discussions."
This extract shows that Daniel Webster, as well as
James G. Blaine, thought as did Jefferson and the great
framers of the Constitution on this subject. But it is
believed that when the "plumed knight" made that ut-
terance in his place in the Senate in January, 1878, that
terrible plutocratic oligarchy which has ruled this land for
over a quarter of a century sent forth its edict of doom
for him, his political death, — and he met it six years
later !
5. John Randolph Tucker. — The fifth in the list
of great names is that of John Randolph Tucker. This
eminent jurist, in section 387, page 824, of his great
work in two volumes entitled " The Constitution of the
United States," published in 1899, says: —
" The next provision is that no State ' shall make
anything but gold and silver coin a tender in payment
of debts.' This is a very important provision. Upon it
several points may be made. Reading it with the fifth
clause of the eighth section of the first article, which
gives power to Congress ' to coin money, regulate the
value thereof, and of foreign coin,' etc.. it is obvious that
the power of Congress to coin money enables it to coin
gold and silver coin for the purpose of being used as a
.Medium in medium in payment of debts. The clause would then
payment of . . , _, ,1,1 1
debt. be as if it read, ihe Congress shall have the power to
" Plumed
knight."
Political
death.
Important
provision.
Supplementary and Corroborative Views 251
coin gold and silver coins, and no Stale shall make any
but these a tender in the payment of debt.' Second, taken
in connection with the immediately preceding clause, by
which the States are prohibited from emitting bills of
credit, it is obvious the Constitution contemplated, as
the medium of exchange, gold, and silver coins struck Coins struck
_ ,. „ f .by Congress.
by Congress, excluding all power of the States to com
money of their own or to emit bills of credit. Third,
several of the preceding powers, as have been seen, are
correlated to powers granted to the Congress, with which
the exercise of the same by the States would be incon-
sistent. That is not the case with this clause, for there
is no power given to Congress, nor a hint of a power in Kb hint of
Congress, to make anything a tender in the payment of
debts. Indeed this clause of prohibition to the States
indicates that, but for its being inserted in the Constitu-
tion, it would have been left to the States, as a reserved
power to make anything they pleased a tender in pay-
ment of debts. If there is anything which is within the
language of the reserved powers of the States, it would
be the regulation of the relations of debtor and creditor Regulation
. . . of relation
in the private concerns of societv. It was therefore es- of debtor
• 1 1 1 1 1 • • 1 r i an(1 <' l "«' ,li t° r -
sential that such a prohibition upon the power of the
State should be inserted. This prohibition, therefore,
gives no warrant for the assumption of a power by Con-
gress to make anything a tender in the payment of debts
except gold and silver coin. If the power within this
clause of prohibition had been clearly reserved to the
States without such prohibition, it would be wholly illog-
ical to infer that the prohibition of such a power was to
be equivalent to a grant of the prohibited power to the
United States. Under the tenth amendment of the Consti-
tution the powers [not] delegated to the United States, if
not prohibited to the States, are reserved by that amend-
252 Thirty Years' War on Silver
rnwarant- ment to the States or to the people. It would be an unwar-
sion. perver " ranted perversion of this article to hold that the powers
not delegated to the United States, but prohibited to the
States, are to be regarded, because not reserved to the
States, as delegated to the United States. It would
therefore seem to be a sound interpretation of these kin-
congress thedred clauses of the Constitution, that while Congress was
to be the instrument for putting the stamp of currency
upon coins of gold and silver, in order to create a circulat-
ing medium, the States were forbidden to make any-
thing but these coins a tender in the payment of debts,
and no power was delegated to the United States to do so ;
solution of and therefore, as a medium for the solution of debts be-
tween man tweeii man and man, the Constitution intended that the
gold and silver coin, stamped by Congress, as well as
foreign coins, whose value, like that of the domestic
coin, is to be regulated by Congress, was to be the only
medium for the payment of debts under the system es-
tablished by the Constitution."
As to these great names, those of the men of the Phil-
adelphia Convention from Washington on down ; those
of the second great period of American history, to wit,
the period of Webster ; and finally the later period, that
of Blaine and Tucker, compared with the names of the
members of that Constitution-defying and silver-demone-
tizing Congress of 1873, ^ can De sa id, as did the Prince
of Denmark in the play : —
:< Look here, upon this picture, and on this,
The counterfeit presentment of — statesman."
and man.
CHAPTER VIII.
The Practical Result of This, the Scientific and Con-
stitutional View of the Money Question.
SECTION I.
General Statement.
The practical result of the foregoing views of the
money question is twofold: —
First, To Restore Silver. — To restore silver
to its full power of tender, its full power of money, in
all matters whatsoever and to any amount. Every silver
coin of the United States, whether dime, quarter-dollar,
half-dollar or dollar, is full tender for any amount and in
any contract or transaction; they, with the gold coins.
are the money, the tender ; and no power exists to dis-
place them in that function ; and —
Second, To Remove the " Scarecrow." — To remove
that "scarecrow," that "nursery tale," that for so long
a time has frightened so many patriots out of their Patriots.
patriotic doctrine, to wit, that under "free coinage" "Free
Europe, Asia, indeed all the world outside of the United
States, would " dump " their old silverware and trinkets
and silver coins into the United States mint and have
them coined from fifty-cent silver into one-hundred-
cent dollars. For then the Congress would still have
the power " to coin " and " regulate," to say how much
gold should be coined and how much silver should be
coined, and what should be the ratio between them when
253
254 Thirty Years 1 War on Silver
Workman-
ship main
thing.
No danger.
Foreign
coins.
Paying
power scarce
to-day.
Feudal
tenure.
Chattel
slavery.
Control
labor and
products
labor.
of
Obey the
Constitu-
tion.
coined ; and if the " dumping " should begin, the Con-
gress could soon check it. But the " dumping " would
never begin. Silverware and trinkets, like all manu-
factured goods, have value from the manufacture, the
labor expended upon them as well as from the material
of which they are made, and usually the material is a
very small part of the value of the article ; the workman-
ship put upon it is the main thing. This is especially
the case in articles made of silver. There is no danger
from that source.
Would there be danger from the silver coins of other
nations ? — Not a particle ; those coins are needed, and
pressingly needed at their homes. There is not a nation
on earth to-day that is not in pressing need of money,
real money, coin that is tender. There is indeed no lack
among them of governmental promises to pay, the gov-
ernment printing presses can more readily turn those
out ; but the coin with the quality of tender is indeed
scarce ; that is, the thing that does not merely promise
to pay, but actually pays, is scarce. That, however, is
just what the plutocratic oligarchies of every nation want,
since the abolition of feudal tenure and chattel slavery ;
because by that means they can as effectually control
labor and the products of labor as they could be con-
trolled under the feudal system or under the system of
chattel slavery. The oligarchs indeed want it ; but the
question is, Do the people want it? And the next ques-
tion is, Will the people have it? If so, then their serv-
itude is of their own making. For the people can prevent
it by compelling the Congress and the Supreme Court
of the United States, through their hot indignation ex-
pressed in their ballots, to obey that Constitution that
each member of each body has so solemnly sworn that he
would obey. This will cure the evil.
Supplementary and Corroborative Views 255
For another reason, too, the " dumping " would never Money suit-
. . able in kind
begin. When the Congress realized that it could not :md ude-
111 1111 o i
thing stored, values, but it is also the value stored, the valuable thing
stored.
Labor stored LABOR STORED IN LANDS, PERSONAL PROPERTY AND
in lands and .
houses. Money. — A labors for twenty years in a learned pro-
fession," at merchandising, or farming, or mechanical or
?62
Supplementary and Corroborative Views 263
any other labor. At the end of the time, or as he goes on
from year to year therein, he buys lands and builds
houses thereon, thus putting or storing his labor in houses Labor stored
and lands; B labors for the same time, and similarly puts property.'
or stores his labor in articles of personal property ; and C
labors similarly, and similarly puts or stores his labor in Labor stored
11' ii- 11 1 • ln ,none y-
money, the thing that his government, which owes him uovem-
. . . . . „ . , . i»ent owes
protection in return for his allegiance and service, savs protection,
a ' citizen and
shall pay all his debts, and with which he may buy any of resident
J owe obe-
the other things. The amount of the stored value in each <«ence.
case, say, is twenty thousand dollars. Is not each of them
equally entitled to the protection of his government for
his value stored? It would seem that no one would deny
it. If his government, having the power, should legislate Legislating
A's houses and lands away from him, or, which is the lands. °
same thing, all value out of them, by saying A should not
use them, would not A's indignation be intense and the
act of his government unjust? If B's personal property Legislating
were legislated upon in a similar fashion, would his in- personal
dignation be less or the injustice of the government less?
And yet C's money can be legislated away from him, or
which is the same thing, all value be legislated out of it Legislating
by saying C shall not use it, shall not pay his debts with money.
it, and the authors of the law applaud themselves from a
thousand rostrums for doing it !
Of course, in the foregoing is meant, if a government
has once provided a metallic money and then strikes all
of that out and puts paper in its stead. Certainly then the
owners of the metallic money would have its value legis-
lated out of it and into the paper, and those owners would Rob for its
simply be robbed! If the government owned and paid
out in payment of its debts this paper into which it had
legislated the money function, it would rob the metallic
money owner for its own benefit. This would be stealing;
264 Thirty Years' War on Silver
Rob for
benefit of
others.
Strike out
all metal-
lic money.
The moral
quality of
action.
*/j: moral
quality
same.
Old money
and new
money.
it would have the primary element of larceny, what is
termed in law lucri causa [for the sake of gain]. If this
paper were owned by others than the government or those
owning the former metallic money, the government would
then rob for the benefit of others ; and this too would have
the element of larceny called lucri causa, the only differ-
ence being the gain would be the gain of another.
Thus far the government is supposed to strike out by
law all the metallic money of the country and put in an
equal amount of paper money. Then it is clear to the
dullest intellect, that wishes to see, that the robbery of
the metallic-money owner is complete, and that justice
and morality would demand that the metallic-money
owner should receive an amount of the paper money
equal in value to his metallic money. Without this or
something equivalent to it the moral sense would be
shocked.
If the government struck out one-half of the metallic
money and put paper money in its stead, the wrong would
be identical in kind ; it would be robbery again, but the
amount stolen would be but half. The moral quality of
the action would be the same. That is what the govern-
ment of the United States did in 1873 with regard to its
metallic money ; it made enactments, not laws, which
struck out one-half of the metallic money, to wit, the silver
coin, and thereby robbed every owner of silver coin or
silver bullion or silver mines to that extent ; for each had
stored his labor in those things. — coin, bullion, mines, —
and justice and fair dealing demand that they be com-
pensated therefor. In these cases it will be observed
that the government displaces metallic money and puts an
equal amount of paper money in its stead ; and the robbery
thereby committed is obvious. Of course, it would be the
same if the government displaced any kind of established
Supplementary and Corroborative Views 265
money and put a new money in its stead. The old owners
would be robbed unless they were adequately compen-
sated for their lost money.
Government May Increase Money without Moral
Wrong. — Now, the question arises : Suppose the country More money
... ,, .' needed.
actually needed more money ; is it then morally wrong in
the government to supply it ? No ; because it is one of
the duties as well as powers of the government, well
understood at its formation, to provide for an adequate Right to
supply it.
supply of money ; that is what the control of the money
of the country is given to the government for. In the
United States under the provision of its Constitution, the constitu-
1 1 iim:i 1 pro-
control of the supply of money is given to the Congress vision.
by granting to it the power to coin gold and silver, less
or more of each, as the business and trade of the country
require. Complying with that well-understood and fun-
damental requirement of government could injure no one,
that is, injure in the sense of wrong. Of course, with an inadequate
supply
inadequate supply of money in the country, money would makes
be very dear or the more valuable, and with the incoming
of an amount requisite to fill up the deficiency and make
an adequate supply, the value of the money theretofore
in the country would cheapen and be less, but that would supplying
1 deficiency no
not work moral or ethical wrong to the owners of the llloral
wrong.
former money, because that whole matter from the be-
ginning of the government up to the time of the trans-
action was carried on under the implied understanding
that it would be the duty of the government at every
moment to provide for an adequate supply of money. No
one should desire that his neighbor should suffer in order
that he himself may unjustly prosper. That disposition is Unjust
, , . ' . . " . , . prosperity.
largely prevalent, but it is not right or just.
Comparison with Wheat. — Suppose the supply of wheat
1 famine.
any commodity, say wheat, should become scarce, so that
266
Thirty Years' War on Silver
Money
famine.
Legislating
wheat Uow
without
necessity
therefor.
Wieked.
Moral
wrong of
govern-
ment to
silver own-
ers, not to
silver itself.
famine, or even moderate want, should result, and the
government should purchase its supplies of wheat from
foreign countries, could the owners of the wheat in the
country therefore justly complain because the purchase of
foreign wheat had lowered the price and thereby lessened
the value of their property? Most assuredly not. So, if
the government takes steps to prevent a money famine, or
even a moderate want of money, no one owning money
could justly complain. If a miser or an avaricious
" money grub," he might regret it ; but he could not
justly complain of it. But" suppose the government,
having the power to do so, should pass a law that wheat
should not be used in this country, and substitute some
other thing for bread, would the wheat owner not have
good ground for complaint? Certainly he would. If
this were done simply for the benefit of the owner of the
new substance, the act of the government would be
wicked, and if done simply to injure the wheat owner, it
would likewise be wicked. But if done for the public
good, otherwise than to supply deficiency in the quantity,
say, to get an article more suitable to the purpose intended,
then it would not be wicked, but it would be a wrong to
the wheat owner unless the government compensated him
for his loss. The change to a better substance would
otherwise be a moral wrong to him.
The analogy is complete here as to the wrong of the
government in the silver demonetization enactments of
the Congress of 1873. The Congress then, without neces-
sary cause or public benefit, struck out silver coin as
money, thus inflicting grievous wrong on all owners of
silver coin, silver bullion and silver mines. The plea of
necessity or public benefit will not avail; for in the first
place, there was no great scarcity, and had there been,
striking out a part of what there was would have made
Supplementary and Corroborative Views 267
matters worse. On the contrary, of late years, not at
first, the attempt has been made to justify the said enact-
ments on the ground of superfluity — that there was too Xo surplus
, „. . , . . ' . of money.
much money, inis is false in fact; there was not at any
time too much money. The world has never yet seen the
time that there was in it too much money ; no country has Never too
ever seen the time that there was too much money in that
country. What historian so says ? — No one.
If Too Much Money, Government May Reduce
without Moral Wrong, If Done Equitably. — But
granting, for the sake of the argument, and only for that
reason, that there was too much money in this country in
1873, and that the public good required a reduction of the
amount, why should the owners of silver coin, silver bul-
lion and silver mines be made to bear the whole burden whole i>ur-
clen throwu
of the reduction ? Why should not the owners of gold on silver
J ° owners.
coin, gold bullion and gold mines be made to bear their
proportionate share? There is no reason but the wicked
reason that those managing the silver-demonetization
scheme were working in the interests of the gold kings of id for
large transactions and silver for the smaller, but both for small
. . , . .. . , . . , transactions-
money, tender, neither of limited tender, or string-tender, no " string
the string attached to the tender to pull that quality out teu er '
of the coin when the creditor wishes ! The framers of the
Constitution presumed that the Congress of the United
States would be composed of a reasonably wise and pa-
triotic body of men (the Congresses of 1873 and its suc-
cessors were not anticipated by them!), and that they
would be constantly on the lookout to provide for the
wants and necessities of the country. Therefore they The efficient
gave to them this power " to coin," so that if money should
become scarce they could " coin " more, of either gold or
silver, as the occasion required ; if money should become
too abundant, the supply too great, they could cease the
coining for a while. Thus a simple, effective and consti-
tutional remedy is always at hand.
But as stated in former pages, neither gold nor silver Gold mi-
could be dispensed with as money, for two reasons: (1) small
the gold does not exist in sufficient quantities to meet the tions*'
demand alone, and neither does the silver; and (2) gold snver ,
v ' <=> somewhat
is entirelv unsuited to small transactions, and silver some- ««^«'i*oa for
larjje
what so for larger ones. Gold could be much better dis- transactions
pensed with than silver. Gold cannot be used in small
transactions, it would be like using a razor to cut wood ;
but silver can be used in large transactions, although less
convenient than gold.
272 Thirty Years' War on Silver
A Much-Used Argument (God Save the Mark!). —
Perhaps there may be no better place than here to speak
of a fallacy much used by the Spellbinder during the
silver bulky, said " thirty years' war," to wit, " silver is bulky to carry
" cart loads around." In discussing this question, they picture silver
train Toads in cart loads going f rom place to place. But it is believed
that if one of them had that amount of silver he would
not begrudge the carts ! Is not gold now transported even
by the train load ?
But whether gold coin alone or silver coin alone, or both
gold coin and silver coin should be the money of the
Bank country, the function of bank checks and bank drafts and
notes,' drafts, bank bills and bank notes would not be destroyed; they
would go on just as they do now, only the people would
know the difference between them and money. They
would still be used in transferring money, and the incon-
imaRinary venience imagined would not exist at all, any more than
such inconvenience exists now. If a man has a large
quantity of either gold coin or silver coin paid to him now,
and he chooses to have carts for its transportation instead
of using bank checks, drafts and bills, he can do so, and
same choice so he could if the Congress and the courts obeyed the Con-
then as .
now. stitution of the United States as to money. No more
inconvenience or trouble in the one case than in the other.
Gold Solomon and Spellbinder to the contrary notwith-
standing. If a man had gold coin or silver coin, either
or both, to transfer to his chosen place of safety, he could
then do it by check, draft or bill or by cart as well as he
can now.
The ladies. This " nursery tale " frightened many good women ;
they feared that they would grow prematurely aged in
carrying around oppressive loads of " bulky silver ! "
Therefore they too abuse silver. Et z'os quoque, ladies
[and you, too, ladies] ! No; they would, with the observ-
Supplementary and Corroborative Views 273
ance of the Constitution by those who have so solemnly
sworn to observe, but now violate it, do just as they do
now ! Old age would not overtake them a moment sooner
than it does now !
Thus it is seen that a government, even in those coun- if power
exists, no
tries in which such power is lodged in the government, moral right
1 . to change.
cannot without moral wrong and injury to the persons
governed, change its money. A government has no moral The whole
right to take a man's money than it has to take his other not.
property. Likewise in our country the whole people could
not, without moral wrong, change the money to some
other substance or thing without duly compensating those
who had stored their labor in the former money ; he who
stores his labor in that thing or those things that his gov-
ernment has said to him should be money, has just as
much right to that government's protection of that store
as he who stores his labor in lands or other property has
the right to the government's protection of that land or
other property.
SECTION II.
How a Country Could Adopt Money without Com-
mitting Moral Wrong.
A People Could, without Moral Wrong. Adopt,
But Not Change Money. — A case could perhaps be
imagined in which the people of a country could, without
moral wrong to any one, determine what should be their
money without making compensation, but such a case is
barely possible in this stage of the world's historv. It is
this : Suppose a number of people should by some means
find themselves on Crusoe Island, away from all the rest of rmsoe
the world, and owing allegiance to no other country, and
18
274 Thirty Years' War on Silver
Two ways.
desired to form a government of their own and remain
on the island. Suppose, too, that they had nothing but
their bodies and souls and the resources of the island, and
especially no money. They could then honestly choose
and decree some thing or things to be money, because no
one would be hurt by the choice. How could this be done ?
In two ways, as follows : —
First, by law choosing some valuable thing or things
for money ; and
Second, by law choosing some valueless thing or things
for money.
First, By Choosing Some Valuable Thing or
Things As Money. — In the first, the procedure might
Three ways.be in any one of three ways, as follows: (a) Coining on
private account. First, by law choosing some valuable
thing or things, as gold or silver, or both gold and silver,
providing for its or their coinage into pieces suitable and
convenient in size and shape and inscription for the trans-
action of business, and then further passing a law that who-
ever brought these metals, either or both, to the govern-
ment mint should have them coined with or without charge
seigniorage, (if with charge, that charge would be called seigniorage),
that would make no difference, into pieces that should be
money, have the quality of tender. Then persons would
mine, smelt, etc., and take the products to the mint, get
them coined into money, and then pay their debts, and
the money would thus soon get into circulation, and the
government by taxing could get what it needed of it.
Thus in a short time money would be in circulation, and
business progressing. (b) Coining on public account.
The second way might be this : The government by law
do all the foregoing things up to the point of saying bul-
lion would be coined for the persons presenting it to the
mint, and instead of that, say it, the government, would
Private
owner puts
coin in
circulation.
Taxing.
Supplementary and Corroborative Views 275
buy such quantity of bullion as it deemed proper, coin
it, and that such coin should be money. The government Govern-
111 r- 1 11 1 1 11 ">ell< PHtS
would thus at first have all the money, but soon it would coin in «ir-
- . '. . . . dilation.
commence paying it out tor services done tor it, and soon
the money would get into circulation. The government
under such circumstances should endeavor to see that a
sufficient supply of money for the business and trade of
the country was obtained. When that amount was reached when coin-
ing should
it should cease coining, and when the population, trade begin and
L l cease.
and business increased so as to require more money, the
government should resume the coinage. Thus always the
duty of the government is to see that the supply of money
is sufficient, because that is a matter that the law controls Law controls
entirely*
entirely. Notwithstanding the ridicule the "fiat money"
has met with, there is no other kind of money ; no other No money
kind is possible, however much ignorance may rave in money,
the interests of plutocracy !
Whenever the money was once fixed and adopted, it
would be a moral wrong to change it to something else
without due compensation to those who had stored their
labor in the chosen money. This is plain, even if the
change from one thing to another thing as money were change
pro bono publico [for the public good], still to make the publico.
change without due compensation to the owners of the
former money would be a moral wrong, (c) Precious
metals royal metals. The third way might be this : The
people, or the king, if the government were a monarchy
absolute, declare from the beginning that the thing or Royal
things chosen for money were royal things, that is, the belong to
thing or things that were to be the money should be royal people? ° r
things, and for that reason should belong to the people,
or to the " crown " in case of a monarchy ; and further-
more, that all of that thing or of those things should
belong to the people or crown in whichever of the two
276 Thirty Years' War on Silver
the sovereignty rested. If gold or silver, or both, were
declared to be the royal or money metals, then that metal,
or both, as the case might be, should belong to the people
or crown, whether they were found in public or crown
lands or in the lands of private persons. This was the
law of the European countries, including England ; that
is, mines of the " royal metals," gold and silver, " be-
Govem- longed," as their laws expressed it, " to the crown." Thus
ment again . 1 1 11 1
puts money the government or the sovereignty would own all the raa-
tion. terial of which money could be made, and could mine by
working, and coin as it saw proper. If a good, honest and
fair government, always having in view the interests of
the public and no one person or class, it could coin such
part of the product as it saw proper, pay the coins out for
services to it, and soon the money would get into circu-
lation, and then when a sufficient quantity for the busi-
ness and trade of the country got into circulation, if the
government had need for money, it could get it by taxing.
onee coined In this case, too, although the sovereign, whether peo-
circuiation pie or king, as the case might be, owned all the mines
becomes . , . ,
private from which the royal metals were or could be obtained,
yet when those metals were once coined, made into money,
and put into circulation by being paid out, they would
become " private " property, and the owners of them
would have the same right to the protection of govern-
ment for them as would the owners of any other kind of
Tautology. " private " property. " Private " is a tautological word
here, for property means ownership, coming from pro-
prius, meaning one's own, private, not common.
worthy of i n this case, too, when the citizen or " subject " had
protection.
stored his labor in money, the sovereignty, whether in
king or people, could not, without moral wrong, change
the money into some other thing without giving to him
who had thus stored due compensation. This, too, would
Supplementary and Corroborative Views 277
be robbery. Even to debase that coin is robbery ; but of
debasing more hereafter.
(2) Second, By Law Choosing Some Valueless
Thing As Money. — The second way in which a people,
situated as above imagined, could provide themselves with
money is this : —
By law to choose some valueless thing and legislate
into it the quality of money, tender. Suppose this thing valueless
were paper of a certain color printed in a certain manner, Paper.
and each piece thereof designated as of a certain denom-
ination. The endowment of these pieces of paper with Tender,
the quality of tender would make the situation such that
no one could pay his debts without these pieces, and there-
fore instantly these pieces of mere paper would get value, value, im-
... . , , ... , . mense value
indeed, immense value, simply by reason of having this
quality ; and, if nothing else could have the same quality,
and so the law is supposed to be made, then those pieces Become the
of mere paper would be the most valuable thing on the able tiling.
island, just as gold coin is the most valuable thing with Gold coin
1 ■ 1 t t ■ 1 r. 1 -1 • most valu-
us here in the United States now, because with us now m able thing
the United States gold coin is the only thing that has the united
quality of tender. The Gold Solomon's mere assertion.
but not with even an attempt at proof, that the law can- Gold soi-
not make a valuable thing more valuable, or a valueless sense:
....... ... o 11 Spellbinder
thing valuable, is simply nonsense, the wildest Spell- twaddle.
binder twaddle. Even the coat, and probably every article
of clothing the reader has on his person as he reads this
paragraph, has additional value legislated into it. A Legislated
serious denial of it would argue insanity in the person
making the denial, or barefaced attempt to impose on
the credulity of the simple.
Even if the peculiar manufacture of the paper to pre-
vent counterfeiting, etc., did cost something, it would
make no difference in the argument — it would be too
small for any practical result.
278 Thirty Years' War on Silver
This paper This paper money, thus by law brought into existence,
money like . ... f r.
public would, like the public coinage mentioned heretotore, be
coinage . *" . . , .
mentioned. - the property of the sovereign, that is, ot the people or
the " crown," according to the nature of government, that
is, whether democracy or monarchy. And the sovereignty,
through its agents of government, would pay out these
paper moneys for services rendered to it, and thus soon
this paper money would get into circulation as the tender,
how govern- the debt-paying power, the money of the country. Then
back money. if the government needed money for its uses, it would
Taxing. raise it by taxing, and thus get the needed amount of the
same money back into its treasury. If a wise and just
government, it would do so. For if, in the first place, it
had issued a sufficient quantity of this paper money to do
the business and carry on the trade of the country, as it
should have done, then to exercise its prerogative of sov-
ereignty to issue more would make too much money, as it
"Flooding" j s sometimes expressed, "flood" the countrv with money,
the country ' . '
with money, and thereby lower the value or the purchasing power ot
the whole amount, the old issue of paper money and the
" oid i8sue."new issue of paper money. These phrases, " old issue "
"New issue." and " new issue," were phrases in general use among the
Evils of. people during the Civil War days. The people of those
days well understood how the " old issue '• and the " new
issue " both fell in value !
cowardly It is cowardly and unjust for a government to raise
money in this manner. When a government has issued
a sufficient quantity of this money, and compelled the
people thereof to take it in payment of debts, thus storing
their labor in it, then to issue more, say, double the quan-
tity thereof, and thereby reduce the value of it all, the old
as well as the new, it is gross injustice and moral wrong
to those owning the " old issue," as they by government
compulsion had to put the results of their labor therein.
Supplementary and Corroborative Views 279
The duty of the government is to use its utmost endeavors
to keep the supply of the money, that is, that thing that it
has by its laws ordained to be money, as nearly as possible
at the exact amount needed, neither too little nor too
much, but just the right amount. It should carefully
study the situation of the country as to increase or de-
crease of population, business, etc., and keep its money in
amount accordingly. Money being a creature of the law, Money a
a J J a creature of
the law should carefully guard the amount of it, seeing law.
that enough, but not too much, is in the country. This
can be best done, as it is wisely provided in the Consti-
tution of the United States, by coining when money is
scarce, and ceasing coining when it is at the right amount.
It can be done in no other way without violating the said
Constitution. For twenty-five years the silly cry against 8 >"y cry.
" fiat " money has filled the land, so that if a man speaks
of the law with regard to money, he is asked with sneer-
ing emphasis, " O, are you in favor of fiat money? " As
if such a contention were like " the perpetual-motion " or ' m {^J^" U:l1
the "sun-do-move" crochets. This one fact conclusivelv " Sun „ do
- move.
shows the profound, dense, gross ignorance of many, not
only in the ordinary, but also in the high places, among
those presuming to be leaders of the people. Blind guides
indeed ! Again let it be repeated that there is no money
but " fiat money." No other is possible.
Again let the statement be made that when a govern-
ment has made and put in circulation a sufficient quantity
of paper money (of course, it is assumed that it must be
in countries where the government is not limited by con-
stitutional restriction as to making paper money), it can-
not without a moral wrong materially increase that quan-
tity, as has been heretofore shown. To do so would be
to use the power of government for oppressive and not
beneficial purposes.
280 Thirty Years' War on Silver
In justice to Mr. Chase, it is fair to presume that
while secretary of the treasury he made little investiga-
tion as to the constitutionality of the greenback statute ;
but that when the matter came before him as a judge or
justice, he made conscientiously deeper investigation, and
saw that the statute that he had recommended was in vio-
lation of the national Constitution, and therefore void.
The matter should have stopped there, that is, with the
correct decision of 1869. But a usurper is rarely satisfied ;
so it was with this usurping Congress, it passed the
enactment increasing the bench of justice from seven to
nine ; and the question was brought before this nine, and
on the interpretation of this nine, or a majority thereof,
Themis would, were she not so full of sorrow for its dire
consequence to the people, cast a smile of derision.
CHAPTER XL
The Currency.
SECTION I.
General Remarks.
The currency, those things based on money, and in
some sense representing it, but never taking its
place, for mere currency never compulsorily pays a
debt. Laws, and stringent laws, too, should be passed by
the competent authority to regulate the currency, so that Regulating
1 jo - tlle .. cur-
frauds and swindles should not be perpetrated on the rency."
people.
The unscientific, unconstitutional, clumsy and unjust rresent cur-
i j 1 rency law
system at present in the United States should be changed, nnscien-
. tiflc, uncon-
Tliat that system is bad, no thoughtful and fair-minded stitutionai,
_ clumsy and
man can doubt. Its very author, Salmon P. Chase, unjust.
J . Its author,
admitted it to be unconstitutional, and that admission Salmon p.
. Chase.
was made while he occupied the exalted position of chief
justice of the Supreme Court of the United States. He
said that he had while secretary of the treasury of His admis-
. 1,1 <- i sion, as See-
the United States recommended the passage ot the retary of the
greenback enactment, and that the greenback be made as justice of
,, ... . . . - the Supreme
a lesral tender; but under his oath as a justice oi court,
the Supreme Court he was compelled to admit the Con- Conceived
in illf'^nlitv
gress had no power to make them a " legal tender."
Thus it is seen that the very conception of the system was
in unconstitutionality, and there is no doubt that it is its a error.
began with the greenback blunder and other blunders ;
and in 1873 the system was further vitiated by the silver
demonetization blunder. So that the present system to
all intents and purposes began in 1873, and is the growth
of only about thirty years instead of a century. It is
the mushroom growth of thirty years of congressional
unwisdom, and not the steady growth of a century of
wisdom. President Roosevelt, however, does admit that
" some legislation is . . . desirable." This verifies the
statement herein made that the advocates of our present
financial system keep constantly " tinkering " at it. The
system is vicious ; and when the evil results appear from
time to time in its practical workings, its advocates tinker Tinker and
... ... tinker and
and tinker and tinker at it, hoping thus to appease those tinker.
injured by it, the people.
Second, the economic errors involved are the errors Economic
exposed in this work. Why is it " both unwise and un-
necessary at this time to attempt to reconstruct" it?
The sooner error in finance or elsewhere dies, the better;
it deserves not the shield of time or other protection.
Error should be supplanted by truth.
errors.
•88
Thirty Years' War on Silver
Too general. The last sentence of the extract is too general to be
valuable. It is about equal to saying - that he thinks a
good system should be adopted. If that is the meaning,
it would be given hearty concurrence ;. but we should
first examine to see if it be good — if that is the meaning.
The following is noticeable : " It is suggested, however,
that all future legislation on the subject should be with
the view of encouraging the use of such instrumentalities
as will automatically supply every legitimate demand of
productive industries and of commerce, not only in the
amount, but in the character of circulation ; and of mak-
ing all kinds of money interchangeable, and, at the will
of the holder, convertible into the established gold stand-
ard."
What a view of money and of congressional power is
presented here ! Congressional legislation should be with
the view to encourage the use of " such instrumentalities
as will automatically supply every legitimate demand,"
etc. What " instrumentalities " could by the Congress
be encouraged? Congress can supply the demands for
money by coining gold coins and silver coins as needed.
Why should the Congress abdicate its legitimate power
under the Constitution to coin money, silver and gold,
the natural and proper mode of supplying money, and
usurp the modes of supposed supplying that are uncon-
stitutional as well as unscientific, and those modes that
have led to the present lamentable and absurd condition
of our financial system? The congressional power is the
coining power and no other.
Again, according to President Roosevelt's view, the
" congressional legislation should be with the view . . .
of making all kinds of money interchangeable, and, at
the will of the holder, convertible into the established
gold standard." "All kinds of money interchangeable! "
" Instru-
mental-
ities."
Legitimate
power.
Usurped
power.
Supplementary and Corroborative Views 289
How manv kinds of moncv are there ? — But one, gold How many
. kind-, of
coin, if silver demonetization is constitutional and valid ; money?
and how could those coins be otherwise than interchange-
able? If he means, as it seems, that all those things
commonly called money, but are not money, — (1) silver
coins, (2) silver certificates, (3) gold certificates, (4)
treasury certificates, (5) national bank notes, and (6)
greenbacks, — are money, what a lamentable and absurd
mistake for one to make who is in position of so
great power! As stated elsewhere, should those sub-
stitutes for money amount to five hundred dollars per
capita, President Roosevelt would, under his view of
money, have to call them all money. Think again of
redeeming money with money ! keeping money in the
vaults of the national treasury to redeem money ! What
could be more absurd? And again making such money,
" at the will of the holder, convertible into the estab-
lished gold standard." Why should money be convertible
into money ! Of course, the parity in the money should
be maintained, that is, when there are more kinds of
money in a country than one ; but when there is but
one kind of money and many kinds of substitutes there-
for, then there can be no such thing as parity. But in rarity.
such case, and even when there is but one kind of sub-
stitute therefor, then there should be stringent laws
passed by the proper authority to prevent any person
or persons, corporate or otherwise, from issuing sub-
stitutes for money that they cannot redeem in money at
any moment on demand. While detailed plans of a
proper financial system cannot be entered into here, yet
this remark is made that it should be a criminal offense criminal
to issue more substitutes for money than the issuer can
redeem at any moment in money.
19
offense.
290 Thirty Years' War on Silver
SECTION III.
Inflating the Currency.
Money can be debased and currency can be inflated.
How ? For money, the method has been shown ; for cur-
rency, the method will be told. Should the reader sup-
pose this a mere logomachy, a mere distinction in words
but with no justifiable distinction in things, then he, in
reading, these pages, has " spent his strength for naught,"
and the author in writing them has quoad [as to] him
" labored in vain."
If the reader will refer to those pages of Part II detail-
ing the imaginary history of Micropolis, he will see how
the red paper currency, the blue paper currency, etc., etc.,
were issued, and also the result ; how easily under the
Mr. Nagrom. system Mr. Nagrom legally obtained all the property
(including the money) of that unfortunate island. The
process was simple : every time a new paper currency,
to wit, the green, yellow, etc., etc., was added, the cause
increasing of Mr. Nagrom was made the more easy. At each such
betrve*en' e reaiissue the difference between the real and the apparent
ent measure measure of value was by it made wider ; and, of course,
facilitated the accomplishment of Mr. Nagrom's purpose.
lunation So in the United States at this time we have a large
of currency. currenC y inflation, but no debasement of money. Indeed,
instead of " debasement " of money just the opposite has
contraction taken place. There is an undue as well as unconstitu-
tional contraction of the money of the country. Before
1873 the quality of money, tender, existed in the silver
coins as well as in the gold coins ; after that period,
through the illegal enactments of the Congress, that
quality, to wit, money, tender, was withdrawn from the
silver coins, thus unduly contracting the money of the
Supplementary and Corroborative Views 291
country. To right that wrong, to remedy tins evil, by n debase-
' .. , ... ... nient, but
restoring to the silver coins their constitutional quality righting a
r i-ii r ... a wrong.
ot money, tender, is no debasement 01 money, neither is x inflation
. ri ■ r t t • i-i ■ 1 1 °f currency.
it an inflation of the currency, it is like setting a broken Setting a
. . , r *.,, ,, .... broken leg.
leg; some pain and fever will naturally result, but it is
better for the patient in the end. When the " silver
men " are charged with the evil that might come from
the restoration of silver coin as money, as tender, it would
be as unreasonable as to charge upon the surgeon the Charge
1 rr • • • r 1 r i i surgeon in-
pain and suffering arising from the setting of a broken stead of
leg ! No ; the fellow that broke the leg is responsible.
In this case the Gold Solomon silver demonetizers are
responsible for all the evil that may occur. When the
Gold Solomon complains of debasing the money or
" debasing the currency," as they call it, and asks the
people to have mercy on the poor silver-demonetizing
gold owners, it reminds one of the man who murdered his
father and mother, and when sentence was about to be
pronounced upon him for the murders, begged the court " Th e poor
to have mercy upon a poor orphan !
Illustrative Incident. — In the campaign of 1896
the writer met an old friend, who had from his youth up
been a strict party man, but who at that time was a " gold
man " and marching in " gold processions." He asked
the cause, and was told, the " money question." He then,
after some conversation, asked his friend if he did not
believe the country would be better by returning to the
double standard, making gold coin and silver coin money.
His answer was, " Yes ; the country would be far better
after about two years. But in the mean time the great Hard times
' gold men ' would produce ' hard times,' and much evil years."
would result." He then asked if it would not be better
even to suffer those two years of " hard times " than to
suffer ages upon ages with slavery in view at the last. ^T. up ° n
292 Thirty Years' War on Silver
March in
procession
But he made no impression upon his friend's mind.
About a year after the election he was looking over the
papers from that part of the country, and saw an account
of his friend's going through bankruptcy. The inference
was that a year ago he was marching in " gold proces-
sions " in order to get credit with the " gold men," hop-
ing by hard struggling to tide over his troubles and con-
tinue his business. But the hope was delusive. The
bankruptcy, though delayed some, still speedily came.
The Gold Solomons had made him march in their pro-
cessions before the election and out of his premises after
the election ! Poor deluded man ! You have thousands
upon thousands like you in this country now. You adopt
the apparent measure of value, and attempt to do business
thereby ; but evil will overtake you. Marching in gold
before eiec- processions may save you during election times, but it
tion; out of . .
premises will not afterward !
after
The Difference Between Money and Currency. —
The difference between money and currency is this:
Money is the tender of a nation ; currency is that which
in a nation circulates by consent, but not by compulsion.
Money has the law behind it ; currency only the individual
man or corporation. Money is the more comprehensive
term, it has all the qualities of currency and one in addi-
tion, to wit, tender. Currency is the more extensive
term ; it has fewer qualities, and therefore applies to more
objects. In the United States now (silver-demonetization
acts being held valid and greenbacks being redeem-
Extension able in gold coin) , the extension of money is to but one
of mouey is . . . ... .... . . ,
1; extension object, to wit, gold coins ; while the extension of the
of currency . . . ■ / \ 1 1 • /• n
is 7. currency is to seven objects, to wit, (i) gold coins, (2)
silver coins, (3) gold certificates, (4) silver certificates,
(5) treasury certificates, (6) national bank notes, (7)
greenbacks. Thus we have a logical and scientific ex-
" Compre-
hension."
" Exten-
sion."
Supplementary and Corroborative Views 293
pression and statement of the subject. In none of the
works that the author has read on the subject is there
even an attempt to state the distinctions in the term
in class and subclass, pointing out the " comprehension "
and " extension " of each, that is, in logical and scientific
method; but simply a jumble of deceptive phrases that
give no clear notions on the subject, and are of very
little if any value, and in many cases the same author in
different places contradicting himself. Such treatment Confusing
1 ° and darken-
confuses and darkens rather than methodizes and clears »ng treat-
ment.
the subject; and in the end, by misleading would-be
statesmen, brings disaster to nations.
The Evils of the Present System. — In America at
the present time the evils of this sevemheaded monster of Seven-
... . . . r . headed
a currency is appalling. At every agitation of the ques- monster.
tion a new head was added to the monster, but no remedy
for its ravages was afforded. When the money of the
country was reduced to gold coin, — and that was in the
discussion of the subject shown to be insufficient to do
the business and carry on the trade of the country,- —
instead of broadening the money, extending it back to
the silver coins as the Constitution says it shall be, they Adding
would add heads to the gold monster as follows : —
(1) The head of demonetized fractional silver coin, Fractional
...... . . . silver head.
limited 111 the quality of tender, that is, of money, to silver dollar
.... . head.
ten dollars in any one transaction.
(2) The head of demonetized silver dollar, limited "Cable
in the quality of tender, that is, monev, to what the "Cart
Font*."
creditor says he will take, giving to the creditor a " cable
tow," "cart rope," to pull the quality of tender out of
the dollar.
(3) The head of gold certificates, having no quality Gold eer-
of tender between man and man whatever. head."
(4) The head of silver certificates, havino- no quality Warenon se
' • receipts.
294 Thirty Years' War on Silver
of tender whatever, being nothing more than a warehouse
receipt, saying that whoever deposits a certain quantity
of silver in the United States silver depository can draw
it out again, on presenting and surrendering the receipt !
The people of Nevada were told when this head was
added to the monster that " it was better than free
coinage
! I "
Treasury (5) The head of treasury certificate, with no quality of
head. ca e tender, and no value to any one but clearing-house clerks.
houVe'Tierks. (6) The head of the national bank notes, with no
bank notes quality of tender except to the movable spawning bed
head, tender , '. - . .
to itself. wherein they were issued.
Greenback (/) The head of the greenbacks, with the extensive
sometimes unconstitutional quality of tender legislated into them by
sometimes a usurping Congress, and upheld therein by a nebulous
and mistaken Supreme Court, but again crushed out of
them by anarchic executive power.
Little Lastly, an additional eighth, the little nickel-plate head,
nickel-plate . . .... . . ..
head. with no quality of tender, none in pretense even, and it
it was so pretended, no shadow of ground for it in the
real law of the country, the Constitution.
At each agi- EACH HEAD INCREASES THE EVIL. As was Stated,
head given, at each agitation they gave the people another head for
their monster, the golden idol, told them that it was bet-
ter than " free coinage," and the people worshiped and
thought themselves the favored ones of their great god.
Difference Of course, as each head was added, the difference be-
and appar- tween the real and the apparent measure of value of the
ent measure . .
widened. country was increased and widened, and the evils result-
ing from such an increase augmented.
" Executive To make this even more clear, if possible, let us sup-
certificate " 1 • • 1 1 ,
head. pose another agitation and another head added, say. that
" Consres- f °
sionai cer- it be an " executive certificate " head ; and another, say,
tificate "
head. " congressional certificate " head ; and another, say, " Su-
Supplementary and Corroborative Views 295
preme Court certificate" head, etc., etc., etc., until there "Supreme
should be five hundred so-called dollars per capita in the cate " head,
country, would that help matters? Would there be a capita.
single dollar more of money in the country? — No; not
one. All those things would be evils, heads added to
the monster. The way to do is to increase the money,
not its substitutes ! In other words, follow the Consti-
tution of the United States — our Constitution ; coin
silver and gold when it is needed, and stop the coinage
when it is not needed ; and then on this coinage let the
proper authority enact proper, suitable and safe banking safe bank-
, iim laws.
laws.
Following is a speech of the secretary of the treasury
of the United States made during the campaign of 1902,
as reported in the Commoner of Aug. 29, 1902: —
' Financial Volcano. — In last week's Commoner at-
tention was called to Mr. Wellman's report of an inter-
view with a cabinet officer, now known to be Secretary
Shaw. It is putting it mildly to say that the interview
has created a profound impression, but the impression
is not exactly the kind that was intended. The evident
purpose of the interview was to frighten tariff reform
Republicans by the threat of a panic, but the facts given
have startled the country. Secretary Shaw shows that
even with an unexpected increase of five hundred million
dollars in the circulation, the farmers' deposits have to be
loaned over and over again to furnish a basis for the
boasted prosperity. According to Mr. Wellman, Secre-
tary Shaw says : —
' Let me give you some facts without comment. You
go out to the farmers and ask them how they are getting
on. They will tell you that they were never before so
prosperous. They are out of debt and have plenty of
money. Ask them where their money is and they will
296 Thirty Years' War on Silver
tell you it is in the local banks. Call at the country banks
and inquire into their condition, and their officers will
tell you they are all right. Money plentiful and reserves
above 40 per cent. 'Where is your money?' 'Oh, it is
in the banks of Omaha, Minneapolis, Kansas City, etc'
Next you go to the bankers in Omaha, Kansas City
and Minneapolis, and they will tell you the same thing.
They are in good shape ; reserves 35 per cent. ' Where
is your money ? ' 'In Chicago.' Now go to Chicago.
Same story. Banks all right. Reserves 30 per cent.
But the money is in New York.
Finally, pursuing your inquiries in New York, you
will find that both deposits and loans have been enormous.
The money is not in the banks. There are only six
national banks in New York that have not been below
their legal reserves since January 1. You want to know
where this money is? Well, $450,000,000 is loaned by
national banks on the bonds of industrial corporations.
These corporations issued bonds instead of stocks because
the national banks can take the former and can't take
the latter. Intrinsically they are no better than stocks.
In most of them there has been a lot of water-curine.
Here you see where $450,000,000 of the country's surplus
stands against a lot of undigested, promotion-produced
securities. The trust companies have put out millions
more in the same way.
' That is where we stand. It is all rio-ht as lone
as it is all right. But I don't want to see anything hap-
pen. I don't want to see these industrials begin to topple
over, to fall against one another and come down in a
heap like children's play-blocks. And this is one reason
why I am opposed to a tariff revision agitation that might
start things going the wrong way.'
' What will the depositors think of the prospect ? What
Supplementary and Corroborative Views 297
will be the natural effect of the suggestion that any
attempt to compel honest business methods will precip-
itate a panic and cause a failure of the banks? If the
depositors begin to draw their money out of the local
banks and the country banks begin to reduce their city
reserves to a minimum, Secretary Shaw will be more
to blame than any one else. If any Democrat had re-
flected half as seriously upon the financial standing of
the banks he would have been denounced as an alarmist
and accused of having a grudge against the banks, but
Secretary Shaw is at the head of the treasury depart-
ment, and is both in close touch and in full sympathy
with the financiers. When he declares that we are doing
business on top of a financial volcano, — a regular Mont
Pelee, — his statement must be taken as a reluctant admis-
sion of a condition that he would have gladly concealed.
" This is Republican prosperity ! And to what will
Republicans attribute the precarious condition? Does a
protective tariff put the country in a position where gross
injustice and high-handed extortion must be meekly sub-
mitted to as the alternative of a panic? If so, who can
defend a protective tariff ?
" Does the trust system render the people helpless and
make them impotent to protest against watered stock
and fictitious capitalization? If so, who can defend the
trust system?
" Does the gold standard supply such an insufficient
quantity of money that the reserves must be loaned and
reloaned until our banking institutions resemble the blocks
in a child's playhouse? If so, who will say that we must
accept the gold standard as a final settlement of the
financial question? If this is the condition of our banks,
who will advocate an asset currency or say that a bank
note is better than a greenback? "
298 Thirty Years' War on Silver
The foregoing, from the lips of Mr. Secretary Shaw,
shows our present alarming condition ; and if the reader
will turn to pages 36 to 4.4 of this work, he will see from
the pen of Mr. Secretary Gage the wisdom that ruled in
this department of the government of the great republic
during his management thereof. Thus we have here
the late past and the immediate present financial wisdom
and policy of our beloved country. Alas ! All based
on ignorance of what money is, and also ignorance of the
true meaning of the national Constitution on the subject
of money.
CHAPTER XII.
The Battle That Should Have Been Fought.
The Suit That Should Have Been Brought.
Can The Lesson Even Now Be Taught ?
Can the Remedy Even Now Be Wrought?
SECTION I.
The Battle That Should Have Been Fought.
The Speech That Was Never Made. — (i) First,
had there in 1873 been a single man in the Con-
gress of the United States, in either the Senate
or the House of Representatives, who understood the
Constitution of his country, and possessed the honesty
and courage to stand up and fight for it, the battle might
have been won by a five, and at most a twenty-minute, rive-min-
ill* 1 s 1 11 ■ 1 ■ ( T 1
speech! A simple reading of clause 1 of section 10 of
article 1, to wit, " No State shall make anything but
gold and silver coin a tender in payment of debts," and
the remark that the proposed enactment said that the
State shall not do that, would or ought to have killed
the measure and won the battle.
From 1878 to 1896. — (2) Second, when it was found
that that opportunity was unfortunately let slip, then the
next was the period of 1878 and after on to 1896. Then
no compromise measures should have been even enter- No com-
tained, but a firm, steadfast fight for the right, with no
wavering or flinching, should have been kept up. The
provisions of the Constitution regarding money and their
history should have been read, commented on and ex-
299
300 Thirty Years' War on Silver
The pro-
vision and
its history.
plained, so that he who had " ears to hear " and mind
to understand could have heard and understood ; and
appeal should have been made to the consciences of
senators and representatives to observe and keep the oath
that each one of them respectively had taken on entering
upon the duties of his office. That oath was that he,
there in his place in Senate or House and anywhere he
might be. would " support, protect and defend " the said
Constitution. When such appeal to conscience was made,
if the " cloak room " should be filled with members, and
the question asked, " When will the idiot [meaning the
member making the appeal] get through?" then let the
people of the whole country know, and not the Gold
Solomons only, that already the country has passed from
constitutional government to congressional tyranny, and
that appeal to conscience will not be permitted. In that
appeal it should have been shown that the oath " to sup-
port, protect and defend," and the requirement of the
citizen's allegiance that he should " support, protect and
defend," did not mean that Constitution as the member
As it is, not or citizen wanted it to be, but as the framers wanted it
wanted. and intended it to be, — that Constitution as those who
framed it intended, together with such amendments as
had been duly made to it. Interpreting other things into
it than those the framers put into it or interpreting things
out of it that the framers put into it, were equally viola-
The people tive of the said oath. The people, when the matter
can see this.
Kemem- is laid before them, can see this ; and they will remember
any man who thus violates his oath, whether that man be
History. living or dead. History, too, will remember him ; and
even the bad in acts do not like to be called bad. Even
Often nothing
Oath of
olliee.
" Cloak
room."
" Idiot get
through."
From con-
st itutional
govern-
ment to
Congress -
sional
tyranny.
Interpret-
ing in and
interpret-
ing out.
The bad like the bad like to be called by good names.
good names. . .
is so effective as calling an act by its proper name
If
the act is good and the name given to it is also good,
Supplementary and Corroborative Views 301
then that stimulates to further good acts ; hut if the act Good names
... . , a stimulus:
is had, uniust, wrong: or infamous, then calling it bv bad a deter-
those names deters from future had, unjust, wrong and
infamous acts, as well as tends to correct and remedy
the former acts of that character.
So it is believed would it have been here had the
battle been thus fought.
From 1896 to 1900. — The third period is the period
of the " campaigns " of 1896 and 1900. In these the
fight was open, in the light ; before, it had been concealed. In "*<* "km.
in the dark. When the first Democratic president for a Democratic
President in
long time was elected, — that is. in 1884, — the great mass 1884.
of the people thought him a " silver man," and on this
belief some leaders of his party wrote to him soliciting
some aid to the " silver cause " before his " inaugura-
tion " into office. His response to the letter showed him
to be against the " silver cause " instead of for it ! This
was a source of deep regret and mortification to the
friends of silver. The silver question was one of the
main questions in the campaign, and it is believed that
fair and candid conduct would have caused the nom-
inee of the party to have let his views on the silver ques-
tion be known before his nomination and election. This
was a severe blow to the " silver men," — the silver men
of all parties. Some silver men seem to have surrendered
their principles by reason of defeat, but thousands still
stand firm in the battle for the right.
The Democratic partv then proceeded undaunted to Democratic
.... , r r 1 1 1 1 party rids
the battle. First, it rid itself of the leaders who were itself of its
gold leaders.
against its principles ; and finally, at its national con-
vention, 1896, it made its platform, as its platforms hat!
always been, silver, and placed an open and avowed
silver man on it. But there again the battle was mis-
managed ; the strongest points were yielded without con-
3° 2
Thirty Years' War on Silver
Erroneous
concept of
money.
Constitu-
tionality of
silver de-
monetiza-
tion.
Unconstitu-
tionality of
green-
back IIIOII-
etization.
Effect on
silver.
Plain words
Full " legal
tender " of
six hundred
million sil-
ver dollars
admitted.
" Legal ten
der" fifty
millions
fractional
silver
admitted.
test to their opponents, and consequently the battle was
lost. It may be asked what were those points. The
answer is this : there were five : —
The Five Strong Points Yielded First, the erro-
neous concept and definition of money hereinbefore shown
was yielded and the true ones not mentioned.
Second, the constitutionality of the silver demonetiza-
tion acts of the Congress were yielded, and their uncon-
stitutionality not even mentioned, much less assailed.
Third, the constitutionality of the quality of tender
in the greenback was admitted, and by many a vig-
orous battle for the said unconstitutional greenback was
carried on, they apparently not seeing either their uncon-
stitutionality or that the three hundred and fifty million
dollars of them with the quality of tender in them ad-
mitted displaced the same amount, — three hundred and
fifty million dollars of silver coins with the quality of
tender in them ! thus rendering three hundred and fifty
million dollars of silver coin unnecessary as being
supplied by the greenback. This, of course, not only
lessened the use and price of silver, but showed to that
extent the absence of necessity for it. A fatal admis-
• sion! Either not seeing the effect on silver, or, if seeing,
disregarding it. Plain words are needed, and must be
used.
Fourth, the " legal tender " quality of the six hundred
millions of silver dollars, " standard dollars," was ad-
mitted ; when the truth was, and is, that not a dollar of
them has the quality of tender. This has been shown
in some of the preceding pages of this work.
. Fifth, the " legal tender " quality of the fifty millions
of fractional silver coins was admitted, when, as has
been shown, not a coin of them had that quality.
Can there be wonder that a battle so managed was
Supplementary and Corroborative Views 303
lost? An imaginary but perfect parallel might be found Grant and
in this: had Grant before the battle of the Wilderness
surrendered to Lee all of his best fortifications except one,
and in addition had all of his ammunition, arms, guns and
cannon, except one cannon, packed up and sent over to
Lee too, and then ordered the " boys in blue " " to
charge," could he in such case have wondered at defeat?
The "silver men" having granted to their opponents
these five points, charged, and were received on the
bayonets of their opponents' ridicule — were called "Sil-
ver Lunatics ! "
Three brief statements will show the use made of
these admissions : —
First, six hundred millions of dollars of full " legal
tender " silver dollars, fifty millions of " legal tender "
" fractional silver," three hundred and fifty millions of
"legal tender" greenbacks and nine hundred millions
of gold coin in circulation, to say nothing of the other
things called money, to wit, gold certificates, silver cer-
tificates, treasury certificates, and national bank notes, all
admitted to be monev, making in all $28 per capita, $28.00 per
capita.
how could the " silver men " have the face to say that
there was not enough money ? That alleged argument was
again and again made to the author as simply conclusive.
If the answer was made, as it was made to the author,
even in the campaign of 1902, that with all that that
there was still a deficiency of money, then the other side
would simply say, " You must prove that ; mere asser-
tion does not convince. There is much more than at
any former period of our history, and it requires proof
that there is not enough." The answer is not convinc-
ing unless the fallacy of those admissions is pointed out,
and then it is easy and convincing. For if, as some
" silver men " claimed and argued, with all things being
304 Thirty Years' War on Silver
" Still not
enough " is
for argu-
ment.
Truth
shown, the
position is
won.
The admis-
sions
" flood "
the country
with money.
The truth
shown, no
danger.
Silver fell
from nat-
ural causes ;
legislation
could not
and
should not
raise it.
With admis
sion plaus-
ible.
With truth
fallacy ap-
parent.
World's
opinion.
England
in 1816.
Germany in
1871.
as stated, still there was not enough money, — meaning
by the term " money," money together with all its repre-
sentatives, — how much stronger would their argument
and position have been with the truth as to those admis-
sions known and stated ! With the truth as to the admis-
sions known, the position of the " silver men " is un-
answerable ; but without it, it is only a case admitting
of argument.
Second, the country was full of money ; and if the
" free coinage " of silver were allowed, then it would
" be flooded " with money, and foreign countries would
" dump " their old silver ware and coins into the United
States mint, and have them coined from fifty-cent silver
into one-hundred-cent dollars. With the truth admitted,
these so-called arguments have already been shown to be
fallacious and false; but without the truth, they have
plausibility. With the truth shown, the Congress could
promptly check the " dumping," if begun ; but it would
never begin.
Third, that silver fell in the markets of the world from
natural causes, and that legislation could and should not
legislate it up again.
With the truth shown, the falsity and fallacy of this is
-apparent; with the admission, there is plausibility in it
also.
Silver never fell in the markets of the world until
the Congress of 1873 by usurped power demonetized it.
The world supposed that the Congress had the con-
stitutional power to demonetize it, and when it did so,
the world deemed the demonetization of silver complete ;
and silver of course fell because its principal function,
its principal use, was legislated out of it.
England demonetized silver in 1816, and it had no
visible, even if any, effect on the price of it ; Germany
Supplementary and Corroborative Views 305
demonetized it in 1871, and that had no visible effect on
the price; but when the Great Republic, the greatest United
r . States in
nation of all the ages, demonetized silver, then it began i»™.
to fall in price in the markets of the world, and not
before that time.
When the Congress of 1873 demonetized silver, silver
was at a premium of three per cent over gold. And yet Three per
the Gold Solomons have the unblushing effrontery to
say silver fell in price from natural causes, and not from
adverse legislation! What a commentary on the history
of the times is this !
The Corollary. — As a kind of corollary from the The inited
• • • s State de-
said five admissions of the campaigns of 1896 and 1900, monetized
it was urged in argument that the United States alone The inited
. . . . States can
could not remonetize silver. She alone demonetized it, remonetize
silver.
and she alone can remonetize it.
The United States, in population and resources, is the
first nation in the world. Compare with England, France
and Germany. England has forty millions of popula-
tion ; France, forty, say, though it is not that much ;
and Germany, forty ; in all, one hundred and twenty
millions. The United States has eighty millions, being
two-thirds of the amount of the other three nations
combined. The natural resources of the United States
are, compared with the other three, at least in the same
proportion, that is, two-thirds ; and its present wealth
in property and money is at least in the same proportion.
Therefore, as silver fell in the markets of the world when,
and only when, Uncle Sam struck it, so it will rise when
Uncle Sam stretches forth his powerful hand to sustain
it, as Uncle Sam's Constitution and interests require.
It is believed that France will cheerfully follow the
lead of the United States in the remonetization of silver ;
also that Germany has already seen, or will soon see,
20
306 Thirty Years' War on Silver
the error of her way, and aid in the silver remonetization.
However this may be, the United States could and should
remonetize silver.
As soon as it should become known that the Con-
stitution of the United States makes silver coins, to-
gether with gold coins, the money of the United States,
and that nothing else can therein be money, silver will
$1.29. regain its old place of $1.29 an ounce; and prosperity
will soon thereafter be general in this country. It is
unreasonable to suppose that it could be otherwise ; for,
as shown in former pages of this work, all the gold coin
Not one doi-and all the silver coin in the world together would not
111* I M ' I"
capita. amount to one dollar per capita for the inhabitants of
the world ; and all the gold coin and all the silver coin
together in the United States would not amount to four-
teen dollars per capita for the inhabitants of the United
in "the year States; and this on "gold standard" men's statistics and
of prosper- . r ,, _
ity." in the year of great prosperity, to wit, 1899.
strike out Strike out the sham money, the paper, and put in the
true, the gold coin and silver coin of the Constitution, and
all will be well. At least, if there is to be a paper cur-
Name n rency, let it go under the name of mere currency and
remy," not currency only ; let it not go under the colors of money,
No D faise but under its own true colors of currency. And when
Director of directors of the mint and statisticians estimate the amount
statisticians, of money in the United States, let them put down only
the gold coin in circulation therein, that is, under silver
demonetization ; but under the Constitution, when it shall
be obeyed, only the gold coin and silver coin in circula-
tion therein. And those persons who estimate the amount
of currency in circulation, let them put down money and
also all of its representatives ; but let them not call those
Honest and representatives money ! This would be honest and fair
meiit of a aii. treatment of all, and not favoring the few.
Supplementary and Corroborative Views 307
What Defeated Harrison in 1888? — As concern-
ing the defeat of Blaine in 1884, so the author cannot
speak from knowledge on this subject ; he has an opinion
only. That opinion is this : —
The gold men had control of the National Republican Republican
Convention, and by shrewd management succeeded in
getting control of the National Democratic Convention. Democratic
The candidate of each party was unquestionably in their The two"*
interest; both Air. Cleveland and Mr. Harrison had on
all occasions done just what the "gold men" had de-
manded of them. Each was nominated because he had
done so, and because there was no fear that either would
fail in continuing to do so. Then each candidate being
the candidate of the " gold men," why was Mr. Harrison
defeated and Mr. Cleveland elected, when Mr. Har-
rison's party was in the ascendency in the nation? This
result has been ascribed to various causes, but it is be-
lieved the main and true one has never been mentioned.
The answer now to be given, if true, involves one of The answer.
the shrewdest political moves that has been made in this
country since the early days of the Republican party, to
wit, the days from 1855 to 1865.
The " gold men " reasoned thus : we have now the Goi.i men
control of the financial policy of the country for the next year*,
four years secure. With Mr. Harrison or Mr. Cleveland
as president our interests are secure. We must therefore Must look
ahead.
look ahead, look beyond this election to the next. Four
years from now in 1896 will be the crisis in our affairs.
If Mr. Harrison is elected, while we will be all right
for his term of office, yet it will be the means of our
overthrow in the next election. His election will consol- Harrison's
• election
ulate the Democratic partv North and South against us ; would have
• 1 1 r--i t-. 1 1- 1 1 • 1 consolidated.
and with the Silver Republicans, who are, that is, a large Democracy.
number of them, earnest and honest men, they will defeat
3 o8
Thirty Years' War on Silver
Ablest,
Wrongest,
best 111:111
Dividing
the South
Mr. Carlisle.
us next time and put a silver man. Democrat or Republi-
can, in the office of president. This will never do, we
must elect Mr. Cleveland president ; then induce him to
appoint the ablest, strongest and best man that he can
possibly get from the South, the best man that the South
has, in fact, to the office of secretary of the treasury,
and let him, this Southern man, go South and address
his people, inflaming them against silver, and this will
divide the silver forces in 1896, and the gold man will
Throwing off be elected president ; for by that time the mask will have
to be thrown off, no party can longer pretend to be for
silver that is not so in reality. The deception that any
party is for silver when it in fact is not really so, will
never work again. It was a shrewd scheme and emi-
nently successful.
Mr. Carlisle perhaps did more for the gold cause than
any other man, not even excepting Mr. Cleveland; his
speeches in the South were very effective. They carried
many a man down there into the " gold camp ; " and
many remain there, though some have seen and regretted
their error in deserting the silver cause.
We of the West once wanted Mr. Carlisle as president,
and but for the unfortunate situation thus arising on the
silver question, it is believed would have gotten him. Is
it too late to get him yet, should he see the truth as to
money and be willing to enter the battle for it? If the
truth has been shown in the preceding pages of this work,
and that truth shows great writers on " economics " and
great statesmen to have been wrong on this question,
would Mr. Carlisle lose in reputation in the estimation of
either his contemporaries or in that of posterity should
he frankly acknowledge his error and enter the battle for
the truth?
Wanted in
the West.
Is it
late?
too
Reputation.
Supplementary and Corroborative Views 309
Further, On the Battle that Should Have Been
Fought. — When in 1900 the dominant party's nominee
for the presidency, in his letter of acceptance of the nom- challenge
... -1^1 ,i r ,1 tt ♦, 1 "' dominant
ination of his party, said that the exports of the United party's
States for the four years preceding the date of the letter,
to wit, the time of said nominee's first term of office in
the presidency, from 1896 to 1900, were more in amount
than the exports of the whole country from the beginning
of its history up to the date of said letter, urging that as
a reason why the people should support the dominant
party, and elect the said nominee to the presidency, the
minority party's nominee in his letter of acceptance of his
nomination could have truthfully made this answer : —
Granting the assertion to be true, whom does it hurt? Acceptance
ana answer
If it speaks in favor of the four years of the dominant of minority
r J party's
party's policy stated, it also speaks in condemnation of the nominee.
thirty-one years of the said party's policy preceding those
four ! For, if coming from the policy of those four, the
policy of the preceding thirty-one was wrong; the party
never got right in its policy until 1896! Thirty-one years Too long in
. ' . . . . . . ..... coming.
is a long time to give a party in which to get itself right
in its policy. Besides, that contention condemns all the
great leaders of the said dominant party in its palmy
days, to wit, President Lincoln, General Grant, etc... etc. !
That the contention condemned one four years of the condemns
1 i« r ' ,s greatest
minority party s policy, and also, after a term of four leaders.
years of the dominant party's administration, another
four vears of the minority partv's policv under President No condem-
, , . . nation of
Cleveland, but did not at all make to the prejudice of true Democ-
1 racy.
the true democracy. Not an hour of true democracy
was condemned by it.
Thus it would have been clearly shown that whatever The eauses
. . , ■ o °f the pros-
of prosperity came to the country m 1899, came not perity of
- , , . , .. , . . r . l«!l!) and
from the dominant party s policy, but 111 spite of it. after.
310 Thirty Years' War on Silver
Among the causes might have been truthfully men-
tioned : —
(i) Time for Reaction. — That the history of the
country shows that it has been subject to periods of
depression and periods of prosperity, whatever may be the
Long period cause of them ; that a long, long period of depression had
of depres- . , ...
sion, 1877. been upon it, dating back to 1877, anc ^ not beginning in
1893, as was so often and so falsely stated; and that the
time for a change for the better was at hand, according
to the theory that periodical depressions are unavoidable,
and that change had to come and did come to some extent
notwithstanding the bad policy and the bad laws of the
Resources dominant party. The resources of the country are too
of the coun- . ,
try. great for its utter destruction, the country can stand
Can stand . "
much. much misgovernment, but that is no reason why it should
be compelled to stand it. The country should have the
best government possible, and not a bad one simply be-
cause it can stand a bad one.
As to whatever of prosperity that did come in 1899 and
since, who gets the lion's share of it? Has it not gone,
as the wealth and prosperity of the last quarter of a cen-
tury have gone, into the coffers of the millionaires ? The
laboring man, — the man whose labor produced them.
— gets little of them ; he still labors, toils, struggles in
poverty. The wealth that he produces comes, but the
laws of his country take it away from him by the sweat
of whose brow it was made, and gives it to him who did
not toil but only schemed for it. The inequality of dis-
tribution of that wealth is apparent.
Let the reader examine the testimony given before the
Pennsylvania Coal Commission in the autumn of 1902,
and see there a striking illustration of the inequality of
crisis of the P resent system.
c^usecTit 1 * 1" passing", a word on the crisis of 1893. What caused
Supplementary and Corroborative Views 311
it? In the campaign of 1896 the party in power threw
the blame for it on the minority party. Was that true or
just? In 1892, at the invitation of the United States,
the monetary conference was held at Brussels, for the Monetary
purpose of seeing if something could be done for silver, at Brussels
At that conference the leading nations of Europe had
representatives. Baron Rothschild, the great financier of Baron
the age, was a member of the conference. He, although proposi- l
a " gold standard " man, made a proposition to do some-
thing for silver, saying at the same time that if something
was not done a great financial crisis and panic would
come. The baron's proposition was opposed ; he then its rejec-
w ithdrew it, and, as he had predicted, the financial
crisis, panic of 1893, the next year, came! The party
in power in the campaign of 1896 said Mr. Cleveland's His predic-
tariff policy was the cause of the panic of 1893 ! out
Baron Rothschild said the cause was not doing something
for silver at the Brussels conference. The latter was
the real cause. Thus it is that Mr. Cleveland's financial
policy in aid and in furtherance of the dominant party's The dom-
financial policy since 1873 was the real cause of the Sake th e y
panic; but the dominant part)', after getting Mr. Cleve- tariff policy
land's services in their cause, ungratefully threw the
blame of the panic on his tariff policy. Was this " poetic
justice," or political justice and gratitude?
Again, after getting this service of Mr. Cleveland, The special
after Mr. Cleveland had called a special session of the congress!
Congress in 1893 to repeal the " purchasing clause of the purchasing
Sherman law," that is, the clause of said " law " requir- " Sherman
law."
ing the United States to purchase four million and five
hundred thousand ounces of silver each month, see what
the dominant party men say of him about that matter
now. At that time they, in and out of Congress, the
Spellbinder and all, charged the condition of things
312 Thirty Years' War on Silver
Then and
now.
then existing to the said purchasing clause, and shrieked
that if that were repealed things would be all right
and good times come. The special session of Congress
was held, and the purchasing clause repealed. Mark now
the change. Then, it was the said purchasing clause that
was doing the mischief to the country ; now, it is, ac-
cording to the same dominant party men, another thing,
to wit, the tariff. In a campaign utterance in 1902, a
year in which it is claimed, and by many believed, that
the " silver question is dead " — that that vexing question
Postmaster is out of the way, Postmaster-General Payne, as reported
Payne. in the San Francisco Bulletin of Nov. 2, 1902, to all
intents and purposes called President Cleveland a fool
for thinking that the " purchasing clause of the Sherman
law" did the mischief in 1893. He said: "Instead of
restoring public confidence by announcing that there
should be no meddling with the tariff, Mr. Cleveland
insisted upon a repeal of the Sherman law, to which he
fatuously ascribed all the responsibility for the trouble."
The phrase, " fatuously ascribed," comes quite up to the
mark of calling Mr. Cleveland a fool. The following
is the Bulletin article: —
" Chairman Payne of the National Republican
Committee Scores the Ex-President. — Washington,
Nov. 1. — The most cheerful Republican there is any-
where is Postmaster-General Payne, vice-chairman of the
Republican National Committee, who says Grover Cleve-
land's speech in New Jersey is a bully old Republican
document and will gather in Republican votes next Tues-
day. Here is what General Payne says : —
' Grover Cleveland has lifted the Democratic mask.
The Democrats have been talking about trusts ever since
they had to drop imperialism as an issue, but in a close
campaign, Mr. Cleveland in New Jersey, Mr. Vilas in
Supplementary and Corroborative Views 313
Wisconsin and Carl Schurz in New York, simultaneously
lift the mask and reveal the same old Democratic coun-
tenance we saw in 1887, when President Cleveland sent
his famous free trade message to Congress, and in 1892
when the Chicago Convention declared the protective
tariff unconstitutional. The Democratic party is again
the party of free trade. That is the essence of Dem-
ocratic reform now, as it was when Henry Watterson
was the Democratic prophet and the " star-eyed goddess "
of tariff reform, the idol of the organization.'
" Watterson, in the beginning of this campaign, de-
scribed Cleveland's presence at the Democratic harmony
dinner in New York as a ' death's head ' at the feast.
After the experience of 1892 that was an apt phrase, but
.Mr. Cleveland is still the prophet of his party. He is
again the leader, and his great issue for Democratic
reform is ' free trade.'
' Do yon think that Cleveland's speech will aid Dem-
ocrats ? '
" ' I think Cleveland's speech is the most powerful
argument for Republican success that appeared during the
campaign on either side. This confirms what we expected
from the beginning — that the real issue of the Dem-
ocratic campaign is tariff for revenue only, such as
wrought disastrous results ten years ago.
<< <
It may be too late a speech to have its full effect
on the country, but the Republican Committee ought to
give it the widest possible circulation. It is one of the
best Republican campaign documents that has been issued.
Alongside the speech might be circulated quotations from
Cleveland's message of Aug. 8, 1894 — the message to
the special session of Congress which was called to relieve
national distress. That message contains the most graphic
description of the condition into which the industries of
"3
ou.s
314 Thirty Years' War on Silver
the country had been brought by fear of the enactment
of Cleveland's free trade theories into legislation that
ever appeared. Cleveland in his inaugural address, on
March 4, 1893, flung down a free trade challenge by
declaring that Congress must bring about tariff reform
in response to a decree of the people.
' Instead of restoring public confidence by announc-
ing that there should be no meddling with the tariff, Mr.
Cleveland insisted upon a repeal of the Sherman law, to
which he fatuously ascribed all the responsibility for the
trouble. But the repeal of the Sherman law had no effect
upon the disasters that continued throughout the Cleve-
land administration, and it was only after the election of
McKinley and the passage of the Dingley law that signs
of a return of prosperity began to appear. Mr. Cleve-
land and his Democratic followers may think the people
have forgotten their experiences under his administration
of tariff reform, but I seriously doubt if the wage earner
or business man will forget that experience in so short
a time.
'It is ominous of Democratic prospects that their
principal champion in this moment of natural prosperity
should be the man under whose administration, for the
first time in half a century, there was an increase of
$260,000,000 in the public debt. That was the first and
only increase in time of peace for half a century. He
may well be called the advance agent of calamity. It may
be a waste of time to recall these facts, because Mr. Cleve-
land's speech will itself revive in the memory of almost
everybody some bitter personal memory of misfortune
due to the success of his policies.' "
so fatu- Note well the words, Cleveland " was so fatuous as
to believe " ! Mr. Cleveland is called a fool for doing
the very thing that the dominant party men said was
Supplementary and Corroborative Views 315
the means to save the country ! While they thought the
silver question was alive, a " live issue," they said the
purchasing clause did the mischief of which complaint purchasing
was made. When they think the " silver question is Sherman
dead " and out of their way, then it is the Democratic
tariff policy that did the mischief!
" Not Dead, but Sleepetii." — A word here about the
death of the silver question. It is believed that it " is not
dead, but sleepeth ; " that it needed a sleep from the
weariness of injudicious defense; but that it will soon
arise from its slumber, refreshed, and, like a giant, ready a giant
rpiid v for
not only for battle, but also for victory! And for this battle.
latter " we will ever pray."
2. Famine in India and Other Countries. — The
second cause of the prosperity in 1899 was the famine
in India, when five millions of human beings died from
starvation ; and also famine in Australia and Russia,
where much suffering for want of food existed. All those
afforded markets for American farm productions, and
in consequence brought prosperity. But do we want prosperity
t • 1 1 • 1 from
prosperity coming from such causes? It is believed not. famine.
At least a very pious Southern ladv, who had changed her nous Sonth-
.... . 111 1 ern tody.
politics because of the 1899 prosperity, told the author
that she did not. It came about thus : —
The author asked her why she had so changed. She
responded because the prosperity came with the success
of the dominant party, and she got a better price for her
wheat. He then asked her if she wanted prosperity on
the same condition and coming to her from the same
causes as the prosperity that had come in 1899. She said,
" Yes." He then said, " Let me dictate a prayer for you to
pray then ; and every evening when you, before retiring
for the slumbers of the night, kneel to offer up your
orison to God for his blessings and bounties to you, pray
thus : —
3 16 Thirty Years' War on Silver
Gold Sol-
omon's
prayer for
prosperity.
Murderer's
tracks.
' O God, I adore thy most holy name and thine infinite
and wonderful perfections ! I thank thee for the many
mercies and blessings that thou hast vouchsafed unto me
during my pilgrimage through this vale of tears. I
thank thee that a famine came in Australia, and thou-
sands of men, women and even little children hungered
and suffered and even died, because that made markets
for American farm products, and gave me better price
for my wheat ! I thank thee that famine came in Russia,
and there, too, men, women and little children hungered,
suffered and died, because that added still further to
the price of my wheat ! ! And Thou, O holy and most
merciful Lord God of heaven and earth, I would have
my lips again utter my most pious adoration of thy
wonderful attributes of mercy, justice and love, and
thank thee above and beyond all things that a famine
came in India, and in that famine five millions of men,
women and little children hungered, suffered, starved,
died, because that more than all else added increase to
the price of my wheat ! ! ! ' Will you, can yon, pray that
prayer?" She: "No, I cannot; I dare not." Author:
'Then you do not want prosperity coming under the
came conditions, and from the same causes as the pros-
perity of 1899? " She : " No ; I do not." Author : " Well,
I thought not."
The author has heard those of whom he expected bet-
ter things, some in private conversation and some from
the Spellbinder's rostrums, say : —
" So many circumstances, — famines, wars, etc., — com-
ing at the critical time to aid the dominant party in
1899, showed that God was on the side of that party, and
that that party was in* the right ! " To some he made
answer that if that argument was sound, then when a
rain came and obliterated the tracks of the murderer,
Supplementary and Corroborative Views 317
as he retreated from the scene of his crime and the body
of his dying victim, that proved that God was on the
side of the murderer, and that the murderer was right,
and that we should all join him !
3. The Wars in South Africa, Cuba and the
Philippines. — The third and last cause that will be here
mentioned of the prosperity of 1899 is the wars in South
Africa, Cuba and the Philippines. These wars also made
markets not only for American farm products but also
for war materials, arms, guns, cannons, powder, etc., etc.
Monev was raised bv the government for these purposes Money bor-
* . . . . . rowed.
and expended among the people in payment tor supplies
and services, and thus got into circulation ; and, of course,
a temporary prosperity had to arise. But when the pay- Times good.
dav arrives, then the " hard times " will also arrive. It Money to be
.... paid, times
is like the spendthrift : he mortgages his patrimonial es- bad.
tates to raise money, and during the time of the money's
spending he seems to be prosperous, very prosperous in-
deed ; but when the money is all expended and pay-day
comes, his estate, if moderate, all goes in payment; if
very large, it is greatly diminished in size. If he has
nothing left, lie is ruined ; but if his patrimonial estate
was very large and he has something left, and if he learns
wisdom from his experience, he may still do something ;
but if not, all is over with him. So with " Uncle Sam ! " " uncie
• , • 1 , , , Sam's"
his patrimonial estate was indeed very large, and he can estate,
in consequence stand much mismanagement without ruin ;
but another time and day he may be differently situated.
Then he may find that bad policy may work his over-
throw. This, however, may God forfend !
The logical fallacy post hoc ergo propter hoc [after Post hoc
i'ii- ■ • -1 1-11 ergo propter
this, therefore on account of this | is entirely applicable hoc.
here. After this, therefore on account of this, is the rea-
soning of the simple and uninformed. The books on logic
3>8
Thirty Years' War on Silver
Illustra-
tions.
lay this down as a common fallacy to be shunned. By
it anything may be proved, even that the sun rose because
John Smith rose. Thus : John Smith rose, and imme-
diately thereafter the sun rose ; therefore, the sun rose
because John Smith rose ! Application : the dominant
party succeeded in the election of 1896, about a year
after prosperity began to come ; therefore the prosperity
came because the dominant party so succeeded ! This is
argumentum ad simpiicem [argument to the simple].
Death of In 1896 thousands of good men and women died in
good men .
and women, the United States, about a year after prosperity came;
therefore, according to this mode of argument, the pros-
perity came because of the deaths of those good men and
women ! O ye simple ! By such reasoning any event
can be proved to be caused by any preceding event. Often
are people deceived by this fallacy, apparent as it is.
Argumen-
tum ad
simpiicem.
Not man-
damus.
SECTION II.
The Suit That Should Have Been Brought.
The suit that should have been brought is not that
one that was brought, to wit, mandamus to the officers
of the mint, to compel them to coin silver bullion that
was taken to them for that purpose. It is a marvel in-
deed that any lawyer could have advised that remedy.
In talking with prominent silver Democrats and silver
Republicans about bringing a suit to test the question,
and finally taking it to the Supreme Court of the United
States, the author was assured by them diat that had
been tried and failed ; that it was. they thought, aban-
doned after realizing it would not do.
Mandamus means, We command. 'The action of
mandamus is one, brought in a court of competent juris-
diction, to obtain an order of such court commanding an
Supplementary and Corroborative Views 319
inferior tribunal, board, corporation or person to do or
not to do an act tbe performance or omission of which the
law enjoins as a duty resulting from an office, trust or
station."
In other words, mandamus cannot issue against any
tribunal, board, corporation or person until a law is
shown saying that the said tribunal, board, corporation
or person shall do a certain thing, naming it, or shall
refrain from doing a certain thing, naming it. So if
one asks of a court a writ of mandamus to an officer of
the mint to compel said officer to coin silver bullion into
silver coins, he must show to the court a law of the
Congress saying that the said officer should coin said
bullion. For the Constitution gives the sole power of
coining to the Congress ; no other department of the gov-
ernment has that power. Therefore if the Congress
refuses to pass a law authorizing silver coinage, there
can be no coinage of silver. So the mint officer would
have a perfect defense to the action of mandamus. That
remedy could never reach the evil.
How could mandamus do, when that remedy is only Must show
applicable when a board or officer refuses to do something mandamus.
which under the law it is his or its plain duty to do?
The Constitution gives the Congress the power to coin
money, and before mandamus will lie against any officer
to compel him to coin, there must be a law of Congress
saying he must coin. Without such a law there is no
possible mandamus. When the Congress refuses to pass People's
such a law the mandamus should issue to that body from t"ie"Von-
the people. By their ballots the people, the masters of '
the Congress, should say, You must coin ; and if they
then do not coin, turn out the " unfaithful servants " and
put in faithful servants who will coin. In order to put True
their compulsion on the Congress, a suit, an ordinary
320 Thirty Years' War on Silver
action of debt, not mandamus, should be brought in the
court to show the Congress that they, the Congress, can-
Aotion of not make the greenbacks tender, and that they cannot
take the quality of tender away from the silver that they
do have coined.
presenting The details of such a suit cannot well be taken up here,
ot e theTase. but the suit should have been brought ; and had it been,
and the folly of yielding to the other side without contest
every point of strength except the single one of the inex-
pediency of the silver demonetization enactments avoided,
and the real strength of the case shown to the Supreme
Court, that tribunal would never have held so untenable
a position as that the power to borrow money includes
in it the power to declare money !
SECTION III.
Can the Lesson Even Now Be Taught?
Fifteen Why not ? The author has been informed that he is
the times, in this matter fifteen years behind the times ! He declines
statute of to believe it. The statute of limitations does not run
limitations . . , . ~ . ia^i i 1
runs not in against the truth in fifteen years! No human law that
'he is aware of so enacts ; the Constitution of the United
States, the only binding human law on this subject, does
not so say ; and under the Divine law can it be doubted
that often the errors, wrongs and injustices that are hoary
with the frost of centuries are smitten down? Under
the Divine government no statute of limitations has been
proved to have been enacted in favor of error, wrong and
God's prose- injustice. God, in his own good time, it seems, upon
rating . ° x
officers. them, the triple-headed monster of iniquity, sets the pros-
ecuting officers of his own universal court, to wit, truth,
right and justice, and by their agency smites the Cerberus
Supplementary and Corroborative Views 321
from existence. We say to error, You are no divinity!
We worship you not. You are not eternal. Truth shall
smite and destroy you !
The succession of lost battles for twenty-five years, it Lost battles.
would seem, should have taught the generals command-
ing to suspect the correctness of their methods and cam-
paign tactics, provided they still believed in the justice
of their cause. If they had lost faith in the justice of Lost faith,
their cause, they should have abandoned it and stopped
the contest. If in their opinions the cause was not just,
but that it could well be used as a stepping stone to mount
into office. State or National, then from an intellectual If only
steppingr-
point of view their conduct had apparent reason in it, stone, de-
1 L served de-
but from a moral point of view it had no merit and feat -
deserved defeat.
Truth never dies, and her devotees never surrender. Devotees
Her mercenary soldiers may surrender, or quit the field render.'
and fly, and they may desert to the enemy when their may.
pay ceases, for their pay is money, place and position, Their pay.
and these ceasing, their " sword arms " fall : but the
genuine soldier of truth, he who fights for the right be-
cause he believes it is right, — not the mercenary, who
fights for truth or error indifferently, but in either case
because he is paid therefor, — this genuine soldier never
surrenders, flies or 'eserts. He dies with truth in its tem-
porary death and revives also with it in its glorious resur- Death tem-
rection from the dead ! resurrection
Then the answer to the question heading this section,
to wit, Can the lesson even now be taught ? is, Yes ; be-
cause the people are the genuine soldiers of- truth, having
not lost their intellects, their patriotism or their manhood
glorious.
— courage.
The lesson can still, even now, be taught.
Laus Deo! [Praise be to God.] Laus Deo.
21
322 Thirty Years' War on Silver
SECTION IV.
Can the Remedy Even Now Be Wrought?
As was said in answer to the question heading the last
section, so it may be to that heading this, Why Not?
The people have not lost their intellects, their patriot-
The spirit of ism or their manhood — courage. It is believed that
1776.
sufficient of the "spirit of 1776" — the intellect, man-
hood and courage of 1776 and that of 1787 to 1789 — re-
mains to achieve another victory as glorious as in those
days of heroes and statesmen. The people still have
intellect to see, manhood to endure and courage to dare.
Then let the contest begin. But how should the battle
be fought ? Thus : —
The battle that should have been then fought,
The same battle should be now fought ;
The suit that should have been then brought,
The same suit should be now brought ;
The lesson that should have been then taught,
That lesson should be now taught ;
And then the remedy that would have been then
wrought,
Why the That same remedy will be now wr r ug-ht!
threefold J °
battle? But why the threefold battle — by bill in the Congress
(Senate and House) ; suit in the courts, nisi prius and
appellate (by nisi prius is meant the court in which
trial is first had), the subordinate and the supreme —
and lesson to- the people ? Why not show the true state
of the matter to the Congress, and let that body correct
the error into which it has fallen?
Have we not been informed that the Congress will not
listen ? that stating the truth to that body, and appealing
Supplementary and Corroborative Views 323
to the consciences of its members to observe their oaths
of office will fill the " cloak room " thereof with mem-
bers and cause the question to be asked concerning the
member so appealing, ' When will the idiot get
through ? " No ; going there, and there alone, will not
do. We must appeal to those who are not so fond of
the " cloak room," nor so astute in detecting idiots. Too astute.
Again, why not show the true state of the case to
the courts, first to the trial court, and finally on appeal
to the Supreme Court of the United States, and ask that
august tribunal to exercise its constitutional power to
restrain the Congress from its usurpation of power and
violation of the Constitution?
True, that should be done and must be done, but in Let the
people un-
addition thereto the people should be made to under- derstand.
stand the whole matter and see that should that court,
as that court has done, say that the clause of the Con-
stitution saying that " No State shall make anything but
gold and silver coin a tender in payment of debts," means
that no State shall make gold and silver coin a tender in
payment of debts — see that the court so ruling shall be
held in suitable remembrance. Further, that when that suitable
court, as that court has done, rules that the clause in brance.
said Constitution that says, " The Congress shall have
the power to borrow money on the credit of the United
States," carries with it, or includes in it, the power in
the Congress to say what thing or things shall be money
in the United States, that court shall stand before the
world in its true character. This of course means after
the truth has been presented to the court. When coun-
sel in a case before a court admits his case away, he Admitting
.... .... . . the ease
cannot complain that the court agrees with him and gives away.
judgment against him! but this does not excuse the
court for doing so. For an error so glaring no excuse is
324 Thirty Years' War on Silver
Before all
three
tribunals.
possible ; and the people should know the men who so
interpret their Constitution.
But considering the lost battles in the Congress, in
the court, and before the people, it were safer and better
to bring the case before all three again at one and the
same time, — in the Congress by bill to repeal ; in the
courts by suit to restrain by true interpretation ; and
before the people, as the sovereign, the master of all,
by argument. Then the names of those members of the
Congress, Senate and House, and also those of the Su-
preme Court, who should, if any should be so lost to
honor and conscience as, after due argument and en-
lightened presentation of the case, again so to hold, could
be catalogued in a roll to be remembered by the people,
their contemporaries and the people of future genera-
tions in everlasting contrast to the noble spirits of 1776;
a roll to be held and read in everlasting contrast to the
roll of immortal names signed to the Declaration of Inde-
pendence and those signed to the Constitution. Let this
be done so that no man may hope that the people may not
understand his act by reason of its being obscured in
the files of congressional enactments or in the files of
judicial decision, but that each may know that the sov-
ereign people will understand and hold his act accord-
ingly.
Let this be done and the result will be good. The
Micropoiis. history of Micropolis will not be the history of this
country. But if this is not done, then the imaginary
history of the imaginary nation, Micropolis, will be the
Mes-aionoiis. actual history of this real nation, Megalopolis ! May
it not be that the people of this land should, in their
agony, ever have to cry out from the chains of an indus-
trial slavery far more galling and oppressive than those
The two
rolls.
Supplementary and Corroborative Views 325
of the feudal or chattel slavery ! No ; the prayer is,
May God give the remedy.
But should it be the case that the said court, or a ma-
jority thereof, should, even from the principles of stare
decisis [to stand by the decisions] or other reason or
other motive, again so hold, let a copy of the Constitution,
the immortal document of the Convention of 1787, be
printed and placed in the most conspicuous place in the
best museum of the nation's capital, with this legend
thereon : —
Abolished by Interpretation !
while the patriots of the convention. Washington and his constitu-
compeers, are pictured looking on in sorrow and ex- vv^shing-
claiming: —
Abolished by Interpretation !
ton museum
CHAPTER XIII.
Should the Whole People of the United States Ever
Surrender or Grant Away from Themselves to the
Several States or to the General Government, or to
Any Branch of the General Government or to Any
Other Power, Their Power to Declare Tender, Their
Power to Say What Shall be the Money of the
United States?
No, a thou
sand tinu's
no!
Most tre-
mendous
power.
Suppositi-
tious case.
Intelligence and candor and fairness and " common
sense " and business sagacity can give but one pos-
sible answer to this question, and that is, No, a thou-
sand times, no ! The framers of the Constitution and the
sovereign people of the days of its adoption refused to
grant this power away from the whole people ; and why
should their descendants do so now or at any other time?
Every reason bearing on the subject says, No ; and not
one, Yes.
This is the most tremendous of all powers of govern-
ment ; and if possessed by one man or a body of men,
can at any moment be used to set in motion those forces
that would rob the people and result in the complete
enslavement of the people. Suppose some man in this
country had the power at any moment and of his own
will to say what should be the money of this country ;
and suppose when the people of the land awoke on the
morrow, they should see posted in the place for the post-
ing of new laws, a law reading, " Henceforth not gold
coin, not silver coin, or other thing that has heretofore
been used as money in this country, shall be used as
326
Supplementary and Corroborative Views 327
money, but that some new thing, naming it, shall be
the money of the land ! "
It would be the utter robbery of every man who had
the old money, who had stored his labor in the old money, Labor stored
. . . 1" 1 • 11 • 1 1 • 1 ''« the old
the thing that his government had promised him, by money.
solemn law duly passed by it, should pay his debts ; and
also the robbery of every man who had stored his labor Robbery]
in the acquisition of the materials of which the said old
money was made.
Suppose our friends, the gentlemen advocates of the
" gold standard," should have the value of their money,
the gold coin, thus legislated out of it, what holy hands
of horror would be raised ! What lamentations for the
ruthless dishonesty of the times would be heard in the
land ! The Jeremiad of the Israelites of old would be a New-
tame thing indeed in comparison. The manufactories of Manufac-
... . , . , . . tories of
public sentiment would run day and night in denunciation public senti-
of the iniquity. But this was precisely what was done
to the owners of silver money, silver coin, silver bul-
lion and silver mines in 1873 ; and when those owners
mildly indeed — for they did not seem to understand or
at least did not present the strength of their case —
pointed out the injustice of the treatment given to them
they were called opprobrious names by men whose high opprohri-
position, if not their birth and breeding, should have ° u& epithet8 '
taught them better, to wit, Silver Lunatics, " debasers of silver
the currency," etc., etc. Even the amenities of social life
were invaded by these epithets, and the mob excited to
revile him who dared to raise voice against the iniquity.
Let the Gold Solomon beware ; he may yet, when robbed,
be called Gold Lunatic, because he seeks a remedy ! He Gold
might do well to call to mind the adage, " Much wants una ,c *
more and loses all." There are a large number of men in
this country who honestly believe that nothing but paper
32
S
Thirty Years' War on Silver
should be money, some of them as honest men, as the
author believes, as any this or any other country affords.
Suppose those men should get the ascendency in the
The party ofCongress and therein enact a statute declaring gold coin
money. should not be money, but paper of a new stamp and
design, such as they should prescribe should be the only
Rage of money ! Would not in such case the rage of the Gold
omons'. Solomons be a furious rage, and their manufactories
of public sentiment be in full blast? It is believed that
such would be the case.
New love. It is believed further that in such case a sudden and
intense admiration and love for the now-derided Con-
stitution of the United States would spring up. "Pal-
ladium of American Liberty " and " beacon light to the
nations of the world " would be mild forms of the expres-
sions of love and admiration that would be heard.
wise people. No wise people should ever surrender or grant away
to any this tremendous power of declaring money. By
such power the people could be ruined by setting in
motion those forces that would ultimately enslave them.
It has been said that the State legislature should not
be entrusted with this tremendous power, but that the
national legislature should. But why the difference?
Does the spirit of tyranny and greed of power lessen as
the members of a body of men increase or as the ter-
ritory over which their dominion extends increases? Not
so ; rather the contrary. It is common knowledge and
Acts of cor- common saving that men in corporation will say and
porate ... " . . ... , ,
bodies. do things that in their private capacities they would
scorn to do.
Then again, the perfect answer, did not the Congress
of 1873 even usurp the power to demonetize the silver of
a dreadful the money of the United States ? Did that Congress not
example.
do that in the dark — secretly ; and because secretly, sur-
L,egisla-
tures, State
and Na-
tional.
Spirit of
tyranny.
Supplementary and Corroborative Views 329
reptitiously ? — It did. It is no answer to this charge
against it to say that the bill therefor was " pending " in
the Congress two or three years. For not as many as
five members of that Congress, taking the Senate and
House together, ever admitted that they knew what was
in the bill of demonetization. And in the nation the con- An act in
stituents of not a single member of said Congress were
ever informed of the pending of such a bill or of the
intention to bring in such a bill. Not a single public
speech was ever made on any political rostrum in the
whole country concerning the bill until some years after
it had passed. Many members of the Congress of 1873
said they knew nothing of the bill until long after it was
on the statute books; among them Mr. Blaine, of Maine,
and Mr. Holman, of Indiana.
It was several years after the statute book contained
the statute before the people knew anything about it. It
was like a poison secretly administered ; the victim knows secret
nothing of it until his vitals are attacked and death stares
him in the face. Thus the silver demonetization was un-
known to the people until the silver coin began to fall
in value and silver bullion began to fall in value, and
even then it was some time before the cause was ascer-
tained. At first no one denied that it was the demoneti-
zation of silver that caused its fall in value ; but afterward,
when the shrewd and heartless silver demonetization con-
spirators saw the gross ignorance on the subject of money,
they adopted the tactics of fooling the people in the dis-
cussion thereon, saying demonetization of silver did not Deception.
cause its fall in price, and proving it by the admissions
of the silver men that the silver that was coined was
money, and showing on such admission that there was
more silver coin in circulation in the United States than
ever before, more silver used than ever before, and yet
330 Thirty Years' War on Silver
Cannot be
trusted.
Fatal admis-the fall in its price. O, ye silver men, fatal, fatal was
your admission ! It, with other admissions, lost you the
battle, so much flowed from those admissions.
Can a body that thus, through ignorance, or with
knowledge but with design, and even with usurped power
and secretly and surreptitiously, demonetized one-half or
a very large part of the money of the country, be trusted
with the whole of it ? — No ; not with the whole of the
money of the country nor with any part of it. The people
themselves should ever hold this power in their own
hands. And should the time ever come when the situa-
tion honestly requires a change in the country's money,
let application to the people therefor be made by con-
stitutional amendment as the Constitution requires. Then
if, after discussion and investigation, a change is needed,
let the lawful power of the people make it and not the
usurped power of the Congress.
The lawful
and proper
way to
change.
CHAPTER XIV.
The Parity.
What makes the silver coin pass in the trade of the
country for as much as the gold coin?
The answers that the author has heard given
to this question are various and amusing. A few only can
be given here : —
First, that the silver coin passing in the trade of the First an-
country for as much as the gold coin shows that silver no t demon-
has not been demonetized. To prove this men would hold
up a dollar or half-dollar, and say, " With five of this (the
dollar), or ten of this (the half-dollar), I can buy any-
where in the United States just as much as you can with
your five-dollar gold-piece. That shows that silver has not
been demonetized, and all your clamor is foolish ! " Score
another triumph for the Gold Solomons ! For nothing
could convince the man of his error.
Second, the stamp of the government is given as the second an-
cause, the men claiming that whatever has the stamp of ofTiie V<>"- r
the government on it is money. In that case the national
bank notes would be money, and indeed anything having
the government stamp. It is supposed, if the government a commem-
or Congress should have a medal of gold, silver or bronze medal,
i • • r .... Money.
struck in commemoration of some great event in its his-
tory, that would be money too !
When asked to explain how the " stamp of the govern-
ment " makes a thing money, the only answer ever given
was, " It doe* it — the government can do that ! " Other
331
332 Thirty Years' War on Silver
The how.
The true
reason.
Check
received.
Check
refused.
Check for
$100.
Check for
$1,000.
mistaken views have been stated, but it is useless to men-
tion them here.
The true reason why the silver coin passes for its face
or denominational value is just the same reason that any
man's check passes for its face value, to wit, because the
gold coin, the money, the tender, is behind it. Let it be
understood that when a check is offered in payment that
that check will not be paid in gold coin, tender, money,
then its refusal is instantaneous. It makes no difference
who draws the check, if it is known that it will not be paid
in money, that is, gold coin, the tender, then it is refused,
no man will take it. And why should any one take it?
The law does not compel him to take it, and he cannot pay
his debt with it, therefore it is of no service to him.
In a conversation had in 1896 with an elderly gentle-
man, in which he showed a banker's magazine showing
the increase of the " money " in circulation in the United
State since the year 1800, this occurred : —
The author said, " None of those things mentioned in
said magazine as money are money except the gold coin."
The elderly gentleman said, " Then why do men take them
as money?" Author: 'For the same reason that you
would take my check, or any other man's check. Let me
illustrate : Suppose you had some article of value here
that I wanted, and I said that I would give you a hundred
dollars for it, and you said, \\"ell, you can have it at
that price.' Then I draw you a check on my banker for a
hundred dollars ; would you take the check and deliver
me the article? " E. G. : " Yes, I would." Author: " Sup-
pose the article was worth and had been sold to me by
you for one thousand dollars, would you then deliver me
the article on my giving you a check for a thousand dollars
therefor? " E. G. : " Yes ; 1 have known you a long time,
and I would be willing to take your check for a thousand
Supplementary and Corroborative Views 333
dollars." Author : "Again, suppose the article, say a large
cluster of diamonds, was worth a million dollars, and Diamonds:
check for
you had sold them to me for a million dollars, would you $1,000,000:
deliver the diamonds on my giving you a check for a mil-
lion dollars?" E. G. : "Well, no; I have known you
a long time, and I believe you to be an honest man ; but
I do not know how you could get a million dollars ! "
Author : " So I supposed ; your faith in my having gold
coin for my checks ceased before it reached the million-
dollar point." Just so, the silver coin will cease to pass
for its face value as soon as faith in its redemption in gold
coin ceases.
So it is with the silver coin. As long as the gold coin,
the tender, is behind it, it is all right. When the gold coin
is not behind it, it is all wrong.
It is the same with the silver coins ; they pass because
the government redeems them, or is ready to redeem them
in gold coin whenever any one presents them to it for re-
demption. Let it be understood that the government will
not redeem its demonetized silver coin in gold coin, and
the silver coin would instantly fall in value to the price
of the corresponding amount of silver bullion, and prob-
ably it would be refused altogether. For men would say, That which
and reasonably say, we will not take in payment of debts debts n wiii pa5
to us that which we cannot pay our debts with ! Who ?n payment 6 ™
could blame them for so saying? That which will not pay
out should not be taken in. True, in the smaller trans-
actions of the poor, ten dollars in fractional silver coin
in any one payment would, by the poor, have to be taken The poor,
in payment, as the law of the Congress so says. But in and the '"m-
all payments above ten dollars gold coin would have to be
obtained. True, again, in all contracts of the uninformed
and the unwary who do not contract for gold coin, pay-
ment could, under the enactment of the Congress, be made
334 Thirty Years' War on Silver
in the silver dollars, that is, the " standard dollars," not
in the fractional silver coin, but the dollar pieces.
But it is clearly to be seen that the " fractional silver "
coin, except to the amount of ten dollars, in any one pay-
ment, passes in the trade and business of the country at
its face value simply because the government redeems
them in gold coin, and likewise that the " silver dollar "
passes at its face value, except in the contracts of the unin-
formed and the unwary, because the government redeems
them too in money, that is, gold coin, the tender.
Let it be understood that the government would not
redeem the silver coins in gold coin, and instantly they
would fall to the bullion value, except in the two cases
mentioned, to wit, ten dollars in any one payment, and
Soon no one in the contracts of the uninformed and the unwary. And
would take -_.,..
the silver very soon all would become sufficiently informed and wary
to refuse to make contracts unless the contracts were made
" payable in gold coin of the United States."
Therefore the silver coins pass at their face value for
the same reason that a man's check passes at its face value.
This is the whole matter; the silver coins pass at their
face value because the government says it stands ready
to redeem them in gold coin, the tender of this country,
the money of this country, and the only money of this
country so long as the unconstitutional silver demonetiza-
tion acts are held valid.
Of course, this leaves the greenbacks out of the dis-
cussion, for as to them the Supreme Court of the United
States says they are tender, money, and the various ad-
ministrations since 1873 say they are not tender, money,
because those administrations say that they will redeem
those likewise in gold coin. Thus practically everything
Redeeming is demonetized but gold coin. Think of redeeming money
money! *™ with money ! If silver coin were tender, money, to redeem
The whole
matter.
Greenbacks.
Supplementary and Corroborative Views 335
them with gold coins would be as absurd as to redeem Redeeming
;i twentj -
one gold coin with another, to wit, as an eagle with two iiar go id-
, piece with a
half-eagles, or a double-eagle with two eagles or four hall- twenty-doi-
. . c lar sold-
eagles ; that is, a ten-dollar gold coin with two five-dollar piece!
gold coins, or a twenty-dollar gold coin with two ten- or
four five-dollar gold coins. Redeeming the Redeemer!!! Adeeming
— the re-
This too is the meaning of paritv. Parity means equal- o 1 xt t |,e untruth-
the formation of the government in 1789 to 1073: l\o fun
one ever heard of a dealer putting a silver price on his
goods, or a gold price on his goods, before silver demon-
etization in 1873. He simply sold his goods, and the one price;
• 1 1 1 • 1 ■ 1 r no * a si' ver
buyer, whether he paid cash or got credit and paid after price and a
. . , . , it- -i sold price.
a time, simply paid in what money, gold coin or silver
coin, that he pleased. The " double standard," gold coin
and silver coin as tender, as money, existed in every coun-
try in Europe until 18 16, the time of silver demonetization
in England, and there was no trouble as to parity. Men
bought and sold, did business of all kinds without the
slightest trouble. It is true, that sometimes silver bullion shipments
.of silver
would be a little higher in our countrv than in some other, coin ami
• ' 1 1 1 1 bullion.
and shipments of bullion and com would take place ac-
cordingly ; and again gold bullion would be higher in our
countrv than in some other, and corresponding shipments shipments
1 ° of gold coin
of gold bullion and gold coin would be made. But no and bullion.
harm came therefrom. The people carried on their busi- Little, if any
' . harm.
ness without being aware of it. The dealers in money and
bullion would know it, and sometimes make something
33^
Thirty Years' War on Silver
Scarcity of
any article
causes im-
portations
of it.
Teaches
humanity.
from shipping bullion to different countries, but little, if
any, harm came from it. Scarcity of any article or com-
modity in one country causes shipments of that article or
commodity thereto. It is, it would seem, the natural
thing ; the Creator has formed different countries for the
production of the different articles and commodities, thus
Nations, as making mankind dependent on one another, not only as
pendent. between man and man, neighborhood and neighborhood,
but also as between nation and nation, thus teaching man
humanity, kindness and mutual aid rather than inhu-
manity, unkindness and mutual destruction. And yet in-
humanity, unkindness and mutual destruction between
man and man, nation and nation, exists. When in the
progress of the ages man learns his great lesson that love
and not hate is the true law of his being, they will cease.
Then by each and all working, not for self, but for each
and all, the vision of the Edenic paradise will be realized
in fact. When the " sermon on the mount " is in fact in-
stead of fiction the Magna Charta of church and state,
then most, indeed it is believed all, of the evils that now so
greatly afflict the races of men will cease. The word
" paradise " means garden, and when all work for all,
instead of each working for himself alone, the world will
be a garden, the true Edenic garden ! Large enough for
all, plenty in it for all, because no part of it needed will
be uncultivated, held for speculative purposes on an antici-
pated rising market. All the earth will be used, and there-
fore no man on it, much less nation, will be in need of part
of it for his use.
of The variation between the legal ratios (that is, the
ratios fixed by law) and the market ratio (the ratio of the
market), the gold coins and the silver coins, was always
small, usually being less than one per cent, but sometimes
reaching to two or three ; as stated above, so small that
Variation
the ratio
small.
Supplementary and Corroborative Views 337
the ordinary tradesman, merchant, mechanic, farmer, law-
yer, doctor or clergyman knew nothing about it. And
latterly we are told that because the legal and the com-
mercial ratio cannot be exactly perfect, the demonetiza- Exact
tion of silver was necessary ! As well say that because
man cannot make two clocks keep exactly the same time, Exact time-
the world should have but one clock ; or that because a
man and his wife cannot always think exactly alike, they
should get a divorce !
Nothing in nature is made that way. You never see
in nature a perfect square, cube, circle or right angle, and
if man has ever made a perfect one, the achievement is
rare. Usually it is onlv an approach to perfection, in those only an ap-
„, , r . . proach to
matters or in any other matters, the goal 01 perfection perfection.
is man's stimulus to exertions. Should he reach it in one
thing, it is quite probable that staleness would suffuse
his mind and benumb his faculties as to that thing ; and
were he to reach it in all things, then, if the law held, he
would become a vast staleness, or rather, then he would stateness.
be — God ! His nature would then be divine, the stale- God!
ness cured ; because perfection exists only in the Most
High. It is childish, idle, frivolous to say that because
the legal and the commercial ratios between gold and
silver coin cannot be perfect, it must not be at all. That
argument would destroy the Gold Solomon himself ; for, Gold Soi-
, . onion abol-
in all eyes but his own, he is not perfect. »shes him-
It is indeed strange that this impossibility of exact
parity and its dire results should never have been dis-
covered until the industrial conspiracy was formed ! From
the days of Abraham and Homer at least, down to the
formation of that conspiracy, a sufficiently exact parity
between them was maintained, and even now there could From Abra-
easily be maintained between them a parity sufficiently 11'omeV to
,. ,, , , . industrial
exact for all men but those conspirators, conspirators.
22
33«
Thirty Years' War on Silver
Silver can be
used in large
transac-
tions, gold
not in small.
Disturbed
parity rule,
gold should
have been
demonetized.
Temporary
disturbance.
Wheat and
maize.
Gold and
silver.
Mutual
cheek and
balance.
Scientific
money.
In truth, with the law as to ratios, the parity, fixed, as
it is in the Constitution, and honestly and fairly and rigidly
maintained, there would be little trouble about parity.
Was there any trouble about parity in 1873 when the
silver demonetization took place? If any it was in favor
of silver, because at that time silver was at a premium of
three per cent over gold! Then it would seem that if a
disturbed parity was to rule, gold should have been the
metal to be displaced, to be demonetized, for that was the
metal that was losing in value. Silver coin can be used as
the money of the rich, — the money, the tender, of the
large dealers, — but gold coin cannot be used as the money
of the poor, for as stated heretofore, it cannot be coined
in sufficiently small pieces. So with silver demonetization,
the poor have no money, no tender, but mere token. This
is not right, it is unfair.
A temporary disturbance of parity between gold and
silver coin should not destroy the money of a country any
more than the temporary disturbance of the parity be-
tween wheat and maize should destroy the bread of a
country. On the contrary, the two mutually aid and re-
strain each other. When wheat is too high, bread is
made from maize, and this brings maize up and wheat
down ; and when maize is too high, bread is made of
wheat, and this brings wheat up and maize down. So
it would be with gold and silver. When gold is scarce
and high, money could be made of silver ; and when
silver is scarce and high, money could be made of
gold, the two metals aiding and restraining, bal-
ancing and counterbalancing each other as demand
called, thus securing the nearest approach to a
scientific money of which the world has any knowl-
edge, nature affording the supply and man merely using
that supply. When money is made of paper, a compar-
Supplementary and Corroborative Views 339
ativelv valueless thing, and practically, for the purposes
of money, capable of being manufactured to an unlimited
extent, then those having the power to so make, will
make when they have need of money, regardless of the
quantity heretofore made by them. They will supply the
demand by the printing press instead of taxing. The tax-
ing might render them unpopular ; the printing might
cause them to be hailed as saviors of their country ! His-
tory shows that such things have happened, but the ficti-
tious saviors have afterward been execrated by the people,
in their agonies of suffering caused by such acts of such
saviors. Such saviors are borne in triumph on the shoul-
ders of the populace to-day, but in tumbrils to the guillo-
tine to-morrow !
Wisdom says tax and not print. The Constitution of
the United States wisely says tax and not print. And woe
be to the people that grants away from itself the power to
say what shall be its money !
That at times some variation should occur between the
legal and commercial ratio makes little difference, indeed,
no difference; for thus is Nature made throughout her
vast domains, and man can wisely control those variations
for his benefit. He can easily do so with the " double
standard " of the true scientific money, the gold coin and
the silver coin of the Constitution of the United States.
The Gresham Law.— -The Gresham law is not lost
sight of here. That law is no new discovery ; it was
known before Sir Thomas Gresham made his announce-
ment of it. The law is that when there are two kinds of
money in a country, and the parity becomes disturbed, the
cheaper one drives out the dearer one. That is true, but No harm.
what harm comes therefrom? When there are two ma-
terials in a country of which bread is made, the cheaper
one sometimes drives the dearer one to other countries.
3-fO Thirty Years 1 War on Silver
But harm does not always come to the country from which
the dearer material is driven. Sometimes much good
comes therefrom, because it brings from foreign countries
articles much needed in the country from which the dear
Disparity article is driven. Better have disparity in value between
' wheat and maize than a scarcity of bread in the country ;
so it were better to have a disparity between gold coins
and silver coins than a scarcity of money in the country !
If the question came to choice between disparity and
scarcity, then disparity is the lesser evil, and should be
chosen. The great underlying principle of what is called
TiieGresham the Gresham law, to wit, the cheaper tinner driving out of
law. r m _ ° °
use the dearer thing when the choice is in him who is to
deliver the thing, applies to all transactions ; it is not lim-
ited to money.
Illustrations : A agrees to deliver to B a coat, simply a
coat, no special material or make contracted for. A has
two coats, a very fine and costly one and a coarser and
cheaper one. Which will A deliver? It is believed that
it will be the coarser and cheaper coat, and also that in
nine hundred and ninety-nine cases out of every thousand
the acts of men would be similar.
Again A has agreed to deliver to B a hundred horses,
no special kind being contracted for. A has a hundred
very fine thoroughbred horses, worth thousands of dol-
lars, and also a hundred ordinary, common horses worth
far less. Which will A deliver to B in discharge of his
obligation, having option to deliver either? It is confi-
dently believed that the delivery of the ordinary, common
horses will be made, and that such would be the case with
nine hundred and ninety-nine in every thousand men who
were similarly placed.
The law is not limited to money, but applies to all sub-
jects. It is, when truly considered, an application of a
Supplementary and Corroborative Views 341
deeper law, the great law of " economics " that Henry Henry
George so clearly presented, that men gratify their desires weeper' law.
at the smallest possible cost. The law might be extended
in statement to cover the aspect of the principle that men
relieve their necessities at the smallest possible cost.
There is a necessity upon man to discharge his obligations,
a legal necessity, otherwise his property will be taken and
sold to discharge them. True, it might well be said that
man's desire is to relieve his necessities, and that relieving
his necessities is after all but a mode of gratifying his
desires; and therefore that the formula of Mr. George,
that men gratify their desires at the smallest possible cost,
covers the case. So let it be. for in either case the same
purpose is served here. It shows in either view that Mr.
George has made a deeper and broader generalization than Broader
Sir Thomas Gresham. Sir Thomas only saw and said tion!* Iza "
that men would relieve their necessity of paving their
debts with the smallest possible exertion, the cheaper way
being the smallest possible exertion that will pay them ;
while Mr. George saw and stated the deeper and broader
law that includes the Gresham law, that men will relieve
all their necessities, and not only their necessities of pay-
ing their debts, by the smallest possible exertion. Whether
it is said that the law is that men gratify their desires by
the smallest possible exertion, or that they relieve their
necessities by such exertion, it is all the same. The
broader law includes the narrower law, rather specific in-
stance of the broader law ; the broader law of gratifying
all desire or relieving all necessity includes the specific
case, rather than the law of gratifying one's desire to pay
his debt or relieving his necessity to pay debts by the
smallest possible exertion.
It was said above that disparity would be better than
scarcity. That is true ; but it will never come to that. De-
342 Thirty Years 1 War on Silver
Demoneti-
zation pro-
duced dis-
parity. .
Remoneti-
zation will
produce
parity.
Moral
murder.
Obey Con-
stitution,
and no fear,
A political
platform.
Perversion
of it.
" Why did
Colorado
and Nevada
take to the
woods? "
monetization of silver produced disparity ; and now the
Gold Solomons claim that disparity should prevent remon-
etization of silver ! A disease is produced by a certain
cause, and then those wanting the death of the patient
urge the existence of the disease as a reason for not re-
moving the cause ! That would be moral murder ! So
here, those wanting the death of silver, urge its fall in
value caused by its demonetization as a reason for not re-
monetizing.
Remonetize silver ! Obey, ye senators and congress-
men, your oaths of office to support, protect and defend
the Constitution of your country, and you need have no
fears about parity or disparity. Demonetization produced
disparity ; remonetization will produce parity.
In the Congress the parity clause of the platform of
one political party, — that clause that said it was the policy
of that party and of the government to keep the parity
in the money of the country, that is, between the gold
coins and the silver coins, — was very adroitly and
grossly perverted to mean it was the policy of that party
to keep silver demonetized ! Gross perversion indeed !
Had that been the real meaning of the platform it would
never have been adopted. Of course it was the policy
of that party, and should be the policy of every honest
party and honest man, to keep the parity, so far as it can
be done. That goes without saying. And when in the
Congress succeeding that platform and the nomination
thereon, a distinguished orator from New York trium-
phantly asked the question, "If the said platform were
not a gold platform, why did Colorado and Nevada
take to the woods ? " — meaning that those States in the
election that had just taken place voted against the nom-
inee of the party for president, — he should have been told
then and there, not now and here : Because although you
Supplementary and Corroborative Views 343
gave us a silver platform, you put a gold man on it. That silver P iat-
is the truth. The platform was for silver, but its nom- man 'on it.
inee was for gold ; and that fact caused Nevada and Col-
orado to vote against the party nominee. The use of the
word parity, in the meaning of a gold platform, was a
gross and daring perversion. When there is but one metal
used as money, how could there be disparity ? Could one
gold twenty-dollar piece, ten-dollar piece or five-dollar
piece be worth less in the market than another gold
twenty-, ten- or five-dollar piece?
Silver Overvalued : Gold Overvalued. — It has been
again and again stated by the Gold Solomons that at one
time the United States undervalued gold in its coinage
laws by making the ratio fifteen and a half to one, that is, Ratio, isy 2
making one ounce of gold equal to fifteen and a half
ounces of silver, and that in consequence all of the gold
was driven out of the country by the cheap but overvalued
metal, silver. If true, what harm was done? The busi-
ness of the country went forward undiminished, and the
country at that very time flourished and prospered as
nation has rarely ever flourished and prospered on this
earth. Again, it is stated that at another time the United
States undervalued silver in its coinage laws, making the
ratio sixteen to one, that is, sixteen ounces of silver equal Ratio i<5
to one ounce of gold, and that the cheaper and overvalued
metal, gold, drove all the silver out of the country. Al-
though true, again, what harm ? — None ; at that time too
the prosperity of the country was great.
But neither of those statements are true. There was Not true.
some tendency of the kind mentioned. At the one time
some gold went out of the country, and at the other time
some silver went ; but in each case enough remained for all
practical purposes, and the country flourished and pros-
pered.
344 Thirty Years' War on Silver
Silver
" raw head
and bloody
bones."
Conspiracy
of greed.
French
indemnity.
Six hundred
millions of
dollars in
gold coin.
Germany in
financial
straits.
Silver Monometalism : Gold Monometalism. —
Let not the alleged silver monometalism of the one period
nor the alleged gold monometalism of the other period
alarm any one ; no inference of evil can come from those
sources. Indeed, the silver monometalism that was set up
as a " scarecrow " in the campaign of 1900, should not
frighten intelligent men and women ; and the " nursery
tale " of the silver " raw head and bloody bones " coming
to seize and carry off sweet little America's prosperity
may frighten the intellectual children in the nursery of
' Uncle Sam," but not the intellectually grown-up men
and women on his farm, in his workshops or in his pro-
fessions.
The Cause of Germany's Demonetization of Sil-
ver. — We have seen the cause of the silver demonetization
in the United States ; to wit, a conspiracy for greed in a
few persons. The people never did it ; they knew nothing
of it. The large majority of the Congress never did it;
even they knew nothing of it ! But what caused Ger-
many to demonetize silver ? It was the large indemnity in
gold that the German government got from the French
people at the conclusion of the Franco-German war in
1870 that caused Germany to demonetize silver. The
indemnity then received by Germany was six hun-
dred million dollars in gold, besides gold checks
payable in London and other places. Then those man-
aging German affairs, — not its people, — said in act, if
not in words, we will demonetize silver and thus in-
crease the value of this immense amount of gold that we
now have. Was the motive a worthy one? We leave the
reader to judge. But see how it is with Germany to-day:
she too is in fitiancial straits. It has been stated that Bis-
marck before his death saw the error of silver demonetiza-
tion on the part of Germany and regretted it deeply.
Supplementary and Corroborative Views 345
Germany's legislative increase of the value of the im-
mense gold indemnity that she had, lasted only for a
time. Real prosperity for a whole nation or people must
be based on a more solid foundation. The increased value
of the gold made for the benefit of Germany's moneyed
class, but for the injury of Germany's poor and middle
class. Hence the cry of distress that the lips of the Ger-
man poor and middle class to-day send up to the ears of
the German emperor and nobles. Scarce money makes
low valuation in lands, labor and the products of labor ;
and lauds, labor and labor's products are at low valuations
in Germany to-day.
England's Demonetization. — England's conduct in
demonetizing silver is remarkable. That country legis-
lates the money function out of silver and into the Bank Bank of
of England notes. Such is the case if the statements of notls an tender
" gold standard " writers like Jevons and others may be
relied on. If this be true, it shows that England knows England's
and admits that her supply of gold is insufficient for her
purposes. She demonetizes silver for reason, to wit, be- England's
cause she has no silver mines and is the creditor nation
of the world, and monetizes mere paper to supply her own
wants. Those writers state that the Bank of England
notes are " legal tender." If so, they are money ; for Eng- Bank of
land has no written constitution to restrain the legislation notes 8 "
of her Parliament, and what that Parliament says is its
money, is its money.
And, if such is the case, what becomes of the assertion
of the " gold standard " writers that money must be made No intrinsic
of material that has intrinsic value, and that money can-
not be made of a material that has no intrinsic value ? For
surely little slips of printed paper do not per se, in them-
selves, have any intrinsic value ! The actual paper used
in a Bank of England note of any denomination is too
346 Thirty Years' War on Silver
small to be expressed in any coin of any nation on earth.
The value of the mere paper in such a note is simply
nothing. No man would make a charge for that amount
of paper. And even if the paper in such a note should, by
reason of its peculiar manufacture to prevent counterfeit-
ing, or for beauty or anything else, cost something, it
would not in any respect affect the argument here made.
In any possible event the amount is too small to cut any
figure. Only insanity could claim that the value of the
mere paper in a Bank of England " legal tender " note, or
that in the American ll legal tender " greenback, was
of sufficient value to cut any figure in making up the
value of the note. No, its value comes from a totally dif-
ferent source. If it is money, tender, then its whole value
comes from its being money, tender ; and if it is mere
promise to pay and not pay, then its whole value comes
from its being redeemable in money, the tender, the real
pay.
Money made Of course, paper in large quantities has value placed
of a value- . . . . . . , . _,
less thing, upon it in trade, but not a piece of that size. Conse-
quently, here is a clear case admitted by " gold standard "
writers in which money is made of a valueless article.
For valueless is what they mean by an article not having
intrinsic value. It is easily seen that there is no such
thing as intrinsic value. An article or commodity has
useful qualities, and on that article by reason of those
qualities a person sets value, and that value is measured
generally in money, but often in other articles or com-
modities. The degree of estimation of the article is the
value measured, as before stated, in money or commodity,
as the case may be.
The question now arises, why should England legislate
the money function out of silver and legislate it into
paper ? The answer is, because she is the creditor nation
Supplementary and Corroborative Views 347
of the world, and she wants the thing in which she re-
ceives her pay to be dear. This increases her power over
the nations. The same motive, it has been seen, actuated
Germany in her demonetization of silver in 1871, to in-
crease the value of her six or seven hundred millions of
gold dollars.
But England saw that her o-old coin was not sufficient England's
CT policy.
for her purposes ; she therefore monetized paper. Ger-
many will have to do something similar, or remonetize
silver.
But America, throusrh the enactments of her Congress, America's
& . . policy.
fatuously follows England, although she, America, is a
great debtor nation, and also has very large productions
of silver!
I
tit ion.
CHAPTER XV.
Gold for Shipment to Foreign Countries.
n a work like this, where the design is to answer all
the absurdities (a severe word, absurdity, is used
here as in many other places in this work, because not
merely severe, but even harsh and bitter words and epi-
thets were in all the controversy constantly employed by
the Gold Solomons against the Silver Lunatics, — in-
deed, the " silver men " were not argued but ridiculed
into defeat), yes, answer all the absurdities of Gold Sol-
some repe- monic literature and speaking, it is inevitable that some
repetition should be made. For it frequently happens that
the same argument that crushes one false view of a subject
will crush another false view also, and when that is the
case, it is believed that Gold Solomonic candor could not
be trusted to make the application to the second fallacy of
the argument that destroyed the first fallacy. On the
contrary, the history of the conflict would rather lead
to the conclusion that should such a second fallacy be left
for such application, that the Gold Solomons would say,
" Well, perhaps this point, naming it, was indeed an-
swered, but this second one was not ; that point was too
strong ; that was unanswerable ; they did not dare to touch
that!" This consideration must be the justification and
apologv for the repetitions heretofore made in this work,
and also this further one that is to follow, to wit : —
" With other things than gold coin as money in this
country, how could we get gold coin to ship to foreign
348
Supplementary and Corroborative Views 349
countries to pay our debts there, where nothing but gold
coin will pay debts?"
This argument has been constantly hurled at the author
as one that it was impossible to answer, that has been
generally considered as the Gold Solomons' Gibraltar. The ooi Se "
well, provided he had something to sell. And if he had no difficulty.
nothing to sell, the role of the foreign traveler, tourist
or pleasure seeker would not be very pleasing to him ; and
if he attempted to play such a part as this, thus only
equipped, his failure would not produce very deep sym-
pathy.
Clearly neither the trader nor the traveler in foreign
countries would be at all affected by the matter. Things
then would be practically just as they are now. A country Then as
. now.
that has nothing to sell, like a man in the same situation,
cannot buy. Of course, one can sell commodities, labor
or services, or money to buy the same things, in either
his home country or in foreign countries.
Of course, a uniformity in money, not only as to the Uniformity
.in coins.
material of which it is made, but also as to the denomina-
tion and names of the coins, might be a very great con-
venience to international traders and travelers, just as a
352
Thirty Years' War on Silver
Uniformity
in weights
and meas-
ures.
Bad
example.
uniformity in the weights and measures and the names
of those weights and measures might be to them ; but those
matters are for the different nations of the world to fix
each for itself. One sovereign nation has no power over
another sovereign nation in those matters. And why
should America follow the bad policy or bad example of
any other nation? Should we Americans be thus servile?
No; we are a sovereign people, and not a small or insig-
nificant one. and we should act in a manner that is suitable
to our character.
CHAPTER XVI.
Conclusion.
This work, written in great haste and with many
embarrassments in an unexpected three months'
freedom from official duty, the author is well
aware, shows the signs of that haste. But that it pre-
sents the truth on the subject of which it treats, albeit
imperfectly, he firmly believes. Should it aid in clearing
up a subject that some of the best writers, Adam Smith
and Professor Price among them, admit is dark, deep and
difficult, he would feel amply compensated. If it should
prove even in some small degree instrumental in restoring Restoring
silver to its legitimate money function, and at the same
time cause that immortal document of the wise forefath-
ers, the United States Constitution, to be observed and The consti-
respected, then indeed would he rejoice that he had the
courage to enter upon the undertaking. For in the res-
toration of silver he believes that the interests of the whole
people of the United States would be largely promoted,
and his patriotism and love of that people would impel
him to that. Especially the interests of his own beloved
State, Nevada, would be greatly promoted, and in this
promotion he would find an inspiration for the most labo-
rious efforts, because he has lived a quarter of a century
among the people of it, and all of that time they have ever
been kind and generous to him ; and in the restoration to
the control and guidance of the principles of the Phila-
delphia Convention of 1787 over the American people, he
recognizes their only safety. In some quarters the fashion
23 353
354 Thirty Years' War on Silver
"Written now is to ridicule and despise a "written constitution."
Constitu- _, . . .
tion." bad indeed will be the day in America when men of that
way of thinking become dominant in the land ; with it
Liberty and liberty will pass awav from the people, and tyranny will
tyranny. - J '
enslave them. When men become so good, true, honest,
faithful and fair in the dealings of man with man in the
contracts private concerns of life that written contracts among them
among men.
are unnecessary, then, and not till then, will written con-
constitu- stitutions " of government become unnecessary for the
tion in gov- . . _,...,
emment. nations. Had there been no written Constitution in the
sad day. I nited States, its liberties would have passed away long
ago ; and should the day ever come when a written Con-
stitution in it is abolished, that day will witness the
downfall of her liberties and enthronement of tyranny
over her people.
Therefore let him who, in the Congress or on any bench
of justice in the land, interprets out of the Constitution
anything that is really there, that in the intention of the
framers is there, or who interprets into it something that
in reality is not there, or that the framers did not intend
to be there, know that he cannot do so and politically live ;
that such an act shows him unworthy of the high trust
placed in his keeping. In the language of Scripture, used
here only in a political sense, " Let his days be few ; and
let another take his office." Psalm 109:8.
But when the days again come when the Constitution
of the United States is observed and obeyed in the letter
Days of and in the spirit, there will be then days of gladness. Then
will prosperity smile in the valleys and upon the hills and
upon the mountains. Let the people honor the principles
and obey the precepts of their fathers, that their days may
be long upon the land which the Lord their God hath
given unto them. Honored be the men and women who
shall aid and guide them to the observance of the prin-
gladness.
Supplementary and Corroborative Views 355
ciples and obedience to the precepts of the Fathers as they
are expressed in their —
Constitution of Government.
" Honor thy father and thy mother : that thy days may
be long upon the land which the Lord thy God hath given
thee." Exodus 20: 12.
This is the fifth, and it is a great commandment.
INDEX.
Ablest man 30S
Abolished by interpretation 325
Abolishes State governments. ... 164
Abraham and Homer, from, to
industrial conspiracy 337
Absolute necessity for tender.... 88
Act, an, in the dark 329
Action of debt 320
Admission, fatal 208, 330
Admission, " Flood country with
mi mey " 278
Admitting case away 323
Ages upon ages 291
Agitation, at each, head given... 294
A is A and not A 17". '9 1
All buying and no selling, can-
not "be 35 r
Almighty dollar 92
Almighty wheat 9-
Amendments to Federal Consti-
tution, power to make 158
Amendments to State Constitu-
tion, power to make 159
Amendment, tenth.." 1 57
"Amend-;, tender of " 65
American form of government. . .269
American government, four grand
divisions of 156
America's policy 347
Anarchist, the '95
Ancestral boasting 1 S3
Answer, first -^33 l
Answer of the " presidential "
nominees 309
Answer, second 33 1
Apparent measure of value
86, 1 18, 204, 216
Arbitrary power enthroned 1S8
Argument, same in general as in
borrowing clause 213
Argumentum ad simplicem 318
Aristocracy 145
Assumption, remarkable. ... 165, 208
Assumption, unwarranted 197
Astute, too 323
Attorneys, failure of to present
case 196
Attributes of money 34, 56, 65
Attributes of sovereignty, four-
fold division of 136
Bad, the, like good names 300
Bank checks, notes, drafts, bills. 272
Bankers dictating banking laws. . 73
Banking, safe or unsafe 87, 295
Bank of England notes money. .345
PAGE
Bank of England notes tender. .345
Banks, interest of 286
Hanks, interest of, antagonistic
to the public interest 286
Banks should furnish circulation 284
Barter 38, 99, 129
Basis, apparent; basis, true 118
Basis of money narrowed 222
Battle of truth and error 234
Battle, threefold, why? 322
Battles lost 321
Beast of Revelation 191
Bills of credit 189
Bird's-eye view . ,
Bishops J 1 4, 221
Blaine, Tames G 248
"Blue, the, and the Gray "....209
Blunders, two great 128
Boeotia 83
Borrowing clause 213
Boxer, the unskillful 209
Breezy definition of money 85
Brief of counsel 196
Broad sense 85
Brussels conference, 1892 .311
"Builded better than they knew" 217
Bull, symbol 150
Burden, whole thrown on silver
owners 267
Business, lottery, basis of 126
Cable tow 293
Calamities 282
Calf, golden 216
California 214
Campaign text-hooks 229
Can stand much 3'°
Carlisle. Mr 308
Cargo buys 35°
Cart-rope tender 230, 293
Case, supposititious 242
Cash sales 99
Certificates, congressional head.. 294
Certificates, gold head 293
Certificates, treasury head 294
Challenge of "presidential" nom-
inee 3 n °
Change, motive of 349
Change, no moral right to. if
power exists 273
Change, the lawful and proper
way to 33°
Change, pro bono publico 275
Change, when whole people can-
not without moral wrong.... 273
357
358
Index
PAGE
Changing in value 98
Character of men of 1787 156
Characteristics of money 56
Chase, Salmon P., his admission. 281
Cheat, a 283
Cheat, a meaner 283
Check received 332
Check refused 332
Child, little no
Chimeras 85
Choice, same then as now 272
Circle is circular! 131
Citizen 61
Civil war, costs of increased. .. .203
Classes 74, 202, 226
Clauses, the two that fix money. 235
Climax 75
Cloak room 300
Coin, current 192
Coin, foreign 236, 254
Coin, paper 237
Coin, put in circulation by gov-
ernment 274
Coin, put in circulation by pri-
vate owners 274
Coin, struck by Congress 251
Coin, to, meaning of.... 214 et seq.
Coin, uncurrent 194
Coining power in Congress 235
Coining, when should cease.... 275
Colors, no false 306
" Colorado, why did take to
woods?" 342
Committee of detail 1 79
Committee of style 180
Commodities, pay then just as
they do now 350
Commodity as common measure
of value 90
Common denominator of value. . 34
Common measure of value. . . .66, 78
Comprehension 292
Compromise 299
Concept, erroneous, of money,
yielded 3 02
Conclusion, lame and impotent. . 159
Confession of silver men 232
Confusion 205
Congress has no power over
tender 249
Congress has power to coin and
regulate only 249
Congress, special session of 311
Congress, the instrumert 252
Congressional certificate head. ...294
Congressional will supreme law
of the land 187
Congressional money 188
Conscience 157
Conspiracy of greed 344
Conspiracv to enslave the world. 116
Constitutionality _ of greenback
monetization yielded 280, 281
Constitution adequate for war.. 198
Constitution as it is, not as it is
wanted 300
Constitution binding 173
PAGE
Constitution, copy of in Wash-
ington museum 325
Constitution, clauses of con-
cerning money 174
Constitution, need of 353
Constitution, obey 254, 342
Constitution "played out" 165
Constitution struck down 163
Constitution, written 354
Constitutional provisions. . . 174, 265
Construed strictly 194
Contracts abolished 89
Contracts among men, need of. .354
Contracts, law of, abolished 89
Contradiction in terms 197
Contention, first, limitation on
power of States 176
Contention, second, borrowing
clause 183
Contention, third, coining 214
Convention of 1787 145, 179
Copper tender 181
Corporate bodies, acts of 328
Counterfeiting, punishment of..
192, 217
Courts, functions of 242
Cowardly and unjust 278
Credit, insufficient 112
Creditor endowed with attribute
of sovereignty 230
Credit sales 98
Crime 107
Crisis of 1893, cause of 310
Crushing! 228
Cry, silly 279
Cubic yard of gold 62
Currency 3 5
Currency, inflating 290
Currency, not money .306
Currency, present, law conceived
in illegality ; 2S1
Currency, present law, its advo-
cates constantly tinkering at it. 281
Currency, present law, unscien-
tific, unconstitutional, unjust
and clumsy 281
Currency, regulating 281
Dagon 216
Damage 63
Danger, no 254
Dan c;er, the new 210
Daughters of toil 245
Day, sad 354
Death, political 250
Death, temporary _ 321
Debasement, no, but righting a
wrong 291
Debasing money, two ways of... 282
Debt, meaning of 58
Debtor class legislated into slav-
ery 230
Deception 226, 329
Declaration of Independence. ... 187
Declare tender, corporations have
power to 184
Declare tender, persons have
power to 184
Index
359
PAGE
Declare tender, State has power
to . 184
Defects of definitions 84
Defendant endowed with attri-
bute of sovereignty 97
Definition of definition 51
Definition, true, of money 22$
l)eity, impeachment of 126
I )emand 110
I lemocracy 145
Democratic convention, indirect,
or representative 156
Democratic party rids itself of
gold leaders 301
Democratic president in 1884.... 301
Demonetized money ! 224
Depression, long period of 310
Deserter, character of 349
Deserter's slogan, as good money
as any in the world 349
Destruction, preservative 200
Devas, Charles, his definition of
money 35
Devotees never surrender 321
Diamonds m
Dictionary, the Standard 182
Dictum, weighty 249
Difference, increasing, between
real and apparent measure of
value 294
Difficulty, no, with something to
sell 351
Digest of plan 180
Dilemma 136
Direct exchange 129
Director of mint 227, 3°6
1 Mscharger of obligations 58
I lishonest declaring 258
Disparity and scarcity 340
Disparity produced by demon-
etization 342
Disturbance, temporary 338
Dividing South 308
Divine right 73, 74
Divorce law, power to make 158
Doctrine hedged about 157
" Dog, face of " 261
Dollar-piece of gold 195
Dollar, silver, not money.. 227, 228
1 luad, the 57
Duty, great and solemn 167
Duty of sovereign 61, 246
Effective and glaring 130
Effect on silver 302
Elasticity 284
Elasticity, uses of 285
Emancipation proclamation 168
Enactments, not laws 109
Encyclopedia Britannica, its def-
inition of money 31
" Endless chain " 260
England's admission 345
England's demonetization of sil-
ver in 18 1 6 304
England's policy 347
England's reason 345
English form of government .... _■«>< j
PAGE
Englishman, sagacious 270
Ensla\ ement of world 1 j i>
Epithets, opprobrius 327
Error, historical 287
Errors, economic 287
Error, strange jjij
Eternal vigilance 14.S
Etymology [50
Europe 55
Evidence of debt and tender
contradictory 196, 197
Example, a dreadful 328
Example, bad 352
Excuse, no 199
Executive 161
Executive certificate head 291
Expert, mathematical 96
Extension 292
Eair play, not 270
Faith, lost 321
Fall of 65 per cent 2.13
Famine, money 266
Famine, wheat 205
" Fatuous, so " 314
Fear, imaginary 272
Federal officers, titles of 162
Feeling, proper 349
Feudal tenure 254
Fiat money 76, 127
Fiat money, none but 275
Fifty cents silver legislated into
hundred-cent dollar 244
Financiers, shrewd 245
First grand divisions of sov-
ereign powers 156, 158
First point, false or meaningless 51
Five per cent interest 60
" Flag, haul down " 163
" Flooding country with money " 278
Folly 160
Fools, 95 per cent of people. ... 126
Force of maxim in general 241
Foreigner 61
Forced loan, the greenback 206
Form of government, better 199
Form of government of the
United States 156
Four grand divisions of govern-
ment 156
Fractional silver coin.. 59, 224. 293
Fraction, definition of 67
Framers of Constitution 247
Fraud, legal 227
" Free coinage " 253
Fundamental forms of govern-
ment 145
George, Henry 84, 341
Generalization, broader 341
Gage, Lyman J., his definition of
money 36
Germany's demonetization of sil-
ver in 1 87 1 304
Goose hawks high 121
Government, three fundamental
forms of 145
Government, four divisions of.. 156
Golden calf 216
360
Index
Grant and Lee 303
Gray, Justice 183
Gray, the, and the Blue 209
Great men, errors of 195
Great men, no intellectual heirs
of 148
Greenbacks 60, 334
Greenbacks, factories of 194
Greenbacks, counterfeiting, not
punishable 192
Greenbacks during the Civil War 202
Greenback head 294
Greenbacks, if not needed as ten-
der, hurt silver 269
Greenbacks replaced with silver
coin 255
Growth of a century 284
Guilt 205
Gulliver, Lemuel 116
" Hard times " for two years. . . .291
Harm, little, if any 335
Harm, no 388
Harrison's election would have
consolidated the democracy. . .307
" Hayrack " 45, 83
Heads, adding. .293
" Heart of stag " 261
History 300
Honest and fair treatment for all 306
Honest borrowing 258
House of Representatives 160
How, the 332
Humanity, teaches 336
" Hung jury " . 93
"Idiot get through, when will? " 300
Ignorance, wall of 82
Ignorance, trap for 23 1
Ignoratio elenchi 138
Iliad of woes 248
Illegal " legal tender " 131
Illustrations 50, 51, 59, 60,
...61, 68, 84, 86, 91, 92, 224, 318
Impeachment of Deity 126
Incidents 45. ?8, 201
" Incident as closed " 67
Income tax case 241
Inconsistency ■ • • 206
Inconsistency, charge of, against
silver men 232
Increasing length of yardstick. . 108
Indemnity, the French 344
Inducement, mere 242
Inflation of currency 290
Injustice, gross 106
Instances of powers not granted. 158
Instances of powers reserved ... 159
" Instrumentalities " 285, 28S
Instruments, silly, of the unholy
war 267
Interest rates 284
Interest rates, the Congress has
no power over 285
Interpretation 1 57. 204
Interpretation, no contemporane-
ous 242
Interpretation, rule of 175
Interpretation, unique 176
PAGE
Interpreting in and interpreting
out 300
Invention, not of author 70
Issue, old and new, evils of 278
Island, Crusoe 272
Jane 100
Jefferson, his denial 247
Jefferson, made no argument. .. .247
Jefferson, Thomas 247
Jewess 74
Judicial will supreme law 187
Jury, congressional. 178
Jury, estimating 96
Jury, selecting money 93
Kakistocracy 147
Kinds of money, how many?. . . .289
Kings, gold and silver 267
" Knight, plumed " 250
Labor 254
Labor stored in lands and homes 262
Labor stored in money 263, 327
Labor stored in personal prop-
erty 263
Ladies 272
Lady, pious Southern 315
Landcleave 124
Language, contradictory 63
Language, changed 185
Language, similar, compared. .. .213
Language reversed 185
Language vague 285
Large transaction, silver can be
used in 338
Laughlin, Professor. .45, 66, 82, 229
Law". 52, 100
Law, controls entirely 275
Law, deeper 341
Law, source of power 244
Law, The Gresham 340
7.
20m -1, '42(8510)
1JNIV a OF CALIFORNIA
AT
LOS ANGELES
LIBRARY
556 Fitzgerald -
years* war on
silver.
UC SOUTHERN REGIONA
L LIBRARY FACILITY
AA 000 593 793 3
DEMCO 234N
T7
Ha
556
F57t