E 
 ft 
 
 RIGHT AND WRONG 
 
 AMONGST THE 
 
 ABOLITIONISTS OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 WITH AN INTRODUCTORY LETTER BY 
 
 HARRIET MARTINEAU, 
 
 AUTHOR OF "THE MARTYR AGE OF THE UNITKD STATES OF AMERICA;' 
 
 an 
 
 BY JOHN A. COLLINS, 
 
 REPRESENTATIVE OF THE AMERICAN ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY. 
 
 " Let us meet , 
 
 And question this most shameful piece of work, 
 To know it further. Fears and scruples shake us : 
 In the great hand of God I stand : and thence, 
 Against the undivulged pretence, I fight, 
 Of treasonous malice." SHAKSPEARK. 
 
 BOSTON .Pu- . LIB' 
 
 SECOND EDITION. 
 
 GLASGOW: 
 
 PUBLISHED BY GEO. GALLIE, 99, BUCHANAN STREET. 
 
 SOLD BY JOHN SYMINGTON & CO. J. M'LEOD, & D. ROBERTSON, BOOKSELLERS 
 
 AND BY WILLIAM SMEAL ; 
 
 DUBLIN, P. KENNEDY, OFFICE OF THE HIBERNIAN ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY, 
 28, ANGLESEA STREET, 
 
 ' MDCCCXLI. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 THE following Letter, to one of the most devoted among the Abolitionists 
 in Great Britain, from Miss MARTINEAU, the well-known and talented 
 authoress of " The Martyr Age of the United States of America" con- 
 tains sentiments so admirable, and gives such a clear exposition of the 
 Causes of the Division among American Abolitionists, that it is inserted 
 here, as an Introduction to this pamphlet : 
 
 TYNEMOUTH, NORTHUMBERLAND, '27th Feb., 1841. 
 
 MY V DEAR FRIEND, I have read the Statements in " Eight and 
 Wrong among the Abolitionists of the United States," with respect to 
 the Differences between the two Anti-Slavery Societies in America, with 
 a strong and painful interest. I wish I could adequately express my sense 
 of the duty of every one interested in the cause of the Negro, of Human 
 Freedom at large, to read and deeply meditate this piece of history. I 
 am not more firmly persuaded of any thing, than that those who, on the 
 present occasion, listen to one side only, or refuse to hear either, are doing 
 the deepest injury in their power to the Anti-Slavery cause, and sowing 
 the seeds of a bitter future repentance. 
 
 I am aware how distasteful are the details of a strife. I know but too 
 well, from my own experience, how natural it is to turn away, with a faint 
 and sickening heart, from the exposure of the enmities of those whose 
 first friendship sprang up in the field of benevolent labours. I fully 
 understand the feelings of offended delicacy which would close ,the ears 
 and seal the lips of those who have been fellow-workers with both the 
 parties now alienated. Among all these causes of recoil, I see how it is 
 but too probable that the Anti-Slavery parties on the other side of the 
 Atlantic may be left by many of their British brethren to " settle their 
 own affairs," to " fight their own battles." But if I had a voice which 
 would penetrate wherever I wished, I would ask in the depths of every 
 heart that feels for the Slave whether it should be so ; whether such 
 indifference and recoil may not be as criminal in us as dissension in them ; 
 whether, in declining to do justice to the true friends of the Slave, (on 
 whichever side they may appear to be) we may not be guilty of treachery 
 as fatal as compromising with his enemies. 
 
 Those who devote themselves to the redemption of an oppressed class or 
 race do, by their act of self-devotion, pledge themselves to the discharge 
 of the lowest and most irksome offices of protection, as much as to that of 
 the most cordial and animating. We are bound, not only to fight against 
 foes whom we never saw, and upon whom our sympathies never rested ; 
 not only to work for millions of poor creatures, so grateful for our care, 
 that they are ready to kiss the hem of our garments. This kind of 
 
service, however lavish it may require us to be of our labour, our time, 
 our money, is easy enough in comparison with one which is equally 
 binding upon us. It is also our duty to withdraw our sympathy and 
 countenance from our fellow-labourers, (however great their former merits 
 and our love,) when they compromise the cause. It is our duty to expose 
 their guilt when, by their act of compromise, they oppress and betray 
 those brethren whose nobleness is a rebuke to themselves. This painful 
 duty may every friend of the Negro in this country now find himself 
 called upon to discharge, if he gives due attention to the state of Anti- 
 Slavery affairs in America. If he does not give this attention, it would 
 be better for him that he never named the Negro and his cause : for it is 
 surely better to stand aloof from a philanthropic enterprise than to mix 
 up injustice with it. 
 
 The first movers in the Anti-Slavery cause in America, those who have 
 stood firm through the fierce persecutions of many years, who have main- 
 tained their broad platform of catholic principles, who have guarded their 
 original Constitution from innovation and circumscription, Garrison, 
 and his corps of devout, devoted, and catholic fellow-labourers, with the 
 Bible in their heart of hearts, and its spirit in all their ways, are now in 
 a condition in which they need our support. They have been oppressed, 
 betrayed, pillaged, and slandered. Not they, but their foes, are the inno- 
 vators, the bigots, the unscrupulous proselyters k the preachers of a new 
 doctrine, modified to propitiate the pro-Slavery spirit of the country in 
 which they live. No one will call my words too strong, my accusations 
 exaggerated, who will read the evidence relating to the transfer of the 
 Emancipator, (for one instance) or, casting an eye upon the statement of 
 accounts of the American Anti-Slavery Society, will perceive who voted 
 into their own pockets the money by which the Emancipator might have 
 been sustained, under whose commission the assailants of the Old Organi- 
 zation crossed the Atlantic, and at whose expense they travelled through- 
 out our country, sowing calumnies against Garrison and his faithful com- 
 panions through the length and breadth of our land. When the friends 
 of the Slave here are told of treachery, pillage, and slander, will they 
 hazard being a party to the guilt, for want of enquiry, even though the 
 London Anti-Slavery Committee, and their organ, the Reporter, at present 
 appear to stand in that predicament ? If they would avoid such a liabil- 
 ity, let them read and consider the Statement by which the case is placed 
 fully before them. 
 
 No one is more ready than I to make allowance for lapse in the friends 
 of the Negro in America. I have seen too much of the suffering (not 
 conceivable here) consequent upon a profession of Anti-Slavery principles, 
 to wonder that there are but few who can endure, from year to year, the 
 infliction from without, the probing of the soul within, which visits the 
 apostles of freedom in a land which maintains Slavery on its soil. From 
 my heart I pity those who, having gone into the enterprise, find that they 
 have not strength for it, and that they are drawn by their weakness into 
 acts of injustice towards such as are stronger than themselves ; for those 
 who are not with the thorough-going are necessarily against them. We 
 must regard with even respectful compassion the first misgivings, before 
 they have become lapse. But what then must we feel, what ought we 
 to do for those who have strength, for those who can suffer to the end, 
 for those who are, after the pelting of a ten years' pitiless storm, as 
 firm, as resolved, as full of vital warmth as ever, as prepared still to 
 abide the tempest, till the deluge of universal conviction shall sweep away 
 
the iniquity of Slavery from the earth ? Shall we refuse to hear the tale 
 of their injuries, of their justification, because others have refused, or 
 because the story is painful ? May we dare to call ourselves workers in 
 the Anti-Slavery cause while thus deserting the chief of its apostles now 
 living in the world ? 
 
 All believe that the truth will finally prevail ; and you and I, dear 
 friend, have a firm faith that therefore the Old Organization, with Garri- 
 son at its head, will prevail, at length, over the base enmity of the seced- 
 ers. But we ought not to be satisfied with their prevailing at length, till 
 we see whether they cannot be enabled to stand their ground now. Not 
 a moment is to be lost. Not for a moment should their noble hearts be 
 left uncheered ; not for a moment should the Slave-holder be permitted 
 to fan his embers of hope ; not for a moment should the American Slave 
 be compelled to tremble at the adversity of his earliest and staunchest 
 friends, if we can, by any effort, obtain a hearing for the cause. Let us 
 urge and rouse all who are about us, not to receive our mere assertions, 
 not to take our convictions upon trust, but to read, search out, and 
 weigh the evidence, and judge for themselves. 
 
 This is all that is needed ; for I believe there is not a friend of the 
 Slave, in any part of the world, who, knowing the facts, would not make 
 haste to offer his right hand to Garrison and his company, and his voice 
 and purse to their cause. 
 
 I am, yours very truly, 
 
 HARRIET MARTINEAU. 
 
PREPACK 
 
 IT is a fact which cannot be disguised, and which ought, in its causes, to 
 be well understood, that there is an unhappy division among the Aboli- 
 tionists in America that they are divided into two parties, both pro- 
 fessedly holding the same principles, and adopting the same measures, to 
 procure the Immediate Abolition of Slavery ; yet, strange to say, one 
 party exercises the most bitter and unrelenting hostility against the other 
 strange, because it would seem natural to suppose, that if they were 
 united on this subject, in principle, they would not be hostile to each 
 other in action. 
 
 A minority has seceded from the Original American Anti-Slavery 
 Society, and formed a rival Association, the object of which, interpreted 
 by its official organ, agents, and auxiliaries, appears to be the entire 
 annihilation of the Society from which it has seceded. 
 
 This opposition is based upon the alleged ground, that the American 
 Anti-Slavery Society makes " Woman's Rights," " Non-Resistance," and 
 other extraneous questions, a necessary part of the Anti-Slavery princi- 
 ples : that prominent and leading Abolitionists were constantly disturb- 
 ing the harmony of the Anti-Slavery meetings, by forcing upon them 
 their peculiar religious and political views ; and that the objectors were 
 compelled to secede, and form a new society, for the sake of peace and 
 the interests of the Slave. 
 
 Such are the charges. To them all, the American Anti-Slavery Society 
 pleads, NOT GUILTY. It denies (and its official proceedings will corro- 
 borate the truth of the denial,) ever having entertained, as a Society, any 
 other views than that Slavery was a sin against God, and ought immedi- 
 ately to be abolished By its constitution, it can proscribe no person 
 on account of his religion, country, sex, complexion, sect or caste, but is 
 bound to welcome all as fellow-labourers, who will co-operate for Imme- 
 diate and Unconditional Emancipation. It silences no person who feels 
 moved to plead for all such as are under oppression. Its platform is on 
 the most broad and catholic principles ; and while it establishes no reli- 
 gious or political test of membership, but is common to all persons, it 
 denies, at the same time, the right of any one, to make his peculiar 
 religious or political opinions binding on his associates, as Abolitionists. 
 Such is the reply of the American Anti-Slavery Society to the charges 
 brought against it. 
 
 The design of the following pages is to prove, that the American Anti- 
 Slavery Society has, from its origin to the present time, pursued one 
 uniform and consistent course of action. That its principles and mea- 
 sures are the same now, as at its formation in 1833, the same as at the 
 time of the "American Union" in 1835, when a most artful attempt was 
 
made by a body of clergymen, under the plea of love for the Slave, to 
 propitiate the pro-Slavery spirit of the prejudiced multitude, by with- 
 drawing from the enterprise the life-giving energy of its principles; 
 the same as at the time of the "Clerical Appeal" of 1837, when 
 another subtle and crafty movement was made by some Anti-Slavery 
 ministers, to deliver over the enterprise into the hands of the Clergy, 
 by destroying the Anti-Slavery principle, through the destruction of its 
 essential measures. That the charges preferred against the Society at 
 the periods alluded to, were very nearly the same in kind and degree as 
 those now urged against it. That now, as then, the division is the act and 
 the fault of the seceders, who, unable longer to endure the odium conse- 
 quent upon an uncompromising adherence to the principles and measures 
 of the original American Anti-Slavery Society, prefer a compromise 
 of the cause to the spirit of proscription. Unwilling to yield up the 
 cause of the Slave altogether, they have descended a few steps from their 
 former lofty position, and erected a half-way-house between Liberty and 
 Slavery. The seceders, in justification of their policy, have brought the 
 most cruel charges against the original Society, for refusing now, as 
 formerly, to introduce any new test, or to become the tool of any SECT 
 or PARTY. 
 
 The reader is not required to credit the truth of the above statements 
 upon mere assertion. The strongest evidence will be adduced from the 
 official and other documents issued by those who, once the bold defenders 
 of the constitution, principles, and measures of the American Anti-Slavery 
 Society, are now actively engaged in efforts for its destruction. 
 
 The question may arise in the minds of some, Why force this matter, 
 which relates to America, and which might be left for the Abolitionists of 
 that country to settle among themselves, upon the friends of the Negro in 
 Great Britain, and thus disturb the harmony of the cause in this country ? 
 
 It may be answered, First, That all associations seeking the Abolition of 
 Slavery must, necessarily, share the sympathy of every British philanthro- 
 pist, in proportion to their integrity, zeal, and efficiency in promoting this 
 great cause ; and hence the investigation of their respective merits is 
 obligatory, and, in the language of James G. Birney, " the Abolitionists of 
 Britain, on all the principles of justice and fair dealing, are entitled to be 
 informed, and that in the most distinct and ingenuous manner, what are 
 the aims of those who seek their co-operation." 
 
 Second, That THE ONLY TWO BODIES IN AMERICA, favourable to the 
 Immediate Emancipation of American Slaves, are the original American 
 Anti-Slavery Society, which has been known, for the last eight years, as 
 the uncompromising and faithful advocate of the oppressed Slave, and 
 has commanded the respect and admiration of the Abolitionists of this 
 country and the New Society, the " American and Foreign Anti-Slavery 
 Society," called into existence within the last ten months. 
 
 Third, That the seceders claim to be the only true friends of the Slave, 
 and have constituted themselves the "American and Foreign Anti-Slavery 
 Society," and, under this name, present themselves emphatically as THE 
 Anti-Slavery Society of America. Thus acting, they have preferred 
 charges against the original Society which, if true, should not only alienate 
 the confidence of every friend of the Slave, but would justify every pos- 
 sible effort for its destruction, as the Slave's worst enemy. The Society, 
 however, is to be presumed innocent, till proved guilty. Hence, in order 
 to form a right judgment, the question should be candidly, fully, and de- 
 voutly examined ; and if, after impartial investigation, it shall appear that 
 
8 
 
 the charges have no foundation \nfact, but that this Society is opposed 
 and calumniated by Slave-holders on the one hand, and by compromising 
 brother professors on the other, for its unwavering integrity, then it 
 must, ought, and will have an additional claim upon all the friends of the 
 Negro, for their contributions, their sympathies, and their prayers. 
 
 fourth, That the subject of this division is already before the British 
 people, who have, through the Committee of the British and Foreign Anti- 
 Slavery Society of London, already taken sides against the American 
 Anti-Slavery Society. It is painful to be compelled to state, that this 
 Committee have not given the British people an opportunity of judging 
 for themselves upon this question ; as they have uniformly published 
 in the Reporter, their official organ, statements tending to destroy all 
 confidence in the American Anti-Slavery Society, and have refused 
 to publish documents refuting false statements and calumnies. 
 
 Fifth, That, above all other considerations, justice to the oppressed 
 Millions in the United Stages, demands of British philanthropists an early 
 investigation of this question; for so long as this division exists, in which 
 one party is undermining the character, standing, and influence of the 
 other, it is evident that the power of action of both upon the great 
 cause for which they were established, must be, in a very great degree, 
 neutralized, and the Abolition of Slavery necessarily deferred to an 
 indefinite period. 
 
 The testimony adduced (though but a tithe of what might be brought 
 forward, did the limits of this pamphlet permit) will, we trust, be sufficient 
 to prove conclusively, to every one who will take the pains to give the 
 subject a thorough investigation, that those who have seceded from the 
 ORIGINAL AMERICAN ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY, HAVE IN- 
 TRODUCED A NEW SYSTEM OF THINGS things which they had, till of 
 late, uniformly "repudiated" "AS VIRTUAL ENMITY TO THE 
 GREAT CAUSE," and CALCULATED TO DISTRACT ANTI- 
 SLAVERY SOCIETIES." Having introduced these new tests, they now 
 demand assent to them, and proscribe every society and individual who will 
 not join them in their crusade against principles on which, to use their 
 own language, they, as Abolitionists, " HAVE NO AUTHORITY TO SIT IN 
 JUDGMENT." It will also, it is believed, appear evident, that the general 
 questions of "Woman's Rights" and " Non-Resistance" the ONLY grounds 
 openly and officially assigned for their secession, are not the true reasons ; 
 for when these fail in any place to destroy confidence in the Society, other 
 objections are urged, adapted to the various prejudices of those whose 
 co-operation and influence they aim to secure. To sustain and perpetuate 
 their position, the sectarian feelings of the religious are appealed to. 
 They do not scruple to heap upon those who will not follow them the 
 charge of Unitarianism, Infidelity, and, in fact, every unpopular and ob- 
 noxious epithet, which, to those unacquainted with the question, may supply 
 the place of facts and arguments. This being the case, the objections will 
 not be anticipated which those may prefer, who are resolved upon the 
 annihilation of the American Anti-Slavery Society. Cunning and sophistry 
 may, by their thousand turnings, 
 
 " Make the worse appear the better cause" 
 
 yet the reader, from the facts embodied in the following documentary evi- 
 dence, will perceive the animus of the Seceders, and be prepared to appre- 
 ciate their arguments, and to form a correct judgment, after a full, serious, 
 and prayerful investigation of the whole question. 
 
It is to be hoped, that the reader will not let the Appendix pass un- 
 noticed, particularly that part of it which relates to an individual who is 
 intimately connected with the cause in the United States,* and who has, 
 in this country, been secretly, and by the tongue of slander, most cruelly 
 misrepresented and calumniated. There is now no hope, on the part 
 of the Seceders, of effecting the downfall of those thorough Anti-Slavery 
 principles, which disturb the inglorious quiet of the Apologists for 
 Slavery, while he and his coadjutors 
 
 " Upon the nation's naked heart, 
 Scatter the living coals of truth." 
 
 The oppressed and the oppressor alike perceive, as it were, by instinct, 
 the policy which has in itself an adaptedness to promote their respective 
 interests. The voice of disapprobation invariably given by the free 
 coloured people f against " New Organization," on the one hand, and the 
 approving tone of the pro-Slavery press J towards it, on the other, is as 
 strong testimony as can be given in favour of the integrity of the American 
 Anti-Slavery Society ; and therefore, it is hoped that that part of the 
 Appendix relating to the views of each will not be passed by unread. 
 
 In exposing the opposition which the Anti-Slavery cause has received 
 from the clergy, no disrespect is intended to be cast on the office of 
 the ministry. No one has a higher regard than the writer, for a clergy- 
 man who is faithful to the duties of his calling. The history of the 
 Emancipation Enterprise, in the United States, cannot however, be 
 given, without frequent allusion to the obstructive influence of the clergy, 
 and the bare revelation of facts, with respect to their course, without 
 note or comment, cannot but place them in an unenviable position, before 
 the Christians of Great Britain. 
 
 That the reader may be better qualified to judge of the rise, progress, 
 nature, and influence of the present division in America, it is necessary 
 that a brief sketch of the Anti-Slavery cause, from its origin to the present 
 time, should be given ; that he may perceive the various instrumentalities, 
 assuming different aspects, which have been used with a view to destroy 
 this great enterprize. 
 
 J. A. C. 
 
 6, Queen St. Place, Southwark Bridg 
 LONUOX. 
 
 See Appendix. A. f Sec Appendix B. J See Appendix C, 
 
10 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 THE ASSAULT. 
 
 " tyrants ! in vain ye trace the wizard ring, 
 In vain ye limit, mind's unwearied spring. 
 What ! can ye lull the winged winds asleep, 
 Arrest the rolling world, or chain the deep r" 
 
 CAMPBELL. 
 
 PREVIOUS to 1829, the hopes of the Slaves and free people of Colour in 
 the United States were involved in thick darkness. The free States, by 
 their ecclesiastical, political, and other relations to the Slave-holding States, 
 were deeply though unconsciously interested in the continuance of the 
 vicious and wretched system of Slavery. Every body was opposed to it, 
 and yet felt exonerated from all responsibility for its continuance. 
 
 The American Colonization Society, at this time, was in the full enjoy- 
 ment of popular favour. As it neither attacked Slavery nor the inhuman 
 prejudice against the people of colour, but connived at and apologized 
 for both, it received no opposition in its course, but carried in its channel 
 the whole current of human sympathy as the Slave's best and only friend. 
 Under these circumstances, Mr Garrison, a young man without wealth, 
 title, or influence, charged upon the entire country the responsibility of 
 sustaining this atrocious system. The doctrines which he put forth were, 
 that it was a sin against God to brutalize and enslave His image, and that 
 the immediate and unconditional abolition of the system was a duty. This 
 assault upon Slavery proved to be an attack upon the Colonization Society, 
 which towered up like a mountain between the truth and the Slave-holder, 
 and received the shafts designed for his conscience This led to an in- 
 vestigation of the principles and measures of that Association, and to the 
 subsequent exposition, on the part of Mr Garrison, of its rottenness and 
 inhumanity. This Society, embracing as it did all the ecclesiastical and 
 political influence of the country, constituted the principal opponent to 
 the Anti-Slavery enterprize. 
 
 The principles of the Abolitionists, which were at first treated as wild, 
 visionary, unconstitutional, and unchristian, spread to such an extent, that 
 in 1833, delegates from most of the free States convened in Philadelphia, 
 and instituted the American Anti-Slavery Society. This Association, 
 through the greatest opposition, calumny, and ridicule, so increased, 
 both in numbers and influence, that in 1835, the friends of Slavery, per- 
 ceiving that their "peculiar institutions" were fast falling into disrepute, 
 leagued with Colonizationists, to check, by acts of violence, the onward 
 and rapid march of Anti-Slavery principles. Their proceedings, in relation 
 to the various mobs of this year, cast new light upon the true nature and 
 influence of Colonization ; and those who had previously stood with one 
 foot upon this Society, and the other upon the Anti-Slavery Society, de- 
 precating their opposition, and desiring their amalgamation, now withdrew 
 their countenance from the one which would not stand the proof. 
 
 From this time, colonization lost its hold upon the affections of the 
 Anti-Slavery people of New England, and retired to its proper place, fur- 
 ther south. Yet its spirit still survived in the North, and assumed a new- 
 appearance, to delude the Abolitionists, and divert their minds from the 
 great, and then unpopular question of Immediatism? The new Associa- 
 
11 
 
 tion which hence arose, took the name of "THE AMERICAN UNION, 
 for the Relief and Improvement of the Coloured Race'' It was constituted 
 chiefly by a body of clergymen, known as inimical to the Abolitionists, 
 while they professed to be the only true and consistent friends of the Slave. 
 They were all "Abolitionists in the abstract," and professed to be in favour 
 of Emancipation, but could not endure the test-word " Immediatism" 
 They were all " opposed to Slavery as much as anybody," but were 
 shocked at the idea of declaring it to be " always sinful" These two 
 phrases, " Immediate Emancipation" and " Slavery always sinful," con- 
 stituted the only cause of separation between the Abolitionists and the 
 friends of "American Union.' To those unacquainted with the genius 
 of Slavery and the subtlety of its abettors, this appears to be a very small 
 matter for division ; nevertheless, the sentiments of the parties upon 
 Slavery were as opposite as the poles. The differences between them were 
 these : 
 
 The one Society apologized for, and connived at Slavery, while it 
 made the strongest professions of pity for the poor Slave : the other boldly 
 declared its intention of labouring for its overthrow. 
 
 The one was loud in declaiming against the evils consequent upon the 
 system of Slavery, but condemned all expressions which would appear to 
 censure good, pious Slave-holders, or those devoted clergymen who did 
 not feel it to be their duty to talk, preach, or pray upon the subject : the 
 other considered silence or neutrality upon this question as apologizing for 
 Slavery, and that those ministers of the gospel who would condemn 
 oppression in Greece or Poland, or sympathize with the poor, ignorant, 
 and degraded heathen in Asia or Africa, and yet remain silent upon greater 
 oppression and abominations at their very doors, were recreant to the 
 high trust to which God had appointed them. 
 
 The one was grieved that the cause of the poor Slave should be made 
 to suffer from the " improper action of females :" the other rejoiced to 
 receive the co-operation of all in abolishing sin and misery. 
 
 " The American Union," deprecating all harsh and unchristian measures 
 (i. e. all declarations that Slavery was a sin against God, and that it was the 
 duty of all to lift up their voices against its continuance,) at first found 
 favour with many Anti-Slavery friends, and those who would be Abolition- 
 ists, were it not for the odium attached to their principles. However, as 
 it embraced no great moral truths, but was governed by the ever-shifting 
 principle of expediency, it lived but to see one anniversary, and is now 
 only remembered as an institution that once existed to oppose the progress 
 of Emancipation. 
 
 To show the animus of this Society, the following anecdote (from among 
 a great number which might be introduced, did space permit), will be 
 sufficient: 
 
 " Mr C. Tappan requested Mr Homer, an editor of one of the pro- Slavery 
 papers, to publish the proceedings of the convention which organized the 
 'American Union. 1 Mr Homer refused giving, as a reason, that he was 
 opposed to all the movements of the Abolitionists ; to which Mr Tappau replied, 
 that the object was to put down Garrison." 
 
CHAPTER II. 
 
 THE STRUGGLE. 
 
 " Pilate and Herod, friends ! 
 
 , '' Chief priests and rulers as of old. combine, ! 
 
 j _ Just God and holy ! is that Church which lends 
 
 Strength to the spoiler, Thine ?" 
 
 WHIMIER. 
 
 MR GAURISON had made himself, from the commencement of the Anti- 
 Slavery struggle, peculiarly obnoxious to the clergy, from the ability and 
 faithfulness which he has evinced, in exposing the hypocrisy and cruelty of 
 the American Colonization Society, with which almost the whole of that 
 body were connected. His exposure of the time-serving policy of the 
 American Union, and of its destructive influence upon the cause of Eman- 
 cipation, did not add to his popularity. He was constantly assailed with 
 reproach. The newspaper, called the Liberator, the pioneer in the cause 
 his own private property was attacked as a dangerous publication, 
 and irreligious in its tendency. So far as the general influence of the 
 clergy extended, its character and influence was destroyed. It exercised 
 too much freedom for their purpose. It spoke with too much plainness 
 on the duties and responsibilities of ministers. While the infuriated 
 legislature of Georgia, a Slave State, was offering a reward of 5000 dollars 
 for the apprehension of Mr Garrison, and the Northern mob, composed 
 of " gentlemen of property and standing," was leading him about the 
 street, with a halter on his shoulders, the Northern pulpit and religious 
 press were laying upon him the responsibility charging upon him the 
 guilt of these outbursts of popular prejudice and wrath. 
 
 The following, from the CHRISTIAN WATCHMAN, in speaking of the 
 mob alluded to above, illustrates the general feeling of the religious press: 
 
 " While we have no apology to offer for a riot, under any circumstances, we 
 hold as being equally culpable those who persist in a course that is calculated to 
 excite such proceedings." 
 
 The active and efficient labours of Women, in circulating petitions, 
 raising funds, occasionally pleading for the bondman, and in doing what 
 their hands found to do, to aid and encourage their brethren in their un- 
 equal conflict with oppression, greatly distressed those whose lips were 
 sealed against that system which drives nearly a million of innocent 
 women into the cotton fields, rice swamps, and sugar plantations, to toil, 
 naked and exposed to the scorchings of a tropical sun, under the la^h of a 
 task-master. The following extract from " THE CHRISTIAN REGISTER" 
 of August, 1835, (edited by a clergyman,) at the time the meeting of the 
 " Boston Female Anti-Slavery Society" was broken up by a gentlemanly 
 mob of 5000, will exhibit the general state of feeling of the religious press 
 on this subject : 
 
 " But when we come to the grave subjects of political reform, embracing- 
 complicated national interests (!) it might be wiser in the gentler sex to seek in- 
 formation at home, and lend their influence in a more private way." 
 
 The leading members of the Boston Female Anti- Slavery Society 
 were instrumental in procuring the liberty of two female Slaves, (who had 
 been brought into Massachusetts,) by securing a decision of the Court of 
 
13 
 
 that State, that every Slave brought within its jurisdiction was, by its 
 laws, declared to be instantly free. The following brief extract, from the 
 Boston Recorder, a pro-Slavery paper, the organ of the Congregation al- 
 ists, the largest and most influential body of Christians in New England, 
 and edited by several clergymen, will illustrate the spirit of the religious 
 press. To destroy the influence of the Women in this philanthropic work, 
 the enemies of the cause endeavoured to identify their movements with 
 " Woman s Rights" or some other obnoxious question. Its dignity of 
 style for a religious newspaper, and its refinement of satire, in connexion 
 with this topic, is particularly to be observed : 
 
 " Women have rights, too, and must not be browbeaten out of them by public 
 opinion. One of their legal and constitutional rights is, to get married, if they 
 can. If any unmarried woman can think of any man, whose duty it is to marry 
 her, she has an undoubted legal and constitutional right to go to him and tell 
 him so, and argue the case with him, if he will listen, and convince him, if she 
 be able." 
 
 To encourage foreigners, coloured people, and the Women to labour 
 more zealously, and to answer the repeated assertions of the pro-Slavery 
 party, that it was improper and unchristian for Women to meddle with the 
 Anti-Slavery question ; that GEO. THOMPSON, and other foreigners, 
 had no right to interfere with their " peculiar institutions ;" and that 
 coloured people ought not to be allowed to associate with their white 
 brethren in their incendiary crusade against the rights of the Slave-holder ; 
 the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society, at its Annual Meeting in 1836, 
 passed a resolution unanimously declaring : 
 
 " That we consider the Anti- Slavery cause the cause of philanthropy, with 
 regard to which all human beings, white men and coloured men, citizens and 
 foreigners, MEN and WOMEN, have the same duties and the same rights." 
 
 Several individuals were at this meeting who have since left the same 
 Society, on the ground that Women are not excluded from the Society. 
 Who has changed ? 
 
 Nothing occurred to disturb the harmony of the Anti-Slavery enter- 
 prise, beyond the constant reiteration of the old objections of the impro- 
 priety of female action, harsh language, unconstitutional and unchristian 
 proceedings the ordinary opposition from the clergy and from political 
 partizans, with an occasional outburst of popular indignation, tending to 
 foster a growing interest for the cause, till the summer of 1 837. Ange- 
 lina E., and Sarah M. Grimke, two highly-educated women, natives of a 
 Silave-holding State, and formerly Slave-holders, members of the Society 
 of Friends, and fully conversant with the nature and influence of Slavery, 
 appeared at that time in Massachusetts as public lecturers ; and by their 
 efficient labours and powerful appeals, mightily stirred up all that was 
 sympathetic, humane, and religious, in favour of the immediate annihila- 
 tion of this soul-destroying system. 
 
 The clergy, who denied the right of an advocate of the Anti-Slavery 
 cause to enter within their respective parochial limits, in order to agitate 
 " the perplexing question " without their consent, and who were particu- 
 larly shocked at the less conspicuous activity which the Women had, with 
 but few exceptions, before exercised in the Anti-Slavery cause, could not, for 
 a moment, tolerate the idea that women, and Quaker women too, holding, 
 as they did, peculiar and dangerous views, regarding the Sabbath, the 
 church, the ordinances, and the priesthood, should be allowed to itinerate 
 as public lecturers. The audience of three days, which the Legislature of 
 Massachusetts afforded to these women, was a standing rebuke to those 
 ministers who professed to be mouths for the dumb. It is unnecessary to 
 
14 
 
 add, that the influence of these women upon the Legislature was very 
 powerful. 
 
 The religious pro-Slavery party now endeavoured to divert the public 
 mind from the great question of Immediate Emancipation, (which, in con- 
 sequence of the effective labours of the Grimke's, was commanding an 
 unusual interest,) to the improprieties and indelicacies of " woman's 
 bearing an active part in matters of religious reform," &c. 
 
 The pro-Slavery pulpit now gave forth its doctrines and its censures 
 against what were termed " Woman's rights" The " General Association 
 of Massachusetts," a notoriously pro-Slavery body, was immediately con- 
 vened, and issued a letter to the churches under their care. The follow- 
 ing brief extracts from the " Pastoral Letter " alluded to above, (issued 
 in 1837*) will give an idea of the interest and spirit of the production : 
 
 " The first topic upon which we would speak, has respect to the perplexed 
 and agitating subjects which are now common amongst us is that they [i. e. the 
 abolition principles] should not be FORCED upon any church, as matters for 
 debate at the hazard of alienation and division. Once it would have seemed 
 strange, even to hint that members of churches could wish to FORCE a subject for 
 debate upon their pastor and their brethren of the same church. But we are com- 
 pelled to mourn over the loss, in a degree, of that deference to the pastoral office." 
 
 " We would call your attention to the importance of maintaining that respect 
 and deference to the pastoral office, which is enjoined in Scripture, and which is 
 essential to the best influence of the ministry on you and your children." * * * 
 " One way in which this respect has been in some cases violated, is in encourag- 
 ing lecturers or preachers on certain topics of reform to present their subjects 
 within the parochial limits of settled pastors without tJieir consent (/!)" * * * 
 " If there are certain topics upon which he does not preach with the frequency 
 or in the manner that would please you, it is a violation of sacred and impor- 
 tant rights to encourage a stranger to present them. Deference and subordina- 
 tion are essential to the happiness of society, and peculiarly so in the relation of 
 a people to their pastor." * * * * 
 
 " We invite your attention to the dangers which at present seem to threaten 
 the female character with wide-spread and permanent injury." * * * * 
 
 " We appreciate the unostentatious prayers and efforts of woman in advancing 
 the cause of religion at home and abroad ; in Sabbath-schools, in leading reli- 
 gious enquirers to the pastor for instruction, and in all such associated efforts as 
 become the modesty of her sex ; and earnestly hope that she may abound more 
 and more in the labours of piety and love. But when she assumes the place and 
 tone of man as a public reformer, our care and protection of her seem unneces- 
 sary, we put ourselves in self-defence against her, she yields the power which 
 God has given her for protection, and her character becomes unnatural." * * * 
 
 " We cannot, therefore, but regret the mistaken conduct of those who encour- 
 age females to bear an obtrusive and ostentatious part in measures of reform, 
 and countenance any of that sex who so far forget themselves as to itinerate in 
 the character of public lecturers and teachers." 
 
 Well might the poet give utterance to the following, after perusing this 
 
 production : So this is all the utmost reach 
 
 Of priestly power the mind to fetter ! 
 When laymen think when women preach 
 A war of words a l Pastoral Letter!' " 
 
 The following limited extracts from a few of the many sermons preach- 
 ed at this time, and printed and widely circulated over the country, by 
 tfye. most notorious enemies of the Anti-Slavery enterprise, will give an 
 idea of the general spirit and opposition of the pulpit : 
 
 "It is made the duty of woman so far as religious assemblies are concerned, 
 to learn and not to teach to learn in silence. And then a reason is given for it ; 
 ". e. that it would be an unseemly usurping of authority, for one who should 
 bear the marks of subjection. 
 
 "Not only were women not permitted to harangue a Christian audience, but 
 
15 
 
 they were not permitted to ask a question in public. If they met any thing in 
 the public instructions which they could not understand or consent to, they must 
 confer -with their husbands at home respecting it. It is treated not only as 
 wrong, but f a shame,' a scandalous offence against propriety and decency. ' It 
 is a shame for a woman to speak in the church.' " 
 
 " We do not evade the rule on the ground that the word church is used, and 
 therefore it does not apply to all religious assemblies. This is an evasion which 
 is good only to English ears. The word here translated church, means assem- 
 blies of any character or description. It is equally descriptive of the small 
 social meeting of men and women, and the great congregation of religious or 
 secular meetings, where one stands forth to harangue an assembly. It is par- 
 allel with the word assembly, or meeting, and the prohibition is as broad as if 
 meeting had been the word, and as if the Apostle had said, it is a shame for a 
 woman to speak in public meetings!" Rev. Parson Cook's Sermon. 
 
 " The legitimate effect of being converted to the popular measures of the 
 Abolitionists, (popular, I mean, among a certain class not with the great mass 
 of the people God forbid,) is a neglect of some of the appropriate duties of 
 woman. Her time, she is apt to think, can be better employed than to devote it 
 to her own peculiar household concerns ; and therefore, she becomes a sort of 
 travelling agent for those who make it a business to lead captive ' silly women.' *' 
 Rev. Mr Folsoiris Sermon. 
 
 " When, forsaking the domestic hearth, her delicate voice is heard from house 
 to house, or in social assemblies, rising in harsh unnatural tones of denunciation 
 against civil laws and rulers, against measures involving political and State affairs, 
 of which she is nearly as ignorant as the child she left at home in the cradle (!) against 
 churches and ministers, perhaps her own pastor, and certainly all who dissent 
 from her views ; expecting to reform politics and churches, and to put down 
 every real and supposed evil in them, by the right arm of female power, and 
 clamorous for the organization of female societies, for this specific object ; not 
 slow to anathematize all who do not submit to her dictation, in the stereotype 
 phraseology of certain modern charity, as 'time-serving men,' and 'canting 
 hypocrites.' " Rev. Mr Winsloufs Sermon. 
 
 Thus these hirelings of Slavery 
 
 " Choke down at once each breathing thing 
 
 That whispers of the rights of man. 
 And all 
 
 " Bnt force the Spirit of Grace itself, to bind 
 His consort, Liberty." 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 THE REVOLT, OB CLERICAL APPEAL. 
 
 " Ah ! 'tis often thus. When a righteous cause 
 Is struggling 'gainst its hydra-headed foes, 
 And seems to quiver for the equipoise; 
 Some nobly brave the storm a certain length, 
 Recede, and leave the battle to be fought 
 And won, by hearts tempered for the conflict." 
 
 THOSE clergymen who had identified themselves with the Abolitionists, 
 and had entered their ranks in good faith, now found themselves very un- 
 pleasantly situated. Their fidelity to the cause of the Slave made them 
 exceedingly obnoxious to their pro-Slavery brethren, who professed to be 
 much grieved that there were those among them, who should countenance 
 the movement, then in full operation, not only to destroy ministerial 
 influence, and engender disrespect for pastoral rights and usages, but 
 that any sanction should be given to an unholy crusade against the peace 
 of the Northern as well as Southern Churches. The advocating of the 
 Slave's right to his freedom by one party, was a standing rebuke to the 
 other, for their time-serving policy. Hence those among the clergy who 
 
16 
 
 were faithful to the truth, to the Slave, and to their God, were held 
 responsible for all the views entertained by Abolitionists, which were not 
 in harmony with the "prevailing voice of the brotherhood.'* All so-call- 
 ed heresies were laid at their door. 
 
 They were in a most trying position. It required much trust in God 
 to remain faithful to the cause they had espoused ; as it would necessarily 
 attract towards them an additional visitation of ridicule and proscription 
 from their clerical associates, who had it in their power to destroy their 
 ministerial character and influence. They stood between two fires. On 
 the one hand, they felt unwilling to yield up the cause of the Slave 
 altogether ; and on the other, they were disinclined to stand in opposition 
 to their pious pro-Slavery brethren, which they must do, if they maintained 
 Anti-Slavery fellowship with iMr Garrison, who had, by his ability, fidelity, 
 and sagacity, detected and exposed the arts by which the true Anti- 
 Slavery principles were to be rendered powerless, if arts could avail for 
 that purpose. The temptation was too great, and the tempted fell 
 About two months after the appearance of the famous " Pastoral Letter? 
 five Anti-Slavery clergymen of Boston and its vicinity, headed by the Rev. 
 Charles Fitch, pastor of one of the Boston churches, and for years one of the 
 most active and efficient labourers with Mr Garrison, issued without any 
 previous remonstrance or intimation, a public document, which its authors 
 styled " Clerical Appeal" but which might be more properly entitled 
 Sequel to the " Pastoral Letter," in which they adopted the stereotyped 
 objections of the opponents of the Abolitionists, condemning them as 
 rash and denunciatory ; preferring serious charges against the Liberator, 
 and Mr Garrison, its Editor, deprecating all interference with pastoral 
 rights and usages, arraigning the Society, and individual members of it, 
 for their heterodoxy condemning the public action of women ; and 
 finally reaching the conclusion that the Society was so heretical, that 
 peace, religion, and the poor Slave, required the formation of an Associa- 
 tion on principles more " evangelical," and to which none should be ad- 
 mitted who would not subscribe to a certain creed. This movement was 
 immediately seconded by thirty-nine candidates for the clerical office at 
 Andover, who preferred some additional charges, one of which was, that 
 Abolitionists made "statements prejudicial to the cause of Foreign Mis- 
 sions, and to the character of the American Board of Commissioners for 
 Foreign Missions.'* The reader can judge for himself, how much 
 occasion Abolitionists had for withdrawing their confidence from this great 
 Society, which was then receiving and disbursing more money than any 
 two other benevolent associations in the United States when he shall 
 learn that this Society, with Boston for its head-quarters, not only 
 smothered appeals made by foreign missionaries to the American churches, 
 but the Society itself was actually holding human beings as articles of 
 merchandize. It was against the inconsistency and wickedness of this 
 practice, that the attacks of the Abolitionists were directed. This asso- 
 ciation, designed to evangelize the world, was actually bartering away one 
 set of heathen, and appropriating the proceeds to enlighten another (!) 
 
 The following extract of a letter from the Rev. Mr Armstrong, Secre- 
 tary of this Society, in answer to an inquiry made by D. S. Ingraham, 
 now a missionary in the West Indies, whether the American Board of 
 Commissioners for Foreign Missions was the owner of Slaves ? will show 
 tfcat there was cause of complaint on the part of Abolitionists : 
 
 " In some cases they (the Slaves) have been hired by the month, or year ; 
 in other cases they have been purchased, of those who had a legal (?) right to 
 their services, with the funds of the Board." 
 
17 
 
 There was no giving up, on the part of these clergymen, of the doctrines 
 of Immediate Emancipation ; no war upon the Anti-Slavery principles ; 
 but an insidious attack upon its measures measures which impart to 
 these principles, life, strength, and energy. The document was so mild 
 breathed such a gentle spirit, appealing to, rather than attacking pre- 
 judice, that it mightily pleased, not only open enemies, but timid friends. 
 
 " So smooth he daubed his vice with show of virtue, 
 That his apparent open guilt omitted." 
 
 For a specimen of the general feeling manifested by the religious journals, 
 the mouth-pieces of the various denominations, edited by clergymen, and 
 open opponents to the Anti-Slavery movements, we give the following : 
 
 " The following Appeal is so excellent and so well-timed, that we insert it 
 entire, although of considerable length. It manifests so good a spirit, so much 
 in accordance with Christian propriety, that we feel confident it will find a 
 response from many hearts not now enlisted in the Abolition enterprise." 2V~. 
 H. Observer. 
 
 " We have been exceedingly refreshed by the following document, which 
 appeared in the last New England Spectator. Its noble, independent tone its 
 courtesy towards opponents, its regard for their rights, conceding all its demands 
 its recognition of correct principles of action and intercourse, in language 
 plain and easy to be understood ; all this is so different from anything which 
 we have seen 'from 'that side of the house,' that we give the whole with the 
 sincerest pleasure. We have marvelled for a long time how Anti- Slavery 
 ministers, at least such as we know some of them to be, could keep silence, 
 while a tyranny was creeping in, more to be dreaded than any other now in 
 existence among us." Christian Mirror. 
 
 A GRATIFYING DOCUMENT " Here is an approach to what we have 
 
 so often argued to be the duty of Christian members of Anti-Slavery So- 
 cieties. We admire the honest and Christian spirit of this document. Mr 
 Fitch is pastor of the Free Church, which professes to be founded on ' Anti- 
 Slavery principles,' and has frequently spoken at Anti- Slavery Meetings. Mr 
 Towne is pastor of the Salem Street Church, and was one of the * seventy 
 agents,' commissioned last year by the American Anti- Slavery Society. Mr 
 Sanford, and the other signers, have long been known as active members of 
 the Anti-Slavery Society. We publish their appeal with great pleasure." 
 Vermont Chronicle. 
 
 TAKING RIGHT GROUND "Several Clerical Abolitionists in Boston and 
 
 vicinity have been obliged to express their public disapprobation of some of the 
 Garrisonisms of that region. We give a few extracts from their public appeal, 
 as published in the New England Spectator. Let Abolitionists generally come 
 out, and put down the spirit and practice of denunciation and abuse, and show a 
 better example by speaking- the truth in love, and converts to their cause will 
 be multiplied." Religious Intelligencer. 
 
 The objectors were daily encouraged from all quarters, by those who 
 might be expected to be gratified by such movements. They claimed to 
 have nine-tenths of the Abolitionists with them. They wore mistaken in 
 considering clergymen the representatives of the cause. Those Abolition- 
 ists who had been its standard-bearers, and who were fully acquainted 
 with the variety of influences that Slavery would bring to bear against its 
 antagonist, saw in this scheme, only another attempt, like the " American 
 Union," to suit the enterprise to the level of public prejudice and taste. 
 
 But, it was asked, can such a man as Mr Fitch, who has laboured so 
 faithfully, and sacrificed so much, and his associates, who still adhere to 
 the principles of Immediate and Unconditional Emancipation, and who still 
 
18 
 
 make the strongest professions of devotion to the Slave, be considered 
 capable of compromising the Anti-Slavery cause with its enemies? 
 
 Be it remembered, that all who, at that time, participated in this 
 movement with the Rev. Mr Fitch, together with the thirty-nine 
 clergymen then at Andover, now settled in different parts of the country, 
 have either RETIRED from the Anti-Slavery Cause altogether, or are 
 united with others in the present attempt to CRIPPLE and to DESTROY 
 the original American Anti- Slavery Society. 
 
 That the reader may understand the motives which actuated the leader 
 of this unhappy division, Mr Fitch's own testimony will here be given. 
 The following letter, written more than two years after the memorable 
 transaction, and soon after another similar attempt was made to destroy 
 the efficiency of the Anti-Slavery principles, speaks for itself; and there- 
 fore comment upon it is unnecessary. The admiration with which every 
 Christian heart must be touched by the humble and devout conscientious- 
 ness which dictated such an avowal as this, is more deeply felt than it can 
 be easily expressed. There may perhaps be no leader of a noble cause, 
 however devout and firm, who may not take a lesson from the contrition 
 of the brother who here acknowledges his lapse : 
 
 " NEWARK, January 9th, 1840. 
 
 " Mr W. L. GARRISON : Dear Sir, Herewith I attempt the discharge of a 
 duty, to which I doubt not that I am led by the dictates of an enlightened con- 
 science, and by the influences of the Spirit of God. I have been led, of late, to 
 look over my past life, and to inquire what I would think of past feelings and 
 actions, were I to behold JESUS CHRIST in the clouds of heaven, coming to judge 
 the world, and to establish His reign of holiness and righteousness, and blessed- 
 ness, over the pure in heart. From such an examination of my past life, I find 
 very much, even in what I have regarded as my best actions, deeply to deplore ; 
 but especially do I find occasion for shame, and self-loathing, and deep humilia- 
 tion before God and man, when I see in what multiplied instances the ruling- 
 motive of my conduct has been a desire to please men, for the sake of their good 
 opinion. In seeking the promotion of good objects, I have often acted with this 
 in view ; but I feel bound in duty to say to you, Sir, that to gain the good will 
 of man was the only object I had in view, in every thing which I did relative to 
 certain writings called ( Clerical Appeal/ I cannot say that I was conscious at 
 the time, certainly not as fully as I am now, that this was the motive by which I 
 was actuated ; but as I now look back upon it, in the light in which it has of late 
 been spread before my own mind, as I doubt not by the Spirit of God, I can 
 clearly see that, in all that matter, I had no true regard for the glory of God, or 
 the good of man. I can see nothing better in it, than a selfish and most wicked 
 desire to gain thereby the good opinion of such men as I supposed would be 
 pleased by such movements ; while I can clearly see, that I did not consult the 
 will of God, or the good of my fellow-men, in the least, and did indulge toward 
 yourself and others, and toward principles which I now see to be according to 
 truth, feelings which both my conscience and my heart now condemn ; which I 
 know a holy God never can approve ; and which I rejoice to think He never 
 will approve. 
 
 " I send you this communication, because my conscience and my heart lead 
 me to do it ; because I think the truth and the Spirit of God approve it, and 
 influence me to do it ; and not because I expect or wish thereby to secure the 
 applause of man, or even to regain any good will of man which I may have lost, 
 by actions which I now wholly disapprove. I trust I have learned higher prin- 
 ciples of actions ; at least, I know I must learn them, or be in fearful circum- 
 stances in that day when ' every tree that bringeth not forth good fruit must be 
 hewn down, and cast into the fire.' 
 
 " The acknowledgment which I now make, I expect to approve when I appear 
 before God with my final account ; and this is reason enough to induce me to 
 
19 
 
 make it. I believe it is according 1 to the will of God, and that will I folly 
 approve. 
 
 " You are at liberty, Sir, to do with it what you please. If God can "be hon- 
 oured, and good done thereby, I would like that the confession I make be as 
 public as the sin I committed. I believe that I should do what I now have 
 done, if I knew I should be despised for it by the whole world. There is one 
 by me who searches my heart, and there is a judgment-seat before me, where I 
 must stand. There is*, also, a despised, cast-out, and crucified Saviour, who was 
 none other than '. God manifest in the flesh,' whom I wish to please and honour. 
 If you can make any use of this communication, that you think will be an hon- 
 our to Him, or a service to the cause of truth, dispose of it at your pleasure. 
 The Lord strengthen you to do His will. 
 
 "CHARLES FITCH." 
 
 The proceedings of Mr Fitch and his clerical associates, threw the 
 Anti-Slavery ranks into great confusion. The entire body of Abolition- 
 ists were apparently divided. The Slave-holders exulted, and the oppo- 
 sition rejoiced that Garrison was no longer to share the sympathies of the 
 Abolitionists. This movement was so fully exposed by the Rev. Amos 
 A. Phelps, by Mr Garrison, by Oliver Johnson, and by all the Anti-Slavery 
 papers, with but one or two exceptions, that, after the feverish excite- 
 ment of several months had passed away, it was gradually forgotten. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 THE TESTIMONY. 
 
 " He that is first in his own cause, aeemeth just, but his neighbour cometh and searcheth him." 
 SOLO MO y. 
 ' Oat of thine own mouth will I judge, thee." LUKE xix. 22. 
 
 THE clergy, thus defeated, now resolved to render the Anti-Slavery 
 cause odious, by charging upon it the responsibility of disseminating 
 unpopular views entertained by some of its leading members. At this 
 time, H. C. Wright was an agent of the American Anti-Slavery Society, 
 and accompanied the Misses Grimke in their travels as lecturers. He 
 held, in common with Mr Garrison and a few other Abolitionists, the 
 non-resistance or ultra-peace views. This was laid hold of, as well as the 
 Woman and Sabbath questions, to make it appear that the American 
 Anti- Slavery Society was practically and actively opposed to the rightful 
 existence of all human government. 
 
 It should be kept in mind, that Messrs. Arthur and Lewis Tappan, 
 E. Wright, jun., and Amos A. Phelps, were the leading and prominent 
 managers of the American Anti-Slavery Society; but are now the 
 leading and prominent members of the New Society, called the American 
 and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society. 
 
 To rebut the charges preferred against the American Anti- Slavery 
 Society, by the authors of the " Clerical Appeal? and the open 
 opponents to the Abolitionists, of being opposed to the existence of 
 government and good order, (because the committee would not make an 
 attack upon those members and agents of the Society, who held to the 
 ultra-peace or non-resistance principles,) the EMANCIPATOR, the 
 
20 
 
 ORGAN of the Society, then under the supervision of the above named 
 gentlemen, and edited by E. Wright, jun., its Secretary t in speaking 
 upon this subject, said 
 
 " With the abstract question of the rightfulness of human governments, as 
 an editor of the Anti-Slavery Society, we have nothing to do ; neither will our 
 publications cudgel any man for his sentiments on this question" August, 1837. 
 
 The same paper, in August, 1837, in disclaiming all responsibility as 
 respects the woman question, in relation to the Misses Grirake, published 
 the following : 
 
 "THE MISSES GRIMKE. 
 
 " We understand that these ladies addressed an audience a few evenings 
 since, at Lowell, of 1500 persons a large proportion, but by no means all, of 
 whom were females. They were heard, as they have been elsewhere, with the 
 greatest attention and manifest effect. 
 
 " Yet, in spite of this success, there are not wanting those, even among Aboli- 
 tionists, who doubt the propriety of their addressing promiscuous assemblies. 
 These ladies do not go out as agents of the American Anti- Slavery Society, nor 
 in any way connected with it : yet, for ourself, we could fully justify the Society 
 in sending them to do just what they are doing. It must be remembered, that 
 the American Anti-Slavery Society is not a sectarian institution, but is made up 
 of all sects, and appeals to all to plead the cause of the Slave, each in its own 
 way. In employing females of the Society of Friends to lecture, it would be 
 guilty of no innovation. We do not see how members of other sects could 
 object to it any more justly than to admitting Friends as members. * * * * 
 " It ought to be observed also, that the Misses Grimke have not only the sanc- 
 tion of the religious body to which they belong, but they have actually been 
 obliged, by the importunity of the men of Massachusetts, to admit them to their 
 lectures, which they designed to confine to their own sex. Who will lay a straw 
 in the way of their able and effective advocacy of the rights of the poor victims of 
 our own Christian oppression ?" 
 
 The following official document, issued by the Executive Committee of 
 the American Anti- Slavery Society in 1837, of whom Messrs. Tappan, 
 Phelps, Wright, and others, were members, to disprove the objections 
 urged by the clerical appellants and others, will give an idea of the broad 
 and catholic platform of the American Anti- Slavery Society at that time, 
 and what were then the views of those who now are the leaders in the attack 
 upon that noble edifice which they then so stoutly defended : 
 
 " TO THE PUBLIC. 
 
 " The Executive Committee of the American Anti- Slavery Society have here- 
 tofore candidly and explicitly stated the doctrines maintained by that association, 
 and they are now induced to caution their fellow-citizens not to confound their 
 doctrines with such as individual members may occasionally advance. 
 
 " The Constitution, after setting forth the principles of the Society, declares 
 that whoever consents to these principles, not being a Slave-holder, may, on 
 making a pecuniary contribution, become a member. Hence, good faith obvi- 
 ously requires not only that those who enter the Society should sincerely embrace 
 its avowed principles, but also that THE SOCIETY SHOULD ABSTAIN FROM ALL 
 
 INTERFERENCE WITH SUCH OTHER PRINCIPLES AS MAYBE HELD BY ITS MEMBERS. 
 
 Of course, no member is required, by his connexion with the Society, to refrain 
 from expressing (on his own responsibility) his individual opinions on any subject 
 whatsoever. We believe there is, among the Abolitionists, a most cordial and 
 unanimous assent to the great moral truths proclaimed in our constitution, while, 
 on many other and important topics, they maintain very opposite and irrecon* 
 cilabk sentiments. 
 
"Some of these sentiments, (Non-Resistance, &c.) being promulgated in Antf- 
 Slavery papers, (the Liberator) and advocated by one or more Abolitionists, 
 (the Misses Grimke, Garrison, and others,) have been used to prejudice the 
 Anti-Slavery cause. ON THE SENTIMENTS ALLUDED TO, THE EXECUTIVE COM. 
 MITTEE HAVE NO AUTHORITY TO SIT IN JUDGMENT : but, whether true or false, 
 they receive no sanction from the Society, and every member is at liberty to 
 assail or defend them ! 
 
 " While the Committee assume no control over the private opinions of their 
 agents, (referring to H. C. Wright, then agent of the American Anti-Slavery 
 Society, and a Non-Resistant,) and much less over the course which independent 
 friends of the cause think fit to pursue, ( Garrison, Grimke, and others,} they 
 cheerfully acknowledge their obligation not to permit the funds of the Society 
 to be used for the promotion of any principles or objects whatever except those 
 specified in the constitution ; and it will ever be, as it ever has been, their deter- 
 mination, both in regard to the agents they employ and the publications they 
 issue, to avoid any just censure in this respect. 
 
 " The great diversity of sentiments entertained by Abolitionists on political 
 and religious subjects, instead of being, as our enemies vainly imagine, an indi- 
 cation of our weakness, is a demonstration of our strength, and an omen of our 
 ultimate triumph. That cause cannot belong to a sect or a party which is 
 espoused by men of all sects and all parties. The rights for which we are con- 
 tending, are the rights of our common nature, and their advocacy cannot safely 
 be committed to ANT sect or party, nor can any sect or party be exempted from 
 rebuke which takes the attitude of hostility to these rights. 
 
 " In behalf of the Executive Committee of the American And- Slavery 
 Society, 
 
 " E. WRIGHT, Jun., Secretary. 
 
 AUGUST 7//, 1837." 
 
 It should be strongly impressed upon the mind of the reader, that Messrs. 
 A. and L. Tappan, Phelps, Wright, and all the others, who composed the 
 Committee of the American Anti-Slavery Society in 1837, with but few 
 exceptions, are now the most active and efficient leaders of the party which 
 has separated from the original Society, on the ground that its members 
 would not TRAMPLE upon the Society's constitution, by invidiously casting 
 out a portion of its most effective labourers. That there may be no doubt 
 in his mind as to which party has undergone the most thorough change upon 
 this question, the gentlemen referred to above may speak for themselves. 
 
 The following is an extract from the Annual Report of the COMMITTEE 
 of the AMERICAN ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY, in 1837, to their constituents, 
 and which, at a large meeting of Delegates from most of the Free States, 
 was unanimously adopted : 
 
 '* The Committee cannot omit to mention, with heartfelt thanks to God, the 
 important aid the cause has received from two sisters, from Charleston, S. C., 
 once the holders of Slaves. They have, without reserve, laid themselves on the 
 altar of the cause, at the expense of becoming aliens and outcasts from their 
 native city, and from a large circle of Slave-holding relatives and friends. For 
 their constant toil they have declined receiving any pecuniary compensation. 
 Their touching ' APPEALS,' both written and oral, have, we doubt not, kindled 
 a genuine Abolition Jlame in MANY THOUSANDS OF HEARTS. Let them hold on 
 their course till UNIVERSAL WOMANHOOD is rallied in behalf of the 
 bleeding victims of wrong." 
 
 We would, with the Poet, say 
 
 " Shall tongues be mute, when deeds are wrought 
 
 Which well might shame extremest hell ? 
 Shall freemen lock th' indignant thought ? 
 
 Shall Mercy's bosom cease to swell ? 
 Shall Honour bleed ? Shall Truth succumb ? 
 Shall Pen, and Press, and Sow/ be dumb ? 
 By all above around below 
 Be ours th' indignant answer NO !" 
 
It did not occur to the American Abolitionists that this Committee, in 
 receiving and acknowledging in their Report, " with heartfelt thanks to 
 God" the co-operation and powerful aid of these eloquent and efficient 
 women, or the American Anti-Slavery Society, in adopting it, were 
 giving any opinion as respects the propriety or impropriety of females 
 taking an active part in other departments of religious or political reform. 
 The honour of this discovery belongs to the opponents of the Anti-Sla- 
 very enterprize. It was for those conservators of the public weal, who 
 would neither labour themselves for the bondman's redemption, nor let 
 others do so who felt disposed, to find out that it was "contrary to 
 reason. Scripture, and the usages of civilized society," for women to 
 labour, in their own way, as their own consciences might direct, 
 in this holy cause. Those engaged in other benevolent enterprizes, 
 and who ought to have been first and foremost in this glorious work, 
 opposed it. The Abolitionists were united in one grand object the 
 Abolition of Slavery. To accomplish this work, they welcomed, " with 
 heartfelt thanks to God," every one who would aid them in breaking 
 the oppressor's yoke. If women did not appear as conspicuous at the 
 commencement of the enterprise as they now do, it certainly was not the 
 fault of the Abolitionists, who, prior to any division in their ranks, used 
 every variety of influence to call them into action, and eulogised them for 
 all their movements in the cause, whether of a public or private character. 
 Their action, on this question, like that of men, has been progressive. 
 Their power and efficiency has, from time to time, been developed, a.s 
 circumstances have called them forth. This perfectl}' harmonizes with 
 the history of female co-operation in this country. The genius of the 
 American Anti-Slavery enterprize is such as to forbid any obstacles being 
 thrown in the way of any one who labours for Immediate and Uncon- 
 ditional Emancipation. 
 
 Here the Committee declare, that many thousands have been, through 
 the private and public labours of these women, called into the Abolition 
 ranks ; and such being their success, can it be thought strange, that those 
 who desired the Immediate Abolition of Slavery, should recommend 
 them to " hold on till UNIVERSAL WOMANHOOD" should be rallied 
 around the standard of freedom ? The present Committee of the Ame- 
 rican Anti-Slavery Society fully sympathize on this point with their 
 predecessors of 1837, and while they will not entertain for a moment, as 
 Abolitionists, the general question of " Woman's Rights," they, neverthe- 
 less, acknowledge, " with heartfelt thanks to God," the co-operation of 
 ,all ; of ev^y class, who come to the rescue of the enslaved millions of 
 America. -..> * 
 
 It is but just to state, that the Report, from which the above is an ex- 
 tract, was written previous to the lectures of the Grimke's in Massachusetts. 
 
 It may not be amiss, in this place, to summon before us, a few of the 
 leading members of the party who have seceded from the American Anti- 
 Slavery Society, on the ground that Women were not thrust out of it. 
 In order that the British public may form a correct opinion on this subject, 
 these gentlemen may be allowed to speak for themselves. Did space 
 permit, others of the seceders would be introduced. 
 
 In 1836, LEWIS TAPPAN called a meeting m the city of New York, 
 for pro-Slavery and Anti-Slavery discussion. Three times lie went to MRS 
 CHILD, and insisted upon her speaking. She refused, on the ground that she 
 "had never spoken in public, and should feel much embarrassed." He replied. 
 "You will doubtless recover from your embarrassment in a few moments, and 
 
23 
 
 you really ought to make an effort to overcome your reluctance, when you reflect 
 how much good you can do, and how much the audience will be interested, IF 
 YOU AI,LOW ME TO ANNOUNCE that MRS CHILD, of Boston, is ABOUT 
 TO ADDRESS THEM." Mrs Child's Reminiscences. 
 
 In the Spring of 1837* the Abolitionists of the large commonwealth of Ohio 
 held a State Convention. A great portion of the delegates to it were women. 
 At this time, JAMES G. BIRNEY was editor of an Anti-Slavery newspaper 
 in that State, and was present at the meeting, and participated in its pro- 
 ceedings. On being interrogated as to whether their admission was accidental 
 or owing to the great interest the Abolitionists of that State took in the Anti-Sla- 
 very question, Mr Birney replied : " Purely accidental, I presume. It never oc- 
 curred to me there was anything strange in such a measure. It seemed so 
 natural and proper, that THE ABOLITION OF THE WOMEN should be 
 REPRESENTED as well as that of the men." Mrs Child's Reminiscences. 
 
 In America, by the term " Woman's Rights," it is understood that females 
 are entitled to equal religious, civil and political privileges with men. 
 Those who have seceded from the original American Anti-Slavery Society, 
 are resolved to identify it with this question, on the ground that women, 
 who have been constitutionally admitted as members, are not cast out. 
 This Society has in view, simply, the extinction of the Slave system. 
 It appeals to those of all sects and parties to labour in their own way for 
 its accomplishment. An assent to the principles of Immediate Uncondi- 
 tional Emancipation, is the only test and bond of union. This is the only 
 standard around which Abolitionists rally. All who ascend upon this 
 platform are bound to leave their peculiar sectarian views behind them. 
 By this simple principle, minds the most heterogeneous and opposite on 
 other questions, harmonize. It tolerates the views of all, without giving 
 any opinion upon any question, which distracts the religious or political 
 world. Here Protestant, Catholic, and Jew, make common cause against 
 this great enemy of God and man ; and their souls, 
 
 "Like kindred drops, are mingled into one." 
 
 The various religious denominations differ widely, as respects the pro- 
 priety of Women participating publicly in matters of religion. One sect 
 conferring on them equal rights and privileges with the men, another 
 allowing them to pray and exhort in promiscuous assemblies, while a third 
 deprecates all such public action as indelicate and unscriptural. This 
 being a question peculiar to sects, the individual who refuses to co-operate 
 with a society, because it refuses to take any cognizance of the appropriate 
 sphere of women, might with the same propriety withdraw, on the ground 
 that it would not condemn or approve of Unitarianism, Methodism, or the 
 principles of the Established Church: the former being equally as 
 peculiar to sects as the latter. If one sect secedes, because women are 
 admitted, another may with equal justice and propriety, leave on account 
 of their rejection. If the Society is allowed to entertain this, then it may 
 entertain any other sectarian question, and hence the Anti-Slavery plat- 
 form would necessarily become the arena of sectarian strife and contention, 
 until those of different sects and parties should retire, and the noble 
 edifice, erected for the bondman's redemption, becomes vacated and 
 desolate. The American Anti-Slavery Society soars above all the con- 
 tending elements which separate man from his brother, and cannot, without 
 a breach of faith, and a violation of its constitution, sit in judgment upon 
 any other question, than the Immediate Emancipation of those in bonds. 
 Who has withdrawn from your government, because a FEMALE sits 
 
upon the throne, or because women are allowed to vote tor directors who 
 virtually govern 120,000,000 of British subjects in India or because they 
 are permitted, equally with men, to vote for governors and directors in the 
 Bank of England, which regulates the fiscal and commercial interests of 
 this vast empire ? Who has refused to purchase or consume fish, because 
 women, with heavy burdens upon their backs, publicly and in the presence 
 of thousands, cry them for sale ? Who would secede from a church, 
 which should receive one of these women into its embrace? 
 
 Notwithstanding the great distress and confusion occasioned in the 
 Anti-Slavery ranks by this unhappy movement of the Clerical Appellants, 
 the Abolitionists this year (1837) succeeded in preventing the admission 
 of Texas as a Slave-State into the Federal Union. 
 
 The death of E. P. Lovejoy, who was martyred at Alton by a mob, for 
 publishing an Anti-Slavery paper, gave a fresh stimulus to the Abolition 
 movements. 
 
 The Abolitionists, fearing that another effort might be made to disturb 
 the harmony of their operations, and desiring to discourage all attempts 
 to divide their forces, like that of the "American Union" of 1835, or the 
 " Clerical Appeal" of 1837, at a full annual meeting of the Massachusetts 
 Anti-Slavery Society, in Jan., 1838, unanimously passed the following Re- 
 solution, which was introduced by the Rev. A. St. Clair, now a member of 
 the new Association, the American and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society : 
 
 " Resolved : That Abolitionists have in view a single object the Abolition 
 of Slavery : that to accomplish this great end, we all meet on equal and common 
 ground : that we will require of no man a RELIGIOUS or POLITICAL TEST, but 
 hail every friend of Immediate Emancipation as a brother, and extend to him the 
 right hand of And- Slavery fellowship: that we not only reject, but will REPU- 
 IHATE every attempt at organization on sectarian ground, and FROWN on any 
 attempt to divide our ranks, as virtual enmity to the great cause as calculated 
 to distract Anti-Slavery Societies, and to turn their efforts against each otlicr, 
 instead of Slavery." 
 
 In May, 1838, at the annual meeting of the American Anti-Sl.ivrry 
 Society, in order to prevent any division among Abolitionists on politf- 
 cal or sectarian grounds, the following resolutions were unanimously 
 adopted : 
 
 " RESOLVED: That it is the glory of the Anti-Slavery cause, that \t& princi- 
 ples are of such fundamental importance to the welfare of the whole human 
 family, that men who differ widely from each other on political and theological 
 subjects can labour harmoniously tog-ether for its promotion, and that no political 
 party or religious denomination, which is not in itself corrupt, has anything to 
 fear from its progress or final triumph. 
 
 Resolved: That while we hail with joy the efforts of onr brethren of any 
 religious denomination in which Slavery exists, to purify their own church from 
 the sin of Slavery, we should deprecate the formation of any Anti- Slavery So- 
 ciety, which imposes a religious or political test for the purpose of rendering 1 the 
 Anti-Slavery cause subservient to the interests of a sect or party, or of OPPOSING 
 existing organizations." 
 
 Public sentiment had now become so changed in Massachusetts by an 
 Abolition warfare of eight years, that those clergymen who pursued an 
 openly pro-Slavery course were nearly as liable to public censure as those 
 who advocated the principles of freedom ; hence the repeated declaration 
 on their part, that they were " as much opposed to Slavery as any one." 
 Though they had not, as a body, undergone any change, yet they saw 
 that, in order to check the progress of Emancipation, every movement 
 should be made with great care, as the public, thus divided in opinion, 
 
was not easily managed ; hence they hid their opposition beneath the pro- 
 fession of a deep solicitude for the poor Slave, while, at the same time, 
 they condemned the movements of the Abolitionists. 
 
 The exposure of the devices of the " Clerical Appellants" and their 
 consequent defeat, did not add in the least to the popularity of Mr Gar- 
 rison, or of his newspaper, the Liberator. He has a style peculiar to him- 
 self, by which he destroys at a blow what another would hew down by piece- 
 meal. He continues to be the great object of offence. The modification 
 of public opinion upon the Emancipation question was now so great, that 
 clergymen felt called upon to make some apology for standing aloof from it. 
 All their former subterfuges had been swept away in succession. The 
 peculiar notions of Garrison now constituted the great objection. " Have 
 you got rid of Garrison yet ?" says one. " Discountenance his course, 
 and I will join you," said another. " I cannot labour with Garrison," 
 said a third. These objections, by dint of constant repetition, led those 
 who often urged them, and those who heard them, to think that there was 
 something about Mr Garrison that would chill to ice the very Anti-Slavery 
 feelings within them. Not so, thought those who witnessed his oneness 
 of purpose his constant devotion his great sacrifices his faithfulness 
 and tried integrity his Christian and heavenly demeanour his unwaver- 
 ing reliance on God to bless and crown with success all human efforts for 
 truth and the salvation of men ; not so, thought those whose souls had 
 been interested in behalf of their oppressed countrymen, by his powerful 
 appeals ; not so, thought those who perceived from whom came all their 
 opposition. They well knew it was his uncompromising adherence to the 
 cause of the Slave, which made him so obnoxious to the Slave-holder and 
 his apologists ; they knew that it was because he left no loop-hole for 
 them to pass through as ministers, and yet remain dumb on the subject of 
 Slavery. It was not the views which he entertained on other subjects, 
 but his rectitude on that of Slavery, which alienated them. The}', like 
 the infuriated Slave-holding Legislature of Georgia, which offered a reward 
 of 5000 dollars for his apprehension, thought that by displacing him, the 
 principles would cease to disturb their inglorious quiet. False conclusion! 
 The Anti-Slavery principles are from above, and therefore will prevail ; 
 for the Lord hath declared it. 
 
 The authors of the " Clerical Appeal" and those Abolition ministers 
 who had sympathized with their movements, were, to a very great extent, 
 reinstated in the affection and confidence of their pro-Slavery brethren, 
 whose pastoral rights and ministerial usages had been so ably defended. 
 This victory on the part of the clergy, in conquering a portion of the Anti- 
 Slavery ministry, made them determine craftily to subdue the remainder. 
 They had learned by experience that the open hostility of the " Coloniza- 
 tion Society" towards this enterprize the affected neutrality of the 
 " American Union," and the insidious attack upon ITS MEASURES by 
 the " Clerical Appeal," had all proved ineffectual. They could not effect 
 their object while Mr Garrison* stood upon the watch-tower of Freedom, 
 surveying the whole ground, watching the enemies movements, and 
 sounding through the columns of the Liberator, the note of alarm when 
 an attack was likely to be made. . 
 
 * See Appendix D, 
 P 
 
CHAPTER V. 
 
 THE PLOT. 
 
 " And Joab said to Amasa, Art thou in health, my brother ? And Joab took Amasa by the beard with 
 the right hand to kiss him. But Amasa took no heed to the sword which was in Joab's hand, so he smote 
 him therewith in the fifth rib." SAMUEL. 
 
 " But we do hope to find out all your tricks, 
 Your plots, and packings', worse than those of Trent." 
 
 MILTOV. 
 
 DURING the summer and autumn of 1838, a ne\v effort was made on 
 the part of a few clergymen, some of whom sympathized with the " Cle- 
 rical Appeal" conspiracy, while others had most strenuously opposed it, 
 among whom were Rev. A. A. Phelps, Rev. A. St. Glair, and Rev. 
 Daniel Wise, three salaried agents of the Old Massachusetts Anti-Slavery 
 Society. The object of this secret attempt was to subvert the Liberator, 
 and hence the power of Mr Garrison, by influencing the Society to issue 
 a cheap weekly paper, the expense of which should be but about one- 
 third the price of the Liberator. It was not at first to exhibit any signs 
 of hostility, but was, on the contrary, recommended as admirably adapted 
 to aid in extending its circulation, as it could gain access, on account of 
 its cheapness, into many places where the Liberator could not, aud might 
 thus serve to introduce it. 
 
 The first intimation of this movement (for it was cleverly managed, and 
 kept within the breasts of its originators, except when revealed to a confi- 
 dant) was from a confidential letter received by P. C. Pettibone, a candi- 
 date for the ministry at Andover, from the Rev. Charles T. Torrey, a 
 sympathizer with the division in 1837. 
 
 Mr Torrey had previously employed Mr Pettibone as an agent, and 
 therefore felt that he had secured his confidence. The letter dwelt on 
 the great influence of Mr Garrison, and thence argued that it would not 
 be safe to attack him, or the Liberator, openly on the great need there 
 was of a new paper, which he (Mr Torrey) had ascertained by "sounding 
 the clergy throughout the State ; and they were for it to a man!' " Now, 
 Brother Pettibone," he wrote, "have on a full delegation at the annual 
 meeting, at ten o'clock in the morning, prepared to stay two days. Have 
 them pledged for the new paper, &c., and we will show them how it is 
 done." " What can this letter mean ?" thought this licentiate. His mind 
 dwelt upon its leading features : " Great influence of Mr Garrison. 11 
 " It wont do to attack him or the Liberator openly." " Must have a new 
 paper;" and " all the clergy are for it." He immediately resolved to 
 acquaint a few friends with its contents. They saw in it the marks of its 
 predecessors, the " Union" and " Appeal," they saw in it another insi- 
 dious attempt of professed friends to neutralize the Anti-Slavery principles, 
 by listening and yielding to the demands of Slavery, and to sacrifice upon, 
 its shrine, as a peace-offering, one of freedom's first and most devoted 
 champions. 
 
 This letter revealed the plot which many were suspicious was in pro- 
 gress, but which had been managed so adroitly as to defeat all attempts at 
 detection. 
 
 To others, letters were written, adapted to their various prejudices. 
 
27 
 
 Circulars were addressed to Societies and individuals, calling upoft them 
 to have full delegations at the annual meeting of the Massachusetts Anti- 
 Slavery Society, to be held in Boston, Jan., 1839, pledged for the new paper. 
 In the meanwhile, the three agents of the Society referred to ; Revs. 
 Messrs. Phelps, Wise, and St. Clair, were secretly using their influence 
 to accomplish the same object. In due time, this plot was exposed by 
 Mr Garrison ; the note of alarm was raised, and the Abolitionists were 
 warned to prepare themselves for the great conflict which was again about 
 to mar the harmony of the Anti-Slavery cause. It was their design to 
 have established this paper without creating any jealousy or opposition ; 
 and, when it should acquire a circulation and influence sufficient to justify 
 the movement, then it was to bring its readers gradually, and almost im- 
 perceptibly, to their views, and thus, by stratagem, to get possession of the 
 Anti-Slavery enterprise. But this revelation of their movements led 
 them, in justification of their mano3uvrings, to declare that the Liberator 
 (its editor being a non-resistant) could not advocate political action. The 
 Anti-Slavery question had, with them, suddenly changed its character from 
 a moral to a political enterprise ; the Liberator had become too tame on 
 the question of politics for these men, who had rather have a noise around 
 the polls than the pulpit though that paper had ever, consistently, and 
 with great effect, urged as a duty, that political men should exercise their 
 political influence for the Abolition of Slavery. 
 
 It is proper to state, in this connexion, that the Liberator is Mr Gar- 
 rison's individual private property, and that no man or body of men no 
 one but its editor is responsible for the sentiments it may contain on any 
 subject ; and also, that, at times of great pecuniary distress, Mr Garrison 
 has refused most liberal offers to have it made the organ of the Society, 
 having invariably refused to be trammelled by a committee, as the Liber- 
 ator was designed to be a FREE journal. Its columns were then, as now, 
 open to the admission, without expense, of any documents the Society 
 might see fit to publish officially ; thus giving the Society the advantage 
 of an organ, without its expense or responsibility. 
 
 Nothing now would answer the purpose but a paper which would advo- 
 cate voting at the polls as a Christian duty. That part of the constitution 
 which relates to the object and measures of the Society says : " The 
 object of this Society shall be to endeavour, by all means sanctioned 
 by law, humanity, and religion, to effect the Abolition of Slavery in the 
 United States."* This declaration was negative, rather than positive. It 
 answered an objection of the Slave-holders at the time it was written. 
 It meant that the Society would not infringe upon the principles of "law, 
 humanity, or religion," in prosecuting its enterprise, but would act in 
 conformity to the principles of each ; thus leaving each man to be his own 
 judge as to its requisitions, otherwise there could be no understanding 
 no constitution no Society. Those who vote at the polls to affect the 
 State those who operate upon their respective churches and those who 
 exercise what power they possess for the Slave, independent of political 
 or ecclesiastical organizations, are all covered by the broad aegis of the 
 constitution, as faithful members. "LAW!" Well; to these plotters 
 for division, "law" could mean nothing in this connexion but the Chris- 
 tian duty of every man, his conscientious scruples to the contrary not- 
 withstanding, to vote at the polls. Well, the "Law" " SANCTIONS" my 
 expending all my property in purchasing Slaves, to give them their liberty ; 
 but, as my religion forbids the act, shall I be ejected from the Society ? 
 
 See Appendix E, 
 
28 
 
 "Law" "SANCTIONS" my becoming a member of every ecclesiastical 
 organization in the country, and thereby exercising an influence upon 
 them for the Abolition of Slavery; but because my conscience will not 
 permit, shall I be branded as recreant to the cause of the Slave ? It 
 was evident, to every " looker on in Venice" what was their design. Mr 
 Garrison could not, on account of his religious opinions, vote at the polls ; 
 and, as a clergyman remarked, we must press this voting question) as it 
 is the only thing that will rid us of Garrison and the non-resistants. 
 
 The day of the annual meeting arrived. It was a day of anxiety to the 
 friends of freedom. They did not know but that the combination of the 
 clergy was so great that they would flock to this meeting, and take the 
 cause into their hand, as it were, by storm. 
 
 But as this movement appeared likely to prove a failure, those who had 
 privately encouraged it shrank from an identification with it, until they 
 saw what was to be its fate ; and, as the sequel will show, left the few 
 foremost to manage the defeat the best way they could. 
 
 The Rev. Mr Torrey introduced a resolution that the Society should im- 
 mediately issue a newspaper. To this it was replied, that there had been 
 no expression given by the Abolitionists that another Anti-Slaver}' paper 
 in the State was needed that, notwithstanding all the private plottings 
 for months, only half-a-dozen hands at one meeting had been raised in 
 its favour, and by those, too, who did not understand its object. While 
 the fate of this paper project was pending, the Rev. Mr Phelps and the 
 Rev. Mr St. Clair raised a doubt, for the first time, as to the right of 
 women to vote on its decision. 
 
 This was hardly a debateable question for a Society which had (1st) 
 welcomed all persons as fellow-labourers, by its constitution ; (2d) had 
 made women life-members by the payment of FIFTEEN dollars ;* and 
 (3d) had, years previously, declared, that in this cause of philanthropy, 
 as ABOLITIONISTS, "MEN and WOMEN have the same rights and the 
 same duties." This question was left to the President, Francis Jackson, 
 Esq., to decide. Et was not for the man who had opened the doors of his 
 house, at the risk of its destruction, to the Boston Female Anti-Slavery 
 Society, after it had been broken up, and its members insulted by a mob of 
 5000 " gentlemen of property and standing," and every public place re- 
 fused them, it was not for him to decide that the constitution of the 
 Society should be trampled upon by ejecting its members. He ruled that 
 " it was in order for women to vote," and, from this decision, no appeal 
 was taken. The whole subject of the new Anti-Slavery paper was inde- 
 finitely postponed, by a vote of 183 to 24. 
 
 Defeated, in this movement, the next step was to force upon the Society 
 the new political theory of the party. The following resolution, in Mr 
 PI. B. Stanton's hand-writing, submitted to the Business-Committee, to 
 be presented to the meeting for adoption, will reveal their design : 
 
 " Resolved, That every minister of the gospel is bound to preach against 
 Slavery ; that every member of a Christian church is bound to have no fellow- 
 ship with this unfruitful work of darkness ; that every ecclesiastical body is 
 bound to purify itself of these abominations ; and that every person entitled to 
 the elective franchise, is bound not only to refrain from voting for persons as 
 national and state officers, who are unwilling to use all their authority for the 
 immediate abolition of Slavery, but is bound at every election, to repair to the 
 polls, and cast his vote for such men as will go to the verge of their official 
 authority for its instant annihilation ; and that every member of an Anti-Slavery 
 Society who refuses, UNDER ANY PRETEXT, thus to act morally or POLITICALLY, or 
 
 * See Appendix F. 
 
29 
 
 counsels others to such a course, is guilty of GROSS INCONSISTENCY, and widely 
 departs from the original and fundamental principles of the Anti-Slavery 
 enterprise." 
 
 The Rev. Mr St. Clair offered one in its stead, less prescriptive : and 
 the following was introduced by Mr Garrison as a substitute, which was 
 in perfect conformity with the uniform usage of the Society, and the 
 principles of its constitution. It was passed by a vote of 183 to 24 : 
 
 " Resolved, That those Abolitionists who feel themselves called upon, by a 
 sense of duty, to go to the polls, and yet purposely absent themselves from the 
 polls whenever an opportunity is presented to vote for a friend of the Slave or 
 who, when there, follow their party predilections to the abandonment of their 
 Abolition principles, are recreant to their high professions and unworthy of the 
 name they assume." 
 
 The Society, forpassing this resolution, refusing to admit a new test, has 
 been branded as a no-human-government Society, by the Members and 
 friends of the New Organization, now called the " American and Foreign 
 Anti- Slavery Society." The resolution will speak for itself. It refuses to 
 interfere with the private opinions of any of its members, on any subject 
 foreign from the question of Emancipation. The Society, in the language 
 of Messrs. Tappan, Wright, Phelps, and the other members of the Executive 
 Committee of the American Anti-Slavery Society, in 1837 5 felt that l< on 
 these sentiments it had no authority to sit in judgment" and that " with 
 the abstract question of the rightfulness of human government it had 
 nothing to do." 
 
 Notwithstanding the public seal of disapprobation, which the Abolition- 
 ists of Massachusetts had set to this newspaper project, a few individuals, 
 secretly encouraged by the leading members of the Committee of the 
 American Anti-Slavery Society, (which received from Massachusetts, in 
 183$, 10,000 dollars, to carry on the national operations,) bent on the 
 work of division, issued the paper, called the Massachusetts Abolitionist ; 
 and Mr H. B. Stanton, the salaried Secretary of the American Anti- 
 Slavery Society, was sent into Massachusetts, took the editorial charge of 
 it, and canvassed the State, for the extension of its circulation. Thus 
 the Abolitionists of Massachusetts were delivering money into the 
 National Treasury ; while Messrs. Tappan, Birney, Wright, Stanton, and 
 the other members of the Committee were expending it for their anni- 
 hilation ! All hostility to the Liberator was disclaimed, while they re- 
 pudiated the reflection, that another rival State Society would be soon 
 organized. A frank declaration of their intention would have completely 
 defeated their object ; and hence, honesty in this case was not their best 
 policy. 
 
 It was painful to behold a body of men, who had stood storm-proof 
 against many an assault, who had found strength to snap asunder their 
 SECTARIAN TIES, rather than abandon the Slave, and who had laboured 
 and sacrificed much in the cause, now beginning, little by little, to yield, 
 to propitiate the enemy. But during a ten years' warfare, the minds of 
 the Abolitionists had been prepared for such manifestations. They recol- 
 lected that the Rev. Mr Hall, who first started with Mr Garrison ; the Rev. 
 Dr. Cox, whose furniture was burnt in the streets of New- York by a 
 mob ; the Rev. Mr Kirk, once the bold and eloquent advocate; the Rev. Mr 
 Parker, and a long catalogue of others, whose names might be enumerated, 
 had gone back to the " beggarly elements" of pro-Slavery, and openly op- 
 posed the Abolition movements. The manceuvrings of 1837 they had no 
 
30 
 
 forgotten : and all these prepared their minds for any new revelations of 
 change. Mr Birney now felt, that Non-resistant-Abolitionists could not 
 consistently remain members of the Anti-Slavery Society. Mr Tappan 
 now thought a New Society in Massachusetts was desirable. Such 
 were the new manifestations. 
 
 At the annual meeting of the American Anti-Slavery Society in 1839, 
 an attempt was made, for the first time, to exclude persons from acting as 
 members on account of their SEX. The Rev. Nathaniel Colver, at the 
 head of a considerable number of clergymen, moved that none but men 
 should have their names placed upon the roll. His motion was so 
 amended that none of its members or delegates in attendance should be 
 excluded, and, in accordance with the language of the constitution,* 
 inviting all persons according to previous usage, &c. 
 
 It was argued, (1) that this was not a question of admission, but of 
 exclusion (2) that the Society had no constitutional right to exclude any 
 description of persons but Slave-holders (3) that it admitted all persons, 
 and unless it could be proved that women were not persons, they could 
 not be excluded (4) that, as many Auxiliary Societies have women 
 office-bearers, they were ex qfficio members of the Society, and entitled to 
 seats (5) that each local Society had a constitutional right to send up 
 such delegates to represent them in the great American Society as they 
 saw fit ; and that the Society was bound to receive them (6) that refus- 
 ing to eject the women would not commit the Society to the abstract 
 question of Woman's Rights, more than refusing to reject Baptists would 
 commit it to the doctrines of baptism, or Quakers, would commit it to the 
 peculiar doctrines and practices of the Friends (7) that as this question 
 of: the appropriate duties of women was one on which there was a great 
 diversity of opinions, and was, in America, common to different sects, the 
 Society had no right to entertain the question (8) that it was customary 
 among the majority of the different sects for women to pray and exhort in 
 promiscuous assemblies (9) that the uniform usage of the American 
 Anti-Slavery Society was opposed to the rejection of its female members 
 and delegates 
 
 Because (1) women in 1833, at its formation, made speeches; and that 
 the Society passed a vote of thanks for their zeal and interest (2) that 
 the Society had always encouraged women to labour (3) because the 
 Society had never discouraged women's becoming officers of country and 
 town Societies (4) because the Society, in 1835, wished to delegate 
 Mrs Child to visit England on the Anti-Slavery question ; and also, in 
 1837, endeavoured to secure her as a travelling-agent, to give public lec- 
 tures on Slavery (5) because the Society, the same year, offered the Misses 
 Grimke a commission to go out as lecturers, and, in their annual report 
 of the same year, highly approved of their public labours, and (6) that 
 the American Society, had never made any opposition to their large 
 and influential State Auxiliaries for receiving women as delegates, in 
 previous years. 
 
 In the course of the debate, Gerrit Smith, Esq., the president, (a 
 gentleman who had at one time contributed to the American Anti- 
 Slavery Society 10,000 dollars,) said : 
 
 '' Brother Leavitt (editor of the Emancipator) is right. You can exclude no 
 description of persons from the Society. As many women as are officers of Aux- 
 
 * See Appendix G. 
 
31 
 
 iliary Societies, they are ex qfficio entitled to seats here.* Common usage in this 
 matter has been brought forward. I never before last evening heard usage 
 quoted to overthrow the plain letter of a constitution. Religious scruples, also, 
 have been brought forward. It has been well said in reply, there is also a con- 
 science on the other side I have been grieved at the threats of secession thrown 
 
 out. I hope those who have made them will think better of it. I was slow, too 
 slow, to withdraw from the Colonization Society. I shall be very slow to with- 
 draw from this Society. You must be guilty of palpable gross IMMORALITY, 
 and must show a disposition to continue in it, before I shall do so. Brother 
 Birney thinks we should propose an amendment to the constitution. He gets 
 the saddle on the wrong horse. The constitution suits us as it is. One word 
 more. If some Auxiliary Societies prefer to send UP HERE, as their delegates, 
 your [Mrs] Chapmans, your [Miss] Kelleys, and your [Mrs] Barneys, have we 
 the right to object ? If a woman can do my work best, I wish to be at liberty 
 to select a woman." 
 
 The Society refused to reject the women, by an overwhelming majority; 
 and, to prevent the impression, that by this act of placing women upon 
 committees, the Society was in favour of Woman's Rights, &c., this 
 same committee, of whom Messrs. Tappan, Birney, and Stanton were lead- 
 ing members, immediately issued an address to the public, from which the 
 following sentiment is extracted, which will show in what light this act was 
 viewed by them in May, 1839: 
 
 " The vote of the Society, being grounded on the phraseology of its consti- 
 tution, cannot be justly regarded as committing the Society in favour of any 
 controverted principle, respecting the equal rights of women to participate in the 
 management of public affiairs." 
 
 They even allowed the Emancipator, their organ to declare, that 
 
 " A contrary decision, unsupported by the constitution, [i.e. a decision to ex- 
 clude the women,] would have been taking sides on a question respecting which 
 the Society was bound to entire neutrality." 
 
 This is the precise feeling and position of the original American Anti- 
 Slavery Society, up to this hour, on this subject. It refuses to entertain 
 this or any other extraneous question. The Society now harmonizes 
 with the sentiments of Messrs. A. & L. Tappan, Leavitt, Wright, Phelps, 
 and all of the Committee of this same Society in 1837, and in their 
 language, declares that, on this question, " it has NO AUTHORITY 
 to sit in judgment" 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 A NEW PRETENCE. 
 
 ;--.; .. _ _.- '- -, . ; .|U .-, ta v j i> 
 
 " A mere disguise in which a devil lurks, 
 Who yet betrays his secret by his works." 
 
 COWPEII. 
 
 ELIZUR WRIGHT, Jun., the once-loved Secretary of the American Anti- 
 Slavery Society, but now unfortunately drawn into the meshes of clerical 
 influence, resigned his office in the American Society, and filled Mr 
 Stanton's post as editor of the new paper, which now began to exercise 
 the most unrelenting hostility towards the Liberator) Mr Garrison, and 
 the Society which refused to exclude him. 
 
 * See Appendix H. 
 
32 
 
 Five months had hardly been added to the existence of this new paper, 
 before a body of clergymen, with a few laymen, met in convention, 
 in Boston, without any public call, or intimation of such a movement, 
 and formed a new State Society, called the Massachusetts Abolition 
 Society, declaring that the original society had adopted questions, which 
 to the " cause had become a mill-stone to sink to the depths of a bottom- 
 less ocean, the hopes of enslaved millions." 
 
 At the meeting at which this Society was formed, the reasons assigned 
 for the necessity for such a step, were as various as the speakers. Its 
 Committee finally issued a public manifesto, assigning the rcas.ons which 
 led the seceders to withdraw from the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery So- 
 ciety. These were : 
 
 1st. The adoption of the Woman's-Right question ! 
 
 2d. It had lost its political efficiency ! 
 
 3d. Its adoption of the no-human-government theory I 
 
 These extraordinary assertions will need no argument to disprove them, 
 since the reader has been permitted to view the machinery, which had 
 been previously set in motion, to lower the cause, by tampering with its 
 principles. The defeat of the movers to get possession of the Society, 
 led to this open warfare. 
 
 This New Association, now using every possible means for the des- 
 truction of the Old Society, had not existed five months, when a SPECIAL 
 MEETING of the American Anti-Slavery Society was summoned to meet 
 in Ohio, by its Committee, of whom Messrs. Birney, Tappan, and Stan- 
 ton, were leading members, and in full fellowship with the few seceders 
 in Massachusetts. This act of the Committee, without precedent in the 
 history of the American Society, in calling a Special Meeting at that time 
 and place, the distance (about 600 miles from its usual place of meeting) 
 being too great to admit of many of the New England Abolitionists being 
 present, led them to fear that there was some ulterior object to be secured 
 by this Meeting, arid the following revelations will show that their fears 
 were not without foundation. 
 
 The following extracts from a CONFIDENTIAL LETTER from E. 
 WRIGHT, Jun.,* formerly Secretary of the American Society, and at 
 this time SECRETARY of the NEW ASSOCIATION in Massachusetts, proves 
 conclusively, that the Woman and Political questions were only pre- 
 tences to hide the main question, and by means of which, to destroy 
 the influence of the uncompromising individuals and societies, who would 
 not adopt the new theories unrecognized by the Constitution. 
 
 It should be kept in mind, that the value of this letter consists in the 
 factj that it was for private, and not for public use. Here the animus of 
 the plot was revealed. 
 
 " DEAR STANTON, Saw only a streak of you as you passed here. So I must 
 say a word in scrawl, which I should have said vocally. It is this : as you are 
 a man and no mouse, urge the American Society at Cleveland, to take a decided 
 
 * This having been a confidential letter, much surprise has been expressed at its 
 being made public. Its history may be given in few words. H . 13. Stanton, being one 
 of the Committee of arrangement of the Meeting in Ohio, above referred to, and to 
 whom letters on the object of the meeting were addressed, in handing these over to 
 the Business Committee, unintentionally ', it is presumed,, included this Letter from Mr 
 Wright. One of the Committee, on reading it, immediately informed Mr Garrison of 
 its existence and contents, who, apprehensive that it might be &,hoax, enquired of Mr 
 Wright, through the columns of the Liberator, as to its authenticity. The follow- 
 ing week, Mr Wright answered Mr Garrison, by publishing the Letter entire, in 
 the Massachusetts Abolitionist, from which it was transferred into the columns of the 
 Liberator. 
 
33 3 
 
 step towards Presidential Candidates. While we are about it, let's have good 
 stuff. I am satisfied, the best we have will do. Let a candidate take well in 
 
 his own State, and he can be made popular any where else. If* . is the 
 
 thing in , he will certainly do elsewhere. , if he has not gone over the 
 
 non-resistance dam, would do well perhaps it might save him. 
 
 " There are men enough, if they will only stand, and they must be made to 
 stand. If the thing is done judiciously, and deliberately, there will be no 
 difficulty. Provided we get good stuff", not much will depend upon the previous 
 fame of our candidates we can manufacture their notoriety as we go along. * * 
 
 " One thing I know, unless you do take such a step OUR NEW ORGANIZATION 
 HEBE is A GONE CASE. It has been, inter nos, SHOCKINGLY MISMANAGED. 
 Every thing has been made to turn upon the woman question. The political has 
 been left to fall out of sight. 
 
 " It wont do for us to start the national politics. But if the Parent Society 
 does so, and not by our movements, then we can take hold with all our might ; 
 the Non-resistants will have to be out upon us, under the true flag, and the con- 
 founded woman question will be forgotten and we shall take a living position. 
 You certainly see this. Take my solemn assurance THAT IT is LIFE AND DEATH 
 WITH us. Make the move, and we will follow and live. 
 
 " E. WRIGHT, JUN." 
 
 " DORCHESTER, October IQth, 1839." 
 
 Here Mr Wright declares, that the "Woman question" does not 
 answer the purpose for which it was designed, that " the political " 
 question has failed ; and that there must be a new issue, or else " IT 
 IS A GONE CASE" with their NEW ORGANIZATION. 
 
 In proof of Mr Wright's assertion, that " the political had been left to 
 fall out of sight," one or two facts, from a great multitude, must answer 
 the present purpose. By reference to the petitions of the Massachusetts 
 Senate, &c., it will be found, that the whole number of petitioners, whose 
 names were sent up to the Massachusetts Legislature, in 1840, with 
 respect to the admission of Florida as a Slave State, into the union, was 
 39,056 of this number, 1,727 were sent up by the Ne\v Organization, 
 (the seceders ;) and 37,329 were sent up by the Old Massachusetts Anti- 
 Slavery Society. One fact more. The Chairmen of the Committees on 
 Slavery, in both the LOWER HOUSE and Senate, were both Vice-presidents 
 of this " no-human-government Society," as Mr Wright arid others call 
 it. Abolitionists are indebted to the faithfulness of these two men, Hon. 
 G. T. Davis, and George Bradburn Esq., for their very able reports and 
 strong resolutions, introduced by them and passed by both Houses, which 
 condemned Slavery in the strongest terms, and indorsing, in full, the doc- 
 trines of Immediate and Unconditional Emancipation. 
 
 It had been, even up to this time, the policy of the American Aboli- 
 tionists to act politically, without forming a distinct political party, which 
 would, necessarily, be hostile to the existing great political parties ; and 
 to vote for such men only, irrespective of their party politics, as were 
 opposed to Slavery, and would exercise their constitutional power for 
 its immediate Abolition ; thus, after the English mode in the West 
 India Emancipation struggle, throwing the balance of power into the 
 hands of the party most favourable to this grand object. By this 
 means they strove to make it the interest of both parties, to nominate 
 men favourable to Abolition, and in this mode of action they have been 
 most successful. 
 
 The Committee of the American Anti-Slavery Society had, up to the 
 time this letter of Mr Wright was written, uniformly condemned the 
 
 * Gerrit Smith, Esq. 
 
 
34 
 
 organization of a new political party, as adapted to produce the greatest 
 possible injury to the Anti-Slavery cause. The following extracts from 
 official documents, issued by the Committee of the Society from year to 
 year, will fully substantiate the truth of this proposition. 
 
 From the Committee's Annual Report of 1836, the following is 
 extracted : 
 
 " This Society has no rewards to bestow but those of a good conscience. We 
 have opened, AND SHALL OPEN, NO no AD TO POLITICAL PREFERMENT." 
 
 The following is from the Report of the Committee of the American 
 Society, and which was unanimously adopted by the Abolitionists in 
 1837: 
 
 " It is to be expected, that some political wolves will put on the clothing of 
 Abolitionism, and SEEK TO ELEVATE THEMSELVES, and manage the And- Slavery 
 Organization to suit their own purposes. But they ought to be met on the 
 threshhold and stripped of their disguise. The best safeguard against their 
 entrance is for Abolitionists, while they firmly refuse to vote for a man who will 
 not support Abolition measures, TO AVOID SETTING UP CANDI- 
 DATES OF THEIR OWN.' 1 
 
 At the same meeting the following resolution was adopted : 
 
 "Resolved, As the sense of this Society, that while Abolitionists OUGHT 
 NEITHER TO ORGANIZE A DISTINCT POLITICAL PARTY, nor 
 as Abolitionists to attach themselves to any existing party, the people of all 
 parties are solemnly bound, by the principles of our civil and religious institu- 
 tions, to refuse to support any man for office, who will not sustain the freedom 
 of speech, freedom of the press, the right of petition, and the Abolition of 
 Slavery and the Slave-Trade in the District of Columbia and the territories, and 
 who will not oppose the introduction of any new Slave State into the Union." 
 
 In the same year it was declared 
 
 " That Abolitionists from the first, have resolved to act upon Slavery politi- 
 cally ; NOT BY ORGANIZING A NEW POLITICAL PARTY, but by 
 making it the interest of both parties already existing, to act upon Abolition 
 principles." 
 
 The Committee, in their Report to their constituents, the American 
 Abolitionists, in 1838, in speaking on this subject, make use of the follow- 
 ing language : 
 
 "He is not worthy the name of an Abolitionist, who does not put the Anti- 
 Slavery qualification above any and all others, in selecting the candidate to 
 receive his vote. The principle of using our suffrage in favour of Emancipation, 
 WHILE WE NEITHER ORGANIZE A DISTINCT PARTY, nor at- 
 tach ourselves to any already existing, is vital to our cause." 
 
 The Committee, in July, 1838, fearing that some few political Aboli- 
 tionists would make an attempt to organize an Anti-Slavery political 
 party, and thus jeopardize its safety and success, issued an address to the 
 Abolitionists of the United States expressly upon this question. The 
 following paragraphs are extracted from a circular, which was lithograph- 
 ed and sent to the leading abolitionists in the country. The Committee 
 say that 
 
 " At the last annual meeting of the American And- Slavery Society, the fol- 
 lowing resolution was adopted : 
 
 "Resolved, That WE DEPRECATE THE ORGANIZATION OF 
 ANY ABOLITION POLITICAL PARTY; but that we recommend to 
 Abolitionists throughout the country to interrogate candidates for office, with 
 reference to their opinions on subjects connected with the abolition of Slavery; 
 
35 
 
 and to vote, irrespective of party, for those only who will advocate the principles 
 of universal liberty. 
 
 " Resolutions embodying the same idea have been passed by the New England 
 Anti- Slavery Convention ; and, we believe, by nearly all, if not all, the State 
 Anti- Slavery Societies. 
 
 " The undersigned think the time lias come, when the friends of the Slave, 
 throughout the Free States, should act fully up to the LETTER and SPIRIT 
 of these resolutions. 
 
 " All the resolutions above referred to, deprecate the formation of a distinct 
 Anti- Slavery political party. We hope our friends in your region WILL DIS- 
 COUNTENANCE ANY SUCH ATTEMPT, or any effort to unite our 
 interests with any existing party. Such a course would surely neutralize ou.c 
 influence, if it did not produce distraction and ruin. Our strength, yea, our 
 invincibility will be found to consist, in first sacrificing our partizan predilections 
 on the altar of humanity, and then holding ourselves entirely aloof from both 
 the political parties. Our motto should be, 'Form alliances with no political 
 party, but enstamp our PRINCIPLES upon all. Thus acting and thus rallying, as 
 one man, to their support, we must be felt. 
 
 " It is possible, that, in some cases, neither party will put in nomination men 
 for whom you can consistently vote ; for no profession of our principles ought 
 to be regarded, when it is unattended with a good moral deportment. In that 
 case, Abolitionists should either not vote at all, or scatter their votes as circum- 
 stances may render advisable. Where a majority of all the votes is required to 
 an election, the latter course may be found wise. In the language of one of the 
 most distinguished statesmen of the country, ( Such a party will assuredly cause 
 itself to be respected.' 
 
 " By order of the Executive Committee, 
 
 "JAMES G. BIRNEY, ) ~ ,. 
 
 E. WRIGHT, Jr., ( Correspond^ 
 
 HENRY B. STANTON, ) 
 
 The Committee, in May, 1839, in their address to the Abolitionists of 
 the United States, with respect to their political elections, again condemn 
 a New Political Organization, in the following expressive language, mak- 
 ing it equally as fallacious and uncalled for as the formation of a National 
 Anti-Slavery Church, which would necessarily set all sects and parties at 
 war against the Anti-Slavery cause : 
 
 " Abolitionists are associated for a single object : to change the civil, social, 
 and moral condition of the coloured people. We believe this can be brought 
 about, WITHOUT DESTROYING EXISTING ORGANIZATIONS 
 IN THE STATE OR IN THE CHURCH. There is no statesman of any 
 political creed, no religionist of any sect, who may not consistently give us 
 his aid." 
 
 By the above extracts it will be seen, that the Committee of the Ame- 
 rican Anti-Slavery Society, whose duty it was to watch over the interests 
 of the cause, and to sound the alarm when the Citadel of Freedom was 
 likely to be assailed by foes without, or to be endangered by revolt within, 
 faithful to their trust in 1836, 1837, 1838, and even up to May 1839, 
 only five months previous to the appearance of this extraordinay letter 
 of MR WRIGHT, condemned in their reports and official addresses, in 
 the strongest manner possible, the formation of a new political party, as 
 pregnant with the greatest evils, and adapted to corrupt, alienate, arid 
 destroy all Anti-Slavery Organizations. But in October, 1839, when, 
 according to MR WRIGHT'S own language, a political party was the 
 only expedient for the salvation of the seceding party in Massachusetts, 
 
 * Now the tbree most active leaders for that policy which they then condemned. 
 Mr Birney recently allowed himself to be run as a candidate for President of the United 
 States, and received about 6,000 votes, out of the 2,600,000 votes which were polled. 
 
36 
 
 with which the American Committee were actively implicated, not a note 
 of warning is raised against it, even though nine-tenths of the Abolition- 
 ists of the entire country were seriously and actively opposed to it. The 
 Committee not only remained silent as to condemning this new movement, 
 but even went farther, and allowed the Emancipator, their mouth-piece, 
 to advocate the very scheme which they had uniformly, and but a few 
 months previously, condemned. As the " New Orgariizationists " were 
 unable to succeed in their work of division, by their cry against " Wo- 
 man's Rights" " Non- Resistance" and other unpopular questions, they 
 have endeavoured, and in many cases have succeeded, in changing the 
 issue from these to the THIRD POLITICAL PARTY QUESTION. 
 
 This third political party movement had not only been stoutly con- 
 demned by the American Society up to 1839, but by all the editors of 
 Anti-Slavery newspapers. E. Wright, Jun., in 1835, 1836, 1837, 1838, 
 and even up to August, 1839, only two months previous to the writing 
 of this letter, condemned (as will be seen by the extracts below) what he 
 now declares to be necessary for the salvation of the seceding party. 
 
 " LOOK ON THIS PICTURE, AND ON THIS." 
 E. WRIGHT, Jun., versus E. WRIGHT, Jun. 
 
 "GooD ADVICE We [ELIZUR " One thing I know. Unless you do 
 WRIGHT, Jun.,] take the liberty to take such a step, [form a human-right" s 
 publish the following [extract of. a party,] OUR NEW ORGANIZA- 
 letter,] and commend it to the attention TION HERE IS A GONE CASE. 
 of our readers : " LET ABOLITIONISTS It has been, inter nos, SHOCKINGLY 
 REMAIN WITH THE POLITICAL PARTIES MISMANAGED." E. Wright, Jun. 
 TO WHICH THEY BELONG, but let them Oct. 1839. 
 be more active. I hope the new or- 
 ganization will, in their zeal for political " Between no-government and a 1m- 
 action, be careful not to favour either man-rights [third political] party, we 
 of the great political parties, or oppose thmk we nave demonstrated there is no 
 them, as such. Cast the leaven into middle ground, on more occasions than 
 both WORK WITH BOTH PURIFY one ' E - Wright, Jun. Nov. 1839. 
 B ^ T H-t h at,intheend,bothma y aid We mugt fa human-right's 
 and unite for the overthrow of Slavery [third litical] t and that * 
 
 TUST IftC 9 ' r the Problem of liberty is again to be 
 
 *ri' i * worked out in blood." E. Wright, 
 
 "The principle of using our suffrage jr^. ^ 1839 . 
 
 in favour of Emancipation, while we 
 
 neither organize a distinct party, nor " In all sincerity, we ask those edi- 
 
 attach ourselves to any already existing, tors who oppose such a course, why 
 
 is vital to our cause." Idem. 1838. they may not as well become Non-Re- 
 Similar sentiments were written by sistants, and done with it ?" E. Wright, 
 
 him in 1836 and 1837. Jun. 1840. 
 
 The extracts given above from the writings of Mr Wright, one of the 
 prime leaders of the division, will clearly prove that it is not the American 
 Anti-Slavery Society which has changed, but himself and coadjutors. 
 Were it not that this pamphlet is already swelled to twice the size it was 
 originally designed, the same change in all the principal leaders of the 
 division could be made manifest from their own writings. But sufficient 
 has been given to make this point appear abundantly plain, and therefore 
 more proof is entirely unnecessary. 
 
 From that time, the formation of a new, distinct political party has been 
 the question which, to this hour, has been advocated by the Seceders with 
 a zeal worthy of a better cause. Nuiv, they are bold to declare, that 
 those who do not advocate a ' third political party are no-government 
 
37 
 
 men'* that " a political party is the only position Worthy of free and 
 independent minds." Quotations, to an indefinite extent, might be 
 adduced, to show the entire change which has taken place on the part of 
 those who advocate division. The THEN Committee of the American. 
 Anti-Slavery Society, having failed to carry over the Abolitionists to 
 their views as a body, resolved to drive the ploughshare of division 
 through the entire Anti- Slavery field. They have been able, however, 
 to carry but a small portion with them ; but their opposition tends greatly 
 to paralyze the zeal of Abolitionists not thoroughly imbued with genuine 
 Anti-Slavery principles. 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 THE SECESSION. 
 
 " 'Tis Slander, 
 
 \Vhoseedge is sharper than the sword ; whose tongue 
 Out-venoms all the wornn of Nile: whose breath 
 Rides on the posting winds, and doth bjlio 
 All corners ot the world." 
 
 SHA.KSPEARE. 
 
 WHILE the experiment of this division was being tried in Massachusetts, 
 this restless Committee had been actively engaged in setting machinery in 
 operation, preparatory to the Annual Meeting of the American Anti- 
 Slavery Society, which was due in May, 1840; and at which time the 
 Seceders withdrew, and constituted themselves the " American and 
 Foreign Anti-Slavery Society." Previous to this time every pos- 
 sible effort was made by the seceding party, (the friends of Messrs. 
 Birney, Tappan, Stanton, and others) to press upon their friends, in 
 every part of the country, the importance of attending the anniversary 
 of the American Society, to outvote the no-human-government and Wo- 
 man's- Rights party, as they are pleased to term all those who refuse 
 to adopt their new theories. The following extracts are from a circular, 
 (and others of a similar character might be introduced, did space permit,) 
 which was issued and sent over the country, broadcast, by the officers of 
 the New Seceding Society in Massachusetts, and signed by the Chairman 
 and Secretary : 
 
 " DEAR BROTHER, The Executive Committee of the Mass. Abolition Society 
 have appointed you their delegate to attend the approaching annual meeting- of 
 the American Anti- Slavery Society, to be held in the city of New York, on 
 Tuesday, the twelfth day of May next. In transmitting this certificate of your 
 appointment, we feel ourselves called upon, by all the love we have for the Slave, 
 to urge you to let nothing- short of an interposition of Providence prevent your 
 being present on that occasion. We need not inform you of the efforts which 
 have been made to engraft non-resistance \\ and certain other extraneous matters, 
 into the Abolition cause!! * * * Brother, you must come up to the rescue. * * * 
 We can prevent it, if our friends will turn out and be at their posts ; and we 
 must do it, or suffer a defeat. * * * Fail not, as you love the Slave, as you value 
 correct principles, and as you feel your responsibility to God, the oppressed, your 
 country, and the world ; and if error triumphs on that occasion, let not the guilt 
 rest upon your soul because you were not present to vote it down. 
 
 J. BRACKETT, Chairman. 
 "J. W. ALDEN, Secretary." 
 
38 
 
 The Old Massachusetts Society made a similar effort to prevent the 
 Association from falling into the hands of those who wished to compro- 
 mise the cause, by making it subservient to sectarian or party purposes. 
 
 The day of the meeting arrived and large numbers were in attendance. 
 A second attempt was made, by a number of clergymen, to disfranchise 
 a portion of the members of the Society on account of their sex. This 
 also was defeated by a large majority; women of EACH PARTY voting 
 upon the question. The minority then withdrew, and formed a rival 
 Association, (" the American and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society,") as has 
 already been stated. This New Association was headed by the same 
 men who cheered on the Misses Grimke in 1 837, and who at that time, 
 and subsequently, so ably answered the objections brought against the 
 Society, of being a No-Government and Woman's-Right Society, and 
 who now, strange as it may appear, urge the very objections, the absurdity 
 of which they had previously exposed. As might be expected, the divi- 
 sion is exerting a most disastrous influence upon all our organizations. 
 The success of the new Society will depend upon the destruction of the 
 old; for it is based upon the assumed principle that the old is injurious 
 to the cause of the Slave. In proportion as the people are made to 
 believe this, the new Society succeeds. 
 
 It should be noted, that two or three months prior to the annual 
 meeting of the American Society in May last, the Committee (of whom 
 were Messrs. Tappan, Birney, Stanton, &c.) saw, by the general voice of 
 disapprobation which was sent up from all quarters of the Free States, as 
 respected the unfair, and disorganizing, and sectarian course they had 
 pursued, that the Abolitionists of the country would set upon their con- 
 duct, at that meeting, their seal of censure, by transferring the manage- 
 ment of the Society into the hands of a new committee, which would not 
 abuse their power for the furtherance of political or sectarian principles. 
 Seeing all this, the Committee (like the general who preferred destroying 
 the city to letting it fall into the hands of his enemies) resolved to cripple, 
 and, if possible, to destroy, the original American Anti- Slavery Society. 
 The Emancipator, its organ, was made the medium of proving to the Abo- 
 litionists that there was no farther use for it. Mr Birney even thought 
 "it" not Slavery, but the Society, (which had paid him about 6000 
 dollars, over and above his travelling expenses, for a little more than two 
 years' services,) unless it could be managed upon a different principle, 
 ought to be dissolved. Again, the Committee, when they had about 14,000 
 dollars' worth of Anti- Slavery publications, and other property, in their 
 possession, allowed a draft of 150 dollars to be protested. The Report 
 of this was taken up by the pro-Slavery press, and with great satisfaction 
 the news was circulated, that the Anti-Slavery cause was dying away, for 
 the American Society had failed for 1 50 dollars. 
 
 Once more the Committee (now the Committee of the American and 
 Foreign Anti-Slavery Society) secretly, and without the least intimation 
 to the American Abolitionists, transferred the Emancipator, the original 
 Society's organ, into the hands of a small local hostile body, the committee 
 of which was composed, in part, of the same men as the Committee of the 
 American Anti-Slavery Society. The Society had paid a bonus of more 
 than 20,000 dollars, over and above its receipts, to keep this paper in exist- 
 ence; and so highly did they value it as their only medium of communica- 
 tion with the American Abolitionists, that no inconsiderable sum could have 
 purchased it from them. This act was done only four weeks before the So- 
 ciety's annual meeting in May last, when the Committee's term of office 
 
39 
 
 would expire. When called to an account for thus depriving the Society of 
 its most valuable property for cutting it off from all communication with 
 the Abolitionists, at the time of its greatest need, and for transferring it into 
 the hands of those who would use it for the destruction of the Society 
 which brought it into existence, they alleged in excuse, that they could not 
 meet the expense of publishing it, which, up to the time of the annual 
 meeting, would have cost the very small sum of 300 dollars. At this very 
 moment, the Committee held about 14,000 dollars' worth of the Society** 
 propertj', as already described, in their hands; they were also paying 
 monthly to Mr Birney the reduced salary of 187^- dollars; ta Mr 
 Leavitt 1 50 dollars ; and to Mr Stan ton 80 dollars ; and for office and clerk's 
 hire, about 200 dollars more ; making & monthly outlay of 577J dollars. 
 
 It is therefore evident, that as 300 dollars was all that was required to 
 continue the Emancipator until the General Meeting, these parties could, 
 by pledging the Society's property, reducing its expenses, or deferring the 
 payment of their own salaries until after this period, have preserved to the 
 American Anti- Slavery Society this paper, upon which so high a value 
 was placed, in consequence of its great reputation and wide circulation 
 among American Abolitionists. 
 
 But the reasons assigned for this transfer will appear still more flimsy, 
 when the reader is informed, that this very Committee who made THIS 
 TRANSFER, of whom Messrs. Birney and Stanton were themselves 
 members, at the very time, voted to Mr Stanton 500 dollars, and Mr 
 Birne}' 300 dollars, (in addition to 500 dollars previously given him, to 
 defray their expenses in attending the General Anti- Slavery Convention 
 in London,* and these sums were actually paid out of the treasury of the 
 American Anti-Slavery Society.-]- Thus, after having deprived the Society 
 in America, of its property and means of defence, by the transfer of its 
 organ into the hands of those who were intent on the ruin of the Anti- 
 Slavery Society, under the paltry plea of not having funds to carry it on ; 
 they voted to themselves a large sum of money, to defray their expense to 
 this country, and as a climax to this train of foul play, they not only 
 misrepresent the Society at the Convention at whose expense they came, 
 but travelled through the length and breadth of the kingdom, retailing 
 calumnies against the Society which delegated them. 
 
 These statements have been made, not to excite any personal ill feel- 
 ings in the breast of any one, against the members of this Committee who 
 have thus betrayed a trust, unreservedly, and in good faith, committed to 
 their guardianship ; but to exhibit the workings of the pro-Slavery spirit 
 upon their minds, by which they have been influenced to betray the Anti- 
 Slavery cause into the hands of its enemies. The warfare which they 
 have waged against the American Anti-Slavery Society has been as much 
 more destructive, than that of avowed enemies, as is the treachery of a 
 commandment of a besieged fortress, more disastrous than the assaults of 
 an external foe. 
 
 And here, we would gladly conclude this painful subject, arid leave to 
 the discriminating and honourable reader to draw his own conclusions, as 
 to whether a Society, thus acting, ought to be supported in place of the 
 long-tried and uncompromising American Anti-Slavery Society. We 
 are, however, compelled to refer to the mean course adopted by some of 
 the members of the New Society of transmitting to this country the most 
 base and false charges against members of the Old Society, and against 
 
 * See Appendix T. t See Appendix K. 
 
40 
 
 the Society itself,* and which we regret to say are industriously circulated 
 through the country, by the London Committee of the British arid 
 Foreign Anti-Slavery Society ; charges which, for scurrility and abuse, 
 have seldom been equalled, as will be seen by a reference to the Appendix.-j- 
 We cannot account for this suicidal act on the part of the London 
 Committee, when we look at the number of honourable names which 
 compose it, but by supposing such to have been the act of a small num- 
 ber of that body. We are unwilling to believe that the great men whose 
 names adorn their list, who have spent their lives in advancing the cause 
 of the oppressed and the enslaved, would stoop from their high moral and 
 religious station in society, to become the medium of the foulest personal 
 slander. We would appeal to them to avert this march of folly and 
 injustice on the part of their brother committee-men. 
 
 It must be evident to every unbiased philanthropist, that however much 
 he may deplore the differences on this subject that may have arisen on 
 the other side the Atlantic, the clear course for the London Committee to 
 have pursued, was, either to have given the Abolitionists of this country, 
 impartially, both sides of the controversy, or else to have sided with neither 
 party, but to have made use of both Societies, wherever and whenever 
 they could, to have severally forwarded the great and noble object which 
 we should all have in view. 
 
 Had this been the course pursued by the London Committee, English- 
 men would never have been troubled with the details of this painful case, 
 but, as they have chosen to take the side of the New and small Society, 
 against the Old and more numerous and long-tried Society, the latter 
 had no other course than to lay its case before the British public ; not so 
 much to defend themselves against misrepresentations, because their faith 
 is unshaken in the principle that truth will eventually triumph, but that the 
 great cause for the advancement of which they are willing to lay down 
 their property, their reputation, and their lives, should not be injured. 
 
 * See Appendix L. t See Appendix M. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 A. Sec p. 9. 
 WM. LLOYD GARRISON. 
 
 THE following eloquent passages are extracted from the first number of 
 Mr Garrison's newspaper, the Liberator, printed in 1831, to give the reader 
 a specimen of the bold and uncompromising spirit of the man who, ten years 
 since, stood forth as the Slave's advocate, pennyless, alone, ridiculed and con- 
 demned, and who, by his ability and faithfulness, has been, through the divine 
 favour, permitted to be instrumental in bringing the sinfulness of Slavery before 
 the American people : 
 
 " I shall not array myself as the political partizan of any man. In defending the 
 great cause of human rights, I wish to derive the assistance of all religions and of all 
 parties. 1 shall strenuously contend for the immediate enfranchisement of our Slave 
 population. I am in earnest I will not equivocate I will not excuse I will not re- 
 treat a single inch AND I WILL BE HEARD. The apathy of the people is enough to 
 make every statue leap from its pedestal, and to hasten the resurrection of the dead." 
 
 It is painful in the extreme, that, in the Anti- Slavery cause, composed of men 
 of all sects and all parties, there should be a necessity for vindicating the religious 
 views or character of any faithful and uncompromising Abolitionist ; but so un- 
 sparingly have the London Committee of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery 
 Society privately circulated letters to the leading friends of the Negro throughout 
 the kingdom, written by the seceders in America, intended and adapted to create 
 a strong prejudice against Mr Garrison, as holding and zealously propagating 
 the most dangerous infidel sentiments, that it is but justice to the Anti-Slavery 
 cause, with which he is intimately connected, that British minds should be dis- 
 abused with respect to these wholesale calumnies. The pretended objections of 
 the Seceders as respects " Woman's Rights" " Non-Resistance,'" &c., have failed 
 to alienate the great body of Abolitionists from the American Anti-Slavery So- 
 ciety They have now adopted this new expedient of charging Mr Garrison with 
 holding infidel sentiments, and then to identify these views with the principles 
 of the American Anti- Slavery Society. Had the London Committee given 
 publicity to these and other calumnies, in their organ, the Reporter, where they 
 could have been met and refuted, instead of privately circulating them around 
 by letters, it certainly would have appeared, in them, less mean, cowardly, and 
 criminal. But time shall not be consumed upon this Committee. Their pro- 
 ceedings in this affair their correspondence with the representative of the 
 American Anti- Slavery Society and their attempt to blast his reputation all 
 speak for themselves, in language plain and comprehensive. We shall be satis- 
 fied with the verdict of every unbiassed individual who will give this part of the 
 subject a thorough investigation. 
 
 What if Mr Garrison is a Unitarian or an Infidel ? and he is neither. Is it 
 the design of the Emancipation enterprise to favour one creed and condemn 
 another? If an Anti-Slavery Society may take cognizance of one faith, may it 
 not of another ? The only question that can be properly asked by men as Eman- 
 cipationists, Is he a faithful and uncompromising Abolitionist ? An assent to 
 the Anti-Slavery principle is the only bond of union, and is the only test of mem- 
 bership; and that man, or body of men, who would insist upon an Anti-Slavery 
 Society giving any opinion upon any of the different religious or political ques- 
 tions which distract and alienate mankind, is chargeable with throwing a firebrand 
 into the Abolition enterprise, and is guilty of innovation. Wha+ cau bo the ob,, 
 
 F 
 
ject of professed Abolitionists thus to assassinate the Anti- Slavery reputation and 
 influence of the Slave's first, ablest, and most devoted advocate, even if he were 
 worse than his calumniators represent him ? How is it that the Seceders, the 
 Southern oppressors, and the London Committee and their friends in this country, 
 are unitedly seeking to accomplish his downfall ? Would a drowning man refuse 
 the hand of a heretic stretched forth to save him ? Would the millions of 
 bondmen, stripped of their rights by professed Christians, refuse their freedom, 
 because their chains were riven by men of faith, to them, unsound ? 
 
 We could answer the charges brought against Mr Garrison by counter asser- 
 tions, as there has not been the least attempt, on the part of any one of his enemies, 
 to'prove him to be an infidel. If we may be allowed to have any knowledge of 
 the Christian graces, we should say that Mr Garrison possesses them in a very 
 high degree. We have had the honour of an intimate acquaintance, and of 
 labouring with him in the cause of the enslaved Negro, and have seen him in 
 times of great trial and affliction, and have invariably found him crucified to the 
 world, and the world to him. If we have ever met with a man who, by his life 
 and conversation, appeared to rely on the divine promises, whose life, being one 
 of faith, was hid with Christ in God, and who made it the entire aim and object 
 of his life to elevate and redeem his fellow-creatures, and thus to glorify his 
 Creator, that man is Wm. Lloyd Garrison. Did space permit, we might adduce 
 the testimony of multitudes, entitled by their Christian life, to the highest confi- 
 dence, giving the strongest proofs of his Christian character ; but the evidence of 
 one or two must suffice, as we prefer to let Mr Garrison speak for himself. He 
 has been connected with the press as an editor for fourteen years, and it would 
 seem that, during that time, opposed, persecuted, and calumniated as he has been 
 by American Christians, he would have occasionally expressed an infidel sentiment 
 had he entertained such principles. His accusers, however, have not been able 
 to cull out a single sentence of the kind to sustain their charges We have before 
 us but a very few papers and pamphlets, containing the writings of Mr Garrison ; 
 but there is hardly an article from his pen but what contains some religious 
 sentiment, which would satisfy the reader, we think, that his infidelity is very 
 evangelical. 
 
 The following is from the pen of Angelina E. Grimke, in 1837, then a member 
 of the Society of Friends, in answer to an attack made upon the religious views 
 pf Mr Garrison, by Miss Beecher, a pro- Slavery woman of great notoriety : 
 
 " I feel sorry that thy unkind insinuations against the Christian character of 
 WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON, have rendered it necessary for me to speak of him 
 individually, because what I shall feel bound to say of him, may, to some like 
 thyself> appear like flattery ; but I must do what justice seems so clearly to call 
 for at my hands. Thou sayest that * though he professes a belief in the Christ- 
 ian religion, he is an avowed opponent of most of its institutions.' I presume 
 thou art here alluding to his views of the ordinances of baptism and the Lord's 
 Supper, and the Sabbath. Permit me to remind thee, that in all these opinions, 
 he coincides entirely with the Society of Friends, whose views of the Sabbath 
 never were so ably vindicated as by his pen : and the insinuations of hypocrisy 
 which thou hast thrown out against him, may with just as much truth be cast 
 upon them. The Quakers think that these are not Christian institutions ; but 
 thou hast assumed it without any proof at all. 
 
 " In his character as a man and a Christian, I have the highest confidence. 
 The assertion thou makest, * that there is not to be found in that paper, or any 
 thing else, any evidence of his possessing the peculiar traits of Wilberforce, 
 (benignity, gentleness, and kind heartedness, I suppose thou meanest,) not even 
 his warmest admirers will maintain,' is altogether new to me ; and I, for one, 
 feel ready to declare, that I have never met in any one a more lovely exhibition 
 pf these traits of character. I might relate several anecdotes in proof of this 
 assertion ; but let one suffice. A friend of mine, a member of the Society of 
 Friends* told me that after he became interested in the Anti-Slavery cause, 
 through the Liberator, he still felt so much prejudice against its editor, that, 
 although he wished to labour in behalf of the slaves, he still felt as if he could 
 not identify himself with a society which recognized such a leader, as he had 
 heard William Lloyd Garrison was. He had never seen him ; and after many 
 
 i** 
 
struggles of feeling, determined to go to Boston on purpose to see ' this man,* 
 and judge of his character for himself. He did so ; and when he entered the 
 office of the Liberator, soon fell into conversation with a person he did not know, 
 and became very much interested in him. After some time, a third person 
 came in, and called off the attention of the stranger, whose benevolent counte- 
 nance and benignant manners he had so much admired. He soon heard him 
 addressed as Mr Garrison, which astonished him very much ; for he had expect- 
 ed to see some coarse, uncouth, and rugged creature, instead of the perfect 
 gentleman, he now learned, was William L. Garrison. He told me that the 
 effect upon his mind was so great, that he sat down and wept, to think he had 
 allowed himself to be so prejudiced against a person, who was so entirely 
 different from what his enemies had represented him to be. He at once felt 
 as if he could most cheerfully labour, heart and hand, with such a man, and has 
 for the last three or four years been a faithful co-worker with him, in the holy 
 cause of Immediate Emancipation : and his confidence in him, as a man of pure, 
 Christian principles, has grown stronger and stronger, as time has advanced, and 
 circumstances have developed his true character." 
 
 Sentiments, similar to the following extracts from Mr Garrison's " Thoughts 
 on Colonization," have been frequently expressed hi his writings, since its pub- 
 lication : 
 
 " I appeal to those who have been redeemed from the bondage of sin by the 
 precious blood of Christ, and with whom 1 hope to unite in a better world, in 
 ascribing glory, and honour, and praise to the Great Deliverer for ever." 
 
 " If people would pin their faith upon the BIBLE, and not upon the sleeves 
 of their neighbours, half of the heresies in the world would instantly disappear." 
 
 The following, from the pen of Mr Garrison in 1839, in answer to the charge 
 made against the Non-Resistance Society, of being an infidel association, is 
 inserted as a specimen of his infidelity, together with the Non- Resistance extract, 
 also from his pen : 
 
 " The allegation, that the sentiments of this Society are in accordance with ' 
 those of infidels, or at least that they tend to infidelity, is manifestly as foolish ajs 
 it is malicious. For infidels to glory in the cross of Christ to inculcate the duty 
 of walking in his footsteps to insist on the forgiveness of enemies as the con- 
 dition of salvation is certainly a novel occurrence. For them to give utterance 
 to the following language, extracted from the Non- Resistance Declaration of 
 Sentiments, is also very remarkable : 
 
 " So they treated the Messiah, whose example we are humbly striving to imi- 
 tate. If we suffer with him, we know that we shall reign with him. We shall 
 not be afraid of their terror, neither be troubled. Our confidence is in the LORD 
 ALMIGHTY, not in man. Having withdrawn from human protection, what can 
 sustain us but that faith which overcomes the world ? We shall not think it 
 strange concerning the fiery trial which is to try us, as though some strange thing 
 had happened unto us, but rejoice inasmuch as we are partakers of CHRIST'S 
 sufferings. Wherefore we commit the keeping of our souls to GOD, in. well 
 doing, as unto a faithful Creator." 
 
 The following extract is from the closing sentence of a letter to Gerrit Smith, 
 Esq., on the subject of Peace, in 1840 : 
 
 " I feel much solicitude on your account, lest, in your present temper of mind 
 on the subject of politics, you should quench the SPIRIT OF GOD, which is 
 manifestly striving with you, and close your eyes to the heavenly light which has 
 burst upon you, and once more ally yourself to the kingdoms of this world, which 
 are all to be destroyed by the brightness of the coming of Christ. Let there be 
 no delay in making up your mind. If the Lord be God, serve him ; if Baal, 
 serve him. My prayer is for your perfect salvation. 
 " Your faithful friend, 
 
 " WM. LLOYD GARRISON." 
 
 The following is the first sentence in the Report of the Board of Managers of 
 the Massachusetts Anti- Slavery Society, and written by Mr Garrison in 1839:- 
 
44 
 
 " The Lord reigns ! If it were not so, the friends of humanity might despair. 
 The Lord is omnipotent ! But for this, tyrants might exercise perpetual dominion. 
 -The Lord is sworn to execute judgment for all who are oppressed! Therefore, 
 all shackles shall be broken, and every captive set free, in this, in all lands." 
 
 We beg the reader to peruse attentively the following interesting, though 
 somewhat lengthy article, written by Mr Garrison, in December, 1840, at the 
 close of the tenth volume of the Liberator : 
 
 " Until a comparatively recent period, our accusers were the despisers and per- 
 secutors of the coloured race southern Slave-holders and their northern allies ; 
 but now, our most bitter revilers are those who profess to be Abolitionists, and 
 who are indebted to our humble exertions, under God, for what they see, feel, 
 and know on the subject of Slavery. They have requited us by lifting their 
 heels against us, and by resorting to every means in their power, however un- 
 lawful and wicked, to destroy our Anti-Slavery influence, and crush the Liberator. 
 And why is this ? Because they happen not to like our views on some other 
 subjects! Their personal enmity is so strong, as to induce them to PROPA- 
 GATE THE MOST ATROCIOUS FALSEHOOD, and deal in the 
 BLACKEST CALUMNY, to effect OUR DOWNFALL. But we have not 
 yet fallen; and, relying upon THE SAME GOOD BEING who has hitherto 
 been our stay and staff and upon THE SAME GRACIOUS REDEEMER 
 who has cheered and animated us by His smiles in the darkest hours of affliction 
 and upon THE SAME DIVINE COMFORTER who has filled our heart 
 with a peace which the world can neither give nor take away we still expect, 
 having done all, TO STAND. In the deliverance of our coloured countrymen 
 from their frightful bondage, and their elevation to all the rights and privileges 
 of our common humanity, we feel an ever-growing interest. We espoused their 
 cause when few were willing to support it ; and it would be strange indeed if, in 
 the days of its strength and glory, we should now abandon it. Whatever evil 
 and designing men, under the guise of Abolitionism, may say to alienate their 
 affections from us, they may rest assured that we will be faithful to them in life 
 and in death, and do what in us lies to cause liberty to be proclaimed throughout 
 all the land unto all the inhabitants thereof. 
 
 " All other means having FAILED TO DESTROY the Liberator, the latest DE- 
 VICE OF SATAN, transformed into ' an angel of light, 1 to effect this pur- 
 pose, is to represent it as an INFIDEL publication, and OURSELVES AS 
 HOLDING INFIDEL SENTIMENTS ! Having not been dismayed by the 
 cry of 'madman! fanatic! incendiary!' at the commencement of our Anti-Sla- 
 very career, we shall not allow our peace to be disturbed by the cry of ' infidel !' 
 OUR INFIDELITY CONSISTS IN THIS: we do not happen to agree 
 with the majority, in regard to certain outward forms and observances ; we have 
 refused to connect ourselves with any religious sect, and to adopt a human creed 
 as the standard of our faith ; we do not believe that the clergy are impeccable ; 
 nay, we have dared to affirm that, as a body, they love the fleece better than 
 they do their flocks, as their treatment of every righteous but unpopular reform 
 plainly indicates ; we do not believe that men can have the spirit of Christ, 
 who hold their fellow-creatures in bondage ; we do not believe it is right or 
 consistent for Abolitionists to support a pro- Slavery priesthood, or recognize a 
 pro- Slavery church as a religious body ; we do not believe that it is right for 
 Christians to imprison, hang, or butcher their enemies ; we do not believe that 
 governments of human contrivance, upheld by military power, and administered 
 by wicked rulers, are divine ; we do not believe in the necessity of sinning 
 against God, or being always more or less in bondage to the Devil ; we do not 
 believe that Christ is unable to save his people from their sins in the present life, 
 or that the world may not be overcome, through faith, by those who dwell in 
 
 it ; we do not believe in holiness of time, but in holiness of heart ; we do 
 
 not believe in a worldly sanctuary and ordinances of divine service, but in the 
 true tabernacle which the Lord pitched, and not man, and in spiritual worship 
 and communion, without the intervention of any types or figures ; and, finally, 
 we do not believe in making religion a thing of circumstance, time, or place- 
 something distinct from the every-day pursuits and avocations of life but ear- 
 
45 
 
 nestly maintain with him who was ranked among- the offscouring of all things, 
 that, WHETHER WE EAT OR DRINK, OR WHATSOEVER WE 
 DO, WE SHOULD DO ALL TO THE GLORY OF GOD. This is 
 the head and front of our infidelity. How far it is dishonouring to God, or 
 hostile to the temporal or eternal interests of men, we leave the reader to decide 
 according to the light that is in him. 
 
 ' l We have been connected with the public press more than fourteen years ; 
 and, during that time, we have written no small amount, on a great variety of 
 topics. We have prepared various pamphlets in an official and unofficial shape, 
 which have been published to the world. We have delivered many public 
 addresses, and participated in the proceedings of many public meetings. Now, 
 why do not our accusers QUOTE CHAPTER AND VERSE from our 
 writings to sustain their charge against us of infidelity ? Simply BECAUSE 
 THEY CANNOT because they know that they are ACTUATED BY A 
 MALEVOLENT SPIRIT, and that the truth is not in them. They stand self- 
 convicted as revilers and false witnesses ; for while, in one breath, they would 
 fain make the people believe that we do not acknowledge a divine revelation of 
 the will of God, they, in the next, (as it may happen to suit their evil purpose,} 
 denounce us as holding up perfection as the standard of Christian discipleship ! 
 We are willing that the files of the Liberator should be critically examined, in 
 regard to our religious opinions ; for though, in this age of hollow profession 
 and pharisaical cant, we have been indisposed to make any parade of them 
 before the public eye, ("because we wish our works, rather than our words, to 
 testify of us,) yet we are confident, that, IN OUR WRITINGS, will be found 
 THE UTMOST REVERENCE FOR GOD, for HIS LAW, for 'THE 
 SCRIPTURES OF TRUTH, and the highest appreciation of HIS SON as 
 the Redeemer of the world. We are compelled to make these statements, 
 though they have no special connexion with our Anti- Slavery character, in 
 consequence of the manner in which we have been traduced for the purpose of 
 hindering our usefulness in the cause of our down-trodden countrymen in 
 particular, and of mankind in general." 
 
 The following are extracts of letters from the Rev. Nathaniel Colver, of Bos- 
 ton, to Joseph Sturge, of Birmingham, and which have been, by the London Com- 
 mittee, privately sent to prominent Abolitionists in this country. With regard 
 to that portion of the letter relating to ourselves personally, as having "left" 
 America "under suspicious circumstances," &c.,we have only to say, that, on the 
 10th of December, 1840, six days previous to their arrival, we submitted to 
 the London Committee our credentials from the American and Massachusetts 
 Anti- Slavery Societies, recommending us, in very strong terms, to the sym- 
 pathy and confidence of the Abolitionists of Britain. Thus it will be seen that 
 they were secretly circulating what they must have been aware was false, for 
 what purpose we will leave the enlightened reader to judge for himself. Not 
 one of that Committee had the candour or magnanimity to acquaint us with the 
 existence of such letters and it was merely by accident that we learned of their 
 circulation. We beg the reader to peruse with attention Mr Garrison's brief 
 review of Mr Colver's extracts, given below. 
 
 (From the Liberator of January 29///, 1841, edited by WM. LLOYD GARRISON.) 
 
 REV. NATHANIEL COLVER. 
 
 The following extracts of letters from this individual to certain influential 
 Abolitionists in London, have been communicated to me in a letter from a highly 
 respectable member of the Society of Friends in England, received by the 
 Columbia : 
 
 BOSTON, Nov. 3Qt/i, 1840. 
 
 " Garrison has just headed an infidel Convention, gathered from different 
 States, to call in question the validity of the Sabbath, the church and the minis- 
 try. It was cuiite a gathering, and I went in, with two or three other ministers, 
 and discussed it with them for three days ' 
 
46 
 
 " BOSTON, Dec. \st, 1840. 
 
 " Wm. L. Garrison's influence is on the wane. He so identifies himself with 
 every infidel fanaticism which floats, as to have lost his hold on the good. He 
 has recently headed a Convention to inveigh against the Sabbath, the church and 
 the ministry. It was affecting (!) to see what a company he had identified him- 
 self with the wildest of the no-marriage Perfectionists, (! \) Transcendentalists, 
 and Cape Cod all in harmonious effort against the Bible as our standard of 
 faith, and especially in denouncing the ministry, &c. I think the Anti- Slavery 
 cause will ultimately shake itself from that which has been a source of great 
 trouble. 
 
 " J. A. Collins has, a few weeks since, left for England, under suspicious cir- 
 cumstances (/ /) What are his objects, we know not ; but we fear to practise 
 some imposition upon British sympathy for our cause. / hope you ivill beware 
 of him HE is NOT ENTITLED TO YOUR CONFIDENCE. Friends here feel deeply 
 on the subject. Will you, if possible, ascertain what are his objects, and give us 
 early notice ?" 
 
 It is difficult to conceive of anything more unjust, malignant, and wicked than 
 this attack, made (as it has been) assassin-like in the dark, though providentially 
 brought to the light. Atrocious as it is, it does not excite any special surprise 
 in my breast ; for my acquaintance with the author, for the last two or three 
 years, has fully satisfied me that he is a wolf in sheep's clothing a bitter enemy 
 of holiness a practical unbeliever in the gospel a stranger to the Spirit of 
 Christ and unworthy of confidence or respect. This opinion he knows I have 
 long entertained of him as a man, and as a professed teacher of religion ; for, 
 having frequently brought him to the test of eternal truth, and clearly perceived 
 the temper of his mind, I have felt it my duty to tell him, frankly and faithfully, 
 what is my estimate of his character. My fidelity to him has greatly enraged 
 him ; and as there is no malignity like that of a corrupt priest when he finds that 
 his mask of profession fails to conceal his moral deformity, it is perfectly natural 
 that he should endeavour to revenge himself as opportunity may offer. My 
 friends in England may rest assured that this pretended zeal of NATHANIEL 
 COLVER for the institutions of religion, and this slanderous assault upon my 
 religious views, proceed from personal animosity toward myself; nor would 
 they be led astray by any false statements he might be disposed to make, if they 
 knew him as well as he is known at home by those who are able to discriminate 
 between the form of godliness and the power of it. How many more of such 
 letters he may have written to England, I am yet ignorant. I know that his 
 personal ill-will never slumbers, and that, in his private intercourse with indi- 
 viduals, especially with females, (for whom he entertains the most profound con- 
 tempt as equal beings, especially on the Anti-Slavery platform,) he is constantly 
 making his assaults, in various forms, upon my Christian character. These 
 things I mention, not because they give me any uneasiness, but to disclose to my 
 transatlantic friends the animus which actuates him in writing as he has done re- 
 specting the late Sabbath Convention, and my connexion with it. 
 
 Such is the pressure of my engagements the present week, that I can make 
 only a very few hasty comments upon the extracts quoted above ; but, before I 
 do so, I must appeal to the good sense and Christian magnanimity of English 
 Abolitionists in relation to this insidious attack. Suppose the representations 
 contained in Mr Colver's letters were all true, (and they are all false,} am I, is 
 any man, to be arraigned as a heretic before an Anti-Slavery tribunal ? If I am 
 a faithful, uncompromising Abolitionist, what more does it concern Abolitionists, 
 either on this or on the other side of the Atlantic, to know ? Is it anything 
 better than impertinence for any of them to meddle with my religious or political 
 opinions ? In what part of the Anti- Slavery bond is it stipulated, that there 
 must be a uniformity of faith among- Abolitionists, not only on the subject of 
 Emancipation, but also in relation to " the Sabbath, the church, and the ministry ?" 
 Is it not the strength and glory of the Anti-Slavery enterprise, that it appeals 
 so directly to all the sympathies of the human breast, and enforces its claims so 
 strongly above all sectarian, party> and geographical considerations, that Jew 
 and Gentile, Russian and Turk, Protestant and Catholic, Mahometan antf 
 
4,7 
 
 Pagan, Whig and Tory, Chartist and Radical, may all harmoniously co-operatd 
 together for its extinction ? Who and what are the Abolitionists of England 
 but members of every sect and party in the land, differing heaven- wide in their 
 peculiar religious and political sentiments, yet nobly forgetting those differ- 
 ences in their sympathy for the suffering and the dumb, and their zeal and devo- 
 tion to the outraged cause of bleeding humanity ? Do they not present a lovely 
 and thrilling spectacle, thus united in the great work of human redemption from 
 chains and slavery ? And what must be the humanity, the religion, the heart 
 of that man, who would drive them asunder by appeals to sectarian and party 
 prejudices, and cause every Abolitionist, Ishmael-like, to raise his hand against 
 his brother ? Can he be actuated by a sincere desire to glorify God, and to have 
 peace and good will abound among men? No. Can he be a disinterested, 
 true-hearted Abolitionist ? No. Does the Slave-speculator or tyrant-master 
 desire anything so much as the annihilation of the Anti- Slavery organizations, 
 as such ? No. 
 
 I repeat it, therefore whatever I may think of "the Sabbath, the church, and 
 the ministry," it is not a matter that concerns Abolitionists, and does not come 
 within the "appropriate sphere" of their approval or condemnation. Whoever 
 will undertake to show that I am not an Abolitionist, will speak to a point that 
 is pertinent, and not travel out of the record. 
 
 Now, what was the design of NATHANIEL COLVER, in writing his defamatory 
 letters to England ? Was it to preserve the Anti-Slavery bond of unity in the 
 spirit of peace, or to dash it in pieces with the hammer of priestly malice and 
 sectarian hate? To whom were they addressed? One of them, (if lam not 
 misinformed,) was sent to a member of the London Anti-Slavery Committee 
 perhaps both but this is not material. They were written to leading, in- 
 fluential Abolitionists. For what purpose? Obviously, undeniably, expressly 
 to ruin my character among the Abolitionists of England, and to blast what 
 little reputation I may have won among them for my ten years' unwearied labours 
 to break the yokes and fetters of my enslaved countrymen ! These stabs, more- 
 over, let it not be forgotten, were intended to be given in the dark ; but the 
 hand that was raised to give them has been providentially discovered, and he 
 to whom that hand belongs now stands forth to the public gaze with the brand 
 of moral turpitude imprinted upon his brow. 
 
 If the Anti-Slavery brethren to whom NATHANIEL COLTER sent his letters 
 should happen to see this reply, 1 appeal to them, by every candid and Christian 
 consideration, to say, whether they ought not to spurn this attempt to destroy 
 the usefulness of a fellow-labourer in the Anti- Slavery field. It gives me DO 
 mortification or uneasiness to hear that, in consequence of the innumerable glan- 
 ders that have been busily circulated by the lying spirit of " new organization,'* 
 my refutation and popularity are at a low ebb in England any further than that 
 I lament that good and excellent men should be so easily imposed upon, to the 
 injury of that cause which is so dear to our hearts in common. Advantage is 
 taken of their remote situation, as well as of their pious sensibilities, to excite 
 their abhorrence of sentiments which they do not understand, because they have 
 not been fairly presented to them, and of principles which lie at the foundation 
 of " the glorious gospel of the blessed God." 
 
 I now turn to the extracts. And, 
 
 1. " Garrison has just headed an infidel convention" 
 
 Every word, every syllable in this 'sentence is untrue. No such convention 
 has been held". I am as strongly opposed to " infidelity," fas that term is com- 
 monly understood,) as I am to priestcraft and Slavery. My religious sentiments, 
 (excepting 1 as they relate to certain outward forms and observances, and respect- 
 ing these I entertain the views of " Friend?,") are as rigid and uncompromising 
 as those promulgated by Christ himself. The standard which He has erected is 
 one that I reverence and advocate. In a true estimate of the divine authority of 
 the scriptures, no one can go beyond me. They are my text-book, and worth all 
 other books in the universe. My trust is in God, iny aim to walk in the foot- 
 steps of his Son, my rejoicing to be crucified to the world, and the world to 
 me. So much for the charge of " infidelity." 
 
 In November last, a convention was held in Boston, in consequence of the 
 
48 
 
 great and hurtful diversity of opinion which prevails in Christendom among 1 
 the various sects on these subjects, to ascertain, if possible, what is the true 
 Sabbath, true ministry, and the true church, as, (in the language of the call,) 
 " they exist in the mind of God." Is such a convention an evidence of a dis- 
 position to aid infidelity, or to promote Christian union? I had just as much to 
 do with it as NATHANIEL CGLVER himself and no more. My name was not 
 
 appended to the call. I attended the meeting in common with many others 
 
 so did he. I participated in the discussions so did he. At first, I was appre- 
 hensive that the call was somewhat premature ; but the result of the Convention 
 led me to give thanks to God, and greatly to rejoice in spirit, because I believed 
 that " the truth as it is in Jesus" was signally promoted by it : and if NATHANIEL 
 COLVER felt that his side of the question was strengthened and truth benefitted 
 by the discussion, instead of raising such a clamour about the convention, and 
 uttering such abominable falsehoods about it, he, too, would rest satisfied in spirit, 
 and feel rejoiced that so good an opportunity had been presented to preach the 
 gospel of Christ. Not an infidel spoke in the meeting, the solemnity of which 
 would scarcely have been at all interrupted, if it had not been for the violent and 
 abusive language and the unchristian demeanour of the Rev. Nathaniel Colver 
 and the Rev. E. T. Taylor, as all know who were present at the meeting. All 
 who spoke in opposition to the views of Mr Colver insisted upon the duty of an 
 entire consecration to the service of God of doing all things, at all times, to his 
 service of making all days holy, in spirit and in truth of being obedient to all 
 the requirements of Christianity. As for myself, I declare, once for all, that I 
 am as " orthodox" in relation to the Sabbath as were Martin Luther and John 
 Calvin as " heterodox" as were Priestly and Thomas Belsham and as " fan- 
 atical" as were Robert Barclay and George Fox. 
 
 2. " Win. L. Garrison's influence is on the wane." This cannot be true 
 
 else this restless accuser and the great mass of a corrupt priesthood would not 
 be seeking to move heaven and earth for my downfall. My influence in the 
 world will be in exact proportion to my fidelity to God and his cause ; and it will 
 not be in Ihe power of men or devils to destroy it. 
 
 3. " He identifies himself with every infidel fanaticism which floats." The 
 
 4. " It was affecting to see what a company he had identified himself with!!" 
 If he means by the " company," those at the Convention who agreed with 
 me in sentiment, then I have only to say that I believe they may safely be com- 
 pared with tkeir opponents on the score of "gentleness, goodness, and truth," and 
 of their interest in the universal triumph of righteousness. There were some 
 in the Convention whose " company" I should not desire to keep, as a matter of 
 choice; but these I will not specify. 
 
 5. "The wildest of the no-marriage Perfectionists." What this means, or to 
 whom it applies, I do not know ; and until this false accuser makes good this 
 assertion, it is unworthy of further notice. 
 
 ^ 6. " Transcendentalists and Cape Cod." What, pray, is the unpardonable 
 sin of Cape Cod ? As for the Transcendentalists, they may be right or wrong 
 in their distinctive peculiarities ; but why this sneer against them, because they 
 choose to give their views on the question before the meeting ? 
 
 7. " All in harmonious effort against the Bible." There is no excuse for a 
 wholesale falsehood like this : it does not wear even the semblance of truth. At 
 the opening of the Convention, and on various occasions during the discussion, I 
 expressly declared that I .stood upon the Bible, and the Bible alone, in regard to 
 my views of " the Sabbath, the church, and the ministry" and that I felt if I 
 could not stand triumphantly on that foundation, I could stand nowhere in the 
 universe. My arguments were all drawn from the Bible, and from no other 
 source. This Mr Colver knew, and yet he represents me in England as re- 
 jecting the Bible ! ! 
 
 8. " Especially, in denouncing the ministry," &c Now, the fact is, I did not 
 
 even allude to the ministry for that question was not under consideration, ana 
 I was extremely desirous that the speakers should keep to the point. It was 
 
49 
 
 only a time-serving, hireling, dumb dog ministry that were reproved by those 
 who spoke on the subject and this Mr Colver knows ! 
 
 The attack upon our faithful coadjutor, JOHN A. COLLINS, is, in the worst 
 sense, grossly libellous ; but, as he is a non-resistant, Mr Colver knows that he 
 can slander him with impunity. To say that he left for England " under sus- 
 picious circumstances," is basely untrue ; for he went out under the auspices of 
 the American and Massachusetts And- Slavery Societies, having credentials 
 from the Managers of both Societies, and with a two-fold object in view for 
 the restoration of his health, and to obtain aid and sympathy for our enter- 
 prise. The assertion, that he is not entitled to British confidence, is equally 
 profligate with the other charges of Mr Colver. He has taken with him the 
 very highest recommendations, and, it is hoped, will meet with a kind and hon- 
 ourable reception at the hands of English Abolitionists. Here is further tes- 
 timony See Resolutions of the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society, frc., of 
 
 January 25th, 1841, on pages 63 and 64. 
 
 REV. AMOS A. PHELPS AND WM. LLOYD GARRISON. 
 
 " From revelations which are daily being made by the s New Organization ' 
 party," says the Glasgow Argus, of April 8, 1841, "it appears too evident that 
 its design is to destroy the Anti- Slavery influence, not only in America, but in 
 this country also, of that bold and uncompromising apostle of American Aboli- 
 tion, William Lloyd Garrison. To effect this purpose, the Rev. A. A. Phelps, 
 a leader among the Seceders, has grouped together the extracts from the speeches- 
 of a few individuals, which must be deprecated by every friend of Christianity, 
 delivered at a Convention recently held in Boston, to discuss the Sabbath ques- 
 tion ; and then, by some magic turn, leaves the reader to infer that these are the 
 views of Mr Garrison. This article was published in the New England Chris- 
 tian Advocate, and has been sent to the leading Abolitionists of Great Britain, 
 and it has, we are informed, greatly injured Mr Garrison and the Society with 
 which he is connected. We, therefore, deem it an act of justice to the cause 
 with which Mr Garrison is so intimately connected, to give place to his rejoinder 
 in our columns," &c. We regret our inability to insert this article of Mr PhelpsV 
 on account of its extreme length. A perusal of it to a liberal and enlightened 
 reader, would supercede the necessity of comments from us. Besides, we prefer 
 to let the reader hear both sides of a question, that he may form an opinion 
 intelligently. 
 
 The obvious design of Mr Phelps, evidently, was to prove that those who joined 
 the Convention were infidels ; and then, with a poet's license, sweeps his arms- 
 across the Atlantic, and groups me with the " infidel " speakers of the Con- 
 vention. Words are put into my mouth which never escaped my lips. Mr 
 Phelps makes me to say, that the only qualification necessary to become a member 
 of a Christian Church, is " Garrison Abolition." I do not consider it necessary,, 
 in this connexion, to burden the Anti- Slavery reader with a detail of my religious- 
 opinions. I hold Christian doctrine to be of great importance, but Christian-, 
 practice to be equally important. I do not consider the Anti- Slavery cause 1 
 competent to approve or condemn my religious tenets ; but when the religious- 
 body with which I am connected feels disposed to summon me before its tribunal 
 for heresy, I shall be most happy to give it all the information respecting my 
 faith, which it may have a right to demand. 
 
 The following rejoinder to Mr Phelps, appeared in the Liberator, Boston,, 
 March 12, 1841. Mr Garrison will review the article in the "Advocate," provided 
 its columns are not closed against him. We will then see if the Seceders willi 
 be as active in inundating Great Britain with the antidote, as the poison. 
 
 INFIDELITY. 
 
 u If Amos A. Phelps is determined to dig his own pit, and to insure for himself at! 1 
 ignominious burial, he can blame no one but himself j and if Nathaniel Colver chooses 
 
 G 
 
50 
 
 to make Mr Phelps nis champion, to save him from utter condemnation for his un- 
 principled conduct, I shall be among the last to complain. They are perfectly con- 
 scious that they have lost the respect arid confidence of the great body ot Abolitionists 
 in this Commonwealth ; arid hence it is that they act like men who are desperate in 
 spirit. I warn them not to persist in their insane course to look well to their foot- 
 steps to cease acting the part of schismatics in the Anti-Slavery ranks to count 
 the costs of that warfare which they have begun to wage against the reformatory 
 spirit of the times. Let them beware how they make the priest distinct from and 
 superior to the man. Let them be assured that, though cunning, and tact, and Jesuit- 
 ism, may succeed for a time, truth must be victor in the end, and innocence shall be 
 vindicated in the eyes of the universe. 
 
 " In the New England Christian Advocate, of Feb. , (edited by Luther Lee, and 
 
 published at Lowell,) Mr Phelps has undertaken to prove, in an article occupying 
 nearly a page of that paper, that the late Sabbatical Convention in Boston was an 
 4 infidel ' one ; that all who joined it as members were * infidels ;' that, among those 
 who acted a conspicuous part as ' infidels,' on that occasion, were Rev. Mr. Pierpont 
 of Boston, and Rev. Mr Parker of Roxbury, and Messrs. Alcott, Dyer, Whiting, 
 Brown, and others ; and that the slanderous charges brought against me in Mr 
 Colver's letters to Joseph Sturge are all true to the letter ! ! ! J would here state, that 
 I have regularly received every number of the Advocate, except the one containing the 
 attack upon me by Mr Phelps; nor have I now a copy of it in my possession, but it is 
 solely owing to the kindness of a friend that I am indebted for a perusal of it. Whether 
 there has been any design in this omission, I cannot tell ; but I will thank Mr Lee, or 
 any one else, to send me a copy without delay ; for 1 wish to make a reply to it 
 through the columns of the Advocate; and if in that reply I fail to prove that Mr 
 Phelps has acted the part of a slanderer and a Jesuit, then let me be subjected to 
 derision, and covered with infamy. In all my readings, I have never seen any thing 
 more unfair, more ludicrous, or more impudent, in controversy. The argument itself 
 is ludicrous, but the spirit is obviously malignant, and the whole article remarkable 
 for its bold effrontery. I shall take it for granted that Mr Lee will allow me to be 
 heard in the Advocate, to the extent of the space that has been occupied by Mr 
 Phelps. 
 
 "In my reply to the charges of Nathaniel Col ver, I said' I am as strongly opposed 
 to infidelity, as that term is commonly understood, as I am to priestcraft and slavery.' 
 Was it possible for me to have been more explicit ? I further said ' My religious 
 sentiments are as rigid and uncompromising as those promulgated by Christ himself. 
 The standard that ne has erected is one that I reverence and advocate. In a true 
 estimate of the divine authority of the scriptures, no one can go beyond me. They 
 are my text-book, and worth ail other books in the universe. My trust is in God, my 
 aim to walk in the footsteps of his Sou, &c., &c. 
 
 44 All this, says Mr Phelps, looks very fair but what does it mean ? I do not mar- 
 vel that one, whom I am constrained to regard as ignorant of the light, and life, and 
 spirit of the gospel of Christ, and who is disposed to cling to that old covenant 4 which 
 gendereth to bondage,' is unable to perceive or understand the meaning of these 
 declarations : but what I marvel at is this that, whether I mean precisely by them 
 what he does or not, he should be so rash and foolish as to attempt to identity them 
 as infidel sentiments ! In his apostacy from the Anti-Slavery ranks, has he lost his 
 reason ? Do 4 infidels ' affect to reverence and advocate Christianity ? Do they place 
 the Bible in value above all other books in the world ? Do they talk of trusting in 
 God, and of glorifying in the cross of Christ ? Strange 4 infidelity ' this ! f 
 
 44 The outrageous injustice of Mr Phelps consists, first, in giving detached passages 
 from the speeches of several individuals who addressed that Convention and, se- 
 condly, in 1 making me responsible for these passages. Now, I protest against this 
 course as being devoid of candour, and such as no honest-minded man would pursue. 
 I choose to hold myself responsible only for the sentiments that I may utter or en- 
 dorse. Those which Mr Phelps has selected he knows I neither uttered nor endorsed 
 in the Convention. He knows, too, and is forced to confess, that I made the Bible my 
 standard, and nothing else ; that all my arguments were based upon the Bible ; and 
 that I expressly said, that I did not see how those, who rejected the Bible, could enter 
 into the Sabbatical question, because nothing is definitely known of a Sabbath except 
 from the Bible. And yet I am an 'infidel,' and ' in harmonious effort with Transcen- 
 dentalists, the wildest of the no-marriage Perfectionists, &c., &c., against the Bible as 
 our standard of faith ' ! ! 
 
 44 But this is not the worst of the story. With almost Satanic malice, (so it seems to 
 me,) Mr. Phelps pretends to give the views of certain individuals respecting marriage, 
 and represents them as being in favour of the abrogation of the marriage institution ; 
 and then he leads the reader to infer that I sympathize with such abominable senti- 
 ments ! ! True, he does not dare to make any direct charge ; nay, he is so charitable 
 as to presume that I am not yet prepared to go so far ; but it must be apparent to the 
 dullest vision, that it was the design of Mr Phelps to have the inference drawn by the 
 reader, that, because I happen to agree with those individuals on a particular topic, 
 therefore I must necessarily agree with them in all their other sentiments ! If he did 
 not mean all this, why did he take the pains to travel so far out of the record ? What 
 9, beautiful specimen of priestly candour and magnanimity { In this manner, how 
 

 Easily one can stab the moral character of another ! Yet who, bat an assassin in 
 spirit, would be guilty of such base conduct i Believing that my views of the Sabbath 
 are scriptural that they are essential to the progress ot a pure gospel that they can- 
 not be successfully controverted, and will ultimately become universal, to the utter 
 overthrow of all priestcraft, superstitution, and false worship I care not, and do not 
 stop to ask, who is with or who against me. Whoever receives my views, on that 
 subject, I believe will receive what the Bible teaches, and what the Holy Spirit bears 
 witness to, in that particular ; and so far he will be right, however loose or heretkal 
 he may be on other subjects. Is Mr Phelps prepared to be judged by his own stand- 
 ard that, because a good and a bad man may accord in opinion on a given point, 
 therefore they must harmonize in all other things ? Now, if am to be associated, 
 nolens volens, with those who would abrogate marriage, because they and I reject the 
 dogma, that one day is more holy than another : then, as I agree in this matter with 
 Luther, with Calvin, with Paley, with Priestly, with Barclay, and a host of other 
 men, who were supposed (at least by the various sects to which they belonged) to 
 have stood within the pale of Christianity, let us hear no more about morality or 
 piety, but let them be ranked with ' the wildest of the no-marriage Perfectionists ' 
 with the vilest of the vile ! 
 
 " Mr Phelps may pretend to believe that my religious sentiments ' tend ' to the over- 
 throw of marriage for this is the artful form in which his profligate insinuations are 
 made. So it is said that the sentiments of Abolitionists tend to insurrection and mur- 
 der and those of non-resistants to anarchy and jacobinism ! But such sayings are more 
 worthy of an inmate of Bedlam, than of a rational and sound mind. The marriage 
 institution I have ever held to be sacred, and I am sure that its overthrow would make 
 our earth a hell ; and in my Lectures upon Slavery, if there be one topic that I have 
 dwelt upon more particularly than another, it is the awful fact that, by that impious 
 system, millions of our race are denied the rights of marriage, and are compelled to 
 herd together like mere animals. That the marriage institution is most shockingly 
 perverted, no one can doubt. I am for its preservation, its purification, its perpetuity. 
 
 " Whoever reports that the late Sabbath Convention was composed of infidels, ia 
 guilty of uttering falsehood. Its members were Methodists, Baptists, Congrega- 
 tionalists, Friends, Unitarians, &c., &c. ; and nearly all of them Abolitionists. All 
 persons were invited to it, and, of course, the assembly was as promiscuous as an Anti- 
 Slavery or a temperance gathering. I have asserted that no infidels spoke in the 
 meeting, using the term in its usual acceptation viz., no one, avowing himself to be 
 an infidel of the ' Fanny Wright school.' This statement is perfectly accurate ; yet, 
 to disprove it, Mr Phelps undertakes to show that the Rev. Mr Parker and others 
 uttered sentiments which he regards as infidel ergo, it was an ' infidel Convention ! ' 
 Then, because Mr Phelps addressed it, it was an 4 orthodox Convention' and when 
 Mr Colver spoke, it was a ' Baptist Convention 'and when Mr Taylor spoke, it was 
 a ' Methodist Convention.' ! ! ! But the Convention, as such, endorsed no man's sen- 
 timents, and took no action upon the Sabbath question pro or con." -Liberator, Boston, 
 March 12, 1841. 
 
 The following resolution was passed at the Annual Meeting of the Worcester 
 County North Division Anti-Slavery Society, held in Holden, Feb. 18th, 1841. 
 
 " Resolved, That the recent attempt of the Rev. Nathaniel Colver, of Boston, to 
 destroy, in England, the Anti-Slavery reputation and influence of our unfaltering 
 coadjutors, John A. Collins and William L. Garrison, by slanderously assailing their 
 moral and religious character in private letters, addressed to certain influential 
 Abolitionists in that Country, is regarded by this Society as in a high degree flagrant 
 and unjustifiable, and worthy of universal reprobation. 
 
 The following resolutions were passed at the Annual Meeting of the Essex 
 County Anti-Slavery Society, held in Georgetown, February 25th, 1841. 
 
 " Resolved, That we view, with indignation, the attempt recently made by 
 Nathaniel Colver, of Boston, to impeach the character of our beloved brother, 
 VVilliam Lloyd Garrison, before the Abolitionists of Great Britain, by alleging against 
 him charges false in fact, as well as pertaining to subjects upon which we, as Abolition- 
 ists, cannot rightfully take cognizance.'* 
 
 " Resolved, That we regard with the same feelings, the unjustifiable attack of the 
 same individual upon our beloved brother, John A. Collins, whose moral integrity 
 stands unimpeached." 
 
 TESTIMONY OF JAMES CANNINGS FULLER. 
 
Colver's letters, on pages 45, 46, written a letter, in which he speaks in the highest 
 terms of the Christian character of Wm. Lloyd Garrison. Mr Fuller says : 
 
 44 1 should not hesitate to declare as my judgment, that there is no man iu America, 
 whose faith is more deeply founded on the fundamental principles of the Christian 
 religion, as exhibited in the holy Scriptures, or who has a more abiding sense of his 
 duty towards God and his fellow-men, under those principles, than William Lloyd 
 
 which has been refused admission, a letter, accompanied with resolutions, supported 
 by four orthodox ministers, and unanimously adopted by a convention of 300 Aboli- 
 tionists," relating to these extracts. 
 
 We will close this part of the subject, by inserting the lines addressed to Mr 
 Garrison by the poet Whittier : 
 
 TO WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON, 
 
 CHAMPION of those who groan beneath 
 
 Oppression's iron hand : 
 In view of penury, hate, and death, 
 
 I see thee fearless stand. 
 Still bearing up thy lofty brow, 
 
 In the steadfast strength of truth, 
 In manhood sealing well the vow 
 
 And promise of thy youth. 
 
 Go on ! for thou hast chosen well ; 
 
 On in the strength of God ! 
 Long as one human heart shall swell 
 
 Beneath the tyrant's rod. 
 Speak in a slumbering nation's ear, 
 
 As thou hast ever spoken, 
 Until the dead in sin shall hear 
 
 The fetter's link be broken ! 
 
 I love thee with a brother's love, 
 
 I feel my pulses thrill, 
 To mark thy spirit soar above 
 
 The cloud of human ill. 
 My heart hath leaped to answer thine, 
 
 And echo back thy words, 
 As leaps the warriors at the shine 
 
 And flash of kindred swords ! 
 
 They tell me thou art rash and vain 
 
 A searcher after fame 
 That thou art striving but to gain 
 
 A long-enduring name 
 That thou hast nerved the Afric's hand, 
 
 And steeled the Afric's heart, 
 To shake aloft his vengeful brand, 
 
 And rend his chain apart. 
 
 Have I not known thee well, and read 
 
 Thy mighty purpose long ! 
 And watched the trials which have made 
 
 Thy human spirit strong ? 
 And shall the slanderer's demon breath 
 
 Avail with one like me, 
 To dim the sunshine of my faith, 
 
 And earnest trust in thee ? 
 
 Go on the dagger's point may glare 
 
 Amid thy pathway's gloom 
 The fate which sternly threatens there, 
 
 /* glorious martyrdom ! 
 Then onward with a martyr's zeal 
 
 Press on to thy reward 
 The hour when man shall only kneel, 
 
 Before his Father God. 
 
 B. See page 9. 
 
 VOICE OF THE COLOURED PEOPLE, 
 
 A few, as a specimen, of the many resolutions passed by the free coloured 
 people, in different parts of the United States, are here inserted, in which their 
 confidence is strongly expressed in Mr Garrison and the old organization, and 
 their unqualified condemnation of the seceding party. 
 
 At a very large adjourned meeting of the Coloured citizens of Boston, October 
 1 7th, to take into consideration the object, nature, and influence of new organiza- 
 tion, he following resolutions were passed : 
 
 " Resolved, That we consider it a religious duty to defend Mr Garrison against every 
 attempt, whether of internal or external foes, to crush him. 
 
 " Resolved, That we hail with joy the fact, that unshaken confidence is reposed in 
 our highly esteemed fellow-citizen, William Lloyd Garrison, by the coloured people in 
 New Bedford, Worcester, Salem, and elsewhere in this commonwealth, and regard it 
 as a further proof of their discernment and love of pure principles, 
 
" Resolved, That we believe it is now made manifest to every coloured person, that 
 the design of the new organization is the entire overthrow of the Massachusetts Anti- 
 Slavery Society r and that no artifice is left untried to effect that purpose ; and there- 
 fore that it ought to be regarded with more jealousy than even the Colonization 
 Society itself. 
 
 " Resolved, That all Coloured people who are acquainted with the present aspect of 
 the Anti-Slavery cause in this State, and who enlist with those who seek the over- 
 throw of Garrison and his coadjutors, are enemies to the true interest of the Slave, 
 and ought to be treated as such ; for no dependence can be placed upon them ; if 
 they will betray one man, they are very likely to do so to another. 
 
 " THOMAS HENSON, Chairman. 
 " WM. C. NELL, Secretary:' 
 
 At a large and respectable meeting, held by the Coloured people in New 
 Bedford, May 25th, 1840, Solomon Peneton was called to the Chair, and J. 
 B. Sanderson appointed Secretary. N. A. Borden and Paul C. Howard, on 
 the part of a committee, presented the following resolutions, which after an 
 animated discussion, were unanimously adopted : 
 
 " Resolved, That we cannot but express our unaffected joy and gratitude to God, 
 for the success that attended the American Anti-Slavery Society, at the last annual 
 meeting, in its determination to adhere to original and pure Anti-Slavery principles ; 
 and we regard it as a signal triumph of liberty and truth, over intolerance, sectarian- 
 ism and error. 
 
 " Resolved, That the prompt manner in which our coloured friends in this and the 
 NEIGHBOURING STATES RESPONDED to the call and came up to the rescue, 
 augurs well for their Anti-Slavery zeal ; and no doubt they find a rich reward in the 
 consciousness of having done their duty in a righteous cause. 
 
 " Resolved, That the spirit which leads to 4 new organization,' because females are 
 allowed to speak and act in a holy cause as duty dictates, is the foul spirit of preju- 
 dice ; and as its tendency is to exclude a large portion of the well-tried friends of the 
 Slave, on account of their sex, we should not be surprised if its next step is to exclude 
 another portion on account of colour. 
 
 " Resolved, That the word * FOREIGN ' in the name of the New Society lately 
 formed at New York, is a significant word, rightly expressing the principles upon 
 which it is based, viz. : that they are as foreign to freedom and equality, as the Slave 
 code of Georgia is to the Declaration of American Independence. 
 
 "S. PENETON, Chairman. 
 "J. B. SANDERSON, Secretary." 
 
 The following extract from a speech of Mr Remond, the intelligent and elo- 
 quent Coloured delegate from the United States, to the General Anti-Slavery Con- 
 vention in London, delivered at a large public meeting in Darlington, January 
 27th, 1841, will show what organization has the confidence of the coloured people 
 of America : 
 
 " He considered it most unjust to desert that Society longest known and most faith- 
 fully tried in the fiery ordeal of suffering and proscription, and which had for the last 
 eight years stood storm-proof against erery species of opposition. He felt that the 
 English friends had committed themselves to what was called new organization, pre- 
 maturely, and that too, from ex-parte statements. He felt free to declare, that up to 
 that hour, the expression of the free people of colour, so far as any had been made, 
 was in favour of the original American Anti-Slavery Society. He considered the 
 decision of the coloured people the best thermometer to enable the meeting to form a 
 judgment as to the rise and fall of genuine Abolition. For the undiminished regard 
 they had for those bold, true, and fearless advocates of their cause, Win. Lloyd 
 Garrison and N. P. Rogers, he would refer the audience to their reception in Boston, 
 on their return from this country a short time since, by the coloured people of that 
 city." 
 
 Upon the return of Wm. Lloyd Garrison and N. P. Rogers to America, from 
 England, in August, 1840, the Coloured citizens of Boston called a public meeting, 
 at which about two thousand of every complexion were present, to give them a 
 cordial reception, as their tried friends and the faithful advocates of " old or- 
 ganization" principles. 
 
 Mr Hilton, in introducing Mr Garrison, to that large assembly, made use 
 of the following language, which expressed the feelings of his coloured 
 brethren : 
 
 "MY WELL-BELOVED FRIEND AND BROTHER, 
 
 " Ten years have well nigh elapsed, since it was my happy lot, in conjunction with 
 the chairman of this meeting, to greet your first entrance into the city of Boston, and 
 
>.-*- -f^' 54 
 
 to give yon a hearty welcome, as our organas an exponent of the feelings of the col- 
 oured people. 
 
 " It has become my pleasing task again to give you a most cordial welcome on the 
 part of the same people, on your return from what is called the World's Convention ; 
 falsely so called. Your advocacy of the glorious principles of Immediate Emancipa- 
 tion, for which you have suffered so much, has greatly endeared you to the hearts of 
 this people. They have come forth, as yon see, to give you a cordial welcome. 
 
 " They well remember that William Lloyd Garrison, was the first who raised his 
 voice in America, in favour of Immediate Emancipation ; and it is William Lloyd 
 Garrison whom they still find their boldest champion. 
 
 44 Whilst the pulpit was dumb, you^ Sir, lifted up your voice in our behalf like a man ! 
 (Applause) and lest editors may conceive themselves slighted, 1 will remark that'they 
 also were dumb ; while your voice was raised in a manner the most determined and 
 persevering. They well remember your ' Thoughts on Colonization ;' your predictions 
 of what would befall you in consequence of attacking that rotten system. They re- 
 member the noble pledges that you have in past times made in their behalf; and they 
 are here this night to testify that you have uniformly redeemed them all. (Great 
 applause.) 
 
 44 We think, on this occasion, of some who were your early companions ; we look 
 for them in vain ; they walk no more with you. It would have been our pleasure to 
 have given them also a tribute of respect. But you are still surrounded by a brilliant 
 constellation of faithful spirits, who have never flinched from your side. I behold 
 one who is here sharing with you the pleasures of return. I mean your own beloved 
 Rogers : dear to us also, for his faithfulness in supporting the same principles. * * 
 
 44 We congratulate you and ourselves upon your safe return to your dear native 
 country to this city to the soil which gave you birth to the society of your beloved 
 family, and to the dear friends that surround you ; to the coloured man whose cause 
 you have advocated. And in expression of our fellowship and grateful sense of your 
 devotedness to it, I now give you, in behalf of this meeting, my right hand, (great 
 applause) with it goes my heart ! (overwhelming applause,) and the hearts of my 
 brethren unitedly. Sir, (Amen, amen, from the meeting,) I present hearts before you 
 that your enemies have not been able to change or conquer : hearts that could no 
 more be bribed or stolen from you, than your heart can be from us. (Applause.) And 
 now, Sir, in behalf of this assemblage, I invoke the blessing of high heaven upon 
 your head ! ( Repeated and enthusiastic expressions.)' ' 
 
 C. See page 9. 
 
 VOICE OF THE PRO-SLAVERY PRESS. 
 
 The Christian Panoply, a Journal notoriously hostile to the Anti- Slavery 
 enterprise, makes use of the following language with respect to " New Organi- 
 zation," and did space permit, sentiments of a similar character, from a great 
 number of other papers might be introduced, but this, with a few other extract?, 
 will be sufficient to lead the thinking to examine for themselves, and to discern 
 its perfect harmony with the spirit of the New Organization Journals : 
 
 44 It has been alleged that those of us who would not fall into the Garrison ranks, 
 were the friends and advocates of Slavery. Now, we are utterly opposed to Slavery ; 
 this, we know, is the general feeling at the North ! ! and our brethren who charge us 
 with favouring Slavery, have borne wrong testimony against us. They do us and the 
 cause an injury ; they think to drive us into their ranks, or else to induce us to become 
 the advocates of this moral evil. But we have done neither. We have protested 
 against the outrageous course which Garrison has pursued, in breathing out rage and 
 madness against the Slave-holders-. And now, some of our brethren, who once fol- 
 lowed him, have opened their eyes to his errors, and have seceded from his ranks. A 
 division has taken place ; a separation, with no prospects of a re-union. 
 
 44 We very much doubt whether Mr Garrison is a real friend to the Coloured man ! ! 
 
 * ***** 
 
 He has designs to accomplish ; and in his aim at his main purpose, he presses in every 
 thing that can be nsed for it. Now, non-resistance : now, the woman question ; 
 and now, tee-totalism. He hopes in this way to draw in many whom he could not 
 otherwise reach. * Those who give, would do well to inquire 
 
 what becomes of their money ; is it applied so as to accomplish what the donors wish ? 
 Many church-members contribute to them, and their money is used to pay for the 
 services of agents for railing against the church and its servants. 
 
 44 They will find that in reality they are not struggling for the highest good of the 
 black man, but against the ministry, who are the servants of the church j and thus in 
 
55 ; 
 
 reality warring against the church of Christ. Whether even some of the leading men 
 in the Garrison ranks are aware of it, we doubt. Time has been, when we saw this 
 state of things, but could not speak fully about it, because so many of the ministers 
 were in those ranks ; and their being there was an argument that no evil design was 
 entertained. But they have seen their position ; they have come out, refusing any 
 longer to k touch the unclean thing* and now we can say, fearlessly, that Garrison 
 is a bitter, uncompromising enemy of the church of Christ. Its institutions he hates ; 
 its Sabbaths he tramples down, and so eventually will his followers. Destroy the 
 sacredness of the Sabbath, and you give the right hand of fellowship to infidelity. 
 * To destroy the cause of Christ, you have only 
 
 to overthrow the ministry, and make the Sabbath like other days, and your work is 
 half done yea, done. TRUE, WE HAVE NOT ENLISTED UNDER THE BANNER 
 
 or NEW ORGANIZATION ; mainly, because we cannot relinquish our BELIEF THAT COLONI- 
 ZATION AT LIBERIA, is a benevolent enterprise; effecting more visible good than any 
 other measure yet adopted. Its object and mode of government is vastly preferable to 
 any English plan yet adopted." 
 
 The Washington Globe, a most malignant and ferocious journal against every 
 thing in the form of genuine Anti- Slavery, after ridiculing the American Anti- 
 Slavery Society, as being a " Woman's- Rights," " No-human-government 
 Society," shows its sympathy with the seceding party, as follows : 
 
 " These ultras had a majority in the late Anti-Slavery Convention at New York, and 
 permitted women to vote, and be appointed on Committees.' The consequence was, 
 the secession of the minority, who did not relish this * petticoat government,' and the 
 formation of a new society, styling itself ' The American and Foreign Anti-Slavery 
 Society.' " 
 
 The New York Herald, of infamous notoriety, and especially distinguished 
 for its pro- Slavery virulence, complimented the seceders as men who had a true 
 sense of " self-respect," and added, 
 
 " Garrison and his coadjutors, anxious only for notoriety, and reckless of the means 
 of obtaining it, have stimulated the more inconsiderate of their followers to ultra and 
 odious measures, in the hope of driving off all sober men of discretion, (!) and thus 
 gaining undisputed control of the means and influence of the Society." 
 
 D. See page 25. 
 
 As I am unable, at this time, to lay my hands upon the anecdotes designed for 
 this Appendix, illustrating the foresight and integrity of Mr Garrison, I will sup- 
 ply their place with other useful information, though not so particularly relating 
 to Mr Garrison. 
 
 At the Ninth Annual Meeting of the Massachusetts Anti- Slavery Society, 
 on the 27th January, 1841, and the most numerous meeting of the Society ever 
 held, the following preamble and resolutions were unanimously adopted : 
 
 " Whereas, from the fact that our beloved brother William Lloyd Garrison has been, 
 under God, the mighty agent for arousing this country to a sense of her inexpressible 
 blood-guiltiness ; and whereas, from the power of truth with which he is clothed, he is 
 now, as he has been from the commencement, more dreaded, by the Slaveocracy of the 
 country than any other man, and consequently no devices have been spared to destroy, 
 this influence, by the basest insinuations and most barefaced falsehoods, thereby 
 making him the great stumbling-stone and rock of offence to the progress of the cause ; 
 and whereas, calls are heard from all parts of the State for visits from our brother, the 
 conviction being felt that at his presence the foes would be subdued, and for these and 
 other reasons, more could be accomplished for the cause by his public speaking, than 
 by the united labours of many men ; therefore, 
 
 " Resolved, That he be urgently invited to engage, as much as possible, in lecturing 
 in the several towns in the Commonwealth, during the present season. 
 
 " Resolved, That while we have no conflict with the church or ministry, as such, 
 but while we highly admire and commend such churches and ministers as remember 
 those in bonds as bound with them, and preach deliverance to the captive, and the 
 opening of the prison doors to such as are bound ; still we do most solemnly denounce 
 the churches and ministers who refuse to bear an open and consistent testimony 
 against Slavery, as against the separate crimes of which it is made up, as the most 
 dangerous, because the most insidious, enemies of freedom ; as th^ most strenuous 
 oppose of the spread of the Gospel of Jesus Christ, and the most earnest promoters 
 of cruelty, vice, and irreligion in the land." 
 
 * Just as they did in 1839. Was this introducing any thing new ? 
 
56 
 
 The following extract, from the Ninth Annual Report of January, 1841, of 
 the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society, one of the many State Auxi- 
 liaries of the American Anti- Slavery Society, will give some idea of its effi- 
 ciency, notwithstanding the efforts of the Seceders to destroy it : 
 
 " In consequence of the divisions which have taken place in this Commonwealth 
 the extraordinary and exhausting efforts which were made to redeem the pledge of 
 ten thousand dollars to the National Society in 1839 and the suspicion and distrust 
 which have been so widely excited against this Society it has not been possible for 
 the Board to carry on the operations of the Society during the past year, so efficiently 
 or vigorously as they could have desired. But, though they have been unable to 
 'make bricks without straw,' they have endeavoured to make the best use of the 
 means in their possession for the promotion of the Anti-Slavery enterprise. Since 
 the last Annual Meeting, the receipts into the treasury have amounted to upwards of 
 nine thousand dollars, and the expenditures to nearly the same amount. Of the ex- 
 penditures, a considerable portion has been paid to the agents in the employment of 
 the Society, for the past and preceding year. Among those agents have been Philo 
 C. Pettibone, _W. R. Chapman, Sumner Lincoln, Ezra C^Smith, Philemon R. Russell, 
 
 f 
 
 IN 
 
 whom have laboured with zeal and fidelity during the period of their engagement." 
 
 The following sentence is extracted from the Ninth Annual Report of the 
 Board of Managers of the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society, (1841.), show- 
 ing the relation the cause sustains to Mr Garrison's peculiar views : 
 
 " It is due to Mr Garrison to say, that no one has laboured more assiduously than 
 himself to keep the Anti-Slavery enterprise distinct from every other, (question), and 
 to avoid the introduction of ' extraneous' matters. Whatever may be his religious 
 opinions, or his notions of the existing governments of the world, the Society has 
 never been called upon to give them its approval." 
 
 E. See page 27. 
 
 The object of the Society shall be to endeavour, by all means sanctioned by 
 law, humanity, and religion, to effect the Abolition of Slavery in the United 
 States ; to improve the character and condition of the free people of colour, to 
 inform and correct public opinion in relation to their situation and rights, and to 
 obtain for them equal civil and political rights and privileges with the whites. 
 Constitution of the Massachusetts Anti- Slavery Society, Art. 2. 
 
 F. See page 28. 
 
 Any person, by signing the Constitution, and paying to the Treasurer fifteen 
 dollars as a life subscription, or one dollar annually, shall be considered a mem- 
 ber of the Society, and entitled to a copy of all its official publications. Con- 
 stitution of the Massachusetts Anti- Slavery Society, Art. 3. 
 
 Any Anti- Slavery Society, or any association founded on kindred principles, 
 may become auxiliary to this Society, by contributing to its funds, and may 
 communicate with us by letter , or delegation. Ibid, Art. 11. 
 
 G. See page 30. 
 
 Any person who consents to the principles of this Constitution, who contributes 
 to the funds of this Society, and is not a Slave-holder, may be a member of this 
 Society, AND SHALL BE ENTITLED TO VOTE AT ITS MEETINGS, Constitution of 
 the American Anti-Slavery Society, Art, 4. 
 

 II . Seepage 31. 
 
 Any And- Slavery Society, or association, founded on the same principles, 
 may become auxiliary to this Society. The Officers of each Auxiliary Society, 
 shall be ex-qfficio members of the Parent Institution, and shall be entitled to 
 deliberate and vote in the transaction of its concerns. Constitution of the 
 American Anti-Slavery Society, Art. 9. 
 
 I. See page 39. 
 
 THE WORLD'S CONVENTION. 
 
 The refusal on the part of WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON, and other 
 delegates from the American Anti -Slavery Society, to participate in the proceed- 
 ings of the General Anti-Slavery Convention, held in London, last June, has 
 been much used to prejudice the minds of British Philanthropists against those 
 gentlemen, and the Society which delegated them, as being committed to what 
 is technically called the " Woman" s-Rights Question." 
 
 To form a right judgment with respect to the proceedings of these gentlemen, 
 in relation to the rejection of the Women, delegated by the largest body of 
 Abolitionists in America ; it is necessary that the circumstances connected with 
 this subject should be well understood. When this is done, the whole matter 
 will appear in quite a different lig'ht to that in which it has generally been 
 viewed. Space will not permit a full presentation of the subject in this connexion. 
 A few of the leading facts must suffice. 
 
 In the summer of 1839, the EMANCIPATOR, the official organ of the 
 American Anti- Slavery Society, threw out a suggestion, that a World" s Con- 
 vention ought to be held, to devise ways and means for the immediate extinction 
 of Slavery and the Slave trade from the globe. In accordance with this sugges- 
 tion, the Committee of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, issued a 
 call for such a convention, requesting that delegates from the various parts of 
 the civilized world, might be appointed to convene in London, in June 1840, 
 for the objects specified above. 
 
 From the terms of the call it was understood, (1) that each Anti- Slavery 
 Society was considered competent, by the Committee of the British and Foreign 
 Anti- Slavery Society to select their own representatives ; (2) that persons pro- 
 perly delegated by regularly constituted Anti- Slavery Societies, would be 
 received ; (3) that the convention would not entertain any subject foreign to the 
 Universal Abolition of Slavery and the Slave-trade. 
 
 In answer to this call, the American Anti-Slavery Society, desirous of having 
 the various classes of Abolitionists represented in this convention, delegated 
 Messrs Garrison and Rogers to represent one class ; Mr Remond, a coloured 
 gentleman, to represent the people of colour, and Mrs Mott to represent the 
 women, agreeably to the usages of American Abolitionists. Other Societies 
 in America did the same. 
 
 The convention was in Session several days previous to the arrival of Messrs 
 Garrison, Rogers, Remond, and Adams, who found the anticipated World's 
 Convention, fashioned into a conference with the Committee of the British and 
 Foreign Anti- Slavery Society, (which in fact prescribed its rules and regulations,) 
 and, that in consequence of previous correspondence with the Seceders in the 
 United States, the women delegates from America were excluded, in addition to 
 other narrow and prescriptive acts of the Committee. These gentlemen refused 
 to enter the convention, not because the women as such had been rejected, but 
 because regularly constituted delegates, some of whom bore credentials from the 
 same society as themselves, had been refused admission, and because the convention 
 had stepped out of its "appropriate sphere" to determine the INAPPROPRIATE 
 DUTIES OF WOMEN. A refusal to join the convention, on the part of these men, 
 
 H 
 
58 
 
 had delegates been refused admission on account of their religious or political 
 creed, caste, height, or complexion, would have created no sensation whatever ; 
 on the contrary, such a testimony against such a glaring act of injustice, would 
 have secured the admiration of millions. MR GARRISON and his coadjutors 
 viewed in the same light, the rejection of those NOBLE WOMEN from Ame- 
 rica who had left their home and friends, with hearts full of love and pity for 
 enslaved millions, and crossed the broad Atlantic, with throbbing bosoms, to 
 mingle their prayers and their sympathies with a WORLD'S PHILAN- 
 THROPY. Allowing that these men refused to enter because women, as wo- 
 men, were excluded, an objection to such a course comes with an ill grace from 
 those who have seceded, or who justify such a secession from an Anti-Slavery 
 Society, on the ground that women are not rejected. 
 
 K. See page 39. 
 
 The following Resolutions were passed at the same Meeting of Committee of 
 the American And- Slavery Society, as that at which the transfer of the Emanci- 
 pator took place, on the pretended ground of the insufficiency of funds, as will 
 be seen by the Protest below : 
 
 " In the Executive Committee, April 16, 1840. 
 
 " Resolved, That as the sum of five hundred dollars has been contributed by the 
 friends of James G.Birney, towards defraying bis expenses to the London Convention, 
 the sum of three hundred dollars additional be appropriated to enable him to fulfil his 
 mission. 
 
 "Resolved, That so much as is necessary to pay the three hundred dollars to Mr 
 Birney, be appropriated of the subscriptions made at the Cleveland Meeting, and the 
 pledge of the Maine Society. 
 
 (Signed,) " JOSHUA LEAVITT, Recording Secy. 
 
 " Resolved, That the sum of five hundred dollars be appropriated to defray the ex- 
 penses of Mr Stanton to London, and that as much of the pledge of the Vermont 
 Society, be specially pledged for that purpose. 
 
 (Signed,) J. LEAVI TT, EccorMing Secy." 
 
 PROTEST. 
 
 " The Executive Committee of the American Anti-Slavery Society have voted to 
 transfer the Emancipator to the New York City Society, on the alleged ground that 
 they can no longer provide the means necessary to sustain it. 
 
 " In the name of the AMERICAN ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY, I protest against this act of 
 the Committee, for the following (among other) reasons : 
 
 "1. The Emancipator is not the property- of the Executive Committee. It belongs 
 to the American Society, which is constituted of the Abolitionists of the country, who 
 have sustained it through a long period of pecuniary embarrassment, and but for 
 whose aid, it would have ceased to exist long ago. The aggregate excess of expendi- 
 ture over all its receipts, since 1835, is more than Ten Thousand Dollars, which has 
 been liquidated by the American Anti-Slavery Society, and not by the Executive 
 Committee. The Committee, not being its real proprietors, have, therefore, no right 
 to dispose. of the Emancipator, by sale, transfer, or otherwise. 
 
 " 2. The Emancipator is the official organ of the American Anti-Slavery Society. 
 The Executive Committee were appointed (in part) to conduct that organ, as the 
 official exponent and vindicator of its principles, as the guardian of its integrity, 
 as the proper and accredited medium of correspondence with its constituents and 
 auxiliaries. To remove that organ, is, literally, to destroy a part of its organization 
 to strike at the existence of the American Anti-Slavery Society, whose members 
 never contemplated vesting a suicidal power in their Executive Committee, which 
 they might wield at pleasure. 
 
 "3. The transfer is not necessary, on the alleged ground. A statement of the pro- 
 perty of the Society shows a large balance over all its liabilities. 
 
 " 4. Due respect to the feelings and opinions of the Abolitionists generally dictates 
 the propriety of referring the final disposition of the Emancipator to the approaching 
 annual meeting. A suspension of the publication would be preferable to its transfer, 
 as it would not thereby be placed beyond the power of the Society to resume it ; 
 whereas, by the vote now passed, it is irrecoverable. 
 
 " These are some of the more important considerations, which induce my dissent 
 from the Committee. 
 
 "JAMES S, GIBBONS." 
 
Lu See page 40. 
 
 See extracts of the Rev. Mr Colver's letters, on page 45, 46, and the address 
 of the Massachusetts Abolition Society, page 60. 
 
 The following is a copy of the correspondence of the Representative of the 
 American Anti- Slavery Society, with the London Committee. By a reference 
 to the dates of their respective letters, it will be seen that I was detained for 
 nearly six weeks, for that which might have been accomplished in as many days, 
 had a" special meeting been convened as is customary under similar circumstances. 
 
 Before my correspondence was closed with the Committee, they sent letter 
 CC.) over the -kingdom, conveying in general terms the most severe charges, 
 tending to destroy all confidence in the Society I had the honour to represent, 
 and not unfreqiiently accompanied with Mr Colver's dastardly. ' insinuations, 
 tending to destroy Mr Garrison's influence, and my reputation, as the agent of 
 the American Society. When the specific charges [vide last section in letter D.] 
 are called for, the request is evaded by a declaration of the Committee that they 
 "have brought no charges" [see letter G]. No specific charges are preferred, 
 for the very good reason that none can be sustained. But I will leave the 
 reader to draw his own conclusions, after he has given the correspondence a 
 thorough examination, as to whether there is any thing in this act of the Com- 
 . mittec that is generous, open, and frank, and which will reflect credit upon the 
 character of British Abolitionists. 
 
 (A.) 
 
 6, QUEEN STREET PLACE, SOUTHVVARK BRIDGE, LONDON, Dec. 10M, 1840. 
 To the Committee of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society. 
 
 GENTLEMEN, I am deputed by the American Anti- Slavery Society to solicit 
 pecuniary aid in this country, to enable it to continue its exertions for the Aboli- 
 tion of Slavery in America. 
 
 It is with great reluctance that the Committee of the American Anti- Slavery 
 Society feel compelled to call upon their friends in Great Britain for pecuniary 
 assistance, and they would have rejoieed to have been able to sustain their opera- 
 tions for the oppressed Slave, without being compelled so to do. 
 
 The recent monetary difficulties through which North America has been 
 struggling for the last three years, have been so oppressive, and the sacrifices 
 which the friends of the Negro have been called upon to make, have been so 
 great, that they, however willing, are no longer able, without some aid, to sustain 
 the Anti- Slavery cause. 
 
 The late contest, for the election of a President, has likewise been detri- 
 mental to the cause of Abolition, inasmuch as political opinions, by dividing 
 men for a time, during a period of excitement, and attracting attention to another 
 subject, begets for a while an estrangement between those who were heretofore 
 united in the attainment of one grand object, and causes a diversion of funds to 
 political objects, which had probably otherwise been devoted to emancipate those 
 in bonds. 
 
 We trust, however, that if the Society can obtain the sum of 2000, it will 
 enable it to retain its ground, until circumstances shall be so altered that the 
 friends of Abolition in America may again be able to carry on the work of the 
 Society without further assistance. 
 
 I therefore address myself to the Committee of the British and Foreign Anti- 
 Slavery Society for a grant of such a sum of money as it may be in their power 
 to contribute, in aid of the American Anti-Slavery Society; but should the Com- 
 mittee be unable, from want of funds, to make any grant, then it only remains 
 for me earnestly to solicit from them an expression of their cordial desire for the 
 success of the American Anti-Slavery Society. 
 
 To you, as the acknowledged Society for the Abolition of Slaver}', both in 
 this country and all over the world, I enclose my credentials, signed by 
 Charles Marriott, Secretary, and James S. Gibbons, Chairman of the Executive 
 
60 
 
 Committee of the American Anti-Slavery Society, dated New York, Sept. 25th, 
 1840, and trust that the appeal thus made may meet with your cordial approval.* 
 A reply is respectfully solicited as early as the convenience of the Committee 
 will permit. 
 
 With fraternal feelings, and a desire for your prosperity and faithful continu- 
 ance in every good word and work, I subscribe myself, 
 Yours, very respectfully, for the cause, 
 
 J. A. COLLINS, 
 
 Representative of the American Auti-Slavery Society. 
 To J. H. TREDGOLD, ESQ., Secretary to the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society. 
 
 (B.) 
 
 British and Foreign Anti- Slavery Society, for the Abolition of Slavery and the 
 Slave Trade throughout the World. 
 
 27, NEW BROAD STREET, LONDON, \\tk Dec., 1840. 
 
 DEAR SIR, I have the pleasure to acknowledge the receipt of your letter, 
 
 dated yesterday, enclosing credentials from the Executive Committee of the 
 American Anti-Slavery Society. 
 
 We have no meeting in view of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society's 
 Committee until the first of next month, when your letter shall be submitted. 
 The enclosed credentials I will send you back in a day or two. 
 I am, dear Sir, yours sincerely, 
 
 J. H. TREDGOLD. 
 (C.) 
 
 British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, for the Abolition of Slavery and the 
 Slave Trade throughout the World. 
 
 27, NEW BROAD STREET, LONDON, Jan. 2<7, 1841. 
 To J. A. COLLINS, ESQ. 
 
 SIR, Your letter to the Committee of the British and Foreign Anti- Slavery 
 Society was laid before them at their meeting yesterday, and was taken by them 
 into full consideration. 
 
 It appears that the Committee are to regard you as an authorized Representa- 
 tive of the American Anti-Slavery Society, on whose behalf you are deputed to 
 raise funds in Great Britain ; and that you apply to them either for " a grant of 
 a sum of money," or for "an expression of their cordial desire for the success" 
 of the Society you represent. 
 
 With respect to the former part of the alternative, the Committee have to 
 observe, that whatever the amount of. their funds might be, they could not con- 
 sider themselves entitled to dispose of them in the way you desire; so that they 
 feel it their duty to decline altogether the consideration of a money grant ; and 
 easy as the adoption of the latter part of the alternative might appear, and painful 
 as it is to find any ground for hesitation in this respect, the Committee are never- 
 theless constrained to say, that the course recently pursued by the American 
 Anti- Slavery Society has alienated their confidence. 
 
 According to your request, the Committee forward this reply at the earliest 
 moment. They have heard something, indirectly, of your wishing an interview 
 with them ; but they wait, before saying anything on this point, until they shall 
 understand from yourself that this is your desire. 
 
 I am, Sir, yours respectfully, 
 
 J. H. TREDGOLD, Secretary. 
 (D.) 
 
 G, QUEEN STREET PLACE, SOUTHWARK BRIDGE, LONDON, Jan. 5M, 1841. 
 To the Committee of the British and Foreign Anti- Slavery Society. 
 
 GENTLEMEN, I beg to acknowledge the receipt of your favour of the 2d inst., 
 which reached me about three o'clock p. M., of yesterday, by which I was sorry 
 
 * In this correspondence, I did not allude to the division, as my credentials, which I submitted to the 
 London Committee, exposed, very fully, the policy and course pursued by the "New-Organization" 
 party in America. 
 
Gl 
 
 to learn from the Committee, " that whatever the amount of their funds may be, 
 hey could not consider themselves entitled to dispose of them in the way you 
 desire." 
 
 Permit me to remark, Gentlemen, that the Committee of the British and 
 Foreign Anti- Slavery Society declared in their Annual Report of June, 1840, 
 that "wherever there is a human being- subject to Slavery, or the victim of the 
 Slave Trade, thither should their eyes be turned, their sympathies directed, 
 and their help afforded." This declaration I have understood as holding out 
 the offer of co-operation and assistance to those who labour for the Abolition 
 of Slavery in every part of the globe. I was, therefore, surprised when I 
 read in your letter that you are not "entitled" to give the American Anti- 
 Slavery Society, [if the state of your funds would permit,] that aid which its 
 situation and circumstances require. I shall, therefore, be obliged to the Com- 
 mittee to explain their meaning, when they say, " that whatever the amount 
 of their funds may be, they do not consider themselves entitled to dispose of 
 them in the way you desire ;" which desire was that you would assist the 
 American Anti- Slavery Society, by a money grant, to carry on the work of 
 Emancipation in the United States. If I am to understand this declaration of 
 the Committee as a general one, applicable to all bodies associated for the 
 Abolition of Slavery, then the words of your Report of 1840 have been mis- 
 understood by me, and as the deputed Agent of the American Anti- Slavery 
 Society, I am to understand that the Committee of the British and Foreign 
 Anti-Slavery Society is not "entitled" (or at liberty), at any time, or to any 
 Society, to render assistance in the form of a money grant. 
 
 The Committee inform me in their communication, that they " have heard 
 something indirectly of your wishing an intcrvieAV with them, but they wait 
 before saying anything on this point until they shall understand from you 
 that this is your desire." It must be, gentlemen, the earnest desire of every 
 sincere and upright-minded man, or of every associated body of men, or of men 
 and women labouring for the overthrow of Slavery, to gain the countenance and 
 good wishes of all others working in the same cause of righteousness, whoever 
 they may be, or wherever situated. You may, therefore, conclude that ibo 
 American Anti-Slavery Society will be somewhat confused and anxious to 
 ascertain what its "course recently pursued" has been to "alienate" your 
 confidence" to that degree as to refuse to wish it God speed. 
 
 This " alienation" arises, no doubt, from a misunderstanding, on the part of 
 the Committee, as to the real position of the American Anti-Slavery Society. It 
 should be our endeavour, therefore, to remove every thing which separates 
 brother from brother, and, for this end, I trust you will favour me with the 
 charges implied in the " course recently pursued by the American Anti-Slavery 
 Society," which has " alienated" your " confidence," that I may be prepared to 
 appear before you, and to use my humble endeavours to remove from your 
 minds those impressions erroneously entertained against the American Anti- 
 Slavery Society, and injurious to the cause of the Negro. 
 
 Trusting that the Committee will let me hear from them with as little delay as 
 possible, 
 
 I remain, Gentlemen, your obedient Servant, very respectfully, 
 
 J. A. COLLINS, 
 Representative of the American Anti-Slavery Society. 
 
 To J. H. TREDGOLD, ESQ., fyc. 
 
 (E.) 
 
 6, QUEEN STREET PLACE, SOUTUWAUK BRIDGE, LONDON, Jan. 8th, 1841 
 To the Secretary of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society. 
 
 SIR, On Tuesday last, I transmitted to you a letter requesting- to be made 
 acquainted with all those circumstances which have "alienated" the American 
 Anti-Slavery Society from the " confidence" of the Committee of the British 
 and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, and which, I learned, by a letter of the 
 
second instant, bearing your signature as Secretary of that Society, are of so 
 important a nature as to prevent the Committee from expressing their cordial 
 concurrence with the American An ti- Slavery Society. As its accredited agent, 
 I leave you to form an idea of the* try ing situation in which I am placed, at thus 
 learning that any cause exists which should produce a separation between bodies, 
 both of which, I am bound to believe, are diligently labouring to deliver their 
 fellow-men from cruel bondage and oppression. To me, in these circumstances, 
 it is additionally trying, because I am confident there is no just cause for this 
 separation. 
 
 Painfully placed as I am, and feeling deeply the injustice done to the Society 
 I represent, the injury to the cause of Emancipation, and also to myself individu- 
 ally, a stranger in the country, appointed to act for that Society, my way 
 blocked up until I can obtain an opportunity of disabusing the minds of the 
 Committee of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society of the wrong im- 
 pressions entertained by them against the American Anti- Slavery Society, and 
 thus living here, comparatively idle, at considerable expense, you will, I am con- 
 fident, see the propriety of making an early acknowledgment of the receipt of 
 my letter. I beg the further assurance from you that a special Committee will 
 be speedily called to reply to my letter, and relieve me from so painful a state of 
 suspense. 
 
 I am, dear Sir, yours very respectfully, 
 
 J. A. COLLINS, 
 Representative of the American Anti-Slavery Society. 
 
 T. II. TREDGOLD, ESQ., Secretary to the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society. 
 
 (F.) 
 British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, 
 
 27, NEW BROAD STREET, 8th Jan^ 1841. 
 To J. A. COUSINS, ESQ., Sfc. 
 
 SIR, I beg to acknowledge the receipt of your communications of the 5th and 
 8th instant, and to acquaint you, in reply, that there will, in all probability, be 
 a special meeting convened for Friday, the 15th instant, at four o'clock, of the 
 Committee of the British and Foreign And- Slavery Society, to dispose of some 
 matters of business which require their attention, when your letters shall be sub- 
 mitted for consideration. 
 
 I am, dear Sir, yours respectfully, 
 
 J. H, TREDGOLD, Sec. 
 
 (G.) 
 
 British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, for the Abolition of Slavery and the 
 Slave Trade throughout the World. 
 
 27, NEW BROAD STREET, LONDON, Jan. 16th, 1841. 
 To J. A. COLLINS, ESQ., Sfc. 
 
 Sin, Agreeably to your request, your letters of the 5th and 8th ins tant hav 
 been submitted to the consideration of a Meeting of the Committee of the British 
 and Foreign Anti- Slavery Society, held this evening, and I am instructed to in- 
 form you that the Committee have brought no "charges"!! What has been 
 "alienated" from the American Anti- Slavery Society is the "confidence" of 
 the Committee in the salutary influence of that Society on the Anti- Slavery cause 
 since the division which took place in May last : that cause in the United' States 
 the Committee now consider as more truly represented by the American and 
 Foreign Anti- Slavery Society. 
 
 I am, Sir, yours respectfully, 
 
 J H. TREDGOLD, Sec. 
 
63 
 
 ' :l-n'i.* .HV- > 
 
 M. See page 40. 
 SLANDERS AGAINST JOHN A. COLLINS. 
 
 " When I see such games 
 Play'd by the creatures of a Pow'r who swears 
 That he will judge the earth, and call the fool 
 To a sharp reck'ning, that has lived in vain ; 
 And when 1 weigh this seeming wisdom well, 
 And prove it in th' infallible result 
 So hollow and so false, 1 feel my heart 
 Dissolve in pity." COWPER. 
 
 NEITHER the American Anti- Slavery Society, nor its representative in this 
 country, have anything to conceal. Their proceedings have been thus far, and 
 it is to be hoped will be, in future, open, frank, and manly. It is by such means, 
 that the enemies of " Old organization" are compelled to prosecute their work 
 of destruction, under cover of darkness, by privately retailing falsehood and 
 calumnies ; therefore, a place is given to the following official document from 
 the Massachusetts Abolition Society, and extracts from that Society's official 
 organ, the Massachusetts Abolitionist, and forwarded to the London Com- 
 mittee. These have been lithographed, and privately sent to the prominent and 
 influential Abolitionists in Britain: 
 
 " OFFICE or THE MASSACHUSETTS ABOLITION SOCIETY, 
 
 BOSTON, Feb. 1, 1841. 
 " To the Executive Committee of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society. 
 
 " GENTLEMEN, At a meeting of the Executive Committee of the Massachusetts 
 Abolition Society, held at their Rooms, No. 32, Washington Street, this morn- 
 ing, the following preamble and resolutions were passed : 
 
 " Whereas, since the World's (!) Anti-Slavery Convention, held in June, 1840, 
 in London, the leading journals of the Old organization Anti-Slavery Societies 
 have busily attempted to traduce the characters of our transatlantic coadjutors, 
 and particularly the London Committee, by affirming, that they had rather 
 trust the Anti- Slavery cause in the hands of our pro- Slavery mobs than in the 
 hands of the London Committee ; (1)* and whereas, other sentiments of a similar 
 character have been published in the newspapers, professedly or virtually the 
 organs of said Societies ; and whereas, the same bodies which have taken the 
 above ground, and never, to our knowledge, retraced their steps, have dele- 
 gated John A. Collins to England, to solicit funds to sustain said Old organ- 
 ization ; and whereas, we are informed that said Collins has made application 
 for funds to the London Committee, and others, whose abolition character they 
 have thus traduced ; therefore, 
 
 " Resolved, That, in the opinion of this Committee, John A. Collins, and a 
 majority of those he represents, are not entitled to the confidence or support of 
 our English friends. 
 
 " Resolved, That, in the opinion of this Committee, the money contributed to 
 sustain the ' Old organization ' in this country, will be wasted in the vain at- 
 tempts to put down * New organization !' (2) they having taken the ground that 
 * New organization' is the worst form of Slavery, and their first business is to 
 put it down. 
 
 "Resolved, That the representations made by the Rev. Nathaniel Colver to 
 Joseph Sturge, Esq., in regard to John A. Collins are, in our opinion, entitled to 
 your entire confidence ! ! 
 
 " A true copy from the Records, attested, 
 
 "JOSEPH W. ALDEN, Rec. Sec." 
 
 The figures 1, 2, 3, and 6, refer to notes commencing on page 6i. 
 
64 
 
 " J. H. TREDGOLD, ESQ. 
 
 " DEAR SIR, Enclosed you have the action of the Executive Committee of the 
 Massachusetts Abolition Society, in regard to John Collins' letters, John A. 
 Collins, &c. &c. In regard to the Anti- Sabbath Convention, alluded to in the 
 Rev. Mr Colver's letter, permit me to say that Rev. A. A. Phelps has written 
 out his argument delivered at that Convention, and, as the Garrison party refuse 
 to publish the doings of that body, he has added an Appendix, in which he 
 quotes some of the infidelity of the Convention, (3). 
 
 " This will be published in a few days, and, when published, we will send you 
 a copy, that you may judge for yourselves. 
 
 " Yours, for the Slave, 
 
 "J. W. ALDEN." 
 
 From the Massachusetts Abolitionist, January *lth t 1841. 
 
 "JOHN A. COLLINS. 
 
 " One piece of this man's knavery we will put on record, premising that it 
 is of a piece with his whole history. His barefaced forgery of some pre- 
 tended extracts of letters (4) in ' Mrs Chapman's Right and Wrong in Massa- 
 chusetts/ is a small matter compared with other deeds. But to the facts. 
 John A. Collins collected about 100 dollars in Hatficld, Massachusetts, nearly 
 two years ago. It was collected by him on the express condition that it was to 
 be paid over to the American Anti-Slavery Socicty(5) not to the Massachusetts 
 Society, with the proceedings of which the donors of the money were dissatis- 
 fied (6). The money was never paid to the American Society. Subsequent to 
 the formation of the Massachusetts Abolition Society, the donors of most of the 
 money, learning Collins' unfaithfulness, gave directions that he should pay it 
 over to the new Society's Treasurer. It was not done. The donors then 
 authorized the representative of Hatfield in the General Court last winter to 
 get the money of Collins, and pay it over to the Abolition Society. He tried 
 very often was put off with various excuses : * will attend to it to-rnorrow' (7) 
 ' our board meets to-day, and then it shall be seen to' and so on. But no 
 satisfaction could be obtained. Subsequently, Mr Brackett, the Treasurer, re- 
 ceived a written order, from the donors of the money, to pay it over to him. 
 Promises of * I will attend to it to-morrow/ (8) were all he could obtain. But 
 the day or two before his departure to England, for his health and other causes, 
 Collins acknowledged that the money ought to be paid, and should be, but went 
 off without doing it, (9). The whole matter was subsequently laid before the 
 Board of the old Society. Mr Garrison and this Board had never all this while 
 heard a word of the matter. (!) They probably never heard of the money cither. 
 They believe it does not appear in their receipts ; but, like honourable men, they 
 have just paid it over to Mr Brackett, (10). So much for the facts. Now, will that 
 Board do their duty, and cast off this agent who has so long owed his character 
 for honesty to the forbearance of others or must his loathsome history be 
 brought more fully into view ? We forbore formerly, for the sake of his wife 
 now happily gone from a world where she suffered so much, (11). But now the 
 day of reckoning has come. The good men, (12) who have been the objects of 
 his abuse, ever since the day when he came as a spy, with falsehood on his lips, 
 to our house in Salem, shall suffer from him no more. We wait to see if those 
 honourable men, Jackson, Loring, Scwall, and Bassett, will publicly withdraw 
 confidence from him, and recall whatever credentials he may have to our friends 
 in England, where ' the state of his health' does not hinder him from deceiving 
 ' the Peases/ and perhaps others, with his vile slanders. We cannot doubt that 
 they will do so promptly, and save us the pain of a further exposure (!) of the 
 shame of the Anti-Slavery cause from their countenance to such a man." 
 
 " COLLINS HEARD FROM BY AUTHORITY The object in crossing the Atlantic 
 ie partly on account of his health, and partly in connexion with the Anti-Slavery 
 
63 
 
 cause ; arid we trust that his mission will not be in vain. In due time, the 
 facts in relation to it will be laid before the public." Liberator. 
 
 " EDITOR'S REMARK. We did hope this devoted knave would have been 
 suffered to remain without any attempt to bolster him up. But he shall soon be 
 exposed, and that effectually. When such a man is needed as a tool, there's 
 something rotten in the state of the Society that needs him." 
 
 " JOHN A. COLLINS A trivial error occurs in our notice of this man last 
 
 week. The Hatfield money was collected by one Duryee, and paid over to 
 Collins. We presume the old Society's Treasurer never received the money 
 at all (! !) we wait to learn." Massachusetts Abolitionist, January 14th. 
 
 " JOHN A. COLLINS. Mr Garrison says it is a sufficient reply to our brief ex- 
 posure of this man's swindling ! that the account was written by Charles T. Torrey, 
 and talks about the ' almost fiendish ' spirit we exhibit. All we have to say is, 
 that the written evidence of every fact stated is in the possession of T. Brackett, 
 Fulton Street, Boston, and may be seen by any one interested. And further, 
 Mr Garrison knew this when he assaulted us. This attempt to sustain a bad 
 man will recoil upon him. Our object in exposing him was to deprive him of 
 the power of imposing on others, here or elsewhere." Massachusetts Abolition- 
 ist, January 2 1st. 
 
 Such base and underhand measures as these, disgraceful even to the veriest 
 politician, necessarily resorted to by the seceders to sustain their position, will 
 reveal the design, spirit, and influence of the " New Organ izationists" in America, 
 more clearly than anything that can be said by me. They give a faint idea of 
 their hopeless and unhappy position. Life will not loose its grasp without a 
 struggle. 'These must be the dying throes of the party. Having failed, in their 
 artful attempt, to get possession of the Anti- Slavery enterprise, they then sought 
 to destroy the Societies which would not follow them, by exciting the religious 
 prejudices of the people and by urging false objections against them ; but having 
 been foiled in this attempt also, they are now forced, as the last and only expedi- 
 ent, basely to assault individual character. To destroy my influence in this 
 country as the representative of the American Anti- Slavery Society, advantage 
 is taken of my absence from home to throw suspicion, in Great Britain, upon 
 my character, by the fabrication of falsehoods adapted to answer a temporary 
 purpose. The Rev. Charles T. Torrey and the Rev. Nathaniel Colver, 
 both know that my religious principles will not allow me to bring them be- 
 fore a human tribunal, there to answer for their calumnies. 
 
 * 
 
 "The man that dares traduce, because he can 
 In safety to himself, is not a man." 
 
 Where I am known, a denial of these charges and insinuations is uncalled for, 
 and it may be of little use for a stranger to testify in his own favour. I do 
 solemnly affirm, however, that all the charges and implications contained in these 
 extracts against my character, are untrue, and have not the least foundation in fact ; 
 but arc designed, through me, to stab the Society I represent. How desperate 
 must their cause be when such disgraceful measures are necessary to sustain it ! Is 
 it worthy to be considered a moral cause? Would honourable and high-minded 
 men knowingly condescend to become parties to such scurrilous proceedings? 
 Can they expect thus to divert the public mind from the gross acts of injustice 
 towards the American Anti-Slavery Society in the transfer of the Emancipator, 
 its organ, and other similar doings ? What if all, implied in these extracts, be 
 true, as regards myself? Does it prove anything against the Society I represent, 
 more than that its Committee were grossly deceived in the selection of their 
 Delegate ? Does it prove that the American Society, or its present honour- 
 able Committee, have pilfered the Anti-Slavery public, and, with their ill 
 gotten gain, are sustaining in this country an Agent to traduce and calumniate 
 those they had plundered ? 
 
 I would appeal to the good judgment and common sense of every enlightened 
 Briton, if it can be supposed, for a moment, that those noble and pious men, 
 who head the cause in America, would recommend a man whom they knew, 
 or even suspected to be dishonest. 
 
66 
 
 My credentials from the American Anti-Slavery Society, which, on account of 
 their length, cannot be inserted here, close in the following language : 
 
 " We commend our friend and representative, John A. Collins, to your confidence 
 and liberality. He has sacrificed and laboured much in the cause, and is unsurpassed 
 for his zeal and devotedness to it. Whatever is done, must be done quickly. Invok- 
 ing the benediction of heaven upon his mission, 
 
 " We remain, 
 " Yours, in the cause of bleeding humanity, 
 
 "JAMES S. GIBBONS, 
 " Chairman of the Executive Committee of the 
 
 American Anti-Slavery Society. 
 " CHARLES MARRIOTT, Secy. 
 
 " NEW YORK, Sept. 25th, 1840." 
 
 The following Preamble and Resolutions are from the Board of Managers of 
 the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society : 
 
 " BOSTON, Sept. 30, 1840. 
 
 "At a Meeting of the Board of Managers of the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery 
 Society, held this day, the following preamble and resolutions were unanimously 
 adopted :- 
 
 u Whereas, it having been deemed necessary by the Executive Committee of the 
 American Anti-Slavery Society, in the present exigency of our cause, to depute John 
 A. Collins, (now a member of this Board, and General Agent of the Massachusetts 
 Anti-Slavery Society,) to visit England, in order to obtain such aid for the Parent 
 Society, as the Friends of Negro Emancipation in that country may be disposed to 
 contribute. 
 
 " Resolved, That w e cordially approve of the course they have thus thought pro- 
 per to adopt, believing that it is warranted by the necessities of the Parent Society, 
 and trusting that it will be liberally sustained by our brethren on the other side of the 
 Atlantic. 
 
 " Resolved, That we heartily concur in the appointment of our brother, John A. 
 Collins, and commend him to the confidence and liberality of all who desire the ex- 
 tinction of Negro Slavery Universally, as one who has rendered essential service to 
 the Anti-Slavery cause in this country. 
 
 " Resolved, That for the overthrow of any great moral evil in the world, people of 
 every clime and nation may lawfully combine ; and therefore, the friends or Univer- 
 sal Emancipation in England, may properly assist us by their contributions, their 
 prayers, ana their influence. 
 
 " FRANCIS JACKSON, President. 
 " WM. LLOYD GARRISON, Cor. Secy." 
 
 After these slanders appeared in the Massachusetts Abolitionist, of January 
 7th, 1841, the Board of Managers of the Massachusetts Anti- Slavery Society, 
 having, through a Committee, investigated the grounds of the charges, passed 
 the following Preamble and Resolutions, on the 25th of January, 1 84 1 : 
 
 " At a meeting of the Board of Managers of the Massachusetts Anti- Slavery 
 Society, held at the Society's Room, 25, Cornhill, on Monday, the 25th January, 
 1841, the following preamble and resolutions were unanimously adopted : 
 
 " Whereas, this Board has recently seen in the official organ of the Massachusetts 
 Abolition Society, certain charges or insinuations intended to implicate the integ- 
 rity of our respected brother, JOHN A. COLLINS; and whereas this Board has, 
 through two of its members, investigated and ascertained the groundless character 
 of the charges or insinuations aforesaid ; and whereas, similar charges have been 
 made against him in other quarters for the same purpose, and obviously meant to 
 destroy his influence among our Anti- Slavery brethren in Great Britain, with 
 whom he is now residing on an important and responsible mission from the 
 American Anti- Slavery Society ; therefore, 
 
 " Resolved, That this Board hereby expresses its full and unimpaired trust in 
 the integrity and faithfulness of our brother, JOHN A. COLLINS, and recommend 
 him to the respect and confidence of the friends of Emancipation universally. 
 
" Ordered, That a copy of the foregoing resolutions be forwarded, by the Corres- 
 ponding Secretary of the Society, to the Secretary of the London Committee of 
 the British and Foreign Anti- Slavery Society. 
 
 "FRANCIS JACKSON, Pres. 
 
 " WM. LLOYD GARRISON, Cor. Sec." 
 
 At the Ninth Annual Meeting of tho Massachusetts Anti- Slavery Society, 
 held in Boston, January 27th and 28th, 1841, the following Resolution was 
 adopted : 
 
 "Resolved, That this Society regards, with indignation, the insinuations and slan- 
 ders respecting the character of its General Agent, John A. Collins, and upon its 
 Corresponding Secretary, William Lloyd Garrison, contained in the following extract* 
 of letters written by the Rev. N. Colver, and sent by him to Great Britain ; arid that 
 those insinuations and slanders furnish another illustration of the spirit of New or- 
 ganizationa spirit alike unscrupulous and unprincipled." (See L'olver's Extracts, 
 pages 45, 46.) 
 
 The following is extracted from the Annual Report of the Massachusetts 
 Anti-Slavery Society, of 1841 : 
 
 " Of the industry, perseverance, energy, and deyotedness of Mr Collins, in the pro- 
 secution of his labours, the Board would speak in terms of commendation. In the 
 afflicting bereavement which he has been called to suffer by the sudden death of hi.s 
 wife and child, they deeply sympathize. By his arduous efforts, he had so seriously 
 impaired his own health as to be almost wholly disabled from sustaining the respon- 
 sibilities of his agency ; and it was therefore deemed advisable for him to make -A 
 transatlantic voyage, in order, if possible, to recruit his shattered constitution. Ac- 
 cordingly, with the unanimous advice and consent of the Board, and also supplied 
 with letters of recommendation from them and the Executive Committee of the Ame- 
 rican Anti-Slavery Society to the friends of Emancipation in Great Britain, Mr 
 Collins sailed from New York for London, in the British Queen, on the 1st of October. 
 News of his safe arrival has been received ; but the Board regret to state, that his 
 health does not appear to have been benefited by the voyage. In connexion 
 with his absence in quest of physical restoration, he was deputed to act, as far 
 as his strength would permit, in behalf of the American Anti-Slavery Society, and 
 to obtain for it such pecuniary and other assistance as the Anti-Slavery public in 
 Great Britain might be disposed to contribute. From the intelligence communicated 
 in his letters, it appears that he is not likely to succeed, to any considerable extent, on 
 the score of pecuniary aid, owing to various causes ; but especially to the fact, that the 
 virus of 'New organization' has poisoned the minds of the leading Abolitionists in 
 that country, and led them to regard with distrust those Societies in the United 
 States, which, as they suppose, have other objects in view, than the Abolition of 
 Slavery. They have been grossly imposed upon by the same falsehoods and calumnies 
 which have been circulated so industriously on our own shores against the Parent 
 Society and its Auxiliaries ; and, if they are animated by the generous and catholic 
 -spirit which should mark an enterprise like ours, it is only necessary for them to 
 be furnished with all the facts in the case, to see and repudiate the error into which 
 they have been led. AS HONEST AND IMPARTIAL MEN, THEY AREBOUND 
 TO HEAR ALL SIDES BEFORE THEY MAKE UP THEIR VERDICT. THIS 
 DISPOSITION, THE BOARD REGRET TO STATE, THEY HAVE NOT, AS 
 YET, BEEN DISPOSED TO MANIFEST." 
 
 It is certainly very astonishing that these alleged crimes, committed two years 
 since, had not been made public previous to my departure for this country, as I 
 was, during that time, daily exposing the subtlety, duplicity, and rottenness of 
 " New organization." 
 
 But to the extracts : 
 
 1 . " That they had rather trust the Anti-Slavery cause in the hands of our pro- 
 Slaver / mob, than in the hands of the London Committee" 
 
 The sentence here quoted, is the declaration of butone individual. How many 
 there are who are ready to endorse it, I am unable to say. No Society in 
 America, however, has officially expressed a similar sentiment. There are but 
 very few Abolitionists there, I am confident, who would be willing to make use 
 of this language without some qualifications or explanations. Isolated, the sentence 
 conveys, no doubt, a very different impression from that designed by the writer. 
 His idea was, if I mistake not, that the London Committee had given the strong- 
 est evidence by their acts, that they could not, in the United States, stand erect 
 
68 
 
 before the all-pervading- influence of Slavery, nor in this country, stand by those 
 American Abolitionists who were boldly and unflinchingly combatting' the monster 
 upon its own soil, and hence, in America, more to be dreaded than a pro- 
 Slavery mob. Anti-Slavery in Great Britain, is a national virtue. So long as it 
 is kept in this country it will remain true. It requires no sacrifice of reputation to 
 denounce Slavery, or to advocate the principles of Negro Emancipation, which 
 are fellow-shipped by the lower classes, advocated by the higher circles, and clad 
 in the robes of royalty. In America, it is quite different. Slavery is a national 
 sin. All classes of society have a supposed interest in its continuance. The ad- 
 vocates for Emancipation are subjected to insult, proscription, mob-law, and 
 murder. So powerful is the pro-Slavery spirit in America, that every Abolitionist 
 from this country, with but four or five exceptions, has been unable to stand before 
 it. They have not only shunned the Abolitionists with the instinctive dread of a 
 Slave-holder, but what is actually worse, counselled with their enemies. All 
 their opposition to Slavery, if they expressed any, was rendered powerless by 
 their opposing or dodging the Emancipationists. Such Anti-Slavery, Avhen the 
 Slave-holders understand it, will be above par with them. It will not disturb 
 their inglorious quiet. It can never abolish American Slavery. The power of 
 the Anti-Slavery cause in the United States, lies in its principles. Give way one 
 iota to propitiate the spirit of Slavery, and the cause is gone. The Seceders in 
 America have quailed before this spirit, and at its fiat, have commenced a war of 
 extermination against effective Anti-Slavery modified their tone of denunciation 
 against the apologists for this wicked system, and in order further to propitiate 
 this spirit, they have endeavoured to cast out the Avomen, who have been the life- 
 blood of the cause, and are now using all their energies to silence the noble 
 Garrison. The next demand which Slavery will make, will be that Slavery shall 
 not always be considered sinful. For peace, this last point must be yielded. The 
 London Committee have entered into copartnership with the Seceding party, and 
 are humbly striving- to imitate its example. Again, at the instance of this 
 same party, the Committee endeavoured to influence the General Convention 
 in London, to disgrace the American, the largest Anti-Slavery Society in the 
 world, before the American Slave-holders, to refuse a portion of its delegates 
 admission, to choke down free discussion, and to cap the climax of injustice, to 
 imitate the American pro-Slavery Congress, by throwing a respectful protest 
 upon the table, as that body does the petitions of Abolitionists. In the United 
 States, these acts of this Committee, among opponents and timid friends, pass 
 for genuine Anti-Slavery. To the Slave-holder, any thing is reasonable 
 Abolition, which will divert the friends of the Negro from the main question, 
 or cast reproach upon the Anti-Slavery character of William Lloyd Garrison 
 and his coadjutors. Anti-Slavery sickens in consequence of these compromisings 
 and backslidings. In the language of Miss Martineau, " Those who are not 
 with the thorough-going are necessarily against them." There is no trouble in 
 identifying a pro-Slavery mob, with Slavery itself. It makes no pretention to 
 an Anti-Slavery character. By its influence the sympathies of the just are excited, 
 and by its means thousands have enrolled themselves under the banner of freedom. 
 Hence the cause of the American Slave, in the estimation of the writer of the 
 sentence which heads these notes, would be more safe in the hands of a pro- 
 Slavery mob, than in the hands of the " New organized" London Committee. 
 
 44 'Tis true, an open foe may prove a curse, 
 But a cowardly friend is ten times worse." 
 
 If I rnay be allowed, from my own experience, to speak of the London Com- 
 mittee, I would say, that the open attacks of a pro-Slavery mob, are far preferable 
 to the under-hand secret manceuverings of this Committee, to defeat the object 
 of my mission through the destruction of my character. 
 
 It is grossly libellous to assert, that the friends of " old organization" have 
 traduced the Abolitionists of this country. If all the eulogies and praiseworthy 
 sayings, with respect to them, which have been printed in the " old organization" 
 journals were collected and published, they would make quite a respectable 
 library. While some have spoken freely upon the all-pervading Anti-Slavery 
 feeling of the country, and the good that has been and will be accomplished for 
 the Negro, they have also taken the liberty to speak of the nature, influence, and 
 defects of British Abolition. 
 
69 
 
 But what has this to do with the merits of the Seceders ? Why this attempt 
 to got a new objection ? Their only official reason assigned for separating, was 
 because the American Society had committed itself to the " Woman's Rights," 
 and " Non-resistance" questions. On account of this committal, they were " com- 
 pelled for the sake of peace and the poor Slave," to new organize. Unable to 
 maintain their position as to the cause of the secession, they are now " compelled 
 for the Bake of peace and the poor Slave," to follow the American Society to this 
 country, and with the same spirit of extermination which characterizes them at 
 home, now appeal to personal feelings to excite jealousy and opposition. 
 
 2. " Will be wasted in the vain attempt to put down t new organization.' " 
 
 This is certainly a very novel reason why " Old organization" should not be 
 sustained. If Colonization, or even Slavery itself, had thought that they could 
 have dissuaded British Abolitionists from aiding the American Anti-Slavery 
 Society, they would, no doubt, have followed me to this country with a similar 
 remonstrance. Time was when Colonization urged the very same reasons in 
 Britain, why money should not be contributed to sustain the Anti-Slavery cause 
 in America. But this handmaid to Slavery, unable longer to deceive British 
 Abolitionists, is summoned home, and Slavery commissions a new body to per- 
 form its work, and the better to effect its unholy and secret purpose, attires it in 
 the robes of freedom. 
 
 " To destroy new organization." Here is the rub. This organization is an 
 attack upon the Anti-Slavery enterprise, and its leaders know it. Abolitionists 
 have never been able to make a direct assault upon the conscience of the Slave- 
 holder, in consequence of the war which northern pro-Slavery, under various mo- 
 difications, from "mob-law," "American Union," " Clerical appeal," up to "New 
 organization," (Jteeping pace with the advanced state of public opinion,) have 
 made against the American Anti-Slavery Society. Every succeeding associa- 
 tion, from the commencement of the Anti-Slavery warfare, has assumed more of 
 an abolition character than its predecessor, and hence more subtle and dangerous. 
 The " New" is a direct war of extermination upon " Old organization," which 
 acts only upon the defensive. Its " attempt to put down New organization," will 
 consist in proving the charges officially assigned by them for their secession, to 
 be entirely false. 
 
 " Having taken the ground that ' New organization' is the worst form of 
 Slavery." This association is in the attitude of the man who cries, "stop 
 thief," that he may make off with the stolen goods under the cover of 
 that cry. It is " New organization which is waging a war of extermination 
 against the " Old Society." Read a very few of its official declarations. It 
 asserts that Old organization has been " perverted to purposes and objects, not 
 contemplated in our bond of union, foreign to our original objects, not neces- 
 sary to their attainment, and in view of the reflecting, FATAL to our prospects 
 of ultimate success ;" that in refusing to eject a portion of its most effective 
 members, it has been guilty of "a violation of good faith ;" that it has attached 
 to the cause "a mill-stone to sink to the depths of a bottomless ocean, the hopes 
 of enslaved millions ;" that "it has made a DISTINCT and DELIBERATE SACRIFICE 
 of PRINCIPLES;" and that it is "fully identified with the sectarian views of a 
 few of its individual members," &c., &c. The official organ of the " New or- 
 ganization," declares, "that it (the Old Society,) has endorsed the doctrines of 
 Non-resistance, and poured contempt upon the old constitutional measures of 
 Abolitionism ; that " the Old Society stands in a position fatal to accomplish- 
 ment" and is "governed by the element of non-resistance," to the "entire pros- 
 tration of its strength," &c., &c. Now, if these allegations, against " Old 
 organization" are true, " New organization" is solemnly bound to put forth every 
 effort for its immediate annihilation. If this is not accomplished, it will not be 
 because the Seceders have been scrupulous in the use of means, the most base 
 and disgraceful. But the very moment " Old organization" sets up a defence 
 against their tissue of absurdities, misrepresentations, and calumnies, obviously 
 invented for bad purposes, to gratify sectarian pride, and to propitiate the pro- 
 Slavery party, a cry is raised at once, it is an " attempt to put down ' New 
 organization. 1 " 
 
 The American Anti- Slavery Society has been sustained at an annual expense 
 
70 
 
 of from 40 to 50,000 dollars. To raise this sum, in addition to the heavy ex- 
 penditures of the different state and local auxiliaries, Abolitionists have been called 
 upon to make great sacrifices. "" New organization" must show to the Abolition- 
 ists some valid reasons why the country should be saddled with the expense of a 
 double set of machinery. In proportion as they can make it appear that the 
 Old Society "has made a DISTINCT awe? DELIBERATE sacrifice of principles" they 
 will secure their confidence. Thus the seceders traverse the length and breadth 
 of the free States, exciting the prejudices of the people, ignorant of the real facts 
 of the case, and by this, endeavour to alienate the auxiliaries of the American 
 And- Slavery Society, and they can succeed only in so far as they are able to 
 make this appear. Thus arrayed in the attitude of hostility, one or the 
 other of these Societies must be in the wrong; one is genuine, the other 
 spurious ; one is loyal, the other schismatical. If they were united in spirit, 
 they would not be divided in action. 
 
 . 3. " In 'which he quotes some of the infidelity of the Convention." 
 So it appears the London Committee has constituted itself a heresy-hunting 
 branch of the American Seceders. 
 
 4. "His barefaced forgery of some pretended extracts of letters." 
 Mr Torrey, when he penned this, implicating me in forgery, knew that he could 
 not sustain the charge with the least shadow of proof. He was fully and 
 publicly convicted as the author of the letter referred to, by the strongest evi- 
 dence, nearly two years since. It is quite remarkable, that all of a sudden he 
 should select me out as the object of his abuse. The history of this letter-will be 
 briefly related : 
 
 In December, 1838, Rev. P. C. Pettibone, then a fellow-student with myself, 
 in the Theological Seminary at Andover, received a confidential letter from this 
 Rev. Mr Torrey, revealing a deep-laid plot, (a part of which will be found in the 
 certificate given below,,) by which the Liberator was to be destroyed, Garrison's 
 influence weakened, and the cause transferred into the hands of the clergy. Mr 
 Pettibone exhibited the letter to the Rev. E. C. Smith, his room-mate, Rev. W. 
 R. Chapman, his class-mate, myself, and' to other six or seven of his particular 
 friends. Mr Smith, at this time, deeply sympathised with Mr Torrey. Mr 
 Pettibone had previously acted as an Anti-Slavery agent under Mr Torrey, who 
 felt that he had secured his confidence. I lost no time in exposing this man- 
 oeuvre to Mr Garrison and others, who placed Mr Torrey and his fellow-conspir- 
 ators in no very enviable position, before the Anti-Slavery public. 
 
 In the spring of L839, Mrs Chapman embodied a part of the letter in a history 
 of this conspiracy, which greatly enlightened the Abolitionists, with respect to 
 the spirit and object of the new organizers. Mr Torrey, knowing that Mr 
 Pettibone had lost the letter, endeavoured to exonerate himself from the disgrace 
 of 'writing it, and to throw discredit upon this valuable work, by denying its 
 authorship, and on the 12th of Nov., 1839, wrote to her for the letter, to which 
 she replied, through the Liberator, as follows : 
 
 " BOSTON, Nov. 22rf, 1839. 
 "REV. CHARLES T. TORREY, 
 
 " SIR, In reply to your letter of Nov. 12th, this day received, requesting in- 
 formation respecting the letter alluded to in ' Right and Wrong in Massachusetts,' 
 pp. 59 and 67, I enclose a copy of a certificate as to its contents, signed by the 
 gentleman to whom you addressed it, and by two gentlemen to whom, among 
 others, he communicated it ; which, before I wrote that book, I deemed it proper 
 to have. In giving me to understand that you have publicly denied writing such 
 a letter, you furnish me with the proper ground on which to publish this 
 certificate. I am, yours faithfully, 
 
 MARIA WESTON CHAPMAN." 
 
 CERTIFICATE. 
 
 The following is the substance of Mr Torrey's letter: 
 
 " Charles T. Torrey wrote to P. C. Pettibone last December, stating that 
 Garrison had a great deal of influence in this State, and hence it would not be 
 safe to attack him or the Liberator openly. We needed a new paper: he had 
 sounded the ministry tli rough out the State, and they were for it to a man. Now, 
 
71 
 
 brother Pettibone, have on a full delegation at the annual meeting, to come at 
 10 o'clock, prepared to stay two days ; have them pledged to go for the new paper 
 and spar the annual report, and we will show them how it is done.. 
 
 "P. C. PETTIBONE, 
 (Signed,) "EZRA C. SMITH, 
 
 "J. A. COLLINS." 
 
 " The following note from Mr Pettibone, will explain the reason why Mr 
 Torrey's letter to him has not been published : 
 
 " MRS CHAPMAN, 
 
 " The letter which I received from Charles T. Torrey, some time in the month 
 of December last, to which reference is made in the Certificate, signed by myself, 
 Smith, and Collins, has by some means been lost. I think the letter was in my 
 possession, and that of some of my friends for about two weeks after its reception. 
 I have searched my room repeatedly to find the communication, and have made 
 diligent inquiry of those who saw and read it, and have not been able to lay my 
 hands upon it. I have come to the conclusion, that the letter must have been ac- 
 cidentally lost by some one who read if, or that by some means, it got among my 
 papers, and was swept into the fire Very respectfully yours, 
 
 "P. C. PETTIBONE." 
 
 Mr Smith, in a letter to Mrs Chapman, of December 3d, 1839, says, 
 
 " I saw and read the letter which Mr Torrey wrote to P. C. Pettibone in December 
 last, the substance of which is contained in the certificate. I would add, furthermore, 
 that Mr Torrey came to my room in the month of August preceding, and then stated 
 that a new Anti-Slavery paper was contemplated. Speaking of tlie Liberator, he said, 
 That paper is too bad.' 
 
 I would add, that Mrs Chapman has now in her possession the written testi- 
 mony of six or seven unimpeachable witnesses, stating that they saw this letter 
 from Mr Torrey. With all my heart, I pity the man who can thus maliciously, 
 without the semblance of a cause, attempt to murder the reputation of another. 
 
 5. " It (the money,) was collected by him on the express condition to be sent to the 
 
 American Society." 
 
 This characteristic charge is as false as the heart of the man who indited it 
 I never was in Hatfield. The money referred to was collected by Mr J. G. 
 Duryoe. All I had to do with it, directly or indirectly, was simply to un- 
 seal the letter from Mr Duryee containing it, and to pass it over to H. G. 
 Chapman, Esq., Treasurer of the Massachusetts Anti- Slavery Society. Who- 
 ever will take the trouble to look into the Liberator of October 25th, 1839. 
 will find Mr Duryee's collection in the Treasurer's acknowledgment of monies 
 received,. which paper is in the possession of Joseph Pease, Sen., Darlington. 
 
 C. " With the proceedings ofivhich t/ie donors of the money were dissatisfied." 
 
 Will Mr Torrey please to inform his readers how they became dissatisfied? 
 Was it not occasioned by the false statements of himself and coadjutors indus- 
 triously circulated against the Old Society with a view to its destruction, and 
 upon its ruins to build up their " New Organization ?" But 
 
 " Incidis Scyllam cupiens vitare Charibdim." 
 
 7. " Was put off with various excuses : { I will attend to it to-morrow? " 
 In the summer of 1839, subsequent to the formation of the " Massachusetts 
 Abolition Society," J. G. Duryee was commissioned, by the Board of Managers 
 of the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society, an agent to solicit funds, to enable 
 the Board to liquidate a debt just occasioned by the payment of a pledge of 
 10,000 dollars made the year previous to the American Anti- SI a very Society. 
 Mr Duryee collected 167 dollars, 91 cents; 86 dollars of which, he informed me 
 by letter, was to redeem the pledge to the American Anti- Slavery Society. As 
 the Board was under no pledge to that Society, and as he was expressly com- 
 missioned to solicit funds to enable the Society to pay its debts, the Treasurer 
 and myself took it for granted that Mr Duryee had made it appear to the donors 
 that the debt was occasioned by the redemption of this pledge ; and therefore, 
 they wished their money to be considered as their part of the pledge. In 
 process of time, however, I learned from Mr Duryee that he had collected the 
 
72 
 
 amount for the redemption of a pledge of 5000 dollars, which he was erroneously 
 impressed had been made to the National Society. 
 
 The gentleman from Hatfield, referred to by Mr Torrey, called upon me, and 
 requested that the money should either be paid to the American Society, or re- 
 funded to the donors. His calls were frequent. He was informed, that the 
 subject should be submitted to the Board at its first meeting for their decision, 
 as to whether the money should be paid over to the American Society or 
 refunded. At the day of the meeting, a quorum was not present, but the mem- 
 bers to whom I made known the facts, were of opinion that the eighty-six dollars 
 should bo returned to the donors. Business called me from the city, and before 
 my return the good man had gone home, and consequently the affair remained 
 unsettled. 
 
 8. " I will attend to it to-morrow, was all lie could obtain" 
 
 This is untrue. I distinctly informed Mr Brackett, that as soon as the Society 
 had the ability, the money should be paid. I also informed him, that I was not 
 personally responsible for its payment. 
 
 At this time, Mr King, one of the Committee of the " New organization," 
 had been for some time in arrears to the " Old Society" for nearly ore hundred 
 dollars. As Mr Brackett owed this gentleman, it was my design to have Mr 
 King pay the amount to him. This arrangement, Messrs. King and Brackett 
 intimated to Mr Bishop, the Clerk in 'the office of the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery 
 Society, that they should be willing to make. 
 
 9. "But went off without doing it." 
 
 This is false. The day previous to my sailing, I called upon Messrs. King and 
 Brackett, and each consented to make the arrangement, by which Mr Brackett 
 was to look to Mr King to whom he was in debt for the amount the " Old So- 
 ciety" was in arrears to him. As my haste did not permit me to go through the 
 formality of passing receipts, the Seceders taking advantage of this circumstance, 
 have endeavoured to convert the affair into " New organization" capital. 
 
 10. " Sut like honourable men, they have just paid it over to Mr Brackett." 
 
 How " Mr Brackett," "like" an "honourable" man, could have received the 
 money from these men, after the arrangements made with me, I will leave the 
 reader to judge for himself. 
 
 11. t( Now happily gone from a world where she suffered so much" 
 
 This cruel and assassinating thrust is craftily indefinite. It may mean one 
 thing, or it may be forced to mean another. The idea which this calumniator 
 designed to convey, must however, be obvious. From this it appears, that one 
 of the objects embodied in the principles of " New organization" benevolence, is 
 to exercise a parental supervision over the domestic affiairs of Abolitionists. The 
 Societies I have the honour to represent, have been negligent in prosecuting 
 this department of Anti-Slavery labour. 
 
 So wide, however, is this matter from the question of Slavery, that the reader 
 cannot reasonably expect from me a chapter on household affiairs, whenever any 
 malignant,. envious, jealous, or ill-disposed person, may be inclined to drag me 
 before the Anti-Slavery public. I will, therefore, dismiss this most painful 
 part of the subject, by assuring him that this malicious insinuation is perfectly in 
 keeping with the whole production. 
 
 12. " The good men who have been the objects of his abuse" Sfc. 
 
 The "good men" referred to, are the Rev. Charles T. Torrey and his fellow 
 
 conspirators against the peace and efficiency of the Anti- Slavery enterprise. 
 
 What this reviler means when he speaks of " a spy," and " our house in 
 Salem," I certainly am unable to imagine. I never was, to my recollection, in 
 his house but once, and that was subsequent to the revelation of the conspiracy, 
 of which this gentleman was one of the leaders, and its consequent defeat. 
 Knowing as Mr Torrey did, and every one else who knew me, what were my 
 views as to their abusive proceedings, I will leave it to the reader to judge for 
 himself, how much of a spy I could have been. The spirit which dictated these 
 extracts is the spirit of " New Organization." There are good men connected 
 with it, but they do not know its object and influence. If they did, they would, 
 I am confident, renounce all connexion with it at once. So close is its imitation 
 to genuine abolition, that it almost " deceives the very elect." 
 
CAPTAIN CHARLES STUART'S PRIVATE CIRCULAR. 
 
 "In December, 1833, an Anti-Slavery Society was formed in the United States 
 of North America. The demand for it was extreme ; for the Slave system of 
 the United States was the most desperately corrupt and ferocious which existed. 
 The principles and objects of the Anti- Slavery Society thus formed were emi- 
 nently excellent ; and the means which it adopted for the attainment of its glorious 
 object were perfectly in keeping-, for t\\e first four years, with its noble principles. 
 
 " But, in the course of 1837, new opinions began to be broached : and one of 
 these gradually assumed the position, that ' whatever is morally right for a man 
 to do, is morally right for a woman to do ;* (1) and, therefore, women ought to be 
 intruded, as delegates, debaters, and managers, into mixed Societies of men and 
 women. 
 
 " This insane innovation, at first, had so dubious a form, that its real character 
 scarcely appeared ; but, as soon as this became evident, it was vigorously resisted. 
 Resistance, however, only aggravated the zeal of its advocates ; and the new 
 truth, as they call it, quickly assumed such importance in their eyes, and was 
 so offensively intruded by them into all the proceedings of the Society, that they 
 who conscientiously (2) resisted it had no alternative but to submit to it or to separ- 
 ate themselves. I was one of the many who preferred the latter alternative with- 
 out hesitation. The separation took place early in 1840; that of the leading 
 Society in New York, in May, 1840. At the division on the question, the 
 Innovators were found the most numerous ; and, of course, the original name 
 of ' The American Anti-Slavery Society' remained with them. But they who 
 rejected the innovation, having fewer votes present, took a new name, * The 
 American and Foreign Anti- Slavery Society.' 
 
 " The Abolitionists in the United States now consist of these two parties, toge- 
 ther with a third, (3) separate from both which, like the other two, pleads for 
 immediate and thorough Emancipation, but which, from various motives, refuses 
 to associate for that purpose. 
 
 " Under these circumstances, the American or woman-intruding Anti- Slavery 
 Society sends Agents to this country, Messrs COLLINS and REMOND, to beg our 
 money. But let us remember that, whatever countenance we give to these gen- 
 tlemen, in this agency, will go more directly to strengthen a pernicious party in 
 the United States than to aid the general cause of Abolition (!) The errors of the 
 advocates of justice are often more ruinous to righteousness than all the hostility 
 of open enemies. By such aid Britain would be identified, as far as it goes, with 
 the rhapsodists of the United States ; and the sacred and powerful influence ex- 
 ercised so nobly and so beneficially by the late London Convention, in decidedly 
 and at once rejecting the woman-intruding delusion, would be paralysed or lost, 
 liberty would be wounded anew by the blunders of her friends, while they 
 who love her more sanely, and who plead her cause unentangled with the snare, 
 would be enfeebled by the encouragement given to the dogmatism and delusions 
 of their adversaries. 
 
 " They who value the intrusion of women into the debates and management of 
 mixed Societies more highly than the cause of liberty and love, will, of course, 
 give their quotas to Mr COLLINS. With such I remonstrate not. But I am 
 anxious that others should not be deceived : in giving him their money, they 
 will rather impede than aid the general progress of Abolition ; because they 
 will contribute to hold up the Abolition effort as at war with the most sacred 
 and fundamental of human relations even with those relations, by which God 
 has given to men and women their respective spheres, and by sacredly regarding 
 which alone, the vast moral power of women, with all its purifying influences, 
 can be preserved to society. 
 
 " I would say, with all respectfulness and affection, if we have anything to spare 
 for the furtherance of freedom in the United States and it is a cause worthy 
 of all support let us give it to those amongst the Abolitionists' in the United 
 States who harmonize with us, who pursue the same holy object on the same 
 peaceful principles, and by the same sane means as we do, and who, since our 
 General Convention in London, have given us the invaluable services of such 
 men as BIRNEY and STANTON : and not to those who, after making the most in- 
 jurious discord in their own country, did their best to distract our Meeting; in 
 
 K 
 
74 
 
 June ; who have since been unsparing in grossly slandering us ; and who 
 now send an Agent to ask our money for the American Anti- Slavery Society, 
 as if the American Anti- Slavery Society represented the great body of the 
 Abolitionists of the United States, instead of a MINOR AND EVIL PART 
 OF THEM, which is full of DOGMATISM and CONTENTION, (4.) 
 
 " Any money remitted to Mr LEWIS TAPPAN, Pearl Street, New York, for 
 Abolition purposes, will be sure of direct and powerful application to the 
 sacred cause of holy liberty and love, without partiality and without hypocrisy. 
 
 "C. STUART." 
 
 This defamatory printed circular, from Captain Charles Stuart, has been 
 privately placed in the hands of those whose minds would be, very naturally, 
 disaffected with a body pursuing the course falsely attributed by this production, 
 to the American Society. It is inserted here, that the reader may perceive the 
 spirit of the seceders and their abettors, not only in the United States, but also 
 in this country. All their energies are put forth, not to awaken a fresh zeal 
 for the suffering cause of the oppressed bondman, but to cut off all the resources 
 of the American Anti-Slavery Society, and hence to destroy it. Nothing will 
 satisfy them, but its entire annihilation. Here no attempt is made to sustain his 
 proposition, that the American Anti-Slavery Society, is a " woman-intruding 
 Society" by proof; but naked assertion, characteristic of the seceders, is given in 
 the place of facts and arguments. If all that is here urged against the Society 
 be true, with regard to the action of women, Captain Stuart is certainly the last 
 individual who would have been expected, by those formerly acquainted with 
 him, to have objected to it on this ground. It is the Captain, not the American 
 Society, which has introduced into the Anti-Slavery cause "new views." He has 
 left his former position, and now wars against every one who does not come 
 round to him. This gentleman was in the United States in 1837, when the 
 Misses Grimke were lecturing, and no one at that time was more enthusiastic 
 with regard to their labours, than himself. Many anecdotes, in relation to 
 various efforts on his part, to bring women forward in the Anti-Slavery cause, 
 not only in America, but in this country, might be given, but space will only per. 
 mit the insertion of the following :^~ 
 
 "In October, 1837, Captain CHARLES STUART met the Anti-Slavery 
 Committee in Darlington. His object was to secure a delegation from that 
 place , to attend an Anti- Slavery Congress which was to be held in London, on 
 the 14th of November of the same year, for the purpose of concerting measures 
 for the repeal of the Apprenticeship system. Captain Stuart again and again 
 begged the Committee to send up a female delegate. ' If there be a lady,' he 
 continued, ' who has the head and heart to represent you, I am sure she will be 
 joyfully received, and they will thank Jieaven for sending her. 1 " Miss Peases 
 Reminiscences . 
 
 We shall append a few brief notes. And 
 
 1 . " One of these gradually assumed the position that whatever is morally right for a man 
 
 to efo, is morally right for a woman to do." 
 
 Captain Stuart, in introducing this borrowed sentence, has conveyed to the reader 
 
 zeal to promote 
 
 1a man to do, is 
 is, are best known to him- 
 self. He well knew, that these were the words of a female who advocated the religious 
 and political equality of the sexes. He also must have been aware that no anti-sla- 
 very society in America has ever endorsed any sentiment of the kind, and that the 
 Seceders are the only individuals who have ever called upon anti-slavery societies, to 
 entertain for a moment, " Woman's Rights," or any other "extraneous question." 
 He might, with equal justice or propriety, have made a quotation from the writings 
 of Lady Morgan, and then, from it, have drawn the conclusion that the American 
 Society was a " Woman-intruding Anti-Slavery Society." 
 
 2. u They who conscientiously resisted it had no alternative but submit or separate" 
 
 Will the captain be kind enough to inform us, in his next "printed circular," where 
 his " conscience," and the " conscience" of his coadjutors was in 1837 ? He might in 
 truth say with the poet: - 
 
 " Tempora mutantur, et nos mutamur in illis." 
 
75 
 
 3. " The Abolitionists now consist of these tivo parties, together with a third, who plead 
 for Immediate Emancipation." 
 
 That there are now, and ever have been, those who would have identified them- 
 selves with the Emancipationists, were it not for the odium attached to their cause, or 
 in consequence of their ignorance of the nature and influence of the enterprise, there 
 can be no doubt. If the Americans had not a supposed interest in slavery, they would 
 all be Abolitionists, as no one loves oppression or slavery for its own sake. That such 
 however, constitute a "party," which " pleads for thorough and Immediate Emancipa- 
 tion," is a fact which American Abolitionists are yet to learn from Capt. Stuart. Pro- 
 Slavery, under all its modified forms, has always clamorously maintained that it was 
 the only true and consistent friend of the slave, but that this should be acknowledged 
 by a professedly uncompromising abolitionist, without having in view some ulterior 
 object, is truly astonishing. It has been the aim of the Seceders in America to secure 
 the co-operation of the friends of "Old organization," to aid them in the prosecution 
 of their undermining policy, without exciting opposition ; but when they fail to accom- 
 plish this, so intent have they been upon the annihilation of the American Society, 
 that they have had recourse to the most undignified measures to induce them to stand 
 aloof from both Societies altogether. If the Seceders succeed, by their calumnies 
 against " Old organization" in alineating the confidence of Anti-Slavery friends, to 
 that extent as to secure their co-operation, or to stand aloof from both Societies. 
 Ineither case their opposition to the American Society on the one hand, or their in- 
 difference to the Anti-Slavery question on the other, is so great, that they may, with 
 few exceptions, be ranked among the practical enemies of the Slave. 
 4. " Instead of a minor and evil part of them, which is full of dogmatism and contention." 
 
 called upon to do so, but such is not the fact. On the 3d of March, 1841, the Com- 
 mittee of the Glasgow Emancipation Society, invited him " to meet them, for the pur- 
 pose of defending the charges made by him against the American Anti-Slavery So- 
 ciety, in his printed letter, which has been widely circulated through the country ; that 
 defence, to be made in the presence of John A. Collins, and in the first instance before 
 the Committee of the Glasgow Emancipation Society." 
 
 The following extracts are from Mr Stuart's reply to the Committee, refusing to 
 comply with its invitation : 
 
 " I am not aware that those charges need any defence. They are simple matters of 
 fact, and rest on other grounds than on my affirmations, and I am not of opinion that 
 truth becomes more true by mere repetition. * But I do here, most un- 
 equivocally, solemnly, and fully re- affirm their entire truthfulness (! !) 
 
 44 In Edinburgh, I offered Mr Collins to debate this question with him round the 
 kingdom, he then declined it, (1). I have since been satisfied, that I, at that time, 
 greatly overrated his powers of mischief in the Abolition cause, amongst us, (! !) so that 
 I do not feel at all warranted, at present, in duty, to turn any portion of my time and 
 means, from the direct service of God and my fellowmen, to the indulgence of irrele- 
 vant, captious, and pernicious questions. 
 
 " I trust and believe that my Circular hi 
 and purifying effect for which it was solemnly and 
 time enough for me to undertake its defence, when I 
 more astray from God and their brother, and are far 
 
 I trust and believe that my Circular has produced, in a good measure, the healing 
 and purifying effect for which it was solemnly and kindly intended ; and it will be 
 
 " find that my countrymen are far 
 more given up to the pernicious 
 intrusion of extraneous and distracting questions, than I believe them to be." 
 
 To this letter, a remark or two must be appended ; and 
 
 4. " In Edinburgh, I offered Mr Collins to debate this question with him round the 
 
 kingdom." 
 
 In November, 1840, 1 met the Anti-Slavery Committee in Edinburgh, at which Capt. 
 Stuart was present. On being censured by some one for introducing the American 
 divisions into this country, he remarked that he felt conscientiously bound to intro- 
 duce them, the first thing, wherever he went. Declared that he was not afraid to 
 discuss the subject with Mr Remond, myself, George Thompson, or even an angel. 
 The Committee adjourned to have the matter discussed between Captain Stuart and 
 myself. After this interview with the Committee, the Captain writes me, requesting 
 44 1 shall be glad, if agreeable to you, to spend part of to-morrow with you, for the 
 
 Eurpose of exploring your documentary evidence. My wish is, to take extracts 
 om them, accompanied by your own views, in your own words, that I. may transmit 
 them for reply to my friends in the United States, and I wish this, that if your views 
 can be disproved, by any evidence with which I am not yet acquainted, I may be 
 master of the disproof." 
 
 From my reply to him, dated Edinburgh, November 4th, I extract the following 
 sentence : 
 
 44 If yourself, or any of your American friends (referring to Birney and Stanton, the 
 latter of whom I subsequently challenged to defend the charges made against Old 
 organization, but he declined) should feel constrained to challenge a public discus- 
 
sion, with respect to the charges preferred against the American and Massachusetts 
 Anti-Slavery Societies, I should not feel at liberty to decline, when my ' doeumentary 
 evidence,' as a matter of course, with my * own views' in my ' own language,' Avill be 
 at your service, and that of the public at large." 
 
 The day following I breakfasted with Captain Stuart, and challenged him to hold a 
 public discussion. He replied in the presence of the lady of the house, that he could 
 not, inasmuch as he knew nothing of the Anti-Slavery movements, with respect to the 
 division, since 1837 !! 
 
 It may reasonably be inferred, from the following extract from Captain Stuart's letter 
 to the Glasgow Committee, of March 3d, that his refusal to meet them grew out of the 
 fact, that he was conscious of his inability to sustain the position assumed in his printed 
 circular : 
 
 " 1 expect shortly, to make a trip of a few months to America, on my private affairs. 
 As far as duty permits, I shall then further explore this question, as it continues to 
 develope itself, and upon my return, shall probably make a pretty extensive Anti- 
 Slavery tour, for the communication of my information," &c. 
 
 When he gets possession of the information he desires to obtain, he will then, it 
 appears, " feel warranted, to turn a portion of his time and means, from the direct 
 service of God and his fellow-men, in the indulgence of irrelevant, captious, and perni- 
 ciuos questions." So much for his challenging me in Edinburgh. 
 
 AMERICAN ANTI-SLAVERY JOURNALS. 
 
 The Anti-Slavery Newspapers, published Weekly, in the United States, which will 
 give correct Anti-Slavery information, are : 
 
 THE LIBERATOR, by WILLIAM LLOYE* GAKRISON, price iOs. per annum. 
 
 HERALD OF FREEDOM, by NATHANIEL P. ROGERS, price 8*. per annum. 
 
 PENNSYLVANIA FREEMAN, by CHARLES C. BURLIGH, price 8s. per annum. 
 
 And the NATIONAL ANTI-SLAVERY -STANDARD, by LYDIA M. CHILD, 
 price 10s. per annum. 
 
 These Journals may be regularly received, ouce-a-fortnight, from either of the fol- 
 lowing Agents in Great Britain : 
 E. PEASE, Darlington. WILLIAM SMEAL, Glasgoiv R. D. WEBB, Dublin. 
 
 TO THE ABOLITIONISTS OF GREAT BRITAIN. 
 
 . 
 
 DEAR FRIENDS, The cause of the oppressed Negro in the United States must be 
 sustained. The Abolitionists are now passing through a fiery ordeal. The sacrifices 
 which they have made, to sustain their Organizations, have been unequalled by any 
 body of men, since the days of primitive Christianity. To raise money to support the 
 American Anti- Slavery Society, some have sold their furniture, others have mortgaged 
 their property, some have thrown in their jewels, others have dispensed with the most 
 ordinary comforts of life, that the bondsman's cause might not be permitted to fail. 
 Their language and their feelings are : 
 
 " Down let the shrine of Moloch sink, 
 
 And leave no traces where it stood 
 Nor longer let its idol drink 
 
 His daily cup of human blood. " 
 
 v 
 
 The Committee need funds to maintain their official organ, the "National Anti-Slavery 
 Standard" a large weekly periodical ; its Secretaries and Agents, and to circulate 
 information on the subject of Emancipation over the United States. Any amount 
 forwarded to THOMAS STURGE, New Kent Road, London; ELIZABETH PEASE, Dar- 
 lington ; JANE WIG HAM, and Mrs. H. GAIRDNER, Edinburgh; WILLIAM SMEAL. 
 Glasgow; or 11. D. WEBB, Dublin, will be forwarded to the Committee of the Ame- 
 rican Anti-Slavery Society, by whom it will be dulv acknowledged and faithfully 
 appropriated. 
 
 Faithfully your Friend, 
 
 J. A. COLLINS, 
 Representative of the American Anti-Slavery Society. 
 
 FROM WEBB AND CHAPMAN S STEAM PRESS, GT. BRUNSWICK-STREET, DUBLIN.