TWO LECTURES 
 
 MAIM ON IDES.
 
 - 

 
 TWO 
 
 LECTUKES 
 
 ON THK 
 
 LIFE AND WRITINGS 
 
 OF 
 
 MAIMONIDES, 
 
 DELIVERED AT 
 
 (K _?eu>g' anli (general fitrrart) anfc cicntifh Institution, 
 
 'BY DR. A. BENISCH, 
 
 MEMBER OF THE LONDON PHILOLOGICAL SOCIETY, AND OF 
 
 THE GERMAN ORIENTAL SOCIETY, PROFESSOR OF THE HEBREW AND GERMAN 
 TO THE INSTITUTION. 
 
 TO WHICH ARE "ADDED A LIST OF THE WORKS OF MAIMONIDES, 
 
 ELUCIDATORY NOTES, 
 
 AND AN ENUMERA1ION OF WORKS CONTAINING INFORMATION 
 RELATIVE TO MAIMONIDES. 
 
 "No species of writing seems more worthy of cultivation than Biography, since none 
 can be more delightful or more useful, nor can more certainly enchain the heart by irre- 
 sistible interest or more widely diffused instruction to every diversity of condition." 
 
 Rambler. 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 WERTHEIM, ALDINE CHAMBERS, PATERNOSTER ROW ; 
 
 ALSO TO BE HAD OF 
 
 FRANZ THIMM, GERMAN AND FOREIGN BOOKSELLER, 8, MARY- 
 LEBONE STREET, REGE NTS QUADRANT ; AND AT THE LIBRARY OF 
 THE JEWS' AND GENERAL LITERARY AND SCIENTIFIC INSTITU- 
 TION, SUSSEX HALL, LEADENHALL STREET. 
 
 1847.
 
 LONDON: 
 
 PRINTED BY MELDOLA, CAHN, & CO., 
 18, St. Mary Axe, City.
 
 TO 
 
 HANANEL DE CASTRO, ESQ. 
 
 PRESIDENT OF THE JEWS* AND GENERAL LITERARY AND 
 SCIENTIFIC INSTITUTION. 
 
 DEAR SIR, 
 
 IN dedicating these Lectures to you, I give expression to 
 those feelings of profound admiration and respect with 
 which your private and public character, the conciliat- 
 ing and dignified position occupied by you, and espe- 
 cially your relation to Sussex Hall, inspire every well- 
 wisher of the community. Your station in society, your 
 liberality and influence, have endowed with vitality a 
 beautiful and benevolent idea, while you yourself have 
 been the chief agent in giving it form and substance, in 
 ushering it into life, in nursing its infancy, and in maturing 
 its growth. You have not only given it what many have 
 conferred pecuniary assistance, but you have bestowed 
 that which is far more valuable that which alone can 
 promote success attentive vigilance, individual exertions, 
 
 2094327
 
 IV DEDICATION. 
 
 and personal attendance. But for the existence of such 
 an establishment, suited to the peculiar wants of the 
 greater portion of our community, I could not have had 
 the gratification of discoursing to a Jewish audience on a 
 Jewish subject, on the Jewish day of rest and devotion. 
 
 May you long continue to exercise that salutary influ- 
 ence which will extend to after-generations; and which, 
 unlike worldly grandeur, that perishes, or riches, "which 
 make themselves wings," survives, and insures the grateful 
 commemoration of an improved and benefitted posterity. 
 
 I am, 
 
 Dear Sir, 
 Your faithful and humble servant, 
 
 A. BENISCH.
 
 TO THE READER. 
 
 THE scarcity of publications in the English language 
 calculated to raise Jewish feelings, and suited to be placed 
 with advantage in the hands of the Jewish youth, has ever 
 been to me a matter of deep regret. Instructed from child- 
 hood to recite the exploits of heathens, and to admire their 
 productions, the Jewish youth bestow but little attention 
 on the annals of their own race. Surrounded by Christian 
 influences, taught to connect with Christianity the ideas 
 of progress and civilisation, the advance and development 
 of the virtues distinguishing our age in a word, inhaling, 
 as it were, a Christian atmosphere the Jewish youth 
 think, and arc even made to believe, that the records of 
 their nation pourtray no character worthy to shine by the 
 side of those they are wont to admire, nor exhibit any trait 
 h't to adorn the page of history. It is therefore not sur- 
 prising that they look with indifference or even with con- 
 tempt on their own literature, and on the individuals to 
 whose genius the nation are indebted for it. With such 
 feelings, though ouc ir.ay be an excellent man, yet he can 
 be but an indifferent Jew ; a very good citizen, yet a very 
 lax member of the synagogue. If therefore we wish to 
 educate our youth as Jewish men and Jewish citizens, we 
 must endeavour to form an Anglo-Jewish literature.
 
 VI 
 
 Being of opinion that the lectures here presented to 
 the public belong to that class of literature, the formation 
 of which I advocate, I have willingly complied with the 
 suggestion of friends who considered the publication as 
 likely to prove useful to the community. Should a suf- 
 ficient amount of encouragement convince me that the 
 public agree with the views here expressed, this biography 
 will be followed by others of a similar character, and for 
 which I have collected the necessary materials. 
 
 The delay between the delivery and publication of the 
 Lectures (they were delivered in April last), has been 
 chiefly owing to the circumstance that the proof-sheets 
 have been submitted to the inspection of a learned friend, 
 M. Steinschneider, the Oriental scholar, now at Berlin ; and 
 to him I am indebted for many a valuable hint and learned 
 observation. In possession of ample materials myself, and 
 liberally supplied from the rich stores of my erudite friend, 
 it would no doubt have been in ray power to render the 
 publication much more attractive to the professed Hebrew 
 scholar. But as those very portions which would have 
 given it particular interest to the scholar, must have ren- 
 dered it dry to the general reader, I have been induced 
 to omit many a learned remark and some elaborate 
 disquisitions. 
 
 Before concluding, I desire to tender my sincere thanks 
 to the highly talented artist, Mrs. Julia Goodman, of 
 Woburn Place, to whose eminent skill I am endebted for 
 the drawing of the likeness (see note 15,) of Maimonides, 
 a lithograph of which is prefixed to the work. 
 
 3, New Millman-street, Guildford-street, 
 On the 15th day of Elul, 5607, (August 27th, 1847.)
 
 LIFE OF RABBI MOSES BEN MAIMON, 
 COMMONLY CALLED MAIMONIDES.i 
 
 The battle of Xeres decided for centuries the fate of Spain and 
 fixed that of the Jews. The victorious Arabs brought with the 
 crescent, learning into Spain and liberty to her Israelitish inha- 
 bitants. Among the cities occupied by the Mahometans, Cor- 
 dova, the capital, distinguished itself by its manufactures, popu- 
 lation, and especially by its learning. Various libraries were 
 established, and colleges founded in which celebrated scholars 
 taught. It was also there, about 960, that the first Jewish 
 academy in Spain was erected. 2 In the twelfth century this place, 
 for the reasons mentioned, appears still to have occupied the high 
 position to which it had arisen under the glorious reign of the Ab- 
 derrhamans. 
 
 Mahometans and Jews vied with each other in the cultivation 
 of poetry and science. A luxurious climate inviting to enjoy- 
 ment, a close application to polite letters, and a sincere devotion 
 to the arts of peace, had gradually polished the rude manners 
 of the invaders, softened down tbeir violent tempers, and paved 
 the way to a friendly intercourse with their Jewish subjects. 
 
 These favourable circumstances had not failed to produce their 
 effect, and long before the birth of Maimon's son, the names 
 of eminent Jewish scholars adorned the historical records of Arabic 
 Spain and Africa. Made acquainted with Grecian philosophy 
 by means of Arabic translations, and drawn within the circle of 
 the subtle metaphysical speculations which, during the middle
 
 ages occupied the Mahometan not less than the Christian world, 
 the Jews soon began to institute inquiries into matters, in 
 which proofs had previously seemed to be superfluous, and to doubt 
 where child-like faith used humbly and reverentially to acquiesce. 
 Philosophy produced both its salutary and its pernicious effects ; 
 and whilst on the one hand, this two-edged sword cut through the 
 roots of bigotry and superstition, it severed on the other the nerves 
 of faith and even rational belief. It was not only the Talmud 
 that was sifted and the value of each component part ascertained ; 
 but hypotheses, opposed to the integrity of scripture and ortho* 
 doxy, were launched by minds tainted by the impure breath of 
 self-conceited and fallacious philosophy. 3 The reflecting part 
 of the community then followed directions generally pursued by 
 the mind under similar struggles. One part publicly did homage 
 to philosophy, another abjured it entirely on the altar of faith, 
 and a third party endeavoured to find an allegorical or hidden 
 a spiritual sense in Scripture, in which both systems might 
 meet in friendship, or rather in which both would equally evaporate. 
 A reconciliation of religion with philosophy by means of philo- 
 sophy hnd not yet been attempted. How much the observance of 
 the practices of Judaism suffered in this struggle may be inferred 
 from the statement of Bechai, who, in his preface to " Choboth 
 Halbaboth," expressly states that most of his contemporaries 
 slighted the ceremonial laws. 
 
 It was at Cordova, and whilst these influences were in full ope- 
 ration, that the man was born whose creative genius was to ar- 
 range the chaotic materials of Jewish Theology, scattered through 
 the wide extent of the tAvo Talmuds, and to attempt the reconcilia- 
 tion of religion with philosophy. The exact year of the birth 
 of Maimonides is still the subj ect of dispute among the learned ; 
 none, however, date it before 1131 or after 1139.* But this un- 
 certainty, as it does not affect any of those events or circumstances 
 which render Maimonides a fit subject for biography, is of no con- 
 sequence. He was the son of Maimon the Judge descendant 
 of an illustrious family, members of which had for generations been
 
 vested with the judicial office. 5 Legend, ever so busy in cast- 
 ing a halo round the life of illustrious men, of adorning and 
 stamping it with the impress of the marvellous, has performed 
 this office on Maimonides. His birth, life, and death, are by it 
 equally diversified. Exhorted in a dream to marry, and instructed 
 of the glory awaiting his future progeny, Maimon espoused the 
 woman pointed out to him, a pious maiden, though of obscure 
 birth ; but though the father was destined to witness the glory 
 of the son, the mother was not so favoured, for the first day 
 of the child was the last of the mother. 
 
 Maimonides, continues the same legend, the offspring of this hea- 
 ven-commanded union, displayed in his childhood no indication of 
 those superior powers of mind which were to distinguish his after 
 life. Dull of comprehension, inert, and of slothful habits, he showed 
 no inclination for study. This incapability joined to unwillingness 
 cast a still darker shadow upon Maimonides when contrasted with 
 the brightness, progress, and other shining qualities of his brothers, 
 by a second marriage of Maimon. Proportionably to his pre- 
 sumed dullness and obstinacy, he incurred the displeasure, re- 
 proaches, and chastisement of his betters, and at last experienced 
 the neglect which his conduct deserved. It was amidst scenes 
 of festivity, rejoicing, and congratulation, which took place in the 
 house of Maimou, on the occasion of a splendid Talmudic disser- 
 tation held publicly in the synagogue by a brother of Maimonides, 
 on his thirteenth birth-day the day of his becoming Bar-Mitzvah fi 
 that Mamonides first became alive to his forlorn condition. He 
 compared the disregard experienced by him with the attention shown 
 to his brother the contempt with which he was treated, with the 
 honour conferred on the other the incorrigibleness ascribed to him, 
 with the expectations anticipated from his brother ; he saw the 
 looks of scorn, of pity, he heard the taunts and sneers directed at 
 him. His dormant sensibility awoke he could no longer endure 
 the tortures of this comparison he fled from the hated scene. 
 For years did the unfortunate youth wander far and wide, 
 depending for his subsistence upon the benevolence of his chari-
 
 table co-religionists. He at last came to a place where a large 
 congregation was resident. Staying there during the Sabbath, 
 he went on Friday night to the synagogue, but as the ignorant 
 youth neither could read Hebrew nor \vas of a devotional turn of 
 mind, the solemn hymns with which the sacred building echoed, 
 lulled him to sleep. The service was over, the congregation 
 departed, and no 'one noticed the sleeping stranger. The 
 flames of the candles had all expired, and the ner tamid only 
 (the continually burning lamp) before the ark, shed a dim andflick- 
 ering light just vivid enough to show the awakening Maimonides 
 the place in which he was. The feeling of loneliness, the awfulness 
 of the scene, the sacred associations which now arose, struck a 
 terror to his mind which prevented him from sleep or flight. 
 This violent agitation however soon gave way to gentler feelings ; 
 memory and imagination so busy in sleepless nights, recalled the 
 scenes of his childhood, those of his past life : he saw the abyss 
 into which he had precipitated himself: a flood of tears at last re- 
 lieved his oppressed heart : he determined to change to amend 
 his course of life. Comforted and strengthened by this resolution 
 he approached the ark enclosing the sacred scrolls of the law, and 
 prostrating himself to the ground, fervently prayed for divine 
 assistance. Thus engaged in prayer, in meditation and reflection 
 on the past, and in resolutions for the future, the morning came, 
 when the attendant appeared to prepare for the morning service. 
 To him Maimonides told what had happened during the past night, 
 with the request that he would procure him the means for learning 
 to read Hebrew; with this wish the man complied. The application of 
 Maimonides was intense, his progress unparalelled, and he soon ac- 
 quired benevolent friends, through whose generosity he could unin- 
 terruptedly apply himself to study. In a few years he was numbered 
 among the most distinguished doctors of the law, and so widely had 
 his reputation spread, that he was applied to to preach in the largest 
 communities. But the celebrated rabbi had carefully guarded the 
 secret of his descent. No premature discovery was to lessen the 
 enjoyment of the noble triumph which he meditated. His fame had
 
 also reached his native town ; thither he went to hold a 
 public discourse. Maimon's son shone with all the brilliancy of 
 his acute and profound mind. The auditors were enraptured, 
 especially Maimon, himself a great scholar. This was the moment 
 which Maimonides had chosen for the discovery of his secret. A scene 
 now ensued similar to that which occurred when Jacob found his 
 son Joseph . Enough, however, at present of the legend ; let us 
 return to the real history of Maimonides, which, to be interesting, 
 does not require the charms of fiction. 
 
 Offspring of an illustrious and learned family, himself endowed 
 with extraordinary capacities, native of a place which afforded 
 uncommon facilities for study, it is not surprising that Maimonides 
 at an early period showed indications of future eminence. But 
 favoured as was his progress in science by such a concur- 
 rence of circumstances, yet was his morning of life not without 
 its clouds. An event took place in the early part of his career 
 which violently shook the happiness of the Jews subject to the 
 western Caliphs, and which must also have disturbed the peace 
 of Maimon's family. This time the persecutors came from the 
 quarter from which formerly deliverers had issued. The north 
 of Africa, that hot bed of fanaticism, had bred another zealot, 
 named Abdallah, called Alniohadi, who, favoured by circumstances, 
 through extraordinary talents, boldness, austerity of manners, 
 and the assumption of a prophetic character, raised himself from 
 the low station of a lamplighter's son to the dignity of Prince of 
 the Faithful. Abdelmumen, his disciple and successor, who toge- 
 ther with his master's dominions had inherited his success in 
 arms and intolerance in religion, pushed his conquests into Spain 
 and in 1148 conquered Cordova, The same spirit of persecution 
 that under his predecessor had demolished all Synagogues and 
 Churches in Africa, and had left to Jews and Christians no other 
 alternative than apostacy or exile, was now also extended to the 
 new possessions ; and so severe was the persecution, that at one time 
 any Jew staying a month longer without embracing Mohametauism 
 was to forfeit his life, ?.nd his children were to be reduced to slavery.
 
 Maimonides himself was at that time too young to act independ- 
 ently for himself. He could only follow the views or commands of 
 his father. What the obstacle may have been which prevented 
 Maimon from leaving his native town as soon as he could no 
 more publicly profess his religion, we do not know, nor do 
 we know exactly how long he wore the mask of dissimula- 
 tion. 7 Severe as was the blow thus inflicted on the happiness 
 of the Jews, it does not appear that it impeded Maimonides' 
 success in acquiring knowledge. Perhaps the very restraint 
 which this misfortune imposed on the practice of Judaism, 
 the caution which it rendered advisable in the study of He- 
 brew learning, only strengthened his attachment to his reli- 
 gion, and increased his zeal for the study of the literature of his 
 people ; for it has been observed by a heavenly inspired sage that 
 "stolen waters are sweet and secret bread pleasant." His father, 
 Isaac Alfasi, and Joseph Megas, 8 likewise a resident of Cordova, 
 (of whose Talmudic learning Maimonides speaks in the highest 
 terms,) 9 may be considered as among his teachers. But if it be true 
 that Alphasi died in 1103, and Megas in 1141 10 , the instruction 
 derived from them, must rather have been conveyed through their 
 writings, studied by Maimonides in his after life, than through verbal 
 tuition. The same remark applies also to the Arabs, EbnThopail, 
 Ebn Saig, and Ebn Roshd, mentioned by Leo Africanus as the 
 teachers of Maimonides; since the first of these scholars lived long 
 before him, the second died in Africa when Maimonides was still very 
 youthful, and the third was a younger contemporary. l 1 Though we 
 cannot ascertain the precise period during which Maimon remained 
 at Cordova after its conquest by Abdelmumen, yet have we reason to 
 believe that he did not stay there long, for as Maimonides began his 
 celebrated Commentary on the Mishna, in his 23rd year, he must 
 previously have devoted years to the study of the Talmud, 
 which he scarcely could have done in the dominions of the 
 fanatic ruler of the faithful. And indeed we find Maimon 
 in the year 1159, staying at Fez, 1 2 and on the 15th of May, 1165, 
 arriving at Acco (St. Jean d'Acre), where Maimonides considered
 
 himself as beyond the power of the persecutor of his nation. From 
 this place, after a stay of five months, he repaired to Egypt, taking 
 his route, in company with another celebrated Rabbi, R. Jephet 
 ben Elihu, of Acco, through Jerusalem. 
 
 We subjoin the account of his journey as given by himself. l ' 
 "On the evening of the first day of the week, the 4th of the month 
 lyar, T went to sea, and on Sabbath the 10th of lyar, of the 
 year 25, (1165) we had a dreadful storm; the sea was in up- 
 roar, and we were in danger of perishing. Then I vowed to 
 keep these two days as complete fast days for myself, my house- 
 hold, and all those in connection with me, and to command my 
 children to do the same throughout all their generations ; they 
 shall also give charity according to their ability. For myself I 
 further vowed to remain apart from human intercourse on every 
 10th of lyar, to speak to nobody, and only to pray and to study; 
 and as on that day I saw no one on the sea except the Holy One, 
 praised be his name, so will I (cases of compulsion excepted) see 
 no one and stay with no one. 
 
 " On the evening of the first day of the week, the 3rd, of Sivan I 
 landed safely and came to Acco (St. Jean d' Acre), and by arriving 
 in the land of Israel escaped persecution. This day I vowed to 
 keep as a day of rejoicing, festivity, and distribution of charity, 
 for myself and my house throughout all generations. On the 
 third day of the week the 4th of Marcheshvan, 26, (in the 
 autumn of 1165), I left Acco in order to go to Jerusalem; 
 this journey was attended with many dangers. 14 I entered 
 the great and the holy place, and prayed there on the 6th 
 of the same month. On the first day of the following week, 
 being the 9th, I left Jerusalem and went to Hebron, in order to 
 kiss the graves of the patriarchs in the cave. On that day I stood 
 in the cave and prayed ; thanks be to the Father of all for every 
 thing. The two days, the 6th and 9th of Marcheshvan I destined 
 by a vow for festivals devoted to solemn prayer and the pleasures 
 of the table. May God give me strength and assist me to fulfil 
 my vows ; and may I and all Israel soon be permitted to see
 
 the land in its glory, even as I prayed there in its state of 
 desolation! Amen." In Egypt, in his thirtieth year, he 
 finished the commentary aboveinentioned. After a short stay 
 at Alexandria, he finally, prior to the summer of 1 167, settled at 
 Fostat, or as it is commonly called Old Cairo, where many co- 
 religionists resided. Here he resorted to the trade of a diamond 
 merchant, an occupation which he had perhaps carried on before. x 5 
 But from his obscurity his talents soon shone forth as stars in 
 the night. He began to deliver philosophical lectures and to 
 practice medicine, tothestucly of which he had applied himself with 
 great success. Hitherto fortune had frowned rather than smiled 
 upon Maimonides. Nearly half his life had passed under a 
 constraint most painful to strong religious feelings, or in the hard- 
 ships of wanderings probably undertaken in order to escape this 
 mental torture. But now a new and bright period began, and a 
 fortunate concurrence of circumstances compensated in the latter 
 half of his life for the tribulations he had undergone in the former. 
 A revolution of a similar character to that which had darkened 
 his early years, and apparently blasted all his prospects, now 
 cleared up his horizon and opened before him a most honourable 
 and shining career. Of the authors of this revolution which, 
 while it changed the face of the then deeply- agitated East, 
 affected also the fate of Maimonides, we must say a few words. 
 
 Europe and Asia were at that time engaged in the protracted 
 and sanguinary struggle for the possession of the holy city, and 
 the enthusiasm of the crusaders still maintained their precarious 
 dominions in Palestine, against the impetuous valour of the 
 Mahometans. The two standards round which the followers of 
 the crescent rallied, were erected in Egypt and Syria. The former 
 country was ruled by Aadhad, of the dynasty of the Alides or Fati- 
 mites ; the latter by Nureddin, the sultan of Aleppo. Of these 
 two Nureddin was the more powerful; to him the Fatimite Caliph 
 applied for assistance,when tired of the incessant encroachments of 
 his vizier Shawer, and pressed by the victorious Christians of Pa- 
 lestine- Nureddin despatched a large army to Egypt, under the
 
 command of his two distinguished generals, the Coords Shirakoh 
 and his nephew Salah-ed-deen, or as he is called among Christian 
 writers, Saladin. They undertook, with unequal success, though 
 with equal valour, various expeditions to Egypt, and though the 
 unfortunate Caliph soon discovered the secret designs of the treach- 
 erous auxiliary, and therefore found it more advantageous to 
 make an agreement with the Franks, yet was he at last com- 
 pelled to almit as his vizier, the uncle, who now in 
 reality governed the kingdom as viceroy for Nureddin. 
 Shirakoh died the same year and bequeathed his authority to his 
 nephew. At the command of the Sultan of Aleppo, Sala- 
 din now formally deposed the last of the Fatimites, the 
 Caliph Aded Ledinillah ; and this monarch opportunely dying 
 eleven days after this important revolution was effected, Sala- 
 din became virtually sovereign of Egypt. 1 6 This truly great 
 monarch, equal in prowess to his renowned contemporary and 
 opponent, Richard Coaur de Lion, and by far excelling him in 
 every other virtue, had a friend worthy of his character, the Cadi 
 of Cairo, and his Vizier Alfadhl Abd-el-Rahim ben Ali Albaisani. 
 This distinguished patron of science and founder of a college at 
 Cairo, who could write one letter whilst dictating two others, 17 
 could not but appreciate the profound genius of Maimonides, could 
 not but admire his talents, respect his character, and love his person . 
 Alfadhl, overwhelmed his friend with benefits, and even granted 
 him a pension. ' 8 It was also through his patron that Maimonides 
 became acquainted with Saladin, whose physician he was appointed 
 in 1179. About the same time, or perhaps before, another mark 
 of distinction had been shown to Maimonides. He received a call 
 to attend, as physician, the king of the Franks, who had been 
 taken ill at Ascalon ; 1 9 an honour, however, he thought proper 
 to decline. This incident would scarcely deserve notice, espe- 
 cially as it exercised no influence upon his life, were it not for the 
 legitimate inference which it justifies as to the extraordinary 
 degree of reputation which he must have enjoyed in his medical 
 capacity. A king of Christians inhabiting a land which, accord-
 
 10 
 
 ing to the notions of the age they must have considered denied 
 by the footsteps of a Jew, a king over a band of adventurers that 
 had proved the most sanguinary persecutors of Israel, a monarch 
 who could boast of ruling over a land but two generations back 
 cleared by the sword of the noisome weeds of Judaism such a 
 monarch must have had powerful inducements to call an indivi- 
 dual of this hated race into the country, into the royal presence, 
 nay, to entrust him with the royal life. - 3 On the other hand, what 
 a triumph for Maimonides to be courted by two hostile monarchs 
 occupying most prominent positions upon the stage of the world. 
 But of the opinion entertained by his contemporaries of his 
 medical skill, we possess direct proofs. There are still extant 
 some verses composed by the Cadi Alsaid ben Sena Almulk in 
 honour of Maimonides, which run thus : "The medicine of Galen 
 is only for the body, but that of Abu Amran (Maimonides) is 
 both for the body and the mind. 
 
 "If he has made himself through his knowledge the physician 
 of his century, he also cures the age through his wisdom from the 
 disease of ignorance. 
 
 "Had the moon herself taken refuge in his art, she certainly 
 would have attained the perfection she wants. 
 
 "And when the moon is full he could cure her from the spots 
 which disfigure her, and from the illness of conjunction." (See 
 Ebn Osaibi's Notice on M., chap xiv.) 
 
 Since his arrival in Egypt, Maimouides had married 2 J and was 
 blessed with one son, Abraham, who inherited many of the talents 
 of his father, and a daughter who, however, died young. Happy in 
 the circle of his family, in possession of a large share of worldly 
 goods, respected by every one that knew him, admired and beloved 
 by a numerous circle of friends and disciples, and nearly idolized 
 by a great portion of his co-religionists, Maimonides seemed now 
 to have attained the zenith of his glory. Indeed, so far had his fame 
 spread that the desire of seeing him, is mentioned by anArabian scho- 
 lar as one of the motives for his repairing from a distant country to 
 Egypt. - - His co-religionists of Cairo, Damascus and other eastern
 
 11 
 
 cities, had indeed reason to offer up public prayers for his long life. 
 But great as were the honours conferred on him, they were not 
 beyond his merit. His time was devoted to the noble task of 
 benefiting either the mind by his writings or the body by his medi- 
 cal exertions. His unremitting activity was displayed by the sick 
 bed, in the professor's chair, in the closet by the composition of 
 his works, and at his desk in answering the learned questions of 
 his distant disciples and knowledge-seeking contemporaries. 
 A remarkable document, in reply to a letter of Rabbi Samuel 
 Ebn Tibbon, of Marseilles, the well-known Hebrew translator of 
 the Moreh Nebuchim, who wished personally to consult Mai- 
 monides on certain difficult passages of that work, has been pre- 
 served to our day. From this we learn the laborious life led by 
 Maimonides in his prosperity. The following is a translation of 
 this document : "As for thy wish to come to see me, thy visit 
 will certainly gratify me very much, although I shall have no 
 leisure for scientific conversations, for I have very little time, as 
 thou wilt hear. I live in Mizr (Fostat), and the king in Cairo, 
 and I am obliged early every morning, to repair to the royal 
 court. My visits to the members of the royal family last 
 though nobody be ill, till the afternoon. But if any body is ill, 
 I do not leave at all. If they are well, I return in the afternoon 
 fatigued and faint, when I find all the galleries filled by a multi- 
 tude of patients of ah 1 classes, both Jews and Gentiles, distin- 
 guished and common people, friends and enemies, who wait for 
 my return. 
 
 "I dismount from my horse, wash my hands, and go out 
 to them requesting them to allow me a few minutes to take some 
 nourishment. The patients are then admitted, and the enquiry 
 into their complaints with the prescription of remedies extends 
 two hours and even longer into the night, when I grow so 
 weak that I must lie down. The consequence of all this is 
 that no Israelite can have an interview with me except on Sabbath : 
 then come the whole congregation to whom I give instruction as 
 to what they shah 1 do during the week." Previous to these lines,
 
 12 
 
 complaining of his want of time and habitual weakness, he says : 
 " And the creator of the world knows in what manner I have 
 written thee this epistle. I retire from men, withdrawing to a 
 solitary place in order not to be interrupted ; sometimes I lean 
 against the wall and write, and sometimes I lie down on account 
 of bodily weakness, for to my habitual debility old age has now 
 been superadded." 
 
 And yet amidst all these fatigues and interruptions, Maimonides 
 found leisure to compose, not only most of those lighter productions 
 called forth by various occasions, but also to write those two ex- 
 cellent works, each admirable in its kind, which have at all times 
 been thought worthy of the attention and even serious study of 
 the general scholar, and which have fixed a new era in the science of 
 Judaism. The Mishna Torah, (repetition of the Law) according 
 to the researches of Mons, Munk, was completed 23 in 1180/ and 
 the Moreh Nebuchim (the Guide of the Perplexed) before 1 1 90. 
 The former, written in pure and fluent Hebrew, is a methodically 
 arranged digest of the work known by the name of the Talmud 
 the latter (composed in his native tongue, Arabic,) 24 a theo- 
 logical philosophical work, is a profoundly conceived and skil- 
 fully accomplished attempt at illumining the obscurities of theo- 
 logy with the lamp of philosophy, and at defining the boun- 
 daries of philosophy, by pointing out the land-marks of faith ; 
 in other words, it is an attempt at harmonising religion as 
 revealed on Sinai, with the views propounded by philosophy. 
 Whilst the former of these works will at all times remain indis- 
 pensable to all who make the knowledge of the Jewish law their 
 study, will be attentively read by such as wish to become ac- 
 quainted with the final results of talmudical dissertations, without 
 possessing the preparatory knowledge, leisure, or patience neces- 
 sary for pursuing the winding paths of talmudical intricacies ; 
 whilst it will be consulted with advantage by such as wish for infor- 
 mation on any point connected with Jewish antiquities, practices, 
 or customs, the latter work will be perused with intense interest 
 by theologians of all denominations engaged in congenial enqui-
 
 13 
 
 ries, and will be attentively studied by the historian of the deve- 
 lopment, wanderings, and progress of the human mind. 
 
 Legendary tradition which we have seen so busy in depicting 
 the early part of Maiuionides's life has displayed not less activity in 
 diversifying the latter portion. Let us select one tale which like a 
 well contrived fiction, has at least the merit of representing Mahnon- 
 x des and his august patron Saladin in their true light, and which, 
 if not true, might at least have been trne. His introduction to 
 the king is thus described. It was at that time customary on cer- 
 tain days for the monarch, sitting on a throne with seven steps, to 
 examine the candidates for public offices. The branches of know- 
 ledge in which the examination was to be passed, were formed by 
 the so called seven liberal arts, viz : Grammar, Arithmetic, Geo- 
 metry, Music, Astronomy, Dialectics, and Rhetoric. According to the 
 degree of proficiency exhibited, the candidates were placed on the 
 steps of the throne ; so that those who had successfully passed an 
 examination in all the seven arts, sat on the seventh step immediately 
 by the side of the monarch. Maimonides was one of the candi- 
 dates, and although his talents had won for him the favour of 
 immediate proximity to his sovereign, yet did his modesty decline 
 the distinction. This feature of humility won for him the regard, 
 as his learning had already obtained the admiration, of the King. 
 
 The latter end his life is thus described by the same legend The 
 extraordinary degree of royal favour enjoyed by him, at last 
 excited the jealousy of his colleagues, the other court physicians. 
 They determined on his ruin. Ere long they found an op- 
 portunity for carrying out their malicious design, by secretly 
 mixing with poison a draught prepared by Maimonides for the 
 monarch, and then accusing him of the intention to destroy 
 the king. In vain did Maimonides affirm his innocence ; his guilt 
 was clear in the eyes of his judges, for a dog to which, at the 
 suggestion of the accusers, a few drops of the unfortunate 
 draught were administered, died on the spot. Nor was Saladin 
 himself, though convinced of the innocence of his favourite, able 
 to save him, so clamourously did the united voices of the con-
 
 14 
 
 spirators and their dupes demand the blood of the traitor. The 
 only mercy which the king could show him, was to leave to his 
 option the manner of his death. ^This favour, however, eventually 
 proved the means of saving his life ; for, aware of the imperfect 
 anatomical knowledge of his enemies, he desired to he put to 
 death by having his veins opened. He foresaw that the physicians 
 being unacquainted with the existence of a certain vein, which, 
 if not opened, though all others be emptied of their fluid, 
 still contains a quantity of blood, sufficient for preserving life 
 would consider his apparent death as real, and that thus, when 
 delivered as a corpse to his disciples, an opportunity would 
 be afforded, by proper treatment, to restore him to life. Having 
 initiated these into the secret, and given them the necessary 
 instructions, Maimonides underwent the operation, as his enemies 
 thought, of being bled to death. Having recovered, in order to 
 escape further persecutions he withdrew secretly to Palestine, 
 and there, concealed in a cavern, composed, during the twelve 
 years of his seclusion, the above mentioned work, " Repetition 
 of the Law." So far fabulous history. 
 
 Enjoying a firmly established reputation, placed in most favour- 
 able circumstances, and engaged in the discharge of duties, so 
 congenial to a benevolent heart and powerful mind, one might 
 have expected that Maimonides would have spent his latter years 
 in happiness ; yet was his life not exempt from the miseries of 
 the common lot of man, nor from those petty annoyances atten- 
 dant upon merit, as shadow upon substance. Habitual debility 
 and serious illness but too frequently interrupted the activity of 
 a mind for which no task was too arduous. 25 An uncommon 
 zeal for the promotion of Rabbinical doctrines, and a most vigo- 
 rous, if not violent, opposition to Caraism, then deeply rooted in 
 Egypt, had no doubt excited numerous and powerful enemies. 26 
 
 Death robbed him of his much beloved daughter, and 
 though he deeply felt this loss as a man, yet as a philosopher 
 he combatted his grief, and, as a sincere Israelite, he consoled 
 himself with the assurance of not having lost her for ever.
 
 15 
 
 This mixture of sentiments is admirably expressed in a 
 letter written about that time, to his now only child, Abraham, 
 then staying in Spain. Keener, however, seems to have been 
 his grief at the death of a favourite disciple, who perished in the 
 Indian ocean. An interval of eight years was not sufficient to 
 heal the wound which this bereavement had inflicted on his 
 highly sensitive mind. 
 
 To these circumstances he seems to allude, in a letter to his 
 son (the first in the collection known by the name Egaroth 
 Harambam). "However, my son, I have applied myself so 
 seriously to study and writing, that I am ill, for the yoke of 
 royalty and that of my own house is imposed upon me, and my 
 enemies are alive and powerful, and those that hate me for no- 
 thing are numerous. But as if this had not been sufficient, the 
 daughters have added sorrow to my sorrow." 
 
 In the year 1192, his benefactor Saladin died. The dissen- 
 sions which arose after his death and strongly agitated Egypt, 
 could not but seriousl y affect the trail quili ty of Maimonides.al though 
 he continued in his office under the successor of Saladin. About 
 the same time, indications of the thunderstorm conjured up by 
 the liberal opinions of Maimonides, as laid down in his Moreh and 
 Sepher Hamadang, (the first book of his Repetition of the Law) 
 began to show themselves. The former work, which, at an 
 early period after its publication, had been translated from its 
 original Arabic into Hebrew, and thus rendered accessible to the 
 French Jews, startled them with a new mode of interpretation, 
 and a novelty of opinion, which, as is generally the case with 
 bigots were equivalent to heresy. Exposed to the oppressions of an 
 arbitrary government and to the vexations of a fanatic populace ; 
 degraded by laws which, in the Israelite, trampled under foot the 
 dignity of man, and therefore not participating in the advan- 
 tages of the liberal education and enlarged views enjoyed by their 
 Spanish brethren, the French Jews perceived in the Talmud the 
 only object worthy of study, and considered every other pursuit 
 of learning, as dangerous, or, at least, as superfluous. Great,
 
 10 
 
 therefore, was their consternation, when they found, set fortli with 
 an authority as weighty as that of Maimonklcs, the doctrine that 
 Talmud and theology were not identical, that the understanding 
 of the latter required a degree of preparatory knowledge em- 
 bracing all branches of science then cultivated ; when they saw 
 denounced that servility of spirit which never sees with its own 
 eyes which removes every difficulty with "ipse dixit" and 
 intimidates every inquirer with the terror of the name of 
 'Apicores' (Freethinker); when they saw discussions and researches 
 sanctioned, which they thought must rob their objects of the misty 
 covering of sanctity, and the precious rust of antiquity under 
 which they had. lain concealed for ages. They at first vented 
 their indignation in low murmurings ; the thunders of excommu- 
 nication were afterwards hurled. It was these hollow murmur - 
 ings which reached Maimouides' ears ; and though he entertained 
 a supreme contempt for these bigots, yet it cannot be doubted 
 that these misconstructions of his hallowed endeavours grieved 
 him deeply. Writing to his son, then staying in Spain, he ex- 
 presses himself on the French Eabbis thus : " Beware, my 
 son, of most of the writings of the people of France, who, after 
 having made a good repast, when its fumes ascend to their brain, 
 think they can comprehend God at any period, and that he hears 
 their prayers when they read the Talmud and other similar 
 writings, or the works of the heads of the academies, or when the 
 name of God constantly on their tongue, is coupled with such 
 ideas as represent God as a corporeal being." (Egarot Harambam, 
 Letter I.) 
 
 To his favorite disciple, Joseph ben Yehudah, of Aleppo for 
 whom he composed the Moreh he writes of his detractors thus : 
 " I have been much humbled by years and sorrows. I moreover 
 pardon those who offend my honour and heap insults upon me." 
 Further on he says : " And if some one has been induced to say 
 that I am without religion and good actions, he may say so ; and all 
 this, my son, as the Lord lives, shall not hurt or provoke me, 
 even should I have heard it with my own ears, or seen it with my
 
 17 
 
 own eyes. I would not have cared for it, but, on the contrary, 
 I should have humbled myself, and have answered in gentle 
 terms, or been silent, or answered softly and modestly, according 
 to circumstances." 
 
 Another source of annoyance must have been the accusation, pre- 
 ferred against him by a Mahometan fanatic from Spain, of his 
 having apostatized from the Islam, to which, as stated, his 
 family had been outwardly compelled to conform whilst staying 
 in Spain. 2 ~ Of this charge of relapse, however, he was acquitted, 
 as it was declared that a compulsory conversion was not binding 
 upon the proselyte. 
 
 Maimonides had now attained his seventieth year,* and the time 
 had come when he was to complete his earthly pilgrimage. 
 The news of his death soon spread from congregation to con- 
 gregation ; wailings and lamentations resounded on all sides, 
 and public fasts and mourning were ordered everywhere. 
 His body, agreeably to his wish, was carried to the Holy Land, 
 and buried either at Tiberias or Hebron. 28 
 
 In delineating his character, we have the singular advantage of 
 being able to compare various incidents of his life recorded by 
 himself in his numerous works, with the descriptions given of him 
 by Arabic writers, and further, of collating these with the opi- 
 nions expressed on him by his Jewish admirers and detractors ; 
 we must however be cautious in the use to be made of materials, 
 drawn from the stores of Mahometan authors. These, acquainted 
 only with the general position held by Maimonides as a scholar, 
 could but imperfectly know the rank which he occupied within 
 the synagogue and amongst his nation, to which he devoted the 
 greatest part of his energies and leisure hours ; they could but 
 imperfectlj appreciate the unfading laurels which he had gathered 
 in these fields. "What must render us still more guarded in the use 
 of the materials derived from these sources, is the fact, that in the 
 accounts of some particulars of his life, the contrary f sever al 
 
 * More exactly, he lived sixty-nine years, nine months and twelve days. 
 
 C
 
 18 
 
 of their assertions is sufficiently established. Thus Abulfaradge 
 (Hist. Dynast, p. 454), and Alkifti relate. (S. Casiris Biblio- 
 theca Arabica Hispanola, T. I. p. 294) that Maimonides never 
 ventured to practise medicine. The Jewish writers, though better 
 acquainted with the particulars of his life, and better prepared 
 to appreciate them, were yet too deeply affected by the agitations 
 which this master mind produced to be sufficiently unbiassed for 
 forming a correct estimate. Yet after all possible allowances to 
 party resentment, all necessary deductions from party eulogiuxns, 
 after taking into consideration all the sins of omission and com- 
 mission by Arabic writers, not sufficiently acquainted with 
 Maimonides' sphere of activity, there still remain data enough 
 to enable us to sketch the following picture : 
 
 In the domestic circle, Maimonides' character appears to have 
 been unexceptionable. He felt a singular attachment for his friends, 
 especially his disciples ; his affectionate heart was most painfully 
 affected at their bereavements. 2 9 Particulars of his wife are not 
 known to us; his children he loved with true parental affection. 30 
 The grief he felt at the loss of his daughter, and the affectionate 
 letters he wrote to his son sufficiently prove this. Except on 
 Sabbath, he had little leisure to concern himself about his domestic 
 affairs. Though of a social disposition and averse to ascetic views, 
 yet his numerous and important occupations did not allow 
 him to indulge in the innocent pleasures of society. 3 ] The only 
 leisure day on which he could freely be seen and spoken to was 
 the Sabbath. His time, as mentioned above, was divided be- 
 tween attendance on patients, instructions to pupils from the 
 cathedra, his study, his writing desk, and the conduct of the 
 affairs of his nation. Nothing authentic has been recorded 
 as to his exterior or physical constitution. 12 When however we 
 perceive his complaints of frequent exhaustion and habitual weak- 
 ness, we are led to conclude that his body was less strong than 
 his mind. 
 
 Among the qualities which form his moral character, there is 
 one which shines forth most conspicuously, reflecting its gentle
 
 19 
 
 light even over such as constitute its duller parts, Moses the 
 son of Maimon loved all men without religious distinction ; his 
 heaven was open to superior merit and knowledge whatever its 
 creed. Moses the son of Maimon was in his heart a philanthro- 
 pist, and practised the principles of philanthropy. This is evi- 
 denced not only by his life, but also by numerous precepts laid 
 down in his writings. 3 3 These enlarged and benevolent views will 
 appear to still greater advantage, if compared with such as were 
 then generally held even by those who, from their position or oppor- 
 tunities may be supposed to have ranked above the mass of their con- 
 temporaries. Christianity, which even nov^ in a more enlightened 
 age, claims too frequently the exclusive right of granting 
 passports to heaven, then urged still more obstinately its pre- 
 tended claim ; nay, considered itself justified in the employment 
 of the most cruel means for obtruding this passport. It may be 
 assTimed without much fear of contradiction that in the time of 
 King Richard Coeur de Lion (Maimonides, it will be remem- 
 bered was a contemporary of his), no Christian of equal 
 authority with this Jew ever promulgated opinions like those 
 which he put forth; nor need we be afraid of contrasting 
 these opinions with any publicly professed by Mahometan 
 divines, his contemporaries. But this moral excellency was 
 not without its darker tints. He possessed too lively a con- 
 sciousness of his own superiority. 3 * Unique among the Jews 
 of his age, he was somewhat impatient of contradiction, and 
 not sufficiently indulgent towards those, who either from ne- 
 glect of education or natural dullness of mind, were not pre- 
 pared to appreciate his opinions. He was too often disposed to 
 confound these persons with such as from envy, interest, malignity, 
 or bigotry, opposed his views. He further underrated the worth of 
 moral qualities, attaching too high a value to those of the intel- 
 lect. 3 5 He overlooked that, constituted as society is, more salutary 
 effects have been produced by the qualities of the heart than by 
 those of the head. He forgot that mere intellect without moral 
 worth is a curse, not a blessing to mankind ; that whilst the for-
 
 20 
 
 mer only is ascribed to a demon, both united constitute the angel- 
 He nevertheless bore individual abuse and personalities with exem- 
 plary equanimity, and though they no doubt deeply wounded 
 his sensitive mind, he did not condescend to retort. In a letter 
 to his disciple, Joseph of Aleppo, wherein he complains of a cer- 
 tain troublesome correspondent, he says, " Know that F am firmly 
 determined to remain as equable as possible. * 
 He that wishes to raise himself by exposing my faults may be 
 sure of my pardon, though he be the meanest disciple. "- 
 (S. Annalen, for 1840, N. 27.) 
 
 The fundamental doctrine upon which he raised his ethical 
 structure, was that in everything we should hold the happy 
 medium. Far removed from ascetic views, and from the re- 
 commendation of a barren austerity then prevailing among Jews, 
 Christians, and Mahometans, he advocated a moderate enjoyment, 
 of the boons with which the benevolent Creator has blessed the 
 world. A reputation for sanctity, acquired by an unmeritorious 
 abstemiousness, was not acknowledged by Maimonides, and he could 
 not consider him a conqueror who dastardly retired from the field of 
 activity before the engagement in which it was his duty to be a 
 principal agent, had even commenced. 36 Being further, of un- 
 feigned piety hypocrisy, superstition, and bigotry were alike 
 hateful to him, and his religion being without the alloy of fana- 
 ticism, blind zeal in its cause was not the means of obtaining 
 his favor. 
 
 In his religious opinions he was a strict Rabbinist, and a 
 powerful and successful opponent to the Karaite doctrines then 
 very prevalent in Egypt. He was convinced that Judaism, torn 
 away from its native and congenial soil, and transplanted or 
 rather thrown into a foreign and unpropitious climate, necessarily 
 required the discerning, cherishing, andnursing hand of tradition. 
 Maimonides employed every means at his disposal to procure a 
 firm footing for the Rabbinical doctrines. 3 7 
 
 His intellect was at once capacious, vigorous, and tenacious, 
 equally fit to penetrate into the sublime truths revealed through ma-
 
 21 
 
 thematics, to dive into the depths of metaphysical speculations, 
 to pursue the subtleties of theological enquiries, or to prose- 
 cute the dry study of languages. His fine mind thus exhibited 
 a combination of powers -which are thought by many as incom- 
 patible with, nay, subversive of each other. That he was a cele- 
 brated physician has been stated. He must therefore have been 
 acquainted with those branches of knowledge then constituting 
 the art of healing. Besides the discoveries in geometry, ascribed 
 to him, 38 his Kedush Hachodesh is an imperishable testi- 
 mony of his proficiency in astronomy. His Moreh Nebuchim 
 and Shmoneh Perakim prove his profound knowledge of 
 philosophy. In this science he followed the system of the 
 subtle Aristotle, but he not unfrequently used the pointed 
 weapons (the handling of which his master taught him) to 
 combat opinions incompatible with revealed religion. Though 
 he was no blind follower of the Stagy rite Sage, yet some con- 
 tended, and not with injustice, that carried away by his love of 
 system, he went too far in his attempts at reconciling with the doc- 
 trines of Moses, some philosophical views from their very nature 
 repugnant to Judaism. This will abundantly appear from the 
 following passage to be found ir his Commentary on the Mishnah 
 at the end of Berachoth. After speaking rather disparagingly of 
 the endeavours of Jewish scholars to explain God's wisdom and 
 justice, he continues: "But what philosophers teach on the sub- 
 ject I mean genuine philosophers, is very sublime and profound, 
 and requires much prefatory knowledge and scientific attain- 
 ments. An expert thinker takes these doctrines to heart, and 
 brings them into close connection with the words of Scripture 
 ' Behold I lay to day before you the life and the good,' &c. He 
 evolves from them contents similar to those just exhibited by me 
 if not still better and more clearly. I shall in the treatise of 
 Aboth (Ethics of the Fathers) revert once more to the subject, 
 and succinctly demonstrate a portion of the agreement of the most 
 excellent philosophers with Scripture." 
 
 He is also said to have understood Chaldaic, Turkish, and Me-
 
 22 
 
 dish (Shalsheleth, p. 44, A. Wolfius. iu loco Note, b.). How 
 thoroughly he mastered Arabic and Hebrew, is evidenced by the 
 works which he wrote in those languages. 39 
 
 Though necessarily engaged in occupations of the most serious 
 character, yet did he occasionally descend to the composition of 
 those ingenious trifles which sometimes serve as a relaxation to 
 a superior mind. Some spirited epigrams, scraps of poetry, and 
 rhymed epistles, written after the fashion of the time and ascribed 
 to him, have been preserved to our age. 40 That however, which 
 formed the most conspicuous the leading feature of his mind, 
 impressing the indelible stamp of superior genius on all its pro- 
 ductions, was his love of method. 
 
 Clearly as his mind saw its objects, powerfully as it grasped 
 them, so did he wish to present them to the beholder. He pro- 
 ceeded towards his object on the shortest and easiest road ; he 
 wished to offer the lovely fruit to others without exposing them 
 to the inconvenience of being pricked by the surrounding thorns. 
 In his endeavours to methodise the doctrines to be taught, Mai- 
 monides was singularly assisted by an uncommon memory, which 
 extended over even the most insignificant particulars ; by an intui- 
 tive glance, which discerned at once between what was essen. 
 tial and what was immaterial, and by a clear judgment, which 
 quickly formed the objects into homogeneous groups. It is to this 
 love of method that we owe those extraordinary productions redu- 
 cing the practical part of Jewish theology into the shape of a sci- 
 ence ; viz., the Commentary on the Mishna, and the MishnaTorah. 
 
 We will now delineate the nature of the movement which, as 
 before mentioned, his Moreh Nebuchim caused after his death, and 
 we will then describe the effects which this work producedin Israel. 
 In a past lecture we endeavoured to characterise the Moreh Nebu- 
 chim and the views prevailing among the French Jews ; we 
 also stated the manner in which these people became acquainted 
 with the production. We shall now subjoin some extracts contain- 
 ing Maimonides' opinion on certain subjects, which will explain
 
 23 
 
 better than the clearest exposition could do, the cause of the 
 hostility of many Rabbis to the work. 
 
 Before the time of Maimonides, it was considered by nearly all 
 Jewish divines as unlawful, or at least as not desirable, to enquire 
 into the reasons of the ceremonial laws. At all events such en- 
 quiries had never before been sanctioned by any eminent autho- 
 rity, had never been systematically pursued, and had been con. 
 sidered rather ingenious speculations befitting the aerial regions 
 of Hagada, than solid arguments deserving a place in authoritative 
 works. " It is a decree of the King and it is not for us to search 
 for its reason," was the answer generally given to the enquirer. 
 Maimonides thought quite differently on this subject, as stated 
 by himself in the third part (chap, xxxi.) of the Moreh, where 
 he says " There are people who object to the assigning of a 
 reason for any law whatever, and according to them it is best not to 
 institute any inquiry into the cause of any law or warning. This 
 objection proceeds from unsound minds which possess no clear 
 consciousness of the motives for this objection. They imagine that 
 if these laws have a useful discernible object which induced God 
 to command them, then they resemble such as are given by human 
 beings and might have been given by them. But if no object 
 can be discovered and no advantage assigned, then are they 
 doubtless from God, for a human mind would not have fallen 
 upon such things. These weak minded reasoners imagine man 
 more perfect than their creator, inasmuch as they think that man 
 would command nothing without purpose, while God would com- 
 mand that which is useless, and caution against things the prac- 
 tice of which is harmless. Away with such an idea. Precisely 
 the reverse is the case, and the object of all laws was to procure 
 some advantage, as we have explained the text, ' to do us good 
 all the days, to keep us alive to this day.' Scripture further says 
 ' that they (the nations of the earth) may hear all these statutes 
 and say, a wise and understanding nation is this great people.' 
 Scripture thus says that even the statutes will teach the nations 
 that they are founded on wisdom and knowledge ; and if the laws
 
 24 
 
 have no motive, if they serve no object, bring no advantage, and 
 avert no mischief, why should the believers or practisers be con- 
 sidered as a great and wise nation ? But the matter is undoubtedly 
 as we have stated, viz., the object of every one of the 613 
 precepts is either to convey some correct notion, to remove 
 some erroneous opinion, to accustom to some good order, to 
 prevent iniquity, to inculcate good habits, or to caution against 
 bad habits ; and they may be reduced under three heads, intel- 
 lectual, moral, and social qualities. Every law therefore tends 
 either to promote social virtues or to diffuse true knowledge or 
 morality." 
 
 On the temple and the sacrifices he gives an opinion still more 
 calculated to startle his orthodox brethren. Having laid down 
 the principle that as little as God allows nature to take sudden 
 leaps in the physical world, but has ordained a gradual develope- 
 ment by means of which every act is preparatory for the next, so 
 little does God ordain sudden transitions in the moral world ; 
 having exemplified this by instances from the physical world, he 
 continues thus (ibid 32) " a similar line of conduct did God pur- 
 sue in many commandments of the law ; for sudden transitions 
 from extreme to extreme are impossible. Accordingly it is im- 
 possible for man to leave at once all the things to which he has 
 
 been accustomed At that time, the universal 
 
 custom and mode of worship in which people were brought up 
 was to bring sacrifices into the temples, there to place idols, to 
 
 worship them, and to burn incense before them Now 
 
 the divine wisdom, manifest iu all creation, did not abolish and 
 command us to lay aside these modes of worship, for this would 
 have been repugnant to human nature, which always follows 
 habit ; this would have been as if some prophet were to come 
 in our days, who with respect to divine service were to announce 
 that God commanded that we should not pray to him, not fast, 
 and not seek his help in time of trouble, but that we should let 
 our service be one of the heart, without outward practice. For 
 this reason these kinds of worship were to continue ; God only
 
 25 
 
 transferred them from imaginary or created beings to himself, and 
 commanded us to preserve them, to erect a sanctuary, to build an 
 altar, and to offer sacrifices to Him . . . and by His divine 
 will was idolatry abolished', and the great principle of the ex- 
 istence and unity of God established among our nation ; and 
 thus those persons who would have been startled by the abolition 
 of the mode of worship to which they were used, and wiio were 
 not acquainted with any other, were not refractory." 
 
 Had the adverse party at that time founded their opposition solely 
 upon these and similar passages, it cannot be denied that their anim- 
 adversions would have been well grounded, and they would no doubt 
 have excited much greater and more lasting sympathy. But regard 
 for historical truth denies us such a desirable vindication of a body 
 of Rabbis, from some of whom we cannot withhold the acknowledg- 
 ment due to sincerity, piety, and learning. A regard for historical 
 truth draws from us the reluctant and humiliating confession that 
 it was not passages like those quoted perhaps incompatible 
 with a perfect, unaltered and unaHerable religion but precisely 
 those statements perfectly founded on Scripture, and purifying Ju- 
 daism from the dross of Heathenism, which drew upon Maimonides 
 the denunciations of his principal opponents. The Moreh Nebuchim 
 and the book of Knowledge, (the firstpart of Mishna Torah) were 
 loudly condemned because of the distinct line of demarcation which 
 they drew between the spiritual and physical world. In the gross 
 minds of the French Rabbis, matter and spirit were confounded. 
 The former was sometimes elevated through its vicinity to the 
 latter, but more frequently was the latter defiled through im- 
 pure contact with the former. The French Rabbis might admit 
 that the substance of God differed from that of our own, yet 
 would they not consider a contrary opinion as heretical, yet would 
 they scarcely be convinced that those talmudical passages repre- 
 senting, according to Eastern fashion, the heavenly pleasures of 
 departed spirits under the grosser types of sensual enjoyments, 
 were to be understood figuratively. They considered as sacri- 
 legious the daring pen of Maimonides, which with one stroke
 
 26 
 
 robbed them of their duly carved portion in the heavenly banquet 
 prepared for the righteous. 
 
 The tocsin of alarm was first sounded at Montpellier by Rabbi 
 Shelomoh, son of Rabbi Abraham,- a distinguished Talmudic 
 scholar. This seaport town, M'hich at that time carried on a lucra- 
 tive trade, was the seat of a numerous, wealthy, charitable, and 
 learned congregation. Though at that time again united with 
 France, yet the beneficial influence exercised upon the minds of 
 its Jewish inhabitants during its long annexation to the Arabic- 
 Spanish provinces of Catalonia and Arragon, had not ceased to 
 operate. Not pervaded by the enlightened spirit of the more 
 southern provinces, the Jewish mass in Provence was just suf- 
 ficiently far advanced to understand the representations of their 
 leaders, without however being capable of examining them. 
 Montpellier 4 1 was therefore a fit place for the centre of such 
 an agitation, and Rabbi Shelomoh acquainted with the Talmud 
 only, and not with the preparatory knowledge necessary for 
 its liberal interpretation, was just the fit man for originating such 
 a movement. In his endeavours he was zealously assisted by his 
 two disciples Rabbi Jonah (according to Rapaport in Kerem Chemed 
 VI, 2, a relation of Nachmanides), subsequently known as the 
 teacher of Rabbi Shelomo Ben Adereth, and by Rabbi David son of 
 Rabbi Shaul, They displayed an uncommon activity in denoun- 
 cing the two mentioned books, and in anathematising such as 
 would read them. They were soon joined by two other dis- 
 tinguished scholars, Rabbi Meir, the Levite, and Rabbi Yehu- 
 dah, the physician, son of the Prince Rabbi Joseph, the phy- 
 sician, son 'of Alfakhkhar, 42 of Toledo. On the other hand 
 many of the congregations of Arragon, Navarre, and Catalonia, 
 took the part of Maimonides, and excommunicated his revilers. 
 A very lively controversy was thus carried on, and gradually such 
 communities as lived at a greater distance from the centre were 
 also drawn into the movement. But the more widely the dispute 
 spread from its original seat, the more numerous became the party 
 of Maimonides. To the honour of the age, be it said, intelligence
 
 27 
 
 and rank sided with him. Irritated by the presumption of a knot of 
 individuals who dared to revile one of the most distinguished men 
 among Israel, and violently to disturb the peace of the nation, many of 
 the Spanish Rabbis, of the party of Maimonides, met with the view of 
 concerting measures for settling the dispute. They resolved to send 
 a deputy to the influential Alfakhkhar, at Toledo, in order to draw 
 him away from the opposition. The celebrated grammarian, 
 Rabbi David Kimchi, of Narbonne, an ardent admirer of Mai- 
 monides, voluntarily offered to take this mission upon himself, 
 although already advanced in years. Furnished with the necessary 
 documents, this venerable man set out on his journey. He was, 
 detained at Avila for a considerable time by an obstinate fever 
 and the infirmities of old age ; yet these neither chilled his ardour 
 nor abated his activity. He sent epistles to various congregations 
 of Castile, and deputed his companion and nephew, Rabbi Joseph, 
 to repair with a letter to Alfakhkhar. The letter containing some 
 expressions displeasing to this proud and influential man, the 
 mission at that time failed of success. Alfakhkhar replied in a 
 bitter tone, and in one of his letters he went even so far as to 
 compare such as permit their children to study the writings 
 of Maimonides, to parents who sacrifice their offspring to 
 Moloch. Meanwhile Rabbi Shelomoh had not remained inactive. 
 Finding that the south was not favorable to his anathema, he sent 
 his pupil Rabbi Jonah to the north to gain new accessions among 
 the more benighted French congregations, in order to compensate 
 the losses which he had sustained in the enlightened south. This 
 step was at first successful, and new anathemas were hurled against 
 the MorehNebuchim ; but the deluded Rabbis soon recognised their 
 error, and the congregations of Lunel and Narbonne excommuni- 
 cated the abettor, Rabbi Shelomoh, together with his followers. 
 As usual in controversy, the disputants grew warm, opposition to 
 views turned into hatred against the pro pounders, zeal was con- 
 verted into fanaticism. As usual with bigots who consider them- 
 selves the special champions of the Deity, permitted in so 
 hallowed a cause to use any method for the attainment of their
 
 28 
 
 object, Rabbi Slielomoh had iiow recourse to means which would 
 have been sufficient to frustrate all his designs with his co-reli- 
 gionists, had his object been the most praiseworthy. Rabbi 
 Shelomoh seeing the shaft of excommunication recoiling on him- 
 self, denounced the books in question as heretical, and containing 
 opinions adverse also to Christianity. With an ignorant clergy, 
 probably unable to read the denounced works, any information 
 lodged by a famous Rabbi was sufficient toelicittheir condemnation ; 
 and the community of Montpellier had the mortification to see co- 
 pies of the works of the immortal scholar publicly burnt, and to find 
 themselves involved in difficulties very seriously threatening their 
 safety. This step of Rabbi Shelomoh, more than any other event, 
 contributed to produce a change in the minds of the Jews, and 
 to secure the triumph of the party of Maimonides. The re-action 
 thus produced was proportionate to the contempt and hatred with 
 which informers have been looked upon at all times and amongst 
 all nations : it was commensurate with the deep aversion and perfect 
 horror with which communities, forming an ecdesiapressa, regard 
 that class of people, who, before they are hardened enough for 
 inflicting the deep and piercing wounds of calumny on their 
 former friends and associates, must have extinguished in their 
 breast every spark of better feeling, and must violently and sacri- 
 legiously havesevered the sacred ties which draw brother to brother. 
 Alfakhkhar, the staunchest supporter of Rabbi Shelomoh was now 
 staggered, and those who had formerly been either neutral or friendly 
 disposed towards his views, now openly joined the opposite party. 
 Among the latterwas also the famous Rabbi MosesBen Nachman. The 
 Rabbis of Saragossa now issued a synodal epistle, a kind of apology 
 in defence of the writings impugned, and of the calumniated cha- 
 racter of Maimon : des, whose learning and piety they extolled. This 
 epistle was accompanied by a private letter of a similar tenor written 
 by Rabbi Bechay, chief of the college. The documents were circu- 
 lated among the congregations of Arragon, and produced the de- 
 sired effect. The informers, now without any Jewish support, 
 were also abandoned by their Christian party, and a cruel muti- 
 lation, inflicted on the slandering organ at the command of those
 
 29 
 
 who had ordered the burning of the hooks, was to expiate the 
 crime of calumny. 43 
 
 For the time the dispute was settled ; yet the flame of discord 
 was not entirely extinguished. Seventy years after, it again broke 
 forth at Moutpellier, when Rabbi Abo More, son of Rabbi Moses, 
 author of the book Minchath Kenaoth, sent circulars to many 
 congregations, especially to Rabbi Shelomoh ben Adereth, for 
 obtaining their concurrence in the prohibition of the study of phi- 
 losophy. His endeavours were successful, and the application to 
 the study of philosophy was interdicted for the next fifty years to 
 persons under twenty-five. 
 
 But though this most remarkable controversy was ended, yet the 
 agitation it caused had not ceased, and though the formal opposi- 
 tion made to the work had been withdrawn, yet suspicion of the 
 orthodoxy of the diligent student of the Moreh Nebuchirn never en- 
 tirely died an y ay ; and whilst the Mishuah Torah became a principal 
 object among the branches studied by Rabbis and other Talmudic 
 scholars, the Moreh Nebuchim was comparatively neglected and 
 engaged the attention only of individual eminent literati. Never- 
 theless the services rendered by this work to Jewish science were 
 of the utmost importance. It operated as a ferment upon the torpid 
 mass of the Jews, who, actuated by principles similar to those which 
 prostrated the liberty of Christendom as an abject captive before 
 the Holy see, were ready to settle down with erroneous views and 
 untenable principles. It further gave a moral sanction to enquiries, 
 originated works of similar tendencies, and thus contributed largely 
 towards preserving Jewish literature from falling entirely into that 
 one-sided direction pursued by its most eminent cultivators in their 
 exclusive talmudical study. Some of the most distinguished 
 Jews have been stirred up by this work, and their minds have 
 been fructified by its contents. Of these may be mentioned 
 Nachmauides among the earlier, Don Isaac Abaibanel among the 
 latter, and Moses Mendelssohn among the modern Jewish scholars; 
 it is to the incessant study of the Moreh Nebuchim at an early 
 period of his life, that Mendelssohn is said to have owed his disSgured
 
 30 
 
 body. Besides this, the two works, unjustly attacked with so much 
 virulence have the great and unquestionable merit of having eradi- 
 cated from the nation those gross and material notions of spiritual 
 things, entertained not only by the mass but also by many Rabbis. 
 In the apologetic letter written by Bedrashi to Rabbi Shelomoh 
 ben Adereth, in defence of the study of philosophy, at the 
 time when the controversy about the Moreh Nebuchim was re- 
 suscitated, the apologist could state " and now thank God this 
 injurious belief is rooted out from among al I classes ; we do not hear 
 of any one that would defend it or confirm it." So strongly 
 indeed did the leaders of the nation become impressed with the 
 erroneousness of such gross notions, of their incompatibility with 
 Judaism and their danger to morality, and so anxious were they to 
 render the recurrence of these notions impossible that the solemn 
 renunciation of them was henceforth introduced into the liturgy. 
 The songof Yigdal among the Aschkenasim rests upon those spiri- 
 tual views taught byMaimonides, and the Sephardim have added to 
 the hymn Adon Olam, the phrase (not contained in the Aschke- 
 nasim prayer book) "He cannot be compared or likened, nor 
 does he alter or change, nor does he consist of parts." 
 
 We now proceed to enumerate his works dividing them into 
 the following classes, I. Talmudical, II. Philosophical, III. Ma- 
 thematical, IV. Medical, V. Miscellaneous. 
 
 TALMUDICAL. 
 
 I. Perush Hamishurah (Commentary on the Mishnah). This, 
 according to his own testimony, was commenced in Spain in his 
 twenty-third year and finished in Egypt in his thirtieth year. He 
 wrote it orginally in Arabic, his native tongue, under the title 
 Ketab Al Serag, which was translated into Hebrew, Sepher Hamaor, 
 (book of light,) and manuscripts of it in the original language are 
 still extant in various libraries ; among others in the Bodleian. 
 Parts of it were at different periods translated into Hebrew, 
 llabbi Samuel Eben Tibbon, who translated into Hebrew
 
 31 
 
 Maimonides' preface to the Ethics of the Fathers, and the com- 
 mentary to Chelek, a section of the treatise of Sanhedrin, was 
 the first to attempt the task, The next was the well known poet 
 Rabbi Yehoodah Charisi, the author of the Tachkemoni. He under- 
 took this task at the request of the principal Jews of Marseilles, 
 which at that time contained a very flourishing Jewish community. 
 He translated the first order (Seder Seraim), and the highly 
 valuable introduction generally, although erroneously considered 
 as preparatory to the order of Seraim (S. Geig. Zschr. ii. 2/4.) 
 It was completed whilst Maimonides was still alive. It seems 
 however, soon to have perished : for Joseph ben Isaac ben Alfual, 
 the translator of the second order (Seder Moed), who lived onty 
 fifty or sixty years after Charisi, says in his preface to the treatise 
 of Terumoth, that he made enquiries in Spain and that the trans- 
 lations of five treatises only could be found : these five treatises are 
 still extant* When these portions had reached the Jews of 
 Rome, they wished to possess the whole, and therefore sent a mes- 
 senger, Rabbi Simcha, to Barcelona; but being disappointed in his 
 expectation, the messenger went to a city in Arragon, which 
 "Wolfius spells Wasehka, 44 where he found the original Arabic 
 of two orders, viz., Moed and Nashim ; the first was translated into 
 Hebrew by the just mentioned Alfual, and was completed in 1247; 
 the second, with the assistance of the physician Rabbi Chaim ben 
 Salomo Ibn Baka, was translated by Rabbi Yakob ben Moshe ben 
 Achsai Badrashi. Thence Rabbi Simcha set out for Saragossa, 
 where he found the other orders in Arabic, with the exception 
 of the order of Tehoroth. Upon this Rabbi Salom ben Yoseph 
 ben Yacob rendered the order of Nesikin into Hebrew. The 
 order of kadashim was translated by R. Nathanal ben Yosua 
 Almali, and that of Tehoroth by an anonymous writer. The 
 Mishnah, with his commentary and that of R. Obadiah of Bar- 
 tenora, has frequently been printed and has found a learned 
 Latin translator, Guilielmus Surenhusius, who published his 
 translation at Amsterdam, ( few treatises have been rendered by 
 others) between 1675 and 1689.
 
 32 
 
 On the published texts of the work, Dr. Carmoly (Annalen 1840, 
 N. 13), says, "This much is certain that we possess a very 
 faulty text especially in the commentary to Seraim, since mis- 
 takes exist in quantities, particularly in the introduction, as 
 may readily be seen by a comparison of the original which 
 appeared with a latin translation. 4 " 1 Asulai too has testified 
 (in Vaad Lach. 1.38) that he has seen two 'sections in an 
 ancient manuscript containing an explanation of the difficult 
 words occurring in the Talmud and its rules which are wanting 
 in our introduction." 
 
 "It would be highly desirable that some scholar should copy the 
 yhole of the Arabic original extant in some libraries, or rectify 
 the Hebrew text by it. The learned world would receive such a 
 labour with thanks." 
 
 The very valuable introductions prefixed by Maimonides to the 
 various orders or single treatises have been translatad into Latin 
 and published by the celebrated orientalist, Pocock, under 
 the title of Porta Mosis, (Gate of Moses). This work appeared at 
 Oxford in 1655. 
 
 This Commentary on the Mishnah however was not his first 
 work, for in the preface to this book, he says that he had com- 
 mented on three divisions of the Guemara. From the preface of 
 Yakob ben Achsai, the translator of " Nashim," it appears that 
 he wrote the Commentaries in Arabic, and in the commentary on 
 the Mishnah Tamid, V. 1, he quotes the laws compiled from 
 the Talmud Yerushalmi (S. Annalen, N. 40, year 1839). The 
 commentary to Rosh Hashanah has been brought by Mons. 
 Monk to Paris. A book of Maimonides, quoted by Asulai 
 (ijn I. 2, 16), under the title of Seder Olam (a Methodology 
 of the Talmud), is conjectured by S. to be perhaps identical 
 with the introduction of Maimonides to the commentary 
 of the Mishna. 
 
 II. Mishnah Torah (Repetition of the Law), also called (probably 
 in allusion to the fourteen books of which it consists), Yad(T 14). 
 Chasakah (strong hand). This work is written in pure Hebrew
 
 33 
 
 and is a methodically arranged digest of all Talmudical deci- 
 sions, the references to the Talmudical sources however being 
 omitted. It is divided into fourteen books. The first is called 
 " Sepher Haniada" (the Book of Knowledge) in which the author 
 treats of the Principles of the Law, of Idolatry and Repentance. It 
 was this book which together with the Moreh gave rise to the con- 
 troversy described elsewhere. The soundness of the doctrines, 
 the sublimity of the precepts, and the correctness of the views 
 therein detailed have at all times attracted the attention of the scho- 
 lar, and portions of it have been translated into various languages, 
 among others into English by Ralph Skinner. Maimonides pre- 
 fixed to this book a preface in which he declares his motives for 
 writing the work, states his views on the Oral Law, and enumerates 
 the 613 precepts contained in the Pentateuch. 
 
 The second book is called Sepher Ahabah (the Book of Love). 
 It treats of various devotional rites and ceremonies, such as the read- 
 ing of the Shema Israel, of the wearing of the phylacteries, the 
 fringes, &c. Various portions of this hook have been translated 
 into Latin. 
 
 The third book, Semanim (Seasons) treats of the Sabbath and 
 Festivals, and the rites and ceremonies connected therewith. 
 
 The fourth book, called Nashim, (Women,) treats of Marriage, 
 Divorce, and all relations connected with or growing out of the 
 state of marriage. 
 
 The fifth book, Sepher Kedushah (Book of Holiness,) treats of 
 acts derogatory to the dignity of the Israelite, as the partaking 
 of prohibited food, &c. A portion of this book has been translated 
 by Prideaux, and was published at Oxford in 1649. 
 
 The sixth, is Sepher Haplaah, (Book of Uncommon Things ;) 
 it treats of oaths, vows, and the like. A portion of this book 
 is translated into Latin. 
 
 The seventh book treats of Seraim (Seeds), produce of the 
 soil, and the various laws connected therewith. Portions of it 
 are translated into Latin. D
 
 34 
 
 . The eighth is the Sepher Abodah (Book of Service.) It treats 
 of the temple and its vessels, the divine service, the daily and addi- 
 tional sacrifices, and every other circumstance connected with these 
 matters. The whole book has been translated into Latin. 
 
 The ninth book treats of Korbanoth (Sacrifices), viz., of those 
 brought on occasions other than those mentioned in the fore- 
 going book. The whole of this book is also translated into Latin. 
 
 The tenth is the Sepher Tahorah (Book of Purification) ; it 
 treats of things, contact with which renders unclean, and also of 
 a mode of purification ; a portion of this book has been trans- 
 lated into Latin. 
 
 The eleventh book treats of Nesikin (Damages) and their com- 
 pensation. 
 
 The twelfth is the Sepher Kinian (Book of Property,) and 
 treats of the modes of conveying property, of partnership, and of 
 other circumstances growing out of these relations. 
 
 The thirteenth, the Sephev Mishpatim (Book of Judgments), 
 treats of all kinds of trusts, loans, &c. 
 
 The last book, Shoftim (Judges), treats of the Sauhedrin, wit- 
 nesses, rebels, kings, wars, and other relations connected with these 
 subjects. Nearly the whole of this most remarkable book exists 
 in Latin translations. The 8th, 9th, and 10th, chapters have been 
 rendered into Latin by Prideaux, and appeared in 1679 at 
 Oxford. 
 
 This work has been frequently printed, probably for the first 
 time in 1490, at Soncini. It has found several annotators, many 
 of whose commentaries are now published with the text. To the 
 edition-now before us (which appeared at Furth in the year 5527, 
 A.M.), there are added six commentaries. The high opinion which 
 Maimonides himself entertained of this work appears from several 
 passages in his letters. In one place, recommending its study to 
 his disciple, Joseph, about to open an academy at Babylon, he 
 goes so far as to caution him against Talmudicai discussions as 
 useless ; and he further says that he himself had spent much time
 
 in them with little advantage, (Iggaroth Haramb. Amsterdam 
 edition, p. 17.) 
 
 III. Sepher Hamtisvoth, (the Book of Precepts). This is an 
 exposition of the 613 precepts enumerated in the preface to the 
 MishnahTorah. It was originally written in Arabic, and a manu- 
 script in this language is still in the Bodleian. 
 
 IV. Maamar Techyath Hamethim (Epistle on the Resurrection 
 of the Dead), originally written in Arabic, and translated into 
 Hebrew by Rabbi Shemuel Eben Tibbon, It has also been trans- 
 lated into Latin. Steinschneider conjectures that it was written 
 in 1192, and translated into Hebrew in 1201. 
 
 V. Commentary to the Ghemarah, viz., to the three parts 
 Moed, Nashim, and Nisikin, as also to the treatise of Cholin. It 
 was written in Arabic. This work seems not to have been pre- 
 served to our age. The Commentary of Rosh Hashanah however, 
 as stated above, is still extant. 
 
 VI. Questions and answers treating on various rites, on which 
 his opinion was asked by certain French and Spanish scholars. 
 There is another work extant under the same name, originally 
 written in Arabic, which has not yet been published, and a 
 copy of which is in the Bodleian. 
 
 PHILOSOPHICAL. 
 
 I. Moreh Nebuchim (Teacher of the Perplexed). This work was 
 originally written in Arabic ; copies of it in that language are still ex- 
 tant, four being in the Bodleian. It was translated into Hebrew 
 during the lifetime of the author. The first translator was 
 Rabbi Yehoodah, author of the Tachkhemoni, also mentioned 
 as the translator of a portion of the commentary on the Mishnah. 
 This version, however, seems to have been very obscure, and 
 was soon superseded by that of R. Shemuel Eben Tibbon. 
 The latter consulted his predecessor on doubtful passages,
 
 36 
 
 and sent to Maimonides for revision the Arabic copy from 
 which he had made the translation. Eben Tibbon desirous 
 of personally consulting the author, informed Maimonides of 
 his intention to repair from France to Egypt, and it was on this 
 occasion that Maimonides wrote him that memorable letter (a por- 
 tion of which has been translated elsewhere) in which he des- 
 cribes the laborious life he led. It is this translation which is in our 
 possession. In the printed copies it is generally preceded by the 
 index composed by Alcharisi for his version. The index seems 
 to be the only portion of Alcharisi' s labour still extant. The Moreh 
 Nebuchim has been commented upon by several scholars, and in 
 modern times by the ingenious Solomon ben Maimon. It has 
 found various Latin translators, among whom the best known is 
 J. Buxtorf, jun., whose version appeared at Basle, in 1629. Por- 
 tions of it have been translated into various modern languages. 
 Townley translated into English that portion which treats of the 
 "Reasons for the Commandments." There exists a German 
 translation of the whole, by Dr. Scheyer, on which criticism has 
 pronounced a favorable verdict. As, however, the Hebrew from 
 which these translations have been made, is in many places 
 obscure, it is to be regretted that all the modern versions should 
 have been made from this copy. This probably induced the 
 celebrated orientalist Mons. Munk of Paris to prepare a new 
 French version from the original Arabic, the publication of which 
 would be hailed by all Oriental scholars. 
 
 This work, as stated in the preface, was originally undertaken 
 by Maimonides for the benefit of his favorite disciple, Rabbi 
 Joseph, settled in Aleppo. It is divided into three parts ; the 
 first contains 76 chapters, and treats of the various synonymes, 
 homonymes, metaphors, allegories, and similies found in scripture, 
 and moreover comments on prophecy heaven, the universe, and 
 angels. The second part discourses in forty-eight chapters on 
 God, on the celestial bodies and their influence, and on the Law. 
 The third divided into eighty-four chapters, treats on the vision
 
 37 
 
 of Ezekiel, Providence, and the reasons for the divine com- 
 mandments. 
 
 II. Epistle to the Learned of Marseilles, written in 1194, 
 (Geigers Zeitschrift iii., 287.) This is an answer to questions put to 
 him concerning certain persons who believing in astrology, wished 
 to explain every thing by means of that preteuded science, and 
 concerning a certain Jew who boasted to be the Messiah. It 
 has been translated into Latin. 
 
 III. Maamar Hayichud (a treatise on the Unity), was originally 
 written in Arabic, and thence translated into Hebrew by R. Isaac 
 ben Nathan. It has been recently edited and published for the 
 first time by M. Steinschneider (L. B. Orient, N. 5, 1S47.) It 
 was written after the Moreh and is a digest of what the author 
 stated on this dogma in his Yad Chasakah. 
 
 IV. Miloth Higayon [terms (used in the art) of thinking.] 
 This is a treatise on logic, originally written in Arabic, and trans- 
 lated into Hebrew by R. Moses Eben Tibbon. It has been 
 rendered into Latin, and has been printed several times with its 
 commentaries. It has also been commented upon by Mendels- 
 sohn, and translated into German by M. S. Neumann. 
 
 MEDICAL. 
 
 I. Compendium of the Canon of Avicenna. A beautiful Hebrew 
 manuscript of this work is preserved at the Dominican convent at 
 Bologna. The following remarkable words are prefixed to it 
 in Hebrew : " Eben China, from the translation of Rabbi Mo- 
 ses Maimon (blessed be his memory) made in Egypt from the 
 book of Eben Cinna, which he received from the great Sultan, 
 the King of Egypt, in the year 4946 from the creation." 
 Bened. Montfaucon, who relates this in his diary on Italy (p. 402), 
 subjoins that an Italian epistle added at the end states that 
 Ferdinand I., had offered hi vain two hundred gold pieces for 
 this copy.
 
 38 
 
 II. Hanhagoth Habryuth (on the Preservation of Health). This 
 treatise, originally written in Arabic, is an epistle addressed to the 
 King of Egypt ; and is also known under the given title. A manu- 
 script in that language is still preserved in the Bodleian. It has 
 been translated into Latin and German, and printed in these 
 languages. 
 
 III. Sepher Harephuoth (The Book of Cures). This is men- 
 tioned by the author in Mishna Torah, Hilchoth Deah c. iv. 21, as 
 being written by him. According to Sabtai (Sifte Yeshenim, p. 71> 
 N. 45) the manuscript is still extant in the Imperial Library of 
 Vienna. According to Conforti Kore Hadorot, (p. 12) it is identical 
 with Pirkeh Mosheh. 
 
 IV. Commentary on the Aphorisms of Hippocrates, according to 
 the doctrines of Galenus, in 7 chapters. A Latin translation of 
 this work made from a Hebrew version of R. Mosheh Eben Tib- 
 bon has been printed. The Hebrew manuscript, under the title 
 of Sepher al Rephuah (Book on Medicine,) is still extant in the 
 library of the Vatican 
 
 V. Garden of Health. This work treats of the animal and mine- 
 ral productions of nature. (Immanuel Aboab in Nomologia, 
 p. 275.) 
 
 VI. Sepher Hanimzah (The Book of Existence). This is a me- 
 dical and moral treatise, which appeared in print at Saloniki in 
 5356 (1596). 
 
 VII. Aphorisms of medicine, extracted from Hippocrates, Galen, 
 Al-Razi, Ebn Masooe, and Alsuzi. It consists of 25 chapters and 
 has been translated from the original Arabic into Hebrew, by 
 Nathan Hamaati. This version has been published under the 
 title " Perke Mosheh." A Latin translation of it has also ap- 
 peared. Immanuel Aboab states that he has heard from skilful 
 physicians, and particularly from Mercurial, that the Aphorisms of 
 Maimonides are not inferior to those of Hippocrates. The work 
 must have been written posterior to 1190, the Moreh being 
 quoted in it.
 
 39 
 
 VIII. Compendia from 21 books, viz. 16 from Galen, and 5 from 
 the works of other authors. They are written in Arabic. Munk 
 brought portions of it to Paris and rectified the mistake of the biblio- 
 graphers, his predecessors, who mentioned only the compends from 
 the 16 books of Galen (Annal. vol. III. p. 94.) 
 
 IX. Treatise on the Hemorrhoides and their treatment, trans- 
 lated from the Arabic into Hebrew, by R. Shemuel Eben Tibbon ; 
 manuscripts of both the original and version are preserved iti 
 the Royal Library of Paris. 
 
 X. A Treatise on Poisons and Medicines which may cause death 
 a Hebrew version, made also by the above-named, is preserved 
 in the same place. 
 
 XI. Consultation on the snoring of the nose and throat (Con- 
 sultation sur le ronflement du nez et du gosier , etc.,) translated 
 from the Arabic into Hebrew by the same, and manuscript kept 
 in the same place. 
 
 XII. A Treatise on Coitus a Hebrew version of which exists 
 both at Paris and in De Rossi's library at Parma. 
 
 XIII. A treatise on the Asthma, and the remedies for curing it ; 
 it is translated into Hebrew, and preserved in the two libraries 
 mentioned. 
 
 XIV. Exposition of Drugs; an Arabic Pharmacopeia, quoted by 
 Ebn Abi Osaiba. 
 
 XV. Consultation of Medicine (Consultation de Medicine), 
 composed for a prince of his century, who was a valetudinarian 
 and a hypochondriac. A Hebrew translation made from the 
 Arabic by the above is preserved at Paris. 
 
 XVI. Method of curing those who have been bitten by veno- 
 mous beasts, or have been poisoned. This treatise, written in 
 1198, at the command of the Sultan, and quoted by D'Herbelot, 
 under "Mocalat al-Hasliat", has been translated into Hebrew, 
 and manuscripts of the version exist in the libraries of Paris 
 and Parma. It was written according to Steinschneider in 
 1198.
 
 40 
 
 XVII. Treatise on the causes of maladies, written in Arabic, 
 and extant in the Bodleian (De Rossi Diz, II., p. 33.) 
 
 XVIII. Compendium of the medicine of Galen. Perhaps (con- 
 jectures SteinschneLler) the books De Alimentis, De Medic. 
 simpl. and Galeni De Arte Medendi (in 6 chapters) belong to the 
 Compendium. It was written prior to 1 190, it being mentioned 
 by Abdullatif. 
 
 XIX. On the Podagra; a Spanish translation exists at the 
 Escurial (Wof. Ill, XXI, b.). Steinschneider first called attention 
 to this writing which is perhaps only a portion of some other 
 work (Oestr. Bl. p. 119).* 
 
 MISCELLANEOUS. 
 
 I. Iggereth Teman (Epistle to the South); this was originally 
 written in Arabic, and subsequently translated into Hebrew under 
 the title of Petach Tikvah (Door of Hope). This version as well as 
 the Latin translation have been printed. This epistle, written in 1 174 
 (see the letter to the sages of Marseilles), was addressed to the Jews 
 inhabiting the countries of the South, in order to strengthen them 
 in their faith, and to inspire them with fortitude under the religious 
 persecutions to which they were then subject, and to caution 
 them against the imposition of a pretended Messiah then endeavor- 
 ing to mislead the Jews. The occurrence which called forth the 
 epistle is thus related by Maimonides in this document. "A man 
 arose twenty-two years back, in the south country who stated that 
 he was a messenger, sent to prepare the way for the coming 
 of Messiah. He further said that the King Messiah would reveal 
 himself in the south country. Upon this, many people, both 
 Jews and Arabs assembled, and he wandered about in the moun- 
 
 * In the account of the medical works we have followed Dr. Carmoly's 
 Histoire des Mcdecins Juifs, and Mr. Steinschneider who in many places has 
 corrected the errors of his predecessors.
 
 41 
 
 tains leading them astray, and calling out, ' come with me, and 
 let us go out to meet Messiah, for he sent me to you to make 
 even the path for him.' And our brethren in the south country 
 wrote to me a long letter informing me of his manners and habits, 
 and of the innovations introduced by him into the prayers, and of 
 what he told them. They further stated that they had wit- 
 nessed such and such of his miracles, and they asked my opinion 
 of him. I inf erred from the letter that this unfortunate man was 
 insane, without any learning, but still fearing God, and that what 
 he said he had done was all a lie. Fearing for the Jews there, 
 I wrote an explicit epistle on Messiah, his characteristics, and 
 the signs of the times in which he is to appear, and warned them 
 to caution the pretender lest he perish, and the congregations 
 with him. After a year he was taken prisoner, and all his adhe- 
 rents fled from him. One of the kings of Arabia who took him 
 prisoner, said to him, ' What hast thou done ?' upon which he 
 replied ' My lord, or king, I speak the truth, for I have acted at 
 the command of the Lord.' The king said, ' what proof hast 
 thou ? ' He replied ' cut off my head, and I shall be re- 
 stored to life, and be as before.' The king said, 'there is no 
 stronger proof than this, and if it be so, I and the whole world 
 will believe in thee.' At the command of the king his head was 
 cut off, and the Jews of many places were heavily fined. There 
 are still however many silly persons who say, he will be restored 
 to life, and rise from ^his grave." 
 
 II. Iggaroth Lehamaor Hagadol (Epistles to the Great Light.). 
 This is a collection of letters on various subjects, addressed to Mai- 
 monides by Spanish and French scholars, together with his replies. 
 It has been printed, together with the Moral Precepts and Will, 
 (Dibre Mussar Vetzvaah) addressed to his only son. 
 
 III. Certain Manuscript Letters of Maimonides, written in 
 Arabic, they are preserved in the Bodleian N. 5393, among the 
 cjdd. of Pocock, N. 66. 
 
 IV. Sepher Hanephesh (Book of the Soul) ibid.
 
 42 
 
 V. A book on the Calendar, in Hebrew, still in manuscript, 
 preserved in the royal library of Paris, written probably in 1158. 
 Dr. Carmoly, however, who gives an account of this work, has 
 doubts as to whether Maimonides is the real author of it. (S. An- 
 nalen, 1839, N. 40. 
 
 VI. Two chapters on Happiness (Pi.ke Hahatslachah) . This 
 treatise is according to Rapaport (S. L. B. to the Israel. 1846, 
 p. 136, b) addressed to his disciple Ibn Aknin. It was origi- 
 nally written in Arabic. Its Hebrew translator is as yet unknown 
 nor has the time cf its composition been ascertained. According 
 to Steinschneider its authenticity is not yet sufficiently esta- 
 blished. 
 
 VII. Treatise on the Sanctification of the Name of God (Maamar 
 Kidus Hashem). From this work Dr. Carmoly has published 
 some extracts in German in the Annalen (Vol. I., p. 309, 332, 
 Vol. II. N. 32, 44). 
 
 VIII. Arabic poems of Maimonides are contained in the an- 
 thology of AbuBahr Szafwan b. Idris from Yaen. To Maimonides 
 is also ascribed the authorship of some Peyutim (See M. ben Esra 
 by Dukes, p. 107.) 
 
 IX. Iggaroth Harambam (letters of Rambam). This is a 
 most interesting collection of some of the letters addressed to 
 Maimonides on various subjects and his replies. It appeared in 
 Hebrew at Constantinople, 1522, and has been several times 
 printed. Some of these letters were originally written in Arabic, 
 manuscripts of which are still extant in the Bodleian.* This work 
 is of great importance, containing as it does literary notices, and 
 very interesting information as to the author, his contemporaries, 
 and the views and movements of the age. Besides this collection 
 there is another extant entitled Peer Hador translated into Hebrew 
 
 * Of the libraries in possession of manuscripts, we quoted (from obvious 
 reasons) only those of our own country, and desirous of avoiding prolixity, 
 we mostly mentioned only translations made into learned languages, or into 
 our own tongue.
 
 43 
 
 by Mordechi Jama from an arable manuscript formerly in 
 possession of Sasportas of Amsterdam, but now belonging to Dr. 
 Geiger of Breslau (L. B. of the Isr., 1846, p. 135). The Hebrew 
 version has been published at Amsterdam in 1765.* 
 
 * On comparing this list with such as are given by other writers on Hebrew 
 Literature it will be observed that we have omitted several works ascribed by 
 others to Maimonides. We have followed in this instance our often quoted 
 learned friend Steinschneider, and other modem critics, by whose labors it has 
 been proved that those omitted here were not written by Maimonides.
 
 NOTES. 
 
 Note 1 , p. 1. He was also called R. Moshe Hasphardi (the Spaniard), by 
 Nachmanides ; or Hamitsri (the Egyptian) ; or Moshe ben Ebed Haelokira 
 Hacordovi Haisraeli, as at the commencement of the aphorisms of Hippocrates, 
 commented on by Maimonides (See Wolf s. v. De Rossi, cod. 354, 1 1 78 ;) or 
 Abu Amran Musah ben Abdallah ben Maimon Allardoai Alasreli (De Sacy 
 in Abdollat, p. 490. Casiri Co d. 798.) Not only by the Arabs, but evenby 
 himself was Maimonides called Abdallah (servant of God) : see his preface to 
 Sepher Hamitsvoth. Wustenfeld says that he was also called El Ifiki, from 
 a small town on the banks of the Nile. Steinschneider shrewdly asks, if this 
 name was given to him because he first lived there ? 
 
 Note 2, p. 1. Castro in Bibliotica espaniolal. 2 ; as also Basnage, History 
 of the Jews, Book 7, chap. 5, describe this event as having taken place in 948. 
 But the year 960, or perhaps even later, is more probable ; compare Dr. 
 Frankel's Zeitschr. Jahrgang, II. p. 460, note 6. 
 
 Note 3, p. 2. See introduction to the Talmud by R. Samuel Hanaged. See 
 further Aben Ezra's commentary to the law, Book I, Ch. XII, 6; XIII 
 7 ; XXII, 15 ; Book V., Chap. 1, 2. 34. But long before this author. Chiv 
 Hakalbi, a contemporary of Saadiah had endeavoured to reason away the mira- 
 cles recorded in the law. According to him, the passage through the Red Sea was 
 effected by means of the tides ; manna was the manna still gathered in Arabia, 
 and Moses was obliged occasionally to cover his face, because the people were 
 afraid of his dried up face which, from long fasting, looked like a horn, (See 
 Aben Ezra, Book II, chap. XIV, 27 ; chap. XVI. 14; XXXIV. 29. Comp. 
 also, Saadias Emunoth Vedeoth, Sect. I, and Geigers Zeitsch. Vol. I, pp. 18, 
 312,313, 
 
 Note 4. p. 2. See Wolf and De Rossi in loco Geigers, Zeitschrift, vol. I. p. 106 
 According to the researches of Dr. Carmoly (Annalen 1S3U, N. 40), he was 
 born March 30, 1135. According to Zunz (Asher's Itinerary of Benjamin of 
 Tudela. vol. II. p. 254), it took place on the 30th of Marchj 1135. See also 
 Kerem Chemed, VII. p. 253. 
 
 Note 5, p. 3. His ancestors are enumerated by Maimonides in the fol- 
 lowing order : "I Moses son of Maimon, the judge, son of R Joseph, the 
 wise, son of R. Isaac, the judge, son of R. Joseph, the judge, son of R. Obadiah, 
 the judge, son of R. Shelomoh, the judge." (See the conclusion of his Com- 
 mentary to the Mishnah.) In his epistle to the South, Maimonides states
 
 that he possessed a very ancient pedigree of his family, which went back as 
 far as the immigration of his ancestors into Spain. 
 
 Eclipsed by the glory of his son, Maimon is more neglected than he would 
 otherwise he, for he was an author of no mean order. Simeon Duran, in his 
 Questions and Responses, (I. 2,) quotes a work of Maimon on Prayers and 
 Festivals, written in Arabic. (S. Annal. 1839, No. 39, 4Q.) 
 
 Note 6, p. 3. Literally son of the commandment. For the information 
 of the Christian reader, it may be necessary to state, that the religious res- 
 ponsibility of the male members of the Jewish community commences at the 
 thirteenth year, and that this anniversary is generally celebrated with certain 
 religious rites and festivities. 
 
 Note 7, p. 7. This statement has been warmly disputed by several scholars, 
 and in modern times, by the eminent Orientalist Lebrecht of Berlin 
 (S. Magazin fiir Literaturdes Auslandes, lahrg. 1844, No. 45.) But all their 
 arguments appear to us insufficient to shake the historical confidence in the 
 direct evidence borne to this dissimulation by Arabic writers, (S. Abulfaradge 
 and Casiri in loco, Herbelot, p. 538.) Assemani, (Cod. 370), even goes so far as 
 to say, that as a Mahometan Maimonides was called Hadhl Abu Omar. The 
 silence of his Jewish opponei ts on this point proves nothing, for in the first 
 place they could scarcely have charged Maimonides with a fault which was not 
 his, but that of his father ; secondly, it may be presumed that in troublous 
 times like thosewhen not law but the caprice of tyrants ruled when experience 
 had taught that caprice might in a moment be annulled, either by an- 
 other caprice, or, by the death of the tyrant; when expulsions were so frequent, 
 when escape was sometimes impossible, as the exiles were not received in the 
 countries to which escape was practicable it may be presumed that under 
 the pressure of such circumstances a passive acquiescence in enactments 
 which did not require a public denial of religion, or any public act im- 
 plying a change of religion, was then by a kind of mutual suffrage not consi- 
 dered as apostacy. (S. Notice sur Joseph ben Jeh, p. 3, f. 38, by Mons. 
 Munk ; Orient 184S, L. B. N, 42,) Eminent literati, moreover, have vouched 
 for the authenticity of the manuscript in the possesion of Dr. Carmoly, of 
 Brussels, from which the extracts published in the Annalen have been taken. 
 
 It is, moreover, not true that this dissimulation, on the part of so many con- 
 gregations passed by unnoticed by the Jews. It was strongly condemned by 
 a certain contemporary Jewish rabbi, and called forth a reply from Mai- 
 monides, in which, alluding to the views of the ancient sages, he seeks to 
 establish a difference between idolatry and the Mahometan monotheism, and 
 between a voluntary apostacy and a compulsory passive acquiescence in doc- 
 trines generally known to be disbelieved by the Conformists, (S. Annalen, 
 1839, 41 &42,) and consisting in the confession that the prophet was a good 
 and honest man, (Ibid. N. 4fl.) 
 
 Note 8, p. 6. S. Maimonides' Preface to Seder Seraim ; Wolf, sub R. 
 Isaac ben Jacob Alfasi and R, Joseph bar Mier Halevi. 
 
 Note 9, p. 6. S. Yad Hachas. Shalah Upikadon V. and his Com. on 
 treatise Aboth IV. 
 
 Note 10, p. 6. S. Wolf, S. Voc; Zunz Zur Gesch, etc., p. 405. 
 
 Note 11, p. 6. S. D'Herbelots uibliotheque Orientale sub Saieg ; Penny 
 Cyclopedia, Sub Averroes. 
 
 Note 12, p. 6. From a note in Sepher Charidim by rabbi Eleazer Askari 
 (also found in M. commentary on the treatise of Rosh Hashanah, brought by 
 Munk from Egypt,) it appears that Maimon first embarked, with his family,
 
 47 
 
 for North Africa on the 18th April, 1163, and on the 16th May of the 
 same year arrived at Acco, when he said " And I was saved from Apostacy." 
 
 Note 13, p. 7. S. Annalen, 1840, N. 5, where an extract is made from 
 Sepher Charidim, ed Veil f. 66, I. 
 
 Note 14, p. 7. This was probably owing to the fanaticism of the 
 crusaders. Rabbi Petachia of Regensburg, who travelled during the 
 12th ceutnry through the holy land, when Jerusalem was still in possession of 
 the Christians, mentions several small congregations there, but states expressly 
 that at Jerusalem there was only one single Jew, Rabbi Abraham the dyer, 
 who was obliged to pay a large sum to the king for the permission of living 
 there ; Benjamin of Tudela, however, who travelled about the same time 
 found there 200 Jews. 
 
 Note 15, p. 8. In this business so suitable to a wandering life, where it is 
 desirable that the greatest value be combined with the smallest bulk 
 possible, he seems to have been engaged together with a friend who traded 
 to India. Alexandria then one of the greatest mercantile cities was exceed- 
 ingly well situated for similar speculations. This conjecture is founded on 
 the following letter, written by Maimonides whilst in Egypt to R. Japhet 
 of Acco ; wherein he says, " In Egypt 1 underwent severe and great 
 trials partly through illness, partly through loss of property, and partly 
 through traitors who strove after my life. But the misfortune which I 
 lament most, ai.d which pains me more than anything I have hitherto 
 suffered, is the death of the excellent who perished in the Indian Ocean and 
 with him a considerable fortune belonging to me, himself, and friends : 
 he left with me his widow and a little daughter. Nearly a whole year 
 after the arrival of the news I lay ill, feverish, and delirious, afflicted with a 
 malignant eruption. Eight years have since elapsed and I still mourn dis- 
 consolate. What can console me ? He was my disciple, my friend, my business 
 agent, and through him I enjoyed rest ; he was very learned in the Talmud 
 and in scriptures and philology ; he was my only one, my whole delight. 
 " Now he has gone to life eternal and has left me behind in a strange country 
 deeply grieved ! as often as 1 see his hand-writing, or any of his books, my 
 pain and my grief awake anew. In short, 'I will go down into the grave 
 unto my son mourning.' Were not the study of the law my delight, and did 
 not science often divert me from my grief, I should succumb to the misery." 
 (S. Annalen, 1840, N. 11.) 
 
 M. Lebrecht of Berlin, however, is of a different opinion, and in an article on 
 the jewel trade (inserted in the Mag. f, d. Lit, des Ansl. N. 45, for 1845.) he 
 denies that Maimonides was ever engaged in this trade, but, that he supported 
 himself with the proceeds realised by the sale of his own jewels. 
 
 Note 16, p. 9. S. Penny Cyclopedia, sub. Salah-e-dien ; D'Herbelot's 
 Bibliotheque Orient, sub. Schirgoueh. 
 
 Note 17, p. 9 His life may be read in Ibn Challikan under N. 384. 
 Abdallatif in his autobiography relates that during the siege of Acco by Sa- 
 laddin when one day visiting Alladhl he found the cadi engaged in writing a 
 letter, whilst he at the same time dictated two others. The excellence of 
 his character, and his great zeal in the cause of science is praised by all 
 contemporaries. 
 
 Note 18, p. 9. S. Abulfaradge Hist. Dynast, p. 454. Maimonides seems 
 to have occupied the position held before him by a man of whom R. Ben- 
 jamin says, " R. Nathaniel is the principal man. He is the head of the college, 
 and that of all the congregations of Egypt, having power to appoint Rabbis
 
 48 
 
 and Chasanim. and he attends the sons of the great king who resides in the 
 palace of Zoan Mitsraim (S. edit. Asher, p. P8 , II. 197, 201). This was pre- 
 vious to 1170. In a note to this passage (II. p. 254) Zunz throws out a 
 conjecture, whether this Nathaniel be not identical with the celebrated 
 physician Hibet Allah Ibn Dshem. That this physician (who died in 1139) 
 was in the service of Saladin is maintained by Osaiba. The identity of the 
 Hebrew (btf iro) Nathaniel with the Arabic Hibet Allah, may also be con- 
 jectured from the circumstance that the two names have almost the same 
 significations in both languages (viz., a present of God), and that therefore 
 the Arabic may be a translation of the Hebrew. Mr. Steinschneider has, 
 in his highly esteemed writings on Arabic and Hebrew literature, amply 
 proved that many Arabic Jewish scholars translated their names into Arabic. 
 It may therefore be further conjectured that Maimonides was appointed the 
 successor of R. Nathaniel, and vested wiih his authority. This circumstance, 
 if ever verified, will at once explain the position of Maimonides in Egypt. 
 
 Note 19, p. 9. This is stated by Alkifti in Casiri's well known work. 
 As the year is not mentioned when Maimonides received this call it is im- 
 possible to ascertain the name of the Christian prince. It must however have 
 been one of the following kings who reigned in Palestine during Maimonides' 
 stay in Egypt. Amalruk son of Baldouin III. (died in 1173), his son, 
 Baldouin IV. (died in 1185), his grand son Baldouin V. (died in 1186), Guido 
 of Lusignan, taken prisoner by Saladin in the battle of Tiberias (S. Orient, 
 for 1846 L. B. N. 22.) 
 
 Note 20, p. 10. It is known that on conquering Jerusalem, the crusaders 
 cruelly massacred the whole Jesvish population resident there. 
 
 Note 21, p. 10. According to Alkifti he married a sister of Abulmaali, 
 secretary to the mother of Nureddin All ; Abulmaali himself married to a sister 
 of Maimonides, a son of whom Abulridha, a skilful physician, was in the 
 service of Kalidsh Arselan in Asia Minor. 
 
 Note 22, p. 10. S. Abdallatif, ed. De Sacy, p. 539. The author relates 
 that he was attracted to Egypt by three persons, one of whom was Mai- 
 monides. 
 
 Note 23, p. 12. This appears from a statement of Abdallatif who in 
 describing his interview with Maimonides (which took place in 1190), men- 
 tions him as the author of the Guide of the perplexed, (S. the preceding 
 note). 
 
 Note 24. p. 12. This work was written for his disciple Joseph, who was 
 chief of the congregation of Aleppo, and head of the school, (S. Notice sur 
 Joseph ben Yehoudah, by Munk). Joseph ben Juda ben Simon, called ben 
 Aknin, came from the West to Egypt, and sent to Maimonides from Alexan- 
 dria, verses expressive of his longing to study under him. He subsequently 
 became Maimonides' most faithful and best disciple. (Annal. 1840. No. 27.) 
 
 No. 25. p. 14. Besides his frequent allusions to an habitual state of weak- 
 ness, R. Shemuel Ebn Tibbon, in a letter to Maimonides, expressly mentions 
 a protracted illness from which Maimonides had lately recovered. This could 
 not have been the illness mentioned in note 15, as this afflicted him soon 
 after his arrival in Egypt. 
 
 Note 26. p. 14. On his exertions for the cause of Rabbanism, we read in 
 the Anualen, (1840, No. 11. extracted from Maimonides Quest, et Respons. 
 Peer Hador, 152) the following: At that time, the Rabbinites were much 
 less numerous in Egypt than the Caraites, so that nearly the majority
 
 49 
 
 of the comimnity at Fostat followed the customs of the Caraites, espe- 
 cially with respect to the regulations for women. Mairnonides, however, 
 through his influence, effected that the older Rabbinical laws should be again 
 put in force, and every woman, before her marriage, was obliged to swear 
 that she would obey them. A proclamation, signed by ten Rabbis, at whose 
 head Mairnonides stood, was published in 1167 in all schools and synagogues, 
 and the women were commanded, under the punishment of excommunication, 
 to adhere strictly to all Rabbinical regulations, the transgression of which 
 was declared more sinful than that of the written law. They were further, 
 in case of transgression, threatened with the forfeiture of all claims on their 
 dower, &c. The conclusion of this proclamation declares all the contents 
 as an irreversible order for all future Jewish courts of justice in Egypt, 
 for all generations, as inviolable as the law itself. These measures cannot, 
 doubtless, escape condemnation in a tolerant age, that considers liberty of con- 
 science as one of the noblest victories achieved in the cause of humanity. 
 It is manifest, however, how wrong it would be to test means adopted in the 
 twelfth century by a standard furnished by the nineteenth. It is the accu- 
 mulated errors of the past which form the experience of the present, its 
 follies were the stepping-stone to our wisdom. The weakness of man is 
 never more apparent, and never conveys a more instructive lesson than when 
 manifested in a strong mind. Perhaps this severity raised Mm those deadly 
 foes of whom he complains elsewhere. Nor can Maimonides be charged with 
 inconsistency when he elsewhere (Iggaroth Haramb. p. 45, Amsterd. Edit.) 
 says : " It is fit to do honor to the Caraites living here in No Arnon, in the 
 Land of Israel, in Damascus and other places, to associate with them in godly 
 works, and to behave towards them in a humble, truthful, and peaceable man- 
 ner as long as they act towards us sincerely and refrain from improper lan- 
 guage, abuse, and insult against the sages of the Rabbinites of the generation." 
 For though, agreeably to his principles, recommending tolerance and charity 
 towards such as had been born and reared in the errors of Caraism, he yet felt 
 himself called upon to oppose the propagation of erroneous opinions among 
 such as were born and brought up in the orthodox community. The con- 
 clusion of the quotation just made, compared with the tenor of the above 
 proclamation, will no doubt bear out this view. 
 
 Note 27, p. 17 This is thus related by Alkifti: " Towards the end of 
 his life he fell into an embarrassment, for a Spanish jurisconsult, named 
 Abitarab ben Moischa, coming to Egypt, and there meeting Maimonides, 
 recognised the Jew. and accused him of apostacy, demanding his con- 
 demnation. From this misfortune, however, Abd-el Rahim saved him by 
 declaring a compulsory confession of faith to be illegal." (S. L. B. Orient, 
 1846, and Notice sur Joseph, ben Jehouda, by Munk). 
 
 Note 28. p. 17. Abulfaradge says, that before his death he desired his 
 heirs to embalm his body, and to inter it by the lake of Tiberias, where many 
 saints reposed. R. Samuel Shalam, in a note to Yuchasin, (edit. Cracow, 
 p. 131,) is of the same opinion; he adds, however, that according to others 
 he was buried at Hebron, by the side of the patriarchs. On his tomb were 
 engraven, according to Shalsheleth Hakkabalah, the words (Deut. xxxiv. 8.) 
 " Weeping and mourning for Moses." 
 
 Note 29, p. 18. See his Letters to his Disciples in Iggaroth Harambam, and 
 especially that quoted in note 15. 
 
 Note 30, p. 18. It may not be out of place here to trace the fate 
 of the descendants of Maimonides. We follow the account given of them 
 by Dr. Carmoly, in No. 7. of the Annalen for 1839, where also the
 
 50 
 
 authorities are quoted. These descendants were Abraham, who hegat David, 
 whose son was Abraham, who begat Salomo. The son of Abraham was 
 Joshua, and the son of Salomo Moses. Joshua begat David, who died at 
 Damascus, and Moses begat Abraham, who was the father of Obadiah, whose 
 son David had two sons, who, in the year 1429, were carried away as prisoners 
 by the enemy, when nothing more was heard of them. All his descendants 
 appear to have been distinguished for piety and learning, and to have held 
 the position of chiefs in the communities where they resided. Indeed, this 
 is certain of R. Abraham, son of Maimonides. His grandson, also called 
 R. Abraham (born in 1249), converted a whole community of Caraites. 
 B. David ben R. Joshua is expressly mentioned by a contemporary as the 
 great chief of the community of Damascus. His son Abraham was born in 
 1185. Whilst yet of a tender age he displayed great talents. He was the 
 delight of his father, who conceived great hopes of him. In a letter to his 
 disciple Joseph he says, ' With respect to my worldly affairs, there are two 
 things which comfort me : in the first place, study ; and, secondly, the obser- 
 vation that :ny son Abraham possesses all the good qualities of his patriarchal 
 namesake of blessed memory; he is most discreet, highly moral, and at the 
 same time sagacious and intellectual ; he will no doubt some day acquire a 
 great name." His father sent him to Spain to the great scholar Abul 
 Fazail ben Al. Nakd. 
 
 Note 31, p. 18. See Munk's Notice sur Joseph ben Jehoudah, where, in a 
 letter written in October 1191, by|Maimonides, to his favourite disciple, the 
 master, says, an.ong other things, " Know that in medicine I have acquired 
 a great reputation among the great, with the superior judge, Emirs, the family 
 Alfadhl, and other great of the town ; this obliges me to spend the whole day 
 at Cairo in order to visit patients." See also Maimonides' letter to Shemuel 
 Ebn Tibbon, given elsewhere. He however delighted in an intellectual 
 intercommunion, when he found congenial minds ; difference of religion had 
 no influence upon him. His friendly intercourse with the son of the mathe- 
 matician and astronomer, Abu Muhammmed Dshabasi ben Aflael Asbili, 
 and the disciples of the philosopher, Abubekr el Saig is recorded in the Moreh, 
 II. 9. 
 
 Note 32, p. 18. On the supposed likeness of Maimonides, copied by Reg- 
 gio (from which copy that subsequently engraven at Beilin was taken), 
 we quote the opinion of the Italian scholar, as given to Herr Solomon 
 Stern, in Berlin. We translate it from the German : "In the celebrated 
 work Thesaurus Antiquitatum Sacrarum Blasei Ugolini, Venetiis 1744, 
 in the first volume, p. 384, is found the likeness of Maimonides, which 
 the author says, was taken " ex antiqua tabula," without, however, stating 
 more fully and circumstantially how he came to the possession of this 
 tabula, where it existed, and if any one bore testimony to the authenticity of 
 the likeness. However, as Ugolinus is known as an industrious, honour - 
 able man, acquainted with his subject, and who cannot easily be suspected 
 of fraud, there is nothing against assuming the probability that at the pub- 
 lication of his work he had really before him such a tabula." 
 
 Note 33, p. 19. In his reply to R. Chisdai Halevy Hasphardy of Alexan- 
 driah, Maimonides writes, (Iggaroth, Amst. edit., 2nd letter): "As to thy 
 question concerning the Gentiles, know that God looks to the heart, and matters 
 are judged by the interior of the heart, and therefore have the sages of truth, 
 our Rabbis (peace be upon them), taught, that the pious of the the nations of the 
 world have a portion in the world to come, if they have attained the knowledge 
 of God, which one ought to attain, and if they have cultivated their minds
 
 51 
 
 with good qualities. And there is no doubt that every one that has im- 
 proved his mind by moral qualities and correct notions in the belief in the 
 Creator, certainly partakes of the world to come. Therefore have also our sages 
 of truth, our Rabbis (peace be unto them), taught, that even a heathen 
 
 who studies the law of Moses, is like the high priest and the 
 
 object of the law and the commandments is to improve the mind by morality 
 
 and belief in the Creator And there is no doubt that the 
 
 patriarchs Noah and Adam, although they did not observe the law, were not 
 cast into hell, but because they acquired the requisite notions and moral qua- 
 lities, they occupy the highest rank." At another time, when asked by a 
 Proselyte whether the Mahomedans were idolators, he replied in the negative, 
 because they believed in the unity of God ; and their calumny against the 
 Jews (whom the}' accuse of ascribing to God a son) does not justify the Jews 
 in charging the Mahometans with a falsehood (see the remarkable letter on 
 p. 44, as also his opinion on the Caraites and Gentiles in general, on pages 45, 
 46, the same edit.). These views are by no means at variance with the 
 severe denunciations against idolatry and idolators, found in the Hilchoth 
 Akkum, and elsewhere. For, in the first place, it is not Maimonides that 
 speaks in the Mishna Torah, but the Talmud ; Maimonides appears there as a 
 compiler, not an original author. Secondly, these denunciations, based as 
 they are on the law, must be considered as a kind of self-defence to prevent 
 Israel from being allured into perdition by the seducing rites of the idolators. 
 If Maimonides considered the Christians of his age as idolators, I think the 
 mistake was quite natural and pardonable. Many Christians of the present 
 age would be disposed to take the same view. How many are there that con- 
 sider popery as such ? And who will blame Maimonides for denouncing those who 
 mercilessly massacred his brethren ? It was their inhumanity, not their religion, 
 which rendered the Christian name odious in his eyes. This is evident from a 
 much decried passage not to be found in the printed copies, but said to be in 
 manuscript (V. Wolf. mZoco), where he justifies his harshness against Chris- 
 tians by the words, "for they distress Israel, and prevent the people from 
 going in the way of the Lord." Indeed, in another passage, likewise said to 
 be found in manuscript only, Maimonides is expressly said to acknowledge 
 the meiits of Jesus of Nazareth, for having been instrumental in diffusing 
 the knowledge of the Lord among Heathens. The duty of education ranked 
 with him paramount. The views which he held on it, as laid down in his 
 Shemoneh Perakim, are most comprehensive. Agreeably to the doctrine of 
 the ancients, (Ethics of the Fathers, IV. 7.) he asserted that the law should be 
 taught gratuitously, and that the teachers should support themselves by some 
 other means of livelihood. 
 
 Note 34, p. 19. This disposition of mind is most characteristically ex- 
 hibited in a letter superscribed to his disciple R. Joseph ben Jehudah 
 (Amsterdam edit. pp. 15 and 16). The impression which remains from 
 the perusal of sentiments betraying such a strange mixture of humility and 
 pride, is that which we endeavoured to convey by the remark which called 
 forth this note. 
 
 Note 35, p. 19. See the letter of Luzzato (Kerem Chemed vol. III.),and the 
 reply by H. R. (A.nnalen, No. 1, 1840). Although the Italian scholar is too 
 severe in his strictures, yet are they not unfounded. Thus he writes to his son 
 (Iggaroth Harambam I. letter): " And now my son associate only with our 
 brethren the beloved Sephardim called Audalusians, for they are clear-headed 
 and have a sound understanding .... Beware also of some of the 
 people dwelling in the west, called Alisarbia, and those places are in the 
 countries of Barbary, for their nature is dry, and they are thick-headed.
 
 52 
 
 But most of all be continually on thy guard against the people that reside 
 between Tunis and Alexandria, and also on the mountains of Barbary, for 
 they are greater fools, in my opinion, than other people, although they are very 
 strong in faith" 
 
 Note 36, p. 20. These sentiments are beautifully exhibited in the last 
 chapter of his Shemoneh Perakim. After recommending moderation in, but 
 not abstemiousness from, enjoyment, he seeks to represent such abstemious- 
 ness as irreligious, and declares such as abstain from lawful enjoyments from 
 religious motives, as greatly in error. 
 
 Note 37, p. 20. See note 8. 
 
 Note 38, p. 21. In Casiri (in loco) we read, " The book of Ibn. Aflah, on 
 the spheres, he (Maimonides) has very skilfully corrected and cleared from 
 the mistakes which crept into it. He also amended the skilful mathematical 
 writings of the philosopher Ibn Hud, which he provided with supplements, 
 and where wanting he subjoined new demonstrations. 
 
 Note 39, p. 22. The authorities quoted also mention that Maimonides 
 understood Greek, this, however, has been disproved by Geiger (Lehrb. d. 
 Misch. p. 6,) and Dukes (Spr. d. Misch, p. 20). 
 
 Ibn-Abi-Oseiba and Abulfaradge relate, that Maimonidea knew the whole 
 Koran by heart; and, whilst yet staying in Cordova, publicly taught it to 
 Mahometans (of course in Arabic). A certain Mahometan scholar, in Mo- 
 rocco, boasted that he had heard philosophy under the Jewish philosopher, 
 Abu Amram b. Abdallah. This, as is understood, is the name by which Mai- 
 monides is known among the Arab writers, f Annalen, 1840, No. 40.) 
 
 Note 40, p.22. The learned Dukes found in an old manuscript of the 
 Moreh, (Cod. Heb. Bib. Hamb. N. 264 ; communicated in the L. B. of the 
 Orient, 1842, N. 9.) the following poem of Maimonides to his favourite 
 disciple rabbi Joseph ben Aknin, which is inscribed : 
 
 rvn jyv 'x TE> n^snn 13 
 "i 1 ? no mm 
 
 i3n mna m* oy 
 "?y omn 
 3^> no 3 
 
 The same scholar published in the L. B. to N. 47, of the above periodical, 
 the following two epigrams, the first of which is by Maimonides' opponent, 
 rabbi Yehoodah Alfakhkar, the Prince, and the second a reply by Maimonides. 
 
 Vyo isyni moy 133 133 
 
 mim run 
 
 N'33 N>33 ntOpJ 13 
 
 ^K ?3 nx ins 
 
 XK>3 1 
 .133X
 
 53 
 
 Note 41, p. 26. A description of this town according to Benjamin of Tudela 
 will not be out of place. We borrow it from Mr. Asher's rendering in his 
 edition of R. B. Itenarary, (vol. I. p. 43,) " From thence it is two days to 
 Har Goash, or Montpellier, a city conveniently situated for the purposes of 
 trade, being within two parasangs from the coast. You there meet with 
 Christian and Mahometan merchants from all parts; from Algarve, (Portugal) 
 Lombardy, the Roman empire, from Egypt, Palestine, Greece, France, Spain, 
 and England. People of all languages are met there principally in consequence 
 of the traffic of the Genoese and of the Pisans. The Jews of that city belong 
 to the wisest and most e- teemed of the present generation." Rabbi Benjamin 
 then mentions some distinguished Jewish inhabitants of the place and con- 
 cludes "others are also very rich and benevolent towards all those who apply 
 for assistance," 
 
 Note 42, p. 26. This word is Arabic, signifying the potter, and this was 
 the surname by which the physician went. 
 
 Note 43, p.29.- -Agreeably to the cruel manners of the age, their tongues 
 were cut out ; See Kerem Chemed first letter, p, 39, also, the letter of R. 
 Abraham, son of Moimonides. 
 
 Note 44, p. 31. Steinschneider conjectures the name of the place to be 
 Huesca, or Osco, in Arragonia, where 300 Jewish frmilies were settled at the 
 time of Adereth, (Zunz Zschr, f. jud.Wiss., p. 134.) 
 
 Note 45, p. 32. Steinschneider alludes to various instances of corruption 
 of texts, and points out a glaring one in Succah, v. 8, where he succeeded to 
 restore the correct reading. The text before us has nnws a word which 
 makes no sense, but the correct reading is 3"T K" (Arabic), meaning 
 "O wolf." 
 
 The subsequent remarks were added after the work had gone to press. 
 
 Page 2, line 24. Some take this passage in a different sense (S. Geig. 
 Zeitschr. II. p. 125, v. 136, 107, and 115. 
 
 Page 7, line 21. By mistake the Hebrew word notf was translated " perse- 
 cution, ' instead of " Apostacy." The mistake has, however, been corrected 
 in the appended note. 
 
 Note to page 11, line 2. Steinschneider pointed out a passage in Zunz, 
 "Zur Gesch., etc." (p. 476), from which it appears that Samuel Ebn Tibbon, 
 was a native of Lunel, and not, as generally supposed, of Marseilles. 
 
 Maimonides constructed a Map of the Frontiers of Palestine. (Zunz, " On 
 Geographical Literature of Jews," inserted in Asher's edition of " Benjamin 
 of Tudela ") 
 
 Meldola, Cahn.and Co, Priaters,18, St. Mary A,City.
 
 RELATIVE TO 
 
 FROM 
 
 THE GERMAN OF M. S T E I N S C H NE I D E R. 
 
 NOTE. Only such works have been noticed as do not incidentally mention 
 Maimonides, hut give some account of him or his writings. 
 
 1. ARABIC. 
 
 A. Abdallatif, a contemporary of Maimonides, went, in 1190, to Kahira, 
 in order to see three individuals, one of whom was Maimonides. (See Sacy, 
 p. 465 ; also German, by Chwolsohn, Orient, L. B. VII, 355 ) 
 
 K. El Kifti was a friend of Joseph ben Aknin, hut his account is rendered 
 somewhat suspicious by his superstitious character (See Casiri I., p. 29 ; also 
 German, by Chwolsohn, ibid., p. 338). 
 
 O. Ibu Obi Oseiba, the celebrated medical historian, whom Wustenfeld 
 chiefly followed in his work (S. Sacy ad Abdall, p. 490 ; also German, by 
 Chwolsohn, Orient, ibid., 350. 
 
 Makrisi (See Sacy, Chrest., or Tp. 103, 107 ; Chwolsohn, Orient, ibid., 
 p. 377). 
 
 B. R. Abulfarage ben Hebraeus was the son of a Jew, and no favourable 
 reporter; however he follows mostly El Kifti (See Rapaport Nathan, i3V3, 
 p. 70 ; Hist. Dynastar, p. 454 ; Asseman. Catolog. Flor., p. 379 ; rendered in 
 German, by Chwols., p. 375). 
 
 II. ANCIENT HEBREW AUTHORS. 
 
 The beginning is made by Isaac Israeli (here, to a certain extent, ranks 
 also Menachem benSerach, on account of nis introduction, Tseda Laderekh,). 
 The others, Zakut, &c., are known. The notes of Cassel to Conforte's, 
 Vnva, page 12, contain some references. To the more modern belongs 
 Asulai, I. D 410. Gedalia Jahia is fabulous in his usual manner.
 
 MODERN WRITINGS. 
 
 Hb. Herb. Majemun, III., 260. 
 
 Wf. Bibl. Hebr., N. 1594, et III. 1580, b. I. 1623, 1651, III., 1507, c. 
 21, b. . 
 
 Ho. De Rossi Diz. Stor. degli ant. ar., p. 118. 
 
 Amoureux Essai Hist, et Lit. sur la medicine des Arabes, Montpellier, 1805 
 (principally drawn from Herb.;, p. 134 (from Casiri), p. 139 (from Haller 
 Bibl. Pract. T. I). 
 
 Mich. Berr. Notice sur Maimon in Magasin Encyclop. 1815, Mercure 
 Etranger, Febr. 1816. 
 
 P. Beer Leben und Wirken des R. Mos., &ct., Prague, 1834, has the 
 merit of having called forth the excellent criticism of Dernburg, and the 
 valuable additions of Geiger, Rapaport, and others, Geig. Zeitschr. I. and II. 
 
 Bukofzer's " Maimonider," &c., Berlin, 1844, must be considered as a failure. 
 
 Carmoly has written on Maimonides in the Annalen of 1839-40. 
 
 Wustenfelds " Gebh. der Arab. Aeizt." (S. . 198). 
 
 Zunz. Benj. of Tud. (edit. Asher) 'I., p. 254. 
 
 Wr. Wenrich, de Auctor, Graceor., &c., Lips. 1842, p. 114. 
 
 Carmoly's " Hist, de Medec. Arabes," Bruselles, 1844 (also Revue Orientale, 
 T. I. III., Bruselles, 1841-3). The author repeats here the statements 
 made in the Annalen. Following Wustenfeld and Carmoly, Brug has 
 written a Dissert. Inaug. (Hallis, 1843), in which he treats, " De Medicis 
 Illustr. Indeor, qui inter Arabes viverunt." This writer, however fell into 
 some errors avoided by his guides. 
 
 Munk, in his notice sur Jos. ben Jehuda (Par, 1841), has furnished new 
 valuable materials, but has, at the same time, revived several of the old charges 
 against Maimonides. In dtfence of the latter, Lebrecht, of Berlin, wrote 
 " Zur Gesch. des luwelenhandels," in the " Magazin f. Lit. des Auslandes, 
 1844, N. 45 and 62" (reprinted in Sulamith XX., p. 28), " Ueber die 
 Apostasie Maimonides'." Previously to this the two scholars had been 
 ngaged in a controversy, in which L. showed that Maimonides had not been 
 e pupil of Ibn Roshd. 
 
 In August, 1844, Steinschneider wrote an article on the Life of Mai- 
 monides and his works, which appeared in 1845, in the Ost. Bl. Subse- 
 quently he published a Criticism on Munk's ' ' Notice," which appeared in 
 Dr. Frankels' Zeitschr, 1845. 
 
 On the views held by Maimonides on Judaism, and the position occupied 
 by him, Luzzato and Rapaport, have written articles which may be- read in 
 the Annalen and Kerem Chemed (VI. p. 110). 
 
 A meritorious attempt for a better understanding of Maimonides' views 
 is Scheyers " Psychology of Maimonides" (Frankfurt. 1845). 
 
 Some valuable materials have also been furnished in the notes to Maamar 
 Hayichud, appended by the learned editor. 
 
 Note of the translator. Information on Maimonides, his writings, and 
 various excellent translations of portions of Maimonides' writings, are also to 
 be found passim in the volumes of the Hebrew Review.
 
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