ilotttta tttiyattstica. RIVINGTONS Waterloo Place. _*!.'. V: . .. . . High Street. . . / T ".' . . . Trinity Street. {All rights reserved. } J&otitia Within the bounds of reason and justice, to rule that plain words shall have a meaning which it is historically certain they were not in- tended to bear, and then to visit with grave punishment those who have not acted upon them in that erroneous sense. The position of the Celebrant is a thing " indifferent " in itself. It is not settled by any command of God, nor does it touch the doctrine of the Sacrament. But when a posi- tion, which all must allow to be unmeaning, awkward, and 1 See Part i. Ch. iii. Sect. vi. pp. 142-50. This subject is treated at length in " The North Side of the Table ; what it was" (Rivingtons, 1870, pp. 32) by the present writer. 2 Ibid. Sect. xi. pp. 165-68. ADVERTISEMENT. xi unnatural, has been found by long experience to impair and deaden the devotion both of Priest and people, it is quite time to ask whether the evil is without remedy. Our legal freedom to stand where we will, as the Table is now set, enables us to provide a remedy ; and that being the case, we have but one duty to perform. No thoughtful person with any experience can doubt that, if our Clergy were, one and all, with the goodwill of their people, to celebrate " afore the midst of the Altar," we should soon observe, arising from that cause alone, a great and happy growth of reverence and intelligent devotion throughout the whole land. (3) The Eubric says, "It shall suffice that the Bread" used at the Holy Communion " be such as is usual to be eaten.'* Any one who came unbiassed to the consideration of this Eubric would naturally infer that some other bread might be used ; nay, was probably preferred, although com- mon bread would " suffice," if there were an adequate reason for its use. This was so entirely the meaning assigned to the law in the early part of Elizabeth's reign, that the rulers of the Church thought that it excluded common bread, except in a case of necessity. 1 Their Lordships, however, notwithstanding the ordinary and obvious meaning of the word " suffice," and the traditional interpretation of the law, were " inclined to think that the Eubric contains a positive direction to employ at the Holy Communion the usual bread." 2 As the " usual bread " is leavened, this implies that our Church forbids unleavened ; that is to say, deli- berately rejects that kind of bread which we know to have been used by our Blessed Lord Himself. It is indifferent to the Sacrament which kind, leavened or unleavened, is employed, but if the rule of our Church had been such as their Lordships are disposed to believe, it would have been our duty to protest against it, not merely as a superstitious 1 See Part IT. Ch. xv. Sect. i. pp. 741, 2. 2 Bullock's Report, p. 31. xii ADVERTISEMENT. and unreasonable restriction, but as a dishonour done to Christ. Neither in their argument nor in their report to Her Ma- jesty do the Judges claim to have arrived at certainty in this matter. Their conclusion is as follows : " Upon the whole, their Lordships think that the law of the Church has directed the use of pv,re wheaten bread, and they must so advise Her Majesty." 1 There is something very remarkable about this. They do not advise Her Majesty that the Church directs " the usual bread " to be employed. Hence, whatever their inten- tion may have been, unleavened bread is not condemned by them. Again, they can only be held to condemn wafers, such as the defendant used, on the assumption that they are not pure wheaten bread. As they are made of pure wheat flour and water only, this certainly requires explanation. It has, indeed, been seriously maintained that the Eoman wafer is not bread. Chemical analysis is said to prove that the process through which it passes deprives it of all nutritious properties, and therefore renders it unfit for the purpose of this holy Sacrament. If this had been in the Judges' mind, we might have been thankful for the exclusion of such wafers, as not only open to objection on other grounds, but as pos- sibly not matter of the kind appointed by our Lord. But there is nothing in the Judgment to suggest this explanation. I do not see, therefore, how it can be legally construed to condemn, either directly or by implication, even the Eoman wafer. Much less can it be held to forbid the use of the larger and thicker cake of pure unleavened wheaten bread prescribed by the Eubrics of the First Book of Edward, or by the Injunctions of Elizabeth. (4) According to the Judgment, it is unlawful to mingle water with the wine provided for the Sacrament, whether at the time of the Celebration or in preparation for it. 2 The 1 Bullock, p. 32. 2 With regard to the time, on which the Committee have made a very remarkable mistake, see Part I. Ch. xi. Sect. x. p. 354. ADVERTISEMENT. xiii Mixture is allowed by all to be unessential. The Sacrament is valid either with or without it ; and it is not probable that, after a general disuse of nearly three centuries, it will ever, without a new rule, become again the common practice of our Church. But it is our duty to preserve our liberty in this respect also. If we join in the condemnation of the Mixed Chalice, we are condemning a practice of which our Lord set the first example, 1 and which the Apostles spread throughout the world. Our Church has nowhere, nor at any time, uttered a word in disparagement of this rite, but rather, by referring us to the first ages of the Gospel, as the best witnesses to Christian faith and practice, by implication commands us to respect, if not to observe it. The liberty which we herein assert is, therefore, only a liberty to remain faithful to the great principle of the English Eeformation, and to yield due honour to the primitive Church, to its Apostolic founders, and, above all, to its Divine Head. 1 See Part I. Ch. xi. Sect. ix. n. ii. p. 350. December 1, 1871. PBEFACE. WHEN it pleased God to enable the spiritual Eulers of the Church of England to give to the people their ancient Liturgy, or Office of Communion, in their own tongue, they at the same time presented it to them freed from the superstitious accretions of a long period of ignorance and error, and faithfully conformed in all things of moment to the mind and practice of their avowed model, the Church Catholic of the first and purest ages. Already, however, an evil leaven had begun to work among the great and powerful in the land, and only three short years elapsed ere it had gained sufficient strength to mar in some degree the wisest and most judicious reformation in religion of which the world, in my judgment has ever had expe- rience. In 1552, partly under a pressure from men who, "supposing that gain is godliness," could no longer love or perceive the whole truth, and partly from a fear, which facts appeared to justify, that the ignorant could not otherwise be weaned from errors which had long been associated with certain ritual or verbal expressions of the ancient truth, they were induced to divest their work of some marks of pri- mitive antiquity which had both value and signifi- cance, and thus, unhappily, so far to prejudice its claim x^a PREFACE. to represent their professed pattern with fidelity. It may be that, in yielding to those motives, they hoped the time would come, when it would be safe to restore what it was not then safe to retain. If this was their thought, the subsequent experience of the American, if not of the Scottish, Church will go far to justify them. But however this may be, it is a satisfaction to know that the wiser Eeformers were reluctant agents of an inevitable change. This is apparent from the language of the very Act of Parliament by which the Second Book of Edward vi. was authorized : " Whereas there hath been a very godly order set forth by authority of Parliament for Common Prayer and Administration of the Sacraments, to be used in the mother tongue, within this Church of England, agreeable to the Word of God and the primitive Church, very comfortable to all good people desiring to live in Christian conversation, and most profitable to the state of this realm, upon the which the mercy, favour, and blessing of Almighty God is in no wise so readily and plenteously poured, as by Common Prayers, due using of the Sacraments, and often preaching of the Gospel, with the devotion of the hearers, etc. etc. And because there hath arisen in the use and exercise of the foresaid Common Service in the Church, hereto- fore set forth, divers doubts for the fashion and manner of the ministration of the same, rather by the curio- sity of the Minister and mistakers, than of any other worthy cause, therefore/' etc. The changes, which were subsequently made in the reigns of Elizabeth and Charles n., were a partial return to the usages of the Book, of which the Act PREFACE. xvii now cited expressed such an earnest approbation, even while those who procured that Act believed them- selves compelled to supersede it. Thus in the year 1559, in the Communion Office, with which alone we are concerned, the ancient Words of Delivery, which had been excluded from the Book of 1552, were blended in one form, as we see them now, with those by which they had been for a short time supplanted ; while the last Revision, in 1662, was, to specify no more, distinguished by the restoration of the Oblation of the Elements, of a Commemoration of the Faithful Departed, and of the Marginal Rubrics attached to the Prayer of Consecration. It may be useful to mention here that the Order for the Administration of the Lord's Supper as printed in this work is taken from Masters' reprint of the Sealed Book, and that it has been collated with the photo-zincographic facsimile of the Prayer-Book of 1636, which was corrected by hand for the revision of 1662. The punctuation of those books, which ob- served no fixed rule, has not been always followed. The Order of Communion, A.D. 1548, has been cited from the copies given by L'Estrange, Divine Alliance, p. 495 (Oxf. 1846), and Card well, Two Liturgies Compared, p. 427 (ed. 2). This order is often denoted by the initials 0. C. For the First Book of Edward, 1549, 1 have referred most frequently only to Dr. Bulley's Variations in the Communion and Baptismal Offices (Oxf. 1842) ; but sometimes also to Hickes, Treatises, App. i. vol. iii. p. 1 (Oxf. 1848) ; to Collier, Eccl. Hist. Coll. of Records, No. lix. ; to Maskell, Ancient Liturgy, p. 2 1 5 xviii PREFACE. (ed. 2) ; and to Card well. This Book will be often indicated by the abbreviation 1 B. E. For the Office of 1552 (2 B. E.) only Cardwell and Bulley have been used. It 'will be enough to state here once for all, that the Ordinarium Missce and the Canon of the Sarum, Bangor, Hereford, and York Missals, are quoted from Maskell's Ancient Liturgy. When the Sarum Missal is itself cited, the edition of Mr. Forbes (Burntisland, 1861-7) has generally been used. It should be under- stood that the Bangor Missal was only a Diocesan adaptation or edition of the Sarum. There is one peculiarity of this work which to some may seem to need an explanation, if not an apology. I refer to the multiplicity of quotations which are often brought to bear upon a single point. It will be observed, then, that in such a case the testimonies alleged are derived from authors who wrote in coun- tries distant from each other, as well as in different ages. It seemed better, even at the risk of being- thought to err in excess, not to leave any possible suspicion of the rite or doctrine under review being merely local, or of partial acceptance. The date of an author is generally stated. Com- monly this is only the date at which he is said to have flourished in such works as those of Cave or Oudin ; but sometimes the year in which the book was written has been given ; so that different dates appear in some instances attached to the same name. In a work of this scope and magnitude inaccuracies must, almost inevitably, occur. The minuteness of detail which has been studied has probably alone PREFACE. xix given rise to many. If a second edition should be required, it would be my endeavour to correct in it whatever errors may be discovered; and I shall be sincerely grateful to any one, who will kindly inform me of those which he may observe. PART I. CHAPTER I. (Df the Barnes ot this 3olg Sacrament. SECTION I. The Title of the Office. * The Order for the Administration of the b Lord's Supper, or c Holy Communion. a THE ORDER, etc.] This heading was prefixed at the Revision of 1552. The Liturgy of 1549 was entitled, "The Supper of the Lord, and the Holy Communion, commonly called the Mass." Mass is merely the English corruption of the Latin word Missa; and " by Missa," observes Floras 1 Diaconus, A.D. 840, 1 Expos. Missae, 92, col. 72 ; Par. 1852. This is the derivation accepted by J. S. Durantus (De Kit. Eccl. L. ii. c. i. p. 145 ; Lugd. 1715), by Bona (Rerum Liturgicarum, L. i. c. i. n. vi.), by Gavanti and Merati (Thesaur. Sacr. Rit. P. i. Rub. Gen. Missse), by Le Brun (Explication de la Messe, tome i. p. 2 ; Liege, 1771), by Grancolas (Lea Anciennes Liturgies, p. 7 ; Par. 1697), and in short by all the chief liturgists. Some, how- ever, as Reuchlin, Baronius, Genebrard, De Sainctes, etc. (see Merati, U.S.), have derived missa from the Hebrew missah, which they supposed to mean an oblation in Deut. xvi. 10. Its real meaning is enough. The English version there reads "a tribute (marg. sufficiency) of a freewill offer- ing" For this S. Jerome had merely the words oblationem spontaneam, not rendering the word missah at all. Later writers, comparing his ver- sion with the Hebrew, imagined that he had rendered missah by oblationem, whereas the single word nidbath that follows, is the equivalent to his two words, oblationem spontaneam. This curious mistake ought not to have survived its exposure by Picherellus (born in 1500) ; but unfortunately his Dissertatio de Missa only existed in MS. before the year 1629. See cap. i. Opp. p. 87. De 1'Aubespine, in his " Ancienne Police sur Admi- nistration, etc., de 1'Eucharistie " (L. ii. c. iii. p. 235, ad Jin. Optati de Schism. Donat. ; Par. 1679) advocates at great length a very sin- gular opinion with regard to the word Mass. Because Messe, in Ger- many, etc., means a fair, i.e. an assemblage of the people for purposes of merchandise, etc., he conceived that the celebration was so called from its drawing people together in the same manner (compare the A 2 ACCOUNT OF THE NAME OF MASS. [CHAP. I. " nothing else is meant than dismissal, i.e. release, which, the celebration being over, the Deacon then announces when the people are dismissed from the solemn observance. Whence the Canons speak also of the Mass of the Catechu- mens, when, after the reading of the Gospel, the sacred Mys- teries begin to be celebrated, at which it is lawful for no one to be present unless regenerated in the font of baptism. For then, at the cry of the Deacon, the said Catechumens were sent away ; that is, were dismissed and put out. The Mass (missa, dismissal) of the Catechumens, therefore, took place before the celebration of the Sacrament ; the Mass [dis- missal] of the Faithful takes place after the Consecration and Communion." The formula which has for many centuries been generally used by the Priest or his Deacon at the con- clusion of the Eoman Mass, is, Ite ; Missa est ; Depart ; it is the Dismissal. It cannot be shown that the same words were at any time addressed to the Catechumens or other non- communicants, when it was time for them to leave the church ; but it is certain that their dismissal was called their Missa or Mass, 1 as by S. Augustine, 2 A.D. 396, by Cassian, 3 424, the Council of Valentia, 4 524, and many others. " Holy Fair " of Scotland). But the truth is that a fair was called Messe because it originated in a religious festival. Any such Festival was called a Mass from the high celebration that took place. Witness Christmas, Childermas, Martinmas, etc. Traders brought their goods for sale to gatherings instituted for a religious purpose. A conjecture still less plau- sible is that of Genebrard (De Liturgia Apost. c. vii. in Bona, L. i. c. i. n. iii.), that Missa comes from the Greek piitjo-is, initiation, a word cog- nate to mystery. 1 Missa is by some supposed to be a participle, and Ecclesla is supplied ; but it is clearly a noun, and equivalent to missio. Similarly, ascensa for ascensio, accessa for accessio, ulta for ultio, remissa for remissio, collecta for collectio, proba for probatio, confessa for canfessio, etc. It often occurs in the sense of dismissal in the writings of Cassian, A.D. 424 ; e.g. of one coming to the chapel after the service has begun, " Congregationis missam, stans prae f oribus, praestolatur " (De Crenob. Instit. L. iii. c. vii. p. 57 ; Atreb. 1628. See the note of Gazseus in L. ii. c. vii. p. 27). It was used of the formal dismissal of secular as well as religious assemblies : " In ecclesiis, palatiisque, sive praetoriis, missa fieri pronunciatur, cum populus ab observatione dimittitur." Avit. Vienn. A.D. 490 ; Ep. i. Migne, Patrol, torn. lix. col. 189. 2 Ecce post Sermonem fit missa catechumenis ; manebunt fideles. Serm. xlix. c. viii. torn. vii. col. 275; Venet. 1762. 3 Coanob. Instit. L. xi. c. xv. p. 252. Here the Deacon, whose duty it was to dismiss the Catechumens, is said missam Catechumenis celebrare a singular phrase, the use of which, when a Priest gave the warning, would certainly favour the vulgar notion that by missa the service itself was meant. 4 Can. i. Labb. Cone. torn. iv. col. 1617. Evangelia ante . . . Missam catechumenorum . . . legantur. Comp. the citation by Burchard, col. 1620. SECT. I.] ACCOUNT OF THE NAME OF MASS. 3 And as their Missa was the signal for the commencement of that part of the Liturgy which only the faithful could attend, the ill-instructed easily fell into the mistake of applying the word, as a name, to that office itself. In Spain, from the same cause, the name of Missa was given to an exhortation (for such it was, though called a prayer) ad- dressed to the faithful very soon after the departure of the Catechumens. 1 In both cases the usage must have arisen from popular ignorance, although in both it soon obtained a footing in the writings of approved authors, and at length in the Kitual itself. The earliest instance of the use of this name for the Holy Eucharist occurs in an epistle of S. Ambrose, A.D. 385 : " I began to perform Mass." 2 It is not found in the earliest Eoman Sacramentary, known by the name of Leo ; but is of constant occurrence in the revised edition of it ascribed to Gelasius. By the end of the sixth century it was in con- stant use as the ordinary designation of this Sacrament. 3 From the foregoing account of the word Mass, it will be inferred that the Eevisers of 1552 were justified in their disuse of it. It is not found in Holy Scripture, it was 1 See Miss. Mozarab. Leslie, pp. 8, 17, 21, etc. It is called by S. Isi- dore of Seville, " the prayer of admonition ;" whence we may infer that the usage was later than the 6th century. De Eccl. Offic. L. i. c. 15 ; Hittorp. col. 188; Par. 1610. In Gaul, the same prefatory exhortation was also called missa ; though I believe but one instance of it can now be pointed out, viz., in the Sacramentary found by Mabillon at Bobio. See his Mnsse. Ital. torn. i. p. 373. The series of variable collects, etc., proper to any festival, is also called the " mass " of that day in the ancient Sacra- mentaries. See the Gelasian, Gregorian, Gothic, etc., passim, in Mura- tori, Liturgia Ilomana Vetus ; Venet. 1748. From this doubtless it was that the word came to denote a festival. Thus, Spatium usque ad Missam S. Martini dare decrevimus. Capitularia Keguin Francorum (ed. Baluz. ; Paris. 1677), L. ii. c. xviii. torn. i. col. 741. Sim. Ad Missam S. Andreae, c. xx. Post Missam S. Johannis, L. iii. c. xxiii. col. 758. The name was also given to any office of Prayer. Thus the Council of Agde, A.D. 506, speaks of " the Morning and Evening Masses ;" i.e. Matins and Evensong. Can. xxx. Labb. iv. coL 1388. It was also applied to the proper lessons read at the celebration, and thence to the proper lessons used at any office. Thus in the Regula ad Monachos of S. Csesarius, c. 21 : " Omni Domi- nica sex Missas facite. Prima Missa semper Resurrectio legatur . . . Perfectis Missis dicite matutinos." Codex Regul. Holsten. P. ii. p. 56. Sim. in the Rule of St. Aurelian : Facite sex Missas de Isaia Propheta, etc. Ordo Reg. insert, ibid. p. 68. 2 Ep. xx. ad Sor. c. 4 ; torn. vi. p. 45 ; Venet. 1781. 3 We find it in the writings, e.g. of S. Csesarius in Gaul, A.D. 502, Horn. viii. p. 58 (Baluz.) ; and of Cassiodorius in Italy, 514, in Ps. xxv. v. 7, torn. ii. p. 80 ; in Ps. xxxiii. at end, p. 106 ; Yen. 1729. Later in this century it is the common word, used passim by Gregory of Tours, 575, and his namesake at Rome, 595. 4 OF THE NAME OP LORD'S SUPPER. [CHAP. I. unknown to the first ages of the Church, and it is unmeaning and inappropriate as a name of the Sacrament to which it had accidentally attached itself. b THE LORD'S SUPPER.] The Church has learnt this name from S. Paul, 1 who, as S. Augustine observes, "in saying, ' When ye come together into one place, this is not to eat the Lord's Supper,' calls the reception itself of the Eucharist, the Lord's Supper." 2 So also Theodoret, 3 " He calls the Master's Sacrament [or mystery] the Lord's Sup- per." Accordingly we fiud S. Augustine 4 using the name as if it were familiar and well understood : " In the eastern parts most persons do not communicate at the Lord's Supper every day." And similarly S. Basil, 5 who, in reply to the question, " Whether it is right for the Oblation to take place in a common house," infers from S. Paul's reproof of the Corinthians that we ought " neither to eat and drink a com- mon supper in church, nor to degrade the Lord's Supper [by celebrating it] in a house." It seems most probable that S. Paul was thinking of the Eucharist only, as these writers evidently suppose, when he spoke of the Lord's Supper; for after the rebuke partly cited above, he immediately proceeds to an account of the institution of the Sacrament : " For I have received of the Lord," etc. 6 The propriety of the name would, however, be unquestionable, even if it could be shown that he rather gave it to the combined celebration of the Love-feast and the Communion; for if his argument does not prove that the " Lord's Supper " was neither more nor less than the Eucharist, it certainly implies that the latter was the principal part of the whole solemnity to which he refers ; in which case it would naturally and properly retain the name of the Lord's Supper when the less important part was separated from it or abolished. But even if we had no Scriptural warrant for it, the appellation would, nevertheless, have been most suitable, " taking us back as it does (the thought is S. Chrysostom's 7 ) to the evening in which Christ delivered the awful Mysteries." " The Lord's Supper," observes another, 8 " ought to be common to all. But it is 1 1 Cor. xi. 20. 2 Ep. liv. c. 7 ; torn. ii. col. 168. 3 Comment, in Ep. i. ad Cor. (xi. 20), p. 213 ; Oxf. 1852. * De Serm. Dom., L. ii. c. 7, torn. iv. col. 276. 5 Regulse Breviores, N. cccx. Opp. torn. ii. col. 657 ; Par. 1618. 6 1 Cor. xi. 23. 7 Horn, xxvii. in 1 Cor. (c. x. v. 20), 2, torn. x. p. 285 ; Par. 1837. 8 Comment, in 1 Cor. xi. 20, Hieronymo ascr. Opp. ed. Ben., torn v col. 997. SECT. I.] OF THE NAME OF COMMUNION. 5 called the Supper, because at Supper the Lord delivered the Sacraments." But there is a reason that goes beyond this in the identity to our faith and spiritual apprehension of every celebration of the Christian Sacrament with that Last Supper. Thus S. Augustine: 1 "He gave the Supper consecrated by His own hands to the Disciples ; but we have not sat down at that feast, and yet by faith we daily eat that very Supper." In the same spirit it is called by Tertullian 2 " The Lord's Feast." Ancient writers frequently term this Sacrament " The Mystical Supper." Thus S. Hippolytus, 3 A.D. 220, describes the institution of it as the " first Table of the Mystical Divine Supper." A treatise ascribed to Dionysius 4 the Great, A.D. 254, speaks of Christ "giving Himself to us in the Mystical Supper." Cyril of Alexandria, 5 A.D. 412, has a homily on the Eucharist, and under this name of "the Mystical Supper," full of the most fervid exhortations to partake of the " Mystic Table," e.g. " Having with all eager- ness put on the wedding garment, sincere faith, let us run together to the Mystical Supper." S. Nilus, 6 A.D. 440, " Keep from all corruption, and become daily a partaker of the Mystical Supper ; for thus the Body of Christ begins to become ours." c HOLY COMMUNION.] For this name also are we indebted to S. Paul : " The Cup of Blessing which we bless, is it not the Communion (or rather, " Is it not Communion" for the Greek omits the article) of the Blood of Christ ? The Bread which we break, is it not [the] Communion of the Body of Christ?" 7 where by communion (KOIVOWCI) we are to under- stand participation. A cognate word is employed in the following passages in the same chapter 8 : " Are not they which eat of the sacrifices partakers (KOIVWVO!) of the Altar ? " " I would not that ye should have fellowship (or be par- takers, KOIVWVOVS) with devils." The Sacrament is therefore called the Communion, because by means of it we are made 1 Serm. cxii. c. iv. torn. vii. col. 565. 2 Ad Ux. L. ii. c. ii. torn. iii. p. 73 ; ed. 2 Semler. 3 Fragm. in Prov. ix. 1 , ed. Migne, col. 628. 4 Contra Samosat. Resp. ad q. vii. p. 254. Opp. Romae, 1696. It is rejected by Valesius (note to Euseb. Hist. Eccl. L. vii. c. xxx.) and others, for reasons that appear sufficient. 5 Horn. x. Opp. torn. v. p. ii. p. 371 ; Par. 1638. 6 Panenetica, n. 120, col. 1260 ed. Migne. 7 1 Cor. x. 16. 8 Verses 18, 20. 6 OF THE NAME OF COMMUNION. [CHAP. I. partakers of the Body and Blood of Christ. This was the origin of the name; but it obtained currency the more readily, because that in this Sacrament we are joint par- takers of Christ, and have communion or fellowship, or partnership, therein with one another. " This Sacrament," says the writer of the Postils 1 of 1540, "is called the Holy Communion in that we be so coupled to Christ's Body that whatsoever is Christ's is also common to us, and freely may we claim Him with all His gifts and graces." But again : " This Sacrament, where it is well received, maketh us in common the members of one body under Christ, our Head." There was another thing which helped to bring this name into such general use. Participation in the Eucharist is the great outward sign and pledge of communion and fellowship with the Church. Hence, admission to the Sacrament and to a recognised place in the Christian body were practically the same thing, and to be repelled from the one was to be excluded from the other. Hence it was natural that the Sacrament should be called the Communion, even without direct reference to the language of S. Paul, or to the reasons on which it was founded. Nevertheless, notwithstanding this twofold impulse, it was long before the Sacrament was often called by this name, and it is more than probable that some apparent instances of an early date ought to be other- wise understood. S. Dionysius of Alexandria, for example, about the middle of the third century, in the following passage rather means Church-membership by the word than "the Communion," and only proceeds to dwell on the Eucharist as the great privilege and visible sign of such communion with the people of God. He is speaking of one who asked to be rebaptized, because he had received heretical baptism ; " which," says the saint, " I did not venture to do, but said that his long-continued communion sufficed him for this ; for I durst not renew afresh one who had heard Thanksgiving (Eucharist) and responded the Amen, and stood at the Table and stretched forth his hands to take the holy Food, and had received it, and been a long time partaker of the Body and Blood of our Lord Jesus Christ." 2 Similarly, when the Roman Clergy, A.D. 250, writing to those of Car- thage, 3 speak of sick penitents as "desiring communion," it is rather restoration to all Christian privileges than the reception of the Eucharist in particular that they mean. *Pp. 184, 7; Oxf. 1841. 2 Euseb. Hist. L. vii. c. ix. p. 208 ; Par. 1678. 3 Inter Epp. S. Cypr. E. 8, p. 18 j Brcm. 1690. SECT. II.] OF THE NAME OF EUCHARIST. 7 The Council of Elvira, 1 A.D. 305, frequently uses the ex- pressions, " give," and " receive communion at the last hour," which are, I think, to be understood in the same manner. The Nicene 2 Fathers, A.D. 325, speak of dying penitents as restored to communion, not to the Communion ; and in the language of S. Augustine, 3 to decline or receive that Sacra- ment is only equivalent to, not identical with, " withdrawing one's-self from, or restoring one's-self to, communion," in the general sense. During the same period, however, the word is applied to the Sacrament in a special sense. S. Irenaeus, 4 for example, A.D. 167, speaks of some slaves who had heard from their Christian masters that " the Divine Communion is the Body and Blood of Christ." S. Hilary, 5 A.D. 354, calls it "the Sacrament of the Divine Communion ;" and S. Basil, 6 A.D. 370, speaks of those who " have Communion [of the consecrated elements reserved] at their own house." S. Chrysostom, 7 A.D. 398 : " Hast thou not heard how the three thousand who were partakers of the Communion persevered continually in the prayer and the doctrine ? " Eusebius of Alexandria : 8 " If conscience condemn thee in wicked and flagitious deeds, decline the Communion until thou hast corrected it through repentance." SECTION II. Of of her Appellations of this Sacrament. Many other names have been given to this holy ordinance, of which it will be well to give an account here. 1. EUCHAKIST.] The earliest use is by the martyr Igna- tius, 9 A.D. 107 : "Endeavour to use one Eucharist; for there . 1 Cann. ii. iii. v. vi. etc. Labb. torn. i. col. 971. See also the Canons of Aries, A.D. 314; ibid. col. 1427; where the expressions, to be with- held, excluded, or separated, from communion occur. 2 Can. xiii. ; Labb. torn. ii. col. 36. 3 Ep. liv. torn. ii. col. 166. 4 Fragm. xiii. vol. i. p. 832 ; ed. Stieren. 6 Tract, in Ps. Ixviii. 17, p. 223 ; ed. Ben. 6 Ep. cclxxxix. torn. ii. p. 1055. 7 Horn, xxvii. in 1 Cor. 5, torn. x. p. 290. 8 De Die Dom. ii. ; Galland. torn. viii. p. 252. The date is uncertain. 9 Ep. ad Philad. c. iv. Patr. Apost. torn. ii. p. 379 ; Oxon. 1838. Ad Sinyrn. c. vi. p. 412, he says that the Gnostics did "not confess the Eucharist to be the Flesh of our Saviour." So in Irenaeus, " It is no longer common bread, but Eucharist," L. iv. c. 18, 5, torn. i. p. 618. And Origen, against Celsus, " The bread called Eucharist," L. viii. 57 ; ed. Lommatzsch, torn. xx. p. 194. Clemens Al., " Melchisedech gave bread and wine, consecrated food, as a type of the Eucharist." Strom. L. iv. p. 539, and elsewhere; Colon. 1688. 8 OF THE NAME OF BLESSING. [CHAP. I. is one Flesh of our Lord Jesus Christ and one Cup in the unity of His Blood." Justin Martyr, 1 A.D. 140, after de- scribing the Celebration, says, "And this food-taking is called among us the Eucharist." Tertullian, A.D. 192, the earliest writer of the Latin Church whose works survive, frequently uses this name ; as, for example, where he says that the " Sacrament of the Eucharist " was instituted during a meal; 2 or asks "if the Eucharist [by breaking a fast] violated a duty vowed to God;" 3 or where he asserts that S. Paul celebrated " the Eucharist in the ship before all." 4 Origen, 5 A.D. 230 : " Art thou not afraid, drawing near to the Eucharist, to partake of the body of Christ, as if clean and pure, as if there was nought unworthy in thee ? " S. Cyprian, A.D. 252 : " The Eucharist is celebrated for this very end, that it may be a protection to those who receive it." 6 " We receive the Eucharist daily for food of salvation." 7 Examples however need not be multiplied, as it is enough to say that this became the most common name of the blessed Sacrament in the West as well as in the East, though the Latins origi- nally received it from the Greeks. It is eminently scriptural, for the word Eucharist means thanksgiving, and refers us to the thanksgiving of our Lord at the institution of the Sacrament. 8 In the earliest Liturgies, as we shall see, thanksgiving after this divine pattern was, next to the reception, the chief part of the celebration, a cir- cumstance which without doubt tended greatly to promote the general adoption of the name. " The awful mysteries, and laden with mighty salvation," says S. Chrysostom, 9 . . . " are called Eucharist, because they are the commemoration of many benefits." And this tradition remains in the East : " The name of Eucharist," says John Maro, 10 " arises from this, that it is a Sacrifice of Thanksgiving which we offer for benefits received." He thus derives it from the Thank- Offering of the Law. 2. THE BLESSING, or EULOGIA.] This is a name akin to Eucharist, as taken like that from the scriptural accounts of the institution: "Jesus took bread and blessed it;" 11 S. 1 Apol. i. c. 66 ; torn. i. p. 266 ; ed. Otto. 2 De Corona Mil. c. iii. torn. iv. p. 293. 3 De Orat. c. xiv. torn. iv. p. 14. * Ibid. c. xxiv. p. 20. 5 Horn. ii. in Ps. xxxvii. 6 ; torn. xii. p. 268. 6 Ep. Ivii. p. 117. i De Orat. Dom. p. 147. 8 S. Matt, xx vi. 27; S. Mark xiv. 23 ; S. Luke xxii. 19; 1 Cor. xi. 24. 9 Horn. xxv. in S. Matt. 3 ; torn. vii. p. 363. 10 Expos. Minist. c. ii. n. 3. ; Assemani Codex Liturg. torn. v. p 232. . Matt. xxvi. 26 ; S. Mark xiv. 22. 11 S. SECT. II.] OF THE BREAKING OF THE BREAD. 9 Paul having sanctioned the transference of this language to the subsequent celebrations of the ordinance, when he said, " The Cup of Blessing which we bless." l This name is often used by S. Cyril of Alexandria : "They remain altogether without share or taste of the life in sanctification and bliss, who do not receive the Son through the Mystical Blessing." 2 " Becoming partakers of the Mystical Blessing, we shall be sanctified." 3 3. THE BREAKING OF THE BREAD.] In Acts ii. 42 we read of the first Christians that they " continued steadfastly in the Apostles' doctrine and fellowship, in breaking of bread and in prayers," or rather " in the breaking (ry K\dcrei) of the bread and the prayers." Lightfoot 4 tells us that " the breaking of bread " is rarely or never used to signify the common taking of food together, either in the Old Testament or He- brew writers. The context of Acts ii. 42 also shows clearly that by " the breaking of the bread " in that passage some religious rite or duty is signified, and we know of no other that could be so described than the holy Eucharist, though at the first, when the Agape or Feast of Charity was connected with that, the expression would naturally put the whole celebration before the mind. The Syriac version, which is ascribed by Michaelis 5 and others to the end of the first or beginning of the second century, has here " the breaking of the Eucharist." 6 In v. 46 we read of the Disciples " continu- ing daily in the temple, and breaking bread in a house," or rather, in a chamber ; for " learned men have observed that KO.T' OLKOV is the same as ev ... in which manner the phrase is explained in this place both in the Syriac and Arabic versions." 7 The word oucos, rendered house in our version, "expresses (and this sense is mentioned by Hesychius, see also Homer, Odyss. A. 356) various parts of the house, as the chamber at the top of the house for retirement." 8 Hence 1 1 Cor. x. 16. 2 Comm. in S. Joh. Ev. (c. vi. v. 54) torn. iv. p. 361, et passim; ed. Aubert, 1638. 3 Glaphyra in Levit. torn. i. p. 351. 4 Comment, in loco, torn. ii. p. 768. 5 Home's Introd., vol. ii. p. i. ch. ii. iii. 6 Pearson's Lectures on the Acts, L. i. xii. Min. Theol. Works, vol. i. p. 324 ; John Maro, Expos. Minist. ObL c. ii. n. iii., in Assem. Codex Liturg. torn. v. p. 233. 7 Beveridge, Codex Prim. Eccl. Vind. L. ii. c. iii. ix. 8 H. J. Rose, in Parkhurst's Lex. of the N. T., who refers to Schleusner, Wahl, and Bretschneider ; see Acts x. 30 ; xi. 13 (comp. x. 9). " In Acts ii. 2 . . . Wahl takes it for the upper chamber of the house as in the 10 OF THE NAME OF LITURGY. [CHAP. I. we may identify the place in which the disciples " broke bread," as related in Acts ii. 46, with the " upper room " in which the Apostles and others " continued with one accord in prayer and supplication " before the day of Pentecost, and with the " upper chamber " in which the disciples at Ephesus met to " break bread " (Syr. vers. again, "to break the Eucharist " 1 ) and hear S. Paul preach. In fact "those private upper- rooms were places always devoted to sacred purposes by the Jews, at least from the time that Daniel was related to have gone up into his chamber to pray." 2 Hence it is evident that we may understand from verse 46 that, while the first Christians at Jerusalem went daily to the Temple at the hours of prayer, they assembled in the oratories at the top of their houses for the great distinctive act of Christian wor- ship, in which those under the law could have no part, viz., to break the Bread of the holy Eucharist. 3 S. Ignatius, A.D. 107, speaks of it as a duty to obey the Bishop and Presbyters with an undivided mind, and to " break one Bread, which is the medicine of immortality, an antidote against death and means of eternal life in Jesus Christ." 4 In the Eecognitions falsely ascribed to S. Clement of Rome, but probably as early as the end of the second century, to " break the Eucharist " 5 is to celebrate it. 4. LITURGY.] Among the ancient Greeks this word (Aeir- places just qitoted ; " (Ibid.) and similarly Bishop Pearson (M.S. in Note 6, vi. p. 321), who gives the tradition from Nicephorus, L. viii. c. 30, that the Church enclosed the house in which took place " the descent of the Holy Ghost in the upper chamber." 1 Waterland, Keview of the Eucharist, ch. i., Works, vol. iv. p. 473 ; Oxf. 1843. 2 Pearson, u.s. vii. p. 321. The idolatrous Jews also used the tops of their houses as places of worship. See Jer. xix. 13 ; Zeph. i. 5. In 2 Kings xxiii. 12 we read of altars "on the top of the upper chamber of Ahaz." 3 Some see another example in S. Luke xxiv. 35 : " He was known of them in the (TJJ) breaking of the (TOU) bread." To maintain this, how- ever, it is not enough to suppose that our Lord designed a suggestive re- semblance to His former action at the institution, which seems probable ; we must suppose an actual celebration (as Lucas Brugensis, Maldonatus, De Sacy, etc. ); but as no wine was used, nor any words proper to the Sacrament, the latter hypothesis must be rejected. 4 Ep. ad Eph. c. xx. p. 294, ed. Jacobson. 6 L. vi. c. xv. Patr. Apost. Cotelerii, torn. i. p. 552. It may be worth noting that the phrase, agreeing with the Syriac version of the N. T. (see p. 9), points to a Syriac origin of the Recognitions, and it is remarkable that the earliest author whose writings contain a passage found also in the Recognitions, is Bardesanes, a Syrian, A.D. 180. See Cave's Lives of the Fathers, S. Clem. Rom. c. xi. vol. i. p. 160 ; Oxf. 1840. SECT. II.] OF THE NAME OF LITURGY. denoted any public set-vice, especially such as were gratuitously performed ; as the building of a ship for the navy, or contributing to the support of the army in time of war ; or providing a feast, theatrical representations, music, etc., at festivals. Hence in the New Testament it is applied to offices and works of charity. 1 In the Septuagint, 2 the Gospel of S. Luke, 3 and the Epistle to the Hebrews, 4 it is used of the Service of the Priests and Levites in the taber- nacle or temple, or of the performance of the appointed rites therein. It is the word employed by S. Paul, when he says, " If I be offered up on the sacrifice and service of your faith, I joy and rejoice with you all." 5 The writer to the Hebrews uses it to express the duties of the priesthood as borne by our Lord Himself: " Now hath He obtained a more excel- lent ministry, by how much also He is the mediator of a better covenant." 6 The word must from the first have been transferred to the worship of the Christian Church ; for we find the cognate verb so used by S. Luke : " As they ministered (performed service or liturgy] to the Lord and fasted;" 7 and liturgy itself by S. Clement, in the first century : " Let no one trans- gress the prescribed rule of his own service" The same writer speaks of " offerings and services" and ascribes to the Bishop, under the name of high-priest, his own proper services, and tells us that the Apostles, in order to prevent " contention on account of the episcopate," took care so to provide for its future supply that " at their death other approved men might succeed to their ministry (liturgy)." By later writers it was used both generally, as here, of the whole service of God, or all the duties of the sacred ministry, as when Eusebius says that Primus " obtained the ministry" of the Church of Alex- andria, "the fourth from the Apostles ;" u or where the Council of Antioch, A.D. 341, forbids deposed bishops, priests, and deacons to "perform any part of the ministry" and also specifically of the celebration of the Eucharist, that being pre-eminently the service or ministration of the Church of Christ, as where Theodoret tells us that " in all the Churches" the Apostolical benediction, 2 Cor. xiii. 14, was used as "a 1 2 Cor. ix. 12; Phil. ii. 30. 2 e.g. Num. viii. 22, 25, xviii. 4; 2 Chron. viii. 14, xxxv. 10 ; Ezr. vii. 19. The verb Xeiroupyeii/ is yet more frequent. 3 Ch. i. 23. * Ch. ix. 21. 5 Phil. ii. 17. 6 Ch. viii. 6, comp. vv. 1-5. 7 Acts xiii. 2. 8 Ep. i. ad Cor. c. xli. p. 140, Pair. Apost. (ed Jacobson). For date see p. x. 9 Ibid. c. xl. pp. 136, 138. 10 Ibid. c. xliv. p. 150. 11 Hist. Eccl. L. iv. c. i. p. 93. 12 Can. iv., Bev. Pand. torn i. p. 434. 12 OF THE NAME OF OBLATION. [CHAP. I. preface of the mystic Liturgy." 1 Hence, by an easy transi- tion, when "the order of the administration" of this Sacra- ment was committed to writing, it was called a Liturgy, and this has been for many ages the ordinary and proper signifi- cation of that word. 5. THE OBLATION.] This name attached itself to the holy Eucharist from the several offerings or oblations (irpoa-fopfu) which are made in the celebration. There is the oblation of alms (in kind or in money) for the poor, the clergy, and the fabric of the church ; the special oblation for the use of the altar of a part of the bread and wine already offered as alms ; and the oblation of the Body and Blood of Christ, when the sacrifice of His death is commemorated and pleaded before God in the prayers and ritual action of this most holy Sacra- ment. It does not appear that the Eucharistic commemoration of the sacrifice of Christ was spoken of as an offering before the third century ; but whenever it obtained the name, this would naturally soon come to be regarded as the chief, and at length perhaps as the only, reason why the whole rite should be termed "the Oblation;" for this is the most sacred and essen- tial notion of an offering connected with it. When, therefore, the Eucharist is spoken of as " the Oblation," it is brought before us in its aspect of a commemorative sacrifice ; that is to say, as an ordinance of divine worship in which, by God's appointment, we represent and commemorate the one arche- typal and all-sufficient sacrifice of His Son upon the Cross. Offerings at the celebration are mentioned from the first ; thus S. Clement, Bishop of Borne : " It will be no small sin to us if we depose from the Episcopate those who have irreproachably and holily offered the gifts." 2 When Justin Martyr says that " the oblation of the fine Hour," commanded to be offered by those cleansed of the leprosy, was a type of the bread of the Eucharist, 3 and Tertullian declares that Satan, imitating the mysteries of God in pagan rites, baptizes and " celebrates an oblation of bread," 4 they both imply that this sacrament was regarded as, and might be called, an oblation. The name is expressly given to it by S. Irenseus : " He taught the new Oblation of the New Testament;" 5 " The Oblation of the Church which the Lord taught to be offered throughout the world." 6 The so-called Apostolical 1 Ad. Joann. (Econ. Ep. cxlv. torn. iii. p. 1032, ed. Sirm. 2 Ep. i. ad Cor. c. xliv. p. 155, Patr. Apost. torn. L, ed. Jacobson. 3 Dial. c. Tryph. c. 41, p. 132, ed. Otto. 4 De Prescript. Hseret. c. xl. Opp. vol. ii. p. 40, ed. Semler. 6 L. iv. c. xvii. 5, p. 612, ed. Stieren. Ibid. c. xviii. p. 613. SECT. II.] OF THE NAME OF SACRIFICE. 13 Canons speak of " the time of the holy Oblation," 1 and order that any clergyman not communicating " when the Oblation takes place" 2 shall give his reason. When S. Cyprian speaks of making an oblation, though the phrase implies a celebration, it refers more explicitly to the reception of gifts from the worshippers (offered for themselves or in the name of others), and their presentation at the Altar. In his writ- j ings, however, we see a change in progress. The commemo- ration of the self-oblation of Christ on the Cross which is made in this Sacrament begins to be spoken of as an oblation itself, and is therefore henceforth, so far as that lam prevails, the principal idea conveyed by the word oblation when applied to the holy Eucharist. " The Lord Jesus Christ and our God," says the Father last named, " is Himself the High- Priest of God the Father, and first offered Himself a sacrifice to the Father, and commanded this to be done in remembrance of Him;" whence he infers that the Priest rightly discharges his office " who copies that which Christ did, and he then offers in the Church a true and complete sacrifice to God the Father if he so take in hand to offer according to that which he sees that Christ Himself offered." 3 Here the oblation must be of that which has been conse- crated and has become the Body and Blood of Christ ; and accordingly in the same Epistle he speaks of " the Blood of Christ being offered," and says that " the Lord's sacrifice is not celebrated by a lawful consecration unless our oblation and sacrifice has corresponded to His Passion." 4 A century later, at Jerusalem, S. Cyril says, " We offer Christ, who was slain for our sins." 5 Agreeably to the usage thus introduced, " to communicate without oblation" 6 was to be admitted (as a penance) to the Celebration without being allowed to par- take at the altar ; " to attain to the Oblation," 7 or to " partake of the holy Oblation," 8 meant to receive ; and to " impart the Oblation" 9 was to administer the blessed Sacrament. 6. THE SACRIFICE.] This appellation of the holy Eucharist seems to have run a course parallel with Oblation, to which 1 Can. iii. Bever. Cod. Can. Eccl. Prim. p. xl. 2 Can. viii. p. xli. 3 Ep. Ixiii. p. 155; Brem. 1690. * Ep. Ixiii. p. 152. 5 Catech. Myst. v. vii. p. 298; Oxon. 1703. 6 Cone. Ancyr. A.D. 315, Cann. v. vi. viii. ix., Pandect, torn. i. p. 379, etc. ; Sim. Cone. Nic. Can. xi. ; ibid. p. 71. 7 Cone. Ancyr. Can. xvi. p. 392. 8 S. Chrysost. Horn. De Beat. Philog. N. vi. 4, torn. i. p. 611 ; Par. 1834. 9 Cone. Nic. A.D. 325, Can. xiiL, Pand. torn. i. p. 74. 14 OF THE NAME OF SACRIFICE. [CHAP. I. iii sense it is so nearly related. At first the rite was called a Sacrifice, on account of the material offerings that were pre- sented at it ; but afterwards chiefly, and at length entirely, because it is a commemoration of the Sacrifice of the death of Christ. The word was used by Justin Martyr with the former reference ; for he says that the sacrifices which Jesus Christ commanded are " of the bread and the cup at the Eucharist;" 1 and that they are offered by Christians "in acknowledgment of their food, both dry and liquid.'" 2 According to S. Irenseus, Christ taught His disciples "to offer to God first-fruits of His creatures " as a token of grati- tude when " He took bread and gave thanks," etc., at the institution, 3 and this rite he repeatedly calls a sacrifice ; and comparing it with the Jewish sacrifices says, " Oblations in general were not disapproved ; for there are both oblations there, and there are oblations, here ; sacrifices in the people [of Israel] and sacrifices in the Church ; only the kind has been changed, forasmuch as it is not now offered by slaves but by the free." 4 Tertullian speaks of the whole rite as a sacrifice, and again of reception of the Sacrament as a par- taking of the Sacrifice : " Persons fasting, having prayed with their brethren, withdraw the kiss of peace, which is the seal of prayer. . . . What kind of sacrifice is that from which men depart without peace ? ... In like manner also with regard to the days of Stations (the half-fasts of Wednesday and Friday), most do not think that they ought to attend the prayers of the Sacrifices, because the Station must be broken by the reception of the Lord's Body. . . . Will not thy Station be more solemn if thou stand at the Altar of God? If the Body of the Lord be taken and reserved, both ends are secured, both the partaking of the Sacrifice and the performance of the duty." 5 Hence we infer, that by the close of the second century the name referred at least equally to the commemoration of the great Sacrifice. A little later, A.D. 220, S. Hippolytus says, that the Body and Blood of Christ are " daily consecrated at the mystical and Divine Table, being sacrificed for a memorial of that ever-to-be-remembered and first Table of the mystical Divine Supper." 6 He who says that the Body and Blood of Christ are sacrificed in the Eucharist, must necessarily view it as a sacrifice for that reason. In S. Cyprian we have a 1 Dial. c. 117, p. 386. 2 Ibid _ p 388 3 L. iv. c. 17, 5, p. 612. 4 L. iv. c. 18, 2, p. 614. 5 De Orat. c. xiv. vol. iv. p. 14. 6 Fragm. in Prov. ix. 1 ; Patrol. Ser. Grsec. torn. x. col. 628. SECT. II.] OF THE NAME OF SACRIFICE. 15 reference to both grounds. (1.) Rebuking a wealthy woman who brought no offering to the Celebration, he says, " Thou art wealthy and rich, and dost thou believe that thou art keeping the Lord's ordinance, who hast no regard whatever to the offering, who comest into the Lord's house without a sacrifice, who takest a part of the sacrifice which a poor person has offered?" 1 (2.) " In the priest Melchizedech we see prefigured the sacrament of the Lord's Sacrifice. . . . Who is more a priest of the Most High God than Our Lord Jesus Christ, who offered a Sacrifice to God the Father, and offered that same which Melchizedech has offered, that is, Bread and Wine, to wit, His own Body and Blood." 2 " It is clear that the Blood of Christ is not offered if there be no wine in the chalice, and that the Lord's Sacrifice is not celebrated by a lawful consecration unless our Oblation and Sacrifice shall correspond to the Passion." 3 " We make men- tion of His Passion in all Sacrifices ; for the Sacrifice which we offer is the Lord's Passion" 4 [i.e. the commemoration of it]. With S. Cyril of Jerusalem, the " Sacrifice " is the commemoration : " After the completion of the spiritual Sacrifice, the bloodless worship over that Sacrifice of the pro- pitiation, we beseech God for the common peace' of the Church," 5 etc. And so with S. Ambrose : " Though Christ is not now seen to offer, yet He is Himself offered on the earth when the Body of Christ is offered : yea, He Himself is manifestly seen to offer in us, Whose word hallows the Sacrifice that is offered." 6 "Would that the angel were present with us also, when we heap the altars, when we bring the Sacrifice ; or rather would allow himself to be seen ; for doubt not that the angel is present when Christ is present, when Christ is sacrificed ; for Christ our Passover is sacrificed." 7 S. Chrysostom, 8 explaining the words, Do this in remembrance of Me : " We offer, indeed, but making a remembrance of His death. . . . We offer not another sacrifice, like the High Priest of old, but always the same ; or rather we perform a commemoration of a sacrifice." S. Augustine, while maintaining the Sacrifice, thus illustrates its commemorative character : " We often speak so as to say, when Passion-tide is drawing near, that to-morrow or next day will be the Lord's Passion ; though He suffered so 1 De Op. et Eleem. p. 203. 2 Ep. Ixiii. p. 149. 3 Ep. Ixiii. p. 152. 4 Ibid. p. 156. 5 Catech. Myst. v. . vi. p. 297. 6 Enarr. in Ps. xxxviii. n. 25, torn. iii. p. 114. 7 In Ev. S. Luc. L. i. n. 28, torn. iv. p. 22. 8 Horn. xvii. iu Ep. ad Hebr. (x. 9), torn. xii. p. 241. 16 OF THE NAME OF SACRIFICE. [CHAP. I. many years ago, and that Passion has only once altogether taken place. Again, on the Lord's day itself we say, To-day the Lord hath risen ; though many years have passed away since He rose. . . . Was not Christ once sacrificed in His own Person, and yet in a Sacrament is sacrificed for the people, not only throughout all the. Paschal solemnities, but every day, so that he certainly does not speak falsely who, when questioned, shall reply that He is sacrificed ? For if sacraments had not some likeness to those things of which they are sacraments, they would not be sacraments at all. But from this likeness they for the most part receive the names of the things themselves." 1 The prospective char- acter of the Legal sacrifices and the retrospective of the Chris- tian are thus distinguished by this Father : " The Hebrews in victims of their cattle, which they offered to God in many and various ways, as was worthy of so great a thing, cele- brated a prophecy of that future Victim which Christ offered, whence Christians now celebrate the memorial of the same Sacrifice accomplished, with most sacred oblation and parti- cipation of the Body and Blood of Christ." 2 The contrast between the old and the new rite here barely presented to us by S. Augustine is thus more emphatically brought out by the very learned and pious Beveridge, in whose words we may sum up the lesson gathered from the foregoing brief extracts from the Fathers : " The sacrifice that is most proper and peculiar to the Gospel is the sacra- ment of our Lord's Supper, instituted by our Lord Himself to succeed all the bloody sacrifices of the law. For though we cannot say, as some absurdly do, that this is such a sacri- fice whereby Christ is again offered up to God both for the living and the dead, yet it may as properly be called a sacri- fice as any that was ever offered, except that which was offered by Christ Himself; for His, indeed, was the only .true expiatory Sacrifice that was ever offered. Those under the law were only types of His, and were called sacrifices only upon that account, because they typified and represented that which He was to offer for the sins of the world. And, therefore, the Sacrament of Christ's Body and Blood may as well be called by that name as they were. They were typical, and this is a commemorative Sacrifice. They fore- showed the death of Christ to come ; this shows His death already past. ' For as often,' saith the Apostle, ' as ye eat this bread and drink this cup, ye do show the Lord's death 1 Ep. xcviii. ad Bouif. n. 9, torn. ii. col. 351. 2 C. Faust. L. xx. c. xviii. torn. x. col. 414. SECT. II.] OF THE NAME OF PASSOVER. 17 till he come.' l This is properly our Christian sacrifice, which neither Jew nor Gentile can have any share in, as the Apostle observes, ' We have an Altar, whereof they have no right to eat which serve the tabernacle.' 2 An Altar where we partake of the great Sacrifice, which the eternal Son of God offered up for the sins of the whole world, and ours among the rest." 3 7. THE PASSOVER.] The legal sacrifice to which our Christian Sacrifice of Thanksgiving bears the greatest resem- blance, and to which it is most nearly related, is the Pass- over, and for this reason it was often itself called the Passover in early times. Thus Origen : 4 " No one who keepeth the Passover as Jesus wills is below the Upper Chamber. . . . But if thou go up with Him to keep the Passover, He both giveth thee the Bread of Blessing, His own Body, and bestoweth His own Blood." S. James 5 of Nisibis : " Our Saviour ate the Passover with His disciples on that fourteenth night in which He was taken, and gave His disciples the Sacrament of the true Passover; for after Judas was gone out from them He took bread," etc. S. Athanasius: 6 "We, my beloved, the shadow having re- ceived its fulfilment, and the types being accomplished, should no longer consider the feast a figurative feast, neither should we go up to Jerusalem which is beneath to sacrifice the Passover. . . . Our Saviour, since He was changing the typical for the spiritual, promised them that they should no longer eat the flesh of a lamb, but His own, saying, ' Take, eat and drink, this is My Body and My Blood.' When we are then nourished by these things, we shall also, my be- loved, properly keep the feast of the Passover." S. Hilary, 7 A.D. 354, speaking of the Institution: "The Passover is celebrated by the taking of the Cup, and the breaking of the Bread." S. Gregory Nazianzen : 8 " We shall now still par- 1 1 Cor. xi. 26. 2 Hebr. xiii. 10. 3 Serm. viii. Works, vol. i. p. 149 ; Oxf. 1842. 4 Horn, xviii. in Hierem. 13, torn. xv. p. 343. Compare S. Jerome : " Let us reject Jewish fables, and go up with the Lord into the large upper room, furnished and cleansed, and let us receive from Him up there the cup of the new testament, and keeping there with Him the Passover let us be inebriated with the wine of soberness." Ep. ad. Hedib. c. ii. torn. ii. p. i. col. 172. 5 Serm. xiv. de Pasch. 4, p. 341 ; Rom. 1756. Compare with S. Jerome also in the text. 6 Festal Epistles, Ep. iv. p. 34, Engl. Tr. ; Oxf. 1854. 7 Comm. in S. Matth. c. xxx. n. 2, coL 740, ed. Ben. 8 Orat. xlii. Opp. torn. i. p. 692. 18 THE SACRAMENT OF THE BODY. [CHAP. 1. take of the Passover typically, though more plainly than [they partook of] the old (for the legal Passover (I venture and say it) was a more obscure type of a type) ; ere long, however, more perfectly and purely, when the Word shall drink that new [wine] with us in the kingdom of the Father." S. Jerome, 1 of the Institution : " After the typical Passover had been finished, and He had eaten the flesh of the lamb with the Apostles, He takes Bread, which strengthened man's heart, and passes over to the true Sacrament of the Passover." S. Gaudentius : 2 " This sacrifice of the salutary Passover do ye all receive with us, going forth from the power of Egypt and Pharaoh." S. Chrysostom 3 calls it " our " Pass- over, and says (speaking of the Institution), " At the same table both Passovers are celebrated, both that of the type and that of the reality." S. Augustine : 4 " One thing is the Jews' circumcision of the flesh, but another that which we celebrate on the eighth day of the baptized ; and one thing is the Passover which they still celebrate off a sheep ; but an- other thatwhich we receive in the Body and Blood of the Lord." " The Eucharist now in the Gospel," says Bishop Andrews, 5 "is that the Passover was under the Law, the antitype answering to their type of the Paschal lamb. It is plain by the immediate passage of it from the one to the other, that no sooner done, than this begun. Look, how soon the Paschal lamb eaten, presently the holy Eucharist instituted to succeed in the place of it for ever. ... It is not mental thinking or verbal speaking, there must be actually some- what done to celebrate this memory. That done to the holy symbols that was done to Him, to His Body and His Blood in the Passover ; break the one, pour out the other, to repre- sent how His sacred Body was ' broken,' and how His pre- cious Blood was 'shed.' . . . This is it in the Eucharist that answereth to the Sacrifice in the Passover, the memorial to the figure." 8. THE SACRAMENT OF THE BODY (OR FLESH) AND BLOOD OF CHRIST, THE SACRAMENT OF THE EUCHARIST, THE SACRA- MENT OF THE LORD'S TABLE, THE SACRAMENT OF THE ALTAR. (1.) THE SACRAMENT OF THE BODY, etc. This was very common in the early writers; e.g. S. Hilary, 6 refuting an 1 Comm. in S. Matt., L. iv. (c. xxvi.) torn. iv. p. i. col. 128. 2 Serin, ii. p. 45 ; Pat. 1720. 3 De Prod. Judae, Horn. i. torn. ii. pp. 451, 2. 4 C. Litt. PetiL L. ii. c. xxxvi. n. 87, torn. xii. col. 316. 6 Serai, vii., Of the Resurr., Works, col. ii. p. 299 ; Oxf. 1841. 6 De Trin. L. viii. c. 17, col. 957. SECT. II.] THE SACRAMENT OF THE EUCHARIST, ETC. 19 argument against the doctrine of the Trinity, founded upon the doctrine of our union with God, points out that it pro- ceeds on the assumption that " no natural and proper com- munion is granted to us through the Sacrament of the Flesh and Blood." S. Gaudentius : x " When he says that it (the Passover) is to be eaten in haste, he commands that we receive not the Sacrament of the Lord's Body and Blood with sluggish heart and languid mouth, but with all eagerness of mind, as truly hungering and thirsting after righteousness." Very often also the Consecrated Elements are severally called the Sacrament of the Body (or Flesh), and the Sacrament of the Blood or Cup. S. Hilary 2 teaches that Christ, " under the Sacrament of the Flesh to be imparted to us, hath united the nature of His Flesh to the nature of His Eternal Being." S. Augustine : 3 " As therefore in some wise the Sacrament of the Body of Christ is the Body of Christ, the Sacrament of the Blood of Christ is the Blood of Christ, so the Sacra- ment of faith is faith." S. Cyprian, 4 relating what occurred at the Communion of an infant : " The little one . . . refused the Cup. The Deacon nevertheless persisted and poured into her mouth, though struggling against it, of the Sacrament of the Cup." Hence such expressions as to give and receive, etc., the Sacraments, though the Eucharist only be meant. Thus S. Laurence the Deacon, entreating Xystus, his Bishop, to allow him to share his martyrdom : " Dost thou deny a fellowship in thy blood to one to whom thou hast committed ... a fellowship in the consummation of the Sacraments ?" 5 (2.) THE SACRAMENT OF THE EUCHARIST. Tertullian: 6 " The Sacrament of the Eucharist, which was commanded at the time of taking food, and to all, we receive even at our meetings before dawn, and from the hand of none but those who are set over us." (3.) THE SACRAMENT OF THE LORD'S TABLE. S. Augus- tine, 7 in a sermon preached on Easter Day to newly baptized children : " I had promised to you who have been baptized a sermon in which I should explain the Sacrament of the Lord's Table, which ye even now see, and of which last night ye were made partakers." L p. 2 De Trin. L. viii. c. 13, col. 954. 3 Ep. xcviii. ad Bonif. 9, torn. ii. coL 351. 4 De Lapsis, p. 132. 5 S. Ambr. De Offic. Min. L. i. c. xli. n. 214, torn. iv. p. 404. De Cor. Mil. c. iii. torn. iv. p. 293. T Serin, ccxxvii. torn. vii. col. 973. 20 THE SACRAMENT OF THE ALTAR. [CHAP. T. (4.) THE SACRAMENT OF THE ALTAR. S. Augustine : "When this life shall have passed away, we shall neither seek that bread which hunger seeks, nor have we to receive the Sacrament of the Altar; because then we shall be with Christ, whose Body we receive." 1 " This is the sacri- fice of Christians ; we being many, are one body in Christ ; 2 which also the Church celebrates in the Sacrament of the Altar, well known to the faithful ; wherein it is shown to her that in that very thing which she offers she is herself offered." 3 Our Eeformers seem to have encouraged the use of this name of the Holy Eucharist before they found the difficulty of correcting popular errors respecting " the sacrifices of Masses," 4 while the word " altar" remained in common use. For example, the Injunctions of Edward VL, A.D. 1547, require a certain amount of religious knowledge before a person can "receive the blessed Sacrament of the Altar." 5 An Act of Parliament 6 and a Proclamation 7 of the same year denounce those who " deprave and revile the holy Sacrament of the Body and Blood of our Lord, commonly called the Sacrament of the Altar." In Mary's reign it was much used, perhaps affected, by Romanists, where we should have ex- pected them to speak of the Mass. 8 In classical Latin the word sacramentum meant any solemn or legal pledge or gage, and therefore an oath, especially the oath of fidelity and obedience taken by soldiers. Hence it was most aptly applied to the " solemn promise and vow" of allegiance made by Christians at their Baptism, and renewed in the holy Eucharist, to the Captain of their salvation. Pliny had doubtless heard something of this Sacrament that led him to tell the Emperor that the Christians at their reli- gious assemblies " bound themselves by an oath (sacramento), not to the perpetration of any crime, but that they would not commit thefts, robberies, or adulteries, that they would not break their word, or deny a deposit, when challenged." 9 The primary sense of the word is preserved in that saying of 1 Serm. lix. n. 6, torn. vii. coL 344. 2 Rom. xii. 5. 3 De Civ. Dei, L. x. c. vi. torn. ix. col. 319. 4 The Thirty-first Article of Religion. 6 Cardwell's Documentary Annals of the Reformed Church of England, vol. i. pp. 10, 27, ed. 1844. 6 1 Edw. VL cap. i., Dec. 20, A.D. 1547. 7 Doc. Ann. vol. i. p. 35. It bears date Dec. 27. 8 See Bonner's Artt. of Visit. Doc. Ann. voL i. pp. 140, 141, 148, 157 ; and Pole's Artt. ibid. p. 206. 9 Lib. x. Ep. xcvii. p. 566 ; Lips. 1805. SECT. II.] OF THE NUMBER OF SACRAMENTS. 21 Tertulliau i 1 " We were called to the warfare of the Living God at the time when we answered to the words of the sacrament (oath)." Similarly Arnobius : 2 " Children would rather he disinherited by their parents than break their Christian faith, and give up the sacraments (oaths) of the warfare of salvation." In course of time, however, the original meaning was lost sight of, and a sacrament was held to be the visible symbol or expression of any work of grace or of any sacred truth. " It is too long," says S. Augustine, " to discuss suitably the variety of signs, which, when they relate to Divine things, are called sacraments." z And again, of the Bread and the Cup : " Those things are therefore called Sacraments, because in them one thing is seen, another understood." 4 Hence early writers spoke of the Sacraments of the Mosaic Law ; 5 of the Sacraments of the Prophets ; 6 of the Sacrament (of salt) received by the Catechumen, 7 etc. In the sense of a significant religious ceremony, sacrament was equivalent to the Greek mystery, and it is the rendering of that word in the Vulgate. From these causes it further came to pass that Latin writers employed it in other senses of the word mystery. Hence we read of the Sacrament of unity ; 8 the Sacrament of eternal life ; 9 of our salvation 10 (the Cross) ; and the Gospel 11 itself, and again its higher and more mysterious doctrines 12 are called Sacraments. It will be seen from this, that although we may inquire to how many rites this appellation is given by a particular Church, any dispute about the number to which it might lawfully be given is very idle. This was clearly understood in England some years before the reformation in doctrine took place. In 1540 sundry questions respecting the Sacra- ments, supposed to have been drawn up by Cranmer, were laid before several Bishops and Divines. To the question, What is a Sacrament by the Scripture ? many replied that " Where in the Latin text we have sacrament, there in the Greek we have mysterion" and inferred the scriptural sense 1 Ad. Mart. c. iii. vol. iv. p. 60. 2 Adv. Gentes, L. ii. p. 345 ; Vesont. 1838. 3 Ep. cxxxviii. ad Marcell. 7, torn. ii. coL 538. * Serm. cclxxi. torn. vii. col. 1104. 6 S. Aug. Ad. Hieron. Ep. xl. torn. ii. col. 114 ; Cont. Mendac. c. xii. u. 26, torn. vii. col. 1808, etc. 6 Id. Contr. Faust. L. xix. c. xvi. torn. x. col. 385. 7 Id. De Catech. Rud. 50, torn. xi. col. 694. 8 S. Cypr. Ep. Ixxiii. p. 203. 9 Id. Ep. Ixxiii. p. 205. 10 Id. Ep. Ixxvi. p. 231. 11 Tertull. De Pnescr. Hier. c. xxvi. torn. ii. p. 25. 12 Ibid. p. 24, c. xxxii. p. 32, etc. 22 OF THE NUMBER OF SACRAMENTS. [CHAP. I. of it from that, viz., " a mystery or hid thing." To the ques- tion, How many Sacraments there be by the Scripture ? all agreed in answering that " there is no certain number of Sacraments by Scripture, but even as many as there be mysteries." It was pointed out that of rites only Matrimony was therein so called, viz., Eph. v. 32; some remarked that the mystery of the Incarnation, and of our Eedemption, and of the Seven Stars in the Apocalypse, etc., were called Sacra- ments. To the question whether this word Sacrament is, or ought to be, attributed to the Seven only, two out of fifteen maintained that it ought. But all allowed that " there is no determined number of Sacraments spoken of in the old authors." 1 Nevertheless, seven years later, the Council of Trent 2 enacted a decree, by which any one " who shall say that the Sacraments of the New Law " are " either more or less than seven " is declared accursed. Our own Church is far less arbitrary, although it must be confessed that she has erred somewhat in the same direction. In the Twenty-fifth Article of Religion, a strong desire is evinced to restrict the common application of the name to those two Sacraments which are recorded in the Gospels to have been ordained by Christ Himself, even to the exclusion of Confirmation and Orders, though practised under Divine guidance, and with an out- ward visible sign, by His Apostles. But, at the same time, the more general signification of the word is not really excluded. For that Article, as revised in 1562, after declar- ing that " there are two Sacraments ordained of Christ our Lord in the Gospel, that is to say, Baptism and the Supper of the Lord," proceeds to explain that those five other rites, " commonly called Sacraments," are not to be counted for Sacraments of the Gospel, as not having " like nature of Sacraments " with the first two, for that they have " not any visible sign or ceremony ordained of God." A definition is implied of a somewhat arbitrary kind, and it is affirmed that only two ordinances satisfy that definition. Other sacred rites have been, and may be, called Sacraments, but they have not "the like nature of Sacraments" with those to which it is desired in common usage to confine the name ; they are not Sacraments in the same full sense and eminent propriety. The Article is elucidated by a reference to the language of the Second Book of Homilies, 3 published about 1 Burnet's Hist. Ref. B. iii. Record No. 21 ; qq. 1-4, see also Strype's Cranmer, B. i. App. nn. 27, 28. 2 Sess. vii. De Sacram. Can. i. 3 Of Common Prayer and Sacraments. SECT. II.] OF THE NAME OF M YSTERIES. 23 a year later : " Now . . . you stall hear how many Sacra- ments there be that were instituted by our Saviour Christ, and are to be continued and received of every Christian." After showing that there are only two of this kind, it pro- ceeds : " Therefore neither it (Orders) nor any other Sacra- ment else, be such Sacraments as Baptism and the Communion are. But in a general acceptation, the name of a Sacrament may be attributed to anything whereby a holy thing is signified. In which understanding of the word the ancient writers have given this name, not only to the other five, commonly of late years taken and used for supplying the number of the seven Sacraments, but also to divers and sundry other ceremonies, as to oil, washing of feet, and such like, not meaning thereby to repute them as Sacraments in the same signification that the two forenamed Sacraments are." 1 The Catechism, A.D. 1604, follows in the same track, not condemning a wider application of the name, but teach- ing that there are only two Sacraments which are ordained by Christ, and are " generally necessary to salvation." There is but one instance of the direct use of the word in its larger acceptation in any document of present authority, viz., in the Homily against Swearing and Perjury, 1547, which speaks of " the Sacrament of Matrimony." The Catechism of Cranmer, which appeared in the year following, also "asserts, besides the two Sacraments of Baptism and the Lord's Supper, the power of reconciling sinners to God as a third." 2 The limited definitionVould exclude this ; because, though the power was given by Christ, He did not ordain any significant form or action to be employed in the exercise of it. 9. THE MYSTERIES.] The higher religious celebrations of the Greeks at Eleusis, and in many of their cities, were called mysteries. As only the initiated (mystse) were allowed to attend them, it was natural that the rites of Christian wor- ship, at which the baptized only were present, should be spoken of under the same name. This was the more likely to occur, as the word was already freely applied in the New Testament to the " deep and secret things " " which from the beginning of the world had been hid in God," but were now revealed unto men through the manifestation of His Son in the flesh. As mysterium had been borrowed by the Eomans, and even 1 Of Common Prayer and Sacraments. 2 Burnet's Hist, of Reform. P. ii. B. i p. 71. 24 OF THE NAME OF MYSTERIES. [CHAP. I. applied to their own sacred rites, 1 it naturally fell into the same use among the Latin Christians as among the Greek. The name was frequently given to the two great Sacra- ments of the Gospel ; as by the writer De Mysteriis? who prefaces a discourse on Baptism and Holy Communion by these words : " The time now waras me to speak of the Mysteries, and to set forth the nature itself of the Sacra- ments." By S. Chrysostom: 3 "Water and Blood came forth. Not without meaning, or by chance, did those springs well forth, but because the Church is formed from them both ; and the initiated know it, being regenerated through water and nourished by Flesh and Blood. Thence the Mysteries take their rise." Most frequently, however, the name is given to the Holy Communion only. Thus S. Augustine : 4 " At the sacred Mysteries we are bidden to lift up our hearts." Another : 5 " The side of Christ brought forth for us the mystic gifts, Water and Blood, of which the one is the symbol of the Laver, the other the pledge of the Mysteries." The word mystery is also common in this sense in the early Liturgies ; as, for example, in that of S. Mark : " We thank thee ... for the reception of the holy . . . Mysteries ;" 6 in the Mozarabic : " Eeceive the kiss of love and peace, that ye may be fit for the most holy Mysteries of God." 7 In the Leonian and Gelasian Sacramentaries : " Make them worthy, to whom Thou grantest to be partakers of so great a mystery;" " Let the holy Mysteries purify us, Lord." 8 From this last source, through the Gregorian revision, the word came into the Latin Liturgies of the early English Church, and through them into the Office which we now use : " So shall ye be meet partakers of those holy Mysteries ; " " We heartily thank Thee for that Thou dost vouchsafe to feed us, who have duly received these holy Mysteries with," etc. Sometimes the ancients called this holy Sacrament em- phatically The Mystery, in the singular number. St. Athan- 1 Thus Cicero speaks of ' ' the Roman mysteries. " Epp. ad Attic. L. vi. E. i. sub Jin. 2 Cap. i. n. 2, inter Opp. Ambros. torn. v. p. 183. See Oudin. Script. Eccles. torn. i. col. 1827. 3 Homil. Ixxxv. in S. Johan. 3, torn. viii. p. 578. 4 De Bon. Viduit. c. xv. n. 20, torn. xi. col. 813. 6 Scriptor ad Chrysost. sevum accedens, inter Chrys. Opp. torn. viii. p. 895 ; Sav. torn. v. p. 859. 6 Renaudot. Liturg. Orient, torn. i. p. 163 ; Par. 1716. 7 Missal. Mozar. a Lesleo, torn. i. p. 227 ; Rom. 1755. 8 Liturg. Rom. Vet. Muratorii, torn. i. coll. 383, 698, et passim, compare Sacram. Greg. torn. ii. coll. 165, 6, etc. ; Ven. 1748. SECT. II.] OF THE NAME OF SYNAXIS. 25 asius, 1 for example, in a synopsis of the 26th chapter of the Gospel of S. Matthew : " The disciples are sent to prepare the Passover. Christ rebukes Judas. He delivers the Mystery." S. Gregory 2 of Nazianzum : " Jesus Himself in the upper room imparted of the Mystery to those initiated in the higher things." Paula and Eustochium, in the fourth century, call it " the Christian Mystery in the Body and Blood of the Saviour." 3 The compiler of the Catena on S. Mark ascribed to Victor of Antioch " the Mystery of the New Testament." 4 1 0. SYNAXIS.] This word means congregation or assembly, and is equivalent to synagogue. As it is only found in Christian writers, we may conclude that it was expressly chosen by them to distinguish their own assemblies from those of the Jews. The restricted and peculiar use of it arose from the fact that the celebration of the holy Eucharist was at the earliest period the only occasion on which the Church assembled. They might go up to the Temple at the hours of prayer, or pray together in their own houses, but all who believed in the same city would meet together in one place for the Holy Communion, the one distinctive rite of ordinary Christian worship. There is reason to think that when persecution had ceased, and prayers without a celebra- tion were said in the churches, this name of Synaxis was given especially to those more solemn assemblies at which the Sacrament was celebrated. This at least seems implied by S. Chrysostom, 5 when he speaks of "the awful mysteries . . . which are celebrated at every Synaxis." We might gather the same thing from Socrates, 6 when he tells us that at Alexandria, on Wednesdays and Fridays, by ancient custom, the Scriptures were read and interpreted, and " all things done that belong to a Synaxis, except the celebration of the Mysteries." Hence to separate from the Synaxis was to excommunicate, and the phrase is so used by Theophilus 7 of Alexandria, A.D. 385. The full appropriation of the word to the Mysteries was probably only local, or perhaps in some degree an affectation. It is always used in this sense by pseudo-Dionysius, 8 who puts and answers the question, why 1 Synopsis Script. Opp. torn. ii. p. 124 ; Colon. 1686. 2 Orat. xliv. in S. Pentec. torn. i. p. 713. 3 Ad Marcell. inter Epp. S. Hieronym, n. xliv. torn. iv. p. ii. coL 547. 4 Ed. Cramer, p. 422 ; Oxon. 1840. 6 Horn. xxv. in S. Matt. 3, torn. vii. p. 352. 6 Hist. Eccl. L. v. c. xxii. p. 235 ; Par. 1686. 7 Bever. Pand. torn. ii. p. 375. 8 Eccl. Hier. c. iii. sect. i. Opp. torn. i. p. 282 ; Antv. 1634. In medi- 26 OF THE NAME OF HOL Y THING, ETC. [CHAP. I. that which is common to many rites (as they all bring people together) should by implication be " ascribed to the Eucharist especially, and that alone be called Communion and Synaxis ?" He gives the mystical reason, that the Eucharist is the means of spiritual union, and in this he has been followed by others, as by John Maro : l " It is called Synaxis, because it gathers together the several lives that are in us, and other things that are divided, and unites them with the one God." 11. THE HOLY (things, or perhaps Mysteries or Gifts, understood).] The consecrated elements, rather than the celebration, are to be understood by this term. In all the Oriental Liturgies the people were invited to draw near and receive, by the exclamation, " Holy [things] for the holy." In the Mozarabic 2 the same expression occurs in the same place of the Liturgy, but it now begins a short prayer said by the Priest in a low voice. It is found in the Liturgy in the Apostolic Constitutions, 3 and has the testimony of S. Cyril 4 of Jerusalem, "After that (i.e. after the Lord's Prayer) the Priest says, Holy things for the holy. The (gifts) lying in view (on the altar) are holy, being consecrated by the coming on to them of the Holy Ghost ; and ye are holy, being graced by (the gift of) the Holy Ghost." It was doubtless from this rite, so early, and, at one time, universal, that the sacramental Body and Blood of Christ came to be called the Holy Things. The earliest example is in a Greek inscription once in the wall of an ancient cemetery at Autun, and not later than the close of the second century, " Receive the honey- sweet (food) of the Holy Things of the Saviour. Eat, drink, having IX6Y2 5 in thy hands." 6 Dionysius 7 the Great, A.D. seval Latin, synaxis, from having signified, when first borrowed from the East, the gathering of the monks to their prayers, came at length to be applied to the cursus or Office of Prayer used at the canonical hours. Thus in the Exceptions of Ecgbriht : " The holy fathers ordained the synaxis to be sung, which the clergy ought to sing every day at proper hours. The first is the nocturnal synaxis, etc. These seven synaxes we ought daily to offer to God with great concern for ourselves and for all Christian people." Johnson, vol. i. p. 189 ; see also Ducange in v. 1 Expos. Minist. ObL c. ii. n. i. Assem. Cod. Lit. torn. v. p. 231. 2 Leslie, torn. i. p. 232. 3 L. viii. c. xiii. Patr. Apost. Cotelerii, torn. i. p. 404. 4 Catech. Myst. v. c. xvi. p. 300. 6 That is, Jesus ; this word, the Greek for fish, being composed of the first letters of the Greek words which we should render, "Jesus Christ, Son of God, Saviour." 6 The original is given, with remarks, by Dr. Pusey, Doctrine of the Real Presence from the Fathers, p. 337. 1 Euseb. Hist. Eccl. L. vii. c. ix. p. 208. SECT. II.] OF THE NAME OF GOOD THING, ETC. 27 247, of a fearful communicant, "I bade him take courage, and with firm faith and a good conscience come to the reception of the Holy Things." With S. Basil 1 "to be received to the Holy Things," is to be received to Com- munion. There was a similar use of the singular. Thus S. Cyprian, 2 A.D. 251, says of a certain unworthy communi- cant, " He could not eat and handle the Holy Thing of the Lord ; he found on opening his hands that he was holding a cinder." 1 2. THE GOOD THING.] The holy Eucharist is so called, says Suicer, 3 because therein, "in a mystery, we receive Christ Himself, in whom are all the treasures of good things, and Who alone is truly good." It was probably only a local usage. S. Basil, A.D. 370, orders certain offenders to be " cut off from the communion of the Good Thing," 4 and permits penitents, after going through several stages of proba- tion, to be restored to "the communion of the Good Thing." 5 13. THE PERFECT THING, or PERFECTION.] This also seems to have been partial. The holy Eucharist was so called because it was the goal to which the Catechumen or the Penitent looked forward, when the course of their training and discipline should be complete, and because to partake of it is to enjoy the fulness of Christian privilege, and spiritual grace and blessing in the largest measure vouchsafed here. The phrase is frequently used in the Canons of the Council of Ancyra, in Galatia, A.D. 314; e.g. of certain Penitents the Council decrees that " for one year they shall be Hearers, for three years Prostrators, that for two years they shall com- municate in prayer, and then attain to the Perfect Thing" (or, " to Perfection "), i.e. to the holy Eucharist. Connected with the above is the title PERFECTION OF PER- FECTIONS, or FULFILMENT OF FULFILMENT. It is so called, says John Maro, 7 a Syrian writer, " because it embraces and includes all perfections. Also Jesus Himself, who is the Lord of Mysteries, perfects and completes the other Mysteries hid and veiled under the mystic species in this. Moreover, because through it we are united with Him who is absolutely perfect." 1 Ep. ad Amphiloch. Can. Ivii. Bever. Pandect, torn. ii. p. 144. 2 De Lapsis, p. 133; Sim. p. 132; and, less openly, De Unit. Eccl. p. 110. 3 Thesaur. Eccles. in v. 'Ayados. 4 Can. Iv. Bever. Pandect, torn. ii. p. 113. 6 Can. xxii. p. 79, and Can. Ixxv. p. 127. 6 Can. iv. Pandect, torn. i. p. 379 ; Sim. Caun. v. ix. xx. xxii. xxiii. 7 Expos. Minist. Obi. c. ii. n. iii. Assem. torn. v. p. 232. CHAPTEE II. fonbitionjs of Communion. SECTION I. Of the Notice of Intention to Communicate. RUBRIC I. PARAGRAPH 7. 1 So many as intend to be partakers of the Holy Com- munion shall signify their names to & the Curate at least some time *the day before. a THE CURATE.] The Curate is the clerk who has the wire of souls in a parish or other ecclesiastical district, whether he be the incumbent or the duly appointed and licensed substitute for an absent or incapable incumbent. In the language of the Canon Law, Bishops and Arch- deacons are also curates, 1 and a Perpetual Curate is defined to be " such as the Bishop in his Diocese, the Rector and Vicar in his Parish, and whoever else has a perpetual title to a benefice to which the cure of souls is attached." 2 The Archdeacon was considered to have the cure of souls, and was therefore a Curate, because it was a part of his duty to punish Presbyters whom he found neglecting to teach their people the Creeds, the Commandments, the two Evangelical Precepts, etc., and to compel them to make good their omis- sions. 3 Those whom we now more commonly call Curates are more properly (at least when the incumbent is not resident) "temporary Vicars." 4 They were also distinguished from the beneficed Clergy by the title of " Parish Priests." 5 b THE DAY BEFORE.] In the two Books of Edward and the Scotch Liturgy, A.D. 1637, it was ordered that those who 1 Job. de Athona in Constit. Othon. gloss. Confessores, p. 15 ; Oxf. 1679. Unttsquisque Curatus, sc. Episcopus, Archidiaconus, et Hector Paro- chialis. 2 Lyndwood, Provinciate, L. v. tit. 5, gl. perpetuum, p. 289 ; Oxf. 1679. 3 Constit. Peckham, Lyndwood, L. i. tit. 10, p. 51. 4 Constit. Arundel, Lyndwood, L. v. tit. 5, p. 291. 5 Ibid, and see gl. Vic. Temp. SECT. I.] NOTICE OF INTENTION TO COMMUNICATE. 29 intended to communicate should " signify their names to the Curate (Scotch Liturgy, Presbyter or Curate) overnight, or else in the morning upon the beginning of Matins (2 B. E. and Sc. L., of Morning Prayer) or immediately after." The Latin version of Haddon, published under the Queen's autho- rity in 1560, renders the last words as if they meant " imme- diately after the beginning of the Morning Prayer" Such an interruption of the service could not, however, have been intended, and the natural sense of the words presents no difficulty. When the Eubric was framed, there was a con- siderable interval between Matins and the Celebration. We are told by Heylyn that the " ancient practice of the Church of England " was for " the Morning Prayer or Matins to begin between six and seven ; the Second Service or Communion Service not till nine or ten ;" which custom, he affirms, con- tinued in his time (1637) "in the Cathedral Church of Win- chester, in that of Southwell, and perhaps some others." 1 When Grindall was Archbishop of York, he issued an order, 1571, that "the Minister should not pause or stay between the Morning Prayer, Litany, and Communion, but continue and say the Morning Prayer, Litany, and Communion, or the Service appointed to be said when there is no Communion, together, without any intermission." 2 Cosin, writing in the reign of Charles I., remarked with Heylyn, that it was " the common custom in all or most places to read the Morning Service and the Communion Service both at one time ;" and as this custom was " crossed " by the present Rubric, he sug- gested that " a direction was wanting what space of time was to be allowed between the two Services." 3 A different remedy was, however, provided at the last Review. It seems that Cosin himself then proposed to insert the words two days before at least, but the alteration of the Rubric to that effect in his hand is cancelled, and the words " at least some time the day before " substituted in the writing of Sancroft, 4 who acted as secretary to the Commissioners. The intention of the notice required is to give the Curate the opportunity of acting as directed by the subsequent para- graph of the same Rubric, should any person of vicious life, or not in charity, propose to communicate. 1 Antidotum Lincolniense, iii. ch. x. p. 61. 2 Works, p. 137 ; Camb. 1843. Doc. Ann. No. Ixxvi. vol. i. p. 371. 3 Particulars to be Considered, No. 43, Works, vol. v. p. 512 ; Oxf. 1855. 4 Cosin, u.8. note. The reference is to " a Book of Common Prayer of the year 1619, corrected and altered throughout in Bp. Cosin's hand, with further correction made in Sancroft's handwriting." Pref. xxL 30 OF THE TIME OF THE CELEBRATION. [CHAP. II. A previous notice was also required in the Consultation of Hermann, 1 Archbishop of Cologne, which was held in great esteem by our Reformers ; but the object with him was rather to secure due preparation : " We will that the pastors admit no man to the Lord's Supper, which hath not first offered himself to them, and that after he hath first made a confession of his sins, being catechised, he receive absolution according to the Lord's word." For this purpose they were to resort to the Church the evening before, where, after a " public institution of them " by exhortation, psalm-singing, etc., " a private instruction was to follow of all, one by one." SECTION II. Of the Time of the Celebration, and of Fasting before Reception. We might infer from the order that a desire to communi- cate should be notified to the Curate " at least some time the day before," that the celebration would take place in the earlier part of the day. This was secured by the order of Grindall that there should be no pause between the Services. There is no express law on the subject in our Rubrics or later Canons, simply because the need of prohibiting after- noon or evening celebrations could not have occurred to those who framed them. It was the universal rule and practice derived from primitive times, to celebrate in the morning only (except at certain seasons specified by autho- rity), and I am not aware that before the present age any Priest of our Church ever desired to break through a rule so venerable from its antiquity and wholesome in its effect. When holy men, in the fresh feelings of the early morning, fasting, and as yet undisturbed by any earthly care, can hardly venture to draw near, or think themselves meet par- takers of those holy Mysteries, what madness is it to invite and urge, as some have done, the half-taught and half-reli- gious multitude to come at a time when many are oppressed with meat and drink, and all have been long exposed to the distractions and excitements that in our waking hours are ever beating in upon the soul through every avenue of sense. Those who value the gift of God enough to profit by it will delight to seek it early : while generally those whom men would allure by a late celebration are not such as would re- ceive with profit. Too often the Sacrament is dishonoured, and the devout are scandalized, only to minister to the indol- 1 Engl. Transl. fol. 195 fa. 1, fol. 200 fa. 2; Loud. 1548. SECT. II.] AT FIRST AFTER THE AGAPE. 31 ence or to humour the self-will of the unworthy. Surely both Priest and people may well consider lest in this there should be a dangerous contempt of our Lord's awful warning, that we " give not that which is Holy unto the dogs, neither cast our pearls before swine." That many do and will par- take unworthily, at whatever hour we celebrate, is unavoid- able ; but woe unto us if we needlessly increase the risk of such a profanation. The Holy Eucharist was instituted after the Paschal Supper, and it was probably in imitation of this that at first the Celebration took place (whether invariably or not we cannot tell) in the evening, after a common supper of the rich and poor, the love-feast of S. Jude, 1 and so called because it was a sign and pledge of mutual love and charity. That the Celebration took place after the feast, is evident from the abuse corrected by S. Paul at Corinth. The rich there, providing the chief materials for the feast, would not always wait for the poor, who having less leisure were more likely to come late, and " every one took before other his own supper," so that in the end " one was hungry and another drunken." 2 Had the Eucharist been celebrated first, all must have been present when the feast began. As a partial remedy for the time, S. Paul directed that all should " tarry one for another," and that " if any hungered he should eat at home;" but promised to " set the rest in order when he came." 3 The result appears to show that he afterwards put the Celebration before the love-feast ; for although there are many allusions to the latter in early writers, the fore- going passage is the only one extant in which it is implied that it came first. At Troas, 4 a year or two later, according to the received chronology, when he had preached to the disciples assembled on the Lord's day, he " broke bread " (in the Eucharist), and after that "made a meal" 5 (at the love- feast or agape). NOT can it be doubted that, even in the Apostles' time, the further precaution was taken of severing the dangerous con- nexion (as it had proved) between the feast and Sacrament. This may certainly be inferred from the well-known letter of Pliny to Trajan, written in 104, only four years at the most after the death of S. John, 6 in which he gives the i Ep. v. 12. 2 1 Cor. xi. 21. 3 1 Cor. xi. 33, 34. * Acts xx. 7, 11. 5 " rfva-dfjifvos, ' having made a meal' The agape was a veritable meal. Not ' having tasted it.' . . . Usage decides for the other meaning." Alford in loco. 6 The date 100 for his death is an inference from the fact that Eusebius 32 THE AGAPE AND COMMUNION SEPARATED. [CHAP. IT. Emperor information respecting the worship of the Christians, then becoming numerous in his Proconsulate. They were " accustomed to meet on a set day, before it was light, and sing a hymn together alternately to Christ as God, and to bind themselves by a Sacrament" (see before, p. 20) to commit no crime, "which things being done, they were wont to depart, and to meet again to take food, in common, however." 1 From this time, in short, we never hear of them together ; the Eucharist being generally celebrated in the morning, and the love-feast held in the evening. Of the former, Tertullian, contrasting the institution and the prac- tice of his day, says, " The Sacrament of the Eucharist, which was commanded by the Lord both at a meal-time, and to all, we receive in assemblies held even before dawn." 2 In S. Cyprian's time a few sectaries used water only at their morning Celebrations, from an affectation of abstemiousness, but offered " the mixed Cup " at supper, justifying the latter practice by an appeal to our Lord's example. The Saint's in his Chronicon quotes at that date a statement from Irenseus (L. ii. c. 2, 5, p. 359 ; see also L. iii. c. 3, 4, p. 436) that he dwelt at Ephesus till the time of Trajan ; but the Chronicle of Alexandria says expressly that he lived seventy-two years after the Passion, and puts his death in the seventh year of Trajan, i.e. in 104 of the common era, the very year in which Pliny wrote. See Tillemont, Mem. Eccl. note xv. sur S. Jean, torn. L p. 276 ; Brux. 1732. 1 Epp. L. x. E. xcvii. p. 566 ; Lips. 1805. Tertullian gives the follow- ing account of the Feast of Charity : " Our supper shows its nature by its name. It is called that which is Love among the Greeks. However great its expense, it is gain to incur expense in the name of piety ; see- ing that we help the poor also by that refreshment. ... It (the manage- ment of the Feast) admits nothing base, nothing immodest. They do not sit down before prayer to God be first tasted. As much is eaten as hungry men take ; as much drunk as is good for the chaste. They are so filled as those who remember that even in the night they have to worship God. They so converse as those who know that the Lord hears them. After water for the hands, and lights, as each is able from the holy Scriptures or of his own mind, he is called into the midst to sing unto God. ... In the same manner prayer puts an end to the feast. 1 ' Tertull. ApoL c. xxxix. torn. v. p. 76. The reference to prayer in the night, the mention of lights, and other things in the context not cited here, show (as Albaspinus points out, Observ. L. L n. xviii. p. 136) that these feasts took place in the evening. For a long time they took place in church, but abuse ensuing, this was forbidden by the Council of Laodicsea, A.D. 365, Can. xxviii. Pandect ii. p. 465, and by that in Trullo 691, Can. Ixxiv. p. 243. By the third Council of Carthage, 397, Can. xxx. Labb. ii. col. 1171, all feasting in church was forbidden, doubtless under the influence of S. Augustine, who had already urged to his Bishop the example of the Churches in the greater part of Italy and elsewhere, Ep. xxii. ad Aurel. 4, torn. ii. col. 37, and who had himself seen the success of a similar prohibition at Milan : Confess. L. vi. c. ii. torn. i. col. 139. 2 De Cor. Mil. c. iii. torn. iv. p. 293. SECT. IT.] OF. FASTING BEFORE COMMUNION. 33 reply shows what was the general rule of the Church in his time : " It behoved Christ to offer about the evening of the day, that the very hour itself of the Sacrament might set forth the decline and evening of the world . . . but we cele- brate the Eesurrection of the Lord in the morning." 1 The same distinction is observed by S. Gregory of Nazianzum, though he is less definite as to time : " He initiates the disciples in the Passover in an upper chamber, and after supper. . . . We (celebrate it) in houses of prayer, and before supper." 2 There was a considerable exception to this rule in Egypt, but it was regarded as blameworthy. " The Egyptians near Alexandria, and those who inhabit the Thebaid," says an historian of the fifth century, " have assemblies on the Sabbath, but do not partake of the Mysteries according to the custom of Christians ; for after feasting and filling themselves with all kinds of food (seeing they offer at eventide), they partake of the Mysteries." 3 This was blameworthy in two respects ; for the almost universal rule was to receive fasting, which at most seasons would itself secure an early hour for the Celebration. Thus Tertullian : 4 " Will not thy husband know what thou art tasting secretly before all (other) food ?" S. Basil, 5 of Priests : " It is not possible to venture on the sacred work (of celebration) without fasting." S. Chrysostom 6 bears witness to the strict observance of this rule, while he con- trasts it with the prevalent indulgence after Communion : " Before receiving thou fastest, that thou mayest by all means be found worthy of the Communion, but when thou hast received, and oughtest to increase temperance, thou undoest all." S. Augustine 7 affirms that the rule was universal : " It is perfectly clear that when the Disciples first received the Body and Blood of the Lord, they did not receive it fasting. But are we for that reason to cast reproach on the Universal Church, because it is always received by persons fasting ? For therefore did it please the Holy Ghost, that in honour of so great a Sacrament, the Body of the Lord should enter the mouth of a Christian before other food ; for on that account is this custom observed throughout the whole world." The same Father, however, informs us that there were some who, by way of more signal commemoration, offered and 1 Ep. Ixiii. p. 156. 2 Orat. xl. tom. i. p. 659. 3 Socrat. Hist. Eccl. L. v. c. xxii. p. 235. 4 Ad Ux. L. ii. c. v. tom. iii. p. 74. 6 Horn. i. de Jejun. tom. i. p. 325. Horn, xxvii. in 1 Cor. xi. 27, tom. x. p. 290. 7 Ep. liv. c. vi. torn. ii. col. 168. C 34 THE TIME OF THE CELEBRATION. [CHAP. II. received after taking food " on one set day in the year, to wit, that in which the Lord gave the Supper itself." 1 The exception was sanctioned (while the rule was affirmed) by the third Council of Carthage, 2 A.D. 397 ; but abolished by that in Trullo, 3 A.D. 691. The rule became a law in our own Church so early as 960 : " We charge that no man take the Housel after he hath broke his fast, except it be on account of extreme sickness." 4 As the Holy Communion has generally followed the Morning Prayer and Litany, the hour of celebration has varied greatly in our Church. At the last Eevision, Cosin proposed, without effect, that the Morning Prayer should be directed to be said between six and ten of the clock. 5 At that time, according to L'Estrange, 6 " the hour of Morning Prayer with us " was " nine in the forenoon." This, how- ever, had at an earlier period been the time of Holy Com- munion. " The usual hour for the solemnity of this service," observes Bishop Sparrow, 7 " was anciently (and so should be) nine of the clock in the morning. This is the Canonical Hour." Heylyn, 8 as already quoted, says : " This was the ancient practice of the Church of England. The Morn- ing Prayer or Matins to begin between six and seven ; the Second Service, or Communion Service, not till nine or ten, which distribution still continues in the Cathedral Church of Winchester, in that of Southwell, and perhaps some others." Sparrow refers to the old Canon Law, in which it was decreed, after the third Council of Orleans, 9 A.D. 538, that the Celebration should take place at the Third Hour (or nine o'clock), which, probably for this reason, was called the Sacred Hour, and in Italy the Golden Hour. 10 In the forged Decretals, published about the year 830, is an order ascribed to Telesphorus, the seventh Bishop of Eome, that, except on the eve of Christmas, masses should not be cele- brated "before the Third Hour," 11 i.e. before the office of Tierce. This supposed decree was probably, however, in many hands before pseudo-Isidore published his collection, 1 Ep. liv. c. vii. 2 Can. xxix. Labb. torn. ii. col. 1171. 3 Can. xxix. Pand. torn. i. p. 1 88. 4 K. Edgar's Laws, n. 36 ; Johnson, vol. i. p. 419. 6 Works, vol. v. p. 506, note. 6 Alliance, ch. iii. p. 102. 7 Rationale, p. 157, ed. 7. 8 Antid. Line. 3, ch. 10, p. 61. 9 Can. xiv. Labb. torn. v. col. 294 ; See Jus. Can. De Consecr. D. i. c. Et hoc. Sim. Gratian, P. iii. D. i. c. Iii. This decree says that " Masses are canonically performed at the Third Hour ; " and the only canon extant is that of Orleans. 10 Gavanti, Thesaur. P. i. tit. xv. p. 49 ; Antv. 1646. 11 C. ii. Labb. torn. i. col. 560. SECT. II.] THE TIME OF THE CELEBRATION. 35 for we find it cited, by Amalarius 1 in 827. The impostor, without doubt, only reflected the general practice of the province of Mayence, to which he seems to have belonged. The decree is again quoted by Strabo, 2 842. Both Amal- arius and Strabo ascribe the order to Telesphorus. At the end of the same century, it was a subject of inquiry at episcopal visitations, whether the Priest " celebrated Mas^s at the appointed time ; that is, about the Third Hour of the day." 3 Ascending in the order of time, we find Gregory 4 the Great saying of a Bishop, who celebrated almost daily, that he had " come to offer the sacrifice at the Third Hour." So Gregory of Tours, 5 A.D. 575, in the life of Nicetius, Bishop of Lyons, speaks of " the Third Hour when the people met at the solemnities of Masses." Sidonius Apollinaris, 6 A.D. 472, mentions a return to church " at the Third Hour, when the Divine service was to be performed by the Priests ; " which seems to be the earliest authentic mention of that hour. On fast-days a much later hour was fixed, even at an early period, from regard to a scruple (respecting which Tertullian 7 is our first authority) lest the fast should be broken by the reception. " There is an offering" (on Maundy Thursday), says S. Augustine, 8 " in the morning for the sake of those who dine . . . but at eventide for the sake of those who fast." S. Ambrose 9 says, that on most fast-days they had to " go to church, hymns were to be sung, the Obla- tion to be celebrated immediately at the hour of noon." His contemporary, S. Epiphanius, 10 in the East, says that on Wednesdays and Fridays throughout the year, the Liturgy was celebrated at the Ninth Hour, "because the faithful used to fast on those days." In the Capitula of Theodulf, A.D. 794, which were much used as an Episcopal charge in France and England (being translated into Saxon by Elfric in the tenth century), we have a similar rule for Lent : " It is requisite that after noon- song (nones, at the Ninth Hour, or 3 P.M.) a man hear Mass, and after Mass his even-song at the season . . . and afterwards take meat." 11 1 De EccL Off. L. iii. c. 42 ; Hitt. coL 438. - De Reb. Eccl. c. 23 ; Hitt. col. 685. 3 Regino De Eccl. Discipl. L. i. p. 10; Vienn. 1765. 4 In Evang. Horn, xxxvii. torn. iii. coL 134 ; Atitv. 1615. 6 Vitas Patrum, c. viii. xl col. 1196. 6 Lib. v. Ep. xvil ed Sirm. col. 148. 7 De Orat. c. xix. torn. iv. p. 14. 8 Ep. liv. c. vii. torn. ii. col. 169. 9 In Ps. cxviii. v. 62, viii. n. 48, torn. iii. p. 319. 10 Adv. Haer. L. iii. torn. ii. c. xxii. p. 1104 ; Par. 1622. 11 C. 39 ; Johnson's Canons, vol. i. p. 476. THE ORDER TO REPEL SINNERS. [CHAP. II. SECTION III. Of the Repulse of Notorious Sinners and Wrongdoers. RUBRIC I. PARAGRAPH II. ^ And if & any of those be an open and ^notorious evil liver, or have done any wrong to his neighbour by word or deed, so that the Congregation be thereby offended, the Curate having knowledge thereof shall call him and advertise him that in any wise he presume not to come to the c Lords Table until he hath openly declared himself to have d truly repented and amended his former naughty life, that e the Congregation may there- by be satisfied which before were offended, and that he hath recompensed the parties to whom he hath done wrong, or at least declare himself to be in full purpose so to do as soon as he conveniently may. a ANY OF THOSE.] That is, any of those who have signified their names to the Curate. The Rubric directs all to do so, but imposes no penalty for neglect. Nor does it authorize the Curate to repel at the altar any one who presents himself without notice, however well convinced he may be of his unfitness to communicate. Extraordinary cases may arise in which the Curate is morally justified in taking that course ; but the Church does not contemplate such a pro- cedure here. It supposes a previous notice, and time suffi- cient for an interview with the evil liver, and only authorizes the Curate to repel him when that interview has taken place. b NOTORIOUS.] Before the last Revision the gloss upon the word notorious laid a great restraint upon the power to repel evil livers. " Our law in England," said Bishop Andrewes, 1 " will not suffer the minister to judge any man a notorious offender but him who is convicted by some legal sentence." 1 Notes on the B. C. P., Minor Works, p. 151 ; Oxf. 1854. SECT. III.] THE MEANING OF NOTORIOUS. 37 L'Estrauge, after explaining that "amongst civilians and canonists" notoriety is understood in three senses (first, there is a notoriousness of presumption, where the evidence of the thing is taken for evident by presumption of law, as where one is presumed to be " the son of such a man, because he was born in wedlock ; secondly, a notoriousness of law, where the offence is proved either by confession made in open court, or by the sentence of the judge ; lastly, there is a notoriousness of fact, where the evidence is so clear as the accusation can by no shifts be avoided"), concludes with Andrewes (whom he quotes) that " notoriousness of law " is intended by the Eubric, and pertinently cites the 109th Canon, " If any offend their brethren, either by adultery, etc., the Churchwardens, etc., in their next presentments to their Ordinaries, shall faithfully present all and every of the said offenders, to the intent that they and every of them may be punished by the severity of the laws, according to their deserts ; and such notorious offenders shall not be admitted to the Holy Communion till they.be reformed." 1 Their exclusion from Communion evidently depended on their conviction; and only those who had been convicted were to be reputed notorious. The Curate, according to this interpretation, could not "advertise" an offender not to communicate unless the offence had been proved in court. It was felt, however, that this could not be the real meaning of the Eubric, as the sentence of the court, pronounced under the authority of the Canon, would already have secured their exclusion; and the next paragraph certainly forbade the Curate to suffer those between whom he perceived that malice and hatred reigned, "to be partakers of the Lord's Table," and called this procedure "the same order" as that which he was directed to use in the case of the notorious evil liver. Accordingly, Bishop Cosin, 2 in his suggested corrections of the Book of Common Prayer, complained " that it was not clear whether the Curate might refuse to give the Communion unto ' an open and notorious evil liver,' nor who was to be accounted so notorious, which therefore," he adds, " requires here some explanation for the avoiding of disputes, etc." The result of this suggestion was the addi- tion of a clause to the third paragraph, which distinctly re- 1 Alliance, ch. vi. p. 239. 3 No. 44, vol. v. p. 512. He also suggested, as appears from a mar- ginal note in the Durham Book, that the Rubric should say, "open, notorious, and infamous evil liver." The word "infamous" would then have explained "notorious;" but the end was sufficiently attained by the addition to the third paragraph. 38 THE POWER OF THE CURATE TO REPEL. [CHAP. II. cognises the power of the Curate to repel offenders who have not yet been presented and sentenced, but orders him to notify the fact to the Ordinary within fourteen days, and the Ordinary at once to proceed against the offender. The gloss of Andrewes and L'Estrange was not tenable as an explanation of the Rubric, but it was true in law. The decree of Justinian x had become the rule of the Church : " We forbid all Bishops and Priests to separate any one from Holy Communion, before a cause be shown, for which the sacred canons order this to be done." This was a wise and charitable caution, while discipline yet flourished. It was not necessary, and therefore was inexpedient, to give such a dis- cretionary power to the Curate, when the question could be readily brought before a higher authority. The wisdom of such a safeguard had, in fact, been seen long before the civil authority had interfered. " We cannot," says S. Augustine, 2 " prohibit any one from Communion (although this prohi- bition be not yet unto death, but for remedy), unless he has voluntarily confessed, or been accused and convicted in some court, whether secular or ecclesiastical." Long after the Revision of 1662 had given greater power to the Curate, we find Bishop Wilson 3 acting on the principle of Andrewes, being enabled to do so by the efficiency of his court for the purpose indicated in the 109th Canon. In 1712 he censured a clergyman who had repelled a person from Com- munion " without any previous notice or admonition," and for "causes not sufficient," and because the offender "in- sisted upon a right of repelling any person from the Holy Sacrament whom he in his conscience thought unworthy, notwithstanding he was often told of the evil consequences and tyranny of such a procedure." The Bishop in his judg- ment added : " We do hereby declare that the said assertion is contrary to the rule of the Church in all ages ; and to the end that Christians may not be deprived of the means of grace through the private resentments of their pastors, we do order and require that neither the said Mr. Archdeacon, nor any other minister, do for the future presume to repel any person from the Holy Sacrament whose crimes have not become notorious, either by their own confession, by 1 Novell. Coll. ix. tit. vi. ; Nov. cxxii. c. xi. p. 171 ; Amstel. 1663. 2 Serm. cccii. De Poanit. 10, torn. viii. col. 1359. The words of S. Augustine are employed by Rhenanus, Admon. de Dogm. Tertull. (inter Opp. Tertull. p. 903 ; Par. 1635). They are cited with approba- tion by Hooker, B. vi. chap. iv. 15, vol. iii. p. 52 ; but neither he, nor his late learned editor, seem to have observed their source. 3 Life by Keble, c. xiv. P. i. p. 463. SECT. III.] OF THE PURGATION OF ONE ACCUSED. 39 presentment, or adjudged to be so by some sentence of law." The rule thus laid down certainly curtails the power given by the Rubric, and would be a most injurious restriction in the present state of church-discipline. The practical closure of our courts is in some measure compensated by the greater responsibility now thrown upon the Curate ; and while our Bishops are so few, it is perhaps well that it should be so. However this may be, a necessity is laid upon us, and woe unto those who, when due occasion calls, draw back, from the fear of man or out of false tenderness. We are intrusted with a power, by the wise and charitable exercise of which much scandal may be avoided, the holy Sacrament preserved from profanation, and sinners taught to see their guilt and danger, and to seek restoration through repentance. It is to be hoped that all who from a true zeal and love of souls have felt themselves bound thus to repel any, will ever receive from their Bishop, even if he think not fit to proceed against the offender, that open support which, in a case of moral offence, is alone needed in these days to render the faithful warning of the Priest almost as effectual for good, as would be the literal execution of the provision in the present Rubric and the Canon. In England, until the 13th Charles II., when a person was presented, he " had a day appointed to appear with six or eight of his neighbours, of good fame and honest conversa- tion, called, in that capacity, compurgators ; at which appear- ance he was first to purge himself by making oath of his innocency, and then his neighbours were to purge him, by taking each a separate oath of their belief that what he had sworn was true. ... If he failed in his purgation . . . then he was ipso facto taken for guilty, and accordingly had pen- ance enjoined proportionable to the degree of guilt." l This means of proof was taken away in the year above men- tioned by an Act which provided that no spiritual judge should thenceforth tender any oath by which the party should be compelled to purge him or her self of any crime, or matter, or thing, whereby he or she might be liable to censure or punishment. 2 Nevertheless, " Courts of Correc- tion " " continued to be held by the official of every Arch- deacon, and due records were regularly preserved." 3 E.g. in a court held October 12, A.D. 1725, by the official of the Archdeacon of the East Riding of Yorkshire, for the deaneries 1 Gibson, Codex, torn. ii. p. 965. 2 Ibid. 3 Wilberforce on Church Courts, ch. ii. p. 46. 40 PUBLIC DISCIPLINE EVERYWHERE EXTINCT. [CHAP. II. of Harthill, Holderness, Buckrose, and Dickering, " seventy- one cases of immorality were punished either by pecuniary mulct, or by the infliction of public penance." l So late as 1787, in the same archdeaconry, "twenty -two cases were presented and punished." 2 In 1 788 a great blow was struck at this discipline by the Act 27 Geo. III. c. 44, " which for- bade prosecution for incontinence in the spiritual courts, except within eight months of the crime." 3 After this, presentations declined in number so rapidly that in the whole diocese of York, in the three years 1827, 1828, 1829, out of the list of causes supplied to the Commissioners for Ecclesiastical Courts appointed by King William iv., but one such process is noticed. 4 In fact, during the present century open penance seems hardly to have been enjoined at all, except in a few cases of slander. In other parts of the West the discipline of public penance became obsolete earlier than in England. The Council of Trent 5 declared, indeed, that " a condign penance according to the nature of the fault ought to be enjoined" on public and scandalous offenders ; but notwithstanding this affirma- tion of the principle, Morinus 6 complains, in 1702, that " scarcely ever could any one call to mind that he had seen that put in practice." " Perhaps," he says, " some one will remember that he has somewhere seen Absolution from Excommunication given to a person publicly; but it will be hard to find one who has seen a person publicly doing a penance laid on him by the Church. For the last fifty or sixty years these things are only read of in the books of the Doctors. And so that order of Penitents, for many ages remarkably conspicuous in the Church, being completely dis- tinguished from the faithful people by their place, dress, and humble offices . . . has in practice come utterly to an end." c THE LORD'S TABLE.] By " coming to the Lord's Table" here, we are to understand " coming to feed on the banquet of that most heavenly food ;" and, similarly, by being par- takers of the " Lord's Table," in the next paragraph, under- stand " eating of that Bread, and drinking of that Cup." In other words, by the " Lord's Table" is here meant the " Lord's Supper." The earlier expression in our country, and a com- mon one, was " the Lord's Board," or " God's Board." 1 Wilberforce, Church Courts, cb. ii. p. 47. 2 Ibid. p. 50. 3 Ibid. p. 49. 4 Page 423; in Wilberforce, p. 51. 6 Sess. xxiv. De Reform, c. viii. 6 De Administratione Sacram. Pcenit. L. vii. c. vii. n. i. p. 311. SECT. III.] THE MEANING OF THE LORD'S TABLE. 41 Tyndale, 1 in 1533 : " By the Thanksgiving (for so did the old Greek doctors call this Supper), or God's Board, or the Lord's Supper (for so doth Paul call it), we testify the unity and communion of our hearts." Taverner's Postils, 1540 : " When we come to the Altar of God, and to His holy Board, let us take heed." 2 " The Sacrament of which Body all faith- ful persons be wont to receive when they communicate at the Altar and come to God's Board." 3 Hermann's Consultation, 4 in the English Translation of 1547 : " To be often partakers of the Lord's Board." The Postils vary the expression : " If ye will presume to come to Christ's Table, then beware," 5 etc. The " Lord's Table" was also common in this sense at the period of the Reformation. Thus, for example, Bullin- ger : 6 " This [Sacrament] is called by St. Paul the Apostle ' the Lord's Supper ;' because this ceremony was instituted by the Lord in His last supper, and because therein is offered unto us the Spiritual banquet. The same Paul termeth it ' the Lord's Table,' and that doubtless for none other causes." Eidley : 7 " The controversy ... is not . . . whether the Lord's Table is no more to be regarded than the table of any earthly man. . . . All do grant that these words of St. Paul (when he saith, ' if we eat, it advantageth us nothing,' or, ' if we eat not, we want nothing thereby') are not spoken of the Lord's Table, but of other, common, meats." Archbishop Sandys : 8 " Shall we dare presume to press in, being aliens and strangers, to the Lord's, as most comfortable, so also most dreadful, Table ?" This is quite in accordance with the language of the Fathers. Thus S. Augustine : 9 " He hath invited thee to His own great Table, the table of heaven, the table of the angels, at which Himself is the bread." S. Hilary : 10 " There is the Table of the Lord, from which we take food, of Living Bread, to wit; of which this is the virtue, that, living Himself, He quickeneth those who also receive Him. There is also the table of the Lord's lessons, at which we are fed with the food of spiritual doctrine," etc. Until 1662 the Altar was not called the Lord's Table in the Rubric of the Order of Holy Communion ; but it had been so called in the Marriage Service in the Book of 1552. 1 The Supper of the Lord, p. 246 ; Camb. 1850. 2 On the Gospel for Corpus Christ! Day, p. 342 ; Oxf. 1841. 3 On the Gospel for Wednesday in "Whitsun Week, p. 330. 4 Fol. 220. 5 Exhortation before the Communion, p. 187. 6 Decade v. S. ix. vol. v. p. 402 ; Camb. 1852. ~ Brief Declaration, p. 10 ; Camb. 1841. 8 Serm. xv. p. 304 ; Camb. 1842. 9 Serm. ccxxxii. torn. vii. col. 980. 10 Tract, in Ps. cxxvii. 10, col. 428. 42 THE NECESSITY OF REPENTANCE. [CHAP. II. d TRULY REPENTED.] When an impenitent sinner has dared to communicate, the profanation is not unavenged. Such an one " eats and drinks a judgment to himself." But the cer- tainty of God's judgment does not excuse the remissness of the Priest. Kather, the greater the injury to the sinner, the more grievous the guilt of those who should, but do not, pre- vent it. The offence of the unfaithful priest is a many-sided sin. It dishonours the holy Mysteries of which God has made him the guardian and dispenser ; it puts a " stumbling- block" in the way of the simple, " gives occasion to the enemy to blaspheme," makes him " a partaker of other men's sins," and involves the sinful communicant in deeper con- demnation. But while we affirm thus strongly the duty of the Minister of God to repel the open and impenitent sinner, we ought with equal earnestness to insist on the necessity of charity and caution in the discharge of it. This is not for- gotten by S. Chrysostom, 1 in an oft-cited passage on the responsibility of " those who minister :" " No little punish- ment awaits you if, knowing any wickedness in a man, ye permit him to partake of this Table. His blood will be required at your hands. . . . And how, saith one, do I know this man or that ? I am not speaking of those who are not known, but of the notorious." Let the rule of the Church be interpreted in her own spirit, and obedience to it will seldom be a source of difficulty and trial. If a parishioner be defamed for " evil living" or " wrong done" to a neigh- bour, and the Curate fear that the charge is true, he is bound to use private admonition to bring him, if it please God, to repentance, and to dissuade him from coming to the Lord's Table until he has repented, but not until the fact is " open and notorious," and he has "knowledge thereof" himself, does it become his duty to " advertise" the sinner " that in any wise he presume not to come." e THE CONGREGATION MAY THEREBY BE SATISFIED.] It is not enough, then, that the Curate be satisfied of his repentance. It must be known to the congregation, as the offence was ; for every member is bound to be jealous of the purity of the body. Hence S. Paul reproached the Church at Corinth for the general indifference to the presence of a great sinner : " Ye are puffed up, and have not rather mourned that he that hath done this deed might be taken from among you." 2 When their eyes were opened by the rebuke of the Apostle they felt themselves dishonoured, until they had " put away 1 Horn. Ixxxii. in S. Matt. Ev. 6, torn. vii. p. 891. 2 1 Cor. v. 2. SECT. IV.] PERSONS NOT IN CHARITY REPELLED. 43 from among them that wicked person : " " What careful- ness it wrought in you ; yea, what clearing of yourselves ; yea, what indignation ; yea, what fear ; yea, what vehement desire ; yea, what zeal ; yea, what revenge." 1 SECTION IV. Of the Repulse of those who are not in Charity. RUBRIC I. PARAGRAPH III. T The same order shall the Curate use with those betivixt whom he perceiveth ^malice and hatred to reign, not suffering them to be partakers of the ^Lord's Table c until he knoiv them to be reconciled ; and if one of the parties so at variance be con- tent to forgive from the bottom of his heart all that the other hath trespassed against him, and to make amends for that he himself hath offended, and the other party will not be persuaded to a godly unity, but remain still in his frowardness and malice, d the Minister in that case ought to admit the penitent person to the Holy Commu- nion, and not him that is obstinate. e Provided that every Minister so repelling any, as is specified in this or the next preceding f Paragraph of this Rubric, shall be obliged to give an account of the same to the % Ordinary within fourteen days after at the farthest ; and the Ordinary shall proceed against the offending person according to the h Canon. 8 MALICE AND HATKED.] This holy feast is at once the sign and means of our union with Christ, and with our brethren in Him. Hence to approach it while malice disunites us from a brother, is to sin against the leading intent of the Sacrament. It is through love that the soul becomes capable of receiving Him who is love, and through His indwelling that love grows in it. Where hate and malice reign, He cannot enter ; rather, to invite Him into a heart thus defiled *2 Cor. vii. 11. 44 MEANING OF THE WORD MINISTER. [CHAP. II. is to add sin to sin, to heap presumption on uncharitableness. Nor can the love of Christ subsist in the soul without the love of man. " He that loveth not his brother whom he hath seen, how can he love God whom he hath not seen ? " l " If ye love Me," saith the Lord Himself, " keep My command- ments ; " 2 and His great commandment is, " Love one another as I have loved you." 3 b THE LOED'S TABLE.] See Note c in the last Section, p. 40. c UNTIL HE KNOW THEM TO BE RECONCILED.] Compare the following canon in the Capitulary of the French Kings : " It has been decreed that of persons at variance none venture to draw near to the Altar of the Lord, or to receive the grace of the Holy Communion, until he be reconciled ; but compen- sation shall be made by a penance twice the length of time that they have been at variance. But if one of them, though the other despise it, shall have met (his adversary) for the satisfaction of charity, let him be received into the Church as a peacemaker from the time that he is proved to have made effort for concord." 4 d THE MINISTER.] The Curate or Priest in charge is here styled the Minister, in accordance with an ancient, though perhaps not very common, usage. Lyudwood, explaining the word as it occurs in a Constitution of Peckham, says, " Understand this of those to whom the government of the people has been committed ; " 5 and elsewhere, " Sometimes Minister is put for Rector or Governor." 6 Bishops some- times subscribed themselves by this title, as, " Ivo, by the grace of God Minister of the Church of Chartres." 7 Priests were called " Ministers of the Altar," e.g. in the Capitulary of Charlemagne, 8 A.D. 789 ; when the Bishops, with express reference to Priests, are entreated to see that " the Ministers of the Altar of God adorn their ministry by good conduct." See in Part n. ch. ix. sect, i., a note on the use of this word in the Eubric after the Prayer of Consecration. 6 PROVIDED.] This clause was added at the last Eeview see note b p. 37. It clearly recognises the power of the Curate to repel provisionally, and guards the exercise of it 1 1 Job. iv. 20. 2 Job. xiv. 15. 3 Job. xv. 12. 4 L. vii. c. ccxlii. torn. i. col. 1076. 6 L. i. tit. i. p. 2. 6 L. ii. tit. i. p. 91. 7 Ducange in v. 8 No. Ixx. Capit. Keg. Franc, torn. i. col. 237 ; Capital. L. i. n. Ixviii, col. 714. SECT. V.] DISQUALIFICATION FROM AGE. 45 from abuse. The knowledge that the Ordinary must at once be called in as the judge of both, will in general be sufficient to restrain the rashness of an impetuous nature, and to pre- vent the intrusion of unworthy motives. f PARAGRAPH.] Cosin had written in the Prayer-Book (pre- served in the Episcopal Library at Durham), which was used by him and the other Commissioners at the Kevision of 1662, " The next preceding Rubric." The use of the word Para- graph was therefore deliberate, and it is certainly more correct. e ORDINARY.] The Ordinary of the place may be the Chan- cellor, Commissary, Archdeacon, or Official, to whose court the spiritual causes that arise in that place are taken. Hence generally the Ordinary of the text would be the Archdeacon, who in person, or by his Official, is bound to entertain the presentment and impose the penance. Presentations may be made at any time of the year, 1 but the general practice was to present only at the Archdeacon's visitation, i.e. twice a year. Presentments are to be made also to the Bishop at his visitation. 2 h THE CANON.] Canons 26, 109, 113, 115, all bear on the presentment of offenders by the Churchwarden or Minister. By Canon 26 Ministers are forbidden to receive notorious sinners and persons in open malice to the Holy Communion ; while Canon 113 authorizes them to present such to their Ordinaries whenever they think fit, and even without the concurrence of the Churchwardens. So that even before the last Eeview the Minister was authorized to repel, and ordered to give an account to the Ordinary of what he had done ; 3 but he was not bound, as now, to give it within fourteen days. SECTION V. Of Disqualification from Age and Ignorance. The Sarum Order of Baptism has a Kubric at the end which says that " No one ought to be admitted to the Sacra- 1 Can. 116. * Ibid. 3 It was a constant matter of inquiry in Articles of Visitation, " Whether they had received any person to the Holy Communion openly known to be out of charity or defamed with some notorious crime, before he had made sufficient recompense for his wrong or evil doing?" Parkhurst, 1561 ; App. to 2d Rep. of Rit. Commissioners, p. 402 ; Sim. Parker, 1563, p. 403 ; Cox, 1570, p. 406, etc. etc. 46 DISQUALIFICATION FOR COMMUNION [CHAP. II. merit of the Body and Blood of Christ (except at the point of death), unless he has been confirmed, or shall have been hindered from receiving the Sacrament of Confirmation by reasonable causes." l In the first Eeformed Book this was in part transferred to the end of the Order of Confirmation : "And then shall none be admitted to the Holy Com- munion until such time as he be confirmed." This was altered in 1552 thus : "Until such time as he can say the Catechism, and be confirmed." In 1662 the Eubric took a form more nearly resembling that of Sarum : " And then shall none be admitted to the Holy Communion until such time as he be confirmed, or be ready and desirous to be con- firmed." The indirect restriction of age was not, however, removed, but rather drawn somewhat closer. In the first two Books a rule is laid down in the Eubric before the Cate- chism that " none hereafter shall be confirmed, but such as can say in their mother-tongue the Articles of the Faith, the Lord's Prayer, and the Ten Commandments, and can also answer to such questions of the short Catechism, as the Bishop (or such as he shall appoint) shall by his discretion appose them in. The Catechism at that time ended with the explanation of the Lord's Prayer ; but even that does not seem to have been expected of all ; for the Curate was ordered to " bring or send in writing" at the Confirmation "the names of all those children of his parish who could say the Articles of the Faith, the Lord's Prayer, and the Ten Commandments ; and also how many of them could answer to the other ques- tions contained in the Catechism." It is evident that under these regulations Confirmation might still be conferred at what we should now consider a very early age. Accordingly in 1565 we find Bentham, 2 Bishop of Lichfield, instructing his Commissary to " charge the clergy to make presentments of all children being full seven years of age and not con- firmed." This was probably the general limit for half a century or so after the Eeformation ; for Cosin 3 after 1619 (and therefore long after the enlargement of the Catechism in 1603) could still assert, " Many can say the Catechism, and are confirmed at seven years old." He objected, how- ever, to such early confirmation, because he objected to very- early communion : " Shall it then be in the power of the Curate to admit them also to the Communion ? Non credo. But this shows that they should not be confirmed so young 1 Maskell's Monum. Ritual, vol. i. p. 31. 2 Strype's Annals of Q. Eliz. vol. i. cli. 45, p. 501, 3d ed. 3 Notes on the B. C. P., 3d Ser. ; Works, vol. v. p. 488. SECT. V.] FROM AGE AND IGNORANCE. 47 as they use to be, but when they are of perfect age, and ready to be admitted to the Holy Communion, which is be- tween fourteen and sixteen years of age." It is most likely that for some time after the Reformation children communi- cated as a matter of course as soon as they were confirmed. Cox, 1 Bishop of Ely, 1 5 70, forbade his clergy to admit to the Holy Communion any children above twelve who could not say the Catechism by heart. Clearly they were admitted before that age if they could so say it. Grindall 2 in 1571 enjoined on his Province of York that " all men and women of fourteen years of age and upwards should (as by the laws of this realm they are bound) receive in their own parish churches or chapels thrice at the least every year." Chader- ton 3 of Lichfield, 1604, in his Articles of Visitation, inquires whether any " above fourteen years of age " have not received thrice, and demands the names of the defaulters. Others, but all in the seventeenth century, say above sixteen? one above fifteen, 5 and another above eighteen. 6 Many of "con- venient" 7 or "lawful age." 8 This brings us down to the great Rebellion, the age of sixteen being specified in the Articles drawn up by order of Convocation in 1640. The natural result followed. Sixteen being the age after which neglect of Communion was an offence, it came to be con- sidered the proper age at which to begin to communicate. Cosin had said "bet ween fourteen and sixteen." In 1676, a Bishop of Norwich, speaking of " such only as were of years fit to communicate," explains himself by adding, " sc. above the age of sixteen." 9 It was probably through the influence of Cosin that at the last Review a Rubric was added after the Catechism, which directs that children shall be brought to the Bishop as soon as they are " come to a com- petent age." Later practice has interpreted this as Cosin would have desired ; but it may very well be doubted whether the modern practice is the best. Were persons con- firmed at an earlier age than they usually are now, and after a suitable interval carefully prepared for their first Com- 1 Injunctions, App. to 2d Rep. of Ritual Commis. p. 406. 2 Ibid. p. 414. 3 Ibid. p. 448. 4 Bancroft (Abp.), 1605; Babington, 1607; Abbot, (probably) 1611 ; King, 1612, etc. Ibid. pp. 451, 6, 9, 466, etc. 6 Neile, 1628 ; ibid. p. 505. 6 Andrewes, 1619 ; ibid. p. 476. 7 Aylmer, 1577 ; Sandys, 1578 ; Squier, 1582, etc. Ibid. pp. 421, 2, 5, etc. 8 King, Archdeacon of Nottingham, 1599 ; Bridges, Bishop of Oxford, 1604 ; ibid. pp. 436, 446. x 9 Notes on Sheldon's Letter, Doc. Ann. No. clvi. vol. ii. p. 341. 48 OF INFANT COMMUNION [CHAP. II. munion, it is reasonable to think that there would be far less neglect of that Sacrament. As it is, many are lost to Con- firmation itself, from having already, before they come under the direct and personal instruction of the clergy, fallen into habits of sin or carelessness, and that twofold preparation for both rites at once, which is often attempted, is too great a strain on ordinary minds, and therefore a serious obstacle even with the well-disposed of our ignorant and hard- worked population. A careful preparation for both ordinances earlier in life, though with an interval of some years between, would be far more influential and effective in the formation of the religious and moral character than a single brief course of instruction at an age when, from want of earlier special teaching, Satan is too often beforehand with us. Multitudes of the confirmed now never approach the Holy Table ; but after a brief season of restraint and thoughtfulness (if even that) are swept, with hardly an effort of self-preservation, into the whirlpool of worldliness and vice. Abstractedly there is no reason why children should not be admitted to Holy Communion at a very early age. We do not doubt that the grace of God can work effectually in the soul even of unconscious infants: or we should, as one heresy has done, deny them Baptism. Infant Communion was, in fact, the rule of the early Church. The most ancient witness is S. Cyprian, who supposes the infants of apostates to excuse themselves thus in the Day of Judgment for their involun- tary participation in heathen rites : " We have done nothing ourselves, nor have we left the food and cup of the Lord to hasten of our own accord to those profane defilements." 1 He further relates the story of an infant, whose nurse had taken it to a heathen sacrifice, betraying by its convulsive agitation a horror of the Holy Eucharist when again brought to a Christian Church. 2 S. Augustine plainly held the necessity of infant Communion : -" They are infants ; but they receive His Sacraments. They are infants ; but they are partakers of His Table, that they may have life." 3 And, again, after citing our Lord's saying, Except ye eat the Flesh of the Son of Man, and drink His Blood, ye have no life in you : " Will any venture to say even this, that the above sentence does not refer to infants, and that they can have life in them without partaking of His Body and Blood ? " 4 1 De Lapsis, p. 125, ed. Fell. ; Brem. 1690. 2 Ibid. p. 132. 3 Serm. clxxi. c. vi. n. 7, torn. vii. col. 834. 4 De Peccat. Mer. L. i. c. xx. n. 27, tom. xiii. col. 18. The opinion of Innocent is less clear, though often alleged : To preach " that infants can be endowed with the rewards of eternal life without the grace of SECT. V.] IN THE EARLY CHURCH. 49 The Apostolical Constitutions 1 (which carry us back to a period earlier than themselves) prescribe the following order in communicating : " After this (i.e. after the hymn Gloria, in Excehis), let the Bishop partake, then the Presbyters and the Deacons, and subdeacons, and readers, and singers, and the Ascetics ; and among the women, the Deaconesses, and the Virgins, and Widows ; after them the children, and then all the people in order, with modesty and reverence, and without noise." In the Greek and Oriental Churches this custom is still maintained : " Even infants, from the very time of their baptism, partake as often as their parents desire it." 2 In the West it fell away gradually. It is re- cognised by Gennadius 3 of Marseilles, A.D. 495 : " If they are infants ... let those who bring them answer for them, according to the custom of baptism, and so, confirmed by the Laying on of Hands and the Chrism, let them be admitted to the mysteries of the Eucharist." The most ancient copy of the Sacramentary of Gregory 4 contains a direction that if the Bishop be present the infant shall be confirmed as soon as baptized, and shall " after that communicate ; and if the Bishop be not there, shall be communicated by the Pres- byter." The same rule is found in the same words in a Pontifical belonging to the Church of Sens, 5 written about the year 980. In the most ancient Ordo Eomanus, 6 a Directory of Ritual, probably of the eighth century, it is ordered that care be taken that the infants baptized on Easter Eve " take no food nor be suckled before they partake of the Sacraments of the Body of Christ," which they were to do daily during Easter week. In a later copy of the Gre- gorian Sacramentary than that just cited, we have the same witness to the practice of Infant Communion, but the rule of a fasting reception is relaxed : " They are not forbidden to Baptism is very foolish ; for except they shall eat the Flesh, etc." Ep. ad. Patr. Syn. Milev. A.D. 417, n. 5 ; inter Opp. S. Aug. Ep. clxxxii. torn. ii. col. 833. 1 L. viii. c. xiii. inter SS. PP. Scripta a Coteler. ed. torn. i. p. 405 ; Antv. 1700. Sim. Pseudo-Dionys. Eccl. Hierarch. c. vii. p. 360. 2 Metrophanis Crit. Confessio, c. ix. p. 125, ed. Kimmel ; .Tense, A.D. 1850. Renaudot, Liturg. Orient. Collectio, torn. i. p. 291 ; Paris, 1716. Smith's Greek Church, p. 161 ; Lond. 1680. 3 De Eccles. Dogm. c. xxii. A pp. vii. ad Opp. S. Aug. torn. xvii. col. 2421. 4 In the Ritualis PP. Lat. of Pamelius, torn. ii. p. 270; Colon. 1675 ; or, see Muratori, Liturgia Romana Vetus, torn. ii. col. 158 ; Venet. 1748. 5 Baluze in note to Regino De Eccles. Discipl. p. 51 ; Vien. 1765. 6 Ordo Rom. i. c. vii. n. 46, in the Musse. Ital. of Mabillon, torn. i. p. 28. D. 50 THE DECLINE OF INFANT COMMUNION. [CiiAP. II. be suckled before the Sacred Communion, if it shall be necessary." 1 We find traces of the rite in our own Church in the eighth century : " They who can and know how to baptize . . . ought always to have the Eucharist with them." 2 In France a little later, Jesse, 3 Bishop of Amiens, directs that the Bishop shall confirm the child with chrism after baptism, and " lastly, that he be confirmed or communicated with the Body and Blood of Christ." A MS. Pontifical at Eheims, said to be written in the middle of the ninth century, after giving the order for the baptism of the infant, adds, " But let the infant be immediately confirmed and communicated by the Bishop, thus saying, 'The Body and Blood of the Lord.'" 4 A canon 5 of the age of Charlemagne may be given in illus- tration of the English rule quoted above : " That the Pres- byter have the Eucharist always ready, that when any one is ill, or an infant be sick, he may communicate him at once, lest he die without the Viaticum." At the beginning of the twelfth century Eadulphus Ardens 6 of Poictiers says, " It has been decreed that it be delivered to children as soon as baptized, at least in the species of wine, that they may not depart without a necessary Sacrament." It appears to have dropped during this century, for we find an Archbishop of Paris in 1197 forbidding a host to be given to children even before consecration. 7 Some traces of the practice, however, lingered on for centuries after that. Hospinian, 8 who wrote in 1593, tells us that " a few years before some remains of it existed in Lorraine and the neighbouring country. For when a child was baptized there, the Priest," after showing a reserved Host to the people, " held out the two fingers with which he had taken it to the Sacristan to be washed with wine, and dropped of that wine into the mouth of the 1 Opp. S. Greg. torn. v. col. Ill ; Antv. 1615. 2 Excerptions of Ecgbriht, A.D. 740, second copy, Can. 95 ; see also first copy, Can. 41 ; Johnson's English Canons, vol. i. pp. 235, 193 ; Oxf. 1850. 3 Baluz. in Regino, u. s. p. 51. 4 Ibid. Other examples may be seen in the collection of Martene, De Ant. Eccl. Rit. L. i. c. i. art. xviii. ; Ordd. v. vii. viii. x. xi. xii. xiii. xiv. xv. torn. i. pp. 66, 8, 70, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5. The first is nearly 1100, the last nearly 700, years old. 5 The canon is in Regino, L. i. c. xix. See also Capitular. Karoli Magni, L. i. c. civ. (Cap. Reg. Franc, torn. i. col. 731), where the editor refers to Burchard, L. xix. c. 99, and Ivo, P. xv. c. 111. It is also among the Canons of Walter of Orleans, 870 ; Baluz. u. s. 6 Serm. in die Paschae, cited by Zaccaria in note to Maldon. de Cserem. Disp. iii. Q. i. iv. n. 1 ; Bibl. Rit. torn. ii. p. ii. p. clx. 7 Odonis Constit. Prsecept. Synod, n. 39; Labb. Cone. torn. x. col. 1809. 8 Hist. Sacrani. p. i. 1. ii. c. ii. p. 60 ; Tigur. 1593. SECT. V.] LATE RELICS OF INFANT COMMUNION. 51 baptized child, saying, The Blood of our Lord Jesus Christ avail thee unto everlasting life." Nor was this, as might be supposed, the unauthorized act of a few ignorant country Priests. It was prescribed in the books of ritual ; as, in the Pontificals of Noyon and Auxerre, the Manual of Amiens, 1541, and the Ritual of Metz, 1542. 1 1 See De Vert, Ceremon. de 1'Eglise, tome iv. p. 300. The reader will find the decline of Infant Communion more fully traced by Bingham (B. xiii. c. iv. viii.) than in the text. I have learnt much from the Hist. Eucharistise Infantum of Petrus Zornius : Berol. 1736. CHAPTEE III. . (Df tht (Drttatiuntjs, f osition, zit., ot tht Ministtvs attb Jtltat. SECTION I. Of the Vesture of the Celebrant and other Ministers. BEFORE we proceed to the vesting of the Altar, it will be well to consider the law and custom of the Church with regard to the ornaments of those who serve it. As we treat of the Vestments severally, the reader will discover that the Clergy of the Primitive Church did not use any distinctive dress in the discharge of their public duties. It may be well, however, to anticipate that conclusion by citing in this place a statement of the learned Father Sir- mond. 1 "In the first ages of the Church," observes that author, " the Clergy used, even in the sacred Offices, those same garments which they wore in common life ; only cleaner, and their best : that is, as Jerome 2 explains on the 44th chapter of Ezekiel, not their habits in daily use, and of any sort, defiled according to the common use of life, but clean. . . . Both the colour and form of the garments was originally the same with Ecclesiastics and the rest. But when others had afterwards changed the form, the Church wisely retained the ancient form in her sacred rites ; and although she added decoration and costliness to the sacred vestments with a view to reverence, she nevertheless did not 1 Note on Ep. Cselestini ad Episc. Vienn. etc.; Mansi, Cone. torn. iv. col. 468. See also Pellicia de Eccl. Christ. Polit. lib. i. iv. c. 7, app. 2, torn. i. p. 122. Some facts mentioned by this writer are worth tran- scribing here : " The Clergy were forbidden to wear purple (Cone. Narbon. c. i. an. 589 ; Cone. Liptinen. c. vii. an. 743) ; because the Bar- barians wore it almost universally. For this reason the Church took the greatest care that the Clergy should not, except on account of a journey, wear that dress, peculiarly of the Barbarians, which was shorter (than Roman custom sanctioned) (Cone. Rom. c. iii. an. 745). Even in the East, in the seventh century, the dress of the Clergy differed from that of laymen (Cone. Trullan. c. xxvii.), but only in colour. Wherefore, when in the eighth century they had begun to use habits of divers colours, the Greek Church opposed the abuse (Cone. Nicsen. c. xv.), and at last, after the tenth century, black was universally preferred by the Oriental clergy. But in the West the Clergy gradually departed from the ancient form of dress down to the eleventh century." 2 Opp. torn. iii. col. 1029. SECT. I.] THE PRINCIPLE OF SACRED VESTMENTS. 53 alter their shape." In the ninth and two following centuries, however, they underwent some modification, through the influence of a groundless notion that they were a continua- tion of, and therefore ought to bear a close resemblance to, the vestments of the Mosaic Priesthood. Some evidence of this will occur as we proceed ; but for more ample proof and illustration I must refer the reader to Mr. Marriott's very learned and able work, Vestiarium, Christianum. There are few religious minds that will not agree with Sirmond that the Church acted wisely in retaining the secular habits of antiquity, as they became obsolete in the world, for her own sacred and peculiar use. At first the very conditions under which the Faithful assembled implied a resolute and earnest faith in God and in the things of God. They needed neither protection from the danger of irrever- ence, nor any visible aid to devotion. Their heart was already possessed by a spirit of " reverence and godly fear," and they had but to express this in those ways which nature and custom dictated. It was an act of natural and becoming reverence in all to appear, and especially to minister, before the Lord, in the most honourable habits that belonged to their condition and station in life. But when the world had encroached upon the Church, irreverence and indevotion, as a necessary result, found their way into the sanctuary, and began to pollute the offering of God. Then the changing fashions of the day, if followed by the Priest and his assist- ants, would have jarred painfully on the feelings of the more devout, and tended to lessen in others the respect which they might still feel for the sacred offices of religion. Some proper Vestments became a necessity, and they were happily supplied, without being sought for, through the gradual disuse of the civil habits of an earlier period. A circumstance of outward beauty, and sometimes of splendour, was thus, at first accidentally, secured to the ministrations of religion, which, while the spirit that first informed it lasted, was both a protection and a help to the devotion of the humble-minded worshipper. It became, then, a settled principle that every office of religion should be performed by the Clergy in vestments that were at least free from worldly associations. This being established, it was natural and inevitable that the Holy Eucharist, the highest rite of Christian worship, should appear to our fathers in the faith to demand, in this respect as well as in others, pre-eminent care and more signal honour. If it was the better way, in a certain state of the Church, to use a proper vestment at the common offices of prayer, it was equally the better way to use a proper vest- 54 THE EUCHAEISTIC VESTMENT [CHAP. III. merit of a more comely and costly kind at the celebration of this great Sacrament. We cannot reject the principle of the Eucharistic vestments, unless we are prepared to renounce all sacred habits. Their use in the first instance was with- out doubt subject to considerations of expediency and charity, and their resumption ought to be so now ; but this does not affect the question in the abstract. With regard to that, I believe that no really thoughtful and unprejudiced person, of sufficient information, would hesitate to adopt the language of a living divine whose judgment on any point connected with the practice of devotion derives great weight both from his character and writings. The author to whom I refer, the present Dean of Norwich, declares that he has " long been of opinion that (if we were to begin de novo) the primacy of the Holy Communion among the means of grace ought to be denoted to the eye by some change of vest- ment." 1 Our forefathers were consistent in this matter. It is well known that those extreme men among the earlier Reformers who rejected the " Vestment," rejected the Sur- plice also ; while those wiser and not less religious men who understood the necessity and value of the Surplice in the less important ministrations of the Church, desired to retain the " Vestment," or, if that could not be, through the growing power of a fanatical section of the community, at least to substitute for it the Cope, as the habit proper to the holy Eucharist. In the First Book of Edward the following order occurred after the third paragraph of the first Rubric in the Com- munion Office : " Upon the day and at tJie time appointed for the ministration of the Holy Communion, the Priest that shall execute the holy Ministry shall put upon him the vesture appointed for that ministration ; that is to say, a white Albe plain, with a Vestment [consisting of Amice, Stole, Chasuble, and Fanon, besides the Albe] or Cope, and where there be many Priests or Deacons, then so many shall be ready to help the Priest in the ministration as shall be requisite; and shall have upon them likewise the vestures appointed for their ministry, that is to say, Albes with Tunicles." The vesture of a Bishop when celebrating is appointed in " Certain Notes for the more plain Explication and decent Ministration of Things contained in this Book," printed at the end of the same book of 1549 : "Whensoever the Bishop shall celebrate the Holy Communion in the Church, or execute any other public ministration, he shall have upon him, beside 1 From a letter in the public prints on the Remonstrance against the judgment in Hebbert v. Purchas. SECT. I.] OF THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND. 55 his Eochette, a Surplice or Albe, and a Cope or Vestment ; and also his Pastoral Staff' in his hand, or else borne or holden by his Chaplain." The above Eubrics were both suppressed in 1552, and the following substituted before the Order for Morning Prayer : " TJie Minister, at the time of the Communion, and at all other times in his ministration, shall use neither Albe, Vestment, nor Cope but being Archbishop or Bishop, he shall have and wear a Rocliette ; and being a Priest or Deacon, he shall have and wear a Surplice only." In 1559 this last-cited order was in its turn suppressed, and its place taken by the following : " The Minister, at the time of the Communion and all other times in his ministra- tion, shall use such ornaments in the Church as were in use by authority of Parliament in the second year of the reign of King Edward VI., according to the Act of Parliament set in the beginning of this book" [i.e. the Uniformity Act of 1559, at the end of which there is the same provision]. At the last Eeview in 1662, the foregoing Eubric of 1559 was altered thus : " Such Ornaments of the Church and of the Ministers thereof at all times of their ministration shall be retained and be in use as were in this Church of England by the Authority of Parliament, in the second year of the reign of King Edward the Sixth." This is the present law of the Church, and, according to two recent decisions of the Supreme Court of Appeal, 1 it refers us to the Eubrics above cited from the First Book of Edward, as the only documents relating to the vesture of the Clergy which had the autho- rity of Parliament in the second year of his reign ; the Parliamentary sanction alleged being that of the Act of Uniformity which authorized the whole Book. 1 See the Judgment in Westerton v. Liddell, March 21, 1857, Moore's Report, pp. 156, et seq. The principle was re-affirmed in the judgment of the same court, Dec. 23, 1868, in the case of Martin v. Mackonochie : " The propositions which their Lordships understand to have been estab- lished by the Judgment in that case [of W. v. L.] may thus be stated : (1) The words ' authority of Parliament,' in the Rubric refer to, and mean, the Act of Parliament 2 and 3 Edw. vr. cap. 1, giving Parliamentary effect to the first Prayer- Book of Edward vi., and do not refer to or mean Canons or Royal Injunctions, having the Authority of Parliament, made at an earlier period ; (2) the term ' Ornaments ' in the Rubric means those articles the use of which in the services and ministrations of the Church is prescribed by that Prayer-Book ; (3) the term ' Ornaments ' is confined to these articles ; (4) though there may be articles not expressly mentioned in the Rubric, the use of which would not be restrained, they must be articles which are consistent with and subsidiary to the services, as an organ for the singing, a credence-table from which to take the sacramental bread and wine, cushions, hassocks, etc. In these conclusions, and in this construction of the Rubric, their Lordships entirely concur." Browning's Report, p. 27. 56 OF THE INTERPBETATION [CHAP. III. It may be well to show that the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council has not advanced in its judgments any new interpretation of the Eubric. In 1566, a Puritan, 1 mak- ing out a list of grievances, says, " Item, by authority of Parliament, Albes, Altars, Vestments," etc. ; and again, more clearly, " By the former Book of King Edward (whereto the Act of Parliament referreth us) an Albe is appointed with a Vestment or a Cope for the administration of the Sacrament, and in some places at this day the Priest weareth an Albe." Cosin, 2 who in 1662 was the leading man among the Eevisers who deliberately retained this Eubric, says, writing in 1619 or a little later, " There were in use (i.e. in the second year of Edward) not a Surplice and hood, as we now use, but a plain white Albe, with a Vestment or Cope over it; and therefore, according to this Eubric, we are still bound to wear Albes and Vestments, as have been so long worn in the Church of God, howsoever it is neglected." At a later period, but probably before 1640, he recurs to the subject, and after stating the change with regard to vestments made in the Second Book of Edward, adds : " But by the Act of Uniformity the Parliament thought fit not to continue this last order, but to restore the first again, which since that time was never altered by any other law, and therefore it is still in force at this day." 3 Must we not believe that when Cosin and the other Eevisers resolved to keep this Eubric, they did so in the hope that obedience to it, in that sense which we have seen their leader attach to it, and which to a legal mind is its only possible sense, would be one day possible ? That they gave it a careful consideration we know, for they made some verbal changes in the first part, and omitted (as no longer applicable) the last clause, " Ac- cording to the Act of Parliament [i.e. the superseded Uni- formity Act of Elizabeth] set in the beginning of this Book." Although the ornaments in question had, with the exception of the Cope, been almost entirely disused, the Presbyterians, at the Savoy Conference, dreaded lest they should be restored under the authority of this Eubric : " Forasmuch as this Eubric seemeth to bring back the Cope, Albe, etc., and other Vestments forbidden by the Common Prayer Book, 5 and 6 Edward vi. . . . we desire it maybe wholly left out." 4 The existence of the Eubric as a law that might at any time be enforced could be the only ground on which such a state- ment as the following could be made (as it was in 1634), 1 An Answer for the Time, etc., p. 54, in Hierurgia Anglic, p. 381. 2 First Series of Notes on the Prayer-Book, vol. v. p. 42. 8 Third Series, ibid. p. 440. * Exceptions of the Ministers, Cardwell's Hist, of Conference, p. 314. SECT. I.] OF THE ORNAMENTS RUBRIC. 57 even by the most unscrupulous of the Puritans : " Have they (the Papists) proper distinguishing habits for the Clergy, and particular vestments for their holy ministrations, as Albes, Surplices, Chasubles, Amicts, Gowns, Copes. Maniples, Zones, etc. ? So we." 1 In 1709 we find Thomas Bennet 2 declaring it to be " notorious that by those ornaments of the Church and of the ministers thereof, at all times of their ministration, which were in this Church by the authority of Parliament, in the second year of King Edward the Sixth, we are to understand such as were prescribed by the First Common Prayer Book of that Prince." Dr. Mcholls, 3 1710, is equally clear that the Eubric directs us to the first Act of Uniformity, as the authority of Parliament alleged, and that " by this Act we are sent to inquire into the Eubrics of King Edward's First Common Prayer Book for the habits in which ministers are to officiate." To the same effect, Wheatley, 4 the first edition of whose work was published in the same year : " To know what they (the ornaments of the Minis- ters) are, we must have recourse to the Act of Parliament here mentioned, viz., in the second year of the reign of King Edward the Sixth, which enacts, etc. So that by this Act we are again referred to the First Common Prayer Book of King Edward vi. for the habits in which Ministers are to officiate." After quoting the two Eubrics from that Book which order the use of Eochet, Cope or Vestment, Surplice, Albe, Staff, and Tunicle, he adds, " These are the Ministerial ornaments enjoined by our present Eubric." It is evident, then, from the testimony of all parties, that the explanation which the Judicial Committee have given to this Eubric is the traditional as well as legal interpretation of it. Objections, of course, have not been wanting. It has been alleged that the Advertisements of Elizabeth, and the Canons of 1604, although of inferior authority to an Act of Parliament, yet being enforced by custom, under the conniv- ance of the Bishops and others, prevailed to the actual abroga- tion of the Eubric. But to such remarks it is enough to reply, in the words of Dr. Stephens, 5 that " no custom, however 1 De Laune's Plea for the Nonconformists, p. 20 ; Lond. 1704. 2 Paraphrase of the B. C. P. p. 2 ; Stephens on the B. C. P. vol. i. p. 351. 3 Comment, on the B. C. P. note (d) in loco. 4 Illustration of the B. C. P. ch. ii. 4, in the later editions ; in the first two, ch. i. 4. 5 The B. of C. P., with Notes, Legal and Historical, vol. i. p. 351, 368, 367. Dr. Stephens cites to the same effect a judgment of Dr. Phillpotts, the late Bishop of Exeter : " When the accession of Elizabeth brought back the Reformation, she and the Parliament deliberately rejected the simpler direction of Edward's Second Book, and revived the ornaments of 58 THE VESTMENT RULED BY STATUTE LAW. [CHAP. I FT. confirmed, can supersede the Statute Law ; no clergyman can transfer breaches of the Statute Law into the list of approved practices, nor justify neglect of them by pleading the con- nivance or the approbation of his ecclesiastical superiors. It is true the Ordinary may forbear to blame, and he may neglect to reform, any customary deviations from, or any open defiances of, express and positive Rubrics. But as he has no power to alter them, or to give his sanction to altera- tions made in them, so he cannot excuse or discharge his clergy from their obligations to conform themselves to them." The same learned lawyer, noticing the objections of Bishop Mant, observes : " The irresistible answer to Bishop Mant's argument is, that neither the ' governors in the Church' nor ' usage' can supersede the positive enactments of the Statute Law." He affirms this well-known and established principle with express reference to the statutory force of the Rubrics under consideration : " All the directions contained in the First Book of Edward vi. as to the ornaments of the Church and of the Ministers thereof at all times of their ministration are by Stat. 14 Car. n. c. 4, the Statute Law of the Anglican Church." It appears then from the premises that the proper vesture of the Bishop, when celebrating, is a Rochet, Surplice or Albe, and Cope or Vestment ; of the Priest, a white Albe, plain, with a Vestment or a Cope ; and that assistant Priests and Deacons should wear Albes, with Tunicles. The dress of the Epistoler, Gospeller, and Preacher will receive further notice in the proper place. the First. This decision was followed again by the Crown, Convocation, and Parliament at the Restoration of Charles the Second. . . . From this statement it will be seen that the Surplice may be objected to with rea- son ; but then it must be because the law requires a ' white Albe plain, with a Vestment, or Cope' " (p. 377). Sir John T. Coleridge, himself an eminent Judge, and a Member of the Privy Council, in a Letter addressed to Professor Liddon on the late Judgment in Hebbert v. Purchas, says : " It is conceded in the Report (of the Judicial Committee) that the Vest- ments, the use of which is now condemned, were in use by authority of Parliament in that year (the second of Edw. vr.) Having that fact, you are bound to construe the Rubric as if those vestments were speci- fically named in it, instead of being only referred to. ... The Rubric, indeed, seems to me to imply with some clearness that in the long inter- val between Edw. vi. and the 14th Car. II. there had been many changes ; but it does not stay to specify them, or distinguish between what was mere evasion and what was lawful ; it quietly passes them all by, and goes back to the legalized usage of the second year of Edw. vi. What had prevailed since, whether by an Archbishop's gloss, by Commissions, or even Statutes, whether, in short, legal or illegal, it makes quite immate- rial." Cited in Dr. Liddon's Letter to Sir J. T. Coleridge, p. 6 ; Riving- tons, 1871. SECT. I.] THE COPE AT THE EUCHARIST. 59 The Rubrics give the Bishop, when celebrating, a choice between the Surplice and Albe, and again between a Cope and a Vestment. The Priest also may wear either Cope or Vestment. By the 58th Canon, however, it is ordered that Ministers, whenever " ministering the Sacraments or other rites of the Church, wear a decent and comely Surplice with sleeves." The Albe was not forbidden, but by the beginning of the seventeenth century it had become nearly obsolete, 1 and probably was confounded with the Surplice, from which it differed only in fitting more closely to the body, and having longer and looser sleeves, and with which it was at first identical. 2 THE COPE. I. The Cope was properly a processional vestment, though it has been largely used in England instead of the Chasuble and those other ornaments of the Priest that were worn with it. At the Reformation the proper " Vestment " of the Priest fell into discredit. It consisted of more parts than could be thought necessary for a merely practical pur- pose, and each part had a symbolical meaning assigned to it which could not in every case appear very appropriate to the growing intelligence of the age. We cannot wonder then if it fell under the suspicion of superstition. Add to this, the greater cost of a dress so elaborate as the " Vest- ment," and the time required for its adjustment, and we shall understand the preference that was certainly shown for the Cope, a habit to which the Offices of Ordination had not given a mystical character, and which was less costly, and could be put on and thrown off without inconvenience or loss of time. The rulers of the Church yielded to this feel- 1 Hierurgia Anglicana, p. 129, note. There are two records of its use, however, after the Restoration, copied into the Hierurgia, viz., at Dublin, where Bramhall consecrated two Bishops on the 18th of January 1660-1, and ten on the 19th : " The Bishops elect in their albs ;" and at Chester, when Walton was enthroned in 1661 : "All the members of the Cathe- dral, habited in their albs, received a blessing from his Lordship" (p. 167). 2 " In Italy and the Gauls, not Priests only, but even the inferior Clergy, used the Albe as an ordinary dress down to the ninth century. But for its more convenient use some of them shortened it to the form of the Rochet, which some Canons Regular use as their common habit. In colder countries, however, that they might adapt the Albe to dresses made of skins, they enlarged the body and sleeves. Whence, because it was put on over skins (super pelles) it was called a surplice (superpelli- cium)" Mohren, Expos. Miss. vii. Q. viii. p. 57. See De Vert, Rem. 4 on ch. 5. Ce>m. de 1'Eglise, t. ii. p. 263, and the figures (oppos. p. 268) of the Albe, Rochet, and Surplice, by which his remarks are illustrated. 60 THE COPE AFTER THE REFORMATION. [CHAP. III. ing, though they allowed the law, by which the " Vestment " was permitted as an alternative, to remain unaltered. In the general destruction of church ornaments which took place in the 6th year of Elizabeth, " Vestments " rarely escaped, though the law sanctioned their use, while Copes were generally preserved. Thus in the returns of the Lin- colnshire Churchwardens in 1566, the Cope is sometimes classed with the Chalice and Surplice, as a thing to be re- tained for use : e.g. " An old Cope of blue velvet with two Surplices remaining at this time ;" " One Cope and a Chalice remaineth," l etc. In very many instances it is mentioned by itself as not put away : " Item, one Cope remaineth ;" 2 " Item, two Copes yet remaining. Of the one we intend to make a covering for our pulpit at our return." 3 In a few instances the supposed ground of the distinction is alleged. For example : " Item one Cope remaining in our said Parish ; so that we have no monument of superstition now remaining ;" 4 " Item one Cope remaineth in our Parish Church, with a Surplice and five towels, which we occupy about the Communion ; but all the trumpery and Popish ornaments is sold and defaced ; so that there remaineth no superstitious monument within our Parish Church of Billing- borough." 5 At Levington the Churchwardens say that "a Cope, with all the other things according to the Injunction, remaineth in our said Parish Church." 6 The Injunctions to which they appeal are, I presume, the Advertisements of 1564, by which it was ordered that " in Ministration of the Holy Communion in the Cathedral and Collegiate Churches, the principal minister should use a Cope, with Gospeller and Epistoler agreeably." 7 As the Cathedral practice was con- sidered the pattern for the diocese, this was to sanction, if not to prescribe, its use everywhere. Before this, when " in- terpreting" the Injunctions of 1559, the Archbishop and Bishops, in their notes " concerning the Book of services," settle " that there be used only but one apparel, as the Cope in the ministration of the Lord's Supper, and the Surplice in all other ministrations." 8 This resolution of the Bishops referred equally to all Churches. The Canons of 1604 re- newed the Injunction of Elizabeth : " In all Cathedral and 1 Peacock's Church Furniture in Lincolnshire, pp. 75, 77, 106, 141. Many of the Churchwardens do not think it necessary to return Chalices or Surplices, they being ornaments known by them to be legal and pre- scribed. We may safely assume that Copes were sometimes left un- noticed for the same reason. * Ibid. pp. 47, 48, 81, 117, 124, 130, 148, 149, 151, 154, 165, 167. 3 Ibid. p. 125. Sim. p. 137. 4 Ibid. p. 115. 5 Ibid. p. 49. 6 Ibid. p. 114. 7 Docum. Ann. vol. i. p. 326. 8 Ibid. vol. i. p. 238. SECT. I.] THE EARLIER HISTORY OF THE COPE. 61 Collegiate Churches the Holy Communion shall be adminis- tered upon principal Feast-days, . . . the principal Minister using a decent Cope, and being assisted with the Gospeller and Epistoler, agreeably according to the Advertisements published Anno 7 Eliz." l The use of the Cope has almost died out in England, but numberless notices of it from the time of the Eeformation down to the present century may be found to reward a care- ful search. A very large number have been collected by the editors of the Hierurgia Anglicana. 2 Eeferring the reader to their pages, I will only add here that Copes have been used at the Coronation of all our Sovereigns, including her pre- sent Majesty, as ordered in the Eubrics of the Coronation Service. 3 IT. The Cope, in Latin cappa, was also called Pluviale, from its being designed to afford protection from the rain. It is properly a cloak fastened in front, and originally it was fur- nished with a hood or cowl. 4 At one period it was also called casula processoria? and, but for the hood, may have differed little from the casula in make. There is some reason to think that the cowl of this garment was first called by the name of Cappa. For, if the reading be correct, Gregory of Tours, 6 A.D. 573, in his account of Nicetius of Lyons, speak- ing of the cowl of his casula, says that " the cope (cappa 7 ) of this garment was enlarged and sewed together in the manner of those white vestments which are put on the shoulders of Priests at the Paschal Feasts." We may conjecture that by degrees the cowl, thus enlarged, became a detached cape, and finally was lengthened into the modern Cope, retaining its name through every change. The earliest mention of the cope as a distinct vestment occurs probably in the will of Leodobodus, 8 the founder of Fleury, in the seventh century : " Two sandals for Masses, and or alia for the table, together with Copes, and all the furniture." About the year 831, S. Angesisus gave to his monastery of Fontenelle " two Roman Copes, one of red cindatum, and adorned with green fringes on the border, another of Pontic dog, which they call beaver, 1 Can. xxiv. 2 See pp. 144-173, 379-385, etc. 3 Mask ell's Monum. Ritual, vol. iii. pp. 88, 90, 138. 4 The Cappa was itself originally a head-dress (Isidore, Etym. L. xix. c. xxxi. n. 3, torn. iv. p. 470) that which afterwards had the name, being then called pallium or dilamys. Ibid. c. xxiv. nn. 1, 2, pp. 455, 6. 5 Vita S. Caesar, auctt. Cypriano, etc. L. i. c. iv. 32 ; Bolland, Aug. 27, torn. vi. p. 72, casulam quam processoriam habebat. 6 Vita; Patr. c. vii. v. Opp. col. 1188. 7 Some have read capsa, which appears indefensible. 8 Vita Roberti Epit. per Helgald. consc. praemiss. Hist. Franc. Script, xi. p. 60 ; Francof. 1596. 62 THE ROMAN COPE AND PLUVIALE DIFFER. [CHAP. III. similarly decorated with a fringe of its own colour all round." x In the same year are enumerated among the pos- sessions of the Monastery of Centule " one chestnut cope adorned with gold ; one of silk." 2 In the next century Adelaide, the mother of Eobert the King of the Franks, made for the blessed Confessor (S. Martin, i.e. for a church dedi- cated to him) one Cope inwoven with gold, and two of silver." 3 These passages will suffice to show the early use of the dress under that name, and the custom of enriching and decorating it. The earliest mention of the Cope under the name of Pluviale appears to occur in the life of S. Odo of Clugny, who died in 942. The writer was his disciple. He is re- cording an apparition of S. Martin, which Odo related as having been vouchsafed to an aged person, who saw a vene- rable man " clad in a shining robe (stola), over which he wore a pluvial pallium, and he carried in his hand a ferule after the custom of Bishops." 4 Leo ix., A.D. 1049, is said to have dreamt that he hid his friends who were in some danger " under his pluvial dress (sub pluviali veste), which," adds the writer of his life, " is commonly called a Cope." 5 Durandus, 6 A.D. 1286, says, " There is yet another vestment, which is called the Pluviale or Cope. ... It has a hood. It is lengthened down to the feet. ... It is open in front." Since the fourteenth century, however, a distinction has sprung up in the Church of Eome between the Cappa and the Pluviale. " They differ," says Giorgi, 7 " in matter, form, use, and colour." The Cappa is "worn by most Chapters of Canons, by Bishops, Cardinals, and by the Chief Pontiff, both in choir and in other public assemblies ; " while the Pluviale answers rather to the English Cope. In baptizing an adult the Priest begins with " Surplice and Stole, or even a violet Pluviale," which he exchanges for a white Stole and Pluviale after the renunciation. He wears a Surplice, Stole, and, if it may be had, a white Pluviale, when he carries the Sacrament to the sick, and a black one when he performs the funeral Service, unless it be for a child. He puts on a white Pluviale when with authority from the Bishop he blesses the first stone of a church, or reconciles a church that has been 1 Acta S. Ord. Ben. Ssec. iv. torn. iv. p. i. p. 634. 2 Hariulf. Chron. Cental. L. iii. c. iii. ; Spicil. Dach. torn. ii. p. 310 ; ed. 1723. 3 Vita3 Eobert. Epit. per Helgaldum, Hist. Franc. Script, xi. p. 68. 4 Vita Odon. per Johann. L. ii. ii. Acta Bened. Sac. v. p. 165. 5 Wibert. in Vita, L. ii. c. viii. Acta Bened. Ssec. vi. p. ii. p. 75. 6 Ration. L. iii. c. i. n. 1 3. 7 De Liturg. Roin. Pont. L. i. c. xxxi. xxii. xxi. torn. i. pp. 298, 297. SECT. L] MYSTIC MEANINGS OF THE COPE. 63 polluted, and the same when he blesses or reconciles a ceme- tery ; a violet one when he gives a public absolution, or publicly blesses the people and the land. In greater pro- cessions the Priest and his Ministers are to wear by prefer- ence a violet Pluviale. 1 The Bishop in confirming wears a white Pluviale ; when about to ordain he proceeds to the church in a large Cope, of which his Chaplain bears the train, but does not wear it nor a Pluviale when ordaining. Bishops assisting at the consecration of a Bishop wear a Pluviale, although the consecrator have none. The Bishop has a white Pluviale at the consecration of a church or bene- diction of a cemetery. All Bishops wear the Pluviale at the Coronation of a king. 2 These facts will suffice to identify the Pluviale with our Cope, as directed to be used in the Pontifical and Manual of Saruni. 3 At the consecration or reconciliation of a church or churchyard, the English Bishop wore both Pluviale and Cope. 4 The English Cope, however, appears to have been used in fewer Offices than is the Eoman Pluviale. III. The Cope, like other vestments, was made the subject of mystical commentary. " It has a hood at the top," says one writer, 5 "which signifies the joy above. . . . It reaches to the feet, because it is meet to persevere in a holy conversation unto the end. By the fringe is denoted the labour through which the service of God is effected. It is left open in front, because eternal life is open to the Ministers of Christ who live holily." " We put on Copes at the greater Feasts," says another, 6 " that we may more largely glory in God, looking on to the future Eesurrection, when all the elect . . . receive two robes ; namely, the rest of their souls and the glorious immortality of their raised bodies. They are rightly made open on the inner side, and, except the necessary buckle, quite without sewing, because the changed and immortal 1 These particulars arc from the Kubrics of the Rituale Romanum. 2 See for the rules affecting Bishops the Rubrics of the Pontificale Romanum. 3 See the Manual of 1554, foil. ii. viii. xiii. xvi. xviii. xx. etc. ; and for the Pontifical, see Omcium Coronat. Regin. in Maskell's Monum. Rit. vol. iii. p. 50 ; Consecr. Elect! in Episc. p. 243 ; Inthron. Archiep. (de Pallio) p. 292 ; Ordo ad Recipiendum Prselatum, etc. pp. 304, 5. The Rubric in the MS. Pontificals, on the mode of vesting the Bishop for a high Celebra- tion supposes that he comes to the church in a Cope, for after putting on the leggings and sandals, and washing his hands, he "puts off the Cope and puts on Amice, Albe," etc. The "Lincoln" Pontifical, Univ. Lib. Camb. fol. x. 4 Monum. Rit. vol. i. pp. 164, 208 ; vol. iii. p. 309. 5 See Gemma, An. L. i. c. 227 ; Hitt. col. 1237. 6 Rupert, De Div. Off. L. ii. c. 24 ; Hitt. col. 885. 64 THE VESTMENT OF THE RUBRIC. [CHAP. III. bodies will confine the soul in no straits, etc. They are also adorned beneath with fringes, because nothing will then be wanting to our perfection." These are fair examples of the manner in which all the vestments have been improved. The reader will probably think that such far-fetched conceits present little to admire beyond the piety of their authors, and will not be dissatisfied, if after this I confine myself (as a rule) to those mystical interpretations l of the several parts of the Eucharistic Vestment, which were drawn up under the authority of Cranmer in 1543, if not actually compiled by him. Other specimens will occur incidentally. The only Church, so far as I know, beside our own, in which the Cope is worn by the Celebrant, is the Armenian. 2 It is there in constant use under the name of Churtchar, the Chasuble being unknown, although in the Latin version of their Liturgy the Churtchar is called Casula. I have met with no reason for supposing that the Armenians ever changed from one form to another. 3 It is probable that national custom at a very early period gave the Churtchar the same use among them, that a similar cause gave to the Casula throughout the Eoman Empire. THE VESTMENT. Great confusion has arisen with regard to the meaning of " a vestment " in the Eubric, from the fact that at the period of the Keformation that word was sometimes popularly used as synonymous with Chasuble. For example, in some lists of church-furniture, we find the following " ornaments of the Minister " entered as distinct articles : " Item, our Vest- ments, Albes, Amices, Stoles, Panels (fanons), and such like, cut in pieces, and thereof is made cloths for the Communion Table and Pulpit this year" (1566). 4 In ecclesiastical usage, however, the " Vestment " was the whole of the prescribed 1 Printed by Collier (Eccl. Hist. P. ii. B. iii. p. 194) from the Cotton MSS. Cleop. E 5, p. 259. The symbolism of this tract differs much from that of John de Burgo, with whom the different parts of the " Vestment " mean several virtues ; the Tunic, that of faith ; the Albe, new life ; the Girdle, continence ; the Maniple, patience ; the Stole, bearing the Cross of obedience ; the Chasuble, charity. Pupilla Oculi, P. iv. c. xi. fol. 22, 6. 2 Le Brun, Diss. x. An. ix. tome 5, p. 80. 3 Dr. Neale (Introd. to Hist, of Eastern Church, p. 309) says that Isaac the Catholic "blamed" the Armenians "for giving up the Vestment." What he really says is, that they had no distinctive dress for their minis- trations not using the Phelonion, like others ; " but every one of them goes in unto the Altar just as he is dressed, and goes about to all kinds of places." Invect. in Armen. Galland. torn. xiv. p. 445. 4 Peacock, p. 65 ; Sim. p. 33. SECT. I.] DEFINITION OF A VESTMENT. 65 dress of the Celebrant, and it is so expressly defined in Pro- vincial Constitutions both of Canterbury and York. 1 " That Parishioners may be informed in every particular, let all men understand and observe that the Chalice, the Missal, the principal Vestment of the Church itself; to wit, the Chasuble, fair Albe, Amice, Stole, Maniple, Girdle, with two towels, the great Processional Cross, etc. etc., belong to the Parish- ioners." 2 Hence it is that in many extant lists of Church ornaments we find no mention of Albes or Maniples or Stoles or Chasubles, though several Copes and Surplices are specified. The ornaments not specified are in such a case understood under the comprehensive term " Vestment." 3 More fre- quently than not the word is used in this wider and more correct sense ; although many of the ancient inventories are evidently drawn up by ignorant persons. Occasionally, when it is thus used, some part of the Vestment is specified and described on account of something noteworthy about it. 4 When it is not used at all, the parts of which it is composed are severally named. Thus in a list of ecclesiastical vest- ments belonging to King's College, Cambridge, made in 1453, we have this entry, " Item, a Chasuble of white baldakin, the Orfrey of blue cloth of gold, with pheasants and squirrels, one Albe, one Amyte, with parures ; Stole and Fanon accord- ing to the same." 5 A further illustration of the use of the 1 A Constitution of Peckham, who became Archbishop of Canterbury in 1278 ; but mainly borrowed from the Constitutions of Gray, Archbishop of York, 1250. The definition of a Vestment is exactly the same in each. Wilkins's Concilia, torn. ii. p. 49 ; torn. i. p. 698. By a "principal Vest- ment," Lyndwood, commenting on a similar Constitution of Robert Win- chelsey, 1305 (Wilkins, torn. ii. p. 2), bids us understand " a Vestment for the Principal Feasts." He argues from the Parishioners being ex- pressly ordered to find this, that they were not bound to find " Vestments for the use of common days. " " For that which is said especially of one seems to be denied in the case of others." Lib. iii. tit. 27, p. 252. 2 An excellent illustration occurs in the Canterbury Inventories : "A Vestment, . . . to wit, a white Chasuble, diapered, etc., with Albe, Amice, Stole, and Maniple," the very next entry to which is "Item, a white Chasuble, diapered, etc., with Albe and Amice, Stole and Maniple;" i.e. another Vestment. Dart's Antiquities of Canterbury, App. p. x. 3 See examples in the lists given by Stephens on the B. C. P. vol. i. pp. 352, 3 ; and Peacock, p. 201, where sixteen "Vestments" and nine- teen Copes are described, but no Albe, Stole, Fanon, or Chasuble is named. Sim. pp. 219, 220, 2, 246. 4 See examples of this in the very rich Vestimenta of S. Paul's. Dug- dale's Hist, of S. P. p. 210. In some instances the Stoles and Maniples did not match the Chasuble in colour. A separate list of " Chasubles " makes the distinction more certain. P. 215. 5 Ecclesiologist, vol. xx. p. 311, furnished by the Eev. George Williams. E 66 DEFINITION OF A VESTMENT. [CHAP. III. word is supplied by such entries as the following : " Item, one white fustian Vestment with a red cross to the Albe be- longing" (1549); 1 "Item, Albes, Stoles, Amice, and such- like linen belonging to the Vestments" (1566); 2 "Item, two Vestments of green silk and a Vestment of blue damask with the appurtenances " (1 529) ; 3 " Item, an old Vestment without Albe" (1549). 4 The last extracts, taken from Churchwardens' lists all made in the sixteenth century, would alone be sufficient to prove that the "Vestment" ordered to be used was at that period, as well as earlier, con- sidered incomplete without the Amice, Albe, etc. The word was even employed to signify a set of Eucharistic dresses of the same colour, etc., for the Priest and the Ministers who assisted him. Thus in the inventory of the chapel of a rich guild at Boston, we have several entries of this kind : " A whole Vestment for a Priest, with Deacon and Subdeacon, of white damask with eagles of gold standing on books, bearing Scriptures on their head, and Orfreys of a story of our Lady, with all other things to the said Vestment belonging." 5 A " whole Vestment " like this would consist of one Chasuble for the Priest, two Tunicles for the Deacon and Subdeacon, Albes, Amices, and Fanons for each, and a Stole for the Priest at least. All this is actually expressed in some lists that have come down to us : e.g. " One good white Vestment of cloth of gold for the principal Feasts of the Blessed Mary, with (cum, often equivalent to consisting of) a Chasuble, two Tunicles, three Albes, three Amices, with Stole and Fanons." 6 The word vestment was often in such a case used as synony- mous with suit. The following entries occur as given in the inventory of ornaments belonging to the Parish Church of Boston, made in the sixth year of Edward vi. : " Item, a Vestment, Deacon and Subdeacon, of old red baldakin, with a red Cope with talbots of it. Item, another suit of red baldakin, Priest, Deacon, and Subdeacon, and four old red Copes with garters of it." 7 Hence, when in the King's Col- 1 Peacock, p. 246. 2 Ibid. p. 46 ; Sim. p. 55. 3 Ibid. p. 231. 4 Ibid. p. 246. Similarly at Helaugh in Yorkshire, 1549 : " Item, two Vestments with Albes. Item, two without Albe," i.e. two perfect and two imperfect. P. 243. 5 Peacock, p. 201. 6 Invent, of S. George's Chapel, Windsor. Pugin's Glossary of Eccles. Ornam. p. 214. 7 Peacock, p. 220; Sim. pp. 218, 222. Garters were a very common ornament on Copes. One list, p. 203, gives "three black Copes, . . . with garters and Scriptures," i.e. legends on the garters, which were, I presume, circular scrolls, buckled, such as we often see now. SECT. L] OF THE AMICE. 67 lege inventory we read, " Item, one suit of white cloth of gold with pheasants and ducks," * we are to understand a complete set of Eucharistic Vestments for the Priest and his assistant Deacon and Subdeacon, all of the same materials, and adorned in the same manner. Sometimes the meaning of vestment was so extended as to embrace the Altar-cloth, etc., corresponding to the Chasuble and other ornaments of the Clergy, e.g. " One blue Vestment inwoven with white dogs, viz., two frontals, two curtains, one Chasuble, two tunics, etc." 2 There is one exception to the omission of the names of the several Eucharistic Ornaments in inventories that employ the term " Vestment " to denote the whole dress. Albes are very frequently noticed in them, for the obvious reason that the Albe was used at other Offices, and therefore more were required than that which belonged to the Vestment. The exception, however, does not extend beyond Parish Churches. In the inventories of Chantries and Chapels, in which those other Offices were not performed, Albes are seldom men- tioned ; 3 and when they are, it is as belonging to the Vest- ment. The popular separation, however, of the Albe from the Vestment was sufficiently prevalent to leave its mark on the Eubric of 1549, the Priest being therein ordered to wear " a white Albe plain, with a Vestment or Cope." THE AMICE. Of the necessary parts of the complete Eucharistic Vest- ment, as that was understood at the period of the Eeforma- tion, and for several centuries before, the Amice first claims attention, because it is the first which the Priest puts on. " Upon his head an amice first he layeth," writes the author of the Virtue of the Mass ; 4 and in saying this he is only 1 Ecclesiologist, vol. xx. p. 311. 2 Inventory of S. George's Chapel, Windsor, in Pugin's Glossary, p. 214. 3 See, for example, Peacock, pp. 201-203, where sixteen Vestments and nineteen Copes, the property of one chapel, are enumerated, but no Albe mentioned. See similar cases, pp. 181, 208, etc. In fifteen of the Inven- tories of the Lancashire Chantries, Vestments only (an aggregate of thirty- four) are named ; in four we have " Vestments with Albes ;" in two, Vestments and Copes only are specified ; in one, Vestments, Copes, and Tunicles ; in two, " Vestments with the appurtenances." Cheetham Society's Publications, Nos. 59, 60. Albes are not mentioned in all Parish lists, though they are in the great majority. For exceptions, see Alford, Aslacbie, Bardney, etc. ; Peacock, pp. 29, 30, 57, etc. ; Stephens on the B. C. P. vol. i. pp. 352, 3. 4 Stanza 19. 68 NAMES OF THE AMICE. [CHAP. III. repeating what many * have said with the same emphasis before him. In the ritual of Milan, 2 however, it is put on after the Girdle of the Albe ; and the Canons of Lyons are said to observe the same custom. 3 It was supposed by Ivo 4 to be general in the eleventh century, for he not only speaks of the Albe or Poderis first, but says " the Humeral is tied to the Poderis." The Maronites 5 put the Amice on after the Girdle. The Greeks, 6 Copts, and Syrians 7 wear none, nor is there reason to think that they ever did. The Armenian Vakass, which is a Superhumeral with the addition of a breast- plate, is put on before the Stoicharion or Oriental Poderis. 8 The original custom at Rome was to assume the Albe and Girdle before the Amice, as we gather from some of the ancient directories published by Hittorpius, Thomasius, and others, and from a MS. Missal of the eleventh century, preserved in the Vatican. One ancient Ordo 9 says, " The white tunic (i.e. the Albe), the Girdle, then the Anagolagium ;" 10 while another n explains that the Anagolagium is " an Amice (amictus) which is called the Humeral." The origin of the 1 e.g. Amalar. A.D. 812, De Eccl. Off. L. i. c. 15 ; Hitt. col. 387 ; pseudo- Alcuin of the tenth century, ibid. col. 274; Rupert. Tuit. 1111, De Div. Off. L. i. c. 19, col. 861 ; Tnnoc. in. 1198, De Myst. Miss. L. i. c. 1. col. 792 (Par. 1855), etc. ; Hildebert, 1097, Expos. Miss. Opp. col. 1109; Job. Abrinc. de Off. Eccl. col. 62 ; Par. 1853 ; and in England, John de Burgo, Pupilla Oculi, P. iv. c. ix. fol. 21, 2. 2 Martene, de Rit. Eccl. Ant. L. i. c. iv. Arl. xii. Ord. iii. torn. i. p. 173 ; Vicecomes, De Missae Appar. L. ii. c. i. torn. iv. p. 37. 3 Amictus super Albam, non Alba super Amictum ; Martene, L. i. c. iv. Art. i. n. xi. torn. i. p. 126, Sala in Bona, torn. ii. p. 221. At Lyons, it may be mentioned, as a custom probably connected with this, the Canons, Priest, Deacon, and Subdeacon always celebrated having the head covered with a mitre (De Moleon, p. 50) ; and the same thing is done at S. Maurice of Vienne in Dauphiny, and at the Cathedral and Church of S. Pierre at Macon. Ibid. pp. 10, 147. 4 De Reb. Eccl. Hittorp. col. 781. 5 Mabill. in Mus. Ital. torn. ii. p. 7 ; Martene, as in note 2 above, etc. 6 Sala in Bona (torn. ii. p. 221) implies that the Greeks once had an Amice. There is no good ground for that opinion, which (as Mr. Marriott suggests in a private letter) is probably a loose inference from early allu- sions to the Orarion of the Deacon. 7 Renaudot, torn. ii. p. 55. 8 Neale's Introd. p. 307. 9 Ord. v. Mus. Ital. torn. ii. p. 64. 10 The reading should be andbolagium, which Ducange allows, as from the Greek avafioXaiov (pseudo-Athanas. in Descript. B. V. M. et S. Jos. Opp. Athan. torn. ii. p. 651). Other forms are ambolagium and andboladlon ; and in the Saxon Glossary of Elfric anabala, the probable source of the English wimple. " The anaboladion," says Isidore, "is a piece of female clothing, of linen, with which the shoulders are covered." Etymol. L. xix. c. xxv. n. 7, torn. iv. p. 461 ; Rom. 1801. 11 Ord. iii. Mus. Ital. torn. ii. p. 54. Here ambolagium ; in Ord. i. p. 7, anagolaium. SECT. I.] PEAYEES ON ASSUMING IT. 69 last name is obvious. " The Priest," says Honorius, 1 1130, "when about to celebrate Mass," "puts on the Humeral (which in the Law is called the Ephod, with us the Amice), and with it covers the head and neck and shoulders (humeros), whence also it is called the Humeral." For the same reason it was sometimes called the Superhumeral, as in the Eubrics of the MS. Ordo of Eatoldus, 2 and in pseudo-Alcuin. 3 " After the sandals," says the latter, " in the vestments of the Church, the Superhumeral follows, which is made of the purest linen." 4 In a Eubric of the Missa Illyrici the Amice is called the Ephod by preference, a prayer being given there to be said " at the putting on of the Ephot or Amice." 5 In another Ordo it is called the Helmet (galea). 6 The Amice was originally a covering for the head, as well as neck and shoulders, a reminiscence of which fact survives in the curious custom of placing it on the head for a moment before it is adjusted. 7 The prayer still said by the Eoman Priest when he puts on the Amice is a witness to its original use : " Put, Lord, the helmet of salvation on my head," etc. In some old books we find the following : 8 " Over- shadow my head, O Lord, with the shade of holy faith, and drive from me the clouds of ignorance." In the Sarum Pon- tifical 9 the Bishop says, " The Holy Ghost shall come upon me ; the power of the Highest shall overshadow my head." At S. Maurice, Angers, we are told by De Moleon, 10 the Cele- brant and his assistants wore the Ainice on their heads in his time until after the Sanctus, when they lowered it. In many churches in France it was, and perhaps is, the custom for the Priest to keep it on the head until he reached the Altar. 11 We may mention here, once for all, that distinct prayers over each part of the Vestment are not given in the old 1 Gemma Animee, L. i. cc. 199, 201 ; Hittorp. coll. 1230, 1. 2 Martene, L. i. c. iv. Art. xii. Ord. xi. torn. i. p. 202. 3 De Div. Off. Hittorp. col. 274. 4 See also Eabanus, De Instit. Cler. L. i. c. 15 ; Hitt. col. 572 ; but it is not easy to determine whether it was used by him as a recognised name of the Amictus, or in order to accommodate the Christian to the Jewish nomenclature. 8 Martene, L. i. c. iv. Art. xii. Ord. iv. torn. i. p. 177. 6 From an ancient Missal of Narbonne, Martene, u.s. Art. p. 127. 7 Eit. Celebr. Miss. tit. i. 3. 8 Martene, L. i. c. iv. Art. xii. Ordd. xii. xiii. torn. i. pp. 204, 207. Other forms may be seen in the collection of Martene. 9 The MS. "Lincoln Pontifical," Univ. Libr. Camb. fol. xi. 10 Voy. Liturg. p. 87. De Moleon was the name assumed by J. B. Lebrun-Desmarettes. 11 De Vert, Cerem. de 1'Eglise, tome ii. p. 242. 70 THE AMICE SOMETIMES DECORATED. [CHAP. III. English Missals, as they were, and are, in the foreign ; nor is there any allusion to such prayers in the Pupilla Oculi. The Sarum Missal orders the Priest to say the Veni Creator, with a Versicle and Eesponse, and the Collect for Purity, "while he is clothing himself with the sacred garments." The York only directs a prayer to be said when he is washing his hands, which always preceded the assumption of the Vest- ment, but does not allude to any part of that. The Hereford says, " After the Priest has put on the Amice and Albe, let him, standing before the Altar, begin the Antiphon Introibo,' etc., thus providing no prayer for the vesting. The Sarum Pontifical, however, gives not only Psalms, but what it calls the " usual prayers," to be said as each ornament is put on by the Bishop. 1 There is another peculiarity in the Hereford Rubric which we must not pass by. The Priests who followed the Use of Hereford were of course bound by the general law of the Province, 2 and indeed of all the West, 3 to use the whole Vestment, consisting of Amice, Albe, Stole, Chasuble, and Maniple; but here the Priest is told to begin when he has " put on the Amice and Albe." The wording of the Eubric is too precise to admit the supposition of his being fully vested when he began. "When then did he assume his other orna- ments ? The later Eubrics afford no clue. Is it possible that he did this before the Canon, and thus marked, like the Celebrant and his Ministers at Angers, only in a more em- phatic manner, the more sacred part of the office ? It was at this part, that is, after the dismissal of the Catechumens, that the Bishop put on his " splendid vestment " at the earliest period at which we hear of a special habit for the occasion. 4 The Amice was sometimes richly decorated, contrary to the general feeling with regard to it. Among the vestments bequeathed to his Church by Eiculfus, Bishop of Elne, in Eoussillon, A.D. 915, are " four Amices with gold." 5 In 1087 the Monastery of Casino received from Victor in. a gift of " two great Camisi (Albes) covered with gold, with their 1 See the MS. " Lincoln Pontifical," Univ. Libr. Camb. foil. x. xi. xii. 2 Constit. Peckham ; Wilkins, torn. ii. p. 49. 3 " Let no one sing without a light, without an Amice, without an Albe, Stole, Fanon, and Chasuble." Leo iv., A.D. 847 ; De Cura Pastorali ; Labb. torn. viii. col. 33. Similarly in various Synodal Addresses of that period, as in Baluz. App. ad Reginon. pp. 503, 505 ; in Giorgi, Liturg. Rom. Pont. App. No. ix. torn. iii. p. 428. The latest is given by Baluz. p. 508, and agrees in this. Sim. Ratherius, A.D. 932, Syuodica, Labb. torn. ix. col. 1271. 4 Apost. Const. L. viii. c. xii. ; Cotel. torn. i. p. 399. 5 Testam. Riculf. in App. ad Regin. n. x. p. 518, ed. Baluz. SECT. I.] THE ALBE OF THE RUBRIC. 71 Ainices," 1 i.e. as it is understood, with Amip.es to match ; and, in fact, a gift of plain Amices would certainly not have been worthy of record. De Moleon, 2 at the end of the seventeenth century, found Amices with apparels 3 in use at S. Maurice of Angers, and S. Stephen of Bourges. In England the in- ventory of S. Paul's, made in 1295, gives a list of " Amices by themselves," 4 i.e. besides those that were included in the Vestments, and these prove to be all of costly material and highly ornamented, some with apparels. Many that are de- scribed as a part of certain Vestments were also " of the same work," or otherwise enriched. 6 The practical use of the Amice is to cover the collar of the Priest's ordinary dress, and to keep the Stole from contact with the neck. Hence the feeling, that ornament was out of place, and contrary to good taste. The Amice, according to Cranmer, " signifies the veil with which the Jews covered the head of Jesus, . . . and as touching the Minister, it signifies faith, which is the head, ground, and foundation of all virtues, and therefore he puts that upon his head first." 6 THE ALBE. The Eubric of the First Book of Edward orders the Priest to wear, when celebrating, a " white Albe plain." The Bishop may wear either Surplice or Albe with his other habits ; and he is not restricted to a plain Albe. It may have " apparels " on the sleeves, and on the front below the Chasuble, according to a custom not unfrequent formerly in rich churches, and on great occasions. De Moleon, at the end of the seventeenth century, found aubes parses in use at S. Maurice, Angers, and S. Agnan, Orleans. He remarks further, " They use them to this day in Cathedral Churches and ancient Abbeys. 7 It might seem unnecessary to direct also that the Albe should be white ; but the following extract from the Sacerdotale of Albertus Castellanus will show that it was not done without a reason : " Four Priests also are pre- 1 Chron. Casin. L. iii. c. Ixxiv. p. 421. Sim. among the gifts of Angilbert to the Church of S. Riquier at Centule were " six Roman Albes with gold apparels, with their Amices." Hariulf. Chron. L. ii. c. v. SpiciL Dach. torn. ii. p. 306. 2 Voy. Liturg. pp. 87, 141. 3 Parurce, pieces of ornamental work sometimes affixed to the linen parts of the Vestment. 4 Dugdale's Hist, of S. Paul's, App. p. 209. 6 Ibid. p. 210. 6 Collier, P. ii. B. iii. p. 194. 7 Voyages Liturgiques, pp. 87, 202, 236. See also Macri in v. Alba. 72 VARIOUS NAMES OF THE ALEE. [CHAP. III. pared (on Good Friday), or two at the least, clad in black eamisise, with Amice and Girdle of the same colour." x In Canterbury Cathedral were Albes of " green cloth " and " red linen," and " red samite." 2 The Albe was, with some exceptions of which we have already given an account, put on immediately after the Amice. It corresponds to the Greek Stoicharion 3 or Stich- arion, to the Coptic Touniat or Jabat, 4 the Syriac Koutino, and the Arabic Tunia. 5 It has also been called Poderis both by the Greeks and Latins, because it reaches to the feet. 6 It was at one time called camisia, camisus, or camisile. " The Poderis," says Isidore, 7 A.D. 595, " is a linen tunic worn by Priests, fitting closely to the body, coming down to the feet. This is commonly called camisia." Pseudo-Alcuin, 8 in the eleventh century : " After (the Superhumeral) follows the Poderis, which is commonly called the Albe." Ivo, 9 A.D. 1092 : " The Priests of the New Testament use also a linen tunic which is called Poderis." In some early editions of the Ordo Eomanus the Albe is called simply Linea : One Sub- deacon " takes the Linea, another the girdle," etc., 10 when the Bishop is to be vested. In one instance, viz., in a MS. Ordo and Canon n of the twelfth century, in the Vatican, I observe that it is called Eplwtli, the Amice, which was often called so, retaining its common name. The Albe takes its now general name from its colour. It was at first alba vestis, alba tunica, or alba lineal The earliest ecclesiastical use of alba as a substantive occurs in an African canon 13 of the end of the fourth century : " That the Deacon use an Albe at the time of the Oblation only, or of the Lesson." When S. Jerome 14 speaks of the " Bishop, Priest, Deacon and the rest of the Ecclesiastical Order walk- 1 Maori in v. Alba. 2 Dart's Antiquities of Canterbury, App. p. vii. 3 Goar, pp. 110, 111 ; notes 8, 11. 4 Renaud.tom. i. p. 178. 6 Renaud. torn. ii. p. 54. The Coptic Touniat, the Arabic Tunia, and the Syriac Koutino, are from the Greek ^ITOSVIOV, Lat. Tunicella. 6 Camisia liriea, quae alba, vel poderis, vel talaris nuncupatur. Joh. Abrinc. (about 1070) De Off. Eccl. col. 62. 7 Etymol. L. xix. c. xxi. torn. iv. p. 446. 8 De Div. Off. Hitt. col. 274. 9 Serm. de Rebus Eccl. Hittorp. col. 781. 10 Ordd. i. ii. Mus. Ital. torn. ii. pp. 6, 54. 11 Printed by Giorgi, Liturg. Rom. Pont. torn. iii. p. 532. 12 Thus in the Monastery at Centule in the ninth century, " albas Hneas cclx." (Spiril. Daeh. torn. ii. p. 306) ; and at Casino albas Hneas cxciii. (Chron. Casin. L. iii. c. Ixxiv, p. 421). 13 Can. xli. Cone. Carth. iv. Labb. torn. ii. col. 1203. 14 Dial. i. adv. Pelag. torn. iv. P. ii. col. 502. SECT. I.] PRAYERS ON ASSUMING IT. 73 ing in white raiment in the administration of the Sacrifices," he is referring without doubt to the early form of the Albe. S. Chrysostom, 1 addressing Deacons on their office of distri- buting the gifts, says, " This is your dignity, this your secu- rity, this all your crown, not your going about clothed in a white and shining tunicle." Gregory of Tours more than once speaks of the Deacons in a procession and at the Celebra- tion as clothed in Albes. He employs the bare word (albis)? and uses the full expression albis vestibus also. 3 In 589, the Council of Narbonne 4 forbade the Deacon, Subdeacon, and Reader to put off their Albes before the end of the Mass. The Council of Toledo, A.D. 633, orders that a Deacon who has been deposed on an unjust accusation shall receive back from the hand of the Bishop his Orarium and Albe. 5 For a long time after this, however, we find that a linen tunic for common use was still called by that name. Thus in the Synodical Charges of Leo iv. and others : " Let no one pre- sume to sing Masses in an Albe which he wears in his pri- vate use." 6 S. Jerome 7 compares the Albe to the linea of the Eoman soldier : " They have linen garments, which they call cami- sise, so fitted to their limbs, and close to their bodies, that they are free either for running or for fighting. . . . There- fore Priests also, when prepared for the ministry of God use this tunic, that while they have the comeliness of garments, they may move about with the agility of men without them." The Mozarabic Priest putting on his Albe says, " Clothe me, O Lord, with the garment of salvation and with the robe of righteousness, and put round me alway the clothing of joyfulness." 8 The Milanese 9 says the first two clauses of this, slightly varied. The Roman : " Whiten me, Lord, and cleanse my heart, that being made white with the Blood of the Lamb, I may enjoy delights eternal." Many similar forms may be seen in the Orders collected by Martene. The Sarum Pontifical gives : " Have mercy on me, O God, have mercy on me, and cleanse me from all mine offences ; and 1 Horn. Ixxxii. in S. Matt. 6 ; torn. vii. p. 789. 2 See Hist. Franc. L. iv. xliv. p. 185 ; Vita S. Ariclii, viii. p. 1289. 3 De Glor. Conf. c. xx. p. 909. 4 Can. xii. Labb. Cone. torn. v. col. 1020. 5 Can. xx viii. Labb. torn. v. coL 1714. 6 Labb. Cone. torn. viii. col. 33 ; Sim. in App. to Regin. ed. Baliiz. pp. 503, 505, 508. 7 Ad Fabiol. torn. ii. col. 579. 8 Martene, L. i. c. iv. Art. xii. Ord. iL torn. i. p. 171. 9 Ibid. Ord. iii. torn. i. p. 173. See also Ordd. iv. v. xi. xii. etc. pp. 177, 187, 203, 204, etc. 74 OF THE GIRDLE. [CHAP. III. may we merit to enjoy perpetual bliss with those who have made their robes white in the blood of the Lamb." x According to the Rationale (as Collier calls it) drawn up by (or under) Cranmer, the Albe " as touching the mystery, signifieth the white garment wherewith Herod clothed Christ . . . and as touching the Minister, it signifies the pureness of conscience and innocency he ought to have," etc. 2 The Stoicharion of the Greeks is said by Germanus, 3 A.D. 1222, to be white, "to set forth the splendour of the Deity and the shining life of the Priest;" by Symeon, 4 A.D. 1410, to represent " the shining dress of the Angels ; for thus have Angels often been seen, clothed in a shining raiment." Hence it is properly made of a white and glistening mate- rial, but it appears to be often coloured. 5 To return to the English Albe : it is worth noticing that the Albe which formed part of the " principal Vestment " in a Parish Church, has the epithet munda in both the Provin- cial Constitutions lately cited. I have rendered this by fair, and suppose that it had a conventional meaning which would be understood at the time. The Eucharistic Albe was to be a " fair Albe ;" that is, I conceive, more attention was to be paid to its quality and condition than the Albes employed for other services required. If that epithet were merely a hint that the Albe being of linen should be kept clean by washing (of which the materials of the Chasuble, etc., would seldom admit), we should expect it to be given to the Amice and the Surplice also ; but we find nothing of the kind. This suggestion receives some support from the fact that Eucharistic Albes were sometimes made of richer material than linen. There were in Canterbury Cathedral twenty-two of silk, and two of samite ; and the inventory sums up with a total of twenty-nine " common Albes with apparel of di- verse colours," while it gives one hundred and thirty-two as the whole number of every kind in the vestry. 6 THE GIRDLE. I. If the Albe was always adapted to the height of the wearer, and did not require gathering up, a girdle would be an unnecessary appendage to a garment that fits so closely to 1 " The Lincoln Pontifical," Univ. Libr. Camb. fol. xi. 2 Collier, P. ii. B. iii. p. 194. 3 Theoria, Liturg. PP. Append, p. 149. 4 "De Templo et Missa, Goar, p. 218. 5 Goar, p. 110, note 7 ; Macri in v. Sticharion. 6 Dart's Antiquities of Canterbury, App. p. vii. SECT. I.] PRAYERS SAID ON TAKING IT. 75 the body. It is probably for this reason that in the West we do not hear of girdles until we draw near to the ninth century. Germanus 1 of Paris, in the sixth century, or the author under his name, expressly says that the Albe was not girded : " The Albe is not confined by a girdle, but, being suspended, covers the body of the Levite ;" and he gives a mystical reason for it. The earliest mention of it occurs under the name of cingulum in the most ancient edition of the Ordo Romanus, which directs that for the vesting of the Bishop, one Subdeacon " take the linea (Albe), another the Girdle, a third the Anagolaium, that is, the Amice, etc." 2 Amalarius, 3 who drew from this Ordo at the beginning of the ninth century, though he follows the later custom of putting the Amice on first, says : " The first is the Amice, the second the Camisia, the third the Girdle (cingulum}, etc." Rabanus 4 Maurus : " The third vestment is the Girdle or Belt (cingulum sive balteum), which they use that the tunic may not flow down and impede the walk. This signifies watch over the mind." Pseudo-Alcuin 5 in the eleventh century : " Then (after the Albe) follows the Zone, 6 which is called cingulum. The Poderis is tied, that it may not spread loosely about the feet." To the same effect Honorius, 7 1130, the author under the name of Hugo a S. Victore, 8 and others. 9 Giorgi 10 says that the custom of wearing a girdle was " borrowed from the baltheus of the old Law ;" and as we first hear of it about the time when men began to compare Chris- tian vestments with the Jewish, he is probably right. A proper prayer was said when the Girdle was put on, a few examples of which will also show the symbolism attached to it. A Sacramentary of Tours, about 1000 1 Ep. ii. Thesaur. Anecd. Nov. Mart, et Dur. torn. v. col. 100. 2 Ord. R. i. 6 ; Mus. Ital. torn. ii. p. 7 ; comp. Ordd. in. v. pp. 54, 64. 3 De Eccl. OS. L. ii. c. 22 ; Hitt. col. 391. 4 De Instit. Cler. L. i. c. 17 ; Hitt. col. 572. Baltheus is the only name given to it by Job. Abrincens. de Off. Eccl. c. 62. 5 De Div. Off. Hittorp. col. 275. 6 S. Jerome, A.D. 396, speaking of the girdle worn by the Priest among the Jews, says, " which they call abanet ; we may call cingulum, or baltheus, or zona." Ad Fabiol. torn. ii. col. 579. Zona is the name given to it in the Provincial Constitutions of York and Canterbury. Wilkins, i. p. 698, ii. p. 49. 7 Gemma Aninue, L. L c. 203 ; Hitt. col. 1231. 8 De Sacr. L. L c. 47 ; Hitt. coL 1383. 9 Innocent in. De Myst. Miss. L. i. c. lii. ; Durandus Ration. L. iii. c. iv. n. 1. ; see also Sicard. Mitrale, Lib. ii. c. viii. col. 85 ; and Hildeb. Expos. Miss. Opp. col. 1109. 10 Liturg. Rom. Pont. L. I. c. xvii. n. i. torn. i. p. 142. 76 OF THE SUCCINCTORIUM. [CHAP. III. years old: "Gird, Lord, the loins of my mind, and circumcise the vices of my heart and body." 1 The MS. Ordo, known as the Codex Chisii : " Gird up in me the care of my mind, lest the mind itself be puffed up with a spirit of haughtiness." 2 An Order, nearly nine hundred years old, belonging to the Monastery of S. Gregory in the Diocese of Basle : " Gird me, O Lord, with the zone of righteousness, and knit together in me the virtue of charity and modesty." 3 The Saruni Pontifical resembles this last, but for the last five words substitutes, " Love of God and my neighbour." 4 " The Girdle," says Craumer, 5 " signifies the scourging with which Christ was scourged, and as touching the Minister it signifies the continent and chaste living, or 'else the close mind which he ought to have at prayers, when he celebrates." The Greek Priest puts on his Zone after the Stoicharion and Epitrachelium, saying, "Blessed be God, who girdeth me with strength, and poureth His grace upon me, now, and always, and for evermore." 6 The Syro- Jacobite Priest also girds himself after putting oh the vestments answering equally to the Latin Albe and Stole ; 7 the Coptic after assuming his tunic and superhumeral. 8 All Oriental Chris- tians gird themselves " at the time of prayer " in token of " a preparedness for service, and a ready appearance before the Lord." 9 This arose from the use of the Girdle being imposed on the Christians in Egypt, and some other parts by the Caliphs. The Bishops wisely dignified and hallowed the badge by giving to it a religious significance and use. 10 II. Some writers speak of a Succindorium?* Subcinguh(m, 1<2 or Succincta, 13 as put on after the Girdle. Literally these 1 Martene, L. i. c. iv. Art. L torn. L p. 126 ; Comp. Miss. Illyr. ibid. c. xii. p. 177. 2 Martene, u.s. c. xii. Ord. xii. p. 204 ; Comp. Ord. xiii. p. 207 ; Ord. xv. p. 210, etc. 3 Ibid. Ord. xvi. p. 214. 4 The MS. Lincoln Pontif. Univ. Libr. Camb. fol. xi. 5 Collier, P. ii. B. iii. p. 194. 6 Goar, p. 59. 7 Kenaud. torn. ii. p. 55. 8 Ibid. torn. i. p. 178. 9 The Jewel of Mar Abd Yeshua (Nestorian), A.D. 1298, P. v. ch. vi. tr. by Mr. Badger, The Nestorians, voL ii. p. 418. 10 Renaud. torn. i. p. 178. From the Order of the Caliphs being most strictly enforced in Egypt, the Christians of that country were called Christians of the Girdle. 11 Innoc. de Myst. Miss. L. i c. Iii. ; De Zona et Succinctorio, torn. iv. col. 793 ; Sicard. Mitrale, L. ii. c. viii. col. 88. 12 Gemma An. L. i. c. 206 ; Hitt. col. 1231. Exhinc subclngulum, quod perizoma vd subcinctorium dicitur . . . duplex suspenditur. It was, then, something distinct from the girdle, and put on after it. Sim. the book de Sacram. ascribed to Ehigo a S. Victore, L. i. c. 49 ; Hitt. col. 1385. 13 Testam. Heccard. (about 850), apud Perard, Pieces serv. a 1'Histoire de Bourgogne, p. 26 ; Par. 1664. SECT. I.] THE GREEK EPIGONATION. 77 words mean an under-girdle ; but the Subcingulum was in truth no girdle at all, but a mere appendage to the cingu- lum. It was " in the shape of a small maniple, and hung on the left side." x It is not impossible that the two ends of the girdle may, after a time, have been allowed to serve for the subcingulum, which would account for the almost entire dis- appearance of the latter. It is only worn now by the Bishop of Eome in a Pontifical Mass. 2 In one Roman Ordo, the Missa Illyrici, the subcingulum is called the Prcecinctorium, from its position in front. This prayer was to be said when it was put on : " Gird me before with virtue, Lord, and make my life without spot." 3 In the Missa Eatoldi, which provides a similar prayer in metre, it is called Baltheus Pudicitise. 4 In an ancient MS. Pontifical of Cambrai, it is called Baltheus simply. 5 In an Ordo Missse Pontificalis of the fourteenth century, printed by Georgius 6 from a MS. in the Vatican, the Subcingulum appears to be intended under the name of Maniple, or rather, perhaps, a Maniple was used for the Subcingulum : " Then they put on the Girdle with a Maniple on the left side." It is probable that the Subcingulum was borrowed from the Epigonation 7 of the Greeks, a burse-like ornament (in its later forms at least) which also hung from the girdle, but on the right side. Symeon 8 tells us that the Epigonation represents " victory over death, the immortality of our nature, and the great power of God against the tyranny of the evil one." To make this good, he and others see in it a resem- blance to a sword. Round it is the inscription, " Gird Thee with Thy sword upon Thy thigh, Thou most mighty." Balsamon tells Mark of Alexandria that it is " a figure of the towel which the Lord put on and washed the Disciples' feet." 9 1 Macri in v. Cingulum. 2 Macri u.s. The Ordo of James Gaietan, who flourished during the earlier part of the fourteenth century, says that " the Succinctorium has the appearance of a maniple, and should hang from the girdle on the left side." Mus. Ital. torn. ii. p. 288 ; Ord. xiii. c. xlviii. 3 Martene, L. i. c. iv. Art. xii. ; Ord. iv. torn. i. p. 177. * Ordo xi. Martene, u.s. p. 203. 5 Martene, L. i. c. iv. Art. i. p. 128. 6 De Liturg. Rom. Pontif. torn. iii. p. 557. 7 See two examples in the figures given by Goar, p. 114, or by Mr. Marriott after him, Vest. Christ. PL Iviii. 8 De Templo, etc., Goar, p. 219. Cabasilas de Sacra Veste in Ducange ad v. viroyovdriov. 9 Kesp. 37 ; Opp. torn. ii. col. 988 ; Par. 1865. 78 THE ORIGIN OF THE STOLE. [CHAP. III. THE STOLE. The stola of the ancient Romans was a loose robe or shawl thrown over the shoulders and brought round in front. It had a broad band or border, called instita. Some 1 have sup- posed that the ecclesiastical vestment so called is only a contracted form of this dress, and this seems to have been the opinion of Honorius, 2 A.D. 1130 : " It was a white dress reaching to the feet, but after the Albe began to be worn the Stole was changed as we see it now." Such a diminution in size will not seem impossible to those who remember the change in the coifs of our Serjeants-at-law and in other habits. I think, however, that if this had really been the origin of our Stole, it would have been called a Stole from the first, which, as we shall see, was not the case. Others 3 have thought that it was so called from its resemblance to the instita of the old Roman stola. I strongly incline to this view, and think that there are more reasons for it than have yet been alleged. The name by which the Stole was first, and for many centuries, known, was Orarium. Now one obvious meaning of this word is a Border. 4 " It was the moveable border of the Albe. But another, more common, and probably the first meaning in this case, was a napkin or handkerchief for wiping the face, 5 a fact which would cer- tainly make the term unpopular, when the Stole rose to its highest estimation as a priestly vestment. What more likely, then, than that men should give it the name of that garment, now becoming obsolete, of which it had always reminded them, from its identity in appearance with its most conspicuous part ? A third 6 conjecture derives the use of the name Stole from the Vulgate and those Christian writers whose language was modified by it. Pharaoh, according to that version, clothed Joseph in " a stole of fine linen." 7 In such a dress did David and the Levites conduct the Ark in solemn triumph into Jerusalem. 8 The " best robe" that was 1 Bocquillot in Romsee, Praxis, P. iii. App. vii. torn, ii. p. 144. 2 Gemma An. L. i. c. 204 ; Hitt. col. 1232. 3 Riocardus, approved by Bona, L. i. c. xxiv. vi. 4 " It is derived," says Joannes de Janua, " from ora, meaning the extreme part of garments, the border which is put on to the ora ; that is, the edge and extreme part of any dress, for the sake of ornament." Cited by Ducange in v. 6 Then from os, oris, the face. See Mr. Marriott's Vestiar. Christian, p. 215. * Gen. xli. 42. 8 1 Chron. xv. 27. SECT. I.] THE ORIGIN OF THE STOLE. 79 brought forth for the returning Prodigal in the parable is in the same translation stola prima. 1 The scribes " desired to walk in stoles." 2 The Saints who stand before the Lamb are "clothed in white stoles." 3 Hence, it is thought, the Mediaeval Church would be led to regard the Stole as a robe of sacred dignity, and naturally apply the name to that vest- ment which was considered most distinctive of the priestly office. We cannot doubt that this consideration would tend to confirm, if it did not originate, the usage. If we assume that the Stole had very much its present size and form at the first, as indeed appears from the descrip- tions we have of it, the question at once occurs, For what purpose was it adopted as a part of the Priest's vesture ? The reply is, that all persons who studied propriety then wore an orarium or sudary of fine linen round their neck, with the ends flying loose, to wipe the face, etc., as occasion required. S. Jerome 4 more than once condemns wealthy persons who affected to dispense with it as a mark of sim- plicity. It was, in a word, a part of full dress in civil life, and therefore formed necessarily in the first ages a part of the dress in which the Clergy would appear in church. S. Isidore 5 of Pelusium, about 430, must have had the ordi- nary use of it in his mind when he said that "the linen with which the Deacons serve in the holy rites recalled the humility of the Lord, who washed the disciples' feet and wiped them." When the custom of wearing a Sudarium about the neck went out of fashion in the world, the clergy retained it, and then, as was inevitable, it began to acquire a sacred character. The next step would be to give it a more seemly name. The Greeks would not feel the need of this, as orarium was to them a foreign word of unknown derivation ; but to the Latins it was still a "face- cloth." At first, I conceive, as men lost sight of the notion of a sudary, from its disuse as such, they would be led to take the word Orarium in another sense. It was happily capable of meaning a border, and they would naturally wish to affix that sense to it. It did, in 1 S. Luke xv. 22. 2 S. Luke xx. 46 ; S. Mark. xii. 38. 3 Rev. vii. 9, 13, 14 ; Sim. vi. 11. 4 Ep. ad Nepotian. torn. iv. P. ii. col. 262, and Conim. in Mich. L. i. (c. iii.) torn. iii. col. 1521 : " It is ridiculous and shameful, with a crammed purse, to boast that you have not a sudary and orarium." " What boots it not to have a piece of linen round the neck, to wipe away sweats, what to have but one tunic and to plead poverty in our dress, when the whole world of the poor is sighing after our purse ?" 5 Lib. i. Ep. cxxxvi. Hermino, col. 272 ; Par. 1864. 80 NOTICES OF THE ORAPJUM. [CHAP. III. fact, greatly resemble the border of the matronly stole. Can we wonder if at length, its original use and the ancient stole being both obsolete, it changed its ambiguous and unpleasing name for that of the robe with whose instita it had been confounded? If I mistake not, we first hear of the Latin Orariura as an Ecclesiastical habit from the Council of Braga 1 in 563 : "It is decreed that, because in some Churches of this Province the Deacons wear their Oraria hidden under the Tunic, so that they appear to differ in nothing from a Subdeacon, they for the future wear the Orarium on the shoulder, as is be- fitting." The Council of Toledo, 2 held in 633, forbids Deacons to wear more than one " Orarium." That was to be " plain, and without any colours or golden ornament." Without exception this vestment is called Orarium or Orarius in all the editions of the Ordo Eomanus 3 that speak of it at all until we come to that prepared by James Gaietan at the beginning of the fourteenth century. In the ninth century the word Stole was at least coming into fashion. " The fifth (vestment)," says Rabanus, 4 writing in 819, " is that which is called the Orarium, though some call it the Stole." Strabo, 5 who died in 849, uses Orarium only. The word Stole, how- ever, appears to have prevailed by the eleventh century, for pseudo-Alcuin 6 explains Orarium by it : " The Orarium, that is, the Stole, is so called because it is allowed to orators, that is, to preachers." We should infer also from Honorius, 7 1130, that Orarium was the name less familiar to him: 1 Can. ix. Labb. Cone. torn. v. col. 841. 2 Can. xl.ibid. col. 1716. 3 Ordd. iii. v. viii. ix. xiii. Mus. Ital. torn. ii. pp. 54, 64, 85, 90, 94, 221. The exception is Ord. v. p. 70. This ornament is not mentioned in the two earliest. 4 De Instit. Cler. Lib. i. c. 19 ; Hittorp. col. 573. 6 De Reb. Eccl. c. 24 ; Hittorp. col. 686. 6 De Div. Off. Hitt. col. 275. The same derivation is hinted in the Toletan canon above cited : "Propter quod orat ; id est, praedicat." 7 Gemma, Lib. i. c. 204 ; Hitt. col. 1232. In the life of S. Livin, who died in 656, it is said that Augustine of Canterbury, when making him Priest, gave him "a Stole with an Orarium, adorned (i.e. the Stole) at the edge with costly gems and shining gold" (Stolarn cum Orario, gemmis pretiosis auroque fulgido prsetextam) Acta Bened. Ssec. ii. p. 455. From this some have inferred that at one time the Stole and the Orarium were different vestments (Giorgi, Liturg. Rom. Pont. L. i. c. xx. . viii. torn. i. p. 166). In Gocelin's Life of S. Augustine, c. v. 48 (Acta Sanctorum, May 26, torn. vi. p. 393), we read that he gave him casulam purpuream, auro, etc., prcetextam. Addit Stolam et Orarium, similiter aurea, etc. From the first account it appears that the Orarium was part of the Stole ; from the second, that they were adorned alike. I infer that the Orarium here spoken of was a rich border to the Stole. SECT. I.] PRAYERS ON TAKING THE STOLE. 81 " Then he puts round his neck the Stole, which is also called the Orarium." The fringes worn on several vestments were compared to the little bells of gold that were set round the skirt of the " robe of the ephod" worn by the Jewish High Priest. 1 It was apparently in pursuance of this idea that sometimes little bells were actually substituted for the ordinary fringe of the Stole and the Maniple. In the Inventory of Vestments belonging to S. Paul's Cathedral in the year 1295, there is mention of " a Stole and Maniples, with figures, and at the ends Angels with silver bells (campanulis)." 2 In 1031, Meinwerc, the famous Bishop of Paderborn, gave to a monas- tery " seven Stoles, of which one had twenty-seven bells (tintinnabula), another twenty-one." 3 And much earlier yet : Eiculfus, Bishop of Elne, in Eoussillon, left to his successors, by a will made in 915, " four Stoles with gold, one of them with bells ; and six Maniples with gold, one of them with bells (tintinnabulis)."* In the Pontifical of Egbert, Archbishop of York, about 750, the Stole is given to the Deacon at his ordination, with the words, " For My yoke is easy, and My burden is light ;" 5 to the Priest, with the following : " The Lord put round thy neck the Stole of righteousness; and the Lord purify thy mind from all corruption of sin." 6 The same formula for Priests is used in the Pontifical of S. Dunstan, and in another of the ninth century, also belonging to the Church of Eng- land. 7 At this period foreign Pontificals ordered this solemn investiture only when Deacons were made ; but the practice became general at the ordination of Priests also after the eleventh century. 8 The following prayers occur in very ancient MSS., to be said by the Priest when putting on his Stole before the Celebra- tion. The Sarum Pontifical : " Surround my neck, Lord, 1 Sicardi Mitrale, L. ii. c. v. col. 81. 2 Dugdale's Hist, of S. Paul's, App. p. 210. 3 Vita, cap. xv. n. 113 ; Boll. Jun. 5, torn. i. p. 549. 4 Testam. Riculf. in App. ad Reginon. n. x. p. 517. 6 Pontif. Ecgb. p. 17 ; Surtees Society, 1853. 6 Ibid. p. 21. Compare the Sarum Pontifical, as below. 7 Martene, L. i. c. viii. Art. xi. torn. ii. p. 39. A long address at the delivery of the Stole to the Deacons occurs in all three, but only in Egbert is it preceded by our Lord's words. 8 The first in the collection of Martene is a Pontifical of Soissons of the latter part of the eleventh century. It clearly gives the words ; but the rubric ordering the action is wanting. L. i. c. viii. Art. xi. Ord. vii. torn. ii. p. 51. All that follow have both. See Ordd. viii. x. xi. xiii. xiv. xv. xvi. xvii. pp. 53, 62, 65, 69, 71, 76, 80, 85. F 82 OF THE GREEK OR A RION. [CHAP. III. with the Stole of righteousness, and cleanse my mind from all corruption of sin;" 1 "The Lord Jesus Christ, who said to His disciples, My yoke is easy and My burden light, clothe me with the Stole of joy and gladness;" 2 "Burst asunder, Lord, the bands of my sins, that, leaning on the yoke of Thy service, I may serve Thee with fear and rever- ence." 3 It is interesting to observe the same prayers to be said at the vesting in the ancient Missals of Spain and Nar- bonne, although the latter Church had adopted the Eoman rite. It is one trace of the close connexion that originally subsisted between them. We give the prayer " Ad Stolam," as remarkable: " Eestore to me, Lord, I beseech Thee, the Stole of immortality, which I lost in the transgression of our first parent, and because I desire, although unworthy, to draw near to Thy holy Mystery, grant that I may attain to rejoice with him for ever, through Thy mercy, our God, who livest and reignest," 4 etc. " The Stole," says Cranmer, 5 " as touching the mystery, signifieth the ropes or bands that Christ was bound with to the pillar when He was scourged. And, as touching the Minister, it siguifieth the yoke of patience, which he must bear as the Servant of God." The Latin Stole corresponds to the Greek Orarion or Horarion, the special distinction of the Deacon, and to the Epitrachelion of the Priest. Of the former of these Morinus 6 says : " The Greek Deacon carries it hanging down over the left shoulder on either side, and flying loose both ways in some resemblance to wings. He does not tie the loose parts of it, as the Latin does, under his right shoulder and arm." A mystic meaning was given to the Orarion at a somewhat early period. Thus, in a homily once ascribed to S. Chrysos- tom : 7 " Ye know the spiritual delight, ye that have tasted it, and have been initiated in the awful Mysteries, when the ministers of the Divine Service, who with the thin linens that rest on their left shoulders imitate the wings of the Angels, run hither and thither in the Church," etc. It appears most probable that the Greeks borrowed the 1 "The Lincoln Pontif." Univ. Libr. Camb. fol. xi. Sim. a Beauvais Missal, reading head for mind, and omitting of sin. Martene, L. i. c. iv. Art. i. torn. i. p. 127. 2 Martene, M.S., from an Auxerre Missal. 3 Ibid. Art. xii. p. 177 ; from the Missa Illyrici. 4 Ibid. Art. i. and xii. pp. 127 and 171. Compare with these the Sac- ramentary of Moissac, also in the south of France. Ibid. p. 193. 5 Collier, P. i. B. iii. p. 194. 6 De Sacris Ordin. P. ii. p. 175. 7 Horn, (spur.) de Filio Prodigo inter Opp. Chrys. torn. viii. p. 37. SECT. I.] OF THE GREEK EPITRACHELIUM. 83 word Orarion from the Latins. A fashion of dress that pre- vailed among the higher classes in the Western parts of the Empire would surely be adopted in the East, and carry its own name with it. That the later Greeks did adopt many Latin words is well known, and it is to the purpose here to remind the reader of Sudarium, a word synonymous with Orarium, which, as we learn from Pollux, 1 was in common use among the Greeks in the second century of our era. Of other derivations the least improbable is from the Greek word for hour or time, in which case the proper spelling would be Horarion. It is so called, in the opinion of some, " because the Deacon by means of it intimates to the Priest the hours and time of singing the Psalms, of Praying, of beginning the Liturgy." 2 This is true ; but the " Orarium " of the Romans had long been used for making signals on public occasions ; and there is one fact in connexion with this recorded, that would, if anything could, insure the use of the name, as well as thing, throughout the Empire. We are told that Aurelian, 270, was the "first who gave to the Eoman people (with other things in a general largess) Oraria, to use ad favor em," s i.e. to wave in token of approbation at the public games. The expression used by the historian implies that the ex- ample was followed by later Emperors, and that the custom . was well known. If so, we could not wonder if we found the Orarium, under its Latin name, in use among all their subjects/of whatever language or country. The Syrian Stole is called Ouroro, a word evidently coming from the same source. 4 It has been mentioned that the Priest's Stole in the Greek Church is called " Epitrachelium," the neck-piece or collar. There is no doubt of its original identity with the Orarium of the Deacon ; but, partly for convenience in celebrating, and partly for greater distinction, it is not only worn, like the English, with both the dependent parts in front, but these are united. 5 It is now a broad rectangular ornament, with a round hole at one end for the head ; but a seam down the middle remains to testify to its former shape. 6 1 Onomast. L. vii. c. xvi. p. 738 ; Amst. 1706. 2 Anon, in Arcudius de Consensu, L. vi. c. x. p. 474; Par. 1626. 3 Vopiscus in Aurel. p. 225 ; Par. 1620. Where see Is. Casaubon's long and learned note, p. 235, with the additions of Salmasius, p. 409. Casaubon, p. 237, says that in Jewish synagogues there used to be a person with him who read the law from the pulpit, holding a Sudary in his hand, to give the people a sign that they should say Amen." 4 Renaud. torn. ii. p. 54. 5 Goar, p. Ill, note 13. A figure is given by Dr. Neale, Introd. p. 308. 84 THE ORIGIN OF THE MANIPLE. [CHAP. ITT. Both the Stole and the Greek name for it, under the cor- rupt form of Bitarchil, are retained by the Copts. 1 THE MANIPLE. I. In one Ordo in the Collection of Martene, about 1000 years old, no Maniple is mentioned. 2 In three the Priest puts it on immediately before the Chasuble ; 3 in eight, after it, 4 that is, last of all ; in eleven, before the Stole. 5 In the last are the Mozarabic and Milanese Kites. With these agrees the modern Roman ; but when a Bishop celebrates, the Maniple is assumed after the mitre and ring, that is, last of all. 6 The Maniple was originally a napkin or handkerchief for ordinary uses, 7 as the Stole had been before it. Its early history is obscure; but I think we may assume that the want of such a convenience would be felt as soon as in any Church they began to decorate the Stole, and to regard it as a badge of ministry. 8 It has been called by various names, as Sudarium, Fanon, Mappula. "We carry the Sudary," says Amalarius, 9 A.D. 827, "to wipe away sweat with it." " The Fourth Vestment of the Priest," says Rabanus, 10 A.D. 819, " is the Mappula (little napkin) or Mantile (hand-cloth or towel), which they commonly call Fanon." In England, Fanon, often corrupted into Fannel, 11 was the name in most 1 Renaud. torn. i. p. 179. 2 Sacram. Turon. L. i. c. iv. Art. i. torn. i. p. 126. 3 Miss. Narbon. Mart. u. s. p. 127 ; Ordd vi xxvii. in Art. xii. pp. 190, 230. 4 Miss. Bellov. u. s. Art. L p. 127 ; Ordd. iv. v. vii. xii. xiii. xv. xvi. in Art. xii. pp. 177, 187, 193, 204, 207, 210 (the Rubric ad Casulam omitted before the prayer Indue me), 214. 5 Miss. Autiss. et Catalaun. u.s. Art. i. p. 127 ; Ordd. ii. iii. viii. xxvi. xxviii xxxi. xxxii. xxxvi. xxxvii. in Art xii. pp. 171, 176, 194, 229, 231, 234, 235, 242, 243. 6 Comp. the Pontifical of Cambray, u.s. Art. i. p. 128, and the Codex Ratoldi, Art. xii. Ord. xi. p. 203. 7 Le Brun, Explic. Trait. Prelim. Art. iv. torn. i. p. 47. 8 Amalar. De Eccl. Off. L. ii. c. 24 ; Hittorp. col. 392 ; pseudo-Alcuin, De Div. Off. col. 274; Gemma Animse, L. i. c. 208, col. 1232 ; pseudo- Hugo a S. Viet, de Sacram. L. i. c. Ii. col. 1385, etc. See Bona, L. i. c. xxiv. n. v. ; De Vert, Cerem. de 1'Egl. Rem. 6 sur ch. ii. torn. L p. 293 ; Gavanti, Part ii. tit. i. etc. 9 De Eccl. Off. L. ii. c. xxiv. ; Hittorp. col. 392. 10 De Inst. Cler. L. i. c. 18 ; Hitt. col. 572. Manipulus (or Manipula), in this sense, is by some supposed to come from Mappula, by dissolution of the first syllable fas senipeta from sempecta) ; but it is more probably from mamis, and so, a hand-cloth. 11 Peacock, Church Furniture, pp. 29, 33, etc. SECT. I.] PRAYERS ON TAKING THE MANIPLE. 85 frequent use ; but we also find it called the Sudavy, as in an inventory of the goods of King's College Chapel, Cambridge, made in the year 1453; e.g. "A Sudary of white sarcenet, streaked with gold." 1 Fanon is derived by etymologists from the Teutonic fahne, a flag (Eng. pennon). It was the word preferred by Germans (as by the English). It occurs with a prayer in the later of the Sacramentaries used by Gerbert 2 (the earlier not noticing the Maniple), and in another belonging to a German canton of Switzerland. 3 Amalarius 4 and others 5 tell us that it was " carried in the left hand;" as it is still worn on the left arm or wrist. The practical reason, in which all writers who give any agree, is, that it may be the less hindrance to the Priest in the sacred action ; " The right arm," says Rupert, 6 " being unoccupied, that it may be free to minister." It is a maxim that the Fanon goes with the Albe. 7 The reason is evident. The Albe being without any pocket or opening, the wearer was obliged to carry his handkerchief in his hand or on his arm. At Clugny, De Moleon 8 found the boys of the Choir wearing Albes on Festivals, and, with the Albe, the Maniple on the left arm, the successor of the simple handkerchief which their predecessors had worn there for actual use some centuries before. According to the Pontifical of Sarum, the Bishop assuming the Fanon says, " Put on me, most merciful Father, having put off the old man with his deeds, the new man, which after God is created, in righteousness and holiness of truth." 9 The Roman Priest : " May I attain (merear) to carry the Maniple of weeping and pain, that I may receive the reward of labour with rejoicing." The Ambrosian : " Put a Maniple in my hands, Lord, to wipe away the filth of my heart and body, that I may attain to minister to Thee the Lord without defilement." 10 The English Rationale of 1543: "He puts also the Phanoii on his arm, which admonishes him of 1 Ecclesiologist, vol. xx. p. 312. 2 Vet. Lit. Alemann. Disq. iii. c. iii. viii. P. i. p. 238. There was another form, confanon, ibid. p. 239 ; whence the Italian gonfalone. 3 Martene, L. i. c. iv. Art. xii. ; Ord. xvi. torn. i. p. 214. 4 De Eccl. Off. L. ii. c. 24 ; Hitt. p. 392. 6 Pseudo-Alcuin, De Div. Off. Hitt. col. 275 ; Honorius in Gemma, L. i. c. 208, col. 1232; pseudo-Hugo a S. Victor, de Sacram. L. i. c. 51, col. 1385, etc. 6 De Div. Off. L. i. c. 33 ; Hitt. col. 866. 7 De Vert, Cer^m. de 1'Eglise, Rem. 6 sur ch. ii. note (a), tome i. p. 289. 8 Voy. Liturg. p. 150. 9 " The Lincoln Pontif." Univ. Libr. Camb. fol. xi. 10 Martene, L. i. c. iv. art. xii. torn. i. p. 173. 86 A THIRD SCDARY ORDERED. [CHAP. III. ghostly strength and godly patience, that he ought to have to vanquish and overcome all ghostly enemies." 1 It must be acknowledged that there was a practical ad- vantage in converting the ancient Orarium, when its use in common life grew obsolete, into an ecclesiastical ornament under the new name of Stole. It not only served to diver- sify the plain vestment of that early period, but afforded a ready means of distinction between the Presbyter and the Deacon. But I am disposed to regard the change which took place in the later Maniple or Sudary as a great mistake, by which an unmeaning and somewhat troublesome addition has been made to a vestment that is in other respects both suitable and dignified. It was necessary in its first office; it is wholly unnecessary in its second. I am afraid that the change must be attributed to the character of an age fond of finery, and paying but little regard to cleanliness. As it is of no practical utility, the modern Maniple violates the first principle of all Christian art, which rejects whatever is in itself merely ornamental, however richly it may decorate the necessary and the useful. II. Occasional attempts have been made to remedy the in- convenience caused by the conversion of the old Sudarium. About the year 1197, a Synod of Paris 2 decreed that every Priest should at the Celebration have " one handkerchief for the sake of cleanness of the vestments about the Altar." The Council of Cologne, 3 A.D. 1280, decreed that the Missal should be " always wrapped in a case (camisia) or cloth of linen, and clean, and that there be put with it (apponatur) a small handkerchief with which the Presbyters may wipe their nose and face ; lest it happen that the sacred Vestments be defiled." Durandus 4 speaks of this cloth under the name of Sudarium, and describes it as a " linen cloth which he who ministers to the Bishop has always at hand wherewith to wipe away sweat and all superfluous moisture of the body." He adds that in some Churches the Deacon who has the Sudary puts it on the right corner of the Altar, that " if by chance anything unclean shall come nigh, it may be wiped with it, and the Sudary of the Priest be kept quite clean." 1 Collier, P. i. b. iii. p. 194. 2 Odon. Synod. Constit. Prase. Com. n. 27 ; Labb. torn. v. col. 1808. Le Brun quotes this as follows : Unum manutergium [pendens circa Missale ad tergendum os et iiares, si fuerit necesse]. The words in brackets are not in LabW or Mansi, and appear to be a gloss derived from some more explicit Canon. 3 Can. vii. Labb. torn. xi. col. 1113. 4 Lib. iii. c. xvi. n. 1. SECT. L] THE GREEK EPIMANICIA. 87 " The Canons of Eheims," says a French Eitualist, 1 " no longer able to put the Maniple to its first use, have substituted for it another mouchoir of simple linen, which they call a finger- cloth (doigtier), because they carry it on their finger when they go to the Altar, and, after the beginning of the Mass, to the Offertory, and again after the Communion." There seems to have been some danger of this third sudary sharing the fate of its two predecessors. Le Brun, 2 while urging the propriety of having always in the Sacristies a tnauchoir for the use of the Priests, "white, and clean enough to be in keeping with the decency of the place," gives a caution that it be " not ornamented nor too fine, lest they be afraid of using it, and so it also pass into a mere or- nament like the Stole and the Maniple." This may be illus- trated by some remarks of De Vert : 3 " We see in our own time the mouchoir of the Precentor of the Abbey of S. Denys insensibly changing into an ornament. As yet, indeed, it is only of plain linen " (though, he says, too fine for its pur- pose) ; " but as within the last ten or twelve years they have come to trim it with lace, perhaps the Sacristan of the Abbey will not stop there." He then suggests that they have only to put five little crosses on it, to give it the character of a "cloth consecrated to the service of the Church." Then, as time passes, to put it in keeping with the magnificence of the Precentor's Cope, etc., it will be natural to change the linen for silk, and the thread lace for gold lace, and so, " behold it pure ornament." The Greeks have an ornament corresponding in some measure to the Maniple. They wear a kind of false cuff of rich material on both wrists, which they tie on with strings. In effect these are compared to the apparels sometimes attached to the sleeves of the Albe. As Grancolas 4 observes, they are " more convenient than our Maniple, which hangs on the arm, and which often gets in the way." They are called Epimanicia! 1 They are said to represent the bonds of Christ. 6 1 De Vert, C&rem. de 1'Eglise, tome ii. Rem. 6, sur ch. ii. p. 295, note, second ed. 2 Expos. Trait. Prelim. Art. iv. tome i. p. 49. 3 Cere"m. de 1'Eglise, tome ii. Rem. 6, sur ch. ii. p. 296, note. 4 Les Ancienues Liturgies, p. 234. 6 A barbarous hybrid from eVi and manu*, Goar, p. Ill, note 12. The later Greeks used paviKia, from manicce, for sleeves ; as Symeon, Thess. De Templo, etc. ; Goar, p. 220. 6 Symeon, De Templo, etc. ; Goar, p. 219. 88 EARLY HISTORY OF THE CHASUBLE. [CHAP. III. THE CHASUBLE. The word Chasuble is from casubula or casibula, a mediaeval diminutive of casula, the more common name for this vest- ment. Casula itself is the diminutive of casa, a house. It is so called, says Isidore, 1 " because it covers the whole man." It is also frequently called Planeta ; because, in contrast with a straight and close habit like the Albe, its outline when on the person was irregular, wavy, and wandering. 2 There was originally a distinction between the Casula and Planeta in their secular use. The Planeta is ascribed to the higher classes, the Casula to the poorer. 3 Thus Procopius, 530, speaks of the dress " which the Eomans in the Latin tongue called casula" as "altogether befitting a slave and private person." 4 On the other hand, Cassian, 418, tells us that the monks of his day, wearing a poor habit called mafors, thus " avoided both the expense and the vanity of Planeticse," 5 etc. S. Isidore, in his Eule, 620, forbids Monks to wear Planetse. 6 Persons of rank, lay and clerical, as for example Gregory the Great and his father, a Eoman Sena- tor, are described as wearing them. 7 Whether at this period they differed at all in form, or only in material, ornament, and cost, I cannot say. By the eighth century Subdeacous at Eome had come to wear the Planeta; 8 and in the earlier part (819) of the next, Eabauus knows no distinction between them : " The seventh sacerdotal vestment is that which they called Casula . . . this the Greeks call Planeta." g In 831 Angesisus gave to the Abbey of Fontanelle " four planetce casulce; also three casulce of cendatum of indigo colour," 10 etc. Probably some notion of superiority still clung to the word Planetae, and Planetae Casulse would be understood to be of a better material and make. In the 1 Etym. L. xix. c. xxiv. torn. iv. p. 458 ; Sim. Rabanus, De Instit. Cler. L. i. c. 21 ; Hittorp. col. 573. 2 Gemma Aniinse, L. i. c. 207 ; Hittorp. col. 1232 ; Durand. L. iii. c. vii. n. 1, etc. 3 I beg here again to refer the reader to Mr. Marriott's learned work, the Vestiarium Christianum, App. C. Part ii. pp. 198-203. 4 De Bello Vandal. L. ii. c. 26, vol. i. p. 522 ; Bonn. 1833. 6 Instit. L. i. c. vii. p. 13 ; where see the note of Gazaeus on Mafors and Planetica. 6 Regula, c. xiii. ; Brockie, torn. i. p. 194. 7 Vita S. Greg, per Joh. Diac. L. iv. cc. 83, 84 ; Opp. Greg, praef. torn, i. col. 120 ; Comp. Vestiar. Christ. Plate xxv. 8 Ordo Rom. i. Mus. Ital. torn. ii. pp. 6, 7, 10. De Instit. Cler. L. i. c. 21 ; Hitt. col. 573. 10 Acta Bened. Saac. iv. p. i. p. 634. SECT. I.] NAMES GIVEN TO THE CHASUBLE. 89 Synodical Epistle or Charge ascribed to Leo iv., A.D. 847, this vestment is called Casula ; l but in that of Eatherius 2 of Verona, who copies Leo, A.D. 932, the word Planeta is substi- tuted. At length Planeta became the common name in Italy, while France, Spain, Germany, and England preferred Casula. The present Eoman Missal, however, appears to retain a trace of the ancient distinction, by giving the name of Casula to the vestment of the Priest in the Eubrics of the prepara- tory prayers, while it calls the Bishop's Planeta. This habit has also been called Jnfula. Thus in the Speculum Ecdesice? once ascribed to Hugo Victorinus : " Over the aforesaid is put the Casula, which by another name is called Planeta, or Infula." The united Synod of Cahors, Eodez, and Tulle, 1289 : " The Infula, or Casula, which covers the other vestments, signifies Charity, which contains all the other virtues in itself." 4 The Chasuble was at one time, in France at least, called Amphibalus, Amphibalum, or, more correctly, Amphimallum, from the name of a kind of cloak, woolly or shaggy on both sides, 5 which resembled the Planeta in form. We read of this in the Second Epistle ascribed to Germanus 6 of Paris, A.D. 555 : " The Casula, which they call Amphibalum, . . . without sleeves ... all one in front, not divided, nor open." S. Eemigius, 7 533, in his Will leaves to his suc- cessor in the Bishopric of Eheims, " a white Paschal Amphi- balum." To illustrate this we may refer to the Will of S. Caesarius of Aries, also in France, A.D. 542, who bequeathes to his successor " the Paschal vestments that had been given him, together with the shaggy Chasuble," 8 etc. This " shaggy Chasuble " I conceive to be what Eemigius, adopting the old word for a shaggy garment of similar form, would have called Amphibalum. Sulpicius Severus, 9 A.D. 401, represents S. Martin as going to church in an Amphibalum over a tunic, and celebrating in it. S. Trojan, according to Gregory 10 of Tours, A.D. 573, used to visit his diocese in an Amphibalum. 1 Labb. Cone. torn. viii. col. 34. 2 Labb. torn. ix. col. 1271. 3 Cap. 6 ; Hitfc. col. 1347. 4 Tit. xvii. col. 715 ; Thesaur. Anecd. (Mart, et Dur.) torn. iv. col. 715. 5 Ferrarius de Re Vestiaria, L. i. c. xviii. ; Thes. Antiq. Rom. torn. vi. col. 654 ; Sim. Juretus in Sulpicins Sev. Dial. ii. ii. from ancient glossaries. 6 Thesaur. Anecd. Nov. Martene et Duraud. torn. v. col. 99. 7 Flodoard, Hist. Remens. L. i. c. xviii. p. 49 ; Par. 1611. 8 Baron, ad Ann. 508, xxiv. torn. ix. p. 79 ; Luc. 1741. 9 Dial. ii. 11, p. 530 ; Amstel. 1665. 10 De Gloria Confes. c. lix. col. 941. 90 OF THE ENGLISH CHASUBLE. [CHAP. III. Amalarius, 1 in the earlier part of the ninth century, and Hildebert, 2 nearly 300 years later, both tell us that " the Chasuble belongs to all Clerks generally." The word, perhaps, describes the general form of a habit common to all, which varied in material, and perhaps somewhat in make, according to the order of the wearer. At S. John's, at Lyons, " the Deacon and Subdeacon wore (in the last century) a Chasuble like that of the Priest, i.e. of the same shape." 3 " Anciently," according to Angelus Eocca and other later writers, " the Planeta had no part cut away for putting the arms out, but the entire vestment falling down in a circular form, and as low as the feet on all sides, so covered and surrounded the whole body that the arms could not be put out, unless the border or band that went round the Chasuble was thrown over the shoulders in a tortuous line, or was rolled back as far as the shoulders in folds." 4 It was there- fore for convenience that the original circular form was given up. In some places, as in England, the circle became an ellipse, of which the minor axis fell down the arms and side. In the Eoman Planeta the same end is attained, but with a very ungraceful effect, by cutting away in a concave line the part that falls over the arm. Lindanus, 5 in the sixteenth century, said, " The Chasuble of our times, and of some few ages before us, is scarcely half the size of that ancient Chasuble. For it is so cut down, shortened, and mis- fashioned into almost another shape, that if compared with that, its original form, from whence it sprang and has degenerated, it scarcely maintains its name." Formerly the Chasuble fell on the ground behind, and it was necessary for an acolyte to bear it up at the elevation. This action survives in the Church of Eome, though it is now needless and unmeaning. In England the ample Chasuble was worn down to the sixteenth century. A proof of this may be seen in the frontispiece to the Virtue of the Mass, printed by Wynkyn de Worde. According to the Pontifical of Egbert 6 of York, about 750, the Bishop in ordaining a Priest puts on him a Chasuble with the words, " The Lord shall clothe thee with the gar- 1 De Eccl. Off. L. ii. c. 19 ; Hitt. col. 289. 2 Expos. Missae. Opp. col. 1109, ed Ben. 3 De Moleon, p. 66. 4 Georgius, Liturg. Rom. Pont. L. i. c. xxiv. viii. torn. i. p. 205. 6 Panoplia Evang. L. iv. c. Ivi. p. 342. So Sirmoncl, who died in 1651, writing in France : " The Chasuble or Planeta began to lose the ampli- tude of the toga, by its sides being cut away, in the memory of our great- grandfathers." Nota in Ep. Ccelestini ad Episc. Vienn. etc. Mansi, Cone, torn. iv. col. 468. c Page 23 ; Surtees Society, 1854. SECT. I.] OF THE GREEK PHENOLION. 91 inent of salvation, and put a crown of joy on thy head." There is no such formula in the Pontifical of Dunstau. 1 The present Eoman form is to say, "Receive the priestly gar- ment, by which charity is understood. For God is powerful to increase to thee charity and a perfect work," when the Chasuble is first put folded on to the shoulders ; and later on in the service, when it is drawn down, " The Lord clothe thee with the robe (stold) of innocence." These two formulae were in the simpler ritual of an earlier period used together, 2 the latter being the first clause of the whole. The English Bishop, when preparing to celebrate, putting on the Chasuble, said, " Clothe me, Lord, with the breast- plate of faith, and the helmet of salvation, and the sword of the Holy Spirit." 3 The Mozarabic 4 and Ambrosian 5 Priest : " Thy yoke, Lord, is easy, and Thy burden light. Grant that I may so bear it as to obtain Thy grace." The Roman formula only differs in beginning, " Lord, Thou hast said, My yoke," etc. The Chasuble corresponds to the Greek Phenolion? the Syrian Faino or Filono, and Coptic Albornos. The Greek Phenolion, like the Roman, has lost much of its original size and dignity. It is covered with little crosses, and for that reason is also called Polystaurion. It is interesting to ob- serve that both Greeks and Latins have hit upon the same mystic signification of this dress. " Especially," says Symeon, " it figures the saccus in which our Saviour was clad in mockery ; wherefore it has the form of a saccits, for it has not 1 Martene, de Bit. EccL Ant. L. i. c. viii. Art. xi. Ord. iii. torn. ii. p. 40. 2 Martene, u.s. Ord. vii. p. 53. 3 The MS. " Lincoln Pontifical," Univ. Libr. Camb. fol. xii. 4 Martene, L. i. c. iv. Art. xii. Ord. ii. torn. i. p. 171. 8 Ibid. Ord. iii. p. 173. 6 The Casula was a pcenula. See Ferrar. Analecta de Re Vest. c. vii. in the Thesaur. Ant. Rom. torn. vi. col. 1057. Hence it is most probable that the Greek c\u>v7]$, and ai\6vr)s, (f)aivo\iov, and aiv6\r)s to have been the word first in use, and that the other words in the latter group are simply de- rived from that. Those in the former group are perhaps variations of it due to a confusion with f\\6vr)s, the Cretan name for a kind of tunic. It has been suggested, however, that (f)aiv6\T)s is an adjective from (f)aiva> (as paivoXrjs from p.aiva>). See Suicer in v. But this would imply that the dress so called was originally transparent like muslin ; of which there is no evidence. The word in 2 Tim. iv. 13, which the E. V. renders Cloke, is vr)v, (j)e\y the name of ends." 3 The Bishop replied at length ; but the pith of his answer may be extracted in a few words : " You yourself confess that custom hath prevailed to call the nar- 1 Strype's Life of Parker, p. 183. The same document tells ns that when there was a Communion the Table was " set East and West." Then without doubt the Minister stood "at the North side" of it. 2 Letter, etc., in WtUiams's Holy Table, pp. 20, 15. 3 A Coale from the Altar, 2, n. 4, p. 23. Wren argued that as the old Altars had been " very nearly equilateral or four-square" [a false assump- tion], it was spoken of as having four sides, and that thence " custom of speech led men to call the north end or north part of the Table the north side thereof, as they had used to call it the North-side of the Altar" (for which statement there are no grounds). Answer to Articles of Impeach- ment, Parentalia, p. 75. 166 THE SIDE AND THE END [CHAP. III. rower sides (say you, I say lines or lengths) by the name of ends. And will you dispute out of Geometry against custom ; and that with people which are no geometricians ? . . . When you speak to the people of a side, you must take a side as they take it." x The rejoinder of Heylyn " Was that Eubric written for the Laity, or for the Clergy ; for the poor subjects, as you call them, or a learned ministry ?" 2 - does not carry conviction. There can be no doubt that the Eeformers used popular language, and that they meant the Eubrics to be intelligible to all. In 1628 we find another witness to the distinction between side and end in Peter Smart, the principal accuser of Cosin : " Our Communion Tables must stand . . . from East to West, as the custom is of all Ee- formed Churches. Otherwise the Minister cannot stand on the north side, there being neither side towards the North. And I trow there are but two sides of a long table and two ends ; making (I. make) it square and then it will have four sides and no end, or four ends and no side, at which any Minister can stand to celebrate." 3 In the very year in which the controversy between Williams and Heylyn took place, the Scottish Liturgy was authorized, and in that the distinc- tion between side and end is clearly recognised. As some Altars at that time stood the one way and some the other, provision was made for both cases by directing the Presbyter to stand " at the North side or end thereof." In the same year we find a writer against the Puritans expressing himself thus : " Whether it stand tablewise, as they call it, with the ends to the East and West, or altarwise, with the ends from North and South . . . yet still it remains both a table and an altar." 4 In Petley's Greek Version of the Book of Common Prayer, published under the auspices of Laud in 1638, this clause is rendered as if it ran, "the Priest stand- ing northward of the Table." 5 In the Articles against Pierce, Bishop of Bath and Wells, exhibited before the House of Commons in 1641, is a statement that when the Church- wardens of a certain parish in his Diocese were enjoined by him " to turn the Communion Table and place it altarwise," " they, that they might neither displease the Bishop nor transgress against the Eubric of the Liturgy" (taking perhaps the hint from Smart), " made it an exact square table, that so, notwithstanding the Bishop's order, the Minister might 1 Holy Table, p. 52. 2 Antidotum Lincolniense, Sect. i. c. 2, p. 52. 3 Sermon at Durham, p. 33 ; 1628. 4 Dow, Innovations Unjustly Charged, ch. xiv. fol. 117. 5 ' OTTO Trjs Tpanf^rjs. SECT. XI.] OF THE ALTAR DISTINGUISHED. 167 still officiate at the North side of the Table." l Had it been longer than it was broad, it would, in the language of the day, have had an end, and not a side to the north, and so the Rubric could not have been obeyed. Racket, afterwards Bishop of Lichfield, writing in 1659, says, " It is not here or there whether the Minister stand at the North side, as the Church in lerminis directs it, or at the North end." 2 It has however generally been supposed that at the last Revision, the word side was taken in the sense of end, and that we are now bound to understand it so, whatever may have been its meaning when first used. The ground of this supposition is a mistaken opinion that the Tables which, by the Order of the Commons in 1641, had been universally " removed from the East end," 3 were by general consent, and as a matter of course, replaced there, and then set " altar- wise," at the Restoration. Had this been the case, it would certainly have formed one of the chief grievances of the Puritans at that time ; but not a word was said about it at the Savoy Conference. The movement had begun of course. " That order," says a Puritan in 1661, " in which it was of late (and beginneth afresh to be) used among us in his Majesty's Royal Chapel, Lambeth Chapel, the Cathedral, and many Parish Churches, while the Table must be made in the frame of an Altar . . . fixed at the East end," 4 etc. We have else- where quoted Barnard as saying, in 1683, "In most country Churches to this day the Table is set at the hither end of the Chancel." 5 He ascribes this to the influence of the Bishop of Lincoln's tract, from which alone we might infer, if the nature of the case did not also evince it, that tjie Tables thus placed were also set, as he directed, tablewise, so as to have a north side at which the Priest could officiate according to the Rubric. Relics of this arrangement still survive ; as in the Chapels-Royal Whitehall and Dublin, in the Chapel of Trinity College, Dublin, 6 at Deerhurst in Gloucestershire, 7 and in many Churches in the Channel Islands, in which the Altar to this day stands East and West. In Jersey, for example, I am informed that " two Churches have the long narrow Communion- Table in the centre alley, 1 Speeches and Passages of this Great and Happy Parliament, p. 320 ; Lond. 1641. 2 Life of Williams, P. ii. paragraph 104, p. 108. 3 Cypr. Angl. L. v. p. 455. See before, p. 147. 4 Crofton, Altar Worship, p. 114. 5 Page ex. in Eccl. Restaur. vol. i. ; Camb. 1849. 6 Stephen's Notes on the B. C. P. vol. ii. p. 1127. 7 Robertson, How shall we Conform, etc. ? Note, p. 161. 168 THE POSITION OF THE CELEBRANT [CHAP. III. below the pulpit, where it always stands ; while in a third it has been removed to the north-west angle of the Church." Such then being still the general mode of placing the Holy Table at the time of the last Eevision in 1662, the Eubric must be understood as it was before. 1 Had the Eevisers ordered the Table to be set altarwise, they would doubtless have altered the Eubric to make it agree with their new order ; but they found it standing tablewise, and they left it so, and therefore had no occasion to alter the Eubric which had reference to that position. That they desired, though they did not venture to make, the change, is highly probable from what we know of them. That it was privately con- sidered by the leading minds among them is even certain ; for in the MS. emendations of Bishop Cosin in the Prayer- Book preserved at Durham, we find that he had first written " end " for " side " in this Eubric, as if hoping that the tables could be universally set altarwise, then " side or end," as in the Scottish Eubric. Another proposal was to put part for side. 2 " North side " then does not mean " north end ;" and if so, how can we obey the Eubric, seeing that our Altars, as now placed, have no north side in the sense of the Eubric ? The reply to this is, that we cannot obey it at all ; and, that being the case, we are at liberty to stand where we will. Those who set the Table as it had stood before 1552, were inconsistent in not at the same time restoring the Priest to his ancient place "afore the midst of the Altar." It has been said, indeed, that Laud and those who acted with him at least desired to do so, but I think on insufficient grounds. They were not Eitualists, but lovers of decency and order, seeking to correct some of the flagrant abuses of the day. Very few were even accused by the Puritans of celebrating on the West. The charge was brought against Cosin ; but I find 110 trace of a leaning to the practice in his Liturgical works, and this article was one of those which his accuser " could not prove." 3 Wren stood in front of the Altar during the Prayer of Consecration ; but he is, I believe, the only 1 With the above facts and those given elsewhere (P. i. ch. iii. vi.) compare the statement and inference of the Judicial Committee in Hebbert v. Purchas : "Before the time of the Revision of 1662, the custom of placing the Table along the East wall was becoming general, and it may fairly be said that the Revisers must have had this in view." 2 This appears from a cancelled correction in the book from which the MS. attached to the Act of Uniformity was copied. 3 Append, to Life, pp. xxiv. xxviii., Works, vol. i. ; Oxf. 1 843. So many of the charges were false that one of the accuser's own counsel " told him openly before the bar of the House of Lords that he was ' ashamed of him, and could not in conscience plead for him any longer.'" Life, p. xv. SECT. XL] AS THE ALTAR IS NOW SET. 169 divine of that period who owns even thus much of himself. His reason, however, was not liturgical. He did it because the elements " stood upon the Table further from the end thereof, than he, being but low of stature, could reach over the book unto them, and yet still proceed on in reading of his words without stop or interruption." l Laud might have alleged the same reason, but he does not seem to have con- secrated on the West himself, though willing that others should do so for convenience at least. The Scottish Liturgy of 1637 ordered that " during the time of Consecration" the Presbyter should " stand at such a part of the holy Table, where he might with the more ease and decency use both his hands." When Laud was maligned for his approval of this Liturgy, he defended the Rubric thus : " The north end of the Table " " in most places is too narrow, and wants room to lay the Service-book open before him that officiates, and to place the bread and wine within his reach. So that in that place 'tis hard for the Presbyter to avoid the unseemly disordering of something or other that is before him, perhaps the very elements themselves ; which may give scandal to them which come to communicate." 2 He asserts very solemnly that he knows no other reason for the change : " The Eubric professes that nothing is meant by it, but ' that he may use both his hands with more ease and decency about that work.' And I protest in the presence of Almighty God that I know of no other intention herein than this." 3 It is however open to us to complete the good work which our fathers began when they restored the Altar to its ancient place. As the holy Table is now set where it was when the First Book of Edward was in use, and compliance with the present Eubric is no longer possible, the Priest seems almost constrained to take the position prescribed for him in that Book. We have its authority for placing him there; we have no authority for any other position. And it is most important to observe that in thus placing the Priest with his face to the East, we are complying with the Catholic prin- ciple enunciated by the last Revisers themselves, and which they desired to follow : " The Minister turning to the people is not [as the Presbyterians alleged] most convenient through- out the whole ministration. When he speaks to them, as in Lessons, Absolution, and Benediction, it is convenient that he turn to them. When he speaks for them to God, it is fit 1 Answer to Articles, Parentalia, p. 103. 2 Hist, of Troubles, ch. iii. ; Works, vol. iii. p. 347. 3 Ibid. p. 346. 170 REASONS FOR REMOVING [CHAP. III. that they should all turn another way, as the ancient Church ever did." x SECTION XII. The Holy Table is an Altar. 1 THE TABLE.] Here 1 B. E. had " afore the midst of the Altar." This word was however altogether excluded from the Office at the next Revision, from a motive of expediency. We are now hardly in a position to judge of the necessity of such a step ; but it is certain that the name of Altar was at that time very closely associated in the minds of most men with the mediaeval notion that Christ is again sacrificed, as once on the cross, whenever this Sacrament is celebrated, and therefore with " the Sacrifices of Masses " which had become so great a scandal. With a view to wean the nation effectually from these errors of doctrine and practice, it was resolved to discourage the use of the word, as a name of the Holy Table, in every possible way. Hence it is that while the Prayer-Book of 1549 speaks indifferently of the " Altar," and the " Lord's Table/' or " God's Board," 2 that of 1552 uses the latter names only. Another change with the same object had been made a year or two before, viz., that of the fixed stone Altar for a moveable one of wood, and of such form as would more naturally and properly be called a table. 3 The movement began with some of the inferior clergy, but in 1550 it received a great impulse from the following exhorta- tion addressed by Ridley to the Curates and Churchwardens of his Diocese : " Whereas in divers places some use the Lord's Board after the form of a table, and some as an altar, whereby dissension is perceived to arise among the unlearned; therefore wishing a godly unity to be observed in all our Diocese, and for that the form of a table may more move and turn away the people from the old superstitious opinions of the Popish Mass, and to the right use of the Lord's Supper, we exhort the Curates, Churchwardens, and Questmen here present, to erect and set up the Lord's Board after the form of an honest table, decently covered, in such place 1 Ans. of the Bps. to the Exceptions of the Ministers, Hist. Conf. p. 355. The whole subject of this note is examined by the present writer in The North Side of the Table; what it was. Rivingtons, 1870. 2 The expressions " God's Table " and " Christ's Board " occur in the Easter Homily of ^Elfric, 7 ; Lisle, pp. 315, 6. 3 The word was at that period still used in the strict Latin sense of a single plank or board. Thus Bishop Watson, in allusion to S. Augustine saying that Repentance is a second plank thrown to the drowning, calls " Penance a second table or board after Baptism." Wholesome Doctrine, fol. 83. SECT. XII.] THE OLD STONE ALTARS. 171 of the Quire or Chancel as shall be thought most meet by their discretion and agreement, so that the Ministers, with the communicants, may have their place separated from the rest of the people ; and to take down and abolish all other by- Altars or Tables." l The example was so rapidly followed that when the Privy Council, five or six months later than the Visitation of Eidley, issued an order for the taking down of all the Altars that remained standing, it could assert that they were already removed " within the more part of the Churches of the realm." 2 These were bold remedies for a disease that was deemed incurable by other methods, and by many they have been thought too bold. Yet neither by the disuse of the word " Altar " in the Liturgy, nor by the removal of the old stone Altars, does the Church mean to disparage the Eucharistic Sacrifice, or to deny that the name of Altar may be rightly given to the Holy Table. This is apparent from many con- siderations, on which, as the subject is of great importance, it will be well to enter, though it be briefly, with some care. In the first place, to condemn the use of the word Altar would have been to condemn Holy Scripture ; nay, Christ Himself. Among other precepts intended for the direction of His disciples in all ages and in every place, our Lord tells one at variance with his brother to " leave his gift before the Altar," 3 and be reconciled to his brother before lie presume to offer it. It is impossible to confine His meaning to the one Altar at Jerusalem, the centre of a system that He came to supersede, and which was so soon to be destroyed. His disciples, then, were to have Altars apart from the dispen- sation of Moses ; and such from the beginning they claimed to have : " We have an Altar," says an inspired writer, " whereof they have no right to eat which serve the Taber- nacle." 4 It is vain to assert that the Altar here is a mere figure, unless the Tabernacle and its rites were a mere figure also. There is a contrast between participating in those now useless sacrifices to which the Judaizing Christians were 1 Doc. Ann. vol. i. p. 94. 2 Ibid. p. 100. The Council's Order appeared in November ; Ridley's Visitation "must have been about the beginning of June," see Cardwell's Notes, u.8. pp. 89, 100. This Order was in a letter addressed to the Bishops, and was accompanied by "certain considerations," designed to prepare and influence the people, " that the same might be done without offence," p. 101. These "considerations" are extant. See Foxe, Eccl. Hist. vol. ii. B. ix. p. 47, ed. 1684. It is remarkable that while justifying the removal of the old Altars, they also explain and justify the use of the word in the B. C. P. See after, p. 174. 3 Matt. v. 24. 4 Heb. xiii. 10. 172 THE HOLY TABLE PROPERLY [HAP. III. tempted to revert, and the life-giving Communion of the Body and Blood of Christ. The Christian Altar is opposed to the Jewish Altar, both in their most natural sense, pre- cisely as, elsewhere in Holy Scripture, " the Lord's Table " is opposed to the heathen altar, under the name of " the table of devils." l In the second place, the whole Primitive Church, to which the English Reformers professed implicit deference, as the only trustworthy witness to the sense of Holy Writ, 2 spoke constantly and with one voice of the Holy Table as an Altar. Thus S. Ignatius, in Syria, A.D. 107, when persuading to unity: "Endeavour to have one Eucharist; for there is one Flesh of our Lord Jesus Christ, and one Cup in the unity of His Blood ; one Altar, as there is one Bishop with the Presbyters and Deacons." 3 With this writer to be " within the Altar " means to be in the unity of the Church : " Un- less one be within the Altar, he is deprived of the Bread of God." 4 The language is figurative ; but surely could not have been used if there had been nothing in the Christian Church that was wont to be called an Altar. S. Ireneeus, 5 in France, A.D. 167 : "All the Apostles of the Lord are Priests, who inherit neither laud nor houses, but continually serve the Altar of God." The precept of our Lord before cited is expressly referred by this writer to the Holy Eucharist : " The Lord, desiring that we should offer in all simplicity and innocence, preached, saying, " When therefore thou bringest thy gift to the Altar," 6 etc. Tertullian, 7 in Africa, A.n. 192: "Does the Eucharist undo the act of obedience devoted to God ? Does it not the more bind to God ? Will not thy fast be the more solemn, if thou shalt have stood at the Altar of God ?" Origen, 8 at Alexandria, A.D. 230 : "I deem it unseemly, unworthy, and impious for one who wor- ships God and enters the Church of God, knowing that the Priests and Deacons give attendance at the Altar, not to offer to the Priests the first-fruits of the produce of the earth which God gives him." S. Cyprian, at Carthage, A.D. 248, alluding to Proverbs ix. 1-5 : " The Holy Ghost foreshows 1 1 Cor. x. 21 ; comp. 18. 2 See the authorities for this in " England and Rome " (by the same writer), p. 10 ; Rivingtons, 1855. 3 Ep. ad Philad. c. iv. p. 379. 4 Ep. ad Eph. c. v. p. 268 ; comp. ad Trail, c. vii. p. 334. 5 C. Haer. L. iv. c. viii. 3, ed. Stieren, p. 582. 6 Ibid. c. xviii. 1 ; comp. c. xvii. 5. 7 De Orat. c. xiv. Opp. torn. iv. p. 14; comp. c. x. p. 10, De Patient, c. xii. p. 83. 8 Horn. xi. in Num. p. 305; Par. 1733. SECT. XII.] CALLED AN ALTAR. 173 by Solomon a type of the Dominical Sacrifice, making men- tion of the immolated victim of bread and wine, nay, even of the Altar arid of the Apostles." l Again : " He deserves not to be named in the prayer of the Priests at the Altar of God, who has wished to draw Priests and Deacons from the Altar." 2 Eusebins, of Csesarea, A.D. 315 : " The Altar being removed contrary to the decrees of Moses, there must of necessity be a change of the law of Moses too, that to the one only Lord should be reared throughout the world an Altar of bloodless and reasonable sacrifice, according to the new mysteries of the later and new Covenant." 3 And again, in a rhetorical description of the great Church at Tyre : " Last of all he (i.e. the Bishop who restored it) set the Holy of Holies, the Altar, in the middle." 4 The testimony of Eusebius brings us below the first three centuries, in the remains of which it is asserted (and I believe truly) that the name of Table occurs but once. 5 Considerably later, a writer under the name of Athanasius, 6 having spoken of " the Table" set by Christ, in allusion to Prov. i. 1-6, adds, "that is the holy Altar," as if the latter term were the more familiar to his readers. From the fourth century, however, "the Table " became more common, until at length we observe in the East a decided preference for the name of Table, while the West continues to show a marked predilection for that of Altar. Considering the early consensus in favour of the name Altar (almost to the exclusion of Table), we cannot but infer that it was largely so used by the Apostles themselves, the common founders of the whole Church. Thirdly, In whatever sense the Eucharist may be called a sacrifice, there must be a parallel sense in which the Table at which it is celebrated may be called an Altar. But the 1 Ep. Ixiii. p. 150. 2 Ep. i. p. 3 ; comp. Ep. Ixiii. p. 199 ; Ep. lix. p. 139 ; Ep. Ixix. p. 180 ; De Unit. Eccles. pp. 113, 116, etc. 3 Demon str. Ev. L. i. c. v. p. 20 ; Paris, 1628. 4 Hist. Eccl. L. x. c. iv. p. 312. 5 Johnson's Unbloody Sacrifice, C. ii. iii. col. i. p. 405 ; Oxf. 1847. He refers to Voigtius de Altaribus (whom see, c. iii. iii. p. 76). The exception is in the Ep. of Dionys. to Xystus (Euseb. L. vii. c. ix. p. 208), who speaks of a communicant as " standing at the Table." Mountagu less exactly asserts that within three hundred years after Christ "the word Table is not above thrice used ;" but he found it in the works ascribed to Dionysius the Areopagite (not earlier than 431), which he supposed to come within that period. Visit. Articles, 1638, tit. 7, art. 12 ; App. to 2d Ritual Report, p. 584. 6 Disp. c. Arian. c. 17, ad calc. Opp. S. Athan, ed. Ben. torn. iii. p. 164. 174 THE HOLY TABLE PROPERLY [CHAP. III. Eucharist is a sacrifice as truly as any that were offered under the law, and therefore the Holy Table of the Christian Church is as truly an Altar as that " Table of the Lord " at which the Jewish Priest was wont to minister. In holy Scripture the terms "Lord's Table" 1 and "Altar" are interchangeable when referred to the sacrifices of the Law, and no reason can be alleged why they should not, with equal propriety, be used as equivalent terms when we are speaking of the Eucharistic Sacrifice ordained by Christ. Fourthly, It is not necessary to an Altar, as some have imagined, that it should be of stone or of earth. In Scrip- ture we read of an "Altar of wood ;" 2 and such were in truth the Altars of incense and burnt-offering, though overlaid respectively with brass and gold. 3 We have already seen that the primitive Altars were at least more frequently than not of wood. 4 Nor, again, is it necessary that the Holy Table should be fixed to make it an Altar. The Altars of the Tabernacle were continually moved from place to place. The Church of Eome has had her portable Altars ; 5 the Greek has her Antimensia. 6 Nor is a bloody offering required to constitute an Altar. Witness the Altar of Incense, on which it was not lawful to offer anything but Incense. 7 Fifthly, The Act of Parliament 8 which authorized the use of the Second Book of Edward asserted the entire catholicity of the First Book, in which the Holy Table was termed the Altar. For it calls it " a very godly order," " agreeable to the Word of God and the Primitive Church;" and only alleges as the reason for revision that " divers doubts for the fashion and manner of the ministration of the same " had arisen, " rather by the curiosity of the minister and mis- takers, than of any other worthy cause." Hence it is evident that the changes then made, and among them the disuse of the word Altar, were not dictated by a belief that there was anything unscriptural or unprimitive in the First Book. This conclusion is confirmed by the language of certain " Eeasons why the Lord's Board should rather be after the form of a Table than of an Altar," which accompanied the order of the Council for the removal of the remaining fixed Altars : " Whether the Lord's Board have the form of an 1 See Ezek. xxxix. 20, xli. 22, xliv. 16, Mai. i. 7, 12. 2 Ezek. xli. 22. 3 Exod. xxx. 1, xxvii. 1. * See note on the material of the Altar, p. 155. 6 Bona, Rer. Lit. L, i. c. xx. n. ii. p. 251. 6 See Sect. ix. p. 157. 7 Exod. xxx. 9. 8 5 and 6 Edw. vi. c. 1. SECT. XII.] CALLED AN ALTAR. 175 Altar or a Table, the Book of Common Prayer calleth it both an Altar and a Table. For as it calleth an Altar whereupon the Lord's Supper is ministered a Table and the Lord's Board, so it calleth the Table when the Holy Communion is distributed with lauds and thanksgiving unto the Lord, an Altar, for that there is offered the same sacrifice of praise and thanksgiving. And thus it appeareth that here [i.e. in the Order for the removal of Altars] is nothing said or meant con- trary to the Book of Common Prayer," 1 i.e. the Book of 1549. Sixthly, The Eeformers themselves employed the word Altar to the last, and justified their employment of it. Thus Cranmer, writing, not long before his death, in reply to Gar- diner, who had asked why an ancient writer called the Altar " reverend," " if by his faith the very Body and Blood of Christ were not present upon the Altar : " " When you would prove the corporal presence of Christ by the reverence that is to be used at the Altar, as Emissen teacheth, with no less rever- ence ought he that is baptized to come to the font than he that receiveth the Communion cometh to the Altar; and yet is that no proof that Christ is corporally in the font." 2 Eidley, 3 during his imprisonment, translating freely from S. Augustine, "Hujus sacrificii (laudis, Ps. xlix. 23) caro et sanguis . . . post ascensum Christi per Sacramentmn me- morise celebratur," has " The same is celebrated by a sacra- ment of remembrance upon the Altar." 3 Again, in his last examination : " Your Lordship is not ignorant that this word ' altare ' in the Scripture signifieth as well the Altar whereupon the Jews were wont to make their burnt sacrifices as the Table of the Lord's Supper." 4 So Latimer, 5 in his last examination : " It may be called an Altar, and so the Doctors call it in many places." Seventhly, In an order "for Tables in the Church," ap- pended to the Injunctions of Elizabeth, 1559, the question between Altar and Table is declared to be one in which, " saving for an uniformity, there seemeth no matter of great 1 Foxe's Acts and Monuments, B. ix. vol. ii. p. 47 ; Lond. 1684. Ridley's Works, p. 321 ; Camb. 1841. See the Council's Letter, p. 507 ; or in Doc. Ann. vol. i. p. 100. 2 Answer to Gardiner's Explication, B. iv. c. viii. pp. 227, 8; Camb. 1844. 3 Brief Declaration of the Lord's Supper; Works, p. 39. See S. Aug. c. Faust. L. xx. c. xxi. torn. x. col. 417. 4 Works, p. 280. 6 Foxe, voL iii. p. 69. The Martyr Philpot speaks of the holy Eucharist as the Sacrament of the Altar ; as e.g. when before Convoca- tion, Oct. 23, 1553, he offered to prove that "Christ is not naturally present in the Sacrament of the Altar" (ibid. p. 17) ; but this cannot be alleged here, as he maintained that the Fathers did not call it so with reference to the material altar (p. 19). 176 THE HOLY TABLE AN ALTAR. [CHAP. III. moment, so that the Sacrament be duly and reverently- ministered." 1 Eighthly, The Church of England herself has, by her representative Synods, justified the application of the name of Altar to the Holy Table :" Albeit at the time of reform- ing this Church from the gross superstition of Popery, it was carefully provided that all means should be used to root out of the mind of the people both the inclination thereto and the memory thereof, especially of the idolatry committed in the Mass, for which cause all Popish Altars were demolished ; yet notwithstanding, it was then ordered by the Injunctions and Advertisements of Queen Elizabeth, of blessed memory, that the Holy Tables should stand in the place where the Altars stood, and accordingly have been continued in the Royal Chapels, etc. . . . We declare that this situation of the Holy Table does not imply that it is or ought to be esteemed a true and proper Altar whereon Christ is again really sacrificed ; but it is and may be called an Altar by us in that sense in which the Primitive Church called it an Altar, and in no other." 2 Ninthly, The Eubric before the Morning Prayers directs that such ornaments (i.e. furniture, etc.) of the Church shall be " retained and be in use, as were in this Church of Eng- land, by the authority of Parliament, in the second year of the reign of K. Edw. vi." Now, Altars were in use by that authority at that time, and therefore are in use still. Lastly, The consensus of all good Divines since the Reforma- tion sanctions the use of the word Altar as a name for the holy Table ; but this is so well known that it would be superfluous to adduce instances. It is however worthy of mention that it is called the Altar in the Order of the Service in the Coronation of our Kings, 3 and also in some recent Acts of Parliament. 4 SECTION XIII. Of the Lord's Prayer at the beginning of the Office. * SAY.] " The old ritual words, ' legere,' ' dicere,' ' can- tare,' continue in the reformed just as of old in the unre- 1 Doc. Ann. vol. i. p. 231. 2 Synodalia, p. 405. The extract is from the seventh decree of the Convocation of 1640, and therefore represents the sentiment of the Church in both Provinces. 3 It occurs no less than forty-six times in the Office as used at the Coronation of her present Majesty. The Service is given at length in Mask ell's Monum. Ritual, vol. iii. p. 83 et seq. * See 59 Geo. in. c. 134, 6 ; 2 and 3 Will. iv. c. 61. SECT. XIII.] THE LORD'S PRAYER. 177; formed Eubrics. They had a definite meaning in the 'Latin Service Books. There is not a vestige of a hint that they are to have any other than their old meaning in the verna- cular and remodelled Offices. They are often loosely used as almost convertible expressions. ' Dicere' rather expresses the simpler, ' cantare' the more ornate, mode of musical read- ing. The word ' legere' simply denotes ' recitation from a book,' without any reference to the particular mode of the recitation." l k LORD'S PRAYER.] It appears from Justin 2 Martyr's ac- count of the Sunday Service in the second century that ife began then with the reading of Holy Scripture ; but this is not the case with any of the ancient Liturgies in the form in which they have come down to us. The use of the Lord's Prayer at the Celebration has always been considered essential ; for the precept given with it is expressed without exception : " When ye pray, say," 3 etc. S. Jerome indeed says that Christ " taught it the Apostles in order that believers may daily, in the Sacrifice of His Body, have boldness to say, Our Father." 4 In our Liturgy it occurs twice; but the principle is respected in every ancient Liturgy but one, 5 by its being said after, or rather as a part of, the Prayer of Consecration. Of this more will be said in its place. It is also evident that it is properly used at the beginning of any holy Office. " After the regular form of prayer [i.e. the Lord's Prayer] has been first said by way of foundation," observes Tertullian, " there is the privilege of desires that occur, there is the privilege of building thereon petitions not within its scope." 6 Again, by commencing with this prayer, the Church appears to suggest that our prayers are to be directed to the Father at this awful Service. This was the ancient principle, the whole Celebration being regarded as a solemn pleading of the Sacrifice of Christ before " His God and our God." Thus it was decreed at the third Council of Carthage, A.D. 397 (and the Canon was early adopted in our Church), that 1 The Rev. J. B. Dykes in App. C to Archdeacon Freeman's Rites and Ritual, p. 103. 2 Apol. i. c. 67, torn. i. p. 270, ed. Otto. 3 Luke xi. 2. 4 Adv. Pelag. L. iii. torn. iv. P. ii. col. 543. 5 The exception is that in the so-called Apostolical Constitutions. 6 De Orat. c. ix. col. iv. p. 10. M 178 OF THE MEANING AND USE [CHAP. III. " at the Altar prayer should always be addressed to the Father." 1 In the earlier English Liturgies of York, Sarum (Bangor), 2 Hereford, and in the Mozarabic, though not in those of Rome or Milan, the Lord's Prayer occurs in the Preparation for the Mass, a solemn introduction said by the Clergy cele- brating for themselves. It is from this use of it that its presence at the beginning of our Liturgy is derived. It has occupied the same place since 1549. In many Churches in England the people do not repeat the Lord's Prayer after the Priest in this place. The custom arose, in all probability, from its being in the older Liturgies one of the preparatory prayers said by the Clergy alone. It is not used, however, with that intention in the present Liturgy, and the custom in question is clearly contrary to the express rule of the Church, which directs that the people shall " repeat it with the Minister ivheresoever it is used in Divine Service." 3 The intention of the Church here may also be gathered from the fact that "Amen" at the end of the Prayer is printed in the same character as the Prayer itself. See further on, Ch. iv. Sect. i. p. 185. SECTION XIV. Of the Meaning and Use of the word COLLECT. 1 COLLECT.] The Collect was so called, according to an an- cient writer, 4 "because it is gathered (collecta) from the autho- rity of the Divine Scriptures that are read in Church [i.e. the Epistle and Gospel], or because one prayer is gathered together out of many utterances, or from the gathering together or assembly of the people." The last derivation is certainly the most probable, and may be assumed to be cor- rect. It is probable, however, that the two former theories respecting the origin of the name influenced its application, 1 Can. xxiii. Labb. torn. ii. col. 1170. It appears in the Excerptions of Ecgbriht, No. liv., Wilkins, Cone. vol. i. p. 105. 2 The Bangor Missal is only an edition, with a few peculiarities, of the Sarum. 3 See the Rubric before the Lord's Prayer where it first occurs in the Order for Morning Prayer. It seems almost superfluous to remark that the expression "Divine Service" is applicable to the Communion Office according to the customary language of our Church. See the last para- graph of the last Rubric in it. It is so used in other documents of the period, as in the Inventories of Church Plate and Bells in the Public Record Office, which bear date May 19, 1553. These record the delivery of one Chalice to the Curates and Churchwardens, " to be kept and used for the administration of the Holy Communion and other services," or " service." Peacock's Church Furniture, pp. 225, 7. 4 Remig. Autiss. ad calc. pseudo-Alcuin, De Div. Officiis ; Hitt. col. 279. SECT. XIV.] OF THE WORD COLLECT. 179 and will serve to account for the vagueness which we observe in the established use of it. Thus, in our own Church, it is not only applied to brief prayers, which embody the teach- ing of the day or season, or, like the Collect before us, unite all present in supplication for a grace, the need of which should be suggested to all by the occasion, but also to longer forms; as, for example, to the Prayer for all Conditions of Men, the concluding prayer in the Order for the Burial of the Dead, those for the Sovereign in the present Office, etc. The Rubrics speak of the " Collects of Morning, or Evening Prayer, Communion or Litany," l of " many of the Collects in the Form of Public Baptism," 2 and of " Collects of Thanks- giving." 3 In the old Gothic, Prankish, and Gallican Sacra- mentaries, the word is used in the same general sense ; but not so in the Mozarabic, Milanese, or Eoman, in which the corresponding forms are called Orationes* At Eome only the " prayers at the commencement of the Mass " were called Collects, and even this, according to Innocent in., was an extension of the strict usage : " Properly, however, those prayers are called Collects, which are made over the gather- ing (collectaiii) of the people, while the people are being col- lected (on Festivals) that they may go in procession from one Church to another, to perform a Station." 5 The word occurs a few times in the Gregorian Sacramentary, 6 with 1 See the Rubric before the Occasional Collects at the end of the Com- munion Office. 2 See the Rubric before the Form of Private Baptism. 3 See the Rubric after the Psalms in the Forms of Prayer to be used at Sea. 4 Thus, e.g. the Collectio post nomina and Collectio ad pacem of the Galli- can Liturgy, Murat. torn. ii. col. 742, etc., correspond to the Post nomina Oratio and Ad pacem Oratio of the Mozarabic, Leslie, torn. i. p. 19 et passim. In the former it is applied to prayers used in Baptism, coll. 849, 852, and is used with equal latitude in the Gothic and Frankish, see e.g. coll. 589, 614, 670. 5 Myster. Miss. L. ii. c. xxvii. Opp. p. 345 ; Colon. 1575. Sim. Microl. c. 3 ; Hittorp. col. 698 ; Radulph. Tungr. De Can. Obs. Pr. 23, col. 1155 ; Gemma Animse, L. i. c. 94, col. 1207 ; or later, Espencseus de Collectis Eccl. p. 84 (Par. 1566) ; or, better, Mabillon, Mus. Ital. torn. ii. p. xxxi., who also gives in torn. i. p. 554 an ancient list of the Churches at Rome in which the people gathered for procession, with their respec- tive Stations. The Stations are also given, with the Gospel for the day on which it was held, in a Capitulare Evangeliorum of the tenth century, printed (among others) by Gerbert, Monum. Liturg. Alein. p. 418. 6 Thus on the Fest. of the Purification we have in full Oratio ad Col- lectam ad S. Adrianum, the people meeting at the Church of S. Adrian, and proceeding to that of S. Mary the Greater. On Ash Wednesday, Collecta ad S. Anastasiam ; Feast of S. Czesarius (Nov. L), Collecta ad Sanc- tos Cosmam et Damianum. Murat. torn. ii. coll. 22, 28, 126. 180 OF KNEELING AT THE CELEBEATION. [CHAP. III. direct reference to the assembling of the people for proces- sion. It has disappeared from the modern Missal. In Ger- many it was applied, as with us, to prayers used on various occasions. 1 SECTION XV. On the Attitude of Kneeling. m KNEELING.] The Celebrant is ordered to stand, the people to kneel. Compare the Lay Folks Mass Book : " All men kneelen, but he (the Priest) stands, and holds to God up both his hands." 2 This direction that the people should kneel was introduced at the last Revision, probably in consequence of that neglect of kneeling and other attitudes of reverence which prevailed during the ascendency of the Independents and Presbyterians. In early times the people stood at prayer on the Lord's Day, and during the great Festive season between Easter and Whitsunday. " On the Lord's Day," says Tertullian, 3 " we think it unlawful to fast, or to worship on OTir knees. We enjoy the same exemption from Easter to Whitsuntide." The Council of Nicsea 4 confirmed the custom by an express decree : " Because there are some who kneel on the Lord's Day, and in the days of Pentecost, that the same observances may obtain in every Diocese, it hath seemed good to the holy Synod that men offer their prayers to God standing." The practice was so universal that it was supposed by SS. Irenseus, Basil, and Hilary 5 to rest on an unwritten Apostolical tradi- tion. "This Sabbath of Sabbaths," says the last named, " was so religiously observed by the Apostles that on these days of Pentecost no one worshipped with body prostrate on the ground ; . . . which same rite was also appointed at other seasons on the Lord's Days." S. Augustine, 6 however, 1 Walafr. Strab. De Reb. Eccles. c. 22, col. 681. 2 Lines 39, 40, MS. Brit. Mus. 17, B. xvii. 3 De Coron. Mil. c. iii. ; vol. iv. p. 293. Sim. De Orat. c. xxiii. p. 19. Epiphan. Adv. Haer. L. iii. torn. ii. cc. xxii. xxiv. pp. 1105, 7 ; S. Jerome, Dial. Adv. Lucif. torn. iv. col. 294 ; Cassian. Instit. L. ii. c. xviii. p. 39, and others. 4 Can. xx. Pand. torn. L p. 84. So far as regards the Sunday, this Canon was confirmed by the Council in Trullo, A.D. 692, Can. xc. Pand. torn. i. p. 264. 6 Prol. in Lit. Psal. 12, col. 8. Sim. S. Basil, De Spir. S. c. Ixvi. torn, iii. p. 56. The lost work of Irenaeus on Easter is quoted to the same effect in the Questions and Answers ascribed to Justin M., R. 115, torn, iii. P. ii. p. 180. 6 Ep. Iv. ad Januar. c. xvii. n. 32, torn. ii. col. 187. SECT. XV.] THE PRIMITIVE CHRISTIANS STOOD. 181 will not affirm the universal observance of the rite : " That we pray standing on those days (of Pentecost) and all Lord's Days, whether it be everywhere observed I do not know ; nevertheless what the Church follows in that matter, I have said, as I could, and believe to be clear." The reason assigned was that the position of standing is both significant of festal joy, and emblematic of the Eesur- rection of Christ and of our own resurrection through Him from sin and death. Thus Peter 1 of Alexandria, A.D. 301 : " We keep the Lord's Day as a day of rejoicing, because He rose on it, on which we have been taught by tradition not even to bend the knees." In the Questions and Eeplies to the Orthodox ascribed to Justin Martyr, and probably a genuine, though interpolated, work of his, the question is proposed : " Why is there no kneeling on Sundays and during the Fifty days ? " to which the following answer is given : " The prac- tice of not kneeling on the Lord's Day is a symbol of the resurrection, through which, by the grace of Christ, we have been delivered from our sins." 2 S. Basil 3 adds, that the Church taught men to stand on those days, that, being thus "perpetually reminded of the unending life, they might not neglect the provisions needed for that change of abode." 4 The Greek Church retains the primitive rule unaltered. Thus the Confession of Metrophanes, after citing the Nicene decree and S. Basil, declares, " All these traditions we keep from the beginning unto this day, and with God's help will henceforward keep them." In the West this rite has long been obsolete ; but may be traced downwards through a long tract of time. For ex- ample, Martin of Braga inserts the decree of Mcaea in a collection of Canons, 5 made in or before the year 572. Isidore of Seville, A.D. 610, both mentions the existence of the custom, and bases it on the authority of the ancients. 6 The third Council of Tours, 7 A.D. 813, orders kneeling, ex- cept on Sundays, and " those festivals on which the universal Church, in commemoration of the Lord's Eesurrection, is wont to pray standing." Perhaps the latest witness to the exact observance of the ancient rite in the West is Eabanus 1 Can. xv. Routh's Relig. Sacr. torn. iv. p. 45. Sim. Tert. De Orat. c. xxiii. p. 19 ; S. Aug. ad Januar. Ep. Iv. c. xv. n. 28, col. 185 ; Pseudo- Ambros. Serm. Ix. De Pentec. ed. Rom. Labb. 2 Resp. cxv. Opp. Just. M. torn. iii. P. ii. p. 180. 3 De Spiritu Sancto, c. Ixvi. torn. iii. p. 56. 4 Monum. Fid. Eccl. Or. P. ii. p. 200 ; Jense, 1850. 6 Can. Ivii. Labb. torn. v. col. 912. 6 De Eccl. Off. L. i. c. 33 ; Hittorp. col. 197. 7 Can. xxxvii. Labb. torn. vii. col. 1259. 182 REASONS FOR KNEELING NOW. [CHAP. III. Maurus, A.D. 819: "On those (Fifty) Days the knees are not bent in prayer." " On the Lord's Day we pray standing. . . . This is the practice of the Universal Church." l A change was, however, at hand, if not already begun, in the application of the rule ; as appears from the Collection of Canons made by Regino, A.D. 906. For there the Nicene decree is followed by another, derived from a later unknown source, directing the Presbyters to teach the people to kneel at Mass only in Lent and the fast of the Four Seasons, " not to kneel on Sundays and other festivals, but to pray standing inclined." 2 John Beleth, 1162, speaking of the Fifty Days, says : " We do not kneel, but pray standing, except in Litanies." 3 Durandus, 1286, referring to the Lord's Prayer in the Litany, says : " Then above all we ought to pray prostrate . . . at least on common days; on festivals, however, standing." 4 His expression seems to imply that laxity already at that time prevailed. We cannot regret the change of practice in the West. Seeing that now among Christians, " in these countries, at least, the greatest part attend the public prayers on the Lord's Day only, it would be a thing unbecoming penitents and petitioners never to pray with knees or body bent, but always standing." 5 It must be the more suitable posture too, surely, for the whole Church, no longer quickened by that Easter joy, as in the days of her first love. Let her children kneel rather, as bowed down by a sense of loss and shame, and bound to a perpetual penance : " My sins have taken such hold of me that I am not able to look up." There can be no doubt that the custom of standing in prayer was inherited from the Jewish Church ; in which it was the rule to pray standing, except in a time of mourning. Thus of the service of the Temple we read, " Every Priest standeth daily ministering and offering." 6 The Israelites of the restoration " stood " as they " confessed their sins," even on a great fast day. 7 In our Lord's time the hypocrites loved to " pray standing in the synagogues and in the corners of the streets." 8 The Pharisee and Publican in the Parable stood while they prayed in the Temple. 9 Our Lord also assumes that this would be the ordinary posture of those to 1 De Instit. Cler. L. ii. cc. 41, 42 ; Hittorp. col. 609. 2 De Eccl. Discipl. L. i. c. ccclxxx. p. 180, ed. Baluz. 3 Div. Off. Explic. cxxi. ad calc. Durand. fol. 548. 4 Rat. Div. Off. L. iv. c. xlvii. n. 3 ; fol. 188, 1. 5 Routh, Note in Can. xx. Cone. Nic. ; Opusc. torn. ii. p. 445. 8 Heb. x. 11. 7 See Neh. ix. 2-4. 8 Matt. vi. 5. Luke xviii. 11, 13. SECT. XV.] PRIMITIVE POSTURES IN PRAYER, 183 whom He spoke : " When ye stand praying, forgive, if ye have ought against any." l On ordinary days both postures were perhaps always used, and that from the earliest times. Thus, in the Clemen- tine Liturgy, before the Prayer for the Faithful, which was said immediately after the withdrawal of the Penitents, we find the exhortation : " Let us all who are of the Faithful bend the knee." At the end of that prayer the Deacon says, " Let us rise," 2 and during the rest of the Office the people stand. S. Chrysostom 3 evidently alludes to these changes of posture at this part of the Service : " When we have shut out of the sacred precincts those who are not able to partake of the Holy Table, another prayer must take place, and we all alike fall down on the floor, and all alike rise up again." At the actual Celebration they seem to have stood on prin- ciple. It was thought the proper posture for all who offered sacrifice. Thus, the Deacon before the Prayer of Consecra- tion in the Clementine Liturgy proclaims, " Let us stand upright, with fear and trembling, to offer unto the Lord." * On Fast Days, however, it is most probable that all prayer was said kneeling, though this is rather to be inferred from the connexion, then so much insisted on, between this posture and self-humiliation in the writings of those ages, than from any direct statement (so far as I have learned) to that effect. " The bending of the knees," says Cassian, " is as a token of penitence and grief." 6 1 Mark xi. 25. 2 Constit App. L. viii. cc. ix. x. ; ed. Cotel. torn. i. pp. 396, 7. 3 Horn, xviii. in 2 Cor. viii. 24, p. 196 ; Oxf. 1845. 4 Constit. Apost. L. viii. ch. xii. ; Cotel. torn. i. p. 398. 5 Collat. L. xxi. c. xx. p. 795 ; Atreb. 1628. This is cited by Isidore of Seville (De Eccl. Off. L. i. c. 33 ; Hitb. coL 197), as the saying of " a certain wise man." CHAPTEE IV. dDf the preparation: of the Driest attb SECTION I. The Lord's Prayer. OUR FATHER, which art in Heaven, Hallowed be Thy Name. Thy kingdom come. Thy will be done in earth, As it is in heaven. Give us this day a our daily bread. And forgive us our trespasses, As we forgive them that trespass against us. And lead us not into temptation ; But deliver us from evil. b Amen. a OUR DAILY BREAD.] This petition was widely supposed to include a reference to the Holy Eucharist. Thus Ter- tullian : l " How choicely has Divine wisdom built up the order of the prayer, so that, after heavenly things, to wit, the name of God, the will of God, and kingdom of God, it should make a place for a petition for earthly wants also. . . . Although we may rather understand Give us this day our daily bread in a spiritual sense. For Christ is our bread ; for Christ is life and bread is life. ' I am,' saith He, ' the Bread of Life.' . . . Again, because His Body also is under- stood in the Bread : This is My Body." Where daily com- munion prevailed it would also be interpreted of the actual daily reception. Thus S. Cyprian: 2 "We ask for this bread to be given to us daily, lest we who are in Christ and daily receive the Eucharist for the food of salvation, through some more grievous sin intervening (while, being kept back and not communicating we are forbidden the Bread of Life), be separated from the Body of Christ." Similarly S. Augus- tine : 3 "Again, if in that ' our daily bread' you understand that which the faithful receive ... we rightly ask and say, 1 De Orat. c. vi. torn. iv. p. 6. 2 De Orat. Dom. Tr. p. 147. 3 Serin. Ivi. c. vi. n. 10, torn. vii. col. 326. Sim. Serm. Ivii. c. vii. n. 7, col. 334 ; Serm. Iviii. c. iv. n. 5, col. 339 ; Serm. lix. c. iii. n. 6, col. 344 ; Ep. cxxx. ad Prob. c. ix. n. 21, torn. ii. col. 509. SECT. L] THE LORD'S PRAYER. 185 Give us this day our daily bread." But because in the East few received daily, the same Father carefully taught that this was not the only spiritual sense in which the petition may be understood : " It remains, therefore, that we receive a spiritual daily bread, to wit, the Divine precepts, which we ought daily to meditate and be employed on ; for of them the Lord says, ' Work for the meat which doth not perish.' . . . But if any one wish to understand that sentence also of the necessary food of the body, or of the Sacraments of the Lord's Body, all three ought to be taken together, so that we ask at the same time for daily bread [in all senses], both that needful for the body, and the consecrated visible Bread, and the invisible bread of God's Word." 1 The Greeks themselves understood by the word rtovo-ios, 2 which we render daily, either " adapted to our substance," (and therefore daily needed to repair and sustain it,) or " that is to come," i.e. Christ, the Living Bread. According to the latter sense it has a certain reference to the Sacrament. Thus S. Athanasius : 3 " In the Prayer He hath taught us to ask in this present world for TOV ITTIOVO-IOV aprov ; that is, (for the Bread) that is to come, of which we have the first-fruits in this life, being partakers of the Flesh of the Lord." b AMEN.] This word is always printed, as we observe it to be here, in the same character as the prayers themselves at the end of those prayers in which the people are to join aloud with the Minister; but in a different character, as after the Collect immediately following, at the end of those which he is to say alone. 4 SECTION II. The Collect for Purity. The Collect. "Almighty God, unto whom all hearts be open, all desires known, and from whom no secrets are hid ; 1 De Serin. Dom. L. ii. c. vii. torn. iv. coL 277. 2 See Suicer in v. S. Jerome replaced quotidianum in the old Italic version by supersubstantialem, which remains in the Vulgate to this day. In both he saw an allusion to the Eucharist : " The Apostles pray that daily bread, or bread above all substances, may come, that they may be meet for the reception of the Body of Christ." Adv. Pelag. L. iii. torn, iv. P. ii. col. 543. 3 De Hum. Nat. Insc. torn. i. p. 607. 4 Wheatley, Ch. iii. Sect. v. 3. 186 THE PREPARATION OF THE MINISTERS. [CHAP. IV. Cleanse the thoughts of our hearts by the inspiration of Thy Holy Spirit, that we may perfectly love Thee, and worthily magnify Thy holy Name ; through Christ our Lord. Amen. a ALMIGHTY, ETC.] This Collect is peculiarly English. It is found in the Sacramentary of Alcuin, 1 who was Abbot of Canterbury about the year 780, and in the manuscript Missal of Leofric, 2 written about 1050. It also appears in the Sarurn Missal, which, as revised by Bishop Osmund, 3 dates from about the year 1085. In the last ancient Office it occurs with the Lord's Prater in the " Preparation for the Mass " 4 of the Celebrant and his assistants. The Priest began by saying the Veni Creator, while vesting ; then this COLLECT FOR PURITY. The forty-third Psalm, Judica me, with its Antiphon, Introibo, from the fourth verse, followed. Then Kyrie, eleison ; Christe, el. ; Kyrie, el. ; followed by THE LORD'S PRAYER. The Priest's Confiteor followed with a prayer of the Ministers for his forgiveness, Misereatur vestri (which prayer is retained as the Absolution of our present Office). Then the Ministers said their Confiteor, and the Priest pro- nounced their absolution, Absolutionem. et remissionem, etc. The Priest then said the versicles, " Our help standeth," etc. He then kissed the Ministers, saying "Take the Kiss of Peace," etc. The taper-bearers then set their lights down on the step of the Altar, and the Priest going " afore the midst " of it, said a short prayer for cleansing and fitness. He then kissed the Altar, and, crossing himself, said the Invocation, " In the name," etc. He then censed the Altar, and was himself censed by the Deacon. Here the prepara- tion ended. The Introit, called the Officium, followed, with Gloria Patri. The Kyrie eleison, etc., as above, was then sung, but with each clause repeated three times. This was followed on certain days by the Gloria in Excelsis (Glory be to God on high, etc.), and then came the Collect or Collects for the day. The Preparation of the Celebrant and his Ministers is now left to their private devotion, and the Lord's Prayer and 1 Missa de Gratia S. Spiritus postulancla, Pamel. torn. ii. p. 519. It is found also in a collection containing several Masses from Alcuin, at the end of the Othobonian MS. of the Gregorian Sacramentary in a hand of the eleventh century. Murat. torn. ii. col. 383. 2 Missa de Cordis Mundatione ; MS. 579, Bodl. Libr. (foL 213 b.) 3 Orig. Lit. Introd. Sect. xi. col. i. p. 186 ; Maskell's Anc. Lit. Pref. p. Iviii. 4 So called in Miss. Mozar.; Leslie, pp. 217, 533. SECT. II.] THE DECALOGUE. 187 Collect for Purity, which formed part of that Office, are added to what may be called the preparation of the people. The Scotch Liturgy accordingly directs that "the Pres- byter . . . shall say the Lord's Prayer with this Collect fol- lowing for due preparation" The Eubric refers probably to the Collect only ; but it is obvious that all that part of the office which precedes the Prayer of Consecration may be regarded as a lengthened preparation both of Priest and people. For it is evidently the object and intention of the Church that, having been edified by the Word of God read and explained, and fortified by the declaration of our faith, having exercised charity and self-denial by the giving of alms, humility and repentance by confession, and been ab- solved by the ministry of reconciliation, we should be able to " draw near " with more assurance of hope to receive the grace and blessing which are offered to the faithful in and through this holy Sacrament. SECTION III. The Decalogue, and the Manner in which it is Rehearsed. RUBRIC II. IF Then shall the Priest, * turning to the people, re- hearse ^distinctly all the C TEN COMMANDMENTS; and the people still kneeling shall, after every Commandment, ask God mercy for their trans- gression thereof for the time past, and grace to keep the same for the time to come, asfolloweth. Minister. GOD spake these words, and said ; I am the Lord thy God : Thou shalt have none other gods but Me. People. Lord, have mercy upon us, and incline our hearts to keep this law. Minister. Thou shalt not make to thyself any graven image, nor the likeness of any thing that is in heaven above, or in the earth beneath, or in the water under the earth. Thou shalt not bow down to them, nor worship them : for I the Lord thy God 188 THE TEN COMMANDMENTS. [CHAP. IV. am a jealous God, and visit the sins of the fathers upon the children, unto the third and fourth genera- tion of them that hate Me, and show mercy unto thousands of them that love Me, and keep My com- mandments. People. Lord, have mercy upon us, and incline our hearts to keep this law. Minister. Thou shalt not take the Name of the Lord thy God in vain : for the Lord will not hold him guiltless, that taketh His Name in vain. People. Lord, have mercy upon us, and incline our hearts to keep this law. Minister. Remember that thou keep holy the Sab- bath-day. Six days shalt thou labour, and do all that thou hast to do ; but the seventh day is the Sabbath of the Lord thy God. In it thou shalt do no manner of work, thou, and thy son, and thy daughter, thy man-servant, and thy maid-servant, thy cattle, and the stranger that is within thy gates. For in six days the Lord made heaven and earth, the sea, and all that in them is, and rested the seventh day : wherefore the Lord blessed the seventh day, and hal- lowed it. People. Lord, have mercy upon us, and incline our hearts to keep this law. Minister. Honour thy father and thy mother ; that thy days may be long in the land, which the Lord thy God giveth thee. People. Lord, have mercy upon us, and incline our hearts to keep this law. Minister. Thou shalt do no murder. People. Lord, have mercy upon us, and incline our hearts to keep this law. SECT. III.] THE PRIEST TURNING TO THE PEOPLE. 189 Minister. Thou shalt not commit adultery. People. Lord, have mercy upon us, and incline our hearts to keep this law. Minister. Thou shalt not steal. People. Lord, have mercy upon us, and incline our hearts to keep this law. Minister. Thou shalt not bear false witness against thy neighbour. People. Lord, have mercy upon us, and incline our hearts to keep this law. Minister. Thou shalt not covet thy neighbour's house, thou shalt not covet thy neighbour's wife, nor his servant, nor his maid, nor his ox, nor his ass, nor any thing that is his. People. Lord, have mercy upon us, and d write all these Thy laws in our hearts, we beseech Thee. a TURNING TO THE PEOPLE.] These words were added at the last Eeview, and are derived from the Scotch Office of 1637. They imply that during the prayers that go before the Priest is turned from the people. He would then naturally look towards the Altar. Similarly, when about to, give the Absolution and read the " Comfortable Sentences," the Priest (who has been confessing sin with the people, and therefore has had his face turned from them) is directed to " turn himself to the people ;" and afterwards, when about to say the Preface, i.e. to enter on another act of worship, again to " turn to the Lord's Table." The principle of these directions had been assailed both by Puritans and Presby- terians. In 1562 a party in the Lower House of Convoca- tion had demanded " that in all Parish Churches the Minister in common prayer turn his face towards the people;" 1 while in anticipation of the last revision, the Presbyterians, in 1661, maintained that "the Minister turning himself to the people is most convenient throughout the whole ministra- tion." 2 To these last the Bishops replied: "When he speaks to them, as in Lessons, Absolution, and Benedictions, 1 Cardw. History of Conferences, ch. i. p. 40. 2 Ibid. ch. vii. p. 320. 190 OF THE INTRODUCTION OF THE [CHAP. IV. it is convenient that he turn to them. When he speaks for them to God, it is fit that they should all turn another way, as the ancient Church ever did." 1 We may assume, there- fore, that where the Eubrics are not explicit, the Revisers intended that we should be guided by this principle. b DISTINCTLY.] Similarly the Levites were ordered to declare "unto all the men of Israel with a loud voice" 2 the curses that would follow the breach of God's commandments. The daily lessons are in like manner to be read " distinctly with an audible voice." Thus careful is the Church that those who " seek the law at the Priest's mouth" should not be defrauded of their right by his careless or imperfect utterance. c TEN COMMANDMENTS.] After the prayer for purity, the First Book of Edward preserved the nine Kyries of the Mediaeval Liturgies, only giving them in English : " iii. Lord, have mercy upon us. iii. Christ, have mercy upon us. iii. Lord, have mercy upon us." The repetition would natu- rally appear excessive ; more so than in the Greek, in which each clause consisted of but two words. A question would then suggest itself, whether the awkwardness felt could not be relieved by giving a special point or direction to each cry for mercy. This was done by referring them severally to breaches of the Ten Commandments. It only required that a tenth Kyrie should be added, and a short clause sub- joined applying the petition'to each Commandment as it was rehearsed. But since the object in view might obviously have been attained by other means, it is interesting to inquire why this particular method was adopted. It might almost be sup- posed that the recital of the Decalogue at the beginning of this holy Office was suggested by a saying of Tertullian, that " the remembrance of the Commandments paves the way to heaven for prayers." 3 It may be traced, however, with far more probability to more than one ancient rite observed in our own Church. The Second Table had long been read as part of the " Scripture appointed for the Epistle" for the Fourth Sunday in Lent ; which Lesson (it is well worth noting) was followed by the Gradual : " Lord, have mercy on me ; for I am weak. Heal me, Lord." 4 In the year 1 Cardw. History of Conferences, p. 353. 2 Deut. xxvii. 14. 3 De Orat. c. x. torn. iv. p. 10. 4 Missale ad Usum Sarum, P. i. col. 199; Burntisland, 1861. SECT. III.] DECALOGUE INTO THIS OFFICE. 191 1281, in the Province of Canterbury, and 1466 in that of York, the whole Decalogue was ordered to be recited and explained by every Parish Priest four times a year. 1 Only ten years before the Commandments were made part of this Office, the Bishops directed " all Curates openly to declare in their pulpits twice every quarter to their parishioners the seven deadly sins and the Ten Commandments." 2 And again, only five years before, it was ordered in the Injunc- tions of Edw. VI. " that every holy-day throughout the year, when they had no sermon, they should, immediately after the Gospel, openly and plainly recite to their parishioners in the pulpit the Paternoster, the Credo, and the Ten Com- mandments in English." 3 The foregoing facts sufficiently account, as it appears to me, for the introduction of the Decalogue into the revised Order for the Holy Communion. The English Clergy had long been familiar with it as a means of public instruction, and would be unwilling to part with it when those Canons and Injunctions were to be superseded by other regulations. It should be mentioned, however, that some have supposed the hint to have been borrowed from the " Liturgia Sacra" of the Reformed at Strasburg, of which their superintendent, Valeranus Pollanus, had published a Latin version in this country in February 1551. In this form the Ten Command- ments are ordered to be sung in rhyme in the Morning Ser- vice on Sundays, and a Prayer follows which has been thought to have suggested the response after the last Com- mandment in our Office : " God, merciful Father, who through Thy servant Moses hast by this Decalogue taught us the righteousness of Thy law, vouchsafe so to write it in our hearts by Thy Spirit that," 4 etc. The resemblance is strik- ing, but no certain conclusion can be drawn from it, owing to the frequent recurrence of the expression which consti- tutes it in holy Scripture. 5 The Commandments both here and in the Catechism are 1 Lyndwood, Provinc. L. i. tit. ii. Ignor. Sacerd. p. 54 ; and Constit. Peckham in App. p. 28 ; Oxf. 1679. Johnson's Engl. Canons, P. ii. pp. 284, 520. 2 Burnet's Hist. Reform. P. i. Coll. L. iii. No. xxvi. p. 254. 3 Doc. Ann. vol. i p. 7. 4 Laurence's Bampton Lectures, note 7 on Serm. i. p. 209; Oxf. 1820. Strype's Eccles. Memor. vol. ii. B. i. c. 29, p. 242. Pollanus and his congregation were in 1551 refugees, and living at Glastonbury. The use of the Decalogue in their Service appears to have originated with him. Laurence, u.s. 6 Prov. iii. 3, vii. 3 ; Jer. xvii. 1 ; 2 Cor. iii. 3 ; but see especially Jer. xxxi. 33; Heb. viii. 10. 192 EXPANSIONS OF THE KYRIE. [CHAP. IV. taken from the " Great Bible" published in 1539; that is, from Cranmer's edition of " Matthew's Bible." A comparison with Exod. xx. 3-18 in our present version will show a slight difference in the wording. It is worthy of remark that some of the extreme reformers did not approve of this employment of the Decalogue. Strype 1 tells us that the exiles at Bale in Mary's reign " thought it not convenient to have the Ten Commandments, the Epistles, and Gospels repeated in the Communion Office, reckoning them ill placed there." In the early Church, Lessons from the Old Testament 2 as well as from the New were read before the Celebration. The Decalogue may be considered to represent them with us. A fixed Lesson, if we so regard it, is not without example. In the Irish Missal " there is only the Epistle of S. Paul to the Corinthians and the Gospel of S. John, c. 6," 3 and " there is reason to think that in the Church of Malabar the same Gospel and the same Epistle were almost always used." 4 d WRITE ALL THESE THY LAWS, ETC.] On all double Feasts, and on some others, it had long been the custom of the Eng- lish Church to make additions to each clause in the Kyrie, and even to paraphrase them. Eight several forms are given for use in the Sarum Missal. Two versicles from one of them will suffice for an example : " Lord, the fountain of goodness, unbegotten Father, from whom all good things proceed, have mercy (upon us). Lord, who didst send Thy Son to suffer for the sin of the world, that He might save it, have mercy (upon us)," 5 etc. Hence it would seem that the expansion of the Kyrie itself, as well as the use of the Com- mandments, was suggested by a well-known usage of the unreformed Missal. 1 Eccles. Mem. vol. iii. ch. xxxi. p. 243. 2 See Ch. vi. Sect. ii. pp. 203-207. 3 O'Conor's A pp. to vol. i. of the Catal. of MSS. at Stowe, p. 45. 4 Le Brun, Explic. de la Messe, Diss. ix. tome 6, p. 487. 6 Miss. Sar. P. ii. col. 928* ; Burntisland, 1867. CHAPTEE V. (Df fl ragtr for the fimg in the Jiturgg. SECTION I. RUBRIC III. ^ & Then shall follow one of these two Collects b for the King, the Priest Standing as before, and saying. a THEN SHALL FOLLOW.] From 1549 until the last Revision this order ran thus : " Then shall follow the Collect of the Day, with one of these two Collects following, for the King." As there is generally a close connexion between the Collect and the Epistle and Gospel of the day, and they are at least all three peculiar to it, the present rule, which secures the use of the Collect of the day immediately before the Epistle, is manifestly an improvement. 1 This was also the early arrangement, and is preserved in the Liturgy of Rome. b FOR THE KING.] S. Paul, giving the first Bishop of Ephesus instructions for the celebration of the Divine wor- ship, directs that " supplications, prayers, intercessions, giv- ing of thanks, be made for all men, for Kings, and for all that are in authority, that we may lead a quiet and peaceable life in all godliness and honesty." 2 As the Holy Eucharist, being the great distinctive act of Christian worship, was at first celebrated at every gathering of the Church for prayer, 3 the early Liturgy would necessarily (in obedience to the above injunction of the Apostle) contain a prayer for the chief magistrate of the country. Accordingly Tertullian 4 asserts : " We sacrifice for the health of the Emperor ;" and S. Cyril 5 of Jerusalem, in a description of the Celebration says : " After the spiritual sacrifice is completed ... we beseech God for the common peace of the Churches, for the tranquillity of the world, for Kings, for soldiers, for allies," 1 The alteration was due to a suggestion of Bishop Cosin. See Parti- culars to be Considered, n. 46 ; Works, voL v. p. 513. 2 1 Tim. ii. 1, 2. 3 See Ch. i. Sect. ii. p. 25. 4 Ad Scapulam, c. ii. torn. iii. p. 159. 5 Catech. Myst. v. vi. p. 296. N 194 THE COLLECTS FOR THE KING. [CHAP. V. etc. It is remarkable that no petition for the King is now to be found in the Liturgy of S. James, which was used in S. Cyril's Church of Jerusalem ; but such are found in the derived Liturgies of SS. Basil and Chrysostom, 1 in the Cle- mentine, 2 in the Ethiopian, 3 the Syrian, and other Oriental rites. 4 There are none in the present Eoman Liturgy, or in the Mozarabic ; but we find one in the Milanese, 5 in those of Sarum, York, and Hereford. In none of these, however, was there a " Collect for the King," only a petition corresponding to that which is still offered for him in the Prayer for the Church Militant. In most Eastern Offices the King is twice prayed for, once in the first part and again in the Anaphora. In the Liturgy of S. Chrysostom 6 is a peti- tion, in that of S. Mark 7 a distinct prayer, for the King, be- fore the reading of the Scriptures. In the first part of the Coptic and Greek Alexandrian Liturgy of S. Basil, 8 he is mentioned after the Lessons. In the Liturgy of the Irish Church, before the Epistle, are several Collects or prayers for the Priest, the people, the universal Church, the peace and prosperity of Princes and Kingdoms? etc. Formerly, in many of the Churches of France and Germany, between the Collect and Epistle (the position of one prayer for the King before the last Revision) the Priests and Choir responded to each other in a series of acclamations (called Lauds), among which were petitions for the King and others. 10 The same practice prevailed at Rome in the seventh century and later ; but after a time the Pope only was named, and now even that is dropped except on the day of his coronation. 11 In Dalmatia, says Bona, Joannes Lucius writes "that the same custom of Lauds or acclamations remains to this day." 12 In the year 1225, a Scotch Provincial Council ordered that "in the celebration of Masses five Collects should be said," of which one was to be for the King and Royal Family. 13 1 Goar, pp. 65, 78, 171. 2 Constit. Apostol. L. viii. c. xii. ed. Coleter. torn. i. p. 403. 3 Renaudot, torn. i. pp. 514, 6, 9. 4 See Renaudot's Oriental Liturgies, passim. 6 Pamelii Liturgicon, torn. i. p. 301. 6 Goar, p. 65. 7 Renaudot, torn. i. p. 132, 8. 8 Ibid. pp. 10, 58. 9 Stowe Catalogue, App. i. vol. i. p. 43. The multiplicity of Collects was one charge against the Missal of Columbanus at the Synod of Mil- eon in 627. Labb. torn. v. col. 1686. 10 Martene, De Antiq. Rit. L. i. c. iv. Art. iii. xiii. torn. i. p. 133. Bona, Rer. Lit. L. ii. c. v. n. viii. p. 323. Both give an example. 11 Bona, u.s. See the forms in the Ordines of Cenci and Caietan ; Ma- billon, Mus. Ital. torn. ii. pp. 227, 265. 12 Ibid. 13 Cap. Ixx. Wilkins, Cone. torn. i. p. 617. SECT. I.] OF PRAYERS FOR OUR RULERS. 195 In the Old English l and Milanese 2 Rites, the Coptic S. Cyril 3 and Ethiopian,* the petition for the King in the Canon is before the Consecration ; in all the Syriac, 5 in the Clementine, 6 the Coptic and Greek Alexandrian of S. Gre- gory, 7 and in that of Nestorius, 8 and in the Greek 9 and that of S. Mark 10 after. During the captivity n in Babylon, the Jews prayed for the kings of that land, and on their return Darius 12 furnished them with the means of sacrifice, that they might "offer sacrifices of sweet savours unto the God of heaven, and pray for the life of the King, and of his sons." When S. Paul directed that prayer be made for Kings, the rulers of the earth were heathen, and the Church has ever prayed for unbelieving Kings as well as Christian. Thus Tertullian : 13 "We are ever praying for all Emperors, that they may have a long life, a secure dominion, a safe home, brave armies, a faithful senate, an upright people, a peaceful world, and whatever may be the wishes of the man and Cresar." Dionysius u the Great, speaking of the persecutions of Gallus, A.D. 252, says, " He chased those holy men who interceded with God for his own peace and health. With them, there- fore, he drove away their prayers for himself." Under the tyranny of Mahometan princes, the ancient prayers " for believing Christian Kings" have generally been continued in the Eastern Offices ; but the wording has been sometimes so altered as to apply to the unbelieving ruler. Thus the first prayer in the Liturgy of S. Mark, 15 as we now have it, begins as follows : " Preserve in peace and strength and justice and tranquillity the kingdom of Thy servant whom Thou hast thought meet to reign over the land." The peti- tion in the Anaphora of the Coptic S. Cyril : 16 "Lord have mercy on Thy servant, the King of the land." It is said that the Syro-Jacobites pray for their heathen rulers, but the Nestorians only for Christian princes of their own com- munion. 17 1 Maskell's Anc. Lit. pp. 82, 3. 2 Pamelii Liturgicon, torn. i. p. 300. 3 Renaudot, torn. i. p. 41. 4 Ibid. p. 514. 5 Ibid. torn. ii. pp. 35, 129, etc. 6 Const. Apost. L. viii. c. xii. Cotel. torn. i. p. 403. 7 Renaudot, torn. i. pp. 32, 108. 8 Ibid. torn. ii. p. 631. 9 Goar, p. 78. 10 Renaud. torn. i. p. 14C. 11 Baruch i. 11. 12 Ezra vi. 10. 13 Apol. c. xxx. torn. v. p. 63. 14 In Euseb. Hist. Eccl. L. viii. c. i. p. 204. 15 Renaudot, torn. i. p. 132. 10 Ibid. p. 41. 17 Ibid. torn. ii. p. 101 ; see also torn. i. p. 216. 196 PRAYERS FOR THE KING IN ENGLAND. [CHAP. V. In 747, at the Synod of Cloveshoo, it was decreed that "henceforth Ecclesiastics and Monastics should in their Canonical Hours entreat the Divine clemency, not only for themselves, but for Kings, Dukes, and for the safety of all Christian people, that they may deserve to lead a quiet and peaceable life under their pious protection." l The Ecclesi- astical Laws of Etheldred, A.D. 1014, order that "one Mass [i.e. one Collect] be sung every day in the morning in every congregation for the King and all his people, that Mass which is entitled Against the Pagans." 2 In the English Missals are three Collects to be said with three Psalms on certain occasions, which varied (as did the Office itself) in the different Missals, during the Prostration, " after the Fraction of the Holy Sacrament and before the holy prayer of Agnus Dei," one of which Collects was for the King. 3 The Missals also frequently contain a Mass for the King, i.e. a series of proper Collects (the Oratio, Secreta, Postcommunio), which are " inserted sometimes before the Canon, sometimes at the end of the volume." 4 They probably are not older than the fourteenth or fifteenth century. c STANDING AS BEFORE.] That is, as he had stood before he turned to the people for the recital of the Commandments, i.e. with his face to the Holy Table. This was the custom before the Eeformation, and was generally practised after it, though some, as we have seen, preferred that the " Minister turn himself to the people throughout the whole ministra- tion." Both the direction to turn to the people while the Commandments were rehearsed, and this order that the Priest shall now stand " as before," were added at the last Review ; and we see in them a desire to carry out the prin- ciple which the Bishops had laid down in their reply to the Presbyterians. 5 1 Johnson's Eng. Canons, vol. i. pp. 250, 262. 2 Ibid. vol. i. p. 497. There is a Missa contra Paganos in the present Roman Missal, but it contains no prayer for the King. 3 See the Sarum Office in the Missal, p. 631 (Burntisland, 1861), and Maskell's Ancient Liturgy, note p. 111. It would seem that this Office was peculiar to England, for Martene refers to no other Missal as con- taining it. De Antiq. Eccl. Rit. L. i. c. iv. Art. ix. n. v. 4 Maskell, u.s. p. 84. He gives them from the Sarum Missal in p. 184. Were these prayers appointed in consequence of the failure of the attempt in Islip's time, 1359, both by the Church and Parliament, to move the people ' ' in their prayers at Church most devoutly to recommend our Lord the King, etc. (then on a military expedition), to the Lord Most High, the King of kings" ? Johnson's Canons, vol. ii. p. 419. 6 See before, Ch. iv. Sect. iii. p. 189. SECT. II.] THE COLLECTS FOR THE SOVEREIGN. 197 SECTION II. The Collects for the Sovereign. a Let us pray. b Almighty God, whose kingdom is everlasting, and power infinite ; Have mercy upon the whole Church ; and so rule the heart of Thy chosen Servant Charles, our King and Governor, that he (knowing whose minister he is) may above all things seek Thy honour and glory ; and that we and all his subjects (duly considering whose authority he hath) may faithfully serve, honour, and humbly obey him, in Thee, and for Thee, according to Thy blessed Word and ordinance ; through Jesus Christ our Lord, who with Thee and the Holy Ghost liveth and reigneth, ever one God, world without end. Amen. {RUBRIC IF.} Or, Almighty and everlasting God, we are taught by Thy holy Word, that the hearts of Kings are in Thy rule and governance, and that Thou dost dispose and turn them as it seemeth best to Thy godly wisdom : We humbly beseech Thee so to dispose and govern the heart of Charles Thy Servant, our King and Governor, that, in all his thoughts, words, and works, he may ever seek Thy honour and glory, and study to pre- serve Thy people committed to his charge, in wealth, peace, and godliness : Grant this, merciful Father, for Thy dear Son's sake, Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen. a LET us PRAY.] In all the old English Books, 1 except that of York, and in the later Koman, but not in the Mozarabic 1 Maskell's Anc. Lit. p. 28. 198 THE FORMULA LET US PR A Y. [CHAP. V. and Ambrosian, the Collects are preceded, as here, by the exhortation Oremw, Let us pray. In this place it marks the transition from a form in which the people answer by ver- sicles to a prayer said aloud by the Priest only, and appro- priated openly by the people only at the end, when all are to say Amen. It is thus used in the Litany, the Order of Confirmation, the Churching of Women, etc. It is also used with yet greater significance, when we turn to prayer from some rite that is not prayer ; as after an address to the people, 1 an Absolution, 2 etc. The Latin equivalent was, as a rule, used in the same manner in the older Offices of our Church. Similar formulae, as, Pray, Pray earnestly, Let us beseech the Lord, etc., are used in the Greek Offices, but they were said by the Deacon (whose duty it is^to bid prayer), and their object is rather to excite the devotion of the people, or to recall their attention when the more solemn prayers were to be said. 3 This formula Orermis can be traced so far back as the Canon of Gelasius, 4 and is probably much earlier than his time. b ALMIGHTY GOD, WHOSE KINGDOM.] Both these Collects for the King were composed for the First Book of Edward. The former of them is probably in the strictest sense original, though some of the thoughts may also be found in earlier Collects. The second is, perhaps, indebted to more than one ancient form. The Collect for the King, appointed to be used by the Scotch Council already mentioned, 5 began with the words, " God, in whose hand are the hearts of Kings." A Collect beginning with the same words was said formerly before the Epistle in the Order of Coronation of the Kings of England. 6 The petition " that in all his thoughts, words, and works he may ever seek God's honour and glory," is perhaps the echo of a prayer in the same ancient Service that botli Sovereign and people, " always meditating reasonable things, 1 See the Ministration of Baptism. 2 The Visitation of the Sick. 3 Goar, pp. 38, 53, 64, etc. 4 Muratori, Liturg. Bom. torn. i. col. 697; Venet. 1748. 5 Sect. i. p. 194. Wilkins, Cone. Prov. Scotic. can. Ixx. vol. i. p. 617. Only the first words are given. 6 Maskell's Monum. Ritual vol. iii. p. 41. It was said only when the Queen was crowned at the same time. Ib occurs also in a Mass, Pro Rege et Regina, in the Sarum Missal, fol. 828*. There is a Collect for the King beginning with the same words, "Deus in cnjus manu corda simt Regum," and probably the original of this, in the Gelasian Sacrarnentary. Murat. torn. i. col. 731. Gerbert, P. i. p. 277. SECT. II.] THE COLLECTS FOR THE KING. 199 may fulfil both by their words and deeds that which is well- pleasing unto Him." 1 A petition that the King may rule well the " people committed to his charge," also occurs there more than once. 2 1 Monum. Hit. v.s. p. 45. See again Miss. Sarum, col. 828*. 2 Ibid. pp. 24, 33. That this is the germ is evident from a comparison of the Latin prayer in which it occurs, said after the anointing, with the corresponding " prayer or blessing " in the present English Coronation Service " that by the assistance of His heavenly grace you may pre- serve the people committed to your charge in wealth, peace, and godli- ness." MOD. Kit. u.s. p. 110 ; comp. p. 24. CHAPTER VI. (Mlect, (Epistle, mtb dojspd far the SECTION I. The Proper Collect. RUBRIC V. IF Then shall be said the * Collect of the day. And ^immediately after the Collect c the Priest shall A read the e Epistle, saying, The Epistle [or, f The portion of Scripture appointed for the Epistle] is written, in the Chapter of beginning at the - Verse. And the Epistle ended, he shall say, Here endeth the Epistle, f Then shall h he read the * Gospel (jthe people all standing up) saying, The holy Gospel is written in the Chapter of beginning at the - Verse. ^And the 1 Gospel ended, shall be m sung or said the n Creed following, the people still standing as before. a COLLECT OF THE DAY.] It is not known when or where prayers were first introduced before or between the Scrip- tures read at the Celebration. As they are found both in the Orthodox and Monophysite Liturgies of Alexandria, 1 we may infer that they were used in that Church before the heresy of Eutyches was condemned at Chalcedon, i.e. before the year 451. Hence it is conjectured by Mr. Palmer that they came into the West from Alexandria. 2 The practice arose probably from a custom prevailing before that date among the Egyptian Cosnobites of mixing Collects with the Psalms and Lessons of their daily prayers. 3 As the Western monks borrowed largely from those of Egypt, it is not unreasonable to suppose that they were indebted to 1 Renaudot, Liturg. S. Bas. and S. Mark, torn. i. pp. 5-8, 131-8. 2 Orig. Liturg. vol. i. ch. iii. p. 310. 3 See Cassian, Instit. Ccenob. L. ii. cc. 5, 6, etc., pp. 22 et seq. SECT. I.] OF THE COLLECT FOR THE DAY. 201 them for a method of devotion which they prescribed to themselves as a primary rule of the Religious life. 1 No such Collects "occur in the ancient Liturgies of Jerusalem, Antioch, Csesarea, or Constantinople;" 2 and pseudo-Dionysius, 3 de- scribing the commencement of the Liturgy, speaks only of the chanting of Psalms and the reading of Holy Scripture before the dismissal of the Catechumens. Collects are found, how- ever, in that part of the Office in the earliest extant monu- ments of the Eoman, Milanese, Spanish, and Gallican Churches. In the East these prayers have never varied with the season ; but they have done so from a very early period in all the Latin Churches. There are proper Collects for every Holiday, even in the Sacramentary of Leo. Nevertheless it is improbable that the West always differed in this respect from the East, to which it was indebted for the primal norm of all its Liturgies ; and some early allusions 4 to prayers said at the Celebration for the conversion of Jews, heretics, and unbelievers, raise a suspicion that in the Collects still used on Good Friday we have the representatives of the original unvarying Collects of the West. There is evidence that the use of the latter was not confined to Good Friday, and that they were said originally at the third hour, just before the Celebration. 5 1 Thus Aurelian, A.D. 550, in the Rule of a Monastery founded by him : " Let a brother read three or four pages . . . and let a prayer be made ; again let him read as much, and let another prayer be made." Holsten. P. ii. p. 67. Sim. S. Caesarius, as in the next page. 2 Orig. Liturg. vol. i. ch. iii. p. 309. The " Prayer before the Gospel " in Neale's tr. of S. Chrysostom (Introd. p. 12) may appear an exception ; but it is modern (at least in that place), and not in any of the copies printed by Goar. 3 De Eccl. Hierarch. c. iii. ii. Opp. torn. i. p. 284. 4 In a document of the fifth century, proceeding from the Church of Rome, appended to a letter of Ccelestine, A.D. 423, and early ascribed to him (as by Peter the Deacon, A.D. 520), though probably a little later (Sedis Apost. Episc. Auctoritas, c. viii. Labb. torn. ii. col. 1617), such prayers are spoken of as if constantly offered. S. Augustine, too, in 427 (Ep. ad Vital, c. i. n. 2 ; torn. ii. col. 1041) says, that " the Priest of God at the Altar exhorted the people of God to prayer for unbelievers, that God would convert them to the faith, and for Catechumens, that He would breathe into them the desire of regeneration ; and for the faithful that they may persevere by His grace in that which they have begun to be." This appears to refer to the same series of intercessions. 6 Sacram. Gregor. ed. Menard. col. 62. They were used on the Wed- nesday as well as Friday ; which custom is recognised in the oldest Ordo Roman us, Mus. Ital. torn. ii. p. 19. Both in the Rubric and the Ordo they are called Orationes Soltmnes. They could not have acquired this name, if they had from the first been used only once or twice in the year. 202 OTHER NAMES OF THE COLLECTS. [CHAP. VI. Our Collect for the Day probably originated in the prayers which on Holy Days were said in city Churches, as the Priests and people moved in procession from one Church to another to celebrate a Station. 1 When a larger number of Proper Collects were thus provided, it was only natural to associate them with the Eucharistic Lessons, which were already varied with the day. It is a confirmation of this suspicion that the Irish Liturgy, which kept the- same Epistle and Gospel throughout the year, retained also several unvarying intercessory Collects. When the Proper Collects had taken this place, it was also natural that the intercessory Prayers, which they were superseding, should, when still used, become Eucharistic Collects also. In Ireland they were a part of the Liturgy by the beginning of the seventh century. 2 Collects were sometimes called Benedictions. " The prayer of the Priest," says Amalarius, referring to the first Collect at Mass, " is called by either name, to wit, of bene- diction or prayer," 3 and he cites Hilary the Deacon, who, explaining S. Paul's question, When thou shalt bless with the Spirit, how shall he that filleth the place of the private person say the Amen at thy giving of thanks (benedictionem) ? says, " The unlearned hearer, not understanding, does not know the end of the prayer, and does not answer Amen ; ... to confirm the benediction." 4 An example is supplied by Bona 5 from the Eule of S. Benedict, who orders his Monks to begin Matins on Sundays with a " benediction," which, as their practice shows, can be nothing but the Collect. Collects have also been called Missce, Masses. Thus, Csesarius in his Eule for Monks : " Let them perform two Nocturns and three Masses. After one Mass let a brother read three leaves, and pray ye ; let him read three more, and pray ye, let him read three more, and rise." 6 The greater part of our Collects for the Day have pro- bably been in use among us ever since the mission of Augus- 1 See before, Ch. iii. Sect. xiv. p. 179. 2 O'Conors App. i. to the first vol. of the Catalogue of the MSS. at Stowe, p. 43. The antiquity of these Orationes Solemnes in the Irish Missal is proved by the foolish charge brought against S. Columban at the Council of M&con, 627, that he departed from the custom of other Churches in " celebrating the sacred solemnities of Masses with multipli- cation of prayers or Collects." Labb. torn. v. col. 1686. 3 De Eccl. Off. L. ii. c. 9 ; Hittorp. col. 405. 4 1 Cor. xiv. 16. See Hilary in loc. ; Opp. S. Ambr. torn. vii. p. 183. 6 De Sing. Part. Div. Psalmodise, c. xvii. xvii. p. 524. 6 Ad Monach. c. 20 ; in Martene, de Antiq. Mon. Kit. torn. iv. L. i. c. ii. Ixix. p. 12. SECT. II.] OF THE EUCHARISTIC LESSONS. 203 tine, A.D. 596 ; for they are found in the Sacramentary of his patron Gregory I. Many of them can be traced to the pre- vious century and the Sacramentary of Gelasius, A.D. 494 ; and a considerable number are found in the earlier compila- tion of Leo, A.D. 440. Of the remainder some were com- posed at the reconstruction of our Liturgy in the sixteenth century, and the rest at its revision in 1662. SECTION II. The Eucharistic Lessons. b IMMEDIATELY AFTER THE COLLECT.] Martene 1 tells us that, " in the Order of the Mass," the Epistle " follows after the Collect in all the old Books of the Sacraments;" but it does not always follow immediately after. In the first ages Lessons from the Old Testament were read at the Celebra- tion as well as from the New. " The commentaries of the Apostles arid the writings of the Prophets are read as time permits," says Justin Martyr 2 in the second century. In the Apostolical Constitutions 3 the Apostles are made to prescribe the " reading of the Law and the Prophets, and their Epistles, and the Acts and the Gospels." Pseudo-Dionysius 4 says, " The Bishop begins the sacred melody of the Psalms, the whole Ecclesiastical Order chanting the holy words of psalmody with him. Then follows the reading of the sacred volumes [i.e. observes S. Maximus, 5 of the Old and New Testament] in course by the Ministers." Similarly, Floras 8 of Lyons, A.D. 837, in a description of the whole Service : " The singing of the Divine praises pre- ceding [the Consecration], preceding it also the reading of the Apostles and the Gospels," etc. With regard to the " Divine praises " in this part of the Office, it should be men- 1 De Eccl. Hit. L. i. c. iv. Art. iv. n. i. The reader must not be mis- led by the title Collectio or Oratio post Prophetiain in the Old Gothic, Frank, and Gallican Sacramentaries ; for by " the Prophecy " is there meant the Benedictus or Prophecy of Zacharias, as it is termed in the heading to the first chapter of our version of S. Luke. We learn this from the Expositio Brevis, ascribed to S. Germanus. Martene, u.s. p. 167. Such Collects are always based on the Benedictus. See Murat. torn. ii. coll. 519, 96, 687, 787, 90, 878, 919, 27, 31. Examples also occur in the fragmentary Missal (Missale Kichenovense) found by M. Mone at Karlsruhe ; Gallican Liturgies, by Neale and Forbes, pp. 8, 28 ; in which latter place, however, though the title is retained, the Priest's Apology supplants the usual Collect, deriving its theme from " the Prophecy." 2 Ap. i. c. 67, torn. i. p. 270. 3 L. viii. c. v. Cotel. torn. i. p. 392. 4 De Eccl. Hierarch. c. iii. ii. torn. i. p. 284. 5 Ibid. p. 305. 6 De Expos. Miss. 11, Migne, torn. cix. col. 25 ; Mart, et Dur. torn. ix. 204 A HYMN BEFORE THE LESSONS. [HAP. VI. tioned that in the Greek and Syriac Liturgies, 1 the Lessons from Scripture are preceded by the famous hymn called the Trisagion, the words of which are, " Holy God, Holy Mighty, Holy Immortal, have mercy upon us ;" with which I would identify the Ajus or Aios of the old Gallican 2 Liturgy, sung both in Greek and Latin before the Benedictus (which pre- ceded the Eucharistic Lessons), and also before, and ap- parently also after, the Gospel. The Trisagion is also sung, both in Greek and Latin, in certain additions to the Roman and Mozarabic 3 Liturgies proper to Good Friday. 4 In the last named a short selection from the Psalms, headed Psal- lendo, 6 is now sung before the Epistle. Originally these versicles were preceded on holy days by a hymn 6 taken out of the Song of the Three Children (not identical with the Benedicite of our Matins) ; but to what extent this practice has been kept up is not apparent from the Missal. 7 The same hymn was sung after the Lectio Prophetica or Old Testament Lesson in the Gallican Rite, in allusion to the Saints of the Elder Covenant who, " sitting in darkness, waited for the Lord's coming." 8 In the Roman another Canticle, derived from the same source, is sung after the 1 S. Jacob, in Lit. PP. p. 7 ; Assem. torn. v. p. 9 ; SS. Bas. and Chrys. Goar, pp. 160, 67, and note 44, p. 126 ; S. Marc. Renaud. torn. i. p. 137 ; Ord. Comm. Syro-Jac. torn. ii. pp. 7, 19. It is expanded in the Nestorian Liturgies, ibid. p. 585, except the Malabar, Raulin, p. 296. In the last named a Litany and other prayers come between the Trisagion and the Epistle. In the Ethiopic, it seems confused with the Triumphal Hymn, and both lost; Renaud. torn. i. p. 511. Peter the Fuller, at Antioch, interpolated the words, " who wast crucified for us," and this clause be- came afterwards a badge of the Monophysite heretics. Renaudot has a learned note on this subject, torn. i. p. 229. 2 See S. Germani Expos. Brev. in Martene, L. i. c. iv. Art. xii. p. 167; and the Sacramentary found at Bobio, Mus. Ital. torn. i. pp. 281, 2. 3 Leslie, p. 172. 4 It is also used (in Latin only) in the Preces of Prime, for the week- days of Advent and Lent, etc., both in the Roman and old English Hours ; the Response in the latter, however, being enlarged and addressed to the Son only: "0 Lamb of God, that takest away the sins of the world, have mercy upon us." 6 Leslie, pp. 1, 222, et passim. 6 This practice is ordered, and declared ancient, by the fourth Council of Toledo, A.D. 633, Can. xiv. Labb. torn. v. col. 1710. 7 See the Service for the first Sunday in Lent, Leslie, p. 93, and the Missa Omnium Offerentium, p. 222. 8 Expos. S. Germ. ascr. apud Martene, L. i. c. iv. Art. xii. torn. i. p. 167. An expression in the text, which appears corrupt, has induced Le Brun to think that nothing was sung " between the Lesson and the Epistle " (Diss. iv. Art. iii. n. L tome iii. p. 252) ; but the reason given by Ger- manus shows that the Canticle followed the Prophecy ; and he allows that it must have done so sometimes, because it is put after it in the only place in which it is indicated in the old Gallican Lectionary (Liturg. SECT. II.] THE GREEK PROKE1MENON. 205 lessons from the Old Testament on Saturday in the Ember Weeks. 1 In the Milanese there was similarly a verse or two sung from the Psalms (called at first Psallenda, and at a later period Psalmellus), between the Prophecy and the Epistles. 2 In both Liturgies they varied with the season. In the Greek 3 Liturgy a Versicle and Response proper to the day are sung before the Epistle. From their position with regard to it they are called the Prokeimenon ; but since they are chosen to express joy in prospect of the blessings of Christ's Kingdom, we may suspect that they were at first as much connected with the (now disused) Lesson from the Old Testament, as with the Epistle which they precede. The following is the Prokeimenou for the Epiphany : "Blessed is He that cometh in the Name of the Lord. Resp. give thanks unto the Lord, for He is gracious." 4 Only in the Armenian 5 do we find a proper Psalm sung before the Prophecy. The Liturgy of S. James 6 orders " the reading at great length of the oracles of the Old Testament and the Prophets, and the setting forth of the Incarnation, Sufferings, Resurrec- tion from the Dead, Return to Heaven, and Second Coming with glory of the Son of God." S. Chrysostom 7 is another witness, when he condemns the frequenters of the public spectacles for listening to the infamous actors therein " with the same ears with which they hear the Prophet and the Apostle." In the African Church, in S. Augustine's time, a lesson from the Old Testament was sometimes, not always, read first. Thus in one Sermon he speaks of the first Lesson as being from the Prophet Isaiah ; 8 in another, as from Micaiah ; 9 in a third, as from the Book of Proverbs ; 10 while Gall. p. 107). Mabillon infers more truly that "in the Gallican Ordo the Lesson from the Apostle was not read immediately after the Pro- phecy." P. 108. The Gallican usage thus harmonized with the Spanish and the Roman. 1 Walafrid, A.D. 842 (De Reb. Eccl. c. 22 ; Hitt. col. 683), and Berno, 1014 (De Reb. ad Miss. Spect. c. 7 ; Hitt. col. 714), speak of this as the established practice in their day. 2 Pamel. torn. i. p. 295. Conf. Radulph. Tungr. De Can. Obs. Prop. xii. coll. 1123 ; Le Brun, Dissert, iii. Art. ii. The Psalmellus has been said to correspond to the Roman Gradual, but it appears to be more ancient, and it has always occupied a different place. It is not noticed in the Rubrics of 1560 (Martene, L. i. c. iv. Art. xii. Ord. iii.) ; but in the Missal of 1669 we have Sequitur ergo Lectio cum suo Psalmello et Versu. Mar- tene, u.s. note. 3 Goar, pp. 68, 128. 4 Goar, p. 911. 6 Le Brun, Diss. x. Art. xiv. torn. v. p. 155. 6 Liturg. PP. p. 8 ; Trollope, p. 41. 7 Horn. iii. de Dav. et Saul, 2, torn. iv. p. 891. 8 Serm. xlv. torn. vii. col. 218. 9 Serm. xlviii. col. 268. 10 Serm. Ixxxii. n. 8, col. 443. 206 THE OMISSION OF THE PROPHECY. [CHAP. VI. elsewhere he says, " We have heard a Lesson of the Apostle first." 1 In the Armenian 2 and Mozarabic 3 Liturgies the Pro- phecy is still retained. Of the latter, however, it should be mentioned that it is doubtful whether it provided a Prophecy before its revision, after a more Eastern type, in the sixth century. For the First Council of Toledo, A.D. 400, in two several Canons, while permitting certain classes of persons to have a place " among the Doorkeepers or Headers," makes it a condition " that they do not read the Gospels and the Apostle." 4 A Constitution of Childebert, King of the Franks, A.D. 554, speaks of the Gospels, the Prophets, and the Apostle as read from the Altar. 5 S. Germanus, 6 or a contem- porary at the same date, in an Exposition of the Office says, " The Prophetic Lesson (to wit, that of the Old Testament) keeps its due place, rebuking evil things and announcing future, that we may understand that He is the same God who thundered in the Prophets as who taught in the Apostle, and shone forth in the brightness of the Gospel." A little later, 573, Gregory 7 of Tours speaks incidentally of the Pro- phecy in the course of a narrative : " It came to pass that on that Sunday the Prophetic Lesson having been read, the Reader already standing at the Altar to give forth the Lesson of the blessed Paul," etc. He is relating what occurred at Milan; but the practice is evidently familiar to him. A Gallican Lectionary 8 of the seventh century is extant ; but the tide of change had already set in from the direction of Rome, and half the Old Testament Lessons are " altogether wanting." 9 In the ninth century, Florus, a Deacon of Lyons, enumerates only " the Lesson of the Apostles and of the Gospels." 10 A similar change began in Lombardy, though at a later period. In the fourteenth century Ralph 11 of Tongres was informed that at that time " the greater part of the Churches in the State of Milan were content with a single Lesson [beside the Gospel], after the Roman fashion." 1 Serrn. clxxvi. t. vii. col. 839. See also SS. clxv. clxx. coll. 796, 818. 2 Neale's Introd. p. 402. 3 Leslie, p. 1, et passim. * Cann. ii. iv. Labb. torn. ii. coll. 1223, 4. 5 Capitul. Reg. Franc, torn. i. col. 7. 6 Expos. Brev. Martene, L. i. c. iv. Art. xii. 7 De Mirac. S. Mart. L. i. c. v. col. 1006, ed. Ben. In Hist. Franc. L. iv. c. xvi. col. 157, he speaks of the "three books, i.e. of the Pro- phets, the Apostles, and Gospels," as all used at the Celebration. 8 It was discovered at Luxeuil by Mabillon, and published in his Liturgia Gallicana, 1685. 9 Leslie, Prsef. in Miss. Mozar. p. Ixxxii. 10 De Expos. Missse, 11; as restored in Martene's Amplissima Col- lectio, p. 577 ; Migne, torn. cxix. col. 25. 11 De Can. Observ. Prop, xxiii. Hittorp. col. 1156. SECT. II. ] GREEK THE LANGUAGE OF THE CHURCH. 207 This Lesson, however, was " sometimes out of the Old and sometimes out of the New Testament." The first printed edition of the Ambrosian Missal, A.D. 1482, gave only two extracts from Scripture in all. The three were partially re- stored in some later editions, and have been fully restored 1 in those printed since the Episcopate of S. Charles Borromeo, though all three are not always used. " After the Lesson [from the Old Testament] the Epistle is said ; sometimes, however, the Lesson is read, and the Epistle omitted ; some- times the Epistle is read and the Lesson omitted." 2 There is no reason to suppose that the Koman rule differed origin- ally from that which prevailed everywhere else. The Liber Comiti^ or Lectionary, ascribed to S. Jerome, and certainly ancient, gives indeed only one Lesson beside the Gospel ; but that is so often taken from the Old Testament that we see at once that the framer had both Prophecies and Epistles before him, and was not guided by any principle of preference for the Epistles, in deciding what he should retain. " In S. Clement's Church at Rome, the oldest in the city, are three Ambos, two on the right side of the Chancel, namely, one towards the Altar for the Epistle, another towards the people for reading the Prophecies ; the third on the left, a little higher and more ornamental, for the Gospel." 4 The common language of the infant Church was Greek, even in Eome itself; 5 one consequence of which was, that in in a few Churches at least some parts of the Service, and more especially the Epistle and Gospel, were, through a long- tract of time, at certain seasons and on certain occasions read in Greek as well as Latin. 6 Thus Eoman directories ordered 1 Except that on Christmas the third Mass only has all three. See Le Bnin, Diss. iii. Art. ii. 2 Le Brun, u.s. 3 Given by Pamelins, Liturg. torn. ii. p. 1, and Baluz, Capit. Reg. Franc, torn. ii. col. 1309. 4 Martene, De Ant. Rit. L. i. c. iv. Art. iv. n. iii. torn. i. p. 135. 6 " For some considerable (it cannot but be an undefinable) part of the three first centuries, the Church of Rome, and most if not all the Churches of the West, were, if we may so speak, Greek religious colonies ; their language was Greek, their organization Greek, their writers Greek, their Scriptures Greek, and many vestiges and traditions show that their ritual, their Liturgy, was Greek. . . . The Octavius of Minucius Felix [A.D. 220], and the Treatise of Novatian on the Trinity [251], are the earliest known works of Christian literature, which came from Rome." Milman's Latin Christianity, B. i. ch. i. vol. i. p. 27. 6 This was not confined to the celebration of the Holy Eucharist ; e.g. in the Sacramentary of Gelasius the Creed is recited to the Catechumens Separing for Baptism on Easter Eve, in Greek first and then in Latin. urat. torn. i. col. 540 ; see also the ancient Ordo No. vii. in Mabillon's Mus. Ital. torn. ii. p. 81. For many ages the Lessons at the Baptisms on Easter and Whitsun Eves were read in both tongues. See Orel. Rom. i. 208 THE LESSONS READ IN GREEK. [CHAP. VI. the Epistle and Gospel, at tlie second Celebration on Christ- mas Day, to be read in both those languages. 1 In the twelfth century we find the same rule laid down for Easter Day. 2 It was observed, again, at the consecration and coronation of the Pope. 3 So late as the tenth century the Benedictines of Monte Cassino were wont on Easter Tuesday to say the first part of the Office to the Gospel inclusive in Greek and Latin. 4 "At Rome even now," says Martene, "when the Pope celebrates, the Gospel is sung in Greek and Latin ;" 5 which, adds he, " is observed also by our monks of S. Denys [at Paris] on the five principal feasts" of the year. 6 At Constantinople, where Greek was the prevailing language, there was the same custom of reading the Eucharistic Lessons on certain days in both tongues, 7 the Latin being there read first, as the Greek at Eome. In Egypt they are still read both in the ancient Coptic and the modern Arabic. 8 It will not be out of place to mention here that, until the last Revision, the Epistles and Gospels in our Office were taken from the version known as "the Great Bible:" but several imperfections having been pointed out at the Savoy Conference, it was determined that the present translation of 1611 should thenceforth be used. 9 n. 40 ; x. nn. 43, 62 ; xii. n. 30 ; xiv. c. xciv. ; xv. c. Ixxvii. These cover a period of 600 years, beginning at the end of the eighth century. We read of Benedict in., A.D. 855, that when he replaced a missing Lectionary, he caused to be added to the new volume " the Greek and Latin Lessons which the Subdeacons were wont to read on the Eves of Easter and Whitsunday." Anastas. Biblioth. in Vit. Pontif. N. cvi. p. 206 ; Par. 1649. Greek versicles and responses used at Vespers in Easter Week are given in Ord. i. (App. nn. 12-18) of the eighth century ; Mus. Ital. u.s. See also a Greek Prose, sung before the Pope on Easter Day, in Ord. xii. n. 36, about 1200. The Gloria in excelsis was sung in Greek at the first celebration on Christmas Day. Anon. Turon. in Mar- tene, L. i. c. iii. Art. ii. n. vi. 1 Ordo Benedicti, A.D. 1140, n. 20 ; Cencii, A.D. 1200, c. i. ; Gaietani, A.D. 1320, c. Ixix. ; Petri Arnelii, A.D. 1380, c. x. in Mus. Ital. torn. ii. 2 Ord. Benedicti, n. 47 in Mus. Ital. torn. ii. p 141. 3 Ord. xiii. n. 7 ; Gaietani, cc. xvii. xxxii. xlv. xlvi. Mus. Ital. 4 Martene, De Antiq. Eccl. Rit. L. i. c. iii. Art. ii. n. viii. ; or De Ant. Monach. Rit. L. iii. c. xvii. n. xiv. 6 Martene, L. i. c. iv. Art. v. n. 14. This is perhaps a revived custom ; for it is not mentioned by Gaietan, about 1320, when describing a Cele- bration by the Popes, though he mentions the Greek Lessons on special occasions. Mus. Ital. torn. ii. pp. 299, 330. See also Ord. R. iii. ibid. p. 56, a much older document, but of uncertain date. 6 This is mentioned by Gerbert (Itinera, A.D. 1759, p. 525) as the prac tice " from a very ancient date." See also De Moleon, Voy. Liturg. p. 263. 7 Nicolai i. Ep. viii. ad Mich. Imp. Concil. torn. viii. col. 298. 8 Renaudot, torn. i. pp. 5-8. 8 Cardw. Hist, of Conf. pp. 307, 362. SECT. II.] THE READER OF THE LESSONS. 209 c THE PRIEST.] There is reason to think that at first the Lessons at the Celebration were read by the Bishop, Priest, or Deacon only. 1 By the end of the second century, how- ever, the Order of Readers was established. Thus Tertullian, A.D. 207, speaking of the irregularities of heretics, says that among them " to-day one man is Bishop, to-morrow another ; to-day he is a Deacon who yesterday was a Header." 2 In the Epistle of S. Cyprian, 3 A.D. 250, we have mention of Readers appointed by him; while Cornelius, the contem- porary Bishop of Rome, declares that in his Church were Subdeacons, Acolytes, Exorcists, Readers, and Doorkeepers. 4 They still read the Epistle in the Greek Church. 5 In the Oriental Churches, however, as distinguished from the Greek, this is the office of the Deacon. 6 In the Latin Churches that office has been assigned to the Subdeacon, at least from the eighth century, as we learn from the direction of an Ordo Roinanus, 7 which is shown by external evidence to be earlier than the ninth. The second Council of Rheims, A.D. 813, says that the reading of the Apostle is the " ministry of the Subdeacon." 8 Amalarius, 9 writing probably in 827, teDs us that " the Subdeacon most frequently reads the Lection at Mass," and we may infer from his comments on the order of Readers that it was extinct in fact, though it survived in name ; e.g. " We are spiritually Readers when we give in- struction in morals to every one joining himself to the Chris- tian people." This was the rule in England before the Reformation, 10 and is still that of the Church of Rome. 11 The corresponding Rubric of 1549 ran thus :" The Col- lects ended, the Priest, or he that is appointed, shall read the Epistle ;" but from 1552 it has stood as it does now. It is not known how the clause which permits a substitute for the Priest came to be left out, but it is certain from the uni- versal practice of the Church, as well as from the reason of the thing, that it was not intended to forbid any but the Celebrant to read the Epistle. Thus, in the Advertisements of Elizabeth, 1564, it is implied that at the celebration in Cathedral and Collegiate Churches, there will be an " Epis- 1 Biugham iii. v. ii. 2 De Praescript. adv. Hser. c. xlii. 3 Epp. xxix. xxxviii. xxxix. pp. 55, 75, 7. 4 Labb. Cone. torn. i. col. 680 ; from Euseb. Hist. L. vi. c. xliii. p. 1 98. 6 Goar, Eucholog. note 93, p. 128 ; Smith's Greek Church, p. 176. 6 Renaud. torn. ii. p. 68. 7 Ord. i. n. 10 ; Mus. Ital. torn. ii. p. 9. 8 Can. iv. Labb. torn. vii. col. 1255. 9 De Eccl. Off. L. i. cc. 8, 11 ; Hittorp. coll. 381, 2. 10 Missale Sarisb. col. 7. 11 Ritus Celebr. Miss. vi. 4. 210 THE PLACE FOR THE LESSONS. [CHAP. VI. toler and Gospeller." 1 A return made to the Archbishop from the Chapter of Canterbury in the same year also speaks of the Epistoler and Gospeller. 2 The 24th Canon now in force, referring to the Advertisement of Elizabeth, speaks similarly of the Gospeller and Epistoler who assist " the prin- cipal Minister." These names appear also in another form of the present Eubric that was considered 3 in 1661. In the College of Minor Canons of the Cathedral of S. Paul, in London, two are distinguished as the Epistoler and Gos- peller. 4 An Ordo Eomanus 5 of the eighth century directs that the Epistle and Gospel be both read from the Ambo e (or Pulpit), 7 and as the Ambo was in use at a much earlier date, we may suppose that the custom was even then very ancient. When the Priest was without assistants he read the Epistle, as with us now, at the south-west corner, 8 the dextrum 1 Cardw. Doc. Ann. vol. i. p. 326. See also the draft of " Ordinances accorded by the Archbishop ... in his Province" the same year, in App. to Strype's Life of Parker, p. 49. 2 Strype's Parker, p. 183. 3 Cosin's Works, vol. v. p. 513, note g. Cosin had prepared the Rubric ; but those words were inserted by Bancroft, the Secretary to the Commis- sion, at the direction, without doubt, of some of the Bishops. 4 A similar distinction was until recently kept up at Norwich, as appears from a monumental stone in the Cathedral, which records the death of an " Epistoler" within the present century. 6 'Mus. Ital. torn. ii. p. 9. 6 "A///3(ai>, an ascent, the raised part of anything. Very ancient exam- ples may still be seen at Rome in the Churches of S. Clement, S. Pancras, and S. Lawrence without the Walls. Ducange in v. They were in all probability introduced there while the Christians in that city were still, as a body, a Greek-speaking people, and their service conducted in Greek. The existing specimens in those Churches are probably of the fifth cen- tury. The Ambo was also called Analogium ; which Walafrid Strabo derives from Xdyos, because " in it the Word of God is read and preached." De Reb. Eccl. c. 6 ; Hittorp. col. 666. It was also at a later period called variously lectrum, lectrinum, lectricium, lectorium, lectoriolum, legium, legi- vum, legeolum. See Ducange in vv. Originally the lectrinum was most probably the desk on the Ambo ; but it was certainly used for the whole structure. Thus, whereas the Salisbury Missal directs the Epistle and Gospel to be read in the Pulpit, the Hereford orders them to be read on the lectrinum. Maskell, Anc. Lit. pp. 34, 5. Nor could the lectrinum on which Ingulphus fell asleep have been the desk, or like the later lectern. Hist, of Croyland, p. 7, quoted by Maskell, u.s., note 41. 7 Micrologus uses the words as synonymous. De Eccl. Observ. Comp. cc. 8, 9 ; Hittorp. coll. 736, 7. And so, whereas the most ancient Roman directories speak of the Lessons as read from the Ambo, the later show that they were read from the Pulpit. Compare Ord. Rom. i. 10, 11, ii. 7, 8, with v. 7, vi. 5, 6, xxiv. 32. 8 I observe no express direction for this ; but it is implied when we read that the Priest crosses to the north side or corner of the Altar to read the Gospel, as in the Milanese Rite revised by S. Charles Borromeo : SECT. III.] OF THE EPISTLE. 211 cornu 1 (as it was for ages called) of the Altar ; which from that cause has in later times been called cornu Epistolce? In England before the Eeformation the Epistle and Gospel were read on Sundays and other chief festivals, also on Maundy- Thursday and the eves of Easter and Whitsunday, from the Pulpit, but on other days from the step of the choir. 3 By the Injunctions of Edward, 1547, they were to be read " in the Pulpit, or in such convenient place as the people may hear the same." 4 Two years later, 1 B. E. ordered the Epistle to be read " in a place assigned for the purpose," which order was omitted in 1552. In the reign of Charles I. Bishop Wren 5 says : " It is usual to go before the Table to read the Epistle and Gospel." In 1662 Bishop Cosin 6 wished to insert the words " in the place assigned to it," but the suggestion was not carried out. d SHALL READ.] "As ' legere' did not signify wow-musical recitation in the old Eubrics, so neither does it in the revised. In fact, in two or three instances it is used avowedly as synonymous with ' say or sing ;' e.g. in the cases both of the Venite and the Athanasian Creed." 7 SECTION III. Of the Epistle. e EPISTLE.] For several centuries the Epistle was gener- ally, perhaps almost universally, called " the Apostle." Thus the Fourth Council of Toledo, 8 A.D. 633, complains that in some Spanish Churches, " lauds were sung after the Apostle, ' ' Then follows the Epistle or Lesson, after which the Missal is carried to the right [i.e. the north (see next note)] side of the Altar, and after the people are saluted with ' The Lord be with you,' the title of the Gospel is announced." Martene, L. i. c. iv. Art. xii. p. 173. Or as in the Roman Rubric : " The Priest himself, if he be celebrating privately, or the Minister, carries the Missal to the other side of the Altar, at the Gospel corner." Rit. Celebr. Miss. vi. 1. 1 So called e.g. in our English Missals, Maskell's Anc. Lit. pp. 18, 19, and in the Miss. Mozar. torn. i. p. 233 ; and see Ord. Rom. ii. c. 9, Mus. Ital. torn. ii. p. 35, etc. ; but since 1485 the cornu Epistolce has been the left corner, the Roman Pontifical of that date " laying it down as a rule that the right hand and the left are to be taken from the Crucifix upon the Altar," not, as before, from the Celebrant when facing it. Maskell, u.s. note 19. 2 Both this and cornu Evangelii have been adopted in the Roman Rubric. See Rit. Celebr. Miss. tit. vi. 3 Missale Sarisb. col. 7. 4 Doc. Ann. vol. i. p. 13. 5 Parentalia, p. 104. 6 Works, vol. v. p. 513, note g. 7 Dr. Dykes in App. C to Freeman's Rites and Rituals, p. 103. Com- pare Part i. ch. iii. xiii. p. 176. 8 Can. xii. Labb. torn. v. col. 1709. 212 OF SITTING AT THE EPISTLE. [CHAP. VL before the delivery of the Gospel, whereas the Canons pre- scribed that after the Apostle not lauds, but the Gospel should be set forth." So the Eubric of the Gregorian Liturgy : " Afterwards the Prayer [i.e. the Collect] is said. Then follows the Apostle." 1 In France, S. Germanus 2 of Paris, 555, speaks of " the Apostle," and we have seen the same thing in a Frank law of the same date. 3 The name is retained to this day in the Liturgies of Constantinople 4 and Abyssinia, 5 among the Copts 6 and the Nestorians. 7 It is found also in the Liturgy of S. Mark. 8 The Epistle was also emphatically called " the Lection," or " Lesson," in the Latin Church. Thus an old Ordo Eo- manus : 9 " When he shall have ended the Collect, let the Lesson be read." Amalarius : 10 " After it was decreed by our Fathers that the Deacon should read the Gospel, it was also decreed that the Subdeacon should read the Epistle or Lesson." Following this usage, an Italian Lectionary of the sixth century is a table of the Pauline Epistles only. 11 The congregation sit during the reading of the Epistle. In the Primitive Church there appears to have been some diver- sity of practice, the Apostolical Constitutions 12 evidently implying that men sat to hear the Scriptures and Sermon : " When they are seated, if a man of good appearance and of repute in the world come in, whether a stranger or of the place, do not thou, the Bishop, who art making an address respecting God, or hearing him who sings or reads, leave the ministry of the Word, etc., but let the Deacon . . . give him a seat." In some parts of the West the rule was to stand. When Caesarius 13 of Aries had given permission to infirm persons to sit while " some Lessons longer " than usual were being read, he found such advantage taken of it by the women, that only a few days after he was obliged to remon- strate : " I beseech and admonish you with paternal solici- tude, that when either the Lessons are read or the Word of God preached, no one throw herself on the ground, unless perchance a very serious infirmity oblige any one yet so 1 Murat. tom. ii. col. 1. 2 Expos. Brev. in Martene, L. i. c. iv. Art. xii. torn. i. p. 167. 3 See before, ii. p. 206. 4 Lit. S. Chrysost. Goar, p. 68. 6 Renaudot, tom. i. p. 508. 6 Ibid. p. 6. 7 Renaudot, tom. ii. p. 585. 8 Ibid. tom. i. p. 137. 9 De Miss. Episc. ii. n. 5 ; Mus. Ital. tom. ii. p. 72. See again Ord. v. n. 7, p. 66. 10 De Eccl. Off. L. ii. c. 11 ; Hittorp. col. 382. 11 Printed by Gerbert, Monuin. Liturg. Alem. P. i. p. 409. 12 L. ii. c. Iviii. Cotel. tom. i. p. 266. 13 Serm. ccc. in App. ad Opp. S. Aug. tom. xvi. col. 1476. SECT. III.] DRESS OF THE EPISTOLER. 213 that she does not lie but rather sit," etc. At Eome, though at times the people may have stood while the clergy sat, we meet with a fact from which it has been inferred that, so early as 400, the general practice was to sit ; for Anastasius I., who became Bishop of Eome in 398, is said to have ordered that while the Gospels were read, " the Priests should not sit, but stand with their bodies inclined." x Sitting had become the established posture before the time of Amalarius : 2 "While these two, that is, the Lesson and the Prophecy, are being read, we are wont to sit, after the custom of the ancients." In our own Church before the Eeformation, the Clergy might sit, with the exception of the reader : " All Clerks are bound to stand at the Mass, except while the Lesson of the Epistle is being read, and the Gradual and Alleluia or Tract are being sung." 3 Peter Damian, 4 1057, has a tract " against those who sit at the time of Divine Office ;" but he appears to confine his reproof to those who sat during the Day Hours, or " even while the awful sacra- ments of Masses were being offered." I conceive that this does not prove that he condemned the custom of sitting while the Epistle was read. We have already seen, in Chapter iii. Section I., that the proper dress of the clergy who assist at the Celebrations con- sists of an Albe with a Tunicle. This is settled by the Eubric of the First Book of Edward, which is still binding by Act of Parliament. Later legislation, of inferior autho- rity, required that in Cathedral and Collegiate Churches the Epistoler and Gospeller should wear Copes. This was first prescribed by the Advertisements 5 of Elizabeth, 1564, but the order was afterwards incorporated in the twenty-fourth Canon of 1604, which is still of authority. The design of the order, however, was not to create a new observance, but to preserve and enforce what was thought a seemly custom. At the consecration of Parker in 1559, not only the Bishop who celebrated, but the two Priests who assisted him, wore Copes of silk. 6 Earlier in the same year, at the obsequies of Henry n. of France in S. Paul's Cathedral, the " Communion was celebrated by the Bishops, then attired in Copes upon 1 Anast. Biblioth. Vit. Pontiff, n. xl. p. 22. 2 De Eccl. Off. L. iii. c. 11 ; Hittorp. col. 407. 3 Missale Sarisb. col. 586. 4 Opusc. xxxix. cc. ii. iv. torn. iii. pp. 291, 2. 5 Doc. Ann. N. Ixv. vol. L p. 326. 6 Strype's Life of Parker, 57, " from the Register of the Church of Canterbury." The original Latin of this important document may be seen in the App. to Courayer on Engl. Ordination, p. 332 ; Oxf. 1844. 214 THE IRISH AND MALABAR EPISTLES. [CHAP. VI. their Surplices." l In the year in which the Advertisements appeared, we find the Chapter of Canterbury certifying that at Celebrations, "the Priest which ministereth, the Epistoler and Gospeller, at that time wear Copes." 2 The custom for some of the assistant Clergy to wear Copes may be traced to a very early period. Thus, in an Ancient Ordo Eomanus, two Priests or Deacons, who precede the Bishop into the choir when about to celebrate on Festivals, and otherwise assist him, are ordered to wear Copes. 3 After the Canon was made, Copes were long retained in use in every Cathedral, and we may assume that so long as they were used, they were worn according to the Canon by the Epistoler and Gospeller. 4 Mention also occurs of their use in a Bishop's private chapel, viz., in that of Durham House, at the Consecration of a Bishop of Carlisle in 1626, on which occasion the Epistle and Gospel were read by the Arch- deacons of York " in the King's Copes." 5 f OR THE PORTION OF SCRIPTURE APPOINTED FOR THE EPISTLE.] -These words were inserted at the last Review in compliance with a request of the disaffected at the Savoy Conference, that " no portion of the Old Testament, or of the Acts of the Apostles, be called Epistles and read as such." 6 It may be remarked, however, that the name of Epistle was thus given to the first lesson read at the Celebration, whence- soever taken, many centuries before. For example, in the Sarum Missal, the first Lessons for the Wednesday and Friday of the Second Week in Advent, are headed respec- tively, Epistola. Lectio Zacharice Prophetce, and, Epistola. Lectio Esaice Prophetce? It may be mentioned here that the old Liturgy of the Irish Church, of which a single copy only is known to exist, orders but one Epistle for every Celebration, viz., the account of the institution of the Eucharist from the eleventh chapter of S. Paul's first Epistle to the Corinthians. 8 There is but one provided in the Liturgy of Malabar, 9 as it 1 Heylyn's Eccl. Restaur. vol. ii. p. 305 ; Camb. 1849. 2 Strype's Parker, B. ii. c. xxvi. p. 183. 3 De Miss. Episc. ii. nn. I, 2 ; Mus. Ital. torn. ii. pp. 70, 1. 4 See many extracts in Hierurgia Anglicana, pp. 138-173, respecting Copes possessed and used by Cathedral Chapters and Collegiate bodies, both before and after the passing of the Canon. 5 See Cosin's Works, vol. i. p. 85 ; Oxf. 1843. 6 Hist, of Conf. p. 308. 7 Coll. 25, 6. 8 See a description of the MS. by O'Conor, in A pp. to vol. i. of the Catal. of MSS. at Stowe, p. 45 ; or in the Preface to the Liber Eccl. B. Terrenani de Arbuthnott, p. xxiv. (Burntisland, 1864.) It is now in the possession of Lord Ashburnham. 9 Raulin, p. 305 ; see Le Brun, Diss. xi. Art. xii. tome 6, p. 487. SECT. IV.] OF FARCED EPISTLES. 215 was used when the Christians of S. Thomas became known to Europeans. It is composed of two passages of Scripture, 2 Cor. v. 1-10, and Heb. iv. 12, 13. SECTION IV. Of Farced Epistles, etc. We learn from Gerbert 1 that there remained in his time many ancient MS. copies of the Epistles translated into German for public use at the Celebration. One version, of which the extant copy was written in 1 2 1 0, is " in great part rhythmical." The MSS. are separate, not forming part of the Latin Sacramentaries. Ducange 2 tells us that during the earlier part of the last century the Epistle for S. Stephen's Day was similarly read, clause for clause, in Latin and French, at Aix in Provence and Dijon. This practice was apparently the origin of the usage of farced 3 Prophecies and Epistles ; or rather it was the earliest mode of farcing them. When a Lesson was thus rendered, the several sentences of the Latin text were followed by a vernacular paraphrase or exposition, which was called the ornatura or farcituraf i.e. the garnishing or stuffing. Sometimes the Lesson itself was thus read in periods by one Clerk, and the running commen- tary by another. 5 I do not know if any example is extant in English. Two copies of Farced Epistles are mentioned in the record of the Visitation of the Treasury of S. Paul's, London, A.D. 1295. One set was at the end of a Tropary, the other at the end of a Gradual. 6 Martene 7 gives the beginning of one in old French from a MS. of the thirteenth 1 Disq. ii. c. ii. v. p. 125. 2 In v. Farcitse (Epistolee). 3 It has been supposed that in the name of the modern scenic farce we have a direct allusion to the farced Lessons of the Mediaeval Church. This however is improbable, as the word may be applied to any piece, in prose or verse, filled out, or interpolated, with other matter of any kind, as properly as to an Epistle so treated. Menage, as quoted by Ducange (v. Farsa), explains a Farce to be "a poem filled or stuffed (farcitum) with things many and diverse." 4 " The Prophecy is a Lesson from Isaiah, and is sung by two Clerks, so that both together begin A Lesson of the Prophet Isaiah. Then let each sing his verse by himself, so that one of them sing the text of the prophecy and the other the ornatura, oTfarcitura" (and sim. the Epistle). From the rites of Christmas in an Ordinary of the Church of Narbonne of the fourteenth century. Martene, L. iv. c. xii. n. xxii. torn. iii. p. 35. 6 See last note. Sim. in an Ordinary of Chalons-sur-Saone : " The farced Epistle (on S. Stephen's Day) is said by two Deacons in Copes." Martene, u.s. c. xiii. n. vii. p. 39. Again : " The Epistle with farce (cumfarsia) shall be said by two in silk Copes." Odo, Ep. Paris, A.D. 1 198. Ducange in Farsia. 6 Dugdale's S. Paul's, p. 220. The Tropary is described as having " all the Epistles farced ;" the Gradual, " the Epistles farced." 7 L. i. c. iii. Art. iii. n. xi. torn. i. p. 102. 216 OF THE GRADUAL AND TRACT. [CHAP. VI. century, belonging to the Church of S. Gatian at Tours, and another of the same age from a MS. at Sens, has been published by M. Edelestand du Meril. 1 SECTION V. Of the Gradual, Tract, and Sequence. THEN HE SHALL READ THE GOSPEL.] Before 1549 the Gradual (or Eesponsory) and its verse followed the Epistle, except from the eve of Low Sunday to that of Trinity Sunday, both included. 2 Example. " Grad. All they that hope in Thee, Lord, shall not be ashamed. Vers. Show me Thy ways, Lord, and teach me Thy paths." 3 The Gradual was repeated in England after its verse, except on certain festivals, the Ember Seasons, Thursday and Friday in Easter Week, and when a Tract was to be said. 4 Else- where its repetition had long become obsolete. 5 The Gradual seems to have originated in a Psalm that was sung after the Epistle at a very early period. S. Augustine alludes to it as an established custom : " Which the Apostolical Lesson before the canticle of the Psalm signified, saying, Put off the old man," 6 etc. Again : " We heard the first Lesson of the Apostle ... we next sang a Psalm . . . after these the Gospel Lesson showed the cleansing of the Ten Lepers." 7 Similarly in France, Gregory of Tours speaks of a Deacon who had " said the Responsory Psalm at Masses." 8 The Gradual was so called, because it was sung from the steps of the Ambo or Pulpit. 9 It was called the Eesponsory or Response, because sung in alternate parts by one singer and the choir. 10 In seasons of humiliation and repentance, 11 for more solemn effect the Gradual was sung by one voice 12 without break 1 Christian Remembrancer, vol. xx. p. 302 ; where Dr. Neale gives an imitation in English. 2 Missale Sarisb. col. 379-452. 3 Grad. for the First Sunday in Advent ; Missale Sarisb. col. 8. 4 Ibid. col. 8. 6 Durand. L. iv. c. xix. n. 9. 6 Serin, xxxii. c. iv. torn. vii. col. 160. 7 Serm. clxxvi. c. i. col. 839 ; see also Serm. clxv. c. i. col. 796. 8 Hist. Franc. L. viii. c. iii. col. 378. 9 Raban. Maur. de Instit. Cler. L. i. c. 33 ; Hittorp. col. 585. This is the derivation approved by modern writers, as e.g. Martene, L. i. c. iv. Art. iv. n. viii. Le Brun, Explic. P. ii. Art vi. Gerbert, Disq. iv. c. ii. n. xvi. Bona, Rer. Lit. L. ii. c. vi. n. i. The Ordo Romamis (ii. n. 7) orders the Gradual to be sung, where the Epistle is read ; i.e. from the lower step of the Ambo. Mus. Ital. torn. ii. p. 45. So Amalarius, Ecloga, n. xiv. Ibid. 552. 10 Gemma Animae, L. i. c. 96 ; Hitt. col. 1208. 11 Amal. de Eccl. OS. L. ii. c. 3 ; Hitt. col. 378. 12 Amal. u.s. L. iii. c. 12, coL 409. SECT. V.] THE ALLELUIA. 217 (tractim), and was then called the Tract. 1 In course of time, however, a notion sprang Tip that the Tract was so called because it was to be sung slowly and mournfully; 2 and then the rule that it should be sung by one fell into desue- tude, 3 and a Tract was often sung after the Gradual. 4 The following is an example : " Tract. praise the Lord, all ye heathen ; praise Him, all ye nations. V. For His merci- ful kindness is ever more and more towards us, and the truth of the Lord endureth for ever." 5 The versicles sung after the " Prophecy " in the Mozarabic Liturgy at penitential seasons are called the Tract, 6 being sung, like the Roman Tract in its first period, by one singer in a sustained voice, without any interruption. 7 From Easter Eve to Trinity Eve 8 inclusive, that being a season of joy, the Gradual was superseded by the Alleluia, with its verse or verses. The Alleluia is evidently very ancient, for we find Gregory the Great accused of innovation, because " he had caused the Alleluia to be said at Masses out of the season of Pentecost," which custom, however, he affirmed to have been derived from the Church at Jerusalem through S. Jerome. 9 S. Augustine, two hundred years before Gregory, speaks of it as an " ancient tradition," 10 and inti- mates the reason of its use at Easter-tide : " The days are come for us to sing Alleluia. . . . Singing in your heart unto the Lord, in all things giving thanks ; and praise ye God, for this is [the meaning of] Alleluia. ... By the Fifty Days after the Lord's Resurrection, during which we sing Alleluia, is signified . . . that blessed eternity." 11 From Trinity Sunday to Advent, and on Festivals generally, the Alleluia followed the Gradual. 12 On Easter Eve, a day of mourning mingled with joyful expectation, both Tract and Alleluia were appropriately said. 13 The following example is the Saruin Alleluia for the Fifth Sunday after Easter : 1 Gemma, L. i. c. 96, col. 1208. 2 Durand. Rat. L. iv. c. xxi. n. 1 ; pseudo-Hugo, Specul. Eccl. c. 7, in Hitt. col. 1351. 3 The Sarum Missal sometimes has the express order : " Let the Choir say the Tract alternately." Coll. 136, 263, 288. See col. 167, etc. 4 Missale Sarisb. coll. 142, 148, 150, etc. 5 Easter Eve, Missale Sarisb. col. 355. 6 Leslie, pp. 98, 101, etc. (The Wednesdays and Fridays in Lent.) 7 Leslie, torn. ii. p. 506, note. 8 Missale Sarisb. coll. 355-450. 8 Epp. L. vii. E. Ixiv. torn. iv. col. 275. 10 Enarr. in Ps. cvi. n. 1, torn. vi. col. 530. 11 In Ps. ex. n. 1, col. 582. Sim. in Ps. cxlviii. nn. 1, 2, col. 1147. 12 Missale Sarisb. col. 453-535. 13 Ibid. col. 355. 218 THE PNEUMA OR JUBILATIO. [CHAP. VI. "Alleluia. V. Hitherto ye have asked nothing in My name : ask, and ye shall receive. Alleluia. V. Christ being raised from the dead dieth no more : death hath no more dominion over Him." 1 The Mozarabic Missal has neither Gradual nor Sequence : and the Alleluia is sung after the Gospel, while the elements are being offered. 2 In the seventh century some Churches in Spain sung it before the Gospel ; but this was forbidden by the Fourth Council of Toledo, A.D. 633, on the ground that " the Canons ordered that after the Apostle, not Lauds 3 but the Gospel be proclaimed." 4 The old Missals for a long period directed that the Alleluia should be sung with a Neuma, or more correctly Pneuma? This was a note or series of notes on which the final vowel of that word was sung. 6 The Pneuma was employed to give a more jubilant character to the chant, and was in fact often called the Jubilatio, 7 or Jubilm. 8 It was also called the 1 Missale Sarisb. col. 405. 2 Leslie, pp. 2, 223. It is sung throughout the year, except in Lent. In the Missal (Leslie, pp. 91, 5), however, it is marked to be sung on Ash- Wednesday and the First Sunday in Lent. 3 " Lauds, that is, the singing of the Alleluia." Isidore of Seville, De Eccl. Off. L. i. c. 13 ; Hitt. col. 187. A versicle is always sung, which, when the Alleluia is dropped in Lent, is still called Lauda. Leslie, pp. 99, 102, etc. 4 Can. xii. Labb. torn. v. col. 1709. 6 It is the Greek m/ev/xa, though often treated as a feminine noun. "Neuma of the feminine gender," says Beleth, "is a jubilation (jubilus), as at the end of Antiphons, but Piieuma of the neuter gender is the Holy Ghost." Div. Off. Explic. c. xxxviii. Sim. Durand. Ration. L. v. c. ii. n. 33. 6 " We jubilate rather than sing and draw out one short syllable of suitable discourse into many Neumes (Neumas) or variations of Neumes." Rupert. Tuit. De Div. Off. L. i. c. 35 ; Hitt. col. 867. Sim. Durand. L. iv. c. xx. n. 5 (copying Rupert). Elsewhere the latter says, " The Neuma is made on a single and that the last letter of the Antiphon." L. v. c. ii. n. 32. 7 Amalarius, De Eccl. Off. L. iii. c. 16 ; Hitt. col. 411 : " This Jubilatio, which the singers call the Sequence." Sim. pseudo-Alcuin, De Div. Off. col. 277. The earlier printed copies of Ordo Rom. ii. (Mus. Ital. torn. ii. p. 45) had the clause Sequif.ur jubilatio quam Sequentiam Vacant, which Mabillon omitted, because he only knew of the rhythmical Sequences of Notker, etc., and because Amal. does not notice in it his Ecloga. Note, U.S. 8 See Joh. Beleth and Durand. as in note 6 above ; Honorius, Gemma, L. i. c. 88 ; Hitt. col. 1206. Jubilation, according to S. Augustine, is the modulated utterance of a cry of joy, not expressing itself in words: " Those who sing in the harvest-field or vineyard, or at any other earnest work, when they have begun to exult with joy in the words of their songs, as if filled with so great a joy that they cannot express it by words, quit the syllables of the words, and go off into a sound of jubilation." SECT. V.] ORIGIN OF THE SEQUENCE. 219 Sequence. "That Jubilatio," says Hildebert, A.D. 1097, " which we call the Sequence, expresses that state towards our Lord God, wherein the utterance of words will not be necessaiy, but the thought of the inner mind will alone show what it has within." * Long before the time of Hildebert, however, about the middle, as it seems, of the ninth century, a practice had begun of singing words to the notes of the Sequence. This attracted the attention of the famous Notker, 2 a monk of S. Gall, A.D. 880, who wrote some longer pieces to the same notes. 3 His example was followed by many others, and in course of time the hymn, or Sequence, as it was naturally called, that had originated in this manner, found its way into all the Western rites that had received the Gradual and Alleluia. These hymns were also called Proses, especially in France, 4 because most of them, although in rhyme, are more or less free from the restraints of metre. The reformed Eoman Missal retains only three Sequences strictly so called, viz., those for Easter, Whitsunday, and Corpus Christi. It has also admitted the famous Prose Dies irce 5 into the Mass for the departed under the name of a Sequence, but impro- perly, as that Office has no Alleluia to which a Sequence can be referred. As the Prose, in its origin, consisted merely of words adapted to the Pneuma, it necessarily became a rule that when a Prose (or Sequence in the later sense) was to follow, the second Alleluia should be sung without any additional la Ps. xxxii. Serm. i. 8 ; torn. v. col. 255. Sim. Ps. xcix. n. 4 ; torn. vi. col. 355. Hence the Mediaeval Ritualists constantly explain the Neutna as an emblem addressed to the ear of the unspoken praises of Paradise or Heaven : " It brings to our mind that state in which the utterance of words will not be needed." Amalar. De Eccl. Off. L. iii. c. 16 ; Hitt. coL 411. Pseudo-Alcuin, De Div. Off. ibid. col. 277. Sim. Hildebert in the text. Robertus Paululus, De Off. Eccl. L. ii. c. ] 9 ; Hitt. col. 1398, etc. 1 Expos. Missae, Opp. col. 1112, ed. Ben. See also note 7 in last page. 2 This is his own statement. He says that he had met with such verses in an Antiphonary brought to S. Gall from Jumieges, which had been lately ravaged by the Normans. Praef. in Lib. Sequent. Pez. Thesaur. Anecd. Noviss. torn. i. col. 17. 3 "He composed Sequences for the Neumes." Honorius, Gemma, L. i. c. 88 ; Hitt. col. 1206. Sim. Ralph of Tongres, De Can. Obs. prop, xxiii. col. 1156; Joh. Beleth, Explic. c. xxxviii. Durand. L. iv. c. xxi. n. 2. 4 Beleth, c. xxxviii. " The Sequence follows, which we (nos) call the Prose." Beleth was of Paris. So Durandus, " the Prose or Sequence," as if the former were the more familiar name. L. iv. c. xxi. n. 1. 5 Composed by Cardinal Frangipani, who died A.D. 1294. Le Brun, Explic. P. ii. Art. vi. torn. 2, p. 212. 220 GRADUALS, ETC., WHY OMITTED. [CHAP. VI. note. 1 And conversely, the Jubili or Neumes were " not to be cut off from the Alleluia, except when Sequences were sung in their stead." 2 Many of the Sequences in our Service Books before the Reformation were of a very unpriinitive character ; but this could not account for the total omission of Gradual, Tract, Alleluia, and Sequence, which probably arose from a double desire to concentrate the attention on the Epistle and Gospel, and to render the service less musical. The Preface of 1 B. E., still preserved with the title " Concerning the Service of the Church," adopting the reform, and justifying it by the very language of Quignonez, 3 after speaking of the new Kalendar, in which the " Day Lessons are so set forth that all things shall be done in order, without breaking one piece from another," adds, as still proceeding on the same prin- ciple, " For this cause be cut off Anthems, Responds, Invita- tories, and such like things as did break the continued course of the reading of the Scripture." It is obvious that a similar objection, to be removed only by a similar change, would apply to the Gradual, etc., intermingled with the Euchar- istic Lessons. Another motive for their omission from the reformed Books arose from the improper and unedifying character of the ordinary Church music of the day. The authority of Rome had been exercised unwisely. " The Bull of John xxii." (says Dr. Dykes) " in the fourteenth century, was still in force, which, instead of regulating the use of harmony in Divine Service, had virtually condemned it ; 1 Pseudo-Hugo, Spec. Eccl. c. 7 ; Hitt. col. 1351. Durand. L. iv. c. xx. n. 6. 2 Radulph. Tongr. de Can. Observ. Prop, xxxiii. Hitt. col. 1156. 3 Compare this passage Concerning the Service of the Church : " There was never anything by the will of man so well devised," etc., with the following in the Preface of Quignonez, addressed to Paul in. : "Nihil nam humano elaboratum ingenio tarn exactum initio unquam fuit quia postea multorum accedente judicio perfectius reddi possit." Again, with the second paragraph compare, " Libri Sacrse Scripturse, qui statis anni temporibus legendi erant more majorum . . . vixdum incepti omittuntur in alio Breviario. Turn histories sanctorum tarn incultfc et tarn sine de- lectu scriptse habentur in eodem, ut nee auctoritatum habere videantur nee gravitatem. Accedit tarn perplexus ordo tamque difficiles precandi ratio, lit interdum paulo minor opera in requirendo ponatur quam cum inven- eris in legendo." With the third "Versiculos, responsoria et capitula omittere idcirco visum est . . . quoniam locum relinqui voluimus contin- enti lectioni Scripturae Sacra3." With the fourth " Habet igitur haec pre- candi ratio tres maximas commoditates, Primam, quod precantibus simul acquiritur utriusque Testamenti peritia ; Secundam, quod res est expedi- tissima propter summam ordinis siinplicitatem et nonnullam brevitatem ; Tertiam, quod historic Sanctorum sic conscriptse sunt, ut nihil habeant quod graves et doctas aures offendat," etc. Ann. 1537 ; ed. Lugd. 1546. SECT. VI.] OF THE GOSPEL. 221 insisting on the strict observance of plain song, and confin- ing the use of concords to the great Festivals. ... It is singular and instructive to notice as illustrating the inevit- able certainty of the reaction which must ever take place against unwise authority how utterly extravagant was the extent to which, at the time of the Council of Trent, the practical needs and instincts of the Church had defied her written authority. No musical abuses of modern times are comparable to those which existed three centuries ago. Every sort of excess was committed with the plain song. Secular ditties were introduced ; and whereas the rule was that all new Church music should be at least based upon some of the old chants, it is a fact that there were at least one hundred Masses in common use founded on the tune of a common ballad, The Armed Man. Interpolations of the most incon- gruous nature, entitled farsa, or Stuffing, were common in the Sacred Service." 1 It is probable enough that men of such taste and skill in Church music as Cranmer and others associated with him are known to have been, would desire to cut off the occasion of such irreverence and excess, and been willing to do it, even though the words with which these extravagances were associated might often have been retained had they stood on their own merits. SECTION VI. Of the Gospel h HE READ.] That is, the Celebrant ; but the universal practice before and from the date of the Rubric (1552) 2 , as well as the reason of the thing, shows that it was not intended to exclude others. See p. 209. Deacons are ex- pressly empowered to discharge this office at their ordina- tion : " Take thou authority to read the Gospel in the Church of God." It should however be read by a Priest in preference to a Deacon, and by the Celebrant in prefer- ence to another Priest when only two are present. From the early part of the third century, in Africa at least, the Gospel was for a certain period read by those of the Order of Readers ; 3 but by the fourth and fifth we find it assigned to the Deacon, both in the East and West. 4 At Alexan- 1 Lecture on Church Music at the Norwich Congress, Oct. 5, 1865. Report, p. 298. 2 1 B. E. has " The Priest or one appointed to read the Gospel ;" 2 B. E., " He [i.e. the Celebrant] shall say the Gospel." 3 Epp. S. Cypr. xxxviii. xxxix. pp. 75, 7. 4 Const. App. L. ii. c. Ivii. Cotel. torn. ii. p. 262 : " Let the Priest or Deacon read the Gospel." S. Jerome : " Thou wast wont to read the 222 THE PLACE OF THE GOSPEL. [CHAP. VI. dria, in the time of Sozomen, A.D. 440, the Gospel was read by the Archdeacon only ; elsewhere, generally by the Deacons, but in many Churches only by Priests, and on high days by Bishops, as at Constantinople on Easter Day. 1 Among the Greeks now, of several Deacons, the chief reads the Gospel. 2 Among the Orientals it is read by the Priest. 3 This office was assigned to the higher Order, or to the first among equals, while the Epistle was read by a Subdeacon or Lector, from a desire to show greater honour to the words of the Master than to those of the servant. In early times, when the Celebrant read the Gospel, it was, as now among ourselves, from the north-west corner (cornu sinistrum) of the Altar, thence called cornu Evangelii* Presbyters, says Micrologus, " according to the custom of the Church, read the Gospel at the Altar. . . . But they have the book at the left corner of the Altar," 5 etc. When it was read by a Deacon, he went up into the Pulpit or Ambo, gene- rally the same from which the Epistle was read ; but then the Gospel was usually read from a higher step or stage than the Epistle. " The Subdeacon . . . mounts the Ambo to read, but not its upper step, which only he who is to read the Gospel is wont to ascend." 6 This custom survived in England, at least under the Use of Hereford, until the Ee- formation. 7 In some Churches, as at S. Clement's in Rome (see before, p. 207), there was more than one Ambo, that for the Gospel being " higher and more ornate." The Epistle, says an ancient Eitualist, 8 quoted by Martene, " ought to be read in a lower place, but the Gospel in a higher Pulpit ;" and agreeably to this rule, at Lyons and Viennes, " the Epistle is read in the lower part of the choir, the Gospel in the place for the singers." 9 Originally the Deacon reading the Gospel from the Ambo turned to the South, i.e. to the men. Thus an Ordo Eomanus of the eighth century : " The Deacon stands facing the Gospel, as a Deacon." Ep. xciii. ad Sabinian. torn. iv. P. ii. col. 758. In Spain, Isidore, A.D. 610, says the Deacons "evangelize." De Eccl. Off. L. ii. c. 8. 1 L. vii. c. ix. p. 596. 2 Goar, note 100, p. 129. 3 Renaudot, torn. ii. p. 69. 4 Bit. Celebr. Miss. Tit. vi. cc. 5, 8, etc. 5 De Eccles. Obs. c. 9, col. 737. 6 Ord. Rom. ii. c. 7 ; Mus. ItaL torn. ii. p. 45, sim. p. 8, ibid, of the Gospeller Deacon : " ascendit in ambonem, in superiorem gradum." 7 Rubr. Miss. Herf. in Maskell's Ancient Liturgy, p. 35, note 42. 8 Anon. Turon. Specul. Eccles. in Martene, De Ant. Eccl. Rit. L. i. c. iv. Art. iv. iii. torn. i. p. 135. 9 Martene, De Antiq. Rit. u.s. SECT. VI.] THE POSITION OF THE READER. 223 South, where the men are wont to be gathered together." 1 A probable reason is that the preaching of the Gospel was supposed to be chiefly addressed to them in the first instance, the wives learning from their husbands at home. 2 " The face of the master," says Amalarius, 3 " is more intently fixed on him who can learn more perfectly than on those who learn less perfectly, not because he designs his teaching for him only, but because he wishes those who have a slower understanding to be again taught by him who can more quickly discern true reason in the teaching of the master." And Micrologus : 4 " He rightly turns to the superior sex, to which, as the Apostle has appointed, the weaker sex is com- mitted to be taught at home." Mystical reasons were ima- gined in course of time : " By the men are signified the spiritual, and the Holy Ghost is denoted by the South." 5 At a later period the rule was reversed. Thus, e.g. the Sarum Missal directs : " Let the Gospel be always read towards the North." 6 The Rationalists had many ways of accounting for this ; as that by the women the carnal are signified, and "the Gospel calls the carnal to spiritual things;" 7 that the North is an emblem of unbelievers 8 to whom, or of Satan 9 against whom, the Gospel is preached, etc. The change from South to North seems to have originated in the indo- lence of the Priests and the emulation of the Deacons. When the Celebrant read the Gospel he did not leave the Altar, and therefore did not turn to the South, because he had men before him in the choir on both sides. In process of time he ceased to turn towards the people at all, but read off the book of the Gospels as it lay on the north-west corner of the Altar. Thus accidentally he came to look northward, and this was imitated by the Deacon when reading from the Ambo. 10 A custom was thus established which at length received the sanction of a written rule. 1 Ord. ii. c. 8 ; Mus. It. torn. ii. p. 46. Sim. Amal. Eclog. de Off. Miss. Capit. Reg. Franc, torn. ii. col. 1359. Microl. c. 9 ; Gemma Animse, L. i. c. 22. 2 1 Cor. xiv. 35. 3 Eclog. u.s. * De Eccles. Observ. c. 9. 5 Gemma, u.s. 6 Col. 13. 7 Gemma, u.s. 8 Gemma, u.s. 9 Remigius de Celebr. Miss. Hittorp. col. 280 ; Rupert. Tuit. De Div. Off. Lib. iii. c. 22 (who quotes Habakkuk iii. 3 (marg.) and Isa. xliii. 6) ; Gemma Animae, L. i. c. 22. 10 Microlog. De Eccles. Obs. c. 9. (Presbyteri) juxta Ecclesiasticam con- suetudinem ad altare legunt, ubi nulla diversitas auditorum approximat, quae legentes magis in hanc partem quam in aliam convert! exigat. . . . Ad sinistrum vero cornu altaris habent librum cum legunt Evangelium, . . . unde ad Aquilonem magis quam ad meridiem versi videntur, cum annunciant Evangelium. Hinc itaque ilia ustirpatio emersisse videtur, 224 HONOUR SHOWN TO THE GOSPEL. [CHAP. VI. 1 THE GOSPEL.] A Lesson from the Gospels has from the first formed part of the Eucharistic Office (see before, ii.), and there is no Liturgy extant which does not contain a pro- vision for it. 1 Moreover, while a Lesson from the Prophets, or the Acts of the Apostles, or the Revelation, is sometimes substituted for the Epistle, the Gospel never gives place to any other Scriptures. The ancient Irish Liturgy used the same Gospel as well as the same Epistle at every celebration, 2 and there is reason to think that the Church of Malabar 3 had, when discovered by the Portuguese, fallen into the same custom. The Irish Gospel is from the sixth chapter of S. John, and appropriate, as it relates to " the living Bread which came down from heaven." The Malabarese is from the fifth of S. John, verses 19-29, and therefore is not so suitable for constant use. J THE PEOPLE ALL STANDING UP.] This direction was in- serted at the last Eevision, at the suggestion of Bishop Cosin, 4 who complained that " at the reading of the Gospel there was no posture appointed for the people, which gives many of them occasion to refuse the posture of standing, as in all places and times hath been accustomed. This therefore it were requisite to be here added." This practice was cer- tainly primitive. Thus the Apostolical Constitutions : 5 " When the Gospel is read, let all the Presbyters, and the Deacons, and all the people stand very quietly." Sozomen 6 notes it as an abuse that at Alexandria the Bishop did not rise when the Gospel was read, " a thing which he neither knew nor had heard to be practised among others." In the West generally there were till about the fourteenth century no seats provided for the people, and they stood during the whole service. The rule then was for the people, at the reading of the Gospel, to lay aside the staves on which they leaned, the Priests at the same time rising, and standing inclined towards the Ambo. 7 Mention of these staves occurs ut etiam Diacones in ambone, contra Eomanum Ordinem, se vertant ad Aquilonem. Hittorp. col. 737. 1 Le Bran, Explic. P. ii. Ad. vii. torn. i. p. 213. 2 See O'Conor's Account of the Irish Missal in the First App. to the Catalogue of Stowe MSS. vol. i. p. 45. 3 Ptauliu, Liturg. Malab. p. 307 ; Le Brun, Diss. xi. Art. xii. torn. 6, p. 407. 4 Particulars to be Considered, n. 47 ; Works, vol. v. p. 513. 5 Lib. ii. c. Ivii. Coteler. torn. i. p. 263. 6 Hist. L. vii. c. xix. p. 596. 7 Amalar. de Eccl. Off. L. iii. c. 18. This writer, alleging certain Gesta Episcopalia (ibid.), and Anastasius Biblioth., a little later, ascribe this SECT. V.] HONOUR SHOWN TO THE GOSPEL. 225 in very many authorities, ranging from the eighth to the fifteenth centuries. Thus an Ordo Eomanus on which Ama- larius comments, about 820, speaks of it as an established custom : " The staves of all are laid down out of their hands." 1 In 1434 Nicolas 2 de Plove says: "When the Gospel is read, arms or staves are laid down as a sign that, according to the teaching of the Gospel, the faithful are pre- pared to defend themselves not by arms, but patience." The original symbolism was now lost, the staff being regarded as a weapon. Yet, inconsistently, the same writer says : " The people ought to stand, and not sit, as a sign that they are ready to fight for the Gospel." The latter sentiment at last prevailed. " Now," says Bona, 3 " soldiers in Eeligion and knights put their hand to their sword, or draw it out of the scabbard when the Gospel is read, that by that action they may testify their readiness to fight manfully and shed their blood for the defence of the Gospel." Another mode of showing honour to the Gospel was by uncovering the head, which is also mentioned in the Ordo Komanus above quoted : " At that time neither crown nor other covering is kept on their head." 4 Among the Greeks the Bishop lays aside his ornophorion or pall, " in token of his subjection to the Lord," 5 the Chief Pastor, who is about to teach in His own words. This custom can be traced to the fifth century through the writings of S. Isidore of Pelusium. 6 From a very early period in the Eoman Church the Gospel was taken from the Altar to the Ambo with great ceremony. Thus, when the Bishop celebrated, the Deacon who was to read it was preceded by two Subdeacons, one of whom car- ried a censer, and by two Acolytes, each bearing a light. Arrived at the Ambo, the attendants divided, and the Deacon passed between them. Then the Subdeacon without a censer order as to the clergy to Pope Anastasius i. De Vit. Pont. Rom. n. xL So among the Copts, when " the Deacon takes the book and advances from the Altar, the Priests and Bishops standing by bare their heads, put down their staves, and show reverence to the Gospel by an inclination of the head." Gabriel Patriarcha in Renaud. torn. i. p. 211. 1 Ord. Rom. ii. n. 8 ; Mus. Ital. torn. iL p. 46. See later mention of them in Hittorp. by Hildebert, col. 839, in the Expos. Missse, col. 1172, Gemma Animae, L. i. c. 24, col. 1187, by pseudo-Hugo, SpecuL Eccl. c. 7, col. 1352. Sim. Dnrand. L. iv. c. 24, n. 24 ; Beleth, Explic. c. x. sub finem. 2 Expos. Miss. P. iL ; Argent. 1496. 3 Rer. Lit. L. ii. c. vii. n. iii. 4 Ord. Rom. ii. n. 8 ; Mus. Ital. torn. ii. p. 46. See also the other authorities in note * above. 6 Symeon Thessal. De Templo et Missa, in Goar, p. 223. 6 Epp. L. i. Ep. cxxxvi. p. 41 ; Par. 1638. P 226 OP THE RESPONSE [CHAP. VI. held out his left arm, on which the Deacon placed the Gospel, that the former might open it at the appointed place. The Subdeacons then returned and stood at the foot of the steps by which the Deacon was to descend. The Gospel read, the Deacon descending gave the book to the Subdeacon who had found the place, who gave it to the next, who, hold- ing it before his breast, offered it to the others in order to be kissed. 1 There is an analogous ceremony among the Greeks, known as the Lesser Entrance, the Greater Entrance being that of the Elements prepared for consecration. The Deacon, having received the book from the Priest, carries it, held on high, preceded by tapers and followed by the Priest, out of the Chamber of Prothesis, through the Church, in which he makes a short circuit up to the Chancel gates, at which the Priest says the Prayer of Entrance. A Troparion is then sung by the choir, " come, let us worship and fall down before Christ," etc. The Gospel is placed on the middle of the Altar. 2 Similar rites are observed by the Copts 3 and Syro-Jacobites. 4 The book of the Gospel Lessons (Evangelisterium) was often adorned in the most costly manner. Thus Gerbert 5 mentions one of about the ninth century in the Library of S. Gall, which was " ornamented with gems and gold," and on which was carved in ivory the Assumption of the B. V. M., and another in his own monastery of S. Blaise, " enclosed in a silver case of wondrous workmanship." At Durham the Epistles and Gospels were in one volume, " which book had on the outside of the covering the picture of our Saviour Christ, all of silver, of goldsmith's work, all parcel-gilt, very fine to behold." 6 k AND THE GOSPEL ENDED.] But in 1 B. E. before the clause corresponding to this we have, " The clerks and people shall answer, Glory be to Thee, Lord." It is not known why this was omitted in 2 B. E. If it were not from inad- vertence, which is improbable, we must accept the conjecture of L'Estrange, that it was owing to a desire to " reduce the sacred rites" of the Church to a less onerous model ; 7 though 1 Ord. Rom. i. n. 11; Mus. Ital. torn. ii. p. 9. The present Roman rite is very similar ; Rit. Celebr. Miss. tit. vi. n. 5. 2 Goar, note 74, p. 124. See also Var. Lect. p. 105 ; Smith's Greek Church, p. 130. 3 Renaudot, torn. i. p. 210. 4 Ibid. torn. ii. p. 69. 6 Itinera, pp. 101, 2. 6 Monuments, etc., of Durham, p. 7 ; Surtees Society, 1842. i Alliance, c. vi. Note H, p. 247. SECT. V.] BEFORE THE GOSPEL. 227 the omission could contribute to that end only in a very slight degree. Cosin says that this doxology was " still used" in his time, and ascribes its omission to " the printer's negli- gence ; >u but we must take this as a conjecture too, for the reason which he alleges is grounded on a confusion between the two Books of Edward. The Eesponse was restored in the Scottish Prayer-Book, 1637; and Cosin suggested its restoration in our own at the last Eevision. 2 Why the suggestion was rejected is, again, unknown; but tradition has preserved the custom in the absence of a written rule. This doxology is not prescribed in any of our English Missals, though it appears in the Eoman. We find it recommended to the use of the laity by Amalarius, 3 A.D. 827, but whether to be said aloud or not does not appear. In the twelfth cen- tury Rupert 4 of Deutz, 1111, speaks of this as an established custom : " We respond, Glory be to Thee, Lord, glorify- ing the Lord for sending us the word of salvation." Similarly, John Beleth, 5 about 1162, and Durandus, 6 1286. In Spain it seems to have been in public use much earlier than in Italy. Thus Heterius and Beatus, 7 two Spanish writers, A.r>. 785 : " Then the Deacon commands silence to all, and says the Lesson of the Holy Gospel according to Matthew, or any of the other three. All the people respond, Glory," etc. It was, in fact, probably through Spain that our Western use of it came from the East. It occurs in the more standard copies of the Liturgy of S. Chrysostom, 8 and is thus owned by an ancient Greek Homilist: 9 "When the Deacon is going to open the Gospel ... we all fix our eyes on him, keeping silence, and when he begins the course of the read- ing, we immediately stand up, and respond, Glory be to Thee, Lord." The Malabar : 10 " Glory to Christ, the Lord." The Armenian 11 has " Glory be to Thee, Lord our God." The Ethiopian 12 expands it: "Ever glory be to Thee, Christ, our Lord and God. Exult in God our helper," etc. 1 Notes on the B. C. P. Series T. ; Works, vol. v. p. 90. 2 Particulars to be Considered, n. 47, and note g, vol. v. p. 513. 3 De Eccles. Off. L. iii. c. 18, col. 413. 4 De Div. Off. L. i. c. 36, col. 868. 6 Div. Off. Explic. c. xxxix. L. iv. c. xxiv. n. 27. T Adv. Elipand. Ep. L. i. c. Ixvi. ; Migne, torn. 96, col. 935. See the Miss. Mozar. Leslie, torn. i. pp. 2, 45, etc. 8 Goar, Euchol. pp. 69, 105. 9 Horn. De Circo inter S. Chrysost. Opp. torn. viii. p. 723. 10 Raulin, p. 306. 11 Le Brun, Diss. x. Art. xiv. torn. v. p. 155, 12 Renaudot, torn. i. p. 510. 228 THE RESPONSE AFTER THE GOSPEL. [CHAP. VI. 1 GOSPEL ENDED.] The Scotch Book proceeds thus : "At the end of the Gospel the Presbyter shall say: So ends the holy Gospel." Yet the omission in our Book is probably intentional, the end of the Gospel being sufficiently marked by the Priest's change of posture, as he turns to say or sing the Creed. It is also more in accordance with the practice of the Church at large. In the Scotch Book we also have the direction : " And the people shall answer: Thanks be to thee, Lord." This insertion was also in vain suggested by Bishop Cosin 1 at the last Eeview. No response followed the Gospel in the old English Liturgies. The Eoman has " Praise be to Thee, Christ ;" the Mozarabic, 2 "Ainen ;" the Armenian and Malabar the same after as before ; the Ethio- pian, " The Cherubim and Seraphim send glory up to Him." 3 " Amen " seems at one time to have been the common re- sponse in the West, for it is mentioned by Duraudus, 4 Beleth, 5 and Alexander 6 of Hales, the two latter telling us, however, that some preferred " Thanks be to God." 1 VoL v. p. 513, note. 2 Leslie, pp, 2, 3, etc. 3 As in notes 10, 11, 12, above. 4 Ration. L. iv. c. xxiv. n. 27. 6 Div. Off. Explic. c. xxxix. 6 Surama Theol. P. iv. Q. x. Tract, de Sacr. Euch. P. i. 8, p. 281 ; Colon. 1622. CHAPTER VII. SECTION I. By whom said or sung, and how. RUBRIC V. Continued. m SUNG OR SAID.] By whom is the Creed to be sung or said ? " By the Minister and people ;" for such is the direc- tion for the singing or saying of the Apostles' Creed at Morning and Evening Prayer, and of the Athanasian Creed, whenever used. This was also the earlier English rule, the Saruni Missal 1 directing that the Priest should begin, Credo in unum Deum, and that the whole Choir should then take it up and go through with it to the end. An Ordo Komanus, 2 which mounts higher than the ninth century, says the Creed is " sung by the Bishop," but this probably means only that the Bishop led ; for Amalarius, in the ninth, commenting on this Ordo, speaks of it as a confession of the people. 3 The Greek 4 and Mozarabic 5 Liturgies assign it to the choir or people. The Coptic 6 Eubric is, " The people shall say the Symbol of the Orthodox Faith." In the Ethiopic, 7 the Deacon bids them " say the Symbol of the Faith, and sing." The Syro-Jacobite has " Then they recite the Symbol of the Faith." 8 In the Armenian, 9 and Mozarabic, 10 and Syro- Jacobite, 11 the Creed runs thus, "We believe," etc., thus implying that all join in saying it. In S. James, "The Priest begins." 12 In S. Mark, 13 however, " The Priest, signing with the cross the Patens and Chalices, in a loud voice says, I believe," etc.; and similarly the isfestorian : u "Then he 1 Missale Sar. col. 14. 2 Ord. ii. n. 9 ; Mus. Ital. torn. ii. p. 46. 3 Ecloga, n. xvii. Convenit populo post Evangelium, quia Christ! verba audivit, intentionem credulitatis suse praeclaro ore proferre. Mus. It. torn. ii. p. 553. 4 Goar, p. 75. 6 Leslie, torn. i. pp. 6, 230. 6 Renaudot, torn. i. p. 12. 7 Kenaudot, torn. i. p. 512. 8 Ibid. torn. ii. p. 11. 9 Le Brun, Diss. x. Art. xiv. tome v. p. 157. 10 Leslie, torn. i. p. 6. u Renaud. torn. ii. p. 11. 12 Liturg. Patr. p. 13 ; Par. 1560. 13 Renaud. torn. i. p. 143. 14 The Nestorians and their Ritual, by the Rev. C. P. Badger, vol. ii. p. 220. 230 THE PLACE OF THE CREED [CHAP. VII. (the Priest) shall stand in front of the Altar with uplifted hands, and shall say in a loud voice the Nicene Creed." Great efforts have been made from time to time, especially in France, to have the Creed so sung that it may be " under- standed of the people." To give one instance out of many, a Council of Cambrai, in 1565, "in order that not merely the ears may be pleased, but minds profit," orders " that those things which are read or sung for instruction, be so read or sung that those present may distinctly hear every word ; wherefore it is decreed that when the Creed is sung, neither organs nor music be used." 1 In 807, Leo in. tells the Ambassadors of Charlemagne that it was read at Eome : " We do not sing the Creed, we read it." 2 SECTION II. The place of the Creed in the Liturgy. The place of the Creed in the several Liturgies is various. In the Eoman and its derived forms, in the Armenian and the Malabar, it comes immediately after the Gospel. In S. Mark the Gospel is followed by Prayers for all conditions, etc., the Dismissal of the Catechumens, etc., the Cherubic Hymn, the Great Entrance, the Kiss of Peace with its Prayer, the Creed, a prayer over the offered Elements, and the Preface. In S. James the order after the Gospel is, a bidding Prayer for all conditions, etc., the Dismissal, etc., Prayer of the Incense, Cherubic Hymn, Great Entrance, the Creed, the Kiss of Peace, the Universal Litany, Prayers for Acceptance, etc., the Preface. In SS. Basil and Chrysostom, a bidding of Prayer for the Emperors, the Dismissal, etc., the Prayers of the Faithful, the Cherubic Hymn with its Prayer, the Great Entrance, a Shorter Litany, the Creed, the Preface. In the Coptic, a Prayer for all conditions, the Dismissal (probably, 3 for it is not named), Prayers of the Faithful, etc., the Creed, the Kiss, etc., the Preface. In the Nestorian, a Litany, the Oblation of the Elements, Prayers, the Dismissal, 1 De Cultu, c. iii. ; Labb. torn. x. col. 157. Similarly, Cone. Rem. 1583 ; De Euchar. n. 18 ; ibid. col. 893. See Le Brim, Explic. P. ii. Art. viii. iii. n. 4. 2 Labb. torn. vii. col. 1197. 3 Renaudot, torn. i. p. 223, discovers a trace of it in a warning to hypo- crites and sinners to depart, which occurs immediately before the Anaphora in the Ethiopian Liturgy of Our Lord Jesus Christ. It would be contrary to all analogy to suppose that the Catechumens were dismissed then ; but it is probable enough that when that rite became obsolete, the warning was altered and removed to the place mentioned, to guard the most sacred part of the Office from being profaned by the presence of wilful sinners. SECT. II.] IN THE ANCIENT LITURGIES. 231 the Creed, Prayers for Acceptance, etc., the Preface. The Syro-Jacobite forms are very brief between the Gospel and the Preface, a Prayer or two, the Dismissal, a Prose (sedra), or Prose and Prayer on the Oblation of the Elements, the Creed, Prayer for Acceptance. In the Ethiopian, only a bidding Prayer for the Church Militant comes between the Gospel and the Creed. The Milanese Litany betrays its early connexion with the East by interposing the Oblation of the Elements, with its several prayers, between the Gospel and the Creed. Only in the Mozarabic, 1 among extant Liturgies, is it said between the Prayer of Consecration and the Lord's Prayer, the Priest the while holding the conse- crated Elements aloft in his hands. This place was assigned it by the Council of Toledo, 2 589, and, as the decree was made for Gallia Narbonensis as well as Spain, this must have been its place in the Liturgy of that province ; and in all probability throughout Gaul, so far as its use prevailed before the introduction of the Eoman Missal. The Creed is unquestionably best placed, as in our Liturgy, immediately after the Gospel, being itself a summary of Evangelical doctrine. " Because we believe Christ, the Divine Truth," says S. Thomas Aquinas, 3 " when the Gospel has been read, the Creed is sung, in which the people show that they give the assent of faith to the doctrine of Christ." The singing of the Creed, observes another, " immediately after the Gospel . . . sets forth the fruit that has followed in the Church from the preaching of Christ and the Apostles." 4 It has been seen above that in the Primitive Church the Catechumens, Penitents, etc., left before the Creed was said. On this ground it seems to have been suggested by Guest, 5 one of the Commissioners for the revision of our B. C. P. in 1559, that those who did not intend to communicate should not be permitted to stay and take their part in saying it : " Because it is the prayer of the Faithful only, which were but the Communicants ; for that they which did not receive were taken for that time as not faithful." 1 Miss. Mozar. Leslie, torn. i. p. 230. 2 Can. ii. Labb. torn. v. col. 1009. An allusion to this Creed, as used in public worship, in a Sermon given by Martene, L. iii. c. xiii., proves that Caesariua (A.D. 502) was not its author, as that writer supposes. 3 P. iii. Q. 83, Art. 4 ; in Cavalieri, De Miss. Sacrif. c. xii. Art. x. Opp. torn. v. p. 28. 4 Titelmann, de Myst. Miss. c. xxxi. in Cavalieri, u. 8. 5 See his Letter to Cecil on " the causes of the Order taken in the new Service," in Card well's History of Conferences, No. ii. p. 51. 232 OF THE INTRODUCTION OF [CHAP. VII. SECTION III. Of the History of the Creed, and of its introduction into the Liturgy. n CREED.] In the eighth Article of Eeligion this Creed is called the Nicene, and such is its usual appellation, though it is also, and more suitably, called the Constantinopolitan. The greater part of it was drawn up by the First General Council, held at Nicsea, A.D. 325, and was designed to ex- press, in opposition to the heresy of Arius, the true doctrine of our Lord's Divinity, as held by the Universal Church from the time of the Apostles downward. 1 The Nicene Creed ended with the words, " I believe in the Holy Ghost." 2 All that follows, with the exception of the words, " and the Son" was added by the Second General Council, 3 held at Constantinople, A.D. 381, as a protest against the error of Macedonius, who taught that the Holy Ghost was a mere influence emanating from God, and not a Person distinct from the Father and the Son, as the Church had received and held. There was no Creed in the Liturgy used by the African Church in the days of S. Augustine, or at least none said constantly; for, addressing Catechumens about to be bap- tized, he says, " In Church at the Altar the Lord's Prayer is said daily, and the faithful hear it ; ... in the Church, among the people, ye do not daily hear the Creed." 4 Peter the Fuller, Patriarch of Antioch, about 469, is said to have been the first to command the use of the Nicene Creed at the Eucharist. 5 In 510 his example was followed by Timo- 1 When the ancient Fathers met in Council, their mutual question was not, What is your opinion on this subject ? but, What is the faith that has been handed down in your Church from the days of its first founders? e.g. " As we have received from the Bishops, our predecessors, when we were Catechumens, ... so believing also now, we lay before you the confession of our faith." Euseb. Caes. in Cone. Nic. Socrat. Hist. L. i. c. viii. So Acesius declared at Nicaea, that he had " received from the beginning, yea, from Apostolic times, the definition of the faith " which the Council had affirmed. Ibid. c. x. So by the Fathers at Constan- tinople, the Creed of Nicaea was declared to be " most ancient and agree- able to their baptismal profession." Theodoret, Eccl. Hist. L. v. c. ix. At Chalcedon the Bishops present declared that no new article of faith had been introduced at Constantinople, though the Creed of Nicaea had been enlarged, and pi-ofessed themselves " followers of the holy Fathers." ^Evagr. Eccl. Hist. L. ii. c. iv. 2 Apud Cone. Chalced. Acta, Labb. torn. iv. col. 339. 3 Act. Cone. Chalc. Labb. torn. iv. col. 341. 4 Serm. Iviii. nn. 12, 13, torn. vii. col. 342. 5 Theodorus Lector, Hist. L. ii. p. 566 ; Par. 1673. SECT. III.] THE CREED INTO THE LITURGIES. 233 theus of Constantinople, who ordered it to be said at every celebration throughout his Patriarchate. 1 In 589 the Third Council of Toledo, already mentioned, ordered that the Creed of Constantinople should be recited eveiy Lord's Day in the holy Office " throughout the Churches of Spain and Gallia (Narbonensis) according to the form of the Oriental Churches." 2 Isidore 3 of Seville, about 610, speaks of it as an established custom. Councils of Toledo, 4 in 653 and 681, when reciting this Creed, declare that it is the same as that employed " in the sacred solemnities of Masses." There is no direction for saying this Creed in the Gregorian Sacramentary, 5 nor in the oldest Ordo Horn anus, 6 the substance of which probably belongs to the earlier part of the eighth century. It seems to have been introduced by Leo in., who became Bishop of Home in 795 ; for in a conference with the Legates of Charlemagne, being asked, " Is it not you who have per- mitted the singing of the Creed in Church ? Has this usage of singing it come from us ? " he replied, " I have given per- mission for singing it, but not for adding, diminishing, or changing aught in the singing." 7 It is mentioned in an Ordo Romanus, 8 which appears to have been compiled in or very soon after the time of Leo, from the fact that Amalarius, who flourished from 812 to 836, comments on it. He also notices the use of the Creed, and justifies it. 9 Walafrid 10 Strabo, 842, tells us that under Charlemagne, after the condemnation of Felix of Urgel (799), the Creed " began to be repeated in the Offices of Masses more widely and more frequently." He declares himself that it "rightly" had a place there after the Gospel. It is found in two Roman Directories of a later date than those mentioned before, but still, it is believed, 1 As in last note, p. 563. Both ordered it "at every Synaxis." See the note of Valerius, p. 169. Some suppose that pseudo-Dionysius refers to it(De Eccl. Hier. c. iii. Opp. torn. i. p. 188) under the title of "the Catholic Hymnology ; " but if so, it only proves his book to be later than it is generally thought to be. 2 Can. ii. Labb. torn. v. col. 1009. Gallia Narbonensis (Languedoc) was then under the dominion of the Goths of Spain. 3 De Eccl. Off. L. i. c. 16 ; Hittorp. col. 189. Symbolum autem, quod tempore Sacrificii populo prsedicatur. * Labb. torn. vi. coll. 398, 1224. 5 Muratorius, torn. iL coL 1 ; Pamelius, torn. ii. p. 178. 6 Mus. Ital. torn. ii. p. 10. 7 Labb. Cone. torn. vii. col. 1197. 8 Mus. Ital. torn. ii. p. 46. 9 Ecloga, n. xvii. Mus. Ital. torn. ii. p. 553. He does not mention it in his book De Eccl. Offic. L. iii. c. 18 (Hittorp. col. 413) ; but in that he is commenting on the earlier Ordo. 10 De Reb. Eccl. c. 22 ; Hitt. col. 682. 234 THE CREED INTRODUCED [CHAP. VII. earlier than the ninth century. 1 ^Eneas 2 of Paris, 854, calls that the Catholic Faith "which the whole Church of the Gauls sings at Mass on the Lord's Day." Eatherius 8 of Verona, 954, speaks of the Creed "which is sung at Mass." It is found in the Irish Liturgy, which probably belongs to the same period. 4 It is evident, however, that at Home, and in some other parts, the Creed ceased to be said in the Liturgy for a considerable period. Thus, for example, there is no mention of it in an Exposition of the Eoman Mass above 1050 years old, found in MS. at Angers, 5 in the Insti- tution of the Clergy by Rabanus 6 Maurus, 819, or in the Exposition of the Mass ascribed to Kemigius 7 of Auxerre, 880, nor in another similar Exposition found in a MS. of the tenth century, 8 but probably composed earlier. At length it seemed forgotten that it had ever been used at Borne, for in 1014, when Henry n. inquired at Eome why it was not sung there, the reply was that it was not needed, because the Church of Eome had never been infected by heresy. 9 The Emperor, however, wrung from Benedict vm. an order that it should be used in the Eoman Liturgy ; but our informant, Berno, Abbot of Eeichenau, who was himself present at the conference, adds, " Whether they observe this custom still we cannot affirm, for we do not know with certainty." 10 Even after this we have commentators on the Office who do not recognise the presence of the Creed in it; as Honorius 11 of Autun, 1130, and Micrologus, 12 somewhere about 1160; though it is recognised by others of the same period, as by Ivo, 13 1 The 5th and 6th in Mabillon's Collection, Mus. It. torn. ii. pp. 66, 73. See Mabillon's Comment, p. xliii. 2 Adv. Graecos, c. xciii. Migne, torn. 121, col. 721. Mabillon, De Lit. Gall. L. i. c. ii n. 6, supposes that this general use of the Creed in France at this period arose from its having been introduced into the old Gallican rite. France had without doubt borrowed it from Spain. 3 Itiner. in Dacher. Spicileg. torn. i. p. 381. 4 The Arbuthnott Missal, Praef. p. xxv. 6 Printed by Martene, De Ant. Rit. L. i. c. iv. Art. x. 6 Lib. i. c. 33 ; Hittorp. col. 565. 7 It forms the last of the Lib. De Div. Off. of pseudo-Alcuin, Hittorp. col. '281. See Acta SS. Ord. Bened. torn. v. p. 185. 8 Gerbert, Monum. P. iv. pp. 283, 291. 9 The reason here given shows that they are mistaken who suppose it merely meant that the Creed was not sung at Rome, only recited, for in either case it would be a protest against heresy. 10 Libellus de Quibusdam ad Missam Spectantibus, c. 2 : Hittorp. col. 701. 11 Gemma Animse, L. i. cc. 97, 98 ; Hitt. col. 1208. 12 De Eccles. Obs. c. 10 ; Hitt. col. 737. 13 Serm. de Conven. vet. et nov. Sacrif. Hitt. col. 800. SECT. ITT.] INTO THE ROMAN MISSAL. 235 1092, Hildebert, 1 1097, Rupert, 2 1111, pseudo-Hugo, 3 1120, andBeleth, 4 1162. Late writers 6 have asserted that Marcus, who was Bishop of^Rome in 336, ordered the Nicene Creed, and Damasus, about 381, that of Constantinople, to be said in the Liturgy. Were it true, the order of Marcus would necessarily have become a dead letter during the incumbencies of Felix and Liberius, the one intruded, the other in his latter days main- tained in his See by Arians ; while that of Damasus might equally, as we have seen from Berno, have fallen into oblivion through the jealous caution of his successors, unwilling that their Church should seem to need a safeguard or protest against error. The scarcity of written copies of the Missa Fidelium, in which part of the Office the Creed was inserted, would also for a long period be a great hindrance to the general admission of a new formula. Le Bruu supposes that no written copies of the Liturgy existed before the fifth century, 6 though it is more probable that the reluctance of Christians to commit them to writing abated on the conver- sion of the Empire. However this may be, as the dark ages drew on, the increasing ignorance of the Priests would inter- pose a serious obstacle to the wishes of those who bore rule in the Church. In the tenth century the intelligence and learning of the Italian Clergy were so low that the change could not have been attempted among them with any prospect of success, even with the use, then doubtless universal, of written forms. Eatherius, who became Bishop of Verona in 954, found " very many " of his Clergy ignorant even of the Apostles' Creed, in consequence of which he ordered them to learn the three Creeds by heart, and to say them to him. 7 This occurred in spite of the fact that the Nicene Creed had been already introduced in his Church. 1 De Myst. Miss. Hitt. col. 840. 2 De Div. Off. L. ii c. 2 ; Hitt. col. 869. 3 Speculum, c. 7 ; Hitt. coL 1352. 4 Div. Off. Explic. c. xl. 6 Radulph. Tongr. De Cann. Observ. c. xxiii. ; Honorius in Gemma, L. i. c. 88 ; Albericus in Chronico ad Ann. 687, in Martene, L. i. c. iv. Art. vi. n. xi. ; Durandus, L. iv. c. xxv. n. 9 6 Dissert, i. Art. i. See Renaud. Diss. de Lit. Orient, c. i. ; Murat. De Reb. Lit. Diss. i. c. i. ; Palmer, Orig. Lit. Introd. Bingham, xiii. v. iii. 7 Dacher. Spicileg. torn. i. p. 381. See England and Rome, by the present writer, p. 480. 236 THE PEOPLE STAND AT THE CREED, [CHAP. VII. SECTION IV. The Creed said by the People Standing and Facing the East. THE PEOPLE STILL STANDING AS BEFOKE.] This clause was added at the last Eevision, for a reason assigned by Bishop Cosin : " At the Mcene Creed there is likewise no posture of standing specially here appointed, by reason of which omission many people refuse to stand ; though at the other Creed of the Apostles they are appointed to do it." * In the chief reason for this posture all ritualists agree : " We are required to say the Creed standing," observes Bishop Sparrow, " by this gesture signifying our readiness to profess, and our resolution to adhere and stand to, this holy faith." 2 While the Creed is being sung or said, the people by uni- versal custom stand with their faces towards the East. This was the Primitive rule at every act of devotion, 3 and our 1 Particulars to be Considered, n. 48 ; Works, vol. v. p. 514. 2 Rationale, p. 40, ed. 1722. Sim. L'Estrange, Alliance, c. iii. Note W. Wheatley, ch. iii. Sect. xiv. 7. 3 Tertullian says that a suspicion arose of Christians worshipping the Sun, because it had " become known that they prayed towards the region of the East." Apol. c. xvi. So his contemporary (A.D. 192) Clemens Alex. : " Prayers are said towards the morning dawn." Strom, vii. p. 724, ed. Sylb. Origen, 230, Horn. v. in Num. 1, torn. x. p. 40. These are the earliest testimonies found ; but S. Basil, De Spir. S. c. xxvii., the authors of Qusestt. ad Orthod. inter Opp. Justin. M. n. cxviii. and of the Quaestt. ad Antioch, formerly ascribed to S. Athan. n. xxxvii., and S. John Damascene, De Fide Orthod. L. iv. c. xii., assert, and without doubt truly, that it is an Apostolical tradition. It was observed in private as well as in public prayer. S. Greg. Naz. Ep. 66, ad Philagr. torn. i. p. 824. One reason assigned was that the East is "the figure of Christ" (Tertull. c. Valent. c. iii.), who is the " Sun of Righteousness," (S. Joh. Damasc. ..) S. Aug. says, "We turn to the East, whence the heaven rises . . . that the mind may be admonished to turn to a more excellent Being (naturam), that is, to God." De Serm. Dom. L. ii. c. v. n. 18. Others more plainly, because God is the source of spiritual light as the East of the material. Quaestt. ad Antioch, M.S., S. Joh. Dam. u.s. (On the em- blems of Light and the East generally, see S. Greg. Naz. Orat. xl. prope init. Lactant. Div. Inst. L. ii. n. 9.) The author of Qu. ad Orthod. M.S., because the East is the nobler region of the heavens, and we give the best to God, Some, because Christ came in the East, ascended thence, and will come again there. Qu. ad Ant. M.S., Damasc. u.s., S. Hilary in Ps. Ixvii. (68) n. 34, Constit. App. L. ii. c. Ivii. But the reason most frequently given is, because Paradise was in the East. " We are seeking our ancient country," says S. Basil, " the Paradise which God planted in Eden, in the East." De Sp. S. M.S. ; so S. Greg. Nyss. De Orat. Dom. Horn. v. Migne, Ser. Grsec. torn. xliv. col. 1184 ; Q. ad Ant. u.s. ; Const. Ap. M.S., S. John Dam. M.S. ; Gregentii Disput. fol. 61, fa. 2; ed. 1586. Bingham, xiii. viii. xv., supposes that the custom of praying to the East arose from the practice of turning to the East in baptism, when SECT. IV.] AND LOOK TOWAED THE EAST. 237 Churches are built with the Altar at the East end to insure the observance of this ancient rite. But the question is raised, How ought the Priest to stand when saying the Nicene Creed ? Ought he to turn to the Altar or to the East ? There is no difficulty, when he is " afore the midst of the Altar," for then by the same action he turns towards both. But when he stands, as most do, at the North end of the Altar, is he then to face the East, like the people, or is he to have the Altar before him, and so to be looking towards the South ? There is great awkwardness, whichever is done. In the latter position he alone is turned in one direction, while all the other worshippers, whom he is appointed to lead, are turned in another. Nevertheless this seems the better way. The Primitive Churches, like our own, were generally built towards the East j 1 and this was supposed sufficient to give to the East that honour which the religious feeling of Chris- making covenant with. Christ (as before to the West, the emblem of darkness, when denouncing Satan) ; but the connexion between the rites is evidently that they are both founded on the same reasons. Thus S. Cyril of Jerus. : "When thou hast renounced Satan . . . the Paradise of God is opened to thee, which He planted in the East, whence also our forefather was banished for transgression." Catech. Myst. i. vi. The author De Mysteriis : " Thou turnest to the East ; for he who renounces the devil turns to Christ, beholds Him with direct gaze." C. ii. n. 7. Sim. S. Jerome, Comm. in Amos, L. iii. (c. vi.) torn. iii. col. 1431 ; Dionys. Hierarch, c. ii. Div. iii. 5. This rite is found in the ancient Greek forms for making Catechumens, etc., Goar, pp. 334, 338, 341, and is frequently mentioned by the later East- ern writers, as Elias Cretensis, 787, Comment, in Greg. Naz. Orat. xix. n. 13, ed. BilL col. 713 ; Isaac Armenus, 859, cited by Martene, L. i. c. i. Art. xii. Nicetas Serron, 1077, Comm. in Greg. Naz. Or. xl. n. 51, col. 1087, and others. Among the modern Greeks, the infant about to be baptized is held with its face towards the East; Goar, pp. 354; Smith's Greek Church, p. 111. There are notices of prayer to the East among heathens. Thus, Virg. JEu. L. viii. 1. 68, L. xii. 1. 172 ; Valer. Flacc. Argon. L. iii. 1. 437. It was probably a tradition among those whose ancestors had worshipped the sun at its rise. 1 Tertull. adv. Valent. c. iii. : " The house of our Dove . . . loves the East." Ed. Semi. vol. ii. p. 111. Constit. Apost. L. ii. c. 57 : " Let the building be longish, turned towards the East." S. Paulin. Ep. xxxii. n. 13, ad Sever, says that a Basilic which he had built "looked not, as the more uttual way was, towards the East." Socrates, Hist. Eccl. L. v. c. xxii., tells us that at Antioch the position of the Church was " reversed, for the Altar did not look towards the East, but to the West." Isidore of Seville (Etymol. L. xv. c. iv. n. 7) asserts that the " ancients " "when they built a temple looked to the East at the Equinox." From Walafr. Strabo, A.D. 840, De Reb. Eccl. c. 4, we learn that in his time "the greatest number of Churches were built in that manner." Stephen of Tournay, 1177, speaking of the Church of S. Benedict at Paris, says, that it differed from other Churches in that it ' ' looked to the West on 238 LOOKING TOWARD THE ALTAR. [CHAP. VII. tendom demanded for it. Within the Church the Altar, and not the East, was the visible centre towards which all prayer converged. 1 The East was holy, but the Altar was more holy, and prayer was said towards the Altar wherever it might be. To use the words of Bishop Sparrow : " It is fit in our prayers to look towards that part of the Church or Chancel which is the highest and chief, and where God affords His most gracious and mysterious presence ; and that is the Holy Table and Altar. . . . And therefore the Altar was usually called the Tabernacle of God's Glory, His Chair of State, the Throne of God, the type of heaven, heaven itself. As therefore the Jews in their prayers looked towards the principal part of the Temple, the Mercy-Seat, so the Christians in their prayers turned towards the principal part of the Church, the Altar, of which the Mercy-Seat was but a type." 2 In Mountagu's 3 Visitation Articles, 1638, one ques- tion put to the Churchwardens is, whether the parishioners " kneel down in their seats, bowing towards the Chancel and Communion Table ? " Towards the Altar, then, they who serve the Altar ought to direct their face in every act of de- votion, and therefore in the saying of the Nicene Creed, unless for special reasons expressly ordered to do otherwise. It may be remarked further, that as our Altars are generally placed close to or even touching the East wall, if the Cele- brant and his principal assistant, supposed to be at the North and South ends respectively, turn to the East, the effect is very awkward and unseemly. We may add that, in accordance with the principle above laid down, viz., that within the Church prayer is directed towards the Altar rather than the East, the Sarum 4 Missal the side of the Sanctuary, to the East from the entrance." Ep. Ixxxvi. ad Lucium iii. p. 127; Par. 1679. The Altar had always been at the West end. 1 There must have been many Churches in which the common rule was not observed. See last note. Eusebius, Hist. L. x. c. iv., describing a Church built at Tyre by his friend Paulinus, says that he furnished it with lofty seats for the clergy, and benches beside throughout, and lastly " set the holy of holies, the Altar, in the middle." Sidonius Apoll., A.D. 472, says of a Church at Lyons, that "with its front it looked towards the equinoctial rising of the Sun." L. ii. Ep. x. ad Hesp. So another French Church, built in the seventh century, is said to "rise from the East, being built in the form of a Cross." Mabill. de Liturg. Gallic. L. L c. viii. n. 3. In the ninth century Strabo defends those who, when build- ing a new Church or converting a heathen temple, either from choice or necessity placed the Altars towards different quarters. De Reb. Eccl. c. iv. 2 Rationale, p. 29. 3 Tit. v. n. 13, p. 66. 4 Missale, ed. Burntisland, col. 14. SECT. IV.] OF ALTARS IN THE WEST. 239 directs the Choir to " stand with their faces to the Altar [not to the East] from the beginning Credo in Unum." Everywhere in the Primitive Church, as still among the Greeks and Orientals, the seats of the Bishops and Presby- ters were against the East wall, and therefore behind the Altar. Hence the Celebrant officiated with his face towards the people. It is not known when this ceased to be the general practice ; but traces of it are still found both within and beyond the communion of Borne. " In Churches having the door on the West," observes Durandus, 1 " the Priest cele- brating Mass turns to the people at the Salutation . . . and then when about to pray turns to the East. But in Churches having doors on the East, as at Eome, there is no occasion to turn at the Salutation : the Priest celebrating in them is always standing with his face to the people." The ancient custom is also still maintained where the Altar is left in the primi- tive position. " We have many examples of these Altars," remarks Merati, 2 " in the Basilics and Churches of the City, in which the high Altars have been placed, as was done of old, in the middle of the Choir, not fixed to any wall ; in which the Celebrant does not turn his back to the Altar," in saluting, blessing, etc., as in other cases, and he explains that this is because at an Altar so placed he " already has his face towards the people." There is in fact an express provi- sion for such cases in the Eoman Missal : " If the Altar is to the East towards the people, the Celebrant having his face turned to the people does not turn his back to the Altar when he is about to say, ' The Lord be with you,' ' Pray, brethren,' ' Depart, it is Dismissal/ or when about to give a blessing." 3 SECTION V. The Creed of Constantinople. a I believe in one God the Father Almighty, Maker of heaven and earth, and of all things visible and in- visible : And in one Lord b Jesus Christ, the only-begotten Son of God, Begotten of his Father before all worlds, c God of God, d Light of Light, Very God of very God, Begotten, not made, Being e of one substance with the 1 Ration. L. v. c. ii. n. 57. 2 P. ii. tit. v. n. xiii. 3 Rit. Celebr. Miss. c. v. a. 3. Similarly, c. xii. n. 2. 240 THE CREED OF CONSTANTINOPLE. [CHAP. VII. Father, f By whom all things were made : Who for us men, and our salvation came down from heaven, And was incarnate sby the Holy Ghost h of the Virgin Mary, And was * made man, And was crucified also for us under Pontius Pilate. He J suffered and was k buried, And the third day he rose again l according to the Scriptures, And ascended into heaven, And sitteth on the right hand of the Father. And he shall come again with glory to judge both the quick and the dead : m Whose kingdom shall have no end. And n I believe in the Holy Ghost, The Lord and Giver of life, Who proceedeth from the Father P and the Son, Who with the Father and the Son together is worshipped and glorified, Who spake by the Pro- phets. And s, to make an address to the congregation, generally on some topic suggested by the Lesson that had been read. Thus Justin 1 Martyr, A.D. 140, tells us that on Sunday, after "the com- mentaries of the Apostles and the writings of the Prophets " were read, " as soon as the reader ceased, he who presided by discourse instructed and exhorted to the imitation of those excellent things," after which the holy Eucharist was celebrated. Another indication of its place occurs in Tertul- lian's enumeration of the several parts of " the solemnities proper to the Lord's Day." He is speaking of a supposed Prophetess : " As the Scriptures are read, or Psalm sung, or addresses uttered, or prayers are bidden, matter is thence supplied to her visions." 2 In the Apostolical Constitutions there is a direction that, after the reading of the Gospel, the Presbyters, one by one, but not all together, and last of all the Bishop, exhort the people." 3 According to the same book, a new Bishop, immediately on his consecration, " after the reading of the Law, and the Prophets, and the Epistles, and Acts, and Gospels," having saluted the Church with the Apostolic Benediction (2 Cor. xiii. 1 4), " addressed to the people words of exhortation." 4 A rubric in the Liturgy of S. James 5 also implies that the sermon was delivered after the reading of the Scriptures : " Then are read at great length [or rather, perhaps, consecutively] the oracles of the Old Testament, and of the Prophets, and the Incarnation of the Son of God, and His sufferings, Eesurrection from the dead, Eeturn to heaven, and Second Coming with Glory ; and this is done every day in the sacred and Divine Hierurgy; but after the reading and teaching the Deacon says," etc. (bidding the prayers of the people). S. Ambrose, 6 in the course of a narrative, says : " On the following day 97. Elsewhere he congratulates himself and his hearers on the success of euch appeals : " I rejoice and congratulate you all that ye have carried out our exhortation which I lately gave, with regard to persons not fasting, and who, for that reason, were absent ; for I think that many who have already dined are here to-day," etc. Horn. x. ad Antioch, 1 ; torn. ii. p. 124. It appears however that it was a new practice with him : " I know that many will condemn what is said, as if it brought into our life some new and strange custom." Horn. i. in Laz. 9, torn. i. p. 881. 1 Apol. i. c. 67, torn, i p. 271. 2 De Anima, c. ix. torn. iv. p. 194. 3 L. ii. c. Ivii ; Cotel. torn. i. p. 263. 4 L. viii. c. v. p. 392. 6 Assem. torn. v. p. 10 ; Lit. PP. p. 8. The word of doubtful meaning is Sie^oSiKcorara. The later Sicilian form, first printed by Assemani, speaks of an Epistle and Gospel. See p. 69. 6 Ep. xx. ad Sor. c. 4 ; torn. vi. p. 45. SECT. IV.] THE SERMON IN THE LITURGY. 273 (it was the Lord's Day), after the reading [of Scripture] and Sermon, the Catechumens being dismissed," etc. S. Augus- tine, in very many of his Sermons, refers to the Lessons as having preceded, e.g. " We have heard the first Lesson of the Apostle, This is a faithful saying, etc. . . . Then we have sung the Psalm, mutually exhorting one another, with one voice, with one heart, saying, come, let us worship, etc. After this the Gospel Lesson has shown us the Ten Lepers cleansed, etc. Let us thoroughly treat of these three Lessons, so far as we can for the time." 1 Again : " The Gospel that has only just been read . . . teaches us to understand," 2 etc. Similarly S. Cassarius : 3 " In the Lesson which has been read to us, dearly beloved brethren, we have heard that the Lord said, The kingdom of heaven is like unto ten virgins," etc. Examples might be given from many others. Accord- ing to S. Germanus, as a rule, the Eucharistic Lessons sug- gested the subject of the Sermon or Homily in the French Church : " Whatever the Prophet or Apostle or Gospel has delivered, that the Doctor or Pastor of the Church preaches to the people in a more plain discourse." 4 The earliest Roman Ordinaries do not speak of a Sermon ; but the follow- ing extract from one of great antiquity shows what the practice was when one was preached : " The Gospel being read to the end, . . . the Bishop, having received the odour of incense and kissed the Gospel, is to be led to the preach- ing by the hands of the Presbyter and Archdeacon; and while he is making a discourse to the people, let the Sub- deacon carry the Gospel about to be kissed by all in order ; but if the Bishop shall decline to preach, let him with a loud voice begin to sing, / believe," 5 etc. Leo the Great, who appears to have restored the rite of preaching (occasionally at least) at Rome, implies in one of his Paschal Sermons that his discourses were delivered after the Lessons : " The duty of our Sermon must also be added, that, as I perceive you to demand the debt of custom with pious expectation, so to the solemnity of the most holy Lesson may be subjoined the exhortation of the Priest." 6 The above extract from the Ordo Romanus implies that at Rome, even after the admis- sion of the Creed into the Liturgy, the Sermon immediately followed the Gospel. This practice is recognised by Floras 1 Serm. clxxvi. c. L torn. vii. col. 839. 2 Serm. IxxvL c. i. col. 415. See also SS. xlix. Iv. Ixi. Ixii. etc. 3 Serm. ccxxviii. in App. ad Opp. S. Aug. torn. xvi. col. 1264. 4 Printed in Le Brun, Diss. iv. Art. ii. and Martene, L. L c. iv. Art. xii. 5 Ord. vi. Mus. Ital. torn. ii. p. 73. 6 Serm. IxxiL ; De Resurr. D. ii. torn. i. col. 285. 274 THE PLACE OF THE SERMON. [CHAP. IX. Magister, a Deacon of Lyons, A.D. 837 : "Sometimes also a Sermon and address of the Masters coming before [the Pre- face, etc.], the confession of the Symbol being also subjoined." 1 Similarly Honorius of Autun, in the twelfth century, speaking of a Pontifical Mass : "After this (i.e. the Bishop's Sermon) the people sing Kyrie, eleyson, and the Clerks, / 'believe in one" 2 This has become the rule of the Church of Borne: "If there is to be preaching, let the Preacher deliver his discourse when the Gospel is finished, and when the Sermon or address be over let the Credo be said ; or if that is not to be said let the Offertory be sung." 3 The above rule, however, did not obtain in the Latin Church at once on the introduction of the Creed into the Liturgy. For a certain period, though we know not if every- where, the Sermon more properly followed the Creed, as in our own Office. This was in pursuance of the same principle, which had placed it from the beginning after the Gospel. Thus Durandus : 4 " Since the Gospel is a preaching, and the Creed is a profession of the faith, therefore after them 5 a preaching to the people takes place, the expounding, as it were, of the Word of the Gospel and the Creed, or of the Old and New Testament." The duty of preaching has been strangely neglected in various parts of the Church during long periods of time. Sozomen, 6 who wrote in the fifth century, tells us that at Rome, "neither the Bishop nor any one else teaches the people at Church." " Nor do I think," observes Valesius, 7 " that a sermon of any Roman Pontiff to the people can be 1 De Expos. Miss. 11. Martene et Durand. torn. ix. Migne, torn. cxix. col. 25. 2 Gemma, L. i. cc. 24^ 5 ; Hitt. col. 1187. Perlecto Evangelio . . . deinde Episcopus sermanem ad populum fatit. 3 Kit. Celeb. Miss. tit. vi. c. 6. 4 L. iv. c. xxvi. n. 1. 6 Post ilia. Sermons were often called Postils, and it has been conjec- tured that this arose from their coming post ilia, i.e. after the Gospel, etc. This appears to be a mistake, and certainly is very improbable. The name was first given to Biblical commentaries, the notes of which were written after the text, and was probably transferred to the oral dis- course, partly because such Sermons were often borrowed from the Postila of approved writers, and partly because they were, like them, commen- taries on holy Scripture. It does not appear that the words Post ilia were used in the MSS. as a note of distinction between the sacred text and the commentary ; so that the derivation mentioned is probably alto- gether to be rejected. Ducange in v. suggests that it may come from posta, a page. 6 Hist. Eccles. L. vii. c. xix. p. 596. 7 Annot. in Sozom. Hist. p. 123. Sim. Mabill. Comm. in Ord. Rom. p. xliii. Mus. Ital. torn. ii. SECT. IV.] PREACHING IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 275 produced before the time of Pope Leo " (A.D. 440). It would seem, however, that the example of Leo was not followed by his immediate successors ; for near the beginning of the next century Cassiodore, 1 who lived at Borne, repeats the testimony of Sozomen. Pius v. is said to have preached at Borne after a discontinuance of that office by its Bishops for above 500 years. 2 Mention of the Sermon at Celebrations of the Holy Eucharist is not common among the Mediaeval Bitualists, and the comments of most appear to exclude it altogether ; for they represent the Offertory as following the Gospel, or the Creed when that was said. Thus Micrologus : 3 " The Gospel ended, the offering is immediately to take place;" and pseudo-Hugo de S. Victore : 4 " Consider the order, the Gospel goes before, the Creed follows, then the gifts are offered." Honorius, 5 however, A.D. 1130, speaks as if it were an usual part of a Pontifical Mass : " Then (i.e. after the Gospel) the Bishop discourses to the people." In the ninth century Floras Magister, 6 as already cited, describ- ing an ordinary Celebration, says that "a Sermon and address of the Masters sometimes (nonminquam) preceded " the Preface, etc. At the Council of Limoges, 1031, some conversation took place on the duty of " preaching to the people and giving out Fasts and Litanies according to the Seasons." Some would have confined this to the Cathedral Church, but the Bishops said, " Preaching is to be diligently practised, not only in the Cathedral, but likewise throughout all the Churches." Then, after lamenting the paucity of preachers, they add, " All Priests to whom a Parish has been committed, ought to admonish the people by preaching on all Sundays and Festivals." 7 1 Hist. Tripart. L. x. c. xxxix. Opp. torn. i. p. 324 ; Venet. 1729. 2 "Paucissimivero presbyter! docendi labore defunguntur; inter Urbicos Pontifices vix unus ab A.D. 1000 ; aliquoties (si Surio singular! testi fides, Comment. Rer. in Orbe Gest.) concionatus Pius v. obstupescentem miraculi novitate Romam perculit." Blond ell, Apol. pro Sent. Hier. ii. c. xxi. obs. xvii p. 58. I cannot find this in Surius, editions 1568, 1574. 3 De EccL Obs. c. 10 ; Hitt. col. 737. Sim. pseudo-Alcuin, Amalarius, Rabanus, Honorius, etc. ; also in Hittorp. * In Spec. Eccl. c. 9 ; Hitt. col. 1353. Sim. Beleth, c. xl. xli. and Walafrid, Berno, Ivo, Rupert, Ralph of Tongres, etc. The Audis ut credos, so frequent in these writers when commenting on the Office, is applied by them to the hearing of the Gospel, not of Sermons. 5 Gemma Animse, L. i. c. 25 ; Hitt. col. 1187. 6 De Expos. Missse, 11 ; Amplissima Collectio, Martene, torn. x. p. 577. 7 Labb. torn. ix. col. 905. 276 THE HISTORY OF PREACHING [CHAP. IX. SECTION V. Preaching in the Church of England, The duty incumbent on Parish Priests of frequently preaching to their people was fully recognised in the early English Church. Thus in the Excerptions of Ecgbriht, A.D. 740, it is ordered " that on all Feasts and Lord's Days every Priest preach Christ's Gospel to the people." 1 The Canons of ./Elfric, two centuries later, order that " the Mass Priest on Sundays and Mass Days shall speak the sense of the Gospel to the people in English, and of the Paternoster and the Creed as often as he can, for the inciting of the people to know their belief and retaining their Christianity." 2 Another Canon of the same period, A.D. 960, orders " that Priests preach to the people every Sunday." 3 It is not known how far this rule was observed in the Anglo-Saxon Church ; but at a later period preaching must have been almost entirely neglected by the Curates. During the three centuries pre- ceding the Eeformation, they were required to preach only once in each quarter. In 1281 Archbishop Peckham ordered that every Priest having cure of souls should " four times in the year, that is, once a quarter, on some one or more solemn days, by himself or by some other expound to the people in the vulgar tongue, without any fantastical affectation of subtlety, the fourteen articles of faith, the Ten Command- ments of the Decalogue," 4 etc. Partly, no doubt, to give effect to this Constitution, another Canon of the same date orders that preachers coming into the parish of non-resident Priests, not keeping a Vicar, should be entertained at the Charge of the Eectors, " lest through violence of want their Churches be deservedly deserted by the preachers." 5 In 1 408 we find the authority of Peckham's Constitution still recog- nised by the Church in the Province of Canterbury. For in that year his successor, Arundel, in a Provincial Synod held at Oxford, after providing for the licensing of preachers who have been duly examined and approved, orders, as a precau- 1 No. 3 ; Johnson's Canons, P. i. p. 185. 2 Can. 23 ; Johnson, p. 397. 3 Canons of Edgar's reign, n. 52 ; Johnson, p. 422 ; Labb. ix. col. 686. 4 Can. 9 ; Johnson, P. ii. p. 283. This was the famous Constitution Ignorantia Sacerdotum. Lyndwood, L. i. tit. 1, c. 1 ; tit. 7, c. 4 ; tit. 11, c. 1, pp. 1, 42, 54. 6 Lyndwood, L. iii. tit. 4, c. 3, p. 132 ; Johnson, P. ii. p. 289. These Preachers were mostly of the Mendicant Orders, and Lyndwood limits their entertainment to necessary "meat and drink." They are not to make their preaching a pretext for " begging about the Parish, and receiving the food of several days." SECT. V.] IN THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND. 277 tion against heresy, that "parish priests and temporary vicars (not perpetual), who were not sent in form aforesaid, should only simply preach those things which are expressly contained in the Provincial Constitution (together with the usual prayers), which had been well and piously published by John of good memory, his predecessor, as a supply to the ignorance of Priests, with which words it begins." 1 In 1462 the Convocation of York adopted all the Constitutions of Canterbury " had and observed before those times," not at variance with those of the former Province; 2 and in 1466 the Constitution of Peckham was incorporated with those framed by the Synod of York, held in that year under Arch- bishop Nevile. 3 It is probable, however, that as the number of licensed itinerant preachers increased, this Canon became almost a dead letter, and that though the more zealous of the Parochial clergy might preach, 4 they were not considered bound to do so. In Bonner's Injunctions to his Clergy, 1542, there is no order for preaching ; only Curates are ordered to declare openly in the pulpit, twice every quarter, to their parishioners the " seven deadly sins and the Ten Command- ments, and all Priests are charged to " take this order when they preach. They shall not rehearse no sermons made by other men within this 200 or 300 years ; but when they preach, they shall take the Gospel or Epistle of the day, which they shall recite and declare to the people . . . and that done . . . ever}'- preacher shall declare the same Gospel or Epistle, or both, even from the beginning, not after his own mind, but after the mind of some Catholic Doctor allowed in this Church of England." 5 In a Rationale of Church rites drawn up about the same time, we read, as in so many similar expositions of a far earlier date : " Divers days, the Church (after the Gospel read) pronounces with a loud voice the Creed. . . . Then follows the Offertory;" 6 from which we may infer that no sermon was then usual at that part of Divine Service. Nevertheless in the year 1536 1 Cap. i. Johnson, P. ii. p. 460 ; Lyndwood, L. v. tit. 5, c. 1, p. 291. 2 Johnson, P. ii. p. 512. 3 C. i. Johns. .*. p. 520. * " Dr. Litchfield, Rector of All Saints, Thames Street, London [who died in 1447], left three thousand and eighty-three sermons in his own hand, and preached by him. . . . Bradly, the Suffragan Bishop of Norwich [1492], spent many years in travelling that diocese for the business of preaching ; Dr. Colet [1519], Dean of S. Paul's, constantly preached or expounded the Scripture ; and Dr. Colinwood, Dean of Lichfield, preached in that Cathedral every Sunday for many years together." Collier, Eccl. Hist. P. ii. B. iii. p. 187. 5 Burnet, Hist. Ref. P. i. B. iii. Records, No. xxvi. pp. 254, 5. c Collier, Eccl. Hist. P. ii. B. iii. p. 195. 278 THE HISTORY OF PREACHING [CHAP. IX. an attempt had been made to reinforce the old rule as to the frequency, though not as to the matter, of sermons. One of the Injunctions of Cromwell, then Commissioner for Ecclesi- astical affairs, orders the Clergy to " make, or cause to be made, in their Church, and every other cure they had, one sermon every quarter of the year at least." * They were also required every Sunday and Holy-day to recite a sentence of the Lord's Prayer, or Creed or Ten Commandments, each in their turn, and to explain them, until the people were "perfect in the same." 2 In 1547 the Injunction of Crom- well for a sermon every quarter was transcribed into those of Edward VI., and an order made that when there was no Sermon, the Clergy should, " immediately after the Gospel, openly and plainly recite to their parishioners in the Pulpit the Paternoster, the Credo, and the Ten Commandments in English, to the intent the people might learn the same by heart." 3 Another Injunction in the same code orders that " all Parsons, Vicars, and Curates shall read in their Churches every Sunday one of the Homilies which are, or shall be, set forth for the same purpose ; " 4 and the title of the First Book of Homilies (which was delivered with the Injunctions 5 to the Bishops and others at a Eoyal Visitation in 1547) is, " Certain Sermons or Homilies appointed by the King's Majesty to be declared and read by all Parsons, Vicars, or Curates every Sunday in their Churches where they have cure." 6 In January 1548 (as it appears) the Divines appointed to draw up the Order of the Communion debated (among other preliminary questions) "whether the Gospel ought to be taught at the time of the Mass to the under- standing of the people being present ?" Ten answers, all of assent, are on record, of which it will suffice to extract two. The Bishop of London, etc. : " I think it not necessary to have a sermon at every Mass, but the oftener the same is done to the edifying of the people (so that the service of their vocation be not thereby defrauded) the more it is to be com- mended." Dr. Cox : " In the Mass-time it were convenient to have some doctrines, after the example of the Primitive Church, that at the Blessed Communion the people might be edified." 7 1 Burnet, P. i. B. iii. Records, No. xi. p. 179. 2 Ibid. p. 178. 3 Docum. Ann. vol. i. p. 7. We find Cranmer and Ridley enforcing obedience to these orders at their Visitations ; ibid. pp. 51, 90. . * No. 32 ; ibid. p. 19. 6 Collier, P. ii. B. iv. p. 221 ; Strype's Cranmer, B. ii. c. ii. p. 148. 6 Ed. 1547, London, by Whitchurch. 7 Burnet, P. ii. B. i. Records, No. 25, n. 8, p. 144. SECT. V.] IN THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND. 279 The compilers of the Reformat Le.gum Ecclesiasticarum, whose labours (as they have come down to us) were com- pleted in 1552, desired that in Country Churches a Homily should on Feast-days form part of the Communion Office in the Morning, and that in the afternoon there should be catechising, then a Sermon, and after that Evensong. In City Churches, on Fasts and Sundays, Sermons were to be preached in the Morning, " and the Lord's Supper afterwards received ; " in the afternoon there was to be a Sermon in the Cathedral Church only, or some other " convenient places," which all were to attend from the neighbouring parishes. 1 In the reign of Mary, 1554, we find Bonner 2 inquiring at his Visitation whether the Clergy " having authority to preach within their cures, did use to preach, or at the least procure other lawful and sufficient persons to do the same according to the order of this realm?" Pole 3 in his Constitutions, 1555, merely affirmed the duty of Bishops and resident Curates to preach if licensed, ordered the punishment of those who neglected the duty, and promised that Homilies should be provided to be read on Sundays and other Festivals by those who were not competent to preach. He projected four books of Homilies, one of which was " for explaining the Epistles and Gospels." 4 The Visitation Articles of Pole inquire whether any preach false doctrine, but say nothing as to the frequency of preaching. 5 In 1559 it was ordered in the third Injunction of Elizabeth 6 that Parsons should "preach in their Churches, and every other cure they had, one Sermon every month of the year at the least." The next Injunction in the same Code, however, orders all Parsons to " preach in their own persons once in every quarter of the year at the least, one sermon on being licensed specially thereunto, ... or else to read some Homily prescribed to be used by the Queen's authority every Sunday at the least, unless some other preacher sufficiently licensed . . . chance to come to the parish for the purpose of preaching." In a paper of " Interpretations and further Considerations" drawn up by the Bishops for the better direction of the Clergy, these rules are thus explained: " That if the Parson be able, he shall preach in his own per- son every month ; or else shall preach by another, so that his absence be approved by the Ordinary of the Diocese, in respect of sickness, service, or study at the Universities. 1 De Div. Off. cc. 12, 6, pp. 94, 90, ed. 1851. 2 Art xvii. Doc. Ann. vol. i. p. 140. 3 Deer. iv. ibid. p. 184. 4 Ibid. Cardwell's note. 6 Art xiv. ibid. p. 204. 6 Ibid. p. 212. 280 THE ENGLISH HOMILIES. [CHAP. IX. Nevertheless, for want of able Preachers and Parsons, to tolerate them without penalty, so they preach in their own persons, or by a learned substitute, once in every three months of the year." 1 In 1562 the Second Book of Homilies appeared with a preface to the two, in which " all Parsons, Vicars, Curates, and all others having spiritual cure," are charged " every Sunday and Holy-day in the year, at the ministering of the Holy Communion, or if there be no Communion ministered that day, yet after the Gospel and Creed, in such order and place as is appointed in the Book of Common Prayer, to read and declare to their parishioners plainly and distinctly one of the said Homilies in such order as they stand in the book, except there be a Sermon." 2 The Canons of 1575 direct that " the Homilies (where no Sermon be had) be duly read in order, as they be prescribed, every Sunday and Holy-day." 3 In 1586 certain orders introduced in Convocation by Whit- gift direct the appointment of " six or seven public Preachers to preach by course every Sunday, in the parishes, within a convenient limit near adjoining to their habitations, where there is no licensed Preacher ; so that there may be in every such parish one Sermon at the least every quarter;" 4 the incumbent to entertain the Preacher, 5 and to procure some one to serve his Church on that day. In 1588 the same Prelate asks at his Visitation, whether the Clergy had " monthly Sermons in their parish Church at the least, or no ; and whether were the Homilies read, when there was no Sermon?" 6 By the Canons of 1604 " every beneficed man allowed to be a Preacher " is " in his own cure, or in some other Church or Chapel, where he may conveniently, near adjoining (where no Preacher is), to preach one Sermon every Sunday of the year." If not a licensed Preacher, he is to " procure Sermons to be preached in his cure once in every month at the least," and " upon every Sunday when there shall not be a Sermon preached in his cure, he or his Curate shall read some one of the Homilies." In 1636 Wren, then Bishop of Norwich, gave order that, " whereas Sermons were 1 Doc. Ann. vol. i. p. 236, note. 2 P. iv. ; ed. 1833. 3 Can. x. Synod, vol. i. p. 137. * No. vii. Synod, p. 564. 5 " The parties charged with the cures of the said parish shall bear the charge of the dinner and horse meat of the said Preacher." Synod, u.a. The Canons of 1571, which had the approbation of the Bishops of both Provinces, though they were not signed by the Lower House, forbid Preachers to " exact money or any reward for the Sermon ; but they shall be content with food only and simple entertainment, and lodging for one night." Synod, p. 127. See above, p. 276. 6 Art. iv. Doc. Ann. vol. ii. p. 33, see note. SECT. VI.] THE PREACHER IN THE FIRST AGES. 281 required by the Church of England only upon Sundays and Holy-days in the forenoon, and at Marriages, and were per- mitted at Burials, none should presume to take upon them to use any preaching or expounding, or to have any such lecturing at any other time, without express allowance from the Bishop." 1 A main object of this order, we may presume, was to prevent the neglect of catechising in the afternoon. "Under the 1st and 2d Viet. c. 106, 80, the Bishop is expressly authorized to order two full services, with sermon, every Sunday, in every benefice, whatever the value ; and also in any Church or Chapel of any Parish or Chapelry where a benefice comprises two or more Parishes or Chapel- ries, if the annual value is 150, and the population 400; and by the 58th Geo. in. c. 45, 65, the Bishop may order a Third Service on the Sunday in any Church or Chapel where there would not otherwise be sufficient accommodation for the Parishioners, and may appoint a Curate for that purpose, and provide for the payment of his stipend." 2 SECTION VI. Of the Preacher in the Early Church. I. In the early Church preaching was considered an espe- cial, though not exclusive, function of the Bishop. Thus the Council of Laodicsea (probably about 365), while prescribing the order of Divine Service, speaks as if Bishops only preached : " After the Discourses of the Bishops the Prayer of the Catechumens is to be performed." 3 The Council of Valentia, A.D. 524, implies the some thing: "We have decreed . . . that the Holy Gospels be read before the Illa- tion of the Gifts in the Mass of the Catechumens, ... in order that not the Faithful only, but the Catechumens also, and the Penitents, and all who are of a different standing, may hear the salutary precepts of our Lord Jesus Christ or the Sermons of the Bishop. 4 For so we know for certain that some have been drawn to the faith by hearing the preaching of the Bishops." 5 In 585, a King of the Franks exhorts the Bishops of his realm " to endeavour by frequent preaching to amend the people intrusted to them by the pro- vidence of God," adding that " the business of preaching belongs specially to them." 6 The Council in Trullo, A.D. 691, 1 No. xxiii. Doc. Ann. vol. ii. p. 257. 2 The Clergyman's Legal Handbook, by J. M. Dale, p. 9; Lond. 1859. 3 Can. xix. Panel, torn. i. p. 461. 4 Sacerdotis, as at that period ; see before, p. 160, and Ducange in v. 6 Pontificum. Can. i. Labb. torn. iv. col. 1617. 6 Capit. Reg. Franc, torn. i. col. 9, 10. 282 PREACHING BY PRESBYTERS. [CHAP. IX. orders that " those who preside over the Churches do every day, but especially on the Lord's Days, teach the words of Religion to all the clergy and the people;" 1 upon which Balsamon observes that " the Bishops are appointed teachers of the Churches." 2 II. In pursuance of this principle, when a Presbyter preached it was by commission from the Bishop, and as his deputy. In the East, the Bishop always preached, even though one or more Presbyters preceded : " Then let the Presbyters exhort the people, one by one, but not all together, and the Bishop last of all." 3 This is the rule of the Constitutions. Some Homilies of S. Chrysostom preached at Antioch bear on the face of them evidence of their having been followed by a discourse from his Bishop. Thus he says, " Let it now be the time for me to be silent, that it may be the time for the master to speak" 4 (alluding to Eccl. iii. 7). "Having said one thing more, I will end the discourse, yielding the greater matters to our common master." 6 In Africa, how- ever, Presbyters were not allowed to preach in the presence of their Bishop before the time of S. Augustine. Valerius, his Bishop, was a Greek, and but little acquainted with the language of his flock ; which led him to give S. Augustine " authority to preach the Gospel and to expound very fre- quently before himself in Church, contrary to the use and custom of the African Churches, . . . and afterwards, when the fame of this had spread abroad, some Presbyters, the good example having been set, being authorized by the Bishops, began to expound the Word of God to the people in their presence." 6 In S. Augustine's case at least, the Bishop did not preach at the same time. At Alexandria, after the rise of the Arian heresy, the founder of which was a Pres- byter, it became a rule that none but Bishops should preach ; 7 and this probably extended throughout the Patriarchate. On the other hand, at the Council of Ancyra 8 in Galatia, A.D. 315, we find preaching already reckoned among the ordinary duties of the Presbyter. Those of that order who had sacri- ficed in a time of persecution, but afterwards repented, were to be still reputed Presbyters, but forbidden " to offer and 1 Can. xix. Pand. torn. i. p. 177. 2 Pand. u.s. p. 178. 3 Apost. Const. L. ii. c. Ivii. Cotel. torn, i. p. 263. 4 Horn. ii. in illud Vldi Dominum, torn. vi. p. 128. 6 Horn, in Diem Nat. D. N. J. C. 6, torn. ii. p. 427. 6 Vita, Auct. Possidio, c. v. Opp. torn. xv. col. 762. 7 Sozom. Hist. Eccl. L. vii. c. xix. p. 596. 8 Can. i. Pand. torn. i. p. 373. SECT. VI.] PREACHING BY DEACONS. 283 preach or perform any part whatever of their priestly func- tions." Later in the same century (A.D. 394), S. Jerome 1 complains of it as a bad custom that in some Churches Presbyters were silent in the presence of their Bishops, and mentions it as an honour to S. Epiphanius, that while only " a Presbyter of a Monastery he was heard by Eutychius," the Bishop. III. Deacons were always expected to labour more than laymen for the conversion of the heathen and the edification of believers. Thus S. Ignatius, 2 A.D. 107, speaks of two Deacons who " served" him while a prisoner " in the Word of God." S. Cyprian, 3 A.D. 250, writing to some lay confessors with whom he had reason to find fault, says : " I had sup- posed that the Presbyters and Deacons, who are there, admo- nished and taught you most fully respecting the law of the Gospel, as hath been always done in time past under our predecessors, viz., that the Deacons going to the prison should control the desires of the martyrs by their counsels and the precepts of Scripture." In one of the Apostolical Canons 4 good Deacons are classed with good Bishops and Presbyters as " preachers of religion." We read that during the great persecution in Persia, A.D. 420-450, the King, at the request of the Koman Ambassador, offered to release a Deacon named Benjamin if he would promise " not to offer the Christian doctrine to any of the magicians ;" 5 a condition with which he refused to comply. Hilary, 6 the Commen- tator on the Epistles of S. Paul (before 384), who was him- self a Deacon, speaks thus : " The Evangelists [mentioned Eph. iv. 11] are Deacons, as Philip was. Although they are not Priests, yet can they preach the Gospel sine cathedrd, as did also the blessed Stephen and Philip aforenamed." He thinks that at first they (and all who had that special gift) went beyond this : " That the people might increase and multiply, it was allowed to all at the beginning both to preach the Gospel and to baptize and to explain the Scrip- tures in Church." After showing the necessity of more strin- gent rules for the preservation of order, when things had settled down, he adds : " Hence it is that Deacons do not now preach in [the congregation of] the people." It was 1 Ep. xxxiv. ad Nepotian. torn. iv. coL 262 ; and Ep. xxxviii. ad Pam- mach. col. 308. 2 Ad Philad. c. xi. torn. ii. p. 394 ; ed. Jacobs. 3 Ep. xv. p. 33. 4 Cod. Can. Eccl. Prim. Can. xxxiii. Bever. torn. i. p. 46; Oxon. 1848. 6 Theodoret. Eccl. Hist. L. v. c. xxxix. p. 247. 6 Comm. in Eph. iv. 11, 12. App. Opp. S. Ambr. torn. vii. p. 283. 284 OF THE PREACHER IN THE LATER [CHAP. IX. however in the power of the Bishop to permit it, as is clearly implied in the rebuke addressed by Vigilius 1 of Eome, A.D. 540, to some Deacons who had preached without license : " Ye have moreover done through a detestable pride things which are not read of, and which men of your order have not at any time presumed to do without the command of their own Bishop, claiming for yourselves autho- rity to preach against all custom or Canons." As an exam- ple of such a license, we may mention S. Vincent of Saragossa, A.D. 304, whose Bishop, having an impediment in his speech, employed him in preaching as his own substitute. 2 Gregory the Great preached while yet a Deacon, and availed himself of his powers in a remarkable manner during the vacancy that preceded his elevation to the See of Eome. 3 SECTION VII. Of the Licensed Preachers of the Church of England. The Mediaeval rule was that a Bishop could preach with- out license anywhere, " even in the Diocese of another ;" that clergy in lower preferment could preach " in their own cures, though they were only Deacons." Masters in Theo- logy were so far authorized that they could preach for the occasion with no other license than that of the Curate of the Church. Deacons and others not preferred could only preach by special license or delegation from the Bishop ; and when sent by the Bishop, or proposing of themselves to preach in any Parish, they were " actually to exhibit the license itself to the Eector or Vicar of the place." Without this none but the Curate could preach " either in the Church or out of it." The chief Preachers of those days were the Friars, who were at first all subject to the above law. At length, however, a general license was granted to the Dominicans and Francis- cans, and the privilege inserted in the body of the Common Law ; but the Augustinians and Carmelites were still obliged to sue for it individually. 4 It is probable that in the course of time these restrictions had become relaxed in practice; but, if so, they were re- inforced, and with great rigour, in the reign of Henry vm. In 1536 that King, by his Commissioner Cromwell, forbade the beneficed Clergy to permit any one to preach within their benefices or cure but such as should appear unto them to be 1 Labb. Cone. torn. v. col. 554. 2 Tillemont, Mem. Eccl. tit. S. Vine. Act. i. torn. v. p. 93. 3 Vita Job. Diac. L. i. cc. xli.-xliii. S. Greg. Opp. torn. i. coll. 15, 16. 4 Lyndwood, L. iii. tit. 4, c. Prceterea, N. Prcedicant, p. 133; and L. v. tit. 5, c. Reverendissimce, Nn. Auctorizatus est et seq. p. 289. SECT. VII.] AGES OF THE CHURCH. 285 sufficiently licensed thereunto by the King's Highness, the Archbishop of Canterbury, or the Bishop of the Diocese." 1 The prohibition is repeated, with the addition of the ancient rule for the exhibition of the license, in Bonner's Injunctions of 1542 : " No Parson, Vicar, Curate, or other Priest having cure of souls .... shall from henceforth permit . . . any manner of person under the degree of a Bishop to preach or to make any Sermon or collation openly to the people within their Churches, Chapels, or elsewhere within their cures, unless he that shall so preach have obtained before special license in that behalf of our Sovereign Lord the King, or of me, Edmund, Bishop of London. . . . And the same license so obtained he shall then and there really bring forth in writing under seal, and show to the said Parson, Vicar, Curate, or Priest before the beginning of his Sermon." 2 With- out naming them, these Injunctions set aside the special privilege of the Dominicans and Franciscans, who, although their houses were dissolved, were still numerous, and must otherwise have imposed a great restriction on preaching in many parts of the country. The Injunction of Cromwell was renewed 3 among those of Edward vi., 1547. In February 1548, a proclamation appeared which allowed licenses to be given by " the King, the King's Visitors, the Archbishops or the Bishops within their respective Dioceses. In the procla- mation of the 24th of April this power of licensing was given exclusively to the King, to the Protector, and the Archbishop of Canterbury." 4 On the 13th of May a Letter was addressed by the Council to the preachers so licensed, directing them " in their sermons to confirm and approve" whatsoever had been " abolished, taken away, reformed, and commanded," and to labour " to reduce the people ... to obedience and following of such orders." " But disturbances still continued ; and another proclamation, bearing date Sept. 23d in the same year, and referring to the previous pro- clamation of April 24th, cancelled the licenses, of whatever kind, previously given, and prohibited all preaching for the future, until one uniform order should be had throughout the realm." 5 Only the Homilies were to be read. 6 "So that now no Bishop might license any to preach in his own diocese ; nay, nor might preach himself without license ; so 1 Burnet, P. i. Rec. B. iii. n. xi. p. 180. 2 Ibid. n. xxvi. p. 256. 3 No. 10, Doc. Ann. vol. i. p. 10. 4 Cardwell, D. A. vol. i. p. 63, note. . 6 Cardw. ibid. 6 Doc. Ann. vol. i. p. 71. 286 THE ENGLISH PREACHER [CHAP. IX. I have seen," says Strype, 1 " licenses to preach granted to the Bishop of Exeter, an. 1551, and to the Bishops of Lin- coln and Chichester, an. 1552." After the death of Edward all Bishops and Curates were again required to preach to their subjects, if able, " according to the rules of the sacred Canons;" 2 and others could, as before, obtain a license to preach either from the Pope or the ordinary. 3 On the accession of Elizabeth, 1558, all preach- ing was again forbidden, by a proclamation dated Dec. 27, "until consultation might be had." 4 By the Injunctions of 1559, "all ecclesiastical persons having cure of souls" were required to preach, " being licensed specially thereunto," or else read one of the prescribed Homilies " every Sunday at the least," and they were to " admit no man to preach within any of their cures but such as should appear unto them sufficiently licensed by the Queen's Majesty, or the Arch- bishop of Canterbury, or the Archbishop of York, in either their provinces, or the Bishop of the Diocese, or the Queen's Majesty's Visitors." 5 The Bishops objected 6 to this power being given to the Visitors, and it was soon withdrawn. 7 In 1560, at the end of the "Admonition" concerning the de- grees within which Marriages are lawful, then hung up in the Churches, was appended a notice that it was forbidden for " any under the degree of Master of Art to preach or expound the Scripture." 8 In October of the year following we find Parker, when requiring a return of the resident Clergy, asking "which of them (being already licensed to preach) do preach accordingly." 9 In 1571 the Upper House lEccl. Mem. vol. ii. P. i. p. 142 ; quoted by Cardwell, u.s. p. 63. 2 Convocation, Jan. 21, 1557, renewed and enlarged the old Provincial Constitution of Arundel before cited (De Haeret. c. Beverendissimce), ordaining that no secular or regular should preach except in his own Church, even though authorized to preach by the written law or special privilege, unless examined and approved by the Archbishop or Bishop. Acts and Proceedings, Synod, p. 471. 3 Constit. Legat. Poli. ; Deer. iv. Doc. Ann. vol. i. p. 184. 4 Doc. Ann. u.s. p. 208. 6 Nn. iv. viii. D. A. u.s. pp. 213, 5. 6 See their remarks, D. A. u. s. p. 236, note ; or Strype's Annals, ch. 17, vol. i. p. 213. 7 It was inserted in their commission, June 24, 1559 (D. A. w.s. p. 253), but the licenses of the Preachers so authorized were revoked by a resolute act of the Bishops ; the first of their " Resolutions and Orders taken by common consent," in 1560, "unless it were the year before," being " that the license given for preaching by the late Visitors-General be no longer in force." Strype's Annals, ch. 17, vol. i. p. 220. 8 Strype's Parker, B. ii. ch. 3, p. 88. 9 Doc. Ann. vol. i. p. 309. SECT. VII.] SINCE THE EEFORMATION. 287 of Convocation, assembling on the 3d of April, ordered that before September the Bishops should demand the licenses of all Preachers, and either suspend or annul them, and then make a fresh selection and issue new faculties. 1 At the same time the old rule was again affirmed that " none, with- out permission of his Bishop, should preach publicly in his own parish, or presume to preach beyond his own ministry and Church, unless he should have received authority so to preach either from the Queen's Majesty throughout the realm, or from an Archbishop throughout his Province, or from a Bishop in his Diocese." 2 By the Constitution of 1575, passed by both Houses, and published by the Queen's authority, all licenses then in force were again recalled, and a fresh issue made. 3 By the Orders of Convocation, 1586, " every Minister having cure, and being under the degrees of Master of Arts and Bachelor of Law, and not licensed to be a public Preacher," was ordered to " provide a Bible and Bullinger's Decads in Latin or English, and a paper book, and every day read over one chapter of the Holy Scripture, and note the principal contents thereof briefly in his paper book, and every week read over one Sermon in the said Decads, and note likewise the chief matters therein con- tained in the said paper, and once in every quarter . . . show his said note to some Preacher near adjoining, to be assigned for that purpose." 4 Masters of Arts and Bachelors of Law having cure and not having a faculty to preach, if within six months after admonition by their Ordinary they did not duly obtain one, were " tied to the same exercises until they were found meet, and licensed to be Preachers." 5 The restraint on preaching which was thought necessary in Elizabeth's reign was continued under her successor. The Canons of 1 604 decree " that no person whatsoever, not examined and approved by the Bishop of the Diocese, or not licensed [by the Archbishop or Bishop or by one of the two Universities 6 ] for a sufficient or convenient Preacher, shall take upon him to expound in his own cure or elsewhere any scripture or matter of doctrine, but shall only study to read plainly and aptly (without glossing or adding) the Homilies already set forth or hereafter to be published." 7 The same code orders strange Preachers to show their licenses to the Minister and Churchwardens, and to write their name (with Synod, p. 112. 2 Ibid. p. 126. 3 Ibid. p. 136. Ibid. p. 562. 5 Ibid. p. 563. 6 Can. 36. 7 Can. 49. 288 THE HISTORY AND AUTHORITY [CHAP. IX. date) and the name of the Bishop who licensed them, in a book to be provided for that purpose. 1 In this reign Bishops permitted their Chancellors, Officials, and Commissaries to license Preachers, but the practice was forbidden by the King 2 in 1622. In the Canons of 1640 it is provided that in patents given to Chancellors, etc., the Bishops reserve to themselves " the power of institution into benefices, as also of giving licenses to preach or keep school." 3 Similarly at the Restoration the King, in certain directions concerning Preachers, prohibited the grant of licenses " by any Chan- cellor, Official, Commissary, or other secular person, who are presumed not to be so competent judges in matters of this nature." 4 In 1706 Johnson intimates that "the occasion of those Canons " which forbade Ministers not Preachers to ex- pound, and obliged them to procure monthly sermons, " was now taken away," on which account the " Bishops did wholly and justlyforbear to put that [prohibitory] Canon in execution, and every Priest was permitted to preach at least in his own cure, as he might and ought to do by the old Canon Law, by the Charge given him at his ordination, and by the very nature of his office." 5 Archdeacon Sharp, A.D. 1 744, conceived that the modern usage rests on a general tacit dispensation of all or most of the Ordinaries in the kingdom with one accord, and, as it were, with one voice agreeing (a particular case, perhaps, or two excepted) to a relaxation, or rather a temporary suspension, of all those Canon laws about licenses for preaching;" and he mentions several reasons which lead him to regard this dispensation or suspension as " highly justifiable." 6 SECTION VIII. The Homilies. c THE HOMILIES.] The first Book of Homilies was pub- lished on the 31st of July 1547, before the Injunctions of the same year, and nearly two years before the First Book of Common Prayer. At the end was a note, 7 containing a pro- mise of more : " Hereafter shall follow Sermons of Fast- ing, Praying, Almsdeeds, etc. After the Creed ended shall 1 Cann. 50, 2. 2 Doc. Ann. voL ii. p. 203. 3 Can. xi. ; Syn. p. 409. 4 Doc. Ann. voL ii. p. 309. 5 Vade Mecum, vol. i. p. 48, 3d ed. 6 On the Rubrics and Canons, Disc. ix. p. 195. 7 This is still printed at the end of the First Book. SECT. VII L] OF THE ENGLISH HOMILIES. 289 follow the Sermon or Homily, or some portion of one of the Homilies, as they shall be hereafter divided." A second edition appeared in August 1549, a few months after the publication of 1 B. E. In this the Homilies were divided x as they are now, and the Eubric of 1552 accordingly omitted the reference to division, but it refers, like the present, to Homilies " hereafter to be set forth by [common] authority." It is probable indeed that the promised Second Book of Homilies was at that time in course of preparation, 2 and that its publication was deferred by the King's death. The Prayer-Book and Injunctions of Elizabeth repeat the order and the reference to future Homilies ; while the Bishops' " Interpretation " of the latter suggests that " Homilies be made of those arguments which be showed in the Book of Homilies [i.e. enumerated in the note cited above], or others of some convenient arguments, as of the Sacrifice of the Mass, of the common prayer to be in English, that every particular Church may alter and change the public rites and ceremonies of their Church, keeping the substance of the faith inviolably, with such like ; and that these be divided to be made by the Bishops, every Bishop two, and the Bishop of London to have four." 3 This " Second Part of Homilies," or " Second Book," as it is styled in the 35th Article of Eeligion, appeared in 1562. The last Sermon, against "Wilful Eebellion, 4 was added in 1571. Erom the fact that the Canons of 1604, and the Eubric of 1662, still speak of " the Homilies already set forth or hereafter to be published," it may be inferred that these two Books of Homilies were not then considered final. The Homilies on Salvation, Faith, and Good Works are ascribed to Cranmer, those on the Misery of all Mankind and on Christian Love and Charity to Bonner and his Chap- lain, that on Adultery to Becon, and that against Contention and Brawling to Latimer. 5 None of the Homilies in the Second Book can be attributed to their authors with any 1 The title-page tells us that they are "newly imprinted in Parts, according as is mentioned in the Book of Common Prayers, " which clause was retained in the edition of 1560. See Strype's Parker, B. ii. c. 3, p. 85. 2 Inj. xxvi. Doc. Ann. vol. i. p. 224. 3 Ibid. p. 237, note. * Compare the Articles of Religion 1562 and 1571 (Synod, pp. 70, 104 ; Art. 35) with the Constitutions of the latter year, Curabunt ut . . . Sacra} Homilise, atque Homilise quae nuper scriptae sunt contra Rebellionem si at in singulis Ecclesiis. Ibid. p. 123. 5 Short's Church History, 412, Note; Stephens on the B. C. P. vol. ii. p. 1163 ; Hardwick, Hist, of Reform, ch. iv. p. 211, note. T 290 OF THE EARLY USE OF [CHAP. IX. certainty, though Jewell is said to have had a great share in the work of compiling it. 1 "The revising and finishing" of the Book of Homilies, " with a Second Part," is also ascribed by Strype to Parker " and the other Bishops." 2 With regard to the authority of the Homilies, the 35th Article affirms that they " contain a godly and wholesome doctrine, and necessary for these times," i.e. for the latter half of the sixteenth century. Those who sign the Article must therefore believe that their general teaching is good and pious, and that their controversial parts were usefully directed against the errors of that period. This belief is of course compatible with a knowledge of the existence of blemishes in them. It seems, observes Cosin, " that the authors of the Homilies wrote them in haste, and the Church did wisely to reserve this authority of correcting them, and setting forth others, for they have many scapes in them in special, though they contain in general many wholesome lessons for the people, in which sense our Ministers do sub- scribe unto them, and in no other." 3 SECTION IX. Of the earlier Use of Homilies prepared by others. The custom of delivering Homilies composed by another may be traced from a very early period down to the time of the Keformation. S. Augustine, 4 A.D. 396, speaks as if it were a common practice in his day : " There are some in truth who have a good delivery, but have not ability to com- pose what they are to deliver. But if they borrow from others what is eloquently and wisely written, and commit it to memory, and produce it to the people, supposing their office such, they are not acting dishonestly." He points out the advantage of many being thus brought under the same sound teaching, and argues that if the Preacher lives up to the doctrine which he preaches, so that no false profession is implied, he makes it his own : " Verbum Dei non est ab eis alienum, qui obtemperant ei." Isidore 5 of Pelusium, 412, composed a Homily to be delivered by his friend Dorotheus, whose praise he declines, when the Preacher congratulated him on the applause with which it had been received. S. Cyril of Alexandria, his contemporary, is said by Gennadius 6 1 Burnet on the Articles, Pref. p. ix. ; Lond. 1837. 2 Life of Parker, B. ii. c. 13, p. 128. 3 Works, vol. v. p. 93. To similar effect Bingham, The French Church's Apology, B. ii. c. xi. Burnet on Art. 35, p. 492. 4 De Doctr. Christ. L. iv. 62, torn. iii. col. 118. 5 Epp. L. iii. E. ccclxxxii, ed. Possin. p. 403. 6 De Vir. Illustr. c. Ivii. in Fabric. Bibloth. Eccl. p. 27. SECT. IX.] HOMILIES COMPOSED BY OTHERS. 291 to have composed very many Homilies, which, adds that author (A.D. 495), are committed to memory by the Greek Bishops for delivery. The same author relates that Salvian of Marseilles, whom he styles " the Master of Bishops," made " many Homilies for Bishops ; " l that is, for their use in preaching. Some of the Dictiones Sacrae of Ennodius, Bishop of Ticino, 511, appear on the face of them to have been preached by some other than the author, as might be inferred also from the titles prefixed to two : " Sent to Honoratus, Bishop of Novara, at the Dedication of the Basilica of the Apostles ; " " Given to Stephanus ... to be pronounced by Maximus the Bishop." 2 The Second Council of Vaison, A.D. 529, ordered that if the Presbyter was unable to preach from sickness, " the Homilies of the Holy Fathers should be recited by the Deacons." 3 So Ceesarius of Aries, who died in 542, is said to have composed Homilies, which the Bishops in France, in the Gauls, in Italy also, and in Spain, etc., to whom he sent them, might cause to be preached in their Churches. 4 It seems indeed to have been quite a recognised practice in France, even when illness or old age did not in- capacitate the preacher. Thus in the Expositio Brevis of S. Germanus, 555, after speaking of the Prophecy, Epistle, and Gospel, the author proceeds to the Sermon: "But the Homilies of the Saints, which are read, are put in the place of the preaching only, that whatever precept the Prophet, etc., has given, this the Doctor, or Pastor of the Church, may ex- pound with clearer utterance." 5 Near the close of the eighth century, Paul the Deacon, at the instance of Charlemagne, compiled a series of Homilies for all the festivals, from the Fathers, for the use of the French clergy, 6 to which the Emperor prefixed an Epistle. In 813 the Council of Eheims, under the same Prince, ordered the Bishops to " preach Ser- mons and Homilies of the holy Fathers, according to the [dialectic] peculiarity of language [in their dioceses], so that all might understand." 7 In the same year the Third Council of Tours 8 ordained that " every Bishop should have Homilies containing needful admonitions for the use of those under 1 As in last note, c. Ixvii. p. 31. 2 Ferrar. De Eitu Cone. L. ii. c. xiv. p. 207. 3 Can. ii. Labb. torn. iv. col. 1670. * Vita, L. i. a Cypriano, c. 31 ; Acta, S. O. Bened. torn. i. p. 645. 6 Martene, L. i. c. iv. Art. xii. 6 They are extant, and several editions have been printed, the earliest at Spires, 1482. They were furnished with a preface by Charlemagne, which may be seen in Mabillon's Analecta Vetera, p. 75, ed. 1723. 7 Can. xv. Labb. torn. vii. col. 1253. 8 Can. xvii. Labb. torn. vii. col. 1259. 292 HOMILIES COMPOSED BY OTHERS [CHAP. IX. them, and that each should endeavour to translate the said Homilies clearly into the rustic Eoman or German tongue, so that all might more easily understand the things spoken." The early English Church had similarly a collection of Homilies in Anglo-Saxon proper for every season, partly composed, but chiefly compiled, by jElfric, 1 probably the Archbishop of York, from 1023 to 1051. . John Beleth, 1162, enumerates five "Books of Lessons" used in the Services of the Church : the Bible, the Passion- arius (containing narratives of Martyrdoms), the Legendarius (containing the Acts of Saints), the Homelionarius, and the Sermologus. 2 The Homelionarius, or Homiliarius as it is called by Durandus (1286), who here follows and enlarges on Beleth, is said by the latter to have contained the Homilies of the Saints and to have been read " on Sundays, and on the Nativity, and on Saints' Days that had a proper Gospel, and at Easter and Whitsuntide." The Sermologus, the same writer tells us, was a compilation of " Sermons which Popes and many other Saints had composed. It was read on the Eeasts of Confessors, from Christmas to the Octave of the Epiphany, at the Purification of B. M., on All Saints' Day, and many others." 3 In some Churches the present practice of uniting the Lessons and Offices in one book called the Breviary, 4 appears 1 See the Preface to Mr. Thorpe's edition of the Homilies of the A. S. Church (Lond. 1844), and ^Elfric's own Prefaces to each Book. 2 Div. Off. Explic. c. Ix. 3 Ration. L. vi. c. i. nn. 28, 32. He adds the Lectionary or Book of Lessons from Holy Scripture ; which, one may infer from the omission of Beleth, was not considered essential when the Church possessed a copy of the Bible. 4 Micrologus, 1160 (De Eccles. Observ. c. 54), says that on the Satur- day after Easter the Gospel was Gum esset sero down to Thomas autem [i.e. S. Joh. xx. 19-24] as the Breviaries of the Gospel still witness." So again (c. 28) he says that the Gospel for Saturday in Whitsun Week was Egressus Jew [S. Matt. xxiv. 1 1], as we also find it ordered in the old Breviaries." From these passages we may perhaps infer that such Brevi- aries were tables of the Gospels, identified by their beginnings and end- ings. A MS. was long preserved at Monte Cassino, written about 1100, the title of which runs thus : " Incipit Breviarium, sive Ordo Officioruin per totam anni decursionem." It contains only the Rubrics of the Offices and other ritual directions, from which fact Quesnel concludes that (as indeed the word itself suggests) a Breviary was at first only an Ordinal or Directory of Divine Service (the English Pie), and not, as afterwards, a book of Offices in full. Ducange in v. In England it was generally called Portiforium (Portfory, Porttiary, Porteau, Portuis, etc.), "eoquod foras facile portari possit," as Ducange and others think. We read of a portiforium plenarlum (A.D. 1295) in the Treasury of S. Paul's (Ducange, from Dugdale). Probably the Portiforium parvum in the will of Bishop SECT. IX.] USED IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 293 to have commenced before the time of Durandus. A Synod of Worcester in 1240 enumerates as necessary to the Ser- vices of the Church only a " Missal, Breviary, Antiphonary, Gradual, Tropary, Manual, Psalter, and Ordinal;" 1 among which it is obvious that the Breviary alone would contain any but the Eucharistic Lessons. In the same century, how- ever, we find that in England at least the several " books of Lessons" mentioned by Beleth were frequently collected, with some variety of selection and arrangement, into one great Lesson-Book, as it might be called, which took the name of Legenda. Thus a Provincial Council of York in 1250 orders the following books to be provided by the Par- ishioners for use in every Church : " A Legend, an Anti- fhonary, Gradual, Psalter, Tropary, Ordinal, Missal, Manual." 2 n 1287 a Synod of Exeter orders " a good Missal, a Gradual, Tropary, a good Manual, a Legend, Antiphonal, Psalters, Ordinal, Venitary, Hymnary, Collectary." 3 So in 1305, a Provincial Council of Canterbury, held at Merton near Oxford, under Archbishop Winchelsey, declares the Parishioners bound to find "a Legend, Antiphonary, Gradual, Psalter, Tropary, Ordinal, Missal, Manual." 4 Lyndwood, A.D. 1422, commenting on this Constitution, says that the Legenda is " a book in which are written the Lessons to be read in the Matin Offices;" 5 which, he explains, are sometimes taken from Holy Scripture, sometimes from Sermons, as of SS. Maxi- mus, Augustine, etc. ; sometimes from Homilies of approved Doctors, etc. The Exeter Legenda, given to the Cathedral by Bishop Grandison, who was consecrated in 1327 and died in 1369, is still preserved in the Exchequer Chamber of that Church. It is in three parts. " The first part contains what- ever is read from the Bible ; . . . the second part contains Sermons and Homilies ; " the third (in a second volume) pas- Langley, 1436, was one upon the older plan, i.e. more properly a Bre- viary, indicating Lessons, etc., but not giving them ; while the Portifo- rium Magnum of the Priory of Durham, 1446, was " plenarium." Maskell, Monum. Ritual, vol. i. p. Ixxxviii. The earliest use of the word seems to be in the Hist. Monast. Croyland of Ingulphus, L. i. Script, post Bedam, p. 907 : " He restored to our Monastery . . . one Portfory of the Use of our Church, and one Missal ; " but the writer does not say what it contained. 1 Wilkins, Cone. torn. i. p. 666, De Ornamentis. 2 Wilkins, u.s. p. 698 ; Johnson, vol. i. p. 176. 3 Cap. xii. Wilkins, torn. ii. p. 139. 4 Lyndwood, L. iii. tit. 27. Ut Parochiani, p. 251. Wilkins, torn. ii. p. 280, omits " Manual ; " but it is given by Spelman, torn. ii. p. 431, and Johnson, vol. i. p. 318, where see note. 6 Ibid. v. Legendam. 294 LIBER FESTIVALIS AND POSTILS. [CHAP. IX. sages from the Lives and Martyrdoms of Saints. 1 Copies of the Legenda of Salisbury, printed in 1518 in folio, may be seen in the University Libraries of Oxford and Cambridge. These Homilies and Sermons were in Latin, though it was undoubtedly intended at first, as the Councils above cited testify, that the reader should translate them to the people. How long and to what extent this was done I do not know ; but it is clear that so large a supply of written matter for authorized public use must have contributed greatly to the decay of original preaching, whether in Latin or English. In 1281, Archbishop Peckham, as we have seen, provided a short Homily in English for the use of the Parochial Clergy four times in the year, which apparently they might either read as it was given or employ as a model. 2 Nearly two centuries later, in 1466, this form was adopted in the Pro- vince of York. 3 In 1483 a book of English Homilies was printed under the title of Liber Festivalis, but not by autho- rity. It contained Homilies for eveiy Festival in the year, and Four Sermons 4 for the quarters, as ordered by Peckham. Other editions appeared in the years 1497 and 1511. To- wards the end of the reign of Henry vm. (viz., in 1540) appeared " The Epistles and Gospels, with a brief Postil on the same, . . . drawn forth," as the title-page declares, " by divers learned men for the singular commodity of all good Christian persons, and namely of Priests and Curates." The editor was Eichard Taverner, the King's Clerk of the Signet, who, as he states in the Advertisement prefixed to the Winter Part, not only " perused and recognised " what was " delivered him of certain godly persons for that purpose and intent," but " such sermons or homilies as seemed to want he sup- plied partly with his own industry and partly with the help of other sober men, who were better learned than himself." 5 With them are Sermons on the Passion and Eesurrection, 1 Title as given by Mr. Maskell, who describes it ; Monum. Hit. vol. i. Diss. p. xxiv. 2 Johnson, P. ii. p. 283. 3 Ibid. p. 520. 4 These Quatuor Sermones are on the Lord's Prayer, the Creed, the Ten Commandments, the Seven Sacraments, the Seven Deeds of Mercy, the Seven Deadly Sins, and on Repentance. At the end is " The General Sentence," or " Articles of the Sentence of Cursing " (the original of our Commination) also ordered to be used " four times by the year." The form of Excommunication in this Office is in Latin. All the rest of the book is in English. It ends with "The Bedes on the Sonday." Several copies of the Liber Festivalis of different editions are preserved in the British Museum, the Cambridge University, and other Libraries. 5 The Postils of Taverner have been reprinted by Dr. Cardwell ; Oxf. 1841. The other writers are not known. SECT. X.] THE DRESS OF THE PREACHER. 295 one for Rogation Week, Sermons for a Wedding and a Bury- ing, and the Athanasian Creed. There are certain Injunctions extant, issued in 1542 by the Bishop of London, and supposed to have been common in substance to all the Bishops of that time, in which it is prescribed that " All Priests shall take this order when they preach : first, they shall not rehearse no Sermons made by other men within this 200 or 300 years ; but when they shall preach they shall take the Gospel or Epistle which they shall recite, and declare to the people plainly, distinctly, and sincerely from the beginning to the end thereof, and then to desire the people to pray with them for grace, after the usage of the Church of England now used ; and that done, we will that every preacher shall declare the same Gospel or Epistle, or both, from the beginning, not after his own mind, but after the mind of some Catholic doctor allowed in this Church of England, and in nowise to affirm anything but that which he shall be ready always to show in some ancient writer." 1 Strictly understood, this order forbade Priests not specially licensed to preach their own Sermons, and was probably intended to suggest the use of the Postils then lately published, which professed to be in accordance " with the mind and sentence of the ancient Doctors." 2 In 1555 the Synod under Pole ordered that Homilies should be com- posed for the use of "Rectors and Vicars not skilled in preaching, which they should be bound to read on Sundays and other Festivals." 3 SECTION X. TJie Dress of the Preacher. In the Eubrics of 1 B. E. we observe that no change of dress is ordered when the celebrating Priest or any of his assistants ascend the pulpit. It may well be doubted, how- ever, whether it was intended that vestments especially designed for the service of the Altar should be worn there. When our Reformers preserved the Eucharistic dress to which they had been accustomed, they doubtless meant to retain the usage which required a change when any one engaged in the Celebration was about to preach. "If the Celebrant," says Merati, 4 " means to preach in the Pulpit, he shall be conducted to it without his Chasuble." ..." But if another 1 Burnet, H. R. P. i. Coll. B. iii. No. xxvi. p. 255. 2 See especially the Pref. to the Summer Part, p. 228 ; Oxf. 1841. The Fathers are freely quoted throughout. 3 Doc. Ann. No. xxxvii. vol. i. p. 184. 4 In Gavanti, P. ii. tit. vi. n. xxxviii. At Rome the Stole is omitted. 296 THE DRESS OF THE PREACHER [CHAP. IX. than the Celebrant has to preach, before he ascends the Pul- pit, if he be a Clerk, he ought to put on a Surplice ; and with a Stole, if he be a Priest." Only one optional modification of this rule seerns to have been recommended in the Prayer- Book, 1549 : " It is also seemly that Graduates, when they do preach, should use such hoods as pertaineth to their several degrees." It is worth adding, that before the Refor- mation, " if the Preacher was a Regular, he was to continue clothed in the habit of his order only ;" l for it was probably owing to this practice that the licensed Preachers of our reformed Church fell into the custom of wearing a peculiar dress. Such a dress, described as " a grave, comely, and side garment," is spoken of in 1562 as then " commonly" worn in preaching. 2 Four years later the Advertisements adopt this as the ordinary dress of all " ecclesiastical persons," who are to " wear in their common apparel abroad a side gown, with sleeves straight in the hand, without any cuts in the same, and that also without any falling cape." 3 This is identified with the gown used in preaching by the Canons of 1571 : " In preaching they shall use a dress very modest and grave, as suits and becomes the Minister of God, and such as has been described in the book of Advertisements." 4 This gown was again ordered for common use in the 74th Canon of 1604; and it is certain that as all the Clergy gradually be- came Preachers they generally, 5 though unadvisedly, adopted the dress which had been associated with that function when chiefly discharged by a class of licensed Preachers. The Parochial clergy, after the disuse of the proper Eucharistic vestments, wore a Surplice when preaching in their own Church. Thus we find Wren, both before and after the Great Rebellion, inquiring at his Visitations whether the Minister of the Parish preached " in his cassock and gown (not in a cloke), with his Surplice and hood also, if he 1 Merati, P, ii. tit. vi. n. xxxviii. 2 In a " request of certain members of the Lower House," in Strype's Annals, ch. 29, p. 336. 3 Doc. Ann. N. Ixv. vol. i. p. 329. 4 Synod, vol. i. p. 127. The Puritans affected a cloke in preaching, and sometimes wore a still less seemly habit. In 1629 we find Charles I. ordering Lecturers to "preach in gowns and not in clokes, as too many do use." Heylyn's Laud, P. i. L. iii. p. 189. 5 There were large exceptions. " A Surplice has been usually worn by Preachers in Cathedral and Collegiate Churches, and also very commonly by the poor clergy of remote districts, such as Wales and Cumberland." Robertson, How shall we Conform, etc. ? p. 102. It has been often stated that the Surplice has always been the rule throughout the Diocese of Durham. An aged friend informs me that in that of Norwich the gown was rarely seen in Country Churches fifty years ago. SECT. X.] SINCE THE REFORMATION. 297 were a Graduate." l This had been approved from the begin- ning by those of the Eeformers who had conceived a dislike to the proper vestments. Thus Guest, 2 writing to Cecil in 1559, says : " Because it is thought sufficient to use but a Surplice in baptizing, reading, preaching, and praying, there- fore it is enough also for the celebrating of the Communion." Many passages showing the use of the Surplice in the Pulpit have been collected by Mr. Eobertson. 3 There seems little reason for adducing more evidence now, as it is generally conceded that the gown is not the legal preaching dress for a Parish Priest in his own Pulpit. 4 1 App. to Second Report of Ritual Commission, 1868, p. 559. 2 Cardwell's Hist, of Conferences, ch. ii. p. 50. 3 How shall we Conform, etc. ? pp. 102-119. 4 The Judgment in Hebbert v. Purchas insists on the Surplice being used in " all ministrations," except at the Holy Communion on high Feast days, in Cathedral and Collegiate Churches, where the Cope is prescribed by the Canons. CHAPTEE X. of the Cattchumw* anb other I. IN the primitive ages the non-communicants of every class left the Church after the Sermon. " Behold, after the Sermon," says S. Augustine, 1 " the Catechumens are dis- missed ; the Faithful will remain." A Canon of Laodicaea, 2 probably A.D. 365, orders that " after the Sermons of the Bishops the Prayer of the Catechumens be said, and that after the Catechumens have gone out, the Prayer of the Penitents, and when they have been up for the laying on of hands, and have withdrawn, the Three Prayers of the Faithful shall be said." It was the duty of the Deacon to give each class notice to depart. Thus, in the Clementine Liturgy 3 he is directed to say, immediately after the Sermon : " Let none of the Hearers, let none of the unbelievers [remain]," and then, after a prayer for the Catechumens, to proclaim : " Catechumens, depart in peace ;" and in like manner to dismiss the Euergumens, the Competentes (those soon to be baptized), and the Penitents in their turns, after appropriate prayers for each. These forms vary ; e.g. in the Liturgy of S. James, 4 the Deacon (after the Litany that follows the Lessons and Sermon), says : " Let none of the Catechumens, none of the uninitiated (the unbaptized), none of those who cannot pray with us, remain." In the Liturgy of S. Chrysos- tom, as at present used, there is a notice to depart addressed to Catechumens only, after the Gospel and certain prayers, proclaimed four times, 5 but it is evident from a Homily 6 preached at Antioch by the same Father that the Penitents were dismissed in the same manner : " Hearest thou the 1 Serm. xlix. torn. vii. P. i. col. 275: Fit missa Catechumenis. 2 Can. xix. Pandect, vol. i. p. 461. 3 Const. Apost. L. viii. cc. 5-9 ; Cotel. torn. i. pp. 392-395. 4 Lit. Patr. p. 11 ; Assem. torn. v. p. 15. A copy of this Liturgy found in Sicily, and earlier than the twelfth century, adds here : "Let no one have any matter or malice against another. Forgive and your sins shall be forgiven. Confess and forgive [one another] with compensation." Ibid. p. 72. 6 Goar, Euchol. p. 70. 6 Horn. iii. in Ep. ad Eph. 4, torn. xi. p. 26. CHAP. X.] THE MISSA CATECHUMENORUM. 299 crier standing and saying, As many as are under penance, all depart ?" The same practice was observed in the West. Thus Gregory the Great, A.D. 596, who speaks of the Deacon proclaiming : " If any one does not communicate, let him give place." l S. Germanus 2 of Paris, A.D. 555, informs us that " according to the ancient rite of the Church," the Catechu- mens, after the Deacons had prayed and the Priest said a Collect for them, went out, because " they were not worthy to stand when the Oblation was being brought in." 2 A trace of the dismissal of the Penitents after the Gospel is found also in the old Spanish Liturgy ; in which, on the Second Wednesday in Lent, the Priest " says these prayers after this manner : " Penitents, pray. Bend your knees to God. Let us pray to the Lord, that He vouchsafe to give us remission of sins and peace. V. Lift up yourselves in the name of Christ. Having ended your prayer, say Amen together. R. Amen. Stand in your places for the dismissal." 3 Similar traces of the dismissal of the Catechumens is found through- out the West so late as the thirteenth century, in the custom of sending out of the Church in the Scrutimia* from Mid- Lent to Easter Eve, generally after the Gospel, such infants as were to be baptized at Easter; and that with the old warning : " If there be any Catechumen here, let him go forth." 5 The daily dismissal of the Catechumens, if we may 1 Dial. L. ii. c. 23, Opp. torn. iii. col. 269 ; Antv. 1615. 2 In Martene, De Ant. Eccl. Rit. L. i. c. iv. Art. xii. 3 Leslie, torn. L p. 99, and note, torn. ii. p. 506. The last words are ad missam, i.e. says Leslie, missionem, ab Ecclesia, faciendam expectantes ; but in later ages it was probably understood, " Stand in your places for the Mass." 4 The Scrutinium was at first, to the letter, only the inquiry into the faith and motives of the candidate for Baptism the ezamen of the Cate- chumen, as it is called in a tract of the fifth century (Serm. ad Catech. inter Opp. S. Aug. torn. viii. col. 1609) ; but in course of time, we read HCKC tota actio quce super Catechumenis et Competentibus celebratur, a quibus- dam Scrutinium nominator. Leidradus (A.D. 798), De Sacram. Bapt. c. i. in Mabill. Analecta, ed. ii. p. 79. The Wednesday after the fourth Sunday in Lent was called especially Scrutinii Dies, according to pseudo- Hugo (in Spec. Eccl. c. 17, Hitt. coL 1375) in the twelfth century ; but the earlier Ord. Rom. vii. Mus. It. torn. ii. pp. 77, 79, gives that name to the Saturday of the third week in Lent ; in either case because on those days the candidates were examined and prepared. There were seven Scrutinia before the Baptisms at Easter, and three before Pentecost. See on the whole subject, Martene, L. i. c. i. Art. xi. 6 Durand. L. vi. c. Ivi. n. 8. The Ordo Rom. u.s. sends them out after the Gradual ; which Amalarius (De Eccl. Off. L. iii. c. 36, Hitt. col. 436) condemns, arguing that the Gospel was to be preached to all. Durand. u.s. A.D. 1286, only says, "Some expel the Catechumens before the Gospel, which we do not praise" alleging the same reason. 300 THE MISSA CATECHUMENORUM. [CHAP. X. judge from the silence of the Ritualists and of the Liturgies themselves, could not have been kept up after the seventh century ; partly perhaps from a relaxation of discipline, but chiefly from the failure of adult candidates for baptism. If it is mentioned at a later period, it is spoken of as a thing that had passed away ; as when Eemigius 1 of Auxerre says that the Canons call the first part of the Office the Missa Catechu- menorum, because after the reading of the Gospel the Cate- chumens were to be dismissed ; or Micrologus, 2 that " accord- ing to the ancient Fathers, only those who communicated were wont to be present at the Divine Mysteries, and that therefore Catechumens and Penitents were ordered to go out before the Oblation." II. At first, it is believed, none but Christians were any- where admitted to any part of the Service ; but after a time, when persecution had ceased, the advantage of permitting others to attend a part became apparent. Hence it was de- creed by a Council held at Carthage, 3 A.D. 398, that "the Bishop should forbid no one, whether heathen, or heretic, or Jew, to enter the Church and hear the Word of God, so far as the Mass (i.e. the dismissal) of the Catechumens." Possi- dius, 4 in his Life of S. Augustine, says that " the heretics themselves used with the greatest ardour to run together with the Catholics to hear the discourses " of the Saint. The Council of Valentia, 5 A.D. 524, after a " perusal of the ancient Canons," thought it right " that the most holy Gospels should be read before the Illation of the Gifts, in the Mass of the Catechumens, after the Apostle in the order of the Lessons, in order that not the faithful only, but also the Catechumens and Penitents, and all who are on a different footing, might be permitted to hear the saving precepts of our Lord Jesus Christ, or the Sermon of the Bishop. For thus," the Coun- cil adds, " we know for certain that through hearing of the preaching of the Pontiffs, some have been drawn to the faith." The reader will observe that the Councils of Carthage and Valentia, as above quoted, do not use the phrase, " Mass of the Catechumens," in the same sense. With the earlier Council it means the dismissal of the Catechumens after the 1 In pseudo-Alcuin, De Div. Off. De Celebr. Miss, subfinem; Hitt. col. 295. So Durand. : " Anciently, the Gospel being read, the Deacon used to proclaim," etc. L. iv. c. i. n. 46. 2 De Eccl. Obs. c. 51, Hitt. coL 761. 3 Cone. Carth. iv. Can. Ixxxiv. Labb. torn. ii. col. 1206. 4 C. vii. Opp. S. Aug. torn. xv. col. 764. 6 Cap. i. Labb. torn. iv. col. 1617. CHAP. X.] SOME OFFERINGS REJECTED. 301 Sermon ; with the later, by a natural deflection from the first sense, it means that part of the Service at the conclusion of which they were dismissed. When this title had obtained for a while, it was inevitable that the second part of the Service, at which the baptized only could be present, should come to be called, by way of distinction, the Missa Fidelium ; and this name, however incorrect, is retained throughout the Eoman obedience to this day. III. No offerings were received from the recognized non- communicants. In fact generally, after the first ritual period, no offerings were made until after their dismissal. But there were others, who, though not otherwise under public dis- cipline, were yet so far classed with Penitents that their offerings were rejected by the Church. The Council of Eliberis (probably about A.D. 300) declared generally that " the Bishops ought not to receive gifts from him who does not communicate." 1 In the Apostolical Constitutions, the Bishop is forbidden to receive the gifts of any known sinner, of whatever kind. 2 Those who were out of charity with a neighbour were held to be in a state so displeasing to God that it was an offence to lay their gifts on His Altar. Thus when Optatus, 3 A.D. 368, charges the Donatists with the destruction of the Catholic Altars, he sees an aggra- vation of their crime in the fact that on those Altars " the Saviour had commanded to be laid such offerings only as were seasoned with peace." This principle was embodied in a Canon of the Fourth Council of Carthage, before quoted : " Let not the oblations of Brethren at variance be received either in the Chancel or in the Treasury." 4 A comment on the African Canon quoted above is furnished by a very ancient manuscript Homily that belonged formerly to the Cathedral Library at Lyons : " If thy brother shall be unmerciful to thee, and will not grant thee pardon when thou entreatest him, his oblation ought not to be received on the Altar, or into the Gazophylacium, that is, the treasury of the Church." 5 By the same Council, " the gifts of those who 1 Can. xxviii. Labb. torn. i. col. 974. 2 Lib. iv. c. vi. Cotel. p. 294. 3 De Schism. Don. L. vi. c. i. p. 99. * Neque in Sacrario, neque in Gazophylacio. Can. xciii. Labb. torn. ii. col. 1207. The Gazophylacium was the storehouse to which offerings were taken that could not be presented on the Altar. The third Apos- tolic Canon forbids anything being offered there but " oil for the lamp and incense at the time of the holy oblation." Cod. Can. Ap. Bever. vol. xi. p. xl. 6 In Not. Baluz. ad Capit. Reg. Franc, torn. ii. col. 1237. 302 SOME OFFERERS REPELLED. [CHAP. X. oppressed the poor were also to be rejected by the Priests." l And it is clear that the same discipline was extended to other notorious sinners. Thus S. Ambrose rebuking Valen- tinian for his design of restoring the heathen temples, bids him consider what answer he would make to the Priest, who should tell him, " The Church does not ask for thy presents ; because thou hast adorned with presents the temples of the heathen. The Altar of Christ rejects thy gifts ; because thou hast made an altar for idols." 2 1 Can. xciv. Labb. torn. ii. col. 1207. 2 Epp. Cl. i. E. xvii. 14 ; torn. vi. p. 21. CHAPTEE XL SECTION I. RUBRIC VI.-PARAGRAPH III. shall the Priest * return to the c Lord's Table, and begin d the Offertory, e saying one or more of these Sentences following, as he thinketh most convenient { in his discretion. a THEN.] " If there be a Communion," says Bishop Mant, "the Minister is to return from the Pulpit to the Lord's Table, and there continue for the discharge of his office. He has no business in the Vestry." 1 This appears to exclude the change of Gown for Surplice, and therefore to imply the use of the Surplice in the Pulpit. If a Chasuble is worn, it should be resumed on returning to the Altar. At the earliest period at which we can learn anything of ritual, there must have been a considerable pause after the withdrawal of the Catechumens for more immediate preparation for the Ana- phora. The Deacons brought the gifts to the Bishop, the Presbyters ranged themselves on his right and left. Two of the Deacons placed themselves with fans on either side of the Altar. The Bishop and Presbyters prayed in silence, and lastly the Bishop put on " a splendid dress," 2 the best, we may suppose, that he possessed, as the most meet for that high occasion. How long the vestment appropriated to this use was assumed at this part of the Liturgy cannot now be discovered. The earliest Ordo Eomanus represents the Clergy vesting before the service begins. 3 According to the same order, and to Amalarius, who commented on it in 827, the Corporal was now (i.e. after the Gospel) put on the Altar. 4 1 /force Liturgicce, Lett. ii. n. 60, p. 60. 2 Constit. Apost. L. viii. c. xii. Cotel. torn. i. p. 398. 3 Mus. Ital. torn. ii. p. 6. Sim. Ord. ii. p. 42. 4 Ibid. p. 10. Amal. de Eccl. Off. L. iii. c. 19 ; Hitt. col. 416 : or Ecloga, xviii. Mus. It. torn. ii. p. 553. See also Remigius Autiss. de Celebr. Miss, ad calc. pseudo-Alcuin, De Div. Off. Hitt. col. 281. 304 THE LAYING OF THE CORPORAL. [CHAP. XI. The custom was to spread it after the Offertory anthem had been sung. Thus Eabanus 1 Maurus, at Mayence, 819: " Oblations are offered by the people, and the Offertory is sung by the Clergy, and the Pall of the Corporal is put on the Altar." We trace the custom in France through Hilde- bert 2 of Le Mans, 1097, down to Durandus, 3 Bishop of Mende, in 1286. " In the meantime," says the latter, " while the Priest is washing his hands [after the Offertory has been sung, but before he makes the Oblation], the Deacon arranges the Corporal Pall on the Altar." Sicardus, 4 Bishop of Cre- mona, 1185, is a witness for the continuance of the custom in Italy during the twelfth century. At Milan 5 it still sur- vives, the Sindon being put on between the Gospel and the Oblation. The rite has clearly been preserved by the cir- cumstance that in the Ambrosian Missal there is a variable Collect said Super Sindonem, when it is spread. In the Greek Church the Eileton is spread while the Catechumens are leaving, and immediately before the First Prayer of the Faithful 6 It appears to me that there would be a great advantage in the rule, if it could be introduced now among ourselves, that the Priest should put on the Eucharistic vestments, and that the Altar should be covered between the Nicene Creed, or the Sermon, and the Offertory. It would not only meet some existing inconveniences, but would mark in a very striking manner the beginning of the more sacred part of the holy Office. b KETURN.] That is, from the Pulpit. This clause was in- troduced at the last Eevision, when the use of Pulpits was universal, and supposes a knowledge of the existing practice of the Church. C THE LORD'S TABLE.] This name is here, for the first time in our Liturgy, given to the Altar itself. See before, p. 40. It had however been twice used in that sense in the Marriage Office since 1552, and as often in the Scotch Liturgy since 1637. This usage can hardly have been common at the period of the Eeformation, though instances of it are also found in private writers of that age. Thus 1 De Instit. Cler. L. i. c. 33 ; Hitt. col. 585. 2 Expos. Miss. Opp. coL 1113. 3 Rat. L. iv. c. xxix. n. 1. 4 Mitrale, L. iii. c. vi. col. 119. 5 Le Brun, Diss. iii. Art. ii. tome 3, p. 206. For examples of the Oratio super Sindonem, see Pamelius, torn. i. pp. 297, 306, etc. 6 Goar, p. 70. SECT. I.] THE LORD'S TABLE. THE OFFERTORY. 305 Tyndale, 1 in 1533: "Then the bread and wine set before them in the face of the Church, upon the Table of the Lord," etc. Becon, 2 in the reign of Mary : " The Tables of the Lord, where the Holy Communion was most godly ministered, are cast down and broken in pieces." Early examples are not wanting. Thus S. Augustine: 3 "The Sacrament of this thing ... is prepared on the Lord's Table, and is taken from the Lord's Table ;" and Hilary, 4 the Deacon, comment- ing on 1 Cor. x. : " When he is a partaker of the table of devils, he insults the Table of the Lord, that is, the Altar." ^Elfric 5 has God's Table : " Your Sacrament is now laid on God's Table." d THE OFFERTORY.] Understand by this the Sentence or Sentences now said by the Priest. Such an anthem was first introduced here in the time of S. Augustine, 6 who speaks of one Hilarus, a layman, as finding fault with " a custom that had then begun at Carthage, that hymns from the Book of Psalms should be said at the Altar, whether before the Obla- tion, or when that which had been offered was distributed to the people." It was called the Offertory in the English Offices suppressed at the Eeformation, and in the Eoman this name is still given to the verse sung before the offer- ing of the Elements. It varies with the season, and is gene- rally taken from the Psalms, e.g. the Offertory for Easter Day in the Sarum Missal is, " The earth trembled and was still, when God arose to judgment ; " that for Whitsunday, " Stablish the thing, God, that Thou hast wrought in us, for Thy Temple's sake at Jerusalem : so shall kings bring presents unto Thee. Alleluya." Some days had no Offer- tory. This use of the word continued in the Liturgy of 1549 : " Then shall follow for the Offertory one or more of these sentences of Holy Scripture, to be sung whilst the people do offer ; or else one of them to be said by the Minis- ter immediately afore the offering." Again : " While the Clerks do sing the Offertory, so many as are disposed shall offer," etc. The word dropped out of the Eubric in 1552, 1 The Supper of the Lord, p. 265 ; Camb. 1850. 2 The Supplication, Works, p. 240; Camb. 1844. Sim. in The Dis- playing of the Pope's Mass, p. 258. 3 In Job. Ev. c. vi. v. 55 ; Tract xxv. n. 15 ; torn. iv. col. 663. Some- times it is doubtful which meaning is uppermost in the mind of the writer; e.g. Tract. Ixxxiv. n. 1, coll. 937, 8 ; Serm. xxi. 5; torn. vii. col. 113, xxxi. 2, col. 155; etc. 4 In 1 Cor. x. v. 21 ; inter Opp. S. Ambr. torn. vii. p. 170. 5 Horn, in Pascha, 7 ; Harvey's Vind. Cathol. torn. iii. p. 354. 6 Retract. L. ii. c. xi. torn. i. col. 52. U 306 THE OFFERING OF THE PEOPLE [CHAP. XI. but reappeared in 1662. It had, however, never become obsolete, and was used in the Scotch Liturgy of 1637. The origin of the name is obvious. " After this " (i.e. the Gospel), says Kabanus l Maurus, " the oblations are offered by the people, and the Offertory is sung by the Clergy, which took its name from that very cause, being, as it were, the song of the offerers." In the Mozarabic Liturgy it is called, for the same reason, the Sacrificium; 2 in the Milanese the Offerenda 3 (and this name appears to have been once in general use 4 ) ; in the old Gallican Liturgy the Sonus. 6 In the Gregorian Antiphonary, the oldest extant, it is called Antiphona ad Offertorium? This anthem was known in Europe in the sixth century, for it is mentioned by Germanus 7 of Paris, A.D. 555; but Walafrid 8 Strabo, A.D. 842, says that it was not known who introduced either " the Offertory which is sung when they offer," or " the Anthem said at the Communion." He considers it certain " that in ancient times the holy Fathers offered and communicated in silence ;" which agrees with what we gather from S. Augustine. SECTION II. The Offering of the People. The rite of the People's Offering, revived by our Church in 1549, had long been nearly extinct throughout the West, 1 Inst. Cler. L. i. c. 33 ; Hitt. col. 585. Sim. Rupert. Tuit. De Div. Off. L. ii c. 2, col. 869, and many others. So of Offtrenda, Remigius Autiss. De Celebr. Miss. Hitt. col. 281 ; Microl. De Eccl. Obs. c. 10, col. 737 ; etc. 2 Leslie, torn. i. pp. 3, 223, etc. It is so called by Isidore of Seville, A.D. 595 ; Ep. ad Leudefr. (tom. vi. p. 557) ; although in his book De Eccl. Off. (L. L c. xiv. tom. vi. p. 379) he calls such anthems Offertories Offertoria quce in Sacrlficiorum honors, canuntur. 3 Pamel. Liturg. tom. i. p. 298. In the modern Rubrics we have Offer- toriwn. Martene, De Antiq. Rit. L. i. c. iv. Art. xii. tom. i. p. 174. 4 So Amalar, De Eccl. Off. L. iii. c. 19, col. 413; Rupert. Tuit. Div. Off. L. ii. c. 2, coL 869; Micrologus, De Eccl. Obs. c. 10, col. 737, etc. 6 Sonum . . . quod canetur quando procedit oblatio. S. Germ. Expos, in Martene, L. i. c. iv. Art. xii. tom. i. p. 168 ; Le Brun, Diss. iv. Art. ii. This author derives the practice of singing here from the rite com- manded in the Law of sounding the silver trumpets over the sacrifices, Num. x. 10. Sim. Isidore, De Eccl. Off. L. i. c. 14, col. 188 ; Amalar. De Eccl. Off. L. iii. c. 19, col. 414, etc. Possibly, as Le Brun suggests, this idea led to the Anthem being called sonus. The Psalm Venite, used at Matins on Holy-days, was called so too (Ducange) ; perhaps from its joy- ful character : " In the days of your gladness, etc., ye shall blow with the trumpet," Num. ii.s. and xxix. 1 ; Lev. xxiii. 24, 25. 6 Pamel. tom. ii. p. 62, etc. 7 Expos. Brev. Martene, L. i. c. iv. Art. xii. tom. i. p. 168. 8 De Reb. Eccl. c. 22, col. 683. Sim. Ralph of Tongres, De Can. Obs. Prop, xxiii. col. 1157, in the very words of Walafrid, after the wont of Mediaeval Ritualists. SECT. II.] TRACED TO THE FIRST AGES. 307 though it may be traced from the age of the Apostles down- wards through a long tract of time. In the first place we observe a connexion between Almsgiving and the Lord's Day in the following injunction of S. Paul : " On the first day of the week let each one of you lay by him in store whatsoever he be prospered in, that there be no collections when I come." 1 This collection was to be received by S. Paul, and forwarded to the scene of distress when he came ; but it is reasonable to suppose that when the objects of charity were close at hand, the intended offering would, on the same day on which it was set apart by the giver, be brought by him to the Apostles or their representatives ; that is, it would be brought to the assembly of the Faithful met together to celebrate the holy Eucharist, then, with its adjuncts, the one distinctive and necessary act of common Christian worship. Such a practice appears indeed to have been in the mind of the writer to the Hebrews, when he says, " We have an Altar whereof they have no right to eat which serve the Tabernacle ... By Him (Jesus) therefore let us offer a Sacrifice of Praise to God continually ; that is, the fruit of lips confessing to His Name ; but be not forgetful of doing good and communicating (of your goods to those in need) ; for with such sacrifices God is well pleased." 2 The allusion is not certain ; but it does nevertheless appear probable that this train of thought was suggested by the rite in question, when we consider (1) that the expres- sion " Sacrifice of Praise," 3 which was the common term for the Thank-Offering of the Law, was also applied at a very early period to the great Christian Thank-Offering or Eucha- rist ; and (2) that supposing the writer to refer to common worship at all (as he clearly does in ch. x. 25), he must refer to the celebration of the holy Eucharist, no other act of common worship being peculiar to Christians, or at that time binding on them ; and again, (3) that he is led on to speak of " doing good and communicating" as sacrifices, than which nothing is more natural, if " offerings for the poor" were then actually made at the Celebration ; for in that case they would, by the law of association, be nearly certain to present themselves to his mind in connexion with the great Sacrifice of Praise. In Justin 4 Martyr's account of Christian 1 1 Cor. xvi. 2 ; Revised tr. of the Five Clergymen. 2 Heb. xiii. 10, 15, 16. See the Greek text. 3 See Note on this term in the first Prayer after the Lord's Prayer in the Post-Communion. 4 Apol. i. c. 67 ; Otto, p. 270. In the Dial. c. Try ph. c. 42, p. 134, he speaks of the offering of bread and wine, but we should not neces- 308 THE OFFERING OF THE PEOPLE [CHAP. XI. worship on the Lord's Day (A.D. 140) we read as follows : " The distribution and participation by each of the things blessed takes place, and they are sent to the absent by the Deacons. But those who have the means give, each at his own discretion, what he pleases, and that which is collected is laid up with him who presides, and he succours orphans and widows, those in want from sickness or other cause, those in bonds, and foreigners sojourning at the place ; and, in a word, cares for all in necessity." He does not tell us of what the collection consisted. In part, no doubt, it consisted of the bread and wine, however provided, that had not been needed for consecration ; but can we exclude from it money and other things that might be useful to the sick and poor ? S. Paul's expression, " Whatsoever he be prospered in," sug- gests offerings both in money and kind. It is certain, how- ever, that although money was always brought to the Clergy, as to the Apostles, for religious and charitable uses, and that in the Church, it was not always permitted to be offered on the Altar itself. One of the so-called Apostolical Canons forbids " the Bishop or Priest to offer other things on the Altar beyond the commandment of the Lord relating to the Sacrifice," " except new wheat in grain, and bunches of grapes in fit season," " oil for the lamp, and incense." l And these clauses appear to be added. 2 Similar prohibitions are found in the Canons of Carthage, 3 A.D. 397, and of Constantinople, 4 691. It would appear that the poor offered what they could ; for we find S. Cyprian, 5 A.D. 256, thus reproving a rich woman who partook of the offerings of others while giving nothing herself : " Thou art wealthy and rich, and dost thou believe thyself to celebrate the ordinance of the Lord who dost not at all regard the offering ; who coinest into the Lord's House without a sacrifice ; who takest a part of the sacrifice which a poor person has offered ? " We gather also from this that the Elements to be consecrated were taken out of the general offerings of the congregation; which appears too from an allusion of S. Augustine, who thus illustrates the Sacrifice of Christ in our flesh : " He received from thee that which He might offer for thee ; as the Priest receives from thee that which he may offer for thee;" 6 and from a sermon of S. sarily infer that the people brought it to be offered ; and the same remark may be made on Irenseus, L. iv. c. xvii. n. 5, etc. 1 Can. iii. Bever. Codex Eccl. Prim. p. xl. Opp. torn. xi. ; Oxon. 1848. 2 See before, p. 134. 3 Can. xxiv. Labb. ii. col. 1165. 4 Cann. xxviii. Ivii. Pand. torn. i. p. 188, 224. 5 De Op. et Eleem. p. 203. 6 Enarr. in Ps. cxxix. n. 7, torn. vi. col. 865. SECT. II.] IN THE EARLY AND MIDDLE AGES. 309 Csesarius, 1 A.D. 502 : " Give alms to the poor according to your ability, offer offerings to be consecrated on the Altar. A man with means ought to blush if he has communicated of the offering of another." The Offering of the People continued, with some varieties of custom, through many ages. The Second Council of Macon, A.D. 583, decreed that " every Lord's Day an oblation of the Altar, both of bread and wine, should be offered by all men and women." 2 An Ordo Romanus of the eighth century has the following direction : " Meanwhile [after the Creed] the singers sing the Offertory, with verses, and the people give their offerings ; that is, bread and wine ; and they offer with white napkins, first the men, then the women. But last of all the Priests and Deacons offer, but only bread, and that before the Altar." 3 The singers offered only the water. 4 Among the ecclesiastical laws of France in the ninth century is one which orders that the people shall be " admonished to offer oblations to God every Lord's Day." 5 Another conciliar decree published in that country at the same period com- mands " the faithful to offer oblations to the Priest daily, if possible ; or if that is not possible, at least every Lord's Day without any excuse." 6 In this century Bishops in their Visitations were wont to inquire " if men and women offered an oblation at Masses, that is, bread and wine, and if the men did not, whether their wives offered for them and for themselves and all their family?" 7 and the people were taught that " every one should offer one oblation only for him- self and all his family, offered at the Offertory." 8 Eegino, 9 892, inserts in his collection a Canon of uncertain date, but probably earlier than Charlemagne, which directs that " out of the oblations which are offered by the people and are left over after the consecration" the Priest shall bless and distri- bute pieces after the Mass to those who have not communi- cated. An ancient MS. of the Canon of S. Gregory, 10 though not the most ancient, has this Eubric : " After that the Offertory is sung, and the oblations and wine are offered by 1 App. ad Opp. S. Aug. torn. xvi. col. 1365. 2 Can. iv. Labb. torn. v. col. 981. 3 Mus. Ital. torn. ii. p. 46. "They offer with napkins," says Amala- rius, " because we read that a handkerchief was used at our Lord's Pas- sion." Ecloga, n. xix. ; Mus. It. torn. ii. p. 554. 4 Amal. de Eccl. Off. L. iii. c. 19 ; Hitt. col. 418. 5 Capit. Reg. Franc, torn. i. col. 903. 6 Ibid. col. 951. 7 Regino, L. ii. p. 220. 8 Ibid. L i. p. 14. 9 Regino, L. i. c. cccxxxii. p. 161 ; Can. ix. Cone. Namnet. Labb. torn. ix. col. 470. 10 Pamel. torn. ii. p. 178. 310 THE OFFERING OF THE PEOPLE [CHAP. XL the people, of which some are placed on the Altar to be con- secrated." In an Exposition of the Mass attributed to the ninth century, the singing of the Offertory is compared to the acclamations of the people who welcomed our Lord into Jerusalem ; but, it is added, " they offered garments and branches, but we bread and wine." l In the Canons of Theo- dulf 2 of Orleans, composed about 797, and translated for the use of our own Church two centuries later, occurs the fol- lowing : " We charge that, at the time when the Priest sings Mass, no woman be nigh the Altar, but that they stand on their own place, and that the Mass-Priest there receive of them what they are willing to offer." In 813 a Council of Mayence 3 ordered that " the Christian people should be con- tinually admonished to make an oblation and [give the kiss of] peace in Church." Amalarius, 4 in Germany, A.D. 827, says : " The people make their offerings, that is, bread and wine, after the order of Melchizedec." In 842, Walafrid 5 Strabo mentions, to condemn, a custom, long observed at Eome and elsewhere, of placing a lamb roasted " near or under the Altar, consecrating it with a proper blessing," and eating thereof on Easter Day before any other food. He considers this a violation of the law which prescribes " a simple offering of bread and wine." Hincmar, 6 at Eheims, A.D. 852, forbade any one to offer more than " one oblate and offering at the Oblation" for himself and family ; but ordered that other gifts of bread and wine for the clergy and poor should be received before or after the Service. The Excerp- tions of Herard, 7 Archbishop of Tours, A.D. 858, forbid lay- men and women to touch the loaves, " those which they offer excepted." Ivo 8 of Chartres, A.D. 1092, says: "While the Priest is receiving the hosts from the Ministers, and oblations of a different kind from the people, the Offertory is sung by the Clerks." From this it appears that the Elements were no longer taken from the offerings of the people. We find, in fact, the loaves provided for consecration now called the " oblations of the Priests." 9 The writer who uses this expres- 1 Hittorp. col. 1172. 2 Can. vi. Johnson, vol. i. p. 456. 3 Can. xliv. Labb. torn. vii. col. 1251. 4 De Eccles. Off. L. iii. c. 19, Hitt. p. 416. 6 De. Reb. Eccl. c. 19, Hitt. col. 676. The context appears to intimate that it was offered at the Celebration ; but this was not the case at Rome, where its consecration took place finila missa. See Ord. Rom. xi. n. 48, and Ord. xii. n. 35 ; Mus. Ital. pp. 142, 187. 6 Capit. xvi. Labb. torn. viii. col. 571. 7 Capit. Reg. Franc, torn. i. col. 1289, n. xxiv. 8 De Reb. Eccl. Serm. ; Hitt. col. 800. 9 Expos. Ord. Rom. in Cassander's Liturgica. c. xxvii. Opp. p. 60. The SECT. II.] IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 311 sion speaks of the oblations of the people also : " The obla- tions of the Faithful in the Office of the Mass are only bread and wine ;" but it is evident that when they ceased to be used for the Sacrament they would soon cease to be brought. That this had already taken place in many Churches may be fairly inferred from the interposition of authority in their sup- port. Thus a Council of Home, 1 in 1078, under Gregory vn., orders " that every Christian provide something to offer to God in the solemnities of Masses." The language of Hono- rius 2 of Autun, in the next century, implies, however, the general failure of this effort. The offerings of the people were already a matter of tradition : " It is related," he says, " that formerly the Priests used to receive meal from every house or family (which custom the Greeks still observe), and made from it the Lord's Bread, which they offered for the people and distributed to them when consecrated." It is another indication of the same fact that writers began about this period to give a different explanation of the word Offerend or Offertory. "The Offerend," says Eupert 3 of Deutz, A.D. 1111, "is a song of the Church which has this name, derived from qff&rendo ; because it is then sung when we are offering or preparing the incorrupt Sacrifice of Praise to our Almighty Creator." The older interpretation was equally unknown to his contemporary, though junior, Hono- rius : 4 " The Offertory is so called as being a song of offerers. We for this reason sing it, because we ought to offer our- selves in sacrifice to God." John Beleth, 5 Doctor of Paris, A.D. 1162, tells us that " Offertory is db offerendo, because we then offer ;" and he distinguishes three offerings, that of our- selves, " those things which are necessary for the sacrifice, that is, bread and wine, and aught else fit for sacrifice," and " the oblations which the laity bring in their hand." Inno- cent in., 8 A.D. 1198, giving the same derivation, adds, as the reason, " because while the Offertory is being sung the Priests receive oblations from the people, or the hosts from the Ministers." From these authorities we may infer that bread and wine were still sometimes offered, though the author, who wrote in 1089, is supposed to be Bertholdus (called also Bernoldus or Bernaldus) of Constance, in Germany, a great partisan of Gregory vii. against Henry iv. Comp. Cassand. Ep. cxiv. p. 1224, with Cave or Oudin in N. 1 Can. ult. Labb. torn. x. col. 374. 2 Gemma Animse, L. i. c. 66 ; Hitt. col. 1198. 3 De Div. Off. L. ii. c. 2 ; Hitt. col. 869. 4 Gemm. An. L. i. c. 97 ; Hitt. col. 1208. 5 Manuales Laicorum Oblationes, Div. Off. Explic. c. xli. f. 507. Myst. Miss. L. ii. c. liii. p. 357. 312 OFFERINGS OF GOLD AND SILVER, [CHAP. XI. hosts, being now of a prescribed form, had long been offered separately. It appears that there was for some time a custom of offering bread on the Calends of each month. Ducange 1 cites the Tabulary of a Priory in Dauphine*, which speaks of "the bread which is offered on the Calends." The loaves thus offered were called Calendars, and the name was re- tained when the custom dwindled and changed ; for Duran- dus, 1286, tells us that at that period "the Parishioners in some places used on Christmas Day to offer to the Priests loaves of bread, which they called Calendars." 2 He failed to see in it, however, a relic of the primitive custom ; for he refers it to the command in Lev. xxiii. 1 7-20. The expla- nations which this writer gives of the word Offertory only partially connect it, if at all, with the offering of the people : " It derived its name Offertory from feria, that is, the oblation, which is offered on the Altar and is consecrated by the Priests." " It is also called Offertory because, while the Offerend is being sung the Priest receives the oblations, or hosts from the Ministers." 3 It is clear that by this time the people had so far lost the habit of offering, that the true origin of the name was not likely to occur to Eitualists ; at all events not as the sole origin, which in fact it was. The Clergy had before this ceased to make offerings for them- selves, except at Masses for the Dead, and at their first Cele- bration ; " because it would seem an unreasonable thing, if they were bound to offer who live of the offerings of others." 4 It has been seen that the prescribed offerings of the people were from the first only bread and wine, or meal to be made into bread, and persons of the highest rank and greatest wealth perhaps generally contented themselves with these. We read, for example, of the Queen of Henry the Fowler " presenting daily to the Priest at Mass an offering of bread and wine." 5 But it is equally certain that gifts of another kind, and often of great value, were also made at the Celebra- tion. When we read of the Emperors 6 " bringing the accus- tomed gifts to the Altar," we can hardly suppose that they were always bread and wine, which the poorest might offer. It is far more probable that the custom of offering money was already established. Vessels for the Altar, of gold or 1 In v. Panis. 2 Ration. L. iv. c. xxx. n. 40, fol. 145. 3 Ration. L. iv. c. xxvii. n. 7, fol. 138. 4 Beleth, Explio. c. xli. fol. 507. 5 Mathildis Vita, n. 23 ; Bolland. 14 Mart, apud Martene, L. i. c. iv. Art. vi. 6 As Valens, A.D. 373 ; Theodosius, 390 : Theodoret, Hist. Eccl. L. iv. c. xix., and L. v. c. xviii. SECT. II.] OF VESSELS FOR THE ALTAR, ETC. 313 silver, could have been no uncommon offering in the time of S. Chrysostom, 1 if we may judge from the following reference to such a gift in one of his Homilies : " Let us not think it enough for salvation if, after stripping widows and orphans, we offer a Chalice of gold, and set with precious stones, for the Table. For if thou wishest to honour the Sacrifice, offer thy soul, for the sake of which it was even sacrificed. . . . God hath no need of golden vessels, but of golden souls." " In some Churches," says Beleth, 2 " at great solemnities valuable pieces of Church furniture are offered, and placed on the Altar or in suitable places." " Some of the people' sacrifice gold," observes Honorius 3 in the twelfth century, " some silver, some of their other substance. The Priests and Ministers immolate bread and wine with water;" and his testimony is almost literally repeated by Durandus 4 more than a century later. The earliest distinct notice of the offering of money at the Celebration itself, occurs, if I mis- take not, in the Epistle of Isidore 5 of Seville, A.D. 595, to Leudefred. Speaking of the duties of the Archdeacon, he says : " He receives the collection of money from the Com- munion, and takes it to the Bishop, and distributes to the Clerks their proper shares." An actual instance may be cited from Peter 6 Damian in the eleventh century. This author relates that, on an occasion when he celebrated, bezants (a gold coin of the period) were offered by the wives of cer- tain Princes. Again, we read that Malcolm of Scotland, the husband of S. Margaret, used to offer pieces of gold. 7 The offering of money was evidently at first voluntary ; but we have the testimony of Honorius 8 to the prescription of a rule some time before the twelfth century : " Because, when the people no longer communicated, it was not necessary that the bread should be made so large, it was ordained that it should be shaped or made like a penny, and that the people should offer pennies instead of the oblation of meal, . . . which pennies, however, should go to the use of the poor, ... or for something pertaining to this Sacrifice." In Spain, at the same period, a Council 9 decrees that " at all the greater Com- 1 Horn. 1. in S. Matth. (c. xiv. w. 23, 24), 3 ; torn. vii. p. 582. 2 Div. Off. Expl. c. xli. fol. 507. 3 Gemma An. L. i. c. 27 ; Hitt. col. 1188. 4 Rat. L. iv. c. xxx. n. 34 ; fol. 144. 6 Sect. 12 ; torn. vi. p. 559. 6 Epp. L. v. Ep. xiii. torn. i. col. 163 ; Bassaui, 1783. 7 Vita S. Marg. c. iii. 18 ; Holland. Serm. 10, p. 332. 8 Gemma An. L. i. c. 66, col. 1199. 9 Cone. CompostelL A.D. 1056 ; Can. i. Labb. torn. xii. col. 22. 314 RELICS AND TRACES [CHAP. XI. munions of Christmas, Easter, and Pentecost, every one offer of what he shall have." Offerings of money, vessels for the Service, etc., were, in the Middle Ages, made at the Altar, and generally at some part of the Eucharistic Service, but not, at one period at least, during the singing of the Offertory. In the ninth cen- tury we find Bishops inquiring whether Parish Priests " in- struct offerers to offer the candle, or whatever else they are pleased to bring to the Altar, before the Mass, or before the Gospel was read." 1 In the eleventh, a Eitualist 2 expresses an opinion that " collections for the use of the poor, or restoration of Churches," ought to be made " in a suitable time and place, not at the Celebration of Masses." The offering of meal, though mentioned by Honorius, a French Bishop of the twelfth century, as obsolete, neverthe- less survived in a certain form in Spain in the time of Maldonatus, 3 who states the fact in 1569. Le Bruii 4 in 1716 says that " in some Parishes of the Diocese of Bies they still offered at Masses for the Dead a dish of meal, a loaf, and a bottle of wine. De Moleon 5 in 1698 found the people still offering bread and wine at Funerals in the Church of Notre Dame de la Ronde at Eouen, and bread, wine, and a taper at funerals and their anniversaries generally at Orleans, where also bread and wine were offered on the day of the com- memoration of the Faithful Departed. Le Brun 6 also men- tions some traces of the ancient custom that lingered in a few Abbey Churches and the Cathedral at Lyons ; in all which cases the offerers were of the Clergy : but adds that no Church was then known in which the people still " offered at the Mass the bread and wine for consecration." In the Cathedral of Milan, however, the people are to this day represented by ten old men and as many aged women, who are maintained by the Church, and called the School of S. Ambrose. At every " solemn Mass," two of the men, fol- lowed by the others, present, one three hosts, the other a 1 Regino, L. i. p. 13, n. 72. 2 Berthold in Cassandri Liturg. c. xxvii. p. 61. 3 De Caerem. Disp. ii. xvii. n. ii. This tract is printed by Zaccaria in Bibloth. Ritual, torn. ii. P. ii. See p. cix. " Apud DOS pridie Resurrec- tionis Sacerdotes petunt farinam, et quod inde confluit panis postridie dant populo post Communionem." 4 Le Brun, Explic. P. iii. Art. iii. tome 2, p. 284. At S. John's, Lyons, says De Moleon (Voy. Liturg. p. 426), on week-days in Lent after the second Wednesday, " the two first Priests (one of each side of the Choir) offer bread and wine which are used for the Consecration." 5 Voyages Liturgiques, pp. 407, 215. 6 Explic. P. iii. Art. iii. tome 2, pp. 284, 5. SECT. II.] OF THE ANCIENT CUSTOM. 315 cruet full of wine ; after which two of the women do the same. 1 In one English Church, that of Charlton in Wilt- shire, the ancient practice was retained until it was for- bidden by Bishop Davenant in 1638 : " Each inhabitant, or at least each householder, made their own provision of bread and wine for the Sacrament, and brought the same in several parcels, or divers pottle-pots, bottles, and glasses to the Table of the Lord." 2 With regard to other offerings, chiefly of money, intended for the support of the Parish Priest or relief of the poor, Boria, 3 writing in 1070, says, "The custom of offering still flourishes in many Churches, principally in the villages and townlets of the country people, who, being usu- ally more tenacious of ancient customs, do not easily acquiesce in changes as they come over them." It is nevertheless difficult to believe that such cases were numerous ; for Hof- meister, 4 more than a hundred years before Bona, speaks of such offerings as if they had been long obsolete : " Of the Canticle, which is called the Offertory, we will say nothing but that it shows not only that the Priest, while it is sung, prepares himself for the Sacrifice, but also that among the antients the laity used to offer their oblations, that they might not appear before God empty. But those oblations went partly to the Presbyters, partly to orphans and widows." It may be added that the Roman Missal still implies the Offering of the People, though so long disused ; for the Priest prays for those " who offer unto Thee this Sacrifice of Praise for themselves and all their families." The impropriety of this prayer, when the people do not offer, is thus exposed by a Eitualist 5 of the eleventh century : " According to the order of the holy Fathers and the text of the Canon itself, all the people who come into the Office of the Mass ought to offer bread and wine that the Priest may worthily and fairly say that they have offered the Sacrifice that is before him for themselves and all their families, seeing that the Priest's prayer by itself is only of his proper faith and devotion, not theirs, who make no offering." A law of Dagobert i. of France, which dates from the year 630, orders that if any one desires to give " vills, land, serfs, or money," " for the redemption of his soul," he shall " con- firm it with his own hands by an epistle, and have six or 1 Le Brun, Diss. iii. Art. ii. tome 3, p. 206. 2 Neale, Introd. p. 340 ; from a MS. account of Donhead S. Mary, com- municated by the Rector, the Rev. R. W. Blackmore. 3 Rer. Lit. L. ii. c. viii. n. viii. 4 Sacrif. Missse Assertio, p. 86 ; Mogtint. 1545. 5 Bernold ; Cassandri Liturg. c. xxvii. Opp. p. 60. 316 THE SINGING OF THE OFFERTORY. [CHAP. XL more witnesses" (whose names, if he likes, may be sub- scribed), " and then place the epistle itself on the Altar, and so deliver the money itself in the presence of the Priest who serves there." l Nearly two centuries later, in 803, we meet with the following form, which is stated to be used on such occasions : " I offer to God and dedicate all the things which are contained in this paper, for the remission of my sins, and those of my parents and children . . . that God may be served out of these things in sacrifices and celebrations of Masses, in prayers, in lights, in the maintenance of the poor and of the clergy, and the other ways of serving God, and in things useful for this Church. But if any one (which I do not in anywise believe will be done) shall hereafter take them away, let him render the strictest account to the Lord God, to whom I offer and dedicate them, under pain of sacri- lege from this deed," 2 etc. Many instances 3 of such gifts by a deed laid on the Altar, are still on record. It is pro- bable that they were generally made at the Celebration ; but from the silence of ancient writers on that point we may infer at least that it was not always so. From a law of Wihtred, King of the Kentish, A.D. 696, it appears that " freedom was given to slaves at the Altar." 4 SECTION III. Of the Singing of the Offertory, etc. e SAYING.] In 1 B. E. the Eubric before the Offertory was : " Then shall follow for the Offertory one or more of these sen- tences of Holy Scripture, to be sung whiles the people do offer ; or else one of them to be said ~by tlie Minister immediately afore the offering." A Eubric after the Sentences added " Where there be Clerks, they shall sing one or many of the sen- tences above written, according to the length and shortness of the time that the people be offering." In 2 B. C. the Curate is directed " earnestly to entreat them to remember the poor, saying one or more of these sentences," etc., though the Latin version of Elizabeth says, "Let one or more of these sentences be sung or recited." We have seen that the Offertory was originally an anthem sung by the Choir, but in most of the Dioceses of England it had long been said by the Priest only. The Sarum Eubric has, " Then is said the 1 Capit. Reg. Franc, torn. i. col. 95 ; Lex Bajuv. tit. i. c. i. 2 In Petit. Populi ad Carol. M. Capit. Reg. Fr. torn. i. col. 407 ; and Capit. L. vi. c. ccclxx. col. 988. 3 Several are collected by Bignon in Not. ad Marculf. Capit. Reg. Fr. torn. ii. col. 872. 4 Doom 9 ; Johnson's Eng. Caiions, vol. i. p. 146. SECT. IV.] THE SENTENCES OF THE OFFERTORY. 317 Offertory ;" the Hereford, " Then let him say the Offertory;" the Bangor is a mere heading to the verses, " The Offertory." Only the York says, " And let him with his Ministers sing the Offertory." The Roman has, " After that he says, Let us pray, and the Offertory." It need not be added that the order to say the Offertory does not exclude a musical intonation of which the whole service is capable. It merely means that the Priest is to recite it, but leaves the mode to him. 1 f IN HIS DISCRETION.] To his discretion is left the choice of the sentences to be said, as well as the number; some having special reference to the relief of the sick and needy, and others to the support of the clergy at home and abroad ; while the remainder are equally applicable to any work of piety or mercy. SECTION IV. The Sentences of the Offertory. a Let your light so shine before men, that they may s. Matth. v. see your good works, and glorify your Father which is in heaven. Lay not up for yourselves treasure upon the earth, s. Matth. vi. where the rust and moth doth corrupt, and where thieves break through and steal ; but lay up for yourselves treasures in heaven ; where neither rust nor moth doth corrupt, and where thieves do not break through and steal. Whatsoever ye would that men should do unto you, s. Matth. vii. even so do unto them ; for this is the Law and the Prophets. Not every one that saith unto me, Lord, Lord, shall s. Matth. vii. enter into the Kingdom of heaven ; but he that doth the will of my Father which is in heaven, Zacchseus stood forth, and said unto the Lord, Be- s. Luke xix. hold, Lord, the half of my goods I give to the poor ; 1 See before, p. 176. 318 THE SENTENCES OF THE OFFERTORY. [CHAP. XT. and if I have done any wrong to any man, I restore four-fold. i Cor. ix. b Who goeth a warfare at any time of his own cost ? Who planteth a vineyard, and eateth not of the fruit thereof? Or who feedeth a flock, and eateth not of the milk of the flock ? i Cor. ix. If we have sown unto you spiritual things, is it a great matter if we shall reap your worldly things ? 1 Cor. ix. Do ye not know, that they who minister about holy things live of the sacrifice ; and they who wait at the altar are partakers with the altar ? Even so hath the Lord also ordained, that they who preach the Gospel should live of the Gospel. 2 Cor. ix. He that soweth little shall reap little ; and he that soweth plenteously shall reap plenteously. Let every man do according as he is disposed in his heart, not grudgingly, or of necessity ; for God loveth a cheerful giver. Gal. vi. Let him that is taught in the word minister unto him that teacheth, in all good things. Be not de- ceived, God is not mocked : for whatsoever a man soweth that shall he reap. Gal. vi. While we have time, let us do good unto all men ; and specially unto them that are of the household of faith. i Tim. vi. Godliness is great riches, if a man be content with that he hath : for we brought nothing into the world, neither may we carry any thing out. i Tim. vi Charge them who art rich in this world, that they be ready to give, and glad to distribute ; laying up SECT. IV.] THE SENTENCES OF THE OFFERTORY. 319 in store for themselves a good foundation against the time to come, that they may attain eternal life. God is not unrighteous, that he will forget your Heb. \i works, and labour that proceed eth of love ; which love ye have showed for his Name's sake, who have mini- stered unto the saints, and yet do minister. To do good, and to distribute, forget not ; for with Heb. xiii. such sacrifices God is pleased. Whoso hath this world's good, and seeth his brother 'i g. j j in m. have need, and shutteth up his compassion from him, how dwelleth the love of God in him ? Give alms of thy goods, and never turn thy face Toiit iv. from any poor man ; and then the face of the Lord shall not be turned away from thee. Be merciful after thy power. If thou hast much, TMt iv. give plenteously : if thou hast little, do thy diligence gladly to give of that little : for so gatherest thou thyself a good reward in the day of necessity. He that hath pity upon the poor lendeth unto the p r ov. xix. Lord : and look, what he layeth out, it shall be paid him again. Blessed be the man that provideth for the sick PsaL xli< and needy : the Lord shall deliver him in the time of trouble. a LET YOUK LIGHT, ETC.] These Sentences are the same as in the two Books of Edward ; only it should be remarked that in 16G2 they were taken from the new translation of the Bible. Other changes were at that time proposed by Bishop Cosin, 1 which would have altered their arrangement and 1 See the Prayer-Book in the Episcopal Library at Durham, prepared by him to be submitted to the Bishops. They appear also as marginal additions in Sancroft's Prayer-Book (Bodleian, Arch. D). He was Cosin 's chaplain, and it is believed that it was this latter Book, altered in his hand under the direction of Cosin and Wren, that was used in Convoca- tion. See Bulley's Variations, pp. 142 (note), 153. 320 THE SENTENCES OF THE OFFERTORY. [CHAP. XI. added six to their number, viz., Gen. iv. 3, Exod. xxv. 2, Deut. xvi. 17, Ps. xcvi. 7, 8, S. Mark xii. 41-44, 1 Chron. xxix. 10-17. These passages were borrowed (with retrenchment of the first and third, and enlargement of the last) from Andrewes's Notes on the Book of Common Prayer, where they are suggested, with two others (Neh. x. 32, Acts xxiv. 1 7), as " Peculiar Sentences for the Offertory." x They had already been adopted into the Scotch Liturgy. Three of them (Exod. xxv. 2, S. Mark xii. 41-44, 1 Chron. xxix.), which bear on the building and decoration of Churches, are much needed in the present day. The sentence from 1 Chron. xxix. is in Andrewes's from ver. 14 to ver. 17 ; in the Scotch Liturgy it begins with ver. 10. b WHO GOETH A WARFARE, ETC.] This Sentence, and the seventh, eighth, and tenth, are especially applicable when offerings are to be made for the support of the Clergy at home or abroad. In the earlier reformed Books a Eubric followed the Sentences, which ordered that " upon the Offering Days appointed, every man and woman should [now] pay to the Curate the due and accustomed offerings." " Anciently," says L'Estrange, 2 " offering days appointed were ' every Lord's Day, and all high Festivals, whose eves were fasted.' " I think however that he only infers this from the law that prevailed in London, 3 by which artificers and tradesmen were bound to offer on those days one farthing for every ten shillings of house rent that they paid ; that is about 2s. 9d. in the pound yearly. 4 It is implied by several authorities that this rule was peculiar to London. Throughout the realm four special Offering-Days were observed, though not everywhere the same ; as appears from an Act passed in 1548, enforcing Offerings "at such four Offering-Days, as at 1 Notes on the B. C. P. voL xi. p. 153. Andrewes suggested that the Sentences which were already provided, should be read "some of them immediately before the Benediction, for the Poor." Ibid. 2 Alliance, c. vL p. 276. 3 Lyndwood, L. iii. tit. 17 ; in v. Negotiationum, p. 201. L'Estrange quotes this author without naming him. 4 The Convocation of 1562 complained of "the universal subtraction of privy or personal tithes, by means whereof almost all cities, market towns, boroughs, thoroughfares where the greatest multitudes are, and those more ingenious and civil, are at this present destitute of learned men, and many have no Service at all ;" and for " remedy," proposed that they should be rated as " in London ; that is, for every pound rent, to the Parson or Vicar, two shillings and ninepence." Cardwell's Synodalia, No. x. pp. 509, 510. SECT. IV.] THE OFFERINGS AT THE FOUR SEASONS. 321 any time heretofore within the space of four years last, hath been used and accustomed for the payment of the same, and in default thereof, to pay for the said offerings at Easter then following." This was the origin of Easter Offerings. Christ- mas and Easter seem to have been Offering-Days every- where. The other two varied according to the custom or rule of the Diocese. A Synod of Exeter, 1 A.D. 1287, ordered " every one fourteen years old to honour his Parish Church with offerings four times in the year," viz., at Christmas, Easter, the Feast of the Dedication of the Church, and All Saints' Day. By the Act of 27 Henry vm. c. 12, 1536, for the Abrogation of certain Holy-days, etc., it was ordered " that the Feasts of the Nativity of our Lord, of Easter Day, of the Nativity of S. John Baptist, and of S. Michael the Archangel, be accounted, accepted, and taken for the four general Offer- ing-Days." The same Statute, by ordering the citizens of London to pay their tithes on those days, suggests that tithes were included in the " due and accustomed offerings " of which the earlier Eubrics spoke ; and this, as L'Estrange 2 observes, is confirmed by the Latin Version of 1560, which expressly mentions tithes. 3 It is probable that after the Eeformation some better arrangement as to the time and place of making these offerings soon became general by common consent. In 1638 Bishop Mountagu 4 asks at his Visitation whether " the names of such as intend to receive are taken by the Minister overnight, or the day before, they repairing unto him, that he may examine or instruct them, they pay their offerings, and not disquiet that sacred action in the Chancel or Church by collecting of them then and there?" Somewhat later Bishop Cosin 5 proposed that the order should be reformed. He agrees with Mountagu that " if it should be thus observed, and at the time when they come to receive the Communion, it would breed a great dis- turbance in the Church, and take up more time than can be allowed for that purpose. Wherefore," he adds, " it is needful that some alteration be made of this Rubric ; and that the offerings or devotions of the people then collected should be brought to the Priest, and by him presented and laid upon the Altar or Communion Table, for such uses as be particu- larly named in the Sentences then read by him." 1 L'Estrange, Alliance, ch. vi. p. 276. 2 Alliance, v.s. See Clay's Liturgical Services, p. 388. 3 Liturgical Services, Q. Eliz. p. 388 ; Camb. 1847. 4 Articles, tit. vii. n. 6, p. 81. 5 Particulars to be Considered, n. 50, vol. v. p. 514. X 322 THE GATHERING AND PRESENTATION [CHAP. XI. SECTION V. The Collection and Presentation of the Alms, and other Devotions of the RUBRIC VIL PARAGRAPH I. IF a Whilst these Sentences are in reading, ^the Deacons, Churchwardens, or other Jit person appointed for that purpose, shall receive the Alms for the Poor and other c Devotions of the people in a decent d bason, to be provided by the Parish for that purpose, and reverently bring it to the Priest, e who shall humbly present and place it upon f the holy Table. a WHILST THESE SENTENCES ARE IN READING.] In Eidley's Articles of Visitation, A.D. 1550, it is ordered "that the Minister, in the time of the Communion, immediately after the Offertory, shall monish the Communicants, saying these words, or such like, 'Now is the time, if you please, to remember the poor men's chest with your charitable alms.'" 1 In the Churches at Northampton, under regulations made by the Bishop and others in 1571, " the Ministers often [during the Celebration] did call upon the people to remember the poor." 2 A somewhat similar practice prevails to some extent in Ireland at the present day. "At this period of the service" [i.e. after the Nicene Creed], observes Bishop Mant, 3 " some clergymen say, ' Pray, remember the poor,' and interrupt the service while the poor-box is sent round the congregation." Hermann suggested that " while the Creed is in singing the faithful offer their free oblations." 4 b THE DEACONS.] The Deacons are named first, because they are obviously the most fit for the employment ; the institution of the Order having been suggested by the necessity of having a class of officers authorized to discharge such functions. 5 The Scotch Liturgy says, "The Deacon, or, if no such be present, one of the Churchwardens." Similarly in the early Church, with reference to the offerings of bread and wine, the Apostolical Constitutions direct that 1 Doc. Ann. vol. i. p. 95. 2 Strype's Ann. of Q. Eliz. B. i. ch. 10, vol. ii. p. 92. 3 Horse Liturgicse, n. 54, p. 23. 4 Simple and Religious Consultation, fol. ccvii. fa. 2. 5 Acts vi. 1-6. SECT. V.] OF THE DEVOTIONS OF THE PEOPLE. 323 "the Deacons bring the gifts to the Bishop, to the Altar." 1 According to S. Isidore, 2 in the West they did more : "The Levites bring the offerings and place them on the Altars ;" and to the same purpose Amalarius : 3 " It is clear that it is their office in the New Testament to bring those things which are to be placed on the Lord's Table for the heavenly feast, and to arrange them upon it." At the earliest period it is probable that the people every- where came towards the Altar, and there gave their offerings into the hands of the Priest or Deacon, to be by them placed on or near it ; 4 a custom which satisfies to the letter our Lord's language, " If thou bring thy gift to the Altar," 5 etc. Dionysius of Alexandria, A.D. 254, speaks of a layman as " approaching " and " standing at the Table ;" 6 and it appears from the same authority that even women were, unless for- bidden for a special reason, permitted to " come to the Holy Table." 7 So at the close of the next century S. Chrysostom still speaks of the people "going to the Table." 8 Theodo- sius 9 at Milan, A.D. 390, went up himself to " offer the gifts on the Holy Table," but having done that, was not permitted to stay there. At Constantinople they did not forbid him to remain. In 431 his grandson and namesake says of him- self, "We approach the most holy Altar for the offer- ing of the gifts alone, and having entered the enclosed tabernacle of the sacred circles, immediately quit it." 10 On the other hand, the Council of Laodicsea, 11 probably about 365, permits "only those who have sacred functions to enter the place of the Altar and (there) communicate ;" and again declares that " a woman must not enter the part in which the Altar stands." Similarly the great Council of Constan- tinople, 12 in 691, disallows the entrance of the laity into the Chancel, with the sole exception of the Emperor, " when he should desire to bring gifts to the Creator;" for which ex- 1 L. viii. c. xii. ; Cotel. torn. i. p. 398. 2 De EccL Off. L. ii. c. 8 ; Hitt. col. 208. His very words are copied by Eabanus, A.D. 819, De Instit. Cler. L. i. c. 7. 3 De Eccl. Off. L. ii. c. 12 ; Hitt. col. 383. 4 A Canon in Regino, L. i. c. Ixii. says : " If the faithful offer anything at the Altar, let it be received by the Minister, and placed behind the Altar." Ed. Baluz. p. 48. 6 S. Matt. v. 23. 6 Euseb. Hist. L. vii. c. ix. p. 208. 7 Ep. ad Basilid. Can. ii. ; Bever. Pandect, torn. ii. p. 4. 8 Horn. 1. in S. Matt. Ev. 3 (c. xiv. v. 34), torn. vii. p. 582. 9 Theodoret, Hist. L. v. c. xviii. pp. 222, 3. 10 Edict. Labb. Cone. torn. iii. col. 1237. 11 Cann. xix. xliv. ; Pand. torn. i. pp. 461, 74. 12 Can. Ixix. ; Pand. torn. i. p. 239. 324 LAY PERSONS AT THE ALTAR. [CHAP. XL ception it pleads a "very old tradition." This rule has on the whole been carefully maintained throughout the East. 1 A similar discipline was attempted in the West, but with far less success. In the year 566 the Second Council of Tours 2 forbids "laymen to stand among the Clergy by the Altar at which the sacred Mysteries are celebrated, alike at Vigils and at Masses ;" but confirms a privilege which it seems they then enjoyed, at least in France : " Neverthe- less let the Holy of Holies be open to laymen and women, as the custom is, for praying and communicating." In an Ordo Romanus of the eighth century at least, we find the Bishop " descending " to receive the gifts of the people ; first going to the men, and then passing over " to the women's side ;" 3 and so in later, 4 though still early, directories, he is led by the Priest and Archdeacon to the place where the oblations are offered by the faithful laity, whether men or women, to receive them, after which he is " led back to the Altar." A French Council, 5 held about the year 744, at which a legate of Rome was present, in language borrowed from the Council of Tours, forbade " laymen to stand by the Altar within the screen, alike at Vigils and at Masses." The Capitula of Theodulf 6 of Orleans, A.D. 797, forbid "women to be nigh the Altar at the time when the Priest sings Mass, but that they stand on their own place, and that the Mass Priest there receive of them what they are willing to offer." The same Canon merely cautions laymen that they " dread to touch any of those holy things that belong to the Ecclesi- astical Ministry." This code was adopted by ^Elfric 7 of Can- terbury at the end of the tenth century, and obtained the same authority in England that it had before enjoyed in France. The exclusion of women from the neighbourhood of the Altar during Mass is also ordered in a somewhat earlier English code, 8 viz. that of Edgar, A.D. 960. In the Fifth Book of the Capitularies of the French Kings, compiled by Benedict of Mentz about the year 845, is an order that " notice should be given to the people to offer oblations to God every Lord's day, and that their oblation would be 1 German! Theor. Myst. ad calc. Liturg. SS. Patr. p. 148 ; Par. 1560. Smith's Greek Church, p. 67- Neale's Gen. Introd. ch. i. 7, p. 178, etc. 2 Can. iv. ; Labb. torn. v. col. 853. Adopted in the Capit. Reg. Fr. L. vii. c. cclxxiv. torn. i. col. 1087. 3 Ord. i. nn. 12, 13 ; Mus. Ital. torn. ii. p. 10. 4 Ord. vi. n. 9 ; ibid. p. 74. See also Ord. ii. n. 9 ; iii. 12 ; v. 8. 6 Capit. Reg. Franc, torn. i. col. 153 ; Can. vi. 6 Can. vi. ; Johnson's English Cations, P. i. p. 456. 7 See Johnson, u.s. p. 451. * Can. 44; Johnson, P. i. p. 421. SECT. V.] THE DEVOTIONS OF THE PEOPLE. 325 received without the enclosure of the Altar." 1 From this we learn that the Canon of Tours above quoted was observed in a strict sense. They were admitted into the Chancel to communicate, but not to offer. The last clause of the Imperial law was republished in 858 by Herard 2 of Tours, with an addition derived from the older Councils : " That laymen stand not within the screen (cancellos), and that the oblation of the people be received without the enclosure." It is probable, however, that this rule was never general in the West, and certain that it was not long maintained with any strictness. Near the close of the twelfth century, Bal- samon 3 says : " With regard to the Latins, I hear that not only laymen, but even women, enter the sacred Bema and sit there, and that ofttimes when those officiating at the Altar are standing." " Church discipline," observes Bona, 4 " being by little and little overturned, all, of whatever sex and con- dition indiscriminately, usurped the right to approach the sacred Altar." c THE DEVOTIONS OF THE PEOPLE.] These are whatever things they solemnly offer and dedicate to God, whether for the relief of His poor, the support of His Ministers, the maintenance of His worship, or any other object tending to advance His glory. The Rubric of 1549 "In the mean- time, while the Clerks do sing the Offertory, so many as are disposed shall offer to the poor men's box ;" and that of 1552 " Then shall the Churchwardens, or some other by them appointed, gather the devotion of the people, and put the same into the poor men's box," both imply that except on the four "Offering Days appointed" (see before, p. 320), the collection was for the use of the poor only. When the order respecting those days was omitted in 1662, the special Sentences that referred to them were still retained, and two changes made, which show that the oblations of the people may still be applied to other objects. The offerings made are now spoken of as " the alms for the poor, and other devo- tions of the people." A new paragraph was also added to the last Rubric, which directs that " the money given at the Offertory shall be disposed of to such pious and charitable uses as the Minister and Churchwardens shall think fit." The Scottish Liturgy, 1637, which also omits all mention of 1 Cap. ccclxxi.; Capit. Reg. Fr. torn. i. col. 903. 2 Can. Ixxxii. in Capit. Reg. Fr. torn. i. col. 1293. 3 Comm. in Cone. Trull. Can. Ixix. ; Pand. torn. i. p. 239. Similarly in Can. xliv. Cone. Laod. p. 474. 4 Rer. Lit. L. ii. c. ix. n. i. p. 337. 326 THE PRESENTATION OF THE OFFERINGS. [CHAP. XT. Offering Days, orders that " one half shall be to the use of the Presbyter, to provide him books of holy Divinity ; the other half shall be faithfully kept and employed on some pious and charitable use, for the decent furnishing of that Church, or the public relief of their poor." d BASON.] In many parishes nothing of the kind has been provided. A common substitute is the Alms-bag, which has the advantage of concealing the amount of the offering, whereby a temptation to display is avoided, and the Divine precept, " that thine alms be in secret," is obeyed so far as the occasion will admit. Even where there is a bason, it is better, for the above reason, to collect in bags, and then to place the bags in the bason to be offered on the Altar. e WHO SHALL HUMBLY PEESENT.] This order for the solemn oblation of the devotions of the people on the Altar was restored at the last Keview, having been previously intro- duced into the Scottish Liturgy. In 1 B. E. the offerer him- self brought his offering and put it into " the poor men's box," then, by the Injunctions of Edward, " set and fastened near unto the high Altar." l In 2 B. E. the Churchwardens or their substitutes gathered the alms, and placed them in the box ; but the Priest in the prayer for the Church Mili- tant, which immediately followed as it does now, offered them verbally : " We humbly beseech Thee most merci- fully to accept our alms." Now, the Priest both presents them on the Altar and implores God to accept them. In all these methods there is a solemn offering to God, but the last is the more perfect and significant, and more in accordance with the ancient rite. It may be observed here that it is clearly not right for one who offers without intending to communicate, to leave the Church as soon as he has offered, or even immediately after the gifts have been presented on the Holy Table. He ought to wait until they have been verbally offered by the Priest in the prayer that follows. This irregularity is noticed by Walafrid 2 Strabo, in the ninth century. He complains that some, " regarding rather the number of their offerings than the virtue of the Sacraments, frequently offered, as if they were passing by, in Masses at which they did not mean to stay throughout." It would be " more reasonable," he urges, " to offer at those at which you mean to remain ; that you who 1 Inj. 28 ; Doc. Ann. vol. L p. 18. Cranmer's Articles of Inquiry, ibid. p. 55. ' 2 De Reb. Eccl. c. 22 ; Hitt. col. 683. SECT. VI.] THE OBLATION OF THE NAMES. 327 have offered a gift to God may likewise offer a devout peti- tion for the acceptance of the same." It was an axiom of Hebrew ritual that "no one's sacrifice could be offered, unless he were himself present and standing by." l f THE HOLY TABLE.] This name for the Altar does not occur elsewhere in this Office, and it was only introduced into it at the last Review, from the Scotch Liturgy, in which it occurs in the Eubric corresponding to this, and twice elsewhere. It was inserted at the same period in the second paragraph of the first Rubrics in the Forms of Ordering Priests and Deacons. It is a frequent name for the Altar among the Greeks, both ancient and modern. Thus e.g. Cyril of Alexandria speaks of " that which is set on the Holy Tables of Churches ;" 2 and a modern document : 3 " We do not celebrate several times in the day in the same temple ; nor have we many Holy Tables in one Temple, but only one in each." It is also found, though not so often, in Latin writers. Thus Nicholas I. in the ninth century : " The holy Altar on which we pay the vows of sacrifices to Almighty God is by nature common stone ; . . . but because it has been consecrated by the help of God, and has received benediction, it is by that means made a Holy Table." 4 The phrase occurs twice in the first Exhortation to Communion, but its use there is clearly metonymical " holy table " being equivalent to "holy feast." 5 SECTION VI. Of the ancient Oblation of the Names. In the early Church the names of those who offered were recited. This was termed the Oblation of the Names, their recital being in effect a request for the prayers of the Church on their behalf. 6 In the Apostolic Constitutions 7 the Bishop is directed, in reference to any alms intrusted to him, to in- form the poor " who the giver is, that they may pray for him by name." The earliest allusion to the practice occurs in the epistles of S. Cyprian. Speaking of the premature 1 Lightfoot, Minist. Temp. c. vii. sect. iii. Opp. torn. 1. p. 700 ; Ultraj. 1699. 2 Adv. Nest. L. iv. torn. vii. p. 116 ; Par. 1638. Similarly in Caten. in S. Marc. Ev. (c. xiv. v. 23), p. 423 ; Oxon. 1840. 3 Metroph. Critop. Conf. (A.D. 1625), p. 129 ; Jena, 1850. 4 Ep. ii. Labb. torn. viii. col. 275. 6 See before, pp. 40, 304. 6 For a clear account of the Oblatio Nominum, see Albaspin. Observut. L. i. Obs. vii. p. 54. 7 L. iii. c. iv. Cotel. torn. i. p. 276. 328 THE EARLY HISTORY OF [CHAP. XI. readmission to full communion of some who had lapsed in a persecution, this author says, " Before the peace of the Church itself is restored, they are admitted to communicate, and their names are offered." l It is partly with a view to this recital of names that S. Cyprian, in sending to some Bishops in Numidia a collection made at Carthage for the redemption of captives, was careful to transmit with it the name of every contributor : 2 " I have subjoined the names of all and sundry, that in your petitions 3 you may bear in mind our brethren and sisters who have readily and willingly wrought for this so needful work, that they may always so work, and may make them a return for their good work in your sacrifices and prayers." 4 An epistle, 5 falsely ascribed to Innocent I., but certainly not later than the beginning of the sixth century, directs that " the oblations be first pre- sented, and the names of those whose the oblations are, be then given out, so that they may be named in the sacred Mysteries," and not " before the Priest said the Prayers (Preces) and presented the offerings in his prayer." The primitive practice clearly was to offer both the gifts and the names before the Eucharistic Litany (Preces) was said ; 6 but when in course of time the offerings were for the most part only bread and wine for use in the Sacrament, a custom naturally arose of offering later, in immediate preparation for the con- secration. The intention of the Eoman rule above given was to bring the offering of the gifts and of the donors' names together again ; which it effected, not by restoring the Oblation of the Gifts to its old place before the Preces, but by putting the Oblation of the Names after them as well. It is probable that the publication of the names of the offerers 1 Ep. xvi. p. 37. 2 Ep. Ixii. p. 149. 3 Orationibus. 4 Precibus. So in the context : " Quorum ... in Orationibus et preci- bus vestris meminisse debetis." A distinction is clearly intended, precea being connected with Sacrificia. According to early Latin usage, by Ora- tiones were chiefly understood what we should call Collects ; by Preces, the Eucharistic Litany, in the extant forms of which we still find certain names of Bishops, etc., recited, and a general mention made of " those who offer in the holy Church and give alms to the poor." Constit. Apost. L. viii. c. x. Cotel. torn. i. p. 397. See the note on Bidding Prayers, before, p. 264. 6 Ep. ad Decent. ii. Cigheri, torn. iv. p. 177. See Decentius in the index. 6 In the East, whence the West first derived the Gospel and its rites, the gifts were brought to the Priest before the service began ; otherwise the preparatory offering, on the Table of Prothesis, of the Elements taken out of the gifts of the people (Goar, Note 41, p. 119) could not have been made. This fact, though the West had no Table of Prothesis, so far as investigation will reach, serves to account for the place nearer the begin- ning of the Office, which the Offertory once occupied. SECT. VI.] THE OBLATION OF THE NAMES. 329 was obsolete in the Church of Eome by the eighth century ; for the earliest Ordo Eomanus contains no allusion to it. The custom prevailed in Spain both before and after that period. In 666, the Council of Merida 1 orders the names of those who have built Churches, or made gifts to them, " to be recited before the Altar in the time of Mass, if they are living in the body ; and in their place with the faithful dead, if they have departed, or shall depart this life." Accordingly the names of the offerers appear to have been recited in the Mozarabic Liturgy until that Office was finally suppressed at the end of the twelfth century. 2 Thus, for example, in the Oratio post Nomina for S. Andrew's Day, we have the following allusion : " The names of the holy Martyrs, and of the faithful who offer, and of those who have departed this life, having been now rehearsed by the Ministers of the Sacred Order, we beseech Thee," 3 etc. Similarly in a Mass for the Sick : " Having run through the names of the offerers, let us," 4 etc. The Gallican Church gave up the rite much earlier; though she also retained it until her Liturgy was, with equal injustice, superseded 5 by the Eoman in the reign of Charlemagne. We find a frequent reference to it in the Collectio post Nomina in a Sacramentary of the beginning of the eighth century ; e.g. in that for the Circum- cision 6 we read " Having heard the names of the offerers, let us beseech Christ," etc. In that for S. Andrew : 7 "the offerers, and those at rest whose names have been recited." The Council of Aachen 8 in 789, under Charlemagne, pro- fessing to refer to "the decree of Innocent" above cited, forbids " the public recital of the names before the prayer of the Priest." The decree of Innocent (so called) had reference to the names of the offerers ; but this does not appear in the 1 Can. xix. Labb. torn. vi. col. 507. 2 Le Brun, Diss. v. Art. ii. torn. 3, p. 297. 3 Miss. Moz. Leslie, p. 27. 4 Ibid. p. 455 ; similarly, pp. 317, 420, 435, etc. Allusions which seem to imply it are also common, as, ' ' We beseech Thee that the Volume of Life may contain the names of the offerers," p. 293, Conf. pp. 378 (1. i.) 418, 453, etc. 5 Le Brun, Diss. iv. Art. i. 1. torn. 3, p. 228. Miss. Goth, in Mabill. Liturg. GalL L. iii. p. 201. See also pp. 209, 228, 256, 276, etc. 7 Lit. GalL p. 221. Mai has printed a short fragment of a Gallican Sacramentary, in which two instances occur with this peculiarity, that tlie expressions, "the names having been heard," etc., seem to have slipped out of the Prayer into the Rubric, the titles of the Prayers being " Post nomina, auditis nominibus, and Post nomina, nominibus recensitis. Script. Vet. Coll. torn. iii. p. 247. 8 Can. liii. Capit. Reg. Franc, torn. i. col. 231. 330 PRAYERS FOR THE LIVING, [CHAP. XL Canon of Aachen ; because the Roman custom, which it was sought to introduce, had now changed. The Council of Frankfort, 1 794, made a similar decree, that " the names should not be recited before the oblation was offered." The Canon of Aachen appears in the code compiled by Angesi- sus 2 in 827, and again in that of Benedict, 3 845. In the Milanese 4 Liturgy the following prayer is used after the offering of the Elements to this day : " Receive, Holy Trinity, this oblation which we offer for ... and for the health and safety of Thy servants and handmaidens N., and of all for whom we have promised to implore Thy clemency, and of those whose alms we have received." In the old Liturgies of England, as still in the Roman, at the place where the names were anciently recited, there is a prayer for all the Faithful, of which a part runs thus : " Remember, Lord, Thy servants and handmaids N. and 1ST., and all who stand around (and all faithful Christians, Bangor and YorJc)," etc., where all the Rubrics suggest secret prayer for individuals. Thus the York : " Here let him pray in his heart for the living." These Rubrics are the later form of a direction occupying the same place in an annotated Canon (so to call it), a document of apparent authority, which has come down to us from the eighth century : " Here let the names of living persons be men- tioned, if thou shalt wish it ; but not on Sundays, except on certain days." 5 Here still, if there were any offerings, it would be natural to name the offerers, though the direc- tion does not expressly refer to them. A writer 6 of the ninth century, commenting on the same prayer, remarks, very much 1 Can. xlix. Capit. Reg. Fr. torn. i. col. 270. 2 L. i. c. lii. Ibid. col. 710. 3 L. v. c. Ixxxiii. Ibid. col. 839. 4 Miss. Ambros. in Pamel. torn. i. p. 298 ; or Martene, L. i. c. iv. Art. xii. Ord. iii. torn. i. p. 174. 6 This Canon is appended to the Ecloga of Amalarius, 812 (Capit. Reg. Franc, torn. ii. col. 1366, and Mus. Ital. torn. ii. p. 560). Hittorpius (col. 1177) publishes another revision, containing, however, the same direction, which he found appended to the Ordo Romanus in three MSS. Micro- logus, a writer of the twelfth century, supplies a third copy, varying from both the earlier, but preserving the above direction, which had now, perhaps, the authority of a Jtubric. De Eccles. Obs. c. 23 ; Hitt. col. 745. For nisi certis diebus (Mabill.), Hittorpius and Baluze give nisi cceteris diebus, and Micrologus omits the clause. Florus Magister, De Expos. Missae, 51 ; as complete in the Amplissima Collectio of Martene and Durandus, torn. ix. and reprinted by Migne, No. 119; see col. 47. Florus nourished about 837. He is here copied by Remigius of Auxerre, 888, De Celebr. Miss, ad calc. pseudo-Alcuin. De Div. Off. Hittorp. col. 285. SECT. VI.] ESPECIALLY THE OFFERERS. 331 to our purpose, that " in this place either it is free to the Priest to name in particular whom he shall wish, and to commend them by name to God ; or at all events, it was a custom observed by the ancients that then the names of the offerers should be recited." Out of the Latin Church there is, if I mistake not, a trace of the practice jn question in the Liturgy of S. James :* " Remember, Lord, those who bear fruit and do good works in Thy holy Churches, and who remember the poor, widows, orphans, strangers, and needy, and all who have charged us to remember them in the Prayers. Deign further to remember, Lord, those also who have this day offered these offerings on Thy holy Altar, and for whom each has offered, or has in his mind, and those whose names have been now read out unto Thee." The context seems to show that the names originally intended were those of the offerers, and suggests a suspicion that some change was made in the wording of the clause, when the custom of publishing them had become obsolete. In the Liturgy of S. Mark, 2 which has certainly undergone no change since the twelfth cen- tury, we have, "Receive the Thank-offerings of those who offer the sacrifices and oblations, ... of those who desire to offer, much and little, secretly and openly, and have not wherewith ; and of those who have this day offered the offerings." The Liturgy of S. Basil : 3 " Remember those who have offered, and for whom they offered." In S. Chrysostom, 4 the Priest in his prayers during the prepara- tion of the Elements, and the Deacon after the consecration, while the Priest is praying for those who are about to par- take, and the Priest himself again immediately after him, " commemorate whom they will, living or dead." It is reasonable to suppose, that in one of these places at least mention was originally made (as in the West, when similar commemorations were suggested) of those who offered on that occasion. It is probable that four causes led to the decline and extinction of the Oblation of the Names of offerers, viz., (1) the growing iiifrequency of gifts by the laity ; (2) the rule which forbade the publication of the names on Sundays, when most would hear them ; (3) the custom which arose of saying the whole Canon inaudibly ; and lastly, the innovation which left the choice of benefactors' names to the discretion of the Priest. A silent and optional commemoration would 1 Lit. PP. p. 28 ; TroUope, p. 89. 2 Renaud. torn. i. p. 151. 3 Goar, p. 159. 4 Goar, pp. 62, 78. 332 PRAYERS FOR THE DEPARTED. [CHAP. XI. not engage the interest of the people, and in practice would soon cease in most Churches. It appears that in some parts of the Church, not only were the names of the donors published, but the amount or value of their offerings was also stated. This might have been a wise precaution, where suspicion was likely to arise as to the disposal of offerings of unknown amount ; but it naturally led to ostentation and hypocrisy. "We see many," S. Jerome 1 complains, " who are guilty of oppression through their power, or commit thefts, how out of their many posses- sions they give little alms to the poor, and glory in their crimes, and the Deacon publicly recites the names of the offerers, 'She offers so much; He has promised so much;' and they please themselves with the applause of the people, while conscience is tormenting them." In the same part of the Office, as we shall see, 2 prayers were offered for the King and all in authority, for the Patri- arch, Bishop, and other Clergy ; and also, though apparently not at the earliest period, for the faithful departed. It was then permitted to name any deceased friend of the wor- shippers, or former benefactor or ruler of the local Church. It has been supposed, even by writers not of the Eoman Communion, that this commemoration of the dead dated from the age of the Apostles. Thus Salig 3 finds an authority for it in the command of the Apostle to the Hebrews : " Bemember your rulers, those who spoke to you the word of God, of whom, contemplating the end (by death) of their conversation, follow the faith." 4 The word here rendered " remember " is one which, in the Liturgies, is often rendered by "commemorate." The practice is certainly very early. Thus Tcrtullian, A.D. 204, says, "We make oblations for the departed on one day in the year, for birthday honours." 5 S. Cyprian, referring to two martyrs who had received " palms 1 Comm. in Ezek. L. vi. c. xviii. Opp. torn. v. col. 209; Veron. 1736. Similarly in Hicrem. L. ii. c. xi. torn. iv. col. 921. 2 After, p. 337. See P. i. ch. xii. sect. iii. 3 De Diptychis Veterum, c. ix. viii. p. 142. He refers to the Roman Catholic writers Christian Wolff (torn. iv. Synod, p. 426) and Andr. Saussay (De Mystic. Gall. Script, p. 54, etc.) as supporting the same view. 4 Hebr. xiii. 7. MvypovrufTf T>V riyovpevatv vpfov, olrives e\a\r)(rav vfjuv rov \6yov TOV 0eo), &v dvadempovvrfs TTJV enfiairiv rfjs dvacrrpo^r^s fUfjiflffde ri)v Tri. 28. See note 3 , p. 336. 342 GREEK WORSHIP OF THE ELEMENTS. [CHAP. XI. the Diaconicon) at the little north door, and proceed slowly into the nave or area of the Chancel, about which they take a compass, the Quire in the meanwhile singing the hymn which they call Chei^ubicus. The people during this proces- sion show all imaginable reverence, bowing their heads, bend- ing their knees, and sometimes prostrating themselves upon the pavement and kissing the hem of the Priest's Stole, as he passes by," 1 ("in certain places, some, especially those afflicted with sickness, casting themselves under their feet"), 2 " that they may receive some miraculous benefit and remedy by the direct means and influx of the Sacrament," 3 " besides crossing themselves continually during this pomp, and re- peating these words," 4 " as to Christ present," 5 " Eememler me, Lord, in Thy Kingdom ; the Priests and Deacons inter- ceding for themselves and the people in this form : TJie Lord God be mindful of us all in His Kingdom now and for ever. Then they enter in at the Holy Gate, or middle door, and place the elements on the Altar directly opposite to it, in order to their consecration. . . . This seems to be, and really is, as they order the matter, the most solemn part of the Grecian worship, and at which they express the greatest devotion, if we may judge of it by their outer and visible signs. A practice that really gives great offence, and is wholly unjustifiable. . . . Whereas after the Consecration, when the Symbols are exposed and shown to the people, the reverence is not half so great, only a little bowing of the body, which is soon over." 6 A defence of the custom is attempted by many Greek and " some Latin writers," 7 but on grounds wholly inadequate. Thus Symeon 8 of Thessalo- nica: "Although they (the Elements) have not yet been sacrificed, yet have they been dedicated to God on the Pro- thesis, and the Priest there offered a prayer to God that He 1 Smith's Greek Church, p. 133. 2 Goar, note 110, p. 131. 3 Ricaut's State of the Greek Church, ch. ix. p. 196. 4 Smith's Greek Church, u.s. 5 Goar, p. 131. 6 Smith, p. 133. 7 Goar, note 110, p. 132 ; e.g. Raulin in Not. ad Liturg. Malab. p. 302, who argues that such worship is merely TrpotrKvivjo'is, and that even "if any act of Latria took place it would be directed, not to the bread, but to the Body of Christ, though not present, which the bread already sig- nifies and represents ;" and he urges that it is worthy of such worship, "both because sanctified by the benedictions of the Deacon and the prayers, and also because (to use scholastic terms and words) that bread is in order and power to become (est in fieri) the Body of Christ." 8 De Ternplo et Missa, in Goar, p. 225. There is a Treatise devoted to the defence of the custom by Gabriel Severus, Metropolitan of Philadel- phia, which was published at Venice, 1604. SECT. VIII.] PRESENTED BY THE PRIEST. 343 would also receive them (he said) on the Altar above. For even if they are not yet fully consecrated, yet they are pre- pared for being consecrated, and dedicated to God, and anti- types of the Lord's Body and Blood. If therefore we give honour and worship to the sacred images, much more to the gifts themselves, which are antitypes, as the great Basil says, and offered that they may become the Body and Blood of Christ." Similarly some Priests replied to Eicaut 1 that " they adored the Elements as being in immediate capacity and disposition to be converted into the true Body and Blood of Christ." It is only consistent with such reasoning to maintain that the people " ought to fall down before the Priests on account of the sacred vessels, even if some of them are empty ; because they all have a share of sanctification, the Divine gifts being consecrated in them." 2 The rite of the Great Entrance is observed by the Copts, Syrians, and Ethiopians, and it would seem that among them all the Elements are honoured with a " special worship, and that greater than is bestowed on images, from the moment they have been destined for the Eucharistic Sacrifice." 3 A very probable trace of the Great Entrance in the semi-Oriental Liturgy of Spain may be seen in the fact that the oblation of the Elements was at an early period called their illation, or bringing in. Thus the Council of Valentia 4 in 524 directed that the most holy Gospels should be read before the illation of the gifts ;" which may be illustrated by mentioning that among the Copts and Abyssinians the gifts are still brought in before the Lessons are read. 5 This subject should be con- sidered in connexion with the Prayers used in the several Liturgies at the presentation of the Elements. 6 b THE PRIEST.] In requiring this to be done by the Priest, and no other, the Church is guided both by the nature of the rite and by the precedent of all antiquity. We have seen that in the early Church bread and wine formed a part, and often the whole, of the oblations of the people, and that out 1 Greek Church, c. ix. p. 196. 2 Symeon Thessal. Gear, p. 226. 3 See Renaud. in Not. ad Lit. Copt. S. Bas. torn. i. pp. 186, 7, 8. 4 Cap. i. Labb. torn. iv. col. 1617. In S. Isidore's time, A.D. 610, the name of illation was given to that part of the service between the Prayer ad Pacem and that called Post Pridie. It therefore included the Preface and the Consecration, to the former of which the name is now restricted. See S. Isid. de Eccl. Obs. L. i. c. 15 ; Hitt. col. 188. 6 Lit. S. Bas. Copt., Renaud. torn. i. p. 3 ; and Lit. ^Ethiop. ibid. pp. 502, 525. 6 See after, note on the words and oblations in the Prayer for the Church Militant, ch. xii. ii. p. 367. 344 THE ELEMENTS OFFERED [CHAP. XT. of them, after they had been solemnly presented by him- self, the Priest took what was required for the Celebration. 1 Although the bread and wine are not now the private offer- ing of the worshippers present, but are provided by the Parish at large, they are nevertheless still a part of the obla- tions of the people, and, as such, ought equally with the alms to be presented by the Priest upon the holy Table, before they are applied to that holy purpose for which they are ultimately designed. It is not indeed of the essence of the Sacrament that the people should offer the bread and wine, either actually or constructively ; nor, when they offer, is it essential that it should be presented by the Priest in act, as well as in word ; but his act is necessary to the full significance and solemnity of their oblation, and the Church has provided for the pre- sentation of the Elements by his hands, as carefully as for that of the alms. It is difficult to understand how this solemn rite, so full of pious meaning, and so strictly pre- scribed, has been so much neglected among us. From 1552 to 1662 the Eubric did not enforce it; but more attention might have been expected to the order, when it was at last restored. In 1707 Hickes 2 complains that this "Eubric, to the great reproach of the clergy, was almost never since [its restoration] observed in Cathedral or Parochial Churches. I say almost never," he adds, " because I never knew or heard but of two or three persons, which is a very small number, who observed it ; but the bread and wine was still placed upon the table before the Office of the Communion began, without any solemnity, it may be by the clerk or sexton, or any other, perhaps unfitter, person, to the great derogation of the reverence due to the holy Mystery." He then pro- ceeds to recommend the use of a Credence, or " table of pre- paration," to facilitate the observance of the Eubric. A Credence had been used by Laud in his private Chapel, 3 and we have his authority for the fact that " both Bishop Andrewes and some other Bishops used it so all their time." 4 1 See before, sect. ii. of this chapter. 2 Christian Priesthood, Pref. Disc. v. vol. i. p. 128 ; Oxf. 1847. The word credence is of northern origin, the root red being identical with read in our English word " ready." Hickes, M.S., derives it " from the ancient Gothic or Teutonic verb ' garedan,' or 'geredan;' in Saxon ' gepedan ;' in Kilian ' ghe-reeden,' parare, apparare, ordinare, ' to make ready, to prepare.' Hence the noun ' garedeins,' or ' geredeins,' ' gare- dens,' or ' geredens,' by contraction ' gredence,' paratorium, from whence ' credenza' and ' credence.' " 3 History of the Troubles, c. xxxiii. ii., Works, vol. iv. p. 210. 4 Ibid. SECT. VOL] AND PRESENTED BY THE PRIEST. 345 Many Credences were placed in Parish Churches in the reign of Charles I., some of which remain to this day, 1 although this was one of those " Innovations in Disci- pline" 2 complained of by the Committee of Divines in 1641, and therefore in most instances removed during the Great Eebellion. Very many have been restored within the last thirty years, and, notwithstanding the attempt to suppress them by persons imbued with the spirit of the Puritans, they have been declared legal by the Judicial Committee of the House of Lords, 3 and are now happily becoming more numerous. In all the English Liturgies in use before the Eeforma- tion, as in the Eoman, the Priest is directed to place the Elements on the Altar himself. Thus in the Sarum and Baugor Missals : " Let the Deacon reach to the Priest the Cup, with the Paten and Sacrifice (i.e. the Host to be conse- crated). Receiving the Cup from him, let him carefully place it in its proper place on the middle of the Altar." York : " Let the Priest wash his hands and place the Host on the corporal cloths." " Also the Cup with the wine and water." The Hereford is equally to the purpose. In the First Book of Edward, the Minister (for so the Priest in that Eubric, as in others of the same Office, is called) is directed to " lay the bread upon the corporas, or else in the Paten . . . and put- ting the wine into the Chalice . . . putting thereto a little pure and clean water, to set both the bread and wine upon the Altar." The Scottish Liturgy, 1637, restored the Order in these words : " The Presbyter shall then offer up and place the bread and wine prepared for the Sacrament upon the Lord's Table, that it may be ready for that service." This was evidently before Cosin, 4 when in 1661 he proposed the following Eubric, which is the original draught of our present one : " And if there be a Communion the Priest shall then offer up and place the bread and wine in a comely Paten and Chalice upon the Table, that they may be ready for the Sacrament, so much as he shall think sufficient." The words in italics are crossed out in the MS., and the words " as much bread and wine" inserted after " Table" in the handwriting of Sancroft, who was Secretary to the Committee of Bishops appointed to prepare the book for revision by Convocation. 1 As at Chipping Warden, with the date 1627 ; at Battle, Cobham, Queenborough, etc. At Islip is one provided after the Restoration. 2 Cardwell's Hist, of Conferences, ch. vii. N. i. p. 273. 3 Westerton v. Lid dell ; Moore's Report, p. 186. 4 Works, vol. v. p. 515, note. 346 THE TIME AND MANNER OF OFFERING. [CHAP. XL c SHALL THEN PLACE, . . . AFTER WHICH DONE THE PRIEST SHALL SAY.] Observe how carefully the setting of the bread and wine on the Altar is restrained to this point of time, between the presentation of the alms and the prayer in which we beseech God to " accept our alms and oblations." The Eubric is so worded that the Priest has no authority to say that prayer,, unless he has previously placed the Elements on the Altar. He is told to do that, and " after that done" to say the Prayer. The Elements are not Oblations, until they are set on the Table. " When you see the bread and wine set upon God's Table by him that ministers in this Divine Service, then," says Bishop Patrick, 1 " it is offered to God ; for whatsoever is solemnly placed there becomes by that means a thing dedicated and appropriated to Him." " And if you observe the time when this bread and wine is ordered to be placed there, which is immediately after the alms of the people have been received for the poor, you will see it is intended by our Church to be a thankful oblation to God of the fruits of the earth," presented to Him " in a thankful remembrance of our food, both dry and liquid (as Justin 2 Martyr speaks), which He, the Creator of the world, hath made and given unto us." Are the bread and wine to be presented together, or is a separate oblation to be made of each ? The Eoman and York Missals direct that the bread be first offered, and after- wards the contents of the Chalice ; but the common English Use, as best explained by the Hereford Eubric, was to offer them together : " Let him take the Paten with the Host, and place it on the Cup, and holding the Cup in his hands, let him say devoutly, Eeceive, Holy Trinity, this Oblation," etc. The Sarum (and Bangor) Eubric is obscure ; but as those Missals provide only one Prayer of Oblation, while the York and Eoman give one for each Element, and as the Eubric is not inconsistent with the Hereford rite, we may safely infer that the bread and wine were offered together according to the Sarum Use also. That this might be done conveniently, the Paten was, I believe invariably, so made in the Middle Ages that the lower part of it fitted into the mouth of the Chalice. The first reformed Liturgy evidently adhered to the common English practice : " Then shall the Minister take . . . bread and wine, . . . laying the bread upon the Corporas, or else in the Paten, . . . and putting the wine into the Chalice, . . . putting thereto a little pure and clean water, and setting both the bread and wine upon 1 The Christian Sacrifice, Part ii. viii. p. 69 ; ed. 1679. 2 Dial, cum Tryph. 117, torn. ii. p. 388. SECT. IX.] THE MIXED CHALICE. 347 the Altar." The separate preparation of each Element is described ; but not till both are prepared, do we hear of their presentation. Then he is to "set both upon the Altar," clearly by one and the same action. This method seems therefore to have the higher authority for us. The Non- jurors almost copied the Eubric of 1 B. E., retaining the word "both," which our present Rubric and the Scotch alike omit. Owing to the great quantity of bread and wine required for the Communion, as described in the early Ordines Romarii, they were from necessity placed separately on the holy Table ; but for many ages only one prayer of oblation was said over them ; l viz., that which in the Sacramentaries is called the Secret. It is probable, from the great preval- ence of the practice, that they were, except in such a case of necessity, generally presented together until a comparatively late period. In the old Irish ritual they were " offered simultaneously." 2 The same rule was observed at Moysac, 3 at S. Thierry 4 by Eheims, at Soissons, 5 at Fecamp, 6 at Lehon, 7 and Le Bee ; 8 and in many other places. 9 Such is still the practice of the Carthusians, the Carmelites, and the Domi- nicans. 10 It may be asked, at what part of the Service the Elements were presented, when the Priest himself placed them on the holy Table, during the period in which the order for it was omitted ? Many probably of the first generation from the time of the omission would present them as they had been taught by the first reformed Book, immediately after the Offertory ; but later we find Bishop Andrewes doing it im- mediately before the Consecration. 11 SECTION IX. Of the Mixed Chalice. d WINE.] The First Book of Edward ordered the Minister to "put thereto a little pure and clean water." This order was 1 The use of two distinct prayers began at Rome and elsewhere in the thirteenth century. Romse'e, Rit. et Cserem. Miss. c. ii. Art. xvi. vi. torn. iv. p. 142. 2 The Stowe MSS. vol. i. App. i. p. 46. 3 Martene, L. i. c. iv. Art. xii. Ord. viii. p. ] 94. * Ibid. Ord. x. p. 197. 6 Ord. xxii. p. 220. 6 Ord. xxvi. p. 229. 7 Ord. xxxiv. p. 238. 8 Ord. xxxvi. p. 242. 9 It is inferred that the same rule existed in many other Churches, whose ritual still provided only one new prayer for the Oblation ; while others gave two. For examples, see Martene, Ordd. v. vii. pp. 189, 193. 10 See Roms^e, Rit. et Cser. App. torn. iv. pp. 359, 367, 376. 11 Notes on the B. C. P. ; Minor Works, p. 157. 348 THE MIXTURE PRIMITIVE AND GENERAL, [CHAP. XL omitted in 1552, and has never been restored. It is ob- served, however, that the First Book, both in the Rubric which prescribes the mixture, and in the Prayer of Consecra- tion, calls the mixed contents of the Chalice " wine ;" " setting both the bread and wine upon the Altar," " these Thy gifts and creatures of bread and wine;" and it has been argued from this that the mention of wine only in our present Office does not preclude the use of water. Nevertheless the omission has led to the almost total disuse of the mixture, and to erroneous opinions of it. I. The custom of adding water to the wine was general, and possibly universal in the Primitive Church. Thus Justin 1 Martyr in his oft-quoted account of the Celebration : " Bread is brought, and wine and water;" Ireneeus 2 mentions the " mixed Cup," and the " mixture of the Cup ;" S. Clemens 3 of Alexandria comments upon the practice mystically : " The Word, the Blood of the Grape, willed to be mingled with water ;" and again : "Analogously, the wine is mingled with the water, the Spirit with the Man." S. Cyprian, 4 con- demning some heretics who used water only, affirms that " Christ, by the example of His own teaching, showed that the Cup was to be mixed by the putting together of wine and water." This is, however, so well known that we will con- tent ourselves with adding the testimony of ^Ifric 5 to show that our own Church was no exception in early times : " Holy books command that water be mingled with that wine which shall be for Housel ; because the water signifieth the people, and the wine Christ's Blood." Such being undoubtedly the general practice of the Primi- tive Church, which our own reformed branch of the Church Catholic has taken for her avowed guide and model, the omission of the order for its observance has been a cause of some perplexity. This circumstance, however, owes most of 1 Ap. i. c. 67, torn. i. p. 270. Sim. c. 65, p. 266. 2 L. v. c. ii. 3 ; ed. Stieren, torn. i. p. 718 ; and L. iv. c. xxxiii. 2, p. 666. 3 Pjedag. L. ii. c. ii. ed. Sylb. p. 151. 4 Ep. Ixiii. p. 151. The same heretical practice is mentioned earlier by Clemens Al., Strom, i. p. 317, and yet earlier by S. Iren. L. v. c. i. 3, p. 716. This Ep. of S. Cypr. is cited by S. Aug. De Doct. Christ. L. iv. c. xxi. torn. iii. col. 108. 5 Horn, in Di. Sanct. Pasch. in L'Isle's Ancient Monuments, p. 11 ; Lond. 1638 ; or in Harvey's Vind. Cathol. torn. iii. p. 355. The same symbolism appears in S. Cypr. (Ep. Ixiii. p. 153, etc. " Quando in calice vino aqua miscetur, Christo populus adunatur"), and many others. ^Elfric had probably learnt it from Bertramnus, who dwells on it at some length, De Corp. et Sang. Dom. p. 28 ; Lond. 1845. SECT. IX.] BUT NOT ESSENTIAL. 349 its importance to the fact that it gives a seeming advantage to the ill-informed members of other Communions, when they would reproach us with unfaithfulness to our great principle. For though the practice was primitive and general, it has not been shown to have been universal. The Armenian Church does not use the mixed Chalice, nor can it be proved that she ever did. 1 The ancient Church of Ireland did not use it. 2 The Church of Eome herself does not hold it to be necessary to the Sacrament ; only regarding the neglect of it as a grave breach of discipline. " It is the certain judg- ment of Divines," says Bona, 3 " that the Consecration is valid when the water is omitted, though he sins grievously who omits it," "A little water," says Merati, 4 "ought to be mixed by the Priest with the wine on the Altar, not ... for necessity of the Sacrament or Divine precept, . . . but only 1 Among the replies of Macarius of Jerusalem to Vartanus (the son of Gregory the Illuminator), Bishop of the Armenians in the fourth century, is the following : " Let new bread be set on the Altar and a cup of pure wine without any admixture, according to the Apostolical traditions." I am not aware that the antiquity of this Canon is disputed. It is printed by Mai in Script. Vet. Nov. Coll. torn. x. p. 272. The next notice of the Armenian practice occurs in the 32d Canon of the Council in Trullo. Bever. Pand. torn. i. p. 191. The Greeks there condemn the omission, but do not allege that it was of recent origin. An Armenian Canon of the eighth century (Mai, M.S. p. 303) ascribes the rule to Gregory. Hence it appears to have been a later slander to assert that the Armenians had renounced the mixture, because it symbolized the union of the two natures in one Person. Even Isaac Catholicus, A.D. 1130, only urges that they do not symbolize the human nature, using wine only. Invect. in Armen. Combefis. Auct. Nov. torn. ii. col. 351. So late as 1170, Theorian, in his Controversy with Nerses, the Armenian Catholicus, says, "We have learnt that in the Divine Mysteries the Armenians offer wine with- out mixing water with it. We wish to learn whence they received this " (Mai, Script. Vet. Nov. Collect, torn. v. p. 356). To this Nerses replies that it is not a question of vital importance, and offers to refer it to a general Synod (pp. 366, 374). His Greek opponent suggests no symboli- cal reason for the rite, but alleges general usage and the authority of Councils and Fathers. The question is only raised in the second disputa- tion of Theorian against Nerses, recently printed from MS. by Mai : there is no reference to it in the first, long known to Europe through the edi- tions of Leunclavius, Basil. 1578, and Ducaeus, Biblioth. PP. Suppl. torn. i. p. 439. Demetrius Cyzicenus, of the seventh or eighth century, asserts that the ancient writers of Armenia ascribed their mode of Celebration in this and other particulars to Gregory the Illuminator, their Apostle (De Jacob. Hasres. Combef. Auct. Nov. torn. ii. p. 267) ; and we are told the same by Nicephorus Callistus, Histor. Eccl. L. xviii. c. liv. torn. ii. p. 885. 2 This appears from the Missal, in which are neither order nor prayer relating to it. Dr. O'Conor, a learned Roman Catholic, in his descrip- tion of this MS., of which but one copy exists, observes, "The ceremony itself is entirely omitted, as of human institution." Catal. of MS. in the Library at Stowe, vol. i. App. p. 47. 3 Rer. Lit L. ii. c. ix. n. iii. 4 In Gavanti, P. iii. tit. iv. n. vi 350 THE ORIGIN OF THE USAGE [CHAP. XI. of Ecclesiastical precept obliging under mortal siu." The Council of Trent 1 in fact goes no further than to say that " Priests have been ordered by the Church to mix water with the wine," and the Catechism of Trent 2 teaches that, " though the water be wanting, the Sacrament can have place all the same." Again, the Catechism of Trent teaches that, " according to the opinion and judgment of Ecclesiastical writers, that water is converted into wine." 3 If so, it may as well be left out ; for the contents of the Cup are not a mixture in that case, and the reasons for the use of water founded on the supposi- tion of its mingling with the wine come to an end. Others in the Church of Eome maintain that the water is not con- verted into wine, but that the water and wine are severally, though at the same moment, converted into the Blood of Christ ; 4 in which case, though the mixture may be signi- ficant, it contributes nothing to the Sacrament, and is on that account unnecessary. II. The use of water appears to have been accidental, so to speak, in the first instance, though ritual and symbolical reasons were soon offered to account for it. It was the general practice of the Jews to dilute their wine with water. " Their wine was very strong," says an ancient Jewish writer, 5 " and not fit for drinking unless water was mixed with it." In the Song of Solomon, 6 we read of " a round goblet which wanteth not mixture." In Proverbs, 7 Wisdom, inviting the simple to her feast, says, " Come, eat of my bread and drink of my wine which I have mingled." We are also expressly told that " the wine which was offered to God in sacrifice was mixed with water." 8 The law did not order wine to be used at the Passover ; but 1 ] in course of time it came to be considered a necessary part of the Eeast. When so used it was, as a rule, always mixed. " Hence in the Rubric of the Feasts, when mention is made of the wine, they always use the word misgu, they mix for him the cup." 9 Maimonides thus assumes the use of water : " If that water with which the wine was mixed had been placed between two companies in the middle of the house, he who ministered at the supper, 1 Sess. xxii. c. vii. 2 Pars ii. De Euch. Sacr. c. xvii. note. 3 Ibid. c. xviii. * Liebermann, Instit. Theol. L. vi. P. iii. c. ii. Art. ii. ii. prop. ii. 6 Gloss, in Lightfoot, Hor. Hebr. in S. Matth. xxvi. 27, n. v. Opp. torn. ii. p. 380. Ch. vii. v. 2 ; marg. 7 Ch. ix. vv. 2, 5. 8 Qusest. Hebr. in Paralip. (I. xi. 15) olim Hieron. ascr. torn. ii. App. col. 50. 8 Lightfoot, u.s. in note 5 . SECT. IX.] OF THE MIXED CHALICE. 351 when he rose from the table to mix the cups," etc. It was a rule that " pure wine should be poured into the cup, and the mixture of the water take place in the cup." 1 As the Sacrament was instituted at the Paschal Supper, and the Cup which the Lord blessed one of those which were cere- monially drunk at that feast, it is an almost certain inference that the wine which He used had a portion of water mingled with it. It is not absolutely certain, because (1) in institut- ing a new ordinance He was not bound to follow in every particular that ancient rite on which He modelled it ; and especially He was free (if I may so speak), in regard to the cup of wine, the use of which was only a tradition of the elders, and not prescribed in the Divine Law ; and (2) be- cause, although " they commonly mixed water " with the wine, it was not considered essential, their rule being, " If any one has drunk the wine pure, and not mingled with water, he 1ms done his duty;" 2 and (3) because there was no certain tradition to that effect among the first Christians : Origen 3 even affirming as from the Scripture that the Sacra- ment was instituted with unmixed wine. Whether water happened to be used at the institution or not, it is antecedently probable that the Apostles, whenever they celebrated, would retain the Jewish custom of diluting the wine, and that this would become the rule in the Churches which they founded, or at all events in those countries where the same custom existed, as we know that it did largely among the Greeks and Eomans. This will sufficiently account for the prevalence of the practice from the first ages of the Gospel. It is worthy of observation, however, that the practice which originated in national custom was susceptible of modification from the same cause. The Eomans used cold water, but " the Greeks used to tem- per wines with warmed water," 4 whence it came to pass that in the Latin Church cold water only is mixed with the wine of the Eucharist, while in the Greek they use both cold and hot. 5 The Orientals only put cold into the Chalice ; 6 and 1 Tract. Prim, de Sacrif. Pasch. c. ix. iv. ; ed. Compiegne, p. 43. 2 Lightfoot, as in note 6 on the preceding page. 3 Horn. xii. in Jerem. 2 ; torn. xv. p. 233. To irorripiov irtpl ov ytypaTTTai, ov^ on enepacrfv' 6 'Iqcrovs yap ev(ppa.iva>v TOVS /j,a6r)Tas aKparo) fi/(f)paivft. 4 Acron, Scholia Horatiana, vol. i. p. 324 (Prag. 1858), in Carm. iii. 19, v. 6. Acron wrote in the fifth or sixth century. 5 The cold in the Diaconicon in the preparatory Office ; the hot after the Consecration and immediately before the Reception. Goar, pp. 61, 82, and notes 166, 167, p. 148. 6 Renaud. torn. i. p. 294. 352 THE INDIFFERENCY OF THE MIXTURE. [CHAP. XL Balsamon 1 relates that when the Iberians were once ques- tioned on the subject in a Council of the Orthodox, they replied that " from long custom of the country no Iberian ever used hot water for a drink of wine, and that for that reason they did not use it boiling for the sacred rites." Some Oriental Liturgies appear to contain an allusion to the ori- ginal intention of the mixture, when they assert that our Lord " mixed the Cup temperately of wine and water." 2 III. Such being the history of the mixed Cup, it is impos- sible to regard it as essential, or even important, on its own account. With Bishop Audrewes 3 we must "hold it a matter not worth the standing on " one way or the other. Nevertheless on other grounds it is greatly to be desired that the order for it should be restored to our Enbric. It would remove a needless difference between the Church of England and the greater part of Christendom, both ancient and modern ; and so take a stumbling-block out of the way of the unlearned and mistaught members of foreign com- munions. Bishop Cosin 4 and others have believed us free to use the mixture, there being no order against it, the reason of the change in the Eubric being unknown, and the leading principle of our Eeformation giving a strong sanction to a practice confessed by all to be primitive and nearly universal. Though the question can only be decided by the Church herself, the opinion of Divines must have great weight. The words of Cosin are : " Our Church forbids it not for aught I know, and they that think fit may use it, as some most eminent among us do at this day." " The practice of it was continued in the King's Chapel-Eoyal all the time that Bishop Andrewes 5 was Dean of it, who also, in the form that he drew up for the Consecration of a Church, etc., expressly directs and orders it to be used." Wheatley, whose words I am citing, 6 adds that he has " not been able to discover" " how it came to be neglected in the Eeview of our Liturgy iu King Edward's reign," but intimates a suspicion " that it was thrown out upon some suggestion of Calvin or Bucer." It may well be doubted whether it was owing to any direct advice on the part of any one, but it is very probable that it was due to the growing disposition to admire and trust, and 1 In Can. xxxii. Cone, in Trull. Bev. Pand. torn. i. p. 193. 2 Renaud. torn. ii. pp. 348, 373, 392, 495, etc. 3 Answ. to Perron, c. xviii. n. xiv. ; Minor Works, p. 25. 4 Notes on the B. C. P. First Ser. ; Works, vol. v. p. 1 54. 5 He gives a direction for it in his Notes on the B. C. P. ; Minor Works, p. 157. 6 Ch. vi. Sect. x. n. iv. SECT. IX.] THE SYMBOLISM OF THE MIXED CUP. 353 therefore to adopt the tone of thought that prevailed among the Eeformers on the Continent. IV. SS. Justin 1 and Irenseus, 2 who are the first to mention the mixed Cup, do not suggest or allude to any symbolical meaning. S. Clemens, 3 however, A.D. 247, began to allegorize it, but in a manner peculiar to himself. S. Cyprian, 4 in the third century, teaches that the mixture of the water with the wine represents the union of the faithful with Christ ; at a later period we are told that it was in allusion to the water that flowed from the rock 6 in the wilderness, for " that Eock was Christ," and again to the water that issued with blood from the side of our Lord upon the Cross. 6 After the rise of the Eutychian heresy the mixture served to illus- trate, and was alleged to prove, the union of the Divine and human natures in our Blessed Lord. 7 Anastasius 8 of Sinai, A.D. 561, accuses the Monophy sites generally of " offering unmixed wine without water," to express their peculiar tenet of the one nature in Christ. It is more pro- bable that, if any of them argued from that usage at all, they only appealed, when replying to the argument from the mixture, to an established, though partial, custom, which certainly prevailed in Armenia. The later Greeks 9 have seen in this practice of the Church an allusion to the act symbolically ascribed to Wisdom : " She hath killed her beasts ; she hath mingled her wine." 10 It need hardly be said that when such interpretations of the practice had long prevailed, it was supposed to be observed for the sake of the symbolism only. Thus our own English Cautels of the Mass declared : " The water is added solely for significance." u 1 See Apol. i. cc. 65, 67, torn. i. pp. 266, 270. 2 L. iv. c. xxxiii. 2 ; L. v. c. ii. 3 : torn. i. pp. 666, 718. 3 Psedag. L. ii. c. ii. p. 151 ; Strom. L. i. p. 317. 4 Ep. Ixiii. p. 153. This was largely adopted, and is one of the two sym- bolical reasons given by the Council of Trent, Sess. xxii. c. vii. See note 6 below. " De Sacram. (inter Opp. S. Ambros.) L. v. c. i. 3. 6 Ibid. 4. This is taught in the Greek Church (Confess. Orthod. P. I. Q. cvii. Monum. Fid. P. i. p. 179; Jenae, 1850), and by the Council of Trent, Sess. xxii. c. vii. 7 Niceph. Hist. Eccles. L. xviii. c. liii. torn. ii. p. 883. " They do not mix (the wine) as we do, thereby showing the union of the two natures." 8 Hodegus, c. i. p. 10 ; Ingoldst. 1606. I doubt if any Syrian Church ever differed from the Greeks in this. In the Jacobites' Confession of Faith, drawn up in 1172, we read, "We honour the tradition by the Saints of the most Mystic Sacrifice, that is of bread and wine with water." Mai, Script. Vet. Nov. Coll. torn. v. p. 394. See note 1 , p. 349, on the same charge brought at a later period against the Armenians. y Metroph. Critop. Confess. A.D. 1625, c. ix. Mon. Fid. P. ii. p. 116. 10 Prov. ix. 2. " Miss. Sar. P. i. col. 649. Z 354 THE DIFFERENT TIMES AT WHICH [CHAP. XI. It was for this reason that a very small quantity of water was held to be sufficient : " One drop is as significant as a thousand." 1 Care was taken that the quantity of water infused did not sensibly affect the taste or diminish the strength of the wine. Hence a small spoon has been used for the mixture in many Churches. 2 Apparently the ten- dency was to lessen the quantity of water during the medi- aeval period. The Council of Tribur 3 on the Khine, 895, ordered two parts of wine to one of water. In 1217 the Constitutions of Salisbury 4 prescribed that a " small quantity of water" be added, which is reduced by the Council of Cologne, 5 1280, to "two or three little drops" for the whole Chalice. SECTION X. The Time of the Mixture. In the Greek Church the Cup is mixed by the Deacon before the Liturgy at the Table of Prothesis or Credence, and generally in a side Chapel. 6 The practice appears to be the same throughout the East. The Ordo Communis of the Syrians 7 gives a direction for the admixture by the Priest, and a form of words to be said at the time. The Ethiopic 8 has a prayer to be said (with others used " before the Liturgy begins ") " when the water is mixed with the wine." In the Coptic 9 rite the previous mixture is indicated by a Prayer of Prothesis, in which the Priest dedicates to their sacred use " this Bread and this Cup, which " (to give the very words employed by him) " we have placed upon this Thy Sacerdotal Table." This Prayer is said at the Great Entrance, which, among the Copts, takes place before the Lessons are read. 10 The name of Illation 11 given to the Preface in the Mozarabic Missal, is a probable trace of the custom of the Great Entrance, or solemn illation of the gifts, just before the Pre- face, and therefore of a previous preparation of the Elements 1 As in last note. Similarly Bona : " Cum vero aqua mysterii causa apponatur, vel minima gutta sufficiens est." Her. Lit. L. ii. c. ix. n. iii. 2 Bona, u.s. ; Merati, P. iii. tit. iv. c. vi. The latter says that "the Carthusian Monks and nearly all the Churches in Germany make use of a small spoon." 3 Can. xix. Labb. torn. ix. col. 451. 4 Can. xxxviii. Labb. torn. xiii. col. 1054; ed. 1730. 6 Can. vii. Labb. torn. xi. col. 1113. 6 Goar, p. 61. 7 Renaud. torn. ii. pp. 4, 12. 8 Renaud. torn. i. p. 502. 9 Ibid. torn. i. p. 3. 10 Ibid. p. 186. 11 See Part ii. ch. iv. Sect. i. SECT. X.] THE CHALICE HAS BEEN PREPARED. 355 in Spain. A previous mixture, probably without any pre- scribed rite or prayer, would easily account for the eventual disuse of water in the early Irish Church. The customs of Britain and Gaul may be inferred, but with uncertainty, from those of Spain. In the case of Gaul, there are some indications of a similar preparation of the Oblations in various local rites that lingered to a late period. At Soissons 1 the mixture was made by a Deacon at a Credence, while the Sequence was being sung, i.e. between the Epistle and Gospel. At Auxerre 2 the old Eubric ordered the Priest to " minister bread on the Paten, and wine and water in the Chalice," before vesting if he pleased, but at least to do this before the Gospel. At Chalons-sur-Marne 3 he was ordered to do it before vesting, without the liberty of choice per- mitted at Auxerre. At S. Denys at Eheims, 4 a Deacon pre- pared the Elements at the Dominus Vobiscum after the Conftteor. It was one of the customs of Clugny, and of the Monks of S. Benignus at Dijon, to wash and fill the vessels before any other preparation was made. 5 In the ancient Uses of the Cistercians, 6 they were made ready after the Confiteor. The Carmelites and Dominicans still " pour the wine and water into the Chalice " before it. 7 It is not probable that the original custom in Italy was different from that which prevailed elsewhere ; but the earliest Eoman directories represent the communicants offering bread, wine, and water after the Gospel. 8 The change was probably made, at least when a Bishop celebrated, when the number of communi- cants was still large, but had become uncertain. At first all who came to the Church communicated, but afterwards they could not tell who would communicate, until they saw who actually remained for it. The foregoing facts are sufficient to show, that, among those who have attached most importance to the mixture, the time at which it took place has been held indifferent ; and they may therefore well satisfy members of our own Church who, wishing to conform to the Apostles and Martyrs, nay, to our Lord Himself, in the use of water, have 1 Martene, De Kit Eccl. Ant. L. i. c. iv. Art. xiL Ord. xxii. torn. i. p. 220. 2 JUd. Art. i. p. 127. 3 Ibid. 4 Ibid. App. torn. iii. p. 298. 5 Martene, De Ant. Mon. Rit. L. ii. c. vi. xviii. torn. iv. p. 70. 6 Grancolas, Anc. Liturg. p. 552. 7 Romsee, De Caerem. Miss. App. Art. ii. 1 ; Art. iii. 1. The Car- tlmsians prepared the wine before the Mass, but after the Offertory put one or two drops of water into it, " if they had not done this before." Mart. De Rit. Mon. u.s. xxi. 71. 8 Mua. Ital. torn. ii. pp. 11, 47. 356 THE QUANTITY TO BE CONSECRATED. [CHAP. XL been distressed by being told that they must add it, if at all, before the service begins. 1 SECTION XI. The qiiantity of the Oblations of Bread and Wine. e AS HE SHALL THINK SUFFICIENT.] It was, without doubt, intended that the Priest should infer the quantity of bread and wine that would be required from the number of persons who had previously signified their desire to communicate, according to the first paragraph of the first Rubric. In fact, the First Book of Edward orders him to "take so much bread and wine as shall suffice for the persons appointed to receive the holy Communion." Such reference to the notice of a wish to communicate was necessary at that time, as for many years after the first Revision some appear to have remained who did not communicate. A parallel to this clause in our Rubric occurs in an early Ordo Romanus : " The Archdeacon standing before the Altar washes his hands when the reception (of the offerings) is ended, . . . then receiving through the Subdeacons (who hold them out to him on all sides) the loaves that have been offered? he places as many on the Altar as may suffice for the people." In the East, John Maro 3 says, " The number of the Hosts is to be determined by the number and require- ments of the Communicants, not by any vain or absurd mystery." SECTION XII. The Covering of the unconsecrated Elements. I. At the earliest period, to which we can trace the use of linen on the Altar, there was but one cloth employed, which, after a time, we find called the Corporal. 4 At length this 1 Judgment of the Dean of the Arches in Martin v. Mackonochie, 2d Rep. of Ritual Comm. App. p. 388. Since then the Court of Appeal in Hebbert v. Purchas (Bullock's Report, p. 28), has declared any mixture illegal. Their Lordships say, " Neither Eastern nor Western Church, so far as the Committee is aware, has any custom of mixing the water with wine apart from and before the service." There were probably very many in Court, listening to this amazing statement, who could have made the Committee aware that the Greek Church, and all the Oriental Churches, have always mixed, and do still " mix the water with the wine apart from and before the service." 2 OUatas. This word, without the substantive, is here already applied to the loaves as prepared for the Sacrament. Ord. iii. 13 ; Mus. Ital. torn. ii. p. 57. See Ducange in v. Oblata. 3 Expos. Minist. Obi. c. xviii. ; Assem. Cod. Lit. torn. v. p. 272. 4 See Parb i. Ch. iii. Sect. ii. p. 103. SECT. XII.] THE COVERING OF THE ELEMENTS. 357 name was given to a second cloth of smaller size laid in the middle of the -Altar. This was at first oblong; 1 and at that period the end of it was often turned up to cover the ele- ments when first offered. Thus in the old Uses of the Cistercians : 2 " The Offertory being set on the Altar, let the Deacon set the Chalice on the Corporal in the second fold of the anterior part, both left and right, and the bread before the Chalice, turning the Corporal back over it." This was an awkward arrangement, however, and we find that by Anselm's time another method was observed by some. " There are," he says, 3 " who cover the Chalice from the begin- ning, some with the Corporal, others with a folded cloth, to guard against uncleanness," i.e. as he explains it, " lest a fly or something unmeet fall into it." This linen cloth at length came to be called a Corporal too. "The Pall, which is called a Corporal," says Innocent, 4 1198, "is twofold. There is one which the Deacon spreads over the whole Altar, another which he puts folded over the Chalice." Ralph 5 of Tongres tells us that this custom obtained in Italy and Germany but not in France. It is worth notice, therefore, that the Order 6 of a Pontifical Mass at Rome in the fourteenth century reverts to the earlier practice. The Carthusians to this day cover the Chalice with the end of the proper Corporal. 7 Durandus, 8 1286, says, "Some Churches have two Corporal Palls, and there the Chalice is elevated covered with one of them ; . . . but other Churches have only one, and there it is elevated uncovered, without a veil." At first there was an objection to making the lesser Corporal stiff. Lyndwood 9 says it ought not to be starched, etc. " that it may stand stiff over the Chalice." At length, however, the custom prevailed of making it of a square piece of cardboard 1 The proportions were four to three ; for it was folded into twelve squares. See the Cserem. Congreg. Bursfeld. in Bona, L. i. c, xxv. n. xi., or Durandus, L. iv. c. xxix. n. 4. According to the latter the four squares in the length denoted the Cardinal virtues ; the three in breadth, the Theological. Ibid. It is one of many proofs how little hold such mystic reasons had on men's minds, that one so simple and easily remembered did not preserve the Corporal from becoming square. 2 Cap. 53 ; Bona, L. i. c. xxv. n. xi. 3 Ad Waleranni Quer. Resp. Anselm. c. iii. p. 139. 4 De Myst. Miss. L. ii. c. 56 ; who is copied by Durandus, L. iv. c. xxix. n. 4. 5 De Cann. Observ. Prop, xxiii. ; Hittorp. col. 1158. 6 Ord. Rom. xiv. ; Mus. Ital. torn. ii. p. 302. 7 Romse De Caerein. Miss. App. Art. L ii. n. ii. torn. iv. p. 359. 8 Lib. iv. c. xlii. n. 30. 9 Lib. ill tit. 23 ; Linteamenta, in v. Corporalia, p. 235. 358 THE COVERING OF THE ELEMENTS. [CHAP. XI. enclosed in linen, 1 and certainly the change has great con- venience in its favour. This ornament has now lost the name of Corporal, and is simply called the Pall. In England the Elements, when first offered, are often left uncovered ; but there are times when such a Pall is quite necessary. It once occurred to the writer, when officiating where this precaution was neglected, to find two wasps in the wine, as he was about to consecrate. II. In Spain 2 and Gaul, 3 at least, it was an early custom to cover the elements on the Altar, and in fact the Altar itself, immediately after their presentation, with a covering of thick stuff, generally silk, sometimes interwoven with gold. In Spain this was done by the Deacons : " The Levites bring the Oblations on to the Altars, the Levites set in order the Table of the Lord, the Levites cover the Arc of the Covenant." * Gregory 5 of Tours thus speaks of the practice : " The sacred Gifts being offered upon the Altar, and the mystery of the Body and Blood of Christ being covered, as is usual, with the Pall." That this Pall was large enough to cover the Altar also, we learn from the same writer: 6 " When now the Altar, with the Oblations, was covered with the silken Pall," etc. Hence in the Mozarabic 7 Missal is a prayer to be said secretly by the Priest w T hen it is spread over them : " We beseech Thee that these our Gifts may be well pleasing unto Thee," etc. From Gregory 8 we further learn why a thick material was chosen. A person who had been delivered out of great danger gave a " Sarmatian cover- ing " " wherewith to cover the Altar of the Lord, with the Oblations." It was found unsuitable, however, from the transparency of the fabric : " Because the Mystery of the Body and Blood of the Lord was not completely concealed thereby." III. The Greeks and Orientals use three cloths to cover the sacred elements. "By the first veil," says Eenaudot, 9 " the Chalice is covered ; by the second, the whole dish in which the Chalice, with the bread to be consecrated, has been placed ; by the last, that second and the whole sacred 1 Romse'e, Praxis Celebr. Miss. P. iii. App. vii. torn. ii. p. 1 35. 2 See Leslie, Miss. Moz. Not. p. 509. 3 Mabillon, Lit. Gallic. L. i. c. v. 10, 11. 4 Isidor. De Eccl. Off. L. ii. c. 8 ; Hittorp. col. 208. 6 De Mir. S. Mart. L. ii. c. xxv. col. 1055. 6 Hist. Franc. L. vii. c. xxii. coL 347. 1 Leslie, p. 219. 8 De Vit. Patr. c. viii. col. 1195. The story is that the Saint (Nicetius of Lyons) to whose Church it was given, appeared in a dream and refused it for this reason. The man had also vowed two silver cups, but with- held one. 9 Tom. ii. p. 61. SECT. XIII.] THE EUCHAEISTIC FAN. 359 service." The largest veil is in the East called the Ana- phora, from the Oblation which it covers. In Arabic this has been corrupted into Nauphir. The Greeks call it the " Cloud," because it is written, "A bright cloud overshadowed them, 1 and the "Air," " because it surrounds the sacred Gifts as the air is spread round about the earth." 2 SECTION XIII. The Eucharistic Fan, The practical reason for thus covering the elements before Consecration is to protect them from dust and insects. " The Cup is covered," says Micrologus, 3 1 1 60, not so much for the Mystery's sake as for caution." In the Greek Liturgy this end is attained by the constant waving of a Fan or of the Veil. After the Offertory " The, Deacon takes the Asterisk and makes the sign of the Cross (with it) over the holy Disk, and, having wiped it on the Corporal and kissed it, places it with the Air. Then he goes over to the right, and fans rever- ently over the holy things with the Fan ; but if there is no Fan, he does this with the Veil." 4 ' The custom is very ancient, for we find it in the Apostolical Constitutions : " Let two Deacons on each side of the Altar hold a Fan, made of thin membranes, or of peacocks' feathers, or of fine linen, and gently drive away the winged insects, that they fall not into the Cups." 5 This simple reason for the custom did not satisfy the later Greeks. Jobius, 6 in the sixth century, alleges that the intention is to prevent the faithful " from dwelling on the visible (signs) before them, and to prepare them, lifted with the eyes of the mind above everything material, to ascend through things visible to the contempla- tion of the unseen, and to that beauty that is beyond con- 1 S. Matt. xvii. 5. 2 Goar, p. 121, note 51. 3 De Eccles. Obs. c. 10 ; Hitt. col. 737. 4 Goar, p. 76. The Asterisk, or Star, is an instrument formed of two thin bars of silver, crossing each other at right angles in the middle, with the ends all bent in the same direction. This forms a kind of cradle, which is placed, inverted, over the holy Bread, to prevent the particles from being disordered by the Veil. When it is first put over the disk, in the Office of the Prothesis, the Priest says, "And the star came and stood over where the young Child was laid." Goar, p. 62. The name is derived from the shape of the instrument, and the allusion from the name. 6 Lib. viii. c. xii. ; Coteler. torn. i. p. 398. There is an allusion to the Fan in pseudo-Athanasius, Descript. B. M. V. ; Opp. S. Athan. torn. ii. p. 651. 8 De Incarn. (L. vi. c. xxv.) as preserved by Photius, Biblioth. n. 222, torn. i. p. 191 ; Berol. 1824. 360 NOTICES OF THE EUCHAEISTIC [CHAP. XI. ception." Some mystical writers of a later period saw in the perpetual motion of the Fans an allusion to the agita- tion and amazement of the heavenly host, as they gazed upon the sufferings of the Son of God. 1 Others, more simply, thought them designed to symbolize the angels themselves, 2 whose part in the Eucharistic worship of the Church below is recognised in the Liturgy. These ideas were suggested by the form of the Fan, which was made of six wings or feathers set on a shaft round the likeness of a human head, in some resemblance of the Seraphim seen by the Prophet. We gather from Jobius that this form prevailed in his age ; and it is now, I believe, invariably used, but the whole is gener- ally made of silver. There was some use of the Eucharistic Fan in the West. John Moschus, 3 A,D. 630, is the earliest witness, who tells us, on the authority of a Eoman Abbot, Theodore, that a certain Bishop celebrating in the presence of the Pope, conscious of the presence of sin, said to the latter, " Put away from the holy Altar the Deacon holding the Fan." The will of Count Everard, 4 made in the year 937, mentions, as part of the furniture of his Chapel, " One silver Fan." Hildebert, 5 Bishop of Le Mans, 1097, and afterwards of Tours, sent a Fan to our Anselrn of Canterbury. A short extract from the letter, which accompanied it, will show both the purpose of the gift and the manner in which he sought to dignify it by a moral lesson : " I have sent thee a Fan, an instrument apt to drive away flies. . . . When, therefore, thou shalt with the Fan designed for thee drive away the flies that settle on the Offering, the incursions of temptations that come on (the soul) must be put to flight by the winnowing fan of the Catholic faith." Durandus, 6 1286, speaks, as if this moral were the only end, for which the Fan was really used : " Lest flies come and destroy the sweetness of the ointment, i.e. lest troublesome thoughts take off the devotion of the prayer, let them be driven away by the fan of the Spirit. ... To signify which also in summer-time a material Fan is employed while the Secret (the prayer after the oblation of the Gifts) is being said." In the Customs of Clugny, 7 the 1 Gennanus, A.D. 1222, Expos, in Liturg. printed in Lit. Patrum, p. 171. 2 Symeon, Thess. A.D. 1410, De Templo et Missa, printed by Goar, p. 225. 3 Pratum Spirit, c. cl. col. 3014 ; Par. 1860. 4 Mirsei Codex Donat. Piar. c. xxi. p. 96. & Inter Epp. Anselmi, n. clxii. p. 424. 6 Rationale, L. iv. c. xxxv. nn. 8, 9. T Lib. ii. c. xxx. ; Dach. Spicil. torn. iv. p. 142. SECT. XIII.] FAN IN THE WEST. 361 Fan is a necessary part of the furniture of the Altar : " One of the Ministers (who ought always to be two) standing near the Priest with a Fan, from the time the flies begin to be troublesome till they cease, is careful to drive them away from the sacrifice and Altar, and from the Priest himself." Bona 1 also quotes from a MS. Ceremonial of the time of Nicholas v., 1447: "Let them bring Fans also in summer- time to drive the flies out of the Ministry" i.e. the Chalice and Paten. 2 They were used according to this book, when a Cardinal Bishop or the Pope celebrated. 1 Her. Lit. L. i. c. xxv. n. vi. p. 295. 2 All the ornaments of the Church were called Ministerium (see Ducange in v.), and the term was sometimes applied in particular to the Altar service. See Part ii. Ch. vi. Sect. ii. at the end. CHAPTEK XII. fragsr for thz Churrh JEiUtant: Its 3ij5t0rg attb Interpretation. SECTION I. The Origin, Scope, and Title of the Prayer. a Let us pray for the whole state of Christ's Church b militant here in earth. Almighty and everliving God, who c by Thy holy Apostle hast taught us to make prayers, and sup- plications, and d to give thanks, for all men; We humbly beseech Thee most mercifully [to accept our alms *and oblations, and] to receive these our prayers, then shall the words which we offer unto Thy Divine [ f accepting our Majesty; beseeching Thee to in- spire continually the universal Church with the spirit of truth, f unity, and con- cord : And grant, that all they that do confess Thy holy Name may agree in the truth of Thy holy Word, and live in unity and godly love. We beseech Thee also to save and defend Sail Christian Kings, Princes, and Governors ; and specially Thy servant Charles our King ; that under him we may be godly and quietly governed : And grant unto his whole Council, and to all that are put in authority under him, that they may truly and indifferently minister justice, to the punishment of wickedness and vice, and to the maintenance of Thy true religion, and virtue. Give grace, heavenly Father, to all Bishops and Curates, that they may both by their life and doctrine set forth Thy true and lively Word, and SECT. I.] PRAYERS FOR THE CHURCH MILITANT. 363 rightly and duly administer Thy holy Sacraments : And to all Thy people give Thy heavenly grace ; and especially to h this Congregation here present, that, with meek heart and due reverence, they may hear, and receive Thy holy Word ; truly serving Thee in holiness and righteousness all the days of their life. And we most humbly beseech Thee of Thy goodness, Lord, to comfort and succour all them, who in this transitory life are in Hrouble, sorrow, need, sickness, or any other adversity. And %e also bless Thy holy Name for all Thy servants departed this life in Thy faith and fear ; k beseeching Thee to give us grace so to follow their good examples, Hhat with them we may be partakers of Thy heavenly kingdom : Grant this, Father, for Jesus Christ's sake, our only Mediator and Advocate. Amen. a LET US PRAY FOR THE WHOLE STATE, ETC.] In the MS. Book of Common Prayer, 1662, this heading at first ran thus, " Let us pray for the good estate of the Catholic Church of Christ militant here in earth;" but the earlier reading is restored by correction. In the most ancient Liturgies, there were supplications " for all sorts and conditions of men " after the Lessons and Sermon, and in some of them, 1 as S. Mark, the Coptic S. Cyril, S. Chrysostom, S. James, etc., these were made, as in the prayer before us, in connexion with a petition for the acceptance of the Offerings. In particular, our own ancient Bidding Prayer, the " accustomed Preces," in connexion with which Archbishop Arundel, in 1408, ordered a Sermon to be preached four times in the year, were said, according to the Sarum Processional, 2 " after the Gospel and Offertory." It is probable that this circumstance had its weight in determining the Revisers of 1552 to detach the Prayer for the Church Militant from the Prayer of Conse- cration, of which it was the commencement in 1 B. E., and adding a petition for the acceptance of the alms, to place it after the Offertory. It thus took the place, and would remind the people, of the old English Preces; though in reality derived from the first part of the Gregorian Canon. 3 1 Renaud. torn. i. pp. 150, 42 ; Goar, p. 74 ; Lit. PP. pp. 15, 16. 2 See before, p. 269. 3 Compare it with the Canon in the Sarum Missal, col. 613. 364 THE PLACE AND TITLE OF THE PRAYER [CHAP. XII. Generally in the ancient Liturgies there was a reference to gifts, and a prayer for the givers, in those Preces 1 (Synapte, Ectene, Diaconica, Missal Litany) which were bid by the Deacon after the Offertory. They contained, in fact, a vir- tual or express oblation of the Elements about to be conse- crated and of the other " devotions of the people." Thus the Clementine 2 has : " For them that bear fruit in the holy Church, and do deeds of mercy to the poor, Let iis pray." S. James : 3 " For them that bear fruit and do good works in the holy Churches of God, who remember the poor, the widows and orphans, etc., Let us beseech the Lord." And again, but probably a later insertion : " For the gifts set on [the Altar] . . . and for the salvation of the Priest who stands near and offers them, Let us entreat the Lord God." The Missal Litany of Fulda : 4 " For these who in Thy holy Church bestow the fruits of mercy, Lord God of hosts, hear our prayers." These facts are mentioned because of the oblation, implicit at least, which was combined with the intercessions of those Litanies. In that respect they resem- bled our Prayer for the Church Militant. There was, of course, besides, a more formal oblation by the Priest, as in that prayer. In S. Mark, 5 the Litany, at first bid by the Deacon, has been converted into a continuous prayer, like our own, and is said by the Priest too. One clause begins as follows : " We offer unto Thee this reasonable and un- bloody service," etc., which seems to have been substituted in later times for a simpler allusion to the gifts in the origi- nal Synapte. The corresponding part of the Eoman Missal is also said without break by the Priest ; though it probably represents, in like manner, a primitive Litany. But although this prayer resembles both in position and in matter the older forms to which it is compared, there are clauses in it which were perhaps rather suggested by a prayer in the Simplex ac pia Deliberatio of Archbishop Hermann : 6 " Almighty, Everlasting God, and Merciful Father, who by Thy beloved Son Jesus Christ and His Apostles, hast commanded that we meet before Thee in His Name. . . . We therefore pray Thee before all things for Thy Churches ... for Thy Servants the administrators, for the civil government, for the most clement Emperor, and 1 See before Ch. ix. Section iii. p. 262. 2 Constit. Apost. L. viii. c. x. Cotel. torn. i. p. 397. The word Kapiro- (fropf'iv, "to bear fruit," is often used in the sense of "to offer." * Trollope, pp. 55, 7 ; Liturg. PP. p. 16. 4 Bona, L. ii. c. iv. n. iii. Sim. in one of the Missal Litanies of Milan, Pamel. torn. i. p. 329. 6 Renaud. torn. i. p. 145. Fol. xci. fa. 2 ; Bonnse, 1545. SECT. L] FOE, THE CHURCH MILITANT. 365 our King, for other Kings, Princes, and all Magistrates. But especially we pray Thee for the Most Eeverend the Arch- bishop ... for all men ... for all them whom Thou dost chastise and exercise unto patience by any cross and afflic- tion, by want, exile, etc. Lastly, we pray Thee, eternal God, heavenly Father, for us who have here assembled in Thy sight," etc. b MILITANT HERE ON EARTH.] In the First Book of Edward this prayer came after the Preface, and immediately before the Prayer of Consecration. At the end of it the faithful departed were commended to God's mercy. When this commendation was omitted in 1552, the words Militant here in earth were added to exhibit more clearly the limita- tion then made. This was followed by the Scotch 1 Offices of 1636 and 1724; but since then, the departed being in- cluded in a petition (that " we and all they which are of the Mystical Body of Thy Son, may sit on His right hand," etc.), those words have been omitted. 2 The American Book omits here in earth. The Nonjurors omitted the whole sentence, " Let us pray," etc. 3 The phrase " Church Militant " was one sufficiently well known to our countrymen. Thus a prayer of the same intercessory character as the present found in a volume of Hours, printed in 1531, has for its title: "A general and devout Prayer for the good state of our Mother, the Church Militant here in earth." 4 In Taverner's Postil on the Epistle for Trinity Sunday (A.D. 1 540), the Church Triumphant and the Church Militant are distinguished : " Now there- fore, good Christian people, seeing that those holy Spirits or Angels, and the whole quire and Church triumphant in heaven, do without ceasing laud, praise, and magnify the high majesty of the Godhead, let not us, which be the Church or Congregation militant here in earth, be behind with our praises, commendations, and thanksgiving." 5 Com- pare also John De Burgo, A.D. 1385 : " The Host is broken into three parts, of which two parts are kept out of the Chalice, and one of them signifies the triumphant in heaven, the other the expectant in Purgatory, the third, which is put into the Chalice, the militant in this world." 6 Bishop Watson, 1558, who can hardly be supposed to have borrowed from the reformed Liturgy : " He (i.e. the Priest coming to the 1 Hall's Fragmenta Liturgica, vol. v. pp. 94, 127. 2 Ibid. vol. v. pp. 159, 183, 207, 240, 267, 298. 3 Ibid. u.s. p. 39. * See Director. Anglic, eel. 2, p. 53, in which the prayer is printed. 6 Cardwell's ed. p. 348. 6 Pupilla Oculi, P. iv. c. ix. fol. 23, fa. 2; Par. 1510. 366 THE APOSTLE'S RULE OF PRAYER. [CHAP. XII. Altar) maketh his confession to God and to the whole Church, both triumphant in heaven and militant here in earth." l c BY THY HOLY APOSTLE.] See 1 Tim. ii. 1. This passage was thought by the ancients to have reference to the Liturgy ; and as the Eucharist was the only special and dis- tinctive service for which Christians assembled in the Apo- stolic age, they were beyond question right. " In these words," observed S. Augustine, 2 " I prefer to understand what all, or nearly all, the Church practises; so that we take those to be called supplications (precationes, Se^o-ets), which we make at the celebration of the Sacraments, before that which is on the Lord's Table begins to be blessed : (and those) prayers (orationes, Trpocrev^as) which we make, when it is blessed and consecrated, and divided into small pieces for distribution ; the whole of which act of prayer nearly the whole Church concludes with the Lord's Prayer. . . . The intercessions are made when the people are blessed. . . . Which things being done, and so great a Sacrament having been received, the giving of thanks concludes all, which also the Apostle has commanded last in these words." Whether the distinctions of meaning here asserted by S. Augustine can be maintained or not, the fact is unquestionable that, " if we consult all the ancient Liturgies extant at this day, we shall find this observation to be most true ; they are all framed and composed according to this rule of the Apostle." 3 d TO GIVE THANKS FOE ALL MEN.] In the Book of 1549 this prayer contained a thanksgiving " for the wonderful grace and virtue declared in all the Saints from the begin- ning of the world." This was omitted in 1552 ; though " the Preface of 'giving thanks for all men'" was retained. The inconsistency which, as L'Estrange 4 tells us, "was inter- preted a slip in the supervisors of the Liturgy," was first remedied in the Scotch Office, by the addition of the fol- lowing thanksgiving : " We also bless Thy holy Name for all those Thy servants, who having finished their course in faith do now rest from their labours, and we yield unto Thee most high praise and hearty thanks for the wonderful grace 1 Serm. xiii. fol. Ixxvi. fa. 2, Lond. 1558. 2 Ep. cxlix. ad Paulin, torn. ii. col. 663. Similarly Haymo Halb. Comm. in h. 1. S. Paul Epp. (Migne, torn, cxvii. col. 783), and others. So among Greek writers, Theophylact (torn. ii. p. 559, on v. 2 ; Ven. 1751) and (Ecumenius (torn. ii. p. 218 ; Par. 1631) on this passage understand a command that we should pray for Kings, etc., " in the time of the Mysteries." 3 Bishop Bull, Serm. xiii. (on 1 Tim. ii. 1, 2) ; Works, vol. i. p. 330 ; Oxf. 1846. 4 Alliance, ch. vi. note Q, p. 277. SECT. II.] THE ALMS AND OBLATIONS. 367 and virtue declared in all Thy Saints, who have been the choice vessels of Thy grace and the lights of the world in their several generations." In 1662 the brief corresponding clause in our own Prayer was added at the suggestion of Bishop Cosin. 1 SECTION II. The Verbal Offering of the Alms and Oblations. e AXD OBLATIONS.] These words were inserted in the text, and the words or oblations in the marginal Eubric at the last Eeview. By " alms and oblations " are meant the offerings of the people, of whatever kind, and therefore including the bread and wine which the Priest has now placed upon the holy Table. When alms are given either wholly or partly in kind, even though there be no offering of bread and wine for the Communion, it is proper to say " alms and oblations." Gifts to the Church, as Patens, books, Altar-cloths, etc., and gifts of laud, etc., represented by title-deeds or the like, are oblations. It would not be improper in itself to describe offerings of money, though for the use of the poor only, as " alms and oblations " (for all alms are oblations, though all oblations are not alms) ; but we are hardly permitted to use both words in such a case here, for the marginal Rubric, by speaking of " alms or oblations," implies that there is a dis- tinction to be observed. The Scotch Rubric speaks of the money offered as " the oblations ;" but in the Scotch Church one half of it is by law devoted to a religious use, and the other half is employed either " for the decent furnishing of that Church [in which the Celebration takes place] or the public relief of their poor," as the Presbyter and Church- wardens shall think fit. The customary offerings to the Clergy were sometimes called " oblations." 2 These, as we have seen, 3 were, until the last Revision, to be gathered at the same time with the alms, and (if we may suppose that an injunction of Wren 4 in 1636 only enforced the existing custom) were "received [from the hands of the offerers] by the Minister standing be- fore the Table . . . and then by him reverently presented before the Lord, and set upon the Table till the Service was ended." From the fact that the words " and oblations " were in- troduced into this prayer at the same time with the Rubric 1 Particulars to be Considered, n. 51 ; Works, vol. v. p. 515. 2 E.g. in Bonner's Articles, A.D. 1554. Doc. Ann. col. i. p. 154. Simi- larly in the Articles of an unknown Bishop, 1559, p. 248 ; and in Wren's Orders, 1636, vol. ii. p. 256. 3 See ch. xi. sect. iv. p. 320. 4 No. xviii. Doc. Ann. vol. i. p. 256. 368 THE PRELIMINARY OBLATION [CHAP. XII. which commands the Priest to place the bread and wine on the Table, it has been inferred by some that the Elements only are to be understood here under the word " oblations." That this was not the intention of the Revisers may be proved by a reference to the Occasional Forms of Prayer, which were published at that period. In those of June 20 and July 12, 1665; August 14 and October 10, 1666; May 17, 1672; February 4, 167f; April 10, 1678, etc., no Celebra- tion is contemplated ; and yet the words, " and oblations " appear in all, with the corresponding marginal Rubric. 1 In the Coronation Service the purse of gold offered by the King is called " his second oblation " (the bread and wine which he offers before being the first) ; and in the prayer with which the Archbishop " placeth it upon the Altar " we have : " Graciously receive these oblations, which ... he hath now offered up unto Thee." 2 We have seen that the bread and wine prepared for the Celebration are either included in the " oblations " to which this prayer refers, or constitute the whole of them. The Church is now therefore solemnly offering them up to God, and beseeching Him " most mercifully to accept " them for that holy use to which they are to be set apart and conse- crated. This is that preliminary offering of the unconse- crated Elements of which Justin Martyr 3 speaks, when he says that, on the bread and wine being brought to the officiat- ing Minister, " he sends up praise and glory to the Father of the universe . . . and offers a long thanksgiving for these gifts vouchsafed by Him." And again when he represents the bread and wine as offered " for a memorial of our food both dry and liquid," as well as " in memory of the Passion, which the Son of God underwent for our sakes." 4 To this also S. Ireiiseus 5 refers when he speaks of the "oblation which the Church, receiving it from the Apostles, offers through the whole world to God ; to Him who gives us ali- ments, as the first-fruits of His gifts, in the New Covenant :" and S. Cyprian, 6 when arguing against those heretics who used water only : " In the consecration of the Lord's Cup water alone cannot be offered, as neither can wine alone." This lesser Oblation, or preliminary offering of the Elements, is clearly marked in every existing Rite ; but in most the prayer which expresses it has been corrupted through a con- fusion of this offering with the subsequent Oblation, by which 1 See the Forms as preserved in the Chapter Library at Canterbury, the Bodleian, etc. 2 Mask ell's Mon. Rit. vol. iii. p. 128. 3 Ap. i. c. 65, torn. i. p. 266. * Dial. c. Tryph. 117, torn. ii. p. 388. 5 L. iv. c. xvii. 5, torn. i. p. 612. 6 Ep. Ixiii. p. 154. SECT. II.] OF THE BREAD AND WINE. 369 we commemorate and represent the One Sacrifice upon the Cross. Thus the common Greek rite anticipates in this prayer the Invocation of the Holy Ghost, which in it follows the words of Institution, and is considered by Greek Divines essential to the Consecration : "Grant that we may find peace in Thy sight, that our Sacrifice may be well-pleasing unto Thee, and the Good Spirit of Thy grace may abide on us and on these gifts set before (Thee), and on all Thy people." 1 This misplaced Invocation of the Spirit is not in the earlier S. Basil, 2 from which this Liturgy was derived. S. Mark has, "Make Thy face to shine on this bread and these cups which the all-holy Table receives, through the ministration of angels." 3 S. James: "Thyself bless this offering, and receive it upon Thine Altar that is above the heavens;" 4 which is not unsound, but immediately after, and therefore also long before the Consecration, we have, " Blessed be God, who blesses and sanctifies us all at the offering of the Divine and immaculate Mysteries," 5 which, to have a sound sense, can only refer to the Commemorative Offering. The Syriac of S. James is very extravagant : " The Lord is King, and hath put on glorious apparel. Alleluiah ! I am the Bread of Life, saith the Lord, who have descended from on high to the lowest, that the world may live by Me. The Father hath sent Me, the Word without Flesh; and as a husbandman hath Gabriel sown Me, and the womb of the Virgin, like a fruit- ful soil, hath received Me ; and behold the Priests are bear- ing Me in their hands on to the Altar. Alleluiah ! Eeceive our offering." 6 A similar form, with the same simple conclu- sion, is then said by the Deacon. The Coptic S. Basil, and the Ethiopian (deriving from S. Mark) : " Show Thy face upon this bread and upon this cup, which we have placed on this Thy priestly (spiritual, JEth.) Altar ; bless them, sanctify them and consecrate them ; change them so that this bread become Thy Holy Body, and the mixture in this cup Thy precious Blood." 7 In the Milanese 8 are two short and simple prayers to be said aloud : " Accept this holy bread, this cup, wine mixed with water, that it may become the Body the Blood of Thine Only-Begotten Son ;" but a much 1 Goar, p. 74. 2 Goar, p. 164. 3 Renaud. torn. i. p. 143. 4 Liturg. PP. p. 12. 5 Liturg. PP. p. 13. 6 Renaucl. torn. ii. p. 10. 7 Renaud. torn. i. p. 3. Ibid. p. 504. 8 Pamel. torn. i. p. 297. Martene, L. i. c. iv. Art. xii. Ord. iii. torn. i. p. 174. 2 A 370 THE TWO OBLATIONS CONFOUNDED IN [CHAP. XII. later l prayer follows, to be said by the Priest secretly, in which he offers the oblation for his sins, for the Church, for per- sons specified, etc. In the semi-oriental Mozarabic 2 not only is this oblation " offered for sins and misdeeds, and for the stability of the holy Catholic and Apostolic [Church]," but we have at the same time an invocation of the Holy Ghost upon it : " Come, Holy Ghost, the Sauctifier, sanctify this Sacrifice from my hands, prepared for Thee." 3 A similar invocation was used in the Gallican Churches, which had probably descended to them from the days when they had a national rite very similar to the Spanish : " Come, Sancti- fier, Almighty, Eternal God ; bless this sacrifice prepared unto Thy (holy, Rom. Lit.') Name." 4 This invocation was at a late period borrowed from France by the Church of Borne, 5 and is still retained in her Liturgy. Another passage in the Eoman rite is as follows : " Accept this immaculate Host which I offer ... for my numberless sins and offences and negligences, and for all standing around, and for all faithful Christians living and dead," etc. The epithet immaculate, applied here to the unconsecrated bread, has been a difficulty to Eoman Kitualists, 6 and been defended by them, as the whole prayer indeed is, by the plea that the language is anticipatory, and that it is so called because of that which it is soon to become ; which is, in truth, an admission that the two obla- tions that of the unconsecrated Elements and that of the Sacramental Body and Blood have been confounded. But one other instance (it is believed) of the same use of this expression can be found. It occurs in a Mozarabic Oratio post Nomina for Christmas Day : " Immolating spiritual victims ... we offer unto Thee, God, an immaculate host, 1 This prayer, Suscipe, Sancta Trinitas, was optional in the Roman Church so late as the twelfth century, being said, as Micrologus (1160) tells us, " not by any order, but by Ecclesiastical custom." De Eccl. Obs. c. xi. ; Hitt. col. 738. 2 Leslie, torn. i. pp. 2, 223. The word Ecdesice is wanting after Apos- tolicce in the printed copies. 3 Ibid. p. 3. * Microl. c. 11 ; Hitt. col. 738. 5 That it came to Rome from France, not Spain, as Le Brun supposes (Explic. P. iii. Art. vi.), is evident from the fact that, whereas the Roman differs from the Gallican only by a word, it differs greatly from the Spanish. 6 Bona, Rer. Lit. L. ii. c. ix. n. iii. Hofmeister, Sacrif. Miss. Assert. \i. 88. They attempt to justify it. Le Brun defends it (Explic. p. iii. Art. vi.), first, as literally applicable to the clean, well-prepared bread ; and secondly, as applicable by anticipation. In a prayer in the Gothic Missal to be said after the consecration, the expression is well placed : " We offer to Thee, Lord, this immaculate Host, reasonable Host, un- bloody Host, this Sacred Bread, and salutary Cup."- Mabill. Liturg. Gall, p. 298. SECT. II.] THE MOZARABIC AND ROMAN MISSALS. 371 which the maternal womb brought forth without stain to vir- ginity," l etc. The prayer or prayers which accompanied the (lesser) oblation were in the Latin Church sometimes called the lesser Canon. 2 For more than eleven centuries 3 there was no constant Prayer of Oblation in the Eoman Liturgy, but the Leonian Sacrarnentary, 4 as it has come down to us, provides proper prayers to be said over the gifts at the dif- ferent Days and Seasons. They have no Rubric or title, but in the later Gelasian are called Seer eta? as they are often in the Gregorian also. The fact of their being said privately by the Priest, and the frequent reference in them to the inter- cession of the Saints, show that they were not truly primi- tive. Most of those which are unobjectionable in themselves must be deemed out of place, as their language is properly applicable to the commemorative Sacrifice alone. Never- theless the position of some of them may be justified by re- garding them as a secret prayer of entrance on the whole Sacrificial action of the Liturgy, which does in fact begin at this point ; e.g. on Christmas Eve : 6 " Grant to us . . . that 1 Leslie, p. 39. 2 Hofmeister, Sacrif. Miss. Assert, p. 87. 3 There is none in the old forms in the Gelasian and Gregorian Sacra- mentaries, etc.; and Micrologus, who wrote about 1160, says that "the Roman Order appointed no prayer after the Offertory before the Secret." -De Eccl. Obs. c. 11 ; Hitt. col. 738. 4 In Murat. Lit. Rom. torn. i. 6 A conjecture was hazarded by Bossuet that Secreta was for Secrelio, as Missa for Missio, etc. (see before, note 1 , p. 2), and that this prayer was so called " because it was the prayer which they made over the oblation, after they had separated from the rest that which they had reserved for the Sacrifice, or after the separation of the Catechumens," etc. Le Brun, Diss. xv. Art. i. Quest. Prelim. But this is inadmissible, though it was eagerly caught up and warmly defended by De Vert and several others. Early writers say that it was to be said in silence, and give that as a reason for the name: e.g. Amalarius "Secreta ideo nominatur, quia secreto dicitur." De Off. Eccl. L. iii. c. 20. The word, moreover, was used as an adjective. Thus in the Sacramentary found at Bobio the prayer in question is called Collectio Secreta. Mus. Ital. torn. i. p. 342. Other objections are urged by Le Brun, u.s. From Durandus (L. iv. c. xxxii. n. 5,) we learn *' that it was called by some the Secretela, to distin- guish it from the greater Secret," i.e. the Canon. As several secret prayers are said after the Offertory, they were sometimes together called in the plural Secreta, as 'in the "Mass of Illyricus :" Ante Secreta (Bona, Rer. Lit. App. p. 384) ; and in an ancient Pontifical of Rouen : Pres- byteri persequuntur Secreta Missce dicentes, In Spiritu humilitatis, etc. Menard, Sacram. Greg., Note, p. 80. In our later mediaeval Liturgies the prayers varying with the day which the Priest says submissd voce imme- diately before the Preface, are called Orationes Secreta (Sar. Bang. Rom.), or simply Secretce (Ebor. Herf.) In the several Missai each is headed Secreta. Murat. torn. ii. col. 7. 372 THE TWO OBLATIONS CONFOUNDED [CHAP. XTT. as we anticipate the adorable Nativity of Thy Son, so we may with joy receive His everlasting gifts." On the Octave 1 of Christmas : " Accept our gifts and prayers, and cleanse us by the heavenly Mysteries." One for Christmas 2 Day in the Gregorian Sacramentary appears to preserve the true idea, viz., that God is now besought to accept the Elements for that holy use to which man is devoting them, and to permit them to become the vehicle of His grace and bless- ing : " Let our gifts become meet for the mysteries of this day's Birth, that as the same who was born man shone forth God, so this earthly substance may convey to us that which is Divine." These proper Secrets are still retained in the Eoman Missal ; but since the twelfth century 3 several prayers have been appointed to be said always after the obla- tion of the Elements ; of which three appear to be derived from the old Spanish, 4 one from the Gallican, 5 and another from the Milanese or Gallicau. 6 The Liturgy of Malabar, at the offering of the Elements, twice calls the bread " the Body," and the wine " the pre- cious Blood of Christ." 7 The wine is even so called before, when the mixture is made. The Synod of Diamper, forget- ful of the similar excesses found in the Eoman Missal, sub- stituted for these expressions, " the holy bread and precious cup ;" for which they gave two reasons : " Lest those words in which the wine not yet consecrated is called the precious Blood, should give occasion of error ;" and again, " Lest they should seem to allude to that condemned custom of the Greeks, who, offering bread and wine before the consecration, 1 Murat. torn. ii. col. 15. The Feast of the Circumcision was not insti- tuted till some centuries later. Ivo of Chartres, 1092, is said to be the first who mentions it. De Reb. Eccl. Serm. ; Hitt. coL 816. His lan- guage implies that the day was still not less known as the Octave of the Nativity, than as the Feast of the Circumcision. 2 Murat. torn. ii. col. ix. 3 The statement of Micrologus quoted above in note 3 , shows that we must place these additions to the Koman Missal at least a century later than Le Brun, Explic. P. iii. Art. vi. torn. 2, p. 296. He was led by an error of Labbseus, etc., to place Micrologus in the eleventh century. 4 These are Suscipe, Ojferimus, and In Spirit u. Conf. Miss. Moz. Leslie, torn. i. pp. 2, 223. 6 The Veni, Sanctificator mentioned above. See Microl. c. 11 ; Hitt. col. 738. 6 Suscipe, Sancta Trinitas ; which is both Milanese (Pamel. torn. i. p. 298) and Gallican (Microl. as in last note). But the French probably re- ceived it from Milan ; for Le Brun (Explic. P. iii, Art. ix. note) refers to an Auxerre Missal of the thirteenth century, which has the following Rubric: "Raising the Cup, let him say the prayer of S. Ambrose, Suscipe, Sancta Trinitas," etc. 7 Synod. Diamp. Act. v. Deer. i. n. cxiii. ; Raulin, p. 148. SECT. II.] BOTH IN THE EAST AND WEST. 373 adore them, saying that they do so for the sake of that into which they are afterwards to be changed." Eaulin, reject- ing these reasons, appeals to a wide usage in the East, and alleges further that " that is not a peculiar rite of the Ori- ental Church, but is common to our Western Church, whicli enjoins similar words at the Mass, while the Priest is offer- ing the bread; to wit, ' Eeceive . . . this immaculate Host,' though that bread is then neither immaculate nor the Host or Victim of the Sacrifice." After citing other instances of language equally daring, he proceeds : " Nor does the second reason give more satisfaction ; for that rite of the Greeks has not been condemned : nay, it is permitted in the sight of Eome ; as once and again I have myself seen it in the Church of the Greeks, on the day sacred to S. Athanasius." x The truth is that if the Greek worship of the unconsecrated Elements be superstitious, the language of the Eoman Missal is superstitious also ; and those Eoman Catholics who, like Eaulin, defend the Greek Church, have felt that in so doing they were defending their own ; that on this ground they must stand or fall together. The Missals of Salisbury, Bangor, and York, have the fol- lowing to be said at the lesser oblation : " Eeceive, Holy Trinity, this oblation which I (a wretched and, York) an un- worthy sinner offer in honour of Thee and of the Blessed Mary, and of all Thy Saints, for my sins and offences ; for the salvation of the living and the repose of (all, Salisb.) the departed ;" while that of Hereford evidently assumes this gresentation of the unconsecrated Elements, made before the anon of the Mass commences, to be, what the great Obla- tion of the consecrated Bread and Wine alone can be, com- memorative of the Passion itself: " Eeceive, Holy Trinity, this oblation which I offer unto Thee for a memorial of the Passion of our Lord Jesus Christ ; and grant that it may ascend acceptable in Thy sight, and work the eternal salva- tion of all the faithful." We cannot be too grateful for the removal of these corrupted forms from our Liturgy. It is easy to conceive what a distress to the better-informed, what a snare to the conscience, and source of contention, they would have proved had they been allowed to remain to an age in which their uncatholic character would have been obvious to every student of Divinity. There was no verbal oblation of the Elements in the First Book of Edward, nor is there in any Scotch Liturgy, though that in present use has a special act of praise at the offering of 1 Raulin, p. 301, note (c). 374 THE LESSER OBLATION. [CHAP. XII. the alms. In the Nonjurors' Office, 1718, " at the placing of the Elements on the Altar, there is a prayer for acceptance, abridged out of S. Basil's Liturgy." 1 The material part is as follows : " May it please Thee ... to receive us ... that we may be worthy to offer unto Thee this reasonable and unbloody sacrifice for our sins and the sins of the people. Eeceive it, God, as a sweet-smelling savour, and send down the grace of Thy Holy Spirit upon us. And as Thou didst accept this worship and service from Thy holy Apostles, so of Thy goodness, Lord, vouchsafe to receive these offer- ing from the hands of us sinners." On this it need only be remarked that it certainly appears to identify the " reason- able and unbloody sacrifice offered for sins " with the obla- tion of the unconsecrated Elements. 2 In the Coronation Service of our Kings, when the bread and wine have been " by the Archbishop received from the King, and reverently placed upon the Altar," the Archbishop says the following Prayer of Oblation : " Bless, Lord, we beseech Thee, these Thy Gifts, and sanctify them unto this holy use, that by them we may be made partakers of the Body and Blood of Thine Only-Begotten Son, Jesus Christ, and fed unto eternal life of soul and body." 3 To the information here given we have only to add, that although a distinct and express oblation of the Elements is sanctioned by the highest antiquity, and is full of solemn significance, it is clearly not essential to the Sacrament. The bread and wine may be duly consecrated, though not previ- ously offered for the Consecration. By such an omission the rite loses in solemnity, but not in sacramental efficacy or character. Hence the Church has not thought it necessary to provide a Prayer of Oblation in the short form to be used at the Communion of the Sick. It may be observed also that in the earliest written Liturgy, that in the Apostolical Constitutions, which, from not having been in use, has pro- bably undergone no change from the beginning of the fourth 1 See their Pref. in Hall's Fragmenta Liturgica, vol. v. p. 3. For the Prayer see p. 32. Compare S. Basil, in Goar, p. 164. 2 The expression, " reasonable and unbloody sacrifice," can only apply to the former. Thus in the Apostolical Constitutions : " Instead of sacri- fice made by bloods, enjoining the reasonable and nnbloody and mystic sacrifice of the Lord's Body and Blood, which is symbolically celebrated in reference to His death." L. vi. c. xxiii. Cotel. torn. i. p. 353. So in the Roman Prayer of Consecration, as far back as it is traced, the Priest prays that God will "make this oblation . . . reasonable and acceptable, that it may become to us the Body and Blood," etc. Can. Gregor. Pamel. torn, ii p. 180. 3 Monuir. RituaL vol. iii. p. 128. SECT. III.] PRAYER FOR THE LIVING. 375 century, there is no verbal oblation of the Elements when placed on the holy Table. After the dismissal of the Catechu- mens and other non-Communicants, the Deacons are directed to " bring the gifts to the Bishop at the Altar." Then, after the Sursum Corda, follows a very long thanksgiving, intro- duced by the Bishop's rejoinder, "It is indeed meet and right," etc. ; then the Words of Institution, next an oblation of the Bread and Wine, now consecrated or being conse- crated ; and lastly the invocation of the Holy Ghost upon them. The words of oblation are : " We offer to Thee, King and God, according to His command, this Bread and this Cup ; . . . and we beseech Thee to look graciously upon these gifts lying before Thee," 1 where it is evident that the Consecration itself, whether it take place immediately before when the Words of Institution are said, or immedi- ately after at the Invocation, is the offering intended. For to offer anything to God is to consecrate it, and that which is consecrated is offered, whatever be its destination thence- forth, or the new character at that moment impressed upon it. It is also certain that there was originally no open prayer at the oblation of the Elements in the Eoman Liturgy. Con- cerning such prayers, says Martene, " we find nothing pre- scribed in the more ancient Ordines Eomani, nor indeed in the Sacrarnentaries of Gelasius and Gregory the Great ; and they used to perform the whole of that action in silence, deeming that the prayers contained in the Canon suffice, as in truth they do suffice." 2 SECTION III. The Intercessions for the Living. * UNITY AND CONCORD.] The Synaptes, or Missal Litanies, with which, for their matter and position, this prayer may be compared, 3 all contained petitions for peace, generally near the beginning, and for that reason were often called the Prayers for Peace. 4 e.g. In the Liturgy of Jerusalem: 5 " For peace from above and the love of God towards man, and the salvation of our souls, let us beseech the Lord. For the peace of the whole world, and the union of all the holy Churches of God, let us," etc. In the Ambrosian : 6 1 Ta TrpoKfi/Mfva 8a>pa ravTa fvatiriov 2ov. Constit. Apost. L. viii. ch. xii. torn. i. p. 403. This shows the full meaning of TCI TrpoKfipfva, when used alone, viz., the things, or gifts, set out, or lying, before God. 2 De Ant. Eccl. Eit. L. i. c. iv. Art. vi. n. xvi. 3 See before, p. 363. 4 'Eiprjviica, as in the Liturgies of S. Basil and S. Chrysostom, Goar, pp. 150, 62, 63, 65, 66, 71. 5 Lit. SS. PP. p. 15 ; Assem. torn. iv. p. 21. 6 Pamel. Liturg. torn. i. p. 328. 376 THE GENERAL INTERCESSIONS IN [CHAP. XII. " Imploring the gifts of Divine peace and pardon, with our whole heart and whole mind, we pray Thee . . . For the peace of the Churches, the calling of the nations, and the tranquillity of the peoples, we pray Thee." Similarly, in the now continuous prayer of S. Mark's Liturgy : x " Grant the peace that is from heaven to the hearts of us all ; yea, and give us also the peace of this life, ... King of Peace, grant us Thy peace in concord and charity." ALL CHRISTIAN KINGS, ETC.] The ancient Ectene always contained petitions for rulers both in Church and State. Thus, in a Missal Litany that appears to have been used in the early English 2 Liturgy : " That Thou mayest vouchsafe to preserve our King and Bishop. . . . That Thou mayest vouchsafe to preserve the Clergy and the people of England." So in another Western Ectene, preserved in MS. at Fulda : 3 " For our Father the Bishop, for all Bishops, Presbyters, and Deacons, and the whole Clergy. . . . For the most pious Emperor, and the whole Eoman army, We beseech Thee, O Lord." From the East we may again select S. Mark, 4 because the form in that Liturgy now resembles our own in not being broken up by responses : " O King of kings and Lord of lords, preserve in peace, and valour, and justice, and tranquillity the kingdom of Thy servant, our Orthodox and Christ-loving King, etc. . . . Preserve and keep for many years in peaceful times the most holy and blessed Pope 5 N"., . , . and the most holy Bishop N., our Bishop, fulfilling the duties of Thy holy High Priesthood, intrusted to them by Thee, according to Thy holy and blessed will, rightly dividing the word of truth." 6 h THIS CONGREGATION HERE PRESENT.] Compare again the Greek Synaptes ; e.g. the so-called Clementine : 7 " Let us pray for one another, that the Lord may keep and guard us by His grace unto the end, and deliver us from the evil one, and from all the stumbling-blocks of the workers of iniquity ; and may save us unto His heavenly kingdom." S. James : 8 1 Renaudot, torn. i. p. 146. 2 MabilL Analecta Vetera, p. 168 ; Par. 1723. 3 Bona, Rer. Liturg. L. ii. c. iv. n. iii. 4 Renaud. torn. i. p. 148; Conf. p. 133. 5 This title was always given to the Patriarch of Alexandria. See "England and Rome," p. 153. 6 Renaud. torn. i. p. 151 ; Conf. p. 133. 7 Const. Ap. L. viii. c. x. p. 397. 8 Lit. PP. p. 16; Assem. torn. v. p. 23. SECT. III.] THE PRAYER FOR THE CHURCH MILITANT. 377 " For those who are present, and who pray with us at this holy hour, and in every season, our fathers and our brethren, . . Let us beseech the Lord." In the Koman and Milanese 1 Liturgies, in the prayer for the living at the beginning of the Canon, we have a similar petition : " Kemember, Lord, Thy servants and Thy handmaidens, N. and N., and all standing around, whose faith and devotion are known unto Thee." In the old Spanish, 2 before the commemoration of Saints which precedes the reading of the Diptychs, the Presbyter sings, " Our Priests are offering an oblation unto the Lord God. , . . All Presbyters and Deacons also offer it. The Clergy and the peoples standing round," etc., to which the Choir responds, " They offer for themselves and the whole brotherhood." 1 TROUBLE, SORROW, NEED, SICKNESS, OR ANY OTHER AD- VERSITY.] This is almost universal; e.g. In the East, S. Chrysostom : 3 " For travellers by sea and land, the sick, the afflicted, the captive, and their safety, let us pray the Lord." S. Mark : 4 " Heal those troubled with unclean spirits. Visit and heal the sick of Thy people in pity and compassion. . . . Pity all them who are in prisons, or in mines, in courts of law, or under sentence, or in exiles, or bitter slavery, or oppressed with tributes ; deliver them all." In the West, the Milanese 5 begins : " For widows, orphans, captives, and penitents, We pray Thee. E. Lord, have mercy. For those travelling by sea or land, for those in prisons, in chains, in the mines, in exiles," etc. "For those who are held by divers infirmities, and who are vexed with unclean spirits," etc. The Mozarabic : 6 " Let us have in mind all the fallen, the captives, the sick, and strangers, that the Lord may graciously vouchsafe to redeem, to heal, and comfort them." Some ancient Liturgies, in the prayer corresponding to the present, contain, like our own Litany, a petition for enemies. Thus the most ancient Constantinopolitan, 7 as it is believed to be : " We also implore Thy mercy, Lord, by Thy grace, for all our enemies, and those who hate us, and for all who 1 Pamel. torn. i. p. 301. 2 Leslie, torn. i. pp. 4, 225. 3 Goar, p. 71. 4 Renaudot, torn. i. p. 146. 5 Pamel. torn. i. p. 329. Observe the close resemblance of this Western form to S. Chrysostom, as in the text, to S. Clement, Const. Ap. L. viii. c. x. p. 397, to S. James, Assem. torn. v. p. 22 : one of the many indica- tions still discernible that, when the Church left her cradle in the East to extend herself among the nations of the Latin tongue, she was already in possession of stated forms of prayer. Leslie, pp. 2, 224. 7 Lit. Nestor. Renaud. torn. ii. p. 631. 378 PRAYER AND THANKSGIVING [CHAP. XIT. imagine evil against us," etc. The Coptic S, Cyril: 1 " Eemember . . . our enemies and friends. Lord, have mercy upon them." The Clementine: 2 "For our enemies and those that hate us, let us pray. For those who persecute us for the Name of the Lord, let us pray. That the Lord may soften their rage and disperse their wrath against us." SECTION IV. Prayer and Thanksgiving for the Departed. J WE ALSO BLESS THY HOLY NAME FOR ALL THY SERVANTS DEPARTED THIS LIFE IN THY FAITH AND FEAR.] I. We have described already 3 the changes which this thanksgiving for the departed has undergone. In the First Book of Edward, after thanking God for His grace declared in all His Saints, and chiefly in the glorious and most blessed Virgin Mary, . . . and in the holy Patriarchs, Prophets, Apostles, and Martyrs, and praying for grace to follow their example, the Church proceeded thus : " We commend unto Thy mercy, O Lord, all other Thy servants which are departed hence from us with the sign of faith, and do now rest in the sleep of peace ; grant unto them, we beseech Thee, Thy mercy and everlasting peace," etc. This prayer was removed in 1552 on the representation of Bncer 4 that " when prayer is made for the departed, that God will grant them His mercy and eternal peace, the vulgar, without exception, think it to mean that the departed still want that peace, and therefore the full mercy of God, whereby He forgives His own their sins, and also that this must first be procured for them by our prayers." He allowed that this custom of praying for the faithful at rest was " very ancient," but urged that there was neither precept nor example for it in Scripture. It is difficult to think that such an error as he feared would long 1 Renaud. torn. i. p. 43. So in the Coptic S. Basil, after the Consecra- tion : "Those who with hatred and those who with love piirsue us." Ibid. p. 22. 2 Const. Apost. L. viii. c. x. ; Cotel. torn. i. p. 397. Similarly after the Consecration: "We also beseech Thee on behalf of those who hate us and persecute us for Thy Name's sake, on behalf of those that are without and deceived, that Thou wouldst convert them unto good, and soften their rage." c. xii. p. 403. Alcuin has a Missa pro inimids breathing the very spirit of Christian love : " Give to all our enemies peace and true charity, and grant them remission of all their sins." "Grant that we may love our enemies with the love of genuine charity," etc. Pamel. torn. ii. p. 542. Comp. Gerbert, Monum. Alem. P. i. p. 300. Similarly in a Missal Litany of the Anglo-Saxon Church : "That Thou wouldst be pleased to give unto our enemies peace and charity." Procter on the B. C. P. p. 231. 3 See before, p. 366. * Censura, Scripta Anglicana, p. 467 ; Basil. 1577. SECT. IV.] FOR THE FAITHFUL DEPARTED. 379 have survived the mediaeval notion of Purgatory, with which it was connected ; and certainly those who " rest in the sleep of peace " cannot be imagined to " want that peace." If in other respects the language of the prayer was likely to mislead the ignorant, the better way would have been to alter it so as to avoid the danger, without rejecting a rite which must be acknowledged primitive. It appears wrong, also, to say that we have no example of prayer for the holy dead in the Canonical Scriptures, for Onesiphorus could scarcely have been among the living when S. Paul wrote that petition for his soul : " The Lord grant unto him that he may find mercy of the Lord in that day." l But be this as it may, the objection could only have force against any who should maintain that the practice is of obligation. Things not taught or commanded in Scripture may be true and right and profitable ; though not of the essence of Christian faith or practice. A prayer for the faithful departed is confessedly not essential to the due celebration of this holy Sacrament, or of any other function of the Church ; but the omission of such a prayer from our Order is nevertheless to be regretted, even without reference to any direct benefits arising from it, because it creates an unnecessary difference between the English Liturgy and every ancient Office. In the Scotch 2 Liturgy a part of the prayer for the de- parted was restored : " that at the day of the general Kesur- rection we and all they which are of the mystical body of Thy Son may be set on His right hand," etc. It is fully restored in the Nonjurors' Office, 1718. II. There is reason to think that at the earliest period the faithful departed were not commemorated in any way until after the Consecration. There is no mention of them in the Greater Synapte of the Clementine ; but in the intercessions made over the sacred Body and Blood the Priest says, "Furthermore, we offer unto Thee also on behalf of the Saints who from the beginning have been well-pleasing unto Thee, Patriarchs, Prophets, righteous men, Apostles, Martyrs, Confessors, Bishops, Presbyters, Deacons," 3 etc. ; while in the Ectene bid by the Deacon immediately after we have the following suffrage : " For those who have gone to rest in faith, let us pray." 4 In the Liturgy of S. Mark, which has also undergone no change from the twelfth century, we have but 1 2 Tim. i. 18. His death seems implied also in the prayer for his household, v. 17, and the salutation, ch. iv. v. 19, and the tone of regret- ful retrospect when his good deeds are mentioned. 2 Hall's Fragm. Litnrg. vol. v. Comp. pp. 41, 96. 3 L. viii. c. xii. Cotel. torn. i. p. 403. 4 Ibid. c. xiii. p. 404. 380 PRIMITIVE PRAYER [CHAP. XII. one commemoration of the departed. It occurs before the Consecration, 1 but very awkwardly, and with some evident interpolations, between prayers for the King and the Pope of Alexandria, etc. ; which makes it probable that it came originally after the Consecration, and was removed with a view to gather together all the intercessions of the Church in one prayer. S. Cyprian says of one departed this life, that " he does not deserve to be named at the Altar of God in the prayer of the Priests;" 2 and S. Augustine, 3 that " the com- memoration of the dead has its place in the prayers of the Priest which are poured forth to the Lord God at His Altar;" both referring clearly, not to the Ectene which was bid by the Deacon, but to the prayer of the Celebrant after the Con- secration. There is no commemoration of the dead in the oldest Litanies of the West, 4 which are the greater Ectenes of the Latin Churches, said in the Ordinaiy of the Mass, at Milan, after the Introit, but disused in general at a very early period, and therefore witnesses to a yet earlier usage. S. Cyril 5 of Jerusalem, again, mentions the commemoration of the departed as taking place after the Consecration. In the Liturgy of his Church, as we have it now in S. Chrysos- tom, 6 and in almost every other, it comes before also, viz., at the end of the Ectenes, but is evidently a later addition there, being a mere ascription of praise to the Saints, incongruously following, or placed in the midst of, petitions for various living persons and present interests ; as, for example, in the Malabar : 7 " Let us also pray for the Priests and Deacons, who . . . ; Let us pray also for all the holy and sober con- gregation of the sons of the holy Catholic Church, that . . . ; But let us commemorate the Blessed Mary, the Virgin Mother of the Christ and Saviour. . . . Let us venerate the memory of the Apostles. . . . Let us also commemorate our Fathers and teachers of the truth ; Let us remember likewise both the Fathers and our Faithful who have passed from this life in the orthodox faith ; . . . Also for this Province and City, and for those who live in it, but especially for this Con- 1 Renaud. torn. i. p. 149. 2 Ep. i. p. 3. 3 De Cura pro Mortuis, c. i. torn. vii. col. 1861. 4 See the two Milanese in Pamel. torn. i. pp. 328, 331 ; that found at Fulda, in Bona, L. ii. c. iv. n. iii., the English example in Mabillon, Anal. Vet. p. 168 ; Par. 1723. The Cambridge Litany (Univ. Libr. Ff. 1, 23), printed by Mr. Procter, p. 230, has " Ut animas nostras, et animas parentum nostrorum, ab seterna damnatione eripias," and "Ut cunctis fidelibus defunctis requiem seternam donare digneris." It is said to belong to the ninth or tenth century. 5 Catech. Myster. v. vi. p. 297. 6 Goar, p. 74. 7 Ranlin, p. 298. SECT. IV.] FOR DEPARTED SAINTS. 381 gregation, let us pray that . . . For those also who have erred from the true faith, etc., let us pray that . . . Let us pray also for the sick," etc. It will be acknowledged at once that the Commemoration is here out of place. It is perhaps more obviously so than in most other Liturgies, but the same awkwardness is in its degree found in all that have a Com- memoration before the Consecration. The inference to be drawn from this and the other facts produced is, that they had none there originally. III. From the Clementine Liturgy already quoted, we infer further that at first no Saint's name, not even that of the Blessed Virgin, had a permanent place, as now, in the text of any Office. Her name and the names of the Apostles, if recited at all, were read from the Diptychs like those of other Saints and Martyrs. Even in the Diptychs preserved at Liege, 1 of the age of Charlemagne, when they were at least beginning to fall into disuse, we have the names of the Virgin and Apostles, followed by a much longer list of inferior names, reaching down to the beginning of the ninth century. These names again are introduced by words not in the Canon: "Making the Commemoration of the blessed Apostles and Martyrs and all Saints," a clear proof that they were not written in those tablets merely to shorten the MS. of the Canon, without taxing the memory of the Priest. Again, there are no names in the very ancient Liturgy called after Theodoras, 2 supposed to have been used at Mopsuestia in the fourth century, nor in the so-called Liturgy of Nes- torius, 3 which was probably that of Constantinople in the time of S. Chrysostom ; although in both there are prayers for the Apostles, Martyrs, and others generally, in the inter- cessions of the Priest after the Consecration. In the Moz- arabic 4 the only prayer for the dead after the Consecration, and therefore, as we have attempted to prove, the only original prayer for them in that Liturgy, is comprised in three words : " Give rest to the departed." That of S. James 5 in the same place beseeches God to remember all the orthodox, " from righteous Abel unto this day," naming none other in the earlier text. But here first, perhaps, an interpolation appears : " That we may find mercy and grace with all the Saints, . . . especially our most holy, undefiled, above measure blessed, glorious Lady, the Mother of God, and Ever- 1 Salig, de Dipt. Vet. c. iii. p. 34, from Wiltheim's Diptychon Leodiense ; Leod. 1659. 2 Renaud. torn. ii. p. 620. 3 Ibid. p. 633. For the antiquity of these Liturgies see Le Brun, Diss. xi. Art. x. tome 6, pp. 448, 9. 4 Leslie, pp. 6, 231. 6 Assem. torn. v. p. 46 ; Lit. PP. p. 29. 382 HOW PRAYER FOR THE DEAD BECAME [CHAP. XII. Virgin, Mary." 1 This was doubtless introduced as a protest against the error of Nestorius, and accordingly does not ap- pear, even without the phrase " Mother of God," in any Nes- torian Liturgy. 2 It cannot be earlier, and is probably much later than the middle of the fifth century. It was taken, however, into S. Mark (before the Anaphora), which adds the name of that Saint; into S. Basil, which adds (before the Anaphora) the names of S. John the Baptist and the Saint whose day it is, and S. Chrysostom, where they are all named twice. The custom grew, and more names were introduced. The Armenian Canon has twenty-two always recited : the Gregorian has twenty- five ; the Gelasian had more ; the old Spanish Ordinary no less than sixty-five. It will be under- stood that other names beside these were recited at will from the Diptychs. We must not forget, however, to point out that when the names of the Virgin and other Saints had found their way from the Diptychs into the text of the Liturgy, they were still prayed for, and this continued even when ascriptions of high praise were added, directly addressed to her. Thus in the present Greek rite: 3 "We also offer unto Thee this reasonable service on behalf of those who rest in faith, fore- fathers, fathers, Patriarchs, Prophets, Apostles, Preachers, Evangelists, Martyrs, Confessors, Virgins, and every spirit perfected by faith ; especially for our most holy, undefiled, greatly blessed, glorious Lady, the Mother of God, and Ever- Virgin Mary; 4 for S. John the Prophet, Forerunner, and Baptist, the holy all-famous Apostles, for the holy N., whose memory we celebrate, and all Thy Saints." Another instance of direct prayer for the Blessed Virgin, where nevertheless the same exalted title is given to her, may be cited from the 1 Assem. p. 45 ; Lit. PP. p. 28. In the copy of S. James's Liturgy found in Sicily, but seemingly after the Use of the Monks of Mount Sinai, there are four or five pages of the names of the departed. Assem. p. 86. 2 In the Liturgy of the Apostles (Addai and Mari) is a very singular commemoration of the Virgin at the first Offertory. The Priest says, " Glory be to the Father," etc., and while the Deacon is making the re- sponse, says, " On the holy Altar let there be a remembrance of Mary the Mother of Christ." The peculiarity of the commemoration and the favourite Nestorian title " Mother of Christ " betray the hand of the interpolator. Badger's Nestorians, vol. ii. p. 219. 3 Goar, p. 78. 4 Here the choir sings, " It is indeed meet to laud thee, Mother of God," etc. ; a manifest interpolation ; for it is not only out of place, when the Church is not praising, but praying for her and other Saints ; but as an address, though not a prayer, to the blessed Virgin, savours of an age even later than that in which Nestorianism arose. SECT. IV.] PRAYER FOR THEIR INTERCESSION. 383 Armenian 1 Liturgy. The Priest, in the intercessions which follow the Consecration, says, " We pray that the mother of God, the holy Virgin Mary, John the Baptist, the first Con- fessor and Archdeacon S. Stephen, and all Saints, be com- memorated in this holy Liturgy." To which the choir responds, " Eemember them, Lord, and have mercy upon them." The Mozarabic 2 is left in a transitional state, " mak- ing the commemoration " of the Saints of Scripture " and all Martyrs," by mention only, but expressly " offering on behalf of the spirits of those at rest, of Hilary, Athanasius, Martin, Ambrose, Augustine," etc. Another yet more curious illus- tration of the change is found in the old Irish Missal. The Deacon says : " With all holy and venerable Priests, who throughout the world offer the spiritual Sacrifice to God the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, our Saviour, the Presbyter N. doth offer for himself and for his, and for the company of the whole Catholic Church," etc. Then follow ten pages of names of deceased persons, to each of which a later hand, on the supposition that they were names of Saints, has added the formula " Pray for us." 3 IV. The feeling which led men, especially in the West, thus gradually to change the prayer for departed Saints in the Liturgies into some other mode of commemoration, was doubtless the same which S. Augustine expressed at an earlier period with reference to the Martyrs : " The names of the Martyrs are recited at the Altar in such a place, that prayer is not made for them there ; but for the other dead commemorated, prayer is made. For it is a wrong to pray for a Martyr, to whose prayers we ought to be commended." 4 This sentiment acquired such authority that it was quoted by Innocent in. as from Holy Scripture, 5 and found its way into the Canon Law. 6 The occasion of Innocent's writing affords a good illustration of the motive of the change. The Archbishop of Lyons had observed that the Oratio super Ob~ lata for S. Leo's Day had been altered, and he desired an explanation. It had originally stood thus, as we may still 1 Neale's Gen. Introd. vol. ii. p. 594. 2 Leslie, torn. i. pp. 4, 225. 3 The Arbuthnott Missal, Prsef. p. xxvi. * Serin, clix. c. i. torn. vii. p. 765. The same statement and sentiment occur in S. Joh. Ev. c. 15 ; Tract. Ixxxiv. torn. iv. col. 938. 5 " Whereas the authority of Sacred Writ says that ' he does a wrong to a martyr, who prays for a martyr,' the same is for the like reason to be thought with regard to the other Saints." Deer. Const. L. iii. c. cxxx. torn. ii. p. 764 ; Colon. 1575. 6 Cum Marthce, 3, Deer. Gregor. ix. L. iii. tit. xli. De Celebr. Miss, c. vi. Corp. Jur. Can. torn. ii. col. 516; Colon. Munat. 1773. 384 DEPARTED SAINTS NOT [CHAP. XII. see it in the Gregorian Sacramentary, 1 " Grant unto us, Lord, that this oblation may profit the soul of Thy servant Leo," etc. This had been changed into the following prayer for the benefit of his intercession : " Grant unto us, we beseech Thee, Lord, that by the intercession of the blessed Leo, this oblation may profit us," etc. In the latter form it still appears in the Eoman Missal. 2 The latest change in this direction was that made in 1599 by the Eoman Catholic Synod of Diamper, when it revised the ancient Liturgy of the Christians of S. Thomas. In a general intercession bid by the Deacon, and following, like our Prayer for the Church Militant, the Creed of Constantinople, they found the fol- lowing sentence : 3 " Pray ye, calling to remembrance . . . all the faithful, who have departed from the living, and died in the true faith ; all our fathers also, and brethren, sons, and daughters, faithful kings likewise, beloved by Christ and all the Prophets, Apostles, and Martyrs, let us pray, I say, that at the resurrection from the dead they may be gifted of God with a crown, a good hope, and the inheritance of the life of the heavenly kingdom." The last clause of this was altered by them thus : " Let us pray, I say, that He grant us to be made partakers with them in a good hope and the inherit- ance," etc. This they did on the alleged ground that " it is foreign to the sense of the Church to pray for the holy Apostles, Martyrs, and Confessors, or to ask for any good things for them, since it is certain, by the faith which we profess, that they rejoice in the possession of all good things ; wherefore we ought not to pray for them, but to pray them to pray for us." 4 V. These later changes are the indication of a change of belief. The first Christians did not hold, as Eoman Catholics now hold, that any of the departed, however holy and exalted, are admitted to the vision of God in heaven on their death, but that all W 7 ho die at peace with Him then enter into a state or place lower than that of final bliss, in which they will remain until the Day of Judgment. This state or place they called by the names, which their Lord taught them, of Paradise and Abraham's bosom. They believed the Saints in Paradise to be at rest and happy, because " with Christ ; " but not yet fully blessed and glorified, and there- 1 Murat. Liturg. torn. ii. col. 101. 2 See the Seer eta for his day, June 28. The same Secreta had mutato nomine served for S. Gregory (see Murat. torn. ii. col. 25), and was similarly altered in his Mass, March 12. 3 Liturg. Malab. in ftaulin, p. 308. 4 Act. v. c. cxvi. in Kaulin, p. 150. SECT. IV.] YET IN HEAVEN. 385 fore capable of a continual increase of light, joy, and love through the prayers of their brethren left on earth. Our earliest witness to this primitive view of the condition of the faithful departed is S. Clement, the disciple of S. Paul, and the first Bishop of Rome. 1 This holy Father teaches 2 that " those who, according to the grace of God, have finished their course in charity, possess the place of the godly, who will be manifested at the visitation of the kingdom of Christ, For it is written, ' Enter into thy chambers a little while, until My wrath and anger pass away, and I will remember the good day, and will raise you up again out of your graves.' " Similarly the holy martyr Justin, A.D. 140, affirms 3 that " the souls of the pious remain in some better place, and the unrighteous and wicked in a worse place, awaiting the time of judgment." This writer even denounces as blasphemous the opinion that the souls of the righteous ascend to heaven at their death, because it is inconsistent with the true doctrine of the Resurrection. 4 A little later S. Irenaaus 5 affirms that " the souls of Christ's disciples go into the unseen place assigned to them by God, and stay there until the Resur- rection, waiting for the Resurrection ; then reassuming their bodies, and rising again in completeness, that is, in the body, even as the Lord rose again, will thus come to the sight of God." The Fathers make no exception on behalf of the Blessed Virgin or any other. All, according to them, are waiting the Judgment in that unseen abode ; and they knew that it must be so, that in all things the elect may be con- formed to Christ their Head. " For no disciple," saith He, " is above his master ; but every one that is perfect shall be as his master. As therefore our Master (thus reasons the holy Bishop Irenaeus 6 ) did not at once fly away, but waiting the time of His resurrection appointed by the Father (which was also set forth by Jonah), rising again after three days, was taken up, so must we also, as many as the Lord shall deem worthy of this, wait for the time of our resurrection appointed by God, foretold by the Prophets, and thus rising again be taken up." Another witness is Tertullian, 7 about 205, who concludes a brief statement of the Christian faith 1 The remainder of this paragraph is little more than an extract from a contribution of the writer to the Anglo-Italian letters, which appeared (in English) in the Colonial Church Chronicle, Oct. 1863, p. 379. 2 Ep. i. ad Corinth, c. i. Patr. Apost. Jacobs, torn. i. p. 176, 3 Dial. c. Tryph. c. 5, torn. i. p. 26. 4 Ibid. c. 80, p. 274. 5 L. v. c. xxxi. 2, torn. i. p. 805. 6 Ibid, 7 De Praescr. Hseret. c. xiii. Opp. torn. ii. p. 14. 2 B 386 THE STATE OF THE DEPARTED. [CHAP. XII. by declaring that at the last day the Lord will " come with glory to take His saints to the fruition of eternal life, and of the heavenly promises, and to condemn the profane to eternal fire, both being raised with a restoration of the flesh." To the same effect Origen, A.D. 230 : " Not even the Apostles themselves have yet received their joy ; but even they are waiting that I also may be made a partaker of their joy. For the saints, when they depart hence, do not immediately receive the entire reward of their merits, but they wait even for iis, though lingering and slow." 1 And Lactantius, A.D. 303 : " Let not any think that souls are judged immediately after death. All are kept in one common ward until the time come at which the Supreme Judge makes examination into their deserts." 2 S. Hilary, A.D. 354, teaches us that " all the faithful, when they depart out of the body, will be kept by the guardianship of the Lord unto the entering in of the heavenly kingdom, being in the meantime placed in the bosom of Abraham." 3 S. Augustine, writing about A.D. 400 of his deceased friend Nebridius, says, " He now lives in the bosom of Abraham. Whatever that is which is meant by that bosom, Nebridius there lives, my sweet friend, but Thy son, Lord, adopted from a freedman. There he lives, for what other place is there for such a soul ? " 4 Twenty years later the same great Father writes : " Understand the bosom of Abraham to be a retired and secret seat of rest, where Abraham is; and that it is called Abraham's bosom, not because it is his only, but because he has been made the father of many nations, to whom, from the superiority of his faith, he hath been proposed for imitation." 5 The foregoing however are hardly more than incidental references to the subject. It has been treated much more fully by an excel- lent writer of the fourth or fifth century, whose name has not come down to us : " Souls are not in the same state after their departure from the body, as here with the body. . . . Immediately after their departure from the body, a separation takes place of the righteous and unrighteous. For they are conducted by the Angels to places meet for them ; the souls of the righteous to Paradise, where is the society and sight of Angels and Archangels, through the vision of Christ the Saviour, as it is said ' absent from the body ' and ' present with the Lord,' but the souls of the unrighteous to 1 In Levit. Horn. vii. 2, in c. x. torn. ix. p. 294. 2 Instit. Div. L. vii. c. 21, p. 296. 3 Cornm. in Ps. cxx. 16, col. 383. Sim. in Ps. ii. 48, col. 52. 4 Confess. L. ix. c. iii. torn. i. col. 187. 6 De Anim& et ejus Orig. L. iv. c. xvi. torn. xiii. col. 497. SECT. IV.] DEFENCE OF MODERN ERROR. 387 the places in Hell ; as it is said concerning Nebuchadnezzar, king of Babylon, ' Hell from beneath is moved for thee to meet thee/ etc. And they are kept in places meet for them until the day of the Resurrection and Eetribution." l To the question which arises from the soul in the intermediate state being destitute of those senses of which the body supplies the organs, the reply of this author is that it " has the perception of Paradise according to that perception which is called intel- lectual, 2 by which (disembodied) souls see themselves," etc. VI. The primitive prayer for the departed saints was founded upon this primitive view of their condition. It was con- sistent with it, but cannot by any ingenuity be reconciled to the later practice and teaching of the Church of Eome. To suggest, as her Divines sometimes do, that when the primi- tive Church professed to offer for the Martyrs, that solemn mention of their names before God was not a prayer, but only " for their honour and remembrance," 3 is in effect to accuse her of using language not merely inappropriate, but misleading in the most awful moment of her most sacred rite, to accuse her, in a word, of reckless profanity under the guise of piety. Another plea advanced by Eornan Catholics destroys the first, for it acknowledges that those whom she now worships as Saints were themselves prayed for in the first ages ; but offers to explain the fact by urging that until good men departed " have been enrolled in the number of the Saints by the Sovereign Pontiff, we cannot know for certain in what state they may be found," 4 an argu- ment which appears hardly less preposterous than the former, when we remember that among those holy ones for whose blessedness the Bishop of Eome is on this theory required to vouch, are the very Mother of our Lord and His Apostles. As little weight can we see in the insinuation (for so it is best described) that " the Sacrifice is said to be offered for the Saints by way of thanksgiving to God for the gifts bestowed on them by Him," 5 when we observe that the prayer of one Liturgy is that He will " have mercy upon them," of others, that He will give them rest. To the last gloss a Greek writer 6 adds another : " These words are a 1 Qusest. et Resp. ad Orthod. R. 75 ; inter Opp. Subditicia, Justini M. ed. Otto, torn. iii. P. ii. p. 104. Similarly R. 85, p. 122. 2 Kara TTJV (vvor)p.aTiKr)v \eyofjLevrjv aiaBrfdiv. Resp. 76, p. 106. 3 Bona, L. ii. c. xiv. n. iv. 4 Bona, 11.8. 6 Bona, L. ii. c. xiv. n. iv. 6 Nic. Cabas. Liturg. Expos, c. xxxiii. Bibl. PP. Max. torn. xxvi. p. 190. 388 THE MODERN PUKGATORY. [CHAP. XII. setting forth of thanks, and proclaim God the benefactor of our kind, when the Priest commemorates those who have been sanctified and perfected by Him, almost saying, That Thou mayest give unto us the grace which Thou hast before given unto them." Originally all the faithful departed, the highest Saint and the humblest among Christians, were prayed for in the ^'same terms, none having yet " received their joy." When the belief in a purgatorial suffering for the ordinary believer arose, it not only confirmed the prejudice against the primi- tive prayer for the Saints, which then was understood to imply that they were in Purgatory, but it necessarily led in time to a change in the prayers offered for the repose of the souls of ordinary Christians. They were now believed to be in suffering, though for a time only, and men were accord- ingly taught to pray for their relief from suffering. This change of opinion and its effects will be sufficiently illus- trated by a contrast between two prayers belonging severally to these distinct phases of belief. The Church of Eome now prays for her dead thus : " Lord Jesus Christ, King of Glory, deliver the souls of all the faithful departed from the pains of hell and from the deep lake. Deliver them from the mouth of the lion, lest Tartarus swallow them, lest they fall into the place of darkness." 1 "Sacrifices and prayers of praise 2 we offer to Thee, Lord. Do thou receive them in behalf of the souls whom we this day commemorate. Cause them, Lord, to pass from death unto life." This language implies that the souls for whom prayer is made are in great suf- fering, though capable of falling into worse, and further, that their escape from it is a passage from death unto life. The Catechism of Trent tells us how this suffering is inflicted : " There is a purgatorial fire, by which the souls of the pious, being tormented for an appointed time, are expiated, so that an entrance into their eternal country may be open to them." On the other hand, the primitive Church prayed for her departed children thus : " Eemember, Lord, the God of the spirits and of all flesh, the orthodox whom we have commemorated, and whom we have not commemorated, from righteous Abel unto this day. Thyself cause them to rest there in the land of the living, in Thy Kingdom, in the delight of Paradise, in the bosoms of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, our holy Fathers ; whence have fled pain, sorrow, and 1 Offert. in Commun. Omn. Fidel. Defunct. 2 Hostias et preces tibi, Domine, laudis offerimus. Vers. to the fore- going Offert. SECT. IV.] THE SAINTS AN EXAMPLE. 389 groaning, where the light of Thy countenance visits and ever shines." 1 These prayers have manifestly a different inten- tion. The early Church did not, like the modern Eoman, seek by her prayers to release the dead in Christ from a place of torment. She knew that they were at rest, and she only prayed that they might remain so, shielded by God's love from every assault of evil, as it is His will, and might grow in the assurance of hope, and in all " comfort of the Holy Ghost, until the times of the restitution of all things." It was an act proceeding from a true sense of the oneness of all in Christ, and from the pure instinct of spiritual love, which led men thus to cherish the remembrance of their brethren withdrawn within the veil, and to endeavour still, if it should please God, through Him, as He knew how, to do them good. k BESEECHING THEE TO GIVE us GRACE so TO FOLLOW THEIR GOOD EXAMPLES.] Floras Diaconus, 2 A.D. 837, and Eemigius 3 of Auxerre, 888, both interpret the words Memoriam vene- rantes, which precede the mention of S. Mary and the Apostles in the Eoman Canon, to mean "following their footsteps with piety and humility." There was no reference to the departed in 2 B. E. The present clause is abbreviated from the Scotch : " Most humbly beseeching Thee that we may have grace to follow the example of their steadfastness in Thy faith, and obe- dience to Thy commandments." *THAT WITH THEM WE MAY BE PARTAKERS OF THY HEA- VENLY KINGDOM.] This is again from the Scotch, or directly from 1 B. E., from which the Scotch has only a few verbal differences : " That at the day of the general Eesurrection we, and all they which are (be, 1 B. E) of the mystical Body of Thy Son, may (altogether, 1 B. U.} be set on His right hand, and hear that His most joyful voice, Come, ye blessed of My Father, inherit (Come unto Me, ye that be blessed of My Father, and possess, 1 B. .) the kingdom which is prepared for you from the foundation (beginning, 1 B. E.} of the world." The similar petition at the end of the Collect in the Order for the Burial of the Dead was, however, in the Second Book of Edward. This prayer was perhaps universal in the old Liturgies. 1 Liturg. S. Jac. in Lit. PP. p. 29. Assem. torn. v. p. 46. 2 De Expos. Miss. 54, col. 49. 3 De Celebr. Miss, appended to pseudo-Alcuin, Div. Off. ; Hittorp. col. 286. 390 FELLOWSHIP WITH THE SAINTS. [CHAP. XII. Thus, for example, in the most ancient Roman Canon : x " Vouchsafe to grant unto us sinners, Thy servants, having hope from the multitude of Thy mercies, some share of fellowship with Thy holy Apostles and Martyrs, . . . and with all Thy Saints." In the very ancient Liturgy named after Theodoras : 2 " That, with all those who have pleased Thy will, and ordered their life after Thy precepts, we may rejoice in the kingdom of heaven, enjoying those good things to come which do not pass away." S. Mark : 3 " Grant to us to have part and lot with all Thy Saints." S. James : 4 " Gathering us under the feet of Thine elect, when Thou wilt, and as Thou wilt, only without shame and sins." The Syriac S. James : 5 " We implore Christ, our God . . . that He make us and them to attain to His kingdom in the Heavens." 1 Sacram. Gelas. Murat. col. 697. The Milanese has the same, but doubtless taken from the Roman. Pamel. torn. i. p. 303. 2 Renaud. torn. ii. p. 621. Compare Lit. Nest. p. 634. 3 Renaud. torn. i. p. 150. * Lit. PP. p. 29 ; Assem. torn. v. p. 46. 5 Renaud. torn. ii. p. 37. CHAPTEE XIII. TOthbratoal of thost to ho 00 not SECTION I. Historical Notice. AT the end of the Prayer for the Church Militant, the Office clearly divides itself into two parts ; the former corre- sponding to the Ordinary of the Pre-Reformation Liturgies, and containing, like that, the Lessons from Scripture, the Creed, the Offertory, and Prayer for the Living ; the latter corresponding to the Canon, and comprising, like that, the Consecration, Communion, and Post- Communion. This break in the Office is marked by the interposition of the two Exhortations, which have no place here at any time in the appointed sequence of the service. So in the Roman Office, not only are all the Proper Prefaces, which are not out of their place there, but the proper variations of a certain part 1 of the Canon, similarly inserted between the Or do Missce and the Canon. The division of the Office at this point becomes more apparent, if we observe that all the foregoing part may be used when no Celebration is intended. It has nothing dis- tinctively Eucharistic in it, but forms, with the addition of one or more collects not used at Celebrations, a separate Service, once called familiarly, with reference to the Matins, the Second Service. 2 The fact that the distinctive part of the whole Office is now about to commence, points this out as a suitable time for the withdrawal of those who do not intend to communi- cate. Accordingly we find that this was the time at which they generally withdrew, before the Great Rebellion had broken down the customs and obscured the traditions of the Church. We learn this from Bishop Cosin, 3 who in a tract written for the express purpose of giving foreigners a correct 1 Communicantes et Memoriam Venerantes, in which a reference to the day is inserted after Communicantes on Christmas Day, the Epiphany, Holy Thursday, and during their Octaves in Easter and Whitsun-week. 2 See the note on the First Paragraph of the Last llubric in the Office. P. ii. ch. xii. 3 Regni Angl. Relig. Cath. c. xvi. ; Works, vol. iv. p. 359. 392 NON-COMMUNICANTS [CHAP. XIII. view of the doctrines and discipline of our Church, affirms that " after that (i.e. after the Prayer for the Church Militant) those who do not intend to Communicate are sent out." In the Apostolic age, and generally for many centuries after, all present at the Liturgy both remained to the end and received at the Communion. The first slight trace of a deviation from this rule appears in Egypt at the beginning of the third century, when it appears that " some " of the clergy, " after dividing the Eucharist according to custom, left it to each of the people to take his share," on the prin- ciple that conscience is the best guide to receiving or not receiving. 1 We are not told whether those who declined to communicate were then permitted to leave the Church, but another Alexandrian writer in the fifth century expressly advises persons who fear to communicate not to do so : " If conscience condemns thee of wicked and flagitious actions, decline the Communion until thou hast corrected it through repentance ; but stay during the prayer, and leave not the Church until dismissed." 2 The advice would not have been necessary, if at that time the practice of staying without com- municating had been completely and generally recognised even in the Patriarchate of Alexandria. When the Church herself spoke, it was to withdraw the liberty that had been given by " some " of her Bishops and Presbyters. Thus one of the so-called Apostolical Canons : " It is meet that all the faithful who come into the Church and hear the Scrip- tures, but do not persevere in prayer nor receive the Holy Communion, be deprived of Communion, as bringing dis- orders into the Church." 3 The Greek would be more closely rendered, " Do not remain at the prayer and at the Holy Communion," which is ambiguous ; but the above was the authoritative version of the whole Latin Church. 4 More- over the translator, Diouysius Exiguus, had, as we are informed by his friend Cassiodorius, 5 the greatest familiarity with Greek ecclesiastical literature ; so that we may be assured of his having interpreted the Canon as it was under- stood by the Greeks. Hence it is not too much to say, that in this single testimony we have sufficient evidence of the law of Christendom. It does not follow, of course, that it 1 S. Clem. Alex. Strom. L. i. p. 271 ; Colon. 1688. 2 Euseb. Alex. De Die Com. ii. ; Galland. torn. viii. p. 252. 3 Can. x. Labb. torn. i. col. 48. The version of Gentiaiius Hervetus has to the same effect, " in precatione auteni et sacra Communione non per- manent." Ibid. col. 27. 4 See the Communion of the Laity, by the present writer, p. 54. 5 De Instit. JL>iv. Lit. c. xxiii. Opp. torn. ii. p. 522 ; Veuet. 1729. SECT. I.] WARNED FROM THE CELEBRATION. 393 was everywhere obeyed ; and long before this the clergy had, in some parts of the East at least, been driven to a compromise. When peace and prosperity had lowered the standard of holiness in ordinary Christians, it was no longer possible for both parts of the rule to be observed ; and it then became a question whether those who did not intend to receive should be allowed to leave after " hearing the Scriptures," or to remain without receiving. The former was regarded as the less evil of the two. Thus S. Chrysostom would have all who did not communicate regard themselves as Penitents, and take their departure with the professed Penitents : " Art thou not worthy of the Sacrifice, nor of the Communion ? Then neither art thou of the Prayer. ... As many as do not partake are under penance. If thou art of those under penance thou oughtest not to partake, for he who does not partake is of those under penance. Why, then, does he (the Deacon) say, ' Depart ye who cannot pray,' but thou without shame standest still ? " l Again : " Let no one be there who is insincere, no one who is laden with iniquity, no one who has poison in his mind, lest he partake to condemnation, ... I do not say this to frighten you, but to make you safe. Let none then be a Judas ; let no one who enters have the poison of wickedness. For the Sacrifice is spiritual food," 2 etc. By such exhortations, addressed to his people before the non-communicating classes left, did S. Chrysostom labour to induce those whose consciences told them they were not fit to receive, either to repent and so come, or to be absent from the Communion altogether. It would appear that these efforts of the Saint were successful, not indeed, as he would most desire, in induc- ing the mass of the people to communicate, but in moving them to withdraw, if they did not intend to do so. The result was similar to that which we too often witness among ourselves, the Priest left after the Lessons and Sermon with a very small proportion of those who had come to worship with him. " At that most awful moment " (of the Celebration), says S. Chrysostom, 3 " though I have often sought, I have been unable to see the innumerable multi- tude now crowded together, and attending with such dili- gence to what is said, and I have groaned deeply, because when your fellow-servant speaks, great is the zeal, intense the eagerness of the people, thrusting one another, and staying 1 Horn. iii. in Ep. ad Eph. (c. i. v. 20) 4, torn. xi. p. 26. 2 Horn. i. in Prod. Jud. torn. ii. p. 453. 3 Horn. iii. de Incompr. Nat. Dei, 6, torn. i. p. 573. 394 ONE EXCEPTION ALLOWED. [CHAP. XIII. to the end ; but when Christ is about to appear in the Sacred Mysteries, the Church is empty and deserted." It may be noticed on this passage, that however grieved he might be at the deserted appearance of the Church, he yet assumed that all who might listen to his remonstrance would not only stay, but receive the holy Mysteries. If they did not communicate, he emphatically preferred that they should withdraw. It is not quite certain whether the early English Church, founded as it was in the seventh century, adopted at the first the primitive rule in all its strictness, or permitted the laxity which had already found an entrance into France. 1 But this is certain, that in the Capitula of Theodore, who became Archbishop of Canterbury in 668, we find the Apostolic Canon after the mind of Dionysius. 2 As Theodore was a Greek, this fact supplies an important testimony to the correctness of the Eoman interpretation of the Canon. There was one exception authorized in the Primitive Church. Public Penitents in the last stage of their peni- tence were to be present, but not to partake. 3 This was their punishment ; and there seems to be no reason why a similar penance should not be employed in the present day, provided always that the abstinence from Communion be understood by all to be a penance, and be not observed capriciously, but imposed and regulated by authority. It may be added, in conclusion, that there is an almost universal consensus of the better Divines, Eitualists, and Canonists of the Church of Rome in favour of the historical statement that has been now made, viz., that with the above named exception of the Consistentes, " no one was permitted to be present at the Sacred Mysteries but those who were able to offer and to partake of the things offered." 4 1 We learn this from a story told by Gregory of Tours, A.D. 575, of a woman who daily brought wine for the Celebration, but " not always approaching to the grace of Communion " was defrauded by the substitu- tion of an inferior wine. De Glor. Conf. c. Ixv. col. 947. 2 Can. cxx. Spicileg. Dacher. torn. i. p. 490 ; Par. 1723. I refer to this edition because D'Achery himself, with L'AbW (Cone. torn. vi. App. col. 1878) and Petit (Theod. Poenitentiale, torn. i. p. 50), followed an imperfect manuscript. In this the Canon (n. xcv.) runs thus : " Omnes fideles qui ingrediuntur Ecclesiam, ac sanctam oblationem non prassu- mant, nee percipiunt Sacrificium, cum convenit, privari communioiie." The reader will see that the difference of reading does not affect the ques- tion before us. Eos in the last clause was no doubt first miswritten eum, and that miscorrected into cum. 3 Communion of the Laity, p. 33. 4 Bona, Rer. Liturg. L. ii. c. xvii. n. ii. Sim. L. i. c. xiii. n. ii. He adds that this "custom evidently continued a long time." SECT. I.] THE MIND OF THE ENGLISH CHURCH. 395 This fact was well known to our Reformers ; but they were not able to revive the primitive rule at once. Thus Cranmer 1 declares his opinion of the inexpediency of restoring " the old Canons," " which command every man present to receive the Holy Communion with the Priest; which Canons," he says, " if they were now used, I fear that many would now receive it unworthily." All had been brought up in the habit of " hearing Mass," and it was equally unsafe to attempt their expulsion, and to oblige them to receive. Time, however, brought about the result which we witness. Non-communicating attendance was discouraged from the first ; and when the practice had ceased, those parts of the Office in which the presence of non-participants had been recognised were deliberately altered. 2 Most of these facts will come under notice as we proceed ; but it may be well here to gather them all together, remitting the reader to the following notes for any comment or explanation that may be needed. The Order of the Communion, issued in 1548, directs the Priest in charge, " the next Sunday or Holy-day, or at least one day before he shall minister the Communion, to give warning to his parishioners, or those which be present, that they prepare themselves thereto ; " and a form (the original of our first previous Exhortation) was furnished for this purpose. This induced many to communicate, although those who did not were not yet warned away ; and accord- ingly one demand of the Devonshire Rebels in the year following was that the Mass might again be celebrated "without any man or woman communicating with the Priests." 3 In 1549 the First Book of Edward repeats the in- vitation of O. C., and directs the use of our present first Exhor- tation, "if the people be negligent to come to the Communion," and orders all " that mind not to receive" to " depart out of the quire." In 1552 a much greater step in advance was made. A new Exhortation (that which now stands second) was introduced, beginning with the words "We be come to- gether, at this time, dearly beloved brethren, to feed at the Lord's Supper, unto which, in God's behalf, / bid you all that le present." It contained a solemn warning also against 1 Answer to Rebels, Art. iii., Works, p. 172; Camb. 1846. 2 The practice of non-communicating attendance, as having led to such grave results in the Roman Communion, may be thought to require a longer notice ; but the author has devoted a separate essay to it (The Communion of the Laity, pp. 128 ; Rivingtons, 1855), to which he would refer those who desire more information on the subject. 3 Cranmer's Works, p. 172; Camb. 1846. 396 ANCIENT AND PRESENT EVILS OF [CHAP. XIII. remaining without receiving, though no compulsion was used " Whereas ye offend God so sore in refusing this holy banquet, I admonish, exhort, and beseech you that to this unkindness, ye will not add any more, which thing ye shall do, if ye stand by as gazers and lookers on them that do communicate, and be no partakers of the same yourselves. . . . Wherefore, rather than that you should do so, depart you hence and give place to them that be godly disposed. But when you depart, I beseech you ponder with yourselves from whom ye depart. Ye depart from the Lord's Table, ye depart from your brethren," etc. At the same time, the order that those who did not communicate should withdraw from the quire was removed, as they were now entreated to with- draw even from the sight of the Holy Mysteries. Ere long these efforts had their effect. Before the next great Revision in 1662, non-communicating attendance had altogether ceased. The two first Exhortations had become inappropriate for use at the time of Celebration, because, as Bishop Cosin 1 informs us, those that were negligent to receive were "gone and heard it not;" and there was no longer any use for the passages above quoted, which implied the presence of those who were not prepared to receive. Accordingly at that date the two first Exhortations were appointed to be used some days before the Celebration ; and those passages were removed altogether. Another change, less striking, but ap- parently with the same view, was also made. In the ad- dress " Ye that do truly," etc., as it stood in 0. C. and 1 B. E., the intending communicants were exhorted to confess their sins to "Almighty God and to His holy Church, here gathered together in His Name;" as in 2 B. E., "to Almighty God and this congregation, here," etc. The re- ference to the congregation was omitted in 1662, most pro- bably because it consisted only of the communicants them- selves. The evils that have resulted from the practice of " hearing- Mass," both in the middle ages and since the reformation of our branch of the Church Catholic, have been so serious that it is a plain duty in those who know anything of them to protest against the attempt to revive that unprimitive and unscriptural custom among ourselves. As a piece of disci- pline, where discipline can be observed, the example of the Early Church would warrant an occasional resort to it. Under other conditions, whatever the first promise of good, the effect must be, and has been within the knowledge of the 1 Particulars to be Considered, No. 52, vol. v. p. 515. SECT. II.] NON-COMMUNICATING ATTENDANCE. 397 writer, productive of great evil. Those who have carefully studied the subject by the light of Holy Scripture and Christian antiquity can have no doubt of this ; and it ap pears to be also the half-logical, half-instinctive conclusion of men who do not profess to have investigated deeply, but in whom an ardent piety has been happily united with an enlarged spiritual experience and a well-balanced mind. " I have a strong feeling," says the saintly Keble, 1 " against the foreign custom of encouraging all sorts of persons to ' assist ' at the Holy Eucharist without communicating. It seems to me open to two grave objections : it cannot be without danger of profaneness and irreverence to very many, and of consequent dishonour to the Holy Sacrament : and it has brought in or encouraged, or both (at least so I greatly suspect), a notion of a quasi- sacramental virtue in such attendance, which I take to be great part of the error stig- matized in our 31st Article. Even in such a good book as the Imitatio Christi, and still more in the Paradisus Animce, one finds participating ' in Missa vel Communione ' spoken of, as if one brought a spiritual benefit of the same order as the other. This I believe to be utterly unauthorized by Scrip- ture and Antiquity ; and I can imagine it of very dangerous consequence. But whatever one thought of this, the former objection would still stand, and it would not do to answer that the early Church allowed or even encouraged the prac- tice ; because, even if that were granted (I very much doubt it, to say the least), the existence of discipline at that time entirely alters the case. . . . Yet of course I cannot deny that there may be any number of cases in which attendance without communicating may be morally and spiritually (I could not say sacramentally) beneficial : and in default of discipline, I should advise any person who thought that such was his own case to consult with his spiritual adviser, and act accordingly ; the clergyman of the particular Church not objecting." SECTION II. The Sacrifice imputed to Communicants only. The notion to which Mr. Keble alludes, of a " quasi-sacra- mental virtue " in non-communicating attendance, has been defended of late years by making a distinction between the Sacrifice and the Sacrament ; and alleging that we can join in, and benefit by our presence at, the Sacrifice, although we 1 Letters of Spiritual Counsel, L. cxvi. p. 207 ; 2rl ed. 398 WE TAKE PART IN THE SACRIFICE [CHAP. X11I. do not proceed to partake of the thing offered. It may however be clearly shown by reference to authorities, which both as Catholics and members of the Church of England we are bound to venerate, that it is only by partaking of the Offering that we can join in the Sacrifice and appropriate its benefits. This question has no history in the first ages, because the practice of " hearing Mass " was itself a mediaeval corruption, and the defence adopted is of still later origin. We are constrained, therefore, when treating of the principle, to confine ourselves to considerations respecting the nature of the rite as gathered from Holy Scripture, and to illustra- tions of it derived chiefly from incidental observations of the Fathers. I. The Holy Eucharist is a sacrificial rite, commemorative of the Sacrifice of the death of Christ. By it we show and plead before God the atoning merits of His Passion. But this representation of His Sacrifice is in Holy Scripture inseparably connected with the consumption of the symbols, which represent the Body that was broken and the Blood that was shed upon the Cross. He did not say, Offer this, My Body, and this, My Blood ; and then, if ready and de- sirous, partake of them. On the contrary, the command to Take, eat and drink came first ; and then He told them that the bread which they were eating was His Body, and the wine which they were drinking was His Blood. By the order of His words, He implies that the commemoration of His Sacrifice by the recipient is altogether dependent on his eating that Bread and drinking of that Cup. This is inferred yet more clearly from what follows : " This do ye (or offer ye), as oft as ye drink it, in remembrance of Me." 1 According, then, to His institution, it is only so oft as we eat and drink that we commemorate His Death and Sacri- fice. S. Paul speaks directly to the same purpose : " As often as ye eat this Bread and drink this Cup, ye do show the Lord's death till He come." 2 Is it not perfectly evident, then, that we do not " show the Lord's death " when we do not " eat of that Bread, and drink of that Cup " ? In other words, if we do not communicate, we are not commemorating His Sacrifice ; unless we partake, we do not offer. II. This holy ordinance is of the nature of those " Peace- offerings for Thanksgiving" which the children of Israel offered under the Law, as a token of gratitude for mercies received. But in all Peace-offerings it was a necessary duty for the offerers themselves to partake of the victim. " They 1 1 Cor. xi. 25. 2 1 Cor. xL 26. SECT. II.] BY PARTAKING OF THE VICTIM. 399 are performed," says Josephus, 1 "by feasting on. the part of those who sacrifice." In accordance with this, some of the Jewish writers have derived the Hebrew name for a Peace- offering from shalam, in the sense of to be at peace; because, a part being burnt on the Altar, a part eaten by the Priest, and the rest by the offerers, it was a common feast of God and man, and therefore a sign of peace between them. Others, witnessing equally to the same fact, derived it from the same word in the sense of to pay ; because, said they, portions were severally due and were allotted to God, to the Priest, and to the lay offerers. 2 If the offerers did not con- sume their portion within a certain time, they forfeited all beneficial interest in the sacrifice : " If any of the flesh of the sacrifice of his Peace-offering be eaten at all on the third day, it shall not be accepted, neither shall it be imputed to him that offereth it." 3 This was the law of Peace-offerings in general ; but less time was allowed for the consumption of a " Peace-offering for Thanksgiving :" " On the same day it shall be eaten up : ye shall leave none of it until the morrow. I am the Lord." 4 To conclude in the words of Bishop Andrewes : " The law of a Peace-offering is, he that offers it must take his part of it, eat of it, or it doth him no good." 5 " If Christ be a propitiatory sacrifice, a Peace-offer- ing, I see not how we can avoid but the flesh of our Peace- offering must be eaten in this feast by us, or else we evacuate the offering utterly, and lose the fruit of it." 6 III. There was one " Peace-offering for Thanksgiving " to which the Christian Eucharist bears an especial analogy. The Passover was a perpetual Thank-offering appointed to commemorate the deliverance of Israel from Egypt, and to prefigure the sacrifice of the Lamb of God, 7 precisely as the Eucharist is a perpetual Thank-offering ordained to com- memorate our deliverance from a worse bondage, and to represent and plead that same sole meritorious sacrifice, since it has taken place. Hence it might be assumed that the rule of the Passover would be the rule of the Eucharist. But the Passover was no exception to the general law. On the contrary, there was an especial and express application of it to this particular case. To " keep the Passover " was, in the language of Scripture, to " eat it," 8 and it was ordained 1 De Antiq. L. iii. c. ix., Opp. torn. i. p. 121 ; Oxon. 1720. 2 Outram, de Sacrif. L. i. c. xi. i. p. 114; Loncl. 1677. 3 Lev. vii. 18. 4 Lev. xxii. 30. 5 Serin, iv. of the Resurr. vol. ii. p. 251. Sera. vii. of the Resurr. p. 298. 7 1 Cor. v. 7. 8 Numb. ix. 11. 400 TESTIMONY OF THE FATHERS [CHAP. XIII. that those who " forebore to keep it " should be " cut off from their people." 1 It was accordingly ruled by Jewish autho- rities, that if any persons, belonging to a company formed for the purpose of celebrating the Passover, failed to eat a piece of the lamb of at least a certain size (about that of an olive), they had no part in the Sacrifice ; they were " excluded, as if they had not been in the mind of him who slew the victim." 2 Hence, if we were guided by the analogy of this single rite, we might with some confidence infer that persons present at the Christian Eucharist derive no benefit from that rite as a sacrifice, unless they partake of that which is then offered. " Our Saviour," says S. Athanasius, 3 " since He was changing the typical for the spiritual, promised them that they should no longer eat the flesh of a lamb, but His own, saying, Take, eat and drink : this is My Body and My Blood. When we are, then, nourished by those things, we shall also, my beloved, properly keep the Feast of the Passover." IV. We have the warrant of Scripture itself for the use of the analogy to which we have now called attention. When S. Paul would illustrate the Eucharistic Sacrifice of Christians he refers us to the anticipative sacrifices of the law, " Behold Israel after the flesh. Are not they which eat of the sacrifices partakers of the Altar?" 4 His argument is that they take their part in the sacrifice by eating of the victim. He even extends the principle to the sacrifices of the heathen, urging that those who eat of " that which is offered in sacrifice to idols," must similarly be held to have sacrificed to the evil spirits whom they represent. He does not, indeed, formally express our conclusion, for his argument did not require that ; but he leads us up to it by identifying partaking with offer- ing in those Jewish and heathen rites, in which he teaches us to see an analogy to the Christian Eucharist. V. It has been already said that the question now before us was never mooted in the early Church. Whatever state- ments or allusions are found to bear upon it in the writings of the Fathers, must therefore be regarded as incidental testimony. What their judgment would have been we may, however, learn from their language with respect to the Con- sistentes, that class of public Penitents who were condemned to be present at the Celebration without receiving. They were expressly said not to offer. Thus the Council of Ancyra, 5 A.D. 315, speaks of them as "communicating with- 1 Numb. ix. 13. 2 Maimonides, Tract, i. de Pasch. c. ii. v. p. 12. 3 Festal Epistles, Ep. iv. p. 34. 4 1 Cor. x. 18. 8 Cann. iv. v. vi. viii. xxiv. Bever. Pandect, torn. i. pp. 377, 399. SECT. II.] TO THE PRINCIPLE AFFIRMED. 401 out oblation," i.e. as it is also expressed, " communicating in the prayers " only. In 325 the Council of Nicaea 1 ordered that the penance of voluntary apostates should conclude with a " period of communion with the people in prayers, without oblation;" and S. Basil, 2 370, speaks of the Consistentes as " standing with the Faithful, but not partaking in the Obla- tion" until their penance was at an end. In the same manner " participation of the Sacrifice " is with Tertullian 3 and S. Chrysostom 4 the same thing as "communicating;" and with the latter, " to approach the Sacrifice," is to " partake of the Mysteries," or " of the Body of Christ," 5 and to " have the benefit of the Sacrifice," and " of the Table," are con- vertible terms. 6 S. Augustine 7 uses the expressions " to be removed from the Altar," and "to be removed from Com- munion," as identical in meaning. It is evident that the several phrases above cited could not have come into use as equivalents, if the distinction, which it has been sought to establish between the Sacrifice and the Sacrament, had existed in the minds of the Chris- tians of those days. If men could then have "joined in the Sacrifice without going on to the Sacrament," as it is ex- pressed, the Cotisistentes might have been said to offer and to communicate in oblation as well as prayer, although they did not receive ; they might have " approached the Sacrifice," or " participated " in it, without " partaking of the Body of Christ;" they might have "had the benefit of the Sacrifice" without " having the benefit of the Table ;" and the sinner might have been forbidden to communicate without being " removed from the Altar." VI. The doctrinal groimd of the language which we have been considering is the principle that has been already traced in Holy Scripture, viz., that, according to Christ's ordinance, we offer only when we eat ; in other words, that we com- memorate the Sacrifice of Christ only when we partake of the appointed symbols of His Body and Blood. That this was clearly understood and firmly grasped by the great teachers of the early Church may be made evident by a few quotations. S. Basil 8 thus plainly connects the Communion 1 Can. xi. ; Pand. torn. i. p. 71. 2 Ep. ad Amphiloch. Can. Ivi. torn. ii. p. 775. 3 De Orat. c. xix. torn. iv. p. 14. 4 Horn. c. Ludos, torn. vi. p. 328 ; Horn. xvii. in Ep. ad Hebr. c. x. torn. xii. p. 242. 5 Horn. iii. in Ep. ad Eph. c. i. torn. xi. p. 24. 8 Horn. Ixxxii. in S. Matt. xxvi. 26 ; torn. vii. pp. 889, 90. 7 Ep. liv. (ad Januar. i.) c. iii. torn. ii. col. 166. 8 Moralia, Reg. xxi. c. iii. in tit. torn. ii. col. ,304. 2 C 402 WE COMMEMORATE BY RECEIVING. [CHAP. XIII. with the commemoration: " We must eat the Body and drink the Blood of the Lord for a memorial of His obedience unto death." S. Augustine : x " Christians celebrate the memorial of that same accomplished Sacrifice by the most holy oblation and participation of the Body and Blood of Christ." And again : 2 " We call that only the Body and Blood of Christ which, taken from the fruits of the earth and consecrated by the mystic prayer, we duly receive to our spiritual health for a memorial of the Lord's Passion for us." S. Cyril 3 of Alexandria : " The Table with the shewbread signifies the Unbloody Sacrifice, through which we receive blessing, when we eat the Bread from heaven." Again : 4 " The participation of the holy Mysteries is a true confession and commemoration of His dying and rising again for us." S. Leo 5 speaks of the mercy of God, " whereby the Passover of the Lord is duly celebrated in the unleavened bread of sincerity and truth ; while, the leaven of the old wickedness being cast away, the new creature is inebriated and fed from the Lord Himself." We have here thus briefly stated some of the grounds on which we conclude that those who do not communicate derive no special benefit from their presence at the Celebra- tion. The Sacrifice is not imputed to them, because it is only through partaking that any one can appropriate it to himself. The Altar must be to us the Table of the Lord also, or it ceases to be an Altar. Eather may we not fear a fur- ther secret loss of grace and blessing, if we attempt to use the most holy ordinance of Christ in a manner, or for a pur- pose, which has no sanction from holy Scripture or from the uninspired records of the Primitive Church ? 1 C. Faust. L. xx. c. xviii. torn. x. col. 414. 2 De Trinit. L. iii. c. iv. torn. xi. col. 59. 3 De Ador. in Sp. et Ver. L. xiii. torn. i. p. 457, ed. Aubert. 4 Comm. in S. Job. Ev. xx. 16, L. xii. torn. iv. p. 1105. 6 Serm. IxiiL in Pass. Dona. xiv. torn. i. p. 66. CHAPTEE XIV. Cxrtnmutticm. SECTION I. RUBRIC VIII. IF When the Minister giveth warning for the Celebra- tion of the holy Communion, (which he shall always do upon the Sunday, or some Holy-day, immediately preceding,) & after the Sermon or Homily ended, he shall read this Exhortation following. a AFTEE THE SEEMON.] In the First Book of Edward vi. the shorter Exhortation, beginning " Dearly beloved in the Lord," which is now a constant part of the Office, was read after the Sermon, unless in that the people were " exhorted to the worthy receiving of the Holy Sacrament ;" only " in Cathedral Churches, or other places where there is daily Communion, it shall be sufficient" (adds a second Eubric) " to read this Exhortation once in a month ; and in Parish Churches, upon the week-days, it may be left unsaid." If the people were " negligent to come to the Communion," then the Priest was " earnestly to entreat his Parishioners to dispose themselves to receive" it, in a form which was in substance the same as the first of these two previous exhorta- tions, viz., that beginning "Dearly beloved, on day next." These Exhortations, i.e. " Dearly beloved," etc., and " Dearly beloved in the Lord," were both taken from the Order of Communion, in which the latter began the English part of the Office, preceding the Confession. The former was used as now, when notice was given. The Exhortation beginning "Dearly beloved brethren" was first introduced in 1552. It then came after the Prayer for the Church Militant, and was to be used occasionally, when the Curate saw the people " negligent to come to the holy Communion." That which now stands first then followed, " sometime" to 404 HISTORY OF THE EXHORTATIONS. [CHAP. XIV. be said " also, at the discretion of the Curate." The form, " Dearly beloved in the Lord," came last of the three, and was then, as now, to be said constantly. The present use of the three Exhortations was settled at the last Eevision, 1662, at the suggestion of Bishop Cosin, 1 whose reasons for the change were as follows : " The first and second Exhortations that follow are more fit to be read some days before the Com- munion than at the very same time when the people are to come to receive it. For, first, they that tarry for that pur- pose are not negligent, and they that are negligent be gone and hear it not. Then, secondly, they that should come to the Minister for the quieting of their conscience, and receiv- ing the benefit of Absolution, have not then a sufficient time to do it. Wherefore requisite it is that these two Exhorta- tions should be appointed to be read upon the Sunday, or some other holy-day before. Likewise in the third Exhorta- tion there be these words appointed to be read somewhat out of due time : ' If any of you be a blasphemer of God, . . . as he did unto Judas,' etc. For is any person who comes at that time purposely to receive the Communion likely to dis- cover himself (if he be guilty) in the presence of all the congregation by rising up and departing suddenly from it ? Therefore this clause were fitter to be omitted in this third Exhortation, and to be added to the second, a week, or some days at least, before the Communion is administered." SECTION II. The First Exhortation. b Dearly beloved, on day next I purpose, through God's assistance, to administer to all such as shall be religiously and devoutly disposed the most comfortable Sacrament of the Body and Blood of Christ ; to be by them received in remembrance of His meritorious Cross and Passion ; whereby alone we obtain remission of our sins, and are made partakers of the Kingdom of heaven. Wherefore it is our duty to render most humble and hearty thanks to Almighty God our heavenly Father, for that He hath given His Son our Saviour Jesus Christ, not only to die for us, but also to be our c spiritual food and sustenance in 1 Particulars to be Considered, Nos. 52, 53 ; Works, vol. v. p. 515. SECT. II.] THE FIRST EXHORTATION. 405 that holy Sacrament. Which being so divine and comfortable a thing to them who receive it worthily, and so dangerous to them that will presume to receive it unworthily ; my duty is to exhort you in the mean season to consider the dignity of d that holy Mystery, and the great peril of the unworthy receiving thereof ; and so to search and examine your own consciences, (and that not lightly, and after the manner of dissem- blers with God ; but so) that ye may come holy and e clean to such a heavenly Feast, in the marriage- garment required by God in holy Scripture, and be received as worthy partakers of f that holy Table. The way and means thereto is ; First, To ^examine your lives and conversations by the rule of God's commandments ; and whereinsoever ye shall perceive yourselves to have offended, either by will, word, or deed, there to bewail your own sinfulness, and to con- fess yourselves to Almighty God, with full purpose of amendment of life. And if ye shall perceive your offences to be such as are not only against God, but also against your neighbours, then ye shall reconcile yourselves unto them ; being ready to make restitution and satisfaction, according to the uttermost of your powers, for all injuries and wrongs done by you to any other ; and being likewise ready to forgive others that have offended you, as ye would have h forgiveness of your offences at God's hand : for otherwise the receiving of the holy Communion doth nothing else but increase your damnation, therefore if any of you be a blasphemer of God, an hinderer or slanderer of His Word, an adulterer, or be in malice, or envy, or in any other grievous crime, repent you of your sins, or else come not to that holy Table ; lest, after the taking of that holy Sacrament, the devil enter into you as he entered into JJudas, and fill you full of all 406 A COMMENTARY ON [CHAP. XIV. iniquities, and bring you to destruction both of body and soul. k And because it is requisite, that no man should come to the holy Communion, but with a full trust in God's mercy, and with a quiet conscience ; therefore if there be any of you, who by this means cannot quiet his own conscience herein, but requireth further comfort or counsel, let him come to me, or to some other Discreet and learned Minister of God's Word, and m open his grief ; that, n by the ministry of God's holy Word, he may receive the benefit of Absolution, together with ghostly counsel and advice, to the quiet- ing of his conscience, and avoiding of all scruple and doubtfulness. b DEAELY BELOVED, ON DAY NEXT.] In the Order of Communion, 1548, in which this Exhortation first appears, it is preceded by a Eubric directing the Priest in charge, " at least one day before he shall minister the Communion," to " give warning to his parishioners, or those which be present, that they prepare themselves thereto." Before this all re- mained, but it was a rare thing for any to communicate with the Priest, except at Easter. Here all present were told to prepare themselves. This was the first blow struck in the Liturgy itself at the corrupt practice of " hearing Mass." The expression, " or those which be present," may refer to the presence of non- Parishioners, and include them in the invitation ; for the Exhortation then began with the words, " Dear friends, and you especially upon whose souls I have cure and charge ;" thus implying that others might be present. c SPIRITUAL FOOD.] See the note on the words " spiritually eat" in the Exhortation at the Communion, Part n. c. i. iii. p. 426. d THAT HOLY MYSTERY.] See before, ch. i. ii. p. 23. e CLEAN, ETC.] Compare Taverner : " Therefore we must make clean our garment before we be bold to go thither." 1 f THAT HOLY TABLE.] This is clearly not the Altar in these 1 Postils, p. 169; Oxf. 1841. SECT. II.] THE FIRST EXHORTATION. 407 passages ; but the Table is, by a figure, put for the Feast. See before, ch. ii. iii. p. 40, and ch. xi. i. p. 304. EXAMINE YOUR LIVES AND CONVERSATIONS.] Compare again the Postils of 1540 : " Let us first, or ever we approach to this Blessed Sacrament, examine ourselves, by acknow- ledging our sins against God, whereunto we shall be brought by hearing and considering God's will declared in His laws, and perceiving in our conscience that God is displeased with us for the same." 1 This is noteworthy, because the prac- tice of confession before Communion was then in full force, and is in fact inculcated in the same Homily. h FORGIVENESS AT GOD'S HAND.] After the corresponding clause in the Book of 1549, and in that only, the following sentences are inserted : " And if any man have done any wrong to any other, let him make satisfaction and due resti- tution of all lauds and goods wrongfully taken away or with- holden, before he come to God's Board ; or at the least be in full mind and purpose so to do, as soon as he is able ; or else let him not come to this Holy Table, thinking to deceive God, who seeth all men's hearts. For neither the Absolution of the Priest can anything avail them, nor the receiving of this holy Sacrament doth anything but increase their damnation." Compare S. Chrysostom : 2 " Behold, I tell you beforehand, and adjure you, and with a loud voice proclaim, Let no one who has an enemy approach the sacred Table and receive the Body of Christ ! Let no one who approaches have an enemy ! Dost thou wish to draw near ? Be recon- ciled, and then come and touch the Sacred Thing." 1 THEREFORE, IF ANY OF YOU BE A BLASPHEMER . . . BODY AND SOUL.] This passage forms a separate Exhortation in O. C., being said after that beginning " Dearly beloved in the Lord," " to them which be ready to communicate." In 1549 it was placed in the middle of that form, and not removed into its present position until 1662. 1 JUDAS.] Compare Taverner's Exhortation before the Communion : " Beware lest, like as Judas received Christ's Body in purpose of evil life, . . . that the like fall not to you;" 3 and Watson, 4 in 1558: "After the receipt of our Lord's Body, the devil entered into Judas." This was clearly the common belief in England. It was also the general 1 P. 342. 2 Horn. xxi. ad Antioch. 5, torn, ii p. 242. 3 Postils, p. 187. 4 Serm. x. fol. Iv. 2. Sim. Serin, xi. fol. Ixvii. 408 THE COMMUNION OF JUDAS. [CHAP. XIV. opinion of the Fathers. Thus S. Augustine r 1 " He re- ceived, and when he received the enemy entered into him." S. Chrysostom 2 compares those who, having received, " rushed away before the final thanksgiving," to Judas, who went out that he might complete the work of betrayal. S. Ambrose : 3 " He perished at that feast in which others are made whole." But it was not universal. S. Hilary 4 says that " the Passover was celebrated by the reception of the Cup and the Breaking of Bread without him ; for he was not worthy of the Communion of the eternal Sacraments." S. James 5 of Nisibis, that " after Judas was gone out from them He took Bread," etc. In the middle ages it was the received opinion that he did partake ; for which it may be sufficient to refer to Paschasius 6 Eadbertus for the earlier period, and Aquinas 7 for the later. The former says : " From the very institution of this rite He threatens judgment to those who receive it ill; in that the devil entered into Judas imme- diately after he had received the sop from the hand of the Lord." Aquinas has a distinct article on the subject, in which he concludes that " although Judas for his wickedness deserved to be deprived of the Sacrament, the Lord did not- withstanding deliver to him His Body and Blood ; that He might not separate a secret sinner from the communion of others without an accuser and evident proof." That which in our version of John xiii. 26 is called " a sop" is in the Vulgate panis intinctus, " steeped bread." In an. age when intinction was practised, this naturally gave rise to the belief that Judas received the Sacrament in that sop. All did not take it so, and Aquinas quotes S. Augustine 8 to the contrary, but it was a very common notion, and contributed not a little, as we shall see, 9 to the suppression of intinction. SECTION III. Of Confession before Communion. k AND BECAUSE IT IS EEQUISITE . . . SCRUPLE AND DOUBT- FULNESS.] This passage respecting private Confession and 1 Tract, xxvi. in Job. 11, torn. iv. col. 660 ; and at length in Tract. Ixii. col. 883, and elsewhere. 2 Horn. xx. ad Antioch, 5, torn. ii. p. 242. See especially the Homi- lies de Prod. Jud. i. 6, torn. ii. p. 453 ; ii. 5, p. 464. 3 De Tobia, c. xiv. n. 47, torn. ii. p. 77. Again, Enarr. Ps. xxxix. n. 17, torn. iii. p. 124. 4 Comm. in S. Matt. c. xxx. 2, col. 740. 5 Serm. xiv. de Pasch. 4, p. 341. 6 Lib. de Corp. et Sang. c. viii. col. 1286. 7 Summae, P. iii. Q. Ixxxi. Art. ii. p. 207. 8 Tract. Ixii. in S. Joh. Ev. 3, torn. iv. col. 885. See P. ii. ch. xi. v. SECT. III.] OF PRIVATE CONFESSION. 409 Absolution occurs, with some verbal differences, in all the reformed Books ; but in the two earliest (0. C. and 1 B. E.) it is followed by an excellent caution, the removal of which in 1552 is deeply to be regretted: "requiring such as shall be satisfied with a general confession not to be offended with them that do use, to their further satisfying, the auricular and secret confession to the Priest ; nor those also which think needful or convenient, for the quieting of their own con- sciences, particularly to open their sins to the Priest, to be offended with them that are satisfied with their humble con- fession to God and the general confession to the Church ; but in all things to follow and keep the rule of Charity, and every man to be satisfied with his own conscience, not judging other men's minds or consciences, whereas he hath no warrant of God's Word to the same." For another illustration of this subject, we may cite the 10th Irish Canon of 1634 : "The Minister of every Parish, and in Cathedral and Collegiate Churches some principal Minister of the Church, shall, the afternoon before the said administration [of the Holy Communion], give warning by the tolling of the bell, or otherwise, to the intent that if any have any scruple of conscience, or desire the special Ministry of Eeconciliation, he may afford it to those that need it. And to this end the people are often to be exhorted to enter into a special examination of the state of their own souls ; and that, finding themselves either extreme dull, or much troubled jn mind, they do resort unto God's Ministers to receive from them as well advice and counsel for the quickening of their dead hearts and the subduing of those corruptions where- unto they have been subject, as the benefit of Absolution likewise for the quieting of their consciences, by the Power of the Keys which Christ hath committed to His Ministers for that purpose." 1 If it be asked whether the effect of the Absolution given after such private Confession differ from that of a public Absolution preceded by a general confession of the whole congregation, the answer is, that the spiritual and sacra- mental effect is, in the abstract, the same in either case. The actual benefit received does not depend on the manner in which the rite is administered, but on the preparation of the penitent. The sensible blessing, however, which attends a special Absolution, and its apparent results in the life, are commonly far greater than any that we can trace to the public use of the same ordinance ; for when do the members 1 Can. xix. ; Wilkins, Cone. vol. iv. p. 501. 410 THE DISCREET AND LEARNED MINISTER. [CHAP. XIV. of our Church bring to the general confession of the congre- gation the same contrition and fear, the same devotion, faith, and love, as, for the most part, they exercise when they use "the auricular and secret confession to the Priest"? Then, if ever, the soul is deeply stirred by the consciousness and sense of sin, and that which impels it to open its grief pre- pares it at the same time to receive absolving grace. It is seeking a remedy, at whatever cost of pain and shame. It longs to know the worst, to ask, What hope ? to have its wounds probed and searched, if haply they may be healed ; and can we wonder if to one giving such proof of true con- trition and humility, and by the same act deepening them, God does more clearly unveil Himself in the ministerial action of His Church, as the God to whom " belong mercies and forgiveness," and that the peace that passeth understand- ing is almost felt to descend on the soul, and new springs of abiding strength, of heavenly comfort, freedom, love, and joy, have burst forth to refresh and fertilize the once barren, sin- bound heart ? See some remarks on Absolution further on, Part II. Ch. iii. Sect. ii. p. 450. 1 DISCREET AND LEARNED MINISTER.] There can be no doubt that this phrase is derived ultimately from the famous Decree of Innocent in. by which every man and woman was obliged to confession once in the year : " Let the Priest be discreet and cautious, that, like a skilful physician, he may pour wine and oil over the hurts of the wounded man," 1 etc. Seven years later we find Stephen Langton, in England, ordering the appointment of Confessors for the Clergy in every Archdeaconry, who are to be " prudent and discreet " men. 2 Another 3 Decree of his, withdrawing the trial of matrimonial causes from the Eural Deans, and providing that they be " committed only to discreet men," has led to the suspicion that the word discreet was used by him in a technical sense, to describe persons whose competence to decide such causes was attested by some public and authori- tative recognition. It does not however seem to have been so understood at the time. In the preamble to a Legatine decree of Otho, 1237, founded on the last-named Constitution of Langton, we have the ground of the prohibition thus explained : " Since not only power, but also discretion and 1 Cone. Later, iv.; Can. xxi. ; Labb. torn. xi. col. 173. 2 Lyndwood, L. v. tit. 16, c. Quoniam nonnunquam, p. 327 ; Johnson's Canons, vol. ii. p. 108. 3 Lyndwood, L. ii. tit. i. ; Decani Rurales, p. 79. SECT. III.] THE OPENING OF OUR GRIEF. 411 knowledge is above all requisite in the settlement of affairs, solemn care is to be taken by all, lest such a judge or hearer of causes be deputed, through whose simplicity or want of skill or experience a worthless sentence be passed," 1 etc. The commentators Lyndwood and Athon both understood the word discreet in the modern sense. 2 Nevertheless it seems probable that something of a conventional meaning did attach itself to this oft-used phrase. A Constitution of Arch- bishop Eeynold, A.D. 1322, orders that when a doubt arises how to deal with great sins revealed in Confession, the Priest shall consult " the Bishop or another acting for him, or care- ful and discreet men," 3 and be guided by them, as if those last had a quasi-official character. Lyndwood suggests : "For example, Doctors in Divinity and in the Canon Law." 4 It was understood, apparently, that the Priest was not to be guided to those careful and discreet men, solely by his own opinion of their qualifications. Hence it would seem pro- bable that when the Church now bids a Priest say, " Let him come to me, or to some other discreet and learned Minister," she does not intend to remit the Parishioner, who declines his own Priest, to any other whom he may think " discreet and learned," but only to those whom the Church has herself, in some more or less definite manner, indicated as especially qualified for the discharge of that holy office. m OPEN HIS GRIEF.] " Grief, from gravis (grave peccatum), corresponds with the ' weighty matter ' of the Eubric in the Visitation of the Sick." The First Book of Edward has "confess and open his sin and grief." "Open his grief" is more forcible, as well as more simple. Of the terms " con- 1 Cap. Cum non, p. 58 ; Oxon. 1679. 2 Lyndwood : "Hie nota, quod Discretio idem est quod Divisio, Scientia, Discussio, vel quarumlibet rerum consideratio ad quod tendat . . . . et dicitur Discretio omnium virtutum esse mater." L. ii. tit. i. c. In Causis, p. 80; in verb. Viris dixcretis. Atho : "Quoad cerebrum, ne sit captiosus vel nimis faciliter ad decretum prosiliens." Othon. cap. Cum non, v. Discretio, p. 58. "Among our mediaeval writers," says Ducange, " 'vir discretus' is often used for 'vir prudens;' which Vossius, De Vitiis Sermonis, L. i. c. 33, p. 144, condemns, because by the ancients 'Discretus' is constantly taken in a passive sense; for which reason Jovian us Pontanus prefers 'Discernens' to 'Discretus.' Nevertheless, ' Discretus ' may be tolerated, as Faber observes in his Thesaurus ; for if, said he, Plautus has said Noti for those who have known, and Dionysius Cato, in his Distichs, suspectus for suspicious, it may not seem so absurd for ' Discretus ' to be said for ' him who discerneth.' " In v. 3 Lyndwood, L. v. tit. 16, cap. Sacerdos, p. 333 ; Johnson, vol. ii. p. 342. 4 Ibid. verb. Providos. 412 THE MINISTRY OF GOD'S WORD. [CHAP. XIV. fess and open," it has been said that the latter is " the stronger term of the two, as involving an unreserved confession." 1 n BY THE MINISTRY OF GOD'S WORD.] A reference to holy Scripture and to the teaching of the Fathers will show how strongly the sacramental character of the ministry exercised in Absolution is marked by this expression. " S. Paul, e.g." (observes the excellent writer quoted in the preceding note), " speaks of Christ in holy Baptism ' cleansing ' the Church ' with the washing of water by the Word ;' 2 S. Peter, again, of our 'being born again, not of corruptible seed, but of incorruptible, by the Word of God.' 3 In both cases the grace of the Sacrament is referred not to the act of the Minister, but to the Word used in his ministry. . . . S. Ambrose 4 preserves this same language : ' Sins are remitted through the Word of God, of which the Levite is the interpreter and a sort of executor. They are remitted also through the office of the Priest and the sacred ministry/ Again S. Augustine, 5 commenting on our Lord's saying, ' Now are ye clean, through the word which I have spoken unto you,' adds, Why saith He not, Ye are clean through the Baptism where- with ye have been baptized ? saving that in water also the Word cleanseth. Take away the Word, and what is water but water ? The Word is added to the element and it be- comes a Sacrament, which itself also is a sort of visible Word.' Hooker 6 evidently understood the phrase in our Office in this sense, regarding ' the Word ' as a part or instrument of the ministerial act in conveying the grace of Absolution, not as a substitute for it. ' They ' (i.e. they who seek relief of the Priest according to his invitation) 'are to rest with ininds encouraged and persuaded concerning the forgiveness of all their sins, as out of Christ's own word and power by the Ministry of the Keys.' " 7 THE BENEFIT OF ABSOLUTION.] Benefit of Absolution, instead of Absolution simply [as in 1 B. E.], is the adoption of an older phrase, which helps to connect the Exhortation, as revised in 1552, more closely with the traditionary teach- ing and language of the Church. The expression occurs, e.g. in 1 Carter's Doctrine of Confession, ch. vi. p. 117, text and note, 2cl ed. 2 Eph. v. 26. 3 I S. Pet. i. 23. 4 De Cain et Abel, L. ii. c. iv. n. 15, torn. i. p. 182. 5 Tract. Ixxx. in S. Joh. Ev. 3, torn. iv. col. 930. 6 Eccl. Pol. L. vi. ch. iv. 14, vol. iii. p. 49. 7 Carter, Doctrine of Confession, ch. vi. p. 119. SECT. IV.] THE SECOND EXHORTATION. 413 the Canons of the Council of Narbonne, 1 A.D. 1374: "We permit that any Presbyter, as often as he shall need, or it shall be fitting, confess his sins to any competent Priest, even though not a Curate, and receive from him the benefit of Absolution." So again in the earlier Canons of Tarragona, 2 1253: "We give to all the Presbyters of our Province power to impart the benefit of Absolution, one to another." In the reign of Mary, Bonner 3 used the same phrase in one of his Visitation Articles, inquiring " whether any persons have refused to be confessed, and receive at the Priest's hands the benefit of Absolution." 4 SECTION IV. Rubric IX. and the Second Exhortation. H" Or, in case lie shall see the people negligent to come to the holy Communion, instead of the former, he shall use p this Exhortation. p THIS EXHORTATION.] For the history of this Exhortation, see Section i. of this Chapter, p. 403. Dearly beloved brethren, on I intend, by God's grace, to celebrate the Lord's Supper: unto which, in God's behalf, il bid you all that are here present ; and beseech you, for the Lord Jesus Christ's sake, that ye will not refuse to come thereto, being so r lovingly called and bidden by God Himself. Ye know how grievous and unkind a thing it is, when a man hath, prepared 8 a rich feast, decked his table with all kind of provision, so that there lacketh no- thing but the guests to sit down ; and yet they who are called (without any cause) most unthankfully re- fuse to come. Which of you in such a case would not be moved ? Who would not think a great injury and wrong done unto him ? Wherefore, most dearly be- loved in Christ, take ye good heed, lest ye, withdraw- 1 Can. xviii. ; Cone. torn. xi. P. ii. col. 2506. 2 Embodied in the Canons of the Council of Tarragona, 1329 ; see Can. xxviii. Labb. torn. xv. col. 359 ; ed. 1731. These Canons are cited by Mr. Carter from Dr. Pusey's Letter to the Rev. W. U. Richard, p. 41, in which they are adduced with another object. 3 Art. xx. ; Cardwell's Doc. Ann. vol. i. p. 141. 4 Carter on Confession, ch. vi. p. 117. 414 THE SECOND EXHORTATION. [CHAP. XIV. ing yourselves from this holy Supper, provoke God's indignation against you. It is an easy matter for a man to say, I will not communicate, because I am otherwise hindered with worldly business. But such excuses are not so easily accepted and allowed before God. If any man say, I am a grievous sinner, and therefore am afraid to come : wherefore then do ye not repent and amend ? When God calleth you, are ye not ashamed to say ye will not come ? When ye should return to God, will ye excuse yourselves, and say ye are not ready ? Consider earnestly with your- selves how little such feigned excuses will avail before God. They that refused the feast in the Gospel, be- cause they had bought a farm, or would try their yokes of oxen, or because they were married, were not so excused, but counted unworthy of the heavenly feast. *I, for my part, shall be ready ; and, according to mine Office, I bid you in the Name of God, I call you in Christ's behalf, I exhort you, as you love your own salvation, that ye will be partakers of this holy Communion. And as the Son of God did vouchsafe to yield up His soul by death upon the Cross for your salvation ; so it is your duty to receive the Com- munion u in remembrance of the sacrifice of His death, as He Himself hath commanded : which if ye shall neglect to do, consider with yourselves how great in- jury ye do unto God, and v how sore punishment hangeth over your heads for the same ; when ye wil- fully abstain from the Lord's Table, and separate from your brethren, who come to feed on the banquet of that most heavenly food. These things if ye earnestly consider, ye will by God's grace return to a better mind : w for the obtaining whereof we shall not cease to make our humble petitions unto Almighty God our heavenly Father. SECT. IV.] COMMUNION RESTORED. 415 1 I BID YOU ALL THAT ARE HERE PRESENT.] This invita- tion to all present to partake was a part of this formulary when first composed in 1552. It was then read at the time of the Celebration, not, as now, some days before ; and marks another step forward in the attempt to suppress the unpri- mitive practice of " hearing Mass," or as it is termed among ourselves, " non-communicating attendance." Before this, in 0. C. and 1 B. E., when notice of the Celebration is given, those present are exhorted to prepare themselves, and the holy Sacrament is offered to those who shall be godly dis- posed : here, when the Celebration was about to commence, all present are invited to communicate. In Bucer's animadversions on the First Book of Edward, the Eeformers are urged to endeavour " by all means to bring about the Communion of those present." 1 To this advice Bishop Cosin 2 and others have ascribed the composition of the present Exhortation. But it is evident from the 0. C. and 1 B. E. that the Church was already moving in that direction, 3 and it is equally clear that Bucer and the Eevisers differed as to the best mode of attaining their object. Bucer would have retained all present, and compelled them to re- ceive. 4 Cranmer, 5 as we have seen, thought the revival of that rule inexpedient, and in the Exhortation itself, as it originally stood, those who do not intend to receive are commanded to depart. 6 It should be observed too that, through the means already used, as appears both from the language of Bucer 7 himself and from the Complaint of the Devonshire Eebels before cited, 8 the people had begun to communicate in considerable numbers before the Second Book of Edward was published. 1 Censura in Ord. EccL c. xxviL Script. Angl. p. 495 ; Basil. 1577. 2 Notes on the B. C. P. Third Series, Works, vol. v. p. 468. 3 See before, Ch. xiii. Sect. i. p. 395. 4 His words are " modis omnibus instandum ut qui praesentes sunt com- mnnicent" (Censura, c. xxvii. as in note l above), and he expressly con- demns those, as using the wrong means to that end, who " dismiss all the people that have flocked together to the preaching of the Gospel and the prayers, that they may celebrate the Supper with those only who mean to communicate." Ibid. This was the very course which the Revisers of 1552 took immediately after, though without using compulsion. How then could they have been following his advice ? 6 Answer to Rebels, Art. iii. Works, p. 172. See before, p. 395. 6 See the passage, now omitted, in p. 396. 7 He speaks of some Priests who endeavoured to secure the communion of all present by infrequent Celebrations, " scarcely three or four times in the year," which he also condemns. Cens. c. xxvii. 8 Cranmer's Works, p. 172. See before, Ch. xiii. Sect. i. p. 395. 416 TREATMENT OF NON-COMMUNICANTS. [CHAP. XIV. It is certain that, if our Reformers were here indebted to any one, it was to Archbishop Hermann, with whose advice their whole course in reference to non-communicants will be found in strict accordance. It will be remembered that his Consultation had been translated into English even before the Order of Communion appeared. Now in this book we find preachers directed to exhort the people to receive, and not to " stand there as despisers of so great gifts which in the Holy Supper he offered to all that are present, nor to make to themselves a hurtful spectacle of a blessed feast." Again : " As the Pastors then must diligently teach and dissuade them which with the rest of the congregation cannot com- municate, because they stick in divers open sins, that they be not present at the Holy Supper, and testify unto them that if they stand at the Supper with such a mind, they do spite unto Christ, and that it shall be damnation unto them ; so they must also diligently warn and exhort them which with a good conscience may be present at the Supper, that is to say, which truly believe in Christ the Lord, that they receive the Sacraments with other members of Christ. " But forasmuch as this institution of the Lord, that all they which be present at the same Supper of the Lord should communicate of one Bread and Cup, His Body and Blood, is so much out of use, and covered a great while since through common ignorance, it shall be needful to call men back again, treatably and gently, to the observation of this tradi- tion of the Lord. . . . There be not a few which, though they cannot thoroughly understand this Mystery and the perfect use of Sacraments, yet have such faith in Christ that they can pray with the congregation, and be somewhat edified in faith through holy doctrine and exhortation, that be wont to be used about the Holy Supper and the ministration thereof ; yea, and they may be taught and moved by little and little to a perfecter knowledge of this Mystery and an oftener use of the Sacraments, even by this that they be pre- sent at the Holy Supper, which abstain not from the Lord's Supper from any contempt, etc. These men the Pastors must fatherly and gently teach. . . . They must not fray them away, and drive them from the holy action of the Slipper, while they have any hope of them, that they will go forward in the study and communion of Christ." l The reader will observe that not only does Hermann appear to suggest some of the language 2 in which the Exhortation of 1552 is expressed, but that he sketches out the "treatable 1 Consult, fol. clxxxii. ; Lond. 1548. 2 Compare the extract in p. 418. SECT. IV.] THE SECOND EXHORTATION. 417 and gentle" method of dealing with the evil before him, which was actually adopted by the English Eeformers. r So LOVINGLY CALLED.] This passage is probably in- debted to Hermann's Consultation : a " It is a great abomina- tion to despise the Lord calling us so gently, and so lovingly bidding us to this feast of health and meat of everlasting life, and not to make haste more greedily to this heavenly and blessed banquet." s A RICH FEAST.] This illustration is perhaps derived from S. Chrysostom: 2 "The King's table is here, Angels serving the table, the King Himself present, and dost thou stand yawning ? . . . Tell me ; if one called to a feast should have washed his hands, and sat down, and made himself ready for the table, and then not partaken, does he not affront him who has invited him ?" The Exhortation seems indebted here to the Postil 3 of 1540 on the Epistle for Palm Sunday : " This holy week we are bidden and called by the Church to come to the great Supper of our Blessed Lord Christ Jesus. . . . But I fear me sore lest many shall make such worldly excuses as be written in a Parable in the Gospel of S. Luke, some saying they be new married, and therefore they may not come, etc. All which sort of men shall not taste of that Supper." * I, FOR MY PART, SHALL BE READY.] Until 1662 this ran : " I, for my part, am here present, and according," etc. There can be no doubt that we are largely indebted to the urgency of this appeal for the restoration of the laity to their privilege as habitual Communicants. Compare S. Chry- sostom : 4 " In vain we stand at the Altar ; there is no one to partake." u IN REMEMBRANCE OF THE SACRIFICE OF HlS DEATH.] The Book of 1552 had " in the remembrance of His death." The present reading, which dates from 1662, is in more close accordance with the language of the Catechism, in which we are taught that this Sacrament was ordained " for the con- tinual remembrance of the Sacrifice of the death of Christ, and of the benefits which we receive thereby." It is only because it was a Sacrifice that the death of Christ has pro- cured those benefits for us ; and therefore it is as a Sacrifice 1 Fol. clxxxv. fa. 2 ; Lond. 1548 ; in the edition of 1547, which is not foliated by the printer, f. 198. 2 Horn. Ui. in Ep. ad Eph. (c. i. vv. 20-23), 5, torn. xi. p. 26. 3 P. 169; ed. Cardwell. 4 Horn. iii. in Ep. ad Eph. (c. i. w. 20-23), 4, torn. xi. p. 26. 2 D 418 NON-COMMUNICANTS TO DEPART. [CHAP. XIV. that He bids us commemorate it. 1 Thus Eusebius 2 calls this Sacrament " the remembrance or memorial of the Great Sacrifice." S. Chrysostom : 3 " Our High Priest is He who has offered the Sacrifice that cleanseth us. We offer it also now, the same that was then offered, that cannot be con- sumed. This is for a remembrance of that which took place then. For saith He, Do this in remembrance of Me. Not another sacrifice, like the High Priest then, but the same do we always celebrate, or rather, we transact a commemoration of the Sacrifice." S. Augustine : 4 " Before the Advent of Christ the Flesh and Blood of this Sacrifice were promised by typical victims ; in the Passion of Christ it was exhibited in the very reality ; after the Ascension of Christ it is cele- brated by the Sacrament of remembrance." v HOW SOKE PUNISHMENT HANGETH OVER YOUR HEADS FOR THE SAME.] Compare the Postils 5 of 1540 : " Consider how great damnation and danger haugeth upon us, it for lack of faith and charity we receive Him unworthily." From 1552 to 1662 these words were followed by the passage, already cited in part in Ch. xiii. Sect. i. p. 396 : " And whereas ye offend God so sore in refusing this holy banquet, I admonish, exhort, and beseech you, that unto this unkindness ye will not add any more ; which thing ye shall do if ye stand by as gazers and lookers on them that do communicate, and be no partakers of the same yourselves. For what thing can this be accounted else than a further contempt and unkind- ness unto God ? Truly it is a great unthaukfulness to say nay, when ye be called ; but the fault is much greater when men stand by, and yet will neither eat nor drink this holy Communion with others. I pray you, what can this be else but even to have the Mysteries of Christ in derision ? It is said unto all, Take ye and eat ; Take and drink ye all of this ; Do this in remembrance of Me. "With what face, then, or with what countenance, shall ye hear these words ? What will this be but a neglecting, a despising, and mocking of the testament of Christ ? Wherefore rather than ye should do so, depart you hence, and give place to them that be 1 See at large Part i. Ch. i. ii. on the name Sacrifice, as given to the Holy Eucharist, pp. 13-17. 2 Demonstr. Evang. L. L c. x. p. 40 ; Par. 1628. See too pp. 38, 9 : " We have received a command to celebrate on a table the memorial of that Sacrifice, by means of symbols of His body and His saving blood." 3 Horn. xvii. in Hebr. (c. x.) 3, torn. xii. p. 242. 4 C. Faust. L. xx. c. xxi. torn. x. coL 417. 5 Exhort, before Comm. p. 187. SECT. IV.] INTERCESSION AT THE RECEPTION. 419 godly disposed. But when you depart, I beseech you, ponder with yourselves from whom you depart. Ye depart from the Lord's Table, ye depart from your brethren, and from the banquet of most heavenly food. These things if," etc. Com- pare again S. Chrysostom : a " Why does he (the Deacon) say, depart ye who cannot pray ; but thou without shame standest still ? . . . The King Himself is present, and dost thou stand yawning ? Are thy garments defiled, and does it not concern thee ? Or, say they are clean. Then sit down and partake. He comes daily to see those sitting at meat. He converses with all. And now He will say in the con- science, Friends, how is it that ye stand here, not having the wedding garment ? He did not say, Why hast thou sat down ? but before his sitting down, He declares him to be unworthy to enter ; for he said not, Why hast thou sat down ? but Why earnest thou in ? These things He now also saith to all you who shamelessly and impudently stand (here). For every one who receives not the Mysteries stands shameless and impudent. . . . Thou hast professed thyself to be one of the worthy, by not withdrawing with the un- worthy. How is it thou hast remained and dost not partake of the Table ? I am unworthy, he says. Then art thou also unworthy of the communion which is in the prayers." Bishop Cosin 2 makes the following remarks on the foregoing- passage in this exhortation : " A religious invective is added here against the lewd and irreligious custom of the people then nursed up in Popery, to be present at the Com- munion, and to let the Priest communicate for them all ; from whence arose the abuse of private Masses ; a practice so repugnant to the Scriptures and to the use of the Ancient Church, that at this day not any but the Eomish Church throughout all the Christian world are known to use it, as the Greek, Syriac, Armenian, and Ethiopian Liturgies do testify ; nay, the Eoman Liturgy itself is here in full against the Eoman practice." This " invective " was necessarily omitted at the last Eevisiou, because, as we have already learnt from Bishop Cosin, the practice against which it was directed had entirely died out : " They that are negligent be gone and hear it not." 3 w FOR THE OBTAINING WHEREOF.] From 1552 to 1662 this exhortation ended thus : " For the obtaining whereof we shall make our humble petitions, while we shall receive the Holy 1 Horn. iii. in Ep. ad Eph. (o. i. vv. 20-23) 4, 5, torn. xi. p. 26. 2 Notes on the B. C. P. 1st Ser. vol. v. p. 98. 3 Particulars, etc. n. 52, vol. v. p. 515. See above, Sect. ii. p. 404. 420 INTERCESSION AT THE RECEPTION. [CHAP. XIV. Communion." There was great point in thus promising to pray for this object at the reception. As under the Law the Peace-offering for Thanksgiving was consummated by the consumption of the victim, and it was by partaking thereof that the wwshipper acquired an interest in the sacrifice ; so does the Eucharistic Sacrifice, ordained in the Gospel, fall short of the essential and true character of such a sacrifice, until the offerers are also " partakers of the Altar ; x " and so likewise it is not to the offering, but to the reception of that which has been offered, that the ancient Liturgies and the early Fathers, 2 as with one voice, ascribe the remission of sins, protection from the powers of evil, the " preservation of the body and soul unto everlasting life," and whatever other " benefits of Christ's Passion " are assured and conveyed to the faithful in the right use of this holy Sacrament. It is at this moment, then, in the very crowning act of these dread Mysteries, while the Master of the Feast is dispensing to each invited guest a portion from the table of the King, and is thereby affirming and giving to each his own bene- ficial interest and share in the Thank-offering of the Church, that our petitions ascend with the most perfect assurance of acceptance to the Throne of Grace. The One Atoning Sacri- fice upon the Cross is then of all times pleaded with most confidence and most blessed efficacy, when He, who in it was both Priest and Victim, is imparting Himself and all its virtue through that rite which he ordained to represent it upon earth, " till He come." It is interesting to observe that, in accordance with this principle, the prayers of the congregation were at an early period asked for the sick immediately before the distribution of the sacred Elements. 3 1 See at length Communion of the Laity, ch. i. Sectt. iii. iv. v. 2 Communion of the Laity, ch. i. sect. iv. 3 See the Gelasian Canon, Murat. torn. i. col. 698. The same Rubric is found in the very ancient Sacramentary printed by Gerbert, Monum. Vet. Lit. Alem. P. i. p. 238 ; and in two MSS. (one of the ninth century) to which Martene refers. De Ant. Eccles. Rit. L. i. c. iv. Art. ix. n. vii. END OF PART I. PART II. CHAPTEK I. flaxing 0f the (JTommuttkmtt*, anb the t0 them. SECTION I. The Place of the Faithful at the Celebration. RUBRIC X. ^ At the time of the celebration of the Communion, the Communicants being conveniently & placedfor the receiving of the holy Sacrament, the Priest shall say ^this Exhortation. a PLACED.] The Second Book of Edward has no Bubric referring to the place which the Communicants are to occupy. The earlier Book gives the following order in the Rubric after the Offertory : " Then so many as shall be partakers of the holy Communion shall tarry still in the quire, or in some convenient place nigh the quire, the men on the one side and the women on the other side. All other (that mind not to receive the said holy Communion) shall depart out of the quire, except the Ministers and Clerks." This Rubric has been pronounced inexplicable. It is asked, with refer- ence to the order that the Communicants shall remain in the quire, and the rest leave it, How came all the congregation to be in the quire ? This difficulty, however, is removed by the suggestion that all were supposed to enter the quire, to " offer to the poor men's box," as the same Rubric directs, that box being at the time " set and fastened near unto the high Altar." x This explanation is confirmed by an article of inquiry at the Visitation held by Ridley in 1550, while the First Book of Edward was in force : " Whether any tarrieth in the quire after the Offertory other than those that do com- 1 Cardwell, Doc. Ann. vol. i. p. 18 ; Injunction of Edward, No. 29. 422 THE PLACE OF THE COMMUNICANTS. [CHAP. I. municate, except clerks and ministers ?' !1 Another difficulty arises from the wording of the last clause. All non-partici- pants are to " depart out of the quire, except the Ministers and Clerks." If the definite article were omitted before " Ministers," as in Ridley's inquiry, all would be clear ; but since the Celebrant himself is in this Liturgy styled a " Minis- ter," a strict interpretation of the Eubric as it stood would imply that even he was not bound to communicate, which was certainly not the intention of the compilers. It is fur- ther objected that the general license given to " Ministers" not to communicate, if so disposed, is at variance with the provision of a later Rubric of the same Book, which directs that the Celebrant, after " receiving the Communion in both kinds himself," shall " next deliver it to other Ministers, if any be there present (that they may be ready to help the chief Minister) ;" from which we might argue that all Minis- ters tarrying in the quire were bound to receive. It cannot be denied that the Rubric in question is at the least very " ill expressed." 2 The present Rubric deserves far more attention than it generally receives. In most Churches the Communicants, instead of being " conveniently placed," remain where they have been during the previous services, and come up from all parts at the reception. In some, however, a better custom prevails ; viz., for the Communicants to gather in the Chancel and near it, when the non- Communicants have left after the Offertory. This satisfies the Rubric, and (as will be seen, 3 when we come to the Invitation to " draw near ") has autho- rity for it. SECTION II. Of the Exhortation to the Communicants. b Tms EXHORTATION.] The Order of Communion, 1548, began with this Exhortation. The Priest celebrated accord- ing to the old Latin Liturgy, but after he had communicated himself he was to " turn to them that were disposed to be partakers of the Communion, and thus exhort them." In 1 B. E. it was said after the Creed, Sermon, or Homily, if 1 This article is only found in the copy printed from the Ridley Regis- ter in the Appendix to Foxe's Acts and Monts. ; ed. Lond. 1846, vol. v. p. 783. Probably other reprints are from forms used at a later Visita- tion, when, from the revision of the Prayer Book, etc., this and other articles, also omitted in Sparrow, etc., had become obsolete, or were thought unnecessary. The above reference was kindly given me by the Rev. T. W. Perry. 2 Maskell's Antient Liturgy, Prsef. ch. v. p. Ixxvii. 3 See after, ch. ii. i. p. 432. SECT. II.] THE EXHORTATION TO COMMUNICANTS. 423 there was no exhortation to Communion in that. In 2 B. E. it caine, as now, after the Prayer for the Church Militant, though " at certain times, when the Curate saw the people negligent to come," other exhortations (from which the two forms now used when notice of Communion is given are derived) were interposed. With this Exhortation begins the more sacred part of this holy Office, the part which corresponds to the Canon of the Mass of our later Mediaeval Liturgies, and to the Missa Fidelium of an earlier period. " The Mass of the Catechu- mens," says Duraridus, 1 A.D. 1285, "is from the Introit until after the Offertory. . . . But the Mass of the Faithful is from the Offertory to the Post Communion." Not that the Catechumens, when there were any, left after the Offertory, their dismissal taking place, as we have seen, after the Ser- mon ; but that at a later period, when there were no Cate- chumens, and those terms were used to denote the two great divisions of the Liturgy, the one covered a little more ground, and the other a little less, than in strictness they should have done. Beleth, 2 a century before Durandus, avoids the names, but divides the Office into two parts at the same place. This division of the Liturgy was accepted in Eng- land, and probably on the authority of Durandus, for we find Guest quoting him in 1559, when, in his well-known Letter to Cecil, he speaks " of the dividing of the Service of the Communion into two parts." 3 The second part of the old Spanish Liturgy began, like that of the Reformed English, with an exhortation, which, however, varied with the day. It came, like our own, after the Offertory, 4 and acquired the name of " the Mass ;" 5 be- cause, as Leslie 6 remarks, " it is the first prayer that is offered in the Mass of the Faithful." By S. Isidore, 7 A.D. 593, and by Heterins 8 and Beatus, 785, it is called the Prayer of Admoni- tion : " The Prayer of Admonition is addressed to the people, that they may be stirred up to make effectual prayer to God." Only in a few instances of later composition, as e.g. on the Festivals of the Circumcision and of the Conception of the B. V., 9 do those " Masses" take the form of prayers addressed 1 Ration. L. iv. c. i. nn. 46, 7. 2 Div. Off. Explic. c. xliii. 3 Card well's History of Conferences, ch. ii. n. ii. p. 51. 4 Leslie, torn. i. p. 3, 1. 59, p. 225, 1. 63 ; on which see the notes. 6 It is so headed passim in the Mozarabic Missal. " Hsec Oratio," says Leslie, p. 475, " proprio nomine Missa appellatur." Miss. Moss, p. 509. 7 De Eccles. Off. L. i. c. 15 ; Hitt. col. 188, 8 Ad Elipand. L. i. c. Ixxiii. Migne, torn. xcvi. coL 939. 9 Leslie, pp. 54, 414. 424 ANCIENT EXHORTATIONS. [CHAP. I. to God. In the Gothico-Gallican Missal, once used in cer- tain parts of Aquitaine, we find a similar exhortation occu- pying the same place, under the appropriate title of the " Preface." l Twice it is called at length the " Preface of the Mass." 2 Here, however, it is often replaced by a prayer, which is generally much shorter. The old Gallican Liturgy, probably under Roman influence, substitutes a prayer in nearly every Mass extant ; but there are instances of the old address 3 to the people, and the prayer itself retained the name of Preface. 4 In the Sacramentary found at Bobio, and supposed to have been used in the Province of Besangon, we have numerous examples of both forms. Few have any heading ; but once 5 an address is called the " Mass ;" twice, 6 the " Preface ;" once, 7 a " Collect." Once 8 a prayer which has usurped the place of an exhortation is superscribed " the Preface." The Eeichenau 9 fragment yields six examples, three of which bear the title of Collect, the rest that of Pre- face. Only one 10 of the latter is a direct prayer. These exhortations have no special reference to the Holy Communion, but generally bear on the day to which they are proper. The following is a brief example which does not pre- sent this feature : " Let us, dearly beloved brethren, with one accord beseech the Lord, God the Saviour of the faithful and preserver of those who believe, God the author of eternal immortality, that He unfailingly grant unto us His mercy by the spiritual gift of His pity, through our Lord." n 1 See the Missale Gothicum in Mabillon's Liturg. Gallic. L. iii. pp. 193, 204, 5, etc. 2 Liturg. Gallic, pp. 190, 252. 3 Ibid. pp. 329, 377. 4 Ibid. pp. 364, 6, 7, 8, etc. In p. 336, in the Preface for Christmas Eve we have an example of a long exhortation only partially converted into a prayer. 6 Mus. Ital. torn. i. p. 373. This is perhaps an error of the tran- scriber, especially as the phrase is Missa Dominicalis ; but the example of the kindred Spanish Missal is in favour of the reading. 6 Ibid. pp. 371, 375. 7 Ibid. p. 286. 8 Ibid. torn. i. p. 366. 9 Gallican Liturgies, Neale and Forbes, Part i. pp. 2, 5, 9, 20, 1, 8. 10 Missa viii. Gall. Lit. p. 21. 11 Ibid. Missa ii. p. 2. There is a remarkable fact connected v/ith this Reichenau Missal, to which attention has not, so far as I know, hitherto been called ; viz., that it was, in all probability, known to Berno, who became Abbot of Eeichenau in 1006. After citing an allusion made by Hilduinus, 814, to some ancient Gallican Missals that existed in his time, Berno adds, " In the archive of our Monastery also there is a Missal very differently ordered from the Use of the Roman Church." De Reb. ad Miss. Spect. c. ii. ; Hitt. 700. It is far more probable that this is the very MS. of which a fragment was discovered by M. Mone, than that after the destruction of that, another of the same very rare class should have found its way into the same monastic library. SECT. TIL] THE EXHORTATION TO THE COMMUNICANTS. 425 It is interesting to remark that, as the ancient British Liturgy was closely related to the Gallican, it is probable that, as in our present Office, the more sacred part was con- sidered to begin after the Offertory, and that, like ours, it began with an exhortation to the people. SECTION III. The Exhortation. Dearly beloved in the Lord, ye that mind to come to the holy Communion of the Body and Blood of our Saviour Christ, must consider how Saint Paul ex- horteth all persons diligently to c try and examine themselves, before they presume to eat of that Bread, and drink of that Cup. d For as the benefit is great, if with a true penitent heart and lively faith we receive that holy Sacrament ; (for then e we spiritually eat the flesh of Christ, and drink His blood ; then f we dwell in Christ, and Christ in us ; we are one with Christ, and Christ with us ;) so is the danger great, if we receive the same unworthily. For then we are guilty of the Body and Blood of Christ ooir Saviour ; we eat and drink our own damnation, not considering the Lord's Body ; we kindle God's wrath against us ; we pro- voke Him to plague us with s divers diseases, and sundry kinds of death. Judge therefore yourselves, brethren, that ye be not judged of the Lord ; repent you truly for your sins past ; have a lively and stead- fast faith in Christ our Saviour; amend your lives, and be in perfect charity with all men ; so shall ye be meet partakers of those holy Mysteries. And above all things h ye must give most humble and hearty thanks to God, the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost, for the redemption of the world by the death and passion of our Saviour Christ, both God and man ; Who did humble Himself, even to the death upon the Cross, for us, miserable sinners, l who lay in darkness and the shadow of death, that He might 426 A COMMENTAKY ON THE [CHAP. I. make us the children of God, and exalt us to ever- lasting life. And to the end that we should alway remember the exceeding great love of our Master, and only Saviour, Jesus Christ, thus dying for us, and the innumerable benefits which by His precious blood- shedding He hath obtained to us, He hath instituted and ordained holy Mysteries, as pledges of His love, and for J a continual remembrance of His death, to our great and endless comfort. To Him therefore, with the Father and the Holy Ghost, let us give (as we are most bounden) continual thanks ; submitting ourselves wholly to His holy will and pleasure, and studying to serve Him in true holiness and righteousness all the days of our life. ^Arnen. "TRY AND EXAMINE YOURSELVES.] "Let a man examine himself, and so let him eat of the Bread and drink of the Cup ; for he that eateth and drinketh, eateth and drinketh judgment to himself, if he discern not the Body." l So in the "Simple and Religious Consultation" of Hermann, 2 " It is convenient that every man try himself with great diligence, as S. Paul exhorteth us." d FOR AS THE BENEFIT IS GREAT ... SO IS THE DANGER, ETC.] Compare S. Chrysostom : " For as His coming (in the flesh), which has brought to us those great and unutterable benefits, condemned the more those who received it not, so also the Mysteries are the means of greater punishment to those who partake of them unworthily." 3 Gennadius : " He who has still the will inclined to sin is more hurt than cleansed by the reception of the Eucharist." 4 e WE SPIRITUALLY EAT, ETC.] This language is derived from S. Paul : 5 " They did all eat the same spiritual meat, and did all drink the same spiritual drink." The Fathers use it often of the holy Eucharist. Thus Origen, 6 speaking of 1 See 1 Cor. xi. 28, 9, in the Revised V. of the Five Clergymen. 2 Fol. clxxxxix. fa. 1, ed. 1548. 3 Horn, xxviii. in 1 Cor. (ch. xi. 29), 1, torn. x. p. 293. 4 De Eccl. Dogm. c. liii. Cigheri, torn. ii. p. 163. 5 See 1 Cor. x. 3, 4. 6 Comm. in S. Matth. 82, torn. iv. p. 413. SECT. III.] EXHORTATION TO THE COMMUNICANTS. 427 Judas : " If tliou canst understand the Spiritual Table, and Spiritual Food, and the Supper of the Lord, with all which he had been graced by Christ, thou wilt see more abundantly the multitude of his wickednesses." S. Athanasius, 1 comment- ing on S. John vi. 61-63 : " For how many would His body suffice for meat, that it should be the food of the whole world ? But for this reason He mentioned the ascent to heaven of the Son of Man that He might withdraw them from the carnal sense, and they might for the future understand the flesh spoken of to be meat from above, a heavenly and Spiritual Food given by Him." S. Cyril 2 of Jerusalem, applying Eccl. ix. 7 to the holy Eucharist : " Eat thy bread, the Spiritual Bread, with joy ... and drink thy wine, the Spiritual Wine, with a merry heart." S. Macarius 3 the elder : " Those who partake of the visible bread spiritually eat the Flesh of Christ." The writer De Mysteriis :* "Christ is in that Sacrament ; for it is the Body of Christ. Therefore it is not corporal meat but spiritual." S. Augustine, 5 addressing Cate- chumens : " The Faithful know the Spiritual Food, which ye too are soon to know, being about to receive it from the Altar of God." S. Chrysostom : 6 " Coming to food that is the object of sense, thou washest thy hand, cleansest thy mouth. When about to partake of Spiritual Food, dost thou not wash thy soul, but comest to this full of uncleanness ?" "The Sacrifice is Spiritual Food." 7 S. Cyril 8 of Alexandria : " Let us say how, keeping the feast (of Easter) holily and ail-purely, we ought to go to the spiritual participation of Christ, the Saviour of us all." It may be as well to add that such language was familiar to our countrymen at the time of the Reformation. Thus in the Postils of 1540 we read, " Our soul is preserved in life and health by the receiving of this Ghostly Food." 9 Examples from Liturgies will be given in the note on the words " Spiritual Food," in the second Post-Communion Collect. f WE DWELL IN CHRIST AND CHRIST IN us, WE ARE ONE WITH CHRIST AND CHRIST WITH us.] Compare S. Basil 10 in 1 Ep. on S. Matt. xii. 32, torn. i. p. 979 ; al. ad Serap. iv. 2 Catech. Myst. iv. p. 294. 3 Horn, xxvii. 17 ; Migne, Ser. Gr. torn, xxxiv. col. 705. 4 De Myst. c. ix. Opp. Ambros. torn. v. p. 198. 6 Senn. Ivii. c. vii. torn. vii. col. 334. 6 Horn. v. in 1 Tim. (ch. i. 20), 3 ; torn. xi. p. 657. 7 De Prod. Judae, Horn. i. 6, torn. ii. p. 454. 8 Horn. Pasch. xix. torn, vl p. 249. 9 Part i. fol. cxxvii. 10 Goar, p. 173. 428 A COMMENTARY ON THE [CHAP. L a prayer said before the reception : " That receiving the por- tion of Thy Holy Things in the pure witness of our conscience, we may be united to the holy Body and Blood of Thy Christ, and receiving them worthily may have Christ dwelling in our hearts, and become a temple of Thy Holy Spirit ;" and the conclusion of a Syrian prayer of the Veil r 1 " That being- cleansed by a perfect purification and by the sprinkling of Thy hyssop, we may be made pure temples for the habitation of Thy glory, and a dwelling-place of Thy holiness." The epistle against Paul of Samosata, formerly ascribed to Dio- nysius the Great : 2 " It is God who dwelleth in us according to the covenant which He covenanted with us, saying, Take this and divide it among yourselves : this is the New Testa- ment : this do. This is the emptying out of God for our advantage, that we may be able to contain Him." S. Chry- sostom : 3 " There was, not the Cherubim, but the very Lord of the Cherubim dwelling within, not a (golden) pot, and manna and table of stone and Aaron's rod, but the Body and Blood of the Lord." S. Augustine : 4 " "Who dwelleth not in Christ and Christ in him, without doubt neither eateth His Flesh nor drinketh His Blood, although eating and drink- ing this Sacrament of so great a thing to judgment on him- self." S. Cyril 5 of Alexandria thus illustrates the oneness and mutual indwelling of Christ and His members effected through this holy Sacrament : " Just as if any one having kneaded one piece of wax with another, and melted them together with fire, one thing is made out of both ; in like manner, through participation of the Body of Christ and of His precious Blood, He in us and we again in Him are made one." And again, 6 " Just as, if one mix wax with wax, he will see the one in the other, so, I conceive, he who re- ceives the Flesh of our Saviour Christ, and drinks His pre- cious Blood, as He Himself saith, is found one thing with Him, being as it were mingled and mixed with Him through the participation, so that he is found to be in Christ, and Christ again in him. ... As Paul saith, A little leaven leaveneth the whole lump, so likewise the least Blessing (particle of the Eucharist) mingles our whole body in itself and fills it with its own active virtue, and so Christ is in us, 1 Philox. Renaud. torn. i. p. 311. 2 Biblioth. V. P. M. torn. iii. p. 74 ; Col. 1618. 3 Expos, in Ps. cxxxiii. torn. v. p. 457. 4 Tract xxvi. in Job. Ev. 18, torn. iv. col. 664. See the Benedictine note on the passage. 5 In Job. Ev. L. x. c. ii. (on ch. xv. 1), torn. iv. p. 863. 6 Ibid. L. iv. c. ii. (on ch. vi. 57), torn. iv. p. 364. SBCT. III.] EXHORTATION TO THE COMMUNICANTS. 429 and we again in Him." The root of this teaching lies in our Lord's own words, recorded by S. John. 1 DIVEKS DISEASES, ETC.] Compare the Alexandrian S. Basil : " Make none of us guilty of Thy dread Mysteries, nor let us be of diseased soul and body from the unworthy participation of them." 2 After the word "death" in this clause, from 1549 to 1662, there was inserted here with some differences this passage (placed in 1662 in the former of the previous Exhortations) : " Therefore, if any of you be a blasphemer of God, a hinderer or slanderer of His word, an adulterer, or be in malice, or in any other grievous crime, repent you of your sins, or else come not to that holy Table, lest after the taking of that holy Sacrament the devil enter into you as he entered into Judas, and fill you full of all iniquities, and bring you to destruction both of body and soul." In the Order of Com- munion, 1547, the same warning was said separately after this Exhortation, and was succeeded by the following remark- able Rubric : " Here the Priest shall pause a while, to see if any man will withdraw himself; and if he perceive any so to do, then let him commune with him privily, at convenient leisure, and see wliether he can with good exhortation bring him to grace. And after a little pause the Priest shall say, Ye that do truly," etc. h YE MUST GIVE MOST HUMBLE AND HEARTY THANKS.] Compare one of the Homilies : " To render thanks to Almighty God for all His benefits, briefly comprised in the Death, Passion, and Resurrection of His dearly beloved Son. The which thing because we ought chiefly at this Table to solemnize, the godly Fathers named it Eucharistia, that is, Thanksgiving. As if they should say, Now above all other times ye ought to laud and praise God." 3 S. Chrysostom : 4 " Rehearsing over the Cup the unspeakable benefits of God, and what great (benefits) we have enjoyed, we so offer to Him and communicate, giving thanks, that He hath delivered the race of men from the error, that He hath made them who were afar off near, that He hath made them who were with- out hope and without God in the world brethren unto Him- self, and fellow-heirs, for these things and for all such things giving thanks, we so draw near." This Thanksgiving 5 1 S. Job. vi. 56. 2 Renaud. torn. i. p. 74. 3 Concerning the Sacrament, Pt. ii. 4 Horn. xxiv. in Ep. i. ad Cor. (cb. x. 16) 1, torn. x. p. 249. 6 See before, Part i. ch. i. ii. p. 8. 430 A COMMENTARY ON THE [CHAP. I. was especially, as we shall see hereafter, in that part of the Office which corresponds to our Preface. It was originally very long, and might be said to include even the Consecration itself. 1 WHO LAY IN DARKNESS, ETC.] The blessing of redemp- tion is similarly described by the figure of a deliverance from darkness in some ancient Prefaces, when alleged, as here, for the ground of thanksgiving in the holy Sacrament. E.g. : " He hath shone on us, that from darkness and the shadow of death He might make us a kingdom of everlasting light." 1 " By Thy heavenly benefits Thou hast called us out of dark- ness into light." 2 " When the chains of darkness bound mankind, enthralled by death, in the habitations of hell, the Spiritual Word descended . . . brought us to the realms of heaven." 3 J A CONTINUAL REMEMBRANCE OF HlS DEATH.] It need hardly be said that ancient writers and the old Liturgies insist much on this end of the institution. Thus Justin Martyr : " The bread of the Eucharist which Jesus Christ our Lord commanded to offer for a memorial of the Passion that He underwent for those whose souls are cleansed from all wickedness." 4 S. Basil : 5 " For what reason should we eat the Body and drink the Blood of the Lord ? For a memorial of the obedience of the Lord unto death ; " and again : 6 - " What is the special end of eating the Bread and drinking the Cup of the Lord ? To preserve the perpetual remembrance of Him who died and rose again for us." S. Chrysostom : 7 " The awful Mysteries . . . are called an Eucharist, because they are the commemoration of many benefits." The Greek Liturgy of S. Basil : " He hath left us memorials of His Saving Passion, these things, to wit, that we have set on according to His commandments." 8 Compare the teaching of the Postils, 9 published in 1540 : " Christ at His last Maundy or Supper . . . did ordain that holy Sacra- ment of His precious Body and Blood to be used and exer- cised in His Church for a perpetual record and memory of 1 Murat. Col. 470. 2 Sacram. Gallic, in Mus. Ital. torn. i. p. 380. 3 Liturg. Gall. Mabill. L. iii. p. 374. 4 Dial, cum Tryph. c. xli. Otto, torn. ii. p. 132. 6 Moralia, Reg. xxi. c. iii. torn. ii. p. 304 ; Par. 1618. 6 Ibid. Reg. Ixxix. c. xxii. p. 388. 7 Horn. xxv. in S. Matt. (ch. viii. 4), 3, torn. vii. p. 352. 8 Goar, p. 168. 9 Page 181, eel. Cardw. SECT. III.] EXHORTATION TO THE COMMUNICANTS. 431 His blessed death, willingly suffered of Him for the redemp- tion and salvation of our souls." See Part I. ch. xiv. Sect. iv. p. 416. k AMEN.] This response follows the same exhortation in the 0. C., and has been preserved through every Revision. It also occurs after an exhortation in the Commination, and one in the Form of Ordaining a Bishop. It is worthy of note that Amen was said after the Mozarabic Missa, and the Gallican " Preface" l to which the present form corresponds. It is marked in the former and must be inferred in the latter, as the Preface, even when strictly an address to the people, always ends as a prayer, with the formula Through our Lord, etc., or the like. 1 See before, p. 424. CHAPTER II. Ittbitatitftt, the JUttient Hit** oi f txtt, anb the Urato SECTION I. The Invitation. RUBRIC XL 1 Then shall the Priest say to & them that come to receive the holy ^Communion, Ye that do truly and earnestly repent you of your sins, and are in love and d charity with your neigh- bours, and intend to lead a new life, following the commandments of God, and walking from henceforth in His holy ways; e Draw near with faith, and take this holy Sacrament to your comfort ; and make f your humble confession &to Almighty God, meekly kneeling upon your knees. a THEM THAT COME TO RECEIVE.] In our present Book the communicants are supposed to be " conveniently placed " before the preceding Exhortation (Dearly beloved in the Lord, etc.) is said; but between 1552 and 1662 (at which latter date the Rubric before that Exhortation was inserted), these words, " them that come to receive," were understood to imply that the communicants were at this time to draw towards the holy Table, wherever it might be. Thus L'Estrange : a " This Exhortation, with the former, should regularly be said before the people ascend into the chancel. . . . These very words, ' draw near/ seem to imply as much. . . . Again, the Rubric before this invitation confirms this opinion, enjoining it to be said to them that come (not to them that are already come) to receive the holy Communion." 1 Alliance, ch. vii. Note D, p. 309. SECT. L] THE INVITATION TO DRAW NEAR. 433 To the same purpose Cosin, 1 somewhat earlier, says, that the words " Draw near," etc., in the Exhortation " seem to be an inviting of the people that are to communicate to come into the quire, where the Communion Table is placed ; . . . or if otherwhiles, for more convenience, it be brought down at this time, and set in the body of the Church, the people are hereby ordered to go out of their pews or common seats, and to approach towards it for the celebrating of the Sacrament." From Cosin himself we learn elsewhere, that this practice of drawing near was not extinct in the reign of Charles I. : " In many places they use so to do, where they are [wont] to remove from their seats, and to approach nearer to the Table in the Church or Chancel for the taking of the Holy Sacra- ment." Yet it is clear that in the great majority of Churches there was no movement towards the Table at this time ; for he adds, " Yet in other places, where the Chapels are small, and the Communicants so few, that they are all fixed already in their several places within the Chancel or Church near to the Table, before these words come to be read unto them, there will be no need to have them remove, and therefore no need of any such words ; " and he suggests that " provision be here made for that purpose." 2 Bishop Andrewes 3 implies that the general custom was to " draw near " before this In- vitation was given : " There is perhaps no occasion for these words, because they have already drawn near." In 1638 we find Bishop Mountagu 4 attempting to restrain the people of his diocese from " drawing near " before the longer Exhorta- tion, " Dearly beloved in the Lord," was said. There can be no doubt that the departure from Church, after the Prayer for the Church Militant, of those who did not intend to com- municate, had naturally led to the simultaneous movement of the Communicants towards the holy Table. By some this Eubric has been thought to recognise the presence of non-communicants, and merely to intimate that the address which follows is intended for the Communi- cants alone ; but as it was first so worded in the Liturgy of 1552, which aimed at excluding non-communicants, and was retained in 1662, when their attendance had altogether ceased, this view of it is plainly inadmissible. 1 Notes on the B. C. P., Second Series ; Works, vol. v. p. 328. 2 Particulars to be Considered, No. 54, voL v. p. 516. 3 Notes on the B. C. P., Minor Works, p. 156 ; Oxf. 1864. 4 Visit. Articles, tit. vii. Art. 7, p. 81. 2 E 434 THE KISS OF PEACE [CHAP. II. b COMMUNION.] The Scotch Liturgy adds here the words, " this Invitation." c YE THAT DO TKULY, ETC.] In the Order of Communion this Invitation followed the warning, " If any man here be an open blasphemer," etc., which again came, as a separate formula, after the Exhortation, " Dearly beloved in the Lord." In the Second Book of Edward it followed that Exhortation, as it does now. But in the First Book of Edward it came after the Consecration, though still immediately before the General Confession. This was an equally good arrangement, and appears to have arisen from its place in the Order of Communion. For it will be remembered that the whole of the old Latin Liturgy, down to the Communion of the Priest, was to be said before that formulary was begun, and that it opened with a series of addresses, of which this Invitation was the last. It was probably restored to a place immedi- ately after the Exhortation in 1552, to assist in marking more completely the distinction between the Communicants and non-communicants ; for it was thus brought into con- nexion with the new Exhortation which denounced the presence of those who did not communicate; by which a peculiar force and point would be given to its welcome, addressed to them that did " come to receive." SECTION II. Of the Kiss of Peace. d CHAKITY.] I. This intimation of the necessity of Charity takes the place of the ancient Kiss of Peace, which in the earliest ages was generally, at least, given at the corre- sponding part of the holy Office ; that is to say, after the dis- missal of the non-communicants, though before the Offer- tory. Thus Justin 1 Martyr : " When we have finished the Prayers, we salute one another with a kiss. Then bread is brought," etc. S. Chrysostom : 2 " Embracing one another when the Gift is about to be offered," etc. These statements are confirmed by the Liturgies. In the Clementine 3 it is preceded by a long Prayer for the Faithful, bidden by the 1 Apol. i. c. 65, torn. i. p. 266. 2 De Compunct. ad Demetr. 3, torn. i. p. 155. He refers to the Kiss in Horn. xxx. in 2 Cor. (c. xiii. v. 12), 2, torn. x. p. 773 ; but without specifying the time. 3 Const. App. L. viii. c. xi. ; Cotel. torn. i. p. 398. SECT. II.] BEFORE THE PREFACE. 435 Deacon, and another for the same, said by the Bishop. " Let the Deacon say to all, Salute one another with a holy kiss ; and let them of the Clergy salute the Bishop ; the lay- men, laymen ; the women, women." The Offertory and Preface follow. In S. Mark 1 it comes after the Great Entrance, and before the Offertory of the people. The Deacon says, " Salute one another." A prayer in reference to it is said meanwhile, of which one clause is : " Send down on us the gift of Thine all-holy Spirit, that, in a pure heart and good conscience, we may salute one another with a holy kiss." In S. James 2 it conies between the Great Entrance and the longer intercessions bidden by the Deacon, without a proper prayer. In S. Mark, it may be observed, the Creed has been inserted after the Offering of the People ; in S. James it immediately follows the Great Entrance, so that now the Kiss precedes the Creed in the former, comes after it in the latter. In SS. Basil and Chrysostom the order is, the Prayers of the Faithful, the Cherubic Hymn (while the Priest is praying), the Grand Entrance with its Oblation (the Deacon meanwhile bidding prayer), the Kiss, the Creed, the Preface. 3 This rite is also common to every Oriental Liturgy, and in all the Kiss is given when the Communicants only are left, but before the Preface is said. 4 Three prayers precede it, as directed by the Council of Laodicsea 5 in the fourth century, that of the Veil, that of the Kiss, and another of Preparation, but in uncertain order. The Preface follows immediately. The Ethiopian form is very corrupt ; but the following pro- clamation of the Deacon indicates that the rite was for the faithful only : " Pray for perfect peace and for the friendly Apostolic salutation. Salute one another. Ye who do riot communicate, go out. Ye who communicate, salute one another." 6 The care, to which the Clementine Liturgy bears witness, that persons should salute only those of their own sex, 7 is observed in every Oriental Church. 1 Renaudot, torn. i. p. 142. 2 Liturg. ss. Patr. p. 14. 3 Goar, pp. 70-75, 162-165. * See Renaudot, torn. ii. pp. 30, 134, et passim. 5 Can. xix. Bever. Pandect, torn. i. p. 461. " The penitents . . . having withdrawn, three prayers of the Faithful shall be said, one, to wit, the first, in silence, the second and third by bidding, and the Peace shall be given next." 6 Renaudot, torn. i. p. 513. 7 Thus Ebnassalus in his Collection of Canons, c. xii. : "But the 436 THE KISS OF PEACE [CHAP. II. In the Churches of Spain and Gaul the Kiss of Peace occurred similarly between the dismissal of the Catechumens, etc., and the Preface. 1 While it took place the choir sang, " Peace I leave with you," 2 etc., and a prayer was said by the Priest, which varied with the day. This prayer is nearly always for peace, but does not so often express any allusion to the Kiss. The following is an example : " Pour into our hearts . . . through our fraternal kisses, the pure charity of the love of Thee and of our neighbour." In Spain 3 the signal for the Kiss was given by the Priest or Deacon, 4 saying, " Give the Peace among yourselves," 5 or, " Make the Peace as ye stand;" 6 which formula seems to have been retained even after they ceased to kiss each other. 7 It is difficult to think that the Kiss was originally given in any Churches of the West at a different part of the Service ; yet our earliest notices of it in Africa and at Eome show that it came then immediately before the Communion. Thus S. Augustine: 8 "When the Consecration has taken place, we say the Lord's Prayer. . . . After that is said, Peace be with you, and Christians kiss one another in the Holy Kiss, which is the sign of Peace." It is not noticed in the women shall kiss other women, nor shall the men give them the Kiss." Abulbircat in his Exposition of the Liturgy, Gabriel the Patriarch, and other expounders of rites, give the same rule. Renaudot, in note, torn. i. p. 222. See after, p. 441. 1 For the Mozarabic see Leslie, torn. i. pp. 4, 227. The Gallican Office is not extant, but the same thing is evident from the mention of it immediately before the Preface in the Expositio of Germanus of Paris (Martene, L. i. c. iv. Art. xii. torn. i. p. 168), and from the position of the Collectio ad Pacem in the Sacramentaries, viz., between the Collectio post Nomina and the Immolatio or Preface. 2 S. John xiv. 27. Germanus in speaking of the Kiss quotes this verse, which makes it probable that the rite was performed in altogether the same manner in Gaul and Spain. 3 Liturg. Gall. L. iii. p. 233. See other examples, pp. 209, 217, 221, 236, 270, 281, etc. Lit. Mozar. torn. i. pp. 39, 76, 111, etc., in which reference is made to the act. * Ibid. adLeudefr. Ep. i. " Pacem ipse (Diaconus) annunciat ; " torn. vi. p. 558. 6 The present Rubric (Leslie, pp. 4, 227) assigns it to the Priest, but Isidore, M.S., and the Council of Compostella, to the Deacon. See next note. 6 Cone. Compostell. A.D. 1056, Can. i. Labb. torn. xii. coL 22 ; ed. 1730. 7 The Mozarabic Liturgy shows that at the period of its last revision the Peace was made by the Priest kissing the Paten and giving it to the Deacon to kiss, who held it to the people. Leslie, u.s. 8 Serm. ccxxvi. torn. vii. col. 974. SECT. II.] BEFORE THE COMMUNION. 437 Gelasian or Gregorian Canon ; but in an Ordo Komanus, 1 earlier than the ninth century, we find it prescribed imme- diately before the Communion. From the epistle to Decen- tius, ascribed to Innocent I., but certainly of later date, we gather that, when that letter was written, the Peace was given some time before the Consecration in some Churches of the Eoman obedience. May we not suppose, before the Preface, and that this was the remnant of an earlier rule ? The writer forbade this, because when given after the Con- secration, it was a token " that the people gave their assent to all things done in the Mysteries." 2 In the Milanese Liturgy the Deacon or Priest bids the Kiss before the Com- munion, in the words, " Offer one another the Peace." To which the people respond, " Thanks be to God." 3 Some MSS. add the formula, " Hold the bond of love and peace that ye may be fit for the most holy Mysteries of God," 4 which is corrupted from a formula found in the Mozarabic, and may give rise to a suspicion of some greater change having taken place at an earlier period. This suspicion is confirmed by our observing that the versicle, " Have peace," 5 occurs after the Gospel, thus indicating, we may suppose, the original place of the Kiss. There are many references to the Kiss of Peace in early Christian writers beside those already cited. Thus Tertul- lian : 6 " Another custom has now gained ground ; persons fasting after prayer with their brethren withhold the Kiss of Peace, which is the seal of prayer. . . . What prayer is com- plete from which the holy Kiss is divorced ? . . . What kind 1 Ord. R. i. c. 18 ; Mus. Ital. torn. ii. p. 13. From the second Ordo, perhaps not much later, we find that at Rome " the Archdeacon gave the Peace to the Bishop first ; then the rest in order ; and the people, the men and women separately." P. 49. 2 Cigheri, torn. iv. p. 177. 3 Martene, L. i. c. iv. Art. xii. Ord. iii. torn. i. p. 175. 4 Bona, L. ii. c. xvi. n. vi. The formula with this reading (Habete vinculum, etc.) is adopted into the revision of S. Charles Borromeo ; Martene, De Antiq. Eccl. Rit. L. i. c. iv. A. xii. 0. iv. The Mozarabic read- ing is, Habete osculum, etc. The great antiquity of this address may be inferred from the fact that it occurs (altered as at Milan) in our own Liturgies of York and Bangor. Was it borrowed by Augustine from the Churches of Gaul ? 5 Pamel. torn. i. p. 297 ; Mart. u.s. Ord. iv. p. 173. 6 De Orat. c. xiv. torn. iv. p. 14. See on the omission on Fast-Dajs, Albaspinus, Observ. L. i. n. xviii. In later ages, as we see from the Gallican and Mozarabic Liturgies, this rule was not observed. Gerbert, Disq. iv. c. xlii. p. 382. 438 THE OSCULATORY. [CHAP. II. of sacrifice is that from which men depart without the Peace?" It appears, however, from the same passage, that the omission was allowed on Good Friday, when all were known to be fasting. S. Cyril 1 of Jerusalem : " Then the Deacon cries, Embrace each other and salute each other," which Kiss he explains to be a " sign of the reunion of hearts, and that they banish all remembrance of injury." S. Jerome : 2 " Does any one when his hand is held out turn away his face, and at the sacred feast proffer the kiss of Judas ?" S. Chrysostom, 3 commenting on the words of S. Paul, Salute ye one another with a holy kiss : " In no common manner is our mouth honoured when it receives the Body of the Lord. For this reason do we kiss at that time especially." S. Paul four times, 4 and S. Peter once, 5 bid those to whom they write, " greet one another with a holy kiss," " with a kiss of charity;" from which we may with great probability infer that the Apostles were also the authors of this custom, as observed in Divine service ; or at least that it was intro- duced at a very early period, as the best mode of complying with their injunctions. II. The ancient custom appears to have been well kept up in the West until the thirteenth century, when we first read of an instrument which, after being kissed by the Priest and the Deacon after him, was by the latter handed to the com- municants, who thus, in another manner, expressed their mutual love, viz., by all kissing the same thing. The earliest notices of the osculatorium (or deosculatorium) occur in the records of our English Councils. It is mentioned as part of the necessary furniture of a Church in the Provincial Con- stitutions of Walter Gray 6 of York, in 1250. As no ex- planation is given we may infer that its use was then already well known. A Statute of Peckham 7 of Canterbury, about thirty years later, prescribes it under the same name. A Synod of Exeter, 1287, calls it the "board for the Peace." 8 It was often, especially in the north of England, called the 1 Catech. Myst. V. c. ii. p. 295. 2 Ep. xxxix. ad Theoph. Alex. torn. iv. P. ii. col. 335. 3 Horn. xxx. in 2 Cor. (c. xiii. v. 12), p. 311 ; Oxon. 1845. 4 Rom. xvi. 16 ; 1 Cor. xvi. 20; 2 Cor. xiii. 12 ; 1 Thess. v. 26. 6 1 Pet. v. 14. 6 Johnson's Canons, vol. ii. p. 176. * Ibid. p. 302. 8 Cap. xii. ; Wilkins, Cone. torn. ii. p. 139. SECT. II.] WHY NOW DISUSED. 439 Paxbred or Paxbrede (i.e. the Pax-board). Thus, in the will of Thomas Rotherham, Archbishop of York, made in 1498 : " I have given to them (the College of Jesus at Eotherham, founded by him) one deosculatory, viz., a Paxbred, gilt, with the representation of the Trinity, weighing nine ounces and three quarters ; also a gilt Paxbred with a beryl in the middle, weighing nine ounces and three quarters ; also a Paxbred with a bone of Saint Firmin, weighing ten ounces and one quarter." 1 In the Inventory of the Prior of Durham, 1446 : " One Paxbrede of silver and gilt." 2 Other forms of the word were Paxbrode or Paxborde. 3 In the Statutes of the Canons of Sempringham, of uncertain date, we read similarly of the " Stone of the Peace." 4 In a list of orna- ments found in the Chapels attached to the Cathedral of S. Paul in London, at the Visitation of the Dean in 1295, several Osculatories are mentioned, one of which was of stone. 5 In one copy of the Constitutions of Winchelsey, 1305, it is simply called the "Osculatory;" 6 in another, the "tablets of the Peace for the Osculatory." 7 The earliest notice of this instrument in other countries to which atten- tion has been called, is found in Constitutions of Bayeux, 8 A.D. 1300: "We forbid ... the Marble being delivered to be kissed to more than two women, when the Peace is received from the Presbyter at the Altar." The restriction here imposed was probably for a reason which conduced very much to the almost universal disuse of the Osculatory in the communion of Rome, viz., the contentions for pre- cedency to which it gave rise. 9 A Council of Seville, 10 in 1512, decreed that " to avoid inconveniences and remove the 1 Testam. Eborac. N. Ixxiii. vol. iv. p. 142; Surtees Society, 1868. 2 Durham Wills, etc., N. Ixix. Part i. ; Snrt. Soc. 1835. 3 Testam. Ebor. P. ii. N. Ixxiv. (A.D. 1442), p. 86. 4 Dngdale's Monasticon, vol. vi. p. 80*; Loncl. 1830. 6 Dugdale's Hist, of S. Paul's, pp. 331, 3, 4. 6 Lyndwood, L. iii. tit. xxvii. p. 252. 7 Ibid. Append, p. 35. 8 Can. x. ; Labb. torn. xi. P. ii col. 1452. 9 Le Brun, Explic. P. v. Art. vii. note 10. Thus Satan made the emblem of love a cause of hatred ; but the result was inevitable when the rule stated by Gavanti had once obtained : "The Peace in this place is not to be given to any one, but to a person or persons very distinguished." P. ii. tit. x. note f. " Now if there are in the Choir persons of different rank, say, Canons and Beneficed, the Peace should be given first to the Canons, then to the Beneficed." Romsge, Praxis Celebr. Miss. Sol. P. i. Art. vi. n. iii. 10 Cap. xiii. ; Mansi, torn. xix. col. 590. 440 TAKING THE PEACE. [CHAP. II. hindrance caused to the Divine Office," " the Pax should not go about the Church, but be set in a place in which those who were moved by devotion might take it." This Canon indicates another reason which must have contributed to the discontinuance of the custom. The introduction of the Osculatory was probably facilitated by a custom which had long prevailed, for the Priest to " take the Peace " before kissing the Deacon, from some hallowed object before him, as the Chalice (which was the use of Sarum, Bangor, and Hereford), the Paten (which was common in Spain 1 ), the Corporal, etc., or even the consecrated Host it- self. 2 The last-named practice was forbidden by Richard, 3 Bishop of Salisbury, in 1217, and again by Edmund Eich, 4 Archbishop of Canterbury, in 1236. The Altar is now pre- scribed in the Eubrics of the Roman Missal. Osculatories were generally small slabs of wood or stone, or plates of metal, on which were painted or chased repre- sentations of the Crucifixion, etc. At Durham, " a marvel- lous fair book, which had the Epistles and Gospels in it ... the which book had on the outside of the covering the picture of our Saviour Christ . . . did serve for the Pax in the Mass." 5 Cardinal Mendoza, and, soon after him, the Council of Seville, in 1512, ordered that " in every Church a Pax of silver or wood should be made both for the men and 1 At the beginning of the sixteenth century. Cardinal Mendoza found this practice " in almost all the Churches " of his Province, and forbade it as irreverent. His Constitutions were adopted by the Council of Seville, 1512. Mansi, torn. xix. col. 632. The Dominicans still kiss the Chalice, the Carmelites both the Chalice and Corporal OF PaU. Roms^e, De Cserem. Missse, c. ii. Art. xxxix. n. iii. Nicolas de Plove (Expos. 5tae P. Miss.) says that during the Prayer of Peace the Priest kissed the Paten, after it, the relics or cross ; Beleth says that some kissed the sepulchre (supposed to be the receptacle of the relics by Le Brun, Expl. P. v. Art. vii. p. 588, and others) ; which Durandus repeats ; but he understands "the sepulchre" figuratively, for he says that, according to some, the Peace is taken "from the sepulchre itself; that is, the Chalice." L. iv. c. liii. n. 1. Elsewhere he says that the sepulchre of Christ is "repre- sented by the Chalice and Paten." L. iv. c. 1. n. 4. 2 Beleth, c. xlviii. ; Durand. L. iv. c. liii. n. 1 ; Biel, Lect. Ixxxi. etc. This practice was very common in France, being prescribed in the Missal of Paris down to 1615, of Meaux to 1642, etc. Le Brun, Explic. P. v. Art. vii. 11. The Missal of the Abbey of S. Remigius at Rheims, printed in 1556, directs the Priest to say while kissing the Host, "Thy peace be to me, Christ." Le Brun, Expl. P. v. Art. vii. note 2. 3 Constit. Sar. cap. xxvii. ; Labb. torn. xi. col. 258. 4 Lyndwood, L. iii. tit. 23, p. 234. 6 Monuments, etc., of Durham, p. 7 ; Surtees Society, 1842. SECT. II.] THE PEACE IN THE EAST. 441 for the women." 1 In 1573 the Council of Milan, 2 under S. Charles Borromeo, ordered that the Paten should not be given to the faithful to be kissed, "but a cross or some sacred figure." III. " In all the Oriental Churches" (as distinguished from the Greek) " the same discipline of the holy Kiss is observed ; . . . and that rule is especially kept, that the men kiss the men, the women others of their own sex. 3 The Priest, cele- brating the sacred rite, when the Peace is to be given first kisses the Altar, and, as the custom of the Orientals is, in three places, to receive, as they say, a blessing from the Table of Life. Then he gives a kiss to the ministering Priest, if there be one, or to others of rank, who kiss each other, and then the Deacon, who gives the Peace to the rest of the Clergy, from whom the Laity receive it." 4 The meaning of the rite, as expounded by Eastern Eitualists, is the same as that taught in the Latin and Greek Churches. It is regarded as a token of mutual forgiveness and love, and a pledge of sincere dealing. 5 Among the Armenians the Deacon still proclaims, " Salute one another with a holy kiss ; " but the people only bow to each other, saying the words, " Christ is in the midst of us." 6 The rite of the Holy Kiss is no longer observed by the people in the Greek Church ; but I am not able to trace its decline. A vestige of it appears, however, in the modern Liturgy. After " the Prayers of the Faithful," the Celebrant says, " Peace be to all," to which the Deacon responds, " Let us love one another, that we may with one heart confess" 7 (which is evidently a substitute for the older formula in S. James : 8 " Let us love one another with a holy kiss,") and thereupon the Celebrant kisses the Gifts (veiled), and the assistant Priests then kiss his hands and cheek, 9 or, as later 1 Constit. cap. iv. ; Mausi, torn. xix. col. G32. 2 Const. P. iii. c. xi. ; Labb. torn. xv. col. 389. 3 See before, note 7 , p. 435. 4 Renaudot, torn. ii. p. 76. The following Rubrics from a Syrian form will illustrate the text : "Deacon. Give the Peace. The Priest gives the Peace to the Altar, and kisses it, and gives the Peace to the Deacon and says, Peace to thee, etc. They give the Peace in the Church." Ibid. p. 34. See also Renaudot's note on the Coptic Liturgies, torn. i. p. 222. 6 So Ebnassalus, Dionysius Barsalabi, etc. Renaudot, torn. i. p. 222 ; torn. ii. p. 77. 6 Neale's Introd. pp. 454, 6. 7 Goar, p. 75. 8 Liturg. PP. p. 14; Trollope, p. 53. 9 Goar, p. 134, note 117. 442 THE COMMAND TO DRAW NEAR. [CHAP. II. Eubrics direct, all first kiss the Gifts, and then each other on the shoulder. 1 I do not know if the Kiss of Peace is actually observed now on those rare occasions on which the Liturgy of S. James is still used. Some other particulars will be given when we have to speak of the Western custom of giving the Peace immedi- ately before the Communion. See after, Chap. viii. Sect. vi. p. 592. SECTION III. The Command to draw near. e DRAW NEAR WITH FAITH.] This invitation to " draw near" could hardly have meant, "Come into the Chancel," either in the First or Second Books of Edward ; for, accord- ing to the First, the Communicants were already there ; and, according to the Second, the Altar was brought near to the Communicants. Much less can they be understood in that sense now ; for at the last Eevision the Eubric was introduced which directs them to be conveniently placed before the Exhortation (see before, P. n. Ch. i. Sect. i. p. 421), and, as if to remove all ambiguity, the words " with faith " were at the same time added. See before, Sect. i. p. 432. f YOUR HUMBLE CONFESSION.] In 1 B. E. the Confession and Absolution came immediately before the Communion ; but there is an obvious advantage in their present place, as they prepare all not only for that, but for the solemn act of Consecration. The First Book followed the Order of Com- munion in so placing them, but cut off the Priest's prepara- tion by dropping the Latin Liturgy which preceded the Order. This oversight was remedied in 1552 by removing the Short Exhortation, the Confession and Absolution, the Comfortable Words, and the Prayer of Humble Access to the places which they now respectively occupy before the Preface and Prayer of Consecration. * To ALMIGHTY GOD.] Here the 0. C. and 1 B. E. added, "and to His holy Church here gathered together in His name." In 2 B. E. this ran thus : " Before this congregation, here gathered together in His holy Name ;" where it is rea- sonable to suppose that " before this congregation" meant See Neale's Introcl. p. 456. SECT. III.] THE EXHORTATION TO CONFESSION. 443 " before each other ;" for the Communicants could hardly be required to make their confession before a body of non- communicants, who had just been warned to leave the Church, who therefore were offending by their very presence, and certainly could not be recognised as " gathered together in God's holy Name." It is probable that the clause was omitted because its meaning was obscure. CHAPTEE III. Confession, ^baototwrn, anb Comfortable SECTION I. The General Confession. RUBRIC XII. f Then shall this general Confession be made, in the name of all those that are minded to receive the holy Communion, by & one of the Ministers, ^both he and all the people kneeling humbly upon their knees, and c saying, d Almiglity God, Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, Maker of all things, Judge of all men ; We acknow- ledge and bewail our manifold sins and wickedness, Which we from time to time most grievously have committed, e By thought, word, and deed, Against Thy Divine Majesty, Provoking most justly Thy wrath and indignation against us. We do earnestly repent, And f are heartily sorry for these our misdoings ; The re- membrance of them is grievous unto us ; The burden of them is intolerable. Have mercy upon us, Have mercy upon us, most merciful Father ; For Thy Son our Lord Jesus Christ's sake, Forgive us all that is past ; And grant that we may ever hereafter Serve and please Thee In newness of life, To the honour and glory of Thy Name ; Through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen. a ONE OF THE MINISTERS.] Until the last Eevision a lay- man might say the Confession ; the former Rubrics, includ- SECT. L] THE GENERAL CONFESSION. 445 ing that of 0. C., ordering that it should be made " in the name of all those that were minded to receive the Holy Communion, either by one of them, or else by one of the Ministers, or by the Priest himself." In practice it is pro- bable that the first provision was entirely neglected; for Bishop Andrewes 1 remarks on the Eubric : " The other Priest (if there be a second) or he that executeth, descendeth to the door, and there, kneeling, saith the Confession." The nonconforming " Ministers" who drew up the " Exceptions against the Book of Common Prayer" in 1661, " desired that it might be made by the Minister only." 2 They do not give any reason, but it may be gathered from their Exception to the Litany : " The petitions for a great part are uttered only by the people, which we think not to be so consonant to Scripture, which makes the Minister the mouth of the people to God in prayer." 3 The Scotch Liturgy had long before ordered the Confession to be said " by the Presbyter himself, or the Deacon." b BOTH HE AND ALL THE PEOPLE KNEELING.] " During the whole time of the Priest's officiating at the Communion, setting aside in the very instant of his receiving, you find him but twice upon his knees, whereof this is the first. At all other times and parts of the Service he is ordered to stand, and so was the practice of the Primitive Church." 4 See before, P. I. Ch. iii. Sect. xv. p. 180. Even the Laity did not kneel on festal days ; but there is a distinct evidence for the practice of the Priest at the Celebration, and an especial reason for it. See after, Ch. vi. Sect. i. p. 484. " But why then doth he not stand at this prayer also ? I answer, Because it is not part of the former oblations, but a humble Confession of his own and of the congregation's transgressions." 5 c SAYING.] In the Exhortation and Invitation we are taught the necessity of true repentance and of fervent charity. We are now called to the exercise of both. The Church in this Confession leads us, one and all, as penitents and brethren, together up to the Throne of Grace, to bewail our sins as with one heart and voice, and to entreat for pardon for each other as well as for ourselves. The " First Prayer of the Faithful" after the dismissal of the Catechumens is ordered by the Council of Laodicsea, 6 1 Minor Works, p. 156. * L'Estrange, ch. vii. Note E, p. 311. 2 Hist. Conf. p. 319. 6 Ibid, p. 312. 3 Ibid. p. 305. 6 Can. xix. Bever. Pand. torn. i. p. 461. 446 THE THREE PRAYERS OF THE FAITHFUL. [CHAP. III. probably A.D. 365, to be said in silence. I presume that it was said by all, and was a prayer for due preparation, that is, a prayer of confession and deprecation. In the Clemen- tine 1 Liturgy, the Bishop, just after the gifts are brought to him at the Altar, but before he offers them, or even puts on his special Eucharistic vestment, " prays secretly," and the assistant Priests do the same. This appears to be the origin of the " First Prayer of the Faithful." The subject which I have suggested is that of the first prayer said in the Litur- gies of S. James 2 and S. Mark 3 after the dismissal of the Catechumens. The first two after it in the present Greek rite are expressly entitled the First and Second Prayers of the Faithful. 4 In the former the Priest secretly implores pardon for his sins and the ignorances of the people, and grace for all that they may be " meet to offer to God t suppli- cations and prayers and unbloody sacrifices ;" in the latter, now also said in silence, he prays that all present may be puri- fied both in the flesh and spirit, and that the holy Mysteries may be worthily received ; while in the next 5 prayer, which is also said before the Offertory, and in secret, he implores that he may himself be cleansed from an evil conscience, and strengthened by the Holy Ghost to stand before the Altar of God, and offer the spotless sacrifice. In the West we also find an Apologia Sacerdotis? of which many examples are 1 Constit. Apost. L. viii. c. xii. Cotel. torn. i. p. 399. 2 Liturg. PP. p. 17 ; Assem. torn. v. p. 16. 3 Renaudot, torn. i. p. 141. 4 Goar, pp. 70, 71, 162, 163. They are both said secretly, though, according to the Canon of Laodicasa, the First only was to be said in silence, and the other two to be bidden. A trace of the bidding of the Second is found in the commencement : " Again and often." A com- parison with the three prayers which precede the Preface in every Orien- tal Liturgy (Renaud. torn. ii. passim), suggests that the Third Prayer of the Laodicsean Canon is in S. Basil and S. Chrysostom incorporated with the Prayer of the Cherubic Hymn. 5 Goar, p. 72. This is called the Prayer of the Cherubic Hymn, being said while that is sung, and having an allusion to it ; but probably the Priest's prayer for himself which it contains is much earlier than the other matter. See last note. According to Cedrenus, A.D. 1 130, the Hymn was introduced in the time of Justinian. See Goar's Note 108, p. 131. 6 It is so called in the Gothic Missal, N. xxxvii., Liturg. Gallic, p. 251, and in the Missa Latina published by Illyricus, Bona, Rer. Lit. App. L383. In the Gallican Sacramentary found at Bobio there is an imper- t Confession, with the title of Apologia merely, occupying a correspond- ing place in a Mass, i.e. following the Gospel ; which we may safely assume to be intended for the secret use of the Priests, though what remains might be used by the whole congregation. Mus. Ital. torn. i. p. 377. The Greek name is also retained in an ancient MS. preserved in the Monastery of S. Theodoric, near Rheims. Martene, L. i. c. iv. Art. xii. p. 196. Other Gallican remains call it Confessio Sacerdotis. Ibid. SECT. L] THE WESTERN APOLOGIA. 447 extant, but said sometimes before and sometimes after the Offertory. 1 It occurs after in the Mozarabic 2 and old Galli- can rites. 3 In the Missa Latina published by Illyricus, 4 more than one form of Confession (Apologia Sacerdotis) is given to be used during the Offertory ; but others are also inserted to be said while the Gradual is being sung. The same Ordo contains a long preparatory form (Apologetica 5 ) to be said before the Introit, containing four similar confessions, 6 the first of which is to be said in the Sacrarium after vesting, and one of the others at discretion before the Introit. This is an early 7 indication of a custom which was afterwards prescribed by authority, and which when established would naturally lead to the disuse of the Apologia in the Liturgy itself. The Confession of the Priest now used in the Roman Liturgy is of late date, being first prescribed, so far as appears, by the Council of Ravenna 8 in 1314. Till then the form was left to the choice of the Celebrant, and one object of the Council was to put an end to the diversity to which that liberty gave rise. There was probably, after the first ages, no confession either before or in the Office of Milan ; but the Roman Confiteor was adopted some time after the year 1499. 9 pp. 187, 191. Similarly in the Saltzburg Pontifical, p. 207. Both words occur in a MS. of Tours of the tenth century, p. 193. 1 See fifteen of these forms in the copy of the Gregorian Sacramentary edited by Menard, p. 228. When we are told that they were said before the Mass we must understand before the Offertory. See Menard 's note n. 786, p. 526. 2 Leslie, torn. i. p. 224 ; Accedam ad, etc. 3 Missale Goth. Miss, xxxvii. MabilL Liturg. Gall. p. 253. 4 Bona, pp. 383, 379 ; Martene, pp. 183, 180. 5 Bona, p. 375 ; Mart. p. 176. Bona, p. 377 ; Mart. p. 178. Many other examples of this prelimi- nary Confession may be seen in Martene. In one Ordo of the tenth cen- tury it is called Specialis Exomologica, sive Apologica Oratio, p. 197. 7 Muratori : " Grandem absque dubio antiquitatem sapit." Lit. Rom. Vet. Diss. c. xx. torn. i. col. 238 ; but we must not carry it beyond the tenth century ; Bona, Rer. Lit. L. i. c. xii. n. iv. Menard says of one (Si ante oculos) that it had lately been put forth by Urban vm., but reduced to half its length. Note, 847, p. 530. 8 Rubrica xv. Labb. torn. xi. col. 1614. It differs from all the earlier Confessions in Martene, Menard, etc., in being addressed to saints as well as to God : " I confess to God Almighty, to the blessed Mary, Ever Virgin, to the blessed Michael, Archangel," etc. The Confessions in our unreformed Liturgies are like it in substance, but only name " God, the blessed Mary, and all saints." They all add, "and to you, brethren." A foi-m in Micrologus, A.D. 1080, has "to SS. and to all saints," c. 23 ; Hitt. col. 744. 9 Le Brun, Diss. iii. Art. ii. tome 3, p. 200. The Milanese have intro- duced the words (retained by Borromeo), " the B. Ambrose, our Patron." 448 DISUSE OF THE APOLOGIA. [CHAP. III. It may appear singular that there was no confession to be said by all the people in the mediaeval Liturgies ; but, not to mention the obstacle arising from the use of the Latin lan- guage, we must remember that the laity communicated rarely ; and that when they did so it was generally preceded by an act of private confession to the Priest. During the withdrawal of the last order of non-commu- cants, the Celebrant and his assistants would naturally employ themselves in secret prayer, whence we may infer a very early use of the Apologia before * the Offertory. When Catechumens ceased, and Penitents were few, this custom would as naturally come to an end, and the prayer be trans- ferred to another part of the service. There is an apparent trace of it, however, still left in the Eoman Liturgy, viz., in the Oremus immediately before the Offertory. No prayer nor any pause now follows it, and the peculiarity has existed from, the eighth century at least. Some tradition of Con- fession at this place seems however to have existed in the time of Amalarius, 2 who wrote in 827 ; for he interprets the Oremus as a call upon every one of the offerers to enter into an examination of his own conscience. Towards the end of the same century, however, Eemigius 3 of Auxerre does not notice this explanation, but suggests another : " It may be understood according to -that which does take place among us, (viz.) that all the people are ordered to give attention to the Oblation, while those who mean to offer are offering their intention." Eemigius nevertheless perhaps suspected that a prayer had once followed the Oremus ; for he says that " although with us no Collect is then 4 said, between the Gospel and the Offertory, one is nevertheless said there among the Greeks." Sicard, 5 who became Bishop of Cremona in 1185, makes the same observation, but does not offer to account for or explain the irregularity. 1 See instances of its occurrence there in Martene, L. i. c. iv. Act. xii. Ordd. vi. vii. xiii. xv. xvi. pp. 191, 3, 207, 212, 5. The Ordo of Illyricus is not singular in providing forms for use during the Gradual : see Ord. xii. p. 205. Others likewise give them between the Ordinary and the Canon, as later times express it, or during the Sanctus, with which the former is closed. See Ordd. vii. viii. ix. x. pp. 193, 4, 7, 8. But it is clear that they said them, whenever a pause occurred, or the singing of the Choir left them at liberty. Thus one Ordo has the following direction : " He says these prayers [of which one is an Apologia] from the Collect until the Gospel, as he thinks good." Ord. xiii. p. 207. 2 De Eccl. Off. L. iii. c. 19 ; Hitt. col. 415. 3 De Celebr. Miss, in pseudo-Ale. De Div. Off. ; Hitt. col. 281. 4 Tune should probably be read nunc. 5 Mitrale, L. iii. c. iii. col. 114. SECT. I.] THE GENERAL CONFESSION. 449 d ALMIGHTY GOD, FATHER. . . .] The Confession in the Book of Hermann 1 begins with these words, " Almighty ever- lasting God, the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, the Maker of all things, the Judge of all men, we acknowledge and we lament;" but there the resemblance ceases. Towards the end we catch it again in the clause " that ... we may serve and please Thee in a new life to the glory of Thy name;" but these are the only signs from which we could infer that the English Eeformers had the Cologne book before them. It was "put into English, and published here" 2 in October 1547, about four months before our Confession first appeared in the Order of Communion. It had been published in German in 1543, and in Latin, at Bonn, in 1545. e BY THOUGHT, WORD, AND DEED.] The old Confiteor before the Introit in the Sarum and Hereford Missals con- tains this same expression, which is very common in the earlier Confessions or Apologise provided for the private use of the Priest in mediaeval collections like the Missa Illyrici? It is often paraphrased or expanded, as in the York Missal : " By heart, mouth, deed, by omission through my fault." There was nothing to represent the last, " through my fault," in the Sarum Missal ; but in the Eoman it is expanded thus : " Through my fault, through my fault, through my very great fault." It is to be regretted that this touching acknowledgment was not adopted into our own Confession. I have not observed it, however, in other mediaeval formulas of the same character. The clause " by thought, word, and deed " 4 would occur so naturally to the writer of a Confession, that we cannot insist on a common origin, when we find it in Greek and Oriental Liturgies. It is at least interesting, however, to observe that it does occur in them, and that in forms of con- fession and deprecation by which the Priest or people are to prepare themselves for the more sacred parts of the office. In the Liturgy of S. James 5 is a prayer of this kind, to be said between the Consecration and the Lord's Prayer : " Kemit, forgive, pardon, God, our transgressions, volun- tary, involuntary, by deed and word," etc. The same prayer 1 Fol. cci. fa. 1, ed. 1548. In the Latin, foL xci.; Bonaae, 1545. 2 Strype's Cranmer, B. ii. ch. 81, vol. ii. p. 399, ed. 1848. 3 Missa Lat. Illyrici, Martene, L. i. c. iv. Art. xii. Ord. iv. pp. 178, 183 ; see also Ordd. v. vi. vii. ix. etc. pp. 187, 191, 3, 6, etc. 4 Compare the forms in Martene, Ordd. iv. v. vi. etc. pp. 179, 187, 191, etc. 3 Assein. torn. v. p. 47 ; Liturg. PP. p. 30. 2 F 450 THE ABSOLUTION. [CHAP. III. occurs in the Syro- Jacobite of S. James, with the addition of the word " thought." l So in the First Prayer of the Faithful in S. Mark : 2 " If we have sinned against Thee by word or deed, or in thought, do Thou, being good, and loving mankind, deign to overlook it." f ARE.] The Order of Communion has " be," but this was changed into " are " in the First Book of Edward. It is the only change that has been made in this Confession. . . SECTION II. The Absolution. RUBRIC XIII. IT Then shall the Priest (or a the Bishop, being present) stand up, and turning himself to the people, ^pronounce c this Absolution. Almighty God, our heavenly Father, who of His great mercy hath promised forgiveness of sins to all them that with hearty repentance and true faith turn unto Him ; d Have mercy upon you, pardon and deliver you from all your sins, confirm and strengthen you in all goodness, and bring you to everlasting life, through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen. a THE BISHOP.] That is, the Bishop of the Diocese. If another Bishop be present, he cannot claim to give the Abso- lution ; but the Priest, having respect to his office, ought to request him to do so. 0. C. and 1 B. E. do not mention the Bishop. b PRONOUNCE.] The Scotch has " pronounce the Absolu- tion as followeth ; " the earlier Books, including 0. C., have instead the words " say thus." c THIS ABSOLUTION.] The Absolution that follows is to the letter the same as that of 1 B. E. and 2 B. E. ; but a some- what different form was given in 0. C., viz. : " Our blessed Lord, who hath left power to His Church to absolve penitent 1 Renaud. tom. ii. p. 38. 2 Ibid. toin. i. p. 132. SECT. II.] THE ABSOLUTION. 451 sinners from their sins, and to restore to the grace of the heavenly Father such as truly believe in Christ ; Have mercy upon you ; pardon and deliver you from all sins ; confirm and strengthen you in all goodness ; and bring you to ever- lasting life." l The introductory clause here, as Dr. Bulley 2 observes, appears taken from the Absolution in the Book of Hermann ; but the very words of Absolution, which we still retain, are taken, with a slight change, from the prayer of the Ministers for the Absolution of the Celebrant after the Confitear in our old Liturgies: "The Almighty God have mercy on you, and forgive you all your sins, deliver you from all evil, keep and confirm you in good (every good work, York}, and bring you to everlasting life." The Mozarabic Use, though it has a form of confession for the Priest, has no prayer for his Absolution. In the East, S. Mark 3 and its derived forms 4 have a "Prayer of Absolution;" but it is not preceded by a confession, nor is it now held to be of Sacramental efficacy. 5 In S. Mark such a formulary occurs only in the preparatory part of the Office ; in the others both there and before the Communion. "The Egyptian Jacobites," observes Eenaudot, 6 " added this new Prayer of Absolution (i.e. the one before the Communion) at that time, especially when Christians ought to be pure from every, even venial, defilement, although a similar one had already been pronounced at the beginning of the Liturgy." d HAVE MEECY UPON YOU, ETC.] Authority thus to remit sin, as to exercise in other ways " the Ministry of Eeconcilia- tion," is derived from the original grant of our Blessed Lord to the first rulers of His Church : " Eeceive ye the Holy Ghost. Whose soever sins ye remit, they are remitted unto them ; and whose soever sins ye retain, they are retained." 7 In a less strict sense the preachers of the Gospel may be said to retain sins, when, convinced of the inability of a sinner to profit by the word preached, they turn from him to those who can and will hear f and to remit sins, when they preach forgiveness to the penitent through the Blood of the 1 Cardwell's Two Liturgies, App, p. 430. 2 Variations, p. 175. 3 Renaucl. torn. i. p. 135. See his note, p. 355. 4 The Coptic Basil, Kenaud. toin. i. p. 3, 22 ; S. Greg. p. 36 ; S. Bas. Alex. p. 80 ; S. Greg. Alex. p. 120 ; the Ethiopia, pp. 505, 519. 6 Renaud. torn. i. pp. 199, 262, 527. 6 Tom. i. p. 263. 7 S. Job. xx. 22, 23. 8 Acts xiii. 46 ; xviii. 6 ; xxviii. 25-23. Conip. S. Matt. x. 11-14 ; etc. 452 THE PRIMITIVE DISCIPLINE [CHAP. Ill, Son of God. 1 Another, and more proper, exercise of the power of binding and loosing, is seen when the Priest rejects or receives a candidate for the " one Baptism for the remis- sion of sins." In truth the Priest is acting on this commis- sion whenever, as the guardian of any spiritual privilege, he imparts it to one whom he deems worthy, and denies it to another whom he deems unworthy. But the words of our Lord are especially applicable to the Power of the Keys as exercised in giving or refusing Absolution, and that they were meant to cover this ground also is evident, not only from the practice and teaching of the Church Catholic from the beginning, 2 but also from the very exigencies of its right government. We are admitted into a certain spiritual society, the Church of God, in holy Baptism ; but if after Baptism we commit sins which, if committed previously, would have barred our admission through that door, we necessarily make forfeit of whatever unseen spiritual privi- leges we enjoyed as members of that spiritual body. And this spiritual loss must be incurred, whether we are for our open sins cut off and separated from the visible body or not. It was therefore necessary (so to speak) that, as Baptism could not be repeated, another ordinance should be provided for the remission of the sins of the baptized ; and for this end was the power of Absolution committed to the Church. While the primitive discipline nourished in its perfection, outward communion with the Church was generally for- feited, as well as inward, by an act of deadly sin, the sinner himself being impelled to publish his guilt, when it would otherwise have been concealed ; and in that case the Absolu- tion was the open restoration to visible communion, when the appointed penance had been performed. But even then it was not always thought expedient that a secret sin should be made public, and it is obvious that in a degenerate age such a practice would be attended with great scandal. Hence penitents were restrained from the disclosure of their sins by the advice and authority of the Clergy, to whom they revealed them secretly, as well as by their natural dread of 1 Thus of Jeremiah, who was to foretell the rise and fall of nations, it is said : " See, I have this day set thee over the nations, and over the kingdoms, to root out, and to pull down, and to destroy, and to throw down, to build and to plant." Jer. i. 10. 2 I do not enter fully into this subject, because it does not immediately arise out of the matter before us in the Liturgy ; though a few remarks appeared desirable. See Carter on Confession, Morinus de Disciplina Pcenitentise ; and, on the question of "Jurisdiction," Dr. Pusey's invalu- able " Letter to the Rev. W. U. Richards." SECT. II.] OF PRIVATE CONFESSION. 453 shame, and private penances came to be enjoined in lieu of the " open shame " of open sinners ; and, as a necessary con- sequence, the Absolution given when the Priest was satisfied of the repentance of the sinner was as private as the Con- fession had been. By degrees, as holiness of life was less and less studied among Christians, the public discipline de- cayed, and from the same cause more persons would be led to the use of private Confession by the desire to find relief from the oppressive sense of secret guilt. Hence at length the public Absolution or restoration of the Penitent became an event comparatively rare, while private Confession was in general use, being practised even by those on whom no public penance would have been imposed in the strictest days of the primitive Church. In all this the cause only was to be lamented. The change was perfectly legitimate. The requirements of the age had altered, and the Church did but insensibly adapt herself to the new wants of men. She had not been tied down by her Divine Head to any precise and undeviating mode of exercising the power which He intrusted to her. He gave a general authority: "Whose soever sins ye remit, they are remitted;" but imposed no condition, either of privacy or publicity, or of ceremonial observance. 1 In the Dark Ages an opinion sprang up of the absolute necessity 2 of Confession to the Priest; and in 1215 the 1 Special Absolution is generally accompanied by the imposition of hands. This was done from the beginning. See Cypr. Ep. xvii. Fratri- bus, p. 39 ; Epp. xviii. xix. Presbyteris, pp. 40, 41, and often. In the two last he speaks of dying penitents, and so a Canon of Carthage, A.D. 398 : " Let him be reconciled by imposition of the hand, and let the Eucharist be poured into his mouth." Can. Ixxvi. Another Canon (Ixxviii.) of the same Council says that penitents who have received the viaticum of the Eucharist in sickness, and recover, are " not to believe themselves absolved without imposition of hands." Labb. torn. ii. col. 1206. This illustrates the doctrine laid down, even by the Divines of Rome, that the imposition of hands is not essential to Absolution (Liebermann, Instit. Theol. L. vi. P. iv. c. i. Art. iii. ii.) ; for sacramen- tally they had been absolved when supposed to be dying, being allowed to communicate ; but canonically they were on their recovery bound, for the sake of discipline, to seek the formal imposition of hands. Most pro- bably S. Paul had this, the reconciliation of penitents, in his mind, no less than Orders and Confirmation, when he charged a Bishop : "Lay hands suddenly on no man ; neither be partaker of other men's sins." 1 Tim. v. 22. 2 " The point at issue between the Romanists and ourselves as to Con- fession relates (as themselves admit), not to its general advantage, or its necessity in particular cases, or its use as a means of discipline, or to the desirableness of public confession before the whole Church, or to the great difficulty of true penitence often without it, or the duty of individuals 454 THE COMFORTABLE WORDS. [CHAP. III. Fourth Lateran Council 1 made it obligatory, once in the year, on all who had attained to years of discretion. Com- pulsion and abuse naturally led to a general dislike of the ordinance, so that when our liberty was rightly restored, comparatively few, even of those who most needed it, still "opened their grief" to the Priest. A partial remedy, how- ever, was provided by adding forms of general Confession and Absolution to the Orders for Morning and Evening Prayer, and for Holy Communion. By this means the par- doning grace of God is applied to the true penitent, who there seeks it with a lively faith, as effectually as by a public re-admission to communion, or by private Absolution follow- ing a private Confession. If it avail not equally (and we must fear that it rarely does), the defect is not in the holy rite itself, but in ourselves. See further on this subject, Part i. Ch. xiv. Sect. iii. p. 409. SECTION III. The Comfortable Words. RUBRIC XIV. IF Then shall the Priest say, Hear what a comfortable words our Saviour Christ saith unto all that truly turn to Him. s. Matt. xi. 28. Come unto Me all that travail and are heavy laden, and I will refresh you. s. Joh. iii. 16. So God loved the world, that He gave His only be- gotten Son, to the end that all that believe in Him should not perish, but have everlasting life. Hear also what Saint Paul saith. i Tim. i. 15. This is a true saying, and worthy of all men to be received, That Jesus Christ came into the world to save sinners. to comply with it, if the Church requires it; but it is whether Confes- sion to man be so essential to Absolution that the benefits of Absolution cannot be had without it?" Pusey, Note M to Transl. of Tertullian, p. 379 ; Oxf. 1842. Dr. Pusey then shows with very great care and learning that " the early Church had no obligatory Confession, except that of overt acts of sin, with a view to public penitence, and conse- quently that Confession, as now practised in the Roman Communion, is not essential to the validity of the general exercise of the Power of the Keys." P. 407. l Can. xxi. Labb. torn. xi. col. 172, SECT. III.] THE COMFORTABLE WORDS. 455 Hear also what Saint John saith. If any man sin, we have an Advocate with the 1 s. Jon. Father, Jesus Christ the righteous ; and He is the propitiation for our sins. a COMFOETABLE WOKDS.] These sentences have followed the Absolution in all our reformed books, including the Order of Communion. The idea is taken from the Book of Hermann, 1 in which one of the following texts is ordered to be recited between the Confession and the Absolution ; viz., S. Joh. iii. 16 ; 1 Tim. i. 15 ; S. Joh. iii. 35, 36 ; Acts x. 43 ; 1 Joh. ii. 1, 2. 1 Consultation, fol. cci. fa. 2 ; Engl. ed. 1548. The first ed. (Oct. 21, 1547) is not foliated by the printer; but they occur on fol. 214. In the Latin, fol. xcii. ; Bonnse, 1545. CHAPTER IV. Dailp f vtt&tt, i\u Santtu0, anb 5r.efax.ejs. SECTION I. 7%* Daily Preface. RUBRIC XV. a H After which the Priest shall proceed, saying, b Lift up your hearts. Answer. We lift them up unto the Lord. Priest. d Let us give thanks unto oiir Lord God. A nswer. e It is meet and right so to do. RUBRIC XVI. f IF Then shall the Priest turn to the Lord's Table, and say, z It is very meet, right, and our bounden duty, that we should at all times, and in all These words [Rol? places, give thanks unto Thee, Father] must be Lord, h Holy Father, Almighty, Ever- lasting God. RUBRIC xvn. IF Here shall follow the Proper Preface, according to the time, if there be any specially appointed: or else immediately shall follow, 1 Therefore with Angels and Archangels, and with all the company of heaven, we laud and magnify Thy glorious Name ; evermore praising Thee, and saying, SECT. L] THE MUTUAL SALUTATION. 457 JHoly, Holy, Holy, Lord God of Hosts, heaven and earth are full of Thy glory : Glory be to Thee, Lord most High. Amen. a IT AFTEK WHICH.] In 0. C. and 1 B. E. the Comfortable Words are followed by the Prayer of Humble Access, " We do not presume," etc., and that by the Communion, the Con- secration, as we have already stated, having taken place, before the Confession was made. In nearly all the ancient Liturgies the formula, " Lift up your hearts," is preceded by a mutual salutation of the Priest and people. In S. Mark and the Alexandrine S. Basil, the Priest says, "The Lord be with you all;" 1 in the Coptic S. Basil and S. Cyril, 2 " The Lord be with you." In the Coptic and Alexandrine S. Gregory, 3 the Syriac S. Basil, and all the Monophysite Liturgies,* he uses the Apostolic bene- diction, 2 Cor. xiii. 14, but varied thus from the text of holy Scripture : " The love of God the Father, the grace of the only begotten Son, our Lord God and Saviour, Jesus Christ, and the fellowship and gift of the Holy Ghost, be with you all," with minor differences in the several rites. S. James : 5 " The love of the Lord and Father, the grace of the Son 6 and God, the fellowship and gift," etc. S. Clement : 7 " The grace of Almighty God, and the love of our Lord Jesus Christ," etc. The Armenian 8 almost loses sight of the ori- ginal : " The grace of the love and of the Divine sanctifying power of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost, be with you all." The Greek Liturgies of SS. Basil and Chrysostom, 9 and the Nestorian, 10 including that of Malabar, 11 are more faithful to the text of S. Paul. The general use of this benediction in the East led Theodoret, a Syrian Bishop, A.D. 423, to speak of it, somewhat inaccurately, as "the com- mencement of the Mystical Service in all the Churches." 12 In the Nestorian rites the benediction is made a prayer : " The grace of our Lord ... be with us," and the response is Amen. In two Syro- Jacobite 13 forms the same response is 1 Renaud. torn. i. pp. 144, 64. 2 Ibid. torn. i. pp. 13, 40. 3 Ibid. torn. i. pp. 27, 98. * Ibid. torn. ii. pp. 549, 21, etc. 6 Assemani, Cod. Lit. torn. v. p. 32. 8 The common reading is "Lord," Gr. Kupiou; but the Syriac has " Son," and the sense requires it. Trollope, p. 67. 7 Const. Apost. L. viii. c. xiii. ; Cotel. torn. i. p. 399. 8 Neale's Introd. p. 530. 9 Goar, pp. 165, 75. 10 Renaud. torn. ii. pp. 589, 617. n Raulin, p. 312. 12 Ep. ad Joann. CEcon. Opp. torn. iii. p. 1260 ; Par. 1642. 13 Renaud. torn. ii. pp. 235, 347. 458 SURSUM CORDA. [CHAP. TV. used, without the same reason. In every other Liturgy mentioned, the people answer, "And with thy spirit." There was no salutation in the Liturgy of Jerusalem 1 in S. Cyril's time, for he makes the Exhortation " Lift up your hearts " come immediately after the Kiss of Peace. It is not in the Canon of the Gelasian 2 Sacramentary ; but the later Gregorian 3 has " The Lord be with you," which is probably borrowed from Milan. 4 It was perhaps peculiar to a Ponti- fical Mass (as it naturally might be), for although we find it in the earliest Ordines Eomani, 5 it is not mentioned by Amalarius, 6 who comments on them in 827 for the instruc- tion of Priests in general. Nor is it noticed by Remigius 7 in 888, or by Micrologus 8 in 1160. Floras, 9 in 840, Rupert, 10 in 1111, and Sicard, 11 about 1200, speak of it. Both in the Roman and Milanese Rites we have the common response, "And with thy spirit." The semi-Oriental Mozarabic 12 is peculiar. First we have a variation of the common Eastern benedic- tion : " The grace of God the Father Almighty, the peace and love of our Lord Jesus Christ, and the fellowship of the Holy Ghost, be with us all evermore. R. And with men of good will." Then after a few versicles and the Kiss of Peace, the Priest says, " Your ears unto the Lord. R. We give them to the Lord. Priest. Lift up," etc. In the Mala- barese rite the Response to the Salutation and those of the Preface are said by the Deacon. The Rubrics of most Western and some Eastern Liturgies 13 speak of the Salutations, as if they were part of the Preface ; but then some equally include in it, if taken literally, the last word of the preceding prayer, at which the Priest raised his voice ; and seeing that they are not universal, and that in the Mozarabic they precede the Kiss of Peace, it seems more correct to regard them as not belonging to it. 1 Catech. Myst. V. cc. ii. iii. p. 296. 2 Sacram. Gelas. in Murat. Lit. Vet. torn. i. col. 695. 3 Murat. torn. ii. col. 1 . 4 Le Brun, Diss. iii. Art. ii. tome iii. p. 208. 5 Mus. Ital. pp. 12, 47. 6 De Eccl. Off. L. iii. c. 21 ; Hitt. coL 419; Egloga, xx. ; Mus. Ttal. torn. ii. p. 555. 7 De Div. Off. Hittorp. col. 281. 8 De Eccles. Obs. c. 11 ; Hitt. col. 738. 9 Exp. Miss. c. 12, col. 25. 10 De Div. Off. L. ii. c. 4 ; Hitt. 871. 11 Mitrale, L. iii. c. vi. col. 121. 12 Leslie, pp. 4, 227. 13 e.g. In the Milanese the heading Prcefatlo in Canonem precedes the Salutations. Pamel. torn. i. p. 299. So in Eastern rites they are pre- ceded by the title Anaphora. Renaud. torn. i. pp. 13, 40. In S. Mark, p. 144, we have the Rubric, "The Priest begins the Anaphora," incor- rectly before the formulary, " It is meet," etc. SECT. I.] SUP SUM CORD A. 459 b LIFT UP YOUR HEARTS.] With these words begins the " Preface " to that more essential part of the holy Office which in the Latin Church is called the Canon Actionis, and in the Greek and Oriental the Anaphora. In the East the Preface is generally considered to belong to the Anaphora ; and this was formerly the case in the Latin Church, as appears from the Rubric Incipit Canon Actionis, before the exhortation " Lift up your hearts," in the Gelasian 1 Sacra- mentary. But in an Ordo Eomanus, probably of the eighth century, the Celebrant is said to " enter on the Canon " after the Angelical Hymn has been sung, 2 and the present arrangement of the Roman Liturgy expressly excludes the Preface. This introduction to the Canon is found in every Liturgy extant, 3 except the Syro-Jacobite of S. John Chrysostom, and John of Antioch, 4 which omit both versicles and their re- sponses. In nearly all it retains its primitive character of simplicity ; but in some Eastern rites, as the Ordo Com- munis of the Syro-Jacobites, and the Liturgy of S. Xystus, 5 and in two Nestorian forms, it has been amplified and para- phrased. Thus in the first named : " Let the minds, under- standings, and hearts of you all be lifted up to where Christ sits at the right hand of the Father." 6 The Nestorian 7 ex- pansions are offensively inflated and verbose. The Armenian 8 gives, " Lift up your minds on high with the fear of God," and this Liturgy alone assigns the exhortation to the Deacon. "The Copts to this day, from reverence of antiquity, say them in Greek," 9 the language in which the Gospel was originally preached and the prayers of the Church delivered to them. A few minor differences may be noted. S. Mark : 10 " Lift 1 Murat. torn. i. col. 695. 2 Ord. ii. c. 10 ; Mus. Ital. torn. ii. p. 48. 3 Renaudot, torn. i. p. 226, claims it for the ten Ethiopia Liturgies, as well as every other ; but I do not find it in* the Canon Universalis which he has printed. See p. 513. There is, however, every reason to think that this Liturgy is in confusion here, "through the carelessness of copyists or editors." Note, p. 534. The simplest formula is Sursum corda (Rom. and Milan. Mozar. S. Cypr. S. Aug.), or in Greek, *Avo> TOV vovv (S. Clem.) or *Ai/o> ras Kapdlas (S. Cyril, Cat. Myst.) 4 Renaud. torn. ii. pp. 256, 513. 6 Ibid. torn. ii. p. 1 35. 6 Ibid. torn. ii. p. 21. 7 Ibid. torn. ii. pp. 617, 626. 8 Neale, Introd. p. 530. 9 Renaud. torn. ii. p. 641 ; torn. i. p. 226. 10 Ibid. torn. i. p. 144. 460 THE SURSUM CORDA APOSTOLIC. [CHAP. IV. we up our hearts." S. James i 1 " Let us lift up onr mind and hearts." S. Clement : 2 " Lift up the mind." SS. Basil and Chrysostom : " Let us lift up our hearts." 3 The Mala- bar : 4 "Let your minds be lifted up." The Apostolic origin of this versicle might be safely inferred from its universality ; but it can be traced to an age long anterior to that in which any Liturgy but the Clemen- tine assumed its present form. For S. Cyprian refers to it, A.D. 252 : " The Priest in the Preface said before the Prayer, prepares the minds of the brethren by saying, Lift up your hearts ; that when the people answer, We lift them up unto the Lord, they may be warned that they ought to think of nothing but the Lord." 5 S. Cyril 6 of Jerusalem, a century later, tells us that after the Kiss of Peace " the Priest cries, Lift up your hearts " (a simpler form, we may observe in passing, than that just cited from the Liturgy of his Church, under the name of S. James). Allusions to it are very frequent in the writings of S. Augustine, 7 e.g. " In the sacred Mysteries we are commanded to lift up our heart." " Not to no purpose are they warned to lift up the heart, and answer when thus warned that so it is." 8 S. Chrysostom 9 witnesses to the reading in S. James rather than to that of the Liturgy which bears his own name : " What art thou about, man ? Hast thou not promised the Priest who said, Let us lift up the mind and hearts, by saying, We lift them up unto the Lord ? " c WE LIFT THEM UP UNTO THE LORD. 10 ] S. Cyprian' and S. Cyril, where quoted above, both recognise this response, 1 Lit. Patr. p. 21 ; Assem. torn. v. p. 33. 2 Constit. Apost. L. viii. c. xii. ; Cotel. torn. i. p. 399. 3 Goar, pp. 165, 75. "Avm fJ.(v ras Kapbias, and so the Liturgy ascribed to S. Peter, published by Lindanus, 1589, p. 16, and the Greek Alexandrine of S. Basil and S. Gregory. 4 Raulin, p. 312. Sursum sint mentes vestrcB. 6 De Orat. Dom. p. 152. 6 Catech. Myst. V. c. iii. p. 296. 7 De Bono Viduit. c. xvi. torn. xi. col. 813. 8 Serin, liii. c. xiii. torn. vii. col. 316. Similarly Serm. cccxlv. col. 1337, etc. Similarly S. Csesarius : " Dicente Sacerdote, Sursum corda, securi respondent, Habemus ad Dominum." Serm. xl. (S. cxii. in App. Opp. S. Aug. torn. xvi. col. 997). 9 Horn. ix. de Pcenitentia, torn. ii. p. 412. 10 Our translators had before them the words, Habemus ad Dominum (Rom. Ambros.) They correspond to the common Greek, "E^o/zei/ npos TOV Kvpiov (SS. Mark, Bas. Chrys. Clem, the Alex. SS. Bas. and Gregory, S. Cyr. Cat. Myst. etc.) SECT. I.] THE RESPONSE AND VERSICLE. 461 and S. Augustine 1 affirms its universality : " Daily through- out the whole world the human race, with almost one voice, responds that it lifts its heart unto the Lord." It is not now found in the Liturgy of Jerusalem, 2 though we learn from S. Cyril that it was there in his day. Slight verbal differ- ences occur, as in the Syrian Ordo Cornmunis and the Syriac Basil : 3 " They are (lifted up) to the Lord ;" the Mozarabic, 4 " Let us lift them up unto the Lord ;" S. Xystus, 5 " We have them lifted up to Thee, Lord;" the Armenian, 6 " We have lifted them up to Thee, Father Almighty;" Theodorus, 7 the Nestorian, " They are with Thee, God." The other Nes- torian 8 Liturgies, including the Malabarese, are singular in expanding thus : " They are [lifted up] to Thee (Mai. 9 " They are with Thee"), God of Abraham, Isaac, and Israel, Thou King of Glory." d LET us GIVE THANKS UNTO OUR LORD GOD.] This versicle is not in S. James, though we find it cited in S. Cyril's lecture on the Liturgy of Jerusalem. The variations are as follows : S. Mark, S. Clement, S. Basil, and S. Chrysostom, the Coptic and Greek Alexandrine Liturgies, have, " Let us give thanks unto the Lord." 10 Of the Syro- Jacobite, some have, "Let us give thanks;" 11 some, "Let us give thanks unto the Lord;" 12 two, "Let us give thanks unto our Lord God;" 13 and others, "Let us give thanks to God." 14 The Syriac Ordo Communis 15 has, " Let us give thanks unto the Lord with fear," to which S. Xystus 16 adds, " and worship Him with trembling." The Syriac S. Basil, 17 " Let us rever- ently give thanks unto the Lord." The Nestorian Office of the Blessed Apostles 18 and the Malabar, 19 have, " An Oblation is offered unto God, the Lord of all," which is ambitiously expanded in the Liturgies of Theodore 20 and Nestorius. 21 The 1 De Vera Relig. c. iii. torn. i. col. 953. So in Senn. ccxxvii. torn. vii. col. 974, " Cum dicitur Sursum Cor, respondetis, Habemus ad Dominum." 2 See Lit. S. Jac. in Liturg. PP. p. 21, or Assem. torn. v. p. 33. 3 Renaud. torn. ii. pp. 21, 549. Sunt ad Dominum. * Leslie, pp. 4, 227. Levemus ad Dominum, 5 Renaud. torn. ii. p. 135. Habemus ad Te, Domine. 6 Neale's Introd. p. 530. 7 Renaud. torn. ii. p. 617. Sunt apud Te, Deus. 8 Ibid. pp. 589, 646. 9 Raulin, p. 312. 10 References as before. 11 Renaud. torn. ii. pp. 126, 70, etc. 12 Ibid. pp. 146, 77, 87, etc. 13 Renaud. torn. ii. pp. 31, 163. 14 Ibid. pp. 216, 43, 76, etc. 16 Ibid. p. 21. 16 Ibid. p. 135. 17 Ibid. p. 586. 18 Ibid. p. 589. 19 Raulin, p. 312. 20 Ibid. p. 617. 21 Renaud. torn. ii. p. 626. 462 IT IS MEET AND RIGHT. [CHAP. IV. Armenian, 1 which is again singular in assigning this versicle to the Deacon, has, " Let us give thanks unto the Lord with all our hearts." In the West, the Ambrosian 2 gives, " Let us give thanks unto our God ;" the Mozarabic, 3 " To our God and Lord Jesus Christ, the Son of God, who is in the heavens, let us give meet praises and meet thanks." The early Koman Canon 4 gives the form still retained, from which our own is literally translated. The words cited by S. Cyril 5 of Jerusalem are, " Let us give thanks unto the Lord," the common Greek form and the most frequent throughout the East. S. Augustine, 6 of the Latin African Church, gives one identical with the Eoman and with our own, though found also in two Syrian Liturgies : " Thou knowest in what sacrifice it is said, Let us give thanks unto our Lord God." e IT is MEET AND RIGHT so TO DO.] This is the translation of the words Dignum et justum est, in our Mediaeval Litur- gies. They are found without variation in every Western rite, Eoman, Mozarabic, Ambrosian, from the earliest period. They are identical with the original Greek response as found in the Apostolical Constitutions and S. Mark, and as cited by S. Cyril of Jerusalem. It is the same in S. James, but there it follows immediately the first versicle, " Let us lift," etc. The Armenian, the Coptic, and Greek Alexandrine rites retain it unaltered. It will be remembered that both versicles and responses are missing in two Syrian Liturgies ; with these exceptions this response appears in all, and in the common simple form, though the Or do Communis adds the words, " God, have mercy on us." In the Nestorian Liturgies, including that of Malabar, it is preserved without change ; but in the Apostles', Theodore, and the Malabar, it is followed by the exclamation, " Peace be with us," said by the Deacon. In Nestorius this is preceded by a brief exhor- tation to the people to remember the redemption wrought for them, also said by the Deacon. In these Liturgies also, with the exception of Theodore, a " Prayer of Humble Access " is said by the Priest before he proceeds with the ascription of praise and thanksgiving. Some versicle, or other formula, was also said here by the Deacon in the 1 Neale, p. 530. 2 Pamel. torn. i. p. 300. 3 Leslie, pp. 4, 227. * Saeram. Gelas. Murat. torn. i. col. 695. 6 Catech. Myst. V. c. iv. p. 296. 6 Ep. clxxxvii. ad Dard. c. vi. torn. ii. col. 891. Similarly Serru. Ixviii. " Norunt Fideles ubi et quando dicatur, Gratias," etc., c. iv. torn. vii. col. 379 ; and Senn. ccxxvii. col. 974. SECT. I.] THE CONTESTATION. 463 Liturgy of S. Mark, 1 but it is lost through the imperfection of the manuscript. SS. Basil and Chrysostom enlarge it into a confession of the faith declared at Nicsea and Con- stantinople : " It is meet and right to adore the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, the consubstantial and undivided Trinity." 2 We gather from S. Augustine 3 that the Liturgy of the Latin African Church preserved the common form : " The Bishop, or Presbyter who offers . . . says, Let us give thanks unto our Lord God, because our heart is lifted up. Let us give thanks, because, unless He gave the grace, our heart would be on earth. And ye saying, It is meet and right so to do, add your witness that we give thanks to Him who hath made us lift up our heart to where our Head is." f IT THEN SHALL THE PKIEST TUEN, ETC.] This Eubric was new in 1662, and shows the fidelity of the Revisers of that day to their own principle, that when the Priest addressed, or read to, the congregation, he should face it ; but that when God was addressed, he and the people should all turn in one direction. 4 It may be worth mentioning that in the Book at Durham, which was used by the Commissioners, 5 Cosin had here written, " God's Table." As this was rejected in favour of " the Lord's Table," we may infer that the latter phrase was at that time the more usual. * IT is VERY MEET, RIGHT, ETC.] S. Chrysostom speaks of the Eucharist, or Thanksgiving proper, as beginning here. The Priest, he says, " does not give thanks alone, but the whole people too ; for having first taken their voice, and they having assented, that this is meetly and rightly done, then lie begins the Eucharist." 6 This Thanksgiving, now a brief ascription of thanks and praise in the Preface, was origin- ally veiy long, and from it the Sacrament itself acquired the name of the Eucharist, 7 or Thanksgiving. According to Justin 8 Martyr, after the Kiss of Peace and the Offertory, the Communion was only preceded by a long Thanksgiving, f * Assemani, Cod. Lit. torn. vii. p. 18 ; Renaud. torn. i. p. 144. 2 The references are the same as in preceding notes. 3 Serm. ccxxvii. torn. vii. col. 974. 4 The Bishops' Answer to Exceptions ; Commun. Off. 6. Cardwell's Hist, of Conferences, ch. vii. p. 353. See before, Part i. ch. iii. sect. xi. p. 169. 6 See Blunt's Annotated Book of Common Prayer, Hist. Introd. p. xli. 6 Horn, xviii. in 2 Cor. (c. viii. v. 24), 3, torn. x. p. 671. 7 See Part I. ch. i. sect. ii. p. 7. 8 Apol. i. cc. 65, 67, torn. i. pp. 266, 270. 464 NAMES OF THE PREFACE. [CHAP. IV. which is agreeable to the account of the Institution : " He took Bread and gave thanks, and brake it and gave unto them ; . . . likewise also the Cup after supper." 1 Thus the Consecration was originally regarded as a part of the Thanksgiving ; and accordingly in the Apostolical Constitu- tions 2 only one long form is here assigned to the Celebrant. Beginning with the Contestation, " It is indeed meet," etc., he first enumerates the great works of God in the Creation and under the Law, for which, he declares, the Hosts of heaven adore and praise Him. Upon this the people burst in with the Sanctus. He then sets forth the goodness of God in the redemption of the world, passing on to the com- memoration of the Institution, and concluding with inter- cessions. In the words, " It is meet, right, and our bounden duty/' etc., the Priest confirms the declaration of the people that it is meet and right to give thanks to God. For this reason, 3 the formulary before us, which we call the Preface, was in the old Gallican and Gothic Missals called the Contestation. 4 Another name, used indifferently with Contestation in the Gothic and one Gallican Missal, is Immolation. 5 The Preface was probably so called, because it is an introduction to the sacrificial part of the holy Office ; whence in some Liturgies a Eubric marks here, " the commencement of the Oblation," 6 or " the beginning of the Anaphora." 7 It is called the Illation in the Mozarabic, and perhaps for the same reason, that word being much used in Spain in the sense of a gift or offering ; 8 or (what appears to me more probable) it may have originally been understood literally of the 'bringing in of the gifts, which 1 S. Luke xxii. 19, 20. ' 2 L. viii. c. xii. Cotel. torn. i. p. 399. 3 Contestatur verum esse hanc populi assertionem. Bona, L. ii. c. x. K i. 4 Mabill. Lit. Gall. pp. 194, 209, etc. ; in Miss. Goth. pp. 321, 324 ; in Miss. Franc, pp. 330, 333, etc. ; in Miss. Gall. Vet. ; and Mus. Ital. torn. i. pp. 279, 284, etc., in Sacram. Gallic. 5 Miss. Goth. u.s. pp. 188, 191, etc. ; Miss. Gall. Vet. pp. 334, 368, etc. It occurs but once in the Sacramentary found at Bobio (Mus. Ital. torn. i. p. 345), and not at all in the Miss. Franc, or Miss. Richenov. 6 Liturg. S. Bas. Alex, and S. Greg. Alex, in Renaud. torn. i. pp. 64, 99. 7 Lit. S. Mark, Renaud. torn. i. p. 144. 8 Ducange gives the meanings, Donum, munus, tributum. Where fees for Baptism and Confirmation are forbidden, or the Bishop's tribute from his Churches fixed, this word is used. See the examples in Due. " Media videtur," says Grialius, " inter exactionem et oblationem, sive inter peii- sionem et munus." Note to Isidore, De Eccl. Off. L. i. c. xv. torn. vi. p. 380. It was something expected, but not exacted. See P. i. ch. xi. sect. viii. p. 343. SECT. I.] THE COMMON PREFACE. 465 in the East still takes place at this part of the Service, and have attached itself, when that was discontinued, to the Prayer which followed it. When the Council of Valentia 1 in 524 orders that the Gospel should be read before " the illation of the gifts," and S. Isidore, 2 nearly a century after it, speaking of the order of the prayers in the Liturgy, says, " The fifth, the Illation is brought in (infertur illatio) in the sanctification of the Oblations," they are using a peculiar phraseology, which can, I think, be explained only by the existence of the custom of the Great Entrance at an earlier period, if indeed it was extinct in 524. I am not aware, however, that either of these explanations have occurred to Ritualists. Bona 3 and others suppose that the Preface is so called " because the Priest infers from the words of the Faithful that it is truly meet and right to give thanks," etc. There is some variety in the first words of the " Daily Preface" in the several Liturgies. Our own Mediaeval Liturgies and the Eoman agree exactly with each other, and with the Gelasian Sacramentary ; but our present form is not a literal translation from them. They open thus : 4 " Truly meet and right it is, just and salutary to give thanks," etc. The idea expressed by the words "and our bounden duty " is found in S. James, both Greek and Syriac : 5 " Truly it is meet and right, becoming and a bounden duty, to praise Thee," etc. In some Syrian 6 forms, and in the Malabar, 7 the Priest does not take up the words of the people, but proceeds with direct praise at once, e.g. " With heart, and mind, and tongue, we give thanks unto Thee," etc. In the Nestorian, 8 unless the Malabar 9 is an exception, the Contestation is said secretly. The Liturgy of S. Mark, 10 and one of those derived from it, viz., the Coptic S. Cyril, 11 are peculiar in having intercessions for all sorts and conditions of men with the reading of the Diptychs between the Contestation and the Sanctus. h HOLY FATHER.] These words are omitted on Trinity- Sunday, because the Proper Preface for that day is addressed to the Holy Trinity. 1 C. i. Labb. torn. iv. col. 1617. 2 De Eccl. Off. c. 15 ; Hittorp. col. 188. 3 Rer. Lit. L. ii. c. x. n. i. 4 Liturg. PP. p. 21 ; Assem. torn. v. p. 33. 5 Renaud. torn. ii. p. 31. 6 Ordo Comm. ii. Renaud. torn. ii. p. 21 ; similarly pp. 135, 187, 203, etc. 7 Raulin, p. 312. 8 Renaud. torn. ii. pp. 589, 617, 627. 9 There is no Rubric; Raulin, p. 312. 10 Renaud. torn. i. p. 146. u Ibid. p. 41. 2 G 466 THE ANGELS FELLOW- WORSHIPPERS. [CHAP. IV. The modern Eoman punctuation, Domine Sancte, Pater Omnipotens, etc., yields the English, " Holy Lord, Almighty Father, Everlasting God." Our version, of course, represents the sense attached to the words in England at the period of the Keformation. Probably the difference had arisen long before, owing to the absence of commas in the MSS. There is no stop after any of the words Domine, Sancte, or Pater in the Canon as printed by Gerbert. 1 1 THEREFORE WITH ANGELS AND ARCHANGELS.] If we ex- cept a few Mozarabic 2 Illations, this reference to the holy Angels as our fellow-worshippers is universal, appearing even in the Ethiopic 3 Liturgy, which has lost the Sursum Oorda and the Contestation. We find it recognised in the earliest extant notice of the Liturgy of Jerusalem : " This Divine saying delivered to us, proceeding from the Seraphim, we say, that we may hold communion in the singing of hymns with the supramundane hosts." 4 In many it is greatly amplified. The following example is from the Clementine : 5 "Thee the countless annies of Angels, Arch- angels, Thrones, Dominions, Principalities, Authorities, Powers, Thine everlasting Hosts, adore; Thee the Cheru- bim, and the six-winged Seraphim, covering with twain their feet, with twain their heads, and with twain flying ; and saying with thousands of thousands of Archangels and myriads of myriads of Angels, who unceasing, never silent, cry, (And let all the people together say,) Holy," etc. Our own Liturgy is the only Western Office in which this recognition of the Angels never varies. The common Eoman Preface runs as follows : " And therefore with Angels and Archangels, with Thrones and Dominions, and with all the host of the Celestial Army, we sing the hymn of Thy glory, evermore saying, Holy," etc. ; but three other forms occur in the Proper Prefaces: " Through whom (i.e. Christ) Angels praise, Dominions adore, The Powers tremble, The Heavens, and the Virtues of the Heavens, and the blessed Seraphim, with united exultation, together celebrate Thy Majesty; with whom we pray Thee to bid that our voices also be admitted, with suppliant Confession, saying, Holy," etc. " The Supernal Virtues and the Angelic Powers together sing the hymn of Thy glory," etc. " Whom the Angels praise, and Archangels, 1 Monum. Vet. Lit. Alemann. P. i. p. 232. 2 See Miss. Mozar., Leslie, pp. 79, 108, 130, 133, etc. 3 Renaud. torn. i. p. 516. See also p. 513. 4 S. Cyril. Hier. Catech. Myst. V. c. v. p. 297. 5 Constit. Apost. L. viii. c. xii. p. 402. SECT. II.] THE HYMN SANCTUS. 467 the Cherubim also and Seraphim, who cease not daily to cry, with one voice saying, Holy," etc. The first two of the above forms are found in the Leonian and Gelasian Sacramentaries ; l all in the Gregorian 2 and in the Missals of England. The same forms with others appear in the ancient Sacramentaries of Milan 3 and Gaul, 4 while in the Mozarabic 5 few of the numberless Illations have the same ending. SECTION II. The Sanctns. i HOLY, HOLY, HOLY.] This hymn is called in the text of S. James 6 and others, the Song of Victory or Triumphal Hymn : " Singing . . . the Triumphal Hymn of Thy Majestic Glory," etc. An ancient Roman name for it was the Angelical Hymn. 7 In the Milanese Liturgy it is called the Hymnus Trishagius. 8 S. Mark calls it the Triumphal and Thrice-holy Hymn. 9 S. Cyril 10 of Jerusalem, in referring to this hymn, cites only the words " Holy, Holy, Holy, Lord of Sabaoth," which cor- responds exactly with the first clause of the Angelic hymn heard by Isaiah 11 in the Temple, as it is rendered by the Septuagint. It is probable that in the fourth century the Liturgy of his Church only recited the words recorded by the Prophet, especially as it professes to refer the hymn to the Angels, a fact noticed by S. Cyril too. The earliest form was in all probability equally simple, two most ancient MSS., viz., the earliest of the Gregorian 12 Sacramentary, and one of the Church of Poictiers 13 of the sixth century, having only, " Holy, Holy, Holy, Lord God of Sabaoth," which differs 1 See the Sacramentary of Leo, Murat. torn. i. coll. 296, 312, etc., 315, ft passim ; Sacram. Gelas. coll. 496, etc., 494, etc. 2 Murat. torn. ii. coll. 28, 90, 322. I find the last (Quern laudant) but once. It is used, as now, on Trinity-Sunday, i.e. on the Feast of the Octave of Whitsunday. The present reading is Quam laudant, referring to Gloria, and dates from the eleventh century at least. See Murat. col. 382. 3 Pamel. torn. i. pp. 300, 307, 311, 338, etc. 4 Murat. torn. ii. coll. 518, 525, 529, etc., 699, 750, 751, etc. 6 Compare Leslie, p. 50 with p. 63 ; p. 19 with p. 66, 92, etc. 6 Liturg. PP. p. 22 ; Trollope, p. 71 ; Neale, p. 129 ; SS. Basil and Chrys. Goar, pp. 116, 76. 7 Ordo Horn. i. c. 16 ; Mus. Ital. torn. ii. p. 10 ; Ord. ii. c. 10, p. 47, etc. 8 Pamel. torn. i. p. 300. It must be distinguished from the Greek hymn called Trisagion ; see Part I. ch. vi. sect. ii. p. 204. 9 Renaud. torn. i. p. 154. His expression TOV Tpia-nyiov vp.vov is iden- tical with that of the Ambrosian. 10 Catech. Myst. V. c. v. p. 297. u Isai. vi. 3. 12 Murat. torn. ii. col. 2. 13 Murat. col. 692 ; Mabill. Lit. Gall. p. 326. 468 VARIATIONS OF THE 8ANCTUS. [CHAP. IV. from the quotation of S. Cyril only by the insertion of the single word God ; a difference, it may be remarked here, which distinguishes the Latin and Oriental from the Greek Liturgies. In our earliest English form 1 now extant, though derived in great part from a Eoman source, only the words, Holy, Holy, Holy, are given. The two rites which have undergone the least change, viz., those ascribed to S. Clement 2 and S. Mark, 3 read in common, " Holy, Holy, Holy, Lord of Sabaoth. Heaven and earth are full of Thy (holy, S. 3/.) glory." To which the Clementine adds, " Blessed for ever- more : Amen." The present Liturgy of Jerusalem. 4 followed SS. Chrysostom and Basil, 5 has " Holy, Holy, Holy, Lord Sabaoth. Heaven and earth are full of Thy glory. Hosanna in the highest. Blessed is He that cometh in the Name of the Lord. Hosanna in the highest." With the exception before mentioned, this is identical with the later Eoman 6 and the Milanese. 7 The Mozarabic, 8 as we have it, reads " the glory of Thy Majesty," and varies the form, as by adding or substituting " Hosanna to the Son of David," and by repeating in Greek the words, "Holy, Holy, Holy, Lord God." Its Easter Sanctus is considerably enlarged. As the Hosanna is mentioned by S. Isidore, 9 A.D. 610, it is probable that Rome and Milan borrowed it from Spain. There is no allusion to it in the earliest Ordo Eomanus, but there is in the second 10 according to age, which probably belongs to the eighth century, and Amalarius, 11 who wrote about A.D. 827, comments on it. The Coptic 12 forms have merely Holy, Holy, Holy (Lord, Basil}. One Greek Alexandrine 13 agrees with the quotation by S, Cyril ; another 14 with S. Mark. The common Syrian 15 form is, " Holy, Holy, Holy art Thou, 1 Missale Leofric, in the Bodleian Library, MS. 579, fol. 65. 2 Constit. Apost. L. viii. c. xii. Cotel. torn. i. p. 402. 3 Renaud. torn. i. p. 154. 4 Lit. PP. p. 22 ; Assem. torn. v. p. 34. 5 Goar, pp. 76, 166. fi See Sacram. Gelas. Murat. torn. i. col. 695 ; with which agrees the Gregorian in Cod. Othobon. Murat. torn. i. col. 1, note. The MS. of the Gelasian is probably of the end of the eighth century, and therefore a century older than the Gregorian, in which the shorter form occurs. This appears to show that the Hosannas were introduced in some Church which retained the Gelasian Sacramentary after its supersession at Rome, long before they made their way into the Roman Use. They occur iu Menard's copy of the Sacram. Gregor. p. 2. * Parael. torn. i. p. 300. 8 Leslie, pp. 4, 197, 229. 9 De Eccl. Off. L. i. c. 15 ; Hitt. col. 188. 10 Ord. Rom. ii. c. 10 ; Mas. Ital. torn. ii. p. 48. 11 De Eccl. Off. L. iii. c. 22 ; Hitt. col. 420. 12 Renaud. torn. i. pp. 14, 29, 46. 13 S. Basil, Renaud. torn. i. p. 65. 14 S. Gregory, Renaud. torn. i. p. 101. 15 Renaud. torn. ii. p. 31. SECT. II.] THE PRAYER POST-SANCTUS. 469 Lord God of Sabaoth. Heaven and earth are full of Thy glory, honour, and majesty, Lord. Hosanna in the highest. Blessed is He who has come and will come in the Name of the Lord. Hosanna in the highest;" but one 1 Syro- Jacobite Liturgy substitutes, " One holy Father ;" and two 2 simply " Amen." The Nestorian, 3 the original of which is very- ancient, gives : " Holy, Holy, Holy, Lord God, the Mighty. Heaven and earth are full of His glory," Theodore 4 omitting the second clause, and the Malabarese 5 adding the Hosannas. The Ethiopian : 6 " Holy, Holy, Holy, Lord God of Sabaoth. Heaven and earth are full of the sanctity of His glory." The Armenian : 7 " Holy, Holy, Holy, Lord of hosts. The heavens are full of Thy glory. Blessing in the highest. Blessed art Thou who hast come and wilt come in the name of the Lord. Osanna in the highest." By the Hosannas it was evidently meant to hail the advent of Christ in the Sacrament. We may remark, however, that the clause, " Blessed is he that cometh in the name of the Lord," is not a suitable expression of that intention. Those who uttered that cry in the days of His humiliation did not know that He, whom they thus welcomed, \vas Himself the Lord. They used words, therefore, which implied rather that He was represented there, than that He w T as actually present. The same words used in the Liturgy jar on the ear of faith, as they are felt to imply His absence, though meant to pro- claim His presence, at these holy Mysteries. Not unfrequently, by an abuse, the Sanctus was inter- polated or received additions, most often to accommodate it to the season. Perhaps the simplest example occurs in the York 8 Missal, and in some copies of the Sarum, which direct that, on all Feasts commemorative of the B. V., instead of " Blessed is He who," etc., shall be said, " Blessed is the Son of Mary who," etc. In all the Greek and Oriental Liturgies, the Sanctus is followed by a prayer said by the Priest founded on it, (another Contestation, as it were), and called by Eitualists 1 Matth. Past. ; Renaud. torn. ii. p. 348. 2 Dioscorus Patr. Alex, et Dioseorus Episc. ; Renaiid, torn. ii. pp. 288, 494. 3 Renaud. torn. ii. p. 589. 4 Ibid. p. 618. 5 Raulin, p. 312. This Liturgy has " Heaven and earth are full of Hia songs. Hosanna in the highest ; Hosanna to the Son of David, Blessed is He who has come and will come in," etc. Comp. the Mozar. Syr. and Armen. 6 Renaud. torn. i. p. 516. 7 Le Brun, Diss. x. Art. xvi. sub fin. Other examples may be seen in Bona, L. ii. c. x. n. iv. ; Georgius, De Liturg. Rom. Pont. torn. iii. p. 523 ; etc. 8 Maskell's Ant. Lit. p. 75. 470 THE SANCTUS; BY WHOM SUNG. [CHAP. IV. the Prayer of the Triumphal Hymn. This is preserved even in those Syro-Jacobite Liturgies that omit the Sanctus. These prayers vary greatly in length. The following is a very short example : " Thou art truly holy, God the Father and Thy Holy Spirit, who is for ever hallowed with Thy holy Son, our Lord Jesus Christ." 1 A similar prayer, the Post- Sanctus, varying with the day, betrays the Eastern ori- gin of the Mozarabic. 2 Many examples also survive in the old Gallican Liturgies, in which they were generally much shorter than in the Spanish. The following is for the Cir- cumcision: 3 "Truly holy, Truly blessed, is our Lord Jesus Christ, Thy Son, who came to seek and to save that which was lost. For He the day before," etc. This Collect (for so it was called) thus led on to the words of the Institution, as the Prayer of the Triumphal Hymn does, though less simply, in the Greek and Oriental rites. Our Sanctus in its present form dates from 1552. In the First Book of Edward the only change was the substitution of the words, " Glory to Thee, Lord, in the highest," for the concluding " Hosauna in the highest " of the Mediaeval Liturgies. Those Liturgies were copied, however, in the translations of Aless and Haddon. 4 There is great beauty in some of the ancient forms of the common Preface and Sanctus ; but for simplicity of thought and majesty of expression the present English are unrivalled. Arnalarius, 5 about 827, ascribes to Xystus, 119, an order " that the people should, during the action of the Priest [i.e. while he was saying the Canon] begin and sing through the hymn, Holy, Holy, Holy." It was certainly an early though not a good arrangement ; for we find it prescribed in a monastic Ordo of the eighth century. 6 The earliest Ordines Eomani, however, direct that " when they have finished the Sanctus the Bishop only shall rise, and enter on the Canon." 7 In the Chapters of Aix, 8 published in 789, under the authority of Charlemagne, it is ordered that " the Priest himself sing to the end the Holy, Holy, Holy, with 1 Lit. S. Joann. ; Reuaud. ii. p. 256. 2 Leslie, pp. 5, 229, et passim. 3 Mabffl. Lit. Gall. L. iii. Miss. Goth. p. 202. 4 Liturgical Services, Parker Society, p. 395. 6 De Eccl. Off. L. iii. c. 21 ; Hitt. col. 419. He says, ut in Gestis Pontifi- ccdibus kgitur, which, I suppose, has led Bona (L. ii. c. x. n. iv.) to refer au incorrect version of the story to the Liber Pontificalis ; where, however, I find no mention of the Sanctus in the account of Xystus. 6 Breviar. Ord. Eccl. in Nov. Auecd. Thesaur. (Mart, et Dur.) torn. v. p. 101. 7 Ordines, i. ii. iii. Mus. Ital. torn. ii. pp. 12, 48, 58. 8 C. Ixviii. Capit. Reg. Franc, torn. i. col. 236. SECT. II.] THE SANCTUS-BELL. 471 one voice with the holy Angels and the people of God ;" and Herard 1 of Tours, in 858, expressly decreed "that Presbyters do not begin the Secret before the Sanctus is finished, but sing the Sanctus with the people." These injunctions seem to have stopped the practice ; but another custom still more objec- tionable arose, of the Priest saying a private prayer, i.e. one that was no part of the Office, while the rest were singing. Thus in an ancient Eubric : 2 " While the Sanctus is being said, let all bow, and the Bishop meanwhile be saying this prayer : ' God, who wouldest not the death of sinners,' " etc. The same and another are provided for this purpose in the collection published by Illyricus. 3 This custom prevailed also in Italy, as appears from a MS. written at Subiaco in 1075, by the order of the Abbot. 4 In some Churches, how- ever, we find the private prayer said when the Sanctus was over. 5 These prayers, it may be remarked, resembled in their object and spirit, as well as position, our " Prayer of Humble Access." The modern Eoman Eubric directs the Celebrant, " when the Preface is finished ... to begin the Canon." 6 "Ancient Eituals," says Bona, 7 "order that when they sing the Trisagion [here the Sanctus] they bow, choir towards choir, and raise themselves as they begin ' The heavens are full/ etc. Lanfranc makes the same order in his Benedic- tine Constitutions, unless, saith he, verses be interpolated." 8 Now, in the Eoman Liturgy, " when the Sanctus is said, all kneel, except the Assistant, if there be one, the Deacon and Subdeacon." 9 These with the Celebrant bow, standing erect and crossing themselves at the words, " Blessed is He that cometh," except the Subdeacon, who is holding the Paten. 10 In the Eoman Liturgy " the Minister rings a little bell while the Sanctus is being sung." 11 This seems to be a custom of no antiquity, not being mentioned by the old C. xvi. Capit. Reg. Franc, torn. i. col. 1288. Ex Corbeiensi Codice Ratoldi Abb. Martene, L. i. c. iv. Art. xii. p. 204. Printed by Bona, App. ad. Her. Lit. LL. p. 384 ; Martene, L. L c. iv. t. xii. p. 184. Martene, L. i. c. iv. Art. vii. viiL Sub. fin. " Decantato a Sacerdote eodem hymno ;" ex cod. Eccl. S. Gatiani Turon., a MS. of the ninth century. Martene, L. i c. iv. Art. xii. Ord. vii. See also Ord. viii. 8 Eit. Celebr. Miss. viii. i. 7 Her. Lit. L. ii. c. x. n. iv. 8 Deer, pro Ord. S. Bened. ed. D'Achery, p. 279. 9 Merati, P. ii. tit. vii. n. Ixxxv. 10 Cavalieri, De Missae Sacr. c. xxv. Lxviii. 11 Kit. Celebr. Miss. vii. 8. 472 THE PROPER PREFACES. [CHAP. IV. writers on ritual. It is rung once or twice at each Sanctus, or continuously, the last being the less approved way, " both for the praise of the Thrice-holy God, and to rouse the minds of those assisting for the Mysteries now immediate." l It is difficult to think that such an observance at that solemn moment can be " good to the use of edifying." SECTION III. The Proper Prefaces. RUBRIC XVIII. a IT PROPER PREFACES. b H Upon Christmas Day, and seven days after. c Because Thou didst give Jesus Christ Thine only Son to be born as d at this time for us ; who, by the operation of the Holy Ghost, was made very man of the substance of the Virgin Mary His mother ; and that without spot of sin, to make us clean from all sin. Therefore with Angels, etc. RUBRIC XIX. *ti Upon Easter Day, and seven days after. e But chiefly are we bound to praise Thee for the glorious Eesurrection of Thy Son Jesus Christ our Lord : for He is the very Paschal Lamb, which was offered for us, and hath taken away the sin of the world ; who by His death hath destroyed death, and by His rising to life again hath restored to us ever- lasting life. Therefore with Angels, etc. RUBRIC xx. IT Upon Ascension Day, and seven days after. f Through Thy most dearly beloved Son Jesus Christ our Lord ; who after His most glorious Eesur- rection manifestly appeared to all His Apostles, and in their sight ascended up into heaven to prepare a 1 Gavauti, P. ii. tit. vii. Ruhr. viii. ; Merati in eund. n. xliii. ; Cavalieri, De Sacrif. Miss. c. xxv. Ixvii. SECT. III.] THE PROPER PREFACES. 473 place for us ; that where He is, thither we might also ascend, and reign with Him in glory. Therefore with Angels, etc. RUBRIC XXI. H Upon Whit-sunday, and % six days after. h Through Jesus Christ our Lord ; according to whose most true promise, the Holy Ghost came down *as at this time from heaven with a sudden great sound, as it had been a mighty wind, in the likeness of fiery tongues, lighting upon the Apostles, to teach them, and to lead them to all truth ; giving them both the gift of divers languages, and also boldness with fervent zeal constantly to preach the Gospel unto all nations ; whereby we have been brought out of darkness and error into the clear light and true knowledge of Thee, and of Thy Son Jesus Christ. Therefore with Angels, etc. RUBRIC xxn. IF Upon the Feast of Trinity ] only. k Who art one God, one Lord ; not one only Person, but three Persons in one Substance. For that which we believe of the glory of the Father, the same we believe of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost, without any difference or inequality. Therefore with Angels, etc. RUBRIC xxm. \ After each of which Prefaces shall immediately be sung or said, Therefore with Angels and Archangels, and with all the company of heaven, we laud and magnify Thy glorious Name ; evermore praising Thee, and saying, Holy, Holy, Holy, Lord G.o.d..of Hosts, .heaven and earth are full of Thy glory : Glory be to Thee, Lord most High. Amen. 474 THE NUMBER OF PREFACES. [CHAP. IV. a 1F PROPER PREFACES.] Before the Reformation there were ten Proper Prefaces in our Liturgies, as in the Roman. Those now omitted were for the Epiphany, for Lent, for the Festivals of Apostles, etc., the Holy Cross, and the Blessed Virgin. 1 At an earlier period there were but nine, that for the Festivals of S. Mary being introduced by a Council of Placentia, 2 A.D. 1095, and first authorized in England by the Council of Westminster 3 in 1175. It was similarly adopted in France by the Council of Cognac, 4 A.D. 1255. The Leofric 5 Missal, about 1050, cites a letter of some unknown Pope of the tenth or eleventh century, in which nine Proper Prefaces are enumerated ; but that for the Epiphany is omitted, and one " For the Dead " 6 inserted. To the eleven Roman Prefaces several Religious Orders are permitted to add a twelfth for their founder. 7 The Irish 8 Missal had but one Proper Preface, but by inserting the names of the several seasons as they came, it was made to serve for Christmas, the Circumcision, Epi- phany, Lent (Natali Calicis Domini), Easter, Low Sunday, Ascension Day, and Whitsuntide. We do not know if they were ever more numerous ; but with this exception, if it be one, it is certain that the Western Liturgies were once far richer in Proper Prefaces than now ; and it is much to be regretted that our Reformers, instead of leaving fewer than they found, did not rather recover out of the inexhaustible stores of Catholic antiquity a Preface suitable to every im- portant Festival and season. The Greek and Oriental Liturgies have but one Preface for each day in the year. The Sacramentary of Leo, on the 1 Missal, Sar. coll. 596-606. 2 Mansi, torn. xx. col. 807. 3 Johnson's Canons, vol. ii. p. 63. 4 Can. xxii. Labb. torn. xi. coL 749. 5 Fol. 59 in the MS. Mr. Mask ell extracts the passage in Ancient Liturgy, note 89, p. 72. The Epistle is ascribed to Pelagius n., A.D. 578 ; but absurdly (see Bona, L. ii. c. x. n. iii. ; Merati, P. i. tit. xii. n. vi., and others). The same Epistle is quoted by the Council of Westminster, with a different inaccuracy ; for the Council makes the writer state that there are ten Prefaces, and enumerates that for the Festivals of the B. V. among them. As the Church of Rome uses her daily Preface in Masses for the Dead, and it is the last of the series in her books, it is probably the common Preface, which the Epistle describes as " the Ninth for the Dead." 6 Such Prefaces were already of considerable antiquity. Thus we find two in the Gallican Sacramentary found by Mabillon, Mus. Ttal. torn. i. pp. 384, 5 ; several in the additions to the Gregorian Missal, Murat. torn, ii. col. 354, etc. 7 Cavalieri, torn. v. c. xiv. n. x. 8 Stowe MSS. vol. L App. i. p. 47. SECT. III.] THE PROPEE PREFACES. 475 other hand, shows (if we may judge from the part extant) that the early Eoman Church had above three hundred dif- ferent Prefaces ; though the rule for their use is not clear. They are much less numerous in that ascribed to Gelasius, while in the Gregorian, the earliest manuscript of which is of the ninth century, we find only nine Eucharistic Prefaces, viz., three to be said on Christmas Day, of which one, to be used at the second celebration, commemorates S. Anastasia, and one for each of the following Festivals the Epiphany, Easter, Ascension Day, Whitsunday, S. Peter, and S. Andrew. 1 Vigilius, 2 in the year 538, says that the Church of Eome never varied the Ordo Precum in the Eucharist, but that " as often as the Feast of Easter, or of the Lord's Ascension, or Pentecost and the Epiphany, and of the Saints of God was to be celebrated, they added proper chapters suited to the days." This statement must cover the Prefaces, as well as the other variable parts of the Office. The Gallican and Milanese Churches had a Proper Preface for every Mass. 3 In the Mozarabic Missal are above one hundred and fifty, most of considerable length, and some of great beauty. Many Prefaces now extant are probably of a very early date ; but Liturgists have only fixed on one which appears on the face of it to be older than the third century. This occurs in a fragment of some Gallican Missal discovered at Karlsruhe a few years ago. The Preface in question * refers to a perse- cution as raging at the time, and is with great probability assigned to the Church of Lyons when suffering under Au- relius in the year 177. A Preface for the Nativity in the Mozarabic Missal asserts its great antiquity by the state- ment that on Christmas Day, " no long time before . . . Christ Jesus had been born." 5 1 Murat. Liturgia Rom. Vet. torn. ii. coll. 8, 9, 16, 66, 85, 89, 101, 131. The Prefaces at the end of the MS. col. 273, were evidently those used in some other Churches with the Roman Canon long after the number in the Roman Sacramentary had been curtailed. See Murat. Dissert, c. vi. torn. i. col. 67. * Nov. Coll. Cone. torn. i. col. 1470 ; Par. 1683. 3 Hence we count 121 in the Ambrosian, and 72 in the Gallican Sacra- mentary found at Bobio, which is the most complete extant. 4 Missa V., Ancient Liturgies of the Gallican Church, p. 12 ; Burnt- island, 1855. See the marginal notes by Dr. Neale. Prefaces, and in- deed whole Masses (i.e. a set of the variable prayers) were often composed with reference to the circumstances of the time ; e.g. in the Sacramentary of Leo, Murat. col. 371, a recent deliverance from captivity and other sufferings inflicted by an enemy is commemorated : " Nos ab infestis hostibus liberatos ;" " captivitatem quam . . . summovisti," etc. See also No. x. col. 435. 5 Leslie, p. 39. 476 THE PROPER PREFACES. [CHAP. IV. b 11" UPON CHRISTMAS DAY.] The words, and seven six days after, were added to the headings of the first four Proper Prefaces in 1552. c BECAUSE THOU DIDST.] This Preface was new in 1549. The earlier ran thus : " Because through the mystery of the Incarnate Word the new light of Thy brightness shone on the eyes of our mind, that while we know God visibly, we may through Him be rapt into the love of things invisible." l This is certainly less appropriate than the present Preface, though it may be traced to the Gregorian 2 Sacramentary. d AT THIS TIME.] Until 1662 the reading was at this day. The change was made in consequence of the " exceptions " of the Presbyterians : " First, we cannot peremptorily fix the Nativity of our Saviour to this or that day particularly. Secondly, it seems incongruous to affirm the birth of Christ and the descending of the Holy Ghost to be on this day for seven or eight days together." 3 e BUT CHIEFLY, ETC.] A closer translation of the form in the Sarum Missal would be as follows : " At all times in- deed, but chiefly on this day (night to be said on the JEve), when Christ our Passover was sacrificed (are we bound) more gloriously to preach Thee. For He is the true Lamb which hath taken away the sins of the w r orld ; who by dying de- stroyed our death, and by rising again restored our life." 4 It is a Preface for the nocturnal celebration before Easter Day in the collection of Gelasius, 5 and was the only one selected from it, out of several Easter Prefaces, by the compiler of the Gregorian 6 Sacramentary. f THROUGH THY MOST, ETC.] Compare the Sarum : " Through Christ our Lord, who after His resurrection mani- festly appeared to all His disciples, and in their sight was raised up into heaven, that He might grant to us to be par- takers of His Divinity." 7 This first appears in the Gre- gorian 8 collection. g Six.] Not on the Octave ; for that is Trinity-Sunday. h THROUGH JESUS, ETC.] This Preface was composed for 1 Miss. Sarum, col.597. 2 Murat. torn. ii. col. 8. 3 Cardw. Hist. Conf. ch. vii. p. 320. * Miss. Sar. col. 599. 5 Murat. torn. i. col. 572. 6 Murat. torn. ii. col. 67, 9, 72. 7 Miss. Sar. col. 601. 8 Murat. torn. ii. col. 85. SECT. III.] THE PROPER PREFACES. 477 1 B. E. and is more fully appropriate than that which it superseded : " Through Christ our Lord, who ascending above all heavens, and sitting at Thy right hand, did this day pour the promised Holy Ghost on the sons of adop- tion." l It may be traced 2 through the Gregorian and Gela- sian Sacramentaries to that of Leo. 1 As AT THIS TIME.] For this 1 B. E. and 2 B. E. read " This day." See Note d , p. 476. j ONLY.] This word was added in 2 B. E. Before the Eeformation the same Preface was used on every Sunday until Advent. 3 k WHO ART, ETC.] This is a free translation of the first part of the old Preface : " Who with Thine Only-Begotten Son and Holy Spirit art one God, and one Lord, not in the singularity of one Person, but in the Trinity of One Sub- stance. For that which we believe of Thy Glory, Thyself revealing, the same do we think of Thy Son, the same of the Holy Spirit, without any difference of distinction ; so that in the confession of the true and eternal Godhead is adored both distinctness in the persons, and unity in essence and equality in majesty." 4 This is found in the Gelasian, 5 but not in the Gregorian 6 Sacramentary. 1 Murat. torn. ii. col. 602. 2 Ibid. col. 89 ; torn. i. coll. 599, 318. 3 Miss. Sar. col. 603. 4 Miss. Sar. u.s. 5 Murat. torn. i. col. 606. 6 It appears in the Appendix of Prefaces to the Vatican MS. (Murat. torn. ii. col. 321) ; and from that collection, for a long period in extensive use elsewhere, it was restored, we know not when, to the Roman Missal. CHAPTER V. ot Intnttbt&ie SECTION I. The Prayer of Humble Access. RUBRIC XXIV. 1F Then shall the Priest, kneeling down at & the Lord's Table, say in the name of all them that shall receive the Communion ^this prayer following. We do not presume to come to this Thy Table, merciful Lord, trusting in our own righteousness, but in Thy manifold and great mercies. We are not worthy so much as to gather up the crumbs under Thy Table. But Thou art the same Lord, whose pro- perty is always to have mercy ; Grant us therefore, gracious Lord, c so to eat the flesh of Thy dear Son Jesus Christ, and to drink His blood, d that our sinful bodies may be made clean by His body, and our souls washed through His most precious blood, and that we may evermore dwell in Him, and He in us. Amen. a THE LORD'S TABLE.] Until the last Revision the Rubric here had " God's Board ;" which in 1 B. E. was also em- ployed in the Rubric between the Introit and the Gloria in Excelsis. It was retained in the Scotch Liturgy of 1637; but in 1755 "the Altar" was substituted, and this reading has kept its place in later revisions. In older times " God's Board" meant rather the Sacrament than the Altar. It is four times used in this sense in an ancient Exhortation before Communion found in a manuscript in the British Museum ; e.g. " I charge you that none of you go to God's Board to-day, less than he be in full will and purpose for to cease and to withstand the deeds of sin." x See the remarks on "Lord's Table," in Part I. ch. ii. sect. iii. pp. 40, 1. 1 Cod. Sasc. xv. Bibl. Harl. 2383, fol. 60, fa. 2. SECT. I.] THE PRAYER OF HUMBLE ACCESS. 479 b THIS PRAYER FOLLOWING.] We have seen that through- out the East and in the old Spanish and Gallican Rites there is a prayer, founded on the Sanctus, between that and the Prayer of Consecration. The want of some such prayer as a suit- able transition to the act of consecration was probably felt in Churches, where the Roman Liturgy or forms derived from it were used ; for a custom arose, as we have also men- tioned, 1 for the Priest to say a private prayer before he entered on the Canon. In some Provincial and Diocesan Liturgies a step beyond this was taken, and a prayer inserted in the Office itself. An instance occurs in the Hereford Missal : " We worship Thee, Christ, and bless Thee ; for that by thy holy Cross Thou hast redeemed the world. Have mercy upon us, Thou who hast suffered for us." The same prayer is cited by Bona from Van Opmeer, 2 who gives it as to be said immediately before the Canon ; but preceded by the following clauses, which bring it still nearer in character to the formulary now before us : " Lord Jesus Christ, Thou Son of the Living God, help my infirmity, and strengthen me now at this time ; for Thine eyes behold my imperfection." This beautiful prayer is now commonly called the Prayer of Humble Access. The name seems derived from the Scotch Liturgy, in which it is termed a " Collect of Humble Access to the Holy Communion." It was formerly in Eng- land called the Address, 3 or Prayer of Address. 4 It is pecu- liar to our Liturgies, having first appeared in the Order of Communion, 1548, in which, as also in 1 B. E. and the Scotch, it is said immediately before the reception. In its present position in our Liturgy this Prayer is the expression of that " reverence and godly fear" which ought to fill the souls alike of Priest and people, not only in the act of Communion, but throughout the celebration of this " awful Mystery." c So TO EAT, ETC.] In O. C. and 1 B. E. this prayer ended thus : " So to eat the flesh of Thy dear Son Jesus Christ, and to drink His Blood, in these holy Mysteries, that we may continually dwell in Him and He in us, that our sinful bodies may be made clean by His Body, and our souls washed through His most precious Blood." The present 1 See the last chapter, sect. ii. p. 471. 2 De Assertione Missse, p. 362, in Bona Rer. Lit. L. ii. c. xi. n. i. 3 Comber on the Common Prayer, P. iii. part iii. Sect. i. Wheatley, ch. vi. Sect. xx. Shepherd on the B. C. P. vol. ii. p. 209. 4 Sancroft, in Cosin's Works, vol. v. p. 518, note. 480 CLEANSING OF BODY AND SOUL. [CHAP. V. reading was adopted in 1552, and to this the Scotch Liturgy of 1637 conformed. d THAT OTJK SINFUL BODIES, ETC.] Here the cleansing of the body is ascribed to the communion of the Body of Christ, and that of the soul to the communion of His Blood. In the Order of Communion, 1548, this distinction was yet further and more strongly marked in the words said to each Communicant: "The Body of our Lord, etc., preserve thy body unto everlasting life." " The Blood, etc., preserve thy soul," etc. The words " body and soul" were inserted in both formularies in 1549. When the last Revision of the Liturgy was in contemplation in 1661, the Presbyterians objected that this prayer seemed to give a greater efficacy to the Blood than to the Body of Christ. To which the Bishops replied that they could no more be said to do so than our Lord Himself " when He saith, This is My Blood which is shed for you and for many, for the remission of sins, etc., and saith not so explicitly of the Body." 1 If I mistake not, this manner of speaking may be traced up to the statement of Levit. xvii. 11 : "It is the blood that maketh an atonement for the soul." Hilary 2 the Deacon, 354, appears to be the first of those who, in connecting it with the Holy Communion, have either suggested or expressed the distinction that is verb- ally made in our prayer : " We receive the Mystic Cup of Blood for the preservation of our body and soul; because the Blood of the Lord hath redeemed our blood ; that is, hath saved the whole man. For the Flesh of the Saviour [was given] for the salvation of the body, but His Blood was shed for our soul, as had before that been prefigured by Moses." Algerus, 3 1130, implies the same difference in the symbolical values of the Elements : " To signify that our souls and bodies ought to be united and conformed to the Soul and Body of Christ, the Body and Blood are together taken by the faithful, that the Body and Soul of Christ being taken, the whole man in soul and body may be quickened by whole Christ." The blood with this writer evidently corresponds to the soul. A few years later (1141) the Master of the Sentences 4 appeals expressly to Hilary the Deacon (under 1 Hist. Conf. Cardwell, pp. 320, 353. 2 Comm. in Ep. i. ad Cor. c. xi. v. 26 ; in App. ad Opp. S. Ambros. p. 174. 3 De Sacram. Corp. et Sang. L. ii. c. viii. In Biblioth. V. P. torn. xii. P. i. p. 439 ; Colon. 1681. 4 Sentent. L. iv. D. xi. F. fol. 313, 313 a; Par. 1560. Sim. Innoc. de Myst. Miss. L. vi. c. xxi. "Panis refertnr ad carnern, efc vinum ad animam ; quia SECT. L] THE SACRAMENT FOR BODY AND SOUL. 481 the name of Ambrose) : " Why is He taken under two kinds, when whole Christ is under each kind ? That it might be shown that He took the whole of human nature, that He might redeem the whole of it. For the Bread is referred to the flesh ; the Wine to the soul. For wine pro- duces blood, in which the soul is by writers on Physics said to reside. For this reason then it is celebrated in two kinds, that the taking of the soul and body in Christ, and the deli- verance of both in us, may be signified. For, as Ambrose says, that which we receive avails to the salvation of body and soul ; because the Flesh of Christ is offered for our body, the Blood for our soul, as Moses prefigured. The Flesh, he says, is offered for our body, the Blood for our soul, but nevertheless He is taken whole under either kind, because it avails for both. . . . But if He were only taken in one kind, the signification would be that it availed to the salvation of one only, that is, of the soul or of the body, not of both alike." More than a century later an unknown writer 1 uses the following language : " It is taken in both kinds to sig- nify that the effect of this Sacrament is twofold. . . . For it is the redemption of the body and of the soul, which were not signified if it were taken in one kind only." These extracts will suffice to show the source of the expression in our prayer. I do not know if such a mode of thinking or speaking prevailed at any period in the East ; but a remarkable parallel to the petition of our Prayer of Access is certainly furnished by some Oriental Liturgies. In the Syrian Liturgy of S. James" 2 used both by the Orthodox and Jacobites, the following prayer is said by the Priest while communicating : " Grant, Lord, that our bodies may be sanctified by Thy holy Body, and our souls cleansed by Thy atoning Blood, and that they may be to the pardon of our offences and the remission of our sins." In the Syrian Ordo Communis 3 and the Liturgy of S. Xystus 4 the same form occurs, with this difference, that they ask that the soul may be enlightened by the atoning Blood. Another Syrian prayer, said at the same vinum sanguiiiern operatur, in quo sedes est animse." He refers to Lev. xvii. 11. Hence the saying of Becket a short time before his death : " He who has to shed much blood must drink much." 1 Spec. Eccles. ascr. to Hugo de S. Viet, (and by some (from misunder- standing Cave) to Robertus Paululus, 1170) ; Hittorp. col. 1354. Oudin, torn. ii. col. 1157, shows that the author probably belonged to the four- teenth century. 2 Renaud. torn. ii. p. 41. 3 Ibid. p. 24. 4 Ibid. p. 141. 2 II 482 THE PRAYERS OF THE FAITHFUL. [CHAP. V. time with the former, also distinguishes the effects, but dif- ferently : " Grant me, Lord, to eat Thee holily, and that by that eating of Thee all my evil desires may be driven away, and that through drinking of Thy living Cup, the passions of my flesh may be extinguished." 1 We may infer from these variations in prayers said at the same time, that no radical distinction between the effects of the Body and the Blood is intended. A certain resemblance to our prayer is also found in the words which the Hereford Missal puts into the mouth of the Priest when about to communi- cate : " Beseeching that the Flesh of Thine only begotten Son Jesus Christ may make clean, the Blood may wash away the sins which we from flesh and blood have contracted." SECTION II. The Ancient Prayers of the Faithful. We have already more than once referred to the Three Prayers of the Faithful prescribed by the nineteenth Canon of Laodicsea. 2 These were said after the departure of the Catechumens, and were, like the prayer now before us, a preparation for the more holy part of the sacred Office. In the Greek Liturgies we still have two prayers expressly called the First and the Second Prayer of the Faithful, the Third, which was connected with the Kiss of Peace, being omitted. 3 The three are still preserved in every Oriental Liturgy, though the order varies. 4 " There are in the Liturgy," says John Maro 5 in the sixth century, " three prayers which are said over the people, one each time the Minister says, Let us bow our head before the Lord. The First [commonly] at the time of the Peace; the Second is 1 Renaud. torn. ii. pp. 23, 141. 2 Bevereg, Pandect, torn. i. p. 461. 3 Its place is occupied by the later Prayer of the Cherubic Hymn, and the Kiss of Peace (without a proper prayer) is deferred till after the Great Entrance. Goar, pp. 72, 163. 4 Even in the Syrian Liturgies the Peace is sometimes given after the Third Prayer, and then, in some instances, the Prayer of the Veil comes first (see Liturg. S. Petri ii., S. Marci, Renaud. torn. ii. pp. 155, 176) ; but generally the order is preserved in spite of the postponement of the Kiss. See, e.g. pp. 134, 163, 235, etc. In some Liturgies the order is con- fused, apparently from the ignorance of the compilers ; thus in that of S. Peter, p. 145, we have (1) The Prayer of the Kiss ; (2) That of the Veil ; (3) The Kiss ; (4) The Prayer of Imposition of Hands. See also Lit. Apost. p. 170. 5 Expos. Minist. Oblat. c. xxv. Assemani Codex Liturg. torn. v. p. 342. Similarly James of Edessa in the seventh century, in his Commen- tary on the Liturgy of the Syrians. Le Brun, Diss. ix. Art. i. SECT. II.] THE PRAYER OF THE VEIL. 483 called the Prayer of the Imposition of Hands, because the Priest then extends his hands over the people, and signs them with the sign of the Cross. . . . The Third is called the Prayer of the Veil, because at the end of it the Priest lifts the veil [or curtain before the Sanctuary] and brings out openly those mysteries which have been hidden." The Egyptian Liturgies place the Prayer of the Veil first, 1 and omit that of the Imposition of Hands. 2 The Milanese 3 pre- serves one of these prayers under the name of Oralio super Sindonem (the Corporal), while the. title of the Collect for the Day, Oratio super Populum, seems borrowed from the long-disused Prayer of the Imposition of Hands. The Third is retained in the old Spanish 4 and Gallican 5 Liturgies, under the title of Oratio or Collectio ad Pacem. In the common Greek rite the First Prayer of the Faithful, which corresponds in character to the Third (i.e. the Prayer of the Veil) in the Syrian, is said immediately after the unfolding of the Corporal (the Ambrosian/S'mcfcm^and before the Offertory. The First Prayer in SS. Basil and Chrysos- tom only marks the commencement of the sacrificial action : " Thou hast vouchsafed to place us even now at Thy holy Altar," etc. 6 But the Prayer of the Veil in S. James, 7 from which those Liturgies are derived, alludes to the entrance of the Priest within the curtain: "We thank Thee, Lord our God, that Thou hast given us confidence for the entrance into Thy Holy Places, which entrance thou hast initiated for us, a new and a living way through the Veil of the Flesh 8 of Thy Christ. Being thought worthy therefore to enter into the place of the Tabernacle of Thy glory, and to be within the Veil, and to behold the Holy of Holies, we fall down before Thy goodness." It need not be said that in this Liturgy tlie Prayer of the Veil is placed after the Great Entrance. The same is the case in the Syrian Eites, on which account it is sometimes called the Prayer over the Offerings. 9 It is in the three prayers above described, as being prayers 1 See Renaud. torn. i. pp. 9, 26, 38, 57, 93, 141. 2 Similar forms occur in these, as in other Liturgies, before and after the Communion, under the name of Orationes Inclinationis Capitis. 3 Pamel. Liturg. torn. i. p. 306, et passim. 4 Leslie, pp. 4, 9, etc. 5 Mabill. Lit. Gall. pp. 188, 191, etc. 6 Goar, pp. 70, 162. 7 Liturg. Patr. p. 20 ; Assemanus, torn. v. p. 30. 8 Compare Hebr. x. 19, 20. 9 See the Liturgies of Michael Patriarcha and Gregorius Catholicus in Renaudot, torn. ii. pp. 439, 457. 484 THE PRAYER OF IMPOSITION. [CHAP. V. of preparation for the higher action of the holy Office, that we may expect to find the greatest resemblance in spirit, and consequently in language, to our Prayer of Humble Access. The following is a brief example of the Oriental Prayer of the Imposition of Hands : " Vouchsafe, Lord, to bless with Thine unfailing blessing Thine orthodox people, who have bowed before Thee in fear, and prepare them, that they may without blame come to this Divine Table, through the grace, and mercy, and love to man of Thine only begotten Son, with whom," l etc. 1 Liturg. S. Marutae, Renaud. torn. ii. p. 261. CHAPTER VI. SECTION I. The Posture and Position of the Celebrant. RUBRIC XXV. 1" * When the Priest, ^standing Before the Table, hath so Bordered the Bread and Wine, that lie may with the more readiness and decency *l>reak the Bread ^before the people, and take %the Cup into his hands, he shall h say { the Prayer of Consecra- tion, asfolloweth. *WHEN THE PEIEST, ETC.] This Rubric was inserted at the last Review. 2 B. E. had simply : " Then the Priest, standing up, shall say as folio weth." In 1 B. E. the Prayer of Consecration follows immediately the Prayer for the Church Militant. b STANDING.] From the beginning the Priest has conse- crated standing. Thus S. Chrysostom 1 in the East : " As the Priest stands invoking the Spirit, so dost Thou also invoke the Spirit, but not with voice, but deeds." S. Augus- tine 2 in Africa : " Who of the faithful has ever heard the Priest standing at the Altar . . . say in the Prayers, I offer unto Thee, Peter, or Paul, or Cyprian T In the Clementine 3 Liturgy, after the dismissal of the Non-communicants, and when a Prayer for the Faithful present has been said by the Celebrant, and the Kiss of Peace given, he is directed to " put on a splendid vestment, and to stand at the Altar ;" and so to proceed with the Preface and the Prayer of Con- secration. This attitude is also frequently recognised in the prayers of ancient Liturgies that were in actual use. Thus in the Prayer of the Veil in the Liturgy of Jerusalem : 4 " We are full of fear and trembling, being about to stand at 1 Horn. xx. in Ep. ii. ad Cor. (c. ix. v. 15) 3, torn. x. col. 687. Sim. Horn. i. in Prod. Judse, 3, torn. ii. p. 453. Horn, de Ccemet. 3, ibid. p. 474. 2 De Civ. Dei, L. viii. c. xxvi. torn. ix. col. 285. 3 Constit. Apost. L. viii. c. xii. Cotel. torn. i. p. 399. 4 Liturg. Pair. p. 20. Assem. torn. v. p. 30. 486 THE CONSECRATOR TO STAND. [CHAP. VI. Thy holy Altar, and offer this awful and unbloody sacrifice." Similarly S. Basil 1 in the corresponding prayer (which in that rite is the First of the Faithful) : " Make us meet by the power of Thy holy Spirit for this ministry, that, stand- ing before Thy holy glory without condemnation, we may offer to Thee the Sacrifice of Praise." The Liturgy of Theo- dore : 2 " Grant that while we stand before Thee with pure consciences, and offer this living Sacrifice, etc., we may find grace," etc. This is, in fact, the only proper posture for a Priest in the act of Sacrifice, and as such it is recognised in Holy Scrip- ture : " Every Priest standeth daily ministering and offering oftentimes the same sacrifices," 3 etc. It was so associated in the mind of the sacred writer with sacrifice, that he speaks of the session of Christ at the right hand of God, as if it naturally followed the completion of His Sacrifice : " This Man, after He had offered one Sacrifice for sins for ever, sat down." 4 He had, in a figure, stood to sacrifice, for so His appointed types, the Priests of the Law, had done ; and when His office was discharged, assumed, as men are wont, an attitude of rest. It is evident, then, that no other posture would so become the Celebrant in this great mystery of the New Covenant, by which " His one oblation of Himself once offered," is now commemorated, even as it was foreshown by the sons of Aaron when they " stood to minister before the Lord" in the Tabernacle or the Temple. 5 It should be mentioned, however, that Dr. Nicholls and others have argued, that whereas " according to the rules of grammar, the participle standing must refer to the verb ordered, and not to say" "the Priest must order standing before, etc., and not say standing." They infer that he ought to kneel. It is true that standing refers strictly to ordered, and not to say ; but the intention of the Eevisers of 1662 cannot be doubted, when we remember that the Eubric before that expressly ordered the Priest to stand : " Then the Priest, standing up, shall say as follows." Had they meant to change the posture, they would certainly have ordered him to kneel in express terms. But neither did they do this, nor do we hear of any wish for a change on their part. On the 1 Goar, p. 162. Similarly the Syrian S. Basil, Renaud. ii. p. 549 : " Make us worthy to stand before Thee with a pure heart, to minister unto Thee, and offer this awful and unbloody Sacrifice." 2 Renaud. torn. ii. p. 616. The basis of this Liturgy is supposed to be of the highest antiquity. See Part i. ch. xii. sect. iv. p. 381. 3 Heb. x. 11. Compare Deut. x. 8 ; xvii. 12 ; 1 Kings viii. 11, etc. 4 Heb. x. 12. 6 On the more general subject of standing in prayer, see Part I. ch. iii. sect. xv. p. 180n SECT. I.] THE PRIEST BEFORE THE TABLE. 487 contrary, Cosin, 1 their chief, commenting on the earlier liubric, says that " standing up is a posture of reverence, and here ordered for the Priest to use that he may with the more readiness perform his office in consecrating the elements." c BEFORE THE TABLE.] As the place of the Altar recog- nised in our Eubrics is " in the body of the Church, or in the Chancel, where Morning and Evening Prayer are ap- pointed to be said," and as it stood east and west when so placed, 2 this cannot mean, as many, misled by the present position of our Altars, have supposed, that the Priest is now to go from the north end to the middle of the front. The emphatic word is standing. From 1552 to 1662 this was the only point in the Eubric : " Then the Priest, standing up, shall say as followeth." That is, he is no longer to " kneel down at the Lord's Table," as ordered to do while saying the Prayer of Humble Access, but is to rise and stand before it. Nor, again, does the word before mean in front of the Table, i.e. between it and the people ; for the Table being in the midst of the people, and the Priest on the north side of it, he could not place himself between it and them. It means no more than at the Table with his face towards it. Thus we say of an army that it encamped before the city, or of a traveller that he stood before the Pyramids, without any reference to the side on which the army encamped or the traveller stood, or to the presence or position of any witness to the action. This use of the word before is common in our version of the Bible ; e.g. : " If the oath come before Thine Altar;" 3 "Ye shall worship before this Altar ;" 4 " Jehoshaphat stood . . . before the new court ;" 5 " We stand before this House." 6 In the vision of S. John 7 the four-and-twenty elders who were seated " round about the throne" of God fell " before the throne on their faces ;" each therefore in a different direction, but all towards one central object. This interpretation is confirmed by the following explanatory liubric in the Communion Office of the Nonjurors : " Note. That whenever in this Office the Priest is directed to turn to the Altar, or to stand or kneel before it, or with his face towards it, it is always meant that he should stand or kneel on the north side thereof." 8 1 Notes on the B. C. P., Second Series, vol. v. p. 332. 2 See Part i. ch. iii. sect. vi. p. 148. 3 1 Kings viii. 31. 4 2 Kings xviii. 22 ; Isa. xxxvi. 7. 6 2 Chron. xx. 5. 2 Chron. xx. 9. 7 Rev. iv. 4; vii. 11. 8 By the year 1718, when this appeared, the Tables must have been in so many cases set as they are now that this expression, the north side, was doubtless meant to cover either position ; that is to be applied to the 488 THE POSITION OF THE CELEBRANT. [CHAP. VI. It has been the custom of those Priests who have con- founded the north end with the north side to come now from the north end to the middle of the Altar, and to remove the elements to the former place, and there to consecrate. This is extremely awkward, and certainly was not intended. Our forefathers, for above a hundred years after the reign of Edward, standing at the north side of the Altar set east and west, could " order the bread and wine," etc., without moving from their place. Our Altars have no north side ; but we can approximate to their practice either (1) by standing at the north end, and placing the Elements there when first presented, which would be most unseemly, or (2) by follow- ing the ancient custom, as preserved in the First Book of Edward, when our Tables stood as they do now ; that is, by celebrating " afore the midst of the Altar." In itself the position of the Priest is " indifferent," and is therefore one of those matters which " every particular Church" may, as the 34th Article claims, determine for itself by considerations of expediency and convenience, of reverence and charity ; but it would be a grievous mistake to multiply needless differences by insisting on a position differing from that observed in other branches of the Church Catholic ; and it is certain that the rule which prevails uni- versally in the Greek, Oriental, and Roman Communions, is also the most reverent, becoming, and convenient, and there- fore the most conducive to devotion both in the Priest and people. In connexion with the foregoing note, see Part I. ch. iii. sect, vi. p. 148; sect. xi. pp. 163-170; ch. vii. sect. iv. p. 237. d ORDERED THE BREAD AND WINE.] That is, when he has uncovered the Elements, and so placed them that he may reach them without difficulty when consecrating. Some arrangement of the several vessels is always convenient, and even necessary when the Altar is large, and there are more than one Paten or Chalice, a case supposed in the Marginal Rubrics. For 110 years before the last Revision, there were no directions for taking up the Paten, etc. ; so that when they were restored, it was wisely done to suggest at the same time to the Priest, that he might facilitate their reverent execution by a little care beforehand. The Scotch Liturgy had already ordered the Paten and Chalice to be taken into the hands, and it is possible that some experience of inconvenience in that Office from want of a previous " ordering of the Bread and Wine" may have led to this direction in our own. north side literally, or to the north end, properly so called, as the case might require. SECT. I.] THE BREAKING OF THE BREAD. 489 6 BKEAK THE BKEAD.] None of the earlier English Books, nor the Scotch, prescribed any solemn fraction of the Bread by the Celebrant, either here or in immediate preparation for the distribution. A necessary result of this omission would be, that in many cases it would not be broken by him at all. The wafer bread, which was used generally for a time, would not seem to require it, and the larger loaves could be cut into pieces proper for distribution, before the celebration began. Yet it is satisfactory to find that a ritual fraction of the Bread was general, though not prescribed ; and, what is more, was approved by the leading minds in all parties. Even in the Puritan Prayer-Book, 1584, the Minister " breaketh the Bread and delivereth it to the people, saying, Take and eat. This Bread is the Body of Christ which was broken for us." 1 The Presbyterians, again, in 1661, com- plain of the omission, and seem to require a fraction while the Words of Institution are being said : " We conceive that the manner of the consecrating of the Elements is not here explicit and distinct enough, and the Minister's breaking of the Bread is not so much as mentioned." 2 The Bishops pro- mised to supply the necessary directions. 3 The remedy had, however, been already suggested by Bishop Cosin, 4 from whom we learn also what the more common practice had been : " No direction is given to the Priest (as in King- Edward's Service-book there was, and as in most places it is still in use) to take the Bread and Cup into his hands, nor to break the Bread before the people ; which is a needful circum- stance belonging to this Sacrament ; and therefore, for his better warrant therein, such a direction ought here to be set in the margin of the book." Before Cosin, Bishop Andrewes 5 bears witness to the practice in the following remark on the words He brake it in the Prayer of Consecration : " So we, by the guidance and example of Him who presides here." f BEFORE THE PEOPLE.] An undue stress has been laid on these words, as if they meant to insist on the fraction of the Bread being seen by all the Congregation. This could not have been in the mind of the last Eevisers ; for, as the Priest and the Altar were placed in their time, and as they suppose them to be placed, that action was necessarily before the eyes of the people, if performed at all. Their object, as will appear evident from a perusal of the last note, was simply to secure a public and ritual fraction of the Bread. It was not 1 Hall's Fragmenta Liturgica, vol. i. p. 65. 2 Hist. Conf. Card well, p. 321. 3 Ibid. p. 363. 4 Particulars, etc., No. 57, vol. v. p. 516. The breaking is not ordered in K. Edward's Books. 6 Minor Works, p. 157. 490 THE CUP AND PATEN. [CHAP. VI. to be distributed as it came into the hands of the Priest, pre- pared perhaps by another in the Vestry before the Service began ; but was to be solemnly broken by him in the public and open discharge of his holy Office. We may add to this that our Eevisers, belonging to the same school as Laud, while perfectly free from any wish to make a mystery of the fraction, would have been equally incapable of understand- ing the necessity of any special action or arrangement to provide for its being seen by all present. In the Articles brought against Laud by the Scotch Commissioners was a complaint, that in the Liturgy, which he had sanctioned for the use of their nation, the Eubric before the Prayer of Con- secration permitted the Presbyter to " stand at such a part of the holy Table, where he might with the more ease and decency use both his hands." They objected, among other things, that " anything he had to do about the Bread and Wine " might be " done at the north end of the Table, and be better seen of the people." Upon this Laud remarked, " As for ' his being better seen of the people,' that varies according to the nature of the place and the position of the Table, so that in some places he may be better seen, and in some not. Though I am not of opinion that it is any end of the administration of the Sacrament ' to have the Priest better seen of the people.'" 1 SECTION II. Of the Cup and Paten. g THE CUP.] I. This seems to have been a familiar name for this vessel before the reign of Edward, for we observe that Smythe, in his Assertion of the Sacrament of the Altar, 1546, when using the word "Chalice," several times gives the equivalent " Cup ;" e.g. " His very Blood verily and in- deed contained in the Chalice or Cup." 2 For a long period, both here and elsewhere, the Paten had been made to fit on to the top of the Chalice, and was rather regarded as its lid or cover than as a distinct vessel having an independent use. Thus Lyndwood, 3 A.D. 1422, when the word " Paten " occurs in a Constitution of S. Edmund of Canterbury nearly two centuries before his time, thinks it necessary to explain that the Paten is the " Cover of the Chalice." Similarly Hof- meister, 4 1545: "The Offertory ended, the Priest, the Minister of our Church, places the bread destined for the holy Sacrifice on the lid of the Cup, which they call the 1 Hist, of Troubles, ch. iii. ; Works, vol. iii. p. 347. 2 Fol. 249 a, twice, etc. 3 L. iii. tit. 23, In Celebrations, ad v. Patina, p. 235. 4 Sacrif. Missaj Assert, p. 87 ; Moz. 1545. SECT. II.] THE COVER OF THE CHALICE. 491 Paten." In conformity with this view of the relation of the Paten to the Chalice, while the latter is said to represent the tomb in which the Body of our Lord was buried, the Paten is taken to signify " the stone placed over it." 1 Hence also it is that for a long period we rarely find any mention of the Paten as distinct from the Chalice-cover in Visitation Articles and other public documents. In Edward's reign the Commissioners sent to plunder the Churches are to leave to each " one, two, or more Chalices or Cups according to the multitude of the people ;" 2 but not a word is said of Patens. On the accession of Mary, an order is made to provide " a Chalice, books," etc., but none for a Paten. 3 From the death of Mary to the Great Eebellion, we have no less than seventy- six distinct sets of Visitation Articles or Injunctions, which have been printed in the Appendix to the Second Eeport of the Eoyal Commission on Ritual. In nine* of these the in- quiry or order respects a Chalice or Cup without mention of its Cover ; in thirty-four, including that 5 prepared for general use by the Convocation of 1 640, a Chalice with a " Cover agreeable for the same," as it is expressed in most ; 6 while in nine 1 the purpose which made the Cover necessary is dis- tinctly specified ; as, e.g. in the Articles and Injunctions of Grindal, 1571 : "A fair and comely Communion Cup of silver, and a Cover of silver for the same, which may serve also for the ministration of the Communion Bread." In no one of the seventy-six does the word Paten occur. In one set only, viz. in the Articles of Duppa, 1638, is the Paten spoken of under the name of dish : 8 " Have you a fair Com- munion Cup and Flagon, 9 with a dish for the Bread ?" After 1 Pupilla Oculi, P. iv. c. ix. fol. 24, fa. 1. 2 Instructions, etc., A.D. 1552, Doc. Ann. No. xxviL vol. i. p. 112. 3 Mandate of the Bishop of London to all the Churches in the Province of Canterbury. Doc. Ann. N. xxxi. vol. i. p. 126. 4 They range from A.D. 1575, Parker (p. 416), to 1636, Pearson, Arch- deacon of Suffolk, p. 569. 6 See the 9th Canon, Synodalia, p. 407, and Report, p. 588. 6 From 1569, Parkhurst (p. 405), to 1640, Nixon (p. 588), and Bostock, Archdeacon of Suffolk, p. 596. 7 From Grindal, as in text, to Potter at Carlisle, 1629, p. 507. 8 Report, p. 576. 9 The Flagon has succeeded to the Scyphus of the early Church. At Rome in the eighth century (Ordo Rom. i. 13 ; Mus. Ital. torn. ii. p. 10), the people brought their little offerings of wine in cruets, Amce, or Amulcn (the " pottle-pots" of Charlton ; see Part I. ch. xi. sect. ii. p. 315). These were emptied by the Archdeacon into a "Greater Chalice," held by the Subdeacon for that purpose. When that was full, its contents were poured into the Scyphus, which an Acolyte carried after them. Some writers (as Bocquillot, Trait6 Hist, de la Liturg. L. i. c. viii. p. 183 ; Mabill. Comment, in Ord. Rom., Mus. It. torn. ii. pp. xlv. Ivii.) speak of the Scyphus as if it were the same as the Calix Ministerial'^ ; but these 492 THE MATERIALS OF [CHAP. VI. the Eestoration, out of twenty-six series of Articles, two 1 only inquire if there is a Cup or Chalice, without mentioning a Cover, Paten, dish, or plate ; seven (one of which was adopted in many other jurisdictions), if there is a " Cup or Chalice of silver, with a Cover of the same ;" 2 one only gives the use of the Cover in the administration : " Have you a handsome Cup of silver for the Wine, and a Cover of silver to the same to put the Bread on?" 3 Many, however, now ask, "What Cup, Chalice, Paten, or Flagon, have you for that Service?" 4 Others, while speaking of a silver Chalice or Cup, " with a Cover," require also a "Paten" or "Plate for the Bread." 5 II. It will be observed that nearly all the Visitation Articles to which we have now referred require the Cup and its Cover to be of silver. But two inquire : " Whether have you ... a fair Communion Cup of gold, silver, or other pure metal, and a Cover agreeable for the same ?" 6 There can be no doubt that at a very early period the Chalice and Paten were made of as rich materials as could be procured, and were often highly ornamented. Tertullian 7 vessels are repeatedly entered as several gifts in the lists of donations to Churches recorded in the Liber Pontificalia ; as in the life of Silvester, A.D. 315, of Mark, 336, etc. ; Anast. Biblioth. pp. 12, 19, etc. The Calix Ministerialis served for the Communion of the people (see footnote *, p. 496). It is true that the Scyphus might be, and at one period was, used for the same purpose (Ordd. Rom. i. ii. pp. 14, 50) ; but it kept its own name as well as proper office. Corresponding to the Scyphus was the Offertorium, a large dish of gold or silver, on which the loaves offered by the people were received. This was much used in the Churches of Gaul (see Mabill. de Liturg. Gall. L. iii. 14, p. 185 ; Ducange in v. ; etc.), but at Rome they employed a large sheet of fine linen (Sindonem, Ordd. Rom. i. ii. pp. 11, 47). We read at the same time, and later, of Offertoria, sometimes of silk, which were passed through the handles of the Chalice when it was lifted to be handed to the Celebrant or set on the Altar. These are supposed to have originated in the larger Sindon, in which the Chalice and Paten were, in some Churches, put with the Oblates when they were presented to the Priest. See Ordd. Rom. i. 15, 16 ; ii. g 9, 10, pp. 12, 47, 8. The Laity brought their offerings of bread wrapped in napkins, which were called Fanons. Amalar. Eglog. xix. Mus. It. torn. ii. p. 554. 1 Cosin and Henchman, 1662, pp. 601, 610. 2 From Griffith (p. 606), and many others (see Report, p. 615), in 1662, to Stanley, Archdeacon of London, 1728 (p. 680). 3 Racket, 1662, p. 608. 4 From Earle (?) and Reynolds in 1662 (pp. 604, 619), to Barlow of Lincoln, 1679, p. 645. 5 Gunning, 1679 (p. 651) ; Bancroft (visiting Lincoln), 1686 (p. 653) ; Fleetwood, 1710 (p. 673); Trimnel, 1716 (p. 677). 6 Bancroft, 1605 (p. 452) ; Kent, Archdeacon of Sudbury, 1631 (p. 527). ' " We may begin from the Parables in which is the lost sheep sought by its owner, and brought home on his shoulders. Let the very pictures of your Chalices stand forth, if in them even the interpretation of that sheep will shine clear, whether it, as touching restoration, have in view SECT. II.] THE ALTAR SERVICE. 493 more than once speaks of the Chalice as having on it the figure of the Good Shepherd. These might be of glass, for we read that Zephyrinus of Rome, a contemporary of Ter- tullian, made a rule that "the Ministers should carry Patens of glass into the Church before the Priests when the Bishop celebrated Masses, the Priests standing before him, and' so Masses should be celebrated." 1 S. Jerome, 2 about 398, speaking of a Bishop who had given his all to the poor, says, " Nothing is richer than he who carries the Body of the Lord in a wicker basket, His Blood in glass." We read of S. Hilary of Aries in France, that to redeem captives he sold all the silver vessels, " till it was come to Patens and Chalices of glass." 3 Before this, however, we hear even of gold. Thus from a document of the date 303, among the Municipal Records of Cirta in Africa, we learn that the Church there possessed " two golden Chalices, also six silver Chalices, six silver pitchers," 4 etc. Constantine is said to have given a great number of gold and silver ornaments, including Chalices and Patens, to the Churches which he built. 5 S. Ambrose 6 in Italy, probably about 379, melted and sold the golden vessels of his Church that he might redeem captives. " The Sacraments," he said, " require not gold. . . . The redemp- tion of captives is the ornament of the Sacraments." S. Chrysostom 7 at Antioch, about 390 : "Let us not think it enough for our salvation, if after stripping widows and orphans, we offer for the Table a Cup of gold and adorned with gems. . . . Let us not consider only how we may offer golden vessels, but how we may do it from our honest toils." About 539, Childebert in France " distributed to Churches and Basilics of the Saints " " sixty Chalices, fifteen Patens, twenty cases for the Gospels, all of pure gold and adorned with precious gems." 8 spoils of war brought from Spain. In the year 585, the Bishop of Poictiers, during a civil war, finding himself at the mercy of the enemy, broke up a " gold Chalice," and with the money " redeemed himself and people." 9 In England, A.D. 633, Paulinus returning to Kent from the north after the Christian or the Heathen sinner." De Pudic. c. vii. torn. iv. p. 327. " The Shepherd whom thou paintest on the Chalice." Ibid. c. x. p. 3.39. 1 Vitse Pontif. Anast. Biblioth. c. xvi. p. 6. 2 Ep. xcv. ad Rusticum, torn. iv. col. 778. 3 Vita per Honorat. c. ii. n. 1 1 ; Acta SS. Mail 5, torn. ii. p. 28. 4 Gesta apud Zenoph. Cons, in App. xiii. ad Opp. Aug. torn. xvii. col. 2471 ; or as cited by S. Aug. Lib. iii. c. Crescon. c. xxix. torn. xii. col. 570. 5 Vitae Pontif. Anast. c. xxxiv. (Silvester), pp. 12, etc. 6 De Offic. Ministr. L. ii. c. xxviii. torn. iv. p. 449. 7 Horn. 1. in S. Matt. torn. vii. p. 582. 8 Cireg. Turon. Hist. Franc. L. iii. c. x. col. 114. a Ibid. L. vii. c. xxiv. col. 30. 494 CHALICES OF WOOD AND HORN. [CHAP. VI. the death of Edwin, took with him "very many costly vessels " that had belonged to that king, and among them " a golden Chalice consecrated to the Service of the Altar." 1 We read of other costly materials beside gold and silver. Thus at Milan in the Church of S. Laurence, in the sixth century, was "a crystal Chalice of wonderful beauty." 2 In 1054 there was found in the tomb of S. Cuthbert, who died in 687, " a small Chalice, but valuable from its material and workmanship, the lower part of which, having the figure of a lion of purest gold, carried on the back an onyx stone hollowed with beautiful skill, and which by the pains of the artificer was so fixed on the lion that it could be easily turned round with the hand, and yet not taken off." 3 In the treasury of S. Denys at Paris was a Chalice, " the Cup of which was of Oriental Agate," inscribed with the name of the famous Abbot Suger, who nourished about 1123. 4 In the same place were a " Chalice and Paten of gilt vermeil," and a " Chalice and Paten of enamelled vermeil." 5 In the twelfth century, a Countess of Narbonne gave to the Abbey of Aurillac " a crystal Chalice garnished with many precious stones." 6 After the seventh century other materials than gold and silver were discountenanced, and often prohibited. There is a well-known story of our English Boniface, the Apostle of Germany, A.D. 723, who, "being asked if it was lawful to consecrate the Sacraments in wooden vessels, replied, " Formerly golden Priests used wooden Chalices ; now, on the other hand, wooden Priests use golden Chalices." 7 The earliest prohibition of a common material, if I mistake not, belongs also to England, the Synod of Cealchythe in 785 having passed the following Canon : " We have forbidden the Chalice and Paten for Sacrificing to be made of an ox's horn; because they are (sic) of blood." 8 Eegino, 9 about 906, 1 Bedse Hist. Eccl. L. ii. c. xx. p. 114 ; Oxon. 1846. 2 Greg. Tur. Mirac. L. i. c. xlv. coL 775. 3 Hist. Transl. c. i. 8. Bolland, Mart. 27, torn. iii. p. 140. 4 Hist, de 1'Abbaye de S. Denys, par Felibien, p. 541. 5 Felibien, pp. 543, 4. Upon the materials of the sacred vessels and other particulars relating to them, the reader will find much in a very curious work by John Doughty, an Englishman, the author of Analecta Sacra, but published from his MS. at Bremen in 1694 by John Faes, with a Mantissa by the editor. 6 Chron. Aur. Abb. in Anal. Vet. Mabill. p. 350 ; ed. 1723. There was a crystal Chalice at S. Denys. Felibien, p. 541. 7 Cone. Tribur. A.D. 895, Can. xviii. Labb. torn. ix. col. 451 ; but the story is told earlier, 842, and in the same words, by Walafr. Strabo, De Reb. Eccl. c. 24; Hitt. col. 686. Vicecomes de Ant. Miss. Kit. L. vi. c. v. Observ. Eccl. torn. iv. p. 298, asserts that at first they were mostly of wood, but I have great doubt of it. 8 Can. x. Labb. torn. vi. col. 1865. 9 De Eccl. Disc. L. i. c. Ixvii. p. 50. SECT. II.] MINISTERIUM SACRUM. 495 gives us a Canon which he ascribes to a Council of Bheims, to the following effect : " That the Chalice of the Lord with the Paten be made, if not of gold, by all means of silver. . . . But if any one be so very poor, let him at least have a Chalice of tin. But let not the Chalice be made of brass or latten, because it breeds rust from the strength of the wine, which provokes vomiting. But let no one presume to sing in a wooden Chalice." From the ninth century the material of the sacred vessels became at least an occasional subject of inquiry at the Bishop's Visitation, 1 and some of the Synodical addresses of the period contain the prohibitions, " Let no one dare to celebrate Mass in a Chalice of wood, lead, or glass." 2 " Let no one dare to sing Mass in a wooden or in a glass Chalice." 3 In England, Lanfranc, 1071, ordered that " Chalices be not of wax or wood." 4 In 1 1 75, Richard of Canterbury, referring to the Canon of Rheims, " charged that the Eucharist be not consecrated except in a Chalice of gold or silver, and that no Bishop bless a Chalice of tin." 5 This Canon is in Lyndwood. 6 III. Early Chalices were often two-handed. That of Abbot Suger is one example, and the crystal Chalice also in the treasury of S. Denys is another. Both are in a plate given in Felibien's History of the Abbey. The Will of S. Yriez, 7 made in 572, mentioning " four silver Chalices," adds, " Two are with handles." Charlemagne, at his coronation, is said to have given to S. Peter's at Rome " a great Chalice with gems, and two handles, weighing fifty-eight pounds." 8 In a Pontifical Mass at Rome in the ninth century, at the end of the Canon, the Archdeacon rose, and with the veil (so as not to touch it himself) " lifted the Chalice by its handles," that the Bishop might more readily cross the side of it. 9 IV. The sacred vessels, books, and other " ornaments " of a Church were often called the Ministcrium or Service. " I do not believe," said Csesarius of Aries, " that it is contrary to the will of God, that a ransom should be given from His Ser- vice, who gave Hi mself up for the ransom of man." 10 Gregory 11 1 See the Articles in Eegino, Art. 6, p. 3 : Quo metallo sit Calix et Patena. 2 See the Address de Cura Pastorali, ascribed to Leo rv., A.D. 847, but probably somewhat later. Labb. torn. viii. col. 34. 3 Admon. Synod, in App. ad Regin. p. 503 ; ed. Baluze. 4 Can. 16 ; Johnson, vol. ii. p. 9. 6 Can. 16 ; Johnson, vol. ii. p. 63. 6 Lib. iii. tit. 23, p. 234. 7 Appended by Ruinart to the Life by Greg. Turon. Opp. col. 1313. 8 Vita Pont. Anast. c. xcviii. (Leo IIT.), p. 126. 9 Ord. ii. Mus. Ital. torn. ii. p. 48. See before, footnote 9 , p. 491. 10 Vita Csesar. L. i. c. iii. n. 24 ; Bolland. Aug. 27, torn. vi. p. 69. 11 Hist. Franc. L. iii. c. x. col. 114. 496 THE MANNER OF SAYING [CHAP. VI. of Tours says of King Childebert, A.T). 531, that lie brought from Spain, " among other treasures most costly, Church Services (Ministeria Ecclesiarum). For he brought sixty Chalices, fifteen Patens," etc., as we have cited before. He tells us also of a Bishop in the reign of the second Childe- bert, who coined a " gold Chalice of the Sacred Services," and with the money bought off a public enemy. 1 Another example occurs in a Canon of Eheims, 2 about 625, by which Bishops are forbidden to " break up the sacred Services on any account whatever; except, if great need arise, for the redemption of captives." The Council of Valencia, A.D. 855 : " The Treasure or Service or Ornament of the Churches." 3 But the instances that might be given are very numerous. 4 SECTION III. Of the manner of saying the Prayer of Consecration. h SAY THE PRAYER OF CONSECRATION.] I. The Church of Rome has for many ages ordered the Canon 5 to be said secretly, or in a low voice; that is, as the Rubric explains it, in such a voice that the Priest " may both hear himself and not be heard by those who are standing round." 6 For this reason the Canon was at a somewhat early period called the Secret. 1 Hist. Franc. L. vii. c. xxiv. col. 350. 2 Can. xxii. Labb. torn. v. col. 1692. 3 Can. xx. Labb. torn. viii. col. 142. * Ministerale is used in the same sense in Acta S. Salvii (of the eighth century) ; Bolland. June 26, torn. v. p. 199 : " He had a Church Minix- terah of gold." At an early period, where the Communicants were very numerous, they used Calices Ministeriales, out of which the people re- ceived, another generally serving the Celebrant and his assistants. They were, according to the Liber Pontificalia, edited by Anastasius, a very common gift to Churches. See c. xxxiv. pp. 12, 13, 16-19; c. xxxv. p. 19 ; c. xxxviii. p. 21 ; etc. See before, footnote 9 , p. 491. 5 The word is used here not in the later sense, for all that part of the holy Office which bears the title in the Missals of Sarum, Rome, etc., nor again, in the most limited sense, to denote the words of Christ at the institution ; but in its earliest meaning, as it was generally understood even in Lyndwood's time, A.D. 1422, to signify the whole Secret of the Mass after the Preface." Lib. i. tit. 10, p. 49. This carries us to the Lord's Prayer, which is said aloud. As early as the sixth century Canon was thus employed ; for we find one complaining to Gregory i., "You have appointed the Lord's Prayer to be said just after the Canon." Epp. L. vii. E. Ixiv. torn. iv. col. 275. Only three words, nobis quoque peccatoribus are heard in the Canon, and they are said with the voice only " slightly raised." 6 Rubr. Gen. Miss. tit. xvi. n. 2. The wording of the Rubric " Quae secrete dicenda sunt, ita pronunciet," etc. has been ridiculed as a contra- diction in terms ; but the meaning is made clear by the context. Sub- missd voce is a very frequent equivalent to secrete. Thus the Council of Bordeaux in 1583: "Let those parts which are to be pronounced secretly be recited in a low voice." C. v. ; Labb. torn. xv. col. 950. SECT. III.] THE PRAYER OF CONSECRATION. 497 They are identified by a Constitution in the Collection of Benedict 1 the Deacon, who lived in the ninth century. The Constitution itself says, " Let not the Priests begin the Te igitur [which are the first words of the Canon] until the Angelic Hymn is ended," while its heading is, " That the Secret be not begun," etc. The name was given to other 2 parts of the Office also for the same reason ; but it was applied pre-eminently to the Canon for three or four cen- turies at least. Thus, in the Constitutions of a Council of Winchester, in the time of Lanfranc : " That the bells be not rung while the Mass is being celebrated, at the time of the Secret." 3 Rupert 4 of Deutz, 1111 : "The Secret is the commemoration of the Lord's Passion." Honorius 5 of Autun, 1130: "By the Secret of the Canon he (the Priest) in- timates the silence of the Sabbath " (that followed the day of the Crucifixion). In England we find it at the end of the same century : " Because the Secret of the Mass is often found corrupted, ... let the care of the Archdeacons pro- vide that in every Church the Canon of the Mass be cor- rected after some time and approved copy." 6 The earliest witness to the practice itself, as existing in the West, is the second Ordo Eomanus in point of age, in the Collections of Hittorpius, Mabillon, and others. It cannot be later than the eighth centuiy. In this document, then, we are told that, after the Hosannas of the Sanctus, the Bishop "rises alone, and enters silently on the Canon." 7 A directory 8 for the use of the monasteries, which is said to belong to the same period, has the following order : " Let 1 Capit. Reg. Franc. L. vi. c. clxxiii. torn. i. col. 952. 2 Thus it was constantly applied, as e.g. by Amalarius, about 827 (De Eccl. Off. L. iii. c. 20), to the secret prayers said immediately before the Preface (see Part i. ch. xii. sect. ii. p. 371), and the Roman Missal so employs it to this day. Hence the Canon (it seems) is called by Peter Damian "the Second Secret of the Mass" (Vita S. Romualdi, n. 78 ; Du- cange in v. Secreta}, and by Durandus, "the Greater Secret." L. iv. c. xxxii. n. 5. 3 Cap. 10 ; Wilkins, torn. i. p. 365. 4 De Div. Off. L. ii. c. 5 ; Hitt. col. 872. 5 Gemma Animse, L. i. c. 83 ; Hitt. col. 1209. 6 Cone. Ebor. A.D. 1195, Can. iii. ; Wilkins, torn. i. p. 501. Here, and Innocent in. De Myst. Miss. L. iii. c. ii., and in the Const, of Lanfranc above, etc., the word is Secretum. The Capit. in note l above, the Council of Worms, 868, Can. x. (Labb. torn. viii. col. 948), Durandus, L. iv. c. xxxv. n. 12, and others, use Secreta, sc. Oratio. Herard of Tours, 858 (c. xvi. Capit. Reg. Fr. torn. i. col. 1288), writes Secreta, pi. : "Secreta Presby- teri non inchoant antequam Sanctus fmiatur." And similarly the Gothico- Gallican Missal, MabilL Lit. Gall. pp. 192, 202, etc. 7 Mus. Ital. torn. ii. p. 48. 8 Breviar. Eccl. Ord. apud Martene Thesaur. Anecdot. torn. v. col. 105. 2 1 498 THE CANON SAID ALOUD. [CHAP. VI. him say the prayer, and secretly, none hearing, except only when he has come to this word, for ever and ever, and let all say A men" The manuscript of the Gothico-Gallican Missal is of about the same age, and in that we find a prayer, varying with the day, appointed to be said after the words of Insti- tution, which prayer is sometimes headed After the Secret?- and sometimes, After the Mystery?- Amalarius, A.D. 820, undertakes expressly to explain why the Canon is "sung secretly." 3 In an exposition of the Mass, also ascribed to the ninth century, the unknown writer says, "I am of opinion that the Consecration of the Lord's Body and Blood is always celebrated in silence, for this reason, that the Holy Spirit abiding in them works the effect of the sacraments in a hidden manner." 4 It is needless, however, to multiply proofs of a fact which is, I suppose, now doubted by no one. We may assume that from the eighth 5 century at least it was the universal custom for the Celebrant to say the Prayer of Consecration silently. It is equally certain, however, that it was regarded as an innovation ; writer after writer telling us that " in ancient times the Canon was said openly and in a loud voice," 6 even while they defended the change as ex- pedient, or perhaps necessary. When we examine the earliest Ordo Roman us 7 extant, we find in it the same direc- tion that we quoted above from the second, and, with one exception, in the same words. Only the word " silently " is absent ; from which we infer that the rule had changed in the interval between the compilation of the two directories. There is no trace of silence here in the early Latin Fathers, or in the most ancient writers on Eitual, S. Germanus of Paris and S. Isidore of Seville; while, on the other hand, there are many traces of the fact that the consecration was heard by the people. It was the custom for all to respond Amen at the end of the Prayer, which they could not have 1 Liturg. Gall. Mabill. pp. 192, 202, etc. 2 I hid. pp. 189, 195, etc. 3 Eclog. xxi. ; Mus. Ital. torn. ii. p. 556. 4 Expos. Miss, apud Martene de Ant. Eccl. Eit. L. i. c. iv. Art. xi. torn. i. p. 164. 6 It was sharply contested by De Vert and his followers. They were answered successfully, especially by Le Brim in his Fifteenth Disserta- tion ; but the latter went too far, and attempted to prove that the Canon had/rora the first been said silently, in which he necessarily failed. 6 Durandus, L. iv. c. xxxv. n. 7 ; Innoc. De Myst. Miss. L. iii. c. i. Kemig. Autissiod. De Celebr. Miss, as interpolated (if here at all) before the eleventh century, in Biblioth. PP. Max. torn. xvii. p. 956 ; pseudo-Alcuin, his copyist, De Celebr. Miss. Hittorp. col. 284 ; Honorius, Gemma Animse, L. i. c. 103, col. 1209 ; and many others. " Mus. Ital. torn. ii. p. 12. SECT. III.] THE RESPONSE AFTER THE CANON. 499 done unless they had heard it. Tertullian, 1 A.D. 195, con- demns those who, attending the public shows, "gave their testimony to a gladiator out of the same mouth with which they had uttered Amen over the Holy Thing." The author De Mysteriis 2 answers for the ritual of Gaul : " Before the consecration it has another name ; after the consecration it is called the Blood, and thou sayest Amen, that is, It is true." The testimony of Csesarius 3 of Aries, A.D. 502, is more direct : " The consecration of the Body or Blood of Christ thou canst nowhere hear or see, save in the House of God." In the Mozarabic 4 Liturgy the Priest is now enjoined to say the Canon silently ; but the Amen has not been expunged. It is to be said twice, once after the words, "Do this as oft as ye shall drink it in remembrance of Me;" and again at the end, after the sentence, "As often as ye shall eat this Bread and drink this Cup, ye shall show the Lord's death until He come. In glory fram the heavens ; " the last words in each sentence being pronounced aloud, as a signal for the response. Floras 5 Magister, who wrote in the ninth century, is the last original author who speaks of this response as in actual use, and his testimony proves the early usage of the Church of Rome : "A men, which is responded by the whole Church, means, It is true. . . . This therefore, the Faithful respond at the consecration of so great a mystery, as also in every prayer (legitima) duly said, and by responding declare assent." Remigius of Auxerre, 888, abridged Florus; and pseudo-Alcuin, in the eleventh century, copied Remigius 6 (adding and omitting only a few unimpor- tant lines), but both left this statement untouched. Bona 7 remarks on the testimony of Florus, " It was afterwards decreed that the Canon should be cited in a low voice, and so that custom [of responding Amen] ceased, as I conjecture, in the tenth century." We have already seen that the Canon was said secretly at Rome in the eighth century ; but if that did not extinguish the Response for two centuries, we can easily believe that it may have endured much longer, 1 De Spect. c. xxv. torn. iv. p. 117. 2 De Myst. c. ix. n. 54; inter Opp. Ambros. torn. v. p. 197. 3 Serm. cclxxxi. (Caesarii Ixxx.) in App. iv. ad Opp. S. Aug. torn. xvi. col. 1417. * Leslie, p. 5. 5 De Expos. Miss. 74 ; Migne, torn. cxix. col. 65, or Martene et Durand. torn. ix. col. 633. 6 The tract of Remigius is appended to the work ascribed to Alcuin, entitled De Div. Off. Liber, and forms its last chapter, under the heading De Celebrat. Miss. Hittorp. col. 277. See Le Brim (Dissert, xv. P. ii. Art. iii. i. tome 8, p. 103) on the connexion of the three tracts. 7 Rer. Lit. L. ii. c. xiii. n. i. 500 THE MANNER OF SAYING [CHAP. VI. especially in Clmrches at a distance from Rome. It is very improbable that pseuclo-Alcuiii would have repeated the tes- timony of Floras, if the practice had become quite extinct in the eleventh. The silence of the Celebrant would, how- ever, in the course of time inevitably lead to this result, and from that period we hear no more of the response to the words of our Lord in any of the Latin Churches. II. We have considered the custom of the Latins separ- ately, because they have long differed in this matter from the Greeks and Orientals. When we investigate the practice of the latter we are confirmed in the conviction that these silent consecrations were unknown in the first ages of Christianity. Justin 1 Martyr, in Syria, A.D. 140, tells us that when the Celebrant had concluded the prayer and the Thanksgiving (Eucharist), the whole people present made response, saying, Amen." Dionysius 2 of Alexandria, A.D. 254, in an epistle to Xystus of Eome, speaks yet more clearly to the point. He had been asked to rebaptize one who had received heretical baptism, and doubted its validity. This the Bishop refused to do, thinking his long communion with the Church suffi- cient to cover any irregularity. He did not dare, he explains, to rebaptize a man who had "listened to the Thanksgiving (Eucharist), and joined in answering Amen, and stood at the Table," etc. Valesius 3 considers " this one passage of Diony- sius sufficient to prove that originally the whole ceremony of the Eucharist was performed in an audible voice." Never- theless in the sixth century, if not before, the tide of change began to roll over the East. By the year 528 the practice of silent consecration prevailed so far as to attract the notice and provoke the interference of the civil power. The Laity probably felt a greater interest in the question, from their being still able to understand the language of the Liturgy ; whereas in the seventh century Latin was already unintelli- gible to the uneducated subjects of the Western Empire. Among the laws of Justinian 4 is a decree of the date above mentioned, by which " all Bishops and Priests are commanded to make the Divine Oblation and the prayers in holy Bap- tism not silently, but in a voice that may be heard by the most faithful people." The Emperor insists on this as more conducive to devotion, and refers to the authority of S. Paul, when he condemns the use of an unknown tongue, because 1 Apol. i. c. 65 ; torn. i. p. 266. 2 Euseb. Hist. Eccl. L. vii. c. ix. p. 208. 3 Annot. in Euseb. u.s. p. 129. 4 Coll. ix. tit. xx. Nov. cxxxvii. c. vi. p. 196 ; eel. Gothofr. SECT. III.] THE CANON IN THE EAST. 501 the unlearned could not in that case "say Amen to the Giving of Thanks." 1 If, as appears certain, this Giving of Thanks be the Prayer of Eucharist before Communion, the inference is legitimate ; for the spirit of the prohibition would be as strongly opposed to a Prayer of Consecration that was not understood, because purposely inaudible, as to one uttered in an unknown tongue. The decree of Justinian has left its mark on the Greek and Oriental Liturgies to this day. Complete obedience was not to be expected when the immediate pressure of authority was withdrawn ; but the interposition of the Emperor has resulted in a material modification of the practice to which he objected. In the Greek Church, although the Priest says the former part of the Prayer " softly to himself," he recites the words of Institution "with a loud voice," 2 so as to be heard by the people without the Bema, which is closed by a curtain or doors. They are thus enabled to respond, which they do twice, saying Amen after the words that refer to the Bread, and again after those said over the Cup. It is the same in the Armenian 3 Liturgy, and in that of S. Mark ; 4 but in the later Egyptian 5 and the Syrian 6 the whole formula answering to the Western Qui pridie is said aloud, and in most of the former the people answer Amen at the end of several clauses in all, both Egyptians and Syrians more than once making other responses. In the common Greek 7 rites the Invocation, to which the Greeks and Orientals chiefly ascribe the consecration of the gifts, is said in silence. In S. James, 8 S. Mark, 9 and all the Egyptian 10 and Syrian 11 Liturgies, it is partly secret and partly not; the Priest praying in silence that the Spirit may descend on the Gifts, 1 See 1 Cor. xiv. 16. 2 Smith's Greek Church, pp. 136, 7 ; Goar, p. 76. 3 Neale's Introd. pp. 538, 54, 56. 4 Renaud. torn. i. pp. 155, 6. 5 Ibid. ; Copt. S. Bas. p. 14 ; S. Greg. p. 30 ; S. Cyr. p. 46 ; Gr. S. Bas. p. 67; S. Greg. p. 104. 6 Renaud. torn. ii. pp. 32, 127, 552, etc. 7 Goar, pp. 77, 166. 8 Lit. PP. p. 26; Asaem. torn. v. p. 40. 9 Renaud. torn. i. pp. 157, 8. 10 Ibid. pp. 16, 48, 68, 69, 105, 106. The Coptic S. Gregory, p. 31, has no Rubric here ; but as the people respond at the end of the prayer, I presume that it is no exception. 11 Renaud. torn. ii. pp. 33, 128, 36, 48, etc. In these Liturgies -when a prayer is said by the Priest "bowed," it is secret. The words "Hear us, Lord," are said aloud at the secret part of this prayer, and the people answer, " Kyrie " ; then the second part is said aloud, as many Rubrics show ; see pp. 165, 92, etc. In every case they respond Amen over each Element. 502 MYSTIC REASONS ALLEGED FOR [CHAP. VI. and aloud that He may make them the Body and Blood of Christ. In the Armenian 1 this order is reversed. The Nestorians, who had been separated from the Church before the decree of Justinian, 2 say the whole of both formularies silently ; the Ethiopians 3 say both aloud. AVhen the custom of saying the Canon in silence was once established, many reasons, as is usual, were thought of to prove that it was expedient or even necessary. Gavan- tus 4 cites no less than eight, from various writers : (1) Be- cause " the Mystery is secret " in its nature : " human reason cannot fully receive so great a mystery." 5 (2) Because by it " is signified that the ancient sacrifices are hidden in this : " " The Paschal lamb was hidden in Christ, who was to be immolated." 6 (3) Because, on the other hand, " this Sacri- fice lay concealed under the sacrifice of the Fathers." 7 (4) Because the silence of the Priest represents Christ's with- drawal into concealment 8 in the week before the Passion. 9 (5) Because " at the Passion the Disciples confessed Christ only in secret." 10 (6) " Because we are speaking with God, to whom we are taught to cry not with the voice but with the heart." 11 (7) Lest the people should otherwise "go away wearied with such a prolix declamation, or the Priest lose his voice " from the same cause. 12 (8) Lest words so sacred, and belonging to so great a mystery, should grow into con- tempt from being frequently heard. 13 Lyndwood u gives six reasons for the silence, of which two are not among the fore- going, viz. : (9) " That the people may not be hindered praying;" and (10) "Because these words belong to the Priest alone/ Another (11) not unfrequently alleged, is that " Christ, when about to proceed to the consecration of His Body, prayed alone in secret." 15 The partial silence of the Greeks and Orientals could not be defended by the above 1 Neale's Introd. pp. 570, 4. 2 Renaud. torn. ii. pp. 618, 21, 28, 33 ; and Le Brun, Diss. xi. Art. xii. torn. vi. pp. 507, 8, for the Invocation iu the Malabar and Chaldean. 3 Renaud. torn. i. p. 517. 4 Thes. Rit. P. i. tit. xvi. 1. 5 Pseudo-Hugo in Spec. Eccl. c. 7 ; Hitt. col. 1358. 6 Amalar. De Eccl, Off. L. iii, c. 19 ; Hitt. col. 415. 7 Honorius, Gemma Aniinse, L. i, c. 40; Hitt, col. 1191. 8 S. John xii. 36. 9 Innoc. De Myst. Miss. L. iii. c. i, p. 363. 10 S. Thorn. Aq. Summa, P. iii. Q. Ixxxiii. Art. iv. ad vi. 11 Gemma An. L. i, c, 103, col, 1209. 12 Gemma, u.s. 13 Pseudo-Alcuin, De Celebr. Miss. Hitt. col. 284. Gemma, u.s. 14 Lib. i. tit. 10, in v. Canon, p. 49. 15 Expos. Missse; Hittorp. col. 1173. SECT. III.] SAYING THE CANON SECRETLY. 503 reasons ; for, if they have any force at all, they tell against the open recital of any of the more sacred parts of this holy Office. Greek writers, however, defend the retirement of the Priest within the Sanctuary on grounds that would apply equally to the entire silence observed in the West, when, as some writers express it, the Priest " enters into the chamber of his heart, and shuts the door of sense," a that he may speak in secret to his Father who heareth in secret. " The Priest," says Germanus of C. P., A.D. 1222, " advances with boldness to the Throne of the Grace of God . . . and speaks mys- teries alone to God alone." " When he has entered," says another, 3 " the gates are closed, because it is not meet for the Mysteries to be seen by all, but by those only who have the work of the Priesthood." There can be no doubt that the Western practice of saying the Canon secretly was forcibly recommended to the multi- tude by a miraculous story popular in the middle ages, though it did not, as was asserted, 4 originate in the fact which that story alleged. " It is related," says Honorius 5 of Autun, " that, forasmuch as the Canon was at first recited openly, it was known to all by use, and when some shepherds said it in the fields over bread and wine, they immediately found flesh and blood before them, and being thereupon struck by God, perished." This story appears in the writ- ings of Piemigius of Auxerre, 6 pseudo-Alcuin, 7 pseudo-Hugo, 8 Beleth, 9 Durandus, 10 Innocent, 11 John de Burgo, 12 and others. It is derived from a Greek legend in the Spiritual Meadow of John Moschus, A.D. 630 ; but was evidently adapted by the Latins to the purpose for which they cited it. In the original the actors were children ; the bread and wine were 1 Innocent, De Myst. Miss. L. iii. c. i. p. 363. 2 App. to Liturg. PP. p. 168. 3 Symeon Thessal. A.D. 1410 ; Goar, p. 226. 4 " It was in consequence decreed that for the future it should be said in silence." Joh. Billet, De Div. Off. in Cassandri Liturg. c. xxviii. Opp. p. 65 ; Par. 1616. And this was constantly affirmed or implied. Durand. L. iv. c. xxxv. n. 7 ; Joh. Beleth, c. xliv. ; pseudo-Hugo in. Spec. EccL c. 7 (Hitt. coL 1358) ; etc. 5 Gemma Ananas, L. L c. 103, col. 1209. 6 De Celebr. Miss. Biblioth. PP. Max. torn. xvii. p. 956. Le Brtin shows however (Diss. xv. P. ii. Art iii. 1) that it was not in the original text of Remigius, though interpolated earlier than pseudo-Alcuin. 7 De Celebr. Miss. Hittorp. col. 284. 8 In Specul. EccL c. 7 ; Hitt. coL 1358. 9 Div. Off. Explic. c. xliv. 10 Ration. L. iv. c. xxxv. n. 7. 11 De Myst. Miss. L. iii. c. L p. 363. 12 Papilla Oculi, P. iv. c. ix. fol. 22, fa. 2. 504 NAMES OF THE CANON. [CHAP. VI. not changed, but consumed by lightning, which struck and stunned the children, but did not kill them. 1 SECTION IV. Of the Names given to the Canon. 1 THE PRAYER OF CONSECRATION.] This answers to the Koman Canon of the Mass, that is, the Secret Prayer begin- ning Te igitur down to the Pater nosier; for it contains, like that, the Invocation, and the narrative of the Institution, the Intercession, etc., which are out of place in a Prayer of Consecration, being removed elsewhere. The Canon was frequently called " the Prayer," as being the essential prayer of the Office. Thus in the same Epistle of Gregory I. 2 we have the expressions " after the Canon " and " after the Prayer " (Precem) used as equivalents. And so apparently S. Chrysostom, 3 who, when condemning those who remained without communicating, says, " Art thou not worthy of the Sacrifice, nor of the participation ? If so, then neither art thou of the Prayer." S. Augustine, 4 explaining 1 Tim. ii. 1, says that the forms used, when " that which is on the Lord's Table " " is blessed and hallowed and divided for distribution," were called the Prayers (Orationcs). In the Epistle of Vigilius 5 to Profuturus, we read of " the Text of the Canonical Prayer." The Canon was often called Actio, because " by it," says one, 6 " is made the most holy Mystery of the Lord's Body and Blood," or because, as another, 7 less probably, " in it the cause of the people is pleaded (agitur) with God." Also " the Eule, because by means of it the making of the Sacraments is effected according to rule." 8 1 The two versions of the story are compared by Le Brun, Dissert, xv. Art. viii. The original may be seen in Prat. Spirit. Joh. Mosch. c. cxcvi. Migne, Ser. Graec. torn. Ixxxvii. col. 3080. 2 Epp. L. vii. E. Ixiv. torn. iv. coll. 275, 6. Gerbert, Disq. iv. c. xiii. cites pseudo-Innocent (ad Decent. ii.), but his word is Preces, and he refers rather to the Eucharistic Litany. See Part i. ch. ix. sect. iii. p. 264. 3 Horn. iii. in Ep. ad Eph. (c. i. vv. 20-23) 4, torn. xi. p. 26. " The Prayer " can hardly mean other than the essential prayer of the Eucha- rist. Further on he uses the plural: "/ am unworthy, he says. Un- worthy, therefore, also of that Communion which is in the prayers," i.e. in all that follow the departure of the non-communicants. 4 Ep. clxix. ad Paulin, n. 16, torn. ii. col. 633. The Greek is irpoa-tv- Xns. 5 Nov. Coll. Cone. torn. i. col. 1470 ; Par. 1683. In Labb. torn. v. col. 313 ; ad Eucher. incorrectly. 6 Walafrid Strabo, De Rev. Eccl. c. 22 ; Hitt. col. 683. 7 Honor. Solit. Gemma Animae, L. i. c. 103; Hitfc. 1209. 8 Gemma, u.s. Gavantus, Part i. tit. xii. adds Reyula Ecde-nastlca from Hilary the Deacon, in Ep. i. ad Tim. ii. 1 ; but he is only saying that S. SECT. V.] THE CONSECRATION. 505 This was however only the translation of the Greek word Canon. We have seen 1 also that it was very frequently called the Secret. In the Eastern Liturgies the Anaphora corresponds to the Western Canon, but it begins with the blessing 2 before the Sursum Oorda, or with the Contestation, 3 and therefore takes in the Thanksgiving, from which the Sacrament derives the name of Eucharist. Before we quit this subject it should be mentioned that some writers limit the application of the word Canon to the words of our Lord, the verba consecratoria of the Church of Home. Thus Lyndwood : 4 " Hostiensis says that the Canon of the Mass is taken for those words of Christ by which the transubstantiation of bread into the Body and of wine into the Blood is effected ; although some unlearned Priests under- stand by the Canon whatever is in the Secret of the Mass ; and taking the Canon in a strict sense, I think that what Hostiensis says is true. For Canon is the same as rule. . . . Whence properly that rule by which the Eucharist is con- secrated is called the Canon of the Mass." SECTION V. Of the Means by which the Consecration is effected. I. The Church of Borne ascribes the Consecration of the Elements solely to the recital by the Priest of the words of our Lord ; " This is My Body," and " This is the Cup of My Blood, of the new and eternal Testament ; the mystery of faith, which shall be shed for you and for many for the re- mission of sins." 5 These formularies are in the Eubrics of the Missal expressly called the " Words of Consecration." 6 The Paul's directions there given are " the rule of the Church ; " Legitimum from Optatus (L. ii. c. xii.), who however merely means by it a part of the prayers " as prescribed by law ; " Secretum from Basil (De Ep. S. c. xxvii. al. Ixvi.), who uses the word (TO p.varrr]piov) of the Sacrament ; lastly, Ordo Precum (lege Orationum) from the First Book of S. Isidore, De Eccl. Off. c. xv., where the whole series of prayers, from the Missa or Exhortation to the Lord's Prayer inclusive, are described, but no refer- ence is made to the recital of our Lord's words, to which alone Gavantus would ascribe the Consecration. These errors are mentioned because others have repeated them. 1 See before, section iii. p. 497. 2 Liturg. S. Bas. Copt. Renaud. torn. i. p. 13 ; Bas. Syr. torn. ii. p. 549. 3 S. Bas. Gr. Alex. Renaud. torn. i. p. 64 ; S. Greg. p. 99 ; S. Mark, p. 144. 4 Lib. i. tit. 10, in. v. Canon Missce, p. 49. 5 It is generally taught by the Schoolmen that " the words This is the Cup of My Blood, or This is My Blood, are of the essence of the Consecra- tion of the Cup, the rest only of its integrity." Cavalieri, De Sacros. Miss. Sacrif. c. xviii. vi. torn. v. p. 72. G Ritus Celebr. Miss. viii. 5. 506 SCRIPTURAL AND PATRISTIC LANGUAGE [CHAP. VI. Catechism of Trent 1 also teaches that these are the forma consecrationis, and even suggests that the utterance of these words at the Institution was the Messing of the Elements of which S. Matthew speaks : " As if he had said, Taking bread, He blessed it, saying, This is My Body." The Greeks 2 and Orientals, 3 however, though carefully preserving the primi- tive commemoration of the Institution, ascribe the consecra- tion rather to the Prayer of Invocation, by which God is besought to make the Elements the Body and Blood of Christ, Our Church, wisely avoiding everything that might " minister questions rather than godly edifying," has com- bined both the Invocation and the Words of Institution in one solemn " Prayer of Consecration." The consecration of the Bread at the Institution is called the " blessing " 4 of it by S. Matthew and S. Mark : " Jesus took bread and blessed it, and brake it ; " and it is evident that this was effected by giving thanks over it, for the same Evangelists say of the Wine, " He took the Cup, and gave thanks," etc., not using the word Uessing with respect to that at all. S. Luke 5 and S. Paul 6 also, in speaking of the Bread, say only that He " gave thanks " before breaking it, and of the Cup, that He did "likewise." Yet S. Paul, when he refers elsewhere to the Sacrament, speaks of the wine as llesscd: " The Cup of blessing which we bless," 7 etc. The thanksgiving over the Elements was therefore in the mind of all their blessing, or, as we say more commonly, their con- secration. 1 Part ii. de Euch. Sacr. cc. xx.-xxiii. 2 This is the inevitable conclusion from the Invocation in the Liturgies of Chrysostom and Basil : "Make this bread the precious Body of Thy Cbrist, and that which is in this cup the precious Blood of Thy Christ, changing them by Thy Holy Spirit." Goar, pp. 77, 166 : " After these words," says the Orthodox Confession, A.D. 1643 (P. i. q. cvii.), "the tran- substantiation immediately takes place, and the bread is changed into the Body of Christ, and the wine into the true Blood." Kiuimel, Part i. p. 180. Sim. the Synod of C. P. 1672 ; ibid. P. ii. p. 218. The Russian Larger Catechism declares " the most essential act " to be " the utterance of the words which Jesus Christ spake in instituting the Sacrament, Take, eat, etc. And after this the Invocation," etc. Blackmore's Doctrine of the Russian Church, p. 91 ; Aberdeen, 1845. So that they clearly hold the Words of Institution necessary, though they ascribe to the In- vocation the change which the Roman Church attributes to them. 3 The Oriental Invocations are to the same effect as the Greek. Renaud. torn. i. pp. 16, 31, etc. ; ii. pp. 33, 128, etc. Nevertheless John Maro asserts that " as soon as the Priest, personating the Saviour, utters those words, This is my Body, the bread is changed, " etc. Expos. Minist. Obi. c. xxx. Asseman. torn. v. p. 351. 4 S. Matt. xxvi. 26, 7 ; S. Mark xiv. 22, 3. 5 Ch. xii. 19, 20. 6 1 Cor. xi. 23-25. 7 1 Cor. x. 16. SECT. V.] RESPECTING THE CONSECRATION. 507 Thanksgiving, however, is not here to be distinguished from, much less contrasted with, prayer. In such a case prayer and thanksgiving are convertible terms, and are so used by S. Paul, when he speaks of our daily food being blessed through the grace uttered over it : " Every creature of God is good, and nothing to be refused, if received with thanksgiving, for it is sanctified by means of the word of and prayer." 1 II. Such being the language of Scripture, we are not sur- prised to find the " thanksgiving " holding at least as pro- minent a place as prayer in the earliest extra-scriptural notices of this Sacrament. It was the usual name of it, at least at Antioch, by the end of the first century. Thus S. Ignatius, 2 A.D. 101, speaks of the Gnostics: "They abstain from Eucharist (thanksgiving) and prayer, because they do not acknowledge the Eucharist to be the Flesh of our Saviour Jesus Christ." Justin 3 Martyr, a Samaritan, A.D. 140, when he describes the rite, in one place thinks it enough to tell us that the Celebrant having taken the bread and the cup " sends up praise and glory to the Father of the universe through the Name of the Son and of the Holy Spirit, and makes a lengthened thanksgiving for being deemed worthy of these things at His hands." These lauds and thanks, ho\vever, he speaks of immediately after as " the prayers and the thanksgiving." In another 4 place he says that the Cele- brant " sends up with all his power prayers alike and thanksgivings, and the people respond, saying, Amen, and the distribution and participation by each of the things over which thanks have been given takes place." In the same manner S. Irenseus, 5 a native of Asia Minor, teaches, A.D. 167, that "the bread over which thanks have been given " is " the Body of the Lord ; " while not long after he says that " bread derived from the earth, receiving the invocation of God, is no longer common bread, but Eucharist " (Thanks- giving). Similarly Origen 6 in the next century, A.D. 230 : " We eat bread offered with thanksgiving and prayer for the things given, (bread) become through the prayer a certain 1 1 Tim. iv. 4, 5 ; 8ia Xoyov Qeov KM. evrevgeas. 2 Ad Smyrn. c. vi. torn. ii. p. 412. Sim. c. viii. p. 415 ; ad Eph. c. xiii. p. 284 ; Philad. c. iv. p. 37. 3 Apol. i. c. 65, torn. i. p. 266. * Ibid. c. 67, p. 270. 5 L. iv. c. 18, 4, torn. i. p. 617. So in his account of the impostor Marcus, he says that he " pretended to give thanks (fi/xapiorflv) over cups mixed with wine, and lengthening out the word of the Invocation, caused them to appear purple and red." L. i. c. xiii. 2, p. 146. Evi- dently with Irenaius the Thanksgiving and Invocation are the same thing. 6 C. Cela. L. viii. c. 33, torn. xx. p. 155. 508 THE CONSECRATION ASCRIBED TO [CHAP. VI. Body, holy, and making holy those who use it with sound intention." So in the Catena on S. Mark, generally ascribed to Victor of Antioch : " He teaches us not to look to the nature of the (Gifts) set forth, 1 but to believe that they are those things (which He asserted, viz., His Body and Blood) through the Thanksgiving uttered over them." 2 From these examples it is evident that at this early period the consecration was regarded as more properly an act of thanks- giving ; although it was at the same time, in a sense less strict to the letter, also regarded as an act of prayer. This predominance of the notion of thanksgiving in the essential part of the holy Office is easily understood when we examine the model Liturgy, for so it may be called, in the Constitutions of the Apostles. 3 Not only is the power and goodness of God in the creation of the world, and in His care for the chosen in all ages, celebrated at great length in the Contestation, but after the Sanctus the Priest enlarges on His mercy in the redemption of the world through the Son, concluding thus : " Having therefore in remembrance the things that He suffered for our sakes, we give thanks unto Thee, God Almighty, not as we ought, but as we can, and fulfil His commandment. For in the same night that He was betrayed," etc. An inspection of the more ancient Liturgies 4 that were in actual use will show that they were probably all formed after this type, though in some the explicit thanksgiving is now confined to the Contestation. 5 III. These thanksgivings were, in the mind of the early Christians, so essential to, and so characteristic of, the Office, 1 TO. irpoKeip.fva. For the full meaning of the word see footnote 1 , p. 375. I prefer the rendering in the text, though awkward, because it con- veys the idea of their being laid out to view, placed before a person for some special purpose. 2 In c. xiv. v. 23, p. 423, ed. Cramer. ; Oxon. 1840. The MSS. chiefly employed in this edition assign the Catena to S. Cyr. Alex., Prsef. p. xxvii. 3 L. viii. c. xii. Cotel. torn. i. pp. 399-403. 4 E.g. S. James, Lit. Patr. pp. 21,2; Assem. torn. v. pp. 34, 5 ; S. Basil, Gear, pp. 165, 6. The lauds after the Sanctus, i.e. in the prayer which ends with the Words of Institution, are here still very long ; but in S. Chrysostom very short, p. 76. They are full in the Coptic S. Basil, Renaud. torn. i. p. 14 ; S. Gregory, p. 29 ; the Gr. Alexandr. S. Bas. and S. Greg. pp. 66, 101. They differ much in length in the Syrian forms. Compare, e.g. S. James, S. Peter ii. S. Basil ; torn. ii. pp. 31, 155, 587. The Nestorian are long, pp. 618, 628. They are preserved in the variable Post tianctiiH of the Spanish and Gallican Liturgies. 6 In S. Mark the lauds after the Triumphal Hymn are reduced to the words : " Heaven and earth are indeed full of Thy holy glory, through the manifestation of our Lord and God and Saviour Jesus Christ." Re- naud. torn. i. p. 154. This is followed by the Coptic S. Cyril, p. 46 ; and with some addition by the Ethiopian, p. 516. They are not found at all in the Roman and Ambrosian Canon. .SECT. V.] THANKSGIVING AND TO PRAYER. 509 that the Sacrament itself, as we have before said, derived from them its most common name of the " Thanksgiving " or Eucharist. 1 It seems probable that when the word Eucha- rist had fully acquired this special signification, it would be more sparingly used, if not altogether avoided, when the consecration of the Elements was intended, lest confusion should arise from the ambiguous meaning of the word. Accordingly we find that from the middle of the third century both Greek and Latin writers speak of the consecra- tion as the effect of prayer or invocation. Thus Firmilian, 2 A.D. 256, says of a certain fanatical woman, that she "pre- tended, with no contemptible invocation, to hallow bread and celebrate the Eucharist." S. Cyril 3 of Jerusalem, A.D. 350 : " We entreat God, the lover of mankind, to send forth the Holy Ghost upon the Gifts set forth, that He may make the bread the Body of Christ, and the wine the Blood of Christ, for assuredly that which the Holy Ghost has touched is sanctified and changed." S. Basil, 4 A.D. 370, when he is enumerating several well-known traditions of the Church, asks, " Which of the saints has left us in writing the words of invocation at the making of the Bread of the Eucharist and the Cup of Blessing?" S. Ambrose, 5 A.D. 374 : " As often as we receive the Sacraments which by the mystery of the sacred prayer are transfigured into the Elesh and Blood, we do show the Lord's death." S. Jerome, 6 A.D. 378, says that " the Body and Blood of Christ are made at the prayers " of the Priests. Theophilus 7 of Alexandria, A.D. 385 : " The Bread of the Lord, by which the Body of the Saviour is shown, and which we break for the sanctification of our own, and the Sacred Cup, which are placed on the Table of the Church, and are indeed in the soul, are sanctified by the invocation and advent of the Holy Ghost." S. Augus- tine, 8 A.D. 396: "We call that the Body and Blood of Christ . . . which, being taken out of the fruits of the earth, and duly consecrated by the Mystic Prayer, we receive to our spiritual health, in remembrance of the suffering of the Lord for us." S. Chrysostom will be cited to the same effect presently. Theodoret, 9 A.D. 423 : " The symbols of 1 See Part I. ch. i. sect. ii. n. i. p. 7. 2 Inter Epp. S. Cypr. E. Ixxv. p. 236. 3 Catech. Myst. V. c. v. p. 297. 4 De Spir. S. c. xxvii. (al. Ixvi.) torn. ii. p. 210. 5 De Fide, L. iv. c. x. n. 124, torn. v. p. 395. 6 Ep. ci. ad Evang. torn. iv. col. 802. 7 Lib. Pasch. i. inter Epp. S. Hieron. torn. iv. col. 698. 8 De Trin. L. iii. c. iv. torn. xi. col. 59. 9 Eranist. Dial. ii. Opp. torn. iv. p. 126 ; Migne, torn. Ixxxiii. col. 168. The words are spoken by the heretical interlocutor, but allowed by the Orthodox. 510 CONSECRATION BY THE WORD. [CHAP. VI. the Lord's Body and Blood are one thing before the sacer- dotal Invocation, but after the Invocation are changed, and become another." Fulgentius l Euspensis, A.D. 507 : " The Holy Ghost is asked of the Father for the consecration of the Sacrifice." S. Isidore 2 of Seville, A.D. 610, tells us that the sixth prayer in the Liturgy is " the confirmation of the Sacrament, that the oblation which is offered to God, being sanctified by the Holy Ghost, may be confirmed (the Sacra- ment) of the Body and Blood." This is repeated in almost the same words by Heterius and Beatiis, 3 A.D. 785. The Council of Quiersy, 4 in the Province of Eheims, A.D. 858, says that Priests " make the Body and the Sacrament of the Blood of Christ by prayer and the sign of the Cross." IV. Again, early writers ascribe the consecration of the Elements to the " Word of God and prayer," or to the Word alone. Thus Justin 5 Martyr calls the Sacrament " the food over which the Thanksgiving has been made, through the word of prayer that is from Him." S. Iremeus : 6 " Since the mixed Cup and the Bread by nature receive the Word of God, and become the Eucharist of the Body and Blood of Christ, . . . and since the substance of our flesh increases and is composed of them, how say they that the flesh is not capable of the gift of God?" And again: 7 " Eeceiving the Word of God, they become Eucharist ; that is, the Body and Blood of Christ." Clemens 8 of Alexandria : " The mixture of both, to wit, of the drink and the Word, is called Eucha- rist." Origen : 9 " That which is sanctified by means of the Word of God and prayer does not by its own virtue sanctify him who uses it ; for in that case it would sanctify him who ate the Bread of the Lord unworthily." " It is not the matter of the bread, but the Word that is said over it, that benefits him who eats it not unworthily of .the Lord." This word, however, in the same context he calls " the Prayer :" " According to its material nature it goeth into the belly, etc. ; but according to the Prayer said over it, after the analogy of the faith, it becomes profitable," etc. S. Gregory 10 of Nyssa : " Well do I believe the bread sanctified by the Word of God to be changed into the Body of God the Word." 1 Ad Monimum, L. ii. c. vii. p. 33. 2 De Eccl. Off. L. i. c. 15 ; Hitt. col. 188. 3 Ad Elipand. L. i. c. Ixxiii. ; Migne, torn. xcvi. col. 939. 4 Cap. xv. Labb. torn. viii. col. 666. 5 Apol. i. c. 66, torn. i. p. 268. 6 L. v. c. ii. 3, p. 718. 7 Ibid. 8 Pasdag. L. ii. c. ii. p. 151. 9 Comm. in S. Matth. Ev. (xv. 11) torn. xi. Opp. torn. iii. pp. 106, 7. 10 Orat. Magra Catech. c. xxxvii. Opp. torn. ii. col. 96; Par. 1858. SECT. V.] A GENERAL CONSECRATION BY CHRIST. 511 8. Augustine : 1 " That bread which ye see on the Altar, being sanctified by the Word of God, is the Body of Christ." That Cup, or rather that which is in the Cup, being sancti- fied by the Word of God, is the Blood of Christ." As several of these writers refer us to the similar language of S. Paul 2 on the hallowing of our daily food " by the Word of God," their meaning must be supposed to differ from his only in the application of the common principle to a different subject-matter. If, then, he be understood to say that all kinds of food have been in a general sense sanctified to our use by the original command or permission of the Maker of all things, the Fathers, in applying his words to the holy Eucharist, are teaching that the creatures of bread and wine have in like manner received a kind of general consecration for the purpose of this Sacrament from the original command of our Blessed Lord, that they should be so employed in it. This thought is thus worked out by S. Chrysostom : 3 " Christ is present ; and He who once prepared that Table, the same is now also preparing this. For it is not man who makes the Gifts set forth to become the Body and Blood of Christ Himself who was crucified for us. The Priest stands, filling a part, uttering those words ; but the power and the grace are of God. ' This is My Body/ saith He. This say- ing" changes the Gifts set forth; and as that word which said ' Increase and multiply and replenish the earth' was uttered once, but gives actual power to our nature to beget offspring through all time, so this word, once spoken, makes the Sacrifice perfect, at every Table in the Church, from that day to this, and till He come." The sanctification of which S. Chrysostom here speaks is, however, only the general dedication of the material to that holy use. The bread and wine actually selected on a given occasion require a parti- cular designation to their end, and a further consecration to fit them for the fulfilment of it. This designation is through prayer or thanksgiving held over them, and the actual con- secration is of God, in answer to that act of prayer or Eucha- rist. This is as fully recognised by S. Chrysostom as by any whom we have before cited. Thus he says that " the 1 Serm. ccxxvii. ad Infant, torn. vii. col. 973. 2 1 Tim. iv. 4, 5. 3 Horn. i. De Prod. Judse, 6, torn. ii. p. 453. Sim. Horn. ii. 6, p. 465. This general sanctification was at a later period ascribed to our Lord's taking the Elements into His hands : "As by the touch of His.most pure Flesh (according to Bede) He conferred the power of regeneration on the waters, so also by taking bread into His venerable and holy hands He gave to bread the power that of it, as of congruous matter, His Body is able to be made." Biel, Lect. xxv. fol. Ivi. fa. 2, col. 1. 512 THE ELEMENTS HALLOWED BY CHRIST. [CHAP. VI. Priest stands, not bearing fire, but the Holy Spirit, and prays at length, not that a lamp let down from above may con- sume the gifts laid out, but that the grace falling on the Sacrifice may through it inflame the souls of all." 1 Again: " When the Priest stands before the Table stretching forth his hands to heaven, calling on the Holy Ghost to come and touch the Gifts set forth, there is great quiet, great silence. When the Spirit gives the grace, when He descends, when He touches the gifts set out, when thou seest the Lamb slain and made ready, dost thou then make an uproar?" 2 etc. There is, then, according to S. Chrysostom, both a general sanctification of the element proceeding from " the Word of God" that is, the institution of Christ and a particular sanctification of the offering at the time of the Celebration. The following passage from John Damascene 3 will further explain this view : " In the beginning He said, Let the earth bring forth the grass, and unto this day, the rain coming on it, being forced and strengthened by the Divine command, it brings forth its proper sprouts. God in the like manner said, This is My Body, and This is My Blood, and Do this in remembrance of Me ; and by His almighty command it is done until He come (for so hath it been said, until He come] ; and the rain comes upon this new husbandry through the Invocation ; that is to say, the power of the Holy Ghost overshadowing it. For as whatever God hath made, He made by the operation of the Holy Ghost, so now also the operation of the Holy Ghost effects those things which are above nature, which faith only can receive." The foregoing view of the meaning of " the Word of God," as having a part in the consecration, may be illustrated from the Baptismal Office. In that we affirm that God " by the baptism of His well-beloved Son Jesus Christ in the river Jordan, did sanctify the element of water to the mystical washing away of sin." This is the predisposing consecration of the creature in general ; but the Church provides further for the particular consecration of the water to be used in the Baptism about to take place by the prayer : " Sanctify this water to the mystical washing away of sin, and grant that the persons now to be baptized therein may receive the ful- ness of Thy grace," 4 etc. V. The remarkable statement of Gregory 5 1., written at the 1 De Sacerdot. L. iii. iv. torn. i. p. 468. Sim. L. vi. 4, p. 519. 2 Horn, in Ccemet. 3, torn. ii. p. 474. 3 De Fide Orthod. L. iv. c. xiii. p. 268 ; ed. Le Quien. 4 The Ministration of Baptism to such as are of Riper Years. 5 Epp. L. vti. n. Ixiv. torn. iv. col. 276. SECT. V.] * CONSECRATION BY THE LORD'S PRAYER. 513 beginning of the seventh century, stands almost alone: " We say the Lord's Prayer soon after the Prayer, because it was the custom of the Apostles to consecrate the Host of the Oblation to that very prayer only." He is in all probability mistaken as to the practice of the Apostles ; but the mere fact that a Bishop of Eome could at that period make such an assertion without provoking, so far as appears, a single protest from his contemporaries shows conclusively, that no one particular prayer or form of words was at that period held to be essential to a valid consecration. Amalarius, 1 who wrote about 827, repeats and argues from the state- ment of Gregory. On Good Friday, he says, " the Apo- stolic mode of consecration is observed, which only said the Lord's Prayer over the Body and Blood of the Lord. There- fore, if it had not been prescribed out of the Eoman Ordinary, that the Body of the Lord should be reserved from the Thurs- day to the Friday, such reservation would not be necessary ; for the Lord's Prayer alone would suffice for the consecration of the Body, as it suffices for the consecration of the wine and water." We should remark that in the rites of Good Friday the Lord's Prayer is always said over the presanctified Host, and that at that period wine, not presanctified, was received with it. It appears, however, that the opinion of Gregory was already distasteful at Rome ; for Amalarius omitted this passage after a visit to that city in 831, during which he made many inquiries into Roman ritual; although he re- tained in his text the letter of Gregory from which he had derived it. Nevertheless, about a century later we find Leo vil. forbidding the Lord's Prayer to be said in blessing common food, " because the holy Apostles used to say this prayer only in the hallowing of the Body and Blood of our Lord Jesus Christ ;" 2 and so late as 1 160, Micrologus 3 ascribes the power of consecration, in part at least, to the recital of the Lord's Prayer : The Ordo Romanus " commands to con- secrate on Good Friday unconsecrated wine with the Lord's Prayer and immersion of the Lord's Body, that the people may be able to communicate fully." We shall have occasion to notice the consecration by im- mersion, or mixture, in the notes on the Rubric after the Prayer of Consecration. VI. There appears to be no real Patristic authority for the medieval and modern doctrine of the Church of Rome that the consecration is effected by the sole repetition of our Lord's 1 De Eccl. Off. L. iv. c. xxvi. Lect. Var. apud Hittorp. col. 1445. 2 Ep. ii. Labb. ix. col. 697- 3 De Ecclea. Obs. c. 19 ; Hitt. col. 742. 2 K 514 CONSECRATION BY THE INVOCATION [CHAP. V I. words. It might be doubtfully inferred, from the language of Tertullian, 1 that he was of that opinion : " The bread taken and distributed to His disciples, that He made His Body, by saying, This is My Body ; that is, the figure of My Body." The author De Mysteriis 2 one while ascribes the consecration to the Invocation, as we have already seen, another while to the Words : " What shall we say of the Divine consecration itself, when the very words of the Lord the Saviour operate ? For that Sacrament which thou re- ceivest is made by the words of Christ.'* The inference is that he considered both as essential parts of the Prayer of Con- secration. And this is certainly the teaching of the Treatise on the Sacraments : 3 " Dost thou wish to know by what heavenly words it is consecrated ? Learn what the words are. The Priest says, ' Let this oblation be imputed to us, ratified, reasonable, acceptable ; which thing is a figure of the Body and Blood of our Lord Jesus Christ, who the day before He suffered took bread,' etc. etc. Who the day before He suffered, saith he (the Priest), took bread in His holy hands. Before it is consecrated, it is bread ; but when the words of Christ have been added, it is the Body of Christ," etc. To the same effect S. Csesarius 4 of Aries, A.D. 502 : " When the creatures that are to be blessed with the heavenly Words are placed on the sacred Altars, before they are consecrated by the Invocation of the holy Name, the substance of bread and wine is there ; but after the words of Christ, the Body and Blood of Christ." This opinion may be traced through Horns, Eemigius of Auxerre, and pseudo-Alcuin 5 down to the eleventh century : " After this the Consecration follows, beginning, Which oblation, etc. . . . But that which fol- lows, who the day before He suffered, down to ye shall do this in memory of Me, the Apostles had in use after the Ascen- 1 Adv. Marc. L. iv. c, xl. torn. i. p. 303 : " Acceptum panem et distri- bution discipulis, corpus suum ilium fecit, Hoc est Corpus Meum dicendo." 2 De Myst. c. ix. n. 52 ; see also n. 54, torn. v. pp. 196, 7. 3 L. iv. c. v. torn. v. p. 232. Similarly of the words of Christ only, c. iv. : " By whose words is the consecration effected ? By those of the Lord Jesus. . . . The Priest uses not his own words, but uses the words of Christ. Therefore the word of Christ makes this Sacrament." 4 Horn. v. de Paschate, Migne, torn. Ixvii. col. 1056. 6 De Div. Off. De Celebr. Miss., Hitt. col. 287. Florus, De Expos. Miss. 42, 3, 60, Migne, torn. cxix. coll. 43, 52 ; Remig. De Celebr. Missae, Biblioth. PP. Max. torn. xvii. p. 956, 7 : "The Priest begins to pour out the prayer by which the mystery itself of the Lord's Body and Blood is consecrated, Te igitur," etc. All three dwell on the Words of Institution, as in the text ; pseudo-Alcuin only selects the Invocation, Quam obla- tionem, etc., as the commencement of the Consecration, which they all ascribe to the prayer Te igitur, of which it forms a part. SECT. V.] AND WORDS OF INSTITUTION JOINTLY. 515 sion of the Lord. In what manner therefore the Church might celebrate a perpetual memory of her Eedeemer, the Lord delivered to the Apostles, and the Apostles to the whole Church at large, in these words, without which no tongue, no region, no city, that is, no part of the Church, is able to consecrate this sacrament. ... By the power and words of Christ, therefore, that bread and that cup have been conse- crated from the beginning, and always are and will be con- secrated." In the year 1079, a Eoman Council under the presidency of Gregory VII. required the subscription of Beren- garius to the following declaration : " I, Berengarius, with my heart believe, and with my mouth confess, that the bread and wine which are placed on the Altar are, by the mystery of the sacred Prayer, and the words of our Redeemer, substanti- ally converted into the true, proper, and life-giving Flesh and Blood of Jesus Christ our Lord/' 1 etc. Eupert of Deutz, 2 A.D. 1111 : " We confess in the love of truth, that that material bread, after the Father has blessed it, and the wine pressed from grapes, as soon as it has been signed with the same sign by the hand of the Church, saying, " that it may become to us the Body and Blood of Thy dearly beloved Son Jesus Christ, who the day before He suffered, etc., down to in remembrance of Me, becomes the Body and Blood of Him who is the author of this tradition." Nor have there been want- ing Divines in later ages who maintained, as Cassander 3 avows of himself, " that the ancient Latins agreed with the Greeks not only in their judgment respecting the consecra- tion, which is effected by the mystic Prayer, but even in the form of praying, by which the advent of the Holy Ghost is asked ;" and who therefore felt themselves as Catholics con- strained to approve and adopt the same conclusion. Of these we may mention the famous Catarino, 4 Archbishop of Conza, and perhaps the greatest theologian at Trent, De Cheffontaiues, 5 coadjutor Archbishop of Sens, and the learned Le Brun. 6 De Cheffontaines, with the approbation of Le Brun, even cites the Council of Trent in his favour. The Council says that " our Eedeemer, after the blessing of the 1 Labb. torn. x. col. 378. 2 Comment, in S. Job. Ev. L. vi. torn. ii. p. 202, coL 1602. 3 Ep. Ixxii. Opp. pp. 1168, 9. 4 In his works printed at Rome 1552, with the Papal imprimatur, are two short treatises with the title " Quibus Verbis Christus Consecraverit," in which he maintains that the form of consecration does not consist of the words This is My Body. Le Brun, Diss. x. Art. xvii. torn. 5, p. 229. 5 See Le Brun, Diss. x. Art xvii. and note 10 ; torn. v. p. 232. 6 Diss. x. Art. xvii. passim. 516 THE DECISION AT FLORENCE. [CHAP. VI. bread and wine, testified in express and clear words that He was giving to the Apostles His own Body and His own Blood." 1 The reply to this, however, is very obvious ; viz., that even if the Council meant that our Lord effected the change by that blessing of which it speaks, it could not follow that every Priest effects it by a similar benediction, and not rather by reciting, as the Church of Rome teaches, the declar- atory words of our Blessed Lord Himself. Innocent 2 III. suggests this distinction : " It is not credible that He gave it [to the Disciples, as the Evangelists relate] before He made it (His Body). It certainly may be said that Christ first made it by His Divine power, and after that expressed the form in which those who came after should bless. For He blessed it by Himself, of His own proper power, but we by that power which he imparted to the Words." VII. It will readily be supposed that there was much dis- puting on this subject between the Greeks and Latins at the Council of Florence, but it was at length decided that nothing should be inserted respecting it in the definition of faith to which their joint assent was to be given. Some months, how- ever, after the Council had broken up, the Pope, with some Latin Bishops who had formed part of it, published a docu- ment entitled Instruction for the Armenians, who had united themselves to the Church of Eome. In this the Pope teaches as follows : " The form of this Sacrament consists of the Words of the Saviour, by which He makes the Sacrament. For the Priest speaking in the person of Christ makes this Sacrament." 3 The authority of the Council is generally, but improperly, pleaded for this Instruction. SECTION VI. The Prayer of Consecration. a Almighty God, our heavenly Father, who of Thy tender mercy didst give Thine only Son Jesus Christ to suffer death upon the Cross for our redemption, b who made there (by His one oblation c of Himself once offered) a full, perfect, and sufficient sacrifice, oblation, and satisfaction, for the sins of the whole world, and didst institute, and in His holy Gospel 1 Sess. xiii. De Euch. c. i. 2 De Myst. Miss. L. iv. c. iv. torn. i. p. 377. 3 Labb. torn. xiii. col. 537. SECT. VI.] THE PRAYER OF CONSECRATION. 517 command us to d continue, a perpetual memory of that His precious death, until His coming again ; Hear us, merciful Father, we humbly beseech Thee, e and grant that we receiving these Thy creatures of bread and wine, according to Thy Son our Saviour Jesus Christ's holy institution, in remembrance of His death and passion, may be partakers of His most blessed Body and Blood : f who, in the same night that He was be- trayed, *stook h Bread ; and, when * Here the Priest is He had l given thanks, tHe j brake to take the Paten into it, and gave it Ho His disciples, saying, L Take, eat, J m this is My the Bread Body n which is given for you ; % And here to lay 'Do this in remembrance of Me. **** u P n M the Likewise after supper *He P took T^ ^ is to take the Cup, and when He had *i given the Cup into his hand : thanks, He gave it r to them, saying, 8 Drink ye all of this, *for this t is -j- And here to lay My Blood of the New Testament, his hand u P n "which is shed for you and for many for the remission of sins : ^ any wine to be con- v Do this, as oft as ye shall drink it, seo-ated. in remembrance of Me. w Amen. a ALMIGHTY GOD.] In 1 B. E. the Prayer for the Church Militant came immediately before the Prayer of Consecra- tion, no Eubric even intervening. The latter began thus : " God, heavenly Father, which of Thy tender," etc., as now. b WHO MADE THERE (BY HlS ONE OBLATION OF HlMSELF ONCE OFFERED) A FULL, PERFECT, AND SUFFICIENT SACRIFICE, OBLATION, AND SATISFACTION, FOR THE SINS OF THE WHOLE WORLD.] Compare the Milanese Preface for Easter Eve : " Who hast dedicated the Passover of all peoples ... by the Blood and Body of Thine Only-Begotten Son, our Lord Jesus Christ . . . that one Victim, once by Himself offered to Thy Majesty, might expiate the offence of the whole world." 1 1 Pamel. torn. i. p. 345. 518 THE ONE SACRIFICE ONCE OFFERED. [CHAP. VI. Origen : l " Christ was sacrificed, the one and perfect sacri- fice ; for which all these sacrifices (of the Law) had gone before in type and figure." S. Gregory 2 Nazianzen : " The Great Victim . . . that atones not for a small part of the world, not for a short time, but for the whole world, and for ever." S. Chrysostom : 3 " For this He (suffered) without the city and walls, that thou mightest learn that this offering is for the whole earth, and that the expiation is common, not partial as with the Jews. . . . For us, when at length Christ came, He purified the whole earth ; every place be- came a place of prayer." Again, 4 of His Sacrifice he says, " Though one, it was sufficient ; and once offered, availed as all (others) could not avail." S. Cyril 5 of Alexandria : " Christ is offered a holy sacrifice for us to God and the Father, a ransom and exchange for the life of all, One the equal in worth to all ; for when the Only-Begotten became man like one of us, He offered Himself to God and the Father, being in some sort the chief part and first-fruits of human nature." These are but parallel passages however. The direct source of the language of the Prayer is without doubt the Holy Scriptures. Thus the Epistle to the He- brews : 6 " Christ was once offered to bear the sins of many ;" " We are sanctified, through the offering of the Body of Jesus Christ once." " There reinaineth no more sacrifice for sins." S. John : 7 " He is the propitiation for our sins, and not for ours only, but also for the sins of the whole world." It has been supposed by some that this statement of the effect of the One Sacrifice once offered, was introduced into the Prayer " in order to a distinct renunciation of the Eomish doctrine of a propitiatory sacrifice continually repeated in the Mass." This can hardly be. For if we may suppose that the compilers could think it right to make a Prayer so solemn the vehicle of a protest against that error, none could know better than they, how ineffectually this language would serve the purpose. It was as freely used by those who opposed the Eeformation as by themselves. Thus in certain heads of doctrine subscribed in 1536 by seventeen Bishops, forty heads of Religious Houses, and a large body of the lower Clergy : " Christ and His death " are " the only suffi- cient oblation, sacrifice, satisfaction, and recompence, for the which God the Father forgiveth and remitteth to all sinners, 1 Horn. iv. in Lev. 8, torn. ix. p. 230. 2 Horn. xlii. torn. i. p. 685. 3 Horn. i. De Cruce et Latr. i. torn. ii. p. 477. 4 Horn. xii. in Hebr. (c. vii. v. 27), 3 ; torn. xii. p. 192. 6 De Ador. L. x. torn. i. p. 362 ; Lut. 1638. 6 Ch. ix. 28 ; x. 10, 26. * 1 S. Job. ii. 2. SECT. VI.] RENEWAL OF THE PASSION TAUGHT. 519 not only their sins, but also eternal pain due for the same." l Watson, 2 the Marian Bishop, in 1558 : " We believe to be saved only by the merits of our Saviour Christ, and that He, bearing our sins in His Body upon the Cross, and being the innocent Lamb of God, without all sin Himself, shed His most innocent Blood for us sinners, and by the voluntary Sacrifice of His own Body and Blood made satisfaction for all the sins of the whole world, and reconciled the wicked world to the favour of God again. This bloody Sacrifice made Christ our Saviour upon the Altar of His Cross but once, and never but once ; and it is the propitiatory Sacrifice, and a sufficient price and ransom for the sins of all people, from the beginning of the world to the last end." The Eoman doctrine is that " the Sacrifice which is per- formed in the Mass, and which was offered on the Cross, is and ought to be accounted, one and the same ; even as the Victim is one and the same, viz., our Lord Christ, who hath once only sacrificed Himself a bloody Victim on the Altar of the Cross. For the bloody and unbloody Victim are not two Victims, but one only ; whose Sacrifice since the Lord hath thus commanded, Do this in remembrance of Me, is daily renewed." 3 Another extract from Watson 4 will show how this was exhibited to our forefathers at the period of the Eeformation ; " Christ being a Priest for evermore after His passion and resurrection entered into heaven, and there appeareth now to the countenance of God for us, offer- ing Himself for us, to pacify the anger of God with us, and representing His passion and all that He suffered for us, that we might be reconciled to God by Him ; even so the Church . . . useth continually by her public Minister to pray and to offer unto God the Body and Blood of her husband Christ, representing and renewing His passion and death before God." c OF HIMSELF.] These words are not in 1 B. E. d CONTINUE.]! B. E. has "celebrate." SECTION VII. The Prayer of Invocation. e AND GRANT THAT WE RECEIVING THESE THY CREATURES OF BREAD AND WINE . . . MAY BE PARTAKERS OF HlS MOST BLESSED BODY AND BLOOD.] This petition corresponds to the Invocation of the Greek and Oriental, Eoman and Milanese, 1 Collier, P. ii. B. ii. p. 124. 2 Wholesome Doctrine, Serm. xii. fol. Ixviii. 2. 3 Catech. Trid. P. ii. De Euch. c. Ixxxvii. 4 Wholesome Doctrine, Serm. xii. fol. Ixxi. 2. 520 EXAMPLES OF THE INVOCATION. [CHAP. VI. Liturgies, and to that generally contained in the Post Pridie of the Mozarabic, and the Post Mysterium or Post Secreta of the GaUican. In the first reformed Office, 1549, it ran thus : " And with Thy Holy Spirit and word vouchsafe to bHoi'/3w enaro^^v pegm (II. i. 443), " to sacrifice a hecatomb to Phoebus ;" 2oi peo> fiovv (x. 292, 294), "I will sacrifice a, heifer to thee." In Latin both operari and facers had acquired a similar force, as " Vidit se operatum" (Tac. Ann. L. ii. c. 14, torn. i. p. 105 ; ed. Gronov. 1721) ; " Larentise, cui vos pontifices ad aram facere soletis" (Cic. ad Brut. Ep. xv. torn. ix. p. 117 ; Par. 1742). See SECT. XL] THE WORDS OF INSTITUTION. 553 I find but one clear instance of this usage in any Gentile Father; and that is in Justin 1 Martyr, who being himself a native of Samaria, and at the time disputing with a Jew, would very naturally fall into it : " The offering of the flour commanded to be offered (Trpoo-fapevOai) for persons cleansed from leprosy, was a type of the Bread of the Eucharist, which our Lord Jesus Christ gave command to offer (iroielv) for a memorial of the suffering which He underwent for those whose souls are cleansed from all iniquity." The construction of the corresponding clause with refer- ence to the Cup, viz., " Do this, as oft as ye shall drink it, in remembrance of Me " (which is taken from S. Paul's account), 2 adds greatly to the probability of the sacrificial sense of the word Troieire. The Greek is TOVTO Trotei/re, oo-a/as dv irivrjre, the pronoun it being supplied in our version. Both verbs must affect the same thing ; so that the fuller rendering would be, "Do this Cup, as oft as ye drink this Cup;" which hardly conveys any meaning unless we understand by it, " Offer this Cup, as oft as ye drink (the same), in remem- brance of Me." This conclusion is greatly strengthened by a more exact rendering of the words translated " in remembrance of Me." They are eis r^v e^v dva/xvijo-iv, and occur without variation, once in S. Luke's account and twice in S. Paul's. They should be rendered, " for My remembrance," or " memorial ;" so that the command would be, " Offer this for My memorial." The word " memorial " is often used with refer- ence to offerings or sacrifices in our version of the Old Testament, where the Septuagint has am/^o-is. Thus : "Thou shalt put pure frankincense upon each row, that it may be on the bread for a memorial, even an offering made by fire unto the Lord;" 3 " Ye shall blow with the trumpets over your burnt-offerings," etc., " that they may be to you for a memorial before your God." 4 note 2 , p. 554. There was the same use of fio : " Ter tibi fit libo ; ter, Dea casta, mero " (Tibull. L. iv. Carm. vi. 1. 14). 1 Dial. c. Tryph. c. 41. torn ii. p. 132. 2 1 Cor. xi. 25. 3 Lev. xxiv. 7 ; compare Lev. ii. 2 ; v. 1 2 ; Numb. v. 26. In these three passages the Greek has the kindred p,vr)p.6 " To us sinners also, Thy servants, hoping from the multitude of Thy mercies, vouchsafe to grant some part and fellowship with Thy Holy Apostles and Martyrs, with John, Stephen, Matthias," etc. These were evidently the departed Saints for whom intercession was originally made by name ; but when a change of opinion on the subject of prayer for Martyrs gained ground, a petition for communion with them was substituted, we may suppose, for the original intercession. On this subject see at length Part i. Ch. xii. Sect. iv. p. 383. There can in truth be no time more apt for intercession, than when that Sacrifice is lying on the Altar through which the Church pleads, as her Great Head hath Himself ordained, the all-atoning merits of His Death and Passion on the Cross. Such was, in fact, at an early period, the avowed reason for the use of intercessory prayer at this " awful hour." Thus S. Cyril 8 of Jerusalem : " Then after the Spiritual Sacrifice has been completed, the bloodless worship upon that Sacri- 1 Lit. PP. p. 26 ; Assem. torn. v. p. 41. 2 Const. Apost. L. viii. c. xii. ; Cotel. toin. i. p. 403. 3 Renaud. torn. i. p. 146. The intercessions are now inserted between the Sursum Corda and the Sanctus, and so form part of the Preface, a position which it is not credible that they occupied originally. 4 Eenaud. torn. ii. p. 619. 6 Ibid. p. 630. For the age of those Liturgies see Le Brun, Diss. xi. Art x. tome vi. p. 448. 6 Leslie, pp. 6, 231. 7 Murat. torn. ii. col. 4. 8 Catech. Myst. V. c. vi. P. 297. SECT. XIIL] FOLLOWED BY INTERCESSIONS. 569 fice of propitiation, we beseech God for the common peace of the Churches, for the tranquillity of the world, for kings, for soldiers, for the sick, for the afflicted, and in a word we all implore Thee, and offer to Thee this Sacrifice, on behalf of all needing help. Then we mention also those who have fallen asleep before us, first Patriarchs, Prophets, Apostles, Martyrs, that through their prayers and intercessions God may accept our prayer. Then also on behalf of the holy fathers, who have fallen asleep before us, and Bishops, and in a word, all who have gone to their rest." CHAPTER VII. (!)f the Herb's Jprager in the Ofcnum, attfo th* (Entbolis. SECTION I. The Lord's Prayer. IN every ancient Liturgy, except the Clementine, the Prayer of Consecration (taken in a large sense to include the Commemoration, Oblation, etc.) is followed by the Lord's Prayer. This practice must have been very general at an early period, for we find S. Augustine 1 in the year 414 affirming that " nearly every Church concluded with the Lord's Prayer," that whole series of " supplications, prayers, and intercessions," which were made when " that which was on the Lord's Table " was being " blessed and hallowed and broken for distribution." One exception which he probably had in view was in the Liturgy of the Church of Eome. In that the Lord's Prayer was not said in this place, until the time of Gregory I. From a letter of that Pope to the Bishop of Syracuse, it appears that he was blamed by some for having (among other changes) " ordered that the Lord's Prayer should be said directly after the Canon." 2 To this he replied, " We say the Lord's Prayer directly after the Prayer, for this reason, because it was the custom of the Apostles to consecrate the Host of Oblation to that very prayer alone ; and it appeared to me very unseemly to say over the Oblation a prayer which some scholastic had com- posed, and to omit saying the prayer which our Redeemer Himself composed, over His Body and Blood." 3 It is clear 1 Ep. cxlix. ad Paulin. n. 16, torn. ii. col, 663. So in a Serm. ad In- fantes : " When the Consecration has been completed, we say the Lord's Prayer, which ye have received and repeated. " S. ccxxvii. torn. vii. col. 974. Elsewhere he observes, " It is said daily in Church at the Altar of God, and the faithful hear it." Serm. lix. 12, torn. vii. col. 342. 2 Epp. L. vii. Ind. n. Ep. Ixiv. torn. iv. col. 275. 3 " Et ipsam traditionem (lege Orationem), q\iam Redemptor noster com- posuit, super Ejus Corpus et Sanguinem taceremus." This certainly shows that it was not said at all, and confutes the explanation sometimes hazarded (Le Brun, Diss. ii. Art. ii. ix. tome iii. p. 148), that it had SECT. I.] THE LORD'S PRAYER. 571 from this that it was not said before the Communion either after or before the Fraction ; or, contrary to his statement, it would have been said " over the Body and Blood." Whether it was said after the Communion or not does not appear. It is probable that it was also absent from the Spanish Canon about the same period, and only by degrees admitted, or perhaps readmitted, into it. For we find the Council of Toledo l in G33 complaining that " some Priests were found in the Spains who did not say the Lord's Prayer . . . daily, but only on the Lord's Day." The Council therefore decreed the deprivation of any Priest or lower Clerk " who should omit the daily use of the Lord's Prayer, either in a public or private Office." Whatever we may think of the statement of S. Gregory as to the Consecration by the Lord's Prayer alone, it is certain that the recital of the Lord's Prayer after the Consecration was a practice handed dowa from a very early period. S. Cyril 2 of Jerusalem, A.D. 350, explaining the Liturgy of his Church to the newly baptized, speaks of it as an established part of the Office at that time : " After these things (i.e. after the Consecration, Intercessions, etc.), we say that prayer which the Saviour delivered to His familiar disciples." So in Africa before Augustine, Optatus, 3 A.D. 368, addressing the Donatist Bishops : " When (after absolving the Penitents) ye have " turned to the Altar, ye cannot pass over the Lord's Prayer " (though believing yourselves to need no forgiveness). S. Jerome 4 asserts the Divine origin of the usage : " So He taught His Apostles that daily in the Sacrifice of His Body, believers should be bold to say, Our Father" etc. In all the ancient Liturgies the Lord's Prayer was pre- ceded by one, the conclusion of which introduces it in a suitable manner ; as, " Because Thou hast deigned to com- mand us, we make bold to say, Our Father," 5 etc. " That with Thy holy Disciples and Apostles we say unto Thee this prayer, Our," 6 etc. In the Egyptian 7 and Nestorian 8 Liturgies the Prayer of Fraction thus leads on to the Lord's been said after the Fraction, but was placed by Gregory before, and therefore in a stricter sense mox post Precem. 1 Can. x. Labb. torn. v. col. 1708. 2 Catech. Myst. V. c. vi. p. 297. 3 Lib. ii. c. xx. p. 44. 4 Contra Pelag. L. iii. n. 15, torn. ii. col. 786. 5 Miss. Goth. ; Mabill. p. 230. 6 S. Mark ; Renaudot, torn. i. p. 159. 7 Renaud. torn. i. pp. 20, 35, 49, 74, 114. 8 Ibid. torn. ii. p. 596. 572 THE EMBOLISMUS. [CHAP. VII.. Prayer. In the Syrian, 1 Armenian, 2 and Greek, 3 there is a distinct prayer for this purpose, as there was also in the old Spanish and Gallican. 4 Some of the Eastern forms are very long, while that of Rome and Milan 5 is a brief preamble rather than prayer : " Admonished by (Thy) saving precepts, and instructed by (Thy) Divine ordinance, we make bold to say, Our Father," etc. The Mozarabic 6 Missal provides pro- per forms for every Mass, while in France each Sunday Mass and some of those for the higher Festivals appear to have had its own. The following is for the Epiphany in the Gothico-Gallican Missal : " Not presuming, Lord, on our own merit, but obeying the command of our Lord Jesus Christ Thy Son, whom Thou hast sent to deliver us from darkness and the shadow of death. We are unworthy in- deed of the name of sons, but are commanded to say, Our Father," 7 etc. The Lord's Prayer retained its ancient place in the First Book of Edward, and has been restored to it in the Scotch, American, and Nonjurors' Offices. SECTION II. The Embolis, In most ancient Liturgies the Lord's Prayer is followed by another founded on one or both of the two last petitions. This is called the Embolis, or Embolismus, or Embolum, that is, a prayer thrown in or superadded. The Roman, Milanese, 8 and Mozarabic 9 Liturgies expand the clause, Deliver us from 1 Renaud. torn. ii. pp. 39, 131, 38, etc. 2 Le Brun, Diss. x. Art. xix. tome 5, p. 309. 3 Goar, pp. 80, 174. See also S. James, Assem. torn. v. p. 49; Lit. PP. p. 31. 4 Lit. Gall. MabilL pp. 189, 92, 95, 293, in Miss. Goth. ; pp. 335, 46, etc., in Miss. Gall. Vet. 5 The Milanese generally has the same form as the Romans, viz., " Prae- ceptis salutaribus moniti, et Divina institutione formati audemus dicere, Pater," etc. ; but on some days, as Christmas and Easter (Pamel. torn. i. p. 304 ; Le Brun, Diss. iii. Art. ii. tome 3, p. 212), the following, which is perhaps derived independently from the same original Greek source : " Divino Magisterio edocti et salutaribus monitis instituti, audemus dicere," etc., which is found with verbal variations in some Gallican Masses. Liturg. Gall. pp. 228, 97. Maundy-Thursday also has a proper Post- Confractorium in the Ambrosian Liturgy. Pamel. torn. i. p. 340. 6 Leslie, pp. 6, 10, 12, etc. ' Lit. Gall. p. 210. 8 The Embolis does not seem to have formed a part of this Liturgy originally. It is omitted by Pamelius, torn. i. p. 304 ; and in the printed Missal it is put in a note. Martene, L. i. c. iv. Art. xii. Ord. iii. torn. i. j). 175. It differs only from the Roman in having the name of S. Ambrose after that of S. Andrew ; and in the termination, " Grant this through Him with whom Thou livest," etc. 9 Leslie, pp. 6, 231. SECT. II.] EXAMPLES. 573 evil. S. James 1 and S. Mark 2 repeat both with additions. S. Basil and S. Chrysostom 3 omit the Embolis. The Egyp- tian 4 and Nestorian 5 forms paraphrase both petitions. The Syrian 6 vary greatly; but more frequently dwell solely or chiefly on deliverance from temptation. In the Armenian 7 the Priest does little more than repeat the two petitions in a low voice while the people chant the Lord's Prayer. In the Ethiopian 8 the Prayer and its old Embolis appear transposed. The following are brief examples of the ancient Embolis. The Church of Jerusalem : 9 " And lead us not into tempta- tion, Lord, the Lord of Hosts, who knowest our infirmity ; but deliver us from the evil one and his works, and from every assault and wile of his, for the sake of Thy holy Name, which is called upon our lowliness." The Syriac S. James : 10 " Lord our God, lead us not into temptation, which we, devoid of strength, are not able to bear, but also with the temptation make a way of escape, that we may be able to bear it, and deliver us from evil ; through Jesus Christ our Lord, through whom," etc. The Mozarabic 11 Missal provides a proper Embolis for Votive Masses ; while the Gothico- Gallican 12 had one for each of the principal Festivals, and several in Masses for the Sundays. The following was used on Christmas Day : 13 " Deliver us, Almighty God, from all evil, from all danger, and keep us in every good work, O Perfect Truth and True Liberty, God, who reignest," etc. A few examples are also left in the Eeichenau 14 fragment and the Missale Gallicanum Vetus 15 of Mabillon. 1 Assem. torn. v. p. 51 ; Lit. PP. p. 32. 2 Renaud. torn. L p. 159. 3 Goar, pp. 174, 80. 4 Renand. torn. i. pp. 21, 35, 50, 77, 118. 5 Ibid. torn. ii. p. 595. 6 Ibid. pp. 40, 131, 39, etc. 7 Le Brun, Diss. x. Art. xix. torn. v. p. 311. 8 Renaud. torn. i. p. 521. 9 Asseman. torn. v. p. 51 ; Lit. PP. p. 32. For the idiom of the last clause, see the LXX. 2 Sam. vi. 2 ; Amos ix. 12, etc. ; or the N. T. Acts xv. 17 ; James ii. 7. 10 Renaud. torn. ii. p. 40. u Leslie, p. 443. 12 Liturg. Gall. pp. 189, 92, etc., 293, etc. 13 Ibid. p. 192. 14 Gall. Liturg. by Neale and Forbes, pp. 1, 19. 15 Lit. Gall. Mab. pp. 331, 35, 46. CHAPTEE VIII. preparatory io thz Communion. SECTION I. 77ie Fraction for Distribution. IN our Liturgy the Fraction for Distribution takes place at the Communion, that is to say, a piece is broken off for each Communicant as it is required. In most Churches, though probably not from the earliest period, this has been done as a distinct rite, with more or less solemnity, before or after the Lord's Prayer and Embolis. The passage from S. Augus- tine already cited shows that in the African Church it took place before the Lord's Prayer. It was the same in the Milanese, 1 the old Gallican, 2 the Mozarabic, 3 and the Egyp- tian. 4 In the Syrian, 5 there is a merely ritual " Fraction of the Eucharist " before the Prayer, and another after it for the distribution. In the Nestorian, 6 both these fractions occur before it. In the Roman, Greek, 7 and Armenian 8 rites, the Fraction takes place after the Lord's Prayer. Of the earliest forms extant, S. Clement 9 has no direction for the Breaking of the Bread. In S. Mark 10 and S. James 11 it is done after the Lord's Prayer. We have already noticed the Fraction at the words, " He brake it," in the Coptic S. Basil and some European Missals. 12 In S. Mark the Priest says the 150th Psalm during the fraction; in S. James, the 23d, 34th, 145th, 117th. In S. Basil and S. Chrysostom, 13 he says, " The Lamb of God, the " ! Liturg. Lat. Vet. Murat. torn. i. col. 133. Compare the modern Canon in Martene, L. i. c. iv. Art. xii. Ord. iii. torn. i. p. 175. 2 This is inferred from the position of a Collect which recognises it : " We believe that we are redeemed in this breaking of Thy Body." It is a Post Secreta, and therefore came before the Lord's Prayer. Lit. Gall, p. 297. There is another probable allusion to the Fraction in the Post Secreta, p. 102. See also Germanus, Brevis Expos. Martene, M.S. Ord. i. p. 168. 3 Leslie, pp. 6, 231. 4 Renaud. torn. i. pp. 19, 35, 49, 74, 114. 6 Ibid. torn. ii. pp. 38 and 41. 6 Ibid. pp. 594, 5 ; see note 18, p. 611. 7 Goar, pp. 81, 178. 8 Le Brun, Diss. x. Art. xx. torn. v. p. 322. 9 Const. Apost. L. viii. c. xii. ; Cotel. torn. i. p. 404. 10 Renaud. torn. i. p. 162. 11 Assem. torn. v. p. 55 ; Liturg. PP. p. 34. 12 See Part n. Ch. vi. Sect. ix. p. 536. 13 Goar, pp. 81, 178. SECT. I.] THE FRACTION FOR DISTRIBUTION. 575 Son of the Father, is broken and divided ; who is broken, and not sundered, ever eaten and never consumed; but sauctifieth the partakers." A proper prayer is also said at the first Fraction of the Syrian and Nestorian 1 rites. In the Egyptian Liturgies, 2 the Prayer of the Fraction is of con- siderable length, introducing the Lord's Prayer at the end. In the West, the Mozarabic has proper Antiphons for many minor days, 3 and private Masses ; 4 but on most Sundays, " and on the principal Feasts, the Creed of Constantinople .is recited instead of the Antiphon at the Breaking of the Bread." ^ A similar Antiphon, called the Confractorium, is sung in the Ambrosian. 6 There has been also for many ages 7 in this Liturgy the following constant formulary recited while the Bread is being divided : " Thy Body, Christ, is broken, the Cup is blessed. May Thy Blood be to us always unto life, and unto the salvation of souls, our God." According to S. Germanus, 8 an Antiphon was sung during the Fraction in the Gallican rite, but none has come down to us ; but the Gothico-GaDican Missal supplies one example of the ancient Collect at the Breaking of the Bread. 9 In the Koruan Office, the method is this : Very small round flat cakes of unleavened bread are offered, of which the Priest takes one and breaks it over the Cup through the middle. He puts the half that is in his right hand on the Paten, and then breaks a small piece (particulam) off the the other half, placing the remainder of that half also in the Paten. All this while he is concluding the Embolis, and when that is finished he thrice crosses the Chalice, held in his left hand, with the particle of the Host in his right, say- ing, " The peace of the Lord be with you always." After the Eespouse, " And with thy spirit," he puts the particle into the Cup, of which he only is to partake. In communicating himself, he is ordered to take both the pieces that remain on the Paten of the only Host that has been broken. The rest are distributed to the assistants whole. In England, however, the ancient custom was in a manner retained until the Reformation. " Of the three portions," 1 Renaudot, torn. ii. pp. 38, 593. 2 Ibid. torn. i. pp. 20, 35, 49, 74, 114. 3 Leslie, pp. 100, 130, 164, 192, 263, 267, etc. 4 Ibid. pp. 443, 5, 7, 9. 6 Ibid. Notes, p. 543 a. The expression Breaking of Hue, Bread should be noticed, as, according to the later doctrine of Transubstantiation, there is now no bread to be broken. See the Missal, pp. 6, 100, 3, 9, etc. Pamel. torn. i. p. 304. 7 Murat. torn. i. col. 134. 8 Brevis Expositio in Martene, L. L c. iv. Art. xii. torn. i. p. 168. 9 Missa xxxvi. Liturg. Gall. p. 251. 576 THE BENEDICTION [CHAP. VIII. observes Mr. Maskell, 1 " into which the English Church used to direct that the Bread should be broken, one was to be dropped into the Chalice, the other taken, and the third and largest, either taken by the Priest also, or distributed to the Communicants, and reserved for the sick." He adds that " now when the Pope of Rome solemnly celebrates, is found a remnant of the ancient practice ; he divides the third part into two, and communicates the Deacon and Subdeacon." For the symbolism of the Fraction, the various modes of dividing the Bread, and other particulars, see before, Part n. Ch. vi. Sect. ix. p. 536. SECTION II. The Episcopal Benediction. A short blessing, resembling that mentioned as following the Fraction in the Eoman Office, is found in all the original Liturgies, though in some before the Fraction. S. Mark 2 has " The Lord be with all ;" S. James, 3 " Peace be to all ;" the Clementine, 4 " The Peace of God be with you all ;" the Mozarabic, 5 " The Lord be ever with you ;" the Milanese, 6 " The Peace and Fellowship of our Lord Jesus Christ be ever with you." It is probable that at first, when a Bishop was present, it was usual for him to expand this brief formula, or to add to it, as he thought good. Such a practice would easily account for the composition of those longer forms of Benediction of which so many examples are extant both in the East and West. Pope Zaehary, 7 in a letter to Boniface, accuses the French Clergy of " vainglory" in the changes which they made in them. Perhaps it was this evil that led to the use of strictly authorized written forms. The earliest notices of this Benediction show that they were accompanied by an imposition of hands (i.e. I presume, by an elevation of the hands over the people), and that they either conveyed or were given in conjunction with a General Absolution. Thus S. Augustine : 8 " The Intercessions (in 1 Tim. ii. 1, interpreted of the Liturgy) are made when the 1 Ancient Liturgy, iiote 53, p. 109 ; 2d ed. 2 Kenaud. torn. i. p. 160. 3 Asaem. torn. v. p. 48 ; Lit. PP. p. 32. 4 Const. Apost. L. viii. c. xii. ; Cotel. torn. i. p. 404. 5 Leslie, pp. 6, 232. 6 Martene, L. i. c. iv. Art. xii. torn. i. p. 175. 7 " Pro benedictionibus autem quas faciunt Galli, ut nosti, frater, multis vitiis variantur. Nam non ex Apostolic^ traditione hoc faciunt, sed per vanam. gloriam hoc operantur, sibi ipsis damnationem adhibentes, dura scriptum est, Si quis vobis," etc. (Gal. i. 9.) Ep. xii. Labb. torn. vi. col. 1526. 8 Ep. cxlix. n. 16, torn. ii. col. 664. SECT. II.] BEFORE COMMUNION. 577 people are blessed; for then the Bishops (Antistites), as advocates, by the imposition of the hand present their clients to the most merciful Power." To the same effect Optatus i 1 " Near about the same time, while ye lay on hands and pardon sins, turning soon after to the Altar, ye cannot pass over the Lord's Prayer." A very important trace of this General Absolution before communion is found in four of the Egyptian 2 Liturgies, and in the Ethiopian ; 3 which furnish a " Prayer of Absolution," to be said immediately after the Benediction. In every ancient Liturgy, except the Clementine, 4 the Benediction was preceded by the proclamation of the Deacon, " Bow your heads unto the Lord," or, " Bow ye for the Bene- diction," or the like. "We see it to this day in S. Mark, 5 S. James, S. Basil, and S. Chrysostom, 6 in the Mozarabic, 7 and, with the exceptions above named, in all the Oriental 8 Liturgies ; and it can be shown that the same rite was observed in the Churches of Lombardy and France, and in many places where the Roman Liturgy was in use also. The Council of Milan in 1576 speaks of the Episcopal Benediction as an existing custom, and decrees that on the greater Festivals the blessing shall be given " somewhat more solemnly ; to wit, according to the rite prescribed in the old Pontifical ; that the Choir shall first say, ' Prince of the Church, Shepherd of the Fold, do Thou deign to bless us ;' that the Deacon then respond, Bow yourselves for the Bene- diction ; that the Clergy next sing in a low voice, ' Let us give thanks unto God always ;' lastly, that the Bishop about to give the Blessing solemnly say the prayers prescribed according to the season, which shall be published out of the ancient Pontifical." 9 In France, S. Csesarius, 10 in the sixth century, bears witness to the same practice : " I admonish you, dearest brethren, that as often as the Deacon shall pro- claim that ye ought to bo w yourselves for the Benediction, ye do faithfully bow both your bodies and heads ; because that Benediction, though given to you through man, is neverthe- less not given by man." After the adoption of the Eoman 1 L. ii. c. xx. p. 44. 2 Renaud. torn. i. pp. 22, 36, 80, 120. 3 Ibid. torn. i. p., 519 ; see note 17, p. 541. 4 Const. Apost. L. viii. c. xii. torn. i. p. 404. 6 As above, notes 6, 7, 8. 6 Goar, pp. 174, 80. 7 Leslie, pp. 6, 232. 8 e.g. the Coptic, Renaud. torn. i. pp. 21, 35 ; the Greek Alex., 77, 119 ; the Ethiopian, 518 ; the Syrian, torn. ii. pp. 40, 131, 139, etc. 9 Constit. P. ii. c. x. Labb. torn. xv. col. 479. 10 Serm. Ixxxv. in App. ad Opp. S. Aug. cclxxxv. 5, torn. xvi. col. 1430. Sim. Serm. cclxxxv. 2, col. 1427. 2 O 578 THE EPISCOPAL BENEDICTION, [CHAP. VIII. Liturgy in France a Eubric assigning this office to the Deacon occurs in the MS. Missa Eatoldi preserved at Corbie. 1 The Church of Mayence, founded in the eighth century by our countryman Winfrid, adopted the Eoman use from the be- ginning ; and in an ancient Pontifical of that Church we find an order that " the Deacon, turning to the people, say, Bow yourselves for the Benediction." The Clerks answer, " Thanks be to God ;" and the Bishop then, with his mitre and ring on, and staff in hand, " says the Pontifical blessing proper to the day." 2 There is no authentic 3 notice of the Episcopal Benediction in the earliest Ordines Eomani as a customary rite. It is mentioned, however, in one ancient Ordo of uncertain date, and in that we find the same proclamation : " While the Bishop was saying" the last words of the Embo- lis, the Archdeacon was to " take the Benedictional, and, turn- ing to the people, say, Bow yourselves for the Benediction, and the Clergy answering, Thanks be to God, to hand it to the Bishop." 4 So late as 1480 we find Gabriel Biel 5 (who lec- tured at Tubingen, chiefly from the materials of Eggeling of Brunswick, a Professor of Mayence) recognising the use of the same formula. Speaking of the rule of the Canon Law which forbids the Presbyter to give " the solemn Benedic- tion," he says that he thinks that Benediction to be meant " which the Bishop reads out of the Pontifical after the Fraction of the Sacrament, the Deacon having previously given the exhortation, Bow yourselves," etc. This formula is not in the English Missals, being used only when a Bishop was present; but it is given in the Sarum Manual of 1554 : " If a Bishop shall celebrate, let the Deacon, facing the people, with the Bishop's staff in his right hand, the curva- ture of the staff being towards himself, say, Bow yourselves for the Benediction. Let the Choir respond, Thanks be to God. After that, the Eucharist being replaced on the Paten, let the 1 Martene, L. i. c. iv. Art. xii. Ord. xii. torn. i. p. 204. 2 Ibid. Ord. xviii. p. 217. 3 Ord. ii. (in Mus. ItaL torn. ii. p. 49) has, in the copies printed before Mabillon's edition, " After the Pontifical Benedictions (as the custom is in these parts) are finished," etc., which that learned man deems the in- sertion of the French or German copyist. There is no weight in his reason that Amalarius in his Ecloga does not notice them ; for in his book De Eccl. Off. (L. i. c. 34; Hittorp. col. 363), in which he also refers to the Ordo Romanus, he does speak of the prayer, quam Episcopi sive advocati solent facere super popidum, observing that S. Augustine used to say it after the Fraction for distribution. Amal. has sive, where S. Aug. (see p. 576) has velut ; but the former probably understood by advocatus one acting officially for the Bishop, which was not S. Augustine's meaning. 4 Ord. vi. 11; Mus. Ital. torn. ii. p. 75. Mabillon suggests no expla- nation here. 5 Can. Miss. Explic. Lect. Ixxxix. fol. cxcv. fa. I, col. 2. SECT. II.] OR PRAYER OF INCLINATION. 579 Bishop give (faciaf) the Benediction over the people. After the Benediction let there follow, And with Thy Spirit." 1 Pope Zachary 2 has been understood to condemn the use of these Benedictions altogether, though his words refer more naturally to an error in their use ; or perhaps only indicate a difference between the usages of Home and France. His language, however, combined with the silence of the earliest Orclines Eomani, and with the fact that no MS. Benedictional is traced to a Eoman hand, 3 has led many to the opinion that these formularies were never used at Rome itself. 4 The inference is very doubtful ; for, not to rest too much on the Ordo Romanus already quoted, we may well ask how it happens, if Rome formed an exception in this particular to all the rest of Christendom, that no writer has been named, who has taken notice of so remarkable a fact ? and again, how is it that we read of no attempt on the part of the Popes to suppress the practice in the West ? 5 But however this may be, it is certain that they were from the first introduced freely into the Roman Liturgy when adopted in other coun- tries, and that they survived in connexion with it in some places to a very late period, if indeed they are altogether obsolete now. Gerbert 6 mentions a Benedictional at Fisch- engen, in Switzerland, written in 1587, containing " Solemn Benedictions by which the Catholic people are blessed by the Bishops in the sacrifice of the Mass." Martene 7 says that in his time this solemn Benediction of the people after the prayer Libera nos was still practised at Tours, at Paris, at Aries, and perhaps in some other Churches. In the Churches of Egypt the Benediction is called the Prayer of Inclination, or of Bowing the Head, from the atti- tude of the people when it is said. In the Syrian it is called 1 Miss. Sar. P. i. col. 622, note ; Burntisland, 1861. 2 See before, p. 576. 3 There are no Benedictions in the Leonian and Gelasian Sacramentaries, while the collection attached to some copies of the Gregorian is certainly later. Murat. torn. i. col. 80 ; Gerbert, Disq. ii. c. i. xxxii. P. i. p. 114. 4 Mabill. in Ord. Rom. Comment, c. vii. Mus. Ital. p. lii. ; Murat. u.s. ; Gerbert, v.s. 6 Gerbert (Disq. iv. c. iii. n. xxxix. P. i. p. 378) supposes that John xxn. actually recognised it. He quotes a singular decree, in which that Pope orders the interpolation of the Psalm Lcetatus sum, etc., after the Lord's Prayer, adding benedicat Celebrans consequenter, and suggests that his resi- dence at Avignon led to this compliance with French custom ; but as a short Blessing is always given, it is not certain that the Pope refers to the Episcopal Blessing at all. Disq. ii. c. i. n. xxxii. P. i. p. 114. 7 De Eccl. Rit. Ant. L. i. c. iv. Art. ix. n. vi. torn. i. p. 152. Sim. Gerbert, as in last note. 580 THE EPISCOPAL BENEDICTION, [CHAP. VIII. the Prayer of the Laying on of Hands, from the action of the Bishop or Priest. In the Greek and Oriental Churches the Benedictions are invariable, though in some Liturgies a choice is given. In the West, as we have seen incidentally, a large number were provided proper for the Festivals and other occasions. Again, in the Greek and Oriental Churches they are said at every celebration, and by Priests as well as Bishops. In the West, if we except Spain, they were said by the Bishop only. The Council of Agde, 1 A.D. 506, expressly forbids a Presbyter to " pronounce the Benediction over the people, or to bless a Penitent in the Church." We have seen from Gabriel Biel that the Canon Law was interpreted in the same sense. Germanus 2 of Paris, A.D. 555, gives the reason: " The Lord hath commanded Priests (Sacerdotes) to bless the people. But to guard the honour of the Chief Priest (Ponti- ficis) the sacred Canons have decreed that the Bishop should pronounce the longer Benediction, the Presbyter deliver the shorter." That Gothic Spain did not observe this restric- tion is inferred, not only from the later practice, as repre- sented by the Mozarabic Liturgy, but from a Canon of the Council of Toledo, 3 A.D. 633, which orders Priests to give the Benediction, not as some did, after they had themselves com- municated, but " after the Lord's Prayer and the Conjunction of the Bread and Cup." In the Greek and Oriental Liturgies the Prayers of Inclina- tion, which I identify with the Western Benedictions, are generally prayers for a worthy Communion. Most of them are conceived as if all joined in them ; but many are direct intercessions for the people ; i.e. Benedictions, as we should commonly understand the word. Of the former class are those in S. Mark 4 and S. James, the Clementine, 5 the Egyp- tian, 6 and Syrian 7 Liturgies. To the latter belong those in the more common Greek 8 Liturgies, which the Priest now says secretly, and many in the Syrian. 9 The following is from S. James : 10 " We Thy servants have bowed our necks to Thee, Lord, before Thy holy Altar, waiting for the rich mercies that are from Thee ; send forth on us, Master, Thy 1 Can. xliv. Labb. torn. iv. col. 1390. 2 Martene, L. i. c. iv. Art. xii. torn. i. col. 158. 3 Can. xviii. Labb. torn. v. col. 1711. * Renaud. torn. i. p. 160. 5 Const. Apost. L. viii. c. xiii. Cotel. torn. i. p. 404. 6 Renaud. torn. i. pp. 21, 36, 50, 77, etc. One, p. 79, admits also for choice the Benediction of the Greek S. Basil ; see text. 7 Renaud. torn. ii. pp. 40, 131, 174, etc. 8 Goar, pp. 81, 174. 9 Renautl. torn. ii. pp. 139, 159, 168, etc. 10 Assem. torn. v. p. 51 ; Lit. PP. p. 32. SECT. IL] OR PRAYER OF INCLINATION. 581 rich grace and Thy blessing; and sanctify our souls and bodies and spirits, that we may be made meet to be Commu- nicants and partakers of Thy holy Mysteries, to the remis- sion of sins and life everlasting." The next brief specimen is from a Syrian Liturgy : " Great and Almighty King, beneath the sceptre of whose sway all creatures bow, send Thy blessings on Thy holy Church, which now bows before Thee, and we will give Thee praise," 1 etc. We will give a third from the Greek S. Basil : 2 " Master, Lord, Father of mercies and God of all Comfort, bless, sanctify, keep, strengthen, enable them that bow their heads to Thee. Turn them from every evil deed, join them to every good; and grant that they may without condemnation partake of these undefiled and life-giving Mysteries, to the remission of sins, to the fellowship of the Holy Ghost, by Thy grace," etc. The reader will see at once that the object and spirit of these Benedictions are identical with those of our Prayer of Humble Access, while the attitude of the worshippers reminds us of the name that we love to give it. 3 1 Reuaud. torn. ii. p. 259. 2 Goar, p. 174. 3 On the Prayer of Inclination before Communion in S. Mark, Dr. Neale remarks : " This is the prayer of Intense Adoration, which has its place in all Oriental Liturgies, and answers to the worship paid by the Western Church to our Lord's sacramental Body and Blood at the elevation of the Host ;" and he represents that this worship could not take place before, as in the Latin Church ; because " during the Consecration the holy doors were closed, or, in the Armenian Church, the veil was drawn ; so that the people could hardly be called on to worship that which was not presented to their eyes. . . . But now," he adds, "the doors are opened," etc. Liturgies of S. Mark, etc., p. 26 ; Lond. 1859. In the Greek Church the gates are not opened till after the Communion of the Clergy (see Goar, pp. 84, 151), and then the Deacon comes out with the Elements, which he " raises and shows to the people," saying, " Draw near," etc. The Chalice which contains them is veiled, however ; because, as Symeon explains, it is not lawful for any but Communicants to behold them. De Templo, etc. (in Goar, p. 230). The Rubrics in the other Liturgies are very defective ; but there is no trace of an exposure of the Elements to the Laity before their Communion. At all events, the assertion that the Prayer of Inclination, which is the equivalent of the Western Benedic- tion, answers in any Liturgy to the Roman worship of the Host, is a very gross mistake. It is generally addressed to the Father, even when the Deacon says ambiguously, " Bow your heads unto the Lord." It is true that S. Mark, though S. Mark alone, has "Bow your heads to Jesus Christ," and this may have misled Dr. Neale ; but the Prayer which follows is actually addressed to the Father. Again, although the Syrian proclamation refers to the consecrated Elements, it does so in such a manner as to preclude the notion of an especial worship : " Bow your heads before the merciful God, before the Altar of propitiation, and before the Body and Blood of our Saviour, in whom is laid up life for those who partake of them : and receive ye the blessing from the Lord." The prayer or Benediction which follows is addressed to the Father. See Renaud. 582 THE WESTERN BENEDICTIONALS. [CiiAP. VIII. The Benedictions attached to the Gregorian Sacramentary in France and Germany, if not at Rome itself, and those incorporated with the old Spanish Liturgy, consisted of three members, at the end of each of which the people answered, Amen. 1 The following brief example from the former source is for Trinity Sunday : " God, who hath regenerated you of water and the Holy Ghost, Himself place you in His King- dom. Amen. That being secretly prepared by the same Spirit, ye may become His sons by adoption. Amen. That departing from the power of darkness, ye may persevere in the light before Him. Amen. Which may He vouchsafe to grant, who with the Father and the Holy Ghost liveth and is glorified, 2 God for ever and ever. Amen. The Blessing of God the Father and the Son and the Holy Ghost and the torn. i. p. 160 ; torn. ii. p. 40. Add to this that the prayer in question is said by the Priest only, and in the Greek Church at least is said silently. Goar, p. 81 ; Renaud. torn. i. p. 21, etc. ; torn. ii. p. 40, etc. Possibly Dr. Neale may have been led into this strange error by an imperfect recollection of a remark of Renaudot, that certain writers, who had wrested in favour of the worship of the Eucharist some testimonies of the ancients, which, in fact, had no reference to it, " might have made use of that rite" (of bowing the head) for that purpose " with far greater probability ;" " which, however," he adds, "has, I believe, occurred to no one." Tom. ii. p. 114. Further, this prayer is not "in all Oriental Liturgies;" for it does not occur in any of the Nestorian. If we suppose Dr. Neale to have been thinking of the prayer which follows the Prayer of Inclination in the Greek Liturgies, " O Holy Lord, who restest in the Holy Place," etc., we have to remark that neither is this ''in all the Oriental Liturgies ;" for it is found in no Syro-Jacobite or Nestorian Liturgy, and only in one Egyptian. Ren. torn. i. p. 120. It is also a prayer of the Priest only, and said secretly. Goar, p. 81 ; Ren. torn. i. p. 161. The rashness and inaccu- racy of this very able author detract greatly from the value of his works. 1 See the collections in Muratori, torn. ii. col. 362 ; Pamelius, torn. ii. p. 478, who gives the Sacramentary of Grimold (with Menard, Rodrad the Presbyter, and with Muratori, Alcuin ; see Mur. torn. i. col. 80) ; Ger- bert, Monumenta, P. i. p. 331, etc. For the Mozarabic, see Leslie, passim. There are two exceptions to the threefold arrangement in the Mozarabic Missal. One is the Benediction for the Epiphany, which is in five parts, probably from a desire to embrace all that the Spanish Church commemo- rates on that day. Its subjects are, The fears of Herod, The appearance of the Star, The change of water into wine, The miracle of the loaves and fishes, and The descent of the Spirit in the form of a Dove. Leslie, p. 63. It concludes with the formulary, " which may He vouchsafe," etc., as cited in the text from Peckham's Book (a form occurring elsewhere but once (p. 406) in the whole Missal). Thus the Benediction is in its matter Spanish, in its form Gothico-Gallican, and has the pseudo-Gregorian ter- mination. In the other exceptional case, p. 440, the Benediction is in four parts ; but the explanation seems to be that the middle one, being inconveniently long, was divided into two. Attention is directed to the change by the unusual rubric, " Respond. Amen." 2 Gloriatur, I presume either a mistake for, or used in the sense of, glorificatur. SECT. II. J THE ENGLISH BENEDICTIONALS. 583 Peace of the Lord, be with you always. Amen." 1 The con- clusion, after the third Amen, is invariable. This division was without doubt suggested by the threefold Blessing of the Levites ; 2 which is itself, in fact, used in some Churches as an Episcopal Benediction. 3 The same arrangement prevails generally in the early English Benedictionals of Egbert 4 of York, A.D. 732, Ethelwold 5 of Winchester, 963, and that known as the Benedictional of Eobert 6 of Canterbury, who died in 1056, but written apparently some seventy years before that time. But in the Benedictional of Peckhain, 7 1218, the triple division is neglected, and his Blessings are each one continuous prayer. The common conclusion is as follows : " Which may He vouchsafe to grant, whose king- dom and empire abide without end for ever and ever. Amen. And may the blessing of God Almighty, the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, descend on you and always remain." The Mozarabic 8 Benedictions end thus : " By the mercy of our 1 Sacram. Grimold. Pamel. torn. ii. pp. 595, 479. 2 Numb. vi. 24, 5, 0. 3 Pamel. torn. ii. p. 509. A fanciful reason for the triple blessing is given by Honorius (Gemma Animag, L. i. c. 60; Hittorp. col. 1196). Counting in the conclusion, "Which may He vouchsafe," etc., and the final unvarying blessing, "The blessing of God the Father," etc., he makes live parts, and accounts for the number by saying that God blessed the world thrice ; viz., at the creation of man (Gen. i. 28), after the Flood (ix. 1), and through Abraham (xxii. 18); that, fourthly, He confirmed those blessings by sending His Son to bless us (Acts iii. 26) ; and, lastly, will give us the blessing of our heavenly inheritance through His sentence (S. Matt. xxv. 34). * It is at the end of the Pontifical of Egbert, which has been printed by the Surtees Society, vol. xxvii. an. 1853, from the MS. in the National Library at Paris, under the able editorship of Canon Greenwell. 5 Printed by Mr. Gage in the 24th vol. of the Archaeologia, 1832, from a beautiful MS. belonging to the Duke of Devonshire. 6 An account is given of this Benediction by Mr. Gage in the same vol. of the Archaeologia. It is a MS. in the Public Library at Rouen. 7 With the Liber Pontificalis of Edmund Lacy, Bishop of Exeter, 1420, p. 152 ; printed at Exeter in 1847 by Mr. Barnes from the MS. belonging to that Church. 8 Leslie, p. 6. There are variations. Thus is blessed does not occur in three instances, pp. 12, 18, 69 ; but as no principle is involved, we may safely suppose that the omission is a mistake of the transcriber. In one example (p. 406) the person is changed, "By Thy mercy, our God," etc. ; but as this latter form is the constant conclusion of the Post Com- munio, a clerical error is again the most probable solution. In note l , p. 582, we noticed two instances in which a quasi-Roman formula was used. There are seven instances in which a mixed form occurs ; as, " Which may He (Christ) vouchsafe to grant, through Thy mercy, our God," etc., p. 232; "Himself granting (and aiding, pp. 258, 360) it, who with God the Father and the Holy Ghost liveth for ever and ever" (p. 240) ; (or) who with God the Father liveth and reigneth in the unity of the Holy Ghost, etc. (p. 256) ; " Himself granting and aiding who with 584 THE BLESSING BEFORE COMMUNION. [CHAP. VIII. God Himself, who is blessed, and liveth and ruleth all things, world without end. Amen. V. The Lord be ever with you. E. And with thy spirit." The old Gallican Benedictions were not divided like the later, and the Spanish. In the Vetus Missale Gallicanum 1 of the collections, the Benedic- tion consists of one unbroken prayer, while in the Gothico- Gallican it is generally in five 2 parts, though there are instances in which it is composed of three, 3 four, 4 six, 5 or even nine. 6 The conclusion is always an address to the Father or the Son, but in other respects varies : " Which do Thou vouchsafe to grant, who with the Father and the Holy Ghost (or, who in perfect Trinity) livest," etc. ; " Through our Lord Jesus Christ Thy Son, who with Thee liveth," etc. ; " Grant it, Saviour of the world, who with the Father and the Holy Ghost," 7 etc. At the beginning of the sixth century it was the custom in France for persons in full communion, but not wishing to communicate, to " go out of Church as soon as the Divine Lessons (i.e. the Epistle and Gospel) were read." 8 An attempt to stop this was first made by the Council of Agde 9 in 506 : " By a special ordinance we command the Masses to be observed entire on the Lord's Day ; so that the people do not presume to go out before the Priest's Blessing," which was after the consecration. In a similar order of the Council of Orleans, 10 in 511, it is implied that they might leave after the Bishop's Benediction : " Let not the people depart before the solemnity of the Mass shall be completed, and when the Bishop shall not be there, let them receive the Blessing of the Priest." It was probably found that this rule could not be enforced; for by the third Council of Orleans, 538, the people are in all cases allowed to leave before the Commu- nion : " Let none of the Laity depart from Masses before the Lord's Prayer is said, and if the Bishop shall be present let his Benediction be waited for." 11 Csesarius of Aries, who died in 542, has left two homilies 12 in which he dissuades the people from leaving before the Benediction ; and he is said the Father and the Son liveth and reigneth, one God," etc. (p. 263) ; (or) " Who One God in perfect Trinity liveth," etc. (p. 337). 1 Liturg. Gall. pp. 333, 349, 365, 366, etc. 2 Ibid. pp. 189, 196, 200, etc. 3 Ibid. pp. 198, 219, 272, 273. 4 Ibid. pp. 223, 228. 5 Ibid. pp. 192, 208. Ibid. p. 210. 7 Ibid. pp. 189, 200, 208, 211. 8 Caesarius, Horn. Ixxx. inter Serm. S. Aug. cclxxxi. torn. xvi. col. 1417. 9 Can. xlvii. Labb. toin. iv. coL 1391. 10 Can. xxvi. Labb. torn. iv. col. 1408. 11 Can. xxix. Labb. torn. v. col. 302. 12 Nn. cclxxxi. cclxxxii. inter S. Aug. App. iv. toin. xvi. SECT. IV.] THE COMMIXTURE. 585 " very often" to have kept them in by closing the doors of the Church after the reading of the Gospel. 1 SECTION III. Piiblic Notices, and Requests for the Prayers of the People. In the Gelasian Sacramentary and some others probably derived from it, after the Priest's blessing, "The Lord be ever with you," with its response, " And with thy spirit," the following Rubric occurs : " After this the people are to be warned, at their seasons, of the Fasts of the first, fourth, seventh, and tenth month, or of the Scrutinia, or the Opening of the Ears, or if prayer is to be made for the Sick, or Saints' Days announced. After this the Priest communicates with the sacred Orders, with all the people." 2 The request of prayer for the sick in this place is in keeping with the prin- ciple on which, as we have already seen, 3 the great interces- sions were introduced between the Consecration and Com- munion ; but the notices of Fasts, etc., do not appear equally in place here. SECTION IV. The Commixture. We have already mentioned the Roman custom of putting a small piece broken off the Host into the Chalice. This rite is called the Commixtion, or Commixture. It is not primitive, but must have spread at an early period, though with great variety of observance, over both divisions of the Church. The first supposed allusion to it occurs in the Ex- positio Brevis ascribed to S. Germanus of Paris (A.D. 555), or to a disciple of his : " The Confraction and Commixture of the Body of the Lord was of old set forth with such mys- teries," 4 etc. The next notice of this rite is gathered from 1 See Praef. to Serm. cclxxxi. u.s. col. 1416. 2 Murat. torn. i. col. 698. 3 See the remarks in Part i. Ch. xiv. Sect. iv. p. 420, and the references in foot-note there. See also Part n. Ch. vi. Sect. xiii. at the end, p. 568. 4 Printed by Martene, L. i. c. iv. Art. xii. Ord. i. torn. i. p. 168. I strongly suspect, however, that for commixtio we ought to read comminutio or communicatio, or that the words et commixtio are an interpolation, as the Body only is mentioned, and the context dwells on the Confraction only, and there is no reference (that I can discover) to the Commixture in the old Gallican Sacramentaries. The Gallican name for it at this period would also be, almost to a certainty, identical with the Spanish, i.e. con- junctio. Many writers have produced what they consider an earlier refer- ence still ; viz., from the 17th Canon of the First Council of Orange, A.D. 441 : " Cum capsa et calix offerendus est (the AfSS. read inferendus), et admixtione Eucharistise consecrandus." Can. xvii. Labb. torn. iii. col. 586 THE ROMAN FERMENT UM. [CHAP, yill. Spain, where, in 633, the Council of Toledo 1 speaks of " the Conjunction of the Bread and Cup," as an action following the Lord's Prayer. A double Commixture is prescribed in the most ancient of the Ordines Romani, which is supposed by Usher 2 to have been compiled about the year 730. If a Bishop is the celebrant, and the Pope is not present, after the Lord's Prayer with its Embolis, but before the Fraction, " a particle of the Leaven 3 (Fermenti) which has been conse- crated by the Apostolicus (Pope) is brought by the oblation- ary Subdeacon, and given to the Archdeacon, but he hands it to the Bishop, who signing it thrice and saying Pax Domini, etc., puts it into the cup." 4 This Leaven, called also Sancta, the Holy Things, was a piece of the consecrated Bread of the Eucharist, sent, at one time every Sunday, by the Pope to the several Churches of Eome, as a token of Communion. The same Ordo shows that when the Pope himself cele- brated the same rite was observed, but it must have been with a piece of consecrated Bread (in that case called the Leaven} reserved from the previous celebration in the same Church. 5 It is probable that this rite in both its forms would be imitated elsewhere ; 6 but how far it extended there 1450. The reader will probably agree with Dupin, that " the only sense it is capable of is this, that when they consecrate the Chalice or Plate, they must celebrate the Sacrament in those vessels." Biblioth. Cent. v. Councils, vol. i. p. 681 ; Engl. transl. 1 Can. xviii. Labb. torn. iv. col. 1711. 2 Cave, Hist. Lit. ad ann. 730. 3 Evidently so called because leaven is the piece of dough reserved, when bread is made, to be mixed with the fresh dough of the next baking. See Mabill. Comm. in Ord. Rom. p. xl. Mus. Ital. torn. ii. 4 Ord. Rom. i. 22 ; Mus. Ital. torn. ii. p. 16. Compare the Epistle to Decentius ascribed to Innocent I.: " Presbyteri, quia die ipsa, propter plebem sibi creditam, nobiscum convenire non possunt, idcirco Fermentum a nobis confectum per Acolythos accipiunt, ut se a nostra communione, maxime ilia die, non judicent separates. " Cap. v. Cigheri, torn. iv. p. 178. Writers who say that it was sent to the Suburbicarian Bishops are mis- taken ; as Romsee, torn. iv. p. 275. 6 Mus. Ital. torn. ii. p. 1 3. The same observances were prescribed in the second Ordo, which is a little later. Mabillon (Comment, p. xxxvi. ) thinks that in this both Commixtures are ex prcesenti Sacrificio. I differ from him ; for in the second Book, no less than the first, we find the Sancta present (n. iv. p. 43) before the service begins, and in the subsequent directions there is no sign of such a variation. In p. 41 he says, incon- sistently and wrongly, that this Ordo prescribes only one immersion. See n. 12, p. 49, and n. 13, p. 50, from which it appears that a particle from the reserved Sancta is put into the Chalice before the Peace and Com- munion of the Celebrant, another from the newly-consecrated Bread after. 6 The Suburbicarian Bishops appear to have authority to do as the Pope did from the Ordo itself : " Episcopi, qui civitatibus president, ut summus Pontifex, ita omnia peragunt," p. 17. With regard to the Leaven, this began, Anastasius tells us, with Siricius, A.D. 385: "Hie constituit ut uullus Presbyter Missas celebraret per omnem hebdomadam, nisi couse- SECT. IV.] A TWOFOLD COMMIXTURE. 587 is no evidence to show. As the reserved Bread, especially the Leaven (which at one time was consecrated only on Maundy-Thursday, Easter Eve, Easter, Whitsunday, and Christmas, for the whole year l ), would often be very dry and hard, its immersion in the Cup before it was consumed was a simple necessity ; and this is the reason which Eitualists have suggested for it. 2 But this Commixture of the pre- sanctified Bread was followed by another of a part of the newly consecrated : " When he (the Pope) shall have com- municated, he puts of that same Holy Thing, which he had bitten, into the Cup . . . saying, ' May the Commixture and consecration of the Body and Blood of our Lord Jesus Christ be made to us who receive (profitable) unto eternal life.' " 3 It is this second Commixture which survives in the present ritual of the Church of Eome. For some time, however, it took place in some Churches at that part of the service in which the particle of the Sancta had been immersed. Thus Amalarius, 4 827, says that in his time " some first put of the Holy Thing into the Chalice, and afterwards said Pax Domini ; others on the contrary reserved the immersion until the Peace and Fraction of the Bread were performed." He must suppose that a piece of the newly consecrated Bread was broken off in the first case before the prescribed Fraction ; as when he goes on to appeal to the Eoman directory, he does not seem aware that the first Commixture in that was of pre- sanctified Bread. " If," saith he, " this is so done in the Koman Church, from them also may be learned what the Bread twice put into the Cup means." The Milanese 5 Liturgy prescribes the following form to be said by the Celebrant at the Commixture : " May the Com- mixture of the consecrated Body and Blood of our Lord Jesus Christ profit us, eating and taking, unto life and joy eternal." The Mozarabic : 6 " Holy Things unto holy ; and may the cratuin Episcopi loci designati susciperet declaratum, quod nominatur Fermentum." De Vit. Pont. Rom. n. xxxix. p. 22. The origin of it in Rome he ascribes to Melchiades, 311 : "Hie fecit, ut oblationes conse- cratse per Ecclesias ex consecratu Episcopi dirigerentur, quod declaratur Fermentum," n. xxxiii. p. 12. 1 Codex Vetustus Ratisbonn. apud Mabill. Mus. ItaL torn. ii. p. xxxviii. 2 So Le Brun, Explic. P. v. Art. v. tome ii. p. 572 ; Romse"e, Sensus Cser. Miss. c. ii. Art. xxxvii. n. vi. torn. iv. p. 276. 3 Ord. Rom. i. n. 19, corrected from Ord. ii. n. 13 ; Mus. Ital. torn. ii. pp. 14, 50. 4 De Eccl. Off. L. iii. c. 31 ; Hittorp. col. 432. Very similar is the language of a passage found in some MSS. of Rabanus, De Instit. Cler. L. i. c. xxxiii. ; Hitt. col. 586. 6 Pamel. torn. i. p. 304. 6 Leslie, pp. 6, 232. Sancta Sanctis would of course originally mean " Holy Things for the holy," i.e. for holy persons ; but here it is connected 588 MYSTICAL REASONS. [CHAP. VIII. Conjunction of the Body and Blood of our Lord Jesus Christ be to us taking and drinking for pardon ; and to the faithful departed be granted for rest." The present Eoman form varies a little from that given above : " May this Commix- ture and consecration of the Body and Blood," etc. As the consecration has taken place before, a difficulty presents itself here, which has met with no satisfactory solution. 1 The English 2 Liturgies were free from this objection: " May the most holy Commixture of the Body and Blood of our Lord Jesus be made to me and all receiving, health of mind and body, and a salutary preparation for laying hold on eternal life." This form was far the more common in the middle ages in the Churches of France and Germany. 3 Mystical reasons for the Commixture are given by many Latin writers : It is " to denote the conjunction of the Body and Soul in the Eesurrection of Christ ;" 4 " to signify that the Body of Christ is not without the Blood, nor the Blood without the Body ;" 5 " that one Sacrament is made out of the species of Bread and Wine," 6 Merati 7 says, " though neither is the Body without the Blood in the consecrated Host, nor the Blood without the Body in the Chalice ; never- theless because the Body is consecrated separately under the species of bread, and the Bl6od under the species of wine, with the Conjunction, and the sense changed. In some Grallican Missals the words were altered to Sancta cum Sanctis, to suit the new sense. One example (from Bheims, 1491) is very remarkable, as the formula clearly borrows from Spain, if not from an earlier Gallican tradition : "Holy things with holy ; and may the Conjunction of the Body and Blood of our Lord Jesus Christ be to all who eat and drink, salvation unto life eternal." Martene, L. i. c. vi. Art. ix. n. iL 1 Some, as Le Brun, Godeau, Hardouin, say that the consecration of the Body and Blood means the consecrated Body and Blood, the abstract being used for the concrete ; others, that the two species impart to each other some kind of mutual consecration, alleging that consecrareis simul sacrare. See Le Brun, Explic. P. v. Art. v. torn. ii. p. 574 ; De Vert, De la Messe, P. i. c. viii. torn. iii. p. 346. 2 Maskell, Anc. Lit. p. 114. 3 See examples in Martene, L. i. c. iv. Art. xii. pp. 190, 194, 204, 208, etc. Add De Plove, Expos. 5tae P. Miss. When the Roman form is given, it is put second as au alternative, pp. 185, 192, etc. For a long period this formula was only prescribed in the books designed to direct and help the private devotion of the Priests at the Celebration ; and to this day it is not said by the Carthusians. Romsee, Sens. Miss. App. Art. i. iv. 4 Micrologus, c. 17, Hittorp. col. 741 ; Durand. L. iv. c. li. n. 17 ; Nicol. de Plove, Expos. 5tse Part. Miss. So Innocent in., Gabriel Biel, etc. 6 Durand. L. iv. c. li. n. 17. 6 Durand. u.s. Biel, sect. Ixxxi. fol. clxxxiii. fa. 2, who, however, thinks this a poor reason. 7 P. ii. tit. x. torn. i. p. 330. SECT. IV.] THE COMMIXTURE NOT PRIMITIVE. 589 therefore it has been decreed that the one be mixed with the other." In the Greek and Oriental Churches the Commixture, or rather Intinction, serves to the Communion of the laity, and probably originated in a fear lest particles of the holy Bread, which being leavened is naturally friable, should fall to the ground during the distribution. Another conjecture is that it was introduced by S. Chrysostom, 1 in consequence of a woman, who was addicted to the Macedonian heresy, having conveyed away the holy Bread which she had received from his hand. However this may be, it is certain, from its general use among the Orthodox, Nestorians, and Jacobites, that it was a common practice by the beginning of the fifth century. In S. James 2 the Priest first breaks the Bread into two parts, and dips that in his right hand into the Chalice, say- ing, " The union of the all-holy Body and precious Blood of our Lord and God and Saviour Jesus Christ." Then after crossing that in his left hand, and signing the other part with it, he puts some into each Cup, saying, " A holy portion of Christ, full of grace and truth, of the Father and the Holy Ghost, to whom be the glory and the power for ever and ever." In S. Basil 3 and S. Chrysostom, 4 the Priest dividing the holy Bread into four parts, puts one of them into the Cup, saying, " The fulness of faith of the Holy Ghost." In the Syro- Jacobite 5 rite, a mystical meaning is given to the act by the form that accompanies it : " Thou, Lord, hast mingled Thy Divinity with our humanity," etc. There is no similar interpretation of it in the Nestorian 6 or Coptic 7 Liturgies. I have said that the Commixture is not truly primitive. There is no mention of it in any ecclesiastical writer for several centuries after Christ. It is not prescribed in the long disused, and therefore long unchanged, Liturgy of S. Mark, 8 nor in the Greek Alexandrine 9 Liturgies derived from it. There is no allusion to it in the Clementine. 10 In the West we find the prayer said at the Commixture in a Cele- brant's manual (so to speak) of the time of Charlemagne ; n but there is no Rubric or Prayer bearing on it in any Sacra- 1 Goar, note 179, p. 152, from Arcudius, L. iii. c. 53, and Ligaridius. They assume, as seems necessary, that the intinction and use of the spoon began together. 2 Assem. torn. v. p. 54 ; Liturg. Patr. pp. 34, 35. 3 Goar, p. 175. * Ibid. p. 82. 5 Renaud. torn. ii. p. 41. 6 Renaud. torn. ii. p. 596. 7 Ibid. torn. i. pp. 23, 36, 51. 8 Ibid. p. 162. 9 Ibid. pp. 82, 122. 10 Constit. Apost. L. viii. c. xiii. ; Cotel. torn. i. p. 404. 11 In Martene, L. i. c. iv. Art. xiii. Ord. v. torn. i. p. 190. 590 THE AGNUS DEI. [CHAP. VIII. menta,ry written before the tenth century. 1 We can infer nothing from the order for this ceremony, in the old Liturgy of Jerusalem, for that is in occasional use to the present day, and has in consequence been greatly altered and corrupted. It probably came to Eome from the East, through Spain. We may observe that the Spanish name for the rite, viz., conjunctio, is nearer to the Greek union than the Eoman commixtio. Conjunctio was probably adopted as a trans- lation of evwo-is, when the practice was first introduced, but commixtio preferred as more appropriate, when, somewhat later, it found its way to Eome. We cannot suppose that this singular custom was deliber- ately devised. Like so many other rites, it had apparently what we may call an accidental origin, arising from the intinction of the part of the Bread intended for the sick. " Because the Priest," says Maldonatus, 2 " could not steep the Eucharist at a more convenient time than at the Fraction and Communion, he therefore put that particle of the Host into the Cup, and afterwards separated it with a spoon and reserved it." SECTION V.The Agnus Dei. In the Eoman Missal, immediately after the Commixture, the Priest " with hands joined, and thrice beating his breast, says, Lamb of God, that takest away the sins of the world " (thrice), followed by " Have mercy upon us " (twice), and the third time by " Grant us Thy peace," except, for a period, on Maundy-Thursday, 3 when the Kiss of Peace was not given. In our pre-Eeformation Liturgies this was said before the Commixture, the Deacon and Subdeacon standing on the right of the Priest and joining in it " privately." In England it is traced back to the days of Citric : 4 " God's servants sing at every Mass, Lamb of God, that takest," 1 See the Gelas. Murat. torn. i. col. 698 ; the Gregorian, from different MSS., Mur. torn. ii. coll. 6, 780 ; Pamel. torn. ii. p. 183 ; Gerbert, Mon. Alem. P. i. p. 237, etc. The earliest, that I find cited, in which a notice of the Commixture is introduced, are the Sacramentary of Treves, written in the tenth century, the Missa Ratoldi, of about the same time (Le Brim, Expl. P. v. Art. v. tome ii. p. 567, note), and a Viennese MS. also of the tenth century (Gerbert, M.S. note). 2 De Czerem. Disp. ii. xxii. n. iii. ; Zaccar. Biblioth. Ritual, torn. ii. P. ii. p. clvi. 3 Durand. L. iv. c. Iii. n. 4. The custom is retained at Liege (Romse'e, Caerem. Miss. Art. xxxviii. i.) and Clermont (Le Brun, Explic. P. v. Art. vi.) 4 Horn, in S. Pasch. 2 ; Vind. Cathol. torn. iii. p. 347. SECT. V.] THE AGNUS, HOW SUNG. 591 etc. It is not in the Liturgies 1 of Milan or Spain ; nor in the Gallican Sacramentaiy of the seventh century, found at Bobio ; nor in the Gelasian ; nor in the Codex Othobonianus 2 of the Gregorian, which belongs to the early part of the ninth century ; nor in the most ancient German MSS. employed by Gerbert. The Vatican MS., which is of the eighth, ends with it once said, and so does the Leofric 3 Missal. As it was added to the Office before the Commixture, it would probably be said before it when the latter was introduced ; and accord- ingly we find it placed there, not only in England, but in Germany 4 and France, 5 and, what is more to the purpose, in Italy itself, as we learn from the two most ancient of the Ordines Koinani. 6 It is still so placed by the Dominicans. 7 At first the Agnus Dei was not sung by the Celebrant, but by the Choir and people, and perhaps by the other Clergy present. Sergius I., A.D. 687, is said to have decreed that " during the Confraction of the Lord's Body Agnus Dei, etc., should be sung by the Clergy and the people ; " 8 but whether this means that Sergius introduced the chant, or that he only ordered the Clergy to join with the people in an old form, before sung by the latter only, is uncertain. It was originally sung but once, as we gather from the Sacramentaries and the early notices of it. In the eleventh century John 9 of Eouen (or Avranches) speaks of it as twice said. In the twelfth, John Beleth, 10 A.D. 1162, speaks of it as sung twice with the petition, " Have mercy on us," and a third time with " Grant us Thy peace ; " as in our Mediaeval and in the Eoman Liturgy. This variation is recognised by Innocent in., 11 A.D. 1198; and from that age it became general, but has never been admitted into the Office of the Lateran 1 See Martene, L. i. c. iv. Art. xii. Ord. iii. ; Leslie, Miss. Moz. pp. 6, 232 ; Mus. Ital. torn. i. p. 281 ; Murat. Liturg. Rom. torn. i. col. 698 ; Gerbert, Disq. iv. c. iii. n. xli. 2 Murat. torn. ii. col. 6. 3 See the MS. Bodl. 579, foL 65. 4 Gerbert, Disq. iv. c. iii. n. xli. 5 See the MS. Monast. S. Dionys. of the eighth or ninth century, printed by Martene, L. i. c. iv. Art. xii. Ord. v. ; the Pontifical of Troye, of the ninth, ibid. Ord. vi. ; a MS. of Tours, Ord. vii. etc. 6 Mus. Ital. torn. ii. pp. 14, 50. Gerbert, Disq. iv. c. iii. n. xli., refers to a Sacramentary of Subiaco, dated 1075, in which the Agnus precedes the Commixture. 7 Eomsee, De Cserem. Miss. App. Art. iii. iv. n. i. 8 Anast. Vit. Pont. n. Ixxxv. p. 62. 9 De Offic. Eccles. c. xlviii. 10 Div. Off. Expl. c. xlviii. 11 De Myst. Miss. L. vi. c. iv. torn. i. p. 413. 592 THE PEACE BEFORE COMMUNIOK [CHAP. VIIL Basilic. 1 A Eoman MS. Missal, dated 1158, has it thrice, but a prayer of preparation for the Communion comes between the first and second Agnus. 2 In the thirteenth century Durandus 3 gives them without a break. The Carthusians still sing the Agnus but once. 4 In England, Archbishop ^Elfric, 5 probably about 957, forbade the Agnus as well as the Offertory and Communia to be sung on Easter Eve ; and Lanfranc 6 declares, two centuries later, that this was the general custom of the " chief Churches of the Monks." The rule was borrowed from Rome, where we find it in an Ordo of the eighth century. 7 From the life of S. Meinwerc, it is inferred that it was a custom in the eleventh century (perhaps a very partial one) for the Bishop to " ascend the pulpit after the Agnus Dei" and address the people thence. 8 SECTION VI. The Peace before Communion. In our earlier Liturgies the Commixture (preceded by the Agnus Dei) was followed by the Kiss of Peace. In the Roman the Agnus Dei intervenes. In the Sarum, Bangor, and Hereford Missals, as well as in that of Rome, a prayer is provided to be said before the Peace is given ; not in that of York. 9 The Sarum and Bangor give the same, while that of Hereford agrees with the Roman form. The Sarum and Bangor Rubric then says, " Here let the Priest kiss the Corporals on the right side, and the top of the Chalice, and afterwards the Deacon, saying, Peace be to thee and to the Church" [of God, JBangJ] To which the Deacon answers, "And with Thy Spirit." The Rubric then proceeds, "Let the Deacon on the right of the Priest take the Pax from him, 1 Bona, L. ii. c. xvi. n. v. ; Romsee, Caerem. Art. xxxviii. i. We are told the same by John the Deacon, 1170, De Eccl. Later, c. vi. Mus. Ital. torn. ii. p. 566. 2 Romsee, de Cajrem. Miss. Art. xxxix. i. 3 L. iv. c. lii. n. 2. 4 Romsee, App. Art. L iv. n. ii. 5 Johnson's Canons, P. i. p. 404. Lanfranc has Communio, correctly. 6 Constit. Wilkins, vol. i. p. 339. 7 Mus. Ital. torn. ii. p. 28. 8 Vita, c. xiii. n. 96 ; Bolland, Jun. v. p. 544. 9 This prayer is comparatively modern in the Roman. " It is not in the ancient," says Gavanti, " but has a place in a MS. Missal in the Vatican with the two following." In P. ii. tit. x. Rub. Miss. Duran- dus implies that some prayer was said : " Facta Commixtione, et finita oratione accipit Pacem," etc. L. iv. c. liii. n. i. SECT. VI.] THE ENTREATY FOR FORGIVENESS. 593 and hand it to the Subdeacon. Then at the step of the choir let the Deacon himself carry the Pax to the directors of the choir, and let them bear the Pax to the choir, each to his own part, beginning with the elder." York has, " Here let the Kiss of Peace be given, saying, Hold the bond of peace and charity, that ye may be meet for the most holy Mysteries of God." Hereford : " Then let him offer the Peace ; but first let him kiss the Chalice, then the Altar, saying, Hold the bond," etc. " And when he kisses the Minister let him say, The Peace of Christ and of the Holy Church be to thee and to all the sons of the Church." In the Eoman the Priest kisses the Altar, and approaching 1 his left cheek to that of the Minister, says, " Peace be to thee," to which the other responds, " And with thy spirit." If no Minister is present he does not kiss the Altar, though he says the Prayer of Peace. 2 The Carthusians, Dominicans, and some other Religious retain the Oscillatory ; which is also prescribed in private Masses. 3 In the Greek Church, although the Kiss of Peace is no longer observed, and was in fact never observed at this part of the Service, a very edifying custom nevertheless prevails, which breathes the same spirit as that ancient rite. Imme- diately " before they receive the Sacrament, they ask forgive- ness one of another. The Deacon begs it of the consecrating Priest, who always takes care to be reconciled to any one who has a matter against him, before he approaches the Altar. The Priests who assist turn their heads to the right hand and to the left, signifying by this gesture their desire of forgiveness, if they have offended any then present. And the people who communicate, every one for himself, says aloud in the hearing of all, before the act of receiving, Forgive, Christians ; which the rest with one voice answer, God forgive you" 4 For other and more numerous particulars respecting the Kiss of Peace, see Part n. Ch. ii. Sect. ii. p. 434. 1 When the Bishop celebrates, the cheeks touch. Cserem. Episc. L. ii. c. 8, Romsee, De Miss. c. ii. Art. xxxix. n. iii. Some (as Merati, P. ii. tit. x. n. xliv. torn. i. p. 357 ; Cavalieri, torn. v. c. xxiii. n. xv.) speak of their lightly touching in all cases ; but " general use," according to Romsee, is in favour of approach "without physical touch." Ibid. note. 2 Rit. Celebr. Miss. x. 3. 3 Romsee, De Cser. Miss. c. ii. Art. xxxix. n. iii. * Smith's Greek Church, p. 143 ; see Goar, p. 149, note 169. 2 P 594 8ANCTA SANCTIS. [CHAP. VIII. SECTION VII. The Proclamation, Sancta Sanctis. In S. Mark, 1 S. James, 2 the later Greek, 3 and the Armenian 4 Liturgies, after the Lord's Prayer and before the Fraction ; in the Nestorian 5 and Egyptian, 6 after both ; in the Ethiopian 7 (which, like ours, postpones the Lord's Prayer), after the Fraction; in the Syrian, after the first Fraction and Lord's Prayer, but before the second ; the Cele- brant lifts up the Mysteries, " yet not so as to be seen by the people " 8 (the door being still closed or the veil drawn, and he standing with his face to the Altar), and proclaims " Holy Things for holy persons." The Clementine 9 is without any directions for the Fraction, and without the Lord's Prayer ; but this formula is used immediately after the Benediction. In the West it is preserved in the Mozarabic 10 Liturgy, and in some old provincial French Missals ; but it was misunder- stood of the " Conjunction " of the sacred Elements ; and in more than one of the latter, 11 Sancta Sanctis was altered to Sancta cum Sanctis to suit the misinterpretation. From its early universality, and the Scriptural title " the Saints," which it gives to the Faithful, we may infer that this proclamation belongs to the Apostolic age. The first Father, however, who refers to it is S. Cyril 12 of Jerusalem : " After these (the Lord's Prayer and Eesponse) the Priest says, ' Holy things for holy persons ;' the Holy Things set forth (on the Altar) on which the Holy Ghost has come; ye also being holy persons, having the gift of the Holy Ghost.' The Holy things 1 Renaud. torn. i. p. 161. 2 Assem, torn. v. p. 53 ; Lit. PP. p. 33. 3 Goar, pp. 81, 175. 4 Neale's Introd. p. 638. But the formula here is, " The Holy of Holies ; " or, as others, " For the holiness of the holy." Le Brun, I)iss. x. Art. xx. tome v. p. 313. 5 Renaud. torn. ii. p. 595 ; Le Brun, Diss. xi. Art. xii. tome vi. pp. 522, 525. Here again the words are altered, " Sancta sanctis decet in per- fectione." The Malabar has " Sanctum Sanctis decet, Domine mi, in consummatione." Raulin, p. 325. 6 Renaud. torn. i. pp. 23, 82, 122. * lUd. p. 519. s Goar, p. 145, note 158. 9 Const. Apost. L. viii. c. xiii. Cotel. torn. i. p. 404. 10 Leslie, pp. 6, 232. " Sancta sanctis, et conjunctio Corporis D. Nostri J. C. sit sumentibus et potantibus nobis ad veniam, et defunctis fidelibus prasstetur ad requiem." 11 One Angers Missal has "Sanctum cum sanctis ; hsec sacrosancta com- mixtio," etc. Another, " Sancta cum sanctis, et commixtio," etc. A Rheims Missal, so late as 1491, has "Sancta cum sanctis, et conjunctio" (the word used in Spain). Martene, L. i. c. iv. Art. ix. n. i. torn, i. p. 151. 12 Catech. Myst. V. xvi. p. 300. SECT. VII.] THE GREEK ELEVATION. 595 therefore correspond to the holy persons." S. Chrysostom 1 makes it the ground of a very solemn exhortation : "When he saith, Holy things for holy persons, he saith, If any one be not holy, let him not approach. He saith not, merely free from sins, but holy. For mere freedom from sins maketh not saints, but the presence of the Holy Ghost and wealth of works." Cyril 2 of Alexandria : " The Ministers of the Divine Mysteries call out to those who wish to partake of the Mystic Blessing, ' Holy things for the holy,' teaching that the Communion of the Holy Things is most meet for those who have been sanctified by the Spirit." The elevation of the Bread, which takes place here in the Greek and Oriental rites, is not with a view to adoration. It is only seen by those within the Bema, 3 the doors of which are still closed. 4 The pure Armenian 5 Liturgy merely directs the Priest to " lift up the Sacrifice before his eyes ;" but there are copies, 6 accommodated to Eoman notions, which order him to " show it to the people." Pseudo-Dionysius 7 only, about 450, speaks of the Elevation (if in his time it could be so called) as a " showing of the Gifts." At a much later period it is thus referred to by Symeon 8 of Thessalonica : " Having robed and lifted up the Bread, and proclaimed ' Holy Things,' etc., he invites all holy persons to that Divine lively food of the Sacred Table, (that is) when he says, Holy things for the holy." Dionysius Bar Salib : 9 " The Priest lifts up and carries about the Sacraments, crying out and saying, Holy things for the holy." James 10 of Edessa : " The Priest shall proclaim to the people that the holy things of the Body and Blood are for those who are pure and holy, not for those who are not cleansed. And uttering these words with a loud voice, he lifts the Sacraments on high for a witness of that which he has just announced." 1 Horn. xvii. in Ep. ad. Hebr. 5, torn. xii. p. 245. 2 Cotnm. in S. Job. Ev. L. x. (c. xx. v. 17), torn. iv. p. 1086. 3 "Non ita tamen ut a populo conspiciatur." Goar, note 158, p. 145. " Orientalium disciplina," says Renaudot, " est elevare et astantibus ostendere sacra mysteria." Tom. ii. p. 608. I presume tbat tbe astantes are only tbose about tbe Altar. 4 Goar, pp. 84, 151. See before, note 3 , p. 581. 5 Neale's Introd. p. 638. 6 Le Brun, Diss. x. Art. xx. tome v. pp. 313, 6. 7 Eccl. Hier. c. iii. 11, Opp. torn. i. p. 284, "Having shown the gifts ... be botb proceeds to tbe Communion of them himself, and invites tbe others." Tbe date is very doubtful. 8 De Templo, etc., Goar, p. 228. 9 Comment, in Renaud. torn. i. p. 267. 10 Le Brun, Diss. ix. Art. i. tome vi. p. 610. 596 PRAYER TO CHRIST IN HEAVEN. [CHAP. VIII. At the same time, it was taught that this lifting up of the Body of Christ " represented the lifting up on the Cross, and the death on it, and the Eesurrection itself." l We have before had occasion to speak of the undue veneration 2 paid to the unconsecrated Elements at the Great Entrance in the Greek and Oriental Churches. Nothing of the kind takes place after the Consecration. There is no Eubric prescribing, or prayer embodying, the adoration of the Elements in any Greek or Oriental Liturgy. NOT do the exhortations to reverence and godly fear at this part of the Office which we meet with in Ecclesiastical writers neces- sarily imply anything like the Eoman worship of the Host as God. The strongest passages alleged are such as these, from Syrian writers : " All cry out (at the elevation of the Bread), as the thief cried to Him, Have mercy upon me, Lord, when Thou shalt come into Thy Kingdom." 3 " All of the laity shall bow their heads, worshipping God in fear and trembling, with tears, with the utmost earnestness, and beating of their breasts, imploring the remission of their sins," 4 etc. This worship may simply be addressed to Christ, especially present, as a Primitive Christian or a member of the Church of England might address it, and not to the hallowed Elements as God. Were such passages much stronger than they are, we could not infer, that they favoured the Eoman theory ; for they could not describe or enjoin a greater reverence than is shown to the Elements before their consecration. The true sense of the earlier Greek Church is shown in a remarkable manner by the short prayer which immediately precedes the Elevation in S. Basil and S. Chrysostom : 5 "Give ear, O Lord Jesus Christ, our God, from Thy holy habitation, and from the throne of the glory of Thy kingdom, and come to sanctify us, Thou that sittest above with the Father, and art present invisibly with us here ; and by Thy mighty hand vouchsafe to impart to us of Thy undefiled Body and precious Blood, and through us to all Thy people." This is not a prayer to Christ on the Altar, but to Christ in heaven. In the Armenian 6 it comes a little space after the Elevation. There is a corresponding 1 German. C. P. Tlieoria Mystica, Liturg. PP. p. 177 ; Symeon Thess. Goar, p. 228 ; Severus Aschm. De Exerc. Christianorum, Renaud. torn. i. p. 266, etc. 2 See Part i. Ch. xi. Sect. viii. p. 342. 3 Severus, De Exerc. Christian. Renaud. torn. i. p. 266. 4 An addition in a later copy of Gabriel Patr. Rituale, Renaud. u.8. 5 Goar, pp. 81, 174. 6 Neale's Introd. p. 642. SECT. VII.] THE RESPONSE TO SANCTA SANCTIS. 597 prayer in S. Mark 1 and S. James 2 also addressed to our Lord in heaven : " holy Lord, who restest in the Holy Places," etc. In the seventeenth century, however, the Greek Church became formally responsible for the same high worship of the Elements as is practised in the Roman. In the Confessio Orthodoxa, 3 sanctioned in 1643, we are taught that "since the substance of the bread is changed into the substance of the holy Body, and the substance of the wine into the sub- stance of the precious Blood ; therefore we ought to honour and adore the holy Eucharist as our Saviour Jesus Himself." The Confession of Doritheus, 4 adopted by the Council of Jerusalem 1672, is more explicit: "The Body and Blood of the Lord in the Sacrament of the Eucharist ought to be superlatively honoured and worshipped with latria. For the worship of the Holy Trinity and of the Body and Blood of the Lord is the same." The proclamation of the Priest, " Holy things for the holy," is in the most ancient Liturgies answered 5 by the people. S. Mark : 6 " One holy Father, one holy Son, one holy Spirit ; In the unity of the Holy Spirit. Amen." The common Greek 7 rite : " One holy, one Lord, Jesus Christ ; to the glory of God the Father;" to which S. James 8 adds, "to whom be glory for ever and ever." The Clementine : 9 " One holy, one Lord, one Jesus Christ, to the glory of God the Father, blessed for ever. Amen. Glory to God in the Highest, and on earth peace, good-will towards men. Ho- sanna to the Son of David. Blessed is He who cometh in the name of the Lord ; God, the Lord ; and hath appeared to us. Hosanna in the highest." The Greek Alexandrine : 10 " Lord have mercy (thrice). One holy Father, one holy Son, one holy Ghost. Amen." The Ethiopian 11 follows this, only omitting the Kyries. In the Coptic 12 this response is lost, but may be traced in two sentences said by the Priest ; one when, after the Sancta Saudis, he dips the Bread in the Chalice, and another after the Confession and the veiling : " Blessed be the Lord Jesus Christ, the Son of God, and the 1 Renaud. torn. i. p. 161. 2 Assem. torn. v. p. 53 ; Liturg. PP. p. 33, 3 Pars i. Q. Ivi. ; Kimmel, Monum. P. i. p. 126. 4 Deor. xvii. ; Kimmel, p. 460. 6 In the Coptic the Response is misplaced, and precedes the Sancta. Renaud. torn. i. p. 23. 6 Renaud. torn. i. p. 161, 7 Goar, p, 81. 8 Assem. torn, v. p. 53 ; Lit. PP. p. 34. 9 Const. Apost. L. viii. c. xiii. ; CoteL torn. i. p. 404. 10 Renaud. torn. i. pp. 82, 122. u Ibid. p. 520. 12 Ibid. pp. 23, 4. 598 THE GALLICAN TRECANUM. [CHAP. VIII. Holy Ghost. Amen." " All honour, glory, and worship are due to the Holy Trinity, Father, Son, and Holy Ghost." The common Syrian 1 form is longer : " One holy Father, one holy Son, one holy Ghost. Blessed be the name of the Lord, who is One in heaven and in earth. To Him be glory for ever. Glory be to the Father, and to the Son, and to the Holy Ghost, who sanctifieth all things, and purifieth all things." 2 The Nestorian here only departs from its primi- tive original by the addition of the Gloria : " One holy Father, one holy Son, one holy Spirit. Glory be to the Father, and to the Son, and to the Holy Ghost, for ever and ever. Amen." The Armenian : 3 " One only is holy, One only is the Lord Jesus Christ, to the honour of God the Father." Then the Deacon says, " Sir, give the blessing. Priest. Blessed be the holy Father, the true God. Choir. Amen. D. Sir, give, etc. Pr. Blessed be the holy Son, the true God. Ch. Amen. D. Sir, give, etc. Pr. Blessed be the Holy Ghost, the true God. Ch. Amen. D. Sir, give, etc. Pr. Blessing and glory be to the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost, now and for ever, and world without end. Ch. Amen. The Father is holy, the Son is holy, the Spirit is holy. Blessing be to the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost, now and for ever, world without end. Amen." I have given the Armenian form at length, because I think that its manifold triplicity may help us to identify with this primitive doxology after the Sancta Saudis, the Trecanum of the old Gallican Church, which, as described by Germanus (who alone mentions it), must have been a canticle similarly arranged in honour of the Holy Trinity. In the kindred Mozarabic an Anthem (ad accedentes) (which serves also for the Communio) immediately follows the Benediction ; and it is after his account of the Benediction that Germanus 4 goes on at once to describe the Trecanum : " But the Trecanum, which is chanted, is a sign of the Catholic faith, proceeding from a belief in the Trinity. 5 For as the first rolls 6 in the 1 Renaud. torn. ii. p. 40. It is sometimes omitted in these Liturgies (see pp. 174, 295, etc.), but probably only by a clerical error, as we find the Sancta Sanctis left out, even when the Unus Pater is inserted, e.g. pp. 131, 259. S. Basil, p. 561, is peculiar. 2 Ibid. torn. ii. p. 595. Similarly the Malabar ; Raulin, p. 325. 3 Neale's Introd. p. 638. 4 Expositio, in Martene, L. i. c. iv. Art. xii. Ord. i. torn. i. p. 168. 5 The Latin is very corrupt throughout : " Trecanum vero quod psalletur [psallitur] signum est Catholics; fidei de Trinitatis credulitate procedere [procedens]. Sic[ut] enim prima in secunda," etc. Jtotatur. This word, which I do not understand, may perhaps furnish a clue to the symbolical manner in which the Trecanum was sung. SECT. VII.] THE EGYPTIAN CONFESSION. 599 second [an allusion, apparently, to the mode 1 of singing it], the second in the third, and again the third in the second, and the second in the first ; so the Father in the Son [etc.], embrace the mystery of the Trinity : [to wit] the Father in the Son, the Son in the Holy Ghost, the Holy Ghost in the Son, and again the Son in the Father." An example from the Mozarabic (though it must be remembered that the per- fect similarity of construction is only probable) may perhaps suggest to some musical reader the explanation of the obscure language of Germanus. The following is the Anti- fona ad accedentes for Palm Sunday: 2 "Remember us, O Lord, when Thou shalt come in Thy kingdom. V. Blessed are the poor in spirit, for theirs is the kingdom of heaven. P. Remember. R. Eejoice and be exceeding glad, for great is your reward in heaven. P. Remember. V. Glory and honour be to the Father, and to the Son, and to the Holy Ghost, for ever. Amen. P. Remember." This Gloria is common to all the old Spanish Antiphons. In the Egyptian and Ethiopian Liturgies 3 the Sancta Sanclis and "One Holy Father" are followed by a "Confession" of the Real Presence. It consists of three parts, all of a dif- ferent antiquity. " The Priest [still holding portions of the consecrated Bread] says the Confession. The holy Body and precious Blood of Jesus Christ, the Son of our God. Amen. TJie People. Amen. The holy and precious Body and true Blood of Jesus Christ, the Son of our God. Amen." So far this Confession is still said in Greek in the Coptic Liturgies, 4 a mark of great antiquity. It clearly originates in the words addressed to the Clergy at their Communion in S. Mark, 5 viz., " The holy Body," " The precious Blood of our Lord, and God, and Saviour." Next follows a clause of later date, which the Copts say in their own tongue : 6 " The Body and Blood of Immanuel, our God, this is in very deed. Amen." This appears to have been added as a protest against an inference drawn from the doctrine of Nestorius. The second addition is of some length, and is remarkable for asserting the Monophysite heresy : " I believe, I believe, I believe and confess to the last breath of life, that this is the life-giving Body, which Thou, Christ our God, didst take from the holy Mary, the Lady of us all, the Mother of God, 1 Trecanum. " Intelligo versus," says Ducange in v., " qui ita iiuncu- pantur a ternario eorum numero et ratione cantus." 2 Leslie, p. 154. 3 Renaud. toin. L pp. 23, 36, 83, 123, 520. 4 Ibid. p. 272. 5 Ibid. p. 162. c Ibid. p. 272. 600 THE HOT MIXTURE. [CHAP. VIII. the pure, and didst make that one thing with Thy Divinity," 1 etc. There is an analogous but less striking form in the Syrian Ordo Communis, 2 to be said by the Priest before the solemn Fraction, " while the Body is upon his hands : " " Thou art Christ our God, who on the top of Golgotha at Jerusalem wast pierced in Thy side for us. Thou art the Lamb of God that takest away the sins of the world. Do Thou spare our offences and forgive our sins, and set us at Thy right hand." In the Greek 3 Liturgy, the Priest, when about to communicate, " takes the lioly Bread, bowing his head before the tiacred Table, and prays thus, I believe, O Lord, and confess, that Thou art the Christ, the Son of the Living God, who earnest into the world to save sinners, of whom I am chief," etc. There is no corresponding formula in the Nestorian or Armenian Liturgies. SECTION VIII. The Hot Mixture of the Greeks. In the common Greek Liturgy, and in S. Basil, the Eesponse " One holy, one Lord," etc., is followed immedi- ately by the Fraction and Commixture, and these by a rite peculiar to the Greek Church. " The Deacon, taking boiling water, says to the Priest, Sir, bless this holy heat (^o-iv). And the Priest blesses it, saying, Blessed be the fervour of Thy Saints alway, now and for ever, and to endless ages. Amen. ut the Deacon pours it into the, holy Cup cross-wise, saying, The fervour of faith, full of the Holy Ghost. Amen. And this he does thrice!' 4 " As it was the custom of the Greeks on ordinary occasions 5 to add hot water to their wine immedi- ately before drinking it, it is possible, though very improbable, that they may also have done so at the Celebration from the first, or at least from a very early period, as a matter of course, without any thought of its effect on the rite. There is some reason to think that at Rome itself, while the Greek element prevailed, hot water was thus used at the Agapse, and if so, perhaps at the Eucharist, which was originally connected with them. In the Catacombs of that city a wall- painting of a Love-feast has been discovered, with the semi- Greek inscriptions, Irene, da calda[m], over a figure repre- senting Peace, and Agape, Misce mi, over another represent- ing Love. 6 Le Brun 7 sees an allusion to the practice in the 1 Renaud. torn. i. p. 36. 2 Renaud. torn. ii. p. 22. 3 Goar, p. 82. 4 Goar, pp. 81, 175. 5 See before, Part T. Ch. xi. Sect. ix. p. 351. 6 AringM, Roma Subterranea, L. iv. c. xiv. torn. ii. p. 119. 7 Diss. vi. Art. iv. note 29, tome iv. p. 413. SECT. VIII.] THE RITE NOT PRIMITIVE. 601 reply of the Armenian Patriarch whom the Emperor Maurice invited to Constantinople at the end of the sixth century : " May I never cross the river Azat, or eat bread baked in an oven, or drink hot." 1 It seems more probable, however, that he referred to the different modes of preparing common food in the two countries. The doubtful inferences that may be drawn from these two facts ought to weigh little, I think, against the absence of all plain and direct mention of the hot mixture for more than a thousand years after Christ. The first who does speak of it as an established practice is Balsamon, 2 about 1180, who states that the Iberians, though agreeing in all other respects with the Greeks, did not .use the hot mixture. This rite was never practised by the Latins, nor is it known to any Oriental Church, heretical or orthodox. 3 There is no reference to it in the Kubrics of S. James, which are sufficiently full in that part of the Liturgy. Eather the whole action, as there prescribed, excludes such a rite. We must observe, too, that Balsamon himself does not assert its antiquity. He only pleads that it does not alter that which is in the Cup, because after all it is only the addition of more water, alleges a mystical reason for doing it, and accuses those who condemn it of disbelief in the doctrine which it shadows forth. 4 His explanation is, that "it is put in to signify, that those things which flowed from the holy side of our Lord Jesus Christ, to wit, the blood and the water, are life-giving, and not dead." 5 Another reason given is, that, "_as both came out of the Divine side full of heat, so the very hot water put in at the time of the Communion may com- plete the perfect figure of the mystery," 6 etc. According to another, 7 this mixture typifies the gift of the Spirit to the 1 Narratio de Rebus Arraeniae, in the Graeco-Lat. PP. Biblioth. Novum Auctarium, by Combefis, tomus Historicus, p. 282 ; Par. 1648. 2 Comtn. in Can. xxxii. ; Cone. Trull. Pand. Bever. toin. i. p. 193. He says that a question arose about it at a Council, and that the Greeks persuaded the Iberians to adopt their custom. He does not say when the Council was held. 3 Renaud. torn. i. p. 294. 4 See as above, and especially his 18th Answer to Mark of Ephesus. Opp. torn. ii. p. 969 ; Par. 1865. 8 Ibid. Comp. Symeon, Miss, de Templo, etc. : " Testifying that the Lord's Body, even dead, . . . still continues life-giving, the Divinity not being separated from it." Printed in Goar, p. 229. 6 S. Germ. C.P. A.D. 1222, Theoria Mystica ad calc. Liturg. PP. p. 178 ; Par. 1560. 7 Cabasilas, A.D. 1350, Liturg. Expos, c. xxxvii. Biblioth. De la Bigne, torn. xxvi. p. 191 ; Lugd. 1677. 602 THE HOT MIXTURE. [CHAP. VIII. Church ; " for the water, both as being water and partaking of fire, signifies the Holy Ghost, who is both called water, and appeared as fire, when He descended on the disciples of Christ. ... By the Mysteries is signified the Church, which is the Body of Christ, and His members in particular, which (Church) both at that time received the Holy Ghost, and now also, since Christ hath been taken up into heaven, hath also received the gift of the Spirit." CHAPTER IX. C0mnutni0tt. SECTION I. The Communion of the Celebrant. RUBRIC XXVI. IF Then shall & the Minister b first c receive the Com- munion in both kinds himself, and then proceed to deliver the same to d the Bishops, Priests, and Deacons, e in like manner, (if any be present,} and after that to the people i also in order, zinto their hands, h all meekly kneeling. A nd, when he deliver eth ' l the Bread Ho any one, he k shall say. a THE MINISTER.] The First Book of Edward had the Priest. This was altered in 1552, probably because the Celebrant might be a Bishop. Both Books order him " next to deliver it to other Ministers, if any be there present;" which was changed in 1662 to "the Bishops, Priests, and Deacons, if any be present." The Scotch Rubric, under- standing Minister in this comprehensive sense, thus para- phrases the first words of ours : " Then shall the Bishop, if he be present, or else the Presbyter that celebrateth, first receive," etc. Similarly the Nonjurors : " Then shall the Bishop (if he be present) or else the Priest that officiateth," etc. In the corresponding Rubric of the First Book of Edward, the Celebrant is called both the Priest and the chief Minister : " Then shall the Priest first receive, . . . and next deliver it to the other Ministers, . . . that they may be ready to help the chief Minister." The Order of Communion two years earlier reads "help the Priest." The American Book has restored Priest in the first clause, probably on the ground that a Bishop is a Priest also. The use of the word Minister as applied to the Celebrant is quite agreeable to ancient usage. Thus pseudo-Hugo, 1 describing the Celebration, says : " Then (i.e. after the Lord's Prayer) the Minister prays to be delivered from evil. . . . 1 Spec. Eccl. c. 7 ; Hittorp. col. 1361. 604 THE PRIEST RECEIVES FIRST. [CHAP. IX. When about to receive the Lamb the Minister prays for three things. . . . The Minister receives the Body of Christ sacramentally for all;" none of which things can be said of any other than the celebrating Bishop or Priest. See further, on the comprehensive sense of the word Minister, Part I. Ch. ii. Sect. v. p. 44. b FIRST ... IN BOTH KINDS.] It is a sufficient reason for this universal rule, that it secures the Celebrant from inter- ruption and distraction, while receiving himself. Even in Baxter's Prayer-Book the Minister is directed first to take and eat of the Bread himself, though the utility of the order was greatly impaired by his having then to deliver the Bread to the people, before he partakes of the Cup. 1 This was an improvement upon the irregularity in which some of the Puritans had indulged before the Kebellion, in open de- fiance of the Eubric. " I have known," says Bishop Moun- tagu in 1638, " where the Minister hath unorderly received last." 2 Hence in many sets of Visitation Articles from 1608 to 1638, we find the inquiry, whether the Minister " doth first receive himself?" 3 Another reason for the rule than that above given has been alleged by those who hold it cer- tain, that our Lord Himself communicated at the last Sup- per : " The Priest communicates first in the Mysteries, even as our Lord first communicated in His own Body and Blood in the upper room, and afterwards imparted of both to His disciples." 4 c EECEIVE.] There is reason to think that the Puritan Ministers, who so rarely celebrated the Sacrament in their day of power, had long before that often refrained from re- ceiving themselves when obliged by the law of the Church to celebrate. From the year 1605 it became a frequent question in Visitation Articles, " Whether doth your Minister receive the same himself on every day that he admiuistereth it to others?" 5 Probably also the chief object of some of those who inquired " Whether the Minister doth first re- ceive ?" was to ascertain whether he received at all. 1 Reformation of the Liturgy, annexed to A Petition for Peace, etc., p. 54 ; Lond. 1661. This has been reprinted in Hall's Reliquiae Liturgicse, vol. ii. 2 See Rep. of Rit. Comm. App. p. 584. 3 Ibid. pp. 457, 74, 503, 9, 39, 60, 6, 77. 4 Barsalibi, Comm. in S. Jac. Liturg. c. xvi. Renaitd. torn. ii. p. 381. 5 Sec. Rep. Rit. Comm. App. pp. 450, 63, 71, 82, 8, 95, 500, 12, 26, 34, 48, 72, etc. SECT. I.] THE PRIEST'S COMMUNION. 605 In the Swedish Church, the Celebrant very rarely com- municates at all, and I am informed on good authority that most of the Clergy would regard it as a sacrilege to do so. They seem to have fallen gradually into this most uncatholic practice and opinion from the strictness with which confes- sion was required of them before Communion. It was often difficult in that country for a Priest to meet with a Confessor before the time appointed for the Celebration, and it was thought a less evil to celebrate without communicating than to defer the Celebration. Hence the habit arose, which, as is usual in such cases, men have now learned to justify on other grounds. The eighth of the Apostolic Canons 1 orders every Bishop, Presbyter, Deacon, or other Clerk present at a Celebration, to receive, under pain of excommunication, un- less there be some valid reason for excuse. This must, of course, include the Celebrant himself. The Council of Toledo, 2 A.D. 681, condemning certain Priests, who, when obliged to celebrate more than once a day, communicated only at the last Celebration, uses the following argument : " Behold, the Apostle says, Are not they who eat the victims partakers of the Altar ? If, then, they who eat the victims are partakers of the Altar, it is certain that they who, when they sacrifice, do not eat, are offenders against the Sacrament of the Lord." After enacting a year's suspension from Com- munion for the offence, the Council proceeds : " For what sort of Sacrifice will that be in which not even the Sacrificer himself is known to have partaken ?" We have already, in the notes on the Prayer of Consecra- tion, had occasion to give evidence of the general belief that our Lord Himself partook of the Bread and Wine before He gave them to the Apostles. See Part n. Ch. vi. Sect. ix. p. 542. In the Order of Communion and the First Book of Edward, the Prayer of Humble Access was said immediately before the reception. In several existing Liturgies a similar form is provided to be said by the Priest before he communicates. The Greek is somewhat long, and varies greatly in the books and MSS. ; but a portion from the copy in Goar will show the spirit of all : " Lord, I am not worthy that Thou shouldst enter under the filthy roof of my soul, but as Thou didst vouchsafe to lie down in the cave and manger of irrational animals, and in the house of Simon the leper, and didst re- ceive the harlot, a sinner like unto me, when she drew near 1 Beveridge, Codex Canonum, torn. i. p. xl. ; Oxoii. 1848. 2 Can. v. Labb. torn. vi. col. 1230. 606 PRAYERS BEFORE RECEIVING. [CHAP. IX. to Thee, vouchsafe also to enter into the manger of my irra- tional soul," 1 etc. The Coptic: 2 "Make us, Lord, all worthy to receive Thy holy Body and precious Blood to the cleansing of our bodies, souls, and spirits, and to the remis- sion of our sins." The Syrian Ordo Communis gives three forms, of which this is one : 3 " Grant unto us, Lord God, that we may eat Thy holy Body, and drink Thy atoning Blood, and be heirs in Thy heavenly kingdom with all who have been acceptable to Thy good pleasure, O Lord our God for ever." The Armenian 4 has a very long prayer to the same effect. The common Nestorian 5 and Ethiopian 6 none. The Malabar : 7 " O Lord, my God, I am not worthy, nor truly is it meet that I take Thy Body and Blood of propitia- tion, nor that I touch them ; but let Thy word sanctify my soul and heal my body, in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost." The Mozarabic : 8 " Lord, my God, grant me so to take the Body and Blood of Thy Son our Lord Jesus Christ, that through it I may merit to receive the remission of all my sins, and to be filled with Thy Holy Spirit, our God, who livest and reignest for ever and ever. Amen." The Milanese 9 supplies two, of which this is the shorter : " Holy Lord, Almighty Father, Eternal God, grant that I may so take this Body of Thy Son, my Lord, Jesus Christ, that it may not be unto me for judg- ment, but for the remission of all my sins, who with Thee, etc. Beating his breast thrice, let him say, Lord, I am not worthy that Thou shouldst come under my roof; but speak the word only, and my soul shall be healed. Taking the Eucharist in his hand, let him say, What reward shall I give unto the Lord for all the benefits that He hath done unto me ? I will receive the Bread of Heaven (at the Cup, I will receive the Cup of Salvation), and will call upon the name of the Lord." The Liturgies of Sarum, Bangor, and York have here three prayers of immediate preparation ; Hereford four, of which the last is for the souls in Purgatory ; Home has two, concluding with, " I will receive the Bread of Heaven," etc. (as above), and " Lord, I am not worthy," etc. And here we light upon a singular coincidence of Sarum (and Bangor) with the Mozarabic ; for in them all, the 1 Gear, p. 82. 2 Renaud. torn. i. p. 24. 3 Renaud. torn. ii. p. 24. See also, p. 141, the Liturgy of S. Xystus, in which two of the forms appear united in one. 4 Neale's Introd. p. 654. 5 Renaud. torn. ii. p. 596. 6 Reuaud. torn. i. p. 520. 7 Raulin, p. 325. 8 Leslie, p. 7. 9 Martene, L. i. ch. iv. Art. xii. Orel. iii. SECT. II.] THE PRIEST TO RECEIVE KNEELING. 607 Prayers of Access are followed by the apostrophe : " Hail for ever, most holy Flesh of Christ ; sweetness supreme for evermore (Sar. and Bang., to me before all things and above all things.)" " Hail for ever, heavenly drink ; that art to me sweet (Sar. and Bang., sweetness supreme) before all things and above all things." The foregoing prayers are not of very early introduction in the Western Liturgies. Like some other formularies, they were borrowed from some of those collections designed to assist . the devotion of the Priest at the Celebration ; and several of the same character may still be found which have not been admitted into the authorized Missals. 1 In the East they are perhaps earlier ; for in S. James 2 we have the fol- lowing to be said by the Priest " before the reception :" " Lord, our God, the Heavenly Bread, the Life of the Uni- verse, I have sinned against Heaven and before Thee, and I am not worthy to partake of Thy undefiled Mysteries ; but do Thou, as a merciful God, make me worthy, by Thy grace, to partake of the holy Body and precious Blood without con- demnation, to the remission of sins and life everlasting." There is no equivalent in S. Mark or in the Clementine. SECTION II. Of the Posture of the Celebrant at receiving. Before the Eeformation the Priest received standing, as he does still in the Church of Eome. In the First Book of Edward no mention was made of the posture of Priest 3 or people. In the Second, it was said that the Minister should deliver the Communion " to the people in their hands kneel- ing," but his own posture was not prescribed. There can be no doubt, however, that kneeling was universally prac- 1 e.g. The prayer " Fiat mihi, Obsecro," etc., in the so-called Missa Illy- rici, Martene, L. i. c. iv. Art. xii. Ord. iv. ; "Ecce, Jesu benignissime," etc., Ord. vi. ; "Domine, Jesu Christe, non sum," etc., Ord. viii. etc., torn. i. pp. 185, 192, 195, etc. 2 Assem. torn. v. p. 57 ; Litt. PP. p. 36. 3 A reader examining Aless's unfaithful version might be misled on this point. He gives the Rubric thus : " Then shall the Priest rise, the people still kneeling, and shall first communicate himself in both kinds, and then," etc. (Inter Buceri Scripta Anglicana, p. 429 ; Bas. 1577.) The fact is that Aless, more suo (see Clay's Liturgical Services, Pref. p. xxix.), has made up this Rubric from the Order of Communion, 1547, and the Liturgy of 1549 jointly. The first clause is from the Order ; but in that the Priest receives some time before the people, an exhortation, the Confession, Absolution, Comfortable Words, and Prayer of Humble Access intervening. He kneels to say the last ; and it is after that, not after his Communion, that the Rubric bids him " rise." Cardwell'a Two Liturgies, p. 431. 608 THE CELEBRANT RECEIVES KNEELING. [CHAP. IX. tised. Had it not been so, we should have found the Puri- tans appealing to the standing posture of the Priest, when demanding for themselves liberty not to kneel ; whereas they could only point to the defect in the Eubric : " The Priest is expressly directed in the next Eubric before to stand, and not directly to kneel now." 1 The prevailing custom was probably in a great measure due to the " Declaration touch- ing the kneeling at the receiving of the Communion," which, though not in the first issue of the Prayer-Book, was added to it by an Order of Council, dated Nov. 27, 1552. One reason for kneeling there given applies to every Communi- cant, to the Celebrant as well as others : It was " well meant for a signification of the humble and grateful acknow- ledging of the benefits of Christ, given unto the worthy receiver." 2 It was impossible for the Clergy to give this teaching- 3 to their people without feeling constrained to kneel themselves. In 1564, it was ordered in the Advertisements 4 of Elizabeth that " all Communicants do receive kneeling." This was directed against the practice of sitting, introduced by some turbulent spirits who had lately returned from exile, and did not necessarily contemplate any irregularity on the part of the Clergy themselves ; but however this may be, it includes both Priest and people. The Canons of 1 604 only order members and servants of Colleges to " receive reverently and decently upon their knees, according to the Order . of the Communion-Book." 5 This was probably thought necessary in their case ; because an undefined license of ritual had been permitted in College Chapels. At length, however, the Clergy began to follow the bad example of those whom they were appointed to lead in the right way ; and in 1612 we find a Bishop, King of London, inquiring whether the Celebrant " administer the Communion to himself kneel- ing;" 6 and he is followed by Howson in 1619; Andrewes in 1625 ; Curie, 1630 ; John Bancroft, 1632 ; Lindsell, 1633 ; Goodman, 1634 ; Wren, 1636 ; Mountagu, 1638 ; and Bostock, Archdeacon of Suffolk, 1640. In 1637, the Scotch Eubric, 1 Survey of the Book of Common Prayer, Quaere 57, p. 70; s.l. 1606. 2 Cardwell's Two Liturgies, p. xliv. See the note on this Rubric as it appears at the end of our present Liturgy. 3 " Our kneeling at Communions is the gesture of piety. . . . Coming as receivers of inestimable grace at the hands of God, what doth better beseem our bodies at that hour than to be sensible witnesses of minds unfeignedly humble ?" Hooker, Eccl. Pol. B. v. c. Ixviii. 3. * Doc. Ann. No. Ixv. vol. i. p. 326. 6 Can. xxiii. 6 Sec. Rep. of Rit. Comm. App. pp. 463, 77, 95, 512, 29, 39, 44, 60, 84, 97. SECT. II.] THE POPE RECEIVES SITTING. 609 for the words of the English, " to the people . . . kneeling," substituted " to the people . . . ALL humbly kneeling." 1 We cannot however infer with certainty that the introduction of the word all, though otherwise superfluous, was really with a view to secure the kneeling of the Celebrant ; for if we argue that, according to the construction, he is to receive kneeling, then must he also deliver the Elements kneeling. 2 Nevertheless, although grammatically the sentence does not carry a command that he should kneel, it was probably framed with that intention, and with the same intention also adopted into our own Liturgy. Bishop Cosin, in his- Corrections Suggested, 3 had noticed the defect : " In the Priest's taking the Sacrament to himself, there is no direc- tion either for his kneeling, or for the words which be is then to say; which is therefore needful here to be added, lest otherwise some contentious Minister might say that he is not enjoined to kneel in this holy action himself, nor to say any words at all, when he takes the Sacrament." The language of Cosin implies that it had been the custom, and he believed the right one, -for the Priest to kneel. He pro- posed to secure this by altering the Rubric thus : " Then shall the Priest that celebrateth receive the Holy Com- munion in both kinds upon his knees. . . . Then shall he stand up and proceed to deliver the Holy Communion first to the Bishops, ... all humbly kneeling." 4 The Eevisers pro- bably thought that they attained the end when they followed the simpler Scotch Rubric. Only for humbly they substi- tuted meekly? At Eome, " the Supreme Pontiff, when he celebrates solemnly, communicates sitting" This is the statement of Bona, 6 who gives a full account of the ceremony, Another writer, 7 however, tells us that " the Supreme Pontiff standing at his throne, not sitting, to express greater reverence, yet leaning on the throne itself, and bowed forward, in the sight 1 This has been retained in every edition, including Bishop Torry's. 2 In spite of this absurdity the Judicial Committee in Martin v. Mac- konochie say, "In the Rubric as to the reception of the Sacramental Bread and Wine, the words ' all meekly kneeling ' apply, as their Lord- ships think, to the Celebrant, as well as to other Clerks and to the people." Browning's Report, p. 18. 3 No. 58 ; Works, vol. v. p. 517. 4 Works, vol. v. p. 517, note K. It is given also in Bulley's Varia- tions, p. 200, but incorrectly said to be in the handwriting of Sancroft. 5 The American substitutes "devoutly." 6 Rer. Lit. L. ii. c. xvii. n. viii. 7 Rocca, De Sol. Comm. Summ. Pontif. Roccaberti, Biblioth. Maxima Pontif. torn. iv. p. 9. 2Q 610 OF THE WORDS SAID BY [CHAP. IX. of all the people, communicates as if he were sitting, repre- senting Christ the Lord fixed to the Cross, and in a manner reclining on it." This author suggests that this may have been the posture at the earlier period also: "The Supreme Pontiff is said to sit while he communicates, either because he used to sit in old times when communicating, or because he used to communicate like a person sitting, as at present is wont to be done." It is impossible, however, that Bona, a Cardinal residing at Rome, and deeply versed in ritual knowledge, could have been mistaken on a point so often open to his observation. To a devout and well-taught Chris- tian the other mode, as described above, must appear far more presumptuous and irreverent than that which Bona wit- nessed. Alexander of Hales 1 conjectured that the Pope sat " in memory of the fact that the blessed Peter, whose vicar he is, and the other Apostles received the Body of the Lord sitting at the last Supper." SECTION III. Of the Words said by the Celebrant when Receiving. In the Sarum (and Bangor) Missals we have this Eubric : " After the Peace is given let the Priest say the following prayers privately, before he communicates himself, holding the Host in his two hands." The Eubrics of York and Here- ford do not order the prayers to be said privately, but there is no reason to doubt the universality of the custom. The Roman Rubric orders them to be said secretly. In the last of these secret prayers we have the original of the first part of our present address to the Communicants. Thus Sarum and Bangor : " The Body of our Lord Jesus Christ be to me a sinner tn"e way and the life." York and Hereford : " The Body of our Lord Jesus Christ be to me (Her. to my soul) a (perpetual, York') remedy unto eternal life." Sarum and Bangor : " The Body and Blood of our Lord Jesus Christ avail to me a sinner for a perpetual remedy unto eternal life." York and Hereford : " The Blood of our Lord Jesus Christ preserve me (Her. my soul) unto eternal life ; " to which York adds, " The Body and Blood of our Lord Jesus Christ keep my body and my soul unto everlasting life." There can be little doubt that these prayers would continue to be said by the greater part of the Clergy, who had been accustomed to them before the Reformation, especially as they were retained in Latin with the first reformed Office, the Order of Communion. And if so, they would certainly say 1 Tract, de Missa, P. ii. in Summ. Theol. P. iv. p. 327. SECT. III.] THE CELEBRANT WHEN RECEIVING. 611 them privately as they had been wont to do ; nor would they or their successors begin to pray aloud, when they adopted for their own use the corresponding English forms provided for the Communion of the people. It is equally clear that in using the Benedictions, "The Body, The Blood, of our Lord," etc., at his own reception, the Priest would not begin, merely because he now spoke English instead of Latin, to address himself as another person, but would continue to pray as he had done, and as common sense dictated, " The Body, The Blood, of our Lord Jesus Christ preserve my body," etc. The inference I would draw is, that although the Celebrant is not commanded to use any specified form of devotion when receiving, he nevertheless does well to use the forms pro- vided, viz., " The Body, The Blood, of our Lord," etc. ; but that he should say them privately, and adapt them to his use by changing the second into the first person. By so doing, he both respects the ancient custom of the Church, and unites himself more closely to the faithful who com- municate, in their great act of common devotion. Bishop Mant 1 observes, " If they were intended to be said when the Minister receives the Communion himself, the Church would most probably have directed it. But she has not done so, nor does the apostrophe of the Minister to himself appear to me natural and eligible. In fact, she does not direct any- thing to be said, wherefore to receive in silence is irrepre- hensible." At the same time he deprecates blame, " if the Minister give gentle utterance to the prayer of his heart ; ' The Body of our Lord Jesus Christ, which was given for me, preserve my body and soul unto everlasting life.' " Many Liturgies provide words to be said by the Priest at his Communion, but only in one of them is he directed to address himself as a second person. The sole exception is the Scotch, which orders the use of the same words by the Presbyter "when he receiveth himself or delivereth the Sacrament ... to others." At the last Eevision, Bishop Cosin, with the Scotch Liturgy before him, proposed a Rubric directing the Priest to say, " The Body of our Lord Jesus Christ, which was given for me, preserve my body and soul unto everlasting life. Amen. / take and eat this," etc., and similarly of the Blood. The latter formula is partly in {Bancroft's hand. 2 As this proposal was not carried out, we infer that the Church has deliberately left the Priest free to adapt the prescribed formula to his own use or not, as he 1 Horae Liturgicse, Lett. ii. 66. 2 Cosin's Works, vol. v. p. 517; note k. C12 THE CELEBRANT RECEIVING. [CHAP. ix. finds best. The Nonjurors l (who like the Scotch retained only the first sentence of our Benediction) ordered the Cele- brant to say the appointed words, with the change of thee into me and thy into my, and (alone of all Liturgies) to say them aloud. The American follows the English. The present Roman formulae run thus : " The Body, The Blood, of our Lord Jesus Christ keep my soul unto eternal life. Amen." The Mozarabic 2 includes both in one : " The Body and Blood of our Lord Jesus Christ keep my body and soul unto eternal life. Amen." The Milanese: 3 ; " The Body of our Lord Jesus Christ avail to me taking it, and to all for whom I have offered this sacrifice for life and for everlasting joy." " Grant, I beseech Thee, Lord, that the reception of the Body and Blood of our Lord Jesus Christ, which He vouch- safed to shed for us, may cleanse us from every stain of sin, and lead us to everlasting life. Amen." The use of such a form by the Priest at his own reception is not expressly ordered in all copies of the Greek 4 rite. We may neverthe- less infer that it is general. The forms actually given differ from each other. The following are from copies printed by Goar : " I., N"., a Priest, partake of the precious and all -holy Body of our Lord and God and Saviour Jesus Christ, for the remission of my sins and for my life eternal." 5 " May Thy holy Body, Lord Jesus, be to me unto remission of sins, and Thy precious Blood unto life eternal." 6 There is no prayer of the kind for the Celebrant in the Clementine, in S. Mark or S. James, nor in the Egyptian or Ethiopian Liturgies. According to the Syrian 7 rite, the Priest, " when he communicates, says, A propitiatory particle of the Body and Blood of Christ our God is given to a frail servant and sinner for the pardon of offences, and the remission of sins in both worlds, for ever and ever. Amen." A form, similarly cast, though otherwise different, is used when he takes the Cup. In the Malabar, 8 the Priest prays thus, after taking the Bread, " The gift of grace of our Saviour Jesus Christ Him- self be made perfect through love in us all ; " and after the Cup, " The Blood of propitiation of our Lord Jesus Christ nourish my soul and my body in this world and in that to come." Similar formulae, if not the same, are probably used by the Syrian Nestorians, but they are not inserted in the 1 Hall's Fragmenta Liturgica, voL v. p. 46. 2 Leslie, pp. 7, 233. 3 Martene, L. i. c. iv. Art. xii. torn. i. p. 175. 4 It is not in that chosen by Goar for his text ; see p. 82. 5 Goar, p. 98. 6 Ibid. p. 107. T Renaud. torn. ii. p. 24. 8 Raulin, pp. 325, 6. SECT. IV.] THE COMMUNION OF THE MINISTERS. 613 Codices. 1 The Armenian Liturgy gives the prayer thus : " May Thy most pure Body be unto me for life, and Thy most holy Blood for the cleansing and pardoning of my sins." 2 SECTION IV. The Communion of the other Clergy present. d THE BISHOPS, PRIESTS, AND DEACONS.] The Order of Communion, and two Books of Edward, had the other Mini- sters. See before, p. 44. They gave as a reason for their receiving next, that they might be ready to " help the chief Minister ;" i.e. as the Scotch Eubric (which gives the same reason) expresses it, "him that celebrateth." Our Eubric was altered in 1662, after the Scotch, which ran thus: " To other Bishops, Presbyters, and Deacons ;" but the rea- son, which the Scotch 'retains, was omitted. It was omitted on good grounds ; for it is not the only reason for the rule, nor does the rule apply only to those of the Clergy present who assist at the Celebration. Ordained men are without worldly rank ; but in spiritual things they take precedence of the laity. The principle is recognised in the Clementine 3 Liturgy : " After this let the Bishop receive ; then the Presbyters and Deacons and Subdeacons, and readers and singers and ascetics ; and among the women, the Deacon- esses, the Virgins and Widows ; next the children, and then all the people in order, with reverence and devotion, without tumult." In the Liturgy of Jerusalem 4 the Celebrant re- ceives first. " Then (says the Eubric) he communicates the Clergy ; but when the Deacons take up the Patens and the Cups to communicate the people [evidently immediately after their own Communion], the Deacon who takes up the first Paten says," etc. The same order is preserved in S. Mark, 5 in the common Greek 6 rite, in the Egyptian 7 and Syrian ; 8 in a word, throughout the East. The Coptic Eubric is^most clear: "Then shall the Priest communicate, and shall impart the precious Body and Blood to the assistant Priest ; then to the Ministers, and to the people afterwards." 9 In the West, we have a Eubric in the Gelasian 10 Sacramen- tary : f( After this the Priest communicates, with the Sacred 1 Renaud. torn. ii. p. 614. 2 Neale's Introd. p. 666 ; Le Brun, Diss. x. Art. xxi. tome v. p. 329. 3 Const. Apost. L. viii. c. xiii. Cotel. torn. i. p. 405. 4 Assem. torn. v. p. 57 ; Liturg. PP. p. 36. 5 Renaud. torn. i. p. 162. 6 Goar, pp. 83, 4. 7 Renaud. torn. i. p. 24. 8 Renaud. tpm. ii, p. 24. 9 S. Bas. Renaud. torn. i. p. 24. Murat. torn. i. col. 69$. .' 614 THE INTINCTION OF THE BREAD. [CHAP. IX. Orders, with all the people." The earliest Ordo Romanus, 1 describing a Celebration at which the Bishop of the place officiates, says, after speaking of his Communion, " The Bishops first approach to the sea.t, that they may receive from the hand of the Pontiff according to their rank ; and so likewise the Presbyters that they may communicate after them. . . . After this the Bishops communicate the people." We have already had occasion to show that in the Greek and Eastern Churches the laity are not permitted to enter the Bema (or Chancel) either to offer or to communicate. The door is closed, or the veil drawn, until the clergy have communicated, and then the Priest or Deacon comes out to communicate the people. We have also seen that for some time this discipline prevailed in the West. For particulars refer to the note on the Offertory, P. I. Ch. xi. Sect. v. p. 323. One clear testimony, however, it may be useful to cite here. By the Fourth Council of Toledo, A.D. 633, it was decreed that " the Sacrament of the Body and Blood be taken in such order, that the Priests and Levites communicate before the Altar, the Clergy in the Choir, the people outside the Choir." 2 There seems to have been a partial custom in the eighth century of announcing Festivals between the communion of the Clergy and that of the laity ; for we find the following direction in a Eoman Order adapted to the use of Monas- teries in France nearly 1100 years ago: "Then let the Priests and Levites communicate in their order. After that, let the Deacon, on the side of the Altar, taking the Chalice and lifting it up in his hands, declare the Saints' days that come in the same week, saying thus, On day next is the Feast ofS. Mary, or of a Confessor or other Saint, whose soever it may be." 3 SECTION V. Of the Intinetion of the Bread. e IN LIKE MANNER.] That is, in loth kinds. For some centuries before the Reformation, in England, as still in the communion of Rome, the Celebrant was the only person permitted to drink of the consecrated Wine. The present Roman Rubric has the express direction : " He takes the whole of the Blood ;" and one similar is found in the old Missal of Bangor : " Here let him take the whole of the Blood." 1 Mus. Ital. torn. ii. pp. 14, 5. 2 Can. xviii. Labb. torn. v. col. 1457. 3 Breviar. Eccles. Ord. Thesaur. Anecd. Nov. (Mart, et Dur.) torn. v. col. 105. SECT. V.] THE EUCHAKISTIC SPOON. 615 In the Greek and Oriental Churches the people receive in both kinds ; though they receive in a different manner from the Celebrant and other Priests present. The Priests, says Meletius Piga, 1 Greek Patriarch of Alexandria, " put forth their hands and take the Body of Christ ; after this, approach- ing their lips to the sacred Chalice and touching it, they drink the Blood ; but these are put both together into the mouth of the laity, by means of an instrument properly adapted to this service." This instrument is a spoon with a cruciform handle, which is called Xa(3l<$, or the Tongs ; in allusion to the tongs with which the angel took a " live coal" " from off the Altar" in the vision of Isaiah, 2 and laid it on the Prophet's lips. For a custom had sprung up of speaking devotionally of the sacramental Body of our Lord as a " live coal," the image being of course borrowed from that passage of Isaiah. We find examples of the use of this figure both in the Liturgies and in ecclesiastical writers. Thus in the Liturgy of Jerusalem 3 the Priest says, " The Lord shall bless us, and make us meet to take with the pure tongs of the fingers the Fiery Coal, and to place it on the mouth of the Faithful." The Coptic Bishop, in consecrating the Spoon, prays, " God, who didst make Thy servant Isaiah worthy to behold the Cherubim, in whose hand were the tongs, with which he took the live coal from off the Altar, now also, God, Almighty Father, stretch forth Thy hand over this Spoon, in which are to be taken up the members of the holy Body," 4 etc. In the Syrian rite the Priest says, while washing his hands after the Celebration, "May the living fire of Thy precious Body and Blood, Christ, our God, extinguish the coals of fire, and the fearful and terrible torments, out of my members," 6 etc. Earlier than those, S. John Damascene, 6 A.D. 730: "Let us take the holy Coal, that the fire of our desire, enkindled from the Coal, may burn up our sins, and enlighten our hearts," etc. Much earlier, S. Chrysostom: 7 "The Seraphim did not dare to touch with the hand, but with the tongs ; but thou takest it in thy hand." Earlier still, S. Ephrem 8 (who finds the same type 1 Gennadi! et Aliorum Opera, p. Ill ; Par. 1709. * Isa. vi. 6. 3 Assem. torn. v. p. 56 ; Liturg. PP. p. 35. * Renaud. torn. i. p, 54. The form was authorized in 1411. See also the Prayer of Fraction in S. Cyril, p. 49. 5 Ordo Communis, Ren. torn. ii. p. 27. 6 De Fide Orthod. L. iv. c. xiii. torn, i, p. 271 ; Par. 1712. 7 Horn. vi. in illud. vide Dominum, 3 ; torn. vi. p. 163. 8 Comment, in Esai. c. vi. torn. ii. p. 31 ; Romae 1740. See also Pusey's Doctrine of the Real Presence, Notes, p. 126. 616 INTINCTION OF THE WEST. [CHAP. IX. in other parts of Scripture also) : " That coal figures the Pearl on the Altar set here. . . . Neither did the Seraphim touch it with his hand, lest it should be burned, nor the Prophet take it with his mouth, lest he should perish. . . . But since the same hath now appeared in the Body, He is eaten off the Table of the Divinity." It is probably due to the example of S. Ephrem that such language has become more common in the Churches of Syria than elsewhere. Thus we are told l that " among the Syriac titles of the Eucharistic Bread the most celebrated is gmurto, which sig- nifies coal." The Armenians 2 do not use the Spoon ; but the Priest takes a piece of the Bread out of the Chalice with his fingers and puts it in the mouth of the Communicant. In the Greek 3 Church, and throughout the East, 4 the assistant Priest or Deacon receives the Bread and the Wine separately. Among the Syrians, 5 however, they may be re- ceived by them either in the usual manner, i.e. in the hand, and from the Cup, or from the Spoon. The steeping of the Bread in the Wine, as practised in the Greek and Eastern Churches, was called by the Latins In- tinction. Under this name it was also introduced in the West, and for a short time, about the beginning of the twelfth century, became general. We naturally meet with the first notice of it in a Province, where the (so-called) Ephesine Liturgy was in use. It is noticed, however (by the Fourth Council of Braga, 6 A.D. 675), only for blame, on the ground that our Lord delivered the Bread by itself to His Apostles, and the Wine by itself. Yet the custom seems to have gradually spread till it became the recognised, if not the pre- scribed, rule of most of the Churches. This appears from a letter of Ernulphus, who became Bishop of Kochester in 1115. He was asked the reason of the custom (which the inquirer speaks of as in daily use) of giving " the Host steeped in the Blood." In his reply the Bishop does not deny the recent 1 By J. S. Assemani, Biblioth. Orient, torn. i. p. 79. See also Renaudot, torn. ii. p. 63. Its frequent use may be partly due to the fact that it also conveys the notion of " perfection," or the " perfect thing," a name early given to the holy Eucharist. See Part I. Ch. i. Sect. i. p. 27. Compare the Hebrew gamar, to complete. 2 Le Brun, Dissert, x. Art. xxi. tome v. p. 339, Bicaut's Greek and Armenian Churches, p. 435. 3 Goar, pp. 82, 3, and note 170, p. 149. 4 Renaud. torn. ii. p. 118. For the Armenian custom, see Le Brun, Diss. x. Art. xxi. tome v. p. 339. 6 Renaud. torn, i. p. 284 ; ii. p. 119. 6 Can. ii Labb. torn, vi, col, 563. It may be seen in Gratian, De Con- seer. D. ii. c. vii. and others, who absurdly ascribe it to Pope Julius. SECT. V.] THE SOP OF JUDAS. 617 introduction of the practice, but defends it on the ground that the Wine is then less likely to be spilt. 1 To the same purpose we may cite John 2 of Avranches, about 1070, who declares that the people are exempted from the rule of re- ceiving separately, and are " permitted to communicate in steeped Bread, not by authority, but from extreme necessity of fear lest the Blood of Christ be spilt." The suppression of the custom may with probability be ascribed to a prejudice which arose from its being suggestive of the sop of Judas. 3 " We do not read," says the Council of Braga before cited, " that our Lord gave steeped Bread to any but that disciple alone, whom He showed by the morsel of sop to be the be- trayer of his Master." Yet this objection was not always treated with respect. (t The reception of the steeped Bread," says William of Champeaux, 4 Bishop of Chalon-sur-Marne, " has been forbidden for a frivolous reason ; viz., on account of the sopped morsel which our Lord offered to Judas, that He might mark him out " [as the traitor]. The opponents of the practice were however at that period able to appeal to a decree of a recent and important Council of Clermont, 5 held in 1095, by which it was ordained that " no one (except by necessity, and by way of caution) should communicate of the Altar, unless he received the Body separately, and the Blood in like manner." The prohibition of the Council of Braga (under the name of a decree of Pope Julius) and the reason which the Council alleged for it, were adopted by the Council of London 6 held in the year 1175. We may men- tion too that this intinction was thought to be at variance with the Eoman Ordinary. " It is not by authority," says Micrologus, 7 about 1160, "that certain steep the Body of the Lord, and distribute it steeped to the people, to make the Communion complete. For the Ordo Komanus goes against it ; forasmuch as even on Good Friday it commands to con- secrate with the Lord's Prayer and immersion of the Lord's Body unconsecrated wine, that the people may be able to communicate completely ; which it would surely be super- fluous to order, if the Lord's Body w.ere kept sopped from 1 Ernulphi Ep. ii. ad Lambert, in Dacber. Spicil. torn. iii. p. 471 ; Par. 1723. 2 De Offic. Eccl, col, 37 ; Par. 1853. 3 For nop in S. Jobn xiii. 26 the Yujgate has intinctum panem. 4 Mabill. Praef. ad Ssec. iii. Bened, P. i. n. 75 ; p. liii. Mabillon tran- scribed this from a MS. William, who was the great friend of S. Bernard, died in 1121. 6 Can. xxviii. Labb. torn. x. col. 508. 6 Can. xvi. Labb. torn. x. col. 1466. 7 De Eccl. Obs. c. 19 ; Hitt. col. 742. 618 WINE CONSECRATED BY ADMIXTURE [CHAP. IX. the day before, and so sopped appeared to suffice the people for Communion." Regino 1 in 906, Burchard 2 in 996, and Ivo 3 in 1092, all cite a Canon, which they ascribe to a Council of Tours, ordering " every Presbyter to have a Pix or vessel meet for so great a Sacrament, in which the Body of the Lord may be carefully laid up for the Viaticum to those departing from this world, which sacred Oblation ought to be steeped in the Blood of Christ, that the Presbyter may be able to say truth- fully to the .sick man, The Body and Blood of the Lord avail thee," etc. Paschal 4 n., who died in 1118, in a letter to the Abbot of Clugny, in whose monastery the Intinction was observed, 5 orders that, after our Lord's example, the Bread shall be delivered by itself, and the Wine by itself, " except in the case of infants, and persons very sick, who are not able to swallow the Bread." As no mention of a spoon is made, we may suppose that, in the Western use, the Priest with his fingers dipped a piece of the consecrated Bread in the Wine, and placed it, thus moistened, in the mouth of the Communicant. SECTION VI. Of the Hallowing of Wine by the admixture of either Element duly consecrated. For a long period a widely spread custom existed of mixing the remains of the consecrated Wine, after the clergy had communicated, with a larger quantity of common wine for the Communion of the laity. The reason assigned for this by Durandus 6 and others 7 is, that " it would not be seemly to make so much Blood, nor could a Chalice large enough be found." The Roman directories order the mixture to be made by pouring the remains of the consecrated Wine out of the Chalice into a large vessel; but the more common custom was for the wine to be poured into the Chalice. Thus the earliest Ordo Romanus, 8 which in the main cannot be later than the eighth century : " Then the Archdeacon, having taken . . . the Chalice, pours it back into the Flagon, and gives the Chalice to the . . . Subdeacon, who hands to 1 De Eccles. Discipl. L. i. c. Ixx. 2 Deer. L. v. c. ix. fol. 95, fa. i. col. 1560. 3 Deer. P. ii. c. 19, p. 56 ; Par. 1647. * Ep. xxxii. Labb. torn. x. col. 656. 6 " For each one to whom he shall give the Sacred Body he first steeps it in the Blood." Consuetud. Cluniac. Udalr. L. ii. c. xxx. ; Dach. Spicil. torn. iv. p. 146. 6 L. iv. c. xlii. n. 1. 7 E.g. Lyndwood (L. i. tit. i. v. vinum purum, p. 9), who refers to Anth. de Buttio and John the Archdeacon. 8 Mus. Ital. torn. ii. p. 14. See also Ordd. ii. iii. pp. 50, 59. SECT. VI.] OF CONSECRATED BREAD OR WINE. 619 him the Pipe, with which he confirms the people," i.e. com- municates them in the Wine. As a witness to the more usual method we may produce the ancient Cferimoniale of S. Benignus at Dijon, as cited by Mabillon : x " There ought to be wine in a flagon always by him (the Deacon), that, when he shall perceive it to be necessary, he may increase the Blood of the Lord," To the same effect we have the testimonies of Nicholas Tudeschi, 2 John of Anagni (the Archdeacon), Hostiensis, and others; 3 and this was the rule of the Cistercians. 4 At one time it was thought by many, as the reader may have conjectured from the language of the Crerimoniale just quoted, that the wine thus mixed with the sacramental Blood was consecrated by that mixture and thereby became the Blood of Christ also. This doctrine is first found in an early Ordo Romanus, 5 which, after direct- ing that a little of the consecrated Wine should be " poured back into a Greater Chalice or Flagon which the Acolyte holds, that the people may be confirmed out of the said sacred vessel," adds, " For the Wine, even though not consecrated, but mixed with the Blood of the Lord, is by all means hallowed." This however could not be maintained together with the dogma that the Words of Institution were necessary to the consecration, and it was soon given up as erroneous. The practice itself was not to be condemned on the same ground, for it might be urged that if the Wine and the Blood were carefully mixed, the Communicant would still receive some particles of the latter. This argument however, as Mabillon 6 points out, could not be alleged in favour of another practice, for the existence of which there is still ampler evidence, viz., of communicating the people in Wine hallowed only by putting into it a small fragment of the Host. (1) It was a common custom on Good Friday to put 1 Comment, in Ord. Rom. c. viiL ; Mus. Ital. torn. ii. p. Iviii. 2 Mabill. u.s. Nicholas uses the words of Durandus, who preceded him by 150 years. 3 Lyndwood, L. i. tit. 1, v. soils cdebrantibus. * " The Priest who holds the Cup with the Blood, seeing that the quantity of the Blood would not suffice for all the Brothers, puts therein a little wine," etc. Hostiensis, in Lyndwood, u.s. v. Minoribus Ecclesiis. This sentence is cited by Mabillon (without reference) as Lyndwood's own. Mus. ItaL torn. ii. pp. Iviii. xciii. For the .Cistercian rule, see also Mabillon himself, p. Ivii. 5 Ord. iii. ; Mus. Ital. torn. ii. p. 59. For the greater Chalice and Flagon see before, p. 491, note. Sanctificatur, is hallowed, was equivalent to consecratur. Thus a Bamberg Missal : "The unconsecrated wine is hallowed by the hallowed Bread." A Missal of S. Amandus, in Belgium : "Here the wine is consecrated by the Body of Christ ; for that which is not hallowed is hallowed by the hallowed." Mus. Ital. torn. Comm. p. Ixxii. 6 Comm. in Ord. Rom. c. xiv. u.s. p. xcii. 620 CONSECRATION BY ADMIXTURE. [CHAP. IX. a piece of the presanctified Host in wine, silently in some Churches, in others with the words, " Let the union 1 (or com- mixture) and consecration of the Body and Blood of our Lord Jesus Christ be to those who partake, for the remission of sins," 2 etc. In some Missals the reason is given in the Kuhric ; as in that of Soissons, 3 of the seventeenth century : " Which being done, saying nothing, let him (the Priest) communicate himself, and receive the Blood of Christ ; for the Wine is consecrated through the mixing of the Body of Christ which takes place in the Chalice." The earliest authority for this rite and for the effect of the immersion is the Ordo Bomanus on which Amalarius 4 comments early in the ninth century, as it is cited by him : " The Ordo directs that the Presbyters offer the Body of the Lord which was left the day before, and the Cup with uncoiisecrated Wine. . . . These being placed on the Altar, the Priest says the Lord's Prayer and what follows it, down to For ever and ever. This done, he takes of the Holy Body and puts it in silence into the Cup. . . . For the unconsecrated Wine is hallowed by the hallowed Bread." He afterwards, in 831, learnt at Eome that the rite was not practised there. The Arch- deacon of whom he inquired told him, " He who consecrates by the mixture of the Bread and Wine according to the order of the book, does not keep the tradition of the Church ; with regard to which Innocent 5 says, that " on those two days the Sacraments are in no wise to be celebrated.'" 6 The reason given him for the omission of the rite implies that the con- secration by the mixture was considered real and effectual. As the rite was at that early period in disfavour at Eome, it is no cause of surprise that we do not find it prescribed in the earlier directories as published by Mabillon ; but it is remarkable that we find both the rite and the old view qf it reappearing in the last two of those books, viz., in that compiled by Gaetano, 7 who was the nephew of Boniface vm. (A.D. 1294), and that of Petrus Ameiius, 8 who was Penitentiary to Gregory XL (A.D. 1370). "He breaks the Host, according to the custom, putting a part of it in the Chalice, saying 1 Unitio = evaxris ; see p. 590. It occurs in a Rheims Missal. Mus. Ital. torn. ii. ; Mabill. Comm. in Ord. Rom. c. xiii. p. Ixxxiii. 2 See many examples collected by Mabillon, u.$. ; and by Martene, L. i. c. iv. Art. x. n. xi. 3 Mabill. u.s. p. Ixxxvi. 4 Lect. Var. ex Amal. ; De Eccl. Off. L. i, c. 15, apud Hittorp. col. 1445. 5 Ep. ad Decent. Innoc. ascr. c. iv. ; Cigheri, torn. iv. p. 178. 6 Amal. De Eccl. Off. L. i. c. 15 ; Hittorp. col. 340. 7 Mus. Ital. torn. ii. p. 370. 8 Ibid. p. 494. SECT. VII.] COMMUNION IN ONE KIND. 621 nothing ; for the unconsecrated Wine is hallowed by the Body of the Lord put into it." In the last-named Ordo the wine thus consecrated is expressly called the Blood. (2) The same practice was observed in some dioceses at the Communion of the sick. Thus in a Kornan Directory of the eleventh or twelfth century : " Then let the Priest deliver to him the Eucharist of the Lord's Body steeped in wine, and the wine by such intinction hallowed and transmuted into the Blood of Christ, saying, Eeceive, brother, the Viaticum of the Body and Blood of our Lord," x etc. The opinion that the Wine thus hallowed became the Blood of Christ by contact with the Body, was not co-exten- sive with the practice. Thus the Mozarabic 2 Missal, pre- scribing the one, leaves the other undecided. The Priest is directed to divide the reserved Host as usual into nine parts, to put that called the Kingdom into the Chalice, and after consuming the rest, with the usual prayers, to "take the wine out of the Cup with its particle, which, according to some, consecrates the wine in the Chalice." In some other books of ritual it is expressly denied, as in the Cluniac 3 Missal of 1530 : "The wine is not consecrated by the touch of the sacred Host, but it is hallowed and made reverend." In some Missals, accordingly, it was forbidden to use the prayers, "The Commixture and Consecration of the Body and Blood," etc., on Good Friday. 4 We cannot, however, always infer from this prohibition a disbelief in the conse- cration by contact ; for as that formula implies that the wine has already become the Blood of Christ before the mixture, it is clearly inappropriate in either case. Some Ptituals, in fact, expressly forbid the Priest to say it, "because the Blood is not there until the Eucharist is immersed," 5 imply- ing that it is there after the immersion. SECTION VII. Of Communion in One Kind. I. Bishop Watson, 6 A.D. 1558, tells his readers that "the holy Church hath used, even from the time of Christ Himself and His Apostles, to minister this Sacrament under the form of Bread only, both to laymen and women, and also to Priests, save when they do consecrate and minister to them-' selves with their own hands." A falsehood more gross and 1 Ord. x. ; Mus. Ital. torn. ii. p. 114. 2 Leslie, p. 174. 3 Mabill. Comm. in 0. R. c. xiii. ; Mus. ItaL torn. ii. p. Ixxxviii., where several other instances are given. * Mabill. u.s. 5 See examples in Martene, L. i. c. iv. Art. x. n. xi. torn. i. p. 157. 6 Serm. viii. p. xlvi.; Lond. 1558. 622 GROWTH OF THE PRACTICE [CHAP. IX. palpable could not be committed to writing. Another ad- herent of the Church of Koine will tell us the truth of the matter. "At all times and in all places," says Cardinal Bona, 1 " from the first foundation of the Church unto the twelfth century, the Faithful communicated under the species of bread and wine ; and the Cup began to fall gradually into disuse at the beginning of that century." It has been sup- posed, from a statement of Humbert, 2 who nourished in the middle of the eleventh century, that the practice was brought by pilgrims from Jerusalem. His words are, " They do not so [as the Greeks] mix the Holy Communion in the Chalice, but communicate the people sola communione ; " which last words have been understood, "with Communion in one kind," whereas they must mean, " with a single (or unmixed) Communion," i.e. of each Element alone or severally. The earliest author quoted by Bona, or, as I believe, by any other, in favour of the denial of the Cup to the laity is Eodolph, 3 Abbot of S. Tronc, in the Walloon Country, A.D. 1110. He however does not testify to the prevalence of the practice, but rather recommends it, on grounds that afterwards became familiar to all, viz., because of the danger of spilling the Blood, and of giving the simple occasion to " think that Jesus is not entire under each species." Within the next thirty or forty years this precaution must have been largely adopted; for Eobert Pullen, 4 1144, an Englishman \vho taught Divinity at Oxford and Paris, clearly refers to usage as well as theory when he says, " In what manner the Eucharist should be taken by lay persons Christ hath com- mitted to the judgment of His Spouse; by whose counsel and custom it is well done that only the Flesh of Christ be distributed to the Laity." Later on in the century, in a work ascribed to another Englishman, Alexander of Hales, 5 we find the writer speaking of the reception of "the Body of 1 Her. Liturg. L. ii. c. xviii. n. i. With this honest avowal contrast the language of the Council of Trent : "Although from the beginning of the Christian Religion the use of both kinds had not been infrequent" etc. Sess. xxi. cap. ii. This handling of the subject has been only too faithfully imitated by the greater number of Roman Catholic writers. 2 Adv. Graec. Calumn. c. xxxiii. ; Galland. torn. xiv. p. 201. " Hie et ibi Cautela fiat, ne Presbyter segris, Aut sanis, tribuat laicis de sanguine Christ! ; Nam fundi posset leviter ; simplexque putaret Quod non sub specie sit totus Jesus utraque." Cited by Gropper, de Alt. Sacram. P. ii. p. 252; Antv. 1559. See also De Marca, Dissert, in Cone. Clarom. ; Labb. torn. x. col. 582. 4 Sent, de Trin. L. viii. c. iii. ; cited by Gieseler, vol. iii. p. 320 ; Engl. Tr. 5 Comm. in Libr. Sent. L. iv. Q. 53, n. 1 ; Gieseler, u.s. p. 321. SECT. VII.] OF COMMUNION IN ONE KIND. 623 Christ under the species of Bread only/' as a thing " done almost everywhere by the laity in the Church." His ex- perience, if the author be indeed Alexander of Hales, was probably confined to the Archdiocese of Paris, where he lived; or he must have meant only that the Church, by permitting scattered instances of half-communion in eveiy country, had made itself responsible for the practice; for Thomas 1 Aquinas, who died in 1274, at the age of fifty, only speaks of it as " the custom of many Churches," and again as a precaution observed " in some Churches." Probably a com- plete change was not made suddenly in any place. About 1270 Peter 2 of Tarantaise (afterwards Innocent v.) says that " the Sacrament is taken under both kinds by greater persons, by Presbyters, and Ministers of the Altar, because they know how to observe greater reverence and care," and this is allowed by Kichard Middleton, 3 an Englishman settled at Paris, who died in 1300. In their time a General Chapter of the Cistercians (1261) decided that in the Monasteries of that Order none but " the Ministers of the Altar " should " approach the Cup in the usual way." 4 Before the year 1281 an attempt had evidently been made, though not by any Council of the Church, to withdraw the Cup from the laity in general throughout the Province of Canterbury. A Constitution of Peckham, 5 of that date, says that " in the lesser Churches " (i.e. as Lyndwood with pro- bability explains it, in common Parish Churches and Chapels), " it was allowed to the Celebrants only to take the Blood under the species of consecrated wine." That this rule, however, did not obtain in every diocese is equally evident from a decree passed at the Synod of Exeter 6 in 1287. Adopting a Canon of Durham 7 decreed in 1220, the Synod ordered the Priests to "instruct the Laity that under the species of Bread they receive that which hung on the Cross, and that in the Cup they take that which was shed from the Body of Christ." From this time, however, the practice must have made rapid progress, especially as the schoolmen excused or palliated even where they did not advocate it, and means were taken gradually to break the change to the defrauded laity. Relics, however, of the pri- mitive rite survived in the fourteenth century. " In many 1 Summ. P. iii. Q. Ixxx. Art. xii. torn. iii. p. 207- 2 In Sent. L. iv. ; cited by Cassander, De Utraque Specie, p. 1043. 3 In Sent. L. iv. Dist. xi. Art. iv. Q. vi. torn. iv. p. 146. 4 Sect. 8 ; Thesaur. Anecd. Martene, torn. iv. col. 1418. 6 Lyndwood, L. i. tit. L p. 9. 6 Cap. v. Wilkins, torn. ii. p. 133. 7 Wilkins, torn. i. p. 578. 624 REASONS ALLEGED FOR [CHAP. IX. places," says William of Montledun, 1 about 1335, "they communicate with Bread and Wine." The same thing appears from the writings of Peter 2 Paludanus, 1341, and Thomas 3 of Strasburg, 1357 : " In some Churches it is the custom that they communicate under both species ; nor is it a sin ; for when such was the usage it was no crime. And in those Churches or Monasteries they do it so carefully as to spill nothing ; but the danger would be greater if it were commonly so given without distinction." We learn also from the Ordo Komanus compiled by Petrus 4 Amelius, near the end of this century, that on Easter-Day at least, at the Pontifical Mass at Rome, the Deacon through a pipe " gave of the Blood of Christ to be drunk by all who had com- municated at the hand of the Pope." Yet it was not until the thirteenth Session of the Council of Constance 5 in 1415, that the Western Church became formally responsible for this outrage on the institution of our Lord. These are the words of the Council : " Although in the Primitive Church this Sacrament was received under both kinds, yet has this custom been introduced . . . that it should be taken by the Celebrants under both kinds, and by the Laity under the kind of Bread only. . . . Wherefore since this custom has been in- troduced by the Church and the Holy Fathers on reasonable grounds, and has been very long observed, it is to be accounted for a law," etc. Gainsayers were to be " repelled as here- tics, and severely punished." Yet the primitive rule was partially retained here and there in Monasteries. So late as 1759 Gerbert 6 found that at S. Denys, in Paris, "the Dea- con and Subdeacon communicated under both kinds on Festivals and every Sunday." De Moleon, near the end of the seventeenth century, is a witness to the same fact, 7 and from him we learn that this was also the custom at Cluny 8 and Vaux de Cernay, 9 and that it had formerly been so in the Cathedral Church of Eouen. 10 II. The danger of effusion was the reason most commonly alleged for the denial of the Cup to the Laity. " This," says Caietan, 11 " is the solid and chief foundation of the cus- 1 Cited by Cassander, De Utraque Specie, Opp. p. 1043. 2 Comm. in Sentent. L. iv. D. viii. ; cited by Gerbert, Disq. iv. c. iv. v. P. i. p. 392. 3 Comm. in Sent. L. iv. D. xi. Gerbert, u.s. 4 Cap. Ixxxv. Mus. Ital. torn. ii. p. 506. 5 Labb. torn. xii. col. 100. 6 Itinera, p. 525, ed. 2. 7 Voy. Liturg. p. 263. 8 Voy. Liturg. p. 149. 9 Ibid. p. 233. 10 Ibid. p. 290. 11 In Thorn. Aqui. P. iii. Q. Ixxx. Art. xiL q. iii. sub Jin. torn. ii. fol. 271, fa. 2 ; Yen. 1593. SECT. VII.] THE DENIAL OF THE CUP. 625 torn." 1 But not unfrequently writers professed a fear lest Communion under both kinds should lead the people to imagine that they could not receive "whole Christ" under either kind alone. Still more frequently, after the practice was established, was it justified on this ground. One ex- ample from Bonaventura 2 will be sufficient to show how the thought was worked out. " In the Sacrament," he argues, "are two things, viz., efficacy and significancy. Hence the being of the integrity of the Sacrament has a twofold aspect : either as it regards the efficacy, and in that view neither species is of the integrity, but either one is that whole which has the efficacy; or as it regards the signification or sig- nificancy, and in that view they are [both] of the integrity, because the essence of this Sacrament is not expressed in either by itself, but in both together." He therefore holds that " the faithful receive the Sacrament perfect under one kind, because they receive it to efficacy." But " as to sig- nificancy" he argues that " that which the Church does-in their presence is sufficient; nor is it a duty that they receive themselves, on account of the danger of effusion, and the danger of error, for the simple would not believe that they received Christ whole in the other species." III. This change, so distasteful to the lay members of the Church, was facilitated by the prevalence of a custom, in- troduced originally, as it would seem, with a different end in view, of giving them a draught of unconsecrated wine imme- diately after their Communion. John Beleth, 3 1162, speaks of this being done at Easter in some places : " It has been ordered in certain Churches (and it ought to be so done everywhere), that on that day bread and wine be had in the Churches, and when men have communicated there be given immediately to each a morsel of bread before they go away, and a little wine, lest by chance any of the Sacrament should have been left in their mouth, which might easily be spat out." We hear no more of the use of bread for this purpose, but the use of the wine evidently became general. Thus in 1 It was the only reason alleged by De Lyra in S. Job. c. vi. Et biberitiv, etc., who however pleads in palliation that " the Blood is in some manner taken under the species of bread." 2 Comm. in Sent. L. iv. D. xi. P. ii. Art. i. Q. 2, torn. v. p. 129. 3 Div. Off. Explic. c. cxix. fol. 545. Bocquillot (Trait. Hist. L. ii. ch. ix. p. 418) thinks this bread and wine a remnant of the primitive Agape. It is a mere conjecture, but not inconsistent with Beleth's statement ; for the custom, originating in the Agape, may have been retained for the reason which he gives. It was still common in France at the end of the seventeenth century, but being fast abolished by the younger clergy. Bocq. u.s. 2 R 626 THE CUSTOM OF GIVING [CHAP. IX. the directions for the celebration of the Holy Communion at an Ordination in the Ordo Ronianus of Gaetano, 1 at the end of the thirteenth century : " Let the Subdeacon put wine in a cup, and give it to them who have communicated, that they may take of it and wash their mouth. But if there are many Communicants, the Deacon or other of the Ministers may hold another cup with wine, and give it to the Com- municants." This custom was so firmly established at Rome that at the close of the next century it was observed even in those Pontifical Masses at which Communion in both kinds was still permitted to the laity : " Every one, after taking of the Blood of Christ, ought to drink a little of the wine." 2 An ancient Ritual of Soissons, 3 in its direction for Easter, has the following : " The Bishop having communicated, let all the Ministers, and the others for whom Hosts have been offered, communicate. Nor must it be passed over that all who have communicated ought to come to the table, which is prepared at the corner of the Altar, that each may cleanse his mouth from the Offerings and Wine." The prac- tice was very common in France to the end of the seven- teenth century. It was then suppressed in many places, because the people could not otherwise be brought to under- stand that they were not receiving in both kinds. Writing in 1713, De Vert 4 says : " Some Bishops and other Eccle- siastical Superiors are daily cutting it short and abolishing it on account of the illusion of the people. The order is well known, that was given by the late Archbishop of Paris (Francis De Harlay) to a Curate of the Ville of S. Denys in France, not to give for the future wine after the Communion in his parish, because it was regarded in the world as a Communion in both kinds, and because, in short, the new converts [from Protestantism] used to go to that Church in crowds with a view, they said, of partaking of the second Symbol. One can still remember on this point the stir caused in 1687 at the College of Clugne", at Paris, by a gene- ral Communion of the Religious of that College, in which, after receiving the Sacred Host, each took some wine in the Chalice, which all the world regards as a partaking of the Cup." The practice prevailed in England too, and evidently with the same result ; for the Synod of Lambeth, 5 A.D. 1281, orders the Priests to " teach the simple that that which is given to be " drunk at the time of the Communion " is not the 1 C. Ivi. Mus. Ital. torn. i. p. 312. 2 Ord. R. xv. auct. Petr. Amelio, c. Ixxxv. Mus. Ital. torn. ii. p. 506. 3 Martene, L. iv. c. xxiv. torn. iii. p. 179. The word rendered offered is propositce. 4 Explication, torn. iv. Hem. xxxv. p. 288. 5 Lyndwood, L. i. tit. 1, Altissimus, p. 8. SECT. VII.] UNCONSECRATED WINE. 627 Sacrament, but pure wine . . . given that they may more easily swallow the Sacrament which they have taken." Wiclif, 1 1360, says, " When we shall be houselled, ye bring to us the dry Flesh, and let the blood be away ; for ye give us after the Bread wine and water, and sometimes clean water unblessed." John de Burgo, 2 who wrote in 1385, gives instructions for this use of uuconsecrated wine. Smythe, 3 in 1546: "The thing that is contained in the Chalice, and given to the lay people when they be houselled, ... is not the Blood of Christ, but very pure and unconse- crated wine given unto them only for this purpose, that they may the more sooner and more easier swallow and receive the Host that is consecrate." Similarly, in the reign of Mary, Bishop Watson : 4 " The Chalice is not consecrate, nor yet delivered as any part of the Sacrament, but for the more commodious receiving of the other part, wherein was contained the Body and Blood of our Saviour Christ." John- son 5 was informed that the custom was kept up by Eomish Priests during the reigns of King Charles and James the Second, though they neglected the caution. He mentions the case of a woman who declared in evidence on a trial that she had received the Communion in both kinds from one of them, but who on a second trial was proved to have been mis- taken, it being shown " that it was the usual practice of such Priests here to give an unconsecrated draught to the people." The practice is not quite extinct now. " Some Churches," says Romse'e, 6 " keep up this, and in particular the Carthusians, and the modern Missals of the Roman Church prescribe it, but it is now commonly omitted." The order to which he refers is as follows : " The Minister, holding in his right hand a vessel with wine and water, and in his left a napkin, a little after the Priest, offers them the purification, and the napkin to wipe the mouth." 7 Romsee adds that this obser- vance is commonly omitted on account of the risk of spilling, the difficulty when there are many Communicants, the poverty of some Churches, and the disgust which some would feel in drinking out of the same cup with others. IV. The Primitive Church, having no such custom as com- munion in one kind, had little occasion to refer to the sub- 1 Wycklyffe's Wycket, p. xiii. ; Norenb. 1546. 2 Pupilla Oculi, P. i. v. c. viii. fol. 21, fa. 1. 3 Assert, of the Sacr. of the Altar, foL 64. 4 Senn. viii. foL xlvi. fa. 2. 5 Note e in Const. Lambeth, vol. ii. p. 274. De Vert, Explic. tome iv. p. 288, mentions a similar case in Paris. 6 De Czerem. Miss. C. ii. Art. xliii. torn. iv. p. 321. 7 Kit. Celebr. Miss. tit. x. n. 6. 628 A LOSS TO THE COMMUNICANT [CHAP. IX. ject. It so happens, however, that the clandestine act of certain laymen led a Bishop of Rome in the fifth century to enunciate a principle, which strikes a fatal blow at the modern practice of his Church. Gelasius, 1 A.D. 495, hearing that there were some who, after receiving the Body, from a superstitious motive that is not explained, " abstained from the Cup of the consecrated Blood," ordered that they should " either receive the Sacraments entire, or be repelled from them altogether," on the ground that " the division of the one and same Mystery cannot take place without a huge sacrilege." This dictum of a Pope, which Gratian 2 had in- serted in his Collection, was of course a great difficulty, but it was met by the utterly false and even absurd assertion that it referred to the Communion of the Celebrant only. The Commentator on the Sentences, under the name of Alexander of Hales, 3 says, without giving his own opinion, " It is understood of the Celebrant ;" but Aquinas 4 more boldly, and with circumstance : " On the first head, it is to be said that Gelasius speaks only in reference to Priests, who as they consecrate the whole Sacrament, so ought they also to communicate in it whole. For, as it is read in the Council of Toledo, 5 What sort of Sacrifice will that be, of which not even the Priest himself is known to be a partaker?" ]n Gratian a heading has been added in accordance with this interpretation : " The Priest ought not to receive the Body of Christ without the Blood." 6 V. It seems out of place here to do more than allude to the ardent desire for the restoration of the Cup which prevailed so widely at the time of the Council of Constance, or to the evils which resulted from its iniquitous decision ; but it will be to our purpose to point out some of those principles in the teaching of the received Doctors of the Church of Rome, which give a peculiar sting to the injustice inflicted on her laity, and should deepen our gratitude for our own privi- leges. It was acknowledged then that " whole Christ is not contained sacramentally under each kind, but the Flesh only under the species of bread, the Blood only under the species of wine," 7 and that without both Elements "the Sacrament 1 Mansi, torn. viii. col. 125. 2 P. iii. Dist. ii. c. xii. Comperimus autem. 3 Comm. in Sent. L. iv. Q. 53, n. 1 ; as quoted by Gieseler, Eccl. Hist, vol. iii. p. 321, Engl. tr. 4 P. iii. Q. Ixxx. Art. xii. ad primum. 6 Cone. Tol. xii. c. v. Labb. torn. vi. col. 1230. 6 On this see Cassander, De Utraque Specie ; Opp. p. 1026. 7 Alex. Alens. Summ. Theol. P. iv. Q. x. Meinb. vii. Art. iii. 2, p. 250. Sim. Durandus : "Although the Blood of Christ be in the consecrated Host, yet it is not there sacramentally ; because the bread signifies the SECT. VII.] IN ONE KIND ACKNOWLEDGED. 625 would be imperfect in sacramental virtue and significance ;" the unavoidable inference from which is that " one who receives the Host only does not sacramentally receive the complete Sacrament." l The answer offered by Aquinas 2 was, that " the perfection of this Sacrament is not in the use of the faithful, but in the consecration of the matter ;" and that " the Priest offers and takes the Blood in the person of all." Such is the wisdom of man, when he attempts to improve upon the ordinance of God. It is, in truth, acknowledged by many eminent autho- rities, that the Sacrament, as thus administered to the Laity, loses not only a part of its significance, but a part of its grace also. Thus, in the Commentary on the Sentences ascribed to Alexander of Hales, 3 it is allowed that " recep- tion under both kinds, which mode of reception the Lord delivered, is of greater efficacy and completeness." He says also, that it is of " greater merit by reason of the more com- plete reception," as well as because it increases devotion and confirms faith. So Albertus 4 Magnus teaches that " the benefit of the faithful and the unity of the Mystical Body are not perfectly effected and signified but by the double sign." This results from the familiar principle that "the Sacraments effect that which they symbolize," 5 or, in other words, that they are the means whereby the particular grace which they signify is imparted. Eating and drinking are both necessary to the complete refreshment of the body ; therefore the Cup as well as the Bread is necessary to that complete refreshment of the soul, of which eating and drink- ing are the ordained symbol. It was no answer to say that whole Christ is received under either species ; for it is evi- dent, as Innocent 6 in. expresses it, that " although the Blood is taken with the Body under the species of bread, and the Body taken with the Blood under the species of wine ; yet neither is the Blood drunk under the species of bread, nor the Body eaten under the species of wine." The command is not that we should take the Body and Blood, but that we should eat the Body and drink the Blood. Again, we have Body, not the Blood, and the wine the Blood and not the Body." L. iv. c. liv. n. 13. 1 Durand. Eat. L. iv. c. liv. n. 12. 2 P. iii. Q. Ixxx. Art. xii. torn. iii. p. 207. 3 In Sent. L. iv. Q. 53, n. 1 (Lugd. 1515), quoted by Gieseler (Eccl. Hist. E. T. vol. iii. p. 322) as by Alexander. 4 In Sent. L. iv. Di. viii. Art. xiii. sub fin. 5 Albert M. u.s. See the extract from Tapper a little further on in the text. Watson, Serm. xxv. fol. cliv. fa. 1 : " Giving that grace they signify." 6 De Myst. Miss. L. iv. c. xxi. torn. i. p. 386. 630 THE SPECIAL GRACE OF THE CUP. [CHAP. IX. shown in a former note that Peter Lombard and other emi- nent men distinguished between the effect of the Bread and of the Cup, connecting the latter in some especial manner with the grace conveyed to the soul, and the former with the preservation of the body : " Why is Christ taken under two kinds, when whole Christ is under either ? That He might be shown to have taken the whole of human nature, that He might redeem the whole. For bread is referred to the flesh, wine to the soul. ... If He were taken in one kind only, the meaning would be that it (that which we receive) availed to the preservation of one only, i.e. of the soul, or of the body, not of both together." 1 The Council of Trent 2 pro- nounced an anathema against those who should assert that the Church " had erred in communicating the Laity, and even Clergymen not celebrating, under the species of bread only ;" but in its defence of the practice it did not venture to go beyond the proposition, that " they who receive one kind only are defrauded of no grace necessary to salvation."* Probably no one maintained the contrary ; but there were many at the Council who believed that they were deprived of some of the grace of this holy Sacrament. Francis Blanco, Archbishop of Compostella, who, when Bishop of Orenze, had been present himself, declares that this was " the unani- mous opinion of the Fathers" there assembled, and that for that reason the Council " did not say absolutely ' of no grace,' but 'of no grace necessary to salvation.'"* The statements of Pallavicino 5 and Sarpi 6 do not establish the unanimity of the Council on this point, but they show that the opinion was well represented. One of the Divines present actually argued for the denial of the Cup to the Laity, on the ground that " as the Priest has a higher dignity, and a double share of authority, it is befitting that he should receive double 1 Pet. Lomb. Sent. L. iv. D. xi. F. p. 739 ; Mog. 1632. He refers to Hilary the Deacon in 1 Cor. xi. 26 : " The Flesh of the Saviour [was given] for salvation of the body, but His Blood was shed for our soul." App. ad Opp. S.. Ambros. tarn. viii. p. 174. Hilary quotes Lev. xvii. 1 1 : " It is the blood that rnaketh atonement for the soul." See before, Part ii. Ch. v. Sect. i. p. 480. 2 Seas. xxi. Can. ii. 3 Ibid. cap. iii. 4 Job. de Lugo, De Sacr. Euch. Disp. xii. sect. iii. n. 68, p. 418 ; Lugd. 1644. 6 Hist. Cone. Trid. L. xii. c. ii. P. ii. p. 272 ; ed. Lat. Antv. 1670. He names with others the celebrated Melchior Canus. 6 Hist. Cone. Trid. L. iv. p. 263 ; Aug. Trin. 1620. " Many believed that, though more of the Sacrament was not received, yet more grace was received." 7 Pallav. L. xii. c. ii. P. ii. p. 270. 8 Explic. Artie. Art. 15, torn. ii. pp. 224, 5 ; Colon. 1582. He neverthe- SECT. VIII.] THE RECEPTION OF THE PEOPLE. 631 ments in writing : " The sacramental drinking of the Blood of Christ cannot be without benefit, if it be taken worthily and duly. And forasmuch as the species of wine is a sacra- ment, but all sacraments, according to the common rule, confer grace ex opere operato, the drinking of the Blood has its proper spiritual effect by allaying spiritual thirst or in- creasing or confirming the grace received in the Communion of the Body. . . . Although whole Christ be under either species, He nevertheless works according to their significa- tion, and under one uses His Body as an instrument, under the other His Blood. . . . And since the Sacraments confer the grace which they signify, when the signification is more complete and perfect it must follow that the effect is fuller." We will conclude this notice with an extract from Vasquez, who wrote after the Council of Trent : " The opinion of those who say that greater fruit of grace is acquired from both species of this Sacrament than from one only, has always appeared to me the more probable. 1 . . . We grant that, according to this our opinion, the Laity, to whom one species is denied, are defrauded of some grace indeed, yet not of any necessary to salvation ; and that the Council did not mean to deny this." 2 SECTION VIII. The Communion delivered to the People in order, into their hands. f ALSO IN OBDEE.] That is, in due order ; or in an orderly manner. The clause is borrowed from the Scotch Eubric, which has, " and after to the people in due order." In Cosin's draft of the present Rubric the word due was pre- served. Also is not in that, or in the Scotch original. g INTO THEIE HANDS.] I. These words were introduced in 1 662. They are not in the Scotch Eubric. The order is too often neglected ; as we see persons take the Bread from the Priest with their fingers, to the great risk of dropping it. The Communicant should present the palm of the hand, and the Priest put it " into his hand," as the Rubric directs. In the Primitive Church all the Communicants, infants less concludes that this additional grace is only given, when the previous reception of the Body has inflamed the heart with a greater " thirst after righteousness and love towards its God." 1 Comm. in Thorn. Aq. P. iii. Q. Ixxx. Disp. ccxv. c. ii. torn. iii. p. 351 ; Lugd. 1631. 2 Ibid. c. iii. p. 354. The question is treated at length by Caietan, in Thorn. Aq. Summa, P. iii. Q. Ixxx. Art. xii. Qu. ii. torn. ii. fol. 269, fa. 1. 632 THE CATHOLIC RITE OF [CHAP. IX. aloue excepted, thus put forth their hand to receive the holy Mysteries. There are few facts connected with the Liturgy to which reference is more frequently made. Tertullian, 1 A.D. 192, is, I believe, the earliest witness, in his invective against the Christian sculptor who made statues of the heathen gods, who " approached to the Body of the Lord those hands which give bodies to demons." S. Cyprian, 2 248, exhorting a Church on which persecution was impend- ing, says, "Let us arm our right hand with the spiritual sword, that it may bravely reject those fatal sacrifices, and mindful of the Eucharist, having received the Body of the Lord, may embrace Him, hereafter to receive from the Lord the prize of heavenly crowns." The same Father tells us of one who, though unworthy, was yet " angry with the Priest, because he did not at once receive the Body of the Lord with his contaminated hands, or drink the Blood of the Lord with polluted mouth," 3 and of another equally unworthy, who " having dared secretly to take his portion with the rest, was not able to eat and handle the holy [Body] of the Lord," but " found that he was carrying ashes in his open hands." 4 Again, he says of such, that " they sinned against the Lord with their hands and mouth more than when they denied the Lord." 5 Dionysius 6 of Alexandria, the contemporary of S. Cyprian, speaks of the Communicant as " stretching forth his hands to receive the Holy Food." Julian the Apostate, 361, is said to have " purified his hands," that is, to have cleansed them ceremonially, " from the unbloody Sacrifice through which we have fellowship with Christ, both in respect of his Suffer- ings and Divinity." 7 S. Cyril 8 of Jerusalem, about the same time, gives these instructions to his Catechumens : " When you draw near, do not come with your palms wide open, or your fingers apart ; but making your left hand a support for your right, as about to receive [so great] a King, and making your palm hollow, receive the Body of Christ." Another testimony to the fact is supplied by the practice of reserva- tion. It was common in times of persecution, and especially in Egypt, where there were few Priests, for the Communicant to carry away of the consecrated Elements, and to receive daily in private, till they were consumed. S. Basil 9 of Caesarea, 370, referring to this custom, says, " In the Church 1 De Idol. c. vii. torn. iv. p. 130. 2 Ep. Iviii. ad Thihar. p. 125. 3 De Lapsis, p. 131. * Ibid. p. 133. 5 Ibid. p. 128. 6 Apud Euseb. Hist. Eccl. L. vii. c. ix. p. 208. 7 S. Greg. Nazianz. Or. iii. torn. i. p. 70. 8 Catech. Myst. V. c. xviii. p. 300. 9 Ep. cclxxxix. ad Cassar. Patr. torn. ii. p. 1055. SECT. VIII.] RECEPTION IN THE HAND. 633 the Priest gives the portion, and the receiver retains it with full power, and so carries it to his mouth with his own hand. It is the same thing, therefore, as to his power over it, whether a person receive from the Priest one portion only or many at the same time." In Italy, after the massacre of Thessalonica in 390, S. Ambrose 1 thus addressed the Emperor : " How with such hands wilt thou receive the most holy Body of the Lord ? How wilt thou carry His precious Blood to thy mouth after lawlessly shedding so much blood through the word of anger ? " S. Augustine 2 in Eoman Africa, A.D. 396, reproaches the Donatist clergy with " placing the Eucharist in the hands " of an unworthy Bishop of their sect, and of " stretching out their hands to him in their turn when he gave it." S. Chrysostoin 3 at Antioch and Constan- tinople makes frequent allusion to the practice : " How wilt thou stand at the Judgment- seat of Christ, who with polluted hands and lips makest bold with His Body ? " At Alex- andria, 412, S. Cyril 4 recognises it: "According to the grace of God, we approach to the Communion of the Mystical Blessing, receiving Christ into our hands." In France we find the same rite universal in the sixth century, but with circumstances that betoken coming change. S. Csesarius, 5 A.D. 502, says, " All the men when about to approach the Altar, wash their hands, and all the women use clean linen cloths when they receive the Body of the Lord." An anony- mous Homily sometimes, but very doubtfully, ascribed to Caesarius : " When we wish to enter the Church and com- municate, we first wash our hands ; but it is necessary that as we wash our hands by means of water, so we wash our souls by means of charity and alms. . . . All the women when they come to the Altar use clean linen cloths in which to receive the Sacraments of Christ. ... So also let them have clean souls," 6 etc. The Council of Auxerre, 7 578, 1 Theodoret. Hist. Eccl. L. v. c. xviii. p. 220 ; Cassiod. Hist. Trip. L. ix. c. xxx. torn. i. p. 319. 2 Contra Lit. Petil. L. ii. c. xxiii. Similarly c. Ep. Parmen. L. ii. c. vii. torn. xii. coll. 43, 301. 3 Horn. iii. in Eph. (c. L vv. 20-23), 4, torn. xi. p. 25. Similarly De Sacerd. L. iii. 4, torn. i. p. 468, etc. I think that this custom led to the frequent use of the expression " touching the Sacrifice," or " the Mysteries," etc. So S. Chrys. De Bapt. Christi, 4, torn. ii. p. 441 ; Horn, ad Antioch. xxi. 5, p. 242. 4 In S. Job. Ev. L. xii. (c. xx. vv. 16 and 27), torn. iv. p. 1104. 6 Serm. Iii. in App. ad Opp. S. Aug. S. ccxxix. torn. xvi. col. 1269. Printed in Martene, De Ant. Hit. L. ii. c. xiii. torn. ii. p. 282. This homily is here only a paraphrase of Caesarius, as in the last note. 7 Can. xxxvi. Labb. torn. v. col. 960. The next Canon forbids a 634 PRIMITIVE RECEPTION. [CHAP. IX. forbade " a woman to receive the Eucharist with bare hands." Bede, 1 in our own country, at the beginning of the eighth century, relating the death of Csedmon, says that he asked for the holy Eucharist, " which having taken in his hand, he demanded if all were kindly disposed towards him . . . and thus fortifying himself with the heavenly Viaticum prepared for his entrance on the other life." We may mention here that at a later period women were forbidden to touch even the Cup ; as by Leo iv., 2 A.D. 847, and by many Bishops of the eleventh and twelfth centuries at their Visitations, who appear to borrow the very words of their prohibition from him. 3 In the East, in the seventh century, a custom seems to have sprung up of receiving the sacred Mysteries in little vessels, which were sometimes of gold ; but this was for- bidden by the Council in Trullo, 4 A.D. 691, on the ground that, as man was formed in the image of God, and is partaker of such grace in Christ, nothing more meet than the Chris- tian's hand could be employed for that purpose. The Council therefore ordered Communicants, as S. Cyril had before taught his Catechumens, to " put their hands together in the form of a cross, and so draw near and receive the Communion of the Grace." S. John Damascene, 5 A.D. 730, carries on the tradition of the East into the next century : " Let us draw near to Him with burning desire, and with hands composed in the form of a cross let us take the Body of the Crucified." II. The foregoing testimonies, drawn from all parts of the Christian world, prove beyond question that the practice of receiving in the hand is both Primitive and Catholic. We woman "to put her hand" to the Corporal, i.e. (we must suppose) to use it to cover the hand while receiving. In the forty-second it is ordered " that every woman have her dominical when she communicates." This was understood by Baronius, Binius, etc., to be the napkin on which she received ; but Baluzius (on Gratian, P. ii. causa xxxiii. Qu. v. c. xix.) dis- proved their interpretation by producing a MS. Penitential in which this provision (evidently a paraphrase of the latter part of the Canon of Auxerre) occurs : " If a woman when communicating shall not have her dominical on her head, let her not communicate until another Lord's day " (Bona, L. ii. c. xvii. n. iii. ) In Provence, the veil which women wear on their head is still called a domino (Ducange, ed. Ben.) This Sunday veil was not necessarily white : " Women may receive the Sacrifice under a black veil." Theodori Pcenitentiale, c. vii. p. 7 ; Par. 1677. 1 Hist. Eccl. L. iv. c. xxiv. p. 172 ; Cant. 1722. 2 Horn, de Cur. Past. Labb. torn. viii. col. 34. 3 See Serm. Synod. A.D. 1009; Labb. torn. ix. col. 804; Ratherii Synodica (in a long extract from Leo), ibid. col. 1271 ; Regiiio, pp. 11, 503, 508. 4 Can. ci. Bever. Pand. torn. i. p. 279. 5 De Fid. Orthod. L. iv. c. xiii. torn. i. p. 271. SECT. VIII.] MEDIEVAL RECEPTION. 635 have already had occasion to speak of the later Greek and Eastern custom of the receiving the Elements together from a spoon. In the Church of Borne the rule for several centu- ries has been for the Priest to put the Host into the mouth of the Communicant with his fingers. It is very uncertain when this innovation first took place. We can infer nothing from the story of Agapetus, 535 (as related by Gregory I.), that he " put the Lord's Body into the mouth " of a dumb man, who had besought him to heal him. 1 It was an action appropriate to the end sought. In an Ordo Romanus, how- ever, which may belong to the tenth century, we find a direction that where the Presbyters present draw near to communicate, " the Bishop shall give the most holy Body into their hands ; " 2 from which I should infer that the privilege was then reserved to them. According to another Ordo of the same age, " the Presbyters and Deacons receive the Body of Christ from the Bishop in their hands . . . but the Subdeacons receive the Body of Christ from him in their mouth." 3 In France we find the earlier practice pro- hibited by a Council of Rouen 4 in the ninth century : " Let him (the Presbyter) not place the Eucharist in the hands of any layman or woman, but only in their mouth." Bona 5 conjectures that this later practice began in the West, when wafer-bread, as it is called, was introduced, owing to the greater danger after that of particles falling from the hand. III. The Mediaeval custom was retained in the First Book of Edward, on the ground that in ancient times when the people " received the Sacrament of the Body of Christ in their own hands . . . they many times conveyed the same secretly away, kept it with them, and diversely abused it to supersti- tion and wickedness." 6 The reason was, however, insuffi- 1 Greg. Dial. L. iii. c. iii. torn. iii. coL 281. 2 Ord. v. Mus. Ital. torn. ii. p. 68. 3 Ord. vi. ibid. torn. ii. p. 75. * Burchard, L. iii. c. Ixxvi. fol. 64, fa. 2 ; Regino, L. i. c. cxcix. Ex Cane. Torun. ; Ivo, Deer. L. ii. c. 129. Burchard and Ivo give it as Can. ii. Cone. Rotom. I have not been able to identify it. 5 Rer. Lit. L. ii. c. xvii. n. vii. 6 Rubric at the end of the Communion in 1 B. E. For these abuses, see Cone. Caesaraug. Ann. 380 ; Can. iii. Cone. Tolet. A.D. 400 ; Can. xiv., which forbids under penalty the taking without eating ; Labb. toni. ii. coll 1009, 1225. The offenders at the earlier period were heretics ; but in the middle ages the Bread was sometimes carried away for magical purposes. Thus one reason for the draught of wine given after the reception was, according to Aquinas, " that women addicted to witch- craft might not so easily be able to reserve the Body of Christ in their mouth for the perpetration of any crime of theirs, as (he adds) we have 636 KNEELING RECEPTION. [CHAP. IX. cient to justify a departure from the first principles of the Eeformation ; for it was easy, as Bucer 1 pointed out, for the Priest, when he delivered the Bread, to see that the Com- municant consumed it. The primitive custom was therefore wisely restored at the Eevision of 1552. It is probable that this did not satisfy all ; for in Guest's Letter to Cecil, " Con- cerning the Service-Book," written at the beginning of Elizabeth's reign, we find the writer undertaking its defence, as in accordance both with the institution of Christ and the practice of the primitive Church. 2 SECTION IX. Of the Posture of the People when receiving. h ALL MEEKLY KNEELING.] I. For much of the history of this clause, see the Note on the Posture of the Priest while receiving, p. 607. In the 0. C. and 1 B. E., no posture was prescribed, which is contrary to what we might have expected, as Tyndale 3 had, so far back as 1533, tried to recommend the sitting posture to his countrymen. However, in 1550, the year after the First Book of Edward came into use, a con- gregation was formed under A Lasco in London, which exem- plified in its practice the suggestions of Tyndale; and the rules drawn up by its Minister were made public the same year. 4 Then for the first time, I suppose, might men and women be seen among us who ventured to sit round the Lord's Table as at a common meal, while they received those often understood that many cursed women have done." De Offic. Sacerd. Opusc. Iviii. torn. xvii. p. 328. 1 Censura, c. iii. n. vii. Opp. Angl. p. 462. 2 Hist. Conf. Cardwell, p. 54. 3 The Supper of the Lord, pp. 266, 267 ; Camb. 1850. He rather leaves it to be gathered from the sketch which he gives of his ideal than boldly propounds it. After an exhortation, let the preacher, he says, " come down, and, accompanied honestly with other Ministers, come forth reverently unto the Lord's Table, the congregation now set round about it, and also in their other convenient seats, the Pastor exhorting them," etc. " And here let every man fall down upon his knees, saying secretly the Paternoster in English ; their curate, as example, kneeling down before them ; which done, let him take the bread, and eft the wine, . . . and then distribute it to the Ministers, which taking the bread with great reverence will divide it to the congregation, every man breaking and reaching it forth to his next neighbour. . . . But in the meanwhile must the Minister or Pastor be reading . . . till the bread and wine be eaten and drunken, and all the action done ; and then let them aft fall down on their knees, giving thanks," etc. It is clear from this sketch that he did not mean them to be on their knees during the reception. 4 Heylyn, Eccles. Restaur. Ann. Edw. iv. vol. i. p. 193. The Liturgia Sacra of Pollanus does not prescribe the posture, but bids them approach " the Table in order with great reverence." Fol. 10. SECT. IX.] STANDING RECEPTION. 637 holy Mysteries. There can be little doubt that it was in great part owing to this scandal that at the next Eevision in 1552 the order for kneeling was inserted. II. In the first ages the general, and perhaps we may safely infer the universal, custom was to receive standing. The witnesses, however, are not numerous. Dionysius 1 of Alex- andria, A.D. 250, mentions as an incident in the Communion of a layman, that he "stood at the Table." S. Cyril 2 of Jerusalem, 350, instructs his Catechumens to " approach the Chalice of the Blood without stretching out the hands ; but bending forward, and with a gesture of worship and rever- ence." Another witness is S. Chrysostom, 3 who, represent- ing the souls of the faithful as an altar, thus compares it with the material Altar of the Eucharistic Sacrifice : " The one is by nature a stone ; but it becomes holy after it re- ceives the Body of Christ ; but the other, because it is itself the Body of Christ, so that this is more awful than that at which thou, who art a layman, dost stand." One piece of evidence occurs in the name of the Consistentes or " Co- standers," the last order of Penitents, who were permitted, as S. Basil 4 speaks, " to stand with the faithful, but not to par- take in the Oblation." That such was the practice may also be inferred with certainty from the general rule that all prayer at the Celebration was made standing, 5 and from the silence of early writers as to any other posture. If the Greeks and Orientals had changed from kneeling to standing during the first three centuries, there would assuredly have been some record of the fact. There can be no doubt that the same posture prevailed originally throughout the West. The Eastern founders of the Church carried the same rites wherever they went. For more than a century, even the language of the Liturgy was the same at Eome as in the Mother-Churches of Jerusalem and Antioch. 6 With regard to the posture of the Communi- cant, Bona 7 says, " I am of opinion that as in other matters so also in this, the rites of the two Churches were from the beginning alike." Some traces of the ancient practice re- main ; as in the custom in the Eoman rite for the Celebrant to stand while receiving, and in the fact that " even at this 1 Euseb. Hist. L. vii. c. ix. p. 208. 2 Catech. Myst. V. xix. p. 301. 3 Horn. xx. in 2 Cor. (c. ix. v. 15), torn. x. p. 687 ; Par. 1837. 4 Ad Amphil. Can. Ivi. torn. ii. p. 775. 5 See Part i. Ch. iii. Sect. xv. p. 183. 6 See Part I. Ch. vi. Sect. ii. p. 207. 7 Her. Liturg. L. ii. c. xvii. n. viii. 638 STANDING RECEPTION. [CHAP. IX. day, in the High Mass of the Boman Pontiff, the Deacon communicates standing." 1 In the Eegula Magistri, 2 a mon- astic Rule drawn up in France in the seventh century, the brethren " stand before the Abbot in the Oratory for the Communion," and after a short prayer " communicate and confirm (i.e. receive the Cup) erect," It is probable that all the Clergy received standing in the tenth century, for an Ordo 3 of that date, full of minute instructions, orders the Presbyters, having received the Body in their hands from the Bishop, to " go to the left corner of the Altar, and to kiss it and communicate," the Subdeacon following them with the Chalice. " In like manner let them communicate and con- firm the Deacons after them. Then let the Clerks receive," etc. If they had to change their posture and kneel after taking the Body and going to their place, they would surely have been told to do so, when such precise directions were given for their guidance in other things. The Primitive rule is still observed in the Greek Church. " When they receive the Sacrament, they do not kneel, but only incline the body." 4 It is the same throughout the East. The greatest reverence, however, is prescribed: " Whosoever of the laity shall receive the Communion, shall make a bow or a prostration towards the Altar of God, and shall have his head bare. When any one has received the Communion, he shall not turn his back, but slowly walking backwards retire to his own place." 5 III. If it be asked why the Primitive custom of standing was not restored in our Church at the Reformation, we answer that, since posture in itself is a thing indifferent, that atti- tude ought to be chosen which in the particular case will most conduce to reverence and devotion, and to the glory of God. The English had been accustomed to kneel for many centuries, and that posture was associated in their minds with the deepest sense of religious awe and the strongest fervours of devotion. The order to stand would have shocked every religious mind not carried away by the love of change, or an unreasoning enthusiasm for antiquity ; and 1 Bona, Her. Liturg. L. ii. c. xvii. n. viii. 2 Cap. xxi. Holsten. P. ii. p. 217. 3 Ordo Rom. v. Mus. Ital. torn. ii. p. 68. According to the Roman Pontifical, as Sala (on Bona, u.s. torn. iii. p. 396) observes, Bishops at their Consecration receive standing; but this is not to the point, as they are Concelebrants with their Consecrator. See Ord. Rom. xiv. c. Ivii. Mus. Ital. torn. ii. p. 313. 4 Smith's Greek Church, p. 159. 5 Gabriel Patr. Ritual, in Reuaud. torn. i. p. 285. SKCT. IX.] SITTING RECEPTION. 639 in a few years, when the Reformed Church had " left its first love," the custom, thus forced on the many, would have led to almost as much irreverence as has been too often asso- ciated with the sitting posture in the schismatical bodies which have adopted it. IV. The last-named posture requires but little notice here. The Puritans, arguing for it, alleged that " Christ and His Apostles kneeled not" 1 at the Institution. They urged also at first a mystical reason, viz., that, " as in the Old Testa- ment eating the Paschal Lamb standing signified a readi- ness to pass, even so in the receiving of it now sitting, according to the example of Christ, we signify rest, i.e. a full finishing through Christ of all the ceremonial law, and a perfect work of redemption wrought, that giveth rest for ever." 2 The latter reason was, however, given up, as laying its propounders open to a charge of mysticism, which in others they would have condemned as "papistical." 3 It is, I think, in the Convocation of 1586 that we first hear of any, who were actually permitted by the Clergy to sit while communicating. A complaint was there made, that in the Archdeaconry of Suffolk " the Communion was received by many sitting, and those that conformed to the Church were called time-servers." 4 " It appears that the earlier mem- bers of the party considered kneeling a positive sin, " a grievous offence," says Bishop Cooper 5 in 1589. "A gentle- man of good countenance," he adds, " hath affirmed to myself that he would rather hazard all the land he had than be drawn to kneel at the Communion." Before this date I have observed only one 6 inquiry on this point in any Visitation Articles. It occurs in those of Parker, 1575. After this I observe none till the year 1601, when it is repeated by Richard Bancroft, Bishop of London. It then becomes very 1 Cartwright's Reply, L. i. p. 165 ; note to Hooker, L. v. ch. Ixviii. 3. " Sitting," he says, "agrees better with the action of the Supper." But our Lord and the Apostles did not sit. They reclined after the custom of the later Jews. The words descriptive of their posture are avfUftro (S. Matt. xxvi. 20), dveKfipevav (S. Mark xiv. 18 ; S. John xiii. 28), avtTreo'tv (S. Luke xxii. 14 ; S. John xiii. 12). For the common practice, see Matt. xiv. 19 ; xxiii. 6 ; Mark vi. 39 ; Luke vii. 36, 7 ; ix. 14 ; xii. 37 ; xiv. 8, etc., in the original. Yet although this was the usual posture at meals, they may have risen or knelt (as the Bishops in 1661 suggest ; see text), when our Lord proceeded to the institution of the Sacrament. 2 Admon. to Parl. in Whitgift's Defence, p. 599 ; Hooker, B. v. ch. Ixviii. 3, note ; Keble's ed. 3 Cartwright's Reply, p. 132 ; Hooker, .. note. 4 Synodalia, p. 565. 6 Admon. to the People of England, p. 103 ; ed. 1847. 6 App. to Second Report of Ritual Commission, 1868, p. 416. 640 THE SAVOY CONFERENCE. [CHAP. IX. frequent, and at length constant, 1 until we reach the out- break of the Great ^Rebellion. In White's First Century of Scandalous Ministers, two are charged, among other offences, with refusing to give the Sacrament to those who would not kneel. 2 However, the miserable experience of twenty years of anarchy seems to have taught a degree of moderation to the most bigoted. Baxter, the great leader of the Presby- terians, "took the gesture itself as lawful." 3 Accordingly, in the Savoy Conference, they were content to plead for liberty of posture in receiving : " We also desire that the kneeling at the Sacrament (it being not that gesture which the Apostles used, though Christ was personally present amongst them, nor that which was used in the purest and primitive times of the Church) may be left free." 4 There was a Eubric intended to secure this end in the " Beformatiou of the Liturgy," which they offered (the work of one man " in little more than a fortnight") as a substitute for the Book of Common Prayer : " Let none of the people be forced to sit, stand, or kneel in the act of receiving, if their judgment be against it." 5 The reasons of the Bishops for not complying with this demand were as follows : 6 " The posture of kneel- ing best suits at the Communion, as the most convenient [i.e. as best becoming that holy ordinance], and so most decent for us, when we are to receive, as it were, from God's hand the greatest of seals of the kingdom of heaven. He that thinks he may do this sitting, let him remember the prophet Mai. Offer this to the Prince, to receive his seal from his own hand, sitting, see if he will accept of it. 7 When the Church did stand at her prayers, the manner of receiving was ' more adorantium' (S. Aug. 8 Ps. xcviii. ; Cyril, 9 Catech. Mystag. 5) rather more than at prayers. 10 Since standing at prayers hath been generally left, and kneeling used instead of that (as the Church may vary in such indifferent things), 1 App. to Second Report of Ritual Commission, 1868, pp. 437, 40 ; 56, 7, 9 ; 72, 4, 7 ; 81 ; 90, 2, 5 ; 503, 9, 12, 19 ; 20, 3, 9 ; 31, 4, 8 ; 44, 8 ; 52 ; 60, 6 ; 70, 7 ; 84, 6 ; 90, 5. This series includes the Articles prepared for general use by order of Convocation in 1640, p. 590. 2 Pp. 6, 32 ; Lond. 1643. 3 Sylvester's Reliquiae Baxterianae, L. i. P. ii. p. 346. 4 Exceptions, Cardw. Hist. Conf. c. vii. p. 321. 5 A Petition for Peace, p. 56 ; Lond. 1661. The proposed "Liturgy" is annexed to the Petition. For its history, see Cardwell, Hist. Conf. ch. vi. p. 260, or Hall's Reliq. Liturg. Gen. Introd. vol. i. p. xlii. 6 Answer of the Bishops, ibid. pp. 350, 4. 7 See Mai. i. 8. 8 See 9, torn. vi. col. 346. 9 See c. xiv. p. 301. " After the manner of adoration and worship." 10 The punctuation is corrected. In the original there is a comma before *' since," and a full stop before " Now to stand," etc. SECT. X.] THE BODY CALLED BREAD. 641 now to stand at Communion, when we kneel at prayers, were not decent, much less to sit, which was never the use of the best times." " Thus much we add, that we conceive it an error to say that the Scripture affirms the Apostles to have received not kneeling. The posture of the Paschal Supper we know, but the institution of the holy Sacrament was after Supper ; and what posture was then used the Scripture is silent." SECTION X. Of the name of Bread applied to the Body. 1 THE BKEAD.] The MS. Prayer-Book had the consecrated Bread, but the word " consecrated" is cancelled. In the old English Missals, as in the present Eoman, the Sacramental names of " Host" or " Body" are always given to it ; but in early times devout men did not shrink from using still its proper name of bread; following therein the example of S. Paul } " The bread which we break, is it not the com- munion of the Body of Christ ?" Thus Ireuasus : 2 " The Lord, taking Bread, declared it to be His Body, and the mixture of the Cup He affirmed to be His Blood." Origen : 3 " We eat loaves of Bread offered with thanksgiving and prayer for benefits received, made through the prayer a cer- tain Body, holy, and hallowing those who use it with good intention." Clemens 4 Alexandrinus : " Taking Bread, He first spake and gave thanks ; then breaking the Bread, He set it before (the Apostles)." Tertullian: 5 "The Bread which He took and divided among the disciples He made His own Body." " We are in pain if aught of the Cup, or even of our Bread, be thrown down upon the ground." 6 S. Cyprian : 7 " The Lord calls the Bread His Body, ... and the Wine He names His Blood." Cornelius, 8 his contemporary at Eome, speaks of the Amen responded by the Communicant "who has taken that Bread." In the Catecheses on the Sacraments ascribed to S. Cyril 9 we read, " When He Him- self hath declared and said of the Bread, This is My Body, who will afterwards dare to doubt ?" S. Macarius : 10 " They who partake of the visible Bread, spiritually eat the Flesh of 1 1 Cor. x. 16. 2 Lib. iv. c. xxxiii. 2, p. 666 ; ed. Stier. 3 C. Cels. L. viii. p. 309 ; ed. Spenc. 4 Strom. L. i. x. torn. i. p. 343 ; ed. Potter. 6 Adv. Marc. L. iv. c. 40, torn. i. p. 303. 6 De Cor. c. iii. torn. iv. p. 293. 7 Ep. Ixix. p. 182. 8 Epist. ad Fab. Antioch. in Euseb. Hist. L. vi. c. xliii. p. 199. 9 Catech. Myst. iv. i. p. 292. 10 Horn, xxvii. p. 386 ; Lips. 1699. 2 S 642 THE BODY CALLED BREAD. [CHAP. IX. Christ." S. Jerome i 1 " But let us hear that the Bread, which the Lord broke and gave to His disciples, is the Body of the Lord the Saviour." S. Augustine, 2 instructing the newly baptized from the Altar : " That which you see is Bread and a Cup, which even your eyes tell you ; but that which your faith is demanding, it must be instructed in ; The Bread is the Body of Christ, The Wine is the Blood of Christ." Theodoret : 3 " In delivering the Mysteries He called the Bread His Body and the Mixture His Blood." As such language is at variance with the later Eoman doc- trine, it was of course at length given up; but we find instances of it long after that theory had been largely adopted, and even later than the condemnation of Berengarius. For example, John 4 the Deacon, A.D. 875, in his relation of the well-known miracle ascribed to Gregory the First : " Then Gregory . . . prostrated himself in prayer ; and a little after rising found the piece of Bread which he had placed on the Altar become flesh." It is instructive to observe that when Guitmond, 5 the opponent of Berengarius, in the eleventh century tells the same story, he avoids calling the consecrated Element bread. Burchard, 996, and Ivo, 1092, and after them Gratian, 6 1131, insert in their collections a Canon of the Council of Braga, A.D. 675, in which we read, " The deli- very of the Bread separately and of the Cup separately is related" (in the account of the Institution). John of Eouen, A.D. 1070, also known as John of Avranches, from his former See, says the people were permitted to " communicate in steeped Bread."" 1 William of Champeaux, 8 who died in 1121, says that the " reception of the steeped Bread was for- bidden for a frivolous reason." The use of the proper name of the Element was, however, already becoming obsolete even when men spoke of the intinction; for Micrologus, 1160, carefully uses the expression " steeped Body ;" though obliged to cite in the same chapter the words of the Council of Braga given above. 9 Turning to the Liturgies, we find these Rubrics in S. James : 10 " Then the Priest breaks the Bread ; " " He signs the 1 Ad. Hedib. torn. iv. col. 171. 2 Serm. cclxxii. torn. viii. col. 1103. 3 Dial. i. torn. iv. p. 17. 4 Vita S. Greg. L. ii. c. xli. Opp. praefix. torn. i. p. 31. 6 De Corp. et Sang. Verit. L. iii. fol. 68b. 6 Pars iii. Dist. ii. c. vii. See the note. 7 De Off. Eccl. col. 37 ; Par. 1853. 8 Cited from a MS. by Mabill. in Prsef. ad Ssec. iii. Bened. P. i. n. 75, p. liii. 9 De Eccl. Observ. c. 19 ; Hitt. col. 742. 10 Assem. torn. v. pp. 54, 5 ; Liturg. PP. p. 34. SECT. XI.] THE DELIVERY OF THE BREAD. 643 Bread." In S. Mark, 1 " the Priest breaks the Bread." In SS. Basil and Chrysostom 2 we have, " The Priest . . . touch- ing the holy Bread ;" " holding the Bread," etc. The Syrian S. James : 3 " The Priest breaks off a smaller portion from the larger piece of the Eucharistic Bread," etc. The Nestorian : 4 " Then the Priest shall kiss towards the Bread ;" " Then shall he proceed to break the Bread." The Armenian : 5 " Then dividing the Bread into four portions" etc. In the Mozarabic, 6 the Fraction is many times called, " The Confrac- tion of the Bread." The Gothico-Gallican 7 Missal provides a Collect to be said " at the Fraction of the. Bread." SECTION XI. The Minister himself to deliver the Bread to each Communicant. j To ANY ONE.] It may be asked whether the Minister is bound to deliver the Bread to each Communicant with his own hand ? We might safely infer this from the singular forms (thee, thy) used in the Benediction that follows ; but the point is expressly settled by the 21st Canon of 1604 : " The Minister shall deliver both the Bread and the Wine to every Communicant severally." The same provision appears in the Irish Canons 8 of 1634. From the beginning of this century to the Eebellion there is a long series of Visitation Articles in which occurs the question, founded on this Canon, " Doth he not deliver the Bread and Wine to every Communi- cant severally ?" Some examples are found also in Articles drawn up after the Eestoration. 9 These inquiries were ren- dered necessary by the preference which some had conceived for the uncatholic customs of the Presbyterians and others. The example was, if I mistake not, first set by Zuinglius in the novel rites which he set up at Zurich in 1524 : " The Pastor takes unleavened bread in his hands, and in the sight of the company of the faithful, with a loud voice, and very religiously, recites the Institution of the Lord's Supper from the Evangelists. Then he distributes bread to the Ministers, 1 Eenand. torn. i. p. 162. 2 Goar, pp. 81, 2. 3 Renaud. torn. ii. p. 41. 4 Badger's Nestorians, vol. ii. p. 235. I cite this English translation because more exact than Renaudot, who here translates " Host." 5 Neale's Introd. p. 650. 6 Leslie, pp. 6 ; 100, 3, 9, etc. 7 Liturg. Gallic, p. 251. 8 Can. xviii. Wilkins, torn. iv. p. 501. 9 See Mr. Crosthwaite's Communio Fidelium, in which above twenty examples are adduced, 7, pp. 88-94 ; and 10, p. 115, note. This ex- cellent little treatise gives very full information on the various usages of the sixteenth century with respect both to the mode of delivery and the words said by the Minister. 644 NONCONFORMIST COMMUNIONS. [CHAP. IX. and hands them the cup, who carry the bread about on plates, and the wine in cups, and administer them to the Church ; each takes in his hand that which is delivered by the Minis- ters, eats, and offers a part of that which he has received to the person sitting next to him. In the same manner also he hands the cup." 1 In 1533, Tyndale 2 (it is believed), in an anonymous treatise, entitled The Supper of the Lord, pro- posed that the Curate should " take the bread and eft the wine in the sight of the people hearing him, with a loud voice . . . rehearsing distinctly the words of the Lord's Supper in their mother-tongue ; and then distribute it to the Ministers, which, taking the bread with great reverence, will divide it to the congregation, every man breaking and reach- ing it forth to his next neighbour and member in the mystic Body of Christ. Other Ministers follow with the cup, pour- ing forth and dealing them the wine." Calvin, 3 at Geneva, 1552, merely says: "The Ministers distribute the bread and cup to the people, having seen that they come with reverence and in order." So according to the rites of the English congregation at Geneva, 1556 : " The Minister takes bread, breaks, and distributes it. So likewise the cup. They, when they have received, divide it in their turn among themselves." 4 In A Lasco's community (1550) the method was this: The Minister took bread from a large plate, broke it, saying aloud, " The bread which we break is the communion of the Body of Christ," filled two smaller plates with the pieces, placed them so that those " sitting could take thence a morsel of bread," then filled four small cups with wine, and put them by the small plates on either side. Then he gave bread from the small plates to those nearest to him ; next he took a piece to himself, and lastly pushed from him the small plates one to each end of the table, that the rest might help themselves. The wine was managed in the same manner. 5 The form published by Knox 6 in 1567 : " The Minister breaketh the bread, and delivereth it to the people, who distribute and divide the same among them- selves, according to our Saviour Christ's commandment, and likewise giveth the cup." The Puritan " Book of the Form 1 Hospinian, Hist. Sacram. P. ii. fol. 26, 2 ; Tig. 1602. 2 The Supper of the Lord, p. 267 ; Camb. 1850. 3 Les Formes des Prieres Eccles. fol. 20, 2 ; Gen. 1552. 4 Ratio et Forma publice orandi, p. 52 ; Genev. 1556 ; in Crosthwaite, p. 56. 6 La Forme et Maniere de tout le Ministere, etc., foL 144, fa. 1 ; Crosthw. p. 43. 6 Crosthwaite, p. 71. SECT. XII.] THE BENEDICTIONS AT RECEIVING. 645 of Common Prayers," 1584 : " The Minister, coming to the table (and the table being furnished), breaketh the bread, and delivereth it to the people, saying, ' Take and eat ; this bread is the Body of Christ that was broken for us ;' who distribute and divide the same among themselves, etc. Like- wise he giveth the cup, saying, ' Drink ye all of this/ 5>1 etc. Similarly The New Book of Common Prayer according to the form of the Kirk of Scotland, 1 6-14 : " The Minister taketh the bread and giveth thanks, which being done, he breaketh the bread, first receiving it himself; and then deli- vereth it to the people, who are to distribute and divide the same among themselves," 2 etc. Lastly, in 1661 the Presby- terians desired " that the Minister be not required to deliver the bread and wine into every particular Communicant's hand, and to repeat the words to each one," 3 etc. To this the Bishops replied : " It is most requisite that the Minister deliver the Bread and Wine into every particular Communi- cant's hand, and repeat the words in the singular number ; for so much as it is the propriety of Sacraments to make par- ticular obsignation to each believer, and it is our visible pro- fession, that, by the grace of God, Christ tasted death for every man." 4 It was after this, as if still further to guard the catholic practice of the Church, that the words " to any one" were added in the Eubric. This might be called in some sort a restoration, for in the Order of Communion and the First Book of Edward the Eubric had run thus : 5 " When he delivereth the Sacrament of the Body of Christ, he shall say to every one these words [following," 0. (7.]. The Second Book of Edward has "When he delivereth the Bread he shall say." In this change, however, there could be no in- tention of relaxing the rule, as the words that follow could only be addressed to one person at a time : " Christ died for thee /' " thy heart." SECTION XII. The History of the Benediction at receiving. k SHALL SAY.] In the Order of Communion, 1548, the words said at the delivery of the Bread were, " The Body of our Lord Jesus Christ which was given for thee preserve thy 1 Fragmenta Liturgica, vol. i. p. 65. 2 Ibid. p. 94. 3 Cardwell, Hist. Conf. p. 321. * Hist. Conf. p. 354. 6 Aless renders the Rubric, " Communicabit ipse primo sub utraque specie et deinde ministri," thus authorizing the Ministers to communicate themselves. Inter Opp. Buceri, p. 429. Mr. Crosthwaite has noticed the same thing in his version of the Order of Communion. Comm. Fidel. 5, pp. 59-67. 646 THE BENEDICTIONS AT RECEPTION. [CHAP. IX. body unto everlasting life ;" of the Cup, " the Blood of our Lord Jesus Christ which was shed for thee preserve thy soul to everlasting life." The distinction was perhaps due, as Mr. Freeman * suggests, to a " hint given in the York Use," where the following words are said after the reception of the Cup : " The Body and Blood . . . keep my body and my soul unto everlasting life." This repetition of the possessive pronoun is the more striking, as it is not in the Mozarabic, 2 with which the York form is in other respects identical. Offence was however taken at the words in the Order of Communion, " the Body being given for the preserving the body, and the Blood of Christ for preserving the soul. This was thought done on design to possess the people with a high value of the Chalice, as that which preserved their souls ; whereas the Bread was only for the preservation of their bodies. But Cranmer, being ready to change anything for which he saw good reason, did afterwards [that is, in the First Book of Edward] so alter it that in both it was said, "Preserve thy body and soul." 3 In 1552 another influ- ence prevailed, and these benedictions were supplanted by the addresses. " Take and eat this in remembrance," etc. " Drink this," etc., which form the latter half of the forms now in use. This change is ascribed by Heylyn 4 to objec- tions proceeding from " Calvin and his disciples," and by Brett 5 to a design " to please Martyr and Bucer and their followers ;" but I cannot find anything to the purpose in the writings of the persons named, or related of them by authors of the period. 6 The statements of Heylyn and Brett are probably due to the mistaken notion which formerly prevailed of the great influence exercised by foreigners on the course of the English Eeformation. 7 At the beginning of Elizabeth's reign the Benedictions omitted in 1552 were 1 Principles of Divine Worship, Part ii. cb. iii. sect v. voL ii. p. 426. 2 Leslie, pp. 7, 235. 3 Burnet, Reformation, P. ii. B. i. p. 67. 4 Eccl. Restaur. An. Eliz. 1 ; vol. ii. p. 285. * Liturgies, Dissert. 24, p. 296. 6 See Bucer's Censura. Comp. pp. 429, 473 ; Bas. 1577. Martyr's letter to him expressing concurrence, Strype's Cranmer, App. No. Ixi., and those letters of Calvin relating to English affairs that seem written before or about the time of the change. Epist. pp. 100, 1, 385 (June 15, 1551) ; Genev. 1576. If anywhere, we should expect to find the objec- tion on Bucer's part in his sententious Sayings on the Lord's Supper (Strype, u.s., No. xlvi.) ; but it does not occur. 7 There is other evidence, but Bucer's own assertion is decisive : " With regard to your hint about the purity of the rites, know that here no stranger is asked about these things." These words occur in a letter SECT. XII.] MEDIEVAL FORMS. 647 restored, but combined with the addresses " Take and eat," etc., " Drink this," etc., and have thus descended to our own day. In 1637 the Scotch Liturgy adopted the simple Bene- dictions of the First Book of Edward. The Nonjurors have followed the example, but the American Office preserves the united formulae. If its length were not inconvenient when many communicate, our present formulae would be on every account the best in any Liturgy. It is an especial excellence in them that they intimate the connexion between the com- memoration of the Sacrifice of the death of Christ and the communion of His Body and Blood given and shed for us. 1 In the English Liturgies in use before the Eeformation there is no direction to the Priest to say anything to the Communicant ; but then there is no reference at all to any Communicants except the Priest himself. Since, however, a form of words is expressly prescribed in many foreign Orders, 2 and in the Eoman 3 Church (though neither there does the Rubric provide for it), the Priest says to each, " The Body of our Lord Jesus Christ keep thy soul unto eternal life. Amen," no doubt can be entertained of the ancient practice in our own country. In fact, forms were ordered to be used at the Communion of the Sick, from which we may safely infer their use at other times. The Saruin 4 formula was, " The Body of our Lord Jesus Christ keep thy body and thy soul unto eternal life. Amen." We may believe that the practice was universal on such occasions. We find it, for example, 5 expressly prescribed in many of the Orders for the Communion of the Sick in Martene, and in the fragments of Bucer to Beza, dated January 12, 1550, and are quoted by the latter in Tract. Theol. torn. ii. p. 323, ed. 1570. Before the Revision of 1552, Bucer and Martyr were asked their opinion of the First Book, and Bucer compiled his Censura on the occasion ; but before their papers were delivered in, it had been already decided by the Bishops (as we learn from Martyr) that " many things should be changed." He received this in- formation from the Archbishop; "but," he adds, "what they have agreed should be amended, neither did he himself explain to me, nor did I venture to inquire of him." Strype's Cranmer, App. No. Ixi. vol. ii. p. 663. See also Laurence's Bampton Lectures (S. ii. note 20, p. 253), who cites Ridley's Life of Ridley (pp. 333, 4) to the same effect. 1 So L'Estrange, ch. vil note 0, p. 210. 2 Martene, L. i. c. iv. Art. xii. Ordd. iv. vi. x. xiii., etc., torn. i. pp. 186, 192, 198, 208, etc. 3 Romsee, Praxis Cel. Miss. P. ii. Art. xiii. torn. i. p. 131 ; Baluz. in Regino, note p. 103. 4 De Extrem. Uiict. Monum. Ritual, vol. i. p. 90. 5 Lib. i. c. vii. Art. vi. Ordd. ii. iii. xv. xvi., etc., torn. i. pp. 303. 304, 325, 327, etc. 648 EARLIER EXAMPLES OF [CHAP. IX. of three Celtic Offices, two of which belong to the ancient Irish, 1 and the third to the Gaelic 2 Church. The English Missals did not order such formulae to be used, because the laity rarely communicated at the period from which our copies have descended. The Roman Rubric even now only recognises the possibility of others beside the Priest receiving : " If there are any to be communicated, let him communicate them before he purify himself." Tra- dition and custom were probably thought a sufficient guide. Many notices of the rite occur, and even orders for its observ- ance, though not in the Missal itself. Thus in the Life of Gregory the Great, written about 875, we read incidentally of his saying at the delivery of the Bread, " The Body of our Lord Jesus Christ preserve thy soul." 3 The author of the tract De Sacramentis, 4 formerly ascribed to S. Ambrose, is an express witness to the use of the Gallican Church towards the end of the eighth century : " The Priest says to thee, The Body of Christ, and thou sayest, Amen!' A French Council, quoted by Regino, 5 906, and therefore not later than the ninth century, but subsequent to the obtrusion of the Roman Liturgy, directs the Priest to say to the lay Comnmnicant, man or woman, " The Body and Blood of the Lord profit thee to the remission of sins and to eternal life." A century later they used in France the formula, " The Body of our Lord Jesus Christ be to thee health (or salvation, salus) of soul and body." 6 Probably both were in use at the same time. Micrologus, 7 A.D. 1160, speaks of the prayer, "The Body and Blood of our Lord Jesus Christ, which we say when we distribute the Eucharist to others." Thomas 8 Aquinas, 1255: "When he communicates sound or sick, he ought, when he holds out the Sacred Eucharist, to make the sign of the Cross with the Host itself in the face of the receiver, saying, " The Body and Blood of our Lord Jesus Christ preserve and keep thee unto everlasting life." The Ordo Romanus 9 compiled by Cardinal James Caietan about 1295 : 1 Arbuthnott MissaL Pref. pp. xi. xxi., and pp. xiii. xix. These are in the Books of Moling and Dimna. Burntisland, 1864. 2 Arbuthn. Miss. Pref. pp. xv. xxiiL, from the Book of Deir or Deer, in Aberdeenshire. 3 Joh. Diac. L. ii. c. xli. Opp. S. Greg. torn. i. col. 31. * De Sacram. L. iv. c. v. n. 25 ; inter Opp. S. Ambr. torn. v. p. 232. 5 De Eccl. Discipl. L. i. c. cxcix. p. 102. See note. 6 See the Life of Robert the Wise by Helgaldus, Hist. Franc. Script. Du Chesne, torn. iv. p. 64. Robert died in 1031. 7 De Eccl. Obs. e. 18 ; Hitt. col. 742. 8 De Off. Sacerd. Opusc. Iviii. ; Opp. torn, xvii p. 328 ; Parm. 1865. 9 Ord. xiv. c. Ivi. Mus. Ital. torn. ii. p. 312. SECT. XII.] THE WORDS OF DELIVERY. 649 " Let him hold the Sacred Communion out to each with his right hand, saying, The Body of our Lord Jesus Christ keep thy soul unto eternal life." Ralph 1 of Tongres, A.D. 1390: "When he distributes the Eucharist, he says, The Body and Blood of our Lord Jesus Christ profit thee unto eternal life." In the Mass of Illyricus 2 five formulae are provided ; of which the following is to be said when Priests and Deacons receive the Cup : " This most holy commix- ture of the Body and Blood of our Lord Jesus Christ profit thee unto eternal life ;" at the Communion (of the steeped Eucharist) of the Subdeacon, the Bishop says, " The recep- tion of the Body and Blood of our Lord Jesus Christ sanctify thy body and soul unto eternal life ;" at that of the Laity, " The Body and Blood of our Lord Jesus Christ profit thee unto the remission of all sins and to eternal life." Similar 3 forms are given in some other collections of the same kind. Nevertheless it may be doubted whether the use of any words of delivery at all resembling those above cited were imperative in the Eoman Office for many centuries after they obtained elsewhere, especially in Gaul. Aquinas would not have given them in his brief tract above quoted, had they been actually prescribed by the Church itself. This want of complete authority is further shown by the fact that some collections of prayers and hints for the use of the Celebrant supply more than one form, that he may have a choice. There is no trace of the use of any words of delivery at all in the early Ordines Eornani ; unless we find it in the fol- lowing passage. When the Pope has partaken of the Body, " he puts into the Cup between the hands of the Arch- deacon 4 of the Holy Thing itself which he has bitten, say- ing, 'May the commixture and consecration of the Body and Blood of our Lord Jesus Christ be done unto eternal life to us who receive.' Eesp. Amen. Peace be with thee. E. And with thy spirit ; and he is confirmed by the Arch- deacon," i.e. receives the Blood from him. The Ordo is obscure, and perhaps dislocated ; but it is illustrated by the Benediction cited above from the Missa Illyrici, to be used when the Cup is given to one of the higher Orders. 1 De Can. Obs. Prop, xxiii. Hitt. col. 1163. 2 Martene, L. i. c. iv. Art. xii. Ord. iv. torn. i. p. 186. 3 See, e.g., Martene, L. i. c. iv. Art. ix. ix. torn. i. p. 153 ; Art. xii. Ordd. vi. xiii. xv. pp. 192, 208, 214. 4 Amalarius, De Eccl. Obs. L. iii. c. 31 ; Hitt. col. 433. I quote here from this author, because his text is evidently more perfect, the Ordo having only ponit in manus Archidiaconi. For the rest see Ord. R. i. c. 19, and ii. c. 13; Mus. Ital. torn. ii. pp. 14, 50. 650 VARIOUS EXAMPLES OF [CHAP. IX. When we look beyond the Church of Eome, we find the Mozarabic and Milanese Liturgies equally defective here ; but there can be no reasonable doubt of their agreement in practice with the Eoman. In S. Mark, 1 the Priest com- municating the clergy, says, " The holy Body." " The precious Blood of our Lord and God and Saviour." It is not said, if the same formulae are to be used when the Laity receive. In S. James nothing similar is provided either for Priest or people. The Clementine : 2 " Let the Bishop give the Oblation saying, The Body of Christ, and let him who receives it say Amen ; but let the Deacon hold the Cup, and when he gives it, let him say, The Blood of Christ, the Cup of Life ; and let him who drinks it say, Amen." In the Coptic 3 rite, the Priest, before his own Communion, says the sen- tences, " The holy Body and precious Blood of Jesus Christ the Son of our God." " The Body and Blood of Emmanuel our God ; that is, in very deed ; " the people answering Amen to each, and professing their belief at length, "I believe, I believe, I believe and confess," etc. No form is prescribed at the delivery to the people ; but the writers on Ritual direct the use of the above or similar forms at that time also. " The Priest, when he shall give the Body steeped to the Ministers of the Altar and others, shall say in Coptic : The Body and Blood of Emmanuel, etc. When he shall give the holy Body without the Blood, he shall say, The Body of Emmanuel"* etc. Another : 5 " The Priest, in giving the Body, shall say, This is the Body of Christ, which He delivered for our sins. And he who receives shall say, Amen. He who carries the Cup shall say, This is the Blood of Christ, which He shed for us. And he who receives it shall say, Amen'' The Ethiopic 6 Liturgy not only gives the sentences of Confession, but orders the Priest and the Deacon to use similar formulas when communicating the people. When the Syrian Priest communicates the Deacon he says, " To the Monk N. and Steward of the household of God, for the expiation of his offences, and the remission of his sins. May his prayers be with us. Amen." To the Laity he says, " For the expiation of offences and the remission of 1 Renaud. torn. i. p. 162. 2 Constit. Apost. L. viii. c. xiii. Cotel. torn. i. p. 405. 3 Renaud. torn. i. pp. 23, 36. Sim. in the Greek Alexandrine, pp. 83, 122. 4 Gabriel Patriarcha in Rituali, apud Renaud. torn. i. p. 286. 5 Canones Ebnassali, cap. 13, ibid. 6 Renaud. torn. i. p. 520. SECT. XII.] THE WORDS OF DELIVERY. 651 sins in both worlds, for ever and ever. Amen." 1 Among the Nestorians, " When the Priest gives the Body to a Priest, he shall say, The Body of our Lord to the chaste Priest for the forgiveness of sins. If to a Deacon, he shall say, The Body of our Lord to the Minister of God for the forgiveness of sins. If to a Layman, The Body of our Lord to the pure believer for the forgiveness of sins. When the Deacon gives to drink of the Cup he shall say, The precious Blood to the chaste Priest [or to the Minister of God, or to the pure believer] for the forgiveness of sins ; a spiritual feast unto life everlasting." 2 In the Greek Church, the Priest communicating the Deacon says, " The servant of God, the Deacon N., thou partakest of the precious and holy Body and Blood of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, to the remission of thy sins and to eternal life." 3 When a Layman communicates, the Priest says, " The servant of God, N., partakes," etc., as before. 4 No formula for this purpose is provided in the Armenian Liturgies, and I am unable to say if the Priest employs one. There is an air of complete- ness 5 about the Office at this part, which inclines me to think that he does not ; but it is improbable that the Armenians should in this respect differ from the Greeks. The Office published by Luther in 1523 retains the Eoman words of delivery, but appears to leave their use optional. 6 They are prescribed in the Swedish 7 Liturgy of 1576. There is a curious discrepancy which may be noticed here in the words of delivery used by the Priests of different Dioceses in the sixteenth century, when giving to the newly baptized infant that shadow of the holy Eucharist which was then permitted to them. According to the Pontificals of Auxerre and Noyon, he was, when giving it his finger to be sucked dipped in unconsecrated wine, to say, " The Body of 1 Renaud. torn. ii. pp. 24, 5. 2 Badger's Nestorians, voL ii. p. 238. I quote from the Rubric in his version. It is not in Renaudot, who says, " Those prayers which are to be said when the Eucharist is distributed were in use among the Nes- torians of Malabar, as among those of Mesopotamia. . . . But few were extant in their books, and some were not entire, their proper place being in the books of daily prayers, whence they were usually taken." Tom. ii. p. 614, note 21. 3 Goar, p. 83 ; see also p. 93. In another copy, p. 98, two forms are given to be said separately at the reception of the Body and the Blood. 4 Goar, note 180, p. 153. 5 See Neale, Introd, p. 666 ; but especially Le Brun (Diss. x. Art. xxL tome v. pp. 329, 330), where the Rubrics are fuller. 6 Crosthwaite's Communio Fidelium, p. 34. 7 Le Brun, Diss. xiii. Art. v. tome vii. p. 182. 652 THE WORDS OF DELIVERY TO BE [CHAP. IX. our Lord," etc. The Manual of Amiens : " The Blood of," etc. The Ritual of Metz: " The Body and the Blood" 1 etc. SECTION XIII. The Benediction at the Delivery to be addressed to each Communicant. The Words of Delivery, or Benediction. a The Body of our Lord Jesus Christ, which was given for b thee, c preserve thy body and soul unto everlasting d life. e Take and eat this in remembrance that Christ died for thee, and feed on Him in thy heart by faith with thanksgiving. a THE BODY.] Before the corresponding words in the Saruin and Bangor Missals at the Communion of the Priest we have, " Hail for ever, most holy Flesh of Christ (Heavenly Drink, lie/ore the Cup) ; supreme sweetness unto me, before all and above all things ; " and the same formulae, with slight differences, occur in the Mozarabic. 2 We surely see here one trace of the influence of the British Church, whose Liturgy was undoubtedly of the same family as the Spanish. " When the Roman Church in the eighth century," observes Mr. Freeman, 3 " pushed her ritual conquests, as it is evident that she did, to the North and West, and imposed her Canon and much else, word for word, she found more than one variety of phrase in use at reception, and these she was unable to eradicate." Other points of resemblance to Spanish, Gallican, or Celtic remains have been noticed. b THEE.] It has been shown in Section xi. that the Priest is bound to deliver the Bread to each Communi- cant with his own hand, and since he is to say these words, when he delivers it "to any one," it follows that he is equally bound to repeat them over every single Communi- cant. This is confirmed by the use of the singular pro- nouns " thee," " thy." It was also the traditional custom before the Reformation, and there is no trace of a desire on the part of the Reformers to deviate from it. The complaints of the early Puritans show that the rule of the Church was considered too clear to admit of dispute, for they treated it as a grievance from which there was no escape but by disobe- 1 De Vert. Cerem. de 1'Eglise, tome 4, p. 300. See before, Part i. Ch. ii. Sect. v. p. 50. 2 Leslie, pp. 7, 233. 3 Principles, etc., Part ii. ch. iii. sect. v. vol. ii. p. 425. SECT. XIII.] ADDRESSED TO EACH PERSON. 653 dience. They objected that in preaching we do not address exhortation to each member of the congregation in turn, 1 that our Lord at the Institution spoke to all the Apostles at once, 2 and that to say " unto every particular person, Eat thou, Drink thou, is according to the Popish manner." 3 As the Rubric merely said, " When he delivereth the Bread, he shall say," etc., they at first evaded the order by giving the Elements to one here and there, and allowing them to pass them on, saying the words only when they passed out of their own hands. This was met by the 21st Canon of 1604 already cited. But after a time, finding themselves com- pelled to " deliver both the Bread and Wine to every Com- municant severally," they boldly altered the words " thee " and " thy body and soul " into " you " and " your bodies and souls," and addressed them to several at a time, or else they omitted the former clause of the formulary. We accordingly find the inquiries of Bishops and Archdeacons extended to this point during the latter part of the reign of Charles 1. If I mistake not, the first instance now extant occurs in the Articles of Bancroft, 4 Bishop of Oxford, 1632 : " Doth he, in the delivery thereof, use any other words than those which are set down in the Book of Common Prayer ?" Bishop Wren, 5 of Norwich, 1636 : " Doth he also use to deliver the Bread and Wine to every Communicant severally and with his own hands, repeating to every one all the words ap- pointed to be said at the distribution of the holy Body and Blood of our Lord Jesus, and upon no pretence omitting any part of the words (till the Church appoint otherwise, added in 1638 and 1662), or saying them all but noAV and then to many at once ? " In his Orders, given at this Visitation, there is an injunction to the same effect. 6 Duppa, 7 Bishop of Chichester, in 1638, inquires similarly whether the Minis- ter use " all the words enjoined severally to each ?" So Mountagu, 8 at Norwich, in the same year, Pearson, 9 Arch- 1 Cartwright's Reply to Whitgift, p. 32 ; Rest of the Secoad Reply, pp. 235, 6 ; Crosthwaite, pp. 78, 82. 2 Cartwright, ibid. Exceptions against the B. C. P ; Cardwell's Hist. Conf. c. vii. p. 321. 3 Cartwright's Reply, p. 32 ; Crosthwaite, p. 79. See Hooker, Eccl. PoL B. v. ch. Ixviii. 1. 4 Second Report of the Commission on Ritual, App. p. 529. 5 Ch. iv. n. 17 ; Report, p. 560. 6 No. 15 ; Report, p. 565. 7 Report, p. 577. 8 Lit. vii. n. 10 ; Rep. p. 584. 9 Ch. v. Art. 9 ; Crosthwaite, p. 92. This is not in Pearson's Articles of 1636 ; Report, p. 569. 654 THE WORDS TO BE SAID TO ALL. [CHAP. IX. deacon of Suffolk, and Wren, 1 at Ely, also in 1638 ; Bostock, 2 Archdeacon of Suffolk, and the Archdeacon of Bedford, 3 in 1640. In the year last named the Convocation " caused a summary or collection of Visitatory Articles (out of the Eubrics of the Service-Book, and the Canons and Warrant- able Kules of the Church) to be made," that there might be an uniform use in every Diocese, Archdeaconry, and peculiar jurisdiction. 4 This was but little used owing to the troubles that ensued, but the Articles then issued by Convocation are extant, as they were adapted by Bishop Juxon 5 to the Diocese of London ; and it is important to note that the same question occurs in them : " At his delivery of the same, doth he rehearse the whole form mentioned in the Com- munion-Book, saying (The Body of our Lord Jesus Christ, etc.), or doth he only use some part thereof, as he list him- self?" The same inquiry is made in some Visitation Articles put forth after the ^Restoration, as in those of Pory, 6 Archdeacon of Middlesex (who used the form provided by Convocation), and Wren, 7 Bishop of Ely, in 1662 ; of Sterne, 8 Bishop of Carlisle, 1663, and Gunning, 9 Bishop of Ely, 1679. It is difficult to believe that a devout Communicant can ever willingly forego the privilege of hearing those blessed words addressed to himself individually ; but it is still more difficult to understand how any faithful Minister of the Church can think himself at liberty to deprive the devout Communicant of that privilege. It is an injury to all, a cause of distress to very many, and a scandal to the whole Church. It inflicts the greatest loss on those who have the least power to right themselves, the less educated and less intelligent among our people. They require every care to be taken in the use of prescribed means, that the full import of every sacred ordinance, and above all of this, which is tlie crown of all, be brought home with force and efficacy to their imagination and their heart. Those of the Clergy (to use the language of Hooker) " little weigh with themselves how dull, how heavy, and how almost without sense, the greater part of the common multitude everywhere is, who think it either 1 Crosthwaite, p. 93. 2 C. v. n. 8 ; Report, p. 597. 3 Crosthwaite, p. 94. The name not given. 4 Can. ix. Cardw. Synodalia, p. 409. 5 Report, p. 590. 6 Ch. iv. Art. 15; Crosthwaite, p. 115 ; Report, p. 627. 7 Ch. iv. Art. 18; ibid. p. 116 ; Report, p. 560. 8 Tit. iii. Art. i. ; ibid. p. 117, note. 9 Report, p. 648. SECT. XIV.] THE DELIVERY OF THE BREAD. 655 unmeet or unnecessary to put them, even man by man, especially at that time, in mind whereabout they be. It is true that in sermons we do not use to repeat our sen- tences severally to every particular hearer, a strange mad- ness it were, if we should. The softness of wax may induce a wise man to set his stamp or image therein ; it persuadeth no man that, because wool hath the like quality, it may therefore receive the like impression. So the reason taken from the use of Sacraments, in that they are instruments of grace unto every particular man, may, with good congruity, lead the Church to frame accordingly her words in adminis- tration of Sacraments, because they easily admit this form," which sermons do not "without apparent ridiculous ab- surdity." "For equal principles do then avail unto equal conclusions, when the matter whereunto we apply them is equal, and not else." 1 SECTION XIV. The Words of Delivery of the Bread (continued]. c PRESEKVE.] The Eoman Liturgy has " The Body (The Blood) of our Lord Jesus Christ keep " (custodiat), etc. The Mozarabic 2 also, after reception : " The Body and Blood . . . keep," etc. Our earlier Liturgies use a different expres- sion when the Body is given, viz., " be to me a sinner the way and the life " (Sar. Bang.} ; " be to me (my soul. Here/.) a remedy to life eternal" (York, Heref.) Sarum and Bangor at the Cup have, " The Body and Blood . . . avail to me a sinner for a perpetual remedy into life eternal;" but York and Heref. employ there the word which our Keformers adopted into both formulae, " The Blood . . . preserve (con- servet) me (my soul, Her.) unto everlasting life." York only has a second form like the Mozarabic : " The Body and Blood . . . keep," etc. One Irish form has preserve; 3 another, 4 and a Gaelic, 5 " Be health to thee, unto," etc. ; all three in fragments of an Office for the Sick. It is remarkable how- ever that in the earliest notice 6 of these words of reception in the Church of Eome, we have preserve; and the same word is found in some collections of prayers for use at the 1 Eccles. Pol. B. v. ch. Ixviii. n. 2. 2 Leslie, pp. 7, 233. 3 The Book of Dimna, Liber Eccl. B. Terren. de Arbutlmott, Prsef. pp. xiii. xix. 4 The Book of Moling, ibid. pp. xi. xxi. 5 The Book of Deir, ibid. pp. xv. xxiii. 6 Viz., in the Life of Greg, i., by John the Deacon, L. ii. c. xli. ; Opp. S. Greg. torn. i. coL 31. See before, sect. xii. p. 648. 656 COMMENTARY ON THE [CHAP. IX. Celebration, made in the ninth or tenth centuries. 1 Aquinas, 2 in a passage already quoted, gives both words in one formula. These facts prevent our deriving the use of the word in our Office with any certainty from the lingering influence of the ancient British Liturgy. We meet also with " save " (salvefi) and "hallow" (sanctificet^. Many mediseval Ordines give the non-Eoman expressions, " avail to me (or, thee) unto (remission of sins and, some) everlasting life," 5 or "be a per- petual remedy," etc., or the like. 6 d LIFE.] Some devotional Manuals rightly direct the Communicant to say Amen softly after this word. In certain corrections 7 proposed in 1661 the following Eubric is in- serted : " And here each person receiving shall say Amen. Then shall the Priest add." This response is ordered in the Scotch Liturgy, and was the universal practice of the early Church. Thus in the Clementine 8 Liturgy : " Let him who receiveth say Amen." Similarly in the Coptic 9 and Syrian. 10 This was the custom also in Eoman Africa. Thus S. Augus- tine : u " Thou hearest The Body of Christ, and thou dost answer Amen." Again : " Daily at this pledge thou sayest Amen." 12 From Eome we have the testimony of S. Leo : 13 "This same is with the mouth taken which is with faith received, and vainly do they respond Amen who dispute against that which is received." The author De Sacra- mentis answers for the Church in France : " The Priest saith to thee, The Body of Christ, and thou sayest Amen, that is, It is true. That which the tongue confesses, let the heart hold." 14 e TAKE AND EAT, ETC.] Compare with this direct address, introduced in 1552, the corresponding forms given in various 1 The Missa Illyrici has both conservet and custodial in different forms ; Martene, L. i. c. iv. Art. xii. Ord. iv. torn. i. p. 185. Conservet is in Ordo vi. p. 192; vii. 193; xiii. 208; xv. 214; xxxi. 235. Custodial, in Ord. x. p. 198; xv. 214; xvii. 217 ; xxvi. 230; xxviii. 232; xxxiii. 238. 2 De Offic. Sacerd. Opusc. Iviii. torn. xvii. p. 328. See note, p. 648. 3 Ord. x. p. 198. 4 Ord. iv. p. 186 ; vi. 192. 5 Ord. iv. p. 186 ; vi. 192 ; xiii. 208 ; xxvii. 231 ; xxxii. 237. 6 Ord. iv. p. 185; xiii. 208 ; xv. 214; xxviii. 232; xxxvi. 243. 7 Bulley's Variations, p. 207 ; Bodleian, Arch. D. 8 Const. Apost. L. viii. c. xiii. ; Cotel. torn. i. p. 405. 9 Renaud. torn. i. p. 286. 10 Ibid. torn. ii. p. 25. 11 Serm. cclxxii. torn. vii. P. ii. col. 1004. 12 Serm. cccxxxiv. n. 2, col. 1299. 13 Serm. xci. c. iii. torn. i. col. 357 ; Ven. 1753. 14 De Sacram. L. iv. c. v. n. 25 ; inter Opp. Ambr. torn. v. p. 232. SECT. XIV.] WORDS OF DELIVERY. 657 Reformed Books both of that period and of the next century. Hermann 1 of Cologne : " Take and eat to thy health the Body of the Lord, which was delivered for thee." Calvin 2 says that he at one time " used the words of Paul (probably 1 Cor. x. 16) to each set of Communicants as they passed him at the Table ;" but had given it up, because " hardly one in ten caught his meaning, no one took in the whole sen- tence." A Lasco, 3 once for all : " Take ye, eat ye, and re- member that the Body of our Lord Jesus Christ was delivered for us to death on the Cross, for the remission of all our sins." The Liturgy for the use of the Strangers at Strasburg, 4 printed in London, 1551 : "The Bread which we break is the Communion of the Body of Christ." This was said to each. The Liturgy of the Church of the Strangers at Frank- fort, 5 1555 (to ten or twelve at a time) : "The Bread which we break is the Communion of the Body of Christ : Take, eat, mindful that the Body of Christ was broken for you." The Belgic 6 Liturgy here agrees with the Strasburg form cited above. The Puritan 7 Prayer-Book, 1584 : "Take and eat ; this Bread is the Body of Christ that was broken for us " (said only once). The Presbyterian Directory, 8 drawn up at Westminster, and established by the Scotch Parlia- ment, after adoption by the General Assembly, in February 1645 : "Take ye, eat ye : This is the Body of Christ, which is broken for you. This do in remembrance of Him." The Liturgy for the Dutch 9 Congregation in England, which was published in 1645: "The Bread which we break is the Communion of the Body of Christ. Take and eat it, remem- ber and believe that the Body of our Lord Jesus Christ was broken on the Cross, for full remission of all our sins." In some forms, as the Liturgy of the English 10 in Geneva, 1556 ; that of Ziirich, 11 appointed by Zuingle; the New Book of Scotland, 12 1644; the Lutheran used in Mecklenburg, 13 etc., no words of delivery are provided. 1 Consultatio, fol. 211. 2 Epistolje, p. 329 ; Gen. 1676. 3 Crosthwaite, p. 45. 4 Liturgia Sacra (Pollani), fol. 11 ; eel. 1551. The French of 1552 has la communication. 5 Crosthw. p. 53. Ibid. p. 54. 7 Hall's Fragmenta, vol. i. p. 65. 8 The Confession of Faith, etc., p. 501 ; Edin. 1756. 9 Crosthwaite, p. 54. 10 Ibid. p. 56. 11 Ibid. p. 58. 12 Hall's Fragm. Lit. vol. i. p. 94. 13 Revirdirte Kirchenordniing, fol. 157 ; Lund. 1650. 2 T 658 THE DELIVERY OP THE CUP. [CHAP. IX. SECTION XV. The Minister of the Cup. RUBRIC XXVII. ^ And & the Minister that delivereth the Cup to any one shall say, b The Blood of our Lord Jesus Christ, which was shed for thee, preserve thy body and soul unto ever- lasting c life. d Drink this in remembrance that Christ's Blood was shed for thee, and be thankful. a THE MINISTER THAT DELIVEKETH, ETC.] This mode of expression implies that the Cup may be delivered by another Minister than the one who delivered the Bread, that is, than the Celebrant. In the Order of Communion, and the two Books of Edward, the Eubric before this assigns, as a reason for communicating before others any Ministers present, " that they may be ready to help the chief Minister " (0. C., " the Priest"). Similarly the Scotch Eubric: "That they may help him that celebrateth." From the earliest time, not only another Presbyter than the Celebrant has been permitted to help in the distribution, but a Deacon also. This appears from S. Justin's oft-quoted account of the Celebration : " Those who are called Deacons with us give to every one of the persons present to partake of the blessed Bread and Wine and water, and carry them to those not present." l According to Justin, writing about the year 150, the Deacon delivered both Elements ; but there was a diversity of practice. S. Cyprian, 2 at Carthage, A.D. 251, speaks incidentally of "the Deacon beginning to offer the Cup to those present." S. Ambrose 3 tells us that S. Laurence, the Eoman Archdeacon, addressing his Bishop, Xystus, when the latter was led to martyrdom, A.D. 258, asks : " Whither, father, dost thou go without thy son? Whither, holy Priest, dost thou hasten without thy Deacon ... to whom thou hast com- 1 Apol. i. c. 65, torn. i. p. 266. 2 De Lapsis, p. 132. 3 De Offic. Ministr. L. i. c. xli. n. 214, torn. iv. p. 404. " By the con- secration some here understand that which is consecrated (consecratio pro re consecrata) ; others account for the expression by saying that the dis- pensing of the Blood is " our consecration and sanctification ; " others, again, urge that the Deacon may correctly be said to consecrate, because he assists the Consecrator, and they quote Guerric (Serm. v. de Purif.), who even "asserts that the people consecrate." See the Note of the Benedictine editors In loc. SECT. XV.] THE MINISTER OF THE CUP. 659 mitted the consecration of the Lord's Blood?" The Council of Nicsea, 1 325, complained that in many cities Deacons used to " give the Eucharist to Presbyters," " those who could not, to those who could offer." The Council of LaodicEea, 2 probably in 365, forbade Subdeacons to "give the Bread;" upon which an ancient Scholiast remarks, " The servants of the Church are not permitted to perform the work of the Presbyters and Deacons." S. Augustine, 3 speaking of S. Laurence, says, " He bore the office of the Diaconate " (in the Church of Rome) : " there he ministered the sacred Blood of Christ." S. Chrysostom : 4 " Dost thou not see that it is lawful for the Priest alone to give the Cup of the Blood ? " The Council of Carthage, 5 398, at which S. Augustine was present, permitted a Deacon to give " the Eucharist of the Body of Christ to the people in the presence of a Presbyter, if necessity compelled, and he was ordered to do it." In the Liturgy of the Apostolical Constitutions, 6 drawn up at about this time, the Bishop is represented as ministering the Bread, and the Deacon the Cup. In the Liturgy of Jerusalem, 7 the Eubrics of which are very ancient, though of uncertain date, is this direction : " Then he (the Priest) communicates the Clergy ; and when the Deacons take up the Patens and Chalices to communicate the people, the Deacon who takes up the first Paten says," etc. The Synod of Aries, 452, absolutely forbids a Deacon to deliver the Body of Christ when a Priest is present. 8 S. Isidore 9 in Spain, A.D. 610: " As the consecration is in the Priest, so the dispensation of the Sacrament is in the Minister . . . the former hallows the Oblations, the latter dispenses them when hallowed." In England a Canon of ^Ifric, 10 probably about 957, says of the Deacon, " He may baptize children and housel (i.e. com- municate) the people." This permission does not appear to have been restricted in this country till the Legatine Synod held by Hubert Walter at York in 1195; when it was " decreed that a Deacon (unless in the most urgent necessity) do not baptize, or give the Body of Christ." 11 According to 1 Can. xviii. Bever. Pand. torn. i. p. 80. 2 Can. xxv. Pand. torn. i. p. 464. 3 Serm. ccciv. torn. vii. col. 1234. 4 Horn. xlv. in S. Matth. 3, torn. vii. p. 539. 5 Can. xxxviii. Labb. torn. ii. col. 1203. 6 L. viii. c. xiii. Cotel. torn. i. p. 405. 7 Lit. PP. p. 36 ; Assem. torn. v. p. 57. 8 Can. xv. Labb. torn. iv. col. 1013. 9 De Eccles. Off. L. ii. c. 8 ; Hittorp. col. 208. 10 Can. 16 ; Johnson's Canons, vol. i. p. 392 ; Labb. torn. ix. col. 1005. 11 Can. 6 ; Johnson, vol. ii. p. 77. 660 THE EUCHARISTIC TUBE. [CHAP. IX. Lyndwood, 1 such necessity " arises if many wish to receive the Body of Christ, and the Presbyter is not able to minister to all." "Walter says that his prohibition is " according to the tenor of the Canons of the Fathers ;" and it is true that the Canon of Carthage above cited had been admitted into the Body of Canon Law. 2 Such then was the state of the law in England when the Order of Communion was drawn up in 1548. A return to the Primitive rule was however necessary, owing to the great increase that was expected (and that took place) in the number of Communicants. Hence, we may conclude, the Eubric which ordered any Ministers present to be communicated first, that they might be " ready to help the Priest " in the distribution. SECTION XVI. Of the Eucharistic Tttbe. From the eighth century there spread from Borne a partial custom of using a metal pipe for sucking the consecrated Wine out of the Chalice. This instrument is mentioned in the two most ancient editions of the Ordo Eomanus under the name of pugillaris. 3 The first speaks of the "Pugillares, some of silver, others of gold," 4 carried with the Paten, Chalice, etc., before the Bishop when about to celebrate. From the second we learn their use : " The Subdeacon gives him the Pugillaris wherewdth to confirm the people," 5 i.e. to communicate them in the Blood. These directories are older than the ninth century. In the sixth Ordo, which may be two centuries later, it is called fistula : " Let the Deacon, holding the Chalice and F'lstula, stand before the Bishop," 6 etc. This is its most common name in ancient documents. It is so called in the Consuetudinary of S. Benignus at Dijon, 7 and in the Uses of Citeaux, 8 in the Chronicle of 1 Lib. iii. tit. 24, Baptisterium, note Diaconi, p. 243. 2 Gratian, P. i. D. xciii. c. xviii. The Decretum of Gratian is not only published as part of the Corpus Juris Canonici, but is expressly spoken of as such in the Bull of Gregory xm. (Quum pro munere), by which the edition of 1580 was authorized. Grat. Deer. Prsefix. col. 9 ; Par. 1861. 3 In classical Latin pugillares are small writing tablets ; but at a later period the style or reed used for writing on them appears to have acquired the name of pugillaris, which afterwards passed on to the Eucharistic tube, because of its resemblance to a reed. Cassander, Opp. p. 51. 4 Mus. Ital. torn. ii. p. 5. 5 Ibid. p. 50. 6 Ibid. p. 75. 7 Cap. 21, Martene, De Ant. Mon. Rit. L. ii. c. iv. xv. 8 Ibid. SECT. XVI.] NAMES OF THE CALAMUS. 661 Cassino, 1 in Florence 2 of Worcester, 1118, and many others. In the tenth Ordo Komamis, which appears to be of the eleventh century, it receives the name of calamus: "Let him (the Pope) not confirm himself on that day (Maundy- Thursday) and the Friday with a Calamus, but with the Chalice only." 3 This is used in the Statutes of the Car- thusians 4 by Guido or Guigo, A.D. 1120 : " We have no gold or silver ornaments in the Church beside the Chalice and the Calamus, with which the Blood of the Lord is sucked up." Innocent 5 in., A.D. 1198, recognises it under this name, when, speaking of the Communion of the Pope he says, " He drinks the Blood with a Calamus." This word appears also in the Ordo Eomanus edited by James Caietan, 1301, when he describes the Communion of newly consecrated Bishops : " They may take it with a Calamus, if there is one ready ; otherwise, let them take it with the Chalice itself." 6 It is used again by Paris de Crassis, 7 the Master of the Ceremonies at Piome under Leo x. It was frequently called arundo, as in the Constitutions of Hirschau : 8 " The Fistula or Arundo by means of which we are wont to take the Blood of the Lord." In an Order of Divine Service of great authority in Germany in the fourteenth and two following centuries, is a direction that those in charge of the Church set in readi- ness "two Chalices and two Arundines," 9 etc. Canna was another similar name, but less frequent than calamus and arundo. A certain Abbot, 1040, is said to have given to his Monastery a " silver Canna, by means of which the Blood of the Lord was drunk by the Communicants ;" and on which were engraved the words, " May this Blood of the Lord be to us eternal life." 10 One silver and one ivorv Canna were 1 Chron. S. Monast. Cassin. L. iii. c. Ixxiv. p. 421 ; Par. 1668. In the notes to L. iv. c. Ixiv. p. 489, the editor, Angelus de Nuce, says that one was preserved in his time ; and refers to the Exordium Cisterc. Ccenob. c. 53, and Conradus in Chron. Mogunt. (Erant Fistulse quinque ad com- municandum argentese deauratae) for other instances of the custom. 2 Ad aim. 1087, p. 642 ; Francof. 1601. 3 Mus. Ital. torn. ii. p. 100. 4 Cap. xl. Codex Eegul. Brockie, torn. ii. p. 325. 5 De Myst. Miss. L. vi. c. ix. col. 911 ; Par. 1855. 6 Mus. Ital. torn. ii. p. 313. See also p. 286. 7 Ordo Kom. Marteue, De Ant. Eccl. Rit. L. iv. c. xxxiv. torn. iii. p. 222. 8 Herrgott, Const. Hirsaug. p. 394, cited by Gerbert, Disq. iii. c. ii. p. 227. See also p. 453, ibid. 9 Gerbert, Disq. iii. c. ii. xiii. p. 226. 10 Annal. Bened. L. lix. xliii. torn. iv. p. 496. A canna argentea is mentioned in the will of Ermentrude printed by Mabillon, Lit. Gall, p. 462, and some suppose this also to be a. fistula Eucharistica ; but ifc is bequeathed, not to a Church, but to her son, and was without doubt a " silver can " for domestic use. 662 THE EUCHARISTIC TUBE. [CHAP. IX. among the riches of the Church of S. Biquier at Centule. 1 Virgula appears to have been sometimes used in the same sense. In a MS. in the Vatican, Pope Gregory is said to have " drunk the Blood of Christ with a silver Virgula."' 2 ' Miraeus has printed the will of Count Eberhard, A.D. 937, in which he bequeaths " a silver Thurible, a golden Pipa,"* etc., where Mirseus, Bona, etc., understand by pipa the Eucharistic pipe. It is once called sumptorium by Flodoard, 4 A.D. 940 : " He made a greater Chalice, with Paten and Sumptorium of gold." In the Liber Pontificalis, Leo in., A.D. 795, is said to have " offered a great Chalice with a Siplw weighing thirty-seven pounds." 5 Lastly, if there be no error in the reading, it seems in Spain to have been called nasus. Thus a charter of Silo, 6 King of the Asturias, 777, speaks of a " silver Chalice and Paten, with a Basin, and with its Nasus;" where the meaning is determined by a clause that comes after, " It will serve to give the Blood of the Lord to the people." It was probably so called because regarded as a detached spout. This is illustrated by the fact that in some instances, as we gather from Lindanus, 7 " the Canna was soldered and skilfully inserted into the Chalices." He had himself seen two examples at Bolsword in Friesland, and knew of others. There was some use of the Eucharistic tube among the Lutherans for some time after the Information ; 8 but whether it is still kept up anywhere among them I cannot say. At Clugny, at the end of the seventeenth century, on all holydays, some of the Ministers of the Altar used to re- ceive in both kinds ; on which occasions, " the Deacon having carried the Chalice to the little Altar at the side (called the Prothesis), held the silver Calamus by the middle, the end being at the bottom of the Chalice, and the Ministers of the Altar . . . drew up and drank the precious Blood through this Calamus. The same thing took place at S. Denys in France [i.e. among the Benedictines of S. Maur], on High Days and Sundays." 9 In the present day, so far as I can learn, the tube is used only when the Pope celebrates at 1 Hariulf. Chron. CentuL L. ii. c. x. Spicil. Dach. torn. iv. p. 468. 2 Gerbert, Disq. iii. cap. ii. xiii. torn. i. p. 224. 3 Mirseus, Codex Piar. Donat. c. xxi. p. 96. 4 Hist. Remens, L. iii. c. v. fol. 160, 1 ; Par. 1611. Reinesius tliinks the reading should be Suctorium ; Gerbert, M.S. p. 226. 5 Anast. Biblioth. De Vit. Pont. Rom. p. 126. 6 Charta Silonis, in Sandoval ad Ann. 777. Ducange in v. 7 Panoplia Evang. L. iv. c. 56, p. 343 ; Colon. 1575. 8 Vogt, Historia Fistula Euch. Gerbert, torn. i. p. 226. 8 De Moleon, Voy. Liturg. p. 149. SECT. XVII.] THE SECOND BENEDICTION. 663 High Mass. "The Chief Pontiff," says Bona, 1 "uses the Fistula now when he celebrates solemnly, drinking with it as much as he will of the Blood, leaving the rest for the Ministers, who take it with the same Fistula." Figures of ancient Eucharistic tubes may be seen in Gerbert, 2 Vogt, 3 and others. They appear to have been generally straight ; but some were bent ; e.g. the Chronicle of Cassino 4 speaks of a " golden Fistula with a bend." Some, as appears from the figures, were furnished with a ring fixed about one-third of their length from the end, by which they could be suspended when not in use. 5 SECTION XVII. On the Words of Delivery of the Cup. b THE BLOOD, ETC.] See examples of the Benediction at the delivery of the Cup in the present Chapter, sect. xii. pp. 645-52. c LIFE.] Here also Communicants should say Amen. It is ordered in the Clementine 6 Liturgy : " Let him that drinketh say Amen" S. Augustine, 7 in allusion to the blood of Abel : " The Blood of Christ hath a loud voice in the earth ; seeing that when it is received, the response Amen is made by all nations." Similarly in a Sermon, 8 probably of the fifth century, formerly ascribed to S. Augustine : " What saith every man that is on earth when he receiveth the Blood of Christ ? He saith Amen. What means Amen ? 1 Her. Liturg. L. i. c. xxv. iv. 2 Disq. iii. c. ii. xiii. p. 226. 3 Gerbert, u.s. I have been unable to procure or see this book of Vogt. 4 Chron. S. Monast. Cassin. L. iii. c. Ixxiv. p. 421. 5 I conjecture that the chief motive for the use of the Fistula was a fear lest the Wine should adhere to the hair of the face. The danger of this is stated by Ernulphus, 1115, as a reason for withholding it from the laity. Spicil. Dach. torn. ii. p. 435. We may mention here that a similar care, lest the Bread, or any particle of it, should fall to the ground, led to the practice in some Monasteries of placing a shallow vessel, called Scutella, under the chin. In Udalric's Customs of Clugny, L. ii. c. 30, we read : " All ought to put themselves so close to the Scutella, that if by chance the Lord's Body should at any time slip while being taken, either from the mouth of the receiver or the hand of him who delivers it, it can only fall into the Scutella." The Monks of S. Benignus at Dijon had the same custom, and probably many others. Mart, de Ant. Mon. Hit. L. i. c. iv. iii. n. xv. torn. iv. pp. 64, 5. At Clugny the Scutelhu were of gold (Udalr. L. i. c. 12). Ordericus Vit., L. vi., mentions one of silver. Ducange in v. 6 Const. Apost. L. viii. c. xiii. ; Cotel. torn. i. p. 405. 7 Contra Faustum, L. xii. c. x. torn. x. col. 279. 8 Serm. de 4ta Feria, c. iii. inter Opp. Aug. torn. viii. col. 1680. 664 THE AGNUS DEI. [CHAP. IX. It is true. What is true ? That the Blood of Christ was shed." And to the same purpose a writer 1 who appears to belong to the seventh century : " The Blood of Abel signi- fies the Blood of Christ, on receiving which the universal Church says Amen. For consider, if you can, what a cry the Universal Church makes, when it drinks the Blood of Christ, and says Amen." d DEINK THIS, ETC.] Compare Hermann : 2 " Take and drink to thy health the Blood of the Lord, which was shed for thy sins." A Lasco, 3 once for all : " Take ye, drink ye, and remember that the Blood of our Lord Jesus Christ was shed for us on the Cross, for the remission of all our sins." The Strasburg 4 Liturgy, 1551, to ten or twelve at a time : " The Cup of blessing which we bless is the communion of the Blood of Christ ; " to which the Frankfort, 5 1555, adds, " which was shed for you for the remission of sins." The Belgic : 6 " The Cup of Thanksgiving wherewith we give thanks is the communion of the Blood of Christ." The Puritan 7 Book of 1584 : "Drink ye all of this. This Cup is the New Testament in the Blood of Christ, which was shed for the sins of many ; do this in the remembrance of Me." The Westminster Directory : 8 " This Cup is the New Testament in the Blood of Christ, which is shed for the remission of the sins of many ; drink ye all of it." The Liturgy of the Dutch 9 in England, 1645 : " The Cup of blessing which we bless is the communion of the Blood of Christ. Take and drink ye all of it ; remember and believe that the precious Blood of our Lord Jesus Christ was shed for full remission of all our sins." SECTION XVIII. Of the Agnus Dei during the Communion and the Antiphon for Communion. This Benediction was followed in the Order of the Com- munion and the First Book of Edward by this Rubric : " If there be a Deacon or other Priest, then shall he follow with the Chalice ; and as the Priest ministereth the Bread (Sacra- ment of the Body, 1 B. E.) so shall he for the (om. 1 B. E.) 1 Pseudo-Eucherius in Genes, iu Dial. Quaest. Q. xlix. ; Inter Opp. Aug. torn. xvii. col. 1565. 2 Consultatio, foL 211. 3 Crosthwaite, p. 46. 4 Fol. 11, 1. 5 Crosthwaite, p. 53. 6 Ibid. p. 54. 7 Hall's Fragmenta, vol. i. p. 65. 8 Confession of Faith, p. 501. 9 Crosthwaite, p. 55. SECT. XVIII.] THE COMMUNION ANTIPHON. 665 more expedition minister the Wine (Sacrament of the Blood, 1 B. E.) in form before written." The Order of the Communion then concluded thus : " Then shall the Priest, turning him to tJie people, let the people depart with this blessing. The Peace of God," etc. But 1 B. E. proceeds as follows : " In the Communion the Clerks shall sing, ii. Lamb of God, that takest away the sins of the world ; Have mercy upon us. Lamb, etc. ; Grant us thy peace. Beginning as soon as the Priest doth receive the Holy Communion," etc. The probable, and I think almost certain, cause of the omission of the Agnus Dei here in the Book of 1552, was a desire to promote the habit of communicating among the Clerks. This was a great object with the Keformers, and obviously it could not be attained, unless at that time they set them free from the distractions of their office. Most will agree, too, that silence, or silence only broken by some solemn strain of music, best ministers to the devotion of all at the actual moment of reception. We have seen 1 that before the Reformation the Celebrant said the Agnus Dei thrice shortly before his own Com- munion ; but the first Revisers returned to an earlier, if not the earliest, practice. " Let them communicate the people," says an ancient Ordo, 2 " while the Choir (schola) sing the Agnus Dei and Communio." While the Sacraments are being received, says Ivo 3 of Chartres, "the Agnus Dei is sung thrice." The Communio was an anthem, so called because it was sung by the Choir while the faithful communicated. This is said 4 to have been introduced in the Roman Office by Gregory i., and it is certainly mentioned in the earliest Ordines : 5 " As soon as the Pontiff has begun to communi- cate (the people, Ord. ii.} in the Senatorium, the Choir (schola) begins the Antiphon for the Communion alternately with the Subdeacons, and they chant a Psalm (psallunt) until, all the people being communicated, the Pontiff gives them a sign to say the Gloria Patri, and then having repeated the verse (i.e. the Antiphon) they stop." There are a great number of these Antiphons in the Antiphonarius of S. Gregory. 6 The Psalm must have been said in connexion 1 See before, Part n. Chap. viii. Sect. v. p. 590. 2 Ord. Rom. v. n. 11, Mus. Ital. torn. ii. p. 69. 3 De Convenient V. et N. Sacrif. ; Hittorp. col. 807. 4 Gemma Animse, L. i. c. 90 ; Hitt. col. 1206. 5 Ord. i. n. 20 ; ii. n. 14 ; iii. n. 18 ; iv. ; v. n. 11 ; Mus. Ital. torn. ii. pp. 15, 50, 60, 62, 69. In the last Ordo, p. 69, the Antiphon is first called Communio. The date is uncertain. PaineL Liturg. torn. ii. p. 63, et seq. The proper Psalms are given 666 THE COMMUNION PSALM. [CHAP. IX. with them for several centuries. Thus Micrologus, 1 1160, says, " The Fraction being over, all ought to communicate ; when meanwhile an Antiphon is also sung, which borrows its name from the Communion ; to which a Psalm with Gloria Patri is to be added on, if necessary. But you must know that the said Antiphon always has the same Psalm with the Introit, if it have not its own from which it seems taken." Owing to the great neglect of Communion in the time of Micrologus, it would not often be necessary to prolong the chant by adding a Psalm. By the end of the fourteenth century the Psalm was evidently only a matter of tradition, as appears from the manner in which Ealph 2 of Tongres cites Micro- logus for its use: "A Psalm is to be added (to the Antiphon) according to Micrologus, with Gloria Patri, if necessary." There is no evidence of the use of a Communio in the old Gallican Church. 3 In the Mozarabic Missal the Antiphona ad accedentes, already mentioned, 4 corresponds to the Communio of the Roman ; for while it is being sung the Celebrant takes up the portion of the Bread set apart for his own Communion, and it continues through that of the people. 5 The name of Communio 6 is however given to the verse sung immediately after the reception. There is no Communio in the Milanese. S. Augustine, 7 in his Retracta- tions, mentions that in his time a practice " began at Carthage of saying hymns at the Altar from the book of Psalms, whether before the Oblation, or when that which had been offered, was distributed to the people." He wrote a tract in its defence, which is not extant. In the Liturgy of S. Mark, 8 the Priest is directed to say a certain Prayer, " or else Quemadmodum desiderat," i.e. the forty-second Psalm, immediately before his own Communion. If we suppose this alternative Psalm turned over to the Choir, we have the also. Thus e.g. for Whitsunday we have, "Ad Com. Factus est repente de ccelo sotms advenientis spiritus vehementis, ubi erant sedentes, Alleluia et repleti aunt omnes Spiritu Sancto, loquentes magnalia Dei, Alleluia, Alleluia. Pscd. ut supra ;" i.e. as for the Introit, which is Psalm Ixvii. For Ash-Wednesday, " Com. Qui meditabitur in lege Domini die ac nocte, dabit fructum suum in tempore suo. Psal. Beatus vir." 1 De Eccl. Obs. c. 18 ; Hittorp. col. 742. 2 De Can. Obs. Prop, xxiii. ; Hitt. col. 1163. 3 MabilL Lit. Gall. L. i. c. v. 27. 4 See Part n. Ch. viii. Sect. vii. p. 598. 6 Leslie, p. 7. " In a private Mass the Priest first says the Antiphon ad Accedentes and then communicates. In a solemn Mass it is sung at the time of the Communion." P. 547. 6 Leslie, pp. 7, 198, 547. 7 L. ii. c. xi. torn. i. col. 52. 8 Renaud. torn. i. p. 162. SECT. XIX.] FAILURE OF THE ELEMENTS. 667 origin of the practice mentioned by S. Augustine. In the Ethiopic Office, derived ultimately from S. Mark, " while the Sacrament is ministered to the people, skilled persons chant some verses . . . which the people repeat singing." l Among the Armenians 2 also, " while they who are worthy are com- municating, the Choir sings a canticle." In the Clementine 3 is the following Eubric : " Let the thirty-third Psalm (Ps. xxxiv.) be said while all the others are communicating." This is one of the Psalms said at the Fraction in S. James, 4 while a sentence from it, " taste and see that the Lord is good/' is sung by the choir immediately before the Com- munion, a rite mentioned by S. Cyril 5 in the fourth century : " After this (the Sancta Saudis) thou hearest him who sings with Divine melody, exhorting you to receive the holy Mysteries, and saying, taste and see," etc. This sentence, it may be mentioned, begins the Antiphona ad accedentes of the old Spanish Liturgy, which is used from Advent to Lent, and from Whitsun-Eve to Advent, and on Saints' Days. 6 SECTION XIX. Of the Consecration of a Second supply of Bread and Wine. RUBRIC XXVIII. PARAGRAPH I. a IT If the consecrated Bread or Wine be all spent before all have communicated, the Priest is to consecrate more according to the Form before prescribed ; beginning at [Our Saviour Christ in the same night, etc.] for the blessing of the Bread; and at [Likewise after Supper, etc.] for the blessing of the Cup. * IT IF THE CONSECRATED BREAD, ETC.] During the middle ages the small number of Communicants generally, the use of wafers that were easily counted, and the custom of com- municating the Laity in the Body only, would all tend to 1 I take this rubric from the Liturgy given in Biblioth. Max. V. PP. torn, xxvii. p. 663. It is not in the copy from which Renaudot prints. 2 Le Brun, Diss. x. Art. xxi. He gives the Hymns. 3 Const. Apost. L. viii. c. xiii. ; Cotel. torn. i. p. 405. 4 Assem. torn. v. p. 57. For the Sicilian S. James, see p. 96. Liturg. PP. p. 36. 6 Catech. Myst. V. xvii. 6 Leslie, pp. 7, 10, etc. 668 THE CONSECRATION OF A FRESH [CHAP. IX- make a deficiency of consecrated Bread or Wine from the cause here indicated a very rare and improbable event. Similar directions however, had been given in the case of a " defect of matter " from accident or carelessness. Thus in the Sarum " Cautels of the Mass :" * " If after the consecra- tion of the Blood he perceive that wine has not been put in the Chalice, but water only ; if he perceive this before the reception of the Body, he ought to put the water away and set 011 wine with water, and resume the consecration of the Blood from that place Likewise. If he perceive this after the reception of the Body, he ought afresh to set on another host to be consecrated again with the Blood . . . but he ought to resume the Words of Consecration from that place Who the same night (Qui pridie). . . . Innocent however says that if from the delay the Priest fear scandal, those words by which the Blood is consecrated, viz., Likewise, etc., are sufficient." This saving clause is found in other Missals, as in the York, 1516 ; Utrecht, 1514 ; Paris, 1505 (about), 1541, etc. At an earlier period we find a closer and more unhesitating agree- ment with the present English rule. Thus in the Prsecepta Synodalia of Odo 2 of Paris, A.D. 1197 : " If by negligence it occurs that when the Canon has been read and the conse- cration performed, neither wine nor water be found in the Chalice, both should at once be poured in, and the Priest will repeat the consecration from that place of the Canon, Likewise after Supper," etc. A Synod of Cologne, 3 A.D. 1280 : " If a Priest when he has come to the consecration of the Blood, or even to the reception of it, finds nothing in the Chalice, let him give a sign that wine and water be brought to him ; which being set on, let him say the words of the Canon from that place, Likewise after Supper." A Synod held at Liege 4 seven years later adopted the same rule. It is found also in a Compiegne Ordo of 1392; in one of Soissons, in four MSS. belonging to the Monastery at Jumieges ; and in an ancient Missal of the Province of Lyons. 5 And what is more to our purpose, the same direction in every case of defect of wine is given by John de Burgo 6 in our country about 1385. If after consecration it were found that poison, or aught 1 Miss. Sar. coll. 652, 3. I do not know to whom the Rubric refers under the name of Innocent. Innoc. in., De Myst. Miss. L. vi. c. xxiv., considers the question, but makes no such suggestion. 2 Num. 22 ; Labb. torn. x. col. 1807. 3 Art. vii. Labb. torn. xi. col. 1113. 4 Tit. v. c. xxiv. Thesaur. Nov. Anecd. (Mart, et Dur.) torn. iv. p. 841. f > Martene, De Rit. Eccl. Ant. L. i. c. v. Art. v. torn. i. pp. 257, 8. Pupilla Oculi, P. iv. c. vi. fol. 16, 2. SECT. XIX.] SUPPLY OF BREAD OR WINE. 669 " abominable," was in the Cup, the Sarum Cautels ordered the contents to be poured into a clean vessel and kept with the relics, and fresh wine consecrated as before directed. Some Cautels provided also against a similar defect of bread. The modern Roman Rubrics give the same directions when the Elements are found wanting or are corrupted. They also provide for the following contingencies : " If the consecrated Host disappear, either by any accident, as by the wind, or by a miracle, or being taken by any animal, and cannot be found, then let another be consecrated, beginning at that place, Who the same day (Qui pridie quam pateretur), the oblation of it being first made as above," i.e. " at least mentally." l The Order of the Communion, 1548, directs that "the Bread that shall be consecrated shall be such as heretofore hath been accustomed; and every of the said consecrated Breads shall be broken in two pieces, at the least, or more, by the discretion of the Minister, and so distributed." There would be little occasion, therefore, to provide against a failure of the Bread. The quantity of wine, however, which even a given number of Communicants would consume, was uncer- tain ; and accordingly the Priest is told that " after the first Cup or Chalice is emptied, he may go again to the Altar and reverently and devoutly prepare and consecrate another, and so the third or more, likewise, beginning at these words, Simili modo," etc. This order was omitted in the Books of 1 5 4 9 and 1552, probably because it was thought that the Priests, having now some experience in the use of the Cup by the Laity, would be better able to proportion the quantity to the number of communicants, especially as they were aided by the rule, made in 1549, that all who proposed to communi- cate should signify their intention to the Curate beforehand. That rule however was one that could not long be observed with any strictness, and it was probably in great measure owing to the neglect of it that the Convocation of 1604 found it necessary to order that " no bread and wine newly brought should be used ; but first the Words of Institution should be rehearsed, when the said bread and wine were present on the Communion-Table." 2 Next, the Scotch Bishops in their Liturgy of 1637 provide that "if there be want, the words of Consecration may be repeated again, over more, either bread or wine ; the Presbyter beginning at those words in the Prayer of Consecration, Our Saviour, in the night that He was betrayed, took," etc. The Scotch Book of 1 De Defectibus, Nn. iii. iv. 2 Canon xxi. 670 A SECOND CONSECRATION. [CHAP. IX 1764, and all subsequent editions, order that the whole con- secratory form, i.e. the Institution, the Oblation, and Invoca- tion, be said over either Element. 1 In this it is followed by the American. Our Eubric was introduced in 1662. The Nonjurors omitted it. It will be observed that whereas the Scotch and American Books order the whole form, i.e. the Words of Institution, Oblation, and Invocation, to be said when bread only or wine only has to be consecrated, the English only repeats the Words of Institution, so far as they relate to either Ele- ment. It may perhaps be inferred from this that the com- pilers of the English Eubric regarded the recital of those words as a sufficient consecration of the Element over which they are said. We cannot infer that they looked upon it as the only mode in which the consecration could be effected. It is not even clear that they believed themselves to be dispensing with the Invocation ; for they probably considered that the petition, " Grant that we, receiving these Thy crea- tures of bread and wine, . . . may be partakers of His most blessed Body and Blood," being said in the former part of the Prayer of Consecration embraces in its intention all the bread and wine on which the Priest may afterwards lay his hand, the second supply, if one be needed, no less than the first. Such, I presume, should be the intention of the Cele- brant. 1 Fragm. Liturg. vol. v. pp. 213, 49, 73, 304. See also Bishop Torry's Office, in App. to his Life by Neale, p. 433. CHAPTER X. Jtoturs after the Ctftnmunicm. SECTION I. The Post-Communion of the older Litttrgies. IN the First Book of Edward, the Rubric already cited in Ch. ix. Sect, xviii. p. 664, proceeds thus: "And when the Communion i