^m 
 
 
 1
 
 <riij3Nv-soi^ '^AaBAiNn 3\\^ y 0Aavu8iR* % y 0AHvaaiH^ 
 
 % 
 
 so 
 
 
 ^UIBRARYQr wtfllBRAR't 
 
 ^ttOJIlVJ-JO^ ^JfOJIlVJ-JO^ 
 
 V \W -UNIVERJ//, 
 
 ^fJMNVSOV^ 
 
 lt)S-ANGEl£j> 
 
 ■ 
 
 ^maimmv 
 
 CO 
 
 30 
 
 
 Oc 
 
 -j-OKAUFOflto ^OFCALIF0%, 
 
 y 0Aavnan^ ^Abvaaii^ 
 
 5? 
 
 <\\\EUNIVERVa 
 
 ^lOS-ANGElfo 
 
 "^/KHAINflWV 
 
 AWEUNIVERi/A 
 
 <&1]3NY-SQV^ 
 
 ^lOS-ANGElft* 
 
 %il3AINn-3WV N 
 
 ^UIBRARYQc 
 i? 1 ir- ' ^ 
 
 ^•UBRARYQr 
 
 fy/OJITVDJO^ ^/OJIIVDJO^ 
 
 
 ^WE-UNIVERJ/a 
 
 ^vtOSANCElfx- 
 o 
 
 ^owsov^ %a3AiNn-]ft^ 
 
 ^OFCA1IFO% 
 
 ^Aavaain^ 
 
 ^OFCAIIFO/?^ 
 
 ^OAavaani^ 
 
 % 
 
 CO 
 
 S> 
 
 ^UIBRARYQ^ 
 
 -< 2 
 
 ^OJITVOJO^" 
 
 ' ^l-UBRARYQc . 
 
 %0JllV3JO^ 
 
 ^WEUNIVERJ/a 
 
 "^fclTO-SOV^ 
 
 AvlOS-ANCElfj^. 
 
 
 %a3AiNn-3ftv s 
 
 -< 
 
 .^0FCALIF(%, 
 
 on 
 
 ^OF-CALIFOJfck, 
 
 On 
 
 ^E-UNIVERS/a 
 
 ^v-lOS-ANCElfju 
 
 y 0Aavuarn^ ^Anvaan^ ^tomNV-soi^ "^mainihw* 
 
 ^WEUNIVERJ/a ^U)S-ANGEl&> 
 
 5 
 
 Q — 
 
 § 3 
 
 <&133NV-SOV^ "^hainmv^ 
 
 & 
 
 ^EUNIVERS/a ^lOSANCElfj> 
 
 ^UIBRARY^ ^UIBRARYQ^ 
 
 ^OFCAllFOfyv ^.OF-CALIFOR^
 
 SOME REMARKS 
 
 IN REFERENCE 1 <> 
 
 RECENT PROCEEDINGS 
 
 OF THE 
 
 LEGISLATURE OF BARBADOS, 
 
 fyc. ffc. &rc. 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 PRINTED TOR CHARLES FREDERICK COCK, 
 64, PATERNOSTER-ROW. 
 
 1 826.
 
 LONDON : 
 
 JAMES BULLOCK, PRINTER, LOMBARD STREET, WHITEFRIARS. 
 
 Loot* 3 /? sn
 
 54? 
 
 SOME REMARKS 
 
 IN REFERENCE TO 
 
 RECENT PROCEEDINGS 
 
 OF THE 
 
 LEGISLATURE OF BARBADOS, 
 
 <S* C - 4 T - 4* c - 
 
 Observing the systematic and persevering ex- 
 ertions that are made to excite feelings of hostility 
 to the West Indian Colonies, and to induce a per- 
 suasion, that, notwithstanding the recommend- 
 ations of his Majesty's Ministers, in pursuance of 
 the Resolutions of the House of Commons, for the 
 Amelioration of the Slave Population, no legis- 
 lative measures have been framed for such pur- 
 poses by the Colonial Assemblies ; but that, on 
 the contrary, a spirit of contumacious resistance 
 has been evinced throughout the West Indies ; 
 it is intended to consider what has been done in 
 the Island of Barbados, in reference to this im- 
 portant question : that, by a full disclosure of 
 circumstances, and a fair statement of facts, a 
 
 571745 b 2 
 
 HISTORY
 
 correct judgment may be formed (as to one 
 Colony at least) how far the assertion, at once so 
 general and unqualified, is borne out or contra- 
 dicted. The inquiry is in itself interesting to 
 every friend of humanity, anxious to trace the 
 progress of improvement in a state of society, the 
 peculiar constitution of which demands the ut- 
 most exercise of caution, and the right application 
 of practical expediency, founded on local know- 
 ledge and long experience, lest the very attempt 
 to introduce improvements, or to confer benefits, 
 should produce disorder and mischief; particu- 
 larly to that portion of it, to which those im- 
 provements and benefits are intended to apply. 
 The inquiry is the more necessary at this im- 
 portant crisis, since, from the assumption, that 
 nothing is to be expected from the Colonial Le- 
 gislatures, the conclusion is drawn, that it is now 
 the duty of the British Parliament to legislate 
 for the colonies; and efforts are made in every 
 quarter of the united kingdom to rouse the pas- 
 sions, and excite the feelings, in aid of this hazard- 
 ous career of experiment. 
 
 In consequence of the serious alarm that per- 
 vaded the colonies in 1823, from an apprehension 
 of the effect which might be produced on the 
 public mind, if the various charges and exagge- 
 rated statements on the subject of the treatment 
 and condition of the Slave Population, were not 
 contradicted and refuted, the Council of Bar-
 
 bados adopted the measure of delegating to a 
 Committee of their body, the duty of framing a 
 Report, founded on an Inquiry into the Condition 
 of the Slaves. 
 
 The intention will be best explained by an 
 extract from the opening of the Report itself: — 
 
 " Calumny can only be repelled by facts. In 
 older to give the stamp of authenticity to the facts 
 on which our defence must be founded, we have 
 thought proper to obtain from his Excellency the 
 Governor, a commission, authorising us to examine, 
 on oath, all such persons as we may have occasion 
 to call before us. Having to contend against 
 prejudices of no ordinary force, and prejudices, 
 which, we freely confess, are founded in some of 
 the best feelings of our nature, we have been very 
 circumspect in the selection of the witnesses 
 whom we have examined as to the treatment and 
 condition of the Slaves. In a community con- 
 stituted as this is, it is impossible to find many 
 persons, in no respect interested in the issue of 
 the question to which their examinations refer, 
 and who have hid opportunities of making ob- 
 servations on the state of slavery. 
 
 " Some such persons, however, we have fortu- 
 nately met with — gentlemen, in whom the 
 common and natural claim to credit, resulting 
 from perfect disinterestedness, is fortified by that 
 refined and high-toned sense of honor, which is 
 peculiarly the characteristic of the profession to
 
 which they belong. To obviate all suspicion of 
 Collusion, we beg to remark that we have been 
 directed in the choice of these witnesses by a 
 regard to the official situations which they fill, 
 without any reference to the private opinions of 
 individuals. By looking to the Appendix, it will 
 be seen that Sir Edmund Williams is com- 
 mandant of the Garrison, Lieut.-Col. Berkeley 
 the head of the Adjutant-General's department, 
 Lieut.-Col. Popham the head of the Quarter 
 Master's department, Dr. Tygart the chief of the 
 Medical Staff, Major Cruttenden the Major of 
 Brigade, and Captain Spink, attached to the Staff 
 of the Commander of the "Forces. 
 
 " Certain details, however, connected with the 
 domestic economy of the plantations, could only 
 be obtained from persons connected with pro- 
 perty ; but, in all such cases, care has been taken 
 to select gentlemen, whose established reputation 
 for integrity, places them above the suspicion of 
 being seduced from the straight path of honor 
 and truth by considerations of self-interest." 
 
 It should be observed that the Report, from 
 which the foregoing is an extract, was framed 
 antecedently to the arrival of the " Circular Dis- 
 patch" from the Colonial Secretary, which is 
 dated July, 1823. It could not, therefore, have 
 arisen from, or been influenced by, that document, 
 and must be acknowledged to have proceeded 
 from a sincere and spontaneous desire to produce,
 
 and lay before his Majesty's Government and the 
 public, a full exposition of the management and 
 system, in practice, regarding the Slave Population 
 of that Island. 
 
 Thirteen gentlemen were examined on oath ; 
 many of these, it has been shown, were officers of 
 rank in His Majesty's service ; some of them had 
 been many years resident in the Island, and in no 
 way connected with it, but in reference to their 
 professional appointments. It is not necessary to 
 give the detail of the examinations, it is before His 
 Majesty's Government, and has been published. 
 But it is satisfactory to remark that, as far as regards 
 the treatment and condition of the Slave Popula- 
 tion, the result has been fully confirmed by the 
 Report of the Commission on Civil and Criminal 
 Justice.* The object here is to show that, under 
 the agitation and feelings of indignation produced 
 by the causes just stated, the Barbadians, through 
 a branch of the Legislature, took prompt and ef- 
 fectual measures for presenting to His Majesty's 
 Government and the British Nation, a statement, 
 full, impartial, and complete. No commission, 
 emanating from this country, could have been 
 chosen, possessing fitter qualifications or greater 
 opportunities for fair investigation and unbiassed 
 testimony. Is there any thing in this course of 
 
 * See pages 14, 15, and IS, of Report of Commission of Civil and 
 Criminal Justice in the West Indies.
 
 8 
 
 proceeding that argues indifference to public 
 opinion, or to the feelings of the mother country? 
 Does it not, on the contrary, evince a sincere and 
 honest anxiety to vindicate the colony, by re- 
 pelling the assertions of "gross injustice and un- 
 relenting cruelty," with which their systems of 
 management had been charged ; — not by a return 
 of declamation and assertion, but by a positive 
 scrutiny, and an appeal to facts? 
 
 On the 15th May, 1823, Mr. Canning moved 
 three Resolutions in the House of Commons. It 
 is by no means irrevalent to the purposes in view, 
 to consider with what feelings, and under what 
 impressions, they were contemplated by such Bar- 
 badians, as were interested in the colony, and 
 were in England at the time. On the 10th of 
 June, a meeting of planters, merchants, and others, 
 was held in London. The Earl of Harewood 
 presided ; about fifty gentlemen, possessing pro- 
 perty or connexion in Barbados, were present, 
 and the following resolutions, amongst others, 
 were unanimously agreed to : — 
 
 " That the annexed Resolutions moved by Mr. 
 Secretary Canning, on the 15th of May last, and 
 agreed to by the House of Commons, are, in their 
 immediate bearing and tendency, of so important 
 a nature, as to call for the most serious considera- 
 tion of all persons, who are connected with the 
 British Colonies in the West Indies : 
 
 " That a committee of this body be chosen
 
 forthwith, to prepare, and present to this Meeting, 
 a respectful petition to the two branches of the 
 Legislature of Barbados, beseeching them to take 
 into their most serious consideration the Resolu- 
 tions relating to West India affairs, referred to in 
 the first resolution;' 
 
 A Petition was accordingly prepared, and 
 agreed to, as follows : — 
 
 To the Worshipful the House of Assembly of the 
 Island of Barbados. 
 
 " We, the undersigned planters, merchants, and 
 others, connected with the Island of Barbados, 
 impressed with feelings of the highest respect for 
 the authority of your honorable house, beg leave, 
 in the exercise of a constitutional privilege, to 
 present to you our humble petition, That you 
 would allow us to recommend to your earliest 
 and most serious attention the annexed resolu- 
 tions, moved by Mr. Secretary Canning, and 
 adopted by the Honorable House of Commons 
 of the united kingdom. 
 
 " Your Honorable House cannot fail to ob- 
 serve, that, as regards the West Indies generally, 
 His Majesty's Ministers have, by these resolutions, 
 pledged themselves to exert their influence for the 
 accomplishment of the purposes therein expressed. 
 
 " Cherishing, as we fondly do, the principles
 
 10 
 
 and rights of our free constitution in Barbados, 
 as invested in and exercised by the Colonial Legis- 
 latures, and lamenting, as we naturally must, any 
 interposition which shall have a tendency to vio- 
 late the rights, and impair the power of that 
 constitution, we feel a very strong impulse, under 
 the pressure of much anxiety at this crisis, to 
 appeal to the wisdom and discretion of your 
 Honorable House ; and, without presuming to 
 point out what course should be pursued by the 
 Legislature of Barbados, humbly to request your 
 Honorable House to take such measures as you 
 may judge expedient, with a due regard to the 
 rights and interests of the master, as well as those 
 of the slave, to revise and amend the laws in 
 existence for the protection of the latter, and to 
 assimilate the enactments for that purpose to the 
 improved state of comfort, which the Slave Po- 
 pulation of that Island in practice possesses. 
 
 " We trust that your Honorable House will 
 see the wisdom and justice of repealing some of 
 the Statutes passed in the early settlement of the 
 colony, which, although they have in fact become 
 a dead letter in the administration of the laws 
 respecting slaves, and are forgotten by, or are un- 
 known, to a great majority of its inhabitants, yet 
 are but too frequently referred to as evidence of 
 the harshness of our system of government, 
 affecting the Slave Population. 
 
 "We further trust, that your Honorable House,
 
 11 
 
 in a revision of that system, with a view of reme- 
 dying what is defective, and ameliorating what is 
 
 susceptible in it of amendment, will be pleased to 
 make such provision for the protection of the 
 slaves against the wanton abuse of power, and for 
 the advancement of their moral and religious con- 
 dition, as may be better suited to progressive 
 improvements in their general state. 
 
 " We beg finally to assure your Honorable 
 House, that, in preferring this humble appeal, 
 your petitioners, interested by every warm, and 
 generous, and affectionate tie, in the character 
 and prosperity of Barbados, are actuated by an 
 anxious desire, that the great and important sub- 
 jects to which the declared interposition of His 
 Majesty's Government is directed, should be left 
 to the local wisdom and experience of the Colonial 
 Legislatures ; persuaded, as we are, that to them 
 alone we can look for such regulations of general 
 utility, as are consistent with the security of pro- 
 perty, and the maintenance and preservation of 
 public tranquillity ; indulging, at the same time, 
 the earnest hope, that such grave and respectful 
 attention will be paid to the suggestions of His 
 Majesty's Government, as shall continue to secure 
 to your ancient and loyal colony, the confidence 
 and protection of the mother country, and the 
 gracious approbation of our beloved Sovereign." 
 
 In contemplating these proceedings, it is evi-
 
 dent, that much anxiety, considerable apprehen- 
 sion, and a deep sense of the importance of the 
 subject, influenced the meeting in its decision : 
 but can a single expression or sentiment be pointed 
 out indicative of a temper to encourage, or a 
 disposition to approve a spirit of contumacious 
 resistance to the wishes of His Majesty's Govern- 
 ment ? Was it possible to pursue any other 
 course, more constitutional, or better calculated to 
 invite the co-operation of the Colonial Legisla- 
 ture, in the adoption of such measures of amelio- 
 ration, and general improvement, as might be con- 
 sistent with the security of property, and the main- 
 tenance and preservation of public tranquillity ? 
 
 It is now proper to state what took place in the 
 Island when Lord Bathurst's circular dispatch, 
 dated 9th July. 1823, was made known. So early 
 as the 30th September following, a meeting of the 
 Council was held for the purpose of " taking into 
 consideration a dispatch from the Secretary of 
 State for the Colonies, to his Excellency Sir H. 
 Warde." A debate of very considerable length 
 ensued, during which every point contained in 
 his Lordship's dispatch was considered ; the result 
 was a recorded declaration to this effect — " It is 
 impossible for any reflecting man to peruse, with- 
 out dismay, a dispatch from the Secretary of State 
 for the Colonies, threatening, in most direct terms, 
 to legislate for us in England, unless we adopt in 
 toto, and without hesitation, a certain plan of
 
 18 
 
 government for our slaves, prescribed by him, 
 — more especially, when we find that, along with 
 many wise and judicious regulations, there are 
 some which must prove totally subversive of disci- 
 pline ; and others which, although applicable to 
 the circumstances of some of the Islands, would 
 be most inconvenient, if not ruinous, to others." — 
 And the Council express a hope " that it will not 
 be supposed they come forward to raise captious 
 objections, or to excite a spirit of opposition to 
 the measures proposed by the Minister; on the 
 contrary, they declare, that, in attempting to point 
 out what strikes them as defects in the plan, they 
 are influenced by a sincere desire to insure the 
 faithful and cordial co-operation of the people in 
 such measures of amelioration as may ultimately 
 obtain the sanction of the Legislatures." In 
 accordance with these feelings, the Council ap- 
 pointed a Committee for the purpose of revising, 
 amending, and consolidating the Slave Laws." 
 
 Here it will be necessary to advert to the course 
 pursued by the House of Assembly. — The dis- 
 patch of Lord Bathurst was submitted to the 
 consideration of the House by his Excellency 
 the Governor, on the 23rd of September, 1823, 
 and the following reply was made : — " That the 
 propositions of his Lordship would be duly con- 
 sidered in their deliberations, and such measures 
 pursued as local circumstances, the safety of the 
 inhabitants, the interests of their property, and
 
 14 
 
 the welfare of the slaves themselves would 
 
 admit." 
 
 It is right to remark, that in 1821, (long before 
 Lord Bathurst's dispatch), the attention of both 
 branches of the Legislature had been directed to 
 these important subjects ; that, in 1822, a Bill was 
 in progress, but not completed, at the period 
 when the assembly expired by law. 
 
 In the course of the next meeting of the As- 
 sembly, Committees of both branches of the 
 Legislature agreed to co-operate in a renewal of 
 the undertaking, Bills having been prepared by 
 each. Much difference of opinion, and frequent 
 interchange of communication took place on 
 points of serious importance connected with the 
 subject of their legislation ; and it was found 
 impossible to complete their designs during that 
 Session. It is not necessary to enter into the 
 particulars of the difference of opinion between 
 the two branches of the Legislature : the delay 
 occasioned by various circumstances seems to have 
 been felt as matter of serious regret by both par- 
 ties. It is clear from the documents addressed to 
 the Governor by each branch of the Legislature 
 respectively, that, though their opinions varied, 
 the objects they had in view were the same ; and 
 a reference to their proceedings will show, that 
 much time and attention had been devoted to the 
 task. In the early part of the Session of 1825, 
 in the month of March, an Act passed the Le-
 
 15 
 
 gislaturc, and received the assent and signature of 
 the Governor. It is entitled " An Act to Repeal 
 several Acts, and Clauses of Acts, respecting 
 Slaves, and for consolidating and bringing into 
 one Act, the several Laws relating thereto, and 
 for the better Ordering and Government of Slaves, 
 and for giving them further Protection and Se- 
 curity; for altering the mode of Trial of those 
 charged with Capital and other Offences, and for 
 other purposes." AVaiving, for the present, any 
 remarks on the Act itself, it is essentially neces- 
 sary, in the spirit of the present inquiry, to refer 
 to Mr. Canning's Speech of 15th May, 1823.— 
 Adverting to the Resolutions, he said — " The 
 House would be aware, there were certain colo- 
 nies over which Parliament exercised immediate 
 powers without the intervention of any Colonial 
 Legislature. In their case the action of Parlia- 
 ment would be more free, than in the case of 
 colonies having their own particular governments ; 
 and to the latter, he trusted that the conduct of 
 the other colonies would operate as an example ; 
 at the same time he must freely declare, that in 
 this matter he thought the House had a right to 
 expect from the Colonial Legislatures a full co- 
 operation. 
 
 " He would candidly add, that any resistance 
 which might be manifested to the express wishes 
 of Parliament on this subject, any resistance, he 
 meant, which should partake not of reason, but
 
 16 
 
 rather of contumacy, would create a case (a case he 
 trusted that would not, however, occur), upon 
 which His Majesty's Government would not he- 
 sitate to come down to Parliament for their coun- 
 sel." Now let the conduct of the Barbadians here 
 and abroad, be considered in reference to the 
 feeling expressed by the Minister on this occasion : 
 it may be inferred, that he foresaw, and was pre- 
 pared to expect, that differences of opinion, and 
 delays might arise, on questions of such " deep 
 importance, and complicated intricacy — questions 
 that involved difficulties, that must be solved by 
 patient consideration, and impartial attention, 
 respecting which it would be the most flagrant 
 injustice to persist in endeavouring to attain the 
 object which all desired, without reference to the 
 circumstances which impeded that consumma- 
 tion."* 
 
 In reviewing the proceedings of Barbados, it 
 must be admitted, that whatever non-compliance 
 with the wishes of Parliament may appear, when 
 viewed, not in reference to Mr. Canning's Re- 
 solutions, but the subsequent Orders in Council, 
 yet, that two important facts are elucidated : 
 First, — That the charge of contumacious resist- 
 ance, deprecated by the minister, does not apply ; 
 and, secondly, that the assertion which has been 
 so industriously circulated, that the Colonial Le- 
 
 * Mr. Caanipg's Speech, May I.), ]K2:i.
 
 17 
 
 gislatures have done nothing, and will do nothing, 
 is, as applied generally, utterly unfounded. It 
 may be premised, that a sincere and zealous desire 
 to adopt the spirit, and co-operate in the design 
 expressed in the original Resolutions of Mr. 
 Canning, is perfectly compatible with a degree 
 of hesitation and feeling of peril, as to the adop- 
 tion of the Orders in Council. The Colonial 
 Legislatures may be most desirous to adopt 
 " effectual and decisive measures for meliorating 
 the condition of the Slave Population," in a man- 
 ner calculated (according to their judgments at 
 least) to promote the objects, and insure the re- 
 sults anticipated, without precipitately and indis- 
 criminately assenting to the numerous clauses 
 contained in a code, which, professing to be framed 
 on the basis of those Resolutions, contains, never- 
 theless, regulations, which, it is contended, cannot 
 in the nature of things apply equally to the 
 whole of the West-India Colonies. It is im- 
 portant to recollect, that these regulations were 
 originally declared by the Ministers of the Crown 
 to be experiments, which might be " tried with 
 greater facility in the Colonies wholly governed 
 by the Crown ;" nor should it be forgotten, that 
 the circumstances of one of these Colonies re- 
 quired the interposition of the Colonial Minister 
 in directing a temporary suspension of their 
 operation, and in granting a discretionary power 
 (as was understood) for the same purposo, to the 
 
 c
 
 18 
 
 Governors of others ; at least in regard to par- 
 ticular clauses, from the effects of which, danger 
 might be apprehended. Without discussing the 
 various matter contained in the 43 clauses of 
 the Order in Council, or impugning their wisdom, 
 is it invidious to remark, that if the Colonial 
 Minister thought it prudent to adopt this cautious 
 policv, circumstances might induce the Colonial 
 Legislatures to act under a similar influence of 
 caution or of delay, in regard either to the im- 
 mediate adoption, suspension, or rejection of 
 parts, or of the whole of the regulations in 
 question ? — regulations which, when allowance is 
 made for the prejudices supposed to cloud the 
 faculties of every colonist, must, as to many 
 essential points, have appeared hazardous in the 
 extreme, as innovations wholly changing the 
 tenure, and weakening the security of their pro- 
 perty, and as leading to all the mischief that 
 might be expected to result from insubordination 
 and too sudden a relaxation of those restraints, 
 which, in a state of slavery, cannot at once be 
 removed, without incurring the risk of a dissolu- 
 tion of those ties, on which alone the safety and 
 tranquillity of master and slave depend. If, 
 therefore, it is found that some colonies have 
 only partially adopted these orders, and that others 
 have not yet done so, yet no conclusion can be 
 fairly drawn, against the whole of the colonies, 
 of such a contumacious resistance to the wishes of
 
 19 
 
 Government, as would furnish a case, with which 
 His Majesty's Ministers should go to Parliament 
 for further counsel ; much less such as would 
 justify the hazardous experiment proclaimed at 
 the close of last Session,* of introducing measures 
 which would supersede the Colonial legislative 
 authorities in their most important and peculiar 
 functions, and which, by the introduction of 
 enactments, at once injurious to property and 
 degrading to the feelings, seem calculated only 
 to disturb and irritate. 
 
 Let us now consider what it has been attempted 
 to accomplish in Barbados by legislative enactment, 
 and by the introduction of improvements favorable 
 to the great work of melioration, in accordance 
 with the spirit of Mr. Canning's Resolutions. 
 The first clause of the new Act repeals all the old 
 laws for the government of the Slave Population, 
 from the date of the first Act, 1688, to that of 
 the last, in 1818. It is quite unnecessary to ex- 
 pose to view every feature of the old Statutes 
 thus repealed. In the Report of the Commission 
 on Civil and Criminal Justice, they are termed 
 " cruel and horrible enactments, framed at the 
 time, and in the spirit of the early settlers ;" but 
 whatever may have been the spirit, or the cir- 
 cumstances under which they were framed, it 
 should be recollected they never could have ob- 
 
 * See Mr. Brougham's Notice 
 
 n" 
 
 c 2
 
 20 
 
 tained currency but by the stamp of authority 
 conferred by the Government of the mother 
 country ; and it may serve to repress those emo- 
 tions of wonder and indignation which are excited 
 by the propensity to refer to the objectionable 
 clauses in those Statutes, to recollect how many 
 disgraceful enactments in the British Code yet 
 remain, or have only recently been repealed, 
 notwithstanding the talents of a Romilly and a 
 Mackintosh have, each in turn, supported by the 
 encouragement of the British Senate, been de- 
 voted to a consideration of the revision of our 
 criminal law ; a work which, as to practical results, 
 seems reserved for the clear judgment and pe- 
 culiar qualifications of the present Secretary for 
 the Home Department. It is, however, a conso- 
 latory reflection, that, for a long course of years, 
 these laws were inoperative and obsolete, and thus 
 public attention in the colony was seldom awak- 
 ened to the subject, as appears from an authority 
 which will be considered most impartial on this 
 point, the Report above cited, from which the 
 following passage may properly be introduced: — 
 " The Statute books of the different islands con- 
 tain many cruel and horrible enactments, framed at 
 the time and in the spirit of the early settlers ; 
 but these are never put in execution, and are most 
 repugnant to the sentiments of the humane and 
 enlightened inhabitants, who now constitute, in 
 the principal islands, a great and increasing ma-
 
 21 
 
 jority, with all the diversity of temper and dispo- 
 sition which exists anion*)- mankind. A master 
 willing to enforce these sanguinary laws, within 
 the period to which the inquiries of the Com- 
 missioners extended (twenty years), has not been 
 found: should any such appear, he would be 
 regarded with unfeigned aversion. Of cruel 
 masters we indeed sometimes heard : I believe 
 three instances were mentioned to us in twelve 
 islands. One was indicted capitally, and we did 
 not learn the result. One was prosecuted for a 
 misdemeanour, and acquitted for want of evi- 
 dence, (slave testimony being inadmissible). One 
 was not proceeded against from a reasonable ap- 
 prehension of a similar result, and from a like 
 cause. Of the two last, one was afterwards ex- 
 cluded from society ; the other, intruding into 
 it, was notorious and infamous wherever he ap- 
 peared."* 
 
 We proceed to show what has been substituted 
 in lieu of those Statutes which have been re- 
 pealed. 
 
 Trial by Jury has been extended to the slaves 
 in all criminal cases, subjecting the offenders to 
 death, transportation, or imprisonment ; and (as in 
 England) the verdict must be unaniinous.f 
 
 When a slave shall be prosecuted for any 
 
 * See page 14 of " Report of Civil ami Criminal Justice in the 
 West Indies. 
 
 f See clause 2 of the recent Consolidation Act of Harbadov
 
 22 
 
 capital offences affecting life, by the owner of such 
 slave, or any person having the charge and direc- 
 tion of such slave, the senior justice of the court 
 is directed to engage a solicitor for the accused, 
 at the expense of the public. 
 
 Several clauses (from- the 11th to the 19th, 
 both inclusive) relate to the confinement and 
 regulation of slaves in custody in the cage — li- 
 miting the numbers, and enacting classification 
 as to sexes — and placing that, and all other pri- 
 sons, under the inspection and control of the ma- 
 gistracy, who are expressly required to see that 
 the same are clean, healthy, and wholesome, and 
 that good and sufficient food be allowed to those 
 in confinement. 
 
 By the 42d clause, the wilful murder of a 
 slave is declared felony, without benefit of clergy ; 
 and thus, any ambiguity that might possibly 
 arise from the introduction of the words " with- 
 out provocation," in the law as it before stood, is 
 removed. 
 
 By the 44th clause, persons wantonly com- 
 mitting any acts of cruelty on the person of a 
 slave, or suffering the same to be done, or con- 
 fining him without proper support, shall, upon 
 conviction, be fined, not exceeding 25l. Justices 
 having information of any such offence, shall 
 summon the offender before them, and shall 
 bring the accused face to face, whether such 
 person be a white, free coloured, or free black
 
 23 
 
 person, or a slave; " but if such offence cannot 
 be fully proved, and the slave or slaves so alleged 
 to have been cruelly punished, shall be produced, 
 and if the marks or traces of recent flogging, 
 laceration, or punishment, shall appear on the 
 person or persons of such slave or slaves, and if 
 such slave or slaves shall, before the justices, de- 
 clare such marks or traces to be the consequence 
 of such cruel and unlawful punishment or cor- 
 rection, and being duly examined by the said 
 justices, shall make a particular, consistent, and 
 probable statement of all the circumstances at- 
 tendant on such cruel and unlawful punishment, 
 then, and in every such case, the party or parties 
 accused shall thereupon be considered guilty of 
 the ofTence." A person maiming or mutilating a 
 slave, whether his own property, or the property 
 of any other person, shall, on conviction, be pu- 
 nished by fine and imprisonment ; and the Court 
 shall order the treasurer to take possession of the 
 slave so maimed, and sell him to a person of 
 humane repute. For a second offence, the party 
 shall forfeit the whole of his property, and the 
 Governor and Council shall appoint trustees over 
 the same, who shall, with the consent of such 
 owner, sell the property, and pay the creditors 
 (if any), or otherwise pay the amount to the 
 owner. 
 
 By the 45th, all public and private punishments 
 by whipping, to be inflicted with the like instru-
 
 24 
 
 ment as is used in His Majesty's navy and army, 
 except in private punishments, where a milder 
 instrument may be used, and where the punish- 
 ment of female slaves by whipping shall be 
 necessary, the same shall be inflicted on the 
 shoulders, and in a decent manner, without any 
 unnecessary exposure of the body. Persons of- 
 fending to forfeit 5l. for every such offence. 
 
 By the 46th clause, persons fixing iron collars, 
 weights, or chains, on any slaves, shall be prose- 
 cuted at the Grand Sessions, and be subject to 
 fine and imprisonment. 
 
 The Act from whence the foregoing clauses are 
 taken, passed the Assembly the 8th of March, 
 1825, and the Council, the 18th; on the 25th of 
 the same month, a member of Council gave 
 notice that he should, at the next meeting, in- 
 troduce a Bill for dispensing with all fines and 
 payments, except office-fees on manumission of 
 slaves — for equalizing rights and privileges of all 
 descriptions of free coloured persons — for legaliz- 
 ing the testimony of slaves, under certain re- 
 strictions — for abolishing the Sunday market, and 
 for encouraging the marriage of slaves. A Bill 
 for these purposes subsequently passed the Coun- 
 cil, as a Supplemental Bill to the Consolidated 
 Slave Act, but was rejected by the House of As- 
 sembly, on the plea that it ought not to originate 
 with the Council, being considered as a Money 
 Bill. An Act, however, has since passed, to
 
 " afford increased facilities in the manumitting 
 of Slaves, and to extend the benefit of testimony 
 to such free coloured and free black persons, who, 
 as yet, have not been admitted to that privilege, 
 and also to settle and establish the freedom of 
 those, whose right to the same may be considered 
 as doubtful." By this Act, a Deed of Manu- 
 mission, executed by the owner of a slave, is 
 good and valid, without the payment of any sum 
 of money whatever, except the necessary fees for 
 proving and recording such deed. Thus, all the 
 former deposits required to be made, which, no 
 doubt, were intended as prudent precautions and 
 humane provisions for the maintenance of the 
 manumitted persons, but have latterly been 
 viewed as presenting obstacles to manumission, 
 have been abolished, and every facility has been 
 given, consistently with the due preservation of 
 the rights of property, or, as it should seem, with 
 the spirit of Lord Bathurst's recommendation, 
 contained in the original dispatch of the 9th of 
 July, 1823, where certain regulations are pro- 
 posed " for removing all obstacles to manumission, 
 and that permanent Commissioners should be ap- 
 pointed, who, on application being made by or 
 on behalf of any slave, to purchase his freedom, 
 with his master's consent, &c. &c." It is essential 
 to notice, that a very different principle is laid 
 down by the subsequent Orders in Council, or 
 Trinidad Code; where it is enacted, that any 
 slave may purchase his own freedom, or that of
 
 26 
 
 his nearest relatives, without consent of his owner. 
 But when this part of the subject is duly con- 
 sidered — when the consequences that might 
 follow such a practice are estimated, and the 
 virtual attack on property is taken into account, 
 without adverting to the political danger which 
 might ensue from such an engine of sudden and 
 indiscriminate emancipation, put in action, not by 
 the safe and gradual operation intended, no doubt, 
 by His Majesty's Government, but possibly by 
 the high pressure of exertions which may be 
 applied to such purpose from this country, — it 
 cannot fairly be matter of wonder that the Colo- 
 nial Legislatures should have declined entering 
 on this, as on some other points ; at any rate 
 until they shall have received more satisfactory 
 assurances of compensation, in case of loss pro- 
 duced by the operation of the changes they are 
 required to adopt, than they yet have had. 
 
 By the foregoing statement, it is by no means 
 intended to convey an opinion, that the Act of 
 Barbados embraces all those points of ameliora- 
 tion which the case requires — which, without 
 hazard, may be granted — which have been adopted 
 in some of the colonies, and, it is hoped, will by 
 degrees obtain in all. The course of Legisla- 
 tion is necessarily progressive. In reference to 
 Barbados it has been shown how soon after the 
 passing of the Act, a supplemental one was added, 
 in regard to manumission and other points ; and 
 that, on several other important questions, the
 
 27 
 
 attention of one branch of the Legislature had 
 been anxiously employed. 
 
 The object of the present Inquiry has been, to 
 bring to notice what has been accomplished in one 
 island, and to prove, that the reform, which has 
 been introduced into the Laws regarding Slaves, 
 whether compared with those that have been re- 
 pealed, or considered with a fair allowance for the 
 fears and prejudices of the colonists, is to a certain 
 extent beneficial, although it does not embrace all 
 the improvement anticipated ; at least the charge 
 cannot be applied to Barbados, of having shown 
 indifference, much less a spirit of hostility, to the 
 wishes of Government. On the contrary, it in- 
 disputably appears, that neither zeal, nor labor, 
 has been wanted in their deliberations — that 
 whatever degree of hesitation there may have 
 been as to the adoption of the regulations pro- 
 posed by his Majesty's Ministers, it ought in 
 candour to be ascribed to the spirit of fair 
 reasoning, and not to that of " contumacy"— and 
 that no ground whatever has been furnished to jus- 
 tify the difficult and hazardous measure of the fur- 
 ther parliamentary interference of this country. 
 
 Some further observations may not improperly 
 be offered with regard to the Consolidation Act 
 of Barbados ; which, as appears by a dispatch 
 from Lord Bathurst, has not been confirmed by 
 His Majesty, for the reasons therein stated by his 
 Lordship. It is deeply to be deplored, that the
 
 28 
 
 time and labor bestowed on the undertaking, (to 
 form a notion of which, reference should be made 
 to the papers laid before Parliament, in 1825), did 
 not produce a more successful result ; but it is 
 most earnestly hoped, and, indeed, confidently ex- 
 pected, that the Act will be returned to this 
 country so amended as to sanction his Majesty's 
 Ministers in advising the royal confirmation of it. 
 Meanwhile, it may be useful to consider some of 
 the leading points contained in the Orders of Coun- 
 cil, which have not* been directly introduced into 
 the Act ; with this remark, that there is scarcely 
 one of those points that did not undergo the most 
 serious deliberation, that as to some the spirit may 
 be said to have been adopted, though not the let- 
 ter; and that, as to the rejection or postponement 
 of others, the reasons, which influenced the Coun- 
 cil, or House of Assembly, are to be found in the 
 papers before the House of Commons. 
 
 To begin with the admission of Slave testimony; 
 it appears, that, under certain restrictions, and 
 qualifications, this privilege was intended to be 
 granted in 1824, as is shown by the 60th Clause 
 of a Bill which passed the Assembly in that year ; 
 — by its omission in the late Act, it must be pre- 
 sumed, that doubts of its expediency must have 
 arisen, which did not before exist. On this ques- 
 tion, it is important to observe how opinions vary 
 in the high authorities of the Attorney and Soli- 
 citor-General of Barbados. In the Appendix to
 
 29 
 
 the first Report of the Commission on Civil and 
 Criminal Justice in the West Indies, the following 
 questions and answers appear. 
 
 " Do you find that Slave evidence is in general 
 correct, and to be depended upon ; and, if not, is 
 it owing to want of intellect, or of integrity ?" 
 
 Answer by the Attorney-General. " Not in ge- 
 neral correct, or to be depended upon ; which, I 
 think, is rather owing to want of integrity than 
 of intellect." 
 
 Answer by the Solicitor-General—" My opinion 
 is, that in general they have not an idea of the 
 nature of an oath ; and what they say in Court, 
 where their fellow-slaves are tried, is frequently 
 found to be false ; and I should be extremely 
 cautious in forming my judgment upon any thing 
 which they should assert. It would be a most 
 desirable thing, if any mode could be formed by 
 which their conscience could be duly and properly 
 impressed ; I am afraid their integrity is frequent- 
 ly more impeachable than their intellect." 
 
 " Do you think the evidence of Slaves might 
 be properly admitted in any other, and what cases, 
 and under any, and what restrictions ?" 
 
 Attorney-General. — " I don't see myself, in the 
 total absence of all white, or free coloured evi- 
 dence, and where better evidence could not be 
 had, that any harm could result from admitting 
 the evidence of Slaves to facts in criminal cases. 
 The chief difficulty would be how to swear them.
 
 30 
 
 so as to make them esteem their oath binding. — 
 Most of them have an idea of God, and of a fu- 
 ture slate. I speak only of criminal cases. I have 
 not thought yet of admitting their evidence in 
 civil cases, in which it could seldom be wanted, all 
 contracts being only between free persons." 
 
 Solicitor-General. — "I think it would be dan- 
 gerous to admit the evidence of Slaves further 
 than it is already admitted." 
 
 Seeing such conflict of opinion in men, so well 
 qualified to judge, can it be matter of surprise, if 
 doubts should prevail in the public mind on this 
 question ? It may, however, be expected from the 
 feeling, which is known to exist in favor of 
 granting this privilege — from the circumstance of 
 its introduction by the House of Assembly on a 
 former occasion — and also from the fact of the 
 -principle having been acted on, to a certain extent, 
 in the 44th Clause of the late Act, that, under 
 proper restrictions and qualifications, it will be 
 finally enacted. 
 
 On the subject of the corporal chastisement of 
 females, on which so much stress is laid, it must 
 be recollected that the Act provides, as far as 
 possible, against any indecency, or unnecessary 
 exposure of the person, or undue severity in the 
 execution. But it would seem that, in the ab- 
 solute and entire abolition of the power to inflict 
 such punishment, the Colonial Legislature see as 
 much danger and risk of insubordination, as if it
 
 31 
 
 extended to the male population also ; considering 
 it unsafe at once, by removing the power, to ex- 
 tinguish for ever the dread of that punishment. 
 Under a firm persuasion that evil consequences 
 would ensue, they are impelled by a paramount 
 sense of duty which they owe their country, of 
 whose welfare and tranquillity they are the 
 guardians, to wait the effects of a greater degree 
 of civilization, before they hazard, not merely the 
 consequences arising from inconvenience in the 
 practical management of an estate (as illustrated 
 in the case of Trinidad), but as affecting the 
 principle of subordination, on which the safety of 
 the colony depends. Be it remembered also that, 
 notwithstanding all the glow of eloquence which 
 recently burst forth on this subject, and the 
 warmth of feeling which has been expressed, the 
 abolition of such punishment as this Act would 
 sanction, is, even under the progressive civilization 
 of ages, and in circumstances, so widely different, 
 only of recent adoption in this country. On the 
 abolition of Sunday Markets, Lord Bathurst, in 
 his dispatch, stated " the immediate abolition of 
 Sunday Markets is not insisted on, until the 
 means of reli*rious instruction shall have been 
 provided." This was one of the points on which 
 there was a difference of opinion between the 
 Council and the Assembly ; the former being in 
 favor of it. The reasons why the Assembly did 
 not immediately adopt it are stated by the Speaker,
 
 32 
 
 in a letter to the Governor, dated 31st August, 
 
 1824. 
 
 It may be confidently assumed, that the general 
 wishes of the white inhabitants, from motives of 
 self-interest alone, are in favor of abolishing the 
 practice, which has been considered a nuisance in 
 Bridgetown, and other towns, almost beyond 
 the control of the police ; destructive of good 
 order, and incompatible with the higher consi- 
 derations of morality and religion. But, though 
 some difficulties connected with the feelings 
 and long habits of the negroes interpose, yet 
 it may be presumed that they will be obviated, 
 and the desirable purpose accomplished ; at least, 
 with no greater deviations than are tolerated in 
 this country. 
 
 The question presents itself, in some respects, 
 in a different light in regard to Barbados, from 
 that of some other colonies, in consequence of the 
 system which prevails in the former, of supplying 
 food to the negroes from the common stock, 
 raised from the joint labor included in the six 
 days. Hence, there is no occasion for legislative 
 enactment fixing any time for the negro to cul- 
 tivate ground for his own subsistence, as in some 
 other colonies. 
 
 The subject of manumission has been already 
 alluded to, and it has been shown, that, by a 
 Supplemental Act, all former obstacles have 
 been removed, and every facility, (consistently
 
 38 
 
 with the rights of the owner) given for this im- 
 portant end. But if His Majesty's Ministers, 
 extending their views beyond the principle laid 
 down in Lord Bathurst's original dispatch, require 
 the application of the clause, as it stands in the 
 Trinidad Code, conferring the privilege of manu- 
 mission by purchase, without recognising the 
 right of consent on the part of the owner, it must 
 be expected that every degree of opposition, 
 which may be legitimately used, will be resorted 
 to. It is a point that touches the great prin- 
 ciple, which enjoins a sacred regard to private 
 property, in the advancement of any purpose for 
 public or national advantage. It calls upon the 
 parties interested, to adopt a measure, which 
 would tend to the certain deterioration, if not 
 rapid dissolution, of their property ; while, from 
 the very adoption of such a measure (which it 
 might be contended hereafter was spontaneous), 
 the claim of compensation would be denied. Can 
 it fairly be said that in the price of manumission 
 fixed according to the regulations laid down, the 
 owner has his compensation ? An estate, with a 
 population of 200 negroes, may be yielding an 
 annual return of 2500/. sterling. The probable 
 amount of the appraisement of the negroes would, 
 at a large rate of valuation, give him a capital 
 yielding perhaps 800/. a year at the utmost. — 
 Now, with respect to the land, of what value can 
 that be estimated, when left without the means 
 
 n
 
 34 
 
 of culture, or of that description and certainty of 
 culture, by which alone colonial estates in the 
 West Indies can be profitable to the owners or to 
 the nation ; burdened too, as might possibly be 
 the case, with the charge of a superannuated and 
 inefficient population. 
 
 Viewed abstractedly, the policy or wisdom may 
 be doubted of regulating by legislation the con- 
 dition of obtaining the boon of freedom, not in 
 proof of good conduct — a principle recognised in 
 all the old colonies, in reference to signal acts of 
 public service beneficial to the state — not on any 
 period of apprenticeship or tried fidelity, but on 
 the mere acquisition of a sum of money, accumu- 
 lated, probably, by a systematic course of pil- 
 fering, which (no regard whatever being required 
 as to character or circumstances) such regulation 
 would, in practice, inevitably encourage. 
 
 Having referred to some of the chief points of 
 these regulations, it is not necessary to observe on 
 others of less importance ; the primary object of 
 this inquiry, not being for the purpose of dis- 
 cussing their merits, but of showing the disposi- 
 tion, and marking the intention, of the Barbados' 
 Legislature, as evinced by their proceedings. 
 
 Separated as the colonies are, one from another, 
 called upon suddenly to legislate on points of such 
 serious importance, and extensive innovation, 
 there was no opportunity of an interchange of 
 opinion, or uniformity of design ; nor perhaps
 
 35 
 
 indeed could such have been expected from the 
 varying circumstances of the different colonies ; 
 hence nothing but confusion and error will ensue 
 from attempting to generalize the subject, by ap- 
 plying the particular line of policy which may 
 have been evinced by one colony, to that of the 
 others. One common feeling of apprehension 
 however seems to have pervaded the whole, in 
 regard to the consequences that might be expected 
 to result from the proceedings of the mother 
 country ; — but with this general impression — each 
 colony seems to have been guided in its councils 
 by its own peculiar circumstances, and the 
 degree of feeling produced by the different 
 aspects under which the momentous subject ap- 
 peared, when viewed, not at a distance, or 
 through the medium of abstract theory, but in the 
 immediate scene of action, and in close connection 
 with the direct and palpable subversion of deep 
 rooted opinions, and long established institutions. 
 What course Barbados pursued has been shown ; 
 it cannot be denied that, in several of the other 
 Islands, greater steps to amelioration on particular 
 points (as far as legislation goes) have been made ; 
 and hence, it may be inferred, an equal desire in 
 such has been felt to co-operate with the wishes 
 of His Majesty's Government, and to place them 
 also beyond the suspicion of evincing a con- 
 tumacious resistance. But, should it appear, that 
 any one of these important possessions of the 
 
 i) 2
 
 36 
 
 Empire, is considered obnoxious to the charge, 
 merely from the converse of the proposition 
 advanced, the statesman, disdaining to be in- 
 fluenced by the clamor of faction, or borne away 
 by the tide of excited feeling, will, superior to all 
 other considerations, take a firm stand, and weigh 
 well the consequences to his country, which may 
 be brought about by the power of eloquence, or 
 the influence of example, in encouraging feelings 
 of animosity or resentment. He will enter on the 
 cause with a determination to have the whole 
 case before him, and to scrutinize not merely the 
 actions, but the motives that induced them. 
 
 Without denying, or doubting, the supremacy 
 of the Imperial Parliament, it may be stated that 
 a great country, exercising all the functions of 
 legislative authority, is suddenly required by the 
 parent state to adopt experimental regulations,* 
 framed without reference to that authority, 
 without its co-operative counsel or consent, 
 without offering to that authority an opportunity 
 
 * Avowed to be experimental, and so considered by the Governor 
 of Triftidad, who, in a letter to Lord Bathurst, dated 7th May,1824, 
 thus expresses himself— "I venture to hope, that as this colony is 
 made the subject of an experiment, and the planters, and proprietors 
 of slaves, are exposed to all the risk attendant upon the trial, of an 
 uncertain measure, that His Majesty may be advised to afford some 
 boon, in the shape of special bounty, to the produce of the colony, 
 that may act as an encouragement to the planters, to cheerfully co- 
 operate in a measure, which, they now feel, exposes to danger, and 
 to risk, the property of themselves, and theii children.
 
 -»/ 
 
 of previously interposing objection, or r& 
 monstrance. So circumstanced, if those to whom 
 the protection of the rights of their countrymen 
 was confided, apprehended danger from sub- 
 mitting to the principle on which such regulations 
 were established, and even from parts of the regu- 
 lations themselves, are they to be charged with 
 contumacy for not having yielded immediate 
 and unconditional compliance ? 
 
 Might not the internal policy of that particular 
 colony, still vibrating under the effects of recent 
 internal commotion, particularly when its relative 
 situation to St. Domingo is considered, demand 
 a greater degree of caution than might be neces- 
 sary in others not so circumstanced ? Or, if se- 
 riously and conscientiously impressed with a 
 conviction of the mischievous consequences that 
 would result from engrafting into their Legisla- 
 tive Code, regulations that had a tendency to alter 
 the nature, and diminish the security of their pro- 
 perty, they deemed it right to ascertain whether 
 any assurances of compensation would be given 
 for loss that might be occasioned by their acqui- 
 escence, and received no satisfactory answer ; was 
 not such a result more calculated to strengthen 
 their doubts, than to allay their apprehensions, and 
 to make them anxious to see what effect those 
 regulations, avowedly experimental, might produce- 
 in the colonies for which they were more particu- 
 larly framed, before they ventured to adopt them
 
 38 
 
 themselves ? These reflections arise, not from 
 the design of vindicating the policy of the par- 
 ticular colony, to which they may be supposed to 
 apply — a task that will, no doubt, be undertaken 
 by ability proportionate to the subject, and the 
 magnitude of the interests at stake — but as con- 
 nected with the general purpose of this inquiry ; 
 since whatever affects the interests of one colony 
 cannot be matter of indifference to the others : 
 there is a sympathy in their political destiny, 
 which must be felt by all ; their fate is united ; — 
 if any great convulsion bursts on one, the shock, 
 like that of electricity, will spread through every 
 link of their connection, and the ruin of one, 
 would probably be followed by the destruction 
 of the rest. 
 
 It matters not to the West Indies, therefore, 
 whether the attempts,which will be made to super- 
 sede their legislative authorities, and sacrifice their 
 independence, are grounded on charges against 
 Jamaica or Barbados ; — it is the interest of one 
 and all to oppose such an attempt, come from 
 what quarter it may, or in what shape it will ; 
 since, if only partially carried, it is easy to fore- 
 see, that the consummation anticipated with such 
 furious zeal, must be accomplished. Emancipa- 
 tion, and not amelioration, is the order of the 
 day : and the only question on which there seems 
 to be any hesitation, is, whether the emancipation 
 ^hall bo gradual or immediate. As the readiest
 
 ^9 
 
 means of attaining tins purpose, it is intended to 
 extinguish the functions of the colonial Legis- 
 lative authorities. To tins view, all the writings 
 and the speeches of the enemies of the colonies 
 are directed, and appeals are made throughout 
 the united kingdom to create feelings of resent- 
 ment or indignation, endeavouring-, on grounds 
 of asserted defiance and contumacy, to justify the 
 interference, or vindicate, as it is said, the su- 
 preme and insulted authority of this country. 
 
 An eloquent statesman observed — " 1 am for 
 pursuing the slow and silent course of temperate, 
 but authoritative admonition. No feeling of 
 wounded pride — no motive of questionable expe- 
 diency — nothing short of real and demonstrable 
 necessity — shall induce me to moot the awful ques- 
 tion of the transcendental power of Parliament over 
 every dependency of the British Crown. That 
 transcendental power is an arcanum of empire, 
 which ought to be kept back within \hepenetralia 
 of the constitution. It exists, but it should be 
 veiled. It should not be produced upon trifling 
 occasions, or in cases of petty refractoriness and 
 temporary misconduct. It should be brought 
 forward only in the utmost extremity of the 
 State, where other remedies have failed to stay 
 the raging of some moral or political pestilence." 
 
 The exposition is as sound as the language is 
 dignified. To Mr. Canning it belongs, and i.-, such
 
 40 
 
 as might be imagined to have fallen from the lips 
 of a Chatham. 
 
 Can any one, who has given attention to the 
 course of action pursued by that party, which is 
 upon all occasions opposed to the interests of the 
 colonies, doubt their intentions ? Can their present 
 line of proceeding be reconciled with their former 
 declarations ; all of which, whether in reference 
 to the abolition of the Slave Trade, or ameliora- 
 tion of the condition of the slaves, uniformly 
 deprecated the idea of emancipation : but now, 
 as the great work of amelioration advances, their 
 impatience or their disappointment seems to in- 
 crease. 
 
 Deeply was the want of religious instruction 
 deplored ; yet, no sooner was a plan adopted by 
 His Majesty's Ministers for supplying the means 
 of diffusing it, than the whole scheme was de- 
 rided as inefficient — the episcopal establishment 
 ridiculed — and it was insinuated that the mi- 
 nisters of the established church did not possess 
 the requisite qualifications for imparting religious 
 instruction to the negro population. 
 
 Meanwhile the public should know, that, though 
 the course of legislative enactment may, from 
 various causes, have been impeded, the progress of 
 moral and religious improvement has been rapidly 
 advancing. Of this, abundant proof is furnished 
 by the Report of the Commission of Inquiry,
 
 41 
 
 respecting the Civil and Criminal. Justice in the 
 West Indies,* by the declaration and opinions of 
 the bishops, and by the unquestionable authority 
 of facts which speak for themselves ; — in the 
 measures, for instance, that are in progress for 
 providing places of public worship — in the insti- 
 tution of schools — and in the co-operation which 
 (without any exception) has been evinced and 
 acknowledged, in seconding the views of His Ma- 
 jesty's Government, as to the episcopal and eccle- 
 siastical establishments. Every purpose connected 
 with the question of amelioration will, it is hoped, 
 be safely and effectually accomplished, and se- 
 cured by colonial legislative authority, as far as 
 such authority can be safely exercised. With 
 regard to further or ulterior views, may the sen- 
 timent uttered by one of His Majesty's Ministers 
 never be forgotten — That " in deliberating on the 
 work of amelioration, especial care should be taken 
 not to drive the ploughshare over the rights of our 
 West-Indian fellow-subjects." It must be admit- 
 ted, that there is a point, at which the colonies will 
 be justified in making a stand, by appealing to 
 the sacred principles of justice, good faith, and 
 national integrity, for a full and explicit recog- 
 nition of their claim to compensation, in reference 
 to loss or destruction of property which may be 
 brought about by a system of interference, over 
 
 * See pages li to 18, &c. of the Report.
 
 42 
 
 which they had no control, but to which they 
 were compelled, or induced rather, by the over- 
 whelming influence of the mother country, or by 
 a reliance on her adherence to those principles, to 
 
 submit. 
 
 The period may not yet have arrived for this 
 appeal, and it will much depend on the conduct 
 of His Majesty's Ministers to retard or to accele- 
 rate it. 
 
 It matters not to the West Indian, whether the 
 dissolution of his property is effected by a sudden 
 fiat of supreme authority, or that more slow but 
 equally certain process of delapidation, which is 
 now in progress, under the mistaken motives, or 
 specious pretences of philanthropic reform. Deep 
 will be the responsibility of those, if it can be 
 supposed there are any such, who, to gratify party 
 feeling, to catch a transient puff of popularity, 
 or to answer present political interests, suffer 
 themselves to deviate from the course of public 
 duty, when these important subjects are discussed 
 in Parliament, subjects that involve the political 
 existence of the colonies, the naval power, and, 
 consequently, the proud pre-eminence and national 
 prosperity of this country. His Majesty's Mi- 
 nisters, uninfluenced, and superior to such consi- 
 derations, will, it is confidently hoped by all -who 
 are anxious to preserve the ties of relationship 
 and affection, of mutual advantage, and recipro- 
 cal support, between Great Britain and her colo-
 
 43 
 
 nies, express a more decided tone of disapproba- 
 tion, a more explicit declaration of feeling, than 
 they have yet done, to curb the restless spirit of 
 interference, which keeps the colonies in a state of 
 feverish agitation, that tends to retard rather than 
 to advance the progress of improvement, and to 
 excite all the turbulent passions of hatred and 
 discontent. 
 
 Can it be said that this is an exaggerated state- 
 ment, when we mark the progress of the temerity, 
 and witness the disclosure of the policy, manifest- 
 ed by the anti-colonial party ? — when we see the 
 fretful impatience with which not only the mea- 
 sures of the Colonial Legislatures, but of His 
 Majesty's Ministers also, are received, and the in- 
 clination displayed to usurp, as it were, the func- 
 tions of Government, in the promotion of their 
 own wild theories and visionary prospects ? 
 
 THE END.
 
 LONDON: 
 
 PRINTED BY J. BULLOCK, LOMBARD STREET, WH1TEFRIARS. 
 
 THE I ^ARY 
 
 UNTVER! ( ^ORNIA 
 
 LOS ANGELES
 
 <\WE UNIVERS/a 
 
 <rii33NVS01^ 
 
 
 CO 
 
 CO 
 
 "%j3AiNn-3\\v N 
 
 <$UIBRARY0/- 
 
 ^tUBRARYQr 
 
 ^»0J ITVJ-Jtf^ ^KM I1V3- 30^ 
 
 AtiEUNIVERto 
 
 ^•lOSANGElfj^ 
 
 ^JWSOl^ "^/Sa3AINfl-3W^ 
 
 ^OFCALIF0% 
 £5 
 
 
 ^OFCALIF0%. 
 
 mi 
 
 ^•LIBRARY*?,: 
 £? 1 id— "' ^ 
 
 ^ojitvjjo^ 
 
 ^•UBRARYQ^ 
 
 ^OJIIVDJO^ 
 
 .53AE-UMIVERS/A 
 
 <Til3DNVS0l^ 
 
 ^lOSANGElfj> 
 
 %a3AiNn-3tf^ 
 
 ^0FCAIIF(%, 
 
 y owmvs& 
 
 ^OF-CAIIFOR^ 
 
 ^Aavaain^ 
 
 s? 
 
 AWEUNIVER5/A 
 
 O 
 
 <Til3DNVS0l^ 
 
 ^lOSMEl^ 
 
 ^/HHAIM^ 
 
 «5ME-UNIVER% 
 
 ^WE-UNIVERS/A 
 
 -n 
 f 
 
 %133NVS0^ 
 
 ^IDS-ANGElfj^ 
 
 3> =3 
 
 CO 
 
 =9 
 
 "%3ain(i-3I\v n 
 
 ^clOS-ANGEL^ 
 
 "^/WHAINIHft^ 
 
 ^ILIBRARYQ^ ^t-UBRARYQr 
 
 ^OFCALIFO/?^ 
 
 ^Aavaam^ 
 
 ^AuvaaiB^ 
 
 «$UIBRARYQr 
 
 «$HIBRARY0r 
 §1 <r 
 
 .■^EUNIVER5/a *vlOS-ANCEl&* 
 
 <3" .-rm >1 <S M 
 
 
 ^OFCAIIFO% 
 
 ^OFCALIF0%, 
 
 o 
 o 
 
 ^E-UNIVERS/a 
 
 
 ^lOSANCELfj^
 
 111 Miiiiiii nr 
 
 inn in in ii ii ii i hi 1 11 1 11 mi in 
 
 AA 000 581 253 2