"■f:-r\:\',-''-> '■■■■ :.''"i'-'^.'v'>fe"''rH THE LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA RIVERSIDE • Ex Lihris : c. K. OGDEN .^^^«^^,.^: i',.-* :'t'".%*<^ ■ A , *■ I.' /J" y^-J^ .>' .1^ INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY HISTORY OF LANGUAGE IDiWC ^^1^4- INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY OF THE HISTORY OF LANGUAGE HERBERT At^ STRONG, M.A., L.L.D. PROFESSOR OF LATIN IN UNIVERSITY COLLEGE, LIVERPOOL SOMETIME PROFESSOR OF CLASSICS AT MELBOURNE UNIVERSITY WILLEM S. LOGEMAN, L.H.C. (Utri STREET 1S91 "PIUD PREFACE In the following pages an attempt has been made to enable students to grasp the main points of the contents of one of the most important philological works which have been published during the last ten or twenty years — Paul's ' Principien der Sprach- geschichte.' With this object in view, that work has been here, with more or less freedom, as the subject seemed to demand, rewritten. Though a translation of Professor Paul's book has been published by one of the authors, it has been felt that the existence of that translation did not render a work like the present superfluous, nor should a student whose interest has been awakened by the reading of these pages consider he can dis- pense with studying what Paul has written in his great work. It may be best to state in how far this and Pro- fessor Paul's book are alike, as well as in what points they differ. We have closely followed Paul in his division of the subject. Our chapters correspond in number, order, and subject with those of Paul. The views set forth in our pages are in the main those of Paul ; the vi Preface. arguments are mostly his, even in the very few cases (such as the question of the consistency and nature of the laws of sound-change) where the authors might feel inclined to differ from Paul's views. Also the order in which the various points in each chapter are discussed has been generally preserved. On the other hand, we have altered much, as we hope, in the interest of our readers. Professor Paul wrote for Germans in the first place, and secondly for such students as were able to read books like his in the original, i.e. for those who not only knew German enough to feel all the weight and import of his German examples, but who also, like most German students, could be assumed to possess a sufficiently intelligent interest in the history of the German- language to appreciate quotations of its older forms (a point which Enghshmen have unfortunately too much neglected), and who, thirdly, might be expected to be sufficiently familiar with at least some of the other languages from which he drew his quotations. Now though, in deference to a generally expressed opinion, a second edition of the translation of Paul's work is now in the press, in which all these examples have been translated, this Englishing of the illustrations will, we think, be found to be of use in but few cases.^ It is, in fact, almost invariably not so much the mere word or sentence chosen as an illustration, * And this opinion was the cause of the omission in the First Edition. Preface. vii as the peculiar form, its peculiar connotation, its peculiar construction, which is of importance. All these almost invariably disappear or differ in the translation, unless such translation be accompanied by such discussion and explanation as will bring out the meaning as an illustration of the point in question. It is self-evident that such additions in a translation could not be thought of. Moreover, Professor Paul very frequently follows the German manner of exposition : first giving us the statement of abstract principle, and then illustrative examples. Though the authors are very far from wishing to say that no English student could or would follow this style of reasoning, they believe that it is generally preferable to lead English students from the concrete to the abstract. All these considerations have led to the following deviations from Professor Paul's work. Everything has been illustrated from English wherever possible, and much also from French ; examples from other foreign languages have, as a rule, been admitted only when they illustrated some- thing new, and even then an attempt has generally been made to add such translations (literal and idiomatic) as would enable the reader to appreciate the force of the illustration, even without further knowledge of the language from which it was taken. The order of the arcfument has sometimes been inverted. viii Preface. Where what was said seemed sufficient to explain the nature and bearings of the subject of a chapter, some minor points have sometimes been omitted. They have not been omitted because they were thought unimportant, but generally because they could not be so well illustrated from English, and it was felt desir- able to economise space for a full discussion of every- thing of which English does furnish illustrations. It will consequently be found that some of our chapters differ much more than others from the corresponding ones in Professor Paul's book. But even where, from the nature of the case, we had to follow Paul closely, we have always aimed at supplying further English examples or at explaining fully the illustrations from other tongues. A word should, perhaps, be said as to the joint authorship. In all cases what the one wrote has been read by the other, and Mr. Logeman wishes more especially to acknowledge in this matter his obligations to Professor Strong for many a correction of sentences where his style might have betrayed the foreigner. Pro- fessor Benjamin Ide Wheeler has perused the greater part of the work, and supplied many apt illustrations. Several important passages are from his pen. The authors at the same time have to acknowledge their gratitude to Mr, R, H. Case, B.A., who has patiently read the whole work. It was of immense advantage to them to have the benefit of the observations of a highly cultured mind, well versed in English and its Preface. ix literature, but new to a subject like this, such as Mr. Case brought to the work. Many improvements were thus made in various places where he could show the need of fuller explanation or of a different way of expressing the matter. It may perhaps cause some surprise that we have omitted the introduction, and, unless a word in explanation of this fact were added, this omission might seem to imply but slight courtesy to Professor Paul, or respect for his emphatic statement that he considers this introduction by no means useless, nay, an integral and important part of his book. We do not at all share the opinion of some critics of Professor Paul's work, to whom he almost indig- nantly refers as having said that this introduction has no bearing upon the chapters which follow. But we do consider that the book in this our present form can be profitably studied without it, and especially that his introduction is of so general a nature that there would be no advantaofe whatever in recasting^ it; and that it can be equally well studied, and should be studied, either in the original or in the translation of Paul's own book — a work of such importance that, as we would once more insist, we do not wish our book to supersede it, but rather that our pages should cause the reader to ' ask for more ' and peruse the original work. The authors feel, of course, quite certain that their work is not final : they are but too keenly aware that X Preface. they may have overlooked important illustrations which might be drawn from English, and are quite prepared to discover that here and there they may have added sins of commission to such errors of omission. They will heartily welcome all criticism and all indications of such imperfections, and if ever the demands for the work may necessitate a second edition, they hope that it will be found that they — in the words of a well-known author of a well-known book — have spent their time since the publication of the First Edition in trying to find out those things which they ought to have put in and did not put in, and those things which they did put in and ought not to have put in. H. A. S. W. S. L. B. I. W. September i, 1890. CONTENTS CHAPTER PAGE I. On the Development of Language ... ... i II. On the Differentiation of Language ... 13 III. On Sound-Change ... ... ... ... 24 IV. Change in Word-Signification ... ... 43 V. Analogy ... ... ... ... ... 73 VI. The Fundamental Facts of Syntax ... 92 VII. Change of Meaning in Syntax ... ... 123 VIII. Contamination ... ... ... 140 IX. Original Creation ... ... ... 157 X. On Isolation and the Reaction against it 170 XI. The Formation of Nenv Groups ... 191 XII. On the Influence of Change in Function on Analogical Form.\tion ... ... ... 205 XIII. Displacement in Etymological Grouping 217 XIV. On the Differentiation of Meaning ... 226 XV. Categories: Psychological and Grammatical 23S XVI. Displacement of the Syntacticvl Distrihution 26S XVII. On Concord ... ... ... ... 285 XVIII. EcoNO.MY OF Expression ... ... ... 302 XIX. Rise of Word-Formation and Inflection 314 XX. The Division of the Parts of Speech ... 343 XXL Language and Writing ... ... 365 XXII. On Mixture in Language .. ... ... 381 XXIII. The Standard Langu.\ge ... 395 ERRATA. Page 57, line l, add 'a gulf or bay.' ,, 176, line 7, for 'iSoances ' read 'dances.' CHAPTER I. ON THE DEVELOPMENT OF LANGUAGE. It Is the province of the Science of Language to explain, as far as possible, the processes of the development of Language from its earliest to its latest stage. The observations made on these processes would naturally be registered in different historical grammars ®f different definite languages ; these grammars would folUw the different steps in the development of each single language from its earliest traditional origin to its most recent phase. Wider and m®re general observations on the processes of this development would naturally be expressed in a comparative gra^nmar, whose task would be to examine and compare the relations between cognate families of speech, the c®mm©n ©rigin «f which is l«st : but it weuld in this case be necessary t® insist that the comparisons instituted sh®uld only be between languages in the same stage ©f develepment ; ©r that the same stage of development, in each ©f the languages selected f«r comparison, sh«uld be taken for the purpose. It is the task of descriptive Gr0tiniJi«r to ascertain and record the grammatical forms and the conditions generally of a given linguistic community at a given time ; to register, in fact, all the utterances of any 2 The History of Language. [Chap. individual belonging to such community which might fall from him without exposing him to the suspicion of being a foreigner. It will naturally register its observations in abstractions, such as paradigms and rules. Now, if we compare the abstractions made at any given period of a language with those made at another time, we find that the results are different, and we say that the language has changed in certain respects : nay, we may even be able to detect a certain regularity in these changes ; as, for instance, if we note that in English every th in the third person singular present indicative of a verb is now replaced by s : but we gather by such comparisons no information as to the true nature and orio^in of these chancres. Cause and effect do not and cannot exist between mere abstractions : they exist only between real objects and facts. It is only when we begin to take account of the psychical and bodily organisms on which language depends, and to seek for relations of cause and effect in connection with these, that we are on safe ground. The true object of the Science of Language, as distinguished from Descriptive and Comparative Grammar, is the entirety of the utterances of all indi- viduals that speak ; and the relations of these utterances to each other. A full history of the development of lancfuaire would demand an exact knowledije of all the groups of sound ever uttered or heard, and of all the ideas awakened by such sound-groups and symbolised by them. The impossibility of attaining to any such knowledge is obvious ; it is, however, pos- sible for us to get a general idea of the play of the forces at work in the vast and complex series of pro- cesses involved in the development of language. A part only of these operating forces is cognisable by our senses. Speaking and hearing are two of the pro- I.] On the Development of Language. 3 cesses which can be apprehended; and, again, the ideas, or pictures, called up by language, and those which, though unspoken, pass through our consciousness, are to some extent capable of cognition. But one of the greatest triumphs of modern psychology is the proof, due to its agency, of the unconscious activity of the human mind. All that has once been present to our consciousness remains as a working factor in uncon- sciousness. Power consciously acquired by exercise in consciousness may be translated into power operating and manifesting itself unconsciously. The mind forms from the groups of ideas with which it is stored, psy- chological groups, such as sound-groups, sequences of sounds, sequences of ideas, and syntactical combinations. Strong and weak verbs, derivatives from the same root, words fulfilling identical functions, such as the different parts of speech, associate themselves into groups ; and again the plurals of nouns, their different cases, their different inflections, and even entire clauses of similar construction or similar cadence, group them- selves in the same way. These groups arise naturally, automatically, and unconsciously, and must not be confused with the categories consciously drawn up by grammarians; though the two, of course, must fre- quently coincide. These groups must obviously be in a constant state of change, some growing weaker from the fact that they are strengthened by no fresh impulse, and some being strengthened and, it may be, changed by the accession of new ideas which ally themselves therewith. It must not be overlooked also that, as each person's mind is differently constituted, the groups of his linguistic ideas will take a development peculiar to himself; even though the sources whence the groups take their rise should be identical, yet the elements 4 The History of Language. [Chap. which go to form the groups will be Introduced differ- ently and with different intensity in the case of each individual. The action of our physical organs, unaided, would be unable to bring about the development of language. The word, when once spoken, disappears and leaves no traces ; psychological activity, and this alone, con- nects the pictures of the past with the present. It must, therefore, be the task of the historian of language to give as complete an account as possible of the psychical organisms on which the production of lan- guage depends ; and the psychical organism of language in each individual is the aggregate of more or less conscious recollections of words, nay, even of entire phrases, and of their connections with certain ideas, which is lodged in his mind. It is the business of the historian of lano^uasfe to watch and examine these organisms as closely as possible : to describe the ele- ments of which they are composed, and their connec- tion with each other. A state or condition of a language at a particular period could only be described by one possessed of a full knowledge of the psychical conditions at a particular time of all the members of any linguistic community. The more fully such obser- vations as those referred to above are carried out, and the greater the number of individuals thus examined, the more nearly shall we be in a condition to give an accurate description of a state of language. Without a rigidly scrupulous examination such as we have described, it would be impossible to say how much in the language of any individual is common to all or most individuals speaking the same language, and how much is to be set down to individual peculiarity. In every case it will be found that the standard of the language governs to some extent the language of every I.] On the Development of Language. 5 individual ; but in the case of each individual there are likewise elements which do not conform to the standard or normal language, and which are, in fact, individual peculiarities. In any case, the observation of a psychical organism of language is difficult. It cannot, like the physical side of language, i.e. the sounds actually produced and even the mode of their production, be directly observed ; for it lies unseen in the mind, and is only known by its effects. Of the physical phenomena of linguistic activity, the acoustic are those which lend themselves most readily to our observation. We can make the same individual repeat sounds practically identical as often as we please ; and we can note these with more or less accuracy in proportion as our own sense of hearing is exact and developed. But as the transitions between the different sounds are so infinitely small, it follows that it must be a matter of extreme difficulty for the listener to decide whether the sounds are indeed pre- cisely the same in colour, pitch, etc. ; while, again, if it be desired to reproduce any sound, the process has to be carried out by orally repeating it and striving to reproduce it by an appeal to another's sense of hearing. We register the sounds of a language by mastering and registering the movements of the organs of speech that produce them. Alphabetical symbols are at best but very imperfect pictures of sound-groups : they are used inconsistently in most cases : and in any case even the most perfect phonetic alphabet cannot give a true and exact picture of the countless sounds in speech — sounds which require to be constantly denoted anew in every language. We can only succeed at all in regis- tering such sounds, when we are able to closely observe the sounds uttered by living individuals. But when 6 The History of Language. [Chap. we cannot do this, we must always think of the sounds which the writing is intended to represent ; and the power so to do demands some acquaintance with phonetics, and with the relation between writing and language. Thus a certain special training is necessary before we can hope to be able to gain any real know- ledge of even the physical manifestations of linguistic activity. The psychical factors in linguistic activity lie, like everything else psychical, unseen in the mind, and can therefore only be scrutinised by means of examinations made upon our own minds. In the process of watch- ing other individuals we can never perceive any other than physical results, and thus it happens that in order to acquaint ourselves with the psychical organisms of language in others, we have to watch as closely as possible the processes in our own minds, and then to classify the phenomena which we observe in the case of others by the analogy of what we observe in our own. As we both think and speak in the mother- tongue, our classifications by analogy will be easier when we have to deal with fellow-countrymen ; so too, for obvious reasons, with the living subject rather than with what has been committed to writing in the past. It will, then, be plain that the observation of any given state of language is no easy matter, owing to the manifold and complex way in which groups of ideas associate themselves in the human mind, and owing to the incessant progress of hardly perceptible sound- change. It may easily be gathered that even the most full and perfect of ordinary grammars are quite unable to portray the manner in which different ideas and groups of ideas range and classify themselves. Our grammatical system can give but the most imperfect L] On the Development of Language. 7 picture of the relationships existing between different ideas. Certain categories, for instance, are drawn up, and under one or other of these are ranged words under the name of certain parts of speech. As a matter of fact, a large proportion of words is capable of being used to fulfil the function of several parts of speech, and in no language is this more obvious than in Eno;lish. Ao-ain, we are accustomed in orammar to meet — even in the case of the Indo-European group of languages — with the same grammatical term employed to express quite different functions, as when we speak of the Latin future, and call the English future in '' I sJiaW'' or ^' I wilT' do by the same name. Again, we are accustomed, in the case of a language which has passed from the synthetic to the analytic stage, to employ the same categories, regardless of the fact that, in the analytical form of the language, new shades of meaning have found expression as they have also come into being. Again, we often define the meaning of words by their etymology, even though the ordinary speaker may have no knowledge whatever of that etymology, and a new and very different meaning may have attached itself to the word. The comparison of different epochs in the life of any lanofuag^e will enable us to draw some inferences as to its condition in the past. Of course, in proportion as the foreign factors that have made their influence felt in the regular course of the language are fewer, the simpler and more satisfactory will be the comparison. It would be impossible to reconstruct the sounds of Anglo-Saxon, for instance, from Middle English only; as it would be necessary to remember that Norman, Danish, Celtic, and other influences had been busy with the lan^ruaofe between its earlier and later staq^es. We now proceed to ask what are the causes of 8 The History of Language. [Chap. chanofe in lansfiiaofe ? And how do these causes operate ? In the first place, they operate in most instances without the consciousness of the individual. There are, indeed, a few cases in which we may say that conscious intention on the part of the individual is operative, as where a botanist coins a name for some new variety, and forces it upon all the scientific men of his circle. But it must be repeated that changes are for the most part involuntar}^ and un- conscious. It is of the essence of the life of lanQ^uaofe to unconsciously select the forms and sounds which may best serve for conveying the meaning present in the speaker's mind. The material existing and form- ing the actual stock in trade of any language may very aptly be looked upon as the survival of the fittest ; in this case, of the i7iaterial fittest to survive. If we now proceed to consider the causes of change In language, we must remember that there Is always in language a certain amount of freedom left to the individual, which Is quite independent of ordinary linguistic de- velopment. As each speaker must have certain psychical peculiarities, so must he express himself differently from every other speaker ; and If the sound-producing organs of any given speaker have any peculiarities, he will exhibit corresponding pecu- liarities In the sounds which he utters by their agency. Again, there are circumstances which must not be overlooked, like the natural tendency to imita- tion ; and the further circumstance that all attempts at imitation must necessarily be imperfect. Again, each Individual is prone to modify the sounds which he utters, through carelessness and economy of effort or laziness. Besides all this, we must reckon the effects produced by such factors as climate, which, however gradual In their operation, must still ulti- I.] On the Development of Language. 9 mately leave some effects if only time enough is allowed. The result of these displacements, if only the tendency to displacement lasts long enough and operates in one direction, is a displacement of usage. The new usage starts from the individual, and, under favourable circumstances, succeeds in becoming per- manent. There are, however, numerous other ten- dencies to displacement likewise constantly occurring which do not become permanent, because they are not consistent, and because they do not all run in the same direction. It must, then, be the task of the historian of language to endeavour to settle the relationship between linguistic usage on the one hand, and individual linguistic activity on the other ; and in order to arrive at any satisfactory conclusions on this point, it is necessary to classify, as far as we can, the different chanoes of usao-e which occur in the crrowth and development of language. It is, then, his business to trace the relationship between the different classes which he has formed, and to remember that his province is to trace connections where ordinary grammar draws lines of demarcation, bearing in mind that the steps which lead from class to class are very gradual, and that the processes leading up to the smallest variation of usage are in very few cases due to a single cause, but are generally very complicated. The gradual development In the life of language in general may be best studied in individual languages, as when we compare the English of Chaucer's day with that of our own ; and, again, in the relations of individual lanoruaqres to each other, as when we compare Spanish, for instance, with Italian, and note the different paths taken by these sister-tongues in their development from Latin. lo The History of Language. [Chap. Sound-changes come about in the individual partly from the tendencies of his own organs of speech, as when [/V] becomes [/ii^] and when one sound is habitually substituted for another, as in the case of the Russian /^eodor for T/iQodore, or the similar substitu- tion, frequent among children, in/lng for ^/img. They partly, too, depend upon the influences which each individual receives from others, as when an endeavour is made to substitute a significant for an unmeaning whole, in cases of popular etymology and the like. To this must be added the possibility of imperfect audition, and consequently of imperfect reproduction of sounds. These influences are mostly operative and easiest of observation at the time that language is being learnt, i.e. most commonly during the time of infancy. To watch such processes as a particular language is being learnt must always be very instructive for the explanation of variations in the usages of language in general. These changes in usage may of course be classi- fied in various ways, but there is one important point which should be noted : the processes may either consist in the creation of what is new or in the dis- appearance of what is old ; or, lastly, in the replace- ment of the old by the new in a single act, which is the process seen in sound-change. In the case of word-significations, the processes of change consist either in the disappearance of the old or in the appearance of the new. But these processes are in trutli very gradual. A word may be perfectly intelligible with a certain meaning in one generation, and in another generation may be obsolete and not understood : but there will none the less have been an intervening generation, some members of which under- ^ See Sweet, History of English Sounds, p. 17. I.] OxNT THE DkVELOPMEiNT OF LANGUAGE. I I Stood the meaning attached to the word or phrase by the former generation, while some only imperfectly understood it. Again, we may classify changes in usage according to whether sounds or significations are affected. The sounds chancre without the siofnification beincr altered, as in the numerous words in Chaucer which as yet clearly retained their French pronunciation. Again, the signification is affected without any change affecting the sound, as in the case of metaphorical uses of a word, such as a crane, used alike for the bird and the lifting machine; etc. Thus it is that we arrive at the two classes of change : sound-change and change in signification ; not that the two kinds are mutually ex- clusive — they may both occur together, as in our ozue, from A.S. dgan, to possess. But the two kinds of change are independent in their origin and their de- velopment ; neither is caused by the other. There is, however, an important class of cases in which Sound and Meaning develop simultaneously ; these are the original creations of language ; and we must suppose the entire development of language to rest upon this primitive combination. We must con- ceive the original utterances in language to have been the imitation of various natural cries and sounds, aided and interpreted by gesticulation. Then comes a stage in which the sound-groups already existing in language develop on the basis of this original creation. They develop in this way mainly by the influence of analogy, which is itself an imitative faculty and plays a larger part where sound and signification are united than in the department of pure sound. The principles of which we have spoken must be held applicable to all languages at all stages of their development. When once language had originated, it must have developed solely in the 12 The History of Language. [Chap. i. way we have indicated. The differences between early and later stages of language are merely differences of degree and not of kind. It must also be noticed that we must not sharply separate the grammatical and the logical relations of language, as if they were in no way connected. Gram- matical rules are simply convenient descriptions of the most ordinary and striking ways in which a language expresses itself at a particular time. But the groups of ideas in the mind of a speaker are constantly forming themselves anew, and finding expression in forms which do not tally with actual and received linguistic expres- sion, and, as they change, give rise to so-called irregu- larities of grammar. The philologist must therefore discard neither the linguistic processes which are described and registered by grammar, nor the psychical ones which manifest themselves in speaking and hear- ing, but are not represented in linguistic expression, and yet are always operative in the direction of change in Langruao^e. CHAPTER II. ON THE DIFFERENTIATION OF LANGUAGE. The most elementary study of Comparative Philology teaches us that from a language which, in all essentials, may be considered one uniform tongue, there have frequently sprung several others ; and that these, in their turn, have parted into new dialects or distinct languages. This process has been usually com- pared to that which we see operative in the growth and development of organic nature ; and the relation- ship between various languages has often been ex- pressed by the terms applicable to the human family. Latin, for instance, is called the parent of French, Spanish, Portuguese, and the other Romance dialects ; English and Dutch are called ^/jr/rr- tongues, while the last-named pair may be called coicsins of German. The comparison implied by such use of these terms is in the main correct ; but it would be more exact to illustrate the relationship between languages from the language of Botany : we might consider the language of each individual speaker as the parallel of the in- dividual plant, and compare the various dialects, languages, and families of languages, to the varieties, species, and classes of the vegetable kingdom. Even then our simile is but partially applicable, and a careful consideration of how far it holds good, and where and 14 The History of Language. [Chap. when it becomes misleading, will be found instructive to a student of language. It is now an admitted truth in Zoology as well as in Botany that nothing but the individual plant or animal has any real existence, and that all our species or classes are merely convenient and useful, but always arbitrary, abstractions. The difference between two primroses is not as great as that between a primrose and, e.g., a daisy, it is true ; but the differences between these pairs are merely differences in degree, and not in kind. When we classify or arrange in groups, we select some characteristic and thereby give it a certain pre-eminence over others. All individuals that possess this characteristic are accordingly ranged upon one side, and all that do not possess it are ranged upon the other. If the characteristic has been well chosen, our classification will be rational, but will none the less remain arbitrary ; and very often — nay, nearly always — the choice of any other quality or characteristic as the principle of classification will be found to involve a different grouping. It is the same wath language. Strictly speaking, there exist as many distinct languages as there are individual speakers. These millions of languages, however, fall naturally into groups, whose component individual parts differ but very little from one another, though no two of them are exactly alike. Now, in order to decide whether the language of any one individual belongs to some particular group, we must select one or more particular characteristics, by which to test its claim ; and, our selection made, we shall often find ourselves excluding some language whose inclusion would have resulted from any other test than the one selected. The difficulty is much increased when we come to range our groups into dialects, or to classify II.] On the Differentiation of Language. 15 the latter among or around languages (using that term again in its conventional sense) ; and, again, to arrange lanfjuac^es into families. At no sinofle moment do we find all the individuals of any nation, community, or group of human beings, speaking the same language in the strict sense of the expression ; and thus, if we say that a language has broken up or separated into several dialects or into various new languages, we give a very inadequate description of what has really happened. It would be truer to state that amongst any given group of individual languages, the difference, once slight, between its vari- ous members has grown to such an extent that we can no longer conveniently class these members together. In the next place, our comparison will also hold good in the following point. The nature and develop- ment of the individual animal depends upon two things — descent and environment. Animals, the offspring of similar parents, resemble one another in all essen- tials : they are, however, not absolutely alike, and their individual peculiarities and development depend largely on surroundings, such as climate, food, etc., — influences which, as might be expected, make them- selves felt most strongly in infancy. Again, it is the same in language. Speech is ac- quired by imitation, and those who speak to the child may be considered its linguistic parents. The special bodily and mental idiosyncrasies of the child take the place of the accidental surroundings to which refer- ence has already been made. No two children hear precisely the same words spoken by the very same persons and exactly the same number of times ; no two parents and no two children are, in mind and body, exactly alike. From the beginning there is a differ- ence, small though it may be, between the linguistic 1 6 The History of Language. [Chap. surroun dings of any two individuals ; and the develop- ment depends upon personal peculiarities, which, from a linguistic point of view, may be called accidental. It appears, then, that our attention is engaged at the very outset of our linguistic inquiry, not merely by the fact that differences arise in the lansfuasfe of indi- viduals, but more especially by the question why these differences are not even greater and more rapid in their development than they prove to be. We must seek an explanation not merely of the nature of the forces tending to differentiate the individual languages, but also of those which counteract such forces, and whose influence is exerted towards uni- formity and the conservation of such unity as exists. Yet if our comparison be sufficiently correct in two such important points, we must not forget that in one point at least there is an essential difference between the origin of species in the animal world and the differentiation of languages. We saw that with descent in the animal world we must compare linguistic descent, which latter term implies that a child's language is acquired by imitation from the speakers surrounding him. The language of the community in which the child grows up is the parent of his speech. Now, it is evident that in the animal world the influence of descent, powerful factor though it be, is still limited, inasmuch as the direct effect of the parent's influence ceases at a fixed point. In language, on the other hand, the influence of the liiigtiistic parent is permanently at work : strongest during infanc}'', it diminishes in force indeed, but never entirely ceases to make itself felt. Again, the animal owes its birth to a single pair only, while in language an indefinite number of speakers co-operate to pro- duce the new individual. Moreover, as soon as a IL] On the Differextiatiox of Language. 17 child acquires any speech at all, it becomes in its turn a member of the community and affects the language of others. Its speech is consciously or unconsciously imitated by those from whom it learned and is still learning ; and thus, in language, parents may be said to become the children of their own offspring. Differentiation of language is, of course, impossible unless usage alters ; but it would be incorrect to con- clude that differentiation must necessarily be greater as the variation in usage is more violent. There is no a prioi'i reason why a large group of individuals, who at any given moment speak what may be con- sidered to be one and the same language, should not alter their usage all in the same manner. Yet, if we remember that each individual has his own peculi- arities, and that, while each acquires his speech by imitating others, such imitation is never perfect, we shall readily understand that language must change from generation to generation, even were other causes not present to promote such changes ; and, in fact, that differences will and must arise. Alteration and differentiation are unavoidable ; and it is intercourse between the members of a community or a nation which can alone keep these within bounds. The alterative forces are more free to exert their influence in proportion as such intercourse is restricted. If we could imagine a large country where the intercourse between the inhabitants was of perfectly equal intensity throughout, we might expect to find the language of each individual differing but imper- ceptibly from the respective languages of his neigh- bours ; and, though the tongues spoken at opposite extremities might show a wide divergence, it would be impossible to arrange the individual varieties into dialectical groups ; for the speech of each man would c i8 The History of Language. [Chap. be some intermediate stage between tlie individual tongues on either side. But such equal intensity of intercourse exists nowhere over any considerable area. Geographical, political, commercial influences, sepa- rately or combined, erect barriers or overcome them ; and peculiarities of speech which, arising at one place, Spread over others, are yet confined within certain limits. These peculiarities, then, will clearly dis- tinguish those dialects of individuals which partake of them from such as ^do not ; and consequently we shall have distinct limits for grouping the dialects spoken by separate individuals into those spoken by separate districts — that is to say, into what is most commonly understood when we speak of * dialects.' All would now be simple and easy if lines of de- marcation thus arrived at were found to coincide with whatever peculiarities or characteristics we happened to choose for our criteria. But the fact is that groups which would be classed together in view of some special points of resemblance will fall asunder when other points are considered as essential characteristics ; for the spread of characteristics derived from inter- course with one district must frequently be checked and thwarted by intercourse with another district that does not share the same tendency. Thus, if we make use of the letter a to indicate a group of individuals speaking a tongue essentially identical, employing d for another such group, c for a third, and so on, then a and b may very possibly correspond in usage or pronunciation in some point, x, in which both may differ from c, while a and c, but not I), will be found to agree in y. In yet a third point, ,3', in which they both differ from a, etc., b and c may agree ; whilst a, b, c and other groups may very well have points, zo, t, etc., in common with one another IL] On the Differentiation of Language. ig and with d or e, and in these same points will differ from /I On the other hand, y may agree in some other points with (7, in some with d, in some with c, etc. It is unnecessary to dwell further on this. We see plainly that as different alterations have a different extent and different lines of demarcation, the crossings of groups and resemblances may be expected to be- come of infinite complexity. But if, further, we suppose the differentiation be- tween a, b, and c to be already so great that we may regard these as separate dialects, yet it is by no means impossible that a tendency to some alteration should make itself felt in each of them, or that, having arisen in one, the peculiarity should spread over all. It follows from this consideration that any peculiarity shared by all or many dialects of a language is not necessarily older than one which characterises only a few, though, of course, that such will be the case is the natural assumption. Nor are the most strongly marked characteristics, by whose means we now distinguish existing dialects, and according to which we range them into groups, necessarily older than those which we overlook in •deciding these mutual relationships. To instance this, we may refer to the various Teutonic dialects, which undoubtedly had many marked differences long before the process of sound-shifting began. It was some time in or near the seventh century a.d. when some of these dialects commenced to substitute/ for b, t for dy k for g; t became ts (.-), k became //, / became / or pf, and in some cases b and g were substituted for the sonant fricatives v and g} This change or sound- shifting was in progress during something like two ' As pronounced, eg.., in Dutch \;aan. This sound does not inow exist in Eusflish. 20 The History of Language. [CHAr. centuries, and it is according to the extent of their participation in this that we classify the various dialects as High German, Middle German, and Low German, respectively. We consequently class as Low German three dialects which otherwise present very strongly marked differences : the Frisian, the Saxon, and in part the Franconian, the case of which last is especially instructive. The Franconian dialect did not as a whole partici- pate in the changes to which we have alluded above. Only the more southern part of the Franconian tribe adopted the sound-shifting, in common with other southern tribes which spoke distinctly different dialects. Consequently, adhering to our above-mentioned prin- ciple of classification, we must class the so-called Zt>7i'" Franconian in a group totally distinct from that in which the High Franconian must be placed, notwith- standing the fact that in other respects these dialects have preserved many important resemblances. It would also be incorrect to regard dialects which have become more strongly differentiated than others as having necessarily become so at an earlier date. The widest divergence is not necessarily the oldest, for circumstances may arise to facilitate the widening of a recent breach, as they may, on the other hand, arise to prevent a slight divergence of long standing from becoming a gap of importance. If two groups, « and b, are differentiated, and yet keep up sufficient inter- course, they may very well remain similar, though not equal, during a very long period ; while a subdivision of a, which circumstances only affecting a minority in that group have separated later, may develop a rapidly increasing divergence between its small community on the one hand, and the remaining members of a to- gether with the whole of b on the other. II.] On the DlFI-ERKNTlATlON OF LANGUAGE. 2 1 One more lesson resultinc^ from the foregoing con- sideration is the following. It is too often assumed as a matter of course that the speech of districts lying between others that possess strongly differentiated lan^ruaws is the result of the contact and commixture of the two latter. Such possibility is indeed not denied ; it, in fact, often occurs ; but the alternative supposition that the mixture is a survival of some intermediate dialect is equally possible, and must not be forgotten. It is clear that what we now call languages are merely further developments of dialects ; but here once more we may easily err by assuming too much. If we find two distinct languages, it does not neces- sarily follow that they have passed through a stage in which they were two dialects, distinct indeed, but differing to a less extent than at present. Indicat- ing dialects by a and b, and languages by A and B, we must not conclude, on meeting with the two latter, that A must have inevitably originated from a, and B from b. It is quite possible that both A and B may have arisen from (say) a alone ; and of this possibility Anglo-Saxon and its descendant jNIodern English furnish a clear instance. The dialect spoken by the invaders differed, if at all, in a very slight degree from the Frisian {a), which followed a regular course of development in its ancestral home. But the language of the invaders (which, in view of its identity or close resemblance with the Frisian, we may also call a) had in the British Islands a different history and a different development. It was rapidly differentiated, and one of its dialects became a literary language, distinct in every point from its sister-tongue. Thus the modern representative of Frisian (^7), and our present literary 2 2 The History of Language. [Chap. English (B) are found to have sprung- from one source (a) alone. The consideration of this case leads us to our next point. In all the foregoing cases we presupposed that the speakers of the individual language or of the group-languages were on the whole stationary. We need not here indicate at length the effect upon a community of Its migration into regions where other languages are jDrevalent. The result is commonly a mixed language: and the subject of so-called mixed languages we reserve for another chapter : here we need only remind the student that by such migrations the connection of the language of the emigrants with that of other communities of similar speech Is loosened, and the action of differentiating forces, which thus acquire free and unrestricted play, must necessarily be augmented. The criterion for distinction of dialects among a community of individual languages is, and must be, their phonetic character. Vocabulary and syntax are easily and generally maintained, or, If anything new arises, It may possibly spread over wide areas ; but differences of pronunciation and peculiarities of utterance do not necessarll}^ result from the borrowing of new terms. For instance : a community which pronounces a of father as aw {i.e. like a In all) will do so even when borrowing a word from some dialect in which the pure a is usual. In conclusion, we must not omit to combat an error too often repeated in books on language which enjoy a reputation otherwise well-deserved. It is a com- mon notion that the tendency to differentiation is, as civilisation advances, replaced by one towards unifi- cation ; in proof of which we are reminded of the one II.] On the Differentiation of Language. 23 uniform literary language which, among the educated members of a nation, replaces the various provincial dialects. But this literary language is by no means a regular and natural development of the pre-existing dialects. One of these, favoured by circumstances political or literary, obtains a supremacy which causes its adoption by those Avho would otherwise ignore it and continue to speak the dialects of their own provinces, counties, or districts. Hence it is in a certain sense a foreign tongue to them, and though in course of time it may come to replace the indigenous dialect of any district, so that scarcely a trace of the latter remains, it would be misleading to say that this dialect has developed into a language before which it has in reality disappeared. CHAPTER III. ON SOUND-CHANGE. Language is in a constant state of change ; and the changes to which it is subject fall under two very- different heads. In the first place, new words find their way into a language, whilst existing words become obsolete and drop out of existence : and, secondly, existing words remain, but gradually alter their pronunciation. It is the] second of these phenomena which we have to study in this chapter ; and a clear idea of its nature, origin, and progress is indispensable to any real knowledge of philology. To gain this idea we must carefully consider the processes which occur when we speak. We have to take note of no less than five elements, all of which are present each time that we utter a sound, and these should be carefully distinguished. In the first place, whether we break silence and begin to speak, or proceed in the course of speaking to any particular sound, our vocal organs must move towards a certain position, in which they must remain during the time of the utterance of the sound. This is equally true whether they are set in motion after a period of rest, or after a position rendered necessary by their utterance of some other sound. Let us take, for instance, the sound which in the word Chap. III.] On SoUND-CllANGE. 25 father we represent by the letter a. In pronouncino^ this WORD we bkhin by putting our lips, toni^^ue, vocal chords, etc., all in such a position that, on the breath passing through them or coming into contact with them, the sound represented by f is produced ; and as long as the vocal organs remain in that position, nothing but/" can be pronounced. In order, then, to pronounce the a sound, we must alter the position of our vocal organs : our vocal chords must be approxi- mated, our lips relaxed, our mouth opened wider, until the a position is attained. It is clear that the course which we take to reach our goal depends not merely upon the position of that goal, but likewise upon the point whence we start to reach it. Hence the course whereby we reach this a position will vary constantly and considerably, seeing that in our utterance of the a sound we can and do cause many other sounds to precede it. But all these movements agree in one respect, that they terminate in a certain position, which we maintain as long as the a sound lasts. Secondly, we must notice that this position is maintained only by a certain balance of the tension in the various muscles of our tongue, throat, lips, etc. ; and this tension, though we may not indeed be conscious of it, we feel. Thirdly, wc keai^, more or less exactly, the sound which we produce. Fourthly, this feeling and this sound, like every physical occurrence in which we actively or passively participate, leave behind them in our mind a certain impression. This impression, though it may indeed disappear and sink beneath the level of consciousness, remains nevertheless existent, is strengthened by repetition, and can, under certain conditions, be again recalled to consciousness. We consequently come 26 The History of Language. [Chap. gradually to acquire a j^ermanent mental impression of both feeling and sound. There is formed in our mind what we may call the memory-picture of the position ; and Fifthly, there is likewise formed *a memory- picture ' of the sound. It will be readily seen that of these five ' elements ' only the last two are permanent, and that they, and they only, are psychical. In every individual case of sound-utterance, all that is physical is momentary and transitory. We abandon the position ; the correspond- ing tensions make way for others ; the sound dies away : but the memory-pictures alike of position and sound remain in our mind. There is no physical con- nection between our utterances of the ' same ' sound, or word, or phrase ; there is only a psychical connec- tion : and this reposes upon the two elements which we have already called the memory-pictures of sound and position respectively, A word must be added on the nature of the asso- ciation existing between these two. This association, however intimate it may be, is cxtcriial only ; there is no necessary psychical connection between any sensa- tion of vibration in our organs of hearing and any other sensation of tension in the muscles of our vocal organs. If we gained the first-named sensation again and again from hearing others speak, yet we should still be unable to imitate them at once, even though, for whatever reason, we had set our vocal organs repeatedly in the same position. But the fact that when we ourselves utter a sound w^e also hear it, associates the physical sensations of sound with those of position, and this invariably ; and it thus happens that the respective memory-pictures of the two are left closely associated in our mind. HI.] Ox SOUND-CIIAXCE. 2'] When we speak of these movement- and sound- pictures as h'ngcring- or as existing in our memories, it is not impHed that we are necessarily conscious of their existence. On the contrary, the speaker, under ordinary circumstances, is wholly unconscious of them : nor has he anything like a clear notion of the various elements of sound which together make up the spoken word, or it may be the sentence, which he utters. It would seem as though the art of writing and spelling, which presupposes some analysis of the sound of words, proved that the speaker, if capable of spelling and writing, must have at least some notion of those elements. But very little consideration will suffice to prove the contrary. In the first place, strictly speak- ing, it is absolutely impossible to denote in writing all the various elements of sound which combine to form any word or sentence. A word, however correctly and grammatically spelt, does not consist merely of those sounds which we symbolise in our writing. In reality it consists — or at least the syllable consists — of an unbroken series of successive sounds or articulations, and of this series, even if we spell 'phonetically,' our letters represent at best no more than the most clearly distinguished points ; whereas, between these sounds so symbolised by our letters, there lie an indefinite number of transition sounds, of which no writer or speller takes any notice. The above is true in the case of languages like Spanish, Portuguese, Italian, and German, where the spelling is more or less consistent : much more is it true in the case of Enorlish or French, with their irrational and puzzling inconsistencies. A child which learns that it must represent the sound of the word but by letters to be called respectively bee-you-tea, or the word tJioiigh by letters nick-named tea-aitch-o-you- 28 The History of Language. [Chap. gee-aitch, does not receive a lesson in separating the sound-group represented by the letters btU into its three, or the sound-group represented by though into its two (or three) elements. Even in the more correctly spelt languages, there are numerous discrepancies between the spoken and written word, which, until they are pointed out to him, escape the attention of the native speaker or writer. In English, some instances may be here considered. Not a few English people are quite surprised when they are informed that they have two distinct ways of pronouncing ///, or of pronouncing x : the /h ' hard,' as in /hi?i, and 'soft,' as in then; the x like ks, as in execution (eksekyushion), and like gz, as in executive (egzekyutiv), exact (egzakt), example (egzampl). And there are fewer still who have ever noticed that in income many pronounce no n at all, but the same guttural and nasal sound as terminates king. Can is frequently pronounced c^'an, with a distinct h sound after the c, without the speaker being aware of it ; and the same holds good of similar words. Again, none but the trained observer knows that the k in keen is pronounced differently (more to the front of the mouth) from the k (represented by c) in cool ; but the fact that perhaps more than all excites incredulous wonder is that the sound i is no vowel, but a diphthong, as may be proved by dwelling on it. The speakers to whom these facts are new may nevertheless all be perfectly correct speakers : no doubt they pronounce the elements of the word ; but they have probably never paid any attention to the nature of these elements, or at least have not beeun to do so till loner after the utterance became habitual and natural. If, then, we speak without consciousness of the separate sounds, much more are we completely uncon- III.] On Sound-Change. 29 scious of the uiovcnients of our vocal organs. It is onl)' very recently that these movements have been care- fully investigated, and the results of the science of phonetics are in very many respects as yet sub jiidicc, while even the most superficial knowledge of the sub- ject can only be attained by a conscious and careful effort of attentioh, and by the exercise of much patience in the observation of our precise actions when speaking. It is only the trained observer who can at all follow these movements as he makes them, and even he does not so follow them generally, but thinks of the sense of his words as he speaks, and not of the way in which they are produced. Moreover, even assuming that the speaker en- joyed a far higher degree of consciousness, both of phonetic elements and of phonetic movement while he is acquiring- the faculty of speech, it would none the less remain true that in the ordinary course of word- utterance these facts remain outside the speaker's consciousness. A precisely parallel instance can be observed in the case of a pupil learning to play the piano or violin. At first every movement he makes is the result of a separate and conscious act of volition ; but soon practice, the repetition of conscious action, so much facilitates the playing of scales, arpeggios, etc., that the rapidity of their execution quite precludes all possibility of the bestowal of separate thought, even of the shortest duration, upon each individual note in suc- cession. It is necessary at the outset to insist on this fact of the speaker's unconsciousness, both of the elements of sound which make up the word, and of the movements of his vocal organs; for. once fully grasped, it will guard against an error which is too prevalent, viz. that sound-change is the result of conscious voli- tion in those who speak. 30 The History of Language. [Chap. But though the movements necessary for production of sounds are performed unconsciously, they are by no means beyond control; to illustrate which fact we may once more recur to the parallel instance of the piano- player. Like him, the speaker controls his work by listening to its result : but the player strikes either the right note or the wrong, and, unlike him, the speaker may vary his utterance in one direction or another without serious error ; he is not considered to make a MISTAKE unless the dift'erence between his present utterance and that which is usual exceeds a certain limit. In this respect, the violin-player resembles the speaker more closely. They both appeal to their sense of hearing in order to decide on the correctness or otherwise of the sound produced, and the control they can exercise over that sound is exactly proportional to their delicacy of ear. Up to certain limits, the varia- tions are too small to be perceived by the ear, but beyond these control becomes possible. The slight differences In pronunciation or sound do not yet, however, necessarily expose the speaker (or player) to the charge of incorrect utterance (or performance), and consequently, though he perceives the change, he pays little or no attention to it. He only then corrects him- self or guards against repeating the ' mistake,' when the change In sound passes those limits which cannot be transgressed without detriment to what In music we term ' harmony,' or what in language we term ' correct- ness of utterance.' It commonly happens that these limits are wider than the limits of perception referred to above, more especially In the case of the speaker. A wider licence Is accorded to the term ' correctness ' in speech than Is accorded to It in harmony. While, then, control is theoretically and practically limited, the possibility of variation is unlimited. Take, III.] On Sound-Change. 31 for instance, the case of the vowels. All the possible sounds and variations from u (pronounced as 00 m cool) to i {= cc m/cel) may be said to form one uninterrupted series. In this series we distinguish only some of the most important varieties. When we pronounce 71, the lips are rounded, and the tongue is drawn back and raised at the back of the mouth : if we pass from ?/ to ?', the lips are unrounded, and assume the shape of a narrow and much elongated ellipse, while the tongue is pushed forward with its back depressed and the fore- part (the blade) raised. While this change is going on, the mouth never assumes a position with which we could not produce some vowel or other, but the differ- ence in acoustic quality between any two ' neighbour- ing ' vowels would not always be such that we should regard them as distinct or different sounds. On our way from u to /, we pass through the positions for the o (oa) in eoa/, the in £-od, the a in father, the c in net, the c {a) in hare, the t in pit ; but between these there lie an indefinite number of possible shades of sound, and every one knows how differently various speakers of the same community pronounce what we call the same vowel. So, too, we need but little atten- tion to notice distinct occasional variations, at different moments, in the same speaker. If, then, one and the same speaker okcnpcjreptibiy (though unintentionally) varies his pronunciation, we may be perfectly sure that his mode of utterance will vary at different times within those limits where the divercjence — thoucrh existinof — is not noticed. As with the vowels, so it is, though not so completely, with many consonants and series of consonants. The student who is unacquainted with phonetics should pronounce cool and kee7i one after the other, or better still coo and hee, getting rid of the final consonants. He will have no difficulty in noticing the 32 The History of Language. [Chap. difference between the two /- sounds, the first of which requires a much more backward position than the second for its pronunciation. After a Httle practice, he will be able to pronounce the first (back) k with the ce vowel, and the second (forward, palatal) k with oo. Now, between these two sounds of /' there is a whole series of intermediate ones, and, if this series be followed in the direction of the palatal /' and then continued beyond it, we soon reach the articulation of the palatals proper, and pass, without any appreciable gap, to the linguo-dentals : first to the / which, in words like the French indtier, sounds so much like q in the form in(fqiLiej' (as the French Canadians actually pronounce it) ; and next to our own /, and to the usual French /, which is pronounced more to the front with the tip of the tongue against the roots of the teeth. Similarly, because perfect though slight closure is not remote from extreme narrowing, we can pass in a practically unbroken series from energetic / to laxly uttered y^ from /' to the guttural fricative of German acJi — a sound which English, in its modern form, no longer possesses, — etc. As we noticed in the instance of /', and as every one more easily perceives in the case of the vowels, two sounds essentially different in articulation and in acoustic character are often, in daily speech, accepted as identical, more especially where the difference is not oreat enouijh, or is not of a nature to cause ambi- guity of meaning. If, for instance, there existed words in the English language alike in all respects but that the one began with the k of cool and the other with the k of keen, and if these words had different mean- ings, every Englishman would be aware of the exist- ence of two sounds, which he would most likely indicate by two different letter-signs. As it is, the III.] On Sound-Change. 33 difference between the two remains unnoticed, and the choice between them depends upon the vowel which follows. If, then, in the ordinary course of speaking, a * back ' k is pronounced a little more forward, or a palatal /• more to the back, no notice will be taken of it, unless the variation oversteps a certain limit and, as a consequence, the unusual articulation sounds strange. Similarly, for the formation of /, the position of the tongue may be varied to a very great extent, and yet, though something unusual in the sound .may be appre- hended, the result will always be perceived as a /. We must now once more emphasise the fact that the memory-picture of the sound, and the (uncon- scious) memory-picture of the movement and position, and these two alone, connect the various utterances of any sound or sound-group, and decide its character, and the appreciation of speaker and hearer to its correctness. These memory-pictures and their nature and growth are therefore of the highest importance. They are the results of all preceding cases of utterance, of whicJi, Jioiucvcr, the last ahuays has the greatest infliiencc. Every variation in pronunciation entails a variation in the memory-picture ; and this, small as may be the change, is cumulative and permanent, unless the dif- ferent deviations happen to balance one another exactly. Now, in the main this will be the case when the speaker finds himself amid his usual surroundings, and w^here no external causes co-operate to impel his deviations into one direction rather than into another :• but let us suppose him transferred to another com- munity, and brought in contact with a certain pro- nunciation habitual there and novel to him. Mis memory-picture of the sound is made up of his own pronunciation and of what he hears from others. At D 34 The History of Language. [Cjiap, first the new pronunciation strikes him as new, and tivo pictures stand side by side in his mind. If, how- ever, the difference be not too great, these soon blend, and, the former one fading while the other constantly gains in force, his pronunciation becomes influenced without his own knowledge ; he pronounces more and more like the surrounding speakers, and every time he does so his memory-picture of position gets slightly altered (always in the same direction) until nothing but conscious effort of memory or renewed intercourse with former surroundings can recall the one thus lost. The same thing happens essentially and effectually,, though the change is slower and less violent, where external causes favour deviation in any special direction amongst an entire community. As far as the nature of the effect goes, it can make no difference whether we consider the case of a man entering a new com- munity to find there a pronunciation which differs from his own, or that of an entire community which alters its existing pronunciation. But the process will go on much more slowly in the latter case, since it has to operate in a number of individuals, and the steps by which each of them proceeds are in ordinary cases imperceptibly small. Of all causes which may tend to alter our pro- nunciation in any special direction, facility of utterance is the most conspicuous and the most easily understood. There are, in all probability indeed, several others : climate, habits of diet, etc., all seem to have some effect, but no one has as yet been able to explain how they operate. Even ease of pronunciation is not yet thoroughly understood in all its bearings. We must not forget that ease is something essentially subjective, and that the memory-pictures of movement and sound and the attempt at correct reproduction of the usual III.] On Sound-Change. oo movement and sound are the main factors, while the striving after faciHty of utterance is a very subordinate one. Yet there is no doubt whatever that in a number of instances the new pronunciation is easier than its predecessor : we now say last instead of latst, examples of which earlier form may be found in the Ormulum, for instance. Similarly, best is easier than bctst, impossible than iiipossiblc ; and we may refer also to the numer- ous words still written with a gh which is no longer pronounced. In the word knight, the k was formerly sounded before the n, and the gh represents a sound which may still be heard in the German word knecht ; and, in fact, all spellings like know, gnat, night, thottgh, etc., with their numerous mute letters, represent older and undoubtedly more laborious pronunciations. That all these sounds have been dropped has unquestionably facilitated the utterance of the words, and there is a similar gain of ease in all the well-known instances of complete or partial assimilation in all languages. So in Italian otto for Latin octo, Latin accendo for adccndo, etc. When, however, we come to estimate the com- parative facility of separate single sounds, or even many combinations, we find ourselves as yet without any certainty of result or fixed standard. Much that has been advanced is individual and subjective : all depends on practice ; and this practice we acquire at an age when we are as yet wholly unable to form or pronounce an opinion on any question. In fact, most of our facility of speech comes to us in infancy. But whatever the cause, we now understand that the memory-picture of movement and position is shift- ing and unstable in its very nature. Unless the majority of pronunciations around us all alter in the same direction, the ^6'//W-picture does not alter, and it 36 The History of Language. [Chap. exerts a retarding control upon the rapidity with which our position-picture, and therewith our own pronun- ciation, might otherwise do so. Here, however, we must draw attention to the fact that we spoke of the majority of pi'ominciations around us and not of speakers. For our sound-picture the number of per- sons from whom we hear a word is immaterial ; it is the number of times we hear it pronounced that is alone of importance. All that we have hitherto said has had reference to changes of pronunciation in the same speaker, and in this case alone can we speak of alteration or change in the strict sense of the word. But when we say that 'a language has altered,' we use the term in a wider sense, and include the case when one generation is found to use a new pronunciation in place of one current at a former time ; when, in fact, it would be strictly correct to say that an old pronunciation has died out, and that the new one — created instead — differs more or less from that which was its model. A child, in learning to speak, attempts to imitate the sound it hears ; and, as long as the resulting imitation sounds sufficiently correct, any small peculi- arity of pronunciation is generally overlooked. In such a case, therefore, the child acquires a movement or position-picture which at once materially differs from that of the former generation. We all know by experience that sounds are difficult to * catch,' and we must remember that the vocal organs may undergo certain variations in position without producing a correspondingly large difference in acoustic effect ; ^ ^ This factor in the change of language (which has only recently received investigation) cannot here be dwelt upon, as readers who have not studied phonetics would be unable to follow the argument. Such should at once endeavour to obtain at least a mastery of the III.] On Sound-Change. ^y and further, that any sound produced by a particular position of the vocal organs has a tendency to change in a different direction and at a different rate from the course which would seem natural to the same sound if it had been produced by a different position of the vocal organs. If, then, we speak a word to a child, and if the child utters it (a) with a slightly altered pronunciation, and {p) with an articulation which differs from that which WE should naturally employ to produce the pronunciation which the child gives to the word, then two comparatively important steps upon the path of change have already been taken. And thus it is clear that, though changes in language are constantly and imperceptibly occurring throughout the whole life of the individual speaker, yet their rise is most likely and their progress is most rapid at the time when language is transferred from one generation to another. The above, however, will not explain all the changes which words have undersfone. There are some which have hitherto resisted any other explanation than this : they appear as the results of repeated errors of utter- ance, which errors, owing to particular circumstances attending each case, must have been committed by several or by most of the speakers of the same linguistic community. Such are — (i) Metathesis, i.e. where two sounds in the same word reciprocally change their positions, whether they are {a) con- tiguous or {b) separated by other sounds. Of the elements of phonetics, without which they cannot possibly under- stand many of the problems with which we have here to deal, and all should then read the very interesting article on Phonetic Compen- sations, by C. ^\'. Grandgent and G. S. Sheldon of Harvard Uni- versity, in ^Modern Language Notes, June, iSSS, No. 6, pp. 177-187. 38 The History of Language. [Chap. first kind we have Instances in the Ano-lo-Saxon forms asciaii and axian, both of which occur in extant docu- ments, and also survive in the verb ask and the provincial equivalent aks. Cf. also the form bi'idy found in Chaucer, for bii'd [e.g. ' Ne sey I neuer er now no drid ne best.' — Squire's Tale, 460), and, vice versa, dz'rde for dri'de [e.g. Piers Plowman, 3, 14: ' Se Justices somme Busked hem to ^e boure ^ere -Se birde dwelled '). Again, we may compare the English bourn, Scotch bum, with Dutch b7'-o}i, German bnuincni A.S. irnan and rinnan, both meaning to run, and irn^ as pronounced by a west-countryman, with run} Of the second kind of Metathesis [b) we find traces in O.H.G. crila, by the side of ^/^V^; = N.H.G. ^r/f?and eller ; A.S, weleras, the lips, as against Gothic wairilos ; O.H.G. ezzih, which must have had the sound of etik before the sound-shifting process began, = Lat. acetum; the Italian word, as dialectically pronounced, grolioso= glorioso; and, again, croinpare = coniprare ; M.H.G. kokodrille = Lat. crocodihis. We may also refer to such cases of mispronunciation as indefakitable for inde- fatigable. These are evanescent, because they meet with speedy correction. Besides Metathesis, we must class here (2) the assimilation of two sounds not standing contiguous in the word (as Lat. quinque from *piuque ; original German yf;//f [fiv&) = ^Jin/izui, etc.), and (3) dissimila- tions, as in O.H.G. iurtillilba, from the Lat. iicr- tur; Eng. marble, from Fr. marbre, Lat. martnor; M.H.G. niartcl with warier, from niarlyrium ; priol with prior; and conversely, M.H.G. phellcr with pkellel, {rom ]^2it. palliohnn ; O.W.G. Jluobra, 'consola- tion,' as against O.S. fro/ra and A.S. fro/or ; M.H.G. ^ For further instances, see Skeat, Principles of English Etymology, p. 376. I J 111.] On Sound-Change. 39 kaladrlns with karadritcs ; Middle Lat. pelegi'inus, from peregriniis. We must now conclude this chapter with a few words on the question, Are the laws of sound-change, like physical laws, absolute and unchanging ? do they admit of no exceptions ? In thus stating the question, we challenge a comparison between physical laws and the laws of sound-change, but we must never forget the essential difference existing between them. Physical laws lay down what must invariably and always happen under certain given conditions ; the laws of sound-change state the regularity observed in any particular group of historic phenomena. We must, in dealing with this question, further distinguish between two closely allied but not identical kinds of phenomena, i.e. between those which come under the law of sound-change in the strict sense of the word, and those which are rather to be considered as instances of sound-correspondence or sound-interchange. When, for instance, some sound happened to be, at any particular stage of some language, identical in the various forms of the same word ; and if this sound, owing to difference in its position, or of its accent, or from some other cause, has changed into a different sound in some forms of the word, while in other forms of the same word it has remained unchanged ; and if many similar cases are remarked in the same language, — we summarise them in our grammars in a form which, though con- venient, is not strictly correct. There are in French, for instance, many adjectives which form their mascu- line termination in f and their feminine in ve. It is scarcely necessary to point out that in these words the feminine form, derived as it is from the Latin feminine, cannot correctly be described as derived 40. The .History of Language. [Cha?. from the masculine in its contemporaneous form : nor yet does the individual speaker, in .using the two genders, derive the one from the other ; he reproduces both from memory, or, possibly by a process to be discussed in Chapter A''., he produces one by analogy with other similar forms. We nevertheless lay it down in our grammars, that adjectives in f form their feminine by ' changing ' f into ve. The correspondence of sounds which we thus register, though it is a consequence of phonetic development, does not, strictly speaking, express a law of sound-change ; we might call it ' a law of sound-correspondence ' or ' sound-interchange.' The * law of sound-interchange ' states in a convenient form the aggregate results of events which have occurred in accordance with some ' law of sound-change.' Our question, then, refers to the ' laws of sound-change ' proper, and not to those of ' sound-interchange ; ' and if we say that a law of sound-change admits of no exceptions, we can only mean that, within the limits of some definite lano^uacje or dialect, all cases which fulfil the same phonetic conditions have had the same fate : i.e. the same sound must there have changed into the same other sound throuohout the lano-uaije, or, where various sounds are seen to replace one and the same other sound of the older language, the cause for this difiercnce must be sought in the difference of phonetic conditions, such as accent, contact with or proximity to other sounds, etc. It must be clear, after all that has been said in this chapter, that laws of sound-change, in the correct meaning of this term, must be consistent and absolutely regular. As regards the case of the individual speaker, we have seen that the utterance of each sound depends on the memory-picture of III.] On Sound-Ciiaxgi:. 41 motion and position, and that these pictures exert their influence without the speaker being conscious of it. It will then naturally follow that if these pictures alter gradually in the case of any one sound in any one word, they will do so for the same sound in all other cases where it occurs under like conditions. It is indeed often stated that the sense of etymo- logical connection of a particular word with others which retain a certain sound unaltered may prevent that sound from takinor the same course in that word as it does in other words not so influenced ; but the existence and efficacy of some counteracting influence does not disprove the existence of the force against which it operates, and which it overcomes or neutralizes. Nor, again, could the inter-communica- tion between the individual speakers cause occasional suspension of the law of sound-change. We have seen that the association which arises between memory-pictures of the sound, and of the motion of our vocal organs, etc., for its utterance, is — though but external — nevertheless very close, and that it soon becomes indissoluble. The slight and gradual changes in the utterance of the surrounding speakers alter the memory-pictures of the sound, and the corresponding memory-picture of motion and position follows in the same way. It is, then, only in case of mixture of dialect, i.e. when a considerable group of speakers of one dialect becomes mixed and scattered among speakers of another, that the following genera- tion may adopt one sound from the one dialect and another from the second ; thus apparently exhibiting the differentiation of the same sound, under the same phonetic circumstances, into two, of which the one appears as the rule, the other as the exception. But then, again, such a case — though when it has happened 42 The History of Language. [Chap. hi. we may not always be aware of it, and consequently may not always be able to assign the phenomenon to its true cause — does not prove that the law of sound- change admitted of exception. We merely have the results of two such laws mixed and confused. 1 I CHAPTER IV. CHANGE IN WORD-SIGNIFICATION. SouND-change is brought about by the repeated substitution of a sound or sounds ahiiost imperceptibly differing from the original. The A.S. Iildfmesse is now represented by the English Lammas : though the ?n?n sound is clearly easier to pronounce than the combina- tion represented by /"w, generations passed away before the word as we have it in English became the recognised form. In the case of sound-change, we must notice that the rise of the new sound is simultaneous with the disappearance of the old one. In the case of change of signification, it is possible for the old meaning to be maintained by the side of the new one ; as when we speak of 'the House,' meaning the House of Parliament, we do not exclude the original and proper meaning of the word, but we merely narrow and define its signification. Indeed, change in signification consists invariably in a widen- inc: or narrowinof of the extent of the sifjnification, corresponding to which we find an impoverishment or an enrichment of the contents. As we saw that the employment of 'House' to denote the House of Parliament implied a narrowing or specialising of the extent of the signification of the ordinary meaning of house, so we may take a word like vioon, properly and 44 The History of Language. [Chap. originally applied only to the earth's satellite, and apply it to a whole class, which we regard in some way as resembling it, as when we speak oi Jupiter s juoons. In this case we ividen the application of the word by narroiuiiig its contents, but even when thus zoidcncd the meanino;' still includes its ori^rinal denota- tion. Frequently such a widened application becomes once more narrowed, by the widening of the contents : an instance of this double process we have, e.g., in the word cranc.^ Originally only meaning the bird of that name, it was, by a metaphor, applied to a class of objects similar in some respects to the bird. A process of narrowing this application led to the use of the word as a specific name for a certain machine. The word, in this sense, no longer includes its original meaning, and is transferred. It is only by such a succession of wideninof and narrowing that a word can assume a signification absolutely different from Its original meaning. This transference may be more or less occasional, or become usual. Thus in the case oi green for unripe [cf. blackberries are red when they are green) the meaning is in a certain sense an ' occasional ' one, the real and original meaning being- still clearly felt. This original meaning is, however, quite lost sight of when we use grain in to dye in the grain, for * to dye of a fast colour ' by means of cochineal, etc., grain here being the name given to fibre of wood, etc.^ Change in signification, however, has this in ■• A similar transference is observable in yspavos, ypr?, and in words in modern languages expressive of the same idea ; cf. also conn/s, which means a raven, a grapnel, a battering-ram, a surgical instrument, and a sea-fish. " See Marsh, English Language, in Students' Series, lect. iii., pp. 55-62, with note on p. 64. jv.] Change in Word-Signification. 45 common with sound-change, that It is effected by in- dividual usage which departs from the common usage ; and that this departure passes only gradually into common usacje. Chan. represent simply the natural ideas as they present themselves, but are capable of a traditional develop- ment and, consequently, conventional application. For instance, in the Scandinavian languages the method of intonation is a purely artificial one ; ^ and in Chinese, homonyms are distinguished by lowering or raising the voice. In Chinese the tones are five : a monosyllable may be uttered with (i) an even high tone ; with (2) a rising tone, as when we utter a word interrogatively ; with (3) a falling tone, as when we say, Go ! — with (4) an abrupt tone, as of demand ; or with (5) an even low ^ Professor Almkvest kindly informs us that there are rules about the grave accent in the Swedish, but that they are difficult to investi- gate. The grave accent, as it occurs in Swedish, is quite peculiar, and nothing similar exists in other languages. For instance, the iirst syllable in hriidcr (pi. of hrlide = board) and Sanger (pi. of sang = song) has the accent, but is musically lower than the second syllable, which has a feeble secondary accent, and is musically higher. This is different — in contradiction to breder (pres. of hreda = to spread), where the first syllable has the accent, and is musically higher than the second syllable, which is quite without accent. It is the first-named pronunciation, hrdde, briidcr ; gosse (a boy), gossar, which has nothing corresponding to it in other languages. (a) Short treatises for practical use : — Sweet: On Sounds and Forms of Spoken Swedish (i^pp. about accent), in Transactions of the Philological Society^ 1877-79. Schwartz afid Noreen : Swedish Grammar: Stockholm, iSSi ; (4 pp. about accent, mostly practical). (h) Scientific works — Lythkius and Wul/f : About the Rules of Sounds and Signs in the Swedish Language, and about the Accent; Lund, 18S5 ; 460 pp. (in Swedish). Koch : Philological Researches about Swedish Accent ; Lund, 1878 J 211 pp. Paul : Grundriss der German. I'hilol., vol. i., abschn. 5, pp. 417, etc. : Geschichte der Nordischen Sprachen, von Noreen (gives the historical cause for, and explains the growth of the grave accent). VL] The Fundamental Facts of Syntax. 95 tone. These are the tones of the Mandarin dialect, which is the language of the cultivated classes ; and, in their application, they are limited by euphonic laws, so that they cannot all be used with all syllables.^ The idea, or the nature of the combination intended to be expressed by the speaker, need not be comjoletely represented by words in order to render fully Intelli- gible the thought present in the mind of the speaker. Much less than a complete expression will often suffice. If a sentence is the means of Inducing a certain combination of at least two ideas in a hearer's mind, a complete sentence must necessarily consist of at least two parts. We shall later discuss those sentences in which only one of the two parts is expressed in words, and shall here confine our attention to the complete sentence. Grammar teaches us that a complete sen- tence consists of a subject and a predicate. Now, these grammatical categories are undoubtedly based upon a psychological distinction ; but we shall soon see that It does not necessarily follow that the grammatical and psychological subject, or the grammatical and psycho- logical predicate are always identical. The psycho- logical subject expresses the conception wJiich the speaker wishes to bring into the mind of the hearer ; the PSYCHOLOGICAL PREDICATE Indicates that wJdch he ivishes him to think about it. This, and no more than this, is required to impart to any collection of words the nature of a sentence. In grammar we commonly attach a much more restricted meaning to the terms 'subject,' 'predicate,' and ' sentence.' For instance, when the predicate is a noun, we demand that the normal sentence should express the comprehension of the subject in a wider class ; as, John is a boy : or that it should express ^ Eyrne, Principles of the Structure of Language, p. 475. 96 The History of Language. [Chap. some quality of the subject ; as, yolni is good : or, lastly, that the subject be identical with the predicate ; as, John is King of England. But in reality we have, in many sentences, noun-predicates which show us relations of quite another kind, expressed by the mere collocation of subject and predicate, as in many proverbs and proverbial expressions ; e.g., One mait^ one vote ; Mnch ay and little wool ; First come, first served ; A word to the zvise ; Like tnastci^, like man ; Better atight than naught ; Small pains, small gains. This is the way in which children make themselves intelli- gible ; as, Papa hat, for Papa has a hat on :. and this is the way in which even adults endeavour to express their meaning to foreigners when the latter have not mastered more of the language than perhaps a few nouns, viz. by mentioning the objects which they wish to bring under the notice of their companions, and trusting to the situation to enable these to understand their meaning. We say, Windoiv open, and we are understood by the foreigner to mean that the window is open, or that we wish it open, as the circumstances may show. Originally, there was only one method of marking the difference between subject and predicate, viz. stress of tone ; as, e.g., in the instance which we just gave, of ' Window open.* If these words are pro- nounced with a great stress on ' window,' we at once perceive them to mean, The thing which is (or which I wish to be) open is the zuindoiv. If, on the other hand, we exclaim, ' Window open,' with stress on ' open,' we at once convey the sense. The window is (or must be) open, not closed. This shows that, in the case of such isolated instances, the psycho- logical predicate has the stronger accent, as being the more important part of the sentence, and the part VI.] The Fundamental Facts of Syntax. 97 containing the new matter. Again, the place held in the sentence by the subject and predicate respectively, may have afforded another means of distinction between the two. Different views have been held as to the respective precedence of subject and predicate in the consciousness of the speaker. The true view seems to be that the idea of the subject is the first to arise in the consciousness of the speaker ; but as soon as he begins to speak, the idea of the predicate, on which he wishes to lay stress, may present itself with such force as to gain priority of expression, the subject not being added till afterwards. Take, for example, the opening of Keats' Hyperion — ' Deep in the shady sadness of a vale Far sunken from the healthy breath of morn, Far from the fiery noon, and eve's one star, Sat grey-haired Saturn, quiet as a stone.' In this case, the superior emphasis gained by the position of the predicate in the first place causes the speaker to set it there, and is indicative of the superior importance which he attaches to it.^ Similarly, the subject is sometimes expressed first by a pronoun, whose relation only becomes clear to the listener when expressed more definitely at a later period ; as — ' She is coming, my dove, my dear.' (Tennyson, Maud.) ' She dwelt among the untrodden ways Beside the springs of Dove, A maid whom there were none to praise And very few to love.' (Wordsworth, The Lost Love.) * She was a staid little woman, was Grace.' (Dickens, Battle of Life.) This construction is extremely common in French ; ^ Cf. Spencer, Philosophy of Style, gS The History of Language. [Chap. as, ' Elle approche, cette mort inexorable ; ' ' Mais ce qu'elle ne disait point, cette pauvre bergere.' The transposition, then, of subject and predicate may be considered an anomaly ; but it is an anomaly of frequent occurrence, and is based on the importance which the predicate assumes in the mind of the speaker. We have seen that single words may possess concrete and abstract significations,^ and it is the same with sentences. A sentence is concrete when either the psychological subject or the psychological predicate is concrete ; as, T/ns man is good. But as far as the mere form goes, concrete and abstract sentences need not differ ; for instance, an expression like The Jioj'sc is sivift (which, when it does not refer to any particular horse, is an ' abstract ' sentence) is identical in form with the expression The hoi'se is worthless, which obviously refers to some particular horse, and is therefore ' concrete.' It is the situation and cir- cumstances alone which mark the different nature of the sentences. There are, however, sentences which, with a concrete subject, have a partially abstract meaning. If, for instance, on hearing a lady sing, one remarks. She sings too slowly, the sentence is entirely concrete ; but the same words may be used to express that the singer is in the habit of singing too slowly, in which case the predicate becomes abstract. Such sentences may be called ' concrete abstract.' It was stated that at least two members are necessary to make up a sentence. It seems, at first sight, a contradiction to this statement that we find sentences composed of merely a single word, or of a group of words forming a unit. The fact is that, in this case, one member of the sentence is assumed ^ On the sense in which tlie words concrete and abstract arc here used, sec Chap. IV., p. 45. VI.] Tjie Fundamental Facts of Syntax. 99 and finds no expression in language. Commonly this member is the logical subject. This subject may, however, be completed from what precedes, or is sufiiciently clearly indicated by the circumstances of the case ; or, again, in conversation, it is often neces- sary to take it from the words of the other speaker. The answer is frequently a predicate alone ; the subject may be contained in the question, or the whole question may be the logical subject. If I say, JV/io stnick yoii ? and the answer is John, the subject is, in this case, contained in the question, and the answer is, 'The striker is John.' If I say. Was it yoic? the whole question is the logical subject, and the answer. Yes, No, Cei'tainly, Siwely, Of course, etc., is the logical predicate, as if the reply had been, * My being so is the case.' Many other similar words may serve as the predicate to a sentence spoken by another, such as Admittedly, All right, Very possibly, Strange enough, No zvonder. Nonsense, Stnff, Balderdash, etc. In other cases, the surrounding circumstances, or what is called * the situation,' forms the logical subject. If I say, 'Welcome!' and at the same time stretch out my hand to a new arrival, this is equivalent to saying. Yon, are zuelcome, and ivclcome is the logical predicate. In exclamations of sudden astonishment and alarm, such as Fire I Thieves! ]\hirder! Help! it is the situation which is the logical subject. Challenges are instances of the same kind, e.g. Straight on or not? Right or left? Back or foriuard? When the poet sings — ' A wet sheet and a flowing sea, A wind that follows fast, And fills the white and rustling sail, And bends the gallant mast,' the situation, again, is the logical subject. lOO The History of Language. [Chap. It should be noticed that, in the case of sentences expressed by a single member, the word which for the speaker is the psychological predicate becomes for the hearer the subject. A man, seeing a house on fire, cries * Fire ! ' for him the sihiation is the subject, and the idea of fire is the predicate. The man who hears ^ Fire I' cried before he himself sees it, conceives of fire as the subject, and of the sitiiaticni as the predicate. Sentences may, however, occur in which both speaker and hearer apprehend what is uttered as the subject, and the situation as the pre- dicate. Supposing, for instance, that two persons have aereed that the fire shall be exting^uished before they go out, and one of them, observing the chimney smoking, cries out, ' The fire ! ' in this case the fire, the logical subject, is alone denoted, and the predicate is gathered by the person addressed from the situation, which is evident from the speaker's gestures. If, again, two friends are travelling, and one remarks that the other is without his umbrella, the mere exclama- tion, ' Your umbrella ! ' suffices to make the latter complete the predicate. The vocative, again, pro- nounced as such, and intended to warn or entreat, suggests a psychological predicate which it lacks in words. On the other hand, by the side of a verb in the second person without subject pronoun, the vocative may be apprehended as the subject to the verb. If I say, ' Come ! ' the vocative (the person addressed) may be apprehended as the subject to this verb ; if it be Charles, the meaningis, diaries should come. It is a question much disputed, and not yet decided, whether impersonal verbs should be regarded as lacking a subject or not. If we regard the gram- matical form alone, we cannot doubt that sentences like It snozvs, It freezes, It is getting late, have a. VI.] The Fundamental Facts of Syntax. loi subject. But there is no reason for alleging that this subject (//) can be treated as a logical subject ; a logical subject must admit of a definite interpretation, and it is difficult to give one in this case. Again, in the case of impersonal verbs, like the Latin plnit, the Greek vet, the Sanscrit varsali, (it rains), and the Lithuanian sninga (it snows), the formal subject may be found in the ' personal ' termination, which is supposed to be the remnant of a word signifying he, she, or //. And it seems natural to reco^rnise a formal subject in this case, but, at the same time, to notice that this formal subject stands apart from the psycho- logical subject. It seems probable that an older stage of language existed, in which the bare verbal stem was set down ; just as in Hungarian at the present day, where the third person of the present singular has no suffix, the first and second terminating in -ok and -s respectively. In Anglo-Saxon we find passive and other impersonal verbs used absolutely, without any subject expressed or understood ; thus, \iiiii ylean eionie c \c^ ddmd^ eoza dy'^ geddnied (= With the same judgment that ye judge, to you (it) shall be judged) ; him Jmngrede (=N.H.G. es hungerte ihn).^ The psychological subject is, then, as little expressed in the sentence It is Iwt, as in the sentence Fire. But although it is not expressed, it would be unsafe to assume its non-existence, for here, as well as every- where else, we have two ideas conjoined, in the same way as when we exclaim, Fii'c ! In this case there is, on the one side, the perception of a concrete phenomenon ; on the other, the abstract idea of burning or of fire : and just as that perception is brought by our exclamation under the general idea of burning, so in the statement // rains, the perception ^ ]\rason's English Grammar, p. 149, note. 102 The History of Language. [Chap. of what is going on is by our Avords ranged under the general notion of water faUing in drops from the sky. Our conclusion, therefore, is this : sentences like Fire ! as well as those like // rains, have both psychological subject and predicate ; but in the former case no subject is expressed, whereas in the latter a formal subject is employed, which, however, does but imperfectly, if indeed at all, correspond to the psychological one. This holds good unless we con- ceive of the formal subject. It, as standing for that which we see or that which is happening now. In this case, the peculiar nature of the impersonal verbs would be restricted to the difficult)^ but not the impossibility, of explaining their subject. We have defined the sentence as the expression for the connection of two ideas. Negative sentences may seem, at first sight, to contradict this, since they denote a separation. But the ideas must have met in the consciousness of the speaker before judgment can be pronounced whether they agree or disagree. In fact, the negative sentence may be defined as the statement that the attempt to establish a connection between the ideas has failed. The negative sentence is, in any case, of later date than the positive, and though, in all known languages, negation now finds a special expression, it is possible to imagine that negative sentences might be found in some primitive stage of language, wherein the negative sense was indicated by the stress alone and the accompanying gestures. Cf. such sentences as '/do this ?' or ' Eine ego ut ad- verser?' (Ter., And., I. v. 28.)^ At all events sentences of assertion and sentences of demand border on each other very closely, and can be expressed by the same forms of lanofuaore. The different shades of mcaninor, ' Cf. Zumpt, Lat. Gr., § 609. VI.] The Fundamental Facts of Syntax. 103 attaching to the words can be recognised only by the different tones conveying the feeling meant to be indicated. Wishes and demands, again, touch each other very closely ; and it is natural to suppose that, in an early state of linguistic consciousness, a wish would have been equivalent to a demand. A sentence like ' Heads up ! ' expresses a demand or wish, but it might equally convey an assertion. We can say perft^ctly well, * They entered, heads up,' or 'erect ;' and we hear quite com- monly, Heads np ! meaning, ' Hold your heads up!' And indeed such sentences of demand, or imperative sentences, would naturally be the first to present them- selves to primitive mankind, whose utterances, like those of children nowadays, would naturally take the shape of requests that their immediate needs might be satisfied. We employ many such sentences at the present day, such as Eyes right ! Attention ! Hats off ! This way ! All aboard ! yoking apart ; An eye for an eye ; Peace to his ashes ! A health to all good lasses ! Aivay zoith him ! Ont ivith him ! Then, again, there are sentences composed of a single linguistic member ; such ?i^ Hush ! Quick! Slow/ Forward/ Up/ Off/ To work / Two kinds of interrogatory sentences must be distinguished: (1) those that put in question 07ie only of the members of which they are composed, and (2) such as contain nothing affirmative, but are purely interrogatory in their nature. No satisfactory names have as yet been given to these two classes, but a study of one or two examples will show that the difference is real, and will tend to illustrate it. Such a sentence as JVho has done this ? or JVhere did you get that ? no doubt asks a question as to the name of the doer of a certain deed, or the place where a 104 The History of Language. [Chap. particular object was obtained, but, at the same time, certainly assumes that the interrogator takes for granted that a certain deed was done by some one, or a certain object obtained by the person addressed. In fact, the form of the interrogation is to some extent affirmative. No such affirmation, however, is present in such questions as Can yott^ speak French f Will you come ? Have you money ? etc. Of these two classes of questions, the former are certainly of the more recent origin, for they demand the employment of an interrogative pronoun or adverb, with which the latter can dispense. It is noteworthy that in I.E. lanoruao-es these interrorative words are at the same time indefinite ; and it is hard to decide which of the two meanings should be regarded as the original. On the one hand, it is easy to conceive how a word bearing an interrogative meaning could assume an indefinite one. If we are accustomed to employ the word luho when we wish to know who a person is, but are uncertain, we may easily proceed to apply this word in a case where we are uncertain (or wish to appear so), though we do not ask for information. A 7uho-person has done this, is not and has never been an English method of expressing, 'Some one has done it.'^ But it is conceivable that, at some stage of the I.E. languages, our linguistic ancestors may have adopted a similar mode of expression. On the other hand, it is as easy to imagine that a word expressive of uncertainty, or absence of knowledge or information, should be used to indicate the desire for it. In fact, we actually do employ a method akin to this when we use the indefinite any to show that we desire to know ; e.^., if, upon entering a dark room, we ask. Any one ^ But cf. Quisnam Jioc fecit? in T-atin, by tlic side of Si quis hoc fecit. VI.] The Fundamental Facts of Syntax. 105 here ? This, of course, is not, and never has been, in English, equivalent to ' JV/io is here?' — but still it is quite conceivable that at some early linguistic period this transition has actually been made. Could it be demonstrated that it ever actually was made, the tran- sition from the questions in our second category, to those falling under our first, would be explained. For suppose the question Is any {one) here ? (an order ot words to which we now are bound, but which, as we shall see, was not always the necessary order) to be put as A}iy (one) is here? the proximity of this sentence to ]Vho is here f is at once evident. Questions with an interrogative pronoun stand nearer still to questions with an indefinite pronoun where a negative answer is expected, as appears when we set What can I answer ? by the side of Can I answer anything? — Who will do this? by the side of Will any one do this ? — Where is such a man ? by the side of Is there snch a man ? The question to which the simple answer ' yes ' or ' no ' is expected is in many languages expressed by a special particle. Thus ne in Latin serves to mark an interrogation, and the stress is laid upon the word to which the interrogative particle is affixed. At present, the Teutonic and Romance languages almost universally express inter- rogation by the order of the words ; but this inverted order by no means necessarily involves interrogation, and in former times was very frequently employed in affirmative clauses. Thus, for instance, in A.S. — ' Ne hyrde ic cymlicor ceol gegyrwan : ' Not heard 1 comelier keel to have been prepared = I never heard . . . (P>eo\viilf, 38). ' Saegde se 5e ci'iSe' (ibid., 90) : Said he that knew = He . . . said. * Waes seo hwi'l micel ' (ibid., 146) : Was the time great = The time was long. To6 The History of Language. [Chap. Even now we have many interrogations in which the stress or tone alone marks their nature ; as, A7iy 07ie there ? All right / Ready ? A glass of beer, sir ? (spoken by a waiter). We can thus conceive it possible that, for a long time, sentences may have existed without any sign except the tone to indicate their interrogative nature. Simple interrogative sentences hold in some ways a middle position between positive and negative sentences of assertion. The}^ niay, in fact, be thrown into a positive or a negative form at choice ; the positive form naturally presenting itself as the simpler, while the function of the negative form is to modify the question pure and simple. Such modifications may, indeed, cause the interrogation to take something of the character of the sentence of assertion. We may, for instance, mention a fact and expect it to be confirmed by another. In this case, we may employ a negative interrogatory sentence ; as, Were you not there? I thought I sai^' yoit ! Or we may employ a positive interrogatory form of sentence, showing by the tone of query alone the nature of the sentence ; as, You were there, I think ? You- are quite happy ? We thus see, by examples taken from both the positive and negative side, how nearly the sentences of inter- roofation touch the sentences of assertion. Another way in which sentences of interrogation and assertion approach one another is in the expression of admiration or surprise. To express such feelings we may employ either (i) the interrogative or (2) the assertive form of sentence, marking the latter, however, by a tone expressive of interrogation. Thus we may say, Is Francis dead? or express the same idea by saying, Francis -is really dead? emphasising the word really and raising the voice at the last word. VI.] Till-: Fundamental Facts of Syntax. 107 Thus, too, we can ask the direct question, Aj'c you here again ? or employ the assertive form, Yoit arc here again ? ' Sentences expressive of surprise without a verb, ma)' be classed either with the interrogative form, or with the assertive form with the interrogatory tone. They occupy a neutral ground between the two. Thus, You my long lost h'otJicr ? Il7iai, that to nic / What, here already? So soon?"^ And infinitival clauses are similarly used ; as, / to herd luith savage races ! etc. (Tennyson, Locksley Hall) ; Mcne incepto desistere victani f (Vergil, /Fneid, I. ^^l)- This use is very com- mon in French ; cf. J\Ioi vons abandonner ! (Andrieux) ; Et dire qiid inoi seal je vins a bout de toutes ces pi'dvisions ! (Daudet). We find, also, expressions of surprise in which the psychological subject and predicate are connected by ' and : ' So young and so worn out f A maid and be so mai'tial ? (Shakespeare, I Henry VI., H. i.)." The expression of surprise is sometimes weakened into a mere conventional formula for opening a conversation ; as, Alzcays in good spirits ? Jhtsy as ahuays ? Busy yet ? The primitive form of expression without any finite verb is especially common in the indignant repudiation of an assertion ; zis, / a liar ? * She ask my pardon } ' Hoiv ! not know the friend that served you ? Ego lanista / lo dir bugic ? What is vaguely known as the rhetorical class of ^ Thus, in French: Ma fill c raiincrait ! (Duval); Wnts ifavez mil remords i (Delavigne) : Ccs messieurs viennentdc Paris ! (Picard). Latin: Cloditis i/isidias fecit Miloni ? (Cicero, pro Mil., xxii.). - Thus, in French: Ricliard d'cputi, pourquoi pas t (Dumas); Rie7i de Monsieur le due de RieJielieu / (Dumas). ' Similarl)', in French : Quoi iu couuais I'aiuour et tu ifes pas Jiumain I (Ducis). io8 The History of Language. [Chap. questions arises from a desire, on the part of the interrogator, to make the person addressed reflect upon and admit the truth of information indirectly contained in the interrogation. Such are the questions in some catechisms, and those in the ' Guide to Know- ledge ; ' e.g., Do not mulberry trees often bear tzvo crops of leaves in a year ? Must not every snbstance be prepared before it receives the colour ? This use of the interroga- tion and interrogative form is, of course, of much more recent date than the other common usaofes. The foregoing consideration of the sentence in its simplest form, as consisting of simple subject and predicate only, will have prepared us for the study of the development of all other syntactical relations from this the only primitive one. For all other extensions of the sentence — with the single exception of the copulative union of two simple ones — arise from the repetition of the relation between subject and predicate.^ The copulative extension is now commonly indicated by means of conjunctions or other particles ; e.g., ' John wrote and Alfred was reading : ' but even now mere co-ordination is sufficient ; as, John ivrote, Alfred read ; He came, he saiu, he conquered ; One rises, the other falls ; Men die, books live ; etc. It is therefore easy to imagine that, at one time, this mere juxtaposition, which seems to us an exceptional usage, may have been the regular one. Among the other extensions, two main cases are to be distinguished, as either (i) two equivalent mem- bers combine in the same clause with another {i.e. two subjects with one predicate, or two predicates with a single subject); or'" (2) a combination {a) of ' Wc must not forget that these terms are here used in the very widest sense, and not in the limited meaning of ordinary grammar. ■'' See pp. 119, fol. Yi.] The Fundamental Facts of Syntax. 109 subject and predicate becomes, as such, the subject or predicate of some other word or combination {b), which latter is then the predicate or subject to {ci) the former. It is not easy to illustrate these extensions by instances drawn from modern Eng-lish : nay, it is impossible if we insist upon invariably framing sentences which the present state of our language would regard as admissible. But we must remember that we are now attempting to trace the probable development of our syntactical relations, or rather of our method of expressing the various syntactical relations, as it proceeded during a very primitive stage of the history of language. At this period the speakers were struggling to find intelligible utterance for their thoughts, which were themselves but primitive, con- fused, childish. All the examples which we have given heretofore should be regarded therefore merely as illustrating processes common in very remote lin- guistic periods, and not as instances of what is usual at the present period. We have found it necessary on previous occasions to illustrate our arguments by combining English words in a way which is not and has never been English, — the advantage of such illustration being that it aided us to understand, at least in a certain measure, the mode in which our linguistic ancestors of ages long past thought. To this artifice we shall find it necessary to revert some- what largely, as the analytical character of modern English, with its necessarily fixed order of words, has effaced most traces of this primitive state of language. We should have an instance of the first main case of extension mentioned if, after saying, e.g., John reads, we remembered that Alfred too was reading, and then merely added this second subject. We have no - The History of Language. [Chap. shown that we must not suppose that originally the order of the words was, as is now invariably the case in modern EngHsh, (i) subject, (2) verb: so that John read (without inflection, read being a mere name of the action) was just as correct as read yohn, but not more so. If we clearly grasp this, we can fully understand that such a combination as yohn read Alfred (or, indeed, John, Alfred read) might once have been intelligible for what we should now express by fohji and Alfred are reading. Similarly, a little linguistic imagination will suffice to enable us to conceive of the production by those primitive language-makers of a sentence like Singi^n^ yohn dancei^x\'^ to express yohn sings and dances. Such constructions of two equal parts in combination with a third might be symbolised. Thus we might put ^- for subject, / for predicate, then the symbolisa- tion would run sps, ssp, psp, or spp, etc., or a + b-\-a.^ In the first fictitious example, the two subjects stood BOTH IX PRECISELY THE SAME RELATION tO the predicate, and in the second the two predicates stood in exactly the same relation to the subject. In such cases, the facts may be described just as correctly and just as completely by a sentence consisting of two parts only, viz., a compound subject, consisting of the two joined by a copula, + the predicate (or subject + ^ This symbol is somewhat difterent from the one employed by Professor Paul, which is {(7-\-{b)-\-c). Thougli we think the one we have chosen is rather more simple, the other is not difficult to under- stand, as symbolising the result of combining {a -[-If) with {l>-{-c). If, instead of two similar sets of brackets, different ones v/ere used, say {a-l-[^;-J-<:], the meaning of w^hat now appears as (b) might be clearer still. Professor Paul uses a, b, and c as indicating three different parts ; we use three letters for three parts, but make two letters alike, because two of the three parts have the same function. Cf., later on, for our symbol of the second case, page 119. VI.] The Fundamental Facts of Syntax. hi compound predicate). Of these two modes of expres- sion, closely allied as they arc, the one appears to us strange and, indeed, impossible, — the other so familiar that we can hardly imagine a state of language in which both alike may have been regular. On the other hand, we have no difficulty in seeing how the two systems have become confused. All traces, therefore, of the construction which we have now lost are interesting and worth studying. A sentence like Cicero's Consules, prcctorcs^tribuiii plclns, senattis, Italia ciincta a vobis deprecata est ( = Consuls, prastors, tribunes of the plebs, the senate, all Italy implored of you) is constructed much upon the model of the method now obsolete. In this case, how- ever, the construction seems to us less unnatural, because the subject last named in the sentence, viz., Italia, may be considered to include all the others and to stand alone in their stead : hence it is that we find the verb in the singular, and hence the feminine gender of deprecata (implored). In another passage Cicero says, Spctisippiis et Xcnocratcs et Poleino et Cantor nihil ab Aristotele dissentit. This would be a perfect instance of ssp were it not for the insertion of et, which (due, as it is, to confusion with the compound subject in the sentence consisting of two parts only) would lead us to expect that the verb would be placed in the plural. It is, however, precisely this fact that the verb stands in the singular which demonstrates that it belongs as predicate to each subject separately, and not to the group indicated by the enumerated subjects jointly. In ]\I.H.G. we meet with such con- structions, especially those where one part — as the subject, for instance — is placed bctzueen the two others ; as. Do spranc von deni gesidele her Ilagene also spracJi = * Then sprang from the seat hither Hagen thus spoke.' 112 The History of Language. [Chap. In A.S., too, we find occasionally a somewhat similar construction, as in Beowulf, 90-92 : Saegde se ^e cii^c . . . cza^^ ^cst se yElini/itiga = ' Said he who knew . . . spoke that the i\lmighty.' If we change the order, and add a7ii^, we transform this sentence into one of two parts : subject, /le wJio kneiv ; predicate (com- pound), said and spoke. Even in modern language this construction is not wholly without parallels. Cf. Another love sticceeds, anotJicr race (Pope, Essay on Man, iii., line 130); cf. also, Dust t/iou art, to dust returnest (Longfellow). Or, again, we find sentences where the two equal parts both follow or both precede. He ^crs fro/re gebddy wdox under zvolcwiuu, weoriS?jiynduJn ^dh (He received consolation [compensation], grew up under the clouds [= on earth], increased in fame) (Beowulf, 7) ; He 7veepetk, zvayleth, niaketh sory chee7'e (Chaucer, Canterbury Tales, 3618) ; Is Bns/iy, Green, and the Earl of Wiltshire dead? (Shakespeare, Richard II., Act III., ii., 141) ; Of ^cere hcoi'tan einna'S yfele ge^aneas, viannslyhtas, iinriht-ho'mcdn, forligrii, stale, Idase oczuitnyssa, tee II fee 7wr^ (Matt. xv. 19). But it is also quite conceivable that (remembering the extended meaning which, for the primitive stage of language, we must attach to these terms) two subjects should come into the conscious- ness as related to the same predicate, even though that RELATION is OF a very different nature in the case of the one from that in the other. To illustrate this, let us remember that the noun must once have been uniiiflected, or, at least, no definite system of inflection had been evolved ; the verb had a much vaguer and less definite meaning than at present ; the order of words had not yet begun to be significant ; that yohn strike, as well as stnke JoJin, or words VI.] The Fundamental Facts of Syntax. 113 equivalent in meaning, could stand for yohn strikes, or John has been stinkino^ ; nay, even, if only accom- panied by appropriate gestures, for John luas struck, or John is being struck. Even at present, in the case of a verb like to smell, the relation between the subject and predicate differs essentially when we say, / smell the flower ; or, The flozuer smells. An effort on the part of our linguistic imagination is again needed, but the effort need not be very difficult, in order to enable us to realise that in a sentence like John smell flower, or John strike Alfred, BOTH nouns may once have been felt as standing in the subject relation to the predicate ; so that, again, in the latter sentence, gestures or circumstances were needed in order to make it clear who was the acting subject and who the suffering subject, whereas, in the former sentence, no such confusion could arise. If we take a sentence like ' Give him a book,' we feel both the person and the thing as objects of the action ; and observation of this fact will enable us further to understand still more clearly that, at an older period of language, two subjects may have stood in the same sentence with the same predicate, though the relation between them and that predicate was not the same. It may further aid us to understand how, when once one of these subjects had developed into the grammatical category of object, the possible rela- tions of such objects were so varied that the differenti- ation into various grammatical categories of accusative, dative, etc., becomes intelligible and natural. The object, when once developed, may and often does become, by the nature of its relation to the pre- dicate, a mere limitation or definition of such predicate, instead of remaining a member of the sentence equiva- lent in importance and weight with the subject, as it is, I 114 The History of Language. [Chap. e.g., in such sentence as yohn strikes Alfred : whilst in a sentence hke yohn runs a mile, the object is a mere attribute to the predicate, and the sentence can no longer be looked upon as tripartite, but must be regarded as consisting of two parts, i.e. (i) the subject, and (2) the predicate with its extension. These two cases, however, are not separated by any clear line of demarcation. And just as the predicate may receive such a defining word, so may the subject and the object developed from it. These now commonly occur in the shape of attributes, whether substantival or adjec- tival, and genitives of substantives ; as, The cattle are the farmer s best ; The cattle are beautifully fat. This could not be expressed at all in languages which have as yet developed no inflections : these could merely employ the defining word in juxtaposition to the word defined ; as, in Chinese, T'su sin hen sin fu ye, literally meaning 'Origin Sin prince Sin s^^rirvg final part' i.e. ' Originally the prince of Sin sprang from Sin,' i.e.. * was born of a woman of the Kingdom of Sin.' The fact that the determinant attached to the subject is not a predicate can then only be discovered by the presence of a third word which is detached from the two words that together make up the subject by a greater stress or, it may be, by a slight pause. Thus, if we say, liber pulchcr, it is impossible to say whether pulcher is a predicate or merely the attribute to liber, unless we add some verb like est or habetur, or unless the custom of the language leads us to apprehend pulcher, from its position, as a predicate. In truth the determinant, in this case ' pulcher,' is nothing but a degraded predicate, uttered not so much for its ozvn sake, i.e. for the information it conveys, as- in order to assign to this group of subject and deter- VI.] The Fundamental Facts of Syntax. 115 minant a further predicate, which predicate then con- veys the real information ; as, Liber piilcher nobis oaudio est: Hcec res agetur nobis, vobis fabula (Plautus, Captivi, Prologue.) We have stated that the determinant is merely a degenerate or degraded predicate. The meaning of this statement may be most easily apprehended from cases in which the finite verb is affected by this degeneration, so that of the two predicates one might be logically replaced by a relative sentence ; as, There is a devil haunts thee (Henry IV., Pt. I., Act II., iv.) ; I have a mind presages me (Merchant of Venice, I. i.) ; He groneth as our bore lith in 07ir stie (Chaucer, Can- terbury Tales, 741 1) ; And was war of a pistel stood tinder a wal (Tale of Gamelyn) ; Fll have none shall tonch what I shall eat (Massinger, City Madam, I. i.) ; / can tell yon news ivill comfort you (ibid., III. i.) ; The price is high shall buy thy vengeance (Middleton, Spanish Gipsy, V. i. 443). A similar construction was found in the older stao-es of the Romance lano^uac^es ; cf O.Ital. N'on vi rimasse nn sol non lacrimassi (' There remained none did not cry'); O.Fr. Or na baron ne li envoit son fit (' There is no baron does not send him his son '). Nor must we suppose that this construction is one peculiar to the Indo-European languages, and entirely inherited from an early stage in their development. Its use in Teutonic languages becomes more general towards the end of the Middle Ages than before that time. But even in Semitic languages like Arabic, we meet with expressions such as ' I passed by a man slept.' In the above instances, we have seen that the finite verb could sink into the position of a mere attributival determinant. In other words, in such a ii6 The History of Language. [Chai'. sentence as ' There is a devil haunts thee,' the very words show that the important word, in which the chief information Hes, is devil, while the verb Jiaunts might almost as well be expressed by an adjectival attributive, as 'haunting.' It is plain that if a verb could thus easily lose its predicatival character, a pre- dicate bearing no distinguishing marks of its verbal character could, with even more facility, be similarly degraded. The border-land between meiis in ' liber meus' ( = the book is mine) and liber metis amittitur is a very narrow one. It is very necessary to distinguish between the various functions of the determinant — the differences in which, however, commonly remain undenoted by us by any corresponding verbal difference, though they are, logically speaking, of the greatest importance. The determinant may leave the extent of the subject untouched ; in other words, the epithet may apply to all the objects or ideas which the substantive by itself, or limited as it is bv other circumstances, denotes : this is the case in moi'tal man ; the alniigJity God. On the other hand, it may serve to restrict the meaning of the substantive ; as when we say, old houses, an old house, a (or the) son of the king, the jonrney to Paris, Charles the Great. Similarly, if we say, the old house, meaning to contrast it with the new one, it is obvious that we individualise the meaning of honsc : while the expres- sion would come under the first head in a sentence like Lo, the place luJicre I zuas born I Humble as it it, I love the old house. In the latter class of instances, the determinant must be expressed, because without it the predicate is meaningless or untrue. If we say, A jo7irney obliges ns to cross the channel, we ascribe by these words to all journeys what is true of some only, e.g., of a journey to Paris. In the first category, in VI.] The Fundamental Facts of Syntax. i i 7 considerlni^ the epithet, we may notice that it may already be known as commonly attached to the word to which it is appended, as in This red zvinc (the speaker holding it up) I prefer to many more expensive ones ; or it may tell us something new, as in the case of T/iaf poor man has no children, where the sentence without /^^r would state the same fact, the word /'6'^r conveying additional information. In this case it approaches the nature of a true predicate, and we often employ a relative sentence to express it : thus, instead of saying, Poor Chaides has had to emigrate ; if we wished to emphasise the adjective, we should say, Charles, who was poor, etc. Again, the determinant need stand in no direct relation to the predicate, as in our above example, where the fact that the man has no children is independent of his being poor; but it may also stand to the predicate in the relation of cause and effect, as in The crnel man would not listen to his victinis prayers, where the determinant 'cruel' is applied oiving to the fact mentioned in the predicate. We have now seen that attributes are degenerated predicates. There are sentences in which the deter- minant has, as yet, a somewhat greater independence than is the case with the ordinary attributes, and which, therefore, may be said to represent a transition stage. In a sentence like He arrived safe and sound, the determinant safe and sonnd is still predicate, in the wider sense of the term, to he, but subordinate to the other predicate arrived, which alone in present grammar would bear this name. Safe and sonnd ^re, ix com- parison \vith arrived, a mere attribute to he, and nowadays such determinants are, for the linguistic consciousness, what has been very correctly termed predicative attributes. These are distinguished from ordinary attributes by a greater freedom in the ii8 The History of Language. [Chap. place they may occupy in the sentence, and thereby manifest their greater independence. Predicative attributes are very frequently, but not always, adjectives : we might, e.g., replace the one in our example by a prepositional phrase like m safety and in good Jicalth. In Modern High German, where the attributive adjective is declined in agreement with its noun, the near affinity of this construction to the predicate shows itself in the use of the uninflected form of the adjective as in the case of the predicate. Thus we say, Er is gesund nach Pai^is gekommen : just as we say, Er ist gesund. When once all these various determinations have been developed from original subjects or predicates, the sentence may become further complicated, (i) by a combination of a determined and a determining element becoming determined by a new element, — as in All good men (i.e. good me7i -\- ciH) \ yoJms eldest dangJder (i.e. either eldest daiigJitej'-\-y olin s or yohns da2ighter-\- eldest, according to circumstances) ; He falls easily into a passion, — to be understood, He falls iitto a passion-^ easily : (2) this combination may itself serve as a deter- minant, — as in Very good cJiildren (i.e. children-\-very good) ; A71 all-sacrificing love (i.e. a love-\-all sacrificing) ; He speaks very zuell {i.e.. He speaks-Vveiy well) ; or (3) several determining elements may be joined to one determinate, — as in Bad gloomy lucathcr ; He walks well and fast : or (4) several determinate elements may be joined to a single determinant, just as several subjects may be joined to one predicate, or several predicates to a single subject, — e.g., yohns hat and stick ; He hits right and left. These constructions are not always distinctly separable : for instance, a phrase like big ro7ind hats may be understood as hats that are big and that are VI.] The Fundamental Facts of Syntax. 119 also round (constr. No. 3,) or wc may take it as round hats that arc dig {conslY. No. 1). Though the results of both constructions would be the same, the ways in which these results are obtained are logically distinct ; just as the result of 3x5 is identical with 5x3, though the genesis of that result varies according as we have groups of five and take three of such groups, or as there are groups of three and we put five of them together. We have now considered the simple sentence and its extensions according to the formula a-\-b-\-a (see p. no) in all their bearings and consequences. We said, however, that besides extensions on this plan, there were others in which some combination of subject and predicate became itself the predicate or subject to another member of a sentence. This we may symbolise by {a-]-d)+a.^ We here enter on the ground covered by the com- plex sentence ; but if the reader has understood what has been already said, he will see that, if we consider this division into simple and complex sentences from a historical and psychological point of view, no clear line of demarcation is to be found. It is indeed true that, as long as we agree that no set of words shall be called a sentence unless it contains a finite verb, a definite criterion exists. If, however, we fully realise that a combination of noun and adjective, for instance, is as much subject and predicate as noun and verb (cf hojno z'k'us with hoino vivit), we shall likewise feel that ' The good man lives ' is a complex sentence, one predicate of which has degenerated : it must accord- ingly be admitted to difter in degree, but not in kind, from * The man who is good lives,' where, again, the complexity is of precisely the same nature as in the ^ Paul {a-\-b)+c. See note on p. no. I20 The History of Language. [Chai-. phrase rowid straiu hats, if we were to sa)', for instance, ' Round straw hats are pretty, but round felt hats are ugly.' Combinations on the plan {a -{- b) -\- a are common enough : / tJiiiik yoiL are mistaken ; The doctor saw I was not well ; Remember yon owe me sixpence: in which cases the subject and predicate {a -f- /;) serve as object to another predicate. There are, however, other constructions conceiv- able which would be more strictly conformable to the scheme ; such as / owe you sixpence is true, or Yoil are in danger grieves me ; where we now use the so- called conjunction that, which is originally a pronoun standing as a repetition or a resumption of the subject — ' That I owe you sixpence is true ' being originally ' I owe you sixpence ; that is true.' To find such constructions as / owe, etc., is true in actual use, we must go back to older stages of language, e.g., to Hans Sachs, the German shoemaker — poet — dramatist (1494- 1576), who framed such sentences as A conple {inan and wife) lived in peace for seventy yea7's vexed the devil, for A conple lived, etc., and this vexed, etc. ; ^ The afflicted ivoman stabbed her- self tells Boccaccio. In the former of these the sentence is subject, in the latter, object. A sentence {a + b) serving as actual predicate we might illustrate by re- membering that in Latin Imperator felix may mean ' The emperor is happy,' and then using Imperator qiLi capite est operto for the emperor's answer in the well-known anecdote — ' The emperor is he who has his hat on his head.' Remembering this, and always carefully remem- bering the extended meaning of the terms subject and ' Not to be understood as if it were English : A couple, who lived .... vexed. See the next example. VI.] The Fundamental Facts of Svxtax. 121 predicate, we realise that in the common construc- tion Hke Yon are ahvays griLnibling, a bad habit, we have really, in the so-called apposition a bad habit, a predicate. In this way we can follow up the development of the sentence from its simplest to its most complex form. After thus studying the hypotaxis in all its bearings, we need only touch briefly on the subject of parataxis. Though, of course, it may occur that we have reason to make in immediate succession two or more state- ments which are absolutely independent of one another, this will be naturally rare ; and, when it happens, we are not likely to combine these statements into one compound clause. Even in the nearest approach to such a case, where we enumerate different but analo- gous or contrasting facts, the sentences are not abso- lutely disconnected and independent : cf. She is crooked, he is lame. Here, undoubtedl}% more is expressed by means of the parataxis than the mere enumeration of the two facts ; an additional significance being given to each by the very analogy between the two cases. Similarly in He is laughing, she weeps, where the con- trast is an additional fact expressed by the coupling of the sentences. Still, the approach to independence is here undoubtedly very close. We already depart a step further from mere co-ordination in the case where — in grammatically absolutely identical manner — two or more sentences are co-ordinated in a story; as, e.g., / arrived at twelve o'clock ; I ivent to the hotel; they told me there n'as not a- single room to be had; I ivent to another hotel, etc., where each sentence to a certain extent expresses a cause or defines the time of occur- rence of the fact which is mentioned in the next. Now, though this additional meaning is clearly there, 122 The History of Language. [Chap, vi. it is a meaninof which at the moment of utterinfr each clause is not necessarily, nay not probably clearly pre- sent in the speaker's mind : we might more fully and per- haps more correctly, though undoubtedly very clumsily, express the course of thought by : / arrived . . ., and when I had ar?'ivcd, I went . . ., but when I had gone to the hotel, they told . . ., and because they told . . . / zvent to another, etc. We have, then, in our example a combination of in- dependence with interdependence which is the first step on the road towards subordination of one member to the other. Instead of the clumsy method of repetition which, if ever, is of course but very seldom employed, we give partial expression to this mutual relationship by demonstrative pronouns or verbs, (i) I arrived . . ., then I went . . ., there they told . . ., etc. (2) / met a boy ; he told me. ... (3) He bought a house ; that ivas old. (4) He told a lie ; that was a pity. A careful study of these examples, — in the third of which the demonstrative pronoun refers (as in the second) to one part only of the preceding sentence, whilst in the fourth it relates to the whole statement made in the former part, — will show (a) the method of development of demonstrative into relative pronoun ; [b) that of demonstrative pronoun into conjunction — It was a pity that he told a lie ; {c) the concomitant change from parataxis to hypotaxis — from He bought a house, + that [house) was old, to He bought a Jiouse that was old = ' which was old.' A peculiar kind of paratactical subordination occurs where an imperative or interrogative clause loses its independence and becomes an expression of condition ; e.g., Go there yourself, {and or then) you will see that I am rigid, or Do you wa7it to do it? then make haste. CHAPTER VII. CHANGE OF MEANING IN SYNTAX. We have considered, in Chapter IV., the different ways in which words change their meanings : and have re- marked that chans^e of meanincj consists in the widen- ing or narrowing of the scope or appHcation of each word. We wish, in this chapter, to point out that these processes are not confined to words, but that whole syntactical combinations are constantly under- going changes of meaning of a similar nature. It may be well to eive at the outset an instance illustrative of such difference. Let us take the sentence, ' The book reads like a translation.' In this sentence the meaning which we attach to the word book has de- veloped from that attached to A.S. boc, a beech tree.^ The word 7'ead has been specialised in meaning from the more primitive signification 'to interpret.' In the same way, translation meant originally nothing more than a transference of any kind, but has been specially applied to a transference of the ideas expressed by one language into those of another. Such, then, are ex- amples of changes of meaning which have occurred in words. But besides these changes, it is obvious that we have here a sentence in which the relation between ' See Skeat, s.v. book. 124 The History of Language. [Chap. the subject and predicate differs considerably from that which is the nsiial one. We do not in the aforesaid sentence mean to say that the subject book performs the action reads, but we wish to assert that the subject is of such a nature as to admit of some person per- forming the action in question. This usage of the subject and predicate, though, when employed cir- cumspectly, it need cause no obscurity, yet is an exceptional usage, or, as we have elsewhere called it, an occasional one. Such a construction might, how- ever, easily spread, and become habitual or usual. In that case we should have to admit that the meaninsf of the general syntactical relation between subject and predicate connected by a verb in the active voice had widened in extent, and contracted in content. Instead of stating that the subject docs the action, we should now have to adapt the statement to the wider but more indefinite relation — the subject either does or ad- mits ^the action. We shall have occasion to return to these and similar phrases later on. Now let us take the phrase ' He reads himself into the mind of his author.' In this case we shall find that the meaning of reads is the same as that which we usually attach to it ; the peculiar meaning lies not in the separate words, but in the phrase taken as a whole. The particular, occasional use of the accusative himself, together with the combination of the words, is what expresses the whole thought implied ; and thus we have here an instance of a specific construction in which the force of the accusative connected with the word is different from the force of the case in more common usage. Though the application of the accusa- tive in the way we have just mentioned must originally have been an occasional one, yet the phrase, though it has indeed become specific, has become so common. VII.] Change of Meaning in Syntax. 125 that we may in this conihinalioii call its meaning 2Lsiial. We have, then, in studying change of meaning in syntactical relations, besides the classification of occa- sional and usual, another distinctio7i to draw ; that between [a) a change of meaning in a general relation, without reference to the individual terms which happen to stand in that relation (such as subject and predicate, verb and object, noun with accompanying genitive, pre- position and its regime), and {[)) a change in meaning of a case, or other syntactical relation, with regard to a specific word or expression, in connection with which it has come to express a new shade of thought. These two classifications are independent of each other, and cross one another. It is further to be noticed that, just as it is impossible to draw a hard and fast line of distinction between the occasional and 7ts7ial in the meaning of a word, so it is impossible to always clearly formulate when the change in meaning of a syntactical relation is general or special ; nay, it would in many cases be difficult to decide whether a change of mean- ing in a group of words is owing to a change of mean- ing in the words, or in their syntactical relations. Yet it is necessary to keep the distinction in view. Instances of these syntactical changes are common in all languages. We might take, as a simple instance, from the Latin, the syntactical change which is brought about in the relationship of the transitive verb and its accusative. Transitive verbs commonly take the accusative of the direct object ; as, Grccia capta fcj'ian victoreni cepit. But many words not originall)^ transi- tive become so when composed with a preposition ; as, accederc, pi^ccccllerc, transgrcdi, just as to forego in English is transitive, while to go is intransitive. This construction was then felt as usJtal. But besides these we find a quantity of verbs strictly intransitive 126 The History of Language. [Chap. employed with the accusative ; as, ambularc viaria (to walk the seas : Cicero, de Finibus, ii. 34) ; hidere Appium (just as we say, to play the fool : Cicero, ad Quint Fratr., ii. 15); saltarc Cyclopa (to dance the Cylops dance : Horace, Sat. I. v.) ; stiipcre domnn, (Vergil) ; etc. It was felt that the relationship between a7nbulare ^.wdi maj'ia, e.g., was closely enough related to that of regere curruni on the one hand, and to that of amhUare S7iper viaria on the other, to enable analogy to become widely operative in extending this use. The result was that some of the constructions passed into regular usage ; some stood out longer, and must always have appeared as exceptional or occasional ; as, siidare viclla (Vergil, Eclogue iv. 30). One of the most ordinary changes brought about by relations in syntax is that due to the relationship of what is commonly called the governing word and its case. The signification, for example, borne by an accusative standing in the relation of object to a verb may cause the verb to bear a meaning more special than its ordinary meaning. Thus, in the case of such a phrase as / beat, it is clear that in to beat a dog, to beat the cjteiny, to beat the air, different values are attached to the meaning of the word ' (to) beat,' and the word thereby is narrowed in its definition and cor- respondingly enriched in its contents. It seems natural to examine a little more in detail the relationship borne by the cases to the word which governs them : there seems no objection to the use of the word governs, pro- vided only that it be understood with due limitations ; that certain particular forms are commonly devoted to the expression of certain ideas or relationships, and that the idea be not entertained that there is anything in the nature of the meanings of the words indissolubly connected with a particular form. VII.] Change of Meaning in Svntax. 127 To deal with the Cases first. It is impossible to set tOQ^ether the different uses of the genitive, and to draw from these by induction any certain proof of the functions which this case fulfilled in the primitive Indo- European languages. For instance, the use of the genitive when it depends on verbs seems to have nothincf in common with that of the same case when connected with substantives. In the former case, for instance, in the Classical languages, we find merely a few isolated instances of the genitive regularly governed by verbs, especially those verbs which signify ruling over, remenibering, lacking, etc. The genitive with nouns, on the other hand, seems most probably to have been used in Indo-European for the expression of any relation between two substantives, as indeed it was in classical Greek, and, to a less extent, in Latin ; cf. such different usages as Cccsaris Jioi'ti ; docendi gratia; reus JMilonis; urdis ins tar ; nie Pompeii esse scio (Cicero, Fam., ii. 13); Germaniciis yEgyptiun profici- scittir cognoscendcB antiqiiitatis (Tacitus, Annals, xi. 59); hoc prcrniii', 7it adhnc locorum (Plautus, Captivi, 382). In modern English, on the contrary, the function of the genitive in connection with substantives is greatly re- stricted. Many usages possible in Anglo-Saxon are at the present day obsolete ; for instance, CiHste is allre kingcking (Orm., 3588), madma mccnigo (Beowulf, 41), 'daer zvcbs ukDUK/ela (ibid., 36). rinca manige (ibid., 729), he 5AES W/EPNES onldh sdlran siveord-frecan = he lent the weapon to the brave hero (ibid., 1468-69), to gebidajine oSRES YRFEWEARDEs =: to cxpcct another heir (ibid., 2453, he >7^e/ Ho7'se ^iKDy.iY.s ino'^e (L.I. 163, Fiedler and Sachs, ii. p. 277).^ The genitive at the present day is confined to certain characteristically special usages, and possesses ' A good collection of examples will be found in Sweet's Anglo- Saxon Reader, introd., p. Ixxxvii. 128 The History of Language. [Chap. several apparently Independent significations. It must, however, be noticed that the true inflectional geni- tive in English is that which characterises the pos- sessive case ; 2iS, Johiis hat. In other cases in Modern English, we have commonly dropped the inflection, and are accustomed to render the genltival relation by a periphrasis with the preposition of. Using the word genitive in this sense, we may say that the typical usages of the genitive in modern English are the possessive genitive {the vians brother), the partitive genitive {a cup of zuine), and the genitive denoting that the governing substantive is what it is in virtue of what depends upon it {the zvritcr of the work). This last division falls naturally into two sub-divisions in the case of nouns of action : the subjective genitive {surly Gloster s governance — Shakespeare, 2 Henry VI., I. iii.) and the objective genitive {the government of the country). These usages have survived the various original methods of the application of the genitive, and they must thus be counted amongst genuine grammati- cal categories. The relation of the accusative to its s^overnlnof verb resembles the relation of the genitive to its governing substantive. The most general definition of the mean- ing of the accusative might be that it denotes any and every kind of relation that a substantive can bear to a verb, except that of a subject to its predicate. It is, however, true that, in English, we are unable to employ it in every case to denote such relation : nor, indeed, does this use seem to have been permissible in the original Indo-European languages; though it is true that the accusative was used more freely and commonly in old Greek and Latin, for instance, than in later times : of. such constructions as airopa TTopLfxo^ {Aisch., Prom. Vinctus) ; Quid tibi hanc rem tactio est} (Plautus, Poenu- VII.] Change of Meaning in Syntax. 129 lus, V. V. 29), humcros exscrtus tttcrqiic (Statius, The- bais, V. 439). Hence, in considering the different uses of the accusative, we must at the very outset place those meanings side by side which have gradually become independent. The first distinction which we must remark in the use of the accusative is that between xk^^free accusative, or accusative which is independent of the nature of the verb which it follows, — as, to buy a hat, — and the at- tacked accusative, which is connected with a few verbs only by a close tie, and in each case with a restricted signification, — as, to blow a gale, to row a race. The free accusative is more freely used in English than in French or German ; many of the relations which in those languages are expressed by the genitive and dative are in English expressed by the case under consideration. One of the original usages of the free accusative was the expression of an extension over space and time ; and in this case, it is not always found with verbs. We have in Latin, Ccusar tridtd iter processit (Caesar, Bell. Gallic, i. 38) ; Unguem non oportet disccdere (Cicero, ad Att, xiii. 20) : and, in English, such uses as To "iprite of victories next year (^\x\\^r, Hudibras, II., in., 173); My troublotis dream this night (Henry VI., Part II., Act. II., ii.) ; where the dative was usual in Anglo-Saxon (see Koch, ii., p. 94 ; Mason, p. 147). As instances of the attached accusative, we must especially consider the accusative of such substantives as are etymologically connected with the verb ; as, to fight a hard fight ; to see a straiige sight ; sangas ic singe (Ps. xxvi. 7).^ This 'cognate accusative' most probably furnishes the cue to such construc- tions as Come and trip it as you go, where it seems ^ Cf. Miitzner, iii. 202. K 130 The History of Language. [Chap. to replace some noun, as, e.g., tripping. Once estab- lished, this use of it instead of a cognate noun in the accusative, would easily be extended to cases like to foot it for to dance a dance, where the use of the verb to foot is but an ' occasional ' one, and apparently too unusual to admit of the formation of the noun footing in the sense of dance. We must, then, suppose that the word it stands for a dance, i.e. for an accusative not cognate with the verb actually used, but with another and synonymous verb. The use of the accusative of towns in Latin, in answer to the question WJiithei" ? — as, Ire Romani, Tarentum, etc., further illustrates the attached accusative with which we may compare expres- sions in English, as to go zuest ; flying south, etc. The usage, now common in English, whereby a predicative adjective is connected with an intransitive verb seems to be of later origin. Cf. to cry ones eyes red ; to zvash one s forehead cool ; to eat one s-self full ; to dance one s-self tired ; to shout ones-self hoarse. I n these cases the predicatival force of the accusative must be regarded as a widening of the signification. No doubt, however, special factors must have aided to bring this construction into use : such as the survival of the memory of the general signification of the accusative, as representing the goal of the verbal action ; and, again, the analogy of such cases as to shoot a man dead ; to btiy a man free ; to strike a man dumb ; to beat black and blue ; — where the accusative serves to define the verb, and indeed, almost enters into composition with it, as it in fact actually does in many cases in German, like tot schlagcn ; cf. the English dumb- foundered. There are a large number of colloquial phrases which are similar,^ such as to talk a persons head off ; to ivorm one s-self into another s confidcjice ; to ^ Cf. Koch (ii., p. 95), \vlio cites a number of examples. VII.] Change of Meaning in Syntax. 131 read ones-self into an anthor ; to langh a man down, etc. There is, next, the case of the accusative after eoui- poimd verbs, where the simple verbs are intransitive or govern a different kind of accusative from that taken by the verb when compounded. Such are cwcnmdare diwdi pi^eecellei'e in Latin, and, in EngUsh, to forego, to underrate, to withstand, to outlast; or, A.S, ofer-swii7ii)ian, forestandan, etc. ; e.g., (he) ofcrswant si oleosa bigong — He siuavi across the sea (Beowulf, 2368) : ]Vi^ ord and wi'S ecge ingang forstod — He withstood entrance against swoi'd and spear (ibid., 1550).^ These are on the border line of 'free' and * attached ' accusatives. There are certain verbs composed with certain prefixes which, in virtue of their composition, receive a transitive force ; as, belabour, begrudge, beiuitch, belie, befieck, etc., and which, in some cases, receive in addi- tion the power of adopting a different kind of object, generally calling in the aid of metaphor to extend their meaning ; as, embody, encompass, enthral, override. An ' attached ' accusative, or one properly attached adverbially, in a defining and qualifying sense," to one definite individual verb, has, as a rule, only one single meaning, limited by use. But sometimes we find that in this case, too, several applications have set in ; such may have been in some cases original, and in others due to the fact that the one * usual ' siornification has extended by * occasional ' transgression. Take such -cases as to blow a gale, to bloiv a sail, to strike a blow ; to ^ See Vocabulary to Beowulf, by Heine, under sfafidan, gangafi, Mean, etc., and their compounds. Also Koch, ii., p. 3, verbs from A.S. which are transitive and intransitive, e.g., whitiati, to fight; fleogau, to fly ; etc. ^ See King and Cookson, Comparative Grammar of Greek and Latin, p. 177. 132 The History of Language. [Chap. strike a man, to strike terror ; to rtm a race, to run a man down ; to stone a man, to stone chei'ries ; pacing the ground, the morrice pacings ; to keep a man from harm, to keep harm from a man ; to stick a man with a knife, to stick a sta77ip ; and in Latin, defcndcre aliqnem ab ardore solis, dcfendc7'e ardore7Jt solis ab aliqtio ; prohibere calamitatem a provincia, prohibere provinciam cala- mitate ; mutare equum mercede, mntare mercedem cqiio. So, too, in Greek : apKelv riva airo Kivhvvov : apKelv KlvhvVOV 0,770 TtVO?. Poetry has a strong tendency to aid such 'occa- sional ' constructions to become * usual : ' for it is a part of the technique of poetry to produce strong im- pressions by using its material in a fresh and striking way : thus we find in Latin, vina cadis one^'are (Vergil, y^neid, i. 199: a variation for cados vinis); liberarc obsidio7icm (Livy, xxvi. 8), instead of libei^are U7^be77i obsidione; vi7ia C07'07ia7it {W Q.vg\\, ^neid, iii. 526) instead of poctUa vi7iis C07^07tant : SaKpva jiyyeiv = ' to stain tears,' instead of 'to stain with tears' (Pindar): alfia Seueiv = 'to stain blood,' instead of 'to stain with blood' (Sophocles). Thus, in English, we have The Attic warbler poiirs her throat (Gray) ; to laiignish a d7'op of blood a day (Shakespeare, Cymbeline, L ii.) The relation expressed by the accusative may in itself be more than a single one ; and thus the connection of a single verb with several accusatives to express different ideas is quite natural. It seems hardly true to state that the Indo-Euro- pean prepositions governed any particular case. The case which followed the preposition was actually re- ferred to the verb ; the general meaning of the verb was still felt and was merely specialised by the preposi- tion ; whence it comes that the same preposition is followed by different cases, each bearing its own VII.] Change of Meaning in Syntax. 133 special meaning. The Greek language offers good examples of this, and seems to stand nearer the original state, as far as usage goes. Take, for instance, a preposition like irapd. Its general meaning may be defined as * from : ' when followed by the genitive it signifies ' proceeding from ; ' when followed by the accusative, ' to,' reference to the source not being overlooked : similarly with /caret, /xera, etc. In English, more than in most European languages, the tendency has been to multiply the use of preposi- tions, and to employ them independently of any feeling for the case. The case has thus become more and more independent of the preposition : the connection of the latter with the case has become merely matter of custom; and the consciousness of the original signification of the case has become fainter. With regard to the Latin prepositions which govern one case only (like cz, ad), or which govern more than one without affecting the sense (like temis\ the employment of the case is merely traditional, and no value can be attached to it. Between the absolute fixity of the one use and the original freedom of the other use stands the employ- ment of in, stib, and super, sometimes with the ablative, sometimes with the accusative, but with different meanings for the respective cases. The changes that have appeared in Syntax in the case of prepositions are very well exemplified in English, in which language their use has so greatly spread, and plays such an important part. They were, in the first place, prefixed to the verb, which they qualified adverbially,^ forming, in fact, a compound with it; as, 'to ^t^crtake,' '^rrrreach,' 'ovci\ooV! They were next detached from the verb, but not prefixed to the noun; as, 'to take over', 'to reach over', 'to look over;' ^ Mason's Grammar, p. 107. 134 The History of Language. [Chap. and the difference In meaning between these three pairs of phrases will show us how the preposition came to lose memory of the proper signification of the case. In a later stage still, they appear prefixed to nouns, and serve to particularise the relations of actions to things — relations which, In the Inflected state of language, were expressed by the case endings of nouns ; cf. Bigstanda'^ me strange gendatas {Csedmon) = ' Stout vassals bystand me ;' He heom stod zui^ (Layamon) = ' He them stood against;' or Again t/ie false paicns the Christens stode he by (P. Langtoft) = ' Against the false pagans the Chris- tians he stood by ; ' i.e. 'He stood by the Christians.' We sometimes find the partitive use of the genitive replaced by apposition. The simplest and most natural example of this Is where the apposition Is made up of several members which are collectively the equivalent of the substantive to which they are ap- pended ; for Instance, ' They went, one to the right, the other to the left ; ' * Postero die terrestrem nava- lemque exercltum, non instructos modo, sed hos decur- rentes, classem in portu, simulacrum et Ipsam edentem navalls pugnse ostendit ' (Livy, xxix. 22). ' Duae filice harum, altera occlsa, altera capta est ' (Caesar, Bell. Gallic, I. 53) ; ' Diversa cornua, dextrum ad castra Sammltlum, laevum ad urbem tendit' (Livy, x. 41); ' Capti ab lugurtha, pars in crucem acti, pars bestiis objecti sunt' (Sail., lug.). But the same apposi- tional construction appears when the whole apposition represents only a part of the expression or phrase of which it Is the expansion ; as, ' Volsci maxima pars csesi,' (Livy): 'Cetera multitudo decimus quisque ad suppllclum Iccti ' (Livy) ; ' Nostri ceclderunt tres ' (Caesar) ; ' My arrival, although an only son, unseen for four years, was unable to discompose, etc' (Scott, Rob Roy, I.) ; ' Tuum, hominis simpllcis, pectus VII.] Change of Meaning in Syntax. 135 vidimus* (Cicero, Phil., ii. 43). This is also the case where the subject is expressed only by the personal termination of the verb ; as, ' Plerique meminimus ' (Livy) ; ' Simoni adesse me quis nuntiate' = * Tell Simo, one or the other of you!' (Plautus). Similarly, in the case of the designation of materials, we find an apposition taking the place of the partitive genitive ; thus we find, in Latin, ' aliquid id genus' for 'some- thing of that kind ; ' * Scis me antea orationes aut aliquid id genus solitum scribere' (Cicero, Att., xiii. 12) ; ' Pas- cuntur omne genus objecto frumento maxime ordeo' (Varro, de Re Rustica, iii. 6) ; ^ * arma magnus numerus' (Livy). Thus, ' He gained the sur-addition Lconatus' (Shakespeare, Cymbeline, L i.). This more simple and primitive appositional con- struction is very common in modern German ; as, cin stuck brot, ein glas zoassc7'- : in Middle High German it was rarer ; in modern Scotch it is common in such instances as a wcc bit body, a ctivran days (a number of days) : it was common in Anglo-Saxon; as, *sc6p him Heort naman ' (Beowulf, ']'i)\ Eiuine bro'^cr ^e qticenc (Robert of Gloucester) ; The Duke of Burgoys, Edmondc so7ine (Wa., i. 87) ; David Kingdom (R. of G., i. 7.) :" and is found in Chaucer, — Gif tts a btisshcl whet or malt or rcye (Canterbury Tales, 7328) ; half a quarter otcs (ibid., 7545) : and has survived even in modern English, in such cases as The Tyrol passes (Coleridge, Pice, i. 10) ; Through Solway sands, through Tain'as moss (Scott, Lay of Last Minstrel, i. 21). We must regard this method of apposition as the most primitive in language ; the two words in apposition are simply placed side by side like two Chinese roots, and must be looked upon as the simple stems without any inflection. ^ See Zumpt, § 42S. ^ Fiedler and Sachs, ii. 273. 136 The History of Language. [Chap. Even the subject of a verb may deviate from previous usage in the way whereby it denotes a relation: cf. such phrases as The cistern is running dry ; The roof drips with water ; The trees drop honey. Thus we can say, The river is running over ; The wood is resonant with song ; The window will not shut; The fire will not draw ; The kettle boils ; This sample tastes dad ; The hall thick swarming now with complicated monsters (Milton) : in Italian, Le vie correvano sangue (Males- pini) : in Spanish, Corriero7i sangue los rios : Sudare mella (Vergil, Eel. iv., 30) ; cf. also, the use of sapere, in Latin, in such cases as cum sapimus patruos (Persius, Sat. i., 11) ; sentir, in French, as Cela sent la guerre. In these cases we should expect the subject and object to be inverted. A similar departure from ordinary usage occurs in the case of what we commonly speak of as 'transferred' epithets ; i.e. adjectives referring to merely indirect relations with the substantive to which they are attached. Such are expressions like wicked ways ; quiet hours; in ambitious Latin (Carlyle, Past and Present, 11. 2) ; the blest abodes (Pope, Essay on Man, Hi. 259). Many of these linguistic licences have become quite usual, and it is forgotten that the epithet attached to the word does not strictly fit it : thus we speak quite commonly of the happy event, a joyful siuprise, happy hours, a leai^7ied treatise, an intoxicated condition, in a foolish manner, a gay supper, a bright prospect, etc. ; and we can even say, He gives 2is an unhealthy impression, a stingy gift, etc. The Avord secure in English, like S2ir In French, refers In the first instance to a person who need not be anxious ; in the second place, to a thing or person about whom no one need be anxious. Thus we can say, I am safe in say- ing that he is safe. As soon as these freer combina- VII.] Change of Meaning in Syntax. 137 tions are apprehended as an ordinary epithet appHed to its substantive, we may state that a change in word- meaning has occurred. Such hcence occurs in the case of the participles and nouns in -z;/^even more than in that of adjectives ; thus wcjcan say, in a dismantled state (Dickens, Pickwick, 2) ; a smiling ansivcr ; this co7isitmmation of drunken folly (Scott, Rob Roy, 12); a dazzling prospect ; the selling price ; the dying day ; a parting glass ; writing materials ; sleeping compartment ; dining room ; singing lesson ; falling sickness ; ivaking mo77ients ; the ravished hoiLrs (Parnell, Hesiod, 225). So, too, we speak of a talented man ; cf. also the common French expres- sions, thd dansant, cafd chantant. Tacitus has such uses as Mtcciano volentia rescripsere (Hist., iii. 52) for volejiti, etc. We may probably compare with this use that of the so-called ' misrelated participle,' a freely attached pre- dicatival attribute, which is indeed condemned as ungrammatical and careless, but which still occurs very commonly in even the best authors. Cf. When gone we all regarded each other for some minutes with confusion ' (Goldsmith, Vicar of Wakefield, 13) ; * Thus repulsed, our final hope Is flat despair ' (]\lilton, Paradise Lost, ii. 142); ^Amazed at the alteration in his manner, every sentence that he uttered increased her embarrassment' (Miss Austin, Pride and Prejudice, ch. xliii.),^ We are, indeed, accustomed to say that in this case we must supply a subject, and that the full expression would be ' Amazed as she was' in the last instance cited. But ^ Numerous instances are given in Hodgson, p. 105, and in Matzner, vol. iii., p, 80. 13S - The History of Language. [Chap. if we use such an expression as ' a pitying tear,' we might maintain as well that it is necessary to explain this as, ' with a tear, shed in sign of his pity.' The fact is, that these loosely appended predicatival attributes answer to a need felt in language, just as much as such words as regarding, dtiring, vtc que, instar, supply a requirement in the prepositional category. In the case of participial constructions, the participle expresses formally the time-relation in which the condition or action denoted by the participle stands to the finite verb. Thus, ' Being frighteited he runs away ' expresses formally nothing more than the temporal relation between the fright and what follows it. It is, however, possible to understand different relations as implied by this participle ; thus there would, in this instance, be a connection of cause and effect. There are many cases in which, were we to extend the participial construction into a separate sentence, we should have to employ different conjunc- tions ; sometimes those. denoting- the reason, — as, ' Since he was frightened he ran away ; ' sometimes we should have to employ such conjunctions as denote an opposi- tion, — as, 'Notwithstanding that;' thus, supposing that the sentence in question ran, • Being frightened he did not run away,' this would naturally be broken up into ^ NotwitJistanding that he was frightened, he did not run away.' Sometimes, again, the participle expresses a condition, as in such common cases as 'Failing an heir, the property passes to the crown.' Still it is unnecessary to assert that the participle, as such, denotes these different meanings — such as cause, condition, opposition, etc. These relations are only accidental and occasional. When, however, we have dependent sentences introduced by a temporal conjunc- tion, like qimm, since, the accidental relation of this VII.] Change of Meaning in Syntax. 139 conjunction to the governing sentence may come to attach itself and become permanent ; in this case, the conjunction will experience a change of syntactical meaning. Take the case of since, formed by the adverbial genitive suffix es, from sin = sithcn (from sv^, \ai]i, after that). Mliilc, again, from meaning 'the time that ' (a thing occurred,) has come to denote * in spite of the fact that,' in such phrases as ' While you pre- tend that you love me, you act as though you did not.' In the case of the modern German lacil, the temporal signification has completely disappeared ; and in the same wa}'' prepositions, such as thi'ough and by, which possess strictly speaking a local or temporal meaning, pass into a causal meaning. The instances given above may serve to show the way in which changes are constantly occurring in syntax, and will aid in pointing out how language is constantly aiming at supplying, in an economical fashion, its needs as they successively present them- selves. CHAPTER VIII. CONTAMINATION. We have discussed, in Chapter V., the force of analogy and its effect. We have now to study a phenomenon of language which may be called 'contamination,' and which, though widely differing from analogy in the most characteristic instances of both, is yet so closely allied to it as to render it a difficult matter to draw any hard and fast line of demarcation between the two. We call the process ' contamination ' when two synonymous forms or constructions force themselves simultaneously, or at least in the very closest succes- sion, into our consciousness, so that one part of the one replaces or, it may be, ousts a corresponding part of the other ; the result being that a new form arises in which some elements of the one are confused with some elements of the other. Thus, for instance, to take an imaginary case, a person seeing a book on the table might wish to ex- claim, 'Take that thing away !' Just, however, as he is utterinQ: the word thinz, the consciousness that it is properly called a book forces itself upon him, and he utters the word ihook. Of course such a form is a mistake, and a mistake so palpable and, indeed, so absurd that the speaker will at once correct it. Every one, however, who is in the habit of watching closely Chap. VIII.] CONTAMINATION. I4I the Utterances of others, and indeed of himself, will be aware that such slips of the tongue are extremely common ; and it is clear that, though such formations are, in the first instance, sudden and transitory, and generally travel no further than the individual from whom they proceed, yet they may, by repetition on the part of the same individual, or, it may be, by imitation, conscious or unconscious, on the part" of others, end by becoming 'usual.' Contamination manifests itself not merely in the form of words, but also in their syntactical combina- tion. In the case of such a curious mixture of two words as that which we took for our example, the very grotesqueness of the result would probably bar the way to the spreading of the word, though, as we shall see, traces are to be found of cases hardly less grotesque than this. In syntactical combinations, however, the results have far more frequently proved permanent ; or, in any case, the results do not com- monly appear in such jarring contrast to received usage as to challenge immediate correction, and, con- sequently, instances can be more easily found in literature of syntactical than of verbal contamination ; some cases of such contamination pass into language and become * usual ; ' some are refused admission into normal language and are set down as the peculiarities of the individual writer or speaker, or, it may be, as his mistakes. We saw that formation by analogy manifests itself as the alteration of one form in compliance with a rule more or less consciously abstracted from a number of examples drawn from a group to which that form does not, strictly speaking, belong. Contamination is the alteration of one form on the model of another synony- mous form. The difficulty of distinguishing between 142 The History of Language. [Chap. the two arises from this — that the contaminating form or construction often derives additional force from being associated with other members of its group, so that it may be doubtful whether the rule or the one synonym gave the impetus to the new formation. Nevertheless, we may lay it down that for analogy we must demand a sufficient number of examples on which to base a rule ; while for contami- nation, a single form or construction may suffice. If we bear in mind these main points of distinction, we shall commonly find no difficulty in deciding to which of the two classes we should refer any particular case.^ Among the results of contamination in single w^ords, we must naturally expect that those have the best chance of becoming permanent which least deviate from the correct form ; i.e. where the synony- mous" forms confused resembled each other, and the form due to their contamination consequently bore sufficient resemblance to both to enable it to arise repeatedly in the mouth of several speakers, and, when formed, to escape observation. Thus the word milt (the soft roe of fishes) is a substitute for milk (it appears in Swedish as mjolke) ; this was probably due to contamination with milt (spleen), which is a different word.^ Again, the English combination otigh is due to the contamination of three distinct forms, viz., iigh (A.S. -?///), -ogh (A.S. -dJi), -oogh (A.S. -oh) ; whilst, at the same time, the loss of the gJi has affected the ^ A strict attention to this difference would involve the trans- ference of some of Professor Wheeler's examples, in his admirable pamphlet on Analogy, to the head of ^ Contamination.' - ' Synonymous ' must here be understood in a Avide sense, em- bracing sets of words which, though really distinct in meaning as well as origin, become confused, and consequently become synony- mous merely by misunderstanding (see our first example). " Skeat, Principles of English Etymology, p. 357. VIII.] Contamination. 143 quality of the preceding vowel by the principle of compensation. Thus the word throtigh should have appeared as thriigh, A.S. *^7'7(k (for "^ttrli) ; but it has been altered to through, as if from A.S. *^nlh, or else to '^HhiiJ'gh (A.S. "Surh), which has been lengthened to tho7'{oti)gh} A.S. byr^en, 'a load,' became bui'thcn, and is now bitrdcn, the change being assisted by confusion with biirdai (Fr. bourdo7i), 'the refrain of a song.'^ The word anccdotagc is a wilful contamination of anecdote -j- dotage, with a side glance at age (time of life), though in dotage the suffix age has no connection with the noun of same sound. Anothcr-gaineSy which was used by Sydney in his Arcadia (1580) seems to have resulted from the confusion of anothei^kins (of another kind), which survives in the Whitby dialect, and anothcrgatcs (of another gate, manner). On these instances, see Murray's Dictionary, s.v. In this and similar instances, where the fact that the word occurs in more than one meaning is due to confusion or misconception, it is often difficult to say whether we have to deal with contamination proper, as we defined it and illustrated it by the example on page 140. There exist, however, in many languages words and forms wdiich can be explained in no other way. Such is the O.Fr. form oi^estc, a contamination between orage and tempcste ; and again, the O.Fr. tricj's seems to be a contamination between trcs (trans) and rier (retro). ^ The confusion was rendered easier in the case of forms which may easily pass into a grammatical para- digm. Thus, from the Italian of sojw and the per- fect termination in -7'o (= runt\ the was transferred ^ Skeat, Principles of English Etymolog}-, p. 361. * Cf. ibid., p. 36S. ^ Cf. Grober, p. 630. 144 The History of Language. [Chaf. to the other third person plural forms ; whence such forms as old ^wsq2^\ fecdroiio (modern y7/r^;^. active causative) of yds/ia' ; and fid, a particle signifying entreaty. (Skeat, Etymological Dictionary, s.v.) ^ Haleli'i, 'Praise ye,' (from verb halal,) and y' flicker and flacker, crifikle-cr ankle, dinging and donging. Nursery language. Most nursery language is imitative of natural sounds, and reduplication plays an important part in the words in this; cf. bow-wow, puff- p2iff, gee-gee, etc.^ This language is not invented by children, but is received by them like any other, and welcomed by those who have to teach infants, as facili- tating the efforts of the teacher. The relation of the sound to the meaning which often still exists therein, facilitates the acceptance of the word by the child to be taught. Indeed, the words of the language of culture are ^ The relation of sound to meaning in gee-gee is, for infants, no clearer than between horse ^nd its meaning. This offers the best proof of the conventionahty of much nursery talk. IX.] Original Creation. 165 sometimes actually compounded with words of nursery language, as in the case of moo-cozv, baa-shcep, coo-dove. It must further be remarked that, when a lanpfuaee has developed into a state of culture and finds it necessary to create new words, these words accom- modate themselves to the forms already existing in the language, and undergo processes of formation similar to those which have operated on the words already existing in the language. They appear with the derivation and flection syllables common in the language at the time when they were created. For instance, supposing cackle and cimckle to be words of this sort, cack, and chuck or cimgh are the only parts due to original creation ; — the termination le seems a regular iterative form, and the words have come to be classified with others of the same formation, and treated in the same way. Similar instances are ata^w (atai) olfJLCol^a) [olfJLOt), etc. Roots. We are led to see, then, from such forms as cackle, that what we regard as a root need not necessarily ever have existed as a bare root, as an independent element ; but immediately upon its appearance, it is naturally provided with one or more suffixes or prefixes in accordance with the exigencies of the lanofuao-e. Thus, for instance, in the Middle ages a belfry was called clangorium. And further, the function of new creations is determined by the analogy of other words existing in the language ; and thus the new words, as soon as they appear in the language, conform to the laws of language, and an element appears in the words which does not depend upon original creation. So ^ev forms a verb in yEschylus, Agamemnon: -rl ravr ec^ev^a? (11 94; see also line 960); cf. iichzcn in N.H.G., and the use of such words as crack, crackle, ci^ackling. 1 66 The History of Language. [Chap. In what has been said hitherto, we have mainly considered the form in which language appears ; but neither in this nor in its syntax must we suppose that the first creations with which laneuaofe besfan were operated upon by any such influences as analogy. We must suppose them to have been entire conceptions, condensed sentences, as when we cry out Fu'e! Thievesl They are really, it will be seen, predicates ; and an impression unspoken but felt by the speaker forms their subject. The impressions made by noises and sounds would be those that would naturally strike first upon man's consciousness ; and to express these he creates the first sounds of language. The oldest words, therefore, seem to have been imperfectly expressed conceptions partaking of an interjectional character. Again, it must be remembered that the new creations of primitive man must have been made with no thought of communication. Until lano;uao;e was created, those who uttered the first sounds must have been ignorant that they could thereby indicate anything to their neighbours. The sounds which they uttered were simply the reflection of their own feelings, or when they came by observation to associate with their neighbours' feelings. But as soon as other individuals heard these reflex sounds, and at the same time had the same feelings, the sounds and feelings were in some way connected, and must have passed into the con- sciousness of the community as in some measure con- nected as cause and effect. We must also suppose that gesture language developed side by side with the lan- guage of sounds : and, indeed, it is not until language has reached a high degree of development that it can dispense with gesture language as an auxiliary. The Southern nations, which use most interjections, employ IX.] Original Creation. 167 also most oresticulations. The Portuofuese lanQ-uao-e for instance, is exceedingly rich in interjections, and moreover these interjections are in common use, to an extent which at first strikes a foreigner as excessive and almost unpleasant, but which he soon learns to appreciate. Conversation in Portuguese often derives a peculiar charm and picturesqueness from the fre- quency with which one of the speakers expresses his meaning, quite clearly, with some interjection (e.g. 07'a) and some gesticulation.^ We must further remember that, as soon as a speaker has recognised the fact that he can, by the means of language, communicate his thoughts, there is nothing to prevent the sounds uttered consciously as the vehicles of communication from attaching them- selves to those which are merely involuntary ex- pressions of feelings. Whether the group of sounds so produced shall disappear or survive must depend on its suitability to fill a need, and on many chance circumstances. It should also be noticed that we must suppose the original human being, who had never as yet spoken, to have been absolutely unable to reutter at his will any form of speech which he had chanced to produce. He would slowly and gradually, after repeatedly hearing the sound, acquire the capacity for reproducing it. The children of our own day hear a certain number of definite and limited sounds repeated by persons in whom identical motory sensations have developed. We are driven, therefore, to assume that language must have beeun with a confused utterance of the most varying and uncertain articulations, such as we never find combined in any real language. We may thus ^ See also an article of S. Mallery on Gesture Language among Savages, in Techaier's luternationale Zeitsclirilt, vol. i., p. 193. 1 68 The History op Language. [Chap. gather that the consistency in motory sensation neces- sary to a language must have been very slow in developing. The result, then, at which we arrive is that no motory sensation can attain to a definite form and consistency except for such sounds as are favoured by their natural conditions. The sounds most open to be acted on by such conditions are those immediately resulting from the attempt to express natural feelings ; in the endeavour to express these, nature, which prompted the feelings, must have prompted some uniformity of utterance. The traditional language must at its outset have contented itself with compara- tively few sound signs, even though a large quantity of different sounds were, on different occasions, uttered by the different individuals. The process of utterance must have been long and tedious before anything worthy to be called a language could come into existence. A language cannot be produced until individuals belonging to the same hnguistic community have begun to store up in memory the product of their original creations. When they can draw upon their memory at will, and can count upon reproducing the same sound-groups to represent the same ideas, and can likewise count upon these sound-groups being understood in the same sense, then, and not till then, can we speak of language in any true sense. If this be the true test of the existence of a language, it is no doubt true that we must admit that many beasts possess language. Their calls of warning or of entice- ment are clearly traditional, and are learnt from those around them. They utter the same cries to express the same emotions, and this consistently. But the language of beasts suffices only for the expression of a IX.] Original Creation. 169 simple and definite feeling. The language of man consists in the grouping of several words so as to form a sentence. Man thus develops the power of advancing beyond simple intuition, and of pronouncing judgment on what is not before him. CHAPTER X. ON ISOLATIOxNT AND THE REACTION AGAINST IT. The process of forming our modal and material group- ings of ideas, and of the terms which we use to express those ideas, is essentially a subjective one, and is, as such, productive of results which would seem at first sight to be incapable of scientific generalisation. Within the limits, however, of any given linguistic community, the elements of which such groups can be formed are identical, and — with all possible divergence of width and depth of Intellectual development In the members of that community — there Is a certain uniformity In the manner in which each individual member employs that part of the common stock of Ideas and terms of which he Is master. Hence it inevitably follows that the groups which are formed will, if the average be taken, prove about equal, and we are thus justified In abstracting from the Individual, and in generalising concerning such grouping at any given period, in exactly the same manner as we do In speaking of the language of a community or of the pronunciation of a given word by a community. In this process, we may for our purpose neglect Individual peculiarities or deviations from that abstract and always somewhat arbitrary norm. And just as the language of any two periods of i Chap. X.] On ISOLATION AND REACTION AGAINST IT. 171 time shows that differences arise which permeate the whole, SO, if we compare the groupings of which we can prove the existence in former times by the in- fluence they exerted on the preservation or destruction of different forms in the language with those we can observe at present in our own linguistic consciousness, or with those which were prevalent at any other period of time, we notice (i) that what formerly was naturally connected by every member of the linguistic com- munity is no longer felt to belong together, and (2) that what once formed part of different and discon- nected groups has been joined together. It is the former of these two events which we have to discuss in this chapter :^ its chief causes are change in sound and change in, or development of, signification. The effects of the latter in isolating more or less completely some word or some particular use or com- bination of any word from the group with which, owing to parallelism in meaning, it was once connected, we have already illustrated in Chapter IV. Sound- change has or may have similar effects, and even the influence of analogy, which, as we have seen in Chapter v., is mainly effectual in restoring or maintain- ing the union between the members of a group, some- times contributes to the opposite effect when any one particular member happens, from whatever cause it may be, to be excluded from its operation. Thus, for instance, our present word day is found in Anglo-Saxon as — Nom. and Ace. Sing, dcrg Plur. dagas Gen. „ dccges ,, daga Dat. „ dicge ,, da gum, ^ The latter, the formation of new groups, forms the subject of the next chapter. 172 The History of Language. [Chap. where cb was pronounced as the a in ma7t, hat, etc., and a 2i.s a m father : cb is therefore a ' front-vowel,' hke the a in fate, ee in feet, etc., while a of dagas was a ' back-vowel,' as are or 2^. The phonetic development of final or medial g differs according to the vowel which preceded it. If this was a front-vowel the g became y (vowel), ^ if it was a back-vowel the g became zv. Thus, e.g., A.S. hncegan, E. neigh; A.S. wegan, E. weigh; A.S. hdlig, E. holy : but A.S. biigan, E. {to) bow ; A.S. boga., E. ^^^o/; A.S. ^^(^;2, E. to own. Accordingly dceg, etc., in the singular became day, whilst in the pluraj we find in M.E. dawes, etc. As soon, however, as analogy had established the * regular ' s plural to the sing, day, plur. days, the verb {to) dawn, A.S., dagian^d^s thereby isolated completely, and no speaker who is not more or less a student of the history of English, connects the verb with the noun. Another instance may be found in the ^ord forlorn. To understand the history of this word we must know what is meant by Verner's law. Among the first illustrations of the regular corre- spondence of the several consonants in Latin and in the Teutonic languages are such pairs as mater, mother ; pater, father ; f rater, brother ; tres, three ; tit, thou : in all of which a th is found in English where the Latin shows a t. This and other similar regular interchanges were generalised by Grimm and formulated by him as a law, part of which stated that if the same word was found in Latin, Greek, and Sanscrit, as well as in Teutonic, a /', /, p, in the first three languages appeared as h, th, f\\\ Low Ger- man, of which family English is a representative. ' I.e. the sound of g was replaced by the soufid of the (vowel) y ; the spelling varies, as is shown by the given instances. X.] On Isolation and Reaction against it. 173 All our sets of examples seem to illustrate and confirm this law. If, however, we trace the English words back to older forms, we see that this absolute regularity is disturbed. In Middle-English almost in- variably, and in Anglo-Saxon invariably, we ^\\(\ fade7% moder, brother, A.S, fcsder, mddor, drd^or, in perfect agreement with O.S. fadar, viodar, brotJiar, and Goth. fadar, b^'othar (cf. Mod. Ger. vater, vititter, but bruder\ It was Karl Verner who explained this irregularity, and proved that it was connected with the place of the accent in the Teutonic languages, not as we find it now, but as it can be proved to have existed in those languages, where it corresponded generally with the Greek accents, or more closely still with the accent in Vedic Sanscrit. There we find that in the corresponding forms pilar, mdtar, and bhratar, the accent or stress lay on the first syllable in bhratar, but on the last in pitar and mdtar. Verner proved by numerous examples that only where an accented vowel preceded the/, /, k, Teutonic showed the corresponding f, tk, h; but that, on the other hand, where the preceding vowel was unaccented, instead of f, we found b, and d instead of th, g instead of h. And also, instead of s, which was elsewhere found both in Latin or Sanscrit as well as in Teutonic, z was found, which z further changed into r in Anglo- Saxon. Thus — to give one more instance — the suffix ian, used to form causatives in Teutonic, once bore the accent, which afterwards was placed on the root- syllable. Accordingly, the causative of the verb ris-an (to rise) was once rds-ian^ which, with z, and, later on, r, instead o{ s, changed into ncr-an, Mod. Eng^ to rear. ^ The d and / have here the acute accent to indicate length of the vowel, not the stress or ' accent.' plur. p. part. enroll coren snidon snide Jt ttizon togen 174 The History of Language. [Chap. The so-called Grammatical change in Anglo-Saxon (and other Teutonic languages) now becomes clear : The verb in past sing. cdosan (to choose) has cads sfii^an (to cut ; Scotch, S7ied) has snd^ tdoii (to drag) has tdah and all this series of regular sound-change depends upon the fact that in the past plural and in the past participle the accent fell originally on the termina- tion. Similarly, {foi') Idosan, — l(^as, — Itiron, — loren, from which last form we have our Avord forlorn, meaning, therefore, ' completely lost.' Already, how- ever, in Anglo-Saxon, in very many verbs all traces of this grammatical change have disappeared, and the history of the strong conjugation in Middle-English shows the gradual supersession of the consonants in the past plural and past participle by those found in the present and past singular. Hence those forms in which these older consonants remained were more and more isolated from the groups with which they are etymologically connected ; and as little as in popular consciousness to rear is grouped with to rise, so little is the adjective y"^;'/^;'72 thought of as a member of the group to lose, lost, etc. We have had already more than one occasion to point out that not only words, but also syntactical combinations and phrases can and do form matter groups. Nay, even the various meanings of a syntactical relation are thus combined. Such a relation, for instance, is that expressed by the genitive. Though we employ — and formerly employed more generally than now — this case with various meanings, all these meanings are more or less X.] On Isolation and Reaction against it. 175 (rather less) consciously felt as one, or at least are closely related — and they continue to be so felt, i.e. the grouping remains a close one — as long as these various usai^es remain general and what we may call living. When, however, any one of these usages becomes obsolete, and the relation indicated finds another form of expression in some other syntactical arrangement, some few examples of the older mode of expression, strengthened as they are by, e.g., very frequent employment, remain, but cease to be felt as instances of that relation. Thus, though the meaning of the genitives in This is my father s house, and in God'' s goodness is essentially different — the one expressing an ownership of one person with regard to a material external object, the other the relation between a being and an immaterial inherent quality, — both are felt as one kind of relation ; nay, the superficial thinker has some difficulty in fully realising that they express really two meanings. More easily felt is the difference between the Latin and French 'genitivus subjectivus' and 'genitivus objec- tivus : ' amor patrice, V amour de la patrie (the love for our fatherland, ob. gen.)., and amor mat r is, raino7ir de la mere (the love which our mother feels for us, S7ib. gc7t.). Yet, once more, even this difference is not always realised by every one who uses both constructions. Another use of the genitive once was to form adverbs. As long as any genitive could be thus employed, we may be sure that the ordinary speaker will have grouped, when thus using it, not only the particular form with other cases of the same noun, etc., but also the genitives, as such, with other genitives. When, however, other modes of forming the adverbs prevailed, the old genitival adverbs wliich remained were no lono-er felt as o 176 The History of Language. [Chap. genitives, and became isolated and no longer pro- ductive as examples for other formations. A remnant of this genitive survives in needs, and perhaps in Shakespeare's Come a little nearer this ways (Merry Wives, II. ii. ; ed. Collier);^ in stj^aightways, and certainly in M.E. his thankes, here tinthankes (libenter, ingratis), or A.S. heora dgnes ^oances (eorum voluntate). It further survives in adverbs derived from adjec- tives : else (from an adj. pron. el) unawares, hiwards, upwards, etc. Similarly the preposition of, which early began to serve as a substitute for the genitive, has been employed in some adverbial and other expressions. This usage, however, if it ever was really "alive," is now completely dead. We find / m2ist of force (Shakespeare, i Henry IV., II. ii.) and my custom always of the afternoon (Hamlet, I. v.) ; and still can say of an evening ; all of a siidden ; but not, e.g., of a moment. Nor should we now imitate Shakespeare's not be seen to zvink of all the day (Love's Labour's lost, I. i. 43) ; Did you not of late days hear (Henry VI 1 1,, II. i, 147), though we still have of late, of old. Many other prepositions offer in their constructions illustrations of isolation. Thus, e.g., the combination of any preposition with a noun without an article was exceedingly common in the older language, and we still possess a numerous collection of such combina- tions in almost daily use. Thus we find indeed, in fact, in truth, in reality, in jest, etc., a construction which perhaps may yet be considered a living one when the noun is an abstraction. Adverbs of place, however, such as in bed, in church, are no longer formed at will : no one would say in hoit-se, in room. So, again, we have at home, at sea, at hand, but ^ Miitzner, i., p. 380. X.] On Isolation and Reaction against it. 177 not al Jionsc^ at water, at foot. We can throw some- thing overboard, but not over wall ox over river. We can stand on shore, on land, on foot, on board, but do not speak of standing on bank, on ship. We can sit at table, not at sideboard. One may come to grief to ruin, but cannot omit his or her in come to . . . death. We can say by night, by day, by this day week, but not by sp7'ing, by winter. Lastly : we travel by land, by sea, by water, by rail ; we send a packet by parcel delivery ; we communicate by letter, or by luord of monthy but should not ask for information by saying. Let nie know by line (instead oi by a line), zu ill yon f In the isolation of the genitives, which we discussed above, and in all similar syntactical isolations, it would perhaps be correct to distinguish two phases of de- velopment, or — as they are not necessarily chronologi- cally separated — two sides of the same process. For while in course of time, as we have seen, one of the syntactical meanings of the genitive case became isolated from the other relationships expressed by that same case, we must, on the other hand, also remember that this involved an isolation of certain formal or modal groups (in this case, of — s forms) from their historical nominatives, which in most cases in its turn caused, or was accompanied by, a more or less clearly marked separation in development of meanings. When the genitive case was no longer generally employed to form adverbs from nouns and adjectives, words like needs, straightways, else, 7ipzuards, were no longer felt as genitives, and we now feel that the adverb needs is not in our consciousness grouped with the noun need, in the same way as, for instance, the nom. plur. needs with the sing, need ; nay. if we carefully examine the meaning of the adverb, we find that its material ^ Cf. Fr. chez = (in) casis. N 178 The History of Language. [Chap. meaning no longer completely coincides with that of the noun. The various meanings of the noun 7ieed are urgent want, poverty, position of diffic2tlty, distress, necessity, conipidsion ; the adverb answers only to the last two : He must needs go could not be used for He must go on account of urgent want, or as a consequence of poverty or distress, but only for He must go of necessity, indispensably, inevitably . Such formal isolation, then, is almost always at the same time a material one. Thus, we may say that the noun tilth is not so intimately connected with the group I till, tilling, well tilled, etc., as, e.g., writing is connected with to write, etc. ; and this because the suffix -ing is a living and productive one, i.e. one which still forms verbal nouns at our will, whenever the need arises, and from whatever verb ; whilst the suffix th is no longer so used, being at the present day comparatively rare in English {Jiealth, ivealth, strength, length, breath, width), and, indeed, more often occurring as an adjectival than as a verbal suffix. The closest groups are naturally always those con- sisting of the different inflected forms of the same noun or verb, and the ties connecting the members of such a group are undoubtedly stronger than those between words of different functions, etymologically connected, but whose mode of formation or derivation is not so vividly realised by the ordinary speaker. This is so true, that the same form, when used as present participle, must be said to be more closely connected with the other parts of the verb than when used as an adjective ; and this can be proved by the fact that often such an adjective has undergone changes in meaning in which the verb and even the present jjarticiple, as such, has not participated. Thus, e.g.y X.] On Isolation and Reaction against it. 179 the present part, living, in ' he is living,' whether we mean this for ' he is aHve ' or ' he is dwehing in ... ' has the same usage as the verb he lives, and no more. This is, however, no longer true of the adjec- tive living, in a phrase like ' I give you living water.' To realise this we need but replace the adjective by a relative clause, 'which lives,' when we at once feel that we extend the use of the verb in an unusual way. Thus, again, the noun writing, in ' These are the writings of . , .' for ' These are his (perhaps printed) works,' has an application which we could not give to the verb to write. This illustrates the fact that a development in meaning of a derivative is not necessarily shared by or transferred to the primary word, whilst any exten- sion of usage of such parent-word is likely to spread to its derivatives. The same is of course true of simple and compound words. Hence the process of isolation of derivative from primary, or compound from simple, generally originates in change of meaning in the former of each of these groups. Thus, the noun luidei'taker is isolated from the verb to undertake in consequence of a restriction of its meaning to the person who makes it his profession to undertake the management, etc., of funerals. So, again, though the noun keeper = gwA.r^\2i^, watchman, protector, is applied to a certain gold ring, we could hardly say that such a ring keeps the others. A beggar, originally ' one who begs,' is now one who * habitually begs and obtains his living by doing so,' while, if ever we do apply the term in the wider and older sense, we often indicate — in writing at least — the closer connection with the verb to beg by using the termination er, the characteristic termination of the nomen agentis beggcr. There is, in German, a very interesting word which illustrates i8o The History of Language. [Chap. this fact to an extent which it would be difficult to parallel completely in English. By the side of the verb reiten, ' to ride,' a noun ritter exists, of which the original meaning was merely a rider. Like our word ' beggar,' this ritter was specialised in meaning, and applied to one who rides habitually and as a profession, i.e. a warrior who fights on horseback. When these warriors began to form a privileged body (an order to which many were admitted who never, at least pro- fessionally, rode) the noun attained a meaning to which no verb could correspond. Again, some adverbs, especially such as emphasise our expressions, have developed in meaning often much further than the primary adjective has followed them. Thus very, as adverb a mere emphatic word, has, as adjective, retained much more fully its original meaning oi true : cf. this is very true, very false, with, a very giant. It is the same with the adverb awfully, now indeed common, but noted by Charles Lamb as a Scotticism, and with the adjective sore, and the adverb sorely. It is, however, not always the derivative which, in its isolation, assumes the modified signification. The primitive may change, and the derivative remain stationary. Thus the English sJiop, as a place for retail trade, has been displaced in America by store, while shop comes to have the value of work-shop, vtachiiie-shop, etc. Yet the derivative shopping, a much- used word in America, retains a reminiscence of the older value of shop. To return for a moment to the example which we gave from German : the verb reiten (pronounced with a vowel sound closely resembling that of i in to ride) and the noun ritter (i nearly like z in rid, or, more correctly, like ee of need, but shortened), show a X.] On Isolation and Reaction against it. i8i gradation of vowel-sound, of the same nature and origin as that in such pairs as write, wrote ; sing, sang ; give, gave. This change in vowel-sound with- out doubt co-operated in effecting the isolation, and so facihtated the change in meaning in the one form ; a change in which the other did not participate. Thus, speaking generally, phonetic development, by creating numerous meaningless distinctions, loosens the modal and material groups, and serves to forward isolation of meaning. Thus, again, the special meaning which we now attach to the verb to rear would have been more likely to transfer itself to the primary verb to rise, or — vice versa — the meaning of the primary to rise would have almost certainly prevented the special development of to rear, if the etymological connection had not been obscured by the phonetic development which we formulate as Verner's law, i.e. if the grouping had not been loosened. It is, moreover, clear that if, from whatever cause, an interchange of certain sounds becomes less frequent in a language, those words which do preserve that interchange become ipso facto more strongly separated. Thus,^.^., the 7imlatit,\.e.. the change oUc (sounded as oo) to il (sounded as 7c in French, the Devonshire it ; more like English ec than like English ?/), or of a {a as in father) to a (sound much like a m fate, but without the ^^ sound which in English follows it), etc., is in German so common that in no case is its presence or absence alone sufficient to effect the isolation of any form from its related group. In English, this interchange has almost completely disappeared, and the few traces of it which we preserve in the plural formation {foot, feet; tooth, teeth; mouse, viice ; man, men, etc.) are only preserved as so-called ' irregularities,' and no longer form a model or pattern for other formations. 1 82 The History of Language. [Chap. Hence in English, where, besides tmilattt, we have difference in function {e.g. adjective and noun), the isolation has often been complete. Thus, no ordinary speaker groups the adjective foitl with the noun filth ; and the connection, though still felt, between long and length, broad and breadth, is undoubtedly less clearly felt than between, e.g., long and longer, or bjvad and to broaden, high and height : similarly, the difference in vowel between zveal and wealth, (to) heal and health, has facilitated isolation of these forms. If phonetic development were the only agent in the history of language, we see that, shortly, an infinite variety of forms, absolutely unconnected, or at best but loosely connected, would be the result. But here, as always, we have action and counteraction.^ This counteracting influence is chiefly exerted by analogy, as we explained in Chapter V. It is, however, not always analogy which brings about the readjustment or unification. We have already had occasion to point out that our word-division, though undoubtedly based on real and sufficient grounds, is not consistently or even commonly observed in speaking. Our thoughts are, indeed, expressed not in words but in word-gro7ips ; and letters, even though they stand at the end or at the beginning of words, have often had a special phonetic development, in cases where these words occurred in very frequent or in very intimate con- nection with other words. The differences so created have very commonly, though not by any means universally, found expression in writing. As an instance of a differentiation of which the written language takes no cognisance, we may take the French ' We choose this term in preference to ' reaction,' which, in the physical sciences, has a specific meaning not applicable here. X.] On Isolation and Reaction against it. t8 J indefinite article. Few are unaware that when lui stands before a consonant the ;/ is not pronounced, leaving in the spoken word only a trace of its existence in the fact that the vowel is nasalised. When lui comes before a vowel, on the other hand, the vowel is much less strongly, if at all, nasalised, and the n is clearly pronounced. Thus (using the circumflex to indicate the nasal quality of the vowel and o for the sound of n m 7/«), ten pcre =^ d pcre, but iin ami= on ami or on ami. The corresponding difference which exists in English is expressed in writing : a father, an aunt. Just as the article is closely connected with the noun, so preposition and noun, or preposition and verb, are very intimately connected in pronunciation. Hence — though many, who have never carefully ob- served either their own pronunciation or that of others, may dispute or deny the assertion — in ordinary con- versation, in the phrases, in tozvn, in doors, we employ the n sound ; but when the word in stands before Paris and Berlin, we use an ni sound, just as we say impos- sible by the side of interest. Similarly, we pronounce generally 'in coming' with ng for n, just as we speak of a man's ingcome. This differentiation of the pronun- ciation of the preposition in into three forms — iji, im, ing — is not, however, consistently expressed by us in writing. The Greeks, on the other hand, who similarly differentiated the terminal consonants of the preposi- tions in their spoken language, but on a much larger scale (accustomed as they were to a far closer correspondence between their spoken and their written language than the Englishman observes), did actually, in many cases, write as they spoke : /caS Se, — /ca/c K^^a\y]v, Kcvyyovv — /caTT TreStw, etc., instead of employing the nor- mal form of the preposition, /cam. So we find in inscrip- tions Tr)ja TToKw, Trjy yvvaiKa, to\ \oy6v, i^x ttoXcl, etc. 184 The History of Language. [Chap. The first step on the road towards unification is frequently that the external reason which caused the difference in form, disappears or loses force, and one form is found in connections where, historically or phonetically speaking, the other is correct. We may instance this by the common mistake of children when they say, e.g., a apple instead of an apple. In this case, however, the correct form is so very frequently heard that the encroachment of a on the domains of an is not likely to lead to permanent confusion. Where, how- ever, circumstances are less favourable to the preserva- tion of the historically correct usage, it happens that either form encroaches on the domain of the other, or else it may result that the encroachment is reciprocal, — when, after a period of confusion in which both forms are used indifferently, one becomes obsolete and falls into oblivion, not without often leaving some striking form or phrase to testify to what once existed. Thus, for instance, our word kcre, Old High German kier, or Mr, was, in the period of transition from Old to Middle High German, differentiated in accordance with a phonetic law of that time, viz. that final r was dropped after a long vowel. If not final however, r remained untouched, and this whether it stood in the body of a word or within a group of intimately con- nected words. Of the two forms kie and hicr, the former, as the form employed when the word was used independently, was in Middle High German often set before words beginning with a vowel ; and we find hie nine ( = here-in) or even, by contraction, Jiinne, for hier- i7i7ie. On the other hand, it is probably owing to the frequency of combinations similar and equivalent to our here-in, /iere-7ipon, etc., that the form /licr encroached successfully upon the domain of /ize, and finally supplanted it. /lie, however, remained, singu- X.] On Isolation and Reaction against it. 185 larly enough, in the one expression hie unci da (here and there), where the form without ;' is not and has never been, phonetically speaking, correct. An excellent example of this differentiation is furnished by one, an. The best example of the process is furnished by the history of the working of Verner's law, and of the gradual disappearance of its effects. We have before (pp. 172, I "^^ explained this law and quoted instances of forms created in agreement with it, which have now been replaced by others. To repeat this explanation here with other examples would be superfluous ; to give a full history, even confining ourselves to an enumera- tion of all the various ways in which it has been opera- tive and the areas of its influence, would transcend the scope of this work. To carefully note all instances of its occurrence and its neglect, and to closely investigate the possible courses of the latter, is a task which may most usefully challenge the attention of philologists. We will illustrate the truth of this by a single example: (though even this we cannot discuss exhaustively). The forms which we employ at present as the past tense of the verb to be — sing, was and plur. (with grammatical change according to the law) were, belong to a root which in old English and Anglo-Saxon furnished a complete verb : pres. wese, past, wees, p. part, wcscn. Now we should naturally expect that in a time when the grammatical change was still pre- served in fredse, fr(^as, fruron, frorcn, (to freeze) etc. cedse, cdas, cnron, coren, (to choose) sed'^e, sed^, sudon, soden, (to seethe, to boil) we should also find that change here, and that accord- ingly the past participle should be '''weren. That such 1 86 The History of Language. [Chap. a form once existed is proved by the past participle forweorone (cf. Sievers, Anglo-Saxon Grammar, §391). Everywhere, however, in Anglo-Saxon, in the past participle of this verb and in that of all similarly con- jugated, such as lesan, Ices, lesen ; genesan, gences, gene- sen, etc., the i' has once more been fully established. The fact that these past participles had already so far proceeded on the road to unification, while the others as yet remained isolated, may be explained in this way, — the latter, in addition to the differentiation in accordance with Verner's law, showed a difference of vowel-sound, which in the case of others did not exist. Hence the forms differentiated in two distinct ways were able to resist the tendency towards unification long after those which differed only in one respect had succumbed. In fact, of the former we still have such remnants 2js, forlorn, from to lose ; sodden, from to seethe. We may formulate the result which we have illustrated, thus : The greater the phonetic distajtce of two differenti- ated forms, the greater is the pozver of resistance against unification and eqtmlisatio7i. But the ORDER in which we see the traces of the working of Verner's law disappear one after another, and the study of such few remnants as still exist, brings out two other general truths concerning unification. We may without hesitation affirm that, close as is the etymological connection between the various tenses of the same verb, or, to speak perhaps more correctly, that clearly as that connection is felt by the speech-making community, it is still more strongly felt as between the various forms of the same tense, or the various cases of the same noun. Now, it is against the differentia- tion between the members of these most intimate groups that unification first takes place. In the declen- sion of the noun, where nothing but the operation of X.] On Isolation and Reaction against it. 187 Verner's law had separated the various cases, the re- assimilation first took place, and though we can prove that, in this case also, the differences actually once existed — in the historic periods of the Teutonic dialects almost all traces thereof have been obliterated. In the past tenses of the verbs they are still at first found, supported as the differentiation had been by that other force — the gradation of vowels (the 'ablaut').' But again : unification between the singular and plural of the past tense took place first in cases where the vowels were alike in both, and next in those where the vowels differed — and again, this occurred before the unification of the past participle with the whole group. In agreement with this same rule, that very difference of vowel-sound has completely disappeared in all past singulars and plurals, even where — as, e.g., in German generally — the past participle still preserves the ' ablaut.' We can then lay it down as a second rule, that the closer the etymological connection is between dif- ferentiated forms ^ the sooner will ttnification be effected ; whilst a consideration of such rare instances as the preservation of the interchange of s and r \w I zuas, we zuere, which is clearly due to the very exceptional fre- quency with which these forms must always have been used, and the consequent firmness with which they are impressed on every speaker's memory, exhibits a third law, viz. that the greater the intensity with which differ- entiated forms are impressed upo7z the minds of the com- munity, the greater will prove their power of resistance against unification. It is further evident that in cases where the dif- ^ And by the expectation thus created of the regular occurrence of such difterentiation between past singular and past plural, even where this ablaut did not show different vowels. 1 88 The History of Language. [Chap. ferentiation of form had been accompanied by one in meaning, the tendency towards unification was counter- acted, or rather can never have existed. Thus, the pair of words glass (etymologically = the shining sub- stance) and giaj'e (to shine) is separated once and for ever. We have seen the plur. dawes re-united to sing. day ; the verb to dawn has not followed suit. Though thus much is clear, and when once appre- hended, almost self-evident, we must acknowledge that much is as yet obscure and unexplained. It is often already very difficult to find any reason why in one case unification has taken place and not in another, which apparently presented the same conditions : it is generally harder still to find an answer to the ques- tion why in any given case one form has prevailed over another, instead of the converse having happened. Omniscience alone could answer all such questions : but here, again, a few general observations may serve to explain some points, though, as we have said, much as yet remains inexplicable. Thus, for example, when unification replaces the confusion which followed differ- entiation, members of the same formal or modal group (that is to say, for instance, the same parts of speech) are likely to follow in the same direction. Thus, e.g., in the original Teutonic, when the suffix no was pre- ceded by a vowel, that vowel varied in the different (strong and weak) cases of the declensions of nouns, adjectives, and participles, according to fixed rules, between u and e. This it developed into o or a, and e into i. Soon unification took place, in some cases in one, in others in another direction, so that we find, for instance, in Gothic a form like ^iudAns (king) by the side of maitrgms (morning), whilst now, the past par- ticiples (formed with this same suffix) all have ans throughout ; such participles as became pure adjectives X.] On Isolation and Reaction against it. 189 or^ nouns have often ins, e.g. gafidgins (adj. ' secret '), past participle, of Jilhan, ' to hide,' with fiilhans as past participle, = hidden ; aigin (neuter, hence with- out jT in nom.) = property, is past participle of aigan, ' to have.' Sometimes — as, for instance, in the singular and plural of past tense in strong verbs — a differentiation coincides with difference in function, though its origin was independent of any such functional divergence. This, of course, strengthens the phonetic differentia- tion, and, if such a coincidence affects simultaneously a formal group of large extent, and thus becomes a model for analogical formations (Chap. V.), the originally meaningless phonetic divergence may become indis- solubly associated with difference of function, and so become expressive of the latter. Thus, for instance, the words tooth, foot, and man form their plural teeth, feet, and men by umlaut, and by umlaiit alone. This modification of the vowel is, then, here expressive of plurality. Originally, however, it was not so. In Anglo-Saxon the declension was — Singular Nom. and Ace. fdt td^ maun Gen. fotes to^es onannes Dat. fdt td^ menn Plur. Nom. and Ace. fdt te^ menn fdta to^a manna fdtiim to^tim ma^munt When once the combined force of nominative, accu- sative, and genitive had ousted the modified vowel from the dative singular, the whole singular exhibited 6 {^Li) in contrast to the nominative and accusative plural with d [c). This caused the transference of the latter to the genitive and dative plural also, and thus 190 The History of Language. [Chap. x. invested the modification with a force originally quite foreign to it. In English, no doubt owing to the mixed influence upon that language of two very different grammatical systems (the Teutonic of Anglo-Saxon, and the Ro- mance of Norman-French), unification has proceeded to a far greater length than in most other Teutonic dia- lects. In German, e.g., the history of the umlaut and the origin of plurals in er — of which English has no trace but the provincialism childer, or the " correct " form children — furnish examples of what we have said ; and students of German will find a careful investigation of that history both interesting and instructive. CHAPTER XI. THE FORMATION OF NEW GROUPS. The effect of sound-change is to produce differences in language where none previously existed ; but it likewise tends to cancel existing differences, and to cause forms originally distinct to resemble each other or actually to coincide. Now, symmetry and uniformity are clearly an aid to the memory, when attained by the abolition of useless and purposeless differences. It is, for instance, in English, far simpler to state, and far more easy to remember the statement, that all plurals are formed by adding s to the singular, than that some are formed in -7i, or -en, or by such modifications as 7;mn, men ; foot, feet ; etc. : and it is therefore a gain to language when such forms as shoon, eyen, etc., disappear in favour of such forms as slioes, eyes, etc. On the other hand, the cancelling of such differences when they serve to mark different functions is naturally dis- advantageous and tends to obscurity. When a sound which marked such a functional difference disappears. or when of two words or forms which had different meanings one becomes obsolete, and the other is employed to do service for both, it is clear that language cannot but be the loser by dispensing witli an important aid to clearness and distinction. Thus, of the two forms 7not and vioste, the former has now 192 The History of Language. [Chap. disappeared, and the latter, in the form nmst, serves to indicate both the present and the past tense. The effect of this ambiguity is that where we wish to clearly indicate the past of must, we have to employ some idiom in which nuist has no place ; as ' was obliged to,' 'had to,' 'was constrained to,' etc. Similarly, the loss of the plural s in very many French nouns (which s, though still written, is seldom sounded)* would create ambiguity were it not that the difference of the article attached to the noun marks the difference, and to a large extent remedies the evil ; cf. Vaini, les amis. The remedy, however, for such obscurity is not always to be found in the context. Sometimes, indeed, the evil brings its own cure ; changes arise which enable the necessary distinctions to be once more felt and maintained, creating new forms by analogy with other forms (see Chapter V.) : but, on the other hand, it frequently occurs that the evil remains, and a con- fusion follows in the grouping of the words ; which grouping, as we have seen, is all-important in the life history of the members of the group. We must in this chapter endeavour to stvidy some of the results of this confusion, and consequent re- arrangement in the groups ; and to distinguish the cases where similarity caused by phonetic development affects the matter-groups from those where the modal- groups are influenced. I. i. There are many cases where words connected neither by etymology nor by signification fall into the same form. Still, in spite of this similarity in form, the words remain perfectly distinct in the linguistic conscious- ness of a speaker of ordinary intelligence. Such are, I. a. Hale, in such a phrase as hale and Jiearty. XI.] The Formation of New Grouts. 193 This word is of Scandinavian^ origin (cf. Icelandic hciil), and represents the Anglo-Saxon /nil, to which word we owe the misspelt word ivholc. b. Hale, ' to drag,' found in Middle- English as halieii. 2. a. Whole = A.S. hdl ; see above, h. Hole = A.S. kol, *a cave.''^ 3. a. Grave (A.S. grdfan). b. Grave {^ v. grave, Lat. gravem).^ 4. a. Cope (O.Fr. ea/>e). b. Cope {J^\\\.q\\ koopen = to bargain, to chaffer, to buy, to vie zuith). 5. a. Stile (A.S. stigcl). b. Stile (commonly misspelt style, Lat. stihiui). 6. a. Well, adverb (A.S. ivet). b. Well, noun (A.S. zvella). 7. a. Arm (Lat. armci). b. Ann, the limb, cog- nate with Ger. arm. 8. a. Lay (A.S. lecgan). b. Lay (O.Fr. lais, ' song'). 9. a. Pale (Fr. pal, Lat. pdlicm). b. Pale (Fr. pale, Lat. pallidnni). 10. a. Elder, the tree (A.S. ellarJi) b. Elder, ' older.' ' Thus says Professor Skeat, Etymological Dictionary, s.v. ; others maintain that it is due to Northumbrian preservation of a, which in the South became 0. ^ Professor Skeat (Principles of English Etymology, p. 411) draws a useful distinction between homographs and homophones, or words spelled alike and those sounded alike. For our purpose, as students of the spoken language, the homophones alone are of importance. A homograph is commonly, but not invariably, a homophone ; cf. ' I read now ' and ' Yesterday I read.' We need not here further consider such vagaries of English spelling. * It is unnecessary to point out in the text that we must bear in mind that French nouns or adjectives are almost always derived from the accusative case as representative of the oblique cases. For the full explanation of this see Brachet's Grammaire Historique, lutrod. o 194 The History of Language. [Chap. It would, of course, be possible to extend this list to almost any length ; but this would be useless for our purpose, which is to investigate solely those cases in which similarity causes confusion. This happens where the difference in orig^in and meaning; is lost siofht of. It is naturally impossible to draw a hard and fast line of demarcation between the case just discussed and that which we are about to exemplify, as one speaker may keep distinct what another may confuse or treat as identical. Still, no one, we may fairly say, unless he be a student of language, or unless he has been expressly informed, is aware that in a phrase like The ship is bound for London, the word bound employed by him has absolutely no connection with the past parti- ciple of the verb to bind. In the first case, boimd is of Scandinavian origin, and meant originally ready, pre- pared ; cf. the Icelandic verb bua, perf. part, biiinn, 'to prepare.' Similarly, few ordinary speakers can explain, or indeed realise, the existence of the distinction in meaning between shed, ' a hut ' (a doublet of shade), and shed in water-shed, M^hen derived from the A.S. sc^adan ; or that between sheer, allied to Icelandic skcerr, ' bright,' and sheer, akin to Dutch schereji, ' to shave.' Thus, again, many might suppose that some etymological connection existed between hide, ' a skin ' {A.S. hyd, akin to Ger. haut), and hide, 'to conceal' (A.S. hidan) ; while others, when told that hide also served as the name for a certain measure of land, might naturally even suspect some allusion to the famous legend of the foundation of Byrsa or Carthage. The A.S. noun sctl (a seat) and the verb set tan survive both in the word settte and in to settle. In employing, however, the word in ' to settle a dispute,' we have a word of very different origin : the A.S. sacu, 'a quarrel,' 'dispute,' 'lawsuit' (surviving in 'for my sake', etc.), XL] The Formation of New Groups. 195 existed side by side with a verb sacan, ' to strive,' or * dispute : ' akin to this, we find sa/i^, a substantive which owes its meaning", ' reconciliation,' to the de- velopment lawsuit, adjustment by lawsuit, etc. Again, derived from this we have the verb saktlian, ' to reconcile,' which, at a later period, occurs in the forms saztlen and sattle} When this verb ceased to be understood, confusion with the other verb to settle = to fix, to arraiii^c, arose, and the two forms ' flowed together, just as two drops of rain running down a window-pane are very likely to run into one.' ^ Another instance of this nature is discussed by Professor Skeat, s.v. ; viz., sound = A.S. sund, akin to the Ger. {gc)s7md ; soimd, 'a strait of the sea,' and sound, M.E. soun, Anglo- Fr. soun or situ, Lat. sonum. ii. Such forms, where phonetic development brought about merely a close resemblance without producing perfect similarity, and where, as a next step, one or other of the set of words underwent some change more or less violent in consequence of its supposed connec- tion with the rest, are peculiarly instructive, proving as they do the confusion which arose in the minds of the speakers who thus combined what was distinct and unconnected. In these cases we have entered upon the domain of ' popular etymology,' to which we have already incidentally alluded. It does not, however, always follow that the supposed connection in meaning — in other words, the coalescence of elements of different orio^in into a sincrle material group, brings about the further change in form ; at this period nothing but the linguistic con- sciousness of the speaker can decide whether the ^ See Skeat, Etymological Dictionary, s.v. settle ; Stratman, s.v. sahtlen. - Skeat, Principles of English Etymology, p. 410. 196 The History of Language, [Chap. 'popular etymology' is or has been at work. Of course, as long as the etymology of the different words in the set is clearly understood by the speaker, there can be no question as to the connection, but when one or more of the members of the set is no longer under- stood in its historical bearings, it is possible for a new grouping to arise. Let us take, as an instance, the word carousal. This bore originally the sense which it bears in the Parisian name of the Place du Carrousel, viz. a tourna- ment or festival. It was confused with the word carouse (Ger. gar-aus = properly * quite out,' i.e. ' empty your glasses ') ; and at present our word carousal represents both. The Anglo-Saxon word bonda meant a boor, or householder. His tenure appears expressed in Low Latin by the word bondagium, and it is only to a supposed, but wholly erroneous connection with bond and the verb to bind, that our present word bondage owes its sense of serviHtde. The Fr. sursis gave us, before its final s had ceased to be pronounced, our verb surcease, which most speakers now look on as a compound of cease (Fr. cesser).^ Wiseacre, really derived through the Dutch from the Ger. wizago (A.S. witega, ' a prophet '), was already, while on its way to England, misunder- stood in Holland, and taken to be a compound of wise. In Dutch, a verb wys-seggen and a noun wys-segger (' to speak wisely ' and ' a wise sayer ') were formed, ^ Or rather Fr. {je) cesse. Just as, in the French language, we must explain most nouns from the Latin accusative form, so in English most of the verbs which we owe to French can only be explained by the ' strong ' forms, e.g. first person singular of the present tense; as complain ixom. je complain, and not from complaindre ; to despise, O.Fr. tu despis, not infinitive despire ; to prevail, je prevail, ncjt prevaloir; to relieve, je {re)lieve, not from relevcr ; to acquire, factjuier, not from acqucrir. XL] The Formation of New Groups. 197 and modern German as well possesses the word weissagcn, ' to prophesy.' This zuys-scgger, when it reached England, could no longer be understood as a derivative froni the verb sccgan, which in English had already lost its guttural and had become {to) say ; and thus popular etymology altered the second part of the supposed compound into the meaningless acre. The Fr. siirlongc, the piece of meat ' upon the loin ' (Lat. super, Fr. srir, and Lat. *l?njibea, from lunibiis, Fr. longe), became in English the snrloyn in the time of Henry VI. This was no longer understood ; the word was accepted as a compound with the word sir, and thus the fable was invented of the ' merry monarch ' knight- ing the loin.^ The berfroit or belefreit of Old French is of German origin, and signifies a watchtower. The word had ceased to be understood, and its origin was forgotten ; but, as many towers contained a bell or a peal of bells, a supposed connection with these bells caused the word to be changed into belfry. The spelling is affected in sove^'eign, where the g is due to a supposed connection with to reign {rdgner, regnare) ; the real derivation being from soverain {stiperanenm\ and the word being correctly spelt sovran by Milton. Further instances are lance-knigJit ( = lanz-knecht = landes knecht = ' the knigJit, i.e. the inan-oi the land' ' the servant of his country ' ) ; cray-fish (= (fcrdvisse) ; shamefaced (really sJiaiuefast, like steadfast), etc. In other cases of rarer occurrence than those which we have discussed, a significant part of a compound assumes the form of a mere derivative. This has occurred in the case of the word righteous, taken to be a derivative from some French adjective in -eux, Lat. -osiis, though really due to right-zvise, a compound like otherwise. It is natural that Proper nouns, where ' See Skeat, s.v. tgS The History of Language. [Chap. there is no connection or only a fanciful one between the word and its meaning, should be more liable to such transformations than others ; so the J^ose des quatre saisons appears as the qtiarter-sessions rose, the asparagiis appears as sparrow grass, the ship Belle- rophon becomes the Billy riiffan^ the Pteroessa, the tearing kisser. We may perhaps add here a word like liquorice, which, though the name, rightly under- stood, is descriptive, has become a mere proper noun. Originally from liqiciritia, itself a corrupt form of glykyrrhiza = *a sweet root,' it has, as its spelling shows, become connected with liquor^ while those who deemed this impossible preferred to explain the word as connected with to lick.^ II. Important, then, as the part played by phonetic development is in bringing about the formation of new material-groups, it has made its influence felt more widely still in the modal grouping of the various systems of inflection. Here, again, two cases should be distinguished : (i) when forms which have had identical functions come to coincide : (2) when such coincidence occurs in the case of forms that have had different functions. I. The cancelling of diversities in form or in inflection when such inflection indicated no difference in function must obviously on the whole be set down as a gain to language : simplicity is gained thereby without any loss in clearness. This gain, however, is only effected ^ It appears that this, and not Billy ruffian, is the form used by sailors. It would thus seem that Billy ruffian is a further popular etymology, due to ' scholars.' ^ See Palmer, Folk Etymology, s.v. " This derivation is given in a certain well-known school edition of Milton's Comus : liquorice = something which inakes one lick one's lips ! \ XL] The Formation of New Groups. 199 when the abohtion is complete ; should the abolition be partial only, simplification may be gained at the expense of a new confusion. We have an example of such a complete process of cancelling in the terminations cr and est in the com- parative and superlative of adjectives. In Gothic the comparative was formed either with the suffix iz or oz, the superlative with ist or with ost ; and, except, indeed, that the forms in iz and ist were more common than those in 6z and ost, and that the latter are found only with stems in a, no rule can be given for their occur- rence. Thus mdnags (an a stem) has in its compara- tive i?iaiiagiz-a, superlative managists ; al^eis [j'a stem) al^iza, al^ists ; hardus {it stem), hardiza, hardists ; but fro^s, frodoza, frodosts ; arms, armoza, armosts} In Old High German there was a similar uncertainty. Here the z of Gothic appeared as r in the comparatives,'* and while saltg has for its comparative saligoro and its superlative saligosto, we find {Ji)reini, {Ji)reiniro, {Ji)rei' nisto.^ In Anglo-Saxon we find already but a single termination for the comparative, viz. ra ; but the two forms of superlative are still extant in ost2Ci\A est ; ear??i, earmra, earmost ; heard, keardra, heardost ; but eald icldra (with iimlaut or modified vowel),* ieldest. Our forms hard, harder, hardest; old, older, oldest ; silly, sillier, silliest, etc., are clearly a further step in the right direction of simplicity in system. The convergence is, however, not always complete : sometimes it happens that two systems coincide ; and ^ Braune, Goth. Gram., § 135-137. - For similar interchanges of r and z (s), cf. Latin Venus, Veneris for * Venesis ; arbos, arboris for *arbosis, etc. * Braune, Alt-Hochdeutsche Gram., § 260 sqq. * The term umlaut is more convenient than ' modification of tlie vowel sound.' 200 The History of Language. [Chap. this coincidence may be (i) in all forms but only in SOME WORDS belonging to each system ; or, again, (2) it may manifest itself in all words but only in some FORMS ; and, lastly, this coincidence may affect {3) only SOME WORDS in SOME FORMS of two Converging systems. In the case of (i) the convergence is complete and irrevocable, and words which formerly belonged to one system have simply parted company with it, and have definitely joined the other to which they were assimi- lated. In the cases, however, of (2) and (3), confusion must arise, and further development must be looked for. We find a good illustration of this confusion and of its development in the history of the Teutonic declensions. In the case of these, as of other Indo- European languages, the declensions differed as the stems of the words terminated in a consonant or a vowel ; and amongst the latter, again, we must draw distinctions between the declension of stems in a, {0), z, and u. In the a declension, again, a subdivision arose iox ptire a, Ja, wa, and long- a stems. These different terminations of the stems are, for instance, clearly pre- served in Gothic dat. and ace. plur. dags, dagam, dagans ; gasts, gastim, gastins ; sunus, sumim, sununs ; and (with Gothic instead of a) gibd, gibom, gibos. In the oldest forms of Scandinavian, the so-called Ur-Norse, also, we find the vowels preserved in the nominative singular, Jiolmgm^, erilar, etc., gastir, sialdir, etc., hauko^tir, warnr :^ but even in these, the oldest forms of the Teutonic dialects accessible to us, the various systems were confused ; and it is the study of Comparative Grammar that we have to thank for the distinction between the different classes ; and, again, it is only owing to the light shed on the subject by the comparison with Latin, Greek, and Sanskrit cognates, ^ Noreen, Altisl. Gram., § 266, 299, 307. XI.] The Formation of New Groups. 201 that we are enabled In some instances to decide to which of these classes any given word belongs. The ' wear- ing down ' of the various terminations produced here identity, elsewhere close resemblance of many cases in many words, while in other cases the influence of the preceding letter made itself felt, and a difference in declension arose for the a stems : this difference de- pending on whether the a was preceded by a con- sonant i (/) or w. Where phonetic development had caused some of the cases to agree, other cases soon followed suit, and thus we find, for instance, that even in Gothic the entire singular of i declension has already become identical with that of the a stems : — - a stem. / stem. Sing. Norn. dags balgs Gen. dagis balgis Dat. daga balga Ace. dag balg Voc. dag ^ balg Plur. Nom. dagos balgeis Gen. dag^ balgi Dat. dagavi balgini Ace. dagans balgins. As a consequence of this, numerous words which cognate languages prove to belong to the i declension are nevertheless entirely declined like a stems in Gothic ; and even in the very few Gothic texts which w^e possess, and though these are derived from one source only, we meet with words evidencing the fact that Ulfilas himself (or, it may be, his copyist) was sometimes confused as to the declension usually followed by some word in his own language. Thus, in case of wcgs (a wave), we find nom. plur. icrgos, but dat. plur. wcgim ; so too, the dat. plur. of aiws is 202 The History of Language. [Cuap. aiwam, while the accus. is aiwins. In Old High German the coincidence in termination between these two schemes goes further, and extends over all cases ; but since — in such words as had a, o, or it, in the pre- ceding syllable — mnlaiit had been produced in the plural by the i of the stem, only those words whose stem vowel would not admit of umlaut or viodification became throughout identical with the a declension. Where the reverse was the case, the words naturally remained distinct in the plural, and a further develop- ment arose ; viz. that this ^nnlaiit in the plural began to be regarded as a sign of that number, and to be used for the purpose of marking it even in words whose etymology afforded no justification for the change, e.g. in hand, hdnde, which word originally belonofed to the u declension. See also our remarks in Chapter V. pp. %'] and foil. 2. So far, in every case which we have discussed, we have had to do with similarity arising from pho- netic development of forms with identical functions : one or more cases of one system converged with the same cases in another system. Often, however, this same phonetic development creates a similarity between forms which were originally distinct and served dis- tinct purposes ; and we have a good instance of this in our personal pronouns, and one which is instructive as to the consequences of this phenomenon : — The Gothic ik wet's jus already shows no difference in the forms of accusative and dative plural ; but in Anglo-Saxon we find that a further stage has been reached : — meina mis mik ^eina ^us ^iik misai'a 7ms uns izivara izivis izwis XL] The Formation of New Groups. 203 In ic mfu md me "Sil "Sin U U Wt tiser lis us .^e edwer edw edw we see (thoug-h separate forms for accusative still occur) that dative and accusative have become identical tkroiLghoiU, and so it is in the modern language with — / mine me thou thine thee we our us ye {yo?i) yonr yoit The double form of the nominative j^'^ {yo?e), and more especially the history of the pronoun for the third person, illustrate one of the consequences of such con- incidence, viz. that the language-producing community becomes accustomed to use the same form for certain sets of functions, and transfers this similarity to cases which it would not reach — or, at least, has not yet reached — by the aid of phonetic development alone. Let us .consider first the pronoun of the third person. In Anglo-Saxon we find — Sing. Masc. Fern. Neuter. Nom. he hed hit Gen. his hire his Dat. him hire him Ace. hine hi hit. The forms which we now use for the plural are derived from a different stem,^ which in Anglo-Saxon gave us the following plural for all three genders : — Nom. "Sd Gen. ^dra, or ^kra Dat. ^(€m ^ So, indeed, is our present nom. sing. fern. she. 204 The History of Language. [Chap. xi. and here we find distinct forms for dative and accusa- tive, the latter of which has now disappeared, so that here, too (as in the case of the other personal pro- nouns), we use one form only (the original dative form) for both dative and accusative. But we have only reached this stage after a period of confusion and uncertainty, during which the historically correct form of the accusative and the new form (that of the old dative) strove for permanence. It is the very marked difference between ic (/) and me (accus.), ^u {tlioii) and ^e, wc and 21s, which has protected the members of these pairs from becoming identical in form, notwithstanding the important fact that such a process had long since identified the nominative and accusative of all nouns and adjectives. To this influence, indeed, ye and you (both of which, when unemphatic, become j'(^, where e is pronounced as in the before a consonant) have succumbed. Not only in this way, moreover, does such con- vergence of forms with different functions show its effect : it also causes the ordinary speaker to lose sight of such difference in function altogether. As students of Latin, and especially teachers of that language, know by sad experience, it is extremely hard for the untrained English mind to realise the function of the accusative case ; and the difference between this case and the dative may be fairly described as non- existent for the Englishman who has not learnt it from the study of other languages. This, again, influences syntax, so that a phrase like / sJioivcd Jiini the room can be turned in the passive into The rooin was shown {to) him, etc., or He was shown the room, etc. CHAPTER XII. ON THE INFLUENCE OF CHANGE IN FUNCTION ON ANALOGICAL FORMATION. The careful consideration of such a form as / break- fasted \j'^ lead us to understand another phase in the life history of our words, and in the development of their syntactical combinations. It is well known that the word {to) breakfast is really a compound of the verb to break and the noun fast (leiunium). Accord- ingly, we find, about the year 1400 a.d., ' Ete and be merry, why breke yee nowt yowx fast ;' in 1653, Izaak Walton wrote, ' My purpose is to be at Hodsden before I break my fast ;' and as late as 1808, Scott writes in his Marmion, 'and knight and squire had broke XheAY fast.'^ In these and similar cases, the words have retained their full and original meaning of ' to put an end to fasting by eating ; ' and the natural apprehension of this compound when employed as a noun was in the sense of the meal whereby this process is effected after the night's fasting, i.e. the first meal taken in the day. When once the verb had thus acquired the meaning of ' to take the first meal in the day,' and was next applied even in cases where so little food had been taken before that meal as to be hardly worth considering a ' meal,' the meaning of ^ Murray. Dictionary, s.v. 29 c. 2o6 The History of Language. [Chap. * breaking the fast ' had been effaced by the new sense of eating the first important meal of the day. The change of meaning, coupled with the change in func- tion, disconnected the compound from the Hnguistic groups to which it had hitherto belonged, and so it came about that, after the analogy of other verbs formed from nouns, to breakfast was conjugated as a weak verb. Thus, in 1679, Everard WTites, After breakfasting peaceably ; and about a century later, the word is used transitively in the sense of ' to entertain at breakfast,' e.g., They will breakfast you, or / was breakfasted} This and all the following examples to be discussed in this chapter illustrate the point that, in the uncon- scious grouping of our words into material and modal groups, it is mainly the function of the word which causes such grouping ; and that a change of function, entailing, as it does, a change in the grouping, will often expose the word which has thus altered its meaning to the influence of analogy with other groups, though as long as it preserved its original meaning it stood quite apart from them. No doubt, however, similarity of form conduces also sometimes to this end. The group to which the word once belonged will then follow its own path of development, while the detached member will go on its new way. We have a similar instance in vouchsafe : The king vouches it saue (Robert of Brunne, early in fourteenth century), where we should now say : The king vouch- safes. The verb to backbite is most probably a derivative from the compound nouns back-biting (of which the earliest instance dates from 1 1 75) and backbitter (which is found as early as 1230); while in the Early English Psalter (a.d. 1300) the past tense ^ Cf. Murray, s.v. XII.] Influence of Change in Function. 207 is still formed bac-bate. Gower (1393) already formed the past participle back bitcd} Again, the noun broiv- beating (from ' to beat one's brows,' i.e. ' to lower the brows,' 'to frown'), found as early as 1581,^ became, from a compound noun, a simple one with the mean- ing of scolding or teasing ; and gave rise to a verb to broivbeat, of which the earliest known instance dates from 1603. It is, however, doubtful whether this verb has hitherto been definitely separated from the group to which etymologically speaking it belongs. The past participle brow-beat (1803 ; Jane Porter, Thad- deus) occurs, it is true, but the more usual form is as yet browbeaten. The most ordinary results of this process are, of course, all the numerous formations from nouns that have been pressed into the service of verbs ; as, / box, He boxed ; [to) dust, [to) soap, [to) dog, etc., etc. : in the case of all which, the change of function must have preceded all forms due to analogy with the groups into which the word entered solely in consequence of that change. So, again, as long as a word has an adjectival function, and even when it is used sub- stantively, but retains its original attributive meaning, it is, in English, not declined: as the poor vien ; the POOR ye have zuith yoic always ; the blue hats. When, then, only certain individuals belonging to the class designated by the adjective have to be indicated — and not, as in the case of the poor, — all the individuals possessing the quality of poverty, — we resort to the addition of the word ones : as, / do not like those green hats; I prefer the blue ones. As soon, however, as the word loses its real signification, and passes into a proper noun, it is at once declined : as, tJie Grays, the ^ Murray, s.v. ^ Ibid., s.v. ; and Skeat, Etymological Dictionary, s.v. 2o8 The History of Language. [Chap. Pettys, the Qiiicklys ; the Blues, the Liberals, the Conservatives, etc.^ It may happen that the position of the accent aids to produce change of function, as in the case of pro- fccto [prd facto), and in the very interesting case of igiticr, which has been shown to be the encHtic form of agitur, originating in the common Plautine phrase {Qiud agitiw) Quid igitur!^ The case is similar with the adverbial termination ment in French and -mente in Italian, from the Latin me^ite. Crtiellenient (crudeli mente) and fierement are intelligible formations ; but solideinent, loiirdement, etc., are formed upon their analogy. At first applied only to adverbs of manner, the termination was transferred to adverbs of time and space ; as, anciennement, large- vient. Our English termination -ly (from like) is a familiar instance of the same degradation of the final syllable: cf. godlike, by the side oi godly. The word self was originally an adjective mean- ing in Anglo-Saxon and Middle-English ' the same,' and declined in apposition with the noun or personal pronoun to which it was attached to mark emphasis. It then stood in the same case, number, and gender, he selfe, his selfes, him selfuni, hi^ie selfne, etc., gen. and dat. sing. fem. hyre self re, etc. The history of the development from this usage to our present one is not quite clear ; but we should remember that the terminations of the adjective were among the first to wear off completely, or at least to become confused and indistinct ; and, further, that the accusative of the personal pronouns, was at an early date merged into ^ Used very often in a sense quite distinct from the Liberal ones : ilie Conservative ones, etc. ^ Cf. King and Cookson, Principles of Sound and Inflexion, p. 285. XII.] Influence of Change in Function. 209 the dative. We thus obtdin the following schematic declension : — Singular. Nom. / self tJiou self he, she, it self Gen. my self thy self his, her, his self nie self thee self him, her, him self Ace. I Dat.j Plural. Nom. they selve Gen. their selve T^ ' i them selve Dat.) Now, if we bear in mind that in these combinations the accent fell upon the word self (or selve), and that consequently the proclitic forms my, me, and thy, thee, in the frenitive and dative had the same sound respectively, — and, further, that in the feminine of the third person singular {Jierself), these two cases were also alike, — it does not seem strange (i) that these two cases (genitive and dative) became confused, and (2) that the word self became a noun, as exemplified in such phrases as / said it to herself. Once having changed its function, the word assumed the flection of the new group to which its new function had attached it, and a plural form, as of a noun, arose — tliemselves, ourselves, tJieirselves} When once a single form served in three (genitive, dative, accusative) of the four cases, it not unnaturally succeeded in ousting the last, and succeeded all the more easily as / self was, of course, wrong, if 5^t'//"was a noun. It is not, however, an invariable rule that the new ^ This last ungrammatical form, like the singular ///> ^•d'//'( now a vulgarism), testifies to the confusion of dative and genitive. 2IO The History of Language. [Chap. associations into which a word enters in consequence of its chanee of function entail a chanw of form in the word. In Latin the word frugi was originally the dative case of a word frux, gen. fnigis, meaning fruit, profit, advantage ; and is actually employed by Plautus, with the full consciousness of its origin, in the phrase bones frugi esse (Asin., III. iii. 12). In fact, this use is exactly parallel to the use of 7LS2d in bono 7tsui estis nulli, in Plautus, Curculio, 1. 499 ; but in this case, iisni, owing to its frequent occurrence, preserved the memory of its origin fresh. Cicero, however, treats fTugi simply as an indeclinable adjective : Homines et satis fortes et satis plane frugi ct sobrii (In Verrem, v. 27). Instances are also frequent where a change in meaning brings about a change in syntactical construction. Thus, for instance, in Latin we find that the nominative quisque is coupled with the reflective pronoun in the plural almost in the signification of singiilatim} In Plautus we find prcEsente testibus (Amphitruo, II. ii. 203), and, in Afranius and Terence, abse^ite nobis (Eunuchus, IV. iii. 7) ; in these cases the participles approach the characteristics of prepositions, A similar development gave to the present participle considering its present prepositional force. Macte is used similarly. Age ! in Latin is used as generally as Come ! in English, irre- spective of the number of persons addressed ; cave is used in the same way. Paucis is used for ' a little ' in ausciilta paticis (Terence, Andria, 536). Hdas is used in French by women equally as by men ; <^e)oe, tSov, in Old Greek, are addressed to either one or many persons indifferently. In the same way, in late Greek, cjcjjeXov and oxjieke were employed simply as conjunc- tions, without any consideration of number or person, ^ Cf. Roby, Latin Syntax, p. xxiii., and §§ 1069, 1073. XIL] Influence of Change in Function. 211 the orig-inal construction having been 'OXecr^at wffjekou T^S' rjixepa = ' Would that / had perished on that day ! ' In English a//?r// is used simply as a conjunction, and 7^zay be, in the sense of perhaps, is showing a tendency to fuse into one word, as it is actually written in American conversational language vicbbe. In German we find expressions like Hcb Jiinten iiber sick das ,^/as, 'Raise your glass high' (Uhland, Volkslieder) instead of ilber dicJi. In the same way we find in Latin suo loco, etc. ; and in Latin law formulae, Si siii juris S2iinus, where we should expect Si nostri juris sum us (i.e. 'If we stand in our own rights'). In Old Norse a middle and passive is formed by the aid of a reflective -si/e (sese), which is, of course, properly applicable to the third person only : it appears later as si; thus, al kalla, 'to call;' at kallast, 'to be called.' In the same way, we have in English the words [lo) bask and (lo) busk^ where the proper meaning of the termination has so com- pletely died out that it is possible to write busk ye. The passive is similarly formed in the Slavonic languages. Again, change of meaning influences the construc- tion in the case of numerous verbs in Latin, which are properly intransitive, but are used as transitives. Such -ax^ pcrire^ dcpcrire ; dcmori, used in the sense of ' to be mortally enamoured of; ' stupcre, ' to marvel at ; ' ardere, ' to love with fire : ' the last-mentioned two words approximate in sense to niirari and aniare respectively, and hence the instinct of language employs them in the same government. The verb to doubt, in the etymological signification of hesitating between two beliefs, was, and is still ' Morris, Historical Outlines, p. 6. * See Roby, Syntax, p. 51. 212 The History of Language. [Chap. constructed with zohether. If, however, Spenser (Faery Queene) says — ' That makes them doubt their wits be not their aine,' it is because the word is employed in this case, as indeed it frequently is in Shakespeare, in the sense of ' to fear. ' The verb to babble, originally used intransitively, means to prattle or to chatter. When, however, it is employed in the sense of ' to speak foolish words,' or of ' to reveal by talking,' it is used with an object in the accusative case, and a passive is formed of it ; e.g.. Griefs too sacred to be babbled to tJie zuorld. Again, compound words, as long as they are felt as such by the speakers, are naturally treated as such ; cf. the Latin word respiiblica, which, though we write it as a single word, was declined in both its parts, respiLblica, reip7(bliccs, etc. But, when it had once become an indivisible unit — when the form rt!ptLbliq2ie in French, or the English word republic, was formed with its ^'arious meanings, all closely resembling, but not identical with, that of the original compound, the word came to be treated after the analogy of other nouns, and the same derivatives are formed from it as from a simple form ; cf. republican, etc. This fact is, again, instanced by such forms as high-spirited (high-spirit + ed, and not high + spirited), gentleman- like (gentleman -(- like, not gentle + manlike), good- natured (goodnature + ed, not good + natured). Similarly, the Latin compound i (a demonstrative pronoun) -\- pse was at first declined as emnpse {p.g., Plautus, True, L ii. 64), eainpse, eopse, eapse, etc., all which forms are found in Plautus.^ When, however, ' Nay, we even find the suffix -pse attached to other parts of speech; cf, sircmpsc, Plaut., Amphit., Prol. 73. XII.] Influence of Change in Function. 213 the word came to be looked on as a simple word, it was declined as such : ipstiin, ipsam, ipso, ipsa, etc. In German there are many instances of words compounded with adverbs of place which are specially instructive as to the way in which a word may become detached from its previous use by a change of mean- ing. For instance, in modern German the usage is to say wirkeji auf etwas, and not in etwas, which was the usage even in the last century. In the same way, we speak of influence over as much as of influence 011, showing that we have forgotten the significance of tn} The word welcome in such phrases as / made them welcome is employed as an adjective, as, indeed, it is commonly apprehended to be. It was originally a substantive, and was derived from the infinitive mood of the verb, its meaning being pleasure-comer. The word is popularly supposed to derive from wdl and come ; but the first element in the compound is really related to luill — the true sense being the will-comer, i.e. he who comes to please another s ivill. (Cf. Ger. willko?jimcn.) The change in meaning seems due to Scandinavian influence, for in the Scandinavian lan- guages the word is 7'eally composed of the adjective well and the past participle come ; cf. Danish velkommen (welcome).^ The expression Quin couscciidimiis cqiws (Livy, i. 5 7) is properly Why do we not monnt onr horses f but is understood as Let ns mount our horses ; and in accordance with such usage quin may take after it an imperative, as quiii age ; or a hortative subjunctive, as qtiin experiamur ? The sense of cur in some cases approximates to that of quod ; and hence we find the word followed by a similar construction, in Horace, ' See Matzncr, vol. ii., p. 313, 314, etc. - Cf. Skeat, Etymological Dictionary, s.v. 2 14 The History of Language. [Chap. Ep. I. 8. 9 ; — irascar amicis, Ctir me fiinesto properent arcere veterno. The O.Fr. car underwent a similar change. Derived from qjiare it meant, in the first instance, then ; as, Cumpainz Roloiid, I'olipJiant kar sunez (Chanson de Roland), i.e. Compagnon Roland sonnez DONG roliphant ;^ it next came to be used like que or parceqiie after phrases like la raison est ; and it then comes to be used with the conditional and imperative in the sense of tttinam {cf. Diez, iii. 214). In O.Fr. the word par {Latin per) was used for much. It took this sense from its use in combinations like pei^Jicere, perraro, etc., but it was detached from the verb, and was habitually used in O.Fr. in such combinations as par fut proz = il fut tres preux ; and in some cases coupled with other adverbs, like monlt 2J\A taiit ; as, tant par fnt dels = il dtait si beau, literally tant beaucoup (Chanson de Roland). The phrase survives in par trop. The Greek ovk ovv, originally not therefore, like the Latin nonne, serves to introduce a question expect- ing an affirmative answer. It then comes to be used to introduce direct positive assertions ; thus, ovkovu ekevOepia 7]iJLa<; fxeveu ; from meaning ' Does not, then, freedom await us ? ' comes to mean simply ' Therefore freedom awaits us.' The word 7ian2i in Sanskrit has gone through a similar development. JVe in Latin, properly the interrogative particle, comes to be used as the correlative of an : — -faciatne an non facial ; or even facial, necne. Similarly, in Russian, the inter- rogative particle // comes to be used as the correlative of Hi (or) ; as legodno-li vani eta ? ('Is this agreeable to you } ') ; but we then get combinations like dydlaet-li. Hi ne dydaet (' whether he does it or no '). ' See Cledat, Grammaiie de la Vieille Languc Fran<^-aise, p. 261. ' Cle'dat, p. 253. XII.] Influence of Change in Function. 215 The accusative with an infinitive could originally only stand in connection with a transitive verb as long as the accusative of the subject was regarded as the object of the finite verb, as audio te venire ; but the accusative and infinitive came to be regarded as a dependent sentence with the accusative as its subject, and then we find the construction after words like gaudco, horrco {\J\yy, xxxiv. 4. 3), doleo {\\Q>x2iQ.^, Odes, iv. 4. 62), etc., which can properly speaking take no accusative of the object connected with them ; as gaiidei'-e, dolerc, infitias ire ; nay, we find it after com- binations such as spcm kabeo, etc. The accusative and infinitive construction then passes into sentences w^hich depend on another accusative and infinitive, as (i) into relative sentences loosely connected ; e.g. ninndiim censent regi numine Deoruni — ex qjio illnd natura conseqzii (Cic. de Fin,, iii. 19, § 64) : (2) into sentences of comparison ; e.g. ut feras quasdani nulla mitescere arte sic immitem cjtts viri animnm esse (Liv}', xxxiii. 45) : (3) into indirect questions ; e.g. qitid sese inter pacatos facere, cur in Italiam non revehi (Livy, xxviii. 24) ; ^ {4) into temporal and causal sentences ; e.g. crimina vitanda esse, quia vitari me lies non posse (Seneca, Epist., 97. 13). A similar extension of the use is found in Greek, The possessive cases nii7ie, thine, his, her, its, onr, your, their have passed into the category of adjectives, as in the case of Shall I not take mine ease in mine inn ? (i Henry IV., III. iii. 93). The instinct of language regarded mine, thine, etc., as the equivalents of of me, of thee, etc. ; and marked the function by the addition of the possessive preposition of as in this inn of mine. Thus, again, a gerund like killing'^ from having the ' See Driiger, Historische Syntax, vol. ii., p. 436. "^ Cf. Mason, English Grammar, p. 64. 2i6 The History of Language. [Chap. xii. same form as the participle, can be used in expressions like tJie killing a man, instead of the killing of a man. We not only find that the word which changes its function undergoes the consequent changes in form or in syntax, but it also often happens that, owing to functional changes participated in by a certain group of words, such a group becomes detached, and thereby gains independence enough to influence other words that have cognate meanings. There are in Old English, as in German, many adverbs which are in their origin the genitives singular of strong masculine and neuter substantives, such as dceges {by day) ; but the origin of the termination has been forgotten, and the s has come to be looked upon as a merely adverbial termination. Consequently we find the adverb nihtes {by nig/if), though nikt is really feminine, and its genitive case is properly nihte. Similar formations are here- abouts, inwards, othergates (Shakespeare, Twelfth Night, V. i. 198), tozvards, whereabouts, etc. In the same way, the genitive plural of Anglo-Saxon substan- tives in -nng (later -ing) could be used adverbially; as, — dn-ung-a, dn-ing-a, (altogether), genitive plural of dn- ung, a substantive formed from an (one) : after this analogy others were formed : as, hedling, afterwards altered to headlong ; darkling, etc. CHAPTER XIII. DISPLACEMENT IN ETYMOLOGICAL GROUPING. We have already more than once had occasion to point out that, in our individual vocabularies, two classes of words are inextricably confused. In the first place, we employ such words and derivatives of words as we REPRODUCE by the aid of memory, which recalls to us what we have frequently heard from those with whom we have intercourse. In the second place, another part of our stock of words and verbal deriva- tives is FORMED by us on the model of other forma- tions of the first class. Only in a very few cases is it possible for any speaker to decide, with absolute certainty, whether any particular form which he may employ with perfect familiarity belongs to the former or the latter group. If, for instance, we hear the simple sentence, ' He is walking,' there is nothing which can help us to deter- mine whether the speaker is merely reproducing the word walking just as he has learnt it from others, or whether he is forming the present participle of and from the word ' (to) walk ' after the model of other similar derivatives. In the chapter on Analogy, we considered principally cases falling under the second class, in which the result of such a process as we have described proved at variance with other forms already 2i8 The History of Language. [Chap. existing in the language, i.e. where Analogy brought about certain changes. The cases in which the result was the mere production of what we should have reproduced by the simple aid of memory, we considered as of very small importance for the purpose of illustrat- ing the operations of Analogy. But it is far from true that they have no signifi- cance. Every time that we consciously or uncon- sciously form words ' by analogy,' our habit of doing so is strengthened, and our confidence in the results is increased ; and the more we enter upon domains of thought where we are comparative strangers, the more confidently and the more consciously do we proceed 'to make our own words.' In this process of word- making, we follow certain models ; in fact, we de- rive one form from others which exist in our own vocabulary. In words and forms reproduced by memory (though only in the case of such as these) it is, strictly speak- ing, correct to say of each form — tense, person, singular or plural, or of each case — that it is derived, not from what our grammars call the standard forms (such as infinitives or nominative-singulars), but from the corre- sponding older form of that tense, person, etc., in the language as it existed before. In words and forms produced, not from memory, but by analogy, i.e. by derivation according to a cer- tain model, and from words which already exist in our own vocabulary, even where our result does not differ from what we might have produced by memory, it does not at all follow that our process of derivation has been the same as that by which former speakers reached their results. F"or instance, suppose that there exists a class of adjectives really derived from verbs. In the course of XIII.] Displacement in Etymological Grouping. 219 development of the language, these verbs approach in form to the cognate nouns, or — for whatever reason — some of the verbs become obsolete. The effect will be that, in the consciousness of the ordinary speaker, the adjective appears as derived from the noun. It is our object in this chapter to study the phe- nomenon of such displacements in the etymological connections and the consequences which follow there- from. A good instance may be found in the history of the suffixes ble, able, and their application.^ Both these suffixes we owe to the French language, which, in turn, derived them from Latin. In this latter lanfjuaQ^e we find the suffix bili-s, bilem, forming verbal adjectives. Where the stem of the verb ended in a consonant, the connecting vowel / was inserted : vcnd-e-re, vend-i-bilis. Where the stem ended in a vowel this insertion was of course unneces- sary : hojiora-re, honora-bilis, dele-re, delebilis, {g)no- scere 710-bilis, etc. By far the greater number of these words in ble were derived from verbs in arc, of which the present participle ends in aiis, antcm. Hence, though the words in ble were in reality not immediately derived from this participle, a feeling arose that such a connection existed. Among ' the matter- groups ' in French their existed numerous pairs, such as avnant, ainiablc, etc. In time, all present participles in P'rench came to end in this termination aiif, after which an adjective in abh\ derived from such participles, nearly always supplanted the older and correcter forms in ible, etc. Hence came forms like vcndablc, croyable, etc. The suffix abh\ introduced into English in enor- mously preponderating numbers, was there at first ' Cf. Murray's Diet., -ble and -able. 2 20 The History of Language. [Chap. confined to words of French origin, but soon, by analysis of such instances as pass-able, agree-ablc, com- mendable, was treated as an indivisible living suffix, and freely employed to form analogous adjectives, being attached not only to verbs taken from French, but finally to native verbs as well, e.g., bearable, speakable, breakable. These verbs have often a substantive of the same form, as in debat{e)-able, rat{e)-able, etc. Owing to this, a new displacement such as we are here study- ing occurred, and such words, treated as if derived FROM THE NOUN, became the models for others where able is added to nouns, such as marketable, chtbbable, carriageable, ^ salable. Another suffix, the history of which affords an instance of similar displacement is ate as verbal form- ative.^ We find in French several past participles, some due to regular historical development of the popular language, others to deliberate adoption by the learned classes, all of which differ only from their Latin pro- totypes in having lost the termination us: e.g., eonfiisiis, ^ That ' carriageable ' is a very unusual word does not matter at all, the point is that it is formed and that it cannot be derived from a verb. ■^ What follows is almost entirely taken from the article in Murray's Dictionary dealing with the suffix. Our excuse for reproducing it is the unavoidably high cost of the work, which places it beyond the reach of the ordinary student, so that a mere reference to it would be useless; and, secondly, that we believe that in Murray's other- wise admirable treatment of the subject, one not unimportant side of the question has been overlooked. To avoid misunderstanding, we ought perhaps to assure the reader that what we give is not simply a copy of the article in question ; this will appear to any one who will take the trouble to compare the two. Our object being different, we lay more stress upon some points which are less material to Dr. Murray ; we, however, use his facts, and wish to acknowledge our indebtedness. XIII.] Displacement in Etymological Grouping. 221 Fr. conftis ; contcntiis, content ; divcrsus, divers. This analogy was widely followed in later French in intro- ducing new words from Latin, and, both classes of French words {i.e. the popular survivals and the later accessions) being adopted in English provided English in its turn with analogies for adapting similar words directly from Latin by dropping the termination. This process began about 1400 a.d., and the Latin termi- nation atiis gave English at, subsequently ate, e.g. desolatns, desolat, desolate. The transition of these words from adjectives and participles to verbs is ex- plained by Dr. Murray by a reference to the fact — {a) That in Old English verbs had been regularly formed from adjectives : as, kwit, hzuitian (' white,' ' to whiten ') ; luearni, luearniian (' warm,' ' to warm,') ; etc. ib) That with the loss of the inflections, these verbs became by the fifteenth century identical in form with the adjectives, e.g., to zv/iite, to ivarni. [c) That, as in Latin, so in French, many verbs were formed on adjectives ; whence, again, English received many verbs identical in form with their adjectives, e.g., to clear, to hwnble, to manifest. These verbs, though formed immediately from par- ticipial adjectives already existing in English, answered in form to the past participles of Latin verbs of the same meaning. It was thus natural to associate them directly with these Latin verbs, and to view them as their regular English representatives. This once done, it became the recognised method of Englishing a Latin verb, to take the past participle stem of the Latin as the present stem of the English, so that English verbs were now formed on Latin past parti- ciples by mere analogy and without intervention of a participial adjective ; e.g., fascinate, concatenate, etc. These English verbs in ate correspond generally to 222 The History of Language. [Chap. French verbs In ^^r, — e.g., separate, Fr. sdpaj^cr ; this, in turn, gave a pattern for the formation of EngHsh verbs from French, — e.g., isoier (Ital. isolare, Lat. insiilare\ Enof. isolate, etc. To this lucid and apparently adequate explanation we must, however, add another fact, which has demon- strably aided in the formation of the enormous number of English verbs in ate. From the fourteenth century onward, we find again and again such pairs as action (1330), to act (13S4) ; ' affliction (1303), to afflict (1393) ; adjection (1374), to adject (1432); abjection (1410),/^ abject (1430), etc.^ Such pairs led to the supposition that the verbs were derivable from the nouns in tion by merely omit- ting the ion, and this was done with many nouns in ation even where another verb (itself the ground-word for that form in atioii) existed by the side of it. Thus we find, e.g., aspiration (1398), to aspire (1460), the verb aspirate (1700) ; attestation (1547), to attest (1596) to attestate (1625) ; application (1493), to apply (1374), to a p plicate (1531).^ ^ The number in brackets behind these words gives the date of the earhest quotation found for their use in Murray's Dictionary. ^ It will help us to realise the strength of the ties which united these groups, if we remember that the modern pronunciation of the ending, tion as shun is really quite modern, i.e. that, formerly, the ti was in such words pronounced as tea and not as sh. The verb abject consisted therefore of the first two syllables of the noun objection, WITHOUT ANY ALTERATION. ^ A carefully compiled list of all forms in ation, past participles in ate, verbs in ate, found in Diet. Murray, sub. let. A., has given the following results : — Forms in ation 219. Of these the first instance belongs to the fourteenth century in 11, fifteenth in 26, sixteenth in 49, seventeenth in 76, eighteenth in 23, nineteenth in 34 cases. Among the 219, the form in ation is the 07ily one in 89 cases, distributed over the same centuries as follows, — fourteenth, 2 ; XIII.] Displacement in Etymological Grouping. 223 The suffix///// forms adjectives from nouns : baleful, A.S. bcalofnll from bcalu (woe, harm, mischief) ; shatne- fitl, A.S. sceamfull from sccaui (shame). This ending was also added to nouns of Romance origin ; e.g., power- ful fruitful. In both classes, however, the word might, in very many cases, be just as well derived from a verb as from a noun, so tliat, e.g., thankful, which originally undoubtedly \\2iS= full of thanks, could equally well be apprehended as he luho thanks ; respectful, as he ivho respects; etc. It is similar with such words as harmful, delightful, etc. That such a grouping has actually been made, is proved by the occurrence of such forms as wakeful, forgetful, and the dialectical tirgeful ; so also the form weariful seems more likely to be inter- preted as that ivhich wearies, than as a derivative from the adjective weary as Matzner seems to take it.^ So, again, the form maisterful, found in Lydgate and Chaucer,^ seems more likely to be taken as ' he who is always mastering,' than ' as he who is full of master,' which gives no sense. The suffix less, originally and still as a rule only added to nouns, could not have been used with the verb to daunt { — O.Fr. danter. Modern French, donipter, Lat. doniitare, ' to tame,') if in such compounds as restless, steepless, hopeless, 7tseless, the noun had not been identical in form with the verb. fifteenth, 9; sixteenth, 10; seventeenth, 31; eighteenth, 15; nine- teenth, 22. There are 138 verbs in ate, 20 of which stand alone. Distribu- tion : fourteenth century, o; fifteenth, 4; sixteenth, 53 + 7; seven- teenth, 53 + 13; eighteenth, 13; nineteenth, 15. Of all cases where we find both the noun in ation and the verb in ate, the noun is older in 74 and the verb in 34 cases. It seems plain therefore that we may say that in English the verbs in ate are in very many cases formed from the nouns in ation, and that both are chiefly due to the sixteenth and the seventeenth centuries. ^ Vol. i., p. 433. " Goeders, p. 9. 2 24 The History of Language. [Chap. The history of the suffix iiess, is also especially instructive for our purpose. If we go back to the oldest records of the Teutonic languages, Gothic, we find a noun, iifarasstis, literally ' overness,' used in the sense of ' abundance,' superfluity,' from iifar, 'over:' similarly formed was ibnassus, ' equality,' from ibns — ■ ' even,' ' equal.' This suffix assus was very frequently added to the stem of verbs which, in their turn, were derived from nouns. Thus, for instance, besides the noun — lekeis (leach), we find lekinofi (to cure), lekinassus (leachdom). shalks (servant), „ shalkinon (to serve), shalkitiasstis (service). gudja (priest), ,, ^//^y«(?/z (to be priest), ^//^/wflj'i'Wi' (priesthood). frai(ja (Lord), „ fraiijinon (to rule), fraujinassus (dominion). ^iiidans (king), „ ^iudanon (to be king), ^iudi?iassiis (kingdom). In all these and similar cases, however, etymo- logical consciousness might equally well operate otherwise. It might, for instance, derive a noun meaning kingdom from another noun denoting king, or one meaning priesthood from one denoting priest. That this has been done is proved by the fact that the n has coalesced completely with the suffix assits, forming nassns, or, in its more modern form, ness. Even in Gothic, this coalescence has already been powerful enough to produce vaninass2LS (want) from vans (adjective = ' wanting,' 'less;' found, e.g., in wanhopc = ' lack of hope,' ' despair : ' zaanton, = ' un- educated,' 'untrained,' 'unrestricted,' 'licentious :' and wane = ' to grow less '). In Anglo-Saxon, adverbs were formed from adjectives by means of the termination c : for instance, heard, hearde, (' hard ') ; sd^, sd^e, (' true,' cf. soothsayer and forsooth) ; wid, wide, (wide). Adjectives in lie were formed first from nouns : eor"^, eor^lic, (' earth,' ' earthy ') ; gdst, gastlic, (' ghost,' ' ghostly '), etc. ; and XIII.] Displacement in Etymological Grouping. 225 then, also, from other adjectives, as heard-heardiic, fc^ele-c€^clic, (for a:bcl-Hc), etc. By the side of these adjectives, we naturally find adverbs in /ice, normally formed from them by the addition of c; as, cc'^clicc, etc. ; but as soon as, owing to phonetic decay of the terminations, the adjectives and adverbs in both sets of words (both in those with and without lie) came respectively to coincide, — when, for instance, /^rc^rc/ and Jicardc had both become hard, and adjectives in lie and adverbs in liee had both come to terminate in ly, — then the adjective that had never ended in lie came also to be grouped with the adverb in liec, or rather ly, and ly became the special and normal adverbial termination : as in prettily, eare- lessly, etc. Thus were produced a great quantity of adverbs, the adjectives corresponding to which never had the termination ly. Modern English possesses remnants of all the above original formations; as, for instance, the adverbs (with loss of adverbial ench ^ See Brachet, Dictionnaire des Doublets, Appendice. Paris, 1 868. - Otlier works on doublets are Roma^iische worlschopfung, by Caroline Michaclis, Leipzig, 1876. Latin doublets, by M. Breal, in the Ma/ioires de la Sociclc de Liuguistique de Paris, i. 162, sqq. (1868). For German, O. Eehagel, Vie Neuhochdeutsclun Zioillingswdrter, Gennania, 23, 257, sqq. For English doublets, cf. Matzner, EngUsche Grammatik, i. 221 ; and Skeat, Principles of English Etymology, p. 417 ; besides the appendix to his Lexicon. 232 The History of Language. [Chap. chose (a thing) and cause (a cause) alike owe their origin to the Latin catisaju, but the meanings were not differentiated in France : cause was borrowed as a law- term long after chose had developed into the general meanine of thiuQ-. It is the same, moreover, with such English doublets as ticket, etiquette: army, armada : orison, oration : penance, penitence. Such doublets as these, and guitar, zither, cithara may be called pseudo-doublets, producing as they do the effect of differentiation, but serving really as labels to designate a foreign idea or object. Nor, again, must we include cases in which a word became grammatically isolated and then received a special meaning ; such as where ' besclWden,' in German, is now employed with the signification of ' modest,' while ' besch/fc'den ' is used as the true participial form, and never means, or has meant, ' modest.' Similarly, in French, we have savant (a scholar) originally used as synonymous with present participle sachant (knowing) but in modern French as an adjective or noun only, whilst sachant has always remained present participle and no more : amant, the present participle of amarc (to love) is used as a substantive only.^ There are, however, other cases in which words are really differentiated ; that is to say, cases in which two words, whose meaning we know to have been identical, have come to be accepted in different meanings. This is a genuine process of economy in language. In French sattaquer a and sattachcr d at one time were used with identically the same meaning and employed indifferently. Attaquer is used in the sense of ' attacher ' in this line of the four- teenth century — U'7ie riche escarboucle le mantel ataqiui (' a rich carbuncle attached ( = held) the mantel ') ^ See Matzner, Fr. Gr., p. 223. XIV.] On the DifferExXtiation of Meaning. 233 (Bauduin de Scboiirc, i. 370). On the other hand, attacker is used in the sense of 'to attack: ' as in the following passage, quoted by M. Brachet ^ from a letter of Calvin to the regent of England,— 7"(9?^^ ensemble m^ritent bien d' est re rdprimds par le glayve qui voiis est coinmis, veil qii its s' attascJient 11011 seiilement ait roy, inais d Dicu qui ["a assis ait siege royal, — ' All together deserve to be put down by the sword which has been entrusted to you, seeing that they attack not merely the King, but God who has set him on the royal seat.' (Lettres de Calvin recueillies par M. Bonnet, ii. 201). In modern French attacker is used exclusively in the sense of ' to attach ' * to fasten ; ' attaqtter — ' to attack.' Another instance is found in ckaire and ckaise, both of which words came into French from catJiedrain, and both of which once signified the same thing (Theodore Beza, in 1530, complains of the faulty pronunciation of the Parisians who say ckaise instead of ckaire). At the present day, of course, ckaise means ' chair,' and ckaire is confined to the signification of ' pulpit ' or 'professor's chair.' In English, skoal and skallow seem to have been used synonymously, and to have become differentiated." Other instances are of, off ; naiigkt, not ; assay, essay ; upset, set up ; Master, Mister [Mr.) ; Miss, Mistress, Mrs. (pronounced Missus). In these cases, the differentiation took place within the given language ; and such cases should be carefully dis- tinguished from those cases in which the differentiation 1 Page 28. ^ S/ioa/, the substantive from A.S. scolu, meaning either 'a school' or ' a muhitucie ' (see Skeat, s.v.), seems to have been usetl convertibly with sc/ioo/, and indeed, the meaning of s/ioal has survived in the fisherman's phrase a ' school of mackerel ; ' while the adjectives shoat and s/iallo-u> likewise had the same meanings ; but they have become so far differentiated that the latter form alone can be empluycd metaphorically ; as when we say, ' a man of shallow intellect.' 234 The History of Language. [Chap. was made outside of the language. For instance, in sqtiandered and scatter, both of which seem to have signified the same thing, simply 'to disperse'; cf., sqtiandered abroad (Merchant of Venice, I. iii. 22). Indict and indite seem to have borne the same meaning, but are now differentiated. To these may be added the German doublets rciter (a rider) and 7'itter (a knight), which may be paralleled by the use of the English squire ^nA esquire ; of which the latter word has lately come into use simply as a title of society, whereas both forms were once used as in Scott's nine and twenty squires of fame. Other instances are sc/icuen, ' to fear,' and scheuchen, ' to scare : ' jungfra7L, ' maiden,' and jungfer, ' virgin.' Double forms arising from the confusion of different methods of declension are often used in different senses, as in the case of the Latin loc2is, whose plurals loca and loci mean ' places,' and ' passages in books ' respectively : the German F'ranke, the Franconiany)'^;?/^^;^, ' a franc ' (gh^.): this difference is utilised, together with a difference of gender, in the German der lump, ' the worthless fellow ; ' die lumpe, ' the rag ; ' etc. The difference of gender cannot be utilised in English, but is thus utilised — in German — in such cases as der dand, ' volume ; ' das da7id, ' ribbon : ' DER see, ' the lake ; ' die see, ' the sea : ' die erkenntniss, ' the act of judging ; ' das erkenntniss, ' the judg- ment : ' — in French, un foudre de guerre, ' a thunder- bolt of war' (personified); v'^y. foudre, 'a thunderbolt : ' UN critique, * a critic ; ' une critique, ' a criticism : ' UN office, ' a duty ; ' une office, ' a pantry : ' le mdmoire, ' memorandum ; ' la mdmoire, ' memory : ' le politique, 'politician;' la politique, 'politics:' le Bourgogne, ' Burgundy wine ; ' la Bourgogne, ' Burgundy : ' le paille, ' straw colour ; ' i.h paille, ' the straw.' To these XIV.] On the Differentiation of Meaning. -'o:) must be added the cases in which double plural formations are differentiated, as in English c/ol/ics, cloths ; brothers, brethren ; cows, hine (poetical) ; pence, pennies: — in German, Band, 'bond' and 'ribbon;' Bande, ' bonds :' Bander, ' ribbons :' Bank, 'bench' and 'bank ;' Biinkc, 'benches;' Bankcn, 'banks:' Gesicht, 'face' and ' vision ; ' GcsicJite, ' vision ; ' Gesichter, ' faces : ' Laden, 'shop' and 'shutter;' Leiden, 'shops;' Laden, 'shutters:' etc.^ In F'rench, we have Iciieul, 'the grandfather;' les a'ienx, 'ancestors;' and aiculs, 'grand- fathers : ' les travaux, ' works ; ' and les travails, ' a minister's reports : ' rocil, ' eye ; ' les ycjix, ' eyes ; ' and les o:ils (small oval windows commonly called ceils de been/). The singular appdt means ' bait ; ' les appas signifies ' charms,' and has a doublet, les appdts, meaning * baits,' In Russian, the accusative plural is the same as the nominative in the case of inanimate objects : it is in the case of animate beings identical with the genitive form. In Dutch, the plurals in -en and -s are used in the case of some words indifferently, as vogelen and vogels, 'birds :' in the case of some others, one alone is commonly used, as engelen, ' angels,' but pachters, ' farmers : ' again, in the case of others, both forms are used, but with different meanings ; thus hemelen, ' the heavens ; ' but heniels, ' canopies of a bed : ' letteren, ' letters,' or ' literature ; ' letters, ' letters of the alphabet ; ' etc. From tlie Danish, we may cite skatte, ' treasures ; ' scatter, ' taxes ; ' vaaben, 'weapons;' vaabener, 'armorial bearings.' From Italian, we may instance braccia, 'the two arms of the body ; ' bracci, ' arms of the sea ; ' membra, ' the members of the body;' membri, 'the members of an association.' Similarly, in Spanish the neuter of the second declension takes in many cases a feminine form ^ See Meyer's German Grammar, paral. series, p. i8. 236 The History of Language. [Chap. in the plural ; and in Portuguese this manner of differentiation is more common than in any other European language: cf scrra, 'saw,' 'mountain ridge;' seiTo, 'a high mountain;' etc. In Russian, symovya means ' descendants ' ; syimi, ' sons ; ' etc. The words [to) pui'Z'cy and [to) provide have arisen from the same original form, as have respect and respite ; deploy and display ; separate and sever. The word as, like also, took its rise from the A.S. ealswd ; it is simply a short form of also ; and an inter- mediate form exists in O.E. alse and als. In Maunde- ville, p. 153, we find the two forms used convertibly : As foiile as thei ben, als evele tJiei bcii = so evil they are ; and again, als longe as here v it ay lies lasten, thei may abide there, p. 1 30. Than and thanne were used in Chaucer's time where we should use then : Noio thanne, put tJiyn hand down at my bak (Chaucer, Cant. Tales, 7721) ; and in comparisons then was used where we should employ than, as : ' I am greater then (i.e. than) you.' In German, the word verdorbcn means 'spoiled' in a material sense : verderbt is employed in a moral sense only. It is the same with bczvegt, ' moved,' and bezuogcn, 'induced.' In English we employ aged mostly as a participle proper, but aged as an adjective ; cf. also molten and melted. The words formed with the suffixes -hood, -ness, -doni generally cover the same ground in English as in 7\nglo-Saxon. There are, however, here also, a few cases in which differentiation seems to have set in. Such are hardihood and hardiness ; huniblc-hede, htimble- ness, humility : young — hede, youth. In German, klcin- heit and neiiheit were used convertibly with kleinigkcit 7xv\(\nenigkeit : now the ioxm^tx ^ sniallncss, neiuness, the \3XtQr=t7'i/le, novelty. XIV.] On the Differentiation of Meaning. 237 In the case of adjectives, we may see the same pro- cess in mobile, movable: and in German, in emstlich and ernsthafl which were once used convertibly, Ijut are now differentiated. Sometimes a word originally of a different meaning- encroaches on the domain of another word, and gradually arrogates the latter's meaning to itself Thus, in French, the meaning of en, the form taken in French for the Latin m, has been encroached upon by the preposition a, and by the adverb dans (O.Fr. denz = de intus), and dans has completely ousted the preposi- tional meaning of dedans. Molicre could still write dedans ma poche = 'm my pocket' Base, in German, is now almost restricted to the sense of ' morally bad ' by the encroachments of schlecht (originally 'smooth, 'straight') English slight. The English word siek, once the general word for ill, has been restricted in meaning by the encroachments of the latter word. Sometimes a newly formed word encroaches on the domain of meaning covered by a word in existence, as io utilise on to 7Lse ; serviceable upon tisefnl ; gentlemanly upon genteel and gentle ; viagnifice^ice on mnnificoice : ^ mainly is encroached upon by chiefly, pursuer by perse- cutor and prosecutor: and sometimes it practically ousts it from its previous meaning, as in the case of methodist, naturalist, piwist, etc. The above examples may serve to show us some of the main factors in the differentiation of meaning, and with how little conscious design on the part of the speakers they were carried out. ^ See Trench, Select Glossary, p. 129, numerous other instances may be found in this work. CHAPTER XV. CATEGORIES : PSYCHOLOGICAL AND GRAMMATICAL. The divisions into which grammarians have distributed words, such as gender, number, and, in the case of verbs, voice and tense, are based upon the function which each word discharges in the sentence. Now, these functional differences rest ultimately upon psy- chological categories : that is to say, upon differences which depend upon the view taken by our mind of the natural grouping and classification of ideas. In other words, the divisions formed by grammarians depend ultimately upon the classification of the relations in which the ideas suggested by words stand to each other, as it appears to our imagination. Grammatical classification was, in fact, originally nothing but an attempt to express and group the order and connection of ideas as they were conceived of by the human mind. Immediately that this influence of imagination has made itself felt in the usage of language, it becomes a grammatical factor : and the groups which it forms become grammatical categories. But the action of the psychological category does not cease when it has thus produced the grammatical ; and the difference between the two kinds is that, whereas the grammatical categories become, so to speak, stereotyped and fixed, those created by the imagination are ever changing; CffAP. XV.] Gender. 239 just as the human mind itself Is ever changing- its ideas. Besides this, changes in sound-groups are always occurring, and are constantly operating to prevent the grammatical categories coinciding with the psycho- logical. Then, as a tendency makes itself felt to bring about a coincidence of the two categories, the gram- matical category suffers a displacement, whence arise what we are accustomed to call grammatical irregu- larities. A consideration of the way in which these irregularities arise may help us to imderstand the oriein of the orrammatical cate^rories, to which we now proceed. Gender. The foundation of grammatical gender is the natural distinction between the sexes in mankind and animals. Fancy may endow other objects or qualities with sex ; but sex, whether fanciful or real, has no proper connection with grammar. The truth of this may be well seen from the English language, in which we have In most cases discarded the use of grammatical gender. In order, therefore, to study the conditions of gender, we have to turn to languages more highly Inflected than English. The test whereby we now recognise the gram- matical gender of a substantive is the concord existing between the substantive and Its attribute and predicate, or between it and a pronoun representing it — Domus nigra est, 'The house Is black;' Do^mis qitam vidi, 'The house which I saw ; ' // is the moon ; I ken her Jiorn (Burns) ; etc. The rise, therefore, of grammatical gender is closely connected with the appearance of a variable adjective and pronoun. One theory to explain this Is, that the diflerence In form, before It yet marked the gender, had become attached to a particular stem- 240 The History of Language. [Chai'. ending : as if, e.g., all stems ending in n- admitted the ending -2ts — as boims, ' good,' — and ail those in g- the ending -ra — as nigra, ' black ; ' — and that the ending may have been an independent word which, while yet independent, had acquired a reference to a male or female.^ Gender appears in English, in the first place, as an artificial and often arbitrary personification, as when the sun and moon are spoken of as he and she respectively, under the influence of the ideas attaching to Sol and Luna : Phoebus and Diana, etc. : and, again, as an expression of interest in objects or animals, it frequently occurs in the language of the people and of children ; though it sometimes enters into the language of common life, as when a dog is referred to as he and a cat as she, in cases where sex is not spoken of. (See Storm, die lebende Sprache, p. 418.) hi the pronoun, as in the adjective, the distinction of gender may appear in the stem-ending : as ' un^ ' ('one,' 'a') ; ' qu<^,' ('which'). It may, however, also be expressed by distinct roots, such as er, sie ; he and she. It is, indeed, probably in substantive pronouns that grammatical gender was first developed, as in fact it has longest maintained itself ; as in English, where, in adjectives and nouns, it has almost entirely disappeared. Grammatical gender probably corresponded origin- ally to natural sex. Exceptions to this rule must gradually have come about, partly through changes of meaning setting in, — as where a word is used meta- phorically, like love (neuter, abstract), love (masc. or fern. — 'the beloved object'); or where it has 'occasionally' modified its meaning, like Fr. le guide, strictly ' the guidance,' and so used in Old French ; ' Cf. Sayce, Principles of Comparative Philology, p. 268 (3rd edit.). XV.] Gender. 241 your fatherhoods (Ben Jonson). Consequently we find natural sex as^ain influencing the c^enders as fixed by- grammar. Thus, in German, Die hdsslichste meincr kammcnu'ddchcii = ' the ugliest of my chambermaids ' (Wieland), where the article die is of the feminine gender, though the word karnmer^n'ddchcn, being a diminutive in cheii is, like all others of that class, neuter. In French, we have une (fern.) brave enfant, 'a brave girl.' The word gens, again, is, properly speaking, feminine, like the word la gent, which still survives in the restricted sense of 'a race:' but in combinations like ' tous les braves gens' {'all worthy people ') the grammatical gender is neglected ; and this neglect is fostered by the use of such a word as braves, which in form might apply to either sex. On the other hand, in combinations like ' les bonnes gens,' ('good people'), where an adjective with a specifically feminine termination is joined to the substantive, the grammatical gender maintains itself. Cf , also, instances like ' un enseigne ' (' an ensign '), ' nn trompette ' (' a trumpeter ') ; and, in Provencal, ' lo poestat,' for ' the magistrate' (' z7 podesta '). In Latin and Greek, these so-called violations of the concord in gender are very common ; we are familiar with them as constructions TTjOos crvvecriv, i.e. according to the sense ; cf. Thracuni auxilia (neuter) . . . ccesi (masc.) (Tac, Ann., iv. 48), * The Thracian auxiliaries were killed ; ' Capita (neut.) conjiirationis virgis cccsi (masc.) ac sccuri percnssi (masc.) (Livy, x. i), ' The heads of the con- spiracy were slain and their heads cut oft";' Septeni vtillia (neut.) Iioniimnn in naves inipositos (masc.) (Livy, xl. 41), 'Seven thousand men put on board ships ; ' Hi (masc.) snninio in Jluctu pendent . . . tres Notiis abreptas (i.e. naves — fem.) in saxa latcntia torqnet (Vergil, /En., i. 106-S), ' Some (of the ships) 242 The History of Language. [Chap. hang on the crest of the waves . . . ; three, swept away, the South wind whirls upon hidden rocks.' In Greek, w ^iXrar, S) irepio-cra TLixrjdels (masc.) riicvov (neut.) (Eur., Tro. 735), *0 dearest, O much honoured child;' ret jehq (neut.) /cara/Saz^ra? (masc.) (Thuc, IV. XV. i), 'The magistrates having descended:' and similar instances frequently in Thucydides. We next find cases where the grammatical gender has completely changed. Thus, in Greek, masculine designations of persons and animals are turned into feminines by simply referring them to female objects : thus, we have either 6 or 17 ayyeXo? (' messenger '), 8tSacr/caXo9 ('teacher'), larpos, ('healer'), Tvpavvoa/xo9, from 6 Kepa^.o'^, ' clay ; ' i) Ktcrcro?, from 6 /ctcrcro?, ' ivy ; ' r] Mctpa^os, from 6 lxapa6o<5, ' fennel.' In other cases formal reasons have brought about a change in gender. We have a striking example of this in the feminine gender assumed by abstract nouns in -or in the Romance languages, to which flos (' flower ') has also added itself. The fact was felt that most abstract substantives were feminine, e.g. those terminating in -tas, -tns, -tndo, -tio, -itia, -ia ; and, especially, the feminine termination -7ira some- times was employed as an alternative to -or ; cf. pavor ('fear'), \\.2\. paura. Again, in Latin, words in -a, when these were not, like pocta, the names of males, were commonly feminine. Consequently, we find that XV.] Gender. 245 Greek neuters in -fxa appear in popular Latin as feminines, a gender which they have in many cases preserved in the Romance languages. Examples of this are seen in scJicuic, dogmc, diadcmc, anag7^anime, c^nigjne, dpigrauiuic, etc. In the same way, in Modern Greek, the old Greek feminines in -oov<; (Xen., Anab., IL i. 6) = 'The army provided itself with food (by) cutting up (plur. part.) the oxen and asses.' In A.S., when ^^/ or ^is is connected with a plural predicate by means of the verb 'to be,' the verb is put in the plural : ' Eall ^se 3.nd qiLisqiiani, 'himself and ' any,' depend, grmmnatically speaking, on the subject of the finite verb, but they belong logically to the ablative absolute only, with which they cannot be brought into concord. Variation of concord exists between two parts of the same sentence in various lang^uao^es, as in the case of ' What is six winters ? ' (Shakespeare, Rich. II., I. iii.), as against 'What are six winters } ' 'Such was my orders,' as against 'Such were my orders;' ' She is my goods ; ' ^ ' What means these questions .^ ' (Young, Night Thoughts, iv. 398). Bacon (Advance- ment of Learning, II. ii. 7) has 'A portion of the time wherein there hath been the greatest varieties.' The original rule was that the copula, like every other verb, followed the number of the subject, as in the first-named instances ; and as, again, in French, in such cases as Cest eiix, ' It is they ; ' // est cent visages, ' There is hundred usages ;' C'etait les petites ties, ' It was the little islands.' In Latin, also, Nequanipax est induticB (A. Gellius), ' A truce (lit. truces^ is a bad peace ; ' Contentful rebus snis esse maxinia^ stint divitice (Cicero, Pro. Ar., vi. 3), ' To be content with one's circumstances are the greatest riches.' In these cases it is indifferent which substantive be considered the logical subject. In German, on the other hand, it is common, when the predicate is plural, to put the copula in the same number ; as, das sind zzuei verscJiicdcne dingc = ' That are two different thinirs.' Other langfuaijes have corre- sponding usages ; thus, in Modern Greek, "EirpeTre va TjvaL Teacrapa, ' There behoves to be four.' In Old Greek we hnd To ^oipiov tovto, oirep Trporepov ^Evvia 68ot eKokovvTo, ' This spot which zccre before called the ^ Cf. Matzner, ii. 147 ; Abbott, § 335 ; Hodgson, p. 142. 2 94 The History of Language. [Chap. nine ways' (Thuc, iv. 102); and In French we find such expressions as Ce sont des betises, ' This are stupidities.' Even in EngHsh we find such phrases as ' Their haunt ai^e the deep gorges of the mountains.' ^ The usage seems due to the fact that the plural makes itself more characteristically felt than the singular. On the other hand, in several languages the converse usage is possible ; i.e. the copula in the singular stands with a plural subject and before a singular predicate : as, in Greek, At -^op-qyiai iKavov euSat/xo^'ta? crr^ixelov icTTL, * The services is a sufficient token of prosperity : ' in Latin — Loca qucB Nimiidia appellahir (Sallust), ' Places which is called Numidia ; ' Otias o-critis vestes sordida lana ftnt (Ovid, Ars Am., iii. 222), 'The clothes you wear was dirty wool : ' in English — Two paces in the vilest eai^th is room enoiigh (Shakespeare, I Hen. IV., V. iv. 91); Forty yards is room enough (Sheridan, Rivals, v. 2). We also find the curious instance of ' Sham heroes, what are called quacks ' (Carlyle, Past and Present, ii. 7) : in Spanish we have Los encamisados era gente medrosa, ' The highwaymen (lit. 'shirtclad' ) was a cowardly lot' (Cervantes). Similarly, we find in the person of the verb a corresponding usage : It was you ; Is that they f in French — Cest moi ('It is I ') ; Cest nous (' It is we ') ; Ce'it vous ('It is you ') : in Old French it was possible to say Cest eux ('It is they '). On the other hand, in Modern German we find such forms as Das war en sie (' That were you ') ; Sind sie das (' Are you that ') : and in Old French, Ce ne stiis je pas = ' This no am I (at-all) ; ' Cestes vous (' This are you) ; but Co)it dtcf ('This they have been) ; Ce f^irent les Phdniciejis qui inve7ith'-ent I' ^criture (Bossuet), ' It were (3rd plur.) the Phenicians who invented writinof.' ^ Cf. Hodgson, p. 131. XVII.] On Concord. 295 In sentences beginning in English with there, and in French with the (neut.) il, we find that com- monly in Enghsh the verb agrees in number with the subject which follows it, whilst in French it agrees with the pronoun il, as // est des gens de bien (' There is good people ') ; Raretnent il ari'ive des revolutions (' Rarely there happen^- revolutions '). In English we more commonly find the plural ; cf. Miitzner, vol. ii., p. 106 — There were many found to deny it : but we also find There is no more such Ccssars (Shakespeare, Cymb., III. i.).^ A participle employed as a predicate or copula may agree with the predicatival substantive instead of the subject; as, ITaz/ra StryyT^crt? ovcra rvy^ai^et (Plato, Rep., 392 D), ' Everything happens to be an explanation,' where the part, ovcra (lit. ' being ') agrees wdth hi'r)y'r)(ji<; (' explanation ') ; Paupertas mihi onus visum (Terence. Phorm., I. ii. 44), ' Poverty (fern.) to me a burden (neut.) seemed (neut. part.) ' = ' Poverty seemed to me a burden ; ' Nisi honos ignominia putanda est (Cicero, pro Balb., 3), ' Unless honour (masc.) is to be thought (fem.) shame (fem.).' On the other hand, we find Seniii'amis puer esse credita est (Justin, i. 2) = ' Semiramis was thought to be a boy,' where the part, credita (' thought ') takes its gender from Semiramis, and not from puer. The predicate, again, which would naturally follow the subject, may follow some apposition of the subject : as, Q-)-ql3aL, 77-0X19 dcrruyetrcoi^, eV fxiaiq'i Trj<; 'EXXaSo? airrjpTraaTaL (/Eschlnes v. Ctes., 133 ), ' Thebes (plur.) a neighbouring city, is torn from the centre of Greece ; ' Latin — CorintJmm totius GrcEcicc hinien extinctum esse voluerunt (Cicero, Leg. Man., 5), 'Corinth (fem.), the light of all Greece, they wished to be extinguished (neut.).' Again, though the subject is plural, we find ' See Matzner, vol. ii., p. 141. 296 The History of Language. [Chap. the verb agreeing with its distributival apposition, and placed in the singular ; as, Pictores et poctce, siitim quisque opus a vtdgo considej^ari viilt (Cic, de Offic, i. 41), ' Painters and poets eacJi wishes that his work should be examined by the public.' The construction is more striking still in which the predicate is made to agree with a noun compared with the subject ( i ) in gender — as, Magis pedes quam arnia tuta sunt (Sallust, Jugurtha, 74 ^) = ' Feet (masc.) are safer (neut.) than arms (neut.) :' (2) in number — Me noil taiituin Uteres, quantimi longinquitas temporis mitigavit (Cicero, Fam., vi. 4) = ' Me not so much letters as length of time has comforted : ' {3) in gender and number — as, Quand on est jeinicSy riches, et Jolies, comme vous, mesdames, on nen est pas reduites a V artifice (Diderot), 'When one (sing.) is yonng, rich, and pretty, (fern, plur.) as you are, ladies, one (sing.) is not reduced (fem. plur.) to artifice : ' (4) in person and number — as, H TV)(y] det JUXtiov rj '/^/xet? rjjjioiv avTcov eTTLiJLeko-oiJLeOa (Demosthenes, Phil., I. i 2), 'Fortune always for us more than we care for ourselves.' In English we meet with many sentences like ' Sully bought of Monsieur de la Roche Guzon one of the finest horses that was ever seen.' The concord of the predicate with a second subject connected with the words and not is also curious; as. Heaven, and not we, have safely fo2ight to- day (Shakespeare, 2 Hen. IV., IV. ii.).^ In Greek, an apposition separated from the noun by a relative sentence may follow the relative pronoun in case ; as, Ku/cXcotto? /ce^oXajxat, o^* o^^aX/xov akdoicrev, avrWeov IloXv(fjr)ixoi> (Horn., Od., i. 69), ' He is wrath with the Cyclops (gen.) whoin (ace.) he deprived of an e)e, the divine Polyphemus (ace.).' ^ See Driiger, § 113, for more examples. '^ Cf. Matzner, vol. ii., p. 152. XVII.] On Concord. 297 A demonstrative or relative, instead of followini^ the substantive to wliich it refers, may follow a noun predicated of it ; as, in Latin, Leucade stent luce dccreta ; id caput Arcadicc crat (Livy, xxxiii. 17), 'These things were decreed at Leucas (fern.) ; that (neut.) in the capital (neut.) of Arcadia ; ' Thcbcc quod Bceotice caput est, 'Thebes (fem. plur.) which (neut.) is the capital (neut.) of Bceotia ; ' tl)o/3o9 r]v alScj eiirofxeu (Plat.), ' Fear (masc.) which (fem.) we call modesty (fem.).' A relative pronoun logically referring to an im- personal indefinite subject usually follows the definite predicate belonging to that subject ; and, of course, the predicate of tlie pronoun does the same. Thus v^e have to say ' It was a man who told me,' and not ' It was a man luhich told me : ' 'It is the lord Chancellor- ivhose decision is questioned.' It is the same in German and in French ; as, Cest cux qtd out bdti (' // is they who have built '). In French, too, the person of the verb in the relative sentence follows the definite predicate, as Ccst moi sent qui suis coipable (' It is I alone luho am guilty ') ; and it is the same in English — ' // is I who am in fault.' On the other hand, in N.H.G. the use is to say Du hist cs, der mich gerettct hat, ' Thou art // who me saved has," = 'It is thou that (who) hast saved me.' In a relative sentence, the verb connected with the subject of the governing sentence goes into the first or second person, even though the relative pronoun belongs to the predicate, and the third person would strictly be natural : cf. N^on sum ego is consul qui ncjas arbitirr Gracchos laudare = ' I am not such a consul who should think (ist pers,) it base to praise the Gracchi ' (Cicero) ; Ncque In is es qui ncscias = ' Nor are you he who would ignore ' (2nd pers.), i.e. ' Nor are you such a one as to ignore.' 298 The History of Language. [Chap. In English, this construction is very common ; as, ' If thou beest he : but O how fall'n ! how changed From him, who in the happy realms of light didst outshine myriads ' (Milton, Par. Lost, bk. i., 84, 85) ; ' I am the person who have had ' (Goldsmith, Good-nat. Man, iii.). This construction was common in Anglo- Saxon ; as, Secora oenio;u7n ^dra ^e tirlcdses trode sceawode = ' Of the men to any of those (plur.) who of the inglorious the track looked at (sing.) ' + ' To any of the men who looked at the track (of the) inglorious (man) ' (Beowulf, 844). So in French — Je siiis niommc qui accoitchai d'tin ceuf (Voltaire), ' I am the man who laid (ist. pers.) an ^^^ ; Je siiis lindividzi qui ai fait le crime, ' I am the person who kave done the crime ; ' and Italian — lo sono colui chi ho fat to, ' I am he who have done' The predicate or attribute, instead of agreeing with the subject, or with the word which it serves to define, may agree with a genitive dependent on that subject ; as, 'HX^e S' Itrl ^v)(7] Srj^aLov Teipecriao ^pvcreov (TKrjTTTpov exoiv (Homer, Od., xi. 90), 'The soul (fem.) of the Theban Teresias (masc.) came having (masc.) a golden sceptre.' In English we find 'There are eleven days' y^?/;';^^;)' from Horeb unto Kadesh-barnea ' (Deut. i. 2). In French it is customary to say La plnpart de ses amis I'abaiidonnerent, ' The most part of his friends abandoned (plur.) him ; ' but La plupart du penple voulait, ' The most part of the people wished (sing.) :' in the former case the quantity of individuals is regarded ; in the latter the people are looked upon as a totality divided. The attribute sometimes in Latin and Greek, referring to the person addressed, appears in the vocative : as, Qnibtis Hector ab oris Expcctate vcnis f XVII.] On Concord. 299 (Vergil, /En., ii. 282), * From what shores, Hector, O long expected, dost come ? ' Stemmate quod Tusco ramum millesinie ducis (Persius, iii. 28), ' Because thou, O thousandth, dost draw thy lineage from an Etruscan tree.' Thus, in Greek, *()X,8te, /cw/ae, yevoio (Thcocr., Id., xvii. 66), ' Mayst thou be happy, O boy,' lit. ' O happy, O boy, mayst thou be ! ' Such examples as these may aid us to understand the way in which concord has spread beyond the area to which it strictly belonged. And we may gather from these some idea of the way in which this process grew up in prehistorical times. We must remember, however, that concord was not felt so indispensable in the earliest stages of language, because absolute forms without inflectional suffixes were then the rule. The question now comes, What were the rudiments from which concord proceeded ? We must suppose that a period once existed in which substantives coalesced with the stem of the verb, and in which pronouns could precede the stem, just as our actual verbal in- flections seem to owe their origin in many cases to the coalition of pronouns with the stem. We must therefore suppose that, just as it was possible to say AtStu-/xt ('Give I '), so it was possible to say 'Go father,' ' Father go ' (for ' Father goes ') ; and ' I go,' just as it was possible to say ' Go I,' ' Go thou,' ' Go he ' (instead of ' I go,' etc.). There are actually some non-Indo- European languages in which the third person singular differs from the other persons by dispensing with any suffix. Such is Huncrarian, ^ in which the root ' foo,' 'seize,' is thus declined — -fog-ok,fogo-s,fog. Here, then, ^ Another instance is furnished by Hebrew, where the root pakad is conjugated \%\. pakadti, 2nd masc. pakadta, 2nd iem.pakadt, 3rd masc. pakad, 3rd fern, pakda/i, ist plur. pakadnu, 2nd masc. pekadietfiy 2nd fern, pckadten, T^xd pakdu. (Cf. any Hebrew grammar.) 300 The History of Language. [Chap. the original plan maintains itself, of coalition according to the formula ' Go-father,' or ' Father-go.' In the next stage, the subject is repeated, as, when we say "Eyw St8w- jut, we are really saying ' /give /.' This process is very common in some modern languages, especially in poetry, when emphasis is to be given to the subject : as, TJie night it was still, and the moon it shone (Kirke White, Gondoline) ; ^ The skipper he stood beside the helm (Longfellow) : Jele sais, nioi ; Ilnevo^Lhtt pas, hii ; Toi, tn vivras vilet malhenrenx, — ' I know it, I ; ' ' He would not, he ; ' ' Thou, thou shalt live vile and wretched.' Similar is the anticipation of the subject by an indefi- nite il ; as, // sujfisait un mot, ' There sufficed a word.' The pronoun was originally doubled only where it was specially emphasised, just as in uneducated conver- sation at the present day we hear such forms as / says, says I. But such pronominal reduplication must have spread, and have affected the verbal forms when they were completely formed, just as it, at an earlier period, affected the tense-stems. It is, however, by this time so far forgotten that the termination of such a word as legit represents a personal pronoun, that its most com- mon use is to indicate its relationship with the subject by mere concord ; as Pater legit, lit. ' Father read — he,' i.e. ' father reads.' In fact, the personal endings at the present day merely serve to mark the verb as such, and sometimes to express the difference between different moods. In the case of nouns, the concord of gender and number, at any rate, is first formed in the pronoun to which reference is made, to which gender, too, owes its origin, as in such cases as illce mnliei'es, ' those women (nom.) ; ' illas mnlieres (ace). Concord in case appears first in apposition ; as, Im~ ' A fuller list is given in Matzner, ii. p. i8. XVII.] On Concord. 301 per at or is Ccr saris excrcitus, 'The army of CcEsar (gen.) the commander (gen.),' where it serves to show that both nouns have the same relation to exercitus. But here there is no more actual necessity for employing the case-ending twice, than there is for repeating the pronominal suffix in the case of the verb. This we may see in such cases as Kittg Arthur s seat ; La gloire de la nation /ranfaise, ' The glory of the French nation.' A concord in gender and number occurs, even at the present day, only where it is demanded by the nature of the case ; as. La dame snr le visage de laqnclle Ics graces cHaicnt peintcs (Fenelon), ' The lady on the face of whom the graces were painted.' The concord of substantives in apposition having been the first to form itself — as in Cccsaris imperatoris Romani, ' Of Csesar (gen.) the Roman-commander (gen.)' — we must suppose the concord of the attributi- val and predicatival adjective to have been modelled upon that use ; as, Ca:saris domini potentis, * Of Caesar (gen.) the powerful master (gen.),' or Cccsaris invicti, 'Of Csesar (gen.) unconquered (gen.).' In other words, their origin reaches back to a time when the adjective still occupied the same category as the substantive, and was not yet thought of as occupying a category of its own. The transition is marked by such substantives as are called, in Latin grammars, Mobiiia, which in the forms of their genders resemble adjectives. Such as coqnns, 'cook' (masc.) ; coqua, 'cook' (fem.) : domiiius, ' lord;' doinina, ' lady: ' rex, ' king;' regina, ' queen.' i\s these substantives passed into adjectives, they main- tained the concord, and it then came to be regarded as of the essence of the adjective. - CHAPTER XVIII. ECONOMY OF EXPRESSION. Language, as a rule, employs no more material than is necessary to make the hearer or reader understand the meaning intended to be conveyed by the speaker or writer. This statement must be taken merely generally, for it admits of many exceptions. But, as a rule, language, like a careful housewife, husbands its resources, and tends rather to economy than to lavish- ness in their employment. Everywhere in language we meet with forms of expression which contain just so much as is needed to make the employer of language understood, and no more. In fact, the supply offered by language depends on the demand, and on this alone, A gesticulation may supply the place of a sentence ; a nod, a frown, a smile may speak as plainly as any words. Much, too, must depend upon the situation: on the rela- tions of the speakers to each other ; their knowledge of what is passing in each other's minds ; and their com- mon sentiments with regard to the subject discussed. If we consider a form of expression which shall convey a thought under all possible conditions to any possible hearer as the only correct standard, and measure all other forms with that standard, then all these will appear imperfect, or, as grammarians would say, elliptical. CuAP. XVIII.] Economy of Expression. 303 Practically, however, ellipse should be assumed in a minimum of cases, and each form of expression should be referred to its origin. Otherwise, we must be con- tent to regard ellipse as an essential part of language ; in fact, we shall have to regard language as habitually containing less than ought rightly to be expressed, and hence we should have to regard most expressions as elliptical. We will consider first the cases in which a word or phrase is said to be supplied from what precedes or what follows. It hardly seems that we are justified in using the word supplied. Take such a sentence as Is Bitshy, Green, and tJie Earl of WiltsJdre dead? (Rich. II., III. ii. 14). We can hardly contend that in the per- fectly expressed sentence we should have to supply dead after Bnshy, Green, and the Earl, etc. Again, in such a sentence as He saw me and grew pale, it seems unnecessary to supply //^ with grew pale; nor in such a combination as in fear and hope need we supply in before Jiope merely because we can also say in fear and in hope. It seems more correct to drop the notion of supplying, and to think of single positing with plural reference — regarding what usually is called a sentence, not as an independent self-contained integer, but as a link in a continuous series. It is common to assume an ellipse in such cases as ' the German and French languages,' and still more in the form ' the German language and the French.' But we have really here a pair of elements standing in the same relation to a third. That this is so, we see by the fact that tliere are other languages in which the two elements are really treated as a unity and attached as such to the third, which then becomes strictly speak- ing the second. This is shown by the use of the plural. We say, for instance, in Latin — quarta ct Jl/artia 304 The History of Language. [Chap. legioncs (Brut, apud Cicero, ad Fam., ii. 19), ' the fourth (sing.) and the Martian (sing.) legions (plur.),' beside legio Martia qtmrtaqiic, 'the legion Martian and fourth ' (both in Cicero) ; Falernuin et Capiiamini agros, * the Falernian (sing.) and Capuan (sing.) fields (plur.) ' (Livy, xxii. 15): Italian — le lingite Greca e Latina, ' the languages Greek (sing.) and Latin (sing.),' besides la lingua Greca e Latina, ' the language Greek and Latin : in French — les langues Francaise et Allemande : — so, tlie fourth and fifth regiments ; the second and third days. In the same way, in the case of such sentences as John zurites zuell, James badly, we are prone to assume an ellipse. But that the current assumption of an ellipse cannot be always right is proved by the fact that even in English we sometimes meet with a plural predicate: as, 'Your sister as well as myself, said Booby, are greatly obliged ' (Fielding, J. Andr., iv. 7) ; ' Old Sir John with half a dozen more are at the door,' (Shakespeare, i Henry IV. II. iv.) : as against, 'Ely, with Richmond tro^iblcs me" (Rich. III., IV. iii.) ; ' Until her back, as well as sides, was like to crack' (But., Hud., II. i. 85).^ In Latin, we actually find this construction with the ablative absolute : ille Antiocho, hie Alithridate piilsis, ' the former when Antiochus, the latter when Mithridates were defeated' (Tacitus) ; quod tn aiit ilia queri possitis, ' what thou or she require could ' (the verb plural)' (Tullia, ap. Cicero, ad Fam., iv. 5) : cf. — ' Not the King's crown nor the deputed sword, ' The marshal's truncheon nor the judge's robe, ' Become them. (Shakespeare, Meas. for Meas., II. ii. 60) ; ' For there ^ For other examples, see Miitzner, vol. ii., p. 151. XVIII.] Economy of Expression. 6^D nor yew nor cypress spread their gloom' (Th. Campbell, Theodoric). So in French — ' Ni I'or ni la grandeur ne nous rendent heureux' (La Fontaine), ' Neither gold nor grandeur ma^e us happy :' and in Latin — ' Erant quibus nee Senatus gloriari nee princeps possent' lit. * There were (some) of whom neither Senate boast nor the Emperor coiUd (plur.)' (PHn., Pan., 75).* This plural has originated from cases where the copulative connection could be substituted without essential alteration of meaning — as, ' Yew and cypress spread not there their gloom,' — and has thence been extended by analogy. In fact, for the instinct of language, the predicate has been posited once and not twice. In sentences like 'I will come and do it,' 'Who steals my purse steals trash' (Othello, III, iii. 157), ' Who was the thane lives yet ' (Macbeth, I. iii. 109), we have instances of an element common to the principal and subordinate sentence, and also in such sentences as 'It is thy sovereign speaks to thee,' a variety of sentences constructed airo koivov. Sometimes also, in German, we find such sentences as Was ich da traiimend jauchzt tind litt, diuss wachend nwi erfaJireii (Goethe), lit. ' What I there dreaming cheered-at and suffered must waking now experience : ' with which we may compare sentences like Milton's ' Thou art my son beloved : in him am pleased,' and ' Here's a young maid with travel much oppressed, and faints for succour'"'^ (Shakespeare, As You Like It, II. iv. 75). It occurs frei^uently in dialogue that words of one speaker are not repeated by another, and they are ordinarily described as being supplied. Really, however, dialogue must be regarded as a continuous whole, so ^ Drseger, vol. i., p. 178. ^ See Abbott, p. 166. X 3 o6 The History of LanguaCxE. [Chap. that, e.£:, the words of one speaker (or their contents) form subject to predicate uttered by the other, Cf. — ' O Banquo, Banquo ! Our royal master 's murdered (Zady Macb.) Woe ! alas ! What, in our house ? ' If we take a sentence Hke ' my relatives and friends,' the common element viy stands at the outset of the whole sentence ; it is then nearer indeed to relatives, but is without difficulty referred to friends. But in- sertion in the second part of the sentence is also possible : cf. ' It {i.e. love) shall be (too) sparing and too severe' (Ven. and Adon., 1155), ' Beggars (sitting) in their stocks refuge their shame that {i.e. because) many have (sat) and many must sit there ' (Rich. II., V. V. 27); ' of such dainty and such picking grievances' (2 Hen. IV., IV. i. 198).^ In this case, the first portion of the sentence remains incomplete until the common element has been spoken or written ; and this serves to complete the first and the second part of the sentence simultaneously. Sometimes the common element stands in different relations to the two others with which it is con- nected. Then concord must be violated : and different languages try to avoid this breach of concord in different ways. We, in English, admit the want of concord in such cases as ' She lovp:s him not less than I (love him) ; ' ' He thinks so : not I ; ' ' They are going to-morrow : I too.' The case is similar in French : Vous pariez — 77toi aussi (= ' You depart — me also ') ; and in German, Du gelist — icJiauch ( = 'Thougoest — I too'). The sequence of tenses is not observed in ' Therefore they thought it good you hear a play' (Tam. of Shrew, Introduc. ii. ^ For other instances, see Abbott, p. 2S1. xviTT.] Economy of Expression. 307 136) ;' ' 'Twere good you do so much for charity' (Mercli. of Ven., IV. i. 261). The infinitive has to be borrowed from the finite verb in cases h'ke 'He has done as he was bound ; ' ' He is gone where he was told.' It is, of course, harder to find cases of discord in gender in Enghsh than in more higlily inflected languages. In French, however, we find Paul et Virginic etaient ignorant s (B. de S. Pierre), ' Paul and Virginia were ignorant [masc. plur.]:' and also Le fer, le bandeau et la flamme est toute prete (Racine), 'The iron, the bandage and the flame is quite ready ; ' Cest un homine on tine fevwie noyee (Boniface), ' It is a man or a woman drowned (sing, fern.) : ' cf. Lat. Visce nocturno tempore faces ardorqiie cceli (Cicero, Cat, iii. 8). The case is similar in Italian and Spanish. In English, we find such sentences as ' I am happy to hear it was his horse and not himself W2^7 The wearing- off of well-nigh all case-endings has in the present language almost completely obliterated the difference between crude forms and nominatives of nouns and adjectives or the infinitives of verbs. Hence, at present, the ordinary speaker realises no difference between, e.g., noon in noon-tide and the word noon in // is noon. Yet the compound noon-tide belongs historically to the former class, and noon is there a 'crude form,' if we may still so call it. In our follow- ing study of composition as at present employed in the English language, we neglect the scientific origin, but base our classification on appearance ; in the present case, on present linguistic consciousness. One of the fullest and best-known lists of compounds in the Eng- lish language is perhaps that given by Morris (Histor. Outlines, p. 222). We shall largely draw upon it in the following study, though we have, in our enumera- tion, rather considered the character of the component parts than, as Mr. Morris does, that of the function of the compound. I. Nouns are compounded with Nouns — I. Both in the same case; i.e. in apposition, the one explanatory of, or defining the other (in which case one of the nouns has a function almost, if not quite, identical with that of an adjective). Instances are spcar-plant, noon-tide, cJinrch-yard, headman, oak- tree, master-tailor, merchant-tailor, prince-regent, water- course, watershed, head-waiter, plough-boy, bishopdom (found in Milton, dom = 'jurisdiction'), bishopric (r/V = A.S. rice, 'power,' 'domain'), bandog ( = band -\- dog), barn {bcre, i.e. barley -\- cm, i.e. 'storehouse'), bridegroom {pride ■{■ groom = goom = A.S. guma, 'man ''), bridal {bride + ale = ' bride-feast '), cowslip {coiu = slip, ^ On groom, see the excellent article in Skeat's Etymological Dictionary. o 1 8 The History of Language. [Chap. A.S. cv-slyppe = 'cow dung'), hussy (= ' Jioitse-wife' — Skeat, Prin. Eng. Etymol., p. 422), Lo7'd-lieiUenant , earlmarshal, wei'^-wolf {'vc\dLX\-\vo\{,' A.S. wer- 'a man'), world [zveoruld, wer = ' man ' + celdu = ' age,' 'old age,' 'age of x\\?iw'), yeoman (= 'village-man' — see Skeat), orchard (A.S. orceard, ortgcard, metathesis = wort- yard - ' vegetable-garden '), Lainiuas ( = hldf-maesse = ' loaf-mass,' ' day of offering,' ' first-fruits '), handi- work {Jiand -\- gezueorc = 'hand-work'), mildciv (= 'honey dew,' mil = 'honey,' A.S. mcle), pcnny-zvorth. 2. Genitive -f Nominative. Doomsday, Thursday, Tuesday' {ddiY of Tizi>, the godhead), kinsman, trades- union, calf's- foot (calf's-foot jelly), lady day {lady as a feminine had no s in the genitive), daisy (' day's eye,' A.S. dceges (fage), Wednesday (' Wodan's day'), shillino^' s-worth . 3. Noun + Verbal Noun (the former having the function of object to the verb cognate with the latter). Man-killer, blood-shedding, auger (i.e. 'nauger-,' anauger having been divided as if = an auger ; A.S. nafu-gdr, 'nave (of a wheel)' '-borer,' '-piercer'), groundsel (A.S. grunde -\- szuelge = 'ground-swallower ' = 'abun- dant weed ; ' already in the Saxon corrupted from gunde-swilge = ' poison-swallower,' with reference to healing effects),^ lady [hldf-dige, ' loaf-kneader '), soothsayer (= 'truth-speaker'). 4. Two Nouns in other relations: nightingale (A.S. nihte-gale = 'night-singer'), nightmare {mara, 'an in- cubus,' by night). II. Nouns are compounded with Adjectives. I. Adjective and Substantive. a. Nouns. Nobleinan, uppcrhand, good-day, some- time, meanwhile, freefuan, blackbird, long-measure, ^ Cf. Skeat, Prin. Eng. Etymol., p. 395, from which and from his Dictionary most of these ' obscured ' compounds arc taken. xrx.] Rise of Word-Formation and Inflection. 319 sweet-william, hicky-bag, midday, alderman [ealdor-man = 'elder-man'), Gospel (o-()d- spell =' good- speW = 'good tiding'), holiday (='holy day'), halibut ( = ' holy but ' = ' holy plaice for eating on holy days '), hoar-fj'ost, hoar-hound (the hoar or greyish Jmna, i.e. the plant now called horehound), hind-leg, neighbour (=' near-dweller '), midriff (7nid -\- hrif = belly), tit- mouse (small sparrow ; mouse here = A.S. mdse, small bird, not the A.S. mus from which the common word mouse). b. Adjectives. Barefoot. 2. Substantive and Adjective. a. Nouns. Furlong (= 'furrow long' = 'the length of a furrow '). b. Adjectives. In many of these the noun has very much the functions of an adverb. Blood-red, snoiv-white, fire-proof, shameful, beautifil, manly (i.e. 'man-like'), scot-free (free from paying scot, i.e. a contribution). 3. Substantive and Participle. a. Earth-shaking, heart-rending, life-giving, blood- ctcrdling. b. Airfed, earthborn, rnoth-eaten.^ 4. Numeral -I- Substantive. Sennight (= 'seven night'), fortnight ('fourteen night'), tcui-light (= 'double light' = 'doubtful light'). III. Pronoun and Substantive. Self-will, self- esteem. IV. I. Substantive and Verb (or Verbal Stem). ^ Forms like fur-booted, blackeyed, etc., do not, of course, belong here. They are derived, with the suffix ed, from compounds or groups like fur-boot, black eye, eui^Ie eye, cone-shape, etc., or formed by analogy to such derivatives. Some, indeed, are true compounds, but then the second element is an adjective and not a past participle. In that case they should be ranged under the compound formed from two adjectives. 320 The History of Language. [Chap. Verbs. Back-bite, blood-let, brow-beat, hoodwink, cateriuaiil (= 'to wail like cats'). 2. Verb and Substantive. Nouns. Grindstone, bakeJwiise, wash-tub, pickpocket, brimstone (i.e. brenstone = 'burning stone'), rearmouse [hrdre-miis, hrera7i, 'to flutter'), luormwood (A.S. wermod = werenidd, werian, * to defend,' m6d = ' mood ' = ' mind ; ' ' that which preserves the mind '), break- fast, spend-thrift (cf. ivast-thrift — Middleton, A Trick to Catche the Old One, II. i.). V. Adjective + Adjective (or Adverb + Adjective ; it is not always possible to decide which). 1. Old-English, Low-German, deaf-mute, thrice- miserable. 2. Adjective (or Adverb) + Participle. a. Deep-mousing, fresh-looking, ill-looking. b. Dear-bo2ight, full-fed, high-born, dead-beat. (In well-bred, well-disposed, etc., there is, of course, no doubt that the first element is an adverb.) VI. Adjective and Verb. White-wash. VII. Adverb and Verb. Gross-qttestion, doff (do- off), don (do-on). Further compounds we meet are made up of — VIII. Pronouns with Pronouns. Somewhat. IX. Adverbs with Adverbs. Each (= d (aye) -f gelic = like, A.S. aelc). X. Adverbs with Pronouns. N'o7ie ( = 7ie + one), naught ( = ne -{■ aught). XI. Adverbs with Prepositions. Therefrom. XII. Adverbs with Adverbs. Henceforth, forth- with. XIII. Prepositions with their Case. Dow7istairs, lip hill, instead. XIV. Adverbs with Verbs. Foretell, gainsay, with- stand, etc. XIX.] Rise of Word-Formation and Inflection. ?2i J- We also find more than two members formed into one; such a.s ma7i-o -zaar, will-d-the-wisp, brother-in-laiv, nevertheless, whatsoever, etc. Sentences and phrases coalesce; as in good-bye (= 'God be with you'), the provincial belcddy (= 'By our lady,' i.e. the Virgin Mary), may-be (provincially in America written mebbc), and, aided by metaphorical usage, fo7'get-me-not, kiss- ■me-qiiick, etc. The student should carefully go over these ex- amples, and, in each of them, attentively study the full force of the compound, and see what is really expressed by the component part, and what implied by the mere fact that they are thus joined.^ If he is acquainted with any foreign languages, he should also study all the various habits of these languages as regards composition. He will then gain a clear insight into the nature of the process, and see how impossible it is to fix a line of demarcation between compounds and syntactical combinations. This is further illustrated by the fact that much, which in one language is looked upon as a compound, in another is kept asunder ; nay, in the same language one calls a compound what the other would count as two distinct words. Thus a German writes derselbe ( = ' the self,' i.e. ' the same ') as one word, whereas an Englishman writes the same ; an Englishman writes himself where the German has, in two words, sich sclbst. Cf. the En{ over-pour. In many cases this isolation has led to a special development of meaning, and the word becomes still more definitely a compound ; cf such words as inroad, after-birth, offset, over-coat. From the union of the verb with the adverb, there arise nominal derivatives in which the 334 The History of Language. [Chap. sense is yet more specialised, such as ojfset, output, offal, under-w7ntei\ An adverb derived from an adjective sometimes fuses with the nominal forms of the verb. The first impulse to this fusion is often given by the metaphori- cal application of one part of the compound : cf. deep- feeling, far-reaching^ high-flying. The combination becomes even closer when the first part retains a meaning which has become unusual to it in general. For instance, in such a combination as ill-favoured, ill retains a trace of the time when it could be used as synonymous with bad. In German, the comparative and superlative forms are actually used, showing the completeness of the fusion; as, der tieffuhlendste Geist (Goethe), (lit. — ' deep-feelingest ghost,' i.e. ' spirit '). There are a few combinations of verbal-forms with an object accusative, which similarly occupy an inter- mediate position between the compound and the syn- tactic group ; such as langhtcr-provoking, lurath-stirring, fire-spitting. No sharp line can be drawn between these instances of spontaneous and natural fusion, and the analogical formations coined by the poets ; as sea- encompassed, storm-tossed, etc. Again, and even in English, where the application of the inflected comparative and superlative is of so very limited application, it is the use of the comparative or superlative which affords a test as to the degree of fusion. It is, of course, possible to analyse most langhter-provoking, as provoking much laughter. But few would adopt such an explanation in a sentence like This is the most fire-spitting speech I ever heard. Besides this, there are many verbal combinations which must be apprehended as compounds, from the fact that they represent a single notion only ; such as 1 XIX.] Rise of Word-Formation and Inflection, t^t,^ with regard to, as soon as possible, forasmuch as, seeing that, none the less, — which must be considered to stand on the same footineec/i. 350 The History of Language. [Chap. strictly speaking be connected with an adjective only, is joined to the substantive, and serves to mark its adjectival nature. Thus we often hear such expres- sions as He is ass enough, idiot enough ; More fool yon, etc. In other cases, again, such as twenty thousand troups were taken piHsoner, the word prisoner shows by its absence of inflection that it is apprehended as an adjective. It might be thought practicable to draw another distinction that would hold orood as between substan- tive and adjective. The adjective, it might be alleged, denotes a simple quality, the substantive connotes a group of qualities. In such a word as blue, we have the one broad idea of one colour fairly defined and commonly understood within certain definite limits. In the meaning of, e.g., rose, we embrace all the quali- ties which go to make up our conception oi fiower in general, and the special fiower which we call rose in particular. And no doubt the definition may be con- sidered in the main correct. But the distinction cannot be consistently maintained throughout. For instance, there are many adjectives which cannot be said to indicate really one quality only. Such are most adjectives in like ox ly {warlike, manly, etc.) ; and, on the other hand, substantives are again and again used so as to denote one quality and only one. The transition from the denotation of a simple quality to that of a group of qualities is effected by the use in a special sense of a substantival adjective; as, ' the blacks,' for ' the negroes ' = ' a radical,' ' a conservative.' When once such usage has been started, there is no neces- sity for the train of thought, which led the first employer to specialise the word, to be present in the consciousness of other speakers. Directly the word XX.] The Di\isiox of the Parts of Speech. 351 has come to be so specialised, and the train of thought which led to its specialisation has been forgotten, the word stands isolated as an independent substantive. The converse process is not uncommon ; in which, out of a group of qualities, a single one is dwelt on and the rest are left out of consideration : such are, for instance, the names of colours ; as, lilac, rose, mulberry, etc., used adjectivally. From this use the adjectives with specialised meanings, derived from substantives, we may gather that adjectives, i.e. terms for simple qualities, arose out of terms for groups of qualities, i.e. substantives. The process must have been from the very beginning that the speaker singled out one notion from a group and dwelt on it, passing over the others bound up in the group. In fact, the speaker must, at a very early stage, have used words in a figurative sense. In such expressions as That man is a bear. That woman is a vixen (as, indeed, when we say bearish or vixenish), we are ascribing to him or her only some one particular characteristic of the whole number of characteristics of the thing which the substantive indi- cates when used in its usual sense. The distinction between noun and verb might seem, at first sight, to be well marked both by the diversity of forms which characterise these separate parts of speech, and by the diversity of functions which they severally fulfil. But in English, we are at once met by the fact that we have numerous verbs which are identical in form with nouns, and in many cases are actually nouns employed as verbs ; as. to lord it, to walk, to dog, to run: while we constantly see the process going on before our eyes, of the transference of a noun into the category of verbs ; as, to chair a man, to table a motion. How near they may approach in function may be seen from sentences like I looked at the show, and I had a look at 352 The History of Language. [Chap. the show. No doubt it may be said that verbs have certain formal characteristics, which distinguish the verb from the noun, such as personal terminations, distinctions between voices, and forms to denote mood and tense. But, in the first place, these forms have, to a great extent, disappeared in English, with its other inflections ; and, in the second place, even in the most highly inflected languages we find verbs defective in some of these characteristics, and thereby approaching in form to nouns : cf. the Italian bisogna andare (=* I need to go ') as against Che bisogna andare (' What need to go ? '). While, again in nouns, forms occur defective in case and gender-signs; as, cornn, 'horn \ genn, 'knee;' etc. Further, in the Slavonic languages, we actually find the verb in the past tense agreeing in gender with its subject; as, Ttdjelala, ' Thou (feminine) didst wish,' etc. Lastly, the differentiation of the construction of the two parts of speech is anything but sharply marked, as we may see in cases where a substantive actually takes the case which would naturally be taken by the verb with which it is connected : Seeing her is to love her ; Hearing him recite that poem is enough to draw tears from the eyes. Even in highly inflected languages, like Latin and Greek, the personal endings, commonly regarded as the special formal characteristic of the verb, have no place in the participles and infinitives. Again, such an expression as Rex es, 'Thou art king,' is identical in meaning with Regnas, ' Thou rulest ; ' so that the verbal termination, as such, need not serve to mark any distinction of meaning between the verb and the adjective or substantive used pre- dicatively. If we say that it is of the essence of the verb to describe a mere transient process limited by time, XX.] The Division of the Parts of Speech. 353 while the adjective or substantive denotes a perma- nent qiuiHty, we must observe that the adjective may describe a transient quahty ; as, dirty, pale : while verbs may be used to describe states ; as, /o gloiv, cf. candere = to be white. The participle must be regarded as partaking- of the nature of the verb as well as of that of the adjective. The peculiarity of the participle, as com- pared with the adjective, is that it enables us to ex- press an occurrence or event attributively ; as, They, lookhig, sazu. We must look upon adjectives as the older formation of the two, and indeed we must sup- pose that adjectives had been completely developed before participles could take their rise at all. The characteristic difference between the participle and the so-called verbal adjective is that the parti- ciple, unlike the adjective, is capable of denoting tense ; as, Tvi//a9 {= 'having struck'). The participle, when standing as an attribute to a noun, partakes of the construction of a noun {i.e. substantive or adjective) ; as, Vir captiis est (' The man is caught'). But it may depart from the character of a noun by departing from such nominal construction, and striking out a new path of its own. Thus, in He has taken her, He has slept, we have a use of the participle quite unlike the use of the adjective. No doubt it is true that such a phrase as He has taken her signified originally He has or holds her as one taken ; cf. Cura intcntos habebat Romanos, (Liv., xxvi. i), but we do not now apprehend the construction thus. In French, the transition from the general adjectival into the special participial construc- tion is clearer : J'ai vu les dames, ' I have seen the ladies ; ' but Je les ai vues, * I have seen (fem. plur.) them,' and les dames que fai viics, ' the ladies that I 2 A 354 The History of Language. [Chap. have seen (fern, plur).' In Italian, we say Ho vedute (fern, plur.) le doime = * I have seen the ladies,' as well as Ho veduto le donne (masc. or genderless sing.). In Spanish, all inflection in the case of periphrases formed with ' haber ' is abolished ; it is as correct to write la carta que he escrito = ' the letter which I have written,' as to say He escrito una carta = ' I have written a letter.' On the other hand, in peri- phrases made with tener {to hold, used as auxiliary like to have), a later introduction into the language, the inflection is always retained ; in tengo escrita una carta, = * I have written (fem.) a letter (fern.),' it is as im- perative to observe the concord of gender as in Las cartas q7ie tengo escritas - ' The letters which I have written.' Conversely : it is possible for the participle to gradually recur to a purely nominal character. Bear- ing in mind our definition of the participle, we may say that this recurrence has taken place as soon as the present participle is used for the lasting activity ; as when we talk about a knowing man : and as soon as the perfect participle comes to be used to express the result of the activity ; as, a lost chance. The more such participle is employed in a specialised meaning — as, for instance, metaphorically,^ — the more speedily and thoroughly will the transformation become ac- complished ; as in such cases as striking, charming, elevated, d^^unken, aged, learned, crabbed, dogged, etc. Nay, such words may even combine with another, after the laws of verbal construction : as in the case of higJi-flying, well-wishing, flesh-eating, new-boini, well- educated. The participle, again, like other adjectives, may become a substantive, e.g. the anoi7ited ; and the sub- stantival participle, like the adjectival, may either XX.] The Division of the Parts of Speech. 355 denote a momentary activity (or, rather, an activity limited as to time), c.o. the patient, i.e. the suffering one, or a state, e.g. the regent = the rulijig one - the ruler. It may, indeed, entirely lose its verbal nature, 2i%, friend, fiend, i.e. the loving one, the hating one, etc. The nomen agentis, resembling in this respect the participle, may denote either a momentary or a lasting activity ; as, the doer - 'he who does ;' the dancer (if = ' he who is wont to dance,' e.g., as his profession). In the former application it remains closely connected with the verb ; and there is no reason, except custom, why it should not, like the participle, take an object, just like the verb ; in fact, that it should not be correct to say the teacher the boy for ' he who teaches the boy,' just as it is possible to say the school-teacher. We actually do find in Latin, dator divitias, 'giver riches (ace. plur.) ' = 'he who gives riches;' justa orator (Plautus, Amphyt, 34), 'the just things (ace. neut. plur.) orator or speaker' ='he who speaks just things.' In Shakespeare, we find and all is scniblative a woman s part [Twelhh Night, I. iv.), where an adjective, semblative, is similarly construed with a verbal force ; the sentence being equivalent to ' and all resembles that which we might expect in a woman.' On the other hand, the nomen agfentis, when denoting lastinof activity, may separate more and more from the verb, and thus finally lose its special character, as noun in- dicating a 'doer,' e.g., ozuner, actor, father (lit. 'he who feeds or who protects;' from a root which means either to notirish or to protect^ The transition from verb to noun is again seen in nomina actionis, like tramportation, liberation. These may also approximate to the verbal construction ; as, My transportation from England to Jrclaiid {' I was 356 The History of Language. [Chap. transported from England to Ireland'); pearl fishery ('the fishing- for pearls'). Here, again, the notion of a lasting activity inherent in the substantive tends to make the original idea of a nomen actionis grow faint ; and the connotation of a lasting condition sets in. And, again, the more that metaphorical and other unusual or special usages attach to the word, the more does such word become isolated as against its original use, cf. position, tra^isportation, co)ivictioii, goings-on. It may, indeed, become so far isolated as to lose all connection with the verb, as in reckoning, in the sense of an account ; cf. addition, in French, in the same meaning (cf. the French expression for 'Waiter! the bill, please,' Garcon ! r addition sil votes plait /) The infinitive is really a case of the noun of action, and must originally have been constructed in accor- dance with the usaw in force at the time for the syntactical combination of the corresponding verb with other nouns. But, in order that it may be felt as a true infinitive, its mode of construction must no longer be felt as it originally must have been felt ; it must, in fact, have become isolated in its employment, and such isolation became then the basis of further development. But the infinitive having thus developed, reverts in many cases to the character of a noun : its want of inflection, however, always has a tendency to prevent this ; and, accordingly, the most common cases in which it appears as a substantive are as subject or object. In sentences like ' not to have been dipped in Lethe's Lake Could save the son of Thetis from to die ' (Spenser, Faery Queen) ; ' Have is have' (Shakespeare King John, I. i.) ; ' I list not prophecy' (Winter's Tale, IV. i. 26) ; ' I learn to ride,' etc., it seems certain that the infinitive is constructed after the analogy of a noun ; but in such constructions as / let him speaky I XX.] The Division of the Parts of Speech. 357 hear him walk, It is hardly apprehended as so con- structed by the instinct of language of the present day. Languages which possess declined articles possess exceptional facilities for thus approximating the infini- tive to a noun, as the Greek to ^CkCiv^ tov (^ikeiv, etc. (=:*the "to love" — of \\\^ to-lovc', etc.): cf. such in- stances as the English //7o and its denotation would be led to attempt to maintain their pronunciation in accordance with the standard afforded them by this. But, even assuming that such an alphabet were generally adopted, it is plain that it could only represent one particular dialect of any linguistic area, which dialect would, as a rule, be that of the best-educated classes in the community. Then, as now, dialects would remain unrepresented, or, at the best, would be registered for scientific purposes or for a limited use. Then, as now, absolutely different sounds occurring in different dialects would be denoted by the same letters. Then, as now, different sound images would be associated with different letters, which are, of course, merely connected with sounds by an association of ideas. Then, as now, the written language would be unable to record the changes that had passed upon the language of an entire community, confining itself to those that had passed over the normal or standard dialect, which, as we have seen, would be in England the dialect of the educated classes. But it must be held that language is not consciously altered to suit orthography ; any such alteration would be contrary to the common develop- ment of language. The orthography may, however, be altered to suit the language ; but, as it is obvious that the language must change more quickly than the orthography, it follows that the orthography must remain, at the best, an imperfect record of written sounds. The defects of written speech which have been already indicated are not as great as those which set in when the orthography of a language has been long settled. The original spellers tried to commit the sounds of each word to writing ; they broke up the word into its elements, and compounded the letters 374 The History of Language. [Chap. corresponding to these elements to the best of their abihty. But there is no doubt that practice in reading and writing makes this process continually shorter. The consciousness that the symbol is bound up with the sound grows gradually fainter, A group of symbols represents a group of sounds ; and the sounds are apprehended in groups, and not singly. The sentence, and not the word, becomes the basis of reading. Indeed, fluent reading and writing would be impossible if this were not the case. Poets, like Burns, who write in their own dialect, however much they may try to reproduce accurately the sounds of that dialect, and however well they may succeed, still are fain to content themselves with a certain con- ventional approximation to accurate representation ; in fact they are very much influenced by the conven- tional orthography of the literary language. They are also constrained to attempt to produce an approximate amount of accuracy with the smallest amount of labour ; and their labour is considerably lessened by their acceptance of conventional symbols. Our forefathers really tried to indicate consistently their pronunciation of their words. They tried to spell phonetically, and the result may be seen in the different spellings of the manuscripts of Langland, Chaucer, Shakespeare, etc. The advantages of a fixed orthography are mainly that the reader connects a definite orthographic image with a definite signification. We can understand this if we take two words which are pronounced identically but differently spelt, such as bough, and the verb to bow. Were these words written identically, the written pic- ture common to the two would associate itself with the sound common to the two words, whereas, at present, each meaning has its own distinct symbol. Each XXI.] Language and Writing. 375 divergence in spelling, though from a phonetic point of view it may be an improvement, increases the difficulty of understanding what is written. Diver- gencies or want of fixity in spelling may arise from the awkwardness of writers, who may have employed several signs to denote the same sound, or a single sign for more than one ; or, again, it may arise from the want of some controlling body, like an academy, whose business it is to regulate orthography. On the other hand, it may be due to the very perfection and consistency of the characteristics of the language which has to be reproduced. If, for instance, as in Sanscrit, or in Welsh, the spelling of the same word varies with its pronunciation according to its position in the sentence, a single meaning must be expressed by different symbols, and it is impossible for one definite written picture to connect itself with the first form. The more fixed the orthography, the more is the process in reading and writing facilitated. On the whole, it is true that the natural tendency of the orthography is towards greater fixity, though it is also true that retrogressive movements some- times occur, as when marked phonetic changes set in. There are three principal methods whereby it is commonly sought to produce a fixed and uniform orthography : ( i ) by the abolition of variations between several different methods of spelling ; {2) by regarding etymology and taking it as a guide to orthography ; and (3) by holding to traditional spelling and dis- regarding sound. The first of these methods is, generally speaking, in accordance with the aims of phonetic reformers ; the two latter are in direct contravention of their aims. But aofainst these efforts to produce fixity in orthography there remains always the counter tendency to bring language and its written 376 The History of Language. [Chap. expression into harmony ; and this tendency exhibits itself partly in the effort to correct original deficiencies in spelling, and partly in a reaction against the dis- crepancies constantly produced in written language by sound-change. As these two tendencies are con- stantly operative, the history of orthography is a description of the temporary triumph of one or other of these two forces. If we should institute a comparison between the development of writing and that of language, we shall find certain points of resemblance, and others of marked diverorence. With reference to the latter ; in the first place, changes in orthography are brought about more consciously, and with more purpose on the part of the writer, than changes of language on the part of the speaker. In the second place, whereas in language a whole linguistic community is exposed to a change, in the case of writing, only that portion of the community who write or print or publish are directly interested. And thus it is that the authority of single individuals is able to carry weight to a much larger extent than in language. Again, orthographical changes do not depend upon personal contact, but appeal to the eye, and therefore are capable of affect- ing a wider, if a less numerous, public than linguistic changes. A good instance of the effect of changed orthography is seen in the Welsh language as con- trasted with the Gaelic. The Welsh has changed its old cumbrous orthography for a simpler and more phonetic system ; and, in consequence, the Welsh language has become more easy to acquire, and, generally speaking, a handier instrument of literary intercourse. No reformer has arisen for Gaelic, which consequently is little read and little written in comparison with its Cymric sister. XXL] Language and Writing. 377 One of the most obvious difficulties that meets the orthographical reformer at the outset is the presence in the alphabet of one or more signs to represent the same sound, a case which has been already referred to in this chapter. This superfluity of sound-signs may be an inheritance from the language whence the alphabet in use is borrowed ; thus, in our alphabet, we have received c and /- and q, all denoting the same sound. Or, again, it may happen that, in the language from which the alphabet was borrowed, two signs had a different value, but that the language which borrows them is unable to employ these signs to make such a distinction, which, indeed, does not exist in it. Thus, the Greek alphabet employed x ^^ represent the aspirated guttural ; but, as we do not employ that sound at all, the symbol ck, as seen in cholera, is superfluous. Again, both symbols of the borrowed language easily pass into use in the language which borrows them, if the sound which the borrowing language means to represent lies between the two sounds represented by the symbols borrowed. Thus, for instance, in the Upper German dialect, at the time of the introduction of the Latin alphabet, there was no distinction answering to that between the Latin g- and k, b and /,y and jv, consequently, one of these symbols was, for that particular German dialect, superfluous. In English there is one cause of vacillation which should be noticed as of interest, viz., the attempt of certain writers to omit certain letters which seem to them superfluous, as when honor, color, etc. are written instead of honour, colour, etc. As far as this spelling expresses supposed philological accuracy, it is, of course, erroneous. Superfluities in spelling are disposed of in much the same way as superfluities in words and forms. 27^ The History of Language. [Chap, The simplest way is by the disuse of one of the two signs. The other way is by differentiating the signs which were originally used indifferently. This differen- tiation may serve to supply a want in the language ; as when, in Modern German, z, ii, and /, v were gradually parted into vowel and consonant. Thirdly, it happens that one manner of spelling becomes usual in one word, and a different manner in another, the differences depending upon mere caprice. Thus we speW pj'-ecede, hut proceed ; proceeding, but procedure; stream (from A.S. st?'eam) with ea, but sieep (A.S. steap) with ee. A.S. dr^ad is now written bread, but A.S. r^ad has become red ; A.S. mc we write iww, but ^u is at present tkou ; etc. Some of these and similar inconsistencies owe at least their preservation, if not their origin, to the desire of differentiating in the spelling such words as have the same sound but different meanings ; e.g., to and too, steel and steal, red and read, etc. Etymology, or, more correctly, etymological group- ing, and analogy have great influence upon spelling, as w^ell as on the spoken language. Again and again an older phonetical spelling has been replaced by a real or fanciful etymological one. Thus, for instance, it is owing to the influence of etymological grouping when certain alternations of sound, due to flection or other change of position, are left without indication by any corresponding changes of spelling. Thus, in Anglo- Saxon, the word dcrg had its plural dagas. Final g was dropped, and the vowel before it changed into the sound now represented by ay in day. A g between two vowels, however, generally became w, and, accord- ingly, dagas became dawes, a form frequently found in Middle English. In this case, analogy interfered, and a new 'regular' plural, formed directly from the singular XXI.] Language and Writing. 379 day, replaced the older historically correct form. It is, however, possible to imagine that this had not happened in the spoken language, and that, whilst people said day, dawcs, they had written day, dayes. Or rather, if the declined cases in the singular had remained in use — in which cases, also, the g stood between two vowels — that the w written in the declined cases of the singular, and in all cases of the plural, had begun in time to be written also in the nominative singular, where the ji' was the 'regular' form. This supposititious case is only an instance of what has happened in many languages, e.g., in German, German ' unvoices ' all final consonants ; i.e., 2l d or t, when final, is pronounced /, a /> or ^ is pronounced p, etc. Before terminations of inflection, however, d and d remained ' voiced,' and we find accordingly in Middle High German such pairs as nom. tac, gen. tages. The g of the declined cases has, however, supplanted the c of the nominative singular, and the word is now written throughout with g, though no one pronounces the same sound in the nominative singular, as in, say, tages, or nom. plur. tage, etc. Again, etymological considerations first caused and now preserve the insertion of d in dedt, g in reign. That, in many cases, these etymological considerations arose from sheer iornorance does not alter the fact that it was their influence which, after causing the insertion of, e.g., the g in sovereign, the h in rhythm, the / in could, the w in whole, the / in receipt, saved these absurdities from desirable extinction. It must, however, be admitted that, owing to these very irregularities and inconsistencies of spelling, as far as it is to be regarded as representing the spoken lantruaee, we owe sometimes a o^reater uniformity and regularity in the grammar of the written language than o 80 The History of Language. [Chap. xxi. could obtain if spelling followed pronunciation more closely than it does. Thus, for instance, in most weak verbs the past tense is expressed in writing by the addition of ed, though sometimes, in the spoken word, nothing but the sound of d (/ roll, 1 7^ oiled), or even t (/ express, I expressed), is added. The cd, in these cases, may be considered to be preserv^ed partly from habit, partly from a feeling, to some extent etymological, that such and such a meaning (or change of meaning) is indicated by such and such a spelling or letter-group. 1 41 CHAPTER XXII. ON MIXTURE IN LANGUAGE. There are two senses in which we may speak of mixture in language — the broader sense in which every speaker must influence those who hear him, and be influenced by them in turn, and the narrower sense in which one language or one dialect is influenced by another with which it is but distantly connected. In order to understand the process of such mixture as this, we ought to observe, in the first place, what passes in the case of individuals. The circumstances leading to such mixture may be best observed in the case of persons who speak more than one language. Bi-lingualism on a large scale, of course, is best seen where a community resides upon the confines of two linguistic areas, as on the borders of England and Wales. It may, again, be due to the sojourn of a person in a foreign country : it becomes more marked still when persons pass from one country and settle in another ; and still more when large masses of people are permanently transferred under foreign domination by conquests and by colonisation, as in the case of the inhabitants of British India or the French population of Lower Canada. The knowledge of a foreign tongue may also be imparted by writing, as when we learn classical Latin o 82 The History of Language, [Chap. and Greek ; but in this case, the influence exerted by the forei,^n tongue is felt only by the better educated classes of society. In all cases where nations have been brought into contact, and have been mixed on a large scale, bi- lingualism is common. It is natural to expect that, of the two languages employed, that of the more promi- nent nation will gain a preponderance over the other, whether its prominence be due to its power, or in- dustrial or intellectual capacity. There will be a change, in fact, from bilingualism to unilingualism ; and the process will leave traces more or less marked on the superior language. An instance of this process on a large scale was afforded by the Roman Conquest of Gaul, the con- sequence of which was a struggle between the tongue of the Latin conquerors and that of the Celtic con- quered race. The result was that the Latin ousted the Celtic, but not without leaving traces of the Celtic idiom in certain words, in the pronunciation, and the construction of the language. But it will be found that the mixture will not easily affect single individuals, so as to transform their diction into a language made up of elements equally, or nearly equally, taken from either of the two conflicting lan- guages. Even assuming that a person is perfectly master of both languages, and that he may pass from one to another with perfect ease, he will yet adhere to one language for the expression of a clause or a sen- tence. Each tongue may, however, exercise a modify- ing influence upon the other in the way of affecting its idioms, its accent, its intonations, etc. It may happen that the influence of one tongue may be predominant in particular areas of language, as we see that the English is in Lower Canada in matters of commerce. XXII.] On Mixture in Language. t,S o'-'j This leads to such expressions as jobbctiVy cheurtine (shirting), sligne (sHng), cJiai'ger Ic jiiry, forger, ciiisiner les comptes, etc. : see American Journal of Philology, vol. X., 2} Of course, where one of two or more lan- guages has been learnt as the mother tongue, this will always have more influence over foreign languages, however perfectly acquired, than the latter will have over the mother tongue ; but we must not under-rate the influence which a foreign language may have upon the mother tongue, especially when it is looked upon as fashionable, or as the key to an important literature. The influence of the foreign tongue may obviously spread to persons who are wholly unacquainted with it, by the contact of these with persons who have adopted or assimilated the foreign elements. The two principal ways in which a foreign idiom may influence the mother tongue are these. In the first place, foreign words may be adopted into the mother tongue and retained, commonly speaking, in a more or less altered form. The English language has borrowed words of this kind from numerous lan- guages. Thus, from Dutch, we get the word sloop {slocp, itself a loan-word from Fr. shaloupe ; whence we, again, have borrowed shallop^, yacht : yam, from some African language, through the Portuguese : from Spanish — -fiotilla, cigar (Sp. cigarro), viosqiiito : from Italian — domino, casino, opera, stncco: from Persian — chess (Persian sJidh, a king, through O. Fr. esckac), orange, shaivl, rice, sugar. India gives us sepoy ; Ger- many, 7neerschaiim ; Russia, a steppe ; China, tea; etc.^ In the second place, the method of connecting and arranging the sentences, and the idioms used by ^ Cf. Dilke's Problems of Greater Britain, ch. ii., p. 53, where ' Je n'ai pas de change ' is cited as usual. - See Skeat's Principles of English Etymology, p. 14 ; also Peile's Primer of Philology, p. 80. 384 The History of Language. [Chap. the mother tongue may be taken from the foreign laneuaee, and this, even though the material of the. lanofuaee be maintained intact. The chief cause for the adoption of foreign words into the mother tongue is, of course, the need felt for them in the mother tongue. Words are constantly adopted for ideas which have as yet no words to ex- press them. The names of places and persons are the most common among such adopted words, to which may, of course, be added the names of foreign pro- ducts, such as fea, sago, chocolate. The names of such products may be taken from the language of communi- ties in a very low state of civilisation. On the other hand, when a language finds it necessary to introduce technical, scientific, religious, or political terms, it is fair to suppose that the language which lends the words must be that of a nation in a higher state of culture than the lanofuaee of the nation which borrows them. There are many words relating to social subjects imported into English from French which may serve to give a good idea of the weak point of the nation which borrows, and of the strong point of the nation which supplies them. Such are numerous works having reference to ease in conversation, such as bon- mot, esprit, ' wit ; ' vcToe, ' liveliness ; ' dan, ' spring ; ' etc.; and it will be correspondingly found that the language whence such supplies are drawn is very rich in the cjualities for which it possesses such abundance of names. But languages may be tempted to borrow beyond their actual needs when the foreign language and culture is higher prized than the native, and when, accordingly, the usage of such words is considered fashionable or tasteful. Instances in point are the numerous Greek words introduced into classical Latin, XXII.] On Mixture in Language. 385 such as tcchincs (Plautus, Most,, II. i. 23), and the numerous French words borrowed by German and EngHsh, such as (fliqttette, chaperon, a oiUrance. 'If a speaker has an imperfect mastery of a foreign tongue, he will be apt to employ, when endeavouring to speak it, numerous loan-words from his mother tongue. He will, in fact, insert into the foreign tongue any number of words which may serve the purpose of expressing the idea which he feels necessary. Such loan-words, of course, take time before they become usual. They cannot become usual unless they are often repeated, and, as a rule, unless they proceed spontaneously from several individuals as the expres- sion of a general need. Even then they may only become current in particular circles : as when, for instance, such technical terms as those applicable to music are borrowed. Such words, when fairly accepted by the language, are treated like other words in the language, and are regarded by the speakers of it as native, and inflected as such. Foreign words, when borrowed, are commonly treated thus. There are no two lancjuao^es in which the two stocT^s of sounds are precisely identical. Consequently, the speaker will, as a rule, replace the foreign sounds by those which he conceives most nearly to represent them in his own language ; and, in cases where the foreign language possesses sounds not known in his own, he will fail to pronounce these correctly, at least till after much practice. It is well known how very seldom any one masters a foreign tongue so as to speak it without some incorrect accent. Thus it happens that in the cases where a conquering language spreads over a nation speaking a different language, the original language of the conquered people must leave some traces in the production of sounds, and changes will 2 c o 86 The History of Language. [Chap. occur in other ways as in accentuation, etc. Numerous instances miofht be cited of where such invasion of a conquering tongue has occurred on a large scale, as in the case of the Moorish invasion of Spain, the Latin invasion of Gaul, the Norman- French invasion of Saxon England. In cases where one people merely comes into contact with another in the course of travel or of literary intercourse, the number of those who acquire the language of the foreign people will be necessarily small. The word will, therefore, from the outset, be pronounced imperfectly ; the persons who first intro- duced the word or those who immediately accepted it will insert sounds with which they are familiar among the foreign ones. It thus happens that when a foreign word has once made its way into a language, it commonly exchanges its proper sounds for those native to the language which borrows it. Even those who know the foreign language most perfectly, and are aware of the proper pronunciation of the loan- word, have to conform to the pronunciation of the majority, at the risk of passing for affected or pedantic. For instance, in English, in spite of all the numerous loan-words which occur in the written language, very few new sounds have been introduced, such as the nasal m in employ d ; and even these sounds are dispensed with among the uneducated, and imperfectly repro- duced by many of the better educated. One common result of the adoption of a foreign word into another language is that popular etymology begins to operate, causing the word to appear less strange to those who have borrowed it, as in the familiar instance rose des quatre saisons, ' rose of the four seasons,' transformed by English gardeners into quarter sessions rose} ^ Cf. Peile, p. 41. XXII.] On Mixture in Language. 387 The chang'cs which naturally affect foreign words upon their reception into the language, must of course be kept distinct from those which affect them after they have become an integral part of the language, when they change according to the laws of sound- change of the language into which they are adopted. In fact, it is often possible to tell the epoch at which a word has passed from one language into another, by noting whether it has or has not participated in certain laws of sound-change. Thus, where in Old High German the Latin / is represented sometimes by /, and sometimes by 2 (as tempal = temphuii), ' temple ' as against ziagil (= tcgiila = 'till' ), the form with s represents an older stage of borrowing than the form in /; and, again, words in which the Old High German represents the Latin p by p/i or /, must be held to represent an older stage of borrowing than those in which it is found as / or ^ .• cf. pfeffer, ' pepper ; ' PJingsten, ' Pentecoste,' as against pina, (Lat. ' psena ') : priester (Gk. ' presbuteros '). Similarly, such a word as chamber, or chant, must plainly have been borrowed before the period of sound-change when the sound of ch regularly took the place of the Latin c ; and this we know to have been the history of the c sound in the dialect of the He de France, whence those and other similar forms come to us. But foreign words are exposed, after their adoption, to the same assimilating forces as when they are first adopted : and one of the transforming forces which should be mentioned is the transference of the native system of accentuation to foreign words. In English, a study of Chaucer or Langland will show us how French words originally adopted and pronounced according to the French method of accentuation, by o 88 The History of Language. [Chap. degrees, and not till after a period of vacillation, passed over to the system common in Teutonic languages : thus Chaucer has language and langdge ; forhme and forttlne ; bdttaile and battdile ; Idboure and laboiLv : thus Pope accentuates gallant. Of course, words may be so far phonetically modified as to become unrecognisable even by persons who know the language whence they are borrowed. Who, for instance, would recognise in the word pastans^ the French passd-temps, our pastime; or in the common Scotch word ashet, the French assiette. Thus, in the same author, Gavin Douglas, we find veilys (calves), representing the old French word, vdel (vitellus). The strangeness may be increased still more by changes which have occurred in the language from which the word is borrowed. Thus our word veal represents an older form of the French language than veau ; and the- German pronunciation of many French words is that of an older period of French pronunciation ; as Paris, concert, qffizier. German words adopted by Romance languages have been even more violently transformed : who, in the French words tape, taper, would recognise the German zapfen; in the Italian toppo, the German zopf ; in the French touaille, the South German zwehle ; in the Italian driido, the German traiUf In the same way, the signification of the word in the parent speech may change ; as in the case of the French emphase, ' bombast,' as against empJiasis ; biche (' hind '), etc. Finally, it may disappear in the parent language and survive as a loan-word in the language which has borrowed it ; as, for instance, the French word guer7'e, 'war,' in which survives the Old High German werra, ' quarrel,' the same word as our zuar. ^ Quoted by Pcilc, Primer of Philology, p. ii., from Gavin Douglas's translation of the ^neid. xxiL] On Mixture in Language. 389 The word may be borrowed several times at dif- ferent periods. It appears in different forms, of which the more recent bears the stamp of the parent language, while the older has been exposed to phonetic changes which have more or less violently acted upon its form. It will generally be found that the meaning attaching to the word when it is borrowed a second time will differ from that which it bears on the first occasion. These words which are more than once borrowed are commonly called doublets.; they are very numerous both in French and English, and have been treated of at length by Breal and Skeat. Instances of such are priest, presbyter ; chainpagne, campaign ; preach, pre- dict ; prove, probe. Proper names constantly afford instances of repeated forms of borrowing processes ; cf. Evans, Jones, Johns ; Thomasson, Thomson ; Zachary, Zachariah. It sometimes happens that a loan-word long since naturalised in a language receives a partial assimilation to its form in the language whence it originally camej a good instance of this is seen in such forms as Jionor, color, etc., which, especially in America, are often so written, instead of honour, colour, etc. Sometimes words are adopted into a language from two kindred languages ; the signification will then be similar, and the sound will differ but little — the sense, as well as the form, contributing to keep the two words together. German has several of such loan-words borrowed from the French and Latin ; as, ideal and ideell ; real and reell ; which at a former period had an actually identical meaning, but now are differentiated. In English, i/'/;'///'/^/ and spirituel differ like spiritus and esprit. Some words, again, are borrowed from a language in which they already occur as loan-words. Thus the French have borrowed from English the word square, O.Fr. esquarrd. Thus, again, Greek 390 The History of Language. [Chap. words come to us through the medium of the Latin : whence it is usual to write such forms as yHschyhis, Hercules, instead oi Aischnlos, Heracles. Thus, again, Latin words borrowed from Greek have come into Enehsh throusfh the medium of French — cf. such words as nuisic, protestant, religion, etc.; and also such proper names as Horace, Virgil, Ovid, and Livy. Persons conversant with the original naturally refer such words to the language through which they came ; and thus, in adopting Greek words, they employ the Latin accent and the regular English termination which represents that French termination whence the English one came. Such words are alopecy, academy, etc. Derivatives formed with unusual suffixes often re- ceive in addition the regular normal suffix. This is specially the case when a native synonymous suffix is added to the foreign one : as in Waldensian, Rouma- nian, sometimes the native suffix is substituted for the original suffix of the foreign language ; as, Stdtana, for Stdtaneh. Words are borrowed in their entirety^ but not suffixes, whether derivative or inflectional.! /When, however, a large number of words is borrowed contain- ing the same suffix, these range themselves into a group, and fresh formations are formed upon the analogy of these. Thus, in English, after the analogy of such words as abbey, rectory, etc., we have such words formed as bakery, tannery, brewery: and, again, we find Romance v/ords like French monchard, 'a spy,' \\.2X\-3L'i\ falsardo, ' impostor,' with the Teutonic suffix: and very many English words with a French suffix ; as, oddity, eatable, drinkable, mtirderons : and, ^^^Xn, poisonous, as against vdndneiix in French. In English, again, we find such suffixes as -ist in jurist forming fresh additions to their group by analogy, mostly, however, in educated circles ; as, Elohist and Jahvist, though such words XXII.] On Mixture in Language. 391 spread eventually to the whole nation, as in the case oi protectionist. -Ism is another of these, as in somna- ^nbtdisin ; and -ian, as in Harthigtonian. Inflectional terminations are also thus adopted, but more rarely, and only between nations that have been in close contact. In German it is common to use Christi as the Qfenitive of CJiristiis, and often the French plural in s is applied to German words, as in Fraidcins. In English, we speak oi phenomena, ^lo.., and we employ indices in a mathematical sense. The English genitive ending has found its way into I ndo- Portuguese, as in Ho7iibres casa, ' the man's house.' The gypsy dialects have adopted the inflectional terminations of each country where they are spoken. Words are sometimes affected in their meaning by other languages ; and further, the idioms peculiar to one language are affected by those current in ^ another. This influence is called the influence ^ upon lingidstic form. The most common instance of the effect of one language upon another in this case, is where, when two words partially coincide in meaning, they are assumed to exactly tally in the whole extent of their meaning. This is, of course;) one of the most common faults in translation. Thus an Eno^ish child, learning French, will often be heard to use expressions like ' Cela n'est pas le chemin' for ' That is not the way ; ' a German will say ' bronght a leading article,' for wj'ote ; a Frenchman, ' Can )'Ou conduct ? ' for ' Can you drive ?' Sir Charles Dilke, in his Problems of Greater Britain,^ gives an interesting account of the French Language as spoken by the French settlers in lower Canada. It appears that the more educated of these speak a somewhat archaic and very pure French, but that the peasant or ^ Vol i., p. 53. 392 The History of Language. [Chap. shopkeeper will s^y Je nai pas de change, for * I have no change.' He will describe dry goods on his sign- board as inarchandises seches, and will call out when busy ' J'ai un job a ramplir.' In public meetings we hear of ' les minutes,' and the seconder of a resolu- tion is called officially ' le secondeur.' The 'speaker' is I'orateur, and 'Hear! Hear!' is rendered by Ecotitez. Sometimes a word is coined in one language after the model of one existing in another language, to supply a want felt by the language which borrows. This is especially the case with technical terms, as when accusative, ablative, etc., are introduced into English from the Latin model ; and such words as these are liable to be misunderstood, as they may only tally with one portion of the meaning of the original word, or, indeed, in some cases be a mistranslation, as where, genetivus, ' the begetting case,' was taken as the Latin equivalent of yei/tfco?, * the general case,' and acciLsatiznis, 'the accusing case,' of amariKir;, 'the con- ditional case.' Another instance is the \^ord solidarity, which we have coined to express the French solidariU. Again : entire groups of words, or idioms, are lite- rally translated from one language into another. Thus we hear, in the mouths of Irishmen, such expressions as / am after going, this being the literal translation of the Irish idiom for the rendering of the future tense. Thus the Austrians say Es steht nicht dafilr, for 'it is not worth the trouble,' because the Bohemians express this phrase by nestojd za to. The following idioms are current in Alsace ; ^ it will be seen that they are literal French renderings of German phrases. Est-ce que cela voiis goUte ? ' Does that please your taste ? ' II a frapp d dix ketires, ' It has struck ten ; ' // b7'i7le cJiez M. Meyer, ^ Schuchaidt Romanisches und Keltisches, p. 280, sqq. XXII.] On Mixture in Language, 393 * There is a fire at M. Meyer's ;' Ce qui est leger, zwus: rapprcndrez facilcmcnt, ' That which is easy, you will learn it easily ; ' CJicr ami, 7ie prcnds pas pour mativats, ' Dear friend, do not take it amiss ; ' /^as si beaucoup, 'Not so much;' Attendez ; j 'apporicrai iinc citadine, ' Wait ; I will bring a citadin (drink).' On the other hand, the South-West Germans employ phrases after the French model ; as, Es mac Jit gut wetter, ' It is fine weather.' Finally ; the syntax of one language may exercise an influence over that of another language. An instance of this has been already given. The form of the French language, which is a Romance language grafted on to a Celtic stock, has been much influenced by Celtic syntax (cf. the mode of expressing numerals, soixante-dix = 60+ JO, parallel to Celtic 3 scoi'-es+io ; quatre-vingts = 4x20 = Celtic 4 scores, etc.). Again : as the Slavonic languages can employ one form for all genders and numbers of the relative, we find in Slavo-German the word was (what) correspond- ingly employed ; cf. ein mann, was hat gelieissen Jacob : der kncclit, was icJi mit ihm gefahreii bin. Of course authors may consciously imitate a foreign idiom with the view of producing a particular effect, as when Milton wrote 'and knew not eating death;' ' Fairest of all her daughters Eve.' In the case of dialects, almost the same remarks hold good as in the case of different languages. Word- borrowing is the most common process. Such words are most readily borrowed as are needed by the borrowing dialect for its own purposes ; such as the Scotch words dour, do2icc, feckless, etc. Sounds, on the other hand, are not easily influenced by kindred dialects. The nearest native sounds are commonly substituted for those of the alien dialect. Of course the case may 194 The History of Language. [Chap. xxii. occur where two dialects have, in the course of their development, so far parted that words etymologically connected have lost all connection in sound. In this case, the sound of the alien dialect will as a rule be maintained. An instance of this is the Scotch unco in the phrase unco guid, which is really the same as 7uicouth ; but the accent has shifted, and this tends to disguise the origin of the word. CHAPTER XXIII. THE STANDARD LANGUAGE. In all modern civilised countries, we find, side by side with numerous dialects, a standard language, professing to stand aloof from all dialects, and to represent what may be called the classical form of the language. This standard language is in fact an abstraction, an ideal, a supreme court of language prescribing rules to be followed in the case of each language. It bears the same kind of relationship to the actual processes active in language, as a particular code of laws to the aggregate of all the cases in any district in which that code is applied ; or of a definite dogmatic text-book to the religious practices and faiths of all the individuals of a community confessing the particular faith embodied in that book. Such a standard lanofuaw as we have described,— as it does not result from the various processes natural to the life of language, — necessarily differs from language in general by its fixity ; wherever a change takes place in a standard language, the element of con- sciousness is more clearly present than in the ordinary changes of language. Not that a standard is absolutely all-foreseeing in its provisions, or can claim to decide on the entirety of the cases for which its gives the example. A code of law, in the same way, or a con- 39^ The History of Language. [Chap. fession of faith, may be liable to several interpretations, and may not cover some of the cases which come under its purview. Besides this, we must always take into account the possible lack of intelligence on the part of those who ought to act up to its provisions ; and, again, the feeling which must set in from time to time, that many of the provisions of the code are obsolete, owing to fresh moral or economical views which may have become current since it was drawn up. When such a feeling has set in strongly, the code is commonly altered to suit the demands of the day. Just so the standard language may, and indeed must, alter from time to time ; but its alterations are, like those of the code, adoptedly designedly, or at all events with much more consciousness than those which set into the ordinary course of language. This standard language is, speaking generally, the lanor-uao-e of a certain restricted circle in an entire community — most commonly, as in England, the language of the best-educated classes. The standard language may be settled in two different ways : (i) by spoken language ; (2) by written authorities. Suppos- ing that a standard language is to result from a spoken language, it is necessary that the persons who are regarded as authorities should be in continuous and full communication with each other, in order to keep the standard as consistent as possible. Sometimes we find a particular town or district cited as speaking the language which is quoted as the standard. Thus it is common to quote Hanover, in Germany, and Tours in France, as places where the purest German and French are heard. But it is clear that, even assuming the correctness of such model towns or districts, none but the better-educated classes even of those districts can be looked upon as likely to maintain the standard xxiiL] The Standard Language. 397 language in its purity. In England, the standard lan- guage can be defined in no other way than as the laneuapfe of the well-educated classes, who make it their object to speak alike, and to exclude abnormal or dialectic variations from the standard language. In France, besides the appeal to the usage of the educated, there is the further tribunal of the Academy, whose verdict is final upon all questions of literary taste and diction. In Germany, the language which must be taken as the standard language is not that of any town or district, but the purely artificial language employed on the German sta^e in serious drama. This lanefuao^e forms a very interesting and remarkable example of a standard language which is consciously maintained as the most effective medium of communication for a nation which is more divided into dialects than most other European nations. The stage language of Germany is maintained by a continuous and careful training, based on a knowledge of the science of phonetics. The objects aimed at by the actors have been twofold : in the first place, it was necessary to practise an eclecticism in the choice of their language, which should succeed in making it intelligible to the largest number of German speakers : in the next place, beauty and grace could not be left out of consideration. Hence a fixed norm had to be settled on and main- tained, as it is plain that a consistent pronunciation maintained unchanged is a main factor in promoting intelligibility. Again, inconsistency in pronunciation is practically the admission of dialectical peculiarities : and such peculiarities at once suggest characterisation where none would be in place. Those points, then, in the varying dialects, were alone selected for this normal language which seemed more conducive to clearness. Sounds and intonations peculiar to any dialect were 398 The History of Language. [CnAr. admitted into the standard language if they contributed to this result. Syllables which had come, in the course of time, to be slurred over on account of their light stress were reinstated in the integrity of their original sounds. The orthography was made to aid in the reconstruction of the pronunciation. Such studied straining after clearness must necessarily prevent the stage language from passing into a colloquial language. Its very clearness would savour of a stilted affectation. But, with all its rigidness and precision, the stage language still exercises some influence upon the sounds of the colloquial language — considerably more than that exercised by any particular dialect. But its form is to a large extent poetical ; indeed, it receives much of its language ready made from the poets. As we stated above, in the case of our own lan- guage the only normal standard that we are able to point to as the purest English is that commonly spoken among educated people. In this case it is obvious that the agreement between the different classes who aim at maintaining the norm can be at best but an imper- fect one. Each class of educated men will have a tendency to • fall into certain peculiarities of speech which will mark them off in some degree from all others. The language of the bar is not quite that of the army. The language of the Church differs from that of both. The language of the educated in Eng- land, however, — in other words, the language of those who aim at following the norm, — agrees in one respect, that in all an emancipation from dialect is aimed at, and, to a large extent, attained. This result is largely owing to the fact that in England the better-educated classes are in the habit of sending their sons to be educated out of their own dialectical district, and the result is that they come into contact, at an early period of their XXIII.] The Standard Language. 399 lives, with companions whose language is characterised either by different dialectical peculiarities from their own, or by an absence of any. But even so it must always be remembered that those who speak their language in its greatest purity, i.e. with the greatest absence of dialectical peculiarities, are subject to the changes which mark all language and are an inseparable concomitant of its existence. But there is another means whereby a standard or common language may become fixed, and may come to serve as the normal or ideal language of the speakers of any given language. This means is the reduction of such normal language to writing. The reduction of the standard language to writing renders it inde- pendent of those who speak it, and enables it to be transmitted unchanged to the following generations. It further permits the standard language to spread without direct intercourse. Of course, the influence of a written language upon dialects is much more powerful upon the material than upon the phonetic side. A Scotch peasant may read a page of the Times every day, and, if he reads it aloud to his family, the absence of Scotticisms will act powerfully upon the younger generation, and to a certain extent upon himself. But he will probably continue to pronounce the standard language in much the same way as his native dialect. It is possible to make strict rules for the mainten- ance of a written language, by adhering to the usage of definite grammars and dictionaries, or of particular authors, and admitting no other authorities. This hap- pens when, for instance, modern Latinists aim at repro- ducing the style of Cicero, like Mr. Keble in his celebrated Praelectiones. But if so-called purity of style and expression be gained by this process, surely far more is lost. The author writing under such restrictions 400 The History of Language. [Chap. must necessarily lose much of his power of original expression, and must find himself very much cramped in his vocabulary. In fact, writing at a period when the whole character of the civilisation has chancred from that of his model's epoch, he will find himself at a loss for words to express his most common conceptions. The fact is that a written language, in order to live and be effectual, must change with the changing times, and admit into itself words and methods of expression which have become usual among those for whom it is to serve as the model. It may maintain a conserva- tive influence by refusing to admit such words and expressions too hastily ; but it must allow of no abso- lute barriers to their ingress. Modern Latin, in the shape of the Romance languages, has survived, and has proved adequate to the expression of modern thought ; but in its ancient form, it has died out as a living language ; and the fair dream of the Humanists that the tono-ue of Cicero miorht serve as the medium of communication to all civilised Europe was destined to pass away unrealised, from the simple fact that they insisted too strongly that this tongue should be ex- clusively modelled upon that of Cicero himself. A literary language which has emancipated itself from its models must, of course, become less regular as time goes on, and each individual who employs it introduces into it some of his own peculiarities of idiom. But it need not split up into varieties geo- graphically situated, as must needs be the case under similar circumstances with spoken language. For instance, the English written in America is much more like the Enelish written in Eno^land than is the dialect spoken in Cornwall like that spoken in Yorkshire. Sound-change, of course, under our present alphabetic system remains wholly undenoted. Inflections, word- XXIII.] The Standard Language. 401 sigTiifications, and syntax are of course exposed to chantre, but to a less extent than in the spoken lang^uage. Such a word as bug may have retained its older signi- ficance of insect in America, and have been specialised in England ; but the word is written in the same way in the two countries alike. Similarly, zuill and shall may be exchanged, or one of these used to the exclu- sion of the other ; but they will remain spelt in the same way. Besides this, it must be remembered that the so-called classical models in any language will always continue to exert a large influence upon those who write in it ; and this will always be an influence antagonistic to change. The method whereby a standard language may best secure the greatest possible agreement over the largest possible area, and may join to this agreement the necessary adaptation to the changed circumstances of civilisation, is by keeping to the ancient models in syntax and accidence, and by allowing, at the same time, a certain freedom in the creation of new words, and in the application of new significations to old ones. Our great national languages are at once literary and colloquial, and hence they possess a standard lite- rary language and a standard colloquial pronunciation and vocabulary. The problem is how to keep those two languages in harmony. The colloquial language is, of the two, as we have seen, liable to change in its phonetic conditions — a change to which the written lan- guage is not so much exposed. It is therefore obvious that the more a language changes phonetically, the less will it be represented by the written language ; and it is also plain that in a language like English, whose spelling is so very far from phonetic, the discrepancy between the written and spoken language may go so 2 D 402 The History of Language. [Chap. far that the former may cease to exert much, if any, influence upon the latter. To remedy this state of things, phonetic alphabets have been drawn up, and various reforms in spelling have been recommended from time to time, in order to bring the written into harmony with the spoken language. The more that the natural lano-uao^e of each in- dividual departs from the standard language, the more will he naturally regard the standard language as something foreign ; the effect of this will often be that, as the discrepancies between his natural dialect and the standard language are more clearly felt, he will make a more conscious effort to seize and get over those differences. Thus, in the border counties of Wales, or of the Highlands, a more correct litej^ary English is spoken than in many English counties. The different individual dialects of any country, i.e. the forms of language used by each individual, are constantly changing their position in respect to the norm, or standard written language. On the one hand, the natural changes incident to all language are always tending to alienate these from the norm ; on the other, the conscious and artificial efforts made to approximate the individual language to the norm are constantly in play side by side with the other tendency. The main method whereby this conscious approxima- tion is effected is, in the first place, the instruction given in civilised countries at school ; and, in this case, the standard language, or an approximation to it, is learnt at the same time as the language of the district. But the dialect of each individual's home cannot fail to influence largely his acquisition of the standard language. England, as before remarked, forms an exception to most other countries in this respect, that many children are brought up com- xxiiL] The Standard Language. 403 paratively free from the dialect spoken in their geographical area. But, when all is said, there remains to be taken into account the difference in each individual's pronuncia- tion, and his greater or less capacity for assimilating the difference between the artificial dialect and his own. These considerations will always operate as powerful solvents of the integrity of a standard language. It must further be noticed that the stock of words and their meanings, as well as inflections and syntax of the artificial or standard language, are constantly being recruited from the natural language. Instances in point would be the different Scotch words, such as ne er-do-weel, adopted into standard English. Where the same word occurs both in the natural and the artificial language, it sometimes happens that both words are preserved in the latter ; sometimes with a differentiation of meaning and sometimes without ; instances are birch, church, shred, as distinct from the Northern birk, kirk, screed. It will thus be seen that the colloquial language which serves as the model of each individual is itself a compromise between the strict normal language and the home dialect. In the second place, the artificial language affects the natural language by supplying it with words and inflections in which it is deficient. Such terms would naturally be such as the artificial language is more fitted to supply. No dialect throughout Britain is free from such influence as that described. In the third place, it should be observed that when persons speak an artificial and a natural language side by side, the use of the former spreads at the expense of the latter. The artificial language was originally confined to writing, and was employed as a means of 404 The History of Language. [Chap. communication with persons speaking a strange dialect. Once established as an official channel of communi- cation, it has a tendency to spread to all literature, and gradually to private correspondence. And this is easy to understand, seeing that the young generation generally learns to read and write from written records, and that it is obviously easier to accept a form of orthography made ready to our hand than to invent a system of orthography which shall be applicable to other dialects besides one's own. When the artificial language has once become the fashion, then, and not till then, will the employment of dialect seem a mark of want of culture. There are many countries still in which the most educated persons are not ashamed to speak in their natural dialect. This is the case, for instance, in Switzerland and in Greece at the present day, and, to a less extent perhaps, in Scotland. It is therefore a mistake to suppose that the natural language must necessarily be deemed inferior or more vulgar than the artificial. It is, in fact, the necessity for the employment of the artificial language which causes it to be universally adopted. We have now briefly to consider under what cir- cumstances a common language becomes established. It seems to be certain that no common language would have arisen without some necessity for its appearance ; and that necessity arose from the fact of the different dialects into which any linguistic area must naturally be split up becoming so far alienated from each other as to be reciprocally unintelligible, and, of course, the difficulty of comprehension would be greater in the case of dialects, geographically more widely separated, than in the case of those spoken by neighbouring people. Indeed, the wider the area over which a common language spreads, and the more numerous xxiiL] The Standard Language. 405 the dialects which it embraces, the more successful does it commonly turn out. Good instances of this truth are afforded by the Greek kolvtj, and in that of the Latin language in its spread over the Romance- speaking areas. We assume, then, in the first instance, the necessity felt for a common lanofuagfe, before such is called into existence. It is further an indispensable preliminary that a certain degree of intercourse, whether literary, commercial, or otherwise, should exist between the areas, however distant they may be, which are to partake of the common language. It might seem natural to suppose that as soon as, and whenever any certain given number of dialects had reached a certain degree of difference from each other, there would naturally be evolved a common language which would suffice for their needs. But, as a matter of fact, we do not find this to be the case. The common lanofua^e sometimes develops between two or more areas possess- ing dialects less nearly related to each other, more readily than between similar areas linguistically nearer related, supposing that there are special circumstances to favour the development. In some cases political circumstances may effect this, as where a common dialect for Germany was called into being on the basis of a common German nationality. As a contrast to this, we may take the case of Polish and Czechish, which are, linguistically speaking, more nearly related than High and Low German, and which yet, as in the main belonging to different political areas, have no necessity for a common language, and have therefore never created one. If a common language has once established itself in a large area, it is rare for another common language to arise for a portion only of that area. Thus a 4o6 The History of Language. [Chap. Provencal common language would be an impossibility in the face of the powerful French which has spread over the greater part of France. Again, a common language can hardly arise for any large area whose single parts have already some common language which suffices for their needs. This may be seen in the failure of the Panslavists to create a common language in an area already occupied by Polish, Servian, etc. No example of this fact can be drawn from England. The introduction of printing is a powerful aid to the extension of a common lanoruasfe. Thanks to the invention of printing, a written record can quickly be communicated to a large linguistic area in the shape given to it by the author, and an impulse is likewise given to studying what is presented to readers in such an attractive and commodious guise. But it is necessary that the alphabet employed should be identical for all the people in the linguistic area in question ; and, of course, the language expressed by that alphabet must be widely understood over that area. It should further be noticed that a common language must, generally speaking, be based upon an existing dialect, and that this dialect then modifies itself to suit the demands of the different dialectic areas which demand the common lanoruae^e. Thus, Luther ex- pressly tells us that he based his translation of the Bible upon the dialect of the Saxon Chancellery : Modern French is based upon the dialect of the He de France : Chaucer chose the London dialect as the most appropriate for his purpose. Such cases as the modern attempts to form a common language in the instance of Volapiik, etc., have been but partially successful ; there was no strong existing basis upon which to found them. xxiii.] The Standard Language. 407 It must be assumed as a necessity to the success of any common language, that there are a number of persons compelled by circumstances to make them- selves acquainted with one or more foreign dialects. This may be brought about by the demands of com- merce, or from the fact that the persons in question are compelled to live in the foreign linguistic area, and to employ its tongue. We can see the operation of these causes in such cases as the creation of such a lingua franca as Pigeon English, which arises not merely from the fact that the English and Chinese who use it as a vehicle of communication are ignorant of each other's language, but further from the fact that the Chinese who employ it speak dialects so different as to be partially or wholly unintelligible to each other. Similar remarks hold good of the Spanish in South America, — which is learned by Italian immigrants speaking different dialects, and serves as a lingua franca to them. But even when such lingua franca, or common language, has been formed, it is liable in its turn to further development. It may be influenced, for example, by the more perfect acquisi- tion of the standard language on the part of those who use the dialect based upon it as a common language ; as is probably the case with the Pigeon English spoken by the Japanese : or, by the adoption into the common language of an increasing number of words from the vocabulary of those who are gradually allowing their own dialects to be superseded by the common language. Supposing, however, that a special dialect has been selected as the model for a standard lanofuaije, even in civilised countries, we must not assume that it is possible to adopt it as the actual and pure model. The model dialects cannot fail to be influenced by the dialect of the special speaker or writer, and in many 4o8 The History of Language. [Chap. cases this mixture may make itself very prominent. This is especially seen, perhaps, in the case of literature which, like journals and periodicals, is intended mainly to circulate in the special dialectic area. Thus, for instance, Americanisms, Scotticisms, and Hibernicisms, are more common in the newspaper press of America, Scotland, and Ireland than in the standard literature published in those countries. Again, the dialect, on which the model or normal language was based, will, from the very nature of language, change more rapidly than the normal language itself, which must from its nature be more conservative ; so that here, again, a discrepancy cannot fail to set in between the dialect and the model language. The truth of this may be well seen in the changes which have passed over the London dialect in comparatively recent times. The habit of omitting the aspirate, or, as we say, dropping the //, seems to be quite a recent development in English,^ and to have spread probably at the end of the last century. Dickens' Londoners frequently drop their aspirates : and he seems to be the first writer who makes his characters do this on a large scale. On the other hand, the ven and vy of his characters are hardly now heard in London. And thus the artificial language, if it extend over a laro^e area, becomes differentiated into dialects more or less strongly marked, in much the same way as the natural language within a particular district. Probably Enelish is the lanoruaQ^e in which this fact can be ^ A good instance of this is seen in the ' Somersetshire Man's Complaint,' dating from the seventeenth century, as against the * Exmoor Scolding,' pubhshed at Exeter, in 1778 : both are published by Elworthy in the 'Specimens of EngUsh Dialects' (1879). In the former of these the aspirate is fairly maintained ; in the latter, it is frequently dropped XXIII.] The Standard Language. 409 noticed more easily and on a wider scale than in the case of any other language, from the fact that the areas of English-speaking races are so widely separated in many cases ; and all isolation must tend to strengthen the power of the dialect as against the artificial lan- guage. So-called Americanisms, for instance, may be older forms of the English language retained by the American dialect and lost by the English. On the other hand, they may be new importations into the standard or model language from the colloquial language, or from some dialect. These Americanisms, again, spread to such English-speaking countries as Australia, Canada, and New Zealand more readily and quickly than they do to England. Consequently, the artificial language, in spite of its tendency to conservatism, is manifestly changing in the different English-speaking areas, although the change is not, of course, as great or as quick in its fulfilment as that which comes to pass in the development of dialects in the area of a definite territory. It is, of course, possible to arrest to some extent the change in an artificial language by the influence of academies, who shall authoritatively decide upon the permissibility or otherwise of the use of a certain word or phrase ; but under normal circumstances the involuntary development which we have spoken of is characteristic of a standard lancruaee as well as of language in general. A single linguistic area may, under the proper conditions, develop a duality or even a plurality of standards, though instances of the entire co-ordination of two different standards are, in the history of language, very rare. The classical example for the duality of standard is offered by the linguistic con- ditions in Greece during the period between 250 and 4IO The History of Language. [Chap. 50 B.C. Two types of normalised or standard lan- guage, neither of them corresponding exactly to any one folk-dialect, and each of them almost entirely uninfluenced by the other, asserted their pre-eminence over the folk-dialects in two distinct districts. The one, which we may call ' Eastern Greek ' or the Attic KOLVT], was based upon the Attic dialect ; the other, which we may call ' Western Greek,' was based upon the Laconian. The former was the lano-uao^e of those political and commercial interests that centred about the i^gean ; the latter, of those that centred about the Gulf of Corinth. The former represented the new cosmopolitan spirit of Hellenism, the latter the con- servative and provincial spirit that had its political expression in the Achaean and i^tolian leagues. Here, as elsewhere, the levelling of the peculiarities of provincial speech in the interest of a standard language represents and corresponds to a levelling of provincial barriers in the interest of a unitary civilisation, and under the impulse of great common movements of commercial intercourse, political organ- isation, or religious thought, and the appearance of two areas of levelling in language betrays the ex- istence of two areas of common commercial, political, literary, or religious interest. The division of German Protestantism into the Lutheran and Swiss wings, coupled with political distinctions, availed to maintain for a long time, even in the printed form, a Swiss standard of German, as distinguished from the so-called Modern High German. To be distinguished from the cases of duality or plurality of standard are those of complexity of standard. A portion of a linguistic area, which recog- nises in general outlines, or in the most essential characteristics, the common standard of the whole, XXTIL] The Standard Language. 411 may develop inside these limits a secondary standard of its own, which, in its turn, asserts itself as a unifyin;^ influence above the disparities of the popular dialects. Such is the status of the American- English, if indeed it be admitted that there be any American standard at all. The wide disagreement upon this latter much- mooted question arises largely from a failure to recog- nise what the true nature of a standard in lantruaefe is. In the light of the preceding discussion, and by the help of the abundant available material, it cannot be difficult to reach some consistent solution of this question. The attitude of the extremists on the one side is well represented by the dictum of Richard Grant White :^ * In language whatever is peculiarly American is bad.' In other words, the absolute test of correct- ness is the English standard, which is notably the usage of the educated classes in the great centre of English life. It must, however, be remarked, at the beginning of any discussion of this sort, that the question concerns not what ought to be or might best be, but what is the fact. If it be actually the fact that any considerable body of men, whose usage, be it through respect for their culture, their intelligence, or their position, or for any other reason, commands the deference of the great mass of American speakers and writers, follows so loyally the English standard as to regard as bad in language all that is peculiarly American, then it is the fact that there is no such thing as an American standard in lanofuacre. There is, then, only one standard English speech, and that the standard of London. There exists, however, in America no educated or cultured class in the English sense. The educated ^ Atlantic Monthly^ vol. xli., 495. 412 The History of Language. [Chap. stand nearer the people than in England. The chil- dren of the better classes are, furthermore, not so easily isolated from the influence of the dialect of their locality as in England, Certainly there exists in general no class with which the popular mind asso- ciates the idea of authority in matters of speech, nor whose speech is respected or admired as correct. The class of men most likely to be imitated and most likely to exercise an unconscious influence upon the usages of society is the intelligent mercantile class, but this is not a permanent or well-defined body. Certainly it is not a body likely to follow puristically a foreign standard of speech. It is in part this absence of a homogeneous usage among the more intelligent and influential classes, such as undoubtedly exists in England, that occasions the apparently immoderate use of dictionaries in America as standards of orthoepy. So various is the usage in the pronunciation even of many common words, like quinine, courteous, envelope, tribune, route, suite, wound, that the ear in its confusion of impressions fails to decide definitely, and recourse must be had to the dictionaries. It is most frequently in cases of doubt like these that appeal is made to the greater certainty of the English standard. It plays the part of a con- venient arbiter. This differs entirely in principle from an attempt, for example, to introduce the totally non- American pronunciation of trait with silent / final, or of bureau with accent on the second syllable. No single district or city in America ever has been or can be generally recognised as furnishing a stan- dard of speech. Washington is in no such sense the capital of the United States as Paris is of France ; New York is not a metropolis in the sense that London is. Eastern Massachusetts, with its chief city Boston, 4 I xxiiL] The Standard Language. 413 enjoys a certain preeminence in the superior education and intelligence of its people ; but its local idiom, like the general spirit of its population, is too strongly pro- vincial to attract any imitation. In fact, nowhere in the United States have the schools and all their adjuncts made more vigorous efforts to root out the popular dialect, and nowhere does the English stan- dard receive so full recognition. The situation furnishes a tolerably exact parallel to the rigidity of Hanoverian German, an imported standard on Low German soil, and constitutes a further illustration of the well-known orthodoxy of recent converts. The schools of Boston teach the ultra- English pronunciation of been as bT7i, while the native dialect has ben, and the American Koivr\ has extended to general use the secondary form bin} The stage is not yet in a position to exercise any marked influence upon the language, to say nothing of furnishing a standard. The influence of the pulpit is probably greater. But though neither the stage, an educated class, nor any given locality has availed to vindicate for itself the right of establishing a standard, it is an incontrover- tible fact that, within certain limits and to a certain extent, an American standard of English does exist. There is a great number of words, of word usages, of pronunciations, of phrases, and of syntactical construc- tions, which have, though not recognised in English usage, a universal and well-accepted currency among the best writers and speakers of America, and rise entirely above all suspicion of provincialism. To avoid or rebuke them, or to attempt the substitution of pure English words or expressions would be only an ostentatious purism unsupported by the facts of ^ See Sweet, Elementarbuch des gesprochenen Englisch, p. xxxi. 414 The History of Language. [Chap. society and the necessities of language, and would expose the would-be corrector even to ridicule and to the reproach of alienism. As has already been remarked, we are not concerned in a case like this with the ideally desirable, but solely with the existing fact. On no other basis can the existence of a standard be determined. If, for example, any one should, in defer- ence to English usage, assume to correct an established and universally accepted American expression like rail- road car, which a well-known poet ^ has thought worthy a place in serious verse, into its foreign equivalent rail- zvay carriage, it would be generally regarded as an odious affectation. The relatively few Americans who, without any sufficient reason, but in a spirit of undis- guised and helpless imitation, affect to adopt English manners, usages, and dress, are as a class notably unpopular with the mass of Americans, and, as un- popular, are uninfluential. What is true of their other usages, would be in like degree of their language. To illustrate from the vocabulary alone, there is a large and constantly increasing body of non-English words, which are used in all sections of the country, which are shunned by no class of writers or speakers, but which are universally used and esteemed as sound and normal expressions. Such are lengthy, to donate, to loan, to gerrymander, dutiable, gubernatorial, sena- torial, bogus, shoddy, mailable ; these are slowly pene- trating into the English of England, and the path of such words is rendered plainer by their previous adoption in the British Colonies, whose linguistic history is so akin to that of America. Many words of this kind are of French, Spanish, Dutch, or Indian origin, but have been so thoroughly assimilated into ^ John G. Whittier, in a poem entitled The Landmarks, Atlantic Monthly, vol. xliii., p. 378. XXIII.] The Standard Language. 415 the lang^Liage by usage as to rank entirely with the purest English element ; thus Icvce, crevasse, prairie, canyon, ranch, stampede, to stampede, lasso, corral, boss, stoop, sqnaiv, wigwam, hickory, racoon, moccasin, ham- mock, canoe, toboggan, hoininy, opossom, terrapin. In determining the existence of a standard and what may belong to that standard, we are in no wise concerned with the origin of words or expressions. It is not a question of origin, but a question of usage and of ' good form.' The observation that to gness, in its sense of 'opinari,' is found in Chaucer and Gower, con- tributes nothing to either side of the discussion whether there is or is not an American standard. The only question is whether gtiess, ' opinari,' is in universal and accepted American use. The fact is, that, though in widely extended use, it still remains dialectic, and is not a feature of the standard. The word fall for aiU7imn may in isolated instances be found in English writers, and is undoubtedly with some meaning or other a good old English word, but the fact is, that, as a substitute for antiimn, it is not ' good form ' in England, and is in America. Spry, ' active, nimble,' is an * Americanism,' because, though found in the English dialects, it is a standard word only in America. The American use oi sick, in retaining the old English value now expressed by the modern English ill, vindi- cates rather than controverts the existence of a separate standard. Differences in the uses of words common to the two types are illustrated by the following : lum- ber, in English, 'cumbersome material;' in American, equivalent also to English timber: tiresome, in English, 'dull, annoying;' in American, ' fatiguing,' as * a tiresome day : ' to fix, in English (and sometimes also in Ameri- can), ' to fasten ; ' in American, ' to repair,' ' to arrange: ' corn, in English, 'grain;' in American, 'maize:' transpire, 4i6 The History of Language. [Chap. in English, 'to exhale,' 'to become public;' in Ameri- can, 'to occur :' bright, in English, (of persons) ' cheer- ful ; ' in American, ' quick of intellect.' Cases in which the two standards use different words for the same idea or object are, Amer. piazza, Eng. verandah ; Amer. htrcaii, Eng. dressing-table ; Amer. elevator, Eng. lift; Amer. sleigh, Eng. sledge ; Amer. trunk, Eng. box; Amer. stoi^e, Eng. shop; Amer. public schools, Eng. national schools ; Amer. academies, Eng. public schools; Amer. to graduate, Eng. to take a degree; Amer. student, Eng. undergraduate; Amer. druggist, Eng. chemist. Amer. 7nush, Eng. porridge; Amer. biscuit, Eng. roll ; Amer. cracker, Eng. biscuit ; Amer. candy, or confectionery.^ Eng. sweets ; Amer. pitcher, Eng. jug ; Amer. tidy, Eng. antimacassar; Amer. postal, ox postal-card, 'Eng. post-card ; Amer. city, Eng. toivn ; Am&r. fall, Eng. autumn; Amer. sick, Eng. ill; Amer. rare (of meat), Eng. imderdone ; Amer. smart, Eng. clever. Many articles of clothing, especially men's clothing, have different names. Thus, Amer. vest, Eng. zuaistcoat ; Amer. sack-coat, Ewg. jacket ; Amer. pants, Eng. trousers ; Amer. drawers, Eng. pants ; Amer. underwear, Eng. underclothing ; Amer. waist, Eng, body, bodice ; etc., etc. Especially instructive it is to note how special activities, particularly those of more modern develop- ment, have found themselves in England and America separate vocabularies. Let us take for illustration the language of railways and railway travel : compare Amer. locomotive, Eng. engine (also American) ; Amer. engineer, Eng. driver ; Amer. fireman, Eng. stoker (limited in America to steamships) ; Amer. conductor, Eng. guard ; Amer. baggage-car, Eng. va7t ; Amer. railroad, Eng. railzvay ; Amer. car, Eng. carriage; Amer. cars (as ' to get off the cars '), Eng. tr-ain (also XXIII.] The Standard Language. 417 American) ; Amer. track, Eng. Ii7ie ; Amer. to switch, , Eng. to shunt; Amer. switch, Eng. point ; Amer. to buy ones ticket (not unknown in England), Eng. to book; Amer. freight -train, Eng. goods-train; Amer. depot (pronounced deepo), Eng. station (gaining ground in America); Amer. baggage, Eng. luggage; Amer. trunk, Eng. box; Amer. to check, Eng. to register; Amer. horse-car, Eng. tram or tram-car ; Amer. horse- car track, Eng. tramway. The Americans adhere to a nautical figure, and speak of ' getting aboard the cars.' American political life has developed also a vocabu- lary of its own. Some of these words have gained a limited currency in England, but are mostly felt still to be importations. Such political Americanisms are caucus, stump, to stump, filibuster, federalist, senatorial, gubernatorial, copperheads, knownothings, carpetbaggers, mass-meeting, buncombe, to gerrymander, to lobby, mile- age (as a money-allowance for travelling), wire-puller, etc. Many words have received derived or special meanings which have become established in general and unquestioned usage: thus, locality, 'a place;' notions, ' small wares ; ' clearing, a cleared place in the forest ; ' squatter, ' one who settles on another's land ; ' whereas in Australia the latter word has developed into the special meaning of one who rents a large area of government land on which to depasture sheep. Vastly more important for our purpose than these mere differences of vocabulary are those differences in phrases and turns of expression, which, as subtler and less noticeable to the ordinary hearer and reader, are less open to superficial imitation. Compare American quarter of five with English quarter to five (also American, but less common than the former) ; Amer. lives on West Street^ Eng. lives in West Street ; Amer. 2 £ 41 8 The History of Language. [Chap. sick abed, Eng. ill in bed ; Amer. thaf s entirely too, Eng. thaf s nmch too ; Amer. back and forth, Eng. to and fro ; Amer. there s nothing to him, Eng. there s nothi^ig in him ; Amer. named after, Eng. named for (also American) ; Amer. it dont amount to anything, Eng. come to ; Amer. f II teeth, Eng. stop teeth ; Amer. zvalking, lying around, Eng. walking about ; Amer. are yo2t through ? Eng. have you finished ? Amer. thafs too bad, Eng. what a pity (also American) ; Amer. as soon as (also Eng.), Eng. directly ('directly he arrives'), Amer. right away, Eng. directly, straight away ; Amer. once i7i a while, Eng. now and then ; Amer. quite a while, Eng. some time; Amer. go to tozan, or go into the city, Eng. go tip ; Amer. takes much pleasure in accepting, Eng. has much pleasure ; Amer. have a good time, Eng. to enjoy ones self {^%o American). It is not totally without significance that American usage has established and confirmed a standard of orthography that is in some few points divergent from the English: thus honor, honour; wagon, waggon; check, cheqtie ; traveler, traveller ; center, ceoitre ; by-law, bye-law ; jewelry, jewellery, etc. Much that in English usage is approved and stan- dard sounds to American ears strange and outlandish. The English use of nasty, for example, is to the American, with whom it implies the quintessence of dirtiness, distinctly abhorrent and all but disgusting : even more may be said of the semi-colloquialisms knocked up, ' tired,' and screwed, ' intoxicated ; ' while, e.g., haberdasher and purveyor are as good as foreign words. The possession of a common literature holds the two languages strongly together, and assures a narrow limit to the possibilities of divergence. It is only within this limit that the American standard exists. XXIII.] The Standard Language. 419 Freedom of trade and intercourse, that has come with the building- of railways and especially since the close of the civil war, is rapidly replacing the local idioms with a normal type of speech, and it is upon the common usage in the chief centres and along the chief avenues of commercial activity and national life that this normal type is based. It corresponds to no one of the local dialects, but stands above them all ; it corresponds in the main with the English standard, but maintains a limited independence within the scope of certain modern and special activities of American life. 1 I N DEX. The numbers refer to the pages. A (Fr.), 237 A (indefinite article), 183 Aau, aautch, (interjection,) 163 Ablaut. See Gradation. About, 336 Absente (preposition), 210 Abstract v. concrete, 45, 52 ; sen- tences, 98 Academy, 390 Accent, effect of, 208, 338 ; vacilla- tion of, in loan-words, 388. See also Stress. Accusativus, meaning of the word, 392 ; general force of, 128, 130; 'free,' 129 ; 'attached,' 129 ; 'cog- nate,' 1 29 ; of space, 1 29 ; of time, 129; predicative, 130; of direc- tion, 130, 308 ; after compound verbs, 131 ; accusative with in- finitive, 215, 281 ; accusative with infinitive after licet^ 292 ; verbs with double, 281 Acetum (Lat.), 31 Ach (Ger.), 32 Ache (substantive and verb), 144 Action of the human mind con- scious and unconscious. See Mi7id. Aqvas (Sans.), 65 Adder, 283 Adjective, general category of, 343 ; used as substantive, 207, 348 ; denoting action with dependent case, 355; used with adverbial force, 359 ; French, in / 39 ; theory to explain origin of, variable, 239 ; as psychological predicate, 274 ; as psychologi- cal subject, 274 ; predicatival (gramm.), 280 ; as grammatical predicate, 290 ; indefinite, 104. See also Siibstantive. Adverbs, origin of, 358 ; in e (A.S.), 224 ; adverbial genitiv^es, 175, 177 ; adverbial expressions, 176 ; abverbial J', 216 ; without corre- sponding adjective, 360 ; some developed in meaning independ- ently of corresponding adjective, 180 ; t/. conjunctions, 344 ^ftermest, 145 .^schylus V. Aischulos, 390 After : ' I am after going,' 392 Aftermost, 145 Aftumists (Goth.), 145 Agan, 1 1 Aged, agM, 236 Aieuls, aieux (Fr.), 235 Aigin (Goth.), 189 Aiws (Goth.), 201 Albeit, 21 1 Alderman, 319 Alopecy, 390 Alphabet, origin of, 368 ; imperfect, 5, 366 ; phonetic, 370 Also, as, 236 Altogether, 325 Always, 325 Amant (Fr.), 232 Amends, 250 American usages and vocabulary contrasted with English, 416 Amicissimus, 347 Amid (adverb), 358 Anagramme (Fr.), gender, 245 Analogy, 11, ch. v.; 'false,' 83; produces normal as well as abnormal forms, 83 ; combined with original creation, 165 ; in- fluence on spelling, 378 ; influ- 422 Index. ence of change in function on, ch. xii. ; v. phonetic development, 182 Analysis. See Grammatical, and Sentence. And, copulative combinations with, 328 Anecdotage, 143 Anothergaines, 143 'Airi KoivoVj 305 Aposiopesis, 312 Appas, appats, (Fr.), 235 Apposition, source of concord, 300. See also Relative clause. Ardeo (Lat.), 211 Arm, 65, 193 Article, pleonastic use of, 156 ; omitted in prepositional phrases, 176 As, 236, 274, 344 ; ' as good as,' 335 Ascian, axian, 38 Ass, 62 Assiette (Fr.), 388 Assimilation, 35, 38 ; of final and initial consonants, 337 Association between memory pic- tures of sound and of position, its nature, 26 Attacher, attaquer, (Fr.), 232 Attributes, degraded predicates, 114; predicative, 117; in the vocative, 298 Auburn, 57 Auger, 318, 338 Autrui (Fr.), 251 Awfully, 180 B Babble, 212 Backbite, 206 Backslide, 333 Bahuvrihi compounds, 339 Bait, 49 Ball, 57 Band (Ger.), 234, 235 Bandog, 317, 338 Bang, 163 Bank (Ger.), 235 Bar, 56 Barley-corn, 66 Barn, 317 Bask, 266 Baudct (Fr.), 67 Bay, 57, 62 Be Cverb), as copula, 279 Beast, 243 Become — make, 265 Bed, 66 Before, 344 Beggar, 179 Behalf, on my, 148 Bein (Ger.), 68 Belfry, 197 Belly, 66 Berstan (A.S.), 88 Bescheiden-beschieden (Ger.), 232 Best, 35 Biche (Fr.), 388 Billy-ruffan, 198 Birch-birk, 403 Bird, 38, 63 Bishop-dom, -ric, 317, 338 Bitter, 57 Blackguard, 337 Blae, 57 Blavo (Span.), 57 Blood, 58 Blue, 57 Board, 49 Bogus, 414 Bond-bondage, 196 Boom, 163 Boss, 415 Botany and its terms applied to express relationship of languages, Bound, 194 Bourgogne, 274 Bourn, 38 Bose (Ger.), 237 Both . . . and, 282 Box, 48 Bracci, braccia, 235 Breadth, 182 Breakfast, 205 Brebis (Fr,), (gender), 244 Brid, 2>^ Bridal, 317 Bride, 38 Bridegroom, 317 Bright, 416 Brimstone, 320 Brock, 65 Bron (Dutch), brunnen (Ger.), 38 Broom, 49 Brother, 173, 235 Bug, 401 Bull, 49 Bur, 339 Burgher, 64 Burn, 38 Index. 423 Burst, 88 Burthen, 143 Busk, 266 Butler, 64, note Butter (verb), 65 Butterfly, 329 By, 139 Bye-law, 50 Cackle, 165 Cadedis ((iasc), 162 Call, construction of to, 288 Can (verb), 28, 275 Canadian Fr£nch, 382 Canoe, 415 Canon, 49 Cantata, 231 Canyon, 415 Caput (Lat.), 66 Car (Fr.), 214 Carelessness of utterance, 8 Carousal, 196 Cases, 127. See under various names of cases. Castra (Lat.), 250 Categories in grammar, 3 ; artificial, 7 ; psychological and grammati- cal, ch. XV. ; how arrived at, 343 Caterwaul, 320 Causatives, 265 Cause (Fr.), 232 Causes of change in language, how they operate, 8 ; of sound-change, 34 Ch in French loan-words from Latin, 387 Chaire, chaise, (Fr.), 233 Champagne, campaign, 389 Change in language, causes of, 8 ; classification of, 11; change in meaning, 10, ch. iv. ; change in function, influence on analogical formation, ch. xii. ; change in function does not always entail change in form, 210. See also Sound-change, Meaning, Usage, Differentiation, Devctopnient. Chaperon, 385 Cherry, 86 Chess, 383 Chiefly, mainly, 237 Child's language, 60 ; how acquired, 36 ; its influence, 17 Chinee, 86 Chit-chat, 164 Chose (Fr.), 232 Church — kirk, 403 Classes and species, nothing but abstractions, 14 Classification, when and how far rational, 14 Clean, 57 Climate, influence of, 8 Cloths, clothes, 235 Coach, 49 Cock, 57 Collective nouns, 247 Color, colour, 389 Combination of ideas, the means whereby language expresses, 92 Comparative, formation of, 79, 199 ; double, 154; for positive, 154; and superlative in German, 334 ; ditto in Sanscrit, 346, note. Comparison of development of lan- guage with that of species, how far correct, 13 ; how far incorrect, 16 Complex sentences, 119 Component parts of ' derived words ' not present in their origi- nal form, 341 Composition, illustrated and classi- fied, 316 Compound verbs in Latin and Ger- man, 275 Compounds, originally significant part of, assumes form of deriva- tive, 197 ; one language sepa- rates what another regards as, 321 ; no phonetic demarcation possible between syntactical groups and, 322 ; criterion, 323, 334, ditto for inflected languages, 327 ; dvandva, 329 ; develop in meaning without the simplex being affected, 329 ; influence of isolation on formation of, 331 ; compounds followed by word dependent on part of, only, 335 ; phonetic isolation, effect on for- mation of, 335 Compare (Ital.), 38 Concord, ch. xvii. ; not expressed, 292 ; variation of, 293 ; whence arisen, 299 ; spreads beyond pro- per area, 299 ; absence of, in elliptical sentences, 306 Concrete. See Abstract. Conjunctions, 344, 361, 363 Connection between successive 424 Index. cases of sound-utterance only psychical, 26 Connecting words, do they form a distinct grammatical category ? 279. See also Link-words. Connotation v. denotation, 350 Considering (preposition), 210, 362 Constructio Trpbs awea-iv, 241 Contamination, ch. viii. ; difference between, and formation by ana- logy, 141 ; in words, 141 ; in syntax, 145 ; doubtful example of, 275 Contents of a word, ' material ' V. ' formal ' or ' modal,' 74 Convergence of forms of different function causes that difference to be overlooked, 204 Cool, 28, 31 Co-ordination v. subordination, 283 Cope, 193 Copula, 271 ; number of, with predicate in plural, 293 ; psycho- logical, more extensive than grammatical, 272. See also Connecting words and Be. Copulative combinations, 327 ; compounds, 329 Copy (in Chaucer), 59 Corn, 63, 415 Corral, 415 Correlation of ideas, 74 Corvus, 44 note Could, 379 Cows, kine, 235 Cowslip, 317 Crack, 165 Crackle, 165 Crane, 11, 44; 56 Cray- fish, 197 Creation, original, ch. ix., 10 Crevasse, 415 Crimp, 161 Critique (Fr.), 234 Crocodilus (Lat.)> 38 Crown, 57 Crumple, 161 Cubit, 66 Cup, 65 Cupboard, 337 Cur (Lat.), 213 D Daisy, 318 Dans (Fr.)> '^37 Darkling, 216 Dash, 163 Dative, 129; predicative, 287; with infinitive in Latin and Greek, 291 Dawn, 172 Day, 171, 378 Debt, 379 Declension, history of, in Teutonic, 200. See also Phonetic develop- ment. Dedans (Fr.), 237 Demonstrative, irregular concord of, 296 Demori (Lat.), 211 Denotation %k connotation, 350 Deperio (Lat.), 21 1 Deponent verbs, 265 Derivation of our words, 218, 321 Derselbe (Ger.), 321 Descent, meaning of the term and influence of, in language, 15 ; difference between linguistic and physical, 16 Determinant, various functions of, 116 Development, of language, ch. i., its essence, 9 ; of meaning in primary and derivative, 179 ; effect of phonetic development on, 181. See also Meaning. Diademe (Fr.), 245 Dialects, origin of, 18 ; difficulty of classification, 18 ; criterion for distinction of, 22. See also Lanouage. Die— kill, 265 Differentiation, of language, ch. ii.; of one language into more than one, more accurate statement, 15 : why not greater than actually it is found to be, 16 ; tendency to, and that to unifica- tion, not successive, 22 : of meaning, ch. xiv. : in form, coinciding with differentiation in function, 189 Ding-dong, 164 Direction, indication of, 308 Displacement of usage, 9 ; in etymological grouping, ch. xiii. ; in syntactical distribution, ch. xvi. Dissimilation, 38 Dogme (Fr.), 245 Doins (O.Fr.), 144 Index. 425 Doleo, with accusative and in- finitive, 215 Doff, 320 Don, 320 Donate, 414 Donkey, 57 Double genders, 234 Doublets, 230, 389 Doubt (verb), 211 Douce, 393 Dour, 393 Drab, 57 Drink, drench, 265 Drudo, 388 Dubitative mood, expressed by future tense, 261 During, 345 Dutiable, 414 Dvandva, compounds, 329 Each, 320 Eage (A.S.), 84 Eatable, 390 Economy, of expression, ch. xviii. ; of eftbrt, 8 Ee- sound, formation of, 31 Either, or, 282 Elder, 193 Elements of speech-utterance, we are generally unconscious of, 27 Ehra (O.H.G.), eller (M.H.G.), 38 Ell, 66 Elliptical sentences, 302 ; in how far correctly so called, 308 Else, 176, 358 Emphase (Fr.), 388 En (Fr.), 237 Enfold, 333 Enigme (Fr.), 245 Enjoy, 67 Entwine, 333 Environment, influence of, on , development of language, 15 Epigramme (Fr.), 245 Ere, 363 Erkenntniss (Ger.), 234 Erie (Ger.), 38 Ernstlich, earnsthaft, (Ger.), 237 Ett< (Fr.), 85, 244 Etiquette, 385 Etymological grouping, influences on spoiling, 378. See also Grouping. Ever, 47 Evolution. See Comparison. Examen (Lat.), 49 Executive, 28 Execution, 28 Expatiate, 59 Extravagant, 59 Eye, 65 Ezzih (O.H.G.), 38^ "H^icrt/s. 'O ^/xicri/jToG xp^''ov, 148 F, 10, 32 Facility of utterance, 34 Faqon (Fr.), 231 Fadrcin (Goth.), 249 Faith, 61 Falconer, 64 Fall (autumn), 415 Fall— lie, 258 ; fall— fell, 265 Fare thee well, 148 Fashion, 231 Father, 71, 173 Fatherhood, 241 Feather, 66 Feckless, 393 Fiend, 349 Feodor (Russ), 10 Filth, 182 Find, 67 Finfi (O.H.G.), 38 First utterances not reproduceable at will, 167 Fish, 63 Fix, 415 Fizz, 163 Flos (Rom. lang.), 244 Fluobra (O.H.G.), 38 Folks, 248 Foot, 56, 66, 86, 181, 189 Foreign influence, effect of, 7 Forget-me-not, 321 Forgetive, 60 Forlorn, 174, 186 Form, 56 Formal contents of a word, 74 Formal groups, 76 Formation of new groups, ch. xi. Fortnight, 319 Foudre (Fr.), 234 Fowl, 63 Fox, 57 Fraulein (Ger.), 243 Frequentative verbs, 160 426 Index. Friend, 340'; " I am friends with him," 148 Frofor (A.S.), 38 Fromage (Fr.), 67 Frugi (Lat.), 210 Fruit, 62 Frumentum (Lat.), 62 Fulhans (Goth.), 189 Furlong, 319, 338 Future tense, 260 ; formation of, in French and in Latin, 341. See also Tense. G (A.S.), becomes J}/ or w, 172 Gafulgins (Goth.), 189 Gallows, 250 Gas (Dutch), 158 Gash, 161 Gaudeo, with accusative and in- finitive, 215 Gender, grammatical, recognised by concord, 239 ; originally probably corresponded with natural, 240 ; differentiation of, 234; change of, 242 ; follows that of allied groups, 244 ; remaining traces of, in English, 245 ; double, 234 Genealogical terms applied to rela- tionship between languages, 13 Genitive, meaning of the word, 392 ; the case, 127, 129 ; parti- tive, 134 ; subjective and objec- tive, 174-175 ; isolation of mean- ing of, 177, 323 ; with infinitive in Greek, 291 ; old genitive singular feminine, 323 Gens (Fr.), 241, 248 Gentlemanlike, 212 Tipavos, 44, note German silver, 330 Gerrymander, 414 Gerund, construction of, in Latin, 148 ; or verbal nouns as present participle, 215 Gerundive, sometimes active in meaning, 264 Gesicht ((ier.), 235 Gesticulation, 302 (iesture-language, 166 Gew-gaw, 164 Oh, 35 Ghostly, 61 (ilass, glare, 188 Glorioso (Ital.), 38 Gnat, 35 Go, 57 Go-betweens, 326 Good-bye, 162, 321 Good-natured, 212 Goose, 56 Gospell, 319 Gossip, 337 Gradation of vowel-sound, effect of, on development of meaning, 181 Grain, 44 Grammars, all incomplete, 6 ; his- torical, comparative, descriptive, their province, i ; deal in ab- stractions, 2 ; draw lines of de- marcation where historian of language traces connection, 9 Grammatical analysis v. logical analysis, 268 categories, how arrived at, 343 • ~ and psychological categories, ch. XV. relations and logical relations not sharply separated, 12 rules, their nature, 12 system inadequate, 7, 270. Grave, 193 Green, 144 Greenland, 326 Groundsel, 318 Groups, of ideas in the mind, 3, 7'^, 76 ; modal and material, 76, 170, 178 ; formation of new, ch. xi. ; changes in, 171. See also Pho7ietic Development, Syntax, and NuDicrals. Grouping, mainly governed by func- tion of the words, 206 ; displace- ment in etymological, ch. xiii. See also Inflection. Tpvs, 44, note Gubernatorial, 414 Guerre, 388 Guess, 415 Gypsy dialects, 391 H Hab' und Gut (Ger.), 327 Hale, 192 Hallelujah, 163 Halibut, 319 Hammock, 415 Index. 427 Hand, 58 (Gcr.), 202 Handiwork, 318 Harrow, 162 Head, 56, 65, 66 Headlong, 216 Health, 182 Hear, 59 Heart, 65 Helter-skelter, 164 Hemel (Dutch), 235 Hercules v. Heracles, 390 Hereabouts, 216 Hickory, 415 Hide, 194 Hie, hier (Ger.), 184 Higgledy-piggledy, 164 High-spirited, 212 History of language, its task, 4, 9 Historic present, 257 Hldfmesse (A.S.), 43 Hoarhound, 319 Hole, 193 Horning, 415 Homographs, 193, note Homophones, 193, note Honor v. honour, 389 Horn, 70 Horreo, with accusative and infini- tive, 215 Horse, 71 Hosannah, 163 Hotch-potch, 164 House, 43, 46 Humility, 61 Hungersnot (Ger.), 325 Hurly-burly, 164 Hurrah, 163 Hurtle, 161 Hussy, 318 I I, a diphthong, 28 Ideal, ideell, 389 Ideas, groups of, 73 Idioms translated or borrowed, 392 Igitur (Lat.), 208 II (Fr.), sentences beginning with (neut.), number of the verb, 295 III, sick, 237 ; in compounds, 334 Imitation, tendency to, 8 Impersonal verbs, have they a sub- ject, lOI Impertinent, 49 Impossible, 35 Income, 28 Indefatigable, 38 Indefinite adjectives and pronouns, 104 Individual peculiarities, 5 ; their effect, 8 ; only the individual has real existence, species and classes are abstractions, 14 ; conscious- ness as to change in language, 8 Infinitive, case of nomen actionis, 356 ; used as noun, 357 ; active, passive and neuter, 264 ; of ex- clamation in Latin, 312 Infitias ire, with accusative and infinitive, 215 Inflection, 93 ; origin of, ch. xix. ; influence of phonetic develop- ment on new grouping in, 198 ; convergence of systems of, in three degrees, 200 ; terminations of, in loan-words, 391 Influence, of one language on syn- tax in another, 391 " over," 213 Insect, 61 Instead of, 362 Interjections, 16, 345 ; psychologi- cal predicates, 166 Interjcctional phrases, loo Interrogative pronouns and ad- verbs, 104 Intonation in Chinese and Scandi- navian, 94 Intransitive verb passive, 265 Invoice, 250 Inwards, 176, 216 Ipse (Lat), 212 Irnan (A.S.), 38 Isolation and unification, ch. x., formal and material, 178 ; syn- tactical, 177 ; semasiological, cri- terion for compound, 323 ; four ways ofeffecting, 323 ; syntactical and formal, contributes to form compounds, 331 ; phonetic, has same effect, 335 It, for cognate accusative, 130 " It is . . . who," 273 J Jackanapes, Jack-a-lantern, 328 Jactito (Lat.), 145 Jamdudum (Lat.), 149 Jiminy, 162 428 Index. K K, sounds of, 32 Kaladrius (M.H.G.), 39 Kar' i^ox-^y, 53. 63 Keen, 28, 31 Keeper, 179 Kf'pa^os, 244 Kill — die, 265 Kingdom, 338 Kinsman, 331 Kiss-me-quick, 321 KiaaSs, 244 Kit-kat, 164 Klein (Ger.), 49 Kleinheit, kleinigkeit (Ger.), 236 Knecht (Ger.), 35 Knight, 35 Know, 35 ; — learn, 258 Kvavos, 244 Kundpicraos (Alod. Gk.), 245 Laden (Ger.), 235 Lady, 318 Lady-day, 323 Lammas, 43, 318 Lance-knight, 197 Language, first production of, with- out thought of communication, 166 ; ivhen can it be said to exist, 168 ; have animals got it, 168 ; of each individual the parallel of individual plant in Botany, 13 ; difficulty of observation of any given state of, 6 ; but incom- plete expression of thought, 71, 302 ; language and writing, ch. xxi. ; changes in, 8, of two kinds, 24 ; 'a language alters,' two meanings of this phrase, 36 ; a further development of dialect, 21 ; 'regular' v. 'irregular,' 78. See also Standard Language and Speech. Lasso, 415 Last, 35 Laws of sound-change, are they absolute, 39; meaning of the term, 40 Lay, 193 Learn— know, 258 Leastest, 145 Length, 182 Lengthy. 414 Leoman, 337 Lesser, 85, 145 Letters (Dutch), 235 Lettre (Fr.), 250 Levee, 415 Li (Russ), 214 Lie— fall, 258 Linguistic form, influence of, 391 Link-words, 93. See also Connect- ing words. Liquorice, 198 Literary language, 23. See also Standard language. Loan (verb), 414 Loan-words, causes of adoption, 384 ; often at first superfluous 227, 231 ; for technical terms, 392 ; borrowed from dialects 227 ; the same from two different dialects, 389 ; borrowed from language in which they are al- ready loan-words, 389 ; two dis- tinct kinds of changes in, 387 ; retaining their inflection, 391 ; their suffixes, 390 Locus (Lat.), 234 Long measure, 321 Lumber, 415 Lump (Ger.), 234 Lose (verb), 186 M Mailable, 414 Mainly, chiefly, 237 Make, become, 265 Malheureux (Fr.), 321 Man, 181, 189 Man-o'-war, 321, 331 Mapaeoy, 244 Marble, 38 Marter, 38 Mash, 161 Match, 48 Materials, names of, 251 Material contents of a word, 74 Matter groups, 76 Maurgins (Goth.), 188 Maybe, 211, 321 Mead, meadow, 87 Mean, 48 Meaning, of same word never identical in the mind of two Lndex. 429 speakers, 51 ; change of, chs. iv., xiv. ; narrowing and widening, 43 ; transference of, is ' occa- sional ' or ' usual,' 44 ; test for occasional or usual, 59 ; occa- sional, does not always include all the elements of usual, 57 ; how specialised, 56 ; test for independence of derived, 50 ; if inaccurately conceived how cor- rected, 61 ; of existing word en- croached upon, 237 ; change of, in syntax, 70, and ch. vii. ; change of, aftects construction of verbs in Latin, 211. See also Dcvt'iopiiic/it, Compound. Membra, membri, (Lat.), 235 Mdmoire (Fr.), 234 Memory pictures, their nature and growth, -^i^) ; of sound and of position, 25 ; alone connect the several utterances of the same sound by the same speaker, '^■}> \ we are unconscious of their ex- istence, 27 ; unstable and shift- ing, 35 ; their development, 168 Mer (Fr.), 244 Metaphorical expressions, 57 Metathesis, 37 Mdtier (Fr.), 32 Midriff, 319 Migration of tribes, effect on lan- guage, 22 Mildew, 318 Milt, 142 Mind, conscious and unconscious action of the human, 3 Mine, 215 Minnow, 144 Minuit (Fr.), 244 Mixture in language, ch. xxii. ; two meanings of this expression, 381 ; how it arises, 381 Mobile, movable, 237 Mocassin, 415 Modal contents of a word, 74 ; modal groups, 76 Mood and tense, 261 ; potential, 260 Moon, 43 iMore, 85 Mother, 173 Mouse, 86, 181 Movements of vocal organs, control of, 30 Murderous, 390 N N, displacement of, 283 Name, various constructions of the noun, 289 Nanu (Sans.), 214 Ne (Lat.), 214 N€o;'(os, 245 Near, 362 Neck, 66 Needs, 176 Negation, pleonastic, 154 Negative particle after verbs of denying, 155 sentences, 102 Neighbour, 319, 339 Neuheit, neuigkeit (Ger.), 236 Nevertheless, 321, 335 Newfoundland, 322, 326 News, 250 Newt, 283 Nickname, 283 Nigh, 362 Night, 35 Nightingale, 318 Nightmare, 318 Noce (Fr.), 250 Nomen (Lat.), construction of, 289 actionis, 355 ; inexpressive of voice, 262 agentis with dependent case, 355. See also Noun. Nominative, in predicate, 290 ; with infinitive, 290, 291 ; stands in- stead of pure stem or ' absolute case,' 289, 292 None, 320 Nonne (Lat.), 214 Nostril, 339 Notwithstanding, 345 Noun as predicate, its case, 290 ; used as verb, 207, 351. See also Substa?iiive. Nul (Fr.), 155 Number, 247 (see also Plural, Singular, There) ; referring to abstracta, 250 ; ' neuter,' corre- sponding to neuter gender, 251, 253. See also (2uisque. Numerals, 252, 344, 393 ; ordinals, 326 Nursery language, 164 430 Index. o Object, grammatical, origin of, 112 Occasional meaning, 44 Octo (Lat.), 35 Oddity, 390 (Eils, yeux, (Fr.), 235 Of, off, 363 Of mine, 215; of in adverbial ex- pressions, 176 Offal, 334 Office (Fr.), 234 Off'set, 334 Once, 358 One and all, 328 Onomatopoiesis, 160 Onset, 333 Onslaught, 333 Opossum, 415 Optative, expressed by future tense, 261 Orange, 283 Orchard, 318 Oreste (O.Fr.), 143 Origin of language, conditions of creation not different from those of historic development, 11, 157 Original creation, ch. ix. ; nature of, 158 ; conditions of, 159 ; com- bined with analogical formation, 165 "Oppis,^ 63 OvK ovy, 214 Output, 334 Outrance, k, (Fr.), 385 Overflow, 333 Overlook, 133 Overreach, 133 Overtake, 133 Owe, II I\ 32 ; p, pf, 387 Pagan, 49 Paille (Fr.), 234 Pale, 193 Palliolum (Lat.), 38 Palsangund (Fr.), 162 Par (Fr.), 214 n«P", 133 Parataxis, 121 Participles, 353 ; present, 137, 179, 263 ; agreement of, when used as predicate, 295 ; ' misrelated,' 137 ; participial constructions, 138. See also Tense. Parts of speech, ch. xv. ; see also under names of. Passive, 204, 277 ; of intransitive, verbs, 265 ; formation of, 266, in Scandinavian, 2 II ; whenacknow- ledged in formal grammar, 265 ; and active voice differ only syn- tactically but express the same actual relation, 262. See also Voice. Past tense. See under Tense. Pastime, 388 Pauser, 64 Pea, 86 Pein (Ger.), 387 Pen, 66 Pensioner, 64 People, 248 Pereo (Lat.), 211 Period of construction and of decay, 342 ; of roots, 158 Periphrastic " It is... who," 273 Person, vacillation in use of, with copula, 294 Personal terminations, probable origin of, 300 Pfeffer (Ger.), 387 Pfingsten (Ger.), ■^Z^ Phonetic science, 29 ; compensa- tions, 36, note ; alphabet, 5, 370 ; spelling, 27, 366 development of word-groups, 182 ; causes convergence of same cases in different systems of declension, 201 ; of different cases in same system, 202 ; forma- tion of new modal groups, 198 ; confluence of forms, two effects of, 192 ; differentiation, its effect on development of meaning, 181 ; change influences formation of compounds, 335. See also Com- pounds. Phrases, entire, coalesce into a compound word, 321 Physical organs, their linguistic action, 4 phenomenaof linguistic activity, 5 Pig, 62 Pin, 50 Place-names, 56, 64, 330 HKi-ravos (Mod. Gk.), 245 Index. 431 Pleonasm, 153; in negation, 154; pleonastic article, 156 Plume (Fr.), 49 Plupart (Fr.), 298 Pluperfect tense formation in Latin, 341 Plural, formation, 79 ; with force of singular, 249 ; and singular mixed in one sentence, 287, 293. See also Number. Poetry, rich in synonyms, 228 ; Icelandic, 228 Poisonous, 390 Point, 57 Politique (Fr.), 234 Popular etymology, 10, 195, 386 Portuguee, 86 Positive for comparative, 154 Post, 48, 50 Potential mood, 260 Poulterer, 64 Praesente (as preposition), 210 Pr£eterito-pra;sentia, 258 Prairie, 415 Preach, predict, 389 Predicate, logical, psychological, grammatical, 95 ; grammatical and logical when identical, 268 ; often distinguished by stress, 272 ; by inverted construction, 273 ; psychological alone expressed, 311 ; in negative sentences, 273 ; grammatical, often no more than copula, 279 ; extension of, 114; in plural after copula in singular, 293 ; vice versa, 294 ; participle as, concord of, 295 ; in concord with apposition instead of with subject, 295, with noun compared with subject, '296, with genitive dependent on subject, 298 ; in relative clause agreeing with the noun which it qualities instead of relative pronoun which is subject, 297. See also Subject. Predicatival attribute, case of, 290 Prefix be, 131 Preliminary statement of psycho- logical subject, 274 Prepositions, 210, 361 ; Latin, 133; Greek, 133, 183 ; German, 213 ; 'personal,' in Welsh, 277 ; verbs . compound with, 275 ; post po^i- tion of, 275 ; pleonastic use of, 153. 277; do prepositions 'govern' cases, 132 Prepositional phrases, 176 Present. See Tense. Priest, 349, 389 ; priester (Dutch), 387 Printing, influence of, 406 Prior, 38 Privy councillor, 329 Profecto, (Lat.), 208 Pronoun, 344, interrogative, 104, 272 ; demonstrative, 272 ; rela- lative, 272; ditto, omitted, 115; indefinite, 104 ; personal, declen- sion of, 202 ; reflective, 209 Proper names, 46, 63 Proportion in analogical formation, 79 Prove, probe, 389 Provide, 236 Psychological and grammatical categories, ch. xv. Psychical organisms, their im- portance, 4 ; how observable, 6 ; the only permanent element in speech, 26 Puns, 48 Pursuer, persecutor, prosecutor, 237 Purvey, 236 Q Quagmire, 337 Quarter-sessions rose, 198 Quatre-vingts (Fr.), 393 Questions, rhetorical, 107 ; dif- ferent forms of, 105 Quin (Lat.), 213 Quinque (Lat.), 38 Quisque (Lat.), singular with verb in plural, 251 Racoon, 415 Radical (Fr.), 49 Ranch, 415 Real, reell, 389 Rear, 181 Receipt, 379 Recreant, 49 Reign, 379 Relative, relation, (substantive), 226 Relative pronoun, 296 ; omitted, 115, 277 note, 305. See also Predicate. 432 Index. Repetition of subject. See Subject. Republic, 212 Respect, 236 Rhythm, 379 Rhone (gender in Ger.), 244 Riddle, 86 Righteous, 197 Rinnan (A.S.), 38 Ritter (Ger.), 180,234 Roots, 165 ; so-called period of, 158 Roundabouts, 326 Rosary, 69 Rumple, 161 Run, 38 Sachant (Fr.), 232 Sail, 58 Sake, 194 Sandhi, 337 Sanglier, (Fr.), 67 Savant (Fr.), 232 Scales, 250 Scandinavian intonation, 94 Scheme (Fr.), 245 Schlecht, bose, (Ger.), 67, 237 Science of language, 2 Scholar, 64 Scot-free, 319 Sea-horse, 330 Secure, 136 See (Ger.), 234 See-saw, 164 Seethe, sodden, 186 Sehr (Ger.), 67 Self, as suffix, 208, 321 Senatorial, 414 Sennight, 319 Sentence, definition of, 92 ; con- sisting of one word, 98 ; without verb, 280, 309 ; consists usually of two parts, 268 ; extension of simple, 108 ; when psycho- logically simple, 269 ; complex, 119; grammatically simple but logically complex, 270 ; I'ice Tcrsd, 282 ; main and subordinate, with common element, 306 ; that can- not be analysed, 285 ; of demand, 102 ; negative, 102 ; interrogatory (two kinds of), 103; of surprise, 106; and phrases coalesce into compound- words, 321 Sentir (Fr.), 136 Separate, sever, 236 Serra, serro, (Portug.), 236 Serviceable, useful, 237 Sessions, 250 Set, sit, 265 Settle, 194 Sever, separate, 236 Shade, 45, 87 Shallop, 383 Shallow, 233 Shambles, 250 Shamefaced, 197 Shay, 86 Shed, 194 Sheer, 194 Sheet, 56 Shoal, 233 Shoddy, 414 Shop, 180 Shoulder, 66 Shred, 403 Sick, 237,415 Siesta, 231 Silly, 97 Since, 139, 363 Sing-song, 164 Singular with force of plural, 248. See also Plural and Number. Sir, 3+9 Sirloin, 197 Sisclar (provengal), 144 Sit, set, 265 Skatte-ter (Dan.), 235 Slap, slip, slop, 161, 163 Sloop, 383 Slight, 67 Smash, 161 Snip, snap, 164 Sodden, 186 Soixante-dix (Fr.), 393 Solidarity, 392 Sore, 67 Sort (Fr.), 244 Sound, 48, 195 Sounds of a language and their representation in writing, 5 (see also Phonetic, IVrzti/ig, Spell- ing) ; not easily influenced by dialects, 393 Sound-change, 10, ch. iii., or sound-shifting in Teutonic, 19 (see also Venter's law) ; causes of, 34 ; rate of, ■^J ; laws of, are they absolute, 39 ; and sound interchange, 39 ; two effects of, 191 ; effect of, on grouping of words, 171 Index. Sound utterance, connection be- tween successive cases of, only psychical, 26. Sec also Upcccli. Sovereign, 197, 379 Sparrow-grass, 198 Species and classes nothing but abstractions, 14 Speech, 5 ; elements of, utterance, 24 ; of intermediate districts, 21 Spelling, English, 27, 367, 368 ; French, 27 ; German, 367 ; Sanscrit, 367 ; advantages of fixed, 374 ; influence of analogy on, 378. See also Writing. Spem habeo, with accusative and infinitive, 215 Spiritual, 61, 389 Spry, 415 Square, 389 Squaw, 415 Squarson, 144 Squash, 161 Squire, esquire, 234 Stage, influence on standard lan- guage, 397,413 Stan (A.S.), 84 Stamp, 62 Stampede, 415 Stand, 57 ; — step, 258 Standard language, ch. xxiii. ; what is it, 395 ; how fixed, 396 ; in English, 397 ; in Germany, 396 (see also Stage) ; American, 410 ; complexity of, 410 ; in- fluence of, 4 ; action and reaction between, and individual dialects, 402 ; conditions required to create need of, 405 ; two standards for each language, 401 ; develops by borrowing from natural lan- guage 403 ; even standard lan- guage, will break up into dialects, 408 Steht, es — nicht dafiir, (Ger.), 392 Step, stand, 258 Stile, 193 Stoop, 415 Straightways, 176 Stress, on psychological predicate, 96, 272 ; in compound words, 322. See also Accent. Stupeo (Lat.), 21 1 Subject, logical, grammatical, psy- chological, 95 ; grammatical and logical, when identical, 268 ; how indicated originally, 96, by emphasis, 273, by inverted con- struction, 97, 273 ; precedence of, in consciousness of speaker, 97 ; subject and predicate not the same for speaker and hearer, 100 ; differently conceived by different speakers or hearers, 271 ; pre- liminary statement of psycho- logical, 274 ; repetition of, 300 ; subject in singular with verb in plural, 2S6. See also Predicate. Subordination v. co-ordination, 283 Substantive, 343 ; how distinguished from adjective, 347 ; used as adjective, 349. See also Noun. Suegra (Span.), 245 Sufiflxes : origin of, 338 ; in loan- words, 390 ; applied to syntactical groups, 326 ; able, 219 ; ard, 390 ; ate, ation, 220 ; ble, 219 ; dom, 91, 236 ; ed, 212, 319 (note), 333 ; in weak verbs, 380 ; er, 64 ; er, est, 199 ; ery, 390 ; ful, 91, 223 ; hood, 236 ; ian, 390, 391 ; ing, lyj, 178 ; ism, 391 ; ist, 390 ; le, 160 ; less, 223 ; ling, long, in adverbs, 216; ly, 208, 340; juo, gender of derivatives in Romance languages, 245 ; ment (Fr.), 208 ; ness, 224, 236 ; no, 188 ; o (It. third person plural), 143 ; ough, 142 ; s, 79 ; self, 208 ; some, 91 ; tas (Lat.), X.€ (Fr.), 85 ; th, 178 ; tion, 222 note ; tism, 86 ; warn (A.S.), 249 ; y, 91 Sultana, 390 Superfluity, how it arises, 226 ; how obviated, 227, 229 Superlative for comparative, 1 54 .Sur (Fr.), 136 Surcease, 196 Synecdoche, 58, 68 Synonyms, 226 ; in poetry, 228 .Synovya (Russ), 236 Syntax, fundamental facts of, ch. vi. ; change of meaning in, ch. vii. ; of one language influencing that of another, 391 ; syntactical distribution, displacement of, ch. xvi. ; syntactical groups with suffixes, 326; syntactical co- ordination expressive apart from the meaning of the co-ordinated words, 323 2 F 434 Index. T, sounds of, 32 ; in Latin / or 2 in German, 387 Tail, 66 Taper, 388 Technical terms, loan-words for, 392 Tense, 253 ; origin of, expression, 256 ; logically complete scheme of, 253 ; deviations from the same, 256 ; tenses in Hebrew, 259 ; tense relation often ex- pressed by different verbs, 258 ; compound tenses, 259 ; tense absolute, 255, 258 ; present, for future, 256, 257, 260 ; ditto for past, 257 ; historic present, 257 ; past for future, 256, note ; past for present, 257 ; past tense and past participle, 88 ; future, 260 ; tense and mood, 259, 261 ; for- mation of, in French and Latin verbs, 341 Terrapin, 415 Th, two sounds of, 28 Than, then, 236 That, 248, 283, 363 Theodore, 10 There, sentences beginning with, number of the verb, 295 Thing, 10 «iudans (Goth.), 188 Though, 35, 139, 143 «yrl (A.S.), 339 Tiber (gender in Ger.), 244 Tick-tack, 164 Till, 152,362 Tiresome, 415 Tittle-tattle, 164 Titmouse, 319 Tobacconist, 86 Toboggan, 415 Tongue, 56 Tooth, 181, 189 Topmost, 347 Touaillc (Fr.), 388 Towards, 216 Train, 56, 57 Transferred epithets, 136 Translations, 51 Transpire, 67, 415 Trapano (Ital.), 144 Travail, 235 Triers (O.Fr.), 143 Tuesday, 318 Turtur (Lat.), 38 Twice, 358 Twilight, 319 U U, formation of 00-sound, 31 Ugh, 163 Umlaut, effect of, on development of meaning, 181 Un (Fr.), sound of, 183 Unawares, 176 Unco', 394 Understand, 67 Undertaker, 179 Underwriter, 334 Unification, in declension, 186 ; in verbs, 187; direction of, 188; order of, 186 ; three rules, 186, 187 ; sometimes disadvantageous, 191 . See also Differentiation. Uniformity, advantage of, 191 Until, 152 Unwalkative, 60 Upstairs, 325 Upwards, 176 Usage, displacement of, 9, 17 ; occasional %>. usual, 45 Use, 237 Useful, serviceable, 237 Usher, 64, and note Usual V. occasional meaning, 44 Usui (Lat.), 210 Vaaban (Dan.), 235 Val (Fr.), 244 Valeur (Fr.), 85 Veal, 388 Verb, 343, 352, 265 ; in Latin, con- struction of, 211 ; compound with adverb, 333 ; derived from French, 196 ; with two accusa- tives, 288 ; of incomplete pre- dication, 281 Verdorben, verderbt (Ger.), 236 Verner's law, 172, 185 Villain, 49 Vocabulary, American v. English, 416 Vocal organs, we are unconscious of their action, 29 ; control of their movements, 30 Vogel (Dutch), 235 Index. 435 Voice, 261 ; passive, 261 ; middle, 265-267 ; not expressed or im- plied in nonien actionis, 264 ; distinction of, purely syntactical, 262. See also Passive. Voile, 250. Vouchsafe, 206 Vowels, formation of, 31. 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