V lley RARY u.iiVERSITY Of CALIFORNIA Thornton & J Bookseller! AN OLD ENGLISH GRAMMAR BY EDUARD SIEVERS Professor of Germanic Philology in the UiJIVERSITY OF LeIPSIG TRANSLATED AND EDITED BY ALBERT S. COOK Professor of the English Language and Literature IN Yale University THIRD EDITION GINN AND COMPANY BOSTON • NEW YORK • CHICAGO • LONDON Entered at Stationers' Hai-l Copyright, 1885, 1887, 1903 By albert S. COOK all rights reserved 89.10 GINN AND CDMI'ANY • I'KO- PRIliTORS • BOSTON • U.S.A. SSI AUTHOR'S PREFACE TO FIRST EDITION About a year ago the publisher of the ' Series of Brief Grammars of the Germanic Dialects ' invited me to prepare the Old English member of the series. At that time the pressure of other duties did not justify me in promising him more than a revision of an earlier set of lectures on Old English grammar, adapted to conform to the general plan. The brief sketch which follows, therefore, makes no pre- tension to be anything more than such a revision, although much has been added in the process of recopying which was foreign to the original draft. Hitherto, Old English grammars have virtually been founded upon the language of the poetical texts. This is to be deplored, especially when we consider that the manu- scripts in which they are contained are uniformly late ; that the texts themselves were composed at an earlier period, and frequently in another dialect ; and that in our present versions ancient forms are almost hopelessly jumbled with more modern ones, and specimens of the most widely separated dialects are occasionally united in the same composition. In the present treatise, on the other hand, the language of the older prose writings has, to a greater extent than heretofore, been chosen as the basis of grammatical inves- tigation, since it is safe to assume that they represent in some measure a single dialect. Besides the characteriza- tion of the West Saxon, which is everywhere made the most prominent, an attempt has also been made to give, ill iv AUTHOR'S PREFACE TO FIRST EDITION though in the most concise terms, the chief variations of the other dialects. Moreover, the method followed has been the historical : that is, I have endeavored to discriminate between early and late forms in a somewhat more critical manner than has been customary, at least in Germany. In this respect, particularly, my work will need to be supple- mented and corrected. Just here, however, I desire to anticipate one objection which may be brought against my statements. When a sound or a form is said to be ' earlier ' or ' later,' these terms are to be understood as designating the relative age of two corresponding sounds or forms, or the great preponderance of the one or the other in docu- ments of an earlier or later date, and must not be construed as denying the isolated occurrence of 'later' forms in earlier texts, or the reverse. In the present state of our knowledge of Old English, it is not possible to proceed with any nearer approach to accuracy ; as regards the exact chronology of Old English sounds and forms, almost everything is yet to be done. The citations are not usually intended to be exhaustive, since this was precluded by the very plan of the series. Many details, which appear to be confined exclusively to the language of poetry, have been intentionally omitted, because I believe that the beginner should first acquaint himself with the normal or typical forms of the language ; it should be observed, however, that what is lacking in the paragraphs treating of West Saxon will frequently be found under the head of the other dialects. On the other hand, I regret that my account of heterogeneous and heteroclitic nouns is not more full and explicit. In the phonology, and especially in that of the vowels, it was impossible to avoid touching upon the theories of com- parative philology. Here, again, the utmost attainable brevity has been aimed at. In general, an elementary AUTHOR'S PREFACE TO FIRST EDITION V knowledge of Gothic has been presupposed ; Old High German and Old Saxon forms have been introduced only in exceptional instances, and then only when they were required to elucidate some difficulty. The first effectual stimulus to a historical study of Old English, and the first outlines of Old English dialectology, we owe to Henry Sweet. In the introduction to his edition of the Cura Pastoralis the peculiarities of Early West Saxon were pointed out for the first time ; and his paper entitled 'Dialects and Prehistoric Forms of English' (Transactions of the Philological Society, 1875-76, pp. 453 ff.) first directed attention to the earliest documents, and briefly characterized the principal dialects. Of prime importance are likewise his investigations into the quantity of Old English vowels (120, note) ; these were intended to prepare the way for a new edition of his History of English Sounds, London, 1874 — a work which leans rather to a theoretical treatment of Old English phonology. Besides, the grammatical introduction to Sweet's Anglo-Saxon Reader (now in its third edition, Oxford, 1881, though I have been able to consult only the second) contains many valuable, and, what is deserving of special recognition in this department of research, trustworthy particulars. The history of certain parts of the Old English vowel- system has been for the first time illustrated in the researches of H. Paul into the Germanic vowel-system (Beitrage zur Geschichte der Deutschen Sprache und Lite- ratur 4. 315 ff., and 6. 1 ff.). To these should be added the articles by Ten Brink (Zeitschrift fiir Deutsches Alterthum 19. 211 ff., Anglia 1. 512 ff.), and by J. Zupitza (Anzeiger fur Deutsches Alterthum 2. 1 ff.). Of monographs on special points but few have been published. Zupitza has fully discussed the language of the important Kentish Glosses (Zeitschrift fiir Deutsches Alterthum 19. 1 ff.); while, VI AUTHOR'S PREFACE TO FIRST EDITION besides Sweet, P. J. Cosijn has shed light upon Early West Saxon by his admirable studies of the Cura Pastoralis and the Old English Chronicle (Taalkundige Bijdragen, Haarlem, 1877 ff., 2. 115 ff., 240 ff.), as well as by his Kurzgefasste Altwestsachsische Grammatik (I. Theil, Die Vocale der Stammsilben, Leiden, 1881). The northern dialects, moreover, which had been almost overlooked since the labors of K. W. Bouterwek (Introduction to his edition of the Four Gospels in the Old Northumbrian Language, Giitersloh, 1857 ; the edition is totally useless so far as the text is concerned) and of M. Heyne (Kurze Grammatik der Altgermanischen Dialecte), have recently been made the objects of study. The language of the Psalter (Appendix, p. 222 ^) has been very critically elucidated by R. Zeuner (Die Sprache des Kentischen Psalters, Halle, 1881), and compared with that of the oldest Kentish texts ; the author, relying upon an earlier opinion of Sweet's, regarded the Psalter as Kentish, but this view is shown to be untenable by his own statements in the treatise referred to. Finally, a similar comprehensive investigation of the Northumbrian documents is soon to be expected from Professor Albert S. Cook. To what extent I am indebted to these and other prede- cessors for opinions or material can be easily determined by comparison. To assure every one his due is rendered impossible by the compass and plan of this sketch. To my friend W. Braune I owe grateful acknowledg- ments for his aid in the correction of proof-sheets, and for many valuable suggestions with regard to the text itself. E. SIEVERS. Jena, February 1, 1882. 1 See now p. 3. — Tb. EDITOE'S PREFACE TO FIRST EDITION While Sievers' Angelsachsische Grammatik was passing through the press, I was a student of philology at the University of Jena. The author had obligingly allowed me to read the whole manuscript before it was placed in the printer's hands, and now favored me with copies of the proof-sheets as fast as they were issued. Under these circumstances it was natural that, when the project of an English version was mooted, I should offer myself as the translator. I did so offer myself, and received from my honored teacher his cordial permission to make such use of his work as I might deem proper ; in other words, he left it to my option to expand, curtail, or otherwise modify the original in any way that commended itself to my judgment. The permission thus generously accorded, it has been my aim not to abuse. The original plan of the grammar has been left intact. Upon first view it seemed labyrinthine, and capable of much simplification ; but I was soon persuaded, upon nearer exam- ination, that the complexity of design was owing to the multiplicity of phenomena presented by the three Old Eng- lish dialects, and still further increased by the endeavor to discriminate between the earlier and later stages of West Saxon. The author might have made his Grammar easier had he chosen to ignore facts which clamored for expla- nation, instead of seeking to harmonize and account for them J if the work is more difficult, it is also more scientific vii viii EDITOR'S PREFACE TO FIRST EDITION and comprehensive. Moreover, much of the apparent com- plexity vanishes in actual use. The dialectal variations may be entirely disregarded ; examples of Late West Saxon are chiefly confined to the notes ; and the system of cross-references will not only facilitate the settlement of a doubtful point, but, if perseveringly utilized, will enable the student readily to comprehend the relations between the different parts of the whole organism — an organism which is not the figment of scholastic invention, but essentially natural and rational. With the exception of one or two unimportant redistribu- tions of matter, the modifications that have been made are confined to excisions, additions, changes in terminology, and changes in accent. The excisions are of such details as were criticised in my review of the Grammar in the Ameri- can Journal of Philology 6. 228, and need not be dwelt upon in this place. Important supplementary matter has been furnished by articles in various philological journals. Among these may be mentioned the papers contained in Englische Studien 6. 149 ff., 290 ff., and in Anglia 6. 171 ft'.; the valuable contributions of F. Kluge to Kuhn's Zeitschrift fiir Ver- gleichende Sprachforschung 26. 6S ff., the Beitriige zur Geschichte der Deutschen Sprache und Literatur 8. 506 ff., and to Anglia, Anzeiger zu Band 5. 81 ff.; but especially the rich collections from Sievers' own hand (Beitritge 9. 197-300). So much of this store as promised to render the Grammar more serviceable has been incorporated into its pages, though frequently with such alterations of form as to become practically unrecognizable, except upon careful scrutiny. The First Half of Cosijn's Altwestsiichsische Grammatik unfortunately came to hand too late to be of any service. Besides the additions made to the body of the EDITOE'S PREFACE TO FIRST EDITION IX work, the index has been amplified to include all the new words under the head of Inflection. The term ' Old English ' has been substituted through- out for ^Anglo-Saxon.' This change will hardly call for an extended justification. Whatever reasons may be ad- vanced for the retention of the name 'Anglo-Saxon,' the arguments in favor of ' Old English ' are manifestly, and, to my mind, overwhelmingly superior. The latter rest upon the practically invariable usage of our English fore- fathers, and upon the need of marking, by a simple as well as intelligible nomenclature, the succession of periods or stages in the development of our language. At the very beginning of the Preface to the English Chronicle, we are told that 'in this island there are five languages: English (Englisc), British, Scotch, Pictish, and Latin.' Alfred, in his circular letter prefixed to the Pastoral Care, advises that all freemen's sons be set to learning 'until such time as they can interpret English (Englisc) writing well,' and states that he has undertaken to ' render into English ' the book known in Latin as ' Pastoralis.' A century later, JElfric, speaking of his grammar, says : ' I, ^Ifric, have attempted to translate this little book into English speech'; further on, when treating of letters, he states that ' littera is stcef in English' (p. 4 of Zupitza's edition) ; and again, that *y is very common in English writings.' Again, in the Old English version of the Gospels, the text of Matthew 27. 46, interpreting the Aramaic, reads, 'that is in English (Englisc), My God, my God, why hast thou forsaken me ? ' And while ' English ' is thus repeatedly employed to denote the language, ' Anglo-Saxon ' never once occurs in this sense. But, if the application of the term English to the speech of our ancestors is warranted by their own practice, the phrase Old English is at least equally well supported X EDITOR'S PREFACE TO FIRST EDITION by convenience, analogy, and sound philological princi- ples. No one scruples to say Old Saxon, Old Norse, or Old French, while the sequence of Old High German, Middle High German, and Modern or New High German (Brandt's German Grammar, § 485) is too well established to be overthrown. The designation of the successive epochs in the history of English by the same terms — Old, Middle, and Modern — which have been so long and consistently applied to the sister tongue, can therefore hardly be regarded as constituting a serious innovation. These adjectives carry their meaning on their face, and do not require, for ordinary purposes, an interpretation at the hands of the professional philologist ; yet, while sufficiently flexible for popular use in their current acceptations, they admit of strict scholarly definition, and are thus open to no valid objection on either score. With regard to accent, I have followed Sweet in the third edition of his Reader; that is, I have uniformly employed the acute, and placed it over the former of the two elements in a long diphthong, thus differing from Sievers, who writes simple long vowels with the circum- flex, and places the acute over the second element of a long diphthong. A uniform adherence to one or the other accent is dictated by considerations of simplicity and economy, while Sievers himself distinctly affirms that the stress in every diphthong falls upon the first of the two components, though he ignores the theory in his notation. In conformity with Sweet's practice, I have designated the o, standing for a before nasals, by 9, and the umlaut-e by ^, original e being left unmarked. The j of the German edition has been replaced by g, since it is not easy to dis- cern any advantage in the retention of the manuscript form. In the index, tf, whether initial or medial, has been EDITOR'S PEEFACE TO FIRST EDITION xi made to follow t, instead of being inserted, when medial, after d. . . . In conclusion, it only remains to express the hope that what is best in this treatise may be ascribed to Professor Sievers, and that what is faulty in execution may be set down to the unwisdom of its editor. ALBERT S. COOK. University of California, Berkeley, Cal., March 19, 1885. AUTHOR'S PREFACE TO SECOND EDITION [In the first paragraph, the author recapitulates the sub- stance of the second, third, and sixth paragraphs of his Preface to the First Edition, and then proceeds as follows:] Under these circumstances, I have considered it advis- able to incorporate into this new edition such assured material as was ready to my hand. In addition to a num- ber of special investigations, catalogued at the end of this volume, my own collections have again been my chief dependence. Some of these, accompanied by references to the texts from which they were drawn, have been published in Paul and Braune's Beitrage 9. 197 flP., but the labor of making excerpts has been carried on uninterruptedly, so as to include the texts which have been published in the interval between that time and the present. That the search has not brought to light any very considerable number of important facts emboldens me to assume that the more essential linguistic phenomena of Old English have been observed and expounded with sufficient com- pleteness. To furnish an exhaustive presentation of details lay as little within tlie scope of the present as of the former edition. It would have been easy for me to increase mate- rially the number of examples under each head, had such a procedure been consistent with the general plan of this compend. Notwithstanding this limitation, I trust that no considerable omissions will be discovered, except in two branches of the subject, which I have been deterred from revising more thoroughly, in deference to others who have xn AUTHOE'S PREFACE TO SECOND EDITION xiii undertaken to investigate them. Tlie Grammar of North- umbrian, by Albert S. Cook, the admirable redactor of the English version of this little treatise, already announced in the Preface to the First Edition, has been considerably advanced in the meantime, but not yet entirely finished ; while the appearance of Sweet's Grammar of the Oldest Texts is now unfortunately postponed by Sweet himself (Oldest English Texts v ff.) to a quite indefinite future. The manuscript of the new edition was virtually finished by the end of 1884, and the printing began early in 1885. Some of the more recent researches could not, therefore, be utilized. On the other hand, I have to acknowledge a debt of gratitude to those who have assisted me by the loan of still unpublished texts. The advance sheets of Sweet's Old English Texts were entrusted to me by the kindness of their editor as early as 1882. Professor A. Schroer has likewise courteously permitted me to use the proof-sheets of his edition of the Benedictine Rule. Finally, I am indebted to my friend F. Kluge for the loan of his apograph of Byrhtferth's Enchiridion, since published in Anglia 8. 298 ff. He has also revised the^ greater part of the manuscript, and furnished me with a number of valuable comments and addenda. E. SIEVERS. Tubingen, Mg-y 15, 1886. EDITOR'S PREFACE TO SECOND EDITION In the present work I have endeavored to include all that is essential in the second German edition. This has demanded the rewriting of large portions, though the less important details have again been omitted, and the para- graph numbers do not in all cases correspond with those of tlie German. The form of my first edition was in part determined by the necessity of incorporating much new matter, not found in my original, and its general outlines have been preserved in this new one, even when previous statements have been modified, and later discoveries introduced. The Index to the new German edition is a great improve- ment upon its predecessor, though it is confined to Old English words, and is not free from inaccuracies. These inaccuracies have been corrected to the best of my ability, and full Indexes of the words quoted from other languages have been added. It is hoped that this latter feature will facilitate the use of the book by students whose chief concern is with some other Germanic tongue, or with the more general problems of Comparative Philology. I am under obligation to Professor J. M. Hart for some useful criticisms upon the first edition, to Professor Sievers for permission to use the advance sheets of the revised book, and to all those whose approbation of my former effort has encouraged me to attempt this revision. ALBERT S. COOK. University of California, July 4, 1887. xiv AUTHOR'S PREFACE TO THIRD EDITION In accordance with the urgent desire of the publisher, I resolved last autumn to carry through for the nonce a mere reimpression of the second edition of my Old English Grammar, and thus provide at least for the needs of the moment, instead of the complete revision which, though it had been in hand for a long time, was only partly finished. As soon as the printing began, however, I became aware that this plan was untenable. Accordr ingly, while typesetting and printing were in progress, I have rectified and expanded the old text, as far as was possible within the time at my disposal (October, 1897, to the beginning of January, 1898), by the aid of my own completed investigations or those of others (here I must mention with very special gratitude the names of Cosijn, Brown, Cook, and Lindelof). Under these circumstances it was quite impossible to attain perfect uniformity in the treatment of the various parts of the book. Changes have been made, especially in the Phonology, which in some places cried out with peculiar insistence for revision, wherever I could with any assurance replace an outworn formula by a more positive one ; other sections, especially 120-125, I have left unchanged, because I found it impos- sible to resolve my doubts concerning them. Moreover, for the technical reasons suggested above, I felt myself bound to retain, as far as possible, the former numbering of para- graphs and notes. However, since this could not always be compassed, it has resulted that a number of references XV XVI AUTHOR'S PREFACE TO THIRD EDITION from later to earlier sheets liave become incorrect in con- sequence of the changes which had afterward to be made in the numeration, a fact which I beg may be borne in mind as an explanation of the unpleasantly long list of errata at the end of the book. The general plan of the book has therefore remained the same as in the previous edition. One thing, however, I wish to observe with respect to the somewhat increased number of details, especially in the Inflection ; it is that, unless the context evinces the contrary, every such detailed statement is to be understood positively, and not nega- tively ; in other words, the statement that such a form is found in such a text is not to be interpreted as meaning that it does not occur in any other, but only that it does occur there. It should also be noted that the term ' Early West Saxon ' must, in case of doubt, be regarded as applying only to the texts treated in Cosijn's Altwestsachsische Grammatik (the Cura Pastoralis, Orosius, and Chronicle), and in like manner that the terms ' Kentish,' ' Mercian,' . and 'Northumbrian' refer to the corresponding larger dialect texts, which could alone be regularly adduced. The Index has this time been much amplified, in accord- ance with a wish which has been frequently expressed ; though whether to the advantage of the subject is, to my own mind, almost more than doubtful. I have thankfully utilized such contributions to the projected revision as interested readers and dear friends, above all A. Pogatscher and K. Luick, had made, so far as they seemed to fit into the present scheme. Besides, I am most heartily obliged to my friend Luick for a number of valuable suggestions which he made during the perusal of the proof-sheets of this edition. E. SIEVERS. Leipzio-Gohlis, June 8, 1898. EDITOR'S PREFACE TO THIRD EDITION In translating the new German edition I have retained practically all the matter of the original, the general prin- ciples of my translation remaining otherwise unchanged. Here and there, as in the previous editions, I have ventured to differ with the author : thus, the term ' Old English ' has * again been employed (cf. p. ix), and the ^ and li, iii.>h, must also have possessed naaal quality, may indeed be presumed, but is not susceptible of direct proof. THE VOWELS 29 6) By se and e are represented the two sounds which are indeed uniformly leveled in Gothic (as well as Kent- ish and Northumbrian) under e, but are distinguished in ON. OS. as a and e, in OHG. as a and e (ea, ia), in WS. as se and e ; compare, for example, Goth, mel, time ; her, here, with ON. OS. OHG. mal, WS. msel, and ON. OS. WS. her, OHG. her, hear, hiar, etc. (Kent. Angl. mel, her, 150. 1). 7) Parallel with eu there was once a diphthong ei ; but the latter, passing through the intermediate stage of ii (45. 2. b) into i as early as the Germanic period, coincided at length with pre-Germanic i. 8) The combinations i + vowel and j + vowel inter- changed with each other in such a manner that the former occurred after long radical syllables, and the latter after short radical syllables (no rule can be given for the position after syllables of derivation) ; thus, for example, the stem rikia-, rich, but badja-, bed. In a similar manner the Indo-European ej + vowel has been split into i + vowel and j + vowel : for example, in pres- ent stems like * domia-, * nazja- (from * domejo-, * nazejo-), in Goth, donijan, na^'an, 2 pers. domeis, from * domiis ; but nasjis. 46. Midway between the Germanic and the OE. sys- tem lies the vowel-scheme of the West Germanic, and hence it is the latter which must be taken as the nearest point of departure in the comparisons which we are called upon to make. The latter, however, agrees with the Germanic system in every essential particular, except that the Germanic I'e (45. 6) always, or at least in certain cases, underwent change to a (Beitr. 8. 88), and eu 30 PHONOLOGY developed into iu before a following i or j (45. 3. 6 ; 45. 7) : thus, * beiidan, offer ; steuro, helm ; but 2 sing. * biiidis, thou offerest ; * stiurjan, steer, etc. B. THE REPRESENTATIVES OF THE WEST GER- MANIC VOWELS IN WEST SAXON 47. The transformations which the Germanic vowels have undergone in OE. are essentially of a twofold character. The mutation of the vowel either takes place independently of its environment, or the latter exercises a determining influence upon it. Of the first kind is, for example, the change of Germ, ai to a, as in hatan, be called, compared with Goth, haitan ; or that of Germ, au to ea, as in lean, reward, compared with Goth. laun. Of the second kind are phenomena like the various umlauts and breakings, modifications of vowels by nasals, palatals, etc. In the following survey we shall include all the changes which each Germanic vowel undergoes in OE., considering in detail only such changes as take place independently of the environment, and reserving for a separate subdivision our remarks upon the influences of neighboring sounds. 48. Besides this distinction, it must also be observed that the development of vowels in stressed or stem- syllables is, in many respects, different from that which they undergo in the more weakly stressed medial and final syllables. On this account the vowels of these latter syllables are again treated under a separate head. THE VOWELS 31 I. THE VOWELS OF THE STEM 1. GENERAL SURVEY OF THE CORRESPONDENCES a 49. In an originally closed syllable, wherever special circumstances do not prevent, short a is regularly con- verted into se : clseg", dai/ ; braec, broke ; saet, 8at ; waes, wa% ; hseft, captive ; compare Goth, dag-s, brak, sat, etc. The ae occurs also when the syllable, though originally closed, becomes open in OE. through a secondary pho- netic development, as in nseg-l, nail^ hraefn, raven (with syllabic 1, n), or in consequence of the development of a secondary e : secer, acre ; fseg-er, fair ; maeg-en, power ; compare Goth, akrs, fagrs, etc., from the stems akra-, fagra-, magna-. Note 1. To the exceptions noted in 10 there must be added the enclitic ac, ah, 6ui, and was, nas, was^ was not, beside the regu- lar waes, naes. The second member of compounds also frequently retains a, as in h^repatJ, military road ; srSfat, journey, etc. Note 2. By analogy with polysyllabic inflectional forms with regu- lar a, the imperative of strong verbs of the Sixth Ablaut-Class gener- ally retains a : far, sac, scaf, etc. (368, note 2). 50. In an originally open syllable the Germ, a appears sometimes as a, sometimes as se : 1) a regularly occurs when the following syllable contains one of the guttural vowels, a, o, u. Thus daegr has nom. plur. dag"as, gen. dag-a, dat. dag-um ; faet, nom. ace. plur. fatu, gen. fata, dat. fatum ; while of liwset the dat. sing. masc. neut. is hwatum, the weak nom. sing. masc. hwata. Compare the inflections of the verb 32 PHONOLOGY in cases like faran (392), 2 and 3 sing, faerest, fsereiaf, plur. faratT, etc., and words like atol, terrible; nacod, naked ; sadol, saddle^ etc. (but see also 103). Note 1. A similar effect to that of the a, o, u of final syllables is produced : 1) by the i in the Second Class of weak verbs, since it sprang from an original o ; hence we have macian, make ; lacJian, invite (cf. 411, note 2), the pres. 3 sing. macaS, lacJa'S, the preterits macode, la?fode, etc. ; 2) by the e of many medial syllables, in cases where it has been weakened from an originally guttural vowel, and is or has been followed by a guttural vowel ; compare, for example, words like sta?felian, establish (from statJol) ; hacele, cloak ; adela, filth; hafela (beside hafola), head; gaderian (poet, also gaederian), gather; gedafenian, beseem; hafenian, grasp; fag(e)niaii, rejoice; war(e)iiiau, take heed; adesa, adz (cf. also 129). Note 2. On the other hand, a passes into ae in a number of words, in which the originally guttural vowel of the medial syllable (u, more rarely a) is or has been followed by i (Kluge) : gaedeling, kins- man (OS. gaduling) ; ae(Jeling, noble, from *a]7iilmg (ON, 091ingT); laetemest, last, from * latumist (cf . 314) ; to-giedere, together, from *gaduri (beside gaderian, from *gadurojaii, note 1); Saeterndaeg, Saturday, from Saturni dies ; aix, ax, for ajces Ps. (but North, acas), from * acusi (compare Goth, aqizi and OHG, achus); probably ha^le?^, hero (originally a plural *halu]7iz, compare ON. h9rSr, and 133. b; 281. 1); and perhaps haelfter, halter, from *lialiiftri, and liaerfest, harvest, from *harubist (compare Ep. helustr, hiding-place, later heolstor) ; finally, tvSele, adj., nuble, from *a]7ali (OS. adali) ; iniEgden, maiden, from *inagadin (OHG. inagatin). Exceptions to this rule are the infinitive and present participle of strong verbs of the Sixth Ablaut-Class, such as farenne, from *farannjai, -Qnnjai; and farende, from *farandi, *far9ndi. Note 3. The conversion of a to ae in the words cited in note 2 took place later than in the other cases (49 ; 50. 2). It evidently occurred subsequently to the palatalization of initial gutturals (206. 1), for only on this supposition is it possible to account for the absence of diphthongization in gardeling, -gaedere (75, note 1). Possibly the whole phenomenon should be regarded as a kind of umlaut (89. 3 ; 100, note 4). THE VOWELS 33 2) Before original e (se of the oldest texts, 44, note 1), that is, one not weakened from a, o, u, there seems to be a rule requiring se : dseg, day, fset, vat; gen. daeges, fsetes ; dat. dseg-e, faete, etc. (240). Yet there exists much discrepancy : adjectives like hwset have, for exam- ple, gen. liwates, instr. liwate, nom. ace. plur. hwate (294) ; feminines like sacu, with gen. dat. ace. saece and sace (253). There is a similar variation in the past participles of strong verbs, like hlaeden and hladen, grsefen and grafen, slsegen and slageii, from liladan, lade; grafan, grave; slean, strike (392); while the present optative of these verbs regularly has a : fare, grafe, etc. Note 4. Primitive OE. a likewise became ae before original i, j, and this se was afterward still further affected by i-umlaut (88 ff.). Note 5. In words borrowed from Latin the a of an open syllable is frequently lengthened : sacerd, priest ; calend, calends ; magister, master ; so probably also palendse, palace ; talenta, talent., etc. 51. Older a passes into o (not \i^hetween^ 54 PHONOLOGY (weoburt, weofod, altar^ for weohb-, Angl. wibed, 222, note 1); compare the Common WS. imperatives leoh, teoh, S'eoh, wreoh (from the contract verbs leoii, etc., 383), for which EWS. instances are wanting. Else- where we have also EWS. io, as in Wiohstan, and after w a u in bctwiih, between (compare Goth, tweili- nai, two) ; fiilwuht, baptism^ which points to shortened io (71). Note 1. Breaking is even caused by the x arising from sc by meta- thesis (209) : bet\^^eox, between^ beside betwix (329, note 1). Note 2 (on 82-84). Even before h followed by a vowel, break- ing very likely occurs. At least this is the simplest explanation of contract forms like slean, strike (111. 2), near, nearer (112), for * sleahan, * nealiur from * slahan, * neehiir ; and especially of those like sion, beside seen, see (113. 2), and teon, beside tion, accuse (114. 3), for *siohan, beside *seoliaii, from *sehaii (83), and *teohan, beside tiolian, from tlhan (84.2). e) The Umlauts 85. Umlaut, in Germanic grammar, denotes those mutations of a stressed vowel which are caused by a vowel or semivowel (j, w) of the following syllable. There is, therefore, a division into a-umlaut, i-umlaut, u-umlaut, etc., according to the sound by which the umlaut is produced. On the so-called palatal umlaut see 108 ; 109. 86. The mutations of a basic vowel by umlaut are of different kinds in OE. They consist eitlier in a partial assimilation of the basic vowel to the following sound, or in the development of the basic vowel into a diph- thong. The former is the case with the i-umlaut, for example, li^re, army^ older h^ri, from liari ; the latter is THE VOWELS 55 the case with the u- and o-umlaut, as in ealii, ale^ from * alu, or eofiir, hoar^ from * ei5ur. Note. Grimm regarded the second kind of umlaut as a subordi- nate species of breaking ; but it seems better to employ the term 'breaking' in the narrower signification specified in 77, and (with Holtzmann) to speak of u- and o/a-umlaut as well as of i-umlaut. 87. As regards the relative age of the various umlauts, the i-umlaut is the oldest of all. It succeeds breaking in order of time, but precedes the u-umlaut, since it already prevails in documents which exhibit but the scantiest traces of u-umlaut (78). 1) The i-umlaut 88. The cause of i-umlaut is an i or j which origi- nally followed the stressed syllable, it being a matter of indifference whether the i already existed in Indo- European, or whether it was transformed in the Ger- manic period from older e or ei (45. 2, 7). As the language underwent further development, the sounds which produced umlaut either grew unrecognizable (by weakening to e, 44), or were entirely lost (177). Hence the causes of this umlaut can, in the majority of cases, only be determined by a comparison with the cognate languages, which, in the preservation of the i, j, repre- sent an older stage than OE. 89. The older short a had, before the appearance of i-umlaut, been divided into ae and ^^; ynce, inch, from Lat. cuminum, pulvinum, puteus, uncia. Note 1. The instances of y from u are very numerous, but only a few pairs of words with u and y can be adduced, since Prim. Germ, u scarcely ever occurred except before nasal + consonant and before i, j (45. 3), and therefore must of necessity have undergone umlaut in almost every instance. Note 2. For E WS. ymb, ymbe, about, LWS. frequently has emb, embe. 96. The i-umlaut of u is y : a) older ti : briican, use, brycaf 3 sing. ; tun, hedge, ontynan, open; bryd, bride (i-stem) ; and in foreign words like stryta, ostrich; plynie, plum, from Lat. struthio, prunea. 60 PHONOLOGY h) u from iin (186. 1): fus, ready ^ fysan, hasten; ciltS^ known^ cycTau, make known; ytf, wave (ja-stem), etc. Diphthongs 97. In the older texts the i-umlaut of ea and ea is usually ie and ie, and afterward the sound designated by unstable i (22); the latter is often represented by i (beside ie), and then chiefly by y. In the tenth and eleveiUh centuries the y predominates, except in certain cases where there seems to have been an actual change to the pure i-sound (31, note). Besides, there occur in many texts the collateral forms e, e, which may perhaps be regarded as reductions of ie, ie to a monophthong. Note. In general, these e's, e's may be regarded as dialectic (although they are written, for example, by certain copyists of the Cura Past., they are entirely wanting in ^Ifric's Homilies, except in the word gesthus, 75, note 2). 98. Examples of ea : a) broken ea (79 ff.): earm, poor^ iermcTu, misery^ ierming', wretch; eald, oZc?, comp. ieldra, sup. ieldesta, ieldu, age ; weallan, hoil^ 3 sing. wielS", wielm, surge (i-stem) ; Wealli, Welshman^ wielisc, foreign (218) : weaxan, grow^ 3 sing. wiextT (so likewise sliehjy, afwieliQ", from sleaii, smite; 9" wean, ivash)\ Iilieliliaii (Goth, hlahjan), laugh; slieht (i-stem), battle. h) ea after palatals (74 ft".): scieppan (Goth, skapjaii), create-, eiefes (OHG. Itebisa), concubine; giest (i-stem), guest. The later forms of these words are iriii becomes normally eo : EWS. efor, hoar^ in Eforwic, York ; hefon, heaven (WS. eofor, heofon); then beofor, heaver; poet, g-eofon, ocean; sweofot, sleep; compare also eofot, debt; eofolsian, blaspheme (43, note 4), and the foreign eofole, a plant (Lat. ebulus). 3) Before gutturals and dentals the eo is lacking in pure WS. : reg-ol, rule ; sprecol, loquacious ; etlor, enclosure ; medu, mead ; fetor, fetter ; teso, injury. Hence, too, inflectional forms like g-ebrecu, g-ebeclu, gremetu, gesetu, dat. grebrecuni, etc., from g^ebrec, crash; g-ebed, prayer ; g-emet, measure ; geset, dwelling^ are to be regarded as phonetically regular forms. Note 1. Texts which are less purely WS., especially the poetical ones, frequently have umlaut-forms with eo : reogol, eodor, ineodo, feotor, poet, breogo, prince ; meotod, fate ; likewise in inflection : geseotu, meoto, from sing, geset, dwelling ; met, measure^ etc. Certain texts seem to prefer this umlaut before gutturals rather than before dentals. Note 2. WS. has wo for weo before r, 1 (1, above) in woriild, worold, world (but Kent. Merc. R.^ weorold, 72); swolotJa, heat. On the other hand, werod and weorod, troop, generally werod, sweet, and the plur. weleras (from *weluras), lips. 4) Only after w does the u-umlaut of e regularly become eo in pure WS., even before consonants which otherwise do not transmit it : hweogol, wheel ; sweotol, evident ; weotuma, dowry ; and before the combination st in sweostor, sister. 105. i to io. 1) After w, the u-umlaut of i occurs even in WS. without reference to the following consonant, but becomes wu in this case (71): cwucu, ciicu, liv- ing; -liwugu, -hugu, in pronouns Hke hw8eth(w)ug'u, 68 PHONOLOGY whatever (344) ; cwuclu, cudu, cud ; wudu, wood ; wud- wwe, widoiv ; wiitoii, let us ; swutol, evident ; and before st in swuster (from * swistiir), etc. Note 1. This rule is broken by numerous levelings in the inflec- tion. Sometimes u prevails throughout, as in plur. cwuce, cuce, for cwiee, like c(>v)ucu, or inf. SAvugian, sugian, keep silent, for swigian, like pret. sAvugode; sometimes it is i that is generalized, as in plur. twigu, from twag, twig ; nom. SAvipu, whip, like the obi. sAvipe ; or in conjugation, like -witan, know; gevA^itun, loent, etc. In other cases, wu- and -wi-forms occur more or less indiscriminately side by side : beside wuduvve, widow, LWS. often widuwe, widew^e ; beside sweotol (from *swetul, 104. 4) and swutol (from *switul), an occa- sional switol, etc. LWS. has also wy : ^vydewe, etc. Note 2. Only rarely occurs wio, weo ; an example is Avioluc, weoloc, whelk. 2) Apart from the position after w, u-umlaut of i to EWS. io, WS. eo takes place, as a rule, only before the liquids (r), 1 and the labials f and p, that is, before those consonants which also favor the ii-umlaut of e to eo (104. 1,2). Hence EWS. mioluc, milk; sioliic, silk; sioliifr, silver ; pret. tiolode, from tiliaii, attempt; sio- fun, seven; siofoSTa, seventh; ^'siofoSTa, bran ; pret. cliop- ode, from clipiaii, call, etc. = Common WS. nieol(o)c, seoloc, seolfor, teolode, seofon, seofoSTa, cleopode, etc. Note .3. Leveling frequently takes place between i and io, eo in inflection ; hence, on the one hand, forms like teolian, cleopian, and, on the other, such as tilu, fem. from til, good; plur. clifu, dat. clifum, from clif, cliff (241); pret. plur. drifoii, gripoii, etc. (376, note 1; 382), or pret. tilode, bifode, from tiliaii, bifian, tremble, etc. Note 4. In LWS. y occurs in certain words for the otherwise stable eo, as in syfon, sylfor. 3) Before other single consonants u-umlaut of i does not regularly take place in pure WS. : geuiimor, THE VOWELS 69 familiar; sine wealt (from sinu-), ro2*wc?; fiwxile^ fennel ; sicor, certain ; sicol, sickle ; iiigron, nine ; hlgora, wood- pecker^ -tig-oSfa, -th (in twentig-oaFa, twentieth^ etc.); huitol, addicted to hutting ; sliclor, slippery ; niaror, down^ etc. So in inflection : brimu, liniu, g-eflitu, liliaru, liaru, dat. brimum, etc., from brim, sea; lim, limh ; geflit, strife ; hliS", slope ; liST, limh ; or u-stems like sidii, custom; friSfu-, peace (in proper names like Friacug-ar); or feminines like sinu, sinew; hnitu, nit; smiSTii, smithy ; stigu, sty ; or preterits plural like stig-oii, rison (382), or sticode, smiSTode (from stician, Htick^ sniiisrian, /or^e), etc. Note 6. Only quite sporadically do the EWS. texts have io, eo in these cases, and even then the dialect is hardly free from suspicion : liomu, leoniii, limbs; -tiogoSa, -th; siodo, custom; niotJor, down; 3iosun, tJeosuni, to this (Cura Past.), ]7iosaii, J^eosan, this (Ores.). At a later period (io), eo is not hard to find in texts not strictly WS., especially in the poetry. Note 6. Beside i and io, EWS. has occasionally ie and y in these cases : geflietu, plur. of geflit, strife ; nieSemest, the undermost ; or Sysum, to this; ny'Semest ; hlynigan, lean (Cura Past.). These y's are not rare in LWS. Note 7. A u-umlaut occurs in EWS. before consonant-combi- nations in the words siendun, are, beside sindun (427, note 1), and 3iossurn, to this, beside Jfissum (338) ; hence LWS. frequently syndon (and after this model synd, synt) and ]7yssum (to which conform Jjysses, etc.). Note 8. Syncope of u (144, note 1) is probably indicated by the ace. sing. masc. Siosne (338), this (LWS. Sisne, Sysue, with unstable i), perhaps from the basic form * ]7isuna. b) The o/a-umlaut 106. The o/a which produces this umlaut usually belongs to inflectional syllables, and often interchanges 70 PHONOLOGY with other vowels, (ae), e, i, as well as u, in the inflec- tion of the same word. Compare, for example, para- digms like doin, -es, -e ; -as, -a, -iini, or hof, -es, -e ; -II, -a, -uiu (238), or locian, -ie ; -as, -aST ; -iaST ; -ucle (-ode) and -ade (414). Hence there is often leveling between the different phonetically regular forms of the same paradigm, the umlaut-vowels being generally lev- eled under those whicii had remained unaffected. There is consequently more difficulty in establishing fixed rules for the actual occurrence of the o/a-umlaut than for that of the u-umlaut. 107. 1) The West Germ, a suffers no o/a-umlaut in WS. (50; sceaSEFa, rohher ; sceacan, shake^ etc., belong under 76. 2). 2) In like manner, West Germ, e undergoes in gen- eral no o/a-umlaut, not even before liquids and labials (101. 3), nor after w: hence fela, much; adv. tela, well; stela, stalk ; wela, riches ; bera, bear ; nefa, nephew ; sefa, mind^ like pleg-a, play ; -breca, breaker ; or inf. helan, conceal; beran, bear^ like wefan, tveave; cweia^an, speak; metan, measure, etc. Note 1. Differently treated are ceole, obi. ccolan, throat, and ceorian, complain; but these are probably rather to be referred to u-umlaut (ceolaii for prehistoric *keluii, cf. OHG. kelun, and ceo- rian like the pret. oeorude, -ode). Note 2. Otherwise the umlaut eo for e appears only in texts less purely WS. , especially often in the poetry; hence forms like inf. hcolan, beoran, part, beorendc ; weak masculines like >veola, seofa ; adv. feola, teola, etc. A collateral form feala, beside fela (feola), occurring also in prose, seems to have formed its vowel on the analogy of f eawa, few (301, note 1). THE VOWELS 71 3) Original wi has in some cases become wu through o/a-umlaut (105. 1), but side by side occur more fre- quently Avio, wie, and the unumlauted wi : tuwa (from *twiwa), twice ; wiita, pi. wutan, wise man (from wita, -an), beside wiotan (weotan), Tvietan, Avitan, etc. Note 3, In pure LWS. u is found only in tuwa, and in words where the o/a-umlaut is indistinguishable from the u-umlaut, as in gen. dat. Avuda, beside nom. ace. wudii, ivood, etc. Elsewhere i prevails : compare, for example, the weak masculines wita, ivise man; cwiSa, womb; Jiwitia, breeze ; swic a, deceiver ; wiga, warrior ; inf. witan, know, etc. 4) If no w precedes, original i before liquids and labials is normally converted by o/a-umlaut to EWS. io, later WS. eo : gen. plur. liiora (lieora, beside an early hiera, later hyra, 334) ; ondliofa, biliofa, -leofa, food ; * cliofa, cleofa (beside clifa, clyfa), hedchambar, etc. Note 4. The umlaut is often set aside by analogy : tilian-tilast, -a3 (pret. tilede), 416, note 14 ; libban-lifast, -a9 (416, note 2), beside tilian (tiolian) - tiolast, -a3 ; libban - liofast, -aS (leofast, -a3); clif, cliff, gen. plur. clifa, etc. 5) Before other consonants than those mentioned, an o/a-umlaut of i is in general not found in pure WS. : rima, border; prica, dot; bita, bit; cliSfa, poultice; pisu, obi. pisan, peas; cinu, obi. cinan, chink (278); inf. niman, take^ etc. Note 5. An apparent contravention of this rule is furnished by such words as WS. heonan, hence; beheonan, on this side of; neoSan, beneoSan, beneath (for older hionan, etc.), beside hinan, ni^an, nytfan ; but more probably these are cases of u-umlaut. Especially strange is sio^tJan (seo39an ; sieS'San, si?J?Jan, sy?J- !3an), after, from *si(J3on, with shortening of the i (337, note 2). Note 6. In other cases where io, eo occurs in words of this class, we must assume another dialect : reoma, border ; ondwleota, countenance, etc. 72 PHONOLOGY /) The So-Called Palatal Umlaut 108. Before c, g, h the diphthongs ea, eo, lo may lose their second element, being thus simplified to e (se), e, 1, or otherwise qualitatively altered. In the earlier editions of this book it was assumed that these changes rested on a ' palatalization ' of the vowels, caused by a semipalatalization of the gutturals c, g-, h, and hence this phenomenon was designated palatal umlaut. But that assumption being no longer tenable, at least in this form (see note 2), the name is also to be rejected; yet since we have no other convenient term by which to describe the phenomenon, the designation has here been retained for the nonce, its rather unsatisfactory character being indicated by prefixing the term ' so-called.' In WS. the whole phenomenon is of slight importance, but in the Anglian dialects is developed to a consider- able extent (161 ff.). The chief cases in WS. are the following : 1) In place of the eo and io produced from older e and i by breaking before h + consonant, there generally occur, apart from the exceptions noted in 83 and 84, the forms ie or unstable i, y: siex (six, syx), six; ciiilit, boy; Pihtas (Pyhtas), Picts, etc., for seox, cneoht, Peohtas ; wrixl, exchange^ for *\vrioxl, which might have been expected; etc. (but cf. also 84. 1). Note 1. The word 'right,' with its derivatives, is nearly always ryht in EWS. (so ryhtan, etc.), almost never riht. In LWS., how- ever, the i becomes rather firmly established : riht, rihtan, etc. 2) ea and ea before h (x = hs), g-, c become LWS. e, e: THE VOWELS 73 a) sell, saw ; sleli, blow ; g-eiiehhe, abundantly ; exl, shoulder; fex^hair; Hex^Jlax; se:s., knife ; wexan^ grow, for EWS. seah, sleah, g-enealihe, eaxl, feax, etc. b) neh, near; teli, drew; SFeh, though; hehsta, highest; nehsta, nearest ; eg-e, ege ; beg-, ring ; becen, sign ; eca, increase ; lee, locked, for neah, teah, iSTeah, heahsta, neahsta, eage, beag, beacen, eaea, leac. Nevertheless, the traditional orthography ea, ea is preserved even in some of the later texts which already exhibit e, e. Note 2. Actual palatal influence proceeds only from an h, g, or c which has been palatalized in some definite way — for example, by a following i, j in the case of i-umlaut, etc. Here belongs especially the influence which these sounds exert upon a preceding ie, or stable and unstable y (31, note). 109. A similar influence, exerted in the opposite direction, appears in the frequent LWS. transforma- tion of ea, ea into e, e after g-, c, sc (here really palatal, according to 206) : celf, calf; cerf, slice ; g-ef, gave ; get, got; get, gate ; get, poured ; ces, chose; Hcet, shot; ger, year ; ongen, against ; seep, sheep ; gesced, discretion, etc., for cealf, cearf (79 ff.), geaf, geat (75. 1), geat, ceas, sceat (63), gear, ongean, sceap, gescead (75. 2). Note. This conversion rarely occurs in an open syllable before a guttural vowel, as in getan, they got^ for geaton (75. 2). Usually the ea in this position remains : thus, although LWS. has ger, seep, the gen. dat. plur. is mostly geara, -um ; sceapa, -um. g) Hiatus and Contraction 110. 1) Hiatus within the word is not favored by OE. Hence, whenever a stressed vowel or diphthong collides with an unstressed vowel, whether in consequence of the 74 PHONOLOGY vocalization of a semivowel (w), or of the loss of cer- tain consonants (notably h, less frequently w and j) from the interior of a word, or from any other cause, contrac- tion to a diphthong or long vowel usually takes place. Note 1. It is no exception to this rule, that inflectional endings beginning with a vowel are, in some cases, attached to stems ending in a vowel, as in heauni, dat. sing, of heah, high; Svveoum, dat. plur. of Sweon, the Swedes. The shorter forms, like lieani, Svveoin, which almost always run parallel with them, show that the fuller endings have been subsequently appended, after the analogy of stems ending in a consonant. Note 2. Since within a paradigm there often occur forms with and without contraction, leveling not infrequently takes place. Thus, for example, beside the older nom. sing, clea (111. 1), there appears the later nom. clawu, formed on the analogy of the oblique cases, like gen. dat. ace. sing, clawe; on the contrary, oblique forms like clea (for *cleae) are framed like the nom. clea, so that finally two full paradigms, clea — clea, and clawu — clawe, run parallel to each other (cf. also 111, note 1). Note 3. The contractions occasioned by early vocalization or loss of w belong to the Prim. OE. stage ; those wrought by the loss of h, together with certain others, arose at a later period. Not only do the oldest texts frequently exhibit uncontracted forms, but they must also be largely postulated for the poetry, as is shown by metrical considerations (cf. Beitr. 10. 475 ff.). Note 4. Collision of unstressed + stressed vowel results, not in contraction, but in the elision of the former : thus unstressed e in forms like b-aeftan, behind; b-ufan, above; b-utan, outside, for be-ae*ftan, be-u'fan, be-fi'tan ; so in the negated verbs n-abban (415); n-ellan, n-yllan (428, note 2); n-ytan (420); add n-istig, fasting, from -wist, food, etc. 2) The form which immediately preceded a given contraction is not always to be determined with com- plete certainty. Hence we shall, in all doubtful cases, here print the Germ, or West Germ, form for the sound which begins the combination. THE VOWELS 75 The following cases occur in WS. : 111. 1) Orig. a -|- u (from wu or vocalized w) becomes ea (through Prim. OE. au) : (Trea, threat ; clea, claw^ from * ]7ra(w)u, *kla(w)u (beside the analogically formed Ep. thrauu, WS. clawii); then, with restoration of the w from the polysyllabic case-forms : streaw, straw ; lireavr, raw^ for strea, hrea, from * straw, * strau, etc. Note 1. As the original declension of words like streaw we must postulate nom. strea, gen. *strawes, etc., after which leveling super- vened, as in clea-clawe (110, note 2). A possible accord with uncon- tracted forms appears in the compoimd strawb^rie, strawberry, beside strea(w)b^rie. For forms like streow see 119, note. Note 2. Here probably belongs pea, peacock, which perhaps (in contrast with the parallel form pawa = Lat. pcivo) goes back to Prim. OE. oblique forms like ace. *pa(w)un, from Low Lat. pavonem, with shortened vowel. 2) Orig. all + vowel becomes ea, after the loss of the h (probably through eah + vowel, 84, note 2). Here belong especially the contract verbs lean, fleaii, slean, arwean (392. 2), for * Ia(li)an, etc. ; 1 sing, lea, slea, for * la(h)u, etc. ; opt. lea, slea, for * lahe, etc. ; gefea, yoy, for * g-ifaho ; ea, water, for * ah(w)u, * aim (com- pare Goth, ahwa); ear, ear of grain; tear, tear, for * ahur, * tahur, etc. 112. Orig. sell + vowel becomes, after loss of h, OE. ea (probably through eali + vowel, 84, note 2): nean, from the vicinity ; near, nearer, for * nsehun, * nsehur. Note 1. The stem*kl«wa-, claw, appears in the poetry in the two forms cla and oleo (on clea, from the parallel stem *klawa-, see 111. 1). Unchanged se = Germ. £e occurs in brjew, brow. 70 PHONOLOGY Note 2. In LWS. the OE. ae + ^v terminating a syllable passes into ea in breaw, broiv, for *brea from briew (note 1); hence comes the plur. breiiwas, etc. (113, note 3 ; 118, note 2). 113. 1) Orig. e + u from wu or vocalized w becomes eo (through Prim. OE. eu): STeo, servant; cneo, knee; treo, tree, for * pew, * ]?eu, etc. ; more frequently, with borrowing of the w from the polysyllabic case-forms : lafeow, cneow, treow. Note 1. Occasionally EWS. has io for this eo, especially in MS. H of Cura Past. : €V'yo>, <|>v-Y6iv; ireCOo), iri0C(r9ai ; Fc^So|xai, Fi-SEtv; S^pKcrai, SpaKCiv (r>pa); atOo), lOapos, etc. The cause of differentiation between the e-grade and the o-grade is not so definitely determined (X^-yci), Xo-yos ; v^|i(D, vofios ; XeCirci), XcXoiira ; 8cpKop,ai, ScSopKa ; Gothic steigan, staig ; English sing, sang, etc.), but it most prObably had its origin in a 86 PHONOLOGY variety of musical pitch — that is, the e-grade occurred with stress and high pitch, the o-grade with stress and lowered pitch. The above is condensed from an article on ablaut by Benjamin I. Wheeler in Johnson's Universal Encyclopaedia, to which the student is referred. 128. The most important ablaut-changes, thus dedu- cible, which have left perceptible traces in OE., are the following : 1) Before original s (Germ, z, OE. r, but often lost when final) in the neut. suffix -os, -es (as in 7eVo9, genus) ^ Germ, -az, -iz ; see the examples in 288 ff. The i-stage is found in forms like sig"e, b^re, older sig-i, b^ri, from * sigiz, * bariz (182) : or North, l^mb, Ps. North. cself, from * lambiz, kalbiz (182 ; 133. h). Parallel with the latter are WS. l^mb, cealf, without umlaut, and the longer forms like sigor, hroafor, lumber, etc. (182, note). 2) Before n in the suffix -ono, -eno. Germ, -ana, -ina, of the past participle of strong verbs. The i-stage is preserved in a few umlaut forms like segen, cymen (378, note 1). Note 1. The gradation was at one time especially apparent in the suffix of the weak declension, -en, -on, -n, Germ, -in, -an, -un, but has been almost entirely obliterated in OE. , the i-stage in par- ticular (as in Goth, hanins, hanin) being totally effaced. 3) Before 1 in the suffix -olo, -clo (Germ, -ala = Prim. OE. -nl), -ila. The two stages are recognizable in double forms like deagol and diej?ol, secret^ from the basic forms * daug"ola- and * dauffila-. 4) Before r, more particularly in the suffix of nouns of relationship ; for- these in detail cf. 285. THE VOWELS 87 Note 2. Even foreign words are frequently recast to bring them into conformity with the suffixal ablaut of OE.: thus OE. faecele, torchj points to older *fakila, an ablauted form from Lat. facula. On the other hand, Lat. i, e, a is not seldom represented by u, o : persoc, peach; esol, ass; butor, butter; munuc, monk, from Lat. persicum, asilus, butirum, monachus, etc. 129. Later ablaut. Beside these older gradations, others of more recent date have sprung up in OE. itself, presumably depending upon the variable strength of the secondary ictus, but also in part upon the vowels of the adjacent syllables (a certain principle of alterna- tion between palatals and gutturals being observed in the sequence of vowels). In particular, there is a tend- ency to convert the o, u,, of a final syllable into e, when- ever the word is increased by a syllable taking the secondary stress, and containing a, o, or ii. Thus we generally have rodor, heaven; heorot, hart; staSTol, foundation; the gen. dat. sing, roclores, heorotes, staSToles, -e ; while the plur. is usually roderas, lieo- retas, staiSFelas, -u, -um, the verb staSTelian, etc. Here belongs also the vowel-change in the preterit of the Second Class of weak verbs, like sealfode, plur. sealf- edon (412), and no doubt originally in the abstracts ending in -ung", -ing", etc. B. APOCOPE OF FINAL VOWELS 130. Indo-European a, o (Germ, a), when final, dis- appears entirely: on. Germ. (Goth.) ana, Gr. avd\ sef-, unstressed of, of. Germ, aba, Gr. avro, etc. In particu- lar, many examples might be adduced of the nom. ace. sing, of the o-stems (235 ff.), basic forms -oz, -o(m). 88 PHONOLOGY The o has been retained in cases of early contraction, as in frio, freo^ free, stem frijo- (297, note 2). Note. A syllabic i preceding the a, o (45. 8) becomes final without change, and afterwards passes into e (44) : ^nde, rice (246), earlier ^ndi, ricl, from * andia, * rikia, etc. 131. The originally final -e also disappears com- pletely, and without leaving any trace of its influence upon the vowel of the preceding syllable. The chief instances are : 1) the voc. sing. masc. of the o-stems, like dom (238), compare Gr. Xoye; 2) the imp. sing, of strong verbs, like ber, help (367), compare Gr. cfyepe; 3) the ind. pret. 3 sing, of strong verbs, like bser (367), wat (420), compare Gr. olSe. e before any consonant that was retained in Ger- manic was changed, probably in the Germ, period, to i (45. 2, note 1), and its subsequent history is that of the latter sound. 132. Original i and u were uniformly preserved in Prim. OE. To these were added a secondary i and u, arising partly through a change of quality (such as that which led to the development of i from e before consonants, 131), and in part produced by a shortening of the corresponding final long vowels, i, o ; or, in the case of u, by a vocalization of consonantal w. These various i's and Ti's of Prim. OE. were all subject to the same rules of apocope, apocope being determined partly by the quantity of the immediately preceding rad- ical syllable (when the word was originally disyllabiq) THE VOWELS 89 and partly by the number of syllables in the word. The principal cases may be classified as follows : 133. Prim. OE. i is preserved after a short radical syllable, first as i, and afterwards as e (44) ; it disappears after a long radical syllable, and as the final of words containing more than two syllables : a) Original i, for example in the nom. ace. sing, of the i-stems (compare Gr. iroXu^^ -lv) : of short stems, the noun wini, wine (262), adj. bryci, bryce (302?); of long stems, the noun wyrm (265). Other cases of apocope are: the dat.-loc. sing, of consonant stems, like fet, from * fati (281; compare Gr. 7ro8t); among polysyl- lables, liro9'or (289), gruman, heortan, tung-au (276); datives plur. like tSseva^ twseni, basic forms * ]7aimiz, etc.; comparative adverbs like l^ng- (323), basic form * lang-iz (compare Lat. magis, and for the loss of the z see 182). Of verbs : the ind. 1 sing, of the verbs in -mi (426 ff.), like dom, do ; and the ind. 2 and 3 sing. and 3 plur. of all verbs, like 2 sing, hilpis, -es(t), 3 sing. hilp(e)9', 3 plur. helpaiSr, their basic forms end- ing in -isi, -i]7i, -aiij7i (compare Skr. bh^rasi, -ati, -anti, from y/bher, hear). h) Prim. OE. i from original e, for example in the nom. plur. of consonant stems, like hnyte, styde (282), and fet, mys (281), from * hnutiz, * hnutez ; * fotiz, *fotez, etc. (compare Gr. TroSe?); so also in the poly- syllables : g-uman, tungan (276). Finally, in the nom. ace. sing, of the neuter es-stems: short stems, b^re, sige (Goth, bariz-, sigis); long stems, Ps. North, caelf, ealf; North, l^mb, lamb, etc. (288 ff.). 90 PHONOLOGY c) Prim. OE. i from original i no doubt existed in the imp. sing, of verbs with thematic jo (372 ; 398. 1 ; compare Goth, hafei, iiasei, sokei, etc.): with short stem, h^fe, ii^re, etc. (367; 409); with long stem, sec, liier, etc. (409). The i has regularly disappeared in the nom. sing, of the long and polysyllabic iti-stems, like g-ierd (257), and g-ydeii, wierg-en (258. 1). Every other final Ger- manic i is preserved in OE., even after a long syllable, in the form of i, e : thus in the opt. pret. 3 sing, of strong verbs like liiilpe (basic form * hulpi, Goth, liulpi) ; or in the instr.-loc. sing, of o-stems like dome, older domi (from * doini, compare Gr. e'/cet). Yet in the so-called dative ham (237, note 2) we perhaps have the regularly developed locative case of a long o-stem, the -i, -e of the other forms being then due to the analogy of the short stems. Note 1. Exceptions to the rules for apocope are presented by the adverb b?t, better (Goth, batis), for which we should expect *b^te; and by the adverb ymbe (beside ymb), with the e preserved. Note 2. Even when the i is lost, there is i-umlaut of the stem- syllable which immediately preceded. The only exceptions are the verbal forms com, dom, plur. do3 (for *don]7i). 134. Prim. OE. u is retained as -u, -o in originally disyllabic words after a short stem, but disappears after a long stem : a) Germ, u, for example in the nom. ace. sing, of the u-stems: in the short-stemmed nouns, masc. suiiu, fem. diiru, neut. feolu (270, 274; 275), adj. ciicu (303); in the long-stemmed nouns, masc. feld, fem. h^iul (272; 274), adj. lieard (303, note 2). Of all these the basic forms end in -iiz, -u(iii), -u (compare Goth, siiiius, -u, filii, etc.). THE VOWELS 91 h) Prim. OE. u from Germ. 5 = orig. a, for example in the nom. sing. fem. of the a-stems : thus in the short- stemmed giefu, adj. hwatu; in the long-stemmed ar, god (252 ; 293 ; compare Gr. ^w/aa, etc.) ; or in the nom. ace. plur. neut. of the o-stems, as in the short-stemmed noun fatu, adj. hwatu, and the long-stemmed noun word, adj. g-od (238; 293). c) Prim. OE. u from Germ. 5 = orig. o appeared in the ind. pres. 1 sing, of the verb, and there became per- manent, even after long stems: thus beorvi, faru, but also helpu, bindu. This u has, however, been almost completely displaced in West Saxon by the optative termination -e (355). Note. The j which originally preceded (45. 8) does not prevenf the apocope; hence sibb (257), cyim (246), etc., from *sibb(j)u, *cynn(j)u. For the effect of a preceding 1 (45. 8) see 135. 3. d) Prim. OE. u from vocalized w (137; 174. 2, 3): for example nom. bearu, bealu (249), g-earu (300) (the feminines like beadu, and the long-stemmed meed, l^s (260), stand for * bad(w)u, * m8ed(w)u, from -o, etc., according to 173. 1 ; 134. b). 135. In words of three or more syllables, the treat- ment of the final u is somewhat variable. It is regularly cast off in trisyllabic words having the radical and the middle syllable both short, but is retained after a long radical and short middle syllable. After a long middle syllable it appears to be regularly lost. The principaJ. cases are the following: 1) Feminines of the a-declension : short stems, like firen= Goth, fairina, or tigol, from Lat. tegula (254. 2); 92 PHONOLOGY of the long stems, the abstract nouns with the termina- tion -cTu, Goth. -ij7a, like str^ng-cTii (255. 3). The abstract nouns in -ung", on the other hand, always lose the u without regard to their quantity: niQimiig-, warning ; leasung*, leaning^ etc. (254. 2). Note. The original ia-stems have conformed to the type of the long stems : hyrnetu, ielfetu, ITegetu (258. 1). 2) The nom. ace. plur. of neuters of the o-declension : short stems like r^ced, werod ; long stems like nietenii, heafodu (243.1; cf. also 144. ^»); and especially the stems in -io (45. 8), like ricu, from * riciu, basic form *rikio (246). 3) The nom. sing. fern, and nom. plur. neut. of adjec- tives: short stems like micel, niQiiig-, varying with micelu, inQnigii; long stems like halig^u (296, and note 1 ; cf . 144. h) ; and particularly, again, the stems in -io, like greiiu (298), from * groniu. 136. The vowels of other final syllables than those already instanced do not undergo apocope in OE. In particular, all vowels are retained which are still pro- tected in OE. by a final consonant, for example, the u, o in the pret. 3 plur. of verbs : hulpun, n^redun, -on (364). C. FURTHER CHANGES OF FINAL SOUNDS IN CONSE- QUENCE OF APOCOPE 137. When w becomes final after consonants and short vowels, it is vocalized to u, o ; after long vowels and diphthongs it either remains unchanged or is lost altogether. For details see 134. d j 174. THE VOWELS • 93 138. If a mute followed by a liquid or nasal becomes final, the liquid or nasal falls under the operation of a universal phonetic law, according to which it assumes vocalic character; that is, acquires the power, peculiar to the vowels, of forming a syllable. This applies, for example, to the r, 1, n, m in Goth, akrs, fugis, taik^s, iuaij7i»ts (Braune, Goth. Gram. 27). In OE. these vocalic liquids and nasals often generate before them an aux- iliary vowel. Thus the Gothic forms already cited become in OE. secer, fiig"ol, taceii, maSFuni. The following are the special rules which apply to these phenomena : 139. Such an auxiliary vowel occurs with most fre- quency before r. The vowel is regularly e when the preceding sjdlable contains a palatal vowel, but is gener- ally o, in the oldest texts and in the dialects ii, less frequently (and usually in the later documents) e, when the preceding vowel is guttural : winter, fing"er, fseger, secer, ceaster (from * caester, 75. 1), but ator, fodor, hlutor, cluster, etc.; compare Goth, wintrus, fig&rs, fagrs, etc. Note. Only in the oldest texts, like the Epinal MS., does the r often remain unchanged; atr, spaldr, cefr, along with ledlr, mapuldur, etc. 140. Vocalic 1 often remains unchanged, especially after dentals : nsedl, needle ; spatl, spittle ; setl, settle ; husl, housel ; eaxl, shoulder ; ngegl, nail^ etc.; yet e is sometimes found after a palatal vowel, as well as u, o after a guttural, without a fixed law : seppel, apple ; teinpel, temple ; fugol, fowl^ etc. 94 PHONOLOGY 141. Vocalic n usually remains unchanged after a short syllable : liraefii, raven ; stefn, voice ; reg-n, rain ; aregu, thane ; wfeg"ii, wain, though -en is sometimes found. After a long syllable -en predominates : tacen, token; beacen, beacon; wsepen, weapon. Still more rare is -in, as in fraeg-in, asked ; Sreg-in ; or, especially North., -un, -on: becun, becon, sign; tacon, sign; facon, malice ; yninion, hymn, 142. Vocalic m usually remains without change : STrosm, vapor ; bosm, bosom ; fseSTin, embrace ; botni, bottom ; wiestm, growth ; yet Avsestem, etc., are found, and maSTum, jewel, is the usual form. Note (on 138-142). Syllables with vocalic r, 1, m, n are fre- quently not reckoned as full syllables in poetry (cf. Beitr. 10. 480 ff.). D. SYNCOPE OF MIDDLE VOWELS 143. By ' middle vowels ' we understand the vowels of those syllables which lie between the stem and the final syllable of polysyllabic words. The middle vowels of Germanic are frequently synco- pated in OE. Their retention or elision depends, how- ever (like the treatment of originally final vowels), in part on the quantity of the preceding radical syllable, in part on the number of middle vowels which the word originally contained. 144. a) Every middle vowel of a trisyllabic word, when originally short, and not rendered long by posi- tion, is syncopated after a long radical syllable ; after a short radical syllable this syncopation does not take THE VOWELS 95 place: compare forms like gen. earies, ^ng-les, deofles, oarres, eowres, ag-nes, heafdes, from etfel^ ^ng-el, deofol, oSTer, eower, agen, heafod, with such as staSToles, rodores, eotones, nacodes, etc. b) In the older texts the trisyllabic forms of the nom. sing. fem. and nom. ace. plur. neut. in -u are exempt from the operation of syncope : thus adj. idelu, eoweru (296, note 2), subst. nietenu, heafodu (243. 1), along with idle, eowre, heafdes, etc. This rule does not apply, however, to the feminines ending in -tfii (255. 3), which come under the principle laid down in a. c) Notwithstanding the short radical syllable, the fol- lowing words regularly exhibit syncope : inicel, greats and usually yfel, evil^ thus gen. micles, yfles ; but micelii, beside micel (296, note 1), and yfelu, beside yflu and yfel, in accordance with h. Note 1. This older principle of syncopation is often violated, espe- cially in later documents, through the influence of analogy. Par- ticularly are middle vowels frequently restored after a long radical syllable, in imitation of the disyllabic forms of the same word : thus eSeles, deofoles, to agree with the nominatives e?Jel, deofol, etc. Especially is this the case in the past part, of strong verbs (gebundne, geholpne, later -ene) and the adjectives terminating in -ig (haliges, etc., for older halges). More rarely do short stems exhibit syncope ; this occurs principally and regularly in the r-cases (293. 1) of adjec- tives (hwsetre, gen. dat. sing, fem.; hwaetra, gen. plur.); in the ace. sing. masc. (hwsetne) ; and usually in the comparative (glaedra, hwaetra, etc., 307). Note 2. Where mute + liquid or nasal precedes the middle vowel, there is irregularity as regards syncopation : ^fnde and ^fnede, etc. ; see in particular 404 ; 406, note 5. 145. A vowel long by position is usually protected against the operation of syncope. So, for example, 96 PHONOLOGY at least in the earlier language, adjectives in -isc, like m^niiise, together with their derivatives, remain unchanged even in their trisyllabic forms ; the majority of superlatives, like ieldesta, 309 ft", (but always hiehsta, niehfsta) ; nouns like haerfest, eornest, and all with liquid or nasal + consonant, like fsereld, fsetels, together with all those in which the middle vowel is folloAved by a geminated consonant, like CQndelle, byrSTenne (258. 1), and the derivatives in -^ttan, like roccettan, etc. (403, note), even when the tt is simplified (231. 4). Note. In LWS. syncope is more frequent. Thus in the superla- tive (311), and especially after the simplification of a geminated liquid or nasal (231. 4) ; comparatives like aeftra, beside seftera, from aeffcerra (314, note 1) ; gen. dat. sing. fem. 6<5re, gen. plur. o9ra, beside o9ere, otJera, from otJerre, oSerra (296, note 3). Similarly in words which were originally compounds, like deofllc, beside deof- elic, from deofol-lic. 146. Middle vowels which were originally long are sometimes syncopated in an open syllable, when pre- ceded by a long radical syllable ; in such cases the vowel had probably become short in Prim. OE. Here belong, for example, the adjectives in -ig, from -ig-, the adjectives denoting material in -en, from -in (296), and perhaps the gen. plur. of weak nouns ending in -na, beside -ena (276, note 1), etc. 147. When a word contained two middle vowels, that is, was originally tetrasyllable, the second is always syncopated without regard to the quantity of the radi- cal syllable, provided it was originally • short and has not been rendered long by position : thus, for example, accusatives like idelne, diegolue, atolne, swicolne, THE VOWELS 97 eowerne, uiicerne, fseg^erne, ag-enne, haligne, etc. ; or gen. dat. sing. fern, and gen. plur. like idelre, -ra ; swieolre, -ra, etc. 148. In connection with these laws concerning syn- cope stands the treatment of words which have devel- oped secondary vowels according to 138 ff. If the radical syllable is long, this secondary vowel does not penetrate into the interior of the word when a termination is added ; thus we have wintres, fingres, temples, tacnes, inaiSTnies, beside winter, finger, tenipel, tacen, maSTum. After a short radical syllable the vowel occurs more fre- quently, at least before r; fseger, weder, wseter, for example, have usually gen. faegeres, wederes, waeteres, etc., though the older forms, such as wsetres, do now and then occur. 149. The elision of a. vowel often takes place in OE. in syllables which have become final by the loss of an original vowel ending. Especially important as regards inflection are the rules for the formation of the ind. pres. 2 and 3 sing, of verbs (359). C. THE CHIEF DIALECTAL VARIATIONS 150. The vowel-scheme of the OE. dialects, exclusive of West Saxon, is distinguished by the following gen- eral peculiarities : 1) In place of WvS. se = Germ, se. West Germ, a (57 ; 58), stands the vowel e : stret, street ; red, advice ; slepan, sleep; with i-umlaut, merslan, praise^ etc. R.^ fluctuates between e and je. 98 PHONOLOGY 2) WS. ie, ie (41) is wanting, and hence the same is true of the unstable i, y (22 ; 3i) ; what equivalents represent them will be shown in the course of the following paragraphs. For certain ie's of a different origin, see, for example, 166, note 7. 3) The diphthongs ea, eo, io, as well as the corre- sponding long ones, are not so accurately discriminated as in WS. ; in Northumbrian especially there is great confusion between ca and eo. Kentish is distinguished by a preference for la, lo, instead of the older ea, eo. Note 1. The preference for ea is characteristic of Northumbrian (L. and Kit.) ; hence the short is retained in L. almost entirely, and even the long ea is not so very frequently replaced by eo : beom, tree ; eoZfe, easy; eore, ear ; Eostro, Easter, etc., for beam, etc. On the other hand, ea is very often written for short eo (though there is great variation in detail) and in general ea may be regarded as the rule, instead of eo : stearra, star ; meard, reward ; dear, animal ; beada, offer ; leaf, dear, for WS. steorra, * meord, deor, beodan, leof, etc. Such is also the case in Eit., v^rhile R.'^ has a remarkably large number of eo's for ea, and relatively few ea's for eo. Note 2, In Mercian, ea and eo are much better discriminated, at least in R.i, while Ps. varies somewhat frequently. Ps. approximates to Kentish by the appearance of a few io's for eo, as in fiola, many; hiofen, heaven, beside feolu, heofen, and especially of many lo's for eo : biod, table ; biodan, offer ; tfiod, people ; tRow, servant ; hiold, held ; hwiol, wheel ; liof, dear, and even niol^can, approach, for dial, neolaecan = WS. neal^can (165, note 3). Note 3. In Kentish, ea and 6o are but slightly confused. On the other hand, eo passes into lo at an early date, and thus coalesces with the older io (notes 4 and 6), though eo still continues to persist alongside of io in these cases: ciorfan, cut; ciorl, plebeian ; hlorte, heart; giofu, gift; hiofen, heaven; biodan, offer ; dior, ani- mal ; liof, dear ; lioht, light, for WS. oeorfan, beodan, etc. For !o appears la (ya), especially in Charters ; compare forms like flah, cattZe; rlsiht, right; Tiriarald, world; giahekji, give ; hiabenlic, THE VOWELS 99 heavenly (Charters), for feoh, reoht, weorold, geofan, heofenlic; or ahriasa* (K. GL), from hreosan, fall (see also note 6). For ea occurs now and again ia, ya : siaro-, device (Metra) ; smya- genne (K. Gl.), from smeagean, investigate ; likewise io, as in for- mon, almost (K. GL), for fornean. Note 4. The older lo is kept intact in North., especially in R.2, except that io as the result of contraction frequently interchanges with eo, as in freond, beside friend, friend ; otherwise eo is only sporadic, and then is probably sometimes replaced by ea (note 1). Note 5. In Mercian (R.i Ps.) the older lo is sometimes preserved, but for the most part is replaced by eo : thus forms like hiorde and heorde, shepherd; Mora and heora, gen. plur. (334); siofun and seofun, seven; fiond and feond, enemy ^ stand side by side. Note 6. Coincidence of lo and eo occurs also in Kentish, but, in accordance with note 3, lo preponderates by far (yet eo is found as a contract diphthong, as in freond, friend), or else la, according to the change described in note 3: Wiahtred; gen, sing, wiada, of wood; bian, he (427.2); the pronouns hia, sia (334; 337), for Wioht-, \vioda, bion, etc. Note 7 (on notes 1-6). The basic forms eu and lu, which are presupposed to underlie eo and io, are preserved not only in the oldest documents (cf. Beitr. 18. 411 ff.), but also (beside the usual eo, io) frequently when final, before w, even in certain later Anglian texts : thus in R.i the pronouns hlu, siu (334 ; 337); }7riuwa, thrice; cneu, knee; treuw, tree; ?Jeu(^v), servant; lareu(w), teacher; latteu-\v, leader; in L. hiu, tJiu ; the neut. Sriii, three; the pron. iuh, etc. (332; 335) ; 3iu\vas, maid servants; cneu, treu, dat. cneum, etc. ; Rit. 3iu, iuh (cf . also 156. 5); also frequently diul, etc., devil, in L. and Rit. In R.2 such forms are quite lacking, and so in Ps. with the exception of sporadic occurrences which perhaps belong here, such as getrewlice, trew, Siwgen, which perhaps are to be interpreted according to 156, note 3. 4) The sound oe is of more extensive occurrence. Northumbrian has it throughout (even where it is short, oele, doehter, oexen, 93) ; the long sound occurs at least usually in Ps. : doeman, boec, spoed (27 ; 99), while R.-^ varies between e and oe. 100 PHONOLOGY a, ae 151. 1) For WS. ae (49), Kent, and Ps. have e : deg, day ; brec, broke ; set, 8at^ etc. The same is the case in the minor Mercian texts, while in R.^ ae prevails, as in WS. and North. Note. In the Old Kentish Charters, however, ae is frequently preserved, or indeed predominates. The Ps. regularly has ae only in the proclitics aet, at; Saet, that; otherwise only sporadically. On the other hand, ae is in the Ps. the normal representative of the WS. ie as i-umlaut of ea before 1 or h + consonant, as in aeldra, older; haeldan, bow; naeht, night; maehtig, mighty (159. 3) ; and of the so-called palatal umlaut of ea, as in saeh, saw; daegas, days (162. 1). The first two correspondences are also Old Kentish, while subse- quently e sometimes takes their place : eldra, elmehtig, etc. (but seah, dagas, as in WS.). In like manner Kent, se, the i-umlaut of a < ai (on WS. ge — Germ, ae see 150), passes gradually into e : K. Gl. delan, distribute; enig, any; mest, most = V^^. Ps. North. daelaD, senig-, maest; the Old Kentish Charters have likewise often preserved this older se. 2) For WS. a in an open syllable (50), Ps. and North, often have the ea resulting from ii-(and o/a-)umlaiit (160). 3) There is no breaking of a to ea before 1 -f con- sonant in Ps. and North., and only traces of it in R.^ The same is also true before r -f consonant in North., inclusive of R. The place of ea is occupied by a (158). e, e 152. The occurrence of the older e (19. 1) is limited by the more frequent u- and o/a-umlaut in Kent, and THE VOWELS 101 Angl. (160) ; the e which in the other dialects is umlaut of o is wanting in North. (93 ; 150. 4). In its stead occurs an e which, on the whole, is foreign to WS. : a) for WS. ie from palatal + e (157. 2) ; h) for WS. ie when i-unilaut of ea (159) ; for se as a substitute for this e, see 159 ; c) as Anglian simplification of eo before gutturals (164). Note. In texts like R.i L., etc., e frequently interchanges with se, without any fixed rule. 153. Long e corresponds to WS. e only in the cases contained under 21. 3 (but occasionally in R., as described in 21. 2). It is otherwise a) the representative of WS. se from Germ, se (150. 1); h) the Kentish representative of WS. se from ai (151. 1) ; c) i-umlaut of ea (159. 4) ; d) Anglian simplification of ea (163) and eo (165) before gutturals. y, y 154. A distinctive characteristic of late Kentish is the substitution of e, e, for y, y : embe, desigr, eppan, gelden ; ontenan, brecST, for WS. ymbe, dysig, jTPan, gylden ; ontynan, brycd*. This substitution is as yet almost unknown in the older charters. Note. As in Kent, the sounds of e, «, y gradually coincide as e (150. 1; 151. 1), it may also happen that, contrariwise, the traditional sign y is written for the sounds of e and as : cyrran, for cerran (WS. cierran; 157. 2); j^ter, for efter (WS. sefter; 151. 1); mygS, lyce, for meg^, lece (WS. in£eg?J, leece; 150. 1); lyssa, for lessa (WS.l^ssa; 151.1). 102 PHONOLOGY Dijjhthongs 155. With regard to the diphthongs, the following facts remain to be noted in addition to the statement made in 150. 3 : 1) The lack of an especial i-umlaut of io, io (159. 5). 2) The regular simplification of ea, eo, and to before gutturals in Angl. (161 ff.). 3) North, also possesses the diphthong ei: seista, sixth ; neista, next ; heista, highest (beside sesta, nesta, hesta) ; ceiga, call^ etc. ; and has ai for ae : fraig-na, cnailitas, for fraegna, cnselitas. Note. For Kent, diphthongs whose second element is -1 from -g, see 214. 2. Influences of w (71-73) 156. 1) In the North, dialect, w often changes a following e, and even at times an ae, into oe ; and in like manner an e into oe : a) older e : woeg, swoefn, woel = WS. weg", swefu, wel ; h) umlaut-e (or ^) : cuoella, tuoelf, woenda = WS. cw^llan, tu^lf, w^iidaii ; c) Qi (= WS. ae, 150. 1) : hiioer, woede, woepen = WS. hwaer, wsede, wsepeii; lengthened e in woe = WS. we ; d) ae in cwoe3r, hwoeiSTre = WS. cwaecT, hwae^Tre. Note 1. For orthographical variants see, for example, Paul, Beitr. 6. 38, 39. 2) weo, which persists in WS. (72), usually becomes North, wo: worcTa, wortJCia, worKy, worpa, suord = WS. THE VOWELS 103 weoracaii, weorarian, weoriar, weorpan, sweord ; but likewise cwoSFa, wosa == WS. cwe9'an, wesan, from * cweoSTan, * vveosan (160). Note 2. Notice WS. L. Rit, wor(o)ld, in contrast with Kent. Merc. R.2 weorold (72). 3) In a similar manner wea (160, note 2) often becomes wa in North., but sometimes wae : waras, wseras, plur. of wer, waer, man^ WS. weras, Ps. weoras ; wala, waela, riches., WS. wela, Kent. Ps. weola; so also tua (beside tuia), doubt. 4) In North, and Ps. wio, after becoming wu (71), becomes, when it experiences i-umlaut, in contrast with WS., wy in the words wyrSTe, worth; wyrsa, worse; wyrresta, worst, and in such derivatives as wyrsian, deteriorate (but see also 164. 2). For WS. wuduwe, widow, Ps. has widwe, North. Avidua L., widuwe R.2, etc. 5) The groups eow and low are frequently simpli- fied in North, to ew (eo, eu, etc.) and iw (io, m) : thus in L. fewer (feuer, fewr, etc.), four; hreues, rues ; getreweO", believes ; preterits like blewun, blew ; hrewun (hrseuun), rowed (396, note 5), for and beside f eower, etc. ; at the end of a syllable : cnew, knee ; trewna (treiina), trees (gen. plur.) ; trewufaest, faith- ful ; getreudon, believed; preterits like bleuu, blew; onciieu (-cn^w, -ciieaw), knew, etc. ; g-iwig-a, g"iuia, desire (also pres. part, giuwende, pres. plur. gfiauaar) ; STiwa, tfiusL (or QTiwa, etc. ?), maid servant, beside lariowa, STiuwa (or afiowa, etc.) ; niwe, nine, new ; gen. dat. hiwes, liiwe, color ; pron. iwili (iuih, also iuh), i/ou ; 104 PHONOLOGY iwer, (iiier, iur), your ; iw, you (332 ; 335); imp. gritriii, believe ; add in Rit. : gitrivve, faithful ; triwleas, faith- less ; g-itriwia, believe, etc. Note 3. Likewise eaAv is shortened to ew, etc. , though rarely : L. ungleu, unwise; see^va^e, spy; sce\vung, observation; cAvunga, manifestly, for-gleaw; sceaware, -ung; eawunga, etc. (or for North. -gleovv, etc., derived from these, 150, note 1). Note 4. Outside of North, such shortened forms are rarer ; com- pare, for example, Ps. trew, tree, for WS. treow, etc. (150, note 7). Note 5. North, ew, nv are probably only graphic abbreviations of euw, iuw (150, note 7). Influence of a Preceding Palatal (74-76) 157. 1) Original j generally causes no diphthongi- zation in Angl. Note 1. ju in Merc, remains unchanged: iung, gung, young; iugu5, gugu(5, youth Ps. ; iung; iugu<5 ; iii, gu, formerly R.^; iung, be.side ging Chad ; North, has mostly ging, gigo<5, beside comp. giungra L., giung Rit.; Kent, has iung, beside giong, giogotJ. For older jo compare North, geocc, yoke L., iocc, iw^occ Rit., Merc, ioc R.i; but Kent, geoc, beside ioc. For WS. geomor, sorrow- ful, Ps. has geamor. Grig, jie = WS. gea appears in Angl. Kent, as ge in ge, yea; ger, year; to WS. pron. ge, gie, ye corresponds Angl. ge, beside gie, gi L. R.2, and always gie Rit.; similarly to WS. iii, giu, geo, formerly. North. ge(e), gie(e), gi L., ge(e), gi R.2, gie Rit. The original vocalism of the other words beginning with j is too doubtful to permit of the formulation of decided rules of correspondence. 2) e is not diphthongized in Kent. Angl. after gr, c, sc ; compare, for example, forms like g-cfan, g-eldan, -gretan, sceld = WS. griefan, g-ieldan, -g-ietaii, scield (for forms like grcofan see 160) ; or, for umlaut-^ : gr^st, g^rd, c^rran = WS. griest, gierd, cierran, etc. THE VOWELS 105 Note 2. Ep. has an exceptional past part, gibaen, given, and Rit. a few i's in the same stem : gif, gifeude, the noun gife, etc. (Lindelof 25). The same holds for Kent. Angl. e = Germ, se (150. 1) : g-efon, getoii, seep (North, scip) = WS. geafon, -greaton, sceap ; yet North, sceacere, robber L. R.^ 3) There is likewise no change of e (= WS. se) toea in Kent. Merc. : g"ef, g-et, eester, seel, seet = WS. geaf, ceaster, etc. ; on the other hand, R.^ (151) oscillates between se and ea, like North. : eaester, g-sefel, etc., beside eeaster, geat, seeal (and seal) R.^ ; North, has also the orthography eae, as in ong-eaegrn, setgesedre, ongeset, etc. L. 4) Unknown to the other dialects is the diphthongi- zation in North, g-e^nga, go (for g<}ngan).. Before gut- tural vowels e likewise follows sc more frequently in North, than in the other dialects : sceadan, sceQmu, etc. The Breakings (77-84) 158. 1) Instead of ea before r + consonant, North, frequently has a : arm, warp, warST, beside earm, etc. ; R.^ has beside the more usual ea a few se's (as in J^aerf, beside J»earf) and a's (warSF, and especially the frequent iarwan, beside gearwan, 408, note 2). 2) The breaking of a to ea before 1 + consonant is unknown in Merc. North, (but not in Kentish), being replaced by a : all, fallan, haldan, salt ; an exception is North, sealla, beside sella = WS. siellan (80, note 2). R.i varies between a and ea. For the umlaut forms ^, ae see 159. 106 PHONOLOGY 3) Every breaking before h, as well as before a .consonant-combination whose second element is g-, c, or h, is simplified in Angl. by the so-called palatal umlaut (161 ff.). The Umlmits (85-107) 159. i-umlaut (88-100). The i-umlauts of the diph- thongs exhibit the widest deviations : 1) i-umlaut of ea is Old Kent, ae, for which ^ appears later: serfe, aeldra, maeht Charters, beside ^rfe Char- ters, ^Idra, m^ht K. Gl. = WS. ierfe, ieldra, niiht, etc. ; similarly sc^ppan, g^st = WS. scieppan, griest (but exceptional hlihan K. GL). 2) i-umlaut of ea before r is Angl. ^: ^rfe, d^rne, ^rniarii, f^rd = WS. ierfe, yrfe, etc. ; yet R.^ has, beside regular e and a few ae's, as in awaerg-an, curse, numer- ous WS. y's, as in ^wyrg-an. 3) i-umlaut of a (158. 2) before 1 + consonant, and of Germ, a, WS. ea, before h, is Angl. se : seldu, seldra, niseltan = WS. ieldu, ieldra, mieltan; similarly before 11 : wselle, beside w^Ue, well (WS. wiella) ; then Ps. North. hl8eha(ii), maeht, maehtigr^WS. hliehlian, niiht, mihtig-, etc. R.^ varies between ae and ^ : aeldii, aeldra, and ^Idra, b^lg-as, etc. (beside WS. y in syllaii, and i in niht, beside naeht). 4) i-umlaut of ea is Kent. Angl. e : heran, gelefan, ned, leg-, cegan, etc. = WS. hieraii, etc. However, R.^ has occasional cie, se, and WS. y, as in csegan, lioeraii, hyraii, etc., K. Gl. aliigaii. 5) i-umlaut of eo, eo is Kent. Angl. originally io, io. In North, this persists according to 150.3, but in THE VOWELS 107 Merc. Kent, varies with later eo : North, giorna, desire ; hiorde, shepherd ; iorsig^a, rage = WS. giernan, liierde, iersian ; or North, diore, dear ; cTiostre, gloomy ; stiora, s^eer = WS. diere, sSfiestre, stieran (on North, iw for iow see 156. 5) ; but already, for example, Ps. has regu- larly heorde; eorre, anger ; cTeostre, etc., though some- what more frequently liiow, form; niowe, new^ than lieow, neowe = WS. liiw, iiiwe (but, on the other hand, getreowe, faithful^ etc. = WS. g-etriewe, g-etrywe), and so in the other texts. Note 1. Angl. has strangely a constant dfirra{n), remove Ps. L. Kit., without breaking, beside the comp. firr, further L. Such i's also occur sporadically elsewhere: Ps. hirtan, cherish; Corp. cirm, uproar; cirnel, kernel; gesuirbet, 3 sing., polishes (from sw^eorfan, 388, note 1 ; Corp. gesmirwid, anointed, may have been assimilated to forms without w, 408. 1), etc. Very peculiar is also the e in Ep. Corp. sibun-, sifunsterri, seven stars. Note 2. Ps. always has ie in onsien, countenance (North. onsTon, "WS. onsien), and sporadically in a few other words. Note 3. On Angl. wyrSe, wyrsa, etc. see 156. 4. 160. u- and o/a-umlaut (101-107) are in certain respects of wider scope than in WS. In particular, 1) The distinction between the umlauted and the unumlauted vowel is often preserved in inflected forms. Thus, for example, Kent, g-eofu (g-iofu), gift, gen. g-efe ; Ps. fet, vessel, plur. featu, dat. featuni ; g-et, hole, gen. plur. geata ; or, in the verb, Ps. beoru, bires, bireST, beoraiar, inf. beoran, hear ; and similarly in North, (cf. 370), in which, however, the leveling with unum- lauted inflectional forms has already made considerable inroads. 108 PHONOLOGY 2) The umlaut also takes place before guttural and dental forms : compare, for example, Kent, reog-ol, rule ; forespreoca, intercessor ; beg-cotan, obtain ; Meotocl, God^ etc. Only before gutturals does it subsequently disappear in Angl. (161 ff.). 3) The umlaut often occurs, too, before consonant- groups, but with no particular agreement among the various dialects : compare, for example, forms like North. ioiina, within; ioniiaSf, viscera; biliioncla, bihianda, behind; Ps. eascan (obi.), ashes; eappiil, apple; feadrum (dat. \)\\JiV.)^ fathers; or North. L. g-ioster- (beside poetical g-eostran), contrasted with R.^ g-estor-, WS. g-iestran, yesterday^ etc. 4) The o/a-umlaut extends also to the older a in Merc, (especially Ps.), but not in Kent. North. : com- pare, as above, g"et, gen. plur. g-eata ; inf. fearaii, travel ; lileadan, load (g-alan, sing^ is an exception) ; verbs of the Second Weak Conjugation, like g-leadian, rejoice ; g-eiSTeafian, concur^ etc. Note 1, Since the o/a-umlaut of a is lacking in North, (fara, hiada, ge<5afia, etc.), as well as in WS., it follows that geadria, collect^ and. sceaca, shake, must be referred to 157. 3. Note 2. North, very frequently has ea for umlaut-eo (150, note 1) ; this must be borne in mind in explaining forms like waras, wala (156. 3), beside such as cwotJa, wosa (156. 2). The So-CaUed Palatal Umlaut (108-109) 161. The development of this phenomenon forms one of the most noticeable characteristics of Anglian. Its chief occurrences are as follows : 162. 1) In Ps. and North., and for the most part in R.^, ea becomes simplified to se before li, lit, x ( = lis, ; THE VOWELS 109 221. 2) : g-esaeh, saiv; g-earaelit, thought; maehte, might; ssex, knife; waex, wax; w^sexan, grow=W^. greseah, g-eiareaht, etc. R.^ has also a few ea's, as in geseah. Note 1. The i-umlaut of this ae is also se (159. 3). Note 2. In Ps. this ae also occurs before g and c as the simplifi- cation of the ea which might be expected as the result of u- or o/a-umlaut on a: msegun (plur.), can; daegas, days; cwaecian, shake; draeca, dragon (beside sporadic forms like daguni, sagas, draca, hracan and hreacan, throat; Zeuner, pp. 34, 35), for *meagun, *deagas, etc. (160. 4). In so far, however, as there is no u- or o/a-umlaut of a, there is no ae before g, c, and hence in R.i and North, occur magun, dagas, etc. Note 3. In forms like the preterits rehte, wehte, beside raehte, waehte, WS. reahte, weahte, there is conformity to the e of the pres. r^ccan, w^ccan, etc. (407, note 9). Similarly, imperatives like North, slab, 3wah (374) conform to the contract forms of the pres. sla, (5wa. Note 4. The Kentish texts usually have ea before h, and a before g, c. For the i-umlaut cf. 159. 1. 2) Before re, rg-, Merc, has e for ea, while North, has e, or rarely ae : Ps. ere, ark ; lierg-, grove ; merg--, mar- row = WS. earc, hearg", mearg" ; R.^ g-emercian, desig- 7iate ; North. L. berg-, swine, beside aerce, ark (and arg-, cowardly), Rit. gimercia, beside serce, R.^ ere, berg-. Note 5. The i-umlaut of this e (ae) is § (159. 2); on forms like North, dwaerga (R.i dwaergan, 159. 2) see 156. 1. b. 163. Angl. ea becomes e before h, g-, c : heh, high ; neh, near ; pret. teh, drew ; eg-e, ege ; beg", ring ; pret. lee, locked ; becon, sign = WS. heali, etc. Side by side with these are a few ea's in R.\ like eage. Note 1. Disregarding a few North, se's (like tteh, drew; braec, enjoyed L.), L. has mostly see, beside ec, also, and S^eh, though (beside tSah and sporadic 9eh, Seah); Rit. (Jeh and t^eah, R.^ aec, ec, 110 PHONOLOGY and (Jeh, <5ah; Ps. has Steh, but ec, R.i piUh, beside J?eah, and, beside iiehsta, next, niehsta and nihsta. Note 2. Kent, has usually preserved ea; but compare, for example, K. Gl. nih for WS. neah. 164. 1) Angl. eo becomes e before h (x = hs) and re, rgr, rli, 111 : feh, cattle ; imp. geseh, see ; sehare, behold ; relit, . right ; eiielit, hoy ; sex, six (83) ; were, work ; bergan, defend ; STwerli, transverse ; berht, bright ; elli, elk; selh, seal = W^. feoli, geseoh, etc. (add Ps. opt. fele, conceal = WS. feole, from * feollie, 218). Note 1. Beside e, North, has a fewae's (like cnaeht, raeht), ai's (cnaiht), and ei's (reiht, neirxnawong, Paradise), Kit. also i in imp. bisih, behold, beside biseh. R.i varies between e (ae) and eo (feh, cneht, reht, were, beside gefseht, cnaeht, waerc, and feoh, seoh, weorc), but also has a few i's and y-s (riht, sihjje, and ryht, syxta). Note 2. Before c and g (162, note 2) there is fluctuation, eo having often been restored by analogy: Ps. ierendreca, messenger; plur. wegas, ways, beside the rare weogas ; occasionally sprecan, speak, beside spreocan ; breocan, break, after models like beoran, bear^ etc.; in North., it is true, L. has only (beside gespreaca) breca, spreca (spraeea), wegas (waegas, 156. 1), etc., but R.2 spreoca (spreaca), etc. Note 3. On i as the corresponding i-umlaut see 2. 2) Angl. io, no matter what its origin, is simplified to i in the position indicated: rihtan, direct; g-esihar, face ; mixen, dung ; \vixla(n), change ; birlitan, illu- minate ; birhtu, splendor ; mile, milk ; stieian, punc- ture ; plur. twig-u, branches^ etc. ; also Ps. setfileiBF (3 sing.) for * -filhi]?, from -feolan (387, note 4). The simplification of io to i is older than the passage of wio into wii (71) ; hence simple wi in Angl. corre- sponds to this WS. \vu : wilit, anything ; fiilwiht, bap- tism ; cwic, living ; cwieiaii, animate ; wieu, week = WS. THE VOWELS 111 wuht, fulwuht, cwucu, cwucian, wucu, etc. Hence also Ps. R.^ wircan, act, as against 156. 4 (North, wyrca L. R.2, and partly R.^, has i-umlaut of u ; compare Goth. i^aurkjan). Note 4. Ps. R.i bergan, taste, L. R.^ berga and birga, fluctuates between e and i. Other cases, like North, berhta, brehta, beside birhta, rest 'on assimilation to the adj. berht, etc. Note 5. The io (eo) occurring in inflection is often restored by analogy; so always in Ps. in the pret. plur. steogun, bisweocun, after the pattern of dreosun, fleotun, R.i wriogan, wreogan, beside dstigan, etc. 165. 1) Under similar conditions, Angl. eo becomes e: telly draw ; ^eh., flee ; fleg^an, ^?/ ; flege, j^?/ ; leg-an, lie; sec, sick ; leht, light ; pret. wex, ^rew = WS. teoli, fleoli, etc. Note 1. R.i fluctuates between e and eo: sec, leht, wex, beside seoc, leoht, weox, imp. fleoh, teob, etc.; side by side with these occurs 1, without any discoverable reason for the change, in smikende, smoking; ITgende, lying; liht (noun and adj.), light, corresponding to WS. smeocan, leogan, leoht. Also sporadically in Ps. legende, 1 sing, fligu, Jiy, Kit. llhtes, gen. sing, of leht. 2) The analogous Angl. correspondence of io is i : imp. lih, lend (WS. leoh) ; cicen, chicken (WS. * ciecen, from * kiukin) ; lihtan, Irxan, shine (WS. liehtan, etc.) ; also contract forms like Ps. titT, draws; L. fliS", flees (from orig. * tiuhij?, * fliuhi]? ; compare WS. tiehST, fliehar), etc. Note 2. To WS. leoht, from *llht, easy (84. 2) corresponds North, leht L. ; accordingly, Angl. betwih, between, must be com- pared rather with betwuh, from shortened * betwih, than with WS. betweoh. North, lehta, beside IThta, shine, rests upon analogy with the noun leht. 112 PHONOLOGY Note 3 (on 161-165). When there is early loss of h bef(jre a con- sonant (222. 2, beside note 1), simplification does not occur. Hence forms like Angl. heanis, hight; asm. heane, from heh, WS. heah, high; proper names like Heaburg, or PleoAvalh, --wald, compared with WS. pleoli, danger ; neolifcan (nea-, etc.), approach^ from neh (contrasted with WS. neal^cean, from Pre-WS. naeh, 150. 1), etc. Contractions (110-119) 166. 1) Orig. a + vowel becomes North, a in the con- tract verbs sla (sl^), strike ; cTAva, wash (374, note 1) = WS. Kent. Ps. sleaii, sSTweaii ; R.^ sla(ii), plur. tliuaar, beside sleaii, slsean. But also North., etc., ea, tear, etc., as in WS. 2) Orig. ell + guttural vowel gives a predominant North, eo, more rarely ea : g"isea, see ; gef eagra, rejoice ; hiindteaiitig-, hundred = WS. g-eseoii, etc. ; R.^ has pre- dominantly eo, more rarely ea, while in Ps. ea, ia, and io, eo are much interchanged : for example, inf. geseaii, -siaii, infl. -seoiine, 1 sing, g-esio (also -sie), plur. -seacT, -siaST, -siocT, etc. Note 1. For other details in the inflection of the contract verbs see 374, note 1 ff. Note 2. oh + e gives normally e: Ps. opt. se, gefe, plur. sen, gefen. North, gesee L., corresponding to WS. seon, see (the by -forms plur. gesea L., f-ing. gesi, gesie L. E.^ are assimilated to the forms of the indinativ('), gofeon, rejoice. Compare likewise gen. fsees L., feas R.2, from feh, cattle = WS. fcoh, gen. fees, and note 3. 3) Angl. ell from eoh (165.1) and from eali (163) -I- guttural vowel gives predominantly ea : flea(ii), fiee ; tea(n), draw = WS. fleoii, etc. (yet Ps. also 1 sing. fleom, part, fleonde) ; or Iieli, high = WS. lieali, weak nsm. hea, obi. liean (from * lieha, etc., contrasted with WS. hea, from * heaha, etc.). THE VOWELS 113 Note 3. eh + e gives e in the opt. pres, flen Ps. (compare the ind. 3 sing, fles R.^, instead of *flis) and forms like hera, hesta (166. 6). 4) In the case of orig. ih and of Angl. ih, from ioh (165. 2) the instances are hardly numerous enough to furnish a definite rule. Note 4. Ps. has wrean, cover = WS. wreon (383), R.i plur. wreo}7, beside inf. WTigan, and pret. tweode, twiode, compared with WS. tw^eogean, doubt; L. has the noun tuia, beside tua (156. 3), doubt; pret. tuiade (add ind. pres. 3 sing, tuses, adj. untuendlic, indubitable), R.^ 3 sing. twTas, opt. t-wioge, pret. twiode, twiade. For Ih + a North, has presumably disyllabic i-a : L. wri-a (-wriga), Rit. wri-a, giSi-a,, prosper (cf. note 7). Note 5. ih + orig. i gives Angl. i in forms like 2 and 3 sing. gisis(t), -sitf Ps. L. R.2, wri9 R.2. 5) The treatment of Angl. i + vowel varies just as greatly. Note 6. In certain words eo, or io (lu) appears characteristic : Merc, freond, friend^ but fiond, beside feond, enemy Ps. R.i; North. freond, friend L. R.2, but only fiond L. R.2 Rit.; Merc, deoful, dioful, devil Ps. R.i; North, diowul (diawul, etc.) R.2, diowl, diobul, diul (but also diabul), etc. L. ; North, biotiga, threaten L. Rit. ; then the forms corresponding to the WS. pronouns h^o, sec, ?Jeos (334; 337; 338), and the numeral ?Jreo (324. 3); on the other hand, Ps. frea, free, free, contrasted with free, frio L. Rit., frio R.2; North, hundneantig, -neontig, ninety L., contrasted with nione, nine, hundniontig R.2 Here older forms with i + u seem to form the basis. Note 7. A second group of forms (probably going back to older i + o, a, or e) is characterized by the appearance of an ea, which interchanges on one hand with ia, ie, e, and on the other with eo, io. So, from Ps. frigan, deliver, the ind. 3 sing. freaS, fria^ff, friotJ, pret. freade, frede, freode, friode, part, gefread, gefriad, gefriod, etc. ; and similarly with figan, hate (see details in 416, notes 6 and 7) ; or Ps. pie, gadfly ; plur. bian, bees (beside the compound bio-, biabread, bee-bread), etc. 114 PHONOLOGY Here uncontracted forms probably occur also : pi-e, bi-an, etc. (of. note 4). 6) Especially characteristic for Angl. are contractions due to the loss of medial li in cases where WS. and Kent, retain the li and undergo syncope of a following vowel (222). This occurs especially in the inliection of contract verbs (374), for example the 2 and 3 sing, sis(t), siST, seest^ sees, from * siliis, * sihij? = WS. siehst, siehST ; compare also forms like sup. hesta, highest ; iiesta, next (North, also heista, neista), from * heliista, etc. =WS. hielista, etc., and probably also comp. liera, from *hehira = WS. liierra, from * hiehra, etc. (for forms like ace, sing. masc. heane Ps., North, lieaiiis, hight, from lieli, cf. 165, note 3). Quantity (120-125) 167. Almost all cases of lengthening observed in WS. occur also in the other dialects. The lengthenings before liquid or nasal + consonant are most obvious, being dem- onstrated by the occurrence of accents. PART II.— THE CONSONANTS SURVEY OF THE OLD ENGLISH CONSONANTS 169.1 'Pl^e consonant-signs of OE. are those of the Latin alphabet, with the addition of the letters 9" and ]?, and of a special character for w. Many of these letters are, however, employed with a twofold value, as the num- ber of characters was not sufficient to express with accu- racy the distinctions current in the spoken language. The inexactness here noted is probably to be connected with the lack of uniformity in the pronunciation of the Latin letters at that time. Note. In this respect the OE. spelling occupies about the stand- point of modern German, where, for example, g, b are employed partly as sonant stops, as in gut, bin, partly as spirants, as in tage, lebe (according to the pronunciation of many people), or where s designates both a surd and a voiced sibilant, etc. 170. The following table contains the consonants of the Common OE. period, arranged according to their phonetic relations, as nearly as can be ascertained (for the classification see Sievers' Phonetik*, pp. 50 ff.). 1 Properly 168, which is omitted in the German, all subsequent sections being numbered too high by 1 ; in order not to create a dis- crepancy between the original and the translation, I have conformed. — Tr. 115 116 PHONOLOGY r Semivowels SONOROUS Wiqiiids . . Consonants J ^ C Nasals . . . c* ( Surd , N-- S ^ " ■ ■ ' Sonant SoNoKors Consonants Sonant ) o • , ( Surd V. Spirants < ( Sonai Labials Dentals Palatals Gutturals w — g'(i) — — r,l — — m n n' n p t c/ c b d g' g f «(]?), s h' h f(u.b) g(]7) g' g Accordingly, a double pronunciation of the following letters is here assumed: 1) of f, 1 (or dl) become Is, If, Id in the proper names terminating in -grils, such as Cynegils, Eadgils, from ^Cyiiig-isl, etc.; in the derivative ending -els = OHG. -isal, as in g-yrdels, girdle (Ep. gyrdisl) ; riecels, incense ; in -elfe, -life = ON. -yfli, in iniielfe, innilfe, viscera, beside iiinefle, ON. iniiyfli ; and in -eld, -old (from 1}?1, -idl, etc.), as in faereld, wai/ ; STerscold, threshold, etc. Note. There is sporadic metathesis of final dl (from ]7l, 201. 3) and fl in certain other words whose form is fixed in other respects : aid, disease^ for adl; gealhswile, cealfadl, from geaglas, palate; ceaflas, jaws. 3. THE NASALS ni, n 184. m denotes the labial, and ii, in conformity with Latin usage, not only the dental, but also the guttural (or palatal) nasal, — the latter, however, only when it stands immediately before c or g. m and dental n, on THE CONSONANTS 127 the other hand, are found in all positions, and also geminated and syllabic (141 ; 142). Note. Occasionally n stands for ng or nc, though but rarely : str^ntJ, strength; <5^n?f, thinks, for str^ngS, 3^nc(J. 185. Metathesis of m occurs in worms (wurms, wyrms), pus; wjTmsaii, corrupt^ beside older worsm, wursm, and Avyrsmaii. Metathesis of n is somewhat commoner, especially in certain texts which have fre- quent nc, ng- for final en, g-n, as in tanc, reng-, iareng-, freng-, for tacn, sign ; reg-n, rain ; STeg-n, thane ; fraegn, asked. Conversely, clsesnian, purify (Ps. clasnian), beside more frequent clsensian (North, cl^nsia), from cl^ne, pure (a contaminated form claensnian is also found). 186. The occurrence of nasals is subject only to the following restrictions : 1) Before the surd spirants f, }?, and s, there is loss of m and n, accompanied by lengthening of the preced- ing vowel ; older a, OE. 9 (65), is thus converted into o (66). Examples are : a) of the loss of ni : fif, Jive (Goth, fimf) ; the adv. softe, softly, comp. seft, 323 (OHG. samfto) ; osle, ousel (OHG. anisala) ; b) of the loss of n : g-os, goose^ plur. g-es ; hos, troop ; 0(9'er, other ; soi5", true ; toiST, tooth, plur. teS"; eat^ favor ; siST, journey ; us, us ; hiisl, housel ; cliist, dust ; ctiafe, could ; cuST, known; niiiar, mouth; yst, storm; wyscan, wish = Goth, g'ans, hansa, anj^ar, etc. Note 1. The length of the vowel is established by occasional gemination: Suutanglorum Cod. Dipl., a.d. 736; Cuutferthi, 128 rHONOLOGY A.D. 755-757; Cuutfert, a.d. 766; siith, a.d. 805-831. In later documents accents often occur : ciiS, siS, etc. Note 2. Nasal pronunciation of the vowel seems to have prevailed in the earliest period, as the proper noun Onswiiii occurs once in an inscription for Common OE. Oswdne. The oldest Runic inscriptions, with this exception, no longer have the nasal. Note 3. The loss of the consonant occurs also in unstressed sylla- bles, but in this position the vowel is afterwards shortened (9): iiid. pres. 3 sing, of the verbs in -atJ, like bera'5' (360. 1), from *beran]7(i) (133. a), beroj? (66); geogu<5, -oS, youtfi; dugu'3, -o(5, virtue (gen. plur. also dugetJa; dat. dugecJuiu, etc.); oro<5, breath (later also ore9, or?J, from which oretfian, or<5ian, breathe), from *jugunj>-, ♦duguiip-, *or9n]7, etc.; compounds like fraco'3, hateful, beside forcu*3, or ofost, zeal (from which efstan, hasten); attest, jealousy^ etc. (43, note 4); also in the prefix o3- (from un]?-), aivay, as in otfga'Dgan, escape, beside the adj. u'Sgenge, escaping, etc. Note 4. No n occurs in OE. before h, the guttural surd spirant, for in this position it was already lost in Germanic. That under these circumstances the n first caused nasalization of the preceding vowel, and that as a result older ai.)h became oh, has already been stated (45. 5 ; 67). Examples of Th, uh, from irah, uiah, are : the vcrh (Teon, from *?Rhan (383), part. <5ungeii (234); the pret. 3uhte, from Syncaii (407. 1); fihta, daivn (Goth, iihtwo). 2) Exceptions to the foregoing are : a) the 2 sing, c^nst, m^nst (422; 423), and a few foreign words like pinsian, weigh ; h) all words in which m, n -f- spirant have been brought into juxtaposition by the syncope of a vowel, like (Trims, a coin (OHG. drimissii) ; winster, wiiiester, left (OHG. winistar) : and especially derivatives in -siaii (OHG. -isoii), like grinisian, rage; claBiisian, cleanse ; ininsian, diminish. 187. Final m of an inflectional syllable is changed to n in late OE. (and indeed now and then in the Cura Past.), especially after an unstressed syllable, as in the THE CONSONANTS 129 dat. plur. clagon for dagum, or in the dat. sing, niasc. and neut. and the dat. plur. of adjectives: g-odon, -an, for godum ; also in the pron. (Tan, for (Tarn (337, note 2). Note. For nymSe, except, Ps. has one occurrence of nybtJe; compare also Nebrod, for Nemrod, Nimrod. 188. The following changes of n may be noted : 1) At the close of a syllable, mn often passes later into mm, m (231.1) by assimilation: em, level; lirem, hrsem, raven (also inflected, hremiues, etc.), for emn, liremn, from efn, hrsefn (193. 2) ; so frequently w^p- man, man, for w£ep(e)nman ; compare also occasional spellings like elmbog-a (also shortened, elbog-a), Hum- berht, for elnbog-a, elbow ; Hunberht. Note 1. Assimilation to 1 appears in occasional forms like aellef-, beside endleofan, etc. (325), and the late ollunc, along, beside onlong, from earlier Qndlong. 2) Final n of an inflectional ending is suppressed in North., particularly in the infinitive (363. 1), the opt. plur. (365; but not in the ind. pret., 364.2), and the weak declension (276, note 5). In the remaining dialects, n is generally lost only in the 1 and 2 plur. before the pronouns we, g^ (360. 2). Note 2. For wolc(e)n, cloud, the older language has sometimes wolc (conversely, the later texts now and then write wolcnread, for •w(i)ol(o)cread, scarlet). Note 3. In late texts the preposition on is frequently shortened to a (a ?) when it occurs in a compound word or stereotyped phrase : adr^dan, /ear; af on, receive, for ondrgedan, onfon; abutan, about; amang, among; aweg, away; ariht, aright, for onbutan, on ge- mong, onweg, onriht, etc. Only occasionally does the transitional o occur: omiddan, amid; oniht, o' nights; owope, lachrymose. 130 PHONOLOGY Note 4. Syllabic n occasionally disappears between s and 1 in ondrysllc, horrible, for ondrysiilie. Note 5. Only in very late WS, does n occasionally disappear in the r-cases of mm, 7ny; tfiin, thy; an, one: gen. sing. fern, mire, (Rre, are, etc. B. NON-SONOEOUS CONSONANTS 1. LABIALS P 189. p is the surd labial stop. It is rare as an initial in Germanic words : paetT, path ; pad, cloak ; pleg-a, flay ; but more frequent in foreign words like puiicl, pound ; pil, arrow ; pytt, pit. On the other hand, it is common in the medial and final positions : helpan, help ; weorpan, cast ; scearp, sharp ; wsepen, weapon ; and is frequently geminated, as in up(p), up ; topp, top ; loppe, flea ; aeppel, ap^ple ; scieppan, create, p always remains unchanged ; only pn sometimes becomes mn in wsemn, wsemiiian, from wsepen, weapon ; wsepnian, arim, p interchanges with f in the rare cnafa, beside cnapa, hoy. Note. For the change of p to f before t in Germ, see 232 ; for the metathesis of sp to ps see 204. 3. 190. In the majority of texts b is the sign for the sonant labial stop. It occurs in the simple form only as an initial : bindaii, hind; briiij;-aii, hring ; blort, hlood ; in the medial and final positions as a geminate : habbaii, have; libban, live; wfjb(b), weh ; sib(b), kin; and in the THE CONSONANTS 131 combination mb : li^mh^lamb; ciinibolj standard ; sym- bel, banquet. When medial or final, simple b is replaced in Common OE. by f : habban, 2 and 3 sing, hafast, hafa^" ; w^bb, tveh^ but wefan, weave; habban, heave, pret. liof, part, lisefen. Note. In the main, b is stable ; only rarely is there a change of final b to p, as in Kent. Gl. lamp, and total disappearance in ym-, em-, around^ when the latter is used as a preiix. For bb there is sometimes found pb, as in the proper noun Pypba. 191. In the oldest texts (especially Ep.) b also desig- nates the sound of a sonant spirant, either labial or labiodental. It was then pronounced like the English V, a sound which was afterwards represented by f (192. 2 ; cf . also 194) ; so, for example, in Ep. obaer, hebuc, halbse, earbed ; Cod. Dipl. g-iaban, hlabard ; even as a final: Ep. g-loob, hiialb, salb; Cod. Dipl. g-ib, ob, etc., for EWS. ofer, hafiic, healfe, earfoS"-, g-iefan, hlaford, glof, hwealf, sealf, gif, of. 192. f has a twofold character, as standing for the surd and for the * sonant labiodental spirant, English f and English v: 1) It is uniformly a surd spirant when initial, as in f seder, father; findan, find ; when geminated in the medial position, as in gaflFetung, derision ; hoffing, cir- cle ; woffian, rage ; snoffa, nausea ; wlaeffetere, jester ; pyffan, puff; 4byffan, mutter; lyffetan, flatter; the proper names Offa, Uffe, Wuffa, and the foreign word offrian, offer ; in the combinations ft and fs, as in haeft, 132 PHONOLOGY captive ; g-esceaft, creature ; raefsan, censure ; and orig- inally whenever it corresponds, as medial or final, to Germ, f, as in wulf, wolf ; fif, five (see note 2). Note 1. Lat. v is represented by OE. f in fers, verse. 2) On the other hand, it is usually a sonant spirant in the medial position, whenever it does not occur in one of the combinations ff, ft, fs. It corresponds partly to a Germ, f, Goth, f, OHG. f, v, as in wulf, gen. wiilfes, wolf ; grerefa, reeve ; hofer, hump (OHG. wolf, ^avo, hovar, etc.), and partly to a Germ. 15, Goth, b, OHG. b, as in ofer, over ; g-iefan, give ; earfoar, labor ; sealfiaii, anoint (OHG. ubar, gebau, arbeit, salbon). In loan-words it frequently corresponds to Lat. b (or to the Romanic f derived from it) : taefl, tablet ; trifot, tribute ; fefor, fever ; profian, prove ; cyrfet, pumpkin^ from tabula^ tributum^ febris^ probare^ cucurbita; or to Lat. V, as in cealfre, from calvaria ; liifevSticce, lav- age^ from levisticum ; brefian, shorten, from breviare; Muntg-iof, from Montem Jovis ; finally, to Lat. p (Romanic b, v?): prafost, profost, from praepositus. Note 2. The etymological distinction between the two sounds which coincide in OE. f is preserved scarcely anywhere but in Ep., and there only to a limited degree ; in this text forms like uulfes, giroefa, hofr, etc. are contrasted with such as obaer, earbet-, salb, salve, etc. (Beitr. 11. 542 ff.); yet even Ep. has already some Ts for b, as in ofaT, sifun-. The use of f for both sounds then increases very rapidly, and soon becomes a fixed rule. The b persists for some time only before r in naebre, never (frequently in Cura Past.), beside naefre, and in the syncopated cases of fefor, fever, gen. febres (febbres, 229) ; also frequently in the poet, tiber, sacrifice, etc. For WS. Kent. Merc. (Ps. R.i) diofol, deofol, -ul, devil, North, singularly has R.^dlovvul (only twice diaful, -ol), L. diobul, diubol, THE CONSONANTS 133 diowl, diul, etc. (only once diofles), Rit. diobul, diovl, diol, infl. diobl-, diovl-, divol- ; probably these forms are influenced by Celtic parallels. Note 3. Gemination of the sonant spirant v does not occur in OE., its place being taken by bb (190). Note 4. At a decidedly late period f is occasionally found for w : stanhifet, quarry; gleof, glowed; Mef, barrow, for -hlwet, gleo-w, hlaew. 193. Except for the interchange with b (l9l) and V (194), f is tolerably stable in OE. Exceptions are as follows : 1) In the oldest texts pt sometimes represents the usual ft: Ep. scaept, shaft; edscaept, palmgenesis ; g-idopta, comrade (for scaeft, edscaeft, g-iicyofta) ; but side by side with these occur siftit, sifts; nift, niece^ etc. (cf. 221, note 1), and even bt, as in Corp. cneo- ribt, Tcnee-cloth. 2) fn (with sonant f ) frequently passes into mii, espe- cially when medial, and more particularly in later OE. (189): emne, even; stemn, voice; st^mn, stem^ from efiie, stefn, st^fn (for later mm, m cf. 188. 1) ; so likewise LOE. wimman, plur. wimmen, from wifmQn, ivoman. Note. This change does not take place in the verbs aefnan, ^fnan, and rsefhan, perform^ presumably because the f is a surd. V 194. In foreign words of late adoption, like Dauid, Eiie, Leui, v, or rather MS. u, denotes the sound of the Latin v (identical with the OE. sonant labiodental spirant) ; hence these words are occasionally written Efe, (gen.) Licfes, (but not *Ewe). Earlier loan-words, on the other hand, rather generally replace Lat. v (u) by f (192. 2; but cf. also 171, note 3). 134 PHONOLOGY In OE. words u is employed in the earlier period to represent the semivowel w (171, note 1) ; more rarely to denote the sonant labiodental spirant, as in Auene (proper noun), yiiel, selua, for Afeiie, yfel, selfa. The latter designation does not gain ground till later. 2. DENTALS 195. t always stands for the surd dental stop, and is common in all positions : toO", tooth ; treo, tree ; tieii, ten ; etan, eat ; heorte, heart ; Avat, knows. It is fre- quently geminated, as in sceat(t), sceattes, money ; s^ttan, set ; liluttor, clear ; hatte, is called (367, note) ; grette, greeted^ etc. For the combinations ft, st, lit, see 232; cf. also 193. 1 ; 221, note 1. 196. t is almost without exception stable. The only exceptions are the following : 1) In EWS. (especially in the Hatton MS. of the Cura Past.) st very frequently changes to sar, particu- larly in the termination of the ind. pres. 2 sing.: i5'ii giefesar, hilpescT, etc.; also in words like faesry}>e (oOrjje), etc. Note 2. For ?F3 the North, has h?? in mohtfe, mohSa, moth. Note 3. In loan-words S sometimes corresponds to a Romanic (5 into Id, and of pi into dl (with sonant stop, 201. 2, 3). 201. With regard to the conversions of p the fol- lowing observations apply : 1) p undergoes grammatical change with d (234). Note 1. In certain words p interchanges with d, especially in (h)rae3, (h)r8ed, quick, adv. (h)ra3e, (h)rade. p is characteristic for Ps. eSr, vein; Ps. North, fr^mtie, foreign, for WS. sedr, fr^mde; so eScuide, relatio Corp. ; e?Jwitia, censure L. ; eSwitscype Waldere, ySlsecan Kent. Gl., for WS. ed-, back. 2) Older IJ? passes into Id : beald, bold ; feld, field ; wilde, wild ; gold, gold ; hold, gracious ; wuldor, glory (Goth. balj7S, wilj7eis, g-ulj?, etc.). Occasionally 19" occurs, but exclusively in the oldest documents : halST, ohaeiari, spilth Ep. ; Balthhseardi Cod. Dipl., A.D. 732 ; Balth- hardi, A.D. 740. The \p which is due to syncope suffers no further change: fielST, /aZZs ; gesyelSfu, success., etc. 3) Older J>1, when occurring after a long vowel, regu- larly becomes dl in WS. : adl, sickness ; nsedl, needle ; wsedla, beggar; midl, bit ; widlan, defile. The Anglian texts, however, frequently retained the p\: n£e)7l Ep., mim Corp., neSTl, wema Ps. (no dl in Ps.), am, wsearelnes, poverty Bede ; North, has usually adl, nedl, widliga, beside rarer aari, Aviarilg-a. On the other hand, the p\ which is due to syncope suffers no further change: eSTel, ^ows^ (from *o}7il), gen. eSfles; the proper noun Hrearel, gen. Hrearies ; g-eniaria, enemy ^ etc. 140 PHONOLOGY Note 2. The quantity of ae is doubtful in the poetical maetn, speech; mse^aii, converse (beside maSelian), but it is usually printed as short, p is lost in iiiiBI, mtelan, and in stselan, /ownd; stselwierSe, stal- wart, beside sta,tiol, foundation ; sta'delian, /oand. Note 3. Similarly, LWS. rycg, h^cg, s^ngean, etc. Note 6. This change to fricatives is especially important, because it enables us to recognize palatalizations which we could hardly discover by means of the OE. alone. So the c at the end of a syllable after i, as in pic, pitch; die, ditch; ic, I (ME. ich); hAvilc (from *hwilic), which; swilc (from *swalic), such, etc. (compare also the Runic ic, Ruthwell Cross, with its character for palatal e, note 3). Note 7. On the whole question see especially Kluge, Literatur- blatt fiir Germ, und Rom. Philologie 1887, pp. 113-114, and Paul's Grundr. 1. 836 ff. 5) A special designation of palatal pronunciation, like a diacritical sign, is not regularly employed in the sec- tions which follow. THE CONSONANTS 147 c (k, q ; x) 207. c is the character for the surd guttural stop and the surd palatal stop. It stands before all vowels, even e, i, y ; casere, emperor ; cosp, fetter ; cuSF, known; as well as c^niian, beget; ceald, cold; ceosan, choose; cild, child; cynn, kin; medially: sacan, quarrel; swicol, deceptive; sacu, quarrel; secer, field ; hocihte, curved ; also geminated : sac, sacces, sack ; Sr^ccan, cover, etc. Note 1. For cw see 208 ; for et instead of ht, 221, note 1 ; for ce, ci, as denoting palatal c, 206. 3. b. Note 2. Now and then the MSS. (very often K.i, for example) write k for c : kennan, kene, kneo, folkes, aecker, giok ; and like- wise ck for cc : 9icke. This k is found somewhat more frequently before y, or the i which has sprung from it (31): kynn, kyning, kyne- in compound words (likewise kining, king) for cynn, etc. (so frequently as early as Cura Past.). Probably the k is intended to denote the guttural sound (206, note 4). 208. The sound of the Latin qu is generally denoted by cw, or, in the older texts, by cu : cweSfaii, cAvic, cwomon, older cueSfan, cuic, ciioinim. Only rarely in the oldest texts is the Latin qu employed as a substi- tute, as in quidii Ep. ; Quoeiii9'ryi9' Cod. Dipl., A.D. 811 (not infrequently in Corp.). 209. For cs (due to the syncope of a vowel, or to metathesis of sc) x is usually found : rixiaii, reign ; sex, ax ; axian, ask ; axe, ashes (204. 3) ; betweox, hetiveen (329, note 1); for and sometimes beside ricsiaii (OHG. riclilson), acsian, etc. Note. Besides x and cs (the latter is especially common in words like ricsian, because of their visible relation to rice, etc.) several orthographical variants occur : ex, hx, xs, cxs, hxs, hs : ricxian, ahxian, ahxsian, ahsian, rlhsian, axse, anexsumnys ; very seldom gs, as in agsian ; cf. also 221, note 3. 148 PHONOLOGY 210. The following irregularities in regard to c are still to be noted : 1) c is occasionally inserted in the combinations si, sm, sn : sclat Corp. 433 ; scleacnes, ^sclacad Kent. Gl. 694, 696 ; scmeg-ende Ps. 118. 129 ; scniceiidan Cura Past. 155. 17 ; scluncon Ep. Alex. 320 ; sclep Gen. marg., etc. 2) Before -st and -9", the personal endings of the ind. pres. 2 and 3 sing., LWS. c often becomes li ; tsehst, t^ehaf, etc., for tsecst, tsecSf (359. 5) ; so also LWS. leahtiin (North, lehtun), garden^ for leactun. 3) North, final c often passes (Bouterwek, North. Ev. cxxxviii, CXL) into h (written ch, and even g-), especially in the conjunction ah, hut^ and the pronouns ih (as an enclitic likewise ig", as in saeg-dig-, forg-eldig-, for saegde ic, forg-eldo ic), meh (mech), (5'eh, tisili (Tisicli, uslg), iuih (iuli) (332, note 4) ; ah instead of ac is also found in the other dialects. 4) Medial c in North, is often written ch : folches, werches, wl<}iiches, sAv^nche, stanches R.^ (Bouterwek, North. Ev. cxxxviii). Note. For c in place of g see 215. On the interchange of cc and hh see 220, note 2. 211. The letter g- not only denotes the Germ, semi- vowel j (175. 2), but is also the symbol of a guttural or palatal sound, corresponding etymologically with Germ. g-. From the fact that this sound alliterates with OE. g = Germ, j, and that it occasionally interchanges with THE CONSONANTS 149 j and h, we are justified in inferring that it is to be regarded on the whole as a spirant, and not as a sonant stop. 212. Initially, g* is a guttural spirant in the cases designated under 206. 2. a : galan, sing ; gast, glio%t ; g-old, gold ; guma, man ; gylden, golden ; glsed, glad ; gnorn, sorrow; grafan, dig; also before WS. ae, as in setgsedere, together (75, note 1). On the other hand, it is a palatal spirant before e, ea, eo, i, le, io: geldan, gieldan, yield ; geaf, gave ; geafon, {tliey) gave ; geotan, pour ; gift, gift^ etc. Note 1. Change to j is shown by iarwan, beside gearwan R.^ = WS. gierwan, North, gearwia (408, note 3); likewise by Kent. ^tMliseardi Cod. Dipl., a.d. 732; Eaniardi, ad. 778; iE(5elieard, A.D. 805, for -geard, etc. Also in later (especially Kentish) texts i occasionally recurs for g : Gl. iemung, biiong, ieteld, for gemung, wedding; bigong, worship; geteld, tent, etc.; occasionally also forms like iarcian, prepare (Benet), for WS. gearcian, etc. In such texts the prefix ge- appears also as i-, especially after un- : unDic, unequal; uniw^mmed, unblemished Hpt. GL, etc. (so already Beow. unigmetes, exceedingly. Note 2. The g is often lacking before ea and Io in late texts : eaUa, eador, eaglas, eorn, eogo9, eoce, for geaUa, gall; geador, together; geaglas, jaws; georu, willingly; geogotJ, youth; geoce, aid. Late Kent., on the contrary, sometimes prefixes g to ea, eo: gearfoSe, geatJe, geornest, dgeode, fulgeode, for earfoSe, trouUe- some; ea3e, easy; eornest, earnest; deode, went; fuleode, helped (even in Old Kent, in Geanberht Cod. Dipl., a.d. 781). Both phenomena are no doubt to be explained by the circumstance that, after the shifting of stress in ea, eo (34, note), these diphthongs coincided in pronun- ciation with the older gea, geo, and therefore the two were no longer so clearly separated in spelling. 213. Medially and finally after vowels and r, 1, the pro- nunciation varies between guttural and palatal spirant, 150 PHONOLOGY according to the principles laid down in 206. 2. c, e : reg-n, rain ; rigiian, rain ; daeg-es, bi/ day ; lagru, sea ; drogr, drew ; beorgran, conceal ; belg-an, grow angry. For g-e as the representative of palatal g- see 206. 3. b. Note. For (palatal) g after r, 1 the digraph ig is not infrequently employed when the combination is preceded by y, e, or i, especially in later texts : byrig(284); gebyligS, anger; myrig??, mirigS, miri/i, for byrg, ^bylg?J, myrg^, etc. ; also in the interior of a word, as in fyligan, follow; wyrigan, curse; m^rigen, morning, for fylgan, wyrgan, m^rgen (cf. also 214. 2, 4ff.). A u is rarely introduced before (guttural) g, when u precedes: burug, for burg (284, note 4). 214. That g- is a spirant in the positions named above will be manifest upon a consideration of the following changes : 1) In the later documents (guttural) g-, when final, passes more or less regularly into li after a long gut- tural vowel or r, 1 : genoli, enough ; beah, ring ; stah, ascended ; beorh, mountain ; burh, borough ; sorh, care ; bealh, raged., for genog, beag, stag, beorg, biirg, sorg, bealg : so also palatal g before surd consonants with which it combines as the result of syncope : stihst, climbst ; stihS", climbs ; yrhcTo, cowardice^ for stigst, stigQ", yrgSTo. This change is more or less wanting in the older texts (wholly, for example, in Ps.). Note 1. Final h occurs extremely seldom after a long palatal vowel : stih, ascend; beh, ring, for stig, beag (108. 2). After a short vowel h is somewhat commoner: imp. weh, weigh; waeh, weighed; fitlah, outlaw ; getoh, pull; compounds like lahbryce, -slite, infrac- tion of law; hohinod, anxious; hohful, careful; North, especially in an unstressed syllable, as in Sritih, sextih, suinnih L., for (Jritig, sextig, synnig. Note 2. More rarely h occurs at the end of a syllable before a voiced consonant : ahuinn, possess ; illilaeca, demon; dihlan, concea/, THE CONSONANTS 151 for agnian, aglseca, diglan; still more rarely after a short vowel, as in fahnian, rejoice; plur. fuhlas, birds, instead of fagnian, fugias. Note 3. Only a few texts (like the Boeth., which is strongly influ- enced by Kentish) employ h for g between vowels : dat. plur. dahuin, days; 3 plur. mahan, be able; heretoha, leader; for dagum, magon, -toga. Note 4. h + g is often assimilated to hli in LWS. and North. (L.) nehhebur (also nehche-, nechebur), and its derivatives, for neahgebur, etc., neighbor. Note 5. As an intermediate spelling gh is also occasionally found : bogh, shoulder; hnagh, bowed; slogb, slew; deaghian, dije; totoghen, rent; also hg: stahg, ascended; 3wohg, washed; wihga, ivarrior; onwrihgen, revealed; dat. brehge, eyelid; dat. dihglum, secret; after 1: plur. onwealhge, whole; frequently after r: burhg, city, gen. plur. burhga ; sorhglan, sorrow. Not to be confounde'd with this gh is the stable gh in teghwUc, seghwaeSer, etc. , for *a-gi-hwilc, etc. (347, note 3). Note 6. On final g for h see 223, note 1. This interchange of g- and h is to be distinguished from the grammatical change of these two sounds (233; 234). 2) When following a palatal vowel at the end of a syllable, g- sometimes passes into i. This phenomenon is peculiar to Kentish, and a chief criterion of this dialect. So already Ep. grei, boclei; meilianda Cod. DipL, A.D. 831 ; eiliwelc, Deimund, A.D. 832 ; del, A.D. 837; meimiad Kent. Gl., etc., for bodeg, meg^-, eg-, deg^-, megSFhad. Similarly, LWS. often has -ig for -g : weig, dseig, mseig-, etc., for weg, daeg^, maeg", etc. 3) g-, when followed by one of the voiced consonants d, (Sr), n, often disappears in WS. after a palatal vowel, the preceding vowel being simultaneously lengthened : mseden, maiden ; s^de, gessed (416, note 3) ; lede, g^eled (407, note 7); bredan, brandish; stredan, dissipate (389); -hydig, -minded, for saegde, l^gde, bregdan, streg^dan, 152 PHONOLOGY -hyg-dig, etc.; tiifyian, grants for tig-iflrian; (Teniaii, serve; ariiien, handmaid; friiian, incpdre ; riiian, ram, for cyegnian, KTigrneii, frigrnan, rigrnan. Syncope of g" like- wise takes place before originally syllabic n : wseii, wain; ren, rain ; STen, thane^ for waegn, reg-n, aregii (though these forms are perhaps due to the analogy of the poly- syllabic ones, like gen. w^nes, renes, cTenes). Not till a later period do we now and then encounter syncope before 1, as in snjel, for sn^gl, snail. Note 7. The loss of g occurs almost without exception in WS. ongean, again; togeanes, against (only once ongeagn Cura Past. H); Ps. has only ongegn, R.i generally ongaegii, once ongeen, North, usually oiigaegn, togsegnes, rarely in L. ong£On ; the poetry varies between ongean and ongegn, togeanes and togegnes. Note 8. g is lost after a guttural vowel in friinon, gefriinen, from frinan, and brudon, broden, stroden, from bredan, stredan (389), but perhaps only through the influence of the present forms with palatal vowels. Fran is certainly only a new formation according to the pres. frinan. Note 9. In an unstressed syllable, g disappears before n and 1 in holen, beside holegn, holly^ and finul, iiuule, beside a rare early finugi, finuglse, fennel. Note 10. Loss of g between consonants takes place in mornes, morne (m^rne), gen. dat. sing, of morgen, morn. 4) ig-e, from igi, is often contracted to i : il, porcu- pine; SilhearAvan, Ethiopians; list, liSF, liest., lies; g-elire, adultery^ for ig"el, Sig-el-, lig-est, lig^eKT, g-elig-ere ; so also siare, scythe, from * sigiSTe. 5) The ending -ig often loses its g", most frequently when medial, as in syndrie, h^fie, Iniiigrie, for syndrige, li^fige, hiingrige ; in^nio, for m^nig-o, multitude ; but also at the end of a word or syllable : a'lii, maenifold, dysi, ace. seiiine, etc. (frequent in later texts, and perhaps THE CONSONANTS 153 more exactly to be written with lengthened i : seiii, ^nine, etc.). Even the ig" of a stressed syllable occa- sionally undergoes a similar loss : drie, dry^ dat. drium, etc. ; dflian, put to flight ; bleria, hlear-eyed person^ for drig-e, dryg-e (31, note), aflig-(e)aii, bler-ig(e)a. Note 11. The ig from g (213, note) is often treated in like manner : fylian, wyrian, ni^rien ; also before consonants : pres. 3 sing. fyli3, pret. :^^lide, etc. 6) In like manner, -ig" is frequently contracted to -i in the first member of a compound word : stirap, stirrup ; stiwita, stiward, steward ; switirna, time of silence^ from stigrap, -wita, -weard, swigtima. 7) Initial g before ea, eo is sometimes omitted in later texts : ealla, gall^ etc. (212, note 2) ; so almost regularly LWS. middaheard, world; wineard, vine- yard^ for niiddan-, wingeard. 8) After u LWS. g interchanges occasionally with •w, especially in suwian, he silent; ^druwian, wither^ for s(w)ugiau, ^drugian ; also after o in geswowung, swoon, beside geswogen, swooning. 215. The combination ng retains its g unaltered, except that it is often (and even very early) replaced, when final, by -nc, -ncg, -ngc: XJuihth^riiic Cod. DipL, A.D. 811; Cymeslnc, A.D. 822 ; Theodningc, A.D. 779 ; Caslncg, Cillincg, A.D. 814 ; S^leberhtincg- iQnd, A.D. 814. This c, etc., even forces itself into the medial position : swuluncga, gesQmnuncgse Cod. Dipl., A.D. 805-831. Even egg occurs : Oeddincggum, A.D. 825 (North, instances in Bouterwek, North. Ev. CXXXVIII). 154 PHONOLOGY Likewise medial iig" frequently becomes nc before a surd: briiictT, brings; sprindtT, springs; str^ncKJ", strength; l^ncten, spring; ancsuni, difficulty iov hvin^tS^ str^DgrO", l<^ng"teii (and Ps. l^nten), ^iig-sum. Note 1. That the pronunciation was nc in such cases, even when ng was written, appears from the occasional substitution of ng for original nc: dringS, drinks; SingS, seems; S^ngS, thinks; stingS, stinks, for drincS, etc. Simple n is also occasionally written both for ng and nc in this position, especially in Kent, texts : str^nS, 3^n?J, for str^ngS, 3^nc3, etc. (184, note). Hence we must conclude that the g of ng" denoted a sonant stop, which, according to 206, was either guttural or palatal ; the latter subsequently passed over into the palatal fricative (dz = Eng. j) ; cf. 206. 4. Note 2. Many later texts, which in other cases regularly repro- duce older medial ng by ng, often represent older ngi and ngj by neg: andf^ncge, agreeable; J^un-w^ncge, temples; getincge, eloquent; spincge, sponge; Ismdhig^ncgn, inhabitant; gl^ncgan, adorn; in^ncg- an, mingle, etc. Here the eg (cf. 216) probably denotes palatal pro- nunciation, and perhaps even the sound of the fricative (dz = Eng. j). 216. Geminated g is of twofold origin, and therefore has twofold phonetic value : 1) Usually it arose from Germ, gj by West Germ, gemination (227), and is therefore certainly a palatal in OE. It is represented by eg-, which is not simplified at the end of a word (231) ; before a (o) often written cg-e, before u also cgi (206. 3. b) : s^cg, man ; lirycg, back ; gen. sing, sieges, hrycges ; nom. plur. s^cg(e)as, gen. s^cg(e)a, dat. si^K'gum (s^cgium) ; besides verbs like s^cg(e)an, sag ; licg(e)an, lie, etc. THE CONSONANTS 155 Note 1. Medial gg (also gc, gcg) rarely occurs, and then usually in earlier texts: dat. sing, hrygge; hyggean, think; s^ggan, s^gcan, segcgan, etc. ; more common is egg, especially in the earlier WS. manuscripts. Note 2. In the rather late micgern, fat, for *midgern (OHG. mittigarni), the eg sprang from dg (cf. 196. 3). 2) Only in a few words is double g- not from gj, and in these it is usually written grg-, not eg- : dog-g-a, dog ; frogrgra, frog ; hog-cian, impend ; floeg-ian, §hine forth ; flog-gettan, fluctuate; cliig-gre, hell; siigg-a, fieedula, warbler; also sceacg-a, hair of the head; earwicg-a, earwig. Probably this spelling was intended to indicate the guttural pronunciation of this g-g-, contrasted with the palatal eg-. 3) The pronunciation of both these groups was, according to the spelling and the later phonetic devel- opment, at least originally that of a double sonant stop ; but the palatal geminate eg subsequently became the palatal fricative (dz = Eng. j); cf. note 2, and 206. 4. h(x) 217. Initial h is simply a breath. It occurs without limitation before vowels, and likewise in the combina- tions hi, hr, hn, hw, which are perhaps only to be regarded as the surd 1, r, n, w (like Eng. wh) : hlaf, loaf; hliehhan, laugh; liraefn, raven; hring-, ring; hnigan, bow; hnutu, nut; liwaet, what; liwit, white. Initial h disappears in nabbaii, from ne liabban (416, note 1 ; so in North. L. booflic, beside behoflic, neces- sary), and in the second member of certain early com- pounds: aDliepe, single (ON. emhle>i)r) ; w^lreow, 156 PHONOLOGY beside waelhreow, savage ; add forms like ifig:, ivy; licuma, body ; <}iidettaii, confess, from * if-heg-, lic- IiQma, * Qiid-liatjan, etc. (cf. 43, note 4, and the pro- nouns, 343 ; 348. 2) ; SO in compound proper nouns, like Wald^re, and often in the later ^^If^re, ^Elfelm, £aldelm, for ^:ifh^re, ^^Iflielm, Ealdhelm, etc. Note 1. In the older MSS. initial h is sometimes lost: aefde, wset, ring, for haefde, hwaet, hring; and, conversely, there is now and then jjrothesis of h : hierre, haenieteg, hlareow, for ierre, iemeteg, lareow (WS. instances in Cosijn, Taalk. Bijdr. 2. 180; Kent, in Zupitza, ZfdA. 21. 12; North, in Bouterwek, North. Ev. cxL, cxLi). The pronunciation actually varies, however, only in the case of the verb hweorfan and its derivatives, and more frequently in that of hraetJ, quick, adv. hraSe, which alliterate not only with h, but also with w or r (cf. Rieger, Verskunst 9). Note 2. In certain later texts h before a consonant begins to dis- appear : laford, ring, reat, for hlaford, hring, hreat. Sporadic are such spellings as whaet, geiivhsede, rhigge, for hwaet, gehw^ede, hrjcge. Note 3. In an alphabet of the eleventh century the name of h is given as ache (Wanley, Catalogus, p. 247). 218. Simple medial h, as well as original hw, dis- appears when followed by a vowel. 1) If a consonant precedes the h, the preceding vowel is lengthened upon the disappearance of the h; yet in the case of inflected words there are also occurrences of the short vowel, probably through analogy with forms in which the vowel did not undergo lengthening : feorh, life ; inearh, horse ; Wealli, Welshman, etc. (242) ; gen. feores and feores, nom. ace. plur. inearas, Wealas, and mearas, Wealas ; or 3 sing. -filhcT, inf. feolaii, conceal (387, note 4), or cTyrel and (Tyrel, aperture (probably from iSTyrel — tTyrles, for orig. * Jjyrhil — * J^yrhles). THE CONSONANTS 157 Note 1. The plur. firas, men (from feorh) has stable length, and so does swira, swiora (later sweora), neck (beside WS. swura, with doubtful quantity), if this goes back to orig. *swirh- (but compare ON. sviri, contrasted with firar, men, etc.). Add certain original com- pounds treated in the same manner : oret, battle, beside derivatives; oiiettan, incite (43, note 4; also sporadic forms like orrettan, orretscipe); ifig, imj (from *if-heg, 217). In eofot, contest (from * ef-hat) ; eofolsian, blaspheme (from *ef-halsian; cf. 43, note 4), the eo perhaps points to shortness (hence North. L. ebalsia, etc.?). Note 2. Certain inflectional forms point to the retention of the short vowel: such are moru, parsnip (278, note 1); 3weoru, nom. sing. fern, and nom. ace. plur. neut. of Sweorh, transverse (295, note 1); and the verb Swyrian, f or * Jjuaorhjan (400, note). 2) If two vowels thus collide through the loss of h, contraction usually takes place (iio ff. ; 166) : feoli, gen. feos (242) ; heah, plur. hea (295, note 1), etc. ; com- pare also the contract verbs (373), like seon, see, Goth. saihwan, and many similar instances. Note 3. In the oldest texts, like Ep., the h is still frequently retained in both cases : thohae, wlohum, ryhse, furhum = WS. 3o, \vlo(u)m, reo, furum. Certain later forms, like horhihte, filthy, for older horwehte, ar« new formations (after nom. horh, 242, note 4). For North, genehwia, approach, see 222, note 4. 219. On the other hand, medial h, when geminated or followed by a surd consonant, is usually retained, and in these cases is probably to be pronounced as a guttural or a palatal spirant, like the Germ, ch in ach and ich. 220. Geminated hh is not very common : greneahhe, sufficiently ; siohhe, strainer; tioli, gen. tiohhe, order ; tiohhian, arrange ; (h)reohlie, f annus ; g^eohhol. Yule month (beside geola) ; c(e)ahliettan, croak; cohhettaD, cough; wuhhungr, rage; pohha, pocket; crohha, crock; 158 PHONOLOGY Ep. scocha, lenocinium ; hliehhan (392. 4) ; North. aehher (289), taehlier, tear (cf. 222, note 4). Note 1. The MSS. not infrequently have simple h instead of hh : geneahe, geohol, her, hreohe, wuhung, hlilian ; even at times ch : hreoehe, hliehan {JE\f. Gr.) and, especially earlier, hch : Ehcha Cod. Dipl., A.D. 700-715; tio(h)chian, pohcha Cura Past. Note 2. Beside pohha and crohha are also found (especially Angl. ?) pocca and crocca ; with scocha compare scucca, tempter. 221. The older combinations, lit (232) and lis, usually remain : 1) lit is common : ealita, eight ; rylit, right; tfohte^ thought, and similar preterits (407) ; beorlit, bright, etc. Note 1. The oldest texts, perhaps on account of Latin influence, frequently have ct for ht: ambect, gifect, uuyrcta Ep. ; maecti, dryctin Csed.; also cht: ambechtae, sochtse Ep.; htt: Cyiii- berhttai Cod. Dipl. a.d. 736; Eanberhttai, a.d. 755-757; andchtt: almechttig Ruthwell Cross. Simple ht is, however, to be found in charters of the beginning of the eighth century. Very late texts spo- radically introduce cht again: t^chte, taught; aelmichtig, almighty, etc. ; and here and there gt occurs, as in forgtian, fear. For the interchange of ht and ct in preterits like tJrycte and Sryhte see 407. 2. Note 2. Occasionally h is lost, particularly after r : fortian, \iT;Tta, for forhtian, Avyrhta. 2) In place of older hs the manuscripts have x : feax, hair; Mveaxan, grow ; siejL, six; mioiL, manure ; wrixlaii, change; oxa, ox; oxn, armpit, for Goth, fahs, walisjaii, maihstus, etc. Ecthlipsis of h has taken place in iieos(i)aii, visit (Goth, iiiiihsjaii, OS. niusoii) ; (Tisl, STisle, wagon-pole (beside older cTixl Erf. Corp. ; OHG. dihsila) ; waesma, waestui, growth (from weaxaii) ; North, sesta, seista, the sixth. THE CONSONANTS 159 Note 3. Likewise for x = hs there occur the orthographical vari- ants for X = cs (209, note), like hx, xs, hs : weahxan, pres. 3 sing. ■wihx9, pret. ^veohx ; meohx, oxsa, vi^eahsan, etc. Note 4. Even the hs which arose through vowel-syncope (222. 1) is often designated by x: syxt (syxst, etc.), seest, for siehst (374); especially in the rather frequent LWS. nexta, the next (313, note). 222. 1) Moreover, h ( = older h and liw) maintains its ground in WS. and Kent, whenever, in consequence of vowel-syncope, it is immediately followed by a surd. The chief instances are superlatives like hielista, niehsta (310; 313); abstract nouns ending in -STu, like liiehSru, Mght; f^li9'ii, feud (255. 3) ; and the ind. pres. 2 and 3 sing, of strong contract verbs, like f elist, fehO" from f on (Goth, fahan) ; siehst, siehST from seon, Goth, saihwan, 374 (in contrast to weak verbs, like 2 and 3 sing. ^Tyst, ffyaf, from aryn, oppress, 408. 4). On the Angl. forms see 166. 6. Not till late was li occasionally lost after r: fertf, life, instead of ferhSr (also forms with tftf, like gen. feraraces, etc.). 2) On the contrary, h disappears between a vowel and a sonant consonant, especially 1, r, m, n : arweal, bath (Goth. |?wahl) ; stiele, style, steel (OHG. stahal) ; hela, heel (from hoh, heel) ; fleam, flight (from fleon, 384, Goth. }7liuhan) ; leoma, brightness (connected with Goth, liuha]?) ; ymest, highest (Goth, auhmists) ; l^ne, transitory (OS. lehni) ; gesiene (Kent. Angl. gesene), visible (for * sahnia, from Goth, saihwan) ; betweonum, between (compare Goth, tweihnai). Compare also the declension of adjectives in h, like woh (295, note 1) : ace. sing. masc. wone, gen. dat. sing. fem. wore, gen. 160 PHONOLOGY plur. wora, for wohiie, etc. ; the comparative hiera, from heah (307), etc. Note 1. The same phenomenon is also observable in compounds, as in healic, high; geinalic, greedy ; nealic, near; nealaecean, approach; pleolic, dangerous; tolic, tough; wolic, evil, from heah, gemah, neah, pleoh, toh, woh; then eorisc, bulrush; eorod, troop; Koniier, from eoh, horse ; heanis, hight, from heah ; neawest, vicinity, from neah; awer, ower (321, note 2), aw<5er, owSer (346), from hwier, hwae'der ; Pleowald, from pleoh ; Heaberht, headeor, header, stag, from heah ; similarly, rador, roe, from rahdeor ; WS. wiobud, weobud (even weofud), for *wiohbed (Ps. R.i R.2 wibed, beside RJ wifod, -weofud, for *wilibed, according to 165. 2 ; also Kent. Ps. L. Rit. Bede wTgbed). The same ecthlipsis occurs before f in heafre, -u, from heahfore, -u. North, hehfora, heifer. Note 2. When the final h of heah is lost, there is frequent gemi- nation of the following n, r: ace. heanne, sb. heannis, gen. plur. hearra, comp. hierra (307). Note 3. When the etymology is apparent, the h is often restored by analogy: heahne, hiehra, heahnis, etc. Note 4. The oldest texts have retained this h in several instances : thuachl Ep. ; 'ffhuehl Corp.; hituichn Erf.; so also late North, before 1 in gen. Suahles, fihles, panni L. , before w in L. genehAviga, approach, and before r in 8eh(h)er, ear of grain; taih(h)er, tear (220). The frequent gemination of h in the last two words leads to a sus- picion that there was a gemination of originally simple h before 1, w, r (228). 223. Finally, h is always preserved at the end of a word : feoh, cattle^ money ; lieah, high ; woli, wicked ; riih, rough; teoh, draiv ; after consonants : m\\\\^ plotv ; Wealh, Welshman; feorh, life; fiirh, furrow. Like- wise h for older Iiw, as in seali, saw^ Goth, sahw, etc. Only in later texts occur also forms like sul. Weal (or sul, Weal ; cf. Beitr. 11. 559), formed upon the model of the polysyllabic cases (218). Note 1. In the oldest texts the spelling is often ch : for example, t(h)ruch, toch, elch, salch, thorch Ep. ; subsequently now and then THE CONSONANTS 161 g (cf. 214. 1), as in feorg, horg, mearg, ]7urg, for feorh, horh, mearh, 9urh, etc. Note 2. Now and then an inorganic h appears at the end of a word, as in LWS. freoh, free; eoh, ?/eu>; bleoh, color, for freo, eo, bleo. This h is due to the example of such pairs as feoh - f eos, heah - heas (218. 2). THE OLD ENGLISH CONSONANTS IN GENERAL 1. CHANGES WHEN FINAL 224. Sonant stops and spirants seem to become surd when final; nevertheless, the spelling which predomi- nates is the etymological, which assigns the same con- sonant to the end of a word as to the middle. Only of sporadic occurrence, and then for the most part in very ancient sources, are forms like lamp for lamb Kent. Gl.; felt Cod. DipL, a.d. 662-693, Wulfhat, Peohthat, A.D. 794, for feld, -had; North, instances in Bouterwek, North. Ev. CXLV (an isolated later example of t for d is sint for sind ; for the 3 pers. in -t instead of -tS see 357; 360) ; -nc for -ng- is more common (instances in 215) ; h for spirant g is very common (214. 1). Any difference in the pronunciation of f, (s), 9" eludes obser- vation, since the same character represents both surd and sonant. Note. For the treatment of gemination when final see 231. 2. GEMINATION 225. Every OE. consonant, except j and w, is subject to gemiuation (on eg for gg see 216). In respect to 162 PHONOLOGY their origin, these geminates belong in part to Germ., in part to West Genn., and in part to OE. 226. Germanic gemination of 1, r, iii, n, and s is frequent. Examples are: 11 : eall, all ; feallan, fall ; full, full. rr : steorra, star ; feorran, far. iiii: oiigriiinan, begin; 111911, inclines, man. mill : swiiiiiiiaii, swim ; hwQm, hw^mines, corner. ss : g-ewiss, certain; wisse, knew; cyssaii, kiss (232). Less frequent are the following : kk : biicca, buck ; loc, locces, lock ; stoc, stocces, stock. tt: sceat, sceattes, coin. pp: crop, croppes, crop; top, toppes, top; linsep, hnseppes, bowl. It is doubtful whether \>\> occurs as early as Germanic in oarare, or (Goth. aiJ^J^au, but OS. efaco, Fris. leftha) and iiiocTare, moth (North, iiiohare, -a). Rare and some- what doubtful are Germ, ff, lili, bb, del, g-g-. 227. West Germanic gemination before j. All simple consonants in West Germ., with the exception of r, undergo gemination after a short vowel when they are followed by j. Thus Goth, saljan, skapjaii, satjaii, rakjan, are represented by OS. s^lliaii, sk^ppiaii, s^t- tian, r^kkian, and, after the loss of the j (177), by OE. SQllan, scieppan, s^ttaii, r^cc(e)an. Original lij appears as lili in hlielihan, laugh ; and original pj as tStS in rysariTa, mastiff; sniiiarKTc, smithy ; sc^Sraraii, injure (Goth. ska]7jaii), etc. (paeKTafan, traverse; staearafan, fix^ have THE CONSONANTS 163 possibly Germ. pp). The place of fj is taken by OE. bb : h^bban, heave (Goth, ha^an) ; and that of g-j by eg : l^cg(e)an (Goth, lag-jan). On the other hand, r is not geminated: li^re, h^rg-es, army ; w^rian, defend; n^rian, save ; h^rian, glorify (= Goth, harjis, warjan, nasjan, hazjan, etc.). Note 1. The chapters on inflection contain numerous examples of this gemination, as, for example, in the jo- and ja-stems (247; 258; adj., 297), the weak verbs of the First and Third Classes (400 ff.; 415), etc. Note 2. For the interchange of forms with and without gemination in the conjugation of verbs with the derivative suffix -jo see 410. 228. There is a similar gemination of t, c, p, h, before r and 1 in certain OE. words, though it does not occur uniformly : bittor, hitter ; snottor, wi%e ; waeccer, watch- ful ; North, sehher, ear of grain ; taehher, tear (cf. 222, note 4) ; seppel, apple ; along with bitor, snotor, wacor, ear, tear (from *ahur, *tahur. 111. 2), apuklre, apple-tree (compare Goth, baitrs, snutrs, ahs, tahrjan). So like- wise, though probably not in the older texts, when the r, 1 has been conjoined with the preceding consonant as the result of syncope : thus, b^ttra, beside b^tra, better (Goth, batiza); miccles, beside niicles,from niicel (Goth. mikils). Note. This irregularity presumably depends upon the fact that, before gemination had taken place, the r and 1 were sometimes syllabic, and subsequently passed into -ur, -ul, etc. (138 ff.). The older declen- sional forms must then, for example, have been nom. bitur (from *bitr), gen. bittres ; tear (from * tahur), gen. taehhres, etc. ; and these gave rise to the double series bittur — bittres, and bitur — biteres, etc. 229. After a long vowel no such gemination before r takes place in the older texts. Gemination of tt and 164 PHONOLOGY dd occurs at a later period, accompanied, as is probable, with shortening of the vowel : sedre, vein ; blsedre, bladder ; ni^dre, viper ; modrie, aunt, become aeddre, blaeddre, iiaeddre, moddrie. In like manner, there is an interchange of ator, venom ; hliitor, clear ; tfidor. progeny ; f odor, fodder ; inodor, motlier, with attor, hliittor, tiiddor, foddor, nioddor, in which the tt, dd owe their origin to the cases which had no middle vowel (144), like atres, etc. Still more recent is the gemina- tion of other consonants, in forms like riccra, deoppra, etc., from rice, rich ; deop, deep, 230. Other OE. geminates arise from the conjunc- tion of two consonants which were originally separated. Here belong (disregarding the conjunction of similar final and initial consonants in compound words) the tt from tj7, d]7 (201. 4), and the tt and dd of weak preterits (404 ; 405). Note 1. In certain words gemmates occur side by side with simple consonants without any assignable reason, especially in the very early r^ccean, care, and in liccettan, beside licettan, fawn. Only the later language has such gemination as in viassiaii, direct; scynnes, temp- tation; Jjrinnes, trinity ; preottyne, thirteen; )7rittig, thirty ; tydde, taught, for older wisian, scienes, (5rlnes, 'driotiene, (Jrltig, tyde, etc. Note 2. In North., inorganic geminates (probably only graphic) are very common: eatta, eat; cymma, come, for cata, cyma, etc. 231. Gemination is simplified in the following cases : 1) Usually at the end of a word : compare forms like eal, feor, mQn, swim, sib, sceat, b^d, snec, teoh with ealles, feorran, iiKjiines, swim man, sibbe, sceattes, b^ddes, ssecce, teolilic. Still, the rule is often disre- garded, as, for example, in eall, m^nn, upp, sibb, b^dd, THE CONSONANTS 165 bliss, etc. The various texts exhibit great discrepan- cies in this respect. eg" is retained, even when final: s^cg, like s^cg-es (216). 2) Usually at the end of a syllable within a word: ealre, ealne, midne, nytne, from eal(l), ealles ; niid(cl), middes ; nyt(t), nyttes ; cyste, pret. of cyssan. Yet we frequently find eallre, eallne, etc. 3) Very frequently after a consonant in compounds : eorlic, manly ; emniht, solstice ; feltiin (for * felttun, from * feldtuii), privy ; g-eornes, desire; wildeor, wild animal ; wyrtruma, root ; wyrttin, garden ; gserstapa, grasshopper^ for eorl-lic, emn-niht, georn-nes, wild- deor, wyrt-truma, wyrt-tiin, gsers-stapa, etc. Note 1. Exclusive of compounds, this case only occurs when r undergoes metathesis: burna, brook; biernan, burn; lernan, run; hors, horse, gen. horses, etc. Here simplification is the rule, only the earlier texts having certain wholly sporadic forms like burnna, irnn, horssum, caerssan (from cserse, cress). Note 2. Simplification is even occasionally found after a long vowel or diphthong : rumodlic, rumedlic, magnanimous, for rum- modlic ; LWS. geleaful, faithful, for geleaflFul. 4) In the later language very commonly after an unstressed syllable ; for example, in compounds like atelic, dreadful ; swutolic, plain ; digelic, secret ; singalic, perpetual^ for atoUic, swutoUic, digollic, singallic. As respects inflection, this rule applies especially to derivatives in nn, 11, tt, rr : neuters like westen and bsernet (248. 2, and note 2) ; feminines like cQndel and byi-aren (258. 1, and note 3) ; verbs like bliccettan (403, note 2) ; gen. westennes, baernettes, CQndelle, byrSTenne, and later westenes, baernetes, byriarene, inf. bliccetan, etc. ; comparatives in -erra, 166 PHONOLOGY -era, like aefterra, tieftera (314, note 1) ; the ace. sing, masc. of polysyllabic adjectives in -en and strong past participles, like gyldenne, geslaegenne, later gylclene, greslaegene; and the r-cases of polysyllabic adjectives and pronouns in -r and -re, like gen. plur. faegerra, ocTerra, eowerra, syferra, later faegera, oarera, eowera (296, note 3), etc. Note 3. The geminated consonants were often written, long after tlie second had ceased to be pronounced. Accordingly, geminates now and then occur by mistake for an originally simple consonant, as in forenne, before; ufenne, /rom above; agennes, gen., of {his) own; this is especially common in the ace. sing. masc. of cucu, living: cuconne, etc. (303, note 1); for forene, ufene, agenes, cucone. etc. 3. THE GROUPS ft, lit, st, ss 232. The following rule was already in force in Prim. Germ. : Every labial + 1 is changed to ft, and every guttural + 1 to lit ; but a dental + 1 becomes either st or ss. OE. examples are : a) Of ft: scieppan, create^ g^esceaft, creature; griefan, give (i.e., g-iefiaii, 192.2), gift, gift; STurfan, he allowed, arearft, cTorfte (422. 6). b) Of lit : hycgaii, hope, hylit, hope ; agran, own ; magraii, be able, 2 sing, alit, iiiealit (420. 2 ; 424. 10) ; the noun mealit, might; but especially the weak pret- erits (407). c) Of st : wat, knows, 2 sing, wast ; liiSraii, go, last, pathway ; hladan, lade, lilsest, load. d) Of ss : witaii, know, pret. wisse, adj. (part.) g'ewis(s), certain; cwecTaD, say, Qndcwis(s), answer; sittan, sit, sess, seat. THE CONSONANTS 167 The preceding rule does not apply when the t or other dental has been conjoined with the preceding labial, gut- tural, or dental as the result of OE. syncope : compare, for example, the weak preterits and past participles (405. 4 ; 406, and note), or the abstracts in -tfu. (255. 3), etc. 4. GRAMMATICAL CHANGE 233. By ' grammatical change ' is to be understood an interchange of the medial surd spirants s, f, ]?, h, hw with the corresponding sonant spirants, designated by z, 'b, 9", g-, Av (but sometimes g"), the interchange in question being a feature of Primitive Germanic, and taking place according to definite laws. The com- binations ss, St, sp, sk, ft, ht, were not subject to this change. Note. The explanation of this interchange was discovered by K. Verner (Kuhu's Zeitschr. 23. 97 ff.). According to the law which he formulated, the sonant spirant always replaced the surd when the vowel next preceding did not, according to the original Indo-European accentuation, receive the principal stress. 234. In OE. the original correspondences are a trifle obscured by the fact that some of the sounds have undergone modifications. Thus hw passed into simple h (cf . 222 ; 223), and, like the latter, has frequently dis- appeared (218). Of the sonants, z passed into r ; the older tf (not to be confounded with the OE. tf = p, 199) became d; and the sound of f* is not, as a rule, graph- ically distinguished from that of f (192). There conse- quently remain in OE. only the four pairs s — r, J? — d, li — g- (h— iig-, according to 186, note 4), and h — w. Examples are : 168 PHONOLOGY a) s — r: glses, glass^ glaeren, vitreous; ceosan, choose^ ceas, curon, coren (384), eyre, choice ; durran (422. 7), dare^ clearst, dorste, adj. gedyrstig-, hold. h) }? — d : cwecTan, say., ewseSr, cwsedoii, cweden (391), cAvide, discourse ; liiafan, journey., -lida. -farer. c) h — g- : slean, strike., sliehst, sliehar, slog-, slog-on, slfiegeii (392.2), sl^ge, stroke; -slaga, -slayer; (Teon, thrive., acali, cTungen (383, note 3). d) h — w : seoii, see (Goth, saihwan), siehst, siehar, seah, sawon, g-esewen (391. 2). Note. The regularity of this interchange has been somewhat obscured in OE. as the result of analogy. Special instances will be noticed under the head of Inflection. INFLECTION PART I. — DECLENSION CHAPTER I. DECLENSION OF NOUNS A. VOWEL OE, STEONG DECLENSION 1. THE O-DECLENSION 235. The OE. o-declension comprises masculines and neuters. It corresponds to the second or o-declension of Greek and Latin (Gr. masc. -09, neut. -ov ; Lat. -us,-um). The corresponding feminines form the a-declension. Note. The Germ, o-declension is usually designated as the a-declension, since older o generally became Germ, a before it dis- appeared (45. 4). Yet it is perhaps better, in bestowing such names, to be actuated by the form of the final stem-vowel in Indo-European. The o-stems may be subdivided as follows : (a) simple o-stems, (b) jo-stems, and (c) wo-stems, the two latter groups differing, as respects certain cases, from the pure o-stems. 236. The terminations of the masculines and the neuters are the same in all cases except the nom. and ace. plur., and may therefore be included in the same scheme. •169 170 INFLECTION Note. In North, the gender often varies between masc. and neut. ; cf. also 251, note. In the other dialects this change of gender is much rarer, and limited to a few definite words. 237. The terminations of the o-stems are : Singular Plural X t Masc. Neut, N. V. A. — (-e; -u, -o) -as -u, - G. -es -a D.I. -e -um The parenthetical -e ; -ii, -o of the nom. ace. sing, are the terminations of the jo- and wo-stems (246; 249). Note 1. In the oldest texts, and at times later in R.i and North., the gen. sing, is formed in -aes : doniaes, etc. For -aes R.i, North., and sporadically LWS., sometimes have -as: heofnas (LWS. heofonas, etc.). For later -ys (also occasionally -is) see 44, note 2. An umlauted gen., pointing to orig. -is, occurs in the Old Kent, adv. and gen. iJenes ; cf. also 100, note 5. Note 2. The dat. and instr. sing, coincide in the majority of texts, but in the oldest documents the dat. ends in -ae, while the instr. (at first probably a locative) ends in -i : domae : donii (Beitr. 8. 324 ff.); subsequently, y is now and then found for i (folcy, etc.), and iu R.i Rit. also sporadic -ae. The instr. seems originally to have had i-umlaut; compare the isolated form hw^ene, from the neut. hw^on, trifle^ and the instr. adj. Sene, from an, one. A dat. loc, sing, without inflectional ending exists in ham (very rarely hame), from the masc. ham, home, and tlie adverbial formulas to daeg, to-day (older to daege ; later also ailce, hwilce, sume, oSre dasg, etc.); to morgeii, m^rgen, to-morrow; to aefen, at evening. Note .S. In North, the nom. plur. of many masculines belonging to this declension has the weak ending -o (-a. -e): gastas and gasto, etc.; R.i likewi.se occasionally has -a. Very late WS. texts have -es for -as. Note 4. The gen. plur. in North, is often formed in -ana, -ona, after the manner of the n-stems : dagaiia, -ona, liomana, from daeg, lim. R.i has, besides -a, also -jp, -e, and -ana. LWS. texts often have genitives in -ena, -ana. A rare (also North.) by-form of the ending -a is -o, as in leohtfato. DECLENSION OF NOUNS 171 Note 5. In the nom. ace. plur. of neut. nouns -u is the older, -o the more recent form. In LWS. the -u, -o is generally replaced by -a. Ps. has almost exclusively -u, R.i -u, rarely -a, -e, North, generally -o, but also not rarely -a; all three terminations occur in North., even in such neuters as are without endings in the other dialects (238). Note 6. The, dat. plur. frequently substitutes -uu, -on, -an for -um in LWS. (cf . 293, note 2) ; this holds in all declensions. a) Simple o-stems 238. Paradigms for the masculine and neuter : masc. dom, judgment ; neut. hof, dwellmg ; word, word. Masculine Neuter Sing. N. V. A. dom hof Tvord G. domes hofes wordes D. I. dome hofe worde Plur. N. V. A. domas hofu. -o word G. doma hofa worda D. I. do mum hofum wordum Like dom are inflected primarily the monosyllabic masculines ; like hof the monosyllabic neuters with a short radical syllable ; and like word those with a long radical syllable. ' \ ^^- (^ Note 1. In certain LWS. texts the long neuters frequently take in ^the nojg^ ace, plu^.^ the ending of the short : ^vordu^■, weorcu, etc. Note 2. The words in -els, like bridels, bridle; f^tels, scrip; gyrdels, girdle; riecels, incense, are usually masc, rarely neut. 239. To this declension belong a great number of OE. nouns, and among them not a few which have been transferred to it from other declensions (especially long i- and u-stems ; cf. 264; 265; 273). 1) Only those words are inflected with entire regu- larity which have an invariable final consonant and a 172 INFLECTION radical vowel incapable of change (except for i-umlaut, wliich need not here be considered). Such words are : a) Masculines : acT, oath; hseft, captive; helm, helmet; liring^ ring ; wulf,zvolf; earm, arm; eorl^inan; miiSr, mouth ; dream, jot/^ etc. b) Neuters : a) short monosyllables : col, coal ; dor, door ; g'eoc, yoke ; loc, lock^ fold ; hop, recess ; lot, cu7i- ning ; sol, slough ; spor, trail ; p) long monosyllables : ban, hone ; beam, child ; deor, animal ; 0r, fire ; g'od, good ; lie, body ; wif, ivife^ etc. 2) Nouns whose radical syllable ends in a geminate simplify the latter in the cases without inflectional end- ing, according to 231 : masc. weal(l), wall ; hw<}m(m), corner ; neut. ful(l), cup ; gen. wealles, hwQmmes, fillies, etc. The remaining nouns of this declension come under one of the following rules : 240. Words with se before a simple consonant, like the masculines dseg-, day ; hwsel, whale ; paeS", path ; staef, staff ; the neuters bsec, back; bSeST, bath; crfet, crate ; dael, dale ; fsec, while ; fset, vessel ; fnted, fnaes, fringe ; haef, ocean ; sael, hall ; stnecT, shore ; swaeST, track ; scraef, cavern ; traef, tent ; wsed, sea ; wael, those slain in battle^ change the ae into a throughout the plural : daeg — dag-as, daga, das"""! ; fset — fatu, fata, fatum ; only rarely and in late texts does ae remain : hwaelas, staeS'u, scraefu, etc. Note 1. Ps. generally has ea for this a: featu, creatum, etc. (160); and sometimes North, and tlie poetry before terminations con- taining II, o: heafu, treafum, etc. (103, note 2), DECLE^rSION OF NOUNS 173 Note 2. In LWS. the a of the plur. intrudes even into the gen. dat. sing. : pae'd — pa3es, pa^e ; faet — fates, fate. Note 3. WS. geat, gate (from gaet, 75. 1) generally has plur. gatu, rarely geatu by analogy with the vowel of the sing. ; occasionally also gen. dat. sing, gates, gate (note 2). In the poetry geatu pre- dominates; Ps. has get — geatu (with u-umlaut). The plur. of ceaf seems to be only ceafu. gaers, grass (by metathesis for graes, 179) has plur. grasu. Note 4. In like manner, mgeg, kinsman^ generally has plur. magas, beside rare meegas (57, note 3). 241. The neuters with e, i before a single consonant, like g-ebed, prayer ; g-ebrec, clamor ; geset, habitation; g-esprec, conversation ; brim, surf; clif, cliff; hliST, slope; 119", limb ; lim, limb ; scip, ship ; geflit, dispute ; genip, darkness; g^ewrit, document, etc., originally have eo, io in the plur., by u- or o/a-umlaut, instead of e, i, so far as the phonetic laws of the various dialects permit (104 ff . ; 160) : g-ebeodu, cliofu, lioSTu, lioinii, etc. ; but in WS. prose this umlaut disappears, for the most part, rather early : clifu, limu, etc. Note. The gen. plur. is the first to lose the eo, io. In the Ps. , and to .some extent in North., its occurrence is extended to the masculines : Ps. ^veoras, weora, weogas (usually wegas, according to 164. 1), North, wearas, -waras, -a, etc. (156. 3). 242. Words in h lose this sound before a vowel ending. 1) If the h is preceded by a consonant, the radical vowel is lengthened when the h is lost, though it some- times occurs as short (218. 1) : masc. seolh — seoles and seoles, seal ; neut. feorh — f eores and feores, life. So masc. fearh, swine ; mearh, horse ; ealh, temple ; eolh, elk ; healh, corner ; sealh, willow ; Wealh, Welshman. 174 INFLECTION 2) If the li is preceded by a vowel, the loss of the h involves contraction (no ff.) : masc. eoli — eos, horse ; neut. feoli — f eos, money (275 ; North, feh, gen. faees L., f eas R.2) ; STeoh — I0reos, thigh ; and so masc. fleah, flea (usually weak masc. or fern, flea, according to 277, note 2) ; lioli, hough (plur. hos, hoas, dat. horn, houni, late lion) ; scoli, sceoli, %hoe (plur. scos, sceos, late dat. scon) ; neut. flali, fraud ; pleoh, danger ; sloli, slough (also masc. and fern.) ; woh, evil ; i0rroh, malice ; perhaps also fleah, albugo (also flio, and with umlaut, flie). Note 1. In the later prose Tvoh usually forms its polysyllabic cases with g : woges, woge, as if the h of the nom. had sprung from g (214. 1), in other words, as if conforming to models like beah — beages. On the other hand, there are sporadic nominatives without h, like mear (223). Note 2. Words in vowel + h have in the later language (earlier instances are wanting) the gen, plur. in -na, like the n-stems : feona, 9eoiia, sceona (but North. L. scoe, sceoea). Note 3. The plur. of neut. holh, hole^ seems to be holu, as if from the synonymous short hoi. Note 4. horh, filth (generally masc, rarely neut), forms its gen. dat. sing, and plur. as horwes, horwe, horwa, hor(e)wum, with grammatical change (234 ; rarely gen. hores, etc.), but nom. ace. plur. horas (beside neut. horwu); the poetry has instr. sing. horu. 243. The polysyllabic words of this declension are subject to the following rules : 1) Neuters originally trisyllabic (that is, before the operation of the law for final vowels, 130 ff.), with a long radical syllable, like nieten, cattle; heafod, head^ have u in the nom. ace. plur., like the short monosyllables (without syncope of the middle vowel, 244. 2) : nietenu, beafodu (135.2). In Ps., however, these cases are DECLENSION OF NOUNS 175 often without termination : heafud, beside lieafudu, netenu, etc. 2) Originally trisyllabic neuters with a short radical syllable have no ending in the nom. ace. plur. : reced, building; werod, bands (135. 2); yet generally yflu(yfelii), evils, beside yfel. Forms like weredu are not found till late. 3) Original disyllables, like W8ep(e)n, weapon ; tung- (o)l, star ; tac(e)ii, sign ; wund(o)r, wonder (stems * w^epna-, * tungla-, * taikna-, * wundra- ; cf. 138 ff.) are treated like the other long-stemmed neuters (238),/ that is, the nom. ace. plur. is without ending, like the nom. ace. sing. ; yet they in some cases take the ending -u at a rather early period after the pattern of the trisyl- labic : wsepen, tung-ol, tacen, wundor, and w£ep(e)iiu, tunglii, taciiii, wundru. So also waeter, water (stem * watra-), plur. waeter, and more frequently W8et(e)ru. Note. The neut. wolc(e)n, cloudy sometimes throws off the final n in the earlier language : nom. ace. sing, and plur. wolc, but gen. always wolenes, etc. (188, note 2). The umlauted plur. welcnu is not suflB- ciently vouched for. Beside tacen there is also a form tanc ; beside beacen, sign, also beanc, bene (185 ; 108. 2). Instead of the plur. tunglu there is a late weak plur. tunglan. 4) The laws concerning the treatment of middle vowels (143 ; 144). Under these are included the following ; 244. 1) Disyllabic words having a long stem synco- pate the vowel of the last syllable before a vocalic ending (144) when it is not rendered long by position : ^ngel — ^ngrles, angel ; tung-ol — tungles, star ; ator — atres, venom ; tacen — tacnes, tohen ; niaarum — vo^tSwv^^, jewel; heafod — heafdes, head ; seled — seldes, 176 INFLECTION fire ; niorgeii — morgnes and mornes, morn (214, note 10) ; but h^ngrest — h^ng-estes, stallion ; fsetels — faetelses, purse^ etc. 2) The older documents do not generally exhibit syncope of the originally trisyllabic nom. ace. plur. neut., like nietenii, heafodu (144. b) ; while, on the other hand, they have wyepiiu, tunglu (beside older wfepen, etc., 243). In later texts the difference is obliterated : heafclu, etc. 245. Under similar circumstances, disyllabic words having a short stem retain the original vowel of the second syllable, but reject it whenever it arose from syllabic nasal or liquid in the nom. ace. ; only -er, -or, from syllabic r, generally remains (148). Hence stapol — stapoles, p^7Zar ; hanior — haniores, hammer; heofon — heofones, heaven ; daroO" — daroSCes, arrow ; Metod — Metodes, God ; heorot — heorotes, hart ; but fugol — fugles, fowl (fugoles, fiigeles only late) ; and likewise leger — legeres, lair; KTiinor — STunores, thun- der ; vvaeter — waeteres (and wsetres), water, etc. h) jO-STEMS 246. Paradigms for the masculine: li^re, army; s^cg, man ; ^nde, end. For the neuter : cyn, kin ; rice, realm; wcsten, desert. Masculine Sing.N.V. A. h^re 8?Cg ^nde G. h^r(l)ge8 sieges glides D. 1. h^r(i)ge s^cge ^nde Plur. N.V. A. li^r(i)ff(e)a8 s^cg(c)as ^ndas G. lH^r(i)K((')a S^CK(<')il ^iida D. I. Ii^r(i)guin s^cg(i)uin ^ndum DECLENSION OF NOUNS 177 Neuter Sing. N.V.A. cyn(n) rice westen G. cynnes rices westeiines D.I. cynne rice wes tonne Plur. N.V.A. cyn(ii) ric(i)u westen (n)u G. cynna ric(e)a westenna D.I. cynnum ric(i)uin westennum Note 1. For the e of the nom. ace. sing, the oldest texts have i: h^ri, ^ndi, rici (Beitr. 8. 326 ff.). Note 2. Beside forms like nom. ace. plur. ric(i)u there sometimes occur those in -io, -eo, like gefylcio, riceo, etc. For the insertion of e, i, to denote palatal pronunciation in the case of words in g, c, see 206. 3. b. 247. h^re and s^cg- exhibit the inflection of mas- culines, cyn(n) that of the neuters with a short radical syllable before the jo (stems *harja-, *sagja-, *kuiija-). Of these, h^re is the only one which has retained its short syllable, as the others doubled the final conso- nant in West Germ. (227). Further examples of this declension are : a) Masculines: hrycg-, back; w^cg-, wedge; dyD(n), din; lilyii(n), uproar ; liyl(l), hill. h) Neuters : n^t, net ; fl^t, floor ; b^d, bed ; w^d, pledge; gied, saying; ii^b, beak; wicg, horse, etc. Note 1. For the simplification of West Germ, geminates at the end of a word cf. 231. Note 2. The gen. sing, of h^re sometimes occurs as h^res, the dat. instr, sing, as h^re, and the nom. ace. plur. as h^ras. For the neut. spere see 262 ; 263, and note 4. Note 3. The neut. hi(e)g, hay (Goth, hawi, stem *hawja-) has retained the j in all its forms as g ; but hiew, hiw, /orjw (Goth, hiwi, stem * hiwja- ; dial, also Mow without umlaut, 100, note 2, North. hiu, in the poetry also heo), has generalized the w: gen. hlewes (hiowes), etc. Stem * gUwja-, neut. , joy, has WS. * gUeg, gUg, gen. 178 INFLECTION gliges, etc.; but Ep. glTu, and in the poetry gleo, gen. glTwes, rarely gliowes, etc. Stem *blTJa-, neut., color (OS. bli, neut.), occurs as bleo (and witli inorganic li as bleoli, 223, note 2), gen. bleos, etc. (and late bleoges, following bleoh, cf. 242, note 1), dat. plur. bleuin, bleouni (bleowuin), gen. bleo (later also bleoa and bleona, 242, note 3). 248. 1) Like ^lule are declined the masculines, like rice the neuters, with an originally long syllable before the jo (or io, according to 45. 8) : a) Masculines : ^sne, servant ; hiercle, herdsman ; Isece, physician ; niece, sword ; and the numerous agent-nouns in -ere (North, often -are), like bocere, scribe ; fiscere, fisherman ; (Trowere, martyr^ to which has been added the foreign word casere, emperor (LWS. occasionally merely -re: bocre; cw^lre, lictor ; clrefre, disturber ; grliwre, minstrel; rinire, calculator ; seeaAvre, spy; so also North, sceawre; acrowre, martyr ; oiidetre, confessor) ; b) Neuters : Avseg-e, cup ; wite, pujiishment ; stiele, steel ; stycce, jnece ; ^reiicle, errand ; formations with g-e-, like gewaede, clothing ; g-eniierce, boundary ; gretiiiibre, carpentry ; and many others. Note 1. Contraction occurs in the case of *gescie, gescy, shoes^ and gecy, pair of cows (?), gen. plur. gecy. )^aj^ 2) Like westeii go the derivatives in -en, like sefen, evening (also masc), faesten, fortress ; and in -et, like onselet, fire ; lieg-et, lightning ; nierwet, defile^ pass ; rewet, rowing ; ssewet, sowing^ etc. Note 2. In the later texts nn, tt are usually simplified : westenes, bsernetes, etc. (231. 4), and even the preceding vowel is sometimes eliminated, as in a'fncs, beside iSfenes and aifennes ; nom. ace. plur. westnu, beside westenu and Avestennu. DECLENSION OF NOUNS 179 Note 3. westen is rarely fern., and in late texts masc. : plur. westenas; lieget, too, has occasionally a late plur. liget(t)as, beside which stands a fern, liget(u), according to 258. 1. Note 4. Here perhaps belong the diminutives in -incel (OHG. -incli): hosincel, twig ; coGncel, cabinet ; 'Siowincel, servant ; haeft- incel, slave; husincel, cottage; li^incel, limb; rapincel, cord; scip- incel, bark; sulincel, little furrow ; tunincel, small estate ; wielincel, slave, etc. These almost always syncopate the e when inflected : liusincles, etc., but nom. ace. plur. cSowincelu Ps., sulincela Gl. C) WO-STEMS 249. The paradigm for the masculine is bearu, grove; for the neuter, searu, armor (stems * barwa-, * sarwa-). Masculine Neuter Sing. N. V. A. bearu, -o G. bearwes D. I. bearwe Plur. N. V. A. bearwas G. bearwa D. I. bearwum searu, -o searwes searwe searu, -o searwa searwum So likewise are inflected the neuters bealu, evil; meolu, meal; smeoru, lard; teorii, tar; c(w)udu, cwioclu, cud. Note 1. A u, o, or e often occurs before the w in the oblique cases, the latter being especially found when the termination contains an a, u : bealo^ves, -we, but bealewa, bealewum (260, note 1 ; 300, note). Note 2. In late texts w intrudes into the forms without inflectional ending : smeoruw, nieluw ; on the other hand, there is an early dat. plur. without w : smerum. Note 3. The nom. ace. plur. of the neuters subsequently ends in -wu, -wa: searwa, etc.; compare also hor^vu (242, note 4). Note 4. The compound sciptearo (from teoru) has an irregular gen. sciptearos; otherwise this word is also weak (276). Note 5. Of long stems there belongs here probably gad, lack (Goth, gaidw), found only in nom., which has lost its w^ according to 174. 4. 180 INFLECTION 250. Words with a vowel before the w exhibit vari- ous discrepancies; 1) The originally long-stemmed masculines snaw, S710W ; STeaw, custom ; tleaw, dew (also neut.) ; beaw, gadfly ; neut. beow, g^-ain (ON. byg-g-; only gen. beowas, brM)\ves Ep. and its kin) ; seaw (rarely masc), sap ; <,)iK'ir'ow, ankle (nom. ace. plur. oncleow and oncleowu); and tlie words formed by the prefix g-e-, such as g-ehreoAv, penitence ; g-ehlow, bellow^ have w in all cases, if we except certain ancient forms like sna, sea (174. 3). Note 1. So is declined masc. hlaw, hl^w, harrow (rarely late neut. ; originally no doubt a neut. os-stem, 288 ff.). To Goth, hraiw, corpse (also orig. neut. os-stem) corresponds hrtSw, hraw (late also hreaAv, 118, note 2) and neut. hree, hra (also masc, cf. 173. 2; 174. 3), gen. hrsewes and hrees, nom. ace. plur. hrfce(w), hra(w), hreaAv and hriewas, etc., early gen. lira, etc. Note 2. The stems in -nva- receive the same treatment in WS. as the other long stems: masc. briw, pottage; giw (glow), griffin; slnv, moth; Tiw ; gen. briwes, etc. ; Mercian has g for \v : brig, gig, sn(g), llg, gen. briges, etc. Beside masc. iw (low, eow), ijew, the Runic Song has eoh. On hiew and glig see 247, note 3. 2) The originally short neuters streaw, straw ; treow, tree ; cneow, knee^ and the masc. (Teow, servant, with its compounds latteow, leader ; liireow, teacher (stems * strawa-, * trewa-, *kiieAva-, *j7ewa-), are declined as follows in WS. : Sing. N. A. treo(w) G. treowes D. treoAve (treo) I. treo\%'e Plur.N.A./^?^''"'*"'^^''^^ oeoAvas G. D. I. treo^va t^eo^v^^nl Note 3. hleo, protection (stem * lilowa-, masc. or neut.), which only occurs in the sing., has a rare form hleo\v ; otherwise final w DECLENSION OF NOUNS 181 (73, note 2) is generally found in WS. With streaw (WS. only nom. ace. sing, and a plur. strewu [?]) compare the compound strea(w)-, strawb^rige, strawberry. Beside latteow, lareoAv there is also a WS. weak masc. latteowa, lareowa, North, latua, laru(u)a L., larvva R.2 (276). Note 4. The declension of these words in Angl. exhibits many variations : a) Ps. has regularly masc. Seow, ?How (only once ?JjBo), gen. -es, etc., beside ladtow, plur. -as; but neut, sing. nom. ace. treo("w), triow, trew, gen. tres, dat. treo ; plur. nom. ace. treo, trew, cneow, gen. trea; b) R.i; sing. nom. ace. -]?euw, latteuw, lar(e)uw, dat. 3euw, tfeow, plur. nom. ace. -peu (and adj. -Jjeuwe), lateuw, latuwas, latewas, lare^vas, neut. sing. nom. ace. streu, kneu, treuw, treow, gen. treow^es, trees, dat. treo, plur. ace. cneu, dat. trlowum; c) L. : masc. sing. nom. ace. 9ea, gen. tJeas, dat. 3eua, plur. nom. ace. 9eas, gen, t^eana, dat. tJ^wuni ; sing. nom. ace. latuu, laruu, gen. laruas, plur. nom. ace. latuas, laru(ii)as, larwas, gen. laraua, dat. larwiim; neut. sing, nom, ace. stre, tre(e), tree, treu, gen. strees, trees, dat. tre(e), tree, cne"o, cnew, cnewa, gen. trewna, treuna, treuana, dat. treum, trewum, cneum, cneuum, cneoiim ; d) R.2: masc. sing, nom, ace, larow, forelatow,_plur. nom. ace. larwas, gen. larwara, dat. larwum, -cm; neut. sing. nom. ace. tree, cneo, dat. tree, plur. nom. ace. tree, gen. treona, dat, treoum, treum, cneom ; e) Kit,: masc. sing. nom. ace. Sea, gen. Seas, dat. Sea, plur. ace. Sea, gen. Seana, dat. Seaum ; sing. nom. ace. latwu, lar(w)u, gen. larwes, plur. nom. ace. larwas; neut. sing. nom. ace. tre(e), plur. gen. treona, dat. cneum. 2. THE a-DECLENSION 251. The a-declension contains the feminines corre- sponding to the masculines and neuters in -o. Note. In North, many of these feminines are also employed as neuters and masculines, and then conform to the inflections of these genders (236, note). SnoKT Sing. N. V. giefii, -o G. giefe D. I. giefe A. giefe Plur. N. V. A. giefa, -e G. giefa, -ena D.I. giefum 182 INFLECTION a) Simple s-stems 252. Paradigms : a) for short stems : g'icfii, gift ; h) for long stems : tir, honor. Long ar are are are ara, -e ara, -na, -ena arum Note 1. The oblique cases of the sing, and the nom. ace. plur. end in -ae in the oldest texts; only sporadically does the dat. instr. exhibit -i, as in rodi, eaestri, in which the i is probably borrowed from the o-declension (237, note 2). For the declension of abstract nouns in -ung see 255. 1. Note 2. In L. and Kit. these feminines have -es in the gen. sing., like the masc. and neiit. : rodes, saules, spmnunges, etc. Such genitives are not rare in LWS. : helpes, serges, etc., especially in certain stereotyped phrases and constructions beginning with a geni- tive without the article, such as helpes biddam, adies granung, sybbes (257) lufii, and formulas like serges and sares, etc. Note 3. In WS. and Kent, the nom. ace. plur. regularly ends in -a, while -e is clearly the orig. Angl. ending ; accordingly -a is wanting in Ps. (as also in the oldest texts, see note 1 ; but II. i has -a, beside -e). In North, there is, beside -e, -a, a (weak) by-form in -o (253, note 2). Note 4. In the gen. plur. -a is the proper and usual termination (compare Goth, gibe), while -ena has intruded from the weak declen- sions, occurring in WS. and Kent, only in certain short stems (such as carena, fr^mona, gifena, liifcna); very rarely in long stems (ar(e)na, lar(e)na, serg(e)na); in Cura Past, -ena is entirely wanting. On the relation between -na and -ena, as well as on dialectic by-forms, cf. 276, note2ff. Note 6. The North, declension of feminines is much disordered. Thus in L. Kit. nominative forms also stand for the ace, more rarely for the dat., and conversely (U.^ is more true in this respect to primi- tive conditions) ; and there are many other variations and uncertainties. DECLENSION OF NOUNS 183 253. As examples of short stems may be adduced caru (cearu, 102, note 3), care ; sceQmu, sceamu, shame; cwalu, death; latFii, invitation; swaiSTu, track; sacu, persecution ; iffracu, combat ; wracu, persecution ; Qnd- swaru, answer ; d^nu, valley ; STeg-u, reception; scolu, shoal; lufu, love^ etc. Note 1. Beside giefu(m), gifu(m), gyfu(m), there occurs (espe- cially in Ps. and North.) geofu(m), with u-umlaut (106. 1). In Ps. the words with original a have ea in the nom. sing, and dat. plur., according to 160 (pndswearu, -um, etc.). In the cases which termi- nate in -e, the a of the root is often replaced by ae, particularly in the words which end in -c : saece, cVraBce, wraece, but also laetJe, swaeSe, beside sace, laSe, sw^aSe, etc. Note 2. In late texts the u of the nom. is frequently extended to the other cases of the sing. : racu, sagu, talu, lufu, etc. In North. the short-stemmed feminines have nearly lost all traces of declension ; that is, they show in all cases except gen. dat. plur. an -o, more rarely -u, but also -a or -e: L. lufu, -o, -a; Avraecco, -e, wrac(c)o; geafo, geafa, gefo, gefe; sce9inaL., scQinu, -o; R.^ lufo, wraco, geofo, gefe, snora ; Rit. lufu, geafa, sc9ina, Qndsvaere ; and sporadically also R.i lufu, geofu, etc.; but also L. Rit. gen. sing, in -es, -aes : gefes, lufes, etc. (252, note 2). 254. 1) The number of feminines with a long stem is very considerable. Examples of monosyllabic words are : feoht, fight ; for, journey ; glof, glove ; heall, hall ; lar, lore ; mearc, boundary ; sorg-, care ; stund, time ; ^Trag-, while ; wund, wound ; with a derivative conso- nant: adl, disease; nsedl, needle; frofor, consolation; wocor, growth; ceaster, town. 2) Like the long stems, the originally trisyllabic stems with a short radical syllable discard the u of the nom. sing. : byden, butt ; ciefes, concubine ; firen, iniquity ; tig-ol, tile ; (but exceptionally with u there occurs ^g-enu, chaff = OHG. ag-ana). To these must 184 INFLECTION be added the original i-stems ides, woman; diig-ii^", virtue ; g-eog-uKT, youth (269, note 4), and the long stem stiAvol, soul (Goth, saivvala), together with all abstract nouns in -iiiig', -ingr, like inyimng-, warning ; leorimng", -iiig-, learning (255. 1). 255. The following peculiarities of this declension still remain to be noted : 1) The WS. and Kent, abstracts in -ung- frequently have in the dat. sing., but also in the gen. sing., and even in the ace. sing., the termination -iing-a instead of -iiiig-e : leornung-a, costung'a, etc. Note 1, In Ps. there is still a gradation of the suffixal vowel, so that the dat. plur. ends in -ingiim, while the other cases have -ung (the gen. plur. is not found, Zeuner, p. 58). 2) Disyllabic words with a long stem-syllable and simple final consonant syncopate the vowel of the final syllable (144) in the oblique cases, while those with a short stem retain it : sawol — sawle (saiile), soul ; fro- for — frofre, consolation ; wocor — wocre, usury ; but firen — firene, sm ; ides — idese, woman, etc. 3) Tlie originally trisyllabic abstracts which in Goth, end in -ij^a have in the nom. sing, the ending -ii, -o, like the short stems, but subsequently assume a shortened form in -tf : cyHySTii and cftf{tf) (OHG. cundida), race, kinship ; str^ngrcTu and str^iigrcT (OHG. str^iiffida), strength ; g-esyntu (OHG. g-asimtida), health ; eaKT- niettii (OHG. * otinuotida), humility ; oferniettii (OHCt. * ubarmiiotida), arrogance ; and weorlSrinyiit (orig. * -iniiiidij7a), honor. Both forms intrude gradu- ally into the oblique cases of the sing., especially into the ace, which originally had only -e, following the rule. DECLENSION OF NOUNS 185 Note 2, This usurpation on the part of the -u is presumably caused by the abstracts in -u (279). 4) Words in li lose it before a vowel termination, whereupon contraction may supervene (cf. 242) : snearh — sneare, harp-string ; leah — lea, lea. Note 3. LWS. leah often has gen. leage, etc., like words in g becoming h when final (214. 1); but also frequently later masc. lea, gen. sing. nom. ace. plur. leas, and more rarely gen. leages in com- pound place-names. The neut. masc. sloh also has occasionally the fem. gen. dat. sing, slo (242. 2). Note 4. brii, hrow^ has nom. ace. plur. brua and bru-wa, dat. bruum (brum ?) and bruwum, gen. bruna. &) ja-STEMS 256. The originally short stems have all become long by the gemination of the consonant preceding the j (227), and their declension no longer differs from that of the stems originally long. The terminations are those laid down in section 252, so far as no express statements to the contrary are made below. 257. Paradigms : a) for stems originally short : sib(b), peace ; b) for stems originally long : gierd, rod. Sing. N. V. slb(b) gierd G. slbbe gierde D. I. sibbe gierde A. slbbe gierde Plur. N. V. sibba, -e gierda, -e G. sibba gierda D. I. sibbum gierduni A. sibba, -e gierda, -e Note 1. For the simplification of West Germ, geminates at the end of a word cf. 231. Note 2. The ja-stems never take a gen. plur. in -(e)na (252, note 4). On an occasional gen. sing, in -es see 252, note 2. 186 INFLECTION Note 3. The declension of the ja-stems differs from that of the simple long a-stems only in the total lack of the weak gen. plur., and in the i-umlaut of the radical syllable. They are distinguished from the long i-stems (269) by the ace, sing, in -e. 258. 1) Among the monosyllables which are declined like sibb are the following : b^ii, death-wound ; brycgr, bridge ; cribb, manger ; ^cg-, edge ; fit, canto ; li^ll, hell ; h^n, hen; nyt, advantage ; saecc, contest; s^cg", sword; syll, sill. To these must be added, so far as regards the gemination of a final consonant before a vowel end- ing, certain derivatives in -1, -n, and -s, like c^ndel, candle ; g-yden, goddess ; wierg-en, she wolf ; byrSTen, burden ; rserten, arrangement ; haeg-tes, witch ; forl^gis, adulteress ; Liiidis, Lincolnshire ; gen. CQiiclelle, wierg-- enne, byrSTenne, hsegtesse, etc. ; together with the ab- stract nouns in -nes, gen. -nesse, like lialig-nes, holiness. On the other hand, certain derivatives in t, especially hyrnetu, hornet (Erf. hirnitu, Corp. huriiitii); ielfetu, swan (Ep. Corp. aelbitu); *lieg-etii, lightning (Ps. leg-itu), have in the earlier language -u in the nom. sing, after a single t, while the oblique cases double the t : lig-ette, etc. (but Ps. leg-ite). Note 1. Here belongs, likewise, the foreign word l^mpedii, lam- prey. — There are also later abbreviated nominatives like hyrnet, and regular weak inflections like hyrnette, ylfette, gen. -an, etc. ; on lieget as a neut. see 248. 2, with note 3. — In LWS. there is some- times a nom. sing, in -nisso, -nysse, instead of -nes, -nis, -nys. In like manner, R.^ has -nisse, beside -nis, -nes; R.^ -nisse (-nesse), beside -nis ; L. Rit. -nise, -nisse, beside L. -nis(s). Note 2. Other nouns having ii in the nom. sing, are eowu, ewe (Goth. *avvi), beside ^^vo, eoAve, gen. ooavo and ^avos, oo^ves, and tfeowu, handmaiden (Goth. ]7i\vi), beside Seowe, from which latter form we have also weak forms, gen. , etc.; and the abstracts in -scipe, -ship, like freondscipe, friendship. 2) Neuters are such as sife, sieve ; ofd^le, ofdsele, declivity ; g-edyre, door-post ; ofersl^g-e, lintel ; orl^ge, fate ; wlaece, tepiditg, and probably also gemyne, care ; g-edyne, din ; gcAvile, will, whose gender is doubtful. Note 1 . In the oldest texts the sing. , with the exception of the gen. , ends in i (246, note 1): Bede has an early gen. in -is: Eadwinis. Note 2. The proper termination of the noni. ace. plur. of the mas- culines is -e, older -i (compare Goth, gasteis, and 44, note 1); the termination -as is borrowed from the o-declension, although it is more common than -e. In the gen. plur. the form in -a is by far the more common. The ending -ig(e)a, -ia is only found in D^nig(e)a, wanig(e)a. Note 3. A few words go over more or less completely to the jo-declension, by doubling the simple consonant at the end of the radical syllable (227; 247), and dropping the -e in the nom. ace. sing. Thus WS. m^te regularly forms the plur. m^ttas (more rarely a sing. inena, geroefena; in the fem, only -ana: nedrana, widuwa- na, uiperana. In North., finally, -ena, -ana, -ona (rarely -una) vary widely ; -a is also occasionally found, as in the strong declension. Note 4. Sporadic occurrences are : for -(e)na LWS. also -an : eastran, csegean (from the strong fem. c«g, key) ; or -enan : eagenan ; and strong -a : baecistra, prica, nama ; so in the sing, strong forms like Gl. gen. mseltanges, Scint. eages, Ben. eares, Ben. dat. eage. Note 5. The final -n is discarded in North, (and for the most part in R.i), and the vowels of final syllables are subject to consider- able variation. 202 INFLECTION The masc. has in R.i in the nom. sing, -a, -e, -ae (-an), obi. -a, _e, -^ ; -u ; -an, nom. ace. plur., beside -a, -e, -u, also -an and strong -as. Of the North, texts R.^ has in the nom. sing, mostly -a (occa- sionally -o), obi. -a, more rarely -o, -u, nom. ace. plur. -u, -o, rarely -a, -e; L. nom. si^.,ra (-o, -e), gen. -es, -aes, -as, dat. ace. -a, -o (-e), plur. -o (-a, also strong -as); Rit. 'nom. sing, -a (-e), gen. -a, -e, -o and -es, -aes, dat. ace. sing, and nom. ace. plur. -a, -e, -o. Still greater variation prevails in the feminine : R.^ has nom. sing, generally -e, but also -a, obi. -e, -ae, -a, and -an, plur. -a, -e, and -an. The North, forms are : R.^ sing, -a, rarely -e (but ^vidwe always so); L. sing. nom. dat. ace. -a, -e, -o, gen. -es, -aes, plur. -o, -a, and strong -as ; Rit. sing. nom. dat. ace. -e, -a, gen. -es, plur. -o, -a, and strong -as. Unlike the rest, eorSu, earthy has generally -u, -o in North, instead of the other vowels cited (always so in the nom. sing. ; in R.i eorSu varies with eor9e). The feminines also frequently become neuters. Of neuters there are : in R.i nom. ace. sing, eare (-a), ege (-an?), WQnge, dat. ege, plur. eara(n), e(a)gan, -un, egu, -e; North.: R.^ nom. ace. plur. earn, -o, -a, nom. ace. sing. plur. egu, -o ; L. nom. dat. ace. sing, eare, plur. earo, nom. dat. ace. sing. plur. ego; Rit. nom. dat. sing, eare, plur. earo, -a, and plur. ego. On the gen. plur. see note 3. c. 1 . MASCULINES 277. Like guma are declined a great number of words ; thus, of short stems: b^iia, murderer; cofa, room; draca, dragon ; f^na, flag ; h^na, cock ; nefa, 7iephew ; iiQina, name ; sceatTa, robber ; sefa, mind ; wela, riches ; wigra, warrior ; wita, wise man ; plur. -waran, inhabitants ; of long stems : brog-a, terror ; biicca, buck ; c^nipa, war- rior ; crerta, creed ; dema, judge ; g-onia, palate ; hiiiita, hunter; moiia, moon; g-erefa, bailiff ; steorra, star; telgra, twig ; teona, injury ; witga, prophet ; wraeccea, exile. NoTK 1. oxa, ox, has in nom. ace. plur. oexen, ^xon, beside oxan ; gen. oxna, dat. oxuni, and rarely oxuum. The plur. tant. hiwan. DECLENSION OF NOUNS 203 hi^an (North, higu), members of a family, forms a gen. plur. hlna, beside Mgna, hiwna. A late dat. plur. of nefa, nephew, grandson, is nefenum. Note 2. frea, lord; gefea,, joy ; Srea, affliction; leo, iion (North. lea, gen. leas); tweo, doubt (LWS. also twy and twyn, North, tua and tuia, cf. 156.3); Sweon, Swedes; gefa, foe; ra, roe, systematically contract the vowel of the radical syllable with that of the derivative syllable into the diphthongs ea, eo, or the vowel a : gen., etc., frean ; gen. plur. leona, gefana, S^veona, dat. leom, Sweom, gefam, but also leoum, etc. (110, note 1). Of doubtful words that belong here there are, beside flea, flea, which might also be fern. , meo, sole (plur. meon) ; plur. * ceon, gills (Ep. cTan); *sceo, shin-bone (Erf . Corp. scia. North, plur. L. sciu, R.2 scia, sciae). Note 3. The uncontracted fi'igea occurs beside frea ; tJrea is oftener strong fern. (252); leo, beside regular forms, has LWS. dat. plur. leonum, and occasional dat. sing, leone or leonan. 2. FEMININES 278. The number of feminines which are declined like tung-e is smaller than that of the weak masculines. Examples of long stems are : bieme, trumpet ; eorSfe, folde, liruse, earth; lieorte, heart; sunne, sun; wise, manner; nieowle, maiden; nsedre, viper; swealwe, swal- low ; of short stems: bune (bune?), cup ; ceole, throat; cliSTe, clife, burdock; cwene, woman; cwice, quitch- grass; raiere, (miere? cf. 218.1), mare; pi(o)se, joea; of polysyllables : wuduwe, widoiv (156. 4), and the words in -estre, like baecestre, /(gmaZe baker, etc. Note 1. Most of the short stems borrow, at a rather early period, the nom. sing, ending -u from the short a-stems : cinii, fissure; faSu, paternal aunt; hosu (masc.(?) hosa), hose; hracu, throat; moru, parsnip; peru, pear; spadu, spade; swi{o)pu, whip ; Srotu, throat; 204 INFLECTION wuou, iveek; yet the oldest texts still keep the older ending -c: Ep. -throtti', -iiiorte; Ps. hrtece; brace and fa'd'e are later found spo- radically. Compounds, too, are wont to retain the -e: locbore, curly-haired woman; iiihtegale, nightingale; aesc-, eoforSrote (plant- names), etc. lufu, love, generally inflects like giefu (252) in pure WS. (so in Cura Past., and exclusively in iElfric's Homilies), elsewhere for the most part weak ; Ps. has preserved an older weak nom. lufe. Note 2. Contractions (as in 277, note 2) are exhibited by beo, bee (North, bia, Ps. plur. bian); ceo, chough (Ep. chyae, Erf. ciae); peo (Ps. pie), gadfly ; reo (Ep. ryhse, but also reowe and reowu), covering; seo, pupil; fla, arrow; sla, sloe (plur. slaii, beside strong sla); sla, slea(?) (Corp. slahic), sley ; ta, toe (da? doe; instances of weak inflection not found); So (Ep. thoha?), clay; gen., etc., been, seen, flan, etc. ta has tan and taan ; dat. plur. tauni, and later tanuni ; fla perhaps only flanum, though this may belong to the strong masc. (238) or strong fem. (252) flan, which frequently occurs beside fla. LWS. (^Ifric) similarly has a weak fem. ta, formed from the strong masc. tan, twig. Conversely, there is found a nom. sing, tan for ta, toe. Note 3. eastron, -un (more rarely -an), Easter, which generally occurs as plur. tant., has an irregular ending: gen. eastrena, -ana, also eastran, and strong eastra. Beside weak eastron there is also an apparently strong eastru, -o, with neuter ending; there also occurs a nom. sing, eastre. In North, nom. ace. L. eastro, eostro, R.2 eostru, -o (R.i eastran and eastra), gen. L. eastres, eostres, R.'^ eastro, eostro, -ana, -una, dat. L. eastra?, eastro, eostro, R.2 eostrum. In L. the word is neut. sing., in R.2 plur. (Luke 22. 15 L. ^ffis eostro, R.2 3as eostru). Note 4. Like the masculines inflect gemaecca (gemaca), consort; geb^rtda, bedfellow; ger^sta, widow, and a few others, which are regarded as having common gender. 279. As respects their origin, the abstracts in -u, -o, such as bra'rtu, breadth; haelii, salvation; m^ng-u, iii^jiiffo, multitude ; str^iiffii, strmgth ; ieldu, age, belong to the weak declension, since they correspond to Goth, weak nouns in -ei, like iiiaiiaj?ei, multitude. They have, however, borrowed the nom. sing, ending -u from DECLENSION OF NOUNS 205 the a-cleclension, and thus rid themselves entirely of the old inflectional forms. Their declension is as follows : Sing. N. str^ngu, -o Plur. N. A. strange, -a ; -u, -o G.^ G. str^nga D. I. ^str^nge ; -u, -o D. I. str^ngum A.J Note 1. These abstracts are mostly indeclinable in the sing., that is, they end in -u, -o in all cases. Plurals are hardly ever found. The nom. ace. sing, has occasionally a shortened form, yld for yldo, age (cf. 255. 3). Note 2. Here again L. and Rit. have a gen. in -es, like aeldes, snytres = WS. ieldu, snytru. Note 3. The older final -I still shows itself in the constant umlaut of the radical syllable, as well as in the palatalization of preceding gutturals : m^nigeo, str^ngeo (206. 3. 6). 3. NEUTERS 280. The only word which is certainly declined like esLge is eare, ear ; lieorte has become feminine. Note 1. The declension of wQnge, cheek, is much disordered, as the result of confusion with forms of the synonymous w^uge and of Sunw^nge, temples, both of which were originally strong neuters (248. 1): nom, ace. sing, w^nge, w^nge, and <$unw^nge, 9unw9iige ; dat. tJunw^ngan ; nom. ace. plur. w^ngan, SunAv^Jigan, beside 3unw9ngan and strong 3unw9nge, -a; gen. Sunw^ngena and WQnga. Note 2. LWS. has the sporadic gen. eages and eares, and dat. eare (276, note 4). Doubtful is the gender of weak masc. uhta or weak neut. uhte, dawn (Goth, weak fem. uhtwo), which occurs almost exclusively in the ancient fornuila on uhtan (beside rare phrases like uhtna gehwylce, ]7ani ilcan lihte). Note 3. For the North, declension of core and ego see 276, note 5. 206 INFLECTION C. MINOR DECLENSIONS 1. IRREGULAR CONSONANT STEMS a) Masculines and Neuters 281. 1) Paradigm for the masculine : fot, foot. Sing. N. V. A. fot Plur. N. V. A. fet G. fotes G. fota D. fet D. I. fotum I. fote, fet Thus are declined tod", toothy plur. tetS ; inQn(n), inaii(n), plur. in^ii(ii); and likewise the disyllabic haeleff, hero ; luonaar, month. Note 1. Besides mgnn, there is also a weak masc. inQnna, manna, declined according to 276, but occurring for the most part only in the ace. sing. In North, the ace. is generally L. mgnno (sporadically mgnnu, -e, mgnn); R.-^ ni9n(n), less frequently mgnno, -e; Rit. monno, beside aldormgnn; R.i mgnnu. Proper names in -mgn seem regularly to be declined as strong (238): for example, dat. Colemanne, Gearomgnne. Like nign is declined the compound Avifmgn, woman (later often assimilated : wimman), except that it is sometimes used as a fem. Note 2. The nom. ace. plur. of fot, to3 sometimes in later (Anglian ?) texts appears as fotas, tocVas (already once Mart, fotas, Ps. toSas, besides more frequent toeS); of to'S, dat. sing. North. to'Se, gen. plur. to^ana, toeSa, beside to'Sa L. R.^ has a gen. plur. foeta, beside fota; Rit. gen. plur. toSana, ace. plur. fota; R.^ dat. sing. to\> and ingnn, beside more frequent m^nn. Note .3. o.s, god^ which otherwise occurs only as the first member of compounds, has a gen. plur, esa, with perplexing i-umlaut. Note 4. haile'fl and indnaiV have a nom. ace. plur. without termi- nation, along witli haile<5as (haele'fle) and mon(e)($as ; in the sing, they are regularly inflected according to the o-declension. The nom. hteleS is a new formation for ha'le (of. ealu under 2); this older nom. has passed over to the i-declension (263, note 4). DECLENSION OF NOUNS 207 2) The neuters which belong here are the monosyl- labic scriid, garment^ and the disyllabic ealu, ale. The former has dat. sing, scryd (LWS. scrud and scrude), nom. ace. plur. scrud, gen. scriida; the second, for- merly a t-stem, like haeleaf and monaO", forms the gen. dat. sing. (e)alo9', -aST (very late and unusual also dat. ealoare ; North, gen. alSTes Rit.), gen. plur. ealei^ra, and sporadically an ace. sing. ealaST, modeled upon the gen. dat. h) Feminines 282. The short stems which belong here are hnutu, nut; studii, stuSTu, column ; hnitu, nit. Paradigm : hnutu. Sing. N. hnutu Plur. N. hnyte G. hnute G. hnuta D. I. hnyte D. I. hnutum A. [hnutu] A. hnyte Note. The ace. sing, hnutu is supplied according to the ace. studu, stu?fu ; the gen. plur. is also hnutena in LWS. — studu, stuSu has, besides the nom. ace. (likewise the form feurstud, without ending, in the ancient North, glosses to Bede, GET. 123, for which again feorstujju appears later; likewise durustod, doorpost), also the dat. styde (stySe), stude, and studa. — hnitu has, beside the nom. sing., the nom. ace. plur. hnite. 283. The long stems have in the dat. sing, and nom. ace. plur. no inflectional endings, but exhibit i-umlaut wherever phonetic laws admit of it. The gen. sing, is either identical with the dat., or is formed without umlaut and with the ending -e, as in the a-declension. Paradigm: boc, book. Sing. N. V. A. boc Plur. N. V. A. bee G. bee; boce G. boca D. I. bee D. I. bocum 208 INFLECTION 284. Thus are declined iic, oak; gtit, goat; broc, trousers : g-os, goose ; wloli, fringe ; burg-, borough ; clung- (?), cavern; fiirh, furrow; siilh, plow; turf, turf; grut, ^roMi ; lus, louse ; iiiiis, mouse ; STriih, trough ; cu, cot^J ; ea, water ; neaht, iiiht, night ; and the disyl- labic inaegear, niaeg-cT, maid. Note 1. There is a twofold formation of the gen. sing, in bee — boce (the former peculiar to the older period ; Ps. boec) ; byr(i)g — burge ; fyrh — fure (also without umlaut, furh) ; on the other hand, ac, gat, gos, iiius seem to have only the longer forms ace, gate, gose, muse, while conversely <5rvih has only Sryh. The gen. sing, of sulh (note 3) is sules, like that of the masculines. Note 2. The dat. sing, occasionally appears without umlaut, espe- cially in later texts : ae, boc, burg, furh, grut, <5ruh (so also North. boe L. Kit., beside bcec L. R.2). Note 3. The words in h lose it before a vowel ending (218) : furh, gen. fure, plur. gen. fura, -ena, dat. ffirum ; sulh, gen. sfiles (note 1), plur. gen. suhi, dat. sulum ; Sruh, dat. plur. Srum; later also nom. ace. sul (sul?), dat. syl."(syl?), without h. Note 4. ac as the name of the rune has nom. ace. plur. acas. — boc rarely also occurs as neut. ; Cod. Dipl. a.d. 837 has an umlauted dat. plur. boecum. — >vloh belongs here because of the North, plur. wl«h L. (gen. wgloana L.). — burg (burug) has in the gen., etc., byrig, for the old and rare byrg ; later the word inflects also exactly like ben (269), only without umlaut: gen. dat. sing, burge, nom. ace. plur. burge, -a. R.^ has nom. ace. plur. burgas, North, gener- ally K.2 sing. nom. ace. burug, less frequently burg (burig), gen. R.2 burge, L. burug, burge, -a, byrig; dat. L. K.^ Rit. byrig, L. R.^ burug, R.2 burge, plur. nom, ace. L. burgas. — dung is conjecturally assigned here on the basis of the unique instance, dat. sing. \>ivre (ling, Andr. 1272, and OIIG. tung. —Beside grut occurs also grytt, declined regularly according to 258. 1. —For <5ruh there occasionally occurs, even in the nom. ace. sing., the umlauted (5ryh. — cu has gen. sing, cu, cue, cy, cus, nom. ace. plur. cy, eye, gen. cua, cuna, cyna. — ea has the form ie only very seldom in the gen. sing, (also eas), more commonly in the dat. sing. ; it usually inflects in the sing., and always in the plur., according to the a-declension : sing, ea, plur. nom. gen. ace. ea, dat. earn, eaum (259, note). — neaht, niht (Angl. na;ht) DECLENSION OF NOUNS 209 and maege(5, maegtJ are invariable in the whole sing, and in the nom. ace. plur. , but niht has also a gen. dat. sing, nihte (neahte, Ps. naehte), and a gen. nihtes (also anes nihtes, etc., Ps. naehtes), used for the most part only adverbially. In North, naeht is sometimes masc. (gen. sing, always naehtes R.^L. Rit.). Note 5. Here also belongs the disyllabic mioluc (miolc), miUc (Ps. North, mile), which, beside dat. sing, mioluc, meol(u)c, and meol(u)ce, has also an apparently plural form miolcum. Note 6. Feminine names in -burg, like Eadburg, Waerburg, inflect regularly according to the a-declension : gen. dat. ace. -burge. Note 7. Certain names of countries and places inflect as conso- nantal feminines: C^nt, C^rt, 1, Wiht, gen. Wihte, dat. ace. Wiht, etc. Most foreign names of places are indeclinable, and cannot be assigned to any particular gender. Uninflected forms of native names are more infrequent: set Exanceaster, act Wynnefeld, aet Manne9orp, aet Folcstan, etc. 2. STEMS IN -r 285. The names of relationship in -r : fgetler, father ; broSTor, brother ; nioclor, mother ; dohtor, daughter ; sweostor, swuster, sister (together with the plur. tant. g-ebroSTor, brethren^ and g-esweostor, sisters)^ are thus inflected in WS. and Kent. : Sing. N. V. A. faeder G. faeder, D. I. faeder -(e) res broSor brooor breSer Plur. N: V. A. faed(e)ras G. faed(e)ra D. I. f8ed(e)ruin bro?Jor, -tfru bro3ra bro?Jrum Sing. N. V. A. modor G. modor D. I. meder dohtor dohtor dehter sw^eostor sweostor sweostor Plur. N. V. A. (modru), -a G. modra D. I. modrum ( dohtor I -tru, -tra dohtra dohtrum sw^eostor sw^eostra sweostrum 210 INFLECTION Note 1. Instead of -or is not infrequently found -er (but -or is never found for -er where -or is given above); rarely -ar. Note 2. Syncope of e in the polysyllabic cases of faeder is peculiar to E WS. ; later the e becomes regular. Note 3. In LWS. a gen. sing, meder, dehter, sometimes occurs, like the dat. , and conversely a dat. broker, dohter, -or, v^^ithout umlaut. Note 4. In the other dialects the declension is as follows : a) Ps. sing. nom. ace. feder, gen. feadur, dat. feder, plur. nom. ace. fedras (feddras), gen. fedra (feddra), dat. feadrum (feodrum, fedriiin); R.i nom. ace. faeder, gen. faeder, fader; faederes, dat. faeder, plur. gen. faedera ; North. : R.2 nom. ace. faeder, feder, fader, gen. faed(e)res, faeder, faedur, fader, dat. feder, faeder, faedre, plur. nom. ace. faedras, gen. faedra, dat. faedriim ; L. nom. ace. faeder, fader, gen. faderes (faederes), fad(e)res, fader, dat. faeder, -ir, feder, fader, federe, plur. nom. ace. faderas, fadero, gen. fadera, dat. fad(e)ruin; Rit. nom. ace. faeder (feder, fader), gen. faderes (fader?), dat. feder (faeder), plur. gen. fadera, faedera, dat. faederum. The poetry has a sporadic dat. sing, faedere. b) Ps. nom. ace. broSur, dat. broe'ffer, plur. nom. ace. broSur, dat. broSrum ; R.^ nom. ace. gen. dat. broker, plur. nom. ace. broj^er, bro]7re, broejjre, dat. broJ»ruin; North. R.^ nom. ace. broker, -er, gen. bro?Jer, dat. broker, -er, plur. nom. ace. broker, -er, bro'd're, dat. broSrum, -em ; L. nom. ace. brother, gen. bro3(e)res, broker, dat. bro9(e)re, brother, brfletJre, broeSer, plur. nom. aec. bro9(e)re, bro5(e)ra, bro'(5re, broker, gen. brodra, brotJere, dat. broSrum; Rit. broSer-, plur. nom. ace. bro(5re, dat. broSruni. c) Ps. sing. nom. ace. modur, gen. modiir, inoeder; R.i sing. nom. gen. dat. meder; North.: R.^ sing. nom. ace. meder, gen. meder, -er, mwder, dat. moeder, meder, plur. ace. meder; L. sing. nom. ace. meder, gen. mod(e)res, mcederes, meder, dat. meder, moeder, plur. ace. modere ; Rit. sing. nom. meder, dat. moeder. d) Ps. sing. nom. ace. dehtur, gen. doehter, plur. nom. ace. dehtur, gen. dohtra ; RA sing. nom. ace. dehter; North.: R.^ sing. nom. dat. ace. dehter, plur. nom. dehter, dat. dehtrum ; L. sing. nom. ace. dehter, dat. dehter, doehter, plur. nom. dehtere, dat. dehterum ; Rit. sing. ace. dehter, plur. nom. dehtere. e) R.i sing. nom. swuster, plur. nom. swoester, swuster; North.: R.2 sing. nom. aec. gen. 8>vester, plur. nom. ace. swester, s^vestre ; L. sing. nom. ace. suoester, siBstor, gen. dat. siioester, plur. nom. aec. suoester, suoostre, soostre; Rit. plur. dat. soosternum. DECLENSION OF NOUNS 211 3. STEMS IN -nd 286. To this group belong present participles used as nouns (for the inflection of the participles themselves see 305; 306). Paradigms of the masculines: freond, friend; h^tteiid, enemy. Sing. N. V. A. freond h^ttend G. freondes h^ttendes D. friend, freonde h^ttende I. freonde h^ttende Plur. N. V. A. friend, freond h^ttend, -de ; -das G. freonda h^ttendra D. I. freondum h^ttendum Like freond (EWS. also fi-iond; Ps. R.i freond, North, freond, friond L. R.^, friond Kit.) are declined feond, enemy (EWS. also fiond, Ps. R.^ feond, fiond, plur. also fienda, -um Ps. ; North, fiond R.^ L. Rit., L. also once fiend ; WS. plur. fiend, feond, gen. feonda, beside the plurals g-efriend, mutual friends; g-efiend, mutual enemies) ; g"oddond, henef actor (plur. g-oddend El. 359). The disyllables, like ag-end, oivner; demendf judge ; H^elend, N^rg-end, Savior; Tvealdend, ruler; wigend, warrior^ are all declined like h^ttend, that is, take the adj. ending in the gen. plur. Note 1. In WS. prose the dat. sing, is still rather frequently friend, fiend, etc. , even in LWS. , while on the other hand the poetry has only the forms freonde, f eonde (probably Anglian ; there is only one frionde (L.) recorded in Ps. North.), feond, enemy, has a dat. feonde. The nom. plur. in Ps. is freond, feond, fiond (159. 5), and so occasionally in WS. texts; R.i has feondas, f iondas ; North. E.^ friondas, freondas, -e; L. freondas, friondas, freonde, and R.^L. Rit. fiondas (also L. fiondes), and so frequently in the poetry freondas, feondas. 212 INFLECTION Note 2. The commonest forms for the nom. ace. plur. of poly- syllables are h^ttend and the adjective-formation h<^ttende; a few soon take in the prose the ending -das : ^vealdeudas, lufiendas, tefterfylgendas already in Alfred ; a few also occur in the poetry : byrgondas, ehtendas. In late texts there is occasionally found a new formation of the whole plural on the basis of the genitive : wealdendras, wealdendra, Avealdendrum. 287. Feminines are rare, and probably, with the excep- tion of swelg-end, whirlpool^ confined to the strictly scholastic literature : iQiidbiiend, female settler; STeos wealdeiid, female ruler; STeos feond, female enemy (translating hcec proesul^ hostis); timhrend^ female builder, etc. Nothing certain can be determined respecting their declension. Note, swelgend has a dat. ace. sing, swelgende, and therefore has gone completely over to the a-declension ; besides, it occurs later as neuter and masculine. 4. STEMS IN -OS, -es 288. These correspond to the Gr. neuters in -09, Lat. -W8, -eris. In OE. they are quite limited in number, since the most of the words which originally belonged here have entirely lost the s of the suffix, and have therefore passed over to other declensions, and sometimes to other genders. Note 1. Here probably belong all the older neuters of the OE. i-declension, both the short stems, like sporo, sifo, gedyre (263. 2), and the long stems, like fliSsc, hjel, gehield, etc. (267. a); cf. also I^mb, ca?lf (290, note 1); then, with change of gender, the masculines b^re, ^ge, h^tc, sige (263, note 4), and the long stems hla^w (hlaw), barrow; hrSew (hriiw), cofpse; gSest (gast), spirit; North, doeg, day. In these words the suffixal s lias been lost according to 182 ; the vowel was retained after short stems as i, e, while it disappeared after long stems (133). The second form of the suffix, containing o, a, has left traces in certain uuunilauted words, which coexist with DECLENSION OF NOUNS 213 those that exhibit umlaut; as, for elxample, gefog, geheald (267, note 1), hlaw, hraw, gast (250, note 1). Other words which no doubt belong here are felt, felt; sael, hall (263, note 3); helt, hilt (beside hilt, 267. a). Note 2. For by-forms in r, cf. 289, note 2. The words which have preserved at least traces of the suffixal s fall into two classes : 289. The first class comprises those words which retain under all circumstances the suffixal s as r: salor, hall; liocor (?), derision ; stulor, theft ; dogor, day ; eagor, %ea ; grandor, crime; liMor, salvation ; lirytTer* (subse- quently also liruiSrer), cattle ; wilder (beside wildeor, wilddeor, transformed by popular etymology), beast; ear, ear qf corn (from * aliiir, North, also ^lier, selilier). These words have, in the main, passed over to the o-declension, and hence are declined according to 238; 244 ; 245 ; yet there sometimes occurs a dat. instr. sing, without ending : dog-or, lialor, hroSTor, sig-or, North. ^lier, sehher, beside frequent dog- (o) re, hroSTre, etc. Plural forms are dogor, hrySferu, wildru, ear (North. ^liera and ^hras). Note 1. The gender of salor, liocor, eager, grander, halor is not to be determined from OE. alone; yet etymology and analogy justify us in considering them as neuters ; sigor, victory^ that likewise belonged here, has, like slge, become masculine, eagor and grander are scarcely found save as the first element of compounds. Note 2. By-forms without r are common (288) : sael — saler ; eag- — eager ; hSl — haler ; hri?F- (in compounds like hritniiorde, hrrSfald) — hrrSer ; North, doeg — doger ; sige — siger masc. Note 3. The older suffixal s may possibly be preserved in Hens- in the word Hensbroe, the name of a place, if the form corresponds to ON. hoens, hens; then, with metathesis, in tJriistfel, leprosy. Goth. ]7riitsfill ; perhaps hOsc, hux, derision (for *liucs), should likewise be associated with hecer. 214 INFLECTION 290. The second class is formed by a few words which, with individual exceptions, have cast off the r in the singular, but retain it in the plural. Here belong especially the words iQinb, lamb; cealf, calf; seg, egg. The declension is : Sing. N. A. Igmb cealf aeg G. iQinbes cealfes seges D. I. l9mbe cealfe sege Plur. N. A. iQmbru cealfru aegru G. iQinbra cealfra aegra D.I. Igmbrum cealfrum segrum Note 1. The sing, of these words frequently has i-umlaut; so always Ps. ea;lf, North, caelf and c^lf L., and more rarely (Rit.) l^mb as well as Igmb (288, note 1 ; the umlaut of ieg depends, on the other hand, on the internal g). Beside Ipmb there is a sing. l9mbor, and beside aeg a longer form ^ger- in segerfelma, egg-skin, aegergelu, yolk. In Ps. the nom. ace. plur. is also calfur, iQinbur, beside calf- em, iQinberu (but gen. l9mbra). North. R.2 Ipmbor, L. l9mb(o)ro, Ipmbor, Rit. calfero. In LWS. the whole plural is frequently formed without r ; lamb, gen. lainba, dat. lanibuin, etc. ; and there is even a masc. plur. cealfas. Note 2. cild, child, is in general declined like word (238), and hence has plur. cild, etc. (North, also cildo); yet sometimes there occurs a plur. cildru, -eru, gen. cildra (the latter also in R.i). ^:ifric has, as a rule, plur. nom. ace. cild, gen. cildra, dat. cildum. More- over, cild is now and then masc. in North. , and then forms the plur. cildas, -es (beside cUdo, gen. cilda, dat. cildum ; Rit. plur. cildo, gen. cildra, cildena, R.^ cild). Note 3. Isolated forms belonging under this head are nom. ace. plur. breadru, crumbs, from bread, bread; hsemedru, from hsemed, coitus; leower, lewera, from leow (Cod. Dipl. lauiw), ham; gen. plur. speldra, from speld, torch (dat. plur. miSdrum, from *ma?d, meas- ure?); North. L. st«ner, R.2 stSnere, plur. of masc. stan, stone; of short stems the plur. scerero, -ore, -urii, shears Ep. Erf. Corp., belonging with scear, plowshare, which is regularly declined accord- ing to 238, besides the plur. tant. haiteru, garment. DECLENSION OF ADJECTIVES 215 CHAPTER II. DECLENSION OF ADJECTIVES 291. The Germanic adjective has a twofold declen- sion — the strong and the weak. The latter was newly formed in Germanic, while the former originally corre- sponded to the adjective- and substantive-declension of the cognate languages. Most adjectives may be declined in either way; the employment of the one or the other depends chiefly upon syntactical considerations. The weak form is generally employed after the article (337), and whenever the adjective is employed as a noun; the strong form is assigned to the predicate adjective, and to the attribu- tive adjective when used without the article (Lichten- held. Das Schwache Adj. im Ags., ZfdA. 16. 325 ff.). Note 1. Of the strong declension are all the pronouns except self(a) and se ilea (339); the cardinal numbers from 2 upwards, so far as they are declined like adjectives (324 ff.); o?Jer, the second (328); and a number of adjectives like call, all; genog, enough; inQnig, many. Of the w^eak declension are the comparatives, the superlatives in -ma, and the ordinals from 3 upward. Note 2. The adjectives W9ii(a), wanting^ and ge-wuna, wont., are for the most part indeclinable and restricted to predicative use ; yet in a few instances they are declined as strong. A. STRONG DECLENSION 292. The strong adjective-declension in Germanic has in many respects departed from its original form (which, as has been remarked, was identical with the 216 INFLECTION noun-declension) and become assimilated to that of the pronouns. By this means the distinctions of the three vowel-declensions, once possessed alike by adjec- tive and noun, have been in great measure obscured. Only one vowel-declension remains clearly marked, that of the o-stems (with the feminines in -a, as in the case of the noun, 235). As with the noun, the jo- and wo- stems form subdivisions. Of the i- and u-declensions only scanty remains have been preserved in the nom. (302 ; 303). 1. PURE o-STEMS 293. Here again we are called upon to distinguish between short and long stems, polysyllables and mon- osyllables. The discrepancies of the paradigms are conditioned by the laws concerning final sounds and syncopation. As a paradigm for the short stems we may take hwaet, active ; for the long stems, g"od, good ; for polysyllables, halig-, holy. The variations from the noun-declension are indicated in 1) and 2) by italics : 1) Short Steins Masc. Neut. Fem. Sing. N. V. hwaet hwaet hw^atu, -o G. hwates hwcBtre D. hwatum hwoctre A. hwcBtne hwaet hwate I. hu'atc ir. N.V. A. hwate hwatu, -o hwata, -e G. hwcetra D. 1. hwatum DECLENSION OF ADJECTIVES 217 2) Long Stems Sing. N. V. god god god G. godes godre D. goduni godre A. godne god gode I. gode Plur. N. V. A. gode god goda G. godra D.I. godum 3) Polysyllables Sing. N. V. halig balig G. halges D. halgum A. haligne halig I. halge Plur. N. V. A. halge G. D.I. haligu, -o ; halgu, -o ; halig haligra halgum ( haligu, -o ; ( halgu, -o ; halig haligre haligre halge halga, -e Note 1. The -u of the nom. sing. fern, and nom. ace. plur. neut. of the short stems and polysyllables : hwatu, haligu, is in general older than the -o : hwato, haligo. Note 2. In very old (Kent. ?) texts, the dat. sing. masc. and neut. sometimes ends in -em : minem, etc. The -um of the same case, and of the dat. plur. of all genders, afterwards passes into -un, -on, -an: godan, halgan, etc. (237, note 6). Note 3. In LWS. even the long stems sometimes take the ending -u in the nom. ace. plur. neut.; but generally the nom. ace. plur. neut. is replaced by the forms of the masc: hwate, gode, halge, for hwatu, god, haligu, halig. Note 4. The r-cases — the gen. dat. sing. fern, and the gen. plur. — have generally no middle vowel in EWS., even after short stems, con- trary to the rule of 144. In LWS., on the other hand, -ere, -era become more and more the rule, without regard to the quantity; 218 INFLECTION sumere, siimera, like godere, godera, etc.; -re, -ra remain only in the case of polysyllables : haligre, etc. Note 5. In North, the gen. sing. masc. and neut. also ends in -aes, and the gen. dat. sing. fem. in -rae ; the nom. plur. has the ending -e, more rarely -a;, but very frequently (especially in Rit.) -o. 294. Like liwset are declined the few OE. adjectives with a short stem, like til, usefu l ; sum, a certain ; liol, hollow ; dol, dull ; t^m, tame ; b»er, hare ; blsec, hlack ; grlaed, glad ; liraed, speedy ; laet, late ; waer, wary ; as well as the compounds in -sum, -some, and -lie, -ly. Note 1. The paradigm hwaet shows at the same time the modifi- cations which the radical vowel se undergoes, according to 49 ; 50. In distinction from the noun, the vowel ae is here actually limited, as a rule, to forms with a closed radical syllable : hwaet — hwates, in contrast with daeg — daeges, faet — faetes, etc. Yet there are many irregularities: straec (beside strec; or striec ?), obstinate, and hraeS, hraed, nimble, often preserve the ae in an oj^en syllable, even before a guttural vowel, as in straecum ; blaec, black, has usually a in a closed radical syllable in LWS. : blac, blacne, blacre, blacra (or Mac, etc.); so less frequently in the case of other adjectives. Note 2. In Ps. the adjectives in -sum have, not -siimu, but -sum in the nom. sing. fem. (Zeuner, p. 138). In the older period, -lec- often stands for -lie before a vocalic ending. 295. Like g-od are declined the majority of the OE. adjectives : oald, old ; lial,' whole ; lieah, high ; rof, vigorous ; fyrn, old (originally an i-stem, as the umlaut shows), and many others. Note 1. Words in h, like <5weorh, transverse; gafenvh, farrowing; sceolh, squinting (only weak sceola); fah, hostile; flah, deceitful; gemah, importunate; heah, high; hreoh, rough; s<*eoh, shy; toh, tough; geAvIoh, adorned; avoIi, wrong; riih, rough, drop the h in polysyllabic forms; those having a vowel before the li contract, for the most part, according to 110 ff. ; hence tJweorh — Sweores (218 ; 242; Ps. "flwerh according to 164. 1, but dat. sing. ?J^veoru^n, weak Sweora, with u- and o/a-umlaut after loss of the h, Zeuner, p. 85), DECLENSION OF ADJECTIVES 219 but -woh, nom. sing. fern, wo (for *wohu), gen. etc. wos, wo(u)in, wone, wo, plur. wora, w^o(u)in, fern, w^ore, etc. The ace. sing, of heah is generally heanne, more rarely heane, very seldom heahne, gen. dat. sing. fem. hearre, gen. plur. hearra, beside heare, heahre, and heara, heahra (222. 2); dat. heam and heaum; Angl. heh (163), but dat. beam from *hehuin, ace. heane (165, note 3), weak hea from * heha, as in WS. ruh has gen. riiw^es, etc. (cf . 116, note). In L WS. forms with -g- are very general instead of the contracts : heages, heagum, heage; woges, wogum, woge; likewise ruges, etc., for rti-wes. This is not to be regarded as grammatical change (234), but as a result of analogy from adjectives like genoh — genoges, whose h was derived from older g (214. 1). Note 2. Words ending in a geminated consonant, like grimm, fierce; still, quiet; iv^nn, dusky; dlmm, dark; deall, proud; eall, ally simplify the geminate (231) before any termination beginning with a consonant, and, as a rule, when final: grim(in), grirnme, grimre, grimra, but grimmes, grimmum, etc. Nevertheless, 11 often remains before consonants : eallre, ealira, eallne, etc. 296. To the polysyllables, which are declined like lialig- (North, also liselig-), belong especially the deriva- tives in -ig-Jike eadig^ fortunate ; fEmig^ foamy ; hreiiiig", clamorous ; iiKjnig', many a (North, also m^iiig-) ; in -el, -ol, like lytel, little ; micel, large ; yfel, evil ; hnitol, pushing with the horns ; sticol, sharp; sweotol, manifest ; in -er, -or, like fseg-er, f^g-er, fair ; biter, bitter, bitter ; snotor, snottor, wise ; in -en, like li^STen, heathenish ; g-ilpen, boastful; besides the adjectives denoting mate- rial, like g-yldeii, golden; iren, iron; stienen, stone; the past part, of verbs (306), and many others. Note 1. The short-stemmed adjectives of this class, like niQiiig, micel, yfel, and many past participles, like eoren, boren, slaegen, etc. , generally form the nom. sing. fem. and the nom. ace. plur. neut. without ending (sporadically with u in the final syllable, like Cura Past. micul, large; hefiig, heavy); yet there are also forms like mpnigu, yfelu, etc. in early texts like the Cura Past., and especially in Ps., where they are commoner than those without ending. 220 INFLECTION Note 2. The polysyllables with the first syllable short retain the middle vowel, in all forms, whenever it is old (144): sweotoles, sweotole ; but not always when it arose from syllabic r in the form without ending: fa»geres and faegres (fSgres ?), etc. On the con- trary, micel is always treated like a long stem, and yfel very fre- quently so ; that is, they undergo syncope of the middle vowel : micles, yfles, etc. In the case of the long stems, syncope does nat take place in the trisyllabic forms of the nom. sing. fem. and nom. ace. plur. in the earlier period ; hence only haligii, lytelu (beside sporadic forms with u, like reotugu, lachrymose; lytulu), not halgu ; not till later do we encounter forms like eowru, hliitru, etc. In the other forms having a termination beginning with a vowel, the long stems should always underg6 syncope ; frequently, however, the middle vowel has again forced an entrance from the unsyncopated forms, the fre- quency increasing with the lateness of the period. Most irregular of all are the adjectives in -ig (which often appears before a vocalic ending as -eg-). The fewest instances of syncope occur in the past participles in -en. Note 3. The accusative ending -ne is attached immediately to the adjectives in -en, and the endings -re, -rato those in -er: gyldenne, irenne ; faegerre, snotterra, etc. Now and then, especially in later OE., the nn, rr are simplified to n, r (231. 4). Occasionally, even in LWS., syncope of the middle vowel occurs after a long radical syllable : oSre, 69ra, etc. (145, and note). 2. jo-STEMS 297. Stems originally short, like mid, middle ; nji:, useful; gesib, related (cf. Goth, midjis, g-asibjis), are declined in all respects like the pure o-stems ending in a geminated consonant (295, note 2): mid, gen. middes, fem. midre, etc. Note 1. niwe (niewc), new (Goth, niujis), with its by-form neowe (100, note 2; 159. 5), which originally belonged here, has -e in the nom. like the long stems, and retains its w even before consonants : niwnc, nivv^re, niwra ; or neo>vne, etc. Note 2. frio, free, free, Ps. frea, stem * frija- (114. 2 ; 166, note 6), contracts the vowel of the root with that of the suffix in the DECLENSION OF ADJECTIVES 221 nom. sing., but originally retained the uncontracted form in the poly- syllabic cases : frio, gen. friges, dat. frigum, plur. frige, etc. Yet forms modeled directly on the contract nom. are frequent (and virtu- ally the rule in WS.): gen. dat. sing. fem. friore, gen. plur. friora, ace. sing. masc. frione, nom. ace. plur. masc. frio, etc. A nom. freoh, together with (uii)gebleoh, beside (un)gebleo, {dis)colored (from the stem *blija-, 247, note 3), is found rather frequently in LWS., being modeled on the words in h (295, note 1), 298. Stems originally long take -e in the nom. sing, masc. and neut. ; they have -u, -o in the nom. sing. fem. and nom. ace. plur. neut. ; in other respects they are declined like the pure o-stems. Paradigm : grcDe, green. Masc. Neut. Fem. Sing. N. V. grene grene grenu, -o grenre grenre grene G. D. A. I. grenes grenum grenne grene grene Plur. N. V. A. G. D. i. grene grenu, -o grenra grenum grena, -e Note. Words with mute + liquid or nasal before the e, like gifre, greedy; syfre, sober; fsecne, malicious, insert a vowel before the r, n when an unlike consonant follows : syferne, feecenra ; on the other hand, ace. sing. masc. fsecne for *faecnne, gen. plur, syfra for *syfrra, etc. Adjectives ending in -nne, like ginne, spacious; (Jynne, thin, do not add n in the ace. sing. masc. : ginne, ?f>Tine. 299. This declension is followed by a tolerably large number of OE. adjectives. Examples : bliSTe, friendly ; breme, famous ; cene, hold ; cyme, comely ; clierne, secret ; dryg-e, dry ; f^cne, deceitful ; grifre, greedy ; ierre, angry ; sefte, soft; swete, sweet; syfre, sober; then verbal adjectives like g-^ng"e, current; g-en^nie, accept- able ; those in -ede (rarely -ode, OS. -odi), like healede, 222 INFLECTION herniosus ; hocede, hooked ; hoferede, humpbacked ; those in -ihte (very rarely -iht, LWS. also -ihtig-), like stsenihte, staiiihte, stony ; Sfyrnihte, thorny ; and the numerous ones in -bsere, like waestnib^re, /rwz0^Z. Note 1. A few adjectives fluctuate between this declension and that of the simple o-stems: smelt and smylte, serene; strQug and strange, strong ; united and unlsede, wretched. Beside sefte, LWS. has softe, without umlaut (by analogy with the adv. softe, 315, note 3). Note 2. Not a few adjectives have been transferred to this from the i- or u-declension (302 ; 303). 3. wo-STEMS 300. The words with a single consonant before the w vocalize the latter when final to -u, -o (-a), and before a consonantal ending to -o. Here belong, for example : earu, active ; gearu, ready ; niearu, tender ; nearu, nar- row ; calu, callow ; falu, fallow ; salu, sallow ; g-eolu, yellow ; basu, be(o)su, brown ; hasu, gray^ and probably cylu (cylew), spotted; *inedu, in medewa win, must. They are declined as follows : Masc. Neut. Fem. Sing. N. V. gearu, -o gearu, -o gearu, -o G. gearwes gearore D. gearwum gearore A. gearone gearu, -o gearwe I. gearwe ir. N. V. A. geanve gearu, -o gearwa, -e G. gearora D. I. gearwum Note. A middle vowel frequently stands before the vf: gearuwe, gearowe, gearewum, etc. LWS. frequently generalizes the w: gearuw^, gear(u)wiie, gear(u)wre, gear(ii)wra, etc. Of sporadic occurrence are also forms like baswere, basiie, basum, etc. DECLENSION OF ADJECTIVES 223 301. Words with a long vowel or diphthong before the w usually retain the latter in all cases, and hence conform in all respects to the declension of the simple o-stems. Examples : slaw, slow; g-edeaw, dewy ; g"leaw, prudent; hnesLW, miserly ; liresiw, raw ; geseaw^ juicy ; (g'e)lileow, sheltered; reow, rough; cTeow, serving (in aceow man, wifman, usually declined weak) ; row, gentle. Note 1. The plur. taut, feawe, feiu (Goth, fa-wai), usually con- tracts in the poetry to fea, dat. feani (feaum), and so in Ps. and elsewhere probably Mercian (Chad) ; EWS. only in the dat. plur. feam, beside feamn, and probably nom. ace. plur. neut. fea (from *fa^vunl, *fawu). Otherwise it is regular in WS. (and R.^), except that it generally forms its nom. ace, as feawa, following fela (275). The word is wanting in L. Rit. R.^. Note 2. The w is lost by contraction in w-ea, wretched, if this belongs to OHG. we-w'^o, etc. (118, note 1) ; on (uii)gebleo, {dis)colored, see 297, note 2. Otherwise forms without w are only occasional, like ace. reone, from reow. 4. i-STEMS 302. Of short stems only a few relics are left : bryce, fragile ; swice, deceitful ; fr^iue, strenuous ; g-eniyne, mindful (beside g-eniun, of the o-declension). They follow the declension of the originally long jo-stems, like grene (298); that is, they retain the simple con- sonant in all cases, and do not insert j before the vowel ending. Of long stems there belong here only fyrn, ancient (hardly used except as the adverbial neuter, ' for- merly '), and perhaps lyt, little^ in lythwon, a little; gen. lytes in the adv. lytis-na, lytes-na, lytestne, almost. Note. The other long i-stems, whose i ought properly to be dropped when there is no case-ending, have passed over to the declension of the long jo-stems: bryce, useful; swete, sweet; blitJe, friendly; gedefe, suitable; gemaene, common; compare Goth, bruks, suts, blei]7S, gadofs, gamains. 224 INFLECTION 5. u-STEMS 303. The only certain relics of the adjective u-declen- sion are wlacii, tepid, beside wlaec, from which latter alone all the cases but the nom. sing, (and ace. sing, neut.) are formed, together with WS. c(w)ucu, living (for * cwiocii, 71), Ps. ? (only nom. plur. cwice) North. R.^ L. cwic (164. 2), poetry cwic(u), beside rare forms of c(w)ucu. Note 1. The form in -u stands for the nom. sing, and plur. of all genders, for the ace. sing. fem. and ace. sing. plur. neut., and for the weak nom. sing. Otherwise nothing is found of the regular u-declension but the ace. sing. masc. cucune, -one, also cucunne, cuconne (231, note 3), and further c(w)ucene, c(-\v)ucenne, also cwicen(n)e. All the other forms, and so frequently the ace. sing, masc, are formed as if from a nom. c(\v)uc or cwic; in pure WS. the forms with inner u greatly predominate. Note 2. The long u-stems have mostly gone over to the o- or jo- declension : compare, for example, OE. heard, hard; gleaw, saga- cious^ with Goth, hardus, glaggwus ; ^gle, troublesome; hn^sce (North. L. hn^sc, R.2 plur. hnisca, but R.i nsescum), soft; tw^lfwintre, twelve years old, with Goth, aglus, hnasqus, and twalibwintrus. Occasionally doublets are found: smoS, smooth; strpng, strong; gneatj, miserly, beside smetye, strange, ungnySe (299, note 1). B. WEAK DECLENSION 304. The weak declension of adjectives is the same as that of nouns, except that the gen. plur. is almost always replaced by the strong form -ra. Paradigm : gocla, the good. Masc. Neut. Fem. Sing. N. V. goda gode gode G. godan D. I. godan A. godan gode goda Plur. N. V. A. godan G. godra, (. ■ena) D.I. godiun DECLENSION OF ADJECTIVES 225 Note 1. LWS. occasionally has a nom. sing. masc. in -an, as in se forinan daeg, se teoSan dael. Note 2. A gen. plur. in -ena (also rarel}^ -ana, -na), like godena, etc. , perhaps belongs only to scholarly translations like the Cura Past. There are also sporadic moves toward formations in -an (modeled after the other cases in -an) or -a (after the noun-declension). Very rarely do we find in the charters contaminated forms, like haligrana, haligran. Note 3. The dat. plur. -an frequently occurs at an early period (thus predominantly in the Cura Past.) instead of -uni: godan, lassan, etc., in advance of its appearance in the dat. of strong adjectives and the dat. plur. of nouns (237, note 6 ; 293, note 2). This is no doubt to be attributed to the influence of the other cases in -an. Note 4. In a few words contraction takes place : hea, gen. hean, from heoh ; dat. sing, hreon, from hreoh ; wo, won, from woh, etc. (295, note 1). Note 5. The discrepancies of North, are essentially the same as those in the weak declension of nouns (276, note 5). C. DECLENSION OF PAETICIPLES 305. The present participle has adopted in full the jo- declension of adjectives, and may also be inflected as weak. Paradigm of the strong declension : g-iefende, giving. Masc. Neut. Fem. Sing. N. V. giefende giefende giefendu, -o G. giefendes giefendra D. giefendum giefendre A. glefendne giefende giefende I. giefende Plur. N. V. A. giefende giefendu, -o giefenda, -e G. giefendra D.I. giefendum Note 1. When used predicatively, the pres. participle is apt to be uninflected : giefende, for giefendu, giefendne (no other cases than nom. ace. in question). Note 2. For the declension of the present participle when used as aujuusee 286; 287, 226 INFLECTION 306. The past participle, like a regular adjective, has both strong and weak declension. Paradigms : the par- ticiples of liatan, call ; ^ceosan, elect ; n^rian, save. Weak Masc. Neut. Fem. haten haten hatenu ^coren deoren dcoren(u) gen^red gen^red gen^red(u) i'lcorena dcorene dcorene gen^reda gen^rede gen^rede Note 1. The nom. sing. fem. and nom. ace. plur. in -u are rare, and are almost entirely confined to attributive use, even in the case of long stems (296, and note 1). In the predicative position the uninflected form is mostly employed : haten, dcoren, gen^red. Note 2. With regard to syncope of vowels at the end of a syllable in polysyllabic forms see 296 (cf. also 402 ; 406). D. COMPARISON OP ADJECTIVES 1 . COMPARATIVE 307. The OE. comparative has but one ending, -ra, corresponding both to the Goth, -iza and the Goth. -oza. This termination is usually attached to the positive, without any modification of the latter by i-umlaut: earm, poor — earmra ; heard, hard — lieardra ; grlaed, glad — glaedra ; fa?ger, fair — faegerra ; gearo, ready — g-earora (EWS. likewise g-earra, later also gearmvra, cf. 300, note). Only a few form the comparative with i-umlaut, like eald, old — ieldra ; great, great — grietra ; geong, young — gingra (Ps. gingra, beside iungra, gungra. North. R.^ gingra, beside L. giiiiigra; cf. also 157, note 1); sceort, short — scyrtra ; brad, broad — brsedra, beside the usual bradra ; hcali, high — hierra, DECLENSION OF ADJECTIVES 227 hyrra (222. 2), beside hiehra and healira (Late Kent, also hegra), Ps. R.^ L. liera, Rit. lierra. 308. The comparatives are declined like weak adjec- tives (304). Note. Now and then there occur compounds with comparison of both elements: l^nglifra, from l9nglife, long-lived; mafealdra, from nipnigfeald, manifold (on l^ng- and ma- see 323 ; compare also Scint. l^ngtogran, prolixiora, and the poetic macraeftigra, beside niacraeftig). 2. SUPERLATIVE 309. The shortest form of the superlative ends in -ost (beside -ust, -ast), more rarely in -est : leof, dear — leofost ; heard, hai^d — heardost ; hwaet, sharp — hwat- ost ; rice, rich — ric(e)ost ; but string-, str^ng-e, strong — str^ng-est. 310. The superlative, like the comparative (307), but seldom takes i-umlaut : eald — ieldest ; lvoegi, -o; tuu, gen. twoegra. begen has oe when early and in North. : boeg^ R.2 L. (beside bdego L., but begen and ba R.^; fem. ba Rit., neut. bu R.^), gen. bdega Cod. Dipl., dat. bdem (beside btem) Cod. Dipl. (North, b^m L.). For begen sometimes occurs later the spelling beggen, which seems to indicate shortening of the e. •236 INFLECTION 3. Masc. Neut. Fem. N. A. Sri, drie, (Sry) (JrTo, 3reo 3rio, 9reo G. Sriora, 3reora D. Sri in (Srini) Note 2. The length of the i in tJrim is established by the fact of gemination only as respects North. (L. ) ; later texts have also Jrym, J^reoni. Ps. has only (nom.) ace. niasc. 3reo, R.^ preo, dat. Jjriin ; North. R.2 <5rio, flria, dat. Sriin ; L. <5rio (9riu), tfreo, Srea, gen. <5rea, Sreana, dat. "driin (<5rini ?), cJriiin ; Rit. (Jrio, Sreo, ec (psec; ]7e), dual git, dat. inc, plur. ge, eower, eow, eowic (eow); North. R.^ 3u, Sin, 9e, Sec (3eh), plur. ge (gee, gie, gi), iower (io^vera, lowre), dat. ace. pro- miscuously iow, iowih (iow^h, ioh); L. 3u, "Sin, 9e, tiec (9eh, 3ech), 244 INFLECTION plur. gie (ge, gee, giae, gae), iwer (iiier; hirre, iuerra, -o), dat. iuh jiowh, iouh, etc., sporadic iow, iw), ace. iuih (Iwih, lovvih); Rit. (flu, dat. ace. promiscuously (Je, 9ec, plur. gie, dat. ace. promiscuously hih, iulh (iwih, iwigh). In the North, texts the forms me and mec, "Se and Sec are still somewhat distinguished as dat. and ace, but the severance is no longer a strict one ; on the forms with iw-, iu-, etc., of. 156. 5. 2. REFLEXIVE PRONOUNS 333. An independent reflexive pronoun no longer exists in OE. In its stead are employed the corre- sponding forms of the third personal pronoun (334). 3. PRONOUNS OF THE THIRD PERSON Masc. Neut. Fem. 334. Sing. N. he hit hio, heo G. his hiere (hire, hyre) D. him hiere (hire, hyre) A. hi(e)ne hit hie (hi, hy) Plur. N. A. hie (hi, h^) G. hiera (hira, hyra); hiora, heora D. him Note 1. The i-forms often occur in LWS. with y: hys, hym, hyne, hyt. Rarer and partially dialectic by-forms are: nom. sing. fem. hie, hi, hig, and conversely ace. sing. fem. heo ; plur. nom. ace. heo, dat. heom. Note 2. Kent, has: sing. nom. fem. hia Cod. Dipl., hi (beside hio, heo) Kent. Gl., gen. hire Cod. Dipl., hiora, -e, hiere Ken.t. Gl., dat. hire Cod. Dipl., Kent. Gl., plur. nom. ace. hie, hia, hio Cod. Oipl., hi, hio Kent. Gl., hie, hio Kent. Ps., gen. hiora, heora, hira Cod. Dipl., hiora Kent. Ps., dat. lieom Cod. Dipl., hiom Kent. Ps. Note 3. The Anglian forms are : Mere. Ps. masc. neut. he — hit, his, him, hliie — hit, fem. hie, hire, hire, liie, plur. hie (liTo; he?), heara, liiin ; U.' nuusc. neut. lie - hit, his, him (heom), hine (hin») - hit, fem. hiu (liio, heo), hire, -ae, hire, hio (lieo, hiae, hie), plur. PRONOUNS 245 heo (Wo, hiae, hi^, hie, hye, hy, hi; hi?), heora (hiora), heom (him); North. R,2 masc. neut. he (hee) — hit, his, him, hine — hit, fern, hio, hire (hir), hir, hia (hiae), plur. hiae (hia, hie), hiora (hiara), him; L. masc. neut, he (hee) — hit, his (is), him, hine — hit, fern, hiu (hio, hia), hire (hirae), hir (hire, -ae), hia (hea), plur. hia (hea, hie, hi^, hiae, hi), hiora (hiara, heora, heara), him; Rit. masc. hi, his, him, hine, fern. gen. hire (hir), ace. hia, plur. hia, hiora (hiara). 4. POSSESSIVES 335. The possessives are formed from the stems of the personal pronouns of the first and second persons, and from that of the lost reflexive : niiii, mine ; iS'in, thine ; sin, lii% ; uncer, of us two ; incer, of you two ; lire, our; eower (iower), your. Beside sin, which may stand for any gender or number, and is generally employed as a reflexive (like Lat. suus)^ the genitives of the third personal pronoun, his, hire, plur. hiera, are also used as possessives. Note. For lire, the typical WS. form, the less pure WS. texts, together with the poetry, have also user, visser (once dat. iissum in Cura Past.). The Angl. forms are : Ps. ur, R.i ure (beside ace. sing, masc. iiserne). North. R,^ user, L, user, usa, Rit. gen. Uses, etc. (336, note). For eower (so also Ps. R.i) North, has R.^ iower, L. iuer, iwer, etc., Rit. iuer (156. 5). 336. The declension of the possessives is the same as that of the strong adjectives (ure like g-rene, 298 ; the r-cases very often have simple r : gen. dat. sing. fem. tire, gen. plur. vira). Note, user generally assimilates sr to ss in the cases which have syncope of the middle vowel (144 ; cf. 180): usses, iissum, for * nsres, * tisrum, etc. ; but userne. The double s forces itself, how- ever, even into unsyncopated cases : Osser, usserne, iissera. This assimilation is wanting in North, (hence forms like nom. ace. sing. 246 INFLECTION fern, or nom. plur., etc., usra L., usera R.^); in their stead occur by-forms without r, like (nom. usa L.) uses, usum R.2 L. Rit., (nom. plur. USD L.), etc. iuer forms in L. Rit. the inflected forms partly with, and partly without, the middle vowel ; hence on the one hand forms like lucres (lAveres), beside iures, etc., and on the other in L. such also as ace. sing. masc. lurrne, gen. plur. iur(r)a, etc. However, the North, declension of user and luer (io^ve^) is in many respects extremely uncertain, as^the glossators seem often to have put down any form that occurred to them. 5. DEMONSTRATIVES 337. The pronoun se, sio, tfset, originally a simple demonstrative, was almost altogether restricted in Old English to the weaker function of the definite article. Its declension in WS. is : Masc. Neut. Fem. Sing. N. st as), Jjaem (1 Sein), ]7one (Jjane, Jjaene, ]7^ne, J^ene); fem. sio (siu, seo; sie), Jjgere (}7are, -a), ]7«re (para), ]7a, plur. Jja, J^ara (Jjarae, Jygerae, -e), Jjteni; North. R.^ masc. neut. Se (1 Sae, rarely se) — Saet, Saes, Saem (San, Saen), Sone (Sonne, Son; Saene, Sene), fem. Sio (Se, Si ?), S^re (Saer, Sare), Seer (Ser), Sa (Sae), plur. Sa, Sara (Saera, -ae). Seem (1 San); L. masc. neut. s§ (Se; sae, Sae) —Saet, Saes, Ssem (S^n, Sem), Sone (Saene, Sene), fem. sio (Siu, Sio, Syu, Sy; also Sa?), S«re (Ssera, -ae, Saer, Sara), Ster (Ssere), Sa (Sio, -e Plur, 1. -an 3. -(e)<5 ) 2. -a?J Plur. -a?J -en, -an, -on Infinitive: -an Participle: -ende 256 INFLECTION Preterit Iiidicative Optative Sing. 1. — ^ 2. -e i -e 3. — ) Plur. -un, -on, -an -en, -an, -on Participle: -en Note. For the passive forms see 367. 2. 353. The endings of the weak verbs, Class I and Class II (for those of III see the complete paradigm, 416): Present Indicative I II Sg. 1. -e -i(g)e 2. -(e)s, -(e)st -as, -ast 3. -(e)?J -aS PI. -a'3 -i(ge)a3 Optative I II -e -i(g)e -en -i(g)en Infinitive: I. -an ; II. -i(ge)an Participle: I. -ende; II. -i(g)ende Imperative I II Sg. 2. -e, — -a PI. 1. -an -i(ge)an 2. -aS -i(ge)a(5 Preterit Indicative Optative Sing. 1. -de ^ 2. -des, -dest >-de 3. -de ) Plur. -dun, -don, -dan -den Participle: 1. -ed (-t); II. -od (-ad). 354. The endings of the strong verbs, and of the Fir., nasji]?, domei]?), etc. This i is often preserved in the oldest texts, but then passes, so far as it is retained at all (compare especially 2), into OE. weakened e (44) in all dialects: 2 sing. t260 INFLECTION biiides(t), ii^res(t), demes(t); 3 sing, bindeiff, ii^rel0F, deniear, etc. Note 1. In Ep. the i prevails wholly, while in Corp. it is replaced by e in about one third of the instances. In the 9th-century charters (no examples in those of the 8th) the e is already established, as it is in EWS. and Kent, texts, and in Ps. (which has only two -aeS's, like doemaeS, beside -e3). R.i and North., on the other hand, have spo- radic -i : K.2 gesceadij>, cymid, R.2 cymitJ, L. woenis, wyrci9. Kit. giscildis, -s^li3, etc. Note 2. In consequence of confusion with the endings of the Second Weak Conjugation, North, has, beside regular e, also a, and more rarely in L. Rit. also ae. Hence there occur side by side forms like 2 sing, bindes and bindas, -aes (even bindeS, -aS, -s^'S) ; 3 sing. bindetJ, -es, and binda^, -ae9, or bindas, -aes. This confusion also extends to Rit. 2) The full ending for the 2 and 3 sing., -es, -ear, etc., stands almost unvaryingly in Anglian, while in the southern dialects its -e- is more or less regularly syncopated ; this is therefore (notwithstanding much variation in the individual southern texts) an important criterion for the determination of dialect. Note 3. Syncope played a greater part in the prehistoric period than in the extant texts. Thus, the fuller forms in -es, -eS, etc., are not always the direct continuations of the original West Germ, forms, but are to a considerable extent new formations in OE.; this is shown by the lack of i-umlaut in the fuller forms of strong verbs (371). The following statements repose upon the actual data of the manuscripts. Note 4. In pure WS. and Kent., syncope is the rule in the case .of the long stems, whether strong or weak, the fuller forms consti- tuting the exception. Only in the case of stems ending in mute + liquid or nasal has pure WS. the fuller forms (404, note 1): frefrest, timbrest, dieglest, biecncst, -e??, from frefran, comfort; timbran, build; diofflan, conceal; biecnan, signify, etc. So EWS. regularly n^ninest, -e'<5, beside LWS. n^inst, ii^m'S. CONJUGATION 261 Note 5. Of the short stems of strong verbs, pure WS. and Kent, generally have syncope, except in the case of the jo-verbs (372). The strong jo-verbs, and the short-stemmed weak verbs, have their various peculiar rules : a) The verbs in p, t, c syncopate almost always from an early period: staepS, sit(t), s^t(t), 9ryc3, from staeppan, march; sittan, sit; sittan, set; (5ryec(e)an, oppress; and so probably those in s, h : cnys3, hlih?J, from cnyssan, smite; Uiehhan, laugh. b) The verbs in the sonants, d, f (= 15, 192. 2), and g, often vary in the earlier period : bitt and bideS, h^f 3 and h^fe?^, l^gS and l^getJ, from biddan, beseech; h^bban, lift; and l^cg(e)an, lay. At a later time syncope is the rule here, even aside from the early contractions list, liest; 115, lies (214. 4). c) The verbs in the liquids and nasals, r, 1, in, n, usually have no syncope: f^retJ, dw^letJ, fr^mety, S^neS, fromf^rian, carry; dw^lian, delay ; fr^mnian, complete; S^nian, stretch, etc. ; only the verb s^llan, siellaii (407. 1) generally has syncope already in EWS. : s^l?^ (beside s^leS). Note 6. Less pure WS. texts, especially those transcribed from Anglian originals, often show a larger percentage of full forms, and these may under some circumstances prevail to the more or less com- plete exclusion of the syncopated forms. For the poetical texts see Beitr. 10. 464 ff. Note 7. Of the Anglian texts, Ps. has only a few forms with syncope — twice after r, 1, three times in contract verbs : dc^rs "Su, s^lcJ ; gefihtJ (gefiht), gefoeht, from c^rran, s^llan, gef^on, fon ; in R.i c\vi5, dicit, inquit, ait, is common (but this is perhaps to be understood as c\vi?J, contracted from * cwi]?!]? through loss of the first ]?) ; other syncopated forms are sporadic : s^lS, cymS, gewyr?^, bit ; slaeh]?, foeh]?, from s^Uan, cuman, weorSan, biddan, slean, fon. Much slighter and more doubtful are the traces in the North, texts (once gehers 9u, audis; geh^ht vel htet, imperat L.). 3) In the Second Weak Conjugation a is the normal vowel of the ending, which therefore is -as, -ad". For details on this point see 412. 359. In consequence of syncope, radical final con- sonants are brought into immediate contact with the 262 INFLECTION -s(t), and -J7, -9", of the ending. This occasions a series of changes in the form of the word, partly affecting the radical syllable, and partly the ending. The principal cases are as follows : 1) Gemination at the end of the radical syllable is simplified : winnaii, winst, y^'inSr ; feallan, fielst, fieliT ; hliehhaii, hliehst, hliehcT ; yppan, ypst, ypST, etc. 2) d before the -s(t) of the second person is usually converted by phonetic law to t : bidclan, bitst ; rsedan, rsetst ; after consonants : findan, fintst ; stQiidaii, st^ntst ; \% ealdaii, wieltst ; aiidwjTdaii, andwyrtst, etc. ; but the etymological spelling with d often replaces it : bidst, raBdst, findst, etc. In later texts the d is often lost after consonants : finst, st^nst, hylst, holdest; gylst, repayest (from healdan, g-yldaii), etc. Note 1. Even radical t occasionally disappears after a consonant before the -s(t) of the 2 sing. : compare LWS. forms like ehst, tihst, ^fst, beside ehtst, etc., from ehtan, persecute; tihtan, warn; ^fstaii, hasten^ etc. 3) d and t are fused with the -J?, -tS of the 3 sing, to t, which often becomes tt after vowels, especially in the older period : fiiidaii, fiiit ; berstan, birst ; biddan, bit(t) ; bidan, bit(t) ; etaii, it(t) ; weak s^ndan, s^iit ; faestan, fsest (EWS. likewise faesSr, 196.1); gretan, gTet(t); liw^ttan, hw^t(t), etc. Note 2. Occasionally the older texts have the half etymological spelling dt, as in bidt, or d alone in the case of verbs in d: hyd, from hydan, hide. Note 3. bregdan, brandish (389), and the weak stregdan, scatter, have in the 3 sing, the forms britt (bryt, bret) and stret(t). 4) g after a long vowel or r, 1 frequently (especially in later texts) becomes li before the -s{t), and -}?, -tf CONJUGATION 263 (214.1): stig^an, stigrst, stigST, and stilist, stihaf; swelg- aii, swilg^st, swilg-ST, and swillist, swilhtT (or swelhst, swelhST, 371, note 3 ; on forms like swylcST see note 6). Note 4. After a short vowel LWS. g usually persists, so that forms like \vih?J, wehcJ, from w^egan, occur only sporadically. Note 5. In LWS., nc occurs not infrequently for ng (215): bringan, bringst, bring??, and brincst, brined, etc. For the con- verse, ng for etymological ne, see 215, note 1. 5) c following a vowel often passes in the later language into li before the -s(t), and -]?, -9", but this is almost wholly confined to weak verbs : secan, tsecan, aFryccan, 2 sing, sehst, tselist, pryliSf, etc. ; but more generally the etymological spelling est, ctf is retained. Note 6. That the est, cS w^as nevertheless pronounced hst, YiS in LWS. is shown by the occasional substitution of cti for older hS and gS (see 4, above), as in geSic'S, af ec3 ; flic3, fors^vylc??, from ge^Jeon, succeed; onfon, receive; fliegan, rout; swelgan, swallow. 6) J7 + J> is always simplified after consonants, and usually after vowels : weoriaran, wierST ; cwearan, cwiS" ; cyaran, cy9'(3'), etc. Note 7. Before the -st of the 2 sing. ]? may pass into t, or else be preserved (or restored) : snrffan, snitst and snTSst, etc. In ^veor?Jan, become, and cwetJan, speak, 3 generally disappears: wierst (wjTst), cwist ; but also LWS. cwySst, cweSst, beside cwyst, cwest, etc. 7) s, ss, and st coalesce with the -s(t) of the 2 sing, to simple st, and in like manner x {= hs, 221. 2) + st to xt : ceosan, ciest ; cyssan, cyst ; r^stan, r^st ; weaxan, wyxt, etc. 8) s + ]? gives regularly st (201. 6), as in ceosan, ciest, etc. ; hence also forms like weaxan, wiext, etc. For this st (xt) certain EWS. texts also have sSF (xSr) : 264 INFLECTION . ciestT, wiexar, etc. When such an stT, x, fleop, imp. fleoh, teoh, plur. fleoj? ; 3) inf. seon, infl. seonne, seenne, part. seonde, seende, seaende, pres. 2 sing, sis, se^s and sihst, 3 sing. sTff, seoj? and sihp, plur. seop, sea}?, see J?, opt. plur. seo(ii), imp. sih and seoh, plur. seoJ>, seae]? {= seaij? ?), pres. 3 sing, and imp. plur. gefeaj? (cf. 391, note 6); 4) inf. sla(n) and slean, slsean, infl. slteanne, pres. 1 sing, slee, 2 sing, slsegst, 3 sing, slaep and slaehj?, plur. sleep and slaeg^, slaeh]?, thuatJ, opt, slee, imp. slag, ]7\vah. Note 4. R.^ has the following instances: 1) pres. 3 sing. wriS, imp. plur. "wria3; 2) inf. tea, infl. fleaii(n)e, pres. 3 sing, fles, plur. fleas; 3) inf. sea, infl. seaii(n)e, seana, pres. 1 sing. sTom, 2 sing. sis(t), 3 sing. sT5 (seaS), plur. seal5, seas and sie3, opt. sli, sie, plur. sil, sie, imp. sing, sih, saeh, adhortative gisea we, 2 plur. seatJ, seas, and imp. geffeg, plur. gefeaS (391, note 6); 4) inf. sla(a), tJwa, J^wie, infl. slaanne, part, sla'nde, pres. 1 sing, slse, Swse, 2 sing. slses, 3w£es, 3 sing. slteS, slacJ, plur. sla5, opt. sing, sl^, 3w8e, imp. sing, slah, ?ywah, adhortative ofsla we. Note 5. In L. occur: 1) inf. w^rlga, pres. 3 sing. wTigatJ, opt. wria, imp. plur. w^^rlaS ; 2) inf. flea, tea, infl. fleanne, pres. 3 sing. GiiS, plur. fleaS, fleas, flias, imp. sing, fleh, plur. fleas; 3) inf. sea, infl. seanne, part, seende, segende, pres. 1 sing. sTum, seem (seium), 2 sing, siis, siistu, sist, 3 sing. siiS, -s, sea3, plur. seacJ, -s, opt. sing. sil, sie, plur. see, sea, seae, sege(?), imp. sing, sih, seh, saeh, saegh, plur. sea?J, -s ; 4) inf. slaa, slge (slea ?) and tJoa, 15uoa, part, slcende, slaegende, sloegende(?), pres. 1 sing, slse, Soa, 2 sing, slges(t), tJvoas, ?n*oas, 3 sing. slseS, -s ; tJw^as, plur. sla(a)s, slie??, -s ; ?^was; opt. sing, slaae, tJoa, imp. sing, slah, ?^uah, adhortative ofsla we. Note 6. Rit. has : 1) inf. gi^Ra, infl. wrianne, part. 3iiende, pres. opt. sing. plur. gi?yii, imp. plur. wriaS ; 2) infl. inf. fleanne, part. fleende, pres. 3 sing, flee?^, te^, opt. sing, flee, flii, imp. plur. fleas ; 3) inf. sea, pres. 1 sing, slum, 2 sing, siist, 3 sing. sKJ, plur. sea3, opt. sing, sii, imp. sih, sigh, seh, plur. sea3; 4) part. slSnduni. Note 7. On North, w^eak gefeaga see 391, note 6 ; 414, note 5. c. 280 INFLECTION 2) Preterit 375. The preterits of the contract verbs do not differ from those of the regular conjugation, since the h is either final (ind. 1 and 3 sing.) or has undergone gram- matical change to gr or w. 376. u-umlaut belongs originally to the ind. plur. of the strong verbs of the First Ablaut-Class (382), as far as the special phonetic laws of the individual dialects require. However, the old conditions are much dis- ordered by leveling (105; 160; 104.2, etc.). Note. In EWS. texts, the io due to umlaut is already gone : not only gewiton (105. 1), but drifon, scrifon (105. 2); WS. forms with lo, eo occur therefore only sporadically in less pure texts, being espe- cially frequent in the poetry. Kent. Gl. has only one leveled form : gewiton. Ps., on the other hand, has consistently carried through the umlaut to eo (once io), and extended it by analogy to the verbs in a guttural, like steogun, ■bisweocun, while R.i fluctuates between eo, io and simple i (164, note 2). The umlaut-form of North, is everywhere io (150, note 4). The instances in R.^ strictly follow the phonetic rules, with the excep- tion of one fordrifen, with a different vowel of the ending : -driofun, -fliotuD, -hrionuu, -on, ilriosun, contrasted with stigun, wrigun (164. 2). L. has, however, a few leveled forms in i: fordrifon, gehrinon, awritton, beside the phonetically correct forms, like biodon, driofon ; stigou, Avrigon. Rit. has only d-, girioson. 377. i-umlaut properly belongs to the indicative 2 sing, and the whole optative (compare OS. forms like ind. 2 sing, bundi, opt. 1 and 3 sing, bundi, plur. biindin). It scarcely occurs, however, except in a few optalives of the preteritive presents (421 ff.); in the reg- ular verb it has been given up. CONJUGATION 281 Note. The few umlauted forms which might perhaps be assigned liere are extremely doubtful. R."^ has au appareut iud. 2 sing. (5w*gc, as a gloss upon lavabis; in a rubric of Rit. 114 there is an opt. wyrde, parallel to the opt. pres. maege ; in Cura Past. 214. 7, lili(e)pen is to be classed, according to the sense, as opt. pres. (and accordingly belongs, no doubt, to a weak verb hliepan, from *Iilaupjan); in like manner, a present meaning is requisite for swylte (corrected from swaelte), R.i 22. 24. There remain only a few forms with wyr for wur, which are perhaps to be regarded as inverted spellings (72, and note) : poet, hwyrfe, Dan. 221 ; R.2 wyrde, gewyrde, Jieret, once each (compare R.i ind. wyrdun, -on, wyrSon, wyrpon, for wurdun, etc., and ind. plur. awyrpe]?, for dweorpa]?). 3) Past Participle 378. The vocalisni of these participles is generally stable. Only the following is to be noted: 1) In the verbs of the Sixth Ablaut-Class a inter- changes with se: faren, fseren, etc. (368, note 4). 2) As a result of the original ending -in (beside -sen, -en, 366, note 2), certain verbs occasionally have i-umlaut. Note 1. Among EWS. texts, Cura Past, has of these forjns (disre- garding the uniform gesewen, 73, note 1); in MS. C two -slegen, as against -slsegen MS. H, in the former one -cymen, two -Sr^wen, as against -cumen, -^Jrawen MS. H. In the EWS. laws occur -slegen, -tygen (beside -togen, from teon, censure, 383, note 3), in later texts often -cymen, -Sw^gen, -slegen. Compare the participial adjective gegen, ovm, beside agen (Goth, aigins, contrasted with OHG. eigan). Sure instances are lacking in Ps. (but see note 2), as its slegen, dh^fen, etc. can be interpreted by 151. 1 ; R.^ has unSw^gen (beside -slsegen, etc.), R.2 one gebrsecen, Rit. -h^fen, beside -slaegen, etc.); in L. the umlauts are commoner : gescyfen, gecnoeden, gesuoeren, gewoerden, dwoerpen, -h^fen, -(Ju^gen, and probably gescryiican, etc. (386, note 4); cf. also note 2. Note 2. Here belongs also the Angl. part, doen (poet, -den), from *d6m-, from the anomalous don, 429. On this model are framed a 282 INFLECTION few forms of contract verbs in North. : -foen, -hoen R.2 L. Rit. (also poet, -fen), in L. also -3uoen, c^uen (392, note 7; 397, note). Note 3. Only quite sporadically occur traces of u-uralaut (366.2), like gewreotene in a Kentish charter of a.d. 871-889. Note 4. In MS. C of Cura Past, occurs twice the part, wieten, from witan (420. 1), but its ie must be derived from the ie-forms of the infinitive, etc. The numerous ie's of MS. H in participles of the First Ablaut-Class are not to be regarded (22, note). B. TENSE-FORMATION OF STRONG VERBS 1) Ablaut Verbs 379. The tense-stems. The forms of OE. Ablaut Verbs may all be referred to four stems, which are called tense- stems. These are 1) the present-stem, to which belong all the forms of the present ; 2) the first preterit-stem, to which belong only the ind. pret. 1 and 3 sing. ; 3) the second preterit-stem, comprising the ind. 2 sing., the ind. plur., and the whole opt. pret. ; 4) the stem of the past participle, from which only the latter is derived. As representatives of these four stems the following are generally adduced : 1) the ind. pres. 1 sing, or the inf. ; 2) the ind. pret. 1 sing. ; 3) the ind. pret. 1 plur. ; 4) the past participle. 380. Grammatical change. Those verbs whose pres- ent-stem ends in a surd spirant regularly experience grammatical change in the third and fourth stems : ceosan, ceas, curoii, coreii (384) ; licTjin, lacT, lidoii, lideii (382) ; teon, teali, tiig-on, tog-eii (384) ; seon, shea, CONJUGATION 283 sawon, sewen (391. 2). This relation is, however, often obscured, since the grammatical change often extends to the second stem: slean, slog-, slog-on, g-eslaegen (392. 2). For details see under the various Ablaut- Classes. 381. The ahlaut-series. The variation of radical vowel in the four stems of the verb takes place within certain well-defined vowel-groups or series, which are called ablaut^series. Of these series the Germanic verb recog- nizes six. Arranging the vowels according to the order of the four stems, the series form the following system : 1st Stem 2d Stem 3d Stem 4th Stem I . . . 1 ai i i II . . eu au u o Ill . . . e, i a u u, o IV . . . e, i a £6 o V . . . e,i a £6 e VI . . . a o O a Note 1. For the variation of e and i, u and o, see 45. 2, 3, The much more complicated system of the OE. ablaut- series results from the Germanic by the introduction of the changes which the Germanic vowels experienced in OE. (49ff.). Further particulars will be given in the following surveys. Note 2 (on 380-381). In North., especially in L., the strong con- jugation is already beginning to disorganize. This results from various new^ formations in the pret. and past part., which now destroy the grammatical change, now the older ablaut, and now repose upon analogy with the weak conjugation. For the details see below. 382. Class I. Verbs of the First Ablaut-Class : i, a, i (io, eo, 105; 160; 376), ^(io, eo, 378, note 3): gripan, grap, gripoii (griopun), gripen, seize; with grammatical 284 INFLECTION change in the third and fourth stems : sniaran, snaiac, snidoii, siiiden, cut. Note 1. a) Like gripan are inflected nipan, groio dark; clifan, adhere; drifaii, drive; belifan, remain; scrifan, i)rescrihe; toslifan, Hplit; s^vifan, reuoiye ; bitan, 6i^e; dritan (?), cacare; flitan, cojiiemZ; hnitaii, thrust; seitan, cacare; slitan, tear; besinitaii, defile; <5\vitan, heiv; ge"\vitan, go; aet\vitan, scold, twit; -vvlitan, look; writaii, write; bidau, bide; glidan, glide; gnldan, enidan (LWS. has sporadically a pret. forgnatf), rub; hlidan, cover; ridan, ride; slidan, slide; stridaii, stride; Avridan(?), grow; blican, shine; sican, sigh; snican(?), creep; strican, go; SAvTcan, abandon; -wican, yield; *figaii, parch (only part, afigen); huigan, bow; iiiigan, mingere; sigan, sink; stlgan, ascend; cinan, gape; ^CAvTnan, dwinan, dis- appear; ginftn, yawn; hrinan, touch ; hwinan {?), hiss; scinan, shine (pret. scan, seean, 76); 3\vinan(?), grow soft; spiAvan, spjew; arisan, arise; gerisan, befit; mrSan, avoid; ^vl•l(Jan, bind. b) Like snitJan are conjugated ITSan, go; scrTSaii, proceed (but part, scri^en Guthl. 1012); aetclrffan, adhere, is doubtful; on LWS. frinan, fran, see 389, note 3. Note 2. Occasionally strong preterits are also formed from weak verbs : ran, from rinan, for rignan, ra/>i Blickl. Gl. ; ofersivaff, from ofe^s^vi3aIl Saints 2. 4. Note 3. The present of ripan, reap, is peculiarly irregular ; the quantity of the i is doubtful in WS., but it is short in Angl., and there- fore subject to u- and o/a-umlaut (370, note 8): Ps. reopan, 3 sing. ripe?y, R.i hriopan, 1 and 3 sing, ripe, -es, R.2 2 and 3 sing, ripes, -e^J, plur. riopaS, opt. ripe, L. (h)rioppa, 1 sing, hrippo, 2 hrip(p)es, 3 hrioppaty, plur. hriopaS, rioppas. Thus inflects North. L. grioppa, grasp: inf. grioppa, 3 sing, gripes, opt. gripa, etc. The defective verb --weosan, vanish, also probably belongs here : pres. part, tovveosende, past part. foi*Averen, forA\ eoren (forworen, 72), from * wisan ; compare the weak wlsnian, weosniaii. On lioran, leoran see 384, note 3. Note 4. North, new formations are: R.^ pret. plur. dstiegdun (beside stag, plur. stigun); L. pret. gripp(e)de (beside grap, opt. grioppa), stTg(o)de, -ade, opt. stago, stagadc (beside ind. stag, plur. stigun, opt. stige), duinde, hrin(a)don, part, gehrinad (beside pret. plur. hrinon). CONJUGATION 285 383. 1) The contract verbs tion, teon, censure ; (Tion, aceon, thrive ; wrion, Avreon, cover (for * tilian, etc., com- pare Goth, teihaii, }>eihan ; on io, eo see 84. 2 ; 114. 3 ; Ps. wrean, R.^ Avrigran, R.^ wria, L. wri(g')a, Rit. ifTia, Avria, 374, notes 2 ff.), lost the h in certain forms of the present, which then underwent contraction (373), but retain the h in the pret. 1 and 3 sing., and convert it into g" by grammatical change in the third and fourth stems (380) : wrioii (wreon), wrah, wrig-on, wrigren. 2) This inflectional type has been preserved in An- glian in a virtually pure form (see the list of individual instances in 374), but in WS. these verbs soon went over to the Second Ablaut-Class, whose present forms coincided with theirs : thus pret. wreah, plur. wriig-on, part. Avrogen, like teali, tug-on, togen, from tion, teon, draw (384. 2). Note 1. This transfer begins in EWS. with teah, tugon Or., in contrast with part. geSigen Cura Past. The lexicons and older grammars often cite infinitives like *tThaii, etc. ; these are nowhere to be met with in the literature, and are falsely deduced from forms in which the h is regularly preserved (374), like 3 sing. ti(e)h?J. Note 2. The g of the third and fourth stems is occasionally trans- ferred to the second stem : tJag, >vrag ; in R.i L. -wriga, beside wria (374, notes 3 and 5), it even penetrates into the first. Note 3. ?Ron, 3eon, in addition to the pret. plur. Sigon, Iffugon, part. Sigen, ?fogen, likewise forms a pret. plur. ISungon, opt. tfunge, past part. (Jungen, according to Class III (386). tion, teon, censure, has also in the past part, tygen, with i-umlaut (378, note 1), beside tigen and togen. Note 4. Like tion, teon are inflected the first and second stems of lion, leon, lend; seon, sift (Goth, leihwan, *seihAvan), pret. lah, leah. The only other form is the past part. aslAven, dseow'^en (73. 3, and note 3), and the contracted beseon. 286 INFLECTION 384. Class II. Verbs of the Second Ablaut-Class : egj ea, u, o (Goth, iu, au, u, u). Examples: 1) for regular verbs: beodan, bead, budon, boden, hid; ceowan, ceaAv, cmvoii, cowen, cheiv ; or with gramtQatical change in the third and fourth stems : ceosan, ceas, curon, coren, choose ; seoacan, seaST, sudon, soden, seethe ; 2) for contract verbs : teon, teah, tug-on, tog-en, draw ; similarly fleon, flee (for the Anglian forms in detail see 374). Note 1. So are also inflected: a) Regularly : ereopan, creep; dreopan, drip ; geopan, receive; cleofan, cleave; reofan, shatter (only part, rofen, berofen); breotan, break; fleotau, flow; geotan, pour; greotan, weep; hleotan, cast lots; neotan, enjoy ; reotan, fall ; sceotan (part, scoten and sceoten, 76), shoot; "Seotan (beside 3utan, 385), howl; ASreotan, weary; hreodan (generally only past part, hroden), adorn; leodan, grow; reodan, redden; Ahreo'Siin{paxt. &broresc- enne Hpt. Gl.). Note 3. frignan (compare Goth, fraihnan) has 1 as the vowel of the present in WS. and Ps. In WS. the g often disappears in the polysyllabic forms (214. 3): frinan : fraegn; in LWS. this is replaced by frinan, fran, by analogy with the First Ablaut-Class, yet the plur. generally persists as frunon, part, firunen, although frinon, frinen also occur. Other more uncommon by-forms are frinnan, pret. freng, plur. frungon (185). In R.i the verb is frsegna (only 2 sing, fraegnast found), North. R.2 fregna, fraegna, L. fregna, fraegna, fralgna; R.^ pret. fraegn, plur. frugnun, -on, and fraegnun, part, frognen, L. pret. fraegn, fraign, plur. frugnon, beside weakfregnde, fraegn(a)de, fraign(a)de, part, frognen. In this verb the n originally belonged only to the pres. (compare Goth, fpah, frehuni); a relic of the older inflection is perhaps pre- served in the pret. plur. frugan R.i Matt. 12. 10, and the participial forms gefraegen, gefregen, gefrugen, gefrigen, which might, how- ever, belong to fricgean (391, note 8). Note 4. For murnan, the only form occurring, *nieornan is often wrongly assumed. The poetry has once a pret. murnde. For North, wea^k forms see 416, note H. e, spurnaa (spornan) is the 292 INFLECTION only present form in EWS. ; the new formation speornan only occurs once, and that in LWS. Note 5. Here perhaps belongs forcwolstaii, sioallow, with irreg- ular present forms ; only the inf. is found. 390. Class IV. Verbs of the Fourth Ablaut-Class : Goth, i, a, e, u, WS. e, ae, se, o (Kent, and Ps. e, e, e, o, R.^ North, e, se (e), e (R.^ also se), o, 150. 1 ; 151. 1) : beraii, bser, b?eron, boren, bear. Note 1. So also are inflected c^velan, die; helan, conceal; *hwelan(?), roar (only hwileS, and hwelung, clangor, are found); stelan, steal; scieran, scyran, shear (WS. pret. only scear, plur. scearon, in poet, also scaer, scaerou); teran, tear; Sweran, stir; brecan, break; here belongs likewise the isolated past part, gedwolen, perverse; on gecJuren see 385, note 1. Note 2. Peculiarly irregular are : niman, take nom, nam nomon, namon numen cuman, come c(w)om c(\v)oinoii cumen (cymen) The opt. pres. of cuman occurs not infrequently as cyme, with i-umlaut ; now and then this y occurs in other pres. forms, especially in Anglian. Here belong the following inflections : a) Ps. part, cum- ende, ind. pres. sing. 1 cumu, 2, 3 cymes, -e9, plur. cumatf, opt. cyme, imp. cym, plur. cumaS ; b) llA inf. cuman, -e, part, cum- ende (cymende), ind. pres. sing. 1 cume, 2 cymest (cumest), 3 cyme)? (cyma]7, cymjj), plur. oumaj? (cymejj, -e(5), opt. cume (cyme), imp. cym, cyme, cum, plur. cuma]?, -ep (cyme]?) ; c) R.2 inf. cuma, part, cymende, ind. pres. sing. 1 cymo, 2, 3 -es, -ecJ, etc., plur. cumatJ, cyjnaTf, opt. cyme, imp. cym, plur. cumeS, cyma?J, past part, cumen; d) L. inf. cum(m)a, -ai, cyme, part. cym(m)ende (cummende), ind. pres. sing. 1 cym(m)o, 2, 3 cymes, -eS, etc., plur. cymas (cumas), etc., opt. cymo, -e, imp. cym(m), plur. cym(m)a3 (cumas), etc., past part. cum(m)en; e) in Rit. the y goes through the whole pres., with the exception of one each inf. gicvma, cume (past part, always cum(m)en). The EWS. pret. is generally com in Cura Past, and Or., but usu- ally cuom in Chron. R.2 has only com, Ps. only cwom, R.i cwom (once com), L. cwom (once comf« opt.), Rit. cvom (a plural form *cwamon, which used frequently to iDe assumed, does not exist). CONJUGATION 293 The length of the o in c(w)om is certified, like that of the corre- sponding nom, by accents and the doubling of the vowel. In Angl. the forms noni, plur. nomiin, -on prevail exclusively, but in WS. and Kent, there occurs also at an early period the new formation nam, plur. namon (already Ep. naamun). Note 3. Here perhaps belongs striman, in-, obniti (only part. strinia(e)ndi Gl.). Note 4. An umlauted past part. (378. 2) is North, gibroecen. Note 5. On u- and o/a-umlaut in verbs of this class see 370 ; on present forms with ae see 391, note 5. 391. Class V. 1) Verbs of the Fifth Ablaut-Class: Goth, i, a, e, i, WS. e, ae, £e, e (Kent, and Ps. e, e, e, e, otherwise Angl. e, ae, e, e, 150 ; 151) : nietan, maet, mgeton, meten, ineasure ; or with grammatical change : cweiaFan, cwaeiS", cwt^don, cweden, say (cf. note 4). Note 1. So are inflected drepan (part, also once dropen Beow. 2981), strike down; screpan, scrape; svi^efan, sleep; ^vefan, weave; fetan, fell ; cnedan, knead; tredan, tread; sprecan (Kent, and LWS. also specan), speak; wrecan, pursue; wegan, carr?/ ylesan, collect; genesan, recover; with grammatical change only the defective wesan (427. 3). Sporadic is the North, past part, forrepen, reprehensus L. The verb plegan, play, has' strong forms only in the pres. (beside weak plegian); the pret. is WS. plegode; R.i pl(e)agade; North. R.2 plaegede, L. plaeg(e)de, plaegade; Ps. has only present forms of plegian, plagian ; cf . 416, note 13. 6. Very doubtful is hlecan, glomerari (3 plur. hlecatJ Cura Past. 362. 20 ; also part, tohlocene, diuulsam Germ. 23. 398 ? ; cf. the weak verb dhlocian, eruere, effodere). Note 2. WS. giefan, give ; -gietan, get, are irregular only in accordance with 75 : pret. geaf, -geat, plur. geafon, -geaton (but cf. also 109, and note), part, giefen, gieten, etc. In Kent, and Angl. this diphthongization does not occur (157. 2), with the excep- tion of a few North, geaef, -geaet, and geaf, -geat, beside gaef, gaet in L. On the other hand, Rit. has a few gi-'s, beside ge- : imp. gif, part, glfende, beside gef (157, note 2), Note 3. etan, eat, and fretan, devour, have the WS. pret. sing. set, fraet (compare Goth, fret), and hence also R.^ North. et(t) (R.i 294 INFLECTION also once gleet), with long e (150. 1 ; a sporadic aet in L. may be a new formation, cf. note 10). Note 4. For the u- and o/a-umlaut in verbs of this Class see 370 ; on North, woe- for we- see 156. 1 ; on North, wo- for weo- (espe- cially wosa, 427.3) see 156.2; on the pres. of cwoeSa, etc., for WS. cwe'd'aii, see 370, note 7 ; the pret. is in L. cuae^, cuoe?J (coetJ, cwoiJ), plur. cuedou (cusedon), cuoedoii, etc., in Rit. cvoetJ (once cvo(5), opt. cvoede. Note 5 (on 390, 391). Certain North, texts have occasionally se in the pres., instead of e: R.^ once stselan, and often (on account of the w) cwaeSan, L. haela, baerende, spraecca, 1 sing, wraeco, etc. 2) The verbs g-efion, g-efeon, rejoice ; plion, pleon, advefiture ; and sion, seon, see^ stand for * -fehan, * plehan, * seh(w)an (113. 2 ; 373). Their tense-forma- tion in WS. is ; gefeon gefeah gefaegon (gefaegen) pleon pleah seen seah saw^on se>veii, saw^en Note 6. An inf. *gefeohan does not exist; gefaegen (North. L. gefagen), glad, is, like faegen, properly an adjective (compare OS. fagan). The pret. is Merc. Ps. gefaeh, plur. Ps. R.i gefegun, -on (cf. note 7). The North, verb generally inflects like a weak verb of the Second Class: R.2 L. gifeaga, -e (so also 3 sing. R.i gefea]?); cf. 374, notes 3 ff. ; 414, note 5. c. Note 7. In texts which are not pure WS., especially in the poetry, saegon occurs instead of sawon. In Anglian the pret. of seon is sseh, according to 162. 1 (L. also saegh; cf. also note 6), plur. segun, -on (R.i also sagiin and saegun), opt. sege, part, gesegen Ps. R.2 L., also geseen L. Besides, the adj. gesene, visible, is used as a part, in R.i R.2 L. (222. 2 ; in R.i also geseanae, gessenae). 3) The verbs biddan, request ; licg(e)an, lie ; sittan, nt, form their present in Germ, with jo (compare Goth. bidjan, and 372), but are otherwise regular : pret. baed, laeg, saJt, part, beden, legen, seten. CONJUGATION 295 Note 8. So, too, 3icg(e)an, take^ and fricg(e)an, ascertain^ have the same present formation, but form their pret., especially in the poetry, as Seah, 3ah (there also occurs the weak pret. 9igede, Sigde, 400, note 1. 6; 401, note 1, especially in pure WS., and there appar- ently always; the pret. of fricgean does not occur), and the part, as gecJegeii (if ^degen, distentus Gl. belongs here), and gefrigen, gefrugen (389, note 3). Note 9. The verbs in g have (57, note 3) in the ind. pret. plur. WS. a, beside more frequent te by analogy with the other verbs : lagon, wagon, and Isegon, wgegon (but not *sagon, beside sfcegon, since the pure WS. form is sawoii, see note 7, above). In Kent. Angl. the universal non-WS. e prevails (150. 1): legun, etc. (for an exception in R.i see note 7). Note 10 (on 1-3). R.i and North, have not altogether infrequently e, beside ae, in the pret. sing.: R.i spree, bed, sett, c%ve3, R.^ gef, bed, L. spree, gef, bed, set, etc. In the case at least of R.i this may repose upon varying representation of the sound ; in that of L,, which elsewhere distinguishes ae from e with exactness, we should rather assume analogy with the plur. : spree, beside spraec, etc. 392. Class VI. 1) Verbs of the Sixth Ablaut-Class: Goth. OE. a, o, o, a: faran, for, foron, faren, go; on past participles with ae, e, see note 7. Note 1. Thus are inflected alan, nourish; ealan (nearly restricted to part, ofealen), grow cool; galan, sing; grafan, grave; se(e)afan, shave; hladaii, lade; wadan, go; dragan, draw; gnagan, gnaw; aean (only present forms found), ache; baean, hake; sacan, dispute; se(e)aean, hasten; waseaii (waxan, 204. 3), wash. Here belong also the isolated participles gedafen (rarely gedaefen, cf. note 7), suitable; ge3racen(?), prejKired ; also perhaps clawan, claw, whose pret. does not occur. Note 2. wsecnan, awake, groio up, pret. woe (beside weak •waienian. Class II) forms its present with n. Note 3. The irregularities of se(e)afan and se(e)acan, pret. seoe, seeoe, part. se(e)aeen (poet, seaeeeii, 368, note 4), are explained by 76. The Angl. forms are : Ps. pres. part, seaecende, past part, seeeen, R.i imp. plur, ;iscake]?, R.^ imp. plur. scaeeas, dseeaeaS, L. seeae(e)a, etc. (part, also sceaecende), Rit. past part. dse(e)aeecen. 296 INFLECTION Note 4. EWS. spgnan, spanan, seduce (Angl. not found), pret. spoil, later forms the pret. speon after the manner of the Reduplicating Verbs, and in more recent texts a corresponding pres. spannan (396). * Note 5. weaxan, grow (LWS. wexan, 108. 2) has already gone over in EWS. to the conjugation of the Reduplicating Verbs: pret. weox (396); so Angl. R.i wexan (plur. also w^aexajj), pret. weox and plur, weoxoii (165. 1); but North. R.2 wexa, L. wa;xa has still the old pret. wox. 2) The contract verbs flean, flai/ ; lean, blame ; slean, strike ; Q'vvean, wash (compare Goth, slahaii, ]7wahan) form their present according to the rules of 374. In the preterit grammatical change has invaded the singular; hence the 1 and 3 sing, are flog-, log-, slog-, STwdg-, through the influence of the plur. log-on, slog-on, Sfwog-on (380 ; the later forms in h : loh, sloh, iSTwoh, are to be judged according to 214. 1 ; cf. also 4, below: sc^SFSTan, sceod). Ill the past part, grammatical change likewise prevails : slsegen, aTwaegen, beflagen, belag-en, etc., 368, note 4 (for North, exceptions see note 7). 3) st1ian, 67) ; pret. with grammatical change, fengr, heng, part. f<^iiffeii, li^iigen. CONJUGATION 299 Note 1. The e of the preterit forms is demonstrably short in OS. and ON.; hence the OE. vowel was probably short, though later lengthening might occur (124). Note 2. Here probably also belongs dblgngan, grow angry ^ of which only the past part. ablQncgne, indignati, is found in L. 2) A few verbs which end m a simple consonant have e. Their radical vowel is : a) WS. ^, Kent. Angl. e (=Germ. ae, Goth, e) : (on)- dr^dan, dread ; rgedan, advise^ read ; Isetan, let ; slaepan (slapan, 57. 3), sleep. Note 3. For dreord, reord, leort, beside dred, red, let, see 394. 1 . rsedan is generally weak in WS. : pret. rtedde, part, gersedd (406), though strong forms do occur : pret. plur. redon Or. , part, rseden Blickl. R.i has pret. plur. reordun, R.2 reddun = L. redden, cor- rected to redon (394, note 2), but part. L. gereded. In like manner, there are WS. weak forms : (on)sl£epte, ondrfcedde. In Angl. prose the pret. of slsepan is always weak: Ps. slepte, R.i slepte (slepade), L. slepde (plur. also slepedon), Rit. slepde. h) a (Germ. Goth, ai), neither preceded nor followed by w (396. 2. c) : hatan, call ; lacan, jump^ play ; scadan (sceadan, 76), separate. Note 4. The WS. pret. of scadan, sceadan is scead, beside seed. The only pret. forms of Angl. prose are : R.^ ind. sing, togisceode, interpretabatur^ L. -sceadade, -sceadde (-sceadda), -sceade, plur. scead(ad)on ; Rit. 2 sing, gesceadest, plur. tosceadon. 396. 1) The diphthong eo is retained in the preterit by such as have original a before 1 + consonant, as well as by a few in n + consonant : a) feallan, fall ; weallan, he agitated ; fealdan, fold ; healdan, hold; stealdan, possess; wealdan, wield; sealtan, salt; wealcan, revolve (for Angl. fallan, -a, etc. see 158. 2); 300 INFLECTION h) b<}iiiiaii, summon ; sp<}iiiian, join ; gr^ng-an, go ; Note 1. The quantity of eo in the preterit can not be directly ascertained ; but, upon the basis of certain hypotheses of origin, it is now generally assumed that it is long, notwithstanding the following consonant-group (394, note 1). On North, ea for eo see 394, note 3. R.i has the plur. felluii, beside forms like heold, feolloii (feallan). Note 2. For g9ngan North, (157. 4) has L. geonga (ind. pres. 1 sing, also giuugo, opt. giunga), Rit. geonga, gionga, but R.'-^ gQnga (only once geonga). In the poetry occurs an inf. gengan Andr. 1097. The pret. is geong or gengde in the poetry (in Beow. also gang), but is replaced by eode (430) in the prose (even in Angl.). Similarly North, lacks the past part, geg^ngen, its place being taken by giead R.2L. Note 3. On weaxan, grow^ see 392, note 5. Note 4. The forms gien(g), opt. genge, and spenn, occurring in Gen. B, which was based upon an Old Saxon original, are not OE. 2) The diphthong eo falls to those verbs which end in a single consonant, and have as their radical vowel : a) orig. au = OE. ea : beatan, heat ; lieawan, hew ; lileapan, lea]p ; ^lineapan, jAuck off ; h) orig. o = OE. o: hropan, shout ; hwopan, threaten; blotan, sacrifice ; wrotan (pret. not found), root ; floean (pret. not found), applaud ; swdg-an (pret. not found), roar ; swog-an, overcome (part, g-eswog-en, swooning) ; and with i-umlaut (present formation with jo, 372) : wepan, weep; * hwesaii (or * liwsesan?), wheeze ; with the pho- netic group ow : blowan, bloom ; flowan, floiv ; gro wan, grow ; hlowan, low ; rowan, row ; spowan, thrive ; c) a with following or preceding w : blawan, blow ; cntiwan, know ; criiwan, croiv ; inawan, mow ; sawan, sow ; STrawan, twist ; wawan, blow ; swapan, sweep. Note 5. To a) belong the isolated participles eacen, great (cf . Goth. aukau, increase), and eaden, horn; to a) or h) the isolated preterits CONJUGATION 301 geneop Ex. 475 and onreod, inbuit Corp. 1129 ; to c) perhaps rawan, cleave (pres. part, geriiwende, past part, ger^weii). For snowaii, cuodaii, aud North. * speofta, * speafta, see 384, notes 4 and 5. Note 6. A strong pret. is lacking to the strong pres. buan, dwell, past part, gebun, gebuen (rarely byn), its place being taken by bude, bfiede, North. by(e)de, from the weak bu(w)ian, North, bya (416, note 11. d). Note 7. Beside sawan, MS. H of Cura Past, has an umlauted ssewan. Note 8. The verbs in w have sometimes e, instead of eo, in the pret.: EWS. Cura Past, oncne^v, -on, opt. se^ve, Or. onenewen; Merc. Ps. oncnew, -e, -un, R.i heu, 2 sing, sewe, plur. blew an. The North, forms of these preterits are: R.^ bleow, seow, plur. oncneoAvun, but 2 sing, seewe; L. bleuu, bleou", plur. ble^vun, bleuun; oncne^v, -cneu; -cn^ew, -cneawu, plur. -cneaw n, -cneaun, shortened (360, note 3) oncneu, -cnseu, -cnea^v gie, opt. cne^va; opt. creaw^a; plur. hrewun, hrgeuun, hro^vun ; ind. sea\v(u), plur. seawun (and weak seawde, saude) ; opt. speua ; Rit. 2 sing, dbleawe, 3 sing, giflseve (?). In the pret. plur. contraction may supervene: poet, reon, from reo^vun, from ro^van. Note 9. Of North, w^depa =WS. wepan the pret. in R.^ is regu- larly weop, in L. weep, weap, weaep, woeap, Avsep (and weak wsepde). 397. The past participle originally has the vowel of the present (but R.^ ^swopen, from swapan, 396. 2. c). Grammatical change (and hence a different vowel) is found only in the participles f^ng-eu, hgngen, from fon, hon (395. 1). Note. Beside L. hpngen, the part, of these verbs is North. R.2 L. Rit. foen and hoen (poet, -fen, 378, note 2 ; but Ps. only fQngen, R.i fpngen, hQngen). 302 INFLECTION III. WEAK VERBS 398. The weak verbs are mostly derivatives. They are divided into three classes, on the basis of the varia- tion in their derivative suffixes : 1) The jo-(or ja-)class. Its original present suffix was Indo-European -e-jo-, from which was derived, through *-ija-. Germ, -ja-, when the radical syllable was short, and -ia- when it was long (45. 8). 2) The o-class. Its suffix was Germ, -o-ja-, inter- changing with -o- (411). 3) The e-class (also called ai-class). This was char- acterized in Indo-European by the ending -e- of the stem. On the various subdivisions of this class see 415. 399. Only three stems are to be distinguished in the weak conjugation — those of the present, the preterit, and the past participle. The two latter very frequently approximate in form. 1. FIRST WEAK CONJUGATION A) Original Short Stems 400. All forms of the regular verbs of this class have i-umlaut. In other respects they fall (including also the corresponding irregular verbs of 407) into two main divisions, according to the difference in the manner in which they make the forms of their present stem : 1) Verbs in r, like ii^rian (ii^rg-an, ii^rig-an, n^r- igrean, etc., 175. 2), save. These retain the single conso- nant at the end of the radical syllable (227) in all forms of CONJUGATION 303 the present, and likewise the derivative j (175. 3) except in the ind. 2 and 3 sing, and the imp. 2 sing. (410). 2) Verbs in other consonants, like fr^ninian, execute ; s^ttan, set^ etc. These originally geminate the final consonant of the stem in all forms of the present (227) except the ind. 2 and 3 sing, and the imp. 2 sing,, and therefore become long in all these forms, thus losing the derivative j (175. 3). In Anglian these two groups are well distinguished from each other, but in Southern English the old rela- tion is much disordered by leveling and new formations. Note 1. Like n^rian are inflected, for example, b^rian, strike; dorian, i/i/wre; ^rian, pZoio; f^rian, carr?/; h^rian, praise ; dm^rian, purify; scierian, arrange; a,-, besclerian, separate, deprive (75. 1); w^rian, defend; gew^rian, clothe, dam up; byrian, pertain; onhyr- ian, emulate; snyrian, hasten; spyrian, inquire; styrian, stir; and, with loss of h, also LWS. ]7W5Tian, adversari (for EWS. *(ywierian, from * J>waorhjan, 218, note 2). Like fr^mman originally form their presents : a) Verbs in m, n, and the liquid 1 : gr^mman, provoke; t^mman, tame; trymmsLn, confirm ; "S^nnan, stretch; w^nnan, accustoyn ; clyn- nan, sound; dynnan, resound; hlynnan, bellow; *hellan, conceal; *asciellaii, shell; *syllaii, sulli/ ; add cw^Uan, etc. (407. 1). b) Verbs in the spirants s, ]?, f, g (geminated bb, eg, 190 ; 216. 1): cnyssan, thrust; lirissan, shake; sc^SSan, injure (also strong, 392. 4); sw^l5'3an, swathe; wr^39aii, support; dsw^bban, put to sleep, kill; w^cg(e)aii, agitate; Sicg(e)aii, receive (also strong, 391, note 8); l^cg(e)an, lay; bycg(e)an, buy (407, notes 7 and 8). c) The verbs in the stops d, t, and c: hr^ddan, snatch, save; dtr^ddan, investigate; cnyttan, knit; hw^ttan, incite; l^ttan, hinder; s^ttan, set; spryttan (?), sprowi; add cw^cc(e)aii, etc. (407, note 9). Note 2. In Ps. the difference between the two modes of formation is still clear throughout, and so in R.i and North., except for the occasional lack of j after r in the first group (409, note 1); fluctuation between single and double consonant in verbs of the second group, 304 INFLECTION 410, note 3, does not belong here). The poetry, too, has the old system well preserved. In WS. the irregular verbs of 407 generally preserve the type of the second group in the present (but of. 407, note 2), though in the regular verbs the mode of formation of the first group is very early extended, either in part or wholly, to those of the second group which end in a continuous consonant (nasal, liquid 1, spirant). So the Cura Past, already has, beside fr^mman, trymmaii, cnyssan, a few forms like trymian, and exclusively such as gr^miau, l^niian, tijmian, beh^lian, sylian, wr^Sian; add Or. S^nian, LWS. b^Sian, bathe, dscylian, hrisian, etc. Hence, in the case of most verbs in m, n, 1, s, ]7, forms with gemination do not occur at all in pure WS. ; only fr^mman, trjTnman, cnyssan persist to LWS. (beside fr^mian, trymian). The verbs in bb and eg yield more rarely to this new formation : sw^fian, h^gian, instead of sw^^bban, * h^cgan, hedge in. Note 3. In LWS. texts all the verbs in -ian which originally belong to the jo-class frequently pass over to the inflection of the Second Weak Class : n^rian, pres. n^rie, n^rast, n^raS ; n^ria^, pret. n^rode, like fr^mian, pres. fr^niie, fr^mast, fr^ina9 ; fr§niia?J, pret. fr^mode, etc. Note 4. More rarely are certain of -these verbs, especially fr^m- man and trymman, treated like original long stems, yielding forms like part, gefr^mmed, getrymmed, pret. trynide. 401. Formatio7i of the preterit. 1) The verbs in the stops d and t take the ending -de or -te in the pret, without a middle vowel : lir<^ddan, hr^dde ; l^ttan, l^tte (402. 2). On s^ttan, and the verbs in c, see 407. 1. 2) The verbs which end in continuous consonants (liquids, nasals, spirants) take in the pret. the ending -ede (from older -idae, 44, note 1) and a single (not geminated) consonant at the end of the stem: n^riaii, n^rede; fr^mman (fr^mian),fr^mede ; (cT^nnaii) ST^nian, Sr^nede; cnyssan, cnysede ; sc^arafan, sc^STede; sw^b- ban, sw^fede (190) ; w^cgr(e)an, w^grede, etc. (on l^cgr- ean, lay^ see 407. 1, and note 7). CONJUGATION 305 Note 1 . Here also preterits without a middle vowel are occasion- ally formed: w^gde, 9igde, cnysde, North. L. sc^Sde, bisu^9duii; only later does a transfer of the double consonant of the present to the preterit probably occur : cnyssede, etc. Note 2. In LWS. the -ede of the preterit is very frequently- replaced by -ode (400, note 3). 402. Formation of the past participle. 1) The end- ing is, in general, Early OE. -id, Common OE. -ed (44, note 1) ; the final consonant of the stem is single, as in the pret. : g-en^red, g"efr^med, g-ecnysed, g-esw^fed, etc. In the inflected forms the vowel of the ending is retained (144. a) : gen^redes, etc. 2) The verbs in d and t show peculiar variations (410. 1). In Anglian they have the full ending -ed in the uninflected form, and before a case-ending beginning with a consonant, but syncopate the vowel of the end- ing in the inflected forms which begin with a vowel: ges^ted (from s^ttan, 407. 1), infl. ges^ttum, etc., but ges^tedne, ges^tedre, -ra. Pure WS., on the other hand, generalizes the syncopation : ahr^d(d), g'el^t(t), ges^t(t), infl. ges^ttuni, like g"es^tne, ges^tre, -ra, etc. ; less pure WS. texts fluctuate. B) Original Long Stems and Polysyllables 403. Formation of the present-stem. The whole pres- ent-stem of the disyllabic verbs has i-umlaut whenever the radical vowel admits (on forms with io, eo, beside ie, etc., see 100. 2, and note 2). The derivative j is lost except after vowels and diphthongs, as in ciegran, call (408, note 13). For examples of this numerous class see 404 ff. 306 INFLECTION Note. Among the polysyllabic verbs the derivatives in -ettan (Goth, -atjan) are especially to be noted, like bliccettan, lighten; lic(c)ettan, feign; roccettan, utter; sporettan, spuVj as well as the deformed compounds 9ndettan, confess; onettan, incite; orettan, battle (43, note 4). These have gemination of the derivative t accord- ing to 227, although simple t is often written after a weak syllable (231. 4). 404. Formation of the preterit. The ending of the preterit is -de, which is in general attached immedi- ately to the radical syllable. The i-umlaut is retained: hieran, liierde; deinan, demde. Note 1. The -de arose by syncope (144) from prehistoric -ida. This syncope is in general very stable, except that there is great fluctuation in the verbs in mute + liquid or nasal, which, were they regularly formed, would develop a syllabic liquid or nasal in the pret. (358, note 4) : a) n^mnaii, name, has n^mde, with loss of the n (so also R.i L.), beside LWS. u^miiode (406, note 4). b) In EWS. syncope is the rule in the other verbs with a short vowel before cons, -t-1, m, n: ^glan, ail; seglan, siglan, sail; J>rysinan, smother; pret. ^glde, soglde, siglde, prysmde (compare poet, ofer- faeSmde, from oferfaetJinan, embrace); also frequently later ^fnan, raifnan, execute; there also occur later forms in -ede, like bytlede Cura Past., from bytlan, build, sigelede Chron., LWS. ^fnede. Angl. are here only Ps. ar^fnde, beside dr^fnede, L. genaeglede and ge^fnade. c) In verbs with a closed syllable, or one containing a long vowel, before the consonant-group, EWS. regularly has -ede: symhlun, feast ; wrixlan, change; fref run, comfort; hy ngr an, hunger ; timbran, build; ofersylefran, plate with silver, pret. symblede, ^vrixlede, frefrede, hyngrede, timbrede, ofersylefrode (a single exception is wjTsmde Cura Past. MS. C, in contrast with wymnsde MS. H, from wyrsman, ■wyrmsan, suppurate, 185); compare also verbs like dieglan, conceal; biecnan, beckon; forgl^ndran, devour^ etc. This -ede is very com- monly replaced later by -ode, as in the case of the short stems (400, note .3; 401, note 2), and hence present forms according to Class II then appear also : frefrian, hyngrian (hingrian, 31, note), tim- brian, etc. CONJUGATION 307 Of the Anglian texts, Ps. always has -ade, according to Class II : deglade, becnade, hyngrade, timbrade ; R. i several hyngrade, beside once hyngrede ; R.^ deglde, degelde, beside becnede, hyncrede, and becnade, froefrade, timbrade, L. degelde, hyn(c)gerde, timberde, beside froefrede, leSrede (from leSra, anoint), and becnade, tim- brade, gl^ndrade (a few others are doubtful). The forms with -a- are, at least in Ps. , wholly restricted to the pret. (or past part., 406, note 5), and have no auxiliary inflection of the present according to Class II. Note 2. On North, forms in -ede, -ade, in the case of the usual long-stemmed verbs, see 406, note 6. 405. As the consequence of collision between the d of the ending and the final consonant of the stem, there result in certain verbs a number of minor variations from the normal form, which will be easily understood by reference to the general phonetic laws. The most important are : 1) The following verbs take the ending -de without undergoing any special change : a) Those in a single liquid or nasal (except in the group mute + liquid or nasal, 404, note 1) : hieran, hierde, hear ; d^elan, dselde, divide ; denian, demde, judge ; cwielman, cwielmde, hill ; wenan, wende, expect ; bsernan, bsernde, huryi^ etc. ; h) The verbs in the single spirants f and s, those in g" (including ng-), and those in vowel or diphthong 4- d : g'eliefan, g-eliefde, believe ; liesan, liesde, release ; fegan, feg-de, join; fylg-an, fylgde, follow; Igedan, Igedde, lead^ etc. For the verbs in w see 408. 2. Note 1. To a) belong, for example: feran, go; Iseran, teach; stieran, steer; selan, kindle; celan, cool; hselan, heal; tselan, per- secute; flieman, rout; gieman, care; hseman, marry; ben^man, 308 INFLECTION deprive; ryinan, vacate; hienan, deride; Itenan, lend; meenan, lament; strieiian, (/ain; aernan, gallop; gieruan, covet; wiernan, refuse, and many others. Verbs in f and s are, for example : drSfan, drive; drefaii, trouble; leefan, leave; dliefan, permit; hwierfan, turn; oftyrfan, stone; beclysan, enclose; tocwysan, crush; fysan, hasten; glesan, gloss; raesan, storm; tiesaii, tear, etc. Note 2. The verbs in vowel or diphthong -f g, like bieg(e)an, bend; dryg(e)an, dri/ ; feg(e)an, join; aflieg(e)aii, pursue; for- gEeg(e)an, transgress; sweg(e)an, resound; wreg(e)aii, censure, etc. (for the verbs with g from Germ, j, like cieg(e)an, etc., see 408. 3), and those in ng (or ncg, 215, note 2), like gl^ng(e)aii, adorn; hriiig(e)an, ring; ymbhring(e)an, enring ; l^ng(e)aii, lengthen; ni^iig(e)aii, mingle; spreng(e)an, sprinkle; t^ng(e)an, hurry away, are regular. In the case of the verbs in 1, r + g, like ^lg(e)an, follow ; ^ebylg- {e)an, groiv angry ; hierg{e)an, taste ; hyrg{e) an, bury ; dwierg(e)an, curse; dwyrg(e)au, strangle, etc., the secondary changes of the g (213, note ; 214. 5, and note 11) are to be considered, which chiefly concern the pret. (and past part.), and then the pres. Hence forms like North, pret. R.^ fyligde, awerlgdun, beside fylgde, bibyrgdun, L. berigde (birigde), dwoerigde, an"rigde (fylegdon?), beside byrgde, fylg(e)de, LWS. pret. fyligde, -vvyrlgde, or fyllde, -wyride, and fill(g)de, -\viri(g)de (31, note), together with pres. inf. fyli(g)an, -wyri(g)an (fili(g)an, -Aviri(g)an), etc. Note 3. So, too, the verbs in d (for those with preceding con- sonant see 5, below) are generally quite regular: baidan, coerce; braedan, roast; brSedan, broaden; cidan, chide; diedan, kill; ea??- itiedan, humble; fedan, nourish; gefredan, perceive; hlydan. carouse; hydan, hide; niedan, force; raidan, counsel, read (cf. also 395, note 3); scrydan, clothe; spraidan, spread; getJiedan, associate; under?!fi[edan, subdue; -w^dan, clothe; wedan, rage, etc.; only in North, is the dd of the pret. frequently simplified : L. foede, l^de, plur. briedon, cidon, etc., Rit. 2 sing, glliedest (for foedde, etc.). Note 4. Of verbs ending in the sonant stop b (190) there seems to be only c^inban, comb, with pret. cuwjan?), pret. Syw^de, part. *ge?Jywed, infl. geSywde. Add, with very peculiar vocalism, Or. d.j7ewde, poet. part. plur. gej»ew^de; for other forms see note 18. 3) The verbs with orig. aw, iw manifest much irregularity. 320 I]N^FLECTION Note 13. The verb eieg(e)an, cigan (cygan), call, name, goes back to a basic form *kaujan, and in WS. transfers the g to all the forms: pret. ci(e)gde, part. geci(e)ged, plur. gecl(e)gde, etc. The Anglian forms are : Ps. cegan, pret. cede (from * kawida, * kevvida, with loss of w, according to 173. 2), R.^ cegan, cgegan, pret. cegde, csegde, once ceigde, part, gecseged ; North. R.2 cega (once imp. ceig), pret. cegde, rarely ceigde and cede, part, giceged, once glceed, plur. gicegde ; L. ceiga, pret. ceigde, rarely ceigede, part. geceiged, rarely geceyged, geceged, -id ; geceigd, geceid, geced, infl. geceig(e)do, etc.; Rit. ceiga, pret. -ceigde, -ceide, part, geceiged, infl. giceigido, giceigdo, giceido. On the conjugation of the present see 409. Note 14. Thus inflects the only poet, began, perform (from *haujan, ON. heyja), pret. hede, part, gehed ; similarly the non- WS. poet, stregan, strew (Goth, straujan), pret. streidae, -e Erf. Corp., stredun R.2 Note 15. The latter is represented in WS. by strewian, pret. strewede, later streoMaan (strea\vian), streowede or streowode, according to Conj. II. To the same type belong the isolated part. ^-, gebeowed, polished (OHG. gibeuuit), and the verbs si(o)waan, sew; spi(o)^vian. spew (compare ON. syja, spyja, from*siiijan, etc.), of which the ancient inflection is scarcely illustrated save in the oldest texts (past part. -siuuid Ep., -siowid Corp., infl. (instr.) bisiuudi Ep., bisiudi Corp.); later they pass over to Conj. II, except that spioAvian has also pret. spioAvde, speowde (beside plur. spioAvedon ; all in the poetry). Note 10. Like the original long stems (compare especially note 12) inflects usually hlywan, hleo"\van, warm (compare ON. hlyja, from ♦hliujan), pret. hlywde, infl. pret. gehlywde; but there also occur pret. hlyde, part, gehlyd, and, in the poetry, a pres. plur. hleoS. 4) A further series of variations is presented by the contract verbs which belong here (373 ; 414, note 5). Note 17. Here belongs, with a stem originally ending in a vowel, *dian, *deon, suckle: Ps. pres. part, milcdeondra, II A diendra, North. L. part, diendra, pret. 2 sing, gediides, suxisti (in R.2 mis- written as detJedes). On the other hand, hna^g(e)an, neigh (from * huaijan) generalizes the g : 3 sing, hnaeg'd, etc. CONJUGATION 321 Note 18. The number of contract verbs with the stem originally ending in h is larger : hean, exalt, pret. heade, part, head (Angl. geheed Bede); tyn, train; Syn, press (from *]?uhjan, OHG. duhen, compare 9ywaii, note 12 above), *3ryn, bind (pret. geSryde, expressit L., part. getJryd Gl.); ryn, roar; *scyn, persuade (OHG. scuhen), pret. tyde, part, tyd, infl. tyde (also late pret, , etc. , tydde, 230, note 1) ; also inf. Seen (of. 117. 2, and note) and hence pret. Seode, infl. part. '5eode(?). Add sporadic forms like gewe?J, depravat, pret. gcAvede (from *'\vohjan); pret. plur. tedan (from *tolijaii); inf. *wen, *ten ? Uncontracted forms occur in the oldest texts, like pres. 3 sing. fsehlt, pret. plur. fgedun Ep. from * faihjan, paint ; participial noun scyhend Ep., seyend CorjD., seducer, past part. aj>ryld, expilatam Corp. Later they are rare (there occur LWS. forms like ic Syge, pret. Sygde; E.i plur. soya J?) . Conjugation of the Weak Verbs of Class I 409. ii^rian and fr^mman represent the conjugation of the original short stems, deman of the original long stems (to these are added, according to 372, the presents of the strong jo-verbs). For examples of the former class see 400 ; of the latter, 403 ; for g-ierwan and ciegan see 408. 1, 3. For the form of the endings in general, compare 354 ff. Sing. 1. n^rie fr^mme 2. n^res(t) frames (t) 3. n^re3 fr^meS Plur. n^riatJ fr^mmatJ Present T„ ^- J ' Lna tcuLive deme giervve ciege dein(e)st gierest cTeg(e)st dem(e)3 gierecJ cieg(e)?5 dema^S gier\va(5 ciegatS Optative Sing. n^rie fr^mme deme gierwe ciege Plur. n^rien fr^niTnen demen gierwen ciegen 322 INFLECTION Sing. 2. n^re Plur, 1. n^rian 2. n^riacJ Imperative fr^nic fr^mnian dem deinan deniaO gierwe sierAvan cieg ciesran gierwatJ ciegaS Infinitive Dorian fr^mman | deman || gierwan ciegan Participle n^riende fr^mmende | demende |] gier^vende ciegende Preterit Indicative Sing. 1. n^rede fr^mede 2. n^redes(t) fr^inedes(t) 3. n^rede fr^iriede Plur. n^redon fr^medon demde denudes (t) denide demdon gierede, etc. ciegde, etc. Sing, n^rede Plur. n^reden Optative fr^mede fr^nieden demde demden gierede, etc. ciegde, etc. Sing, n^red Plur. n^rede framed fr^niede Participle demed demde gier(w)ed, cieged, etc. etc. Note 1. For graphic variants of n^rian, etc., like n^rgan, n^r- ig(e)an, etc., see in general 175. Ps. has only g, as in ged^rgan, onstyrgan, ind. pres. 1 sing, h^rgu, -o, n^rgu, bisc^rgu, sw^rgii, bi\v locode Plur. locodon locoden • Parti CIPLE -locod On the endings of the individual forms compare the general rules in 354 ff. On contract verbs see 414, note 5. 412. Tlie inflection of the present is tolerably con- stant in most of the dialects, especially in WS. On Anglian peculiarities in the inflected inf. and past part, see notes 3 and 9 ff . Otherwise scarcely any but North, (and in some measure R.^) shows important variations. Note 1. The ia, ie of the ending are, likewise by the testimony of prosody, generally disyllabic (they have therefore syllabic i : lo-ci-an, etc., not unsy liable j: *loc-jan or *lo-cjan, etc.). In a few texts 328 INFLECTION accents occasionally occur over the i, which perhaps points to a sec- ondary displacement of the quantity of the i (locian, from *lo-cl- jan) ; thus forms like inf. gemidlian, gelacnigaii, plur. cliepiatJ, opt. forhradien, etc., are written by one scribe of MS. H of Cura Past. In the case of the ancient o-verbs (for ancient e-verbs see 416, notes 2 and 15), monosyllabic ge occurs only exceptionally for disyl- labic ie, especially in certain later texts, probably as a Kenticism : compare participles like Blickl. gnorngende, Benet inf. hadgenne, motgenne, etc. ; yet already in MS. H of Cura Past, one lufge (for geliorngen see 416, note 15). Note 2. In the EWS. texts -ia- is generally written (as indicated in the paradigm), much more rarely -igea- or -iga- (the latter is almost entirely wanting in MS. C of Cura Past.); but also very excep- tionally -ea- : Cura Past, plegean, Or. h^rgean. On the other hand, -ige(n) prevails throughout the ind. 1 sing, and the opt., and -ie, -ien are in the background ; but in the part, -iende prevails over -igende (though there are sporadic h^rgende Or. , ySegende Cura Past. ; com- pare sporadic LWS. parallels like hleoSregendum, maegeregan Gl.); in the infl. inf. (cf. note 10) -ienne interchanges with -igeiine. In LWS. -ia- on the whole prevails ; but -io- occurs also in the opt. plur., as in luflon, leomion, note 7 (very exceptional are spellings like ■\vissigon, Jjenigeon). Variation occurs in the case of -ie-. -^Ifr. Honi. has mostly -ige-, even in the infl. inf. and in the part. , as in bodigenne, bodigende, while in ^Ifr. Gram, the part, shows a strikingly large number of -iende's ; beside -igende, -ige being otherwise prevalent. In the case of other texts, it is often impossible to discover a rule. Kent. Gl. are in general like WS. : regular -ia-, generally -ige (dfestnige, onscunige, getimbrige, but liornie), but always part. -ieiid(e). Ps. has almost always -iu (1 sing. ), and so -ia- and -ie- (only one each of goarAvigii, ondettiga'ff, -igen, genyhtsiimegende, gedeafinea'ff; for 'd'iwgen see 416, note 15); R.^, on the other hand, has both -ige (but one >vundriende) and -iga-, -igae- (yet also a few -ia's, and one halsio). Of the North, texts, R.2 has always -ige-, -igo-, and generally -iga-, rarely -ia- ; L. Rit. have -ige-, -igo- (though there are the merest exceptions in favor of -ie-), but -ia- is common, beside -iga-. Note 3. One chief difference between Anglian and the other dialects manifests itself in the infl. inf. and in the pres. part, (notes 10, 11). Moreover, R.i and North, (and here especially L. and Rit.) CONJUGATION 329 exhibit a number of new formations. Here, on the one hand, there is much confusion between forms with and without -i(g)- (hence, for example, L. sing, lufias, plur. lufas, etc., beside orig. sing, lufas, plur. lufias); and, on the other, the a and the ia, ie of the endings are joined to form hybrids like *-aja-, *-aje-, appearing historically as (-aia-), -age-, -ega-, etc. (hence, for example, plurals in L. like losaia'S, duolages, eardegatJ, beside the older losigaS, etc.); or, indeed, independent new formations have occurred, on the pattern of other verbs (hence, for example, forms in L. like 1 sing. 3rowa, beside tfrouigo, imp. halglg, beside halga, etc. Hereafter, these variations are included under the individual forms. Note 4. To WS. Kent, -ige of the ind. 1 sing, corresponds in the Ps. -iu, more rarely -io (355, note 2). K.i has, beside ahsige, sgmn- ige, one halsio, and a newly formed ?Jro\va, )7ro\ve (getimbre may be an early form, cf. 404, note 1). In North, prevails -igo R.^ L. Rit., as in bodigo, s9innigo, etc.; but forms also occur like R.^ fulwo, gihalgo, lufo, rarely scQmiga ; lufa, milsa ; L. Srouiga, halgiga, uuldria, uor<5ige ; lufo, geni^ro ; lufa, Srowa, halsa, milsa ; Rit. gihaelslga, giniosige ; gimyndga, gidHga. Note 5. The a of the ind. 2 and 3 sing, in WS. is entirely stable (one ofersceado?^ Cura Past. MS. C, contrasted with -aS of MS. H, is suspicious) ; Kent. Gl. have a few o's, e's : onscunocy, ge]?afo?J, ofsticoS ; gepafe?^, eireS ; a sporadic edleaneS in Ps. is again suspi- cious, and so also a sporadic ddrugiaS. R.2, on the other hand, beside -ast, -a]?, etc., has rather numerous e-forms, like ^nde}7, gearwej?, etc. (also gearwa?J»), and occasionally -ia- : aria3, J>rowia]7. In the 2 sing, the North. R.2 has for the most part -as (one giowestu, from giowiaS, covet, 416, note 15, b), in the 3 sing, generally -aS, beside rare -eS (gisgmneS, lufetJ, gidaefnelff), and again somewhat more common -igaS, -ia3, -ias : gisQinnigaS, agnigatJ, cleensigaS ; wundriaS ; elsensias, etc. L. has in the 2 sing, forms like locas, SQuinas, etc. (this is the normal form); lufaestu, 9ndsu8er8estu, niv^as ; worSias ; in the 3 sing, there prevail -a.^, -as, beside -e<5, -es (and rare -seS, -aes : lufaeS, clioppaes) ; beside new for- mations, especially in -iaS, -ias, more rarely such as S9nimga(5, -as, f*stnige3, worSiges, syngie3; agnegaeS; deadages, uor?Jages, faistnagi^, costai?^, and sceomiaga?^. Rit. has in the 2 sing., beside -as (-ast), forms like giiorses, ^ftnives ; glaSias (for such as riesaS see 356, note 2); in the 3 sing., beside a few -etJ's, new formations in -ia3, beside sporadic gihersumaia?^, gimilsagetJ, giarwyrSigeS. 330 INFLECTION For the consonantal termination of the 2 and 3 sing, see 356 ; 357. Note 6. In the ind. plur, and the imp. 2 plur. the ending -ia3, etc. (cf. note 2), is stable in WS. Kent. Ps. ; but in R.i there occur, beside the usual -i(g)aj7, -iaj? (sporadically also scyldigat, lokigae]?), new formations like ges9ninaj7, etc. (sporadically also such as hreorde]?, speaks). In North. R.^ generally has -iga9, -igas, beside less fre- quent -ia'5, -ias, and in the ind. new formations in -a3, -as, like gisQninatJ, lufas. L. has mostly -iaS, -ias (-igacJ, -Igas) ; but there occur also a few instances of -igeS, -iges, and a fairly large number of new formations like deadageS, costages ; agnegaS, eardegas (rare by-forms : losaiaS, agnagatJ, lufagia9, aldagia9, bodagae'3, \vor9aiges, agneges, getegSeges, clioppogaS, sceawgias), but espe- cially such as gesQninaS, -s (rarely -es: behofes). The Rit., too, beside the usual -i(g)a3, -i(g)as, has a few new formations like gebloedsa^, gimersas, gifoerscipetJ. For the consonantal termination of the ind. plur. see 360. 1 ; on the abbreviation before a following pers. pron., 360. 3, and note. Note 7. The opt. sing, in WS. and Kent, is regular throughout. For the plur. the general rules of 361 are to be observed. Thus EWS. -igen later becomes also -ian (even Or. once ascian), and then in LWS. predominantly -ian, etc., while in Kent. Gl. Kent. Ps. Kent. Hymn -ian is uniform. Ps. regularly has sing, -ie, plur. -ien; R.i, beside the predominant sing. plur. -ige, also a few -igae's and sing, folge, getriowe, plur. iarwan. North, has in R.^ sing. plur. -ige, less frequently -iga; in L., on the other hand, -iga, -ia prevails, beside less common sing. -ige, and new formations like sing, gerixage, losaige, deadege, and geberhtna, plur. deadage, lufaiga, -e; similarly in Rit. sing. plur. mostly -ia, -iga, rarely -ige, and new formations like sing, gimilsage, giidlege, giwlitgega and gemyndge, plur. githpncage and giearnigo. Note 8. In the imp. sing, the ending -a is stable in WS. Kent. Ps. R.i has, beside -a, rather frequently -e (also -ae, in locai). In North., R.2 has a sporadic locco, look, beside regular -a; L. and Rit., beside -a, have a few -e's, and often a new formation in -ig: arig, scea\\ig, halgig (cf. also 410, note 5 ; one wormga, adora Rit. is probably to be regarded as inf., and one geSreat L. is perhaps only miswritten). For the imp. plur. see note 6. Note 9. In the uninfl. inf., -ian, etc. (note 2), is generally stable in WS. Kent. Ps. (363. 1, and note 1). R.i has, beside -igan, -ian, also -ige (and one andustriga), as well as a newly formed stalle, ' CONJUGATION 331 tinterga for WS. steallian, stand; tintregian, torture; in R.2 -iga prevails (sporadically -ia), but also rarely -ige; L. has chiefly -la, -iga, and -ige, together with new formations in -age, -ega, -ege, like deadage, wifega, agnege (sporadic by -forms lufagle, geSreadtaige, uundraige, hriordagae, gelecneege, gehorogse), and like gereofa, milsa, gehaliga. In Rit. only the regular -ia, -iga seem to occur with certainty (but cf. 414, note 14. c). Note 10. For the infl. inf. the general rules of 363. 2 hold in WS. Kent.: hence EWS. generally -ianne, more rarely -i(g)enne, while in LWS. -i(g)enne predominates; Kent, -ieiine Kent. Gl. Kent. Ps., etc. In Angl., on the other hand, the prevalent forms are without -i-. Ps. has -enne, as in earnenne (besides one to iiiildsiende, miserendi) ; R.i varies: sceawenne, bismerene, gitsanne. Of the North, texts, R.2 has, beside predominant -anne, as in ^ndanne, sporadic bod- iganne (for wuniganne, beside w^manne, see 416, note 16); in L. -anne prevails (but sporadic losane, ^nibehtane, talanna, and the shortened sceawnne), rarely -enne (geh^lgenne, pTnenne,Avor'3enne) or -ianne (bodlanne, lufianne, worSianne) ; Rit. has only -anne. Note 11. A similar twofold formation occurs in the pres. part. In WS. Kent. -i(g)ende prevails, as might be expected. In Ps. -iende likewise predominates, but -ende is also very common, and indeed frequently in the same verbs : blissiende and blissende, etc. R.i has, beside (clipigende), \vundriende, usually -ende, as in (clippende, 416, note 14. c), lokende, etc. ; exceptionally also costaende, locande, 9ndswarande. In R.^ -ende is uniform, while in L. it interchanges with -ande (beside sporadic 9ndsuar8ende, and shortened forms like sceaunde, Srounde), and more rarely with i-forms, like geadrigende, etc. (once also gidyrsgindum, compare the older hlseodrindi Ep. ; for wunigende, etc., see 416, note 16). Rit. has, beside -ande (ricsande, etc.), also lufende, wynsumsenda (for wunigende, lifigaendra see 416, notes 2 and 16). In the poetry, too, the shorter forms in -ende are frequently found, and are very generally to be substituted, as the metre shows, for the manuscript reading -iende (see Beitr. 10. 482). For new formations of a similar kind among the older jo-verbs see 409, note 1. 413. The commonest form of the WS. pret. is -ode, from Early OE. -udae, -ude ; -ade is rarer in West 332 INFLECTION Saxon, but characteristic for Kentish and especially for Anglian. Forms with (weakened) -eel- are everywhere rarer, but occur in all the dialects. Note 1. Among the oldest texts, Ep. has forms like dslacudae, suicudae, beside geregnodae, suornodun, and geniSradae, lithirc- adae; in Corp. -ade, etc., prevails; only sporadically there occur gemaercade, Srowade, tioludun, which in part belong to older e-verbs. Note 2. In EWS. -ude is rather uncommon, and evidently to be regarded as an archaism ; plural forms v^ith u are wholly lacking here. In»LWS., on the other hand, the u occurs in part more fre- quently, and in the plur. as well (evidently as an inverse spelling for o) : locude, plur. locudon, etc. Note 3. In Cura Past, the sing, -ude is found in both MSS. twice : grapude, tJro^vude ; and -ade three times : tJenade, bisiiade, gesyng- ade ; but both occur somewhat oftener in one MS. or the other, espe- cially in H. The normal form is -ode, plur. -odon, etc. ; yet for the latter there already occur five instances of -edon common to both MSS.: hirsumedon, bodedon, geSafedon, •wunedon, blsmredon (hence especially in older e-verbs) ; the sing, -ede is lacking, with the exception of a single ofermodgede MS. H. In the Chron., too, -ode, plur. -odon is the most usual, though the sing, -ude, and especially -ade, plur. -adon, are also somewhat oftener represented (add one plur. oferh^rgeadon). In Or. the sing, has usually -ade, the plur. -edon, but also not infrequently sing, -ode, plur. -odon; to these add one plur. -adon, three opt. plur. -aden, and four sing. -ede. Note 4. The forms with -ed- evidently arose first in the piur. There, too, they remain fairly common in LWS., beside the normal sing, -ode, plur. -odon (and rare -ade, -ude, plur. -udon ; cf. note 2), while the sing, -ede is quite exceptional. Note 5. Kent, has in Kent. Gl. onscunede (416, note 11), geSaf- ede, offrede, beside the prevalent -ade ; in Kent. Ps. lufedest, beside two occurrences of ]?ingode and one of bestrode (408, note 4). Note G. In Anglian -ad is the constant norm ; -ud-, -od- is, except for 5 cleopude, 8 lufude Ps. (and frequent -ade), decidedly rare : only one each of duolude Ps., hlconudun R.^, trugude, pnd- suearudon L., gifJreotodon R.^, Qndsuorode, losodun, cliopodan CONJUGATION 333 L. As the instances show, this form of ending is chiefly restricted to the original e-verbs (416, and notes). Somewhat more common in Ps. R.i is -ed-, and here, too, the original e-verbs are especially concerned (compare, for example, Ps. 7 times cleopedun, 10 times onscunedun, etc., beside which there is no plur. -adun). Similar are the conditions in North., except that at least in L. -edon seems to be rather commoner as the weakened form of the plur. -adon in original o-verbs : liccedon, worSedun, ofwundredon, etc. Note 7. Moreover, L. has a number of occasional new formations, like sceawde (sceaude, sceode; cf. 416, note 17. 6), from sceawaga, look; heafegde, uiitrymigdon, from heafiga, lament; untrymiga, be sick (416, note 11); or, conversely, ^llSiodade, beside ^llcJiodegde, -igde, from ^U^Rodgiga, travel abroad. Note 8. For forms without a middle vowel, like truwde, Seowde, etc., see 416, note 17. b. 414. The endings of the past participle correspond in general to those of the preterit — WS. generally -od, non-WS. generally -ad, etc. — but there are many variations in detail. Note 1. The only forms of Ep. which belong here are fetod, gefetodnae, afulodan (all from older e-verbs; cf. 416, note 15. 6, and OHG. fulen); of Corp. feotod, gefeotodne, beside the prevailing -ad, etc. Note 2. In Cura Past., beside the normal -od, infl, -ode, -oda, etc., there are 12 instances of uninflected -ad, and one each of geagen- udu (144. 6), ge^vundedan, forrotedan, in both MSS. alike (un(ge)- Singed and 2 instances of gewintrede are formed according to Conj. I) ; add in C alone 4 of -ude, etc., 2 of -edan ; in H alone 5 of -ade, 4 of -udne, -udan, etc. , 2 of -edan, etc. The Chron. has, beside 13 instances of -od and 4 of -ode, etc., 6 of gefiil^wad, 2 of gew^undad, 1 of gelea]7ade, 1 of gefiilluhtud, 3 of -liorsiide, -an. In Or. the unin- flected form is usually -ad, then -od (twice -ed), infl. -ade or -ede (one each of gebrocode, gewundode). In LWS. the u, a, e are nearly parallel to those of the preterit. Note 3. Kent, has only gecltensod Kent. Ps., and in Kent. Gl. mostly -ad, infl. -ade, but also \%itnod, gelitfgod, gegearwod, 334 INFLECTION iiifl. gesamnode, gemetgode, gewTtnodum, and (of older e-verbs) onsciinede (416, notes 11. c and 15. a), ge^fenedan (OHG. abanden). Note 4. In Anglian the norm is uniformly -ad, infl, -ade, etc. ; but Ps. has a few inflected forms like gesingillede, gewundedan, -edra, etc.; Tl.^ an infl. ges9innede, beside several instances of uninfl. -ed, like bew^dded (also one gegearwaed) ; R.- uninfl. gidaefned, losed (older e-verb, 416, note 11. 6); L. Rit. rather frequently uninfl. -ed, Rit. also one infl. giQndvardedo. Add new formations like Rit. gicostiged, L. geSreaten, forbodan, after the pattern of the strong verbs (406, note 7), etc. Note 5 (on 412-414). A few contract verbs are also found among the o-verbs (373 ; 408. 4), in which the root and the vowel of the ending coalesce in the forms without older j. Here belong : a) *b6ian, *bogan, boast (ind. 3 sing. poet. bo(5, beside LWS, newly formed boga<5 Scint.); *goian, lament (part, goiende, ind. pres. 3. sing. goaS Bede); scoian, scogan, shoe (ind. 1 sing, scoge, sceoge, opt. plur. -scogen, imp. sing, sceo, plur. sceogeacJ, past part. -scod, sceod, North, gescced L., giscoed R.^, imp. gisceo Rit.); basic forms * skohojan, etc. b) t:w^eog(e)an, doubt (from ^twnhojan, compare OHG. zw^ehon; pres. t^veoge, tweost, tw^eoS, opt. tweoge, part, tweogende, poet, also -tweonde (412, note 11), pret. tweode; Merc. R.i ind. pres. plur. twigap, pret. 2 sing, getwiodestu, plur. tweodun, North. R.2 ind. pres. 3 sing, t^vlas, opt. twioge, pret. twiade, plur. twiodun, L. ind. pres. 3 sing, tuas, tuiSs, opt. sing, getuiga, pret. tuiade, plur. tuiaton, getwiedon, Rit. pret. sing, gitvieda), and probably *teog(e)an, ordain, create, of which only contract forms seem to occur (ind. pres. plur. poet. teo?J, pret. teode. Old North, tiadae Ciedmon's Hymn, part, -teod); likewise freog(e)an, love (Goth. frijon), ind. pres. 3 sing. freo?J, plur. freogaS (poet, also freotJ), opt. freoge, imp. sing, free, etc. c) North, also gefeaga, etc., rejoice ( = WS. gefeon, 391. 1, and note 6): R.2 inf. gifeaga, -e, ind. pres. 1 sing, gifeo, 3 gifeacJ, part. gifea(a)nde, gifeonde, pret. gifeade, gifeode, plur. gifeadun; L. inf. gcfeage, beside gefea, ind. pres. 1 sing, gefeo, 3 gefeacJ, -s, opt. sing, gefeage, plur. gefea, part, waecende; R.^ inf. giwaecca, waecce, opt. sing. Tvaecce, imp. plur. waeccas, part. waec(c)ende ; L. inf. waec(c)a, gewaeccae, infl. waeccenne, imp. plur. gewaccas, part. waec(c)ende, 342 INFLECTION pret. gewfehte; Rit. opt. plur. givaecge, pcirt. vaeccendo), and the participial noun h^ttend, enemy ^ from hatian, hate. Properly Iinappian, nop, also belongs here: EWS. has also once hnaeppia(5 Cura Past. : LWS. has frequent ae-forms in Spelm, Ps. In Ps. the word inflects : ind. pres. sing. 1 neapiu, 2 neppas, 3 hneap(p)aty, pret. hneap(p)ade, plur. hneapeduii, -on. Note 11. The following have i-umlaut (note 8. 6) beside other criteria : a) North. R.^ giJJoelge, ind. pres. 3 sing. gitJolas (giSoelgas), imp. plur. giSoeligas, = Common OE. Solian, endure (OHG. dolen); 6) North. R.2 inf. loes(i)ga, beside losiga, losige, infl. losanne, ind. pres. 3 sing. losatJ, -as, -e3 (loesiga?^, losiga3), plur. loesiga<5, -as, opt. loes(i)ge, plur. loesige, imp. losa, part, losed, beside losad, = Common OE. losian, he lost; c) Angl. (on)scynian, etc., beside Common OE. onscunian, shun (Ps. has chiefly forms of -scunian, but twice pret. scynedun ; L. inf. scyniga, ind. pres. 3 sing. L. Rit. onscyna^; no instances in R.i R.^); d) North, bya, beside Common OE. buan, etc., 396, note 6, OHG. btien (not found in Ps. R.^); R.^ inf. bya, ind. pres. 2 sing, byes, pret. byede, beside fem. byend, colony; L. inf. byd, infl. byenna, ind. pres. 3 sing. bye^S, plur. bye3, -es, imp. plur. byes, pret. -byde, plur. by(e)don, past part, unbyed, -Id, beside ind. pres. 2 sing, bues, and fem. buend ; Rit. ind. jDres. sing. 1 bya, 3 -byatJ, opt. -bye, imp. giinbya(?), part, byende); e) North. 9n(d)spyrn(ig)a, beside Qn(d)spurn(ig)a, etc., from Common OE. spurnan, 389, note 4 : R.2 ind. pres. 3 sing. Qnspyrnas, opt. plur. 9ndspyrnige, past part, gnspyrned, plur. Qnspyrnade, beside ind. pres. sing. 9n(d)spurne3, plur. 9nspiirna?J; L. ind. pres. 3 sing. QndspyrnetJ, -a3, -as, opt. -spyrne, plur. -spyrniga, part. -spyrnende, past part, -spyrned, -ad (with the new formations imp. sing, geondspyre, part. 9ndspyrendo), beside ind. pres. 3 sing. spurnatF, -as, part, -spurnendra, pret. plur. ge9ndspurnedon, past part. ge9ndspurnal5, -edo ; /) North, untrymiga, he sick, beside Common OE. untnimian : Ps. past part, geuntrumad, infl. -ade and -ede, but R.2 pret. untrymede, -Ide, plur. intrymedun, beside sing, untrumade, L. inf. untrymmia, part, untrymiende, pret. untrymade, plur. untrym- Igdon (413, note 7). i-umlaut is found more sporadically in North, pret. R. gltrygade = L. trugude, from trugian, Common WS. truwian, believe (OHG. CONJUGATION 343 truen), and ind. pres. 3 sing. L. drygeS = R.^ druga?^, aridt, beside R.2 pret. drtigade, part, gidrugad, L. pret. -driigde, beside -driig- ade (this also R.i), part, gedrugad ; compare also the isolated part, so^rg^ndi {i.e., *soergendi?) Ep., from sorgian, grieve (OHG. sorgen). The North. R.2 clyniga, resound, which perhaps belongs here, occurs only in the inf. Note 12. The interchange of eo and io in EWS. leornian (rarely liornian), learn (OHG. lirnen, lernen) and North. R.^ liorniga, L. leorniga (once gelearnade), less frequently liorniga, is to be explained by the changing vocalism of the ending. Note 13. The occurrence of ae, instead of a, often points to earlier e-inflection (compare the vocalism of habban, s^cgean, etc., with that of verbs like macian, laSian, etc.). Here belong: a) North. Rit. inf. spseria, pret. gispaerede, beside Common OE. spariaii, spare (OHG. sparen ; Ps. ind. pres. 3 sing. spearaS, imp. speara, pret. spearede); b) North, plsegiga, pZa?/, etc., R.2 pret. plaegede, L. plaeg(e)de, plaegade (Ps. ind. pres. plur. plaegiaS, part, plaegiendra, beside imp. plur. plagiaS, R.i pret. pleagade, beside plur. plagadun, belong to 162, note 2 ; see also 391, note 1); c) North. 9ndsw8eriga, beside Common OE. Qndswarian, -swor- ian : in R.^ generally inf. -sworia, etc., only twice -swarade; but L. inf. Qnsuaerega, ind. pres. 2 sing. Qndsuaeraestu, plur. Qndsu^rigeS, part. Qndsuaerendum, pret. 911(d) suaerede, ge^ndsuaerde (cf. note 17), beside ind. pres. plur. gndsuariges, opt. plur. Qiidsuariga, imp. plur. gndsuareS, part. Qiidsuaraende, -ende, pret. gndsw-^arede, -ade, -aide, -suarde, Qndsuearede, -ade, plur. -adun, -udon, and gnd- suorade, -ode (R.i has also one plur. onds\vaerigaJ», beside many a-forms). — For hnaeppian and hnappian see note 9. Note 14. a) Of verbs with inner i there belong here bifian, tremble (beside bifian Riming Poem) ; clifian, adhere; ginian, gape ; hlinian, lean; tilian, strive after (compare OHG. biben, kleben, ginen, hlinen, zilen). These have u- or o/a-umlaut in the forms with u, o, or a in the ending (105. 2 ; 107. 4 ; 160): for example, EWS. inf. tilian, ind. pres. sing. 1 tilie, 2 tiolast (tielast?), 3 tiolaS (tiela?S?), plur. tiliacJ, opt. tilie, imp. sing, tiola (tiela?), plur. tiliaS, pret. tiolode; but WS. generalizes the i at an early period (tilaS Cura Past. MS. H, tilode MS. C, beside forms with io). In LWS. y often occurs: gynian, hlynian, etc. (Cura Past, already has one opt. hlynigen in 344 INFLECTION both MSS.). In less pure WS. texts the domain of the io, eo is fre- quently extended : beoflan, cleolian, geoniau, hleouian, etc. Dialectic inflection: Merc. R.i pres. part, bifgende; ind. pres. 3 sing. aetclifatJ; ind. pres. plur. hleoniga]?, part, hlengendes, pret. sing, hlionede, hleouede, plur. hlionaduii, hleonuduu. — North. R.2 pret. plur. bi(f)gedoii; ind. pres. 3 sing. -hlionacJ, plur. lilioiiiga'5, imp. hliona (hlioniga), part, hlingenduni, hlioiii(g)enduni, hlion- endra, -duni ; — L. pres. part. bifi(g)ende, pret. plur. bifgedon; ind. pres. 3 sing. -hlinaS, plur. hlinigatJ, imp. hliiiig (hlina), part, hlin- gende, etc. (hlingindi, hlinigendum, linigiendo), hliongende (lion- iandra), pret. hlionade (hlinade, -lionede), plur. -lionodon, part. gehlionad ; — Rit. part, bibgiende. 6) Further belong here North. L. giwiga, ghvge, demand (compare OHG. ge^ven): ind. pres. sing. 2 giues, -aS, -as, 3 giueS, -a'3, -aS (-ia3, -ias), plur. giuigas (giua9), etc., imp. giiiig, plur. giuiaS, etc., part, giwigende, giuiendum, giugiende (gmende, etc.), pret. giude, giuede, -ade, -ude, plur. giuade, -giii(u)dou, opt. giude, giuiade ; in R.^ the verb runs inf. gioAvigia, etc., and regularly fol- lows the o-class (once giovvestu, 412, note 5 ; compare OHG. gewon). c) It is more doubtful whether WS. clipian, call, originally belongs here. In EWS. it is conjugated just like tilian (see a), but has also a few forms with eo in Cura Past, like inf. cleopian ; in LWS. clipian, clypian predominates, though cleopian is also found. In Ps. cleopian (with constant eo) in general follows the o-class, but has in the pret. 5 -ude's, 15 -ede's, beside only 6 -ade's; in the plur. only -edun, -edon; in R.i note the participle clipigende, beside clippende, and ind. pres. S sing, cliopaj?, cleopaJ>, pret. cliopade, cleopade, etc. In North, it follows throughout the inflection of Class II : R.2 cliopiga, L. cllopia. d) With Goth, -witan, pret. ^vitaida is to be compared the poet. bewitian, observe, etc., and the frequent past part, witod, weotod, decided (and so the adv. -witodlice, surely, verily, North. R.^ wutud- lice (once -witud-), L. wutedlice, etc. Note 15. a) Monosyllabic -ge-, etc. (note 8. c) in undoubtedly old e-verbs are to be found in the oldest texts: thus from tilian, ginian, hlinian (note 14), onscunian (note 11) we have Ep. til- gendum, Corp. onhlingu, AviTJerhlingendae, geongendi, ansciin- gendi, as well as dobgendi (compare OHG. toben, rage), and so probably seobgendi, from soofian, lament. Cura Past, has, on the other hand, only a single sporadic geliorngen in MS. H (412, note 1); Ps. one opt. plur. iffiwgen, from <5eowian, serve (cf. note 17. 6); R.^ CONJUGATION 345 bifgende, hlengendes; North. R.'^ gi^Joelge, loesga, etc. (note 11), bi(f)gedon, hiingenduui, L. bifgedon, lilingende, giugiende, Rit. bibgiende (note 14), givga?^, poet, hlingende Guthl. For the corre- sponding forms of lifgan see note 2. b) Here belongs also the verb f^tian, fetch, which in Pure WS. becomes f^cc(e)aii, by way of *f^tjan (196. 3), but retains its old form outside of Pure WS. Its conjugation is: inf. f^tian, f^ccan, ind. pres. sing. 1 f^tige, f^cce, 2 f^tast, 3 f^ta?^, plur. f^tiacJ, f^ccaS, opt. f^tige, f^cce, imp. sing, f^ta, plur. f^tiaS, f^cca9, pret. f^tte (also f^tode, according to Class II), part, fgtt and fgtod (Ep. f^tod, Corp. feotod; North. R.2 L. gi-, gefotad, for *feotad, ind. pres. 3 plur. L. fatas, for *featas, 156. 2, 3). Note 16. In the pres, part, the formation with -i(g)- (note 8. d) is often found in North., in contrast to the part, of the o-verbs (412, note 11): R.'^ w^uniende (compare OHG. ^vouen, dwell), hlion- i(g)enduin, hlingendum (beside hlioneiiduni, etc.), L. wum(g)ende, wungiende, uuniande, bifl(g)ende, hli(o)ngende, etc., giwigende (giugiende, etc.), beside forms like givvende, 3olende, etc., Rit. wunigende (for Ufgende, etc., see note 2). In the inflected inf. an analogous difference between o- and e-verbs is hardly to be observed. R.^ has Avuniganne and wunanne (cf. bod- iganne, 412, note 10), and L. a single -wuniaii. Note 17. There is an irregular distribution of preterits without a middle vowel (note 8. e), especially in a few verbs in g and w: a) WS. swigian, be silent (compare OHG. swigen), beside swugian (71 ; both forms side by side in EWS. ; L WS. usually swugian, sugian, and suwian), generally follows Class II, and exhibits onljjf sporadically forms which are discrepant, as, in particular, the part. swigende. In Anglian the word always occurs with i (whose length is established by metrical considerations); the pret. is in Ps. R.i swag- ade, but North. R.2 L. swigde, beside swTgade (inf. suTga ? L.). Other shortened forms of this kind are North. L. -drtigde (note 11), pisegde (note 13). 6) From truwian, trust (cf. OHG. truen), there appears sporadi- cally a pret. truwde (so in Cura Past. MS. H), beside usual truwode; from ?yeowian, serve (cf. note 15), pret. t^eovrde, Ps. ?^eawde, plur. iffecwdun, beside tJiowedun ; for North. L. giude, etc., see note 14. b (similarly are formed L. sceawde, etc., 413, note 7). Other short forms occur only sporadically, as L. pret. gcQnd- suaerde, gcQnsuarde, note 13. o 46 INFLECTION Note 18. For peculiarities in the vocalism of the endings, which perhaps might also serve as criteria of older e-inflection, see 413, notes 3 and 6 ; 416, notes 1 and 3. Note 19. The conjugation of hr^ppan, touchy which perhaps belongs to this class, is very irregular : inf. hr^ppan (sporadically hr^pan, and LWS. hr^pian), ind. pres. sing. 1 hr^ppe, 2 hr^pest and hr^past, 3 hr^peS and hr^patS, opt. lir^ppe, imp. sing, hr^pa, pret. hr^pede, hr^pode, and lireopode, part, hr^pod. IV. MINOR GROUPS 1. PRETERITIVE PRESENTS 417. The Germanic preteritive presents have sprung from originally strong verbs, whose preterits (perfects) have assumed a present meaning (like Lat. memini^ novi, coepi, Gr. olSa), while the original presents have disap- peared. Their forms consist of : 1) an original strong preterit with present signification (perfect present) ; 2) a newly formed dental preterit (351. 2) with preterit ^gnification. 418. The inflection of the former is in general that of the strong preterits, retaining, however, various older forms, such as the ind. 2 sing, in -t, and the i-umlaut in the optative. The dental preterit conforms entirely to the inflection of the weak preterits. 419. In the formation of their perfect presents the preteritive presents range themselves under the ablaut- classes of the strong verbs. They accordingly fall into the following order: CONJUGATION 347 420. First Ablaut- Class. 1) Ind. pres. 1 and 3 sing, wat, / know^ 2 sing, wast, plur. witon (EWS. also wiotun, wietuii), opt. wite, imp. sing, wite, plur. witaS", inf. witan (EWS. also wiotan, wietan), pres. part, witende, pret. wisse, wiste, past part. gewiten, beside the old past part. g"ewiss, adj., certain. So also is inflected the compounded g-ewitan. By fusion with the negative adverb ne, these forms become nat, nast, nytun, nyte, nysse, nyste. Note 1 . Ps. has wat (nat, once w^t) , ^vast, weotun (neoton) , opt. wite (nyte), imp. wite, plur. weota?^, part, w^eotendum, pret. wiste (nysse, nyste); — R.i w^at, plur. witan, wutan (niton, nytan), opt. w^ite (nyte), imp. witaS, w^ite ge, part, witende, pret. Tviste, past part, witen. — North. R.^ wat (w^att; once waet; nat, natt), wastu (nastu), plur, Avuttun, w^uton, W'uta??, -as, once wittas (nuttun, nut[t]on), opt. wito, -e, imp. plur. wuta?J, -as, inf. wuta, pret. wiste (nyste); — L. wat (nat), w^ast (nast), plur. wuton, -aS, -as, w^itteS, abbreviated wuto, uut(t)o, uutu w^e, gie, \vuti ge (nutton, nuuton, abbreviated nutto, nutu, nuutu, nuti), opt. w^itto, -a, -e, (nyta, -e), imp. wut(t)a3, -as, -e'd, inf. wutta, infl. wuttanne, uutanne, etc., part, wittende, uitende, pret. wiste (nyste); — Rit. wat, vast, wuton (nuton), wutas gie (imp.?), opt. plur. witto, inf. wutta, part, witende, pres. wiste (nyste). 2) ag- (ah, 214. 1), / have, 2 sing, ahst, plur. ag-on (LWS. ag-aty Scint.), opt. age, imp. age, inf. agan, pret. ahte, past part, segen and agen, adj., own (378) ; negated : nah, nagon, nahte, etc. Note 2. R.i has inf. agan, pres. plur. agun, pret. ahte, R.^ ah, opt. age, L. ah, 2 sing, aht, plur. agon, -an, opt. aga, hage, pret. ahte. In Ps. and Rit. the inflectional forms do not occur. 421. Second Ablaut- Class. 3) deag: (deah, 214. 1), / avail, 2 sing, not found, plur. dugon, EWS. opt. dyge, usually duge, inf. dug-an, 348 INFLECTION pres. part, dugende (EWS. diijrunde Cod. Dipl.). Angl. has only the 3 sing, deg- L. (163). 422. Third Ablaut- Class. 4) 911(11), an(ii), I grant (with the compounded gegnn, 1 grant, and ofQiiii, grudge), plur. unnon, opt. mine, imp. unne, inf. uiiiian, pret. nafe, past part, g-euiinen. Note 1. The word is lacking in Ps. R.i R.2. L. has Qnn, opt. (inf. ?) gewunna ; Rit, ind. pres. 2 sing, giunne (giw(u)nne, givvnne), opt. giunne, -a, imp. giQnn and giunne, inf. giwunna, part, unnende, pret. giuSe (gehutJe). 5) CQn(n), can(n), I know, can (with the compounded oncQnn, reproach with), 2 sing, c^nst, canst, plur. cunnon, opt. cunne, inf. cunnan, pret. cuSTe, past part. oncunnen, beside the old past part. QutS, known, used as an adjective. Note 2. Ps. has pres. plur. cunnun, opt. cunne, pret. plur. cutJun; R.i CQnn, const, plur. cunnun, -an, and -aS, -e]?, inf. gecun- nan, pret. cuj>e, past part. gecutJ; North. R.2 c^n, plur. cunnun, -an, cunno ge, pret. cu3e; L. CQnn (once cann), plur. cunnon, abbreviated cunno, -i, beside gecunnas, inf. gecunna, pret. cuSe; Rit. has no inflectional forms. 6) 3"earf, I need (with the compounded beS'earf), 2 sing, arearft, plur. i^rurfon, opt. EWS. a^yrfe, usually larurfe, inf. SFurfan, pret. tSovfte, beside the pres. part. STearfende, adj., needy (sporadically J^yrfendra, egen- tum Gl.). Note 3. Ps. has 2 sing. bitJearft, R.i ?Jearf, plur. cJurfun, ?Jurfe w§, part. ]7urfende, |7orfende ; North. R.2 3 sing. bi, -3, and once bi(5on, fre- quently umlauted beo]7an, opt. sing, beo, plur. beon, imp. sing, beo, plur. beo]7 (bio)?), inf. beon. North, has : R.2, beside bi??, once bia?J (on is, beside bist, see note 4); in the plur. bio^Jun, -on (once biotJo) predominates, bia?J is rare (opt., imp., inf. not found); L., beside beom, biom, once bium, beside bi9, once bie?y, in the plur. , beside frequent biSon (twice biSo), once biocJon, twice bia3; the opt. forms bia, bie and inf. bian occur only once each (imp. lacking); Kit. biom, bist, biS, plur. bi?Jon. The plur. bia^J occurs also in the Leiden Riddle (and Corp.). In the poetry the forms beoS, beon occur frequently in cases where the metre requires disyllabic forms (Beitr. 10. 477). 3) root wes : Present Infinitive: wesan Participle: wesende Imperative: sing, wes, plur. wesa^J Preterit Indicative Sing. 1. waes 2. wsere Optative wsere etc., regularly like a strong verb (391). 354 INFLECTION Fusion with the negative results in pret. sing, naes, 2 ii^re, plur. iiseroii, opt. nsere. Note 9. For -waes, naes there also occur the enclitic by-forms was, nas (49, note 1 ; EWS. frequently in Chron.). Note 10. The discrepancies of the non-WS. dialects result from the relevant phonetic laws: thus, for example, Corp. part, aetweos- endne, beside inf. wesaii (Ps. has, of the present, only the ind. sing.), Ps. pret. wes, -were, plur. werun, etc., R.^ inf. wesa, imp. plur. ^vesa]7, pret. waes, w^ere, and wsere, plur. \A^eruii, wserun, etc. North. R.2 inf. Avosa, imp. sing, -u^es, plur. wosa?J, pret. waes (once was), \^•e^e, plur. werun, -on and -wEerim, etc., opt. \V'ere, negated naes, neron, opt. nere; L. inf. -wosa (wossa), etc., imp. sing, waes (uaes; once w^es), plur. w^osa3, -as, pret. waes (w^aess), etc., w^ere, plur. w^eron, woeron, etc. (more rarely waeron, etc., also once ymbwoeson), opt. were, woe re (rarely usere, etc.), negated pret. iiaes(s), plur. neron, naeruti, opt. nere, neere, etc. 2. The Verb will 428. The present tense of the verb will vras originally confined in Germanic to an optative used indicatively ; to these have been added in OE. a new optative and an imperative (the latter occurring only as a negative). The preterit is of the weak conjugation. The WS. inflection is as follows : Present Indicative Optative Sing. 1. wille 2. wilt 3. wile (wiUe) Plur. wlllatJ )► wille (ivile) J willen Pbeterit w^olde (like n§ rede, etc., 409) Infinitive ^villan Participle wlllende CONJUGATION 355 Note 1. EWS. wOle is rather rare as ind. 3 sing., and wile uncommon as opt. In LWS. all forms of the present often have the vowel y : wylle, wylt, etc. Note 2. The verb willan nearly always coalesces with a preceding ne, the vocalism of the individual forms exhibiting some changes in consequence. The EWS. forms of Cura Past, are : ind. pres. sing. 1 nyUe (in MS. H also neUe, Or. nele), 3 nyle (MS. H also nylle, nele, nile), plur. nylla9 (MS. H and Or. also nellaS), opt. nylle, nyle (MS. C also once nele), plur. nyllen, pret. nolde; in LWS. the e-forms prevail : nelle, etc. Note 3. Kent, instances are : Kent. Gl. opt, sing, wille, Kent. Ps. ind. 1 sing, wille, pret. wolde, Cod. Dipl. ind. sing. 1 wille and willa, 3 wile, wille, opt. wille, plur. willan, pret. (Cod. Aur.) nolt^an (read -dan). Note 4. Greater variation is exhibited by Anglian : a) Merc. Ps. ind. pres. 3 sing, wile, plur. willa3, part, w^ellende, pret. w^alde; negated: imp. sing, nyl, plur. nyllaS, pret. nalde; R.i ind. pres. sing. 1 wille (once ne wylle), 2 wilt(u), 3 wile (wille), plur. w^illaS, opt. wille (wile), pret. wolde, walde; negated: ind. pres. sing. 1 nyllic (beside ne w^ylle), 3 nyle (opt.?), plur. nylle]?, imp. plur. ne ^vella?^, nella}?, pret. nolde, plur. noldan, naldun ; 6) North. R.2 ind. sing. 1 wyllo, willo, 2 wylt, wilt, 3 wyl, wil, will, plur. wallaS, -as, wallon we, opt. sing. plur. welle, imp. plur. walla?f, -as, pret. walde ; negated : ind. plur. nallan we, imp. sing, nelle (properly opt.), plur. nalla?J, -as, nallon ge; L. ind. sing. 1 willo (^vllle, w^illic; waello, -e), 2 w^ilt (^villt), 3 wil (will), plur. w^allaS, -as, w^alla w^6, w^alli ge (once 3 plur. uallon ; one gie ^vaelle, vultis, is rather opt.), opt. w^aelle, -a, -e, welle, -ae, (imp. plur. ne w^alla'S, ne w^aellaS gle), pret. w^alde (one ind. 3 sing, w^alda) ; negated : ind. sing. 1 nuillic, nwillic, 2 nuilt, plur. nalla?J, -as, -es, nallo w^e ; imp. sing, naelle, nelle, plur. nalla?^, -as {-eS ; nolle gie) and naellaS, -as (-aes, -eS, -es; naelle gie), nellaS, -as, pret. nalde; Rit. ind. 3 sing, vil, plur. vallate, opt. vaelle, pret. w^alde ; negated : ind. 2 sing, nylt, imp. sing, naelle, plur. naellat^, pret. plur. naldon. 356 INFLECTION 3. The Verb do 429. The verb don, do^ is conjugated as follows : Present Indicative ws. Sing. 1. do 2. dest 3. de (once doej?) and doJ>, -tJ, opt. sing, do (once doa), plur. doan, doa, imp. sing, do, plur. doap, -ej», do(J, inf. doan, doa, infl. doanne, part, donde, doende (doende ?), pret. dyde, 2 dydest, plur. dydun, -on, past part, -doan, once gedoen (gedoen ?). North, has frequently in R.2 doe as translation of a Lat. ind. 1 sing., beside the forms given in the paradigm (but very likely this should be regarded as opt.); in the 3 sing, a few instances of doa9, in the plur. a few of doeS, -es, in the imp. plur. one undoaT^. In the imp. sing, do, and in the pret. plur. dedun, is the rarer form. The inflection in L. is : ind. sing. 1 doam, less frequently doom, dom (also do, doa, doe or doe, some of which are perhaps optatives), 358 INFLECTION 2 doas, -aes (doaS), beside does, doest, 3 doe??, -s, beside doa?J, -as, -fe3, plur. doaTf, -as, -ed, -es, opt. doe (doe ?), beside doa (once doa, i.e., doam), imp. do, doo, doa, plur. doacJ, -as, -ae9, -eS, -es, inf. doa, do{», doe, infl. doan(n)e, doenne, part, doende (doende ?), pret. dyde, etc., plur. rarely dedon, opt. dyde, plur. rarely dedon, part. -doen. Rit. ind. sing. 1 dom, 2 doest (once dost), 3 doeS, plur. doa3, -as, -setJ, -e'S, opt. doe (doe ?), imp. sing, do, plur. doaS, -eS, inf. doa, part, doende (doende?), pret. dyde, plur. dydon, part. -doen. Note 5. In the poetry disyllabic forms should frequently be sub- stituted for the monosyllabic ones which are handed down (Beitr. 10. 477). 4. The Verb go 430. The verb gran, go (beside gQngran, 396, note 2), is thus conjugated in WS.: Present Indicative Optative Imperative Sing. 1. ga ^ Sing. 2. ga 2. ggest \s^ Plur. ga3 3. g£e3 Plur. gatJ gan Preterit Infinitive gan, infl. ganne Indicative Optative Participle Sing. 1, 3. code code gegan (like n^rede, etc., 409) Note 1. For se the older MSS. often have ae, which might in itself be interpreted as ae (429, note 2); below it is given as se> only where the MSS. themselves employ the ligature ae, side by side with ae. Note 2. There are no Kentish deviations to speak of except the pret. lode, beside code (150, note 3). Note 3. Ps. agrees in general with WS., but in the ind. 1 sing, has once gan, beside ga; the opt. occurs only once as gae, that is, probably, gae ; the inf. is lacking ; the pres. part, is gande. CONJUGATION 359 R.i has ind. sing. 1 ga, 2 giSs }7ii, gsest, 3 gaej?, -"S (once gaS), plur. gsejj (twice ga)?), opt. sing, ga, plur. gfcen (once gan), imp. sing, ga (once gae, i.e., gse), plur. gaej?, -9, more rarely gap, -3, inf. ga, gae, pret. code (thrice eade); past part, is lacking (only -gQngen). Note 4. The North, inflection is : R.^ ind. sing. 1 g^ (once gaa), 2 g8est(u), 3 gseS, -s, and ga(a)3, -s, plur. gaS, -s, opt. gaa, gle, imp, sing, gaa, plur. ga(a)3, -s, inf. gaa, pret. eode, more rarely eade, part, foregiead; — L. ind. sing. 1 gse, gae, gaae, 2 gast (gaS), gaaBS, gaes, 3 gaa'S, g£e3, gae3, -s (gsee??), plur. gaa?J, g«3, gaeS, -s, opt. gse, gae, imp. sing. ga(a), gaae, gae, plur. ga(a)3, gae3, -s, inf. gaa, gie, gae, pret. eade, more rarely eode, part, geead, etc. ; — Rit. ind. sing. 1 g^, 2 g«st, 3 g^S', plur. ga(a)?y, -s (once geaeS), opt. gge (gae), imp. plur. ga(a)5, inf. gaa, pret. eade. SOME ABBREVIATIONS ^Ifr. Gramm., Horn., etc. = ^Ifric's Grammar, Homilies, etc. (2, note 5). AfdA. = Anzeiger fiir Deutsches Altertum und Deutsche Litteratur. Angl. = Anglian, anv, = anomalous verb. Archiv = Archiv flir das Studium der Neueren Sprachen (Herrig's Archiv). Beitr. = Beitrage zur Geschichte der Deutschen Sprache und Literatur (Paul und Braune's Beitrage). Ben. = The OE. Prose Versions of the Benedictine Eule, ed. A. Schroer, I, II. Kassel, 1885-1888. Benet = The Rule of St. Benet, ed. H. Logeman. London, 1888. Beow. = Beowulf. Blickl. = Blickling Homilies. Boeth. = Boethius. Chart. = Charters (2, note 1). Chron. = Chronicle (2, note 5). Cod. Dipl. = Codex Diplomaticus, ed. Kemble (for charters ; 2, note 1). Corp. = Corpus Glosses (2, note 4). Cura Past., CP. = Cura Pastoralis (2, note 5). Ep. = Epinal Glosses (2, note 4). Ep. Al. = Epistola Alexandri (Anglia 4. 139 ff.). Erf. = Erfurter Glosses (2, note 4). EWS. = Early West Saxon. Gen. B. = Lines 235-851 (translated from Old Saxon) of the poetical Genesis. Germ. = Germanic. Gl. = Glosses. Goth. = Gothic. Haupt's Zs. = ZfdA. Hpt. Gl. = Glosses on Aldhelm, ZfdA. 9. 401 ff. 361 362 SOME ABBREVIATIONS Indo-Eur. = Indo-European. Kent. = Kentish. Kent. Gl., Kent. Hymn, Kent. Ps., Kent. Chart. = Kent. Glosses, Hymn, Psalm, Charters (2, note 4). L., Lind. = Lindisfarne Gospels (2, note 2). later Mart. = later Martyrology (in Cockayne's Shrine, London, ]864ff., pp. 44 fl). Leid. Rid. = Leiden Riddle. LWS. = Late West Saxon. Mart. = older Martyrology (for example, in Sweet's Oldest English Texts, 177-178). ME. = Middle English. Merc. = Mercian. Metr. = Metres (2, note 4). MHG. = Middle High German. MLN. = Modern Language Notes. North. = Northumbrian. OE. = Old English. OET. = Oldest English Texts. OHG. = Old High German. ON. = Old Norse. Or. = Orosius (2, note 5). OS. = Old Saxon. Prim. = Primitive. Ps. = Psalter (in MS. Vesp. A. I ; 2, note 3). QF. = Quellen und Forschungen zur Sprach- und Culturgeschichte der Germ. Volker, ed. W. Scherer, etc. R.i (Rushw.i) and R.^ (Rushw.^) — the two parts of the Rush worth Gloss to the Gospels (2, note 3). Rit. = Durham Ritual (2, note 2). Scint. = Defensor's Liber Scintillarum, ed. E. W. Rhodes, London, 1889. sm., sf., sn., sv. = strong masculine, feminine, neuter, verb. Spelm. Ps. = Spelman's Psalter. wm., wf., wn., wv. = weak masculine, feminine, neuter, verb. WS." = West Saxon. ZfdA. = Zeitschrift fiir Deutsches Altertum = Haupt's Zeitschrift. ZfdPh. = Zeitschrift fiir Deutsche Philologie, * indicates a hypothetical form. BIBLIOGRAPHY Bauer, H. , Ueber die Sprache und Mundart der Altenglischen Dich- tungen Andreas, Gu'Slac, Phonix, Heiliges Kreuz, und Hollen- fahrt Christi. Marburg, 1890. Bouterwek, K. W,, Die Vier Evangelien in Altnorthumbrischer Sprache (Giitersloh, 1857). Einleitung, pp. cxii-clxiv. Brate, E., Nordische Lehuworter im Ormulum. Beitr. 10 (1884). 1-80. Braunschweiger, M., Flexion des Verbums in ^Ifrics Grammatik. Marburg, 1890. Bremer, 0., Relative Sprachchronologie. Indogermanische For- schungen 4 (1894). 8-31. Brenner, 0., Zur Aussprache des Angelsachsischen. Beitr. 20 (1895). 554-559. Bright, J. W. , The Etymology of firmetton and frimdig. American Journal of Philology 8 (1888). 471-472. , The Etymology of endemes{t). MLN. 1 (1886). 38-39. , The Anglo-Saxon bdsnian and wrdsen. MLN. 3 (1888). 73. , An Additional Note on the Etymology of gospel. MLN. 5 (1890). 90-91. , Lexical Notes. MLN. 5 (1890). 241-242. , An Outline of Anglo-Saxon Grammar, in his Anglo-Saxon Reader 3, New York, 1894, pp. ix-lxxix. ten Brink, B. , Zum Englischen Vocalismus. ZfdA. 19 (1876). 211-228. , Eode. ZfdA. 23 (1879). 65-67. , Beitrage zur Englischen Lautlehre. I. Altenglisches g (5). — heng und heht. Anglia 1 (1878). 512-526; 2. 177-178. , Das Altenglische SufiBx -ere. Anglia 5 (1882). 1-4. , Review of Zupitza's edition of Elene, AfdA. 5. 55-57. Brown, E. M., Die Sprache der Rush worth Glossen zum Evangelium Matthaus und der Mercische Dialekt, 1, 2 (2 with English title). Gottingen, 1891-1892. 1 A list of the earlier Old English Grammars is given by R. Wiil(c)ker, Grundriss zur Geschichte der Ags. Litteratur, Leipzig, 1885, pp. 93 ff. Here are noted only such modern publications as have contributed to our general or special knowledge of Old English by references to, or quotations from, the sources. 363 364 BIBLIOGRAPHY Brown, E. M., Anglo-Saxon Phonology. MLN. 7 (1892). 310-311. Briick, F., Die Konsonantendoppeluug in den Mittelenglischen Kom- parativen und Superlativen. Bonn, 1886. Briihl, C, Die Flexion des Verbums in iEIfrics Heptateuch und Buch Hiob. Marburg, 1892. Biilbring, K. D., Reviews in Indogermanische Forschungen, Anzeiger 3 (1894). 140-144 ; Anglia, Beibl. 7 (1896). 65-74. Cook, A. S., Vowel-Length in King Alfred's Orosius. American Journal of Philology 5 (1884). 318-324. , Vowel-Length in Old English. lb. 6 (1885). 296-309; 7 (1886), no. 1. , The Northumbrian eholsong. Academy, 1886, no. 744, p. 92. , List of the Strong Verbs in Part II of ^Ifric's Saints. MLN. 2 (1887). 117-118. , Notes on Old English Words. MLN. 3 (1888). 11-13. , The Phonological Investigation of Old English. Boston, 1888. , Notes on the Vocalism of Late West Saxon. Transactions of the American Philological Association 20 (1889). 175-176. , A First Book in Old English. Boston, 1894. , A Glossary of the Old Northumbrian Gospels (Lindisfarne Gospels or Durham Book). Halle, 1894. Cosijn, P. J., De Taalvormen van ^Elfreds Pastoraal. Taalkundige Bijdragen 2 (Haarlem, 1879). 115-158, 240-246. , Uit de Pastoraal. lb. 2. 246-259. • , De Oudste Westsaksische Chroniek. lb. 2. 259-277. , De Instrumentalis Singnlaris op -mi. Tijdschrift voor Neder- landsche Taal- en Letterkunde 2 (Leiden, 1882). 287-288. , Kurzgefasste Altwestsachsische Grammatik. 1, Leiden, 1881 ; 2. Verb. Aufl., 1, 2, ib., 1893. , Altwestsachsische Grammatik, 1, 2. Haag, 1883-1886. , Gard en gaarde. Tijdschrift voor Nederlandsche Taal- en Let- terkunde 13 (1894). 19-21. Cremer, M., Metrische und Sprachliche Untersuchung der Alteng- lischen Gedichte Andreas, Gu-Slac, Phoenix (Elene, Juliana, Christ). Bonn, 1889. Davidson, C, Differences between the Scribes of Beowulf. MLN. 5 (1890). 85-89 (cf. ib., pp. 245-246, 378-379). , The Phonology of the Stressed Vowels of Beowulf. Publica- tions of the Modern Language Association of America 6 (1891). 106-133. BIBLIOGRAPHY 365 Dieter, Ferd., Ueber Sprache und Mundart der Altesten Englischen Deiikmaler, der Epinaler und Canibridger Glossen mit Berlick- sichtigung des Erfurter Glossars. Gottingen, 1885. , Altenglisches ymbeaht = Gothisches andbahts. Englische Studien 11 (1888). 492. , Vocalismus und Consonantismus des Altenglischen, in Laut-und Formenlehre der Altgermanischen Dialekte . . . hg. von F. Dieter, 1, Leipzig, 1898. Fischer, F., The Stressed Vowels of ^Ifric's Homilies. Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 4 (1889), no. 2. Foster, G., Judith. Studies in Metre, Language, and Stile. (QF. 71.) Strassburg, 1892. Fricke, R., Das Altenglische Zahlwort. Erlangen, 1886. Frucht, P., Metrisches und Sprachliches zu Cynewulfs Elene, Juliane, und Crist. Greifswald, 1888. Gieschen, L., Die CharakteristischenUnterschiede der Einzelnen Schrei- ber im Hatton MS. der Cura Pastoralis. Greifswald, 1887. Groschopp, F., Christ und Satan. Anglia 6 (1883). 268-276. Hart, J. M., Anglo-Saxonica. MLN. 1 (1886). 175-177; 2 (1887). 281-285. • , The Anglo-Saxon glen, glena. MLN. 7 (1892). 122-123 (cf. ib. 246 ff., 251-252). Hellwig, H., Untersuchungen tiber die Namen des Nordhumbrischen Liber Vitae, 1. Berlin, 1888. van Helten, W., Grammatisches. Beitr. 15 (1891). 455-488 ; 16 (1892). 272-317; 17 (1893). 272-302, 550-573; 20 (1895). 506-525. Hempl, G., The Etymology of OE. odbre, (Bfre, E. ever. MLN. 4 (1889). 417-418. , The Etymology of yet, OE. g'let. Academy 40 (1892), no. 1024, p. 564. , Old English ea = Germanic oe, and Old English Shortening before h + Consonant. MLN. 7 (1892). 394-395. , Old English Etymology. Boston, 1893. ■ , The Etymology of nym&e, nemne, etc. MLN. 9 (1894). 313-315. Hilmer, H., Zur Altnorthumbrischen Laut- und Flexionslehre. I. Lautlehre. Goslar, 1880. Holthausen, F., Zur Angelsachsischen Comparation. Beitr. 11 (1886). 556. , Miscellen. Beitr. 13 (1888). 367-372. Holtzmann, A., Altdeutsche Grammatik, 1. 1, 2. Leipzig, 1870-1875. 3G6 BIBLIOGRAPHY Hoops, J., Ueber die Altenglischen Pflanzennamen. Freiburg i. Br., 1889. Hruschka, A., Zur Angelsachsischen Namenforschung, 1, 2. Prag, 1884-1885. Hulme, W. H., Die Sprache der Altenglischen Bearbeitung der Solilo- quien Aiigustins. Darmstadt, 1894. , Quantity-Marks in Old English Manuscripts. MLN. 11 (1895). 17-24. Jellinek, M. H., Ueber Einige Falle des Wechsels von w und g ira Altsachsischen und Angelsachsischen. Beitr. 14 (1889). 580-584. Kent, C. W., The Anglo-Saxon burh and bi/rig. MLN. 3 (1888). 351-353. Kluge, F., Zur Altgermanischen Sprachgeschichte (1880). Zeitschrift fiir Vergleichende Sprachforschung 26 (1883). 68-103, 328. , Anglosaxonica. Anglia 4 (1881). 101-106. , Sprachhistorische Miscellen. Beitr. 8 (1882). 506-539. , Die Germanische Consonantendelmung. Beitr. 9 (1884). 149-186. , Zur Germanischen Sprachgeschichte : Angelsachsische Vocal- quantitaten. Beitr. 11 (1886). 557-562. , Zum Altenglischen Sprachschatz. Englische Studien 9 (1886). 35-42. , Englische Etymologien. Englische Studien 9 (1886). 505; 10 (1887). 180; 11 (1888). 511-511; 20 (1895). 333-335. , Gcerdas, bocstafas, bee. ZfdA. 34 (1890). 210-213. , Geschichte der Englischen Sprache, in Paul's Grundriss der Ger- manischen Philologie 1 (Strassburg, 1891). 780-920. 12 (1898). 926 ff. , Germanisches. IndogermanischeForschungen 4 (1894). 309-310. , Neuenglisches proud — pride. Englische Studien 21 (1895). 334-335. , Reviews in Anglia 4 (1881), Anzeiger 14-20; 5 (1882), Anzeiger 81-86 ; Literaturblatt fiir Germanische und Komanische Phi- lologie, 1885. 59; 1887. 112-115; Englische Studien 13 (1889). 505-508. Kolkwitz, M., Zum Erfurter Glossar. Anglia 17 (1895). 453-465. Konrath, M., Zur Laut- und Flexionslehre des Mittelkentischen. Archiv 88 (1892). 47-66, 157-180; 89 (1892). 153-166. Korner, K., Einleitung in das Studium des Angelsachsischen. 1. Angelsachsische Laut- und Formenlehre. 2. Auflage bear- beitet von A. Socin. Heilbronn, 1886. BIBLIOGKAPHY 367 Lea, E. L., The Language of the Northumbrian Gloss to the Gospel of St. Mark. Anglia 16 (1894). 62-206. Leidmg, H., Die Sprache der Cynewulfschen Dichtungen Crist, Juliana, und Elene. Gottingen, 1887 (Review in Deutsche Litteraturzeitung, 1888, 1114-1115). Lindelof, U., Die Sprache des Rituals von Durham. Helsingfors, 1890. , tjber die Verbreitung des Sogenannten u- (o-) Umlauts in der Starken Verbalflexion des Altenglischen. Archiv 89 (1892). 129-152. , Beitrage zur Kenntnis des Altnorthumbrischen. M^moires de la Socidt^ N6o-Philologique k Helsingfors 1 (1893). 219-302. , Glossar zur Altnorthumbrischen Evangelienlibersetzung in der Rushworth-Handschrift. Helsingfors, 1897 (= Acta Soc. Sclent. Fenniae tom. 22, no. 5). Lindstrom, P. E., Zur Etymologie von preost. Englische Studien 20 (1895). 147-148. Logeman, H., The Rule of St. Benet, London, 1888, pp. xxxviii-lxiii. , Stray Gleanings. Anglia 12 (1889). 528 (cf. ib. 606). , The Northumbrian eholsung. MLN. 4 (1889). 151-154. , Mediaeval Latin and the Sounds of Old English. Academy, 1889, no. 855, p. 191. , The Etymology of gospel. MLN. 8 (1893). 89-93. Ltibke, H., Review in AfdA. 12 (1886). 265-271 (cf. Anglia 9. 617-621). Luick, K., Untersuchungen zur Englischen Lautgeschichte. Strass- burg, 1896. , Reviews in Anglia, Beiblatt4 (1893). 101-109; 6 (1896). 129-133. Mather, F, J., Anglo-Saxon 7iemne (mjm&e) and the Northumbrian Theory. MLN. 9 (1894). 152-156. Mayhew, A. L., Synopsis of Old English Phonology. Oxford, 1891. Miller, T., The Old English Version of Bede's Ecclesiastical History, 1 (London, 1890), Introduction. Mitchell, F. H., ^Ifrics Sigewulfi Interrogationes in Genesim. Kritische Bearbeitung, nebst . . . Sprachlichen Bemerkungen. Zurich, 1888. Moller, H., Review in Englische Studien 13 (1889). 247-315. Morsbach, L., Reviews in Anglia, Beiblatt 7 (1897). 321-338; Litera- turblatt, 1889, 95-101. Nader, E., Review in Englische Studien 11 (1888). 148-151. Napier, A., Ein Altenglisches Leben des Heiligen Chad. Anglia 10 (1888). 131-156. 368 BIBLIOGRAPHY Napier, A., Altenglische Glossen. Englische Studien 11 (1888). 62-67. , A sign used in OE. MSS. to indicate vowel shortness. Academy, 1890, no. 909, pp. 221-222 (cf. ib., no. 910, p. 239; no. 911, p. 254 ; no. 920, p. 406). , Eine Mittelenglische Compassio Mariae. Archiv 88 (1892). 181-189. , The same, in English, amplified, in his History of the Holy Rood-Tree, London, 1894, 75-86. , Notes on the Orthography of the Ormulum. Ib., pp. 71-74. , Old English nemne {mjm&e). MLN. 9 (1894). 318. Nehab, J., Der Altenglische Cato. Berlin, 1879, pp. 15-41. Otten, G., The Language of the Rush worth Gloss to the Gospel of Matthew, 1, 2. Leipzig (Nordhausen), 1890-1891. Paul, H., Untersuchungen iiber den GermanischenVocalismus. Halle, 1879 (reprint from Beitr. 4. 315-475; 6. 1-261). Piatt, J., Zur Altenglischen Declination. Englische Studien 6 (1883). 149-150. ■ , Nachtrage zu Sievers' Angelsachsische Grammatik. Ib. 6. 290 ff. , Angelsachsisches. Anglia 6 (1883). 171-178. , Zum Consonantischen Auslautsgesetz. Beitr. 9 (1884). 368-369. [On these articles compare the explanations in Anglia 6. 474 ; 7. 222; Beitr. 10. 494]. Pogatscher, A., Zur Lautlehre der Griechischen, Lateinischen, und Romanischen Lehnworter im Altenglischen. (QF. 64). Strass- burg, 1888. , Angelsachsen und Romanen. Englische Studien 19 (1894). 329-352. , Review in Gottinger Gelehrte Anzeigen, 1894, 1011-1016. , Ueber die Chronologie des Altenglischen i-Umlauts. Beitr. 18 (1894). 465-474. Priese, P., Die Sprache der Gesetze Alfreds des Grossen und Konig Ines. Strassburg, 1883. Sarrazin, G., Angelsachsische Quantitaten. Beitr. 9 (1884). 365-367, 585-586. Schroer, A., Die Angelsachsischen Prosabearbeitungen der Benedic- tinerregel. Kassel, 1888, pp. xli ff. Schwerdtfeger, G., Das Schwache Verbum in ^Ifrics Homilien. Marburg, 1893. Sievers, E., Zur Altangelsachsischen Declination. Beitr. 1 (1874). 488-504. BIBLIOGRAPHY 369 Sievers, E., Zur Accent- und Lautlehre der Germanischen Sprachen. Beitr. 4 (1877). 522-539; 5 (1878). 63-163. , Das Verbum kommen. Beitr. 8 (1882). 80-81. , Zur Flexion der Scliwachen Verba. Beitr. 8 (1882). 90-94. , Der Angelsachsische Instrumental. Beitr. 8 (1882). 324-333. , Miscellen zur Angelsachsischen Grammatik. Beitr. 9 (1884). 197-300. , Zur Verbalflexion. Das Pronomen jener. Beitr. 9 (1884). 561-568. — -, Zu Codex Jun. XI. Beitr. 10 (1885). 195-199. , Zur Rhythmik des Germanischen Alliterationsverses. Beitr. 10 (1885). 209-314, 451-545. , Altangelsachsisches / und &. Beitr. 11 (1886). 542 ff. , The Etymology of endemes{t). MLN. 1 (1886). 93-95. , Review in ZfdPh. 21 (1889). 354-365. , Zu Cynewulf. Anglia 13 (1891). 10-21. , Zu den Angelsachsischen Glossen. lb. 13 (1891). 310-315. , Zur Texterklarung des Beowulf. Anglia 14 (1892). 142-144. , Zur Geschichte der Angelsachsischen Diphthonge, I. Beitr. 18 (1894). 411-416. Skeat, W. W., Principles of English Etymology, 1, 2. Oxford, 1887-1891. Smith, C. A., An Old English Grammar and Exercise Book. Boston, 1896. Sohrauer, M. , Kleine Beitrage zur Altenglischen Grammatik. Berlin, 1886. Storch, T., Angelsachsische Nominalcomposita. Strassburg, 1886. Svensson, J. V., Om Spraket i den Forra (Merciska) Delen af Rush worth- Handskrif ten. I. Ljudlara. Goteborg, 1883. Sweet, H., King Alfred's West-Saxon Version of Gregory's Pastoral Care, London, 1871, pp. xix-xlii. , History of English Sounds. London, 1874. Second Edition, Oxford, 1888. , An Anglo-Saxon Reader. Oxford, 1877. Seventh Edition, 1894. , An Anglo-Saxon Primer, with grammar, notes, and glossary. Eighth Edition, Oxford, 1896. , First Steps in Anglo-Saxon. Oxford, 1897. , Dialects and Prehistoric Forms of English. Transactions of the Philological Society, 1875-1876, 543 ff. , Old English Etymologies. Englische Studien 2 (1879). 312-316. 370 BlBLIOGliAPHY Sweet, H,, Disguised Compounds in Old English, The Preterite of cuman. English Etymologies. Anglia 3 (1880). 151-157. , History of P^nglish Sounds and Dialects. I, Proceedings of the Philological Society, December 5, 1879; II, ib., April 16, 1880; III, ib., June 3, 1881. , English Etymologies. Ib., June 3, 1881; February 2, 1883. , History of g in English. Ib. , Old English Contributions. Ib., March 3, 1882; February 6, 1885. , Review in Gottinger Gelehrte Anzeigen, 1882, no. 38, pp. 1186- 1191. Sweet, M., The Third Class of Weak Verbs in Primitive Teutonic, with Special Reference to its Development in Anglo-Saxon. American Journal of Philology 14 (1893). 409-456. Tessmann, A., ^Elfrics Altenglische Bearbeitung der Interrogationes Sigewulfi Presbyteri in Genesim des Alcuin, Berlin, 1891, pp. 9-18. Vance, H. A., Der Spatangelsachsische Sermo in Festis S. Mariae mit Rucksicht auf das Altenglische sprachlich dargestellt. Jena, 1894. Varnhagen, H., Review in Deutsche Litteraturzeitung, 1890, 466. , Zur Etymologic \on preost. Englische Studien 16(1892). 154-155. Vietor, W. Die Northumbrischen Runensteine. Marburg, 1895. Wells, B. J., Long Vowels and Diphthongs in Old Germanic and Old English. Transactions of the American Philological Association 18 (1887). 134-157. , Strong Verbs in TElfric's Judith. MLN. 3 (1888). 13-15. , Strong Verbs in iElfric's Saints, I, II. MLN. 3 (1888). 178-185, 256-262. Wolff, R., Untersuchung der Laute in den Kentischen Urkunden. Heidelberg, 1893. Wood, F. A., Apparent Absence of Umlaut in Old English. MLN. 6 (1895). 347-350. Wyatt, A. J., Notabilia of Anglo-Saxon Grammar. London, 1890. , An Elementary Old English Grammar (Early West Saxon). Cambridge, 1897. Zeuner, R., Die Sprache des Kentischen Psalters (Vespasian A. I). Halle, 1881. , Wortschatz des Sogenannten Kentischen Psalters, 1. Gera, 1891. BIBLIOGRAPHY 371 Zupitza, J., Kentische Glossen des Neunten Jahrhunderts. ZfdA. 21 (1877). 1-59 ; 22 (1878). 223-22G. , Review in AfdA. 2 (1876). 1-19. , English Etymology in 1881 and 1882. Transactions of the Cambridge Philological Society 2. 243-259. , Catchpoll in Old English. Academy, 1886, no. 706, p. 325 (cf. ib., no. 716, p. 61; no. 718, p. 95; no. 719, p. 113). , Altenglische Glossen zu Abbos Clericorum Decus. ZfdA. 31 (1887). 1-27. ' , Mercisches aus der Handschrift Royal 2 A 20 im British Museum. ZfdA. 33 (1889). 47-66. INDEX [The numbers refer to sections. Prefixes are disregarded in the alphabetizing. The index-words are usually given in their WS. form ; in the case of dialectic variants, cross-references have been made where desirable. Unstable i and y, if not readily found., may be sought under ie ; io under eo or ie ; a before m or n, under 9 ; sea, sco under sc(e)a, sc(e)o ; 3 follows t when initial, but otherwise has the position of th ; ae has the position of ae. From the Phonology have been excluded the examples of accent in §§ 121-124. a, adv., 62 N.; 118. l.a; 174. 3. a,- for on-, 188 n. 3. abbud, sm., 10; 197 n. ac,conj.,49N.l; 210.3. ac, f., 284 and N. 1,2,4. acaii, sv., 392 n. 1. acas, see sex. ache, 217 N. 3. acsian, see ascian. acumba, wm., 57 n. 3. adela, wm., 50 n. 1. adesa, wm., 50 n. 1. adl, sf., 183 N.; 201. 3; 254. 1. Adsur, Adzur, see At- sur. £e(^w),sf.,118. 2; 173. 2 and s. 1; 174 n. 3; _ 269 and n. 3. 86- in composition, 57 N. 3. £ebylg(e)an, wv., 405 _ N. 2 ; 406 N. 2. aebylgS (^bilig'S), sf., 31 N. ; 213 N. Sc, see eac. secer, sm.,14; 49; 138; 139 ; 207 and n. 2. aeces, gecumba, see sex, acumba. fficyrf, smn. ? 267. a. sedr (seddr-), sf., 201 n. _ 1 ; 229. aedre, adv., 315 n. 1. sef-, adv^, 51 ; 130. sefsest (eewfsest), adj., 118 N. 2. sefdsell, sn. ? 263 n. 3. sefde, see habban. ^fen, snm.,57. 2; 248. 2 and n. 2. to sefen- es, adv., 320. ^fenian, wv. , 414 n. 3. 8ef(e)st, sf., 43 N. 4; 186 N. 3 ; 266. sefnan, wv., 89. 2 and N. 2 ; 144 N. 2 ; 193 N. ; 404 N. 1. b. seftemest, sup., 314; 328. sefter, prep., 4 n. 2 ; 154 N. ; 314. sefterfylgend, m., 286 N. 2. sefte(r)ra, comp., 145 N. ; 231. 4 ; 314 and N. 1 ; 328. 373 Eefwerdla, wm., 99 n. ^g, n., 175. 2; 290. segen, see agen. £egerfelma, wm., 290 _ N. 1. segergelu, sn., 290 n. 1, seghwa, pron. , 347 and _ N. 2. geghw^r, adv. , 321 n. 2. ^ghwse^er (^eg'Ser), pron., 214 N. 5; 347 and N. 2. Sghwelc,-h wile, pron. , 100 N. 3 ; 214 N. 5 ; 214. 2; 347 and n. _ 2. seghwider, geghwQnan, adv., 321_N. 2. ffig'Ser, see seghwse^er. ^hcha, pr. n. , 320 n. sehher, sm. ? 220 ; 222 N. 4 ; 228 ; 289 (cf . ear), ^ht, sf., 269. aehtatig, sehtowe, etc., see eahtatig, eahta, etc. eel-, see ^1-. selan, wv., 405 n. 1. 374 INDEX ffilc, pron., 43 N. 4 ; 347 andN. 1; ^lc(w)uht, n., 347. aeldra, -du, see ieldra, _ -du. aeled, sin., 244. 1. oiiillet, sn., 248. 2. 7Elf(h)elm, JElf(h)^re, pr. 11., 217. iElfred, pr. n. , 57 n. 2 ; 80 N. 3. ^If-SiyS, pr. n., 199 N. 1. ^Ifwini, pr. n., 2G3 N. 5. sellefne, sellefta, hund- sellef tig, see endleof- aii, etc. 8elmeslic,adj.,196 n. 4. 2elmi(e)htig, adj., 151 N^; 221 N. 1. seltEewe, adj., 57. 2. a. Eemerge, wf., 100 n. 4; 176. aemetig, adj., 217 n. 1. ^ne, see an. ^nes, adv., 237 n, 1 ; 331. sengel, see engel. seniege, see aneage. senig, adj., 90 ; 151. 1; 214. 5 ; 348. 1 ; ^nge _ -Singa, adv., 320. aeniht, n., 100 n. 3; 348. 1. seninga, see anunga. ffinlic, adj., 100 n. 3. senliepe, etc., see aii- liepe, etc. senne, see an. seppel, sin., 10 ; 140 ; 160. 3 ; 189 ; 228 ; 273 and n. 2, 3. seps, see sesp. £er, adv. comp., 313; 323. 8erce(-), see earc and arce-. serende, sn., 100 n. 4 ; 248. 1. 9ereiid(w)reca, win., 164 N. 2. terendwr^cc(e)an, wv., _ 407 N. 17. gerest(a), sup., 196. 1 ; 311 ; 313; 328 ; serest ^inga, adv., 320. ajrfe, see ierfe. gerist, smf . , 266 and n. _ 1 ; 269 and n. 4. gerlest, see ar least. sern, sn., 43. 3 ; 79 n. 2; 89 N. 4; 179. 1. gernan, w^v., 79 n. 2 ; _ 89n. 4; 405 N. 1. gerra, comp., 313 ; 328. sesc, sm., 89. 2. gesce, wf., 206.3. 6. gesc^rote, wf., 278 n. 1. sesp, smf. ? 204. 3. sespe, wf., 89. 2 gespryng, -spring, sf., 31 N. ; 266 and n. 1. set, prep., adv., 51 and N. setgaru, sm.(?), 273 N. 3. JE^el-, 199 N. 1. ^.«elbriht, pr. n., 179. 2. se'Sele, adj., 60 n. 2. ^«elgeard, pr. n.,212 N. 1. re'Seling, sm., 50 n. 2. Eet?m, sm., 57. 2. aethrine, sm., 263. 1. geththse, see o'S'Se. sethwa, pron., 347. few, see se. Swan, see lewan. Swfsest, see geffest. sex, sf., 50 N. 2; 209; 258. 2. Afene, pr. n., 194. afora, wm., 103 n. 2. agan, anv., 232. b; 420. _2 and n. 2. agehwser, adv., 321 N. 2. agen (segen), adj., 128. 2; 144. a; 147; 231 N. 3 ; 378 n. 1. agend, m., 286. aglSc(e)a, wm., 214 N. 2. agnian, wv., 214 n. 2 ; 412 N. 5, 6, 9 ; 414 N. 2. agsian, ah, see ascian, ac. ahlffica, ahnian, ahsian, aht,seeaglSc(e)a, ag- nian, ascian, awuht. ahwa, pron., 346. ahwger (awer), adv., 43 N. 4 ; 57 N. 2 ; 321 N. 2. ahwset, ahwylc, pron., 346. ahwse^er(aw'5er, a'Ser), pron., 222 N. 1; 346. ahx(s)ian, see ascian. alan, sv., 392 n. 1. aid, aid, aldian, see eald, adl, ealdian. Aldwini, pr. n., 263 N. 5. all, almechttig, alo'S, am, see eall, ael- mi(e)htig, ealu,eom. an, see on. an-, see qu-. an, num., 90 ; 188 n. 5 ; 324. 1 ; 327 ; anra gehwelc, pron., 324. 1 ; 347 ; instr. , gene, 237 N. 2 ; 331 ; Sne siSa, adv.,320; 331. ancsum, anxum, ancx- sumnys, see Qngsum, Qngsuinnys. and, see Qiid. and-, see qu-, Qnd-. andustriga, wv., 412 N. 9. aneage, -lege, jeniege, adj., 100 N. 5, 7. anfeald, adj., 330 and N. 1. INDEX 375 aninga, see animga. anlic, adj., 100 n. 3. anliepe, -ig (anlape ; senllepe, -ig), adj., 100 N. 5 ; 217 ; 329 N. 3. ant-, see gnd-. aiiunga (aninga, £en- inga), adv., 318 n. anwiht, n., 348. 1. appla, see ceppel. apuldre, wf., 103; 228. ar, sm., 273. ar, sf.,44N. 1; 134. b; 252 and n. 4 ; 276 n. 3.6. arc, sm., 10 ; 79 n. 3 ; 162. 2. arce- (serce-), 79 n. 3. arcebiscop, sm., 79 N. 3. arg, see earg. arian, wv., 411 n. 5 ; 412 N._6, 6, 8. arleast (airiest), f., 100 N. 5. arm, arn, see earm, iernan. arod, adj., 103. aron, see eom. gearwyr^ian, wv., 412 N. 5. asce, wf., 10; 160. 3; 204. 3 ; 209. ascian, wv. , 204. 3 ; _209; 411 N. 4. Asgout, pr. n., 26 n. assa, wm., 10 ; 202. asse(n), swf., 10. at, atelic, see set, atoUic. atelucost, adv. , 43 n. 3. a«, sm., 62; 239. 1. a. a'Ser, a^l, see ahwse'Ser, adl. atol, adj., 50. 1 ; 103 and N. 2 ; 147. atollic, adj., 231. 4. ator (attor), sn., 139 and N. ; 229 ; 244. 1. Atsur, pr. n., 205. a and N. 1. aulit, au'5er,seeawuht, ahwae'Ser. Avene, see Afene. awer, awSer, see ahwEer, ahwse'Ser. awuht (auht, aht ; awiht), n., 6 k. 1 ; 344. 3 and n. 3. awul, sf., 73. 1. ax(s)e, ax(s)ian, see asce, ascian. Azur, see Atsur. ba, see begen. bacan, sv., 368 n. 4 ; 392 N. 1. badu, see beadu. boec, sn., 240. baecere, see baezere. bsecestre, wf., 276 n. 4; _278. bsedan, wv., 405 n. 3. bsedzere, see bsezere. baeftan, adv., 110 n. 4. abselgan, see abielg- (e)an. bser, adj., 294. -bsere, adj., 299. baernan, wv., 79 n. 2 ; 89 N. 4 ; 405. 1. a ; 406 N. 2. baernet, sn., 231. 4. baers, sm., 179. 1. baerst, see berstan. beetan, wv., 405 n. 8. b. bae-S, sn., 103; 240. baezere, sm., 205 n. 1. balca, wm., 80 n. 3. ballice, see bealdlice. Ba]thh(ae)ard, pr. n., 201. 2. baiu, sn., 103 n. 1; 134. d ; 249 and n. 1. balzam, subst., 205 n. 1. ban, sn., 12 ; 239. 1. 6. barn, see biernan. basu, adj., 300 and n. batwa, see begen. beacen, sn., 99; 108. 2 ; 141 ; 163 ; 243. n. beada, see beodan. beadu, sf., 103 n. 2 ; 134. d; 174. 2; 260 and N. 1. beag, sm., 63; 108. 2; 163 ; 214. 1. beald, adj., 201. 2. bealdlice, adv., 198. 3. bealu, .see balu. beam, sm., 37. 1 ; 150 N. 1. bean, sf., 35 n. 2. beara, see beran. bearg, sm., 162. 2. beam, sn., 239. 1. 6. bearna, see biernan. beam, sm., 103 n. 1 ; 134. d ; 174. 2 ; 249. beatan, sv., 366 n. 2 ; 371 N. 3 ; 396. 2. a. beaw, sm., 250. 1. bee, see boc. becen, -on, -un, see beacen. gebed, sn., 104. 3; 241. b^d(d), sn., 231. 1; 247. b. geb^dda,wf.,278 n. 4. bedecian, wv. , 41 1 n. 4. beg, see beag. begen, ba, bti, num., 60 N. ; 324 n. 1. b^lg, see bielg. belgan, sv., 213; 214; 387 N. 1. bellan, sv., 387 n. 1. ben, sf., 269. b^nc, sf., 269. b^nd, smf., 266 and n. 1. b^ndan, wv., 405 n. 11. a. b^n(n), sf., 258. 1. geb^nn, sn., 267. a. beo, bio, wf., 114. 2 ; 166 N. 7 ; 278 n. 2. 376 INDEX beo-, biobread, sn., 166 N. 7. beoc, see boc. beod, sm., 64 ; 150 n. 2, beodan, sv., 40. 1 ; 150 N. 1, 2, 3; 371 N. 4; 384. 1. beodern, sn., 43. 3. a. beofian, see bifiaii. beofor, sm., 104. 2. beom, sm., see beam, beon, blon, auv., 114. 2 ; 150 N. 6 ; 350. 2 ; 427. 2 and n. 5-8. beora(n), see beran. beorcan, sv., 388 n. 1. beorg, sm., 214. 1. beorgan, sv., 164. 1 ; 181. 1; 213; 388 n. 1,3. beorht, adj., 164. 1 and N. 4; 179. 2; 221. 1. beorhtnian, w^v., 412 N. 7. beorna(n), seebiernan. Beornice, pr. n., 264. beosu, see besu. beot, biot, sn., 43 n. 4; 114 N. 1. beotian, biotian, wv., 166 N. 6. beow, sn., 250. 1. *be(o)wian, wv., 408 N. 15. bera, wm., 107. 2. beran, sv., 17 ; 53 ; 54. 6 ; 107. 2 and n. 2 ; 131 ; 134. b ; 160. 1 ; 164 N. 2 ; 186 n. 3 ; 296 N. 1 ; 366 N. 2 ; 370 N. 2 ; 371 N. 2, 3, 6, 7 ; 390 ; 391 n. 5. b^re, sm., 128. 1 ; 133. b ; 263. 1 and n. 4 ; 288 N. 1. b(^re(r)n, sn., 43. 3. a. berg, see bearg. berga(n), see beorgan and bierg(e)an. berbt, berhta, berht- niga, see beorht, bierhtan, beorht- nian. b^rian, wv., 400 n. 1. b^rie, wf., 175. 2. b^riga, see bierg(e)an. berstan, sv., 79 n. 2 ; 359. 3 ; 389 and n. 2. besig, see bysig. besu, adj., 300. b^t, adv., 133 n. 1 ; 182 ; 323. betan, wv., 405 n. 8. 6, 10 ; 406 N. 6. bete, wf., 58 n. 2. b^t(e)ra, b^ttra, comp., 228; 312. b^t(e)st(a), b^zt(a), sup., 205. b and n. 1 ; 312 and n. 1. b^'Sian, wv. , 400 n. 2. bl, adv., 24 n. ; 33 n. bia,bian, see beo, beon. bicg(e)an, see bycg- (e)an. bidan, sv., 201. 4. b ; 359. 3 ; 376 n. ; 382 N. 1. a. biddan, sv. , 54. 6 ; 197 ; 198. 4. a; 205. 6; 355 N. 2 ; 357 N. 2 ; 358 N. 5. 6, 7 ; 359. 2, 3 and n. 2 ; 367 ; 372 and n. ; 391. 3 and N. 9. ble, see beo. biecnan, wv., 99; 358 N. 4 ; 404. 1. c. bleg(e)an, wv., 31 n. ; 405 N. 2. bielg,Rm.,159. 3; 266. d,bielg(e)an, wv., 406 N. 1. bleme, wf., 276 n. 3. a; 278. blen, see bean, bierce, wf., 206 n. 2. bierg(e)an, wv., 164. 2 : 405 N. 2. bierhtan, wv., 164. 2 and N. 4. bierhtu, f., 164. 2. biernan, sv., 65 n. 1 ; 79 N. 2 ; 179. 1 ; 231 _N. 1; 386 N. 2, 3. bifian, biofian, wv., 105 N. 3; 416 n. 14. a, 15. a, 16. big, bigan, see bi, biegan. big^ng(e)a, wm., 24 n. bigQng (biiQiig), sm., 214 N. 1. blleofa, wm., 107. 4. bindan, sv., 45. 2, 3 and N. 2 ; 54. 6 ; 134. c; 144 N. 1; 190; 198. 4. a; 201.4. b ; 205. b and n. 2 ; 355 ff. ; 367 ; 368 ; 386 and N. 3, 4. onbindan, sv., 56 n. 1. binn, sm., 273 n. 1. birciae, birga(n), birht- an, birhtu, biriga, birnan, see bierce, bierg(e)an, bierhtan, bierhtu, bierg(e)an, biernan. bisce(o)p, sm., 204. 3. bismerian, wv., 364 N. 4; 412 N. 10; 413 N. 3. bisnian, wv., 413 n. 3. bispel, sn., 24 n. bita, wm., 107. 5. bitan, sv., 201. 4. a; 382 N. 1. a. bite, sm., 54. a; 263. 1. bit(t)er, adj., 44 n. 2; 228 and n. ; 296. blac, blsec, adj., 294 N. 1. blsed, sn., 103; 240. blffidre (blaeddre), wf., 229. bhxwan, sv., 57. 2. a ; 62 N. ; 156. 5 ; 396. 2. c and a. 8. INDEX 377 bledsian, see bletsian. bl^udaii, \vv., 405 n. 11. a. bleo(h), blio, sn., 114. 2 ; 223 N. 2 ; 247 n. 3. gebleo(h), etc., adj., 297 N. 2 ; 301 n. 2. blerl(eg)e, adj., 214. 5. bletsian, wv., 198. 4. a; 205. b; 411 n. 4 ; 412 N. 6. blewun, see blawan. blican, sv., 382 n. 1. a. bliccettan, wv., 231. 4 ; 403 N. blice, sm., 263. 1. blind, adj., 54. b. bli'Se, adj., 299, 302 n. bMs, bliss, sf., 201. 7 ; 231. 1 ; 258. 2. bliSsian, blissian, wv., 201. 7; 411 N. 4; 412 N. 11. blod, sn., 190. blodl^s(wu), sf., 260 and N. 3. blQndan, sv., 395. 1, ablgngen, part., 395 n. 2. blotan, sv., 396. 2. b. blowan, sv., 396. 2. b. boc, f., 27 N. ; 60; 94. a ; 150. 4 ; 283 ; 284 N. 1, 2, 4. bocere, sm., 9 n. ; 248. 1. boda, wm., 25. 1 ; 55. bodian, wv., 360 n. 1 ; 411 N. 4; 412 N. 2, 4, 6, 10; 413 N. 3; 414 N. 4; 416 n. 16. bodig (bodei), sn. , 214. 2. bog, sm., 214 N. 5. bogan, boian, wv., 414 N. 5. a. bogincel, sn., 248 n. 4. bold, see botl. . bgna, wm., 227. gebQnn, sn., 267 n. 1. bQnnan, sv., 396. 1. b. booflic, see behoflic. borettan, wv., 357 n. 1. bgrn, see biernan. bosm, sm., 142. botl, sn., 183. 2. a; 196 and n. 1. botm, sm., 142; 196 N. 2. box, sm., 56 n. 2. brad, adj. comp., 307. brgec, see brucan. breedan, 'roast,' wv., 405 N. 3. brsedan, ' broaden,' wv., 405 N. 3; 406 N. 3. brsedra, comp., 307. brgedu, f., 279. brsegden, adj., 89. 2. brSw (breaw, breg), sm.,112 N. 1,2; 214 N. 5 ; 266 and n. 3. brastlian, wv., 10. breadru, n. pi., 290 n. 3. breaw, see brsew. gebrec, sn., 104. 3; 241. -breca, wm., 107. 2. brecan, sv., 49; 151. 1 ; 164 N. 2 ; 366 n. 3; 370 N. 3; 371 n. 2 ; 378 N. 1 ; 390 n. 1,4. brecS, bred an, see brucan, bregdan. brefian, wv., 192. 2. breg, see brgew. bregdan, sv.,' 55 n. ; 214. 3 and n. 8 ; 359 N. 3 ; 389 and n. 1. brego (breogo), sm., 104 N. 1; 271. brehg, breht, seebrsew, beorht. -breht, pr. n., 179. 2. brehta, see bierhtan. breme, adj., 299. br^ng(e)an, wv., 407 N. 15 {see bringan). breocan, see brecan. breotan, sv., 384 n. 1. a. abreo^an, sv., 384 n. 1. a. breowan, sv., 384 n. 1. a. brerd, sn., 79 n. 2. brestan, see berstan. bridels, sm., 238 n. 2. brig, see briw. -briht, pr. n., 179. 2. brim, sn., 105.3; 241. bringan, swv. , 67 ; 125 ; 181. 1; 190; 215; 359 N. 4; 407, 1 and N. 15. briw (brig), sm., 250 N. 2. broc, f., 284. brocian, wv., 414 n. 2. broden, see bregdan. broga, wm., 276 n. 3. 6; 277. brohte, see bringan. brom, sm., 68. brQnd, sm., 65. broSor, m., 45. 5; 285 and N. 4. 6. gebro'Sor, m. pi., 285. brti, sf., 255 n. 4. brucan, sv., 61 ; 96. a ; 154 ; 163 N. 1 ; 385 and N. 3, 4. bryce, 'breaking,' sm., 263. 1. bryce, 'use,' sm., 263. 1. bryce, adj., 133. a; 302. bryce, adj., 302. a. brycg, sf., 206 n. 5 ; 258. 1. bryd, sf., 96. a; 269. brygd, sm., 266. bryne, sm., 263. 1. onbryrdan, wv. , 180 ; 405 N. 11. a. 378 INDEX onbryrdnis, sf., 180. brytofta, pL, 201. 4. b. brytsena, pi., 205. b. bu, see begen. biian, auv., 61; 116 and N. ; 355 n. 3 ; 396 N. 6; 416 n. 11. d. bucca, wm. , 55 ; 226 ; 276 N. 3. c; 277. bufan. adv., 110 n. 4. biigan, sv., 214 n. 1 ; Jj85 and n. 3. bnne, wf., 278. burg, 1, 56; 95; 213 N. ; 214. 1 ; 214 N. 5; 284 andv. 1, 2, 4. -burg, pr. n., 284 n. 6. burna, wm., 179. 1 ; 231 N. 1. butan, adv., 110 n. 4, onbutan, abutan, adv. , 188 N. 3. butor, sm., 128 n. 2. butu, buwian (by a), see begen, buan. bycg(e)an, w^v., 31 n. ; 400 N. 1. 6; 407. 1 and N. 8 ; 410 n. 5. byden, sf., 254. 2. bydla, see bytla. abyffan, wv., 192. 1. byge, sm., 263. 1. byldan, wv., 405 n. 11. a ; (see bytlan). gebyrd,sn.,267.& ; ge- byrdu, f., 267 n. 4. byre, gebyre, sm., 263. 1. byrg(e)an, wv., 405 N. 2. byrgend, m., 286 n. 2. byrian, wv., 400 n. 1. byrst, sm., 266. byr«en,sf., 145; 231.4; 258.1. bysen, sf . , 269. bysig, adj., 154. by«me, 196 n. 2. bytla (bydla), wv., 196. 2. bytlan, wv., 404 n. 1. b ; (see byldan). cae-, see also cea-. csefester, 75 n. 1 ; 89. 3. C£eg, sf.,76. 1; 175.2; 206 N. 5 ; 258 N. 5 ; _276 N. 4. C8ega(n), see c!eg(e)an. cselcan, see cielc(e)an. cseppe, wf., 75 n. 1. cserse, wv., 75 n. 1 ; 179. 1 ; 231 N. 1. cahhettan, seeceahhet- tan. calan, sv., 76. 1 ; 357 N. 1; 368 N. 4; 392 N. 1. calend, sm.,12; 50 n. 5. calu, adj., 103; 300. carcern,sn.,10; 79 n. 3. caru, sf., 103 and n. 2 ; 252 N. 4 ; 253. casere, sm. , 76. 1 ; 207 ; 248. 1. Casing, pr. n., 215. cassuc, sm., 10. cawl, sm., 6 n. 1. ce-, see also cie-. ceaf, sn., 36. 3; 75. 1 ; 103 N. 1 ; 206 N. 5 ; 240 N. 3. ceafias, sm., 75. 1 ; 183 N. ceaf or, sm., 103 n. 1 ; 139 N. ceahhettan, wv., 220. ceald,adj.,198.2; 207. acealdian,wv.,41lN.5. cealf, n., 109; 128. 1; 133. 6 ; 182 ; 288 n. 1 ; 290 and n. 1. cealf adl, sf., 183 n. cealf re, wf., 192. 2. ceap, sm., 206 n. 5. ceapian, wv., 411 n. 4. cearcern, cearu, see carcern, caru. ceaster, sf., 75. 1 ; 139; 157. 3 ; 252 n. 1 ; 254. 1. cefr, see ceafor. cega(n), ceiga, see cieg(e)an. celan, wv., 76. 1 ; 405 N. 1. celf, see cealf. CQllendre, 76. 1 ; 93. 1. c^mban, wv., 76. 1; 405 N. 4. c^mes, sf., 76. 1. c^mpa, wm., 76. 1; 276 N. 3. a; 277. cen, sm. ? 58. cene, adj., 76. 1; 206 N. 5 ; 207 N. 2 ; 299. cennan, wv., 19. 2 ; 76. 1 ; 207 and n. 2 ; 405. 3. Cenred, pr. n., 6 n. 1. C^nt, pr. n., 76. 1; 206 N. 5 ; 284 N. 7. ceo (cise), wf., 38 n. 2 ; 114. 2; 277 N. 2; 278 N. 2. Ceolbreht,pr.n.,179.2. ceole, wf., 75 n. 3; 107 N. 1 ; 278. ceorfan, sv., 75 n. 3; 109; 150 N. 3; 388 N. 1, 5. ceorian, wv., 75 n. 3 ; 107 N. 1 ; 411 N. 4. ceorl, sm., 75 n. 3; 150 N. 3 ; 206 n. 5. ceorran, sv., 388 n. 1. ceosan, sv., 42; 63 64; 100. 1.6; 109 181.2; 201.6; 202 207; 234. a; 296 n.1 306 and n. 1 ; 359. 7 8 and n. 8 ; 366 n. 3 371 N. 2, 6; 380 384. 1 ; 385 n. 4. ceowan, sv., 206 n. 5; 384. 1. cepan, wv., 76. 1 ; 405. 4. a. INDEX 379 cerf, see ceorfan. C^rt, pr. n., 284 n. 7. ces, cester,ceyga,chyae (cise. -an) see ceosan, ceaster, cieg(e)an, ceo. cidan, wv. , 405 n. 3. ci(e)cen, sn., 165. 2. ciefes, sf., 75. 1 ; 98. 6; 254. 2. cieg(e)an, wv., 31 n. ; 155. 3 ; 159. 4 ; 175. 2; 176; 403; 405 n. 2; 408 N. 13; 409; 410 N. 1, 5. cielc(e)an, 406 n. 6. ciele, sm., 75. 1; 206 N. 5; 263. 1. ciepan, wv. , 405 n. 8. a. cierm, sm., 159 n. 1 ; 266. ciernel, sn., 159 n. 1. cierr, sm., 26^. cierran, wv., 154 n. ; 157. 2; 178. 2. a; 358 N. 7; 405 n. 6 and 7 ; 406 n. 1 ; 409 N. 2. ciese, sm. , 75. 2 ; 206 N. 5. cietel, sm., 75. 1. cigan, see ciegan. cild,sn.,206N. 5; 207; 290 N. 2. Cilling, pr. n., 215. cinan, sv,, 382 n. 1. a. cin(in)g, cinn, see cyn- ing, cynn. cinu, wf., 107. 5; 278 N. 1. cipe, wf., 58 N. 2. cirpsian, wv. , 204. 3. cla, see clawu. cl^g, sf. ? 175. 2. cisene, adj., 185; 315. cleene (clane), adv., 315 and n._3. claensian (clsensnian ; clsesnian, clasnian), wv., 185; 186. 2; 411 N. 4 ; 412 N. 5 ; 414 N. 3. cliBSan, wv., 405 n. 5. clane, clasnian, see clffine, adv., clSn- sian. clauster, 6 n. 1. clawan, sv. , 392 n. 1, clawu (cla), clea (cleo), sf., 73. 1; 110 N. 1; 111. 1 and N. 1 ; 112 N. 1 ; 171 N. 1 ; 173. 1 ; 259 N. cleofa, cliofa, wm., 107. 4. cleofan, sv. , 384 k. 1. a. cleofian, cleopian, see clifian, clipian. clewe'Sa, wm., 73 n. 1. clif, sn., 105 N. 3; 107 N. 4; 241. clifa, see cleofa. clif an, sv., 382 n. 1. a. clife, wf., 278. clifian, cliofian, wv., 416 N. 14. a. . climban, climman, sv., 386 N. 1. clingan, sv., 386 n. 1. clipian (cliopian), wv., 105 N. 3 ; 411 N. 2 ; 412 N. 1, 5, 6, 11; 413 N. 6; 416n. 14.C. cli'Sa, wm., 107. 5. 8etcll'5an, sv., 382 n. 1. h. cli-Se, wl, 278. clugge, wf., 216. 2, cltistor, sn., 139. clycc(e)an, wv., 407 n. 19. clyniga, wv., 416 n. 11, clynnan, wv., 400 n. 1. a. clyppan, wv., 405 n. 8._a; 406 N. 2. beclysan, wv. , 405 n. 1. cngeht, gecnaeS, on- cnSw, see cni(e)ht, (ou)cnawan. cnafa, wm., 189. cnailit, see cni(e)ht. cnapa, wm., 189. (on)cnawan, sv., 62 n.; 156. 5; 174. Zand^. 3; 371 N. 2, 6; 396. 2. c and n. 8. oncneaw, see oncnaw- an. cnedan, sv., 391 n. 1. cneht, see cni(e)ht. cneodau, sv., 384 n. 4. cneolit, see cni(e)ht. cneorift, sf., 193. 1. cneoris (cueoresu), sf., 258 N. 4. cneo(w), sn., 38 N. 2 ; 73. 2 and n. 2 ; 113. 1; 150 N. 7; 156.5; 174. 1 ; 207 N. 2 ; 250. 2 and n. 4. oncneu, cneu (cnew), see oncnawan, cneo(w). cnldan, sv., 382 n. 1. a. cm(e)ht, sm., 6 n. 1 ; 83; 108. 1; 155. 3; 164. 1. cnodan, sv., 378 n. 1 ; 384 N. 4 ; 396 n. 5. cnucian, wv., 55. cnycc(e)an (cnuicca), wv., 407 N. 16, 18. cnylla, wv., 405 n. 6. cnyowu, see cneow. cnyssan, wv., 358 n. 5. a; 400 n. 1. 6, 2; 401. 2 and n. 1 ; 402. 1. cnyttan, wv., 400 n. 1. c. coecca, coern, see cwec- c(e)an, cweorn. cofa, wm., 277. cofincel, sn., 248 n. 4. cohhettan, wv., 220. Coinred, pr. n., 6 n. 1. col, sn., 239. 1.6. Coleman, pr. n., 281 N. 1. 380 INDEX collenferh'5, adj., 387 N. 1. CQmb, sm., 65. CQiiip, sn., 76. 1. CQndel,sf.,145; 231.5; 258. 1. CQntware, pr. n., 100 N. 6 ; 263 N. 7. copor, sn. ? 56 n. 2. cops, see cosp. corn, sn., 76. 1. cornuc, sm., 179. 1. cosp, sm., 202 ; 204. 3 ; 207. costian, wv., 412 n. 4, 5, 6, 11 ; 414 N. 4. costung, sf., 255. 1. co^a, see cweSan. crabba, wm., 10. acraeftan, wv., 405 n. 11. b. crseftga (crsefca, crseft- [i]ca), wm., 196. 3. crset, sn., 240 and s. 1. crawan, sv., 396. 2. c and N. 8. Crecas(Creacas),Crece, pr. n. , 58 n. 1 ; 204. creda, wm,, 58 n. 2 ; 277. creopan, sv., 384 n. 1. a. cribb, sf., 258. 1. crimman, sv. , 386 n. 1. crincan, cringan, sv., 386 N. 1. crohha, wm,, 220 and N. 2. crop(p), sm., 226. crudan, sv., 385 n. 1. cu, f., 116 N. ; 284 and N. 4. cucu,cudu,seec(w)ucu, c(w)udu. cuman, sv., 68 and n. 1 ; 70 ; 76. 1 ; 128. 2 ; 208 ; 230 n. 1 ; 357 N. 2; 358 N. 1, 7; 364 N. 1, 4; 371 n. 2, 6, 7, 9 ; 378 n. 1 ; 390 N. 2. cumbol, sn., 190. cumpseder, sm., 70. cunnan, anv., 186. 1. ^; 186. 2. a; 360 n. 3 ; 422. 5 and n. 2. cunnian, wv. , 411 n. 5. cuS, adj., 76. 1 ; 96. 6; 186. 1. b and n. 1 ; 207. forcu'S, adj., 186 n. 3. Cuutferhth, pr. n., 186 N. 1 ; 199 N. 1. cwacian (cwsecian), wv., 162 N. 1. cwse'Sa, see cwe'San. cwalu, sf., 253. cwea'Sa, see cwe^an. cw^cc(e)an, wv., 400 n. 1. c; 407. 1 and is. 9. cwelan, sv., 390 n. 1. cw^l(e)re, sm., 248. 1. *cwellan, sv., 387 n. 1. cw^llan, wv., 156. 1. 6 ; 407. 1 and n. 1 ; 410 N. 4. gecweme, adj., 68 n. 2. cwen, sf.,68 n. 2 ; 269 and N. 1. acw^nc(e)an, wv., 405 N. 8. c. cwene, wf., 69; 278. Cwen'Sry'5, pr. n., 208. cweodu, see cwudu. cweorn, sf . , 172 n. ; 274 and N. 1. cweSan, sv., 53; 107. 2; 156. l.d, 2; 172; 201. 7 ; 208 ; 232. d ; 234. b ; 355 n. 1 ; 358 N. 7 ; 359. 6 and n. 7 ; 370 N. 6, 7 ; 371 N.6,7; 391. landN. 4, 5, 9. cwice, wf., 278. cwician, cwic(u), see c(w)ucian, c(w)ucu. cwide, sm., 234. b ; 263. 1. cwielman, wv., 405. 1. a. acwinan, sv., 382 n. 1. a. acwincan, sv., 386 n. 1. cwist, see cweSan. cwi'S, sm., 271. cwiSa, wm., 107 n. 3. cwi'San, wv., 405 n. 5. cwceSa, see cwe'San. forcwolstan, sv. ? 389 N. 5. acworren, part., 388 n. 1. cwo^a, see cwe'San. c(w)ucian, wv., 164. 2. c(w)ucu, adj., 71 ; 105. 1 and N. 1 ; 134. a ; 164. 2; 172 N. ; 208; 231 N. 3; 303 and N. 1. c(w)udu,.sn., 105. 1; 249. tocwysan, wv., 405 n. 1^ gecy, sn. ? 248 n. 1. cyeene, wf., 93. 2. cylu, cylew, adj., 300. cyma, see cuman. cyme, sm., 76. 1 ; 263. _1. cyme, adj., 299. cymen, sm., 95. Cymesing, pr. n., 215. cymma, see cuman. gecynd, -e, -u, snf., 267. b and n. 4 ; 269 N. 4. cyne-, 207 n. 2. Cyneberht, pr, n., 221 N. 1. Cynegils, pr. n., 183. 2. b. cyning, sm., 4 n. 2 ; 31 N.; 206 N. 5; 207 n. 2. cynn, sn., 31 n. ; 76. 1; 134 N. ; 177. a; 206 N. 5; 207 and n. 2; 246; 267. a and &. INDEX 381 cyo, see ceo. eyre, sm., 234. a; 263. 1. cyrfet, sm. ? 192. 2. cyrran, see cierran. cyspan, wv., 405 n. 8. a. cyssan, wv., 76. 1; 202 ; 203 ; 206 n. 5 ; 226 ; 231. 2 ; 359. 7 and N. 8 ; 405. 3, 4. b. cyst^_snL,^_76.JL — cy'San, wv., 76. 1 ; 9 6; 359. 6; 405 406 and n. 2, 3^ cp«(u)7cv5, f., 201. 5 ; 255. 3. da, wf. ? 278 n. 2. *dsecc(e)an, wv., 407 N. 19. daed, si, 91; 269 and N. 6. gedaefen, see gedafen. gedsefnian, see gedaf- enian. gedseftan, wv., 405 n. 11. b. dieg, sm., 14 ; 49 ; 50. 1, 2 ; 151. 1 and n. ; 162 N. 1 ; 187 ; 197 ; 213; 214. 2 and n. 3 ; 237 N. 2, 4 ; 240 ; 294 N. 1 ; daeges, adv. , 320 ; to d8eg(e), adv., 237 n. 2. dseglanges, adv., 319. Dsegmund, pr. n. , 214. 2. deegred, sn., 57 n. 2. dseig, see dseg. d^l, sm.,90;240;266. dselan, wv., 151. 1 ; 360 N. 2; 405. 1. a. dserstan, w. pi., 179. 1. gedafan, sv., 368 n. 4. gedafen, part., 392 n. 1. gedafenian, wv., 50 n. 1; 411 N. 4; 412 n. 2, 5 ; 414 N. 4. dahum, see dseg. dale, sm., 80 n. 3. dare's, sm., 103 and n. 2; 245. David, pr. n., 194. deadian, wv., 412 n. 5, 6, 7, 9. gedeafeiiian, see gedaf- enian. deagian, wv., 214 n. 5. deagol, see diegol. deall, adj., 295 n. 1. dear, see deor. dearnunga, adv., 318. dearo'S, see daro'S. dear(r), anv., 178. 2. b; 234. a; 422. 7 and N. 4. dea'S, sm., 273 and n. 1. deaw, smn., 250. 1. gedeaw, adj., 301. dee(e)an, wv., 407 n. 17. gedefe, adj., 302 n. ; • 315. gedefe, adv., 315. deg, deglan, dei(-), del- an, see d?eg, dieglan, d8eg(-), dselan. delfan, sv. , 360 n. 1 ; 387 N. 1, 6. dema, wm., 276 n. 3. b; 277. deman, wv.,94.a; 150. 4; 177. b; 355 ff. ; 372; 404; 405. 1. a; 406 N. 1 ; 409 ; 410. 3 and n. 4. demend, m., 286. d^mm, sm., 266. den, part., see don. d^ne, sm., 263. 1. D^ne, pr. n. , 263. 1 and N. 2. d^nu, sf., 69; 253. dgofol, diofol, sn., 114. 2 ; 144. a and n. 1 ; 150 N. 7 ; 166 N. 6 ; 192 N. 2. deofollie, adj., 145 n. *deon, *dion, wv., 408 N. 17. deep, adj., 229. deor, sn., 64 ; 150 n. 1, 3; 239. 1. b. deore, see diere. deorfan, sv., 388 n. 1. Deosdedit, pr. n., 64 Dere, pr. n., 264. dorian, wv., 400 n. 1 ; 409 N. 1. d^rne, see dierne. diabul, diaful, see deofol. *dian, see *deon. diawul, see deofol. diedan, wv., 405 n. 3. dieglan, wv., 214 n. 2 ; 358 N. 4 ; 404. 1. c ; 406 N. 5. diegol, adj., 214 n. 5; 128. 3; 147. (be)diepan, wv., 355 n. 2 ; 405 N. 8. a. diere, adj., 159. 5. dierne, adj., 159. 2; 299. digollie, digelie, adj., 231. 4. dililan, see dieglan. dihtig, see dyhtig. dile, sm., 263. 1. dilg(i)an, wv., 355 n. 3; 412 N. 4. dimm, adj., 295 n. 2. dinor, sm., 58 n. 2. diobul, dio(v)l, dio- w(u)l, diu(bo)l, diul, divol, see deofol. dee, see don. doeg, n. (North.), 288 N. 1 ; 289 N. 2. dofian, wv., 416 n. 15. a. 382 INDEX dogga, wm., 216. 2. dogor, n., 289 and n. 2. dohtor, f., 03. 1; 150. 4 ; 285 and n. 3, 4. d. dol, adj., 204. dom, sm., 44 n. 1 ; 94. a; 106; 131; 133. c ; 237 N. 1, 2 ; 238. don, an v., 68; 94 n. ; 133. a and n. 2 ; 350 N. ; 356 N. 1 ; 360. 2 ; 361 X. 1 ; 378 n. 2 ; 429 and notes. donlic, adj., 350 n. gidopta, see ge'Softa. dor, sn., 239. 1. b. draca, wm., 162 n. 1; 276 N. 3. c; 277. dracentse, wf., 205. a and N. 2. drseca, see draca. (on)dr8edan, swv., 188 N. 3 ; 394. 1 and n. 2 ; 395. 2. a and n. 3. drgefan, wv., 405 n. 1. dragan, sv., 213; 368 N. 3; 371 N. 2; 392 N. 1. dream, sm., 239. 1. a. dr<^cc(e)an, wv., 407. 1. drefan, wv., 405 n. 1. dref(e)re, sm., 248. 1. dr^nc, sm., 206. 3. 6; 266. (a)dr^nc(e)an, wv. , 89, 4 ; 405 N. 8. c, 10 ; 406 N. 2, 6. dreogan, sv., 364 n. 1 ; 384 N. 1. a. dreopan, sv., 384 n. 1. a. dreosan, sv., 384 n. 1. b. drepan, sv., 391 n. 1. dr^pe, sm., 263. 1. drie, see dryge. drifan, sv., 105 n, 3 ; 197; 359 n. 9; 376 N. ; 382 N._l. a. drige, see dryge. drinc, sm., 266. drincan, sv., 80. 4 ; 215 N. 1; 364 N. 1; 386 N. 1, 3, 4. dring'5, see drincan. dritan, sv., 382 n. 1. a. droh(t)nian, wv., 196 N. 3._ dropmselum, adv. , 320. (a)drugian (druwian ; drygiga), wv., 214. 8 ; 412 N. 5 ; 416 n. 11, 17. a. dry, sm. ,117.1 and n. ; 266 N. 2. dryge, adj., 31 N. ; 206. 3. b ; 214. 5 ; 299. dryg(e)an, wv., 405 n. 2. drygiga, see (a)dri:ig- ian. dryht, sf., 269. dryhten, sm., 4 n. 2. gedryhtu, sn. pi., 267 N. 2. drync, sm., 266. drypan, wv. ,405 n. 8. a. drype, sm., 263. 1. dry re, sm., 263. 1. dufan, sv., 385. dugan, anv., 421. 3. dugu«, sf., 186 N. 3; 254. 2; 269 n. 4. dung, f., 284 and n. 4. *durran, see dearr. duru, sf., 134. a; 274 and N. 1, 2, 3. durustod, f., 282 n. dust, sn., 186. 1. b; 106. 1. adwsesc(e)an, wv., 80. 2 ; 206. 3. b ; 405 n. 8. c, 10. dw^lian, dw^llan, wv., 358 N. 5. c; 407. 1 and N. 2. dweorg, sm., 172; 197. gedwild, sn., 267. a. dwinan, sv., 382 n. 1. a, 4. gedwolen, part., 390 N. 1. dwolian, wv. , 411 n. 4 ; 412 N. 3 ; 413 n. 6. dyhtig, adj., 31 n. dyne, sm., 263. 1 and N. 3. gedyne, sn., 263. 2. dyn(n), sm., 247. a; 263 N. 3. dynnan, dynian, wv., 400 N. 1. a. dynt, sm., 266. gedyre, sn., 263. 2; 288 N. 1. gedyrstgian, wv., 412 N. 11. gedyrstig, adj., 234. a. gedyrstl^c(e)an', wv., 407 N. 17. dysegian, wv., 411 n. 4. dysig, adj., 214. 6. ea, sf., 37. 2; 111. 2; 166. 1 ; 173. 1 ; 259 N. ; 284 and n. 4. eac, conj,, 37. 1 ; 63 ; 163 N. 1 ; 328. eaca, wm., 63 ; 108. 2. eacen, part., 396 n. 5. Eadburg, pr. n., 284 N. 6. eade, seteade, see gan, iewan. eaden, part., 396 n. 5. Eadgils, pr. n., 183. 2. b. eadig, adj., 296. eadmod, see ea'Smod. eador, see geador. Eadwine, pr. n., 263 N. 1. eafora, see afora. eafoS, sn., 103 n. 2. eag-, n. ? 289 n. 2. INDEX 383 eage, wn., 108.2; 163; 276 and n. 3. a, 5, c, 4, 5 ; 280 and n. 2, 3. eaglas, see geaglas. eagor, n. ? 289 and N. 2. eahta, num., 36. 1 ; 45. 4; 82 ; 221. 1; 325 and N. eahtatene, num., 325. eahtateoSa, etc. , num. , 328. hundealitatig, num., 326 and n. 1. eahtian, wv., 411 n. 4. eahtoSa, etc., num., 328. eald, adj., 10 n. ; 42. 1 ; 80 ; 98. a ; 197 ; 295 ; 307 ; 310. Eald(h)elm, pr. n., 217. ealdian, wv., 412 n. 6. ealdorl^gu, -n^ru, f., 268. ealdorniQnn, m., 281 N. 1. ealh, sm., 242. 1. eall, adj., 36. 1 ; 80 n. 2; 158.2; 226; 231. 1, 2; 291 N. 1; 295 N. 1 ; 347. ealla, see gealla. ealles, adv., 319. ealling, see ealneg. eallunga, adv., 318. ealneg (ealnuweg, eal- ning, ealling) adv., 172 N. ealu, n., 36. 2; 86; 103 ; 281. 2. eam, see eom. Eanberht, pr. n., 221 _ N. 1. EanfliM, -fled, pr. n., _ 57 N. 2. Eangeard, pr. n., 212 N. 1. eappul, see seppel. ear, sm.. 111. 2; 228 ; 289. earbed, earc, see ear- fo'5, arc. eard, sm., 273. eardian, wv., 197 ; 356 N. 1; 411 N. 4; 412 N. 3, 6. eare, wn., 150 n. 1 ; 181. 2 ; 276 n. 2, 3. a, 4, 6 ; 280 and n. 2 3. earfoS, sn.,191; 192.2 and N. 2. earfoSe, adv., 212 n. 2. earg, adj., 162. 2. earm, sm., 36. 1 ; 79. 1 ; 239. 1. a. earm, adj., 98. a ; 158. 1 ; 307. earnian, wv., 411 n. 4 ; 412 N. 7, 10. earon, see gear, earn, adj., 300. earun, see eom. earwicga, wm., 216. 2. easce, see asce. east, adv., 314; 321. (be) eastan, adv., 321. easterra, comp., 314. eastmest, sup., 314. eastron, pi., 150 n. 1 ; 276 N. 4 ; 278 n. 3. ea'Se, adv., 150 n. 1 ; 212 N. 2. ea'Smedan, wv., 405 N. 3. ea«metto, f.,201. 4.^; 255. 3. ea^mod, adj., 201 n. 3. eatol, eatta, eawan, eawfaest, see atol, etan, iewan, ^fsest. eawunga, adv., 156 n. 3; 318. eaxl, sf., 108. 2; 140. ebalsia, see eofolsian. ebreisc, adj., 76 n. 4. ec, eca, eca(n), see eac, eaca, Iec(e)an. ^ce, sm., 263. 1. ece, adj., 206. 3. b. ^cg, sf., 258. 1. edcwide, sm., 201 n. 1. edl^c(e)an, wv., 201 N. 1 ; 359 N. 9. edleanian, wv., 412 N. 5. edor, sm., 104. 3 and N. 1. edsceaft (-scsept), sf., 193. 1. edwitian, wv., 201 N. 1. edwitscipe, sm. , 201 _ N. 1. Efe, see Eve. efenian, see Sfenian. geefenl^c(e)an, wv., 407 N. 17. ^fes, sf., 93. 1. ^f(e)sian, wv., 411 n. 4. efn, adj., 69; 188. 1; 193. 2. ^fnan, see sefuan. efn(e), adv., 193. 2. efor(-), see eofor(-). ^fstan, wv., 93. 1; 186 N. 3 ; 359 N. 1 ; 405 N. 11. b. ^ft, adv.^ 89 N. 2. eg-, see teg-, ^ge, sm., 261; 263 n. 4 ; 288 X. 1. ege, see eage. ^genu, sf., 254. 2. ^g(e)sian, wv., 411 n. _4. Egipte, pr. n., 264. egiptisc, adj., 76 n. 4. ^glan, wv., 89 n. 2; 404 N. 1. 6. ^gle, adj., 89 N. 2 ; 303 N. 2. ^her see sehher. ehtan, wv., 94. c ; 198. 5 ; 359 N. 1 ; 405. 5 ; 406 and n. 6. ehtend, m. , 286 n. 2. ehtnis, sf., 125. eihwelc, see geghwelc. el-, 89 N. 1. 384 INDEX elc, elch, see Sic, eolh. ^Icra, comp., 312 n. 2. ^ldra(n), see ieldra(n). ^le, sm., 93.1; 150. 4 ; 261 ; 203. 1 and n. 4. elh, see eolh. ^lles, adv., 319. ^Imehtig, ^Imestlic,- see 8ehiii(e)litig, telmes- lic. elnboga (elmboga), wm., 188. 1. ^Ira, comp., 312 n. 2. ^I'Seode, su., 100. 2, ^rSeodgian, \vv., 413 N. 7. ^rSeodig, -b'iodig, -Siedig, adj., 89 n. 1 ; 100. 2. em, see efn. em-, emb(e), seeymbe. ^mbehtian, wv., 412 N. 10. emn, see efn. emniht, sf., 231. 3. ^nd, adv., 323. ^nde, sm., 130 n. ; 246 and N. 1 ; 248. 1. ge^ndebyrdan, wv., 180; 405 N. 11. a. ^ndebyrdnis, sf. , 180. ^ndemes(t), adv., 100 N. 5 ; 319. ^ndian, wv., 411 n. 4 ; 412 N. 5, 10. endleofan, num., 100 N. 3 ; 188 N. 1 ; 198 N. 1 ; 325 and n. hundendly f tig, num . , 326. enetere, enitre, adj., 100 N. 3 ; 173 N. 3. ^nge, adj., 315 n. 3. ^Mgel, sm., 89 N. 5 ; 144. a ; 244. 1. Engle, pr. n., 264. ^nglisc, adj., 1 n. 1. 6nig, enitre, enleofan, enne, see ienig, ene- tere, endleofan, an. ^nt, sm., 266. eode, eodor, see gan, edor. eofole, wf., 104. 2. eofolsian, wv., 43 n. 4 ; 104. 2; 218 n. 1. eofor, sm., 39. 2 ; 86 ; 104. 2. eoforSrote, wf. , 278 n. 1. Eoforwic, pr. n., 104. 2. eofot, sn. , 43 n. 4; 104. 2 ; 218 n. 1. eogo'5, see geogo'5. eoh, sm., 83 ; 222 n. 1 ; 242. 2. eoh, see iw. eoldran, see ieldran. eolh, sm., 81 ; 164. 1 ; 223 N. 1 ; 242. 1. eom (eam, am), anv., 43 N. 2; 133 n. 2; 427. 1 and n. 1 ff. ; neam, etc., 427 n. 4. — 2 sing, eart, etc. , 427 N. 3, 4.— 3 sing. is,etc.,427N. 2,4. — plur. si(e)ndun, sint, etc., 42. 2; 105 n. 7 ; 224 ; 427 n. 1-4 ; earun, aron, 43 n. 2 ; 360 n; 3 ; 427 n. 4. — opt. si(e), seo, etc., 24 N. ; 33 n. ; j»114. 4 and n. 3 ; 427 _ N. 1-4. Eomser, pr. n., 222 n. 1. eore, see eare. eorisc, sm., 222 n. 1. eorl, sm., 239. 1. a. eorllic, adj., 231. 3. eormSu, corn, eornam, see ierm'Su, georn, iernan. eornest, sm., 145; 212 N. 2. eorod, sn., 43 n. 4 ; 222 N. 1. eorre, see lerre. eorringa, iorringa, adv., 318. eorsian, eorum, eos- tro, see iersian, eo- wer, eastron. eorSe, wf., 39. 1; 79. 1 ; 276 N. 3. c, 5 ; 278. eo'Se, see ea'Se. eoton, sm., 144. a. eow, sm., see iw. eow, pron., see M. eowan, see iewan. eowde, sn., 73 n. 1. eower, pron., 144. a b; 147; 156. 5 231. 4; 296 n. 2 ^ 335 f . eowian, eowic, eowu, eppan, ere, erfe, see iewan, 'Sii, ewu, yppan, arc, ierfe. ^rian, wv. , 400 n. 1. ^rm'Su, see iermSu. ^sne, sm., 89 n. 2; 248. 1. esol, sm., 128 n. 2. est, sf., 186. 1. b; 269. etan, sv., 54. 6 ; 92 ; 195; 201. 4. a; 230 N. 1; 359. 3; 364 N. 1 ; 370 N. 2 ; 371 N. 2, 3,6,7; 391 N. 3. e'Sbegeate, adj., 100 N. 7. e(Sel,sm., 94 n. ; 144. a and N.l ; 201. 3. e'5r, see sedr. e;^cS(Sa, see o'S'Se. Eve, pr. n., 194. ewan, see iewan. ewe, -u, eowu, sf., 73 N. 1 ; 258 N. 2. ewunga, see eawunga. Exanceaster, pr. n., 284 N. 7. ^xen, exl, see oxa, eaxl. INDEX 385 gefa, wm., 118. 1. b ; 277 N. 2. facen, sn., 141 ; facne, adv., 320. fgec, sn., 240. faecele, wf., 128 n. 2. ffficne, adj., 298 n. ; 299. feeder, m., 44 n. 2 ; 160. 3 ; 192. 1 ; 285 and N. 2, 4. a. f^es, see feoh. fffig(e)an (?), wv., 199 N. 1 ; 408 N. 18. (ge)f8egen, adj., part., 391 N._6. f?eger, fseger, adj., 14 ; 49 ; 139 ; 147 ; 148 ; 231. 4 ; 296 and n. 2, 3 ; 307. gefseht, see gefeoht. f^h«u, 1, 222. 1. f^mne, wf., 276 n. 3. b. f8era(n), see faran. faereld, su., 145; 183. 2. b. fsest, adj., 196. 1. f 8estan, wv. , 89. 2 ; 359. 3; 405. 5 and N. 10, 12 ; 406 N. 3, 6 ; 416 N. 9. fsestern, sn., 4 n. 2. fsestnian (faesnian), wv., 196 N. 3; 411 N. 4 ; 412 N. 2, 5. feet, sn., 14; 50. 1, 2; 103 ; 134. b ; 160. 1 ; 240 and N. 1, 2 ; 294 N. 1. fgetan, wr. , 405 n. 8. b. fgetels, sm., 145; 238 N. 2 ; 244. 1. fse'Sm, sm., 142. (ofer)f8eSman, wv. , 89. 2 ; 404 N. 1. b. gefagen, see gefsegen. fagenian, wv., 50 n. 1 ; 214 N. 2 ; 411 N. 4. fah, adj., 295 n. 1. fahnian, see fagenian. falsed (falud), fald, sn., 80 N. 3. fallan, see feallan. falu, adj., 103 n. 1; 300. famig, adj., 296. faran, sv., 49 n. 2 ; 50. 1 and N. 2; 50. 2; 60; 89. 3; 134. c; 160. ianda. 1 ; 367 ; 368 and n. 2, 3, 4 ; 370 N. 1 ; 371 N. 2, 6, 7, 8 ; 378. 1 ; 392. fatas, 3 pi., see f^c- c(e)an. faSu, wf., 103; 278 n. 1. fea, see feawe. gefea, wm.. 111. 2; 277 N. 2. feadur, etc., see feeder, gefeaga, wv. , 166. 2 ; 371 N. 7 ; 391 N. 6 ; 414 N. 5. c. feala, fealan, see fela, feolan. -feald, num. adj., 330. fealdan, sv., 396. 1. a. feallan, sv., 10 n. ; 80 and N. 2; 158. 2; 201. 2 ; 226 ; 357 n. 2 ; 359. 1 ; 360 N. 2 ; 369; 394. 2 and N. 3; 371 N. 2, 3, 6 ; 396. 1. a and n. 1. fealu, fearan, fearfald, see falu, faran, feo- «orfald. fearh, sm., 242. 1. gefearh, adj., 295 n. 1. leas, featu, see feoh, feet, feawe, -a, adj., 73. 1 ; 107 N. 2 ; 301 N. 1. feax, sn., 82; 108. 2 ; 221. 2. f^cc(e)an (f^tian), wv., 196. 3; 206. 4; 414 N. 1 ; 416 N. 15. b. gifect, see gefeoht. fedan, wv., 405 n. 3. fefor, sm., 192. 2 and N. 2. gefeg, sn., 267. a. feg(e)an, wv., 405. 1. b and n. 2. feh,felita(n), see feoh, feohtan. fela (feala; feola, -u), n., 107. 2 and n. 2; 134. a;150N.2;275; 301 N. 1 ; 317. f^lcyrf, smn.? 267. a. feld (felt), sm., 134. a; 201. 2; 224; 272; 273 and n. 2. felt, sn. ? 288 n. 1. f el tun, sm., 231. 3. f^ng, sm., 266. fenix, sm., 58 n. 2. feo, see fon. feog(e)an, fiog(e)an, wv., 114. 2; 166 n. 7 ; 416. 1 and s. 7. feoh, sn., 83; 113. 2; 150 N. 3 ; 164. 1 and N. 1 ; 166 N. 2 ; 218. 2; 223 and n. 2; 242. 2 and n. 2; 275. feoht, sf., 254. 1. gefeoht, sn., 164 n. 1 ; 221 N. 1. feohtan, sv., 83; 388 and N. 3. feola, see fela. feolan, sv., 81 ; 164. 1, 2; 218. 1; 371 n. 6 ; 387 N. 4. feolu, see fela. gefeon, gefion, sv. , 82 ; 83; 113. 2; 166 n. 2 ; 358 N. 7 ; 359 n. 9; 373; 374 n. 2,3, 4, 6; 391.2. feond, fiond, m., 114. 2 ; 150 N. 5 ; 166 n. 6; 286 and n. 1; 287. 386 INDEX feorh (feorg), su., 79 N. 1 ; 218. 1 ; 223 and N. 1 ; 242. 1 ; 273. feorhl^gu, -n(^rn, f., 268. feormian, \vv., 357 n. 1. feor(r), adv., 100. 1. a ; 231. 1; 313; 321. feorran, adv., 178. 2. a; 226; 321. afeorran, feortig, see afierraii, feowertig. feorSa, feowerSa, num., 328. feoSor-, num., 325. 4. feoSorfald, num., 330 N. 1. feotod, feotor, see f^cc(e)an, fetor. feo(u)ug, fIo(u)ng, sf., 119. feower, num., 156. 5 ; 325 and n. ; 327 ; 329 N. 3; 331. feowertene, num., 325 and N. f eowerte(o)g(e)5a, num., 328. feower'Sa, see feor'Sa. feowertig, num., 326 and N. 1. feran, wv., 405 n. 1. f^rd, see fierd. fer(h)S, sm., 221. 1. f^rian, wv., 358 n. 5. c ; 400 N. 1 ; 409 n. 1 ; 410 N. 5. fers, sn., 192 n. 1. fersc, adj., 79 n. 2 ; 179. 1. geferscipian, wv., 412 N. 6. festnian, fet, see ffest- nian, ffet. fetan, sv., 391 n. 1. fcjtian, see f<^cc(e)an. fetor, sra., 104. 3 and N. 1. feurstuSu, f., 282 n. fewer, fex, liah, see feower, feax, feoh. tiell, sm., 80 N. 2; 266. tiellan, wv., 405 n. 6. geflend, m. pi,, 286. lierd, sf., 159. 2; 269. fierr, adv., 159 n. 1 ; 323. fierra, comp., 313. afierran, wv., 100. 1. a and n. 2 ; 159 n. 1; 178. 2. a; 405. 3. fierrest(a), 3up., 313. fierst, sm., 100. 1. a; 266. fif, num., 186. 1. a; 192. 1 ; 325 and n. ; 331. fifta, num., 328. fiftene, num., 325 ancZ N. fifte(o)g(e)'Sa, num., 328. ^ fif tig, num., 326 and N. 1 ; 328. *figan, sv., 382 n. 1-. a. figa(n), wv,, see feo- g(e)an. fihl, smn. ? 222 n. 4. fili(g)an, see f ylg(e)an. findan,sv.,192. 1;359. 2, 3 ; 386 n. 1, 2. finger, sm., 139; 148. finu(g)l(e), swf., 105. 3 ; 214 N. 9. firas, sm., 218 n. 1. firen, sf., 135. 1; 254. 2 ; 255. 2. cifirran, see afierran. fisc, sm., 202; 204. 3. fiscere, sm., 248. 1. fit, sf., 258. 1. fix, see fisc. fla, wf., 278 N. 2. flacor, adj., 103. -flied, see -fled, fltesc, sn., 206. 3. b; 267. a ; 288 n. 1. flah, sn., 242.2. flah, adj., 295 n. 1. flasce, flaxe, wf., 10. flea, wmf.,242. 2; 27/ N. 2. fleah, sm., 242. 2. fleah, sn., 242. 2. fleam, sm., 222. 2. flean,sv.. 111. 2 ; 373; 392. 2. flea(n), 'flee,' see fleon. fleax, sn., 108. 2. -fled, pr. n., 57 n. 2. flega(n), flege, see fleogan, fleoge. fleo, flio, sn. ? 242. 2. fleogan, sv. , 165. 1 and N. 1 ; 384 N. 1. a, 2 ; 385 N. 3. fleoge, wf., 165. 1. fleon, flion, sv., 119; 165. 1 and-ii. 1 ; 165. 2 ; 166. 3 and n. 3 ; 222. 2; 359 n. 9; 371 N. 4; 373; 374 N. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6; 384 N. 2; 384. 2; 385 N. 3. fleos, sn., 267. a. fleotan,sv.,384 n. 1. a. fleowS, see flowan. flet(t), sn., 247. h. flex, afllan, see fleax, (a)flieg(e)an. flie, sn., 242. 2. (a)flieg{e)an, wv., 31 N. ; 159. 4; 214. 5; 359 N. 6 ; 405 n. 2. flieman, wv., 405 n. 1. flies, sn., 267. a. fligan, see fleogan. geflit, sn., 105. 3 and N. 6 ; 241 ; to geflites, adv., 320. flitan, sv., 360 n. 1 ; 376 N. ; 382 n. 1. a. flocan, sv., 396. 2. h. flocgian, wv., 216. 2. flod, sm., 273 and n. 3. floggettan, wv., 216. 2. flohtenfot, adj., 388 N. 1. INDEX 387 flor, sf., 274 arvd n. 1. flowan, sv., 113 n. 3 ; 371 N. 2, 3, 6 ; 396. 2. h and n. 8. flyge, sm., 263. 1. flyht, sm., 266. fnged, fnses, sn., 240. fodor (foddor), sn., 139; 229. foer('S)mest, see for(S)- mest(a). gefog, sn., 267 n. 1 ; 288 N. 1. folc,sn.,207N. 2; 210. 4 ; 237 N. 2. folcisc, adj., 100 n. 7i Folcstan, pr. n., 284 N. 7. -fold = -feald, 43. 2. 6 ; 51. folde, wf., 278. folgian, wv., 411 n. 5 ; 412 N. 7; 416 N. 9. fon, sv., 27 N. ; 67 ; 94. c; 115; 222. 1; 358 N. 7 ; 359 n. 6, 9; 367; 373; 374 n. 1, 2; 378 N. 2; 394. 2 ; 395. 1 ; 397 and N. ; afon, see on ; on- fon, 188 N. 3; 198 N. 2. f^na, wm., 276 n. 3. a ; 277. fgndian, wv., 360 n. 3 ; 411 N. 4. fqnt, sm., 70. for, prep., 4 n. 2. for, sf., 254. 1. (be)foran, adv., 4 n. 2 ; 321. forane, forenne, 231 N. 3. ford, sm.,273. fore, adv., 4 N. 2; 313; 314. forenyme, sm., 263. 1. forespre(o)ca, wm. , 160. 2. forht, adj., 93.2. f orhtian (f orgtian, f ort- ian), wv., 179. 2 ; 221 N. 1,2;360n. 3. forma, sup., 179. 1 ; 304 N. 1 ; 314 ; 328 ; 331 N. formesta, sup., 328. forsc, sm., 179. 1. forst, sm., 179. 1. forS, adv., 321. forlSmest, sup., 328. for'5we(a)rd, adj., 43. 3. a. fortian, see forhtian. forwost, sup., 328. fot, m., 133. a. b; 281. 1 and N. 2. fotad, part., see f^cc- (e)an. fraco'S, adj., 43 n. 4 ; 186 N. 3. gefrsegen, frsegin, frsegna, see frignan. frsemman, see fr^m- man. frsetwan, wv., 408 n. 8. frsetwe, sf., 43 n. 4 ; 260 and n. 1. fraigna, see frignan. frea, wm., 176 ; 277 n. 2,3. frea, adj., see freo. frea-, see freog(e)an. gefredan, wv., 405 n. 3. frefran, wv., 358 n. 4 ; 404. 1. c; 406 n. 5. gefregen, fregna, see frignan. fr^mde (fr^m'Se), adj., 201 N. 1. fr^me, adj., 302. fr^mman (fremian), wv. , 89. 4 and n. 5 ; 175 N. ; 358 n. 5. c ; 372; 400. 2a?ifZN. 1, 2,3,4; 401. 2; 402. 1 ; 409 ; 410. 1, 3. afrem^an, wv., 361 N. 1. fr^mu, sf., 252 n. 4 ; 268. freng, see frignan. freo, frio, sn., 114. 2. freo, frio (freoh), adj., 114. 2 ; 130 ; 166 n. 6; 176; 223 n. 2; 297 N. 2. freog(e)an, friog(e)an, 'love,' wv., 114. 2 ; 414 N. 5. 6. freog(e)an, friog(e)an, 'free,' wv., 166 n. 7 ; 176 ; 416. 1 and N. 6. freoh, adj., see. freo. freols, friols, sn., 43 N. 4; 114 N. 1. freond, friond, m. , 114. 2; 150 N. 4, 6; 166 N. 6; 286 and N. 1. freond-, friondscipe, sm., 263. 1. freosan, sv., 384 n. 1. b. freo^o, see fri'Su. Fresan, pr. n., 276 n. 3.6. fretan, sv., 391 n. 3. fria-, see freog(e)au. fricg(e)an, sv., 372; 389 N. 3 ; 391 n. 8. gefriend, m. pi., 286. friga(n),seefreog(e)an. frige, see freo, adj. frig(e)a,wm.,176;277 N. 3. gefrigen, see frignan. frignan, sv., 6 n. 1 ; 141; 155. 3; 185; 214. 3 and n. 8 ; 382 N. 1. b; 389 and n. 3 ; 391 N. 8. frinan, frinnan, see frignan. friS, sn., 271. fri«u, freo'Su, f.,39.2; 105.8; 271. Fri'Sugar, pr. n. , 105. 3. 388 INDEX frofor, sf., 254. 1 ; 255. 2. frogga, wm., 216. 2. frohtiga, see forhtian. fiQiu, adv., 4 N. 2 ; 89. 4. Fi-QDcan, pr. n., 276 n. 3. a, b. gefrugen, see frignan. friima, wm., 179. 1. fryhtu, see fyrhtu. . fugol, sm., 55; 138; 140 ; 214 N. 2 ; 245. fuhlas, see fugol. fulian, wv., 414 n. 1. ful(l), sn., 239. 2. full, acij., 55; 226. full, adv., 319. fullest, sfn. ? 43 n. 4. fullestan, wv., 43 n. 4. fullian, see fulwian. fullic, adj., 43. 1 and N. 1. f ulluht, fulwuht, sf . , 84.2; 164.2; 173 n. 3 ; 267. b. fuUuhtian, wv., 414 N. 2. fultum, sm., 43 n. 4. fultumian (fulteman), wv., 43 N. 4. fulwian, wv. , 173 n. 3 ; 412 N. 4 ; 414 n. 2. fulwiht, see fulluht. fundian, wv,, 411 n. 4. furh,f.,218N. 3; 223; 284 and n. 1, 2, 3. furlgng, sn., 43 n. 4. fur^or, adv., 55. fur'Sra, comp., 313; 314. fur^um, adv., 55. f us,' adj., 96. b. gefylce, sn., 206. 3. b; 246 N. 2. fylg(e)an, wv., 31 n. ; 206.3.6; 213 n.; 214 N. 11 ; 405. 1. b and N. 2 ; 416 N. 9. fylian, see fylg(e)an. fyllan, wv., 405. 3 and N. 7 ; 40(5 and a. 1,6. fylst, sfn. ? 43 n. 4. fylstan, wv., 43 n. 4 ; 405 N. 11. b. fyr, sn., 239. 1. b. fyrest(a), sup., 313; 328. afyrhtan, wv,, 405 n. 11. b. fyrhtu, f,, 93, 2; 179.2, fyrmest(a), sup., 314; 328. fyrn, adj., 295; 302. (ge)fyrn, adv., 302; 319, fyrs, sm., 266, fyrsmeortende, adj,, _388 N. 1. fysan, wv., 96. b ; 405 N, 1, f yst, sf . , 269. fySerfote, adj., 325, 4. gad, sn,, 76, 1; 174.2; 249 N, 5. gaderian, wv., 50 n. 1, 2; 160 N, 1; 412 N. 11, gee-, see also gea-. gged, see gad. gsedeling, sm., 50 n, 2, 3; 75 N, 1; 100 n. 4. set-, togsedere, adv., 50 N, 2, 3 ; 75 N, 1 ; 157, 3 ; 212, gaederian, gsefel, see gaderian, gafol, forgEeg(e)an, wv,, 405 N, 2, onggegn (onggen), to- gsegnes, see ongean, togeanes, gselsa, wm., 76. 1, dgselwan, wv., 408 N. 7. gaers, sn., 75 n, 1 ; 79 N, 2 ; 240 N. 3, gserB(s)tapa, wm., 231. 3. ^8erwa(n), see gierwan. gsesne, adj,, 37, 3 ; 76 N. 1. gsest, see giest. g^st, see gast. gaffetung, sf,, 10 ; 192, 1, gafol, sn., 157. 3, galan, sv,, 76. 1; 160. 4; 212; 370 n. 1; 392 N. 1. gan, anv,, 57 n, 1 ; 90; 118,2; 4S0 and notes — pret. eode (eade), 114 N. 1; 212 N. 2; 409 N. 2, — part. giead, 396 n, 2, gar (rune), 206 n, 3. -gar, sm,, 273, gast, ggest, sm., 12 ; 76, 1; 212; 237 n. 3; 288 N, 1, gat, f,, 284 and n. 1. ge-, see also gie-. g^, pron,, see ^li, ge, 'yes,' see gea. ge, 'formerly,' seegeo. gea, particle, 74; 157 N. 1, geador, adv., 212 n. 2. geadriga, setgesedre, ongesegn, ongeaet, geaf (geafon), see gadrian, setgsedre, ongean, ongietan, gie fan. geaglas, sm., 75. 2; 183 N. ; 212 N. 2, gealhswile, sm,, 183 n. gealla, wm,, 212 n, 2; 214. 7. gearaor, see geomor. ongean, adv., 109; 157. 3 ; 214 N. 7. Geanberht, pr, n., 212 N, 2, begeanda, see begeond- an, togeanes, adv,, 214 n. 7; 319. INDEX 389 gear, sii., 37. 3 ; 74 and^.2 ; 109a/i(iN. ; 157 N. 1 ; 175. 2 ; 176 N. 1. geara, adv., 317. gearcian, wv. , 212 n. 1; 411 N. 4. gearfo&e, see earfo'Se. gearlanges, adv., 319. GearomQii, pr. n., 281 N. 1. gearu, adj., 134. d; 174. 2; 300 and n. ; 307. gearwian, wv., 158. 1 ; 212 N. 1 ; 408 N. 3 ; 411 N. 4; 412 N. 2, 5, 7 ; 414 N. 3, 4. geasne, see gsesne. geat, sn., 75. 1; 103 N. 1; 109; 157. 3; 160. 1, 4; 240 N. 3. Geatan, pr. n., 276 n. 3. 6. gea'Se, see ea'Se. geatwe, sf., 43 n. 4 ; 75. 1 ; 260 and n. 1. Geddingas, pr. n., 215. gef (-geaf), gefon, ongegn, togegnes, gelden, see giefan, ongean, togeanes, gylden. agelwan, wv., 408 n. 7. ongen, gen(a), gend, see ongean, glen (a), geond. -g^nga, wm., 76. 1. g^ngan, see gQngan. g^nge, adj., 299. geo, adv., 74; 157 n. 1 ; 175. 1. geoc, sn., 39. 3; 74; 157 N. 1 ; 207 N. 2 ; 239. 1. 6. ageode, fulgeode, see gan. geofan, see giefan. geofon, sm., 104. 2. geofu, see giefu. geogu'S, sf., 74; 157 N. 1 ; 176 N. 1 ; 186 N. 3; 212 N. 2; 254. 2; 269 N. 4. geohhol, sm., 220 and N. 1. geola, wm., 220. geolo, adj., 75 n. 3 ; 81 N. 2 ; 104. 1 ; 300. geoloca, wm., 75 n. 3 ; 81 N. 2. geomor, adj., 40. 2; 68 ; 74 ; 157 n. 1. geon, pron., 74 ; 338 N. 6. geond, prep., 74; 100 n! 1 ; 338 N. 6. begeondan, adv. , 74 ; 338 N. 6. geong, adj., 39. 3 ; 74 ; 100 N. 1 ; 157 N. 1 ; 175. 2 ; 307 ; 310. geongaj geonian, see gQngan, ginian. geonofer, adv., 321 N. 3. geopan, sv., 384 n. 1. a. georn, adj., 75 n. 3 ; 212 N. 2. geornan, giorna, see giernan. geornest, see eornest. georn (n)es, sf., 231. 3. *georran?sv.,388N.l. georwiga, see gear- wian. geostran, gioster-, see giestran. geot, see giet. -geotan, see gietan. geotan, sv., 109; 212; 384 N. 1. a. Geoweor^a, pr. n., 72 N. geowian, gi(o)wian, wv., 156. 5; 412 n. 5; 416 N. 14.6, 15. a, 16, 17. b. ger, see gear. ges, see gos. gesne, see ggesne. g^sthus, sn., 75 n. 2 ; 97 N. gestor-, get (sn.), -get (pret.), get (pret.), gi, 'formerly,' gl (pron.), giaban, gib, see giestran, geat, -gietan, geotan, geo, 'Svi, giefan, gif. gicciau, wv., 100 n. 1. giccig, adj., 100 n. 1. gidsian, see gitsian. gie, see "Sii. giec'Sa, wm., 100 n. 1. gied, sn., 75. 3; 247. b. gie(e), 'formerly,' see geo. giefan, sv., 36. 3; 37. 3 ; 42. 3 ; 44 N. 1 ; 75. 1,2, 3; 109; 150 N. 3; 157. 2 and n. 2 ; 191 ; 192. 2 ; 196. 1 ; 212 ; 232. a ; 305 and N. 1 ; 355 n. 2 ; 366 N. 2 ; 370 N. 3 ; 391 N. 2, 9. giefu, sf., 75. 3 and n. 3; 104. 1; 134. 6; 150 N. 3; 157. 2; 160. 1 ; 206 N, 3 ; 252 and n. 4 ; 253 n. 1, 2; 259 N. ; 260 n. 2 ; 268 ; 278 n. 1 ; to gifes, adv., 320; gield, sn., 75. 3. gieldan, sv., 75. 3 and N. 2; 157. 2; 212 ; 355 n. 4 ; 359. 2 ; 371 N. 4, 6 ; 387 N. 2, 5. giellan, sv., 75. 3 ; 387 N. 2. gielp, smn., 75. 3 and N. 2. gielpan, sv., 42. 3; 75. 3 ; 387 N. 2. gieman, wv., 405 n. 1. giemung, sf., 212 n. 1. 390 INDEX gien(a), adv., 42 n. ; 74 N. 1 ; 317. giend, begienda, see geond, begeoudan. gierd, sf., 133. c ; 157. 2; 177. 6; 257; 258. 2. giernan, wv., 159. 5; 405 N. 1. gierran, sv. ? 372 ; 388 N. 1. gierwan, WV., 173. 2; 212 N. 1; 408. land N. 1, 2, 3; 409; 410 N. 4. gi(e)st, sm., 75, 1 ai^d N. 1; 98. 6; 157. 2; 159. 1 ; 202 ; 206. giestran(-), adv., 160. 3; 179. 1; 317. giet(a), adv., 42 n. ; 74n. 1; 175.2; 317; gyt beheonan, adv., 321 X. 3. be-, ongietan, sv., 8 n. 4; 75. 1, 2, 3; 109 and N. ; 157. 2, 3; 160. 2; 198 n. 2; 37aN. 3, 4 ; 391 n. 2. gif, conj., 157. 2 ; 175. 2; 191. gifre,adj.,298N.;299. gift, sf., 212; 232. a. giftu, sn. pi., 267 N. 2. gig, gigo'S, see giw, geoguS. gilpen, adj., 296. -gils, pr. n., 183. 2. b. gim(m), sm., 69. ginan, sv., 382 n. 1. a. gind, ging, see geond, geong. gingest(a), sup., 310 and N. ; 311. gingra, comp., 307. ginian (gionian), wv., 357 N. 1; 416 n. 14. a, 15. a. (on)ginnan, wv., 226; 386 N. 1, 4. ginne, adj., 298 n. gisc(e)an, wv., 405 N. 10. git, see 'Su. gitsian, wv. , 198. 4. a ; 2D5. b; 411 N. 4; 412 N. 10. giung, giungo, see geong, gQngan. giw, sm., 250 n. 2. giwiga, see geowian, gladian, wv. , 160. 4 ; 412 N. 5. glsed, adj., 144 n. 1 ; 212; 294; 307. glteni, sm., 266. ■ glseren, adj., 234. a. gl?es, sn., 234. a. gleadian, see gladian. gleaw, adj., 63; 156 n. 3 ; 174. 3 ; 301 ; 303 N. 2. gled, sf., 94. a; 269. forgl(^ndran, wv., 404. 1. c. gl^ng(e)an, wv., 215 n. 2 ; 405 N. 2 ; 406 n. 2. gleo, -gleow, see gllw, gleaw. glesan, wv., 405 n. 1. -gleu, see gleaw. glidan, sv., 382 n. 1. a. gllg, see gllw. gliw (gllu, gleo), sn., 247 N. 3 ; 250 n. 2. gliw(e)re, sm., 248. 1. glof, sf., 191 ; 254. 1. glowan, sv., 192. 4. gnagan, sv., 392 n. 1. gnea(\ adj., 303 n. 2. gnidan, sv., 382 n. 1. a. gnorn, sf., 93. 2 ; 212. gnornian, wv., 412 N. 1. gnyrn, sf., 93. 2. god, sm., 25. 1 ; 55; 76. 1 ; godes '^Qnces, adv., 320. god, sn., 239. 1. b. god, adj., 26. 1; 44 n. 1 ; 00 ; 76. 1 ; 134. b; 187 ; 293 and x. 2, 3, 4 ; 295 ; 304 and N. 2, 3 ; 312 ; 315 N. 3. goddond, m., 286. goian, wv., 414 n. 5. a. gold, sn., 55; 93. 2; 201. 2 ; 212. goma, wm., 277. gQngan, sv. , 65 ; 76. 1 ; 157. 3; 360 n. 3 ; 396. 1. bandj^. 2,4; oSggngan, 186 n. 3. gos, f., 26.^; 6Q; 76. ^, 1; 94. c; 186. 1. &; ^ 284 and n. 1. Gotan, pr. n., 276 n. 2, S.a. griBg, adj., 21-4. 2. grafan, sv., 50. 2 ; 212 ; 392 N. 1 ; 411 N. 4. grapian, wv., 413 n. 3. great, adj. comp., 307. grei, see gnlg. gr^mman, gr^mian, wv., 357 N. 1. grene, adj., 135. 3; 298 ; 302. greotan, sv., 384 n. 1. a. gretan, wv., 195 ; 355 N. 1 ; 359. 3 ; 405. 4. a ; 406. grietra, comp., 307. Grimbold, pr. n., 51. grim(m), adj., 295 N. 2. grimman, sv., 386 n. 1. grimsian, wv., 186. 2. b; 411 N. 4. grin, sn., 267. b. grindan, sv., 386 n. 1. gripan (grioppa), sv. 105 N. 3; 370 n. 8 382 and n. l.a, 3,4 405 N. 10. gripe, sm., 263. 1. grQndor, nm. ? 289. INDEX 391 growan, sv., 396. 2, b. grundluno:a, -linga, adv., 318. grut, f., 284 and n. 2,4: gegrynd, sn., 207. a. gryre, sm., 263. 1. grytt, sf., 284 n. 4. gu, see geo. guguS, see geogirS. guina, wm., 29. 2; 76. 1 ; 133. a, b; 212; 276 ; 277. gung, guiigra, gung- est, see geong, ging- ra, gingest. gvvS, sf. , 76. 1. gyden, sf., 133. c ; 258. 1 and N. 2. -gyldan, wv., 405 n. 11. a. gylden, adj.,76. 1 ; 93. 2 ; 154 ; 212 ; 231. 4 ; 296 and n. 3. gylt, sm., 266. agyltan, wv., 405 n. 11. b. gyrdan, V7V., 405. 5 and N. 12 ; 406 n. 3, 7. gyrdels, sm., 183. 2. b ; 238 N. 2. gyrian, gyrstan, see gierwan, giestran. gyte, sm., 263. 1. habban, V7V., 10 ; 190 ; 201. 6; 217 n. 1 ; 356 N. 2-; 360 n. 3, 4, 5 ; 416. 1 and n. 1, 13. liacele, wf., 50 n. 1 ; 89. 3. had, sm., 273 and n. 2. hadian, wv., 412 n. 1. hador, adj., 315 n. 3. *h8ecc(e)an, wv., 407 N. 19. hsecele, see hacele. hgedn-, see h^^en. hsef, sn.,103N. 2; 240 and N. 1. lueft, sm., 239. 1. a. haift, adj., 49; 192. 1. hsef tan, wv., 89. 2-; 405 N. 11. b; 406 n. 3,6. hseftincel, sn., 248 N. 4. haegstealdlic, adj., 198. 3. haegtes, sf., 258. 1. h«l, sn., 90 ; 267. a; _288 N. 1 ; 289 xX. 2. hselan, wv., 90; 355 N. 2 ; 405 N. 1. gehseld, see gehield. hsele, sm., 263. 1 and _N. 4; 281 N. 4. hselend, m., 44 n. 2 ; 286. hseleS, m., 50 n. 2 ; 89. 3; 281. 1 and n. 4; 281. 2. hselfter, 50 n. 2; 80 _N. 3. hselgiga, see halgian. hgelig, see halig. h8elsiga(n), wv., 355 n. 3; 412 N. 4. h^lu, f., 279. hseman, wv., 405 n. 1. hSmed, n., 290 n. 3. hSmeteg, see Smetig. h^rfest, sm. , 50 n. 2 ; 79 N. 2 ; 145. haern, sf., 79 n. 2; 89 _N. 4; 179. 1. hsetan, wv., 405 n. 8. b. hseteru, n. pi., 290 n. hyeSen, adj., 201 n. 3 ; 296. hafenian, wv., 50 n. 1 ; 411 N. 4. hafoc, sm., 103 ancZ n. 2; 191. hafola, wm., 50 n. 1 ; 103 N. 2. hagol, sm., 103. hagu, sm., 103. hal, adj., 90; 295. halbte, haldan, see healf, healdan. halgian, wv., 355 n. 3 ; 411 N. 4 ; 412 N. 3, 4, 8, 9, 10. halig, adj., 135. 3 ; 144 N. 1 ; 147 ; 293 and N. 1, 2, 3, 4; 296 and N. 2 ; 304 xV. 2. halignes, sf., 258. 1. halor, sn., 267 n. 1 ; 289 and n. 2. halsian, wv., 355 n. 2 ; 412 N. 2. hal5, see heald. ham, sm., 133. c; 237 N. 2. hassuc, sm., 10. hasu, adj., 300. hat, adj., 62. hatan, sv., 12 ; 47 ; 58; 195; SQQandi^. 1 ; 350 ; 356 n. 1 ; 358 N. 7 ; 360 N. 2 ; 364 N. 2; 367a?icZN. ; 371 N. 2; 394. 1 and N. 1,2; 394.2; 395. . 2.6. hatian, wv., 411 n. 5. h^, pron., 24 n. ; 33 n. ; 107.4; 114.1, 4 and N. 4; 150 N. 5, 6; 166 N. 6 ; 182 ; 334 ; 335; 340. Heaberht, pr. n., 222 N. 1. Heaburg, pr. n., 165 N. 3. head(e)or, sn., 222 n. 1. heafiga, heafoc, see heofian, hafoc. heafod, sn., 63 ; 135. 2 ; 144. a, b ; 243. 1 ; 244. 1, 2. heafola, heafre, -u, see hafola, heahfore. heage, adv., 319. 392 INDEX heah,adj.,42; 99; 110 N. 1; 119; 103; 165 N. 3; 16(3. 3,6; 218. 2; 222. 2 and n. 1, 2, 3 ; 223 and n. 2 ; 295 and n. 1 ; 304 n. 4; 307; 310. heali, adv., 319. healifore, wf . , 222 n. 1. heahnis, see heaiiis. healira, healist(a), (healiest), see hierra, liiehst(a). heald, adj., 201.2. geheald, sn., 267 n. 1 ; 288 N. 1. healdan, sv., 81 n. 1 ; 150n. 2;158. 2;198. 2 ; 359. 2 ; 360 n. 2 ; 396. 1. a and n, 1. healede, adj., 299. healf, sf., 191 ; o^res healfes, adv., 320. Healfd^ne, pr. n., 263. 1. healh, sm., 242. 1. healic, adj., 222 n. 1. heal(l), sf., 254. 1. hean, wv., 408 n. 18; 410 N. 1. hea(n)nis, sf . , 165 n. 3 ; 166.6;222n. 1,2, 3. heard, adj., 134. a; 303 N. 2 ; 307 ; 309 ; 311, 315. hearde, adv., 315; 316. heardlice, adv., 316. heardor, -ost, adv., 322. hearg, sm., 162. 2 ; 273 and n. 2. heat>u-, m., 103 n. 2. heawan, sv., 63; 99; 371 N. 2 ; 396. 2. a and N. 8. h^bban, sv., 133. c; 190 ; 227 ; 358 N. 5. 6; 368 N. 4; 372 rrntZ N. ; 378 N. 1 ; 393. 4 and a. 6, 7; 410 n. 5. hebuc, see hafoc. h^cg, sf . , 206 N. 6. heeist, see hiehst(a). h^fe, sm., 263. 1. h^f(e)giaii, wv., 411 N. 4. h^fig, adj.,214. 5; 296 N. 1. hefon, see heofon. began, wv., 408 n. 14. hege, sm., 263. 1. hegest, see hiehst(a). h^giaii, wv., 400 n. 2. hegra, heh, hehfora, hebsta, bebstalUc, bei(g)sta, see bier- ra, beah, beabfore, blebst(a) , bsegsteald- lic, biebst.(a). bela, wm., 222. 2. belan, sv. , 107. 2 and N. 2; 371 N. 2; 390 N. 1 ; 391 N. 5. b^ban, wv., 176 n. 2 ; 371 N. 2 ; 400 n. 1. a, 2. b^ll, sf., 80 N. 2; 258. 1. belm, sm., 53 ; 81 ; 239. 1. a. belp, sf., 252 N. 2. belpan, sv. , 45. 2, 3 ; 53 ; 54. 6 ; 80 ; 81 ; 92; 131; 133. a, c; 134. c ; 136 ; 144 n. 1 ; 189 ; 196. 1 ; 201. 6 ; 367 ; 368 ; 371 n. 2, 3, 6 ; 387 and n. 3. belt, sn., 288 N. 1. belustr, see beolstor. b^n, sf., 258. 1. h^ugest, sm., 244. 1. Hensbroc, pr. n., 289 N. 3. henu, int., 69. heo, sn., beo, pron., see blew, b^. beofan, swv., 384 n. 2 ; 413 N. 7. heofon, sm., 104. 2 ; 150 N. 2, 3; 237 n. 1 ; 245. beofonlic, adj., 150 N. 3. beolan, see belan. beolca, wm., 81. beolfor, sn. ? 81. beolor, sm., 104. 1. beolstor, sm., 50 n. 2 ; 81 N. 2; 104. 1. (be)beonan, -bionan, adv., 107 N. 5; 321 and N. 3. beoran, beorde, beo- rod, see bleran, bierde, blered. beorot, sm., 104. 1; 129; 245. beorte,wf.,79. 1; 133. a; 150 N. 3; 195; 278. beoru-, 104. 1; 271. beow, see blew, her, adv., 21. 1; 45.6; 58; 321. bera, beran, see blerra, bleran. b^re, sm., 86; 89. 1 ; 175. 1,2; 176; 182; 227 ; 246 and n. 1 ; 247 and n. 2. b^/epa'S, sm., 49 n. 1 ; 51. b^retoga (-toba), wm., 214 N. 3. berg, see bearg. b^rgeatwe, sf., 260n. 2. b^rgian, wv., 411 n. 4; 413 N. 3. li^rian, 'praise,' wv., 89. 1 ; 176 ; 181. 2 ; 227 ; 400 n. 1 ; 409 N. 1; 412 N. 2. b(;rian, 'deride,' ber- ra, gehersumian, b(^rwan, hesta, see bierwan, bierra, ge- biersumian, bier- wan, hlebst(a). INDEX 393 h^te, sm.,261; 263. 1, 4 ; 288 N. 1. h^ttend, m,, 286 and N. 2. hiabenlic, bihianda, hicg(e)an, see heof- onlic, (be)hindan, hyc{g)ean. hidenofer, adv., 321 N. 3. hider(e), adv., 321 and N. 3. hideror, adv., 321 n. 3. hidres, adv., 321 n. 3. hie, see h.6. hi(e)g, sn., 31 n. ; 175. 2 ; 247 N. 3. hielira, see hier(r)a. hiehst(a), sup., 108. 2 ; 145; 155. 3; 166. 6 and N. 3; 222. 1; 310; 311. hielrSu, f., 222. 1. gehield (gehseld), sn., 267. a; 288 n. 1. onhieldan, wv. , 405 n. 11. a. hienan, wv., 405 n. 1. hiepan, wv. , 405 n. 8. a. hieran, wv., 42 n. ; 99; 159. 4; 358 n. 7; 404; 405. 1. a; 406; 410. 3 and n. 4,5. hierdan, wv., 405 n. 11. a. hierde, sm., 79. 2 ; 100. 1. a and n. 2 ; 150 N. 5, 7 ; 159. 5 ; 177. h ; 248. 1. hi(e)red, sm., 43 n. 4; 57 N. 2. liler(r)a, comp., 166. 6 and N. 3 ; 222. 2 and N. 2, 3 ; 307. hierre, see ierre. hierstan, wv., 405 n. 11.6. (ge)hiersumian, wv., 412 N. 5; 143 N. 3. hiertan, wv., 159 n. 1 ; 405 N. 11. b. hierwan, wv. , 174 n. 1 ; 408. 1 and n. 6. hi(e)w (heo, heow, etc.), sn., 73 N. 3 ; 100 N. 2; 156. 5; 159. 5; 247 N. 3; 250 N. 2. hlg, sn., hig, pron., higan, hige, higest, see hieg, h^, hiwan, hyge, hiehst(a). higian, wv., 411 n. 4. higora, wm., 105. 3. hild, sf., 258.2. hilt (belt), sn., 267. a. hinan, see heonan. hind, sf., 258. 2. (be)hindan, adv., 160. 3; 321. hindema, sup., 314. hinder, adv., 321. bine, adv., 321. hingrian, see byngran. bibionda, seebehindan. hirtan, see hiertan. bin, see h^, blew, hiwan (higan), wm. pi., 277 N. 1. blabard, see blaford. bladan, sv.,50. 2 ; 160. 4 and n. 1 ; 232. c ; 368 N. 3; 370 N. 1; 392 N. 1. blgefdige, wf.^lOON. 3. blsebba(n),hl8eo'5rindi, see hliehban, bleoS- rian. hlsest, sm., 232. c. blaestan, wv. , 89. 2 ; 405 N. 11. b. blsew (blaw), sn., 192. 4;250n. 1;288n. 1. hlaf, sm., 217. blaford, sm., 43. 2. b and N. 4; 51; 100 N. 3 ; 173 N. 3 ; 191 ; 217 N. 2. hlareow, see lareow. blaw, see hlgew. hleadan, see bladan. bleapan, sv., 377 n. ; 394. 2 ; 396. 2. a. *hlecan, v., 391 n._1. blef,hlengan,seebl^w, blinian. hleonian, see blinian. hleotan, sv., 384 n. 1. a. bleo'Srian, wv., 412 n. 2,11. bleo(w),smn., 250 n. 3. (ge)hleow, adj., 301 ; 307. hleowan, bleowS, see hliewan, hlowan. blidan, sv., 382 n. 1. a. hliehban, sv., 82; 98. a; 159. 1, 3; 217 ; 220 and n. 1 ; 227 ; 358 N. 5. a ; 359. 1 ; 372 ; 392. 4. bliepan, wv., 377 n. hliewan, wv., 408 n. 16. gehli(e)wra, comp., 307. hlimman, sv., 386 n, 1. blinian (blionian), wv. , 105 N. 6; 413 N. 6; 416 N. 14. a, 15. a, 16. bliS, sn., 105. 3; 241. ablDcian, wv., 391 n. 1. geblow, sn., 250. 1. hlowan, sv., 113 n. 3; 396. 2. b. hltitre, adv., 315. hlut(t)or, adj., 139; 195 ; 229 ; 296 n. 2 ; 315. geblyd, sn., 267. a. hlydan, wv., 405 n. 3. blyn(n), sm., 247. a. blynnan, blynian, wv., 400 N. 1. a. hlyst, smf., 266 and N. 1. hlystan, wv., 405 n. 11. b. 394 INDEX hnaeg(e)an, wv., 408 N. 17 ; 409 N. 1. hn?ep(p), sm., 220. hnaeppiaii, see linap- pian. hnsesc, see hn^sc(e). gehngest, gehnast, sn., 267. a and n. 1. huappian (hiiceppian, hneappian), wv., 10; 416 N. 10; 13. ahneapau, sv., 396. 2. a. hneap(p)ian, see Imap- pian. hneaw, adj., 63; 301. hn^sc(e), adj.,303N. 2. hnigan, sv., 214 n. 5; 217 ; 382 n. 1. a. hnisc, adj., 303 n. 2. hnisc(e)an, wv., 405 N. 8. hnitan, sv., 382 n. 1. a. hnitol, adj., 105. 3 ; 296. hnitu, f., 105. 3; 282 and N. hnutu, f., 133. b; 217; 282 and n. hocede, adj., 299. hocihte, adj., 207. hocor, nm. ? 289. ha3ran, see hleran. hof, sn.,238. hofer, sm. ? 192.2 and N. 2. hoferede, adj., 299. behofian, wv. , 41 1 n. 4 ; 412 N. 6. hoffing, sf., 192. 1. behoflic, adj., 217. hogcian, wv., 216. 2, hoh, sm., 115; 222. 2; 242. 2. hohful, -mod, adj., 214 N. 1. hoi, sn., 242 n. 3. hoi, adj., 294. hold, adj., 93.2; 201. 2. hole(g)n, sm. , 214 n. 9. holh, sn., 242 n. 3. holian, wv. , 411 n. 4. holinga, adv., 318. hQmor, sm., 245. hon, sv.,67; 115; 373; 378 N. 2; 397 and N. ; 395. 1. h^na, wm., 25. 2 and N. ; 277. hQnd, sf . , 65 ; 134. a ; 274 and n. 1, 2, 3. hQndwyrst, sf. ? 179. 1. h^ngian, wv., 411 n. 5. hop, sn., 239. 1. h. hopian, wv., 411 n. 4. hord, sn., 181. 2. hordern, sn., 43. 3. a and N. 3. horh (horg), smn., 218 N. 3 ; 223 N. 1 ; 242 N. 4. horhihte, seeliorwehte. horn, sn., 249 n. 3. gehorogae, seehorwian. hors, sn., 179. 1; 231 N. 1. horsian, wv., 414 n. 2. horwehte, adj., 218 N. 3. horwian, wv., 412 n. 9. hos, sf., 66; 186. 1. b. hosu, wf. ?_278 N. 1. hra, see hrpe(w). hraca, wm,, 57 n. 3. hrace, -u, wf., 162 n. 1 ; 278 N. 1. hrade, hraSe, adv. , 201 N. 1; 217 N. 1; 315 N. 2. forhradian, wv., 412 N. 1. hrsece, see hracu. hraed, hraeS, adj., 201 N. 1 ; 217 N. i ; 294 and N. 1. hrsefn (hraem, hrem), sm., 49; 141: 188.1; 217. hrae'Se, see hra'Se. hrgeuun, see rowan. hr8e(vv), hraw, hreaw, sn., 118. 1. a, 2 and N. 2; 173. 2; 174. 3 and N. 3 ; 250 n. 1 ; 288 N. 1. hreace, hreaw, sn., see hrace, hrae(w). hreaw, adj., 111. 1; 301. hr^ddan, wv., 400 n. 1. c; 401. 1; 402. 2. hrem, see hraefn. hremig, adj., 296. hreodan, sv., 384 n. 1. a. hreoh, adj., 295 n. 1 ; 304 N. 4. (h)reohhe, hreoche, wf., 220 and N. 1. hreopode, see hreppan. hreosan, sv,, 150 n. 3; 199 N. 1; 371 N. 4; 384 N. 1. b. hreow, sf., 174. 3 and N. 2 ; 259. hreow, pret. , see hreowan. gehreow, sn., 250. 1, hreowan, sv,, 64 ; 100. 1. b; 119 N. ; 156. 5; 371 N. 2; 384 n. 1. a, 2. hreowsian, wf., 174. 3 ; 411 N. 4. hreppan, 416 n. 19. hre'S, sm. ? 267. a. HreSel, pr. n., 201. 3. lireuan, hrewun, ahrlas'S, see hreow- an, rowan, hreosan. (h)rimpan, sv., 386 N. 1. hrinan,sv.,376N. ;382 N. 1. a, 4. hrindan, sv,, 386 n. 1. hrine, sm., 263. 1. bring, sm., 217 and N. 1, 2; 239. 1. a. hringe, wf., 206 n. 2. INDEX 395 (ymb)hring(e)an, wv., 405 N. 2. hrisian, hrissaii, wv., 400 N. 1. 6, 2. lirrS(er), hry Ser, hrtiS- er, n., 289 ands. 2. hroden, see hreodan. hropan, sv., 396. 2. b. hro'Sor, sn., 128. 1; 133. a; 267 n. 1. Hro^ulf, pr. n., 173 N. 3. hrutan, sv., 217 n. 2; 385. hru'Ser, see hrr6(er). hruse, wf., 278. hrvcg, sm., 216. 1 and N. 1; 217 N. 2; 247. a. hryre, sm., 263. 1. hry'Ser, see hrrS(er). bu, adv., 60; 172 n. ; hti geares, hu meta, hu nyta, 320. gehu elles, adv., 320. bualf, see bwealf. -bugu, see -b(\v)ugu. bulic, pron., 342. Hum-, Hunberht, pr. n., 188. 1. bund, sm., 56. bund, num., 327 and N. 1 ; 328. bund- in numerals, see the second member of such compounds. bundfeald, adj., 327 N. 3. bundled, num., 327 and N. 1 ; 328. hungor, sm., 95; 273. bungrig, adj., 214. 5. Hunsig(e), pr. n., 263 N. 5. bunta, wm., 277. burn ^inga, adv. , 320. bus, sn., 30. 1 ; 61, bnsc, bfix, sn., 289 n. 3. busincel, sn., 100 n. 7 : 248 N. 4. busl, sn., 140; 186. 1. bux, see busc. bwa, pron. , 65 n. 2 ; 172; 182; 217 and N. 1 ; 341 ; 343 ; swa bwaswa, pron., 345. gebwa, pron. , 341 n. 4 ; 347^ gebwsede, adj., 217 N. 2. bwsel, sm., 240. bwsene, pron., bwaen- ne, see bwa, bwonne. bw^r, adv., 156. 1. c ; 222 N. 1; 321 and N. 2_. gebwser, adv., 321 N. 2. gebwserlsecan, see ge- 'Swgerl^c(e)an. *bw£esan, bwset, pron. , see*bwesan, bwa. bwEet, adj., 50. 1, 2; 134.6; 144n.1;293 aiid N. 1, 3; 294 and N. 1 ; 309. bwee'Ser, pron. , 222 n. 1 ; 342 and n. 1 ; 343 ; swa bwse^er swa, 345 and n. gebwse'Ser, pron., 347. bwseSre, adv., 156. 1. d. bwsethuguningas, adv. , 319 ; 344 n. 2. bwsetbwara, adv., 321 N. 2. bw8etb(w)ugu, pron., 105. 1; 344. 1 and N. 1. bwane,pron. , hwanne, see bwa, bwonne. bwar(a), adv., 321 n. 2. bwarfa, see hweorfan. bwatost, sup., 309. bwealf, sf., 191. bwearfian, wv., 411 N. 4. -bwega, see -b(w)ugu. *bwelan, sv., 390 n. 1. bwelc, bwilc, pron., 43 N. 4; 206 n. 6; 342 and n. 2, 3 ; 343 ; swa bwelc swa, 242 and N. gebwelc, pron., 347. bwelcbwoene, pron., 344 N. 2. bwelch(w)ugu, pron., 344. 1 and n. 1. bwelung, sf., 390 n. 1. bwene, adv., 237 n. 2. bweogol, sn., 104. 4. bweol, sn., 150 n. 2. bweorfan, sv. , 217 n. 1 ; 377 N. ; 388 n. 1, 4. bwer, bw^rfan, see bw^r, bwierfan. *bwesan ? sv., 372; 396. 2. b. bwe'Ser, see bwae^er. bw^ttan, wv., 359. 3; 400 N. 1. c. bwider(e), adv., 321 and N. 2, 3. bwierfan, wv., 405 n. 1 ; 406 N. 6. bwil, sf., 59. bwilc, see bwelc. bwil(w)^nde, -^ndlic, adj., 173 N. 3. bwinan, sv., 382 n. 1. a. bwit, adj., 217. bwitan, wv. , 405 n. 8. b. bwiSa, wm., 107 n. 3. bwQm(m), sm., 226; 239. 2. bwon, see bwa. hwon, sn., 237 n. 2. bwQuan, adv., 321 and .N. 2. bwone, pron. , see bwa. bwonne, adv., 4 n. 2 ; 65 N. 2. bwopan, sv. , 396. 2. b. 396 INDEX -h(w)ngii, 105. 1;317; 844. 1. hwylc, see hwelc. hwyrft, sui., 206. hycg(e)an, wv., 31 n. ; 45. 3; 232. b; 410. 1 and N. 4. hyd, sf., 209. hydaii, wv., 359 n. 2; 405 N. 3 ; 400 N. 3. -hydig, see -hygdig. hyf, sf., 209. Hygberht, pr, n., 203 N. 5. gehygd, snf., 207. b; 209 and n. 4. -hygdig, adj., 33. 1. b ; 214. 3. hyge, sm., 31 n. ; 203. 1 and N. 5. hyht, sm.,232. b; 200. hyhtaii, wv., 405 n. 11. 6, 12. behyldan, wv., 405 n. 11. a. hyldo, f., 93. 2. hyl(l), sm., 247. a; 200. hylu, sf., 268. hyngran (hingran, -ian), wv., 31 n.; 95; 404. 1. c. hype, sm., 203. 1. onhyrian, wv., 400 N. 1. hyrnetu, sf., 135 n. ; 258. 1 and n. 1. hyrst, sf., 209. hyrstan, wv., 405 n. 11. gehyrste, -u, sfn. pi., 207 N. 2. hyse, sm., 203. 1- and N. 3. HysemQii, Ilysewulf, pr. n., 203 n. 5. hyspan, wv., 405 n. 8. a, 10. hy«, sf., 258. 2. ^hy^an, wv., 405 n. 5. I, pr. n., 284 n. 7. i-{=ge-), 212n. 1. iarcian, iarwan. see gearcian, gearw(i)an. ic, pi. w^, etc., pron., 156. 1. c ; 182 ; 180. 1. 6; 188. 2; 200 n. ; 210. 3 ; 332 ; 340. ic(e)an, see iec(e)an. idieges, adv.,320;339. Idel, adj., 144. b; 147. ides, sf., 254. 2; 255. 2 ; 209 N. 4. (a)idlian, wv., n. 2 ; 412 N. 7. iec(e)an, wv., 31 n. ; 198. 4. b ; 405. 4. a and^. 10 ; 407. 2 and N. 17, 18. setlede, see iewan. i(e)g,sf.,24N.;175.2; 258 N. 5. ieldan, wv., 405 n. 11. a. ieldcian, wv., 411 n. 4. ielde, sm., 204. ieldesta, sup., 145 ; 310 and N. ; 311. ieldra, comp., 151 n. ; 159. 1, 3; 307. ieldran, wm., 42 n, ; 270 N. 3. b. ieldu, f., 42. 1 ; 98. a; 159. 3; 279 and n. 1,2. ielfe, sm., 204. ielfetu,sf.,135N. ;258. 1 and N. 1. iemung, see glemung. ierfe, sn., 159. 1, 2. ierfew(e)ard, sm., 43. 2. b; 51. ierg-Su, f., 214. 1. ierming, sm., 98. a. ierm'Su, f.,42N. ; 98. a; 159. 2. iernan, sv.. On. 2; 65 N. 1; 79 N. 2; 179. 1 ; 231 N. 1 ; 300 n. 3 ; 380 N. 2, 3, 4. ierre, sn., 159. 5. ierre, adj., 100. 1. a and N. 2; 178. 2. 6; 181. 2; 217 N. 1; 299. ierringa, adv., 318. iersian, wv., 159. 5; 412 N. 5; 411 N. 4. ie«, adv., 323. iewan, wv. , n. 2 ; 174. 3 and n. 3 ; 355 n. 3 ; 408. 2 and n. 10. ifig, sn., 217; 218 n. 1. ifigtearo, -tara, sn., 43. 2. a. -ig, pron., see ic. igaS, sm., 24 n. igel, sm., 214. 4. ih, see ic. il, see igel. ilea (ileca, illca), pron., 43 N. 4; 291 n. 1; 339. ile, sm., 203. 1 and n. 3. inc(er), -it, see "Sii. incer, poss. pron., 335. Indeas, sm., 8 n. 3. in(n), adv., 321. innan, adv., 100. 3; 321. inna^, sm., 100. 3. inne, adv., 314; 321. innefle, innelfe, -ilfe, sn., 183. 2. b. innerra, comp., inne- mest, sup., 314 and N. 1. innew(e)ard, adj., 43, 2. b. inst8epe(s), adv., 320. ioc(c), see geoc. lohannes, pr. n., 175. 1. ionna, ionnaf?, see innan, inna'S. iren, adj. , 290 and n. 3. irnan, see iernan. isi'Ses, adv., 339. ill, see geo. INDEX 397 ludan, pr. n., 276 n. 2, 3. a. Itideas, pr. n., 175. 1. iugu'5, m(i)h, iung, iungia, see geogu'5, «u, geong, gingra. iw, sm., 223 N. 2; 250 N. 2. iw, pron., Iwer, Iwih, iwocc, see Sii, eower, 'Sii, geoc. k-, see C-, lacan, sv., 395. 2. h; 394. 1 and n. 1. lacnian, Isecnian, wv., 57 N. 3; 411 N. 4; 412 N. 1, 9. lad'Seow, ladteow, see latteow. lsecc(e)an, wv., 407. 1 and N. 10, 19. Isece, sm., 57 n. 3; 91; 154 N. ; 206. 3. 6; _248. 1. -l8ec(e)an, wv., 407 n, 16, 17. Igecnian, see lacnian. l«dan, wv., 198. 4. a; 205. 6; 405. 1. h; 406 N. 3. Iseden, adj., 89. 3; 197 N. Igefan, wv., 405 n. 1. ISn, sn., 267 n. Igenan, w., 405 n. 1. l^ne, adj., 222. 2. Iseppa, see lappa, lieran, wv., 17; 90; 360 N. 1 ; 405 N. 1 ; _406 N. 2. Iseresta, see Igest(a). lees, sf., 134. d; 174. _2; 260. Ises, adv., 323. Igesest, see ISst(a). ISssa, comp., 154 n. ; 180; 304 N. 3; 312 and N. 1. l£est(a) (Isesesta, ISr- esta), sup., 312 and _N. 1. Itestan, wv., 363 n. 2; 405 N. 11. Iffit, adj., 294 ; 314. l^tan, sv., 355 n. 3; 364 N. 2 ; 394. 1 and N. 2; 395. 2 and n. 3. Isetemest, sup., 50 n. 2 ; _314. IseSan, wv., 405 n. 5. l^'S'5(u), f., 201. 5. Isewan, wv., 57, 2. a; 90; 174. 3; 408. 2 and N. 11. l^wed, adj., 173 n. 2. laford, see hlaford. lagu, sm., 213 ; 271. lagu, sf., 103. lahbryce, -slite, sm., 214 N. 1. lahcop, sn., 26 n. laliwa, pron., 345. lappa, IcBppa, wm., 10. lar, sf., 17; 90; 252 n. 4; 254. 1;276n. 3. &. lareow, sm., 43 n. 4; 150 N. 7; 217 N. 1; 250. 2 and n. 3, 4. lareowa, wm., 250 n. 3. lasest, see Isest(a). lasor, sm. ? 103. last, sm., 232. c. laS, adj., 199 n. 1. la'Sian, wv., 50 n. 1 ; 411 N. 4; 414 N. 2; 416 N. 13. la'Su, sf., 253 and n. 1. latteow, sm., 43 n. 4 ; 150 N. 7; 174 N. 2; 201. 4. 6; 250. 2 and N. 3, 4. latteowa, wm., 250 N. 3. laurtreow, sn., 6 n. 1. lea, sm., 255 n. 3. lea, wm,, see leo. leactun, sm., 210. 2. leaf, see leof. geleafa, wm., 63; 99. geleaf(f)ul, adj., 231 N. 2. leah, sf., 255. 4 and N. 3. leahtun, see leactun. lean, sn., 47. lean, sv.. 111. 2; 368 N. 4; 373; 392. 2. leanian, wv., 411 n. 4. leas, adj., 35 n. 2. leasest, leassa, see l^st(a), l^ssa. least, f., 100 N. 7. leasung, sf., 135. 1, lea'Man, see la'iSian. lee, sm., 266. lee, pret., see lucan. l^cc(e)an, wv., 407. 1 and N. 9. l^cg(e)an, wv., 89. 1; 177. a; 214. 3; 227; 358 N. 5. 6; 400 n. 1. 6; 401. 2; 407. 1 and N. 7 ; 410 n. 2. lecniga, lede, etc., bi- lede, see lacnian, l^cg(e)an, ISwan. lef, adj., 58; 91 n. gelefan, ' damage,' wv., 91 N. gelefan, ' believe,' Lefes, legan, see ge- llefan, Levi, leogan. l^ger, sn., 245. forl^gis, sf., 258. 1. -l^gu, sf., 268. leht, lehta, lehtun, l^mb, see leoht, llehtan, leactun, iQmb. l^mian, wv., 176 n. 2; 400 N. 2. l^mpedu, sf., 258 n. 1. l(^ndan, wv., 405 n. 11. a. l^ng, adv,,133,a; 182; 323. 398 INDEX l^ng(e)an, wv., 405 n. 2. l^ngest(a), sup., 310 and N. ; 311. l<^nglifra, comp., 308 N. l^n(g)ten, -cten, sm., 215. l^ngtogra, comp., 308 N. leo, wra., 277 n. 2, 3. leodan, sv., 384 n. 1. a. leode, sm., 261 ; 264. leof, adj., 64 ; 150 n. 1, 3; 309; 311. leofian, see libban. leoflicor, -ost, adj., 322. leogan, sv., 165. 1 and N. 1 ; 384 N. 1. a. leoht, sn., 100. 1. 6; 150 N. 3 ; 165. 1 and N. 1. leoht, adj., 'bright,' 165. 1 and n. 1. leoht, adj., 'easy,' 84. 2; 100 N. 1; 165 n. 2. leohtfset, sn., 237 n. 4. leoma, wm., 222. 2. leon,sv.,84. 2; 114. 3; 165. 2; 373; 383 N. 4. leoran, swv., 382 n. 3 ; 384 N. 3 ; 406 N. 6 ; 410 N. 5. leornian, wv., 39. 1 ; 360 N. 3; 412 N. 2; 416 N. 12, 15. a. leorning, -ung, sf., 100 N. 7; 254. 2; 255. 1. forleosan, sv., 384 n. 1. b. lecSo-, see li^u-. leow, n., 290 n. 3. LeowSerius, pr. n., 64 N. lesan, sv., 391 n. 1. lesa(n), lessa, see Has- an, l«ssa. -lestu, f., 100 N. 7. letan, see Igetan. leSer, sn., 139 n. l^ttan, wv., 400 N. 1. c; 401. 1 ; 402. 2. Levi, pr. n., 194. lewa, see ISwan. libban (lifgan, lifian), wv., 107 N. 4; 190; 412 N. 11; 416. land N. 2, 15. a. lie, sn., 239. 1. b. -lie, adj., 43. 1, 3.6; 294 and n. 2. gellc, adj., 43. 1. liccian, wv., 413 n. 6. Liccitfeld, pr. n., 273 N. 3. licettan (liccettan), wv. , 230 N.l; 403 N. licg(e)an, sv., 54. 6; 57 N. 3; 206. 3. b; 214. 4; 216. 1; 358 N. 5. 6; 366 n. 2; 372 and n. ; 391. 3 and N. 9 ; 410 n. 5. lichoma, licuma, wm., 217. lician, wv., 411 n. 5. -lida, wm., 234. b. aliefan, wv., 405 n. 1. gellefan, wv., 99 ; 159. 4 ; 356 N. 1 ; 405. 1. b ; 406 N. 7. li(e)g, sm., 31 n. ; 99; 266. ll{e)get(u), smnf.,248. 2 and n. 3 ; 258. 1 and N. 1. Ii(e)gr8esc, sm., 89. 2. li(e)htan, wv., 'shine,' 100. 1. b; 165. 2 and N. 2 ; 405 n, 11. b; 406 N. 6; 410 N. 5, ll(e)htan, wv., 'allevi- ate,' 100 N. 1. lies, see leas, llesan, wv., 203; 405. 1. 6; 406 N. 6, 7; 410 N. 5. -llest, f., 100 N. 7. lie'Sran, wv., 404. 1. c. li(e)xan, wv., 100 n. 1 ; 165. 2 ; 405. 4. c. belifan, sv., 382 n. 1. a. lifgan (lifian, etc.),lig, ligan, see libban, li(e)g, leogan. geligere, sn., 214. 4. llht, lihta(n), see leoht, ll(e)htan. lim, sn., 105. 3 and n. 5 ; 237 N. 4 ; 241. (ge)limpan, sv., 386 n, 1,3. Lindis, pr. n., 258. 1. linnan, sv., 386 n. 1. gelire, see geligere. liss, list, see li'Ss, licg- (e)an. li«, sn., 105. 3; 241 ; 271. li'S, see licg(e)an. irSan, sv., 232. c; 234. 6; 380; 382 n. 1. b. li'Sercian, wv., 413 n. 1. li'Sgian, wv., 414 n. 3. li'Sincel, sn., 248 n. 4. li«s,sf.,201. 7; 258.2. li«u-, sm., 271. loc, sn., 239. 1. 6. loc(a)hwa, pron., 345. locbore, wf., 278 n. 1. loc(c), sm., 226. loccian, wv., 411 n. 4. lochwa, lochwse'Ser, lochwylc, pron. , 345. locian, wv., 355 ff. ; 411. 1, 2, 3 and N. 4; 412 N. 1, 5,6, 8, 11; 413 N. 2. loes(i)ga, see losian. lofian, wv., 411 n. 4. iQmb (lamp ; l^mb l^mbor), n., 128. 1 133. b ; 182 and n. 190 and n. ; 224 288 N. 1 ; 290 and N. 1. iQnd, sn., 65. INDEX 399 l<2ndbig^ng(e)a, wm., 215 N. 2. iQiidbiiend, 1, 287. iQiidcop, sn., 26 n. iQiig, adj., 310. LQngbeardan, pr. n., 276 N. 3. a. iQiigian, wv., 411 n. 5. iQiiglife, adj., 308 n. loppe, wf., 189. losian, wv., 412 n. 3, 6, 7, 10; 413 n. 6; 414 N. 4; 415. 2; 416 N. 11. b. lot, sn., 239. 1. b. loSa, wm., 199 n. 1. Ifican, sv., 44 n. 2 ; 61 ; 108. 2 ; 163 ; 371 n. 2, 3, 6 ; 385 and n. 3,4. lufestice, wf., 192. 2. lufian, wv., 55 ; 411 n. 4 ; 412 N. 1-6, 9, 10, 11 ; 413 N. 5, 6. lufiend, m., 286 n. 2. lufu, swf . , 55 ; 252 n. 2, 4 ; 253 and n. 2 ; 278 N. 1. lus, f., 284. lust, sm., 56. Ititan, sv., 371 n. 2 ; _385. lyce, see Isece. lyffettan, wv., 192. 1. lyft, smfn., 266 and n. 1 ; 267 N. 2 ; 269 and N. 4. lyge, sm., 263, 1 and N. 5. lyre, sm., 263. 1. lyssa, see Isessa. lystan, wv., 405 n. 11. lyt, n.,302; adv., 319. lytel, adj., 31 n. ; 296 and N. 2 ; 312. lytel, adv_^, 319. _ lytesna (lytisna, lytest- ne), adv., 302; 319. lythwon, n., 302. lytlum, adv., 319. ma (mS), adv. comp., 182 ; 312 N. 1 ; 323. gemaca, wf., 278 n. 4. macian, wv., 50 n. 1 ; 175 N. ; 411 N. 4; 416 N. 13. macrsef tigra, comp. , 308 N. madm-, see maSum. mffi, see ma. gem8ecc(e)a, wmf., 89 N. 1 ; 278 N. 4. msecg, sm., 89 n. 1. msecti, see mi(e)ht. mffid, sf., 134. d; 174. 2 ; 260 and n. 3. msed, n., 290 n. 3. mpeden, see maegden. mseg, auv., 82 ; 162. 1 and N. 2 ; 214. 2, 3 ; 232. b; 360 n. 3; 377n.;424. 10an(iN. mgeg, sm., 17 ; 57 n. 3 ; 240 N. 4. masgden, sn., 50 n. 2 ; 214. 3. msege, wf., 57 n. 3. msegen, sn., 49. msegerian, wv., 412 N. 2. maegester, sm., 89, 3. m8eg(e)5, f., 284 and N. 4. m8eg(e)Shad, sm., 214. 2. msegliQnd, sf., 214. 2. mSgS, sf., 154 N. maehte, m8elit(ig), mseig, see mseg, miht(ig), mseg. m^l, sn., 45. 6; 201 N. 2, mselan, wv,, 201 n. 2. mseltan, see mieltan. mgeltange, wf . , 276n. 4. -mselum, adv., 320. meenan, wv., 405 n. 1. gemSne, adj., 302 n. maenifold, see inQnig- feald. msenig, meercian, see m^nig, mearcian. mSre, adj., 91. niffirsian, wv., 150. 1 ; 411 N. 4; 412 N. 6. m8est(a), sup., 151, 1 ; 196, 1; S12 and ^,1. msestan, wv., 89. 2; 405 N. 11. msestling, sm., 196. 4. maeSl, sn., 201 n. 2. mgeSlan, wv., 201 n. 3. meew, sm., 266. mafealdra, comp., 308 N. ; 330 N. 2. magan, mage, see mseg, mSge. Magentse, pr. n., 205. a. magister, sm., 12; 50 N. 5. magu, sm., 103; 271. geraah, adj., 222 n. 1 ; 295 N. 1. malian, see mseg. gemalic, adj., 222 n. 1. mapuldor, sm., 139 n. mara, comp., 181. 2; 312. margen, see morgen. martrian, wv., 79 n. 3. masce, wf., 10. mast(a), see mSst(a). ma'Selian, wv., 201 N. 3. ma'Sum, sm., 138 ; 141 ; 148 ; 201 N. 3 ; 244. 2. mattuc, sm., 10. mawan,sv,, 62 n. ; 396. 2. c. maxe, see masce. m^, see ic. meaht, see mi(e)ht. mealwe, wf., 171 n. 2. mearc, sf., 254. 1. mearcian, wv., 162. 2 ; 413 N. 1. meard, see meord. mearg, sn., 162. 2. 400 INDEX mearh, sm., 79 n. 1 ; 218. 1; 223 n. 1; 242. 1 and n. 1. mearS, sni., 109 n. 1. mearu, adj., 300. mec, see ic. mece,sm. , 91 n. ; 248. 1. med, sf., 58 ; to medes, adv., 320. medewa, w. adj., 300. medren-, 27 n, medsceat, sm., 198. 4. a. medu (meodu), sm., 104. SandN. 1; 271. meduma, sup., 314. meh, meht, mei-, merS-, melcan, see ic, miht, m^g-, mseg'S-, meolcan. meldian, wv,, 411 n.4. melo, meolo, sn., 104, 1 ; 249 and n. 2. meltan, sv,, 387 n. 1. m^ne, sm., 261 ; 263. 1. m^ng(e)an, wv., 215 N. 2 ; 405 N. 2 ; 406 N. 6. m^ngu, m^nig(e)o, f., 206. 3. b; 214. 5; 279 and n. 3. m^nig, see mQiiig. m^nnenu, sf., 258 n. 2. m^nnesc(e)a, wm., 76 N. 4 ; 206. 3. b. m^nnisc, adj., 145. meo, wm. ? 277 n. 2. meodo, meodren-, meohx, see medu, medren-, meox. meolcan, sv., 81 ; 357 N. 1 ; 387 N. 3. meolo, see melo. meol(o)c, f., 105. 2; 164. 2 ; 284 n. 5. meord, sf., 150 n. 1. meotod, see metod. meowle, wf., 73 n. 1 ; 174. 3 ; 278. meox, sn., 84. 1; 221. 2 and n. 3. gemercian, see mearc- ian. m^re, sm,, 44 n. 1 ; 261 ; 263, 1. merg-, m^rgen, m^r- ien, see mearg, mor- gen. amebian, wv. , 400 n. 1. mersian, see meersian. mertze, wf,, 205 n. 1. mest, see m^st(a), met, sn,, 104 n. 1. gemet, sn., 104, 3, metan, sv,, 107. 2 ; 391, 1. metan, wv,, 405 n. 8. 6, 10; 406 N, 3, 6, m^tbselg, sm.,263N, 5. m^te, sm,, 263, 1 and K, 3, 5. m^tecweorra, wm. , 388 N. 1. met(e)gian, wv., 411 N. 4; 414 N. 3. mc^teliestu, -least, f., 99 N. ; 100 N. 7 ; 201. 6. metod, sm., 104 n. 1; 160. 2 ; 245. metsceat, seemedsceat, micel, adj., 31 n. ; 136. 3 ; 144. c ; 228 ; 296 and N. 1, 2 ; 312. micgern, sn., 206. 4; 216 N. 2. micles, miclum, adv., 319. mid(d), adj., 231. 2; 297; 314. omiddan, see qh. middan(g)eard, sm., 214. 7. tomiddes, adv., 319. midl(mrSl),sn.?201.3. midlian, wv., 412 n. 1. midmest, sup., 314. mieht(ig), seemiht(ig). mieltan, wv., 159. 3. Mierce, pr, n., 264 and N. ; 276 N. 3. a. gemierce, sn,, 248. 1. b. miere, wf,, 278. mierrau, wv., 178. 2. b ; 405 N. 6. migan, sv., 382 n. 1. a. miht (meaht; mseht), sf.,3lN.; 82; 98 n. ; 159. 1, 3; 221 N. 1; 232. 6 ; 261 ; 269 and N. 2. mihtig, adj., 151 n. ; 159. 3. mile, see meol(o)c. milcdeonde, part., 408 N. 17. mildsian,seemil(t)sian. mil(t)s, sf., 198. 4. a; 206. b and n. 1 ; 258. 2. mil(t)sian, wv., 198. 4. a; 411 N. 4; 412 n. 4, 5, 7, 9, 10. milze, see mil(t)s. gemimor, adj., 106. 3. min, gen., see ic. mln, pron., 59; 188 n. 4 ; 293 N. 2 ; 335. minsian, wv., 186. 2. b. minte, wf., 69. mirig'S, see myrg^, mis(t)lic, adj,,43, 3. &; 196, 4, mI'San, sv,, 382 n. I. a. mitty, conj., 201, 4. b. mixen, sn,, 84. 1 ; 164, 2. modge'SQnc, sm., 199 N. 1. modor, f., 229 ; 285 and N. 3, 4. c, modrie, moddrie, wf., 229. moh'Se, -a, see mo^e. mona, wm,, 68; 277. mona'5, m,, 26. 2 ; 68 ; 281, 1 and n. 4 ; 281. 2, on gemqng, adv., 188 N, 3 ; amang, see yn. m^nian, wv., 411 n. 4. INDEX 401 uiQnig (msenig ; m^- nig), adj., 65 n. 2 ; 135. 3; 291 N. 1; 296 and n. 1. niQiiigfeald, adj., 214. 5 ; 308 N. ; 330 and N. 2. niQnigfealdlice (-fal- lice), adv., 198. 3. mQn(n), m., 25. 2 and N. ; 65; 89. 4, 5; 226; 231. 1; 281. 1. iiiQima, wm., 281 n. 1. M^niieSorp, pr. n., 284 N. 7. mQUung, sf., 135. 1; 254. 2. moraS, sn., 199 n. 3. morgen (m^rgen ; mar- gen), sm., 10; 11; 93. 1 ; 213 N. ; 214 N. 10, 11; 237 N. 2; 244. 1 ; to morgen, to morgen, adv., 237 N. 2. morne(s), see morgen. mors, sn., 199. 2. moru, wf., 218 n. 2 ; 278 N. 1. mot, anv., 425. 12 and N. mo'S'Se, wf., 199 n. 2; 226. motian, wv., 412 n. 1. gemun, adj., 302. munan, anv., 186.2. a; 423. 9 and n. 2. Mun cgiu, see Muntgiof . munt, sm., 70. Muntgiof, pr. n., 192. 2 ; 196. 3. munuc, sm., 70 ; 93. 2; 128 N. 2. murcnian, wv., 55. murnan, sv., 55; 389 and N. 4. mus, f., 133. 6; 284 and N. 1. mu«, sm., 30. 2; 186. 1. 6; 239. 1. a. muxle, w_f., 204. 3. mycel, myg'S, see micel, mgegS. gemynd, snf., 267. 6; 269 and n. 4. gemyndgian, wv., 355 N. 3; 411 N. 4; 412 N. 4, 7. myne, sm., 263. 1. gemyne, sn., 263. 2. gemyne, adj., 302. mynecen(u), sf., 93. 2 ; 258 N. 2. mynet, sm., 70; 93. 2. mynster, sn. , 70 ; 93. 2. myntan, wv., 405 n. 11.6. myrge, adj., 315 n. 3. myrg'5, sf., 213 n. nabban, wv., 10; 110 N. 4; 217; 360 n. 3; 416 N. 1. a. nacod, adj., 50. 1 ; 144. a. neebre, see n^fre. nsedl, sf., 140; 201. 3; 254. 1. needre, wf., 276 n. 3. _a, c ; 278. n^efre, adv., 192 n. 2. nsegl, sm., 49; 140. nseglan, wv., 89. 2 ; _404. 1. b. najhsta, nseht, see niehsta, niht. ben^man, wv., 68 n. 1^405n. 1. genseme, adj., 299. n^nig, pron., 348. 2; n^nge ^inga, adv., _320. nseniht, n., 100 n. 3; _348 N. 2. nsep, sm., 57. 1. ngeron, nses, see wesan. naes, sm., 89 n. 1. nStan, wv., 405 n. 8. b. nse'Sl, see nSdl. naht, see na(w)uht. nahwser, nawer, adv., 43 N. 4; 57 N. 2; 321 N. 2. nahwse'Ser, nawSer, na(u)'5er, pron. , 348. 2. nalas, nalaes, nals, nalles, nealles, adv., 319. nan, pron., 348. 2; na(n) "Sing, n., 348. 2; nane "Singa, adv., 320. nan(w)uht, n., 348. 2. nas, see wesan. naSer, see nahwse'Ser. naming, n., 348. 2. nathwa, nathwelc, pron., 344. 2. nawer, see nahwEer. na(w)uht, naht (na- wiht), n.,6 N. 1; 71 ; 172 N. ; 267 n. 3; 348. 2 and n. 1, 2. neades, adv., 320. neah, adj., 313 n. 1. neah, adv., 57. 2. d; 82 ; 108. 2 ; 163 and N. 2 ; 165 N. 3 ; 222 N. 1 ; 313 ; 321. be-, geneah, anv., 424. 11. neahgebur, sm., 214 N. 4. geneahhe, adv., 82 ; 108. 2 ; 220 and n. 1. neahst(a), neaht, see mehst(a), niht. neal«c(e)an, wv., 150 N. 2 ; 165 N. 3 ; 222 N. 1 ; 405 N. 7 ; 407 N. 16, 17, 18. nealic, adj., 222 n. 1. nealica(n), etc., see nealffic(e)an. nealles, neam, see nalas, eom. nean, adv., 112 ; 321 ; fornean, 150 n. 3. 402 INDEX near, adv., 84 n. 2; 112; 321; 823. nearra, coinp., 313. nearu, sf., 200 and n. 1. nearu, adj., 103 n. 1; 174 N. 1; 300; 315. nearwe, adv., 315. neat, sn., 99. neawest, sf., 222 n. 1. neb, sn., 247. b. Nebrod, pr. n., 187 n. nechebur, ned, nedl, see neabgebur, nied, ngedl. nefa, wm., 107.2; 277 and N. 1. neh, genehhe, nelihe- bur,nehlceca(n), etc., nehsta, see neah, geneahhe, neabge- bur, neal8ec(e)an, niehsta. (ge)nehwiga, wv., 218 N. 3 ; 222 N. 4. neirxna-, see neorxna-. neista, see niehsta. nelecca(n), etc., see neal9ec(e)an. nellan, anv., 110 n. 4; 172 N. ; 360 n. 4, 5 ; 428 N. 2, 3, 4. n^mnan, wv., 358 n. 4 ; 404 N. 1. a ; 406 and N. 4, 6. Nemrod, pr. n., 187 n. neodlucor, adv., 43 N. 3. neogoSa (niogocSa), neolgeca, -lica (nio-), neoman (nioman), neone (nione), see nigoSa, neal^c(e)an, niman, nigon. hundneontig, num., 166 N. 6. geneop, pret., 396 n. 5. neorxnawQng, sm., 164 N. 1. neos(i)an, wv., 221. 2; 412 N. 4. neotan, sn., see nleten. neotan, sv., 384 n. 1. a. (be)neo(Nan, (-)nio5an, adv., 107 N. 5; 314; 321. neoSemest, nioSemest, sup., 314. neo^or (uioSor), see niSor. neowe, see niwe. neowol, niowol, see niwol. n^rgend, ra., 286. n^rian, wv., 44 n. 1 ; 89. 1; 133. c; 136; 175. 1, 2; 176; 181. 2 ; 227 ; 306 and n. 1 ; 355 ff. ; 372 ; 400. landN. 1,3; 401. 2; 402. 1 ; 409 and n. 1 ; 410. 1, 3 and N. 5. -n^ru, sf., 268. n^rwan, see nierwan. -nes, sf., 258. 1 and N. 1. genesan, sv., 391 n. 1. nesta, see niehsta. n^t, sn., 247. b. neSan, wv., 405 n. 5. neSl, see nSdl. nexta, see niehsta. nial^ca(n), etc., see nealSc(e)an. nice, pron., 332 n. 2. nIed, sf., 99; 159. 4; 209; niedes, adv., 320. niedan, wv., 405 n. 3. niedngeme, adj., 68 N. 1. niehsta, sup., 108. 2; 145 ; 155. 3 ; 163 n. 1 ; 166. 6 ; 221 N. 4 ; 222. 1; 311; 313 and N. nieht, see niht. nierwan, wv., 174 n. 1 ; 408. 1 and n. 6. nierwet, sn., 248. 2. nleten, sn., 42 n. ; 99; 135. 2; 144.6; 243. 1 ; 244. 2. niewe, see niwe. nift, sf., 193. 1. nigon, num., 105. 3; 166 N. 6; 325 and N. nigontene, num., 325. hundnigontig, num., 326. nigo'Sa, num., 328. nib, nihsta, see neah, niehsta. niht, neaht (nseht), f., 31 N. 82; 98 N. ; 151 N. ; 159. 3 ; 284 and N. 4. — oniht, see qn. — nihtes, adv., 284 N. 4 ; 320. nihtegale, wf., 278n. 1. nihtlanges, adv., 319. genih(t)sum, see ge- nyhtsum. niman, sv., 23. 2 ; 44 N. 1-3 ; 68 and n. 1 ; 69 ; 70 ; 107. 5 ; 366 N. 2; 370 N. 8; 371 N. 7 ; 390 N. 2. genip, sn., 241. nipan, sv., 382 n. 1. a. -nis, sf., 44. nistan, wv., 405 n. 11. nistig, adj., 110 n. 4. (be)ni'San, see (be)- necSan. ni'Semest, sup., 105 n. 6; 314. niSerra, comp., 314 and N, 1. niSor, adv., 105. 3 and N. 5; 321. niSrian, wv., 412 n. 4 ; 413 N. 1. niwe (neowe, niowe), adj., 73 N. 3; 100 n. 2; 156. 5; 159. 5; 297 N. 1. niwian, wv., 412 n. 5. niwol, adj., 73. 3. INDEX 403 genog, adj., 214. 1; 291 N. 1 ; 295 n. 1. genog, adv., 319. noht, see iiowuht. nohwEer, nower, adv., 57 N. 2 ; 321 n. 2. nohwseiSer, nowSer, pron., 348. 2. iiQina, wm., 65; 276 N. 3. c, 4; 277. to nones, adv., 320. norS, adv., 314; 321. norSan, adv., 321. Nor5(an)hymbre, pr. u., 264. norSeria, comp., 314 and N. 1. norSmest, sup., 314. nosu, sf., 274. nower, nowSer, see no- li wSi', nohwieSer. nowuht, noht (no- wiht), n.,348. 2 a?id N. 2. -numa, wv., 70. nybSe, see nym^e. nyllan, see nellan. genyht, sn., 267. 6. genyhtsum, adj., 31 n. ; 196 N. 3. genyhtsumian, wv., 412 N. 2. nymSe, conj., 187 n. nyr, see near. nyrSra, comp., 314. nytan, anv., 110 n. 4 ; 172 N. ; 360 n. 3 ; 420. 1 and n. 1. nyt(t), sf., 258. 1. nyt(t), adj., 231. 2; 297. o, adv., 62 N.; 174. 3. ol3, obaer, see of, ofer. CEfist, sf., 100 N. 4. ceg, see weg. of, prep., 51; 130; 191. ofd^le, -dsele, sn., 263. 2 and n. 3. ofer, prep., 4 n. 2 ; 191 ; 192. 2 and n. 2. ofere, adv., 321 n. 3. oferhygd, sn., 267. 6. ofermetto, f., 201. 4. h ; 255. 3. ofermodgian, 413 n. 3. ofersl^ge, sn., 263. 2. Off a, pr. n., 192. 1. offrian, wv., 192. 1 ; 411 N. 4; 413 N. 5. of(o)st, sf., 43 N. 4; 93. 1 ; 186 N. 3. oftige, sm., 263. 1 obselSi, 201. 2. oht, sf., 67; 94. c. oht, n., see owuht. ohw£er, ower, adv., 57 N. 2; 321 N. 2. ohwse'Ser, ow(5er, pron., 62 N. ; 222 n. 1 ; 346. ohwQnan (owana), adv., 321 N. 2. ol^cc(e)an (olsecean), wv., 407 N. 16, 17. Qllunc, see Qndlgng. om, sm., 08. Qinbiht, ambec(h)t, sn., 221 N. 1. Qn (an), adv., prep., 61 and n. ; 130 ; 188 N. 3. on-, ' out of, ' Ger. 'ent-,' 56 N. 1; 158 N. 2. Qucleow, sn., 198 n. 2 ; 250. 1. Qnd, conj., 4 n. 2. Qndcwis(s),sf. ?232. d. (2ndet(e)re, sm.,248. 1. a. Qudettan, wv., 217 ; 403 N. ; 405 n. 9 ; 406 N. 6 ; 412 n. 2. Qudf^nge, adj., 206. 3. 6 ; 215 N. 2. Qndf^ng(e)a, wm., 198 N. 2. Qudgiet, sn., 8 n. 4 ; 198 N. 2. Qudleofa, -liofa, wm., 107. 4. QudlQUg, adv., 188 n. 1. Qndrys(n)lic (^ndrys- endlic, Qndrystlic), adj., 188 N. 4; 196. 4 ; 198 N. 1. Qudsaca, wm. , 198 n. 2. Qndsacian, wv., 198. 4. a. Qudspurnian (Qnd- spyr[n]iga), wv., 416 N. 11. e. Qndswarian, wv., 412 N. 11; 413 N. 6; 416 N. 13. c, 17. Qudswaru, sf., 51 ; 253 and N. 2. Qudwe(a)rd, adj., 43. 3. a. geQndweardian, wv., 414 N. 4. Qndwierdan, wv., 359. 2 ; 405 N. 11. a. Qudwlita (-wliota, -wlata), wm., 43. 2. a; 73. 2. a; 107 n. 6. onettan, wv., 43 n. 4 ; 218 N. 1 ; 403 n. QUge, adv., 315 n. 3. Qngsum, adj., 215. qngsumnys, sf., 209 n. Ongulseaxan, pr. n., 1 N. 1. Quhrine, sm., 263. 1. QulQUg, see QndlQug. Quslen, -sion, sf., 159 N. 2 ; 198 N. 2 ; 269 N. 4. Onswini, see Oswine. Qnw(e)ald (Qnwseld), snm., 43. 2. 6; 198 N. 2 ; 267. a. Qnwealg, adj.,198N. 2 ; 214 N. 5. op(e)nian, wv., 411 N. 4. or-, 56. ora, wm. , 26 n. 404 INDEX orc(g)e(a)rd, see ort- geard. orciiawe, adj., 100 n. 7. ordceard, see ortgeard. oret, sn. ? 43 n. 4 ; 218 N. 3. or(e)Sian, wv., 43 n. 4 ; 186 N. 3. oretscipe, sm., 218 n. 1. oretta, win., 43 n, 4. orettan, wv., 43 n, 4; 218 N. 1 ; 403 n. orgeate, adj., 100 n. 7. orl^ge, sn., 263. 2. Qrn, see iernan. or(o)'5, sn., 43 n, 4 ; 186 N. 3. orret-, see oret-. orsawle, adj., 100 n. 7. orsorg, adj., 56. ortgeard, sm., 196. 3; 206. 4. oris, see oro'5. or&Qnc, sm., 56. OS, sm., 66; 281 n. 3. qsle, wf., 186. 1. a. Oswine, pr. n., 186 _ N. 2. Oswold, pr. n., 51. ot, see set. o'5-, prep., 186 n. 3. o?!er, adj., 66 ; 144. a; 145 N.; 186. 1. 6; 231. 4 ; 201 N. 1 ; 296 N. 3 ; 328 ; 331 n. cS'Se (o'S'Sa, eSSa), conj., 4 N. 2; 199. 2 and N.l; 226; 317.. Ou'Sgrim, Oustman, pr. n., 26 n. owana, ower, ow^er, seeohwQnan,ohwEer, ohwae'Ser. owuht, oht (owiht), n., 62 N. ; 344. 3 and n. 3. oxa, wm., 19. 2 ; 55; 93. 1; 150. 4; 221. 2 andy. 3; 277 n. 1. oxn, sf., 221. 2. pad,_sf., 189. bepi(ZN. 4. sc(e)adu, sf., 103 n. 1 ; 260a>idN. 2; 271. ofersceadwian, wv., 412 N. 5. sc(e)afan, sv., 49 n. 2; 75 N. 1 ; 368 n. 3 ; 392 and n. 3. sceaft,sm.,75, 1; 193.1. gesceaft, sfn., 192. 1; 232. a ; 261 ; 267 n. 2; 269. sceal, see sculan. sceap, sn., 75. 2 ; 109 and N. ; 157. 2. gesceapu, sn., 103 n. 1. scear, sn., 290 n. 3. scearp, adj., 189. sc(e)a^a, wm., 107. 1 ; 276 N. 3. c; 277. sceat(t), sm., 75. 1 ; 157. 3; 195; 226; 231. 1. sceaw(e)re, sm., 156 N. 3; 248. 1. a. sceawian, wv., 411 n. 4 ; 412 N. 6, 8, 10, 11; 413 N. 7; 416 n. 17. b. sceawung, sf., 156 n. 3. see-, see also seie-. geseed, see geseead. sceg'5, scei'S, smf., 6 N. 1. seel, see seulan. sc^nc, sm., 76 n. 3. sc^ne(e)an, wv., 76 N. 3 ; 198. 4. 6 ; 405. 4. a and n. 8. c ; 406. sc^ndan, see seiendan. gesc^ntu, f., 201. 4. b. sceo, wf. ? 277 N. 2. sceocea, see scucca. se(e)ocha, wm., 220. seeofan, see scufan. sc(e)ogan, se(e)oian, wv., 414 N. 5. a. sc(e)oh, sm., 76. 2; 115; 242. 2a«dN.2. sceoh, adj., 295 n. 1. sc(e)ol, sf., 55 N. sceolan, see seulan. seeolli, adj., 81 ; 295 N. 1. sc(e)olu, sf., 253. se(e)Qmian, sv., 355 N. 3; 411 N. 5; 412 N. 4, 5. se(e)Qmu, sf., 76. 2 ; 157.4; 253 and N. 2. se(e)op, sm., 76. 2. seeor, see scur. seeorfan, sv., 75 n. 3 ; 388 N. 1. seeorpan, sv., 388 n. 1. seeort, adj., eomp., 307; sup., 310. seeotan, sv., 109; 384 N. 1. a. seep, see sceap. scerero, n. pi., 290 n. 3. sc^rgan, scet, seet, see scierian, sceat(t), seeotan. se<^'S5an, swv., 75 n. 2 ; 199. 2; 227; 372; 392. 2, 4 and n. 6 ; 400 N. 1. 6; 401. 2 and N. 1. INDEX 407 sceucca, sceufan, sce- ware, scewung, see scucca, scufan, scea- were, sceawung. scia, -se, -u, see sceo. gescle, sn., 76 n. 3; 248 N. 1. scield, sm., 75. 3; 157. 2; 273. scielfan, sv., 387 n. 2. *ascielian, -scylian, wv., 400 N. l.a, 2. sciellan, sv., 387 n. 2. sciendan, wv., 76 n. 3 ; 405 N. 11. a; 406 n. 3, 6. sclenes, sf., 230 n. 1. scieppan, sv., 75. 1 ; 98. 6; 159. 1; 177. a ; 189 ; 227 ; 232. a ; 368 N. 4 ; 372. scieran, sv., 75. 1, 2, 3 and^. 1,2; 390 n.1. (a-, be)scieriaii, wv., 400 N. 1 ; 409 n. 1. scierpan, ' sharpen, ' wv., 405 N. 8. a. scierpan, 'clothe,' wv., 405 N. 8. a. scildan, wv., 358 n. 1 ; 405 N. 11. a; 406 N. 6. scildig, see scyldig. scinan, sv., 37. 3; 357 N. 2 ; 382 N. 1. a. gescince, sn., 206. 3. b. scip, sn., 241. -scipe, sm., 98 n. ; 263. 1. scipincel, sn. , 248 n. 4. sciptearo, -tara, sn., 43. 2. a ; 249 n. 4. scitan, sv., 382 n. 1. a. asclacian, scleacnes, sclep, sclincan, sclit- an, scmegan, scnlc- an, see aslacian, sleacnes, slSpan, slincan, slitan, smeag(e)an, snican. SCO-, see sc(e)o-. gescce, see gescie. scrsef, sn., 240. scr^nc(e)an, wv., 405 N. 8. c ; 406 N. 2. screpan, sv., 391 n. 1. scride, sm., 263. 1. serif an, sv., 376 n. ; 382 N. 1. a. scrimman, sv. ? 386 N. 1. scrincan, scrlngan, sv., 378 N.l; 386 N. 1,4. scri'San, sv., 382 n. 1. 6. scrild, n., 281. 2. scruf , see scurf, scrydan, wv., 405 n. 3. scua, wm., 76. 2 ; 116. scucca, wm., 76. 2; 220 N. 2. scud(i)an, v., 385 n. 1. sciifan, sv., 76. 2; 359 N. 9 ; 378 N. 1 ; 385 and N. 2. sculan, anv., 36. 3 ; 75. 1 ; 76 N. 2 ; 157. 3 ; 202 ; 350 ; 360 n. 3 ; 423. 8 and n. 1. sculdor, sm., 76. 2. onscunian, wv., 412 n. 2, 5; 413 N. 5; 414 N. 3; 416 N. 11. c, 15. a. sctir, sm., 76. 2. scurf, sm. ? 179. 2. scuwa, see scua. gescy, see gescie. *scycc(e)an, wv., 407 N. 19. scyfa, see sciifan. scyfe, sm., 263. 1. scy(h)end, m., 408 n. 18. scyld, sf., 76. 2; 269. scyldgian, wv., 411 N. 4. scyldian, wv., 412 n. 6. scyldig, adj., 31 n. *scyn, wv., 408 n. 18. scyndan, wv., 76. 2. onscynian, scynnes, see onscunian, scie- nes. scyrtan, wv., 405 n. 10, 11. b; 406 N. 2. scyrtra, comp., scyrt- est, sup.,307; 310. scyte, sm., 76. 2; 263. 1. scy'5'San, see sce'S'San. s6, seo, 'Saet, pron., 4 N. 2 ; 65 N. 2 ; 114. 1 ; 133. a ; 150 n. 6, 7; 166 N. 6; 182; 187 ; 337 and n. 2 ; 340. sea, see seon. sealf, sf., 191 ; 192 N. 2. sealfian, wv., 9 n. ; 102; 129; 192. 2. sealh, sm., 223 n. 1 ; 242. 1. sealla, see s^llan. sealt, sn., 158. 2. sealtan, sv., 396. 1. a. sea(n), geseane, see seon, gesiene. searo, sn., 103 n. 1 ; 150 N. 3; 174. 2; 249. sea's, sm., 273. seatul, see setl. seaw, sn., 250. 1. geseaw, adj., .301. seax,sn.,108.2;162.1. seax, num., see si(e)x. Seaxe, -an, pr. n., 2(31; 264 and n. ; 276 n. 3. a. sec, see seoc. sec(e)an, wv., 94. a; 125 ; 206. 3. b ; 221 N. 1 ; 355 N. 3 ; 357 N. 2 ; 359. 5 ; 407. 1 andN. 13; 409 n. 1. s^cg, sm., 177. a; 216. 1; 231.1; 246 ; 247 ; 263 N. 6. s^cg, sf., 258. 1. 408 INDEX s^ci;(e)an, wv., 17 ; 89 N. 1 ; 162 N. 1 ; 214. 3 ; 216. 1 and n. 1 ; 355 N. 2 ; 409 n. 2 ; 415. 1 ; 416. 1 and N. 3, 13. sedl-, see setl. sefa, vvm., 107. 2 and N. 2 ; 277. seft, adv. comp., 186. 1. a; 323. sefte, adj., 94. c ; 299 ; 315 N. 3. s^gcan, s^ggan, etc. , see s^cg(e)an. seglan, wv., 404 n. 1. b. segn, siu., 54 n. sell, see seon. seh'Se, interj., 164. 1 and N. 1. seista, see si(e)xta. sel, sn., 263 N. 3. sel, comp., 312 n. 1 ; 323. seld, see setl, seldan, adv., seld(n)or, comp., seldost, sup., 322 N. s^le, sm., 263. 1 and N. 3. S^leberhting-, pr. n., 215. selest(a), selost(a), sup., 311 ; 312. self (a), pron., 81 ; 194; 291 N. 1 ; 339. selfwilles, adv., 320. selh, see seolh. sella, see selra. s^llan, syllan (sealla), swv., 44 N, 1 ; 80 n. 2; 158. 2; 159. 3; 177. a; 183. 1 ; 227 ; 356 N. 1 ; 358 N. 1, 5. c, 7 ; 360 n. 1, 3 ; 407. 1 ands. 3; 410 N. 3, 5. sellic, adj., 81; 198. 3. selra, sella, comp. , 180 ; 312 and n. 1. selua, see self (a), geseman, wv., 68 n. 2. s^mninga, adv., 318 n. s^mtinges, adv., 100 N. 5. s^nc(e)an, wv., 405 n. 8 ; 406 N. 2. s^ndan, wv., 89. 4 and N. 5; 198. 5; 359. 3; 405. 5; 406 and N. 3, 6, 7; 410 N. 5. s^ndlic, adj., 350 n. gesene, see geslene. senep, sm., 69. s^ng(e)an, wv., 206 N. 5. seno-S, sm., 69; 199 N. 3. seo, wf., 113. 2; 278 N. 2. seo, pron., see s6. seoc, adj., 64 ; 165. 1 and N. 1. seodo, see sidu. seofa, see sefa. seofian, wv., 416 n. 15. a. seofon, siofun, num., 105. 2 and n. 4 ; 150 N. 5 ; 192 N. 2 ; 325 and n. ; 331 ; cf. sibun-. seofonfealdlice (seofo- fallice), adv., 198. 3 ; 330 N. 1. seofontene, num., 315. seof onteo'Sa, num . , 328. hundseofontig, num., 326 and n. 1 ; 331. seofotJa, siofo^a, wm., 105. 2. seofo^a, siofo^a, num., 105. 2 ; 328. seohhe, wf., 220. dseolcan, sv., 81; 366 N. 2. seolf, see self, seolfor, siolufr, sn., 105. 2 and n. 4. seolh, sm., 81 ; 164. 1 ; 242. 1. seollan, siollan, see syllan. seoloc, sioluc, sn., 105. 2. seon, sf., see slen. seon, sion, sv., 'see,' 40. 3 ; 57. 2. a 73. 1 and n. 1 ; 82 83 ; 84. 1 and n. 2 108. 2; 113. 2; 151 N. ; 162. 1 ; 164. 1 and N. 1 ; 166. 2 and N. 2, 5 ; 166. 6 ; 173; 218. 2; 221 n. 4 ; 222. 1 ; 223 ; 234. d; 356 N. 1; 367; 371 N. 4; 373; 374 N. 1-5; 378 N. 1; 380; 391. 2 and n. 7,9. seon, sion, sv. , 'strain, ' 73. 3; 114. 3; 357 N. 1;373; 374 n. 3; 383 N. 4. beseon, part., 383 n. 4. seonu, see sinu. seo'San, sv., 384. 1. seo'SSan, see sie'SSan. seowen, seowian, seox, see seon, 'strain,' siwian, si(e)x. ser^an, wv., 388 n. 1. sess, sn., 232. d. sesta, see si(e)xta. geset, sn., 104. 3 and N. 1; 241. se^an, wv., 405 n. 5. setl (se^el), sn., 140; 183. 2. a ; 196. 2 and N. 1. s^ttan, wv. , 19. 2 ; 89. 1; 177. a; 195; 227; 358 N. 6. a ; 400. 2 ■ and N. 1. c; 401. 1 ; 402. 2 ; 406 n. 3, 7 ; 407. 1 and n. 6 ; 410 N. 5. gesewen, see seon, 'see.' INDEX 409 sex, slan, siaro, see seax and siex, seon, searo. sibb, si, 134 n. ; 177. a; 190; 231. 1; 252 N. 2 ; 257 ; 258. 1. gesib(b), adj., 297. sibunsterri, sn., 159 N. 1 (c/. seofon). sican, sv., 382 n. 1. a. sice, sm., 263. 1. sicol, sm., 105. 3. sicor, adj., 58 n. 2; 105. 3. side, wf., 58 n. 2. sidfeaxe, adj., 100 n. 7. sidu, sm., 105. 3 and N. 5; 271. sle, opt., see eom. gesi(e)lvS, sf., 84. 1 ; 100 N. 1 ; 164. 2. sielf, see self. *siellan, see s^llan. siellic, see sellic. sieltan, wv., 405 n. 11. b. sien, slon, sf., 269 N. 4. gesiene, adj., 222. 2; 391 N. 7. sierwan, wv., 174 n. 1 ; 408. 1 and n. 4 ; 413 N. 5. si(e)55an, conj., 107 n. 5; 199.2; 337 n. 2. si(e)x, num., 83; 108. 1; 164. 1; 221. 2; 325 and n. si(e)xta, num., 155. 3 ; 164 N. 1; 221. 2; 328. si(e)xtene, num., 325. si(e)xtig, num., 214 n. 1 ; 326 and n. 1. sife, sn., 263. 2; 288 N. 1. siftan, wv.,193. 1 ; 199 N. 1 ; 357 N. 1. sifun-, see sibun-. gesig, smn. ? 263 n. 5. sigan, sv., 382 n. 1. a. sige, sm., 128. 1; 133. b ; 182 and n. ; 261 ; 263. 1 and n. 4. 5; 288 N. 1 ; 289 N. 2. sig(e)be(a)g, sm., 263 N. 5. sig(e)f3est, adj., 263 N. 5. Sigelbearwan, pr. n,, 214. 4. Sig(e)mund,-red,-wine, pr. n., 263 n. 5. sigian, wv., 404 n. 1. b. sigor, m., 128. 1 ; 182 N. ; 289 and n. 2. gesihS, sih'Se, Sllhear- wan, see gesieh'5, seh'Se, Sigelbear- wan. simbles, adv., 319, sin, pron., 59; 335. sincaldu, f., 100 n. 7. sincan, sv., 386 n. 1. sinewealt, adj., 105. 3. singala, -le(s), adv., 317; 319. singalian, wv., 414n. 4. singal(l)ic, adj., 231. 4, singan, sv., 386 n. 1. sinnan, sv., 386 n. 1. sinu, sf., 105. 3; 260 and N. 2. SI'S, sm., 186. 1. b and N. 1; 327 N. 3; 331. si«, adv. , 314 ; 323. si'5e(me)st, sup., 314. sKfaBt, -fat, sm., 49 N. 1. si^ra, comp., 314. si'SSan, see sie'S'San. sitlan, sv., 14; 49; 54. 6; 151. 1; 202; 232." d; 358 N. 5. a; 360 N. 5 ; 372 and n. ; 391.3a?id N. 9; 410 N. 5. slu, -siwen, see s6, seon, * strain.' siwian, wv., 73 n. 3; 408 N. 15. six, see si(e)x. sla, wf., 118. 1. b; 278 N. 2. sla, slea? wf., 278 n. 2. sla, see slean. aslacian, wv., 210. 1; 413 N. 1. sl8e(an), see slean. slsege, see siege. sl^pan. sv., 57. 2 and N. 2, 3; 58; 150. 1; 202; 210. 1; 395. 2. a and n. 3 ; 405 N. _10. forslgewan, wv., 408. 2. -slaga, wm., 234. c. slabse, wf., 278 n. 2. sla(n), see slean. slapan, see sl^pan. slaw, adj., 62 n. ; 301. sleacnes, sf.. 210. 1. slean, sv., 37. 2; 50.2; 60 ; 84 N. 2 ; 98. a ; 108. 2; 111.2; 162 N. 3; 166. 1; 214 N. 5; 231. 4; 234. c; 296 N. 1 ; 358 N. 7 ; 367 ; 368 N. 4; 373; 374 N. 1-6; 378 N. 1; 380 ; 392. 2. sl^ge, slsege, sm., 234. c; 263. 1. sleh, slepan, see slean, slgepan. slidan, sv., 382 n. 1. a. slide, sm., 263. 1. slidor, adj., 105. 3. sli(e)ht, sm., 266. tosllfan, sv., 382 n. 1. a. sli(g), see sliw. slincan, sv., 210. 1 ; 386 N. 1. slitan, sv.,210. 1; 382 N. 1. a. sliw, sm., 250 n. 2. sloh,snmf.,242. 2;255 N. 3. 410 INDEX slupan, sv., 385. smael, adj., 202. smaele, sinale, adv., 315 N. 2. smsel'Searme, sii., 100 N. 7. smeag(e)an, wv., 150 N. 3; 210. 1; 416. 1 and N. 5. smearwa, see smier- wan. smea(ii)ng, sf., 119. smeca, see smeocan. smega(n), see smeag- (e)an. smeocan, sv., 165 n. 1 ; 384 N. 1. a. sraeortan, sv., 388 n. 1. smeoru, sn., 104. 1 ; 249 and n. 2. sme(o)rwan (smerian), see smierwan. smeSe, adj., 303 n. 2. smlca(n), see smeocan. smi(e)c, sm., 31 n. ; 266. smierwan, wv., 159 n. 1; 408. 1 and n. 1, 2, 5; 409 N. 1. smir(i)a(n), see smier- wan. besmitan, sv., 382 n. 1. a. smi'Sian, wv., 105. 3. smi-S^e, wf., 227. smiSu, sf., 105. 3. smolt, adj., 299 n. 1. smoltlice, adv., 315 N. 3. smo«, adj., 303 n. 2. smugan, sv., 385. smyagan, see smeag- (e)an. smylte, adj., 299 n. 1 ; 315 N. 3. smyrian, sna, see smierwan, snilw. sna^gl (snsel), sm., 214. 3. . snaw, sm., 62 n. ; 118. 1. a; 174. 3 and N. 2; 250. 1. snearh, sf., 255. 4. sneome, adv., 315 n. 1. *sneorcan, sv., 388 n. 1,3. snlcan,sv.,210. 1; 382 N. 1. a. snide, sm., 263. 1. sni'San, sv., 359 n. 7; 382 and n. l.b. sniwan, wv., 199 n. 1. snoffa, wm., 192. 1. snoru, sf., 253 n. 2. snot(t)or, adj., 202; 228 ; 296 and n. 3. snowan, sv., 384 n. 4 ; 396 N. 5. snyrian, wv., 400 n. 1. snytru, f., 279 n. 2. soelf, soergendi, see self, sorgian. soft(e), adj., 299 n. 1. softe, adv. , GQ; 94. c ; 186. 1. a; 299 n. 1; 315 N. 3. sohte, see sec(e)an. sol, sn., 239. 1. 6. solf, see self. s6m-, samcucu, adj., 68 N. 1; 100 N. 6. some, adv., 315 n. 1. SQmhwelc, pron., 347. syinnian, wv.,411 n. 4 ; 412n. 4,5,6; 414n. 3,4. (ge)sQmnung, sf., 215; 252 N. 2. SQmnunga, adv. , 318 n. S(^mtenges, adv., 319. S(^mwist, sf., 267 n. 2. sona, adv., 68 ; 317. sorg, sf., 214. 1; 252 N. 2, 4 ; 254. 1 ; 276 N. 3. b. sorgian, wv., 214 n. 5 ; 411 N. 5; 416 N. 11. fiorig, see sarig. so«,adj.,66; 186.1.6; 315. so'Se, so'Slice, adv. , 315; 316. spadl-, see spatl. spadu, wf., 278 n. 1. sp^c, spseria, see sprgec, sparian. spgetan, wv. , 405 n. 8. spald, see spatl. spaldr, sn., 139 n. sparian, wv., 411 n. 5 ; 416 N. 13. a. spatl, sn., 140; 183. 2. a ; 196. 2. speafta, spearian, specan, see speofta, sparian, sprecan. sped, sf., 94. a; 150. 4; 269. speld, n., 290 n. 3. speofta, v., 384 n. 4; 396 N. 5. speoru-, spiwian, speowian, speowS, see spere, sj)owan. spere, sn., 104. 1; 247 N. 2 ; 261 ; 262 ; 263 N. 4; 288 N. 1. spildan, wv., 405 n. 11. a. spillan, wv., 357 n. 2; 405 N. 6. spilth, 201. 2. spincge, see spynge. spinnan, sv., 386 n. 1. spitu, sm., 271. splwan, sv. , 73. 3 ; 382 N. 1. a. spiwe, sm. , 73. 3 ; 263. 1. spiweSa, wm., 73. 3. spiwian, wv., 73 n. 3; 173; 408 N. 15. spon, sm., 68. spQnan, sv., 371 n. 2; 392 N. 4. spQiman, sv., 392 n. 4; 396. 1. b and n. 4. spor, sn., 239. 1. b. INDEX 411 spora, see spura. sporettan, wv., 403 n. spornan, see spurnan. spowan, sv., 113 n. 3; 174. 3 ; 296. 2. 6 and sprjec, sf., 180. sprseca, see sprecan. sprgedan, wv. , 405 n. 3. spreaca, see sprecan. gesprec, sn., 241. sprecan, sv., 63 ; 164 N. 2 ; 180 ; 202 ; 356 N. 1; 370 N. 4, 6; 371 N. 2 ; 391 n. 1, 5, 9. sprecol, adj., 104. 3. spr^ng(e)an, wv., 405 N. 2. spreocan, see sprecan. springan,sv.,215; 386 N. 1. sprintan, sv., 386 n. 1. sprtitan, sv., 385 n. 1. spryttan, wv., 400 n. 1. c. spura, wm., 55. spurnan, sv., 55; 389 and N. 4. spynge, wf., 31 n. ; 215 N. 2. spyrian, wv., 400 n. 1. stsef, sm., 240. staefnan, wv., 89. 2 and N. 2. stselan, wv., 201 n. 2. stgelwier'Se, adj., 201 N. 2. steenan, wv., 356 n. 1. st^nen, adj., 17; 296. stEener, n. pL, 290 n. 3. stgenihte, see stanihte. stsepe, sm., 89 n. 1 ; 263. 1. stseppan, sv., 89 n. 1 ; 358 N. 5. a; 372; 393. 4. stse-S, sn., 240. stse^'San, wv., 89 n. 1 ; 227. stalle, see steallian. stalu, sf., 103. Stan, sm., 17 ; 62. stanhiewet, -hifet sn. 192 N. 4. stanihte, adj., 299. stapol, sm., 103; 245. sta^elian, wv., 50 n. 1 ; 129; 201 N. 2. sta'Sol, sm., 50 n. 1 ; 103; 129; 144. a; 201 N. 2. stealdan, sv., 396. 1. a. steallian, wv., 412 n. 9. stearra, see steorra. st^de (styde), sm., 263. 1 and N. 5. st^defsest (stydfsest), adj., 263 N. 5. st^fn, sm., 89 n. 2; 193. 2. stefn,sf.,69; 141; 193. 2. st^fnan, see stsefnan. stela, wm., 107. 2. stelan, sv., 19. 1 ; 390 N. 1 ; 391 N. 5. st^llan, wv.,407. 1 and N. 4. forest^mma, wv., 405 N. 6. stemn, st^mn,seestefn, st^fn. st^nc,sm.,210. 4; 266. tost^nc(e)an, wv., 405 N. 8. c. st^ng, sm., 266. steopf seder, m., 64 n. steor, sf., 100. 2. steora{n), stiora(n), see stiera(n). steorfan, sv., 388 n. 1. steorra, wm., 79. 1 ; 150 N. 1 ; 17g. 2. a ; 226; 276 N. 3. c; 277. st^pa, see stseppan. steup-, see steop-. sticce, sn., 206. 3. h. stice, sm., 263. 1. stician, wv., 105. 3; 164. 2; 411 N. 4; 412 N. 5. sticol, adj., 296. stiele, sn.,222. 2; 248. 1.6. stiell, sm., 266. astiepan, wv., 405 n. 8. stiera, stiora, wm., 100. 2. stieran, stioran, wv. , 40. 1; 100. 2; 159. 5; 405 N. 1. stigan, sv., 54. a; 62; 105.3; 164 N. 5; 214. 1 andti. 1, 5; 359. 4; 376 N. ; 382 n. 1. a, 4. stige, sm., 263. 1. sti(g)rap, sm., 214. 6. stigu, sf., 105. 3. sti(g)weard, sm., 214. 6. stl(g)wita, wm., 214. 6. still, adj., 295 n. 2. stillan, wv., 405 n. 6. stincan, sv., 215 n. 1; 386 N. 1. stingan, sv., 386 n. 1. sting^, see stincan. stirap, -ward, -wita, see stigrap, etc. stoc(c), sm., 226. stQiidan, sv., 198. 4. a ; 202 ; 205. 6 and n. 2 ; 359. 2; 360 n. 5 ; 371 N. 2,3,6; 392. 3. stow, sf., 259. strsec, adj., 294 n. 1. str^t, sf., 17 ; 57. 1 ; 150. 1. strawb^rie, see streaw- b^rie. streaw, sn., 111. 1 and N. 1 ; 119 N. ; 250. 2 and N. 3, 4. streawb^rie, wf.. Ill N. 1. strea wi an , see strewian . strec, adj., 294 n. 1. 412. INDEX .str^cc(e)aii, wv., 407. 1 and N. 9. stredan, see stregdan. stregan, wv., 408 n. 14 (c/. strew iau). stregdan, sv., 214. 3 and N. 8 ; 359 n. 3 ; 371 N. (3; 389 and N. 1. strc^ng, sm., 2GG. strange, adj., 299 n. 1 ; 303 N. 2 ; 309 ; 310. str^ng(e)o, -u, f., 206. 3. b; 268 ; 279 and N. 3. str^ngra, comp., strong- est, stip., 89. 4 ; 309; 310. strong5(u)(stron'S[u]), f., 135. 1 ; 184 N. ; 215 ; 255. 3. gestreon, sn., 100. 1. b. streow, streowian, stret, see streaw, strewian, strst. strewian, wv., 73 n. 1 ; 408 N. 15. strican, sv., 382 n. 1. a. stridan, sv., 199 n. 1 ; 382 N. 1. a. stride, sm., 263. 1. strienan, wv. , 100. 1. & ; 405 N. 1. striman, v., 390 n. 3. string, adj., 89. 4; 299 N. 1 ; 303 N. 2 ; 309 ; 310. strQngian,wv.,41lN.5. stronger, strongest, adv., 322. strudan, sv., 385. stryta, wm., 96. a. studu, stu-Su, f., 133. b ; 282 and n. stulor, n., 289. stund, sf., 254. 1. stundmselum, adv., 320. stycce, sn., 248. 1. b. styde, etc., see st^de, etc. astyfecian, wv., 411 N. 4. styltan, wv., 405 n. 10. styntan, wv., 357 n. 1. styrian, wv., 400 n. 1 ; 409 N. 1. sucan, sv., 385. sufon, see seofon. siigau, sv., 385. sugga, wm., 216. 2. sugian, see s(w)ugian. suhtriga, -erga, wm., 176. suinnig, sulf, see syn- nig, self. sulh (sSl), f.,223; 284 and N. 1, 3. sulincel, sn., 248 n. 4. sulung, sm., 43 n. 4. sum, pron., 293 n. 4; 294; 343. -sum, adj., 294 and N. 2. sumor, sm., 273. Sumursatan, pr. n., 276 N. 3. a. gesund, adj., 95. gesundfulnes, sf., 198. 4. a. sunne, wf. , 278. sunu, sm., 56 ; 134. a; 202; 270; 271 and N. 1, 2. supan, sv., 385 and N. 4. su«, adv., 314; 321. silvan, adv., 321. su'Serra, comp. , sivS- mest, sup., 314. Su"5hymbre, pr. n., 264. su'5weard(es), adv., 319. Su(u)tangli, pr. n., 186 N. 1 ; 199 N. 1. suwian, see s(w)ugian. swa, conj., 345. .swSlan, wv., 406 n. 2. swselc, see swelc. swger, adj., 57 n. 3. swjes, adj., 57. 2. swsetan, wv., 405 n. 8. b. swse'S, sn., 240. swse'Ser, pron., 345 n. swapan, sv., 396. 2. c; 397. swar, see swser. swaSer, see swae'^Ser. swa'Su, sf., 253 and N. 1. swealwe,wf., 171 n. 1 ; 278. (a)swobban (sw^fian), wv., 400 N. l.b, 2; 401. 2; 402. 1; 410 N. 2. swefan, sv., 172; 391 N. 1. aswefecian, wv., 411 N. 4. sw^fian, see sw^bban. swefn, sm., 156. 1. a. sweg, sm., 266. sweg(e)an, wv., 405 N. 2. Sweg(e)n, Swein, pr. n., 6n. 1. swelc, swilc, pron., 43 N. 4; 206 n. 6; 342 and n. 3 ; 345 N. ; 349. swelce, swilce, adv. , 44 N. 1. swelgan, sv., 359. 4 and N. 6; 371 n. 4 ; 387 N. 1. swelgend, f . , 287 and n. swellan, sv., 81 ; 387 N. 1. sweltan, sv., 81 ; 202 ; 377 N. ; 387 n. 1, 5, 6. sw(^nc, sm., 210. 4. sw(2nc(e)an, wv., 405 N. 8. c, 10; 406 N. 2. s\N(ingi sn., 266. sweofot, sn., 104. 2. INDEX 413 sweololS, seeswolo'S(a). Sweon, pr. n., 110 n. 1; 114. 2; 277 n. 2. sweopu, swiopu, see swipu. sweor, sm., 113. 2. sweora, wm., 218 n. 1. sweorcan,sv., 388 n. 1. sweord, sn., 72 ; 156, 2. sweorfan, sv., 159 n. 1 ; 388 N. 1. sweostor (swuster), f., 72 ; 104. 4 ; 105. 1 ; 285 and n. 4. e. gesweostor, pi., 72; 285. sweotol, swutol, adj., 71 and n. 1 ; 72 ; 104. 4; 105. 1 and N. 1 ; 296 and n. 2 ; 315. sweotol(l)ic, adj., 231. 4. sweotollice, adv., 316. sweotule, adv., 315; 316. sw^rian, sv., 357 n. 2 ; 372 and n. ; 378 n. 1 ; 393. 4 and n. 7 ; 409 N. 1 ; 410 N. 5. swete, adj., 299 and n. 1 ; 302 N. sw^'SSan, wv., 400 n. 1. &; 401 N. 2. swica, wm., 101 n. 3. swican, sv., 164 n. 5; 376 N. ; 382 n. 1. a. swice, adj., 302. swician, wv., 413 x. 1. swicol, adj., 147 ; 207. swifan, sv., 382 x. 1. a. swigian, see s(w)ugian. swi(g)tima, wm., 214. 6. swilc(e), see swelc(e). swile, sm., 263. 1. swimman, sv., 226; 231. 1 ; 386 n. 1. geswinc, sn., 267. a. swincan, sv., 386 n. 1. swindan, sv., 386 n. 1. swingaii, sv., 386 n, 1, 2,4. swipu, sf . , 105 N. 1 ; 278 X. 1. swira, see sweora. oferswiSan, wsv., 382 X. 2 ; 405 X. 5. switima, switol, see swigtima, sweotol. swogan, sv., 396. 2. b. geswogen, part. , 214. 8. swolo5(a), swm., 104 X. 2. sword, see sweord. swornian, wv. , 413 x. 1. geswosterna, see ge- sweostor. swote, adv., 315 x. 3. swotol, see sweotol. geswowung, sf., 214. 8. s(w)ugian, wv., 105 x. 1; 214. 8; 416 x. 17. a. swulung, sf., 215. swura, swurd, swus- ter, swutol, swylc, see sweora, sweord, sweoster, sweotol, swelc. swyle, sm., 263. 1. swylt, sm., 266. swyrd, see sweord. geswyrf, sn. (?),267.a. swytol, see sweotol. syc(e)an, wv., 407 X. 16, 17. syfon, see seofon. svfre, adj., 231. 4; 298 X. ; 299. ofersylefran, wv., 404. 1. c. sylf, sylfor, see self, seolfor. sylian, wv., 400 x. 1. a, 2. syll, sf., 258. 1. sylian, see s^llan. symbel, sn., 190. symblan, wv.,404. 1. c. syndrig, adj., 214. 5. syngian, wv., 411 x. 4 ; 412 X. 5 ; 413 x. 3. synnig, adj., 6 x. 1; 214 X. 1. gesynto, f., 95; 201. 4. 6; 255. 3. sype, sm., 263. 1. sy^erra, comp., 314. syx(s)t, see seon. ta, wf., 118. 1. 6. ta, wf. (nrtan), 278 X. 2. tacen, sm., 138; 141; 148; 185; 243. 3 and X. ; 244. 1. t^c(e)an, wv., 206 x. 5 ; 210. 2 ; 221 x. 1 ; 359. 5; 407. 1 aiid N. 11. taefl, sf., 192. 2. tseflan, wv., 357 x. 1. t^h, see teon. t8eh(h)er, sm. ? 220 ; 222 X. 4 ; 228 and x. t^l, sf., 57 X. 3. tSlan, wv., 405 x. 1. ti?esan, wv., 405 x. 1. tal, see t^l. talenta, wm., 50 x. 5. talian, wv., 412 x. 10; 416 X. 9. talu, sf., 253 X. 2. tan, sm., 278 x. 2. tanc, -tara, see tacen, scip-, ifigtearo. getSwe, sf., 43 N. 4; 57. 2. a. tSwian, wv., 57. 2. a. tea, num. , teala, tea(n), sv., hundteantig, see tien(e), tela, teon, hundteontig. tear, sm.. 111. 2; 166. 1 ; 228 and x. -tearo, -teg'Sa, see scip-, ifigtearo, teo'Sa. teg'Sian, wv., 412 x. 6. 414 INDEX teh, tei(g)'5a, see teon, teocia. tela, adv., 107. 2 and N. 2 ; 317. geteld, sn., 212 n. 1. teldan, sv., 360 n. 1 ; 387 N. 1. telga, win., 276 n, 3. a; 277. t^Uan, wv., 80 n. 2; 89. 1; 183. 1; 407. 1 and N. 5 ; 410 n. 4; 416 N. 9. t^mian, t^mman, wv., 400 N. 1. a, 2. tempel, sn., 140; 148. *ten? wv., 408 n. 18. ontenan, see ontynan. tendan, wv., 405 n. 11. a. teii(e), seetien(e). t^ng(e)an, wv., 405 N. 2. teo, num., see tien(e). *teog(e)an, wv., 414 N. 5. b. -teogo^a, see -tigo'Sa and teo^a. teoh(h), tiolih, sf., 84. 1; 220; 231. 1. teohhian, etc., wv., 84. l;220ajidN. 1 ; 411 N. 4. teola, teolian, see tela, tilian. teon, tlon, 'draw,' sv., 108. 2; 119; 163 and N. 1 ; 165. 1 and N. 1; 165. 2; 166. 3; 214 N. 5; 223; 366 N. 2 ; 367 ; 371 N. 4 ; 373; 374 N. 1, 3, 4, 5, 6 ; 380 ; 384. 2 ; 385 N. 3. teon, tlon, ' accuse,' sv., 84. 2 and n. 2 ; 114. 3; 367; 373; 378 N. 1; 383 and N. 1, 3. teona, wm., 277. teond, tiond, m., 286 N. 1. (liund)teontig, num., 113. 2; 166. 2; 326 a)id N. 1 ; 327 ; 331. hundteontigfald, num. , 330 N. 1. teoru, sn., 43. 2. a; 104. 1 ; 249. teo'Sa, num., 113. 2; 304 N. 1 ; 328. teran, sv., 390 n. 1. teso, adj., 104. 3. tiber, sn., 192 n. 2. tid, sf., 269 and n. 1,5. tiegan, wv., 31 n. tien(e), num., 113 n. 2; 195; 325 mid n.; 327 N. 3; 331. Tig, tigan, see TIw, tiegan. tigol, sf. ? 135. 1 ; 254. 2. -tigo'Sa, num., 105. 3 andv. 5; 328. tigSian, wv., 214. 3. tihtan, wv., 359 n. 1. , t il, adj., 1 05^N.3;294. tilian, tiolian^ wv. , 105. 2 and n. 3 ; 107 n. 4 ; 413 N. 1 ; 416 N. 14. a, 15. a. getimbre, sn., 248. 1. b. timbrend, f., 287. timbr(i)an, wv.,358n. 4; 404. 1. c; A06 and N. 5; 412 N. 2, 4. getincge, see getynge. tintregian, wv., 412 N. 9. tir, sm., 58 n. 1. titSian, see tig'Sian. TIw, pr. n., 250 n. 2. to, prep., 60 n. getog, -h, sn., 214 n. 1. toh, adj., 67; 222 n. 1 ; 223 N. 1 ; 295 n. 1. tdlic, adj., 222 n. 1. t(^m, adj., 294. top(p), sm., 189; 226. to«, sm.,66; 186. 1.6; 195 ; 281. 1 and n. 2. tow(e)ard, -word, adj., 43. 2.6, 3. a; 51. traef, sn., 103 and n. 2 ; 240 and n. 1. trag, adj., 57 n. 3. trahtian, wv., 10 ; 82 n. tredan, sv., 391 n. 1. (a)tr^ddan, wv., 371 N. 4 ; 400 N. 1. c. treo(w), sn., 73. 2 and N. 2; 113. 1; 150 n. 7 ; 156. 5 and n. 4; 195 ; 250. 2 and n. 4. treow, sf., 64; 100. 1. 6, 2 ; 259. getreowe, see getriewe. treowfaest, adj., 156. 5. getreowian, getrlow- (i)an, wv., 100. 2 ; 412 N. 7. treowleas, adj., 156. 5. treowleasnes, sf., 64 n. getreowlice, adv., 150 N. 7. treu(w)-, trew(u)-, see treow-. trewan, see(ge)triewan. (ge)trie\van, wv., 100. 2 ; 156. 5 ; 408. 2. getriewe, adj., 100. 1. 6 ; 156. 5 ; 159. 5. trifot, sn.? 192. 2. getriu, getriwe, gitriw- ia, triwleas, see triewan, getriewe, triewan, treowleas. truwian (trugian, tryg- iga), wv., 61; 116 N. ; 413 N. 6, 8; 416 N. 11, 17. 6. trymman, trymian, wv.,400 N. l.a, 2,4 ; 410 N. 5. tii, see twegen. tud(d)or, sn., 229. betuh, bituichn, see betwuh, betweonuin. INDEX 415 tun, sm., 61 ; 96. a. tuno;e, wf., 44 n. 1 ; 133. a, h ; 276 and n. 3. a, 6 ; 278. tuiigol, sn., 243. 3 and N. ; 244. 1, 2. timincel, sn., 248 n. 4. turf, f., 284. tusc (tux), sm., 204. 3. betux, see betwux. tuwa, adv., 107. 3 and N. 3 ; 317 ; 331. twa, num., twa, wm., see twegen, tweo. twegen (tweegen), twa, tu, num., COn.; 133. a; 172 and n. ; 324. 2a?idN. 2;327;328; 329 N. 3 ; 331. t^Y^lf (twself), num., 156. 1. h; 325 andi>i. tw^lfta, num., 328. hundtw^lftig, num., 326. tw^lfwintre, adj., 303 N. 2. twentig, num., 326 and N. 1, 2; 328; 331. twentigo'Sa,num,, 105. 3; 328. tweo, twio, wm., 114. 3 ; 156. 3 ; 166 n. 4 ; 277 N. 2. tweog(e)an, twiog(e)an, wv., 114. 3; 166 n. 4 ; 414 N. 5. b. betweoh, betwuh, prep., 71 and n. 1 ; 84. 2; 165 N. 2; 172 N. ; 329 N. 1. tweonian, wv., 114. 3. betweon(um) (betwin- [um], betwi[e]n, etc.), prep., 222. 2 and N. 4 ; 329 n. 1. tweowa, see tuwa. betweox, betwux, prep., 71 ; 84 N. 1 ; 172 N. ; 204. 3 ; 209 ; 329 N. 1. twia, -e, see tuwa. twia. North., see tweo and t\veog(e)an. twi(e)f(e)ald, -fold, adj., 43. 2. 6; 51; 330 and n. 1. twifeallice (-fallice), adv., 198. 3; 330 and N. 1. twig, sn., 105 N. 1; 164. 2. twiga, twlga(n), see tuwa, tweog(e)an. twill, num., 329 n. 1. betwih, see betweoh. getwinne, num., 329 N. 3. twiwa, betwix (be- twiux, betwox, be- twux), twoegentig, twufald, twuga, betwuh, twy(n), betwyh, betwynan, see tuwa, be- tweox, twentig, twi(e)f(e)ald, tuwa, betweoh, tweo, be- tweoh, betweonum. tydde, see tyn. tyht, sm., 266. tyhtan, wv., 405 n. 11. b. tylg, adv., 323. tyn, wv., 117 n. ; 230 n. 1j_408n. 18;410n. 1. ontynan, wv., 96. a; 154. getynge, adj., 215 n. 2. oftyrfan, wv., 405 n. 1. tyrnan, wv., 406 n. 2. ^accian, wv., 10; 412 N. 4. ■Sseder, adv., 321 x. 3. ^8eh, ge'Saeht, Ssenc- (e)an, "Saene, 'Ssenne, see "Seah, ge'Seaht, Sencean, s6, "Sonne. ^Sr, adv. j^ 321 and n. 2 (see "Sar, -a). ^aerf , "Ssersca, see 'Sear, ■Serscan. "Sseslice, adv., 349. "Saette, conj., 201. 4. a. (ge)5afian, wv., 160. 4 and N. 1 ; 412 n. 5 ; 413 N. 3, 5. ^ah, 'Sanne, see i^eah, 'Sonne. 'Sar(a), adv., 321 n. 2 (see "Sser). 'Sarsca, see ^erscan. «e, part, rel., 340. 'S^, pron., see Sii. ge Seafian , see geSafian . «eah,conj.,108. 2;163 N. 1. geSeaht, sfn., 162. 1; 261 ; 269. «earf, si, 158. 1. "Searfende, ^earsca, see "Surfan, "Serscan. "Seaw, sm., 250. 1. ^ec, see 'Su. 'S^cc(e)an, wv., 207; 407. 1 and n. 9. -"Segen, part., 391 n. 8. "Segn, sm., 141 ; 185; 214. 3. "Segnian, wv., 214. 3; 412 N. 2; 413 N. 3. «egu, sf., 253. 'Seh (ace), ^eh, "Sen, see Sii, "Seah, 'Segn, 'S^nc(e)an, wv., 67 ; 89 N. 5; 125; 184 N. ; 206.3. b; 215 n. 1 ; 407. 1. «eng, 'S^n(g)'S, see "Segn, 'S^nc(e)an. "S^nian, ^^nnan, wv., 175 N.; 176n.2;358 N. 5. c ; 400 N. I. a, 2; 401. 2; 410 n. 5. 'Senian, see ^egnian. -Seod, sf., 64; 100. 2; 150 N. 2. -"Seodan, see -^iedan. ge'Seode, ge'Siode, sn., 100. 2. 416 INDEX Deodning, pr. n., 215. Seoh, sm., 242. 2 and N. 2. 'Seon, Mon, sv., 40. 3 ; 84. 2; 114. 3; 1(36 N. 4 ; 186 N. 4 ; 234. c; 359 N. 6; 373; 374 N. 6; 383 and N. 1, 2, 3; 386 N. 2; 408 N. 18. "Seostre, see 'Siestre. ^'eotan, sv., 384 n, 1. a; 385. '5eo(w), sm., 73. 2 and N. 2 ; 113. 1 and n. 1; 150 N. 2; 174. 1; 250. 2 and n. 4. •Seow, adj., 301. "Seowa, 'Siowa, see ^iwa. "Seowian, wv. , 150 n. 7 ; 412 N. 2; 413. N. 7; 416 N. 15. a, 17. b. 'Seowincel, 'Siowincel, sn., 248 N. 4. "Seowu, Siowu, sf., 258 N. 2. •Serb, see "Surli. "Serscan, sv. , 79 n. 2 ; 389 and n. 2. -Serscold, sm.,183. 2.6. ■Ses, pron., 42. 2; 105 N. 5, 6, 7, 8 ; 166 n. 6; 180; 338. "Sewan, wv., 408 n. 12. 'Shuehl, see 'Sweal. "Sia, see '5eon. •Sicce, adj., 207 n. 2. '5icg(e)an, swv., 54. b; 57 N. 3 ; 391 n. 8 ; 400 N. 1. &;401n. 1. "Sider, adv., 321 and N. 3. ge-, uiiderSiedan (-•(Siodan), wv., 100. 2;405n. 3;406n.3. ^iestre, adj., 100. 1. b; 159. 5. 'Signen(u), sf., 214. 3; 258 x\. 2. "Sin, gen., see ^li. "^in, pron., 59; 188 n. 5; 335. '5inc(e)an, see '5ync- (e)an. ^indan, sv. , 386 n. 1. '5men(u), see 'Sign- en (u). «ing, sn., 199. 2. "Sing^, see '5ync(e)an. 'Singian, wv., 413 n. 5. '5ird(d)a, see 'Sridda. '5lsl(e), swf., 221. 2. 'Sill, sf., 150 N. 7. 'Siiiwa, see 'Siwa. ^iuwas, 150 N. 7. '5iwa, f., 156. 5. "Siwgan, ^ixl, see '5eow- ian, ^Isle. «o, wf., 67; 115; 218 N. 3; 278 N. 2. ^oa, "Soelga, see IS wean, 'Solian. ge'Softa, wm., 193. 1; 199 N. 1. thohse, "Sohte, see 'So, 'S^nc(e)an. ^olian, wv. , 355 n. 3; 411 N. 5; 416 N. 11. a, 16. 'S^n, pron., see s6. S^nan, adv., 321. 'Sgnces, adv., 320. ^Qncian, wv., 411 n. 4 ; 412 N. 7. ^one, see sd. "Sonne, adv., 4 n. 2 ; 65 N. 2. "Sorf elide, see ^urfan, Sorh, see ^urh. "Sorn, sm., 199 n. 1 ; 273. ^racu, sf., 253 and N. 1. ge^rsecen, part., 392 N. 1. for'Srsestan, wv., 405 N. 11. •Srag, sf., 254. 1. thrauu, see Srea. ^rawan, sv., 378 n. 1 ; 396. 2. c. •Srea, sf., 111. 1 ; 173. 1 ; 259 N. ; 277 n. 2,3. '5reag(e)an, wv., 416. 1 and N. 5. "Sreatian, wv., 412 n. 8, 9; 413 N. 6; 414 N. 4. 'Srea(u)ng, sf., 119. 'Srega(n), see 'Srea- g(e)an. ^reiga, see ^reag(e)an. ^reo, see 'Sri(e). a'Sreotan, sv., 384 n. 1. a. "Sreotian, see 'Sreatian. 'Sreoteo'Sa, num., 328. ^reotiene, 'Sreottyne, num., 230 N. 1; 325. ^reowa, see 'Sriwa. 'Srescan, see Serscan. 'Sridda, num., 328 ; 331 N. 'Sri(e),num,33N. ;114. 1, 4 ; 150 N. 7 ; 166 N. 6 ; 199. 2 ; 324. 3 and N. 2 ; 326 N. 2 ; 327 ; 328 ; 329 n. 3 ; 331. 'Sri(e)feald, adj., 330 and N. 1, 2. aSriestrian,wv.,196. 1. ^ri(g)a, -e, see 'Sriwa. 'Srims, sm., 186. 2. b. brines, 'Srinnes, sf . , 230 N. 1. "Sringan, sv., 386 n. 1,4. 'Srinna, num. , 329 n. 2. 'Srintan, sv., 386 n. 1. 'Sris(t.)nes, sf.,196N. 3. •Sritig, Srittig, num. , 214 N. 1 ; 230 n. 1 ; 326 and n. 1. "Srlu, see 'Srl(e). 'Sriwa (Sriuwa), num., 73.3; 150 N. 7; 317; 331. INDEX 417 «roh, sn., 242. 2. 'Srosm, smn., 142. 'Srotu, wf.,278N. 1. a. '5row(e)re, sin., 248. 1. 'Srowian, wv., 355 n. 2, 3; 411 N. 5; 412 N. 3, 4, 5, 11; 413 N. 1, 3. geSruen, part., 385 N. 1. '5ruh, f., 116 N.; 223 n. 1 ; 284 and n. 1, 2, 8,4. «mstfel, sn., 289 n. 3. alSriiten, part. , 385 n. 1. ^rycc(e)an, wv,, 221 n. 1 ; 358 N. 5. a ; 359. 5 and n. 9; 407 n. 16, 17, 18. *'5ryn, wv., 117. land N. ; 408 N. 18. of 5rysc(e)an, wv. , 203. 3.6; 405 N. 8. c. "Srysman, wv., 404 n. 1. b. ■Sry'5, sf., 269. t5ry ttene, see ^'reotlene. •Sii, prou., pi. ge, gie, etc., 42 N. ; 74; 150 N. 7 ; 156. 5 ; 173 n. 1 ; 175. 2 ; 182 ; 188. 2 ; 210. 3 ; 332 ; 340. thuachl, see 'Sweal. "Sullic, adj., 100 n. 3; 349. ^ungen, -on, see 'Seon. •Sunor, sm., 70; 245. 'Sunw^nge, -WQnge, swn., 215 N. 2; 280 N. 1. ge'Suren, part., 385 n. 1 ; 390 N. 1. ^urfan, anv., 232. a; 360 N. 3; 422. 6 and N. 3. "Surh (^urg), prep., 56 N. 1 ; 223 N. 1. t5usend,nuin., 327 and N. 3 ; 328 ; 329 n. 3. "Stisendfeald, adj., 329 N. 3. Msendgetel, sn., 328. «uslic, adj., 100 n. 3 ; 349. Mtan, sv., 384 n. 1. a ; 385. Swa, "Swai, see Swean. ge'5w£erl£ec(e)an, wv., 201 N. 6. ■Swahl, see "Sweal. "Sweal, sn., 222. 2 and N. 4. ^wean,sv.,98. a; 111. 2 ; 162 N. 1 ; 166. 1 ; 172; 214 N. 5; 368 N. 4 ; 373 ; 374 n. 2, 3, 4, 5 ; 377 n. ; 378 N. 1 ; 392. 2 and n. 7. ^weorli, adj., 79 n. 1 ; 164. 1 ; 2i8 N. 2 ; 295 N. 1. "Sweran, sv., 390 n. 1. "Swerh, see "Sweorh. "Swlnan, sv., 382 n. l.a. "Switan, sv., 199. 2; 382 N. 1. a. ^wyrian, wv., 218 n. _2; 400 N. 1. "Sydaeges, adv., 320. ge«yld,snf.,267.?); 269. -Syle, sm., 263. 1. %llic, adj., 100 N. 3; 349. «vn, wv., 222. 1 ; 408 N. 18. '5ync(e)an, wv., 31 n. ; 186 N. 4 ; 215 n. 1 ; 221. 1; 407.1 and N. 13. tSynne, adj., 298 n. «yrel, sn., 218. 1. 'Syrfende, see "Surf an. 'Syrnihte, adj., 299. tSyrre, adj., i78. 2. b. «yrs, sm., 266. -Syrst, sm., 266. "Syrstan, wv., 405. 5. -Syslic, adj., 100 n. 3; 349. "Sywan, wv., 408 n. 12, 18. ufan (ufane, ufenne, ufenan), adv., 55; 231 N. 3; 314; 321 and N. 1. ufemest, sup., 314. ufer(r)a, comp., 55; 314 and n. 1. Uffe, pr. n., 192. 1. ufor, adv., 55. uhte, -a, wnm. ? 186 N. 4; 276 N. 3. b; 280 N. 2; to iihtes, adv., 320. un-, neg., 56 n. 1. unafsehtenlic, adj. , 388 N. 2. unascriuncanlic, adj., 386 N. 4. unc(er), -it, see ic. uncer, poss. pron., 147 ; 335. un(d)- in numerals, see the second element of the compound. unforciiS, adj., 43 n. 4. ungebleo(h), adj., 297 N. 2 ; 301 N. 2. ungelic, adj., 212 n. 1. ungemet, -mete(s), adv., 212 N. 1 ; 319. unge^inged, part., 414 N. 2. unge wealdes, adv. , 320. ungew^mmed, adj., 212 N. 1. ungewisses, adv., 319. ungnie'Se, adj., 303 N. 2. unigmetes, unilic, un- iw^mmed, see unge- metes, -gellc, -ge- w^mmed. unl«d(e), adj., 299 N. 1. unmvndlunga, adv., 318. unnan, anv., 6 n. 2; 422. 4 and n. 1. unrotsian, wv., 411 N. 4. 418 INDEX unstydful, adj., 263 N. 5. unSinged, part., 414 N. 2. unNQiices, adv., 320. untreowsian, wv., 411 N. 4. untruinian (untryin- ian), wv , 413 n. 7 ; 416 X. 11. /. untweiidlic, adj., 166 N. 4. unwilles, adv., 320. up(p), adv., 189; 231. 1; 321. uppan, adv., 321. uppe, adv., 321. up(p)weard(es), adv., 319. lire, gen., see ic. ur(e), poss. pron., 335 ; 336. us, see ic. I'lsa, pron., 335 n. user, pron., 180; 335 N. ; 336 N. usic, see ic. ut, titan, adv., 321. ute, adv., 314 ; 321. iit(e)mest, comp., 314. iiterra, comp., 314 and N. 1, uSg^nge, adj., 186 n. 3. utlah, sm., 214 n. 1. uton, see waton. vipere, wf., 276 n. 3. c. wacca, see wacian. wacian, wv., 89 n. 1 ; 411 N. 5; 416 N. 10. wacor, adj., 228. wadan, sv., 392 x. 1. wtecca, see wacian and w^cc(e)an. wiecce, wf., 89 n. 1 ; 206. 3. b. wseccende, see wacian. w^ccer, adj., 228. W8ec(e)an, wv., 407 n. 16, 17. wtecian, see wacian. wfecnan, sv., 392 n. 2. wsed, sn., 240. w«dan, wv., 405 n. 3 ; 406 N. 6. (ge)wsede, sn., 156. 1. c; 248. 1. b^ H wsedelnes (wcec^'elnes), sf., 201. _3. wsedla (waj^'la), wni., 201. 3. wSg, sm., 266. w^ge, sn., 248. 1. b. wtegn, sm., 141 ; 214. 3. wsehte, see w^cc(e)an. wsel, sn., 240. waela, see wela. WcBlhreow, -hreaw, adj., 43. 2. a; 217. wyelle, W8elta(n), wseinn, wgemnian, wsen, see wiella, wieltan, wsep- en, w£epn(i)an, wsegn. wsepen, sn., 141 ; 156. 1. c; 189; 243. 3; 244. 2. wsep(en)man, m., 188. L wsepn(i)an, wv., 189; 406 N. 5. woer, adj., 178. 2. c; 294. wseras, see wer. Wserburg, pr. n., 284 N. 6. wserc, awsergan, see weorc, awierg(e)an. wserna, wm., 179. 1. wsesma, wm., 221. 2. wsestm, sm., 142; 196. 1 ; 22 L 2. wsestmbsere, adj., 299. wsetan, wv., 405 n. 8. b. waeter, sn., 148; 243. 3; 245. WcBtran, wv., 406 n. 5. wsex(an), wala, see weax(an), wela. Waldere, pr. n., 217. walla, see willan. -waran, w. pi., 263 n. 7 ; 276 N. 2, 3. c ; 277. waras. North., see wer. -waras, pi., 263 n. 7. -ware, -a, pi., 263 n. 7. war(e)nian, wv., 50 n. 1; 411 N. 4. warian, wv., 411 n. 4. waro'S, sm., 103 and N. 2. warp, see weorpan. war'S, see weortJan. -waru, sf., 263 n. 7. was, see wesan. wascan, sv., 10; 204. 3 ; 392 N. 1. wawan, sv., 62 n. ; 396. 2. c. waxan, see wascan. w^, see ic. wea, wm., 62 n. ; 118 N. 1. wea, adj., 301 n. 2. weahsan (weahxan). Weal, see weaxan, Wealh. gewealc, sn., 267 n. 1. wealcan, sv., 396. 1. a. weald, sm., 273. geweald, sn., 43. 2. b. wealdan, sv., 205 n. 2 ; 359. 2 ; 396. 1. a. wealdend, m., 286 and N. 2. wealdend, f., 287. gewealdes, adv., 320. Wealh, wealh, pr. n., sm., 35 N. 2; 80 N. 1; 98. a; 218. 1; 223; 242. 1. weal(l), sm., 239. 2. weallan, sv., 80 n. 2 ; 81 N. 1; 98. a; 387 N. 1 ; 396. 1. a. wealwian, wv., 411 N. 4. INDEX 419 weametto, f., 201. 4. b. wearan, see waran. -weard, adj., 43. 2. 6, 3. a and n. 3. -weard (es), adv., 319. wearo'S, see waro'S. weas, adv., 319. weax, sn., 162. 2. weaxan, sv., 82 ; 98. a; 108. 2; 162. 1; 165. landfi. 1 ; 201. 6 ; 221. 2 and n. 3 ; 359. 7, 8 and n. 8; 371 N. 2, 3; 392 n. 4 ; 396 N. 3. w^bb, sn., 190. w^cc(e)an, wv., 89. 1 ; 162 N. 3 ; 356 N. 2 ; 407. 1 and n. 9. w^cg, sm., 247. a. w^cg(e)an, wv., 400 N. 1. 6; 401. 2 and N. 1. gewed, sn., 267. a. wedan, wv., 405 n. 3. w^d(d), sn., 247. b. bew^dclian, wv., 414 N. 4. wede, see wSde. weder, sn., 148. gewef, sn., 263 n. 3. wefan, sv., 53; 107.2; 190 ; 391 N. 1. weg, sm., 156. 1 ; 164 N. 2; 171 N. 1; 172 N. ; 214. 2 ; 241 n. 1 ; onweg, adv., 188 N. 3 (aweg, see on), wegan, sv., 57 n. 3; 214 N. 1 ; 359 N. 4 ; 391 N. 1, 9. weig, see weg. wel, adv., 156. 1. a; 315 N. 3. wela,wm.,104. r;107. 2 and n. 2 ; 156. 3 ; 160 N. 2 ; 276 n. 2, 3. a, c ; 277. "Weland, pr. n., 58. welciiu, pi., 243 N. wel(e)gian, wv., 411 N. 4. weleras, sm., 104 x. 2. welgeliwger, (ge)wel- hw£er, adv., 321 n. 2. welhwffit, pron,, 347. (ge)welliwelc, pron., 347. *wellan, sv., 387 n. 1. w^Ue, see wiella. weliyrgcB, wellere, wf., 176. w^mman, wv., 405. 3. wen, sf., 68 n. 2; 269. *weu? wv., 408 n. 18. wenan, wv., 355 n. 4; 356 N. 3 ; 358 N. 1 ; 405. 1. a. w^ndan, wv., 156. 1. b; 405 N. 11. a; 406 N. 3, 6;.410n. 5. w^nge, swv., 280 n. 1. weninga, adv., 318. w^nnan, w^nian, wv., 400 N. 1. a. weobud, weocu, weodu, weoduwe, see weo- fod, wucu, wudu, wuduwe. weofod, sn., 43 n. 4 ; 84. 2 ; 222 x. 1. weogas, see weg. Weoh-, Wiohstan, pr. n., 84. 2. Weoht(-), Wiolit(-), see Wiht(-). weola, see wela. weoloc, sm., 105 n. 1. weolocread, adj., 71 N. 1 ; 188 N. 2. weoras, see wer. jsveorc, sn., 72; 164. 1 I and N. 1; 210. 4; ; 238 N.. 1. _ iforweoren, part., 382 N. 3 ; 384 N. 3. weorm, weorod, weo- rold, see wyrm, werod, worold. weorpan, sv., 42. 1 72; 79.1 ; 100. 1. a 156. 2; 158. 1 ; 189 369; 371 n. 2, 4, 6 377 N. ; 378 n. 1 ; 388 and N. 2, 4, 5, 6. weorS, sm., 100. 1. a. weorSan, sv., 72; 79. 1; 156. 2; 158. 1: 199. 2; 350; 358 n. 7 ; 359. 6 and x. 7 ; 371 N. 2, 4, 6; 377 N. ; 378n. 1; SSSand N. 2, 4, 5. weor5ian,wv., 72; 156. 2 ; 411 N. 4 ; 412 n. 4, 5, 6, 8, 10; 413 N. 6. weorSig, see wor^ig. weorSmynt, sf., 255. 3. weosan, sv., 370 n. 8; 382 N. 3. weosnian, wv., 382 n. 3. weotan, weotod, see witan, witod. weotuma, wm., 104. 4. w'epan, sv., 396. 2. b and N. 9. wepen, wepnan, see wSpen, wffii3n(i)an. wer, sm., 104. 1 ; 156. 3; 160 N. 2; 171 n. 1; 172; 181. 1; 241 N. 1. werc(hes), aw^^rda(n), see weorc, awierdan. forweren, part., 382 N. 3. aw^rgan, see awierg- (e)an. w^rgian, wv., 411 n. 4. w^rian, wv., 176 ; 227 ; 400 N. 1; 409 N. 1. gew^rian, wv., 400 n. 1. werod, sn., 104 n. 2 ; 135. 2 ; 243. 2. werod, adj., 104 n, 2. 420 INDEX wesan, sv. , 49 ; 1 56. 2 ; 202 ; 350 ; 370 n. 7 ; 391 N. 1 ; 427. 3 and N. 9, 10 ; pret. was, lias, 49 N. 1 ; nits, iiffiroii, 172 N. ; 427. 3. west, adv., 314 ; 321. westan, adv., 321. awestan, wv., 405 n. 11 ; 406 N. 3. westen, sn., 231. 4 ; 246; 248. 2 and n. 2, 3. westerra, comp., west- uiest, sup., 314. we'Sla, see wiedla. we trail, wexa(ii), see wsetian, weaxaii. wh-, see liw-. wiada, Wiahtred, wia- rald, wibed, see wudu, Wihtred, wo- rold, weofod. wican, sv., 364 n. 1 ; 382 N. 1. a. wicg, sn., 247. b. wicu, see wucu. wid, adj., 315. wide, adv., 315. widla, wm., 201. 3. widlian, w^., 201. 3. wid(u)we, see wuduwe. gewielc, sn., 267. a. wieldan, wv., 405 n. 11. a. wTelincel, sn., 248 n. 4. wielisc, adj., 98. a. wiell, sm., 266. wiella, wm., 159. 3. wielm, sm., 98. a. wieltan, wv., 405 n. 11. 6; 406 N. 7. wielwan, wv., 173. 2; 408. 1 and n. 7. dwierdan, wv., 405 n. 11. a; 406 N. 7. (d)wierg(e)an, wv., 159. 2; 162 n. 5; 213 N. ; 214 N. 11 ; 405 N. 2; 406 N. 1,6. wiergen, sf., 133. c; 258. 1. wiernan, wv., 405 n. 1. wierpan, wv., 405 n. 8. a. wier(re)sta, sup., 71 n. 2; 72 N. ; 156. 4; 312. wiers, adv., 323. wiersa, coiup., 71 n. 2 ; 159 N. 3 ; 180 ; 312. wiersian, wv., 156. 4. wierSe, adj., 71 n. 2; 100. 1. a; 156. 4; 159 N. 3. wietan, see witan. gewif, sn., 263 n. 3. wif, sn., 59; 239. 1. b. wifian, wv., 412 n. 9. wifniQn, 111., 193. 2; 281 N. 1. wifod, see weofod. wiga, wm., 107 n. 3; 214 N. 5; 277. wigbed, see weofod. wigend, m., 24 n. ; 286. wiht, see wuht. Wiht, pr. n., 84. 1 ; 284 N. 7. Wihtgar, pr. n., 84. 1 ; 273 and n. 2. Wilithering, pr. n., 215. Wihthun, pr. n., 84. 1. Wihtred, pr. n., 150 N. 6. wild(d)eor,wildor, sn., 231. 3; 289. Wilde, adj., 201. 2. gewile, gewill, sn., 263. 2 and n. 3. willa, wm., 276 n. 3. b. willan, an v., 355 n. 4 ; 360 N. 3, 5 ; 428 and notes. Cf. nellan. willes, adv., 320. wilnian, wv., 411 n. 4. wimman, see wifm^n. win, sn., 171 n. 2. wincian, wv., 411 n. 4. windan, sv., 366 n. 2; 386 N. 1. wine, sm., 133. a; 172; 262 ; 263 n. 2. Winebald, Winelac, pr. n., 263 n. 5. win(e)ster, adj., 186. 2.6. win(g)eard, sm., 214. 7. winnan, sv., 359. 1 ; 386 N. 1. winter, sm., 44 n. 2 ; 139; 148; 273 and N. 2, 3. gewintred, part., 414 N. 2. wir, sm., 58 N. 1. wircaii, wiri(g)an, wis- aii, wiscan, see wyrc- (e)an, wierg(e)an, weosan, wysc(e)an. wise, f., 276 n. 3. b.c; 278. wisian, wv., 230 n. 1 ; 411 N. 4 ; 412 N. 2. wisnian, wv., 382 n. 3. gewis(s), adj., 226; 232. d. wissian, see wisian. wist,sf., 267 N. 2; 269. wit, see ic. wita, wm., 107. 3 and N. 3; 276 N. 3. a; 277. witan, an v., 54. a ; 62 ; 105 N. 1 ; 107. 3 and N. 3; 131; 172; 195; 196. 1 ; 226 ; 232. c, d ; 378 N. 4 ; 420. 1 and N. 1. fetwitan, sv., 382 n. l.,a. ge witan, sv., 105 n. 1 ; 376 N. ; 382 n. 1. a. wite, sn., 248. 1. witga, wm., 276 n. 3. 6, c ; 277. witgian, wv., 411 n. 4. INDEX 421 bewitian, wv., 416 n. 14. d. witnian, wv., 411 n. 4 ; 414 N. 3. witod, part., witodlice, adv., 410 N. 14. d. wixla(n), see wrixlan. wlacu, wisec, adj., 303. wlsece, sn., 263. 2. wlseffetere, wm., 192. 1. wl^cc(e)an, wv., 407 N. 16, 17. wl^nc(e)an, wv., 405 N. 8. c. wl^nc(e)o, f., 206. 3. b. wlips, wlisp, adj., 204. 3. wlitan, sv., 172; 382 N. 1. a. wlite, sm., 263. 1 and N. 5. wlitgian, wv., 412 n. 7. wloh, f.,218N. 3.; 284 and N. 4. gewloh, adj., 295 n. 1. wlgnc, adj., 172; 210. 4. wocor, sf., 254. 1 ; 255. 2. wee-, see w^-, we-, woffian, wv., 192. 1. woh, sn., 242. 2 and N. 1. woh, adj., 67; 115 ; • 222. 2 and n. 1 ; 223 ; 295 N. 1 ; 304 n. 4. wolc(e)n (wolc), sn., 188 N. 2 ; 243 n. wolc(n)read, see weo- locread. Wolfwol>u, pr. n., 273 N. 3. wolic, adj., 222 n. 1. wollenteare, adj., 387 N. 1. wom(a), swm., 68. WQn(a), adj., 291 n. 2. WQndrian, wv., 411 n. 4. WQng, sm., 273 n. 1. WQnge, wn., 280 n. 1. WQnn, adj., 295 n. 2. owope, see on. wore, see weorc. word, sn., 55 ; 134. 6; 172; 238; 267. &. f orworen, part. , 382 N. 3. worms, see worsm. worold, sf., 72; 104 n. 2; 150 N. 3; 156 n. 2. woroldlic, adj., 43. 1. worpan, see weorpan. worsm, sn., 179. 2 ; 185. wor'San, see weor'San. wor'Sig, sm., 72. worSiga, see weor'Sian. wos(s)a, see wesan. wraeu, sf., 253 and n. 1,2. wrgec, sf., 276 n. 3. b. wr0ece(e)a, see wr^e- c(e)a. wr^'San, wv., 405 n. 5. wrastlian, wraxlian, wv., 10. wrean, see wreon. wrecan, sv., 391 n. 1, 5. wr^ec(e)a, wm., 89 n. 1; 276 N. 3. 6; 277. WT^ec(e)an, see w^cc- (e)an. wreg(e)an, wv., 405 N. 2. wr^nc, sm., 266. wrenna, see wserna. wreon, wrion, sv., 8 N. 3; 84. 2; 114. 3; 164 N. 5; 166 n. 4, 5; 373; 374 n. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6 ; 376 n. ; 383 and n. 2 ; on- wreon, 214 n. 5. wr^^'San, wr^'Sian, wv., 400 N. 1.6, 2. wria, wria, see wreon. wridan, sv., 382 n. 1. a. wrlga(n), see wreon. wringan, sv., 386 n. 1. (ge)writ, sn., 171 n. 1 ; 241. writan, sv., 172; 376 ■. N. ; 378 N. 3 ; 382 n. 1. a. wrixl, sn., 84. 1; 108. 1. wrixlan, wv., 100 n. 1 ; 164.2; 180; 221. 2; 404. 1. c. wrot,sf.,17lN. 1; 172. wrotan, sv., 396. 2. b. wrums, see worsm. wucu, wf., 71 ; 164. 2 ; 276 N. 3. a ; 278 n. 1. wudu, sm., 71 ; 105. 1 ; 107 N. 3; 150 N. 5; 271 and n. 1, 2. wudu we, wf., 71 and N. 1 ; 105. 1 and n. 1; 156.4; 276 n. 3. c, 5 ; 278. Wuffa, pr. n., 192. 1. wuhhung, sf., 220 and N. 1. wuht, wiht, f., 71; 84. 1 ; 100 N. 1 ; 164. 2 ; 267. b and n. 3 ; 269 and N. 4; 347. wuldor, sn., 201. 2. wuldrian, wv., 411 n. 4 ; 412 N. 4. wulf, sm., 55; 192. 1, 2aw(ZN. 2; 239. l.a. Wulf hat, pr. n., 224. Wulfsig(e), pr. n., 263 N. 5. wulle, wf., 55; 95. gewuna, adj., 291 n, 2. wund, sf., 172; 254.1. wundian, wv., 411 n. 4 ; 414 N. 2, 4. wundor, sn., 243. 3. wundrian, wv., 411 n. 4 ; 412 N. 2, 6, 9, 11 ; 413 N. 6. 422 INDEX wunian, wv., 70; 175 N. ; 411 N. 5; 412 n. 10, 11; 413 N. 3; 416 N. 16. wurd-, wuriotto, wur- mas, wurms, wurste, wurt-, wiir5(i)an, s^ wyrd, writ, wyrm, worsm, wiersta, wyrt-, weor^(i)an. wuta, see wit an. wuton, int., 71 ; 105. 1 ; 172 N. wutudlice, see witod- lice. wyduwe, wyel, wyht, wylewian, see wu- duwe, wealh, wuht, wielwan. wylf, sf., 258. 2. wylian, see wielwan. wyllen, adj., 95. wyn(n), sf., 171 and N. 2 ; 269. Wynnefeld, pr. n., 284 N. 7. wynsumian, wv., 360 N. 3; 412 N. 11. wyrc(e)an, wv., 164. 2 ; 356 N. 1 ; 358 N. 1 ; 360 N. 3 ; 407. 1 and N. 14. forwyrc(e)an, wv., 407 N. 14. wyrcta, see wyrhta. wyrd, sf., 72 n. ; 172; 269 and n. 2. forwyrd, sn., 267. b. gewyrfe'5, 3 sing., 371 N. 6. awyrg(e)an, wv., 405 N. 2. gewyrht, snf., 267. 6; 269 and n. 4. wyrhta, wm. , 221 n. 1, 2. wyrian, see wierg(e)an. wyrm, sin., 72 n. ; 133. a; 265. wyrms, wyrmsan, see worsm, wyrsman. wyrp, sm., 266. wyrresta, wyrsa, wyrs- ian, see wierresta, wiersa, wiersian. wyrsman, wv., 185; 404. 1. c. wyrst, sf., 179. 1. wyrt, sf., 72 n. ; 269. wyrta, see wyrhta. 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