V 
 
 lley 
 RARY 
 
 u.iiVERSITY Of 
 CALIFORNIA 
 
 Thornton & J 
 Bookseller! 
 
AN 
 
 OLD ENGLISH GRAMMAR 
 
 BY 
 
 EDUARD SIEVERS 
 
 Professor of Germanic Philology in the 
 
 UiJIVERSITY OF LeIPSIG 
 
 TRANSLATED AND EDITED BY 
 
 ALBERT S. COOK 
 
 Professor of the English Language and Literature 
 IN Yale University 
 
 THIRD EDITION 
 
 GINN AND COMPANY 
 
 BOSTON • NEW YORK • CHICAGO • LONDON 
 
Entered at Stationers' Hai-l 
 
 Copyright, 1885, 1887, 1903 
 By albert S. COOK 
 
 all rights reserved 
 89.10 
 
 GINN AND CDMI'ANY • I'KO- 
 PRIliTORS • BOSTON • U.S.A. 
 
SSI 
 
 AUTHOR'S PREFACE TO FIRST EDITION 
 
 About a year ago the publisher of the ' Series of Brief 
 Grammars of the Germanic Dialects ' invited me to prepare 
 the Old English member of the series. At that time the 
 pressure of other duties did not justify me in promising him 
 more than a revision of an earlier set of lectures on Old 
 English grammar, adapted to conform to the general plan. 
 The brief sketch which follows, therefore, makes no pre- 
 tension to be anything more than such a revision, although 
 much has been added in the process of recopying which 
 was foreign to the original draft. 
 
 Hitherto, Old English grammars have virtually been 
 founded upon the language of the poetical texts. This is 
 to be deplored, especially when we consider that the manu- 
 scripts in which they are contained are uniformly late ; that 
 the texts themselves were composed at an earlier period, 
 and frequently in another dialect ; and that in our present 
 versions ancient forms are almost hopelessly jumbled with 
 more modern ones, and specimens of the most widely 
 separated dialects are occasionally united in the same 
 composition. 
 
 In the present treatise, on the other hand, the language 
 of the older prose writings has, to a greater extent than 
 heretofore, been chosen as the basis of grammatical inves- 
 tigation, since it is safe to assume that they represent in 
 some measure a single dialect. Besides the characteriza- 
 tion of the West Saxon, which is everywhere made the 
 most prominent, an attempt has also been made to give, 
 
 ill 
 
iv AUTHOR'S PREFACE TO FIRST EDITION 
 
 though in the most concise terms, the chief variations of 
 the other dialects. Moreover, the method followed has been 
 the historical : that is, I have endeavored to discriminate 
 between early and late forms in a somewhat more critical 
 manner than has been customary, at least in Germany. In 
 this respect, particularly, my work will need to be supple- 
 mented and corrected. Just here, however, I desire to 
 anticipate one objection which may be brought against my 
 statements. When a sound or a form is said to be ' earlier ' 
 or ' later,' these terms are to be understood as designating 
 the relative age of two corresponding sounds or forms, or 
 the great preponderance of the one or the other in docu- 
 ments of an earlier or later date, and must not be construed 
 as denying the isolated occurrence of 'later' forms in 
 earlier texts, or the reverse. In the present state of our 
 knowledge of Old English, it is not possible to proceed 
 with any nearer approach to accuracy ; as regards the exact 
 chronology of Old English sounds and forms, almost 
 everything is yet to be done. 
 
 The citations are not usually intended to be exhaustive, 
 since this was precluded by the very plan of the series. 
 Many details, which appear to be confined exclusively to 
 the language of poetry, have been intentionally omitted, 
 because I believe that the beginner should first acquaint 
 himself with the normal or typical forms of the language ; 
 it should be observed, however, that what is lacking in the 
 paragraphs treating of West Saxon will frequently be found 
 under the head of the other dialects. On the other hand, 
 I regret that my account of heterogeneous and heteroclitic 
 nouns is not more full and explicit. 
 
 In the phonology, and especially in that of the vowels, it 
 was impossible to avoid touching upon the theories of com- 
 parative philology. Here, again, the utmost attainable 
 brevity has been aimed at. In general, an elementary 
 
AUTHOR'S PREFACE TO FIRST EDITION V 
 
 knowledge of Gothic has been presupposed ; Old High 
 German and Old Saxon forms have been introduced only 
 in exceptional instances, and then only when they were 
 required to elucidate some difficulty. 
 
 The first effectual stimulus to a historical study of Old 
 English, and the first outlines of Old English dialectology, 
 we owe to Henry Sweet. In the introduction to his edition 
 of the Cura Pastoralis the peculiarities of Early West 
 Saxon were pointed out for the first time ; and his paper 
 entitled 'Dialects and Prehistoric Forms of English' 
 (Transactions of the Philological Society, 1875-76, pp. 
 453 ff.) first directed attention to the earliest documents, 
 and briefly characterized the principal dialects. Of prime 
 importance are likewise his investigations into the quantity 
 of Old English vowels (120, note) ; these were intended to 
 prepare the way for a new edition of his History of English 
 Sounds, London, 1874 — a work which leans rather to a 
 theoretical treatment of Old English phonology. Besides, 
 the grammatical introduction to Sweet's Anglo-Saxon 
 Reader (now in its third edition, Oxford, 1881, though I 
 have been able to consult only the second) contains many 
 valuable, and, what is deserving of special recognition in 
 this department of research, trustworthy particulars. 
 
 The history of certain parts of the Old English vowel- 
 system has been for the first time illustrated in the 
 researches of H. Paul into the Germanic vowel-system 
 (Beitrage zur Geschichte der Deutschen Sprache und Lite- 
 ratur 4. 315 ff., and 6. 1 ff.). To these should be added the 
 articles by Ten Brink (Zeitschrift fiir Deutsches Alterthum 
 19. 211 ff., Anglia 1. 512 ff.), and by J. Zupitza (Anzeiger 
 fur Deutsches Alterthum 2. 1 ff.). Of monographs on special 
 points but few have been published. Zupitza has fully 
 discussed the language of the important Kentish Glosses 
 (Zeitschrift fiir Deutsches Alterthum 19. 1 ff.); while, 
 
VI AUTHOR'S PREFACE TO FIRST EDITION 
 
 besides Sweet, P. J. Cosijn has shed light upon Early West 
 Saxon by his admirable studies of the Cura Pastoralis 
 and the Old English Chronicle (Taalkundige Bijdragen, 
 Haarlem, 1877 ff., 2. 115 ff., 240 ff.), as well as by his 
 Kurzgefasste Altwestsachsische Grammatik (I. Theil, Die 
 Vocale der Stammsilben, Leiden, 1881). The northern 
 dialects, moreover, which had been almost overlooked since 
 the labors of K. W. Bouterwek (Introduction to his edition 
 of the Four Gospels in the Old Northumbrian Language, 
 Giitersloh, 1857 ; the edition is totally useless so far as the 
 text is concerned) and of M. Heyne (Kurze Grammatik der 
 Altgermanischen Dialecte), have recently been made the 
 objects of study. The language of the Psalter (Appendix, 
 p. 222 ^) has been very critically elucidated by R. Zeuner 
 (Die Sprache des Kentischen Psalters, Halle, 1881), and 
 compared with that of the oldest Kentish texts ; the author, 
 relying upon an earlier opinion of Sweet's, regarded the 
 Psalter as Kentish, but this view is shown to be untenable 
 by his own statements in the treatise referred to. Finally, 
 a similar comprehensive investigation of the Northumbrian 
 documents is soon to be expected from Professor Albert S. 
 Cook. 
 
 To what extent I am indebted to these and other prede- 
 cessors for opinions or material can be easily determined 
 by comparison. To assure every one his due is rendered 
 impossible by the compass and plan of this sketch. 
 
 To my friend W. Braune I owe grateful acknowledg- 
 ments for his aid in the correction of proof-sheets, and for 
 many valuable suggestions with regard to the text itself. 
 
 E. SIEVERS. 
 Jena, February 1, 1882. 
 
 1 See now p. 3. — Tb. 
 
EDITOE'S PREFACE TO FIRST EDITION 
 
 While Sievers' Angelsachsische Grammatik was passing 
 through the press, I was a student of philology at the 
 University of Jena. The author had obligingly allowed 
 me to read the whole manuscript before it was placed in 
 the printer's hands, and now favored me with copies of the 
 proof-sheets as fast as they were issued. Under these 
 circumstances it was natural that, when the project of an 
 English version was mooted, I should offer myself as the 
 translator. I did so offer myself, and received from my 
 honored teacher his cordial permission to make such use of 
 his work as I might deem proper ; in other words, he left 
 it to my option to expand, curtail, or otherwise modify the 
 original in any way that commended itself to my judgment. 
 The permission thus generously accorded, it has been my 
 aim not to abuse. 
 
 The original plan of the grammar has been left intact. 
 Upon first view it seemed labyrinthine, and capable of much 
 simplification ; but I was soon persuaded, upon nearer exam- 
 ination, that the complexity of design was owing to the 
 multiplicity of phenomena presented by the three Old Eng- 
 lish dialects, and still further increased by the endeavor to 
 discriminate between the earlier and later stages of West 
 Saxon. The author might have made his Grammar easier 
 had he chosen to ignore facts which clamored for expla- 
 nation, instead of seeking to harmonize and account for 
 them J if the work is more difficult, it is also more scientific 
 
 vii 
 
viii EDITOR'S PREFACE TO FIRST EDITION 
 
 and comprehensive. Moreover, much of the apparent com- 
 plexity vanishes in actual use. The dialectal variations 
 may be entirely disregarded ; examples of Late West 
 Saxon are chiefly confined to the notes ; and the system of 
 cross-references will not only facilitate the settlement of a 
 doubtful point, but, if perseveringly utilized, will enable 
 the student readily to comprehend the relations between 
 the different parts of the whole organism — an organism 
 which is not the figment of scholastic invention, but 
 essentially natural and rational. 
 
 With the exception of one or two unimportant redistribu- 
 tions of matter, the modifications that have been made are 
 confined to excisions, additions, changes in terminology, and 
 changes in accent. The excisions are of such details as 
 were criticised in my review of the Grammar in the Ameri- 
 can Journal of Philology 6. 228, and need not be dwelt 
 upon in this place. 
 
 Important supplementary matter has been furnished by 
 articles in various philological journals. Among these may 
 be mentioned the papers contained in Englische Studien 
 6. 149 ff., 290 ff., and in Anglia 6. 171 ft'.; the valuable 
 contributions of F. Kluge to Kuhn's Zeitschrift fiir Ver- 
 gleichende Sprachforschung 26. 6S ff., the Beitriige zur 
 Geschichte der Deutschen Sprache und Literatur 8. 506 ff., 
 and to Anglia, Anzeiger zu Band 5. 81 ff.; but especially 
 the rich collections from Sievers' own hand (Beitritge 9. 
 197-300). So much of this store as promised to render 
 the Grammar more serviceable has been incorporated into 
 its pages, though frequently with such alterations of form 
 as to become practically unrecognizable, except upon careful 
 scrutiny. The First Half of Cosijn's Altwestsiichsische 
 Grammatik unfortunately came to hand too late to be of 
 any service. Besides the additions made to the body of the 
 
EDITOE'S PREFACE TO FIRST EDITION IX 
 
 work, the index has been amplified to include all the new 
 words under the head of Inflection. 
 
 The term ' Old English ' has been substituted through- 
 out for ^Anglo-Saxon.' This change will hardly call for 
 an extended justification. Whatever reasons may be ad- 
 vanced for the retention of the name 'Anglo-Saxon,' the 
 arguments in favor of ' Old English ' are manifestly, and, 
 to my mind, overwhelmingly superior. The latter rest 
 upon the practically invariable usage of our English fore- 
 fathers, and upon the need of marking, by a simple as well 
 as intelligible nomenclature, the succession of periods or 
 stages in the development of our language. At the very 
 beginning of the Preface to the English Chronicle, we are 
 told that 'in this island there are five languages: English 
 (Englisc), British, Scotch, Pictish, and Latin.' Alfred, in 
 his circular letter prefixed to the Pastoral Care, advises 
 that all freemen's sons be set to learning 'until such time 
 as they can interpret English (Englisc) writing well,' and 
 states that he has undertaken to ' render into English ' the 
 book known in Latin as ' Pastoralis.' A century later, 
 JElfric, speaking of his grammar, says : ' I, ^Ifric, have 
 attempted to translate this little book into English speech'; 
 further on, when treating of letters, he states that ' littera is 
 stcef in English' (p. 4 of Zupitza's edition) ; and again, that 
 *y is very common in English writings.' Again, in the Old 
 English version of the Gospels, the text of Matthew 27. 46, 
 interpreting the Aramaic, reads, 'that is in English 
 (Englisc), My God, my God, why hast thou forsaken me ? ' 
 And while ' English ' is thus repeatedly employed to denote 
 the language, ' Anglo-Saxon ' never once occurs in this 
 sense. But, if the application of the term English to the 
 speech of our ancestors is warranted by their own practice, 
 the phrase Old English is at least equally well supported 
 
X EDITOR'S PREFACE TO FIRST EDITION 
 
 by convenience, analogy, and sound philological princi- 
 ples. No one scruples to say Old Saxon, Old Norse, 
 or Old French, while the sequence of Old High German, 
 Middle High German, and Modern or New High German 
 (Brandt's German Grammar, § 485) is too well established 
 to be overthrown. The designation of the successive 
 epochs in the history of English by the same terms — 
 Old, Middle, and Modern — which have been so long and 
 consistently applied to the sister tongue, can therefore 
 hardly be regarded as constituting a serious innovation. 
 These adjectives carry their meaning on their face, and do 
 not require, for ordinary purposes, an interpretation at the 
 hands of the professional philologist ; yet, while sufficiently 
 flexible for popular use in their current acceptations, they 
 admit of strict scholarly definition, and are thus open to 
 no valid objection on either score. 
 
 With regard to accent, I have followed Sweet in the 
 third edition of his Reader; that is, I have uniformly 
 employed the acute, and placed it over the former of the 
 two elements in a long diphthong, thus differing from 
 Sievers, who writes simple long vowels with the circum- 
 flex, and places the acute over the second element of a long 
 diphthong. A uniform adherence to one or the other accent 
 is dictated by considerations of simplicity and economy, 
 while Sievers himself distinctly affirms that the stress in 
 every diphthong falls upon the first of the two components, 
 though he ignores the theory in his notation. 
 
 In conformity with Sweet's practice, I have designated 
 the o, standing for a before nasals, by 9, and the umlaut-e 
 by ^, original e being left unmarked. The j of the German 
 edition has been replaced by g, since it is not easy to dis- 
 cern any advantage in the retention of the manuscript 
 form. In the index, tf, whether initial or medial, has been 
 
EDITOR'S PEEFACE TO FIRST EDITION xi 
 
 made to follow t, instead of being inserted, when medial, 
 
 after d. . . . 
 
 In conclusion, it only remains to express the hope that 
 what is best in this treatise may be ascribed to Professor 
 Sievers, and that what is faulty in execution may be set 
 
 down to the unwisdom of its editor. 
 
 ALBERT S. COOK. 
 
 University of California, 
 
 Berkeley, Cal., March 19, 1885. 
 
AUTHOR'S PREFACE TO SECOND EDITION 
 
 [In the first paragraph, the author recapitulates the sub- 
 stance of the second, third, and sixth paragraphs of his 
 Preface to the First Edition, and then proceeds as follows:] 
 
 Under these circumstances, I have considered it advis- 
 able to incorporate into this new edition such assured 
 material as was ready to my hand. In addition to a num- 
 ber of special investigations, catalogued at the end of this 
 volume, my own collections have again been my chief 
 dependence. Some of these, accompanied by references to 
 the texts from which they were drawn, have been published 
 in Paul and Braune's Beitrage 9. 197 flP., but the labor of 
 making excerpts has been carried on uninterruptedly, so 
 as to include the texts which have been published in the 
 interval between that time and the present. That the 
 search has not brought to light any very considerable 
 number of important facts emboldens me to assume that 
 the more essential linguistic phenomena of Old English 
 have been observed and expounded with sufficient com- 
 pleteness. To furnish an exhaustive presentation of details 
 lay as little within tlie scope of the present as of the former 
 edition. It would have been easy for me to increase mate- 
 rially the number of examples under each head, had such 
 a procedure been consistent with the general plan of this 
 compend. Notwithstanding this limitation, I trust that 
 no considerable omissions will be discovered, except in two 
 branches of the subject, which I have been deterred from 
 revising more thoroughly, in deference to others who have 
 
 xn 
 
AUTHOE'S PREFACE TO SECOND EDITION xiii 
 
 undertaken to investigate them. Tlie Grammar of North- 
 umbrian, by Albert S. Cook, the admirable redactor of 
 the English version of this little treatise, already announced 
 in the Preface to the First Edition, has been considerably 
 advanced in the meantime, but not yet entirely finished ; 
 while the appearance of Sweet's Grammar of the Oldest 
 Texts is now unfortunately postponed by Sweet himself 
 (Oldest English Texts v ff.) to a quite indefinite future. 
 
 The manuscript of the new edition was virtually finished 
 by the end of 1884, and the printing began early in 1885. 
 Some of the more recent researches could not, therefore, 
 be utilized. On the other hand, I have to acknowledge a 
 debt of gratitude to those who have assisted me by the 
 loan of still unpublished texts. The advance sheets of 
 Sweet's Old English Texts were entrusted to me by the 
 kindness of their editor as early as 1882. Professor A. 
 Schroer has likewise courteously permitted me to use the 
 proof-sheets of his edition of the Benedictine Rule. Finally, 
 I am indebted to my friend F. Kluge for the loan of his 
 apograph of Byrhtferth's Enchiridion, since published in 
 Anglia 8. 298 ff. He has also revised the^ greater part of 
 the manuscript, and furnished me with a number of valuable 
 
 comments and addenda. 
 
 E. SIEVERS. 
 
 Tubingen, Mg-y 15, 1886. 
 
EDITOR'S PREFACE TO SECOND EDITION 
 
 In the present work I have endeavored to include all 
 that is essential in the second German edition. This has 
 demanded the rewriting of large portions, though the less 
 important details have again been omitted, and the para- 
 graph numbers do not in all cases correspond with those of 
 tlie German. The form of my first edition was in part 
 determined by the necessity of incorporating much new 
 matter, not found in my original, and its general outlines 
 have been preserved in this new one, even when previous 
 statements have been modified, and later discoveries 
 introduced. 
 
 The Index to the new German edition is a great improve- 
 ment upon its predecessor, though it is confined to Old 
 English words, and is not free from inaccuracies. These 
 inaccuracies have been corrected to the best of my ability, 
 and full Indexes of the words quoted from other languages 
 have been added. It is hoped that this latter feature will 
 facilitate the use of the book by students whose chief 
 concern is with some other Germanic tongue, or with the 
 more general problems of Comparative Philology. 
 
 I am under obligation to Professor J. M. Hart for some 
 useful criticisms upon the first edition, to Professor 
 Sievers for permission to use the advance sheets of the 
 revised book, and to all those whose approbation of my 
 former effort has encouraged me to attempt this revision. 
 
 ALBERT S. COOK. 
 University of California, 
 July 4, 1887. 
 
 xiv 
 
AUTHOR'S PREFACE TO THIRD EDITION 
 
 In accordance with the urgent desire of the publisher, 
 I resolved last autumn to carry through for the nonce 
 a mere reimpression of the second edition of my Old 
 English Grammar, and thus provide at least for the 
 needs of the moment, instead of the complete revision 
 which, though it had been in hand for a long time, was only 
 partly finished. As soon as the printing began, however, 
 I became aware that this plan was untenable. Accordr 
 ingly, while typesetting and printing were in progress, I 
 have rectified and expanded the old text, as far as was 
 possible within the time at my disposal (October, 1897, 
 to the beginning of January, 1898), by the aid of my own 
 completed investigations or those of others (here I must 
 mention with very special gratitude the names of Cosijn, 
 Brown, Cook, and Lindelof). Under these circumstances 
 it was quite impossible to attain perfect uniformity in the 
 treatment of the various parts of the book. Changes have 
 been made, especially in the Phonology, which in some 
 places cried out with peculiar insistence for revision, 
 wherever I could with any assurance replace an outworn 
 formula by a more positive one ; other sections, especially 
 120-125, I have left unchanged, because I found it impos- 
 sible to resolve my doubts concerning them. Moreover, for 
 the technical reasons suggested above, I felt myself bound 
 to retain, as far as possible, the former numbering of para- 
 graphs and notes. However, since this could not always 
 be compassed, it has resulted that a number of references 
 
 XV 
 
XVI AUTHOR'S PREFACE TO THIRD EDITION 
 
 from later to earlier sheets liave become incorrect in con- 
 sequence of the changes which had afterward to be made 
 in the numeration, a fact which I beg may be borne in 
 mind as an explanation of the unpleasantly long list of 
 errata at the end of the book. 
 
 The general plan of the book has therefore remained the 
 same as in the previous edition. One thing, however, I 
 wish to observe with respect to the somewhat increased 
 number of details, especially in the Inflection ; it is that, 
 unless the context evinces the contrary, every such detailed 
 statement is to be understood positively, and not nega- 
 tively ; in other words, the statement that such a form is 
 found in such a text is not to be interpreted as meaning 
 that it does not occur in any other, but only that it does 
 occur there. It should also be noted that the term ' Early 
 West Saxon ' must, in case of doubt, be regarded as applying 
 only to the texts treated in Cosijn's Altwestsachsische 
 Grammatik (the Cura Pastoralis, Orosius, and Chronicle), 
 and in like manner that the terms ' Kentish,' ' Mercian,' . 
 and 'Northumbrian' refer to the corresponding larger 
 dialect texts, which could alone be regularly adduced. 
 
 The Index has this time been much amplified, in accord- 
 ance with a wish which has been frequently expressed ; 
 though whether to the advantage of the subject is, to my 
 own mind, almost more than doubtful. 
 
 I have thankfully utilized such contributions to the 
 
 projected revision as interested readers and dear friends, 
 
 above all A. Pogatscher and K. Luick, had made, so far 
 
 as they seemed to fit into the present scheme. Besides, I 
 
 am most heartily obliged to my friend Luick for a number 
 
 of valuable suggestions which he made during the perusal 
 
 of the proof-sheets of this edition. 
 
 E. SIEVERS. 
 
 Leipzio-Gohlis, June 8, 1898. 
 
EDITOR'S PREFACE TO THIRD EDITION 
 
 In translating the new German edition I have retained 
 practically all the matter of the original, the general prin- 
 ciples of my translation remaining otherwise unchanged. 
 Here and there, as in the previous editions, I have ventured 
 to differ with the author : thus, the term ' Old English ' has * 
 again been employed (cf. p. ix), and the ^ and <? (p. x) ; g- 
 replaces 5, and tf has the position of th, except that ini- 
 tially it follows t (cf. p. x). Moreover, the macron' is here 
 employed, instead of the acute accent, to denote etymo- 
 logical length, and the acute accent, instead of the macron, 
 to denote secondary lengthening. Under 127 I have intro- 
 duced a note explaining ablaut more fully, having been led 
 to think that this insertion would be welcomed by many 
 students. In one or two instances I have added the title 
 of some publication which has appeared since the issue of 
 the German edition, and in several cases I have silently 
 corrected a clerical error of the German. 
 
 I have not verified the references of the Index, nor have 
 I appended Indexes to the cognate tongues, as was done in 
 the second edition. If I have reason to think that this 
 latter omission is unwelcome, there may be opportunity to 
 repair it in future impressions. 
 
 For some valuable suggestions I am indebted to Pro- 
 fessor M. A. Harris, of Elmira College, and to Professor 
 0. F. Emerson, of Western Eeserve University. 
 
 ALBERT S. COOK. 
 Yale University, 
 
 July 11, 1903. 
 
 xvii 
 
TABLE OF CONTENTS 
 
 The Numbers refer to Sections 
 
 Introduction 1 
 
 Alphabet and Pronunciation 4 
 
 PHONOLOGY 
 
 PART L— THE VOWELS 
 
 In General 6 
 
 Quantity 8 
 
 West Saxon Vowels 
 
 ^ The Vowels of Stressed Syllables 
 
 1. Simple Vowels 10 
 
 2. Diphthongs 34 
 
 ^; The Vowels of the Slightly Stressed and Unstressed Syl- 
 lables 
 
 1. Stem- Vowels in Slightly Stressed Words 43 
 
 2. Vowels of Derivative and Final Syllables .... 44 
 The Relation of the Old English Vowel-System to that of 
 
 THE Cognate Languages 
 
 A. The Germanic and the West Germanic Vowel-Systera . . 45 
 
 B. The Representatives of the West Germanic Vowels in West 
 
 Saxon 47 
 
 I. The Vowels of the Stem 
 
 1. General Survey of the Correspondences .... 49 
 
 2. Survey of the Effects produced upon Stressed 
 
 Vowels by Adjoining Sounds : a) Influence of 
 Nasals, 65 ; b) Influences of w, 71 ; c) Diphthong- 
 ization by Palatals, 74 ; d) The Breakings, 77 ; 
 e) The Umlauts, 85 ; /) The So-Called Palatal 
 Umlaut, 108 ; g) Hiatus and Contraction . . . 110 
 
 3. Variations of Quantity 120 
 
 xix 
 
XX CONTENTS 
 
 II. The Vowels of Medial and Final Syllables 12G 
 
 A. Ablaut 127 
 
 B. Apocope of Final Vowels 130 
 
 c. Further Changes of Final Sounds in Consequence 
 
 of Apocope 137 
 
 D. Syncope of Middle Vowels 143 
 
 ft) The Chief Dialectal Variations 
 
 Vowels, 150 ; Diphthongs, 155 ; Influences of w, 156 ; Influ- 
 ence of a Preceding Palatal, 157 ; The Breakings, 158 ; 
 The Umlauts, 159 ; The So-Called Palatal Umlaut, 101 ; 
 Contractions, 166 ; Quantity 107 
 
 PART II. — THE CONSONANTS 
 
 Survey of the Old English Consonants 169 
 
 A. Sonorous Consonants 
 
 1. The Semivowels w, 171 ; j, 175 
 
 2. The Liquids r, 178 ; 1, 183 
 
 3. The Nasals . . . . ' 184 
 
 B. Non-Sonorous Consonants 
 
 1. Labials p, 189 ; b, 190 ; f, 192 ; v, 194 
 
 2. Dentals . . t, 195 ; d, 197 ; <5, ]?, 199 ; s, 202 ; z, 205 
 
 3. Gutturals and Palatals : 
 
 In general, 206 ; c (k, q, x), 207 ; g, 211 ; h (x), 217 
 
 The Old English Consonants in General 
 
 1. Changes when Final 224 
 
 2. Gemination 225 
 
 3. The Groups ft, ht, st, ss 232 
 
 4. Grammatical Change 233 
 
 INFLECTION 
 
 PART I. — DECLENSION 
 
 Chapter I. Declension or Nouns 
 A. Vowel or Strong Declension 
 
 1. The o-Declension 235 
 
 a) Simple o-stems, 238 ; h) jo-stems, 240 ; c) wo- 
 
 stems 249 
 
CONTENTS xxi 
 
 2. The a-Declension 251 
 
 a) Simple a-stems, 252 ; b) ja-stems, 256 ; c) wa- 
 
 stems 259 
 
 3. The i-Declension 261 
 
 a) Masculines and Neuters, 262 ; b) Feminines . . 268 
 
 4. The u-Declension 270 
 
 a) Masculines, 270 ; b) Feminines, 274 ; c) Neuters 275 
 
 B. Weak Declension (n-stems) 276 
 
 C. Minor Declensions 
 
 1. Irregular Consonant Stems 281 
 
 2. Stems in -r 285 
 
 3. Stems in -nd 286 
 
 4. Stems in -os, -es 288 
 
 Chapter II. Declension or Adjectives 291 
 
 A. Strong Declension 292 
 
 1. Pure o-stems 293 
 
 2. jo-stems 297 
 
 3. wo-stems 300 
 
 4. i-steras 302 
 
 5. u-stems 303 
 
 B. Weak Declension^^^^-n. 304 
 
 C. Declension of ParticiplesX 305 
 
 D. Comparison of Adjecliv^"^ 307 
 
 Appendix : Formation of Adverbs 315 
 
 Chapter III. Numerals 
 
 1. Cardinals 324 
 
 2. Ordinals 328 
 
 3. Other Numerals 329 
 
 Chapter IV. Pronouns 
 
 1. Personal Pronouns without Distinction of Gender . 332 
 
 2. Reflexive Pronouns 333 
 
 3. Pronouns of the Third Person 334 
 
 4. Possessives 335 
 
 5. Demonstratives 337 
 
 6. Relatives 340 
 
 7. Interrogatives 341 
 
 8. Indefinites 343 
 
xxii CONTENTS 
 
 PART 11. — CONJUGATION 
 
 In General 350 
 
 I. Verbal Endings in General • 352 
 
 II. Strong Verbs 
 
 A. The Conjugation of the Strong Verb : Paradigms . . 367 
 
 1. Present ' 368 
 
 2. Preterit 375 
 
 3. Past Participle 378 
 
 B. Tense-formation of Strong Verbs 
 
 1. Ablaut Verbs 379 
 
 Class I, 382; Class II, 384; Class III, 386; 
 
 Class IV, 390 ; Class V, 391 ; Class VI . . . 392 
 
 2. Reduplicating Verbs 393 
 
 III. Weak Verbs 398 
 
 1. First Weak Conjugation 
 
 A) Original Short Stems 400 
 
 B) Original Long Stems and Polysyllables . . . 403 
 
 C) Irregular Verbs . 407 
 
 Conjugation 409 
 
 2. Second Weak Conjugation 411 
 
 3. Third Weak Conjugation 415 
 
 IV. Minor Groups 
 
 1. Preteritive Presents , . 417 
 
 2. Verbs in -mi 426 
 
 The Substantive Verb, 427 ; wlllan, 428 ; don, 429 ; 
 
 gan 430 
 
 PAGE 
 
 List of Abbreviations 361 
 
 Bibliography 363 
 
 Index 373 
 
OLD ENGLISH GRAMMAR 
 
 INTRODUCTION 
 
 1. By Old English we mean the language of the 
 Germanic inhabitants of England, from their earliest 
 settlement in that country till about the middle or end 
 of the eleventh century. From this time on the lan- 
 guage, which differs from that of the older period by 
 the gradual decay of inflectional forms, and the intro- 
 duction of French elements, is called Middle English, 
 and still later Modern English, or simply English. 
 
 Note 1. The OE. writers uniformly call their own language 
 Englisc ; the Latin authors employ, for the most part, the term 
 Lingua Saxonica. The expressions Ongulseaxan, Lat. AnglosaxoneSj 
 etc., were originally employed only in a political sense. The argu- 
 ment in favor of employing the term 'Anglo-Saxon' is merely that 
 it has been accepted in usage as applying to the oldest period of Eng- 
 lish, while ' Old English ' has been applied to what is more correctly 
 designated as Middle English. However, this consideration is over- 
 borne by the facts that the use of 'Anglo-Saxon,' as an English term 
 applying to the language, dates from only 1783 (cf. New Eng. Diet, 
 s. V.) ; that our early ancestors did not employ it in this sense ; that 
 ' Old English ' is in conformity with the terminology applied to conti- 
 nental tongues (see above, pp. ix, x) ; and that ' Old English ' is used 
 by an ever increasing number of English philologists, having, among 
 other authorities, the support of the New English Dictionary. As a 
 concession to usage, the original of the present work employs ' Anglo- 
 Saxon. ' 
 
 Note 2. Only an approximate date can be assigned to the close of 
 the Old English period. Old English manuscripts were still copied 
 
 1 
 
2 OLD ENGLISH GKAMMAK, 
 
 in the twelfth century, and hence the language was still employed for 
 scholarly and literary purposes. On the other hand, we may infer, 
 from certain indications, that the popular tongue had before 1050 lost 
 many of the phonetic and inflectional peculiarities which distinguish 
 Old English from the later stages of the language ; for example, the 
 distinction between dative and accusative. 
 
 Old English forms a branch of the so-called West 
 Germanic, i.e.^ of the unitary language from which, 
 in later times, proceeded Old English, Frisian, Old 
 Saxon, Prankish, and Upper German. It is most nearly 
 related to Frisian, but next to Old Saxon. Compare 
 the editor's Phonological Investigation of Old English, 
 Boston, 1888. 
 
 2. In the earliest OE. manuscripts the existence of 
 various dialects is plainly discernible. The chief of 
 these are the Northumbrian, in the north ; the Midland 
 or Mercian, in the interior ; the Saxon, in the south ; 
 and the Kentish, in the extreme southeast. 
 
 Northumbrian and Mercian together form the Anglian 
 group. The type of Saxon is most clearly exhibited in 
 Wessex, the most westerly Saxon district, and thus West 
 Saxon has come to be regarded as the chief representar 
 tive of the Saxon dialects. The language of the third 
 invading tribe, the Jutes, is represented in literature by 
 Kentish. Hence the tribal divisions into Angles, Saxons, 
 and Jutes have a grammatical parallel in the threefold 
 division into Anglian, Saxon, and Kentish. 
 
 Note 1. The pre-Alfredian texts, which are exceedingly impor- 
 tant in a linguistic point of view, have been issued in a complete 
 edition by Sweet, Oldest English Texts, London, 1885, The OE. 
 charters were collected by J. M. Kemble, Codex Diplomaticus ^vi 
 Saxonici, London, 1830-48 (new edition by W. de Gray Birch, Cartu- 
 larium Saxonicum, London, 1883 ff.) ; the oldest ones are also printed 
 
INTEODUCTION 3 
 
 in Sweet. An extended bibliography is given in R. Wlil(c)ker's Giund- 
 riss zur Geschiclite der Ags. Litteratur, Leipzig, 1885. 
 
 Note 2. Tlie principal Northumbrian texts, besides a few Runic 
 inscriptions (Stephens, The Old Northern Runic Monuments 1. 405 ff. ; 
 Sweet, Oldest English Texts, 124 ff. ; W. Victor, Die Northumbrischen 
 Runensteine, Marburg, 1895), are an interlinear translation of the 
 Gospels, the so-called Durham Book, or Lindisfarne Gospels (best 
 edition by Skeat : The Gospel according to Saint Matthew, etc. , in 
 Anglo-Saxon and Northumbrian Versions, Cambridge, 187 1-87) ; and a 
 similar translation of the Durham Ritual, edited by Stevenson for the 
 Surtees Society, under the title of Rituale Ecclesise Dunelmensis, 
 London, 1840 (a collation by Skeat, Transactions of the Philological 
 Society 1877-79, London, 1879, App. L 49 ff.). 
 
 Note 3. Mercian is supposed to be represented by the modified 
 transcript of the Northumbrian gloss on Matthew (R.^) in the so- 
 called Rushworth MS. , but the dialect seems to be a mixed one, and 
 to contain isolated Saxon forms ; as respects the other three Gospels, 
 the dialect of the gloss (R.^) is nmch closer to that of the Durham 
 Book. The whole is printed in Skeat' s edition. The very important 
 interlinear version of the Psalter (in MS. Cotton Vespasian A. 1), 
 which was for some time considered to be Kentish, must certainly be 
 regarded as Mercian in its linguistic character. It was edited by 
 J. Stevenson, Anglo-Saxon and Early English Psalter, for the Surtees 
 Society, London, 1843-47, and more correctly in Sweet's Oldest Eng- 
 lish Texts, pp. 183 ff. The translation of Bede's Ecclesiastical History 
 was originally North Anglian, or perhaps Mercian, but the existing 
 transcript is essentially West Saxon (new editions by Thomas Miller, 
 The Old English Version of Bede's Ecclesiastical History of the Eng- 
 lish People, London, 1890 ff.; Schipper, in the Grein-Wtil(c)ker 
 Bibliothek der Ags. Prosa, Leipzig, 1897-1900). Minor specimens of 
 Mercian have been edited by A. S. Napier, Angha 10. 131 ff. (a life 
 of St. Chad), and by J. Zupitza, Haupt's Zs. 33. 47 (glosses). 
 
 Note 4. The only remains which are certainlv ^ Kentish , in addi- 
 tion to a few early charters (printed in Sweet, Oldest English Texts), 
 are a metrical translation of the 50th Psalm, a hymn, and a collection 
 of glosses in MS. Vesp. D. 6 of the British Museum. The first two 
 were .published in Anglosaxonica quae primus edidit Fr. Dietrich, 
 Marburg, 1855, and less correctly by Grein, Bibliothek der Ags. Poesie ^ 
 2. 276 ff., 290 ff. (cf. Haupt's Zs. 15. 465 ff.); the glosses by J. Zupitza ^ 
 in Haupt 21. 1 ff., 22. 223 ff., and in W.right-Wul(c)ker, Anglo-Saxon 
 
4 OLD ENGLISH GRAMMAR 
 
 and Old English Vocabularies 1. 55 ff. Not pure Kentish, but Kentish 
 containing at least an admixture of Mercian forms, is the Epinal Glossary 
 of the beginning of the eighth century, together with the nearly related 
 Corpus and Erfurt Glossaries, which are tlie chief sources of our 
 knowledge of the oldest English. The Epinal Glossary was edited by 
 Henry Sweet, London, 1884, with a photolithographic facsimile of the 
 whole manuscript ; all three glossaries are in Sweet's Oldest English 
 Texts 1 ff., and the Corpus Glossary in Wright- Wul(c)ker 1. 1 ff. 
 
 Alfred's translation of Boethius exists for the most part only in 
 two MSS., the Bodleian and the Cottonian, which contain Kentish 
 forms, while a fragment from another Bodleian MS. is in pure West 
 Saxon ; the Metres are even more distinctly Kentish (see Sedgefield's 
 edition, pp. xxxv, xxxvi). All are edited by Sedgefield, King Alfred's 
 Old English Version of Boethius De Consolatione Philosophiae, 
 Oxford, 1899. 
 
 Note 5. Among the ancient specimens of West Saxon are certain 
 works by Alfred the Great, preserved in contemporary manuscripts. 
 These are the translation of Gregory the Great's Pastoral Care (edited 
 by H. Sweet, King Alfred's West Saxon Version of Gregory's Pastoral 
 Care, London, 1871), and of the Chronicle of Orosius, edited from 
 the Lauderdale MS. by Sweet, King Alfred's Orosius, London, 1883. 
 Next is the oldest text (Parker MS.) of the Saxon Chronicle, of which 
 the oldest portion extends to a.d. 891 ; principal editions by B. Thorpe, 
 The Anglo-Saxon Chronicles, London, 1861, and by Earle, Two of 
 the Saxon Chronicles, Oxford, 1865, revised and much improved by 
 C. Plummer, Oxford, 1892, 1899. Chief sources for LWS. are especially 
 the numerous and still partly unpublished works of ^Ifric {circa 1000). 
 His sermons are peculiarly important, on account of their preservation 
 of dialectical peculiarities (edited by B. Thorpe, The Homilies of 
 ^Ifric, London, 1844-46, for the iElfric Society); vElfric's OE. Gram- 
 mar of Latin was edited -by J. Zupitza, Berlin, 1880. 
 
 By Pure West Saxon is meant so much of the language of Alfred 
 and iElfric as is common to both, excluding the idiosyncrasies of the 
 individual scribes. 
 
 Note 6. The poetical texts of Old English were collected by 
 C. W. M. Grein, Bibliothek der Ags. Poesie, Cassel und Gottingen, 
 1857-^4 (newly edited by R. P. Wul(c)ker, Cassel, 1881-98). . They 
 originated for the most part in the Anglian territory (compare Beitr. 
 10. 464 ff.), but are nearly all preserved in copies made by Southern 
 scribes. The MSS. belong chiefly to the tenth and eleventh centuries, 
 
INTEODUCTION 5 
 
 and therefore represent no dialect in its purity, but consist of a medley 
 of the most various forms. Not only have Anglian forms frequently 
 been transferred from the originals, but earlier and later forms of the 
 same dialect alternate with each other. The poems, therefore, can 
 only be employed with the utmost caution for grammatical purposes. 
 Now and then, indeed, the metre does allow an approximate determi- 
 nation of the original forms to be made (Beitr. 10. 209 ff., 451 ff.). 
 
 3. The chief characteristics o f .WS. are the represen- 
 tation of Germ, se hy se (57; 150. 1); the accurate dis- 
 crimination of ea and eo (150. 3); the early loss of the 
 sound oe (27); and the displacement of the ending -u, 
 -o, of the ind. pres. 1 sing., by -e (355). 
 
 In EWS. the umlaut of ea, eo is ie, passing later 
 into i, y (41 ; 150. 2). Northumbrian has a tendency 
 to drop final n (188. 2), and to convert we into woe, and 
 weo into wo (156). The inflections were unsettled at 
 an early period ; especially noticeable is the frequent 
 formation of the ind. pres. 3 sing, and of the whole 
 plur., in -s instead of -3" (357). The oldest criterion of 
 Kentish is the vocalization of g- to i (214. 2) ; more 
 recent was the substitution of e for y (154). 
 
 ALPHABET AND PRONUNCIATION 
 
 4. The OE. alphabet is the Latin alphabet as modi- 
 fied by English scribes. The letters f, g-, r, and s are 
 most unlike the usual forms. Besides the Latin letters, 
 there were 9", ]?, and a character for w, the two latter 
 being borrowed from the Runic alphabet (note 3). 
 
 English editions of OE. texts have often been printed 
 with type made in imitation of the manuscript characters. 
 At present, however, the Roman letters are universally 
 
6 OLD ENGLISH GRAMMAR 
 
 preferred, with the addition of the characters tf and p. 
 Occasionally, too, the OE. 5 is employed to represent g. 
 
 Note 1. The characters 3 and g are not discriminated as indicating 
 respectively spirant and sonant stops (211 ff.) until we reach the MSS. 
 of the close of the OE. period, or later. The OE. manuscripts them- 
 selves have only the form 3, and the Latin manuscripts of the period, 
 written in England, likewise employ it to represent Latin g, of which 
 it is only a modified form ; hence we can form no conclusion from 
 the mere character regarding its pronunciation at this time. The 3 is 
 employed by some authorities (and so also in the original of the pres- 
 ent work) in order not to create the impression that it was introduced 
 later to denote the spirant, whereas in fact it was the g which was 
 added to distinguish the sonant stop. 
 
 Note 2. Abbreviations are not very common in Old English manu- 
 scripts. They are usually denoted by ~ or ~. ~ over vowels signifies 
 m, for example fro = frpin ; over consonants er, as in aeft, faestn, 
 of = aefter, faestern, ofer. On the other hand, ~ denotes or, as in 
 f, fe, befan, etc. = for, fore, beforau ; but ?Jofi, hwofi stand for 
 tJonne, hwonne. A ]? with crossed vertical signifies paet. The fol- 
 lowing were borrowed from Latin : "1 for 9nd, and, and ; and an 1 
 crossed with an undulatory stroke for oSSe, or. Less common are 
 actual Latin words, such as dns (= dominus), or rex for OE. 
 dryhten, cyning. 
 
 Note 3. Before the introduction of the Latin alphabet, the Eng- 
 lish already possessed Runic letters. This alphabet is an extension of 
 the old German Runic alphabet of twenty-four letters (L.F. A. Wimmer, 
 Die Runenschrift, tr. by F. Holthausen, Berlin, 1887). The few Runic 
 remains may be found in G. Stephens, The Old Northern Runic Monu- 
 ments, Copenhagen, 1866, 1. 361 ff., and in Sweet, Oldest English Texts, 
 pp. 124-130 (cf. also 2, note 2). The most important of these are the 
 inscriptions on the Ruthwell Cross in Northumberland (also in Zupitza- 
 MacLean, Old and Middle English Reader ; Grein-Wul(c)ker 2. 111- 
 115 ; best in Vietor, Die Altnorthumbrischen Runensteine, pp. 2 ff. ; 
 compare Cook, 'Notes on the Ruthwell Cross,' in Pub. Mod. Lang. 
 Assoc. 17. 367-390), Bewcastle Cross in Cumberland (Stephens 1. 398 ; 
 Vietor, pp. 13 ff.), and the Clermont or Franks casket (Stephens 1. 470 
 ff. ; E. Wadstein, Ett Engelskt Fornmlnne fram 700-Talet och Eng- 
 lands Ditida Kultur, Goteborg, 1901 ; and especially A. S. Napier, ' The 
 Franks Casket,' in An English Miscellany, Oxford, 1901, pp. 362-381). 
 
INTRODUCTION 7 
 
 5. The data for determining the pronunciation of 
 these letters is furnished by the traditional pronuncia- 
 tion of Latin as it obtained in England from about the 
 seventh century; besides, it is not improbable that 
 Celtic (Irish) influences must be taken into account. 
 In doubtful cases we are obliged to resort to variation 
 in the orthography, and especially to phonetic changes 
 and grammatical phenomena in Old English itself, as a 
 means of determining the pronunciation. Moreover, 
 the latter cannot have been the same at all times and 
 in all localities. 
 
 In the following chapters on phonology the more 
 precise pronunciation of the individual letters will be 
 indicated, whenever it can be done with any approach 
 to certainty, especially where this differs from the pro- 
 nunciation of the corresponding Latin letters. 
 
PHONOLOGY 
 
 PART I. — THE VO WELS 
 
 IN GENERAL 
 
 6. The Old English vowels are denoted by the six 
 simple characters a, e, i, o, u, y, the ligature ae, and the 
 digraphs oe, ea (ia), eo, io, and ie (rarely au, ai, ei, 
 oi, ui, and in the oldest texts eu, iu); the latter, with 
 the exception of oe, oi, and ui (and occasionally eo, 27, 
 note), having the value of diphthongs. 
 
 Note 1. Ancient MSS. often write ae as ae, or even as ^ ; so, too, 
 the printed oe is always represented by oe. The distinctions in both 
 cases are merely graphical, and have nothing to do with the pronun- 
 ciation. For, el, which is mostly restricted to foreign words, the later 
 MSS. have also eg(e), as in scegS, Sweg(e)n, for scei3, Swein. The 
 occurrence of the diphthong au is very infrequent ; it is found in for- 
 eign words like cawl, cole^ laiirtreow, laurel^ clauster, cloister ; and 
 perhaps in auht, aught^ nauht, naughty saul, soul^ for and beside 
 a(\v)uht, na(w)uht (344 ff.), sa(w)ul (174. 3). The diphthongs ai, 
 oi, ui are rare, and especially Northumbrian, graphic variants for 
 ae, oe, and y respectively, as in cnalht, fraigna (155. 3), Coinred for 
 Coenred, suinnig for synnig, sinful. 
 
 Note 2. Old English has no diphthongs except those already men- 
 tioned. Every other vowel combination (including in most cases ei) 
 must be analyzed into its two component vowels : aidlian = a-Tdlian, 
 aurnen = a-urnen, ay tan = a-ytan, beirnan = be-irnan, gey wed = 
 ge-ywed,geunnan=:ge-unnan, etc.; iu is generally ju (74; 157, note). 
 
 7. With respect to the position of the articulating 
 organs, a, o, u are guttural vowels, while ae, e, i, oe, y 
 
THE VOWELS 9 
 
 are palatals (see the author's Phone tik,* pp. 92 ff.). 
 The diphthongs uniformly begin with a palatal sound. 
 
 Note. Of the palatal vowels, the following belong to the earliest 
 prehistoric stage of Old English : viz., ae = West Germ, a (49) ; ge = 
 West Germ, a (57. 2) ; e = West Germ, e (53) ; i; i; and the initial 
 components of the diphthongs ea, eo, io. On the other hand, the fol- 
 lowing arose in a somewhat later prehistoric period of OE., and are 
 due to the palatalization of an originally guttural vowel by i-umlaut : 
 viz. , ae as i-umlaut of a (90) ; ^ as i-umlaut of a, 9 before nasals 
 (89. 4), and of o (93. 1); e as i-umlaut of o (94); besides oe, oe (27), 
 and stable y, y (32 ; 33). These two groups may properly be designated 
 by the terms 'primary palatal vowels ' and 'secondary palatal vowels' 
 respectively. The following occupy an interrnediate position, in so far 
 as they are umlauts, not of guttural vowels, but of the primary palatals : 
 viz., ^ as umlaut of ae (89. 1); ie, ie = unstable i, i ; y as umlaut of 
 ea, eo, io ; and y as umlaut of ea, eo, 10 (97 ff.). 
 
 QUANTITY 
 
 8. All these vowels, together with the diphthongs, 
 have both short and long quantity. Length is some- 
 times indicated, especially in the more ancient manu- 
 scripts, and again in monosyllables, by gemination of 
 the simple vowel sign (yy probably never being found): 
 aa, breer, miin, doom, huus. The ligatures and diph- 
 thongs, on the other hand, are never geminated. At a 
 later period, length is indicated by an acute accent over 
 the vowel sign or combination — a, brer, iiiin, d6iii, 
 hiis, niys, sse, 6e9'el or oeiarel, ^ac or eac, tr^owe or 
 tre6we, etc. — though at best it is only employed spo- 
 radically, and is subject to no fixed rule. In the pres- 
 ent work we shall, in conformity with the latest English 
 usage — though against the German original, which 
 
10 PHONOLOGY 
 
 employs the acute — designate length by the macron, 
 and thus write : 
 
 a 
 
 pe 
 
 e 
 
 1 
 
 o 
 
 oe 
 
 11 
 
 y 
 
 a 
 
 {« 
 
 e 
 
 1 
 
 o 
 
 oe 
 
 u 
 
 y 
 
 Note 1. In Germany it has been customary, following Jacob 
 Grimm, to employ the circumflex over simple vowel signs, instead of 
 the acute : a, brer, iiiin, dom, hfis, iny^s, etc. Short and long ae and 
 oe were formerly discriminated as ii and ae, 6 and oe ; these have now 
 become almost universally ae and x, oe and «fe. Grimm designated 
 the long diphthongs as ed, e6, ie, which have latterly been replaced 
 by ea, e6, ie, or ea, eo, ie. 
 
 Note 2. The macron in long diphthongs does not denote length 
 of the first element, but a lengthened j)ronunciation of the whole diph- 
 thong (34). 
 
 Note 3. The circumflex is exceptionally used in this book to dis- 
 tinguish compounds like e-a, i-a from the diphthongs ea, la : Perseas, 
 Indeas, North, wria, etc. For the designation of secondary lengthen- 
 ing by ', see 124, note 3. 
 
 Note 4. Stress is denoted, when at all, by a raised period after 
 the vowel of the stressed syllable, while an unstressed syllable is indi- 
 cated by a colon ; o*ndgit (more exactly, 0'ndgi:t), but ongi'tan, etc. 
 
 9. The originally long vowels of certain derivative 
 and final syllables can scarcely ever be proved to have 
 retained their length in OE.; every vowel of a deriva- 
 tive or final syllable must, therefore, generally be 
 regarded as already short. 
 
 Note. Earlier writers on the subject, in deference to the authority 
 of Jacob Grimm, have wrongly designated the -e of the instr. sing, as 
 long. Some grammarians at present attribute length to the ending 
 -ere, as in boeere (248. 1), and to the -i- of the Second Weak Con- 
 jugation, as in scalfian (411 ff.). 
 
THE VOWELS 11 
 
 WEST SAXON VOWELS 
 
 I. THE VOWELS OF STKESSED SYLLABLES 
 
 1. SIMPLE VOWELS 
 
 a 
 
 10. Short a is comparatively rare. It is more or less 
 regularly wanting before nasals (65 ff.), and is likewise 
 avoided in all closed syllables. Exceptions are rare : 
 habban, iiabban (415 ; 416) ; crabba, crab ; hnappiaii 
 (rarely hnaeppian), na'p ; lappa (more rarely laeppa), 
 skirt ; appla, plur. of aeppel, af-ple ; araccian, stroke ; 
 mattuc, mattock; g-affetung-, scoffing; assa, ass ; asse(n), 
 she-ass ; cassuc, hassuc, sedge ; asce, axe, ashes ; flasce, 
 Asixe,Jiask; masce, niaxe, mesh; wascan, waxan, wash; 
 wrastlian, wraxlian, wrestle ; brastlian, crackle ; saht- 
 lian, reconcile; the Latin words abbud, abbot, arc, ark, 
 carcern, prison, sacc, sack, trahtian, treat; and the 
 dialectic marg-en, morning, etc. Even in open syllables 
 the presence of the a depends in part upon the influence 
 of a following vowel (50). 
 
 Note. For a before 1 in a closed syllable, as in aid, fallan, see 
 80 ; 158. 2. 
 
 II. Short a springs regularly from a Germ. (Goth.) a 
 (49 ff.), marg-en being an exception, as coming from o (10). 
 
 12. Long a is frequently found, and before all conso- 
 nants, whether in open or closed syllables: liatan, is 
 called; gast, ghost; ban, bone, dat. plur. banum, etc.; 
 moreover, in foreign words like sacercl, calend, magis- 
 ter, from Lat. sacerdos, calendae, magister (50, note 5). 
 
12 rilONOLOGY 
 
 13. a regularly corresponds to Germ. (Goth.) ai (62); 
 less frequently, when followed by w, to Germ, ae, Goth. 
 e (57. 2. a). 
 
 14. Short ae is a vowel sound which is characteristic 
 of Old English ; its pronunciation seems to have been 
 that of the modern English short a in man, hat. It 
 occurs chiefly in closed syllables : daeg-, day; faet, vat; 
 saet, sat. Its use in open syllables is for the most part 
 confined to such as were closed syllables until the Old 
 English period, as in aecer, ac7^e, Goth, akrs, stem akra- ; 
 faeger (beside f^g-er), fair, Goth, fagrs, stem fagra- ; 
 or to such as were followed by an inflectional (ae), e, as 
 gen. daeges, dat. daege, from nom. ace. daeg. 
 
 15. Short ae usually represents a Germ. (Goth.) a 
 (49); it is wanting before nasals (65), before w (73), 
 before h terminating a syllable (82), before r + con- 
 sonant (79), and in WS. before 1 + consonant (80). 
 
 Note, ae is occasionally found in place of ^ (89, note 5). 
 
 16. Long se seems generally to have had the pronun- 
 ciation of the German long a. It occurs quite fre- 
 quently, and is not restricted by any special influences. 
 
 17. The se is of various origin. It is either 
 
 1) i-umlaut of OE. a = Germ. (Goth.) ai, as in Iseraii, 
 Goth, laii^aii, teach, from OE. lar, lore; stsenen, stony, 
 from Stan, stone (90) ; or 
 
 2) developed from Germ, ae, Goth, e, as in bseron, 
 hore; niaeg-, kinsman (Goth, berun, megs) (57.2); or 
 
THE VOWELS 13 
 
 3) developed from Latin a, as in street, street (57. 1); 
 or, finally, 
 
 4) lengthened from short se, as in ssede, said^ for 
 sseg-cle (214. 3). » 
 
 e 
 
 18. Short e is one of the commonest sounds of Old 
 English. As regards its pronunciation, it would seem 
 that various sounds (as in Middle High German, for 
 example) are represented by the same letter, or at least an 
 open and a close sound. It is, however, impossible to 
 trace this distinction through all periods with perfect 
 certainty. 
 
 19. The twofold pronunciation of the e is undoubt- 
 edly to be referred to its twofold origin, it being either 
 
 1) an older e, i.e., it corresponds to a Germ., (OHG. 
 OS.) e, Goth, i, as in stelan, steal (OHG. OS. stelan, 
 Goth, stilan) (53) ; or it is 
 
 2) umlaut-e, and then either a) i-umlaut of a, or 
 more exactly of ae, as in s^ttan, set, Goth, satjan (89. 1) ; 
 or b) i-umlaut of q, from a before nasals, as in c^nnan, 
 Goth, kannjan (89.4); or c) i-umlaut of o, as in ^xen, 
 from oxa, ox (93. 1). 
 
 Which, of these e's had the open and which the close 
 sound cannot be ascertained with certainty; yet it is 
 probable that (in opposition to the OHG.) the umlaut-e 
 was in general the more open of the two, and that the 
 umlaut-e itself may have been variously pronounced 
 according to its origin (89, note 5). 
 
 The umlaut-e is denoted in the present translation 
 by ^, while the older e remains unmarked. 
 
14 PHONOLOGY 
 
 Note. The above designation of the umlaut-e is in accordance 
 with the practice of such scholars as Hpltzmann and Sweet. Many 
 Germans, following Jacob Grimm, denote the ancient e by e, and this 
 practice is followed in the original of the present book, the umlaut-e 
 being left unde^gnated, because the MSS. often write ^ for ae (6, 
 note 1). 
 
 20. The older e is lacking before nasals and nasal com- 
 binations (45.2; 69), and, in common with the umlaut-e, 
 is. restricted by the influence of w (73), diphthongization 
 after palatals (74 ff.), the various breakings (77 ff.), and 
 the u- and o-umlauts (lOl If.). 
 
 21. Long e, a tolerably common sound, springs from 
 various originals. It corresponds, ' 
 
 1) though but seldom, to Germ. (Goth.) e, OHG. ea, 
 ia, as in her, here (58) ; it is 
 
 2) i-umlaut of o (94) ; 
 
 3) of unknown origin in the preterit of certain redu- 
 plicating verbs (395. 2). In addition to these regular cor- 
 respondences, e also occurs now and then 
 
 4) as 1-umlaut of ea (97 ; 99), and 
 
 5) as an occasional form of ae (57, note 2 ; 150. 1; 151). 
 
 22. It is necessary to distinguish between two i-sounds 
 in WS. The one evidently had a purer i-quality, and 
 is therefore consistently expressed by i down to a late 
 period and in all dialects ; only in very late documents 
 does y sometimes take its place. The second i-sound, 
 which originally sprang from a diphthong, ie, io, was 
 assimilated to the pronunciation of the y earlier than 
 the other, for which reason the character representing it 
 
THE VOWELS 15 
 
 fluctuated much earlier between i and y (and the older 
 ie, io, cf. 97 ff.). These statements hold good without 
 distinction both for the short and the long vowel. 
 
 We will distinguish the two sounds as stable and 
 unstable i. 
 
 Note. In Manuscript H of the Cura Pastoralis ie does indeed 
 occur for stable 1, i. 
 
 23. Stable short i corresponds 
 
 1) usually to a Germ, i, as well when the latter 
 represents Indo-European i as when it is a Germ, devel- 
 opment of an Indo-European e (45 ; 54) ; 
 
 2) it is a peculiarly OE. development of a Germ, e, 
 as in niman (69). 
 
 Unstable short i, on the other hand, is, as a rule, the 
 more recent modification of an original ie, less frequently 
 io (97 ff.; 105; 107.4 ff.). 
 
 24. Stable long i is either 
 
 1) the representative of a Germ, i (59), or 
 
 2) has arisen from Germ, i by ecthlipsis, contraction, 
 etc. (185 ; 214. 3, 4). 
 
 Unstable long i, on the contrary, is the modification 
 of an older ie (97 ff.). 
 
 Note. For final long i the MSS. (though hardly the oldest ones) 
 often have ig : big (also in compounds like bigspel, example; big- 
 g^nga, cultivator), big, sig, for bl, by, hi, theij, si, be; so also igge 
 for ige, as in wiggend, ivarrior, for wigend ; igge from ig, island, 
 for ige, etc. (rarely before other vowels : igga?J, iggo3, island). 
 
16 PHONOLOGY 
 
 o 
 
 25. Short o in stem syllables is of twofold origin, 
 and accordingly represents two different sounds : 
 
 1) close o, Goth, u, as in g"od, God ; bocla, messenger^ 
 etc. (55). This o does not occur before nasals (70). 
 
 2) open o, corresponding to a Germ. (Goth.) a before 
 nasals, and often interchanging with a, as in nionn and 
 nianii, man ; lioiia and liana, cock (65). 
 
 Note. The MSS. do not distinguish between the two o-sounds ; 
 Sweet follows the example of the old Norse MSS. in denoting the 
 open o by 9, — thus, in^nn, h^na, as contrasted with god, boda, etc. 
 For grammatical purposes this notation is to be recommended, and 
 it is accordingly adopted in the present translation (though not in 
 the original). 
 
 26. The sound of long o cannot be ascertained with 
 entire certainty; it is not improbable that the long as 
 well as the short o had originally a double pronuncia- 
 tion, close and open, corresponding to its twofold origin. 
 It is 
 
 1) the representative of Germ. (Goth.) o, as in g'od, 
 good (60), and in that case was probably close from the 
 beginning ; or 
 
 2) the representative of Germ, se before nasals, as in 
 monatJ, month (68) ; or 
 
 3) lengthened from 911 = Germ. (Goth.) an, as in gos, 
 goose (186). 
 
 The open pronunciation may be assumed as original 
 in cases 2 and 3, but its continuance into the historic 
 OE. period cannot be demonstrated. 
 
 Note. Long o appears in foreign words as the representative of 
 ON. au, as in ora, a certain coin., landcop, jmrchase of land, lahcop, 
 
THE VOWELS 17 
 
 legal purchase, roda, ruddy from ON. aurar, -kaup, rau?fr ; but there 
 occur on the coins such spellings as OutJgrim, Asgout, Oustman, 
 adhering closely to the ON. orthography. 
 
 oe 
 
 27. The two sounds oe and oe, which are of frequent 
 occurrence in the oldest non-West Saxon texts, and more 
 especially in the Ps. and North., are no longer to be 
 found in the oldest documents of WS., if we except a 
 few scattered oe's (94, note). As substitutes for the two 
 sounds occur the delabialized e, e. 
 
 Note. Rarely is eo written for oe = oe ; meodren-, fee, beoc (Cod. 
 Dipl.) for moedren-, foe, boec. 
 
 u 
 
 28. A detailed proof of the twofold pronunciation 
 (open and close) of OE. u cannot be given, although 
 probabilities favor this assumption. 
 
 29. Short u occurs without limitation before all con- 
 sonants. • It corresponds 
 
 1) to West Germ, u (56); 
 
 2) occasionally to West Germ, o, especially before 
 nasals, as in guma, man (70); 
 
 3) it frequently arises from io (i) and eo, in the com- 
 binations wio and weo (71 ; 72). 
 
 30. Long u has a twofold origin. It is usually 
 
 1) the representative of Germ, u, as in htis, house (61); 
 
 2) due to the loss of a nasal from the combination 
 un, as in miiar, mouth (186 ; cf. also 214. 3, note 8). 
 
18 PHONOLOGY 
 
 31. In the older WS. documents, as well as in the 
 other dialects, the letter y originally denoted a sound 
 resembling the German ii, the i-umlaut of u. This y we 
 will characterize as stable. Besides this stable y, there 
 occurs in LWS. an unstable y, interchanging with i (22). 
 
 Note. Not till a comparatively late period does 1 sometimes take 
 the place of stable y, first of all in the combination ci for ey, as in 
 cining, cinn (or kining, kinn, 207, note 2) ; scildig, guilty ; before 
 palatals, as in hige, mind; hiegean, think; bicgean, buy; dihtig, 
 doughty; genihtsum, plentiful; drige, dry; and before n, 1 + palatal, 
 as in tJincean, seem; hingrian, hunger; spincge, sponge; Sespring, 
 fount ; filigan, follow ; ^biligS, anger ^ etc. 
 
 Before palatals, unstable y is also rare ; as collateral forms of 
 EWS. Meg, hay ; lieg, flame ; smiec, smoke; dfliegan, banish; biegan, 
 bend ; tiegan, tie, there occur almost exclusively hig, lig, smic, 
 dfligan, bigan, tigan ; so almost always niht, miht (98, note) ; 
 but, on the other hand, beside ciegan, iecan, and cigan, Tcan, there 
 are frequent instances of cygan, yean. Instead of micel, large, there 
 is an early occurrence of mycel, probably by analogy with lytel. 
 
 32. The etymological correspondences of short y are : 
 
 1) Stable y is i-umlaut of u (95); 
 
 2) Unstable y stands for (existing or inferrible) ie 
 
 (97 ff.) or io (105; 107). 
 
 33. Long y appears 
 
 1) as stable: a) the regular i-umlaut of ii (96); b) y 
 lengthened in consequence of ecthlipsis, as in yst (186. 2), 
 -hydigr (214. 3) ; ^^ 
 
 2) as unstable, when a late by-form for ie, the 
 i-umlaut of ea and eo (97 ff.). 
 
 Note. Among the unstable y's may be reckoned the LWS. y in 
 sy, be ; hy, they ; 'flry, three ; for sie, hie, Jfrie ; on the other hand, 
 always bi, big, because no *bie ever existed. 
 
THE VOWELS 19 
 
 2. DIPHTHONGS 
 
 34. All the OE. diphthongs, ea, eo, io, ie, whether 
 short or long, are falling diphthongs, i.e.^ the stress is to 
 be laid upon the former of the two sounds. The dis- 
 tinction of quantity is made by increasing the length of 
 the whole diphthong in pronunciation ; in other words, 
 long ea is not to be understood as e + a or e + a. 
 
 Note. In later times, as the history of English phonology shows, 
 there is frequently a displacement of the accent, so that e*a, e-o 
 become jea, jeo (212, note 2), and then ja*, jc Such a displace- 
 ment in the earlier period is not, however, probable. 
 
 ea and eo 
 
 35. The difference in the pronunciation of ea and eo 
 lies presumably less in the second part of the diphthong 
 (the a and o) than in the initial sound. In the most 
 ancient texts ea is often written seo, aea (the latter form 
 also in later documents), while eo interchanges with io 
 in the older manuscripts (cf. 38). It may therefore be 
 assumed that ea began wdth an open sound, resem- 
 bling ae, but that the first element of eo was a close 
 e-sound. 
 
 Note 1. In the later texts ea and ae are frequently confounded, 
 probably because ea had begun to be pronounced • like the single 
 vowel, 86. On eaw for sew, cf. 112, note 2 ; 118, note 2. 
 
 Note 2. Occasionally ie, ye is found for ea in the later docu- 
 ments : lies, loose ; bien, hean ; wyel, serf. 
 
 ea 
 
 36. Short ea is of manifold origin. It is 
 
 1) the so-called breaking of a before certain conso- 
 nants, as in earm, eall, eahta (79 ; 80 ; 82) ; or 
 
20 PHONOLOGY 
 
 2) u-umlaut of a, as in ealu (103) ; or 
 
 3) • has arisen from palatal + ae, as in g-eaf, ceaf, sceal 
 
 (74 ff.) 
 
 37. Long ea is 
 
 1) usually the representative of a Germanic au, as in 
 beam, eac (63) ; or 
 
 2) has originated from the contraction of a with other 
 vowels, as in slean, ea (m) ; or 
 
 3) has been developed from palatal + se^ as in g-eafon, 
 g-ear (74 ff.) ; less frequently from palatal + a (from Germ. 
 ai), as in geasne, scean, sceadan, beside gaesne, scan, 
 scadan (76). 
 
 eo, io 
 
 38. The two groups eo and io frequently occur side 
 by side in the older documents ; io afterwards becomes 
 more and more infrequent, until it finally disappears. 
 Long eo represents an older eu, long io an older in ; 
 similarly, short eo originally came from older e, while 
 short io sprang from older i ; yet this distinction is no 
 longer fully carried through, even in the oldest WS. texts. 
 We can only make the general statement that eo occurs 
 quite frequently for io from i, but that io is less fre- 
 quently found (or is Kentish) for the eo which springs 
 from e. In the following pages eo and io will, on prac- 
 tical grounds, be as far as possible distinguished accord- 
 ing to their etymological values. 
 
 Notp: 1. On ea and a for eo, io in slightly stressed syllables, 
 see 43. 2. a. 
 
 Note 2. Latn and rare is yo : cyo, cnyowu Gl. On cu, iu, 
 
 in the oldest texts, see 64, note. 
 
THE VOWELS 21 
 
 39. With respect to their origin, short eo, io are 
 
 1) breakings of an older e, i before certain consonants, 
 as in eorare, liornian (leornian) (79 ff.) ; or 
 
 2) u- and o-umlauts of the same e, i, as in eofor, 
 frioafu (freoaru) (104 ; 105 ; 107) ; or 
 
 3) have originated from palatal + o, u, as in geoc, 
 g-eong- (74; 76). 
 
 40. Long eo (io) usually corresponds to 
 
 1) Germ, eu, Goth, iu, as in beodan (64) ; stioran 
 (100. 2) ; or it arises 
 
 2) from palatal + o in g-eomor (74) ; or 
 
 3) from the contraction of e, i with other vowels, as 
 in seon (sion), see^ 9'eon (afion), thrive^ from * sehon, 
 * J7ihaii (cf . 113 ; 114). 
 
 ie 
 
 41. The diphthongs ie and ie belong to the charac- 
 teristic peculiarities of Early West Saxon. At an early 
 period their place is usurped by unstable i, i, and at 
 length by y, y ; these latter then remain characteristic 
 of Late West Saxon (22; 31). 
 
 42. Short ie is 
 
 1) i-umlaut of ea and eo, as in eald— ieldu, weorpan- 
 wierptJ" (97 ff.) ; or 
 
 2) a less frequent form of the u- and o-umlauts of i, 
 as in siendun, ariessum (105, note 7) ; or 
 
 3) it arose from palatal 4- e, as in g-iefan, gielpan 
 (74 ff.). 
 
22 PHONOLOGY 
 
 Long ie, on' the other hand, is i-umlaut 
 
 1) of ea, as in heah-hielist (99) ; or 
 
 2) of eo, as in ceosan-ciesar (100. 1. b). 
 
 Note. For ie in gie, gieii(a), gTet(a), see 74, note 1 ; and for eo, 
 io, as unaffected by umlaut, beside ie, see 100 ; 159. 5. In Boeth. 
 we sometimes meet with eo for the ie which is umlaut of ea, or the 
 product of diphthongization, and with eo for the corresponding 
 ie : eormcya, eoldran ; heoran, neotan, geot, instead of ierm^ya, 
 ieldran ; hieran, nieten, giet. 
 
 11. THE VOWELS OF THE SLIGHTLY STRESSED 
 AND UNSTRESSED SYLLABLES 
 
 1. STEM-VOWELS IN SLIGHTLY STRESSED WORDS 
 
 43. Under this head belong the stem-vowels of the 
 second members of compound wor(fs, when the compo- 
 sition has ceased to be distinctly recognized; together 
 with certain proclitics and enclitics, which lose their 
 primary stress in connected discourse. 
 
 This slurring, or loss of primary stress, has frequently 
 modified or transformed the stem- vowels of such words. 
 The chief cases of this sort are as follows : 
 
 1) Shortening of original length, especially in the large 
 class of compounds which end in -lie, such as fiillic, full; 
 rylitlic, righteous ; woroldlic, worldly^ contrasted with 
 gelic, like^ where the stress is on the final syllable. 
 
 Note 1. The shortness of this i in the earliest Old English is 
 clearly proved by the inflectional forms, such as nora. sing. fern, and 
 nom. ace. plur. neut. fullicu (294), and by the further weakening to 
 e (43. .3). The inflected forms are, however, usually regarded as long 
 in poetry, w^ith the exception of those which end in -u. 
 
THE VOWELS 23 
 
 2) Change of vowel-quality ; thus, in particular, there 
 is a conversion 
 
 a) of eo, io to ea, and then to a ; sciptearo, ifig-tearo, 
 and sciptara, ifigtara, beside teoru, tar; waelhreaw, 
 cruel^ beside the older waelhreow ; andwlata, counte- 
 nance^ beside the older Qiidwliota ; 
 
 h) of ea to a, as in the frequent Q*nwald, contrasted 
 with gewea'ld, poiver ; to* ward, future; i'lineward, 
 inward ; ie-rfeward, heir (hardly pure WS. ; found 
 in Bede), beside toweard, etc. A further change to o 
 occurs in such words as twie'fold, hlaford, etc. (51). 
 
 Note 2. Under a) are probably to be classed Ps. earn, North, am, 
 am (427, 1), beside WS. eom ; and Ps. earun, North, aron, for 
 * eorun, which does not occur. 
 
 3) Weakening of full vowels, especially to e: 
 
 a) Weakening of originally short vowels, occurring 
 especially in the numerous compounds ending in aern, 
 house, and -weard, -ward, such as liordern, treasury ; 
 b^rern (still further shortened to b^ren, b^rii), barn 
 (from * b^reaern) ; beodern, refectory/ ; andwerd, pres- 
 ent ; towerd, future ; forSTwerd, forward, etc. 
 
 h) Weakening of originally long vowels is frequent, 
 even in the older texts, such as the Cura Pastoralis, in 
 those inflected forms of compounds ending in -lie (43. 1) 
 which contain a guttural vowel, particularly a or o, in the 
 inflectional ending, such as inisleca, mislecan, mislecuni, 
 comp. mislecor, sup. niislecost. Occasionally in late texts 
 these forms occur with u, as in neodlucor, atelucost. 
 
 Note 3. Forms like hordern are of early occurrence ; those in 
 -■werd, on the other hand, are later, the older language employing 
 either the full form -weard, or else -ward, -word(43. 2. b ; 51). 
 
24 PHONOLOGY 
 
 Note 4. Changes of a very radical nature are exhibited by the 
 final syllables of a number of compounds, which ceased to be felt as 
 such at an early period. Thus, for example, freols, freedom ; hlaford, 
 lord^ for * fri-hals, * lilaf-Aveard ; similarly, suluiig, swulung, and 
 furlQng, measures of land, for *sulh-lang, *furh-lang. Long a, 
 from Germ, ai, formerly stood in the final syllables of eorod, troop, 
 from * eoh-rad ; beet, boasting, from bi-hat ; eofot, -ut, debt, from 
 ef-hat (compare ebliat Ep. Erf. = eobot Corp.) ; eofolsian, blaspheme 
 (North, ebalsia, ebolsia, eofolsia), from *ef-halsian; oret, battle 
 (beside oretta, warrior, orettsm, fight), from *or-hat; onettan, 
 incite, from * on-hatjan ; fullest beside fylst, aid, from which 
 fuUestaii (once fullsestan, Beow. ) and f ylstan, assist, from * ful-last 
 (OHG. foUelst). Germ. «, Prim. OE. ge or a, in hiered, family, 
 Anglian hiorod, from * hiw-raed ; in a^ve^, uawer, etc. , anywhere, 
 nowhere, from (n)a-liwaer ; and in geatwe, equipment; fraetwe, adorn- 
 ment, beside getawe. OE. y, the umlaut of ii, in aefest, aefst, envy, zeal 
 (Ps. efest. North, aefest, aefist), from *8ef-yst, and ofost, ofst, zeal 
 (Ep. Corp. obst, Erf. obust, North, oefest, oefist), from *of-yst (com- 
 pare ^fstan, hasten, Ps, oefest(i)an, North, oefistia). Originally long 
 i is lost in the pronouns hwelc, swelc, gelc, ilea (339 ; 342 ; 347) ; 
 compare Goth, hwlleiks, s%valeiks. Long o is shortened in oro^ff, 
 oru3, later ortJ, breath (compare ore?Jian, ortJian, breathe), from 
 * or-o'5 for * uz-au}?- (186) ; long ii in fraoo?f, infamous, from 
 *fra-cu(5 (compare unforcu?J). From ea sprang the u of fultuni, 
 aid, fultumian, assist (fulteam is historical OE. in Erf., and ful- 
 teman is frequent in the earlier texts) ; from eo the u, o of North. 
 latuw, laruw, -ow, Ps. ladtow = WS. latteow, lareow (250, 
 note 1), from lad-cJeow, *lar-3eow, and, according to Kluge, the o 
 of wiobud, weofod, altar, Ps. wibed. North, wigbed (222, note 1), 
 from *wTh-beod (others say from *\vih-bed). On this point 
 compare Sweet, in Anglia 3. 151 ff., and Kluge, in Zeitschrift fiir 
 Vergleichende Sprachforschung 26. 72 ff., Beitr. 8. 527 ff. 
 
THE VOWELS 25 
 
 2. VOWELS OF DERIVATIVE AND FINAL SYLLABLES 
 
 44. The number of vowels occurring in these posi- 
 tions is in part limited by the notable absence of long 
 vowels (9), in part by the non-occurrence of diphthongs. 
 The number is thus reduced to the six following: a, 
 86, e, i, o, u ; of these se and i are, with the exception 
 of derivative syllables like -ig", -ilite, -isc, -nis, confined 
 to the older documents, and are afterwards uniformly 
 replaced by e. Concerning occasional fluctuations of 
 the vowels a, o, u, detailed information will be given in 
 the paragraphs which treat of inflection ; here it is suf- 
 ficient to say that u is for the most part older than o, 
 while the latter is older than a. 
 
 Note 1. Under the head of inflections, it will he important to note 
 the difference hetween the e which sprang from ae and that which 
 sprang from 1, as indicated by forms like the following : arae, gen. 
 dat. ace. sing., and nom. ace. plur. fem. (252); tungae, nom. sing, 
 fem. (276); godnae, ace. sing. masc. (293); saldae, pret. 1 and 
 3 sing. (354) ; domae, dat. sing. masc. (238) ; godae, nom. plur. 
 masc. (293); gibaen, past part. (366); restaendi, pres. part. (363); 
 domaes, gen. sing. (238); suilcae, adv. (315). On the other hand, 
 meri, rygi, nom. ace. sing. masc. (262); rici, do. (246); nimis, -id, 
 ind, 2 and 3 sing. (357; 358); neridae, weak pret. (401), -Id, past 
 part. (402), etc. 
 
 Note 2. In later manuscripts the obscure e of an unstressed syl- 
 lable is not infrequently replaced by y : h^lynd, faedjT, belocyn, 
 wintrys, bityr, for hselend, feeder, belocen, Avintres, biter, etc. 
 
26 PHONOLOGY 
 
 THE RELATION OF THE OLD ENGLISH 
 
 VOWEL-SYSTEM TO THAT OF THE 
 
 COGNATE LANGUAGES 
 
 A. THE GERMANIC AND THE WEST GERMANIC 
 VOWEL-SYSTEM 
 
 45. The vowel-system of OE. is a modification of a 
 general vowel-system, lying at the basis of the corre- 
 sponding systems of all the Germanic tongues. This 
 general system, while it is not accurately preserved in 
 any one of the Germanic dialects, may yet be recon- 
 structed with certainty by the method of comparison. 
 
 The Primitive Germanic system was composed of the 
 following sounds : 
 
 Short vowels ... a e, i^ ii [o^] o^, u 
 
 Long vowels . . . [a], ae e i o u 
 
 ai — 
 
 au eu 
 
 Diphthongs . . . -j 
 
 To this table the following observations apply : 
 
 1) The distinction between i^ and i^ rests upon 
 purely etymological grounds, the i which was already 
 current in the Indo-European Parent Speech (original 
 or primary i) being represented by i \ while the i which 
 was developed in Germanic from an older e (Germanic 
 or secondary i) is here designated as i^ (see paragraph 
 2 below). There may also at one time have been a 
 difference in pronunciation. 
 
 2) e and i^ are equal in etymological value. This 
 will be evident when we consider that the e of the 
 
THE VOWELS 27 
 
 Indo-European Parent Speech was regularly changed to 
 Germanic i a) when it was immediately followed by a 
 nasal + consonant, h) when the next syllable contained 
 an i or j. This distinction has been more or less faith- 
 fully preserved in all the various Germanic languages, 
 with the exception of the Gothic (which has transformed 
 every e into i). Upon a) repose such distinctions as 
 that between OE. OS. lielpan, help^ and binclan, hind ; 
 OHG. helfan, bintan (where Gothic has leveled the 
 two, liilpan, bindan); upon h) such as OE. helpan inf., 
 and hilpSf ind. pres. 3 sing. ; OS. helpan and liilpid ; 
 OHG. helfan and hilfit. 
 
 Note 1. This rule applies only to the e of stressed syllables ; in 
 unstressed syllables the e seems to have passed uniformly into i. 
 
 3) In like manner, o ^ dnd u are of equal value, i.e.^ 
 the o^ results from a modification of older u. This 
 modification took place when the following syllable 
 contained an a (= o 2, see paragraph 4 below) and the 
 11 was not protected a) by a nasal + consonant, or h) by 
 an interposed i, j. Thus, for example, we have OHG. 
 glbuntan, OS. g-ibundan, OE. grebiinden, hound; but 
 OHG. giholfan, OS. g-iholpan, OE. g-eholpen, holpen, 
 according to a) ; but, according to 5), OS. hug-g-ian, 
 OHG. hucken, OE. (with i-umlaut, 95) hycg-an, not 
 * hog-g-ian, etc. Here, again, the Gothic uniformly has 
 u : bundans, hulpans, hugjan. 
 
 4) By [o 2] we have probably to understand an open 
 o-sound, corresponding to an o of the cognate languages 
 outside the Germanic system, and, indeed, originally 
 existent in Germanic itself. So far as we are able to 
 
28 PHONOLOGY 
 
 see, this sound must already have been converted into 
 a, at least in all stressed syllables, as far back as the 
 Primitive Germanic period (compare Gothic ahtaii, 
 OHG. OS. ahto, OE. eahta (82), with Gr. okto), Lat. 
 octo, etc.) ; that this o was still found in unstressed 
 syllables as late as Primitive OE., as some assume, is 
 extremely improbable. 
 
 Note 2. There was certainly a Prim. OE. (open) o-sound in all 
 endings in which it was still followed by a nasal, as, for example, in 
 infinitives like bindan, and plurals like bindaS from * bindanj? ; 
 this is plain from the effects upon the vowels of preceding syllable 
 (o/a-umlaut ; cf. 106 ff.). However, this o may very well have been 
 a secondary development from a (65). On the other hand, it is 
 doubtful whether contractions like those discussed in 114 oblige us 
 to assume that in other unstressed syllables the original o^ was 
 preserved. 
 
 5) Original a no longer existed in Germanic, since 
 Indo-European a had already become o (compare Lat. 
 frater with Gothic broj7ar, OE. broS'or, OS. broS'ar, 
 OHG. brocler, bruoder, etc.). Certain secondary a's 
 have, however, resulted from lengthening when accom- 
 panied by the loss of a nasal before h : thus Gothic 
 )7ahta, OS. thahta, OHG. dahta, thought^ for * J^ai^hta, 
 from Goth. ]?agkjan, etc. ; compare the examples in 67. 
 But as this a is constantly represented in OE. . by o, 
 and the substitution of o for a in OE. is always condi- 
 tioned by the proximity of a nasal, we are obliged to 
 conclude that these a's must have been nasalized as late 
 as the Germanic period. 
 
 Note 3. That the vowels of Germanic ih, uh (cf. 186), which 
 have sprung in a similar way from ii<>li, iii.>h, must also have possessed 
 naaal quality, may indeed be presumed, but is not susceptible of 
 direct proof. 
 
THE VOWELS 29 
 
 6) By se and e are represented the two sounds which 
 are indeed uniformly leveled in Gothic (as well as Kent- 
 ish and Northumbrian) under e, but are distinguished in 
 ON. OS. as a and e, in OHG. as a and e (ea, ia), in 
 WS. as se and e ; compare, for example, Goth, mel, time ; 
 her, here, with ON. OS. OHG. mal, WS. msel, and ON. 
 OS. WS. her, OHG. her, hear, hiar, etc. (Kent. Angl. 
 mel, her, 150. 1). 
 
 7) Parallel with eu there was once a diphthong ei ; 
 but the latter, passing through the intermediate stage 
 of ii (45. 2. b) into i as early as the Germanic period, 
 coincided at length with pre-Germanic i. 
 
 8) The combinations i + vowel and j + vowel inter- 
 changed with each other in such a manner that the 
 former occurred after long radical syllables, and the 
 latter after short radical syllables (no rule can be given 
 for the position after syllables of derivation) ; thus, for 
 example, the stem rikia-, rich, but badja-, bed. In a 
 similar manner the Indo-European ej + vowel has been 
 split into i + vowel and j + vowel : for example, in pres- 
 ent stems like * domia-, * nazja- (from * domejo-, 
 * nazejo-), in Goth, donijan, na^'an, 2 pers. domeis, 
 from * domiis ; but nasjis. 
 
 46. Midway between the Germanic and the OE. sys- 
 tem lies the vowel-scheme of the West Germanic, and 
 hence it is the latter which must be taken as the nearest 
 point of departure in the comparisons which we are 
 called upon to make. The latter, however, agrees with 
 the Germanic system in every essential particular, except 
 that the Germanic I'e (45. 6) always, or at least in certain 
 cases, underwent change to a (Beitr. 8. 88), and eu 
 
30 PHONOLOGY 
 
 developed into iu before a following i or j (45. 3. 6 ; 
 45. 7) : thus, * beiidan, offer ; steuro, helm ; but 2 sing. 
 * biiidis, thou offerest ; * stiurjan, steer, etc. 
 
 B. THE REPRESENTATIVES OF THE WEST GER- 
 MANIC VOWELS IN WEST SAXON 
 
 47. The transformations which the Germanic vowels 
 have undergone in OE. are essentially of a twofold 
 character. The mutation of the vowel either takes 
 place independently of its environment, or the latter 
 exercises a determining influence upon it. Of the first 
 kind is, for example, the change of Germ, ai to a, as in 
 hatan, be called, compared with Goth, haitan ; or that 
 of Germ, au to ea, as in lean, reward, compared with 
 Goth. laun. Of the second kind are phenomena like the 
 various umlauts and breakings, modifications of vowels 
 by nasals, palatals, etc. 
 
 In the following survey we shall include all the 
 changes which each Germanic vowel undergoes in OE., 
 considering in detail only such changes as take place 
 independently of the environment, and reserving for a 
 separate subdivision our remarks upon the influences of 
 neighboring sounds. 
 
 48. Besides this distinction, it must also be observed 
 that the development of vowels in stressed or stem- 
 syllables is, in many respects, different from that which 
 they undergo in the more weakly stressed medial and 
 final syllables. On this account the vowels of these 
 latter syllables are again treated under a separate head. 
 
THE VOWELS 31 
 
 I. THE VOWELS OF THE STEM 
 
 1. GENERAL SURVEY OF THE CORRESPONDENCES 
 
 a 
 
 49. In an originally closed syllable, wherever special 
 circumstances do not prevent, short a is regularly con- 
 verted into se : clseg", dai/ ; braec, broke ; saet, 8at ; waes, 
 wa% ; hseft, captive ; compare Goth, dag-s, brak, sat, etc. 
 The ae occurs also when the syllable, though originally 
 closed, becomes open in OE. through a secondary pho- 
 netic development, as in nseg-l, nail^ hraefn, raven (with 
 syllabic 1, n), or in consequence of the development 
 of a secondary e : secer, acre ; fseg-er, fair ; maeg-en, 
 power ; compare Goth, akrs, fagrs, etc., from the stems 
 akra-, fagra-, magna-. 
 
 Note 1. To the exceptions noted in 10 there must be added the 
 enclitic ac, ah, 6ui, and was, nas, was^ was not, beside the regu- 
 lar waes, naes. The second member of compounds also frequently 
 retains a, as in h^repatJ, military road ; srSfat, journey, etc. 
 
 Note 2. By analogy with polysyllabic inflectional forms with regu- 
 lar a, the imperative of strong verbs of the Sixth Ablaut-Class gener- 
 ally retains a : far, sac, scaf, etc. (368, note 2). 
 
 50. In an originally open syllable the Germ, a appears 
 sometimes as a, sometimes as se : 
 
 1) a regularly occurs when the following syllable 
 contains one of the guttural vowels, a, o, u. Thus daegr 
 has nom. plur. dag"as, gen. dag-a, dat. dag-um ; faet, nom. 
 ace. plur. fatu, gen. fata, dat. fatum ; while of liwset 
 the dat. sing. masc. neut. is hwatum, the weak nom. 
 sing. masc. hwata. Compare the inflections of the verb 
 
32 PHONOLOGY 
 
 in cases like faran (392), 2 and 3 sing, faerest, fsereiaf, 
 plur. faratT, etc., and words like atol, terrible; nacod, 
 naked ; sadol, saddle^ etc. (but see also 103). 
 
 Note 1. A similar effect to that of the a, o, u of final syllables is 
 produced : 1) by the i in the Second Class of weak verbs, since it 
 sprang from an original o ; hence we have macian, make ; lacJian, 
 invite (cf. 411, note 2), the pres. 3 sing. macaS, lacJa'S, the preterits 
 macode, la?fode, etc. ; 2) by the e of many medial syllables, in cases 
 where it has been weakened from an originally guttural vowel, and is 
 or has been followed by a guttural vowel ; compare, for example, 
 words like sta?felian, establish (from statJol) ; hacele, cloak ; adela, 
 filth; hafela (beside hafola), head; gaderian (poet, also gaederian), 
 gather; gedafenian, beseem; hafenian, grasp; fag(e)niaii, rejoice; 
 war(e)iiiau, take heed; adesa, adz (cf. also 129). 
 
 Note 2. On the other hand, a passes into ae in a number of 
 words, in which the originally guttural vowel of the medial syllable (u, 
 more rarely a) is or has been followed by i (Kluge) : gaedeling, kins- 
 man (OS. gaduling) ; ae(Jeling, noble, from *a]7iilmg (ON, 091ingT); 
 laetemest, last, from * latumist (cf . 314) ; to-giedere, together, from 
 *gaduri (beside gaderian, from *gadurojaii, note 1); Saeterndaeg, 
 Saturday, from Saturni dies ; aix, ax, for ajces Ps. (but North, acas), 
 from * acusi (compare Goth, aqizi and OHG, achus); probably ha^le?^, 
 hero (originally a plural *halu]7iz, compare ON. h9rSr, and 133. b; 
 281. 1); and perhaps haelfter, halter, from *lialiiftri, and liaerfest, 
 harvest, from *harubist (compare Ep. helustr, hiding-place, later 
 heolstor) ; finally, tvSele, adj., nuble, from *a]7ali (OS. adali) ; 
 iniEgden, maiden, from *inagadin (OHG. inagatin). Exceptions 
 to this rule are the infinitive and present participle of strong verbs 
 of the Sixth Ablaut-Class, such as farenne, from *farannjai, 
 -Qnnjai; and farende, from *farandi, *far9ndi. 
 
 Note 3. The conversion of a to ae in the words cited in note 2 
 took place later than in the other cases (49 ; 50. 2). It evidently 
 occurred subsequently to the palatalization of initial gutturals (206. 1), 
 for only on this supposition is it possible to account for the absence 
 of diphthongization in gardeling, -gaedere (75, note 1). Possibly the 
 whole phenomenon should be regarded as a kind of umlaut (89. 3 ; 
 100, note 4). 
 
THE VOWELS 33 
 
 2) Before original e (se of the oldest texts, 44, note 1), 
 that is, one not weakened from a, o, u, there seems to 
 be a rule requiring se : dseg, day, fset, vat; gen. daeges, 
 fsetes ; dat. dseg-e, faete, etc. (240). Yet there exists 
 much discrepancy : adjectives like hwset have, for exam- 
 ple, gen. liwates, instr. liwate, nom. ace. plur. hwate 
 (294) ; feminines like sacu, with gen. dat. ace. saece and 
 sace (253). There is a similar variation in the past 
 participles of strong verbs, like hlaeden and hladen, 
 grsefen and grafen, slsegen and slageii, from liladan, 
 lade; grafan, grave; slean, strike (392); while the present 
 optative of these verbs regularly has a : fare, grafe, etc. 
 
 Note 4. Primitive OE. a likewise became ae before original i, j, 
 and this se was afterward still further affected by i-umlaut (88 ff.). 
 
 Note 5. In words borrowed from Latin the a of an open syllable 
 is frequently lengthened : sacerd, priest ; calend, calends ; magister, 
 master ; so probably also palendse, palace ; talenta, talent., etc. 
 
 51. Older a passes into o (not <?) in the proclitic 
 prepositions of, of; on, on ; ot, at, contrasting with the 
 stressed adverbs aef-, Qii (an), set. Occasionally, too, 
 this change occurs in the unstressed second member 
 of compounds, especially, when the vowel is preceded 
 by a labial : twiefold, tivofold ; Grimbold : Oswold ; 
 <}ndsworu, answer ; lilaford, lord (for * hlafword ; 
 thus in Ps. tovvord, future ; ^rfeword, heir) ; likewise 
 h^repoty, beside -pacJF (49, note 1). 
 
 Note. In WS., ot has been almost entirely supplanted by aet ; 
 there is, besides, an extremely rare (mostly Kentish ?) form, at. In 
 some texts, unstressed on tends toward an j for this and certain simi- 
 lar phenomena, see 65, note 2. 
 
34 PHONOLOGY 
 
 52. The changes undergone by original a in cases 
 not included under the foregoing are as follows : 
 
 1) before nasals it becomes 9 (64) ; the i-umlaut of 
 the latter is ^ (89. 4) ; in consequence of the loss of 
 the nasal before a surd spirant, 9 becomes o (66); the 
 i-umlaut of the latter is e (oe) (94); 
 
 2) it undergoes breaking to ea before r- and 1-combi- 
 nations, and before li (79 ff.) ; the i-umlaut of this ea is 
 ie, i, y (97 ; 98); 
 
 3) it is changed to ea through the influence of a pre- 
 ceding palatal (74 ff.) ; and in this case also the i-umlaut 
 is ie, i, y (97; 98); 
 
 4) it undergoes u-umlaut to ea (103); 
 
 5) it becomes ea by contraction with a following u 
 
 (111); 
 
 6) i-umlaut changes it to ^ (89) in all cases not 
 included under heads 1-5. 
 
 53. West Germanic e often remains unchanged : 
 helan, conceal; beran, hear; helm, helmet; helpan, 
 help ; wefan, weave ; sprecaii, speak ; cweKTaii, say ; 
 compare OS. OHG. helan, beran, lielni, etc. 
 
 The occurrence of the older e is limited 
 
 1) by its passage into i before nasals (69) ; 
 
 2) by the breaking to eo before r- and 1-combinations 
 and before h (79 ff.); the i-umlaut of this eo is then ie, 
 i, y(lOO); 
 
 3) by u-umlaut to eo (104); 
 
 4) by the change to ie after palatals (74 ff.); 
 
THE VOWELS 35 
 
 5) by lengthening to e, accompanied by ecthlipsis 
 (214.3); 
 
 6) by contraction with guttural vowels, producing eo, 
 io (113); 
 
 7) by the change of weo into wo and wu (72). 
 
 54. West Germanic i often remains : 
 
 a) standing for Indo-European i, as in bite, bite ; 
 wlite, face ; witan, hnow^ pret. wisse ; and in the 2 
 sing, and the whole plur. ind., as well as in the opt. 
 pret. of the strong verbs of the First Ablaut-Class, like 
 stigre, plur. stig-un ; opt. stig-e, plur. stigen (382) ; 
 
 h) as Germ, i from e : 
 
 a) before nasal + consonant, as in the verbs bindan, 
 hind^ etc. (386) ; blind, blind, etc. ; 
 
 p) often before the i, j which originally followed in 
 the ind. pres. 2 and 3 sing. of. strong verbs of the 
 Third, Fourth, and Fifth Ablaut-Classes, like hilpaf, 
 birear, iteO" ; likewise in biddan, request ; sittan, sit ; 
 licg-an, lie ; laricgraii, take (391. 3), and in many other 
 words. 
 
 The occurrence of the i is limited 
 
 1) by the breaking to io (eo, ie, y) before r- and 
 1-combinations, and before h (79 ff.) ; the i-umlaut of 
 these sounds is ie (i, y) (100) ; 
 
 2) by u- and o/a-umlaut to io (eo, ie, y) (105 ; 107. 
 3 ff.) ; 
 
 3) by the change of wio to wu (71)^ 
 
36 PHONOLOGY 
 
 4) by lengthening to i, accompanied by ecthlipsis 
 (186 ; 214. 3) ; 
 
 5) by contraction with guttural vowels (114). 
 
 Note. Latin i is converted into e in the borrowed word peru, pear^ 
 and Latin i to the same in segn, from signum. 
 
 o 
 
 55. As a rule, West Germanic o is retained : boda, 
 messenger ; God, God; gold^ gold ; oxa, ox; word, word. 
 It is very common in the past part, of strong verbs of 
 the Second, Third, and Fourth Ablaut-Classes (384 ff.). 
 
 In certain words, especially in the vicinity of labials, 
 u is found instead of the o which might have been 
 expected; thus, for example, in full, full; wulf, wolf; 
 wuUe, wool ; fiigrol, fowl ; bucca, buck ; cniician, knock ; 
 ufan, above; ufor, higher; iifera, the upper; lufu, lufLan, 
 love ; spura (beside spora), spur; spurnaii (beside sporn- 
 an), spurn; miirnaii, mourn; miircnian, murmur; fur- 
 STor, further ; furSfuni, indeed. 
 
 Moreover, the domain of the West Germanic o is 
 regularly contracted 
 
 1) by its passage into u before nasals (70); the 
 i-umlaut of this u is y (95) ; 
 
 2) by i-umlaut to (oe), ^ (93). 
 
 Note. For 8, o in broden for brogden, see 214. 3, note 8. Latin 
 6 is lengthened in scol, from schSla. 
 
 11 
 
 56. West Germ, w often occurs unchanged : biirg", 
 town ; lust, pleasure ; suuu, son ; liund, dog, etc. ; very 
 
THE VOWELS 37 
 
 often in the preterits of strong verbs of the Second and 
 Third Ablaut-Classes (384 ff.), etc. It passes into o in 
 or- (Goth, us-, OHG. ur-), as in orsorg-, careless; oriSfQnc, 
 cleverness. 
 
 Note 1. The WS. Kent, iffurh, through, is replaced in Mercian (Ps.) 
 by (5orh, and in North, by Serb. The negative prefix un- sornetimes 
 becomes on- in late MSS., and occasionally un- is substituted for on-, 
 as in unbindan for onbindan, loose. 
 
 Note 2. Latin u becomes o in coper, copper ; box, box. 
 
 Other restrictions of the u are : 
 
 1) the i-umlaut to y (95) ; 
 
 2) the lengthening to ii, accompanied by ecthlipsis 
 (186 ; 214. 3, note 8) ; the i-umlaut of the latter is y (96) ; 
 
 3) its conversion into lo, eo after palatals (74) ; the 
 i-umlaut of the latter is ie (i, y) (100). 
 
 a 
 
 57. West Germ, a is of threefold origin : 
 
 1) Older a, only in foreign words, as in the Lat. 
 strata, napus, turnip^ becomes ae in WS.: street, nsep 
 (Ep. n^p, Corp. nep). 
 
 Note 1. Of doubtful origin isHhe a of gan, go, which unaccount- 
 ably remains unchanged before nasals (68). 
 
 2) West Germ, a, from Germ. ^, Goth, e (45. 6), regu- 
 larly becomes se in WS.: rsed, counsel ; r^dan, advise ; 
 slsepan, sleep; swses, own; searm, breath; sefen, even- 
 ing ; and very often in the pret. plur. of the strong 
 verbs of the Fourth and Fifth Ablaut-Classes (390; 391). 
 
 Note 2. The vowel of the final syllable is probably short (43, 
 note 4) in hi(e)red (Angl. hiorod, OHG. hirat), family ; daegred 
 
38 PHONOLOGY 
 
 (OHG. tagarod), dawn, and the adverbs (n)awer, (n)o\ver (from 
 ahwier, 6h^v^Sr, 321, note 2). On the other hand, proper names 
 ending in -red, like xElfred, seem to have long e ; compare also fem- 
 inine names in -fled, beside -flaed, like Eanfled, -fl^ed. Accord- 
 ingly, some scholars are of opinion that West Germ, ae in slurred or 
 unstressed syllables regularly becomes e, and hence write hired, 
 dtegred, a\ver, etc. For the normal se in stressed syllables we occa- 
 sionally find e, but not in genuine WS. texts : redan, slepan, etc. 
 
 The i-umlaut of this se is identical with it (91). On 
 the other hand, the occurrence of the se is subject to 
 the following limitations : 
 
 a) si is retained before w in sawe, ind. 2 sing., 
 saAvoD, ind. plur., sawe, saweii, subj. pret. of seon, see 
 (Goth, sehwuin, etc. ; OS. sawi, sawiin, etc.) ; getawe, 
 equipment ; tiiwian, prepare (compare Goth, tewa, order; 
 probably also g-etawe, taAviaii) ; and in the foreign word 
 pawa, peacock. On the other hand, a seems to stand 
 for ai in the verbs blawaii, sawan, etc. (62), and per- 
 haps in a few others. 
 
 Note 3. Elsewhere WS. a occurs in an open syllable followed by 
 a guttural vowel : in the preterits lagon, cJagon, wagon (beside 
 laegon, 'Sfcegon, wiegon), from liog(e)an, <5icg(e)an, Avegan ; the plur. 
 magas (beside maegas), and the fem. mage (beside insege), from 
 ni£eg, kinsman; in hraca, sjnttle ; in the verb slapan, sleep, and its 
 derivatives (beside slaepan) ; and in the words s-war (beside s^v^e^), 
 heavy; trag, lazy, tal (beside t^l), calumny; lacnian, heal (beside 
 I^cnian, from Isece, physician, with i-umlaut); acumba (rarely 
 aecuniba), oakum. To these must be added numerous compounds 
 beginning with st, and perhaps certain other cases (Kluge, in Anglia, 
 Anzeiger 5. 82). 
 
 The i-umlaut of this a is regularly '^e : li^waii, betray 
 (Goth, lewjan) ; aelt^ewe, complete (compare Goth. tewa). 
 
 h) Before nasals West Germ, a is converted into 5 
 (68) ; the i-umlaut of the latter is «e, e (94). 
 
THE VOWELS 39 
 
 c) After a preceding palatal it becomes ea (74 ; 76.2). 
 
 d) Instead of se there occurs an ea in neah, nigh 
 (Goth, neliw) ; here the ea is probably breaking (82). 
 
 3) Nasalized Germ, a from an (45.5) becomes o (67); 
 the i-umlaut of the latter is oe, e (94). 
 
 58. West Germ, e maintains itself in WS. unaltered : 
 her, here ; cen, torch ; iiied, meed ; lef, feeble ; Weland. 
 Here belong also the e's of the reduplicated preterits 
 like het, slep (395. A). 
 
 Note 1. To the OHG. adj. zeri, ziari, corresponds OE. tir, glory 
 (OS. tIr, ON. tirr) ; to the OHG. wiara the OS. \vir, wire. For 
 Crecas, Greeks, there appears also Creacas, the form of which has 
 not yet been accounted for. 
 
 Note 2. The close e of Latin appears in early loan-words as 
 T : side, silk ; cipe, onion ; pin, pain ; or shortened to i : sicor, cer- 
 tain ; dinor, denarius. In late loan-words we have e, sometimes short- 
 ened to e : creda, creed ; bete, heet ; fenix, phoenix, etc. 
 
 59. Older i occurs almost invariably unchanged : 
 hwil, while ; min, mine ; afin, thine ; sin, his ;' wif, wife ; 
 rice, kingdom; compare also the strong verbs of the First 
 Ablaut-Class (382). 
 
 The i is only restricted in its occurrence by contrac- 
 tion with a following vowel (114), as well as by occa- 
 sional shortening and breaking (84). 
 
 o 
 
 60. West Germ, o generally remains: boc, hooh; god, 
 good ; for, journeyed ; slog, struck^ etc. Its i-umlaut 
 is oe, e (94). 
 
40 PHONOLOGY 
 
 Note. Final wo appears as u in hu, how; tu, two (324.2), as 
 does simple o in bu, both; cu, cow^ contrasted with to, to. 
 
 u 
 
 61. West Germ, li is regularly represented by WS. u: 
 hiis, house ; tiin, town ; briicaii, use ; lucaii, lock ; even 
 where the Gothic has an before a following vowel: 
 biian, build; triivvian, trust (Goth, baiian, trauaii). 
 
 The i-umlaut of u is stable y (96). 
 
 ai 
 
 62. West Germ, ai becomes a : aiar, oath ; stan, stone ; 
 hat, hot ; sar, wound ; liatan, he called ; wat, wot ; the 
 pret. 1 and 3 sing, of the verbs of the First Ablaut- 
 Class, as stag- (382), etc. 
 
 The i-umlaut of this a is ^ (90). 
 
 Note. Individual exceptions are : o, ahuays, ever, together with 
 its compounds (owiht, ow(5er, etc., 346 ff.), for and beside a (Goth. 
 aiw, OHG. eo) ; and wea, harm (OHG. "wewo ?). With these excep- 
 tions, ai('\v) passes regularly into a(\v) : snaAv, snow ; slaw, slow ; 
 saAvol, soul ; compare also the verbs blaw^an, oiia^van, ina\van, 
 saM'an, wawan (396. 2. c), where the Goth, has sai(j)aii, waian 
 (cf. 57. 2. a). Wholly isolated is sorig for sarig, Cura Past. 227. 
 8 H (clerical blunder). 
 
 au 
 
 63. The regular equivalent of West Germ, an is 
 WS. ea : eac, eke ; eaca, increase ; beag, ri7ig ; lieafod, 
 head ; geleafa, beliefs etc. ; the pret. 1 and 3 sing, of 
 the verbs of the Second Ablaut-Class, like ceas (384 ; 
 385) ; even before following w (where the Goth, has 
 gg"w, and the ON. grg"(v)) : gleaw, ivise ; heawaii, hew ; 
 
THE VOWELS 41 
 
 hneaw, stingy (compare Goth, g-lag-g-wus, ON. hQg-grva, 
 
 The i-umlaut of ea is ie (i, y) (99) ; its palatal 
 umlaut is LWS. e (108.2; 109). 
 
 eu 
 
 64. West Germ, eu occurs regularly as eo : beod, 
 
 table ; deop, deep ; deor, animal ; afeod, people ; leof, 
 
 dear ; seoc, sick ; in the present forms of verbs of the 
 
 Second Ablaut-Class, like ceosan, etc. (384) ; even 
 
 before w (where the Goth, has ig-grw, ON. ygrgr(v)) : 
 
 hreowan, rue^ treow, faitJi (ON. hryggrva, trygT&r, 
 
 faithful^ etc.). Only exceptionally is it replaced by 
 
 io (38). 
 
 Note. Only the oldest documents occasionally preserve the diph- 
 thong eu : steupfaeder, treulesnis, etc. The tendency to change eu 
 to eo extends even to foreign words : Deosdedit, LeowSerius, for 
 Deusdedit, Leutherius. 
 
 The i-umlaut of Germ, eu, or of the resultant West 
 Germ, iu (46), is ie (i, y), or, in special cases, EWS. io, 
 later eo (100.2). 
 
 2. SURVEY OF THE EFFECTS PRODUCED UPON STRESSED 
 VOWELS BY ADJOINING SOUNDS 
 
 a) Influence of Nasals 
 
 65. Germanic a before nasals undergoes change to 
 open <} in a prehistoric period of OE. (25.2). As the 
 alphabet has but two characters, a, o, to represent the 
 three sounds a, 9, o, there is considerable fluctuation in 
 the sign for q. The very oldest texts, like the Epinal 
 
42 PHONOLOGY 
 
 Glossary, uniformly employ the a : niann, man ; brand, 
 brand; land, land; hand, hand; nania, name; canib, 
 comb ; g-ang-an, go. In the 9th century o has gained the 
 upper hand : in<}n, br^nd, l^nd, h^nd, nQina, l^nib, 
 g-Qng-an (so without exception in the Ps. and North. ; 
 but cf. 386, note 3). From this time on the a increases 
 in frequency, and finally succeed^ in supplanting the q. 
 
 Note 1. This change to 9 is older than the metathesis of r (179) ; 
 this accounts for the preterits 9rn, bQrn, from *r9nn, *br9nn (389). 
 
 Note 2. Peculiar are the accusatives Sone, the ; hwone, whom ; 
 the instrumentals 9on, hAvon (337 ; 341) ; the adverbs Sonne, then, 
 hwonne, lohen. These have uniformly o, which must probably be 
 regarded as close o. So, too, the preposition on (not the stressed 
 adverb, which conforms to the general rule) only now and then appears 
 as an, most frequently in compound words. Only occasionally do the 
 most ancient texts have Sanne, but in LWS. Jjsenne and hwaenne are 
 very common. So Sane, hw^ane, and Saene, hwaene, occur very fre- 
 quently for Sone, hwone ; they are perhaps formed by analogy with 
 the datives Sam, liAvani, and Stem, hAvseni, and on that account to 
 be written with a, ^ (for Kentish cf. 51). In LWS. maenig (ni^nig) 
 regularly takes the place of the older ni9nig, manig, many. . 
 
 66. When a following nasal is lost before a surd 
 spirant, this 9 is regularly lengthened to o (186): g-os, 
 goose ; hos, band ; os-, god ; soO", true ; tocT, tooth ; oSrer, 
 other ; softe, softly ; these stand for * g^^ns, * h^ns, etc. 
 (compare Goth, liansa, anj?ar, OHG. g"ans, sanfto, etc.). 
 
 67. In like manner, OE. o corresponds to the Ger- 
 manic nasalized a from ai) (45. 5) in Goth, f ahan, seize ; 
 lialiaii, hang ; brahta, brought ; ]?ahta, thought ; J^alio, 
 clay ; -willis, blameworthy; OHG. ahta, persecution; 
 zahi, tough : OE. fon, lion, brohte, acohte, <To (Epinal 
 tliohtie), woli, olit, toll. 
 
THE VOWELS 43 
 
 68. Similarly West Germ, a from Germ, se (45. 6 ; 46), 
 is changed before nasals into o. Thus to Goth, mena, 
 moon, inenops, month, nemun, thei/ took, qeniun, thei/ 
 came, correspond mona, nionai5', noinuii, cwomiin. To 
 the same source must be referred the o in sona, soon ; 
 spon, sliver ; gredon, done ; broiii, hroom ; worn, woma, 
 uproar ; om, rust; g-eomor, sad (74). 
 
 Note 1. Beside older som-, half (compare Gr. tjjjli), as in somcucu, 
 half alive, etc., occurs regularly in LWS. sani- (pointing perhaps to 
 shortening). So, too, we have always the forms ben^nian, deprive; 
 nied-, nydnsenie, rapacious. Perhaps diphthongal by-forms with ai 
 may underlie these. On the other hand, the specifically LWS. form 
 namon, for nonion, must be regarded as a new formation (390, 
 note 2). 
 
 Note 2. Here belong the following, which have undergone 
 i-umlaut according to 94 : cwen, woman (Goth, qens) ; w^en, hope 
 (Goth, wens) ; gecwenie, convenient (OHG. biquami) ; geseman, 
 reconcile; geteme, suitable (OHG. gizami), etc. (compare the dialectic 
 forms cwoen, woen, gecwoeme, etc.). OE. e is, therefore, not to be 
 considered as springing immediately from Germanic se. 
 
 69. West Germ, e before original m becomes i in the 
 verb ninian, take, OHG. iieman, but is preserved before 
 n: cwene, woma^i (OHG. quena) ; deiiu, valley ; North. 
 henu, lo (compare also foreigji words like senoiSr, synod; 
 senep, mustard) ; and before mn from fn, as in emu, 
 stemn, from efn, stefn (193. 2). Before nasal + conso- 
 nant the e of foreign words incorporated into the lan- 
 guage at an early date becomes i : gim, gem ; niinte, mint; 
 pinsian, consider, from Latin g-eninia, nientlia, pensare. 
 
 70. West Germ, o before nasals becomes u : cunian,. 
 come; greiiumen, taken; -numa, receiver; wunian, dwell; 
 tSwnoT, thunder (OHG. coman, grinoinan, -noiiio, 
 
44 PHONOLOGY 
 
 woneii, cloiiar). So the o in the early borrowings from 
 Latin : iiiunuc, munt, puncl, cunipaeder, from Latin 
 nionachus, montciii, poudiis, compater ; and, with sub- 
 sequent i-umlaut : mynet, niynster, from Latin moiieta, 
 
 inonasterium. An exception is fQnt (fant), from Latin 
 fonteni. 
 
 Note. In the case of native words the rules of paragraphs 69, 70 
 apply only to a simple nasal, since nasal + consonant had already 
 changed preceding e to i and o to u in the Germanic period (45. 2, 3). 
 
 b) Influences of 'w 
 
 71. The combination wiu, wio, arising from Ger- 
 manic A\T by breaking (79 ff.), or through the agency of 
 u- and o/a-umlaut (105), usually becomes wu ; yet 
 older forms with the diphthong io (eo, 38), and even 
 such as have simple i, now and then occur : wuton, let 
 us; wudii, wood; wiiduwe, widow ; swutol, clear ; wucu, 
 week; c(w)ucu, living; wuht, thing (so also nawuht, 
 iiaiiht, nothing) ; betwuh, betwux, between; side by 
 side with wiodu (rare and old) ; widuwe, weoduAve ; 
 sweotol ; wicu, weocu ; cwicu, cwic ; betwih, etc. 
 
 Note 1. Rare and late is the occurrence of -wo : wolcread, for 
 wiolocread. More usual in LWS. texts is wy : wydu^ve, swytol, 
 betwyh. 
 
 Note 2. The io of WS. ■wio experiences i-umlaut to ie, like any 
 other io : \vler?Je, worth; wiersa, worse; v\ier(re)sta, worst, etc. 
 
 72. Tlie combination weo from Germ, we (breaking 
 or n-umlaut, 79 ff. ; 104) generally retains its form ; yet 
 beside dialectal (esp. Kentish, Mercian, and R.^) weo- 
 rold, world, occurs always the pure WS. vvorold ; thus 
 vary weorarig and woriTij^, courtyard, and more rarely 
 
THE VOWELS 45 
 
 in LWS. certain others, like wore, worpan, g-eswost- 
 erna, swotol, beside the usual weorc, weorpan, 
 g-esweostor, sweotol. For this eo LWS. frequently 
 substitutes u : swurd, wurSTan, wurcTian, swuster, 
 instead of sweord, sword ; weorSTan, become ; weorcTian, 
 estimate, prize; sweoster, sister; subsequently this u 
 is replaced by y : swyrd, etc. 
 
 Note. Contrariwise, the later language not seldom writes -wur for 
 wyr : w^urmas, wurd-, wurt-, wurste, for wyrmas, wyrd-, ^vyrt-, 
 w^Tste (E WS. wierste) ; quite exceptionally weor for -wyr, Avur, as in 
 weormum, ymbhweorft, Geoweorpa, for wyrmum, ynibhwyrft, 
 Lat. Jugurtha. 
 
 73. 1) The combination aw remains normally 
 unchanged before vowels : awul, awl ; clawu, claw ; 
 g-esawen, seen, etc. Where ea crops up beside it, as 
 in tesLwe, few (Goth, fawai), clea, claw, it has crept in 
 from forms in which original aw- had for some reason 
 become au (see 2, below). 
 
 Note 1. The umlaut of aw before vowels is §w : str^wede, 
 strewed; cl^wetJa, itch; ^we, ewe (add perhaps the part, ges^wen, 
 seen, beside gesawen); later texts have also eo : eowu, streowede, 
 etc. (but not *geseowen). In certain words, like meowle, maiden 
 (Goth, mawilo), eoAvde, flock, in which a middle vowel was synco- 
 pated (143 ff.), long eo seems to have occurred. 
 
 2) The combination ew before vowels regularly 
 becomes eow ; at the end of a syllable, however, it 
 passes through eu into eo : cneowes, treowes, STeowes, 
 etc., gen. sing, of cneo, hnce ; treo, tree ; tSeo, servant 
 (137) ; compare OHG. knewes, etc. 
 
 Note 2. From the juxtaposition of forms like cneo and cneoTves 
 result, through mutual influence, those like cneow, where the w has 
 come in from the polysyllables, and such as cneowes, where the long 
 eo has come from the monosyllables (Beitr. 10. 489 ff.). 
 
46 PHONOLOGY 
 
 3) Original iw remains partly unchanged before 
 vowels, and partly appears as iow (eow, 38) : arriwa, 
 thrice ; spiwe, spiwecTa, vomiting ; past part, dspiweii, 
 vomited ; ^siwen, filtered ; iiiwol, headlong^ beside less 
 pui'e WS. forms like niowol (neowol), aseowen, etc. 
 
 Note 3. Forms with ie, i, like ni(e)we, new (Goth, niujis), hi(e)w, 
 
 form (Goth, liiwi), etc., do not go back to an old iw, but to an older 
 iuw, which arose from West Germ, gemination (227). Those like 
 sioAvian, sew; spiowian, vomit, have, on the other hand, probably 
 borrowed their io (eo) from forms with original iw before vowels. 
 
 c) DiPHTHONGIZATION BY PaLATALS 
 
 74. The palatal semivowel j (175), when beginning 
 a word, unites with the vowels a (se) and o to form g-ea, 
 geo (grio) : grea, i/ea ; gear, gear ; gioc, g'eoc, yoke ; 
 geoinor, 8ad ; so likewise in the pronoun geon, that 
 (338, note 6), and its derivatives, like greoiul, through; 
 begeoiidan, beyond (for jaii-, JQn-, 65 ; compare EWS. 
 gieiid, g-iiid, Kent, geiid, North, gind, beg-ienda, with 
 i-umlaut). The combination jii quite frequently remains 
 unchanged: i\i, formerly ; iung", g"uiig, youiig ; iug-uar, 
 g-ug-ucT, youth (compare Goth, ju, jugg-s) ; but its place 
 is usually taken by greo, gio : geo ; geoug, gioiig ; 
 geoguS", giogua". 
 
 Note 1. io very rarely persists unchanged, as in ioc. The 
 source of the le in giet, gieta (syt» gyta), yet, and gien, giena 
 (beside more usual gen, gena), yet, is not yet determined. There is 
 no doubt that we have an older j in the pers. pron. ge, beside occa- 
 sioual gle (332). 
 
 Note 2. On forms like ger for gear, see 109. 
 
 75. The palatals g, c, and sc have a similar effect, 
 since they change the primary palatals ae, se (= Germ. 
 
THE VOWELS 47 
 
 se, 57. 2), and e, into ea (with i-umlaut, ie), ea (with 
 i-umlaut, ie), and ie. Examples : 
 
 1) 86 to ea : g'eaf, gave ; -g"eat, obtained ; g"eat, gate, 
 gesitwe^ trappings ; ceaf, chaff; cea^as, jaws ; ceaster, 
 town ; sceall, shall ; sceaft, shaft ; sceatt, treasure ; 
 sceabb, scab ; scear, pret. 3 sing., cut ; for * gsef, * gset, 
 
 * caester, * scael, etc. (compare Goth, g-af, gat, skal, 
 Lat. castra). Similarly, with i-umlaut (98) : giest (g"yst, 
 g"ist), guest ; ciefes, concubine ; ciele, coolness ; scieppan, 
 create ; cietel, kettle ; from * g-easti-, * ceafis, * sceapp- 
 jan, * ceatil, for * gsesti-, * csefis, * scseppjan, * csetil 
 (compare Goth, gasts, skapjan). 
 
 2) se to ea : geafon, ^ave ; -geaton, obtained; geag- 
 las, jaws ; sceap, sheep ; scearon, cut ; for * ggefon, 
 *g'8etoii, * scaeron (compare Goth, g-ebum, getum). 
 With i-umlaut : ciese, cyse, cheese^ for * ceasi, from 
 
 * csesi, from Lat. caseus. 
 
 3) e to ie (i, y) : giefan, give ; giefii, gift ; -gietan, 
 obtain; gield, offering ; gieldan, pay ; giellan, yell; 
 gielp, boasting ; gielpan, boast; gied, song; scieraii, cut; 
 scield, shield ; beside gifan, gyfan ; gildan, gyldan, etc. 
 
 Note 1. Contrary to the rule, se maintains itself in gaedeling, 
 kinsman, aet-, togaedere, together (50, note 2), and in certaia Latin 
 words received into LWS., such as caeppe, cap ; caefester, halter, from 
 Lat. cappa, capistrum ; of course also in gaers, grass, caerse, cress, 
 for graes, etc. (179). Forms like gaest, scaed, shade, scaer, scaeron 
 (instead of giest, scead, scear, scearon), are unknown to WS, prose, 
 but occur in poetry. The imp. scaef (beside scaf), for the normal 
 sceaf (369), is of late formation. 
 
 Note 2. The e holds its ground in words like geldan, gelp,* sceran, 
 etc, , to about the same extent as it is substituted for ie in general ; 
 this e, however, cannot be regarded as pure WS. Nevertheless, 
 WS. always has sc^9?fan (392. 4) (while poetry has a rare scyStfan), 
 
48 PHONOLOGY 
 
 and ^Ifric regularly writes g^sthus (otherwise an exceptional form), 
 just as Mod. Eng. has a guttural g in guest. In the case of g^sthus 
 there is probably borrowing from the Norse. 
 
 Note 3. When tlie palatal diphthongization of e is in conflict with 
 breaking (79 ff.), the latter has the preference ; hence, ceorfan, carve; 
 ceorl, man; goorn, eager ; sceorfan, gnaw ; not *cierfan, etc. Under 
 similar circumstances the u-, o/a-umlaut (101 ff.) likewise has the 
 preference over palatal influence : geolo, yellow ; geoloca, yolk ; ceole, 
 throat; ceorian, lament; yet pure WS. always has giefu, after the 
 model of the gen. dat. ace. giefe, though outside of the limits of pure 
 WS. there is also a nom. geofu. 
 
 76. 1) Other vowels undergo no change after g* and 
 c ; this is true not only of the guttural vowels a, 9, o, u, 
 as in g-alaii, sing ; calaii, he cold ; g-Qiigran, go ; cQinp, 
 camp, battle ; grast, spirit ; casere, emperor ; God, God ; 
 god, good; corn, corn; guiiia, man; cuman, come ; gutS, 
 battle; cTiar, known, but also of the resulting secondary 
 palatals ?e, ^, e, y, y (7, note) due to umlaut, as in g-i^st 
 (beside g-ast), spirit; g-^d, lack; g?elsa, luxury ; ciieg, key 
 (cf. 90); c^mes, sAiV^; c^mbaii, comb; c^miya, warrior ; 
 c^nnaii, beget; C^iit, Kent;' -g^nga, goer (cf. 89.4); 
 c^llendre, coriander ; cene, bold; celaii, cool; cepaii, 
 observe ; ges, geese (cf. 93 ; 94) ; cyme, coming ; cynii, 
 kiii ; cyssan, kiss ; cyst, choice ; gyldcn, golden ; cyaran, 
 a?i7iounce (cf. 95 ; 96). 
 
 Note 1. An exceptional geasne is frequently found in the poetry, 
 for and beside gaisne, gesne, barren (OHG. geisini). 
 
 2) Instead of sea, sco, there is a frequent occurrence 
 of scea, sceo : sceacan, sceoc, sceaeen, shake. (392), and 
 scacan, s<;oc, scaceii ; sciidan and sceadaii, separate ; 
 Hcamu, sc^mu, and sceamii, sce<^)mii, shame ; scop and 
 sceop, poet; scoh and sceoh, shoe. This variation is 
 
THE VOWELS 49 
 
 an extremely irregular one, in regard not only to the 
 spelling of single words, but also to the usage in the 
 different texts. 
 
 In most cases scu remains unaffected : scua, shadow ; 
 scucca, demon ; sciifaii, shove ; sciildor, shoulder ; scur, 
 shower. Not till LWS. do we encounter single instances 
 of sceu, like sceucca, sceufan, and somewhat more fre- 
 quently eo : sceocca, sceofan, sceor. 
 
 No change is experienced by scy : scyld, guilt; 
 scyndan, hasten; scyte, shot, etc. 
 
 Note 2. Even in the earlier texts sceo is a frequent substitute for 
 scu in the verb sceolan, shall, beside sculan (423) ; plur. sceolun, 
 beside sculun. The preterit sceolde for seolde is likewise of surpris- 
 ingly frequent occurrence. 
 
 Note 3. The umlaut-^ derived from 9 (89. 4) remains unchanged 
 in sc^nc, goblet; sc^ncean, pour out, but is nearly always diph- 
 thongized in pure WS. in sciendan (scindan, scyndan), disgrace, 
 as is e, the umlaut of o (94), in gescy, shoes (for gescie, Ps. North, 
 gescoe). 
 
 Note 4. In later texts -e is even occasionally inserted between so 
 and a, o in the midst of a word : ni^nnescea, human being, Egiptisc- 
 ean, Ebreiscean, etc. 
 
 Note 5 (on 75-76). On account of the irregularity which prevails 
 among the phenomena described in 76. 2, they are not to be classed, 
 without further question, with those of 75 (and 74), which are con- 
 sistently carried out in WS. It is not at all impossible that in the first 
 case, to some extent at least, the e may have been a mere graphic 
 insertion, to indicate that sc had the pronunciation of sli (German sch). 
 Indeed, some scholars assign the same explanation to the ea, ie of 75, 
 or in other words assert that they merely indicate the palatal pronun- 
 ciation of the g, c, sc (206), and consequently that ea is merely an 
 abbreviated mode of writing eae. But this opinion can hardly be 
 maintained in view of the fact that the ea and ie of 74 and 75 are 
 treated in the subsequent evolution of the language exactly like the 
 other ea's and ie's, which are indisputably true diphthongs ; that is, 
 that ea, ea undergo palatal umlaut to e, e (108 ; 109), and that ie, 
 
50 PHONOLOGY 
 
 ie are converted to unstable i, y and i, y (41). Accordingly, tlie ea 
 (eo) and ie of 74 and 75 must be regarded as genuine diphthongs. 
 
 d) The Breakings 
 
 77. Breaking, according to Grimm, may be defined 
 as the change of a short e to eo, and that of a short 
 a to ea. We propose to frame a more accurate defini- 
 tion by restricting the name to such of the changes as 
 take place solely through the influence of following 
 consonants (for ea, eo, as u- and o/a-umlauts, see 108 ff. ; 
 for ea, eo from palatal + a, o, u, see 74 ff.). 
 
 78. Breaking is older than palatal diphthongization 
 (75, note 3) and u-umlaut, since it already prevails in 
 the Epinal glosses, which exhibit but few traces of 
 u-umlaut. That it is likewise older than the i-umlaut 
 is rendered probable by the fact that the broken ea, eo 
 undergo regular umlaut to ie, i, y (97 ff.). 
 
 The varieties of breaking in WS. are the following: 
 
 1) Before r + consonant 
 
 79. 1) Before r + consonant West Germ, e passes 
 into eo ; and Germ, a, under the same circumstances, 
 into ea : 
 
 a) steorra, star ; lieorte, heart ; eorcTe, earth ; weor- 
 pan, throw = Goth, (stairiio), liairto, air}7a, wairpan, 
 OS. sterro, lierta, ertha, werpaii, etc. 
 
 b) earm, arm ; wearp, threw ; wearKT, became — Goth. 
 arms, warp, war J?. 
 
 Note 1. The breaking remains, even when the second consonant 
 Ls lost: feorh, life; 'ffwcorh, across; moarli, horse; gen. f cores, 
 Sweores, mearcs (on the lengthening see 218. 1, and note 1). 
 
THE VOWELS 51 
 
 Note 2. On the other hand, breaking does not occur in berstan, 
 burst; Serscan, thresh; fersc, fresh ; gaers, grass; baerst, burst ; aerii, 
 house ; haern, wave, and the causatives aernan, ride ; baernan, burn, 
 because in these cases tlie r + consonant is the result of metatliesis 
 (179). Why tliere should be an absence of breaking in haerfest, 
 harvest (but cf. 50, note 2), and brerd, margin (unless in the latter 
 word there be i-umlaut of o, 93), is not evident. For arn (qfh), 
 barn (bQrn), see 65, note 1 ; 386, note 2. But, notwithstanding the 
 metathesis, we have beornan (byrnan), burn, and iernan (yrnan), 
 run = Goth, brinnan, riniian (see under 2 below). 
 
 Note 3. Breaking is of rare occurrence in foreign words ; thus 
 we have arce-, beside aerce-, arch- (in such words as arcebiscop, 
 archbishop), martrian, martyr; and in later texts usually arc, ark, 
 carcern, prison, where the earlier commonly prefer earc, cearcern. 
 
 2) West Germ, i was likewise broken to io (later eo) ; 
 but as West Germ, i scarcely appears before r + con- 
 sonant except in cases where i, j formerly followed this 
 combination (45. 2), WS. io (eo) is umlauted, as in 
 hierde (Goth, hairdeis), etc. (see 100, but also note 2 
 above). 
 
 2) Before 1 + consonant 
 
 80. West Germ, a before 1 + consonant is usually 
 changed to ea, but a is often retained, especially in the 
 older documents : feallan, /a?Z ; eald, old; liealf, half; 
 along with fallan, aid, half (perhaps more precisely 
 f^Uan, ^Id, li^lf, according to 124. 3 ; see also note 3), 
 = Goth, fallan, etc. 
 
 Note 1. For forms like Wealh -Weales, Welshman, see 79, note 
 1 ; 242 ; for their i-umlaut, 98 ; 99. 
 
 Note 2. Breaking takes place before 11 only when the latter is of 
 Germanic origin, as in feallan, fall; eall, all; weallan, boil; with 
 i-umlaut : fiell, fyll, fall, etc. (98). Before the II from Germanic Ij 
 (227), on the other hand, we have always ^, i.e., the i-umlaut of the 
 unchanged a : h^U, hell ; t^Uan, tell; the only exception is the (siellan), 
 
52 rHONOLOGY 
 
 syllan of certain texts (North, sealla), give (for *seaUjan), Goth. 
 saljan (but CP. only s^Uan). 
 
 Note 3. Even in LWS. there is no sign of breaking in certain 
 words, such as balca, bemn ; dale, brooch; f aid, fold. As the oldest 
 form of the last word in OE. is falud, falaed, it is not improbable 
 that there has been syncopation of a vowel following the 1 in the other 
 words of this kind (compare also JElfred, and similar names; haelfter, 
 50, note 2). 
 
 Note 4. Breaking is not found in late loan-words : paell, pallium. 
 
 81. West Germ, e undergoes regular breaking to 
 eo only before Hi, Ic: iiieolcaii, milk; ^seolcan, lan- 
 guish ; heolca, hoar frost (?) ; seolli, gen. seoles, seal ; 
 eolli, elk; sceolli, squinting ; feolan, command (from 
 * feolhan, see 218) ; then in heolfor, gore^ and in seolf, 
 self (dialectic, as, for example, in Ps.), beside sielf, sylf 
 (compare also siellic, syllic, strange^ beside sellic), and 
 unchanged self (this form exclusively found in CP.). 
 In other cases, e before 1 + consonant is retained : 
 swellaii, swell ; helm, helmet ; helpaii, help ; sweltan, 
 die^ etc. 
 
 Note 1. Whether the eo's in reduplicated preterits like weoU, 
 heold, etc. (396), are to be regarded as the results of breaking, or as 
 originally long diphthongs, remains uncertain. 
 
 Note 2. Breaking may perhaps be assumed before Iw in geolo, 
 yellow, gen. geolo^ves, etc. (from the stem *gelwa-); or this may be 
 a case of ii-umlaut, such as we hav(^ in its derivative geol(o)ca, yolk^ 
 and heolstor (Ep. helustr), hiding-place (104). 
 
 3) Before h 
 
 82. Before h + consonant (x = lis, 221. 2), and before 
 the h which terminates a syllable, (xermanic a is broken 
 to ea, and ae to ea: 
 
 a) pToiiealilie, abundantly ; ealita, eight ; ineahte, 
 could ; niealit, might ; ueaht, night (for iiiilit, uilit see 
 
 I 
 
THE VOWELS 53 
 
 98, note) ; feax, hair ; weaxan, grow ; also hliehhan, 
 hlyhhan, laugh (with i-umlaut, 98); 'compare Goth. 
 ahtaii, mahta, malits, nahts, fahs, wahsjan, hlahjan; 
 WS. gefeah, seah, pret. sing, of gef eon, rejoice ; seen, 
 see (391. 2); 
 
 h) neali (Goth, nehw(a)). 
 
 Note. No breaking usually appears in the foreign trahtian, con- 
 sider^ and its derivatives. 
 
 83. Under the same conditions as in the foregoing 
 paragraph, Germ, e was originally broken to eo, alter- 
 nating in EWS. with io. However, but few forms have 
 been preserved with an invariable eo, io : feoh, fioh, 
 cattle ; eoh, horse ; pleoh, danger ; imp. g-efeoh, seoli 
 (367; 391.2); feohtan, fight; and frequently EWS. 
 Peohtas (Angl. Pehtas), Picts. In other words EWS. 
 eo is quite rare and hardly genuine : for example, seox, 
 six ; reoht, right ; cneoht, hoy ; the result is usually dis- 
 guised by palatal umlaut (108. 1). 
 
 84. 1) In like manner, Germ, i is broken to EWS. io. 
 Common WS. eo: tiohhian, teohhian, arrange; teoh, 
 order; meox (Goth, maihstus), ordure; so now and 
 then (but hardly genuine WS.) in proper names like 
 Wioht, Isle of Wight ; Wiohthiin, Wiohtgrar, etc. But 
 there are often parallel forms with i, y (for older ie, 23), 
 like wrixl, exchange ; mixen, dunghill ; Wilit, Wight ; 
 wiht, thing ; g-esiliiac, g-esyhS*, sight ; sihar, syhST, sees, 
 etc., which are to be referred partly to i-umlaut (100), 
 partly to the so-called palatal umlaut (108). 
 
 2) Germ, i is broken in some cases to eo (not io) i 
 leoht (North, leht, Goth, leihts), easy ; \y^tvi'^Q>\i^hetween^ 
 
54 PHONOLOGY 
 
 (weoburt, weofod, altar^ for weohb-, Angl. wibed, 
 
 222, note 1); compare the Common WS. imperatives leoh, 
 teoh, S'eoh, wreoh (from the contract verbs leoii, etc., 
 383), for which EWS. instances are wanting. Else- 
 where we have also EWS. io, as in Wiohstan, and 
 after w a u in bctwiih, between (compare Goth, tweili- 
 nai, two) ; fiilwuht, baptism^ which points to shortened 
 io (71). 
 
 Note 1. Breaking is even caused by the x arising from sc by meta- 
 thesis (209) : bet\^^eox, between^ beside betwix (329, note 1). 
 
 Note 2 (on 82-84). Even before h followed by a vowel, break- 
 ing very likely occurs. At least this is the simplest explanation of 
 contract forms like slean, strike (111. 2), near, nearer (112), for 
 * sleahan, * nealiur from * slahan, * neehiir ; and especially of those 
 like sion, beside seen, see (113. 2), and teon, beside tion, accuse 
 (114. 3), for *siohan, beside *seoliaii, from *sehaii (83), and 
 *teohan, beside tiolian, from tlhan (84.2). 
 
 e) The Umlauts 
 
 85. Umlaut, in Germanic grammar, denotes those 
 mutations of a stressed vowel which are caused by a 
 vowel or semivowel (j, w) of the following syllable. 
 There is, therefore, a division into a-umlaut, i-umlaut, 
 u-umlaut, etc., according to the sound by which the 
 umlaut is produced. 
 
 On the so-called palatal umlaut see 108 ; 109. 
 
 86. The mutations of a basic vowel by umlaut are of 
 different kinds in OE. They consist eitlier in a partial 
 assimilation of the basic vowel to the following sound, 
 or in the development of the basic vowel into a diph- 
 thong. The former is the case with the i-umlaut, for 
 example, li^re, army^ older h^ri, from liari ; the latter is 
 
THE VOWELS 55 
 
 the case with the u- and o-umlaut, as in ealii, ale^ from 
 * alu, or eofiir, hoar^ from * ei5ur. 
 
 Note. Grimm regarded the second kind of umlaut as a subordi- 
 nate species of breaking ; but it seems better to employ the term 
 'breaking' in the narrower signification specified in 77, and (with 
 Holtzmann) to speak of u- and o/a-umlaut as well as of i-umlaut. 
 
 87. As regards the relative age of the various umlauts, 
 the i-umlaut is the oldest of all. It succeeds breaking 
 in order of time, but precedes the u-umlaut, since it 
 already prevails in documents which exhibit but the 
 scantiest traces of u-umlaut (78). 
 
 1) The i-umlaut 
 
 88. The cause of i-umlaut is an i or j which origi- 
 nally followed the stressed syllable, it being a matter 
 of indifference whether the i already existed in Indo- 
 European, or whether it was transformed in the Ger- 
 manic period from older e or ei (45. 2, 7). As the 
 language underwent further development, the sounds 
 which produced umlaut either grew unrecognizable (by 
 weakening to e, 44), or were entirely lost (177). Hence 
 the causes of this umlaut can, in the majority of cases, 
 only be determined by a comparison with the cognate 
 languages, which, in the preservation of the i, j, repre- 
 sent an older stage than OE. 
 
 89. The older short a had, before the appearance 
 of i-umlaut, been divided into ae and <? (49 ff. ; 65), 
 and with these two was, under special circumstances, 
 associated the form a, as well in native as in foreign 
 words. For this reason it becomes necessary to treat 
 of their umlaut under different heads. 
 
56 PHONOLOGY 
 
 1) The i-umlaut of the short se before an originallj 
 single consonant is normally § (19, note) : h^rig-an, 
 glorify ; ii^rig-aii, save ; h^re, army ; t^llaii, count ; 
 s^ttaii, set; w^ccaii, awaken ; l^cgaii, lay = Goth, liaz- 
 jan, naii^aii, liarjis, * taljan, satjan, wakjan, lagjan, etc. 
 
 Note 1. Beside ^ occurs a sporadic ae, especially in saecgan, say^ 
 beside slogan ; \vraece(e)a, exile^ beside wr^cc(e)a ; and ael- beside 
 ^1- (compare Goth, aljis, another), for example, ael^iodig, ^ItHodig, 
 foreign. This se is constant in stsepe, step, and in certain words 
 which are assumed, notwithstanding the OE. geminates (225 ff.), to 
 have originally had but a single consonant after the vowel : staep- 
 pan, step; geinaecc(e)a, mate; saecc, dispute; waeece, watch; 
 waeccende, watching; nees, foreland; pseStJan, traverse; scaetJ^ig, 
 injurious; staeSSan, sujiport; maecg, man, etc. 
 
 2) The i-umlaut of short ae before consonant groups 
 is normally se : sesc, ash; ligraesc, lightning ; dwaescaii, 
 extinguish ; sespe, aspen ; fsestan, fasten ; -hlsestan, bur- 
 den ; msestan, fatten ; liaeftan, arrest ; rsefsan, blame ; 
 aefnaii, execute ; stsefnaii, regulate ; naeglan, nail ; 
 braeg"cleii, cunning ; fseSTiiian, embrace^ etc. 
 
 Note 2. Constant exceptions with ^ are : ^ft, again ; r^st, rest ; 
 r^stan, rest; ^gle, troublesome; ^glan, molest; ^siie, servant; st^fu, 
 st^mn, trunk. Beside ae we occasionally also find ^ in ^fnan, 
 st^fnan. 
 
 3) The umlaut of the a which must exceptionally be 
 postulated instead of se is ae. This is evident in foreign 
 words like Laeden, Latin ; caefester, halter ; niaegester, 
 master^ from Lat. Latinum, capistrum, magister, etc. In 
 native words it often occurs, for example, when level- 
 ing by analogy takes place between a and ae, as in the 
 2 and 3 sing. faiM-es, -ecT, goest, goes, from Prim. OE. 
 * faris, -ip (for Prim. OE. * faeris, -i)?), in conformity 
 
I 
 
 THE VOWELS 57 
 
 with faru, faraS", etc. (371, note 2), or in words like 
 rseced, house; haelear, hero ; lisecele, cloak, from Prim. 
 OE. *rakid, *halij7, * hakila (for Prim. OE. * rsekid, 
 etc.), in conformity with the parallel forms * rakud, 
 *halu}?, *liakula with suffixal ablaut (127; 128). 
 
 Note 3. Here probably belong the ae's of 50, note 2 ; cf. also 100, 
 note 4. 
 
 4) The umlaut of a before nasals, which, as we have 
 seen, interchanges with <? (65), is in the oldest texts se, 
 lateral fr^mman, joe^^orm; in^n(ii), wew; s^iidan, se9ic?; 
 str^ngra, stronger; dr^ncan, drench, from the stems 
 frQm, forwards ; inQii(n), inan(ii), man; string", Strang", 
 strong ; drgnc, drank, etc. 
 
 Note 4. The ae has persisted where it was separated from the 
 following nasal by early metathesis; hence we have aernan, ride; 
 baernan, hum (causative) = Goth, rannjan, brannjan, and probably 
 also aern, house ; haern, wave^ from * ranni, * hranni (79, note. 2 ; 
 179). 
 
 Note 5. Different from this is the use of ae instead of ^, which at 
 a later period is confined to certain texts which have a dialectal 
 (especially Kentish) cast ; these employ it frequently in a fairly uni- 
 form manner : f raeminaii, maenn, saendan, Saencan, aengel, etc. 
 
 90. The i-umlaut of OE. a (from ai and a, 62 and 57) 
 is se : hal, whole, hselan, heal; lar, lore, Iseran, teach; 
 an, one, ^nig-, any ; dsel, part, h^l, omen (i-stems). So 
 also gan, go, 2 and 3 sing, g-sest, ^s^tS (430); Isewan 
 (Goth, lewjan), betray. 
 
 91. The i-umlaut of WS. se = Germ, se, Goth, e 
 (57. 2) is likewise se: l^ce (Goth, lekeis), leech; dsed 
 (Goth. de}?s, i-stem), deed; ni^ere, famous (jo-stem). 
 
58 PHONOLOGY 
 
 Note. Goth, mekois, sivord, is always mece, though the OS. form 
 is maki. For other e's which are only apparently identical with 
 Goth, e, see 68, note 2. A special umlaut-form for Germ. (Goth.) e 
 seems not to exist : gelefan, weaken (from * -leTvjan), like lef, weak, etc. 
 
 92. A true OE. i-umlaut of e does not exist, since 
 every Germ, e when followed by i, j had already become 
 i (45. 2). The interchange of e and i in groups like 
 etan, itest, itecT (Goth, itan, itis, itij?) ; helpan, hilpest, 
 hilpST ; OE. regn, rain, rig-nan, rinan, rain (for * rig-n- 
 jan), etc., belongs to a period antecedent to that of OE. 
 
 93. The i-umlaut of o is 
 
 1) -^ from older oe (27): morg-en and m^rg-en, mor- 
 row; clolitor, dat. sing, d^liter, daughter; oxa, nom. 
 ace. plur. ^xen (277, note 1); ^fes, eaves, beside yfes 
 (OHG. obasa, Goth, ubizwa); ^fstan, hasteii (from 
 ofst, ofost, zeal, haste) ; so likewise in the foreign 
 words ^le, oil; c^l(l)endre, coriander, from Lat. oleum, 
 coriandrum. 
 
 2) usually y: g-old, gold, g-ylden, golden; hold, gra- 
 cious, hyldo, grace; forht, timid, fyrlitu, fear ; gnorn 
 (a-stem) and gnyrn (i-stem), grief, etc. So likewise in 
 foreign words like cycene, kitchen ; mynet, coin ; niyn- 
 ster, minster, from Lat. coquina, moneta, monasterium (70) ; 
 and niynecen(u), nun, from inunuc, monk, Lat. monachus. 
 
 Note. This y is not the direct umlaut of OE. o, "but of an ante- 
 cedent u which (45. 3) existed already in Prim. Germ, in place of o 
 before following 1, j ; compare, for example, OS. gold, gulclin ; hold, 
 huldi, etc. In the examples under 1, where we have the true umlaut 
 of o, the o was transferred, before the occurrence of the i-umlaut, 
 from the cases where the latter is absent to those where it was subse- 
 quently found. Where this explanation does not hold, the o, as in 
 the case of ^le, belongs to a foreign word. 
 
THE VOWELS 59 
 
 94. The i-umlaut of o is e, from older oe (27): 
 
 a) older o (60) : doiii, doom, deman, deem ; boc, hooh^ 
 bee plur.; sohte, sought, secan inf.; gled, gleed, sped, 
 success (i-stems) ; 
 
 b) o before nasals from West Germ, a, Germ, se (see 
 68, note 2) ; 
 
 c) o from older 911, an (66) : g-os, goose, plur. gres ; 
 softe, softly, adv., sefte, adj.; foii, catch, fehst, feh9', 
 2 and 3 sing.; olit, persecution, ehtan, persecute. 
 
 Note. Id the oldest texts oe is found, though but very seldom, 
 in place of e : oe^el, eSel, Cura Past. 2. 7 ; -doe, ib. 8. 2, for the 
 regular do. 
 
 95. The i-umlaut of u is y: wulle, wool, wylleii, 
 woollen; g-esund, sound, g-esynto, soundness; hunger, 
 hunger, hyngran, hunger; burg", city, byr(i)g- (284), etc.; 
 and in foreign words like cynien, cumin; pyle, pillow ; 
 pytt, ^:>^^; ynce, inch, from Lat. cuminum, pulvinum, 
 puteus, uncia. 
 
 Note 1. The instances of y from u are very numerous, but only a 
 few pairs of words with u and y can be adduced, since Prim. Germ, u 
 scarcely ever occurred except before nasal + consonant and before i, j 
 (45. 3), and therefore must of necessity have undergone umlaut in 
 almost every instance. 
 
 Note 2. For E WS. ymb, ymbe, about, LWS. frequently has emb, 
 embe. 
 
 96. The i-umlaut of u is y : 
 
 a) older ti : briican, use, brycaf 3 sing. ; tun, hedge, 
 ontynan, open; bryd, bride (i-stem) ; and in foreign 
 words like stryta, ostrich; plynie, plum, from Lat. 
 struthio, prunea. 
 
60 PHONOLOGY 
 
 h) u from iin (186. 1): fus, ready ^ fysan, hasten; ciltS^ 
 known^ cycTau, make known; ytf, wave (ja-stem), etc. 
 
 Diphthongs 
 
 97. In the older texts the i-umlaut of ea and ea is 
 usually ie and ie, and afterward the sound designated 
 by unstable i (22); the latter is often represented by i 
 (beside ie), and then chiefly by y. In the tenth and 
 eleveiUh centuries the y predominates, except in certain 
 cases where there seems to have been an actual change to 
 the pure i-sound (31, note). Besides, there occur in 
 many texts the collateral forms e, e, which may perhaps 
 be regarded as reductions of ie, ie to a monophthong. 
 
 Note. In general, these e's, e's may be regarded as dialectic 
 (although they are written, for example, by certain copyists of the 
 Cura Past., they are entirely wanting in ^Ifric's Homilies, except in 
 the word gesthus, 75, note 2). 
 
 98. Examples of ea : 
 
 a) broken ea (79 ff.): earm, poor^ iermcTu, misery^ 
 ierming', wretch; eald, oZc?, comp. ieldra, sup. ieldesta, 
 ieldu, age ; weallan, hoil^ 3 sing. wielS", wielm, surge 
 (i-stem) ; Wealli, Welshman^ wielisc, foreign (218) : 
 weaxan, grow^ 3 sing. wiextT (so likewise sliehjy, 
 afwieliQ", from sleaii, smite; 9" wean, ivash)\ Iilieliliaii 
 (Goth, hlahjan), laugh; slieht (i-stem), battle. 
 
 h) ea after palatals (74 ft".): scieppan (Goth, skapjaii), 
 create-, eiefes (OHG. Itebisa), concubine; giest (i-stem), 
 guest. 
 
 The later forms of these words are iriii<Tu, irniingr, 
 ildra, ildesta, ildu, wilcT, Avilin, Avilisc, AvixJT, sliliKT, 
 
THE VOWELS 61 
 
 9'wih3', hlihhan, sliht, scippan, cifes, gist ; still later are 
 yrmieru, ylclra, wylm, wylisc, hlyhhan, slyht, scyppan, 
 cyfes, g-yst, etc. More rarely occur forms like eldra, 
 welm, wergan, etc. 
 
 Note. In miht, might, and niht, night (284), the i is tolerably 
 stable (cf. 31, note). In -scipe, -ship (263. 1), beside the very rare 
 -sciepe, the i is probably earlier than Old English, as may be inferred 
 irom the corresponding OS. forms in -skipi. 
 
 99. Examples of ea : lieah, high^ comp. hiehra, 
 sup. hielist; heawan, hew^ 3 sing, hiewiar; neat, ani- 
 mal^ dimin. iiieten ; beacen, beacon^ biecnan, beckon ; 
 geleafa, beliefs geliefan, believe; hieran, hear; nied, 
 need^ lieg, flame (i-stems), etc, ; afterward hihra, hihst, 
 niten, biciian, gelifan, hiran, nid, lig, and hyhra, 
 hyhst, nyten, gelyfan, hyran, nyd; more rarely neten, 
 gelefan, lieran, etc. 
 
 Note 1. Before c and g the y is but seldom written (31, note). 
 For igg replacing ig see 24, note. 
 
 Note 2 (on 98, 99). In lightly stressed syllables even pure WS. has 
 frequently e, e instead of ie, ie ; compare formations like aef werdla, 
 injury ; m^telestu, lack of food, etc. 
 
 100. 1) The i-umlaut of eo and eo is in general 
 exactly the same in pure WS. as that of ea and ea, being 
 represented by ie, i, y, and ie, i, y : 
 
 a) Examples of eo : feorr, /ar, dfierran, remove ; 
 weorpan, throw ^ 3 sing. wierpcT ; subst. weorar, ivorth, 
 adj. wierSfe ; ierre, anger^ angry ^ hierde, herdsman 
 (jo-stems); fierst (i-stem, with metathesis, 179), time; 
 afterward ^firran, wirpST, wir9'e, irre, hirde, first, and 
 afyrran, wjTpcT, wyi'STe, yrre, hyrde, fyrst, etc. 
 
62 PHONOLOGY 
 
 b) Examples of eo : ceosaii, choose^ 3 sing, ciesac ; 
 Veowan, rue^ 3 sing. hriewcT ; leoht, lights liehtan, 
 illuminate; gestreon, possession, strlenan, obtain ; treow, 
 faith, g-etriewe, faithful; ariestre, glooms/ ; later cisar, 
 hrnvST, lilitan, strinan, getriwe, STistre, and cysiS", 
 hrywaf, lyhtan, strynan, getrywe, tfystre. 
 
 Note 1. Before h + consonant the variant y is rarely met with : 
 leoht, easy, lihtan, lighten; Avrixlan, exchange; lixan (or shortened 
 to lixan), illuminate (Goth. *lluhsjaii); yet in EWS. always ryhtan, 
 direct (108, note 1), and Common WS. wylit, beside wiht (i-stem), 
 and frequently gesyhtJ, beside geslh9, sight, etc. 
 
 After j WS. as a rule has only i. So from geong, young (74), is 
 formed the comp. gingra, sup. gingest, not giengra, glengesta, or 
 gjngra, etc. Beside EWS. gind there is a rare giend ; but geond, 
 without umlaut, is common (74 ; 338, note 6). Beside EWS. giec^a, 
 itch, occurs a later gicSa, and so giccian, itch ; gicclg, purulent. 
 
 2) Beside ie (i, y), there occurs in EWS. as umlaut 
 of eo an io, which eventually, like all io's, becomes eo, 
 and thus comes to coincide in form with the non- 
 umlauted eo : STeod, people, g-eSTiode, language, ^ISfiode, 
 foreign people, ^lariodig-, foreig^i, g-eSTiodan (refl.), 
 join, iinderSTiodan, subject ; steor, helm, stioraii, steer^ 
 stiora, helmsman; treow, trust, g'etriow(i)aii, clear 
 oneself; beside ^ISFiedig, g-e-, uiiderariedaii, stieran, 
 stiera, getriewan (but not * geitTiede, etc.) ; LWS. 
 gecTeode, ^ISTeodig, ge-, underareodaii, steoran, steora, 
 g'etreowan, etc. 
 
 Note 2. Not to be confounded with this phenomenon, which may 
 perhaps be called semiumlaut, and which holds even in the purest WS. 
 is the occurrence in less pure WS. texts, as in Anglian, of occasional 
 (io) Co, not due to umlaut, instead of ie, ie : dfeorran, eorre, heorde, 
 -or neowc, new ; heow, /or?M, for strict WS. niewe, niwe, etc. 
 
THE VOWELS 63 
 
 Note 3 (on 88-100). Occasionally the vowel of the first element 
 of a compound is umlauted by the radical vowel of the second ele- 
 ment: hlsef-dige, lady, beside hlaf-ord, lord (43, note 4); ^nlic, 
 beside anlic, peerless ; 3yslic, tJyllic, beside Suslic, <5ullic, such ; 
 Sghwilc, eghwilc, each, etc. (347); North, teniht, anything; nseniht, 
 nothing (348); and, with further mutilation of the word, endleofan 
 (from *aiiilibon), eleven; enetere, enitre (from *anv*diitri), year- 
 ling ; or the foreign Wyrtgeorn from Vor-tigern, etc. 
 
 Note 4. Umlaut of the first syllable of a trisyllabic word is occa- 
 sionally produced by the vowel of the final syllable (working through 
 umlaut of the vowel of the middle syllable). Here belong especially 
 specimens of the phonetic series a-u-i (50, note 2): gaideling, kins- 
 man (earlier gaediling, from *gadiling, from *gaduling), etc.; then 
 cases like aerende (from *arindi, from *arundi), errand; demerge 
 (from *amirja, f rom * amurja, OHG. eimuria), embers. North, oefist 
 (43, note 4, from *ofist, from *ofusti, for *of-unsti-), etc. 
 
 Note 5. Now and then the umlaut of the second element of a 
 compound affects the first, without direct phonetic influence (as in 
 note 3): aenige, beside anige (aneage, note 7), one-eyed; aenliepe, 
 -ig, beside anliepe, -ig (North, anlape), sole (compare ON. einhleypr), 
 serlest, beside arleast (note 7), dishonor ; and probably sseni-, s^m- 
 tinges, beside samtenges, adv., together; endemes, equally (for *s9in- 
 taengis, andseniis), etc. 
 
 Note 6. The umlaut of the first element of a compound is some- 
 times lacking, even when the corresponding simple word exhibits it : 
 Cant-ivare, Kentishmen, beside C^nt, Kent; som-, sam-, half, in 
 compounds like som-, sainciicvi, half alive (OHG. samiquec), etc. 
 
 Note 7. Umlaut is not seldom lacking in derivatives, especially 
 late formations, which take instead the original vowel of the under- 
 lying word : folcisc, popular ; hvisincel, cottage ; leorning, study, 
 etc. Especially, too, to be noted is the lack of umlaut in the second 
 element of compounds : aneage, one-eyed ; orsaw^le, lifeless ; sid- 
 feaxe, long-haired ; orcnawe, evident ; orgeate, evident ; eSbegeate, 
 easily obtained; subst. smaeltyearme, loiver abdomen; poet, syn- 
 caldu, perpetual cold (cf. 279). In LWS. this lack of umlaut occurs 
 particularly in the abstracts ending in -least, like m^teleast, want 
 of food, beside EWS. -liest, -lestu. 
 
64 PHONOLOGY 
 
 2) The u- and o/a-umlaut 
 
 101. Before a following prehistoric or Prim. OE. u 
 or o a West Germ, a may be changed in OE. to ea, e 
 to eo, i to io. 
 
 This phenomenon is especially well marked in the 
 Anglian dialects, particularly in Mercian (160) ; in WS., 
 on the contrary, it is subject to various limitations, 
 because (1) those vowels have less power to produce 
 umlaut in WS., and (2) the workings of analogy have 
 more frequently obscured the result of such umlaut. 
 In particular, the inflections of WS. show an almost com- 
 plete leveling of the forms with and without umlaut, 
 chiefly in favor of the latter. 
 
 Again, the effect of Prim. OE. u is more extended than 
 that of the o-vowels, for which reason we consider the two 
 separately. Here the following points deserve attention : 
 
 1) Under ii-umlaut belong all the cases which have 
 Prim. OE. li as their umlauting agent, regardless of its 
 origin (whether from original u or some other Germ, 
 vowel, especially o), and regardless of its later develop- 
 ment (weakening to o, later to a, or in middle syllables 
 even to e). 
 
 2) The prehistoric o (whatever its source) regularly 
 appears as historic a, except where it has become u (1, 
 above) or has sunk to an inactive e or i ; hence it may 
 be doubtful which of the two forms, o or a, actually 
 produced the umlaut. Accordingly we shall designate 
 this as the o/a-umlaut, meaning by this that it occurs 
 before a historic a which sprang from a prehistoric o 
 (but not from prehistoric u, as in 1). 
 
THE VOWELS 65 
 
 3) u- and o-umlaut act in general only through a 
 single consonant (individual exceptions are noted below) ; 
 these consonants differ in their effect upon the umlaut, 
 some facilitating it, while others obstruct it. Most favor- 
 able are the liquids (r, 1), followed by the labials (f, p) ; 
 then come the gutturals g- and c (li is disregarded because 
 of breaking, 82 ff.), and finally the dentals (d, t, 9", s), 
 which are the most obstructive. 
 
 4) Both umlauts are facilitated by a w preceding the 
 affected vowel; here umlaut takes place before conso- 
 nants which otherwise hinder its occurrence. This group 
 of umlauts seems, too, to be older than the rest. 
 
 a) The U'Umlaut 
 
 102. Besides being produced by the u of the u-stems 
 (270 ff.), the 11 of the nom. sing. fern, and of the nom. 
 ace. plur. of short-stemmed neuters (253 ; 238), the u of 
 the wo- and wa-stems (249 ; 250 ; 259), and the -uni of 
 the dat. plur. (237), etc., the u-umlaut may also be occa- 
 sioned by the suffixes -oc, -od, -ot, -otf^ -or, -ol, -on, 
 -urn, standing for older -uc, -ud, -ut, etc. (the latter 
 endings being occasionally found in the manuscripts). 
 Here belongs especially the o in the pret. and past part, 
 of the weak verbs of the Second Class, like sealfode, 
 earlier -ude (412). 
 
 103. a to ea. This umlaut is extremely rare in pure 
 WS. prose. The only word in which it regularly occurs 
 is ealu, ale, gen. dat. ealoS", beside rarer aloS" (281. 2). 
 Otherwise ea is entirely lacking: arod, brisk; darotF, 
 arrow ; waroST, shore ; apuldre, apple-tree ; stapol, prop ; 
 
66 PHONOLOGY 
 
 hafoc, hawk ; hag-ol, hail ; flacor, flying ; sadol, saddle ; 
 atol, terrible ; staarol, foundation ; lasor, cockle ; also of 
 course in inflections : calu, callow ; stalu, theft ; cam, 
 care ; niagru, hoy ; liag-u, haw ; lag-u, sea ; racii, account ; 
 sacu, dispute ; faSFu, aunt^ or the plurals salii, halls ; 
 trafn, tents; bladu, leaves; baSTii, baths; fatu, vessels; 
 dat. bladum, fatuin, etc. 
 
 Note 1. In forms like fealu, fallow ; bealu, evil (beside falii, balu), 
 as well as in bearu, grove ; nearu, distress ; searu, armor, the ea is 
 not the result of u-umlaut, but is transferred from the cases like gen. 
 feaUves, bearwes, which exhibit breaking (79 ff.); ceafor, chafer 
 (stem *kafra-), has ea from palatal + ae (75. 1) ; forms like ceafu, 
 geatu (beside gatu, 240, note 3), follow the sing, ceaf, geat (75. 1); 
 for sceadu, shadow ; gesceapu, destiny, etc., see 76. 
 
 Note 2. In texts of a less purely WS. cast the ea is somewhat 
 commoner, and in particular is very generally found in the poetry, 
 where it is doubtless due to Anglian originals (2, note 6 ; 160): cearu, 
 care ; dearotJ, arrow ; "\vearo3, shore ; eafo?^, strength ; eafora, pos- 
 terity ; heafoc, hawk; heafola, head; beadu (and so gen. beadTi^e, 
 259), battle; eatol, terrible; hea<5u-, battle, etc., beside earn, daroS, 
 waro5, afora, hafola, hafoc, etc. Even the inflectional u occasion- 
 ally produces ea, as in plur. heaf u, treafu, from haef, ocean, trtef, tent. 
 
 104. e to eo. 1) u-umlaut of e to eo is the rule in 
 WS. before the liquids r and 1: lieorot, hart ; smeoru, 
 grease ; teoru, tar ; poet, heoru-, sword ; lieolor, scales ; 
 g-eolo, yellow ; then, with subsequent syncopation of the 
 u, forms like heolstor (Ep. helustras, plur.), hiding- 
 place. Yet the leveling process of analogy does away 
 with the CO in inflection : nom. ace. plur. sperii, dat. 
 speriim, Averiim, weliim, nom. peril, like sing, spere, 
 spear; wer, man; wela, riches^ obi. peran, etc.; so gen- 
 erally iiielo (beside meolo), meal., like gen. melwes, etc., 
 and {Tiefii, for g-oofii, gift., like obi. gricfe (75, note 3), etc. 
 On the treatment of weo- see note 2. 
 
THE VOWELS 67 
 
 2) Before labials, EWS. has usually e, which latei> 
 becomes normally eo : EWS. efor, hoar^ in Eforwic, 
 York ; hefon, heaven (WS. eofor, heofon); then beofor, 
 heaver; poet, g-eofon, ocean; sweofot, sleep; compare 
 also eofot, debt; eofolsian, blaspheme (43, note 4), and 
 the foreign eofole, a plant (Lat. ebulus). 
 
 3) Before gutturals and dentals the eo is lacking 
 in pure WS. : reg-ol, rule ; sprecol, loquacious ; etlor, 
 enclosure ; medu, mead ; fetor, fetter ; teso, injury. 
 Hence, too, inflectional forms like g-ebrecu, g-ebeclu, 
 gremetu, gesetu, dat. grebrecuni, etc., from g^ebrec, crash; 
 g-ebed, prayer ; g-emet, measure ; geset, dwelling^ are to 
 be regarded as phonetically regular forms. 
 
 Note 1. Texts which are less purely WS., especially the poetical 
 ones, frequently have umlaut-forms with eo : reogol, eodor, ineodo, 
 feotor, poet, breogo, prince ; meotod, fate ; likewise in inflection : 
 geseotu, meoto, from sing, geset, dwelling ; met, measure^ etc. 
 Certain texts seem to prefer this umlaut before gutturals rather than 
 before dentals. 
 
 Note 2. WS. has wo for weo before r, 1 (1, above) in woriild, 
 worold, world (but Kent. Merc. R.^ weorold, 72); swolotJa, heat. 
 On the other hand, werod and weorod, troop, generally werod, 
 sweet, and the plur. weleras (from *weluras), lips. 
 
 4) Only after w does the u-umlaut of e regularly 
 become eo in pure WS., even before consonants which 
 otherwise do not transmit it : hweogol, wheel ; sweotol, 
 evident ; weotuma, dowry ; and before the combination 
 st in sweostor, sister. 
 
 105. i to io. 1) After w, the u-umlaut of i occurs even 
 in WS. without reference to the following consonant, 
 but becomes wu in this case (71): cwucu, ciicu, liv- 
 ing; -liwugu, -hugu, in pronouns Hke hw8eth(w)ug'u, 
 
68 PHONOLOGY 
 
 whatever (344) ; cwuclu, cudu, cud ; wudu, wood ; wud- 
 wwe, widoiv ; wiitoii, let us ; swutol, evident ; and 
 before st in swuster (from * swistiir), etc. 
 
 Note 1. This rule is broken by numerous levelings in the inflec- 
 tion. Sometimes u prevails throughout, as in plur. cwuce, cuce, for 
 cwiee, like c(>v)ucu, or inf. SAvugian, sugian, keep silent, for swigian, 
 like pret. sAvugode; sometimes it is i that is generalized, as in plur. 
 twigu, from twag, twig ; nom. SAvipu, whip, like the obi. sAvipe ; 
 or in conjugation, like -witan, know; gevA^itun, loent, etc. In other 
 cases, wu- and -wi-forms occur more or less indiscriminately side by 
 side : beside wuduvve, widow, LWS. often widuwe, widew^e ; beside 
 sweotol (from *swetul, 104. 4) and swutol (from *switul), an occa- 
 sional switol, etc. LWS. has also wy : ^vydewe, etc. 
 
 Note 2. Only rarely occurs wio, weo ; an example is Avioluc, 
 weoloc, whelk. 
 
 2) Apart from the position after w, u-umlaut of i to 
 EWS. io, WS. eo takes place, as a rule, only before 
 the liquids (r), 1 and the labials f and p, that is, before 
 those consonants which also favor the ii-umlaut of e to 
 eo (104. 1,2). Hence EWS. mioluc, milk; sioliic, silk; 
 sioliifr, silver ; pret. tiolode, from tiliaii, attempt; sio- 
 fun, seven; siofoSTa, seventh; ^'siofoSTa, bran ; pret. cliop- 
 ode, from clipiaii, call, etc. = Common WS. nieol(o)c, 
 seoloc, seolfor, teolode, seofon, seofoSTa, cleopode, etc. 
 
 Note .3. Leveling frequently takes place between i and io, eo in 
 inflection ; hence, on the one hand, forms like teolian, cleopian, and, 
 on the other, such as tilu, fem. from til, good; plur. clifu, dat. clifum, 
 from clif, cliff (241); pret. plur. drifoii, gripoii, etc. (376, note 1; 
 382), or pret. tilode, bifode, from tiliaii, bifian, tremble, etc. 
 
 Note 4. In LWS. y occurs in certain words for the otherwise 
 stable eo, as in syfon, sylfor. 
 
 3) Before other single consonants u-umlaut of i does 
 not regularly take place in pure WS. : geuiimor, 
 
THE VOWELS 69 
 
 familiar; sine wealt (from sinu-), ro2*wc?; fiwxile^ fennel ; 
 sicor, certain ; sicol, sickle ; iiigron, nine ; hlgora, wood- 
 pecker^ -tig-oSfa, -th (in twentig-oaFa, twentieth^ etc.); 
 huitol, addicted to hutting ; sliclor, slippery ; niaror, 
 down^ etc. So in inflection : brimu, liniu, g-eflitu, 
 liliaru, liaru, dat. brimum, etc., from brim, sea; lim, 
 limh ; geflit, strife ; hliS", slope ; liST, limh ; or u-stems 
 like sidii, custom; friSfu-, peace (in proper names like 
 Friacug-ar); or feminines like sinu, sinew; hnitu, nit; 
 smiSTii, smithy ; stigu, sty ; or preterits plural like 
 stig-oii, rison (382), or sticode, smiSTode (from stician, 
 Htick^ sniiisrian, /or^e), etc. 
 
 Note 6. Only quite sporadically do the EWS. texts have io, eo 
 in these cases, and even then the dialect is hardly free from suspicion : 
 liomu, leoniii, limbs; -tiogoSa, -th; siodo, custom; niotJor, down; 
 3iosun, tJeosuni, to this (Cura Past.), ]7iosaii, J^eosan, this (Ores.). 
 At a later period (io), eo is not hard to find in texts not strictly WS., 
 especially in the poetry. 
 
 Note 6. Beside i and io, EWS. has occasionally ie and y in these 
 cases : geflietu, plur. of geflit, strife ; nieSemest, the undermost ; 
 or Sysum, to this; ny'Semest ; hlynigan, lean (Cura Past.). These 
 y's are not rare in LWS. 
 
 Note 7. A u-umlaut occurs in EWS. before consonant-combi- 
 nations in the words siendun, are, beside sindun (427, note 1), and 
 3iossurn, to this, beside Jfissum (338) ; hence LWS. frequently syndon 
 (and after this model synd, synt) and ]7yssum (to which conform 
 Jjysses, etc.). 
 
 Note 8. Syncope of u (144, note 1) is probably indicated by the 
 ace. sing. masc. Siosne (338), this (LWS. Sisne, Sysue, with unstable i), 
 perhaps from the basic form * ]7isuna. 
 
 b) The o/a-umlaut 
 
 106. The o/a which produces this umlaut usually 
 belongs to inflectional syllables, and often interchanges 
 
70 PHONOLOGY 
 
 with other vowels, (ae), e, i, as well as u, in the inflec- 
 tion of the same word. Compare, for example, para- 
 digms like doin, -es, -e ; -as, -a, -iini, or hof, -es, -e ; 
 -II, -a, -uiu (238), or locian, -ie ; -as, -aST ; -iaST ; -ucle 
 
 (-ode) and -ade (414). Hence there is often leveling 
 between the different phonetically regular forms of the 
 same paradigm, the umlaut-vowels being generally lev- 
 eled under those whicii had remained unaffected. There 
 is consequently more difficulty in establishing fixed rules 
 for the actual occurrence of the o/a-umlaut than for 
 that of the u-umlaut. 
 
 107. 1) The West Germ, a suffers no o/a-umlaut in 
 WS. (50; sceaSEFa, rohher ; sceacan, shake^ etc., belong 
 under 76. 2). 
 
 2) In like manner, West Germ, e undergoes in gen- 
 eral no o/a-umlaut, not even before liquids and labials 
 (101. 3), nor after w: hence fela, much; adv. tela, well; 
 stela, stalk ; wela, riches ; bera, bear ; nefa, nephew ; 
 sefa, mind^ like pleg-a, play ; -breca, breaker ; or inf. 
 helan, conceal; beran, bear^ like wefan, tveave; cweia^an, 
 speak; metan, measure, etc. 
 
 Note 1. Differently treated are ceole, obi. ccolan, throat, and 
 ceorian, complain; but these are probably rather to be referred to 
 u-umlaut (ceolaii for prehistoric *keluii, cf. OHG. kelun, and ceo- 
 rian like the pret. oeorude, -ode). 
 
 Note 2. Otherwise the umlaut eo for e appears only in texts less 
 purely WS. , especially often in the poetry; hence forms like inf. 
 hcolan, beoran, part, beorendc ; weak masculines like >veola, seofa ; 
 adv. feola, teola, etc. 
 
 A collateral form feala, beside fela (feola), occurring also in prose, 
 seems to have formed its vowel on the analogy of f eawa, few (301, 
 note 1). 
 
THE VOWELS 71 
 
 3) Original wi has in some cases become wu through 
 o/a-umlaut (105. 1), but side by side occur more fre- 
 quently Avio, wie, and the unumlauted wi : tuwa (from 
 *twiwa), twice ; wiita, pi. wutan, wise man (from wita, 
 -an), beside wiotan (weotan), Tvietan, Avitan, etc. 
 
 Note 3, In pure LWS. u is found only in tuwa, and in words 
 where the o/a-umlaut is indistinguishable from the u-umlaut, as 
 in gen. dat. Avuda, beside nom. ace. wudii, ivood, etc. Elsewhere 
 i prevails : compare, for example, the weak masculines wita, ivise 
 man; cwiSa, womb; Jiwitia, breeze ; swic a, deceiver ; wiga, warrior ; 
 inf. witan, know, etc. 
 
 4) If no w precedes, original i before liquids and 
 labials is normally converted by o/a-umlaut to EWS. 
 io, later WS. eo : gen. plur. liiora (lieora, beside an early 
 hiera, later hyra, 334) ; ondliofa, biliofa, -leofa, food ; 
 * cliofa, cleofa (beside clifa, clyfa), hedchambar, etc. 
 
 Note 4. The umlaut is often set aside by analogy : tilian-tilast, 
 -a3 (pret. tilede), 416, note 14 ; libban-lifast, -a9 (416, note 2), 
 beside tilian (tiolian) - tiolast, -a3 ; libban - liofast, -aS (leofast, 
 -a3); clif, cliff, gen. plur. clifa, etc. 
 
 5) Before other consonants than those mentioned, an 
 o/a-umlaut of i is in general not found in pure WS. : 
 rima, border; prica, dot; bita, bit; cliSfa, poultice; 
 pisu, obi. pisan, peas; cinu, obi. cinan, chink (278); 
 inf. niman, take^ etc. 
 
 Note 5. An apparent contravention of this rule is furnished by such 
 words as WS. heonan, hence; beheonan, on this side of; neoSan, 
 beneoSan, beneath (for older hionan, etc.), beside hinan, ni^an, 
 nytfan ; but more probably these are cases of u-umlaut. 
 
 Especially strange is sio^tJan (seo39an ; sieS'San, si?J?Jan, sy?J- 
 !3an), after, from *si(J3on, with shortening of the i (337, note 2). 
 
 Note 6. In other cases where io, eo occurs in words of this 
 class, we must assume another dialect : reoma, border ; ondwleota, 
 countenance, etc. 
 
72 PHONOLOGY 
 
 /) The So-Called Palatal Umlaut 
 
 108. Before c, g, h the diphthongs ea, eo, lo may 
 
 lose their second element, being thus simplified to e (se), 
 e, 1, or otherwise qualitatively altered. In the earlier 
 editions of this book it was assumed that these changes 
 rested on a ' palatalization ' of the vowels, caused by a 
 semipalatalization of the gutturals c, g-, h, and hence 
 this phenomenon was designated palatal umlaut. But 
 that assumption being no longer tenable, at least in this 
 form (see note 2), the name is also to be rejected; yet 
 since we have no other convenient term by which to 
 describe the phenomenon, the designation has here been 
 retained for the nonce, its rather unsatisfactory character 
 being indicated by prefixing the term ' so-called.' 
 
 In WS. the whole phenomenon is of slight importance, 
 but in the Anglian dialects is developed to a consider- 
 able extent (161 ff.). The chief cases in WS. are the 
 following : 
 
 1) In place of the eo and io produced from older e 
 and i by breaking before h + consonant, there generally 
 occur, apart from the exceptions noted in 83 and 84, the 
 forms ie or unstable i, y: siex (six, syx), six; ciiilit, 
 boy; Pihtas (Pyhtas), Picts, etc., for seox, cneoht, 
 Peohtas ; wrixl, exchange^ for *\vrioxl, which might 
 have been expected; etc. (but cf. also 84. 1). 
 
 Note 1. The word 'right,' with its derivatives, is nearly always 
 ryht in EWS. (so ryhtan, etc.), almost never riht. In LWS., how- 
 ever, the i becomes rather firmly established : riht, rihtan, etc. 
 
 2) ea and ea before h (x = hs), g-, c become LWS. 
 e, e: 
 
THE VOWELS 73 
 
 a) sell, saw ; sleli, blow ; g-eiiehhe, abundantly ; exl, 
 shoulder; fex^hair; Hex^Jlax; se:s., knife ; wexan^ grow, 
 for EWS. seah, sleah, g-enealihe, eaxl, feax, etc. 
 
 b) neh, near; teli, drew; SFeh, though; hehsta, highest; 
 nehsta, nearest ; eg-e, ege ; beg-, ring ; becen, sign ; eca, 
 increase ; lee, locked, for neah, teah, iSTeah, heahsta, 
 neahsta, eage, beag, beacen, eaea, leac. Nevertheless, 
 the traditional orthography ea, ea is preserved even in 
 some of the later texts which already exhibit e, e. 
 
 Note 2. Actual palatal influence proceeds only from an h, g, or c 
 which has been palatalized in some definite way — for example, by a 
 following i, j in the case of i-umlaut, etc. Here belongs especially 
 the influence which these sounds exert upon a preceding ie, or stable 
 and unstable y (31, note). 
 
 109. A similar influence, exerted in the opposite 
 direction, appears in the frequent LWS. transforma- 
 tion of ea, ea into e, e after g-, c, sc (here really palatal, 
 according to 206) : celf, calf; cerf, slice ; g-ef, gave ; get, 
 got; get, gate ; get, poured ; ces, chose; Hcet, shot; ger, 
 year ; ongen, against ; seep, sheep ; gesced, discretion, 
 etc., for cealf, cearf (79 ff.), geaf, geat (75. 1), geat, ceas, 
 sceat (63), gear, ongean, sceap, gescead (75. 2). 
 
 Note. This conversion rarely occurs in an open syllable before a 
 guttural vowel, as in getan, they got^ for geaton (75. 2). Usually 
 the ea in this position remains : thus, although LWS. has ger, seep, 
 the gen. dat. plur. is mostly geara, -um ; sceapa, -um. 
 
 g) Hiatus and Contraction 
 
 110. 1) Hiatus within the word is not favored by OE. 
 Hence, whenever a stressed vowel or diphthong collides 
 with an unstressed vowel, whether in consequence of the 
 
74 PHONOLOGY 
 
 vocalization of a semivowel (w), or of the loss of cer- 
 tain consonants (notably h, less frequently w and j) from 
 the interior of a word, or from any other cause, contrac- 
 tion to a diphthong or long vowel usually takes place. 
 
 Note 1. It is no exception to this rule, that inflectional endings 
 beginning with a vowel are, in some cases, attached to stems ending 
 in a vowel, as in heauni, dat. sing, of heah, high; Svveoum, dat. 
 plur. of Sweon, the Swedes. The shorter forms, like lieani, Svveoin, 
 which almost always run parallel with them, show that the fuller 
 endings have been subsequently appended, after the analogy of stems 
 ending in a consonant. 
 
 Note 2. Since within a paradigm there often occur forms with 
 and without contraction, leveling not infrequently takes place. Thus, 
 for example, beside the older nom. sing, clea (111. 1), there appears 
 the later nom. clawu, formed on the analogy of the oblique cases, like 
 gen. dat. ace. sing, clawe; on the contrary, oblique forms like clea 
 (for *cleae) are framed like the nom. clea, so that finally two full 
 paradigms, clea — clea, and clawu — clawe, run parallel to each 
 other (cf. also 111, note 1). 
 
 Note 3. The contractions occasioned by early vocalization or loss 
 of w belong to the Prim. OE. stage ; those wrought by the loss of h, 
 together with certain others, arose at a later period. Not only do 
 the oldest texts frequently exhibit uncontracted forms, but they must 
 also be largely postulated for the poetry, as is shown by metrical 
 considerations (cf. Beitr. 10. 475 ff.). 
 
 Note 4. Collision of unstressed + stressed vowel results, not in 
 contraction, but in the elision of the former : thus unstressed e in 
 forms like b-aeftan, behind; b-ufan, above; b-utan, outside, for 
 be-ae*ftan, be-u'fan, be-fi'tan ; so in the negated verbs n-abban 
 (415); n-ellan, n-yllan (428, note 2); n-ytan (420); add n-istig, 
 fasting, from -wist, food, etc. 
 
 2) The form which immediately preceded a given 
 contraction is not always to be determined with com- 
 plete certainty. Hence we shall, in all doubtful cases, 
 here print the Germ, or West Germ, form for the sound 
 which begins the combination. 
 
THE VOWELS 75 
 
 The following cases occur in WS. : 
 
 111. 1) Orig. a -|- u (from wu or vocalized w) becomes 
 ea (through Prim. OE. au) : (Trea, threat ; clea, claw^ 
 from * ]7ra(w)u, *kla(w)u (beside the analogically formed 
 Ep. thrauu, WS. clawii); then, with restoration of the 
 w from the polysyllabic case-forms : streaw, straw ; 
 lireavr, raw^ for strea, hrea, from * straw, * strau, etc. 
 
 Note 1. As the original declension of words like streaw we must 
 postulate nom. strea, gen. *strawes, etc., after which leveling super- 
 vened, as in clea-clawe (110, note 2). A possible accord with uncon- 
 tracted forms appears in the compoimd strawb^rie, strawberry, beside 
 strea(w)b^rie. 
 
 For forms like streow see 119, note. 
 
 Note 2. Here probably belongs pea, peacock, which perhaps 
 (in contrast with the parallel form pawa = Lat. pcivo) goes back to 
 Prim. OE. oblique forms like ace. *pa(w)un, from Low Lat. pavonem, 
 with shortened vowel. 
 
 2) Orig. all + vowel becomes ea, after the loss of the 
 h (probably through eah + vowel, 84, note 2). Here 
 belong especially the contract verbs lean, fleaii, slean, 
 arwean (392. 2), for * Ia(li)an, etc. ; 1 sing, lea, slea, 
 for * la(h)u, etc. ; opt. lea, slea, for * lahe, etc. ; gefea, 
 yoy, for * g-ifaho ; ea, water, for * ah(w)u, * aim (com- 
 pare Goth, ahwa); ear, ear of grain; tear, tear, for 
 * ahur, * tahur, etc. 
 
 112. Orig. sell + vowel becomes, after loss of h, OE. 
 ea (probably through eali + vowel, 84, note 2): nean, 
 from the vicinity ; near, nearer, for * nsehun, * nsehur. 
 
 Note 1. The stem*kl«wa-, claw, appears in the poetry in the 
 two forms cla and oleo (on clea, from the parallel stem *klawa-, 
 see 111. 1). Unchanged se = Germ. £e occurs in brjew, brow. 
 
70 PHONOLOGY 
 
 Note 2. In LWS. the OE. ae + ^v terminating a syllable passes 
 into ea in breaw, broiv, for *brea from briew (note 1); hence comes 
 the plur. breiiwas, etc. (113, note 3 ; 118, note 2). 
 
 113. 1) Orig. e + u from wu or vocalized w becomes 
 eo (through Prim. OE. eu): STeo, servant; cneo, knee; 
 treo, tree, for * pew, * ]?eu, etc. ; more frequently, with 
 borrowing of the w from the polysyllabic case-forms : 
 lafeow, cneow, treow. 
 
 Note 1. Occasionally EWS. has io for this eo, especially in MS. H 
 of Cura Past. : <Jiow, etc. 
 
 2) Orig. eh + vowel becomes, after the loss of h 
 (probably through older ioh, beside eoli, 84, note 2), 
 EWS. io, beside eo, WS. eo. Hence WS. forms like 
 the contract verbs gefeon, rejoice ; pleon, risk ; seon, 
 see (391. 2), from * -fehan, etc. ; 1 sing, g-efeo, from 
 ind. * -feliu, opt. * -fehae, etc.; then feoli, cattle — gen. 
 feos, dat. feo, etc. (242) ; seo, pupil, gen. seon ; sweor, 
 father-in-law ; teoSTa, tenth ; teontig", hundred, from 
 
 * sella, * swehur, * teliu(n)j70, * tehuntig", etc. 
 
 Note 2. Obscure vocalism is exhibited by EWS. tien, infl. tiene, 
 ten; WS. tyn, tyne, beside ten, tene. 
 
 Note 3. The final ew of a syllable is often transformed in LWS. 
 to eow (instead of eo, from eu, cf. 112, note 2 ; 118, note 2); fleo\v<5, 
 hleow?J, speowS, instead of flewS, etc. (371, note). 
 
 114. 1) Orig. i + u becomes, through Prim, and 
 Early OE. iu, EWS. io (beside rarer eo), then WS. eo: 
 pron. hio, sio (334 ; 337), WS. heo, seo (from * hi + u, 
 
 * si + 11, by the addition of the feminine ending -u) ; 
 nom. ace. plur. neut. i^rrio, cTreo, three (324), from 
 
 * J7ri(j)ii (Goth. Jjrija). 
 
THE VOWELS 77 
 
 2) -Orig. i + orig. a, o blends into a diphthong which 
 fluctuates greatly in EWS. between eo and io,but appears 
 in WS. as eo : EWS. cliofol, WS. deofol, devil^ from 
 Lat. diaholus ; freo (frio),/ree, and its derivatives, from 
 the stem * fri(j)a- ; freog"(e)an, love ; feog"(e)aii, hate^ 
 beside the nouns freond, friend ; feond, enemy ; then 
 bleo, color ; freo, lady ; Sweoii, Swedes ; beo, hee ; peo, 
 an insect; ceo, cJiough; presumably also beon, bion (com- 
 pare Lat. fio), 427. 2. 
 
 Note 1. Whether beot, boast; freols, freedom, from *bl-hat, 
 * fri-hals, belong here or under No. 3, can not be decided. 
 
 Hardly here belongs the pret. eode, went (430), as in this case we 
 have no io-forms (compare also North, eade L., eode R.^, not *iode). 
 
 3) Orig. ih + vowel becomes (presumably through 
 broken ioh, eoh, 84, note 2) EWS. io, beside more fre- 
 quent eo, WS. eo. Here belong the contract verbs 
 teon, (STeon, wreon, leon, seon (383), from tihan, etc. ; 
 pres. 1 sing, teo, tfeo^ etc., from ind. * tihu, opt. * tihae ; 
 then tweo, doubts from * twiho, beside derivatives like 
 tweog'(e)aii, tweonian, doubt; and perhaps a few others 
 (cf. also note 1). 
 
 4) i + e gives ie, later i, y, in sie, he^ from * si(j)8e ; 
 presumably also in the masc. iSfrie, three^ and the 
 pronoun hie, they^ her (nom. plur. masc. and ace. sing. 
 fem., 324 ; 334 ; 337), LWS. sy, Sfry, hy (beside frequent 
 disyllabic sie in the poetry). 
 
 Note 2. The dialectic occasional forms sec (427, notes 2 and 3) 
 and heo (334), beside sie, hie, can not be explained with certainty. 
 
 115. OE. o + vowel becomes o : scoh, shoe^ nom. ace. 
 plur. scos, from * seohas (242) ; the contract verbs fon. 
 
78 PHONOLOGY 
 
 hon, from fohan (for fahan with nasalized a, 395. 1); 
 pres. 1 sing, fo, ho, from ind. * foliu, opt. * foliae ; 
 then aro, clay (early thohae, Ep.) ; lioh, heeU gen. hos ; 
 woli, perverse^ gen. wos, dat. worn, nom. sing. fem. wo 
 (295, note l), etc. 
 
 Note, i-umlaut yields e : 2 and 3 sing, des, deS, dost^ does, from 
 *dois, *doi]? ; dialectic participle den, done, from *doiii (429), etc. 
 For LWS. eow from evy, see 113, note 3. 
 
 116. Orig. u + vowel remains unchanged in scua, 
 beside scuwa, shadow, and generally in buan, build, and 
 its derivatives. 
 
 Note. When e or u follows, contraction now and then occurs .- 
 opt. pres. plur. bun, past part, gebun, beside -buen; gen. sing, cti, 
 cus, beside cue (gen. plur. cua), cow (284, note 4) ; Srum, dat. plur. 
 of tJruh, coffin. 
 
 To Goth, trauan corresponds OE. truwian, with internal w (unlike 
 OE. buan 1= Goth, bauan). A similar w appears in the oblique cases 
 of ruh, raw, gen. ruwes, etc. (295, note 1). 
 
 117. 1) OE. y + i, e contracts to y: drys, dry, gen. 
 dat. sing, of dry, magician, from * dryes, * drye ; 3 sing. 
 cTryar, pret. SFryde, from * ]7ry(h)ij7, * J7ry(li)ida, from 
 arryn, press. 
 
 2) OE. y + guttural vowel becomes WS. eo in rep, 
 covering, obi. reon, from older ryhae Ep. (presumably 
 following the oblique cases, like gen. * rylian, etc.). 
 
 Note. Forms like Sryn, press; tyn, teach (408, note 18), for 
 *J?ryhan, etc., are therefore probably patterned after inflectional 
 forms like 2 and 3 sing. Srys, 'flryS, pret. (5rydc (No. 1, above), 
 and such as dryas, drya, dryuni, nom. gen. dat. plur. of dry, must 
 be regarded as new formations according to 110, note 1. 
 
THE VOWELS 79 
 
 118. 1) Orig. ai (= OE. a) + vowel becomes a: 
 
 a) a + u from vocalized w : a (Goth. aiAv), always^ 
 and occasional forms like sna, snow; hra, corpse^ for 
 which more frequently occur suaw, liraw, etc., with 
 restoration of the w from the polysyllabic cases (but 
 cf. also 134. d)\ 
 
 h) ah + vowel : ra, roe ; g^ef a, foe ; sla, doe ; ta, toe^ 
 for raha Corp., * g'ifalia, * slahse, * talise, obi. ran, 
 g-efan, slan, tan, beside new formations like taan, taum 
 (278, note 2), etc. 
 
 Note 1. Certain scholars assume a change from a + u to ea in the 
 etymologically very obscure Avea, looe, obi. wean, which is referred 
 to *wa(w)un (compare OHG. OS. wewo). 
 
 2) In case of i-umlaut appears ^ : 
 
 a) for orig. a + i : 2 and 3 sing, g-sest, g^gear, from 
 ga-is, etc. (430); 
 
 h) for orig. a(w)i: £e, law ; s£e, sea; hr^, corpse; 
 add gen. sses, dat. sse, for * ssees, * ssee ; gen. dat. ace. 
 se, for * see, etc. 
 
 Note 2. The final Jew of a syllable, derived from aiw, often 
 becomes LWS. eaw (112, note 2; 113, note 3): eawfest, religious, 
 beside sewfaest ; hreaw, corpse (likewise inflected, gen. hreawes, etc.), 
 for earlier hreew, hraw. 
 
 119. The diphthongs ea, eo, io, and ea, eo, io, what- 
 ever their origin, absorb a following vowel. Beside the 
 instances given in ill. 2 ; 113. 2; 114. 3, compare, for 
 example, cases like heah, high^ gen. heas, nom. plur. 
 hea, dat. heam, weak nom. sing. masc. s6 liea, for 
 * hea(h)es, * hea(h)e, * liea(h)uni, * liea(li)a, etc. ; or 
 
80 PHONOLOGY 
 
 the contract verbs teoii, draiv ; fleon, flee (384), from 
 * teohan, etc. ; intl. 1 sing, teo, fleo, from ind. * teuhu, 
 opt. * teuliae, etc. 
 
 For new formations, like heauni, beside heam ; 
 smeauiig-, reflection; SCreaiiiig, threatenmg; fioung-, 
 feoiiiig", hate, beside older sineang', (Treang-, feoug-, 
 etc., see no, note 1. 
 
 Note. The eaw terminating a syllable frequently becomes LWS. 
 eow : streow, straw ^ for streaAv (111); pret. hreow, rued^ for hreaw 
 (384, note 2). 
 
 3. VARIATIONS OF QUANTITY 
 
 120. Thus far it has been tacitly assumed that the 
 quantity of the West Germ, vowels was retained in OE., 
 except where the appearance of contraction, ecthlipsis, 
 or the like, leads to the assumption of a change of quan- 
 tity. However, by a comparison of the later development 
 of the language with the indications of length furnished 
 by the manuscripts (gemination, and especially accent, 8), 
 we are led to the conclusion that a number of changes 
 in the original quantities of vowels (particularly length- 
 ening), hitherto usually referred to later periods of the 
 language, do, in reality, date from OE. 
 
 We are not yet in a position to determine with entire 
 accuracy the extent of these changes in detail ; for, on 
 the one hand, the indications of quantity in the manu- 
 scripts are but scanty ; and, on the other, the editors of 
 OE. texts have either reproduced these indications inac- 
 curately, or entirely ignored them. 
 
 Note, According to Sweet (who was the first after Bouterwek 
 (North. Evang., p. CXIV) to call special attention to the indications 
 
THE VOWELS 81 
 
 of quantity in the manuscripts ; compare Proceedings of the Philo- 
 logical Society, April 16, 1880, and June 3, 1881), the following 
 editions are trustworthy in this regard : Kemble and Skeat's Gospels, 
 Goodwin's GuiSlac, and Sweet's edition of the Cura Pastoralis and 
 of the Lauderdale MS. of Orosius. 
 
 The formulation of precise laws of quantity is rendered 
 more difficult by the circumstance that the phenomena 
 in question vary ^ in regard to extent and period .of occur- 
 rence, with the individual dialect. Such being the case, 
 we are obliged to content ourselves with very general 
 statements. 
 
 a) Lengthening 
 
 121. Final vowels of stressed monosyllables appear 
 as long : hwa, who, from * liwa-(r) (Goth, hwas) ; swa, 
 so (Goth, swa) ; se, the (Goth, sa) ; he, he ; we, we ; ge, 
 ye ; nie, me ; tfe, thee, from * he(r), we(r), * ine(r), etc. 
 (compare Goth, i-s, mi-s, etc.) ; ne, not (Goth, ni) ; bi 
 (big, 24, note), hy (Goth, bi); nu, now ; STu, thou (Goth. 
 nil, ]7u) ; and so probably the proclitic a-, inseparable 
 prefix (for ar-, Goth, us-, OHG. ar-, etc.). 
 
 Note. This does not, however, preclude the assumption that these 
 words, when used as enclitics in the spoken language, were sometimes 
 shortened in pronunciation ; compare especially be, beside bi, and the 
 inseparable ge-, older gi- (Goth, ga-), which is never lengthened. 
 
 122. There is a tendency to lengthen monosyllabic 
 words ending in a single consonant. Under this head 
 fall the following adverbs and particles, which are in part 
 enclitic : ac, lut ; sef-, from (for example in ^fweard, 
 absent, ^fwierdelsa, injury) ; of, of ; on, on (also as a 
 proclitic form of <?ncl, as in on-clrseclan,/(ear; on-gietan, 
 understand)', or-, Lat. ex-, as in orsorg-, careless; un-, 
 
82 PHONOLOGY 
 
 un-^ as in iinriht, wrong ; lip, iipp, up ; in, in ; mid, 
 
 ivith ; grif, if. Furthermore, in wel, well, bet, better; 
 the pronouns ic, /; tfset, that; hwset, what ; instr. iSfon, 
 hwon ; the copula is, is ; besides nouns like faet, vat ; 
 weg-, way; wer, man; clif, cliff; \of, praise ; g-ebod, man- 
 date ; adjectives like hoi, hollow ; verbal forms like the 
 preterits brsec, broke ; s^t, sat, etc. 
 
 Tliis tendency extends even to words whose final 
 consonant has been simplified from an original gem- 
 inate. Thus we meet with mon, man, man, plur. 
 men ; can, can; eal, all; gewlt, intellect; cyn, kin, gen. 
 mQnnes, ealles, g-ewdttes, etc. ; then forms like greset, 
 set, from ges^ted, ges^tt ; sit, sits; ongit, understands; 
 forg-it, forgets, instead of siteSr, ong-iteiS', etc. 
 
 123. Much less pronounced is the tendency to pro- 
 long a short vowel before a single consonant in disyl- 
 labic and polysyllabic words ; instances of ofer, over, are 
 frequent, and already in Cura Past, occur forms like 
 fatii (plur. of fset), race (dat. sing, of racu), stiefe (dat. 
 sing, of staef), fare (opt. 3 sing, of faran), SFone, the, 
 opene, gaderaS", etc. 
 
 124. The vowels which precede consonant groups are 
 also frequently lengthened. In this respect there is the 
 widest discrepancy between one text and another : 
 
 1) before nasal + consonant any vowel is subject to 
 lengthening : hilnd, h^nd, hand ; l^nd, land ; wamb, 
 \vi}uih, tvomb ; wang, wQng, field ; ^mlo, end ; s^ndaii, 
 send ; bindan, bind ; sincan, sink ; stincan, smell ; 
 gresiind, sound; biindon, (they) bound; miint, mountain; 
 stOnta, blockhead ; druncen, drunken, etc. 
 
THE VOWELS 83 
 
 2) Before r + consonant : arn, i^rn, ran ; bsernan, 
 hum; irnan, run; cirm, uproar ; word, word; hord, 
 hoard ; urnon, {they) ran ; wyrd, destiny ; geard, house ; 
 eart, thou art ; sceort, short. 
 
 3) Before 1 + consonant : especially a (for broken ea, 
 80), as in aid, old, salde, gave; but also milde, mild; 
 g-old, gold ; g-eSFyld, patience ; scyld, guilt., etc. 
 
 Note 1. None of the prolongations in 1-3 is to be found in Cura 
 Past., if we may judge from the lack of accents (except the isolated 
 under, Cura Past. 33. 7; suingan, 253. 2; hierstinge, 165. 3), and 
 they are also rare in the Lauderdale Orosius ; on the other hand, they 
 are abundant in LWS. texts, like JElfric's Homilies, etc. In the 
 Lindisfarne and Rushworth Gospels they form the rule. 
 
 Note 2. The prolongations appear earliest and most frequently 
 before nasal or liquid + sonant ; yet combinations whose second ele- 
 ment is a surd are not excluded, as is evident from the examples 
 adduced above. Prolongation does not seem to be caused by 11 in 
 WS., though it has that effect in North., as in alle, all. 
 
 Note 3. In the editions of texts it is the custom to retain the 
 instances of these lengthenings as they occur in the manuscripts. For 
 grammatical purposes it is the part of prudence to distinguish assumed 
 secondary lengthenings from etymological length by the acute (the 
 original German recommends the macron ; cf. 8, and notes). 
 
 J) Shortening 
 
 125. As the accents which denote length are com- 
 paratively rare, it is not easy to determine with certainty 
 when shortening has. taken place. The vowel seems, 
 however (according to Sweet), to be short in STolite, 
 brohte, sohte, from ©"ohte, brohte, solite (407, 1) ; yet 
 compare, for example, hoehtnisse. Rush. Matt. 5. 10 
 = WS. ehtnisse (68, note 2). 
 
 Before other consonant combinations than li + con- 
 sonant, shortening does not appear, in general, to have 
 
84 PHONOLOGY 
 
 taken place ; compare such forms as Crist, grast, msest, 
 gitsian, wituian, fiftig", Isedtle, etc. 
 
 II. THE VOWELS OF MEDIAL AND FINAL 
 SYLLABLES 
 
 126. Only such cardinal phenomena will here be con- 
 sidered as it is necessary to understand before approach- 
 ing the subject of inflections. The details will be treated 
 at length under the latter head. 
 
 A. ABLAUT 
 
 127. Original ablaut. Even in the original Indo- 
 European, inflection was often accompanied by a defi- 
 nite variation or gradation in the vowels of certain 
 suffixes (suffixal ablaut). Thus we frequently encounter 
 the ablaut series e : o : 0, the first two terms appearing, 
 for example, in Lat. generis^ genus; Gr. jevo^;, jeveo^ 
 for * jev6ao<;^ etc. The e of the suffix has, as it would 
 seem, always become i in Germ. (45, note 1), while o 
 became a (45. 4). In place of the third or zero stage, a 
 u frequently occurs (so, for example, in the ablaut of 
 the verb before a liquid or nasal) as a substitute for the 
 lost vowel. 
 
 These gradations are, for the most part, no longer 
 fully preserved in OE. ; as a rule, the vowel of one 
 stage has been introduced into all the forms of tlie 
 same word ; only now and then do double forms, still 
 preserved, point to the regular interchange which for- 
 merly existed. In particular, the i-umlaut of a stem 
 
THE VOWELS 85 
 
 sometimes enables us to infer the previous existence of 
 an e or i in the following syllable. 
 
 Note by Translator. Ablaut, sometimes called vowel-gradation, 
 is a variation of vowel among words of the same Indo-European -root, 
 as in English sing, sang, sung, and Greek Xeiiro), XeXoiira, tXiirov, which 
 depends upon causes no longer active or discernible in the separate 
 languages of the family. The phenomena of ablaut, as they appear 
 in the Germanic or other Indo-European languages, are simply inherit- 
 ances from the Parent Speech. The conditions which produced the 
 phenomena of ablaut can be discerned only by reference, through the 
 methods of comparative linguistics, to the original Indo-European 
 language. The relation, for instance, of German 
 
 (1) Ziehen, zog, gezogen 
 
 to (2) binden, band, gebunden 
 
 is clearer in the Gothic 
 
 (1) tiuhan, tauh, tohans, 
 
 (2) bindan, band, bundans, 
 
 but is not evident until the systems are reduced to the Indo-European 
 form : 
 
 (1) deuk, douk, duk, 
 
 (2) bhendh, bhondh, bhndh. 
 
 These two systems are illustrated in Greek by 
 
 (1) e-\fv{Q)-(rofjLai, elXri-KovQ-a, ^-XvO-ov, 
 
 (2) i-yiv-ero, 7^-'Y0v-a, yl-yv-o^iai. 
 
 The ablaut of German giessen, goss, gegossen corresponds to Gothic 
 giutan, gaut, gutum, and Greek yji^ta, x°F^i K^Xvrai. 
 
 The explanation of ablaut is to be found in the peculiar conditions 
 of word- and sentence-accent in the Indo-European Parent Speech. 
 Thus, by the withdrawal of the stress, the original root-elements ei, eu, 
 el, er, en, es, etc., were reduced to i, u, 1, r, n, s, etc. Thus Greek 
 eifii, Vjicv (orig. *l(ji€v), compare Skr. emi, imds. So xcvjjia, x^'^os; 
 <{>€V'yo>, <|>v-Y6iv; ireCOo), iri0C(r9ai ; Fc^So|xai, Fi-SEtv; S^pKcrai, SpaKCiv 
 (r>pa); atOo), lOapos, etc. The cause of differentiation between the 
 e-grade and the o-grade is not so definitely determined (X^-yci), Xo-yos ; 
 v^|i(D, vofios ; XeCirci), XcXoiira ; 8cpKop,ai, ScSopKa ; Gothic steigan, 
 staig ; English sing, sang, etc.), but it most prObably had its origin in a 
 
86 PHONOLOGY 
 
 variety of musical pitch — that is, the e-grade occurred with stress and 
 high pitch, the o-grade with stress and lowered pitch. 
 
 The above is condensed from an article on ablaut by Benjamin I. 
 Wheeler in Johnson's Universal Encyclopaedia, to which the student 
 is referred. 
 
 128. The most important ablaut-changes, thus dedu- 
 cible, which have left perceptible traces in OE., are the 
 following : 
 
 1) Before original s (Germ, z, OE. r, but often lost 
 when final) in the neut. suffix -os, -es (as in 7eVo9, 
 genus) ^ Germ, -az, -iz ; see the examples in 288 ff. The 
 i-stage is found in forms like sig"e, b^re, older sig-i, b^ri, 
 from * sigiz, * bariz (182) : or North, l^mb, Ps. North. 
 cself, from * lambiz, kalbiz (182 ; 133. h). Parallel with 
 the latter are WS. l^mb, cealf, without umlaut, and the 
 longer forms like sigor, hroafor, lumber, etc. (182, note). 
 
 2) Before n in the suffix -ono, -eno. Germ, -ana, 
 -ina, of the past participle of strong verbs. The i-stage 
 is preserved in a few umlaut forms like segen, cymen 
 (378, note 1). 
 
 Note 1. The gradation was at one time especially apparent in the 
 suffix of the weak declension, -en, -on, -n, Germ, -in, -an, -un, 
 but has been almost entirely obliterated in OE. , the i-stage in par- 
 ticular (as in Goth, hanins, hanin) being totally effaced. 
 
 3) Before 1 in the suffix -olo, -clo (Germ, -ala = Prim. 
 OE. -nl), -ila. The two stages are recognizable in double 
 forms like deagol and diej?ol, secret^ from the basic forms 
 * daug"ola- and * dauffila-. 
 
 4) Before r, more particularly in the suffix of nouns 
 of relationship ; for- these in detail cf. 285. 
 
THE VOWELS 87 
 
 Note 2. Even foreign words are frequently recast to bring them 
 into conformity with the suffixal ablaut of OE.: thus OE. faecele, 
 torchj points to older *fakila, an ablauted form from Lat. facula. 
 On the other hand, Lat. i, e, a is not seldom represented by u, o : 
 persoc, peach; esol, ass; butor, butter; munuc, monk, from Lat. 
 persicum, asilus, butirum, monachus, etc. 
 
 129. Later ablaut. Beside these older gradations, 
 others of more recent date have sprung up in OE. itself, 
 presumably depending upon the variable strength of 
 the secondary ictus, but also in part upon the vowels of 
 the adjacent syllables (a certain principle of alterna- 
 tion between palatals and gutturals being observed in 
 the sequence of vowels). In particular, there is a tend- 
 ency to convert the o, u,, of a final syllable into e, when- 
 ever the word is increased by a syllable taking the 
 secondary stress, and containing a, o, or ii. Thus we 
 generally have rodor, heaven; heorot, hart; staSTol, 
 foundation; the gen. dat. sing, roclores, heorotes, 
 staSToles, -e ; while the plur. is usually roderas, lieo- 
 retas, staiSFelas, -u, -um, the verb staSTelian, etc. Here 
 belongs also the vowel-change in the preterit of the 
 Second Class of weak verbs, like sealfode, plur. sealf- 
 edon (412), and no doubt originally in the abstracts 
 ending in -ung", -ing", etc. 
 
 B. APOCOPE OF FINAL VOWELS 
 
 130. Indo-European a, o (Germ, a), when final, dis- 
 appears entirely: on. Germ. (Goth.) ana, Gr. avd\ sef-, 
 unstressed of, of. Germ, aba, Gr. avro, etc. In particu- 
 lar, many examples might be adduced of the nom. ace. 
 sing, of the o-stems (235 ff.), basic forms -oz, -o(m). 
 
88 PHONOLOGY 
 
 The o has been retained in cases of early contraction, 
 as in frio, freo^ free, stem frijo- (297, note 2). 
 
 Note. A syllabic i preceding the a, o (45. 8) becomes final without 
 change, and afterwards passes into e (44) : ^nde, rice (246), earlier 
 ^ndi, ricl, from * andia, * rikia, etc. 
 
 131. The originally final -e also disappears com- 
 pletely, and without leaving any trace of its influence 
 upon the vowel of the preceding syllable. The chief 
 instances are : 
 
 1) the voc. sing. masc. of the o-stems, like dom (238), 
 compare Gr. Xoye; 
 
 2) the imp. sing, of strong verbs, like ber, help (367), 
 compare Gr. cfyepe; 
 
 3) the ind. pret. 3 sing, of strong verbs, like bser (367), 
 wat (420), compare Gr. olSe. 
 
 e before any consonant that was retained in Ger- 
 manic was changed, probably in the Germ, period, to i 
 (45. 2, note 1), and its subsequent history is that of the 
 latter sound. 
 
 132. Original i and u were uniformly preserved in 
 Prim. OE. To these were added a secondary i and 
 u, arising partly through a change of quality (such as 
 that which led to the development of i from e before 
 consonants, 131), and in part produced by a shortening 
 of the corresponding final long vowels, i, o ; or, in the 
 case of u, by a vocalization of consonantal w. These 
 various i's and Ti's of Prim. OE. were all subject to 
 the same rules of apocope, apocope being determined 
 partly by the quantity of the immediately preceding rad- 
 ical syllable (when the word was originally disyllabiq) 
 
THE VOWELS 89 
 
 and partly by the number of syllables in the word. The 
 principal cases may be classified as follows : 
 
 133. Prim. OE. i is preserved after a short radical 
 syllable, first as i, and afterwards as e (44) ; it disappears 
 after a long radical syllable, and as the final of words 
 containing more than two syllables : 
 
 a) Original i, for example in the nom. ace. sing, of 
 the i-stems (compare Gr. iroXu^^ -lv) : of short stems, the 
 noun wini, wine (262), adj. bryci, bryce (302?); of long 
 stems, the noun wyrm (265). Other cases of apocope 
 are: the dat.-loc. sing, of consonant stems, like fet, 
 from * fati (281; compare Gr. 7ro8t); among polysyl- 
 lables, liro9'or (289), gruman, heortan, tung-au (276); 
 datives plur. like tSseva^ twseni, basic forms * ]7aimiz, 
 etc.; comparative adverbs like l^ng- (323), basic form 
 * lang-iz (compare Lat. magis, and for the loss of the z 
 see 182). Of verbs : the ind. 1 sing, of the verbs in 
 -mi (426 ff.), like dom, do ; and the ind. 2 and 3 sing. 
 and 3 plur. of all verbs, like 2 sing, hilpis, -es(t), 
 3 sing. hilp(e)9', 3 plur. helpaiSr, their basic forms end- 
 ing in -isi, -i]7i, -aiij7i (compare Skr. bh^rasi, -ati, -anti, 
 from y/bher, hear). 
 
 h) Prim. OE. i from original e, for example in the 
 nom. plur. of consonant stems, like hnyte, styde (282), 
 and fet, mys (281), from * hnutiz, * hnutez ; * fotiz, 
 *fotez, etc. (compare Gr. TroSe?); so also in the poly- 
 syllables : g-uman, tungan (276). Finally, in the nom. 
 ace. sing, of the neuter es-stems: short stems, b^re, 
 sige (Goth, bariz-, sigis); long stems, Ps. North, caelf, 
 ealf; North, l^mb, lamb, etc. (288 ff.). 
 
90 PHONOLOGY 
 
 c) Prim. OE. i from original i no doubt existed in 
 the imp. sing, of verbs with thematic jo (372 ; 398. 1 ; 
 compare Goth, hafei, iiasei, sokei, etc.): with short stem, 
 h^fe, ii^re, etc. (367; 409); with long stem, sec, liier, etc. 
 (409). The i has regularly disappeared in the nom. sing, 
 of the long and polysyllabic iti-stems, like g-ierd (257), 
 and g-ydeii, wierg-en (258. 1). Every other final Ger- 
 manic i is preserved in OE., even after a long syllable, in 
 the form of i, e : thus in the opt. pret. 3 sing, of strong 
 verbs like liiilpe (basic form * hulpi, Goth, liulpi) ; or 
 in the instr.-loc. sing, of o-stems like dome, older domi 
 (from * doini, compare Gr. e'/cet). Yet in the so-called 
 dative ham (237, note 2) we perhaps have the regularly 
 developed locative case of a long o-stem, the -i, -e of 
 the other forms being then due to the analogy of the 
 short stems. 
 
 Note 1. Exceptions to the rules for apocope are presented by the 
 adverb b?t, better (Goth, batis), for which we should expect *b^te; 
 and by the adverb ymbe (beside ymb), with the e preserved. 
 
 Note 2. Even when the i is lost, there is i-umlaut of the stem- 
 syllable which immediately preceded. The only exceptions are the 
 verbal forms com, dom, plur. do3 (for *don]7i). 
 
 134. Prim. OE. u is retained as -u, -o in originally 
 disyllabic words after a short stem, but disappears after 
 a long stem : 
 
 a) Germ, u, for example in the nom. ace. sing, of the 
 u-stems: in the short-stemmed nouns, masc. suiiu, fem. 
 diiru, neut. feolu (270, 274; 275), adj. ciicu (303); in the 
 long-stemmed nouns, masc. feld, fem. h^iul (272; 274), 
 adj. lieard (303, note 2). Of all these the basic forms 
 end in -iiz, -u(iii), -u (compare Goth, siiiius, -u, filii, etc.). 
 
THE VOWELS 91 
 
 h) Prim. OE. u from Germ. 5 = orig. a, for example 
 in the nom. sing. fem. of the a-stems : thus in the short- 
 stemmed giefu, adj. hwatu; in the long-stemmed ar, 
 god (252 ; 293 ; compare Gr. ^w/aa, etc.) ; or in the nom. 
 ace. plur. neut. of the o-stems, as in the short-stemmed 
 noun fatu, adj. hwatu, and the long-stemmed noun word, 
 adj. g-od (238; 293). 
 
 c) Prim. OE. u from Germ. 5 = orig. o appeared in 
 the ind. pres. 1 sing, of the verb, and there became per- 
 manent, even after long stems: thus beorvi, faru, but 
 also helpu, bindu. This u has, however, been almost 
 completely displaced in West Saxon by the optative 
 termination -e (355). 
 
 Note. The j which originally preceded (45. 8) does not prevenf 
 the apocope; hence sibb (257), cyim (246), etc., from *sibb(j)u, 
 *cynn(j)u. For the effect of a preceding 1 (45. 8) see 135. 3. 
 
 d) Prim. OE. u from vocalized w (137; 174. 2, 3): 
 for example nom. bearu, bealu (249), g-earu (300) (the 
 feminines like beadu, and the long-stemmed meed, l^s 
 (260), stand for * bad(w)u, * m8ed(w)u, from -o, etc., 
 according to 173. 1 ; 134. b). 
 
 135. In words of three or more syllables, the treat- 
 ment of the final u is somewhat variable. It is regularly 
 cast off in trisyllabic words having the radical and the 
 middle syllable both short, but is retained after a long 
 radical and short middle syllable. After a long middle 
 syllable it appears to be regularly lost. The principaJ. 
 cases are the following: 
 
 1) Feminines of the a-declension : short stems, like 
 firen= Goth, fairina, or tigol, from Lat. tegula (254. 2); 
 
92 PHONOLOGY 
 
 of the long stems, the abstract nouns with the termina- 
 tion -cTu, Goth. -ij7a, like str^ng-cTii (255. 3). The abstract 
 nouns in -ung", on the other hand, always lose the u 
 without regard to their quantity: niQimiig-, warning ; 
 leasung*, leaning^ etc. (254. 2). 
 
 Note. The original ia-stems have conformed to the type of the 
 long stems : hyrnetu, ielfetu, ITegetu (258. 1). 
 
 2) The nom. ace. plur. of neuters of the o-declension : 
 short stems like r^ced, werod ; long stems like nietenii, 
 heafodu (243.1; cf. also 144. ^»); and especially the 
 stems in -io (45. 8), like ricu, from * riciu, basic form 
 *rikio (246). 
 
 3) The nom. sing. fern, and nom. plur. neut. of adjec- 
 tives: short stems like micel, niQiiig-, varying with 
 micelu, inQnigii; long stems like halig^u (296, and 
 note 1 ; cf . 144. h) ; and particularly, again, the stems in 
 -io, like greiiu (298), from * groniu. 
 
 136. The vowels of other final syllables than those 
 already instanced do not undergo apocope in OE. In 
 particular, all vowels are retained which are still pro- 
 tected in OE. by a final consonant, for example, the u, 
 o in the pret. 3 plur. of verbs : hulpun, n^redun, -on 
 (364). 
 
 C. FURTHER CHANGES OF FINAL SOUNDS IN CONSE- 
 QUENCE OF APOCOPE 
 
 137. When w becomes final after consonants and 
 short vowels, it is vocalized to u, o ; after long vowels 
 and diphthongs it either remains unchanged or is lost 
 altogether. For details see 134. d j 174. 
 
THE VOWELS • 93 
 
 138. If a mute followed by a liquid or nasal becomes 
 final, the liquid or nasal falls under the operation of a 
 universal phonetic law, according to which it assumes 
 vocalic character; that is, acquires the power, peculiar 
 to the vowels, of forming a syllable. This applies, for 
 example, to the r, 1, n, m in Goth, akrs, fugis, taik^s, 
 iuaij7i»ts (Braune, Goth. Gram. 27). In OE. these vocalic 
 liquids and nasals often generate before them an aux- 
 iliary vowel. Thus the Gothic forms already cited 
 become in OE. secer, fiig"ol, taceii, maSFuni. The 
 following are the special rules which apply to these 
 phenomena : 
 
 139. Such an auxiliary vowel occurs with most fre- 
 quency before r. The vowel is regularly e when the 
 preceding sjdlable contains a palatal vowel, but is gener- 
 ally o, in the oldest texts and in the dialects ii, less 
 frequently (and usually in the later documents) e, when 
 the preceding vowel is guttural : winter, fing"er, fseger, 
 secer, ceaster (from * caester, 75. 1), but ator, fodor, 
 hlutor, cluster, etc.; compare Goth, wintrus, fig&rs, 
 fagrs, etc. 
 
 Note. Only in the oldest texts, like the Epinal MS., does the 
 r often remain unchanged; atr, spaldr, cefr, along with ledlr, 
 mapuldur, etc. 
 
 140. Vocalic 1 often remains unchanged, especially 
 after dentals : nsedl, needle ; spatl, spittle ; setl, settle ; 
 husl, housel ; eaxl, shoulder ; ngegl, nail^ etc.; yet e is 
 sometimes found after a palatal vowel, as well as u, o 
 after a guttural, without a fixed law : seppel, apple ; 
 teinpel, temple ; fugol, fowl^ etc. 
 
94 PHONOLOGY 
 
 141. Vocalic n usually remains unchanged after a 
 short syllable : liraefii, raven ; stefn, voice ; reg-n, rain ; 
 aregu, thane ; wfeg"ii, wain, though -en is sometimes 
 found. After a long syllable -en predominates : tacen, 
 token; beacen, beacon; wsepen, weapon. Still more 
 rare is -in, as in fraeg-in, asked ; Sreg-in ; or, especially 
 North., -un, -on: becun, becon, sign; tacon, sign; 
 facon, malice ; yninion, hymn, 
 
 142. Vocalic m usually remains without change : 
 STrosm, vapor ; bosm, bosom ; fseSTin, embrace ; botni, 
 bottom ; wiestm, growth ; yet Avsestem, etc., are found, 
 and maSTum, jewel, is the usual form. 
 
 Note (on 138-142). Syllables with vocalic r, 1, m, n are fre- 
 quently not reckoned as full syllables in poetry (cf. Beitr. 10. 480 ff.). 
 
 D. SYNCOPE OF MIDDLE VOWELS 
 
 143. By ' middle vowels ' we understand the vowels 
 of those syllables which lie between the stem and the 
 final syllable of polysyllabic words. 
 
 The middle vowels of Germanic are frequently synco- 
 pated in OE. Their retention or elision depends, how- 
 ever (like the treatment of originally final vowels), in 
 part on the quantity of the preceding radical syllable, 
 in part on the number of middle vowels which the word 
 originally contained. 
 
 144. a) Every middle vowel of a trisyllabic word, 
 when originally short, and not rendered long by posi- 
 tion, is syncopated after a long radical syllable ; after a 
 short radical syllable this syncopation does not take 
 
THE VOWELS 95 
 
 place: compare forms like gen. earies, ^ng-les, deofles, 
 oarres, eowres, ag-nes, heafdes, from etfel^ ^ng-el, deofol, 
 oSTer, eower, agen, heafod, with such as staSToles, 
 rodores, eotones, nacodes, etc. 
 
 b) In the older texts the trisyllabic forms of the 
 nom. sing. fem. and nom. ace. plur. neut. in -u are 
 exempt from the operation of syncope : thus adj. idelu, 
 eoweru (296, note 2), subst. nietenu, heafodu (243. 1), 
 along with idle, eowre, heafdes, etc. This rule does 
 not apply, however, to the feminines ending in -tfii 
 (255. 3), which come under the principle laid down in a. 
 
 c) Notwithstanding the short radical syllable, the fol- 
 lowing words regularly exhibit syncope : inicel, greats 
 and usually yfel, evil^ thus gen. micles, yfles ; but 
 micelii, beside micel (296, note 1), and yfelu, beside 
 yflu and yfel, in accordance with h. 
 
 Note 1. This older principle of syncopation is often violated, espe- 
 cially in later documents, through the influence of analogy. Par- 
 ticularly are middle vowels frequently restored after a long radical 
 syllable, in imitation of the disyllabic forms of the same word : thus 
 eSeles, deofoles, to agree with the nominatives e?Jel, deofol, etc. 
 Especially is this the case in the past part, of strong verbs (gebundne, 
 geholpne, later -ene) and the adjectives terminating in -ig (haliges, 
 etc., for older halges). More rarely do short stems exhibit syncope ; 
 this occurs principally and regularly in the r-cases (293. 1) of adjec- 
 tives (hwsetre, gen. dat. sing, fem.; hwaetra, gen. plur.); in the 
 ace. sing. masc. (hwsetne) ; and usually in the comparative (glaedra, 
 hwaetra, etc., 307). 
 
 Note 2. Where mute + liquid or nasal precedes the middle vowel, 
 there is irregularity as regards syncopation : ^fnde and ^fnede, etc. ; 
 see in particular 404 ; 406, note 5. 
 
 145. A vowel long by position is usually protected 
 against the operation of syncope. So, for example, 
 
96 PHONOLOGY 
 
 at least in the earlier language, adjectives in -isc, 
 like m^niiise, together with their derivatives, remain 
 unchanged even in their trisyllabic forms ; the majority 
 of superlatives, like ieldesta, 309 ft", (but always hiehsta, 
 niehfsta) ; nouns like haerfest, eornest, and all with 
 liquid or nasal + consonant, like fsereld, fsetels, together 
 with all those in which the middle vowel is folloAved by 
 a geminated consonant, like CQndelle, byrSTenne (258. 1), 
 and the derivatives in -^ttan, like roccettan, etc. (403, 
 note), even when the tt is simplified (231. 4). 
 
 Note. In LWS. syncope is more frequent. Thus in the superla- 
 tive (311), and especially after the simplification of a geminated 
 liquid or nasal (231. 4) ; comparatives like aeftra, beside seftera, 
 from aeffcerra (314, note 1) ; gen. dat. sing. fem. 6<5re, gen. plur. o9ra, 
 beside o9ere, otJera, from otJerre, oSerra (296, note 3). Similarly 
 in words which were originally compounds, like deofllc, beside deof- 
 elic, from deofol-lic. 
 
 146. Middle vowels which were originally long are 
 sometimes syncopated in an open syllable, when pre- 
 ceded by a long radical syllable ; in such cases the 
 vowel had probably become short in Prim. OE. Here 
 belong, for example, the adjectives in -ig, from -ig-, 
 the adjectives denoting material in -en, from -in (296), 
 and perhaps the gen. plur. of weak nouns ending in 
 -na, beside -ena (276, note 1), etc. 
 
 147. When a word contained two middle vowels, 
 that is, was originally tetrasyllable, the second is always 
 syncopated without regard to the quantity of the radi- 
 cal syllable, provided it was originally • short and has 
 not been rendered long by position : thus, for example, 
 accusatives like idelne, diegolue, atolne, swicolne, 
 
THE VOWELS 97 
 
 eowerne, uiicerne, fseg^erne, ag-enne, haligne, etc. ; or 
 gen. dat. sing. fern, and gen. plur. like idelre, -ra ; 
 swieolre, -ra, etc. 
 
 148. In connection with these laws concerning syn- 
 cope stands the treatment of words which have devel- 
 oped secondary vowels according to 138 ff. If the radical 
 syllable is long, this secondary vowel does not penetrate 
 into the interior of the word when a termination is 
 added ; thus we have wintres, fingres, temples, tacnes, 
 inaiSTnies, beside winter, finger, tenipel, tacen, maSTum. 
 After a short radical syllable the vowel occurs more fre- 
 quently, at least before r; fseger, weder, wseter, for 
 example, have usually gen. faegeres, wederes, waeteres, 
 etc., though the older forms, such as wsetres, do now 
 and then occur. 
 
 149. The elision of a. vowel often takes place in OE. 
 in syllables which have become final by the loss of an 
 original vowel ending. Especially important as regards 
 inflection are the rules for the formation of the ind. pres. 
 2 and 3 sing, of verbs (359). 
 
 C. THE CHIEF DIALECTAL VARIATIONS 
 
 150. The vowel-scheme of the OE. dialects, exclusive 
 of West Saxon, is distinguished by the following gen- 
 eral peculiarities : 
 
 1) In place of WvS. se = Germ, se. West Germ, a 
 (57 ; 58), stands the vowel e : stret, street ; red, advice ; 
 slepan, sleep; with i-umlaut, merslan, praise^ etc. R.^ 
 fluctuates between e and je. 
 
98 PHONOLOGY 
 
 2) WS. ie, ie (41) is wanting, and hence the same 
 is true of the unstable i, y (22 ; 3i) ; what equivalents 
 represent them will be shown in the course of the 
 following paragraphs. For certain ie's of a different 
 origin, see, for example, 166, note 7. 
 
 3) The diphthongs ea, eo, io, as well as the corre- 
 sponding long ones, are not so accurately discriminated 
 as in WS. ; in Northumbrian especially there is great 
 confusion between ca and eo. Kentish is distinguished 
 by a preference for la, lo, instead of the older ea, eo. 
 
 Note 1. The preference for ea is characteristic of Northumbrian 
 (L. and Kit.) ; hence the short is retained in L. almost entirely, and 
 even the long ea is not so very frequently replaced by eo : beom, tree ; 
 eoZfe, easy; eore, ear ; Eostro, Easter, etc., for beam, etc. On the 
 other hand, ea is very often written for short eo (though there is great 
 variation in detail) and in general ea may be regarded as the rule, 
 instead of eo : stearra, star ; meard, reward ; dear, animal ; beada, 
 offer ; leaf, dear, for WS. steorra, * meord, deor, beodan, leof, etc. 
 Such is also the case in Eit., v^rhile R.'^ has a remarkably large 
 number of eo's for ea, and relatively few ea's for eo. 
 
 Note 2, In Mercian, ea and eo are much better discriminated, at 
 least in R.i, while Ps. varies somewhat frequently. 
 
 Ps. approximates to Kentish by the appearance of a few io's for 
 eo, as in fiola, many; hiofen, heaven, beside feolu, heofen, and 
 especially of many lo's for eo : biod, table ; biodan, offer ; tfiod, 
 people ; tRow, servant ; hiold, held ; hwiol, wheel ; liof, dear, and 
 even niol^can, approach, for dial, neolaecan = WS. neal^can (165, 
 note 3). 
 
 Note 3. In Kentish, ea and 6o are but slightly confused. 
 
 On the other hand, eo passes into lo at an early date, and thus 
 coalesces with the older io (notes 4 and 6), though eo still continues to 
 persist alongside of io in these cases: ciorfan, cut; ciorl, plebeian ; 
 hlorte, heart; giofu, gift; hiofen, heaven; biodan, offer ; dior, ani- 
 mal ; liof, dear ; lioht, light, for WS. oeorfan, beodan, etc. 
 
 For !o appears la (ya), especially in Charters ; compare forms like 
 flah, cattZe; rlsiht, right; Tiriarald, world; giahekji, give ; hiabenlic, 
 
THE VOWELS 99 
 
 heavenly (Charters), for feoh, reoht, weorold, geofan, heofenlic; or 
 
 ahriasa* (K. GL), from hreosan, fall (see also note 6). 
 
 For ea occurs now and again ia, ya : siaro-, device (Metra) ; smya- 
 genne (K. Gl.), from smeagean, investigate ; likewise io, as in for- 
 mon, almost (K. GL), for fornean. 
 
 Note 4. The older lo is kept intact in North., especially in R.2, 
 except that io as the result of contraction frequently interchanges with 
 eo, as in freond, beside friend, friend ; otherwise eo is only sporadic, 
 and then is probably sometimes replaced by ea (note 1). 
 
 Note 5. In Mercian (R.i Ps.) the older lo is sometimes preserved, 
 but for the most part is replaced by eo : thus forms like hiorde and 
 heorde, shepherd; Mora and heora, gen. plur. (334); siofun and 
 seofun, seven; fiond and feond, enemy ^ stand side by side. 
 
 Note 6. Coincidence of lo and eo occurs also in Kentish, but, in 
 accordance with note 3, lo preponderates by far (yet eo is found as a 
 contract diphthong, as in freond, friend), or else la, according to the 
 change described in note 3: Wiahtred; gen, sing, wiada, of wood; 
 bian, he (427.2); the pronouns hia, sia (334; 337), for Wioht-, 
 \vioda, bion, etc. 
 
 Note 7 (on notes 1-6). The basic forms eu and lu, which are 
 presupposed to underlie eo and io, are preserved not only in the oldest 
 documents (cf. Beitr. 18. 411 ff.), but also (beside the usual eo, io) 
 frequently when final, before w, even in certain later Anglian texts : 
 thus in R.i the pronouns hlu, siu (334 ; 337); }7riuwa, thrice; cneu, 
 knee; treuw, tree; ?Jeu(^v), servant; lareu(w), teacher; latteu-\v, 
 leader; in L. hiu, tJiu ; the neut. Sriii, three; the pron. iuh, etc. 
 (332; 335) ; 3iu\vas, maid servants; cneu, treu, dat. cneum, etc. ; Rit. 
 3iu, iuh (cf . also 156. 5); also frequently diul, etc., devil, in L. and 
 Rit. In R.2 such forms are quite lacking, and so in Ps. with the 
 exception of sporadic occurrences which perhaps belong here, such 
 as getrewlice, trew, Siwgen, which perhaps are to be interpreted 
 according to 156, note 3. 
 
 4) The sound oe is of more extensive occurrence. 
 Northumbrian has it throughout (even where it is short, 
 oele, doehter, oexen, 93) ; the long sound occurs at least 
 usually in Ps. : doeman, boec, spoed (27 ; 99), while R.-^ 
 varies between e and oe. 
 
100 PHONOLOGY 
 
 a, ae 
 
 151. 1) For WS. ae (49), Kent, and Ps. have e : deg, 
 day ; brec, broke ; set, 8at^ etc. The same is the case 
 in the minor Mercian texts, while in R.^ ae prevails, as 
 in WS. and North. 
 
 Note. In the Old Kentish Charters, however, ae is frequently 
 preserved, or indeed predominates. 
 
 The Ps. regularly has ae only in the proclitics aet, at; Saet, that; 
 otherwise only sporadically. On the other hand, ae is in the Ps. 
 the normal representative of the WS. ie as i-umlaut of ea before 
 1 or h + consonant, as in aeldra, older; haeldan, bow; naeht, night; 
 maehtig, mighty (159. 3) ; and of the so-called palatal umlaut of ea, 
 as in saeh, saw; daegas, days (162. 1). 
 
 The first two correspondences are also Old Kentish, while subse- 
 quently e sometimes takes their place : eldra, elmehtig, etc. (but seah, 
 dagas, as in WS.). 
 
 In like manner Kent, se, the i-umlaut of a < ai (on 
 WS. ge — Germ, ae see 150), passes gradually into e : 
 K. Gl. delan, distribute; enig, any; mest, most = V^^. 
 Ps. North. daelaD, senig-, maest; the Old Kentish Charters 
 have likewise often preserved this older se. 
 
 2) For WS. a in an open syllable (50), Ps. and North, 
 often have the ea resulting from ii-(and o/a-)umlaiit 
 
 (160). 
 
 3) There is no breaking of a to ea before 1 -f con- 
 sonant in Ps. and North., and only traces of it in R.^ 
 The same is also true before r -f consonant in North., 
 inclusive of R. The place of ea is occupied by a 
 
 (158). 
 
 e, e 
 
 152. The occurrence of the older e (19. 1) is limited 
 by the more frequent u- and o/a-umlaut in Kent, and 
 
THE VOWELS 101 
 
 Angl. (160) ; the e which in the other dialects is umlaut 
 of o is wanting in North. (93 ; 150. 4). In its stead 
 occurs an e which, on the whole, is foreign to WS. : 
 
 a) for WS. ie from palatal + e (157. 2) ; 
 
 h) for WS. ie when i-unilaut of ea (159) ; for se as a 
 substitute for this e, see 159 ; 
 
 c) as Anglian simplification of eo before gutturals 
 
 (164). 
 
 Note. In texts like R.i L., etc., e frequently interchanges with 
 se, without any fixed rule. 
 
 153. Long e corresponds to WS. e only in the cases 
 contained under 21. 3 (but occasionally in R., as described 
 in 21. 2). It is otherwise 
 
 a) the representative of WS. se from Germ, se (150. 1); 
 h) the Kentish representative of WS. se from ai 
 (151. 1) ; 
 
 c) i-umlaut of ea (159. 4) ; 
 
 d) Anglian simplification of ea (163) and eo (165) 
 before gutturals. 
 
 y, y 
 
 154. A distinctive characteristic of late Kentish is 
 the substitution of e, e, for y, y : embe, desigr, eppan, 
 gelden ; ontenan, brecST, for WS. ymbe, dysig, jTPan, 
 gylden ; ontynan, brycd*. This substitution is as yet 
 almost unknown in the older charters. 
 
 Note. As in Kent, the sounds of e, «, y gradually coincide as e 
 (150. 1; 151. 1), it may also happen that, contrariwise, the traditional 
 sign y is written for the sounds of e and as : cyrran, for cerran 
 (WS. cierran; 157. 2); j^ter, for efter (WS. sefter; 151. 1); mygS, 
 lyce, for meg^, lece (WS. in£eg?J, leece; 150. 1); lyssa, for lessa 
 (WS.l^ssa; 151.1). 
 
102 PHONOLOGY 
 
 Dijjhthongs 
 
 155. With regard to the diphthongs, the following 
 facts remain to be noted in addition to the statement 
 made in 150. 3 : 
 
 1) The lack of an especial i-umlaut of io, io (159. 5). 
 
 2) The regular simplification of ea, eo, and to before 
 gutturals in Angl. (161 ff.). 
 
 3) North, also possesses the diphthong ei: seista, 
 sixth ; neista, next ; heista, highest (beside sesta, nesta, 
 hesta) ; ceiga, call^ etc. ; and has ai for ae : fraig-na, 
 cnailitas, for fraegna, cnselitas. 
 
 Note. For Kent, diphthongs whose second element is -1 from -g, 
 see 214. 2. 
 
 Influences of w (71-73) 
 
 156. 1) In the North, dialect, w often changes a 
 following e, and even at times an ae, into oe ; and in 
 like manner an e into oe : 
 
 a) older e : woeg, swoefn, woel = WS. weg", swefu, 
 wel ; 
 
 h) umlaut-e (or ^) : cuoella, tuoelf, woenda = WS. 
 cw^llan, tu^lf, w^iidaii ; 
 
 c) Qi (= WS. ae, 150. 1) : hiioer, woede, woepen = WS. 
 hwaer, wsede, wsepeii; lengthened e in woe = WS. we ; 
 
 d) ae in cwoe3r, hwoeiSTre = WS. cwaecT, hwae^Tre. 
 
 Note 1. For orthographical variants see, for example, Paul, Beitr. 
 6. 38, 39. 
 
 2) weo, which persists in WS. (72), usually becomes 
 North, wo: worcTa, wortJCia, worKy, worpa, suord = WS. 
 
THE VOWELS 103 
 
 weoracaii, weorarian, weoriar, weorpan, sweord ; but 
 likewise cwoSFa, wosa == WS. cwe9'an, wesan, from 
 * cweoSTan, * vveosan (160). 
 
 Note 2. Notice WS. L. Rit, wor(o)ld, in contrast with Kent. Merc. 
 R.2 weorold (72). 
 
 3) In a similar manner wea (160, note 2) often 
 becomes wa in North., but sometimes wae : waras, 
 wseras, plur. of wer, waer, man^ WS. weras, Ps. 
 weoras ; wala, waela, riches., WS. wela, Kent. Ps. 
 weola; so also tua (beside tuia), doubt. 
 
 4) In North, and Ps. wio, after becoming wu (71), 
 becomes, when it experiences i-umlaut, in contrast with 
 WS., wy in the words wyrSTe, worth; wyrsa, worse; 
 wyrresta, worst, and in such derivatives as wyrsian, 
 deteriorate (but see also 164. 2). For WS. wuduwe, 
 widow, Ps. has widwe, North. Avidua L., widuwe 
 R.2, etc. 
 
 5) The groups eow and low are frequently simpli- 
 fied in North, to ew (eo, eu, etc.) and iw (io, m) : 
 thus in L. fewer (feuer, fewr, etc.), four; hreues, 
 rues ; getreweO", believes ; preterits like blewun, blew ; 
 hrewun (hrseuun), rowed (396, note 5), for and beside 
 f eower, etc. ; at the end of a syllable : cnew, knee ; 
 trewna (treiina), trees (gen. plur.) ; trewufaest, faith- 
 ful ; getreudon, believed; preterits like bleuu, blew; 
 onciieu (-cn^w, -ciieaw), knew, etc. ; g-iwig-a, g"iuia, 
 desire (also pres. part, giuwende, pres. plur. gfiauaar) ; 
 STiwa, tfiusL (or QTiwa, etc. ?), maid servant, beside lariowa, 
 STiuwa (or afiowa, etc.) ; niwe, nine, new ; gen. dat. 
 hiwes, liiwe, color ; pron. iwili (iuih, also iuh), i/ou ; 
 
104 PHONOLOGY 
 
 iwer, (iiier, iur), your ; iw, you (332 ; 335); imp. gritriii, 
 believe ; add in Rit. : gitrivve, faithful ; triwleas, faith- 
 less ; g-itriwia, believe, etc. 
 
 Note 3. Likewise eaAv is shortened to ew, etc. , though rarely : 
 L. ungleu, unwise; see^va^e, spy; sce\vung, observation; cAvunga, 
 manifestly, for-gleaw; sceaware, -ung; eawunga, etc. (or for North. 
 -gleovv, etc., derived from these, 150, note 1). 
 
 Note 4. Outside of North, such shortened forms are rarer ; com- 
 pare, for example, Ps. trew, tree, for WS. treow, etc. (150, note 7). 
 
 Note 5. North, ew, nv are probably only graphic abbreviations 
 of euw, iuw (150, note 7). 
 
 Influence of a Preceding Palatal (74-76) 
 
 157. 1) Original j generally causes no diphthongi- 
 zation in Angl. 
 
 Note 1. ju in Merc, remains unchanged: iung, gung, young; 
 iugu5, gugu(5, youth Ps. ; iung; iugu<5 ; iii, gu, formerly R.^; iung, 
 be.side ging Chad ; North, has mostly ging, gigo<5, beside comp. 
 giungra L., giung Rit.; Kent, has iung, beside giong, giogotJ. 
 
 For older jo compare North, geocc, yoke L., iocc, iw^occ Rit., 
 Merc, ioc R.i; but Kent, geoc, beside ioc. For WS. geomor, sorrow- 
 ful, Ps. has geamor. 
 
 Grig, jie = WS. gea appears in Angl. Kent, as ge in ge, yea; ger, 
 year; to WS. pron. ge, gie, ye corresponds Angl. ge, beside gie, gi 
 L. R.2, and always gie Rit.; similarly to WS. iii, giu, geo, formerly. 
 North. ge(e), gie(e), gi L., ge(e), gi R.2, gie Rit. 
 
 The original vocalism of the other words beginning with j is too 
 doubtful to permit of the formulation of decided rules of correspondence. 
 
 2) e is not diphthongized in Kent. Angl. after gr, c, 
 sc ; compare, for example, forms like g-cfan, g-eldan, 
 -gretan, sceld = WS. griefan, g-ieldan, -g-ietaii, scield 
 (for forms like grcofan see 160) ; or, for umlaut-^ : gr^st, 
 g^rd, c^rran = WS. griest, gierd, cierran, etc. 
 
THE VOWELS 105 
 
 Note 2. Ep. has an exceptional past part, gibaen, given, and 
 Rit. a few i's in the same stem : gif, gifeude, the noun gife, etc. 
 (Lindelof 25). 
 
 The same holds for Kent. Angl. e = Germ, se (150. 1) : 
 g-efon, getoii, seep (North, scip) = WS. geafon, -greaton, 
 sceap ; yet North, sceacere, robber L. R.^ 
 
 3) There is likewise no change of e (= WS. se) toea 
 in Kent. Merc. : g"ef, g-et, eester, seel, seet = WS. geaf, 
 ceaster, etc. ; on the other hand, R.^ (151) oscillates 
 between se and ea, like North. : eaester, g-sefel, etc., 
 beside eeaster, geat, seeal (and seal) R.^ ; North, has 
 also the orthography eae, as in ong-eaegrn, setgesedre, 
 ongeset, etc. L. 
 
 4) Unknown to the other dialects is the diphthongi- 
 zation in North, g-e^nga, go (for g<}ngan).. Before gut- 
 tural vowels e likewise follows sc more frequently in 
 North, than in the other dialects : sceadan, sceQmu, etc. 
 
 The Breakings (77-84) 
 
 158. 1) Instead of ea before r + consonant, North, 
 frequently has a : arm, warp, warST, beside earm, etc. ; 
 R.^ has beside the more usual ea a few se's (as in J^aerf, 
 beside J»earf) and a's (warSF, and especially the frequent 
 iarwan, beside gearwan, 408, note 2). 
 
 2) The breaking of a to ea before 1 + consonant is 
 unknown in Merc. North, (but not in Kentish), being 
 replaced by a : all, fallan, haldan, salt ; an exception 
 is North, sealla, beside sella = WS. siellan (80, note 2). 
 R.i varies between a and ea. For the umlaut forms ^, 
 ae see 159. 
 
106 PHONOLOGY 
 
 3) Every breaking before h, as well as before a 
 .consonant-combination whose second element is g-, c, or 
 h, is simplified in Angl. by the so-called palatal umlaut 
 (161 ff.). 
 
 The Umlmits (85-107) 
 
 159. i-umlaut (88-100). The i-umlauts of the diph- 
 thongs exhibit the widest deviations : 
 
 1) i-umlaut of ea is Old Kent, ae, for which ^ appears 
 later: serfe, aeldra, maeht Charters, beside ^rfe Char- 
 ters, ^Idra, m^ht K. Gl. = WS. ierfe, ieldra, niiht, 
 etc. ; similarly sc^ppan, g^st = WS. scieppan, griest 
 (but exceptional hlihan K. GL). 
 
 2) i-umlaut of ea before r is Angl. ^: ^rfe, d^rne, 
 ^rniarii, f^rd = WS. ierfe, yrfe, etc. ; yet R.^ has, beside 
 regular e and a few ae's, as in awaerg-an, curse, numer- 
 ous WS. y's, as in ^wyrg-an. 
 
 3) i-umlaut of a (158. 2) before 1 + consonant, and of 
 Germ, a, WS. ea, before h, is Angl. se : seldu, seldra, 
 niseltan = WS. ieldu, ieldra, mieltan; similarly before 
 11 : wselle, beside w^Ue, well (WS. wiella) ; then Ps. 
 North. hl8eha(ii), maeht, maehtigr^WS. hliehlian, niiht, 
 mihtig-, etc. R.^ varies between ae and ^ : aeldii, aeldra, 
 and ^Idra, b^lg-as, etc. (beside WS. y in syllaii, and 
 i in niht, beside naeht). 
 
 4) i-umlaut of ea is Kent. Angl. e : heran, gelefan, 
 ned, leg-, cegan, etc. = WS. hieraii, etc. However, R.^ 
 has occasional cie, se, and WS. y, as in csegan, lioeraii, 
 hyraii, etc., K. Gl. aliigaii. 
 
 5) i-umlaut of eo, eo is Kent. Angl. originally io, 
 io. In North, this persists according to 150.3, but in 
 
THE VOWELS 107 
 
 Merc. Kent, varies with later eo : North, giorna, desire ; 
 hiorde, shepherd ; iorsig^a, rage = WS. giernan, liierde, 
 iersian ; or North, diore, dear ; cTiostre, gloomy ; stiora, 
 s^eer = WS. diere, sSfiestre, stieran (on North, iw for 
 iow see 156. 5) ; but already, for example, Ps. has regu- 
 larly heorde; eorre, anger ; cTeostre, etc., though some- 
 what more frequently liiow, form; niowe, new^ than 
 lieow, neowe = WS. liiw, iiiwe (but, on the other hand, 
 getreowe, faithful^ etc. = WS. g-etriewe, g-etrywe), and 
 so in the other texts. 
 
 Note 1. Angl. has strangely a constant dfirra{n), remove Ps. L. 
 Kit., without breaking, beside the comp. firr, further L. Such i's 
 also occur sporadically elsewhere: Ps. hirtan, cherish; Corp. cirm, 
 uproar; cirnel, kernel; gesuirbet, 3 sing., polishes (from sw^eorfan, 
 388, note 1 ; Corp. gesmirwid, anointed, may have been assimilated 
 to forms without w, 408. 1), etc. 
 
 Very peculiar is also the e in Ep. Corp. sibun-, sifunsterri, seven 
 stars. 
 
 Note 2. Ps. always has ie in onsien, countenance (North. onsTon, 
 "WS. onsien), and sporadically in a few other words. 
 
 Note 3. On Angl. wyrSe, wyrsa, etc. see 156. 4. 
 
 160. u- and o/a-umlaut (101-107) are in certain 
 respects of wider scope than in WS. In particular, 
 
 1) The distinction between the umlauted and the 
 unumlauted vowel is often preserved in inflected forms. 
 Thus, for example, Kent, g-eofu (g-iofu), gift, gen. 
 g-efe ; Ps. fet, vessel, plur. featu, dat. featuni ; g-et, hole, 
 gen. plur. geata ; or, in the verb, Ps. beoru, bires, 
 bireST, beoraiar, inf. beoran, hear ; and similarly in North, 
 (cf. 370), in which, however, the leveling with unum- 
 lauted inflectional forms has already made considerable 
 inroads. 
 
108 PHONOLOGY 
 
 2) The umlaut also takes place before guttural and 
 dental forms : compare, for example, Kent, reog-ol, rule ; 
 forespreoca, intercessor ; beg-cotan, obtain ; Meotocl, 
 God^ etc. Only before gutturals does it subsequently 
 disappear in Angl. (161 ff.). 
 
 3) The umlaut often occurs, too, before consonant- 
 groups, but with no particular agreement among the 
 various dialects : compare, for example, forms like North. 
 ioiina, within; ioniiaSf, viscera; biliioncla, bihianda, 
 behind; Ps. eascan (obi.), ashes; eappiil, apple; feadrum 
 (dat. \)\\JiV.)^ fathers; or North. L. g-ioster- (beside poetical 
 g-eostran), contrasted with R.^ g-estor-, WS. g-iestran, 
 yesterday^ etc. 
 
 4) The o/a-umlaut extends also to the older a in 
 Merc, (especially Ps.), but not in Kent. North. : com- 
 pare, as above, g"et, gen. plur. g-eata ; inf. fearaii, travel ; 
 lileadan, load (g-alan, sing^ is an exception) ; verbs of 
 the Second Weak Conjugation, like g-leadian, rejoice ; 
 g-eiSTeafian, concur^ etc. 
 
 Note 1, Since the o/a-umlaut of a is lacking in North, (fara, 
 hiada, ge<5afia, etc.), as well as in WS., it follows that geadria, 
 collect^ and. sceaca, shake, must be referred to 157. 3. 
 
 Note 2. North, very frequently has ea for umlaut-eo (150, note 1) ; 
 this must be borne in mind in explaining forms like waras, wala 
 (156. 3), beside such as cwotJa, wosa (156. 2). 
 
 The So-CaUed Palatal Umlaut (108-109) 
 
 161. The development of this phenomenon forms one 
 of the most noticeable characteristics of Anglian. Its 
 chief occurrences are as follows : 
 
 162. 1) In Ps. and North., and for the most part in 
 R.^, ea becomes simplified to se before li, lit, x ( = lis, 
 
 ; 
 
THE VOWELS 109 
 
 221. 2) : g-esaeh, saiv; g-earaelit, thought; maehte, might; 
 ssex, knife; waex, wax; w^sexan, grow=W^. greseah, 
 g-eiareaht, etc. R.^ has also a few ea's, as in geseah. 
 
 Note 1. The i-umlaut of this ae is also se (159. 3). 
 
 Note 2. In Ps. this ae also occurs before g and c as the simplifi- 
 cation of the ea which might be expected as the result of u- or 
 o/a-umlaut on a: msegun (plur.), can; daegas, days; cwaecian, 
 shake; draeca, dragon (beside sporadic forms like daguni, sagas, 
 draca, hracan and hreacan, throat; Zeuner, pp. 34, 35), for *meagun, 
 *deagas, etc. (160. 4). In so far, however, as there is no u- or 
 o/a-umlaut of a, there is no ae before g, c, and hence in R.i and 
 North, occur magun, dagas, etc. 
 
 Note 3. In forms like the preterits rehte, wehte, beside raehte, 
 waehte, WS. reahte, weahte, there is conformity to the e of the 
 pres. r^ccan, w^ccan, etc. (407, note 9). Similarly, imperatives like 
 North, slab, 3wah (374) conform to the contract forms of the pres. 
 sla, (5wa. 
 
 Note 4. The Kentish texts usually have ea before h, and a before 
 g, c. For the i-umlaut cf. 159. 1. 
 
 2) Before re, rg-, Merc, has e for ea, while North, has 
 e, or rarely ae : Ps. ere, ark ; lierg-, grove ; merg--, mar- 
 row = WS. earc, hearg", mearg" ; R.^ g-emercian, desig- 
 7iate ; North. L. berg-, swine, beside aerce, ark (and arg-, 
 cowardly), Rit. gimercia, beside serce, R.^ ere, berg-. 
 
 Note 5. The i-umlaut of this e (ae) is § (159. 2); on forms like 
 North, dwaerga (R.i dwaergan, 159. 2) see 156. 1. b. 
 
 163. Angl. ea becomes e before h, g-, c : heh, high ; 
 neh, near ; pret. teh, drew ; eg-e, ege ; beg", ring ; pret. 
 lee, locked ; becon, sign = WS. heali, etc. Side by side 
 with these are a few ea's in R.\ like eage. 
 
 Note 1. Disregarding a few North, se's (like tteh, drew; braec, 
 enjoyed L.), L. has mostly see, beside ec, also, and S^eh, though 
 (beside tSah and sporadic 9eh, Seah); Rit. (Jeh and t^eah, R.^ aec, ec, 
 
110 PHONOLOGY 
 
 and (Jeh, <5ah; Ps. has Steh, but ec, R.i piUh, beside J?eah, and, 
 beside iiehsta, next, niehsta and nihsta. 
 
 Note 2. Kent, has usually preserved ea; but compare, for example, 
 K. Gl. nih for WS. neah. 
 
 164. 1) Angl. eo becomes e before h (x = hs) and re, 
 rgr, rli, 111 : feh, cattle ; imp. geseh, see ; sehare, behold ; 
 relit, . right ; eiielit, hoy ; sex, six (83) ; were, work ; 
 bergan, defend ; STwerli, transverse ; berht, bright ; elli, 
 elk; selh, seal = W^. feoli, geseoh, etc. (add Ps. opt. 
 fele, conceal = WS. feole, from * feollie, 218). 
 
 Note 1. Beside e, North, has a fewae's (like cnaeht, raeht), ai's 
 (cnaiht), and ei's (reiht, neirxnawong, Paradise), Kit. also i in 
 imp. bisih, behold, beside biseh. 
 
 R.i varies between e (ae) and eo (feh, cneht, reht, were, beside 
 gefseht, cnaeht, waerc, and feoh, seoh, weorc), but also has a few 
 i's and y-s (riht, sihjje, and ryht, syxta). 
 
 Note 2. Before c and g (162, note 2) there is fluctuation, eo 
 having often been restored by analogy: Ps. ierendreca, messenger; 
 plur. wegas, ways, beside the rare weogas ; occasionally sprecan, 
 speak, beside spreocan ; breocan, break, after models like beoran, 
 bear^ etc.; in North., it is true, L. has only (beside gespreaca) breca, 
 spreca (spraeea), wegas (waegas, 156. 1), etc., but R.2 spreoca 
 (spreaca), etc. 
 
 Note 3. On i as the corresponding i-umlaut see 2. 
 
 2) Angl. io, no matter what its origin, is simplified 
 to i in the position indicated: rihtan, direct; g-esihar, 
 face ; mixen, dung ; \vixla(n), change ; birlitan, illu- 
 minate ; birhtu, splendor ; mile, milk ; stieian, punc- 
 ture ; plur. twig-u, branches^ etc. ; also Ps. setfileiBF 
 (3 sing.) for * -filhi]?, from -feolan (387, note 4). 
 
 The simplification of io to i is older than the passage 
 of wio into wii (71) ; hence simple wi in Angl. corre- 
 sponds to this WS. \vu : wilit, anything ; fiilwiht, bap- 
 tism ; cwic, living ; cwieiaii, animate ; wieu, week = WS. 
 
THE VOWELS 111 
 
 wuht, fulwuht, cwucu, cwucian, wucu, etc. Hence 
 also Ps. R.^ wircan, act, as against 156. 4 (North, wyrca 
 L. R.2, and partly R.^, has i-umlaut of u ; compare Goth. 
 i^aurkjan). 
 
 Note 4. Ps. R.i bergan, taste, L. R.^ berga and birga, fluctuates 
 between e and i. Other cases, like North, berhta, brehta, beside 
 birhta, rest 'on assimilation to the adj. berht, etc. 
 
 Note 5. The io (eo) occurring in inflection is often restored by 
 analogy; so always in Ps. in the pret. plur. steogun, bisweocun, 
 after the pattern of dreosun, fleotun, R.i wriogan, wreogan, beside 
 dstigan, etc. 
 
 165. 1) Under similar conditions, Angl. eo becomes 
 e: telly draw ; ^eh., flee ; fleg^an, ^?/ ; flege, j^?/ ; leg-an, 
 lie; sec, sick ; leht, light ; pret. wex, ^rew = WS. teoli, 
 fleoli, etc. 
 
 Note 1. R.i fluctuates between e and eo: sec, leht, wex, beside 
 seoc, leoht, weox, imp. fleoh, teob, etc.; side by side with these 
 occurs 1, without any discoverable reason for the change, in smikende, 
 smoking; ITgende, lying; liht (noun and adj.), light, corresponding 
 to WS. smeocan, leogan, leoht. Also sporadically in Ps. legende, 
 1 sing, fligu, Jiy, Kit. llhtes, gen. sing, of leht. 
 
 2) The analogous Angl. correspondence of io is i : 
 imp. lih, lend (WS. leoh) ; cicen, chicken (WS. * ciecen, 
 from * kiukin) ; lihtan, Irxan, shine (WS. liehtan, etc.) ; 
 also contract forms like Ps. titT, draws; L. fliS", flees 
 (from orig. * tiuhij?, * fliuhi]? ; compare WS. tiehST, 
 fliehar), etc. 
 
 Note 2. To WS. leoht, from *llht, easy (84. 2) corresponds 
 North, leht L. ; accordingly, Angl. betwih, between, must be com- 
 pared rather with betwuh, from shortened * betwih, than with WS. 
 betweoh. 
 
 North, lehta, beside IThta, shine, rests upon analogy with the 
 noun leht. 
 
112 PHONOLOGY 
 
 Note 3 (on 161-165). When there is early loss of h bef(jre a con- 
 sonant (222. 2, beside note 1), simplification does not occur. Hence 
 forms like Angl. heanis, hight; asm. heane, from heh, WS. heah, 
 high; proper names like Heaburg, or PleoAvalh, --wald, compared 
 with WS. pleoli, danger ; neolifcan (nea-, etc.), approach^ from neh 
 (contrasted with WS. neal^cean, from Pre-WS. naeh, 150. 1), etc. 
 
 Contractions (110-119) 
 
 166. 1) Orig. a + vowel becomes North, a in the con- 
 tract verbs sla (sl^), strike ; cTAva, wash (374, note 1) = 
 WS. Kent. Ps. sleaii, sSTweaii ; R.^ sla(ii), plur. tliuaar, 
 beside sleaii, slsean. But also North., etc., ea, tear, etc., 
 as in WS. 
 
 2) Orig. ell + guttural vowel gives a predominant 
 North, eo, more rarely ea : g"isea, see ; gef eagra, rejoice ; 
 hiindteaiitig-, hundred = WS. g-eseoii, etc. ; R.^ has pre- 
 dominantly eo, more rarely ea, while in Ps. ea, ia, and 
 io, eo are much interchanged : for example, inf. geseaii, 
 -siaii, infl. -seoiine, 1 sing, g-esio (also -sie), plur. -seacT, 
 -siaST, -siocT, etc. 
 
 Note 1. For other details in the inflection of the contract verbs 
 see 374, note 1 ff. 
 
 Note 2. oh + e gives normally e: Ps. opt. se, gefe, plur. sen, 
 gefen. North, gesee L., corresponding to WS. seon, see (the by -forms 
 plur. gesea L., f-ing. gesi, gesie L. E.^ are assimilated to the forms 
 of the indinativ('), gofeon, rejoice. Compare likewise gen. fsees L., 
 feas R.2, from feh, cattle = WS. fcoh, gen. fees, and note 3. 
 
 3) Angl. ell from eoh (165.1) and from eali (163) 
 -I- guttural vowel gives predominantly ea : flea(ii), fiee ; 
 tea(n), draw = WS. fleoii, etc. (yet Ps. also 1 sing. 
 fleom, part, fleonde) ; or Iieli, high = WS. lieali, weak 
 nsm. hea, obi. liean (from * lieha, etc., contrasted with 
 WS. hea, from * heaha, etc.). 
 
THE VOWELS 113 
 
 Note 3. eh + e gives e in the opt. pres, flen Ps. (compare the ind. 
 3 sing, fles R.^, instead of *flis) and forms like hera, hesta (166. 6). 
 
 4) In the case of orig. ih and of Angl. ih, from ioh 
 (165. 2) the instances are hardly numerous enough to 
 furnish a definite rule. 
 
 Note 4. Ps. has wrean, cover = WS. wreon (383), R.i plur. 
 wreo}7, beside inf. WTigan, and pret. tweode, twiode, compared 
 with WS. tw^eogean, doubt; L. has the noun tuia, beside tua (156. 3), 
 doubt; pret. tuiade (add ind. pres. 3 sing, tuses, adj. untuendlic, 
 indubitable), R.^ 3 sing. twTas, opt. t-wioge, pret. twiode, twiade. 
 For Ih + a North, has presumably disyllabic i-a : L. wri-a (-wriga), 
 Rit. wri-a, giSi-a,, prosper (cf. note 7). 
 
 Note 5. ih + orig. i gives Angl. i in forms like 2 and 3 sing. 
 gisis(t), -sitf Ps. L. R.2, wri9 R.2. 
 
 5) The treatment of Angl. i + vowel varies just as 
 greatly. 
 
 Note 6. In certain words eo, or io (lu) appears characteristic : 
 Merc, freond, friend^ but fiond, beside feond, enemy Ps. R.i; North. 
 freond, friend L. R.2, but only fiond L. R.2 Rit.; Merc, deoful, 
 dioful, devil Ps. R.i; North, diowul (diawul, etc.) R.2, diowl, 
 diobul, diul (but also diabul), etc. L. ; North, biotiga, threaten 
 L. Rit. ; then the forms corresponding to the WS. pronouns h^o, sec, 
 ?Jeos (334; 337; 338), and the numeral ?Jreo (324. 3); on the other 
 hand, Ps. frea, free, free, contrasted with free, frio L. Rit., frio R.2; 
 North, hundneantig, -neontig, ninety L., contrasted with nione, 
 nine, hundniontig R.2 Here older forms with i + u seem to form 
 the basis. 
 
 Note 7. A second group of forms (probably going back to older 
 i + o, a, or e) is characterized by the appearance of an ea, which 
 interchanges on one hand with ia, ie, e, and on the other with eo, io. 
 So, from Ps. frigan, deliver, the ind. 3 sing. freaS, fria^ff, friotJ, pret. 
 freade, frede, freode, friode, part, gefread, gefriad, gefriod, etc. ; 
 and similarly with figan, hate (see details in 416, notes 6 and 7) ; or 
 Ps. pie, gadfly ; plur. bian, bees (beside the compound bio-, biabread, 
 bee-bread), etc. 
 
114 PHONOLOGY 
 
 Here uncontracted forms probably occur also : pi-e, bi-an, etc. 
 (of. note 4). 
 
 6) Especially characteristic for Angl. are contractions 
 due to the loss of medial li in cases where WS. and 
 Kent, retain the li and undergo syncope of a following 
 vowel (222). This occurs especially in the inliection of 
 contract verbs (374), for example the 2 and 3 sing, sis(t), 
 siST, seest^ sees, from * siliis, * sihij? = WS. siehst, siehST ; 
 compare also forms like sup. hesta, highest ; iiesta, next 
 (North, also heista, neista), from * heliista, etc. =WS. 
 hielista, etc., and probably also comp. liera, from *hehira 
 = WS. liierra, from * hiehra, etc. (for forms like ace, 
 sing. masc. heane Ps., North, lieaiiis, hight, from lieli, 
 cf. 165, note 3). 
 
 Quantity (120-125) 
 
 167. Almost all cases of lengthening observed in WS. 
 occur also in the other dialects. The lengthenings before 
 liquid or nasal + consonant are most obvious, being dem- 
 onstrated by the occurrence of accents. 
 
PART II.— THE CONSONANTS 
 
 SURVEY OF THE OLD ENGLISH 
 
 CONSONANTS 
 
 169.1 'Pl^e consonant-signs of OE. are those of the 
 Latin alphabet, with the addition of the letters 9" and ]?, 
 and of a special character for w. Many of these letters 
 are, however, employed with a twofold value, as the num- 
 ber of characters was not sufficient to express with accu- 
 racy the distinctions current in the spoken language. 
 The inexactness here noted is probably to be connected 
 with the lack of uniformity in the pronunciation of the 
 Latin letters at that time. 
 
 Note. In this respect the OE. spelling occupies about the stand- 
 point of modern German, where, for example, g, b are employed 
 partly as sonant stops, as in gut, bin, partly as spirants, as in tage, 
 lebe (according to the pronunciation of many people), or where s 
 designates both a surd and a voiced sibilant, etc. 
 
 170. The following table contains the consonants of 
 the Common OE. period, arranged according to their 
 phonetic relations, as nearly as can be ascertained (for 
 the classification see Sievers' Phonetik*, pp. 50 ff.). 
 
 1 Properly 168, which is omitted in the German, all subsequent 
 sections being numbered too high by 1 ; in order not to create a dis- 
 crepancy between the original and the translation, I have conformed. 
 — Tr. 
 
 115 
 
116 PHONOLOGY 
 
 r Semivowels 
 
 SONOROUS Wiqiiids . . 
 Consonants J ^ 
 
 C Nasals . . . 
 
 c* ( Surd , 
 
 N-- S ^ " ■ ■ ' Sonant 
 
 SoNoKors 
 Consonants 
 
 Sonant 
 
 ) o • , ( Surd 
 V. Spirants < 
 
 ( Sonai 
 
 Labials Dentals Palatals Gutturals 
 
 w — g'(i) — 
 
 — r,l — — 
 
 m n n' n 
 
 p t c/ c 
 
 b d g' g 
 
 f «(]?), s h' h 
 
 f(u.b) g(]7) g' g 
 
 Accordingly, a double pronunciation of the following 
 letters is here assumed: 
 
 1) of f, <y, p, as surd and as sonant spirant ; 
 
 2) of b, as sonant stop and sonant spirant ; 
 
 3) of g", as semivowel, sonant stop, and sonant spirant; 
 
 4) of n, as dental, palatal, and guttural nasal ; 
 
 5) of all the letters standing for the so-called gutturals, 
 these having also a palatal pronunciation ; such palatal 
 pronunciation is indicated above by the addition of '. 
 
 . A. SONOROUS CONSONANTS 
 
 1. THE SEMIVOWELS 
 w 
 
 171. w, here substituted for the Runic character wi/n^ 
 the usual symbol employed in the manuscripts, repre- 
 sents the sound of English w; or, in other words, w 
 is iion-syllabic ii, or u discharging the function of a con- 
 sonant (Phonetik*, pp. 37 fP., 148 ff.). 
 
 NoTK 1. In the oldest texts, like Ep., the loyn is hardly employed 
 as yet, iiii being generally used to denote the sound in question : uuer, 
 iiucg, imrot. claiiiio, suualuue, etc. ; sometimes simple u, the latter 
 being especially common in North,: uer, uoeg, sualuc; otherwise the 
 
THE CONSONANTS 117 
 
 employment of u for w is chiefly limited to the combinations described 
 in 172. 3. At times we also find wu, like North, wuriotto for 
 wrioto, etc. The Rit. very frequently employs v. 
 
 Note 2. The older German editors and grammarians often follow 
 the example of Jacob Grimm in representing the sign wyn by v. This 
 is objectionable, because it thus becomes impossible to discriminate 
 between w and the labiodental spirant v (194). 
 
 Note 3. Lat. v is represented by w only in early loan-words, 
 such as win, wine; paAva, peacock (beside pea, 111, note 2); mealwe, 
 mallow ; from vinum, pavo, malva (192. 2). 
 
 172. w occurs initially 
 
 1) before all vowels : wat, knows; wer, man; wine, 
 friend; word, word; wund, wound; wyrd,/(^^e; 
 
 2) in the combinations wr, wl: writan, write; wrot, 
 elephanfs trunk; wlitan, see; wl<?nc, j^rowc?, etc.; 
 
 3) in the combinations cw, liw, dw, acw, tw, sw: 
 cweSfan, say; hwa, who; dweorg, dwarf; (BTwean, 
 wash; twa, two; swefan, sleep. 
 
 Note. The loss of an initial w occurs in the negative forms of some 
 verbs: nat, nytan, nysse (420. 1), nyllan (428, note 2), naes, ngeron 
 (427. 3); in ealneg, ealnig, always, from ealne weg (ealnuweg 
 Cura Past. ; also LWS. calling, ealning) ; otherwise only occasionally 
 before u, in uton, beside wuton, let us; cucu, nauht, betuh, betux, 
 beside cwucu, nawuht, betrwuh, betwux (71), etc.; finally, in hii, 
 how; tu, tioo (324. 2), from *li-wo, *t'wo (60, note). In North, also 
 before oe : oeg, coern L. , for woeg, way ; cuoern, quern. 
 
 173. Medially, w stands before all vowels except u 
 and Prim. OE. i without change : sawan, sawe, spiwian, 
 spiwode. It disappears before u and i, and thus fre- 
 quently gives rise to contractions : 
 
 1) Before u, as in ea, iS'rea, clea, etc. (ill ; 112 ; 
 cf. also 134. fZ), or reon from reowiin (396, note 8). 
 
118 PHONOLOGY 
 
 However, w is sometimes restored before ii, following 
 the analogy of other forms, as in clawu, sawun, reowun, 
 seowuii, etc. 
 
 2) Before i, in words like se, law; sse, sea; hrae, corpse^ 
 for * ai, * sai, * hrai, from the stems * aiwi-, * saiwi-, 
 * hraiwi- ; after consonants, especially in certain forms 
 of weak verbs in -rw and -Iw, as in pres. 3 sing, g-iered", 
 wieleST, pret. g^ierede, wielede, from * garwis, * walwis, 
 *grarwida, * waUvida (408. 1); compare also pyle, pillow, 
 from Lat. pidvinum. But in these cases w is often 
 restored from inflectional forms in which i was replaced 
 in the termination by j, or some other vowel: sew, 
 lirsew, gierweiSr, etc. 
 
 Note 1. Ecthlipsis of w before original i appears not to belong 
 to OE. in all cases, but sometimes to West Germanic. These cases 
 are not all equally clear ; for ae, see, etc., compare, for example, 174, 
 note 3. The w is retained in cases like eowic, 332 (but North, iuh, 
 beside iuih). 
 
 Note 2. Conversely, w is sometimes inserted to prevent the hiatus 
 which would otlierwise result between u and a following inflectional 
 vowel: ruh, gen. ruwes, for *ru-es (295, note 1, though this might 
 be grammatical change, 234). The w of Igewed, from laiciis, is 
 difficult of explanation. 
 
 Note 3. w is apt to disappear from the initial position of the 
 second member of compounds, especially before o, u, as in hlaford, 
 lord; fuUuht, baptism, and proper nouns like Hro?Julf, for *hlaf word, 
 -ward, fulUvuht, fiilwiht (compare also fiillian, beside fulUvian, 
 baptize), Hro'Swulf ; add such words as onetorc, onitre, yearling, from 
 genwintre, and hwilende, hwilendlic, temporary, for hwTlw^ende, 
 -dlic, etc. 
 
 174. w is originally not allowed to stand as the final 
 of a syllable. 
 
 1) After a short vowel it becomes u, and the two 
 vowels then unite to form a diphthong : compare nom. 
 
THE CONSONANTS 119 
 
 a^eo, cneo, from * }?e-ii, * cne-u, for * ]7ew(a), * cnew(a) 
 (according to 113. 1 ; 130) ; but a^eow, cneow also occur, 
 being formed upon the analogy of the inflected forms 
 which have medial w. 
 
 2) After consonants it is vocalized to syllabic u (o). 
 After a short syllable the latter remains as the final of 
 a word: compare the nom. ace. sing, of wo-stems, like 
 beam, seam (249), and the adj. g-earii (300 ; cf . 134. d). 
 Likewise in the declension and comparison of adjectives : 
 compare ace. grearone, gen. dat. sing. fern, gearore, gen. 
 plur. gearora (300), comp. g-earora (307), for * gearwne, 
 etc. After a long stem w disappeais : gracl, lack (249, 
 note 5) ; for f eminines like beadu, battle ; iii^d, Ises, 
 meadow (260), cf. 134. c?. 
 
 Note 1. Analogy often leads to the restoration of the w in 
 a medial position : compare preterits like hyrwde, syrwde, from 
 hierwan, sierwan (408. 1); derivatives like nyrwS (255.3), based 
 upon nearo, nearwes, etc. 
 
 3) After a long vowel or a diphthong w disappears 
 (after first being vocalized to u), according to 134 ; 144 ? : 
 a, o, ever (Goth, aiw); bra, corpse (Goth, hraiw); sna, 
 snow (Goth, snaiws). Not infrequently, however, the w 
 of the other forms is introduced : hraw, snaw (following 
 gen. hrawes, snawes, etc.); this takes place almost 
 invariably after diphthongs, as in g-leaw (63), hreow 
 (64), and in the interior of a word when there is syncope 
 of a middle vowel, as in sawle (beside saule, saule), 
 from sawol, soul; meowle (Goth, mawilo, 73, note 1); 
 in derivatives like hreowsian, rue, from * hreuwoson ; 
 especially in inflected forms, as in spewS", cnsewS', 
 from spowan, cnawaii ; Isewde, from l^wan, etc. 
 
120 PHONOLOGY 
 
 Nevertheless there occur, especially in North., sporadic 
 forms without w, like g-eciia'ST, aetiede, eorum. North. 
 bilede, ede, jieteade, for g-ecnsewS", knows ; aetiewde. 
 North, aeteawde, showed; eowrum, your; belsewde, 
 betrayed^ etc. 
 
 Note 2. The manuscripts often have u for w : saule, snau ; more 
 rarely after diphthongs, as in Kent. Gl. lateou, hriou = WS. -teow, 
 -hreovv. 
 
 Note 3. Perhaps, too, ^, sie, hrte (173. 2), may be explained by 
 this rule. Contrariwise, forms like cntecJ from *cnyewi]7, Tede from 
 *auwida, lede from *lewida, may fall under the rule of 173. 2. 
 
 Note 4. In certain rather doubtful cases contraction seems to have 
 been substituted for disappearance after a long vowel (112 ; 118). 
 
 Note 5 (on 171-174). For the effect of w upon neighboring 
 sounds see 71-73 ; 156. 
 
 J 
 
 175. The manuscripts have no sign appropriated to 
 the semivowel j {i.e.^ i when consonantal in function or 
 non-syllabic, Phonetik* 384), but denote it now by the 
 vowel-sign i, and now by g-. 
 
 1) i occupies the initial position in foreign words like 
 loliannes, Iiid^as ; in genuine OE. words it occurs 
 rarely, and almost exclusively before u : iii, iuiig' 
 (74; 157.1). As a medial it is more common: h^ries, 
 n^riaii, etc., though in such instances the i is perhaps to 
 be regarded as syllabic, or as standing for ij : h^-ri-es, 
 or h^-ri-jes (cf. 2, below). 
 
 Note. The i of the Second Class of weak verbs (411 ff.) must 
 probably (so also according to metrical indications) be considered as 
 syllabic, even where it is preceded by a short syllable, as in wunian, 
 inacian, or fr^iniaii, d^iuan (400, note 2). 
 
 2) g- is by far the more usual sign. Initially it scarcely 
 appears except before i, e, y, since j unites with any other 
 
THE CONSONANTS 121 
 
 vowel to form one of the diphthongs ie, ea, eo (74) : gif, 
 g-iet (gyt), gre, g-ear, geoiig, etc. (but also gi in giuiig, 
 etc., cf. 1, above ; Ps. sporadic gung-, etc., 157. 1, etc.). 
 
 Medially it occurs also before guttural vowels : 
 h^rgas, h^rguni, n^rgaii. Instead of the simple g we 
 often find ig (eg), and before a even (i)ge: h^riges, 
 h^rigas, h^r(i)g(e)as, n^r(i)g(e)aii ; yet this combina- 
 tion is perhaps intended to denote the sounds ij (cf. 1, 
 above). Only seldom does ge occur before u, as in 
 Gl. bergeum, racemis. 
 
 As a final, g is rare, and is only met with after a long 
 vowel or diphthong : seg, egg ; cseg, key ; cl^g, clay ; 
 ieg, island ; liieg, hay ; imp. cieg, call (cf. also 24, note). 
 
 176. Germanic j is regularly preserved only when 
 initial ; when medial, only occasionally between vowels, 
 as in frigea. Lord (beside frea, Goth, frauja) ; frige, 
 nom. plur. masc. of freo, free ; freogan, liberate ; ciegan, 
 call, etc. ; and after a short vowel + consonant (i.e., 
 according to 227, after a short vowel + r): n^rian, 
 h^rian, w^rian, li^ries = Goth, nasjan, ha^an, warjan, 
 harjis ; occasionally also after middle syllables having 
 an originally short vowel, as in semerge, embers (OHG. 
 eimuria) ; Ep. Erf. Corp. uuellyrgae, sinus, beside Gl. 
 Cleop. wellere ; probably Corp. suliterga, fratruelis, 
 beside suhtri(g)a. 
 
 Note 1. In late MSS., however, the j is occasionally wanting 
 before ea, eo : dat. plur. earon, years ; eogo3, youth, for gearon, 
 geogoS ; for the explanation see 212, note 2. 
 
 Note 2. Verbs like l^mian, (J^nian, h^lian, etc. (400, note 2) 
 have not retained the older j, but have introduced the i, j on the 
 analogy of such as n^rian. 
 
122 PHONOLOGY 
 
 177. On the contrary, older medial j is always lost 
 after a long closed syllable. This rule applies not only 
 to Germ, j, but also to Germ, i before a vowel (inter- 
 changing with j, according to 45. 8). Whenever this i 
 did not become final (130, note) it was changed in OE. 
 (apparently rather late) to j, and thus coincided with 
 the older j, and afterward disappeared under the same 
 circumstances as the latter. Examples are : 
 
 a) older j in verbs like s^llan, scieppan, s^ttaii, 
 l^cgran (400), for * salljaii, * skappjan, etc., OS. s^llian, 
 sc^ppiaii, s^ttian, l^g-gian, for Goth, saljan, etc. (227) ; 
 likewise in nouns like s^cg*, cynn (246), sibb (257) ; jf^j^Ar^^ 
 
 h) older i in forms like hierdes, -das, -da, -dum ; 
 rices, -cu, -ca, -cum (246) ; g-ierda, -a, -um (257) ; and 
 verbs like deman (403), for * hirdies, * rikies, * g"ar- 
 dia, * domiaii, etc. 
 
 Note. Unequivocal traces of the former presence of j, i after a 
 syllable are the i-umlaut, the palatalization of preceding gutturals 
 (206), and the West Germ, gemination (227). 
 
 2. THE LIQUIDS 
 
 178. 1) The OE. r was probably cerebral (Phonetik*^ 
 p. 108), that is, was pronounced with the tip of the 
 tongue strongly recurved, as it still is by some speakers 
 of English. Only on this supposition is it phonetically 
 possible to account for the OE. breaking before r (79). 
 
 2) r is of frequent occurrence as initial, medial, and 
 final ; less frequently is it geminated, as 
 
THE CONSONANTS 12 
 
 o 
 
 a) in feorraii, far ; dfierran, remove ; steorra, star ; 
 cierran, turn ; compare Goth, fairra, OHG. sterro, etc. ; 
 
 h) in ierre, angry ; (Tyrre, withered ; mierran, pre- 
 vent ; durran, dare ; compare Goth. * airzeis, J7aursus, 
 marzjaii, daursan (181. 2) ; 
 
 c) resulting from syncope, as in waerra, comp. of 
 Avaer, wary, etc. 
 
 The r is not subject to gemination before j (227). 
 
 179. Medial r often undergoes metathesis : 
 
 1) r preceding a vowel has a tendency to change 
 positions with it when the latter is followed by nn or 
 by s-combinations : iernan, ru7i ; biernan, hum ; biirna, 
 fountain; wseriia (beside wreiina), wren; liors, horse; 
 cserse, cress ; baers, perch ; forsc, froy ; fersc, fresh ; 
 STerscan, thresh ; berstan, burst ; fierst, time ; forst, 
 frost ; (bond) wyrst, wrist ; daerstan, yeast (compare 
 Goth, rinnan, brinnaii, etc.) ; so sern, house ; hserii, 
 wave (compare Goth, razn, ON. rann, and ON. hrQiin, 
 for * raenn, from * raezn, etc. ; in the oldest texts 
 still sometimes occur forms like Ep. Erf. raen, ren). 
 Metathesis perhaps occurs before single n in Corp. cor- 
 nuc, crane, and before m in forma, first, beside fruma, 
 advantage ; yet in these last cases there are more 
 probably older Germ, doublets belonging to different 
 ablaut-grades (cf. 127, note). 
 
 Note. Wholly irregular is the LWS. metathesis in gyrstandaeg, 
 yesterday^ for earlier giestran-, gystran-. On the relation of metath- 
 esis to breaking see 79, note 2, 
 
 2) The converse of the metathesis already described 
 takes place before ht in the North, frobtig-a, fear; 
 
124 PHONOLOGY 
 
 fryhtu, fright^ beside forhtigra, fyrlitu ; breht, bright^ 
 and its derivatives, beside berht. In the other dialects, 
 -breht, -briht seems to occur only as the second ele- 
 ment of compound proper nouns, as in Ceolbrelit, 
 .^afelbriht, etc. Sporadic forms are likewise scruf, 
 beside scurf, scurfs and wrunis, pus^ for wunns (185). 
 
 180. r is generally stable, whatever its position in 
 the word. For syllabic r see 139. Isolated examples of 
 ecthlipsis are : specan, spsec (at first probably Kentish), 
 beside sprecan, speak, sprsec, speech; LWS. p^tig- for 
 praetig^trickg ; North, wixla, exchange, beside wrixla ; Ps. 
 ge^^ndebyrclan, arrange ; ^•ndebyrdiiis, order (Zeuner, 
 pp. 75, 76) ; North. ge^*iidebredniaii, compared with 
 OE. onbryrdnis, onbryrdan, etc. Assimilation of 
 Ir to 11 in the comp. sella, beside selra (312) ; of sr 
 to ss in Isessa ; simplified in the comp. wiersa, wyrsa 
 (312), Goth, wairsiza ; the pron. iBFlsse (338). In these 
 examples r always springs from z (181. 2) ; but compare 
 also iisses, etc. (336, note), from * lisres. 
 
 Note. For the loss of final Germanic z see 182. 
 
 181. OE. r is of twofold origin. It corresponds 
 
 1) to Germ, r, as in rice, rJedan, briug-aii, beorg^aii, 
 wer = Goth, reiki, redan, brig-g-aii, bairgraii, wair. 
 
 This r may occur in any part of a word. 
 
 2) to Germ, z, partly retained in (loth. as z, and 
 partly represented by s : iniira, greater ; eare, ear ; 
 h^riaii, praise ; ii^rian, save = Goth, inaiza, auso, 
 ha^an, iiasjan. Then especially in grammatical inter- 
 change with s : ceosaii, ceas, curoii, coren (233 if.). 
 
THE CONSONANTS 125 
 
 Likewise in the combinations rz, as in ierre, etc. 
 (178. 2. b), and zd : reord, speech ; hord, treasure (Goth. 
 razda, huzd). 
 
 182. This r from z is restricted to the medial position, 
 for initial z did not exist in Germanic, and originally 
 final z is always lost in OE., whether belonging to 
 inflectional or derivational forms. Under the first head 
 belong, for example, the Germ, z (Goth, s) of the nom. 
 sing., that of many gen. sing, and nom. ace. plur., the 
 z of the opt. 2 sing, both pres. and pret., and other 
 forms, concerning which information is easily gained 
 by comparing the OE. with the Goth, paradigms ; as 
 examples may be cited the nominatives lie, hw^ (Goth. 
 is, hwas), the plurals w6, g-^, afa (Goth, weis, jus, J'os), 
 and the datives me, tf^ (Goth, mis, pus). To the class 
 of derivational forms belong especially 
 
 a) the comparative adverbs ma, b^t, l^ng", etc. (323 ; 
 Goth, mais, batis, lag-gis) ; 
 
 h) the nom. sing, of the os-, es-stems (288 ff.), like 
 sig-e, b^re, l^mb, cealf (Goth, sigis, bariz-, etc.). 
 
 Note. Where an OE. r appears in place of an originally final z, 
 it is in consequence of a reinsertion from polysyllabic forms; so in 
 by-forms like sigor, iQmbor, etc. , compared with sige, l^mb (289 ; 
 290). 
 
 183. 1) The OE. 1 must (disregarding possible pala- 
 talization before i, j) have had a twofold pronunciation : 
 first, that of an ordinary 1 ; and secondly, a pronunciation 
 nearly or quite guttural (Phonetik * 293 ; 294), wher- 
 ever it caused breaking of a preceding vowel (80; 8l). 
 
126 PHONOLOGY 
 
 Upon what this difference of sound depends has as 
 yet not been clearly determined ; yet it would seem 
 that the phonetic environment was not the only factor 
 concerned (note, for example, the difference between 
 syllan and t^llan, 80, note 2 ; 158. 2). 
 
 2) 1 may occur in any part of a word, is frequently 
 geminated, and is often syllabic (140). In general it 
 retains its position, but undergoes metathesis in the 
 following cases : 
 
 a) After a stressed syllable dl becomes Id in dialectic 
 bold, building; seld, seat; spilld, spittle (196.2, and 
 note 1) ; 
 
 h) After an unstressed or weak syllable si, fl, and J>1 
 (or dl) become Is, If, Id in the proper names terminating 
 in -grils, such as Cynegils, Eadgils, from ^Cyiiig-isl, etc.; 
 in the derivative ending -els = OHG. -isal, as in g-yrdels, 
 girdle (Ep. gyrdisl) ; riecels, incense ; in -elfe, -life = 
 ON. -yfli, in iniielfe, innilfe, viscera, beside iiinefle, 
 ON. iniiyfli ; and in -eld, -old (from 1}?1, -idl, etc.), as in 
 faereld, wai/ ; STerscold, threshold, etc. 
 
 Note. There is sporadic metathesis of final dl (from ]7l, 201. 3) 
 and fl in certain other words whose form is fixed in other respects : 
 aid, disease^ for adl; gealhswile, cealfadl, from geaglas, palate; 
 ceaflas, jaws. 
 
 3. THE NASALS 
 
 ni, n 
 
 184. m denotes the labial, and ii, in conformity with 
 Latin usage, not only the dental, but also the guttural 
 (or palatal) nasal, — the latter, however, only when it 
 stands immediately before c or g. m and dental n, on 
 
THE CONSONANTS 127 
 
 the other hand, are found in all positions, and also 
 geminated and syllabic (141 ; 142). 
 
 Note. Occasionally n stands for ng or nc, though but rarely : 
 str^ntJ, strength; <5^n?f, thinks, for str^ngS, 3^nc(J. 
 
 185. Metathesis of m occurs in worms (wurms, 
 wyrms), pus; wjTmsaii, corrupt^ beside older worsm, 
 wursm, and Avyrsmaii. Metathesis of n is somewhat 
 commoner, especially in certain texts which have fre- 
 quent nc, ng- for final en, g-n, as in tanc, reng-, iareng-, 
 freng-, for tacn, sign ; reg-n, rain ; STeg-n, thane ; fraegn, 
 asked. Conversely, clsesnian, purify (Ps. clasnian), 
 beside more frequent clsensian (North, cl^nsia), from 
 cl^ne, pure (a contaminated form claensnian is also 
 found). 
 
 186. The occurrence of nasals is subject only to the 
 following restrictions : 
 
 1) Before the surd spirants f, }?, and s, there is loss 
 of m and n, accompanied by lengthening of the preced- 
 ing vowel ; older a, OE. 9 (65), is thus converted into 
 o (66). Examples are : 
 
 a) of the loss of ni : fif, Jive (Goth, fimf) ; the adv. 
 softe, softly, comp. seft, 323 (OHG. samfto) ; osle, ousel 
 (OHG. anisala) ; 
 
 b) of the loss of n : g-os, goose^ plur. g-es ; hos, troop ; 
 0(9'er, other ; soi5", true ; toiST, tooth, plur. teS"; eat^ favor ; 
 siST, journey ; us, us ; hiisl, housel ; cliist, dust ; ctiafe, 
 could ; cuST, known; niiiar, mouth; yst, storm; wyscan, 
 wish = Goth, g'ans, hansa, anj^ar, etc. 
 
 Note 1. The length of the vowel is established by occasional 
 gemination: Suutanglorum Cod. Dipl., a.d. 736; Cuutferthi, 
 
128 rHONOLOGY 
 
 A.D. 755-757; Cuutfert, a.d. 766; siith, a.d. 805-831. In later 
 documents accents often occur : ciiS, siS, etc. 
 
 Note 2. Nasal pronunciation of the vowel seems to have prevailed 
 in the earliest period, as the proper noun Onswiiii occurs once in an 
 inscription for Common OE. Oswdne. The oldest Runic inscriptions, 
 with this exception, no longer have the nasal. 
 
 Note 3. The loss of the consonant occurs also in unstressed sylla- 
 bles, but in this position the vowel is afterwards shortened (9): iiid. 
 pres. 3 sing, of the verbs in -atJ, like bera'5' (360. 1), from *beran]7(i) 
 (133. a), beroj? (66); geogu<5, -oS, youtfi; dugu'3, -o(5, virtue (gen. 
 plur. also dugetJa; dat. dugecJuiu, etc.); oro<5, breath (later also 
 ore9, or?J, from which oretfian, or<5ian, breathe), from *jugunj>-, 
 ♦duguiip-, *or9n]7, etc.; compounds like fraco'3, hateful, beside 
 forcu*3, or ofost, zeal (from which efstan, hasten); attest, jealousy^ 
 etc. (43, note 4); also in the prefix o3- (from un]?-), aivay, as in 
 otfga'Dgan, escape, beside the adj. u'Sgenge, escaping, etc. 
 
 Note 4. No n occurs in OE. before h, the guttural surd spirant, 
 for in this position it was already lost in Germanic. That under these 
 circumstances the n first caused nasalization of the preceding vowel, 
 and that as a result older ai.)h became oh, has already been stated 
 (45. 5 ; 67). Examples of Th, uh, from irah, uiah, are : the vcrh (Teon, 
 from *?Rhan (383), part. <5ungeii (234); the pret. 3uhte, from 
 Syncaii (407. 1); fihta, daivn (Goth, iihtwo). 
 
 2) Exceptions to the foregoing are : 
 
 a) the 2 sing, c^nst, m^nst (422; 423), and a few 
 foreign words like pinsian, weigh ; 
 
 h) all words in which m, n -f- spirant have been 
 brought into juxtaposition by the syncope of a vowel, 
 like (Trims, a coin (OHG. drimissii) ; winster, wiiiester, 
 left (OHG. winistar) : and especially derivatives in 
 -siaii (OHG. -isoii), like grinisian, rage; claBiisian, 
 cleanse ; ininsian, diminish. 
 
 187. Final m of an inflectional syllable is changed 
 to n in late OE. (and indeed now and then in the Cura 
 Past.), especially after an unstressed syllable, as in the 
 
THE CONSONANTS 129 
 
 dat. plur. clagon for dagum, or in the dat. sing, niasc. 
 and neut. and the dat. plur. of adjectives: g-odon, 
 -an, for godum ; also in the pron. (Tan, for (Tarn (337, 
 
 note 2). 
 
 Note. For nymSe, except, Ps. has one occurrence of nybtJe; 
 compare also Nebrod, for Nemrod, Nimrod. 
 
 188. The following changes of n may be noted : 
 
 1) At the close of a syllable, mn often passes later 
 into mm, m (231.1) by assimilation: em, level; lirem, 
 hrsem, raven (also inflected, hremiues, etc.), for emn, 
 liremn, from efn, hrsefn (193. 2) ; so frequently w^p- 
 man, man, for w£ep(e)nman ; compare also occasional 
 spellings like elmbog-a (also shortened, elbog-a), Hum- 
 berht, for elnbog-a, elbow ; Hunberht. 
 
 Note 1. Assimilation to 1 appears in occasional forms like aellef-, 
 beside endleofan, etc. (325), and the late ollunc, along, beside onlong, 
 from earlier Qndlong. 
 
 2) Final n of an inflectional ending is suppressed in 
 North., particularly in the infinitive (363. 1), the opt. plur. 
 (365; but not in the ind. pret., 364.2), and the weak 
 declension (276, note 5). In the remaining dialects, n 
 is generally lost only in the 1 and 2 plur. before the 
 pronouns we, g^ (360. 2). 
 
 Note 2. For wolc(e)n, cloud, the older language has sometimes 
 wolc (conversely, the later texts now and then write wolcnread, for 
 •w(i)ol(o)cread, scarlet). 
 
 Note 3. In late texts the preposition on is frequently shortened 
 to a (a ?) when it occurs in a compound word or stereotyped phrase : 
 adr^dan, /ear; af on, receive, for ondrgedan, onfon; abutan, about; 
 amang, among; aweg, away; ariht, aright, for onbutan, on ge- 
 mong, onweg, onriht, etc. Only occasionally does the transitional o 
 occur: omiddan, amid; oniht, o' nights; owope, lachrymose. 
 
130 PHONOLOGY 
 
 Note 4. Syllabic n occasionally disappears between s and 1 in 
 ondrysllc, horrible, for ondrysiilie. 
 
 Note 5. Only in very late WS, does n occasionally disappear in 
 the r-cases of mm, 7ny; tfiin, thy; an, one: gen. sing. fern, mire, 
 (Rre, are, etc. 
 
 B. NON-SONOEOUS CONSONANTS 
 1. LABIALS 
 
 P 
 
 189. p is the surd labial stop. It is rare as an initial 
 in Germanic words : paetT, path ; pad, cloak ; pleg-a, 
 flay ; but more frequent in foreign words like puiicl, 
 pound ; pil, arrow ; pytt, pit. On the other hand, it is 
 common in the medial and final positions : helpan, help ; 
 weorpan, cast ; scearp, sharp ; wsepen, weapon ; and is 
 frequently geminated, as in up(p), up ; topp, top ; loppe, 
 flea ; aeppel, ap^ple ; scieppan, create, 
 
 p always remains unchanged ; only pn sometimes 
 becomes mn in wsemn, wsemiiian, from wsepen, 
 weapon ; wsepnian, arim, p interchanges with f in 
 the rare cnafa, beside cnapa, hoy. 
 
 Note. For the change of p to f before t in Germ, see 232 ; for 
 the metathesis of sp to ps see 204. 3. 
 
 190. In the majority of texts b is the sign for the 
 sonant labial stop. It occurs in the simple form only 
 as an initial : bindaii, hind; briiij;-aii, hring ; blort, hlood ; 
 in the medial and final positions as a geminate : habbaii, 
 have; libban, live; wfjb(b), weh ; sib(b), kin; and in the 
 
THE CONSONANTS 131 
 
 combination mb : li^mh^lamb; ciinibolj standard ; sym- 
 bel, banquet. When medial or final, simple b is replaced 
 in Common OE. by f : habban, 2 and 3 sing, hafast, 
 hafa^" ; w^bb, tveh^ but wefan, weave; habban, heave, 
 pret. liof, part, lisefen. 
 
 Note. In the main, b is stable ; only rarely is there a change of 
 final b to p, as in Kent. Gl. lamp, and total disappearance in ym-, 
 em-, around^ when the latter is used as a preiix. 
 
 For bb there is sometimes found pb, as in the proper noun Pypba. 
 
 191. In the oldest texts (especially Ep.) b also desig- 
 nates the sound of a sonant spirant, either labial or 
 labiodental. It was then pronounced like the English 
 V, a sound which was afterwards represented by f (192. 2 ; 
 cf . also 194) ; so, for example, in Ep. obaer, hebuc, 
 halbse, earbed ; Cod. Dipl. g-iaban, hlabard ; even as 
 a final: Ep. g-loob, hiialb, salb; Cod. Dipl. g-ib, ob, 
 etc., for EWS. ofer, hafiic, healfe, earfoS"-, g-iefan, 
 hlaford, glof, hwealf, sealf, gif, of. 
 
 192. f has a twofold character, as standing for the 
 surd and for the * sonant labiodental spirant, English 
 f and English v: 
 
 1) It is uniformly a surd spirant when initial, as in 
 f seder, father; findan, find ; when geminated in the 
 medial position, as in gaflFetung, derision ; hoffing, cir- 
 cle ; woffian, rage ; snoffa, nausea ; wlaeffetere, jester ; 
 pyffan, puff; 4byffan, mutter; lyffetan, flatter; the 
 proper names Offa, Uffe, Wuffa, and the foreign word 
 offrian, offer ; in the combinations ft and fs, as in haeft, 
 
132 PHONOLOGY 
 
 captive ; g-esceaft, creature ; raefsan, censure ; and orig- 
 inally whenever it corresponds, as medial or final, to 
 Germ, f, as in wulf, wolf ; fif, five (see note 2). 
 
 Note 1. Lat. v is represented by OE. f in fers, verse. 
 
 2) On the other hand, it is usually a sonant spirant 
 in the medial position, whenever it does not occur in 
 one of the combinations ff, ft, fs. It corresponds partly 
 to a Germ, f, Goth, f, OHG. f, v, as in wulf, gen. 
 wiilfes, wolf ; grerefa, reeve ; hofer, hump (OHG. wolf, 
 ^avo, hovar, etc.), and partly to a Germ. 15, Goth, b, 
 OHG. b, as in ofer, over ; g-iefan, give ; earfoar, labor ; 
 sealfiaii, anoint (OHG. ubar, gebau, arbeit, salbon). 
 In loan-words it frequently corresponds to Lat. b (or to 
 the Romanic f derived from it) : taefl, tablet ; trifot, 
 tribute ; fefor, fever ; profian, prove ; cyrfet, pumpkin^ 
 from tabula^ tributum^ febris^ probare^ cucurbita; or to 
 Lat. V, as in cealfre, from calvaria ; liifevSticce, lav- 
 age^ from levisticum ; brefian, shorten, from breviare; 
 Muntg-iof, from Montem Jovis ; finally, to Lat. p 
 (Romanic b, v?): prafost, profost, from praepositus. 
 
 Note 2. The etymological distinction between the two sounds 
 which coincide in OE. f is preserved scarcely anywhere but in Ep., 
 and there only to a limited degree ; in this text forms like uulfes, 
 giroefa, hofr, etc. are contrasted with such as obaer, earbet-, salb, 
 salve, etc. (Beitr. 11. 542 ff.); yet even Ep. has already some Ts for b, 
 as in ofaT, sifun-. The use of f for both sounds then increases very 
 rapidly, and soon becomes a fixed rule. The b persists for some time 
 only before r in naebre, never (frequently in Cura Past.), beside 
 naefre, and in the syncopated cases of fefor, fever, gen. febres 
 (febbres, 229) ; also frequently in the poet, tiber, sacrifice, etc. 
 
 For WS. Kent. Merc. (Ps. R.i) diofol, deofol, -ul, devil, North, 
 singularly has R.^dlovvul (only twice diaful, -ol), L. diobul, diubol, 
 
THE CONSONANTS 133 
 
 diowl, diul, etc. (only once diofles), Rit. diobul, diovl, diol, infl. 
 diobl-, diovl-, divol- ; probably these forms are influenced by Celtic 
 parallels. 
 
 Note 3. Gemination of the sonant spirant v does not occur in 
 OE., its place being taken by bb (190). 
 
 Note 4. At a decidedly late period f is occasionally found for w : 
 stanhifet, quarry; gleof, glowed; Mef, barrow, for -hlwet, gleo-w, 
 hlaew. 
 
 193. Except for the interchange with b (l9l) and 
 V (194), f is tolerably stable in OE. Exceptions are as 
 follows : 
 
 1) In the oldest texts pt sometimes represents the 
 usual ft: Ep. scaept, shaft; edscaept, palmgenesis ; 
 g-idopta, comrade (for scaeft, edscaeft, g-iicyofta) ; but 
 side by side with these occur siftit, sifts; nift, niece^ 
 etc. (cf. 221, note 1), and even bt, as in Corp. cneo- 
 ribt, Tcnee-cloth. 
 
 2) fn (with sonant f ) frequently passes into mii, espe- 
 cially when medial, and more particularly in later OE. 
 (189): emne, even; stemn, voice; st^mn, stem^ from efiie, 
 stefn, st^fn (for later mm, m cf. 188. 1) ; so likewise 
 LOE. wimman, plur. wimmen, from wifmQn, ivoman. 
 
 Note. This change does not take place in the verbs aefnan, ^fnan, 
 and rsefhan, perform^ presumably because the f is a surd. 
 
 V 
 
 194. In foreign words of late adoption, like Dauid, 
 Eiie, Leui, v, or rather MS. u, denotes the sound of 
 the Latin v (identical with the OE. sonant labiodental 
 spirant) ; hence these words are occasionally written Efe, 
 (gen.) Licfes, (but not *Ewe). Earlier loan-words, on 
 the other hand, rather generally replace Lat. v (u) by f 
 (192. 2; but cf. also 171, note 3). 
 
134 PHONOLOGY 
 
 In OE. words u is employed in the earlier period to 
 represent the semivowel w (171, note 1) ; more rarely to 
 denote the sonant labiodental spirant, as in Auene 
 (proper noun), yiiel, selua, for Afeiie, yfel, selfa. The 
 latter designation does not gain ground till later. 
 
 2. DENTALS 
 
 195. t always stands for the surd dental stop, and is 
 common in all positions : toO", tooth ; treo, tree ; tieii, 
 ten ; etan, eat ; heorte, heart ; Avat, knows. It is fre- 
 quently geminated, as in sceat(t), sceattes, money ; 
 s^ttan, set ; liluttor, clear ; hatte, is called (367, note) ; 
 grette, greeted^ etc. For the combinations ft, st, lit, 
 see 232; cf. also 193. 1 ; 221, note 1. 
 
 196. t is almost without exception stable. The only 
 exceptions are the following : 
 
 1) In EWS. (especially in the Hatton MS. of the 
 Cura Past.) st very frequently changes to sar, particu- 
 larly in the termination of the ind. pres. 2 sing.: i5'ii 
 giefesar, hilpescT, etc.; also in words like faes<T, /as^; 
 diisar, dust; waesSTm, growth; aarrisKyrig-an, obscure; 
 wiisar, knowest^ and superlatives like intiesS', most; tleresiar, 
 erst^ for giefest, liilpest, ftx^st, etc. 
 
 2) For WS. tl in botl, building ; setl, seat ; spjitl, 
 spittle, North, has -ari, -<Tel when final: L. R. searel 
 (dat. secTile Kit.) ; this becomes ell when medial, as in 
 gen. sedles, plur. sedlo ; dat. spadlc (compare bydla, 
 inhabitant) ; tS\^ as in seSFles, boKTle, etc. Bede ; beside tl, 
 
THE CONSONANTS 135 
 
 ttl, as in WS. : nom. seatul, saetil, plur. setla, settlas, 
 
 etc. L. In Ps. Id is the regular substitute for tl in 
 seld (183. 2. a), the only one of this group occurring in 
 this text ; while seld, bold are common in poetry, beside 
 setl, botl (spald El. 300). Here the basic sound is 
 everywhere J? (20i). 
 
 Note 1. These by-forms are almost entirely unknown to WS. 
 prose, though there are certain somewhat doubtful instances of bold 
 and seld. 
 
 Note 2. Beside WS. botni, bottom, there occurs once bySnie, 
 carina (Shrine 103), in a text which is strongly colored by Anglian 
 peculiarities. . 
 
 3) The combination tj (whether with orig. j or with 
 the spirant g", 2ll) passes into c or cc in orceard, garden, 
 beside ort-g-eard (as early as Cura Past. ; also orcg-eard, 
 LWS. orcerd, ordceard) ; LWS. crsefca, mechanic (also 
 craeftca, and, with secondary middle vowel, craeftica), t^i **^ 
 beside crseftga, from the adj. craeftig-, skilful ; and pure ^d -f 
 WS. f(^cc(e)aii, /(g^cA, beside dial, f^tian (416, note 15. ^) ; ' 
 so the sporadic Miincgiii Wulfst., for usual Muntgiof, 
 Montem Jovis (192. 2) ; cf. 205, note 1 ; 206. 4 ; 216, note 2. 
 
 Note 3. Ecthlipsis of t sometimes takes place in consonant- 
 combinations, especially after h, s : drohnian, cJrisnes, faesnian, 
 genihsum, for drohtnlan, iSristnes, faestnian, genlhtsum (cf. 
 198.4; 359, note 1). 
 
 Note 4. Conversely, and especially at a subsequent period, t is 
 sometimes inserted between s and 1 : elinestlic-, eleemosynary ; 
 ondrystllc, dreadful; and frequently niistlic, various, for selnieslic, 
 ondryslic (ondrysnlic, 188, note 4), mislic ; and probably maest- 
 ling, for maesllng, brass. 
 
 Note 5. For OE. st for s'S see 201. 6 ; for t, tt from tS, d?5 
 see 201. 4. 
 
136 PHONOLOGY 
 
 197. d is the sign for the sonant dental stop, and 
 corresponds, as a rule, to the Gothic d. It may occur 
 in any position, and is subject to gemination : dseg, 
 day ; drifaii, drive ; dweorgr, dwarf ; eald, old ; eardian, 
 dwell ; biddaii, request^ etc. 
 
 Only in very ancient manuscripts does d stand for 
 3", J7 (199, note 1). 
 
 Note. In loan-words d sometimes occnrs for Romanic d < Lat, t : 
 abbod, abbot; Laideu, Latin, from Lat. abbatem, Latinum, etc. 
 
 198. d is generally stable, but the following facts are 
 to be noted : 
 
 1) d experiences grammatical change with p (234). 
 
 2) Id corresponds in part to Goth. Id, as in ceald, 
 cold; healdan, hold, and in part sprang from an older 
 1]7 ; similarly WS. dl frequently sprang from pi (201. 2, 3). 
 
 3) Idl becomes 11 in slellic, peculiar (Goth, sildaleiks), 
 and likewise occasionally in North.: ballice, boldly; 
 iiKjnig--, till-, seofofallice, mani-, two-, sevenfold (for and 
 beside baldlice, -faldlice) ; hehstallic, virginal, etc. 
 
 4) Before and after surds d becomes t: 
 
 a) for example, in the ind. pres. 2 sing., as in bitst, 
 Isetst, blntst, st^iitst (359. 2), from blddaii, Isedan, 
 biiidan, st^iidan ; milts, sympathy, miltslan, compas- 
 sionate (from iiiilde) ; g-itsiaii, covet ; bletsiao, bless ; 
 and in compound words like iiu'tsceat, aiitsacodoii, 
 gcsuntfuliies Cura Past., for med-, and-, g-esuiid-. 
 Yet the s[)elling is often conformed to the etymolog}^ : 
 bindst, inilds, inildsiaii (rare WS. g-idsian, bledsiaii, 
 but always blcdsian in the Ps., and usually North. 
 
THE CONSONANTS 137 
 
 bloedsiga L. Rit., contrasted with bletsig-a R.^), or d, t 
 is lost after consonants : mils, niilsian, etc., binst, st^nst 
 (359. 2). For t from dp see 201. 4 ; 
 
 b) particularly in the weak pret. and past part, of 
 verbs with long stems, like sc^ucte, iecte (405. 4). 
 
 5) After consonant + d, t, there is loss of d, as in 
 pret. s^nde, elite, from s^ndan, ehtan (405. 4). 
 
 Note 1. d is sometimes inserted between n and 1: endlufon, 
 eleven (Goth, ainlif), and especially in adjectives ending in orig. 
 -enlic, like Qndrysendlic, horrible, etc. 
 
 Note 2. Final d has disappeared in proclitic 90- from ^nd-, as in 
 9nfo*n, receive; ^ngie-tan, understand; 9nsa'can, oppose; compare 
 9*ndfenga, receiver; 9'ndgiet, intellect; 9*ndsaca, opponent, etc. 
 This led to occasional erroneous substitution of stressed end-, a-nd- 
 for stressed 9'n-, a*n- (OHG. ana-): a*ndweald, power; a-ndwealh, 
 complete; a*ndsyn, face, for cnweald, cnwealg, cnslen; even 
 a*ndcleow, ankle, for cncleow (OHG. anchlao). 
 
 199. 1) The two letters tf and p originally denoted 
 without distinction the dental spirant which is now 
 represented in Eng. by tli (200). German (more rarely 
 English) editors and grammarians have long been accus- 
 tomed to print p as initial, and tf as medial and final ; 
 yet German editors are now beginning to follow the 
 haphazard arrangement of the manuscripts. In the 
 course of this work we propose to follow the best older 
 manuscripts (like Cura Past. Ps. L. R.^, and the oldest 
 charters), which more or less uniformly employ 9" ; we 
 use ar in general for historical forms, but p side by side 
 with it in special quotations, and for the citation of 
 prehistoric basal forms- of sounds or words. 
 
138 PHONOLOGY 
 
 Note 1, In the oldest texts there is scarcely any trace of either 
 character ; Ep. has but a very few examples of either, and the same 
 is true of the oldest charters. The earliest dated ?J (paetf) I find in 
 a charter of Wihtried of Kent, a.d. 700-715; the earliest dated ]? 
 (.^If J>ry<y) in a charter of C^nwulf of Mercia, a.d. 811 ; but throughout 
 the whole of the ninth century p is but sparingly employed. A spo- 
 radic exception for this oldest period is formed by Corpus, with its 
 frequent }?, and for the later period by the Lauderdale MS. of Orosius 
 and K.i, which are sharply distinguished from Cura Past, and R.2 by 
 the regular employment of ]?. 
 
 Instead of <5, J?, the oldest texts generally employ th in the 
 initial position : thorn, thegn ; very rarely d, as in gidopta Ep. 195, 
 inodgidanc Csedmon's Hymn ; in the medial position, th and d : 
 lotha, loda Ep., ^Ethil-, JEHU- Cod. Dipl. (in lieu of (5(5 is written 
 thth, tht : aeththae, othte, or) ; in the final position for the most 
 part th: inearth, laath, hriosith, sniuuith Ep., but sometimes t: 
 siftit, fSehit, stridit Ep., Cuutfert, Cuutferth, Sutangli Cod. Dipl. 
 
 2) ar, J7 may occur in any position, and both may 
 undergo gemination: 9'ing-, thing; STri, three; acwitan, 
 cut; weoraran, become; mortf, murder; otftSe^ or ; sc^cT- 
 9"an, injure ; siSraTan, since ; or J^ing", J?ri, weorj^aii, o}>}>e 
 
 (oOrjje), etc. 
 
 Note 2. For ?F3 the North, has h?? in mohtfe, mohSa, moth. 
 
 Note 3. In loan-words S sometimes corresponds to a Romanic 
 (5<Lat. t, d: moraS, spiced wine; sse?ferige, savory; senotJ, synod; 
 from Lat. meratum, satureia, synodus, etc. 
 
 200. The p of Germanic represented only a surd 
 spirant, and this pronunciation must be postulated as 
 the original one for OE. <y, p. Yet it is quite possible 
 that the original sound had already been differentiated 
 in OE. into surd and sonant, the sonant occurring 
 between voiced sounds (192. 2 ; 203). In favor of this 
 view may be adduced »a 
 
THE CONSONANTS 139 
 
 1) the spelling of the oldest MSS., which employ 
 medial d (199, note 1); 
 
 2) the retention of the group tSd (201. 5 ; 405. 1) ; 
 
 3) the passage of 1> into Id, and of pi into dl (with 
 sonant stop, 201. 2, 3). 
 
 201. With regard to the conversions of p the fol- 
 lowing observations apply : 
 
 1) p undergoes grammatical change with d (234). 
 
 Note 1. In certain words p interchanges with d, especially in 
 (h)rae3, (h)r8ed, quick, adv. (h)ra3e, (h)rade. p is characteristic 
 for Ps. eSr, vein; Ps. North, fr^mtie, foreign, for WS. sedr, fr^mde; 
 so eScuide, relatio Corp. ; e?Jwitia, censure L. ; eSwitscype Waldere, 
 ySlsecan Kent. Gl., for WS. ed-, back. 
 
 2) Older IJ? passes into Id : beald, bold ; feld, field ; 
 wilde, wild ; gold, gold ; hold, gracious ; wuldor, glory 
 (Goth. balj7S, wilj7eis, g-ulj?, etc.). Occasionally 19" occurs, 
 but exclusively in the oldest documents : halST, ohaeiari, 
 spilth Ep. ; Balthhseardi Cod. Dipl., A.D. 732 ; Balth- 
 hardi, A.D. 740. The \p which is due to syncope suffers 
 no further change: fielST, /aZZs ; gesyelSfu, success., etc. 
 
 3) Older J>1, when occurring after a long vowel, regu- 
 larly becomes dl in WS. : adl, sickness ; nsedl, needle ; 
 wsedla, beggar; midl, bit ; widlan, defile. The Anglian 
 texts, however, frequently retained the p\: n£e)7l Ep., 
 mim Corp., neSTl, wema Ps. (no dl in Ps.), am, 
 wsearelnes, poverty Bede ; North, has usually adl, nedl, 
 widliga, beside rarer aari, Aviarilg-a. On the other hand, 
 the p\ which is due to syncope suffers no further 
 change: eSTel, ^ows^ (from *o}7il), gen. eSfles; the proper 
 noun Hrearel, gen. Hrearies ; g-eniaria, enemy ^ etc. 
 
140 PHONOLOGY 
 
 Note 2. The quantity of ae is doubtful in the poetical maetn, speech; 
 mse^aii, converse (beside maSelian), but it is usually printed as short, 
 
 p is lost in iiiiBI, mtelan, and in stselan, /ownd; stselwierSe, stal- 
 wart, beside sta,tiol, foundation ; sta'delian, /oand. 
 
 Note 3. Similarly, LWS. <Jin passes into dm in the inflected 
 forms of ina^um, treasure, gen. madmes, plur. niadmas, for EWS. 
 maSnies, maflmas, and in eadmod, humble, for EWS. eacJmod ; 
 so North. <5ii becomes dn in hse^en, heathen, infl. heedna (beside rare 
 hset^na), etc. L. (not R.^) 
 
 Note 4. For SI, Gin, beside WS. tl, tm, see 196. 2, and note 2. 
 
 4) tp and dj? become tt, which is simplified when 
 final and when following a consonant: 
 
 a) tSsette, that, for tfset tfe (so looser combinations 
 like STaetta, tfsettset, from tfaet aca, tfaet acaet) ; bit, it(t), 
 for * bitj7, * it)? (359. 3). 
 
 b) eaSTmetto, humility ; ofermetto, arrogance ; wea- 
 metto, grief; latteow, leader; brytofta, spousah; mitty, 
 while; gesyntu, health; gesc^ntu, shame; verbal forms 
 like bit, bint (359. 3) ; for * eaj»med}7u (from eaarmod, 
 humble)^ ladcTeow, mid STy, * gesyiidj7ii, * gesc^ndpu 
 (255. 3), bidj?, etc. The spelling is at times conformed 
 to the etymology, as in latj^eow, ladteow, and such 
 forms are the regular ones when the t or d and the p 
 belong to different words. The assimilation of initials 
 and finals is not carried out with entire consistency 
 until we come to later texts, like the Ormulum. 
 
 5) ]?d (with sonant tS ? 200. 2) is mostly preserved, 
 and does not pass into dd till a late period (405. 2) ; ]?]? 
 is likewise retained, and is simplified when final only in 
 certain cases according to 231 ; cy<y((T), kith, gen. cyarafe; 
 l8ear9'(ii), ajfliction, from * kunj^ij^a, * Iaij7ij7a, etc. 
 
 6) Hp becomes st, though the etymological spelling 
 often holds its ground as stT: so in the verbs ciest, 
 
THE CONSONANTS 141 
 
 wiext, beside ciesar, wiexd" (359. 8) ; in abstract nouns 
 ending in -tFu, like in^teliestu, lack of food ; receliestii, 
 recklessness ; also when final. s and initial tS come together 
 in the 2 sing, of the verb, as in hilpestii, liafastu (from 
 liilpes (Til, hafas tSw)^ from which the later and usual 
 forms of the 2 sing, in -st are then deduced (356). 
 
 Note 5. For WS. s3 from older st see 196. 1. 
 
 7) J7S is often retained in blip's, hliss; bliacsian, rejoice; 
 li9's, mildness (perhaps only etymological spelling), but 
 usually passes into ss: bliss, blissiari, liss (with short 
 vowel?) ; so also cwist (cwist?), from cwiiSTest, cwicTst. 
 
 Note 6. In late texts hw- sometimes occurs for Jjw-, especially 
 in Hpt. Gl. : for example, gehw^rltecan, for ge)7\vfcerlgecaii, assent 
 (Archiv 88. 185-186). How far this signifies an actual phonetic change, 
 and how far it is a mere clerical blunder, is not easy to determine. 
 
 202. s is one of the commonest sounds of OE., may 
 occupy any position in the word, and is also subject 
 to gemination: sunu, son; sittan, sit; sceal, shall; 
 sprecan, speak ; stQndan^ stand ; slserpan^ sleep ; smael, 
 small ; snottor, wise ; sweltan, die ; medially and 
 finally : ceosan, choose ; wesan, be ; fisc, fish ; g'iest, 
 guest; cosp, fetter; cyssan, kiss ; assa, ass, etc. Com- 
 bined with preceding c, h, it becomes x (209; 221. 2). 
 
 203. The sound of Germ, s was only that of a surd 
 sibilant ; and in like manner OE. s was at first undoubt- 
 edly a surd, as Germ, sonant z had either become r or 
 been entirely lost (181; 182). However, it is not impos- 
 sible that the modern Eng. change to a sonant spirant 
 
142 PHONOLOGY 
 
 (French and English z) did already take place to some 
 extent between voiced sounds in OE., as in preterits 
 like liesde, rsesde, from liesan, r^san, contrasted with 
 such as cyste from cyssan (405. 4; 200 ; but also 198. 4). 
 
 204. Concerning the s it is especially to be observed : 
 
 1) There is grammatical change between s and r 
 
 (234). 
 
 2) For the combinations st and ss from dentalH- 1 
 see 232 ; for st from s}?, 201. 6 ; s<y from st, 196 ; ss from 
 sr, 180 ; ss from J?s, 201. 7 ; for scl, sen, scm, instead of 
 si, sn, sm, 210. 1. 
 
 3) The combinations sc and sp, especially in later 
 WS. and when medial, often undergo metathesis to cs 
 (hs), but usually x, and ps : ascian, ask ; wascan, wash ; 
 asce, ashes ; Hscas, fishes ; tuscas, tusks; but also acsian 
 (alisian, axiaii), waxan, axe, fixas, tuxas. So also 
 betwux, between (329); niuxle, mussel, etc.; then cosp 
 and cops, fetter; aesp and aeps, aspen; wlisp and wlips, 
 lisping; cirpsian, crisp (cf. 179). 
 
 Note, ssc often occurs for sc in bissce(o)p, beside bisc(e)op, etc. , 
 
 bishop. 
 
 z 
 
 205. The sound of German z is strange to Germanic ; 
 it therefore appears in OE. only a) in foreign words, or 
 b) where vowel-syncope has brought together t, d (p) -h s. 
 Its commonest designation is ts : a) Atsur (proper noun ; 
 ON. Qzurr) ; Mageiitse, Mayence; dracentse, dracontia; 
 palentse, palatiu^n ; yiitse, ounce ; b) plur. brytsena, 
 bits (from breotaii, 384); b^tsta, best; milts, gitsian, 
 blctsian, bitst, Isetst, biiitst, st^iitst, etc. (198. 4) ; more 
 
THE CONSOISrANTS 143 
 
 rarely ds : Adsur, yndse ; especially in etymological 
 spelling : milds, g-idsian, etc. (198. 4). 
 
 Note 1. Very rare is z: Azur, draconze, balzani, balsam; 
 LWS. bezt, milze, Merc. R.i bsezere, baptist; then dz: Adzur, R.i 
 baedzere; or tz : Corp. mertze, merx; or finally c: ynce; North. 
 (L. Rit.) baecere, and plaece, street (from Lat. platea; also before a 
 guttural vowel, dat. plaecum, beside plur. plsetsa R.^), if this does 
 not belong to 196. 3 (but cf . note 2). 
 
 Note 2. After n, 1 there is a frequent loss of t from ts, especially 
 in LWS. : ynse, dragense, but especially often in the inflection : binst, 
 st^nst, welst (198. 4 ; 359. 2). Thus after vowels only in the North, 
 dati, plaesum R.2 
 
 3. GUTTURALS AND PALATALS 
 
 206. I7i general. 1) The letters c (k, q), g-, h (x) rep- 
 resent in OE. both gutturals and palatals. These were 
 sharply distinguished from each other both etymolog- 
 ically and phonetically. In contrast to this, Germ, 
 probably had only one class of corresponding sounds, 
 to which we must assign guttural (or indeterminate) 
 articulation. 
 
 2) The following are the chief rules governing the 
 division in OE. : 
 
 a) Initial c, g" became palatal c, g: as early as Prim. 
 OE. before the primary palatal vowels se, se (==Germ. 
 se, Lat. a), e, i, i, and the diphthongs ea (from au), eo, 
 io (from eii), and their i-umlauts, WS. e, se, ie, ie 
 (unstable i, y), etc., but remained guttural before the gut- 
 tural vowels a, a (q, q), o, o, u, u, and their i-umlauts, 
 WS. se, ^, e, e (oe, oe), y, y (7, note), as well as before 
 consonants. Hence their diphthongizing effect upon 
 
144 PHONOLOGY 
 
 the primary palatal vowels and their umlauts, but not 
 upon the other vowels (74-76. 1). 
 
 b) Initial sc was already palatalized to sc before pri- 
 mary palatal vowels as early as Prim. OE., like simple 
 c, and hence exerted influences precisely similar. The 
 palatalization of sc before originally guttural vowels is 
 later ; its effect on adjoining vowels is therefore dif- 
 ferent (76. 2). 
 
 c) Medial c and g- (including their geminates, cc and 
 eg", 207 ; 216) become in Prim. OE. the palatals c and g- 
 (cc, eg-), certainly before older i, j, and perhaps at least 
 in part before older ae, and retain this character even 
 after the j has disappeared (177) or the i, se have been 
 weakened to e (44). 
 
 d) In a similar manner orig. sc is divided into an sc 
 with older palatalization before i, j (or se?), and one 
 with later palatalization (cf. 6, above). 
 
 e) Preceding palatal vowels exert a palatal influence 
 on g, c, sc at the end of a syllable, yet the OE. itself 
 gives us few definite criteria concerning the extent of 
 this influence (but cf., for example, note 6). 
 
 Note 1. In the inflection and word-formation there is often an 
 occasion for the alternation of palatal and guttural sounds, together 
 with an occasion for reciprocal leveling, but the extent of this we 
 have scarcely any means of determining. 
 
 /) Initial h is a mere breath, and therefore undergoes 
 no noticeable change. After a vowel, however, it was 
 originally, as the. breakings (82 ff.) show, always of a 
 guttural nature. However, it seems even under these 
 circumstances to have undergone later palatalization, 
 especially under the influence of preceding palatals. 
 
THE CONSONANTS 145 
 
 3) The criteria which OE. furnishes for the occur- 
 rence of palatalization are in part phonetic, and in part 
 merely graphic. Here we must especially note : 
 
 a) The palatalization of initial c, g-, and sc is testi- 
 fied by the WS. diphthongization of primary palatal 
 vowels (75); the later palatalization of sc before gut- 
 tural vowels by the spellings scea-, sceo-, etc. (76. 2) ; 
 the palatalization of g by its points of contact with i 
 and j (212 ff.). 
 
 h) To indicate palatal pronunciation there is fre- 
 quently an insertion of a palatal vowel between the 
 medial palatals c, g-, or sc and a following guttural 
 vowel. Before a and o this is generally e (rarely in 
 old texts i) ; Iseceas, l^cea ; ricea (246) ; secean, 
 r^ccean, J^r^ncean (407) ; fylgean (416, note 9) ; licg-ean 
 (372) ; s^cg-ean (416) ; fl^escea, gen. plur. of fl^esc, flesh 
 (267, a) ; sescean, gen. dat. ace. sing, of sesce, desire 
 (278 ; basic form *aiskjo); adwsescean, smother; ofarrysc- 
 ean, suppress (403 ff . ; on forms like mennescea, with 
 later palatalization, see, 76, note 4), beside forms like 
 l^cas, -a, rica, secan, r^ccan, (V^ncaii ; fylgan, licg"an, 
 slogan ; flsesca, sescan, ^tlAVsescan, ofarryscan, etc. ; 
 or m^nigeo, str^ngeo, wl^nceo (279), gefylceo, stic- 
 ceo (246 ; also gefylcio, gescincio), anclf^ngeost (from 
 andf^nge, agreeable, 298), beside m^iiigo, str^ngo, 
 wl^nco, gefylco, etc. 
 
 In a similar manner, i is sometimes inserted before ii : 
 dr^ncium, ecium, dryggiiim, from dr^nc, drink (265) ; 
 ece, eternal; dryge, dry (298), beside dr^ncum, ecum, 
 dryguni, etc. ; e is used here only seldom ; eceum, 
 waecceum (from wsecce, watch, 278). 
 
146 PHONOLOGY 
 
 Note 2. No auxiliary vowel is used before e, but the oldest texts 
 have occasionally an i before se (44, note 1): birciae, birch; hringiae, 
 fibula Ep. 
 
 Note 3. OE. Runic writing distinguishes the different phonetic 
 values by special characters ; the rune gifu designates palatal g, and 
 the rune gar the guttural g ; for the sounds of c the Ruth well Cross 
 inscription has three different characters, of which two almost certainly 
 denote c and c (compare Victor, Die North. Runensteine, pp. 24, 31). 
 
 Note 4. Late manuscripts often write k before palatal vowels, to 
 denote the guttural sound (207, note 2). 
 
 4) The palatal stops c and (c)g: became at a rather 
 early period palatal fricatives, that is, sounds like Eng. 
 ch and dg-. This is shown by forms like orceard, 
 f^ccean (Eng. orchard^ fetch)^ etc. (196. 3), micg-ern 
 (216, note 2). 
 
 Note 5. This change is carried through Middle English and remains 
 in Modern English ; it is the surest criterion for the old palatalization 
 of stops. For the initial position compare Eng. chaff, cheap, churl, 
 chew, child, chill, cheese = OE. ceaf, ceap, ceorl, ceowan, cild, ciele 
 (cyle), ciese (cyse) ; but key, Kent, keen, kin, king, kiss = OE. cieg, 
 C^nt, cene, cyn, eyning, cyssan, etc. ; for the medial position : rich, 
 reach, teach = OE. rice, rsecean, ttecean; or bridge, hedge, singe = OE. 
 l>rycg, h^cg, s^ngean, etc. 
 
 Note 6. This change to fricatives is especially important, because 
 it enables us to recognize palatalizations which we could hardly discover 
 by means of the OE. alone. So the c at the end of a syllable after i, 
 as in pic, pitch; die, ditch; ic, I (ME. ich); hAvilc (from *hwilic), 
 which; swilc (from *swalic), such, etc. (compare also the Runic ic, 
 Ruthwell Cross, with its character for palatal e, note 3). 
 
 Note 7. On the whole question see especially Kluge, Literatur- 
 blatt fiir Germ, und Rom. Philologie 1887, pp. 113-114, and Paul's 
 Grundr. 1. 836 ff. 
 
 5) A special designation of palatal pronunciation, like 
 a diacritical sign, is not regularly employed in the sec- 
 tions which follow. 
 
THE CONSONANTS 147 
 
 c (k, q ; x) 
 
 207. c is the character for the surd guttural stop and 
 the surd palatal stop. It stands before all vowels, even 
 e, i, y ; casere, emperor ; cosp, fetter ; cuSF, known; as 
 well as c^niian, beget; ceald, cold; ceosan, choose; cild, 
 child; cynn, kin; medially: sacan, quarrel; swicol, 
 deceptive; sacu, quarrel; secer, field ; hocihte, curved ; 
 also geminated : sac, sacces, sack ; Sr^ccan, cover, etc. 
 
 Note 1. For cw see 208 ; for et instead of ht, 221, note 1 ; for 
 ce, ci, as denoting palatal c, 206. 3. b. 
 
 Note 2. Now and then the MSS. (very often K.i, for example) 
 write k for c : kennan, kene, kneo, folkes, aecker, giok ; and like- 
 wise ck for cc : 9icke. This k is found somewhat more frequently 
 before y, or the i which has sprung from it (31): kynn, kyning, 
 kyne- in compound words (likewise kining, king) for cynn, etc. 
 (so frequently as early as Cura Past.). Probably the k is intended to 
 denote the guttural sound (206, note 4). 
 
 208. The sound of the Latin qu is generally denoted 
 by cw, or, in the older texts, by cu : cweSfaii, cAvic, 
 cwomon, older cueSfan, cuic, ciioinim. Only rarely 
 in the oldest texts is the Latin qu employed as a substi- 
 tute, as in quidii Ep. ; Quoeiii9'ryi9' Cod. Dipl., A.D. 811 
 (not infrequently in Corp.). 
 
 209. For cs (due to the syncope of a vowel, or to 
 metathesis of sc) x is usually found : rixiaii, reign ; 
 sex, ax ; axian, ask ; axe, ashes (204. 3) ; betweox, 
 hetiveen (329, note 1); for and sometimes beside ricsiaii 
 (OHG. riclilson), acsian, etc. 
 
 Note. Besides x and cs (the latter is especially common in words 
 like ricsian, because of their visible relation to rice, etc.) several 
 orthographical variants occur : ex, hx, xs, cxs, hxs, hs : ricxian, 
 ahxian, ahxsian, ahsian, rlhsian, axse, anexsumnys ; very seldom 
 gs, as in agsian ; cf. also 221, note 3. 
 
148 PHONOLOGY 
 
 210. The following irregularities in regard to c are 
 still to be noted : 
 
 1) c is occasionally inserted in the combinations si, 
 sm, sn : sclat Corp. 433 ; scleacnes, ^sclacad Kent. 
 Gl. 694, 696 ; scmeg-ende Ps. 118. 129 ; scniceiidan 
 Cura Past. 155. 17 ; scluncon Ep. Alex. 320 ; sclep 
 Gen. marg., etc. 
 
 2) Before -st and -9", the personal endings of the ind. 
 pres. 2 and 3 sing., LWS. c often becomes li ; tsehst, 
 t^ehaf, etc., for tsecst, tsecSf (359. 5) ; so also LWS. 
 leahtiin (North, lehtun), garden^ for leactun. 
 
 3) North, final c often passes (Bouterwek, North. Ev. 
 cxxxviii, CXL) into h (written ch, and even g-), especially 
 in the conjunction ah, hut^ and the pronouns ih (as an 
 enclitic likewise ig", as in saeg-dig-, forg-eldig-, for saegde ic, 
 forg-eldo ic), meh (mech), (5'eh, tisili (Tisicli, uslg), iuih 
 (iuli) (332, note 4) ; ah instead of ac is also found in 
 the other dialects. 
 
 4) Medial c in North, is often written ch : folches, 
 werches, wl<}iiches, sAv^nche, stanches R.^ (Bouterwek, 
 North. Ev. cxxxviii). 
 
 Note. For c in place of g see 215. On the interchange of cc 
 and hh see 220, note 2. 
 
 211. The letter g- not only denotes the Germ, semi- 
 vowel j (175. 2), but is also the symbol of a guttural or 
 palatal sound, corresponding etymologically with Germ. 
 g-. From the fact that this sound alliterates with OE. 
 g = Germ, j, and that it occasionally interchanges with 
 
THE CONSONANTS 149 
 
 j and h, we are justified in inferring that it is to be 
 regarded on the whole as a spirant, and not as a sonant 
 stop. 
 
 212. Initially, g* is a guttural spirant in the cases 
 designated under 206. 2. a : galan, sing ; gast, glio%t ; 
 g-old, gold ; guma, man ; gylden, golden ; glsed, glad ; 
 gnorn, sorrow; grafan, dig; also before WS. ae, as 
 in setgsedere, together (75, note 1). On the other 
 hand, it is a palatal spirant before e, ea, eo, i, le, io: 
 geldan, gieldan, yield ; geaf, gave ; geafon, {tliey) gave ; 
 geotan, pour ; gift, gift^ etc. 
 
 Note 1. Change to j is shown by iarwan, beside gearwan R.^ 
 = WS. gierwan, North, gearwia (408, note 3); likewise by Kent. 
 ^tMliseardi Cod. Dipl., a.d. 732; Eaniardi, ad. 778; iE(5elieard, 
 A.D. 805, for -geard, etc. Also in later (especially Kentish) texts i 
 occasionally recurs for g : Gl. iemung, biiong, ieteld, for gemung, 
 wedding; bigong, worship; geteld, tent, etc.; occasionally also forms 
 like iarcian, prepare (Benet), for WS. gearcian, etc. In such texts 
 the prefix ge- appears also as i-, especially after un- : unDic, unequal; 
 uniw^mmed, unblemished Hpt. GL, etc. (so already Beow. unigmetes, 
 
 exceedingly. 
 
 Note 2. The g is often lacking before ea and Io in late texts : 
 eaUa, eador, eaglas, eorn, eogo9, eoce, for geaUa, gall; geador, 
 together; geaglas, jaws; georu, willingly; geogotJ, youth; geoce, 
 aid. Late Kent., on the contrary, sometimes prefixes g to ea, eo: 
 gearfoSe, geatJe, geornest, dgeode, fulgeode, for earfoSe, trouUe- 
 some; ea3e, easy; eornest, earnest; deode, went; fuleode, helped (even 
 in Old Kent, in Geanberht Cod. Dipl., a.d. 781). Both phenomena 
 are no doubt to be explained by the circumstance that, after the shifting 
 of stress in ea, eo (34, note), these diphthongs coincided in pronun- 
 ciation with the older gea, geo, and therefore the two were no longer 
 so clearly separated in spelling. 
 
 213. Medially and finally after vowels and r, 1, the pro- 
 nunciation varies between guttural and palatal spirant, 
 
150 PHONOLOGY 
 
 according to the principles laid down in 206. 2. c, e : 
 reg-n, rain ; rigiian, rain ; daeg-es, bi/ day ; lagru, sea ; 
 drogr, drew ; beorgran, conceal ; belg-an, grow angry. For 
 g-e as the representative of palatal g- see 206. 3. b. 
 
 Note. For (palatal) g after r, 1 the digraph ig is not infrequently 
 employed when the combination is preceded by y, e, or i, especially 
 in later texts : byrig(284); gebyligS, anger; myrig??, mirigS, miri/i, 
 for byrg, ^bylg?J, myrg^, etc. ; also in the interior of a word, as in 
 fyligan, follow; wyrigan, curse; m^rigen, morning, for fylgan, 
 wyrgan, m^rgen (cf. also 214. 2, 4ff.). A u is rarely introduced 
 before (guttural) g, when u precedes: burug, for burg (284, note 4). 
 
 214. That g- is a spirant in the positions named above 
 will be manifest upon a consideration of the following 
 changes : 
 
 1) In the later documents (guttural) g-, when final, 
 passes more or less regularly into li after a long gut- 
 tural vowel or r, 1 : genoli, enough ; beah, ring ; stah, 
 ascended ; beorh, mountain ; burh, borough ; sorh, care ; 
 bealh, raged., for genog, beag, stag, beorg, biirg, sorg, 
 bealg : so also palatal g before surd consonants with 
 which it combines as the result of syncope : stihst, 
 climbst ; stihS", climbs ; yrhcTo, cowardice^ for stigst, 
 stigQ", yrgSTo. This change is more or less wanting in 
 the older texts (wholly, for example, in Ps.). 
 
 Note 1. Final h occurs extremely seldom after a long palatal 
 vowel : stih, ascend; beh, ring, for stig, beag (108. 2). After a short 
 vowel h is somewhat commoner: imp. weh, weigh; waeh, weighed; 
 fitlah, outlaw ; getoh, pull; compounds like lahbryce, -slite, infrac- 
 tion of law; hohinod, anxious; hohful, careful; North, especially in 
 an unstressed syllable, as in Sritih, sextih, suinnih L., for (Jritig, 
 sextig, synnig. 
 
 Note 2. More rarely h occurs at the end of a syllable before a 
 voiced consonant : ahuinn, possess ; illilaeca, demon; dihlan, concea/, 
 
THE CONSONANTS 151 
 
 for agnian, aglseca, diglan; still more rarely after a short vowel, as 
 in fahnian, rejoice; plur. fuhlas, birds, instead of fagnian, fugias. 
 Note 3. Only a few texts (like the Boeth., which is strongly influ- 
 enced by Kentish) employ h for g between vowels : dat. plur. dahuin, 
 days; 3 plur. mahan, be able; heretoha, leader; for dagum, magon, 
 
 -toga. 
 
 Note 4. h + g is often assimilated to hli in LWS. and North. 
 (L.) nehhebur (also nehche-, nechebur), and its derivatives, for 
 neahgebur, etc., neighbor. 
 
 Note 5. As an intermediate spelling gh is also occasionally found : 
 bogh, shoulder; hnagh, bowed; slogb, slew; deaghian, dije; 
 totoghen, rent; also hg: stahg, ascended; 3wohg, washed; wihga, 
 ivarrior; onwrihgen, revealed; dat. brehge, eyelid; dat. dihglum, 
 secret; after 1: plur. onwealhge, whole; frequently after r: burhg, 
 city, gen. plur. burhga ; sorhglan, sorrow. Not to be confounde'd with 
 this gh is the stable gh in teghwUc, seghwaeSer, etc. , for *a-gi-hwilc, 
 etc. (347, note 3). 
 
 Note 6. On final g for h see 223, note 1. 
 
 This interchange of g- and h is to be distinguished from 
 the grammatical change of these two sounds (233; 234). 
 
 2) When following a palatal vowel at the end of a 
 syllable, g- sometimes passes into i. This phenomenon 
 is peculiar to Kentish, and a chief criterion of this 
 dialect. So already Ep. grei, boclei; meilianda Cod. 
 DipL, A.D. 831 ; eiliwelc, Deimund, A.D. 832 ; del, A.D. 
 837; meimiad Kent. Gl., etc., for bodeg, meg^-, eg-, deg^-, 
 megSFhad. Similarly, LWS. often has -ig for -g : weig, 
 dseig, mseig-, etc., for weg, daeg^, maeg", etc. 
 
 3) g-, when followed by one of the voiced consonants 
 d, (Sr), n, often disappears in WS. after a palatal vowel, 
 the preceding vowel being simultaneously lengthened : 
 mseden, maiden ; s^de, gessed (416, note 3) ; lede, g^eled 
 (407, note 7); bredan, brandish; stredan, dissipate (389); 
 -hydig, -minded, for saegde, l^gde, bregdan, streg^dan, 
 
152 PHONOLOGY 
 
 -hyg-dig, etc.; tiifyian, grants for tig-iflrian; (Teniaii, serve; 
 ariiien, handmaid; friiian, incpdre ; riiian, ram, for 
 cyegnian, KTigrneii, frigrnan, rigrnan. Syncope of g" like- 
 wise takes place before originally syllabic n : wseii, wain; 
 ren, rain ; STen, thane^ for waegn, reg-n, aregii (though 
 these forms are perhaps due to the analogy of the poly- 
 syllabic ones, like gen. w^nes, renes, cTenes). Not till 
 a later period do we now and then encounter syncope 
 before 1, as in snjel, for sn^gl, snail. 
 
 Note 7. The loss of g occurs almost without exception in WS. 
 ongean, again; togeanes, against (only once ongeagn Cura Past. H); 
 Ps. has only ongegn, R.i generally ongaegii, once ongeen, North, 
 usually oiigaegn, togsegnes, rarely in L. ong£On ; the poetry varies 
 between ongean and ongegn, togeanes and togegnes. 
 
 Note 8. g is lost after a guttural vowel in friinon, gefriinen, from 
 frinan, and brudon, broden, stroden, from bredan, stredan (389), 
 but perhaps only through the influence of the present forms with 
 palatal vowels. Fran is certainly only a new formation according to 
 the pres. frinan. 
 
 Note 9. In an unstressed syllable, g disappears before n and 1 in 
 holen, beside holegn, holly^ and finul, iiuule, beside a rare early 
 finugi, finuglse, fennel. 
 
 Note 10. Loss of g between consonants takes place in mornes, 
 morne (m^rne), gen. dat. sing, of morgen, morn. 
 
 4) ig-e, from igi, is often contracted to i : il, porcu- 
 pine; SilhearAvan, Ethiopians; list, liSF, liest., lies; g-elire, 
 adultery^ for ig"el, Sig-el-, lig-est, lig^eKT, g-elig-ere ; so also 
 siare, scythe, from * sigiSTe. 
 
 5) The ending -ig often loses its g", most frequently 
 when medial, as in syndrie, h^fie, Iniiigrie, for syndrige, 
 li^fige, hiingrige ; in^nio, for m^nig-o, multitude ; but 
 also at the end of a word or syllable : a'lii, maenifold, 
 dysi, ace. seiiine, etc. (frequent in later texts, and perhaps 
 
THE CONSONANTS 153 
 
 more exactly to be written with lengthened i : seiii, 
 ^nine, etc.). Even the ig" of a stressed syllable occa- 
 sionally undergoes a similar loss : drie, dry^ dat. drium, 
 etc. ; dflian, put to flight ; bleria, hlear-eyed person^ for 
 drig-e, dryg-e (31, note), aflig-(e)aii, bler-ig(e)a. 
 
 Note 11. The ig from g (213, note) is often treated in like manner : 
 fylian, wyrian, ni^rien ; also before consonants : pres. 3 sing. fyli3, 
 pret. :^^lide, etc. 
 
 6) In like manner, -ig" is frequently contracted to -i 
 in the first member of a compound word : stirap, 
 stirrup ; stiwita, stiward, steward ; switirna, time of 
 silence^ from stigrap, -wita, -weard, swigtima. 
 
 7) Initial g before ea, eo is sometimes omitted in 
 later texts : ealla, gall^ etc. (212, note 2) ; so almost 
 regularly LWS. middaheard, world; wineard, vine- 
 yard^ for niiddan-, wingeard. 
 
 8) After u LWS. g interchanges occasionally with 
 •w, especially in suwian, he silent; ^druwian, wither^ 
 for s(w)ugiau, ^drugian ; also after o in geswowung, 
 swoon, beside geswogen, swooning. 
 
 215. The combination ng retains its g unaltered, 
 except that it is often (and even very early) replaced, 
 when final, by -nc, -ncg, -ngc: XJuihth^riiic Cod. 
 DipL, A.D. 811; Cymeslnc, A.D. 822 ; Theodningc, 
 A.D. 779 ; Caslncg, Cillincg, A.D. 814 ; S^leberhtincg- 
 iQnd, A.D. 814. This c, etc., even forces itself into 
 the medial position : swuluncga, gesQmnuncgse Cod. 
 Dipl., A.D. 805-831. Even egg occurs : Oeddincggum, 
 A.D. 825 (North, instances in Bouterwek, North. Ev. 
 
 CXXXVIII). 
 
154 PHONOLOGY 
 
 Likewise medial iig" frequently becomes nc before 
 a surd: briiictT, brings; sprindtT, springs; str^ncKJ", 
 strength; l^ncten, spring; ancsuni, difficulty iov hvin^tS^ 
 str^DgrO", l<^ng"teii (and Ps. l^nten), ^iig-sum. 
 
 Note 1. That the pronunciation was nc in such cases, even when 
 ng was written, appears from the occasional substitution of ng for 
 original nc: dringS, drinks; SingS, seems; S^ngS, thinks; stingS, 
 stinks, for drincS, etc. 
 
 Simple n is also occasionally written both for ng and nc in this 
 position, especially in Kent, texts : str^nS, 3^n?J, for str^ngS, 3^nc3, 
 etc. (184, note). 
 
 Hence we must conclude that the g of ng" denoted a 
 sonant stop, which, according to 206, was either guttural 
 or palatal ; the latter subsequently passed over into the 
 palatal fricative (dz = Eng. j) ; cf. 206. 4. 
 
 Note 2. Many later texts, which in other cases regularly repro- 
 duce older medial ng by ng, often represent older ngi and ngj by 
 neg: andf^ncge, agreeable; J^un-w^ncge, temples; getincge, eloquent; 
 spincge, sponge; Ismdhig^ncgn, inhabitant; gl^ncgan, adorn; in^ncg- 
 an, mingle, etc. Here the eg (cf. 216) probably denotes palatal pro- 
 nunciation, and perhaps even the sound of the fricative (dz = Eng. j). 
 
 216. Geminated g is of twofold origin, and therefore 
 has twofold phonetic value : 
 
 1) Usually it arose from Germ, gj by West Germ, 
 gemination (227), and is therefore certainly a palatal in 
 OE. It is represented by eg-, which is not simplified at 
 the end of a word (231) ; before a (o) often written cg-e, 
 before u also cgi (206. 3. b) : s^cg, man ; lirycg, back ; 
 gen. sing, sieges, hrycges ; nom. plur. s^cg(e)as, gen. 
 s^cg(e)a, dat. si^K'gum (s^cgium) ; besides verbs like 
 s^cg(e)an, sag ; licg(e)an, lie, etc. 
 
THE CONSONANTS 155 
 
 Note 1. Medial gg (also gc, gcg) rarely occurs, and then usually 
 in earlier texts: dat. sing, hrygge; hyggean, think; s^ggan, s^gcan, 
 segcgan, etc. ; more common is egg, especially in the earlier WS. 
 manuscripts. 
 
 Note 2. In the rather late micgern, fat, for *midgern (OHG. 
 mittigarni), the eg sprang from dg (cf. 196. 3). 
 
 2) Only in a few words is double g- not from gj, and 
 in these it is usually written grg-, not eg- : dog-g-a, dog ; 
 frogrgra, frog ; hog-cian, impend ; floeg-ian, §hine forth ; 
 flog-gettan, fluctuate; cliig-gre, hell; siigg-a, fieedula, 
 warbler; also sceacg-a, hair of the head; earwicg-a, 
 earwig. Probably this spelling was intended to indicate 
 the guttural pronunciation of this g-g-, contrasted with 
 the palatal eg-. 
 
 3) The pronunciation of both these groups was, 
 according to the spelling and the later phonetic devel- 
 opment, at least originally that of a double sonant stop ; 
 but the palatal geminate eg subsequently became the 
 palatal fricative (dz = Eng. j); cf. note 2, and 206. 4. 
 
 h(x) 
 
 217. Initial h is simply a breath. It occurs without 
 limitation before vowels, and likewise in the combina- 
 tions hi, hr, hn, hw, which are perhaps only to be 
 regarded as the surd 1, r, n, w (like Eng. wh) : hlaf, 
 loaf; hliehhan, laugh; liraefn, raven; hring-, ring; 
 hnigan, bow; hnutu, nut; liwaet, what; liwit, white. 
 
 Initial h disappears in nabbaii, from ne liabban (416, 
 note 1 ; so in North. L. booflic, beside behoflic, neces- 
 sary), and in the second member of certain early com- 
 pounds: aDliepe, single (ON. emhle>i)r) ; w^lreow, 
 
156 PHONOLOGY 
 
 beside waelhreow, savage ; add forms like ifig:, ivy; 
 licuma, body ; <}iidettaii, confess, from * if-heg-, lic- 
 IiQma, * Qiid-liatjan, etc. (cf. 43, note 4, and the pro- 
 nouns, 343 ; 348. 2) ; SO in compound proper nouns, like 
 Wald^re, and often in the later ^^If^re, ^Elfelm, 
 £aldelm, for ^:ifh^re, ^^Iflielm, Ealdhelm, etc. 
 
 Note 1. In the older MSS. initial h is sometimes lost: aefde, 
 wset, ring, for haefde, hwaet, hring; and, conversely, there is now 
 and then jjrothesis of h : hierre, haenieteg, hlareow, for ierre, 
 iemeteg, lareow (WS. instances in Cosijn, Taalk. Bijdr. 2. 180; 
 Kent, in Zupitza, ZfdA. 21. 12; North, in Bouterwek, North. Ev. 
 cxL, cxLi). The pronunciation actually varies, however, only in the 
 case of the verb hweorfan and its derivatives, and more frequently 
 in that of hraetJ, quick, adv. hraSe, which alliterate not only with h, 
 but also with w or r (cf. Rieger, Verskunst 9). 
 
 Note 2. In certain later texts h before a consonant begins to dis- 
 appear : laford, ring, reat, for hlaford, hring, hreat. Sporadic 
 are such spellings as whaet, geiivhsede, rhigge, for hwaet, gehw^ede, 
 hrjcge. 
 
 Note 3. In an alphabet of the eleventh century the name of h is 
 given as ache (Wanley, Catalogus, p. 247). 
 
 218. Simple medial h, as well as original hw, dis- 
 appears when followed by a vowel. 
 
 1) If a consonant precedes the h, the preceding vowel 
 is lengthened upon the disappearance of the h; yet in 
 the case of inflected words there are also occurrences 
 of the short vowel, probably through analogy with forms 
 in which the vowel did not undergo lengthening : feorh, 
 life ; inearh, horse ; Wealli, Welshman, etc. (242) ; gen. 
 feores and feores, nom. ace. plur. inearas, Wealas, and 
 mearas, Wealas ; or 3 sing. -filhcT, inf. feolaii, conceal 
 (387, note 4), or cTyrel and (Tyrel, aperture (probably from 
 iSTyrel — tTyrles, for orig. * Jjyrhil — * J^yrhles). 
 
THE CONSONANTS 157 
 
 Note 1. The plur. firas, men (from feorh) has stable length, and 
 so does swira, swiora (later sweora), neck (beside WS. swura, with 
 doubtful quantity), if this goes back to orig. *swirh- (but compare 
 ON. sviri, contrasted with firar, men, etc.). Add certain original com- 
 pounds treated in the same manner : oret, battle, beside derivatives; 
 oiiettan, incite (43, note 4; also sporadic forms like orrettan, 
 orretscipe); ifig, imj (from *if-heg, 217). In eofot, contest (from 
 * ef-hat) ; eofolsian, blaspheme (from *ef-halsian; cf. 43, note 4), 
 the eo perhaps points to shortness (hence North. L. ebalsia, etc.?). 
 
 Note 2. Certain inflectional forms point to the retention of the 
 short vowel: such are moru, parsnip (278, note 1); 3weoru, nom. 
 sing. fern, and nom. ace. plur. neut. of Sweorh, transverse (295, 
 note 1); and the verb Swyrian, f or * Jjuaorhjan (400, note). 
 
 2) If two vowels thus collide through the loss of h, 
 contraction usually takes place (iio ff. ; 166) : feoli, gen. 
 feos (242) ; heah, plur. hea (295, note 1), etc. ; com- 
 pare also the contract verbs (373), like seon, see, Goth. 
 saihwan, and many similar instances. 
 
 Note 3. In the oldest texts, like Ep., the h is still frequently 
 retained in both cases : thohae, wlohum, ryhse, furhum = WS. 3o, 
 \vlo(u)m, reo, furum. Certain later forms, like horhihte, filthy, 
 for older horwehte, ar« new formations (after nom. horh, 242, note 4). 
 For North, genehwia, approach, see 222, note 4. 
 
 219. On the other hand, medial h, when geminated 
 or followed by a surd consonant, is usually retained, 
 and in these cases is probably to be pronounced as a 
 guttural or a palatal spirant, like the Germ, ch in ach 
 and ich. 
 
 220. Geminated hh is not very common : greneahhe, 
 sufficiently ; siohhe, strainer; tioli, gen. tiohhe, order ; 
 tiohhian, arrange ; (h)reohlie, f annus ; g^eohhol. Yule 
 month (beside geola) ; c(e)ahliettan, croak; cohhettaD, 
 cough; wuhhungr, rage; pohha, pocket; crohha, crock; 
 
158 PHONOLOGY 
 
 Ep. scocha, lenocinium ; hliehhan (392. 4) ; North. 
 aehher (289), taehlier, tear (cf. 222, note 4). 
 
 Note 1. The MSS. not infrequently have simple h instead of hh : 
 geneahe, geohol, her, hreohe, wuhung, hlilian ; even at times ch : 
 hreoehe, hliehan {JE\f. Gr.) and, especially earlier, hch : Ehcha Cod. 
 Dipl., A.D. 700-715; tio(h)chian, pohcha Cura Past. 
 
 Note 2. Beside pohha and crohha are also found (especially 
 Angl. ?) pocca and crocca ; with scocha compare scucca, tempter. 
 
 221. The older combinations, lit (232) and lis, usually 
 remain : 
 
 1) lit is common : ealita, eight ; rylit, right; tfohte^ 
 thought, and similar preterits (407) ; beorlit, bright, etc. 
 
 Note 1. The oldest texts, perhaps on account of Latin influence, 
 frequently have ct for ht: ambect, gifect, uuyrcta Ep. ; maecti, 
 dryctin Csed.; also cht: ambechtae, sochtse Ep.; htt: Cyiii- 
 berhttai Cod. Dipl. a.d. 736; Eanberhttai, a.d. 755-757; andchtt: 
 almechttig Ruthwell Cross. Simple ht is, however, to be found in 
 charters of the beginning of the eighth century. Very late texts spo- 
 radically introduce cht again: t^chte, taught; aelmichtig, almighty, 
 etc. ; and here and there gt occurs, as in forgtian, fear. 
 
 For the interchange of ht and ct in preterits like tJrycte and Sryhte 
 see 407. 2. 
 
 Note 2. Occasionally h is lost, particularly after r : fortian, 
 \iT;Tta, for forhtian, Avyrhta. 
 
 2) In place of older hs the manuscripts have x : feax, 
 hair; Mveaxan, grow ; siejL, six; mioiL, manure ; wrixlaii, 
 change; oxa, ox; oxn, armpit, for Goth, fahs, walisjaii, 
 maihstus, etc. 
 
 Ecthlipsis of h has taken place in iieos(i)aii, visit 
 (Goth, iiiiihsjaii, OS. niusoii) ; (Tisl, STisle, wagon-pole 
 (beside older cTixl Erf. Corp. ; OHG. dihsila) ; waesma, 
 waestui, growth (from weaxaii) ; North, sesta, seista, 
 the sixth. 
 
THE CONSONANTS 159 
 
 Note 3. Likewise for x = hs there occur the orthographical vari- 
 ants for X = cs (209, note), like hx, xs, hs : weahxan, pres. 3 sing. 
 ■wihx9, pret. ^veohx ; meohx, oxsa, vi^eahsan, etc. 
 
 Note 4. Even the hs which arose through vowel-syncope (222. 1) 
 is often designated by x: syxt (syxst, etc.), seest, for siehst (374); 
 especially in the rather frequent LWS. nexta, the next (313, note). 
 
 222. 1) Moreover, h ( = older h and liw) maintains 
 its ground in WS. and Kent, whenever, in consequence 
 of vowel-syncope, it is immediately followed by a surd. 
 The chief instances are superlatives like hielista, niehsta 
 (310; 313); abstract nouns ending in -STu, like liiehSru, 
 Mght; f^li9'ii, feud (255. 3) ; and the ind. pres. 2 and 3 
 sing, of strong contract verbs, like f elist, fehO" from f on 
 (Goth, fahan) ; siehst, siehST from seon, Goth, saihwan, 
 374 (in contrast to weak verbs, like 2 and 3 sing. ^Tyst, 
 ffyaf, from aryn, oppress, 408. 4). On the Angl. forms 
 see 166. 6. 
 
 Not till late was li occasionally lost after r: fertf, 
 life, instead of ferhSr (also forms with tftf, like gen. 
 feraraces, etc.). 
 
 2) On the contrary, h disappears between a vowel 
 and a sonant consonant, especially 1, r, m, n : arweal, 
 bath (Goth. |?wahl) ; stiele, style, steel (OHG. stahal) ; 
 hela, heel (from hoh, heel) ; fleam, flight (from fleon, 
 384, Goth. }7liuhan) ; leoma, brightness (connected with 
 Goth, liuha]?) ; ymest, highest (Goth, auhmists) ; l^ne, 
 transitory (OS. lehni) ; gesiene (Kent. Angl. gesene), 
 visible (for * sahnia, from Goth, saihwan) ; betweonum, 
 between (compare Goth, tweihnai). Compare also the 
 declension of adjectives in h, like woh (295, note 1) : 
 ace. sing. masc. wone, gen. dat. sing. fem. wore, gen. 
 
160 PHONOLOGY 
 
 plur. wora, for wohiie, etc. ; the comparative hiera, 
 from heah (307), etc. 
 
 Note 1. The same phenomenon is also observable in compounds, as 
 in healic, high; geinalic, greedy ; nealic, near; nealaecean, approach; 
 pleolic, dangerous; tolic, tough; wolic, evil, from heah, gemah, 
 neah, pleoh, toh, woh; then eorisc, bulrush; eorod, troop; Koniier, 
 from eoh, horse ; heanis, hight, from heah ; neawest, vicinity, from 
 neah; awer, ower (321, note 2), aw<5er, owSer (346), from hwier, 
 hwae'der ; Pleowald, from pleoh ; Heaberht, headeor, header, stag, 
 from heah ; similarly, rador, roe, from rahdeor ; WS. wiobud, 
 weobud (even weofud), for *wiohbed (Ps. R.i R.2 wibed, beside RJ 
 wifod, -weofud, for *wilibed, according to 165. 2 ; also Kent. Ps. L. 
 Rit. Bede wTgbed). The same ecthlipsis occurs before f in heafre, -u, 
 from heahfore, -u. North, hehfora, heifer. 
 
 Note 2. When the final h of heah is lost, there is frequent gemi- 
 nation of the following n, r: ace. heanne, sb. heannis, gen. plur. 
 hearra, comp. hierra (307). 
 
 Note 3. When the etymology is apparent, the h is often restored 
 by analogy: heahne, hiehra, heahnis, etc. 
 
 Note 4. The oldest texts have retained this h in several instances : 
 thuachl Ep. ; 'ffhuehl Corp.; hituichn Erf.; so also late North, 
 before 1 in gen. Suahles, fihles, panni L. , before w in L. genehAviga, 
 approach, and before r in 8eh(h)er, ear of grain; taih(h)er, tear (220). 
 The frequent gemination of h in the last two words leads to a sus- 
 picion that there was a gemination of originally simple h before 
 1, w, r (228). 
 
 223. Finally, h is always preserved at the end of a 
 word : feoh, cattle^ money ; lieah, high ; woli, wicked ; 
 riih, rough; teoh, draiv ; after consonants : m\\\\^ plotv ; 
 Wealh, Welshman; feorh, life; fiirh, furrow. Like- 
 wise h for older Iiw, as in seali, saw^ Goth, sahw, etc. 
 Only in later texts occur also forms like sul. Weal (or 
 sul, Weal ; cf. Beitr. 11. 559), formed upon the model 
 of the polysyllabic cases (218). 
 
 Note 1. In the oldest texts the spelling is often ch : for example, 
 t(h)ruch, toch, elch, salch, thorch Ep. ; subsequently now and then 
 
THE CONSONANTS 161 
 
 g (cf. 214. 1), as in feorg, horg, mearg, ]7urg, for feorh, horh, 
 mearh, 9urh, etc. 
 
 Note 2. Now and then an inorganic h appears at the end of a 
 word, as in LWS. freoh, free; eoh, ?/eu>; bleoh, color, for freo, eo, 
 bleo. This h is due to the example of such pairs as feoh - f eos, 
 heah - heas (218. 2). 
 
 THE OLD ENGLISH CONSONANTS IN 
 GENERAL 
 
 1. CHANGES WHEN FINAL 
 
 224. Sonant stops and spirants seem to become surd 
 when final; nevertheless, the spelling which predomi- 
 nates is the etymological, which assigns the same con- 
 sonant to the end of a word as to the middle. Only 
 of sporadic occurrence, and then for the most part in 
 very ancient sources, are forms like lamp for lamb 
 Kent. Gl.; felt Cod. DipL, a.d. 662-693, Wulfhat, 
 Peohthat, A.D. 794, for feld, -had; North, instances in 
 Bouterwek, North. Ev. CXLV (an isolated later example 
 of t for d is sint for sind ; for the 3 pers. in -t instead 
 of -tS see 357; 360) ; -nc for -ng- is more common (instances 
 in 215) ; h for spirant g is very common (214. 1). Any 
 difference in the pronunciation of f, (s), 9" eludes obser- 
 vation, since the same character represents both surd 
 and sonant. 
 
 Note. For the treatment of gemination when final see 231. 
 
 2. GEMINATION 
 
 225. Every OE. consonant, except j and w, is subject 
 to gemiuation (on eg for gg see 216). In respect to 
 
162 PHONOLOGY 
 
 their origin, these geminates belong in part to Germ., 
 in part to West Genn., and in part to OE. 
 
 226. Germanic gemination of 1, r, iii, n, and s is 
 frequent. Examples are: 
 
 11 : eall, all ; feallan, fall ; full, full. 
 
 rr : steorra, star ; feorran, far. 
 
 iiii: oiigriiinan, begin; 111911, inclines, man. 
 
 mill : swiiiiiiiaii, swim ; hwQm, hw^mines, corner. 
 
 ss : g-ewiss, certain; wisse, knew; cyssaii, kiss (232). 
 
 Less frequent are the following : 
 
 kk : biicca, buck ; loc, locces, lock ; stoc, stocces, 
 
 stock. 
 tt: sceat, sceattes, coin. 
 pp: crop, croppes, crop; top, toppes, top; linsep, 
 
 hnseppes, bowl. 
 
 It is doubtful whether \>\> occurs as early as Germanic 
 in oarare, or (Goth. aiJ^J^au, but OS. efaco, Fris. leftha) 
 and iiiocTare, moth (North, iiiohare, -a). Rare and some- 
 what doubtful are Germ, ff, lili, bb, del, g-g-. 
 
 227. West Germanic gemination before j. All simple 
 consonants in West Germ., with the exception of r, 
 undergo gemination after a short vowel when they are 
 followed by j. Thus Goth, saljan, skapjaii, satjaii, 
 rakjan, are represented by OS. s^lliaii, sk^ppiaii, s^t- 
 tian, r^kkian, and, after the loss of the j (177), by OE. 
 SQllan, scieppan, s^ttaii, r^cc(e)an. Original lij appears 
 as lili in hlielihan, laugh ; and original pj as tStS in 
 rysariTa, mastiff; sniiiarKTc, smithy ; sc^Sraraii, injure (Goth. 
 ska]7jaii), etc. (paeKTafan, traverse; staearafan, fix^ have 
 
THE CONSONANTS 163 
 
 possibly Germ. pp). The place of fj is taken by OE. 
 bb : h^bban, heave (Goth, ha^an) ; and that of g-j by eg : 
 l^cg(e)an (Goth, lag-jan). On the other hand, r is not 
 geminated: li^re, h^rg-es, army ; w^rian, defend; n^rian, 
 save ; h^rian, glorify (= Goth, harjis, warjan, nasjan, 
 hazjan, etc.). 
 
 Note 1. The chapters on inflection contain numerous examples of 
 this gemination, as, for example, in the jo- and ja-stems (247; 258; 
 adj., 297), the weak verbs of the First and Third Classes (400 ff.; 
 415), etc. 
 
 Note 2. For the interchange of forms with and without gemination 
 in the conjugation of verbs with the derivative suffix -jo see 410. 
 
 228. There is a similar gemination of t, c, p, h, before 
 r and 1 in certain OE. words, though it does not occur 
 uniformly : bittor, hitter ; snottor, wi%e ; waeccer, watch- 
 ful ; North, sehher, ear of grain ; taehher, tear (cf. 222, 
 note 4) ; seppel, apple ; along with bitor, snotor, wacor, 
 ear, tear (from *ahur, *tahur. 111. 2), apuklre, apple-tree 
 (compare Goth, baitrs, snutrs, ahs, tahrjan). So like- 
 wise, though probably not in the older texts, when the 
 r, 1 has been conjoined with the preceding consonant as 
 the result of syncope : thus, b^ttra, beside b^tra, better 
 (Goth, batiza); miccles, beside niicles,from niicel (Goth. 
 mikils). 
 
 Note. This irregularity presumably depends upon the fact that, 
 before gemination had taken place, the r and 1 were sometimes syllabic, 
 and subsequently passed into -ur, -ul, etc. (138 ff.). The older declen- 
 sional forms must then, for example, have been nom. bitur (from 
 *bitr), gen. bittres ; tear (from * tahur), gen. taehhres, etc. ; and these 
 gave rise to the double series bittur — bittres, and bitur — biteres, etc. 
 
 229. After a long vowel no such gemination before r 
 takes place in the older texts. Gemination of tt and 
 
164 PHONOLOGY 
 
 dd occurs at a later period, accompanied, as is probable, 
 with shortening of the vowel : sedre, vein ; blsedre, 
 bladder ; ni^dre, viper ; modrie, aunt, become aeddre, 
 blaeddre, iiaeddre, moddrie. In like manner, there is 
 an interchange of ator, venom ; hliitor, clear ; tfidor. 
 progeny ; f odor, fodder ; inodor, motlier, with attor, 
 hliittor, tiiddor, foddor, nioddor, in which the tt, dd 
 owe their origin to the cases which had no middle vowel 
 (144), like atres, etc. Still more recent is the gemina- 
 tion of other consonants, in forms like riccra, deoppra, 
 etc., from rice, rich ; deop, deep, 
 
 230. Other OE. geminates arise from the conjunc- 
 tion of two consonants which were originally separated. 
 Here belong (disregarding the conjunction of similar 
 final and initial consonants in compound words) the tt 
 from tj7, d]7 (201. 4), and the tt and dd of weak preterits 
 (404 ; 405). 
 
 Note 1. In certain words gemmates occur side by side with simple 
 consonants without any assignable reason, especially in the very early 
 r^ccean, care, and in liccettan, beside licettan, fawn. Only the later 
 language has such gemination as in viassiaii, direct; scynnes, temp- 
 tation; Jjrinnes, trinity ; preottyne, thirteen; )7rittig, thirty ; tydde, 
 taught, for older wisian, scienes, (5rlnes, 'driotiene, (Jrltig, tyde, etc. 
 
 Note 2. In North., inorganic geminates (probably only graphic) 
 are very common: eatta, eat; cymma, come, for cata, cyma, etc. 
 
 231. Gemination is simplified in the following cases : 
 
 1) Usually at the end of a word : compare forms like 
 eal, feor, mQn, swim, sib, sceat, b^d, snec, teoh with 
 ealles, feorran, iiKjiines, swim man, sibbe, sceattes, 
 b^ddes, ssecce, teolilic. Still, the rule is often disre- 
 garded, as, for example, in eall, m^nn, upp, sibb, b^dd, 
 
THE CONSONANTS 165 
 
 bliss, etc. The various texts exhibit great discrepan- 
 cies in this respect. 
 
 eg" is retained, even when final: s^cg, like s^cg-es (216). 
 
 2) Usually at the end of a syllable within a word: 
 ealre, ealne, midne, nytne, from eal(l), ealles ; niid(cl), 
 middes ; nyt(t), nyttes ; cyste, pret. of cyssan. Yet 
 we frequently find eallre, eallne, etc. 
 
 3) Very frequently after a consonant in compounds : 
 eorlic, manly ; emniht, solstice ; feltiin (for * felttun, 
 from * feldtuii), privy ; g-eornes, desire; wildeor, wild 
 animal ; wyrtruma, root ; wyrttin, garden ; gserstapa, 
 grasshopper^ for eorl-lic, emn-niht, georn-nes, wild- 
 deor, wyrt-truma, wyrt-tiin, gsers-stapa, etc. 
 
 Note 1. Exclusive of compounds, this case only occurs when r 
 undergoes metathesis: burna, brook; biernan, burn; lernan, run; 
 hors, horse, gen. horses, etc. Here simplification is the rule, only 
 the earlier texts having certain wholly sporadic forms like burnna, 
 irnn, horssum, caerssan (from cserse, cress). 
 
 Note 2. Simplification is even occasionally found after a long 
 vowel or diphthong : rumodlic, rumedlic, magnanimous, for rum- 
 modlic ; LWS. geleaful, faithful, for geleaflFul. 
 
 4) In the later language very commonly after an 
 unstressed syllable ; for example, in compounds like 
 atelic, dreadful ; swutolic, plain ; digelic, secret ; 
 singalic, perpetual^ for atoUic, swutoUic, digollic, 
 singallic. As respects inflection, this rule applies 
 especially to derivatives in nn, 11, tt, rr : neuters like 
 westen and bsernet (248. 2, and note 2) ; feminines 
 like cQndel and byi-aren (258. 1, and note 3) ; verbs like 
 bliccettan (403, note 2) ; gen. westennes, baernettes, 
 CQndelle, byrSTenne, and later westenes, baernetes, 
 byriarene, inf. bliccetan, etc. ; comparatives in -erra, 
 
166 PHONOLOGY 
 
 -era, like aefterra, tieftera (314, note 1) ; the ace. sing, 
 masc. of polysyllabic adjectives in -en and strong past 
 participles, like gyldenne, geslaegenne, later gylclene, 
 greslaegene; and the r-cases of polysyllabic adjectives 
 and pronouns in -r and -re, like gen. plur. faegerra, 
 ocTerra, eowerra, syferra, later faegera, oarera, eowera 
 (296, note 3), etc. 
 
 Note 3. The geminated consonants were often written, long after 
 tlie second had ceased to be pronounced. Accordingly, geminates 
 now and then occur by mistake for an originally simple consonant, 
 as in forenne, before; ufenne, /rom above; agennes, gen., of {his) own; 
 this is especially common in the ace. sing. masc. of cucu, living: 
 cuconne, etc. (303, note 1); for forene, ufene, agenes, cucone. etc. 
 
 3. THE GROUPS ft, lit, st, ss 
 
 232. The following rule was already in force in Prim. 
 Germ. : Every labial + 1 is changed to ft, and every 
 guttural + 1 to lit ; but a dental + 1 becomes either st 
 or ss. OE. examples are : 
 
 a) Of ft: scieppan, create^ g^esceaft, creature; griefan, 
 give (i.e., g-iefiaii, 192.2), gift, gift; STurfan, he allowed, 
 arearft, cTorfte (422. 6). 
 
 b) Of lit : hycgaii, hope, hylit, hope ; agran, own ; 
 magraii, be able, 2 sing, alit, iiiealit (420. 2 ; 424. 10) ; 
 the noun mealit, might; but especially the weak pret- 
 erits (407). 
 
 c) Of st : wat, knows, 2 sing, wast ; liiSraii, go, last, 
 pathway ; hladan, lade, lilsest, load. 
 
 d) Of ss : witaii, know, pret. wisse, adj. (part.) 
 g'ewis(s), certain; cwecTaD, say, Qndcwis(s), answer; 
 sittan, sit, sess, seat. 
 
THE CONSONANTS 167 
 
 The preceding rule does not apply when the t or other 
 dental has been conjoined with the preceding labial, gut- 
 tural, or dental as the result of OE. syncope : compare, for 
 example, the weak preterits and past participles (405. 4 ; 
 406, and note), or the abstracts in -tfu. (255. 3), etc. 
 
 4. GRAMMATICAL CHANGE 
 
 233. By ' grammatical change ' is to be understood 
 an interchange of the medial surd spirants s, f, ]?, h, 
 hw with the corresponding sonant spirants, designated 
 by z, 'b, 9", g-, Av (but sometimes g"), the interchange in 
 question being a feature of Primitive Germanic, and 
 taking place according to definite laws. The com- 
 binations ss, St, sp, sk, ft, ht, were not subject to this 
 change. 
 
 Note. The explanation of this interchange was discovered by 
 K. Verner (Kuhu's Zeitschr. 23. 97 ff.). According to the law which 
 he formulated, the sonant spirant always replaced the surd when the 
 vowel next preceding did not, according to the original Indo-European 
 accentuation, receive the principal stress. 
 
 234. In OE. the original correspondences are a trifle 
 obscured by the fact that some of the sounds have 
 undergone modifications. Thus hw passed into simple 
 h (cf . 222 ; 223), and, like the latter, has frequently dis- 
 appeared (218). Of the sonants, z passed into r ; the 
 older tf (not to be confounded with the OE. tf = p, 199) 
 became d; and the sound of f* is not, as a rule, graph- 
 ically distinguished from that of f (192). There conse- 
 quently remain in OE. only the four pairs s — r, J? — d, 
 li — g- (h— iig-, according to 186, note 4), and h — w. 
 Examples are : 
 
168 PHONOLOGY 
 
 a) s — r: glses, glass^ glaeren, vitreous; ceosan, choose^ 
 ceas, curon, coren (384), eyre, choice ; durran (422. 7), 
 dare^ clearst, dorste, adj. gedyrstig-, hold. 
 
 h) }? — d : cwecTan, say., ewseSr, cwsedoii, cweden 
 (391), cAvide, discourse ; liiafan, journey., -lida. -farer. 
 
 c) h — g- : slean, strike., sliehst, sliehar, slog-, slog-on, 
 slfiegeii (392.2), sl^ge, stroke; -slaga, -slayer; (Teon, 
 thrive., acali, cTungen (383, note 3). 
 
 d) h — w : seoii, see (Goth, saihwan), siehst, siehar, 
 seah, sawon, g-esewen (391. 2). 
 
 Note. The regularity of this interchange has been somewhat 
 obscured in OE. as the result of analogy. Special instances will be 
 noticed under the head of Inflection. 
 
INFLECTION 
 PART I. — DECLENSION 
 
 CHAPTER I. DECLENSION OF NOUNS 
 
 A. VOWEL OE, STEONG DECLENSION 
 1. THE O-DECLENSION 
 
 235. The OE. o-declension comprises masculines and 
 neuters. It corresponds to the second or o-declension of 
 Greek and Latin (Gr. masc. -09, neut. -ov ; Lat. -us,-um). 
 The corresponding feminines form the a-declension. 
 
 Note. The Germ, o-declension is usually designated as the 
 a-declension, since older o generally became Germ, a before it dis- 
 appeared (45. 4). Yet it is perhaps better, in bestowing such names, 
 to be actuated by the form of the final stem-vowel in Indo-European. 
 
 The o-stems may be subdivided as follows : (a) simple 
 o-stems, (b) jo-stems, and (c) wo-stems, the two latter 
 groups differing, as respects certain cases, from the pure 
 o-stems. 
 
 236. The terminations of the masculines and the 
 neuters are the same in all cases except the nom. and 
 ace. plur., and may therefore be included in the same 
 scheme. 
 
 •169 
 
170 INFLECTION 
 
 Note. In North, the gender often varies between masc. and neut. ; 
 cf. also 251, note. In the other dialects this change of gender is 
 much rarer, and limited to a few definite words. 
 
 237. The terminations of the o-stems are : 
 
 Singular 
 
 
 
 Plural 
 
 X 
 
 
 t 
 
 Masc. 
 
 Neut, 
 
 N. V. A. — (-e; 
 
 -u, 
 
 -o) 
 
 -as 
 
 -u, - 
 
 G. -es 
 
 
 
 -a 
 
 
 D.I. -e 
 
 
 
 -um 
 
 
 The parenthetical -e ; -ii, -o of the nom. ace. sing, 
 are the terminations of the jo- and wo-stems (246; 249). 
 
 Note 1. In the oldest texts, and at times later in R.i and North., 
 the gen. sing, is formed in -aes : doniaes, etc. For -aes R.i, North., 
 and sporadically LWS., sometimes have -as: heofnas (LWS. heofonas, 
 etc.). For later -ys (also occasionally -is) see 44, note 2. 
 
 An umlauted gen., pointing to orig. -is, occurs in the Old Kent, 
 adv. and gen. iJenes ; cf. also 100, note 5. 
 
 Note 2. The dat. and instr. sing, coincide in the majority of 
 texts, but in the oldest documents the dat. ends in -ae, while the instr. 
 (at first probably a locative) ends in -i : domae : donii (Beitr. 8. 324 ff.); 
 subsequently, y is now and then found for i (folcy, etc.), and iu R.i 
 Rit. also sporadic -ae. The instr. seems originally to have had 
 i-umlaut; compare the isolated form hw^ene, from the neut. hw^on, 
 trifle^ and the instr. adj. Sene, from an, one. 
 
 A dat. loc, sing, without inflectional ending exists in ham (very 
 rarely hame), from the masc. ham, home, and tlie adverbial formulas 
 to daeg, to-day (older to daege ; later also ailce, hwilce, sume, oSre 
 dasg, etc.); to morgeii, m^rgen, to-morrow; to aefen, at evening. 
 
 Note .S. In North, the nom. plur. of many masculines belonging 
 to this declension has the weak ending -o (-a. -e): gastas and gasto, 
 etc.; R.i likewi.se occasionally has -a. Very late WS. texts have -es 
 for -as. 
 
 Note 4. The gen. plur. in North, is often formed in -ana, -ona, 
 after the manner of the n-stems : dagaiia, -ona, liomana, from daeg, 
 lim. R.i has, besides -a, also -jp, -e, and -ana. LWS. texts often 
 have genitives in -ena, -ana. A rare (also North.) by-form of the 
 ending -a is -o, as in leohtfato. 
 
DECLENSION OF NOUNS 171 
 
 Note 5. In the nom. ace. plur. of neut. nouns -u is the older, -o 
 the more recent form. In LWS. the -u, -o is generally replaced by -a. 
 Ps. has almost exclusively -u, R.i -u, rarely -a, -e, North, generally -o, 
 but also not rarely -a; all three terminations occur in North., even 
 in such neuters as are without endings in the other dialects (238). 
 
 Note 6. The, dat. plur. frequently substitutes -uu, -on, -an for 
 -um in LWS. (cf . 293, note 2) ; this holds in all declensions. 
 
 a) Simple o-stems 
 
 238. Paradigms for the masculine and neuter : masc. 
 dom, judgment ; neut. hof, dwellmg ; word, word. 
 
 Masculine 
 
 
 Neuter 
 
 Sing. N. V. A. dom 
 
 hof 
 
 
 Tvord 
 
 G. domes 
 
 hofes 
 
 
 wordes 
 
 D. I. dome 
 
 hofe 
 
 
 worde 
 
 Plur. N. V. A. domas 
 
 hofu. 
 
 -o 
 
 word 
 
 G. doma 
 
 hofa 
 
 
 worda 
 
 D. I. do mum 
 
 hofum 
 
 wordum 
 
 Like dom are inflected primarily the monosyllabic 
 masculines ; like hof the monosyllabic neuters with a 
 short radical syllable ; and like word those with a long 
 radical syllable. ' \ ^^- 
 
 (^ Note 1. In certain LWS. texts the long neuters frequently take in 
 ^the nojg^ ace, plu^.^ the ending of the short : ^vordu^■, weorcu, etc. 
 Note 2. The words in -els, like bridels, bridle; f^tels, scrip; 
 gyrdels, girdle; riecels, incense, are usually masc, rarely neut. 
 
 239. To this declension belong a great number of 
 OE. nouns, and among them not a few which have 
 been transferred to it from other declensions (especially 
 long i- and u-stems ; cf. 264; 265; 273). 
 
 1) Only those words are inflected with entire regu- 
 larity which have an invariable final consonant and a 
 
172 INFLECTION 
 
 radical vowel incapable of change (except for i-umlaut, 
 wliich need not here be considered). Such words are : 
 
 a) Masculines : acT, oath; hseft, captive; helm, helmet; 
 liring^ ring ; wulf,zvolf; earm, arm; eorl^inan; miiSr, 
 mouth ; dream, jot/^ etc. 
 
 b) Neuters : a) short monosyllables : col, coal ; dor, 
 door ; g'eoc, yoke ; loc, lock^ fold ; hop, recess ; lot, cu7i- 
 ning ; sol, slough ; spor, trail ; p) long monosyllables : 
 ban, hone ; beam, child ; deor, animal ; 0r, fire ; g'od, 
 good ; lie, body ; wif, ivife^ etc. 
 
 2) Nouns whose radical syllable ends in a geminate 
 simplify the latter in the cases without inflectional end- 
 ing, according to 231 : masc. weal(l), wall ; hw<}m(m), 
 corner ; neut. ful(l), cup ; gen. wealles, hwQmmes, 
 fillies, etc. 
 
 The remaining nouns of this declension come under 
 one of the following rules : 
 
 240. Words with se before a simple consonant, like 
 the masculines dseg-, day ; hwsel, whale ; paeS", path ; 
 staef, staff ; the neuters bsec, back; bSeST, bath; crfet, 
 crate ; dael, dale ; fsec, while ; fset, vessel ; fnted, fnaes, 
 fringe ; haef, ocean ; sael, hall ; stnecT, shore ; swaeST, 
 track ; scraef, cavern ; traef, tent ; wsed, sea ; wael, those 
 slain in battle^ change the ae into a throughout the 
 plural : daeg — dag-as, daga, das"""! ; fset — fatu, fata, 
 fatum ; only rarely and in late texts does ae remain : 
 hwaelas, staeS'u, scraefu, etc. 
 
 Note 1. Ps. generally has ea for this a: featu, creatum, etc. 
 (160); and sometimes North, and tlie poetry before terminations con- 
 taining II, o: heafu, treafum, etc. (103, note 2), 
 
DECLE^rSION OF NOUNS 173 
 
 Note 2. In LWS. the a of the plur. intrudes even into the gen. 
 dat. sing. : pae'd — pa3es, pa^e ; faet — fates, fate. 
 
 Note 3. WS. geat, gate (from gaet, 75. 1) generally has plur. 
 gatu, rarely geatu by analogy with the vowel of the sing. ; occasionally 
 also gen. dat. sing, gates, gate (note 2). In the poetry geatu pre- 
 dominates; Ps. has get — geatu (with u-umlaut). The plur. of ceaf 
 seems to be only ceafu. gaers, grass (by metathesis for graes, 179) 
 has plur. grasu. 
 
 Note 4. In like manner, mgeg, kinsman^ generally has plur. 
 magas, beside rare meegas (57, note 3). 
 
 241. The neuters with e, i before a single consonant, 
 like g-ebed, prayer ; g-ebrec, clamor ; geset, habitation; 
 g-esprec, conversation ; brim, surf; clif, cliff; hliST, slope; 
 119", limb ; lim, limb ; scip, ship ; geflit, dispute ; genip, 
 darkness; g^ewrit, document, etc., originally have eo, io 
 in the plur., by u- or o/a-umlaut, instead of e, i, so far 
 as the phonetic laws of the various dialects permit 
 (104 ff . ; 160) : g-ebeodu, cliofu, lioSTu, lioinii, etc. ; but 
 in WS. prose this umlaut disappears, for the most part, 
 rather early : clifu, limu, etc. 
 
 Note. The gen. plur. is the first to lose the eo, io. In the Ps. , and 
 to .some extent in North., its occurrence is extended to the masculines : 
 Ps. ^veoras, weora, weogas (usually wegas, according to 164. 1), 
 North, wearas, -waras, -a, etc. (156. 3). 
 
 242. Words in h lose this sound before a vowel 
 ending. 
 
 1) If the h is preceded by a consonant, the radical 
 vowel is lengthened when the h is lost, though it some- 
 times occurs as short (218. 1) : masc. seolh — seoles and 
 seoles, seal ; neut. feorh — f eores and feores, life. So 
 masc. fearh, swine ; mearh, horse ; ealh, temple ; eolh, 
 elk ; healh, corner ; sealh, willow ; Wealh, Welshman. 
 
174 INFLECTION 
 
 2) If the li is preceded by a vowel, the loss of the h 
 involves contraction (no ff.) : masc. eoli — eos, horse ; 
 neut. feoli — f eos, money (275 ; North, feh, gen. faees 
 L., f eas R.2) ; STeoh — I0reos, thigh ; and so masc. fleah, 
 flea (usually weak masc. or fern, flea, according to 
 277, note 2) ; lioli, hough (plur. hos, hoas, dat. horn, 
 houni, late lion) ; scoli, sceoli, %hoe (plur. scos, sceos, 
 late dat. scon) ; neut. flali, fraud ; pleoh, danger ; sloli, 
 slough (also masc. and fern.) ; woh, evil ; i0rroh, malice ; 
 perhaps also fleah, albugo (also flio, and with umlaut, 
 flie). 
 
 Note 1. In the later prose Tvoh usually forms its polysyllabic 
 cases with g : woges, woge, as if the h of the nom. had sprung from g 
 (214. 1), in other words, as if conforming to models like beah — beages. 
 On the other hand, there are sporadic nominatives without h, like 
 mear (223). 
 
 Note 2. Words in vowel + h have in the later language (earlier 
 instances are wanting) the gen, plur. in -na, like the n-stems : feona, 
 9eoiia, sceona (but North. L. scoe, sceoea). 
 
 Note 3. The plur. of neut. holh, hole^ seems to be holu, as if from 
 the synonymous short hoi. 
 
 Note 4. horh, filth (generally masc, rarely neut), forms its gen. 
 dat. sing, and plur. as horwes, horwe, horwa, hor(e)wum, with 
 grammatical change (234 ; rarely gen. hores, etc.), but nom. ace. 
 plur. horas (beside neut. horwu); the poetry has instr. sing. horu. 
 
 243. The polysyllabic words of this declension are 
 subject to the following rules : 
 
 1) Neuters originally trisyllabic (that is, before the 
 operation of the law for final vowels, 130 ff.), with a long 
 radical syllable, like nieten, cattle; heafod, head^ have 
 u in the nom. ace. plur., like the short monosyllables 
 (without syncope of the middle vowel, 244. 2) : nietenu, 
 beafodu (135.2). In Ps., however, these cases are 
 
DECLENSION OF NOUNS 175 
 
 often without termination : heafud, beside lieafudu, 
 netenu, etc. 
 
 2) Originally trisyllabic neuters with a short radical 
 syllable have no ending in the nom. ace. plur. : reced, 
 building; werod, bands (135. 2); yet generally yflu(yfelii), 
 evils, beside yfel. Forms like weredu are not found till 
 late. 
 
 3) Original disyllables, like W8ep(e)n, weapon ; tung- 
 (o)l, star ; tac(e)ii, sign ; wund(o)r, wonder (stems 
 
 * w^epna-, * tungla-, * taikna-, * wundra- ; cf. 138 ff.) 
 are treated like the other long-stemmed neuters (238),/ 
 that is, the nom. ace. plur. is without ending, like the 
 nom. ace. sing. ; yet they in some cases take the ending 
 -u at a rather early period after the pattern of the trisyl- 
 labic : wsepen, tung-ol, tacen, wundor, and w£ep(e)iiu, 
 tunglii, taciiii, wundru. So also waeter, water (stem 
 
 * watra-), plur. waeter, and more frequently W8et(e)ru. 
 
 Note. The neut. wolc(e)n, cloudy sometimes throws off the final n 
 in the earlier language : nom. ace. sing, and plur. wolc, but gen. always 
 wolenes, etc. (188, note 2). The umlauted plur. welcnu is not suflB- 
 ciently vouched for. Beside tacen there is also a form tanc ; beside 
 beacen, sign, also beanc, bene (185 ; 108. 2). Instead of the plur. 
 tunglu there is a late weak plur. tunglan. 
 
 4) The laws concerning the treatment of middle vowels 
 (143 ; 144). Under these are included the following ; 
 
 244. 1) Disyllabic words having a long stem synco- 
 pate the vowel of the last syllable before a vocalic 
 ending (144) when it is not rendered long by position : 
 ^ngel — ^ngrles, angel ; tung-ol — tungles, star ; ator 
 — atres, venom ; tacen — tacnes, tohen ; niaarum — 
 vo^tSwv^^, jewel; heafod — heafdes, head ; seled — seldes, 
 
176 INFLECTION 
 
 fire ; niorgeii — morgnes and mornes, morn (214, 
 note 10) ; but h^ngrest — h^ng-estes, stallion ; fsetels 
 — faetelses, purse^ etc. 
 
 2) The older documents do not generally exhibit 
 syncope of the originally trisyllabic nom. ace. plur. 
 neut., like nietenii, heafodu (144. b) ; while, on the 
 other hand, they have wyepiiu, tunglu (beside older 
 wfepen, etc., 243). In later texts the difference is 
 obliterated : heafclu, etc. 
 
 245. Under similar circumstances, disyllabic words 
 having a short stem retain the original vowel of the 
 second syllable, but reject it whenever it arose from 
 syllabic nasal or liquid in the nom. ace. ; only -er, 
 -or, from syllabic r, generally remains (148). Hence 
 stapol — stapoles, p^7Zar ; hanior — haniores, hammer; 
 heofon — heofones, heaven ; daroO" — daroSCes, arrow ; 
 Metod — Metodes, God ; heorot — heorotes, hart ; but 
 fugol — fugles, fowl (fugoles, fiigeles only late) ; and 
 likewise leger — legeres, lair; KTiinor — STunores, thun- 
 der ; vvaeter — waeteres (and wsetres), water, etc. 
 
 h) jO-STEMS 
 
 246. Paradigms for the masculine: li^re, army; 
 s^cg, man ; ^nde, end. For the neuter : cyn, kin ; 
 rice, realm; wcsten, desert. 
 
 
 
 Masculine 
 
 
 Sing.N.V. A. 
 
 h^re 
 
 8?Cg 
 
 ^nde 
 
 G. 
 
 h^r(l)ge8 
 
 sieges 
 
 glides 
 
 D. 1. 
 
 h^r(i)ge 
 
 s^cge 
 
 ^nde 
 
 Plur. N.V. A. 
 
 li^r(i)ff(e)a8 
 
 s^cg(c)as 
 
 ^ndas 
 
 G. 
 
 lH^r(i)K((')a 
 
 S^CK(<')il 
 
 ^iida 
 
 D. I. 
 
 Ii^r(i)guin 
 
 s^cg(i)uin 
 
 ^ndum 
 
DECLENSION OF NOUNS 177 
 
 
 
 
 Neuter 
 
 
 Sing. 
 
 N.V.A. 
 
 cyn(n) 
 
 rice 
 
 westen 
 
 
 G. 
 
 cynnes 
 
 rices 
 
 westeiines 
 
 
 D.I. 
 
 cynne 
 
 rice 
 
 wes tonne 
 
 Plur. 
 
 N.V.A. 
 
 cyn(ii) 
 
 ric(i)u 
 
 westen (n)u 
 
 
 G. 
 
 cynna 
 
 ric(e)a 
 
 westenna 
 
 
 D.I. 
 
 cynnum 
 
 ric(i)uin 
 
 westennum 
 
 Note 1. For the e of the nom. ace. sing, the oldest texts have i: 
 h^ri, ^ndi, rici (Beitr. 8. 326 ff.). 
 
 Note 2. Beside forms like nom. ace. plur. ric(i)u there sometimes 
 occur those in -io, -eo, like gefylcio, riceo, etc. 
 
 For the insertion of e, i, to denote palatal pronunciation in the 
 case of words in g, c, see 206. 3. b. 
 
 247. h^re and s^cg- exhibit the inflection of mas- 
 culines, cyn(n) that of the neuters with a short radical 
 syllable before the jo (stems *harja-, *sagja-, *kuiija-). 
 Of these, h^re is the only one which has retained its 
 short syllable, as the others doubled the final conso- 
 nant in West Germ. (227). Further examples of this 
 declension are : 
 
 a) Masculines: hrycg-, back; w^cg-, wedge; dyD(n), 
 din; lilyii(n), uproar ; liyl(l), hill. 
 
 h) Neuters : n^t, net ; fl^t, floor ; b^d, bed ; w^d, 
 pledge; gied, saying; ii^b, beak; wicg, horse, etc. 
 
 Note 1. For the simplification of West Germ, geminates at the 
 end of a word cf. 231. 
 
 Note 2. The gen. sing, of h^re sometimes occurs as h^res, the 
 dat. instr, sing, as h^re, and the nom. ace. plur. as h^ras. For the 
 neut. spere see 262 ; 263, and note 4. 
 
 Note 3. The neut. hi(e)g, hay (Goth, hawi, stem *hawja-) has 
 retained the j in all its forms as g ; but hiew, hiw, /orjw (Goth, hiwi, 
 stem * hiwja- ; dial, also Mow without umlaut, 100, note 2, North. 
 hiu, in the poetry also heo), has generalized the w: gen. hlewes 
 (hiowes), etc. Stem * gUwja-, neut. , joy, has WS. * gUeg, gUg, gen. 
 
178 INFLECTION 
 
 gliges, etc.; but Ep. glTu, and in the poetry gleo, gen. glTwes, rarely 
 gliowes, etc. Stem *blTJa-, neut., color (OS. bli, neut.), occurs as 
 bleo (and witli inorganic li as bleoli, 223, note 2), gen. bleos, etc. 
 (and late bleoges, following bleoh, cf. 242, note 1), dat. plur. bleuin, 
 bleouni (bleowuin), gen. bleo (later also bleoa and bleona, 242, 
 note 3). 
 
 248. 1) Like ^lule are declined the masculines, like 
 rice the neuters, with an originally long syllable before 
 the jo (or io, according to 45. 8) : 
 
 a) Masculines : ^sne, servant ; hiercle, herdsman ; 
 Isece, physician ; niece, sword ; and the numerous 
 agent-nouns in -ere (North, often -are), like bocere, 
 scribe ; fiscere, fisherman ; (Trowere, martyr^ to which 
 has been added the foreign word casere, emperor (LWS. 
 occasionally merely -re: bocre; cw^lre, lictor ; clrefre, 
 disturber ; grliwre, minstrel; rinire, calculator ; seeaAvre, 
 spy; so also North, sceawre; acrowre, martyr ; oiidetre, 
 confessor) ; 
 
 b) Neuters : Avseg-e, cup ; wite, pujiishment ; stiele, 
 steel ; stycce, jnece ; ^reiicle, errand ; formations with 
 g-e-, like gewaede, clothing ; g-eniierce, boundary ; 
 gretiiiibre, carpentry ; and many others. 
 
 Note 1. Contraction occurs in the case of *gescie, gescy, shoes^ 
 and gecy, pair of cows (?), gen. plur. gecy. )^aj^ 
 
 2) Like westeii go the derivatives in -en, like sefen, 
 evening (also masc), faesten, fortress ; and in -et, like 
 onselet, fire ; lieg-et, lightning ; nierwet, defile^ pass ; 
 rewet, rowing ; ssewet, sowing^ etc. 
 
 Note 2. In the later texts nn, tt are usually simplified : westenes, 
 bsernetes, etc. (231. 4), and even the preceding vowel is sometimes 
 eliminated, as in a'fncs, beside iSfenes and aifennes ; nom. ace. plur. 
 westnu, beside westenu and Avestennu. 
 
DECLENSION OF NOUNS 179 
 
 Note 3. westen is rarely fern., and in late texts masc. : plur. 
 westenas; lieget, too, has occasionally a late plur. liget(t)as, beside 
 which stands a fern, liget(u), according to 258. 1. 
 
 Note 4. Here perhaps belong the diminutives in -incel (OHG. 
 -incli): hosincel, twig ; coGncel, cabinet ; 'Siowincel, servant ; haeft- 
 incel, slave; husincel, cottage; li^incel, limb; rapincel, cord; scip- 
 incel, bark; sulincel, little furrow ; tunincel, small estate ; wielincel, 
 slave, etc. These almost always syncopate the e when inflected : 
 liusincles, etc., but nom. ace. plur. cSowincelu Ps., sulincela Gl. 
 
 C) WO-STEMS 
 
 249. The paradigm for the masculine is bearu, grove; 
 for the neuter, searu, armor (stems * barwa-, * sarwa-). 
 
 Masculine Neuter 
 
 Sing. N. V. A. bearu, -o 
 G. bearwes 
 D. I. bearwe 
 
 Plur. N. V. A. bearwas 
 G. bearwa 
 D. I. bearwum 
 
 searu, -o 
 
 searwes 
 
 searwe 
 
 searu, -o 
 
 searwa 
 
 searwum 
 
 So likewise are inflected the neuters bealu, evil; meolu, 
 meal; smeoru, lard; teorii, tar; c(w)udu, cwioclu, cud. 
 
 Note 1. A u, o, or e often occurs before the w in the oblique 
 cases, the latter being especially found when the termination contains 
 an a, u : bealo^ves, -we, but bealewa, bealewum (260, note 1 ; 
 300, note). 
 
 Note 2. In late texts w intrudes into the forms without inflectional 
 ending : smeoruw, nieluw ; on the other hand, there is an early dat. 
 plur. without w : smerum. 
 
 Note 3. The nom. ace. plur. of the neuters subsequently ends in 
 -wu, -wa: searwa, etc.; compare also hor^vu (242, note 4). 
 
 Note 4. The compound sciptearo (from teoru) has an irregular 
 gen. sciptearos; otherwise this word is also weak (276). 
 
 Note 5. Of long stems there belongs here probably gad, lack 
 (Goth, gaidw), found only in nom., which has lost its w^ according 
 to 174. 4. 
 
180 
 
 INFLECTION 
 
 250. Words with a vowel before the w exhibit vari- 
 ous discrepancies; 
 
 1) The originally long-stemmed masculines snaw, 
 S710W ; STeaw, custom ; tleaw, dew (also neut.) ; beaw, 
 gadfly ; neut. beow, g^-ain (ON. byg-g-; only gen. beowas, 
 brM)\ves Ep. and its kin) ; seaw (rarely masc), sap ; 
 <,)iK'ir'ow, ankle (nom. ace. plur. oncleow and oncleowu); 
 and tlie words formed by the prefix g-e-, such as g-ehreoAv, 
 penitence ; g-ehlow, bellow^ have w in all cases, if we 
 except certain ancient forms like sna, sea (174. 3). 
 
 Note 1. So is declined masc. hlaw, hl^w, harrow (rarely late 
 neut. ; originally no doubt a neut. os-stem, 288 ff.). To Goth, hraiw, 
 corpse (also orig. neut. os-stem) corresponds hrtSw, hraw (late also 
 hreaAv, 118, note 2) and neut. hree, hra (also masc, cf. 173. 2; 
 174. 3), gen. hrsewes and hrees, nom. ace. plur. hrfce(w), hra(w), 
 hreaAv and hriewas, etc., early gen. lira, etc. 
 
 Note 2. The stems in -nva- receive the same treatment in WS. 
 as the other long stems: masc. briw, pottage; giw (glow), griffin; 
 slnv, moth; Tiw ; gen. briwes, etc. ; Mercian has g for \v : brig, gig, 
 sn(g), llg, gen. briges, etc. Beside masc. iw (low, eow), ijew, the 
 Runic Song has eoh. On hiew and glig see 247, note 3. 
 
 2) The originally short neuters streaw, straw ; treow, 
 tree ; cneow, knee^ and the masc. (Teow, servant, with 
 its compounds latteow, leader ; liireow, teacher (stems 
 * strawa-, * trewa-, *kiieAva-, *j7ewa-), are declined as 
 
 follows in WS. : 
 
 Sing. N. A. treo(w) 
 
 G. treowes 
 
 D. treoAve (treo) 
 
 I. treo\%'e 
 
 Plur.N.A./^?^''"'*"'^^''^^ 
 oeoAvas 
 
 G. 
 D. I. 
 
 treo^va 
 t^eo^v^^nl 
 
 Note 3. hleo, protection (stem * lilowa-, masc. or neut.), which 
 only occurs in the sing., has a rare form hleo\v ; otherwise final w 
 
DECLENSION OF NOUNS 181 
 
 (73, note 2) is generally found in WS. With streaw (WS. only nom. 
 ace. sing, and a plur. strewu [?]) compare the compound strea(w)-, 
 strawb^rige, strawberry. Beside latteow, lareoAv there is also a 
 WS. weak masc. latteowa, lareowa, North, latua, laru(u)a L., 
 larvva R.2 (276). 
 
 Note 4. The declension of these words in Angl. exhibits many 
 variations : 
 
 a) Ps. has regularly masc. Seow, ?How (only once ?JjBo), gen. -es, 
 etc., beside ladtow, plur. -as; but neut, sing. nom. ace. treo("w), 
 triow, trew, gen. tres, dat. treo ; plur. nom. ace. treo, trew, cneow, 
 gen. trea; 
 
 b) R.i; sing. nom. ace. -]?euw, latteuw, lar(e)uw, dat. 3euw, 
 tfeow, plur. nom. ace. -peu (and adj. -Jjeuwe), lateuw, latuwas, 
 latewas, lare^vas, neut. sing. nom. ace. streu, kneu, treuw, treow, 
 gen. treow^es, trees, dat. treo, plur. ace. cneu, dat. trlowum; 
 
 c) L. : masc. sing. nom. ace. 9ea, gen. tJeas, dat. 3eua, plur. nom. 
 ace. 9eas, gen, t^eana, dat. tJ^wuni ; sing. nom. ace. latuu, laruu, 
 gen. laruas, plur. nom. ace. latuas, laru(ii)as, larwas, gen. laraua, 
 dat. larwiim; neut. sing, nom, ace. stre, tre(e), tree, treu, gen. 
 strees, trees, dat. tre(e), tree, cne"o, cnew, cnewa, gen. trewna, 
 treuna, treuana, dat. treum, trewum, cneum, cneuum, cneoiim ; 
 
 d) R.2: masc. sing, nom, ace, larow, forelatow,_plur. nom. ace. 
 larwas, gen. larwara, dat. larwum, -cm; neut. sing. nom. ace. 
 tree, cneo, dat. tree, plur. nom. ace. tree, gen. treona, dat, treoum, 
 treum, cneom ; 
 
 e) Kit,: masc. sing. nom. ace. Sea, gen. Seas, dat. Sea, plur. ace. 
 Sea, gen. Seana, dat. Seaum ; sing. nom. ace. latwu, lar(w)u, gen. 
 larwes, plur. nom. ace. larwas; neut. sing. nom. ace. tre(e), plur. 
 gen. treona, dat. cneum. 
 
 2. THE a-DECLENSION 
 
 251. The a-declension contains the feminines corre- 
 sponding to the masculines and neuters in -o. 
 
 Note. In North, many of these feminines are also employed as 
 neuters and masculines, and then conform to the inflections of these 
 genders (236, note). 
 

 SnoKT 
 
 
 Sing. N. V. 
 
 giefii, 
 
 -o 
 
 
 G. 
 
 giefe 
 
 
 
 D. I. 
 
 giefe 
 
 
 
 A. 
 
 giefe 
 
 
 Plur. 
 
 N. V. A. 
 
 giefa, 
 
 -e 
 
 
 G. 
 
 giefa, 
 
 -ena 
 
 
 D.I. 
 
 giefum 
 
 182 INFLECTION 
 
 a) Simple s-stems 
 252. Paradigms : 
 
 a) for short stems : g'icfii, gift ; 
 h) for long stems : tir, honor. 
 
 Long 
 
 ar 
 
 are 
 
 are 
 
 are 
 
 ara, -e 
 
 ara, -na, -ena 
 
 arum 
 
 Note 1. The oblique cases of the sing, and the nom. ace. plur. 
 end in -ae in the oldest texts; only sporadically does the dat. instr. 
 exhibit -i, as in rodi, eaestri, in which the i is probably borrowed from 
 the o-declension (237, note 2). For the declension of abstract nouns 
 in -ung see 255. 1. 
 
 Note 2. In L. and Kit. these feminines have -es in the gen. sing., 
 like the masc. and neiit. : rodes, saules, spmnunges, etc. Such 
 genitives are not rare in LWS. : helpes, serges, etc., especially in 
 certain stereotyped phrases and constructions beginning with a geni- 
 tive without the article, such as helpes biddam, adies granung, 
 sybbes (257) lufii, and formulas like serges and sares, etc. 
 
 Note 3. In WS. and Kent, the nom. ace. plur. regularly ends in -a, 
 while -e is clearly the orig. Angl. ending ; accordingly -a is wanting 
 in Ps. (as also in the oldest texts, see note 1 ; but II. i has -a, beside -e). 
 In North, there is, beside -e, -a, a (weak) by-form in -o (253, note 2). 
 
 Note 4. In the gen. plur. -a is the proper and usual termination 
 (compare Goth, gibe), while -ena has intruded from the weak declen- 
 sions, occurring in WS. and Kent, only in certain short stems (such as 
 carena, fr^mona, gifena, liifcna); very rarely in long stems (ar(e)na, 
 lar(e)na, serg(e)na); in Cura Past, -ena is entirely wanting. On the 
 relation between -na and -ena, as well as on dialectic by-forms, 
 cf. 276, note2ff. 
 
 Note 6. The North, declension of feminines is much disordered. 
 Thus in L. Kit. nominative forms also stand for the ace, more rarely 
 for the dat., and conversely (U.^ is more true in this respect to primi- 
 tive conditions) ; and there are many other variations and uncertainties. 
 
DECLENSION OF NOUNS 183 
 
 253. As examples of short stems may be adduced 
 caru (cearu, 102, note 3), care ; sceQmu, sceamu, shame; 
 cwalu, death; latFii, invitation; swaiSTu, track; sacu, 
 persecution ; iffracu, combat ; wracu, persecution ; Qnd- 
 swaru, answer ; d^nu, valley ; STeg-u, reception; scolu, 
 shoal; lufu, love^ etc. 
 
 Note 1. Beside giefu(m), gifu(m), gyfu(m), there occurs (espe- 
 cially in Ps. and North.) geofu(m), with u-umlaut (106. 1). In 
 Ps. the words with original a have ea in the nom. sing, and dat. plur., 
 according to 160 (pndswearu, -um, etc.). In the cases which termi- 
 nate in -e, the a of the root is often replaced by ae, particularly in 
 the words which end in -c : saece, cVraBce, wraece, but also laetJe, 
 swaeSe, beside sace, laSe, sw^aSe, etc. 
 
 Note 2. In late texts the u of the nom. is frequently extended to 
 the other cases of the sing. : racu, sagu, talu, lufu, etc. In North. 
 the short-stemmed feminines have nearly lost all traces of declension ; 
 that is, they show in all cases except gen. dat. plur. an -o, more 
 rarely -u, but also -a or -e: L. lufu, -o, -a; Avraecco, -e, wrac(c)o; 
 geafo, geafa, gefo, gefe; sce9inaL., scQinu, -o; R.^ lufo, wraco, 
 geofo, gefe, snora ; Rit. lufu, geafa, sc9ina, Qndsvaere ; and 
 sporadically also R.i lufu, geofu, etc.; but also L. Rit. gen. sing, in 
 -es, -aes : gefes, lufes, etc. (252, note 2). 
 
 254. 1) The number of feminines with a long stem 
 is very considerable. Examples of monosyllabic words 
 are : feoht, fight ; for, journey ; glof, glove ; heall, hall ; 
 lar, lore ; mearc, boundary ; sorg-, care ; stund, time ; 
 ^Trag-, while ; wund, wound ; with a derivative conso- 
 nant: adl, disease; nsedl, needle; frofor, consolation; 
 wocor, growth; ceaster, town. 
 
 2) Like the long stems, the originally trisyllabic 
 stems with a short radical syllable discard the u of 
 the nom. sing. : byden, butt ; ciefes, concubine ; firen, 
 iniquity ; tig-ol, tile ; (but exceptionally with u there 
 occurs ^g-enu, chaff = OHG. ag-ana). To these must 
 
184 INFLECTION 
 
 be added the original i-stems ides, woman; diig-ii^", 
 virtue ; g-eog-uKT, youth (269, note 4), and the long stem 
 stiAvol, soul (Goth, saivvala), together with all abstract 
 nouns in -iiiig', -ingr, like inyimng-, warning ; leorimng", 
 -iiig-, learning (255. 1). 
 
 255. The following peculiarities of this declension 
 still remain to be noted : 
 
 1) The WS. and Kent, abstracts in -ung- frequently 
 
 have in the dat. sing., but also in the gen. sing., and 
 
 even in the ace. sing., the termination -iing-a instead of 
 
 -iiiig-e : leornung-a, costung'a, etc. 
 
 Note 1, In Ps. there is still a gradation of the suffixal vowel, 
 so that the dat. plur. ends in -ingiim, while the other cases have 
 -ung (the gen. plur. is not found, Zeuner, p. 58). 
 
 2) Disyllabic words with a long stem-syllable and 
 simple final consonant syncopate the vowel of the final 
 syllable (144) in the oblique cases, while those with a 
 short stem retain it : sawol — sawle (saiile), soul ; fro- 
 for — frofre, consolation ; wocor — wocre, usury ; but 
 firen — firene, sm ; ides — idese, woman, etc. 
 
 3) Tlie originally trisyllabic abstracts which in Goth, 
 end in -ij^a have in the nom. sing, the ending -ii, -o, like 
 the short stems, but subsequently assume a shortened 
 form in -tf : cyHySTii and cftf{tf) (OHG. cundida), race, 
 kinship ; str^ngrcTu and str^iigrcT (OHG. str^iiffida), 
 strength ; g-esyntu (OHG. g-asimtida), health ; eaKT- 
 niettii (OHG. * otinuotida), humility ; oferniettii 
 (OHCt. * ubarmiiotida), arrogance ; and weorlSrinyiit 
 (orig. * -iniiiidij7a), honor. Both forms intrude gradu- 
 ally into the oblique cases of the sing., especially into 
 the ace, which originally had only -e, following the rule. 
 
DECLENSION OF NOUNS 185 
 
 Note 2, This usurpation on the part of the -u is presumably caused 
 by the abstracts in -u (279). 
 
 4) Words in li lose it before a vowel termination, 
 whereupon contraction may supervene (cf. 242) : snearh 
 — sneare, harp-string ; leah — lea, lea. 
 
 Note 3. LWS. leah often has gen. leage, etc., like words in g 
 becoming h when final (214. 1); but also frequently later masc. lea, 
 gen. sing. nom. ace. plur. leas, and more rarely gen. leages in com- 
 pound place-names. The neut. masc. sloh also has occasionally the 
 fem. gen. dat. sing, slo (242. 2). 
 
 Note 4. brii, hrow^ has nom. ace. plur. brua and bru-wa, dat. 
 bruum (brum ?) and bruwum, gen. bruna. 
 
 &) ja-STEMS 
 
 256. The originally short stems have all become long 
 by the gemination of the consonant preceding the j (227), 
 and their declension no longer differs from that of the 
 stems originally long. The terminations are those laid 
 down in section 252, so far as no express statements to 
 the contrary are made below. 
 
 257. Paradigms : 
 
 a) for stems originally short : sib(b), peace ; 
 
 b) for stems originally long : gierd, rod. 
 
 Sing. N. V. slb(b) gierd 
 
 G. slbbe gierde 
 
 D. I. sibbe gierde 
 
 A. slbbe gierde 
 
 Plur. N. V. sibba, -e gierda, -e 
 
 G. sibba gierda 
 
 D. I. sibbum gierduni 
 
 A. sibba, -e gierda, -e 
 
 Note 1. For the simplification of West Germ, geminates at the 
 end of a word cf. 231. 
 
 Note 2. The ja-stems never take a gen. plur. in -(e)na (252, 
 note 4). On an occasional gen. sing, in -es see 252, note 2. 
 
186 INFLECTION 
 
 Note 3. The declension of the ja-stems differs from that of the 
 simple long a-stems only in the total lack of the weak gen. plur., and 
 in the i-umlaut of the radical syllable. They are distinguished from 
 the long i-stems (269) by the ace, sing, in -e. 
 
 258. 1) Among the monosyllables which are declined 
 like sibb are the following : b^ii, death-wound ; brycgr, 
 bridge ; cribb, manger ; ^cg-, edge ; fit, canto ; li^ll, hell ; 
 h^n, hen; nyt, advantage ; saecc, contest; s^cg", sword; 
 syll, sill. To these must be added, so far as regards 
 the gemination of a final consonant before a vowel end- 
 ing, certain derivatives in -1, -n, and -s, like c^ndel, 
 candle ; g-yden, goddess ; wierg-en, she wolf ; byrSTen, 
 burden ; rserten, arrangement ; haeg-tes, witch ; forl^gis, 
 adulteress ; Liiidis, Lincolnshire ; gen. CQiiclelle, wierg-- 
 enne, byrSTenne, hsegtesse, etc. ; together with the ab- 
 stract nouns in -nes, gen. -nesse, like lialig-nes, holiness. 
 
 On the other hand, certain derivatives in t, especially 
 hyrnetu, hornet (Erf. hirnitu, Corp. huriiitii); ielfetu, 
 swan (Ep. Corp. aelbitu); *lieg-etii, lightning (Ps. leg-itu), 
 have in the earlier language -u in the nom. sing, after a 
 single t, while the oblique cases double the t : lig-ette, 
 etc. (but Ps. leg-ite). 
 
 Note 1. Here belongs, likewise, the foreign word l^mpedii, lam- 
 prey. — There are also later abbreviated nominatives like hyrnet, and 
 regular weak inflections like hyrnette, ylfette, gen. -an, etc. ; on 
 lieget as a neut. see 248. 2, with note 3. — In LWS. there is some- 
 times a nom. sing, in -nisso, -nysse, instead of -nes, -nis, -nys. In 
 like manner, R.^ has -nisse, beside -nis, -nes; R.^ -nisse (-nesse), 
 beside -nis ; L. Rit. -nise, -nisse, beside L. -nis(s). 
 
 Note 2. Other nouns having ii in the nom. sing, are eowu, ewe 
 (Goth. *avvi), beside ^^vo, eoAve, gen. ooavo and ^avos, oo^ves, and 
 tfeowu, handmaiden (Goth. ]7i\vi), beside Seowe, from which latter 
 form we have also weak forms, gen. <?eo-\van, etc. The feminine 
 nouns derived from masculines by i-umlaut and the addition of -en 
 
DECLENSION OF NOUNS 187 
 
 occasionally take the nominative ending -u in LWS. : gydenu, goddess; 
 t!^nenu, m^nnenu, handmaiden ; mynecenu, nun; now and then there 
 are weak forms, like nom. nefene, granddaughter, infl. gydenan, etc. 
 
 Note 3. The double consonants of derivatives are often simplified 
 in later texts : -raedene, etc, (231. 4). 
 
 Note 4. Here belongs also WS. cneoris, gen. cneorisse, generation 
 (so also R.i ; Blickl. cneorisn). North, has cneo-, cneuresu, -o, -a, 
 -risso, -rise, also -reswu, -o, plur. -reswo L. R.2, etc. 
 
 2) With g-ierd belong, for example, sex, ax (Ps. aeces, 
 North, acas) ; liild, battle ; hind, hijid; liytf, booty ; WTlf* 
 she wolf ; yST, wave ; and certain derivatives in -s, like 
 bliSTs, bliss, bliss; liSTs, liss, favor; niilds, milts, com- 
 passion. 
 
 Note 5. In Teg, ig (eg), island (ON. ey, eyjar); cseg, key, the 
 derivative j is retained as g. For b§nd see 266, note 1. 
 
 c) Wa-STEMS 
 
 259. Nouns with a long vowel or diphthong are 
 regularly declined like the simple a-stems : stow (stou), 
 place ; lireow, repentance ; treow, faithfulness ; gen. 
 stowe, lireowe, etc. 
 
 Note. Without w appear Srea, threat, throe (from *]7ra('w)u, 
 compare Ep. thrauu, OHG. drawa), and clea, dec, claw (from 
 *kla(w)u, *kl^(w)u, compare OHG. klawa. 111; 112). The 
 former is indeclinable, except for the dat. plur. ?Jrea(u)in, or more 
 rarely inflects as a weak masc. (277, note 2). Of clea there is only 
 the ace. plur. clea, cleo, dat. cleam, and poet, clam ; but, besides, 
 clawu, a new formation, is regularly declined like giefii. On ea see 
 284, note 4. 
 
 260. When a consonant precedes the w, the para- 
 digms are as follows : beadu, battle ; msed, mead. 
 
 Sing. N. beadu msed 
 
 G. beadAve m£ed 
 
 D. I. beadwe insed 
 
 A. beadwe msed 
 
 Plur. N. bead^va, -e in8ed(w)a, -e 
 
 G. bead%va m8ed(w)a 
 
 D. I. beadwum in£ed(w^)uin 
 
 A. beadwa, -e ni£ed(w^)a, -e 
 
188 INFLECTION 
 
 Like beadii are declined the short stems nearii, dis- 
 tress ; sceadii, shadow ; si(o)nu, sinew ; and the plur. 
 tant. greatvve, arms ; fraetwe, ornaments. Like niaecl 
 are declined the long stems lyes, pasture ; blocl(es)laes, 
 phlebotomy ; raes, suggestion(?). 
 
 Note 1. Occasionally a vowel appears before the w of the short 
 stems: beadoAve, nearowe, geatewe, fraetewum (249, note 1). 
 
 Note 2. sceadu (also neut. scead, plur. sceadu) more generally 
 inflects like giefu (252), as does siiiu rather frequently : gen. scoada, 
 sine, etc. The Leiden Riddle has from geatAve a dat, plur. geatuin, 
 and the Cod. Dipl. a nom. plur. hergeatu. On North, eneureso see 
 258, note 4. 
 
 Note 3. The long stems have regularly lost the -u of the nom. 
 sing, (yet we find a newly formed nom. blodlteswu, beside blodltes), 
 and so developed at an early period forms without w. msed has an 
 early dat. meda, as if from a u-stem (274). . 
 
 3. THE i-DECLENSION 
 
 261. The i-declension of OE. is chiefly confined to 
 masculines and feminines, since a few words which 
 were originally neuter, like m^re, m^iie, ^le (and b^re, 
 ^g-e, h^te, sig-e, 263, note 4), have passed over to the 
 masculine gender. 
 
 With the exception of masc. Seaxe (264); fem. meaht, 
 beside miht (Old Kent. Angl. iiiaelit); g-esceaft, creature; 
 g-eareaht, thought (both also neut.), and the neut. spere 
 (262; 263), the nouns of this declension have in all 
 cases i-umlaut if the radical syllable will admit (liode, 
 later leocle, jyeople, 264, has semiumlaut to io, 100. 2, and 
 note 2); this often furnishes the only test by which to 
 distinguish these words from those of the o-declension, 
 with which the masculines have much in common. 
 
DECLENSION OF NOUNS 189 
 
 The masculine and neuter nouns with a short radical 
 syllable end in -e in the nom. ace. sing., while the 
 corresponding feminines have -ii ; all the long i-stems, 
 on the other hand, terminate in a consonant without 
 distinction of gender. 
 
 a) Masculines and Neuters 
 
 1) Short Stems 
 
 262. Paradigms: masc. v/iwe, friend (Germ. *wini-z); 
 neut. spere, spear. 
 
 Masc. Neut. Masc. Neut. 
 
 Sing. N.V. A. Avlne spere 
 G. wines speres 
 D. I. wine spere 
 
 Plur. N. V. A. wine, -as speru 
 
 G. wina, winig(e)a spera 
 D. I. winum sperum 
 
 263. 1) Like wine are declined such masculines as 
 b^re, harley ; d^ne, valley ; ^le, oil ; li^fe, weight ; li^ge, 
 hedge ; m^ne, necklace ; m^re, sea ; m^te, food ; s^le, 
 hall ; st^de, place (beside styde, esp. Kentish ; North. 
 styd, note 5); ciele, coolness; hsele, man; hype, hip; 
 hyse, youth ; byre, son ; hyg-e, myne, mind ; pyle, 
 pillow ; ry&e, rye ; STyle, orator ; dile, dill ; ile, sole of 
 the foot ; wlite, countenance ; the plural D^ne, Danes 
 (sing, in the compound Healfd^ne) ; and a great num- 
 ber of verbal abstracts like dr^pe, stroke ; ^ce, ache ; 
 ^g-e, terror; li^te, hate; sl^g-e (slseg-e), blow (plur. sl^geas, 
 206. 3. b) ; stsepe, step (plur. staepas, etc., also late stapas) ; 
 hit^^hite ; blice, exposure; cwide, speech; grii}e^ grip; 
 (aet-, oii-)liriiie, touch; scride, step ; sice, sigh ; sige, vic- 
 tory ; slide, fall; snide, incision; s\}iwe, spewing ; stice, 
 stitch ; stige, ascent ; stride, stride ; swile (swyle), 
 
190 INFLECTION 
 
 tumor ; oftig**^ subtraction ; bryce, breach; bryce, custom; 
 bryiic, burning ; bygre, bend (plur. bygeas) ; (g'e)byre, 
 event; cyino^ coming ; eyre, choice ; drype, blow ; dryre, 
 fall ; dyne, din ; tlyge, flight ; gryre, horror ; gyte, inun- 
 dation ; hryre, fall ; lyge, lie ; lyre, loss ; foreiiynie, 
 presmnption ; ryiie, course; scyfe, shove; scyte, shot; 
 sypo, ,^•^y>, etc.; and the abstracts in -scipe, -ship, like 
 freondscipe, friendship. 
 
 2) Neuters are such as sife, sieve ; ofd^le, ofdsele, 
 declivity ; g-edyre, door-post ; ofersl^g-e, lintel ; orl^ge, 
 fate ; wlaece, tepiditg, and probably also gemyne, care ; 
 g-edyne, din ; gcAvile, will, whose gender is doubtful. 
 
 Note 1 . In the oldest texts the sing. , with the exception of the gen. , 
 ends in i (246, note 1): Bede has an early gen. in -is: Eadwinis. 
 
 Note 2. The proper termination of the noni. ace. plur. of the mas- 
 culines is -e, older -i (compare Goth, gasteis, and 44, note 1); the 
 termination -as is borrowed from the o-declension, although it is more 
 common than -e. In the gen. plur. the form in -a is by far the more 
 common. The ending -ig(e)a, -ia is only found in D^nig(e)a, 
 wanig(e)a. 
 
 Note 3. A few words go over more or less completely to the 
 jo-declension, by doubling the simple consonant at the end of the 
 radical syllable (227; 247), and dropping the -e in the nom. ace. 
 sing. Thus WS. m^te regularly forms the plur. m^ttas (more rarely 
 a sing. in<?tt, mattes), hysc has hysas and hyssas (likewise in the 
 sing, hysses, etc.), ilc has plur. lllas and ilas. Parallel with dyne 
 occurs dynn, dynnes ; beside ofd^le, North, aefdaill; and, beside 
 gowile, usually gewill. Irregular are gowif, fate, gen. gewifes, 
 plur. ge\\i(o)fu, beside gowef, web; s^l, hall, plur. s^lu, beside neut. 
 sa^l, masc. s^le, and (neut.?) salor. 
 
 Note 4. b^re, ^ge, h^te, sige, and perhaps a few others, were 
 without doubt originally neuters in -iz (compare Goth. *bariz- 
 (in barizoins), agis, hatis, sigis), but were treated like masculines in 
 -i-z ; the neuters which remain also probably belonged to the iz-class 
 (288 ff.), as well as spore, which appears in early compounds as 
 8pe(o)ru- (128; 288 ff.). ha'le (hSle?), which only occurs in the 
 
DECLENSION OF NOUNS 191 
 
 sing., has come from the consonant-declension (281. 1). Quite excep- 
 tionally ^le occurs as neut. , instead of masc. 
 
 Note 5. In North, the nom. ace. sing, of these words, so far as 
 the few instances show, is regularly shortened : wlit, countenance; 
 m^t(t), food; sig, victory (also neut. gisig); lyg, lie; neut. styd, 
 place; as plurals occur R.'^ m^tas, and weak m^t(t)o (beside L. 
 m^tt, R.2 m^te, if these are not singular forms) and styde. In 
 composition, too, these words lose their -e in North.: sigbeg, crown; 
 sigfaest, victorious; stydfaest, steadfast; unstydful, apostate; m^t- 
 baelg, scrip, etc. In the older language this shortening, however, 
 seems to be confined to the words sige and hyge: compare proper 
 nouns like Sigred, Sigmund, Hygberht, Hyglac, or Wulfsig, 
 Hiinsig, beside -iEIfuini, Alduini, Siguinl, or Hysiuulf, HysimQn, 
 Uinibald, Uinilac, etc. (Lib. Vit?e). 
 
 Note 6. The short i-stems differ from the short jo-stems like h^re 
 (246) by the uniform absence of -i(g)- in certain cases of the sing, and 
 plur. (and in part by the different terminations of the nom. ace. plur.). 
 They differ from words like s^cg (246), whose stem has become long, 
 by possessing the -e in the nom. ace. sing, and plur. , as well as the 
 single consonant at the end of the radical syllable. 
 
 Note 7. In the declension of the short i-stems is to be included 
 the plur. tant. -ware, -a, people, like Romware, Cantware, etc. 
 (besides -waras and weak -^varan). This was originally a plur. of 
 the sing, -waru, people (252). 
 
 2) Long Stems 
 
 264. The long masculines have dwindled to a scanty 
 remnant, and these are found only in the plural ; com- 
 pare the paradigm Engle, Angles (Germ, stem * Angrli-). 
 
 Plur. N. V. A. Engle 
 G. Engla 
 D. I. Englum 
 
 Thus are declined a few proper nouns like Seaxe, 
 Saxons (261) ; Mierce, Mercians; Dere, Deirians; Beor- 
 nice, Bernicians ; Nor9'(an)-, Suafhymbre, Northum- 
 hrians^ etc. ; the foreign words Egipte, Crece, Perse 
 
192 IXFLECTION 
 
 (beside Crecas, Pers^as) ; and the plurals ielde, ylcle, 
 meyi; ielfe, elves ; Wode, people (261). The poetry rarely 
 has -a for the nom. ace. plur., as in leoda. 
 
 Note. A few of the gentile nouns, particularly Seaxe and Mierce, 
 occasionally have a weak form in -na in the gen. plur.: Seaxna, 
 Mierena (rarely -ena) ; less common is weak declension in the other 
 cases. 
 
 265. The other masculines belonging under this 
 head have assumed the endings of the o-declension, 
 and hence differ from the o-stems only in respect to 
 etymology, the i-umlaut of the radical syllable, and the 
 palatalization of final gutturals (206. 3. b). Paradigm : 
 wyrm, worm (Prim. Germ. * wurmi-z) : 
 
 Sing. N. V. wyrm Plur. N. V. wyrmas 
 
 G. wyrmes G. wyrma 
 
 D. I. Wynne D. I. wyrmum 
 
 A. wyrm A. wyrmas 
 
 266. Here belong bend, ba7id ; bielgr, hag ; braew, 
 hroiv ; df^l, part ; d^mm, injury ; ^iit, giant ; fierst, 
 time ; fyrs, furze ; g"iest, guest ; g-lj"^m, gleam ; g"ylt, 
 guilt; hyll, hill; lieg", flame; lyft, air ; msew, mew ; 
 ssel, time ; st^ng-, jjole (plur. st^ng-eas, etc.) ; string-, 
 string (plur. str^ng-eas, etc.); (Tyrs, giant; wt^g, bil- 
 low; wiell, well; and a series of veibal nouns, like 
 brygd, Irandinhing ; bjTst, damage ; cierr, turn ; cierm, 
 clamor; dr^nc, drync (drinc), drink (plur. dr<^neoas, 
 dat. dr^nciiim, etc.): dynt, blow ; f<?ng, grasp; ficU, fall ; 
 i\yht, flight ; h\yst, hearing ; hw yr ft, turn ; hyht, hope; 
 lee, look ; slieht, slaughter ; smiee, odor ; st^ne, smell 
 (plur. st^neeas, etc.) ; stiell, jump ; sweg, clamor ; 
 
DECLENSION OF NOUNS 193 
 
 sw^ng", stroke ; swylt, death ; tyht, instruction ; laryrst, 
 thirst ; wr^iic, wrench^ trick (plur. wr^nceas, dat. wr^ii- 
 ciiini, etc.); wyrp, cast; gerist (serist?), resurrection; 
 fespryng", ivell ; aefst, envy (43, note 4), etc. 
 
 Note 1. The nom. ace. plur. of b^nd is not only b^ndas, but also 
 (especially Anglian ?) b^nda, b^nde, of which the singular is prob- 
 ably a fern, b^nd, belonging to 257 (Goth, bandi). Other words 
 follow the declension of the feminines (269), like serist, iespryng, 
 lyft (LWS. also neut., with plur. lyftu), hlyst, seel, etc. 
 
 Note 2. s£e, sea (Goth, saiws), inflects partly as masc. : gen. 
 sies, dat. see, nom. ace. plur. sees (Ps. s^as), gen. seewa (?), dat. 
 saem (ssewum); partly as fern.: gen. dat. s^ (gen. also sles and 
 stewe), nom. ace. plur. sie, etc. (269, note 3). The foreign word dry, 
 wizard (from Celtic driii), has gen. drys (LWS. also dryes), dat. 
 dry, nom. ace. plur. dryas, gen. dryra (?), dat. dryum. 
 
 Note 3. On braew (Angl. breg) — breaw see 212, note 2. 
 
 267. This class contains no neuters which originally 
 belonged to it, that is, which belonged to it in Germ, or 
 West Germ. (26l). Notwithstanding, there are certain 
 words, originally belonging to other declensions, which 
 have assumed in OE. an mflectional type that can be 
 assigned to this place, in virtue of their uniform i-umlaut 
 and the consonant termination of their nom. ace. sing., 
 particulars in which they agree with the long-stemmed 
 masculines and feminines of the i-declension. Here 
 belong : 
 
 a) Original neuters, like ^.sesc, flesh; Mes^ fleece (Angl. 
 *flios, fleos, Leid. Rid. flius) ; hsel, welfare; hilt, hilt; 
 Isen, loan; hre3',/ame(masc.?); nouns with the prefix g-e-, 
 such as g-eb^nn, ban; g-efeg-, joining; g-ehield (Angl. 
 g-ehseld), protection; grehlyd, clamor; g-er^sp, blame; 
 g-eswjiic, tribulation ; g-e wed, rage ; g-ewielc, breakers ; 
 
194 INFLECTION 
 
 North. Rit. oiiw?eld, power (beside onweald, usually 
 masc.); g-eswyrf (?), filings ; g-egrynd, plot of ground ; 
 gredwild, error ; greliiia^st, coyiflict ; and probably ^cyrf, 
 fragment ; felcyrf, prceputium (masc. ?). These are 
 declined like cynii, 246 (dat. plur. g-eswinciiini, 
 206. 3. h). 
 
 Note 1. Beside these forms are occasionally found others without 
 i-unilaut, like geb^nii, gofog, geheald, gehnast, gc\vealc, or by-forms 
 with r, Uke halor, hro'^or ; this renders it probable that these words 
 were originally os/es-stems (288 ff.). 
 
 h) Original feminines, especially nouns with the prefix 
 gre- : g-ebyrd, nature ; g-ecynd, race ; gehyg-d, thought ; 
 oferhyg-d, arrogance ; g-eniynd, mind ; g-enylit, suffi- 
 ciency ; g-eSTyld, patience ; g^ewyrht, deed ; forwyrd, 
 destruction ; fulwiht, fullulit, baptism ; grin, snare ; 
 wiht, Aviiht, thing. These also occur as feminines (269), 
 and are frequently, in some instances predominantly, so 
 declined. As neuters they follow in general the declen- 
 sion of cynn (246) or word (238), but have in the nom. 
 ace. plur. the ending -ii, -o, as far as instances occur: 
 gehyg-du, oferliygdu, g"cwyrhtii, grimi, Avihtu ; yet a 
 few forms occur without ending, like g-ecynd, beside 
 gecyndii. 
 
 Note 2. To tlie foregoing singulars must be added the plur. tant. 
 giftu, nuptials; gedryhtii, elements; gehyrstu (beside gehyrste), 
 trappings ; which must originally have been feminines. In late texts 
 other feininiiies of the i-declension occasionally assume the ending 
 -u of the neut. plur.: Ij^tu, wistu, sainwistu, from IjiTt, air; wist, 
 food; samwist, matrimony. So, too, the unumlauted gesceaft, origi- 
 nally a feminine, according to the cognate Germanic tongues (261; 
 269), but likewise a neuter in OE., forms a plur. gcsceaftu, beside 
 gesceafte, -a, according to 252. For ged'eaht see 261 ; 269. 
 
DECLENSION OF NOUNS 195 
 
 Note 3. -wiiht, wiht, in the sense of 'being,' ' creature,' is almost 
 always fern, (though neut. in Blickl.), and does not form the plur. 
 wihtu tillLWS. (cf. note 2); but in the generalized sense of 'thing,' 
 'something,' it assumes the neuter gender, side by side with the 
 feminine, at an early period. For the compound nawuht, etc., 
 see 348. 
 
 Note 4. Beside gecynd, fem. neut. , there exist two other singu- 
 lars, probably deduced from the plur. gecyndu : gecynde, neut. (246), 
 and gecyndu, -o, weak fem. (279); so gebyrd has a weak form 
 gebyrdu, -o. 
 
 h) Feminines 
 
 1) Short Stems 
 
 268. But few remains are preserved, and not all of 
 these are certain : fr^mu, benefit, and perhaps hylu, 
 hollow ; -l^g'u, laying down; and -n^rii, deliverance^ in 
 ealdorl^gu, feorhl^g-u (or -n^ru), of whose nominatives 
 we have no examples. 
 
 The declension of these words has entirely conformed 
 to that of the short a-stems like g-iefu (252), or to that 
 of the abstracts in -u, like str^ngru (279), and they 
 ought perhaps to be classed with these rather than cred- 
 ited to the i-declension. 
 
 2) Long Steins 
 
 269. Paradigm : ben, petition (Prim. Germ. *boiii-z). 
 
 Sing. N. V. ben Plur. N. V. bene, -a 
 G. bene G. bena 
 
 D. I. bene D. I. benum 
 
 A. ben A, bene, -a 
 
 Thus are declined such as b^nc, bench ; bryd, bride ; 
 cwen, woman ; dryht, host ; f yst, fist ; hyd, skin ; hyf, 
 hive ; hyrst, trappings ; lyft, air ; nied, need ; tid, time ; 
 
196 INFLECTION 
 
 (TryKT, strength; wen, hope; wiht, wiiht, creature; wynn, 
 pleasure ; vvyrd, fate ; wyrt, herh^ root ; bysen, example 
 (gen. bysne, etc.); »e(w), law^ marriage^ and many verbal 
 abstracts (with the original suffix -ti) : daed, deed ; fierd, 
 army ; g-led, gleed; sped, success; scyld, guilt; grehyg-d, 
 g-eniynd, thought; g-ewyrlit, deed; g-ei^Tyld, patience; 
 ^ht, property ; meaht, miht, might (261) ; est, grace ; 
 wist, sustenance ; yst, storm ; »;rist, resurrection^ etc. 
 Regularly without umlaut occur g-esceaft, creation^ 
 creature; g-ecJeaht, thought (both also neut., 261). 
 
 Note 1. The endings of this declension are the same as those of 
 the a-declension, except in the ace. sing., which in the latter has -e. 
 This termination is introduced into the i-declension (at an early period, 
 and to a considerable extent, in North. R.i and to some extent Ps. ; 
 in WS. and Kent, it makes its appearance later, and is at first com- 
 paratively rare): tide, cwene, etc. 
 
 Note 2. The genuine oldest termination of the nom. ace. plur. 
 is -i (insecti Ctediiion's Hymn ; compare Goth, maliteis), which subse- 
 quently became -e (44). Notwithstanding, tliere is also an early 
 intrusion of -ae from the a-declension (Ep. uuyrdae); cf. also note 5. 
 
 Note 3. ae is indeclinable in the whole sing, and the nom. ace. 
 plur. ; but there is also found a gen. dat. sing, tewe, in agreement with 
 which there is formed a nom. ace. iew ; a few texts seem to distinguish 
 between ae, law, and aiw, marriage. For sse see 266, note 8. 
 
 Note 4. lyft and jcrist, and a few others, are also masc. (266, 
 note 1); gecynd, gehygd, gemynd, gewyrht, wiht, wuht, etc., are 
 also neuter (267. b). dugutJ, virtue; geogiicJ, youth; and ides, woman, 
 which elsewliere belong to the i-declension, in OE. follow the a-declen- 
 sion (252); sien (syn), sion (seen), fare; onsTcn, face, view, etc., 
 frequently have in WS. the ace. sing, seen, but in Ps. always take -e, 
 according to the a-declension : onsiene ; North, varies. 
 
 Note 6. In North, many of these feminines appear also as neuters 
 (251, note). Among special deviations from the regular inflectional 
 types are to be noted the gen. sing, in -cs of L. and Rit. : tides, dedes, 
 etc. (and so sporadically in LWS. ; cf. also 252, note 2), and the weak 
 plur., as in nom, ace. tido, dedo, gen. tidana, dedana, etc. 
 
DECLENSION OF NOUNS 197 
 
 4. THE u-DECLENSION 
 a) Masculines 
 1) Short Steins 
 
 270. Paradigm : sunn, son (Germ. * sunu-z, Goth. 
 sunus). 
 
 Sing. N. V. sunu, -o ; -a Plur. N. V. suna ; -u, -o 
 
 G. suna G. suna 
 
 D. suna ; -u, -o D. I. sunum 
 
 A. sunu, -o; -a A. suna; -u, -o 
 
 I. suna 
 
 271. The number of words which follow this declen- 
 sion is quite limited : fully inflected are only sunu and 
 wudu, wood. Beside nom. ace. sing. nie(o)du, mead; 
 magru, boi/^ there are only dat. meodu, -o, nom. ace. 
 plur. mag-as. Of breg^u, -o (breog"o), prince ; heoru, 
 sword ; lag"u, lake ; sidu, custom ; spitu, spit^ there are 
 only nom. ace. sing. The words fri(o)9'u-, peace, and 
 li(o)9'u-, limb (Goth, fripus, lij7us), no longer occur as 
 u-stems, except as the first member of compound words ; 
 otherwise there occur fem. fri(o)9'u (279), neut. friST 
 and liiar (239); and for Goth, qij^us, venter, only masc. 
 cwiaf. So also for Goth, skadus, shadow, OE. has the 
 fem. sceadu and the neut. scead (Angl. scaed), accord- 
 ing to 253 and 240. 
 
 Note 1. The nom. ace. sing, -a for -u, -o is only late. The gen. 
 sing, subsequently has the termination -es, as in the o-declension : 
 wudes, and similarly the nom. ace. plur. -as : wudas, sunas. There 
 is a late weak plural, sunan, in connection with the late nom. sing, 
 in -a. 
 
 Note 2. Ps. has only nom. ace. sing, sunu, gen. wiida, dat. suna; 
 R.i has nom. ace. sing, sunu, -e, gen. sune, -^, dat. sunu, -ee, plur. 
 
198 INFLECTION 
 
 nom. ace. sunii, -a, -ae, -as, -es, gen. sunu, -ena. The North, 
 forms are: in L. : nom. ace. sing, sunu (more rarely -o, -a, -e), gen. 
 sunu, -aj, -es, dat. sunu, -e, nom. ace. plur. sunu, -o, -a, gen. suna, 
 -o, -ana, dat. sununi; in R."^: nom. ace. sunu, -o, -a, gen. sunu, -o, 
 dat. suno ; nom. ace. phir. sunu, -o, gen. sununa, dat. sununi, -oni ; 
 Rit. has only sunu as nom. gen. ace. sing, and nom. plur. 
 
 2) Lon§^ Steins 
 
 272. Words with a long stem dropped the u in the 
 nom. ace. sing., according to 134, and thus came into 
 relation with the o-stems, whose inflection they then to 
 some extent assumed. Paradigm: feld, field. 
 
 Sing. N. V. A. feld Plur. N. V. A. felda ; -as 
 
 G. felda; -es G. felda 
 
 D. I. felda ; -e D. I. feldum 
 
 273. Traces of this declension are more frequent in 
 the words feld, field ; ford, ford ; weald, forest, and the 
 disyllabic siimor, summer; winter, winter; seppel(?), 
 apple ; they are less common in card, country ; had, 
 person, rank ; hearg", temple, idol ; seaSf, fountain, and 
 -g-ar, spear, in proper nouns like Wihtgar. The other 
 words which formerly belonged to the ii-declension have 
 completely passed over to the o-declension : ar, mes- 
 senger ; deaar, death ; feorh, life ; flod, flood ; scield, 
 shield; arorn, thorn ; Imng-or, hunger, etc. (= Goth. 
 aims, daii]7iis, fairhvvus, flodus, skildiis, J?aiiriiiis, 
 liniirus), and the numerous verbal nouns in -{\\)otS, 
 -(n)a9' (= Goth. -odus). 
 
 Note 1. In North, there are still found the datives deoTJa, w^nga, 
 and even a few examples of original o-stems, like binna, manger. 
 
 Note 2. The gen. sing, in -a occurs but seldom (Bede hada, 
 Liccitfclda, Chron. wiutra, Wihtgara); the nom. ace. plur. seems 
 
. DECLENSION OF NOUNS 199 
 
 only to be found in the somewhat common hearga and appla (note 3). 
 On the other hand, the dat. instr. in -a is still common in the older 
 texts, but is subsequently replaced by the -e of the o-declension. 
 
 Note 3. winter, which is always of the masc. gender in the sing., 
 so far as can be determined, takes in the nom. ace. plur. the neu- 
 ter forms wiutru and winter, aeppel inflects in the sing, wholly 
 according to the o-declension, but in the plural, beside aep(p)las, is 
 more generally ap(p)la, with irregular vowel of the radical syllable, 
 later also ap(p)lu, which is neuter, like -wintru. 
 
 Note 4. A nom. ace. sing, in -u occurs exceptionally in the case 
 of long stems in the older language : aetgaru, spear Ep. ; flodu, flood; 
 Olwfvvoljju (read Wolf-), in Runic inscriptions. 
 
 6) Feminines 
 
 274. Of these there are but few remaining. Para- 
 digms : diiru, door; liQiwl, hand. Their declension is as 
 follows : 
 
 Sing. N.V. A. duru hQnd Plur. N.V. A. dura; -u hpnda 
 
 G. dura h9nda G. dura hpnda 
 
 D. I. dura; -u IiQuda D. I. durum liQndum 
 
 Like duru is declined nosu (Old Kent, nasu), nose ; 
 like liQnd inflect flor, floor ; cweorn, 7nill. 
 
 Note 1. Rarer by-forms are gen. dat. instr. sing, dure, nose; 
 dat. dyru, dyre, with i-umlaut, and gen. dat. hQnd. flor has in the 
 gen. dat. sing, also flore (but ace. sing, always flor), and is also used 
 as masc. (273). c^veorn more commonly follows the a-declension: 
 gen. dat. ace. sing, cweorne ; there is, besides, a weak. fem. cw^eorne 
 (278). 
 
 Note 2. Ps. has sing. ace. duru, plur. dura ; of h9nd : sing, gen, 
 dat. and plur. nom. ace. gen. hQuda, dat. hQndum; R.i sing. nom. 
 ace. dat. dure (also masc), plur. nom. duru, dat. durum; of hQud: 
 sing. ace. liQud, -e, -se, -a, dat. h^nda, plur. nom. ace. h9nde, -a, 
 dat. hQndum. 
 
 The North, forms are : 
 
 a) of duru (also masc. andneut.): in L. : sing. nom. duru, -a, ace. 
 duru, -o, -e, dat. duru, -o, -a, -e, plur. nom. dure, dat. durum; 
 
200 INFLECTION 
 
 in R.2: sing. nom. dura, ace. dura, -o, dat. dura, plur. nom. duro, 
 dat. durum ; in Kit. : sing. ace. duru, plur. dat. durum ; 
 
 b) of hQud : in L. : sing. nom. ace. hgud, dat. hynd, -a, -e, plur. 
 nom. hQud, ace. h9nd, -a, -o, gen. liQnda, -o, dat. liyudum ; in R.^: 
 sing, nom, hynd, -a, ace. hguda, dat. hynd, -a, plur. nom. ace. 
 liQud, -a, dat. hpndum ; in Rit. : sing. nom. aec. hpud, dat. hQnde, 
 plur. dat. hyuduin. 
 
 c) Neuters 
 
 275. 'There is no longer an independent u-declension 
 of neuters in OE. The sole relic is Ps. North, feolii, 
 feolo, and WS. fela, feola, much (the former a stereo- 
 typed nom. ace, the latter no doubt a stereotyped form 
 of the other cases). Goth, faihu, cattle, is WS. Kent. 
 feoli, Angl. feh, which has gone wholly over to the 
 o-declension (242). 
 
 B. WEAK DECLENSION (n-STEMS) 
 
 276. The three genders are scarcely distinguishable 
 except in the nom. voc. sing, (with which the neut. ace. 
 is identical); the masc. ending is -a, the fern, -e or -u 
 (279), and the neut. -e. Paradigms are : masc. g-iima, 
 man; fem. tiiiig^e, tongue; neut. cage, eye. 
 
 Masculine 
 
 Feminine 
 
 Nettter 
 
 Sing. N. V. guma 
 
 tunge 
 
 cage 
 
 G. guman 
 
 tungan 
 
 eagan 
 
 D. I. guman 
 
 tungan 
 
 eagan 
 
 A. guman 
 
 tungan 
 
 cage 
 
 Plur. N. V. A. guman 
 
 tungan 
 
 eagan 
 
 G. gumena 
 
 tung(e)na 
 
 eag(e)na 
 
 D. I. gumiim 
 
 tnngiim 
 
 eagum 
 
 Note 1. In certain texts -on is found for -an. 
 Notp: 2. WS. has but rarely gen. plur. -ana, -ona, beside -(e)na: 
 Cura Past, earana, welona; Oros. -warana, .ludana, (iotoua; in 
 
DECLENSIO:?^ OF XOUNS 201 
 
 texts having dialectic color these forms are rather more common (cf. 
 also note 3. c). 
 
 Note 3. The relation to each other of the two forms for the gen. 
 plur., -ena (-ana, -ona, note 2) and -na (including the corresponding 
 forms of the strong declension, 252, note 4), varies greatly : 
 
 a) In WS. prose -ena is normal for both short and long stems: 
 masc. fgnena, ^velena, witena ; fem. wucena, like masc. c^nipena, 
 telgena ; fem. biemena, niedrena ; neut. eagena, earena, etc. ; only 
 rarely do long stems exhibit syncope of the middle vowel : Cura Past, 
 masc. wilna, fem. tungna, neut. eagna (beside tungena and eagena). 
 
 A constant exception to this rule is formed by the gentile names 
 of WS. prose; these have as a rule -ena after a short radical syl- 
 lable, and -na after a long: Oros. Gotena (-ona), Judena (-ana); 
 but Oros. -seaxna, Chron. -seaxna, Francna, Lgngbeardna, 
 Miercna, Sumurs^tna. In the later language, too, -ena for this 
 -na is very rare. 
 
 b) The poetry follows in general this latter principle : the short 
 radical syllables take -ena (-ana, -ona), the long predominantly -na: 
 masc. wllna, brogna; fem. arna, larna, sorgna, Avisna, wrtecna; 
 neut, eagna, uhtna, beside occasional forms like masc. demena, 
 wr^ccena, fem. tungena, neut. eagena, the latter being quite as 
 secondary as the occasional Geatena, Fresena, beside the regular 
 Presna, Francna, etc. In the case of long syllables, -ena is the rule 
 only after consonant-gi'oups which obstruct syncope ; hence the poetry 
 has regularly, for example, masc. witgena, ^Idrena ; fem. fsemnena. 
 
 c) Of the Anglian texts, Ps. always has -ena without regard to the 
 quantity : masc. dracena (draecena), n^mena, weolena, wearena, 
 like buccena, steorrena ; fem. eorSena, Avisena ; neut. egena, etc. ; 
 R.i has in the masc. rarely -ana, beside -ena: watgana (beside watge- 
 na), scaj>ena, geroefena; in the fem, only -ana: nedrana, widuwa- 
 na, uiperana. In North., finally, -ena, -ana, -ona (rarely -una) vary 
 widely ; -a is also occasionally found, as in the strong declension. 
 
 Note 4. Sporadic occurrences are : for -(e)na LWS. also -an : 
 eastran, csegean (from the strong fem. c«g, key) ; or -enan : 
 eagenan ; and strong -a : baecistra, prica, nama ; so in the sing, 
 strong forms like Gl. gen. mseltanges, Scint. eages, Ben. eares, Ben. 
 dat. eage. 
 
 Note 5. The final -n is discarded in North, (and for the most 
 part in R.i), and the vowels of final syllables are subject to consider- 
 able variation. 
 
202 INFLECTION 
 
 The masc. has in R.i in the nom. sing, -a, -e, -ae (-an), obi. -a, 
 _e, -^ ; -u ; -an, nom. ace. plur., beside -a, -e, -u, also -an and strong 
 -as. Of the North, texts R.^ has in the nom. sing, mostly -a (occa- 
 sionally -o), obi. -a, more rarely -o, -u, nom. ace. plur. -u, -o, rarely 
 -a, -e; L. nom. si^.,ra (-o, -e), gen. -es, -aes, -as, dat. ace. -a, -o 
 (-e), plur. -o (-a, also strong -as); Rit. 'nom. sing, -a (-e), gen. -a, 
 -e, -o and -es, -aes, dat. ace. sing, and nom. ace. plur. -a, -e, -o. 
 
 Still greater variation prevails in the feminine : R.^ has nom. sing, 
 generally -e, but also -a, obi. -e, -ae, -a, and -an, plur. -a, -e, and -an. 
 The North, forms are : R.^ sing, -a, rarely -e (but ^vidwe always so); 
 L. sing. nom. dat. ace. -a, -e, -o, gen. -es, -aes, plur. -o, -a, and 
 strong -as ; Rit. sing. nom. dat. ace. -e, -a, gen. -es, plur. -o, -a, 
 and strong -as. Unlike the rest, eorSu, earthy has generally -u, -o 
 in North, instead of the other vowels cited (always so in the nom. 
 sing. ; in R.i eorSu varies with eor9e). The feminines also frequently 
 become neuters. 
 
 Of neuters there are : in R.i nom. ace. sing, eare (-a), ege (-an?), 
 WQnge, dat. ege, plur. eara(n), e(a)gan, -un, egu, -e; North.: R.^ 
 nom. ace. plur. earn, -o, -a, nom. ace. sing. plur. egu, -o ; L. nom. 
 dat. ace. sing, eare, plur. earo, nom. dat. ace. sing. plur. ego; Rit. 
 nom. dat. sing, eare, plur. earo, -a, and plur. ego. 
 
 On the gen. plur. see note 3. c. 
 
 1 . MASCULINES 
 
 277. Like guma are declined a great number of words ; 
 thus, of short stems: b^iia, murderer; cofa, room; draca, 
 dragon ; f^na, flag ; h^na, cock ; nefa, 7iephew ; iiQina, 
 name ; sceatTa, robber ; sefa, mind ; wela, riches ; wigra, 
 warrior ; wita, wise man ; plur. -waran, inhabitants ; of 
 long stems : brog-a, terror ; biicca, buck ; c^nipa, war- 
 rior ; crerta, creed ; dema, judge ; g-onia, palate ; hiiiita, 
 hunter; moiia, moon; g-erefa, bailiff ; steorra, star; telgra, 
 twig ; teona, injury ; witga, prophet ; wraeccea, exile. 
 
 NoTK 1. oxa, ox, has in nom. ace. plur. oexen, ^xon, beside oxan ; 
 gen. oxna, dat. oxuni, and rarely oxuum. The plur. tant. hiwan. 
 
DECLENSION OF NOUNS 203 
 
 hi^an (North, higu), members of a family, forms a gen. plur. hlna, 
 beside Mgna, hiwna. A late dat. plur. of nefa, nephew, grandson, 
 is nefenum. 
 
 Note 2. frea, lord; gefea,, joy ; Srea, affliction; leo, iion (North. 
 lea, gen. leas); tweo, doubt (LWS. also twy and twyn, North, tua and 
 tuia, cf. 156.3); Sweon, Swedes; gefa, foe; ra, roe, systematically 
 contract the vowel of the radical syllable with that of the derivative 
 syllable into the diphthongs ea, eo, or the vowel a : gen., etc., frean ; 
 gen. plur. leona, gefana, S^veona, dat. leom, Sweom, gefam, but 
 also leoum, etc. (110, note 1). 
 
 Of doubtful words that belong here there are, beside flea, flea, 
 which might also be fern. , meo, sole (plur. meon) ; plur. * ceon, gills 
 (Ep. cTan); *sceo, shin-bone (Erf . Corp. scia. North, plur. L. sciu, 
 R.2 scia, sciae). 
 
 Note 3. The uncontracted fi'igea occurs beside frea ; tJrea is 
 oftener strong fern. (252); leo, beside regular forms, has LWS. dat. 
 plur. leonum, and occasional dat. sing, leone or leonan. 
 
 2. FEMININES 
 
 278. The number of feminines which are declined 
 like tung-e is smaller than that of the weak masculines. 
 Examples of long stems are : bieme, trumpet ; eorSfe, 
 folde, liruse, earth; lieorte, heart; sunne, sun; wise, 
 manner; nieowle, maiden; nsedre, viper; swealwe, swal- 
 low ; of short stems: bune (bune?), cup ; ceole, throat; 
 cliSTe, clife, burdock; cwene, woman; cwice, quitch- 
 grass; raiere, (miere? cf. 218.1), mare; pi(o)se, joea; 
 of polysyllables : wuduwe, widoiv (156. 4), and the words 
 in -estre, like baecestre, /(gmaZe baker, etc. 
 
 Note 1. Most of the short stems borrow, at a rather early period, 
 the nom. sing, ending -u from the short a-stems : cinii, fissure; faSu, 
 paternal aunt; hosu (masc.(?) hosa), hose; hracu, throat; moru, 
 parsnip; peru, pear; spadu, spade; swi{o)pu, whip ; Srotu, throat; 
 
204 INFLECTION 
 
 wuou, iveek; yet the oldest texts still keep the older ending -c: Ep. 
 -throtti', -iiiorte; Ps. hrtece; brace and fa'd'e are later found spo- 
 radically. Compounds, too, are wont to retain the -e: locbore, 
 curly-haired woman; iiihtegale, nightingale; aesc-, eoforSrote (plant- 
 names), etc. 
 
 lufu, love, generally inflects like giefu (252) in pure WS. (so in 
 Cura Past., and exclusively in iElfric's Homilies), elsewhere for the 
 most part weak ; Ps. has preserved an older weak nom. lufe. 
 
 Note 2. Contractions (as in 277, note 2) are exhibited by beo, bee 
 (North, bia, Ps. plur. bian); ceo, chough (Ep. chyae, Erf. ciae); peo 
 (Ps. pie), gadfly ; reo (Ep. ryhse, but also reowe and reowu), covering; 
 seo, pupil; fla, arrow; sla, sloe (plur. slaii, beside strong sla); sla, 
 slea(?) (Corp. slahic), sley ; ta, toe (da? doe; instances of weak 
 inflection not found); So (Ep. thoha?), clay; gen., etc., been, seen, 
 flan, etc. ta has tan and taan ; dat. plur. tauni, and later tanuni ; 
 fla perhaps only flanum, though this may belong to the strong masc. 
 (238) or strong fem. (252) flan, which frequently occurs beside fla. 
 LWS. (^Ifric) similarly has a weak fem. ta, formed from the strong 
 masc. tan, twig. Conversely, there is found a nom. sing, tan for ta, toe. 
 
 Note 3. eastron, -un (more rarely -an), Easter, which generally 
 occurs as plur. tant., has an irregular ending: gen. eastrena, -ana, 
 also eastran, and strong eastra. Beside weak eastron there is also 
 an apparently strong eastru, -o, with neuter ending; there also 
 occurs a nom. sing, eastre. In North, nom. ace. L. eastro, eostro, 
 R.2 eostru, -o (R.i eastran and eastra), gen. L. eastres, eostres, R.'^ 
 eastro, eostro, -ana, -una, dat. L. eastra?, eastro, eostro, R.2 
 eostrum. In L. the word is neut. sing., in R.2 plur. (Luke 22. 15 
 L. ^ffis eostro, R.2 3as eostru). 
 
 Note 4. Like the masculines inflect gemaecca (gemaca), consort; 
 geb^rtda, bedfellow; ger^sta, widow, and a few others, which are 
 regarded as having common gender. 
 
 279. As respects their origin, the abstracts in -u, -o, 
 such as bra'rtu, breadth; haelii, salvation; m^ng-u, 
 iii^jiiffo, multitude ; str^iiffii, strmgth ; ieldu, age, belong 
 to the weak declension, since they correspond to Goth, 
 weak nouns in -ei, like iiiaiiaj?ei, multitude. They 
 have, however, borrowed the nom. sing, ending -u from 
 
DECLENSION OF NOUNS 205 
 
 the a-cleclension, and thus rid themselves entirely of the 
 old inflectional forms. Their declension is as follows : 
 
 Sing. N. str^ngu, -o Plur. N. A. strange, -a ; -u, -o 
 
 G.^ G. str^nga 
 
 D. I. ^str^nge ; -u, -o D. I. str^ngum 
 
 A.J 
 
 Note 1. These abstracts are mostly indeclinable in the sing., that 
 is, they end in -u, -o in all cases. Plurals are hardly ever found. The 
 nom. ace. sing, has occasionally a shortened form, yld for yldo, age 
 (cf. 255. 3). 
 
 Note 2. Here again L. and Rit. have a gen. in -es, like aeldes, 
 snytres = WS. ieldu, snytru. 
 
 Note 3. The older final -I still shows itself in the constant umlaut 
 of the radical syllable, as well as in the palatalization of preceding 
 gutturals : m^nigeo, str^ngeo (206. 3. 6). 
 
 3. NEUTERS 
 
 280. The only word which is certainly declined like 
 esLge is eare, ear ; lieorte has become feminine. 
 
 Note 1. The declension of wQnge, cheek, is much disordered, as 
 the result of confusion with forms of the synonymous w^uge and of 
 Sunw^nge, temples, both of which were originally strong neuters 
 (248. 1): nom, ace. sing, w^nge, w^nge, and <$unw^nge, 9unw9iige ; 
 dat. tJunw^ngan ; nom. ace. plur. w^ngan, SunAv^Jigan, beside 
 3unw9ngan and strong 3unw9nge, -a; gen. Sunw^ngena and 
 WQnga. 
 
 Note 2. LWS. has the sporadic gen. eages and eares, and dat. eare 
 (276, note 4). Doubtful is the gender of weak masc. uhta or weak 
 neut. uhte, dawn (Goth, weak fem. uhtwo), which occurs almost 
 exclusively in the ancient fornuila on uhtan (beside rare phrases like 
 uhtna gehwylce, ]7ani ilcan lihte). 
 
 Note 3. For the North, declension of core and ego see 276, note 5. 
 
206 INFLECTION 
 
 C. MINOR DECLENSIONS 
 
 1. IRREGULAR CONSONANT STEMS 
 
 a) Masculines and Neuters 
 
 281. 1) Paradigm for the masculine : fot, foot. 
 
 Sing. N. V. A. fot Plur. N. V. A. fet 
 
 G. fotes G. fota 
 
 D. fet D. I. fotum 
 
 I. fote, fet 
 
 Thus are declined tod", toothy plur. tetS ; inQn(n), 
 inaii(n), plur. in^ii(ii); and likewise the disyllabic haeleff, 
 hero ; luonaar, month. 
 
 Note 1. Besides mgnn, there is also a weak masc. inQnna, manna, 
 declined according to 276, but occurring for the most part only in 
 the ace. sing. In North, the ace. is generally L. mgnno (sporadically 
 mgnnu, -e, mgnn); R.-^ ni9n(n), less frequently mgnno, -e; Rit. 
 monno, beside aldormgnn; R.i mgnnu. Proper names in -mgn 
 seem regularly to be declined as strong (238): for example, dat. 
 Colemanne, Gearomgnne. 
 
 Like nign is declined the compound Avifmgn, woman (later often 
 assimilated : wimman), except that it is sometimes used as a fem. 
 
 Note 2. The nom. ace. plur. of fot, to3 sometimes in later 
 (Anglian ?) texts appears as fotas, tocVas (already once Mart, fotas, 
 Ps. toSas, besides more frequent toeS); of to'S, dat. sing. North. to'Se, 
 gen. plur. to^ana, toeSa, beside to'Sa L. R.^ has a gen. plur. foeta, 
 beside fota; Rit. gen. plur. toSana, ace. plur. fota; R.^ dat. sing. 
 to\> and ingnn, beside more frequent m^nn. 
 
 Note .3. o.s, god^ which otherwise occurs only as the first member 
 of compounds, has a gen. plur, esa, with perplexing i-umlaut. 
 
 Note 4. haile'fl and indnaiV have a nom. ace. plur. without termi- 
 nation, along witli haile<5as (haele'fle) and mon(e)($as ; in the sing, 
 they are regularly inflected according to the o-declension. The nom. 
 hteleS is a new formation for ha'le (of. ealu under 2); this older nom. 
 has passed over to the i-declension (263, note 4). 
 
DECLENSION OF NOUNS 207 
 
 2) The neuters which belong here are the monosyl- 
 labic scriid, garment^ and the disyllabic ealu, ale. The 
 former has dat. sing, scryd (LWS. scrud and scrude), 
 nom. ace. plur. scrud, gen. scriida; the second, for- 
 merly a t-stem, like haeleaf and monaO", forms the gen. 
 dat. sing. (e)alo9', -aST (very late and unusual also dat. 
 ealoare ; North, gen. alSTes Rit.), gen. plur. ealei^ra, and 
 sporadically an ace. sing. ealaST, modeled upon the gen. 
 dat. 
 
 h) Feminines 
 
 282. The short stems which belong here are hnutu, 
 nut; studii, stuSTu, column ; hnitu, nit. Paradigm : 
 
 hnutu. 
 
 
 
 
 Sing. N. 
 
 hnutu 
 
 Plur. N. 
 
 hnyte 
 
 G. 
 
 hnute 
 
 G. 
 
 hnuta 
 
 D. I. 
 
 hnyte 
 
 D. I. 
 
 hnutum 
 
 A. 
 
 [hnutu] 
 
 A. 
 
 hnyte 
 
 Note. The ace. sing, hnutu is supplied according to the ace. 
 studu, stu?fu ; the gen. plur. is also hnutena in LWS. — studu, stuSu 
 has, besides the nom. ace. (likewise the form feurstud, without ending, 
 in the ancient North, glosses to Bede, GET. 123, for which again 
 feorstujju appears later; likewise durustod, doorpost), also the dat. 
 styde (stySe), stude, and studa. — hnitu has, beside the nom. sing., 
 the nom. ace. plur. hnite. 
 
 283. The long stems have in the dat. sing, and nom. 
 ace. plur. no inflectional endings, but exhibit i-umlaut 
 wherever phonetic laws admit of it. The gen. sing, is 
 either identical with the dat., or is formed without 
 umlaut and with the ending -e, as in the a-declension. 
 Paradigm: boc, book. 
 
 Sing. N. V. A. boc Plur. N. V. A. bee 
 
 G. bee; boce G. boca 
 
 D. I. bee D. I. bocum 
 
208 INFLECTION 
 
 284. Thus are declined iic, oak; gtit, goat; broc, 
 trousers : g-os, goose ; wloli, fringe ; burg-, borough ; 
 clung- (?), cavern; fiirh, furrow; siilh, plow; turf, turf; 
 grut, ^roMi ; lus, louse ; iiiiis, mouse ; STriih, trough ; 
 cu, cot^J ; ea, water ; neaht, iiiht, night ; and the disyl- 
 labic inaegear, niaeg-cT, maid. 
 
 Note 1. There is a twofold formation of the gen. sing, in bee — boce 
 (the former peculiar to the older period ; Ps. boec) ; byr(i)g — burge ; 
 fyrh — fure (also without umlaut, furh) ; on the other hand, ac, gat, 
 gos, iiius seem to have only the longer forms ace, gate, gose, muse, 
 while conversely <5rvih has only Sryh. The gen. sing, of sulh (note 3) 
 is sules, like that of the masculines. 
 
 Note 2. The dat. sing, occasionally appears without umlaut, espe- 
 cially in later texts : ae, boc, burg, furh, grut, <5ruh (so also North. 
 boe L. Kit., beside bcec L. R.2). 
 
 Note 3. The words in h lose it before a vowel ending (218) : furh, 
 gen. fure, plur. gen. fura, -ena, dat. ffirum ; sulh, gen. sfiles (note 1), 
 plur. gen. suhi, dat. sulum ; Sruh, dat. plur. Srum; later also nom. 
 ace. sul (sul?), dat. syl."(syl?), without h. 
 
 Note 4. ac as the name of the rune has nom. ace. plur. acas. — 
 boc rarely also occurs as neut. ; Cod. Dipl. a.d. 837 has an umlauted 
 dat. plur. boecum. — >vloh belongs here because of the North, plur. 
 wl«h L. (gen. wgloana L.). — burg (burug) has in the gen., etc., 
 byrig, for the old and rare byrg ; later the word inflects also exactly 
 like ben (269), only without umlaut: gen. dat. sing, burge, nom. 
 ace. plur. burge, -a. R.^ has nom. ace. plur. burgas, North, gener- 
 ally K.2 sing. nom. ace. burug, less frequently burg (burig), gen. R.2 
 burge, L. burug, burge, -a, byrig; dat. L. K.^ Rit. byrig, L. R.^ 
 burug, R.2 burge, plur. nom, ace. L. burgas. — dung is conjecturally 
 assigned here on the basis of the unique instance, dat. sing. \>ivre 
 (ling, Andr. 1272, and OIIG. tung. —Beside grut occurs also grytt, 
 declined regularly according to 258. 1. —For <5ruh there occasionally 
 occurs, even in the nom. ace. sing., the umlauted (5ryh. — cu has gen. 
 sing, cu, cue, cy, cus, nom. ace. plur. cy, eye, gen. cua, cuna, cyna. — 
 ea has the form ie only very seldom in the gen. sing, (also eas), more 
 commonly in the dat. sing. ; it usually inflects in the sing., and always 
 in the plur., according to the a-declension : sing, ea, plur. nom. gen. 
 ace. ea, dat. earn, eaum (259, note). — neaht, niht (Angl. na;ht) 
 
DECLENSION OF NOUNS 
 
 209 
 
 and maege(5, maegtJ are invariable in the whole sing, and in the nom. 
 ace. plur. , but niht has also a gen. dat. sing, nihte (neahte, Ps. naehte), 
 and a gen. nihtes (also anes nihtes, etc., Ps. naehtes), used for the 
 most part only adverbially. In North, naeht is sometimes masc. 
 (gen. sing, always naehtes R.^L. Rit.). 
 
 Note 5. Here also belongs the disyllabic mioluc (miolc), miUc 
 (Ps. North, mile), which, beside dat. sing, mioluc, meol(u)c, and 
 meol(u)ce, has also an apparently plural form miolcum. 
 
 Note 6. Feminine names in -burg, like Eadburg, Waerburg, 
 inflect regularly according to the a-declension : gen. dat. ace. -burge. 
 
 Note 7. Certain names of countries and places inflect as conso- 
 nantal feminines: C^nt, C^rt, 1, Wiht, gen. Wihte, dat. ace. Wiht, etc. 
 Most foreign names of places are indeclinable, and cannot be assigned 
 to any particular gender. Uninflected forms of native names are more 
 infrequent: set Exanceaster, act Wynnefeld, aet Manne9orp, aet 
 Folcstan, etc. 
 
 2. STEMS IN -r 
 
 285. The names of relationship in -r : fgetler, father ; 
 broSTor, brother ; nioclor, mother ; dohtor, daughter ; 
 sweostor, swuster, sister (together with the plur. tant. 
 g-ebroSTor, brethren^ and g-esweostor, sisters)^ are thus 
 inflected in WS. and Kent. : 
 
 
 Sing. N. V. A. faeder 
 
 G. faeder, 
 
 D. I. faeder 
 
 -(e) res 
 
 broSor 
 brooor 
 breSer 
 
 
 
 Plur. N: V. A. faed(e)ras 
 G. faed(e)ra 
 D. I. f8ed(e)ruin 
 
 bro?Jor, -tfru 
 
 bro3ra 
 
 bro?Jrum 
 
 Sing. 
 
 N. V. A. modor 
 
 G. modor 
 
 D. I. meder 
 
 dohtor 
 dohtor 
 dehter 
 
 
 sw^eostor 
 sweostor 
 sweostor 
 
 Plur. 
 
 N. V. A. (modru), -a 
 
 G. modra 
 D. I. modrum 
 
 ( dohtor 
 I -tru, -tra 
 dohtra 
 dohtrum 
 
 
 sw^eostor 
 
 sw^eostra 
 sweostrum 
 
210 INFLECTION 
 
 Note 1. Instead of -or is not infrequently found -er (but -or is 
 never found for -er where -or is given above); rarely -ar. 
 
 Note 2. Syncope of e in the polysyllabic cases of faeder is peculiar 
 to E WS. ; later the e becomes regular. 
 
 Note 3. In LWS. a gen. sing, meder, dehter, sometimes occurs, 
 like the dat. , and conversely a dat. broker, dohter, -or, v^^ithout umlaut. 
 
 Note 4. In the other dialects the declension is as follows : 
 
 a) Ps. sing. nom. ace. feder, gen. feadur, dat. feder, plur. nom. 
 ace. fedras (feddras), gen. fedra (feddra), dat. feadrum (feodrum, 
 fedriiin); R.i nom. ace. faeder, gen. faeder, fader; faederes, dat. 
 faeder, plur. gen. faedera ; North. : R.2 nom. ace. faeder, feder, fader, 
 gen. faed(e)res, faeder, faedur, fader, dat. feder, faeder, faedre, plur. 
 nom. ace. faedras, gen. faedra, dat. faedriim ; L. nom. ace. faeder, 
 fader, gen. faderes (faederes), fad(e)res, fader, dat. faeder, -ir, 
 feder, fader, federe, plur. nom. ace. faderas, fadero, gen. fadera, 
 dat. fad(e)ruin; Rit. nom. ace. faeder (feder, fader), gen. faderes 
 (fader?), dat. feder (faeder), plur. gen. fadera, faedera, dat. 
 faederum. The poetry has a sporadic dat. sing, faedere. 
 
 b) Ps. nom. ace. broSur, dat. broe'ffer, plur. nom. ace. broSur, 
 dat. broSrum ; R.^ nom. ace. gen. dat. broker, plur. nom. ace. 
 broj^er, bro]7re, broejjre, dat. broJ»ruin; North. R.^ nom. ace. 
 broker, -er, gen. bro?Jer, dat. broker, -er, plur. nom. ace. broker, -er, 
 bro'd're, dat. broSrum, -em ; L. nom. ace. brother, gen. bro3(e)res, 
 broker, dat. bro9(e)re, brother, brfletJre, broeSer, plur. nom. aec. 
 bro9(e)re, bro5(e)ra, bro'(5re, broker, gen. brodra, brotJere, dat. 
 broSrum; Rit. broSer-, plur. nom. ace. bro(5re, dat. broSruni. 
 
 c) Ps. sing. nom. ace. modur, gen. modiir, inoeder; R.i sing. nom. 
 gen. dat. meder; North.: R.^ sing. nom. ace. meder, gen. meder, -er, 
 mwder, dat. moeder, meder, plur. ace. meder; L. sing. nom. ace. 
 meder, gen. mod(e)res, mcederes, meder, dat. meder, moeder, 
 plur. ace. modere ; Rit. sing. nom. meder, dat. moeder. 
 
 d) Ps. sing. nom. ace. dehtur, gen. doehter, plur. nom. ace. 
 dehtur, gen. dohtra ; RA sing. nom. ace. dehter; North.: R.^ 
 sing. nom. dat. ace. dehter, plur. nom. dehter, dat. dehtrum ; 
 L. sing. nom. ace. dehter, dat. dehter, doehter, plur. nom. dehtere, 
 dat. dehterum ; Rit. sing. ace. dehter, plur. nom. dehtere. 
 
 e) R.i sing. nom. swuster, plur. nom. swoester, swuster; North.: 
 R.2 sing. nom. aec. gen. 8>vester, plur. nom. ace. swester, s^vestre ; 
 L. sing. nom. ace. suoester, siBstor, gen. dat. siioester, plur. nom. 
 aec. suoester, suoostre, soostre; Rit. plur. dat. soosternum. 
 
DECLENSION OF NOUNS 211 
 
 3. STEMS IN -nd 
 
 286. To this group belong present participles used as 
 nouns (for the inflection of the participles themselves 
 see 305; 306). Paradigms of the masculines: freond, 
 friend; h^tteiid, enemy. 
 
 Sing. N. V. A. freond h^ttend 
 
 G. freondes h^ttendes 
 
 D. friend, freonde h^ttende 
 
 I. freonde h^ttende 
 
 Plur. N. V. A. friend, freond h^ttend, -de ; -das 
 
 G. freonda h^ttendra 
 
 D. I. freondum h^ttendum 
 
 Like freond (EWS. also fi-iond; Ps. R.i freond, 
 North, freond, friond L. R.^, friond Kit.) are declined 
 feond, enemy (EWS. also fiond, Ps. R.^ feond, fiond, 
 plur. also fienda, -um Ps. ; North, fiond R.^ L. Rit., 
 L. also once fiend ; WS. plur. fiend, feond, gen. 
 feonda, beside the plurals g-efriend, mutual friends; 
 g-efiend, mutual enemies) ; g"oddond, henef actor (plur. 
 g-oddend El. 359). The disyllables, like ag-end, oivner; 
 demendf judge ; H^elend, N^rg-end, Savior; Tvealdend, 
 ruler; wigend, warrior^ are all declined like h^ttend, 
 that is, take the adj. ending in the gen. plur. 
 
 Note 1. In WS. prose the dat. sing, is still rather frequently 
 friend, fiend, etc. , even in LWS. , while on the other hand the poetry 
 has only the forms freonde, f eonde (probably Anglian ; there is only 
 one frionde (L.) recorded in Ps. North.), feond, enemy, has a dat. 
 feonde. The nom. plur. in Ps. is freond, feond, fiond (159. 5), and 
 so occasionally in WS. texts; R.i has feondas, f iondas ; North. E.^ 
 friondas, freondas, -e; L. freondas, friondas, freonde, and R.^L. 
 Rit. fiondas (also L. fiondes), and so frequently in the poetry 
 freondas, feondas. 
 
212 INFLECTION 
 
 Note 2. The commonest forms for the nom. ace. plur. of poly- 
 syllables are h^ttend and the adjective-formation h<^ttende; a few 
 soon take in the prose the ending -das : ^vealdeudas, lufiendas, 
 tefterfylgendas already in Alfred ; a few also occur in the poetry : 
 byrgondas, ehtendas. In late texts there is occasionally found a 
 new formation of the whole plural on the basis of the genitive : 
 wealdendras, wealdendra, Avealdendrum. 
 
 287. Feminines are rare, and probably, with the excep- 
 tion of swelg-end, whirlpool^ confined to the strictly 
 scholastic literature : iQiidbiiend, female settler; STeos 
 wealdeiid, female ruler; STeos feond, female enemy 
 (translating hcec proesul^ hostis); timhrend^ female builder, 
 etc. Nothing certain can be determined respecting their 
 declension. 
 
 Note, swelgend has a dat. ace. sing, swelgende, and therefore 
 has gone completely over to the a-declension ; besides, it occurs later 
 as neuter and masculine. 
 
 4. STEMS IN -OS, -es 
 
 288. These correspond to the Gr. neuters in -09, Lat. 
 -W8, -eris. In OE. they are quite limited in number, since 
 the most of the words which originally belonged here have 
 entirely lost the s of the suffix, and have therefore passed 
 over to other declensions, and sometimes to other genders. 
 
 Note 1. Here probably belong all the older neuters of the OE. 
 i-declension, both the short stems, like sporo, sifo, gedyre (263. 2), 
 and the long stems, like fliSsc, hjel, gehield, etc. (267. a); cf. also 
 I^mb, ca?lf (290, note 1); then, with change of gender, the masculines 
 b^re, ^ge, h^tc, sige (263, note 4), and the long stems hla^w (hlaw), 
 barrow; hrSew (hriiw), cofpse; gSest (gast), spirit; North, doeg, 
 day. In these words the suffixal s lias been lost according to 182 ; 
 the vowel was retained after short stems as i, e, while it disappeared 
 after long stems (133). The second form of the suffix, containing 
 o, a, has left traces in certain uuunilauted words, which coexist with 
 
DECLENSION OF NOUNS 213 
 
 those that exhibit umlaut; as, for elxample, gefog, geheald (267, 
 note 1), hlaw, hraw, gast (250, note 1). Other words which no 
 doubt belong here are felt, felt; sael, hall (263, note 3); helt, hilt 
 (beside hilt, 267. a). 
 
 Note 2. For by-forms in r, cf. 289, note 2. 
 
 The words which have preserved at least traces of 
 the suffixal s fall into two classes : 
 
 289. The first class comprises those words which retain 
 under all circumstances the suffixal s as r: salor, hall; 
 liocor (?), derision ; stulor, theft ; dogor, day ; eagor, 
 %ea ; grandor, crime; liMor, salvation ; lirytTer* (subse- 
 quently also liruiSrer), cattle ; wilder (beside wildeor, 
 wilddeor, transformed by popular etymology), beast; 
 ear, ear qf corn (from * aliiir, North, also ^lier, selilier). 
 
 These words have, in the main, passed over to the 
 o-declension, and hence are declined according to 238; 
 244 ; 245 ; yet there sometimes occurs a dat. instr. sing, 
 without ending : dog-or, lialor, hroSTor, sig-or, North. 
 ^lier, sehher, beside frequent dog- (o) re, hroSTre, etc. 
 Plural forms are dogor, hrySferu, wildru, ear (North. 
 ^liera and ^hras). 
 
 Note 1. The gender of salor, liocor, eager, grander, halor is 
 
 not to be determined from OE. alone; yet etymology and analogy 
 justify us in considering them as neuters ; sigor, victory^ that likewise 
 belonged here, has, like slge, become masculine, eagor and grander 
 are scarcely found save as the first element of compounds. 
 
 Note 2. By-forms without r are common (288) : sael — saler ; 
 eag- — eager ; hSl — haler ; hri?F- (in compounds like hritniiorde, 
 hrrSfald) — hrrSer ; North, doeg — doger ; sige — siger masc. 
 
 Note 3. The older suffixal s may possibly be preserved in Hens- 
 in the word Hensbroe, the name of a place, if the form corresponds to 
 ON. hoens, hens; then, with metathesis, in tJriistfel, leprosy. Goth. 
 ]7riitsfill ; perhaps hOsc, hux, derision (for *liucs), should likewise be 
 associated with hecer. 
 
214 INFLECTION 
 
 290. The second class is formed by a few words 
 which, with individual exceptions, have cast off the r 
 in the singular, but retain it in the plural. Here belong 
 especially the words iQinb, lamb; cealf, calf; seg, egg. 
 The declension is : 
 
 Sing. 
 
 N. A. 
 
 Igmb 
 
 cealf 
 
 aeg 
 
 
 G. 
 
 iQinbes 
 
 cealfes 
 
 seges 
 
 
 D. I. 
 
 l9mbe 
 
 cealfe 
 
 sege 
 
 Plur. 
 
 N. A. 
 
 iQmbru 
 
 cealfru 
 
 aegru 
 
 
 G. 
 
 iQinbra 
 
 cealfra 
 
 aegra 
 
 
 D.I. 
 
 Igmbrum 
 
 cealfrum 
 
 segrum 
 
 Note 1. The sing, of these words frequently has i-umlaut; so 
 always Ps. ea;lf, North, caelf and c^lf L., and more rarely (Rit.) l^mb 
 as well as Igmb (288, note 1 ; the umlaut of ieg depends, on the 
 other hand, on the internal g). Beside Ipmb there is a sing. l9mbor, 
 and beside aeg a longer form ^ger- in segerfelma, egg-skin, aegergelu, 
 yolk. In Ps. the nom. ace. plur. is also calfur, iQinbur, beside calf- 
 em, iQinberu (but gen. l9mbra). North. R.2 Ipmbor, L. l9mb(o)ro, 
 Ipmbor, Rit. calfero. In LWS. the whole plural is frequently formed 
 without r ; lamb, gen. lainba, dat. lanibuin, etc. ; and there is even 
 a masc. plur. cealfas. 
 
 Note 2. cild, child, is in general declined like word (238), and 
 hence has plur. cild, etc. (North, also cildo); yet sometimes there 
 occurs a plur. cildru, -eru, gen. cildra (the latter also in R.i). ^:ifric 
 has, as a rule, plur. nom. ace. cild, gen. cildra, dat. cildum. More- 
 over, cild is now and then masc. in North. , and then forms the plur. 
 cildas, -es (beside cUdo, gen. cilda, dat. cildum ; Rit. plur. cildo, 
 gen. cildra, cildena, R.^ cild). 
 
 Note 3. Isolated forms belonging under this head are nom. ace. 
 plur. breadru, crumbs, from bread, bread; hsemedru, from hsemed, 
 coitus; leower, lewera, from leow (Cod. Dipl. lauiw), ham; gen. plur. 
 speldra, from speld, torch (dat. plur. miSdrum, from *ma?d, meas- 
 ure?); North. L. st«ner, R.2 stSnere, plur. of masc. stan, stone; 
 of short stems the plur. scerero, -ore, -urii, shears Ep. Erf. Corp., 
 belonging with scear, plowshare, which is regularly declined accord- 
 ing to 238, besides the plur. tant. haiteru, garment. 
 
DECLENSION OF ADJECTIVES 215 
 
 CHAPTER II. DECLENSION OF 
 ADJECTIVES 
 
 291. The Germanic adjective has a twofold declen- 
 sion — the strong and the weak. The latter was newly 
 formed in Germanic, while the former originally corre- 
 sponded to the adjective- and substantive-declension of 
 the cognate languages. 
 
 Most adjectives may be declined in either way; the 
 employment of the one or the other depends chiefly 
 upon syntactical considerations. The weak form is 
 generally employed after the article (337), and whenever 
 the adjective is employed as a noun; the strong form is 
 assigned to the predicate adjective, and to the attribu- 
 tive adjective when used without the article (Lichten- 
 held. Das Schwache Adj. im Ags., ZfdA. 16. 325 ff.). 
 
 Note 1. Of the strong declension are all the pronouns except 
 self(a) and se ilea (339); the cardinal numbers from 2 upwards, so 
 far as they are declined like adjectives (324 ff.); o?Jer, the second 
 (328); and a number of adjectives like call, all; genog, enough; 
 inQnig, many. Of the w^eak declension are the comparatives, the 
 superlatives in -ma, and the ordinals from 3 upward. 
 
 Note 2. The adjectives W9ii(a), wanting^ and ge-wuna, wont., are 
 for the most part indeclinable and restricted to predicative use ; yet 
 in a few instances they are declined as strong. 
 
 A. STRONG DECLENSION 
 
 292. The strong adjective-declension in Germanic 
 has in many respects departed from its original form 
 (which, as has been remarked, was identical with the 
 
216 INFLECTION 
 
 noun-declension) and become assimilated to that of 
 the pronouns. By this means the distinctions of the 
 three vowel-declensions, once possessed alike by adjec- 
 tive and noun, have been in great measure obscured. 
 Only one vowel-declension remains clearly marked, that 
 of the o-stems (with the feminines in -a, as in the case 
 of the noun, 235). As with the noun, the jo- and wo- 
 stems form subdivisions. Of the i- and u-declensions 
 only scanty remains have been preserved in the nom. 
 (302 ; 303). 
 
 1. PURE o-STEMS 
 
 293. Here again we are called upon to distinguish 
 between short and long stems, polysyllables and mon- 
 osyllables. The discrepancies of the paradigms are 
 conditioned by the laws concerning final sounds and 
 syncopation. As a paradigm for the short stems we 
 may take hwaet, active ; for the long stems, g"od, good ; 
 for polysyllables, halig-, holy. The variations from the 
 noun-declension are indicated in 1) and 2) by italics : 
 
 
 1) Short Steins 
 
 
 
 
 Masc. Neut. 
 
 Fem. 
 
 
 Sing. N. V. 
 
 hwaet hwaet 
 
 hw^atu, 
 
 -o 
 
 G. 
 
 hwates 
 
 hwcBtre 
 
 
 D. 
 
 hwatum 
 
 hwoctre 
 
 
 A. 
 
 hwcBtne hwaet 
 
 hwate 
 
 
 I. 
 
 hu'atc 
 
 
 
 ir. N.V. A. 
 
 hwate hwatu, -o 
 
 hwata, 
 
 -e 
 
 G. 
 
 hwcetra 
 
 
 
 D. 1. 
 
 hwatum 
 
 
 
DECLENSION OF ADJECTIVES 
 
 217 
 
 2) Long Stems 
 
 Sing. N. V. 
 
 god 
 
 god 
 
 god 
 
 G. 
 
 godes 
 
 
 godre 
 
 D. 
 
 goduni 
 
 
 godre 
 
 A. 
 
 godne 
 
 god 
 
 gode 
 
 I. 
 
 gode 
 
 
 
 Plur. N. V. A. 
 
 gode 
 
 god 
 
 goda 
 
 G. 
 
 
 godra 
 
 
 D.I. 
 
 
 godum 
 
 
 3) Polysyllables 
 
 Sing. N. V. halig balig 
 
 G. halges 
 
 D. halgum 
 
 A. haligne halig 
 
 I. halge 
 
 Plur. N. V. A. halge 
 
 G. 
 D.I. 
 
 haligu, -o ; 
 halgu, -o ; halig 
 haligra 
 halgum 
 
 ( haligu, -o ; 
 
 ( halgu, -o ; halig 
 
 haligre 
 
 haligre 
 
 halge 
 
 halga, -e 
 
 Note 1. The -u of the nom. sing. fern, and nom. ace. plur. neut. 
 of the short stems and polysyllables : hwatu, haligu, is in general 
 older than the -o : hwato, haligo. 
 
 Note 2. In very old (Kent. ?) texts, the dat. sing. masc. and neut. 
 sometimes ends in -em : minem, etc. The -um of the same case, 
 and of the dat. plur. of all genders, afterwards passes into -un, -on, 
 -an: godan, halgan, etc. (237, note 6). 
 
 Note 3. In LWS. even the long stems sometimes take the ending 
 -u in the nom. ace. plur. neut.; but generally the nom. ace. plur. 
 neut. is replaced by the forms of the masc: hwate, gode, halge, 
 for hwatu, god, haligu, halig. 
 
 Note 4. The r-cases — the gen. dat. sing. fern, and the gen. plur. — 
 have generally no middle vowel in EWS., even after short stems, con- 
 trary to the rule of 144. In LWS., on the other hand, -ere, -era 
 become more and more the rule, without regard to the quantity; 
 
218 INFLECTION 
 
 sumere, siimera, like godere, godera, etc.; -re, -ra remain only in 
 the case of polysyllables : haligre, etc. 
 
 Note 5. In North, the gen. sing. masc. and neut. also ends in -aes, 
 and the gen. dat. sing. fem. in -rae ; the nom. plur. has the ending -e, 
 more rarely -a;, but very frequently (especially in Rit.) -o. 
 
 294. Like liwset are declined the few OE. adjectives 
 with a short stem, like til, usefu l ; sum, a certain ; liol, 
 hollow ; dol, dull ; t^m, tame ; b»er, hare ; blsec, hlack ; 
 grlaed, glad ; liraed, speedy ; laet, late ; waer, wary ; as 
 well as the compounds in -sum, -some, and -lie, -ly. 
 
 Note 1. The paradigm hwaet shows at the same time the modifi- 
 cations which the radical vowel se undergoes, according to 49 ; 50. 
 In distinction from the noun, the vowel ae is here actually limited, 
 as a rule, to forms with a closed radical syllable : hwaet — hwates, 
 in contrast with daeg — daeges, faet — faetes, etc. Yet there are many 
 irregularities: straec (beside strec; or striec ?), obstinate, and hraeS, 
 hraed, nimble, often preserve the ae in an oj^en syllable, even before a 
 guttural vowel, as in straecum ; blaec, black, has usually a in a closed 
 radical syllable in LWS. : blac, blacne, blacre, blacra (or Mac, etc.); 
 so less frequently in the case of other adjectives. 
 
 Note 2. In Ps. the adjectives in -sum have, not -siimu, but -sum 
 in the nom. sing. fem. (Zeuner, p. 138). In the older period, -lec- 
 often stands for -lie before a vocalic ending. 
 
 295. Like g-od are declined the majority of the OE. 
 adjectives : oald, old ; lial,' whole ; lieah, high ; rof, 
 vigorous ; fyrn, old (originally an i-stem, as the umlaut 
 shows), and many others. 
 
 Note 1. Words in h, like <5weorh, transverse; gafenvh, farrowing; 
 sceolh, squinting (only weak sceola); fah, hostile; flah, deceitful; 
 gemah, importunate; heah, high; hreoh, rough; s<*eoh, shy; toh, 
 tough; geAvIoh, adorned; avoIi, wrong; riih, rough, drop the h in 
 polysyllabic forms; those having a vowel before the li contract, for 
 the most part, according to 110 ff. ; hence tJweorh — Sweores (218 ; 
 242; Ps. "flwerh according to 164. 1, but dat. sing. ?J^veoru^n, weak 
 Sweora, with u- and o/a-umlaut after loss of the h, Zeuner, p. 85), 
 
DECLENSION OF ADJECTIVES 219 
 
 but -woh, nom. sing. fern, wo (for *wohu), gen. etc. wos, wo(u)in, 
 wone, wo, plur. wora, w^o(u)in, fern, w^ore, etc. The ace. sing, of 
 heah is generally heanne, more rarely heane, very seldom heahne, 
 gen. dat. sing. fem. hearre, gen. plur. hearra, beside heare, heahre, 
 and heara, heahra (222. 2); dat. heam and heaum; Angl. heh 
 (163), but dat. beam from *hehuin, ace. heane (165, note 3), weak 
 hea from * heha, as in WS. ruh has gen. riiw^es, etc. (cf . 116, note). 
 
 In L WS. forms with -g- are very general instead of the contracts : 
 heages, heagum, heage; woges, wogum, woge; likewise ruges, 
 etc., for rti-wes. This is not to be regarded as grammatical change 
 (234), but as a result of analogy from adjectives like genoh — genoges, 
 whose h was derived from older g (214. 1). 
 
 Note 2. Words ending in a geminated consonant, like grimm, 
 fierce; still, quiet; iv^nn, dusky; dlmm, dark; deall, proud; eall, 
 ally simplify the geminate (231) before any termination beginning with 
 a consonant, and, as a rule, when final: grim(in), grirnme, grimre, 
 grimra, but grimmes, grimmum, etc. Nevertheless, 11 often remains 
 before consonants : eallre, ealira, eallne, etc. 
 
 296. To the polysyllables, which are declined like 
 lialig- (North, also liselig-), belong especially the deriva- 
 tives in -ig-Jike eadig^ fortunate ; fEmig^ foamy ; hreiiiig", 
 clamorous ; iiKjnig', many a (North, also m^iiig-) ; in -el, 
 -ol, like lytel, little ; micel, large ; yfel, evil ; hnitol, 
 pushing with the horns ; sticol, sharp; sweotol, manifest ; 
 in -er, -or, like fseg-er, f^g-er, fair ; biter, bitter, bitter ; 
 snotor, snottor, wise ; in -en, like li^STen, heathenish ; 
 g-ilpen, boastful; besides the adjectives denoting mate- 
 rial, like g-yldeii, golden; iren, iron; stienen, stone; 
 the past part, of verbs (306), and many others. 
 
 Note 1. The short-stemmed adjectives of this class, like niQiiig, 
 micel, yfel, and many past participles, like eoren, boren, slaegen, 
 etc. , generally form the nom. sing. fem. and the nom. ace. plur. neut. 
 without ending (sporadically with u in the final syllable, like Cura Past. 
 micul, large; hefiig, heavy); yet there are also forms like mpnigu, 
 yfelu, etc. in early texts like the Cura Past., and especially in Ps., 
 where they are commoner than those without ending. 
 
220 INFLECTION 
 
 Note 2. The polysyllables with the first syllable short retain the 
 middle vowel, in all forms, whenever it is old (144): sweotoles, 
 sweotole ; but not always when it arose from syllabic r in the form 
 without ending: fa»geres and faegres (fSgres ?), etc. On the con- 
 trary, micel is always treated like a long stem, and yfel very fre- 
 quently so ; that is, they undergo syncope of the middle vowel : micles, 
 yfles, etc. In the case of the long stems, syncope does nat take 
 place in the trisyllabic forms of the nom. sing. fem. and nom. ace. 
 plur. in the earlier period ; hence only haligii, lytelu (beside sporadic 
 forms with u, like reotugu, lachrymose; lytulu), not halgu ; not till 
 later do we encounter forms like eowru, hliitru, etc. In the other 
 forms having a termination beginning with a vowel, the long stems 
 should always underg6 syncope ; frequently, however, the middle vowel 
 has again forced an entrance from the unsyncopated forms, the fre- 
 quency increasing with the lateness of the period. Most irregular 
 of all are the adjectives in -ig (which often appears before a vocalic 
 ending as -eg-). The fewest instances of syncope occur in the past 
 participles in -en. 
 
 Note 3. The accusative ending -ne is attached immediately to the 
 adjectives in -en, and the endings -re, -rato those in -er: gyldenne, 
 irenne ; faegerre, snotterra, etc. Now and then, especially in later 
 OE., the nn, rr are simplified to n, r (231. 4). Occasionally, even 
 in LWS., syncope of the middle vowel occurs after a long radical 
 syllable : oSre, 69ra, etc. (145, and note). 
 
 2. jo-STEMS 
 
 297. Stems originally short, like mid, middle ; nji:, 
 useful; gesib, related (cf. Goth, midjis, g-asibjis), are 
 declined in all respects like the pure o-stems ending in 
 a geminated consonant (295, note 2): mid, gen. middes, 
 fem. midre, etc. 
 
 Note 1. niwe (niewc), new (Goth, niujis), with its by-form neowe 
 (100, note 2; 159. 5), which originally belonged here, has -e in the 
 nom. like the long stems, and retains its w even before consonants : 
 niwnc, nivv^re, niwra ; or neo>vne, etc. 
 
 Note 2. frio, free, free, Ps. frea, stem * frija- (114. 2 ; 166, 
 note 6), contracts the vowel of the root with that of the suffix in the 
 
DECLENSION OF ADJECTIVES 221 
 
 nom. sing., but originally retained the uncontracted form in the poly- 
 syllabic cases : frio, gen. friges, dat. frigum, plur. frige, etc. Yet 
 forms modeled directly on the contract nom. are frequent (and virtu- 
 ally the rule in WS.): gen. dat. sing. fem. friore, gen. plur. friora, 
 ace. sing. masc. frione, nom. ace. plur. masc. frio, etc. A nom. freoh, 
 together with (uii)gebleoh, beside (un)gebleo, {dis)colored (from the 
 stem *blija-, 247, note 3), is found rather frequently in LWS., being 
 modeled on the words in h (295, note 1), 
 
 298. Stems originally long take -e in the nom. sing, 
 masc. and neut. ; they have -u, -o in the nom. sing. fem. 
 and nom. ace. plur. neut. ; in other respects they are 
 declined like the pure o-stems. Paradigm : grcDe, green. 
 
 Masc. Neut. Fem. 
 
 Sing. N. V. grene grene grenu, -o 
 
 grenre 
 grenre 
 grene 
 
 G. 
 D. 
 A. 
 
 I. 
 
 grenes 
 grenum 
 grenne 
 
 grene 
 
 grene 
 
 Plur. N. V. A. 
 G. 
 
 D. i. 
 
 grene 
 
 grenu, -o 
 
 grenra 
 
 grenum 
 
 grena, -e 
 
 Note. Words with mute + liquid or nasal before the e, like gifre, 
 greedy; syfre, sober; fsecne, malicious, insert a vowel before the r, n 
 when an unlike consonant follows : syferne, feecenra ; on the other 
 hand, ace. sing. masc. fsecne for *faecnne, gen. plur, syfra for 
 *syfrra, etc. 
 
 Adjectives ending in -nne, like ginne, spacious; (Jynne, thin, do 
 not add n in the ace. sing. masc. : ginne, ?f>Tine. 
 
 299. This declension is followed by a tolerably large 
 number of OE. adjectives. Examples : bliSTe, friendly ; 
 breme, famous ; cene, hold ; cyme, comely ; clierne, 
 secret ; dryg-e, dry ; f^cne, deceitful ; grifre, greedy ; 
 ierre, angry ; sefte, soft; swete, sweet; syfre, sober; then 
 verbal adjectives like g-^ng"e, current; g-en^nie, accept- 
 able ; those in -ede (rarely -ode, OS. -odi), like healede, 
 
222 INFLECTION 
 
 herniosus ; hocede, hooked ; hoferede, humpbacked ; 
 those in -ihte (very rarely -iht, LWS. also -ihtig-), like 
 stsenihte, staiiihte, stony ; Sfyrnihte, thorny ; and the 
 numerous ones in -bsere, like waestnib^re, /rwz0^Z. 
 
 Note 1. A few adjectives fluctuate between this declension and 
 that of the simple o-stems: smelt and smylte, serene; strQug and 
 strange, strong ; united and unlsede, wretched. Beside sefte, LWS. 
 has softe, without umlaut (by analogy with the adv. softe, 315, note 3). 
 
 Note 2. Not a few adjectives have been transferred to this from 
 the i- or u-declension (302 ; 303). 
 
 3. wo-STEMS 
 
 300. The words with a single consonant before the w 
 vocalize the latter when final to -u, -o (-a), and before 
 a consonantal ending to -o. Here belong, for example : 
 earu, active ; gearu, ready ; niearu, tender ; nearu, nar- 
 row ; calu, callow ; falu, fallow ; salu, sallow ; g-eolu, 
 yellow ; basu, be(o)su, brown ; hasu, gray^ and probably 
 cylu (cylew), spotted; *inedu, in medewa win, must. 
 They are declined as follows : 
 
 
 Masc. Neut. 
 
 Fem. 
 
 Sing. N. V. 
 
 gearu, -o gearu, -o 
 
 gearu, -o 
 
 G. 
 
 gearwes 
 
 gearore 
 
 D. 
 
 gearwum 
 
 gearore 
 
 A. 
 
 gearone gearu, -o 
 
 gearwe 
 
 I. 
 
 gearwe 
 
 
 ir. N. V. A. 
 
 geanve gearu, -o 
 
 gearwa, -e 
 
 G. 
 
 gearora 
 
 
 D. I. 
 
 gearwum 
 
 
 Note. A middle vowel frequently stands before the vf: gearuwe, 
 gearowe, gearewum, etc. LWS. frequently generalizes the w: 
 gearuw^, gear(u)wiie, gear(u)wre, gear(ii)wra, etc. Of sporadic 
 occurrence are also forms like baswere, basiie, basum, etc. 
 
DECLENSION OF ADJECTIVES 223 
 
 301. Words with a long vowel or diphthong before 
 the w usually retain the latter in all cases, and hence 
 conform in all respects to the declension of the simple 
 o-stems. Examples : slaw, slow; g-edeaw, dewy ; g"leaw, 
 prudent; hnesLW, miserly ; liresiw, raw ; geseaw^ juicy ; 
 (g'e)lileow, sheltered; reow, rough; cTeow, serving (in 
 aceow man, wifman, usually declined weak) ; row, gentle. 
 
 Note 1. The plur. taut, feawe, feiu (Goth, fa-wai), usually con- 
 tracts in the poetry to fea, dat. feani (feaum), and so in Ps. and 
 elsewhere probably Mercian (Chad) ; EWS. only in the dat. plur. 
 feam, beside feamn, and probably nom. ace. plur. neut. fea (from 
 *fa^vunl, *fawu). Otherwise it is regular in WS. (and R.^), except 
 that it generally forms its nom. ace, as feawa, following fela (275). 
 The word is wanting in L. Rit. R.^. 
 
 Note 2. The w is lost by contraction in w-ea, wretched, if this 
 belongs to OHG. we-w'^o, etc. (118, note 1) ; on (uii)gebleo, {dis)colored, 
 see 297, note 2. Otherwise forms without w are only occasional, like 
 ace. reone, from reow. 
 
 4. i-STEMS 
 
 302. Of short stems only a few relics are left : bryce, 
 fragile ; swice, deceitful ; fr^iue, strenuous ; g-eniyne, 
 mindful (beside g-eniun, of the o-declension). They 
 follow the declension of the originally long jo-stems, 
 like grene (298); that is, they retain the simple con- 
 sonant in all cases, and do not insert j before the vowel 
 ending. Of long stems there belong here only fyrn, 
 ancient (hardly used except as the adverbial neuter, ' for- 
 merly '), and perhaps lyt, little^ in lythwon, a little; gen. 
 lytes in the adv. lytis-na, lytes-na, lytestne, almost. 
 
 Note. The other long i-stems, whose i ought properly to be dropped 
 when there is no case-ending, have passed over to the declension of 
 the long jo-stems: bryce, useful; swete, sweet; blitJe, friendly; 
 gedefe, suitable; gemaene, common; compare Goth, bruks, suts, 
 blei]7S, gadofs, gamains. 
 
224 INFLECTION 
 
 5. u-STEMS 
 
 303. The only certain relics of the adjective u-declen- 
 sion are wlacii, tepid, beside wlaec, from which latter alone 
 all the cases but the nom. sing, (and ace. sing, neut.) are 
 formed, together with WS. c(w)ucu, living (for * cwiocii, 
 71), Ps. ? (only nom. plur. cwice) North. R.^ L. cwic 
 (164. 2), poetry cwic(u), beside rare forms of c(w)ucu. 
 
 Note 1. The form in -u stands for the nom. sing, and plur. of 
 all genders, for the ace. sing. fem. and ace. sing. plur. neut., and 
 for the weak nom. sing. Otherwise nothing is found of the regular 
 u-declension but the ace. sing. masc. cucune, -one, also cucunne, 
 cuconne (231, note 3), and further c(w)ucene, c(-\v)ucenne, also 
 cwicen(n)e. All the other forms, and so frequently the ace. sing, 
 masc, are formed as if from a nom. c(\v)uc or cwic; in pure WS. 
 the forms with inner u greatly predominate. 
 
 Note 2. The long u-stems have mostly gone over to the o- or jo- 
 declension : compare, for example, OE. heard, hard; gleaw, saga- 
 cious^ with Goth, hardus, glaggwus ; ^gle, troublesome; hn^sce (North. 
 L. hn^sc, R.2 plur. hnisca, but R.i nsescum), soft; tw^lfwintre, 
 twelve years old, with Goth, aglus, hnasqus, and twalibwintrus. 
 Occasionally doublets are found: smoS, smooth; strpng, strong; 
 gneatj, miserly, beside smetye, strange, ungnySe (299, note 1). 
 
 B. WEAK DECLENSION 
 
 304. The weak declension of adjectives is the same as 
 that of nouns, except that the gen. plur. is almost always 
 replaced by the strong form -ra. Paradigm : gocla, the 
 good. 
 
 Masc. 
 
 Neut. 
 
 
 Fem. 
 
 Sing. N. V. goda 
 
 gode 
 
 
 gode 
 
 G. 
 
 godan 
 
 
 
 D. I. 
 
 godan 
 
 
 
 A. godan 
 
 gode 
 
 
 goda 
 
 Plur. N. V. A. 
 
 godan 
 
 
 
 G. 
 
 godra, (. 
 
 ■ena) 
 
 
 D.I. 
 
 godiun 
 
 
 
DECLENSION OF ADJECTIVES 225 
 
 Note 1. LWS. occasionally has a nom. sing. masc. in -an, as in 
 se forinan daeg, se teoSan dael. 
 
 Note 2. A gen. plur. in -ena (also rarel}^ -ana, -na), like godena, 
 etc. , perhaps belongs only to scholarly translations like the Cura Past. 
 There are also sporadic moves toward formations in -an (modeled 
 after the other cases in -an) or -a (after the noun-declension). Very 
 rarely do we find in the charters contaminated forms, like haligrana, 
 haligran. 
 
 Note 3. The dat. plur. -an frequently occurs at an early period 
 (thus predominantly in the Cura Past.) instead of -uni: godan, lassan, 
 etc., in advance of its appearance in the dat. of strong adjectives and 
 the dat. plur. of nouns (237, note 6 ; 293, note 2). This is no doubt 
 to be attributed to the influence of the other cases in -an. 
 
 Note 4. In a few words contraction takes place : hea, gen. hean, 
 from heoh ; dat. sing, hreon, from hreoh ; wo, won, from woh, etc. 
 (295, note 1). 
 
 Note 5. The discrepancies of North, are essentially the same as 
 those in the weak declension of nouns (276, note 5). 
 
 C. DECLENSION OF PAETICIPLES 
 
 305. The present participle has adopted in full the jo- 
 declension of adjectives, and may also be inflected as weak. 
 Paradigm of the strong declension : g-iefende, giving. 
 
 
 Masc. Neut. 
 
 Fem. 
 
 Sing. N. V. 
 
 giefende giefende 
 
 giefendu, -o 
 
 G. 
 
 giefendes 
 
 giefendra 
 
 D. 
 
 giefendum 
 
 giefendre 
 
 A. 
 
 glefendne giefende 
 
 giefende 
 
 I. 
 
 giefende 
 
 
 Plur. N. V. A. 
 
 giefende giefendu, -o 
 
 giefenda, -e 
 
 G. 
 
 giefendra 
 
 
 D.I. 
 
 giefendum 
 
 
 Note 1. When used predicatively, the pres. participle is apt to 
 be uninflected : giefende, for giefendu, giefendne (no other cases 
 than nom. ace. in question). 
 
 Note 2. For the declension of the present participle when used as 
 aujuusee 286; 287, 
 
226 INFLECTION 
 
 306. The past participle, like a regular adjective, has 
 both strong and weak declension. Paradigms : the par- 
 ticiples of liatan, call ; ^ceosan, elect ; n^rian, save. 
 
 Weak 
 
 Masc. 
 
 Neut. 
 
 Fem. 
 
 haten 
 
 haten 
 
 hatenu 
 
 ^coren 
 
 deoren 
 
 dcoren(u) 
 
 gen^red 
 
 gen^red 
 
 gen^red(u) 
 
 i'lcorena 
 
 dcorene 
 
 dcorene 
 
 gen^reda 
 
 gen^rede 
 
 gen^rede 
 
 Note 1. The nom. sing. fem. and nom. ace. plur. in -u are rare, 
 and are almost entirely confined to attributive use, even in the case 
 of long stems (296, and note 1). In the predicative position the 
 uninflected form is mostly employed : haten, dcoren, gen^red. 
 
 Note 2. With regard to syncope of vowels at the end of a syllable 
 in polysyllabic forms see 296 (cf. also 402 ; 406). 
 
 D. COMPARISON OP ADJECTIVES 
 1 . COMPARATIVE 
 
 307. The OE. comparative has but one ending, -ra, 
 corresponding both to the Goth, -iza and the Goth. -oza. 
 
 This termination is usually attached to the positive, 
 without any modification of the latter by i-umlaut: 
 earm, poor — earmra ; heard, hard — lieardra ; grlaed, 
 glad — glaedra ; fa?ger, fair — faegerra ; gearo, ready 
 — g-earora (EWS. likewise g-earra, later also gearmvra, 
 cf. 300, note). Only a few form the comparative with 
 i-umlaut, like eald, old — ieldra ; great, great — grietra ; 
 geong, young — gingra (Ps. gingra, beside iungra, 
 gungra. North. R.^ gingra, beside L. giiiiigra; cf. 
 also 157, note 1); sceort, short — scyrtra ; brad, broad — 
 brsedra, beside the usual bradra ; hcali, high — hierra, 
 
DECLENSION OF ADJECTIVES 227 
 
 hyrra (222. 2), beside hiehra and healira (Late Kent, 
 also hegra), Ps. R.^ L. liera, Rit. lierra. 
 
 308. The comparatives are declined like weak adjec- 
 tives (304). 
 
 Note. Now and then there occur compounds with comparison of 
 both elements: l^nglifra, from l9nglife, long-lived; mafealdra, from 
 nipnigfeald, manifold (on l^ng- and ma- see 323 ; compare also 
 Scint. l^ngtogran, prolixiora, and the poetic macraeftigra, beside 
 niacraeftig). 
 
 2. SUPERLATIVE 
 
 309. The shortest form of the superlative ends in -ost 
 (beside -ust, -ast), more rarely in -est : leof, dear — 
 leofost ; heard, hai^d — heardost ; hwaet, sharp — hwat- 
 ost ; rice, rich — ric(e)ost ; but string-, str^ng-e, strong 
 
 — str^ng-est. 
 
 310. The superlative, like the comparative (307), but 
 seldom takes i-umlaut : eald — ieldest ; l<?ng- — l^ng-est ; 
 string" — str^ng-est (Ps. also str^ng-est) ; g^eong- — g'ing-- 
 est (Ps. gung-esta, L. giiigesta, beside g"iung-esta), sceort 
 
 — scyrtest ; heali has hiehst, hyhst, beside heahest, 
 heahst, and lielist, 108. 2 (Ps. R.^ L. Rit. liesta, L. Rit. 
 heista, L. also heig-sta, lieeist (166. 6), EWS. sporadically 
 also hig"est, Kent, hegest). 
 
 Note. These superlatives with umlaut have also a by-form in 
 -ust, -ost : l^ngiist, or occasionally later shortening to -st : gingst, 
 yltst. 
 
 311. With regard to the inflection, the strong declen- 
 sion of superlatives is almost entirely confined to that 
 shorter form in -ost, -est which stands for the nom. 
 
228 
 
 INFLECTION 
 
 voc. sing, and ace. sing. neut. With this exception, 
 strong forms are rare. The superlative usually follows 
 the weak declension. 
 
 The umlaut-forms have either the termination -esta : 
 ieldesta, l^ng-esta, g-ing-esta (syncope also in LWS.: 
 yldsta, l^iig-sta, g"ing"sta, str^ngsta) ; rarely -osta, -usta, 
 as in selosta (312), t^rusta (313), or shortened from the 
 very first to -sta : hiehsta, Iiyhsta ; niehsta, iiylista 
 (for healista, hehsta, etc. see 108. 2). Even those with- 
 out umlaut, ending in -ost, like heardost, leofost, very 
 frequently change the o of this ending into e, as soon 
 as the word receives an additional syllable : lieardesta, 
 leofesta, beside lieardosta, leofosta (129). 
 
 yfel, bad 
 
 
 sella, selra 
 wlersa 
 
 micel, great 
 
 (( 
 
 mara 
 
 lytel, small 
 
 u 
 
 l^ssa 
 
 3. IRREGULAR COMPARISON 
 
 312. In a few adjectives the lack of a regular compara- 
 tive or superlative is supplied by forms from a different 
 root, to which there is no corresponding positive : 
 
 god, good comp. b^t(e)ra, b^ttra sup. b^t(e)st, infl. b^tsta 
 
 selest, -ost, selesta 
 
 (-osta) 
 wlerrest(a) , wiersta 
 inaest(a) 
 l8est(a) 
 
 Note 1. Beside b^test, b^tst (the latter the commonest form in 
 WS. prose), b^tost also occurs (310, note). For ^viersa R.^ North, 
 have wyrsa, for vvierresta Ps. R.^ North, ^vyrresta (156. 4). The 
 neuter noun ma, Ps. R.^ mse, L. maa, mse, belongs with mara, and 
 in like manner sel (older and in L. stoI) with sella, selra (older 
 soelra), better. North, has inast(a), for iiia^st(a). Instead of liest, 
 -a, the only form common in WS. prose, R.i North. R.^ L. have ISsest, 
 -a, and this is also found in the poetry (L. lias also leasest (Rit. only 
 lasest), as in the comp. L. Rit. leassa, beside Ps. R.^ L. Rit. Isessa, 
 
DECLENSION OF ADJECTIVES 
 
 229 
 
 feor, far 
 
 comp. 
 
 fierra 
 
 neah, near 
 
 (( 
 
 nearra 
 
 ser, earlier 
 
 (( 
 
 aerra 
 
 fore, before 
 
 (( 
 
 fur^ra 
 
 R.i lessa). The Kentish Laws have one instance of an ancient form, 
 leeresta, with grammatical change. 
 
 Note 2. Probably ^Ira, the other; ^Icra, the latter^ are isolated 
 comparative forms. 
 
 313. In a number of cases the comparative and super- 
 lative are formed from an adverb or preposition, in 
 default of a corresponding positive : 
 
 sup. fierrest(a) 
 " iiiehst(a), iiyhst(a) 
 " ierest(a) 
 
 " fyrest(a), the first 
 
 Note, feor is sometimes an adj. in poetry ; the Glosses have one 
 example of neagum as an adj. in the dative, from neah. On LWS. 
 iieahst(a), nehst(a), next(a) see 108. 2 ; on Ps. North, nesta (L. also 
 neista) see 166. 6 (but R.i nehsta, nexta, neehsta, nihsta). 
 
 314. From a few words there is formed a superlative 
 with an m-suffix. This is preserved in its simplest 
 form only in forma, the first; medunia, the midmost ; 
 and hindema, the hindmost ; the others have added the 
 regular superlative ending -est, and consequently end 
 in -mest. These formations, like the preceding, are in 
 some cases derived from adverbs and prepositions : 
 
 (sT3, late) 
 
 (laet, late) " 
 
 (inne, within) " 
 
 (ute, without) " 
 
 (ufan, /ro?7i above) " 
 (nio?Jan,/ro7n helowY ' 
 
 (fore, before) " 
 
 (aefter, after) " 
 
 (mid, mid) " 
 
 (nor?J, northward) " 
 
 (su3, southward) " 
 
 (east, eastward) " 
 
 (west, westward) " 
 
 comp. si?fra 
 ' ' laetra 
 
 innerra 
 
 u terra, y terra 
 
 yferra, uferra 
 
 ni?^erra 
 
 fiirSra 
 
 aefterra 
 
 nor^erra, njrrSra ' ' 
 sutJerra, sy (Jerra ' ' 
 easterra ' ' 
 
 westerra " 
 
 sup. sitJemest, si'Sest 
 ' ' Isetemest 
 " inneniest 
 " ut(e)inest, yt(e)inest 
 " yfeinest,iifeinest,yinest 
 " ni(5einest, nio'Semest 
 " forma, fyrmest 
 " aeftemest 
 " midmest 
 
 nortJmest 
 
 sutJmest 
 
 eastmest 
 
 w^estmest 
 
230 INFLECTION 
 
 Note 1. Beside the comparatives in -erra there frequently appear 
 forms with simple r: iniiera, utera, ufera, ni?Jera, etc., and short- 
 ened forms in -ra after a loni,' radical syllable : iniira, ut(t)ra (yttra), 
 aeftra, uorSfra, etc. (145, note ; 231. 4). 
 
 Note 2. Instead of the superlative ending -mest (for -myst cf. 
 44, note 2), the later language often has -maest (rarely -mast), which 
 seems to indicate analogy with the superlative maest. 
 
 Note 3. ymost probably has no etymological relation with yfe- 
 mest, but is to be equated with Goth, auhmists. 
 
 APPENDIX 
 FORMATION OF ADVERBS 
 
 315. Adjectival adverbs have the ending -e: heard, 
 hard — liearde ; soar, true — soSfe ; nearo, narrow — 
 nearwe ; sweotul, manifest — sweotule ; hliitor, clear 
 — hlutre ; vvid, wide — wide. If the adjective itself 
 ends in -e, the adverb is identical with it: clsene, clean; 
 gedefe, suitably. 
 
 Note 1. Thus also a few adverbs in -e, to which there are no 
 corresponding adjectives: «dre, promptly; sQme, likewise; sneome, 
 quickly. 
 
 Note 2. The adverbs of the short-stemmed adjectives with as (294) 
 fluctuate between a and ae : (h)ra3e and (h)raetJe, quickly ; smale and 
 sinaele, finely ? 
 
 Note 3. From sefte, soft; sweto, sweet; myrge, merry ; ^nge, 
 narrow., the adverbs are softe, swote, murge, 9nge (sad), without 
 umlaut (once archaic clane, from claine, p?ire); so smoltlice (316), 
 from smylte, serene; on the other hand, haedre, from hador, bright. 
 The adverb corresponding to god is \vel. 
 
 316. For and beside this formation there is also a form 
 compounded with -lice, -lice : hearde and lieardlice ; 
 
DECLENSION OF ADJECTIVES 231 
 
 soSTe and soi^Tlice ; sweotule and sweotuUice. This 
 mode of formation subsequently increases more and 
 more. 
 
 317. A few adverbs, in part without corresponding 
 adjectives, end in -a: fela, very ; gestra^ formerly ; g-iena, 
 again ; geostra, yesterday ; g-ieta (also g"iet), yet ; 
 sing-ala (also sing-ale and sing-ales), always; sona, 
 soon ; tela, teala, properly ; the numeral adverbs tiiwa, 
 arriwa (331) ; and North. eSrafa, oarara, for which else- 
 where o9'9'e occurs. Whether -hweg-a (344) belongs 
 here is doubtful. 
 
 318. Adverbs are formed from adjectives, and more 
 rarely from other words, by means of the terminations 
 -ung-a, -ing-a, -eng-a. Examples : dearnnng-a, secretly ; 
 eallung-a, entirely ; eawung-a, publicly ; eorring-a, ier- 
 ring-a, angrily ; holing-a, secretly ; wening-a, perhaps. 
 Along with these are formations with -liinga, etc. : 
 g-rundlung-a, -ling-a, completely ; unmyndlung-a, unex- 
 pectedly^ etc. 
 
 Note. The three endings frequently interchange with one another 
 in the same word, without causing any modification of the radical 
 syllable. The greater number exhibit u-umlaut of the stem-vowel, 
 where that is possible ; i-umlaut of the radical syllable is rare, unless 
 the basic word already had the umlaut : aeninga, beside aiiunga, 
 aninga, entirely ; s^ntininga, beside S9mnunga, suddenhj. 
 
 319. The case-forms of adjectives are sometimes 
 employed as adverbs. Accusative adverbs of this sort 
 are : lytel, lyt, little ; grenog, enough ; fyrn, g-efyrn, for- 
 merly ; full, fully ; heah (late also heag-e, 295), high ; 
 ungemet (beside dat. ungemete and gen. ung-enietes), 
 extraordinarily ; and those in -weard, like upweard, 
 
232 INFLECTION 
 
 soarweard. Among genitives are : ealles, altogether ; 
 nealles (nalles, nalas, nalaes, nals), not at all; ^lles 
 otherwise ; inicles, very ; siiiibles, sing-ales, always ; 
 samt^iiges, together; g-earlaiig-es, a year long ; daeg"- 
 laiig-es, all day long ; nihtlaiig-es, all night long ; iiDg-e- 
 wisses, unconsciously; weas (?), by chance; ^iidenies 
 (later ^iidemest), equally ; lytes- in lytesna (E WS. 
 lytisna, LWS. lytestne), ahnost ; the pronominal hwaet- 
 hug-iining-as, • soyneivhat, etc. (344, note 2); several in 
 -weardes, -wards, like upweardes, sTiityweardes ; others 
 with a prepositional prefix like tog-eg-iies, against; 
 tomiddes, in the midst. Datives comprise such as 
 micluin, very ; lytlum, little. 
 
 320. Of nouns, it is especially the gen. in -es (even 
 of feminines), the instr. sing., and the dat. instr. plur., 
 that are employed as adverbs : the genitive, for example, 
 in daegres, by day ; iiilites, by night ; idseg-es, and LWS. 
 J7ydaeg-es, the same day; (uii)9'Qnces, (un)willingly ; 
 Godes (Taiices, thank God ; Avilles, selfwilles, unwilles, 
 {un)willi7igly ; g-ewealdes, of one''s own power ; ung-e- 
 wealdes, unwillingly (these also compounded with 
 adjectives and pronouns) ; iieades, iiiedes, ' needs ; 
 oKTres healfes, on the other side; iiistaepes (beside dat. 
 instaepe), immediately ; and in certain phrases with 
 prepositions and adverbs : to aefenes, in the evening ; 
 to nones, at noon ; to lilites, at dawn ; to g-eflites, 
 emulously ; to niedes, as reward ; to larifes, gratis ; hu 
 gerades, how ; g-ehii ^lles, how else ; liu gearcs, at what 
 time of year ; gen. plur. : hii meta, how ; hu nyta, ivhere- 
 fore ; hurii aciiiga, especially ; senge (Tinga, anyhow ; 
 
DECLENSION OF ADJECTIVES 
 
 233 
 
 nseng-e, nane STing-a, not at all ; serest I5'ing"a, first of all; 
 gene siSTa, once^ etc. (331). The instrumental occurs, 
 for example, in facne, very ; sare (earlier s^re, with 
 i-umlaut, 237, note 2), sorely. The dat. plur. occurs 
 especially in forms ending in -mseluni : dropmselum, 
 drop hy drop ; stunclniselum, now and then. 
 
 Note. Other irregular adverbial phrases, formed of nouDS and 
 prepositions, are here omitted. 
 
 321. Adverbs of place denote rest in, motion towards, 
 and motion from a place. The most important are the 
 following : 
 
 Where ? 
 ^Jser, there 
 hwser, where 
 her, here 
 inne, within 
 lite, without 
 uppe, up 
 
 , below 
 
 , before 
 
 , behind 
 
 , east 
 
 , west 
 
 , north 
 
 , south 
 
 feor(r), far 
 neah, near 
 
 Whither? 
 Sider 
 hwider 
 hider 
 m(ii) 
 tit 
 
 up(p) 
 
 niSor 
 
 forty 
 
 hinder 
 
 east 
 
 west 
 
 nor3 
 
 suS 
 
 feor(r) 
 
 near 
 
 Whence ? 
 Spnan 
 hAV9nan 
 hionan; hine 
 in nan 
 fitan 
 
 uppan, ufan 
 niotJan 
 foran 
 hindan 
 eastan 
 westan 
 nortJan 
 sii^ffan 
 feorran 
 uean 
 
 The missing adverbs of rest are replaced by prepo- 
 sitional compounds like be-nioSTan, be-foran, be eastan, 
 on innan, etc. 
 
 Note 1. Beside the adverbs in -an, there are those in -on, and, 
 in longer form, -ane, -one : ufon, ufane, etc. (in the case of this 
 adverb also ufenan). In North, these adverbs lose the final n : S^na, 
 hwQna, Ufa, etc. 
 
234 INFLECTION 
 
 Note 2. For I5«r, hwter, LWS. has ]7ar, hwar. From hwser 
 are also formed gehwair; aeghwter, agehw^er; (ge)TvelhwSr, 
 w'elgeh\vair, everywhere; ahwaSr, ohwiiT, anywhere; nahwaer, 
 noh\v«r, nowhere^ with their by-forms a^ver, ower, etc. (43, note 4 ; 
 57, note 2; 222. 2; later also awar, etc.). Similar compounds of 
 hwider and hw9naii are aegliAvider, iegh^v9nan and ohwQnan 
 (North, ouiiana), etc. Emphatic by-forms of Q^r and liw^r are 
 Sara (Sara?) and hwara (hwara?), in hwaethwara, little by little. 
 
 Note 3. Beside Sider there is an archaic form Saeder, and beside 
 hider also hidere. Of similar formation is ofere, from above. Hither 
 and thither is designated by hider (end, ne) Sider, beside hidres 
 Saedres (Sidres, sporadically hider Sideres), with the genitive ending; 
 for here and there^ hidenofer and geonofer. 
 
 The comparative of such an adverb of place is found only as an excep- 
 tion : hideror oSSe gyt beheonon, as a translation of Lat. citerius. 
 
 COMPARISON OF ADVERBS 
 
 322. As a rule, no adverbs admit of comparison except 
 those derived from adjectives, their comparative and 
 superlative being identical with those in -or, -ost of 
 the corresponding adjectives : heardor — lieardost ; 
 str^ng-or — strQng-ost ; leoflicor — leoflicost. 
 
 Note, seldan, seldom, has comp. seldor and seldnor; sup. seldost. 
 
 323. A few adverbs have as a comparative a peculiar 
 monosyllabic form, without any special comparative end- 
 ing, but generally distinguished from the positive by 
 i-umlaut. Tliese are : b^t, better ; wiers, wyrs, worne ; ma, 
 iTise, more; Ises, Zess; t«r, earlier ; siST, later ; fieYT^ farther ; 
 l^.ng-, longer ; sel (early and North, sclel), better; seft, 
 softer ; ie<T, easier ; tylg", more tvillingly ; ^iid, before (?) ; 
 exceptionally occurs also nyr, nearer^ beside regular near. 
 To some of these no corresponding positives are found. 
 
 Note. These adverbs correspond to the Goth, adverbs in -is, -s, 
 like batis, seips ; the ending -is, -s, is lost, according to 133 ; 182. 
 
NUMEEALS 235' 
 
 CHAPTER III. NUMERALS 
 
 1 . CARDINALS 
 
 324. The first three numerals are declinable in all 
 cases and genders. 
 
 1. an is declined like a strong adjective, according to the paradigm 
 god (293. 2), but usually takes in the ace. sing. masc. the form aenne 
 (from * anina, * ainina, compare ON. minino on the runic stone of 
 Strand ; the shortening of the vowel in aenne, from senne, is proved 
 by the spelling enne Ps. R.^ R.^ L. Rit. ; but also aenne R.i and more 
 rarely L.), beside later anne; the instr, has tene (so also Ps. Rit.), 
 beside later ane (so also R.^L.). 
 
 Plural forms are found with the meaning only, and in the phrase 
 anra gehwylc, each one ; ana, declined as weak, signifies alone. 
 
 2. 
 
 
 Masc. 
 
 Neut. 
 
 Fem. 
 
 N. A. 
 
 twegen 
 
 tu, twa 
 
 twa 
 
 G. 
 
 
 tweg(e)a, twegra 
 
 
 D. 
 
 
 tw£eni, twam 
 
 
 Note 1. So is declined begen, both: fem. ba, neut. bu, gen. 
 beg(r)a, dat. bteni, bam. The monosyllabic forms of these two 
 words are often used conjointly : masc. fem. ba twa, neut. bu tii 
 (also butwu, buta), dat. bam tw^am. 
 
 For twegen occurs Kent, twoegen; Ps. has twegen, neut. tu, 
 gen. tw^oega; R.i tw^^gen, tTvege(n), tw^a, neut. tu, tw^a, gen. 
 twegra, dat. tw^gem ; North. R.2 twoege, tw^oge (tu ?), fem. tw^a, 
 neut. tuu, twa, tuo, twoeg, gen. tw^oegra, dat. twSm ; L. twoege, -o 
 (tuege, tuoge), tuoeg, tueg, twee, tue, tuu, gen. tuoege, tuoegera 
 (-ara ?), tucera, dat. tw^sem (tuoem), Rit. t>voegi, -o; tuu, gen. 
 twoegra. 
 
 begen has oe when early and in North. : boeg^ R.2 L. (beside bdego 
 L., but begen and ba R.^; fem. ba Rit., neut. bu R.^), gen. bdega 
 Cod. Dipl., dat. bdem (beside btem) Cod. Dipl. (North, b^m L.). 
 
 For begen sometimes occurs later the spelling beggen, which seems 
 to indicate shortening of the e. 
 
•236 INFLECTION 
 
 3. 
 
 Masc. 
 
 Neut. 
 
 Fem. 
 
 
 N. A. Sri, drie, (Sry) 
 
 (JrTo, 3reo 
 
 3rio, 9reo 
 
 
 G. 
 
 Sriora, 3reora 
 
 
 
 D. 
 
 Sri in (Srini) 
 
 
 Note 2. The length of the i in tJrim is established by the fact of 
 gemination only as respects North. (L. ) ; later texts have also Jrym, 
 J^reoni. 
 
 Ps. has only (nom.) ace. niasc. 3reo, R.^ preo, dat. Jjriin ; North. 
 R.2 <5rio, flria, dat. Sriin ; L. <5rio (9riu), tfreo, Srea, gen. <5rea, 
 Sreana, dat. "driin (<5rini ?), cJriiin ; Rit. (Jrio, Sreo, <Jria, <5riga, gen. 
 Srea. 
 
 325. The numbers from 4 to 19, when attributively 
 used, are not generally inflected (numerous exceptions 
 in North.). They are : 
 
 4. feower, LWS. sporadically feow^or, -ur; Kent, fiower Mart.; 
 Merc. Ps. R.i feower-; North. R.^ feoAver, L. fe(o)wer, fe(o)uer, 
 feuor, -oer, fe\vr, feor (and fear-, in fearfald, fourfold), Rit. fever, 
 beside feo(v)rtig, forty; add LWS. fy3er-, Ps. feoSur-, R.'^ L. 
 feotJor-, in compounds like fySerfote, fourfooted, etc. 
 
 5. fif, uniform, with examples also in Merc. North. : R.i R.^ L. Rit. 
 
 6. siex, later six, syx, and also seox, seax ; Old Kent, siox-, 
 beside sex Cod. Dipl. ; Merc. North, sex R.i R.2 L. Rit. 
 
 7. siofon, -an, WS. seofoii, -an, later also syfon, -an, -en (sufon); 
 EWS. sibun- Corp., sifun- Ep. ; Merc. Ps. seofen, R.i seofun, siofiin ; 
 North. R.2 siofu, -o, L. seofo, -a (sporadically seofon, sefo); see 
 also under 70. 
 
 8. eahta, LWS. ehta (108. 2); Merc, sehta, in Ps. hundaehtatig ; 
 North. R.2 aihtowe (compare ehtuwe Rid.), L. aehto, -u (ealitii), 
 aehtou, aehtuu, Rit. aihta, -o ; see also under 80. 
 
 9. niffon, -an, also nigen (in a charter of about 840); later also 
 nigiin, nygon, -an, sporadically neogan ; Merc. R.i nigon, North, 
 infl. R.2 nione, L. nigona, -e; see also under 00. 
 
 10. tien, WS. tyn, and less pure WS. also ten ; Kent. Merc, ten 
 Cod. Dipl. Ps. R.i; North. R.2 ten, tec, tea; L. Rit. tea; see also 
 under 100. 
 
 11. en(d)Iefan EWS. (Or.), WS. endleofan, also -lefan, -lifan, 
 -lyfan, -liifan, also with final -un, -on, or beginning with aen-, aend- ; 
 Merc. R.i enlefan ; North. R.2 intl. aeUefne, L. aeUef. 
 
NUMERALS 237 
 
 12. tw^lf, Old Kent, tw^lf, tuaelf Cod. Dipl.; Merc. R.i twself, 
 tw^lf ; North. R.i tw§lf, L. tu^lf, tuoelf, Rit. tvoelf. 
 
 13. *3rIotiene, WS. Sreotyne, -tene, also Sreottyne, etc. (230, 
 note), late sporadic pryttene; no instances in Kent. Angl. 
 
 14-19. feower-, fif-, siex-, siofon-, eahta-, nigontiene, -tyne, 
 -tene, etc. following the various forms for the simple numbers 4-9. 
 
 If these numbers stand by themselves, they inflect 
 according to the i-declension : for example, nom. ace. 
 fife, neut. fifu, -o, gen. fifa, dat. fifum (dat. eahtum 
 Bede). 
 
 Note. In Ps. such forms do not occur; R.i fife, tene, tw^lfe, 
 feowertene, gen. siofuna; North. R.2 fife, siofune, -unae, -one, 
 aehtowe, nione, tene, aellefne, tw^lfe, fiftene, beside sexu, -o, 
 tenu, -o, dat. aehtowuni, aellefnum, tw^lfum ; L. fewere, nigone, 
 tene, beside seofona, -ana, nigona and fe(o)wero (feuero), fifo, 
 seofono, teno (-u), tuoelfo (tw^lfo, etc.), feowerteno, gen. twoelfa 
 (tu<jlfa), dat. feowrum, fifum, seofanum (seofonuni, seofum), 
 tenum (teum, tSwum), sellefnum, -om, twcelfuni (tw^lfum, etc.), 
 fiftenum ; Rit. feoero, fifo, teno. 
 
 326. The even tens from 20 to 60 are formed by 
 joining the syllable -tig- (= Goth, tig-us, decade) to the 
 corresponding unit; those from 70 to 120 in the same 
 manner, but with hund prefixed (though it is occasion- 
 ally lost). They are : 
 
 20. twentig or twentig; North. R.^ twoegentig, L. tuoentig, 
 tuentig. 
 
 30. tJritlg, later often tJrittig; Merc. R. ?Jritig, ?frittig; North. 
 R.2 ISritig, L. Srittig, -h, ?Jrit(e)ih, Rit. Srittig. 
 
 40. feoAvertig, so also Merc. Ps. R.^ and North. R.^ ; L. feortig, -h, 
 feuortig, foertig, feowertig, Rit. feortig, feovrtig. 
 
 50. fiftig; so also R.2Rit.; L. fift(e)ig, -t(e)lh. 
 
 60. siextig, later sixtig, syxtig, and less pure WS. also sextig; 
 Merc. North. R.i R.^ sextig, L. sext(e)ig, -tih, -dig, -deih. 
 
 70. hundsiofontig, -antig, WS. hundseofontig, -antig, later also 
 -syfontig, etc. (seofontig already in Or., beside hundseofontig); 
 
238 INFLECTION 
 
 Merc. Vs. hundseofentig, R.^ hiindseofiintig ; North. R.2 hund- 
 sifoiitig, -sifuntig, L. (h)undseofoiitig, hundseofuntig, unse(o)- 
 fuiitig, uuseofontig, Rit. hundseofontig. 
 
 ' 80. huiideahtatig (beside simple eahtatig already in Or.); Merc. 
 Ps. huiidyehtatig ; North. R.^ hundahtetig, L. hundhaehtatig. 
 
 90. huiidnigontig, -nigantig, sporadically also -niogontig, 
 -nygontig, etc.; Merc. R.i huudnigontig ; North. R.^ hundniontig, 
 L. huudneantig, -tih, huiidneontig. 
 
 100. hun(d)teoiitig; Merc. R.Uiundteantig, -teontig; North. R. 2 
 hiin(d)teantig, L. huii(d)teantig, -h, -teig, Rit. hunteantig. 
 
 110. hundailleftig- Cura Past., later huudendlyftig, hundend-, 
 -aeiidlaeftig, etc. 
 
 120. hundtw^lftig ; beside later hundtwentig, with the same 
 meaning. 
 
 These numbers are originally neuter nouns, and fol- 
 lowed by the genitive ; but they also occur as adjectives 
 at a comparatively early period. They frequently form 
 a gen. in -es, as if sing. : Sfrittig-es, fiftig-es, etc. ; but 
 have also gen. -teg-a, -tig-a, beside -tigra, dat. -teg-um, 
 -tigiini. In some later texts they are wholly inde- 
 clinable. 
 
 Note 1. The inflected forms of Ps. are hiindsehtatiges and 
 feovver-, hundseofentiguin ; R.^ hundseofuntigiim ; R.^ t^voegen-, 
 feower-, fif-, huiiteantigum ; L. sexteiges, Srittiges, and ttioen-, 
 fif-, unseofuntigum ; Rit. hunteantigcs, and feovr-, fif-, huntean- 
 tigum. 
 
 Note 2. Prefixed numbers below ten are (so far as can be deter- 
 mined) usually in the neut., and remain undeclined, like )7ara twa 
 and twcntigra manna ; only the monosyllabic datives, twani and 
 <Jrim, are also usual in this position. 
 
 327. Beside liundteontig, there is a simple neut. 
 liuiid (iin hiincl) and neut. liuiHlrocl (so also R. ; North. 
 R.2 InindreKT, -ed, L. Rit. lnindra<y, beside -aecT L.) 
 for 100. 
 
NUMERALS 239 
 
 200-900 are generally formed with the neut. hund: 
 tu hund, arrio hund, etc. ; less frequently with hund- 
 teontig" and hundred. 
 
 1000 is neut. STusend, gen. -des, dat. -de; the plural 
 is arusendu (-o, -a, sporadic -e) — but frequently unin- 
 flected, aruserid — gen. -da (sporadic -dra), dat. -dum ; 
 Ps. arusend(u), dat. -duni, R.^ pusenda, -de, R.^ Sfu- 
 sendo, gen. -da, dat. -dum, L. i5'usend(o), dat. -dum, 
 Rit. STusendo, -da. 
 
 Note 1. hund has North, dat. hundum R.2 L., but in EWS. is 
 inflected like a sing., hunde; but the word is usually indeclinable. 
 From hundred are formed the plurals hundredu and hundred, the 
 former only when used absolutely. 
 
 Note 2. These numbers also are originally nouns with substantive 
 declension, yet are often treated like adjectives, and are in many cases 
 employed later as indeclinable. 
 
 Note 3. Numbers which exceed hundreds of thousands are, when 
 necessary, expressed periphrastically : ten tJusend si'dum hundfealde 
 J7usenda = a thousand millions. 
 
 2. ORDINALS 
 
 328. The ordinal corresponding to 1 is forma (also 
 formesta, fyrmest(a), fyrest(a) ; also R.^ North, forar- 
 mest, and subst. forwost L., foermest, foerarmest, for- 
 west R.2) or seresta (the first of two is designated _ by 
 serra). That corresponding to 2 is oarer, or sefterra. 
 The others are : 
 
 3. Sridda; Merc. K.i }7ridde, -a, cJrydda; North. R.2 tJirda, 
 L. Rit. ?yird(d)a, and rarely L. JJridda. 
 
 4. feorSa, later also feowercJa; Merc. R.^ feorpa, North. R.2 L. 
 fearSa, beside L. feorSa. 
 
 5. fifta (throughout the language). 
 
 6. siexta, sixta, syxta, etc.; Merc. R.^ sexta and syxta, R.* 
 sesta, sexta, L. Rit. seista, sesta. 
 
240 INFLECTION 
 
 7. siofoSa, Common WS. seofo'Sa, -etJa, etc. ; Merc. R. ^ siofund(a), 
 North. R.- siofiiiida, L. seofiiuda, -onda. 
 
 8. eahtocTa, -eSa (ehtoOa, etc., § 108. 2), LWS. also e(a)hteo(Ja; 
 Angl. ealite;j;eda Bede, North. R."^ aehto'Sa, L. a;hte3a, -a3e (eahtetfa). 
 
 9. nigo<5a, -eSa (later also forms like nigeo'Sa, nygoSa, neogoSa, 
 etc.); Merc. R.^ iiigopa. 
 
 10. teoc5a; Mart. Bede teoge'Sa, North. R.^ -tegSa, L. teig'da, 
 teicJa. 
 
 11. enlefta Or., later endlifta, -lefta, -leofta, -lufta, aeii(d)lyfta, 
 etc.; Merc. R.^ aellefta, ellefta, North. L. sellefta. 
 
 12. tw^lfta. 
 
 13-10 have WS. -teotJa (note LWS. (5reotteo?fa, beside ?freoteo<5a, 
 according to 230, note 1, and e(a)hteo'Sa, beside e(a)htateo?Ja) ; 
 dialectal also are -teg(e)Sa, -teog(e)9a (eahtategSa Mart., feower-, 
 fif-, seofenteg^a, beside eahtatege^a Later Mart. , feower-, seofon- 
 teogtya, beside fifteogeSa Bede), North. R.2 fifteg^a, L. fiftei<5a. 
 
 20-120 end hi EVVS. in -tigocJa (-tiogo'da, -tego?Fa, -teogtfa), but 
 later there occur, beside -tigo9a, forms like -tigeCa, -tegctJa, -teogo(Ja, 
 etc.: twentigoSa, etc. (feowerteogpa already in Or.), beside spo- 
 radic -tega, -tiga (already feowertega Chron.) and LWS. frequently 
 -teotfa (already feowerteotJa Or.); beside dialectic twentegtJa Mart., 
 twentigSa Bede. 
 
 No ordinals are formed corresponding to hund, hundred, and 
 tJusend, periphrasis being employed instead : se Se by(5 on <5ani 
 twani hundrediun aeftemyst, ducentesimus ; se 3e hiS tefteniyst 
 on 9usendgetele, millesimus (^Ifric), etc. 
 
 Compound numbers either have the second numeral 
 an ordinal, an, twa (always so as a neut.), tfrl Qnd 
 twentigotTa, etc., or the ordinal of the unit is followed 
 by eac and the dat. of the cardinals denoting the tens : 
 arridda eac twentigum, 23d; siexta eac fiftiguiii, 
 S6th^ etc. 
 
 All ordinals are declined like weak adjectives (304), 
 with the exception of oarer, which belongs to the strong 
 adjective declension ; the superlative forms for the 
 number 1 vary according to 311. Prefixed units are 
 
NUMERALS 241 
 
 not declined (with tlie exception of the monosyllabic 
 datives twsem, twam, and perhaps (Trim ; cf. 326, 
 
 note 2.) 
 
 3. OTHER NUMERALS 
 
 329. In OE. there are only relics of former distributives. 
 
 Note 1. The stereotyped poetic forms twih and tweonum, occur- 
 ring in phrases like mid unc tA^ah, between ourseloes; be seem tweonum, 
 between the seas, are related to Goth, tweihnai. More usually these 
 forms are combined with the preposition be to the purely prepositional 
 bet\yeoh, betwuh, betuh (betwah, betwyh only in the texts with 
 Anglian coloring, like Bede, Ep. Alex, (but Boeth. also betwyh), 
 Angl. betwili Ps. R.i (here also betwihc, bet\\^g) R.^, bi-, betulh 
 L., bitwih Rit.), and betweoniim, -an (rarely later betwynan ; Ps. 
 betwanuni ; also older bituihn Corp., bituichn Erf., bituion Ep., 
 Merc. R.i betwion, between. North. R.'^ bit^vion, L. bi-, betwien, 
 bituen, Rit. bitw^en, bitvin, bitven, poet, between), between. 
 
 In like manner there arose a preposition betweox(n), betAvux(n), 
 betux (rare older by-forms betuoxn, betwiux ; later forms like 
 betwyx Boeth. ; Merc, betwix, betAvihs R.^), betwixt (compare OHG. 
 in, untar zuisliem). 
 
 Note 2. The ace. plur. masc. jjrinna, three by three, occurring 
 only once, is probably from Old Norse. 
 
 Note 3. Otherwise, one by one is rendered by sen-, anliepige 
 (Merc. North, adverbial aniepum R.i, anlapvim L. ; for two by two, 
 three by three, etc. are used the dative formulas tw^sem Qnd tw^m 
 (also adj. getwinne), Srini Qnd^rim, feower 9nd feower, SOsendum 
 9nd Siisendum (also Jjusendfealde), etc. 
 
 330. Multiplicatives are formed by adding the adjec- 
 tive -feald to the cardinals : aiifeald, twie-, twyfeald 
 (later also twifeald, twig-feald), iSTrie-, afryfeald (also 
 arrio-, larreofeald, etc.), niQnig-feald, etc. 
 
 Note 1. Ps. has seofenfaldlice, R.i an-, hundteantigfald, R.^ 
 feo3orfald, L. tw^u-, tuufald (also tuu-, tuifalliee), fearfald, seofo- 
 fallice, teafald, Rit. tvifallico, 9rifald (tJriflfald), seofafald, seofan- 
 fallice. 
 
242 INFLECTION 
 
 Note 2. twlefeald and Sriefeald sometimes inflect even the first 
 member in the dat. : twanifealduin, Srimfealdum, ?friinfealdre, 
 etc. (compare also twiemfailduin, duplo R.^). From mgnigfeald 
 there occurs a double comparative mafealdra (308, note). 
 
 331. Of simple numeral adverbs in answer to the 
 question how often 9 only the following are in use: sene, 
 once (rarely gen. senes) ; tuAva (tuwwa, tua ; also twiwa, 
 twywa, tweowa, and twuga, twig"(e)a, later also twia, 
 twie, etc. ; North. R.^ twig-a, -e, L. twiga, -o), twice ; 
 and (BTriwa (i^TryAva, STreowa ; Merc. R.^ J^rioAva, J?riuA\ a, 
 North. R.2 arrig-e, L. cTrig-a, STria, Kit. tfriga), thrice. 
 All others, including by-forms to those just named, are 
 formed periphrastically by means of siS", journey., time : 
 sene siSTa (later siSfe), once; tAvseni, STrini, fif, tAventiguni 
 sUSTum, etc. ; North. R.^ siofo, tea si^'um, huiitea(n)- 
 tig-um siSTa, L. feor, tea siaruni, and se(o)fo (seofa), 
 undseofontig, hiin(d)teantig siafa (huiiteantig sicTo) ; 
 likewise on senne siac, etc. 
 
 Note. The firsts second^ third time, etc., is expressed by forman, 
 o?Jre, 'Sriddaii sWe, etc. 
 
PEONOUNS 243 
 
 CHAPTER IV. PRONOUNS 
 
 1. PERSONAL PRONOUNS WITHOUT DISTINCTION OF 
 
 GENDER 
 
 First Person Second Person 
 
 332. Sing. N. ic m 
 
 G. min tSin 
 
 D. me tie 
 
 A. m% (mec) "Se (Sec) 
 
 Dual N. wit git 
 
 G. uncer incer 
 
 D. unc inc 
 
 A, unc (uncit?) inc (incit) 
 
 Plur. N. we ge 
 
 G. tire (us(s)er) eow^er, iow^er 
 
 D. us eow^, iow^ 
 
 A. us (usic) eow^, iow^ (eow^ic) 
 
 Note 1. The forms here given are those of WS. prose, except 
 the parenthetical ones ; these occur for or beside the others in texts 
 with more or less dialectic coloring, and especially in the poetry. 
 
 Note 2. Beside ic, there occurs the negative nic, nice, with the 
 meaning no. ' 
 
 Note 3. In w^e, g6, etc., the length of the vowel is estabUshed by 
 gemination and accent in the MSS., but cf. 121. 
 
 Note 4. The Anglian forms are : a) first person': Merc. Ps. ic, 
 min, me, mec (mic, me), plur. we, ur, us, usic (us); R.i ic (nic), 
 mm, me, mec (me), dual wit, — , unc, unc, plur. we (\^^8e, w^), ure, 
 us, usic (us); North. R.2 ic (ih), min, me, mec, plur. we, user, us, 
 usili; L. ic (ih, ich), min, me, mec (meh, mech), plur. wl (w^oe, 
 wae), user, us (iisic, -ig), usic (-icli, -ih, -ig), Rit. ic, — , ml, mec 
 (mehc), plur. we, iiser (usra, usigra), us, usig; b) second person: 
 Merc. Ps. <5u, tJin, "S^ (3^), dec (3e; sporadic Saec), plur. ge, — , eow^, 
 eowic (eo^\^); R.^ pu, Jjin, J7e, \>ec (psec; ]7e), dual git, dat. inc, 
 plur. ge, eower, eow, eowic (eow); North. R.^ 3u, Sin, 9e, Sec 
 (3eh), plur. ge (gee, gie, gi), iower (io^vera, lowre), dat. ace. pro- 
 miscuously iow, iowih (iow^h, ioh); L. 3u, "Sin, 9e, tiec (9eh, 3ech), 
 
244 INFLECTION 
 
 plur. gie (ge, gee, giae, gae), iwer (iiier; hirre, iuerra, -o), dat. iuh 
 jiowh, iouh, etc., sporadic iow, iw), ace. iuih (Iwih, lovvih); Rit. 
 (flu, dat. ace. promiscuously (Je, 9ec, plur. gie, dat. ace. promiscuously 
 hih, iulh (iwih, iwigh). 
 
 In the North, texts the forms me and mec, "Se and Sec are still 
 somewhat distinguished as dat. and ace, but the severance is no longer 
 a strict one ; on the forms with iw-, iu-, etc., of. 156. 5. 
 
 2. REFLEXIVE PRONOUNS 
 
 333. An independent reflexive pronoun no longer 
 exists in OE. In its stead are employed the corre- 
 sponding forms of the third personal pronoun (334). 
 
 3. PRONOUNS OF THE THIRD PERSON 
 
 
 Masc. Neut. 
 
 Fem. 
 
 334. Sing. N. 
 
 he hit 
 
 hio, heo 
 
 G. 
 
 his 
 
 hiere (hire, hyre) 
 
 D. 
 
 him 
 
 hiere (hire, hyre) 
 
 A. 
 
 hi(e)ne hit 
 
 hie (hi, hy) 
 
 Plur. N. A. 
 
 hie (hi, h^) 
 
 
 G. 
 
 hiera (hira, 
 
 hyra); hiora, heora 
 
 D. 
 
 him 
 
 
 Note 1. The i-forms often occur in LWS. with y: hys, hym, 
 hyne, hyt. 
 
 Rarer and partially dialectic by-forms are: nom. sing. fem. hie, 
 hi, hig, and conversely ace. sing. fem. heo ; plur. nom. ace. heo, 
 dat. heom. 
 
 Note 2. Kent, has: sing. nom. fem. hia Cod. Dipl., hi (beside 
 hio, heo) Kent. Gl., gen. hire Cod. Dipl., hiora, -e, hiere Ken.t. Gl., 
 dat. hire Cod. Dipl., Kent. Gl., plur. nom. ace. hie, hia, hio Cod. 
 Oipl., hi, hio Kent. Gl., hie, hio Kent. Ps., gen. hiora, heora, hira 
 Cod. Dipl., hiora Kent. Ps., dat. lieom Cod. Dipl., hiom Kent. Ps. 
 
 Note 3. The Anglian forms are : Mere. Ps. masc. neut. he — hit, 
 his, him, hliie — hit, fem. hie, hire, hire, liie, plur. hie (liTo; he?), 
 heara, liiin ; U.' nuusc. neut. lie - hit, his, him (heom), hine (hin») 
 - hit, fem. hiu (liio, heo), hire, -ae, hire, hio (lieo, hiae, hie), plur. 
 
PRONOUNS 245 
 
 heo (Wo, hiae, hi^, hie, hye, hy, hi; hi?), heora (hiora), heom 
 (him); North. R,2 masc. neut. he (hee) — hit, his, him, hine — hit, 
 fern, hio, hire (hir), hir, hia (hiae), plur. hiae (hia, hie), hiora 
 (hiara), him; L. masc. neut, he (hee) — hit, his (is), him, hine — 
 hit, fern, hiu (hio, hia), hire (hirae), hir (hire, -ae), hia (hea), plur. 
 hia (hea, hie, hi^, hiae, hi), hiora (hiara, heora, heara), him; Rit. 
 masc. hi, his, him, hine, fern. gen. hire (hir), ace. hia, plur. hia, 
 hiora (hiara). 
 
 4. POSSESSIVES 
 
 335. The possessives are formed from the stems of 
 the personal pronouns of the first and second persons, 
 and from that of the lost reflexive : niiii, mine ; iS'in, 
 thine ; sin, lii% ; uncer, of us two ; incer, of you two ; 
 lire, our; eower (iower), your. Beside sin, which 
 may stand for any gender or number, and is generally 
 employed as a reflexive (like Lat. suus)^ the genitives 
 of the third personal pronoun, his, hire, plur. hiera, are 
 also used as possessives. 
 
 Note. For lire, the typical WS. form, the less pure WS. texts, 
 together with the poetry, have also user, visser (once dat. iissum in 
 Cura Past.). The Angl. forms are : Ps. ur, R.i ure (beside ace. sing, 
 masc. iiserne). North. R,^ user, L, user, usa, Rit. gen. Uses, etc. 
 (336, note). 
 
 For eower (so also Ps. R.i) North, has R.^ iower, L. iuer, iwer, 
 etc., Rit. iuer (156. 5). 
 
 336. The declension of the possessives is the same as 
 that of the strong adjectives (ure like g-rene, 298 ; the 
 r-cases very often have simple r : gen. dat. sing. fem. 
 tire, gen. plur. vira). 
 
 Note, user generally assimilates sr to ss in the cases which 
 have syncope of the middle vowel (144 ; cf. 180): usses, iissum, for 
 * nsres, * tisrum, etc. ; but userne. The double s forces itself, how- 
 ever, even into unsyncopated cases : Osser, usserne, iissera. This 
 assimilation is wanting in North, (hence forms like nom. ace. sing. 
 
246 INFLECTION 
 
 fern, or nom. plur., etc., usra L., usera R.^); in their stead occur 
 by-forms without r, like (nom. usa L.) uses, usum R.2 L. Rit., (nom. 
 plur. USD L.), etc. 
 
 iuer forms in L. Rit. the inflected forms partly with, and partly 
 without, the middle vowel ; hence on the one hand forms like lucres 
 (lAveres), beside iures, etc., and on the other in L. such also as ace. 
 sing. masc. lurrne, gen. plur. iur(r)a, etc. However, the North, 
 declension of user and luer (io^ve^) is in many respects extremely 
 uncertain, as^the glossators seem often to have put down any form 
 that occurred to them. 
 
 5. DEMONSTRATIVES 
 
 337. The pronoun se, sio, tfset, originally a simple 
 demonstrative, was almost altogether restricted in Old 
 English to the weaker function of the definite article. 
 Its declension in WS. is : 
 
 Masc. Neut. Fem. 
 
 Sing. N. st <Jaet sio, seo 
 
 G. ?faes ?Jsere 
 
 D. Saem (Sam) <5gere 
 
 A. (Jone Saet ?Ja 
 
 I. <5y ; '3on 
 
 Plur. N. A. (5a 
 
 G. Sara (ty^era) 
 
 D. ?faein (3ain) 
 
 Note 1. Forms in parenthesis are more recent, and are seldom or 
 never found in the oldest texts. 
 
 Note 2. In very late texts seo is frequently found for se ; still later 
 ]7e, ]7eo occur for se, seo. — In the older language ©are (Kentish? 
 cf. note 3) rarely occurs for Affaire, and sporadically S^ir as dat. sing. 
 Late texts frequently have the forms ]7are and Jjaera. — Besides tJone, 
 there occur also tixne and ?Jane, both frequent in LWS. — "Sam passes 
 into the LWS. San (cf. 187). The instrumental Son (San) appears 
 but seldom as an attributive ; it is chiefly found in phrases of com- 
 parison like Son ina, more than that., and adverbial formulas like for, 
 bi Son, on that account; a;fter Son, after that, etc. (on sioSSan, sySSan 
 see 107, note 6). 
 
PEONOUNS 247 
 
 Note 3. Kent, has forms with ^ (151. 1), beside those with e, like 
 Set, Ses, tJgre, "Sem (Sam) ; beside Sere also 3are ; ace. Sane, beside 
 Sone ; instr. San, beside Son ; gen. plur. Seara, beside Sara (Ssera) . 
 
 Note 4. The inflectional forms of Angl. are (with the exception 
 of Sy, Son, which are always the same) : Merc. Ps. masc. neut. se — 
 Saet (Set), Ses (1 Saes), Ssem, Sone, fern, sie (1 seo), Sere, Sere, Sa, 
 plur. Sa, Seara, Seem; R.i masc. neut. s6 (pg) — ]78et, Jjaes (J>as), 
 Jjaem (1 Sein), ]7one (Jjane, Jjaene, ]7^ne, J^ene); fem. sio (siu, seo; 
 sie), Jjgere (}7are, -a), ]7«re (para), ]7a, plur. Jja, J^ara (Jjarae, 
 Jygerae, -e), Jjteni; North. R.^ masc. neut. Se (1 Sae, rarely se) — Saet, 
 Saes, Saem (San, Saen), Sone (Sonne, Son; Saene, Sene), fem. Sio 
 (Se, Si ?), S^re (Saer, Sare), Seer (Ser), Sa (Sae), plur. Sa, Sara 
 (Saera, -ae). Seem (1 San); L. masc. neut. s§ (Se; sae, Sae) —Saet, 
 Saes, Ssem (S^n, Sem), Sone (Saene, Sene), fem. sio (Siu, Sio, Syu, 
 Sy; also Sa?), S«re (Ssera, -ae, Saer, Sara), Ster (Ssere), Sa (Sio, 
 <Hu, Sy), plur. Sa, Sara (Ssera), S«em; Rit. se (S6), Saes, Sgem (Sem), 
 Sone, fem. sio (Sio, Siu), Seere, Seer, plur. Sa, Sara, Stem. 
 
 338. The compound demonstrative pronoun tfes, fem. 
 arios (areos), neut. tfis, this^ is thus declined in EWS. : 
 
 
 Maso. Neut. 
 
 Fem. 
 
 Sing. N. 
 
 Ses Sis 
 
 ?Ros, Seos 
 
 G. 
 
 Sis(s)es, Sys(s)es 
 
 Sisse 
 
 D. 
 
 Sis(s)vim, Sys(s)uni ; Siosum 
 
 Sisse 
 
 A. 
 
 Sisne, Sysne Sis 
 
 Sas 
 
 I. 
 
 Sys, ?Hs 
 
 
 Plur. N. A. 
 
 Sas 
 
 
 G. 
 
 Sissa 
 
 
 D. Sis(s)um, Sys(s)um ; Sios(s)um 
 
 Note 1. In the older documents y is confined to the cases instanced 
 above ; subsequently it takes the place of i in the other cases, accord- 
 ing to 22. 
 
 Note 2. In LWS. the gen. dat. sing. fem. and gen. plur. occur as 
 pissere, Jjissera, and occasionally syncopated : ]7isre, }7isra. 
 
 Note 3. Of different forms, Kent, has Cod, Dipl. dat. Sis(s)em, 
 gen, dat. fem. Seosse, gen. plur. Seassa, 
 
 Note 4, The Anglian forms are : a) Merc. Ps. masc. neut. Ses — 
 Sis, Sisses, Sissum, Seosne, fem. Seos, Sisse, Sisse, Sas, plur. Sas, 
 
248 INFLECTION 
 
 (Sissuin ((Tcossum); R.i masc. iieut. \}cb (J7^s; Seos, ]7ios ?) — ]7is, 
 ]7isses, )7issuni, Jjisne (]7eosne), fern. J?eos (J7ios), ]7isse, ]7isse 
 (|?issere), ]7as, plur. pas, Jjissa (-e, -^), ]7issiiin (1 passuni); b) North. 
 K.- masc. neut. Ses (Cises ; d'is ?) — Sis, Sisses ((Masses), tJissuni (<5assuiii), 
 Siosiio, iiistr. "Sisse, fern, tfios, Sisser (Sisse, <5asse), Sisser ((Jausser), 
 'flas(Sasse; (fios), plur. <5as, (Jisra, Sissuin (^^assum) ; L. luasc. neut. 
 <5es ((Taes; "Sis ?) — 3is ('(ffaes ?), <5is(s)es, <5is(s)um (9as(s)um), Siosne 
 {(Jioiine). instr. Sisse (<5issa, Siss), fem. Sfios ((Jius, 9'yus, <5ys), dat. 
 '(i5is(s)er ('(Sissaer, Sasser ; (Jis(s)a?), cJas ((Hos, ?Jius, 'Siis, Sis), plur. 
 Sas, Sisra (Sassa), 3is(s)uin (<5as(s)um); Rit. masc. neut. <5es — Sis, 
 Sisses (-aes, Sisis), <5is(s)uiii (Sassum), <5iosne, fem. Sios, — , Sisser, 
 3as (Sass, Sios), plur. Sas, Sisra, Sis(s)uin. 
 
 Note 5. This pronoun was originally formed by the addition of a 
 particle, -se, -si (= Goth, sai, OHG. se, behold?), to the case-forms of 
 the simple demonstrative. In OE. there are only such relics of this 
 formation as Se-s, Sio-s (compare North. (5b, Siu, 337, note 4), <5a-s, 
 since the particle first became incorporated with the pronoun, and 
 then partook of its inflection throughout. 
 
 Note 6. The pronoun jener, Goth, jains, scarcely survives in OE. ; 
 an isolated to geonre byrg (Cura Past. 443. 25) is the only occurrence 
 known. From the same root are derived the adverbs and prepositions 
 geond (giend, gind), through; begeondan, beyond, etc. (74). 
 
 339. The pronoun of identity (Lat. idem) is se ilea 
 (or ilea? compare the adv. idPBg"es, the same day ; isiares, 
 at the same time ; in Cura Past, often illca, in kxte texts 
 occasionally with recent middle vowel, iliea, yleea), the 
 saine, which is declined like a weak adjective, but occa- 
 sionally develops also strong forms. 
 
 The equivalent of ipse is EWS. self, later usually 
 sylf ; Kent, self Kent. Gl. Kent. Ps., beside seolf Cod. 
 Dipl. ; Merc. Ps. seolf, R.i seolf, sylf, self, self; North. 
 R.2 solf, L. seolf (sulf), Rit. seolf (soelf?); the word may 
 follow either declension. 
 
 Note, se selfa anciently meant only he himself; not till late did 
 it acquire the signification of the same. 
 
PEONOUNS 249 
 
 6. RELATIVES 
 
 340. OE. has no proper relative pronoun. Its place 
 is supplied either by the simple demonstrative se, sio, 
 STaet, or the particle ffe, alone or in combination with a 
 demonstrative. 
 
 Note, se, sio, tfaet, can of course refer only to the third person. 
 3e but seldom stands alone ; it usually refers to an antecedent demon- 
 strative : se, sio, Saet. This demonstrative frequently occupies a posi- 
 tion immediately before the Se (se 9e, sio 3e, neut. anciently Saette, 
 subsequently analyzed into <5aet 9e), though it belongs, grammatically, 
 to the preceding sentence. 
 
 Less frequent is the combination with a personal pro- 
 noun, which is then appended to the tfe : tfe he, who ; 
 are his, whose; tSe him, (to) whom^ etc.; even double forma- 
 tions, se are his, etc., occur. If the relative refers to 
 the first or second person, either simple are (ic . . . a^e, 
 aru . . . are, or aru are, etc.) or the personal pronoun fol- 
 lows them, as described above : afe ic, / who ; tSe we, we 
 who ; tSe. usic, us whom, etc. 
 
 7. INTERROGATIVES 
 
 341. The simple interrogative hwa, hwaet (= Goth. 
 hwas) has developed only the masc. and neut. sing. The 
 neut. hwaet, with a following genitive (for example, 
 hwaet m^nna), signifies what sort of a 9 
 
 Masc. Neut. 
 
 Sing. N. hwa hwaet 
 
 G. hwaes 
 
 D. hw£em (hwam) 
 
 A. h^^"one h^vaet 
 
 I. liAvy, hwi 
 
250 INFLECTION 
 
 Note 1. A second form of the instr., hwon (hwan), is met with 
 only in adverbial phrases like to hwon, wherefore? for hwon, whyf 
 etc.; a third, hu, only in the character of an adverb, howf 
 
 Note 2. On the inflection compare, in general, 337. Beside 
 hwone (rarely hwane), hw^aene is also found, especially in LWS. 
 
 Note 3. Kent, by-forms are hwet, beside hAvaet (151. 1), instr. 
 hwe, beside hwi (154). Ps. has hwet (once hw^t), R.^ hwait (once 
 huat); North., beside regular hwait R.2, has L. hwaet (huait, etc.) 
 and huaed(d), huaetd, huaedt, Rit. only hv8ed(d), hva^td. 
 
 Note 4. The compounded gehwa, each (347), regularly has EWS. 
 gen. dat. gehwaes, geh-waim, even when it refers to a fem.; in LWS. 
 a newly formed gehwtere, gehware is also used in this case (Beitr. 
 10. 485). 
 
 342. Of the strong adjective declension are hwsearer 
 (Goth. liAvaJ»ar), which of two? and the compounds liwelc 
 (Goth, liwileiks), which P and liTilic, of what sort? 
 
 The correlative of hwelc is swelc, such (Goth. 
 swaleiks). 
 
 Note 1. For WS. hwaetJer Kent, has also hw^eSer (151. 1); Merc. 
 R.i varies between hwaiper and hwe]?er (no examples in Ps.); North. 
 R.2 hwe(5er, L. hueSer (huoetJer, also huaiSer); the latter forms point 
 to a basic form with original e (cf. OHG. hwedar). 
 
 Note 2. For EWS. hwelc LWS. generally has hwilc, hwylc. 
 Kent, has hwelc, beside hwylc Cod. Dipl. and hwilc Kent. Gl. ; 
 Merc. Ps. hwelc, R.i hwelc, hwajlc, and hwilc, huylc; North. R.2 
 hwelc, L. huelc, hua^lc, huoelc, Rit. hva'lc, hvoelc. 
 
 Note 3. Later WS. by-forms to swelc are swilc and swylc. 
 Kent, has suelc, swailc, suilc Cod. Dipl.; Merc. Ps. * swelc (in adv. 
 swelce), R.i swilc; North. R.2 swelc; L. swelc, swaelc (adv. also 
 suoelce, and once suilce). 
 
 8. INDEFINITES 
 
 343. The indefinite pronoun some one is expressed 
 by sum, which is declined like a strong adjective. In 
 negative and interrogative sentences, the interrogatives 
 
PRONOUNS 251 
 
 hwa, hwaeiarer, hwelc may be used as indefinites. Most 
 of the other indefinites are formed by composition. 
 
 344. 1) The indeclinable -hwiigru, -liug-u, etc. (see 
 note 1), forms with hwset the noun hw8etli(w)ug'u, any- 
 tliing^ and with hwelc the noun and adjective hwelc- 
 li(w)ug'ii, any one. 
 
 Note 1. The pure WS. form is generally -hwugu, -hugu; but 
 beside it occur, especially in texts with dialectic coloring, -hwega, 
 -u, -o; -hwiga, -hwygo, -u. Ep. has -huuoega, Corp, -huegu; R.i 
 -hwugu; North. R.^-hwoeg(n)u, -o, -hweogne, -hwogu, L. hwelc-, 
 hucelchuoegu, -o, -e (also gen. huoelchuoeges), and huot-, huod- 
 huoegu, -o, -huogu, -o, -e. 
 
 Note 2. Of the same meaning as hwaeth(^v)ugu is EWS. hwaet- 
 hugumngas Cura Past. MS. H, -hw^ugununges MS. C and Boeth., 
 beside -hAveg(a)nunges, -h^vegunmga Boeth. 
 
 For any one North, employs also L. huelc-, huoelchuoene. 
 
 2) The same meaning is expressed by nathw^, nat- 
 hwelc, properly I know not ivho. 
 
 3) Aiiything is likewise rendered by awuht (auht, 
 LWS. often aht), owulit (oht). 
 
 Note 3. Forms with i, like awiht, owlht, are hardly to be con- 
 sidered as pure WS. (they are common in the poetry); cf. 164. 2 and 
 R.i awiht, owiht (R.^ only oht), beside 348, note 2. 
 
 345. Indefinite relatives are formed from the inter- 
 rogatives by swa — sw a : swa hwa swa, swa hwaeSfer 
 swa, swa hwelc swa, whosoever., etc. To these add 
 LWS. locahwa, loehwa (sporadic lahwa), lochwae^Ter, 
 lochwylc, with the same meaning (cf. OHG. sihuiier, 
 sihuuelih). For other expressions in place of indefinite 
 relatives see Kluge, Beitr. 8. 531-532. 
 
 Note. For swa hw^aecJer swa is occasionally found s^^a h-waSer 
 sw^a, or, with contraction, sw^se^er, swacJer ; similarly sw^Uc for swa 
 hwilc s^va. 
 
252 INFLECTION 
 
 346. One of two, either (Lat. alteruter) is ahwaicTer 
 (iiwcTer, jtu^Ter, aSTer, -or), oliwaecyer (owlS'er), which is 
 mostly confined to negative sentences. Of similar for- 
 mation are ahwylc, and ahwa, ahwaet. 
 
 347. Each is denoted by selc, beside gehwa (only 
 as a substantive ; for its declension see 341, note 4), 
 gehwelc (also aiira geliwelc, each one separately), and 
 geli\vae<yer, both ; or strengthened to ^ghwa, ^g-liwelc, 
 a'g'InvcTed'er (shortened to ^g-Sfer). Less common are 
 aetlnva, sanihwelc, welhwaet, (gre-)welliwelc. 
 
 For everything, beside eall, there occurs the periphrasis 
 selc wulit, selcuht (348. 2). 
 
 Note 1. Beside selc, Kent, has also elc (151. 1); Ps. has ylc 
 (once also ielc), R.^ elc, L. Rit. ^Ic. 
 
 NoTK 2. For the WS. formations with teg- the dialects have : 
 Kent. t?g-, eg-, eihwelc (151. 1; 214. 2; 342, note 2); Merc. Ps. 
 ffighwelc (compare oeghuuelcEp. Corp. ) ; North. R.2 eghvva, eghwelc, 
 L. eghuelc, -hiioelc (rarely geghuoelc) and egcJer (egliSer), Rit. 
 eghvoelc (once aeglivoelc). 
 
 Note 3. This prefixed {*, e, oe corresponds to the Goth, aiw, OHG. 
 eo. io (174. 3), and is umlauted from a-, o- by the i of the gi which 
 originally followed (compare QHG. eo-gi-hwelih, etc.). 
 
 348. 1) To any corresponds OE. ^niff ; for anything 
 occurs also North. R.^ L. seiiiht (from anwiht, 100, note 
 3 ; cf. note 2, below). 
 
 2) Neither is represented by iialiwa^tyer (iiawcTer, 
 nauarcr, iiacTcr) or iioliAVJieilTer (iiowcTer) ; none by nan 
 or nitsnig' ; nothing by niiwilit (iiaiiht, naht) or nowiilit 
 (iiolit); nan wulit, niiimlit ; niin J^ingr (later naj^ing). 
 
 Note 1. nawiilit, etc., is neut. in the sing.; but there is also a 
 plur. nauhtas, and a later nahte used as an adj. 
 
PEONOUNS ^53 
 
 Note 2. The forms in i, like nawiht, nowiht, which are common 
 in the poetry, are hardly to be considered pure WS. ; compare 344, 
 note 3, and Merc. Ps. nowiht (noht), R.i nawiht (nauwiht; also 
 nseht, noht); North. R.^ L. nowiht (noht), beside ngeniht (see 1, 
 above). 
 
 349. Such is usually denoted (342) by swelc (swilc, 
 swylc); sometimes also by STyslic, aruslic (likewise assimi- 
 lated to STyllic, afuUic), and * arseslic (in the adv. STseslice, 
 taliter Blickl. GL), but only in a demonstrative signifi- 
 cation, never as a correlative. 
 
PART II. — CONJUGATION 
 
 m GENERAL 
 
 350. The OE. verb has the following forms : 
 
 1) Only one independently developed voice, the 
 active. Of the medial passive, still to some extent 
 preserved in Gothic, there remains only the single form 
 hatte, with the plur. hatton (367. 2). With this excep- 
 tion, the passive is formed by means of the auxiliary 
 verbs beon, wesan (427), more rarely weorSTan. 
 
 2) Two tenses, a present, and a general tense of past 
 time which we call the preterit. The missing future 
 (for beon see 427) is generally supplied by the present, 
 more rarely formed by means of the auxiliary verb 
 sculan. 
 
 3) Two complete modes, an indicative and an opta- 
 tive (frequently called subjunctive), besides an imper- 
 ative, which is only used in the present. 
 
 4) Two numbers, singular and plural. 
 
 5) Three verbal nouns, a present infinitive, a present 
 participle with active meaning, and a past participle 
 with intransitive or passive meaning. 
 
 Note. There is also found in late texts, but only sporadically, a 
 'participle of necessity,' or gerundive, imitated from the Latin, like 
 to donde, faciendus; and occasionally adjectives in -lie with the 
 same meaning: tlonlic, faciendus; s^mlUc, dirigendus. In L. simple 
 present participles serve also to reproduce such Latin forms. 
 
 264 
 
CONJUGATION 255 
 
 351. Germanic verbs are divided into two principal 
 classes, according to the formation of the preterit : 
 
 1) Strong Verbs, These form their preterit either by 
 the so-called ablaut, that is, variation of the radical 
 vowel, as in Goth, binda, / hind^ band, / hound (Ablaut 
 Verbs) ; or by reduplication of the radical syllable, which, 
 however, does not exclude ablaut, as in Goth, haita, / 
 call^ haihait, I called ; leta, I let., lailot, I did let (Redu- 
 plicating Verbs). 
 
 2) Weak Verbs. These form their preterit by the 
 addition of the syllable -da, -ta to the end (dental 
 preterit): for example, Goth, iiasja, I save; haba, / 
 have; salbo, I anoint^ pret. nasida, habaida, salboda ; 
 bugja, I buy^ pret. bauhta, etc. The weak verbs again 
 fall into three classes (398). 
 
 Besides these two main divisions there are certain 
 smaller groups, concerning which see 417 ff. 
 
 I. VERBAL ENDINGS IN GENERAL 
 352. The endings of the strong verbs in WS.: 
 
 
 Present 
 
 
 
 Indicative 
 
 Optative 
 
 
 Imperative 
 
 Sing. 1. -e 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 Sing. 2. — 
 
 2. -(e)s, -(e)st 
 
 > -e 
 
 
 Plur, 1. -an 
 
 3. -(e)<5 
 
 ) 
 
 
 2. -a?J 
 
 Plur. -a?J 
 
 -en, -an, 
 
 -on 
 
 
 Infinitive: -an Participle: -ende 
 
256 
 
 INFLECTION 
 
 Preterit 
 
 Iiidicative Optative 
 Sing. 1. — ^ 
 
 2. -e i -e 
 
 3. — ) 
 
 Plur. -un, -on, -an -en, -an, -on 
 
 Participle: -en 
 Note. For the passive forms see 367. 2. 
 
 353. The endings of the weak verbs, Class I and 
 Class II (for those of III see the complete paradigm, 
 
 416): 
 
 Present 
 
 Indicative 
 I II 
 
 Sg. 1. -e -i(g)e 
 
 2. -(e)s, -(e)st -as, -ast 
 
 3. -(e)?J -aS 
 
 PI. -a'3 -i(ge)a3 
 
 Optative 
 I II 
 
 -e 
 
 -i(g)e 
 
 -en -i(g)en 
 Infinitive: I. -an ; II. -i(ge)an Participle: I. -ende; II. -i(g)ende 
 
 Imperative 
 I II 
 
 Sg. 2. -e, — -a 
 PI. 1. -an -i(ge)an 
 
 2. -aS -i(ge)a(5 
 
 Preterit 
 
 
 Indicative 
 
 Optative 
 
 Sing. 1. -de 
 
 ^ 
 
 2. -des, -dest 
 
 >-de 
 
 3. -de 
 
 ) 
 
 Plur. -dun, -don, -dan 
 
 -den 
 
 Participle: 1. -ed (-t); II. -od (-ad). 
 
 354. The endings of the strong verbs, and of the Fir.<t 
 Class of weak verbs, are the same throughout the pic- 
 ent, with the exception of the imp. 2 sing. (362). The 
 Second Class of weak verbs has the same consonants, but 
 different vowels. Moreover, the endings of llu i.cl. 
 
CONJUGATION 257 
 
 plur. are identical in all verbs, and the same is true of 
 the whole opt. pret. ; except that, in both cases, allow- 
 ance must be made for the preceding d, t of the weak 
 verbs. 
 
 Note 1. For the preteritive presents, which form their present like 
 a strong preterit, and their preterit like a weak preterit, see 417 ff. ; 
 for the different conjugation of verbs in -mi see 426 ff. 
 
 Note 2. In the North, texts the conjugation is much disordered, 
 whether through actual disorganization in the language itself, or from 
 mere awkwardness on the part of the glossators in rendering the Latin 
 forms. Many forms cannot be assigned with certainty to any definite 
 place in the paradigm (for example, it may be doubtful whether a form 
 is ind. or opt., sing, or plur., etc.). 
 
 355. In all dialects, -u (later -o) is to be regarded 
 as the original ending of the ind. pres. 1 sing. : bindii, 
 ii^riu, doeniu, loci(g-)u ; or bindo, etc. This ending is 
 most fully preserved in Anglian (with the exception of 
 K.^ ; see note 2). In the southern dialects, it is so soon 
 supplanted by the optative ending -e that this is to be 
 regarded as the normal form for WS. and Kent. : binde, 
 n^ri(g-)e, deme, loci(g')e, etc. 
 
 Note 1. -o for -u predominates already in Corp. (in Ep. we have 
 no instance but groetu), and also in the southern charters, so far as 
 these have retained the old termination (individual instances of -o, -u 
 are found till late in the 9th century, though the -e predominates much 
 earlier). In the Cura Past, there is only a single cwe<5o (MS. H). 
 
 Note 2. Of the Mercian texts, Ps. has -u in a decided majority of 
 instances, the weak verbs of the Second Class having -iu, more rarely 
 -o, or -io (beside once each gebldda, s^gcga, and a few -e-forms, 
 which are probably optatives). On the other hand, R.i has predomi- 
 nantly the ending -e, or -ige, beside rare exceptions in -u, -o, -a: 
 dgeofu, depu ; heelo, halsio ; 3rowa, saecga. 
 
 Note 3. In North, -o, or -igo, is the true norm (R.2 and L. have 
 still a few -u's); but there are also found occasional -a's : R.2 forleta, 
 
258 INFLECTION 
 
 scQniiga ; L. doenia, aedeaiia, (Jrowa, 9ola ; (Vrouiga, halgiga, etc ; 
 Rit. s«eca, bya ; giluelsiga, gidilga, gimyndga (cf. also 361, note 1) ; 
 besides certain not wholly uncommon -e-forms, which, however, may 
 again be regarded as optative. 
 
 Note 4. Apocope of the final vowel sometimes takes place before 
 the pronoun ie, especially in the phrase wenic, I ween, for wene ic ; 
 North. L. forgeldig, willic, for forgeldu ic, willo ic, etc. (409, 
 note 2). 
 
 356. The ind. pres. 2 sing, of all verbs, as well as 
 the ind. pret. 2 sing, of the weak verbs, ends originally 
 in -s : thus pres. biiides, denies (compare Goth, bindis, 
 domeis), or locas (compare Goth, salbos) ; pret. n^rede^, 
 de Hides (Goth, nasides, domides). The forms in -s 
 frequently prevail in the older texts, almost to the 
 exclusion of others, but are afterwards supplanted by 
 those in -st. 
 
 Note 1. The -st establishes itself first in the monosyllabic forms 
 of contract verbs (373 ff.) and the verbs in -mi (427 ff.); thus Corp, 
 has already an ondest. Ps. already has -st in nearly all these verbs, 
 though it is decidedly rare with others. In North, -st is at least com- 
 moner in the monosyllabic forms of the present than in the polysyl- 
 labic. In L. and Rit., moreover, the preterit shows a stronger 
 preference for the -st than the present. In Rit. -st has already gained 
 the upper hand in all cases. Of the southern dialects, Kent, retains 
 the s-forms longer than WS. : while, for example, the -s is still com- 
 mon in Kent. Gl., the Cura Past, scarcely preserves it except in the 
 preterit, and there rather rarely ; elsewhere -st prevails (or, accord- 
 ing to 196. 1, -sJF): haitst, sihst, eardast, beside spriecsS, siehstJ, 
 eardas(5, etc. 
 
 Note 2. In North, the -<5 of the 3 sing, intrudes into the 2 sing, 
 (favored by the confusion of -s and -(5 in the 3 sing., 357): 2 sing. 
 R.2 dw<jce'3, wyrcaS, L. gelefe?J, stienatJ, Rit. gis^le<y, gilefe3, 
 ricsatf (on the a see 358, note 2); so once even in R.i; litefej?. 
 
 Note 3. Occasionally the 2 sing, coalesces with the pronoun of the 
 second person, especially often in the formulas wen(e)stu, wenstfu, 
 from wenan, think. 
 
CONJUGATION 259 
 
 357. The ind. pres. 3 sing, (like the ind. pres. plur. 
 and the imp. 2 plur., 360. 1) normally ends in -]?, -<T : 
 bindeaf, demeaf, locaar (compare Goth, bindi]?, domeij?, 
 salbo}?), etc. The -J?, -9" is generally stable (but cf. 
 notes 1 and 2), except where fusion with other con- 
 sonants, etc., occurs (359). Only in North, is there 
 much irregular interchange with -s (most marked in L.): 
 bindeaF and biudes, etc. 
 
 Note 1. Of the oldest texts, Ep. generally has -th (-}?), more 
 rarely -d and -t: caellth, tebllth, ginath (niilci]?), beside gr^mid, 
 borettid, or siftit, feorniat) ; in Corp. forms in -t, like lisit, ^^ unat, 
 
 are as frequent as those in -3, while -th, and still more -d (slid, 
 styntid) are uncommon. 
 
 Note 2. In EWS. texts -3 {-p) is practically the only ending. 
 Cura Past, has also a very few instances, perhaps doubtful, of -d, and 
 in MS. H also a few -t's. On the other hand, -t, beside -d, is com- 
 mon in Kent. Gl. (perhaps it belongs in general to the characteristics 
 of Kent.). 
 
 Ps. has, beside -?J, rather frequent occurrences of -d, perhaps due 
 only to careless writing; R.i has, beside -??, -]?, also -th (biddeth) 
 and sporadic -d, -t (cymid, or soecet, sTv^rat), but no s-forms. 
 
 North., too, has in L. , beside -?J, -s, also a few uncrossed -d's, 
 but on account of their rarity they are also doubtful. R.2 has also 
 a few -t's : fallet, giscinet, spillet. 
 
 358. 1) The vowel of the ending of the ind. pres. 
 2 and 3 sing, of strong verbs, and of the First Weak Con- 
 jugation, is originally i ; hence early OE. forms like 
 2 sing, bindis, n^ris, dcemis (compare Goth, bindis, 
 nasjis, domeis); 3 sing. bindiST, n^riST, doemiar (com- 
 pare Goth. bindij>, nasji]?, domei]?), etc. 
 
 This i is often preserved in the oldest texts, but then 
 passes, so far as it is retained at all (compare especially 2), 
 into OE. weakened e (44) in all dialects: 2 sing. 
 
t260 INFLECTION 
 
 biiides(t), ii^res(t), demes(t); 3 sing, bindeiff, ii^rel0F, 
 deniear, etc. 
 
 Note 1. In Ep. the i prevails wholly, while in Corp. it is replaced 
 by e in about one third of the instances. In the 9th-century charters 
 (no examples in those of the 8th) the e is already established, as it 
 is in EWS. and Kent, texts, and in Ps. (which has only two -aeS's, like 
 doemaeS, beside -e3). R.i and North., on the other hand, have spo- 
 radic -i : K.2 gesceadij>, cymid, R.2 cymitJ, L. woenis, wyrci9. Kit. 
 giscildis, -s^li3, etc. 
 
 Note 2. In consequence of confusion with the endings of the 
 Second Weak Conjugation, North, has, beside regular e, also a, and 
 more rarely in L. Rit. also ae. Hence there occur side by side forms 
 like 2 sing, bindes and bindas, -aes (even bindeS, -aS, -s^'S) ; 3 sing. 
 bindetJ, -es, and binda^, -ae9, or bindas, -aes. This confusion also 
 extends to Rit. 
 
 2) The full ending for the 2 and 3 sing., -es, -ear, 
 etc., stands almost unvaryingly in Anglian, while in 
 the southern dialects its -e- is more or less regularly 
 syncopated ; this is therefore (notwithstanding much 
 variation in the individual southern texts) an important 
 criterion for the determination of dialect. 
 
 Note 3. Syncope played a greater part in the prehistoric period 
 than in the extant texts. Thus, the fuller forms in -es, -eS, etc., are 
 not always the direct continuations of the original West Germ, forms, 
 but are to a considerable extent new formations in OE.; this is 
 shown by the lack of i-umlaut in the fuller forms of strong verbs 
 (371). The following statements repose upon the actual data of the 
 manuscripts. 
 
 Note 4. In pure WS. and Kent., syncope is the rule in the case 
 .of the long stems, whether strong or weak, the fuller forms consti- 
 tuting the exception. Only in the case of stems ending in mute + 
 liquid or nasal has pure WS. the fuller forms (404, note 1): frefrest, 
 timbrest, dieglest, biecncst, -e??, from frefran, comfort; timbran, 
 build; diofflan, conceal; biecnan, signify, etc. So EWS. regularly 
 n^ninest, -e'<5, beside LWS. n^inst, ii^m'S. 
 
CONJUGATION 261 
 
 Note 5. Of the short stems of strong verbs, pure WS. and Kent, 
 generally have syncope, except in the case of the jo-verbs (372). The 
 strong jo-verbs, and the short-stemmed weak verbs, have their various 
 peculiar rules : 
 
 a) The verbs in p, t, c syncopate almost always from an early 
 period: staepS, sit(t), s^t(t), 9ryc3, from staeppan, march; sittan, 
 sit; sittan, set; (5ryec(e)an, oppress; and so probably those in s, h : 
 cnys3, hlih?J, from cnyssan, smite; Uiehhan, laugh. 
 
 b) The verbs in the sonants, d, f (= 15, 192. 2), and g, often vary in 
 the earlier period : bitt and bideS, h^f 3 and h^fe?^, l^gS and l^getJ, 
 from biddan, beseech; h^bban, lift; and l^cg(e)an, lay. At a later 
 time syncope is the rule here, even aside from the early contractions 
 list, liest; 115, lies (214. 4). 
 
 c) The verbs in the liquids and nasals, r, 1, in, n, usually have no 
 syncope: f^retJ, dw^letJ, fr^mety, S^neS, fromf^rian, carry; dw^lian, 
 delay ; fr^mnian, complete; S^nian, stretch, etc. ; only the verb s^llan, 
 siellaii (407. 1) generally has syncope already in EWS. : s^l?^ (beside 
 s^leS). 
 
 Note 6. Less pure WS. texts, especially those transcribed from 
 Anglian originals, often show a larger percentage of full forms, and 
 these may under some circumstances prevail to the more or less com- 
 plete exclusion of the syncopated forms. For the poetical texts see 
 Beitr. 10. 464 ff. 
 
 Note 7. Of the Anglian texts, Ps. has only a few forms with syncope 
 — twice after r, 1, three times in contract verbs : dc^rs "Su, s^lcJ ; gefihtJ 
 (gefiht), gefoeht, from c^rran, s^llan, gef^on, fon ; in R.i c\vi5, dicit, 
 inquit, ait, is common (but this is perhaps to be understood as c\vi?J, 
 contracted from * cwi]?!]? through loss of the first ]?) ; other syncopated 
 forms are sporadic : s^lS, cymS, gewyr?^, bit ; slaeh]?, foeh]?, from 
 s^Uan, cuman, weorSan, biddan, slean, fon. Much slighter and 
 more doubtful are the traces in the North, texts (once gehers 9u, 
 audis; geh^ht vel htet, imperat L.). 
 
 3) In the Second Weak Conjugation a is the normal 
 vowel of the ending, which therefore is -as, -ad". For 
 details on this point see 412. 
 
 359. In consequence of syncope, radical final con- 
 sonants are brought into immediate contact with the 
 
262 INFLECTION 
 
 -s(t), and -J7, -9", of the ending. This occasions a series 
 of changes in the form of the word, partly affecting the 
 radical syllable, and partly the ending. The principal 
 cases are as follows : 
 
 1) Gemination at the end of the radical syllable is 
 simplified : winnaii, winst, y^'inSr ; feallan, fielst, fieliT ; 
 hliehhaii, hliehst, hliehcT ; yppan, ypst, ypST, etc. 
 
 2) d before the -s(t) of the second person is usually 
 converted by phonetic law to t : bidclan, bitst ; rsedan, 
 rsetst ; after consonants : findan, fintst ; stQiidaii, 
 st^ntst ; \% ealdaii, wieltst ; aiidwjTdaii, andwyrtst, 
 etc. ; but the etymological spelling with d often replaces 
 it : bidst, raBdst, findst, etc. In later texts the d is often 
 lost after consonants : finst, st^nst, hylst, holdest; gylst, 
 repayest (from healdan, g-yldaii), etc. 
 
 Note 1. Even radical t occasionally disappears after a consonant 
 before the -s(t) of the 2 sing. : compare LWS. forms like ehst, tihst, 
 ^fst, beside ehtst, etc., from ehtan, persecute; tihtan, warn; ^fstaii, 
 hasten^ etc. 
 
 3) d and t are fused with the -J?, -tS of the 3 sing, to 
 t, which often becomes tt after vowels, especially in the 
 older period : fiiidaii, fiiit ; berstan, birst ; biddan, 
 bit(t) ; bidan, bit(t) ; etaii, it(t) ; weak s^ndan, s^iit ; 
 faestan, fsest (EWS. likewise faesSr, 196.1); gretan, 
 gTet(t); liw^ttan, hw^t(t), etc. 
 
 Note 2. Occasionally the older texts have the half etymological 
 spelling dt, as in bidt, or d alone in the case of verbs in d: hyd, 
 from hydan, hide. 
 
 Note 3. bregdan, brandish (389), and the weak stregdan, scatter, 
 have in the 3 sing, the forms britt (bryt, bret) and stret(t). 
 
 4) g after a long vowel or r, 1 frequently (especially 
 in later texts) becomes li before the -s{t), and -}?, -tf 
 
CONJUGATION 263 
 
 (214.1): stig^an, stigrst, stigST, and stilist, stihaf; swelg- 
 aii, swilg^st, swilg-ST, and swillist, swilhtT (or swelhst, 
 swelhST, 371, note 3 ; on forms like swylcST see note 6). 
 
 Note 4. After a short vowel LWS. g usually persists, so that 
 forms like \vih?J, wehcJ, from w^egan, occur only sporadically. 
 
 Note 5. In LWS., nc occurs not infrequently for ng (215): 
 bringan, bringst, bring??, and brincst, brined, etc. For the con- 
 verse, ng for etymological ne, see 215, note 1. 
 
 5) c following a vowel often passes in the later 
 language into li before the -s(t), and -]?, -9", but this is 
 almost wholly confined to weak verbs : secan, tsecan, 
 aFryccan, 2 sing, sehst, tselist, pryliSf, etc. ; but more 
 generally the etymological spelling est, ctf is retained. 
 
 Note 6. That the est, cS w^as nevertheless pronounced hst, YiS in 
 LWS. is shown by the occasional substitution of cti for older hS and 
 gS (see 4, above), as in geSic'S, af ec3 ; flic3, fors^vylc??, from ge^Jeon, 
 succeed; onfon, receive; fliegan, rout; swelgan, swallow. 
 
 6) J7 + J> is always simplified after consonants, and 
 usually after vowels : weoriaran, wierST ; cwearan, cwiS" ; 
 
 cyaran, cy9'(3'), etc. 
 
 Note 7. Before the -st of the 2 sing. ]? may pass into t, or else 
 be preserved (or restored) : snrffan, snitst and snTSst, etc. 
 
 In ^veor?Jan, become, and cwetJan, speak, 3 generally disappears: 
 wierst (wjTst), cwist ; but also LWS. cwySst, cweSst, beside cwyst, 
 cwest, etc. 
 
 7) s, ss, and st coalesce with the -s(t) of the 2 sing, 
 to simple st, and in like manner x {= hs, 221. 2) + st to 
 xt : ceosan, ciest ; cyssan, cyst ; r^stan, r^st ; weaxan, 
 wyxt, etc. 
 
 8) s + ]? gives regularly st (201. 6), as in ceosan, 
 ciest, etc. ; hence also forms like weaxan, wiext, etc. 
 For this st (xt) certain EWS. texts also have sSF (xSr) : 
 
264 INFLECTION . 
 
 ciestT, wiexar, etc. When such an stT, x<y appears else- 
 where, it is to be regarded as an etymological spelling. 
 
 Note 8. By the conversion of sj? to st the syncopated forms of 
 the 2 and 3 sing, of verbs in s, ss, x, and st become identical : ceosan, 
 ?fu and he ciest ; cj^ssan, <5u and he cyst ; weaxan, du and he vviext ; 
 r^staii, Su and he r^st, etc. 
 
 Note 9. After other consonants than s, t occurs very seldom for 
 ]7, Kent, showing the earliest examples : Kent. Gl. ofSrect, gehytH^ct; 
 Boeth. fliht; Metres drift, scyft, from <5ryccan, oppress; edl^can, 
 repeat; tleon,Jlee; drifan, drive; scufan, shove; but Cura Past, has 
 an ypt, from yppan, open. Compare also Angl. Ps. gefiht, gefoeht 
 (358, note 7). 
 
 360. 1) All three persons of the ind. pres. plur., 
 together with the imp. 2 plur., end in -atf (for * -an}?!, 
 * -Qn]?, * -oj7, 186, note 3 ; the -and of 3 plur. of the 
 Goth, has grammatical change) : bindaST, n^riaar, demaiff, 
 loci(g')a9', etc. 
 
 The -2r of these forms is stable in the same degree as 
 that of the 3 sing. (357) ; only in North, it interchanges 
 even in tliis case with -s: bindaSF and bindas, etc. 
 
 Note 1. Rare and doubtful (357, note 2) is sporadic d : Ps. s^llad, 
 L. -delfad. Somewhat more common is -t: Corp. teldat, flitat, 
 Cura Past. (MS. H) lierat, bodiat; Kent. Gl. berefat, etc. 
 
 Note 2. The a of the ending is stable in the southern texts and 
 in Ps., with rare exceptions: Kent. Gl. rise'ff, todeleS; Cod. Dipl. 
 gehalde<5; Cura Past. gehateO, gefealleS ; or Cod. Dipl. beliinpoS, 
 which are to be regarded as mere clerical errors, at least in part. On 
 the other hand, e, beside a, is numerously represented in North, and 
 R.i ; the resulting -eS, -es is comparatively rare in R.2 and Rit., but 
 very common in L. and R.^, which likewise exhibits -aj?, -^]7, or-iga»|?. 
 
 2) If, in the inverted word-order, a 1 or 2 plur. of the 
 verb is followed by'w6, wit, or g-6, git, as its subject, 
 shorter forms in -e are frequently substituted for the 
 
CONJUGATION 265 
 
 full ending of the paradigms : binde we, wit, or ^6, git, 
 as ind. plur. or opt. pres. ; bincle w^e as adhortative imp. 
 1 plur. ; binde g-6 as imp. 2 plur. ; or bunde we, g-e as 
 ind. plur. or opt. pret. In like manner forms without 
 ending, as in do we, g-e, etc., occur in the case of the 
 contract verbs (373) and the verbs in -mi (426 ff.). 
 
 Note 3, In WS. -e is stable as the ending of all these briefer 
 forms; at most it happens that in LWS. verbs of the Second Weak 
 Conjugation a further shortening of the 2 plur. is now and then found : 
 fandi ge, forhti ge, for and beside forms like fandige ge, forhtige ge 
 (so also R.i forhti ge, R.^ liorni ge). It is to be noted that the inverted 
 form for the ind. we, ge habbaS is haebbe we, haebbe ge (with the 
 vowel of the optative, cf. note 4). 
 
 Merc, too, has only -e, even for -un (compare, for example, forms 
 like R.i Surfe we, scule ge; Ps. has only twice the adhortative 
 wynsumie we). In North., R.^ has exceptionally -a and -o in the 
 adhortative gpnga we, ind. cunno ge (but gisege we); L. -a (-ae), 
 -u, -o : w^alla we ; w^yrca (-ae) we ; leornada (-ae) gie ; maga gie, 
 or nabbo we ; saldo gie ; aru, nutu we, etc. ; before g also i : cunni, 
 nuti, haefdi gie (also without ending: oncnteu, oncneaw gie), but 
 usually -e ; Rit, has -e and -a (but a sporadic adhortative iornv w^e, 
 curramus). 
 
 Note 4. The shortening originally affected only the verbal forms 
 in -n, that is, the adhortative forms of the present (the true adh. -an 
 of the 1 plur., as well as the opt. -en, the latter used especially for the 
 negated imperative, cf. 362. 3), the optative, and the preterit (includ- 
 ing the present of the preteritive presents). From these -n-forms 
 the shortening spread by analogy to the original -a?J-foruis. Here the 
 opt. seems to have served as a model for the ind. (compare WS. haebbe 
 we, note 3, but also forms like ind. habbon we, imp. nallon gie, 
 beside nalla<$ ge R.^). 
 
 Note 5. The transfer of the shorter forms to the ind. and true 
 imp. occurred on a large scale only in the south ; in Cura Past, the -e 
 already prevails. The Anglian dialects, on the other hand, while they 
 exhibit numerous shortened forms for older -en, -an, -un, preserve 
 older -a.^ we, ge for the most part unchanged; yet R.i has excep- 
 tionally an ind. sitte git, R.2 an ind. forstpnde we (compare also ind. 
 habbon we, imp. nallon gie, beside the regular nallatJ gie) ; L. an 
 
266 INFLECTION 
 
 ind. nabbo we, walla we and -walli gie. Somewhat more numerous 
 are the shortened forms of Rit., where the basic Latin word points to 
 an ind. pres. 
 
 361. The oldest form of the ending of the opt. pres. 
 is sing, -ae, plur. -sen, replaced later by -e, -en in all 
 the OE. dialects, according to 44 : bincle, n^rie, deme, 
 loci(g-)e, plur. -en, etc. 
 
 Note 1. The -e, -en prevail throughout EWS., with the excep- 
 tion of a few sporadic -sen's, -an's. The latter subsequently becomes 
 // more frequent; in LWS. , too, the ending -on, -en intrudes from the 
 pret. (365). 
 
 In Kent. Gl. there is one -on in the plur. , beside the prevalent -an. 
 
 Ps. has, beside regular -e, -en, one example each of dfremSai and 
 doa; R.i in the sing, generally -e, more rarely -ae (-^) and -a; in the 
 plur. the -n is lacking in about half of the instances (compare North.); 
 the n-f orms are : generally -an, more rarely -en (-on) ; those with- 
 out -n are : generally -e, more rarely -ae. 
 
 In North, the -n of the plur. regularly disappears, so that the plur. be- 
 comes identical with the sing. ; the ending is -a, beside -e (in L. also -ae). 
 
 Note 2. On the loss of plural -n before personal pronouns see 
 360. 2, with notes 3 ff. 
 
 362. 1) The imp. 2 sing, of strong verbs has no end- 
 ing, except in the case of the short-stemmed jo-verbs 
 (372); these, like the original short stems of the First 
 Weak Class, have in Early OE. the ending -i. Common 
 OE. -e, while the corresponding long stems are without 
 termination (133. c ; 410. 3). 
 
 2) The adhortative form of the imp. 1 plur. in -an is 
 rather rare ; in many documents it is supplanted by the 
 corresponding optative in -en. 
 
 3) The imp. 2 plur. is like the ind. 2 plur. (360.1); 
 
 but it is often replaced in negative sentences by the 
 
 optative (360, note 4). 
 
 Note. On the shortening of imperative forms before the personal 
 pronouns which form their subjects see 360. 2, with notes 3 ff. 
 
CONJUGATION 267 
 
 363. 1) The normal ending of the uninflected infmi- 
 tive is -an : biiidan, ii^rian, deinan, loci(g')an, etc. 
 This holds for all the southern dialects, up to and 
 inclusive of the Ps. In R.^ the loss of -n begins, and 
 this becomes the rule in North. (188. 2). 
 
 Note 1. The EWS. documents have a few sporadic instances of 
 -on for -an ; in Kent. Gl. the former are somewhat more numerous, and 
 they occur sporadically in less pure WS. texts. In Ps. -an is entirely 
 stable. R.i has, beside predominant -an, rarely -en, -on, -un, beside 
 shortened forms in -e, more rarely -a, -ae. R.^ L. Rit. have generally 
 -a, more rarely -e, and L. occasionally -se : binda (-ae), binde, etc. 
 
 2) The original ending of the inflected infinitive was 
 probably umlauted -enne (cf. OS. infinitives like liagran- 
 nias, etc.). Yet this form is soon replaced, in a greater 
 or less degree, by -anne, which stands nearer to the 
 uninflected inf. in -an. 
 
 Note 2. In Ps. there are as yet no forms in -anne, but on the 
 other hand they already prevail in the EWS. texts, as well as in R.i 
 and in North. Beside -anne is occasionally found EWS. -onne 
 (compare Corp. gelestunne). The nn is now and then simplified 
 (231. 4), so that forms in -ene, -ane arise (also in R.i and North.). 
 In LWS. -enne again prevails ; very late texts have also -ende. 
 
 Note 3. The uninflected inf. rarely occurs in the prose after to, 
 in place of the inflected : to bindan, for to bindenne, -anne, etc. For 
 the poetry the shorter forms are to be assumed in greater measure, as 
 the metre shows. 
 
 3) The Common OE. ending of the pres. part, is 
 -ende = Early OE. -aencli, -end! Ep. (sporadic hl^ocT- 
 rindi Ep.), which is umlauted from West Germ, -andi : 
 bindende, n^riende, demende, Ioci(g-)ende, etc. 
 
 Note 4. In pure WS. -ende is entirely stable, but in less pure 
 WS. texts -onde occurs sporadically ; so once in Kent. Gl. sawondum 
 (beside frequent -ende), Kent. Charter dugunde. Ps. has only -ende, 
 R.i more rarely -ande, -onde, -aende, beside -ende. North, has 
 
 L^ 
 
268 INFLECTION 
 
 -ende (-aende), and -ande without umlaut, side by side, the latter 
 especially in the Second Class of weak verbs (412, note 11). 
 
 364. 1) The ind. pret. 2 sing, of strong verbs ends 
 regularly in e, for Early OE. * -i (= OS. OHG. -i); that of 
 the weak verbs in orig. -daes, Common OE. -des(t) (356). 
 
 Note 1. Now and then the e of the strong verbs is lost immedi- 
 ately before the pronoun Sii : com du, druuc 9u, iet 9u, druh Sii, 
 gewac Sii, for come, drunce, iete, druge, gewice 'Qu. 
 
 Note 2. In North, certain Reduplicating Verbs (in t) form the ind. 
 pret. 2 sing, in -es, -est: L. hehtes, forleortes (beside forleorte), Rit. 
 gihehtest, gileortest; R.i forletes, beside sewe, geseowe. 
 
 Note 3. For the i-umlaut of the ind. pret. 2 sing, see 377. 
 
 2) The oldest ending of the ind. pret. plur. is -un, 
 for which later occur -on and -an. 
 
 Note 4. Of the oldest texts, Ep. has only -un (there is one doubtful 
 -on), while Corpus has numerous -on's, beside the prevalent -un. In 
 EWS. -un is already rare, especially in Or, The prevalent form is 
 -on, beside which -an is already found, frequently in Or., rarely in 
 Cura Past, and Chron. In Kent. Gl. and Kent. Ps. -on and -an are 
 about equally represented. —In Merc, -un is predominant ; Ps. has also 
 frequently -on, especially in the weak pret., and again particularly in 
 the Second Class, very rarely -an. In R.i -an encroaches somewhat 
 more upon -un, -on, and there are sporadic instances of -en and -aen. 
 — Of the North, texts, R.2 frequently has -un, but also -on, while 
 -on is prevalent in L. and Rit., L. having also a few instances of -un 
 {-an, -en), but Rit. only one each of -an and -en. 
 
 Apocope of final -n does not generally occur in North, in R.2 L. Rit. 
 (but clioppodo L. Luke 23. 21 ; foerdo Mark 16. 8 ; geherdo Mark I 
 2. 18 ; cuomo John 19. 32); Ruthwell Cross has bismaeraedu, cwomu. 
 
 365. The opt. pret. has in the sing, the ending -e: 
 bunde, n^rede, demde, locode, etc.; in the plur. -en: 
 bunden, etc., quite distinct from that of the indicative. 
 Rather early, however, the -on, -an, of the indicative 
 begins to invade the territory of the optative (-un does 
 not appear till LWS.). 
 
CONJUGATION 269 
 
 Note 1. The oldest ending must be assumed as sing. *-i, plur. * -in 
 (compare forms like OS. OHG. naiiii, naniin), though these i-forms 
 do not actually appear in OE. 
 
 Note 2. In E WS. -on, -an are no longer very rare ; beside these, 
 there are occasional forms in -e without -n, which probably, however, 
 are corrupt. 
 
 In Ps. the ending -en is preserved intact, while R.i varies between 
 -en, -an, -un, (-on), and -e with loss of -n, as in North. 
 
 The North, normal form is -e (188. 2), but in L. also -o and -on, 
 with more or less complete approach to the indicative. 
 
 Note 3. In later texts (and also in Kit.), the opt. 2 sing, is iden- 
 tical \Vith the ind. 2 sing. : n^redest, demdest, etc. 
 
 366. 1) The past participle of verbs without a prefix 
 consisting of a preposition or particle is usually formed 
 with the particle g-e-, Early OE. g-i-, as in German : 
 g-ebunden, g-en^red, g-edenied, g-elocod, etc. Yet forms 
 without g-e are also found. 
 
 Note 1. The prefixion of the gi-, ge- originally depended on syn- 
 tactical considerations, but in OE. it has already become partly stereo- 
 typed as a merely formal principle. 
 
 2) The past part, of strong verbs has throughout OE. 
 the ending -en : (g-e)bundeii, etc. ; but the dialects also 
 occasionally have -an, -on, -un. 
 
 Note 2. The OE. -en corresponds partly to Early OE. -sen (-en), 
 partly to Early OE. -in, both of which occur side by side in the oldest 
 texts : Ep. binumini, forleginum, but gibsen, Asolcaen, gibeataen, 
 duunden, etc. Corp. has also -on-, in geboronc, getogone. This 
 vowel-change belongs to suffixal ablaut (128. 2). 
 
 Note 3. The ending -en is stable in pure WS., and also in Ps. 
 and North, (except for a few instances of North, -aen ; but R.i has, 
 beside -en, also -aen, -an, -un, R.^ -on-, -un- (gibrocono, gicorone, 
 ginumune). 
 
 3) For the terminations of weak verbs see 402 ; 406 ; 
 
 414; 415; 416. 
 
270 
 
 INFLECTION 
 
 II. STRONG VERBS 
 A. THE CONJUGATION OF THE STRONG VERB 
 367. Paradigms. 
 
 
 
 1. ACTIVE 
 
 
 
 
 1) Regular Verbs 
 
 
 
 
 Present 
 
 
 
 
 Indicative 
 
 
 Sing. 1. 
 
 2. 
 
 3. 
 
 Plur. 
 
 binde 
 
 blndest, bintst 
 binder, bint 
 bindatJ 
 
 fare helpe 
 f8er(e)st hilp(e)st 
 fair(e)3 hilp(e)3 
 faraS helpaS 
 
 bidde 
 
 bidest, bitst 
 bidetf, bit 
 bidda3 
 
 Sing. 
 Plur. 
 
 binde 
 binden 
 
 Optative 
 fare helpe 
 faren helpen 
 
 Imperative 
 
 bidde 
 bidden 
 
 Sing. 2. 
 
 Plur. 1. 
 
 2. 
 
 bind 
 
 bindan 
 
 bindaS 
 
 (faer), far help 
 faran helpan 
 faraS helpaS 
 
 Infinitive 
 
 bide 
 
 biddan 
 
 biddaS 
 
 
 bindan 
 
 faran helpan 
 
 Participles 
 
 biddan 
 
 
 bindende 
 
 farende helpende 
 
 Preterit 
 
 Indicative 
 
 biddende 
 
 Sing. 1. 
 
 2. 
 
 3. 
 
 Plur. 
 
 bpnd 
 bunde 
 bQnd 
 bundon 
 
 for • healp 
 fore hulpe 
 for healp 
 foron hulpon 
 
 Optative 
 
 baed 
 b«de 
 baed 
 baedon 
 
 Sing. 
 Plur. 
 
 bunde 
 bunden 
 
 fore hulpe 
 foren hulpen 
 
 Participles 
 
 bSde 
 baeden 
 
 
 bunden 
 
 faren holpen 
 
 beden 
 
CONJUGATION 
 
 271 
 
 2) Contract Verbs 
 
 
 
 
 Present 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Indicative 
 
 
 
 Sing. 1. 
 
 2. 
 
 3. 
 
 Plur. 
 
 teo 
 tiehst 
 tiehS 
 teoS 
 
 teo 
 tiehst 
 tiehS 
 teocJ 
 
 seo 
 siehst 
 siehS 
 seotS 
 
 slea 
 sliehst 
 sliehS 
 slead 
 
 f5 
 
 fehst 
 
 fehS 
 
 tots 
 
 Sing. 
 Plur. 
 
 teo 
 teon 
 
 teo 
 teon 
 
 Optative 
 
 seo 
 seon 
 
 Imperative 
 
 slea 
 slean 
 
 fo 
 fon 
 
 Sing. 2. 
 Plur. 1. 
 
 2. 
 
 teoh 
 teon 
 teoS 
 
 teoh 
 teon 
 teo3 
 
 seoh 
 seon 
 seod' 
 
 Infinitive 
 
 sleah 
 slean 
 slea3 
 
 foh 
 fon 
 foS 
 
 
 teon 
 
 teon 
 
 seon 
 
 Participles 
 
 slean 
 
 fon 
 
 
 teonde 
 
 teonde 
 
 ! seonde 
 
 Preterit 
 
 Indicative 
 
 sleande 
 
 fonde 
 
 Sing. 1. 
 
 2. 
 
 3. 
 
 Plur. 
 
 tah 
 tige 
 tah 
 tigon 
 
 teah 
 tuge 
 teah 
 tugon 
 
 seah 
 sawe 
 seah 
 saivon 
 
 slog, -h 
 sloge 
 slog, -h 
 slogon 
 
 feng 
 fenge 
 feng 
 fengon 
 
 Sing. 
 Plur. 
 
 tige 
 tigen 
 
 tuge 
 tugen 
 
 Optative 
 
 sawe 
 sawen 
 
 Participles 
 
 sloge 
 slogen 
 
 fenge 
 fengen 
 
 
 tigen 
 
 togen 
 
 sewen 
 
 slsegen 
 
 fpngen 
 
 2. PASSIVE 
 Ind. 1 and 3 Sing. : hatte Plur. : hatton 
 
 Note, hatte corresponds to the Goth, haitada, I am called; the 
 plur. hatton is constructed on the model of the weak preterits. Both 
 forms are used indifferently as presents and preterits. 
 
272 INFLECTION 
 
 1) Present 
 
 Regular Verbs 
 
 368. Like bindan, faran, and helpan are conjugated 
 all the regular strong verbs, as well of the Ablaut as of 
 the Reduplicating Class. 
 
 1) With biiidan are to be grouped all the verbs whose 
 radical vowel undergoes neither i- nor u- or o/a-umlaut, 
 including Class I (382) and Class III. 1 (386. 1) of Ablaut 
 Verbs, and such of the Reduplicating Verbs as have the 
 radical vowel se = Germ, se, Goth, e (395. 2. a). 
 
 2) Like faran are inflected the strong verbs of the 
 Sixth Ablaut-Class (392), in so far as they have radical 
 a before a single consonant, liable to interchange with 
 96 (50; 89. 3). 
 
 Note 1. On the interchange of a and ae in the ind. pres. see 371, 
 note 2 ; on corresponding North, forms, 371, note 8 ; on possible u- 
 or o/a-umlaut, 370, note 1 ; on scea- for scae- and sea-, 75. 1 and 
 76. 2. 
 
 Note 2. All the instances of the imp. 2 sing, in pure WS. have 
 the vowel a, due to the polysyllabic forms with rightful a (49, note 2) : 
 far (as early as Cura Past.), sac, etc. From sc(e)afan comes scaf, 
 beside sesef and regular sceaf. In Anglian, on the other hand, we 
 have the forms which ought properly to be expected: Ps. for, R.i 
 R.2 L. Kit. faer. 
 
 Note 3. In the opt. and pres. part, the vowel a prevails in WS., 
 though there are occasional participles in ee, like ftxrende Or. In Ps. 
 the opt. does not occur (on the participle see 370, note 1). R.i and 
 North, generally have ae : R.i ondsaec^, faerende, R.^ faere, saeccende, 
 L. ffpro, sseoce (but once "Sxi hlada) and faerende, draegend, sceaec- 
 cende. Kit. faere, sapccende. 
 
 Note 4. The EWS. past part, fluctuates between a and ae ; the 
 latter is preferred in haefen and the verbs with medial g, but there 
 is nmch variation in detail : Ciira Past, gcdafcn, -faren, belagen, 
 -sacen (only sporadic gedaefeii-, -faeren); generally haefen, more 
 
CONJUGATION 273 
 
 rarely hafen, and always slaegen, '5\^'^8egen ; Or, always faren, gener- 
 ally haefen, slaegen, more rarely hafen, slagen, and saecen, beside 
 sacen ; Chron. only -slaegen. In pure LWS. the a is generally stable : 
 faren, calen, hafen, bacen, slagen ; less pure texts, and especially 
 the poetry, have also frequently ae. After sc, WS. ea is regular: 
 sceacen, seeapen, etc. (poet, scaecen points to an Angl. original). 
 Kent. Gl. has only a few occurrences of dhafen. Ps. has only 
 ^-forms (151. 1), beside one galen: screen, slagen, h^fen, serpen; 
 in R.i and North., too, a is uniformly wanting (except for the parti- 
 cipial adjective gefagen L., 391, note 6): R.i faeren, haefen, slaegen 
 (beside umlauted un?^Av^gen), R.^ haefen, slaegen, Swaegen, saecen, 
 L. haefen, slaegen, saeccen (beside h^fen, tJw^gen), Rit. slaegen, 
 sc(e)aeccen, scaepen (beside h^fen). On forms with umlaut-e, and 
 other occasional variations, see 378. 2 ; 392, note 7. 
 
 3) The various rules for breaking, umlaut, the 
 effects of palatals and gutturals, etc., must always 
 be considered. 
 
 369. Verbs with breaking, like weorpan (388), feallan 
 (396. 1. a), preserve it through all forms of the present, 
 but frequently modified in the ind. 2 and 3 sing, by 
 i-umlaut (371). 
 
 370. u- and o/a-umlaut do not occur in pure WS., 
 but do in Kent, and Angl., according to 103 ff. ; 160- 
 Here fall 1) the ind. 1 sing, in -ii, -o ; 2) the inf. in 
 -an, the ind. and imp. plur. in -aar, and to some extent 
 the pres. part, in -ende (363. 3, with note 4). 
 
 Note 1. The verbs of the Sixth Ablaut-Class with radical a, like 
 faran (392), have in Ps. (160. 4) carried this umlaut through with 
 scarcely an exception : 1 sing, fearu, plur. fearatJ, hleadatJ ; part. 
 fearende ; beside galendra, and toseaecendes (162, note 2), R.i, 
 on the other hand, has a and ae side by side (371, note 8), without 
 observing any principle : 1 sing, sace, saece, inf. faran, faeran, imp. 
 dscake]7, f^rep. 
 
274 
 
 INFLECTION 
 
 Note 2. The verbs of the Fourth and Fifth Ablaut-Classes, with 
 radical e, like beran (390), etan (391), follow approximately these 
 normal paradigms; 
 
 
 WS. 
 
 PS. 
 
 North. 
 
 Infinitive : 
 
 beran 
 
 beoran 
 
 beora, beara 
 
 Pres. Part. : 
 
 berende 
 
 beorende 
 
 berende 
 
 Ind. Sing. 1. 
 
 bere 
 
 beoru 
 
 bero 
 
 2. 
 
 bir(e)st 
 
 bires 
 
 beres 
 
 3. 
 
 bir(e)?^ 
 
 bire?J 
 
 bere??, -es 
 
 Plur. 
 
 beratJ 
 
 beoraS 
 
 beoracJ, bearaS, -as 
 
 Optative : 
 
 bere 
 
 bere 
 
 bere 
 
 Imp. Sing. 2. 
 
 ber 
 
 ber 
 
 ber 
 
 Plur. 
 
 bera(5 
 
 beoraS 
 
 beora3, beara^J, -as 
 
 Where forms with eo, like beoran, beoratJ, beorende, occur in WS. 
 texts, they point either to a less pure dialect or to an intrusion of 
 alien forms. 
 
 Note 3. Kent, has (Cod. Dipl.) : 1 sing, geofii, inf. geofan (giaban), 
 geotan ; then, with transfer of the eo, also opt. breoce, plur. ageofen; 
 Kent, Gl. has imp. plur. ongiota??. 
 
 Note 4. In Ps. the eo is kept throughout, strictly according to 
 the paradigm, even, by analogy, in the verbs whose stem ends in a 
 guttural: spreocu, -aS, -an, -ende (164, note 2); the only excep- 
 tions are one sprecu and one bigeta??. In K.i there is, on the other 
 hand, great confusion, the eo-forms being already pressed back by 
 those with e. 
 
 Note 5. In North., eo is the normal form of the umlaut for R.2, 
 which has only a few ea\s, while, on the other hand, ea is the norm 
 for L. and Rit., in which the eo is correspondingly rare. Transfer of 
 the eo to corresponding forms of the guttural verbs occurs frequently 
 in 11.2, but is not common elsewhere (164, note 2). 
 
 Note 6. The North, 1 sing, has given up its umlaut (which is 
 still preserved a few times in R.^: spreoco, cw^eotJo), by analogy with 
 the e-forms of the present. Elsewhere, too, there are attempts at 
 such leveling, either the eo or the e exceeding its just bounds in the 
 paradigm (thus, ind, 2 and 3 sing., or opt., or part., with eo, ea; or 
 inf., ind. imp. plur., with e, etc.). Whether the not altogether uncom- 
 mon appearance of ae for e (391, note 5) is related to these shiftings, 
 is doubtful. 
 
CONJUGATION 275 
 
 Note 7. To WS. cwe?Jan regularly corresponds North. R.2 cweol5a 
 (cAvea^a), Rit. cvoe9a, cvaeSa (ind. 1 sing. cvi9o); L. has a medley: 
 cuoeSa (coe9a), cueSa, cueaSa, cuaeSa, cuoa'ffa, and cuo'Sa, coSa; 
 but for WS. wesan North, has uniformly R.2 wosa, L. wos(s)a, 
 Rit. vos(s)a (156. 2 ; 427. 3). 
 
 Note 8. The i-verbs resemble the e-verbs with respect to the 
 umlaut: niman (390, note 2), ripan, *wisaii, and North, grioppa 
 (382, note 3). x 
 
 371. i-umlaut (including the early interchange of e 
 and i, 92) properly belongs only to the ind. pres. 2 and 
 3 sing., and is often found in these two forms in the 
 southern dialects, especially so far as it coincides with 
 syncope of the vowel which caused it (358.2). Not 
 infrequently, however, there is a substitution of the 
 unchanged vowel belonging to the other present forms ; 
 in this respect there is no unanimity among the various 
 dialects. 
 
 Note 1. In the ejection of umlaut-forms, two strata are to be 
 distinguished : an earlier (already represented in the oldest texts, and 
 especially characteristic of Anglian), accompanied by restoration of 
 the full form of the inflectional ending, -es(t), -eS (358, note 3), and 
 a later (restricted to the south), in which syncopated forms lose the 
 umlaut. 
 
 Note 2. The earliest documents of pure WS., like the Cura Past., 
 exhibit umlaut of every vowel capable of undergoing it, in all forms 
 constructed in the original manner ; thus in the syncopated forms of 
 long stems : helpan, hilptJ ; weorpan, wierpS ; iveaxan, wiextJ ; 
 feallan, fieltJ; st9ndan, st^nt ; cna^van, cnaew'd ; hatan, hset; 
 flowan, flew3; lucan, lyc?J; lutan, lyt; heawan, hiew3; ceosan, 
 cies?y, etc. So, too, in the case of short stems, whether exhibiting 
 syncope or not : beran, biretJ and birS ; etan, itt ; brecan, brie?? ; 
 cuman, cjTiicy, etc. In the case of the latter it is to be observed that 
 the verbs with radical e for i already have sporadic instances of the y 
 which becomes more common in LWS. (byr?J, bryc3, spryccJ Cura 
 Past. MS. C), and that the verbs with radical a, 9 have the umlaut- 
 form ae (89. 3) : faer(e)?J, draegS, saec'S, spaeii(5, from faran, dragan, 
 sacan, spynan (but MS. H of Cura Past, has one f^retJ and one sp^nS). 
 
276 mFLECTION 
 
 Beside these ancient forms, however, EWS. has a few newly 
 constituted full forms without umlaut, but only from long stems: 
 weorpeO', liateO, flowed, etc. (a short-stemmed h^le3 Cura Past, is 
 to be assigned to h^lian, 400, note 2). Only sporadically occur 
 full forms with umlaut (2 sing, hie test, AvyrSest Cura Past.), and 
 shortened forms without umlaut (hreo\v<5, weaxS, weoxS MS. H of 
 Cura Past.). 
 
 Note 3. The pure LWS; documents also regularly preserve the 
 umlaut, so far as they syncopate the vowel of the final syllable, except 
 that the verbs with radical e and ea frequently have the unumlauted 
 vowel in LWS.: beran, berst, bertJ; etan, etst, et; helpan, helpst, 
 help?? ; feallan, fealst, feal<5 ; av eaxan, Aveax<y, Avex3 (108. 2) ; also 
 beatan, beatst. Other syncopated forms without umlaut are very 
 rare : staiit, flow?J, luc(y, for st^nt, fle\v3 (or LWS. fleowS, 113, 
 note 3), lye's. Beside these, the full forms without umlaut still persist, 
 especially in less pure WS. texts (358, note 6). 
 
 Note 4. As in Kent, older eo and its i-umlaut, lo, phonetically 
 coincide as eo, lo, la, etc. (159. 5), it follows that all verbs with 
 radical eo apparently have forms without umlaut in the 2 and 3 sing. : 
 Kent. Gl. ^veor3, Aveorp??, sioh3 (374); biot, hreos3 (hrios3, hrlastJ), 
 tLohS (374), from AveorSan, Aveorpan, seon ; beodan, hreosan, teon 
 (exceptionally once firi^, from fleoii,^ee). 
 
 Tlie older interchdiige of e and i in the verbs of the Third Ablaut- 
 Class with radical e is canceled by analogy in Kent. Gl. : gelts, gelp()', 
 swel(h)3, from geldaii, gclpan, SAvelgaii (tret, calcabit, belongs rather 
 to the weak verb tr^ddan). In other respects the umlaut remains 
 unaffected. 
 
 Note 5. In Anglian the umlaut becomes more and more restricted, 
 on account of the introduction of the full forms of the ending. It is 
 everywhere kept only in the contract verbs (373 ; 374) and the verbs 
 in -mi (426 ff.). 
 
 Note 6. Of the Merc, texts, Ps. still consistently observes the early 
 intercliange of e (eo) and i : beoran, bire'<5 ; cAveo'San, c\vi<5 ; gehlan, 
 glide's ; stregdan, strigdt^S (so also feolan, file??, with loss of h, 218. 1) ; 
 then the umlaut in cuinaii, cymes, -cti (390, note 2) and the inter- 
 change of a, ea with c, which is not clearly explainable : fearaii, fore??. 
 As for the rest, full forms without umlaut prevail : weorpecJ, falle'5, 
 stgnde??, cna\ve<y, flowe'(S, luce'ff, oeose??, etc. 
 
 On the other hand, U.i retains only eiiiiian, cym(e)j7; onsa^ke]? 
 (compare WS. onsacan); sporadic gcvvyrd, from -weorffan; (gewyrfej?, 
 
CONJUGATION 277 
 
 demolitur?) ; even the interchange of e and i is given up : helped, bore]?, 
 etep, etc. (only sporadically yet cwi3, 358, note 7). 
 
 Note 7. North, has an isolated cuiSestu, numquid L., as a relic 
 of the interchange of e and i; then, as relics of the true i-umlaut, 
 cuma, cymeS, and perhaps the interchange of a and ae in the verbs 
 of the Sixth Ablaut-Class, like fara, faereS (but cf. notes 8, 9). But 
 the verbs with radical e and i before a single consonant distinguish 
 themselves from the inf. and the plural forms by the lack of u- and 
 o/a-umlaut (370) : beora, beara — bere'S ; eota, eata — eteS ; nionia 
 — nimeiJ, etc. , so far at least as leveling has not occurred (370, note 6). 
 
 Note 8. In the verbs of the Sixth Ablaut-Class in E.^ and North., 
 the ae of the 2 and. 3 sing, has to a considerable degree been made 
 general: R.^ inf. faeran, beside faran, imp. plur. f?re]7, etc.; R.'^ inf. 
 fara, 1 sing, faero, opt. sing. plur. faere, imp. plur. faraS; L. inf. 
 fara (faera), 1 sing, faero, imp. plur. faeras, opt. faere, etc. 
 
 Note 9. On anomalies in the conjugation of cumau see 390, 
 note 2. 
 
 Verbs in -jo- 
 
 372. Like bicldan are inflected the verbs sittan, 
 ft'icg(e)an, licg'(e)an (391. 3), h^bban, hliehhan (Ps. 
 hl8eh(h)an, North. lilgeh(h)a, 159. 3), scieppan (Kent. 
 Angl. sc^ppan, North, -a, 159. 1), staeppaii (89, note 1, 
 but Rit. st^pa), sc^9'9'an (392. 4), which form their 
 present in Germ, with jo. The discrepancies are con- 
 fined to the present, which conforms in all respects to 
 the conjugation of the short-stemmed weak verbs of the 
 First Class (paradigm fr^mman, 409). 
 
 The paradigm n^rian (409) is followed by the strong 
 verb sw^rian (392.4); the paradigm of the long stems, 
 deman (differing from that of the strong verbs only by 
 the invariable umlaut of the radical syllable), is followed 
 by Avepaii, weep^ and perhaps g-ierran (388, note 1) and 
 * hwesan (* hwsesan?) (396. 2. b). 
 
278 INFLECTION 
 
 Note. In North, the imp, sing, of the short stems is generally 
 devoid of ending : R.^ sitt and site ; L. gbidd, lig, sitt, beside su^re ; 
 Kit. hef, gibidd, beside gibidde. So also in R.i h^f, sw^r, beside 
 bidde, lige, site. Cf. 410, note 5. 
 
 In LWS. -a is occasionally found in the imp. sw^ra, from s^v^rian, 
 on the analogy of weak verbs of the Second Class (cf . also 400, note 3). 
 
 Contract Verbs 
 
 373. Contract verbs are those in vowel or diphthong 
 + h ; the h was lost before vowels (218), and the adjoin- 
 ing vowels were then contracted. Here belong the 
 following verbs, arranged by Ablaut-Classes : I teon, 
 (Bfeon, wreon, leon, seon (383); II fleon, teon (384); V 
 gref eon, pleon, seon (391. 2) ; VI flean, lean, slean, 
 arwean (392.2); and the reduplicating fon, lion (395). 
 
 374. In WS. and Kent, the li is retained in the ind. 
 pres. 2 and 3 sing., which have the i-umlaut and synco- 
 pated ending, and in the imp. 2 sing, (compare the para- 
 digm, 367) ; in Anglian, however, it is regularly found 
 only in the imp. sing. (166. 6 ; 222. 1 ; 358, note 7). 
 
 Note 1. In Kent, there are occasional forms without h : Kent. Gl. 
 forsio(5, Aflr5, from seon, fleon, beside forsioh^, slehst, sl^hS, onf eh?y, . 
 oferwrlhcJ, dtioli(5, etc. 
 
 Note 2. The forms of the Ps. are : 1) inf. wrean, pres. 3 sing. 
 wri<5, imp. sing, wrih; 2) pres. 1 sing, fleom (cf. 426 ff.), 3 sing. 
 tT3, plur. fleotJ, opt. plur. flen, imp. sing, teh, part, fleonde; 3) inf. 
 scan, sian, infl. seonne, pres. 1 sing, slo, sie, gefio, gefie, 2 sing. 
 sist, 3 sing. si(5, geficJ (once gefili'S, 20. 2, and gefiht, 15. 9), plur. 
 bislS, s^acJ, 8lo<5, and gefia(J, gefeaS, gefiotJ, opt. sing, se, gefee, 
 plur. sen, gefen, imp. sing, seh, gefeli, plur. siaS, gefiatJ, gefiolff, 
 part, sionde, siende ; 4) pres. 1 sing, slea, <5wea, 2 sing, sles, ?Jvves, 
 3 sing. sle?J, <5we5, plur. sleacJ, opt. sing, sle, imp. slajh, Su^h ; 
 6) inf. fon, pres. 1 sing, fo, foo (once foii, 115. 13), 2 sing, foest, 
 3 sing. foaS (once foeht, 47. 4 ; that is, foest, foe't^, fOeht), plur. fo9, 
 
CONJUGATION 279 
 
 opt. foe, plur. foen (that is, foe, foen, or foe, foen ?), imp. sing, foh, 
 plur. fo3, part, fonde. 
 
 Note 3. In R.i occur: 1) inf. wrigan, part, dsiend^, pres. plur. 
 xsrreop; 2) inf. plur. fleane, part, teonde, pres. plur. fleaj>, fleop, 
 imp. fleoh, teoh, plur. fleoj? ; 3) inf. seon, infl. seonne, seenne, part. 
 seonde, seende, seaende, pres. 2 sing, sis, se^s and sihst, 3 sing. sTff, 
 seoj? and sihp, plur. seop, sea}?, see J?, opt. plur. seo(ii), imp. sih 
 and seoh, plur. seoJ>, seae]? {= seaij? ?), pres. 3 sing, and imp. plur. 
 gefeaj? (cf. 391, note 6); 4) inf. sla(n) and slean, slsean, infl. slteanne, 
 pres. 1 sing, slee, 2 sing, slsegst, 3 sing, slaep and slaehj?, plur. sleep 
 and slaeg^, slaeh]?, thuatJ, opt, slee, imp. slag, ]7\vah. 
 
 Note 4. R.^ has the following instances: 1) pres. 3 sing. wriS, 
 imp. plur. "wria3; 2) inf. tea, infl. fleaii(n)e, pres. 3 sing, fles, plur. 
 fleas; 3) inf. sea, infl. seaii(n)e, seana, pres. 1 sing. sTom, 2 sing. 
 sis(t), 3 sing. sT5 (seaS), plur. seal5, seas and sie3, opt. sli, sie, plur. 
 sil, sie, imp. sing, sih, saeh, adhortative gisea we, 2 plur. seatJ, seas, 
 and imp. geffeg, plur. gefeaS (391, note 6); 4) inf. sla(a), tJwa, 
 J^wie, infl. slaanne, part, sla'nde, pres. 1 sing, slse, Swse, 2 sing. 
 slses, 3w£es, 3 sing. slteS, slacJ, plur. sla5, opt. sing, sl^, 3w8e, imp. 
 sing, slah, ?ywah, adhortative ofsla we. 
 
 Note 5. In L. occur: 1) inf. w^rlga, pres. 3 sing. wTigatJ, opt. 
 wria, imp. plur. w^^rlaS ; 2) inf. flea, tea, infl. fleanne, pres. 3 sing. 
 GiiS, plur. fleaS, fleas, flias, imp. sing, fleh, plur. fleas; 3) inf. sea, 
 infl. seanne, part, seende, segende, pres. 1 sing. sTum, seem (seium), 
 2 sing, siis, siistu, sist, 3 sing. siiS, -s, sea3, plur. seacJ, -s, opt. sing. 
 sil, sie, plur. see, sea, seae, sege(?), imp. sing, sih, seh, saeh, saegh, 
 plur. sea?J, -s ; 4) inf. slaa, slge (slea ?) and tJoa, 15uoa, part, slcende, 
 slaegende, sloegende(?), pres. 1 sing, slse, Soa, 2 sing, slges(t), tJvoas, 
 ?n*oas, 3 sing. slseS, -s ; tJw^as, plur. sla(a)s, slie??, -s ; ?^was; opt. 
 sing, slaae, tJoa, imp. sing, slah, ?^uah, adhortative ofsla we. 
 
 Note 6. Rit. has : 1) inf. gi^Ra, infl. wrianne, part. 3iiende, pres. 
 opt. sing. plur. gi?yii, imp. plur. wriaS ; 2) infl. inf. fleanne, part. 
 fleende, pres. 3 sing, flee?^, te^, opt. sing, flee, flii, imp. plur. fleas ; 
 3) inf. sea, pres. 1 sing, slum, 2 sing, siist, 3 sing. sKJ, plur. sea3, 
 opt. sing, sii, imp. sih, sigh, seh, plur. sea3; 4) part. slSnduni. 
 
 Note 7. On North, w^eak gefeaga see 391, note 6 ; 414, note 5. c. 
 
280 INFLECTION 
 
 2) Preterit 
 
 375. The preterits of the contract verbs do not differ 
 from those of the regular conjugation, since the h is 
 either final (ind. 1 and 3 sing.) or has undergone gram- 
 matical change to gr or w. 
 
 376. u-umlaut belongs originally to the ind. plur. of 
 the strong verbs of the First Ablaut-Class (382), as far 
 as the special phonetic laws of the individual dialects 
 require. However, the old conditions are much dis- 
 ordered by leveling (105; 160; 104.2, etc.). 
 
 Note. In EWS. texts, the io due to umlaut is already gone : not 
 only gewiton (105. 1), but drifon, scrifon (105. 2); WS. forms with 
 lo, eo occur therefore only sporadically in less pure texts, being espe- 
 cially frequent in the poetry. 
 
 Kent. Gl. has only one leveled form : gewiton. Ps., on the other 
 hand, has consistently carried through the umlaut to eo (once io), 
 and extended it by analogy to the verbs in a guttural, like steogun, 
 ■bisweocun, while R.i fluctuates between eo, io and simple i (164, 
 note 2). 
 
 The umlaut-form of North, is everywhere io (150, note 4). The 
 instances in R.^ strictly follow the phonetic rules, with the excep- 
 tion of one fordrifen, with a different vowel of the ending : -driofun, 
 -fliotuD, -hrionuu, -on, ilriosun, contrasted with stigun, wrigun 
 (164. 2). L. has, however, a few leveled forms in i: fordrifon, 
 gehrinon, awritton, beside the phonetically correct forms, like 
 biodon, driofon ; stigou, Avrigon. Rit. has only d-, girioson. 
 
 377. i-umlaut properly belongs to the indicative 2 
 sing, and the whole optative (compare OS. forms like 
 ind. 2 sing, bundi, opt. 1 and 3 sing, bundi, plur. 
 biindin). It scarcely occurs, however, except in a few 
 optalives of the preteritive presents (421 ff.); in the reg- 
 ular verb it has been given up. 
 
CONJUGATION 281 
 
 Note. The few umlauted forms which might perhaps be assigned 
 liere are extremely doubtful. R."^ has au appareut iud. 2 sing. (5w*gc, 
 as a gloss upon lavabis; in a rubric of Rit. 114 there is an opt. wyrde, 
 parallel to the opt. pres. maege ; in Cura Past. 214. 7, lili(e)pen is 
 to be classed, according to the sense, as opt. pres. (and accordingly 
 belongs, no doubt, to a weak verb hliepan, from *Iilaupjan); in like 
 manner, a present meaning is requisite for swylte (corrected from 
 swaelte), R.i 22. 24. There remain only a few forms with wyr for 
 wur, which are perhaps to be regarded as inverted spellings (72, and 
 note) : poet, hwyrfe, Dan. 221 ; R.2 wyrde, gewyrde, Jieret, once each 
 (compare R.i ind. wyrdun, -on, wyrSon, wyrpon, for wurdun, etc., 
 and ind. plur. awyrpe]?, for dweorpa]?). 
 
 3) Past Participle 
 
 378. The vocalisni of these participles is generally 
 stable. Only the following is to be noted: 
 
 1) In the verbs of the Sixth Ablaut-Class a inter- 
 changes with se: faren, fseren, etc. (368, note 4). 
 
 2) As a result of the original ending -in (beside 
 -sen, -en, 366, note 2), certain verbs occasionally have 
 i-umlaut. 
 
 Note 1. Among EWS. texts, Cura Past, has of these forjns (disre- 
 garding the uniform gesewen, 73, note 1); in MS. C two -slegen, as 
 against -slsegen MS. H, in the former one -cymen, two -Sr^wen, 
 as against -cumen, -^Jrawen MS. H. In the EWS. laws occur -slegen, 
 -tygen (beside -togen, from teon, censure, 383, note 3), in later texts 
 often -cymen, -Sw^gen, -slegen. Compare the participial adjective 
 gegen, ovm, beside agen (Goth, aigins, contrasted with OHG. eigan). 
 
 Sure instances are lacking in Ps. (but see note 2), as its slegen, 
 dh^fen, etc. can be interpreted by 151. 1 ; R.^ has unSw^gen (beside 
 -slsegen, etc.), R.2 one gebrsecen, Rit. -h^fen, beside -slaegen, etc.); 
 in L. the umlauts are commoner : gescyfen, gecnoeden, gesuoeren, 
 gewoerden, dwoerpen, -h^fen, -(Ju^gen, and probably gescryiican, 
 etc. (386, note 4); cf. also note 2. 
 
 Note 2. Here belongs also the Angl. part, doen (poet, -den), from 
 *d6m-, from the anomalous don, 429. On this model are framed a 
 
282 INFLECTION 
 
 few forms of contract verbs in North. : -foen, -hoen R.2 L. Rit. (also 
 poet, -fen), in L. also -3uoen, c^uen (392, note 7; 397, note). 
 
 Note 3. Only quite sporadically occur traces of u-uralaut (366.2), 
 like gewreotene in a Kentish charter of a.d. 871-889. 
 
 Note 4. In MS. C of Cura Past, occurs twice the part, wieten, 
 from witan (420. 1), but its ie must be derived from the ie-forms of 
 the infinitive, etc. The numerous ie's of MS. H in participles of the 
 First Ablaut-Class are not to be regarded (22, note). 
 
 B. TENSE-FORMATION OF STRONG VERBS 
 
 1) Ablaut Verbs 
 
 379. The tense-stems. The forms of OE. Ablaut Verbs 
 may all be referred to four stems, which are called tense- 
 stems. These are 
 
 1) the present-stem, to which belong all the forms of 
 the present ; 
 
 2) the first preterit-stem, to which belong only the 
 ind. pret. 1 and 3 sing. ; 
 
 3) the second preterit-stem, comprising the ind. 2 
 sing., the ind. plur., and the whole opt. pret. ; 
 
 4) the stem of the past participle, from which only 
 the latter is derived. 
 
 As representatives of these four stems the following 
 are generally adduced : 1) the ind. pres. 1 sing, or the 
 inf. ; 2) the ind. pret. 1 sing. ; 3) the ind. pret. 1 plur. ; 
 4) the past participle. 
 
 380. Grammatical change. Those verbs whose pres- 
 ent-stem ends in a surd spirant regularly experience 
 grammatical change in the third and fourth stems : 
 ceosan, ceas, curoii, coreii (384) ; licTjin, lacT, lidoii, 
 lideii (382) ; teon, teali, tiig-on, tog-eii (384) ; seon, shea, 
 
CONJUGATION 283 
 
 sawon, sewen (391. 2). This relation is, however, often 
 obscured, since the grammatical change often extends 
 to the second stem: slean, slog-, slog-on, g-eslaegen 
 
 (392. 2). For details see under the various Ablaut- 
 Classes. 
 
 381. The ahlaut-series. The variation of radical vowel 
 in the four stems of the verb takes place within certain 
 well-defined vowel-groups or series, which are called 
 ablaut^series. Of these series the Germanic verb recog- 
 nizes six. Arranging the vowels according to the order 
 of the four stems, the series form the following system : 
 
 
 1st Stem 
 
 2d Stem 
 
 3d Stem 
 
 4th Stem 
 
 I . . 
 
 . 1 
 
 ai 
 
 i 
 
 i 
 
 II . . 
 
 eu 
 
 au 
 
 u 
 
 o 
 
 Ill . . 
 
 . e, i 
 
 a 
 
 u 
 
 u, o 
 
 IV . . 
 
 . e, i 
 
 a 
 
 £6 
 
 o 
 
 V . . 
 
 . e,i 
 
 a 
 
 £6 
 
 e 
 
 VI . . 
 
 . a 
 
 o 
 
 O 
 
 a 
 
 Note 1. For the variation of e and i, u and o, see 45. 2, 3, 
 
 The much more complicated system of the OE. ablaut- 
 series results from the Germanic by the introduction of 
 the changes which the Germanic vowels experienced in 
 OE. (49ff.). Further particulars will be given in the 
 following surveys. 
 
 Note 2 (on 380-381). In North., especially in L., the strong con- 
 jugation is already beginning to disorganize. This results from various 
 new^ formations in the pret. and past part., which now destroy the 
 grammatical change, now the older ablaut, and now repose upon 
 analogy with the weak conjugation. For the details see below. 
 
 382. Class I. Verbs of the First Ablaut-Class : i, a, i 
 (io, eo, 105; 160; 376), ^(io, eo, 378, note 3): gripan, 
 grap, gripoii (griopun), gripen, seize; with grammatical 
 
284 INFLECTION 
 
 change in the third and fourth stems : sniaran, snaiac, 
 snidoii, siiiden, cut. 
 
 Note 1. a) Like gripan are inflected nipan, groio dark; clifan, 
 adhere; drifaii, drive; belifan, remain; scrifan, i)rescrihe; toslifan, 
 Hplit; s^vifan, reuoiye ; bitan, 6i^e; dritan (?), cacare; flitan, cojiiemZ; 
 hnitaii, thrust; seitan, cacare; slitan, tear; besinitaii, defile; <5\vitan, 
 heiv; ge"\vitan, go; aet\vitan, scold, twit; -vvlitan, look; writaii, write; 
 bidau, bide; glidan, glide; gnldan, enidan (LWS. has sporadically 
 a pret. forgnatf), rub; hlidan, cover; ridan, ride; slidan, slide; 
 stridaii, stride; Avridan(?), grow; blican, shine; sican, sigh; 
 snican(?), creep; strican, go; SAvTcan, abandon; -wican, yield; 
 *figaii, parch (only part, afigen); huigan, bow; iiiigan, mingere; 
 sigan, sink; stlgan, ascend; cinan, gape; ^CAvTnan, dwinan, dis- 
 appear; ginftn, yawn; hrinan, touch ; hwinan {?), hiss; scinan, shine 
 (pret. scan, seean, 76); 3\vinan(?), grow soft; spiAvan, spjew; arisan, 
 arise; gerisan, befit; mrSan, avoid; ^vl•l(Jan, bind. 
 
 b) Like snitJan are conjugated ITSan, go; scrTSaii, proceed (but 
 part, scri^en Guthl. 1012); aetclrffan, adhere, is doubtful; on LWS. 
 frinan, fran, see 389, note 3. 
 
 Note 2. Occasionally strong preterits are also formed from weak 
 verbs : ran, from rinan, for rignan, ra/>i Blickl. Gl. ; ofersivaff, from 
 ofe^s^vi3aIl Saints 2. 4. 
 
 Note 3. The present of ripan, reap, is peculiarly irregular ; the 
 quantity of the i is doubtful in WS., but it is short in Angl., and there- 
 fore subject to u- and o/a-umlaut (370, note 8): Ps. reopan, 3 sing. 
 ripe?y, R.i hriopan, 1 and 3 sing, ripe, -es, R.2 2 and 3 sing, ripes, -e^J, 
 plur. riopaS, opt. ripe, L. (h)rioppa, 1 sing, hrippo, 2 hrip(p)es, 
 3 hrioppaty, plur. hriopaS, rioppas. 
 
 Thus inflects North. L. grioppa, grasp: inf. grioppa, 3 sing, gripes, 
 opt. gripa, etc. 
 
 The defective verb --weosan, vanish, also probably belongs here : 
 pres. part, tovveosende, past part. foi*Averen, forA\ eoren (forworen, 
 72), from * wisan ; compare the weak wlsnian, weosniaii. On lioran, 
 leoran see 384, note 3. 
 
 Note 4. North, new formations are: R.^ pret. plur. dstiegdun 
 (beside stag, plur. stigun); L. pret. gripp(e)de (beside grap, opt. 
 grioppa), stTg(o)de, -ade, opt. stago, stagadc (beside ind. stag, plur. 
 stigun, opt. stige), duinde, hrin(a)don, part, gehrinad (beside pret. 
 plur. hrinon). 
 
CONJUGATION 285 
 
 383. 1) The contract verbs tion, teon, censure ; (Tion, 
 aceon, thrive ; wrion, Avreon, cover (for * tilian, etc., com- 
 pare Goth, teihaii, }>eihan ; on io, eo see 84. 2 ; 114. 3 ; 
 Ps. wrean, R.^ Avrigran, R.^ wria, L. wri(g')a, Rit. ifTia, 
 Avria, 374, notes 2 ff.), lost the h in certain forms of 
 the present, which then underwent contraction (373), 
 but retain the h in the pret. 1 and 3 sing., and convert 
 it into g" by grammatical change in the third and fourth 
 stems (380) : wrioii (wreon), wrah, wrig-on, wrigren. 
 
 2) This inflectional type has been preserved in An- 
 glian in a virtually pure form (see the list of individual 
 instances in 374), but in WS. these verbs soon went 
 over to the Second Ablaut-Class, whose present forms 
 coincided with theirs : thus pret. wreah, plur. wriig-on, 
 part. Avrogen, like teali, tug-on, togen, from tion, teon, 
 draw (384. 2). 
 
 Note 1. This transfer begins in EWS. with teah, tugon Or., in 
 contrast with part. geSigen Cura Past. 
 
 The lexicons and older grammars often cite infinitives like *tThaii, 
 etc. ; these are nowhere to be met with in the literature, and are falsely 
 deduced from forms in which the h is regularly preserved (374), like 
 3 sing. ti(e)h?J. 
 
 Note 2. The g of the third and fourth stems is occasionally trans- 
 ferred to the second stem : tJag, >vrag ; in R.i L. -wriga, beside wria 
 (374, notes 3 and 5), it even penetrates into the first. 
 
 Note 3. ?Ron, 3eon, in addition to the pret. plur. Sigon, Iffugon, 
 part. Sigen, ?fogen, likewise forms a pret. plur. ISungon, opt. tfunge, 
 past part. (Jungen, according to Class III (386). tion, teon, censure, 
 has also in the past part, tygen, with i-umlaut (378, note 1), beside 
 tigen and togen. 
 
 Note 4. Like tion, teon are inflected the first and second stems 
 of lion, leon, lend; seon, sift (Goth, leihwan, *seihAvan), pret. lah, 
 leah. The only other form is the past part. aslAven, dseow'^en (73. 3, 
 and note 3), and the contracted beseon. 
 
286 INFLECTION 
 
 384. Class II. Verbs of the Second Ablaut-Class : 
 egj ea, u, o (Goth, iu, au, u, u). Examples: 
 
 1) for regular verbs: beodan, bead, budon, boden, 
 hid; ceowan, ceaAv, cmvoii, cowen, cheiv ; or with 
 gramtQatical change in the third and fourth stems : 
 ceosan, ceas, curon, coren, choose ; seoacan, seaST, 
 sudon, soden, seethe ; 
 
 2) for contract verbs : teon, teah, tug-on, tog-en, 
 draw ; similarly fleon, flee (for the Anglian forms in 
 detail see 374). 
 
 Note 1. So are also inflected: 
 
 a) Regularly : ereopan, creep; dreopan, drip ; geopan, receive; 
 cleofan, cleave; reofan, shatter (only part, rofen, berofen); breotan, 
 break; fleotau, flow; geotan, pour; greotan, weep; hleotan, cast 
 lots; neotan, enjoy ; reotan, fall ; sceotan (part, scoten and sceoten, 
 76), shoot; "Seotan (beside 3utan, 385), howl; ASreotan, weary; 
 hreodan (generally only past part, hroden), adorn; leodan, grow; 
 reodan, redden; Ahreo'Siin{paxt. &bro<len), frustrate; reoean (North. 
 L. reca), smeocan (North, sineea, R.^ smica), smoke; dreogan, endure; 
 fleogan (Ps. flegan, fligan, North. L. R.'^ Rit. flega), fly; leogau 
 (Ps. legan, ligan, R.i ligan), lie; breo^vaIl, brew; hreowan, rue. 
 
 b) With grammatical change : dreosan, fall; freosan, freeze; 
 hreosan, /a^Z; forleosan, lose. 
 
 Note 2. heofan, lament^ has the irregular pret. heof, after the 
 manner of the Reduplicating Verbs, beside heofde (on LWS. hreow, 
 for hreaw, see 119, note). 
 
 reoean has also the late pret. reohte. 
 
 In LWS., fleon and fleogan, whose forms coincided in the (second), 
 third, and fourth stems, also merged in the present, so that forms of fleon 
 were used with the meaningly, and those of fleogan with that oiflee. 
 
 Note 3. Here probably also belongs the defective strong verb 
 leoran, go (part, geleorene Ruin 7, corrupted from gelorene, as 
 metrical considerations demand length of the eo in leoran ; for the 
 riming word fonveorcn we must read forworene, 382, note 3). The 
 (only northern English) verb usually inflects as weak: pret. leorde, 
 part, geleored (North, liora, 159. 5). 
 
CONJUGATION 287 
 
 Note 4. The relation of the doublets sneo"wan and snowan, hasten 
 (both only poetical), and cneodan (Bede) and cnodan (Cura Past.), 
 allots is not clear. The length of the radical vowels in snowan and 
 part, gecnoden is established by the metre, and the verbs ought 
 probably on that account to be referred to 396. 2. h. 
 
 Note 5. There is a North, strong pret. speaft, speoft, spat, which 
 might belong either here or under 396. 2. a ; but according to the part. 
 gespeoftad these forms would rather belong to a verb originally weak. 
 
 385. The verbs sliipan, slip ; siipan, taste ; diifan, 
 dive ; sciifan, shove ; liitaii, how ; lirutan, snore ; arfitan 
 (beside iSTeotan, 384), howl ; strudan, devastate ; briican, 
 enjoy ; lucan, lock ; sucan, sug"an, suck ; bug-aii, how ; 
 smug-aii, creep^ have in the present u instead of eo 
 (compare Goth, lukan), but are otherwise regular: 
 lucan, leac, lucon, locen. 
 
 Note 1. Here probably belong the following, whose existence in the 
 present is doubtful : *crudan, crowd (3 sing. cryde^SRid.), *sprritan, 
 sprout (compare Eng. crowd, sprout), and perhaps also *scudan, scud 
 (only part, scudende Guthl. , which might also belong to a weak verb 
 of the Second Conjugation, * sciidian). Here may also belong the 
 isolated past participles dSrviten, sivollen; ge'Sruen, forged (twice 
 erroneously written ge^uren in the MSS.). 
 
 Note 2. Of scufan (LWS. also sceiifan, sceofan, 76. 2 ; Kit. 
 scyfa), the past part, is seofen, sceofeu, L. scyfen with i-umlaut 
 (378, note 1), and the pret. plur. in Rit. scyufon. 
 
 Note 3 (on 384, 385). The verbs in gutturals have in Anglian 
 (165. 1 ; 163) e for the eo or ea of the first and second stems (in Ps. 
 and R.i occasionally also I for eo, L. se for ea). For the present forms 
 of the regular verbs see 384, note 1, and for the contract verbs 374 ; 
 for the pret. compare Ps. lee, fleg, fleh, teh, R.2 brec, beg, fleh, teh, 
 L. brec (brsec), beg, fleh (flaeh), tseh, Rit. fleg (for brece, lece, see 
 note 4). 
 
 Note 4 (on 384, 385). North, new formations are: R.2 pret. 
 plur, brecon, L. pret. plur. ceason, opt. cease (beside curon, cure), 
 plur. bre(i)con, opt. brece; pret, supedon, beside seap, Rit. ind, 
 pret. 2 sing, lece, opt. brece, beside ind. pret. 2 sing. luce. 
 
288 INFLECTION 
 
 386. Class III. Verbs of the Third Ablaut-Class ; 
 Goth, i, a, u, u. This class includes in OE. three main 
 subdivisions : 
 
 1) Verbs in nasal + consonant have the ablaut-series 
 i, Q (a, 65), u, u : bindan, bQnd(bancl), bundoii, bunden, 
 hind. 
 
 Note 1. So are also inflected fiiidan, find; grindan, grind; 
 hrindan, thrust; sAvindan, vanish; Sindan, swell; windan, wind; 
 ISriiitaii, swell ; spriiitan (only L. gisprant, eructavit) ; (on)gmnan, 
 begin; linnan, cease; sinnan, meditate; spinnan, spin; winnan, 
 labor ; clingan, shrink ; cringan, crincan, fall ; singan, sing ; 
 springan, spring ; stiiigan, sting ; swingan, swing ; Sringan, throng ; 
 wringan, wring; drincan, drink; dcwincan, vanish; scrincan, 
 scringan, shrink ; sincan, sink ; slincan, slink ; stincan, stink ; 
 SAviucan, swink; cliinban, climman, climb; (ge)liinpan, happen; 
 (h)rinipan, vjrinkle; crimman, cram; grimman, rage; hliinman, 
 roar; scriininan(?); swimnian, swim. 
 
 Note 2. Here belong also iernan (irnan, yrnan, Ps. R.i eornan, 
 North. R.- L. Rit. iorna), run, and biernan (birnan, byrnan, Ps. R.^ 
 beornan, North. L. beorna, bearna, Rit. beorna, biorna), burn, 
 intrans. (Goth, rinnaii, brinnan, with metathesis, 179), pret. 9rn, 
 bgrn, later arn, barn, for * I'Qnn, * brQnn ; subsequently with regu- 
 lar ablaut WS. earn, bearn. The form rinnan is occasionally found, 
 especially in gerinnan, curdle (though part, rarely also geurnen). 
 
 From sAvingan there is an early part, sungen Mart. 
 
 Sporadic are Siingon, 3iingen, from tJeon, succeed (383, note 3). 
 
 The WS. pret. of findan is also funde, as if from a weak verb. 
 
 Note 3. Of the Anglian texts, Ps. still regularly has the older 9 
 in the pret. : dr9nc, etc., and so 9rn and b9rn ; R.i fluctuates between 
 9 and a (the latter also in arn). On the other hand. North., which 
 elsewhere has only 9 before nasals, here has always a : band, dranc, 
 gelamp, etc. , as well as arn, barn, evidently by analogy with preterits 
 like halp, 387 (the forms with u, like fund, drunc, gelump, found 
 in the older editions, are due to misreading). 
 
 Note 4. North, new formations are : R.2 pret. sing, (weak ?) gi- 
 binde, beside giband, plur. ornun, drincon (beside druncon) ; L. 
 pret. plur. ongannon, part. pkir. ongindo (beside pret. ongann, 
 plur. -gunnon), pret. tJringde, part. ge'Sringed (beside ge^rungen), 
 
CONJUGATION 289 
 
 pret. suin(c)gde, part, besuingen, gesuin(c)ged (beside pret. -suang, 
 part, -suungen). 
 
 scrinca has North. L. pret. plur. gescriungon, past part, for- 
 scriuncen, gescFiuncan, gescryncan ; compare also the adj. und.- 
 scryuncan (i.e., -anlic), inmarcessibilis Rit. 
 
 387. 2) Verbs in 1 + consonant have the ablaut-series 
 e, ea (a, 80 ; Angl. regularly a, 158. 2, but see note 5 
 below), u, o : helpan, healp (halp), hulpoii, liolpen, help. 
 
 Note 1. Thus are inflected delfan, delve; belgan, be angry ; 
 swelgan, swallow; beteldan, cover; meltan, melt; sweltan, die; 
 bellan, bellow; swellan, swell. 
 
 Isolated forms are coUen-, in eollenferh?^, excited., from*cwellaii, 
 well up., and ^vollen-, in w^ollenteare, weeping, from *wellan, surge; 
 yet the latter word might also belong to \veallan (396. a). 
 
 Note 2. The following verbs exhibit slight variations in WS. : 
 giellan, yell; sciellan (?), clash; gieldan, yield; gielpan, boast; 
 scielfan (?), shake, with ie, i, y in the present on account of initial 
 g, sc (75) (Kent, and Angl. preserve the e, 157. 2). 
 
 Note 3. nieolcan, ynilk, and seolcan, grow languid (generally 
 only in the past part, a-, besolcen) have in the pres. eo in WS. (81); 
 yet also LWS. melcan, by analogy with verbs like helpan. 
 
 Note 4. feolan (Ps. feolan), conceal (from *feolhan. 218.1, 
 compare Goth, filhan), has pret. fealh (Ps. falh ; pres. 2 and 3 sing. 
 WS. *filhst, *filhg, but Ps. 3 sing. flletJ (164. 2), opt. Ps. fele, Rit. 
 fela). The pret. plur. is rarely fulgon, generally f^lon (Ps. felun) 
 according to 390, part, foleu. An inf. *felgaii, which is often postu- 
 lated, does not exist. 
 
 Note 5. R.i has, beside the preterits gald, swalt, also dself, by 
 analogy with such as baer (390). 
 
 Note 6. s^veltan forms in L. the weak pret. suelte, suselte. 
 
 388. 3) Verbs in r or h + consonant have the ablaut- 
 series eo, ea, u, o : weorpan, wearp, wurpon, worpen, 
 cast, or feohtan, feaht, fuhton, fohten, fight; with 
 grammatical change: weoraran, wearSC, . wurdon, 
 
 worden, become. On the Anglian forms see. notes 3 ff. 
 
 Note 1. So are inflected ceorfan, cut, carve; deorfan, labor; 
 hM'corfan, turn ; sceorfan, gnaw ; steorfan, die ; sweorfap, polishj 
 
290 
 
 INFLECTION 
 
 sceorpan, scrape; beorgan, protect; beorcan, bark; *sneorcan, 
 excidere (only pret. gesiierc Ps.); sweorcaii, grow dark; smeortan, 
 smart (only part, fyrsmeortendum Or.); *ceorraii, creak (only pret. 
 pliir. curron). 
 
 For the pret. plur. gurron Andr. 374 an inf. *georran is generally 
 postulated, but more probably it is to be referred to *gierraii, gyrran 
 (which is only found in the pres.), thus assigning to this verb a present 
 formation with jo (372); on the other hand, the unique North, imp. 
 ser'S L. no doubt belongs to a weak verb *ser3a, WS. ^sierSan, 
 moechari (compare OHG. serten). 
 
 Isolated past participles of this class are dcworren, crapulatus 
 (compare m^tecweorra, qiialmishness), and flohtenfot, iveb-footed. 
 
 Note 2. On LWS. by-forms of the present, like wurSan, wurpan 
 (worpan), etc., see 72. 
 
 Note 3. For feohtan Ps. has fehtan, North. R.2 L. Kit. fehta (Kit. 
 also adj. unjlfaehtenUc), for beorgan R.i bergan (164. 1). Anglian 
 instances are: Rit. gefaeht, Ps. gesnerc (note 1, above; cf. 162.2). 
 
 Note 4. The North, forms of weorpan, weorSan are worpa, 
 wor9a (156. 2) ; for hweorfan Rit. has hwarfa (L. only pret. plur. 
 yuibhurfon). 
 
 R.i, beside regular forms with weor-, has others with ea, e, se, 
 oe, y, which are probably due to the w. 
 
 Note 5. Under ceorfan North, has the pret. L, cearf, R.2 ceorf, 
 though North, -worpa, worSa have warp, wartJ R.^ L., according 
 to 156. 3 (so also R.i -warS, beside AvearS, wearp); but L. has also 
 sporadic wearp, wcearp, w^earlS, wser'S. 
 
 On the umlauted past participles, woerpen, woerden, see 378, note 1. 
 
 Note 6. North, new formations are : R."^ pret. plur. worpadiin 
 (beside wurpoii), L. pret. plur. w^orpon, -un (beside Avarpon, -un). 
 
 389. 4) Other variations, many of which will be at 
 once comprehended by a reference to the phonology, 
 are exhibited by the following verbs : 
 
 bregdaii, brandish braegd brugdon brogden 
 
 stregdan, strew straegd strugdoii strogden 
 
 berstan, burst baerst burstoii borsten 
 
 ?Jaersc Surscon <5orscen 
 
 frt»gn frugnon frugnen 
 
 mearn murnon 
 
 spuruau(sporuau), tread down spearn spurnon spornen 
 
 Jferscan, thresh 
 
 frignan, inquire, ascertain 
 
 murnan, mourn 
 
CONJUGATION 291 
 
 Note 1. bregdan and stregdan often lose their g in southern 
 Eng., with lengthening of the preceding vowel : bredan, brted, etc., 
 214. 3, and note 8. The past part, of bregdan occurs as bregden 
 in Phoen. and Blickl. 
 
 stregdan is preserved as a strong verb only in Ps. and R.^ : Ps. 
 pret. stregd, 2 sing, strugde, opt. strugde, part, strogden, R.2 pret. 
 straegd, part, strogden; R.i and North, also introduce weak forms 
 into the pret.: R.^ strgegde, plur. straegdun (no * straegd), L. (pres. 
 streigda, straegda, straigda), pret. straegd and strugde, 2 sing. 
 strogdes corr. from strugdes, Rit. pret. straegd and straegde, but 
 L. Rit. part, strogden. In pure WS. prose the word seems to be 
 only weak: pres. 3 sing, stret(t) Cura Past., pret. stredde, part. 
 gestred, gestreded (f or * stregde, etc.); isolated exceptions, like pret. 
 straegd (stred) Bede, part, strogden Blickl., come from non-WS. 
 originals. 
 
 On the 3 sing, britt, strett, etc., see 359, note 3. 
 
 Note 2. berstan and JJerscan (North. L. tJaersca, ?Jearsca, R.^ 
 Jfarsca, Rit. 3ersea) stand by metathesis for brestan and Srescan 
 (179), the latter occurring quite sporadically (brustaen R.i, J>resc- 
 enne Hpt. Gl.). 
 
 Note 3. frignan (compare Goth, fraihnan) has 1 as the vowel of 
 the present in WS. and Ps. In WS. the g often disappears in the 
 polysyllabic forms (214. 3): frinan : fraegn; in LWS. this is replaced 
 by frinan, fran, by analogy with the First Ablaut-Class, yet the plur. 
 generally persists as frunon, part, firunen, although frinon, frinen 
 also occur. Other more uncommon by-forms are frinnan, pret. freng, 
 plur. frungon (185). 
 
 In R.i the verb is frsegna (only 2 sing, fraegnast found), North. 
 R.2 fregna, fraegna, L. fregna, fraegna, fralgna; R.^ pret. fraegn, 
 plur. frugnun, -on, and fraegnun, part, frognen, L. pret. fraegn, 
 fraign, plur. frugnon, beside weakfregnde, fraegn(a)de, fraign(a)de, 
 part, frognen. 
 
 In this verb the n originally belonged only to the pres. (compare 
 Goth, fpah, frehuni); a relic of the older inflection is perhaps pre- 
 served in the pret. plur. frugan R.i Matt. 12. 10, and the participial 
 forms gefraegen, gefregen, gefrugen, gefrigen, which might, how- 
 ever, belong to fricgean (391, note 8). 
 
 Note 4. For murnan, the only form occurring, *nieornan is 
 often wrongly assumed. The poetry has once a pret. murnde. For 
 North, wea^k forms see 416, note H. e, spurnaa (spornan) is the 
 
292 INFLECTION 
 
 only present form in EWS. ; the new formation speornan only occurs 
 once, and that in LWS. 
 
 Note 5. Here perhaps belongs forcwolstaii, sioallow, with irreg- 
 ular present forms ; only the inf. is found. 
 
 390. Class IV. Verbs of the Fourth Ablaut-Class : 
 Goth, i, a, e, u, WS. e, ae, se, o (Kent, and Ps. e, e, e, 
 o, R.^ North, e, se (e), e (R.^ also se), o, 150. 1 ; 151. 1) : 
 beraii, bser, b?eron, boren, bear. 
 
 Note 1. So also are inflected c^velan, die; helan, conceal; 
 *hwelan(?), roar (only hwileS, and hwelung, clangor, are found); 
 stelan, steal; scieran, scyran, shear (WS. pret. only scear, plur. 
 scearon, in poet, also scaer, scaerou); teran, tear; Sweran, stir; 
 brecan, break; here belongs likewise the isolated past part, gedwolen, 
 perverse; on gecJuren see 385, note 1. 
 
 Note 2. Peculiarly irregular are : 
 
 niman, take nom, nam nomon, namon numen 
 
 cuman, come c(w)om c(\v)oinoii cumen (cymen) 
 
 The opt. pres. of cuman occurs not infrequently as cyme, with 
 i-umlaut ; now and then this y occurs in other pres. forms, especially 
 in Anglian. Here belong the following inflections : a) Ps. part, cum- 
 ende, ind. pres. sing. 1 cumu, 2, 3 cymes, -e9, plur. cumatf, opt. 
 cyme, imp. cym, plur. cumaS ; b) llA inf. cuman, -e, part, cum- 
 ende (cymende), ind. pres. sing. 1 cume, 2 cymest (cumest), 3 
 cyme)? (cyma]7, cymjj), plur. oumaj? (cymejj, -e(5), opt. cume 
 (cyme), imp. cym, cyme, cum, plur. cuma]?, -ep (cyme]?) ; c) R.2 
 inf. cuma, part, cymende, ind. pres. sing. 1 cymo, 2, 3 -es, -ecJ, etc., 
 plur. cumatJ, cyjnaTf, opt. cyme, imp. cym, plur. cumeS, cyma?J, 
 past part, cumen; d) L. inf. cum(m)a, -ai, cyme, part. cym(m)ende 
 (cummende), ind. pres. sing. 1 cym(m)o, 2, 3 cymes, -eS, etc., plur. 
 cymas (cumas), etc., opt. cymo, -e, imp. cym(m), plur. cym(m)a3 
 (cumas), etc., past part. cum(m)en; e) in Rit. the y goes through 
 the whole pres., with the exception of one each inf. gicvma, cume 
 (past part, always cum(m)en). 
 
 The EWS. pret. is generally com in Cura Past, and Or., but usu- 
 ally cuom in Chron. R.2 has only com, Ps. only cwom, R.i cwom 
 (once com), L. cwom (once comf« opt.), Rit. cvom (a plural form 
 *cwamon, which used frequently to iDe assumed, does not exist). 
 
CONJUGATION 293 
 
 The length of the o in c(w)om is certified, like that of the corre- 
 sponding nom, by accents and the doubling of the vowel. 
 
 In Angl. the forms noni, plur. nomiin, -on prevail exclusively, 
 but in WS. and Kent, there occurs also at an early period the new 
 formation nam, plur. namon (already Ep. naamun). 
 
 Note 3. Here perhaps belongs striman, in-, obniti (only part. 
 strinia(e)ndi Gl.). 
 
 Note 4. An umlauted past part. (378. 2) is North, gibroecen. 
 
 Note 5. On u- and o/a-umlaut in verbs of this class see 370 ; on 
 present forms with ae see 391, note 5. 
 
 391. Class V. 1) Verbs of the Fifth Ablaut-Class: 
 Goth, i, a, e, i, WS. e, ae, £e, e (Kent, and Ps. e, e, e, e, 
 otherwise Angl. e, ae, e, e, 150 ; 151) : nietan, maet, 
 mgeton, meten, ineasure ; or with grammatical change : 
 cweiaFan, cwaeiS", cwt^don, cweden, say (cf. note 4). 
 
 Note 1. So are inflected drepan (part, also once dropen Beow. 
 2981), strike down; screpan, scrape; svi^efan, sleep; ^vefan, weave; 
 fetan, fell ; cnedan, knead; tredan, tread; sprecan (Kent, and LWS. 
 also specan), speak; wrecan, pursue; wegan, carr?/ ylesan, collect; 
 genesan, recover; with grammatical change only the defective wesan 
 (427. 3). 
 
 Sporadic is the North, past part, forrepen, reprehensus L. 
 
 The verb plegan, play, has' strong forms only in the pres. (beside 
 weak plegian); the pret. is WS. plegode; R.i pl(e)agade; North. 
 R.2 plaegede, L. plaeg(e)de, plaegade; Ps. has only present forms of 
 plegian, plagian ; cf . 416, note 13. 6. 
 
 Very doubtful is hlecan, glomerari (3 plur. hlecatJ Cura Past. 
 362. 20 ; also part, tohlocene, diuulsam Germ. 23. 398 ? ; cf. the 
 weak verb dhlocian, eruere, effodere). 
 
 Note 2. WS. giefan, give ; -gietan, get, are irregular only in 
 accordance with 75 : pret. geaf, -geat, plur. geafon, -geaton (but 
 cf. also 109, and note), part, giefen, gieten, etc. In Kent, and 
 Angl. this diphthongization does not occur (157. 2), with the excep- 
 tion of a few North, geaef, -geaet, and geaf, -geat, beside gaef, gaet 
 in L. On the other hand, Rit. has a few gi-'s, beside ge- : imp. gif, 
 part, glfende, beside gef (157, note 2), 
 
 Note 3. etan, eat, and fretan, devour, have the WS. pret. sing. 
 set, fraet (compare Goth, fret), and hence also R.^ North. et(t) (R.i 
 
294 INFLECTION 
 
 also once gleet), with long e (150. 1 ; a sporadic aet in L. may be a 
 new formation, cf. note 10). 
 
 Note 4. For the u- and o/a-umlaut in verbs of this Class see 370 ; 
 on North, woe- for we- see 156. 1 ; on North, wo- for weo- (espe- 
 cially wosa, 427.3) see 156.2; on the pres. of cwoeSa, etc., for 
 WS. cwe'd'aii, see 370, note 7 ; the pret. is in L. cuae^, cuoe?J (coetJ, 
 cwoiJ), plur. cuedou (cusedon), cuoedoii, etc., in Rit. cvoetJ (once 
 cvo(5), opt. cvoede. 
 
 Note 5 (on 390, 391). Certain North, texts have occasionally se 
 in the pres., instead of e: R.^ once stselan, and often (on account of 
 the w) cwaeSan, L. haela, baerende, spraecca, 1 sing, wraeco, etc. 
 
 2) The verbs g-efion, g-efeon, rejoice ; plion, pleon, 
 advefiture ; and sion, seon, see^ stand for * -fehan, 
 * plehan, * seh(w)an (113. 2 ; 373). Their tense-forma- 
 tion in WS. is ; 
 
 gefeon gefeah gefaegon (gefaegen) 
 
 pleon pleah 
 
 seen seah saw^on se>veii, saw^en 
 
 Note 6. An inf. *gefeohan does not exist; gefaegen (North. L. 
 gefagen), glad, is, like faegen, properly an adjective (compare OS. 
 fagan). The pret. is Merc. Ps. gefaeh, plur. Ps. R.i gefegun, -on 
 (cf. note 7). The North, verb generally inflects like a weak verb of 
 the Second Class: R.2 L. gifeaga, -e (so also 3 sing. R.i gefea]?); 
 cf. 374, notes 3 ff. ; 414, note 5. c. 
 
 Note 7. In texts which are not pure WS., especially in the poetry, 
 saegon occurs instead of sawon. In Anglian the pret. of seon is 
 sseh, according to 162. 1 (L. also saegh; cf. also note 6), plur. segun, 
 -on (R.i also sagiin and saegun), opt. sege, part, gesegen Ps. R.2 L., 
 also geseen L. Besides, the adj. gesene, visible, is used as a part, in 
 R.i R.2 L. (222. 2 ; in R.i also geseanae, gessenae). 
 
 3) The verbs biddan, request ; licg(e)an, lie ; sittan, 
 nt, form their present in Germ, with jo (compare Goth. 
 bidjan, and 372), but are otherwise regular : pret. baed, 
 laeg, saJt, part, beden, legen, seten. 
 
CONJUGATION 295 
 
 Note 8. So, too, 3icg(e)an, take^ and fricg(e)an, ascertain^ have 
 the same present formation, but form their pret., especially in the 
 poetry, as Seah, 3ah (there also occurs the weak pret. 9igede, Sigde, 
 400, note 1. 6; 401, note 1, especially in pure WS., and there appar- 
 ently always; the pret. of fricgean does not occur), and the part, as 
 gecJegeii (if ^degen, distentus Gl. belongs here), and gefrigen, gefrugen 
 (389, note 3). 
 
 Note 9. The verbs in g have (57, note 3) in the ind. pret. plur. 
 WS. a, beside more frequent te by analogy with the other verbs : 
 lagon, wagon, and Isegon, wgegon (but not *sagon, beside sfcegon, 
 since the pure WS. form is sawoii, see note 7, above). In Kent. 
 Angl. the universal non-WS. e prevails (150. 1): legun, etc. (for an 
 exception in R.i see note 7). 
 
 Note 10 (on 1-3). R.i and North, have not altogether infrequently 
 e, beside ae, in the pret. sing.: R.i spree, bed, sett, c%ve3, R.^ gef, 
 bed, L. spree, gef, bed, set, etc. In the case at least of R.i this may 
 repose upon varying representation of the sound ; in that of L,, which 
 elsewhere distinguishes ae from e with exactness, we should rather 
 assume analogy with the plur. : spree, beside spraec, etc. 
 
 392. Class VI. 1) Verbs of the Sixth Ablaut-Class: 
 Goth. OE. a, o, o, a: faran, for, foron, faren, go; on 
 
 past participles with ae, e, see note 7. 
 
 Note 1. Thus are inflected alan, nourish; ealan (nearly restricted 
 to part, ofealen), grow cool; galan, sing; grafan, grave; se(e)afan, 
 shave; hladaii, lade; wadan, go; dragan, draw; gnagan, gnaw; 
 aean (only present forms found), ache; baean, hake; sacan, dispute; 
 se(e)aean, hasten; waseaii (waxan, 204. 3), wash. 
 
 Here belong also the isolated participles gedafen (rarely gedaefen, 
 cf. note 7), suitable; ge3racen(?), prejKired ; also perhaps clawan, 
 claw, whose pret. does not occur. 
 
 Note 2. wsecnan, awake, groio up, pret. woe (beside weak 
 •waienian. Class II) forms its present with n. 
 
 Note 3. The irregularities of se(e)afan and se(e)acan, pret. seoe, 
 seeoe, part. se(e)aeen (poet, seaeeeii, 368, note 4), are explained by 76. 
 The Angl. forms are : Ps. pres. part, seaecende, past part, seeeen, 
 R.i imp. plur, ;iscake]?, R.^ imp. plur. scaeeas, dseeaeaS, L. seeae(e)a, 
 etc. (part, also sceaecende), Rit. past part. dse(e)aeecen. 
 
296 INFLECTION 
 
 Note 4. EWS. spgnan, spanan, seduce (Angl. not found), pret. 
 spoil, later forms the pret. speon after the manner of the Reduplicating 
 Verbs, and in more recent texts a corresponding pres. spannan (396). 
 * Note 5. weaxan, grow (LWS. wexan, 108. 2) has already gone 
 over in EWS. to the conjugation of the Reduplicating Verbs: pret. 
 weox (396); so Angl. R.i wexan (plur. also w^aexajj), pret. weox 
 and plur, weoxoii (165. 1); but North. R.2 wexa, L. wa;xa has still 
 the old pret. wox. 
 
 2) The contract verbs flean, flai/ ; lean, blame ; slean, 
 strike ; Q'vvean, wash (compare Goth, slahaii, ]7wahan) 
 form their present according to the rules of 374. In the 
 preterit grammatical change has invaded the singular; 
 hence the 1 and 3 sing, are flog-, log-, slog-, STwdg-, through 
 the influence of the plur. log-on, slog-on, Sfwog-on (380 ; 
 the later forms in h : loh, sloh, iSTwoh, are to be judged 
 according to 214. 1 ; cf. also 4, below: sc^SFSTan, sceod). 
 Ill the past part, grammatical change likewise prevails : 
 slsegen, aTwaegen, beflagen, belag-en, etc., 368, note 4 
 (for North, exceptions see note 7). 
 
 3) st<?ndan, statid^ has the n only in the pres. and 
 p.xst part. ; thus pret. stod, stodon, but part. st<?nden. 
 
 4) The verbs sw^rian (sw^rigan, sw^rgan, etc. ; 
 North. L. suoeri(g-)a, beside sii^rl(g)a, 156. 1), swear ; 
 h^bban, heave ; hliehhan (hlihhan, hlyhhan, Angl. 
 hlsehhan), laugh; stseppan (Rit. st^pa), step; sciep- 
 pan (scippan, scyppan, Kent. Angl. sc^ppan), create; 
 sc^cTtyan, injure^ form their present with j, which is 
 lacking in the other forms (372) : pret. swor (in the 
 later Or. once sweor, 89.25), hof, hlog- (later hloh ; 
 2)lur. hlog-on), stop, scop (sceop), scod (sceod ; see 76, 
 and, for the d, 2, above) ; part, hafen, haefen, sceapen 
 (75. 1), etc. 
 
I 
 
 CONJUGATIOiS: 297 
 
 Note 6. In LWS. h^bban has a weak pret. h^fde, part, h^fod. 
 
 Along with sc^3(!Jan there is a new formation sceaSan, without j ; 
 and, conversely, along with sceod a weak pret. sc^Sede (400, note 1). 
 
 Note 7 (on 1, 2, 4). In the past participle, the radical vowel a 
 interchanges (368, note 4) with ae (or ea after sc) ; occasionally there 
 are forms with umlaut-^ (378, note 1). 
 
 The past part, of sw^rian is very rarely swaren, generally sworen 
 (so also North. R.^ L. Rit., beside umlauted suoeren L.); similarly 
 LWS. geSw'ogen. 
 
 North, new formations are L. ^hofen, beside haefen, h^fen, and 
 3uEen, 3uen, <5wean, beside ?Jueg(e)ii (378, note 2). 
 
 2) Reduplicating Verbs 
 
 393. The same four stems are recognizable in the 
 Reduplicating Verb as we have already found in the 
 Ablaut Verb (379) ; only that in the former case they 
 are not so sharply differentiated, the first and fourth 
 stems having the same vowel on the one hand, and the 
 second and third stems a different vowel on the other. 
 When grammatical change takes place, it applies alike 
 to the second, third, and fourth stems. The distinguish- 
 ing characteristic of the Reduplicating Verbs lies in the 
 manner of forming their preterit. 
 
 394. The originally disyllabic reduplicated preterits 
 (351. 1) are uniformly shortened to monosyllables in OE., 
 but in two different ways : 
 
 1) Only a small number of verbs have preserved 
 forms in Anglian and in the poetry which clearly point 
 to their formation by means of original reduplication: 
 
 Inf. Pret. (Goth.) 
 
 hatan, call heht (haihait) 
 
 raedan, advise reord (rairoj?) 
 
 laoan, play leolc (lailaik) 
 
 ondr^dan, fear ondreord ( ) 
 
 Isetan, let leort (lailot) 
 
298 INFLECTION 
 
 To all of these belong collateral dialectic forms accord- 
 ing to 2. 
 
 Note 1. The quantity of the vowel of heht is not to be determined 
 with any certainty ; scholars are now inclined to regard the e as long 
 (396, note 1). 
 
 Note 2. leolc is only found in the poetry. 
 
 Pure WS. prose has none of the reduplicated forms except one heht 
 in the Chron., and this has perhaps been introduced from without. 
 On the other hand, poetry which certainly belongs to the south (like 
 the introductory poem of the Cura Past., and the Metres, which were 
 composed in Kent) has heht, beside the Common WS. het. . Where 
 heht appears elsewhere in pure WS. (prose) texts, it has been intro- 
 duced from originals belonging to another dialect. 
 
 Bede, which has been copied from Angl., has heht and leort, 
 beside het and let; R.i has one forleortuii, beside the usual let, but 
 only dreord, reord, heht (the latter even in 14. 2, where Kemble 
 read hset). Ps. and North, know almost none but the reduplicated 
 forms: Ps. R.^ L. heht, ondreord (L. oiidreard), leort, Rit. heht, 
 leort ; one exception is L. redon, corrected from redden (395, note 3). 
 
 2) Generally the contraction leads to complete fusion 
 of the reduplicating with the radical syllable ; the 
 product exhibits either e or the diphthong eo: 
 
 foil, seize 
 
 feiig 
 
 feiigon 
 
 f9ngen 
 
 hatan, call 
 
 het 
 
 hetoii 
 
 haten 
 
 feallaii, fall 
 
 feoU 
 
 fgoUoii 
 
 feallen 
 
 hleapan, leap 
 
 hleop 
 
 hleopon 
 
 hleapen 
 
 Note 3. The ^o undergoes the usual dialectic transformations ; 
 hence occasionally conversion to lo (esp. Kentish, 150, note 3) and 
 particularly North, la, beside eo, in forms like feall, floU R.^ L. Rit., 
 etc. (150, note 1). 
 
 395. 1) A few verbs with original a before n + con- 
 sonant have e : bl^iulan, 77iix, pret. blend ; fun, seize ; 
 hon, hang (Goth, filhaii, liahaii, from Germ. * faishaii, 
 * ]iai;>1ian, 67) ; pret. with grammatical change, fengr, 
 heng, part. f<^iiffeii, li^iigen. 
 
CONJUGATION 299 
 
 Note 1. The e of the preterit forms is demonstrably short in OS. 
 and ON.; hence the OE. vowel was probably short, though later 
 lengthening might occur (124). 
 
 Note 2. Here probably also belongs dblgngan, grow angry ^ of 
 which only the past part. ablQncgne, indignati, is found in L. 
 
 2) A few verbs which end m a simple consonant have 
 e. Their radical vowel is : 
 
 a) WS. ^, Kent. Angl. e (=Germ. ae, Goth, e) : (on)- 
 dr^dan, dread ; rgedan, advise^ read ; Isetan, let ; 
 slaepan (slapan, 57. 3), sleep. 
 
 Note 3. For dreord, reord, leort, beside dred, red, let, see 394. 1 . 
 
 rsedan is generally weak in WS. : pret. rtedde, part, gersedd (406), 
 though strong forms do occur : pret. plur. redon Or. , part, rseden 
 Blickl. R.i has pret. plur. reordun, R.2 reddun = L. redden, cor- 
 rected to redon (394, note 2), but part. L. gereded. 
 
 In like manner, there are WS. weak forms : (on)sl£epte, ondrfcedde. 
 In Angl. prose the pret. of slsepan is always weak: Ps. slepte, R.i 
 slepte (slepade), L. slepde (plur. also slepedon), Rit. slepde. 
 
 h) a (Germ. Goth, ai), neither preceded nor followed 
 by w (396. 2. c) : hatan, call ; lacan, jump^ play ; scadan 
 (sceadan, 76), separate. 
 
 Note 4. The WS. pret. of scadan, sceadan is scead, beside seed. 
 The only pret. forms of Angl. prose are : R.^ ind. sing, togisceode, 
 interpretabatur^ L. -sceadade, -sceadde (-sceadda), -sceade, plur. 
 scead(ad)on ; Rit. 2 sing, gesceadest, plur. tosceadon. 
 
 396. 1) The diphthong eo is retained in the preterit 
 by such as have original a before 1 + consonant, as well 
 as by a few in n + consonant : 
 
 a) feallan, fall ; weallan, he agitated ; fealdan, fold ; 
 healdan, hold; stealdan, possess; wealdan, wield; 
 sealtan, salt; wealcan, revolve (for Angl. fallan, -a, 
 etc. see 158. 2); 
 
300 INFLECTION 
 
 h) b<}iiiiaii, summon ; sp<}iiiian, join ; gr^ng-an, go ; 
 
 Note 1. The quantity of eo in the preterit can not be directly 
 ascertained ; but, upon the basis of certain hypotheses of origin, it is 
 now generally assumed that it is long, notwithstanding the following 
 consonant-group (394, note 1). 
 
 On North, ea for eo see 394, note 3. R.i has the plur. felluii, 
 beside forms like heold, feolloii (feallan). 
 
 Note 2. For g9ngan North, (157. 4) has L. geonga (ind. pres. 
 1 sing, also giuugo, opt. giunga), Rit. geonga, gionga, but R.'-^ gQnga 
 (only once geonga). In the poetry occurs an inf. gengan Andr. 1097. 
 
 The pret. is geong or gengde in the poetry (in Beow. also gang), 
 but is replaced by eode (430) in the prose (even in Angl.). Similarly 
 North, lacks the past part, geg^ngen, its place being taken by giead 
 R.2L. 
 
 Note 3. On weaxan, grow^ see 392, note 5. 
 
 Note 4. The forms gien(g), opt. genge, and spenn, occurring in 
 Gen. B, which was based upon an Old Saxon original, are not OE. 
 
 2) The diphthong eo falls to those verbs which end 
 in a single consonant, and have as their radical vowel : 
 
 a) orig. au = OE. ea : beatan, heat ; lieawan, hew ; 
 lileapan, lea]p ; ^lineapan, jAuck off ; 
 
 h) orig. o = OE. o: hropan, shout ; hwopan, threaten; 
 blotan, sacrifice ; wrotan (pret. not found), root ; floean 
 (pret. not found), applaud ; swdg-an (pret. not found), 
 roar ; swog-an, overcome (part, g-eswog-en, swooning) ; and 
 with i-umlaut (present formation with jo, 372) : wepan, 
 weep; * hwesaii (or * liwsesan?), wheeze ; with the pho- 
 netic group ow : blowan, bloom ; flowan, floiv ; gro wan, 
 grow ; hlowan, low ; rowan, row ; spowan, thrive ; 
 
 c) a with following or preceding w : blawan, blow ; 
 cntiwan, know ; criiwan, croiv ; inawan, mow ; sawan, 
 sow ; STrawan, twist ; wawan, blow ; swapan, sweep. 
 
 Note 5. To a) belong the isolated participles eacen, great (cf . Goth. 
 aukau, increase), and eaden, horn; to a) or h) the isolated preterits 
 
CONJUGATION 301 
 
 geneop Ex. 475 and onreod, inbuit Corp. 1129 ; to c) perhaps rawan, 
 cleave (pres. part, geriiwende, past part, ger^weii). For snowaii, 
 cuodaii, aud North. * speofta, * speafta, see 384, notes 4 and 5. 
 
 Note 6. A strong pret. is lacking to the strong pres. buan, dwell, 
 past part, gebun, gebuen (rarely byn), its place being taken by bude, 
 bfiede, North. by(e)de, from the weak bu(w)ian, North, bya (416, 
 note 11. d). 
 
 Note 7. Beside sawan, MS. H of Cura Past, has an umlauted 
 ssewan. 
 
 Note 8. The verbs in w have sometimes e, instead of eo, in the 
 pret.: EWS. Cura Past, oncne^v, -on, opt. se^ve, Or. onenewen; 
 Merc. Ps. oncnew, -e, -un, R.i heu, 2 sing, sewe, plur. blew an. 
 
 The North, forms of these preterits are: R.^ bleow, seow, plur. 
 oncneoAvun, but 2 sing, seewe; L. bleuu, bleou", plur. ble^vun, 
 bleuun; oncne^v, -cneu; -cn^ew, -cneawu, plur. -cneaw n, -cneaun, 
 shortened (360, note 3) oncneu, -cnseu, -cnea^v gie, opt. cne^va; 
 opt. creaw^a; plur. hrewun, hrgeuun, hro^vun ; ind. sea\v(u), plur. 
 seawun (and weak seawde, saude) ; opt. speua ; Rit. 2 sing, dbleawe, 
 3 sing, giflseve (?). 
 
 In the pret. plur. contraction may supervene: poet, reon, from 
 reo^vun, from ro^van. 
 
 Note 9. Of North, w^depa =WS. wepan the pret. in R.^ is regu- 
 larly weop, in L. weep, weap, weaep, woeap, Avsep (and weak wsepde). 
 
 397. The past participle originally has the vowel of 
 the present (but R.^ ^swopen, from swapan, 396. 2. c). 
 Grammatical change (and hence a different vowel) is 
 found only in the participles f^ng-eu, hgngen, from fon, 
 hon (395. 1). 
 
 Note. Beside L. hpngen, the part, of these verbs is North. R.2 
 L. Rit. foen and hoen (poet, -fen, 378, note 2 ; but Ps. only fQngen, 
 R.i fpngen, hQngen). 
 
302 INFLECTION 
 
 III. WEAK VERBS 
 
 398. The weak verbs are mostly derivatives. They 
 are divided into three classes, on the basis of the varia- 
 tion in their derivative suffixes : 
 
 1) The jo-(or ja-)class. Its original present suffix 
 was Indo-European -e-jo-, from which was derived, 
 through *-ija-. Germ, -ja-, when the radical syllable 
 was short, and -ia- when it was long (45. 8). 
 
 2) The o-class. Its suffix was Germ, -o-ja-, inter- 
 changing with -o- (411). 
 
 3) The e-class (also called ai-class). This was char- 
 acterized in Indo-European by the ending -e- of the stem. 
 On the various subdivisions of this class see 415. 
 
 399. Only three stems are to be distinguished in the 
 weak conjugation — those of the present, the preterit, 
 and the past participle. The two latter very frequently 
 approximate in form. 
 
 1. FIRST WEAK CONJUGATION 
 
 A) Original Short Stems 
 
 400. All forms of the regular verbs of this class have 
 i-umlaut. In other respects they fall (including also 
 the corresponding irregular verbs of 407) into two main 
 divisions, according to the difference in the manner in 
 which they make the forms of their present stem : 
 
 1) Verbs in r, like ii^rian (ii^rg-an, ii^rig-an, n^r- 
 igrean, etc., 175. 2), save. These retain the single conso- 
 nant at the end of the radical syllable (227) in all forms of 
 
CONJUGATION 303 
 
 the present, and likewise the derivative j (175. 3) except 
 in the ind. 2 and 3 sing, and the imp. 2 sing. (410). 
 
 2) Verbs in other consonants, like fr^ninian, execute ; 
 s^ttan, set^ etc. These originally geminate the final 
 consonant of the stem in all forms of the present (227) 
 except the ind. 2 and 3 sing, and the imp. 2 sing,, and 
 therefore become long in all these forms, thus losing the 
 derivative j (175. 3). 
 
 In Anglian these two groups are well distinguished 
 from each other, but in Southern English the old rela- 
 tion is much disordered by leveling and new formations. 
 
 Note 1. Like n^rian are inflected, for example, b^rian, strike; 
 dorian, i/i/wre; ^rian, pZoio; f^rian, carr?/; h^rian, praise ; dm^rian, 
 purify; scierian, arrange; a,-, besclerian, separate, deprive (75. 1); 
 w^rian, defend; gew^rian, clothe, dam up; byrian, pertain; onhyr- 
 ian, emulate; snyrian, hasten; spyrian, inquire; styrian, stir; and, 
 with loss of h, also LWS. ]7W5Tian, adversari (for EWS. *(ywierian, 
 from * J>waorhjan, 218, note 2). 
 
 Like fr^mman originally form their presents : 
 
 a) Verbs in m, n, and the liquid 1 : gr^mman, provoke; t^mman, 
 tame; trymmsLn, confirm ; "S^nnan, stretch; w^nnan, accustoyn ; clyn- 
 nan, sound; dynnan, resound; hlynnan, bellow; *hellan, conceal; 
 *asciellaii, shell; *syllaii, sulli/ ; add cw^Uan, etc. (407. 1). 
 
 b) Verbs in the spirants s, ]?, f, g (geminated bb, eg, 190 ; 216. 1): 
 cnyssan, thrust; lirissan, shake; sc^SSan, injure (also strong, 392. 4); 
 sw^l5'3an, swathe; wr^39aii, support; dsw^bban, put to sleep, kill; 
 w^cg(e)aii, agitate; Sicg(e)aii, receive (also strong, 391, note 8); 
 l^cg(e)an, lay; bycg(e)an, buy (407, notes 7 and 8). 
 
 c) The verbs in the stops d, t, and c: hr^ddan, snatch, save; 
 dtr^ddan, investigate; cnyttan, knit; hw^ttan, incite; l^ttan, 
 hinder; s^ttan, set; spryttan (?), sprowi; add cw^cc(e)aii, etc. (407, 
 note 9). 
 
 Note 2. In Ps. the difference between the two modes of formation 
 is still clear throughout, and so in R.i and North., except for the 
 occasional lack of j after r in the first group (409, note 1); fluctuation 
 between single and double consonant in verbs of the second group, 
 
304 INFLECTION 
 
 410, note 3, does not belong here). The poetry, too, has the old 
 system well preserved. 
 
 In WS. the irregular verbs of 407 generally preserve the type of 
 the second group in the present (but of. 407, note 2), though in the 
 regular verbs the mode of formation of the first group is very early 
 extended, either in part or wholly, to those of the second group which 
 end in a continuous consonant (nasal, liquid 1, spirant). So the Cura 
 Past, already has, beside fr^mman, trymmaii, cnyssan, a few forms 
 like trymian, and exclusively such as gr^miau, l^niian, tijmian, 
 beh^lian, sylian, wr^Sian; add Or. S^nian, LWS. b^Sian, bathe, 
 dscylian, hrisian, etc. Hence, in the case of most verbs in m, n, 1, 
 s, ]7, forms with gemination do not occur at all in pure WS. ; only 
 fr^mman, trjTnman, cnyssan persist to LWS. (beside fr^mian, 
 trymian). The verbs in bb and eg yield more rarely to this 
 new formation : sw^fian, h^gian, instead of sw^^bban, * h^cgan, 
 hedge in. 
 
 Note 3. In LWS. texts all the verbs in -ian which originally 
 belong to the jo-class frequently pass over to the inflection of the 
 Second Weak Class : n^rian, pres. n^rie, n^rast, n^raS ; n^ria^, 
 pret. n^rode, like fr^mian, pres. fr^niie, fr^mast, fr^ina9 ; fr§niia?J, 
 pret. fr^mode, etc. 
 
 Note 4. More rarely are certain of -these verbs, especially fr^m- 
 man and trymman, treated like original long stems, yielding forms 
 like part, gefr^mmed, getrymmed, pret. trynide. 
 
 401. Formatio7i of the preterit. 1) The verbs in the 
 stops d and t take the ending -de or -te in the pret, 
 without a middle vowel : lir<^ddan, hr^dde ; l^ttan, 
 l^tte (402. 2). On s^ttan, and the verbs in c, see 407. 1. 
 
 2) The verbs which end in continuous consonants 
 (liquids, nasals, spirants) take in the pret. the ending 
 -ede (from older -idae, 44, note 1) and a single (not 
 geminated) consonant at the end of the stem: n^riaii, 
 n^rede; fr^mman (fr^mian),fr^mede ; (cT^nnaii) ST^nian, 
 Sr^nede; cnyssan, cnysede ; sc^arafan, sc^STede; sw^b- 
 ban, sw^fede (190) ; w^cgr(e)an, w^grede, etc. (on l^cgr- 
 ean, lay^ see 407. 1, and note 7). 
 
CONJUGATION 305 
 
 Note 1 . Here also preterits without a middle vowel are occasion- 
 ally formed: w^gde, 9igde, cnysde, North. L. sc^Sde, bisu^9duii; 
 only later does a transfer of the double consonant of the present to 
 the preterit probably occur : cnyssede, etc. 
 
 Note 2. In LWS. the -ede of the preterit is very frequently- 
 replaced by -ode (400, note 3). 
 
 402. Formation of the past participle. 1) The end- 
 ing is, in general, Early OE. -id, Common OE. -ed (44, 
 note 1) ; the final consonant of the stem is single, as in 
 the pret. : g-en^red, g"efr^med, g-ecnysed, g-esw^fed, etc. 
 In the inflected forms the vowel of the ending is retained 
 (144. a) : gen^redes, etc. 
 
 2) The verbs in d and t show peculiar variations 
 (410. 1). In Anglian they have the full ending -ed in 
 the uninflected form, and before a case-ending beginning 
 with a consonant, but syncopate the vowel of the end- 
 ing in the inflected forms which begin with a vowel: 
 ges^ted (from s^ttan, 407. 1), infl. ges^ttum, etc., but 
 ges^tedne, ges^tedre, -ra. Pure WS., on the other 
 hand, generalizes the syncopation : ahr^d(d), g'el^t(t), 
 ges^t(t), infl. ges^ttuni, like g"es^tne, ges^tre, -ra, etc. ; 
 less pure WS. texts fluctuate. 
 
 B) Original Long Stems and Polysyllables 
 
 403. Formation of the present-stem. The whole pres- 
 ent-stem of the disyllabic verbs has i-umlaut whenever 
 the radical vowel admits (on forms with io, eo, beside 
 ie, etc., see 100. 2, and note 2). The derivative j is lost 
 except after vowels and diphthongs, as in ciegran, call 
 (408, note 13). 
 
 For examples of this numerous class see 404 ff. 
 
306 INFLECTION 
 
 Note. Among the polysyllabic verbs the derivatives in -ettan 
 (Goth, -atjan) are especially to be noted, like bliccettan, lighten; 
 lic(c)ettan, feign; roccettan, utter; sporettan, spuVj as well as the 
 deformed compounds 9ndettan, confess; onettan, incite; orettan, 
 battle (43, note 4). These have gemination of the derivative t accord- 
 ing to 227, although simple t is often written after a weak syllable 
 (231. 4). 
 
 404. Formation of the preterit. The ending of the 
 preterit is -de, which is in general attached immedi- 
 ately to the radical syllable. The i-umlaut is retained: 
 hieran, liierde; deinan, demde. 
 
 Note 1. The -de arose by syncope (144) from prehistoric -ida. 
 This syncope is in general very stable, except that there is great 
 fluctuation in the verbs in mute + liquid or nasal, which, were they 
 regularly formed, would develop a syllabic liquid or nasal in the pret. 
 (358, note 4) : 
 
 a) n^mnaii, name, has n^mde, with loss of the n (so also R.i L.), 
 beside LWS. u^miiode (406, note 4). 
 
 b) In EWS. syncope is the rule in the other verbs with a short vowel 
 before cons, -t-1, m, n: ^glan, ail; seglan, siglan, sail; J>rysinan, 
 smother; pret. ^glde, soglde, siglde, prysmde (compare poet, ofer- 
 faeSmde, from oferfaetJinan, embrace); also frequently later ^fnan, 
 raifnan, execute; there also occur later forms in -ede, like bytlede 
 Cura Past., from bytlan, build, sigelede Chron., LWS. ^fnede. 
 Angl. are here only Ps. ar^fnde, beside dr^fnede, L. genaeglede and 
 ge^fnade. 
 
 c) In verbs with a closed syllable, or one containing a long vowel, 
 before the consonant-group, EWS. regularly has -ede: symhlun, feast ; 
 wrixlan, change; fref run, comfort; hy ngr an, hunger ; timbran, build; 
 ofersylefran, plate with silver, pret. symblede, ^vrixlede, frefrede, 
 hyngrede, timbrede, ofersylefrode (a single exception is wjTsmde 
 Cura Past. MS. C, in contrast with wymnsde MS. H, from wyrsman, 
 ■wyrmsan, suppurate, 185); compare also verbs like dieglan, conceal; 
 biecnan, beckon; forgl^ndran, devour^ etc. This -ede is very com- 
 monly replaced later by -ode, as in the case of the short stems (400, 
 note .3; 401, note 2), and hence present forms according to Class II 
 then appear also : frefrian, hyngrian (hingrian, 31, note), tim- 
 brian, etc. 
 
CONJUGATION 307 
 
 Of the Anglian texts, Ps. always has -ade, according to Class II : 
 deglade, becnade, hyngrade, timbrade ; R. i several hyngrade, beside 
 once hyngrede ; R.^ deglde, degelde, beside becnede, hyncrede, and 
 becnade, froefrade, timbrade, L. degelde, hyn(c)gerde, timberde, 
 beside froefrede, leSrede (from leSra, anoint), and becnade, tim- 
 brade, gl^ndrade (a few others are doubtful). The forms with -a- 
 are, at least in Ps. , wholly restricted to the pret. (or past part., 406, 
 note 5), and have no auxiliary inflection of the present according to 
 Class II. 
 
 Note 2. On North, forms in -ede, -ade, in the case of the usual 
 long-stemmed verbs, see 406, note 6. 
 
 405. As the consequence of collision between the d 
 of the ending and the final consonant of the stem, there 
 result in certain verbs a number of minor variations 
 from the normal form, which will be easily understood 
 by reference to the general phonetic laws. The most 
 important are : 
 
 1) The following verbs take the ending -de without 
 undergoing any special change : 
 
 a) Those in a single liquid or nasal (except in the 
 group mute + liquid or nasal, 404, note 1) : hieran, 
 hierde, hear ; d^elan, dselde, divide ; denian, demde, 
 judge ; cwielman, cwielmde, hill ; wenan, wende, 
 expect ; bsernan, bsernde, huryi^ etc. ; 
 
 h) The verbs in the single spirants f and s, those in g" 
 (including ng-), and those in vowel or diphthong 4- d : 
 g'eliefan, g-eliefde, believe ; liesan, liesde, release ; 
 fegan, feg-de, join; fylg-an, fylgde, follow; Igedan, 
 Igedde, lead^ etc. 
 
 For the verbs in w see 408. 2. 
 
 Note 1. To a) belong, for example: feran, go; Iseran, teach; 
 stieran, steer; selan, kindle; celan, cool; hselan, heal; tselan, per- 
 secute; flieman, rout; gieman, care; hseman, marry; ben^man, 
 
308 INFLECTION 
 
 deprive; ryinan, vacate; hienan, deride; Itenan, lend; meenan, 
 lament; strieiian, (/ain; aernan, gallop; gieruan, covet; wiernan, 
 refuse, and many others. 
 
 Verbs in f and s are, for example : drSfan, drive; drefaii, trouble; 
 leefan, leave; dliefan, permit; hwierfan, turn; oftyrfan, stone; 
 beclysan, enclose; tocwysan, crush; fysan, hasten; glesan, gloss; 
 raesan, storm; tiesaii, tear, etc. 
 
 Note 2. The verbs in vowel or diphthong -f g, like bieg(e)an, 
 bend; dryg(e)an, dri/ ; feg(e)an, join; aflieg(e)aii, pursue; for- 
 gEeg(e)an, transgress; sweg(e)an, resound; wreg(e)aii, censure, etc. 
 (for the verbs with g from Germ, j, like cieg(e)an, etc., see 408. 3), 
 and those in ng (or ncg, 215, note 2), like gl^ng(e)aii, adorn; 
 hriiig(e)an, ring; ymbhring(e)an, enring ; l^ng(e)aii, lengthen; 
 ni^iig(e)aii, mingle; spreng(e)an, sprinkle; t^ng(e)an, hurry away, 
 are regular. 
 
 In the case of the verbs in 1, r + g, like ^lg(e)an, follow ; ^ebylg- 
 {e)an, groiv angry ; hierg{e)an, taste ; hyrg{e) an, bury ; dwierg(e)an, 
 curse; dwyrg(e)au, strangle, etc., the secondary changes of the g 
 (213, note ; 214. 5, and note 11) are to be considered, which chiefly 
 concern the pret. (and past part.), and then the pres. Hence forms 
 like North, pret. R.^ fyligde, awerlgdun, beside fylgde, bibyrgdun, 
 L. berigde (birigde), dwoerigde, an"rigde (fylegdon?), beside 
 byrgde, fylg(e)de, LWS. pret. fyligde, -vvyrlgde, or fyllde, -wyride, 
 and fill(g)de, -\viri(g)de (31, note), together with pres. inf. fyli(g)an, 
 -wyri(g)an (fili(g)an, -Aviri(g)an), etc. 
 
 Note 3. So, too, the verbs in d (for those with preceding con- 
 sonant see 5, below) are generally quite regular: baidan, coerce; 
 braedan, roast; brSedan, broaden; cidan, chide; diedan, kill; ea??- 
 itiedan, humble; fedan, nourish; gefredan, perceive; hlydan. carouse; 
 hydan, hide; niedan, force; raidan, counsel, read (cf. also 395, 
 note 3); scrydan, clothe; spraidan, spread; getJiedan, associate; 
 under?!fi[edan, subdue; -w^dan, clothe; wedan, rage, etc.; only in 
 North, is the dd of the pret. frequently simplified : L. foede, l^de, 
 plur. briedon, cidon, etc., Rit. 2 sing, glliedest (for foedde, etc.). 
 
 Note 4. Of verbs ending in the sonant stop b (190) there seems 
 to be only c^inban, comb, with pret. c<jmde. 
 
 2) The verbs in ]?, tf are regular in E WS., but in LWS. 
 generally convert the tfd of the pret. into drt : cyaran, 
 manifest, pret. cyiffdc, LWS. cydde (cf. also 406, note 3). 
 
CONJUGATION 309 
 
 Note 5. Here belong, for example, cl«?Jaii, clothe; cwi?Jan, lament; 
 
 &hy^sin, devastate ; la^'San, accuse, hate ; neSan, venture; se^-Aii, affirm; 
 oferswiSan, overcome (382, note 2); wrsetJan, rage, etc. 
 
 3) Gemination is simplified : fyllan, fykle, fill ; ^fier- 
 ran, dfierde, remove ; w^minan, w^mde, defile ; caiman, 
 c^nde, beget; cyssan, cyste (the t according to 4. h), kiss. 
 
 Note 6. So also, for example: fiellan, fell; spillan, destroy; 
 stillan, still; cierran, turn; niierran, mar; North, cnylla, knock; 
 forest^mma, hinder, etc. (cf. also 4. b). 
 
 Note 7. Now and then gemination is preserved in the pret. by an 
 etymological spelling, especially in North, : L. fyllde, c^rrde, etc. 
 
 4) The ending -de becomes -te a) after the surd stops 
 p, t, c: cepan, cepte, keep; yppan, ypte (under 3), 
 reveal ; gretaii, grette, greet ; sc^nc(e)an, sc^ncte, pour 
 out ; wysc(e)an, wyscte, wisli ; iec(e)aii, iecte, increase 
 (on ihte, etc., see 407. 2) ; h) after the surd double spirants 
 ff and ss, simplified according to 3 : pyffan, pyfte, puff ; 
 cyssan, cyste, kiss; c) after x : liexaii, liexte, shine. 
 
 Note 8. Here belong, for example : 
 
 a) Withp: ciepan, buy; bediepan, dip; drypan, moisten; hiepan, • 
 heap; beriepan, rob; Astiepan, rob; clyppan, embrace; r^mpan, 
 hasten; scierpan, sharpen; scierpan, clothe; -waerpan, throw oneself; 
 cyspan, fetter; hyspan, mock, etc. ; 
 
 6) With t after a vowel (for cons. + t see 5): b^etan, bait; betan, 
 atone for; f^tan, adorn; hsetan, heat; hwTtan, whiten; metan, 
 meet; nStan, annoy; retan, rejoice; spsetan, spit; swEctan, sweat; 
 wsetan, wet, etc.; 
 
 c) With c after a consonant (for vowel + c see 407. 1, 2) : adwsesc- 
 (e)an, extinguish; of9rysc(e)an, oppress; dcw^iic(e)an, extinguish; 
 dr^nc(e)an, drown; sc^nc(e)an, pour out; ser^ne(e)an, trip up; 
 s^iic(e)an, sinA:; tost^nc(e)an, dissipate; sw^nc(e)an,pZa(7Me; wl^nc- 
 (e)an, make proud, etc. 
 
 wysc(e)an (LWS. wTscan, 31, note) sometimes loses its c in the 
 pret. in LWS. : wiste, beside -\viscte, wyscte ; similarly in Ps. gehnls- 
 tim, for gehnisctim, from hnisean, mollire. 
 
310 INFLECTION 
 
 Note 9. Here belong the verbs in -ettan (403, note), like ^nd- 
 ettan, pret. 9nclette, etc. 
 
 Note 10. In LWS. there very rarely occurs the etymological 
 spelling -de: ddwaescdou vElfr. Can., hyspdun Matt. 27. 44; com- 
 pare also gigisedye, ojjpilavit Ep. ; r^fsde Corp., from r^fsan, censure. 
 This spelling is somewhat commoner in North. L., especially in the 
 newly formed weak preterits of strong verbs (381, note): slepde, 
 grippde, graeppde, from slepa, gripa; but also forms like ecde, 
 scr^ncde, geneolecde, geinaitd(o)n, and such as styltde, styldte, 
 stylde, geseyrdte, boedte, plur. gefaesdon, from stylta, be astonished, 
 perplexed ; scyrta, shorten ; boeta, atone for ; faesta, fast (cf . 5) ; so 
 also Kit. slepde, gidr^ncde (add the infl. past. part, gisvoencdo). 
 
 5) After a consonant + d, t, the d of the ending is 
 entirely lost ; s^ndan, s^nde, send ; g"yrdan, g-yrde, 
 gird ; ehtan, elite, 'persecute ; faestan, faeste, fast ; 
 afyrstan, Q'yrste, tMrst^ etc. 
 
 Note 11. Here belong also, for example: 
 
 a) With consonant + d: byldan, build; -gyldan, gild; onhieldan, 
 incline; behyldan,yfa?/; ieldan, defer; scildan, shield; spildan, destroy; 
 Avieldan, rule; onbryrdan, incite; hierdan, harden; aA^ lerdan, Injure; 
 9nd^vie^dan, answer; geendebyrdan, arrange; b^ndan. bend; 
 bl^iidan, blind; I^iidaii, land; pyndan, confine; sciendan, abuse; 
 t^ndan, kindle; "w^ndan, turn, etc. 
 
 b) With consonant + t: dgyltan, trespass; sieltan, salt; -wieltan, 
 roll; hiertan, hearken ; scyrtun, shorten ; myntnn, intend ; dcrajftan, 
 devise; gedaeftan, arrange; hajftan, confine; afyrhtan, frighten; 
 hyhtan, hope; lichtan, illumine, alleviate; ryhtan, direct; tyhtan, 
 incite; ^fstan, hasten; fylstan, assist; hiorstan, frj/; hlapstan, 
 freight; hlystan, listen; hyrstan, equip; liSstan, perform; lystan, 
 desire; nuRstan, fatten; nistan, neU; r^stan, rest; for?fraistan, 
 crush; dwestan, ravage, etc. 
 
 Note 12. Only occasionally are there etymological spellings: 
 begyrdde, faestte, hyhtte, etc. 
 
 406. The ending of the past participle is OE. -ed, 
 from Prim. OE. -id (44), as in the case of the short 
 
CONJUGATION 311 
 
 stems (402), so that here also i-umlaut is uniform. For 
 the attachment of the ending the same rules apply 
 as for the short stems (402), so far as regards the 
 uninflected form and the cases which have a termina- 
 tion beginning with a consonant. Before a termination 
 beginning with a vowel the e of the -ed is always 
 syncopated, and the rules of 405 apply. Examples of 
 the various types are : inf. liieran, uninfl. part, g-ehiered, 
 ace. sing. masc. geliieredne, etc., plur. g-eliierde (405. 1) ; 
 cySFan, gecytfed, gecytfedne^ g-ecySTde, LWS. g-ecydde 
 (405.2); fyllan, gefylled, gefylledne, gefylde (405.3) 
 sc^nc(e)aii, g^esc^nced, g-esc^ncedne, g-esc^ncte (405. 4) 
 gretan, gegret(ed), gegret(ed)ne, gegrette (405. 4 
 402.2); s^ndan, ges^nd(ed), ges^nd(ed)ne, ges^nde 
 ehtan, geelit(ed), geeht(ed)ne, geehte (405. 5 ; 402. 2) ; 
 n^ninan, g-en^mned, gen^mnedne, gen^inde ; timbran, 
 g-etimbred (-od), getimbredne (-odne), getimbrede 
 (-ode) (404, note 1). 
 
 Note 1. The rules for syncope in the inflected cases are still 
 rigorously observed in Ps. On the other hand, EWS. has occasion- 
 ally, and LWS. very generally, extended the full form -ed to all 
 case-forms: gedemede, gefyllede, etc. So occasionally also in R.i 
 (gec^rrede, abaelgede, dwaergede), and frequently in R.^ L. Rit. 
 
 Note 2. Conversely, LWS. verbs in p and no occasionally synco- 
 pate in the uninflected form: beclypt, geypt, ddr^nct, forscr^nct, 
 bes^nct, ges^v^nct ; others are rare : forswseld, gebaernd, ymbtyrnd, 
 gegl^ngd, gesebyligd (on gecydd see note 4); so R.^ once forlard. 
 
 Note 3. The rules for syncope (402. 2) apply to verbs in d, t; 
 hence pure WS. gelaed(d), gegyrd, ges^nd, ace. gelsedne, gegjTdne, 
 ges^ndne, etc. Yet EWS. has certain new formations with the full 
 -ed : gelseded, begyrded, ges^nded, gehaefted, d^vested, and, with 
 especial frequency, iindertReded, gesciended. In pure LWS. such 
 forms are extremely rare (oferbr^ded, dw^nded JEUt. Horn.), while 
 less pure WS. texts vary. 
 
312 INFLECTION 
 
 In LWS. the form gecyd(d) occurs for EWS. geey?fed, probably 
 as a new formation on the pattern of inflected forms like plur. gecydde, 
 from gecydde (cf. 405. 2). 
 
 Of the Anglian texts, R.i has a few isolated short forms in befaest 
 and ges^tt (407, note 0), beside -ISeded, -hyded, sanded, -maeted, 
 -\v«ested, -s^ted, etc. 
 
 Note 4. The n of n^innan (cf. 404, note 1. a) is only exception- 
 ally retained in case of syncope : plur. gen^ninde Chron. Forms like 
 gen^mnede Cura Past. Or. also occur. 
 
 Note 5. Anglian verbs in mute + liquid or nasal (404, note 1 . 6, c) 
 have a-forms even in the part. : Ps. gedeglad, plur. gewetrade, beside 
 froefred, timbred ; L. gedegla(t| beside degled, tiinbred, etc. (RA only 
 afrobfred, Avepned ; R.^ gidegled, gifroefred, wepned-). 
 
 Note 6. In R.^ and especially in the North. L. Rit., these a's 
 extend to other verbs: R.^ gefyllad, n^iunad, waergad, beside fre- 
 quent -ed ; in North, especially in verbs in d, t : L. ges^ndad, 
 dwoendad, gewoedad, geboetad, gemoetad, -faestad, oehtad, gcQnd- 
 etad, Rit. giscildad, giAvoendad, viiijlsc^ndado ; girihtad, giin- 
 lihtad, gehaeftad, giboetaduin, but also L. gehw^rfad, gecaelcad, 
 gedr^ncgad, geliorad, Rit. tUesad, gim^ngadum, etc. 
 
 Note 7. The North, verbs in d, t occasionally have forms with n, 
 on the analogy of the strong verbs, instead of the inflected case-forms 
 with syncope: L. ynibgyrdeno, ges^ndeno, etc., gew8E5lteno, ges^t- 
 eno (ins^tna, ons^tenum, etc.), Rit. tl\voerdeiio, ins^tenum (R."^ has 
 only two ons^tnum, from s^tta, 407, note 6). In Rit. this new for- 
 mation goes further : gilefeno, gileseno, for gilefdo, gilesdo. Cf. also 
 414, note 4. 
 
 C) Irregular Verbs 
 
 407. 1) As early as the West Germanic or even the 
 Germanic period, a few verbs joined the termination of 
 the preterit and past participle directly to the radical 
 syllable, without the intervention of the middle vowel 
 -i-. These forms consequently occur in OE. without 
 i-umlaut, though a few verbs have introduced it second- 
 arily on the analogy of the regular verbs of the jo-class, 
 which have also influenced them in a few other respects 
 (especially in North.). 
 
CONJUGATION 
 
 oio 
 
 The verbs in a guttural, so far as their lack of a 
 middle vowel goes back to Germanic, take lit in the 
 pret. and past part. (232) ; a radical nasal disappears 
 before this lit (45. 5 ; 186. 1). 
 
 Here belong: 
 
 cw^llan, kill 
 dw^llan, deceive 
 s^llan, give 
 st^llan, place 
 tijUan, count 
 s^ttan, set 
 l^cgean, lay 
 bycgean, buy 
 cw^ccean, shake 
 dr^ccean, vex 
 l^ccean, moisten 
 r^ccean, narrate 
 str^ccean, stretch 
 S^ccean, cover 
 Av^ecean, wake 
 laeecean, seize 
 rSeean, reach 
 tgecean, teach 
 r^ccean, reck 
 secean, seek 
 tf^ncean, think 
 tJyncean, seem 
 wyrcean, work 
 bringan, bring 
 
 cwealde 
 
 dwealde 
 
 sealde 
 
 stealde 
 
 tealde 
 
 s^tte 
 
 l^gde 
 
 bohte 
 
 cweahte 
 
 dreahte 
 
 leahte 
 
 reahte 
 
 streahte 
 
 Seahte 
 
 weahte 
 
 Igehte 
 
 rsehte, rahte 
 
 t^hte, tahte 
 
 rohte 
 
 sohte 
 
 Sohte 
 
 Suhte 
 
 Tvorhte 
 
 brohte 
 
 geeweald 
 
 gedweald 
 
 geseald 
 
 gesteald 
 
 geteald 
 
 ges^t(t) 
 
 gel^gd 
 
 geboht 
 
 gecweaht 
 
 gedreaht 
 
 geleaht 
 
 gereaht 
 
 gestreaht 
 
 geSeaht 
 
 geweaht 
 
 gelseht 
 
 gerseht 
 
 getseht, getaht 
 
 gesoht 
 
 geSoht 
 
 geSuht 
 
 geworht 
 
 gebroht 
 
 Note 1. For cw^llan North, has R.2 cw^Ua, pret. cw^lede, L. 
 c'Av^lla, cwoella, pret. cuoel(e)de, part, -c willed. 
 
 Note 2. Beside dw^Uan, dwealde LWS. has also dw^lian, 
 dw^lede (400, note 2). Angl. has only L. gedu^llas, part, dwoel- 
 ende. 
 
 Note 3. For EWS. s^llan LWS. has generally syllan, for *sieUau 
 (compare the inf. siollanne in a Merc, charter of about 840 ?). Ps. 
 R.i R.2 Rit. have also s^Uan, -a, L. an unexplained sealla, beside 
 
314 INFLECTION 
 
 s^lla; add in L. Rit. a few present forms with i, like L. sUo, sile<5, -1(5, 
 Rit. sila, -sileO', -iff, beside the regular forms with e. 
 
 Anglian has the pret. salde (158. 2), part, said; but R.i has also 
 one saelde, and L. a few instances of sealde, modeled after the pres. 
 sealla. 
 
 Note 4. Of st^llan there is an isolated part, onst^led in Or. (beside 
 dsteald) ; add North, pret. ast^lidae Csedmon's Hymn (other instances 
 lacking in Anglian). 
 
 Note 5. So, too, t^llan has a part, get^led in Or., the poetry, 
 and Bede. Ps. has pres. idlest, -e9, pret. talde, part, getald, L. 
 pres. 3 sing, tulles, part, get^led, Rit. pret. git^lede. 
 
 Note 6. WS. s^ttan has gone over completely to the conjugation 
 of the regular verbs (401. 1 ; 402. 2), and even in the other dialects 
 there are only scanty traces of a pret. and part, without umlaut. Ps. 
 has s^ttan, pret. s^tte, part, ges^ted, plur. ges^tte; R.^ saltan, 
 pret. s^tte (once saette), part, -s^ted and -s^tt ; North. R.2 s^tta^ 
 pret. s^tte (s^te), part, -s^ted (-s^tet, -sotted), infl. -s^tedo, beside 
 -s^t(t)e and ons^tnum (406, note 7), L. s^tta, pret. s^tte and saette, 
 part. ges^t(t)ed, -t, beside infl. gesattedo and ges^teno, etc. (see 
 under R.2). 
 
 Note 7. On "WS. forms like lede, geled, beside legde, etc., see 
 214.3. Angl. has: R.i laegde, -un, part, ^l^gd; R.2 pres. opt. 
 l^cce, etc., pret. l^gdun, L. pres. plur. gel^cgas, pret. l^gdon, part. 
 dl^gd. 
 
 Note 8. The pret. of bycgean is found also in Ps. R.i R.2 L., the 
 past part, also in Ps. R.i L. Rit. 
 
 Note 9. In the Cura Past, the verbs in ^cc still regularly have ea 
 in the pret. and past part. : leahte, reahte, dstreahte, dweahte, part. 
 gereaht ; but MS. H already has occasional ^, on the analogy of the 
 pres. : l^hte, r^hte, astr^hte, part, ger^ht, beside reahte, dw^eahte, 
 part, dweaht ; in later MSS. this ^ occurs throughout. 
 
 LWS. often has wr^cc(e)aii for w^cc(e)an (so already once in 
 Cura Past.). 
 
 In Angl. these verbs have ae (162. 1) in the pret. and past part., 
 save in so far as ^ has intruded from the pres., or other new formations 
 have occurred. Ps. has pres. sing, c^v^ceff; pres. part, l^ccende; inf. 
 r^cenne, etc.; pret. r^hte, part, ger^ht (once geraeht); pres. S^ces, 
 -eff, pret. biff^hton ; pres. ilw^cce, etc. , pret. dwa^htes, Aw^htes, 
 part, dwajht; R.i pres. 3 sing, raeccet, imp. ;ir^cce, part, ger^ht; 
 bej78eht; North. R.2 inf. dw^cca, etc., pret. Aw^hte, plur. dwsehtun, 
 
CONJUGATION 315 
 
 d-, giw^htun ; L. pret. gecoecton, part, gecwoeccad ; inf. dr^cganne, 
 pret. unS^hton, part, be^^ht ; inf. dwaecca, aw^ece, auoecce, etc., 
 pret. -w^hte, woehte, -wsehte ; according to Lindelof , Rit. part. 
 cvoect, pret. -woehte. 
 
 Note 10. laecc(e)an has North, lahte R.^ L., instead of WS. 
 Isehte ; on the shortening of the vowel in the pres. see note 12. 
 
 Note 11. The verbs in aec have nearly always ^ in the pret. and 
 past part., but Or. has also gerahte, betahte, beside gersehte, 
 bet^hte ; and forms like tahte appear even in very late texts. Ps. 
 has only the imp. pres. getiec, R.i pres. rtece)?, getsece)?, pret. 
 getahte; North. R.2 L. Rit. rahte, R.2 L. tahte, L. betaht. 
 
 Note 12. The pres. of r^ccean (from Germ. *rokjan?) has, like 
 laeccean (note 10), a short vowel, and hence West Germ, gemination 
 before j. The form recean, which is theoretically demanded, hardly 
 occurs with certainty (one rece we in ^Ifr. Coll.); compare also North. 
 R.^ L. ne reces 9u, non ad te pertinet Mark 4. 38 (not *roeces, with oe, 
 150. 4). 
 
 Note 13. The pret. of sec(e)an (Ps. R.i soecan, R.2 L. soeca) and 
 3^nc(e)an is also found in Ps. R.i R.^ L., sohte also in Rit., the part. 
 -soht also in Ps. R.^ L. ; on the other hand, the pret. and past part, 
 of %nc(e)an (R.i has also once pres. Sinca]?) do not occur in Ps. R.i 
 R.2 L. Rit. 
 
 Note 14. The part, of wyrc(e)an occurs exceptionally as gi-, 
 gew^arht once each in Corp. and Or. (pret. w^arhte, part, gewarht 
 also Chad). LWS. sometimes has wrohte, gewroht by metathesis, 
 instead of worhte, geworht. 
 
 The compound forwjTc(e)an, ruin, forms in LWS. the pret. for- 
 w^yrhte, part. forw^jTht. 
 
 For WS. wyrcan Ps. has always wircan (164. 2) with another 
 ablaut-grade (only one very extraordinary w^yrctuii, ajjtaverunt, in 
 the Hymns), R.i wirce, beside wyrca, L. also a few i-forms ; otherwise 
 y prevails in North, also (one 1 plur. ue gew^erco uerco, operemur 
 opera L. is manifestly miswritten ; LWS. wircan belongs under 31, 
 note). The pret. and part, w^orhte, geworht do not occur in Ps., 
 but in R.i R.2 L. Rit.; R.2 has Ukewise one wrohte, and L. a few 
 instances of ^vorohte. 
 
 Note 15. The pres. bringan, which belongs to the strong conju- 
 gation, prevails in pure WS., as well as in Ps. R.i. Beside it stands 
 the weak br^ng(e)an (OS. br^ngian) ; this also occurs now and again 
 in EWS., and once in R.i, while it is the prevalent form in Kent. North. 
 
316 INFLECTION 
 
 (R.2 L. Rit. ; but L. has also one bringa'5). The pret. and part, are 
 always brohte, broht, except that the poetry has a strong part. 
 brungen. 
 
 2) In imitation of these verbs, the other verbs in c, 
 which were originally regular, are apt later to take lit 
 in the pret. and past part., but retain the i-umlaut: 
 EWS. iec(e)an, increase, pret. iecte, part, geiced, plur. 
 g-eiecte, but LWS. pret. ilite, yhte, part, geiht, geyht, 
 plur. g-eihte, geylite, etc. 
 
 Note 16. Here belong, for example: 3rycc(e)an, oppress; cnyc- 
 c(e)an, tie; ■\vl^cc(e)an, warm; bep^c(e)an, deceive (not EWS.); 
 gewiec(e)aii, weaken; syc(e)an, suckle; the polysyllabic ol^cc(e)an, 
 olicc{e)i^n, flatter; and the compounds in -llec(e)aii, like nealaec(e)an, 
 approach. 
 
 Note 17. In EWS., Cura Past, has pret. ol^hte, beside ol^cte, but 
 otherwise regularly pret. tJrycte, i(e)cte, part. -Srycced, on-vvaeced, 
 plur. -Srycte (-3'ryceede, 406, note 1); Or. nealaehte, beside geieeed ; 
 iElfric, on the other hand, always has ht: ihte (yhte), -Jjrihte, 
 bepaehte, gewaihte, sihte ; olaehte (from olaican, conformed to the 
 verbs in -Itecan), nealShte, part, gelht, gedjTst-, geefen-, geriht- 
 Iseht, etc. ; only exceptionally has ^Ifr. forms like part, gedeced, 
 gerihtlieced, from dec(e)an(?), smear; rihtl^c (e) an ., jiistlfy. 
 
 Of \vl^cc(e)an there occur the part, gewl^eed, gewl^ht, and 
 gewlaecced, geAvlaeht. 
 
 Bede has also a pret. serendwreahte without umlaut, from *aerend- 
 Avr^ec(e)an, carry a message. 
 
 Note 18. Of the Angl. texts Ps. has pret. eete, but, from neo-, 
 mo-, nehliecan, neolican, the pret. neo-, iiTo-, nialS'hte; R.^ part. 
 geeced, and, from pres. neo-, nealice]?, part, geneleccende, the pret. 
 -neolicte, beside -nealohte. 
 
 North. R.^: pret. ecte, part, -eced (*neoliciga conjugates like 
 the Second Class : 8 sing, neolica'ff, -as, pret. neolicade, neiilocado, 
 part, gineolicad); L. pret. geOryhton, part, gecnyht, beside pret. 
 tocniiicte; then ecde (also ecte and eoade), part, -eoed (also -ecad), 
 and, from neoleoa, -laoa, the pret. neolecde (rarely -Iecte, -licdc, 
 also -lecadc, -laccdc, -locedon ; nea-, nelecdc); Rit. pret. -cnyhtest, 
 part, -cnyht, -(Tryht, beside pret. -neolecdest. 
 
CONJUGATION 317 
 
 Note 19. In the case of certain isolated forms a full paradigm 
 can only be conjecturally framed. So to the pret. scyhte, seduced, 
 may be assigned an infinitive *scycc(e)an (from scucca, seducer); 
 to the part, gecliht, collecta (Scint.), an infinitive *clyccean; to 
 ofhtehte, hacked off (vElfr. Ep. Past.); bedaehte, tradidit (Hpt. Gl.), 
 the infinitives *haecc(e)an and *daecc(e)aii (compare laeccean under 
 1, above). 
 
 408. 1) The verbs in rw and Iw, like gierwan, pre- 
 pare ; sierwan, deceive ; smierwan, anoint ; wielwan, 
 roll^ originally lose their w before the i of the ind. 
 pres. 2 and 3 sing. (358), the imp. 2 sing. (410), the pret. 
 (401), and the past part. (402), accordiDg to phonetic 
 law (173. 2), and hence become short-stemmed in these 
 forms. Compare, for example, from g-ierwan, the 2 
 and 3 sing, g-ierest, g-iereS", imp. giere, pret. g-ierede, 
 part, g-egiered. 
 
 However, in LWS. numerous transformations occur, 
 the w being either generalized or totally eliminated, or 
 forms (with or without w) constructed according to the 
 Second Weak Conjugation (400, note 2). The indi- 
 vidual verbs vary greatly ; in the case of a few, like 
 hierwaii, deride ; nierwan, distress^ there are no exam- 
 ples of the original conjugation. 
 
 Note 1. With the interchange of rw, Iw and r, 1 must originally 
 have been connected a variation of the radical vowel, since breaking 
 of the basic vowel a or e, i (in slnier^van) could only have taken 
 place before rw, Iw ; for example, smierwan, but sniirest, sniiretJ, 
 pret. smirede. This change, however, has left no distinct traces 
 except in smierAvan (note 5). In the case of gier^van all difference 
 was regularly effaced: gierAvaii (98. a), gierede (98. 6), etc. 
 
 Note 2, The w^ is restored earliest in the uninflected past part. : 
 compare Ep. gig^ruuid, Corp. geg^rwid, gesniir^vid. In the poetry, 
 too, the metre often demands gegierwed, gegyrAved, beside gegyred. 
 
318 INFLECTION 
 
 Note 3, For the most part gie^^van, gynvan adheres in WS. to 
 the older inflection, but there is also a part, gegyrwed (of. note 2), 
 imp. gier and gierwe Cura Past., beside gyre ; in LWS. there is a rare 
 3 sing. gyra(5, opt. gyrie, pres. part, gyriende, past part, gegyrwod. 
 
 Ps. has regularly g^rwan, pret. g§rede, part, g^red. In R.i and 
 North, occur a few forms which belong here, but only with the mean- 
 ing clothe: R.^ pres. part, gserwende, pret. plur. ung^redun, past 
 part, ungeg^radne; R.^ past part, gegyrwed, L. pret. plur. ge-, 
 ong^redon, Rit. pret. gig^ride; for the rest we have these replaced 
 by R.i gearwiga (opt. plur. iarw^an, pret. iarwede, part, iarwad), 
 R.'- georAviga, L. Rit. gearwiga, according to Conj. II (inf. geg^r- 
 uiga, 3 sing. g^rua3, geg^rues, part, gig^rwad L., perhaps result 
 only from inexact spelling). 
 
 Note 4. sierwan is regular in EWS. prose : Or. sier^^^an, pret. 
 si(e)rede, part, ge-, besi(e)red (LWS. also gesyrw^ed); but likewise 
 already Or. 3 plur. -sieriaS, while LWS. has pret. syrode (Kent. Ps. 
 bestrode), beside syrede. LWS. usually generalizes the w: pres. 
 3 sing, sy^^vl5, pret. syrwde, or, according to the o-class : syrwian, 
 pret. (syrwode), plur. syrwedon. 
 
 Note 5. In both EWS. and LWS. there are numerous relics of 
 the original inflection of smierwan, like Cura Past. pres. plur. 
 snii(e)re^^a3, pret. smirede. To these are soon added the new for- 
 mation sinirian, smyrian (already imp. plur. smiriaS Cura Past. 
 MS. H), which later conjugates also according to the o-class: pres. 
 3 sing, smyra'3, imp. smyra, pret. smyrode, part, gesniyrod. More- 
 over in less pure WS. texts there frequently occur forms with e: 
 sm^rwan, smyrian, opt. sm^ruwe, sm^rige, pret. smirede, etc. 
 
 Ps. has only pres. 3 sing. smireS, pret. smirede, R.i once imp. 
 sing, sni^re ; *snleo^^van may be assumed as the inf., at least for Ps. 
 (159. 5). North, has R.^ inf. smiranne, pret. sniiride, -ede, plur. 
 -edun, L. inf. siniriane, pret. smiride, plur. smiredon, Rit. part. 
 gesinearvad. 
 
 Note 6. The w is almost everywhere generalized in hierwan and 
 nienvan (Angl. Ps. R.i h^rwan, Ps. n^rwan : WS. pres. 3 sing. 
 hyrvvtJ (R.i h^rwe]?), imp. hyrw, pret. hjT^vde (Ps. h^rwdun), 
 part, gehyrwed (Ps. gen^rwed, plur. gon^rwde), etc. Occasionally 
 these verbs have adopted forms of the o-class : hyrv\ian, nyruian, 
 pret. hjT^vode, nyrvvode, etc. Only sporadic are poet. inf. h?r- 
 i(ge)an(?), Blickl. pret. nyrugde (for *nyruwde, compare Blickl. 
 pret. h^niwde), and the very late part, geniered. 
 
CONJUGATION 319 
 
 Note 7. *Avielwaii has pret. Avylede, part, bewyled, gewyl^ved, 
 besides forms according to the o-class, like pres. 1 sing, wylewige, 
 part, bewylewud, and inf. wylian, pret. wylode. 
 
 The vocalism is obscure in ^dgaelwan, alarm (part, dgselwede Or., 
 part. dgaeUved, dgelwed Boeth.). 
 
 Note 8. ft•aet^van, adorn, has in the pret. , beside fraetwede, part. 
 gefraetwed (404, note 1), generally fraetwode, part, gefraetwod 
 according to Conj. II ; subsequently there are added present forms 
 according to Conj. II. 
 
 Note 9. rseswan, conjecture, seems also to have had a similar 
 inflection, as there occur also rsesiau, and pret. raeswode and r«sode. 
 
 2) The verbs in long vowel or diphthong + w, like 
 Isewaii, betray ; forslsewan, dawdle ; g-etriewan, believe; 
 iewaii, show^ as a rule generalize the w in all forms : 
 pret. iewde (sporadic setiede, 174. 3), part, g-eiewed, 
 plur. g-eiewde, etc. 
 
 Note 10. Beside iewan, ywan, there occurs, as early as EWS., 
 eo^van, pret. eowde, beside pres. eowian, according to Conj. II, to 
 which is subsequently added a pret. eowode. More rare (and prob- 
 ably never in pure WS.) is eawan, especially in the pret. ea-wde. 
 
 Kent, has ewan ( = WS. iewan, 159. 4), beside eaw^an (pres. 3 
 sing, atew?^, ateauS Kent. GL), Ps. oteawan, pret. oteawde (only 
 once each oteowan, oteowde), R.i (8et)eawaii, pret. eawde, eaude; 
 North. R.2 (aet)eo\va, pret. eowde, part, eowed (once aetgew^ed), L. 
 (aed-, aet-, etc., ge-)eawa, pret. -eawde, -eaude and -eaw^ade, part. 
 -eawed and -eaAvad (very rare by-forms like inf. aethewene, pres. 
 3 sing. aedeuatJ, imp. aedeew, pret. aeteuwdae, part, aeteuw^ed, also 
 pret. aedeadon, ^ewade), Rit. aedeaw^a, pret. -eawde and -eavade, 
 Infl, part. aeSeaw^de, beside aedeaw^ad. 
 
 Note 11. Under WS. laewan there occurs in North. R.2 the pret. 
 bilede, L. beleede, with loss of w^ (174. 3). 
 
 Note 12. Here perhaps belongs also SyAvan, press, oppress (from 
 *J>uwjan?), pret. Syw^de, part. *ge?Jywed, infl. geSywde. Add, 
 with very peculiar vocalism, Or. d.j7ewde, poet. part. plur. gej»ew^de; 
 for other forms see note 18. 
 
 3) The verbs with orig. aw, iw manifest much 
 irregularity. 
 
320 I]N^FLECTION 
 
 Note 13. The verb eieg(e)an, cigan (cygan), call, name, goes 
 back to a basic form *kaujan, and in WS. transfers the g to all the 
 forms: pret. ci(e)gde, part. geci(e)ged, plur. gecl(e)gde, etc. The 
 Anglian forms are : Ps. cegan, pret. cede (from * kawida, * kevvida, 
 with loss of w, according to 173. 2), R.^ cegan, cgegan, pret. cegde, 
 csegde, once ceigde, part, gecseged ; North. R.2 cega (once imp. 
 ceig), pret. cegde, rarely ceigde and cede, part, giceged, once 
 glceed, plur. gicegde ; L. ceiga, pret. ceigde, rarely ceigede, part. 
 geceiged, rarely geceyged, geceged, -id ; geceigd, geceid, geced, infl. 
 geceig(e)do, etc.; Rit. ceiga, pret. -ceigde, -ceide, part, geceiged, 
 infl. giceigido, giceigdo, giceido. On the conjugation of the present 
 see 409. 
 
 Note 14. Thus inflects the only poet, began, perform (from 
 *haujan, ON. heyja), pret. hede, part, gehed ; similarly the non- 
 WS. poet, stregan, strew (Goth, straujan), pret. streidae, -e Erf. 
 Corp., stredun R.2 
 
 Note 15. The latter is represented in WS. by strewian, pret. 
 strewede, later streoMaan (strea\vian), streowede or streowode, 
 according to Conj. II. 
 
 To the same type belong the isolated part. ^-, gebeowed, polished 
 (OHG. gibeuuit), and the verbs si(o)waan, sew; spi(o)^vian. spew 
 (compare ON. syja, spyja, from*siiijan, etc.), of which the ancient 
 inflection is scarcely illustrated save in the oldest texts (past part. 
 -siuuid Ep., -siowid Corp., infl. (instr.) bisiuudi Ep., bisiudi Corp.); 
 later they pass over to Conj. II, except that spioAvian has also pret. 
 spioAvde, speowde (beside plur. spioAvedon ; all in the poetry). 
 
 Note 10. Like the original long stems (compare especially note 12) 
 inflects usually hlywan, hleo"\van, warm (compare ON. hlyja, from 
 ♦hliujan), pret. hlywde, infl. pret. gehlywde; but there also occur 
 pret. hlyde, part, gehlyd, and, in the poetry, a pres. plur. hleoS. 
 
 4) A further series of variations is presented by the 
 contract verbs which belong here (373 ; 414, note 5). 
 
 Note 17. Here belongs, with a stem originally ending in a vowel, 
 *dian, *deon, suckle: Ps. pres. part, milcdeondra, II A diendra, 
 North. L. part, diendra, pret. 2 sing, gediides, suxisti (in R.2 mis- 
 written as detJedes). On the other hand, hna^g(e)an, neigh (from 
 * huaijan) generalizes the g : 3 sing, hnaeg'd, etc. 
 
CONJUGATION 
 
 321 
 
 Note 18. The number of contract verbs with the stem originally 
 ending in h is larger : hean, exalt, pret. heade, part, head (Angl. 
 geheed Bede); tyn, train; Syn, press (from *]?uhjan, OHG. duhen, 
 compare 9ywaii, note 12 above), *3ryn, bind (pret. geSryde, expressit 
 L., part. getJryd Gl.); ryn, roar; *scyn, persuade (OHG. scuhen), 
 pret. tyde, part, tyd, infl. tyde (also late pret, , etc. , tydde, 230, note 1) ; 
 also inf. Seen (of. 117. 2, and note) and hence pret. Seode, infl. part. 
 '5eode(?). Add sporadic forms like gewe?J, depravat, pret. gcAvede 
 (from *'\vohjan); pret. plur. tedan (from *tolijaii); inf. *wen, *ten ? 
 
 Uncontracted forms occur in the oldest texts, like pres. 3 sing. 
 fsehlt, pret. plur. fgedun Ep. from * faihjan, paint ; participial noun 
 scyhend Ep., seyend CorjD., seducer, past part. aj>ryld, expilatam 
 Corp. Later they are rare (there occur LWS. forms like ic Syge, 
 pret. Sygde; E.i plur. soya J?) . 
 
 Conjugation of the Weak Verbs of Class I 
 
 409. ii^rian and fr^mman represent the conjugation 
 of the original short stems, deman of the original long 
 stems (to these are added, according to 372, the presents 
 of the strong jo-verbs). For examples of the former 
 class see 400 ; of the latter, 403 ; for g-ierwan and 
 ciegan see 408. 1, 3. For the form of the endings in 
 general, compare 354 ff. 
 
 Sing. 1. n^rie fr^mme 
 
 2. n^res(t) frames (t) 
 
 3. n^re3 fr^meS 
 Plur. n^riatJ fr^mmatJ 
 
 Present 
 
 T„ ^- J ' 
 
 
 
 Lna 
 
 tcuLive 
 deme 
 
 giervve 
 
 ciege 
 
 
 dein(e)st 
 
 gierest 
 
 cTeg(e)st 
 
 
 dem(e)3 
 
 gierecJ 
 
 cieg(e)?5 
 
 
 dema^S 
 
 gier\va(5 
 
 ciegatS 
 
 Optative 
 
 Sing. 
 
 n^rie 
 
 fr^mme 
 
 deme 
 
 gierwe 
 
 ciege 
 
 Plur. 
 
 n^rien 
 
 fr^niTnen 
 
 demen 
 
 gierwen 
 
 ciegen 
 
322 
 
 INFLECTION 
 
 Sing. 2. n^re 
 Plur, 1. n^rian 
 2. n^riacJ 
 
 Imperative 
 
 fr^nic 
 fr^mnian 
 
 dem 
 
 deinan 
 
 deniaO 
 
 gierwe 
 sierAvan 
 
 cieg 
 ciesran 
 
 gierwatJ ciegaS 
 
 Infinitive 
 Dorian fr^mman | deman || gierwan ciegan 
 
 Participle 
 n^riende fr^mmende | demende |] gier^vende ciegende 
 
 Preterit 
 Indicative 
 
 Sing. 1. n^rede fr^mede 
 
 2. n^redes(t) fr^inedes(t) 
 
 3. n^rede fr^iriede 
 Plur. n^redon fr^medon 
 
 demde 
 denudes (t) 
 denide 
 demdon 
 
 gierede, 
 
 etc. 
 
 ciegde, 
 etc. 
 
 Sing, n^rede 
 Plur. n^reden 
 
 Optative 
 
 fr^mede 
 fr^nieden 
 
 demde 
 demden 
 
 gierede, 
 
 etc. 
 
 ciegde, 
 
 etc. 
 
 Sing, n^red 
 Plur. n^rede 
 
 framed 
 fr^niede 
 
 Participle 
 
 demed 
 demde 
 
 gier(w)ed, cieged, 
 
 etc. etc. 
 
 Note 1. For graphic variants of n^rian, etc., like n^rgan, n^r- 
 ig(e)an, etc., see in general 175. Ps. has only g, as in ged^rgan, 
 onstyrgan, ind. pres. 1 sing, h^rgu, -o, n^rgu, bisc^rgu, sw^rgii, 
 bi\v<jrg»i, plur. h^rga<5, gen^rga'(5, SAV^rgaTJ, opt, n^rge, h^rgen, 
 part, h^rgende, gen^rgendc, s^v^rgendan; R.^ inf. SAv^rige, sw^rge 
 (and one doubtful SAv^rigsR, probably opt.), and f^rganne. North. 
 R.2 inf. sw^riga, infl. h^rganne and smiranne (408, note 5; cf. also 
 400, note 2), part, h^rgeiide and h^rende (cf. also 412, note 11), 
 L. inf. 8uoeri(g)a, su^ri(g)a, su^rige; gestyrige, -ege, infl. h^rganne 
 and smiriane, part, ^rieude, h^rgende, h^rgiendii and h^rende, 
 
CONJUGATION 323 
 
 ind. pres. 3 sing, su^rias. Rit, has, beside (gi)h^ria?J, gih^rgacJ, 
 also ind. opt. pres. 1 and 3 sing, giii^re, without j. 
 
 On Southern English forms like secean, -eaS, hnaegean, -eaS, 
 etc., beside secan, seca'5, etc., see 206. 3. b; these -e-'s are wholly 
 lacking in Ps. R.i R.2 L. Rit. 
 
 Note 2. The -e of the 1 sing, preterit indicative is often lost in 
 North, before the pronoun ic : saigdig L., eadig, c^rdig Rit., for 
 saegde ic, eade ic, c^rde ic, etc. (355, note 4). 
 
 410. Strictly speaking, the inflectional endings were 
 originally the same in both classes, as they still are in 
 the preterit. The actual differences in the conjugation 
 of the OE. present are as follows : 
 
 1) The j of the suffix -jo- was retained before an 
 unlike vowel in the case of the short stems in r, like 
 n^rian (for occasional analogical exceptions in North, 
 see 409, note 1) ; in the other short-stemmed verbs it 
 caused, before its disappearance (177), gemination of the 
 radical final consonant in West Germanic, according to 
 227, as in fr^mnian. After long stems it was dropped 
 without having produced gemination. 
 
 Note 1. After a vowel or diphthong j either {a) totally disap- 
 peared, and contraction resulted, as in hean, tyn, etc. (408. 4), pres. 
 hea, ty, 2 sing, heast, tyst, 3 sing. heaS, tytf, plur. hea?J, ty??, etc., 
 or (6) is preserved, as in WS. ciegan, etc. (408, note 13). 
 
 In Ps. cegan inflects ind. pres. cegu, *cest, ce3, cegatJ, opt. cege, 
 imp, ce, * cegan, cegatJ, etc. (408. 3); that is, the j disappeared when- 
 ever the ending contained the vowel i. On the other hand, R.i has pres. 
 3 sing. cSge]7, imp. cSg; North. R.2 pres. 3 sing. (gi)cege'5, -es, -a?f 
 (once gicee?^), imp. giceg, L. pres. 3 sing. geceigetJ, -es, -a?J, plur. 
 geceigas, -es, imp. geceig, geceige. 
 
 2) In the forms which have i in the ending, that is, 
 the ind. pres. 2 and 3 sing, and the imp. 2 sing., the j 
 of the suffix was lacking as early as West Germanic, 
 
324 INFLECTION 
 
 and therefore could produce no gemination. Accord- 
 ingly, the present of the originally short stems exhibits 
 a regular mterchange between geminated and simple 
 consonants. 
 
 Note 2. Especially to be noted in this connection are the state- 
 ments of 190 and 216, relating to eg as the geminate of g, and bb 
 as that of f : l^c'g(e)an, l^geS ; s^v^bban, s^v^fetf, etc. 
 
 Note 3. The interchange disappears with the transformation of the 
 WS. verbs in question according to 400, note 2. Where gemination 
 is kept, irregularities sometimes creep in subsequently : shiest and s^l- 
 lest, s^leS and s^UeS, etc. This is especially marked in North, in L. 
 
 3) The imp. sing, of the short stems ends in -e (Goth. 
 -ei), as in n^re, frenie, while it regularly suffers apoc- 
 ope in the long stems (133. c) : clem, liier, etc. 
 
 Note 4. In LWS., forms like deme, hyre, are very common. 
 They are rarer in the case of original short stems, like t^Ue (on EWS. 
 gier and gierwe, etc. , see 408, note 3) ; yet sporadic forms do occur, 
 after the manner of the long stems, as, for example, cw^^ll. 
 
 Note 5. While in Ps. the inflection of the imp. has been kept in 
 all strictness, in R.^ and North, there is already considerable irregu- 
 larity ; for, though the long stems mostly retain the forms without 
 ending, yet forms with -e also occur, like R.i gelese, cege, L. ceige, 
 gehere, -leore, s^nde, Rit. girihte, givoende, geinlihte (but not R.^). 
 The original short stems have in R.i forms like sw^r, h^f, s^l, beside 
 s^le, dj»^ne, and, with transference of gemination, s^Ile, s^tte, dr^cce, 
 bebycge; North. R.2 sitt, s^l, beside site, s^te, (bi)byge; L. gbidd, 
 sitt, lig, byg, gen^r, s^l, ons^tt, beside sii^re, gen^re (and f^rig, 
 according to 412, note 8), Rit. gibidd, dh^f, s^l, beside gin^re and 
 gibidde, gitrymme. 
 
 4) On syncope 'in the ind. pres. 2 and 3 sing, see 
 358. 2, and note ; 359. 
 
 5) All verbs which in WS. form their inf. in -ian are 
 apt to develop in LWS. forms according to the Second 
 Conjugation (400. 2, 3). 
 
CONJUGATION 325 
 
 2. SECOND WEAK CONJUGATION 
 
 411. 1) The present forms of this class may all be 
 referred in essence to a common stem ending in Germ. 
 -oja- ; only in the ind. 2 and 3 sing, and the imp. 2 sing, 
 is this replaced by a shorter stem in -o-. 
 
 In OE. the original -oja-, having first become um- 
 lauted -eja-, passed into -eja-, -ija-, etc. ; hence, for 
 example, inf. locian, look^ from * lokojan, -ejan, etc., 
 opt. locig-e, from lokojai, -eja, etc. 
 
 The o of the present stem, on the other hand, regularly 
 appears as a ; hence ind. 2 and 3 sing, locas(t), locaar, 
 imp. loca, from * lokos, * loko)?, * loko, etc. (for varia- 
 tions see 412, notes 5 and 8). 
 
 Note 1. Since the i of the ia, ie was developed from o, e at a 
 comparatively late period, it never caused i-umlaut ; forms which have 
 this umlaut do not belong here, but to the Third Conjugation (415 ; 
 416, and note 11). 
 
 Note 2. For the same reason, the forms in ia, ie have no proper 
 u- or o/a-umlaut; where it appears notwithstanding, as in cliopian, 
 cleopian, beside clipian, etc. (416, note 14. c), it has been adopted 
 from forms without i. 
 
 2) The preterit and past participles are formed from 
 the shorter stem in -o-. OE. has for this o either (as in 
 the present) an a, or else u, o; hence, for example, 
 either locacle or locude, -ode, part, locad, or lociid, 
 -od, from older * lokoda, * lokod. For details see 413. 
 
 Note 3. On the intrusion of forms from the Second Conjugation 
 into the First see 400, note 3. 
 
 Note 4. The number of verbs belonging to the Second Conju- 
 gation is very large, especially as denominatives under this head can 
 be formed from a great many nouns. Here, for example, belong 
 such short stems as bodian, announce; ceorian, lament; dwolian. 
 
326 INFLECTION 
 
 err; holiaii, obtain; hopian, hope; laSian, invite; lofian, praise; 
 maeian, make; in9nian, exhort; stician, stab; Avarian, observe; 
 and such long stems as ascian, ask ; ceapian, trade ; costian, tempt ; 
 eahtian, estimate; eardian, dwell; earnian, earn; ^ndian, end; 
 fpndian, try ; fuiidian, aspire; gearwian, prepare; grapian, handle; 
 h^rgiau, devastate; higiaii, hasten; behofian, need; hwearfian, 
 wander; leanian, reward; lociaii, look; loceian, entice; meldian, 
 announce; offrian, sacrifice; sceaAvian, see; SQinnian, collect; tioh- 
 hian, arrange; ISaociaii, pat; c^Qncian, thank; ^vealwian, roll; 
 Aveor3ian, honor; wincian, wink; ivisian, guide; '\v9ndrian, wander; 
 wuldrian, glorify ; Avundian, wound; wundrian, wonder^ and many 
 others. Of special groups we may emphasize the derivatives 
 
 a) in -(e)cian: bedecian, beg; dstyfecian, extirpate; dswefecian, 
 eradicate; ieldciaii, delay ; geareian, prepare; 
 
 b) in -(e)gian, mostly formed from adjectives in -ig: dysegian, 
 be foolish; h^f(e)gian, oppress; niet(e)gian, moderate; Avel(e)gian, 
 enrich; halgian, hallow; gemyndgian, remember; sargian, suffer; 
 scyldgian, sin; syngian, sin; wergian, weary ; witgian, prophesy ; 
 
 c) in -(e)nian: gedafenian (Ps. gedeafenian, R.i gedafnian and 
 gedaefnian, North, gedaefniga), befit; fag(e)nian, rejoice; hafenian, 
 grasp; op(e)nian, open; war(e)nian, take warning ; faestnian, fasten; 
 lacnian, cure; ^vilnian, desire; Avitnian, punish; 
 
 d) in -(e)sian : ^f(e)sian, shear; ^g(e)siaii, terrify; bletsian, bless 
 (198. 4); birSsian, blissian, rejoice; cl^nsian, cleanse (185 ; 186. 2); 
 gitsian, covet; griinsian, rage; hreow^sian, pity ; lersian (iorsian), 
 be angry; maersian, celebrate; miltsian, repent; ricsian, rixian, rule; 
 unrotsian, grieve; untreoAvsian, defraud, etc. 
 
 Note 5. Many verbs which are wholly or chiefly conjugated in 
 the 6-class have passed over to it from the ancient e-conjugation : 
 compare, for example, arian, honor; cunnian, try ; folgian, follow; 
 hpngian, hang; hatian, hate; Ipngian, long; lician, please; sarian, 
 be sad; scQuiian, be ashamed; sorgian, grieve; sparian, spare; 
 holism, suffer ; JJrowiaii, suffer; wucian, keep ivatch ; wuniAn, dwell, 
 with OHG. eren, (Goth, kunnan, pret. -aida), folgen, hangen, haz- 
 zen, langen, lichen, seren, seamen, sorgen, sparen, dolen, driioen, 
 wachen, Avonen, etc.; especially belong here the numerous deriva- 
 tives from adjectives : dcealdian, grow cold; gestrpngian, grow strong 
 (OHG. arcalten, strangen), etc. 
 
 The forms of these verbs are included without comment in what 
 here follows, so far as they coincide with those of the o-verbs; the 
 
CONJUGATION 
 
 327 
 
 remains of the ancient e-conjugation, which in a few cases have been 
 preserved, are collected in 416. 
 
 3) The WS. paradigm of this class is : 
 
 
 Present 
 
 
 
 Indicative 
 
 Optative 
 
 
 Imperative 
 
 Sing. 1. locige 
 
 2. locas(t) 
 
 3. loca3 
 
 / locige 
 
 
 Sing. 2, loca 
 Plur. 1. locian 
 2. locia3 
 
 Plur. locia?^ 
 
 locigen 
 
 
 
 '■Infinitive 
 
 
 Participle 
 
 locian 
 
 
 lociende 
 
 Preterit 
 
 
 Indicative 
 
 
 Optative 
 
 Sing. 1. locode 
 
 
 ) 
 
 2. locodes(t) 
 
 3. locode 
 
 
 > locode 
 
 Plur. locodon 
 
 
 locoden 
 
 • 
 
 Parti 
 
 CIPLE 
 
 
 
 -locod 
 
 On the endings of the individual forms compare the 
 general rules in 354 ff. On contract verbs see 414, note 5. 
 
 412. Tlie inflection of the present is tolerably con- 
 stant in most of the dialects, especially in WS. On 
 Anglian peculiarities in the inflected inf. and past part, 
 see notes 3 and 9 ff . Otherwise scarcely any but North, 
 (and in some measure R.^) shows important variations. 
 
 Note 1. The ia, ie of the ending are, likewise by the testimony of 
 prosody, generally disyllabic (they have therefore syllabic i : lo-ci-an, 
 etc., not unsy liable j: *loc-jan or *lo-cjan, etc.). In a few texts 
 
328 INFLECTION 
 
 accents occasionally occur over the i, which perhaps points to a sec- 
 ondary displacement of the quantity of the i (locian, from *lo-cl- 
 jan) ; thus forms like inf. gemidlian, gelacnigaii, plur. cliepiatJ, opt. 
 forhradien, etc., are written by one scribe of MS. H of Cura Past. 
 
 In the case of the ancient o-verbs (for ancient e-verbs see 416, 
 notes 2 and 15), monosyllabic ge occurs only exceptionally for disyl- 
 labic ie, especially in certain later texts, probably as a Kenticism : 
 compare participles like Blickl. gnorngende, Benet inf. hadgenne, 
 motgenne, etc. ; yet already in MS. H of Cura Past, one lufge (for 
 geliorngen see 416, note 15). 
 
 Note 2. In the EWS. texts -ia- is generally written (as indicated 
 in the paradigm), much more rarely -igea- or -iga- (the latter is 
 almost entirely wanting in MS. C of Cura Past.); but also very excep- 
 tionally -ea- : Cura Past, plegean, Or. h^rgean. On the other hand, 
 -ige(n) prevails throughout the ind. 1 sing, and the opt., and -ie, -ien 
 are in the background ; but in the part, -iende prevails over -igende 
 (though there are sporadic h^rgende Or. , ySegende Cura Past. ; com- 
 pare sporadic LWS. parallels like hleoSregendum, maegeregan Gl.); 
 in the infl. inf. (cf. note 10) -ienne interchanges with -igeiine. 
 
 In LWS. -ia- on the whole prevails ; but -io- occurs also in the opt. 
 plur., as in luflon, leomion, note 7 (very exceptional are spellings like 
 ■\vissigon, Jjenigeon). Variation occurs in the case of -ie-. -^Ifr. Honi. 
 has mostly -ige-, even in the infl. inf. and in the part. , as in bodigenne, 
 bodigende, while in ^Ifr. Gram, the part, shows a strikingly large 
 number of -iende's ; beside -igende, -ige being otherwise prevalent. 
 In the case of other texts, it is often impossible to discover a rule. 
 
 Kent. Gl. are in general like WS. : regular -ia-, generally -ige 
 (dfestnige, onscunige, getimbrige, but liornie), but always part. 
 -ieiid(e). 
 
 Ps. has almost always -iu (1 sing. ), and so -ia- and -ie- (only one each 
 of goarAvigii, ondettiga'ff, -igen, genyhtsiimegende, gedeafinea'ff; 
 for 'd'iwgen see 416, note 15); R.^, on the other hand, has both -ige 
 (but one >vundriende) and -iga-, -igae- (yet also a few -ia's, and one 
 halsio). 
 
 Of the North, texts, R.2 has always -ige-, -igo-, and generally 
 -iga-, rarely -ia- ; L. Rit. have -ige-, -igo- (though there are the 
 merest exceptions in favor of -ie-), but -ia- is common, beside -iga-. 
 
 Note 3. One chief difference between Anglian and the other 
 dialects manifests itself in the infl. inf. and in the pres. part, (notes 
 10, 11). Moreover, R.i and North, (and here especially L. and Rit.) 
 
CONJUGATION 329 
 
 exhibit a number of new formations. Here, on the one hand, there 
 is much confusion between forms with and without -i(g)- (hence, for 
 example, L. sing, lufias, plur. lufas, etc., beside orig. sing, lufas, 
 plur. lufias); and, on the other, the a and the ia, ie of the endings 
 are joined to form hybrids like *-aja-, *-aje-, appearing historically 
 as (-aia-), -age-, -ega-, etc. (hence, for example, plurals in L. like 
 losaia'S, duolages, eardegatJ, beside the older losigaS, etc.); or, 
 indeed, independent new formations have occurred, on the pattern 
 of other verbs (hence, for example, forms in L. like 1 sing. 3rowa, 
 beside tfrouigo, imp. halglg, beside halga, etc. 
 
 Hereafter, these variations are included under the individual forms. 
 
 Note 4. To WS. Kent, -ige of the ind. 1 sing, corresponds in the 
 Ps. -iu, more rarely -io (355, note 2). K.i has, beside ahsige, sgmn- 
 ige, one halsio, and a newly formed ?Jro\va, )7ro\ve (getimbre may 
 be an early form, cf. 404, note 1). In North, prevails -igo R.^ L. 
 Rit., as in bodigo, s9innigo, etc.; but forms also occur like R.^ 
 fulwo, gihalgo, lufo, rarely scQmiga ; lufa, milsa ; L. Srouiga, 
 halgiga, uuldria, uor<5ige ; lufo, geni^ro ; lufa, Srowa, halsa, 
 milsa ; Rit. gihaelslga, giniosige ; gimyndga, gidHga. 
 
 Note 5. The a of the ind. 2 and 3 sing, in WS. is entirely stable 
 (one ofersceado?^ Cura Past. MS. C, contrasted with -aS of MS. H, 
 is suspicious) ; Kent. Gl. have a few o's, e's : onscunocy, ge]?afo?J, 
 ofsticoS ; gepafe?^, eireS ; a sporadic edleaneS in Ps. is again suspi- 
 cious, and so also a sporadic ddrugiaS. 
 
 R.2, on the other hand, beside -ast, -a]?, etc., has rather numerous 
 e-forms, like ^nde}7, gearwej?, etc. (also gearwa?J»), and occasionally 
 -ia- : aria3, J>rowia]7. In the 2 sing, the North. R.2 has for the most 
 part -as (one giowestu, from giowiaS, covet, 416, note 15, b), in the 
 3 sing, generally -aS, beside rare -eS (gisgmneS, lufetJ, gidaefnelff), 
 and again somewhat more common -igaS, -ia3, -ias : gisQinnigaS, 
 agnigatJ, cleensigaS ; wundriaS ; elsensias, etc. L. has in the 2 sing, 
 forms like locas, SQuinas, etc. (this is the normal form); lufaestu, 
 9ndsu8er8estu, niv^as ; worSias ; in the 3 sing, there prevail -a.^, -as, 
 beside -e<5, -es (and rare -seS, -aes : lufaeS, clioppaes) ; beside new for- 
 mations, especially in -iaS, -ias, more rarely such as S9nimga(5, -as, 
 f*stnige3, worSiges, syngie3; agnegaeS; deadages, uor?Jages, 
 faistnagi^, costai?^, and sceomiaga?^. Rit. has in the 2 sing., beside 
 -as (-ast), forms like giiorses, ^ftnives ; glaSias (for such as riesaS 
 see 356, note 2); in the 3 sing., beside a few -etJ's, new formations 
 in -ia3, beside sporadic gihersumaia?^, gimilsagetJ, giarwyrSigeS. 
 
330 INFLECTION 
 
 For the consonantal termination of the 2 and 3 sing, see 356 ; 357. 
 
 Note 6. In the ind. plur, and the imp. 2 plur. the ending -ia3, etc. 
 (cf. note 2), is stable in WS. Kent. Ps. ; but in R.i there occur, beside 
 the usual -i(g)aj7, -iaj? (sporadically also scyldigat, lokigae]?), new 
 formations like ges9ninaj7, etc. (sporadically also such as hreorde]?, 
 speaks). In North. R.^ generally has -iga9, -igas, beside less fre- 
 quent -ia'5, -ias, and in the ind. new formations in -a3, -as, like 
 gisQninatJ, lufas. L. has mostly -iaS, -ias (-igacJ, -Igas) ; but there 
 occur also a few instances of -igeS, -iges, and a fairly large number 
 of new formations like deadageS, costages ; agnegaS, eardegas 
 (rare by-forms : losaiaS, agnagatJ, lufagia9, aldagia9, bodagae'3, 
 \vor9aiges, agneges, getegSeges, clioppogaS, sceawgias), but espe- 
 cially such as gesQninaS, -s (rarely -es: behofes). The Rit., too, 
 beside the usual -i(g)a3, -i(g)as, has a few new formations like 
 gebloedsa^, gimersas, gifoerscipetJ. 
 
 For the consonantal termination of the ind. plur. see 360. 1 ; on 
 the abbreviation before a following pers. pron., 360. 3, and note. 
 
 Note 7. The opt. sing, in WS. and Kent, is regular throughout. 
 For the plur. the general rules of 361 are to be observed. Thus 
 EWS. -igen later becomes also -ian (even Or. once ascian), and 
 then in LWS. predominantly -ian, etc., while in Kent. Gl. Kent. Ps. 
 Kent. Hymn -ian is uniform. 
 
 Ps. regularly has sing, -ie, plur. -ien; R.i, beside the predominant 
 sing. plur. -ige, also a few -igae's and sing, folge, getriowe, plur. 
 iarwan. North, has in R.^ sing. plur. -ige, less frequently -iga; in 
 L., on the other hand, -iga, -ia prevails, beside less common sing. 
 -ige, and new formations like sing, gerixage, losaige, deadege, and 
 geberhtna, plur. deadage, lufaiga, -e; similarly in Rit. sing. plur. 
 mostly -ia, -iga, rarely -ige, and new formations like sing, gimilsage, 
 giidlege, giwlitgega and gemyndge, plur. githpncage and giearnigo. 
 
 Note 8. In the imp. sing, the ending -a is stable in WS. Kent. Ps. 
 R.i has, beside -a, rather frequently -e (also -ae, in locai). In North., 
 R.2 has a sporadic locco, look, beside regular -a; L. and Rit., beside 
 -a, have a few -e's, and often a new formation in -ig: arig, scea\\ig, 
 halgig (cf. also 410, note 5 ; one wormga, adora Rit. is probably to 
 be regarded as inf., and one geSreat L. is perhaps only miswritten). 
 
 For the imp. plur. see note 6. 
 
 Note 9. In the uninfl. inf., -ian, etc. (note 2), is generally stable 
 in WS. Kent. Ps. (363. 1, and note 1). R.i has, beside -igan, -ian, 
 also -ige (and one andustriga), as well as a newly formed stalle, 
 
' CONJUGATION 331 
 
 tinterga for WS. steallian, stand; tintregian, torture; in R.2 -iga 
 prevails (sporadically -ia), but also rarely -ige; L. has chiefly -la, 
 -iga, and -ige, together with new formations in -age, -ega, -ege, like 
 deadage, wifega, agnege (sporadic by -forms lufagle, geSreadtaige, 
 uundraige, hriordagae, gelecneege, gehorogse), and like gereofa, 
 milsa, gehaliga. In Rit. only the regular -ia, -iga seem to occur 
 with certainty (but cf. 414, note 14. c). 
 
 Note 10. For the infl. inf. the general rules of 363. 2 hold in WS. 
 Kent.: hence EWS. generally -ianne, more rarely -i(g)enne, while in 
 LWS. -i(g)enne predominates; Kent, -ieiine Kent. Gl. Kent. Ps., etc. 
 
 In Angl., on the other hand, the prevalent forms are without -i-. 
 Ps. has -enne, as in earnenne (besides one to iiiildsiende, miserendi) ; 
 R.i varies: sceawenne, bismerene, gitsanne. Of the North, texts, 
 R.2 has, beside predominant -anne, as in ^ndanne, sporadic bod- 
 iganne (for wuniganne, beside w^manne, see 416, note 16); in L. 
 -anne prevails (but sporadic losane, ^nibehtane, talanna, and the 
 shortened sceawnne), rarely -enne (geh^lgenne, pTnenne,Avor'3enne) 
 or -ianne (bodlanne, lufianne, worSianne) ; Rit. has only -anne. 
 
 Note 11. A similar twofold formation occurs in the pres. part. 
 In WS. Kent. -i(g)ende prevails, as might be expected. In Ps. -iende 
 likewise predominates, but -ende is also very common, and indeed 
 frequently in the same verbs : blissiende and blissende, etc. R.i has, 
 beside (clipigende), \vundriende, usually -ende, as in (clippende, 
 416, note 14. c), lokende, etc. ; exceptionally also costaende, locande, 
 9ndswarande. In R.^ -ende is uniform, while in L. it interchanges 
 with -ande (beside sporadic 9ndsuar8ende, and shortened forms like 
 sceaunde, Srounde), and more rarely with i-forms, like geadrigende, 
 etc. (once also gidyrsgindum, compare the older hlseodrindi Ep. ; 
 for wunigende, etc., see 416, note 16). Rit. has, beside -ande 
 (ricsande, etc.), also lufende, wynsumsenda (for wunigende, 
 lifigaendra see 416, notes 2 and 16). 
 
 In the poetry, too, the shorter forms in -ende are frequently found, 
 and are very generally to be substituted, as the metre shows, for the 
 manuscript reading -iende (see Beitr. 10. 482). 
 
 For new formations of a similar kind among the older jo-verbs 
 see 409, note 1. 
 
 413. The commonest form of the WS. pret. is -ode, 
 from Early OE. -udae, -ude ; -ade is rarer in West 
 
332 INFLECTION 
 
 Saxon, but characteristic for Kentish and especially for 
 Anglian. Forms with (weakened) -eel- are everywhere 
 rarer, but occur in all the dialects. 
 
 Note 1. Among the oldest texts, Ep. has forms like dslacudae, 
 suicudae, beside geregnodae, suornodun, and geniSradae, lithirc- 
 adae; in Corp. -ade, etc., prevails; only sporadically there occur 
 gemaercade, Srowade, tioludun, which in part belong to older 
 e-verbs. 
 
 Note 2. In EWS. -ude is rather uncommon, and evidently to be 
 regarded as an archaism ; plural forms v^ith u are wholly lacking 
 here. In»LWS., on the other hand, the u occurs in part more fre- 
 quently, and in the plur. as well (evidently as an inverse spelling 
 for o) : locude, plur. locudon, etc. 
 
 Note 3. In Cura Past, the sing, -ude is found in both MSS. twice : 
 grapude, tJro^vude ; and -ade three times : tJenade, bisiiade, gesyng- 
 ade ; but both occur somewhat oftener in one MS. or the other, espe- 
 cially in H. The normal form is -ode, plur. -odon, etc. ; yet for the 
 latter there already occur five instances of -edon common to both 
 MSS.: hirsumedon, bodedon, geSafedon, •wunedon, blsmredon 
 (hence especially in older e-verbs) ; the sing, -ede is lacking, with the 
 exception of a single ofermodgede MS. H. 
 
 In the Chron., too, -ode, plur. -odon is the most usual, though 
 the sing, -ude, and especially -ade, plur. -adon, are also somewhat 
 oftener represented (add one plur. oferh^rgeadon). 
 
 In Or. the sing, has usually -ade, the plur. -edon, but also not 
 infrequently sing, -ode, plur. -odon; to these add one plur. -adon, 
 three opt. plur. -aden, and four sing. -ede. 
 
 Note 4. The forms with -ed- evidently arose first in the piur. 
 There, too, they remain fairly common in LWS., beside the normal 
 sing, -ode, plur. -odon (and rare -ade, -ude, plur. -udon ; cf. note 2), 
 while the sing, -ede is quite exceptional. 
 
 Note 5. Kent, has in Kent. Gl. onscunede (416, note 11), geSaf- 
 ede, offrede, beside the prevalent -ade ; in Kent. Ps. lufedest, beside 
 two occurrences of ]?ingode and one of bestrode (408, note 4). 
 
 Note G. In Anglian -ad is the constant norm ; -ud-, -od- is, 
 except for 5 cleopude, 8 lufude Ps. (and frequent -ade), decidedly 
 rare : only one each of duolude Ps., hlconudun R.^, trugude, pnd- 
 suearudon L., gifJreotodon R.^, Qndsuorode, losodun, cliopodan 
 
CONJUGATION 333 
 
 L. As the instances show, this form of ending is chiefly restricted to 
 the original e-verbs (416, and notes). 
 
 Somewhat more common in Ps. R.i is -ed-, and here, too, the 
 original e-verbs are especially concerned (compare, for example, Ps. 
 7 times cleopedun, 10 times onscunedun, etc., beside which there is 
 no plur. -adun). 
 
 Similar are the conditions in North., except that at least in L. 
 -edon seems to be rather commoner as the weakened form of the plur. 
 -adon in original o-verbs : liccedon, worSedun, ofwundredon, etc. 
 
 Note 7. Moreover, L. has a number of occasional new formations, 
 like sceawde (sceaude, sceode; cf. 416, note 17. 6), from sceawaga, 
 look; heafegde, uiitrymigdon, from heafiga, lament; untrymiga, 
 be sick (416, note 11); or, conversely, ^llSiodade, beside ^llcJiodegde, 
 -igde, from ^U^Rodgiga, travel abroad. 
 
 Note 8. For forms without a middle vowel, like truwde, Seowde, 
 etc., see 416, note 17. b. 
 
 414. The endings of the past participle correspond 
 in general to those of the preterit — WS. generally 
 -od, non-WS. generally -ad, etc. — but there are many 
 variations in detail. 
 
 Note 1. The only forms of Ep. which belong here are fetod, 
 gefetodnae, afulodan (all from older e-verbs; cf. 416, note 15. 6, 
 and OHG. fulen); of Corp. feotod, gefeotodne, beside the prevailing 
 -ad, etc. 
 
 Note 2. In Cura Past., beside the normal -od, infl, -ode, -oda, 
 etc., there are 12 instances of uninflected -ad, and one each of geagen- 
 udu (144. 6), ge^vundedan, forrotedan, in both MSS. alike (un(ge)- 
 Singed and 2 instances of gewintrede are formed according to Conj. I) ; 
 add in C alone 4 of -ude, etc., 2 of -edan ; in H alone 5 of -ade, 4 of 
 -udne, -udan, etc. , 2 of -edan, etc. The Chron. has, beside 13 instances 
 of -od and 4 of -ode, etc., 6 of gefiil^wad, 2 of gew^undad, 1 of 
 gelea]7ade, 1 of gefiilluhtud, 3 of -liorsiide, -an. In Or. the unin- 
 flected form is usually -ad, then -od (twice -ed), infl. -ade or -ede 
 (one each of gebrocode, gewundode). 
 
 In LWS. the u, a, e are nearly parallel to those of the preterit. 
 
 Note 3. Kent, has only gecltensod Kent. Ps., and in Kent. Gl. 
 mostly -ad, infl. -ade, but also \%itnod, gelitfgod, gegearwod, 
 
334 INFLECTION 
 
 iiifl. gesamnode, gemetgode, gewTtnodum, and (of older e-verbs) 
 onsciinede (416, notes 11. c and 15. a), ge^fenedan (OHG. abanden). 
 
 Note 4. In Anglian the norm is uniformly -ad, infl, -ade, etc. ; 
 but Ps. has a few inflected forms like gesingillede, gewundedan, 
 -edra, etc.; Tl.^ an infl. ges9innede, beside several instances of uninfl. 
 -ed, like bew^dded (also one gegearwaed) ; R.- uninfl. gidaefned, 
 losed (older e-verb, 416, note 11. 6); L. Rit. rather frequently uninfl. 
 -ed, Rit. also one infl. giQndvardedo. Add new formations like Rit. 
 gicostiged, L. geSreaten, forbodan, after the pattern of the strong 
 verbs (406, note 7), etc. 
 
 Note 5 (on 412-414). A few contract verbs are also found among 
 the o-verbs (373 ; 408. 4), in which the root and the vowel of the 
 ending coalesce in the forms without older j. Here belong : 
 
 a) *b6ian, *bogan, boast (ind. 3 sing. poet. bo(5, beside LWS, 
 newly formed boga<5 Scint.); *goian, lament (part, goiende, ind. 
 pres. 3. sing. goaS Bede); scoian, scogan, shoe (ind. 1 sing, scoge, 
 sceoge, opt. plur. -scogen, imp. sing, sceo, plur. sceogeacJ, past part. 
 -scod, sceod, North, gescced L., giscoed R.^, imp. gisceo Rit.); basic 
 forms * skohojan, etc. 
 
 b) t:w^eog(e)an, doubt (from ^twnhojan, compare OHG. zw^ehon; 
 pres. t^veoge, tweost, tw^eoS, opt. tweoge, part, tweogende, poet, 
 also -tweonde (412, note 11), pret. tweode; Merc. R.i ind. pres. 
 plur. twigap, pret. 2 sing, getwiodestu, plur. tweodun, North. R.2 
 ind. pres. 3 sing, t^vlas, opt. twioge, pret. twiade, plur. twiodun, 
 L. ind. pres. 3 sing, tuas, tuiSs, opt. sing, getuiga, pret. tuiade, 
 plur. tuiaton, getwiedon, Rit. pret. sing, gitvieda), and probably 
 *teog(e)an, ordain, create, of which only contract forms seem to 
 occur (ind. pres. plur. poet. teo?J, pret. teode. Old North, tiadae 
 Ciedmon's Hymn, part, -teod); likewise freog(e)an, love (Goth. 
 frijon), ind. pres. 3 sing. freo?J, plur. freogaS (poet, also freotJ), 
 opt. freoge, imp. sing, free, etc. 
 
 c) North, also gefeaga, etc., rejoice ( = WS. gefeon, 391. 1, and 
 note 6): R.2 inf. gifeaga, -e, ind. pres. 1 sing, gifeo, 3 gifeacJ, part. 
 gifea(a)nde, gifeonde, pret. gifeade, gifeode, plur. gifeadun; L. 
 inf. gcfeage, beside gefea, ind. pres. 1 sing, gefeo, 3 gefeacJ, -s, opt. 
 sing, gefeage, plur. gefea<?, part, gifeaiide, pret. gefeade, plur. 
 gefeadon, past part, gofead ; Rit. inf. gifea(g)ia, gifeage, beside 
 gifea, ind. pres. plur. gifea<V, opt. sing, gifeage, plur. gifeaga, imp. 
 plur. gifeatJ, pres. part, gifeaude. 
 
CONJUGATIOISr 335 
 
 3. THIRD WEAK CONJUGATION 
 
 415. This conjugation comprises the few remains of 
 the original e-class (389. 3) which are still preserved in 
 OE. The class itself falls into two divisions : 
 
 1) In the first division there was an alternation in the 
 pres. of the Germ, suffixal forms -ja- and -ai- (or -se-, 
 as others assume), in the same way as with Germ, -oja- 
 and -o- in the o-class. The j of the first of these caused 
 West Germ, gemination of a preceding simple conso- 
 nant (227), and later, as a rule, i-umlaut. The ai of 
 the second form appears in WS. as a (perhaps in conse- 
 quence of an early confusion of this class with the 
 o-class), and in Anglian, at least in part, as e. The pret. 
 attaches the ending -de, and the past part, the ending -d, 
 directly to the radical syllable (that is, without West 
 Germ, middle vowel) : hence, for example, inf. ■ s^cg*- 
 (e)an, from * sagjan, ind. pres. 3 sing. sag-aSf, North. 
 saeg-ear, etc., from orig. * sag-aij?, pret. saegde, past part. 
 g-esseg-d, etc. In the course of time, however, many 
 dislocations of the older system have supervened, espe- 
 cially in the way of conformity to the inflection of the 
 First or Second Weak Class. 
 
 2) The original forms of the second division can 
 only be conjecturally determined. Probably there cor- 
 responded to a Germ, -ja- of the first division a West 
 Germ. -i(j)a- of this, springing from Indo-Eur. -e-jo-, 
 which may have been then shortened in Prim. OE. to 
 -i(j)a- and monosyllabic -ja-. This -(i)ja- was early 
 enough to cause i-umlaut, but not West Germ, gemi- 
 nation; hence, for example, forms like North. R.^ inf. 
 
336 
 
 INFLECTION 
 
 loesigra, loesg-a, he lost (note 11), from the stem *losejo-, 
 * losi(j)a-. The alternative form of the suffix was, as 
 in the first division, -ai-, which is represented here, just 
 as there. Fixed rules for the pret. and past part, can 
 not be given, especially as this second division has gone 
 over almost wholly to the o-class, so that only scanty 
 remains of the older formation occur (416. 2, and notes). 
 
 416. 1) To the first division belong especially the verbs 
 habban, have; libban, live; s^cg'(e)an, say ; hycg'(e)aii, 
 thinks and originally the contract verbs i5'reag-(e)an, 
 rebuke; sineag-(e)an, investigate; freog'(e)aii, /ree; feo- 
 g"(e)an, hate (West Germ, stem-forms * ha15ja- : * hai5ai-, 
 pret. * hai5- ; * prauja- : * Jrawai-, pret. * J^rau- ; 
 *frija-: fri(j)ai-, etc.). As paradigms we may assume 
 (forms in parenthesis are such as are rarely or never 
 found in WS.); 
 
 Present 
 
 Indicative 
 
 Singular : 
 1 haebbe 
 
 Jlibbe 
 l(lifge) 
 
 r(hafa.s[t]) 
 (haefst ^ ' 
 
 r(hafa3) 
 thfef (5 
 
 Plural : 
 habbat^ 
 
 liofa'5 
 
 I libba?J 
 I (lifgacJ) 
 
 s^cge hycge ?Freage 
 
 '(sagas [t])j'hogas[t] 
 iegst lhyg(e)st 
 
 ((sagaS) rhoga'd 
 
 thy 
 
 r(sj 
 
 (sa 
 (saegS 
 
 (yreas(t) 
 
 Srealff 
 
 freoge 
 freos(t) 
 
 freoS 
 
 hyg(?^) 
 
 s^cg(e)a?J hycg(e)a3 (5reag(e)a<5freog(e)a<5 
 
 Singular : 
 1 hsebbe 
 
 riibbe 
 
 l(lifge) 
 
 Optative 
 
 s^cgc 
 
 hycge Sreage freoge 
 
 etc., like freinine, 409. 
 
CONJUGATION 
 
 337 
 
 Singular : 
 
 2 hafa liofa 
 
 Plural : 
 
 Imperative 
 
 r(saga) rhoga 
 Isaege Ihyge 
 
 Srea freo 
 
 habbatJ \ ,yf„^^ s^cg(e)a3 hycg(e)a?J '5reag(e)a3 freog(e)a3 
 
 (llfga?0 
 
 Infinitive 
 
 habban \ ,,.^ , s^cg(e)an hycg(e)an3reag(e)anfreog(e)aii 
 '^(lifgan) 
 
 Participle 
 haebbende ] ^^^s^cgende hycgende Sreagende freogende 
 
 (lifgende) 
 
 Preterit 
 
 Indicative 
 
 Singular : 
 
 1 haefde lifde ssegde hogde Sreade freode 
 
 etc., like demde, 409. 
 
 gehaefd gellfd 
 
 Participle 
 gessegd gehogod geSread gefreod 
 
 Note 1. habban, a) habban coalesces with the negative ne to 
 nabban, ind. pres. sing. 1 nsebbe, 2 (nafast), naefst, 3 (nafatJ), 
 naef 9, plur. nabba?^, opt. naebbe, pret. naefde, past part, genaefd. 
 
 6) The forms hafas(t), hafatJ ; nafas(t), nafa5 are extremely rare 
 in Pure WS. (in Cura Past, hafas(t), nafaS once each in both MSS., 
 hafaS once in MS. H), while in texts having dialectic coloring they 
 may occur frequently. In the Anglian poetry they prevail exclu- 
 sively, while in the south haefst, haeftJ, etc., are collateral forms; 
 the Anglian poetry has also a 1 sing, hafu, -o (-a). 
 
 c) A few instances of haebbatJ, nsebbatJ occur in the ind. pres. 
 plur. of Cura Past. MS. H, while ae is the rule in the WS. abbrevi- 
 ated haebbe we, ge, and in the negated naebbe ge (but once nabbe 
 ge Cura Past. MS. H). In LWS. the a of the ind. is apt to penetrate 
 into the opt. plur. : sing, haebbe, plur. habban, following the ind. 
 sing, haebbe, plur. habba?J. 
 
 d) The LWS. past part, is sporadically -haefed (frequently in Bede 
 MS. Ca). 
 
338 INFLECTION 
 
 e) Dialectal forms : Kent, has one ind. pres. sing. 2 h^fst Kent. Gl., 
 against hafest Kent. Hymn. — Merc. Ps. ind. pres. sing. 2 hafast, 
 3 hafacJ, plur. habbad', imp. plur. habbaiJ, part, nabbende, pret. 
 h^fde, plur. h^fdun, part, h^fd ; — R.i ind. pres. sing. 2 haefest 
 (hfiefe)?), 3 haefej?, naefej? (haefae]?, h^fae]?; haefS, naef'5), plur. 
 habba)7, nabbaj?, habbe we, opt. haebbe, imp. haefe, plur. habba]?, 
 inf. habbanne, part, haebbende, pret. haefde, naefde. — North. R.'-^ 
 ind. pres. sing. 1 hafo (liaefo, haefe), 2 haefes (haefest, haefestii, 
 haefe??), 3 haefe<5, -es (gehabbaS), plur. liabba?f, -as, habbon we, 
 opt. sing. plur. haebbe, imp. sing, haefe, plur. habbacJ, -as, inf. 
 habba, infl. habbanne, part, haebbende, naebbende; — L. ind. pres. 
 sing. 1 hafo (hafu, haefo, haefic), nafu, 2 haefis, -es, -eS (hafls), 
 3 haefe9, -es (hafe^J, -es), haefis, -iS (habbatJ) and naefis, -ed, plur. 
 habba(5, -as (haebbas), nabbatJ, -as, nabbo ue, opt. sing. plur. 
 haebbe, imp. sing, haefe, plur. habbaS, -as, inf. habba (haebbe), 
 infl. habbanne, part, haebbende, naebbende, pret. haefde, naefde; — 
 Kit. ind. pres. sing. 1 hafo, 2 haefe<5, 3 haefetf, plur. habba?J, habba 
 ve, opt. sing. plur. haebbe, naebbe, imp. plur. habbatJ, inf. habba, 
 part, haebbende, naebbende, pret. haefdon, naefde. Leid. Rid. has 
 one ind. pres. 1 sing, h^fae. 
 
 Note 2. a) In libban and lifgan (lifian, lifigean, etc.) there is a 
 double formation of the present (415. 1 and 2). Of these, libban is 
 properly the Pure WS. form, lifgan that of the other dialects, though 
 Cura Past. MS. H has an exceptional liflendan (Chron. seems to 
 have only lifgende, and no form with bb), and occasional deviations 
 are subsequently found in Pure AVS. In the poetry, libban is restricted 
 to the Southern English Metres (and to Gen. B, translated from Old 
 Saxon). 
 
 b) In the ind. pres. 2 and 3 sing. EWS. has once i for io (llfaS 
 Cura Past. MS. C), while later it is generally leofaiJ, but also lifatJ, 
 lyfaS, etc. The io, eo thrusts itself, as a dialectic influence, even 
 into the older j-forms, as in inf. leofian, 3 plur. leofia]? Blickl. 
 
 c) The LWS. pret. is generally leofode (beside lyfode, sporadically 
 also lifede Bede MS. Ca). 
 
 d) Dialectal inflection : Kent, has in Kent. Ps. the part. lifi(g)ende, 
 lifgende, in charters opt. lifige, part, libgendcs, pret. oferlifde. — 
 Merc. Ps. ind. pres. sing. 1 lifgu, 3 leofatf, liofaS (leafa<5), plur. 
 llfgatf, opt. lifge, inf. lifgan, part, lifgende (one lifiende), past part. 
 lifd; — R.^ ind. pres. sing. 3 leofaj?, plur. lifga]?, part, lifgende, 
 pret. lifde. — North. R.^ ind. pres. sing. 1 life, 3 life'5, plur. lifgas, 
 
CONJUGATION 339 
 
 inf. lifga, part, lifgende; — L. ind. pies. sing. 3 liofaS, -aeS, -e'S, 
 lifetf, -es, plur. lifias, hlifiga'5, opt. (h)lifige, part. lifi(g)ende (lif- 
 iglende, hlifgiende, etc.), pret. lifde; — Rit. ind. pres. sing. 2 liofas 
 (-a(5), 3 liofaS, lifa?J, -e3, plur. lifigatJ, lifaS, liofaS, opt. sing. plur. 
 lifiga, part. lifi(g)ende, lifigiende. 
 
 Note 3. s^cgean. a) The EWS. is regularly pres. sing, s^cge, 
 ssegst, S8eg(5, plur. s^cg(e)a3, etc., pret. saegde, part, gesaegd (for 
 forms like seede, geseed see 214. 3), except that ae occasionally 
 intrudes into the old ja-forms : inf. S8ecg(e)an, etc. In LWS. the 
 verb abandons completely the distinction between ^ and ae in the 
 pres., and thus goes over to the inflection of Conj. I : ind. pres. s^ege, 
 s^g(e)st, s^g(e)(5, plur. s^cg(e)a?J, imp. s^ge, plur. s^cg(e)a?y (but 
 pret. stede, etc.). In less pure WS. texts, and especially in the poetry, 
 still other blendings occur (like pres. saegest, saegeS, imp. saege), as 
 well as the a-forms sagast, sagaS, imp. saga, which are entirely 
 foreign to pure WS. 
 
 b) Dialectal inflection : Kent, has Kent. Gl. imp. ne s^getJu. — Merc. 
 Ps. ind. pres. sing. 1 s^cgu, -o (one -s^gcga), 2 dsagas, 3 s^ge<5, plur. 
 s^cgaS, opt. s^cge, plur. -en, imp. sing, s^ge, plur. s^cgaS, inf. 
 s^ggenne, part, s^cgende, pret. s^gde, past part, s^gd; — R.i ind. 
 pres. sing. 1 saecge (saecga, s^ege), 2 saegest, 3 saege]?, plur. saecga]? 
 (s^cga]?), opt. sing. plur. saecge, imp. sing, saeg, saege, saecge, plur. 
 saecga]?, pret. saegde, past part, saegd. — North. R.^ ind. pres. 
 sing. 1 saego (-e), 2 saeges, 3 saegetJ (saecgaS), plur. saecga9, -as 
 (dsaegas), imp. saege, inf. saecga (-o, saege), infl. saecganne, pret. 
 saegde, part, dsaegd; — L. ind. pres. sing. 1 saego (saegcgo), 2 saeges 
 (-e3), 3 saege?J, -es (saecgas, -es), plur. saecgaS (saegas), opt. sing. 
 saege, imp. saeg, saege, plur. saecgas, pret. saegde, past part. Asaegd 
 (dsaeged) ; — Rit. ind. pres. sing. 3 saege?^, plur. s^cgaS, opt. sing, 
 plur. saecge, imp. saegi, -e, part, saecgende, pret. saegde. 
 
 Note 4. a) hycg(e)an forms its whole pres., even in EWS., for 
 the most part according to the paradigm of Conj. I: hycge, 3 sing. 
 hyg(e)'5 (but once hogatJ Cura Past. MS. H), imp. -hige Boeth. 
 MS. C (-hoga MS. B); in the pret. hogode already appears, beside 
 hogde, and later becomes usual); only -hogod occurs as the EWS. 
 past part. 
 
 The ja-inflection is later exceptionally extended to the pret. : 
 -hygde Blickl. Gl., -hyg(e)de, -hig(e)de Spelm. Ps. In pure LWS. 
 the verb has more frequently gone over to Conj. II : inf. hogian, pret. 
 hogode, part, -hogod, etc. 
 
340 INFLECTION 
 
 6) Dialectal inflection : Merc. Ps. ind. pres. 3 sing. -hoga^J, phir, 
 -hycga<5, pret. -hogde (the word is lacking in R.^). — North. K.^ ind. 
 pres. 3 sing. -hoga<y, inf. -hycganne, part, -hyecende ; — L. ind. pres. 
 3 sing. forhoga(5, (forogas, forhycga?f), plur. liogatJ, -as, inf. -hycga, 
 infl. hycganne, part, hycgende, pret. plur. -hogdan ; — Kit. imp. plur. 
 hogatF, pret. sing, hogade, plur. -hogdon, past part. adj. plur. bihogodo. 
 
 Note 5. 3reag(e)an and 8meag(e)an. Here we encounter spo- 
 radically in WS. abbreviated forms like the infl. inf. tJreanne Cura 
 Past. MS. H, opt. plur. smean, imp. plur. smea]? Boeth. MS. B (ind. 
 plur. smeaS Metres), part, smeande Spelm. Ps. 
 
 Dialectal inflection. Kent, has Kent. Gl. ind. pres. sing. 2 breast, 
 3 (JreatJ, smeatJ, inf. smegan, infl. smyagenne, part. (Jreagende, 
 past part. ?Jread. — Merc. Ps. ind. pres. sing. 1 Sregu (3reu), sniegu, 
 2 ?freas(t), 3 SreaS, plur. sniegacJ, opt. sing, tfrege, smege, imp. sing. 
 <5rea, part. 3regende, smegende, pret. Sreade, past part, smead ; — 
 R.i inf. <5reiga. — North. R.2 ind. pres. sing. 1 Sria, 3 -9rea(J, snieoS, 
 plur. smeogas, imp. sing, smeoge, plur. smeogas, part. smea(n)dum, 
 pret. ?Jreade (?^reode), smeode, plur. Sreatun (9reodun), snieadun; 
 — L. ind. pres. sing. 1 Srea, 3 dread (-(JraS ?), smeaS, plur. 
 smeaS, -s, imp. sing. -3rea, smeage, plur. smeas, part, smeande, 
 pret. sing. Sreade, smeade, plur. tJreadon, smeadon (gesmeawdon, 
 gesmeaudon) ; — Rit. ind. pres. sing. 3 -smeaS, plur. sniea'3, imp. plur. 
 -tJreaS, inf. -smeaga, infl. smeanne, part. -3reandiim, smeande. 
 
 Note 6. freog(e)an,friog(e)an(114.2; forfreogean,Zoue,see414, 
 note 5. b) inflects in Merc. : Ps. ind. pres. sing. 1 frigu, 2 -freas, 3 
 -freacJ (-fria?J, -freotJ), imp. sing, -frea (-fria), plur. -friga'5, part, 
 subst. -frigend, pret. -freode, -freade (friode, -frede), past part. 
 -freed, -fread, -friad ; — R.i opt. pres. gefreoge. — North. R.2 
 ind. pres. sing. 3 -fria?f, -friotJ, imp. sing, fria, past part, -friad, 
 plur. -friode; — L. ind. pres. sing. 3 fria?J, -frige?^, freweS, imp. 
 -frig, inf. gefri^'ga (opt.?), part, friende, pret. -frigade, past part. 
 -fried, -freed, -freo"ad ; — Rit. ind. pres. sing. 1 fria, opt. -frie, 
 imp. fria, pret. -friade, freede, past part, -friad, -fried. 
 
 Note 7. f eeg(e)an, fieg(e)an (114. 2 ; Goth, fijan) inflects in 
 Merc: Ps. ind. pres. sing. 3 fia<5, plur. figaS (fialff), imp. plur. fia3, 
 part, figende, pret. fiede (feede, fiode, also once fedest); — R.i 
 ind. pres. sing. 3 fia?J, plur. fiega]?, opt. fiegae. — North. R.2 ind. 
 pres. sing. 3 fia?J (gefe<y?), inf. -fiege, pret. plur. -fiadun ; — L. 
 ind. pres. sing. 3 -fii«5, -fia'fl', -fie'S, -fiweS, inf. -fiage, pret. plur. 
 -fiadon ; the word does not occur in Rit. 
 
CONJUGATION 341 
 
 2) The other ancient e-verbs of both classes have 
 gone over, either wholly or with trifling exceptions, to 
 the conjugation of the o-verbs. Less common is transfer 
 to the jo-class, or a twofold formation according to both 
 
 classes. 
 
 Note 8. The criteria for original g-inflection in the presence of 
 Common OE. o-inflection are especially : 
 
 a) the occurrence of West Germ, gemination (cf. note 10); 
 
 6) the occurrence of i-umlaut and similar vowel-changes (cf. note 
 11 ff.); 
 
 c) the occurrence of monosyllabic -ga-, -ge-, in contradistinction 
 to the -ia-, -i(g)e- of Conj. II (412, note 1 ; 415. 2 ; cf. note 15, below) ; 
 
 d) the occurrence of Anglian present participles in -iende, etc., 
 as against the -ende, -ande of Conj. II, etc. (412, notes 10 and 11; 
 cf. note 16, below); 
 
 e) the occurrence of preterits without middle vowel (cf. note 17, 
 below); 
 
 /) the occurrence of unaccustomed vowels in the ending (cf. note 
 18, below). 
 
 Note 9. Wholly to Conj. I belongs faestan, fast (OHG. fasten). 
 Double formation occurs especially in the case of fylg(e)an, fylgde, 
 and folgian, folgade, follow (OHG. folgen), with which compare 
 t^Uan, tealde (407. 1) and talian, talode, {re)count. 
 
 ^lg(e)an and folgian already have equal validity in EWS. (for 
 example, in Cura Past.). Ps. L. have only forms of fylgan, -a, and 
 the same is true of K.^ Rit., except for once each imp. sing, folga R.2, 
 opt. plur. folgiga Rit. Forms of folgian are commoner in R.i (inf. 
 folgian, opt. folge, imp. folga, pret. folgade, plur. -adun, -edun, 
 beside ind. pres. 3 sing, fylge]?, imp. fylge, -se, part, i^^lgende, -aende, 
 pret. fyigde, -ede. 
 
 Note 10. West Germ, gemination (note 8. a) occurs also in iso- 
 lated forms in the case of the poet. pres. part, waeccende, from 
 wacian, watch (Ps. ind. pres. 1 sing, waecio, plur. ^v^cia5, pret. 
 waecade (164, note 2); R.2 North, have carried the jo-inflection 
 almost completely through : R.i inf. d'W8eccan(?), imp. plur. waeccas, 
 ■wac(c)ej>, part, waecende; R.^ inf. giwaecca, waecce, opt. sing. 
 Tvaecce, imp. plur. waeccas, part. waec(c)ende ; L. inf. waec(c)a, 
 gewaeccae, infl. waeccenne, imp. plur. gewaccas, part. waec(c)ende, 
 
342 INFLECTION 
 
 pret. gewfehte; Rit. opt. plur. givaecge, pcirt. vaeccendo), and the 
 participial noun h^ttend, enemy ^ from hatian, hate. 
 
 Properly Iinappian, nop, also belongs here: EWS. has also once 
 hnaeppia(5 Cura Past. : LWS. has frequent ae-forms in Spelm, Ps. 
 In Ps. the word inflects : ind. pres. sing. 1 neapiu, 2 neppas, 3 
 hneap(p)aty, pret. hneap(p)ade, plur. hneapeduii, -on. 
 
 Note 11. The following have i-umlaut (note 8. 6) beside other 
 criteria : 
 
 a) North. R.^ giJJoelge, ind. pres. 3 sing. gitJolas (giSoelgas), imp. 
 plur. giSoeligas, = Common OE. Solian, endure (OHG. dolen); 
 
 6) North. R.2 inf. loes(i)ga, beside losiga, losige, infl. losanne, 
 ind. pres. 3 sing. losatJ, -as, -e3 (loesiga?^, losiga3), plur. loesiga<5, 
 -as, opt. loes(i)ge, plur. loesige, imp. losa, part, losed, beside losad, 
 = Common OE. losian, he lost; 
 
 c) Angl. (on)scynian, etc., beside Common OE. onscunian, shun 
 (Ps. has chiefly forms of -scunian, but twice pret. scynedun ; L. inf. 
 scyniga, ind. pres. 3 sing. L. Rit. onscyna^; no instances in R.i R.^); 
 
 d) North, bya, beside Common OE. buan, etc., 396, note 6, OHG. 
 btien (not found in Ps. R.^); R.^ inf. bya, ind. pres. 2 sing, byes, 
 pret. byede, beside fem. byend, colony; L. inf. byd, infl. byenna, 
 ind. pres. 3 sing. bye^S, plur. bye3, -es, imp. plur. byes, pret. -byde, 
 plur. by(e)don, past part, unbyed, -Id, beside ind. pres. 2 sing, bues, 
 and fem. buend ; Rit. ind. jDres. sing. 1 bya, 3 -byatJ, opt. -bye, 
 imp. giinbya(?), part, byende); 
 
 e) North. 9n(d)spyrn(ig)a, beside Qn(d)spurn(ig)a, etc., from 
 Common OE. spurnan, 389, note 4 : R.2 ind. pres. 3 sing. Qnspyrnas, 
 opt. plur. 9ndspyrnige, past part, gnspyrned, plur. Qnspyrnade, 
 beside ind. pres. sing. 9n(d)spurne3, plur. 9nspiirna?J; L. ind. pres. 
 3 sing. QndspyrnetJ, -a3, -as, opt. -spyrne, plur. -spyrniga, part. 
 -spyrnende, past part, -spyrned, -ad (with the new formations imp. 
 sing, geondspyre, part. 9ndspyrendo), beside ind. pres. 3 sing. 
 spurnatF, -as, part, -spurnendra, pret. plur. ge9ndspurnedon, past 
 part. ge9ndspurnal5, -edo ; 
 
 /) North, untrymiga, he sick, beside Common OE. untnimian : 
 Ps. past part, geuntrumad, infl. -ade and -ede, but R.2 pret. 
 untrymede, -Ide, plur. intrymedun, beside sing, untrumade, L. inf. 
 untrymmia, part, untrymiende, pret. untrymade, plur. untrym- 
 Igdon (413, note 7). 
 
 i-umlaut is found more sporadically in North, pret. R. gltrygade 
 = L. trugude, from trugian, Common WS. truwian, believe (OHG. 
 
CONJUGATION 343 
 
 truen), and ind. pres. 3 sing. L. drygeS = R.^ druga?^, aridt, beside 
 R.2 pret. drtigade, part, gidrugad, L. pret. -driigde, beside -driig- 
 ade (this also R.i), part, gedrugad ; compare also the isolated 
 part, so^rg^ndi {i.e., *soergendi?) Ep., from sorgian, grieve (OHG. 
 sorgen). 
 
 The North. R.2 clyniga, resound, which perhaps belongs here, 
 occurs only in the inf. 
 
 Note 12. The interchange of eo and io in EWS. leornian (rarely 
 liornian), learn (OHG. lirnen, lernen) and North. R.^ liorniga, L. 
 leorniga (once gelearnade), less frequently liorniga, is to be explained 
 by the changing vocalism of the ending. 
 
 Note 13. The occurrence of ae, instead of a, often points to earlier 
 e-inflection (compare the vocalism of habban, s^cgean, etc., with 
 that of verbs like macian, laSian, etc.). Here belong: 
 
 a) North. Rit. inf. spseria, pret. gispaerede, beside Common OE. 
 spariaii, spare (OHG. sparen ; Ps. ind. pres. 3 sing. spearaS, imp. 
 speara, pret. spearede); 
 
 b) North, plsegiga, pZa?/, etc., R.2 pret. plaegede, L. plaeg(e)de, 
 plaegade (Ps. ind. pres. plur. plaegiaS, part, plaegiendra, beside imp. 
 plur. plagiaS, R.i pret. pleagade, beside plur. plagadun, belong to 
 162, note 2 ; see also 391, note 1); 
 
 c) North. 9ndsw8eriga, beside Common OE. Qndswarian, -swor- 
 ian : in R.^ generally inf. -sworia, etc., only twice -swarade; but L. 
 inf. Qnsuaerega, ind. pres. 2 sing. Qndsuaeraestu, plur. Qndsu^rigeS, 
 part. Qndsuaerendum, pret. 911(d) suaerede, ge^ndsuaerde (cf. note 17), 
 beside ind. pres. plur. gndsuariges, opt. plur. Qiidsuariga, imp. plur. 
 gndsuareS, part. Qiidsuaraende, -ende, pret. gndsw-^arede, -ade, 
 -aide, -suarde, Qndsuearede, -ade, plur. -adun, -udon, and gnd- 
 suorade, -ode (R.i has also one plur. onds\vaerigaJ», beside many 
 a-forms). — For hnaeppian and hnappian see note 9. 
 
 Note 14. a) Of verbs with inner i there belong here bifian, tremble 
 (beside bifian Riming Poem) ; clifian, adhere; ginian, gape ; hlinian, 
 lean; tilian, strive after (compare OHG. biben, kleben, ginen, hlinen, 
 zilen). These have u- or o/a-umlaut in the forms with u, o, or a 
 in the ending (105. 2 ; 107. 4 ; 160): for example, EWS. inf. tilian, 
 ind. pres. sing. 1 tilie, 2 tiolast (tielast?), 3 tiolaS (tiela?S?), plur. 
 tiliacJ, opt. tilie, imp. sing, tiola (tiela?), plur. tiliaS, pret. tiolode; 
 but WS. generalizes the i at an early period (tilaS Cura Past. MS. H, 
 tilode MS. C, beside forms with io). In LWS. y often occurs: 
 gynian, hlynian, etc. (Cura Past, already has one opt. hlynigen in 
 
344 INFLECTION 
 
 both MSS.). In less pure WS. texts the domain of the io, eo is fre- 
 quently extended : beoflan, cleolian, geoniau, hleouian, etc. 
 
 Dialectic inflection: Merc. R.i pres. part, bifgende; ind. pres. 3 
 sing. aetclifatJ; ind. pres. plur. hleoniga]?, part, hlengendes, pret. 
 sing, hlionede, hleouede, plur. hlionaduii, hleonuduu. — North. R.2 
 pret. plur. bi(f)gedoii; ind. pres. 3 sing. -hlionacJ, plur. lilioiiiga'5, 
 imp. hliona (hlioniga), part, hlingenduni, hlioiii(g)enduni, hlion- 
 endra, -duni ; — L. pres. part. bifi(g)ende, pret. plur. bifgedon; ind. 
 pres. 3 sing. -hlinaS, plur. hlinigatJ, imp. hliiiig (hlina), part, hlin- 
 gende, etc. (hlingindi, hlinigendum, linigiendo), hliongende (lion- 
 iandra), pret. hlionade (hlinade, -lionede), plur. -lionodon, part. 
 gehlionad ; — Rit. part, bibgiende. 
 
 6) Further belong here North. L. giwiga, ghvge, demand (compare 
 OHG. ge^ven): ind. pres. sing. 2 giues, -aS, -as, 3 giueS, -a'3, -aS 
 (-ia3, -ias), plur. giuigas (giua9), etc., imp. giiiig, plur. giuiaS, 
 etc., part, giwigende, giuiendum, giugiende (gmende, etc.), pret. 
 giude, giuede, -ade, -ude, plur. giuade, -giii(u)dou, opt. giude, 
 giuiade ; in R.^ the verb runs inf. gioAvigia, etc., and regularly fol- 
 lows the o-class (once giovvestu, 412, note 5 ; compare OHG. gewon). 
 
 c) It is more doubtful whether WS. clipian, call, originally belongs 
 here. In EWS. it is conjugated just like tilian (see a), but has also 
 a few forms with eo in Cura Past, like inf. cleopian ; in LWS. clipian, 
 clypian predominates, though cleopian is also found. In Ps. cleopian 
 (with constant eo) in general follows the o-class, but has in the pret. 
 5 -ude's, 15 -ede's, beside only 6 -ade's; in the plur. only -edun, -edon; 
 in R.i note the participle clipigende, beside clippende, and ind. pres. 
 S sing, cliopaj?, cleopaJ>, pret. cliopade, cleopade, etc. In North, it 
 follows throughout the inflection of Class II : R.2 cliopiga, L. cllopia. 
 
 d) With Goth, -witan, pret. ^vitaida is to be compared the poet. 
 bewitian, observe, etc., and the frequent past part, witod, weotod, 
 decided (and so the adv. -witodlice, surely, verily, North. R.^ wutud- 
 lice (once -witud-), L. wutedlice, etc. 
 
 Note 15. a) Monosyllabic -ge-, etc. (note 8. c) in undoubtedly 
 old e-verbs are to be found in the oldest texts: thus from tilian, 
 ginian, hlinian (note 14), onscunian (note 11) we have Ep. til- 
 gendum, Corp. onhlingu, AviTJerhlingendae, geongendi, ansciin- 
 gendi, as well as dobgendi (compare OHG. toben, rage), and so 
 probably seobgendi, from soofian, lament. Cura Past, has, on the 
 other hand, only a single sporadic geliorngen in MS. H (412, note 1); 
 Ps. one opt. plur. iffiwgen, from <5eowian, serve (cf. note 17. 6); R.^ 
 
CONJUGATION 345 
 
 bifgende, hlengendes; North. R.'^ gi^Joelge, loesga, etc. (note 11), 
 bi(f)gedon, hiingenduui, L. bifgedon, lilingende, giugiende, Rit. 
 bibgiende (note 14), givga?^, poet, hlingende Guthl. For the corre- 
 sponding forms of lifgan see note 2. 
 
 b) Here belongs also the verb f^tian, fetch, which in Pure WS. 
 becomes f^cc(e)aii, by way of *f^tjan (196. 3), but retains its old 
 form outside of Pure WS. Its conjugation is: inf. f^tian, f^ccan, 
 ind. pres. sing. 1 f^tige, f^cce, 2 f^tast, 3 f^ta?^, plur. f^tiacJ, f^ccaS, 
 opt. f^tige, f^cce, imp. sing, f^ta, plur. f^tiaS, f^cca9, pret. f^tte 
 (also f^tode, according to Class II), part, fgtt and fgtod (Ep. f^tod, 
 Corp. feotod; North. R.2 L. gi-, gefotad, for *feotad, ind. pres. 
 3 plur. L. fatas, for *featas, 156. 2, 3). 
 
 Note 16. In the pres, part, the formation with -i(g)- (note 8. d) 
 is often found in North., in contrast to the part, of the o-verbs (412, 
 note 11): R.'^ w^uniende (compare OHG. ^vouen, dwell), hlion- 
 i(g)enduin, hlingendum (beside hlioneiiduni, etc.), L. wum(g)ende, 
 wungiende, uuniande, bifl(g)ende, hli(o)ngende, etc., giwigende 
 (giugiende, etc.), beside forms like givvende, 3olende, etc., Rit. 
 wunigende (for Ufgende, etc., see note 2). 
 
 In the inflected inf. an analogous difference between o- and e-verbs 
 is hardly to be observed. R.^ has Avuniganne and wunanne (cf. bod- 
 iganne, 412, note 10), and L. a single -wuniaii. 
 
 Note 17. There is an irregular distribution of preterits without a 
 middle vowel (note 8. e), especially in a few verbs in g and w: 
 
 a) WS. swigian, be silent (compare OHG. swigen), beside swugian 
 (71 ; both forms side by side in EWS. ; L WS. usually swugian, 
 sugian, and suwian), generally follows Class II, and exhibits onljjf 
 sporadically forms which are discrepant, as, in particular, the part. 
 swigende. In Anglian the word always occurs with i (whose length 
 is established by metrical considerations); the pret. is in Ps. R.i swag- 
 ade, but North. R.2 L. swigde, beside swTgade (inf. suTga ? L.). 
 Other shortened forms of this kind are North. L. -drtigde (note 11), 
 pisegde (note 13). 
 
 6) From truwian, trust (cf. OHG. truen), there appears sporadi- 
 cally a pret. truwde (so in Cura Past. MS. H), beside usual truwode; 
 from ?yeowian, serve (cf. note 15), pret. t^eovrde, Ps. ?^eawde, plur. 
 iffecwdun, beside tJiowedun ; for North. L. giude, etc., see note 14. b 
 (similarly are formed L. sceawde, etc., 413, note 7). 
 
 Other short forms occur only sporadically, as L. pret. gcQnd- 
 suaerde, gcQnsuarde, note 13. 
 
o 
 
 46 INFLECTION 
 
 Note 18. For peculiarities in the vocalism of the endings, which 
 perhaps might also serve as criteria of older e-inflection, see 413, 
 notes 3 and 6 ; 416, notes 1 and 3. 
 
 Note 19. The conjugation of hr^ppan, touchy which perhaps 
 belongs to this class, is very irregular : inf. hr^ppan (sporadically 
 hr^pan, and LWS. hr^pian), ind. pres. sing. 1 hr^ppe, 2 hr^pest 
 and hr^past, 3 hr^peS and hr^patS, opt. lir^ppe, imp. sing, hr^pa, 
 pret. hr^pede, hr^pode, and lireopode, part, hr^pod. 
 
 IV. MINOR GROUPS 
 1. PRETERITIVE PRESENTS 
 
 417. The Germanic preteritive presents have sprung 
 from originally strong verbs, whose preterits (perfects) 
 have assumed a present meaning (like Lat. memini^ novi, 
 coepi, Gr. olSa), while the original presents have disap- 
 peared. Their forms consist of : 
 
 1) an original strong preterit with present signification 
 (perfect present) ; 
 
 2) a newly formed dental preterit (351. 2) with preterit 
 ^gnification. 
 
 418. The inflection of the former is in general that 
 of the strong preterits, retaining, however, various older 
 forms, such as the ind. 2 sing, in -t, and the i-umlaut 
 in the optative. The dental preterit conforms entirely 
 to the inflection of the weak preterits. 
 
 419. In the formation of their perfect presents the 
 preteritive presents range themselves under the ablaut- 
 classes of the strong verbs. They accordingly fall into 
 the following order: 
 
CONJUGATION 347 
 
 420. First Ablaut- Class. 
 
 1) Ind. pres. 1 and 3 sing, wat, / know^ 2 sing, wast, 
 plur. witon (EWS. also wiotun, wietuii), opt. wite, imp. 
 sing, wite, plur. witaS", inf. witan (EWS. also wiotan, 
 wietan), pres. part, witende, pret. wisse, wiste, past part. 
 gewiten, beside the old past part. g"ewiss, adj., certain. 
 So also is inflected the compounded g-ewitan. 
 
 By fusion with the negative adverb ne, these forms 
 become nat, nast, nytun, nyte, nysse, nyste. 
 
 Note 1 . Ps. has wat (nat, once w^t) , ^vast, weotun (neoton) , opt. 
 wite (nyte), imp. wite, plur. weota?^, part, w^eotendum, pret. wiste 
 (nysse, nyste); — R.i w^at, plur. witan, wutan (niton, nytan), opt. 
 w^ite (nyte), imp. witaS, w^ite ge, part, witende, pret. Tviste, past 
 part, witen. — North. R.^ wat (w^att; once waet; nat, natt), wastu 
 (nastu), plur, Avuttun, w^uton, W'uta??, -as, once wittas (nuttun, 
 nut[t]on), opt. wito, -e, imp. plur. wuta?J, -as, inf. wuta, pret. 
 wiste (nyste); — L. wat (nat), w^ast (nast), plur. wuton, -aS, -as, 
 w^itteS, abbreviated wuto, uut(t)o, uutu w^e, gie, \vuti ge (nutton, 
 nuuton, abbreviated nutto, nutu, nuutu, nuti), opt. w^itto, -a, -e, 
 (nyta, -e), imp. wut(t)a3, -as, -e'd, inf. wutta, infl. wuttanne, 
 uutanne, etc., part, wittende, uitende, pret. wiste (nyste); — Rit. 
 wat, vast, wuton (nuton), wutas gie (imp.?), opt. plur. witto, inf. 
 wutta, part, witende, pres. wiste (nyste). 
 
 2) ag- (ah, 214. 1), / have, 2 sing, ahst, plur. ag-on 
 (LWS. ag-aty Scint.), opt. age, imp. age, inf. agan, pret. 
 ahte, past part, segen and agen, adj., own (378) ; negated : 
 nah, nagon, nahte, etc. 
 
 Note 2. R.i has inf. agan, pres. plur. agun, pret. ahte, R.^ ah, 
 opt. age, L. ah, 2 sing, aht, plur. agon, -an, opt. aga, hage, pret. 
 ahte. In Ps. and Rit. the inflectional forms do not occur. 
 
 421. Second Ablaut- Class. 
 
 3) deag: (deah, 214. 1), / avail, 2 sing, not found, 
 plur. dugon, EWS. opt. dyge, usually duge, inf. dug-an, 
 
348 INFLECTION 
 
 pres. part, dugende (EWS. diijrunde Cod. Dipl.). Angl. 
 has only the 3 sing, deg- L. (163). 
 
 422. Third Ablaut- Class. 
 
 4) 911(11), an(ii), I grant (with the compounded gegnn, 
 
 1 grant, and ofQiiii, grudge), plur. unnon, opt. mine, 
 imp. unne, inf. uiiiian, pret. nafe, past part, g-euiinen. 
 
 Note 1. The word is lacking in Ps. R.i R.2. L. has Qnn, opt. 
 (inf. ?) gewunna ; Rit, ind. pres. 2 sing, giunne (giw(u)nne, givvnne), 
 opt. giunne, -a, imp. giQnn and giunne, inf. giwunna, part, unnende, 
 pret. giuSe (gehutJe). 
 
 5) CQn(n), can(n), I know, can (with the compounded 
 oncQnn, reproach with), 2 sing, c^nst, canst, plur. 
 cunnon, opt. cunne, inf. cunnan, pret. cuSTe, past part. 
 oncunnen, beside the old past part. QutS, known, used 
 as an adjective. 
 
 Note 2. Ps. has pres. plur. cunnun, opt. cunne, pret. plur. 
 cutJun; R.i CQnn, const, plur. cunnun, -an, and -aS, -e]?, inf. gecun- 
 nan, pret. cuj>e, past part. gecutJ; North. R.2 c^n, plur. cunnun, 
 -an, cunno ge, pret. cu3e; L. CQnn (once cann), plur. cunnon, 
 abbreviated cunno, -i, beside gecunnas, inf. gecunna, pret. cuSe; 
 Rit. has no inflectional forms. 
 
 6) 3"earf, I need (with the compounded beS'earf), 
 
 2 sing, arearft, plur. i^rurfon, opt. EWS. a^yrfe, usually 
 larurfe, inf. SFurfan, pret. tSovfte, beside the pres. part. 
 STearfende, adj., needy (sporadically J^yrfendra, egen- 
 tum Gl.). 
 
 Note 3. Ps. has 2 sing. bitJearft, R.i ?Jearf, plur. cJurfun, ?Jurfe 
 w§, part. ]7urfende, |7orfende ; North. R.2 3 sing. bi<yorfe<y (also pi. ?), 
 part, t^orfende, L. 3 sing. ^orfatJ, plur. wc Surfu and (be)(yorfe?y, 
 part, ifforfende (also tJorfondo, etc., once <5aerfen), Rit. part, tforfende. 
 
CONJUGATION 349 
 
 7) dear(r), / dare^ 2 sing, dearst, plur. durron, opt. 
 E WS. dyrre, usually durre, pret. dorste (inf. not found). 
 
 Note 4. The word is lacking in Ps. Rit. R.i has pret. durste and 
 dyste (read dyrste); North. Ruthwell Cross pret. dorstae, R.^ pret. 
 (gi)darste, phir. darstun, L. darr, pret. gi-, gedarste, plur. darston. 
 
 423. Fourth Ablaut-Class. 
 
 8) sceal, I shall, LWS. often sceall (scyl Scint.), 2 
 sing, scealt, plur. sculoii and sceoloii (LWS. also scyloii 
 Scint.), opt. EWS. scyle and sciele, scile, LWS. scule, 
 sceole, inf. sculan, sceolan, pret. sceolde (more rarely 
 scolde ; once plur. sculdon in Cura Past.). 
 
 Note 1. The word is lacking in Ps. R.^ has sceal, seal, 2 sing. 
 scealt, scalt, plur. sculon, scule ge, opt. scyle, pret. sculde (once 
 scalde), opt. scylde; North. Csedmon's Hymn plur. scylun, R.^ 
 sceal, plur. sciolun, opt. scile, pret. plur. scealdun, L. sceal (once 
 scael), scealt, plur. sciolun, -un, scilon (once ge sciolo), opt. scile, -o, 
 pret. scealde, Rit. (in rubrics) seal, beside sceall. 
 
 9) mQn, man (likewise the compounded g"em<}n, 
 oniiiQii), I intend, 2 sing. niQiist, nianst, plur. niunon, 
 opt. LWS. niyne, usually nmne, imp. g-e-, onniun, and 
 g-emyne, g-emune, inf. inunan, pres. part, munende, 
 pret. munde, past part, g-emunen. 
 
 Note 2. LWS. has a few new formations after the model of the 
 regular strong presents, like ind. pres. sing. 1 gemune, 2 gemunst, 
 3 geinaii?^, plur. gemuna9, imp. sing, gemune, plur. -acJ. 
 
 In Anglian this confusion extends still further. Ps. has ind. pres. 
 sing. 1 geniunu, 2 geniynes (opt.?), opt. plur. geniynen, imp. sing. 
 gemyne, plur. gemuna?^, inf. gemunan, pret. gemundes ; R.i ind. 
 pres. 2 sing, gemynest, pret. gemunde ; North. R.2 imp. sing, gimyne, 
 plur. -as, L. ind. pres. 3 sing, geniynes, plur. geniynas, imp. sing. 
 gemyne and gemQna (or inf.?), plur. gemynas (corrected from 
 gem9nas) and (opt.) gemynd gie, pret. gemyste (for *gemynste, 
 186. 1), Rit. imp. sing, gemyne. 
 
350 INFLECTION 
 
 424. Fifth Ablaut- Class. 
 
 10) niaeg-, / can, 2 sing, meaht, LWS. miht, plur. 
 ma^oii, opt. maegre, plur. -en (LWS. also mage, very 
 late muge), inf. LWS. sporadic mag-an, pres. part. LWS. 
 niagende, pret. ineahte (mehte, 108. 2), LWS. mihte, 
 with i-umlaut, which no doubt originally proceeded from 
 the opt. pret. 
 
 Note. Ps. has in the pres. meg, plur. magun, maegon, opt. mege ; 
 R.i maeg, niaeht, plur. magun, -on, opt. maege; North. R."-^ 1 and 3 sing, 
 maeg(e), plur. magun, -on, -an (once maegun), opt. maege; L. sing. 
 1 and 3 maeg and maege (-ae, -i, -o), 2 maeht, plur. magon, maegon 
 (mago, -a), opt. maege, plur. -o; Rit. sing, maeg, plur. maegon, -o, 
 magon, opt. maegi (-e). The Anglian pret. is always maehte Ps. 
 R.i R.2 L. Rit. 
 
 11) be-, ge-neali, it suffices (used only in the 3d per- 
 son), plur. -niigon, opt. -iiuge, pret. benohte (inf. not 
 found ; the word does not occur at all in Anglian). 
 
 425. Sixth Ablaut-Class. 
 
 12) mot, I may., 2 sing, most, plur. moton, opt. mote, 
 pret. moste (inf. not found). 
 
 Note. The only Anglian instances are R. ^ mot, pret. plur. mostun, 
 L. mot, plur. moto we, pret. plur. moston. 
 
 2. VERBS IN -mi 
 
 426. The ind. pres. 1 sing, of the Indo-European verb 
 ended either in -o or in -mi (compare the Gr. verbs in -w 
 and -/it, like <l)ep(o and tlOtj/jll, etc.). To the verbs in -o 
 belong all the regular Germanic verbs ; of the verbs in 
 -mi only scanty remains have been preserved ; they are 
 distinguished by the fact that the ind. 1 sing, ends in -m. 
 
 Here belong the following OE. verbs : 
 
CONJUGATION 
 
 351 
 
 1. The Substantive Verb 
 
 427. The substantive verb is composed of forms from 
 the four roots, es; er, or (ind. and opt. pres.); bheu (ind. 
 and opt. pres. with future signification, inf. and imp.); 
 and wes (inf., pres. part., and pret.). The inflection is 
 as follows : 
 
 1) roots es and or : 
 
 Present 
 
 Indicative 
 
 EWS. 
 Sing. 1. eom 
 
 2. eart 
 
 3. is 
 
 r — 
 
 Plur. <! sint 
 
 Isindon, -un 
 
 Ps. 
 earn 
 ear3 
 is 
 
 earun 
 sind 
 sindun, -on 
 
 North. 
 am 
 
 is 
 
 aron, -un 
 
 sint 
 
 sindon, -un 
 
 Sing, sie, si 
 Plur. sien, sin 
 
 Optative 
 
 sie 
 sien 
 
 sie, se 
 sie, se 
 
 Prothesis of the negative adverb ne gives neam (nam), 
 narSf, naroii (note 4), and Common OE. nis. 
 
 Note 1. EWS. has, beside eom, sporadic eam Or., in the plur. 
 several instances of sient, siendon Cura Past. MS. H, but only one 
 siendon in MS. C ; in the opt. the forms sie, sien everywhere pre- 
 dominate, and these, according to metrical evidence, are to be regarded 
 as disyllabic in the poet, texts (and therefore probably in the earlier 
 language). 
 
 Note 2. The LWS. ind. 3 sing, is often ys (nys), the plur. gener- 
 ally sind (synd), sint (synt), more rarely sindon (sjmdon; poet. 
 seondon is Kentish ; of. note 3), the opt. generally sy, plur. syn 
 (beside si, sig, etc.); in less pure WS. texts also sic, sec, etc. 
 

 INFLECTION 
 
 Note 3. In Kentish the 2 sing, eart is found in Kent. Hymn ; the 
 plur. is: Kent. Gl. sint (siont, also sin, sion), Kent. Charters fre- 
 quently si(o)ndon, -an, seondan, beside sint; the opt.: Kent. Gl. 
 sic (more rarely si), Kent. Hymn sio; Kent. Charters sic, sec, beside 
 si^, se, plur. sTon, beside sien. Later texts under Kentish influence 
 have also in the ind. plur. send for synd (154). 
 
 Note 4. Beside the forms adduced in the paradigm, Ps. has ind. 
 sing. 1 neam, 3 nis, and the opt. 1 sing, one each of siem, sion, 
 beside sie. The commonest form of the ind. j^lur. is sind, and the 
 least common earun. 
 
 In R.i the inflection is : ind. sing. 1 earn (once each nam, naem), 
 2 eart (once each earcJ, arjju), 3 is (his; nis), plur. sindun, -on 
 (rarely syndun, -on, sendun, -on) and more rarely sint, once arun, 
 opt. sing. 1 sec, 2, 3 sie, sise (sia, se, sy, syse), plur. sie (siae, sy), 
 and sien, si^n. 
 
 North, has: R.2 ind. sing. 2 is (rare, 356, note 2), 3 negative nis; 
 L. 2 sing, sporadic arst and his, beside arS, in the plur. abbreviations 
 like aru ^ve, arc ge, etc., rarely also sind, opt. also si^, see, sse; 
 and the negatived nam, narS, nis, naron, naro gie. Rit. has am, 
 ar?J, is, plur. aron (aro gie), sint, sind, sindon, opt. sie, se, negated 
 nis, naro gie. 
 
 The forms earn, earcJ, earun occur novv^ and then in the poetry. 
 
 2) root bheu 
 
 EWS. 
 Sing. 1. (bio, beo) 
 
 2. bist 
 
 3. bi<5 
 
 Indicative 
 Ps. 
 biom 
 bis(t) 
 bi9 
 
 Plur. bio3, beotJ biocy 
 
 Present 
 
 North. 
 
 biom 
 
 bist 
 
 bi3 
 (bi(o)<5un, -on 
 (bia<$ 
 
 Optative 
 EWS. North. 
 
 1 bia, 
 Jbie 
 
 Ibio, 
 [beo 
 
 bion, 
 beon 
 
 Infinitive 
 bion, been 
 
 Participle 
 (bionde, beonde) 
 
 Imperative 
 Sing, bio, beo. Plur. bio?^, beotJ 
 
 Note 5. The parenthesized forms of the ind. 1 sing, and pres. 
 part, are not found in EWS., but may be assumed with confidence 
 according to the LWS. beo, beonde; on the interchange of io and 
 eo sec 114. 2. 
 
CONJUGATION 353 
 
 Note 6. In the ind. 2 and 3 sing. OE. bist, hid are to be written 
 with short i (notwithstanding the etymologically correspondent Lat. 
 /Is, fit). This is proved not only by the byst, byS which are very 
 common in LWS., but especially by the North, plur. bio^un, -on, 
 whose u-umlaut can only be referred to the parallel biSun, -on, 
 which again rests on the sing. hW. 
 
 Note 7. Ps. has a few instances of 2 sing, bis, without t, beside 
 regular bist. 
 
 Note 8. Kent, shows no material variation from the WS. para- 
 digm (Cod. Dipl. inf. bian, beside bion, 159, note 3). Ps. has, beside 
 many instances of biom, two of beom, one of beam, and one of bio, 
 in the plur. a few cases of beatJ, in the imp. sing, one of bia, beside 
 several of hioS, bio (hiS as plur. may be regarded as a clerical error). 
 There are no examples of opt. and part. The conjugation in R.i is : 
 ind. pres. sing, beom, bist, bi?J, -p (and twice beo}?, following the 
 plur.), plur. beo}7, -3, more rarely bioJ>, -3, and once bi(5on, fre- 
 quently umlauted beo]7an, opt. sing, beo, plur. beon, imp. sing, beo, 
 plur. beo]7 (bio)?), inf. beon. 
 
 North, has : R.2, beside bi??, once bia?J (on is, beside bist, see note 4); 
 in the plur. bio^Jun, -on (once biotJo) predominates, bia?J is rare (opt., 
 imp., inf. not found); L., beside beom, biom, once bium, beside bi9, 
 once bie?y, in the plur. , beside frequent biSon (twice biSo), once biocJon, 
 twice bia3; the opt. forms bia, bie and inf. bian occur only once each 
 (imp. lacking); Kit. biom, bist, biS, plur. bi?Jon. The plur. bia^J 
 occurs also in the Leiden Riddle (and Corp.). 
 
 In the poetry the forms beoS, beon occur frequently in cases 
 where the metre requires disyllabic forms (Beitr. 10. 477). 
 
 3) root wes : 
 
 Present 
 
 Infinitive: wesan Participle: wesende 
 
 Imperative: sing, wes, plur. wesa^J 
 
 Preterit 
 
 Indicative 
 Sing. 1. waes 
 2. wsere 
 
 Optative 
 wsere 
 
 etc., regularly like a strong verb (391). 
 
354 
 
 INFLECTION 
 
 Fusion with the negative results in pret. sing, naes, 
 2 ii^re, plur. iiseroii, opt. nsere. 
 
 Note 9. For -waes, naes there also occur the enclitic by-forms 
 was, nas (49, note 1 ; EWS. frequently in Chron.). 
 
 Note 10. The discrepancies of the non-WS. dialects result from 
 the relevant phonetic laws: thus, for example, Corp. part, aetweos- 
 endne, beside inf. wesaii (Ps. has, of the present, only the ind. sing.), 
 Ps. pret. wes, -were, plur. werun, etc., R.^ inf. wesa, imp. plur. 
 ^vesa]7, pret. waes, w^ere, and wsere, plur. \A^eruii, wserun, etc. 
 
 North. R.2 inf. Avosa, imp. sing, -u^es, plur. wosa?J, pret. waes 
 (once was), \^•e^e, plur. werun, -on and -wEerim, etc., opt. \V'ere, 
 negated naes, neron, opt. nere; L. inf. -wosa (wossa), etc., imp. 
 sing, waes (uaes; once w^es), plur. w^osa3, -as, pret. waes (w^aess), 
 etc., w^ere, plur. w^eron, woeron, etc. (more rarely waeron, etc., also 
 once ymbwoeson), opt. were, woe re (rarely usere, etc.), negated 
 pret. iiaes(s), plur. neron, naeruti, opt. nere, neere, etc. 
 
 2. The Verb will 
 
 428. The present tense of the verb will vras originally 
 confined in Germanic to an optative used indicatively ; 
 to these have been added in OE. a new optative and 
 an imperative (the latter occurring only as a negative). 
 The preterit is of the weak conjugation. The WS. 
 inflection is as follows : 
 
 
 Present 
 
 Indicative 
 
 Optative 
 
 Sing. 1. wille 
 
 2. wilt 
 
 3. wile (wiUe) 
 Plur. wlllatJ 
 
 )► wille (ivile) 
 J 
 willen 
 
 
 Pbeterit 
 
 
 w^olde 
 
 (like n§ 
 
 rede, etc., 409) 
 
 Infinitive 
 ^villan 
 
 Participle 
 wlllende 
 
CONJUGATION 355 
 
 Note 1. EWS. wOle is rather rare as ind. 3 sing., and wile 
 uncommon as opt. In LWS. all forms of the present often have the 
 vowel y : wylle, wylt, etc. 
 
 Note 2. The verb willan nearly always coalesces with a preceding 
 ne, the vocalism of the individual forms exhibiting some changes in 
 consequence. The EWS. forms of Cura Past, are : ind. pres. sing. 
 1 nyUe (in MS. H also neUe, Or. nele), 3 nyle (MS. H also nylle, 
 nele, nile), plur. nylla9 (MS. H and Or. also nellaS), opt. nylle, nyle 
 (MS. C also once nele), plur. nyllen, pret. nolde; in LWS. the 
 e-forms prevail : nelle, etc. 
 
 Note 3. Kent, instances are : Kent. Gl. opt, sing, wille, Kent. 
 Ps. ind. 1 sing, wille, pret. wolde, Cod. Dipl. ind. sing. 1 wille and 
 willa, 3 wile, wille, opt. wille, plur. willan, pret. (Cod. Aur.) 
 nolt^an (read -dan). 
 
 Note 4. Greater variation is exhibited by Anglian : 
 
 a) Merc. Ps. ind. pres. 3 sing, wile, plur. willa3, part, w^ellende, 
 pret. w^alde; negated: imp. sing, nyl, plur. nyllaS, pret. nalde; R.i 
 ind. pres. sing. 1 wille (once ne wylle), 2 wilt(u), 3 wile (wille), 
 plur. w^illaS, opt. wille (wile), pret. wolde, walde; negated: ind. 
 pres. sing. 1 nyllic (beside ne w^ylle), 3 nyle (opt.?), plur. nylle]?, 
 imp. plur. ne ^vella?^, nella}?, pret. nolde, plur. noldan, naldun ; 
 
 6) North. R.2 ind. sing. 1 wyllo, willo, 2 wylt, wilt, 3 wyl, wil, 
 will, plur. wallaS, -as, wallon we, opt. sing. plur. welle, imp. 
 plur. walla?f, -as, pret. walde ; negated : ind. plur. nallan we, imp. 
 sing, nelle (properly opt.), plur. nalla?J, -as, nallon ge; L. ind. sing. 
 1 willo (^vllle, w^illic; waello, -e), 2 w^ilt (^villt), 3 wil (will), plur. 
 w^allaS, -as, w^alla w^6, w^alli ge (once 3 plur. uallon ; one gie ^vaelle, 
 vultis, is rather opt.), opt. w^aelle, -a, -e, welle, -ae, (imp. plur. ne 
 w^alla'S, ne w^aellaS gle), pret. w^alde (one ind. 3 sing, w^alda) ; 
 negated : ind. sing. 1 nuillic, nwillic, 2 nuilt, plur. nalla?J, -as, -es, 
 nallo w^e ; imp. sing, naelle, nelle, plur. nalla?^, -as {-eS ; nolle gie) 
 and naellaS, -as (-aes, -eS, -es; naelle gie), nellaS, -as, pret. nalde; 
 Rit. ind. 3 sing, vil, plur. vallate, opt. vaelle, pret. w^alde ; negated : 
 ind. 2 sing, nylt, imp. sing, naelle, plur. naellat^, pret. plur. naldon. 
 
356 
 
 INFLECTION 
 
 3. The Verb do 
 429. The verb don, do^ is conjugated as follows : 
 
 Present 
 
 Indicative 
 
 ws. 
 Sing. 1. do 
 
 2. dest 
 
 3. de<J 
 Plur. do3 
 
 Sing, do 
 Plur. don 
 
 Ps. 
 dom 
 doest, -s 
 doetJ 
 do<$ 
 
 Optative 
 
 (doe 
 
 \ (doa, do) 
 doen 
 
 R.2 
 
 dom 
 does 
 doeS, -s 
 doad, -as 
 
 doe 
 doe 
 
 Sing. 2. do 
 Plur. 1. don 
 2. d63 
 
 Imperative 
 
 doa, do 
 
 don 
 
 do3 
 
 doa, do 
 doa9 
 
 don 
 infl. donne 
 
 Infinitive 
 
 don, doan 
 donne 
 
 doa 
 doanne 
 
 donde 
 
 Participle 
 donde 
 
 doende 
 
 Sing. 1. dyde 
 
 2. dydes(t) 
 
 3. dyde 
 
 Plur. dydon 
 
 Preterit 
 
 Indicative 
 
 dyde 
 
 dydes, -est 
 dyde 
 
 dydun 
 
 dyde 
 
 dydes (tu) 
 
 dyde 
 ( dydun, -on 
 ( dedun 
 

 Optative 
 
 Sing, dyde 
 
 dyde 
 
 Plur. dyden 
 
 dyden 
 
 
 Participle 
 
 -don 
 
 -doen 
 
 CONJUGATION 357 
 
 dyde 
 ( dydon ? 
 ( dedun ? 
 
 -dcBn 
 
 Note 1. WS. deviations from the paradigm are extremely rare. 
 EWS. has in Cura Past. MS. C one opt. doe, which probably must 
 be interpreted as doe, in MS. H one part, ^veldoendllm (-ddendum ?). 
 The ind. plur. dgedon, opt. d^de, and the past part, ge-, forden, 
 which occur in the poetry, are unknown to WS. prose (dede, plur. 
 dedon in Cura Past. MS. C II are Kenticisms for dyde, etc., 154). 
 
 Note 2. It is sometimes doubtful whether oe should be written 
 oe or oe, since the MSS. do not recognize the ligature. When forms 
 with e occur also, oe is probable, but when the parallelism is with 
 oa, oae, it is in general better to interpret as oe (cf. 430, note 1). 
 
 Note 3. Kentish agrees in general with WS. : Kent, Gl. 3 sing. 
 detJ, det, imp. do, opt. pret. dede (cf. note 1), part, (on)don, Kent. 
 Ps. 3 sing. gedeS, imp. gedoo, Kent. Hymn imp. gedo ; Kent, 
 charters inf. don and gedoan, opt. sing, gedoe, plur. gedoen (once 
 ge gedeo, 27, note ?), once gedon. 
 
 Note 4. The 2 sing, des, without t, occurs only once in Ps., while 
 dydes is more frequent than dydest (doS as 3 sing, is probably only 
 a clerical error) ; ic do and doa as opt. sing, occur only once each ; 
 the prevalent doe, as an Anglian form, is no doubt to be understood 
 as doe ; inf. doan is found but once. 
 
 The inflection in R.i is : ind. sing. 1 doni (twice do), 2 doest, 3 doe]?, 
 plur. doaJ> (once doej?) and doJ>, -tJ, opt. sing, do (once doa), plur. 
 doan, doa, imp. sing, do, plur. doap, -ej», do(J, inf. doan, doa, infl. 
 doanne, part, donde, doende (doende ?), pret. dyde, 2 dydest, plur. 
 dydun, -on, past part, -doan, once gedoen (gedoen ?). 
 
 North, has frequently in R.2 doe as translation of a Lat. ind. 1 
 sing., beside the forms given in the paradigm (but very likely this 
 should be regarded as opt.); in the 3 sing, a few instances of doa9, 
 in the plur. a few of doeS, -es, in the imp. plur. one undoaT^. In 
 the imp. sing, do, and in the pret. plur. dedun, is the rarer form. 
 
 The inflection in L. is : ind. sing. 1 doam, less frequently doom, 
 dom (also do, doa, doe or doe, some of which are perhaps optatives), 
 
358 
 
 INFLECTION 
 
 2 doas, -aes (doaS), beside does, doest, 3 doe??, -s, beside doa?J, -as, 
 -fe3, plur. doaTf, -as, -ed, -es, opt. doe (doe ?), beside doa (once doa, 
 i.e., doam), imp. do, doo, doa, plur. doacJ, -as, -ae9, -eS, -es, inf. 
 doa, do{», doe, infl. doan(n)e, doenne, part, doende (doende ?), 
 pret. dyde, etc., plur. rarely dedon, opt. dyde, plur. rarely dedon, 
 part. -doen. 
 
 Rit. ind. sing. 1 dom, 2 doest (once dost), 3 doeS, plur. doa3, -as, 
 -setJ, -e'S, opt. doe (doe ?), imp. sing, do, plur. doaS, -eS, inf. doa, 
 part, doende (doende?), pret. dyde, plur. dydon, part. -doen. 
 
 Note 5. In the poetry disyllabic forms should frequently be sub- 
 stituted for the monosyllabic ones which are handed down (Beitr. 
 10. 477). 
 
 4. The Verb go 
 
 430. The verb gran, go (beside gQngran, 396, note 2), 
 is thus conjugated in WS.: 
 
 
 Present 
 
 
 Indicative 
 
 Optative 
 
 Imperative 
 
 Sing. 1. ga 
 
 ^ 
 
 Sing. 2. ga 
 
 2. ggest 
 
 \s^ 
 
 Plur. ga3 
 
 3. g£e3 
 Plur. gatJ 
 
 gan 
 
 Preterit 
 
 Infinitive 
 gan, infl. ganne 
 
 Indicative 
 
 Optative 
 
 Participle 
 
 Sing. 1, 3. code 
 
 code 
 
 gegan 
 
 (like n^rede, etc., 409) 
 
 Note 1. For se the older MSS. often have ae, which might in 
 itself be interpreted as ae (429, note 2); below it is given as se> only 
 where the MSS. themselves employ the ligature ae, side by side with ae. 
 
 Note 2. There are no Kentish deviations to speak of except the 
 pret. lode, beside code (150, note 3). 
 
 Note 3. Ps. agrees in general with WS., but in the ind. 1 sing, 
 has once gan, beside ga; the opt. occurs only once as gae, that is, 
 probably, gae ; the inf. is lacking ; the pres. part, is gande. 
 
CONJUGATION 359 
 
 R.i has ind. sing. 1 ga, 2 giSs }7ii, gsest, 3 gaej?, -"S (once gaS), plur. 
 gsejj (twice ga)?), opt. sing, ga, plur. gfcen (once gan), imp. sing, ga 
 (once gae, i.e., gse), plur. gaej?, -9, more rarely gap, -3, inf. ga, gae, 
 pret. code (thrice eade); past part, is lacking (only -gQngen). 
 
 Note 4. The North, inflection is : R.^ ind. sing. 1 g^ (once gaa), 
 2 g8est(u), 3 gseS, -s, and ga(a)3, -s, plur. gaS, -s, opt. gaa, gle, 
 imp, sing, gaa, plur. ga(a)3, -s, inf. gaa, pret. eode, more rarely 
 eade, part, foregiead; — L. ind. sing. 1 gse, gae, gaae, 2 gast (gaS), 
 gaaBS, gaes, 3 gaa'S, g£e3, gae3, -s (gsee??), plur. gaa?J, g«3, gaeS, -s, 
 opt. gse, gae, imp. sing. ga(a), gaae, gae, plur. ga(a)3, gae3, -s, inf. 
 gaa, gie, gae, pret. eade, more rarely eode, part, geead, etc. ; — Rit. 
 ind. sing. 1 g^, 2 g«st, 3 g^S', plur. ga(a)?y, -s (once geaeS), opt. 
 gge (gae), imp. plur. ga(a)5, inf. gaa, pret. eade. 
 
SOME ABBREVIATIONS 
 
 ^Ifr. Gramm., Horn., etc. = ^Ifric's Grammar, Homilies, etc. 
 
 (2, note 5). 
 AfdA. = Anzeiger fiir Deutsches Altertum und Deutsche Litteratur. 
 Angl. = Anglian, 
 anv, = anomalous verb. 
 Archiv = Archiv flir das Studium der Neueren Sprachen (Herrig's 
 
 Archiv). 
 Beitr. = Beitrage zur Geschichte der Deutschen Sprache und Literatur 
 
 (Paul und Braune's Beitrage). 
 Ben. = The OE. Prose Versions of the Benedictine Eule, ed. A. 
 
 Schroer, I, II. Kassel, 1885-1888. 
 Benet = The Rule of St. Benet, ed. H. Logeman. London, 1888. 
 Beow. = Beowulf. 
 Blickl. = Blickling Homilies. 
 Boeth. = Boethius. 
 Chart. = Charters (2, note 1). 
 Chron. = Chronicle (2, note 5). 
 Cod. Dipl. = Codex Diplomaticus, ed. Kemble (for charters ; 2, 
 
 note 1). 
 Corp. = Corpus Glosses (2, note 4). 
 Cura Past., CP. = Cura Pastoralis (2, note 5). 
 Ep. = Epinal Glosses (2, note 4). 
 Ep. Al. = Epistola Alexandri (Anglia 4. 139 ff.). 
 Erf. = Erfurter Glosses (2, note 4). 
 EWS. = Early West Saxon. 
 Gen. B. = Lines 235-851 (translated from Old Saxon) of the poetical 
 
 Genesis. 
 Germ. = Germanic. 
 Gl. = Glosses. 
 Goth. = Gothic. 
 Haupt's Zs. = ZfdA. 
 
 Hpt. Gl. = Glosses on Aldhelm, ZfdA. 9. 401 ff. 
 
 361 
 
362 SOME ABBREVIATIONS 
 
 Indo-Eur. = Indo-European. 
 
 Kent. = Kentish. 
 
 Kent. Gl., Kent. Hymn, Kent. Ps., Kent. Chart. = Kent. Glosses, 
 
 Hymn, Psalm, Charters (2, note 4). 
 L., Lind. = Lindisfarne Gospels (2, note 2). 
 later Mart. = later Martyrology (in Cockayne's Shrine, London, 
 
 ]864ff., pp. 44 fl). 
 Leid. Rid. = Leiden Riddle. 
 LWS. = Late West Saxon. 
 Mart. = older Martyrology (for example, in Sweet's Oldest English 
 
 Texts, 177-178). 
 ME. = Middle English. 
 Merc. = Mercian. 
 Metr. = Metres (2, note 4). 
 MHG. = Middle High German. 
 MLN. = Modern Language Notes. 
 North. = Northumbrian. 
 OE. = Old English. 
 OET. = Oldest English Texts. 
 OHG. = Old High German. 
 ON. = Old Norse. 
 Or. = Orosius (2, note 5). 
 OS. = Old Saxon. 
 Prim. = Primitive. 
 
 Ps. = Psalter (in MS. Vesp. A. I ; 2, note 3). 
 QF. = Quellen und Forschungen zur Sprach- und Culturgeschichte 
 
 der Germ. Volker, ed. W. Scherer, etc. 
 R.i (Rushw.i) and R.^ (Rushw.^) — the two parts of the Rush worth 
 
 Gloss to the Gospels (2, note 3). 
 Rit. = Durham Ritual (2, note 2). 
 Scint. = Defensor's Liber Scintillarum, ed. E. W. Rhodes, London, 
 
 1889. 
 sm., sf., sn., sv. = strong masculine, feminine, neuter, verb. 
 Spelm. Ps. = Spelman's Psalter. 
 
 wm., wf., wn., wv. = weak masculine, feminine, neuter, verb. 
 WS." = West Saxon. 
 
 ZfdA. = Zeitschrift fiir Deutsches Altertum = Haupt's Zeitschrift. 
 ZfdPh. = Zeitschrift fiir Deutsche Philologie, 
 * indicates a hypothetical form. 
 
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 363 
 
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BIBLIOGRAPHY 365 
 
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3G6 BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
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 1884-1885. 
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 488-504. 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 369 
 
 Sievers, E., Zur Accent- und Lautlehre der Germanischen Sprachen. 
 
 Beitr. 4 (1877). 522-539; 5 (1878). 63-163. 
 
 , Das Verbum kommen. Beitr. 8 (1882). 80-81. 
 
 , Zur Flexion der Scliwachen Verba. Beitr. 8 (1882). 90-94. 
 
 , Der Angelsachsische Instrumental. Beitr. 8 (1882). 324-333. 
 
 , Miscellen zur Angelsachsischen Grammatik. Beitr. 9 (1884). 
 
 197-300. 
 , Zur Verbalflexion. Das Pronomen jener. Beitr. 9 (1884). 
 
 561-568. 
 — -, Zu Codex Jun. XI. Beitr. 10 (1885). 195-199. 
 , Zur Rhythmik des Germanischen Alliterationsverses. Beitr. 
 
 10 (1885). 209-314, 451-545. 
 
 , Altangelsachsisches / und &. Beitr. 11 (1886). 542 ff. 
 
 , The Etymology of endemes{t). MLN. 1 (1886). 93-95. 
 
 , Review in ZfdPh. 21 (1889). 354-365. 
 
 , Zu Cynewulf. Anglia 13 (1891). 10-21. 
 
 , Zu den Angelsachsischen Glossen. lb. 13 (1891). 310-315. 
 
 , Zur Texterklarung des Beowulf. Anglia 14 (1892). 142-144. 
 
 , Zur Geschichte der Angelsachsischen Diphthonge, I. Beitr. 
 
 18 (1894). 411-416. 
 Skeat, W. W., Principles of English Etymology, 1, 2. Oxford, 
 
 1887-1891. 
 Smith, C. A., An Old English Grammar and Exercise Book. Boston, 
 
 1896. 
 Sohrauer, M. , Kleine Beitrage zur Altenglischen Grammatik. Berlin, 
 
 1886. 
 Storch, T., Angelsachsische Nominalcomposita. Strassburg, 1886. 
 Svensson, J. V., Om Spraket i den Forra (Merciska) Delen af 
 
 Rush worth- Handskrif ten. I. Ljudlara. Goteborg, 1883. 
 Sweet, H., King Alfred's West-Saxon Version of Gregory's Pastoral 
 
 Care, London, 1871, pp. xix-xlii. 
 , History of English Sounds. London, 1874. Second Edition, 
 
 Oxford, 1888. 
 
 , An Anglo-Saxon Reader. Oxford, 1877. Seventh Edition, 1894. 
 
 , An Anglo-Saxon Primer, with grammar, notes, and glossary. 
 
 Eighth Edition, Oxford, 1896. 
 
 , First Steps in Anglo-Saxon. Oxford, 1897. 
 
 , Dialects and Prehistoric Forms of English. Transactions of the 
 
 Philological Society, 1875-1876, 543 ff. 
 , Old English Etymologies. Englische Studien 2 (1879). 312-316. 
 
370 BlBLIOGliAPHY 
 
 Sweet, H,, Disguised Compounds in Old English, The Preterite of 
 
 cuman. English Etymologies. Anglia 3 (1880). 151-157. 
 , History of P^nglish Sounds and Dialects. I, Proceedings of the 
 
 Philological Society, December 5, 1879; II, ib., April 16, 1880; 
 
 III, ib., June 3, 1881. 
 
 , English Etymologies. Ib., June 3, 1881; February 2, 1883. 
 
 , History of g in English. Ib. 
 
 , Old English Contributions. Ib., March 3, 1882; February 6, 
 
 1885. 
 , Review in Gottinger Gelehrte Anzeigen, 1882, no. 38, pp. 1186- 
 
 1191. 
 Sweet, M., The Third Class of Weak Verbs in Primitive Teutonic, 
 
 with Special Reference to its Development in Anglo-Saxon. 
 
 American Journal of Philology 14 (1893). 409-456. 
 Tessmann, A., ^Elfrics Altenglische Bearbeitung der Interrogationes 
 
 Sigewulfi Presbyteri in Genesim des Alcuin, Berlin, 1891, pp. 
 
 9-18. 
 Vance, H. A., Der Spatangelsachsische Sermo in Festis S. Mariae mit 
 
 Rucksicht auf das Altenglische sprachlich dargestellt. Jena, 
 
 1894. 
 Varnhagen, H., Review in Deutsche Litteraturzeitung, 1890, 466. 
 
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 Vietor, W. Die Northumbrischen Runensteine. Marburg, 1895. 
 Wells, B. J., Long Vowels and Diphthongs in Old Germanic and Old 
 
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 18 (1887). 134-157. 
 
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 256-262. 
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 Heidelberg, 1893. 
 Wood, F. A., Apparent Absence of Umlaut in Old English. MLN. 
 
 6 (1895). 347-350. 
 Wyatt, A. J., Notabilia of Anglo-Saxon Grammar. London, 1890. 
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 Cambridge, 1897. 
 Zeuner, R., Die Sprache des Kentischen Psalters (Vespasian A. I). 
 
 Halle, 1881. 
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 1891. 
 
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 Zupitza, J., Kentische Glossen des Neunten Jahrhunderts. ZfdA. 
 
 21 (1877). 1-59 ; 22 (1878). 223-22G. 
 
 , Review in AfdA. 2 (1876). 1-19. 
 
 , English Etymology in 1881 and 1882. Transactions of the 
 
 Cambridge Philological Society 2. 243-259. 
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 31 (1887). 1-27. ' 
 , Mercisches aus der Handschrift Royal 2 A 20 im British Museum. 
 
 ZfdA. 33 (1889). 47-66. 
 
INDEX 
 
 [The numbers refer to sections. Prefixes are disregarded in the 
 alphabetizing. The index-words are usually given in their WS. form ; 
 in the case of dialectic variants, cross-references have been made where 
 desirable. Unstable i and y, if not readily found., may be sought under 
 ie ; io under eo or ie ; a before m or n, under 9 ; sea, sco under sc(e)a, 
 sc(e)o ; 3 follows t when initial, but otherwise has the position of th ; 
 ae has the position of ae. From the Phonology have been excluded 
 the examples of accent in §§ 121-124. 
 
 a, adv., 62 N.; 118. l.a; 
 174. 3. 
 
 a,- for on-, 188 n. 3. 
 abbud, sm., 10; 197 n. 
 ac,conj.,49N.l; 210.3. 
 ac, f., 284 and N. 1,2,4. 
 acaii, sv., 392 n. 1. 
 acas, see sex. 
 ache, 217 N. 3. 
 acsian, see ascian. 
 acumba, wm., 57 n. 3. 
 adela, wm., 50 n. 1. 
 adesa, wm., 50 n. 1. 
 adl, sf., 183 N.; 201. 3; 
 
 254. 1. 
 Adsur, Adzur, see At- 
 
 sur. 
 £e(^w),sf.,118. 2; 173. 
 
 2 and s. 1; 174 n. 3; 
 _ 269 and n. 3. 
 86- in composition, 57 
 
 N. 3. 
 
 £ebylg(e)an, wv., 405 
 _ N. 2 ; 406 N. 2. 
 aebylgS (^bilig'S), sf., 
 
 31 N. ; 213 N. 
 Sc, see eac. 
 secer, sm.,14; 49; 138; 
 
 139 ; 207 and n. 2. 
 
 aeces, gecumba, see sex, 
 
 acumba. 
 fficyrf, smn. ? 267. a. 
 sedr (seddr-), sf., 201 n. 
 _ 1 ; 229. 
 
 aedre, adv., 315 n. 1. 
 sef-, adv^, 51 ; 130. 
 sefsest (eewfsest), adj., 
 
 118 N. 2. 
 sefdsell, sn. ? 263 n. 3. 
 sefde, see habban. 
 ^fen, snm.,57. 2; 248. 
 
 2 and n. 2. to sefen- 
 
 es, adv., 320. 
 ^fenian, wv. , 414 n. 3. 
 8ef(e)st, sf., 43 N. 4; 
 
 186 N. 3 ; 266. 
 sefnan, wv., 89. 2 and 
 
 N. 2 ; 144 N. 2 ; 193 
 
 N. ; 404 N. 1. b. 
 seftemest, sup., 314; 
 
 328. 
 sefter, prep., 4 n. 2 ; 
 
 154 N. ; 314. 
 sefterfylgend, m., 286 
 
 N. 2. 
 sefte(r)ra, comp., 145 
 
 N. ; 231. 4 ; 314 and 
 
 N. 1 ; 328. 
 
 373 
 
 Eefwerdla, wm., 99 n. 
 ^g, n., 175. 2; 290. 
 segen, see agen. 
 £egerfelma, wm., 290 
 
 _ N. 1. 
 
 segergelu, sn., 290 n. 1, 
 seghwa, pron. , 347 and 
 _ N. 2. 
 
 geghw^r, adv. , 321 n. 2. 
 ^ghwse^er (^eg'Ser), 
 
 pron., 214 N. 5; 347 
 
 and N. 2. 
 Sghwelc,-h wile, pron. , 
 
 100 N. 3 ; 214 N. 5 ; 
 
 214. 2; 347 and n. 
 _ 2. 
 seghwider, geghwQnan, 
 
 adv., 321_N. 2. 
 ffig'Ser, see seghwse^er. 
 ^hcha, pr. n. , 320 n. 
 sehher, sm. ? 220 ; 222 
 
 N. 4 ; 228 ; 289 (cf . 
 
 ear), 
 ^ht, sf., 269. 
 aehtatig, sehtowe, etc., 
 
 see eahtatig, eahta, 
 
 etc. 
 eel-, see ^1-. 
 selan, wv., 405 n. 1. 
 
374 
 
 INDEX 
 
 ffilc, pron., 43 N. 4 ; 347 
 
 andN. 1; ^lc(w)uht, 
 
 n., 347. 
 aeldra, -du, see ieldra, 
 _ -du. 
 
 aeled, sin., 244. 1. 
 oiiillet, sn., 248. 2. 
 7Elf(h)elm, JElf(h)^re, 
 
 pr. 11., 217. 
 iElfred, pr. n. , 57 n. 2 ; 
 
 80 N. 3. 
 ^If-SiyS, pr. n., 199 
 
 N. 1. 
 
 ^Ifwini, pr. n., 2G3 
 
 N. 5. 
 sellefne, sellefta, hund- 
 
 sellef tig, see endleof- 
 
 aii, etc. 
 8elmeslic,adj.,196 n. 4. 
 2elmi(e)htig, adj., 151 
 
 N^; 221 N. 1. 
 seltEewe, adj., 57. 2. a. 
 Eemerge, wf., 100 n. 4; 
 
 176. 
 aemetig, adj., 217 n. 1. 
 ^ne, see an. 
 ^nes, adv., 237 n, 1 ; 
 
 331. 
 sengel, see engel. 
 seniege, see aneage. 
 senig, adj., 90 ; 151. 1; 
 
 214. 5 ; 348. 1 ; ^nge 
 _ -Singa, adv., 320. 
 aeniht, n., 100 n. 3; 
 
 348. 1. 
 seninga, see anunga. 
 ffinlic, adj., 100 n. 3. 
 senliepe, etc., see aii- 
 
 liepe, etc. 
 senne, see an. 
 seppel, sin., 10 ; 140 ; 
 
 160. 3 ; 189 ; 228 ; 
 
 273 and n. 2, 3. 
 seps, see sesp. 
 £er, adv. comp., 313; 
 
 323. 
 8erce(-), see earc and 
 
 arce-. 
 serende, sn., 100 n. 4 ; 
 
 248. 1. 
 
 9ereiid(w)reca, win., 
 
 164 N. 2. 
 terendwr^cc(e)an, wv., 
 _ 407 N. 17. 
 gerest(a), sup., 196. 1 ; 
 
 311 ; 313; 328 ; 
 
 serest ^inga, adv., 
 
 320. 
 ajrfe, see ierfe. 
 gerist, smf . , 266 and n. 
 _ 1 ; 269 and n. 4. 
 gerlest, see ar least. 
 sern, sn., 43. 3 ; 79 n. 
 
 2; 89 N. 4; 179. 1. 
 gernan, w^v., 79 n. 2 ; 
 _ 89n. 4; 405 N. 1. 
 gerra, comp., 313 ; 328. 
 sesc, sm., 89. 2. 
 gesce, wf., 206.3. 6. 
 gesc^rote, wf., 278 n. 1. 
 sesp, smf. ? 204. 3. 
 sespe, wf., 89. 2 
 gespryng, -spring, sf., 
 
 31 N. ; 266 and n. 1. 
 set, prep., adv., 51 
 
 and N. 
 setgaru, sm.(?), 273 
 
 N. 3. 
 JE^el-, 199 N. 1. 
 ^.«elbriht, pr. n., 179. 
 
 2. 
 se'Sele, adj., 60 n. 2. 
 ^«elgeard, pr. n.,212 
 
 N. 1. 
 
 re'Seling, sm., 50 n. 2. 
 Eet?m, sm., 57. 2. 
 aethrine, sm., 263. 1. 
 geththse, see o'S'Se. 
 sethwa, pron., 347. 
 few, see se. 
 Swan, see lewan. 
 Swfsest, see geffest. 
 sex, sf., 50 N. 2; 209; 
 
 258. 2. 
 Afene, pr. n., 194. 
 afora, wm., 103 n. 2. 
 agan, anv., 232. b; 
 
 420. _2 and n. 2. 
 agehwser, adv., 321 
 
 N. 2. 
 
 agen (segen), adj., 
 128. 2; 144. a; 147; 
 231 N. 3 ; 378 n. 1. 
 
 agend, m., 286. 
 
 aglSc(e)a, wm., 214 
 
 N. 2. 
 
 agnian, wv., 214 n. 2 ; 
 
 412 N. 5, 6, 9 ; 414 
 
 N. 2. 
 agsian, ah, see ascian, 
 
 ac. 
 ahlffica, ahnian, ahsian, 
 
 aht,seeaglSc(e)a, ag- 
 nian, ascian, awuht. 
 ahwa, pron., 346. 
 ahwger (awer), adv., 
 
 43 N. 4 ; 57 N. 2 ; 321 
 
 N. 2. 
 ahwset, ahwylc, pron., 
 
 346. 
 ahwse^er(aw'5er, a'Ser), 
 
 pron., 222 N. 1; 346. 
 ahx(s)ian, see ascian. 
 alan, sv., 392 n. 1. 
 aid, aid, aldian, see 
 
 eald, adl, ealdian. 
 Aldwini, pr. n., 263 
 
 N. 5. 
 all, almechttig, alo'S, 
 
 am, see eall, ael- 
 
 mi(e)htig, ealu,eom. 
 an, see on. 
 an-, see qu-. 
 an, num., 90 ; 188 n. 
 
 5 ; 324. 1 ; 327 ; anra 
 
 gehwelc, pron., 324. 
 
 1 ; 347 ; instr. , gene, 
 
 237 N. 2 ; 331 ; Sne 
 
 siSa, adv.,320; 331. 
 ancsum, anxum, ancx- 
 
 sumnys, see Qngsum, 
 
 Qngsuinnys. 
 and, see Qiid. 
 and-, see qu-, Qnd-. 
 andustriga, wv., 412 
 
 N. 9. 
 aneage, -lege, jeniege, 
 
 adj., 100 N. 5, 7. 
 anfeald, adj., 330 and 
 
 N. 1. 
 
INDEX 
 
 375 
 
 aninga, see animga. 
 anlic, adj., 100 n. 3. 
 anliepe, -ig (anlape ; 
 
 senllepe, -ig), adj., 
 
 100 N. 5 ; 217 ; 329 
 
 N. 3. 
 ant-, see gnd-. 
 aiiunga (aninga, £en- 
 
 inga), adv., 318 n. 
 anwiht, n., 348. 1. 
 appla, see ceppel. 
 apuldre, wf., 103; 228. 
 ar, sm., 273. 
 ar, sf.,44N. 1; 134. b; 
 
 252 and n. 4 ; 276 n. 
 
 3.6. 
 arc, sm., 10 ; 79 n. 3 ; 
 
 162. 2. 
 arce- (serce-), 79 n. 3. 
 arcebiscop, sm., 79 
 
 N. 3. 
 arg, see earg. 
 arian, wv., 411 n. 5 ; 
 
 412 N._6, 6, 8. 
 arleast (airiest), f., 100 
 
 N. 5. 
 arm, arn, see earm, 
 
 iernan. 
 arod, adj., 103. 
 aron, see eom. 
 gearwyr^ian, wv., 412 
 
 N. 5. 
 asce, wf., 10; 160. 3; 
 
 204. 3 ; 209. 
 ascian, wv. , 204. 3 ; 
 _209; 411 N. 4. 
 Asgout, pr. n., 26 n. 
 assa, wm., 10 ; 202. 
 asse(n), swf., 10. 
 at, atelic, see set, atoUic. 
 atelucost, adv. , 43 n. 3. 
 a«, sm., 62; 239. 1. a. 
 a'Ser, a^l, see ahwse'Ser, 
 
 adl. 
 atol, adj., 50. 1 ; 103 
 
 and N. 2 ; 147. 
 atollic, adj., 231. 4. 
 ator (attor), sn., 139 
 
 and N. ; 229 ; 244. 
 
 1. 
 
 Atsur, pr. n., 205. a 
 
 and N. 1. 
 aulit, au'5er,seeawuht, 
 
 ahwae'Ser. 
 Avene, see Afene. 
 awer, awSer, see 
 
 ahwEer, ahwse'Ser. 
 awuht (auht, aht ; 
 
 awiht), n., 6 k. 1 ; 
 
 344. 3 and n. 3. 
 awul, sf., 73. 1. 
 ax(s)e, ax(s)ian, see 
 
 asce, ascian. 
 Azur, see Atsur. 
 
 ba, see begen. 
 
 bacan, sv., 368 n. 4 ; 
 
 392 N. 1. 
 badu, see beadu. 
 boec, sn., 240. 
 baecere, see baezere. 
 bsecestre, wf., 276 n. 4; 
 
 _278. 
 bsedan, wv., 405 n. 3. 
 bsedzere, see bsezere. 
 baeftan, adv., 110 n. 4. 
 abselgan, see abielg- 
 
 (e)an. 
 bser, adj., 294. 
 -bsere, adj., 299. 
 baernan, wv., 79 n. 2 ; 
 
 89 N. 4 ; 405. 1. a ; 
 
 406 N. 2. 
 baernet, sn., 231. 4. 
 baers, sm., 179. 1. 
 baerst, see berstan. 
 beetan, wv., 405 n. 8. b. 
 bae-S, sn., 103; 240. 
 baezere, sm., 205 n. 1. 
 balca, wm., 80 n. 3. 
 ballice, see bealdlice. 
 Ba]thh(ae)ard, pr. n., 
 
 201. 2. 
 baiu, sn., 103 n. 1; 
 
 134. d ; 249 and n. 1. 
 balzam, subst., 205 n. 
 
 1. 
 ban, sn., 12 ; 239. 1. 6. 
 barn, see biernan. 
 basu, adj., 300 and n. 
 
 batwa, see begen. 
 beacen, sn., 99; 108. 
 
 2 ; 141 ; 163 ; 243. n. 
 beada, see beodan. 
 beadu, sf., 103 n. 2 ; 
 
 134. d; 174. 2; 260 
 
 and N. 1. 
 beag, sm., 63; 108. 2; 
 
 163 ; 214. 1. 
 beald, adj., 201. 2. 
 bealdlice, adv., 198. 3. 
 bealu, .see balu. 
 beam, sm., 37. 1 ; 150 
 
 N. 1. 
 
 bean, sf., 35 n. 2. 
 beara, see beran. 
 bearg, sm., 162. 2. 
 beam, sn., 239. 1. 6. 
 bearna, see biernan. 
 beam, sm., 103 n. 1 ; 
 
 134. d ; 174. 2 ; 249. 
 beatan, sv., 366 n. 2 ; 
 
 371 N. 3 ; 396. 2. a. 
 beaw, sm., 250. 1. 
 bee, see boc. 
 becen, -on, -un, see 
 
 beacen. 
 gebed, sn., 104. 3; 
 
 241. 
 b^d(d), sn., 231. 1; 
 
 247. b. 
 geb^dda,wf.,278 n. 4. 
 bedecian, wv. , 41 1 n. 4. 
 beg, see beag. 
 begen, ba, bti, num., 
 
 60 N. ; 324 n. 1. 
 b^lg, see bielg. 
 belgan, sv., 213; 214; 
 
 387 N. 1. 
 bellan, sv., 387 n. 1. 
 ben, sf., 269. 
 b^nc, sf., 269. 
 b^nd, smf., 266 and n. 
 
 1. 
 b^ndan, wv., 405 n. 
 
 11. a. 
 b^n(n), sf., 258. 1. 
 geb^nn, sn., 267. a. 
 beo, bio, wf., 114. 2 ; 
 
 166 N. 7 ; 278 n. 2. 
 
376 
 
 INDEX 
 
 beo-, biobread, sn., 166 
 
 N. 7. 
 beoc, see boc. 
 beod, sm., 64 ; 150 n. 2, 
 beodan, sv., 40. 1 ; 150 
 
 N. 1, 2, 3; 371 N. 4; 
 
 384. 1. 
 beodern, sn., 43. 3. a. 
 beofian, see bifiaii. 
 beofor, sm., 104. 2. 
 beom, sm., see beam, 
 beon, blon, auv., 114. 
 
 2 ; 150 N. 6 ; 350. 2 ; 
 
 427. 2 and n. 5-8. 
 beora(n), see beran. 
 beorcan, sv., 388 n. 1. 
 beorg, sm., 214. 1. 
 beorgan, sv., 164. 1 ; 
 
 181. 1; 213; 388 n. 
 
 1,3. 
 beorht, adj., 164. 1 and 
 
 N. 4; 179. 2; 221. 1. 
 beorhtnian, w^v., 412 
 
 N. 7. 
 beorna(n), seebiernan. 
 Beornice, pr. n., 264. 
 beosu, see besu. 
 beot, biot, sn., 43 n. 
 
 4; 114 N. 1. 
 beotian, biotian, wv., 
 
 166 N. 6. 
 beow, sn., 250. 1. 
 *be(o)wian, wv., 408 
 
 N. 15. 
 bera, wm., 107. 2. 
 beran, sv., 17 ; 53 ; 54. 
 
 6 ; 107. 2 and n. 2 ; 
 
 131 ; 134. b ; 160. 1 ; 
 
 164 N. 2 ; 186 n. 3 ; 
 
 296 N. 1 ; 366 N. 2 ; 
 
 370 N. 2 ; 371 N. 2, 
 
 3, 6, 7 ; 390 ; 391 n. 
 
 5. 
 b^re, sm., 128. 1 ; 133. 
 
 b ; 263. 1 and n. 4 ; 
 
 288 N. 1. 
 b(^re(r)n, sn., 43. 3. a. 
 berg, see bearg. 
 berga(n), see beorgan 
 
 and bierg(e)an. 
 
 berbt, berhta, berht- 
 
 niga, see beorht, 
 
 bierhtan, beorht- 
 nian. 
 b^rian, wv., 400 n. 1. 
 b^rie, wf., 175. 2. 
 b^riga, see bierg(e)an. 
 berstan, sv., 79 n. 2 ; 
 
 359. 3 ; 389 and n. 2. 
 besig, see bysig. 
 besu, adj., 300. 
 b^t, adv., 133 n. 1 ; 
 
 182 ; 323. 
 betan, wv., 405 n. 8. 6, 
 
 10 ; 406 N. 6. 
 bete, wf., 58 n. 2. 
 b^t(e)ra, b^ttra, comp., 
 
 228; 312. 
 b^t(e)st(a), b^zt(a), 
 
 sup., 205. b and n. 
 
 1 ; 312 and n. 1. 
 b^'Sian, wv. , 400 n. 2. 
 bl, adv., 24 n. ; 33 n. 
 bia,bian, see beo, beon. 
 bicg(e)an, see bycg- 
 
 (e)an. 
 bidan, sv., 201. 4. b ; 
 
 359. 3 ; 376 n. ; 382 
 
 N. 1. a. 
 biddan, sv. , 54. 6 ; 197 ; 
 
 198. 4. a; 205. 6; 
 
 355 N. 2 ; 357 N. 2 ; 
 
 358 N. 5. 6, 7 ; 359. 
 
 2, 3 and n. 2 ; 367 ; 
 
 372 and n. ; 391. 3 
 
 and N. 9. 
 ble, see beo. 
 biecnan, wv., 99; 358 
 
 N. 4 ; 404. 1. c. 
 bleg(e)an, wv., 31 n. ; 
 
 405 N. 2. 
 bielg,Rm.,159. 3; 266. 
 d,bielg(e)an, wv., 406 
 
 N. 1. 
 
 bleme, wf., 276 n. 3. 
 
 a; 278. 
 blen, see bean, 
 bierce, wf., 206 n. 2. 
 bierg(e)an, wv., 164. 
 
 2 : 405 N. 2. 
 
 bierhtan, wv., 164. 2 
 
 and N. 4. 
 bierhtu, f., 164. 2. 
 biernan, sv., 65 n. 1 ; 
 
 79 N. 2 ; 179. 1 ; 231 
 _N. 1; 386 N. 2, 3. 
 bifian, biofian, wv., 
 
 105 N. 3; 416 n. 14. 
 
 a, 15. a, 16. 
 big, bigan, see bi, 
 
 biegan. 
 big^ng(e)a, wm., 24 n. 
 bigQng (biiQiig), sm., 
 
 214 N. 1. 
 blleofa, wm., 107. 4. 
 bindan, sv., 45. 2, 3 
 
 and N. 2 ; 54. 6 ; 134. 
 
 c; 144 N. 1; 190; 
 
 198. 4. a; 201.4. b ; 
 
 205. b and n. 2 ; 355 
 
 ff. ; 367 ; 368 ; 386 
 
 and N. 3, 4. 
 onbindan, sv., 56 n. 1. 
 binn, sm., 273 n. 1. 
 birciae, birga(n), birht- 
 
 an, birhtu, biriga, 
 
 birnan, see bierce, 
 
 bierg(e)an, bierhtan, 
 
 bierhtu, bierg(e)an, 
 
 biernan. 
 bisce(o)p, sm., 204. 3. 
 bismerian, wv., 364 
 
 N. 4; 412 N. 10; 413 
 
 N. 3. 
 bisnian, wv., 413 n. 3. 
 bispel, sn., 24 n. 
 bita, wm., 107. 5. 
 bitan, sv., 201. 4. a; 
 
 382 N. 1. a. 
 bite, sm., 54. a; 263. 1. 
 bit(t)er, adj., 44 n. 2; 
 
 228 and n. ; 296. 
 blac, blsec, adj., 294 
 
 N. 1. 
 
 blsed, sn., 103; 240. 
 blffidre (blaeddre), wf., 
 
 229. 
 bhxwan, sv., 57. 2. a ; 
 
 62 N. ; 156. 5 ; 396. 
 
 2. c and a. 8. 
 
INDEX 
 
 377 
 
 bledsian, see bletsian. 
 bl^udaii, \vv., 405 n. 
 
 11. a. 
 bleo(h), blio, sn., 114. 
 
 2 ; 223 N. 2 ; 247 n. 
 
 3. 
 gebleo(h), etc., adj., 
 
 297 N. 2 ; 301 n. 2. 
 blerl(eg)e, adj., 214. 5. 
 bletsian, wv., 198. 4. 
 
 a; 205. b; 411 n. 4 ; 
 
 412 N. 6. 
 blewun, see blawan. 
 blican, sv., 382 n. 1. a. 
 bliccettan, wv., 231. 4 ; 
 
 403 N. 
 blice, sm., 263. 1. 
 blind, adj., 54. b. 
 bli'Se, adj., 299, 302 n. 
 bMs, bliss, sf., 201. 
 
 7 ; 231. 1 ; 258. 2. 
 bliSsian, blissian, wv., 
 
 201. 7; 411 N. 4; 
 
 412 N. 11. 
 blod, sn., 190. 
 blodl^s(wu), sf., 260 
 
 and N. 3. 
 blQndan, sv., 395. 1, 
 ablgngen, part., 395 n. 
 
 2. 
 blotan, sv., 396. 2. b. 
 blowan, sv., 396. 2. b. 
 boc, f., 27 N. ; 60; 94. 
 
 a ; 150. 4 ; 283 ; 284 
 
 N. 1, 2, 4. 
 bocere, sm., 9 n. ; 248. 
 
 1. 
 boda, wm., 25. 1 ; 55. 
 bodian, wv., 360 n. 1 ; 
 
 411 N. 4; 412 N. 2, 
 
 4, 6, 10; 413 N. 3; 
 
 414 N. 4; 416 n. 16. 
 bodig (bodei), sn. , 214. 
 
 2. 
 bog, sm., 214 N. 5. 
 bogan, boian, wv., 414 
 
 N. 5. a. 
 bogincel, sn., 248 n. 4. 
 bold, see botl. . 
 bgna, wm., 227. 
 
 gebQnn, sn., 267 n. 1. 
 bQnnan, sv., 396. 1. b. 
 booflic, see behoflic. 
 borettan, wv., 357 n. 1. 
 bgrn, see biernan. 
 bosm, sm., 142. 
 botl, sn., 183. 2. a; 
 
 196 and n. 1. 
 botm, sm., 142; 196 
 
 N. 2. 
 box, sm., 56 n. 2. 
 brad, adj. comp., 307. 
 brgec, see brucan. 
 breedan, 'roast,' wv., 
 
 405 N. 3. 
 brsedan, ' broaden,' 
 
 wv., 405 N. 3; 406 
 
 N. 3. 
 brsedra, comp., 307. 
 brgedu, f., 279. 
 brsegden, adj., 89. 2. 
 brSw (breaw, breg), 
 
 sm.,112 N. 1,2; 214 
 
 N. 5 ; 266 and n. 3. 
 brastlian, wv., 10. 
 breadru, n. pi., 290 n. 
 
 3. 
 breaw, see brsew. 
 gebrec, sn., 104. 3; 
 
 241. 
 -breca, wm., 107. 2. 
 brecan, sv., 49; 151. 
 
 1 ; 164 N. 2 ; 366 n. 
 
 3; 370 N. 3; 371 n. 
 
 2 ; 378 N. 1 ; 390 n. 
 
 1,4. 
 brecS, bred an, see 
 
 brucan, bregdan. 
 brefian, wv., 192. 2. 
 breg, see brgew. 
 bregdan, sv.,' 55 n. ; 
 
 214. 3 and n. 8 ; 359 
 
 N. 3 ; 389 and n. 1. 
 brego (breogo), sm., 
 
 104 N. 1; 271. 
 brehg, breht, seebrsew, 
 
 beorht. 
 -breht, pr. n., 179. 2. 
 brehta, see bierhtan. 
 breme, adj., 299. 
 
 br^ng(e)an, wv., 407 
 
 N. 15 {see bringan). 
 breocan, see brecan. 
 breotan, sv., 384 n. 1. 
 
 a. 
 abreo^an, sv., 384 n. 
 
 1. a. 
 breowan, sv., 384 n. 1. 
 
 a. 
 brerd, sn., 79 n. 2. 
 brestan, see berstan. 
 bridels, sm., 238 n. 2. 
 brig, see briw. 
 -briht, pr. n., 179. 2. 
 brim, sn., 105.3; 241. 
 bringan, swv. , 67 ; 125 ; 
 
 181. 1; 190; 215; 
 
 359 N. 4; 407, 1 and 
 
 N. 15. 
 briw (brig), sm., 250 
 
 N. 2. 
 broc, f., 284. 
 brocian, wv., 414 n. 2. 
 broden, see bregdan. 
 broga, wm., 276 n. 3. 
 
 6; 277. 
 brohte, see bringan. 
 brom, sm., 68. 
 brQnd, sm., 65. 
 broSor, m., 45. 5; 285 
 
 and N. 4. 6. 
 gebro'Sor, m. pi., 285. 
 brti, sf., 255 n. 4. 
 brucan, sv., 61 ; 96. a ; 
 
 154 ; 163 N. 1 ; 385 
 
 and N. 3, 4. 
 bryce, 'breaking,' sm., 
 
 263. 1. 
 bryce, 'use,' sm., 
 
 263. 1. 
 bryce, adj., 133. a; 
 
 302. 
 bryce, adj., 302. a. 
 brycg, sf., 206 n. 5 ; 
 
 258. 1. 
 bryd, sf., 96. a; 269. 
 brygd, sm., 266. 
 bryne, sm., 263. 1. 
 onbryrdan, wv. , 180 ; 
 
 405 N. 11. a. 
 
378 
 
 INDEX 
 
 onbryrdnis, sf., 180. 
 brytofta, pL, 201. 4. b. 
 brytsena, pi., 205. b. 
 bu, see begen. 
 biian, auv., 61; 116 
 
 and N. ; 355 n. 3 ; 
 
 396 N. 6; 416 n. 11. 
 
 d. 
 bucca, wm. , 55 ; 226 ; 
 
 276 N. 3. c; 277. 
 bufan. adv., 110 n. 4. 
 biigan, sv., 214 n. 1 ; 
 
 Jj85 and n. 3. 
 bnne, wf., 278. 
 burg, 1, 56; 95; 213 
 
 N. ; 214. 1 ; 214 N. 5; 
 
 284 andv. 1, 2, 4. 
 -burg, pr. n., 284 n. 
 
 6. 
 burna, wm., 179. 1 ; 
 
 231 N. 1. 
 butan, adv., 110 n. 4, 
 onbutan, abutan, adv. , 
 
 188 N. 3. 
 butor, sm., 128 n. 2. 
 butu, buwian (by a), 
 
 see begen, buan. 
 bycg(e)an, w^v., 31 n. ; 
 
 400 N. 1. 6; 407. 1 
 
 and N. 8 ; 410 n. 5. 
 byden, sf., 254. 2. 
 bydla, see bytla. 
 abyffan, wv., 192. 1. 
 byge, sm., 263. 1. 
 byldan, wv., 405 n. 11. 
 
 a ; (see bytlan). 
 gebyrd,sn.,267.& ; ge- 
 
 byrdu, f., 267 n. 4. 
 byre, gebyre, sm., 
 
 263. 1. 
 byrg(e)an, wv., 405 
 
 N. 2. 
 byrgend, m., 286 n. 2. 
 byrian, wv., 400 n. 1. 
 byrst, sm., 266. 
 byr«en,sf., 145; 231.4; 
 
 258.1. 
 bysen, sf . , 269. 
 bysig, adj., 154. 
 by«me, 196 n. 2. 
 
 bytla (bydla), wv., 
 
 196. 2. 
 bytlan, wv., 404 n. 1. 
 
 b ; (see byldan). 
 
 cae-, see also cea-. 
 csefester, 75 n. 1 ; 89. 3. 
 C£eg, sf.,76. 1; 175.2; 
 
 206 N. 5 ; 258 N. 5 ; 
 _276 N. 4. 
 C8ega(n), see c!eg(e)an. 
 cselcan, see cielc(e)an. 
 cseppe, wf., 75 n. 1. 
 cserse, wv., 75 n. 1 ; 
 
 179. 1 ; 231 N. 1. 
 cahhettan, seeceahhet- 
 
 tan. 
 calan, sv., 76. 1 ; 357 
 
 N. 1; 368 N. 4; 392 
 
 N. 1. 
 
 calend, sm.,12; 50 n. 5. 
 calu, adj., 103; 300. 
 carcern,sn.,10; 79 n. 3. 
 caru, sf., 103 and n. 2 ; 
 
 252 N. 4 ; 253. 
 casere, sm. , 76. 1 ; 207 ; 
 
 248. 1. 
 Casing, pr. n., 215. 
 cassuc, sm., 10. 
 cawl, sm., 6 n. 1. 
 ce-, see also cie-. 
 ceaf, sn., 36. 3; 75. 1 ; 
 
 103 N. 1 ; 206 N. 5 ; 
 
 240 N. 3. 
 ceafias, sm., 75. 1 ; 
 
 183 N. 
 ceaf or, sm., 103 n. 1 ; 
 
 139 N. 
 ceahhettan, wv., 220. 
 ceald,adj.,198.2; 207. 
 acealdian,wv.,41lN.5. 
 cealf, n., 109; 128. 1; 
 
 133. 6 ; 182 ; 288 n. 
 
 1 ; 290 and n. 1. 
 cealf adl, sf., 183 n. 
 cealf re, wf., 192. 2. 
 ceap, sm., 206 n. 5. 
 ceapian, wv., 411 n. 4. 
 cearcern, cearu, see 
 
 carcern, caru. 
 
 ceaster, sf., 75. 1 ; 139; 
 
 157. 3 ; 252 n. 1 ; 
 
 254. 1. 
 cefr, see ceafor. 
 cega(n), ceiga, see 
 
 cieg(e)an. 
 celan, wv., 76. 1 ; 405 
 
 N. 1. 
 celf, see cealf. 
 CQllendre, 76. 1 ; 93. 1. 
 c^mban, wv., 76. 1; 
 
 405 N. 4. 
 c^mes, sf., 76. 1. 
 c^mpa, wm., 76. 1; 
 
 276 N. 3. a; 277. 
 cen, sm. ? 58. 
 cene, adj., 76. 1; 206 
 
 N. 5 ; 207 N. 2 ; 299. 
 cennan, wv., 19. 2 ; 76. 
 
 1 ; 207 and n. 2 ; 
 
 405. 3. 
 Cenred, pr. n., 6 n. 1. 
 C^nt, pr. n., 76. 1; 206 
 
 N. 5 ; 284 N. 7. 
 ceo (cise), wf., 38 n. 2 ; 
 
 114. 2; 277 N. 2; 278 
 
 N. 2. 
 Ceolbreht,pr.n.,179.2. 
 ceole, wf., 75 n. 3; 
 
 107 N. 1 ; 278. 
 ceorfan, sv., 75 n. 3; 
 
 109; 150 N. 3; 388 
 
 N. 1, 5. 
 ceorian, wv., 75 n. 3 ; 
 
 107 N. 1 ; 411 N. 4. 
 ceorl, sm., 75 n. 3; 
 
 150 N. 3 ; 206 n. 5. 
 ceorran, sv., 388 n. 1. 
 ceosan, sv., 42; 63 
 
 64; 100. 1.6; 109 
 
 181.2; 201.6; 202 
 
 207; 234. a; 296 n.1 
 
 306 and n. 1 ; 359. 7 
 
 8 and n. 8 ; 366 n. 3 
 
 371 N. 2, 6; 380 
 
 384. 1 ; 385 n. 4. 
 ceowan, sv., 206 n. 5; 
 
 384. 1. 
 cepan, wv., 76. 1 ; 
 
 405. 4. a. 
 
INDEX 
 
 379 
 
 cerf, see ceorfan. 
 C^rt, pr. n., 284 n. 7. 
 ces, cester,ceyga,chyae 
 
 (cise. -an) see ceosan, 
 
 ceaster, cieg(e)an, 
 
 ceo. 
 cidan, wv. , 405 n. 3. 
 ci(e)cen, sn., 165. 2. 
 ciefes, sf., 75. 1 ; 98. 6; 
 
 254. 2. 
 cieg(e)an, wv., 31 n. ; 
 
 155. 3 ; 159. 4 ; 175. 
 
 2; 176; 403; 405 n. 
 
 2; 408 N. 13; 409; 
 
 410 N. 1, 5. 
 cielc(e)an, 406 n. 6. 
 ciele, sm., 75. 1; 206 
 
 N. 5; 263. 1. 
 ciepan, wv. , 405 n. 8. a. 
 cierm, sm., 159 n. 1 ; 
 
 266. 
 ciernel, sn., 159 n. 1. 
 cierr, sm., 26^. 
 cierran, wv., 154 n. ; 
 
 157. 2; 178. 2. a; 
 
 358 N. 7; 405 n. 6 
 
 and 7 ; 406 n. 1 ; 
 
 409 N. 2. 
 ciese, sm. , 75. 2 ; 206 
 
 N. 5. 
 cietel, sm., 75. 1. 
 cigan, see ciegan. 
 cild,sn.,206N. 5; 207; 
 
 290 N. 2. 
 Cilling, pr. n., 215. 
 cinan, sv,, 382 n. 1. a. 
 cin(in)g, cinn, see cyn- 
 
 ing, cynn. 
 cinu, wf., 107. 5; 278 
 
 N. 1. 
 cipe, wf., 58 N. 2. 
 cirpsian, wv. , 204. 3. 
 cla, see clawu. 
 cl^g, sf. ? 175. 2. 
 cisene, adj., 185; 315. 
 cleene (clane), adv., 
 
 315 and n._3. 
 claensian (clsensnian ; 
 
 clsesnian, clasnian), 
 
 wv., 185; 186. 2; 
 
 411 N. 4 ; 412 N. 5 ; 
 
 414 N. 3. 
 cliBSan, wv., 405 n. 5. 
 clane, clasnian, see 
 
 clffine, adv., clSn- 
 
 sian. 
 clauster, 6 n. 1. 
 clawan, sv. , 392 n. 1, 
 clawu (cla), clea (cleo), 
 
 sf., 73. 1; 110 N. 1; 
 
 111. 1 and N. 1 ; 112 
 
 N. 1 ; 171 N. 1 ; 173. 
 
 1 ; 259 N. 
 cleofa, cliofa, wm., 
 
 107. 4. 
 cleofan, sv. , 384 k. 1. a. 
 cleofian, cleopian, see 
 
 clifian, clipian. 
 clewe'Sa, wm., 73 n. 1. 
 clif, sn., 105 N. 3; 107 
 
 N. 4; 241. 
 clifa, see cleofa. 
 clif an, sv., 382 n. 1. a. 
 clife, wf., 278. 
 clifian, cliofian, wv., 
 
 416 N. 14. a. . 
 climban, climman, sv., 
 
 386 N. 1. 
 clingan, sv., 386 n. 1. 
 clipian (cliopian), wv., 
 
 105 N. 3 ; 411 N. 2 ; 
 
 412 N. 1, 5, 6, 11; 
 
 413 N. 6; 416n. 14.C. 
 cli'Sa, wm., 107. 5. 
 8etcll'5an, sv., 382 n. 
 
 1. h. 
 cli-Se, wl, 278. 
 clugge, wf., 216. 2, 
 cltistor, sn., 139. 
 clycc(e)an, wv., 407 n. 
 
 19. 
 clyniga, wv., 416 n. 11, 
 clynnan, wv., 400 n. 
 
 1. a. 
 clyppan, wv., 405 n. 
 
 8._a; 406 N. 2. 
 beclysan, wv. , 405 n. 1. 
 cngeht, gecnaeS, on- 
 
 cnSw, see cni(e)ht, 
 
 (ou)cnawan. 
 
 cnafa, wm., 189. 
 cnailit, see cni(e)ht. 
 cnapa, wm., 189. 
 (on)cnawan, sv., 62 n.; 
 
 156. 5; 174. Zand^. 
 
 3; 371 N. 2, 6; 396. 
 
 2. c and n. 8. 
 oncneaw, see oncnaw- 
 
 an. 
 cnedan, sv., 391 n. 1. 
 cneht, see cni(e)ht. 
 cneodau, sv., 384 n. 4. 
 cneolit, see cni(e)ht. 
 cneorift, sf., 193. 1. 
 cneoris (cueoresu), sf., 
 
 258 N. 4. 
 cneo(w), sn., 38 N. 2 ; 
 
 73. 2 and n. 2 ; 113. 
 
 1; 150 N. 7; 156.5; 
 
 174. 1 ; 207 N. 2 ; 
 
 250. 2 and n. 4. 
 oncneu, cneu (cnew), 
 
 see oncnawan, 
 
 cneo(w). 
 cnldan, sv., 382 n. 1. a. 
 cm(e)ht, sm., 6 n. 1 ; 
 
 83; 108. 1; 155. 3; 
 
 164. 1. 
 cnodan, sv., 378 n. 1 ; 
 
 384 N. 4 ; 396 n. 5. 
 cnucian, wv., 55. 
 cnycc(e)an (cnuicca), 
 
 wv., 407 N. 16, 18. 
 cnylla, wv., 405 n. 6. 
 cnyowu, see cneow. 
 cnyssan, wv., 358 n. 5. 
 
 a; 400 n. 1. 6, 2; 
 
 401. 2 and n. 1 ; 
 
 402. 1. 
 
 cnyttan, wv., 400 n. 
 
 1. c. 
 coecca, coern, see cwec- 
 
 c(e)an, cweorn. 
 cofa, wm., 277. 
 cofincel, sn., 248 n. 4. 
 cohhettan, wv., 220. 
 Coinred, pr. n., 6 n. 1. 
 col, sn., 239. 1.6. 
 Coleman, pr. n., 281 
 
 N. 1. 
 
380 
 
 INDEX 
 
 collenferh'5, adj., 387 
 N. 1. 
 
 CQmb, sm., 65. 
 CQiiip, sn., 76. 1. 
 CQndel,sf.,145; 231.5; 
 
 258. 1. 
 CQntware, pr. n., 100 
 
 N. 6 ; 263 N. 7. 
 copor, sn. ? 56 n. 2. 
 cops, see cosp. 
 corn, sn., 76. 1. 
 cornuc, sm., 179. 1. 
 cosp, sm., 202 ; 204. 3 ; 
 
 207. 
 costian, wv., 412 n. 4, 
 
 5, 6, 11 ; 414 N. 4. 
 costung, sf., 255. 1. 
 co^a, see cweSan. 
 crabba, wm., 10. 
 acraeftan, wv., 405 n. 
 
 11. b. 
 crseftga (crsefca, crseft- 
 
 [i]ca), wm., 196. 3. 
 crset, sn., 240 and s. 
 
 1. 
 crawan, sv., 396. 2. c 
 
 and N. 8. 
 Crecas(Creacas),Crece, 
 
 pr. n. , 58 n. 1 ; 204. 
 creda, wm,, 58 n. 2 ; 
 
 277. 
 creopan, sv., 384 n. 
 
 1. a. 
 cribb, sf., 258. 1. 
 crimman, sv. , 386 n. 1. 
 crincan, cringan, sv., 
 
 386 N. 1. 
 crohha, wm,, 220 and 
 
 N. 2. 
 crop(p), sm., 226. 
 crudan, sv., 385 n. 1. 
 cu, f., 116 N. ; 284 and 
 
 N. 4. 
 cucu,cudu,seec(w)ucu, 
 
 c(w)udu. 
 cuman, sv., 68 and n. 
 
 1 ; 70 ; 76. 1 ; 128. 2 ; 
 
 208 ; 230 n. 1 ; 357 
 
 N. 2; 358 N. 1, 7; 
 
 364 N. 1, 4; 371 n. 
 
 2, 6, 7, 9 ; 378 n. 1 ; 
 
 390 N. 2. 
 cumbol, sn., 190. 
 cumpseder, sm., 70. 
 cunnan, anv., 186. 1. ^; 
 
 186. 2. a; 360 n. 3 ; 
 
 422. 5 and n. 2. 
 cunnian, wv. , 411 n. 5. 
 cuS, adj., 76. 1 ; 96. 6; 
 
 186. 1. b and n. 1 ; 
 
 207. 
 forcu'S, adj., 186 n. 3. 
 Cuutferhth, pr. n., 186 
 
 N. 1 ; 199 N. 1. 
 cwacian (cwsecian), 
 
 wv., 162 N. 1. 
 cwse'Sa, see cwe'San. 
 cwalu, sf., 253. 
 cwea'Sa, see cwe^an. 
 cw^cc(e)an, wv., 400 n. 
 
 1. c; 407. 1 and is. 9. 
 cwelan, sv., 390 n. 1. 
 cw^l(e)re, sm., 248. 1. 
 *cwellan, sv., 387 n. 1. 
 cw^llan, wv., 156. 1. 6 ; 
 
 407. 1 and n. 1 ; 410 
 
 N. 4. 
 gecweme, adj., 68 n. 2. 
 cwen, sf.,68 n. 2 ; 269 
 
 and N. 1. 
 acw^nc(e)an, wv., 405 
 
 N. 8. c. 
 cwene, wf., 69; 278. 
 Cwen'Sry'5, pr. n., 208. 
 cweodu, see cwudu. 
 cweorn, sf . , 172 n. ; 274 
 
 and N. 1. 
 cweSan, sv., 53; 107. 
 
 2; 156. l.d, 2; 172; 
 
 201. 7 ; 208 ; 232. d ; 
 
 234. b ; 355 n. 1 ; 358 
 
 N. 7 ; 359. 6 and n. 
 
 7 ; 370 N. 6, 7 ; 371 
 
 N.6,7; 391. landN. 
 
 4, 5, 9. 
 cwice, wf., 278. 
 cwician, cwic(u), see 
 
 c(w)ucian, c(w)ucu. 
 cwide, sm., 234. b ; 
 
 263. 1. 
 
 cwielman, wv., 405. 
 
 1. a. 
 
 acwinan, sv., 382 n. 1. 
 
 a. 
 acwincan, sv., 386 n. 
 
 1. 
 cwist, see cweSan. 
 cwi'S, sm., 271. 
 cwiSa, wm., 107 n. 3. 
 cwi'San, wv., 405 n. 5. 
 cwceSa, see cwe'San. 
 forcwolstan, sv. ? 389 
 
 N. 5. 
 acworren, part., 388 n. 
 
 1. 
 cwo^a, see cwe'San. 
 c(w)ucian, wv., 164. 2. 
 c(w)ucu, adj., 71 ; 105. 
 
 1 and N. 1 ; 134. a ; 
 
 164. 2; 172 N. ; 208; 
 
 231 N. 3; 303 and 
 
 N. 1. 
 c(w)udu,.sn., 105. 1; 
 
 249. 
 tocwysan, wv., 405 n. 
 
 1^ 
 gecy, sn. ? 248 n. 1. 
 cyeene, wf., 93. 2. 
 cylu, cylew, adj., 300. 
 cyma, see cuman. 
 cyme, sm., 76. 1 ; 263. 
 
 _1. 
 cyme, adj., 299. 
 cymen, sm., 95. 
 Cymesing, pr. n., 215. 
 cymma, see cuman. 
 gecynd, -e, -u, snf., 
 
 267. b and n. 4 ; 269 
 
 N. 4. 
 cyne-, 207 n. 2. 
 Cyneberht, pr, n., 221 
 
 N. 1. 
 Cynegils, pr. n., 183. 
 
 2. b. 
 
 cyning, sm., 4 n. 2 ; 31 
 
 N.; 206 N. 5; 207 n. 2. 
 cynn, sn., 31 n. ; 76. 
 
 1; 134 N. ; 177. a; 
 
 206 N. 5; 207 and n. 
 
 2; 246; 267. a and &. 
 
INDEX 
 
 381 
 
 cyo, see ceo. 
 
 eyre, sm., 234. a; 263. 
 
 1. 
 cyrfet, sm. ? 192. 2. 
 cyrran, see cierran. 
 cyspan, wv., 405 n. 
 
 8. a. 
 cyssan, wv., 76. 1; 
 
 202 ; 203 ; 206 n. 5 ; 
 
 226 ; 231. 2 ; 359. 7 
 
 and N. 8 ; 405. 3, 4. 
 
 b. 
 cyst^_snL,^_76.JL — 
 cy'San, wv., 76. 1 ; 9 
 
 6; 359. 6; 405 
 
 406 and n. 2, 3^ 
 cp«(u)7cv5, f., 201. 
 
 5 ; 255. 3. 
 
 da, wf. ? 278 n. 2. 
 *dsecc(e)an, wv., 407 
 
 N. 19. 
 daed, si, 91; 269 and 
 
 N. 6. 
 gedaefen, see gedafen. 
 gedsefnian, see gedaf- 
 
 enian. 
 gedseftan, wv., 405 n. 
 
 11. b. 
 dieg, sm., 14 ; 49 ; 50. 
 
 1, 2 ; 151. 1 and n. ; 
 
 162 N. 1 ; 187 ; 197 ; 
 
 213; 214. 2 and n. 
 
 3 ; 237 N. 2, 4 ; 240 ; 
 
 294 N. 1 ; daeges, 
 
 adv. , 320 ; to d8eg(e), 
 
 adv., 237 n. 2. 
 dseglanges, adv., 319. 
 Dsegmund, pr. n. , 
 
 214. 2. 
 deegred, sn., 57 n. 2. 
 dseig, see dseg. 
 d^l, sm.,90;240;266. 
 dselan, wv., 151. 1 ; 
 
 360 N. 2; 405. 1. a. 
 dserstan, w. pi., 179. 
 
 1. 
 gedafan, sv., 368 n. 4. 
 gedafen, part., 392 n. 
 
 1. 
 
 gedafenian, wv., 50 n. 
 
 1; 411 N. 4; 412 n. 
 
 2, 5 ; 414 N. 4. 
 dahum, see dseg. 
 dale, sm., 80 n. 3. 
 dare's, sm., 103 and n. 
 
 2; 245. 
 David, pr. n., 194. 
 deadian, wv., 412 n. 5, 
 
 6, 7, 9. 
 gedeafeiiian, see gedaf- 
 enian. 
 deagian, wv., 214 n. 
 
 5. 
 deagol, see diegol. 
 deall, adj., 295 n. 1. 
 dear, see deor. 
 dearnunga, adv., 318. 
 dearo'S, see daro'S. 
 dear(r), anv., 178. 2. 
 
 b; 234. a; 422. 7 
 
 and N. 4. 
 dea'S, sm., 273 and n. 
 
 1. 
 deaw, smn., 250. 1. 
 gedeaw, adj., 301. 
 dee(e)an, wv., 407 n. 
 
 17. 
 gedefe, adj., 302 n. ; 
 • 315. 
 
 gedefe, adv., 315. 
 deg, deglan, dei(-), del- 
 
 an, see d?eg, dieglan, 
 
 d8eg(-), dselan. 
 delfan, sv. , 360 n. 1 ; 
 
 387 N. 1, 6. 
 dema, wm., 276 n. 3. 
 
 b; 277. 
 deman, wv.,94.a; 150. 
 
 4; 177. b; 355 ff. ; 
 
 372; 404; 405. 1. a; 
 
 406 N. 1 ; 409 ; 410. 
 
 3 and n. 4. 
 demend, m., 286. 
 d^mm, sm., 266. 
 den, part., see don. 
 d^ne, sm., 263. 1. 
 D^ne, pr. n. , 263. 1 and 
 
 N. 2. 
 d^nu, sf., 69; 253. 
 
 dgofol, diofol, sn., 114. 
 
 2 ; 144. a and n. 1 ; 
 
 150 N. 7 ; 166 N. 6 ; 
 
 192 N. 2. 
 deofollie, adj., 145 n. 
 *deon, *dion, wv., 408 
 
 N. 17. 
 deep, adj., 229. 
 deor, sn., 64 ; 150 n. 1, 
 
 3; 239. 1. b. 
 deore, see diere. 
 deorfan, sv., 388 n. 1. 
 Deosdedit, pr. n., 64 
 
 Dere, pr. n., 264. 
 dorian, wv., 400 n. 1 ; 
 
 409 N. 1. 
 d^rne, see dierne. 
 diabul, diaful, see 
 
 deofol. 
 *dian, see *deon. 
 diawul, see deofol. 
 diedan, wv., 405 n. 3. 
 dieglan, wv., 214 n. 2 ; 
 
 358 N. 4 ; 404. 1. c ; 
 
 406 N. 5. 
 diegol, adj., 214 n. 5; 
 
 128. 3; 147. 
 (be)diepan, wv., 355 n. 
 
 2 ; 405 N. 8. a. 
 diere, adj., 159. 5. 
 dierne, adj., 159. 2; 
 
 299. 
 digollie, digelie, adj., 
 
 231. 4. 
 dililan, see dieglan. 
 dihtig, see dyhtig. 
 dile, sm., 263. 1. 
 dilg(i)an, wv., 355 n. 
 
 3; 412 N. 4. 
 dimm, adj., 295 n. 2. 
 dinor, sm., 58 n. 2. 
 diobul, dio(v)l, dio- 
 
 w(u)l, diu(bo)l, diul, 
 
 divol, see deofol. 
 dee, see don. 
 doeg, n. (North.), 288 
 
 N. 1 ; 289 N. 2. 
 dofian, wv., 416 n. 15. 
 
 a. 
 
382 
 
 INDEX 
 
 dogga, wm., 216. 2. 
 dogor, n., 289 and n. 
 
 2. 
 dohtor, f., 03. 1; 150. 
 
 4 ; 285 and n. 3, 4. 
 
 d. 
 dol, adj., 204. 
 dom, sm., 44 n. 1 ; 94. 
 
 a; 106; 131; 133. 
 
 c ; 237 N. 1, 2 ; 238. 
 don, an v., 68; 94 n. ; 
 
 133. a and n. 2 ; 350 
 
 N. ; 356 N. 1 ; 360. 
 
 2 ; 361 X. 1 ; 378 n. 
 
 2 ; 429 and notes. 
 donlic, adj., 350 n. 
 gidopta, see ge'Softa. 
 dor, sn., 239. 1. b. 
 draca, wm., 162 n. 1; 
 
 276 N. 3. c; 277. 
 dracentse, wf., 205. a 
 
 and N. 2. 
 drseca, see draca. 
 (on)dr8edan, swv., 188 
 
 N. 3 ; 394. 1 and n. 
 
 2 ; 395. 2. a and n. 
 
 3. 
 drgefan, wv., 405 n. 1. 
 dragan, sv., 213; 368 
 
 N. 3; 371 N. 2; 392 
 
 N. 1. 
 dream, sm., 239. 1. a. 
 dr<^cc(e)an, wv., 407. 
 
 1. 
 drefan, wv., 405 n. 1. 
 dref(e)re, sm., 248. 1. 
 dr^nc, sm., 206. 3. 6; 
 
 266. 
 (a)dr^nc(e)an, wv. , 89, 
 
 4 ; 405 N. 8. c, 10 ; 
 
 406 N. 2, 6. 
 dreogan, sv., 364 n. 1 ; 
 
 384 N. 1. a. 
 dreopan, sv., 384 n. 1. 
 
 a. 
 dreosan, sv., 384 n. 1. 
 
 b. 
 drepan, sv., 391 n. 1. 
 dr^pe, sm., 263. 1. 
 drie, see dryge. 
 
 drifan, sv., 105 n, 3 ; 
 
 197; 359 n. 9; 376 
 
 N. ; 382 N._l. a. 
 drige, see dryge. 
 drinc, sm., 266. 
 drincan, sv., 80. 4 ; 215 
 
 N. 1; 364 N. 1; 386 
 
 N. 1, 3, 4. 
 dring'5, see drincan. 
 dritan, sv., 382 n. 1. a. 
 droh(t)nian, wv., 196 
 
 N. 3._ 
 dropmselum, adv. , 320. 
 (a)drugian (druwian ; 
 
 drygiga), wv., 214. 
 
 8 ; 412 N. 5 ; 416 n. 
 
 11, 17. a. 
 dry, sm. ,117.1 and n. ; 
 
 266 N. 2. 
 dryge, adj., 31 N. ; 206. 
 
 3. b ; 214. 5 ; 299. 
 dryg(e)an, wv., 405 n. 
 
 2. 
 drygiga, see (a)dri:ig- 
 
 ian. 
 dryht, sf., 269. 
 dryhten, sm., 4 n. 2. 
 gedryhtu, sn. pi., 267 
 
 N. 2. 
 drync, sm., 266. 
 drypan, wv. ,405 n. 8. a. 
 drype, sm., 263. 1. 
 dry re, sm., 263. 1. 
 dufan, sv., 385. 
 dugan, anv., 421. 3. 
 dugu«, sf., 186 N. 3; 
 
 254. 2; 269 n. 4. 
 dung, f., 284 and n. 4. 
 *durran, see dearr. 
 duru, sf., 134. a; 274 
 
 and N. 1, 2, 3. 
 durustod, f., 282 n. 
 dust, sn., 186. 1. b; 
 
 106. 1. 
 adwsesc(e)an, wv., 80. 
 
 2 ; 206. 3. b ; 405 n. 
 
 8. c, 10. 
 dw^lian, dw^llan, wv., 
 
 358 N. 5. c; 407. 1 
 
 and N. 2. 
 
 dweorg, sm., 172; 197. 
 gedwild, sn., 267. a. 
 dwinan, sv., 382 n. 1. 
 
 a, 4. 
 gedwolen, part., 390 
 
 N. 1. 
 dwolian, wv. , 411 n. 4 ; 
 
 412 N. 3 ; 413 n. 6. 
 dyhtig, adj., 31 n. 
 dyne, sm., 263. 1 and 
 
 N. 3. 
 gedyne, sn., 263. 2. 
 dyn(n), sm., 247. a; 
 
 263 N. 3. 
 dynnan, dynian, wv., 
 
 400 N. 1. a. 
 dynt, sm., 266. 
 gedyre, sn., 263. 2; 
 
 288 N. 1. 
 gedyrstgian, wv., 412 
 
 N. 11. 
 
 gedyrstig, adj., 234. a. 
 gedyrstl^c(e)an', wv., 
 
 407 N. 17. 
 dysegian, wv., 411 n. 
 
 4. 
 dysig, adj., 214. 6. 
 
 ea, sf., 37. 2; 111. 2; 
 
 166. 1 ; 173. 1 ; 259 
 
 N. ; 284 and n. 4. 
 eac, conj,, 37. 1 ; 63 ; 
 
 163 N. 1 ; 328. 
 eaca, wm., 63 ; 108. 2. 
 eacen, part., 396 n. 5. 
 Eadburg, pr. n., 284 
 
 N. 6. 
 eade, seteade, see gan, 
 
 iewan. 
 eaden, part., 396 n. 5. 
 Eadgils, pr. n., 183. 
 
 2. b. 
 eadig, adj., 296. 
 eadmod, see ea'Smod. 
 eador, see geador. 
 Eadwine, pr. n., 263 
 
 N. 1. 
 eafora, see afora. 
 eafoS, sn., 103 n. 2. 
 eag-, n. ? 289 n. 2. 
 
INDEX 
 
 383 
 
 eage, wn., 108.2; 163; 
 
 276 and n. 3. a, 5, c, 
 
 4, 5 ; 280 and n. 2, 3. 
 eaglas, see geaglas. 
 eagor, n. ? 289 and 
 
 N. 2. 
 eahta, num., 36. 1 ; 45. 
 
 4; 82 ; 221. 1; 325 
 
 and N. 
 eahtatene, num., 325. 
 eahtateoSa, etc. , num. , 
 
 328. 
 hundealitatig, num., 
 
 326 and n. 1. 
 eahtian, wv., 411 n. 4. 
 eahtoSa, etc., num., 
 
 328. 
 eald, adj., 10 n. ; 42. 1 ; 
 
 80 ; 98. a ; 197 ; 295 ; 
 
 307 ; 310. 
 Eald(h)elm, pr. n., 217. 
 ealdian, wv., 412 n. 6. 
 ealdorl^gu, -n^ru, f., 
 
 268. 
 ealdorniQnn, m., 281 
 
 N. 1. 
 ealh, sm., 242. 1. 
 eall, adj., 36. 1 ; 80 n. 
 
 2; 158.2; 226; 231. 
 
 1, 2; 291 N. 1; 295 
 
 N. 1 ; 347. 
 ealla, see gealla. 
 ealles, adv., 319. 
 ealling, see ealneg. 
 eallunga, adv., 318. 
 ealneg (ealnuweg, eal- 
 
 ning, ealling) adv., 
 
 172 N. 
 ealu, n., 36. 2; 86; 
 
 103 ; 281. 2. 
 eam, see eom. 
 Eanberht, pr. n., 221 
 _ N. 1. 
 
 EanfliM, -fled, pr. n., 
 _ 57 N. 2. 
 Eangeard, pr. n., 212 
 
 N. 1. 
 
 eappul, see seppel. 
 ear, sm.. 111. 2; 228 ; 
 289. 
 
 earbed, earc, see ear- 
 
 fo'5, arc. 
 eard, sm., 273. 
 eardian, wv., 197 ; 356 
 
 N. 1; 411 N. 4; 412 
 
 N. 3, 6. 
 eare, wn., 150 n. 1 ; 
 
 181. 2 ; 276 n. 2, 3. 
 
 a, 4, 6 ; 280 and n. 
 
 2 3. 
 earfoS, sn.,191; 192.2 
 
 and N. 2. 
 earfoSe, adv., 212 n. 2. 
 earg, adj., 162. 2. 
 earm, sm., 36. 1 ; 79. 
 
 1 ; 239. 1. a. 
 earm, adj., 98. a ; 
 
 158. 1 ; 307. 
 earnian, wv., 411 n. 4 ; 
 
 412 N. 7, 10. 
 earon, see gear, 
 earn, adj., 300. 
 earun, see eom. 
 earwicga, wm., 216. 2. 
 easce, see asce. 
 east, adv., 314; 321. 
 (be) eastan, adv., 321. 
 easterra, comp., 314. 
 eastmest, sup., 314. 
 eastron, pi., 150 n. 1 ; 
 
 276 N. 4 ; 278 n. 3. 
 ea'Se, adv., 150 n. 1 ; 
 
 212 N. 2. 
 ea'Smedan, wv., 405 
 
 N. 3. 
 ea«metto, f.,201. 4.^; 
 
 255. 3. 
 ea^mod, adj., 201 n. 3. 
 eatol, eatta, eawan, 
 
 eawfaest, see atol, 
 
 etan, iewan, ^fsest. 
 eawunga, adv., 156 n. 
 
 3; 318. 
 eaxl, sf., 108. 2; 140. 
 ebalsia, see eofolsian. 
 ebreisc, adj., 76 n. 4. 
 ec, eca, eca(n), see eac, 
 
 eaca, Iec(e)an. 
 ^ce, sm., 263. 1. 
 ece, adj., 206. 3. b. 
 
 ^cg, sf., 258. 1. 
 edcwide, sm., 201 n. 1. 
 edl^c(e)an, wv., 201 
 
 N. 1 ; 359 N. 9. 
 edleanian, wv., 412 
 
 N. 5. 
 edor, sm., 104. 3 and 
 
 N. 1. 
 edsceaft (-scsept), sf., 
 
 193. 1. 
 edwitian, wv., 201 
 
 N. 1. 
 edwitscipe, sm. , 201 
 _ N. 1. 
 Efe, see Eve. 
 efenian, see Sfenian. 
 geefenl^c(e)an, wv., 
 
 407 N. 17. 
 ^fes, sf., 93. 1. 
 ^f(e)sian, wv., 411 n. 4. 
 efn, adj., 69; 188. 1; 
 
 193. 2. 
 ^fnan, see sefuan. 
 efn(e), adv., 193. 2. 
 efor(-), see eofor(-). 
 ^fstan, wv., 93. 1; 186 
 
 N. 3 ; 359 N. 1 ; 405 
 
 N. 11. b. 
 ^ft, adv.^ 89 N. 2. 
 eg-, see teg-, 
 ^ge, sm., 261; 263 n. 
 
 4 ; 288 X. 1. 
 ege, see eage. 
 ^genu, sf., 254. 2. 
 ^g(e)sian, wv., 411 n. 
 _4. 
 
 Egipte, pr. n., 264. 
 egiptisc, adj., 76 n. 4. 
 ^glan, wv., 89 n. 2; 
 
 404 N. 1. 6. 
 ^gle, adj., 89 N. 2 ; 303 
 
 N. 2. 
 ^her see sehher. 
 ehtan, wv., 94. c ; 198. 
 
 5 ; 359 N. 1 ; 405. 5 ; 
 406 and n. 6. 
 
 ehtend, m. , 286 n. 2. 
 ehtnis, sf., 125. 
 eihwelc, see geghwelc. 
 el-, 89 N. 1. 
 
384 
 
 INDEX 
 
 elc, elch, see Sic, eolh. 
 ^Icra, comp., 312 n. 2. 
 ^ldra(n), see ieldra(n). 
 ^le, sm., 93.1; 150. 4 ; 
 
 261 ; 203. 1 and n. 4. 
 elh, see eolh. 
 ^lles, adv., 319. 
 ^Imehtig, ^Imestlic,- see 
 
 8ehiii(e)litig, telmes- 
 
 lic. 
 elnboga (elmboga), 
 
 wm., 188. 1. 
 ^Ira, comp., 312 n. 2. 
 ^I'Seode, su., 100. 2, 
 ^rSeodgian, \vv., 413 
 
 N. 7. 
 ^rSeodig, -b'iodig, 
 
 -Siedig, adj., 89 n. 
 
 1 ; 100. 2. 
 em, see efn. 
 em-, emb(e), seeymbe. 
 ^mbehtian, wv., 412 
 
 N. 10. 
 emn, see efn. 
 emniht, sf., 231. 3. 
 ^nd, adv., 323. 
 ^nde, sm., 130 n. ; 246 
 
 and N. 1 ; 248. 1. 
 ge^ndebyrdan, wv., 
 
 180; 405 N. 11. a. 
 ^ndebyrdnis, sf. , 180. 
 ^ndemes(t), adv., 100 
 
 N. 5 ; 319. 
 ^ndian, wv., 411 n. 4 ; 
 
 412 N. 5, 10. 
 endleofan, num., 100 
 
 N. 3 ; 188 N. 1 ; 198 
 
 N. 1 ; 325 and n. 
 hundendly f tig, num . , 
 
 326. 
 enetere, enitre, adj., 
 
 100 N. 3 ; 173 N. 3. 
 ^nge, adj., 315 n. 3. 
 ^Mgel, sm., 89 N. 5 ; 
 
 144. a ; 244. 1. 
 Engle, pr. n., 264. 
 ^nglisc, adj., 1 n. 1. 
 6nig, enitre, enleofan, 
 
 enne, see ienig, ene- 
 tere, endleofan, an. 
 
 ^nt, sm., 266. 
 
 eode, eodor, see gan, 
 
 edor. 
 eofole, wf., 104. 2. 
 eofolsian, wv., 43 n. 4 ; 
 
 104. 2; 218 n. 1. 
 eofor, sm., 39. 2 ; 86 ; 
 
 104. 2. 
 eoforSrote, wf. , 278 n. 
 
 1. 
 Eoforwic, pr. n., 104. 
 
 2. 
 eofot, sn. , 43 n. 4; 
 
 104. 2 ; 218 n. 1. 
 eogo'5, see geogo'5. 
 eoh, sm., 83 ; 222 n. 
 
 1 ; 242. 2. 
 eoh, see iw. 
 eoldran, see ieldran. 
 eolh, sm., 81 ; 164. 1 ; 
 
 223 N. 1 ; 242. 1. 
 eom (eam, am), anv., 
 43 N. 2; 133 n. 2; 
 427. 1 and n. 1 ff. ; 
 neam, etc., 427 n. 
 4. — 2 sing, eart, etc. , 
 427 N. 3, 4.— 3 sing. 
 is,etc.,427N. 2,4. — 
 plur. si(e)ndun, sint, 
 etc., 42. 2; 105 n. 
 7 ; 224 ; 427 n. 1-4 ; 
 earun, aron, 43 n. 
 
 2 ; 360 n; 3 ; 427 n. 
 4. — opt. si(e), seo, 
 etc., 24 N. ; 33 n. ; 
 
 j»114. 4 and n. 3 ; 427 
 _ N. 1-4. 
 Eomser, pr. n., 222 n. 
 
 1. 
 eore, see eare. 
 eorisc, sm., 222 n. 1. 
 eorl, sm., 239. 1. a. 
 eorllic, adj., 231. 3. 
 eormSu, corn, eornam, 
 
 see ierm'Su, georn, 
 
 iernan. 
 eornest, sm., 145; 212 
 
 N. 2. 
 eorod, sn., 43 n. 4 ; 
 
 222 N. 1. 
 
 eorre, see lerre. 
 eorringa, iorringa, 
 
 adv., 318. 
 eorsian, eorum, eos- 
 
 tro, see iersian, eo- 
 
 wer, eastron. 
 eorSe, wf., 39. 1; 79. 
 
 1 ; 276 N. 3. c, 5 ; 
 
 278. 
 eo'Se, see ea'Se. 
 eoton, sm., 144. a. 
 eow, sm., see iw. 
 eow, pron., see M. 
 eowan, see iewan. 
 eowde, sn., 73 n. 1. 
 eower, pron., 144. a 
 
 b; 147; 156. 5 
 
 231. 4; 296 n. 2 
 ^ 335 f . 
 eowian, eowic, eowu, 
 
 eppan, ere, erfe, 
 
 see iewan, 'Sii, ewu, 
 
 yppan, arc, ierfe. 
 ^rian, wv. , 400 n. 1. 
 ^rm'Su, see iermSu. 
 ^sne, sm., 89 n. 2; 
 
 248. 1. 
 esol, sm., 128 n. 2. 
 est, sf., 186. 1. b; 269. 
 etan, sv., 54. 6 ; 92 ; 
 
 195; 201. 4. a; 230 
 
 N. 1; 359. 3; 364 
 
 N. 1 ; 370 N. 2 ; 
 
 371 N. 2, 3,6,7; 391 
 
 N. 3. 
 e'Sbegeate, adj., 100 
 
 N. 7. 
 e(Sel,sm., 94 n. ; 144. a 
 
 and N.l ; 201. 3. 
 e'5r, see sedr. 
 e;^cS(Sa, see o'S'Se. 
 Eve, pr. n., 194. 
 ewan, see iewan. 
 ewe, -u, eowu, sf., 73 
 
 N. 1 ; 258 N. 2. 
 ewunga, see eawunga. 
 Exanceaster, pr. n., 
 
 284 N. 7. 
 ^xen, exl, see oxa, 
 
 eaxl. 
 
INDEX 
 
 385 
 
 gefa, wm., 118. 1. b ; 
 
 277 N. 2. 
 facen, sn., 141 ; facne, 
 
 adv., 320. 
 fgec, sn., 240. 
 faecele, wf., 128 n. 2. 
 ffficne, adj., 298 n. ; 
 
 299. 
 feeder, m., 44 n. 2 ; 
 
 160. 3 ; 192. 1 ; 285 
 
 and N. 2, 4. a. 
 f^es, see feoh. 
 fffig(e)an (?), wv., 199 
 
 N. 1 ; 408 N. 18. 
 (ge)f8egen, adj., part., 
 
 391 N._6. 
 f?eger, fseger, adj., 14 ; 
 
 49 ; 139 ; 147 ; 148 ; 
 
 231. 4 ; 296 and n. 
 
 2, 3 ; 307. 
 gefseht, see gefeoht. 
 f^h«u, 1, 222. 1. 
 f^mne, wf., 276 n. 3. 
 
 b. 
 f8era(n), see faran. 
 faereld, su., 145; 183. 
 
 2. b. 
 fsest, adj., 196. 1. 
 f 8estan, wv. , 89. 2 ; 
 
 359. 3; 405. 5 and 
 
 N. 10, 12 ; 406 N. 3, 
 
 6 ; 416 N. 9. 
 fsestern, sn., 4 n. 2. 
 fsestnian (faesnian), 
 
 wv., 196 N. 3; 411 
 
 N. 4 ; 412 N. 2, 5. 
 feet, sn., 14; 50. 1, 2; 
 
 103 ; 134. b ; 160. 1 ; 
 
 240 and N. 1, 2 ; 294 
 
 N. 1. 
 fgetan, wr. , 405 n. 8. b. 
 fgetels, sm., 145; 238 
 
 N. 2 ; 244. 1. 
 fse'Sm, sm., 142. 
 (ofer)f8eSman, wv. , 89. 
 
 2 ; 404 N. 1. b. 
 gefagen, see gefsegen. 
 fagenian, wv., 50 n. 1 ; 
 
 214 N. 2 ; 411 N. 4. 
 fah, adj., 295 n. 1. 
 
 fahnian, see fagenian. 
 falsed (falud), fald, sn., 
 
 80 N. 3. 
 fallan, see feallan. 
 falu, adj., 103 n. 1; 
 
 300. 
 famig, adj., 296. 
 faran, sv., 49 n. 2 ; 50. 
 
 1 and N. 2; 50. 2; 
 60; 89. 3; 134. c; 
 160. ianda. 1 ; 367 ; 
 368 and n. 2, 3, 4 ; 
 
 370 N. 1 ; 371 N. 2, 
 6, 7, 8 ; 378. 1 ; 392. 
 
 fatas, 3 pi., see f^c- 
 
 c(e)an. 
 faSu, wf., 103; 278 n. 
 
 1. 
 fea, see feawe. 
 gefea, wm.. 111. 2; 
 
 277 N. 2. 
 feadur, etc., see feeder, 
 gefeaga, wv. , 166. 2 ; 
 
 371 N. 7 ; 391 N. 6 ; 
 414 N. 5. c. 
 
 feala, fealan, see fela, 
 
 feolan. 
 -feald, num. adj., 330. 
 fealdan, sv., 396. 1. a. 
 feallan, sv., 10 n. ; 80 
 
 and N. 2; 158. 2; 
 
 201. 2 ; 226 ; 357 n. 
 
 2 ; 359. 1 ; 360 N. 2 ; 
 369; 394. 2 and N. 3; 
 371 N. 2, 3, 6 ; 396. 
 1. a and n. 1. 
 
 fealu, fearan, fearfald, 
 
 see falu, faran, feo- 
 
 «orfald. 
 fearh, sm., 242. 1. 
 gefearh, adj., 295 n. 1. 
 leas, featu, see feoh, 
 
 feet, 
 feawe, -a, adj., 73. 1 ; 
 
 107 N. 2 ; 301 N. 1. 
 feax, sn., 82; 108. 2 ; 
 
 221. 2. 
 f^cc(e)an (f^tian), wv., 
 
 196. 3; 206. 4; 414 
 
 N. 1 ; 416 N. 15. b. 
 
 gifect, see gefeoht. 
 fedan, wv., 405 n. 3. 
 fefor, sm., 192. 2 and 
 
 N. 2. 
 
 gefeg, sn., 267. a. 
 feg(e)an, wv., 405. 1. 
 
 b and n. 2. 
 feh,felita(n), see feoh, 
 
 feohtan. 
 fela (feala; feola, -u), 
 
 n., 107. 2 and n. 2; 
 
 134. a;150N.2;275; 
 
 301 N. 1 ; 317. 
 f^lcyrf, smn.? 267. a. 
 feld (felt), sm., 134. a; 
 
 201. 2; 224; 272; 
 
 273 and n. 2. 
 felt, sn. ? 288 n. 1. 
 f el tun, sm., 231. 3. 
 f^ng, sm., 266. 
 fenix, sm., 58 n. 2. 
 feo, see fon. 
 feog(e)an, fiog(e)an, 
 
 wv., 114. 2; 166 n. 
 
 7 ; 416. 1 and s. 7. 
 feoh, sn., 83; 113. 2; 
 
 150 N. 3 ; 164. 1 and 
 
 N. 1 ; 166 N. 2 ; 218. 
 
 2; 223 and n. 2; 
 
 242. 2 and n. 2; 
 
 275. 
 feoht, sf., 254. 1. 
 gefeoht, sn., 164 n. 1 ; 
 
 221 N. 1. 
 feohtan, sv., 83; 388 
 
 and N. 3. 
 feola, see fela. 
 feolan, sv., 81 ; 164. 1, 
 
 2; 218. 1; 371 n. 6 ; 
 
 387 N. 4. 
 feolu, see fela. 
 gefeon, gefion, sv. , 82 ; 
 
 83; 113. 2; 166 n. 
 
 2 ; 358 N. 7 ; 359 n. 
 
 9; 373; 374 n. 2,3, 
 
 4, 6; 391.2. 
 feond, fiond, m., 114. 
 
 2 ; 150 N. 5 ; 166 n. 
 
 6; 286 and n. 1; 
 
 287. 
 
386 
 
 INDEX 
 
 feorh (feorg), su., 79 
 N. 1 ; 218. 1 ; 223 and 
 N. 1 ; 242. 1 ; 273. 
 
 feorhl^gu, -n(^rn, f., 
 
 268. 
 feormian, \vv., 357 n. 
 
 1. 
 feor(r), adv., 100. 1. a ; 
 
 231. 1; 313; 321. 
 feorran, adv., 178. 2. 
 
 a; 226; 321. 
 afeorran, feortig, see 
 
 afierraii, feowertig. 
 feorSa, feowerSa, 
 
 num., 328. 
 feoSor-, num., 325. 4. 
 feoSorfald, num., 330 
 
 N. 1. 
 feotod, feotor, see 
 
 f^cc(e)an, fetor. 
 feo(u)ug, fIo(u)ng, sf., 
 
 119. 
 feower, num., 156. 5 ; 
 
 325 and n. ; 327 ; 329 
 
 N. 3; 331. 
 feowertene, num., 325 
 
 and N. 
 f eowerte(o)g(e)5a, num., 
 
 328. 
 feower'Sa, see feor'Sa. 
 feowertig, num., 326 
 
 and N. 1. 
 feran, wv., 405 n. 1. 
 f^rd, see fierd. 
 fer(h)S, sm., 221. 1. 
 f^rian, wv., 358 n. 5. 
 
 c ; 400 N. 1 ; 409 n. 
 
 1 ; 410 N. 5. 
 fers, sn., 192 n. 1. 
 fersc, adj., 79 n. 2 ; 
 
 179. 1. 
 geferscipian, wv., 412 
 
 N. 6. 
 festnian, fet, see ffest- 
 
 nian, ffet. 
 fetan, sv., 391 n. 1. 
 fcjtian, see f<^cc(e)an. 
 fetor, sra., 104. 3 and 
 
 N. 1. 
 feurstuSu, f., 282 n. 
 
 fewer, fex, liah, see 
 
 feower, feax, feoh. 
 tiell, sm., 80 N. 2; 266. 
 tiellan, wv., 405 n. 6. 
 geflend, m. pi,, 286. 
 lierd, sf., 159. 2; 269. 
 fierr, adv., 159 n. 1 ; 
 
 323. 
 fierra, comp., 313. 
 afierran, wv., 100. 1. 
 
 a and n. 2 ; 159 n. 
 
 1; 178. 2. a; 405. 3. 
 fierrest(a), 3up., 313. 
 fierst, sm., 100. 1. a; 
 
 266. 
 fif, num., 186. 1. a; 
 
 192. 1 ; 325 and n. ; 
 
 331. 
 fifta, num., 328. 
 fiftene, num., 325 ancZ 
 
 N. 
 
 fifte(o)g(e)'Sa, num., 
 
 328. ^ 
 fif tig, num., 326 and 
 
 N. 1 ; 328. 
 *figan, sv., 382 n. 1-. a. 
 figa(n), wv,, see feo- 
 
 g(e)an. 
 fihl, smn. ? 222 n. 4. 
 fili(g)an, see f ylg(e)an. 
 findan,sv.,192. 1;359. 
 
 2, 3 ; 386 n. 1, 2. 
 finger, sm., 139; 148. 
 finu(g)l(e), swf., 105. 
 
 3 ; 214 N. 9. 
 firas, sm., 218 n. 1. 
 firen, sf., 135. 1; 254. 
 
 2 ; 255. 2. 
 cifirran, see afierran. 
 fisc, sm., 202; 204. 3. 
 fiscere, sm., 248. 1. 
 fit, sf., 258. 1. 
 fix, see fisc. 
 fla, wf., 278 N. 2. 
 flacor, adj., 103. 
 -flied, see -fled, 
 fltesc, sn., 206. 3. b; 
 
 267. a ; 288 n. 1. 
 flah, sn., 242.2. 
 flah, adj., 295 n. 1. 
 
 flasce, flaxe, wf., 10. 
 flea, wmf.,242. 2; 27/ 
 
 N. 2. 
 fleah, sm., 242. 2. 
 fleah, sn., 242. 2. 
 fleam, sm., 222. 2. 
 flean,sv.. 111. 2 ; 373; 
 
 392. 2. 
 flea(n), 'flee,' see fleon. 
 fleax, sn., 108. 2. 
 -fled, pr. n., 57 n. 2. 
 flega(n), flege, see 
 
 fleogan, fleoge. 
 fleo, flio, sn. ? 242. 2. 
 fleogan, sv. , 165. 1 and 
 
 N. 1 ; 384 N. 1. a, 2 ; 
 
 385 N. 3. 
 fleoge, wf., 165. 1. 
 fleon, flion, sv., 119; 
 
 165. 1 and-ii. 1 ; 165. 
 
 2 ; 166. 3 and n. 3 ; 
 
 222. 2; 359 n. 9; 
 
 371 N. 4; 373; 374 
 
 N. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6; 
 
 384 N. 2; 384. 2; 
 
 385 N. 3. 
 fleos, sn., 267. a. 
 fleotan,sv.,384 n. 1. a. 
 fleowS, see flowan. 
 flet(t), sn., 247. h. 
 flex, afllan, see fleax, 
 
 (a)flieg(e)an. 
 flie, sn., 242. 2. 
 (a)flieg{e)an, wv., 31 
 
 N. ; 159. 4; 214. 5; 
 
 359 N. 6 ; 405 n. 2. 
 flieman, wv., 405 n. 1. 
 flies, sn., 267. a. 
 fligan, see fleogan. 
 geflit, sn., 105. 3 and 
 
 N. 6 ; 241 ; to geflites, 
 
 adv., 320. 
 flitan, sv., 360 n. 1 ; 
 
 376 N. ; 382 n. 1. a. 
 flocan, sv., 396. 2. h. 
 flocgian, wv., 216. 2. 
 flod, sm., 273 and n. 3. 
 floggettan, wv., 216. 2. 
 flohtenfot, adj., 388 
 
 N. 1. 
 
INDEX 
 
 387 
 
 flor, sf., 274 arvd n. 1. 
 flowan, sv., 113 n. 3 ; 
 
 371 N. 2, 3, 6 ; 396. 
 
 2. h and n. 8. 
 flyge, sm., 263. 1. 
 flyht, sm., 266. 
 fnged, fnses, sn., 240. 
 fodor (foddor), sn., 
 
 139; 229. 
 foer('S)mest, see for(S)- 
 
 mest(a). 
 gefog, sn., 267 n. 1 ; 
 
 288 N. 1. 
 folc,sn.,207N. 2; 210. 
 
 4 ; 237 N. 2. 
 folcisc, adj., 100 n. 7i 
 Folcstan, pr. n., 284 
 
 N. 7. 
 
 -fold = -feald, 43. 2. 6 ; 
 
 51. 
 folde, wf., 278. 
 folgian, wv., 411 n. 5 ; 
 
 412 N. 7; 416 N. 9. 
 fon, sv., 27 N. ; 67 ; 
 
 94. c; 115; 222. 1; 
 
 358 N. 7 ; 359 n. 6, 
 
 9; 367; 373; 374 n. 
 
 1, 2; 378 N. 2; 394. 
 
 2 ; 395. 1 ; 397 and 
 
 N. ; afon, see on ; on- 
 
 fon, 188 N. 3; 198 
 
 N. 2. 
 f^na, wm., 276 n. 3. a ; 
 
 277. 
 fgndian, wv., 360 n. 3 ; 
 
 411 N. 4. 
 fqnt, sm., 70. 
 for, prep., 4 n. 2. 
 for, sf., 254. 1. 
 (be)foran, adv., 4 n. 2 ; 
 
 321. 
 forane, forenne, 231 
 
 N. 3. 
 ford, sm.,273. 
 fore, adv., 4 N. 2; 313; 
 
 314. 
 forenyme, sm., 263. 1. 
 forespre(o)ca, wm. , 
 
 160. 2. 
 forht, adj., 93.2. 
 
 f orhtian (f orgtian, f ort- 
 
 ian), wv., 179. 2 ; 
 
 221 N. 1,2;360n. 3. 
 forma, sup., 179. 1 ; 
 
 304 N. 1 ; 314 ; 328 ; 
 
 331 N. 
 formesta, sup., 328. 
 forsc, sm., 179. 1. 
 forst, sm., 179. 1. 
 forS, adv., 321. 
 forlSmest, sup., 328. 
 for'5we(a)rd, adj., 43. 
 
 3. a. 
 fortian, see forhtian. 
 forwost, sup., 328. 
 fot, m., 133. a. b; 281. 
 
 1 and N. 2. 
 fotad, part., see f^cc- 
 
 (e)an. 
 fraco'S, adj., 43 n. 4 ; 
 
 186 N. 3. 
 gefrsegen, frsegin, 
 
 frsegna, see frignan. 
 frsemman, see fr^m- 
 
 man. 
 frsetwan, wv., 408 n. 8. 
 frsetwe, sf., 43 n. 4 ; 
 
 260 and n. 1. 
 fraigna, see frignan. 
 frea, wm., 176 ; 277 n. 
 
 2,3. 
 frea, adj., see freo. 
 frea-, see freog(e)an. 
 gefredan, wv., 405 n. 
 
 3. 
 frefran, wv., 358 n. 4 ; 
 
 404. 1. c; 406 n. 5. 
 gefregen, fregna, see 
 
 frignan. 
 fr^mde (fr^m'Se), adj., 
 
 201 N. 1. 
 fr^me, adj., 302. 
 fr^mman (fremian), 
 
 wv. , 89. 4 and n. 5 ; 
 
 175 N. ; 358 n. 5. c ; 
 
 372; 400. 2a?ifZN. 1, 
 
 2,3,4; 401. 2; 402. 
 
 1 ; 409 ; 410. 1, 3. 
 afrem^an, wv., 361 
 
 N. 1. 
 
 fr^mu, sf., 252 n. 4 ; 
 
 268. 
 freng, see frignan. 
 freo, frio, sn., 114. 2. 
 freo, frio (freoh), adj., 
 
 114. 2 ; 130 ; 166 n. 
 
 6; 176; 223 n. 2; 
 
 297 N. 2. 
 freog(e)an, friog(e)an, 
 
 'love,' wv., 114. 2 ; 
 
 414 N. 5. 6. 
 freog(e)an, friog(e)an, 
 
 'free,' wv., 166 n. 
 
 7 ; 176 ; 416. 1 and 
 
 N. 6. 
 freoh, adj., see. freo. 
 freols, friols, sn., 43 
 
 N. 4; 114 N. 1. 
 freond, friond, m. , 
 
 114. 2; 150 N. 4, 6; 
 
 166 N. 6; 286 and 
 
 N. 1. 
 
 freond-, friondscipe, 
 
 sm., 263. 1. 
 freosan, sv., 384 n. 
 
 1. b. 
 freo^o, see fri'Su. 
 Fresan, pr. n., 276 n. 
 
 3.6. 
 fretan, sv., 391 n. 3. 
 fria-, see freog(e)au. 
 fricg(e)an, sv., 372; 
 
 389 N. 3 ; 391 n. 8. 
 gefriend, m. pi., 286. 
 friga(n),seefreog(e)an. 
 frige, see freo, adj. 
 frig(e)a,wm.,176;277 
 
 N. 3. 
 gefrigen, see frignan. 
 frignan, sv., 6 n. 1 ; 
 
 141; 155. 3; 185; 
 
 214. 3 and n. 8 ; 382 
 
 N. 1. b; 389 and n. 
 
 3 ; 391 N. 8. 
 frinan, frinnan, see 
 
 frignan. 
 friS, sn., 271. 
 fri«u, freo'Su, f.,39.2; 
 
 105.8; 271. 
 Fri'Sugar, pr. n. , 105. 3. 
 
388 
 
 INDEX 
 
 frofor, sf., 254. 1 ; 
 
 255. 2. 
 frogga, wm., 216. 2. 
 frohtiga, see forhtian. 
 fiQiu, adv., 4 N. 2 ; 
 
 89. 4. 
 Fi-QDcan, pr. n., 276 n. 
 
 3. a, b. 
 gefrugen, see frignan. 
 friima, wm., 179. 1. 
 fryhtu, see fyrhtu. . 
 fugol, sm., 55; 138; 
 
 140 ; 214 N. 2 ; 245. 
 fuhlas, see fugol. 
 fulian, wv., 414 n. 1. 
 ful(l), sn., 239. 2. 
 full, acij., 55; 226. 
 full, adv., 319. 
 fullest, sfn. ? 43 n. 4. 
 fullestan, wv., 43 n. 4. 
 fullian, see fulwian. 
 fullic, adj., 43. 1 and 
 
 N. 1. 
 f ulluht, fulwuht, sf . , 
 
 84.2; 164.2; 173 n. 
 
 3 ; 267. b. 
 fuUuhtian, wv., 414 
 
 N. 2. 
 fultum, sm., 43 n. 4. 
 fultumian (fulteman), 
 
 wv., 43 N. 4. 
 fulwian, wv. , 173 n. 3 ; 
 
 412 N. 4 ; 414 n. 2. 
 fulwiht, see fulluht. 
 fundian, wv,, 411 n. 4. 
 furh,f.,218N. 3; 223; 
 
 284 and n. 1, 2, 3. 
 furlgng, sn., 43 n. 4. 
 fur^or, adv., 55. 
 fur'Sra, comp., 313; 
 
 314. 
 fur^um, adv., 55. 
 f us,' adj., 96. b. 
 gefylce, sn., 206. 3. b; 
 
 246 N. 2. 
 fylg(e)an, wv., 31 n. ; 
 
 206.3.6; 213 n.; 214 
 
 N. 11 ; 405. 1. b and 
 
 N. 2 ; 416 N. 9. 
 fylian, see fylg(e)an. 
 
 fyllan, wv., 405. 3 and 
 
 N. 7 ; 40(5 and a. 1,6. 
 fylst, sfn. ? 43 n. 4. 
 fylstan, wv., 43 n. 4 ; 
 
 405 N. 11. b. 
 fyr, sn., 239. 1. b. 
 fyrest(a), sup., 313; 
 
 328. 
 afyrhtan, wv,, 405 n. 
 
 11. b. 
 fyrhtu, f,, 93, 2; 179.2, 
 fyrmest(a), sup., 314; 
 
 328. 
 fyrn, adj., 295; 302. 
 (ge)fyrn, adv., 302; 
 
 319, 
 fyrs, sm., 266, 
 fyrsmeortende, adj,, 
 _388 N. 1. 
 fysan, wv., 96. b ; 405 
 
 N, 1, 
 
 f yst, sf . , 269. 
 fySerfote, adj., 325, 4. 
 
 gad, sn,, 76, 1; 174.2; 
 
 249 N, 5. 
 gaderian, wv., 50 n. 
 
 1, 2; 160 N, 1; 412 
 
 N. 11, 
 gee-, see also gea-. 
 gged, see gad. 
 gsedeling, sm., 50 n, 2, 
 
 3; 75 N, 1; 100 n. 4. 
 set-, togsedere, adv., 
 
 50 N, 2, 3 ; 75 N, 1 ; 
 
 157, 3 ; 212, 
 gaederian, gsefel, see 
 
 gaderian, gafol, 
 forgEeg(e)an, wv,, 405 
 
 N, 2, 
 onggegn (onggen), to- 
 
 gsegnes, see ongean, 
 
 togeanes, 
 gselsa, wm., 76. 1, 
 dgselwan, wv., 408 
 
 N. 7. 
 gaers, sn., 75 n, 1 ; 79 
 
 N, 2 ; 240 N. 3, 
 gserB(s)tapa, wm., 231. 
 
 3. 
 
 ^8erwa(n), see gierwan. 
 gsesne, adj,, 37, 3 ; 76 
 
 N. 1. 
 gsest, see giest. 
 g^st, see gast. 
 gaffetung, sf,, 10 ; 
 
 192, 1, 
 gafol, sn., 157. 3, 
 galan, sv,, 76. 1; 160. 
 
 4; 212; 370 n. 1; 
 
 392 N. 1. 
 gan, anv,, 57 n, 1 ; 90; 
 
 118,2; 4S0 and notes 
 
 — pret. eode (eade), 
 
 114 N. 1; 212 N. 2; 
 
 409 N. 2, — part. 
 
 giead, 396 n, 2, 
 gar (rune), 206 n, 3. 
 -gar, sm,, 273, 
 gast, ggest, sm., 12 ; 76, 
 
 1; 212; 237 n. 3; 
 
 288 N, 1, 
 gat, f,, 284 and n. 1. 
 ge-, see also gie-. 
 g^, pron,, see ^li, 
 ge, 'yes,' see gea. 
 ge, 'formerly,' seegeo. 
 gea, particle, 74; 157 
 
 N. 1, 
 
 geador, adv., 212 n. 2. 
 geadriga, setgesedre, 
 
 ongesegn, ongeaet, 
 
 geaf (geafon), see 
 
 gadrian, setgsedre, 
 
 ongean, ongietan, 
 
 gie fan. 
 geaglas, sm., 75. 2; 
 
 183 N. ; 212 N. 2, 
 gealhswile, sm,, 183 n. 
 gealla, wm,, 212 n, 2; 
 
 214. 7. 
 gearaor, see geomor. 
 ongean, adv., 109; 157. 
 
 3 ; 214 N. 7. 
 Geanberht, pr, n., 212 
 
 N, 2, 
 begeanda, see begeond- 
 
 an, 
 togeanes, adv,, 214 n. 
 
 7; 319. 
 
INDEX 
 
 389 
 
 gear, sii., 37. 3 ; 74 
 
 and^.2 ; 109a/i(iN. ; 
 
 157 N. 1 ; 175. 2 ; 176 
 
 N. 1. 
 geara, adv., 317. 
 gearcian, wv. , 212 n. 
 
 1; 411 N. 4. 
 gearfo&e, see earfo'Se. 
 gearlanges, adv., 319. 
 GearomQii, pr. n., 281 
 
 N. 1. 
 gearu, adj., 134. d; 
 
 174. 2; 300 and n. ; 
 
 307. 
 gearwian, wv., 158. 1 ; 
 
 212 N. 1 ; 408 N. 3 ; 
 
 411 N. 4; 412 N. 2, 
 
 5, 7 ; 414 N. 3, 4. 
 geasne, see gsesne. 
 geat, sn., 75. 1; 103 
 
 N. 1; 109; 157. 3; 
 
 160. 1, 4; 240 N. 3. 
 Geatan, pr. n., 276 n. 
 
 3. 6. 
 gea'Se, see ea'Se. 
 geatwe, sf., 43 n. 4 ; 
 
 75. 1 ; 260 and n. 1. 
 Geddingas, pr. n., 215. 
 gef (-geaf), gefon, 
 
 ongegn, togegnes, 
 
 gelden, see giefan, 
 
 ongean, togeanes, 
 
 gylden. 
 agelwan, wv., 408 n. 7. 
 ongen, gen(a), gend, 
 
 see ongean, glen (a), 
 
 geond. 
 -g^nga, wm., 76. 1. 
 g^ngan, see gQngan. 
 g^nge, adj., 299. 
 geo, adv., 74; 157 n. 
 
 1 ; 175. 1. 
 geoc, sn., 39. 3; 74; 
 
 157 N. 1 ; 207 N. 2 ; 
 
 239. 1. 6. 
 ageode, fulgeode, see 
 
 gan. 
 geofan, see giefan. 
 geofon, sm., 104. 2. 
 geofu, see giefu. 
 
 geogu'S, sf., 74; 157 
 N. 1 ; 176 N. 1 ; 186 
 N. 3; 212 N. 2; 254. 
 2; 269 N. 4. 
 
 geohhol, sm., 220 and 
 
 N. 1. 
 
 geola, wm., 220. 
 geolo, adj., 75 n. 3 ; 
 
 81 N. 2 ; 104. 1 ; 300. 
 geoloca, wm., 75 n. 3 ; 
 
 81 N. 2. 
 geomor, adj., 40. 2; 
 
 68 ; 74 ; 157 n. 1. 
 geon, pron., 74 ; 338 
 
 N. 6. 
 geond, prep., 74; 100 
 
 n! 1 ; 338 N. 6. 
 begeondan, adv. , 74 ; 
 
 338 N. 6. 
 geong, adj., 39. 3 ; 74 ; 
 
 100 N. 1 ; 157 N. 1 ; 
 
 175. 2 ; 307 ; 310. 
 geongaj geonian, see 
 
 gQngan, ginian. 
 geonofer, adv., 321 
 
 N. 3. 
 geopan, sv., 384 n. 
 
 1. a. 
 georn, adj., 75 n. 3 ; 
 
 212 N. 2. 
 geornan, giorna, see 
 
 giernan. 
 geornest, see eornest. 
 georn (n)es, sf., 231. 3. 
 *georran?sv.,388N.l. 
 georwiga, see gear- 
 wian. 
 geostran, gioster-, see 
 
 giestran. 
 geot, see giet. 
 -geotan, see gietan. 
 geotan, sv., 109; 212; 
 
 384 N. 1. a. 
 Geoweor^a, pr. n., 
 
 72 N. 
 geowian, gi(o)wian, 
 
 wv., 156. 5; 412 n. 
 
 5; 416 N. 14.6, 15. 
 
 a, 16, 17. b. 
 ger, see gear. 
 
 ges, see gos. 
 
 gesne, see ggesne. 
 
 g^sthus, sn., 75 n. 2 ; 
 97 N. 
 
 gestor-, get (sn.), -get 
 (pret.), get (pret.), 
 gi, 'formerly,' gl 
 (pron.), giaban, gib, 
 see giestran, geat, 
 -gietan, geotan, geo, 
 'Svi, giefan, gif. 
 
 gicciau, wv., 100 n. 1. 
 
 giccig, adj., 100 n. 1. 
 
 gidsian, see gitsian. 
 
 gie, see "Sii. 
 
 giec'Sa, wm., 100 n. 1. 
 
 gied, sn., 75. 3; 247. b. 
 
 gie(e), 'formerly,' see 
 geo. 
 
 giefan, sv., 36. 3; 37. 
 3 ; 42. 3 ; 44 N. 1 ; 
 75. 1,2, 3; 109; 150 
 N. 3; 157. 2 and n. 
 2 ; 191 ; 192. 2 ; 196. 
 1 ; 212 ; 232. a ; 305 
 and N. 1 ; 355 n. 2 ; 
 366 N. 2 ; 370 N. 3 ; 
 391 N. 2, 9. 
 
 giefu, sf., 75. 3 and n. 
 3; 104. 1; 134. 6; 
 150 N. 3; 157. 2; 
 160. 1 ; 206 N, 3 ; 
 252 and n. 4 ; 253 n. 
 1, 2; 259 N. ; 260 n. 
 
 2 ; 268 ; 278 n. 1 ; to 
 gifes, adv., 320; 
 
 gield, sn., 75. 3. 
 gieldan, sv., 75. 3 
 
 and N. 2; 157. 2; 
 
 212 ; 355 n. 4 ; 359. 
 
 2 ; 371 N. 4, 6 ; 387 
 
 N. 2, 5. 
 giellan, sv., 75. 3 ; 387 
 
 N. 2. 
 gielp, smn., 75. 3 and 
 
 N. 2. 
 gielpan, sv., 42. 3; 75. 
 
 3 ; 387 N. 2. 
 gieman, wv., 405 n. 1. 
 giemung, sf., 212 n. 1. 
 
390 
 
 INDEX 
 
 gien(a), adv., 42 n. ; 
 
 74 N. 1 ; 317. 
 giend, begienda, see 
 
 geond, begeoudan. 
 gierd, sf., 133. c ; 157. 
 
 2; 177. 6; 257; 258. 
 
 2. 
 giernan, wv., 159. 5; 
 
 405 N. 1. 
 gierran, sv. ? 372 ; 388 
 
 N. 1. 
 
 gierwan, WV., 173. 2; 
 
 212 N. 1; 408. land 
 
 N. 1, 2, 3; 409; 410 
 
 N. 4. 
 gi(e)st, sm., 75, 1 ai^d 
 
 N. 1; 98. 6; 157. 2; 
 
 159. 1 ; 202 ; 206. 
 giestran(-), adv., 160. 
 
 3; 179. 1; 317. 
 giet(a), adv., 42 n. ; 
 
 74n. 1; 175.2; 317; 
 
 gyt beheonan, adv., 
 
 321 X. 3. 
 be-, ongietan, sv., 8 n. 
 
 4; 75. 1, 2, 3; 109 
 
 and N. ; 157. 2, 3; 
 
 160. 2; 198 n. 2; 
 37aN. 3, 4 ; 391 n. 2. 
 
 gif, conj., 157. 2 ; 175. 
 
 2; 191. 
 gifre,adj.,298N.;299. 
 gift, sf., 212; 232. a. 
 giftu, sn. pi., 267 N. 2. 
 gig, gigo'S, see giw, 
 
 geoguS. 
 gilpen, adj., 296. 
 -gils, pr. n., 183. 2. b. 
 gim(m), sm., 69. 
 ginan, sv., 382 n. 1. a. 
 gind, ging, see geond, 
 
 geong. 
 gingest(a), sup., 310 
 
 and N. ; 311. 
 gingra, comp., 307. 
 ginian (gionian), wv., 
 
 357 N. 1; 416 n. 14. 
 
 a, 15. a. 
 (on)ginnan, wv., 226; 
 
 386 N. 1, 4. 
 
 ginne, adj., 298 n. 
 gisc(e)an, wv., 405 
 
 N. 10. 
 git, see 'Su. 
 gitsian, wv. , 198. 4. a ; 
 
 2D5. b; 411 N. 4; 412 
 
 N. 10. 
 giung, giungo, see 
 
 geong, gQngan. 
 giw, sm., 250 n. 2. 
 giwiga, see geowian, 
 gladian, wv. , 160. 4 ; 
 
 412 N. 5. 
 glsed, adj., 144 n. 1 ; 
 
 212; 294; 307. 
 glteni, sm., 266. ■ 
 glseren, adj., 234. a. 
 gl?es, sn., 234. a. 
 gleadian, see gladian. 
 gleaw, adj., 63; 156 n. 
 
 3 ; 174. 3 ; 301 ; 303 
 
 N. 2. 
 gled, sf., 94. a; 269. 
 forgl(^ndran, wv., 404. 
 
 1. c. 
 gl^ng(e)an, wv., 215 n. 
 
 2 ; 405 N. 2 ; 406 n. 2. 
 gleo, -gleow, see gllw, 
 
 gleaw. 
 glesan, wv., 405 n. 1. 
 -gleu, see gleaw. 
 glidan, sv., 382 n. 1. a. 
 gllg, see gllw. 
 gliw (gllu, gleo), sn., 
 
 247 N. 3 ; 250 n. 2. 
 gliw(e)re, sm., 248. 1. 
 glof, sf., 191 ; 254. 1. 
 glowan, sv., 192. 4. 
 gnagan, sv., 392 n. 1. 
 gnea(\ adj., 303 n. 2. 
 gnidan, sv., 382 n. 1. 
 
 a. 
 gnorn, sf., 93. 2 ; 212. 
 gnornian, wv., 412 
 
 N. 1. 
 
 gnyrn, sf., 93. 2. 
 god, sm., 25. 1 ; 55; 
 
 76. 1 ; godes '^Qnces, 
 
 adv., 320. 
 god, sn., 239. 1. b. 
 
 god, adj., 26. 1; 44 n. 
 
 1 ; 00 ; 76. 1 ; 134. 
 
 b; 187 ; 293 and x. 
 
 2, 3, 4 ; 295 ; 304 and 
 
 N. 2, 3 ; 312 ; 315 
 
 N. 3. 
 goddond, m., 286. 
 goian, wv., 414 n. 5. a. 
 gold, sn., 55; 93. 2; 
 
 201. 2 ; 212. 
 goma, wm., 277. 
 gQngan, sv. , 65 ; 76. 1 ; 
 
 157. 3; 360 n. 3 ; 
 
 396. 1. bandj^. 2,4; 
 
 oSggngan, 186 n. 3. 
 gos, f., 26.^; 6Q; 76. ^, 
 
 1; 94. c; 186. 1. &; ^ 
 
 284 and n. 1. 
 Gotan, pr. n., 276 n. 
 
 2, S.a. 
 griBg, adj., 21-4. 2. 
 grafan, sv., 50. 2 ; 212 ; 
 
 392 N. 1 ; 411 N. 4. 
 grapian, wv., 413 n. 3. 
 great, adj. comp., 307. 
 grei, see gnlg. 
 gr^mman, gr^mian, 
 
 wv., 357 N. 1. 
 grene, adj., 135. 3; 
 
 298 ; 302. 
 greotan, sv., 384 n. 
 
 1. a. 
 gretan, wv., 195 ; 355 
 
 N. 1 ; 359. 3 ; 405. 4. 
 
 a ; 406. 
 grietra, comp., 307. 
 Grimbold, pr. n., 51. 
 grim(m), adj., 295 
 
 N. 2. 
 grimman, sv., 386 n. 1. 
 grimsian, wv., 186. 2. 
 
 b; 411 N. 4. 
 grin, sn., 267. b. 
 grindan, sv., 386 n. 1. 
 gripan (grioppa), sv. 
 
 105 N. 3; 370 n. 8 
 
 382 and n. l.a, 3,4 
 
 405 N. 10. 
 gripe, sm., 263. 1. 
 grQndor, nm. ? 289. 
 
INDEX 
 
 391 
 
 growan, sv., 396. 2, b. 
 grundluno:a, -linga, 
 
 adv., 318. 
 grut, f., 284 and n. 
 
 2,4: 
 gegrynd, sn., 207. a. 
 gryre, sm., 263. 1. 
 grytt, sf., 284 n. 4. 
 gu, see geo. 
 guguS, see geogirS. 
 guina, wm., 29. 2; 76. 
 
 1 ; 133. a, b; 212; 
 
 276 ; 277. 
 gung, guiigra, gung- 
 
 est, see geong, ging- 
 
 ra, gingest. 
 gvvS, sf. , 76. 1. 
 gyden, sf., 133. c ; 258. 
 
 1 and N. 2. 
 -gyldan, wv., 405 n. 
 
 11. a. 
 gylden, adj.,76. 1 ; 93. 
 
 2 ; 154 ; 212 ; 231. 
 4 ; 296 and n. 3. 
 
 gylt, sm., 266. 
 agyltan, wv., 405 n. 
 
 11. b. 
 gyrdan, V7V., 405. 5 
 
 and N. 12 ; 406 n. 
 
 3, 7. 
 
 gyrdels, sm., 183. 2. b ; 
 
 238 N. 2. 
 gyrian, gyrstan, see 
 
 gierwan, giestran. 
 gyte, sm., 263. 1. 
 
 habban, V7V., 10 ; 190 ; 
 201. 6; 217 n. 1 ; 
 356 N. 2-; 360 n. 3, 
 
 4, 5 ; 416. 1 and n. 
 1, 13. 
 
 liacele, wf., 50 n. 1 ; 
 
 89. 3. 
 had, sm., 273 and n. 2. 
 hadian, wv., 412 n. 1. 
 hador, adj., 315 n. 3. 
 *h8ecc(e)an, wv., 407 
 
 N. 19. 
 hsecele, see hacele. 
 hgedn-, see h^^en. 
 
 hsef, sn.,103N. 2; 240 
 
 and N. 1. 
 lueft, sm., 239. 1. a. 
 haift, adj., 49; 192. 1. 
 hsef tan, wv., 89. 2-; 
 
 405 N. 11. b; 406 n. 
 
 3,6. 
 hseftincel, sn., 248 
 
 N. 4. 
 haegstealdlic, adj., 198. 
 
 3. 
 haegtes, sf., 258. 1. 
 h«l, sn., 90 ; 267. a; 
 
 _288 N. 1 ; 289 xX. 2. 
 hselan, wv., 90; 355 
 
 N. 2 ; 405 N. 1. 
 gehseld, see gehield. 
 hsele, sm., 263. 1 and 
 
 _N. 4; 281 N. 4. 
 hselend, m., 44 n. 2 ; 
 
 286. 
 hseleS, m., 50 n. 2 ; 89. 
 
 3; 281. 1 and n. 4; 
 
 281. 2. 
 hselfter, 50 n. 2; 80 
 
 _N. 3. 
 hselgiga, see halgian. 
 hgelig, see halig. 
 h8elsiga(n), wv., 355 n. 
 
 3; 412 N. 4. 
 h^lu, f., 279. 
 hseman, wv., 405 n. 1. 
 hSmed, n., 290 n. 3. 
 hSmeteg, see Smetig. 
 h^rfest, sm. , 50 n. 2 ; 
 
 79 N. 2 ; 145. 
 haern, sf., 79 n. 2; 89 
 
 _N. 4; 179. 1. 
 hsetan, wv., 405 n. 8. b. 
 hseteru, n. pi., 290 n. 
 
 hyeSen, adj., 201 n. 3 ; 
 
 296. 
 hafenian, wv., 50 n. 1 ; 
 
 411 N. 4. 
 hafoc, sm., 103 ancZ n. 
 
 2; 191. 
 hafola, wm., 50 n. 1 ; 
 
 103 N. 2. 
 hagol, sm., 103. 
 
 hagu, sm., 103. 
 hal, adj., 90; 295. 
 halbte, haldan, see 
 
 healf, healdan. 
 halgian, wv., 355 n. 3 ; 
 
 411 N. 4 ; 412 N. 3, 
 4, 8, 9, 10. 
 
 halig, adj., 135. 3 ; 144 
 N. 1 ; 147 ; 293 and 
 N. 1, 2, 3, 4; 296 
 and N. 2 ; 304 xV. 2. 
 
 halignes, sf., 258. 1. 
 
 halor, sn., 267 n. 1 ; 
 289 and n. 2. 
 
 halsian, wv., 355 n. 2 ; 
 
 412 N. 2. 
 hal5, see heald. 
 ham, sm., 133. c; 237 
 
 N. 2. 
 hassuc, sm., 10. 
 hasu, adj., 300. 
 hat, adj., 62. 
 hatan, sv., 12 ; 47 ; 
 
 58; 195; SQQandi^. 
 
 1 ; 350 ; 356 n. 1 ; 
 358 N. 7 ; 360 N. 2 ; 
 364 N. 2; 367a?icZN. ; 
 371 N. 2; 394. 1 and 
 N. 1,2; 394.2; 395. 
 
 . 2.6. 
 
 hatian, wv., 411 n. 5. 
 
 h^, pron., 24 n. ; 33 n. ; 
 
 107.4; 114.1, 4 and 
 
 N. 4; 150 N. 5, 6; 
 
 166 N. 6 ; 182 ; 334 ; 
 
 335; 340. 
 Heaberht, pr. n., 222 
 
 N. 1. 
 Heaburg, pr. n., 165 
 
 N. 3. 
 head(e)or, sn., 222 n. 
 
 1. 
 heafiga, heafoc, see 
 
 heofian, hafoc. 
 heafod, sn., 63 ; 135. 
 
 2 ; 144. a, b ; 243. 1 ; 
 244. 1, 2. 
 
 heafola, heafre, -u, see 
 
 hafola, heahfore. 
 heage, adv., 319. 
 
392 
 
 INDEX 
 
 heah,adj.,42; 99; 110 
 
 N. 1; 119; 103; 165 
 
 N. 3; 16(3. 3,6; 218. 
 
 2; 222. 2 and n. 1, 
 
 2, 3 ; 223 and n. 2 ; 
 
 295 and n. 1 ; 304 n. 
 
 4; 307; 310. 
 heali, adv., 319. 
 healifore, wf . , 222 n. 1. 
 heahnis, see heaiiis. 
 healira, healist(a), 
 
 (healiest), see hierra, 
 
 liiehst(a). 
 heald, adj., 201.2. 
 geheald, sn., 267 n. 1 ; 
 
 288 N. 1. 
 healdan, sv., 81 n. 1 ; 
 
 150n. 2;158. 2;198. 
 
 2 ; 359. 2 ; 360 n. 2 ; 
 
 396. 1. a and n, 1. 
 healede, adj., 299. 
 healf, sf., 191 ; o^res 
 
 healfes, adv., 320. 
 Healfd^ne, pr. n., 263. 
 
 1. 
 healh, sm., 242. 1. 
 healic, adj., 222 n. 1. 
 heal(l), sf., 254. 1. 
 hean, wv., 408 n. 18; 
 
 410 N. 1. 
 hea(n)nis, sf . , 165 n. 3 ; 
 
 166.6;222n. 1,2, 3. 
 heard, adj., 134. a; 
 
 303 N. 2 ; 307 ; 309 ; 
 
 311, 315. 
 hearde, adv., 315; 316. 
 heardlice, adv., 316. 
 heardor, -ost, adv., 
 
 322. 
 hearg, sm., 162. 2 ; 
 
 273 and n. 2. 
 heat>u-, m., 103 n. 2. 
 heawan, sv., 63; 99; 
 
 371 N. 2 ; 396. 2. a 
 
 and N. 8. 
 h^bban, sv., 133. c; 
 
 190 ; 227 ; 358 N. 5. 
 
 6; 368 N. 4; 372 rrntZ 
 
 N. ; 378 N. 1 ; 393. 4 
 
 and a. 6, 7; 410 n. 5. 
 
 hebuc, see hafoc. 
 h^cg, sf . , 206 N. 6. 
 heeist, see hiehst(a). 
 h^fe, sm., 263. 1. 
 h^f(e)giaii, wv., 411 
 
 N. 4. 
 h^fig, adj.,214. 5; 296 
 
 N. 1. 
 hefon, see heofon. 
 began, wv., 408 n. 14. 
 hege, sm., 263. 1. 
 hegest, see hiehst(a). 
 h^giaii, wv., 400 n. 2. 
 hegra, heh, hehfora, 
 
 hebsta, bebstalUc, 
 
 bei(g)sta, see bier- 
 
 ra, beah, beabfore, 
 
 blebst(a) , bsegsteald- 
 
 lic, biebst.(a). 
 bela, wm., 222. 2. 
 belan, sv. , 107. 2 and 
 
 N. 2; 371 N. 2; 390 
 
 N. 1 ; 391 N. 5. 
 b^ban, wv., 176 n. 2 ; 
 
 371 N. 2 ; 400 n. 1. 
 
 a, 2. 
 b^ll, sf., 80 N. 2; 258. 
 
 1. 
 belm, sm., 53 ; 81 ; 
 
 239. 1. a. 
 belp, sf., 252 N. 2. 
 belpan, sv. , 45. 2, 3 ; 
 
 53 ; 54. 6 ; 80 ; 81 ; 
 
 92; 131; 133. a, c; 
 
 134. c ; 136 ; 144 n. 
 
 1 ; 189 ; 196. 1 ; 201. 
 
 6 ; 367 ; 368 ; 371 n. 
 
 2, 3, 6 ; 387 and n. 
 
 3. 
 belt, sn., 288 N. 1. 
 belustr, see beolstor. 
 b^n, sf., 258. 1. 
 h^ugest, sm., 244. 1. 
 Hensbroc, pr. n., 289 
 
 N. 3. 
 henu, int., 69. 
 heo, sn., beo, pron., 
 
 see blew, b^. 
 beofan, swv., 384 n. 2 ; 
 
 413 N. 7. 
 
 heofon, sm., 104. 2 ; 
 
 150 N. 2, 3; 237 n. 
 
 1 ; 245. 
 beofonlic, adj., 150 
 
 N. 3. 
 beolan, see belan. 
 beolca, wm., 81. 
 beolfor, sn. ? 81. 
 beolor, sm., 104. 1. 
 beolstor, sm., 50 n. 2 ; 
 
 81 N. 2; 104. 1. 
 (be)beonan, -bionan, 
 
 adv., 107 N. 5; 321 
 
 and N. 3. 
 beoran, beorde, beo- 
 
 rod, see bleran, 
 
 bierde, blered. 
 beorot, sm., 104. 1; 
 
 129; 245. 
 beorte,wf.,79. 1; 133. 
 
 a; 150 N. 3; 195; 
 
 278. 
 beoru-, 104. 1; 271. 
 beow, see blew, 
 her, adv., 21. 1; 45.6; 
 
 58; 321. 
 bera, beran, see blerra, 
 
 bleran. 
 b^re, sm., 86; 89. 1 ; 
 
 175. 1,2; 176; 182; 
 
 227 ; 246 and n. 1 ; 
 
 247 and n. 2. 
 b^/epa'S, sm., 49 n. 1 ; 
 
 51. 
 b^retoga (-toba), wm., 
 
 214 N. 3. 
 berg, see bearg. 
 b^rgeatwe, sf., 260n. 2. 
 b^rgian, wv., 411 n. 
 
 4; 413 N. 3. 
 li^rian, 'praise,' wv., 
 
 89. 1 ; 176 ; 181. 2 ; 
 
 227 ; 400 n. 1 ; 409 
 
 N. 1; 412 N. 2. 
 b(;rian, 'deride,' ber- 
 
 ra, gehersumian, 
 
 b(^rwan, hesta, see 
 
 bierwan, bierra, ge- 
 
 biersumian, bier- 
 wan, hlebst(a). 
 
INDEX 
 
 393 
 
 h^te, sm.,261; 263. 1, 
 
 4 ; 288 N. 1. 
 h^ttend, m,, 286 and 
 
 N. 2. 
 hiabenlic, bihianda, 
 
 hicg(e)an, see heof- 
 
 onlic, (be)hindan, 
 
 hyc{g)ean. 
 hidenofer, adv., 321 
 
 N. 3. 
 hider(e), adv., 321 and 
 
 N. 3. 
 hideror, adv., 321 n. 3. 
 hidres, adv., 321 n. 3. 
 hie, see h.6. 
 hi(e)g, sn., 31 n. ; 175. 
 
 2 ; 247 N. 3. 
 hielira, see hier(r)a. 
 hiehst(a), sup., 108. 2 ; 
 
 145; 155. 3; 166. 6 
 
 and N. 3; 222. 1; 
 
 310; 311. 
 hielrSu, f., 222. 1. 
 gehield (gehseld), sn., 
 
 267. a; 288 n. 1. 
 onhieldan, wv. , 405 n. 
 
 11. a. 
 hienan, wv., 405 n. 1. 
 hiepan, wv. , 405 n. 8. a. 
 hieran, wv., 42 n. ; 
 
 99; 159. 4; 358 n. 
 
 7; 404; 405. 1. a; 
 
 406; 410. 3 and n. 
 
 4,5. 
 hierdan, wv., 405 n. 
 
 11. a. 
 hierde, sm., 79. 2 ; 
 
 100. 1. a and n. 2 ; 
 
 150 N. 5, 7 ; 159. 5 ; 
 
 177. h ; 248. 1. 
 hi(e)red, sm., 43 n. 4; 
 
 57 N. 2. 
 liler(r)a, comp., 166. 6 
 
 and N. 3 ; 222. 2 and 
 
 N. 2, 3 ; 307. 
 hierre, see ierre. 
 hierstan, wv., 405 n. 
 
 11.6. 
 (ge)hiersumian, wv., 
 
 412 N. 5; 143 N. 3. 
 
 hiertan, wv., 159 n. 1 ; 
 
 405 N. 11. b. 
 hierwan, wv. , 174 n. 
 
 1 ; 408. 1 and n. 6. 
 hi(e)w (heo, heow, 
 
 etc.), sn., 73 N. 3 ; 
 
 100 N. 2; 156. 5; 
 
 159. 5; 247 N. 3; 
 
 250 N. 2. 
 hlg, sn., hig, pron., 
 
 higan, hige, higest, 
 
 see hieg, h^, hiwan, 
 
 hyge, hiehst(a). 
 higian, wv., 411 n. 4. 
 higora, wm., 105. 3. 
 hild, sf., 258.2. 
 hilt (belt), sn., 267. a. 
 hinan, see heonan. 
 hind, sf., 258. 2. 
 (be)hindan, adv., 160. 
 
 3; 321. 
 hindema, sup., 314. 
 hinder, adv., 321. 
 bine, adv., 321. 
 hingrian, see byngran. 
 bibionda, seebehindan. 
 hirtan, see hiertan. 
 bin, see h^, blew, 
 hiwan (higan), wm. 
 
 pi., 277 N. 1. 
 blabard, see blaford. 
 bladan, sv.,50. 2 ; 160. 
 
 4 and n. 1 ; 232. c ; 
 
 368 N. 3; 370 N. 1; 
 
 392 N. 1. 
 blgefdige, wf.^lOON. 3. 
 blsebba(n),hl8eo'5rindi, 
 
 see hliehban, bleoS- 
 
 rian. 
 hlsest, sm., 232. c. 
 blaestan, wv. , 89. 2 ; 
 
 405 N. 11. b. 
 blsew (blaw), sn., 192. 
 
 4;250n. 1;288n. 1. 
 hlaf, sm., 217. 
 blaford, sm., 43. 2. b 
 
 and N. 4; 51; 100 
 
 N. 3 ; 173 N. 3 ; 191 ; 
 
 217 N. 2. 
 hlareow, see lareow. 
 
 blaw, see hlgew. 
 hleadan, see bladan. 
 bleapan, sv., 377 n. ; 
 
 394. 2 ; 396. 2. a. 
 *hlecan, v., 391 n._1. 
 blef,hlengan,seebl^w, 
 
 blinian. 
 hleonian, see blinian. 
 hleotan, sv., 384 n. 1. a. 
 bleo'Srian, wv., 412 n. 
 
 2,11. 
 bleo(w),smn., 250 n. 3. 
 (ge)hleow, adj., 301 ; 
 
 307. 
 hleowan, bleowS, see 
 
 hliewan, hlowan. 
 blidan, sv., 382 n. 1. a. 
 hliehban, sv., 82; 98. 
 
 a; 159. 1, 3; 217 ; 
 
 220 and n. 1 ; 227 ; 
 
 358 N. 5. a ; 359. 1 ; 
 
 372 ; 392. 4. 
 bliepan, wv., 377 n. 
 hliewan, wv., 408 n. 
 
 16. 
 gehli(e)wra, comp., 
 
 307. 
 hlimman, sv., 386 n, 1. 
 blinian (blionian), wv. , 
 
 105 N. 6; 413 N. 6; 
 
 416 N. 14. a, 15. a, 
 
 16. 
 bliS, sn., 105. 3; 241. 
 ablDcian, wv., 391 n. 1. 
 geblow, sn., 250. 1. 
 hlowan, sv., 113 n. 3; 
 
 396. 2. b. 
 hltitre, adv., 315. 
 hlut(t)or, adj., 139; 
 
 195 ; 229 ; 296 n. 2 ; 
 
 315. 
 geblyd, sn., 267. a. 
 hlydan, wv., 405 n. 3. 
 blyn(n), sm., 247. a. 
 blynnan, blynian, wv., 
 
 400 N. 1. a. 
 hlyst, smf., 266 and 
 
 N. 1. 
 hlystan, wv., 405 n. 
 
 11. b. 
 
394 
 
 INDEX 
 
 hnaeg(e)an, wv., 408 
 
 N. 17 ; 409 N. 1. 
 hn?ep(p), sm., 220. 
 hnaeppiaii, see linap- 
 
 pian. 
 hnsesc, see hn^sc(e). 
 gehngest, gehnast, sn., 
 
 267. a and n. 1. 
 huappian (hiiceppian, 
 
 hneappian), wv., 10; 
 
 416 N. 10; 13. 
 ahneapau, sv., 396. 
 
 2. a. 
 hneap(p)ian, see Imap- 
 
 pian. 
 hneaw, adj., 63; 301. 
 hn^sc(e), adj.,303N. 2. 
 hnigan, sv., 214 n. 5; 
 
 217 ; 382 n. 1. a. 
 hnisc, adj., 303 n. 2. 
 hnisc(e)an, wv., 405 
 
 N. 8. 
 hnitan, sv., 382 n. 1. a. 
 hnitol, adj., 105. 3 ; 
 
 296. 
 hnitu, f., 105. 3; 282 
 
 and N. 
 hnutu, f., 133. b; 217; 
 
 282 and n. 
 hocede, adj., 299. 
 hocihte, adj., 207. 
 hocor, nm. ? 289. 
 ha3ran, see hleran. 
 hof, sn.,238. 
 hofer, sm. ? 192.2 and 
 
 N. 2. 
 hoferede, adj., 299. 
 behofian, wv. , 41 1 n. 4 ; 
 
 412 N. 6. 
 hoffing, sf., 192. 1. 
 behoflic, adj., 217. 
 hogcian, wv., 216. 2, 
 hoh, sm., 115; 222. 2; 
 
 242. 2. 
 hohful, -mod, adj., 
 
 214 N. 1. 
 hoi, sn., 242 n. 3. 
 hoi, adj., 294. 
 hold, adj., 93.2; 201. 
 
 2. 
 
 hole(g)n, sm. , 214 n. 9. 
 holh, sn., 242 n. 3. 
 holian, wv. , 411 n. 4. 
 holinga, adv., 318. 
 hQmor, sm., 245. 
 hon, sv.,67; 115; 373; 
 
 378 N. 2; 397 and 
 
 N. ; 395. 1. 
 h^na, wm., 25. 2 and 
 
 N. ; 277. 
 hQnd, sf . , 65 ; 134. a ; 
 
 274 and n. 1, 2, 3. 
 hQndwyrst, sf. ? 179. 1. 
 h^ngian, wv., 411 n. 5. 
 hop, sn., 239. 1. h. 
 hopian, wv., 411 n. 4. 
 hord, sn., 181. 2. 
 hordern, sn., 43. 3. a 
 
 and N. 3. 
 horh (horg), smn., 218 
 
 N. 3 ; 223 N. 1 ; 242 
 
 N. 4. 
 horhihte, seeliorwehte. 
 horn, sn., 249 n. 3. 
 gehorogae, seehorwian. 
 hors, sn., 179. 1; 231 
 
 N. 1. 
 
 horsian, wv., 414 n. 2. 
 horwehte, adj., 218 
 
 N. 3. 
 horwian, wv., 412 n. 9. 
 hos, sf., 66; 186. 1. b. 
 hosu, wf. ?_278 N. 1. 
 hra, see hrpe(w). 
 hraca, wm,, 57 n. 3. 
 hrace, -u, wf., 162 n. 
 
 1 ; 278 N. 1. 
 hrade, hraSe, adv. , 201 
 
 N. 1; 217 N. 1; 315 
 
 N. 2. 
 forhradian, wv., 412 
 
 N. 1. 
 hrsece, see hracu. 
 hraed, hraeS, adj., 201 
 
 N. 1 ; 217 N. i ; 294 
 
 and N. 1. 
 hrsefn (hraem, hrem), 
 
 sm., 49; 141: 188.1; 
 
 217. 
 hrae'Se, see hra'Se. 
 
 hrgeuun, see rowan. 
 hr8e(vv), hraw, hreaw, 
 
 sn., 118. 1. a, 2 and 
 
 N. 2; 173. 2; 174. 3 
 
 and N. 3 ; 250 n. 1 ; 
 
 288 N. 1. 
 hreace, hreaw, sn., see 
 
 hrace, hrae(w). 
 hreaw, adj., 111. 1; 
 
 301. 
 hr^ddan, wv., 400 n. 
 
 1. c; 401. 1; 402. 2. 
 hrem, see hraefn. 
 hremig, adj., 296. 
 hreodan, sv., 384 n. 
 
 1. a. 
 hreoh, adj., 295 n. 1 ; 
 
 304 N. 4. 
 (h)reohhe, hreoche, 
 
 wf., 220 and N. 1. 
 hreopode, see hreppan. 
 hreosan, sv,, 150 n. 3; 
 
 199 N. 1; 371 N. 4; 
 
 384 N. 1. b. 
 hreow, sf., 174. 3 and 
 
 N. 2 ; 259. 
 hreow, pret. , see 
 
 hreowan. 
 gehreow, sn., 250. 1, 
 hreowan, sv,, 64 ; 100. 
 
 1. b; 119 N. ; 156. 5; 
 
 371 N. 2; 384 n. 1. 
 
 a, 2. 
 hreowsian, wf., 174. 3 ; 
 
 411 N. 4. 
 hreppan, 416 n. 19. 
 hre'S, sm. ? 267. a. 
 HreSel, pr. n., 201. 3. 
 lireuan, hrewun, 
 
 ahrlas'S, see hreow- 
 an, rowan, hreosan. 
 (h)rimpan, sv., 386 
 
 N. 1. 
 
 hrinan,sv.,376N. ;382 
 
 N. 1. a, 4. 
 hrindan, sv,, 386 n. 1. 
 hrine, sm., 263. 1. 
 bring, sm., 217 and 
 
 N. 1, 2; 239. 1. a. 
 hringe, wf., 206 n. 2. 
 
INDEX 
 
 395 
 
 (ymb)hring(e)an, wv., 
 
 405 N. 2. 
 hrisian, hrissaii, wv., 
 
 400 N. 1. 6, 2. 
 lirrS(er), hry Ser, hrtiS- 
 
 er, n., 289 ands. 2. 
 hroden, see hreodan. 
 hropan, sv., 396. 2. b. 
 hro'Sor, sn., 128. 1; 
 
 133. a; 267 n. 1. 
 Hro^ulf, pr. n., 173 
 
 N. 3. 
 hrutan, sv., 217 n. 2; 
 
 385. 
 hru'Ser, see hrr6(er). 
 hruse, wf., 278. 
 hrvcg, sm., 216. 1 and 
 
 N. 1; 217 N. 2; 247. 
 
 a. 
 hryre, sm., 263. 1. 
 hry'Ser, see hrrS(er). 
 bu, adv., 60; 172 n. ; 
 
 hti geares, hu meta, 
 
 hu nyta, 320. 
 gehu elles, adv., 320. 
 bualf, see bwealf. 
 -bugu, see -b(\v)ugu. 
 bulic, pron., 342. 
 Hum-, Hunberht, pr. 
 
 n., 188. 1. 
 bund, sm., 56. 
 bund, num., 327 and 
 
 N. 1 ; 328. 
 bund- in numerals, see 
 
 the second member 
 
 of such compounds. 
 bundfeald, adj., 327 
 
 N. 3. 
 bundled, num., 327 
 
 and N. 1 ; 328. 
 hungor, sm., 95; 273. 
 bungrig, adj., 214. 5. 
 Hunsig(e), pr. n., 263 
 
 N. 5. 
 bunta, wm., 277. 
 burn ^inga, adv. , 320. 
 bus, sn., 30. 1 ; 61, 
 bnsc, bfix, sn., 289 n. 3. 
 busincel, sn., 100 n. 7 : 
 
 248 N. 4. 
 
 busl, sn., 140; 186. 1. 
 
 bux, see busc. 
 
 bwa, pron. , 65 n. 2 ; 
 
 172; 182; 217 and 
 
 N. 1 ; 341 ; 343 ; swa 
 
 bwaswa, pron., 345. 
 gebwa, pron. , 341 n. 4 ; 
 
 347^ 
 gebwsede, adj., 217 
 
 N. 2. 
 bwsel, sm., 240. 
 bwsene, pron., bwaen- 
 
 ne, see bwa, bwonne. 
 bw^r, adv., 156. 1. c ; 
 
 222 N. 1; 321 and 
 
 N. 2_. 
 gebwser, adv., 321 
 
 N. 2. 
 gebwserlsecan, see ge- 
 
 'Swgerl^c(e)an. 
 *bw£esan, bwset, pron. , 
 
 see*bwesan, bwa. 
 bwEet, adj., 50. 1, 2; 
 
 134.6; 144n.1;293 
 
 aiid N. 1, 3; 294 and 
 
 N. 1 ; 309. 
 bwee'Ser, pron. , 222 n. 
 
 1 ; 342 and n. 1 ; 
 
 343 ; swa bwse^er 
 
 swa, 345 and n. 
 gebwse'Ser, pron., 347. 
 bwseSre, adv., 156. 
 
 1. d. 
 bwsethuguningas, adv. , 
 
 319 ; 344 n. 2. 
 bwsetbwara, adv., 321 
 
 N. 2. 
 bw8etb(w)ugu, pron., 
 
 105. 1; 344. 1 and 
 
 N. 1. 
 bwane,pron. , hwanne, 
 
 see bwa, bwonne. 
 bwar(a), adv., 321 n. 
 
 2. 
 bwarfa, see hweorfan. 
 bwatost, sup., 309. 
 bwealf, sf., 191. 
 bwearfian, wv., 411 
 
 N. 4. 
 
 -bwega, see -b(w)ugu. 
 *bwelan, sv., 390 n. 1. 
 bwelc, bwilc, pron., 
 
 43 N. 4; 206 n. 6; 
 
 342 and n. 2, 3 ; 343 ; 
 
 swa bwelc swa, 242 
 
 and N. 
 gebwelc, pron., 347. 
 bwelcbwoene, pron., 
 
 344 N. 2. 
 bwelch(w)ugu, pron., 
 
 344. 1 and n. 1. 
 bwelung, sf., 390 n. 1. 
 bwene, adv., 237 n. 2. 
 bweogol, sn., 104. 4. 
 bweol, sn., 150 n. 2. 
 bweorfan, sv. , 217 n. 
 
 1 ; 377 N. ; 388 n. 1, 
 
 4. 
 bwer, bw^rfan, see 
 
 bw^r, bwierfan. 
 *bwesan ? sv., 372; 
 
 396. 2. b. 
 bwe'Ser, see bwae^er. 
 bw^ttan, wv., 359. 3; 
 
 400 N. 1. c. 
 bwider(e), adv., 321 
 
 and N. 2, 3. 
 bwierfan, wv., 405 n. 
 
 1 ; 406 N. 6. 
 bwil, sf., 59. 
 bwilc, see bwelc. 
 bwil(w)^nde, -^ndlic, 
 
 adj., 173 N. 3. 
 bwinan, sv., 382 n. 1. 
 
 a. 
 bwit, adj., 217. 
 bwitan, wv. , 405 n. 8. b. 
 bwiSa, wm., 107 n. 3. 
 bwQm(m), sm., 226; 
 
 239. 2. 
 bwon, see bwa. 
 hwon, sn., 237 n. 2. 
 bwQuan, adv., 321 and 
 
 .N. 2. 
 bwone, pron. , see bwa. 
 bwonne, adv., 4 n. 2 ; 
 
 65 N. 2. 
 bwopan, sv. , 396. 2. 
 
 b. 
 
396 
 
 INDEX 
 
 -h(w)ngii, 105. 1;317; 
 
 844. 1. 
 hwylc, see hwelc. 
 hwyrft, sui., 206. 
 hycg(e)an, wv., 31 n. ; 
 
 45. 3; 232. b; 410. 
 
 1 and N. 4. 
 hyd, sf., 209. 
 hydaii, wv., 359 n. 2; 
 
 405 N. 3 ; 400 N. 3. 
 -hydig, see -hygdig. 
 hyf, sf., 209. 
 Hygberht, pr, n., 203 
 
 N. 5. 
 gehygd, snf., 207. b; 
 
 209 and n. 4. 
 -hygdig, adj., 33. 1. b ; 
 
 214. 3. 
 hyge, sm., 31 n. ; 203. 
 
 1 and N. 5. 
 hyht, sm.,232. b; 200. 
 hyhtaii, wv., 405 n. 11. 
 
 6, 12. 
 behyldan, wv., 405 n. 
 
 11. a. 
 hyldo, f., 93. 2. 
 hyl(l), sm., 247. a; 
 
 200. 
 hylu, sf., 268. 
 hyngran (hingran, 
 
 -ian), wv., 31 n.; 95; 
 
 404. 1. c. 
 hype, sm., 203. 1. 
 onhyrian, wv., 400 
 
 N. 1. 
 hyrnetu, sf., 135 n. ; 
 
 258. 1 and n. 1. 
 hyrst, sf., 209. 
 hyrstan, wv., 405 n. 
 
 11. 
 gehyrste, -u, sfn. pi., 
 
 207 N. 2. 
 hyse, sm., 203. 1- and 
 
 N. 3. 
 HysemQii, Ilysewulf, 
 
 pr. n., 203 n. 5. 
 hyspan, wv., 405 n. 8. 
 
 a, 10. 
 hy«, sf., 258. 2. 
 ^hy^an, wv., 405 n. 5. 
 
 I, pr. n., 284 n. 7. 
 
 i-{=ge-), 212n. 1. 
 iarcian, iarwan. see 
 
 gearcian, gearw(i)an. 
 ic, pi. w^, etc., pron., 
 
 156. 1. c ; 182 ; 180. 
 
 1. 6; 188. 2; 200 n. 
 
 ; 210. 3 ; 332 ; 340. 
 ic(e)an, see iec(e)an. 
 idieges, adv.,320;339. 
 Idel, adj., 144. b; 147. 
 ides, sf., 254. 2; 255. 
 
 2 ; 209 N. 4. 
 (a)idlian, wv., n. 2 ; 
 
 412 N. 7. 
 iec(e)an, wv., 31 n. ; 
 
 198. 4. b ; 405. 4. a 
 
 and^. 10 ; 407. 2 and 
 
 N. 17, 18. 
 setlede, see iewan. 
 i(e)g,sf.,24N.;175.2; 
 
 258 N. 5. 
 ieldan, wv., 405 n. 11. 
 
 a. 
 ieldcian, wv., 411 n. 4. 
 ielde, sm., 204. 
 ieldesta, sup., 145 ; 310 
 
 and N. ; 311. 
 ieldra, comp., 151 n. ; 
 
 159. 1, 3; 307. 
 ieldran, wm., 42 n, ; 
 
 270 N. 3. b. 
 ieldu, f., 42. 1 ; 98. a; 
 
 159. 3; 279 and n. 
 
 1,2. 
 ielfe, sm., 204. 
 ielfetu,sf.,135N. ;258. 
 
 1 and N. 1. 
 iemung, see glemung. 
 ierfe, sn., 159. 1, 2. 
 ierfew(e)ard, sm., 43. 
 
 2. b; 51. 
 ierg-Su, f., 214. 1. 
 ierming, sm., 98. a. 
 ierm'Su, f.,42N. ; 98. a; 
 
 159. 2. 
 iernan, sv.. On. 2; 65 
 N. 1; 79 N. 2; 179. 
 1 ; 231 N. 1 ; 300 n. 
 3 ; 380 N. 2, 3, 4. 
 
 ierre, sn., 159. 5. 
 ierre, adj., 100. 1. a 
 
 and N. 2; 178. 2. 6; 
 
 181. 2; 217 N. 1; 
 
 299. 
 ierringa, adv., 318. 
 iersian, wv., 159. 5; 
 
 412 N. 5; 411 N. 4. 
 ie«, adv., 323. 
 iewan, wv. , n. 2 ; 174. 
 
 3 and n. 3 ; 355 n. 
 
 3 ; 408. 2 and n. 10. 
 ifig, sn., 217; 218 n. 1. 
 ifigtearo, -tara, sn., 43. 
 
 2. a. 
 -ig, pron., see ic. 
 igaS, sm., 24 n. 
 igel, sm., 214. 4. 
 ih, see ic. 
 il, see igel. 
 ilea (ileca, illca), pron., 
 
 43 N. 4; 291 n. 1; 
 
 339. 
 ile, sm., 203. 1 and n. 
 
 3. 
 inc(er), -it, see "Sii. 
 incer, poss. pron., 335. 
 Indeas, sm., 8 n. 3. 
 in(n), adv., 321. 
 innan, adv., 100. 3; 
 
 321. 
 inna^, sm., 100. 3. 
 inne, adv., 314; 321. 
 innefle, innelfe, -ilfe, 
 
 sn., 183. 2. b. 
 innerra, comp., inne- 
 
 mest, sup., 314 and 
 
 N. 1. 
 
 innew(e)ard, adj., 43, 
 
 2. b. 
 inst8epe(s), adv., 320. 
 ioc(c), see geoc. 
 lohannes, pr. n., 175. 
 
 1. 
 ionna, ionnaf?, see 
 
 innan, inna'S. 
 iren, adj. , 290 and n. 3. 
 irnan, see iernan. 
 isi'Ses, adv., 339. 
 ill, see geo. 
 
INDEX 
 
 397 
 
 ludan, pr. n., 276 n. 2, 
 
 3. a. 
 Itideas, pr. n., 175. 1. 
 iugu'5, m(i)h, iung, 
 
 iungia, see geogu'5, 
 
 «u, geong, gingra. 
 iw, sm., 223 N. 2; 250 
 
 N. 2. 
 iw, pron., Iwer, Iwih, 
 
 iwocc, see Sii, eower, 
 
 'Sii, geoc. 
 
 k-, see C-, 
 
 lacan, sv., 395. 2. h; 
 
 394. 1 and n. 1. 
 lacnian, Isecnian, wv., 
 
 57 N. 3; 411 N. 4; 
 
 412 N. 1, 9. 
 lad'Seow, ladteow, see 
 
 latteow. 
 lsecc(e)an, wv., 407. 1 
 
 and N. 10, 19. 
 Isece, sm., 57 n. 3; 91; 
 
 154 N. ; 206. 3. 6; 
 
 _248. 1. 
 -l8ec(e)an, wv., 407 n, 
 
 16, 17. 
 Igecnian, see lacnian. 
 l«dan, wv., 198. 4. a; 
 
 205. 6; 405. 1. h; 
 
 406 N. 3. 
 Iseden, adj., 89. 3; 197 
 
 N. 
 
 Igefan, wv., 405 n. 1. 
 ISn, sn., 267 n. 
 Igenan, w., 405 n. 1. 
 l^ne, adj., 222. 2. 
 Iseppa, see lappa, 
 lieran, wv., 17; 90; 
 
 360 N. 1 ; 405 N. 1 ; 
 _406 N. 2. 
 
 Iseresta, see Igest(a). 
 lees, sf., 134. d; 174. 
 _2; 260. 
 Ises, adv., 323. 
 Igesest, see ISst(a). 
 ISssa, comp., 154 n. ; 
 
 180; 304 N. 3; 312 
 
 and N. 1. 
 
 l£est(a) (Isesesta, ISr- 
 esta), sup., 312 and 
 
 _N. 1. 
 
 Itestan, wv., 363 n. 2; 
 
 405 N. 11. 
 Iffit, adj., 294 ; 314. 
 l^tan, sv., 355 n. 3; 
 
 364 N. 2 ; 394. 1 and 
 
 N. 2; 395. 2 and n. 
 
 3. 
 Isetemest, sup., 50 n. 2 ; 
 _314. 
 
 IseSan, wv., 405 n. 5. 
 l^'S'5(u), f., 201. 5. 
 Isewan, wv., 57, 2. a; 
 
 90; 174. 3; 408. 2 
 
 and N. 11. 
 l^wed, adj., 173 n. 2. 
 laford, see hlaford. 
 lagu, sm., 213 ; 271. 
 lagu, sf., 103. 
 lahbryce, -slite, sm., 
 
 214 N. 1. 
 lahcop, sn., 26 n. 
 laliwa, pron., 345. 
 lappa, IcBppa, wm., 10. 
 lar, sf., 17; 90; 252 n. 
 
 4; 254. 1;276n. 3. &. 
 lareow, sm., 43 n. 4; 
 
 150 N. 7; 217 N. 1; 
 
 250. 2 and n. 3, 4. 
 lareowa, wm., 250 n. 
 
 3. 
 lasest, see Isest(a). 
 lasor, sm. ? 103. 
 last, sm., 232. c. 
 laS, adj., 199 n. 1. 
 la'Sian, wv., 50 n. 1 ; 
 
 411 N. 4; 414 N. 2; 
 
 416 N. 13. 
 la'Su, sf., 253 and n. 1. 
 latteow, sm., 43 n. 4 ; 
 
 150 N. 7; 174 N. 2; 
 
 201. 4. 6; 250. 2 and 
 
 N. 3, 4. 
 latteowa, wm., 250 
 
 N. 3. 
 laurtreow, sn., 6 n. 1. 
 lea, sm., 255 n. 3. 
 lea, wm,, see leo. 
 
 leactun, sm., 210. 2. 
 leaf, see leof. 
 geleafa, wm., 63; 99. 
 geleaf(f)ul, adj., 231 
 
 N. 2. 
 leah, sf., 255. 4 and 
 
 N. 3. 
 leahtun, see leactun. 
 lean, sn., 47. 
 lean, sv.. 111. 2; 368 
 
 N. 4; 373; 392. 2. 
 leanian, wv., 411 n. 4. 
 leas, adj., 35 n. 2. 
 leasest, leassa, see 
 
 l^st(a), l^ssa. 
 least, f., 100 N. 7. 
 leasung, sf., 135. 1, 
 lea'Man, see la'iSian. 
 lee, sm., 266. 
 lee, pret., see lucan. 
 l^cc(e)an, wv., 407. 1 
 
 and N. 9. 
 l^cg(e)an, wv., 89. 1; 
 
 177. a; 214. 3; 227; 
 
 358 N. 5. 6; 400 n. 1. 
 
 6; 401. 2; 407. 1 
 
 and N. 7 ; 410 n. 2. 
 lecniga, lede, etc., bi- 
 
 lede, see lacnian, 
 
 l^cg(e)an, ISwan. 
 lef, adj., 58; 91 n. 
 gelefan, ' damage,' 
 
 wv., 91 N. 
 gelefan, ' believe,' 
 
 Lefes, legan, see ge- 
 
 llefan, Levi, leogan. 
 l^ger, sn., 245. 
 forl^gis, sf., 258. 1. 
 -l^gu, sf., 268. 
 leht, lehta, lehtun, 
 
 l^mb, see leoht, 
 
 llehtan, leactun, 
 
 iQmb. 
 l^mian, wv., 176 n. 2; 
 
 400 N. 2. 
 l^mpedu, sf., 258 n. 1. 
 l(^ndan, wv., 405 n. 
 
 11. a. 
 l^ng, adv,,133,a; 182; 
 
 323. 
 
398 
 
 INDEX 
 
 l^ng(e)an, wv., 405 n. 
 
 2. 
 l^ngest(a), sup., 310 
 
 and N. ; 311. 
 l<^nglifra, comp., 308 
 
 N. 
 
 l^n(g)ten, -cten, sm., 
 
 215. 
 l^ngtogra, comp., 308 
 
 N. 
 
 leo, wra., 277 n. 2, 3. 
 leodan, sv., 384 n. 1. a. 
 leode, sm., 261 ; 264. 
 leof, adj., 64 ; 150 n. 
 
 1, 3; 309; 311. 
 leofian, see libban. 
 leoflicor, -ost, adj., 
 
 322. 
 leogan, sv., 165. 1 and 
 
 N. 1 ; 384 N. 1. a. 
 leoht, sn., 100. 1. 6; 
 
 150 N. 3 ; 165. 1 and 
 
 N. 1. 
 leoht, adj., 'bright,' 
 
 165. 1 and n. 1. 
 leoht, adj., 'easy,' 84. 
 
 2; 100 N. 1; 165 n. 2. 
 leohtfset, sn., 237 n. 4. 
 leoma, wm., 222. 2. 
 leon,sv.,84. 2; 114. 3; 
 
 165. 2; 373; 383 
 
 N. 4. 
 leoran, swv., 382 n. 3 ; 
 
 384 N. 3 ; 406 N. 6 ; 
 
 410 N. 5. 
 leornian, wv., 39. 1 ; 
 
 360 N. 3; 412 N. 2; 
 
 416 N. 12, 15. a. 
 leorning, -ung, sf., 100 
 
 N. 7; 254. 2; 255. 1. 
 forleosan, sv., 384 n. 
 
 1. b. 
 lecSo-, see li^u-. 
 leow, n., 290 n. 3. 
 LeowSerius, pr. n., 
 
 64 N. 
 lesan, sv., 391 n. 1. 
 lesa(n), lessa, see Has- 
 an, l«ssa. 
 -lestu, f., 100 N. 7. 
 
 letan, see Igetan. 
 leSer, sn., 139 n. 
 l^ttan, wv., 400 N. 1. c; 
 
 401. 1 ; 402. 2. 
 Levi, pr. n., 194. 
 lewa, see ISwan. 
 libban (lifgan, lifian), 
 
 wv., 107 N. 4; 190; 
 
 412 N. 11; 416. land 
 
 N. 2, 15. a. 
 lie, sn., 239. 1. b. 
 -lie, adj., 43. 1, 3.6; 
 
 294 and n. 2. 
 gellc, adj., 43. 1. 
 liccian, wv., 413 n. 6. 
 Liccitfeld, pr. n., 273 
 
 N. 3. 
 licettan (liccettan), wv. , 
 
 230 N.l; 403 N. 
 licg(e)an, sv., 54. 6; 
 
 57 N. 3; 206. 3. b; 
 
 214. 4; 216. 1; 358 
 
 N. 5. 6; 366 n. 2; 
 
 372 and n. ; 391. 3 
 
 and N. 9 ; 410 n. 5. 
 lichoma, licuma, wm., 
 
 217. 
 lician, wv., 411 n. 5. 
 -lida, wm., 234. b. 
 aliefan, wv., 405 n. 1. 
 gellefan, wv., 99 ; 159. 
 
 4 ; 356 N. 1 ; 405. 1. 
 
 b ; 406 N. 7. 
 li(e)g, sm., 31 n. ; 99; 
 
 266. 
 ll{e)get(u), smnf.,248. 
 
 2 and n. 3 ; 258. 1 
 
 and N. 1. 
 Ii(e)gr8esc, sm., 89. 2. 
 li(e)htan, wv., 'shine,' 
 
 100. 1. b; 165. 2 
 
 and N. 2 ; 405 n, 
 
 11. b; 406 N. 6; 410 
 
 N. 5, 
 ll(e)htan, wv., 'allevi- 
 ate,' 100 N. 1. 
 lies, see leas, 
 llesan, wv., 203; 405. 
 
 1. 6; 406 N. 6, 7; 
 
 410 N. 5. 
 
 -llest, f., 100 N. 7. 
 lie'Sran, wv., 404. 1. c. 
 li(e)xan, wv., 100 n. 1 ; 
 
 165. 2 ; 405. 4. c. 
 belifan, sv., 382 n. 1. a. 
 lifgan (lifian, etc.),lig, 
 
 ligan, see libban, 
 
 li(e)g, leogan. 
 geligere, sn., 214. 4. 
 llht, lihta(n), see leoht, 
 
 ll(e)htan. 
 lim, sn., 105. 3 and n. 
 
 5 ; 237 N. 4 ; 241. 
 (ge)limpan, sv., 386 n, 
 
 1,3. 
 Lindis, pr. n., 258. 1. 
 linnan, sv., 386 n. 1. 
 gelire, see geligere. 
 liss, list, see li'Ss, licg- 
 
 (e)an. 
 li«, sn., 105. 3; 241 ; 
 
 271. 
 li'S, see licg(e)an. 
 irSan, sv., 232. c; 234. 
 
 6; 380; 382 n. 1. b. 
 li'Sercian, wv., 413 n. 1. 
 li'Sgian, wv., 414 n. 3. 
 li'Sincel, sn., 248 n. 4. 
 li«s,sf.,201. 7; 258.2. 
 li«u-, sm., 271. 
 loc, sn., 239. 1. 6. 
 loc(a)hwa, pron., 345. 
 locbore, wf., 278 n. 1. 
 loc(c), sm., 226. 
 loccian, wv., 411 n. 4. 
 lochwa, lochwse'Ser, 
 
 lochwylc, pron. , 345. 
 locian, wv., 355 ff. ; 
 
 411. 1, 2, 3 and N. 4; 
 
 412 N. 1, 5,6, 8, 11; 
 
 413 N. 2. 
 loes(i)ga, see losian. 
 lofian, wv., 411 n. 4. 
 iQmb (lamp ; l^mb 
 
 l^mbor), n., 128. 1 
 133. b ; 182 and n. 
 190 and n. ; 224 
 288 N. 1 ; 290 and 
 N. 1. 
 iQnd, sn., 65. 
 
INDEX 
 
 399 
 
 l<2ndbig^ng(e)a, wm., 
 
 215 N. 2. 
 iQiidbiiend, 1, 287. 
 iQiidcop, sn., 26 n. 
 iQiig, adj., 310. 
 LQngbeardan, pr. n., 
 
 276 N. 3. a. 
 iQiigian, wv., 411 n. 5. 
 iQiiglife, adj., 308 n. 
 loppe, wf., 189. 
 losian, wv., 412 n. 3, 
 
 6, 7, 10; 413 n. 6; 
 
 414 N. 4; 415. 2; 
 
 416 N. 11. b. 
 lot, sn., 239. 1. b. 
 loSa, wm., 199 n. 1. 
 Ifican, sv., 44 n. 2 ; 61 ; 
 
 108. 2 ; 163 ; 371 n. 
 
 2, 3, 6 ; 385 and n. 
 
 3,4. 
 lufestice, wf., 192. 2. 
 lufian, wv., 55 ; 411 n. 
 
 4 ; 412 N. 1-6, 9, 10, 
 
 11 ; 413 N. 5, 6. 
 lufiend, m., 286 n. 2. 
 lufu, swf . , 55 ; 252 n. 
 
 2, 4 ; 253 and n. 2 ; 
 
 278 N. 1. 
 lus, f., 284. 
 lust, sm., 56. 
 Ititan, sv., 371 n. 2 ; 
 _385. 
 
 lyce, see Isece. 
 lyffettan, wv., 192. 1. 
 lyft, smfn., 266 and n. 
 
 1 ; 267 N. 2 ; 269 and 
 
 N. 4. 
 lyge, sm., 263, 1 and 
 
 N. 5. 
 lyre, sm., 263. 1. 
 lyssa, see Isessa. 
 lystan, wv., 405 n. 11. 
 lyt, n.,302; adv., 319. 
 lytel, adj., 31 n. ; 296 
 
 and N. 2 ; 312. 
 lytel, adv_^, 319. _ 
 lytesna (lytisna, lytest- 
 
 ne), adv., 302; 319. 
 lythwon, n., 302. 
 lytlum, adv., 319. 
 
 ma (mS), adv. comp., 
 
 182 ; 312 N. 1 ; 323. 
 gemaca, wf., 278 n. 4. 
 macian, wv., 50 n. 1 ; 
 
 175 N. ; 411 N. 4; 
 
 416 N. 13. 
 macrsef tigra, comp. , 
 
 308 N. 
 madm-, see maSum. 
 mffi, see ma. 
 gem8ecc(e)a, wmf., 89 
 
 N. 1 ; 278 N. 4. 
 msecg, sm., 89 n. 1. 
 msecti, see mi(e)ht. 
 mffid, sf., 134. d; 174. 
 
 2 ; 260 and n. 3. 
 msed, n., 290 n. 3. 
 mpeden, see maegden. 
 mseg, auv., 82 ; 162. 1 
 
 and N. 2 ; 214. 2, 3 ; 
 
 232. b; 360 n. 3; 
 
 377n.;424. 10an(iN. 
 
 mgeg, sm., 17 ; 57 n. 
 
 3 ; 240 N. 4. 
 masgden, sn., 50 n. 2 ; 
 
 214. 3. 
 msege, wf., 57 n. 3. 
 msegen, sn., 49. 
 msegerian, wv., 412 
 
 N. 2. 
 maegester, sm., 89, 3. 
 m8eg(e)5, f., 284 and 
 
 N. 4. 
 m8eg(e)Shad, sm., 214. 
 
 2. 
 msegliQnd, sf., 214. 2. 
 mSgS, sf., 154 N. 
 maehte, m8elit(ig), 
 
 mseig, see mseg, 
 
 miht(ig), mseg. 
 m^l, sn., 45. 6; 201 
 
 N. 2, 
 mselan, wv,, 201 n. 2. 
 mseltan, see mieltan. 
 mgeltange, wf . , 276n. 4. 
 -mselum, adv., 320. 
 meenan, wv., 405 n. 1. 
 gemSne, adj., 302 n. 
 maenifold, see inQnig- 
 
 feald. 
 
 msenig, meercian, see 
 
 m^nig, mearcian. 
 mSre, adj., 91. 
 niffirsian, wv., 150. 1 ; 
 
 411 N. 4; 412 N. 6. 
 m8est(a), sup., 151, 1 ; 
 
 196, 1; S12 and ^,1. 
 msestan, wv., 89. 2; 
 
 405 N. 11. 
 msestling, sm., 196. 4. 
 maeSl, sn., 201 n. 2. 
 mgeSlan, wv., 201 n. 3. 
 meew, sm., 266. 
 mafealdra, comp., 308 
 
 N. ; 330 N. 2. 
 magan, mage, see mseg, 
 
 mSge. 
 Magentse, pr. n., 205. 
 
 a. 
 magister, sm., 12; 50 
 
 N. 5. 
 magu, sm., 103; 271. 
 geraah, adj., 222 n. 1 ; 
 
 295 N. 1. 
 malian, see mseg. 
 gemalic, adj., 222 n. 1. 
 mapuldor, sm., 139 n. 
 mara, comp., 181. 2; 
 
 312. 
 margen, see morgen. 
 martrian, wv., 79 n. 3. 
 masce, wf., 10. 
 mast(a), see mSst(a). 
 ma'Selian, wv., 201 
 
 N. 3. 
 ma'Sum, sm., 138 ; 141 ; 
 
 148 ; 201 N. 3 ; 244. 
 
 2. 
 mattuc, sm., 10. 
 mawan,sv,, 62 n. ; 396. 
 
 2. c. 
 maxe, see masce. 
 m^, see ic. 
 meaht, see mi(e)ht. 
 mealwe, wf., 171 n. 2. 
 mearc, sf., 254. 1. 
 mearcian, wv., 162. 2 ; 
 
 413 N. 1. 
 meard, see meord. 
 mearg, sn., 162. 2. 
 
400 
 
 INDEX 
 
 mearh, sm., 79 n. 1 ; 
 
 218. 1; 223 n. 1; 
 
 242. 1 and n. 1. 
 mearS, sni., 109 n. 1. 
 mearu, adj., 300. 
 mec, see ic. 
 mece,sm. , 91 n. ; 248. 1. 
 med, sf., 58 ; to medes, 
 
 adv., 320. 
 medewa, w. adj., 300. 
 medren-, 27 n, 
 medsceat, sm., 198. 4. a. 
 medu (meodu), sm., 
 
 104. SandN. 1; 271. 
 meduma, sup., 314. 
 meh, meht, mei-, 
 
 merS-, melcan, see 
 
 ic, miht, m^g-, 
 
 mseg'S-, meolcan. 
 meldian, wv,, 411 n.4. 
 melo, meolo, sn., 104, 
 
 1 ; 249 and n. 2. 
 meltan, sv,, 387 n. 1. 
 m^ne, sm., 261 ; 263. 1. 
 m^ng(e)an, wv., 215 
 
 N. 2 ; 405 N. 2 ; 406 
 
 N. 6. 
 m^ngu, m^nig(e)o, f., 
 
 206. 3. b; 214. 5; 
 
 279 and n. 3. 
 m^nig, see mQiiig. 
 m^nnenu, sf., 258 n. 2. 
 m^nnesc(e)a, wm., 76 
 
 N. 4 ; 206. 3. b. 
 m^nnisc, adj., 145. 
 meo, wm. ? 277 n. 2. 
 meodo, meodren-, 
 
 meohx, see medu, 
 
 medren-, meox. 
 meolcan, sv., 81 ; 357 
 
 N. 1 ; 387 N. 3. 
 meolo, see melo. 
 meol(o)c, f., 105. 2; 
 
 164. 2 ; 284 n. 5. 
 meord, sf., 150 n. 1. 
 meotod, see metod. 
 meowle, wf., 73 n. 1 ; 
 
 174. 3 ; 278. 
 meox, sn., 84. 1; 221. 
 
 2 and n. 3. 
 
 gemercian, see mearc- 
 
 ian. 
 m^re, sm,, 44 n. 1 ; 
 
 261 ; 263, 1. 
 merg-, m^rgen, m^r- 
 
 ien, see mearg, mor- 
 
 gen. 
 amebian, wv. , 400 n. 1. 
 mersian, see meersian. 
 mertze, wf,, 205 n. 1. 
 mest, see m^st(a), 
 met, sn,, 104 n. 1. 
 gemet, sn., 104, 3, 
 metan, sv,, 107. 2 ; 
 
 391, 1. 
 metan, wv,, 405 n. 8. 6, 
 
 10; 406 N, 3, 6, 
 m^tbselg, sm.,263N, 5. 
 m^te, sm,, 263, 1 and 
 
 K, 3, 5. 
 m^tecweorra, wm. , 
 
 388 N. 1. 
 met(e)gian, wv., 411 
 
 N. 4; 414 N. 3. 
 mc^teliestu, -least, f., 
 
 99 N. ; 100 N. 7 ; 
 
 201. 6. 
 metod, sm., 104 n. 1; 
 
 160. 2 ; 245. 
 metsceat, seemedsceat, 
 micel, adj., 31 n. ; 136. 
 
 3 ; 144. c ; 228 ; 296 
 
 and N. 1, 2 ; 312. 
 micgern, sn., 206. 4; 
 
 216 N. 2. 
 micles, miclum, adv., 
 
 319. 
 mid(d), adj., 231. 2; 
 
 297; 314. 
 omiddan, see qh. 
 middan(g)eard, sm., 
 
 214. 7. 
 tomiddes, adv., 319. 
 midl(mrSl),sn.?201.3. 
 midlian, wv., 412 n. 1. 
 midmest, sup., 314. 
 mieht(ig), seemiht(ig). 
 mieltan, wv., 159. 3. 
 Mierce, pr, n., 264 and 
 
 N. ; 276 N. 3. a. 
 
 gemierce, sn,, 248. 1. b. 
 miere, wf,, 278. 
 mierrau, wv., 178. 2. b ; 
 
 405 N. 6. 
 migan, sv., 382 n. 1. a. 
 miht (meaht; mseht), 
 
 sf.,3lN.; 82; 98 n. ; 
 
 159. 1, 3; 221 N. 1; 
 
 232. 6 ; 261 ; 269 and 
 
 N. 2. 
 mihtig, adj., 151 n. ; 
 
 159. 3. 
 mile, see meol(o)c. 
 milcdeonde, part., 408 
 
 N. 17. 
 mildsian,seemil(t)sian. 
 mil(t)s, sf., 198. 4. a; 
 
 206. b and n. 1 ; 
 
 258. 2. 
 mil(t)sian, wv., 198. 4. 
 
 a; 411 N. 4; 412 n. 
 
 4, 5, 7, 9, 10. 
 milze, see mil(t)s. 
 gemimor, adj., 106. 3. 
 min, gen., see ic. 
 mln, pron., 59; 188 n. 
 
 4 ; 293 N. 2 ; 335. 
 minsian, wv., 186. 2. b. 
 minte, wf., 69. 
 mirig'S, see myrg^, 
 mis(t)lic, adj,,43, 3. &; 
 
 196, 4, 
 mI'San, sv,, 382 n. I. a. 
 mitty, conj., 201, 4. b. 
 mixen, sn,, 84. 1 ; 
 
 164, 2. 
 modge'SQnc, sm., 199 
 
 N. 1. 
 
 modor, f., 229 ; 285 
 
 and N. 3, 4. c, 
 modrie, moddrie, wf., 
 
 229. 
 moh'Se, -a, see mo^e. 
 mona, wm,, 68; 277. 
 mona'5, m,, 26. 2 ; 68 ; 
 
 281, 1 and n. 4 ; 
 
 281. 2, 
 on gemqng, adv., 188 
 
 N, 3 ; amang, see yn. 
 m^nian, wv., 411 n. 4. 
 
INDEX 
 
 401 
 
 uiQnig (msenig ; m^- 
 
 nig), adj., 65 n. 2 ; 
 
 135. 3; 291 N. 1; 
 
 296 and n. 1. 
 niQiiigfeald, adj., 214. 
 
 5 ; 308 N. ; 330 and 
 
 N. 2. 
 niQnigfealdlice (-fal- 
 
 lice), adv., 198. 3. 
 mQn(n), m., 25. 2 and 
 
 N. ; 65; 89. 4, 5; 
 
 226; 231. 1; 281. 1. 
 iiiQima, wm., 281 n. 1. 
 M^niieSorp, pr. n., 
 
 284 N. 7. 
 mQUung, sf., 135. 1; 
 
 254. 2. 
 moraS, sn., 199 n. 3. 
 morgen (m^rgen ; mar- 
 gen), sm., 10; 11; 
 
 93. 1 ; 213 N. ; 214 
 
 N. 10, 11; 237 N. 2; 
 
 244. 1 ; to morgen, 
 
 to morgen, adv., 237 
 
 N. 2. 
 morne(s), see morgen. 
 mors, sn., 199. 2. 
 moru, wf., 218 n. 2 ; 
 
 278 N. 1. 
 mot, anv., 425. 12 and 
 
 N. 
 
 mo'S'Se, wf., 199 n. 2; 
 
 226. 
 motian, wv., 412 n. 1. 
 gemun, adj., 302. 
 munan, anv., 186.2. a; 
 
 423. 9 and n. 2. 
 Mun cgiu, see Muntgiof . 
 munt, sm., 70. 
 Muntgiof, pr. n., 192. 
 
 2 ; 196. 3. 
 munuc, sm., 70 ; 93. 2; 
 
 128 N. 2. 
 murcnian, wv., 55. 
 murnan, sv., 55; 389 
 
 and N. 4. 
 mus, f., 133. 6; 284 
 
 and N. 1. 
 mu«, sm., 30. 2; 186. 
 
 1. 6; 239. 1. a. 
 
 muxle, w_f., 204. 3. 
 mycel, myg'S, see micel, 
 
 mgegS. 
 gemynd, snf., 267. 6; 
 
 269 and n. 4. 
 gemyndgian, wv., 355 
 
 N. 3; 411 N. 4; 412 
 
 N. 4, 7. 
 myne, sm., 263. 1. 
 gemyne, sn., 263. 2. 
 gemyne, adj., 302. 
 mynecen(u), sf., 93. 2 ; 
 
 258 N. 2. 
 mynet, sm., 70; 93. 2. 
 mynster, sn. , 70 ; 93. 2. 
 myntan, wv., 405 n. 
 
 11.6. 
 myrge, adj., 315 n. 3. 
 myrg'5, sf., 213 n. 
 
 nabban, wv., 10; 110 
 
 N. 4; 217; 360 n. 3; 
 
 416 N. 1. a. 
 nacod, adj., 50. 1 ; 144. 
 
 a. 
 neebre, see n^fre. 
 nsedl, sf., 140; 201. 3; 
 
 254. 1. 
 needre, wf., 276 n. 3. 
 
 _a, c ; 278. 
 n^efre, adv., 192 n. 2. 
 nsegl, sm., 49; 140. 
 nseglan, wv., 89. 2 ; 
 
 _404. 1. b. 
 najhsta, nseht, see 
 
 niehsta, niht. 
 ben^man, wv., 68 n. 
 
 1^405n. 1. 
 genseme, adj., 299. 
 n^nig, pron., 348. 2; 
 
 n^nge ^inga, adv., 
 _320. 
 nseniht, n., 100 n. 3; 
 
 _348 N. 2. 
 nsep, sm., 57. 1. 
 ngeron, nses, see wesan. 
 naes, sm., 89 n. 1. 
 nStan, wv., 405 n. 8. b. 
 nse'Sl, see nSdl. 
 naht, see na(w)uht. 
 
 nahwser, nawer, adv., 
 
 43 N. 4; 57 N. 2; 
 
 321 N. 2. 
 nahwse'Ser, nawSer, 
 
 na(u)'5er, pron. , 348. 
 
 2. 
 nalas, nalaes, nals, 
 
 nalles, nealles, adv., 
 
 319. 
 nan, pron., 348. 2; 
 
 na(n) "Sing, n., 348. 
 
 2; nane "Singa, adv., 
 
 320. 
 nan(w)uht, n., 348. 2. 
 nas, see wesan. 
 naSer, see nahwse'Ser. 
 naming, n., 348. 2. 
 nathwa, nathwelc, 
 
 pron., 344. 2. 
 nawer, see nahwEer. 
 na(w)uht, naht (na- 
 
 wiht), n.,6 N. 1; 71 ; 
 
 172 N. ; 267 n. 3; 
 
 348. 2 and n. 1, 2. 
 neades, adv., 320. 
 neah, adj., 313 n. 1. 
 neah, adv., 57. 2. d; 
 
 82 ; 108. 2 ; 163 and 
 
 N. 2 ; 165 N. 3 ; 222 
 
 N. 1 ; 313 ; 321. 
 be-, geneah, anv., 424. 
 
 11. 
 neahgebur, sm., 214 
 
 N. 4. 
 geneahhe, adv., 82 ; 
 
 108. 2 ; 220 and n. 
 
 1. 
 neahst(a), neaht, see 
 
 mehst(a), niht. 
 neal«c(e)an, wv., 150 
 
 N. 2 ; 165 N. 3 ; 222 
 
 N. 1 ; 405 N. 7 ; 407 
 
 N. 16, 17, 18. 
 nealic, adj., 222 n. 1. 
 nealica(n), etc., see 
 
 nealffic(e)an. 
 nealles, neam, see 
 
 nalas, eom. 
 nean, adv., 112 ; 321 ; 
 
 fornean, 150 n. 3. 
 
402 
 
 INDEX 
 
 near, adv., 84 n. 2; 
 
 112; 321; 823. 
 nearra, coinp., 313. 
 nearu, sf., 200 and n. 1. 
 nearu, adj., 103 n. 1; 
 
 174 N. 1; 300; 315. 
 nearwe, adv., 315. 
 neat, sn., 99. 
 neawest, sf., 222 n. 1. 
 neb, sn., 247. b. 
 Nebrod, pr. n., 187 n. 
 nechebur, ned, nedl, 
 
 see neabgebur, nied, 
 
 ngedl. 
 nefa, wm., 107.2; 277 
 
 and N. 1. 
 neh, genehhe, nelihe- 
 
 bur,nehlceca(n), etc., 
 
 nehsta, see neah, 
 
 geneahhe, neabge- 
 bur, neal8ec(e)an, 
 
 niehsta. 
 (ge)nehwiga, wv., 218 
 
 N. 3 ; 222 N. 4. 
 neirxna-, see neorxna-. 
 neista, see niehsta. 
 nelecca(n), etc., see 
 
 neal9ec(e)an. 
 nellan, anv., 110 n. 4; 
 
 172 N. ; 360 n. 4, 5 ; 
 
 428 N. 2, 3, 4. 
 n^mnan, wv., 358 n. 4 ; 
 
 404 N. 1. a ; 406 and 
 
 N. 4, 6. 
 Nemrod, pr. n., 187 n. 
 neodlucor, adv., 43 
 
 N. 3. 
 neogoSa (niogocSa), 
 
 neolgeca, -lica (nio-), 
 
 neoman (nioman), 
 
 neone (nione), see 
 
 nigoSa, neal^c(e)an, 
 
 niman, nigon. 
 hundneontig, num., 
 
 166 N. 6. 
 geneop, pret., 396 n. 5. 
 neorxnawQng, sm., 164 
 
 N. 1. 
 neos(i)an, wv., 221. 2; 
 
 412 N. 4. 
 
 neotan, sn., see nleten. 
 neotan, sv., 384 n. 1. a. 
 (be)neo(Nan, (-)nio5an, 
 
 adv., 107 N. 5; 314; 
 
 321. 
 neoSemest, nioSemest, 
 
 sup., 314. 
 neo^or (uioSor), see 
 
 niSor. 
 neowe, see niwe. 
 neowol, niowol, see 
 
 niwol. 
 n^rgend, ra., 286. 
 n^rian, wv., 44 n. 1 ; 
 
 89. 1; 133. c; 136; 
 
 175. 1, 2; 176; 181. 
 
 2 ; 227 ; 306 and n. 
 
 1 ; 355 ff. ; 372 ; 400. 
 
 landN. 1,3; 401. 2; 
 
 402. 1 ; 409 and n. 
 
 1 ; 410. 1, 3 and 
 
 N. 5. 
 -n^ru, sf., 268. 
 n^rwan, see nierwan. 
 -nes, sf., 258. 1 and 
 
 N. 1. 
 
 genesan, sv., 391 n. 1. 
 nesta, see niehsta. 
 n^t, sn., 247. b. 
 neSan, wv., 405 n. 5. 
 neSl, see nSdl. 
 nexta, see niehsta. 
 nial^ca(n), etc., see 
 
 nealSc(e)an. 
 nice, pron., 332 n. 2. 
 nIed, sf., 99; 159. 4; 
 
 209; niedes, adv., 
 
 320. 
 niedan, wv., 405 n. 3. 
 niedngeme, adj., 68 
 
 N. 1. 
 niehsta, sup., 108. 2; 
 
 145 ; 155. 3 ; 163 n. 
 
 1 ; 166. 6 ; 221 N. 4 ; 
 
 222. 1; 311; 313 
 
 and N. 
 nieht, see niht. 
 nierwan, wv., 174 n. 1 ; 
 
 408. 1 and n. 6. 
 nierwet, sn., 248. 2. 
 
 nleten, sn., 42 n. ; 99; 
 
 135. 2; 144.6; 243. 
 
 1 ; 244. 2. 
 niewe, see niwe. 
 nift, sf., 193. 1. 
 nigon, num., 105. 3; 
 
 166 N. 6; 325 and 
 
 N. 
 
 nigontene, num., 325. 
 hundnigontig, num., 
 
 326. 
 nigo'Sa, num., 328. 
 nib, nihsta, see neah, 
 
 niehsta. 
 niht, neaht (nseht), f., 
 
 31 N. 82; 98 N. ; 151 
 
 N. ; 159. 3 ; 284 and 
 
 N. 4. — oniht, see qn. 
 
 — nihtes, adv., 284 
 
 N. 4 ; 320. 
 nihtegale, wf., 278n. 1. 
 nihtlanges, adv., 319. 
 genih(t)sum, see ge- 
 
 nyhtsum. 
 niman, sv., 23. 2 ; 44 
 
 N. 1-3 ; 68 and n. 1 ; 
 
 69 ; 70 ; 107. 5 ; 366 
 
 N. 2; 370 N. 8; 371 
 
 N. 7 ; 390 N. 2. 
 genip, sn., 241. 
 nipan, sv., 382 n. 1. a. 
 -nis, sf., 44. 
 nistan, wv., 405 n. 11. 
 nistig, adj., 110 n. 4. 
 (be)ni'San, see (be)- 
 
 necSan. 
 ni'Semest, sup., 105 n. 
 
 6; 314. 
 niSerra, comp., 314 
 
 and N, 1. 
 niSor, adv., 105. 3 and 
 
 N. 5; 321. 
 niSrian, wv., 412 n. 4 ; 
 
 413 N. 1. 
 niwe (neowe, niowe), 
 
 adj., 73 N. 3; 100 n. 
 
 2; 156. 5; 159. 5; 
 
 297 N. 1. 
 niwian, wv., 412 n. 5. 
 niwol, adj., 73. 3. 
 
INDEX 
 
 403 
 
 genog, adj., 214. 1; 
 
 291 N. 1 ; 295 n. 1. 
 genog, adv., 319. 
 noht, see iiowuht. 
 nohwEer, nower, adv., 
 
 57 N. 2 ; 321 n. 2. 
 nohwseiSer, nowSer, 
 
 pron., 348. 2. 
 iiQina, wm., 65; 276 
 
 N. 3. c, 4; 277. 
 to nones, adv., 320. 
 norS, adv., 314; 321. 
 norSan, adv., 321. 
 Nor5(an)hymbre, pr. 
 
 u., 264. 
 norSeria, comp., 314 
 
 and N. 1. 
 norSmest, sup., 314. 
 nosu, sf., 274. 
 nower, nowSer, see no- 
 li wSi', nohwieSer. 
 nowuht, noht (no- 
 
 wiht), n.,348. 2 a?id 
 
 N. 2. 
 -numa, wv., 70. 
 nybSe, see nym^e. 
 nyllan, see nellan. 
 genyht, sn., 267. 6. 
 genyhtsum, adj., 31 n. ; 
 
 196 N. 3. 
 genyhtsumian, wv., 
 
 412 N. 2. 
 nymSe, conj., 187 n. 
 nyr, see near. 
 nyrSra, comp., 314. 
 nytan, anv., 110 n. 4 ; 
 
 172 N. ; 360 n. 3 ; 
 
 420. 1 and n. 1. 
 nyt(t), sf., 258. 1. 
 nyt(t), adj., 231. 2; 
 
 297. 
 
 o, adv., 62 N.; 174. 3. 
 ol3, obaer, see of, ofer. 
 CEfist, sf., 100 N. 4. 
 ceg, see weg. 
 of, prep., 51; 130; 
 
 191. 
 ofd^le, -dsele, sn., 263. 
 
 2 and n. 3. 
 
 ofer, prep., 4 n. 2 ; 191 ; 
 
 192. 2 and n. 2. 
 ofere, adv., 321 n. 3. 
 oferhygd, sn., 267. 6. 
 ofermetto, f., 201. 4. 
 
 h ; 255. 3. 
 ofermodgian, 413 n. 3. 
 ofersl^ge, sn., 263. 2. 
 Off a, pr. n., 192. 1. 
 offrian, wv., 192. 1 ; 
 
 411 N. 4; 413 N. 5. 
 of(o)st, sf., 43 N. 4; 
 
 93. 1 ; 186 N. 3. 
 oftige, sm., 263. 1 
 obselSi, 201. 2. 
 oht, sf., 67; 94. c. 
 oht, n., see owuht. 
 ohw£er, ower, adv., 57 
 
 N. 2; 321 N. 2. 
 ohwse'Ser, ow(5er, pron., 
 
 62 N. ; 222 n. 1 ; 346. 
 ohwQnan (owana), adv., 
 
 321 N. 2. 
 ol^cc(e)an (olsecean), 
 
 wv., 407 N. 16, 17. 
 Qllunc, see Qndlgng. 
 om, sm., 08. 
 Qinbiht, ambec(h)t, sn., 
 
 221 N. 1. 
 Qn (an), adv., prep., 
 
 61 and n. ; 130 ; 188 
 
 N. 3. 
 on-, ' out of, ' Ger. 
 
 'ent-,' 56 N. 1; 158 
 
 N. 2. 
 Qucleow, sn., 198 n. 2 ; 
 
 250. 1. 
 Qnd, conj., 4 n. 2. 
 Qndcwis(s),sf. ?232. d. 
 (2ndet(e)re, sm.,248. 1. 
 
 a. 
 Qudettan, wv., 217 ; 
 
 403 N. ; 405 n. 9 ; 
 
 406 N. 6 ; 412 n. 2. 
 Qudf^nge, adj., 206. 3. 
 
 6 ; 215 N. 2. 
 Qndf^ng(e)a, wm., 198 
 
 N. 2. 
 Qudgiet, sn., 8 n. 4 ; 
 
 198 N. 2. 
 
 Qudleofa, -liofa, wm., 
 
 107. 4. 
 QudlQUg, adv., 188 n. 
 
 1. 
 Qndrys(n)lic (^ndrys- 
 
 endlic, Qndrystlic), 
 
 adj., 188 N. 4; 196. 
 
 4 ; 198 N. 1. 
 Qudsaca, wm. , 198 n. 2. 
 Qndsacian, wv., 198. 
 
 4. a. 
 Qudspurnian (Qnd- 
 
 spyr[n]iga), wv., 
 
 416 N. 11. e. 
 Qndswarian, wv., 412 
 
 N. 11; 413 N. 6; 
 
 416 N. 13. c, 17. 
 Qudswaru, sf., 51 ; 253 
 
 and N. 2. 
 Qudwe(a)rd, adj., 43. 
 
 3. a. 
 geQndweardian, wv., 
 
 414 N. 4. 
 Qndwierdan, wv., 359. 
 
 2 ; 405 N. 11. a. 
 Qudwlita (-wliota, 
 
 -wlata), wm., 43. 2. 
 
 a; 73. 2. a; 107 n. 6. 
 onettan, wv., 43 n. 4 ; 
 
 218 N. 1 ; 403 n. 
 QUge, adv., 315 n. 3. 
 Qngsum, adj., 215. 
 qngsumnys, sf., 209 n. 
 Ongulseaxan, pr. n., 
 
 1 N. 1. 
 
 Quhrine, sm., 263. 1. 
 QulQUg, see QndlQug. 
 Quslen, -sion, sf., 159 
 N. 2 ; 198 N. 2 ; 269 
 
 N. 4. 
 
 Onswini, see Oswine. 
 Qnw(e)ald (Qnwseld), 
 
 snm., 43. 2. 6; 198 
 
 N. 2 ; 267. a. 
 Qnwealg, adj.,198N. 2 ; 
 
 214 N. 5. 
 op(e)nian, wv., 411 
 
 N. 4. 
 or-, 56. 
 ora, wm. , 26 n. 
 
404 
 
 INDEX 
 
 orc(g)e(a)rd, see ort- 
 
 geard. 
 orciiawe, adj., 100 n. 7. 
 ordceard, see ortgeard. 
 oret, sn. ? 43 n. 4 ; 218 
 
 N. 3. 
 or(e)Sian, wv., 43 n. 4 ; 
 
 186 N. 3. 
 oretscipe, sm., 218 n. 1. 
 oretta, win., 43 n, 4. 
 orettan, wv., 43 n, 4; 
 
 218 N. 1 ; 403 n. 
 orgeate, adj., 100 n. 7. 
 orl^ge, sn., 263. 2. 
 Qrn, see iernan. 
 or(o)'5, sn., 43 n, 4 ; 
 
 186 N. 3. 
 orret-, see oret-. 
 orsawle, adj., 100 n. 7. 
 orsorg, adj., 56. 
 ortgeard, sm., 196. 3; 
 
 206. 4. 
 oris, see oro'5. 
 or&Qnc, sm., 56. 
 OS, sm., 66; 281 n. 3. 
 qsle, wf., 186. 1. a. 
 Oswine, pr. n., 186 
 _ N. 2. 
 
 Oswold, pr. n., 51. 
 ot, see set. 
 
 o'5-, prep., 186 n. 3. 
 o?!er, adj., 66 ; 144. a; 
 
 145 N.; 186. 1. 6; 
 
 231. 4 ; 201 N. 1 ; 
 
 296 N. 3 ; 328 ; 331 n. 
 cS'Se (o'S'Sa, eSSa), 
 
 conj., 4 N. 2; 199. 
 
 2 and N.l; 226; 317.. 
 Ou'Sgrim, Oustman, 
 
 pr. n., 26 n. 
 owana, ower, ow^er, 
 
 seeohwQnan,ohwEer, 
 
 ohwae'Ser. 
 owuht, oht (owiht), n., 
 
 62 N. ; 344. 3 and n. 
 
 3. 
 oxa, wm., 19. 2 ; 55; 
 
 93. 1; 150. 4; 221. 
 
 2 andy. 3; 277 n. 1. 
 oxn, sf., 221. 2. 
 
 pad,_sf., 189. 
 bep<fic(e)an, wv., 407 
 
 N. 16, 17. 
 psell, sm., 80 n. 4. 
 pse'S, sm., 189 ; 199 n. 
 
 _1 ; 240 andji. 2. 
 pa^tig, see pr^tig. 
 p8B'(S5an, wv., 89 n. 1 ; 
 
 227. 
 palendse, wf., 60 n. 5; 
 
 205. a. 
 pawa, pea, wm., 57. 
 
 2. a; 111 N. 2; 171 
 
 N. 2. 
 
 Pehtas, see Peohtas. 
 peo (pie), wf., 114. 2 ; 
 
 166 N. 7 ; 278 n. 2. 
 Peohtas, Pihtas, pr. n., 
 
 83; 108. 1. 
 Peohthat, pr. n., 224. 
 peose, piose, see pisu. 
 Perse, Perseas, pr. n., 
 
 8 N. 3 ; 264. 
 persoc, sm,, 128 n. 2. 
 peru, wf., 54 n. ; 104. 
 
 1; 278 N. 1. 
 pic, sn., 206 n. 6. 
 pie, Pihtas, see peo, 
 
 Peohtas. 
 pil, sm., 189. 
 pin, sf. ? 58 N. 2. 
 pinian, wv., 412 n. 10. 
 pinsian, wf., 69; 186. 
 
 2. a. 
 pisu, -e, wf., 107. 5 ; 
 
 278. 
 plffice, plsetse, swf., 
 
 205 N. 1. 
 plpegian, see plagian 
 
 and plegian. 
 plagian, wv., 416 n. 
 
 13. 6, 17. a. 
 pleagian, see plagian 
 
 and plegian. 
 plega,wm.,107.2;189. 
 plegan, sv., 391 n. 1. 
 plegian, wv., 391 n. 1 ; 
 
 412 N. 2. 
 pleoh, sn., 83; 165 n. 
 
 3 ; 222 N. 1 ; 242. 2. 
 
 pleolic, adj., 222 n. 1. 
 pleon, pllon, sv., 113. 
 
 2 ; 373 ; 391. 2. 
 Pleowald, -walh, pr. 
 
 n.,l65N.3; 222 n.1. 
 ply me, wf., 96. a. 
 pocca, pohha, wm., 
 
 220 and n. 1, 2. 
 prsetig, adj., 180. 
 prafost, profost, sm., 
 
 192. 2. 
 prica, wm., 107. 5. 
 pricu, wf., 276 n. 4. 
 profian, wv., 192. 2. 
 profost, see prafost. 
 pund, sn., 70; 189. 
 pyffan, wv., 192. 1 ; 
 
 405. 4. b. 
 pyle, sm., 95; 173. 2; 
 
 263. 1. 
 pyndan, wv., 405 n. 
 
 11. a. 
 Pypba, pr. n., 190 n. 
 pytt, sm., 95; 189. 
 
 qu-, see cw-. 
 
 ra, wm., 118. 1. b; 277 
 
 N. 2. 
 racu, sf.,103; 253 n. 2. 
 rade, see hrade. 
 hu gerades, adv. , 320. 
 rador, sn., 222 n. 1. 
 rffic(e)an,wv.,206N.5 ; 
 
 407. 1 and n. 11. 
 raced, raid, see r^ced, 
 
 hraed. 
 r^d, sn., 57. 2; 150. 1. 
 rajdan, swv., 57. 2 and 
 
 N. 2; 181. 1; 359.2; 
 
 394. 1 and n. 2 ; 395. 
 _2.a, 3; 405 n. 3. 
 rseden, sf., 258. 1 and 
 
 N. 3. 
 raefnan, wv., 193 n. ; 
 
 404 N. 1. 6. 
 raifsan, wv., 89. 2; 
 
 192. 1 ; 405 n. 10. 
 rajht, raehte, rien, see 
 
 ryht, r^cc(e)an, aim. 
 
INDEX 
 
 405 
 
 r^s, sf. ? 260. 
 
 rsesan, wv., 203; 405 
 
 _N. 1. 
 rsesian, rseswan, wv., 
 
 408 N. 8. 
 rse'S, see hrsed. 
 raha, see ra. 
 rapincel, sn., 248 n, 4. 
 ra'Se, see lirade. 
 rawan, sv., 396 n. 5. 
 reafian, wv., 412 n. 9. 
 reat, reca, see hrutan, 
 
 reocan. 
 r^cc(e)an, 'narrate,' 
 
 wv., 162 N. 3; 206. 
 
 3. b; 227; 407. 1 
 
 andm. 9 ; 410 n. 5. 
 r^cc(e)an, 'reck,'wv., 
 
 230 N. 1 ; 407. 1 and 
 
 N. 12. 
 r^ced, sn., 89. 3; 135. 
 
 2 ; 243. 2. 
 r^celiestu, f., 201. 6. 
 red, see rsed. 
 -red, pr. n., 57 n. 2. 
 gerefa, wv., 192. 2 and 
 
 N. 2; 276 N. 3. c; 
 
 277. 
 re f nan, refsan, see 
 
 rsefnan, raefsan. 
 regn, sm., 92 ; 141 ; 
 
 185; 213; 214.3. 
 geregnian, wv., 413 
 
 N. 1. 
 regol, sm., 104. 3 and 
 
 N. 1 ; 160. 2. 
 re(i)ht, see ryht. 
 r^mpan, wv., 405 n. 8. 
 ren, ren, reng, see sern, 
 
 regn. 
 reo, wf., 117. 1; 218 
 
 N. 3; 278 N. 2. 
 reocan, sv., 384 n. 1. 
 
 a, 2. 
 onreod, pret., 396 n. 5. 
 reodan, sv., 384 n. l.a. 
 gereofa, see reafian. 
 reofan, sv., 384 n. 1. a. 
 reohhe, reogol, reoht, 
 reoma, reon, reopan , 
 
 see hreohhe, regol, 
 
 ryht, rima, rowan, 
 
 ripan. 
 reord, sf., 181. 2. 
 reordian, wv., 412 n. 
 
 6, 9. 
 reotan, sv., 384 n. l.a. 
 reotig, adj., 296 n. 2. 
 reow, adj., 301 and 
 
 N. 2. 
 reowe, -u, see reo. 
 forrepen, part., 391 
 
 N. 1. 
 ger^sp, sn., 267. a. 
 r^st, sf., 89 N. 2. 
 ger^sta, wf., 278 n. 4. 
 r^stan, wv., 44 n. 1 ; 
 
 89 N. 2 ; 359. 7 and 
 
 N. 8; 405 N. 11. 
 retan, wv., 405 n. 8. 6. 
 rewet, sn., 248. 2. 
 rhigge, see hrycg. 
 riaht, see ryht. 
 rice, sn., 44 n. 1 ; 59; 
 
 130 N.; 135. 2; 177. 
 
 6; 181. 1; 206. 3.6; 
 
 246 and n. 1, 2 ; 
 
 248. 1. 
 rice, adj., 59; 206 n. 
 
 5; 229; 309. 
 ricsian, ricxian, see 
 
 rixian. 
 ridan, sv., 382 n. 1. a. 
 riecels, sm., 183. 2. 6; 
 
 238 N. 2. 
 beriefan, wv., 360 n. 1. 
 beriepan, wv. , 405 n . 8. 
 
 a. 
 rignan, wv., 92; 213; 
 
 382 N. 2. 
 rihsian, riht(-), see 
 
 rixian, ryht(-). 
 gerihtl£ec(e)an, wv., 
 
 407 N. 17. 
 rima, wv., 107. 5 and 
 
 N. 6. 
 rim(e)re, sm.,248. 1. a. 
 rimpan, rinan, ring, 
 
 see (h)rimpan, rign- 
 an, bring. 
 
 rinnan, sv., 386 n. 2. 
 ripan, sv., 370 n. 8 ; 
 
 382 N. 3. 
 (a-, ge)risan, sv., 105. 
 
 3 ; 164 N. 5 ; 360 n. 
 
 2; 376 N. ; 382 n. 
 
 1. a. 
 rixian, wv., 209 and 
 
 N. ; 356 N. 2 ; 411 n. 
 
 4; 412 N. 7, 11. 
 roccettan, wv., 145; 
 
 403 N. 
 rod, sf., 252 N. 1, 2. 
 roda, wm., 26 n. 
 rodor, sm., 129; 144. a. 
 rof, adj., 295. 
 -rofen, see reofan. 
 Romware, pr. n., 263 
 
 N. 7. 
 rotian, wv., 414 n. 2. 
 row, adj., 301. 
 rowan, sv., 156. 5; 
 
 173. 1 ; 396. 2. b and 
 
 N. 8. 
 rub, adj., 116 n. ; 173 
 
 N. 2 ; 223 ; 295 n. 1. 
 rum(m)odlic, rumed- 
 
 lic, adj., 231 n. 2. 
 ryge, sm., 44 n. 1; 
 _263. 1. 
 rybse, see reo. 
 ryht, sn. and adj., 83 ; 
 
 108 N. 1 ; 150 N. 3 ; 
 
 164. 1 and^. 1; 221. 
 
 1 ; onriht (aribt), 
 
 adv., 188 N. 3. 
 rybtan, wv., 100 n. 1 ; 
 
 108 N. 1 ; 164. 2 ; 
 
 405 N. 11. b ; 406 n. 
 
 6 ; 410 N. 5. 
 rybtlic, adj., 43. 1. 
 ryman, wv., 405 n. 1. 
 ryn, wv., 408 n. 18. 
 ryne, sm., 263. 1. 
 ry««a, wm., 227. 
 
 sacan, sv., 49 n. 2 ; 198 
 N. 2 ; 207 ; 368 n. 2, 
 3, 4 ; 370 N. 1 ; 371 
 N. 2, 6; 392 N. 1. 
 
406 
 
 INDEX 
 
 sacc, sm., 10; 207. 
 sacerd, sm., 12; 50 
 
 N. 5. 
 sacu, sf., 50. 2; 103; 
 
 207 ; 253 and n. 1. 
 sadol, sm., 50. 1 ; 103. 
 s», smf., 118. 2; 173. 
 
 2 andji. 1 ; 174 n. 3 ; 
 
 2(3(3 N. 2. 
 ssecc, sf.,89N. 1; 231. 
 
 1 ; 258. 1. 
 ssecg(e)an, saede, see 
 
 s^cg(e)an. 
 geScBh, see seon. 
 sfel, sn., 103; 240; 263 
 
 N. 3; 288 N. 1; 289 
 _N. 2. 
 
 ssel, smf., 266 and n. 
 
 1. 
 ges£el5u, f.,201. 2. 
 ssemtinges, ssendan, 
 
 gesgene, see s^mtin- 
 
 ges, Soudan, gesiene. 
 ssere, see sare. 
 saeterndffig, sm. , 50 
 
 N. 2. 
 sse'Serige, wf., 199 n. 3. 
 ssetil, ssewan, see setl, 
 
 sawan. 
 Sffiwet, sn., 248. 2. 
 ssex, see seax. 
 sagu, sf., 253 n. 2. 
 sahtlian, wv., 10. 
 salb, salch, see sealf, 
 
 sealh. 
 salo, adj., 300. 
 salor, sn. ? 263 n. 3 ; 
 
 289 and n. 2. 
 salt, see sealt. 
 sar, sn., 62; 252 n. 2. 
 sare, adv., 320. 
 sargian, wv., 411 n. 4. 
 sarian, wv., 411 n. 5. 
 sarig, adj., 62 n. 
 saul, see sawol. 
 sawan, sv., 57. 2. a; 
 
 62 N.; 173 ; 364 n. 
 
 2 ; 396. 2. c and n. 
 
 7,8. 
 gesawen, see seon. 
 
 sawol, sf., 6 N. 1 ; 62 
 
 N. ; 174. 3 and n. 2 ; 
 
 252 N. 2; 254. 2; 
 
 255. 2. 
 sea-, sccB-, see also 
 
 scea-. 
 scser, scseron, see 
 
 scieran. 
 sc8e'515ig, adj., 89 n. 1. 
 sceabb, sm., 75. 1. 
 sc(e)acaii, sv., 76. 2; 
 
 107. 1 ; 160 N. 1 ; 
 
 368 N. 3, 4; 370 n.1; 
 
 392 N. I, 3. 
 sceacere, sm., 157. 2. 
 sceacga, wui., 216.2. 
 scead (scaed), sn., 75 
 
 N. I ; 271. 
 gesc(e)ad, sn., 109. 
 sc(e)adan, sv., 37. 3 ; 
 
 76. 2 ; 157. 4 ; 358 n. 
 
 1; 395. 2. 6a>i(ZN. 4. 
 sc(e)adu, sf., 103 n. 1 ; 
 
 260a>idN. 2; 271. 
 ofersceadwian, wv., 
 
 412 N. 5. 
 sc(e)afan, sv., 49 n. 2; 
 
 75 N. 1 ; 368 n. 3 ; 
 
 392 and n. 3. 
 sceaft,sm.,75, 1; 193.1. 
 gesceaft, sfn., 192. 1; 
 
 232. a ; 261 ; 267 n. 
 
 2; 269. 
 sceal, see sculan. 
 sceap, sn., 75. 2 ; 109 
 
 and N. ; 157. 2. 
 gesceapu, sn., 103 n. 1. 
 scear, sn., 290 n. 3. 
 scearp, adj., 189. 
 sc(e)a^a, wm., 107. 1 ; 
 
 276 N. 3. c; 277. 
 sceat(t), sm., 75. 1 ; 
 
 157. 3; 195; 226; 
 
 231. 1. 
 sceaw(e)re, sm., 156 
 
 N. 3; 248. 1. a. 
 sceawian, wv., 411 n. 
 
 4 ; 412 N. 6, 8, 10, 
 
 11; 413 N. 7; 416 n. 
 
 17. b. 
 
 sceawung, sf., 156 n. 3. 
 see-, see also seie-. 
 geseed, see geseead. 
 sceg'5, scei'S, smf., 6 
 
 N. 1. 
 
 seel, see seulan. 
 sc^nc, sm., 76 n. 3. 
 sc^ne(e)an, wv., 76 
 
 N. 3 ; 198. 4. 6 ; 405. 
 
 4. a and n. 8. c ; 406. 
 sc^ndan, see seiendan. 
 gesc^ntu, f., 201. 4. b. 
 sceo, wf. ? 277 N. 2. 
 sceocea, see scucca. 
 se(e)ocha, wm., 220. 
 seeofan, see scufan. 
 sc(e)ogan, se(e)oian, 
 
 wv., 414 N. 5. a. 
 sc(e)oh, sm., 76. 2; 
 
 115; 242. 2a«dN.2. 
 sceoh, adj., 295 n. 1. 
 sc(e)ol, sf., 55 N. 
 sceolan, see seulan. 
 seeolli, adj., 81 ; 295 
 
 N. 1. 
 
 sc(e)olu, sf., 253. 
 se(e)Qmian, sv., 355 
 
 N. 3; 411 N. 5; 412 
 
 N. 4, 5. 
 se(e)Qmu, sf., 76. 2 ; 
 
 157.4; 253 and N. 2. 
 se(e)op, sm., 76. 2. 
 seeor, see scur. 
 seeorfan, sv., 75 n. 3 ; 
 
 388 N. 1. 
 seeorpan, sv., 388 n. 1. 
 seeort, adj., eomp., 
 
 307; sup., 310. 
 seeotan, sv., 109; 384 
 
 N. 1. a. 
 seep, see sceap. 
 scerero, n. pi., 290 n. 3. 
 sc^rgan, scet, seet, 
 
 see scierian, sceat(t), 
 
 seeotan. 
 se<^'S5an, swv., 75 n. 2 ; 
 
 199. 2; 227; 372; 
 
 392. 2, 4 and n. 6 ; 
 
 400 N. 1. 6; 401. 2 
 
 and N. 1. 
 
INDEX 
 
 407 
 
 sceucca, sceufan, sce- 
 
 ware, scewung, see 
 
 scucca, scufan, scea- 
 
 were, sceawung. 
 scia, -se, -u, see sceo. 
 gescle, sn., 76 n. 3; 
 
 248 N. 1. 
 scield, sm., 75. 3; 157. 
 
 2; 273. 
 scielfan, sv., 387 n. 2. 
 *ascielian, -scylian, 
 
 wv., 400 N. l.a, 2. 
 sciellan, sv., 387 n. 2. 
 sciendan, wv., 76 n. 3 ; 
 
 405 N. 11. a; 406 n. 
 
 3, 6. 
 sclenes, sf., 230 n. 1. 
 scieppan, sv., 75. 1 ; 
 
 98. 6; 159. 1; 177. 
 
 a ; 189 ; 227 ; 232. a ; 
 
 368 N. 4 ; 372. 
 scieran, sv., 75. 1, 2, 3 
 
 and^. 1,2; 390 n.1. 
 (a-, be)scieriaii, wv., 
 
 400 N. 1 ; 409 n. 1. 
 scierpan, ' sharpen, ' 
 
 wv., 405 N. 8. a. 
 scierpan, 'clothe,' wv., 
 
 405 N. 8. a. 
 scildan, wv., 358 n. 1 ; 
 
 405 N. 11. a; 406 
 
 N. 6. 
 scildig, see scyldig. 
 scinan, sv., 37. 3; 357 
 
 N. 2 ; 382 N. 1. a. 
 gescince, sn., 206. 3. b. 
 scip, sn., 241. 
 -scipe, sm., 98 n. ; 263. 
 
 1. 
 scipincel, sn. , 248 n. 4. 
 sciptearo, -tara, sn., 
 
 43. 2. a ; 249 n. 4. 
 scitan, sv., 382 n. 1. a. 
 asclacian, scleacnes, 
 
 sclep, sclincan, sclit- 
 
 an, scmegan, scnlc- 
 
 an, see aslacian, 
 
 sleacnes, slSpan, 
 
 slincan, slitan, 
 
 smeag(e)an, snican. 
 
 SCO-, see sc(e)o-. 
 gescce, see gescie. 
 scrsef, sn., 240. 
 scr^nc(e)an, wv., 405 
 
 N. 8. c ; 406 N. 2. 
 screpan, sv., 391 n. 1. 
 scride, sm., 263. 1. 
 serif an, sv., 376 n. ; 382 
 
 N. 1. a. 
 scrimman, sv. ? 386 
 
 N. 1. 
 
 scrincan, scrlngan, sv., 
 
 378 N.l; 386 N. 1,4. 
 scri'San, sv., 382 n. 1. 6. 
 scrild, n., 281. 2. 
 scruf , see scurf, 
 scrydan, wv., 405 n. 3. 
 scua, wm., 76. 2 ; 116. 
 scucca, wm., 76. 2; 
 
 220 N. 2. 
 scud(i)an, v., 385 n. 1. 
 sciifan, sv., 76. 2; 359 
 
 N. 9 ; 378 N. 1 ; 385 
 
 and N. 2. 
 sculan, anv., 36. 3 ; 75. 
 
 1 ; 76 N. 2 ; 157. 3 ; 
 
 202 ; 350 ; 360 n. 3 ; 
 
 423. 8 and n. 1. 
 sculdor, sm., 76. 2. 
 onscunian, wv., 412 n. 
 
 2, 5; 413 N. 5; 414 
 
 N. 3; 416 N. 11. c, 
 
 15. a. 
 sctir, sm., 76. 2. 
 scurf, sm. ? 179. 2. 
 scuwa, see scua. 
 gescy, see gescie. 
 *scycc(e)an, wv., 407 
 
 N. 19. 
 scyfa, see sciifan. 
 scyfe, sm., 263. 1. 
 scy(h)end, m., 408 n. 
 
 18. 
 scyld, sf., 76. 2; 269. 
 scyldgian, wv., 411 
 
 N. 4. 
 scyldian, wv., 412 n. 6. 
 scyldig, adj., 31 n. 
 *scyn, wv., 408 n. 18. 
 scyndan, wv., 76. 2. 
 
 onscynian, scynnes, 
 
 see onscunian, scie- 
 
 nes. 
 scyrtan, wv., 405 n. 
 
 10, 11. b; 406 N. 2. 
 scyrtra, comp., scyrt- 
 
 est, sup.,307; 310. 
 scyte, sm., 76. 2; 263. 
 
 1. 
 scy'5'San, see sce'S'San. 
 s6, seo, 'Saet, pron., 4 
 
 N. 2 ; 65 N. 2 ; 114. 
 
 1 ; 133. a ; 150 n. 6, 
 
 7; 166 N. 6; 182; 
 
 187 ; 337 and n. 2 ; 
 
 340. 
 sea, see seon. 
 sealf, sf., 191 ; 192 
 
 N. 2. 
 sealfian, wv., 9 n. ; 
 
 102; 129; 192. 2. 
 sealh, sm., 223 n. 1 ; 
 
 242. 1. 
 sealla, see s^llan. 
 sealt, sn., 158. 2. 
 sealtan, sv., 396. 1. a. 
 sea(n), geseane, see 
 
 seon, gesiene. 
 searo, sn., 103 n. 1 ; 
 
 150 N. 3; 174. 2; 
 
 249. 
 sea's, sm., 273. 
 seatul, see setl. 
 seaw, sn., 250. 1. 
 geseaw, adj., .301. 
 seax,sn.,108.2;162.1. 
 seax, num., see si(e)x. 
 Seaxe, -an, pr. n., 2(31; 
 
 264 and n. ; 276 n. 
 
 3. a. 
 sec, see seoc. 
 sec(e)an, wv., 94. a; 
 
 125 ; 206. 3. b ; 221 
 
 N. 1 ; 355 N. 3 ; 357 
 
 N. 2 ; 359. 5 ; 407. 1 
 
 andN. 13; 409 n. 1. 
 s^cg, sm., 177. a; 216. 
 
 1; 231.1; 246 ; 247 ; 
 
 263 N. 6. 
 s^cg, sf., 258. 1. 
 
408 
 
 INDEX 
 
 s^ci;(e)an, wv., 17 ; 89 
 N. 1 ; 162 N. 1 ; 214. 
 3 ; 216. 1 and n. 1 ; 
 
 355 N. 2 ; 409 n. 2 ; 
 415. 1 ; 416. 1 and 
 N. 3, 13. 
 
 sedl-, see setl. 
 
 sefa, vvm., 107. 2 and 
 
 N. 2 ; 277. 
 seft, adv. comp., 186. 
 
 1. a; 323. 
 sefte, adj., 94. c ; 299 ; 
 
 315 N. 3. 
 s^gcan, s^ggan, etc. , 
 
 see s^cg(e)an. 
 seglan, wv., 404 n. 1. b. 
 segn, siu., 54 n. 
 sell, see seon. 
 seh'Se, interj., 164. 1 
 
 and N. 1. 
 seista, see si(e)xta. 
 sel, sn., 263 N. 3. 
 sel, comp., 312 n. 1 ; 
 
 323. 
 seld, see setl, 
 seldan, adv., seld(n)or, 
 
 comp., seldost, sup., 
 
 322 N. 
 s^le, sm., 263. 1 and 
 
 N. 3. 
 S^leberhting-, pr. n., 
 
 215. 
 selest(a), selost(a), 
 
 sup., 311 ; 312. 
 self (a), pron., 81 ; 194; 
 
 291 N. 1 ; 339. 
 selfwilles, adv., 320. 
 selh, see seolh. 
 sella, see selra. 
 s^llan, syllan (sealla), 
 
 swv., 44 N, 1 ; 80 n. 
 
 2; 158. 2; 159. 3; 
 
 177. a; 183. 1 ; 227 ; 
 
 356 N. 1 ; 358 N. 1, 
 5. c, 7 ; 360 n. 1, 3 ; 
 407. 1 ands. 3; 410 
 N. 3, 5. 
 
 sellic, adj., 81; 198. 3. 
 selra, sella, comp. , 180 ; 
 312 and n. 1. 
 
 selua, see self (a), 
 geseman, wv., 68 n. 2. 
 s^mninga, adv., 318 n. 
 s^mtinges, adv., 100 
 
 N. 5. 
 s^nc(e)an, wv., 405 n. 
 
 8 ; 406 N. 2. 
 s^ndan, wv., 89. 4 and 
 
 N. 5; 198. 5; 359. 
 
 3; 405. 5; 406 and 
 
 N. 3, 6, 7; 410 N. 5. 
 s^ndlic, adj., 350 n. 
 gesene, see geslene. 
 senep, sm., 69. 
 s^ng(e)an, wv., 206 
 
 N. 5. 
 seno-S, sm., 69; 199 
 
 N. 3. 
 seo, wf., 113. 2; 278 
 
 N. 2. 
 seo, pron., see s6. 
 seoc, adj., 64 ; 165. 1 
 
 and N. 1. 
 seodo, see sidu. 
 seofa, see sefa. 
 seofian, wv., 416 n. 
 
 15. a. 
 seofon, siofun, num., 
 
 105. 2 and n. 4 ; 
 
 150 N. 5 ; 192 N. 2 ; 
 
 325 and n. ; 331 ; 
 cf. sibun-. 
 
 seofonfealdlice (seofo- 
 fallice), adv., 198. 
 3 ; 330 N. 1. 
 
 seofontene, num., 315. 
 
 seof onteo'Sa, num . , 
 328. 
 
 hundseofontig, num., 
 
 326 and n. 1 ; 331. 
 seofotJa, siofo^a, wm., 
 
 105. 2. 
 seofo^a, siofo^a, num., 
 
 105. 2 ; 328. 
 seohhe, wf., 220. 
 dseolcan, sv., 81; 366 
 
 N. 2. 
 
 seolf, see self, 
 seolfor, siolufr, sn., 
 105. 2 and n. 4. 
 
 seolh, sm., 81 ; 164. 1 ; 
 
 242. 1. 
 seollan, siollan, see 
 
 syllan. 
 seoloc, sioluc, sn., 105. 
 
 2. 
 seon, sf., see slen. 
 seon, sion, sv., 'see,' 
 
 40. 3 ; 57. 2. a 
 
 73. 1 and n. 1 ; 82 
 
 83 ; 84. 1 and n. 2 
 
 108. 2; 113. 2; 151 
 
 N. ; 162. 1 ; 164. 1 
 
 and N. 1 ; 166. 2 
 
 and N. 2, 5 ; 166. 6 ; 
 
 173; 218. 2; 221 n. 
 
 4 ; 222. 1 ; 223 ; 234. 
 
 d; 356 N. 1; 367; 
 
 371 N. 4; 373; 374 
 
 N. 1-5; 378 N. 1; 
 
 380; 391. 2 and n. 
 
 7,9. 
 seon, sion, sv. , 'strain, ' 
 
 73. 3; 114. 3; 357 
 
 N. 1;373; 374 n. 3; 
 
 383 N. 4. 
 beseon, part., 383 n. 4. 
 seonu, see sinu. 
 seo'San, sv., 384. 1. 
 seo'SSan, see sie'SSan. 
 seowen, seowian, seox, 
 
 see seon, 'strain,' 
 
 siwian, si(e)x. 
 ser^an, wv., 388 n. 1. 
 sess, sn., 232. d. 
 sesta, see si(e)xta. 
 geset, sn., 104. 3 and 
 
 N. 1; 241. 
 se^an, wv., 405 n. 5. 
 setl (se^el), sn., 140; 
 
 183. 2. a ; 196. 2 and 
 
 N. 1. 
 s^ttan, wv. , 19. 2 ; 89. 
 
 1; 177. a; 195; 227; 
 
 358 N. 6. a ; 400. 2 
 ■ and N. 1. c; 401. 1 ; 
 
 402. 2 ; 406 n. 3, 7 ; 
 
 407. 1 and n. 6 ; 410 
 
 N. 5. 
 gesewen, see seon, 'see.' 
 
INDEX 
 
 409 
 
 sex, slan, siaro, see 
 
 seax and siex, seon, 
 
 searo. 
 sibb, si, 134 n. ; 177. 
 
 a; 190; 231. 1; 252 
 
 N. 2 ; 257 ; 258. 1. 
 gesib(b), adj., 297. 
 sibunsterri, sn., 159 
 
 N. 1 (c/. seofon). 
 sican, sv., 382 n. 1. a. 
 sice, sm., 263. 1. 
 sicol, sm., 105. 3. 
 sicor, adj., 58 n. 2; 
 
 105. 3. 
 side, wf., 58 n. 2. 
 sidfeaxe, adj., 100 n. 7. 
 sidu, sm., 105. 3 and 
 
 N. 5; 271. 
 sle, opt., see eom. 
 gesi(e)lvS, sf., 84. 1 ; 
 
 100 N. 1 ; 164. 2. 
 sielf, see self. 
 *siellan, see s^llan. 
 siellic, see sellic. 
 sieltan, wv., 405 n. 
 
 11. b. 
 sien, slon, sf., 269 
 
 N. 4. 
 gesiene, adj., 222. 2; 
 
 391 N. 7. 
 sierwan, wv., 174 n. 1 ; 
 
 408. 1 and n. 4 ; 413 
 
 N. 5. 
 si(e)55an, conj., 107 n. 
 
 5; 199.2; 337 n. 2. 
 si(e)x, num., 83; 108. 
 
 1; 164. 1; 221. 2; 
 
 325 and n. 
 si(e)xta, num., 155. 3 ; 
 
 164 N. 1; 221. 2; 
 
 328. 
 si(e)xtene, num., 325. 
 si(e)xtig, num., 214 n. 
 
 1 ; 326 and n. 1. 
 sife, sn., 263. 2; 288 
 
 N. 1. 
 
 siftan, wv.,193. 1 ; 199 
 
 N. 1 ; 357 N. 1. 
 sifun-, see sibun-. 
 gesig, smn. ? 263 n. 5. 
 
 sigan, sv., 382 n. 1. a. 
 sige, sm., 128. 1; 133. 
 
 b ; 182 and n. ; 261 ; 
 
 263. 1 and n. 4. 5; 
 
 288 N. 1 ; 289 N. 2. 
 sig(e)be(a)g, sm., 263 
 
 N. 5. 
 sig(e)f3est, adj., 263 
 
 N. 5. 
 Sigelbearwan, pr. n,, 
 
 214. 4. 
 Sig(e)mund,-red,-wine, 
 
 pr. n., 263 n. 5. 
 sigian, wv., 404 n. 
 
 1. b. 
 sigor, m., 128. 1 ; 182 
 
 N. ; 289 and n. 2. 
 gesihS, sih'Se, Sllhear- 
 
 wan, see gesieh'5, 
 
 seh'Se, Sigelbear- 
 wan. 
 simbles, adv., 319, 
 sin, pron., 59; 335. 
 sincaldu, f., 100 n. 7. 
 sincan, sv., 386 n. 1. 
 sinewealt, adj., 105. 3. 
 singala, -le(s), adv., 
 
 317; 319. 
 singalian, wv., 414n. 4. 
 singal(l)ic, adj., 231. 4, 
 singan, sv., 386 n. 1. 
 sinnan, sv., 386 n. 1. 
 sinu, sf., 105. 3; 260 
 
 and N. 2. 
 SI'S, sm., 186. 1. b and 
 
 N. 1; 327 N. 3; 331. 
 si«, adv. , 314 ; 323. 
 si'5e(me)st, sup., 314. 
 sKfaBt, -fat, sm., 49 
 
 N. 1. 
 
 si^ra, comp., 314. 
 
 si'SSan, see sie'S'San. 
 
 sitlan, sv., 14; 49; 54. 
 6; 151. 1; 202; 232." 
 d; 358 N. 5. a; 360 
 N. 5 ; 372 and n. ; 
 391.3a?id N. 9; 410 
 N. 5. 
 
 slu, -siwen, see s6, seon, 
 * strain.' 
 
 siwian, wv., 73 n. 3; 
 
 408 N. 15. 
 six, see si(e)x. 
 sla, wf., 118. 1. b; 278 
 
 N. 2. 
 sla, slea? wf., 278 n. 2. 
 sla, see slean. 
 aslacian, wv., 210. 1; 
 
 413 N. 1. 
 sl8e(an), see slean. 
 slsege, see siege. 
 sl^pan. sv., 57. 2 and 
 N. 2, 3; 58; 150. 1; 
 202; 210. 1; 395. 2. 
 a and n. 3 ; 405 
 N. _10. 
 forslgewan, wv., 408. 2. 
 -slaga, wm., 234. c. 
 slabse, wf., 278 n. 2. 
 sla(n), see slean. 
 slapan, see sl^pan. 
 slaw, adj., 62 n. ; 301. 
 sleacnes, sf.. 210. 1. 
 slean, sv., 37. 2; 50.2; 
 60 ; 84 N. 2 ; 98. a ; 
 108. 2; 111.2; 162 N. 
 3; 166. 1; 214 N. 5; 
 231. 4; 234. c; 296 
 N. 1 ; 358 N. 7 ; 367 ; 
 368 N. 4; 373; 374 
 N. 1-6; 378 N. 1; 
 380 ; 392. 2. 
 sl^ge, slsege, sm., 234. 
 
 c; 263. 1. 
 sleh, slepan, see slean, 
 
 slgepan. 
 slidan, sv., 382 n. 1. a. 
 slide, sm., 263. 1. 
 slidor, adj., 105. 3. 
 sli(e)ht, sm., 266. 
 tosllfan, sv., 382 n. 
 
 1. a. 
 sli(g), see sliw. 
 slincan, sv., 210. 1 ; 
 
 386 N. 1. 
 slitan, sv.,210. 1; 382 
 
 N. 1. a. 
 sliw, sm., 250 n. 2. 
 sloh,snmf.,242. 2;255 
 N. 3. 
 
410 
 
 INDEX 
 
 slupan, sv., 385. 
 smael, adj., 202. 
 smaele, sinale, adv., 
 
 315 N. 2. 
 smsel'Searme, sii., 100 
 
 N. 7. 
 smeag(e)an, wv., 150 
 
 N. 3; 210. 1; 416. 1 
 
 and N. 5. 
 smearwa, see smier- 
 
 wan. 
 smea(ii)ng, sf., 119. 
 smeca, see smeocan. 
 smega(n), see smeag- 
 
 (e)an. 
 smeocan, sv., 165 n. 1 ; 
 
 384 N. 1. a. 
 sraeortan, sv., 388 n. 
 
 1. 
 smeoru, sn., 104. 1 ; 
 
 249 and n. 2. 
 sme(o)rwan (smerian), 
 
 see smierwan. 
 smeSe, adj., 303 n. 2. 
 smlca(n), see smeocan. 
 smi(e)c, sm., 31 n. ; 
 
 266. 
 smierwan, wv., 159 n. 
 
 1; 408. 1 and n. 1, 
 
 2, 5; 409 N. 1. 
 smir(i)a(n), see smier- 
 wan. 
 
 besmitan, sv., 382 n. 
 
 1. a. 
 smi'Sian, wv., 105. 3. 
 smi-S^e, wf., 227. 
 smiSu, sf., 105. 3. 
 smolt, adj., 299 n. 1. 
 smoltlice, adv., 315 
 
 N. 3. 
 smo«, adj., 303 n. 2. 
 smugan, sv., 385. 
 smyagan, see smeag- 
 
 (e)an. 
 smylte, adj., 299 n. 1 ; 
 
 315 N. 3. 
 smyrian, sna, see 
 
 smierwan, snilw. 
 sna^gl (snsel), sm., 214. 
 
 3. . 
 
 snaw, sm., 62 n. ; 118. 
 
 1. a; 174. 3 and N. 2; 
 
 250. 1. 
 snearh, sf., 255. 4. 
 sneome, adv., 315 n. 
 
 1. 
 *sneorcan, sv., 388 n. 
 
 1,3. 
 snlcan,sv.,210. 1; 382 
 
 N. 1. a. 
 snide, sm., 263. 1. 
 sni'San, sv., 359 n. 7; 
 
 382 and n. l.b. 
 sniwan, wv., 199 n. 1. 
 snoffa, wm., 192. 1. 
 snoru, sf., 253 n. 2. 
 snot(t)or, adj., 202; 
 
 228 ; 296 and n. 3. 
 snowan, sv., 384 n. 4 ; 
 
 396 N. 5. 
 snyrian, wv., 400 n. 1. 
 snytru, f., 279 n. 2. 
 soelf, soergendi, see 
 
 self, sorgian. 
 soft(e), adj., 299 n. 1. 
 softe, adv. , GQ; 94. c ; 
 
 186. 1. a; 299 n. 1; 
 
 315 N. 3. 
 sohte, see sec(e)an. 
 sol, sn., 239. 1. 6. 
 solf, see self. 
 s6m-, samcucu, adj., 
 
 68 N. 1; 100 N. 6. 
 some, adv., 315 n. 1. 
 SQmhwelc, pron., 347. 
 syinnian, wv.,411 n. 4 ; 
 
 412n. 4,5,6; 414n. 
 
 3,4. 
 (ge)sQmnung, sf., 215; 
 
 252 N. 2. 
 SQmnunga, adv. , 318 n. 
 S(^mtenges, adv., 319. 
 S(^mwist, sf., 267 n. 2. 
 sona, adv., 68 ; 317. 
 sorg, sf., 214. 1; 252 
 
 N. 2, 4 ; 254. 1 ; 276 
 
 N. 3. b. 
 sorgian, wv., 214 n. 5 ; 
 
 411 N. 5; 416 N. 11. 
 fiorig, see sarig. 
 
 so«,adj.,66; 186.1.6; 
 
 315. 
 so'Se, so'Slice, adv. , 
 
 315; 316. 
 spadl-, see spatl. 
 spadu, wf., 278 n. 1. 
 sp^c, spseria, see 
 
 sprgec, sparian. 
 spgetan, wv. , 405 n. 8. 
 spald, see spatl. 
 spaldr, sn., 139 n. 
 sparian, wv., 411 n. 5 ; 
 
 416 N. 13. a. 
 spatl, sn., 140; 183. 2. 
 
 a ; 196. 2. 
 speafta, spearian, 
 
 specan, see speofta, 
 
 sparian, sprecan. 
 sped, sf., 94. a; 150. 
 
 4; 269. 
 speld, n., 290 n. 3. 
 speofta, v., 384 n. 4; 
 
 396 N. 5. 
 speoru-, spiwian, 
 
 speowian, speowS, 
 
 see spere, sj)owan. 
 spere, sn., 104. 1; 247 
 
 N. 2 ; 261 ; 262 ; 263 
 
 N. 4; 288 N. 1. 
 spildan, wv., 405 n. 
 
 11. a. 
 spillan, wv., 357 n. 2; 
 
 405 N. 6. 
 spilth, 201. 2. 
 spincge, see spynge. 
 spinnan, sv., 386 n. 1. 
 spitu, sm., 271. 
 splwan, sv. , 73. 3 ; 382 
 
 N. 1. a. 
 spiwe, sm. , 73. 3 ; 263. 
 
 1. 
 spiweSa, wm., 73. 3. 
 spiwian, wv., 73 n. 3; 
 
 173; 408 N. 15. 
 spon, sm., 68. 
 spQnan, sv., 371 n. 2; 
 
 392 N. 4. 
 spQiman, sv., 392 n. 4; 
 
 396. 1. b and n. 4. 
 spor, sn., 239. 1. b. 
 
INDEX 
 
 411 
 
 spora, see spura. 
 sporettan, wv., 403 n. 
 spornan, see spurnan. 
 spowan, sv., 113 n. 3; 
 174. 3 ; 296. 2. 6 and 
 
 sprjec, sf., 180. 
 sprseca, see sprecan. 
 sprgedan, wv. , 405 n. 3. 
 spreaca, see sprecan. 
 gesprec, sn., 241. 
 sprecan, sv., 63 ; 164 
 
 N. 2 ; 180 ; 202 ; 356 
 
 N. 1; 370 N. 4, 6; 
 
 371 N. 2 ; 391 n. 1, 
 
 5, 9. 
 sprecol, adj., 104. 3. 
 spr^ng(e)an, wv., 405 
 
 N. 2. 
 spreocan, see sprecan. 
 springan,sv.,215; 386 
 
 N. 1. 
 
 sprintan, sv., 386 n. 1. 
 sprtitan, sv., 385 n. 1. 
 spryttan, wv., 400 n. 
 
 1. c. 
 spura, wm., 55. 
 spurnan, sv., 55; 389 
 
 and N. 4. 
 spynge, wf., 31 n. ; 215 
 
 N. 2. 
 spyrian, wv., 400 n. 1. 
 stsef, sm., 240. 
 staefnan, wv., 89. 2 and 
 
 N. 2. 
 stselan, wv., 201 n. 2. 
 stgelwier'Se, adj., 201 
 
 N. 2. 
 steenan, wv., 356 n. 1. 
 st^nen, adj., 17; 296. 
 stEener, n. pL, 290 n. 3. 
 stgenihte, see stanihte. 
 stsepe, sm., 89 n. 1 ; 
 
 263. 1. 
 stseppan, sv., 89 n. 1 ; 
 
 358 N. 5. a; 372; 
 
 393. 4. 
 stse-S, sn., 240. 
 stse^'San, wv., 89 n. 1 ; 
 
 227. 
 
 stalle, see steallian. 
 stalu, sf., 103. 
 Stan, sm., 17 ; 62. 
 stanhiewet, -hifet sn. 
 
 192 N. 4. 
 stanihte, adj., 299. 
 stapol, sm., 103; 245. 
 sta^elian, wv., 50 n. 1 ; 
 
 129; 201 N. 2. 
 sta'Sol, sm., 50 n. 1 ; 
 
 103; 129; 144. a; 
 
 201 N. 2. 
 stealdan, sv., 396. 1. a. 
 steallian, wv., 412 n. 9. 
 stearra, see steorra. 
 st^de (styde), sm., 263. 
 
 1 and N. 5. 
 st^defsest (stydfsest), 
 
 adj., 263 N. 5. 
 st^fn, sm., 89 n. 2; 
 
 193. 2. 
 stefn,sf.,69; 141; 193. 
 
 2. 
 st^fnan, see stsefnan. 
 stela, wm., 107. 2. 
 stelan, sv., 19. 1 ; 390 
 
 N. 1 ; 391 N. 5. 
 st^llan, wv.,407. 1 and 
 
 N. 4. 
 forest^mma, wv., 405 
 
 N. 6. 
 stemn, st^mn,seestefn, 
 
 st^fn. 
 st^nc,sm.,210. 4; 266. 
 tost^nc(e)an, wv., 405 
 
 N. 8. c. 
 st^ng, sm., 266. 
 steopf seder, m., 64 n. 
 steor, sf., 100. 2. 
 steora{n), stiora(n), see 
 
 stiera(n). 
 steorfan, sv., 388 n. 
 
 1. 
 steorra, wm., 79. 1 ; 
 
 150 N. 1 ; 17g. 2. a ; 
 
 226; 276 N. 3. c; 277. 
 st^pa, see stseppan. 
 steup-, see steop-. 
 sticce, sn., 206. 3. h. 
 stice, sm., 263. 1. 
 
 stician, wv., 105. 3; 
 164. 2; 411 N. 4; 412 
 
 N. 5. 
 sticol, adj., 296. 
 stiele, sn.,222. 2; 248. 
 
 1.6. 
 stiell, sm., 266. 
 astiepan, wv., 405 n. 8. 
 stiera, stiora, wm., 
 
 100. 2. 
 stieran, stioran, wv. , 
 
 40. 1; 100. 2; 159. 5; 
 
 405 N. 1. 
 stigan, sv., 54. a; 62; 
 
 105.3; 164 N. 5; 214. 
 
 1 andti. 1, 5; 359. 4; 
 
 376 N. ; 382 n. 1. a, 
 
 4. 
 stige, sm., 263. 1. 
 sti(g)rap, sm., 214. 6. 
 stigu, sf., 105. 3. 
 sti(g)weard, sm., 214. 
 
 6. 
 stl(g)wita, wm., 214. 6. 
 still, adj., 295 n. 2. 
 stillan, wv., 405 n. 6. 
 stincan, sv., 215 n. 1; 
 
 386 N. 1. 
 stingan, sv., 386 n. 1. 
 sting^, see stincan. 
 stirap, -ward, -wita, 
 
 see stigrap, etc. 
 stoc(c), sm., 226. 
 stQiidan, sv., 198. 4. a ; 
 
 202 ; 205. 6 and n. 2 ; 
 
 359. 2; 360 n. 5 ; 
 
 371 N. 2,3,6; 392. 3. 
 stow, sf., 259. 
 strsec, adj., 294 n. 1. 
 str^t, sf., 17 ; 57. 1 ; 
 
 150. 1. 
 strawb^rie, see streaw- 
 
 b^rie. 
 streaw, sn., 111. 1 and 
 
 N. 1 ; 119 N. ; 250. 2 
 
 and N. 3, 4. 
 streawb^rie, wf.. Ill 
 
 N. 1. 
 strea wi an , see strewian . 
 strec, adj., 294 n. 1. 
 
412. 
 
 INDEX 
 
 .str^cc(e)aii, wv., 407. 
 
 1 and N. 9. 
 stredan, see stregdan. 
 stregan, wv., 408 n. 14 
 
 (c/. strew iau). 
 stregdan, sv., 214. 3 
 
 and N. 8 ; 359 n. 3 ; 
 
 371 N. (3; 389 and 
 
 N. 1. 
 
 strc^ng, sm., 2GG. 
 strange, adj., 299 n. 1 ; 
 
 303 N. 2 ; 309 ; 310. 
 str^ng(e)o, -u, f., 206. 
 
 3. b; 268 ; 279 and 
 
 N. 3. 
 str^ngra, comp., strong- 
 est, stip., 89. 4 ; 
 
 309; 310. 
 strong5(u)(stron'S[u]), 
 
 f., 135. 1 ; 184 N. ; 
 
 215 ; 255. 3. 
 gestreon, sn., 100. 1. b. 
 streow, streowian, 
 
 stret, see streaw, 
 
 strewian, strst. 
 strewian, wv., 73 n. 1 ; 
 
 408 N. 15. 
 strican, sv., 382 n. 1. 
 
 a. 
 stridan, sv., 199 n. 1 ; 
 
 382 N. 1. a. 
 stride, sm., 263. 1. 
 strienan, wv. , 100. 1. & ; 
 
 405 N. 1. 
 striman, v., 390 n. 3. 
 string, adj., 89. 4; 299 
 
 N. 1 ; 303 N. 2 ; 309 ; 
 
 310. 
 strQngian,wv.,41lN.5. 
 stronger, strongest, 
 
 adv., 322. 
 strudan, sv., 385. 
 stryta, wm., 96. a. 
 studu, stu-Su, f., 133. 
 
 b ; 282 and n. 
 stulor, n., 289. 
 stund, sf., 254. 1. 
 stundmselum, adv., 
 
 320. 
 stycce, sn., 248. 1. b. 
 
 styde, etc., see st^de, 
 
 etc. 
 astyfecian, wv., 411 
 
 N. 4. 
 styltan, wv., 405 n. 10. 
 styntan, wv., 357 n. 1. 
 styrian, wv., 400 n. 1 ; 
 
 409 N. 1. 
 sucan, sv., 385. 
 sufon, see seofon. 
 siigau, sv., 385. 
 sugga, wm., 216. 2. 
 sugian, see s(w)ugian. 
 suhtriga, -erga, wm., 
 
 176. 
 suinnig, sulf, see syn- 
 
 nig, self. 
 sulh (sSl), f.,223; 284 
 
 and N. 1, 3. 
 sulincel, sn., 248 n. 4. 
 sulung, sm., 43 n. 4. 
 sum, pron., 293 n. 4; 
 
 294; 343. 
 -sum, adj., 294 and 
 
 N. 2. 
 sumor, sm., 273. 
 Sumursatan, pr. n., 
 
 276 N. 3. a. 
 gesund, adj., 95. 
 gesundfulnes, sf., 198. 
 
 4. a. 
 sunne, wf. , 278. 
 sunu, sm., 56 ; 134. a; 
 
 202; 270; 271 and 
 
 N. 1, 2. 
 supan, sv., 385 and 
 
 N. 4. 
 su«, adv., 314; 321. 
 silvan, adv., 321. 
 su'Serra, comp. , sivS- 
 
 mest, sup., 314. 
 Su"5hymbre, pr. n., 
 
 264. 
 su'5weard(es), adv., 
 
 319. 
 Su(u)tangli, pr. n., 
 
 186 N. 1 ; 199 N. 1. 
 suwian, see s(w)ugian. 
 swa, conj., 345. 
 .swSlan, wv., 406 n. 2. 
 
 swselc, see swelc. 
 swger, adj., 57 n. 3. 
 swjes, adj., 57. 2. 
 swsetan, wv., 405 n. 8. 
 
 b. 
 swse'S, sn., 240. 
 swse'Ser, pron., 345 n. 
 swapan, sv., 396. 2. c; 
 
 397. 
 swar, see swser. 
 swaSer, see swae'^Ser. 
 swa'Su, sf., 253 and 
 
 N. 1. 
 
 swealwe,wf., 171 n. 1 ; 
 
 278. 
 (a)swobban (sw^fian), 
 
 wv., 400 N. l.b, 2; 
 
 401. 2; 402. 1; 410 
 
 N. 2. 
 swefan, sv., 172; 391 
 
 N. 1. 
 aswefecian, wv., 411 
 
 N. 4. 
 sw^fian, see sw^bban. 
 swefn, sm., 156. 1. a. 
 sweg, sm., 266. 
 sweg(e)an, wv., 405 
 
 N. 2. 
 
 Sweg(e)n, Swein, pr. 
 
 n., 6n. 1. 
 swelc, swilc, pron., 
 
 43 N. 4; 206 n. 6; 
 342 and n. 3 ; 345 
 N. ; 349. 
 
 swelce, swilce, adv. , 
 
 44 N. 1. 
 swelgan, sv., 359. 4 
 
 and N. 6; 371 n. 4 ; 
 
 387 N. 1. 
 swelgend, f . , 287 and n. 
 swellan, sv., 81 ; 387 
 
 N. 1. 
 
 sweltan, sv., 81 ; 202 ; 
 
 377 N. ; 387 n. 1, 
 
 5, 6. 
 sw(^nc, sm., 210. 4. 
 sw(2nc(e)an, wv., 405 
 
 N. 8. c, 10; 406 N. 2. 
 s\N(ingi sn., 266. 
 sweofot, sn., 104. 2. 
 
INDEX 
 
 413 
 
 sweololS, seeswolo'S(a). 
 Sweon, pr. n., 110 n. 
 
 1; 114. 2; 277 n. 2. 
 sweopu, swiopu, see 
 
 swipu. 
 sweor, sm., 113. 2. 
 sweora, wm., 218 n. 1. 
 sweorcan,sv., 388 n. 1. 
 sweord, sn., 72 ; 156, 2. 
 sweorfan, sv., 159 n. 
 
 1 ; 388 N. 1. 
 sweostor (swuster), f., 
 
 72 ; 104. 4 ; 105. 1 ; 
 
 285 and n. 4. e. 
 gesweostor, pi., 72; 
 
 285. 
 sweotol, swutol, adj., 
 
 71 and n. 1 ; 72 ; 
 
 104. 4; 105. 1 and 
 
 N. 1 ; 296 and n. 2 ; 
 
 315. 
 sweotol(l)ic, adj., 231. 
 
 4. 
 sweotollice, adv., 316. 
 sweotule, adv., 315; 
 
 316. 
 sw^rian, sv., 357 n. 2 ; 
 
 372 and n. ; 378 n. 
 
 1 ; 393. 4 and n. 7 ; 
 
 409 N. 1 ; 410 N. 5. 
 swete, adj., 299 and n. 
 
 1 ; 302 N. 
 sw^'SSan, wv., 400 n. 
 
 1. &; 401 N. 2. 
 swica, wm., 101 n. 3. 
 swican, sv., 164 n. 5; 
 
 376 N. ; 382 n. 1. a. 
 swice, adj., 302. 
 swician, wv., 413 x. 1. 
 swicol, adj., 147 ; 207. 
 swifan, sv., 382 x. 1. a. 
 swigian, see s(w)ugian. 
 swi(g)tima, wm., 214. 
 
 6. 
 swilc(e), see swelc(e). 
 swile, sm., 263. 1. 
 swimman, sv., 226; 
 
 231. 1 ; 386 n. 1. 
 geswinc, sn., 267. a. 
 swincan, sv., 386 n. 1. 
 
 swindan, sv., 386 n. 1. 
 
 swingaii, sv., 386 n, 1, 
 2,4. 
 
 swipu, sf . , 105 N. 1 ; 
 278 X. 1. 
 
 swira, see sweora. 
 
 oferswiSan, wsv., 382 
 X. 2 ; 405 X. 5. 
 
 switima, switol, see 
 swigtima, sweotol. 
 
 swogan, sv., 396. 2. b. 
 
 geswogen, part. , 214. 8. 
 
 swolo5(a), swm., 104 
 X. 2. 
 
 sword, see sweord. 
 
 swornian, wv. , 413 x. 1. 
 
 geswosterna, see ge- 
 sweostor. 
 
 swote, adv., 315 x. 3. 
 
 swotol, see sweotol. 
 
 geswowung, sf., 214. 8. 
 
 s(w)ugian, wv., 105 x. 
 1; 214. 8; 416 x. 
 17. a. 
 
 swulung, sf., 215. 
 
 swura, swurd, swus- 
 ter, swutol, swylc, 
 see sweora, sweord, 
 sweoster, sweotol, 
 swelc. 
 
 swyle, sm., 263. 1. 
 
 swylt, sm., 266. 
 
 swyrd, see sweord. 
 
 geswyrf, sn. (?),267.a. 
 
 swytol, see sweotol. 
 
 syc(e)an, wv., 407 
 X. 16, 17. 
 
 syfon, see seofon. 
 
 svfre, adj., 231. 4; 298 
 X. ; 299. 
 
 ofersylefran, wv., 404. 
 1. c. 
 
 sylf, sylfor, see self, 
 seolfor. 
 
 sylian, wv., 400 x. 1. 
 a, 2. 
 
 syll, sf., 258. 1. 
 
 sylian, see s^llan. 
 
 symbel, sn., 190. 
 
 symblan, wv.,404. 1. c. 
 
 syndrig, adj., 214. 5. 
 syngian, wv., 411 x. 
 
 4 ; 412 X. 5 ; 413 x. 
 
 3. 
 synnig, adj., 6 x. 1; 
 
 214 X. 1. 
 gesynto, f., 95; 201. 
 
 4. 6; 255. 3. 
 sype, sm., 263. 1. 
 sy^erra, comp., 314. 
 syx(s)t, see seon. 
 
 ta, wf., 118. 1. 6. 
 
 ta, wf. (nrtan), 278 
 
 X. 2. 
 tacen, sm., 138; 141; 
 
 148; 185; 243. 3 
 
 and X. ; 244. 1. 
 t^c(e)an, wv., 206 x. 
 
 5 ; 210. 2 ; 221 x. 1 ; 
 
 359. 5; 407. 1 aiid 
 
 N. 11. 
 taefl, sf., 192. 2. 
 tseflan, wv., 357 x. 1. 
 t^h, see teon. 
 t8eh(h)er, sm. ? 220 ; 
 
 222 X. 4 ; 228 and x. 
 t^l, sf., 57 X. 3. 
 tSlan, wv., 405 x. 1. 
 ti?esan, wv., 405 x. 1. 
 tal, see t^l. 
 talenta, wm., 50 x. 5. 
 talian, wv., 412 x. 10; 
 
 416 X. 9. 
 talu, sf., 253 X. 2. 
 tan, sm., 278 x. 2. 
 tanc, -tara, see tacen, 
 
 scip-, ifigtearo. 
 getSwe, sf., 43 N. 4; 
 
 57. 2. a. 
 tSwian, wv., 57. 2. a. 
 tea, num. , teala, tea(n), 
 
 sv., hundteantig, see 
 
 tien(e), tela, teon, 
 
 hundteontig. 
 tear, sm.. 111. 2; 166. 
 
 1 ; 228 and x. 
 -tearo, -teg'Sa, see scip-, 
 
 ifigtearo, teo'Sa. 
 teg'Sian, wv., 412 x. 6. 
 
414 
 
 INDEX 
 
 teh, tei(g)'5a, see teon, 
 
 teocia. 
 tela, adv., 107. 2 and 
 
 N. 2 ; 317. 
 geteld, sn., 212 n. 1. 
 teldan, sv., 360 n. 1 ; 
 
 387 N. 1. 
 telga, win., 276 n, 3. 
 
 a; 277. 
 t^Uan, wv., 80 n. 2; 
 
 89. 1; 183. 1; 407. 
 
 1 and N. 5 ; 410 n. 
 
 4; 416 N. 9. 
 t^mian, t^mman, wv., 
 
 400 N. 1. a, 2. 
 tempel, sn., 140; 148. 
 *ten? wv., 408 n. 18. 
 ontenan, see ontynan. 
 tendan, wv., 405 n. 
 
 11. a. 
 teii(e), seetien(e). 
 t^ng(e)an, wv., 405 
 
 N. 2. 
 teo, num., see tien(e). 
 *teog(e)an, wv., 414 
 
 N. 5. b. 
 -teogo^a, see -tigo'Sa 
 
 and teo^a. 
 teoh(h), tiolih, sf., 84. 
 
 1; 220; 231. 1. 
 teohhian, etc., wv., 84. 
 
 l;220ajidN. 1 ; 411 
 
 N. 4. 
 
 teola, teolian, see tela, 
 
 tilian. 
 teon, tlon, 'draw,' sv., 
 
 108. 2; 119; 163 
 
 and N. 1 ; 165. 1 and 
 
 N. 1; 165. 2; 166. 
 
 3; 214 N. 5; 223; 
 
 366 N. 2 ; 367 ; 371 
 
 N. 4 ; 373; 374 N. 1, 
 
 3, 4, 5, 6 ; 380 ; 384. 
 
 2 ; 385 N. 3. 
 teon, tlon, ' accuse,' 
 
 sv., 84. 2 and n. 2 ; 
 
 114. 3; 367; 373; 
 
 378 N. 1; 383 and 
 
 N. 1, 3. 
 teona, wm., 277. 
 
 teond, tiond, m., 286 
 
 N. 1. 
 
 (liund)teontig, num., 
 
 113. 2; 166. 2; 326 
 
 a)id N. 1 ; 327 ; 331. 
 
 hundteontigfald, num. , 
 
 330 N. 1. 
 teoru, sn., 43. 2. a; 
 
 104. 1 ; 249. 
 teo'Sa, num., 113. 2; 
 
 304 N. 1 ; 328. 
 teran, sv., 390 n. 1. 
 teso, adj., 104. 3. 
 tiber, sn., 192 n. 2. 
 tid, sf., 269 and n. 
 
 1,5. 
 tiegan, wv., 31 n. 
 tien(e), num., 113 n. 
 2; 195; 325 mid n.; 
 327 N. 3; 331. 
 Tig, tigan, see TIw, 
 
 tiegan. 
 tigol, sf. ? 135. 1 ; 254. 
 
 2. 
 -tigo'Sa, num., 105. 3 
 
 andv. 5; 328. 
 tigSian, wv., 214. 3. 
 tihtan, wv., 359 n. 1. 
 , t il, adj., 1 05^N.3;294. 
 tilian, tiolian^ wv. , 105. 
 2 and n. 3 ; 107 n. 4 ; 
 413 N. 1 ; 416 N. 14. 
 a, 15. a. 
 getimbre, sn., 248. 1. b. 
 timbrend, f., 287. 
 timbr(i)an, wv.,358n. 
 4; 404. 1. c; A06 and 
 N. 5; 412 N. 2, 4. 
 getincge, see getynge. 
 tintregian, wv., 412 
 
 N. 9. 
 tir, sm., 58 n. 1. 
 titSian, see tig'Sian. 
 TIw, pr. n., 250 n. 2. 
 to, prep., 60 n. 
 getog, -h, sn., 214 n. 1. 
 toh, adj., 67; 222 n. 1 ; 
 
 223 N. 1 ; 295 n. 1. 
 tdlic, adj., 222 n. 1. 
 t(^m, adj., 294. 
 
 top(p), sm., 189; 226. 
 
 to«, sm.,66; 186. 1.6; 
 
 195 ; 281. 1 and n. 2. 
 
 tow(e)ard, -word, adj., 
 
 43. 2.6, 3. a; 51. 
 traef, sn., 103 and n. 2 ; 
 
 240 and n. 1. 
 trag, adj., 57 n. 3. 
 trahtian, wv., 10 ; 82 n. 
 tredan, sv., 391 n. 1. 
 (a)tr^ddan, wv., 371 
 
 N. 4 ; 400 N. 1. c. 
 treo(w), sn., 73. 2 and 
 N. 2; 113. 1; 150 n. 
 7 ; 156. 5 and n. 4; 
 
 195 ; 250. 2 and n. 4. 
 treow, sf., 64; 100. 1. 
 
 6, 2 ; 259. 
 getreowe, see getriewe. 
 treowfaest, adj., 156. 5. 
 getreowian, getrlow- 
 
 (i)an, wv., 100. 2 ; 
 
 412 N. 7. 
 treowleas, adj., 156. 5. 
 treowleasnes, sf., 64 n. 
 getreowlice, adv., 150 
 
 N. 7. 
 treu(w)-, trew(u)-, see 
 
 treow-. 
 trewan, see(ge)triewan. 
 (ge)trie\van, wv., 100. 
 
 2 ; 156. 5 ; 408. 2. 
 getriewe, adj., 100. 1. 
 
 6 ; 156. 5 ; 159. 5. 
 trifot, sn.? 192. 2. 
 getriu, getriwe, gitriw- 
 
 ia, triwleas, see 
 
 triewan, getriewe, 
 
 triewan, treowleas. 
 truwian (trugian, tryg- 
 
 iga), wv., 61; 116 
 
 N. ; 413 N. 6, 8; 416 
 
 N. 11, 17. 6. 
 trymman, trymian, 
 
 wv.,400 N. l.a, 2,4 ; 
 
 410 N. 5. 
 tii, see twegen. 
 tud(d)or, sn., 229. 
 betuh, bituichn, see 
 
 betwuh, betweonuin. 
 
INDEX 
 
 415 
 
 tun, sm., 61 ; 96. a. 
 tuno;e, wf., 44 n. 1 ; 
 
 133. a, h ; 276 and n. 
 
 3. a, 6 ; 278. 
 tuiigol, sn., 243. 3 and 
 
 N. ; 244. 1, 2. 
 timincel, sn., 248 n. 4. 
 turf, f., 284. 
 tusc (tux), sm., 204. 3. 
 betux, see betwux. 
 tuwa, adv., 107. 3 and 
 
 N. 3 ; 317 ; 331. 
 twa, num., twa, wm., 
 
 see twegen, tweo. 
 twegen (tweegen), twa, 
 
 tu, num., COn.; 133. 
 
 a; 172 and n. ; 324. 
 
 2a?idN. 2;327;328; 
 
 329 N. 3 ; 331. 
 t^Y^lf (twself), num., 
 
 156. 1. h; 325 andi>i. 
 tw^lfta, num., 328. 
 hundtw^lftig, num., 
 
 326. 
 tw^lfwintre, adj., 303 
 
 N. 2. 
 twentig, num., 326 and 
 
 N. 1, 2; 328; 331. 
 twentigo'Sa,num,, 105. 
 
 3; 328. 
 tweo, twio, wm., 114. 
 
 3 ; 156. 3 ; 166 n. 4 ; 
 277 N. 2. 
 
 tweog(e)an, twiog(e)an, 
 wv., 114. 3; 166 n. 
 
 4 ; 414 N. 5. b. 
 betweoh, betwuh, 
 
 prep., 71 and n. 1 ; 
 
 84. 2; 165 N. 2; 172 
 
 N. ; 329 N. 1. 
 tweonian, wv., 114. 3. 
 betweon(um) (betwin- 
 
 [um], betwi[e]n, 
 
 etc.), prep., 222. 2 
 
 and N. 4 ; 329 n. 1. 
 tweowa, see tuwa. 
 betweox, betwux, 
 
 prep., 71 ; 84 N. 1 ; 
 
 172 N. ; 204. 3 ; 209 ; 
 
 329 N. 1. 
 
 twia, -e, see tuwa. 
 
 twia. North., see tweo 
 and t\veog(e)an. 
 
 twi(e)f(e)ald, -fold, 
 adj., 43. 2. 6; 51; 
 330 and n. 1. 
 
 twifeallice (-fallice), 
 adv., 198. 3; 330 
 and N. 1. 
 
 twig, sn., 105 N. 1; 
 164. 2. 
 
 twiga, twlga(n), see 
 tuwa, tweog(e)an. 
 
 twill, num., 329 n. 1. 
 
 betwih, see betweoh. 
 
 getwinne, num., 329 
 N. 3. 
 
 twiwa, betwix (be- 
 twiux, betwox, be- 
 twux), twoegentig, 
 twufald, twuga, 
 
 betwuh, twy(n), 
 betwyh, betwynan, 
 see tuwa, be- 
 tweox, twentig, 
 twi(e)f(e)ald, tuwa, 
 betweoh, tweo, be- 
 tweoh, betweonum. 
 
 tydde, see tyn. 
 
 tyht, sm., 266. 
 
 tyhtan, wv., 405 n. 
 11. b. 
 
 tylg, adv., 323. 
 
 tyn, wv., 117 n. ; 230 n. 
 1j_408n. 18;410n. 1. 
 
 ontynan, wv., 96. a; 
 154. 
 
 getynge, adj., 215 n. 2. 
 
 oftyrfan, wv., 405 n. 1. 
 
 tyrnan, wv., 406 n. 2. 
 
 ^accian, wv., 10; 412 
 N. 4. 
 
 ■Sseder, adv., 321 x. 3. 
 
 ^8eh, ge'Saeht, Ssenc- 
 (e)an, "Saene, 'Ssenne, 
 see "Seah, ge'Seaht, 
 Sencean, s6, "Sonne. 
 
 ^Sr, adv. j^ 321 and n. 
 2 (see "Sar, -a). 
 
 ^aerf , "Ssersca, see 'Sear, 
 
 ■Serscan. 
 "Sseslice, adv., 349. 
 "Saette, conj., 201. 4. a. 
 (ge)5afian, wv., 160. 4 
 
 and N. 1 ; 412 n. 5 ; 
 
 413 N. 3, 5. 
 ^ah, 'Sanne, see i^eah, 
 
 'Sonne. 
 'Sar(a), adv., 321 n. 2 
 
 (see "Sser). 
 'Sarsca, see ^erscan. 
 «e, part, rel., 340. 
 'S^, pron., see Sii. 
 ge Seafian , see geSafian . 
 «eah,conj.,108. 2;163 
 
 N. 1. 
 
 geSeaht, sfn., 162. 1; 
 
 261 ; 269. 
 «earf, si, 158. 1. 
 "Searfende, ^earsca, see 
 
 "Surfan, "Serscan. 
 "Seaw, sm., 250. 1. 
 ^ec, see 'Su. 
 'S^cc(e)an, wv., 207; 
 
 407. 1 and n. 9. 
 -"Segen, part., 391 n. 8. 
 "Segn, sm., 141 ; 185; 
 
 214. 3. 
 "Segnian, wv., 214. 3; 
 
 412 N. 2; 413 N. 3. 
 «egu, sf., 253. 
 'Seh (ace), ^eh, "Sen, 
 
 see Sii, "Seah, 'Segn, 
 'S^nc(e)an, wv., 67 ; 
 
 89 N. 5; 125; 184 
 
 N. ; 206.3. b; 215 n. 
 
 1 ; 407. 1. 
 «eng, 'S^n(g)'S, see 
 
 "Segn, 'S^nc(e)an. 
 "S^nian, ^^nnan, wv., 
 
 175 N.; 176n.2;358 
 
 N. 5. c ; 400 N. I. a, 
 
 2; 401. 2; 410 n. 5. 
 'Senian, see ^egnian. 
 -Seod, sf., 64; 100. 2; 
 
 150 N. 2. 
 -"Seodan, see -^iedan. 
 ge'Seode, ge'Siode, sn., 
 
 100. 2. 
 
416 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Deodning, pr. n., 215. 
 Seoh, sm., 242. 2 and 
 N. 2. 
 
 'Seon, Mon, sv., 40. 3 ; 
 
 84. 2; 114. 3; 1(36 
 
 N. 4 ; 186 N. 4 ; 234. 
 
 c; 359 N. 6; 373; 
 
 374 N. 6; 383 and 
 
 N. 1, 2, 3; 386 N. 2; 
 
 408 N. 18. 
 "Seostre, see 'Siestre. 
 ^'eotan, sv., 384 n, 1. 
 
 a; 385. 
 '5eo(w), sm., 73. 2 and 
 
 N. 2 ; 113. 1 and n. 
 
 1; 150 N. 2; 174. 1; 
 
 250. 2 and n. 4. 
 •Seow, adj., 301. 
 "Seowa, 'Siowa, see 
 
 ^iwa. 
 "Seowian, wv. , 150 n. 7 ; 
 
 412 N. 2; 413. N. 7; 
 
 416 N. 15. a, 17. b. 
 'Seowincel, 'Siowincel, 
 
 sn., 248 N. 4. 
 "Seowu, Siowu, sf., 258 
 
 N. 2. 
 
 •Serb, see "Surli. 
 "Serscan, sv. , 79 n. 2 ; 
 
 389 and n. 2. 
 -Serscold, sm.,183. 2.6. 
 ■Ses, pron., 42. 2; 105 
 
 N. 5, 6, 7, 8 ; 166 n. 
 
 6; 180; 338. 
 "Sewan, wv., 408 n. 12. 
 'Shuehl, see 'Sweal. 
 "Sia, see '5eon. 
 •Sicce, adj., 207 n. 2. 
 '5icg(e)an, swv., 54. b; 
 
 57 N. 3 ; 391 n. 8 ; 
 
 400 N. 1. &;401n. 1. 
 "Sider, adv., 321 and 
 
 N. 3. 
 ge-, uiiderSiedan 
 
 (-•(Siodan), wv., 100. 
 
 2;405n. 3;406n.3. 
 ^iestre, adj., 100. 1. b; 
 
 159. 5. 
 'Signen(u), sf., 214. 3; 
 
 258 x\. 2. 
 
 "Sin, gen., see ^li. 
 "^in, pron., 59; 188 n. 
 
 5; 335. 
 '5inc(e)an, see '5ync- 
 
 (e)an. 
 ^indan, sv. , 386 n. 1. 
 '5men(u), see 'Sign- 
 en (u). 
 «ing, sn., 199. 2. 
 "Sing^, see '5ync(e)an. 
 'Singian, wv., 413 n. 5. 
 '5ird(d)a, see 'Sridda. 
 '5lsl(e), swf., 221. 2. 
 'Sill, sf., 150 N. 7. 
 'Siiiwa, see 'Siwa. 
 ^iuwas, 150 N. 7. 
 '5iwa, f., 156. 5. 
 "Siwgan, ^ixl, see '5eow- 
 
 ian, ^Isle. 
 «o, wf., 67; 115; 218 
 
 N. 3; 278 N. 2. 
 ^oa, "Soelga, see IS wean, 
 
 'Solian. 
 ge'Softa, wm., 193. 1; 
 
 199 N. 1. 
 thohse, "Sohte, see 'So, 
 
 'S^nc(e)an. 
 ^olian, wv. , 355 n. 3; 
 
 411 N. 5; 416 N. 11. 
 a, 16. 
 
 'S^n, pron., see s6. 
 S^nan, adv., 321. 
 'Sgnces, adv., 320. 
 ^Qncian, wv., 411 n. 4 ; 
 
 412 N. 7. 
 ^one, see sd. 
 
 "Sonne, adv., 4 n. 2 ; 
 
 65 N. 2. 
 "Sorf elide, see ^urfan, 
 Sorh, see ^urh. 
 "Sorn, sm., 199 n. 1 ; 
 
 273. 
 ^racu, sf., 253 and 
 
 N. 1. 
 
 ge^rsecen, part., 392 
 
 N. 1. 
 for'Srsestan, wv., 405 
 
 N. 11. 
 •Srag, sf., 254. 1. 
 thrauu, see Srea. 
 
 ^rawan, sv., 378 n. 1 ; 
 
 396. 2. c. 
 •Srea, sf., 111. 1 ; 173. 
 
 1 ; 259 N. ; 277 n. 
 
 2,3. 
 '5reag(e)an, wv., 416. 
 
 1 and N. 5. 
 "Sreatian, wv., 412 n. 8, 
 
 9; 413 N. 6; 414 
 
 N. 4. 
 'Srea(u)ng, sf., 119. 
 'Srega(n), see 'Srea- 
 
 g(e)an. 
 ^reiga, see ^reag(e)an. 
 ^reo, see 'Sri(e). 
 a'Sreotan, sv., 384 n. 
 
 1. a. 
 "Sreotian, see 'Sreatian. 
 'Sreoteo'Sa, num., 328. 
 ^reotiene, 'Sreottyne, 
 
 num., 230 N. 1; 325. 
 ^reowa, see 'Sriwa. 
 'Srescan, see Serscan. 
 'Sridda, num., 328 ; 
 
 331 N. 
 'Sri(e),num,33N. ;114. 
 
 1, 4 ; 150 N. 7 ; 166 
 
 N. 6 ; 199. 2 ; 324. 3 
 
 and N. 2 ; 326 N. 2 ; 
 
 327 ; 328 ; 329 n. 3 ; 
 
 331. 
 'Sri(e)feald, adj., 330 
 
 and N. 1, 2. 
 aSriestrian,wv.,196. 1. 
 ^ri(g)a, -e, see 'Sriwa. 
 'Srims, sm., 186. 2. b. 
 brines, 'Srinnes, sf . , 230 
 
 N. 1. 
 
 "Sringan, sv., 386 n. 
 
 1,4. 
 'Srinna, num. , 329 n. 2. 
 'Srintan, sv., 386 n. 1. 
 'Sris(t.)nes, sf.,196N. 3. 
 •Sritig, Srittig, num. , 
 
 214 N. 1 ; 230 n. 1 ; 
 
 326 and n. 1. 
 "Srlu, see 'Srl(e). 
 'Sriwa (Sriuwa), num., 
 
 73.3; 150 N. 7; 317; 
 
 331. 
 
INDEX 
 
 417 
 
 «roh, sn., 242. 2. 
 'Srosm, smn., 142. 
 'Srotu, wf.,278N. 1. a. 
 '5row(e)re, sin., 248. 1. 
 'Srowian, wv., 355 n. 
 
 2, 3; 411 N. 5; 412 
 
 N. 3, 4, 5, 11; 413 
 
 N. 1, 3. 
 geSruen, part., 385 N. 1. 
 '5ruh, f., 116 N.; 223 n. 
 
 1 ; 284 and n. 1, 2, 
 
 8,4. 
 «mstfel, sn., 289 n. 3. 
 alSriiten, part. , 385 n. 1. 
 ^rycc(e)an, wv,, 221 n. 
 
 1 ; 358 N. 5. a ; 359. 
 
 5 and n. 9; 407 n. 
 
 16, 17, 18. 
 *'5ryn, wv., 117. land 
 
 N. ; 408 N. 18. 
 of 5rysc(e)an, wv. , 203. 
 
 3.6; 405 N. 8. c. 
 "Srysman, wv., 404 n. 
 
 1. b. 
 ■Sry'5, sf., 269. 
 t5ry ttene, see ^'reotlene. 
 •Sii, prou., pi. ge, gie, 
 
 etc., 42 N. ; 74; 150 
 
 N. 7 ; 156. 5 ; 173 n. 
 
 1 ; 175. 2 ; 182 ; 188. 
 
 2 ; 210. 3 ; 332 ; 340. 
 thuachl, see 'Sweal. 
 "Sullic, adj., 100 n. 3; 
 
 349. 
 ^ungen, -on, see 'Seon. 
 •Sunor, sm., 70; 245. 
 'Sunw^nge, -WQnge, 
 
 swn., 215 N. 2; 280 
 
 N. 1. 
 
 ge'Suren, part., 385 n. 
 
 1 ; 390 N. 1. 
 ^urfan, anv., 232. a; 
 
 360 N. 3; 422. 6 and 
 
 N. 3. 
 "Surh (^urg), prep., 56 
 
 N. 1 ; 223 N. 1. 
 t5usend,nuin., 327 and 
 
 N. 3 ; 328 ; 329 n. 3. 
 "Stisendfeald, adj., 329 
 
 N. 3. 
 
 Msendgetel, sn., 328. 
 «uslic, adj., 100 n. 3 ; 
 
 349. 
 Mtan, sv., 384 n. 1. a ; 
 
 385. 
 Swa, "Swai, see Swean. 
 ge'5w£erl£ec(e)an, wv., 
 
 201 N. 6. 
 ■Swahl, see "Sweal. 
 "Sweal, sn., 222. 2 and 
 
 N. 4. 
 ^wean,sv.,98. a; 111. 
 
 2 ; 162 N. 1 ; 166. 1 ; 
 
 172; 214 N. 5; 368 
 
 N. 4 ; 373 ; 374 n. 2, 
 
 3, 4, 5 ; 377 n. ; 378 
 
 N. 1 ; 392. 2 and n. 7. 
 ^weorli, adj., 79 n. 1 ; 
 
 164. 1 ; 2i8 N. 2 ; 295 
 
 N. 1. 
 "Sweran, sv., 390 n. 1. 
 "Swerh, see "Sweorh. 
 "Swlnan, sv., 382 n. l.a. 
 "Switan, sv., 199. 2; 
 
 382 N. 1. a. 
 ^wyrian, wv., 218 n. 
 
 _2; 400 N. 1. 
 "Sydaeges, adv., 320. 
 ge«yld,snf.,267.?); 269. 
 -Syle, sm., 263. 1. 
 %llic, adj., 100 N. 3; 
 
 349. 
 «vn, wv., 222. 1 ; 408 
 
 N. 18. 
 '5ync(e)an, wv., 31 n. ; 
 
 186 N. 4 ; 215 n. 1 ; 
 
 221. 1; 407.1 and N. 
 
 13. 
 tSynne, adj., 298 n. 
 «yrel, sn., 218. 1. 
 'Syrfende, see "Surf an. 
 'Syrnihte, adj., 299. 
 tSyrre, adj., i78. 2. b. 
 «yrs, sm., 266. 
 -Syrst, sm., 266. 
 "Syrstan, wv., 405. 5. 
 -Syslic, adj., 100 n. 3; 
 
 349. 
 "Sywan, wv., 408 n. 12, 
 
 18. 
 
 ufan (ufane, ufenne, 
 
 ufenan), adv., 55; 
 
 231 N. 3; 314; 321 
 
 and N. 1. 
 ufemest, sup., 314. 
 ufer(r)a, comp., 55; 
 
 314 and n. 1. 
 Uffe, pr. n., 192. 1. 
 ufor, adv., 55. 
 uhte, -a, wnm. ? 186 
 
 N. 4; 276 N. 3. b; 
 
 280 N. 2; to iihtes, 
 
 adv., 320. 
 un-, neg., 56 n. 1. 
 unafsehtenlic, adj. , 388 
 
 N. 2. 
 unascriuncanlic, adj., 
 
 386 N. 4. 
 unc(er), -it, see ic. 
 uncer, poss. pron., 
 
 147 ; 335. 
 un(d)- in numerals, see 
 
 the second element of 
 
 the compound. 
 unforciiS, adj., 43 n. 4. 
 ungebleo(h), adj., 297 
 
 N. 2 ; 301 N. 2. 
 ungelic, adj., 212 n. 1. 
 ungemet, -mete(s), 
 
 adv., 212 N. 1 ; 319. 
 unge^inged, part., 414 
 
 N. 2. 
 unge wealdes, adv. , 320. 
 ungew^mmed, adj., 
 
 212 N. 1. 
 ungewisses, adv., 319. 
 ungnie'Se, adj., 303 
 
 N. 2. 
 unigmetes, unilic, un- 
 
 iw^mmed, see unge- 
 
 metes, -gellc, -ge- 
 
 w^mmed. 
 unl«d(e), adj., 299 
 
 N. 1. 
 
 unmvndlunga, adv., 
 
 318. 
 unnan, anv., 6 n. 2; 
 
 422. 4 and n. 1. 
 unrotsian, wv., 411 
 
 N. 4. 
 
418 
 
 INDEX 
 
 unstydful, adj., 263 
 
 N. 5. 
 unSinged, part., 414 
 
 N. 2. 
 
 unNQiices, adv., 320. 
 untreowsian, wv., 411 
 
 N. 4. 
 untruinian (untryin- 
 
 ian), wv , 413 n. 7 ; 
 
 416 X. 11. /. 
 untweiidlic, adj., 166 
 
 N. 4. 
 unwilles, adv., 320. 
 up(p), adv., 189; 231. 
 
 1; 321. 
 uppan, adv., 321. 
 uppe, adv., 321. 
 up(p)weard(es), adv., 
 
 319. 
 lire, gen., see ic. 
 ur(e), poss. pron., 335 ; 
 
 336. 
 us, see ic. 
 I'lsa, pron., 335 n. 
 user, pron., 180; 335 
 
 N. ; 336 N. 
 usic, see ic. 
 ut, titan, adv., 321. 
 ute, adv., 314 ; 321. 
 iit(e)mest, comp., 314. 
 iiterra, comp., 314 
 
 and N. 1, 
 uSg^nge, adj., 186 n. 3. 
 utlah, sm., 214 n. 1. 
 uton, see waton. 
 
 vipere, wf., 276 n. 
 3. c. 
 
 wacca, see wacian. 
 wacian, wv., 89 n. 1 ; 
 
 411 N. 5; 416 N. 10. 
 wacor, adj., 228. 
 wadan, sv., 392 x. 1. 
 wtecca, see wacian and 
 
 w^cc(e)an. 
 wiecce, wf., 89 n. 1 ; 
 
 206. 3. b. 
 wseccende, see wacian. 
 w^ccer, adj., 228. 
 
 W8ec(e)an, wv., 407 n. 
 
 16, 17. 
 wtecian, see wacian. 
 wfecnan, sv., 392 n. 2. 
 wsed, sn., 240. 
 w«dan, wv., 405 n. 3 ; 
 
 406 N. 6. 
 (ge)wsede, sn., 156. 1. 
 
 c; 248. 1. b^ H 
 wsedelnes (wcec^'elnes), 
 
 sf., 201. _3. 
 wsedla (waj^'la), wni., 
 
 201. 3. 
 wSg, sm., 266. 
 w^ge, sn., 248. 1. b. 
 wtegn, sm., 141 ; 214. 3. 
 wsehte, see w^cc(e)an. 
 wsel, sn., 240. 
 waela, see wela. 
 WcBlhreow, -hreaw, 
 
 adj., 43. 2. a; 217. 
 wyelle, W8elta(n), wseinn, 
 
 wgemnian, wsen, see 
 
 wiella, wieltan, wsep- 
 
 en, w£epn(i)an, wsegn. 
 wsepen, sn., 141 ; 156. 
 
 1. c; 189; 243. 3; 
 
 244. 2. 
 wsep(en)man, m., 188. 
 
 L 
 wsepn(i)an, wv., 189; 
 
 406 N. 5. 
 woer, adj., 178. 2. c; 
 
 294. 
 wseras, see wer. 
 Wserburg, pr. n., 284 
 
 N. 6. 
 wserc, awsergan, see 
 
 weorc, awierg(e)an. 
 wserna, wm., 179. 1. 
 wsesma, wm., 221. 2. 
 wsestm, sm., 142; 196. 
 
 1 ; 22 L 2. 
 wsestmbsere, adj., 299. 
 wsetan, wv., 405 n. 8. b. 
 waeter, sn., 148; 243. 
 
 3; 245. 
 WcBtran, wv., 406 n. 5. 
 wsex(an), wala, see 
 
 weax(an), wela. 
 
 Waldere, pr. n., 217. 
 walla, see willan. 
 -waran, w. pi., 263 n. 
 
 7 ; 276 N. 2, 3. c ; 
 
 277. 
 waras. North., see wer. 
 -waras, pi., 263 n. 7. 
 -ware, -a, pi., 263 n. 
 
 7. 
 war(e)nian, wv., 50 n. 
 
 1; 411 N. 4. 
 warian, wv., 411 n. 4. 
 waro'S, sm., 103 and 
 
 N. 2. 
 warp, see weorpan. 
 war'S, see weortJan. 
 -waru, sf., 263 n. 7. 
 was, see wesan. 
 wascan, sv., 10; 204. 
 
 3 ; 392 N. 1. 
 wawan, sv., 62 n. ; 
 
 396. 2. c. 
 waxan, see wascan. 
 w^, see ic. 
 wea, wm., 62 n. ; 118 
 
 N. 1. 
 wea, adj., 301 n. 2. 
 weahsan (weahxan). 
 
 Weal, see weaxan, 
 
 Wealh. 
 gewealc, sn., 267 n. 1. 
 wealcan, sv., 396. 1. a. 
 weald, sm., 273. 
 geweald, sn., 43. 2. b. 
 wealdan, sv., 205 n. 2 ; 
 
 359. 2 ; 396. 1. a. 
 wealdend, m., 286 and 
 
 N. 2. 
 wealdend, f., 287. 
 gewealdes, adv., 320. 
 Wealh, wealh, pr. n., 
 
 sm., 35 N. 2; 80 N. 
 
 1; 98. a; 218. 1; 
 
 223; 242. 1. 
 weal(l), sm., 239. 2. 
 weallan, sv., 80 n. 2 ; 
 
 81 N. 1; 98. a; 387 
 
 N. 1 ; 396. 1. a. 
 wealwian, wv., 411 
 
 N. 4. 
 
INDEX 
 
 419 
 
 weametto, f., 201. 4. b. 
 wearan, see waran. 
 -weard, adj., 43. 2. 6, 
 
 3. a and n. 3. 
 -weard (es), adv., 319. 
 wearo'S, see waro'S. 
 weas, adv., 319. 
 weax, sn., 162. 2. 
 weaxan, sv., 82 ; 98. 
 
 a; 108. 2; 162. 1; 
 
 165. landfi. 1 ; 201. 
 
 6 ; 221. 2 and n. 3 ; 
 
 359. 7, 8 and n. 8; 
 
 371 N. 2, 3; 392 n. 
 
 4 ; 396 N. 3. 
 w^bb, sn., 190. 
 w^cc(e)an, wv., 89. 1 ; 
 
 162 N. 3 ; 356 N. 2 ; 
 
 407. 1 and n. 9. 
 w^cg, sm., 247. a. 
 w^cg(e)an, wv., 400 
 
 N. 1. 6; 401. 2 and 
 
 N. 1. 
 
 gewed, sn., 267. a. 
 wedan, wv., 405 n. 3. 
 w^d(d), sn., 247. b. 
 bew^dclian, wv., 414 
 
 N. 4. 
 wede, see wSde. 
 weder, sn., 148. 
 gewef, sn., 263 n. 3. 
 wefan, sv., 53; 107.2; 
 
 190 ; 391 N. 1. 
 weg, sm., 156. 1 ; 164 
 
 N. 2; 171 N. 1; 172 
 
 N. ; 214. 2 ; 241 n. 
 
 1 ; onweg, adv., 188 
 
 N. 3 (aweg, see on), 
 wegan, sv., 57 n. 3; 
 
 214 N. 1 ; 359 N. 4 ; 
 
 391 N. 1, 9. 
 weig, see weg. 
 wel, adv., 156. 1. a; 
 
 315 N. 3. 
 wela,wm.,104. r;107. 
 
 2 and n. 2 ; 156. 3 ; 
 
 160 N. 2 ; 276 n. 2, 
 
 3. a, c ; 277. 
 "Weland, pr. n., 58. 
 welciiu, pi., 243 N. 
 
 wel(e)gian, wv., 411 
 
 N. 4. 
 weleras, sm., 104 x. 2. 
 welgeliwger, (ge)wel- 
 
 hw£er, adv., 321 n. 
 
 2. 
 welhwffit, pron,, 347. 
 (ge)welliwelc, pron., 
 
 347. 
 *wellan, sv., 387 n. 1. 
 w^Ue, see wiella. 
 weliyrgcB, wellere, wf., 
 
 176. 
 w^mman, wv., 405. 3. 
 wen, sf., 68 n. 2; 269. 
 *weu? wv., 408 n. 18. 
 wenan, wv., 355 n. 4; 
 
 356 N. 3 ; 358 N. 1 ; 
 
 405. 1. a. 
 w^ndan, wv., 156. 1. 
 
 b; 405 N. 11. a; 406 
 
 N. 3, 6;.410n. 5. 
 w^nge, swv., 280 n. 1. 
 weninga, adv., 318. 
 w^nnan, w^nian, wv., 
 
 400 N. 1. a. 
 weobud, weocu, weodu, 
 
 weoduwe, see weo- 
 
 fod, wucu, wudu, 
 
 wuduwe. 
 weofod, sn., 43 n. 4 ; 
 
 84. 2 ; 222 x. 1. 
 weogas, see weg. 
 Weoh-, Wiohstan, pr. 
 
 n., 84. 2. 
 Weoht(-), Wiolit(-), 
 
 see Wiht(-). 
 weola, see wela. 
 weoloc, sm., 105 n. 1. 
 weolocread, adj., 71 
 
 N. 1 ; 188 N. 2. 
 weoras, see wer. 
 jsveorc, sn., 72; 164. 1 
 I and N. 1; 210. 4; 
 ; 238 N.. 1. _ 
 
 iforweoren, part., 382 
 
 N. 3 ; 384 N. 3. 
 weorm, weorod, weo- 
 
 rold, see wyrm, 
 
 werod, worold. 
 
 weorpan, sv., 42. 1 
 
 72; 79.1 ; 100. 1. a 
 
 156. 2; 158. 1 ; 189 
 
 369; 371 n. 2, 4, 6 
 
 377 N. ; 378 n. 1 ; 388 
 
 and N. 2, 4, 5, 6. 
 weorS, sm., 100. 1. a. 
 weorSan, sv., 72; 79. 
 
 1; 156. 2; 158. 1: 
 
 199. 2; 350; 358 n. 
 
 7 ; 359. 6 and x. 7 ; 
 
 371 N. 2, 4, 6; 377 
 
 N. ; 378n. 1; SSSand 
 
 N. 2, 4, 5. 
 weor5ian,wv., 72; 156. 
 
 2 ; 411 N. 4 ; 412 n. 
 
 4, 5, 6, 8, 10; 413 
 
 N. 6. 
 weorSig, see wor^ig. 
 weorSmynt, sf., 255. 3. 
 weosan, sv., 370 n. 8; 
 
 382 N. 3. 
 weosnian, wv., 382 n. 
 
 3. 
 weotan, weotod, see 
 
 witan, witod. 
 weotuma, wm., 104. 4. 
 w'epan, sv., 396. 2. b 
 
 and N. 9. 
 wepen, wepnan, see 
 
 wSpen, wffii3n(i)an. 
 wer, sm., 104. 1 ; 156. 
 
 3; 160 N. 2; 171 n. 
 
 1; 172; 181. 1; 241 
 
 N. 1. 
 werc(hes), aw^^rda(n), 
 
 see weorc, awierdan. 
 forweren, part., 382 
 
 N. 3. 
 aw^rgan, see awierg- 
 
 (e)an. 
 w^rgian, wv., 411 n. 
 
 4. 
 w^rian, wv., 176 ; 227 ; 
 
 400 N. 1; 409 N. 1. 
 gew^rian, wv., 400 n. 
 
 1. 
 werod, sn., 104 n. 2 ; 
 
 135. 2 ; 243. 2. 
 werod, adj., 104 n, 2. 
 
420 
 
 INDEX 
 
 wesan, sv. , 49 ; 1 56. 2 ; 
 
 202 ; 350 ; 370 n. 7 ; 
 
 391 N. 1 ; 427. 3 and 
 
 N. 9, 10 ; pret. was, 
 
 lias, 49 N. 1 ; nits, 
 
 iiffiroii, 172 N. ; 427. 3. 
 west, adv., 314 ; 321. 
 westan, adv., 321. 
 awestan, wv., 405 n. 
 
 11 ; 406 N. 3. 
 westen, sn., 231. 4 ; 
 
 246; 248. 2 and n. 
 
 2, 3. 
 westerra, comp., west- 
 
 uiest, sup., 314. 
 we'Sla, see wiedla. 
 we trail, wexa(ii), see 
 
 wsetian, weaxaii. 
 wh-, see liw-. 
 wiada, Wiahtred, wia- 
 
 rald, wibed, see 
 
 wudu, Wihtred, wo- 
 
 rold, weofod. 
 wican, sv., 364 n. 1 ; 
 
 382 N. 1. a. 
 wicg, sn., 247. b. 
 wicu, see wucu. 
 wid, adj., 315. 
 wide, adv., 315. 
 widla, wm., 201. 3. 
 widlian, w^., 201. 3. 
 wid(u)we, see wuduwe. 
 gewielc, sn., 267. a. 
 wieldan, wv., 405 n. 
 
 11. a. 
 wTelincel, sn., 248 n. 4. 
 wielisc, adj., 98. a. 
 wiell, sm., 266. 
 wiella, wm., 159. 3. 
 wielm, sm., 98. a. 
 wieltan, wv., 405 n. 
 
 11. 6; 406 N. 7. 
 wielwan, wv., 173. 2; 
 
 408. 1 and n. 7. 
 dwierdan, wv., 405 n. 
 
 11. a; 406 N. 7. 
 (d)wierg(e)an, wv., 
 
 159. 2; 162 n. 5; 
 
 213 N. ; 214 N. 11 ; 
 
 405 N. 2; 406 N. 1,6. 
 
 wiergen, sf., 133. c; 
 
 258. 1. 
 wiernan, wv., 405 n. 1. 
 wierpan, wv., 405 n. 8. 
 
 a. 
 wier(re)sta, sup., 71 n. 
 
 2; 72 N. ; 156. 4; 
 
 312. 
 wiers, adv., 323. 
 wiersa, coiup., 71 n. 2 ; 
 
 159 N. 3 ; 180 ; 312. 
 wiersian, wv., 156. 4. 
 wierSe, adj., 71 n. 2; 
 
 100. 1. a; 156. 4; 
 
 159 N. 3. 
 wietan, see witan. 
 gewif, sn., 263 n. 3. 
 wif, sn., 59; 239. 1. b. 
 wifian, wv., 412 n. 9. 
 wifniQn, 111., 193. 2; 
 
 281 N. 1. 
 wifod, see weofod. 
 wiga, wm., 107 n. 3; 
 
 214 N. 5; 277. 
 wigbed, see weofod. 
 wigend, m., 24 n. ; 
 
 286. 
 wiht, see wuht. 
 Wiht, pr. n., 84. 1 ; 
 
 284 N. 7. 
 Wihtgar, pr. n., 84. 1 ; 
 
 273 and n. 2. 
 Wilithering, pr. n., 
 
 215. 
 Wihthun, pr. n., 84. 1. 
 Wihtred, pr. n., 150 
 
 N. 6. 
 wild(d)eor,wildor, sn., 
 
 231. 3; 289. 
 Wilde, adj., 201. 2. 
 gewile, gewill, sn., 263. 
 
 2 and n. 3. 
 willa, wm., 276 n. 3. b. 
 willan, an v., 355 n. 4 ; 
 
 360 N. 3, 5 ; 428 and 
 
 notes. Cf. nellan. 
 willes, adv., 320. 
 wilnian, wv., 411 n. 4. 
 wimman, see wifm^n. 
 win, sn., 171 n. 2. 
 
 wincian, wv., 411 n. 4. 
 windan, sv., 366 n. 2; 
 
 386 N. 1. 
 wine, sm., 133. a; 172; 
 
 262 ; 263 n. 2. 
 Winebald, Winelac, 
 
 pr. n., 263 n. 5. 
 win(e)ster, adj., 186. 
 
 2.6. 
 win(g)eard, sm., 214. 
 
 7. 
 winnan, sv., 359. 1 ; 
 
 386 N. 1. 
 winter, sm., 44 n. 2 ; 
 
 139; 148; 273 and 
 
 N. 2, 3. 
 gewintred, part., 414 
 
 N. 2. 
 wir, sm., 58 N. 1. 
 wircaii, wiri(g)an, wis- 
 
 aii, wiscan, see wyrc- 
 
 (e)an, wierg(e)an, 
 
 weosan, wysc(e)an. 
 wise, f., 276 n. 3. b.c; 
 
 278. 
 wisian, wv., 230 n. 1 ; 
 
 411 N. 4 ; 412 N. 2. 
 wisnian, wv., 382 n. 3. 
 gewis(s), adj., 226; 
 
 232. d. 
 wissian, see wisian. 
 wist,sf., 267 N. 2; 269. 
 wit, see ic. 
 wita, wm., 107. 3 and 
 
 N. 3; 276 N. 3. a; 
 
 277. 
 witan, an v., 54. a ; 62 ; 
 
 105 N. 1 ; 107. 3 and 
 
 N. 3; 131; 172; 195; 
 
 196. 1 ; 226 ; 232. c, 
 
 d ; 378 N. 4 ; 420. 1 
 
 and N. 1. 
 fetwitan, sv., 382 n. 
 
 l.,a. 
 ge witan, sv., 105 n. 1 ; 
 
 376 N. ; 382 n. 1. a. 
 wite, sn., 248. 1. 
 witga, wm., 276 n. 3. 
 
 6, c ; 277. 
 witgian, wv., 411 n. 4. 
 
INDEX 
 
 421 
 
 bewitian, wv., 416 n. 
 
 14. d. 
 witnian, wv., 411 n. 4 ; 
 
 414 N. 3. 
 witod, part., witodlice, 
 
 adv., 410 N. 14. d. 
 wixla(n), see wrixlan. 
 wlacu, wisec, adj., 303. 
 wlsece, sn., 263. 2. 
 wlseffetere, wm., 192. 
 
 1. 
 wl^cc(e)an, wv., 407 
 
 N. 16, 17. 
 wl^nc(e)an, wv., 405 
 
 N. 8. c. 
 wl^nc(e)o, f., 206. 3. b. 
 wlips, wlisp, adj., 204. 
 
 3. 
 wlitan, sv., 172; 382 
 
 N. 1. a. 
 wlite, sm., 263. 1 and 
 
 N. 5. 
 wlitgian, wv., 412 n. 7. 
 wloh, f.,218N. 3.; 284 
 
 and N. 4. 
 gewloh, adj., 295 n. 1. 
 wlgnc, adj., 172; 210. 
 
 4. 
 wocor, sf., 254. 1 ; 255. 
 
 2. 
 wee-, see w^-, we-, 
 woffian, wv., 192. 1. 
 woh, sn., 242. 2 and 
 
 N. 1. 
 
 woh, adj., 67; 115 ; 
 • 222. 2 and n. 1 ; 223 ; 
 
 295 N. 1 ; 304 n. 4. 
 wolc(e)n (wolc), sn., 
 
 188 N. 2 ; 243 n. 
 wolc(n)read, see weo- 
 
 locread. 
 Wolfwol>u, pr. n., 273 
 
 N. 3. 
 wolic, adj., 222 n. 1. 
 wollenteare, adj., 387 
 
 N. 1. 
 wom(a), swm., 68. 
 WQn(a), adj., 291 n. 2. 
 WQndrian, wv., 411 n. 
 
 4. 
 
 WQng, sm., 273 n. 1. 
 WQnge, wn., 280 n. 1. 
 WQnn, adj., 295 n. 2. 
 owope, see on. 
 wore, see weorc. 
 word, sn., 55 ; 134. 6; 
 
 172; 238; 267. &. 
 f orworen, part. , 382 
 
 N. 3. 
 worms, see worsm. 
 worold, sf., 72; 104 n. 
 
 2; 150 N. 3; 156 n. 
 
 2. 
 woroldlic, adj., 43. 1. 
 worpan, see weorpan. 
 worsm, sn., 179. 2 ; 
 
 185. 
 wor'San, see weor'San. 
 wor'Sig, sm., 72. 
 worSiga, see weor'Sian. 
 wos(s)a, see wesan. 
 wraeu, sf., 253 and n. 
 
 1,2. 
 wrgec, sf., 276 n. 3. b. 
 wr0ece(e)a, see wr^e- 
 
 c(e)a. 
 wr^'San, wv., 405 n. 5. 
 wrastlian, wraxlian, 
 
 wv., 10. 
 wrean, see wreon. 
 wrecan, sv., 391 n. 1, 
 
 5. 
 wr^ec(e)a, wm., 89 n. 
 
 1; 276 N. 3. 6; 277. 
 WT^ec(e)an, see w^cc- 
 
 (e)an. 
 wreg(e)an, wv., 405 
 
 N. 2. 
 wr^nc, sm., 266. 
 wrenna, see wserna. 
 wreon, wrion, sv., 8 
 
 N. 3; 84. 2; 114. 3; 
 
 164 N. 5; 166 n. 4, 
 
 5; 373; 374 n. 1, 2, 
 
 3, 4, 5, 6 ; 376 n. ; 
 
 383 and n. 2 ; on- 
 
 wreon, 214 n. 5. 
 wr^^'San, wr^'Sian, 
 
 wv., 400 N. 1.6, 2. 
 wria, wria, see wreon. 
 
 wridan, sv., 382 n. 1. a. 
 wrlga(n), see wreon. 
 wringan, sv., 386 n. 1. 
 (ge)writ, sn., 171 n. 1 ; 
 
 241. 
 writan, sv., 172; 376 
 ■. N. ; 378 N. 3 ; 382 n. 
 
 1. a. 
 wrixl, sn., 84. 1; 108. 
 
 1. 
 wrixlan, wv., 100 n. 1 ; 
 
 164.2; 180; 221. 2; 
 
 404. 1. c. 
 wrot,sf.,17lN. 1; 172. 
 wrotan, sv., 396. 2. b. 
 wrums, see worsm. 
 wucu, wf., 71 ; 164. 2 ; 
 
 276 N. 3. a ; 278 n. 
 
 1. 
 wudu, sm., 71 ; 105. 1 ; 
 
 107 N. 3; 150 N. 5; 
 
 271 and n. 1, 2. 
 wudu we, wf., 71 and 
 
 N. 1 ; 105. 1 and n. 
 
 1; 156.4; 276 n. 3. 
 
 c, 5 ; 278. 
 Wuffa, pr. n., 192. 1. 
 wuhhung, sf., 220 and 
 
 N. 1. 
 wuht, wiht, f., 71; 84. 
 
 1 ; 100 N. 1 ; 164. 2 ; 
 
 267. b and n. 3 ; 269 
 
 and N. 4; 347. 
 wuldor, sn., 201. 2. 
 wuldrian, wv., 411 n. 
 
 4 ; 412 N. 4. 
 wulf, sm., 55; 192. 1, 
 
 2aw(ZN. 2; 239. l.a. 
 Wulf hat, pr. n., 224. 
 Wulfsig(e), pr. n., 263 
 
 N. 5. 
 wulle, wf., 55; 95. 
 gewuna, adj., 291 n, 2. 
 wund, sf., 172; 254.1. 
 wundian, wv., 411 n. 
 
 4 ; 414 N. 2, 4. 
 wundor, sn., 243. 3. 
 wundrian, wv., 411 n. 
 
 4 ; 412 N. 2, 6, 9, 11 ; 
 
 413 N. 6. 
 
422 
 
 INDEX 
 
 wunian, wv., 70; 175 
 N. ; 411 N. 5; 412 n. 
 10, 11; 413 N. 3; 
 
 416 N. 16. 
 wurd-, wuriotto, wur- 
 
 mas, wurms, wurste, 
 
 wurt-, wiir5(i)an, s^ 
 
 wyrd, writ, wyrm, 
 
 worsm, wiersta, 
 
 wyrt-, weor^(i)an. 
 wuta, see wit an. 
 wuton, int., 71 ; 105. 
 
 1 ; 172 N. 
 wutudlice, see witod- 
 
 lice. 
 wyduwe, wyel, wyht, 
 
 wylewian, see wu- 
 
 duwe, wealh, wuht, 
 
 wielwan. 
 wylf, sf., 258. 2. 
 wylian, see wielwan. 
 wyllen, adj., 95. 
 wyn(n), sf., 171 and 
 
 N. 2 ; 269. 
 Wynnefeld, pr. n., 
 
 284 N. 7. 
 wynsumian, wv., 360 
 
 N. 3; 412 N. 11. 
 wyrc(e)an, wv., 164. 2 ; 
 
 356 N. 1 ; 358 N. 1 ; 
 
 360 N. 3 ; 407. 1 and 
 
 N. 14. 
 forwyrc(e)an, wv., 407 
 
 N. 14. 
 
 wyrcta, see wyrhta. 
 wyrd, sf., 72 n. ; 172; 
 
 269 and n. 2. 
 forwyrd, sn., 267. b. 
 gewyrfe'5, 3 sing., 371 
 
 N. 6. 
 awyrg(e)an, wv., 405 
 
 N. 2. 
 gewyrht, snf., 267. 6; 
 
 269 and n. 4. 
 wyrhta, wm. , 221 n. 
 
 1, 2. 
 wyrian, see wierg(e)an. 
 wyrm, sin., 72 n. ; 133. 
 
 a; 265. 
 wyrms, wyrmsan, see 
 
 worsm, wyrsman. 
 wyrp, sm., 266. 
 wyrresta, wyrsa, wyrs- 
 
 ian, see wierresta, 
 
 wiersa, wiersian. 
 wyrsman, wv., 185; 
 
 404. 1. c. 
 wyrst, sf., 179. 1. 
 wyrt, sf., 72 n. ; 269. 
 wyrta, see wyrhta. 
 Wyrtgeorn, pr. n., 100 
 
 N. 3. 
 wyr^e, see wier^e. 
 wyrtruma,wm., 231.3. 
 wyrt(t)iin, sm., 231. 3. 
 wysc(e)an, wv., 186. 
 
 1. 6; 405. 4. a and 
 
 N. 8. 
 
 yfel, sn., 243. 2. 
 yfel, adj., 144. c; 194; 
 
 296 and fi. 1, 2 ; 312. 
 yferra, comp., yfe- 
 
 mest, sup., 314. 
 yfes, sf., 93. 1. 
 yfter, ylc, see sefter, 
 
 ymb(e), prep., 95 n. 2 ; 
 133 N. 1 ; 154 ; 190 
 
 N. 
 
 ymbhwyrft, -hweorft, 
 
 sm., 72 N. 
 ymest, sup., 222. 2; 
 
 314 and n. 3. 
 ymmon, sm., 141. 
 ynce (yndse, ynse, 
 
 yntse), wf., 95 ; 205. 
 
 a and n. 1, 2. 
 yppan, wv., 154; 359. 
 
 1 and N. 9 ; 405. 4. 
 
 a ; 406 n. 2. 
 yst, sf., 33. 1. 6; 186. 
 
 _1. 6 ; 269. 
 aytan, wv., 6 n. 2. 
 yterra, comp., yt(e)- 
 
 mest, sup., 314 and 
 
 N. 1. 
 
 y«, sf., 96. b; 258.2. 
 ytJian, wv., 412 n. 2. 
 y^lScan, see edlsec- 
 
 (e)an. 
 yuel, see yfel. 
 
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