EXTRACTS RELATI 
 HIS LIFE AT ST. H
 
 
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 NAPOLEON'S LIFE AT 
 ST. HELENA.
 
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 NAPOLEON 
 
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 Extracts from the ' Times ' 
 
 and 'Morning Chronicle' 
 
 1 8 15-182 1 relating to 
 
 Napoleon's Life at 
 
 St. Helena. 
 
 PRIVATELY PRINTED BY A. L. HUMPHREYS, 
 PICCADILLY, LONDON . . . MDCCCCI. 
 
 PI
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 Extract from the ' Morning Chronicle,' 
 October 18, 1815. 
 
 authentic particulars of bonaparte. 
 
 [From an Officer on board the Northumberland.] 
 
 His Majesty's ship Northumberland, 
 lat. 34-53, long. 13'45, August 22, 1815. 
 
 As every circumstance relative to the man we are now conveying 
 from Europe may prove acceptable, I embrace this opportunity of 
 detailing some anecdotes of him, and also of contradicting some of the 
 assertions that have been circulated respecting him. Among the latter is 
 the one, that he took possession of Captain Maitland's cabin the 
 moment he came on board the Bellerophon, refusing that gallant 
 officer even a corner of it to sleep in. Previous to Bonaparte coming 
 on board, Captain Maitland had determined to give up his own cabin, 
 and part of the ward-room cabins were to be appropriated for the 
 ladies who were expected. Equally unfounded are the statements that 
 Bonaparte walked the quarter-deck furiously, with his hands behind 
 him, and talking to himself ; as also, that he asked if the commissaire 
 (purser of the ship) was not a rogue. 
 
 Conversing one day about the siege of St. Jean d'Acre, Bonaparte 
 observed — ' That when Sir Sidney Smith was there, he distributed 
 several Proclamations among the French troops, which made them 
 waver a little.' In order to obviate (his, he published an Order, in 
 which he 'asserted that the English commodore was mad, and it con- 
 cluded with prohibiting all communication with him. This, he added, 
 'had the desired effect, and so enraged Sir Sidney, that he sent him a 
 challenge to single eonibat, which was declined,' and Napoleon re- 
 turning at the same time for answer, that 'when he brought the Duke 
 of Marlborough to meet him, he would accept it.' He stated most 
 positively 'that he tvould Uien have taken Acre, IF THE ENGLISH 
 HAD NOT TAKEN HIS BATTERING TRAIN,' and added, in 
 English and French, 'had it not been for you English, I would have 
 
 1
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 been Emperor of the East, but wherever a ship could get I was always 
 sure to find some of the English to oppose me.' 
 
 He spoke of the Invasion of England as his firm determination, and 
 said that he intended to have landed as near Chatham as possible, and 
 to have dashed at once for London. He admitted the great probability 
 of his not succeeding, and that he might have been killed in the 
 attempt. That this scheme was not put into effect, he says, was owing 
 to Admiral Villeneuve not obeying the orders he received. He was 
 particularly inquisitive as to the climate of England, and said that the 
 cause of so many suicides was the humidness of the atmosphere. 
 
 The anxiety of the English to see him when on board the Belle- 
 rophon flattered his vanity in the extreme, and he would frequently 
 stand at the gangway purposely to afford the gaping and wondering 
 multitude an opportunity of beholding his person. At this time he 
 had invariably a spy-glass in his hand, which he frequently used in 
 observing the spectators. There was always a great number of well- 
 dressed females, many of them very elegant in their persons, and they 
 never failed to attract his particular attention, and he would not fail 
 to notice to those near him how forcibly he gazed on their beauties. 
 
 He appeared greatly pleased with the beauty and elegance of our 
 fair countrywomen, and was always wishing to know their names, 
 families, and any circumstance that could be communicated to him 
 concerning them. 
 
 He took particular notice one evening of a young lady who was 
 very close to the ship, and, as usual, inquired what was her name and 
 
 family. He was informed she was a Miss B n, daughter of 
 
 General B. He bowed and took off his hat, exclaiming several times, 
 with peculiar emphasis, to those near him, ' Oh, charmante ! ' This 
 admiration of the females was not confined to Bonaparte, for all his 
 officers were equally delighted ; and they expressed their opinion of 
 the superiority of the English women over any they had before seen. 
 
 Bonaparte gives great credit to our Infantry and our Artillery. He 
 said, ' the British Infantry is now what the French was ten years back, 
 and that the Cavalry is greatly inferior to the Infantry in everything 
 but appearance.' He found great fault with the construction of the 
 bits, which he says 'are so bad that the men cannot manage their 
 horses.' Bertrand and the others assented to the truth of this 
 observation. 
 
 One day Bonaparte was speaking of the Duke of Wellington, and 
 observed, ' he did not expect he would have given him battle, but that 
 he would have retreated, and waited for the Russians and other re- 
 inforcements, in which case,' he says, 'he must have been finally 
 beaten ; but that he was extremely happy to find Lord Wellington did 
 not decline the combat,' — adding, that 'he made quite certain of 
 obtaining the victory. 1 He also said, 'That he knew of the advances 
 of the Prussians, but that he did not regard it of much consequence ; 
 and that he was betrayed by some of his Generals.' He further said 
 that, ' the universal consternation among his troops taking place at a 
 time of darkness, he was not able to rally the fugitives by shewing his 
 person to them, which he is convinced would have effectually restored 
 order had it been daylight ; but that, in consequence of its being dark, 
 he was borne away by the crowd, and obliged to fly himself? 
 
 On being asked why he had not given himself up to Austria, he 
 
 2
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 replied, ' What ! give myself up to a nation without laws, honour, or 
 faith ? No : the moment I had got there I should have been put into a 
 dungeon, and never heard of more. In giving myself up to the 
 English, I have given myself up to a nation with honourable and just 
 laws, which afford protection to every person.' 
 
 At another time he remarked on the singularity of Mr. Whitbread's 
 suicide, but made no further observation on that melancholy event. 
 
 One day he observed, he ' ought to have died the day he entered 
 Moscow, as ever since he had experienced a continual series of 
 disasters.' He further observed, he 'would have made Peace at 
 Dresden, and also afterwards, if it had not been for the advice of the 
 Duke of Bassano, who persuaded him against it. 
 
 The invasion of Spain, Bonaparte says, he undertook at the special 
 desire of Talleyrand, who was continually urging him to that measure, 
 invariably pointing out the absolute necessity of its being undertaken, 
 and, if possible, accomplished at all hazards. 
 
 It is astonishing the detestation in which Fouche" is held by 
 Bonaparte and all his followers, who never mention his name but 
 with the greatest contempt ; and they say, ' It was entirely owing to 
 this Creature that Bonaparte abdicated in favour of his Son ; and that 
 he was continually carrying on a clandestine correspondence with the 
 Allies.' 
 
 The respect that is still paid to Bonaparte by his suite is very 
 great ; as an instance I shall mention that he was one day playing at 
 chess with Montholon, who is by far the best player of the two, 
 Bonaparte had evidently the worst of the game, when Montholon 
 made purposely an improper movement, which was speedily observed 
 by the former, and he ultimately was the victor. Montholon praised 
 the superior skill of his master (as he termed him), and declared himself 
 ' not competent to encounter such an excellent player again ;' at which 
 Bonaparte was highly pleased. At this game, or Vingt-un, Bonaparte 
 generally passes his time ; but was much hurt when the Admiral 
 insisted that neither of these games, nor any other, should be played 
 on Sundays. 
 
 He has been very inquisitive as to the climate, &c, of St. Helena, 
 and declares that he shall be more comfortable there than in Austria. 
 Temperance, he says, is the only means of preserving health, and adds, 
 that he never was ill but twice in his life, and on one of those occasions 
 only applied a blister. Montholon's wife has been unwell, and he 
 inquired of the Surgeon how she was. He said, rather better, but that 
 he thought the fear of the tropical climates preyed on her mind. 
 Bonaparte replied nearly in the words of Shakespeare, 'Doctor, thou 
 cannot administer to a mind diseased.' The force with which this 
 remark was made was observed by every one near, and apparently 
 related to his own feelings. 
 
 Bertram! and his wife are continually with Bonaparte, and the 
 whole are more reconciled to their future destiny. 
 
 sir George Cockburn and Bonaparte are on excellent terms, as he 
 is, Indeed, with all the Officers of the ship; they frequently play at 
 Cards, &c, in which occasionally they have the advantage of each 
 
 other, 
 
 Hitherto our passage has been very favourable, and no particular 
 
 occurrence has taken place since we sailed from Torbay. 
 
 3
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 ' Morning Chronicle,' October 25, 1815. 
 house and furniture for bonaparte. 
 
 The House. 
 
 The framework for the house is nearly completed at Woolwich. 
 The front is in the Grecian style. It is about 120 feet in length, 
 containing fourteen windows and a fine open corridor. The depth 
 of the building is about 100 feet, with a back corridor, almost making 
 the whole structure square. It is two stories high, and will have an 
 elegant cottage appearance. The ground floor of the right division of 
 the house contains Bonaparte's apartments. In the centre of this wing 
 is his drawing-room, which, as well as the other apartments for his 
 accommodation, is about 30 feet in length, by a breadth of 20. This 
 proportion runs through the whole. Next is his dining-room, with an 
 adjoining library, behind which is a capacious billiard-room. His bed- 
 room, dressing-room, and bath are, of course, connected. The left 
 division of the edifice contains apartments for the officers of his 
 suite. The rear comprises the servants' and store-rooms. The 
 kitchen is detached from the regular building, and yet perfectly con- 
 venient to the dining-room, without communicating any offensive 
 fumes to the principal range of rooms. This is of no small value in a 
 sultry climate. The hall is plain, and merely furnished with seats. 
 The corridor will furnish a cool and shaded promenade. 
 
 The Furniture. 
 
 The drawing-room is coloured with various shades of green. The 
 curtains are Pomona green, made of light silk taboret, bordered with 
 full green velvet, and edged with a gold-coloured silken twist or gimp 
 to correspond. The green silk forms a fine ground for the border, — 
 and the style in fitting up the upholstery is simple : the curtain rings 
 are concealed under a matted gold cornice, enclosing the rod on which 
 they run. The supporters are gilt and carved patras, and the green 
 velvet folds form into the architecture of the room by falling in 
 straight lines at each side of the windows, where they draw smooth 
 and compact, without interrupting the progress of those two useful 
 but often excluded properties of nature — air and light. The centre 
 table is formed out of one piece of exquisitely veined British oak, 
 polished in the very highest degree of perfection. The pier table is of 
 the same timber and quality, inlaid with a slab of the verd antique 
 marble of Mona, from Mr. Bullock's quarry at Anglesea, and sur- 
 mounted by a pier-glass, with a frame of buhl and ebony. The chairs 
 in this apartment correspond with the tables. There are also two 
 Greek sofas and foot-stalls ; these are enriched with ormulu ornaments. 
 These carpets are of the Brussels texture, in shades of olive, brown, 
 and amber ; colours finely calculated to harmonise with the tone of 
 decorations in the room. The walls are of light tints of sage green, 
 with ornamented panels in Arabesque gold. The colours, it will 
 be observed, ascend from the darker shades upon the ground, until 
 
 4
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 they are lost in the cream colour of the ceiling. This produces a 
 harmony in the decorations which is in the highest degree elegant. 
 One of the drawing-room recesses is filled up by a pianoforte, and a 
 few tasteful chandeliers and candelabras are occasionally introduced 
 with a pleasing effect. 
 
 The Dining-room. 
 
 A neatly furnished table, supported by substantial claws and pillars, 
 capable of being divided to suit a company of from six to fourteen. 
 The side-board intended for the Imperial plate is of a new form, pure 
 and simple in its construction and decoration. The wine-cooler is of 
 bronze and rich wood, and shaped after the fashion of the Greek 
 Bacchanalian vases. The chairs are plain. The curtains are of 
 lavender-coloured silk lace and cord. The carpet and walls are shaded 
 with the same colours, falling into blues, with a black and brown 
 relief; the latter, of various hues, pervade the room. 
 
 The Library. 
 
 This apartment is fitted up in the Etruscan style, with a number of 
 dwarf book-cases. The curtains are of a new material, composed of 
 cotton, which produces the appearance of fine cloth. The library table 
 is particularly elegant, and mechanical ingenuity has been laboriously 
 applied to furnish it with desks and drawers, suited to every con- 
 venience of study accommodation. 
 
 The Sitting-room. 
 
 This chamber is fitted up with several plain cabinets, formed of 
 ebony, inlaid with polished brass ; the carpets are ethereal blue, inter- 
 mingled with black. 
 
 The Bedroom. 
 
 This apartment contains a high canopy bedstead, with curtains of 
 fine straw-coloured muslin, and lilac draperies of Persia — the entire 
 edged with a gold-coloured fringe ornament. The bedstead encloses a 
 curious mosquito net, formed of silk weft, embossed with transparent 
 rich drapery. The dressing-room possesses the usual conveniences 
 required by taste and comfort. The adjoining bath is marble-lined, 
 and so constructed that it can admit either hot or cold water. 
 
 The table services have been provided by Mr. Bullock, from the 
 most eminent manufacturers in the kingdom, and consist of the fairest, 
 though not the most extravagant, specimens of our own proficiency in 
 the various walks of mechanism and art. There is one set of breakfast 
 ware, one dinner set, two desserts (one of china, the other of glass), one 
 tea, and one for supper. 
 
 The sets of china were selected from different manufacturers 
 throughout the country. 
 
 An immense quantity Of stationery will also be sent. The cargo 
 will weigh marly 500 tons. It will be divided into about 4011 packages, 
 and several artisans are to accompany it, for the purpose of fitting up 
 the establishment at its destination. 
 
 5
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 ■ Mohning Chronicle,' December 5, 1815. 
 
 The arrival of Bonaparte at St. Helena will give rise to various 
 speculations. It will give consolation to the people before whose eyes 
 he was everlastingly held up in terror, whenever Ministers were 
 desirous of draining their pockets, or making them surrender their 
 sons and nephews to recruit the army ; but to Ministers themselves it 
 will bring despair — they have lost their best Ally. He was their sheet- 
 anchor. He was put in as an answer to every objection that was 
 started to a new loan, to an augmentation of taxes, to a gagging bill, 
 and to an interminable war. If an army was wanted for Spain it was 
 for the deliverance of that noble, generous, and grateful people from 
 the tyrant Bonaparte. If Prussia required a subsidy it was to 
 keep her stedfast to that policy from which she had never swerved. If 
 Austria wanted a loan to enable her to make war (and Austria was 
 always faithful to her engagements), it was to make war on Bona- 
 parte. The Emperor of Russia must be hired by British gold to 
 become the magnanimous Deliverer of Europe from that monster ; 
 and from one end of Europe to the other — from the Swede to the 
 Neapolitan — all were to be paid, because the British people were 
 frightened with the name of Bonaparte, just as the children of 
 France were lulled to sleep in the cradle with the song of Malbrooke. 
 But the tyrant is no more, and Ministers, we repeat it, have lost their 
 best Ally. 
 
 Nor is it our Ministers only. The four great contracting Sovereigns 
 of Europe who have engaged to march into France, and pour forth all 
 the horrors of desolation, and massacre wherever they think they 
 perceive the germs of opposition to legitimacy, will find that they 
 reckon without their Jwst. Do they think that legitimacy will take 
 the place of the demon ? They also aroused their people by the terror 
 of this maniac, who in the moment of his triumph forgot all true 
 policy so far as to make all mankind his enemy. But do the Sovereigns 
 believe that now the phantom of Bonaparte is withdrawn they 
 will be charmed by the anointed image of legitimacy 1 No. They will 
 recollect the promises that were made them when they last roused and 
 quickened into action. That it was to establish the independence and 
 rights of nations and of men that they were to arise and exert them- 
 selves against Bonaparte. They obeyed the call ; and the con- 
 tracting Powers will find, notwithstanding their most audacious and 
 unparalleled Convention, that as the French Army first learned the 
 principles of liberty in the fields of America, the Prussians and Russians 
 have heard the word ' Constitution ' in the plains of France. And ' by 
 the grace of God' they will speedily demand it. 
 
 6
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 'Morning Chronicle,' December 9, 1815. 
 bonaparte's arrival at st. helena. 
 
 Further particulars of Bonaparte's arrival at St. Helena have 
 reached us in letters from that island to the 22nd of October. On the 
 16th of that month his Majesty's ship Icarus arrived there with the 
 first tidings of Bonaparte's downfall, of his being a second time so 
 strangely saved from punishment, and of his destination to that island 
 as a place of confinement. The inhabitants naturally were struck with 
 no small degree of surprise. It was of course learnt at the same time 
 that a very considerable addition would be made to the population of 
 the island by the new garrison, as well as the attendants of the 
 celebrated Rebel, the Commissioners to watch him, their suites, &c. 
 Accordingly all was immediately hurry and bustle. Provisions ex- 
 perienced sudden and enormous rise in price. Eggs, which were before 
 about three shillings a dozen, now advanced to a shilling apiece. 
 Almost every other article of produce rose in the same proportion, and 
 even land itself assumed an increased value of fifty per cent., which is 
 not to be wondered at considering the small extent of the island, and 
 the still smaller portion that is fit for cultivation, to feed the increased 
 number of mouths. Upwards of 900 troops arrived out in the squadron 
 under charge of the Northumberland. A great bustle took place on 
 the 11th in making preparations for Bonaparte's reception ; eighty of 
 the Company's soldiers were stationed to guard the gates, and orders 
 were immediately issued by the Governor that no fishing boats were to 
 be out of harbour after four o'clock in the afternoon. On the 15th the 
 fleet arrived, when some persons from the town were allowed to go on 
 board the squadron to dine. It was some days before all was ready for 
 conveying Bonaparte to the house allotted for his reception. When he 
 landed he was dressed in a green coat, white waistcoat, light coloured 
 small clothes, white stockings, and cocked hat. The coat was trimmed 
 with gold, and a plain gold epaulette was placed on each shoulder. He 
 held in his hand an elegant telescope, and cast his eyes around him 
 with great eagerness to survey the new objects. The Company's 
 troops on the island were immediately to be sent to the Cape, to do 
 duty there. 
 
 'Morning Chronicle,' December 11, 1815. 
 
 St. Helena, Oct. 22.— On the 10th inst. a sloop of war arrived 
 with the intelligent that a fleet was approaching our island, in which 
 was Bonaparte! This news threw us all into peat confusion. 
 On Sunday, the loth, the Northumberland arrived here with the 
 
 ex-Emperor and his suite. On Monday his surgeon (an Englishman) 
 
 7
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 called on me, and took me with him on board. I was introduced to 
 General Bertrand and his Lady, and the other passengers ; after 
 remaining a few minutes in the ward -room, Bonaparte was 
 announced to be on deck, when we all went up. I approached him 
 and took off my hat ; he did the same ; he asked me if there was any 
 good watch-makers in the place ? I told him there was a very good 
 one, a Mr. Solomons, who is also a very respectable merchant. 
 He requested me to take his watches to him, as they were out of 
 repair ; one was a large gold repeater, the other a silver repeater, both 
 musical ; the latter, he says, he always had with him in his carriage. 
 
 * Times,' December 12, 1815. 
 
 Extracts from letters received from Officers of His Majesty's ship 
 Northumberland : — 
 
 H.M.S. Northumberland, Oct. 18, 1815. 
 
 Buonaparte was very much pleased with the attention shewn to 
 him, whilst on board this ship, however he might have felt upon 
 subjects connected with bringing him here. He publickly thanked 
 Captain Ross, on the quarter-deck, for his kindness, and requested he 
 would do the same for him to the officers. 
 
 * Morning Chronicle,' December 28, 1815. 
 
 The following letter is from the Surgeon of the Northumberland : — 
 
 'St. Helena, Oct. 20, 1815. 
 
 ' You must not expect any interesting anecdotes of Napoleon from 
 me, though I had the honour of dining in his company four or five 
 times, and of conversing a good deal with him, but merely on medicine, 
 and the different modes of practice and degrees of improvement 
 between the French and English. He speaks to every individual on his 
 particular pursuit or profession, and asks very pertinent questions. 
 He spent his time as follows on board the Northumberland. The 
 whole of the forenoon, or rather day, in his private cabin reading ; at 
 five, he made his appearance at dinner, ate and drank tolerably well, 
 took his cup of coffee, and went on deck, where he walked with 
 Marshal Bertrand or Monsieur Las Casas for an hour or more. Some- 
 times he conversed with Admiral Cockburn ; he then returned and 
 played at Vingt & Un or Whist till ten or eleven o'clock ; and this was 
 the regular routine day after day. 
 
 ' We arrived here on the 15th, and Napoleon landed on the 17th. 
 The next morning he rode out to see Longwood, the Lieutenant- 
 Governor's country hoirse, which, when repaired, is to be his future 
 
 8
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 residence. He stopped to take some refreshment at a Mr. Balcombe's 
 country house, a merchant here, and expressed such a dislike to the 
 town, that he has been permitted to remain in the country, and he is 
 to be Mr. Balcombe's guest for a week or ten days, until his own 
 residence is ready. I am told he has written in the strongest terms of 
 expostulation to Ministry on the hardship of confining him here ; and 
 indeed your imagination cannot form an idea of anything more dreary 
 than the first aspect of this island, and I have yet seen little, on a 
 closer inspection, to dispel the gloom. It consists entirely of a brown 
 volcanic rock, split, as it were, into two parts, and through this valley 
 flows a rivulet, on the banks of which are scattered patches of 
 cultivation. The inhabitants consist of natives, the descendants of 
 the English settlers, Indian blacks with lank hair, Indian slaves, 
 Lascars, and Chinese. The town is tolerably good, and the houses 
 neat and clean ; its first appearance reminds you strongly of the 
 decoration of an Opera scene.' 
 
 ' Times,' January 2, 1816. 
 
 His Majesty's ship 'Ferrel," St. Helena, Oct. 23rd, 1815. 
 General Buonaparte is much dejected, and highly displeased with 
 the island, and the residence allotted to him. However, here he is, 
 and likely to remain until death closes his mortal hours. Marshal 
 Bertrand and all the attendants are at a house near the landing-place ; 
 but Buonaparte is at Mr. Balcombe's in the country, where he intends 
 taking up his abode until the house appropriated to his reception is 
 ready. The island of St. Helena is so fortified by nature, as well as 
 art, that it is impossible he can make his escape ; but, notwithstanding, 
 Admiral Cockburn (the fittest man in the world to guard him) has 
 thought it necessary to place two brigs on the look-out, one above and 
 the other below the island. Madame Bertrand has been extremely ill 
 since her arrival, but we hope she will soon recover, as she is remark- 
 ably attentive to the English. 
 
 The Peruvian, Capt. White, and Zoiobia, Capt. Dobree, have 
 sailed for the island of Ascension; the Havannah, Capt. Hamilton, 
 sails to-morrow for the Cape. The Ceylon and Zephyr are not yet 
 arrived, but we hourly expect them. Everything on the island is 
 extremely dear j we hope, however, from the frequent communications 
 with the Cape, it will soon prove less so. The Governor is very 
 popular. 
 
 A gentleman arrived passenger by the last ship from St. Helena, 
 informs us that matters are now so arranged at the Island as to 
 prevent the possibility of Buonaparte's escape. The military 
 regulations are so strict, tli.it the inhabitants are not suffered to be out 
 of their houses after dark. The gates of the garrison are shut, and 
 the drawbridge hoisted up at sunset. No private merchantmen are 
 allowed to anchor; regular Indianien are only allowed this privilege. 
 
 9
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 ' Times,' January 16, 1816. 
 
 Extract of a Letter from His Majesty's ship Northumberland, dated 
 St. Helena, November 23, 1815 : — 
 
 ' The exiled Napoleon reached his adamantine prison on the 13th of 
 October, after a passage of seventy-four days. He left us on the 
 evening of the 17th, choosing that time of the day to avoid the gazing 
 throng. The weather was uncommonly temperate during our passage, 
 and Buonaparte appeared to bear his reverse of fortune with an 
 uncommon share of fortitude. The disappointment in not being 
 permitted to reside in England disconcerted him greatly, and we 
 naturally concluded he would shew some marks of his disapprobation, 
 perhaps either by being silent, or confining himself to his cabin. No, 
 no, there has been no moroseness, no sullenness of disposition shewn 
 by Buonaparte ; on the contrary, he has been particularly affable, 
 inquisitively curious, and condescendingly coinniunicative. The only 
 thing I heard him complain of during the passage was the length of it. 
 He longed for exercise on horseback, and was always desirous of 
 learning particulars of St. Helena. He read Lord Valencia's account 
 of St. Helena, and we lent him Mr. Johnson's account, both of which 
 he told me, since we arrived, are too highly coloured. Buonaparte is 
 extremely healthy, and the few days he has been on shore, I think, has 
 improved his look. I think he was a little alarmed at a residence in a 
 tropical climate. He was very mquisitive respecting the number of 
 sick and with the nature of the disease. In a crowded ship of 850 
 souls entering the tropic, sickness in some shape or other is looked for. 
 It made its appearance on board the Northumberland in the shape of 
 the inflammatory fever, with derangement of the Hepatic system and 
 considerable affection of the head, which was combated by considerable 
 bleedings and purgatives. Buonaparte argued stoutly against bleed- 
 ing ; he could not conceive how three or four pounds of blood could be 
 taken from a man without occasioning great debility — he was clear for 
 attacking it on the Brunonian system ; but I believe Napoleon has at 
 last become a convert to the system of depletion, for he acknowledges 
 the success of the practice has refuted his argument. We reached St. 
 Helena with only nine on our sick list, without having lost a man on 
 the passage. I do assure you Buonaparte has no contemptible opinion 
 of the practices of the day, but jokingly says it is perfectly San Grade. 
 I remarked to him one [day how very temperate he was in wine. Yes, 
 he replied, I required only a quarter of an hour to dinner, and drank a 
 very moderate portion of Claret or Burgundy ; now I get older I feel 
 my relish increase. I like wine very well. I stood by his side when 
 he first viewed this frightful rock. The only accessible chasm or 
 valley is so fortified by nature, and so breasted with guns, that one 
 had only to look at it and Buonaparte, and be satisfied that any 
 attempt to escape from this stupendous perpendicular, hideous rock 
 must be fruitless. Here we pay £1 10s. a day for board and a bench to 
 sleep on. Fortunately, we get 4 dollars for our pound.' 
 
 10
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 ' Times,' January 17, 1816. 
 
 Extract of a letter from a gentleman just returned from India (and 
 who touched at St. Helena) to his father in Edinburgh : — 
 
 ' On leaving Bombay we had heard very little of those great recent 
 events which have occurred in Europe. We were acquainted with Buona- 
 parte's escape from Elba, and his attaching to his cause the army of 
 France. On our arrival at the Cape we received a very indistinct 
 account of the battle of Waterloo and its consequences, in addition to 
 which it was reported that he (Buonaparte) had endeavoured to escape 
 to America, which had promised him protection, and had been captured 
 by an English ship. AH this, of course, gave us great joy, but our 
 warmest hopes could never have anticipated our seeing him at St. 
 Helena. This, however, we did, twelve days after leaving the Cape. 
 On making the island we were met by the Redpole, sloop, who first 
 communicated to us the agreeable intelligence, and was answered by 
 us with three heartfelt cheers. I of course expected to see Captain 
 Fraser ; but, looking over a recent Navy List, was consoled for my 
 disappointment by seeing his promotion. We were of course all very 
 anxious to have a peep at the great Napoleon. He resides about two 
 miles in the country, in a small cottage with a marquee adjoining, 
 belonging to a Mr. Balcombe, a navy agent. Mr. B.'s country house is 
 in the same inclosure, about an hundred yards distant. This is the only 
 family on the island which he visits. Mr. B. has two smart young 
 daughters, who talk the French language fluently, and to whom he is 
 vciy much attached ; he styles them his little pages. There is a 
 number of little stories of the innocent freedoms they take, and how 
 highly he is diverted by it. He is occupied during the day in writing 
 the history of his life, and the evening is devoted to walking in the 
 garden with his Generals and his society at Mr. Balcombe's. The only 
 chance strangers have of conversing with him is by getting an intro- 
 duction to Mr. B., and stepping in, as if by chance, in the evening. 
 Our Captain and several of our passengers by this means have had long 
 Conversations with him ; he talks upon every subject but those relating 
 to politics, which he seems very desirous to avoid. He behaved with 
 great politeness to the ladies, who have been echoing his praises ever 
 since. I rode up one afternoon, and had the good fortune to arrive as 
 he was taking his afternoon's walk in his garden. We (for I had a 
 companion with me) tied our horses to a tree, and slipt behind a bush 
 a little way from the walk where he was to pass. He passed several 
 times within a few feet of us ; we had a most distinct view of him ; he 
 WAS a< SCOXnpanied by two of his generals, Montholon and (Jourgaud, 
 who remained uncovered. From what I could hear (for though loud 
 he talks very thickly) the late events were (lie subject of their con- 
 versation. Davoust's name, I could learn, was mentioned with no 
 high encomiums. He was dressed in a plain blue coat, buttoned high 
 over the breast, leaving the belly exposed, which protuherated a good 
 deal, long white waistcoat, nankeen breeches, and military boots; he 
 had a large star on his left breast. He is a middle-sized man, well 
 made, rather corpulent, with a singular though agreeable countenance, 
 
 11
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 light blue eyes, which appeared to me the most striking feature of his 
 countenance, being so expressive and intelligent. There was nothing, 
 however, in his appearance at all indicative of the great qualities he 
 possesses. He is very strictly watched by the Admiral. Two sloops of 
 war are constantly cruizing off the island, the one on the windward, 
 and the other on the leeward sides, besides several guard-boats ; they 
 are fortifying it in every possible direction. He still, however, enter- 
 tains the idea of being at no distant period the Emperor of France. 
 He thinks it impossible that the French people can long suffer the 
 Bourbons.' 
 
 < Times,' February 12, 1816. 
 
 By accounts which have been received from St. Helena to the 
 14th of December, it appears that the arrangements for restraining 
 the late Usurper of the French throne to the narrow limits of his 
 present confinement are carried into full effect. Between three and 
 four miles from the little sort of village which is dignified with the 
 title of James-town, after ascending a narrow, winding road, bordered 
 with ravines and precipices, you reach a small plain of about a mile 
 and a quarter in length, terminated by an abrupt cliff overhanging, at 
 a considerable elevation, the sea. About the middle of this plain 
 stands Longwood, which serves the once-mighty Oorsican either for a 
 palace or state prison, according as his imagination may embellish the 
 scene. The house, which is small, is surrounded at every outlet by 
 sentries regularly relieved. Half a mile in advance of the house stands 
 the lodge, where an officer's guard is stationed, suffering no individual 
 to pass without a written order, signed by the Admiral's own hand. 
 The opposite front of the house is about three-quarters of a mile from 
 the cliff before noticed ; on the one side is an impassable ravine, on 
 the other an unscaleable mountain. The space within these limits is 
 all that is assigned to the movements of the state prisoner. There is, 
 besides, within the boundary, an encampment for 250 or 300 men ; and 
 on every commanding eminence, at every point which can serve to 
 keep his movements under view, sentries are posted, who may be said 
 to form the interior line of circumvallation, closing in the monster in 
 the toils. The before-mentioned road to James-town is the only outlet 
 from this certainly not 'happy valley,' but that road has sentries and 
 picquets posted, in regular succession, all the way to the town. So 
 much for the securities by land ! Those by sea seem to be provided 
 with still greater care, to render the escape of the prisoner physically 
 impossible. No vessel can approach the island, in any direction, with- 
 out being seen by some of the numerous signal posts which are esta- 
 blished, and communicate with each other all round the island. The 
 moment a strange sail is seen signals are made to the cruizing vessels, 
 of which there are two divisions, that alternately relieve each other, 
 in the uninteresting, but ceaseless duty of hovering about this speck 
 in the ocean. They proceed from the anchorage to a certain distance, 
 
 12
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 and then move round in one direction or the other, according to the 
 winds or other circumstances, until they have completely encircled the 
 island. If a straggling vessel from India, or elsewhere, approaches, 
 they instantly make sail towards her, carefully overhaul her, and, if 
 necessary, bring her up for final examination by the Admiral. She is 
 not, however, suffered to anchor, unless she be a King's ship or an 
 Indiaman, and this latter class are under very strict regulations. Few 
 of their officers are suffered to land, and even their captains are not 
 permitted to visit the interior of the island. As to the small boats 
 that go out to fish for the supply of the inhabitants, they are carefully 
 examined, both on their departure and return, are limited to a few 
 short hours for the pursuit of their occupation, and when unemployed 
 are carefully drawn up under the guns of the harbour or of the men 
 of war. It is difficult for anybody belonging to the squadron to get 
 leave to pass the night ashore. In general all individuals must come 
 off from the land before sunset, at which time the drawbridge is taken 
 up, and is not let down again till sunrise in the morning ; and during 
 this interval guard-boats are constantly employed in rowing round the 
 island. Such are the precautions systematically devised, and employed 
 to prevent the possibility of a second attempt of this restless being to 
 create insurrection, and disturb the repose of the continent. Military 
 and naval men, who have thoroughly investigated all these arrange- 
 ments, are of opinion that they promise as much security as the nature 
 of human affairs can in any case afford, against the escape of the most 
 crafty or desperate prisoner. 
 
 'Times,' March 27, 1816. 
 
 An evening paper publishes the following account of the habits of 
 Buonaparte. It appears to be written by a lady. It is certainly 
 in a most lady-like style. 
 
 Plantation House, St. Helena, Jan. 6. 
 
 Those who have only seen the burning valley and shabby town of 
 St. Helena can form no idea of the romantic beauties of this enchanting 
 spot. The governor, at whose house we are, wishes us to remain till 
 
 the new governor arrives ; but 's military duty will not allow us 
 
 to be absent from camp many days. Buonaparte makes the duty very 
 hard upon the officers ; they are on duty every third day. Since we 
 arrived with the great Napoleon, we have had nothing but a round of 
 
 balls, entertainments, and galas ; and Sir G. B , our colonel, gave 
 
 a morning fete in tents, which cost 25()£. I did the honour to the 
 French Countesses, Governor, Ladies, etc., danced in every dance, 
 and then walked home two miles in the rain ; so will say I am tolerable 
 strong. E — y danced with young Count Lascaaes. She Bang to 
 Buonaparte, and accompanied herself in two Italian songs on the 
 piano. He was so delighted with her that he seized her by tin- ear, 
 and gave her two severe pinches, which is the climax of his appro- 
 
 13
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 bation and delight. He pinched Sir G. B , and every officer on 
 
 board the Northumberland, except the Admiral, when they said any 
 thing to please him. 
 
 I was introduced to Bony when he lived at the Briars. He met me 
 in the garden, where he was walking with his Generals, all very 
 obsequious, with their hats in their hands. He asked whether I was 
 the lady who sang Italian, and spoke to me in Italian and French. He 
 asked me to go into Mr. Balcombe's, and sing him an Italian song. I 
 felt a little alarmed when I found the Emperor of the whole world 
 behind my chair, although he is now an Ex- Emperor. I sang him a 
 great many songs and an Italian duet with E — y, which appeared to 
 please him greatly, and I understood he talked of us for three days. 
 
 I had the felicity of dining with him on the 2d. of January, at the 
 first party he gave. Sir G. B. was the only one invited. The greatest 
 state and etiquette is observed at the Court of Longwood ; not a single 
 word was uttered during dinner, excepting by Buonaparte himself. 
 All the Marshals and Countesses sat mumchance ; but I chattered 
 away to his Majesty without any fear, which appeared to amaze them 
 all. You cannot form an idea of the awe they all stand in of him, and 
 he treats them, ladies and all, in the most cavalier manner. The plate 
 and china is superb beyond belief. The coffee-cups are 25 guineas each 
 cup and saucer. Each cup has views of Egypt on it, all different, and 
 the saucers have highly finished miniatures of different Egyptian 
 chiefs. These were presented to him by the City of Paris. Buonaparte 
 took great delight in explaining them to me. He then asked me to 
 play at tric-trac. I sat down, but did not know the game. He then 
 asked me to teach him English backgammon. The idea of my 
 instructing the Great Napoleon put me into a fine fright. He is very 
 cheerful and gay, and sang all the time he was playing at cards. All the 
 53rd were introduced to him in a body. He sent a plate of sweetmeats 
 to E — y from table with his own hand, and offered some to me, which 
 I did not remark at the time ; but I was told by his Secretary, Count 
 Lascases, that it was a favour Queens had never received from him ; 
 and as for Kings, said he, I have seen seven at once waiting in his 
 ante-room without gaining an audience. Countess Bertrand is an 
 elegant woman. I see her very often, and Lascases is one of the most 
 learned men of the age, and exceedingly agreeable. Our camp is a 
 quarter of a mile from Longwood. We are building a house, which 
 will be ready in a month. The climate is very cool in the mountains, 
 but too cold, I think. 
 
 ' Times,' April 9, 1816. 
 
 By the Zenobia, Captain DOBREE, which arrived here with 
 despatches from St. Helena on Monday last, we have a different 
 version of the story inserted in the Courier and other papers that 
 Buonaparte had been shot at by a sentinel for trespassing beyond 
 his boundaries. The facts are that the sentinel, on perceiving that 
 
 14
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 Buonaparte and his attendants were passing the prescribed limits, 
 called to them to return. No attention being paid to this, he rapidly 
 proceeded after them, in doing which he fell. At the same time the 
 ramrod got loose from his musket, and as he was replacing it Buona- 
 parte conceived that he was loading the piece with an intention to 
 6hoot, and so reported it to the Governor. On an inquiry it proved 
 that the musket had not been loaded, and no further notice was taken 
 of the affair. The sentinel being asked during the inquiry (not a 
 court-martial) if he would have shot Buonaparte, firmly answered 
 yes. Buonaparte every day grows more and more sullen in his 
 demeanour, but still affects the majesty of a sovereign. According to 
 report, he has distributed gold among the Malay slaves on the island 
 with the view of inducing them to rise in his favour. —Plymouth paper. 
 
 ' Times/ April 17, 1816. 
 
 The following anecdote is taken from the account of the revolution 
 in Spain, written by the Abbe" de Pradt. It does honour to the Count 
 de Lima, who appears to have excited something like a generous 
 emotion even in the selfish breast of Buonaparte : — 
 
 ' Napoleon had ordered that there should be sent to Bayonne a 
 deputation of the best qualified persons in Portugal. It waited for 
 him in this city, and was presented to him some hours after his arrival. 
 At its head was the Count de Lima, who had been Ambassador from 
 Portugal to Paris, and who was in high repute there. Napoleon did 
 not wait for the delivery of the President's speech, as is usual on such 
 occasions ; but, either from some delay on the part of the Count, or 
 from his own impatience, at once began the conference in a most 
 singular manner. After some polite forms he said, addressing the 
 Deputies, "I don't know what 1 shall do with you; it will depend on 
 what takes place in the south. Are you in the situation of making a 
 nation? Have you means sufficient for that purpose? You are 
 abandoned by your Prince: he lias suffered himself to be carried to 
 Brazil by the English : he has committed a great blunder and will 
 repent of it!" Then tinning to me lie added, with an air of great 
 gaiety, "It is with princes as with bishops — they must be resident." 
 Afterwards, addressing himself to the Count de Lima, he asked him 
 about the population of Portugal, and then presently joining the 
 answer to the question, according to his custom, said, "Are there two 
 millions?" "More than three," said the Count. "Ah! 1 did not 
 know it," said Napoleon. "And Lisbon, does it contain 150,000 
 souls?" "More than double," said the Count de Lima. "Ah! I did 
 not know it," again remarked Napoleon. Other questions and answers 
 were exchanged with the same difference of opinion, and from one T 
 did not know to another. Napoleon at length arrived at this question, 
 " What is it you Portuguese want ? Do you want to be Spaniards?" 
 
 15
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 At these words I saw the Count de Lima, swelling to ten feet in height, 
 planting himself in a firm position, placing his hand on the guard of 
 his sword, and answering with a voice which shook the room, "No!" 
 The old heroes of Portugal could not have said it better. Napoleon 
 was accordingly exceedingly struck with this heroic monosyllable, and 
 the next day, in a conversation with one of his principal officers, he 
 showed the impression which had been made upon him by observing, 
 •'The Count de Lima yesterday gave me a superb No." He afterwards 
 treated the Count with great and unremitting distinction. In all 
 future conversation with him he plainly showed the kind disposition 
 which the noble repartee had excited : he granted to the Count all he 
 asked for the interests of Portugal, and did not say another word 
 about its union with Spain.' 
 
 Times,' April 24, 1816. 
 
 A French paper contains the following interesting details of the 
 abominable conduct of one of Buonaparte's agents of police. Can 
 there still exist any persons who believe that liberty could have any, 
 the remotest connexion with a being who habitually employed such 
 instruments ? 
 
 ' M. Fauche Borel, so well known by the services which he has 
 rendered to the royal cause, has just commenced a legal prosecution 
 against M. Perlet, formerly a journalist, which will throw a great light 
 on the means which the police of Buonaparte employed to entrap the 
 most illustrious and most estimable personages. 
 
 ' M. Fauch^ establishes in his memoir that M. Perlet, pretending to 
 concur in the re-establishment of the house of Bourbon, held with the 
 ministers of the King for several years a correspondence, which he 
 previously showed to Buonaparte, and which Buonaparte frequently 
 dictated himself. 
 
 'All was prepared in this perfidious correspondence, in order to 
 draw to France the most devoted royalists, to give them over to the 
 royal executioner. It was with this horrible hope that they wished to 
 draw over even a Prince of the Royal Family. It was not sufficient 
 for the Usurper, by the most odious assassination, to have rendered 
 inevitable the extinction of the illustrious house of Conde\ another 
 victim of the royal blood was necessary. 
 
 ' Perlet, who under the dictation of Buonaparte wrote to the agents 
 of Louis XVIII. , made them believe for a long time that there existed 
 at Paris a royal committee, composed of distinguished persons, who 
 only waited for the presence of a grand personage to declare them- 
 selves in favour of the legitimate King ; in short, the object was 
 nothing less than to draw into an infamous ambush a son of France, 
 and even the King himself. 
 
 ' This odious plot continued till 1814, and the agents of Buonaparte 
 followed it up even on the eve of his fall ! When this fall was certain, 
 
 16
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 they did all they could to bury their horrible crimes in oblivion ; but if 
 there could be any doubt of the Divine justice, what proof of it could 
 be more convincing than the almost miraculous discovery of the corre- 
 spondence which established all these facts ? 
 
 ' This correspondence lasted more than ten years ? From the 
 month of February, 1807, Vitel junior, nephew of M. Fauche\ had been 
 sent secretly from London to Paris in order to become acquainted with 
 the royal committee, and to learn whether its means were really so 
 important if a great personage should come to direct them. Being 
 referred to Perlet by his credulous correspondents, the unfortunate 
 man was soon stripped by him of all his secrets, of all his money, and 
 given over to his executioner. The informer, after having received 
 from the police an indemnity of 3600 francs, after having obtained 
 from the spoils of the victim 4174 francs more, did not find these sums 
 sufficient ; he wrote to the uncle of Vitel to send him 600 louis with all 
 speed. If he should receive this sum in time, Perlet would answer to 
 Fauche" for the safety of his nephew, and yet Vitel was already gone to 
 his death ! 
 
 1 This unfortunate young man had a long time perished the victim 
 of his zeal when Perlet touched the sum of 14,400 francs, which 
 Fauche-Borel sent him on the first news of the danger of his nephew. 
 
 ' The money which Perlet received in the same manner at different 
 times and from different hands is incalculable, and the agents of the 
 police themselves have declared that they never knew a monster more 
 insatiable and more villanous. He wrote once to his correspondents 
 in London that the royal committee wanted 500,000 francs, and he was 
 near receiving this sum. 
 
 'M. Fauche" supports all these assertions by receipts and letters 
 from the hand of Perlet himself. He announces that the originals of 
 these pieces are deposited with the notary whose address he gives. In 
 short, all the facts are established in a manner so peremptory that 
 there appears to be no defence for his adversary, except in denying his 
 hand-writing ; and yet M. Fauche" has foreseen that he would have 
 recourse to this denial, and therefore, to take from him this last 
 resourse, he has added to the memorial the facsimile of a receipt which 
 Perlet gave to the prefect of police on the 10th of October, 1806, for an 
 indemnity of 1500 francs. Those who know the hand-writing can 
 examine and verify it. 
 
 ' It must result from this extraordinary proceeding either that M. 
 Fauche is a very audacious calumniator, or that Perlet is one of the 
 most horrible monsters that ever disgraced humanity. M. Fauche 1 , for 
 the present, seems to confine himself to the demand of the restitution 
 of the 14,400 francs which he gave for the salvation of Vitel when he 
 was already dead ; but, if all the charges are proved, Perlet would be a- 
 fortunate man to be quit so easily.' 
 
 17
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 'Times, 1 May 21, 1816. 
 
 St. Helena, March 16. 
 
 Since I wrote to you last it has been very evident that Buonaparte 
 is far from being content with his residence here. He was greatly 
 offended a short time back with some orders given by Sir G. Cockburn 
 relative to prohibiting any individual entering Longwood without a 
 pass. On this occasion he declared that he would never receive any 
 person bringing a pass from the Admiral, as he should immediately 
 consider that person of the same kidney with himself, and added that 
 the Admiral telling him the sentinels were merely placed out of com- 
 pliment to him, and to prevent his being teazed by importunate or 
 curious visitors, was only adding irony to insult. He also expressed 
 that, next to the British Government banishing him to such a detest- 
 able rock as St. Helena, he conceived their sending him under the 
 directions of the Admiral to have been the greatest injury they could 
 have done him. Some time after his arrival at this island, and 
 previous to his being finally settled at Longwood, he ascertained that a 
 Chinese was detained here, and most unwarrantably considered as a 
 slave, he having by some means been smuggled on shore, and probably 
 handed over to his first master for some paltry sum of money (and of 
 such conduct it is believed that many instances could be produced). 
 He took an opportunity to communicate this to the Admiral, who 
 immediately ordered an inquiry to be made into the circumstances of 
 the case, in consequence of which other discoveries have been made, 
 and several supposed slaves, or persons hitherto considered as such, 
 will be restored to liberty, and most likely to their native countries. 
 Buonaparte enjoys very good health, although the great humidity of 
 the climate and the frequent dense fogs do not permit him to take as 
 much exercise on horseback as he is desirous of. In this execrable 
 island, he says, there is neither sun or moon to be seen, and he has 
 given it the name of Isle de Brouillard. He sometimes rides out in 
 the morning. On one of these occasions, in passing a field where some 
 men were ploughing, he alighted and took the direction of the plough- 
 handle for the length of the field, and on returning drove the team the 
 same distance, remarking that it was fatiguing employment. He 
 received the intelligence of Murat's death with considerable fortitude, 
 and appeared only anxious to know whether he had been killed in 
 battle or not. Neither was it possible to discover from his manner 
 whether the information produced any unpleasant impression on his 
 mind. Notwithstanding the short distance between Longwood and 
 James-town, it was commonly reported at the latter place that he broke 
 out into the most violent invectives on hearing it, and probably such 
 has been the account forwarded to England. When he was informed 
 of the death of Marshal Ney he observed that he was a brave man, a 
 very brave man. Such persons as the Admiral approves of have now 
 liberty to visit at Longwood by applying to Marshal Bertrand (who 
 resides at Hutt's-gate, about a mile from Longwood) for a pass to 
 enter the gates. Marshal Bertrand is much esteemed by every one for 
 
 18
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 his great consistency, and the honourable line of conduct he has 
 adopted. Napoleon is now on better terms with the Admiral than 
 formerly ; he has discovered that the conduct of the latter has been 
 misrepresented. 
 
 'Times,' May 29, 1816. 
 
 Our readers will recollect the accusation brought by M. Fauchd- 
 Borel against one Perlet, of which we, some weeks ago, gave an 
 abstract as illustrative of the horrible atrocities of Buonaparte's 
 police. At an early period of the Revolution M. Borel had aban- 
 doned his country, had left a beloved wife and an ample fortune, and 
 had served the King of Fiance confidentially in various parts of 
 Europe, and for a long succession of years. He had himself undergone 
 a severe imprisonment, and had sent his nephew, M. Vitel, on a 
 dangerous mission to Paris, and had intrusted the secret, together 
 with a large sum of money, to Perlet. This latter wretch, who had 
 previously been despatched by Fouch^ and Real to England to 
 persuade the Royal Family to come to France with a view to have 
 them assassinated, finding that attempt unsuccessful, resolved at 
 least to betray Vitel and to pocket Borel's money under pretence 
 of employing it for the unfortunate young man's release. Vitel 
 perished, and Borel did not at that time suspect Perlet. We 
 have before us a pamphlet which he published in 1807, very shortly 
 after his nephew's death, in which he speaks of its authors as 
 unknown to him, but adds, ' I am on my part resolutely determined 
 not to spare them, but to oblige them sooner or later to develope 
 themselves. Let them be assured that I am resolved to drag them 
 into daylight.' This threat M. Borel, fortunately for the interests of 
 morality, has at last accomplished. He has unmasked the traitor to 
 his Sovereign, the swindler of his friend, the base and infamous 
 dealer in blood. Perlet had the audacity to reply by a charge of 
 calumny against Borel. The actions were consolidated, and at the 
 first hearing both the plaintiffs stood in person before the court, but 
 the guilt of Perlet was established by his own answers, and irre- 
 sistibly confirmed by the deposition of Veyrat, another agent of 
 Buonaparte's police at the time of Vitel's death. At the sub- 
 sequent hearing Perlet had absconded. Borel's counsel was heard, 
 and the cause was adjourned for the Procureur - General to sum 
 up, on the part of the Government, in relation to both the charges. 
 On the 24th inst. this cause, which had excited an exceedingly great 
 interest in Paris, was brought to a conclusion by the speech of a 
 M. Riffe, who appealed as substitute for the Procureur-General. The 
 Judges, much to their honour, went beyond the sentence on Perlet 
 which M. Riffe demanded. They condemned him to five years' 
 Imprisonment, to pay 24,000 franca to Borel, including costs, and to 
 tin- privation of all civil rights for ten years, and thev ordered 500 
 
 10
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 copies of the sentence to be printed and posted up for public inspection. 
 We have often had occasion to lament the wretched degradation into 
 which the profession of the law has fallen in France during the 
 Revolution. We have shown that the French advocates frequently 
 betray a total absence of the first principles of morality. Who would 
 have thought but that any wise and good man would have eagerly 
 seized the opportunity of thanking M. Borel, in the name of public 
 morals, for the perseverance which brought so horrid a train of crimes 
 to light, and exposed the infamy of despotism to such just abhorrence ? 
 Who would not have expected to have heard a just and warm eulogium 
 on the man whose zeal and fidelity to the royal cause had exposed to 
 hazard his own life, and subjected that of a dear relative to destruc- 
 tion ? Not a word of all this ! M. Riffe takes an opportunity of 
 complimenting Veyrat (a man who since the restoration has himself 
 been placed under the superintendence of the police) by calling him • a 
 devoted subject of the King;' but he occupies nearly half his speech 
 in reprobating Borel for not having submitted in silence to the 
 calumnies of Perlet and others, which had robbed him of the King's 
 favour, so justly due to him. Borel is reproached, after all he had done 
 and suffered for the royal cause, because he could not bury in his own 
 bosom the ingratitude he had experienced. He is told, now that he has 
 exposed Perlet's infamy, that the calumnies of an infamous person 
 could not wound his character, although down to the very hearing of 
 the cause Borel's services were actually left without reward, while 
 Perlet appeared at the trial with the decoration of the Order of the 
 Lily ! We know not where M. Riffe was during the thirty-three 
 months that Borel passed as a prisoner in the Temple, or at the 
 moment when Vitel sealed with his blood his own and his uncle's 
 attachment to the cause ; but it is an insult, on the part of this 
 revolutionary lawyer, to ask M. Borel whether to all his other 
 sacrifices he could not add the homage of his sufferings on feeling 
 himself treated with unmerited neglect ? No ; that was an homage 
 somewhat beyond the common powers of human nature, and the 
 general voice of all Europe will join in reprobating the manner in 
 which M. Borel has been treated, if the heartless sarcasms of 
 Riffe be not amply compensated by the open and liberal gratitude of 
 Louis XVIII. 
 
 ' Morning Chronicle,' July 22, 1816. 
 
 Saturday morning, about eight o'clock, Captain Whitz, R.N., of 
 his Majesty's ship the Peruvian arrived in a chaise and four with 
 despatches from St. Helena. The Captain brought despatches to the 
 Secretary of State's Office for the Colonial Department and the 
 Admiralty. Earl Bathurst not being in London, the Captain 
 proceeded to the noble Earl at his country house at Putney. The 
 contents of the despatches were considered of so much importance that 
 
 20
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 circulars were sent round to all the Cabinet Ministers with the con- 
 tents. The Captain had a very excellent passage ; he came in six 
 weeks, and is of opinion he should have done it in three weeks had it 
 not been for contrary winds, which kept him off the English coast. 
 He landed at Portsmouth on Friday night. He reports that Bona- 
 parte was in good health when he left St. Helena. 
 
 'Morning Chronicle,' July 24, 1816. 
 extract of a letter from st. helena, june 3. 
 
 ' Instead of Napoleon's condition having been, as was supposed by 
 a few, considerably ameliorated by the change of Government, some 
 additional restrictions were judged necessary to be laid on. These for 
 some days produced an unpleasant effect on his mind, and were 
 probably the cause of his confining himself closely to his chamber for 
 several days. He has, however, been seen within a few days back, 
 driving in his carriage, and occasionally riding with his accustomed 
 velocity within his limits, as he most religiously persists in his resolu- 
 tion of not riding out with a British officer. 
 
 ' A letter, purporting to be written from St. Helena, has appeared 
 in some of the public papers which have lately reached this island, and 
 were it not that a few of the circumstances mentioned in it have a 
 distinct relation to what really occurred, though miserably garbled and 
 scandalously misrepresented, one would suppose that it never was the 
 production of a person resident in St. Helena, as one would imagine 
 that an inhabitant, or even a temporary sojourner, would have had 
 opportunities of learning anecdotes less distantly removed from the 
 truth than those which form the subject of it. 
 
 • The author of the letter in question is so grossly ignorant of that 
 which he pretends to relate with great accuracy, that he does not even 
 know the name of the officer on duty at Longwood. In the first place 
 no such circumstance occurred as Bonaparte's ordering Captain 
 Poppleton to ride in the rear, and that the privilege of riding abreast 
 of him was not for him. Neither did he (the Captain) refuse to 
 accompany Napoleon out the following day, or apprise him that he 
 intended for the future to ride with him in uniform. The assertion of 
 Captain P. having token the precaution of sleeping in a room through 
 which Bonaparte must necessarily pass on his way to his own, is too 
 ridiculous to need contradiction, were it not that such a statement, if 
 left uncontradicted, might with a few affect the reputation of a most 
 respectable Knglish officer who has always pei'formed the (nol nii- 
 frequentlv) unpleasant duties of his situation in the most delicate 
 manner, by having it understood that he would execute the degrading 
 office of a turnkey. 
 
 'The statement respecting the Polish Captain is equally false and 
 most scandalous. Instead of Napoleon having tamed his back upon 
 him (the Polish Ciiptain) and asked Las Cases "who that man was," he 
 
 21
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 received hira in the niost polite manner, and conversed with him 
 upwards of two hours. Immediately after this Napoleon despatched 
 one of his suite to ask him what he stood in need of — money, clothes, 
 linen ? with directions if he had none of the latter clean after so long a 
 voyage, to furnish him with some of his own. To this was added an 
 order for 40Z. or 50L, which was immediately paid. He also had him 
 to dinner with him for several days after. 
 
 ' Equally true with the above-mentioned letter are those which 
 state that Napoleon eats a whole pig smothered with onions for break- 
 fast, and eight fotvls for dinner ! The writers of such absurd stuff must 
 either be inconceivably silly, or have most contemptible opinions of 
 the understandings of those to whom they address them, or they 
 would never attempt to thrust such a farrago of stupid lies down their 
 throats. However, they seem to be greedily swallowed by some of the 
 journalists. This circumstance drew from Bonaparte one day a remark 
 that he supposed the Editors of some of the English papers would 
 make him eat a live bull at one meal, horns and all ! This anecdote I 
 have heard from a person who was present. 
 
 'Sometime back Sir H. and Lady D., Mrs. M'Clintock, Mrs. 
 Wetherall, with several other ladies and gentlemen, were introduced 
 to him in the garden, to all of whom he was extremely affable, and 
 they departed highly pleased with their reception. When it was 
 mentioned to him afterwards that the ladies were particularly grati- 
 fied, and that they were surprised to find him so different a person 
 from what he had been represented, he is said to have replied, laugh- 
 ing, " I suppose they imagined that I was some strange kind of animal 
 with two great horns sticking out of my head." 
 
 ' It has been asserted that he has frequently reviled the memory of 
 Kleber, and even by some that he had caused his assassination. Quite 
 the contrary would appear from the very handsome manner in which 
 he speaks of him. A short time back he expressed himself in the 
 following manner. — "If Kleber had lived the English would never 
 have taken Egypt with an army without cavalry and few artillery. 
 The Turks were nothing. Kleber, Kleber," repeated he, " was an 
 irreparable loss to France and to me. He was a man of the brightest 
 talents, and a general of the greatest bravery." — "Menou," he observed, 
 " was a brave man, but destitute of talent." 
 
 ' The friends and relatives of the late lamented Sir John Moore would 
 probably be not displeased to hear the following tribute of applause 
 paid to his memory by an enemy whose capacity to judge need not be 
 pointed out. " Moore," said Napoleon, "was a brave soldier, an excel- 
 lent officer, and a man of talent. He made a few mistakes, which 
 were probably inseparable from the difficulties by which he was sur- 
 rounded, and most likely caused by the incorrectness of his information 
 having misled him." This he repeated, observing "that Moore had 
 commanded the reserve in Egypt, where he evinced considerable talent." 
 " He died," added he, " gloriously ; he died like a soldier." Speaking 
 about St. Helena, he observed ' ' that such was the deplorable state of 
 the island that the inhabitants considered the absence of actual want, 
 or the lack of starvation, as the greatest blessing." " For example," said 
 
 he, " P went the other day to R 's, and there they said to him, 
 
 ' Oh, how happy you must be to have fresh meat every day at dinner 1 
 Oh ! if we could but enjoy that how happy we should be.'" 
 
 22
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 ' It was stated, some time back, that Napoleon's maitre cThotel and 
 others of his suite had signed a paper (pursuant to orders received 
 from England, either to do that or quit St. Helena) purporting their 
 willingness to remain and submit to such restrictions as it might be 
 thought necessary to impose on them. The following is an abstract of 
 that paper :— " We, the undersigned, wishing to remain in the service 
 of the Emperor Napoleon, consent, however dreadful may be the 
 abode of St. Helena, to remain in it, submitting ourselves to such 
 restrictions, however arbitrary and unjust they may be, which have 
 been imposed upon the Emperor and the persons in his service."' 
 
 'Times/ July 25, 1816. 
 
 All sorts of accounts are published respecting Buonaparte ; we will 
 not undertake to say which are true and which are false ; those who 
 profess an intimate knowledge of the man will perhaps recognize him 
 'by his style.' 
 
 Extract of a letter from St. Helena, June 3rd: — 
 
 A letter, purporting to be written from St. Helena, has appeared 
 in some of the public papers which have lately reached this island ; 
 and, were it not that a few of the circumstances mentioned in it have 
 a distant relation to what really occurred, though miserably garbled 
 and scandalously misrepresented, one would suppose that it never was 
 the production of a person resident in St. Helena. The author of the 
 letter in question is so grossly ignorant of that which he pretends to 
 relate with great accuracy, that he does not even know the name of 
 the officer on duty at Longwood. In the first place, no such circum- 
 stance occurred as Buonaparte's ordering Captain Poppleton to ride in 
 the rear, and that the privilege of riding abreast of him was not for 
 him. Neither did he (the captain) refuse to accompany Napoleon out 
 the following day, or apprise him that he intended for the future to 
 ride with him in uniform. The assertion of Capt. P. having taken 
 the precaution of sleeping in a room through which Buonaparte 
 must necessarily pass on his way to his own, is too ridiculous to need 
 contradiction, were it not that such a statement, if left uncontradicted, 
 might with a few affect the reputation of a most respectable English 
 officer — who has always performed the (not unfrequently) unpleasant 
 duties of his situation in the most delicate maimer, by having it under- 
 stood thai he would execute the degrading office of a turnkey. The 
 statement respecting the Polish captain is equally false, and more 
 scandalous. Instead of Napoleon having turned his hack upon him 
 (the Polish captain), and asked Las Cases 'Who that man was?' he 
 received him in the most polite manner, and conversed with him 
 upwards of two hours. Immediately after this, Napoleon despatched 
 one of his suite to ask him what lie stood in need of — money, clothes,. 
 
 23
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 linen ? — with directions, if he had none of the latter clean after so long 
 a voyage, to furnish him with some of his own. To this was added an 
 order for 40Z. or bOL, which was immediately paid. He also had him 
 to dinner with him for several days after. 
 
 Some time back, Sir H and Lady D , Mrs. M'Clintock, 
 
 Mrs. Wetherell, with several other ladies and gentlemen, were intro- 
 duced to Buonaparte in the garden, to all whom he was extremely 
 affable ; and they departed highly pleased with their reception. When 
 it was mentioned to him afterwards that the ladies were particularly 
 gratified, and that they were surprised to find him so different a person 
 from what he had been represented, he is said to have replied, 
 laughing, ' I suppose they imagined that I was some strange kind of 
 animal, with two great horns sticking out of my head.' 
 
 It has been asserted that he has frequently reviled the memory of 
 Kleber, and even by some that he had caused his assassination. Quite 
 the contrary would appear from the very handsome manner in which 
 he speaks of him. A short time back he expressed himself in the following 
 manner :— ' If Kleber had lived, the English would never have taken 
 Egypt with an army without cavalry and few artillery. The Turks 
 were nothing. Kleber, Kleber,' repeated he, 'was an irreparable loss 
 to France and to me. He was a man of the brightest talents and a 
 general of the greatest bravery. Menou,' he observed, 'was a brave 
 man, but destitute of talent.' 
 
 Speaking of Sir John Moore, Napoleon said, 'Moore was a brave 
 soldier, an excellent officer, and a man of talent. He made a few 
 mistakes, which were probably inseparable from the difficulties by 
 which he was surrounded, and most likely caused by the incorrectness 
 of his information having misled him.' This he repeated, observing 
 ' That Moore had commanded the reserve in Egypt, where he evinced 
 considerable talent.' 'He died,' added he, 'gloriously; he died like a 
 soldier.' Speaking about St. Helena, he observed, 'That such was the de- 
 plorable state of the island, that the inhabitants considered the absence 
 of actual want, or the lack of starvation, as the greatest blessing.' ' For 
 
 example,' said he, 'P went the other day to R 's, and there 
 
 said to him, ' ' Oh, how happy yoxi must be to have fresh meat every 
 day at dinner ! Oh, if we could but enjoy that, how happy we should 
 be." ' 
 
 It was stated some time back, that Napoleon's maitre aV hotel, and 
 others of his suite, had signed a paper (pursuant to orders received 
 from England, either to do that or quit St. Helena), purporting their 
 willingness to remain, and submit to such restrictions as it might be 
 thought necessary to impose upon them. The following is an abstract 
 of that paper : — 
 
 ' We, the undersigned, wishing to remain in the service of the 
 Emperor Napoleon, consent, however dreadful may be the abode of 
 St. Helena, to remain in it, submitting ourselves to such restrictions, 
 however arbitrary and unjust they may be, which have been imposed 
 upon the Emperor and the persons in his service.' 
 
 24
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 'Times,' August 8, 1816. 
 
 A German paper contains the following letter from New York 
 under date of the 12th of May : — 
 
 ' In so large, opulent, and of itself so populous and busy a city as 
 New York, the addition of a few thousand individuals could scarcely 
 make any difference ; but in our places of public resort the presence of 
 so many foreigners becomes very perceptible, and the many emigrant 
 Frenchmen now here are not without influence on the tone in society. 
 There are at present in this place a multitude of French ex-dukes, 
 counts, barons, ministers, and counsellors of state, high officers of court 
 and state, both civil and military, who have all brought more or less 
 money. Joseph Buonaparte lives here without any great show. He 
 has laid aside all titles, dignities, and orders, and bis servants go with- 
 out livery. He is merely called Mr. Joseph Buonaparte. He is ex- 
 tremely liberal to every man who has any claim upon him for assistance 
 in obtaining a settlement, which his very great wealth enables him 
 easily to do. He seldom visits in the societies of this city, and his circle 
 is chiefly confined to Frenchmen. He lately made a journey to Phila- 
 delphia, where he was accompanied by Marshal Grouchy and General 
 Lefebvre Desnouettes. In Landsdowne, where he resided for some 
 time, General Clanzel was also in his suite. Regnault de St. Jean 
 d'Angely has recently returned to New York from Charlestown, where 
 he purchased 10,000 acres of land in South Carolina. He is much occu- 
 pied in writing, and from time to time publishes very interesting articles 
 in the American journals. Though so strong an adherent of Buona- 
 parte, he now in all he writes affects to be a warm defender of liberty, 
 and a genuine republican. Eight thousand acres of land on the Ohio 
 have been purchased on the account of M. Real (formerly Councillor of 
 State and Prefect of Paris), who is daily expected here. Portions of 
 these lands are to be given gratis to such French families as choose to 
 settle there. Among the persons who have brought off large sums from 
 France to America, Messrs. Lacepede and Chaptal are particularly 
 spoken of — both celebrated naturalists and formerly members of the 
 Paris Institute, the former a Count and President of the Senate, the 
 latter also a Count, and for some years Minister of the Interior under 
 Napoleon. European veteran officers are at present in demand for the 
 American service. Many French military men have already obtained 
 advantageous appointments. This measure is generally approved of, 
 because it was particularly ascribed to the want of good officers in the 
 militia, that in the late war the enemy was able to attempt landings, 
 which were very mortifying to the American national pride. Experi- 
 ence has also taught that, in the United States, in a period of common 
 danger it is easy to increase the regular army, which in peace is very 
 small, by Voluntary levies to almost any amount, though it is not so 
 easy to find in this country officers to lead them.' 
 
 25
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 * Morning Chronicle,' November 18, 1816. 
 extract of a letter from st. helena. 
 
 (From the Antigallican.) 
 
 Sept. 22, 1816. 
 
 A very curious circumstance occurred here a few days ago. — 
 Bonaparte, in a rage, ordered his service of plate to be broken up, the 
 eagles which were engraved to be effaced, and the whole to be disposed 
 of as old silver. He applied to a merchant, a resident of this place, 
 who asked permission of the Governor. He thought that the amount 
 would not exceed 3000Z. or 4000Z. sterling. The Governor consented to 
 the merchant's going to look at the plate, but observed that the 
 amount should not be paid to Buonaparte, but deposited in the hands, 
 of the Governor or the purveyor. When the merchant went to look 
 at the plate, instead of the sum above-mentioned, the property was 
 about 19,500Z. sterling — a sum rather too great to be procured here at 
 so short a notice. However, in a day or two it is expected that this 
 curious negotiation will be brought to a close. It is said that Bona- 
 parte wishes by these means to make himself independent of the 
 British Government, and that in future he will never make any 
 application for money, but live on his own resourses. His suite 
 receive their regular allowance from Government. This place is un- 
 commonly lively. The French Commissioner is the laughing-stock of 
 all the inhabitants of this place. He is called the French hairdresser. 
 Indeed, he has the appearance of belonging to that fraternity. 
 
 'Times,' December 28, 1816. 
 
 extract of a letter from the marquis de mont- 
 chenu, commissioner of the king of france, 
 
 TO HIS FRIEND M. PRIEUR, KNIGHT OF ST. LOUIS, 
 DIRECTOR OF THE POSTS AT ANGOULEME. 
 
 St. Helena, July 22, 1816. 
 
 You cannot form an idea of this isle ; all that you have read or 
 heard of it makes it a paradise when compared with the reality : its 
 aspect is still more hideous in the interior, — you see only rugged 
 mountains, destitute of vegetation, of a height varying from fifty to 
 1500 toises — a single plain, which is that where Buonaparte resides. 
 One meets here and there a few stunted trees ; nothing but potatoes 
 are cultivated, and that in small quantity ; — a single town, in which 
 
 26
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 there are about sixty houses — and not a village ; some cottages, which 
 are dignified with the name of country houses, about a tenth of which 
 are habitable ; some very fine roads, uniformly bordered by frightful 
 precipices ; no practicable paths. Such, my dear Sir, is the abode of 
 your friend, who, besides, is ignorant of the language of the country ; 
 and if he should know it, would not be much the better for it. If you 
 commiserate me, then regret that you did not accompany me. We 
 want everything ; everything is here at an exorbitant price. To give 
 you an idea of this, you must know that all our wants must be supplied 
 from England or the Cape of Good Hope, which is 600 leagues off. 
 Coals for the kitchen come from England, for the island produces no 
 firewood. A few days ago some bullocks arrived from the Cape ; out 
 of 25 embarked, 11 died on the passage. A small sheep costs from 
 5 to 6 louis ; a fowl, very tough, from 10 to 15 francs, according to its 
 size ; bread, which is the cheapest article, 22 sous per lb. ; a pair of 
 shoes from 18 to 20 fr. 
 
 Having thus detailed to you my miseries, I will now talk to you of 
 our great man, of his situation and guard. 
 
 The garrison consists of about 2500 men, with 500 and odd pieces of 
 artillery, and about a score of mortars. It occupies the house of the 
 Lieutenant-Governor, situate upon the only plain in the island, called 
 Longwood. This plain is surrounded on all sides by horrible precipices, 
 and there is but one road by which you can reach it. On this plain 
 has been established a camp, occupied by the 53rd regiment and a park 
 of artillery ; it is besides lined with posts of troops. Buonaparte and 
 his followers have the liberty of walking or riding within this circle. 
 He must be accompanied by an officer in uniform, who must not quit 
 him a single step, and this same officer lodges in the house, and must 
 know what he is doing the whole of the day. The other persons in his 
 suite are accompanied by an orderly officer, and the valets by a non- 
 commissioned officer. The Governor is made acquainted hourly with 
 whatever passes by means of telegraphs, erected throughout the isle, 
 so that in a minute he knows whatever is passing, or in two 
 minutes when he is making his rounds or on horseback ; and in case of 
 anything happening, the whole island would be under arms in three or 
 four minutes. Such are the precautions by land ; those at sea are of a 
 different kind. There are always at least two frigates at anchor, 
 while two brigs are sailing night and day round the island ; and from 
 six o'clock in the evening to the same hour next morning, armed boats 
 patrol along the base of the mountains which border tbe sea and sur- 
 round us on all sides ; at night, that is after six o'clock, all the boats, 
 belonging both to individuals and the shipping, must have returned, 
 and if a boat makes its appearance it is fired upon. After nine o'clock, 
 no one can move out without having the password without tear of 
 being shot, or, at least, arrested. No foreign vessel can come on the 
 coast; they an' announced by signal the moment they are perceived, 
 and a dollar is K> v en to him who first spies them, which may be done 
 Dearly Sixty miles to sea. Ships cannot bear in close to the island in 
 one nitfht, especially on a coast so dangerous; add to which, that the 
 breaker- are so strong that one is sometimes several days without 
 
 beinj< ahle to come close in without danger. You perceive, my dear 
 friend, thai escape appears physically impossible; that even if the 
 Governor wished to favour it, the Admiral must also be in the plot. If 
 
 27
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 even, in spite of all these precautions, the Admiral were to allow two 
 or three boats to approach in a favourable night, which would be 
 exposed to a very dangerous fire, what would happen then ? All the 
 roads are guarded, the rocks are nearly impracticable, and there is not 
 a point where ten men without arms, and with stones only, which are 
 in abundance, could not stop a thousand men well armed. 
 
 The other day, while making a reconnaissance with the Governor, 
 it appeared to me that a point of landing, defended by thirty-six pieces 
 of cannon and a very strong post, could be better protected, because 
 one of the flanking batteries was a little too much elevated. I found a 
 point where the rock would admit of being easily levelled a little so as 
 to admit the erection of a small battery of four pieces of cannon that 
 would brush the very surface of the water. They are now at work 
 upon it. Nothing passes or is done without my being informed of it, 
 so that you may reassure your good people of Angouleme to be 
 perfectly easy ; you will never see him more, I answer for it, as long 
 as I am here. At night every man must be in his home, without 
 leaving it. The house is surrounded by sentinels, with orders to fire 
 instantly. They are certain that the order will be executed, which has 
 already happened once. I hope, however, not to die here, unless it be 
 of hunger or ennui. In that case, every month of my residence will 
 surely be counted for some years of purgatory. See, my friend, what 
 a means of salvation you have neglected. 
 
 Buonaparte, on his arrival here, was long lodged at the house of an 
 inhabitant of the name of Mr. Balcomb. He has a daughter named Betsy, 
 who is celebrated for her independent spirit and her wild temper. She 
 is rather handsome ; he has appeared fond of her. Chatting with her 
 the other day, I said, 'Miss, I am not surprised at your speaking 
 French so well— Buonaparte was your teacher. I have been told that 
 you knew how to tame him, and that he was amorous.' ' Oh ! you 
 don't know him at all ; he is not galant enough for that.' Her sister 
 told me that, being with him, he took her by the ear, which he pulled 
 very hard— 'He pained me much.' Very well, what did this pretty 
 hand do then ? ' I gave him a famous cuff, which put him in such a 
 passion that he squeezed my nose, which continued red the whole day.' 
 ' For my part I should have embraced you '—and I kissed the pretty 
 hand that had cuffed the great man. The other day she found a 
 sword in his chamber, drew it, and attacked him. He retreated to a 
 corner of the room, shouting with all his might, Lascaze came to his 
 assistance, and disarmed her. ' Do you mean to kill him ?' ' No ; but 
 I wish to see the colour of his blood.' For the rest he is not at all 
 amusing. He is almost always in bad humour, vexes everybody about 
 him, makes himself be served as Emperor, and, generally speaking, he 
 imposes himself as such on all his people. 
 
 I had a fine passage, we were only fifty-seven days ; he was 
 seventy-seven days. I did not suffer much from the voyage. Though 
 I arrived on the 1st of June I am still somewhat indisposed from its 
 effects. My aide-de-camp, a young man of twenty-six, has more 
 
 speedily recovered You may copy my letter and circulate it. 
 
 It will cheer up the timid, and intimidate the disaffected. The style is 
 perhaps too negligent, but I have not time to correct it, as a ship 
 sails immediately for Europe. 
 
 (Signed) MONTCHENU. 
 28
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 'Morning Chronicle,' March 13, 1817. 
 
 Letter, 
 
 By Order of the Emperor Napoleon. 
 
 Addressed by General Count Montholon, to Sir Hudson Lowe, British 
 Governor of the Island of St. Helena. 
 
 General, — I have received the Treaty of the 3d of August, 1815, 
 concluded between his Britannic Majesty, the Emperor of Austria, the 
 Emperor of Russia, and the King of Prussia, which accompanied your 
 letter of the 23d of July. 
 
 The Emperor Napoleon protests against the contents of that 
 Treaty ; he is not the prisoner of England. After having placed his 
 abdication in the hands of the Representatives of the Nation, for the 
 advantage of the Constitution adopted by the French people, and in 
 favour of his Son, he repaired voluntarily and freely to England, with 
 the view of living there, as a private individual, under the protection 
 of the British laws. The violation of every law cannot constitute a 
 right. The person of the Emperor Napoleon is actually in the power 
 of England, but he neither has been, nor is, in the power of Austria, 
 Russia, and Prussia, either in fact or of right, even according to the 
 laws and customs of England, which never included, in the exchange 
 of prisoners, Russians, Prussians, Austrians, Spaniards, or Portuguese, 
 though united to these powers by treaties of alliance and making war 
 conjointly with them. 
 
 The Convention of the 2nd of August, concluded fifteen days after 
 the Emperor was in England, cannot have of right any effect. It 
 exhibits only a spectacle of the coalition of the four greatest Powers of 
 Europe for the oppression of a single man! — a coalition which the 
 opinion of every nation and all the principles of sound morality 
 equally disavow. 
 
 The Emperors of Austria and Russia, and the King of Prussia, 
 having neither in fact or in right any claim over the person of the 
 Emperor Napoleon, could decide nothing respecting him. 
 
 Had the Emperor Napoleon been in the power of the Emperor of 
 Austria, that Prince would have recollected the relations which religion 
 and nature have formed between a fattier and a son — relations which 
 are never violated with impunity. 
 
 lb- would have recollected that Napoleon had four times restored to 
 him his throne : viz. at Leoben in 1797 — at Lune villein 1804 — when his 
 armies were under the walls of Vienna — at Presburgh in 1800, and at 
 Vienna in lS0i>, when his armies had possession of the capital and 
 three-fourths of the monarchy! That Prince would have recollected 
 the protestations he made to Napoleon at the bivouac in Moravia in 
 1800, and at the interview in Dresden in 1812. 
 
 Had the person of the Emperor Napoleon been in the power of the 
 Emperor Alexander, he would have recollected the ties of friendship 
 contracted at Tilsit, at Erfurth, and during twelve years of daily 
 corrcspondeiwe. 
 
 29
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 He would have recollected the conduct of the Emperor Napoleon 
 the day after the battle of Austerlitz, when, though he could have 
 made him, with the wreck of his army, prisoner, contented himself 
 with taking his parole, and allowed him to operate his retreat. He 
 would have recollected the dangers to which the Emperor Napoleon 
 personally exposed himself in order to extinguish the fire of Moscow, 
 and to preserve that capital for him — assuredly, that Prince would 
 never have violated the duties of friendship and gratitude towards a 
 friend in misfortune. 
 
 Had the person of the Emperor Napoleon been in the power of the 
 King of Prussia, that Sovereign could not have forgotten that it 
 depended on the Emperor, after the battle of Friedland, to place 
 another Prince on the throne of Berlin. He would not have forgotten, 
 in the presence of a disarmed enemy, the protestations of attachment 
 and the sentiments of gratitude which he testified to him in 1812 at the 
 interviews in Dresden. 
 
 It accordingly appears from articles 2 and 5, of the Treaty of the 
 2nd of August, that these Princes, being incapable of exercising any 
 influence over the disposal of the Emperor, who was not in their power, 
 accede to what may be done thereon by his Britannic Majesty, who 
 takes upon himself the charge of fulfilling every obligation. These 
 Princes have reproached the Emperor Napoleon with having preferred 
 the protection of the English laws to theirs. The false ideas which 
 the Emperor Napoleon had formed of the liberality of the laws of 
 England, and of the influence of the opinion of a great, generous, and 
 free people over their Government, decided him to prefer the protection 
 of these laws to that of a father '-in-latv or an old friend. 
 
 The Emperor Napoleon had it in his power to secure, by a diplo- 
 matic treaty, whatever was personal to himself, by putting himself 
 either at the head of the army of the Loire, or at the head of the army 
 of the Gironde, commanded by General Clausel ; but wishing, hence- 
 forth, for nothing but retirement and the protection of the laws of a 
 free state, either English or American ; all stipulations appeared to 
 him unnecessary. He conceived that the English people were more 
 bound by a conduct which was, on his part, frank, noble, and full of 
 confidence, than they would have been by the most solemn treaties. 
 He has been deceived, but this error will for ever cause true Britons to 
 blush, and will, in the present as well as the future generations, be a 
 proof of the bad faith of the English administration. 
 
 Austrian and Prussian Commissioners are arrived at St. Helena. 
 If the object of their mission be the fulfilment of a part of the duties 
 which the Emperors of Austria and Russia have contracted by the 
 Treaty of the 2nd of August, and to take care that the English agents 
 in a small colony, in the midst of the ocean, do not fail in the respect 
 due to a Prince connected with these Sovereigns by the bonds of 
 relationship and so many other ties, proofs of the character which 
 belong to these two Monarchs will be recognized in this proceeding ; 
 but you, Sir, have declared that these Commissioners have neither 
 the right nor the power of giving any opinion on what may be passing 
 on this Rock 1 
 
 The English Ministers have caused the Emperor Napoleon to be 
 transported to St. Helena, at the distance of 2000 leagues from 
 Europe 1 This Rock, situated within the tropics, and 500 leagues from 
 
 30
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 any continent, is subject to the devouring heats of these latitudes. It 
 is covered with clouds and fogs during three-fourths of the year, and 
 is at once the most arid and the most humid country in the world. 
 Such a climate is most inimical to the health of the Emperor, and 
 hatred must have dictated the choice of this residence, as well as the 
 instructions given by the English Ministry to the officers commanding 
 in the Island. 
 
 They have even been ordered to call the Emperor Napoleon 
 General, as if it were wished to oblige him to consider himself as never 
 having reigned in France. 
 
 The reason which determined him not to assume an incognito 
 name, as he might have resolved to do on leaving France, were these : 
 First Magistrate for life of the Republic under the title of First Consul, 
 he concluded the Preliminaries of London and the Treaty of Amiens 
 with the King of Great Britain ; and received, as Ambassadors, Lord 
 Cornwallis, Mr. Meny, and Lord Whitworth, who resided in that 
 quality at his court. 
 
 He accredited to the King of England, Count Otto and General 
 Andreossi, who resided as Ambassadors at the Court of Windsor. 
 When, after an exchange of letters between the Ministers for Foreign 
 Affairs of the two Monarchies, Lord Lauderdale came to Paris invested 
 with full powers from the King of England : he treated with the 
 Plenipotentiaries possessing full powers from the Emperor Napoleon, 
 and remained for several months at the Court of the Tuileries : when 
 Lord Castlereagh afterwards signed, at Chatillon, the ultimatum, 
 which the Allied Powers presented to the Plenipotentiaries of the 
 Emperor Napoleon, he recognized by that the fourth dynasty. This 
 ultimdtum was more advantageous than the Treaty of Paris, but in 
 exacting that France should renounce Belgium and the left bank of 
 the Rhine, it enacted what was contrary to the propositions of 
 Frankfort, and the Proclamations of the Allied Powers — what was 
 contrary to the oath, by which, at his coronation, the Emperor swore 
 to maintain the integrity of the Empire. The Emperor, besides, 
 thought that these natural limits were necessary, both for the security 
 of France, and to preserve the equilibrium of Europe ; he thought that 
 the French nation, in the situation in which it was, ought rather to 
 run the hazard of all the chances of war than to depart from that 
 policy : France had obtained this integrity, and would have preserved 
 it with honour, if treason had not arrayed itself in aid of the Allies. 
 
 The Treaty of the 2nd of August, and the Act of the British 
 Parliament, called the Emperor Napoleon — Bonaparte, and gave him 
 only the title of General. The title of General Bonaparte is doubtless 
 eminently glorious, the Emperor bore it at Lodi, at Castiglione, at 
 Rivoli, at Arcole, at Leoben, at the Pyramids, at Aboukir; but for 
 seventeen years he has borne that of First ( lonsul and Emperor, which 
 proves that he has been both First Magistrate of the Republic, and 
 Sovereign of the Fourth Dynasty. Those Who think thai nation.- art- 
 flocks which belong of Divine right to certain families, do not belong 
 to the age, nor do they participate in the Spirit of the English 
 
 Legislature, which has several times changed tl rder of its Dynasty, 
 
 because great changes had taken place in public opinion, in which the 
 reigning Princes not participating, they became enemies to the welfare 
 of the great majority of the nation, for Kings are only hereditary 
 
 31
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 Magistrates, who exist for the welfare of nations, and not nations for 
 the satisfaction of Kings. 
 
 It is in the same hateful spirit that orders have been given that the 
 Emperor Napoleon shall not be allowed to write or receive any letters, 
 unless they are opened and read by the English Ministers and the 
 Officers at St. Helena. They have interdicted to him the possibility 
 of receiving intelligence from his wife, his mother, his son, or his 
 brothers ; and when, in order to avoid the inconvenience of having his 
 letters read by subaltern officers, he wished to send letters sealed to 
 the Prince Regent, he was told that the order could not be departed 
 from, and that the letters must pass open, such being the instructions 
 of the Ministry. This conduct needs no observation ; it gives rise, 
 however, to strange ideas as to the spirit of the Administration which 
 could dictate what would be disavowed even at Algiers. Letters have 
 arrived at St. Helena, for the officers in the suite of the Emperor ; they 
 were broken open and transmitted to you, but you have not com- 
 municated them, because they did not come through the channel of 
 the English Ministry. Thus they had to go back 4000 leagues ; and 
 these Officers had the grief of knowing that there was intelligence on 
 the Rock from their wives, their mothers, their children, and that 
 they could not know the nature of it for six months — the heart must 
 solace itself ! 
 
 They could not obtain either The Morning Chronicle, The Morning 
 Post, or any French journals. Now and then a few stray numbers of 
 TJie Times reached Longwood. In consequence of a request made on 
 board the Northumberland, some books were sent, but all those 
 relative to the affairs of late years have been carefully kept back. He 
 wished to correspond with a Bookseller in London, in order to have 
 direct the books which he wanted, and those relative to the events of 
 the day — this was prevented. An English author, having made a tour 
 in Prance, and having published an account of it in London, he took 
 the trouble to transmit it to you, in order that it might be presented 
 to the Emperor ; you thought proper not to transmit it because it was 
 not sent to you by the express desire of your Government. It is said 
 also, that other books sent by their authors have not been transmitted, 
 because some of them were inscribed to the Emperor Napoleon, and 
 others to Napoleon the Great. The English Ministry is not authorised 
 to order any of these vexations ; the law, although unique, by which 
 the British Parliament regards the Emperor Napoleon as a prisoner of 
 war, has never prohibited prisoners of war from subscribing to journals 
 or receiving printed books — such a prohibition only takes place in the 
 dungeons of the Inquisition. 
 
 The Island of St. Helena is ten leagues in circumference ; it is 
 inaccessible everywhere ; brigs surround the coast ; posts are stationed 
 on the shore within sight of each other ; which render impracticable any 
 communication with the sea. There is only one small town (James 
 Town), where there is an anchorage, and where vessels touch. To 
 prevent an individual from quitting the island, it is sufficient to guard 
 the shore by land and sea. To lay an interdict on the interior of the 
 island can therefore have no other object than to deprive him of a 
 promenade of from eight to ten miles, which it would be possible to 
 make on horseback, and the privation of which will shorten the life of 
 the Emperor. The Emperor has been established at Longwood, ex- 
 
 32
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 posed to every wind, and where the land is sterile and uninhabitable, 
 without water, and not susceptible of any cultivation. There is a 
 circuit marked out of about 1200 toises ; at about 11 or 12,000 distance 
 a, camp is established on a hill, and another camp is in an opposite 
 position at the same distance ; in short, in the midst of the heat of the 
 the tropics there is nothing to be seen but camps. Admiral Malcolm 
 having learnt the utility which the Emperor would derive from a tent 
 in that situation, caused one to be set vip by his sailors at twenty paces 
 distance in front of the house ; it was the only place in which a shade 
 coidd be found. The Emperor had as much reason to be satisfied with 
 the spirit that animated the officers and soldiers of the brave 53rd 
 regiment, as he had been with the crew of the Northumberland. 
 
 The house at Longwood was built to serve as a barn for the Com- 
 pany's farm ; the Deputy Governor of the Island had since built some 
 Chambers ; it served him for a Country house, but it was not in the 
 proper habitable state, workmen have been employed at it for a year, 
 and the Emperor has been continually subjected to the inconvenience 
 and insalubrity of inhabiting a house in the progress of building. The 
 chamber in which he sleeps is too small to contain a bed of ordinary 
 dimensions ; but every alteration at Longwood prolongs the inconveni- 
 ence of having workmen there. There are, however, in this miserable 
 territory, beautiful situations, presenting fine trees, gardens, and good 
 houses. There is, besides, Plantation House ; but the positive instruc- 
 tions of Government forbade you from giving up this house, although 
 much expense would thereby have been saved to your Government — 
 an expense incurred in fitting up at Longwood a hut, covered with 
 paper, which is already unserviceable. 
 
 You have interdicted all correspondence between us and the in- 
 habitants of the islands — you have in fact placed the house at Long- 
 wood au secret — you have even prevented any communication with the 
 Officers of the garrison — it seems, therefore, to be your study to 
 deprive us of the little resource which this miserable territory affords, 
 and we are here just as we should be on the insulated and uninhabited 
 rock of Ascension. During the four months that you have been at St. 
 Helena, you have, Sir, rendered the situation of the Emperor much 
 worse. Count Bertrand has observed to you that you violate even the 
 laws of your Legislature, and that you trample under foot the rights 
 of General Officers, prisoners of war. You have replied that you act 
 according to the letter of your instructions, and that your conduct to 
 us is not worse than is dictated by them. 
 
 I have the honour to be, 
 
 Your very humble and very obedient servant, 
 
 (Signed) The GENERAL COUNT DE MONTHOLON. 
 
 After I had signed this letter, I received your's of the 17th August, 
 in which you subjoin the account of an annual sum of 20,000Z. sterling, 
 which you consider indispensable for the support of the expenses of the 
 establishment at Longwood, after having made all the reductions 
 which you thought possible. We do not think we have any thing to 
 do with the discussion of this point ; the table of the Emperor is 
 scarcely provided with strict necessaries, and all the provisions are of 
 the worst quality. You ask of the Emperor a fund of 12,000J. sterling, 
 as your Government will only allow 8000Z. for all the expenses. I have 
 
 33 D
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 already had the honour of informing you that the Emperor had no 
 fluids, that for a year past he had neither written nor received any 
 letter, and that he is altogether ignorant of what has passed, or is 
 passing, in Europe. Transported by force to this rock, without being 
 able to write or to receive any answer, the Emperor is now entirely at 
 the mercy of English agents. The Emperor has always desired, and is 
 still desirous, to provide himself for all his expenses, of whatever 
 nature, and he will do it as soon as you render it possible by taking 
 off the interdiction laid upon the merchants of the Island with regard 
 to his correspondence, and directing that it should not be subjected to 
 any inquisition on your part, or by any of your agents. Thenceforth 
 the wants of the Emperor would be known in Europe, and those 
 persons who interested themselves in his behalf, might send him the 
 funds necessary to provide for them. 
 
 The letter of Lord Bathurst, which you have communicated to me, 
 gives birth to strange ideas. Are your Ministers, then, ignorant that 
 the spectacle of a great man in captivity and adversity is a most 
 sublime spectacle ? Are they ignorant that Napoleon at St. Helena, in 
 the midst of persecutions of every description, to which he opposes 
 nothing but serenity, is greater, more sacred, and more venerable than 
 when seated upon the first Throne in the world, where for so long a 
 time he was the arbiter of Kings ? Those who in such a situation are 
 wanting to Napoleon are blind to their own character and that of the 
 nation which they represent. MONTHOLON 
 
 * Times,' March 20, 1817. 
 
 We spoke yesterday of a singular book, professing itself to be the 
 work of Buonaparte, and containing a summary of his political and 
 military history. With respect to the authenticity of the volume, we 
 hardly know what to say. External evidence there is none in its 
 favour. The internal — the manner and style of the work — would at 
 least lead us to believe that it is the production of a man well 
 acquainted with the life, and familiar even to mimicry with the habits 
 and expressions of Buonaparte, such as they have appeared in his 
 public documents, and the attested accounts of his proceedings. The 
 first extract which we shall make gives a description of those two 
 grand parties which have divided the world in these latter days — the 
 revolutionists, and the friends of the existing order — of that order 
 which is now, we hope we may say, happily re-established ; though we 
 wish it had come back shorn of many of its evils — its Inquisition, and 
 its Jesuits ; and, in general, its aversion to the slightest and most 
 evident improvement. 
 
 ' From the moment that I discovered the bottom of the heart of 
 these two factions ; from the moment I perceived that they divided 
 the world as in the time of the Reformation, I was aware that any 
 sort of compact between them was impossible, because almost all their 
 
 34
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 interests clashed too strongly. I was sensible that the more the crisis 
 was abridged, the better it would be for the people. It was necessary 
 that the majority of Europe should be for us, in order to make the 
 balance incline to our side ; and I could only thus dispose the weight 
 in virtue of the law of the strongest, for that is the only law acknow- 
 ledged among nations. An absolute necessity, therefore, required that 
 I should be the strongest, for I had not only to govern France, but to 
 subject the world to her ; otherwise she must have been annihilated by 
 the world. 
 
 1 1 never had any choice in the measures which I adopted : they 
 were always commanded by events, because the danger was always 
 imminent : and the 31st of March showed to what a degree it was to 
 be dreaded, and whether it was an easy matter for the old and new 
 systems to live in peace together. 
 
 ' I then clearly foresaw that as long as there should be an equality 
 in the strength of these two systems, there woidd exist a war, either 
 open or secret, between them. The treaties of peace which they 
 might sign would only be pauses for breathing. It followed, then, 
 that France, as the metropolis of the revolution, should be maintained 
 in a state capable of resisting the tempest. It was requisite that there 
 should be unity in the Government, in order that it might be strong — 
 union in the nation, in order that all its means might be directed to 
 the same object ; and confidence in the people, in order that they 
 might acquiesce in the sacrifices necessary for obtaining success. 
 
 4 But in the system of the Consulate everything was precarious, 
 because nothing connected with it was in its proper place. There 
 existed under that system a republic in name, and a sovereignty in 
 fact ; a feeble national representation, and a strong executive Power ; 
 authorities in subjection, and a preponderant army. 
 
 ' Nothing proceeds rightly in a political system in which words dis- 
 agree with things. The Government is degraded by the perpetual 
 duplicity it practises. It falls into that contempt which awaits every- 
 thing false ; because whatever is false is feeble. It is besides no longer 
 possible to play double in politics ; nations have been too long 
 acquainted with public affairs, and the newspapers tell them too much 
 for that now to be done. There remains only one secret for leading 
 the world — which is, to be strong ; for in strength there is no error, no 
 illusion ; it is truth exposed naked. 
 
 ' I felt the weakness of my position, the ridicule of my Consulate. 
 I saw the necessity of establishing something solid to serve as a point 
 of support for the revolution. I was nominated Consul for life. It 
 was a life rent of the sovereign power ; insufficient, however, in itself, 
 since it held out a future epoch ; and nothing is so injurious to confi- 
 dence as the prospect of a change : but it was passable for the moment 
 in which it was established.' 
 
 The account given in this work of the murder of the Duke 
 D'Enghien, and the motives of that atrocious act, vary in some degree 
 from those heretofore assigned. In the work before us Buonaparte 
 seems to have thought the destruction of a Prince of the House of 
 Bourbon necessary, to convince the world that he had no thoughts of 
 re-acting the part of General Monk, and bringing back the Royal 
 Family. 
 
 ' It was necessary, at all hazards, to undeceive France, the Royalists, 
 
 35
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 and Europe, in order that all might know what they had to expect 
 froni nie. A persecution in detail, against words, always has a bad 
 effect ; because it does not attack the evil in its root. Besides, this 
 mode of proceeding has become impossible in this age of solicitation, in 
 which the exile of a woman agitates the whole of France. 
 
 'At this moment there occurred, unfortunately for me, one of 
 those strokes of chance which destroy the best resolutions. The police 
 •discovered some petty Royalist plots, the focus of which was beyond 
 the Rhine. An august head was implicated in these transactions. All 
 the circumstances of this event squared in an incredible manner with 
 those which influenced me to attempt a great measure of state policy. 
 The death of the Duke D'Enghien decided the question which was 
 agitated* It decided it for me past all return. I ordered it. 
 
 ' A man of much talent, who ought to understand the subject, has 
 said of this transaction, that it was more than a crime, it was a fault. 
 No offence to that personage : it was a crime, and not a fault. I am 
 not ignorant of the value of the words. The offence of that un- 
 fortunate Prince was confined to miserable intrigues with some old 
 Baroness of Strasburgh. He played his game. The intriguers were 
 watched. They neither menaced the safety of France nor my safety. 
 He perished the victim of policy, and of an extraordinary concurrence 
 of circumstances. 
 
 ' His death was no fault, for all the consequences which I foresaw 
 have happened.' 
 
 Of the revolutionary interests, as established by his dynasty, he 
 thus speaks : 
 
 ' The Revolution was finally terminated ; it became immovably 
 fixed under a permanent dynasty. The Republic had satisfied opinions 
 only ; the Empire guaranteed interests along with opinions. 
 
 ' These interests were those of the immense majority ; because, 
 above all things, the Empire guaranteed equality. In it democracy 
 existed, de facto et de jure. Liberty alone was restrained, because it is 
 of no value at the period of a crisis. Besides, liberty is only for the 
 use of the enlightened part of a nation ; equality is for the use of all. 
 This is the reason why my power remained popular even during those 
 reverses which have crushed France.' 
 
 The conclusion of the work, which speaks of his final surrender to 
 the English, is interesting, whoever may be its author. 
 
 ' France has respected misfortune in my person up to the moment 
 when I for ever quitted her shores. I might, perhaps, have retired 
 into America, and displayed my defeat in the new world ; but one who 
 had reigned over France ought not to disgrace his throne by courting 
 any other glory. 
 
 1 A prisoner upon another hemisphere, I have nothing left for me to 
 defend, but the reputation which history is preparing for me. It will 
 say, that a man to whom a people was devoted could not have been so 
 wholly destitute of merit as his contemporaries pretend.' 
 
 In putting forth the arguments and reasoning of the author and 
 chief actor in this work, we must not be thought to praise or allow of 
 his conduct : with him, convenience, or what he is pleased to call 
 necessity, seems to justify every crime. 
 
 From one of the passages above cited, it appears, that it became 
 ■necessary to convince the world that he had no leaning to the 
 
 36
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 Bourbons, therefore he murdered a Prince of that house. From others 
 in the body of the work, he found it necessary to enforce the continental 
 system, therefore he deluged Spain with blood. It became necessary 
 to prove whether France or Russia was most powerful, thence the 
 horrors of the Russian campaign. Virtuous minds would argue thus — 
 that whatever projects necessarily led to crime should be relinquished. 
 
 'Times,' March 22, 1817. 
 
 Of the work entitled 'Manuscrit venu de St. Helene,' or its author, 
 we know little more than we did when we last spoke of it. It claims 
 to be written by Buonaparte himself, and is a very singular and 
 interesting production, as our extracts will prove. Its author must be 
 a man familiar with all the occurrences of the Continent, as with 
 'household names'; and habituated, either from situation or dis- 
 position, to view them with a Buonaparte eye, and to draw Buonaparte 
 inferences from them. It is singular that no external evidence should 
 have reached us respecting the author of such a work. The chief 
 impediment to the conviction that it is his whose it professes to be, is, 
 that it tells few or no secrets. We must leave it to time to show 
 whether this proceeds from ignorance in the pretended author, or 
 caution in the real one. 
 
 While writing the above we have heard of a rumour, that an 
 inquiry has been instituted respecting the origin of the work, and that 
 there is reason to suppose it does not proceed from Buonaparte, but 
 from some person in France connected with Madame de Stael. 
 
 The following is the account of the continental system : 
 
 ' The vital principle of resistance was in England. I had no means 
 of attacking her hand to hand ; and I was certain that the war would 
 be renewed on the Continent as soon as the English Ministry were 
 possessed of the means of defraying its expense. The contest might 
 last long, because the profits of war feed war. It presented a vicious 
 circle, the result of which would be the ruin of the Continent : it was 
 therefore necessary to discover a method of depriving England of the 
 advantages she derived from maritime warfare ; with this view the 
 continental system was proposed to me. The plan appeared good, and 
 I accepted it. Few persons understood that system. There was an 
 obstinate disposition to see no other object in it except that of making 
 coffee dear. It was destined to bave very different consequences. 
 
 'It was calculated to have ruined the trade ol England ; but in that 
 respect it performed its duty badly ; because, as prohibitions always 
 do, it produced high prices, which are always to the advantage of 
 merchants; and because it could not be so completely esta blis hed as 
 to prevent smuggling. 
 
 4 But the continental system also served to make a clear distinction 
 
 37
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 between cmr friends and onr enemies. In this respect we could not be 
 deceived. Attachment to the continental system was a proof of 
 attachment to our cause, for it formed its ensign and palladium. 
 
 4 This system, which has been so much discvissed, was indispensable 
 at the period of its establishment ; for a great empire ought not only 
 to have a general tendency for the direction of its policy, but its 
 economy ought to have a like tendency. Industry, as well as every- 
 thing else, ought to have a route in which to move and advance. This 
 was wanting to France when I traced out her route by giving her the 
 continental system. 
 
 •Before the Revolution the economy of France was directed towards 
 the colonies and the trade of barter. Such was then the mode : and 
 with respect to these objects great success was obtained. Highly, 
 however, as the advantages derived from these sources may have been 
 vaunted, their final results were the ruin of the finances of the State, 
 the failure of credit, the destruction of the military system, the loss of 
 consideration abroad, and the languor of agriculture. These advantages 
 led at last to the signing a treaty of commerce, which surrendered up 
 all the means of commercial supply to the English. 
 
 ' Fiance had, it is true, some few sea-ports, and some merchants 
 with colossal fortunes. 
 
 ' The maritime system was destroyed, past return, by the war. 
 The ports were ruined. No human force could restore what the 
 revolution had annihilated. Another impulse was then to be given to 
 the spirit of trade, in order to revive French industry. This was only 
 to be done by depriving England of the monopoly of manufacturing 
 industry, in order to make that industry the object of the general 
 tendency of the economy of the State. It was necessary to create the 
 continental system.' 
 
 * * # # * * * 
 
 ' Experience has decided in my favour. I displaced industry from 
 her seat, and made her cross the seas. Manufactures have now made 
 such progress on the Continent, that competition is no longer to be 
 feared. If France would prosper, let her retain my system with a 
 change of name. If she would decline, she need only recommence 
 maritime enterprises ; for England will destroy them in the first war. 
 I was compelled to push the continental system to extremes, because 
 its object was not only benefit to France, but injury to England.' 
 
 ' From this moment, also, the war assumed a more serious character 
 in England. Her public fortune, that is to say, her existence, was at 
 stake. The war became popular. The English no longer trusted for 
 their protection to auxiliaries : they took it upon themselves, and 
 appeared in large masses in the field. It was then the struggle became 
 perilous : and I received that impression in signing the decree. I 
 suspected that there was no longer any repose for me, and that my 
 life would be spent in combating resistances which the public did not 
 see, but the secret of which I possessed ; for I was the only person 
 whom appearances had not deceived. I flattered myself from the 
 bottom of my heart, with remaining master of the future, through the 
 army which I had formed ; to such a degree had success rendered it 
 
 38
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 invincible. I never doubted of success ; it moved with facility, because 
 we had renounced the system of camps and magazines. The troops 
 could be transported immediately in all directions ; and everywhere 
 they arrived with the consciousness of superiority. With such soldiers 
 what general would not have loved war ? I loved it, I confess ; still, 
 however, after the affair of Jena, I no longer felt that plenitude of 
 confidence, nor that disregard of consequences to which I was indebted 
 for my first successes. I distrusted myself, and distrust introduced 
 uncertainty into my decisions. My temper was altered, my character 
 degraded. I held a command over myself ; but that which is not 
 natural is never perfect. 
 
 ' The continental system made the English determine on a war of 
 life and death. The north was subdued, and kept down by my 
 garrisons. The English had no longer any intercourse with that part 
 of Europe, except through smuggling. But Portugal had been 
 delivered into their hands ; and I know that Spain, under the colour 
 of neutrality, favoured their trade.' 
 
 ******* 
 
 He then goes on to state, that it was necessary to force Portugal 
 and Spain into an agreement with his favourite system ; and justifies, 
 on this ground, his invasion of those countries, and his particular 
 treachery to the latter ; he, however, allows that his management of 
 this part of his scheme was full of blunders ; the grossest of which was 
 removing Ferdinand, and thus exciting sympathy for his fate, instead 
 of waiting till the Spanish people had a thorough knowledge of the 
 real character of that Prince : he proceeds as follows : — 
 
 1 1 went to Spain to accelerate events, and to make myself 
 acquainted with the ground on which I had left my brother. I had 
 occupied Madrid, and destroyed the English army which was ad- 
 vancing to succour it. My success was rapid ; terror was at its height ; 
 resistance was about to terminate : not a moment was to be lost — and 
 none was lost. The English Ministers armed Austria. They were 
 always as active in finding me enemies as I was in beating them. 
 
 'The Austrian project was for this time conducted very ably. I 
 was taken by surprise. Justice ought to be done to those who 
 deserve it. 
 
 'My armies were scattered about at Naples, at Madrid, at Ham- 
 burgh. I was myself in Spain. It was probable that the Austrians 
 might obtain some advantages in the outset, which might lead to 
 further successes. In an affair of this kind the first step is the most 
 important. They might have been able to entice Prussia and Russia, 
 to brush up the courage of the Spaniards, and to give popularity to 
 the English Ministry. 
 
 ' The policy of the Court of Vienna is of a tenacious sort, which 
 events cannot derange. It was long before I could devise the cause of 
 this. I perceived at last, though too late, that this State was so deeply 
 rooted, merely because the mildness of the Government had allowed it 
 to degenerate into an oligarchy, The State is under the direction of 
 about a hundred nobles. They possess the territory, and govern the 
 finances, politics, and war. Thus they are masters of everything, and 
 leave nothing to the Court but the signing of papers. 
 
 'Opinion never changes with oligarchies, because their interests are 
 
 39
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 always the same. Whatever they do, they do badly ; but then they 
 are always in action, because they never die. They never obtain 
 success, but they endure reverse admirably, because they endure it in 
 fellowship. 
 
 'Pour times was Austria indebted for her safety to this form of 
 Government. It decided the commencement of the war just declared 
 against me.' 
 
 ******* 
 
 He then gives a description of the battle known by the name of 
 Essling, or Asperne, and acknowledges that he was worsted. After 
 praising the Arch -duke Charles for the excellence of his military 
 position, he goes on as follows : — 
 
 ' As we could not stand still for ever, it was necessary to come to 
 some conclusion. The army was in motion. The corps of Marshal 
 Massena debouched first. He had commenced the firing when an 
 accident broke the bridges over the Danube. It was impossible to 
 repair them in time to give him any assistance. He was attacked by 
 the whole army of the enemy. His corps defended itself with heroic 
 bravery, because it had lost all hope. Their ammunition failed, and 
 they were on the point of utter destruction, when the Austrians 
 stopped their fire, thinking, no doubt, that sufficient for one day was 
 the trouble thereof. They took up their former position at the decisive 
 moment of the battle, and thus relieved me from a cruel agony. 
 
 'We had, nevertheless, experienced a reverse. I saw this by the 
 state of public opinion. My defeat was made public : my retreat was 
 announced : my ruin was prophesied. The Tyrolese revolted : Prussia 
 and Westphalia were in arms, and strove to excite a general rising 
 against me. The English attempted an expedition against Antwerp, 
 which must have succeeded, but for their blundering. My situation 
 grew worse every day.' 
 
 He then mentions the battle of Wagram, which was successful; 
 and ascribes that success in a great measure to a bold manoeuvre of 
 Macdonald. He gives the following reasons for having made peace 
 with Austria : — 
 
 'The enemy, on the other hand, told the people that they were 
 armed to deliver them from the evils of war, and to reduce the price of 
 English merchandise. 
 
 ' These insinuations made proselytes. The continuance of the war 
 rendered the resolution unpopular. On that account I wished for 
 peace ; but the consent of the English Ministry was to be obtained. 
 Austria undertook to ask it. It was refused. 
 
 'This refusal disquieted me. It followed that England possessed 
 resources with which I was unacquainted. I tried to discover them ; 
 but in vain.' 
 
 40
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 'Morning Chronicle,' March 25, 1817. 
 
 The recent Motion for Papers relating to our treatment of Bona- 
 parte, has excited all the senseless clamour of the Ministerial Press, 
 which has resorted to the usual argument of misrepresentation, 
 notwithstanding Lord Holland's repeated declarations of his having 
 no other motive than to justify our proceedings to foreign powers, who 
 would otherwise receive the complaint with all its aggravations, but 
 without any of the true circumstances attending it. It is absurd to 
 suppose this extraordinary character should not be viewed with some 
 degree of interest, when we look back to the grandeur of the elevation 
 from which he has fallen. Not long since we have seen him with the 
 destinies of Europe in his hands, fenced round, as Mr. Sheridan has 
 eloquently described, by palisades formed with sceptres, and whose 
 sentinels were Kings ! A single sentence from him not long since 
 would have assembled Monarchs, and have set whole Kingdoms in 
 arms — and now, so uncertain are all human acquirements, and revolting 
 as it may appear to the pride of our nature, we find him soliciting a 
 few personal comforts for himself and his humble suite. During the 
 whole of Bonaparte's career, no one act of his pre-eminent genius 
 astonished us equally with his return from Elba, which appears like 
 romance and a tale of fiction, rather than an historical truth, for with 
 few more than a boat's crew of followers did he undertake, and succeed 
 in reconquering a powerful Empire. He relied upon the magical 
 charm of his name, and all who have lately travelled on the Continent 
 have had opportunities of knowing, that he depended on a tower 
 of great strength. We shall be told we are admirers of Napoleon, 
 but we despise the accusation, for it is impossible for any reflecting 
 mind not to have been astonished at the extraordinary events of his 
 life, however we may blend our wonder with our curses. And let it be 
 remembered by these thoughtless accusers, that the Ex-Emperor, the 
 object of all their affected scorn, that this single individual is necessarily 
 under confinement to preserve the World at peace ! 
 
 God forbid, that we should become the admirers of any man, who 
 would voluntarily protract the horrors of war a single moment. We 
 look upon Napoleon only as one of the chief actors in the great 
 Drama of History, as one of those warlike Sovereigns whose mad 
 ambition has led them on from conquest to conquest, regardless of the 
 miseries they have inflicted upon their fellow creatures. The history 
 of Charles V. presents us with a similar series of battles, when he 
 too aspired after universal Empire, and presents us also with many 
 disgusting cruelties exercised by his Armies, particularly when the 
 Pope was taken as his prisoner, and Rome delivered up to pillage. 
 We afterwards find him, tired with the cares of Sovereignty, and 
 retired to the humble monastery of St. Justus, where he appeared 
 to view the busy scene he had abandoned, with all the contempt and 
 indifference arising from a thorough experience of its vanity. Such 
 providential instances of the infirmities of our nature cannot but be 
 interesting to the reflecting mind, and they convey a useful lesson 
 alike to the powerful, and to the oppressed. 
 
 41
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 We recollect too well the many misfortunes which have befallen 
 this country during the reign of Bonaparte, and we recollect also 
 the blunders and profligacy of the Administration of Mr. Pitt, but 
 for which, Bonaparte would have still remained in obscurity. Mr. 
 Fox foresaw, that, to give a military direction to the French Revolu- 
 tionists, would be to spread desolation throughout Europe, and to 
 effect the ruin of this country. He implored his heedless rival to 
 consider this, but Mr. Fox was overwhelmed with every species of 
 calumny, and we are now left to comment upon the bitter experience 
 of facts. Mr. Pitt unfortunately had never travelled, and would 
 always persist in assimilating the peasantry of foreign countries with 
 our own, not allowing them to be in a state of vassallage, unknown to 
 us, passive as mere sheep, little caring who might be their shepherd. 
 We have paid dearly for this, his mistake ; Mr. Pitt persevered in his 
 war measiires, and Bonaparte seemed to be selected for Fortune's 
 favourite champion in the storm which he had raised. 
 
 * Morning Chronicle,' April 24, 1817. 
 
 The Morning Post says, ' Bonaparte has of late had fourteen 
 sentinels placed round his house, who are kept at a distance in the 
 day-time, but draw up close towards night. The number has been 
 increased since he attempted to make his escape in a lumber chest, 
 which was defeated, and since which he has seldom appeared out of 
 his own house. Our informant says, that three soldiers of the 53rd 
 Regiment, who were only enlisted for seven years, and whose term 
 had expired, came home in the Adamant, every one of whom were on 
 guard the night the intended escape was detected.' 
 
 • Morning Chronicle,' April 25, 1817. 
 
 The accounts of the treatment of Bonaparte in St. Helena, have 
 excited, as might be expected, the keenest interest on the Continent, 
 We mentioned in our Paper of Wednesday last, that the Pamphlet of 
 Santani had been copied entire into the Official Paper of the Court 
 of Vienna. We now extract from a Paper, which we believe to have a 
 wider circulation than any other in Germany, some strictures on the 
 speech of Lord Bathurst in the House of Lords, from which our 
 readers may perceive how the conduct of our Government with regard 
 to Bonaparte is viewed in Germany. We can assure them that 
 
 42
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 this is far from being the only instance in which the Continental Press 
 has expressed itself loudly against the manner in which Ministers have 
 treated that extraordinary man. 
 
 ' Should we ask an Englishman if he ever drank Cape Wine — if this 
 has ever been accidentally the case, he would answer without fail, " It 
 
 is d d poor stuff." If we should ask him again respecting Teneriffe, 
 
 he would answer, "It is very sour stuff." Lord Bathurst, in order 
 not to raise the price of Madeira wine — which however is not very 
 dear on the spot, which is drunk daily in very great quantities by the 
 lowest clerks and servants of the East India Company, as it is the 
 most suitable to a warm climate — Lord Bathurst, the friend of 
 humanity, the magnanimous Briton, the Son of a Lord Chancellor, 
 allows for 43 people who have voluntarily followed their Master into 
 his wretched situation — he gives to these men, who truly are not 
 frequently found ; in a word he gives to the servants of Bonaparte, 
 who probably could all live without following Bonaparte, and 
 were accustomed to better things, nothing but the most wretched 
 beverage, nothing but white and yellow strap. The Noble Lord allows 
 to them not a drop of porter, a necessary of life in that climate for 
 every person in want of refreshment. He adds, that he does not even 
 allow middling wine, but merely bad wine, and of the Lords in the 
 Upper House, not one says a word on the subject. What in all the 
 world could it signify to the finances of England, that the few faithful 
 servants, who voluntarily accompanied Bonaparte in his adversity, 
 got daily a couple of glasses of French wine, a drink of strong beer, 
 and a glass of stomachic wine to assist their digestion ? What are we 
 to say, when we see that in England, and among the present Admini- 
 stration, there are to be found men who have not courage enough to 
 destroy their fallen enemy, as the world would speak of it, but who 
 nevertheless have the disposition to torment him, by tormenting the 
 men who are dear to him on account of their fidelity, and tormenting 
 them merely because they are constant in their fidelity. So much as 
 to the servants of Bonaparte, and the affected magnanimity of the 
 British Gaoler towards them. A couple of words merely as to 
 Bonaparte himself and his table. Lord Bathurst confesses that he 
 interdicted the reading of Journals and Magazines to General Bona- 
 parte, because he thought he perceived that his friends corresponded 
 with him by means of such prints. We have heard indeed of secret 
 means by which a correspondence could be kept up by reference to 
 pages and lines in books ; but that by means of Magazines and Journals 
 publicly printed and read by all the world, any secret information 
 could be communicated which the Noble Lord himself could not find 
 out, we certainly never before heard ; and people will from hence- 
 forward begin to entertain a much higher respect for Journals, when 
 they learn that they not merely serve to expose folly and crime, to 
 make fools more cautious, and knaves more apprehensive, but that 
 every letter of them may have a secret prophetic meaning. 
 
 ' The cruelty besides, which there is in depriving the many men 
 who have accompanied Bonaparte to the desert of St. Helena of 
 the last means of conversing with the world they left behind them, by 
 means of the dead letter, we leave to those to determine, who in 
 distant lands, after a long int errupti on, obtain a sight of the Journals 
 of their native country. The fourteen flasks of Champagne of which 
 
 43
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 Lord Bathurst speaks, are not in the list of Captain Lewis ; and 
 in the enumeration of Lord Bathurst there is no date, while there 
 is one in that of the former. One of the Opposition Papers goes even 
 so far as to affirm, that Lord Bathurst's list is but a couple of days 
 old, and consequently is merely imaginary ; that it was to leave 
 Plymouth on board the Conqueror, with the first fair wind, as a new 
 regulation for St. Helena. But even allowing it to be genuine, is one 
 bottle of Champagne enough for the eleven persons who daily sit at 
 Bonaparte's table ? A half flask of Constantia daily for eleven 
 persons for breakfast and desert ? Would this have been believed if it 
 had not been said by a British Lord in Parliament ? God preserve us 
 from British Ministerial Liberality ! A Journalist (The Times) en- 
 deavours to sweeten the pill by saying — "we really believe, that if 
 Bonaparte or his friends continue their complaining, he must be 
 delivered over to the Spaniards, the Hamburgers, or any other people 
 who have suffered the most from his bloodthirsty ambition." — This 
 Journalist seems to measure the way of thinking of others, and more 
 especially of the Germans, after his own revengeful narrow minded- 
 ness. Whoever can allow himself to torment his fallen enemy, even 
 supposing him as in this case the most unrelenting Tyrant, for years, 
 purposely and methodically, proves, that he is no better than the other, 
 and that if he had possessed the same means he would have equally 
 abused them. The German is no executioner — he does not take a 
 delight in slowly torturing his enemy. His indignation is roused, he 
 raises his arm, lays his adversary prostrate, and even sacrifices him to 
 his momentary rage. But he does not hold out his hand to him, does 
 not affect magnanimity towards him, in order to torment him for 
 years till his latter end, and to feast on his sufferings.' 
 
 'Morning Chronicle,' May 2, 1817. 
 
 The fact of Bonaparte being employed in writing 'Memoirs of his 
 own Life and Times,'' is positively asserted by M. Santini, who says, 
 that when he left St. Helena, ' it was finished down to the end of the 
 Egyptian Expedition.' 
 
 We find by the Monthly Magazine, that Sir Richard Phillips, who 
 has ascertained the above facts, instantly became desirous of having 
 the publication of the work, and that between him and the Colonial 
 Department the following correspondence has taken place upon the 
 subject : — 
 
 LETTER PROM SIR RICHARD PHILLIPS TO EARL BATHURST, 
 SECRETARY OF STATE FOR THE COLONIAL DEPART- 
 MENT, ETC., ETC. 
 
 MY LORD, — I have been credibly informed, that the late Emperor 
 Napoleon has been for some time past engaged in writing annals of his 
 eventful life ; and it has appeared to me to be a suitable speculation in 
 
 44
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 which, as a publisher, to engage as an affair of business. It is how- 
 ever necessary that I should be able to communicate with the author 
 on the subject, and I therefore take the liberty to inquire whether, if 
 I addressed a letter under cover to your Lordship's care, it will be for- 
 warded to him at St. Helena. 
 
 Having read in the newspapers your Lordship's late speech in the 
 House of Lords, I am of course duly sensible of the delicacy of making 
 this request, and aware that I ought to seek nothing of your Lordship 
 on this subject, which is inconsistent with the line of policy adopted 
 by the British Government. My letter, therefore, my Lord, would be 
 open, and would be strictly limited to a proposal in regard to the 
 printing and publishing of the work in question, with fidelity and 
 promptitude. I should also request that all communication with me 
 should be made in the usual forms through your Lordship. 
 
 I conceive, my Lord, that you will feel that such a work, in its close 
 connexion with the eventful history of the times, is an object of con- 
 siderable literary interest, and that its publication cannot fail to excite 
 a lively curiosity, as well in this age as in posterity. As materials of 
 history, it could be inferior to no ancient or modern production, and 
 in that view it lays claim to my notice, and will, I hope, entitle this 
 application to the respect of your Lordship. 
 
 I have the honour to be, my Lord, 
 
 Your most obedient humble servant, 
 March 29, 1817. R. PHILLIPS. 
 
 REPLY OF HENRY GOULBURN, ESQ., UNDER SECRETARY 
 
 OF STATE, ETC. 
 
 Downing Street, April 2, 1817. 
 SIR, — I am directed by Lord Bathurst to acknowledge the receipt 
 this day of your letter of the 29th ultimo, requesting permission to 
 address a letter either to General Bonaparte or to General Bertrand, on 
 the subject of publishing a work, in which you have been informed that 
 the former is engaged ; and to acquaint you that, before giving any 
 reply to your letter, Lord Bathurst is desirous of being informed 
 whether you have received any communication, either from General 
 Bonaparte, or from any person authorized by him to treat with you, 
 on the subject of such a publication. 
 
 I am, Sir, your obedient servant, 
 
 HENRY GOULBURN 
 Sir Richard Phillips, Knt. 
 
 SIR RICHARD PHILLIPS TO HENRY GOULBURN, ESQ., 
 UNDER SECRETARY OF STATE, ETC. 
 
 SIR, — If you will do me the honour to reconsider my letter to Earl 
 Bathurst, you will perceive that I act merely on the information that 
 the literary and historical work in question is in course of preparation ; 
 and that, as a man of business, I am anxious, on my own motion, to 
 open a negotiation for the publication of it. 
 
 Under other circumstances, I should have felt no hesitation in 
 addressing the author, or his representative, directly on the subject : 
 
 45
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 but the actual situation of this author renders it necessary that my 
 communication be made through Earl Bathurst ; and it was the object 
 of my letter to learn, whether an overture, in that form and manner, 
 would be allowed to be made. 
 
 I am, Sir, your obedient servant, 
 April 4, 1817. R. PHILLIPS. 
 
 HENRY GOULBURN, ESQ., ETC., TO SIR RICHARD PHILLIPS. 
 
 Colonial Office, April 11, 1817. 
 SIR, — I have to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 
 4th instant, referring to a former letter, and stating your desire to 
 open a negotiation for the publication of a literary and historical work,, 
 which you have understood to be in preparation by General Bonaparte, 
 or by one of his suite ; and having laid the same before Earl Bathurst, 
 I have received directions to acquaint you that, under the circum- 
 stances stated, his Lordship must decline being the medium of for- 
 warding an application to this effect, or of authorizing such a 
 communication being transmitted to General Bonaparte, or to any of 
 his followers. 
 
 I am, Sir, your obedient servant, 
 
 HENRY GOULBURN. 
 To Sir R. Phillips, Knt. 
 
 'Times,' August 28, 1817. 
 
 The Ccesar, which in consequence of the loss of the Alceste frigate, 
 recently brought home Lord Amherst and his suite from Batavia, is 
 the bearer of the latest intelligence from St. Helena relative to the 
 health and manner of living of the ex-Emperor of France. The Ccesar 
 having occasion to touch at St. Helena, Lord Amherst expressed a 
 desire to be introduced to Buonaparte, and in spite of some obstacles 
 which presented themselves, his lordship, with Captain Maxwell and 
 Mr. Lynn, surgeon of the Alceste, was allowed to wait upon him. On 
 the 3rd July Lord Amherst was ushered into Buonaparte's presence at 
 Longwood, whilst Captain Maxwell and the Surgeon waited in an ante 
 chamber. It was not long before those officers were desired to join. 
 There was nothing in the appearance of Buonaparte which in the least 
 indicated ill-health : on the contrary, he looked well, and less bloated 
 than ordinary. In his conversation with the party, his questions were 
 put with his usual rapidity ; indeed, they followed each other in such 
 quick succession, that answers could only be given to those which 
 appeared most marked and important. With his general curiosity, 
 Buonaparte inquired of the officers what stations they filled on board 
 the ship, and on learning Mr. Lynn was the surgeon, he inquired what 
 system of pharmacy he pursued. ' That depends upon circumstances,* 
 replied the surgeon. 'I hope,' rejoined the General, 'it is any other 
 than that practised on this island, for here we have the same thing: 
 
 46
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 over and over again — bleeding and calomel for ever.' The conversation 
 taking a turn on the mission of Lord Amherst to China, his Lordship 
 related the cause of its failure ; which he ascribed to the necessity 
 imposed upon him by the Emperor, of smiting the ground nineteen 
 times with his forehead ; an indignity which his Lordship intimated 
 could not be submitted to. Here Buonaparte's answer showed the 
 man, — 'Indeed ! Now had it suited my policy to send an ambassador 
 to the Emperor of China, I should have instructed him to kiss his 
 great toe ; and if that would not do, he might, if required, have saluted 
 a more offensive part, provided my object could be attained.' 
 
 In the course of conversation, Buonaparte said he knew of no law 
 which gave the Powers of Europe the right of detaining him a prisoner 
 at St. Helena or elsewhere ; and strongly urged the propriety of his 
 present situation being taken into consideration by the crowned heads 
 of Europe. Notwithstanding his disappointments, he still affects great 
 reliance on the justice of the Prince Regent of England, when un- 
 connected with national policy, and the influence of Ministers ; and, 
 with this impression on his mind, he expressed an anxious wish that 
 Lord Amherst would be the bearer of a letter from him to his Royal 
 Highness, which had been prepared some time, with the intention of 
 forwarding it to England. We have reason to believe we are correct 
 in stating, that his Lordship undertook to deliver the letter in question. 
 It is said to be couched in the most respectful terms ; but discovers a 
 soreness throughout on account of the unnecessary restraints he alleges 
 that he is made to undergo. The Officers of the late Alceste found that 
 he can have the range of the whole island in his exercise of riding, 
 driving, or walking, provided he will allow a British Officer to attend 
 him ; but to this he objects. As it is, he may extend his walks about 
 12 miles, but then he is liable to meet in his perambulations British 
 sentinels at various points, who never fail to present arms to him. 
 Madame Bertrand was seen by the British officers, and the impression 
 made upon them was, that she was a very handsome and clever 
 woman. 
 
 'Morning Chronicle,' September 5, 1817. 
 
 Extract of a letter from St. Helena, dated in June last : — 
 
 ' Madame Bertrand continues the same gay creature as ever. 
 She was brought to bed a few days ago. Bonaparte paid her a 
 lying-in visit. She took her child in her arms, and presented it to the 
 ex-Emperor, saying, " Sire.'I have the pleasure of shewing you a great 
 curiosity — in a word, an unique, the first stranger that ever was 
 allowed to approach your Majesty in this island, without permission 
 from the Governor, or an order from the Secretary of State." — 
 Bonaparte was quite pleased at the bon mot, and laughed heartily.' 
 
 It would appear that the recollection of the landing of Bona- 
 parte in 1815, and the great political agitations of the last three 
 
 IT
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 years, had rendered the people in the south of France alive to every 
 idle rumour, and disposed to rely on every absurd conjecture connected 
 with revolution or invasion. An instance of this liability to fear, 
 and this species of stupid credulity, occurred lately in the neighbour- 
 hood of Marseilles. Prince Hohenloe, a Lieutenant -General in the 
 service of France, having inspected the garrison of Montpellier, was 
 proceeding to Marseilles, and on purpose that he might arrive more 
 quickly at his destination, embarked at Cette ; but meeting with 
 contrary winds, was obliged to disembark at the mouth of the Rhone, 
 and thence continue his journey by land. His unexpected appearance 
 on a part of the coast little frequented by ships, and inhabited only by 
 poor fishermen, gave rise to many conjectures, which the uniform of a 
 foreign legion in which he was attired, and the orders of the different 
 Powers of Europe with which he was decorated, easily directed to 
 political objects. Rumour was busy with her hundred tongues, and 
 propagated a thousand alarms. The disembarkation of an unattended 
 General was transformed into a dangerous invasion of an enemy or a 
 usurper. The public tranquillity was considered as menaced ; the 
 civil and military authorities hastened to their posts, and instituted 
 measures of precaution ; and so general was alarm, that the journal of 
 Marseilles, which mentions the delusion, thought it necessary to detail 
 the circumstances, in order to recompose the public mind. 
 
 'Morning Chronicle,' October 7, 1817. 
 (from mr. ellis's journal of the embassy to china.) 
 
 We have heard so much at the Cape of the vicissitudes of temper to 
 which Bonaparte was subject, that we were by no means confident of 
 being admitted to his presence ; fortunately for us, the ex-Emperor 
 was in good humour, and the interview took place on this day. 
 
 Lord Amherst was first introduced to Bonaparte by General 
 Bertrand, and remained alone with him for more than an hour. I was 
 next called in, and presented by Lord Amherst. Bonaparte having 
 continued in discourse about half an hour, Captain Maxwell and the 
 gentlemen of the embassy were afterwards introduced and presented. 
 He put questions to each, having some relation to their respective 
 situation ; and we all united in remarking that his manners were 
 simple and affable, without wanting dignity. I was most struck with 
 the unsubdued ease of his behaviour and appearance ; he could not 
 have been freer from embarrassment and depression in the zenith of 
 his power at the Tuilleries. 
 
 Bonaparte rather declaimed than conversed, and during the half 
 hour Lord Amherst and I were with him, seemed only anxious to 
 impress his sentiments upon the recollection of his auditors, probably 
 for the purpose of having them repeated. His style is highly epigram- 
 matic, and he delivers his opinions with the oracular confidence of a 
 
 48
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 man accustomed to produce conviction : his mode of discussing great 
 political questions would in another appear chavlatanei^ie, but in him 
 is only the development of the empirical system, which he universally 
 adopted. Notwithstanding the attention which he might be supposed 
 to have given to the nature of our Government, he has certainly a very 
 imperfect knowledge of the subject ; all his observations on the policy 
 of England, as relating to the past, or looking to the future, were 
 adapted to a despotism ; and he is either unable or unwilling to take 
 into consideration the difference produced by the will of the monarch 
 being >ul 'ordinate, not only to the interests, but to the opinion of his 
 people. 
 
 He used metaphors and illustration with great freedom, borrowing 
 the latter chiefly from medicine: his elocution was rapid, but clear and 
 forcible; and both his manner and language surpassed my expectations. 
 The character of his countenance is rather intellectual than command- 
 ing, and the chief peculiarity is in the mouth, the upper lip apparently 
 changing in expression with the variety and succession of his ideas. 
 In person Bonaparte is so far from being extremely corpulent, as has 
 been represented, that I believe he was never more capable of under- 
 going the fatigues of a campaign than at present. I should describe 
 him as short and muscular, not more inclined to corpulency than men 
 often are at his age. 
 
 Bonaparte's complaints respecting his shmation at St. Helena would 
 not. I think, have excited much attention if they had not become a 
 subject of discussion in the House of Lords ; for as he denied our right 
 i<» consider him a prisoner of war, in opposition to the most obvious 
 principles of reason and law, it was not to be expected that any treat- 
 ment he might receive consequent to his being so considered, would be 
 acceptable. On the other hand, admitting him to be a prisoner, it is 
 difficult to imagine upon what grounds he can complain of the limited 
 restraint under which he is placed at St. Helena. 
 
 His complaints respecting a scanty supply of provisions and wine 
 (for I consider Montholon as the organ of Bonaparte) are too absurd to 
 deserve consideration, and it is impossible not to regret, that anger, 
 real or pretended, should have induced so great a man to countenance 
 such petty misrepresentations. I must confess that the positive state- 
 ment- which had been made respecting the badness of the accommo- 
 dations a1 Longwood had produced a partial belief in my mind ; even 
 this, however, was removed by actual observation. Longwood House, 
 considered as a residence for a sovereign, is certainly small, and perhaps 
 inadequate : but viewed as the habitation of a person of rank, disposed 
 to live without show, is both convenient and respectable. Better 
 situations may be found in the island, and Plantation House is in every 
 respecl b superior residence ; but that is intended for the reception of 
 numerous guests, and for the degree of exterior splendour belonging to 
 the office of Governor. 
 
 The two remaining circumstances of Bonaparte's situation deserving 
 attention are the restraints which may affect his personal liberty, and 
 those which relate to his intercourse with others. With respect to the 
 first. Bonaparte assumes as a principle that his escape, while watched 
 by the forts and men of war, is impossible; and that, therefore, his 
 liberty within the precincts of the island, ought to be unfettered. The 
 truth of this principle is obviously questionable, and the consequence is 
 
 ' 49 E
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 overthrown by the fact of his being a prisoner, whose detention is 
 of importance sufficient to justify the most rigorous precautions ; his 
 own conclusion is nevertheless admitted to the extent of allowing him 
 to go to any part of the island, provided he be accompanied by a 
 British Officer ; for all justifiable purposes this permission is sufficient ; 
 nor is it intended to be nullified in practice by undue interference on 
 the part of the officer in attendance. For purposes of health or amuse- 
 ment he has a range of four miles, unaccompanied and without being 
 overlooked ; another of eight miles, where he is partially in view of the 
 sentries ; and a still wider circuit of twelve miles, throughout which he 
 is under their observation. In both these latter spaces he is also free 
 from the attendance of an officer. At night, indeed, the sentries close 
 round the house. I can scarcely imagine that greater personal liberty, 
 consistent with any pretention to security, could be granted to an 
 individual, supposed under any restraint at all. 
 
 His intercourse with others is certainly under immediate surveil- 
 lance, no person being allowed to enter the inclosure at Longwood 
 without a pass from the Governor ; but these passes are readily 
 granted, and neither the curiosity of individuals, nor the personal 
 gratification which Bonaparte may be expected to derive from their 
 visits, are checked by pretended difficulties or arbitrary regulations. 
 His correspondence is also under restraint, and he is not allowed to 
 send or receive letters but through the medium of the governor ; this 
 regulation is no doubt disagreeable, and may be distressing to his 
 feelings ; but it is a necessary consequence of being what he now is, 
 and what he has been. 
 
 Two motives may, I think, be assigned for Bonaparte's unreason- 
 able complaints : the first, and principal, is to keep alive public interest 
 in Europe, but chiefly in England, where he flatters himself that he 
 has a party ; and the second, I think, may be traced to the personal 
 character and habits of Bonaparte, who finds an occupation in the 
 petty intrigues by which these complaints are brought forward, and an 
 unworthy gratification in the tracasseries and annoyance which they 
 produce on the spot. 
 
 If this conjecture be founded, time alone, and a conviction of their 
 inutility, will induce Bonaparte to desist from his complaints, and to 
 consider his situation in its true light ; as a confinement with fewer 
 restrictions upon his personal liberty, than justifiable caution, un- 
 influenced by liberality, would have established. 
 
 'Times,' Oct. 21st, 1817. 
 
 So long as Buonaparte lives, he will occasionally supply amuse- 
 ment to idle people, by anecdotes published respecting him, entitled to 
 more or less credit ; and, after his death, it is conceived that he will 
 not fail to excite a fresh and more lively interest by a work of his own, 
 in which he is now said to be engaged. It is rather singular that the 
 
 50
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 sanctity of the latter should have heen violated by some man profess- 
 ing himself to be a friend of the ex- Imperial author. There was a time 
 when few people would have ventured to take a work out of Buona- 
 parte's own hands on the pretence of serving him ; but, when a 
 great man is once degraded, friends as well as foes alter their conduct 
 towards him. The latter insult, the former take liberties with him. 
 
 The work of Mr. Warden, the surgeon on board the Northum,be) , - 
 land respecting Buonaparte, excited, it will be recollected, peculiar 
 interest at the time of its publication. The ardent adherents of 
 established Governments thought it too favourable to the overthrower 
 of thrones, after his own was overthrown. But it seems that the 
 friends of every tyranny but legitimate, that is to say, the Jacobins, 
 conceived their champion but scurvily used by the Surgeon ; and to 
 repair the wrong done him, a series of letters, equal in number to 
 those of Mr. Warden, are just published, entitled 'Letters from the 
 Cape of Good Hope, in reply to Mr. Warden ; with Extracts from 
 the great Work now compiling for publication under the inspection 
 of Napoleon.' The latter part of the title-page certainly contains 
 expressions of mighty promise : but, unluckily, they immediately 
 excite an inquiry who it is that has had a dip in Napoleon's 
 portfolio ; and to this no answer can be returned. The world was 
 competent to judge of Mr. Warden's pretensions, his means of 
 observation, and his consequent claim to credit ; for he put his name 
 to his letters. Those now published are anonymous ; and what right a 
 man can have to be believed when he tells us that he has had access to 
 this or that fountain of original information, but does not tell us who 
 he is, is too obvious to need explanation. The extracts, therefore, 
 given in these letters as proceeding from the ' great work ' supposed 
 to be writing by Buonaparte, are all 'a fudge,' as Dr. Goldsmith 
 calls it in the ' Vicar of Wakefield ;' the only book in which the 
 extracts will appear being that before us, which is a little one. The 
 author has, however, picked up a few anecdotes about Buonaparte, 
 probably among some of the inferior attendants on his person ; and 
 epeaks and reasons on his actions, without any display of access to 
 secret history, but in a manner in which those would speak who are 
 acquainted with the incidents of his life, and happen, by a perversion 
 of intellect, or through depravity of heart, to admire his character. 
 But why are the letters said to be written in reply to Mi-. Warden ? 
 They do not go to the direct contradiction of his statement : on the 
 contrary, the great body of it is confirmed, and rendered more credible, 
 so far as a known writer can be corroborated by an anonymous one. 
 After this general character of the work, we proceed to give some 
 extracts from it not devoid of interest. 
 
 The beginning of the third letter is occupied in the account and 
 justification of Buonaparte's return from Elba. The latter part goes 
 back to the Egyptian expedition, and the King of Spain. 
 
 ■ Cape of Good Hope, May 1, 1817. 
 'My dear Lady C., — In reviewing Mr. Warden's third letter, a more 
 difficult task presents itself, and more important subjects are to be 
 •discussed. It is asserted in it, that the Duke of Bassano was at the 
 head of the conspiracy to bring back Napoleon into France ; that 
 numbers of individuals were despatched from France to Elba ; and 
 
 51
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 that Napoleon was induced to think that the English were determined 
 to send him to St. Helena, &c. These accounts are entirely contrary 
 to what I have read in any of the Lcmgrvood manuscripts ; to what I 
 have been told in different conversations with Marshal Bertrand, and 
 learned, even from the mouth of Napoleon himself, who has been 
 frequently heard to declare, ' ' that in his return from Elba he had no 
 other co-operator than the Count oVArtois, his tivo sons, and his 
 daughter-in-law ; that it was their measures, and those which they 
 inspired, to the Government of the Tuileries, which convinced him that 
 they were insulated in the midst of the nation, and had only in their 
 favour the emigrant party and the counter revolutionists." 
 
 ' In this same manuscript it is stated, that Napoleon was determined 
 to go and replace himself upon the Imperial throne, from his own 
 private impulse, and guided by the sole aspect of the acts of the Royal 
 Government ; that, in departing from Fontainbleau, in 1814, he said, 
 "If the Bourbons govern as the chiefs of the fifth dynasty they will 
 succeed ; if, on the contrary, they endeavour to continue the third, 
 they will not remain long :" that before departing from Elba, several 
 of his suite were desirous that he should inform himself of Massena's 
 sentiments, who commanded upon the coast where the disembarkation 
 was to be effected, and also how the General who commanded at 
 Grenoble was affected towards him : that he, however, instantly 
 rejected both propositions, saying, " If I have preserved the hearts of 
 the people and the army, they will soon bend to their sovereign will 
 the inclinations of all particular persons ; if I have lost them, I have 
 nothing to hope from the influence of a few individuals. It is by 
 means of the imagination and the opinions of great bodies that I have 
 always acted." His subsequent success, and the acclamations with 
 which he was received by the people and the army, have surprised all 
 the world. It is said that Marshal Soult (who, according to the above- 
 mentioned manuscript, really served the King faithfully) thought, when 
 he first heard of the landing, that a few gens-d'armes would be sufficient 
 to defeat the attempt ; or that Buonaparte would proceed to Italy ; 
 but that he afterwards confessed the events which had taken place had 
 been to him a revelation of the secret feelings of the nation and the 
 army, of which he had not entertained the slightest idea before. 
 Cambaceres, Savary, Fouche\ Carnot, and several others, frequently 
 expressed a similar opinion : they never doubted that Napoleon had a 
 great many partisans : but they had not believed it possible that he 
 could have arrived at Paris, in the manner he did, without firing a 
 musket. 
 
 Here we must observe, that the author most ingeniously refutes his 
 own reasonings ; for if, as he acknowledges, such men as Soult, 
 Savary, Fouche\ and Carnot, believed Bonaparte only to have possessed 
 partisans in Fiance, he must be a bold man indeed, that in the face of 
 such evidence can assert, that he was seated in the affections of the 
 whole people. But to proceed. 
 
 ' With respect to the treaty of Fontainbleau, Napoleon asserts that 
 the Allies did not adhere to it in any point (as you have seen so ably 
 shown by Earl Grey, in his speech in the House of Lords), and that 
 justice was entirely on his side. He affirms that there were no less 
 than ten material violations of the treaty on the part of the Allies, 
 which being curious to learn, I subsequently obtained and entered in 
 
 52
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 my journal, in the words of the person I heard them from. 1st. Pass- 
 ports were to have heen given to all Napoleon's family, in order to 
 admit them to follow him ; but, notwithstanding this, his wife and son 
 were seized and sent to Vienna. 2dly. He was to have been considered 
 and treated as Emperor, and his wife as Empress ; but the French 
 Court would never acknowledge this condition ; on the contrary, Louis 
 seated upon the throne at Paris, and his pretended legitimate party, 
 had considered the imperial government as an usurped one, had dated 
 his acts in the 19th year of his reign, and acted as if Napoleon had 
 never governed either as First Consul or Emperor. Hdly. Prince 
 Eugene was to have had a sovereignty in Italy : this formed an article 
 in the treaty of Fontainbleau ; but the Congress, by its own authority, 
 excluded him from that, instigated, no doubt, by the legitimate party. 
 4thly. The Empress Marie Louise, and her son, were to have the 
 Duchies of Parma, Plaeentia, and Guastalla : both were deprived of 
 them by the Congress at Vienna, upon the same principle of legitimacy. 
 5thly. The army was to have preserved all the endowments assigned it 
 upon the funds of the establishment at the Mount Napoleon, which 
 were, however, all suppressed. 6thly. The island of Elba required troops 
 to defend it, and produced nothing. The French Court was to pay 
 Napoleon two millions for his own support, and that of the island. This 
 article was violated; and several English travellers declared at Elba, that 
 when present at different dinners, and amongst others at the Duke de 
 Fleury's, they had heard it declared, that it never liad been intended to 
 be paid, and never would be; the papers asserted positively the same. 
 and in fcuzt payment never was made. 7thly. Napoleon's brothers 
 and his mother had certain revenues assigned to them, which were 
 nevei' paid. 8thly. A rent charge of 100,000 francs had been made 
 upon the great book of France, to be paid to such persons as Napoleon 
 thought proper. Assignments were accordingly made, which were 
 refused to be entered upon the great book. 9thly. Napoleons private 
 property was to be preserved to him, and particularly the funds which 
 had arisen from the savings made by him in the civil list. Now all the 
 funds arising from such savings, which amounted to a considerable 
 sum, and had been placed in the hands of the treasurer Labouelliere, 
 were seised upon, contrary to the spirit of the treaty, and all the 
 requisitions made by Napoleon in his own private right were dis- 
 regarded. lOthly. The private properties of Napoleon's family were to 
 be respected : in violation of this condition, however, they were 
 sequestrated by the King. "Here, then," said Las Casas, '-are ten 
 manifest violations of the treaty made by the Allies, for which no 
 justification can be offered ; but," continued he, "where is the light of 
 nations, or where is the treaty which has not been violated by the 
 Congress of Vienna ? the controlling powers of which were not 
 actuated, either by the interests or the happiness of Europe, but solely 
 by their own ambition !"' 
 
 Tin' Egyptian expedition follows: 
 
 ' I heard Napoleon converse several times on board the Northumber- 
 land, with the captain of marines, about the siege of Acre, at which 
 that officer was present. He appeared to discourse <>f it with that 
 pleasure which is commonlv experienced in relating past events, 
 
 ;>:■!
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 particularly those in which more or less danger had been encountered', 
 I heard him relate a striking instance of devotion manifested towards- 
 himself, by two of his guards, during that memorable siege. Being at 
 the trenches, Napoleon sunk into a hole made by a shell, which fell 
 between his legs : two of his guards, named, I think, Dumesnil and 
 Charbonet, ran up, grasped him, one before and the other behind, and 
 remained in that position until the shell exploded, of which several 
 fragments fell at his feet, without, however, hurting either himself or 
 the brave fellows who had behaved so heroically. The failure of the 
 attack is principally attributed to the capture of four xebecs laden 
 with twelve 24 pounders, some mortars and ammunition, by the 
 English squadron, at the moment they had entered the port of Caifa 
 under Mount Carmel. 
 
 'Several errors have crept into this letter of Mr. Warden. It is 
 there stated that Napoleon had professed Mahometanism in Egypt 
 through policy ; this he denies ever to have done, and says that Menou 
 was the only French officer of any distinction that ever embraced that 
 religion. I have read in the Campaigns of Egypt, two very interesting 
 chapters, one relative to the. Christian religion and Mahometanism, 
 full of novel ideas ; and the other relative to the " Fetham" issued by 
 the great Cheicks of Semil-Azar, concerning the oath of obedience, and 
 in which are detailed the means by which he obtained this Fetham 
 from the ministers of the grand mosque at Cairo ; from both of which 
 it appears that Napoleon maintains as a principle, that in all matters 
 above human comprehension every one ought to continue in the 
 religion of his forefathers, and in the bosom of which he was born. 
 The following extracts were made from it relative to the deliberation 
 of the 60 doctors of the mosque at Cairo and Semil-Azar. 
 
 ' "The Koran ordains, either to exterminate infidels, or to make 
 them submit to tribute ; it does not admit of either obedience or sub- 
 mission to an infidel Power, which is contrary to the spirit of our holy 
 religion: ' Render unto Cesar the things which are Cesar's,' saith Jesus- 
 Christ ; and elsewhere, ' My kingdom is not of this tvorld : obey the 
 powers.' In the tenth, eleventh, and twelfth centuries the Christians 
 ruled in Syria, but religion was the cause of constant wars. It was a 
 war of extermination. To it Europe sent thousands of men, who there 
 perished. If such a spirit had animated the Egyptians, it would not 
 have been possible for 25,000 or 30,000 Frenchmen, who, moreover, 
 were not animated by any fanaticism, but, on the contrary, greatly 
 disgusted with the country, to have maintained a similar contest. 
 Although masters of Cairo and Alexandria, and victorious over the 
 Mamelukes at the Pyramids, still the question of the conquest was not 
 decided without first conciliating the Imams, the Muphtis, the Ulmas, 
 and all the ministers of the Mahometan religion. The French army, 
 from the time of the revolution, did not profess or practise any 
 religion : even in Italy, the army never went to church. Advantage 
 was taken of this circumstance. The French army was represented to 
 the Mussulmen as an army of Catechumens, disposed to embrace the 
 Mahometan religion. The Christian sects, Cophts, Greeks, Syrians, 
 Latins, who were very numerous, wanted to profit by the presence of 
 the French in order to relieve themselves from the different restric- 
 tions which had been imposed upon their worship : Napoleon, however, 
 opposed this, and took care to maintain religious matters upon the 
 
 54
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 then existing footing. Every day at sunrise the 60 Cheicks of the 
 great mosque of Semil-Azar (a kind of Sorbonne) presented themselves 
 at his levee. He there caused sherbet and coffee to be served to them, 
 and loaded them with marks of esteem and consideration. He fre- 
 quently conversed at length with them, respecting the different cir- 
 cumstances of the life of their prophet, and of chapters of the Koran. 
 After his return from the battle at Salleis, he proposed to them to 
 issue a Fetham, which should be read in all the mosques of Egypt, and 
 in which the great Cheicks should order all the people to take an oath 
 of obedience to him (Napoleon), whom they called Sultan Kiber. At 
 the proposal they turned pale, and were greatly embarrassed : after 
 some hesitation, the Cheick Sap Kao, a respectable old man, said to 
 Napoleon, ' Why do you not become a Mussulman, and make all your 
 army do the same ? Then 100,000 men would rush to your standards ; 
 and, disciplined in your manner, you could soon re-establish the 
 Arabian kingdom, and subdue the East.' To this Napoleon objected 
 circumcision, to which he could not submit his army ; and, afterwards, 
 the prohibition contained in the Koran, to drink wine, alleging that, 
 being people from the north, such beverage was indispensably necessary 
 to the French soldiers. After several discussions upon the subject, it 
 was decided that the great Cheicks of Semil-Azar should unite together, 
 and endeavour to find means to do away with the two above-mentioned 
 obstacles. The disputes upon the question ran high, and lasted for 
 three weeks ; but the rumour which prevailed through all Egypt that 
 the great Cheicks were employed in concerting together measures, in 
 order to render the army Mussulmen, filled the minds of the inhabit- 
 ants with joy, and the French soon experienced a great melioration in 
 the public spirit, and were no longer considered as infidels. When the 
 Ulmas had agreed in opinion, four Muphtis brought the Fetham, in 
 which it was declared that circumcision being only a perfection, was 
 not indispensably necessary in order to be a Mussulman ; that likewise 
 Mussulmen might drink wine, and still be Mussulmen; but that, in 
 this last case, there was no hope of paradise in the next world. One 
 half of the great difficulty was thus removed ; but it was not easy to 
 persuade the Muphtis that the latter part of their decision was un- 
 reasonable : to accomplish this, was the object of the discussions for 
 six weeks more ; finally, however, they issued a Fetham, declaring 
 that it was possible to be a Mussulman and drink wine, provided that, 
 for every bottle of wine so drunk, some good action was performed. 
 It was then agreed, that some time was requisite to prepare everything 
 necessary for this great event ; accordingly, the plan of a mosque, 
 larger than that of Semil-Azar, was sketched out, which Napoleon 
 declared should be built, in order to serve as a monument to com- 
 memorate the epoch of the conversion of the French army. This 
 succeeded so well in gaining their opinions, that the Fetham of 
 obedience was given by the Cheicks — the Sultan Kiber declared to be 
 the Friend of the Prophet, and specially protected by him- — and a 
 report was universally circulated that, before the expiration of a year, 
 all the army would assume the turban." This, it is stated, was the 
 line of march which Napoleon invariably pursued, viz., reconciling the 
 desire which he had to continue ill the same religion *n which he was 
 born, with the necessi ties of his policy and his ambition. During the 
 stay of the French armv in Egypt, (Jen, Bfenou alone became a 
 
 66
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 Mussulman, which was said to have been useful, and to have produced 
 a good effect upon the minds of the inhabitants : when the French 
 army quitted Egypt, however, 500 or 600 remained behind, who 
 embraced Mahometanism, and enrolled themselves amongst the 
 Mamelukes.' 
 
 [To be continued.'] 
 
 'Morning Chronicle,' October 22, 1817. 
 answer to mr. warden. 
 
 The ' Letters from the Cape of Good Hope in reply to Mr. Warden, 
 with Extracts from the Great Work now compiling for Publication 
 under the inspection of Napoleon,' which we have before more than 
 once alluded to, were published yesterday by Ridgway. The work is 
 dated in the month of April last, and bears internal evidence of having 
 proceeded from some person who has had opportunities of frequent 
 access to Bonaparte, or the persons in his confidence. The first letter 
 thus speaks of Mr. Warden's book : — 
 
 'I was well acquainted with Mr. Warden, both on board of the 
 Northumberland and at St. Helena, and esteemed him a man of talent ; 
 he was particularly noticed for the ardent curiosity which he displayed 
 for everything concerning Napoleon ; but, not understanding either 
 French or Italian, the only modern languages spoken by the great man 
 in question, he consequently had no other opportunity of learning 
 what he relates, than either by means of the interpretation of 
 Count de Las Casas, who, having lived some years in England, under- 
 stands our language, although he speaks it very incorrectly, and 
 with considerable hesitation ; or of General Bertrand, who possesses 
 the facility of speaking it in a lesser degree than even the other. 
 Amongst all the French embarked, Madame Bertrand is the only 
 one who speaks English with facility, and with an accurate pronun- 
 ciation. This simple observation would of itself be sufficient to enable 
 you to form a correct judgment as to the exactness of Mr. Warden's 
 
 relations.' The author, who signs himself C , gives the following 
 
 account of his means of information : — 
 
 ' During the passage in the Northumberland, I have had the honour 
 once or twice a week of holding a conversation of some minutes' 
 duration with Napoleon ; and a day never elapsed without my 
 having had breakfast with the Officers of his suite. At St. Helena I 
 frequently breakfasted with Madame Bertrand, and twice I had an 
 interview, of more than a quarter of an hour each time, with 
 Napoleon himself. I was also particularly intimate with Count de Las 
 Casas, whom I have often seen at Briars, and in his own apartment at 
 Longwood.' 
 
 The eight letters of which the work is composed follow the state- 
 ments in Mr. Warden's letters in detail — in some instances denying 
 his assertions, in others substituting counter-statements. The extracts 
 which are given from the Historical Memoirs of Napoleon, have nothing 
 
 56
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 of these epigrammatic turns which were remarked in the Manuscrit 
 venu de St. Hglene. We shall give those extracts which relate to 
 the transactions of Napoleon's life, which have given rise to the 
 greatest number of speculations as to his motives. After an account 
 of the various projects to assassinate Bonaparte during his Consulate, 
 especially the explosion of the infernal machine, the author proceeds 
 to say: — 
 
 ' In the same manuscript the conspiracy of Moreau, Pichegru 
 and Georges is related as follows : " Pichegru and Georges were 
 disemharked from English ships from the coast of France, seconded 
 
 from the horders of Germany hy the intrigues of at Munich 
 
 and at Stutgard. It was proved that a Prince of the House 
 
 of Bourhon was to disemhark at the Palaise de Beville, as soon 
 as intelligence should be received of the assassination of Napoleon. 
 And as fears were entertained that the wind, always independent, 
 and never subordinate to the vain calculations of man, should prove 
 unfavourable, and prevent the intended disembarkation, it was decided, 
 that the Due d'Enghien, then in Germany, should, immediately on 
 being made acquainted with it, proceed to Paris as the representative 
 of the King, for it was deemed that the presence of a Prince of the 
 Blood was indispensable. The Due d'Enghien, a young Prince of 
 the greatest bravery, lived four leagues from the frontiers of France. 
 It was proved that he there carried on a correspondence with Stras- 
 burg, where his agents had shown themselves, and that several times 
 in the week, under pretence of hunting, he had conferences upon the 
 banks of the Rhine with agents from the interior; that all the agents 
 in the English pay had received orders to unite in the Brisgau, and the 
 duchy of Baden : that this Prince had with him, at Offemhourg, a 
 person named Afassey, an emigrant-agent, who served as the means of 
 
 his correspondence with and , and furnished the necessary 
 
 supplies of money for all the plots. Upon this. Napoleon judged that 
 it was absolutely necessary to secure the person of the Due d'Enghien, 
 and accordingly a regiment of Dragoons crossed the Rhine at Neuf- 
 Brisach, at seven in the evening: invested the Prince's house in the 
 night, made him a prisoner, and conducted him to Strashurg, from 
 whence he was instantly taken to Paris, brought before a military 
 commission according to the laws, condemned to death, and the 
 sentence executed and posted up all over Paris. The tribunal was not 
 composed arbitrarily, but formed according to law of all the Colonels 
 in the garrison of Paris. The Prince avowed his having borne anus 
 against the Republic, having solicited and obtained a new employment 
 from England, and being privy to, and taking an active pari in, the 
 events of the day." In the manuscript Napoleon is made to state 
 "that if the Count d'Artois had been taken under similar circum- 
 stances, he would have been tried and executed in a like manner: that 
 the laws of Prance were positive against those who bore arms against 
 their country; the Prince was besides on.- of the chiefs of the great 
 conspiracy then plotting." 
 
 'Even those who wished to maintain thai he was not privy to the 
 conspiracy, have agreed, that his death was to lie attributed to the 
 
 Count d'Artois (in fact, the latter was frequently reproached hy the 
 unfortunate Prince's father, the Dukede Bourbon, as having been so); 
 who, at, the moment while he was planning the overturning of 1 ho 
 
 67
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 Republic, and the assassination of the First Magistrate of the Republic, 
 left a Prince of his blood in the power of that very Magistrate. — "The 
 affair of the Due d'Enghien," says Napoleon, " ought to be judged by 
 the law of nature and policy." " By the law of nature," he maintains, 
 " that he was not only authorised to cause him to be tried, but even to 
 procure his being put to death. What," said he, "can be alleged in 
 favour of the Princes of a house who were publicly convicted of being 
 the contrivers of the infernal machine, and who had actually dis- 
 gorged sixty brigands upon Paris, for the purpose of causing me to be 
 assassinated ? Was not I, by the laws of nature, authorised to cause 
 the Count d'Artois to be assassinated in London ? By the law of 
 policy, the whole Republic tottered upon the brink of a precipice, and 
 the Due d'Enghien was one of the chiefs who conspired its fall ; and 
 besides, it was necessary to check the audacity of the Bourbons, who 
 had sent to Paris sixty of their adherents, amongst whom were the 
 Rivieres, the Polignacs, Bouvets and others ; people of no ordinary 
 stamp, and not brigands or murderers accustomed to assassinations 
 and robberies like the Chouans. The Republican Government could 
 not, consistent with its dignity, do less, when the assassination of its 
 Chief was publicly plotted, than cause its thunder to strike the family 
 which dared to engage in such attempt." ' 
 
 The following is a part of a narration of the taking of Jaffa, ex- 
 tracted from the chapters of the Historical Memoirs of the Campaigns 
 of Syria, which had been lent to the author by Count de Las Casas : an 
 interesting detail is previously given of the siege of El Arish, and the 
 march of the French Army over the desert : — 
 
 ' Napoleon, however, secretly concluded an armistice with the 
 Pacha, and, being thereby in security with respect to his right flank, 
 marched against Jaffa on the 4th, which was invested and several 
 batteries of twelve-pounders directed against it. It was fortified only 
 by a single wall, but there was a garrison of six or seven hundred men, 
 amongst whom was a corps of artillery from Constantinople, which had 
 been instructed by French officers. When the batteries were ready to 
 open, a flag of truce was sent to summon the place ; a quarter of an 
 hour afterwards, the head of the unfortunate man who had borne it 
 was seen stuck upon the end of a pike, and his mutilated carcase thrown 
 over the walls. This was the signal to begin : in three hours a breach 
 was made in one of the towers ; forty or fifty grenadiers and a dozen of 
 sappers made a lodgment in it ; the column followed ; the place was taken 
 by assault ; nothing could stop the fury of the soldiery ; almost every 
 body they encountered was shot, and the place delivered up to pillage. 
 During the night the disorder was terrible, and no sort of order could 
 be established until day. As many as had been saved of the un- 
 fortunate garrison were sent prisoners to Egypt, with the exception of 
 about eight hundred men who were shot. They were the remainder 
 of the twelve hundred of the garrison of El- Arish, who, after having 
 marched three days in the direction of Bagdat,* had changed their 
 
 * The Capitulation of El- Arish : 
 
 ' The Commandant of the fort of El-Arish, and the other three Commandants of the 
 troops, to the General-in-Chief. 
 
 ' We have received the capitulation which you have addressed to us. We consent 
 to deliver into your hands the fort of El-Arish. We will return to Bagdat by the Desert. 
 We send you the list of the Agas of the fort, who promise, upon oath, for themselves 
 and their troops, not to serve Djezzar's army, and not to return to Syria for the space of 
 one year, reckoning from this day. We will receive a pass and colours from you. We 
 
 58
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 route, violated their capitulation, and thrown themselves into Jaffa. 
 Prudence would not admit of their heing sent to Cairo. Accustomed 
 to the Desert, they would have all escaped in their march, and they 
 would have been found again in Acre. About four thousand Turks 
 perished in Jaffa, and about three thousand were saved, namely, twelve 
 hundred sent prisoners to Egypt : thirteen hundred soldiers and 
 servants, natives of Egypt, who were set at liberty as fellow-country- 
 men ; and five tmndred were sent to carry the news of the French 
 victory to Damascus, Jerusalem, Aleppo, &c, &c.' 
 
 'The Times,' Oct. 22nd, 1817. 
 
 work respecting buonaparte, in reply to 
 
 mr. warden. 
 
 We have before stated, that the intimation thrown out in these 
 letters, that they contain several extracts from Buonaparte's own 
 work on himself, is a deception. We do not know whether the author 
 even means it to be believed : perhaps it is simply a fable which he 
 invents, for the sake of introducing his own opinions more adroitly, 
 as what Buonaparte or his friends might say on such or such sub- 
 jects ; but, if so, his meaning is not sufficiently obvious. If he really 
 wishes to have it thought that he has had access to Buonaparte's 
 private writings, he is neither more nor less than an infamous impostor. 
 However, he certainly writes and reasons like one deeply attached to 
 the detenu at St. Helena, his principles and party ; but a man might 
 write in that manner, and quite as well as he, without ever having 
 been at St. Helena, or in Buonaparte's presence at all. On the 
 contrary, we all know that Mr. Warden, whom he attempts in some 
 instances to correct, was an authentic witness of what he related. 
 
 We continue our extracts : — 
 
 ' I will finish this letter with a few details relative to Ferdinand VII. 
 of whom I have heard and read as follows: — Ferdinand was placed at 
 Valencai in the Prince of Benevento's chateau, one of the most 
 beautiful in France, situated in the midst of a vast forest. His brother 
 and uncle were with him. No guard was placed over them ; they were 
 at liberty to receive whomever they pleased, and all their officers and 
 servants were with them. They frequently went out to the distance 
 of three or four leagues, either to hunt, or in their carriages, without 
 being spoken to or observed. Independent of 30007. sterling, paid 
 
 will leave in the OMttfl all the supplies which are found there. The whole of the Agas 
 in the fort, solemnly swear hy our Lord, Moses. Abraham, by the l'rophet (to whom may 
 God be propitious), and by the Koran, to execute faithfully all these articles, and above 
 all, not to nerve Djezzar.— The Most High, and his l'rophet. are witnesses of our good, 
 faith. (Signed) ' Ihkahim Nik an, ( onunandant of the fort of Kl-Arish. 
 
 ' EL. H. Hadj v Moil a.mmki). Colonel of the Mogrebins. 
 
 • El. H. Hadj v Zadyk. Aga of the Arnauts. 
 
 'Mohammkd Aoa, Chief of the Commissaries.' 
 59
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 annually by the French treasury to Talleyrand for rent, Ferdinand 
 had 60,000J. sterling yearly allowed to him for his support. These 
 were all stipulations made in a treaty which had been entered into and 
 ratified. 
 
 ' The prince wrote regularly every month to Napoleon, and received 
 answers from him. On the loth of August (the Empress's fete), he 
 illuminated Valencai, and distributed alms. He asked permission 
 several times of Napoleon to visit Paris, and was put off from time to 
 time. He also entreated earnestly of Napoleon to adopt him as his 
 son, and to marry him to a French woman. During the whole of the 
 time that he was at Valencai, there were no grounds whatever of 
 complaint. He had in that house the use of a superb library, from 
 which he acquired a good deal of instruction. He had his almoners 
 and confessors ; frequently received visits from the neighbouring 
 gentlemen and merchants from Paris ; the latter of whom were very 
 assiduous in bringing him everything that was new. For a long time 
 he had a theatre, to which he attached some comedians ; but latterly 
 his confessors inspired him with some scruples, and he dismissed the 
 troop. The King his father, and the Queen his mother, were a long 
 time at Compiegne ; from thence they went to Marseilles, and after- 
 wards to Rome, where they were lodged in Prince Borghese's palace. 
 They had 120,000Z. sterling per annum allowed them. The Queen of 
 Etruria, Ferdinand's sister, was one of those who took the warmest 
 part in the Spanish revolution. Her correspondence with Murat, then 
 commanding in Spain, is extremely curious, being full of invectives 
 and inculpations of the most criminal nature against Ferdin nd. She 
 was of her mother's party against her brother, and acted her part with 
 great zeal. She remained a long time at Nice. She was extremely 
 ugly, and with a very limited share of either talent or information, 
 though possessed of some activity of mind. She afterward opened a 
 correspondence with the English officer commanding in the Mediter- 
 ranean. It is stated that Napoleon, on hearing that she intended 
 quitting Fiance, caused it to be signified to her, that he would be 
 extremely glad to learn that she was gone either to England or Sicily, 
 or indeed to any other European country ; in fact, he considered her of 
 no importance, and felt that her departure would save the 10 or 12,0007. 
 yearly, which she cost the Government. 
 
 ' It is asserted that Ferdinand invariably testified great aversion to 
 the Cortes, and extreme repugnance to the English, notwithstanding 
 their exertions in his favour ; and that he frequently declared he 
 should prefer remaining at Valencai to reigning in Spain with the 
 Cortes, and that he never concealed his intention to re-establish all 
 matters as they stood before the revolution, especially the Inquisition. 
 Napoleon says that the Spanish nation will deplore, for a length of 
 time, that the constitution of Bayonne was not successful ; that, had it 
 been so, they would have had no monks, no ecclesiastical jurisdiction, 
 no archbishops enjoying millions of income ; no privileged nunneries, 
 no provincial custom-houses ; no badly administered and uncultivated 
 national domains ; they would have had a contented secular clergy, 
 and nobles without feudal privileges and exemptions from taxes ; that 
 they would have been a regenerated people ; that the change they 
 would have experienced would have been more beneficial to them than 
 the discovery of another Peru. "Instead of this," said he, "what 
 
 60
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 have they got ? A set of grossly ignorant monks, superstitious and 
 rich ! nobles grasping everything ! a people oppressed by the Inquisi- 
 tion, and brutalized by ignorance and feudal tyranny! But if the 
 Bayonne constitution had triumphed, an enlightened people, having 
 shaken off the yoke of prejudice, would have had less antipathy to the 
 English ; whereas now, the Inquisition, the monks, and superstition, 
 fortify their antipathy every day ; so that tJie English, instead of 
 triumphing for tJiernselves, have only completed the triumph of those 
 who are their eternal enemies in Spain." 
 
 ' I said above, that Napoleon would have suppressed the Inqui- 
 sition in Spain. I saw the chapter upon the subject of this diabolical 
 tribunal, in the campaigns of Italy, which treats of the negotiations 
 which took place at Valentins, in 1797, when Napoleon wanted to 
 obtain from Pope Pius VI. the suppression of the Inquisition through- 
 out Europe. In this chapter are three most curious letters from the 
 Pontiff to Napoleon, in which he styles him "his very dear son;" and 
 with great earnestness endeavours to persuade him " to abandon this 
 fatal resolve ; which would dishonour him, and render him a prey to 
 remorse in his later years : that he himself would sooner part with a 
 province than permit any change in regard to the Inquisition ; that it 
 had never really been that tyrannical and cruel institution which the 
 enemies of the Holy See pretended it was, &c. &c." After having 
 urged his demand for a long time, Napoleon yielded at last to the 
 earnest entreaties of the venerable old man ; and, as the treaty imposed 
 upon liim was already sufficiently rigorous, gave up that point for 
 the time. 
 
 •In the course of a conversation I had the honour to hold with 
 Napoleon, I thought I discovered his religious opinions to be extremely 
 tolerant ; he thinks that faith is beyond the reach of law ; that it is 
 tin- mosl 3acred property of man, and one for which he has no right to 
 account to any "mortal," if there is nothing in it contrary to social 
 order. 
 
 ' I took an opportunity in speaking to some of his officers concern- 
 ing the famous Sanhedrim or Jewish council held in France, which 
 had some years back excited the attention of all Europe; they had, 
 however, no ideas about the matter; they said merely that, if any 
 person knew what was likely to have taken place then, it was Count 
 Mole ; but that they had their doubts whether even he knew any more 
 than what Napoleon wanted to obtain in the first assembly of the 
 Sanhedrim ; for that his constant method had been to first excite the 
 public attention upon some object, but that his intentions were not 
 known until the last moment, and sometimes not until several years 
 after the first discussion of it. 
 
 'I have the honour, &c. &c.' 
 
 In letter V. the following reasonings, it is obvious, might be held 
 anywhere as well as in St. Helena. They are more violent than 
 convincing : — 
 
 • EEuropeail news of December, January, and February arrived. 
 The Cate of Bffuratwas made known to Napoleon, who merely said — 
 "The Oalabrians are more humane than the English Ministry. When 
 it La wished i<> get rid of a man, a bullet is the most humane and noble 
 means of doing so." This saying got speedily abroad, and produced 
 
 61
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 considerable emotion. He was greatly surprised at the trial of Ney 
 and said he could not conceive how the Allies could violate so bare 
 facedly the capitulation of Paris ; he held the breach of that treaty as 
 upon a footing with those of Dantzic and Dresden ; he observed, that 
 the Parisian lawyers had in general displayed but little talent, and less 
 courage in behalf of their clients ; that Cambrone was the person who 
 had manifested most honour in his defence. He also observed, that it 
 was difficult to conceive how the Duke of Otranto, who was Minister 
 of Police under him, could have signed the act of proscription. How 
 the names of Bertrand, Cambrone, and Drouet, who had never served 
 under the Bourbons, who had left Prance, who had never borne their 
 commission, and who had never ceased to be under his command, 
 could have been included in it, "These men," said he, "whose 
 character and fidelity merited the highest approbation, were con- 
 demned by Generals who had taken the oath to the King, who had 
 received the Cross of St. Louis from his hands, who had worn his 
 cockade, sworn obedience to him, and a few days afterwards had again 
 mounted the tri-colour cockade, trampled under foot the white, 
 thrown away the Cross of St. Louis with disdain, and made war upon 
 Louis XVIII." He also observed of the sentences, "that laws had 
 been applied to the prisoners that had been decreed by the republic 
 and the fourth dynasty against the Bourbons, and for the maintenance 
 of that republic and the imperial dynasty. Is it possible," said he, 
 "to conceive such a state of affairs? It is by virtue of a law made 
 against the Bourbons by an usurped government, during the time that 
 the legitimate government resided at Mittau and London, that the same 
 legitimate government now causes people to be executed. How can 
 you reconcile the nineteenth year of the reign of Louis XVIII. with 
 the putting in force laws made by a rebellious republic and an usurp- 
 ing government? The men," continued he, "who at Waterloo 
 defended the nation against combined Europe, are condemned, 
 and the faithful subjects are they who fought against their country, 
 like General Bourmont, who unfurled the tri-colour flag with Ney, on 
 the 17th of March, and afterwards came to Paris to take the oath of 
 fidelity to me, was employed in his rank of general of division, for 
 three months was chief of the staff at Metz, under the orders of 
 Gerard, and on the 14th, and two days before the battle of Waterloo, 
 deserted with two officers of his staff, and went over to the enemy — 
 this Bourmont, who bore witness against Ney, he is the good French- 
 man ; he is the man who has fought for his country ! Never yet, 
 continued he, ' ' was human reason treated with such gross contempt. 
 Louis XVIII. is the ally of the coalesced powers, and signs a treaty 
 with them against France. Nevertheless, a treaty of peace is concluded 
 by them with him. It is the first time that ever a treaty of peace has 
 been concluded with an ally ! By this very treaty of peace his good 
 Allies have imposed upon his subjects a contribution of seven hundred 
 millions ! All the proclamations and all the promises made by the 
 Allies, of not intending to impose any Government upon France, and 
 of waging war solely against me, were disregarded as soon as they 
 entered Paris, and had succeeded in disbanding the army of France." 
 
 ' One of the sentences was afterwards pointed out to me as having 
 been put in execution, in virtue of a law passed during Robespierre's 
 rule, a very few days after the decree of the Convention which caused 
 
 62
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 Louis XVI. to die on a scaffold ! I must confess I was confounded at 
 seeing all principle defied in this manner, and could not refute the 
 conclusions which were made, viz. — "That men so condemned and 
 assassinated ; that so many contradictions and absurdities had never 
 before been jumbled together ; that a king calling himself legitimate, 
 by thus putting in force laws, made by a government he designated as 
 usurped, protested himself against his oxon legitimacy, and proclaimed 
 to the world the legitimacy of that government he contended was an 
 usurpation !" 
 
 'I have the honour, &c. &c.' 
 
 If Buonaparte really held all this doctrine, it is a proof that his 
 memory is bad, or his reading confined. Did not Charles II. of 
 England, after his return and while he executed the laws of the 
 republic, date his reign from the death of his father? And as to a 
 treaty of peace between the Allies and Louis XVIII., the treaty was 
 between the Allies and France, towards which country, as the acces- 
 sion of Louis rendered the terms more favourable, so was he the only 
 person that could sign on its behalf. 
 
 [To be continued.] 
 
 'Times,' October 23, 1817. 
 
 WORK RESPECTING BUONAPARTE, IN REPLY TO 
 
 MR. WARDEN. 
 
 We continue our extracts from, and observations on, the work 
 relating to Buonaparte. We had, indeed, intended to insert the whole 
 of Letter VI., which gives an account of Pichegru and Georges' con- 
 spiracy ; but with considerable knowledge of the occurrences there is 
 evidently mixed up so much falsehood, that we decline. We copy, 
 however, the following account of the meeting of Moreau, Pichegru, 
 and Georges in Paris, which is at one amusing and untrue : — 
 
 'It was proved by these trials, which took place, one may say, in 
 the face of all Europe, the ambassadors and foreign agents constantly 
 attending the tribunal, that Pichegru, having become reconciled to 
 Moreau, came to Paris ; that Moreau had several interviews with him, 
 and three with Georges and him. The first interview which took 
 place between Moreau, Pichegru, and Georges, was in the Boulevard 
 de la ICadelaine, at night. "Here I am," cried Pichegru, "their is not 
 a moment's time to be lost in overthrowing the First Consul." Moreau 
 answered, "Against the First Consul, living, I can undertake nothing; 
 but I can undertake anything against the First Consul, dead. Kill the 
 First Consul; and the senate, the people, and the army will unani- 
 mously nominate me in his place. I will change the commanders of 
 the troops encamped at Boulogne, and I will name a commission to 
 
 63
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 try you, Pichegru ; acquitted, you will be appointed second consul."' 
 •' Very well," cried Georges, " but in that case I must be third consul." 
 "That is impossible," said Moreau. "If it were known that I had 
 even seen you, I should be a lost man, I should scarcely have my valet 
 de chambre on my side." "This is all a farce," said Georges. " You 
 mean to betray us. You, Moreau and Pichegru ! You are both two 
 blues. When you get into power you will have us shot. I declare 
 frankly to you that, blue for blue, Buonaparte is much better than 
 anybody else." 
 
 ' At the termination of the conference, Moreau promised to see his 
 friends and to try what he could do : several of them he sounded ; but 
 it is not supposed he imparted to them the whole of what was in 
 agitation, and thereby became more than ever convinced that it was 
 absolutely necessary for Georges and the Chouans to commence the 
 business, by despatching, in the first instance, the First Consul, for 
 which purpose several schemes were adopted. Six fellows were 
 charged to poniard him on the parade, at the moment he went out of 
 the gate of the Carousel, and entered the crowd to receive petitions ;. 
 but the parade never took place upon days previously fixed, and some- 
 times there was not one for three months. Thirty others were 
 equipped in the uniform of the Chasseurs of the guard, and were to 
 have attacked his carriage between Nanterre and the Pont de Neuilly, 
 when he went to Malmaison, to which place he generally went by 
 night ; to have charged his picquet, which did not consist of more than 
 15 men, one-half of whom would probably be killed by a discharge of 
 pistols before they could defend themselves, and afterwards to massacre 
 him in the carriage with their poniards. It is a fact that the greater 
 number of these Chouans were not animated by any personal hatred 
 or malice against Napoleon, and that, having plenty of money, they 
 were wallowing in the intemperance and debaucheries of Paris ; that 
 most of them had several mistresses, and put off from day to day the 
 difficult and dangerous part of their operations. 
 
 ' Pichegru had committed the greatest crime that man is capable 
 of — that of causing his army to execute false manoeuvres, on purpose 
 that they might fall into ambuscades and snares of the enemy ; and 
 thus to cause his oxen soldiers, in executing his orders, to fall victims 
 of his baseness and treachery.' 
 
 How the author can state as he does that Buonaparte was free from 
 revolutionary crimes, though he describes him, in the subjoined 
 extract, as heading the massacre at Paris on the 13th Vendemiaire, we 
 know not. 
 
 ' Arrived at Paris, he was employed by the Committee of Public 
 Safety to direct the movements of the armies. On the 13th of 
 Vendemiaire the Convention gave him the command of the troops, 
 when, by the excellence of the dispositions he adopted, he caused the 
 Convention to triumph over its enemies, although he had only 5 or 
 600 men to defend that body against all the population of Paris. As 
 to this interesting event, I have been informed that the conventionalist 
 army fired ball and grape shot only, until they were sure of victory, 
 which was the work of a quarter of an hour ; and that, immediately 
 afterwards, they fired, and continued to do so all the evening and 
 night, blank cartridge only : and that to this was to be attributed the 
 trifling loss sustained by the Parisians, which Napoleon states, in his 
 
 64
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 history, not to have amounted to more than between 3 and 400 men 
 killed and wounded.' 
 
 The story that follows, about firing blank cartridges, is too absurd 
 to deserve notice. 
 
 Critics, observing the powers of amplification in poets, state that, 
 where Homer speaks of only 10 tongues and 10 mouths, Virgil in- 
 creases them to 100. By an inverse power of diminution in history — that 
 is, in such history as this we are reviewing — we find that Buonaparte's 
 poisoning the whole of his wounded, as fully stated and proved by 
 Sir Robert Wilson and others, but chiefly by him, has now been 
 reduced by natural causes, to the death of seven : — 
 
 ' It would render this letter too long, and, besides, I had not time to 
 take notes with the exactness I had determined to observe in all I 
 related, concerning the march of the French from Jaffa to St. Jean 
 d'Acre, or of the details of the siege of that city, or of the battles 
 which took place at Mount Tabor against the armies of Damascus and 
 Aleppo. Suffice it to say that, on the 20th of May, the French raised 
 the siege, and following the track along the sea-side encamped on the 
 ruins of Cesarea. On the 24th they arrived at Jaffa, having with them 
 about 1000 men, who had been wounded at the siege of Acre, and who 
 occupied all the means of transport in their possession. These men 
 with the sick in the hospitals of Jaffa were sent by sea, with orders to 
 make the best of their way to Damietta. At this time the plague raged 
 in the French hospitals, and every day five or six died victims to it. 
 Those who were strongest among the sick were sent out first ; and as 
 soon as a boat was laden it proceeded on, and the last boat contained 
 those of whose recovery there was very little hope. Napoleon gave 
 orders for the army to depart on the 27th of May ; and on the 26th, 
 according to his usual custom, sent one of his aides-de-camps (Lavalette) 
 to visit the hospitals and stores, in order to be perfectly satisfied that 
 his orders had been strictly carried into execution. The aide-de-camp 
 reported to him that the whole had been evacuated with the exception 
 of seven men, of whose recovery the medical officers despaired, and 
 who could not be moved, inasmuch as they would infect with the 
 plague whoever approached them ; that some of those unfortunate 
 wretches, on pei'ceiving that they were abandoned to their fate in this 
 manner, had loudly demanded death, with lamentable cries ; repre- 
 senting, that the Turks, upon their arrival, would practise unheard-of 
 cruelties upon them ; (in fact, it was customary for those barbarous 
 monsters to cutoff "les partes," the nose, and scoop out the eyes of 
 those who were unfortunate enough to fall into their hands.) The 
 surgeons on duty at the hospital had demanded authority from the 
 aide-de-camp to gratify their desires by giving them (at the last 
 moment) opium, stating, that it was inhuman and horrible to abandon 
 those men in such a manner; and that the maxim " Do as you would 
 that others should do unto you," ought to be put in practice. Notwith- 
 standing this, Napoleon ordered the chief physician Desgenettes, and 
 the chief surgeon Laweg, to be called, in order to ascertain if there was 
 not still Borne possibility of sending away the above-mentioned un- 
 fortunate men, and recommended that they should be put on horseback 
 and the horses be Led, offering for that purpose his own saddle-horses; 
 but the physician declared this to he impossible, and added, that the 
 men had not t went y-iour hours Longer to live. They, moreover, stated
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 that in the course of their consultation touching the possibility of 
 sending them away, they had deliberated upon the propriety of giving 
 them opium ; but that Desgenettes had been of opinion that, as his 
 profession was to cure, he could not possibly authorise such a measure. 
 Upon this, Napoleon delayed the departure of the army for twenty-four 
 hours. Nothing was urgent : he was master of all the country, and 
 Djezzar Pacha had not stirred out of Acre. A rearguard of 300 
 cavalry did not leave the town until four o'clock in the afternoon of 
 the next day, forty-eight hours after the visit of the aide-de-camp to 
 the hospital, and not until the seven sick men were reported to be all 
 dead. This circumstance, which has been so much misrepresented, is 
 in reality a proof of his humanity and care towards his troops ; who, 
 in return, are stated to have invariably considered him as their father ; 
 and, probably, no other general ever possessed in so eminent a degree 
 the affections of his soldiers.' 
 
 The following extract gives our readers an account of one who has 
 made some talk in the world : — 
 
 1 The information I have been able to collect with respect to the 
 Abbe Pradt is as follows : — The Abbe' Pradt emigrated, and afterwards 
 availed himself of the amnesty and returned to France. Being without 
 any means whatever of procuring subsistence, he addressed himself to 
 the police, and was amply recompensed for the services which he 
 rendered to them. It was some time, however, before he was able to 
 succeed in getting admittance to the Ruler of France ; but having 
 insinuated himself into the good graces of Duroc, the Grand Marshal, 
 whose relation he pretended to be, through the protection of this 
 favourite, he was appointed Almoner of the Chapel, and took the 
 customary oaths required of all the Household ; he was also made 
 Bishop of Poitiers, and afterwards Archbishop of Mechlin. During the 
 Council of Paris Napoleon frequently detained him at his levees in 
 order to converse with him upon affairs concerning the priests. 
 Ambitious and intriguing, he availed himself of this in order to in- 
 crease his intimacy, and under colour of exalted zeal, he informed his 
 master of numberless circumstances which passed in the societies of 
 the capital, where his acquaintance was very extensive. The Bishops 
 of Nantes and Treves, the Archbishop of Tours, and the Primate of 
 Venice were appointed by the Council of the Bishops of France and 
 Italy to proceed and meet the Pope at Savona ; and the Duke of 
 Rovigo asked permission to add the Archbishop of Mechlin to them. 
 This met with great opposition, and produced remonstrances from the 
 bishops. It was, in fact, associating one of the most disreputable 
 bishops of Christendom with four of the most respectable prelates in it; 
 but, however, as it was a matter of great importance to be informed of 
 everything which was said and done there, he was appointed. His 
 conduct towards the Pope at Savona was, however, marked with so 
 much levity, that his colleagues were frequently obliged to remind him 
 of the decency and respect due to a sovereign, and especially to one 
 who was also the chief of his religion. He was afterwards employed 
 to observe the affairs of Spain. In 1812 he went to Dresden with the 
 post of Almoner. The Duke of Bassano, being desirous of having the 
 Baron de Bignon (who was then at Warsaw) with him at Wilna, 
 proposed, two days before his departure from Dresden, that the Abbe - 
 de Pradt should replace him. His easy manner appeared well calcu- 
 
 66
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 lated to render hini a proper person for a place where the ladies have 
 so much influence. He was known to possess some talent, address, a 
 great desire to please, and must have been conscious that success was 
 necessary to ensure his preferment. Nevertheless, Napoleon hesitated 
 to intrust a pardoned emigrant, a man who until then had been only 
 employed by the Government in clandestine and subordinate affairs, 
 with a brilliant and most confidential situation ; but, finally, the 
 recommendation of Duroc prevailed, who said that the Archbishop's 
 mitre would make up for everything, particularly in a country where 
 the prelates were in the habit of filling the principal employments, and 
 that his conduct at Mechlin could not leave a doubt as to the nature of 
 his sentiments, and his attachment to the Government. Our almoner's 
 conduct, however, when arrived at Warsaw, was a complete series of 
 follies ; he took a wrong turn at every step, and his conduct and 
 writings rendered him the contempt of the Poles of all parties. As 
 Napoleon returned from his disastrous campaign on Moscow, he stayed 
 three hours at Warsaw, where he heard nothing but complaints about 
 him. He was even accused of treachery by thirty different persons ; 
 and by the most moderate of incapacity, it was evident that he had 
 not the talent necessary for the business he was intrusted with. When 
 he was introduced into the presence of his master, he went on in his 
 usual inconsiderate way, and gave loose to his customary mania of 
 talking about war. Napoleon, extremely fatigued, at first returned 
 him no answer, but listened with coolness to his nonsense ; at last, 
 losing patience, he took up a card which was lying upon the chimney- 
 piece, and wrote upon it with a pencil the following words — "Write to 
 the Due of Bassano, that on his way through Warsaw he is to send 
 this coxcomb back to Paris." (Faites vine lettre au Due de Bassano 
 pour qu'a son passage par Varsovie, il renvoye ce freluquet a Paris.) 
 This card he gave to Caulaincourt, who was present, and immediately, 
 in presence of the Abb£, sat down to write the letter. 
 
 'After Napoleon's return in March, 1815, all his detractors, imagining 
 him to be burning with revenge, fled from Paris ; they were, however, 
 mistaken. He was under too many obligations to them to be inclined 
 to do them any harm, and they regained their situations. Lavatelle 
 resumed the duties of his station at the Lyceum. Pichon was employed 
 on a secret mission to London, &c. The Abbe" de Pradt took a step 
 quite conformable to the effrontery of the man ; he sent Napoleon a 
 memorial filled with invectives against the Bourbons and the Ministers 
 who had turned him out of the grand chancellorship of the legion of 
 honour. This memorial he accompanied with a letter, in which he 
 explained his conduct by saying, "that outwardly he had had the 
 appearance of being changed ; but that, in his heart, he had been 
 always faithful to his benefactor, and to the prince who was the choice 
 of the nation 1" and concluded with begging to be again appointed to 
 his situation in the chapel. "Oh, e'est trop," said Napoleon; "qutl 
 miserable 1'" 
 
 [To be conti?iued.] 
 
 til
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 * Times,' October 24, 1817. 
 
 WORK RESPECTING BUONAPARTE, IN REPLY TO 
 
 MR. WARDEN. 
 
 We shall conclude our extracts with the greater part of the last 
 letter in the book : — 
 
 ' This letter will conclude the series. You wish to be made 
 acquainted with whatever occurrences may have taken place since 
 July, 1816. The task is a very painful one. I have already explained 
 to you, in my fifth letter, in what manner matters were arranged, 
 and, although everything was not quite so well as could have been 
 wished, Plantation-house not being allotted them, nor the liberty of 
 the whole of the little rock, yet still they were treated with attention 
 and regard, and received whoever they thought proper. Napoleon 
 had it in his power to amuse himself occasionally with the society of 
 the inhabitants, of the officers of the army and navy, and also with 
 that of a great number of strangers who arrived ; a great resource, 
 especially to Madame Bertrand. Since that period, everything has 
 been changed ; they scarcely receive any person, and no longer go out. 
 It is impossible for me to go into minute details, they would be 
 excessively afflicting to an Englishman, and which, if known, would 
 excite a general feeling of indignation. In order, however, not to 
 leave you entirely in the dark, I will relate to you such general details 
 as my memory furnishes me. 
 
 ' Three commissioners, Austrian, French, and Russian, arrived at 
 St. Helena on the 17th of June, 1816, in the Newcastle and Orontes 
 frigates, along with Admiral Malcolm. Some weeks after this the 
 Governor, Sir Hudson Lowe, announced their arrival at Longwood, 
 and communicated the treaty of the 2nd of August, 1815, concluded 
 between Great Britain, Austria, Russia, and Prussia. It appears that 
 Count Montholon was ordered to protest against the treaty, which he 
 accordingly did in a letter, comprising a declaration, that Napoleon 
 was not the prisoner of England ; that after his abdication he came 
 freely and voluntarily to England, with a view of living there as a 
 private individual under the protection of the British laws ; that the 
 violation of those laws could not constitute a right ; that, although his 
 person was actually in the power of the English nation, yet he never 
 had been, nor was he then, in the power of either Austria, Russia, or 
 Prussia, which States, consequently, had neither in fact, or in right, 
 any control over him ; that it exhibited only the coalition of the four 
 greatest powers of Europe, for the oppression of one man. It also 
 stated the different treatment which, in all probability, Napoleon 
 would have experienced, had he been either in the power of Austria, 
 Russia, or even Prussia ; and the erroneous ideas he had formed of the 
 influence of the opinion of a great, generous, and free people over their 
 government, which had induced him to prefer the protection of their 
 laws to that of a father-in-law or an old friend ; that he always had 
 had it in his power to secure every point which regarded himself, 
 either by putting himself at the head of the army of the Loire or that 
 
 68
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 of the Gironde ; but that, wishing for nothing but retirement, he had 
 conceived all stipulations unnecessary, and that they would be more 
 bound by this conduct on his part, so noble, frank, and full of con- 
 fidence, than by the most solemn treaty. It also alluded to the 
 uselessness of the mission of the above-named commissioners, who, it 
 appeared, had no right to interfere in what was going on in the island ; 
 and complained of the hardship he experienced in being sent to a rock 
 2000 leagues from Europe, in a climate most inimical to his health, 
 and which was rendered still worse by the restrictions imposed by the 
 new Governor in prohibiting all communication with the inhabitants 
 or even the officers, and making Longwood a close prison. It also 
 complained of the unnecessary hardship they experienced in being 
 deprived of any other newspaper than a few straggling copies of The 
 Times; of books sent by their authors not having been allowed to 
 reach Longwood ; of letters unsealed having been given to the 
 Governor for the purpose of being sent to persons at Longwood, but 
 which had not been communicated by him, because they did not come 
 through the channel of the English ministry ; of the impossibility of 
 communication by letter in consequence of the forms they were obliged 
 to go through, and of the general tenour of the restrictions, which, it 
 was alleged, could have no other object in view than that of shortening 
 Napoleon's life ; of the badness of the situation at Longwood, devoid 
 of water and shade, until Admiral Malcolm caused a tent to be erected 
 by his sailors ; and suggesting the propriety of having placed him, in 
 the first instance, at Plantation-house. It concluded with an answer 
 to a demand made by the Governor of 10 or 12,000Z. yearly from 
 Napoleon, in addition to the 8000Z. allowed yearly by the British 
 Government ; and stated that Napoleon was willing to pay the whole 
 of the expenses himself, provided he was allowed communication with 
 bankers, without being subject to any inquisition on the part of the 
 Governor or any of his myrmidons. 
 
 ' It appears that Lord Bathurst, in one of his letters, settled the 
 expenses of Longwood at 8000Z. yearly, out of which 500/. a year was 
 to be paid the purveyor for salary ; 500/. more for the carriage of 
 provisions from the town to Longwood ; 730/. for the orderly officers 
 and surgeons at Longwood, and 1,000/. for the expense of repairing 
 the house, which is old and in need of continual repairs : making in all 
 2730/., and leaving 52702. for the other expenses of the establishment, 
 which, considering the enormous price of every article of life in St. 
 Helena, might be equal to about 1000/. a year in England. The 
 Governor, however, conceived with good reason that this sum was 
 altogether insufficient, and, deeming 19 or 2(1,000/. a-year necessary, he 
 required of General Montholon, by a letter dated the 17th of August, 
 the difference between that sum and 8000/. a year allowed by the 
 Government ; to which a reply was made in the above-mentioned 
 letter ; and, notwithstanding the addition of 4000/. a year made by the 
 Governor, all the provisions were reduced in quantity : three French 
 domestics, who were extremely useful, were discharged ; and Napoleon, 
 wanting wherewith to purchase articles of provisions, of which so 
 scanty an allowance was made that the inaiti e-d'hotel declared that 
 there was not enough by one-third, ordered his plate to be broken up 
 and sold to the value of 10002. ; and I have been informed that 8 or 
 90()/. more of it in value is destined for the same purpose. I have 
 
 09
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 myself seen this plate, which was extremely handsome, and the work- 
 manship of it was worth more than four times the intrinsic value. 
 Everybody wished to get a morsel of it, and several of the captains of 
 the Indiamen offered ten times the value, in order to have an entire 
 piece. 
 
 ' The commissioners were not introduced at Longwood, although it 
 is said that Napoleon, in refusing to receive them as commissioners, 
 had nevertheless consented to receive them as strangers, and in a way 
 similar to those with which he received others. Upon this subject it is 
 supposed Sir Hudson Lowe and the commissioners have written to 
 their respective Governments, and still wait their instructions. 
 
 ' Shortly after this, Napoleon addressed a letter to Count Las Oasas, 
 a little before the latter went to the Cape of Good Hope. It appeared 
 that Las Casas had intrusted to a native of the island, who intended to 
 go to England, a letter for a lady in London, containing complaints 
 against the Governor. I have been informed, however, by persons 
 who have seen the letter in the Governor's possession, that there was 
 nothing in it which might not have been publicly written. 
 
 ' I have not been able to obtain the whole of Napoleon's letter, but 
 I furnish you with as much of it as my memory affords. In it he 
 expresses his regret "at the treatment Las Casas had experienced in 
 being dragged away from Longwood, and put in close confinement for 
 so many days, deprived of all communication ; that his conduct at St. 
 Helena had been, like the rest of his life, honourable and creditable to 
 him ; that he was authorized, by the conduct of the Governor, who 
 had reproached him for expressions, which he had confided to the 
 bosom of friendship, to take the steps which he did, in order to 
 forward his letter to his friend, which, besides, contained nothing 
 more than what had already been expressed in six or seven letters ; no 
 plot, no mystery ; and was by no means sufficient to authorize the violent 
 and blustering conduct which had taken place ; that Longwood was 
 enveloped in a veil of mystery and secrecy, which it was desired to 
 render impenetrable, in order to conceal the conduct of a man, making 
 the most contemptible regulations, and executing them with violence ; 
 that in the most uncivilized countries exiles, prisoners, and even 
 criminals, were under the protection of laws and magistrates ; but 
 that, in St. Helena, one man had the power to ordain and to execute 
 without appeal ; and concluded by desiring him, however necessary his 
 society might be to himself, to return to his native country, and forget 
 the woes which he had been made to suffer ; and to embrace his 
 (Napoleon's) wife and child for him, should he meet with them ; adding 
 that his body was in the power of his enemies, who would omit no 
 opportunity of wreaking their vengeance upon him, but that a just 
 Providence would interpose, and put a speedy end to that existence of 
 which the last moments would reflect disgrace upon the author of his 
 persecution." 
 
 ' Some time before this, Sir Hudson Lowe thought proper to 
 establish a new code of regulations (worthy of Notary Ray), by which 
 he lessened the extent of the limits, formerly allowed, by about two- 
 thirds, under the idle pretence that Napoleon had never made use of 
 them since his arrival ; and, of the portion which he still allowed to 
 remain, the high road alone was to be used by the French people ; 
 thev were prohibited from leaving it, to go either to the right or left ; 
 
 70
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 and (will Englishmen credit it ?) Napoleon and his suite were actually 
 prohibited to speak to any such persons as he or they might meet, 
 unless so far as the customary salutations of politeness in use amongst 
 civilized beings. 
 
 ' Persons who might obtain a pass to visit Napoleon, were also 
 prohibited from making use of such pass, to communicate with any 
 others of his court unless such permission were specifically expressed 
 in the pass ; so that Napoleon, if he received a stranger, who could not 
 speak French, was not, according to this silly and affronting regu- 
 lation, authorised to call upon Las Casas or any other of his attendants 
 to interpret. Sentinels were placed round the garden at sunset, in 
 such a manner as to preclude Napoleon's taking exercise in it, at the 
 only time that such can be done with pleasure in a tropical climate, 
 (particularly at Longwood, which is totally void of shade) without 
 being exposed to the prying gaze and idle curiosity of his keepers ; 
 during the day another sentinel was posted in a situation from whence 
 he could observe whatever was going on in the garden, in such a 
 manner, that even in the day he could not stir out without being 
 subject to the inspection of private soldiers ; and in a letter to Bertrand 
 every communication, even verbal, with the inhabitants was pro- 
 hibited. 
 
 ' It appears, that after these restrictions had been put in execution, 
 Napoleon declared, " That, conceiving all laws and every consideration 
 of respect towards him were violated, he had refused to receive the 
 Governor again, regarding him in no other light than that of a 
 turnkey." 
 
 ' Every feeling mind agreed also, that it never could have been the 
 intention of either the Parliament or the nation to impose useless 
 restrictions ; that to insult an illustrious enemy at our mercy was to 
 insult the nation itself ; and that the restrictions ought to have but 
 one object in view — namely, that of preventing his escape from 
 St. Helena. Now, if this be true, five-sixths of the restrictions which 
 have been imposed are purely vexatious, without use, and contrary to 
 the will of the nation. It is difficult to conceive also, why the ministers 
 refused to allow the governor the sum which he thought necessary and 
 had required, viz. 20,000/. yearly ; it certainly ought to have been 
 furnished, and the prisoner's plate ought not to have been accepted. 
 This last was bought up by order of the governor, who, in that, had, 
 without doubt, a political reason, probably to prevent its being 
 purchased piecemeal, to be preserved as precious relics, which every 
 one knew would have been the case. His predecessor had regulated. 
 the expenses in a manner that they had, I believe, amounted to about 
 17,ni)ii/. a-year. 
 
 • Finally, the detention of Napoleon at St. Helena costs about 
 260,0002. a year to the treasury, to maintain a lieutenant-general as 
 governor, B brigadier-general, a numerous stall*, battalions of artillery, 
 ami of the line, a powerful squadron, &c., and, besides these expenses, 
 the restrictions which are imposed upon ships cramp the trade of India, 
 and occasion losses much more considerable than the expenses them- 
 selves; and for wbat purpose-' thai Napoleon may enjoy a greater 
 degree of liberty' in his confinement? He would be much better off if 
 confined in a bouse in England OT Scotland than in St. Helena, with 
 the liberty of the whole island ; because, in the first place, the climate 
 
 71
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 of the tropics cannot be compared in any place with that of Europe ; 
 and that of St. Helena is destructive to health, witness the great 
 number of deaths in the sixth regiment in a very short space of time. 
 In the next place, food even barely fit for use is with difficulty pro- 
 cured at St. Helena. Spend as many thousands as you will, it is still 
 impossible to accomplish what you wish ; the provisions necessary to 
 life are often bad and damaged. In fact, that which a respectable 
 citizen of London would consider indispensable to his table is not to 
 be had in St. Helena. In a prison in England newspapers can be had, 
 and a library, and the prisoners are allowed to hear of their relations 
 frequently. At St. Helena they are deprived of almost everything. 
 It is true that about 1500 have been sent out to them ; but 1500 volumes 
 are very insufficient for people reduced to make letters and the sciences 
 their comfort ; even 20,000 volumes would not compensate the advan- 
 tage of having in Europe in forty-eight hours whatever books might 
 be wanted. Finally, in England they would know of their relations 
 and friends, which at St. Helena is nearly impossible. Counts Bertrand 
 and Montholon assured me that for several months they had not 
 received a line, and covdd not attend to the affairs of their families and 
 other private concerns. 
 
 'In consequence of the new restrictions, Napoleon for several 
 months did not stir out of his apartments, that is to say, out of four 
 small, badly constructed, unwholesome rooms, or out of a house, an 
 equal to which, in badness, it would be difficult to find all over 
 England ; it is therefore to confine him within four walls under a 
 tropical sun that our treasury expends more than 20,000Z. sterling 
 a -year, and that our commerce experiences so much detriment. 
 
 * During the first ten months I had every facility of going to Long- 
 wood, but in October it was very difficult to obtain leave. It was 
 necessary first to undergo a long examination as to the nature of your 
 business. In December, I obtained, after many difficulties, a new pass 
 to go there. I saw Madame Bertrand, who complained bitterly of not 
 being able to see anybody, and of even the society of the English 
 officers being prohibited. I saw also General Gourgaud, with whom I 
 conversed for a long time ; he appeared very much surprised at the 
 new system of treatment they experienced. I could not succeed in 
 seeing Napoleon, who had not received any one or even stirred out of 
 the house. 
 
 1 One of his suite told me that their prospect was so much darkened,, 
 and their situation so much changed for the worse, since the departure 
 of Admiral Cockburn, that Napoleon had observed, that being at 
 St. Helena was not the worst of their miseries, and that the choice of 
 the abode was no longer the worst torment which had been put in 
 execution against him ; adding, that there was nothing English in the 
 manner in which he was treated, that it resembled more the police of 
 Sicily. 
 
 4 All feeling and reasonable people agree that the precautions lately 
 put in practice are unjust, ridiculous, even oppressive to the military 
 who execute them, and that by carefully guarding the outlets of 
 the ravines leading towards the sea-side, following Napoleon by 
 signals whenever he went into the interior of the island, and guarding 
 the sea-coast in the manner now practised, by boats and brigs, every 
 point in regard to safe custody would be attained with the greatest 
 
 72
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 possible simplicity and success, which is all that human prudence and 
 wisdom can require under such circumstances.' 
 
 It is evident that the above contains a great many falsehoods, and 
 some absurdities ; for example, Buonaparte is made to complain that 
 his fate and comforts are consigned to the will of one man, while he 
 refuses to admit the other commissioners, who might mitigate his 
 confinement, and by whose governments, he says, he should have been 
 treated much better than by that of England 1 This is evident non- 
 sense. 
 
 The work concludes with a horribly blasphemous allusion to the 
 sufferings of our Saviour, which we of course omit. 
 
 4 Morning Chronicle, 1 December 19, 1817. 
 
 When the Alceste touched at St. Helena, Captain Hall saw 
 Napoleon ; a conversation arose about the Chinese missions, and, by 
 a natural transition, Loo Choo was mentioned. 'You can scarcely 
 conceive the degree of ignorance which prevails there,' said Captain H. 
 ' They actually never heard of your exploits ; not even your name.' 
 Bonaparte laughed heartily at this sally. 
 
 'Times,' Jan. 13, 1818. 
 
 (From a Flemish Paper.) 
 
 M. de Las Casas, separated from a master who has never ceased to 
 he his friend, has brought to Europe an ample stock of anecdotes about 
 that extraordinary man, who has united in his illustrious career all the 
 chances of good and bad fortune. Buonaparte always fixes the general 
 attention — he is an illuminous meteor which it is impossible to conceal. 
 The portrait of this great man has never till now been drawn but by a 
 flattering or an exaggerating pencil; and it is likely that, during his 
 lifetime, the resemhlance will never he seized. In waiting this work, 
 reserved for posterity, we present anecdotes that yield us some features 
 of the moral physiognomy of the man whom sovereigns have now 
 thrown into chains as a punishment for having enchained nations. 
 We derive them from an article which appears to have been communi- 
 cated by l*is Casas to the Journal of Antwerp. 
 
 Napoleon, at the commencement of his residence on the island, 
 voluntarily received the English officers, and admitted them at Long- 
 
 73
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 wood into social circles formed by the companions of his captivity, and 
 two or three of the principal families of St. Helena. We are bound to 
 say, to the credit of the English officers, that they never approached 
 Napoleon but with that respect which his great misfortunes com- 
 manded. One would have believed that he saw the Emperor at the 
 Tuileries, surrounded with his courtiers. He made the English journals 
 to be translated to him, and, as he was allowed only the Ministerial 
 journals, he soon remarked those articles of corrosive gall and insipid 
 irony, in which he was represented as successively surrendering himself 
 to childish spleen, or disgusting caprices. He was so unjust as to 
 believe that those even whom he admitted to his society, and from 
 whom he received the most abject adulation, were caterers for The 
 Times and The Courier. He then formed the resolution to see nobody, 
 and did not even make an exception in favour of the Governor. Sir 
 Hudson Lowe took a singular mode of overcoming this determination ; 
 he transmitted one day a request for an interview, under the pretext 
 of having to communicate things of an agreeable and interesting 
 nature. He was admitted : but what was the astonishment of Napoleon 
 when he perceived that the only object of his conversation was to 
 inform him that the expenditure of the captives exceeded by 1200 louis 
 the funds placed at his disposal by the Government, and to beg him to 
 find the means of covering the deficit. He sharply replied, 'M. le 
 Gouverneur, I never intermeddle in such details. Never did any 
 complaint of mine descend so loto as you. I command, or I am silent. 
 If after this you allow me to want for necessaries, I will go to seek 
 them in your own camp ' (pointing with his finger to the English tents 
 which are seen from Longwood), ' and these brave soldiers will not 
 drive from their mess one of the oldest and the first soldier of Europe.' 
 In the private conversations which he often held with Bertrand and 
 Las Casas he sometimes indulged in effusions of feelings which gave 
 the lie to what has been said about the aridity of his heart. In speak- 
 ing of the double catastrophe which deprived him of his crown, he 
 sometimes said, ' Have I done all that was my duty for that good 
 people, the French ? Ought I not likewise to have died for them ? 
 They did so many services for me ; but they likewise abandoned me. 
 I deceive myself ; they abandoned me twice, in the most cruel manner. 
 The first defection may be excused, but for the second should they not 
 have understood better?' 
 
 They asked him why, among the numerous expedients which pre- 
 sented themselves to him, he had adopted that of surrendering himself 
 to his most cruel enemies. Without replying directly to the question, 
 he said that he had had at one time the idea of proposing his abdication 
 on condition of retiring into Corsica, and retaining the sovereignty of 
 that island ; but, added he, ' my enemies would not have failed to have 
 said, that after launching France and Frenchmen on a stormy sea, I 
 abandoned them after the tempests, to shelter myself in port.' 
 
 He never speaks but in terms of eulogy of the city of Lyons, and on 
 such occasions he discovers projects which were never suspected to be 
 entertained by him. For example, he said, ' It is useless to express 
 how much I love that good city ; but one thing I am certain of, that I 
 have always been, and shall always be, beloved by it ; I had formed 
 great projects for its prosperity. It is so situated as to become the 
 capital of Gaul and Italy.' 
 
 74
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 He cannot believe that the two Emperors of Austria and of 
 Russia entertain towards him personal animosity. ■ They only ' 
 (said he) 'persecute in me the sword of that revolution which made 
 them tremble on their thrones.' He said of Ney and Murat, 
 ' They were, perhaps, the two bravest men that ever existed ; 
 but, if they had had but two ounces of good sense more, they would, 
 perhaps, have been the greatest of poltroons.' The English journals, 
 containing the details of the death of Murat, were read to him. When 
 he heard the word shot, he abruptly interrupted the reader, and said, 
 1 The Calabrians were more generous and less inhuman than the people 
 of Plymouth — proceed ;' and he listened to the details of the death of 
 his brother-in-law without shedding a tear. The tone of these dis- 
 courses, though in general severe, is not always remote from pleasantry. 
 With General Bertrand and Count Las Casas in particular, he abandoned 
 himself to all the communicativeness of confiding familiarity. One day 
 he asked the former what party he was of at the commencement of the 
 revolution ? ' Of the constitutional, Sire,' replied he, ' since I narrowly 
 escaped death at the Tuileries in defending the throne, and the 
 inviolability of the monarch.' 'And you, Las Casas,' said Napoleon, 
 pinching familiarly the ear of his chamberlain, ' I shall not ask what 
 party you belonged to ; you emigrated ; you were essentially an 
 aristocrat. Don't you allow it, now, to be very strange, that of us 
 three I am the only republican?' 'Very singular indeed,' replied 
 Bertrand ; 'but, Sire, they made you pay dear for it.' It is very true 
 that he repeats frequently, liberal ideas have ruined me ; but he adds, 
 that mistakes prevailed over his ultimate views. ' I wished,' says he, 
 ' to restrain liberal ideas first, in order to make them burn with all 
 their lustre afterwards.' 
 
 'Times,' March 7, 1818. 
 
 We were the first to notice the very singular occurrence of a 
 pamphlet in its way to light, which may be essentially considered as 
 from the pen of Buonaparte : the work is now published, and, though 
 calculated to attract observation by its external circumstances, will 
 not long gratify the public taste, either by the elegance of its style, 
 the clearness of its argument, or the importance of its contents. 
 Buonaparte might have chosen a subject, among the many occurrences 
 of his past life, to which, however treated, general interest would have 
 long been attached. He has thought proper to speak only of himself 
 since his confinement; and his manner, which is abrupt, obscure, 
 and contused, will not enliven a topic, which is as barrel] as he 
 represents the spot, where he unwillingly resides, or reconcile contra- 
 dictions, which are u glaring and offensive as he describes the sun 
 upon the whole island. 1 1 « - mourns his confinement in a series of 
 notes, instead of elegies; but the Oorsican raven croaks harsh discord 
 at St. Helena, when compared with the Aonian swan on the banks of 
 
 75
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 the Euxine. The work, however, may be esteemed Buonaparte's 
 Tristia, and is a kind of reply to the speech of Earl Bathurst, in the 
 House of Peers, on the 18th of March, last year. He first murmurs at 
 the Bill by which he was sentenced to confinement ; and, as we think, 
 upon no very just grounds. He modestly styles himself a Prince, our 
 illustrious guest ; but forgets that we never acknowledged his Prince- 
 dom ; and that, even if we had, he threw himself into our hands un- 
 conditionally, while he was at war with us, and was there left, a 
 mischievous deposit, when peace was made by others, without one 
 stipulation in his favour. What then could we do with him, but take 
 care of him and secure him ; and as he had done us mischief enough 
 already, prevent him from doing us more ? and we do not know how 
 this was to be done, but by his death or by his confinement. 
 
 He speaks of the armies which he has commanded — the alliances 
 which he has formed — the sovereigns who crowded to his capital : 
 undoubtedly he obtained, he possessed, and he has subsequently thrown 
 away great advantages ; but as he never used them except for our 
 destruction, or in our detriment, what claim can he derive from thence 
 to our friendship or love ? He indeed has no great reason to complain, 
 if, when driven into our hands by war, and in his own despite, and 
 without any other means of escape, we carefully secure and retain 
 him. Let him recollect how, at a moment of full peace, and during a 
 hollow conference, he entrapped the unsuspecting Ferdinand into his 
 snares, and carried him off to prison. Let the enemies of that 
 Sovereign represent him in any light they please, the nature of the 
 act is unaltered ; if he were what they would describe him, he was the 
 less to be feared, and the villainy was the more unprovoked. But none 
 can charge Buonaparte with any other incapacity than inaptitude for 
 goodness and honour. How would he have us confine him ? As he 
 confined Captain Wright ? We did not tear him by night from a 
 neutral territory, as he tore the Due d'Enghien. He fled from a hostile 
 land to hostile ships, and by them was conveyed to what he did not 
 deserve — a place of security, where, if his unruly temper would suffer 
 him, he might rest tranquil, and by good conduct obtain kind treat- 
 ment. 
 
 We must add a word more respecting his claims to the title of 
 Emperor, the want of which seems so much to fret him, and then we 
 shall begin our quotations. This man really seems to think himself 
 privileged to commit or attempt all wrong, and, when he fails, to be 
 exempt from every penalty or evil. By the treaty of 1814, he stipu- 
 lated for the title of Emperor. The Allies, seeing he was pleased with 
 the foolery, allowed him by an express article to retire with it to the 
 island of Elba ; but, when he came forth from thence, he of course put 
 the title, with his other fortunes, to the hazard of battle. If it was 
 necessary to make the title a condition of treaty, after one war which 
 took away the power from him, what possible claim can he have to it, 
 without treaty, after another war which has sunk him into nothing ? 
 Where then, we ask, is the stipulation for the continuance of the title 
 after the battle of Waterloo ? And whatever may have been his 
 abilities, or the arts by which he raised himself to the head of the 
 French empire, the title of Emperor certainly was not inherent in him 
 or derived from his ancestry ; but, as it came with the power, must go 
 with the power. 
 
 76
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 In page 5, complaining of his confinement, he says : — 
 
 ' If the security of the detention had been the only object in view, 
 there was not want of castles or of houses in England, but it was the 
 devouring climate of the tropic which was required ! ' 
 
 Now within two little pages he thus reasons : — 
 
 ' For, after all, prisoners shut up in towers, fettered and manacled, 
 have found means to escape. In whatever situation living men are 
 placed, they have always certain chances, more or less numerous, of 
 regaining their liberty. Do you seek for a place in which to enclose a 
 man, without any chance of freeing himself — without even a single 
 change in a thousand ?— you will only find one — a coffin ! ' 
 
 We give these two extracts as a testimony of the consistency of his 
 reasoning : in one of which he says, he might be safely confined in a 
 house ; and in the other, that it is impossible so to confine him. 
 
 We have before explained that the work consists of notes upon 
 detached parts of Lord Bathurst's speech. It retorts upon his Lord- 
 ship the expression so frequently used by him in the House of Peers, 
 that such and such an allegation ' is not true.' It is also to be observed, 
 that Buonaparte frequently complains that his health suffers by con- 
 finement ; and he is confined because he does ixot choose to take exercise 
 according to the terms prescribed, that is, with an accompanying 
 officer ; but whether, we ask, is he or are we to blame for this ? 
 His health is no object to us, but to himself it is. Suppose he were to 
 swear that he would not taste food unless we gave him a polished steel 
 knife to eat with, and we, through fear, only chose to allow him a 
 silver one, and suppose, in consequence of these conflicting resolutions, 
 he died of hunger while good food was at our expense daily set before 
 him, wovdd it be himself or we that starved him? Are we to be com- 
 plying, only because he is obstinate ? Still, however, as we have 
 chosen to keep him, we would have no unnecessary restrictions im- 
 posed upon him, let him have all the liberty consistent with his safe 
 custody ; and if the Governor and he have begun to provoke each other 
 by petty hostilities, let the more powerful party, from pity and 
 magnanimity, cease first. 
 
 The following extract, with which we shall conclude, proves that he 
 baa been a costly tenant to us, and will be a fair specimen of the work: — 
 
 'That he was unwilling to remove from Mr. Balcomb's on account 
 of the facility of communication with the town.' 
 
 Speech of Earl Bathurst (20):— 
 
 Observation 20. A perfidious insinuation ! A stay was made of 
 53 days at the Briars ; Longwood was inhabited a month too soon, the 
 day of arriving there being the next after that when it had been 
 painted with oil paint, within and without. For more than three 
 months 80 or 100 workmen continued i.» incumber the vicinity of the 
 house, and to occasion a great inconvenience. 
 
 • During bis residence there he was circumscribed to a small garden, 
 beyond winch he never moved without a guard; lie did not. however, 
 
 at that time, make any complaint.' (21.) 
 
 21. There was no guard at the Briars. The annexed, marked D, is 
 th>- complaint addressed on the 21th of October, 1816, at the time of 
 the departure of t he flrsl ship for England. 
 
 'Orders were given to send out a Frame tor the purpose of con- 
 structing a bouse for General Bonaparte.' (22.) 
 
 77
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 22. Seven or eight store-ships arrived in May and June, 1816, in the 
 road of James -town, loaded with materials worth about 60.000Z. 
 sterling, wood, tiles, etc., proper for building a house. At a later 
 period the store-ship Adolphus brought 16 or 20,0007. worth of iron- 
 gratings. The carriage of these materials from the sea, up to the 
 mountain, the purchase of the land, and the expenses of building, have 
 been estimated at 60,000Z. sterling, allotted into six years of labour. 
 Therefore, a sum of 180,000Z. sterling had been destined by the English 
 government for providing, in the course of six years, a dwelling for 
 the detained persons. In consenting to so considerable an expense, 
 consequently, the Minister was convinced that there was no suitable 
 house upon this rock but that of Plantation House ; in this case, why 
 did he exclude that ? The pretext that it cannot be guarded without 
 much difficulty is ridiculous and untenable. Plantation House is more 
 easily to be guarded than Longwood ; the reason of this singular ex- 
 clusion is, therefore, a mystery. But did there not exist an obligation 
 of providing an abode at St. Helena ? Was this obligation to be fulfilled 
 by excluding the three only houses in the island that were proper for 
 this purpose, and by sending an edifice in carmine and Indian ink, with 
 building materials, and an assurance that there would be a house in 
 six years ? Upon the most frightful spot in the world, all necessary 
 measures have been taken to render unavailable the local resources of 
 this poor place. The establishment is as bad as possible. How can it 
 be conceived that all this is without a purpose? 
 
 ' Sir Hudson Lowe wrote to the General, whether he would like to 
 have a new house erected, or addition made to the old one ; he received 
 no answer.' (23.) 
 
 (23.) The Commandant of this place wrote on the 7th of July, 1816, 
 to Count Montholon : the latter replied on the next day, the 8th, by 
 the annexed letter, marked E. An answer could not have been more 
 prompt or more explicit. He says, • If you have instructions to build, 
 it would be preferable that this should be done in the cultivated 
 part of the isle,' &c. 'The idea of adding wings to the building of 
 Longwood would be attended with every kind of inconvenience,' &c. 
 
 ' While he knew that in two or three years either the adminis- 
 tration in this country would be overturned, or a change would take 
 place in the Government of France, and in either case, he should be 
 released.' (24.) 
 
 24. This is not true. — That answer might be expected from the 
 mouth of an insane or intoxicated man. Is that the supposition that 
 is wished to be propagated ? Count Montholon's letter of the 8th July, 
 1816, has already been cited. After that letter, the matter was no 
 longer brought into notice ; previous to it, the question was concerning 
 this wooden house ; the Emperor said, ' That he could consider such a 
 structure in no other light than as a mockery ; that if there were a 
 wish to furnish him with an abode, that might have been suitably done 
 at the moment of his arrival ; that, moreover, it was to be proved by 
 calculation, that six years would be required for the carriage of the 
 materials to the eminence, and for the construction of the house ; that 
 in six years it was very evident he should have no need of it ; that they 
 suffered him to want a convenient habitation (though there were such 
 in the island) while he needed it, in order to give him one at a period when 
 he should want only a grave ; that all this bore upon an evil thought 1 ' 
 
 78
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 These remarks of the Emperor were made a fortnight or a month 
 before Count Montholon's letter, annexed, marked E, which will be 
 evident on an attentive perusal of that letter. This is important, and 
 it was not without design that the remarks were said to have been 
 made after the letter. 
 
 ' With all that could be considered as suitable for a person in his 
 situation.' (25.) 
 
 25. The first instructions of the Ministry stated, that treasure would 
 be found on board the Belle roplion ; that Admiral Cockburn was to 
 seize it ; that it was to be placed in the Bank of England, and that the 
 interest was to be employed in defraying all the expenses of main- 
 tenance at St. Helena. The Admiral found no treasure ; on arriving 
 at St. Helena, he was embarrassed on the score of expense ; he 
 expressed some concern at the defect of his instructions, yet he went 
 beyond them ; nothing was asked of him by the French ; he arranged 
 matters as he chose. He estimated the ordinary (annual) expense at 
 18,000Z. sterling. The new Commandant valued it in May, 1816, at 
 19,000/. sterling. In the July following he received fresh orders ; he 
 communicated them on the 17th of August ; he wrote the annexed 
 letter, marked F, to Count Montholon, and thus expressed himself : — 
 
 ' Having used all efforts to effect a reduction in them ' (the expenses 
 of the establishment at Longwood), ' I am now enabled to transmit to 
 you, for General Buonaparte's information, two statements, furnishing 
 sufficient data whereon to found a calculation of the probable annual 
 
 expense,' &c 'The instructions I have received from the 
 
 British Government direct me to limit the expenditure of Gen. 
 Buonaparte's establishment to 8000Z. per annum. They give the 
 liberty, at the same time, to admit of any further expense being 
 incurred which he may require as to table and so forth, beyond what 
 this sum would cover, provided he furnished the fund whereby the 
 surplus charges may be defrayed. I am now, therefore, under the 
 necessity of requesting you would make known to him the impossibility 
 I am under of bringing the expenses of his household, on its present 
 establishment in point of numbers, within the limits prescribed, unless 
 I make such a reduction under several heads as might naturally 
 abridge from conveniences which the persons round him now enjoy,' 
 
 &c 'I beg leave to request being informed, previous to any 
 
 further considerable reduction which might prove inconvenient to him, 
 or to the persons of his suite, if he is content such an attempt should 
 be made, or if he is willing to place at my command sufficient funds to 
 meet the extra charges which must otherwise be unavoidably incurred,' 
 &c. By the statements which he annexed to the letter, that officer 
 proved that 19,0007. sterling would be required to meet all expenses; 
 that upon this sum, 5,500/. sterling were a fixed charge for the main- 
 tenance of the buildings, which are in very bad repair ; for the wages 
 of the purveyor for conveyance from the town to the mountain; for 
 the table of the officers on guard, and for the stables; that there 
 remains then 13.500Z. sterling, which, divided among 39 individuals 
 who composed the household at Longwood, would be lb. a bead 
 per diem, which, in this country, where the prices are four times those 
 of London, are equal to 3s. Qd. for the supply of all wants, lighting, 
 firing, table, and other household purposes. To this demand of Sir 
 Sir Hudson Lowe, an answer was given in the postscript of the letter 
 
 70
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 of the 23d August ; and in the latter part of the letter of the 9th of 
 September, already quoted, marked B and C. These answers are 
 explicit. Things were very bad, even when the officer appointed to 
 guard St. Helena had a credit of 20,000Z. sterling ; but when he had no 
 more than 80001., in consequence of the decision of Lord Bathurst, 
 there did not remain what was physically necessary. From this sum 
 of 8000Z. sterling must be taken 5500Z. for fixed expenses ; there remain 
 then 2500Z. sterling for housekeeping, or lOd. a day to each man ; this 
 is a soldier's pay. The house steward caused the plate to be cut up on 
 the 20th October, and sold 952 ounces of it ; on the 9th November, 
 1227 ounces ; and on the 30th December, 2040 ; and by these means 
 effected the requisite supplies ; the Governor appointed the banker 
 who was to piu'chase this silver, and fixed the rate at 5s. the ounce. 
 The resource of silver is exhausted ; at present, on the 1st of June, 
 the means of subsistence arise from 13 bills of exchange, of 3001. 
 sterling, each payable monthly, for effects which Count Las Casas had 
 in London at his own disposal, which he offered and lent in January, 
 1817. The question here is very simple ; either the English Govern- 
 ment are obliged to furnish the supplies that are wanted, and these 
 wants have been determined by the officers on a principle of strict 
 necessity, and on a parsimonious scale ; or, if they do not conceive 
 themselves so obliged, let them allow a correspondence with Europe, 
 as was said in the postscript of the letter of the 23rd August, and let 
 them permit ships to be sent to procure what is wanting. There is 
 nothing in this place, not even wood ; the very fuel is sent from 
 England, and the meat from Africa. But to be unwilling to furnish 
 what is necessary, and not to allow it to be procured, is the height of 
 injustice and tyranny. It is making a sport of obligations and of all 
 duties ! It is affording a surmise of what thoughts are entertained ! 
 They had better be openly avowed. 
 
 'Times,' April 24, 1818. 
 
 The following paragraphs relative to Buonaparte are taken from an 
 interesting book just published, entitled ' Journal of a Visit to South 
 Africa,' by the Rev. C. I. Latrobe :— 
 
 ' I will quote one instance of the effect of his dissatisfaction about 
 things of a minor importance, which came to my knowledge from the 
 best authority. A butcher, at James-town, who used to deliver meat 
 for his table, being at length wearied out with continual repetition of 
 complaints, though he furnished the best meat he could procure, 
 directed the following laconic epistle to the Governor : — " Sir Hudson ! 
 May it please your Excellency, this same General Buonaparte is hard 
 to please. I beg to be excused sarving him any longer with meat." 
 
 'As he hates Sir Hudson Lowe, the latter does not unnecessarily 
 
 80
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 trouble him with his presence, but delivers all notices to him by Sir 
 Thomas Reade, whose polished manners, good-humoured disposition, 
 and knowledge of the Italian language, which Gen. Buonaparte is said 
 to prefer to French in conversation, makes him a pleasant messenger. 
 Sir Thomas has therefore had more opportunities of becoming 
 acquainted with him in the various affections of his mind, than most 
 Englishmen with whom he has conversed. 
 
 ' A proof of great meanness is this, that he will not give credit to 
 the English for any great warlike action. He says that, by all the 
 rules of war, he ought to have gained the battle of Waterloo, and that 
 the Duke of Wellington ought, if he had been a good general, to have 
 retreated, and not made his stand where he did. Yet at other times, 
 feeling peculiarly indignant at the Prussians, he, of course, will not 
 allow them to have had any share in the result of that action, but 
 describes his defeat to the firmness of the English infantry alone, by 
 which all his plans were disconcerted. 
 
 ' It is not my intention to add to the numberless accounts given of 
 this celebrated captive, who thinks that he has friends and defenders 
 enough among the English nation. Not having seen and spoken with 
 him myself, I can only repeat what has been said by others, and as to 
 those communications, which are made in the course of friendly and 
 unguarded conversation, I am of opinion that, without special per- 
 mission, common civility requires that they should not be published, 
 lest by any unintentional misstatement, uneasiness might be created 
 in the minds of men, whose kindness and liberality deserve to be 
 rewarded with the most scrupulous attention to their feelings. 
 
 ' General Buonaparte once observed to a gentleman, at whose house 
 he seemed to bear his lot with considerable composure, that so many 
 extraordinary things had happened to him in his life, which has 
 happened to no other man, that he should not be surprised if some 
 time hence the British Government were to recall him.' 
 
 'Morning Chronicle,' May 7, 1818. 
 
 From an article in the contingent accounts of the army, it would 
 appear that even the clerks in office arc instructed to mention the once 
 great and formidable name of Bonaparte, with the official indignity due 
 to a fallen enemy. In that account a sum is stated to have been paid 
 to a .Mr. Glover for keeping the accounts of the expenses incurred on 
 account of General Bonaparte and his follouoera, while another item in 
 the same account) to mark the high distinction due to another of his 
 followers, specifies a much larger sum paid to Captain Cochrane of the 
 Navy, for conveying tin- Austrian Com missionrr and his suite to the 
 Island of ST. Helena. 
 
 81
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 ' Morning Chronicle,' June 15, 1818. 
 extract of a letter from st. helena, dated 
 
 14th MARCH, 1818. 
 
 Independent of all the miseries I have described as being inseparable 
 from a residence upon this rock, the insalubrity of the climate is so 
 great as to excite the most serious apprehensions in my mind for my 
 family. Liver complaints, dysenteries, and bowel affections of the 
 most violent nature prevail here to a most alarming extent. Perhaps 
 in no given space of the same extent in the world is hepatitis so 
 frequently found, or under so formidable appearances, suppuration 
 frequently taking place in a few days from the first attack, whilst 
 others are spun out to a more protracted, but equally fatal termination. 
 Not a day passes without our ears being dinned with the lugubrious 
 sound of the funeral bell ; tolling for two or three who have fallen 
 victims to its mortality. Already the heads of the first families in the 
 island have been hurried to the grave by it. During the course of 
 seven years' service in India, I have never seen the complaint proceed 
 with such rapid steps to a fatal termination. Since the arrival of the 
 66th Regiment here in 1816, until the end of 1817, we have buried one 
 hundred men, women and children, being about one-thirteenth part of 
 the whole, and the remainder of the King's troops have lost about 40, 
 independent of the deaths of the squadron, which amount to near 60, 
 and those of the St. Helena Regiment and inhabitants, which is greater 
 in proportion than would be experienced in either the East or West 
 Indies. What could have induced writers to boast so much of the 
 salubrity of this island I cannot discover, as very few of the natives 
 arrive at the age of 40, and it is peculiarly unfriendly to Europeans, 
 and above all to such as have passed the meridian of life. Few even of 
 the most temperate of my acquaintance are free from some hepatic 
 affection, to produce which there must be certain inexplicable causes 
 existing in the air and the water, as those of both sexes and of every age 
 who scarcely ever stir out (and who, consequently, are not exposed to 
 the great change of temperature experienced on ascending the moun- 
 tains from the town, to which, and to the action of the rays of the sun, 
 the prevalence of the malady was first attributed), and who lead the 
 most temperate lives, are frequently attacked by it. There have been 
 three deaths at Longwood within the last three weeks ; amongst them 
 was Bonaparte's steward, Cypriani, a man well known and greatly 
 respected here — all of them by bowel complaints, and it is whispered 
 that his master will soon follow, as he has been labouring under 
 symptoms of liver complaint (produced probably by the climate, and 
 aggravated by confinement) for some time. It is an ill wind that 
 blows nobody good — at least we will gain a release from this wretched 
 unhealthy rock upon that event taking place. 
 
 82
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 'Times,' August 17. 1818. 
 
 A morning paper published the following as a literal translation of 
 the protest niade by the Count de Bertrand on the dismission of Mr. 
 O'Meara : — 
 
 ' Longicood, April 13, 1818. 
 
 * Monsieur le Gouverneur, — Dr. O'Meara made known to me yester- 
 day that, in consequence of an order emanating from you, he was 
 obliged to quit this island. On this occasion I have the honour to 
 request you to consider that M. O'Meara was given us by your Govern- 
 ment, on our demand, and by way of substitute for a French physician 
 — that he has our confidence — that the Emperor has been for seven 
 months affected with a chronical disease in the liver, a disease mortal 
 in this country, and occasioned by the want of exercise, which he has 
 been unable to take for two years, from the manner in which you have 
 abused, and still abuse your powers ; — that things have come to that 
 pass that the patient requires attendance every day ; — that for two 
 years you have been wishing to dismiss M. O'Meara, to substitute M. 
 Baxter in his place; — that notwithstanding your repeated applications, 
 the Emperor has constantly refused to receive this Physician, for 
 whom he has an invincible repugnance. Consider, that if you take 
 from him M. O'Meara, without supplying his place by a French or 
 Italian Physician, already known, you oblige this Prince to die 
 destitute of all assistance. He is determined on this point. His agony 
 will be the more painful ; but the sufferings of the body are temporary, 
 whereas the opprobrium which such ferocious conduct stamps on the 
 character of your nation will be eternal. 
 
 ' I am instructed — 1st. To declare that Dr. O'Meara is the only 
 physician on this rock in whom the patient has any confidence. 2d. To 
 protest against his dismissal with whatever pretext it may be attempted 
 to be coloured, unless it be the consequence of a legal decision. 
 
 4 1 have the honour to be, 
 
 ' Monsieur le Gouverneur, 
 ' Your very humble and very obedient servant, 
 
 (Signed) 'COUNT BERTRAND. 
 
 'To Governor Lieut. -Colonel Sir Hudson Lowe.' 
 
 'Morning Chronicle,' August 17, 1818. 
 
 It was stilted in a morning paper of Saturday that Madame Bertrand 
 had arrived in the river from St. Helena. On this The Courier of the 
 same day said, ' Upon inquiry we find that it is not Madame Bertrand, 
 but her maid, and who, with her husband and a servant of Bonaparte, 
 have been ordered to depart from England.' Tlie Star, however 
 
 83
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 asserts that it is Madame Bertrand who has arrived in the General 
 Kidd, and she is at present detained on board the Flamer off Gravesend, 
 the Government not allowing her to land in England. We do not 
 know which of these accounts is true, but it is acknowledged that 
 several of Bonaparte's suite have left St. Helena. We should like to 
 know whether the same sort of treatment which has been suffered by- 
 Mr. O'Meara has been practised towards these persons, as the means 
 of leaving Bonaparte without any individuals on whose attachment he 
 can rely. 
 
 1 Morning Chronicle,' August 20, 1818. 
 
 We have recently published some documents respecting the conduct 
 of Sir Hudson Lowe, the Governor of St. Helena, towards Mr. O'Meara, 
 particularly with reference to the medical attendance of the latter 
 upon Bonaparte. We are now enabled to give to our readers the 
 whole series of correspondence which passed upon the occasion alluded 
 to ; and, although some of the letters have already appeared in our 
 paper, the extreme interest of the subject under all the circumstances 
 connected with it, and the justice due to the character of Mr. O'Meara, 
 as observed by our correspondent, induces us to re-publish them ; by 
 which course, also, the series will be unbroken. We are happy to 
 learn that Mr. O'Meara has been re-instated in his attendance upon 
 Bonaparte, until the pleasure of the Government here is signified 
 respecting him. We give a part of the correspondence this day, and 
 intend to continue it until it is completed. 
 
 TO THE EDITOR OF THE 'MORNING CHRONICLE.' 
 
 London, Aug. 17, 1818. 
 
 Sir, — The Morning Post of this morning having stated, ' that it is 
 by no means likely that Sir Hudson Lowe would have removed Dr. 
 O'Meara without good reasons,' and as such insinuations may prejudice 
 this gentleman's character in the eyes of the world, and induce people 
 to suppose that he is really deserving of the illegal and unauthorised 
 punishment inflicted upon him by Sir H. Lowe, I feel it a duty I owe 
 to Mr. O'Meara (who is my most intimate friend) to send you the 
 enclosed letter, written by him to Sir H. Lowe, and the declaration 
 accompanying it, for insertion in your paper. 
 
 Mr. O'Meara sent me these documents for my private perusal, and 
 in order to divest my mind of any impressions unfavourable to him, in 
 consequence of his removal from the extraordinary situation he held 
 under Bonaparte, but, as his name has lately so much been called in 
 question, I deem it indispensably my duty to give them to the public 
 for the same reasons that induced him to send them for my private 
 information. W. F. 
 
 84
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 Longwood, Dec. 23, 1817. 
 
 Sir, — In consequence of some circumstances which have latterly- 
 occurred relative to the obligations expected from a person filling the 
 situation I have the honour to hold, I conceive it to be essentially 
 necessary to lay the following statement before your Excellency for 
 your consideration. 
 
 When in August, 1815, Count Bertrand (after having received 
 satisfactory answers from Captain Maitland, of his Majesty's ship 
 Bellerophon, to inquiries made by him touching my character and. 
 conduct) did me the honour to make application to Admiral Lord 
 Keith for me to accompany Napoleon Bonaparte to St. Helena in 
 quality of Surgeon, his Lordship was pleased to approve of, and 
 sanction my accepting of the above-named situation, which, at his 
 Lordship's recommendation, was afterwards confirmed by the Right 
 Honourable the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty ; the appoint- 
 ment, therefore, was not of my seeking. 
 
 I never for a moment entertained the most distant idea that, in- 
 dependent of my medical duties, it was expected that I should make a 
 Report of the conversations which I might have with the persons 
 whom my duties led me to visit ; no such proposition was ever made 
 to me either by Lord Keith or Sir George Cockburn, nor was even the 
 most distant insinuation to that effect made by the above-mentioned 
 distinguished characters. 
 
 When asked by Napoleon Bonaparte to tell him candidly whether 
 he ought to consider me as a Surgeon d'un Gale're', or as a medical 
 man in whom he could repose confidence, I replied, that I was not 
 Surgeon d'un Galdrc ; that I was Surgeon, and not a spy, and one in 
 whom I hoped he might place confidence — that my principles were to 
 forget the conversations I had with my patients on leaving the room, 
 unless as far as regarded my allegiance as a British officer to my 
 Sovereign and country — and that my orders only obliged me to one 
 thing, to wit, to give immediate notice to the Governor in case of any 
 serious illness befalling him, in order that the best medical advice 
 might be promptly afforded. 
 
 When asked again, subsequently, whether I am not obliged by your 
 orders. Sir, to go twice a week to Plantation House to make reports, 
 and what the nature of such reports or communications was. I referred 
 to the sentiments expressed above. 
 
 When minutely interrogated by you. Sir, as to the number of 
 interviews, and the subject of conversations I have had, and when 
 informed by you, Sir, that I was no judge of the importance of the 
 subjects of any conversations I might have — that I had no business to 
 set up my own judgment <>n the nature of them — that you might 
 think several things of great importance which I might consider as 
 trifling and uninteresting — T have had the honour to reply, that if I 
 was not at liberty to exercise any discretion or judgment as to the 
 importance or otherwise of such conversations as 1 might be present 
 at, there was evidently no other alternative than that of repeating to 
 you every syllable which passed, the doing of which would place me in 
 the situation of a man acting the most base and dishonourable part. 
 In fact, that 1 would be a spy and a ' mouton.' That such conduct 
 would cover my name with well-merited infamy, and render me unfit 
 for the society of any man of honour. 
 
 85
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 He who, clothed with the specious garb of a physician, insinuates 
 himself into the confidence of his patient, and avails himself of the 
 frequent opportunities and facilities which his situation necessarily 
 presents of being near his person, to wring (under pretence of curing 
 or alleviating his infirmities, and in that confidence which has been 
 from time immemorial reposed by the sick in persons professing the 
 healing art) disclosures of his patient's sentiments and opinions, for 
 the purpose of afterwards betraying them, deserves most justly to be 
 branded with the appellation of 'mouton.' 
 
 In answer to your question on the 16th of this month, of ' whether 
 I had given my word of honour not to make any written reports of 
 the state of Napoleon Bonaparte's health, without obtaining his 
 consent, and leaving the originals in his possession ? ' I had the honour 
 to reply to you, Sir, that I had avoided giving such a pledge, by stating 
 (according to your directions) that none would be asked without first 
 acquainting him. 
 
 I have the honour to acquaint you, Sir, that Count Bertrand has 
 signified to me, that with respect to the title, it might be easy to 
 arrange matters by making use of no proper names in the reports, and 
 by substituting the words personage, or the patient, in lieu thereof ; 
 that provided this was done, previous consent being obtained, the 
 originals deposited with one of the French suite, there would be 
 no objection to written reports of the state of Napoleon Bona- 
 parte's health being made. The substance of this I have had the 
 honour to make known to you verbally, on the 15th of October, and 
 the 14th of this month. 
 
 Having so often received contradictory instructions from you, Sir, 
 I must beg leave to reiterate the request I have frequently made to 
 you before, to wit, to be furnished with instructions in writing, to the 
 end that I may well comprehend my situation, and what is required 
 from me, and to prevent the possibility of mistakes which may arise 
 from verbal instructions being either forgotten, or badly compre- 
 hended. 
 
 It is with infinite pain, Sir, that I feel obliged to refer to the 
 ignominious treatment which I have suffered from you in your own 
 house, especially upon two occasions. Were I culpable, even a Court 
 Martial could not authorise the intemperate and opprobrious epithets 
 so liberally bestowed upon me, and being twice turned out of doors in 
 the presence of witnesses ; the last time not without apprehensions on 
 my part of experiencing personal violence. I have, Sir, had the honour 
 of serving my country in the Royal Navy for several years, until now 
 without censure, and perhaps not without some little commendation ; 
 and I must protest against any person, however superior to me in 
 rank, making use of language and treatment towards me unworthy of, 
 and degrading to an officer who has the honour to serve in his 
 Majesty's navy. 
 
 I have the honour to be, Sir, 
 
 With all due respect, 
 Your Excellency's most obedient humble servant, 
 
 BARRY O'MEARA, Surgeon, R.N. 
 To his Excellency Lieut. -Gen. Sir Hudson Lowe, 
 K.C.B., &c, &c, Governor. 
 
 86
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 St. Helena, April 10, 1818. 
 
 Sir, — I am directed by Lieutenant-General Sir Hudson Lowe to 
 convey to yovi his instructions, that except in the event of anything 
 extraordinary occurring, which you might feel it your duty to report 
 immediately in person to him, you are not to quit Longwood without 
 his permission, unless under a call for medical attendance, when other 
 medical aid is not at hand, or \mless under the circumstance of 
 Napoleon Bonaparte passing outside the grounds of Longwood, when, 
 if he should require it, you may follow him, observing, however, that 
 pursuant to the original arrangement made by Rear- Admiral Sir Geo. 
 Cockburn, your attendance upon him cannot be considered as supply- 
 ing the place of a British officer should he pass beyond the limits. 
 
 Your immediate attendance upon the Naval Commander-in-Chief, 
 should he at any time require it, is also an exception to the above rule. 
 
 In case of your feeling it necessary, or desiring to call in or consult 
 with other medical aid, you will apply forthwith to Mr. Baxter (or to 
 any nearer medical person, if the suddenness of the case should require 
 it), making known the same to the Orderly Officer, who has orders to 
 place a dragoon at your disposition, for the above or any other purpose 
 you may want one, connected with your medical duty. 
 
 I am, Sir, your obedient servant, 
 (Signed) T. READE, Lieut. -Col. D.A.G. 
 
 Barry O'Meara, Esq., Longwood. 
 
 Longivood, April 12, 1818. 
 
 Sir, — I have had the honour this morning of receiving a letter from 
 Lieut. -Colonel Sir Thos. Read, Deputy Adjutant-General, containing 
 instructions, in your Excellency's name, by which I find that I am 
 assimilated with the French prisoners at Longwood. 
 
 When, in 1815, Count Bertrand asked me to accompany Napoleon 
 Bonaparte as surgeon, I declared to Admiral Lord Keith and Captain 
 Maitland (both of whom strongly recommended my accepting of the 
 offer) that I would accept of the situation on certain conditions, viz. — 
 that I should continue upon the Navy List in my rank as surgeon, with 
 my time going on ; that it should be permitted me to resign, should I find 
 the situation not to be consonant to my wishes ; that I should not be 
 considered as dependent upon or paid by Napoleon Bonaparte, but as 
 a British officer employed by the British Government (and conse- 
 quently not subject to any restriction or restrictions imposed upon 
 French prisoners), preferring to renounce any situation, however 
 advantageous, rather than give up my independence and the rights to 
 whieh every British subject is entitled by the laws of the land which 
 gave him birth : the subsequent arrangements made by the Right 
 Honourable the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty show that all 
 these conditions were approved of. 
 
 in June IMT. you, sir, manifested some intention of Imposing upon 
 me the same restrictions as the French prisoners were subjected to. 
 
 T had then the honour to communicate to you the stipulations which 
 
 1 had made, and the conditions under which l had accepted the 
 
 situation ; adding, that I would prefer giving in my resignation to 
 
 lubmitting to any such restrictions. I therefore, sir. consider your 
 
 87
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 Order, of the 10th of this month, as a demand for my resignation, and 
 I have the honour now, Sir, to tender it to you, and also to demand 
 permission to return to England, as no pecuniary advantages are 
 sufficiently powerful to induce me to give up my rights as a British 
 subject, and to sully the uniform which I have the honour to wear. 
 I have the honour to be, Sir, 
 
 With all possible respect, 
 Your Excellency's most obedient humble servant, 
 
 (Signed) BARRY E. O'MEARA, Surgeon, R.N. 
 
 To his Excellency Lieut. -Gen. Sir Hudson Lowe, 
 K.C.B., &c, &c, Governor. 
 
 Longicood, April 12, 1818. 
 
 Sir, — I have received this morning a letter, bearing date the 10th of 
 this month, containing directions from the Governor of the island, that 
 I am not permitted in future to stir out of Longwood ; which is 
 equivalent to saying that I am to be subjected to the same restrictions 
 as the French prisoners. 
 
 "When, in 1815, I resolved, in consequence of the confidence you 
 had manifested towards me, and the advice of Admiral Lord Keith and 
 Captain Maitland, to accept of the situation of Surgeon, I made a 
 special condition, that in so doing I should be continued upon the 
 Navy List, in my rank as Surgeon, with my time going on ; and that 
 I should be considered as a British officer, paid by the British Govern- 
 ment, and consequently not subject to any restriction or restrictions 
 which it might be thought proper to impose upon the French ; desiring 
 thereby to preserve my character as a British officer unsullied. 
 
 Ten months past, the Governor conveyed to me some intimation of 
 his wish to submit me to the same restrictions as the French ; to which 
 I replied, by making known to him the engagements which I had 
 made, and that, however flattering might be the confidence which had 
 been placed in me, nothing would induce me to degrade my character 
 and the uniform which I wore, by renouncing the privileges to which 
 every Englishman is entitled by the laws of his country. 
 
 It appears clearly to me now that the intentions are, by subjecting 
 me to such restrictions, to oblige me to quit the Chief Personage at 
 Longwood, and I am under the necessity of representing to you, Sir, 
 that however painful it is to my feelings to do so, in the actual state of 
 ill-health in which he is at present, it is impossible for me to sacrifice 
 my character, and my rights as a British subject, to the desire which I 
 have of being usefid to him ; and I have, in consequence, formed the 
 resolution to depart, and return to my native country. In doing this, 
 I do not conceive that I break through any engagement which I may 
 have contracted with you, since it is caused by a superior power, as 
 independent of my will, as an irresistible physical force, or death itself. 
 It is doubtless true, that I made a promise to stay as long as you 
 remained in the state you are, and whilst I could be of any service to 
 you ; but in so doing I only expressed my volition to execute, which is 
 now as impossible as if I were labouring under sickness, or no more. 
 
 I had an interview this morning, but, in consequence of observing 
 him to be very unwell, I did not like to communicate to him the novel 
 
 88
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 intelligence which must cause my departure from him ; I therefore beg 
 of you, who are most accustomed to, and have a greater right to his 
 confidence, to make it known to him. 
 
 I have the honour to be, Sir, 
 
 With the greatest respect, 
 Your most obliged humble servant, 
 (Signed) BARRY E. O'MEARA, Surgeon. 
 
 To Lieut. -General Count Bertrand, &c, &c,, &c. 
 
 ' Morning Chronicle,' August 21, 1818. 
 
 [CONTINUATION OF THE CORRESPONDENCE COMMENCED 
 IN OUR PAPER OF YESTERDAY.] 
 
 Long wood, April 13, 1818. 
 
 Monsieur le Gouverneur, — Doctor O'Meara made known to me 
 yesterday that, in consequence of an order emanating from you, he 
 was obliged to quit this Island. On this occasion I have the honour to 
 request you to consider, that Mr. O'Meara was given us by your 
 Government on our demand, and by way of substitute for a French 
 physician ; — that he has our confidence ; — that the Emperor has been 
 for seven months affected with a chronical disease of the liver, a 
 disease mortal in this country, and occasioned by want of exercise, 
 which he has been unable to take for two years, from the manner in 
 which you have abused, and still abuse your powers ; — that things are 
 come to that pass that the patient requires attendance every day ; — 
 that for two years you have been wishing to dismiss M. O'Meara, 
 to substitute M. Baxter in his place ; — that, notwithstanding your 
 reiterated applications, the Emperor has constantly refused to receive 
 this physician, for whom he has an invincible repxignance. Consider 
 that if you take from him M. O'Meara, without supplying his place 
 by a French or Italian physician already known, you oblige this Prince 
 to die destitute of all assistance. He is determined on this point. His 
 agony will be the more painful ; but the sufferings of the body are 
 temporary ; whereas the opprobrium which such ferocious conduct 
 stamps on the character of your nation will be eternal. 
 
 I am instructed — 1st. To declare that Dr. O'Meara is the only 
 physician on this rock in whom the patient has any confidence. 2nd. 
 To protest against his dismissal, with whatever pretext it may be 
 attempted to be coloured, unless it be the consequence of a legal 
 decision. I have the honour to lie, 
 
 .Monsieur le Gouvei -ueui . 
 Your very humble and very obedient servant. 
 
 (Signed) COUNT BERTRAND. 
 
 To Governor Lieut. •Colonel Sir Hudson Lowe. 
 
 89
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 Plantation House, April 17, 1818. 
 
 Sir, — The Governor directs you will enclose to rue, for his informa- 
 tion, copy of the letter you addressed to Count Bertrand on the day of 
 your receiving his last instructions through Sir Thos. Reade. — The 
 bearer can wait for the same. 
 
 I am, Sir, 
 
 Your most obedient servant, 
 (Signed) G. GORREQUER, Major, Act. Mil. Sec. 
 
 Barry O'Meara, Esq., Longwood. 
 
 Longwood, April 17, 1818. 
 
 Sir, — When I received his Excellency's directions on the 12th inst. 
 my first step was to proceed to Napoleon Bonaparte in order to 
 acquaint him that I had determined to give in my resignation, and to 
 express my regret for the necessity under which I was of doing so. 
 Finding him, however, indisposed and in bed, I did not think proper 
 to communicate it to him, and I therefore wrote a letter to Count 
 Bertrand, in which I begged of him to do so ; of that letter I have 
 preserved no copy, but the tenor of it was nearly similar to that which 
 I had the honour to address to his Excellency the same day. 
 
 Having until now discharged my duty in an honourable manner, I 
 must anxiously beg leave to solicit my discharge from the humiliating 
 situation in which I am placed at present, and will feel obliged for any 
 acceleration of my departure, which you may have it in your power to 
 obtain. I remain, Sir, &c, 
 
 BARRY E. O'MEARA, Surgeon. 
 
 To Major Gorrequer, Act. Mil. Sec. 
 
 Plantation House, April 18, 1818. 
 
 Sir, — I have laid your letter of yesterday before the Governor, 
 whom it has not satisfied. 
 
 Your first step, on receiving his instructions, if you found a diffi- 
 culty to comply with them, was to have made known the same to him, 
 or to have acquainted him with your intention to resign, if you pre- 
 ferred taking such a step to seeking any alteration of them. 
 
 Your last step, considered as a point of duty (if your resolution was 
 founded on any instruction received from the Governor), should have 
 been not to have acquainted Napoleon Bonaparte with anything of the 
 matter until you had the Governor's concurrence for making known 
 the same to him. 
 
 That you had the intention to resign has long since been known. 
 
 Your letter to Count Bertrand, without the Governor having seen 
 it, and before you had thought fit to address him, was a direct breach 
 of the regulations, for which, and all consequence of which, you are 
 responsible. 
 
 If it referred to any instruction received from the Governor, it was 
 your duty to have kept a copy of it ; you can obtain that from Count 
 Bertrand, or can borrow the original from him to copy. 
 
 In asking leave to copy the letter it is not necessary to acquaint 
 
 90
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 him that it is to send to the Governor, and thus perhaps furnish a 
 motive for his refusal. 
 
 The Governor can accept no excuse for your not sending the copy 
 required, as he wants to send it to Government, and as the means are 
 fully within your reach to obtain that copy. 
 
 It is, therefore, unnecessary to again address me, unless for the 
 purpose of inclosing it. 
 
 I am, Sir, &c, &c. &c, 
 
 G. GORREQUER, Major, Act. Mil. Sec. 
 
 Barry O'Meara, Esq., Surgeon. 
 
 P.S. — If you object sending a copy of the letter lest it might lead to 
 your own condemnation, I am directed to observe that the fact of your 
 having written the letter was known on the day you addressed Count 
 Bertrand by his communication to me, and the withholding a copy of 
 it would therefore furnish stronger grounds for official notice. 
 
 G. G. 
 
 Longivood, April 19, 1818. 
 
 Sir, — According to your Excellency's directions, communicated to 
 me yesterday by Major Gorrequer, I proceeded to Count Bertrand, and 
 begged him, as I had not preserved a copy of the letter I had written to 
 him on the 12th of this month, to lend it to me for the purpose of 
 taking a copy, which he did without the smallest hesitation. Indeed, 
 a little before the interview which took place between him and Major 
 Gorrequer, he asked me if I had any objections to my letter being 
 shown to Major Gorrequer, and he has since informed me that his 
 intentions were, that he might either keep it or take a copy, as he had 
 done with several other papers some days before. 
 
 For ten months your Excellency has several times manifested to me 
 intentions to subject me to the same restrictions as the French 
 prisoners, to which I have always refused to consent : and I must beg 
 leave now to state, that your Excellency has not the right to do so, as 
 Napoleon Bonaparte is not considered as a prisoner of war, otherwise 
 than by virtue of an Act of Parliament ; and the other French (not 
 even the domestics) are not named in the Bill, and could not be 
 subjected to the restrictions which have been imposed upon them, if 
 they had not given their consent by written engagement, the effect of 
 which ceases at the moment of their option, as is clearly shown by the 
 recent departure of General Gourgaud ; therefore still stronger reasons 
 exist that an English subject cannot be submitted to such restrictions 
 without a special and written consent on his part, to which I have 
 always [untested, and protest 1 will never agree to, as it would be 
 signing the dishonoiu' of the naval uniform, and would inevitably 
 draw down upon me the contempt of the brother officers with whom I 
 have I lie honour to serve. Therefore, in the natural state of things, 
 neither your Kxcellency nor any other authority can subject me to 
 lictions contrary to fche rights of an otlicer, ami the laws of 
 England. 
 
 1 have also had the honour to observe to you that, independent of 
 the general guarantee of the laws, I had provided a private one in the 
 stipulations which I had made in L816, when Admiral Lord Keith, 
 
 then commanding the channel Fleet, in consequence of the request 
 
 !>1
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 made to him by Count Bertrand that I should be attached to Napoleon, 
 as surgeon, in place of the French surgeon whom the English Govern- 
 ment had permitted to accompany him, authorized me to do so, I 
 begged of his Lordship to give me an order in writing, which he 
 declined doing. 
 
 I recollect perfectly well his answer, which was — 'It is not in my 
 power to order you to accept of it, as it is out of the naval service, and 
 a business altogether extraordinary, and must be voluntary on your 
 part ; but I, as Commander-in-Chief, will authorize you to accept of it, 
 and I advise you most strongly to do so, as I am convinced the 
 Government will be obliged to you, and it is a situation which may, 
 with propriety and honour, be held by an Englishman.' Although it 
 was impossible for me not to follow the advice of such a distinguished 
 officer, nevertheless I made some stipulations, viz. — that I should be at 
 liberty to resign, should I find the situation not to be consonant to my 
 wishes ; that I should be borne upon the Navy List in my rank as 
 surgeon, with my time going on ; that I should not be paid or con- 
 sidered as dependent upon Napoleon Bonaparte, but as a British officer 
 (and consequently not subject to any restrictions inflicted upon French 
 prisoners) ; and I have repeatedly had the honour, verbally, to express 
 to you, that sooner than consent to allow my rights as an English 
 officer to be violated, I would prefer giving in my resignation ; and as 
 you appeared to be struck with my observations and the stipulations 
 which I had made with the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty, I 
 therefore concluded that you had given up all idea of putting them in 
 execution. When, on the 12th of this month, I received instructions 
 contrary to my natural rights, the stipulations I had made, and the 
 protestations which I frequently made to yourself which you caused to 
 be sent to me, I immediately comprehended that it was merely a way 
 of obliging me to quit Longwood. Delicacy, my duties as a medical 
 man, and humanity, alike ordained that, prior to quitting, I should 
 acquaint Napoleon Bonaparte with my intention, and I did so. 
 
 In neither the Army or Navy is it the custom, when any officer is 
 desirous to resign, for him to first consult his Royal Highness the Duke 
 of York, or the First Lord of the Admiralty, touching the propriety or 
 otherwise of his doing so, the resignation tendered direct through the 
 proper channels is always the first intimation ; therefore in sending 
 my resignation to your Excellency without first consulting you, I was 
 only acting according to the established customs of both services. 
 
 In writing the letter to Count Bertrand I have not violated the 
 respect which I owe to your Excellency as head of the Government, as 
 the question contained in it has been frequently agitated before. I 
 have not violated the Act of Parliament, or any written restriction 
 emanating from you. An inhabitant of Longwood, I have not been 
 subjected to the restrictions imposed upon the inhabitants of the island 
 either with respect to passes, as I live in the house, or as to communi- 
 cations, because for near three years communications daily and 
 nightly, verbally and in writing, have taken place between us. There 
 is not a day passes that I do not see the French several times, very 
 frequently by night, and not a week that I do not make written 
 communications to both the masters and the servants upon medical 
 and other subjects pertaining to physic. 
 
 I have not violated any written instructions, because I have never 
 
 92
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 received any positive prohibition restraining the nature of my com 
 munications. In all the restrictions there was always a latitude, a 
 kind of discretional power allowed me, by stating 'that I was not 
 ordered not to reply to Napoleon Bonaparte or to any of his family on 
 any other subject not medical ; that, if I did so, the responsibility must 
 rest upon myself; that I had not his authority for doing so.' Indeed, 
 had a positive prohibition been given, to comply with it is evidently 
 impracticable for any person in my situation ; and, as to the responsi- 
 bility, I am content to bear the whole of it. 
 
 When frequently required to act in a manner which I conceived to 
 be incompatible with my feelings and profession, and dishonourable to 
 me, I have had the honour to demand clear and positive instructions 
 in writing, in order that I might study, meditate upon, and execute 
 them punctually ; or, if I found anything in them contrary to my 
 conscience, to give in my resignation. I have never had any except 
 such as were worded in the manner I have described above. 
 
 For some months I have been made to lead a most wretched life by 
 your Excellency's obliging me to proceed to your house twice a week, 
 reviling me, turning me out of doors in a most ignominious manner, 
 once, indeed, having experienced everything except personal violence, 
 menaced by words and looks, because I did not choose to comply with 
 verbal insinuations. 
 
 It is not for me, Sir, to pretend to remain in the situation against 
 your will, but, instead of receiving orders to that effect from the Right 
 Hon. the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty, means are taken to 
 oblige me to quit by attacks upon my rights and personal liberty, and 
 for several days I have been oppressed, humiliated, and dishonoured ; 
 dishonoured as much as an officer can be by an arbitrary act, and 
 rendered by indignation nearly incapable of exercising my calling. I 
 have, therefore, Sir, the honour to demand from your Excellency — 
 1st. Either the rescinding of your directions of the 10th of this month, 
 and the privilege of exercising my fimctions at Longwood as I have 
 done for nearly three years. 2nd. Or to accept the resignation which I 
 wrote as soon as I found that I was assimilated to the French prisoners, 
 and to allow me to proceed to England. 3rd. Or, if it is asserted that I 
 have committed a crime, either in writing the enclosed letter to Count 
 Bertrand, or by having done anything else which I am ignorant of, 
 and which your Excellency has not thought proper to communicate to 
 me, or of not having complied with verba] and obscure directions, or 
 of having in any way violated the Act of Parliament, I demand to be, 
 according to the provisions of that Act, transferred to England for 
 trial before a competent Court. I further protest against any longer 
 detention in the state of oppression in which ! .1111, which, by rendering 
 me incapable of following my professional avocations, necessitates my 
 being speedily replaced a1 Longwood; and I appeal to the justice of the 
 Right Honourable the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty against 
 the violation oi the terms under which I accepted the situation. 
 [ have the honour to be, sir, with all possible respect, 
 
 Eour Excellency's mosl obedienl bumble servant, 
 
 B. O'MEAKA, Surgeon, Royal Navy. 
 
 To his Excellency Lieut. -General sir Eudson 
 Lowe, K.C.B., &c, Governor. 
 
 98
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 St. Helena, 1st May, 1818. 
 
 My dear Sir, — As it is probable that my removal from the situation 
 which I now hold will, ere long, take place (which event, indeed, con- 
 sidering the manner in which I have been tormented and ill-treated for 
 several months past, obviously and evidently with a view to oblige me 
 to resign, is now desirable), I have thought it essential to my justifica- 
 tion to forward to you the above letter (which was sent to the Governor 
 the day it was written), and the other inclosures of my letters and the 
 replies to them, in order that you, from whom I have received so many 
 marks of friendship, and whose esteem and good opinion I prize so 
 highly, may not be led to suppose, by any artful insinuations or mis- 
 representations, arising from malice, revenge, a dread of the truth's 
 being made known in England, or even of mere mistake, that any 
 improper or dishonourable conduct on my part, has occasioned my 
 removal from a situation, to which, whether considered in the light of 
 novelty or delicacy, history offers no parallel. To you, one of my 
 earliest and sincerest friends, I am bound to render this indispensable 
 explanation ; which obliges me to discontinue the secrecy which 
 hitherto I have maintained, even with respect to my own situation 
 upon this rock. 
 
 Believe me to be, my dear Sir, 
 
 Your most sincere and obliged friend, 
 
 BARRY O'MEARA, Surgeon. 
 
 To Wm. Ferguson, Esq. 
 
 ' Morning Chronicle,' August 22, 1818. 
 [continuation of the correspondence.] 
 
 St. Helena, April 19, 1818. 
 
 Sib, — Your letter to Count Bertrand, your direct disobedience to 
 the Governor's orders, and open disavowal of his authority immediately 
 afterwards, would appear to render other measures necessary than 
 that of replying to any letter addressed by you to him after such pro- 
 ceedings ; but, as it is desirable your removal from Longwood should 
 be combined with a certain consideration towards the person on whom 
 you are attending, I have received the Governor's directions notwith- 
 standing to reply to your letter of the 12th instant, as follows : — 
 
 Firstly, the instructions I conveyed to you, in his name, on the 
 10th instant, do not, as you have stated, assimilate you to the ' French 
 prisoners ' at Longwood, unless so far as a consciousness of your having 
 given cause to be so assimilated may have led you to suppose by 
 implication such to have been the Governor's intention. 
 
 If considered as a restriction, they differ materially from those 
 imposed upon the French officers, inasmuch as circumstances might 
 render a different kind of regulation necessary for inf orcing compliance 
 with established rules on the part of a person in an official situation 
 
 94
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 who may have given reason to suppose that he is capable of mis- 
 using its trust and opportunities, than the foreign persons who are 
 the object of their rules, and who, however they might be disposed, 
 could not with the same facility evade them. 
 
 If, however, considered simply as an order for the most exact 
 performance of your medical duties, they impose no restraint beyond 
 that which it is entirely in the Governor's discretion and authority to 
 impose, as it is in his opinion to judge whether the only medical 
 person attached to the establishment at Longwood, and the only one 
 in this island whom Napoleon Bonaparte has hitherto been willing to 
 considt, shall be at liberty to quit the premises at any time he pleases 
 or not, leaving in the former case no medical attendant at all on the 
 spot, or giving occasion for calling in persons whose visits there the 
 Governor may not be informed of, or might not think fit to concur in. 
 
 The instruction requires this permission for your quitting Long- 
 wood, but where it is granted it does not require (as in the case of the 
 foreign persons when they pass beyond the limits) that you should 
 proceed unaccompanied. 
 
 The second paragraph of your letter recites the stipulations you 
 made upon accepting your situation, avoiding, however, to refer to the 
 only document which contains them, viz., your letter to Lord Keith, 
 and his reply. 
 
 The statement you have now presented is not a correct transcript 
 of that letter, the omissions and additions to it are stated in the paper 
 annexed. You say all the conditions were approved of by the Lords 
 Commissioners of the Admiralty. Their Lordships' names have been 
 thus most unwarrantably brought forward in approval of superadded 
 conditions which they never could have seen ; but, even if they had 
 approved any such, it is not likely they would consider them as 
 exempting you from obedience to local regulations. 
 
 The third paragraph of your letter says, the Governor manifested 
 in June last some intention of imposing upon you the same restrictions 
 as the French prisoners were subjected to, and that on that occasion 
 you communicated the stipulations you made, and adding, you would 
 prefer giving in your resignation to submitting to any such restric- 
 tions, from whence you draw the inference that the instructions now 
 conveyed to you are a demand for your resignation. 
 
 The Governor desires me to controvert the fact of his ever 
 having used any expression to justify you in such a conclusion or 
 inference, as that he had an intention to place you under the same 
 restrictions as those imposed upon the French prisoners, so called by 
 you. Such intention, in fact, was never in his contemplation, nor did 
 any officer of his stalf, either at the time to which you refer, or at any 
 time subsequently, ever hear him express it, nor was any argument 
 on such point ever brought forward into discussion with you, nor was 
 any other stipulation or condition of your service ever made known to 
 the Governor, to leave or to merit any trace in his recollection, beyond 
 what was expressed in your letter to him of the 6th August, 1815, and 
 in your letter to Lord Keith, of which last, though you may not have 
 been aware of it, you have left a copy with him, but to neither of 
 which, as written documents, you have thought proper to refer. 
 
 When you left with the Governor the copy of your letter to Lord 
 Keith, which contains the only original condition to which you are 
 
 95
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 authorised to refer in any official communication to him, you did not 
 make known any such stipulation as that which is now introduced ; 
 nor would the Governor have admitted you to do so in any sense 
 opposed to the due and necessary exercise of his authority, nor did you 
 accompany the delivery of that paper with any such declaration as 
 that to which you now draw in inference from the superadded 
 stipulation. 
 
 Further, if a matter should arise for any regulation which might 
 appear to place you under a similar restraint with the foreign persons 
 at Longwood, resulting from a breach or evasion of any established 
 rule, whereby you might be rendering yourself instrumental to their 
 views, and counteracting the disposition of your own Government, it 
 is by you, Sir, the measure would be forced, and not by the Governor ; 
 and the more present to your memory, such a declaration as that 
 referred to, the more premeditated on your part, and the more com- 
 pulsory on the Governor would your line of proceeding in such case 
 appear. 
 
 Your intention, however, to quit this island was known in England 
 several months before the Governor knew it. How does this accord 
 with your promise to Napoleon Bonaparte not to quit him as long as 
 he remained in his present state ? Of the above determination it was 
 your first duty to have acquainted the Governor, in order that 
 Napoleon Bonaparte also might have been informed of it, and you 
 are responsible for any inconvenience which may result to him by not 
 having done so. 
 
 In reference to that part of your letter in which you speak of your 
 independence and rights as British subjects, the Governor does not 
 consider your emancipation from the duties of a surgeon of a man of 
 war, to be employed equally under the orders of Government in a 
 particular duty on shore, grants any new privilege on such head. 
 
 If you were to return to your duty on board a man of war, and 
 circumstances should require the Commander of it to convey an order 
 to you not to quit it without his permission, you would not presume, 
 nor would he suffer you to talk of your rights and independence to 
 him, if acting in disobedience to such order, particularly before any 
 representation was made against it, nor would a Naval Court Martial 
 pay much attention to this plea, if such an act of insubordination was 
 brought to their judgment. 
 
 Disobedience to an order not to quit the particular district on shore 
 within which your only duty lies, without superior permission (that 
 order conveyed without censure or reflection upon you, beyond which 
 you have yourself thought fit to imply, and disobeyed even before any 
 representation was made against it), does not carry less ground of 
 condemnation against you. A more serious reflection, however, occurs 
 to the Governor's mind, on perusing the above terms in your letter. 
 
 Wherever you may have misused the confidential trust reposed in 
 you as a British officer, by counteracting any public ordinance, which 
 has relation to the person upon whom you are attending — wherever 
 you may have bound yourself, by any secret pledge, to a person in his 
 particular situation, unknown to the authority you were under, or of 
 which you did not immediately inform it — wherever you may have 
 allowed him or any of the persons of his suite to suppose you could be 
 rendered an instrument for any clandestine or indirect purpose what- 
 
 96
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 ever, it would indicate a line of action not quite consistent with that 
 spirit of independence to which you lay claim, or to that nice sense of 
 public duty which an official situation requires, and whether your 
 uniform might or might not be sullied, is a question which may, in 
 such case, be considered in a very different light to that to which you 
 appear desirous it should be treated. 
 
 In conclusion, I am directed by the Governor to acquaint you, that 
 he accepts, and will forward to England, the resignation tendered in 
 your letter to him, of the 12th inst., without prejudice, however, to 
 any measures which the law or dispositions of the service to which you 
 belong may give rise to, for any breach of law or regulation committed 
 by you, antecedent or subsequent to the date of your resignation being 
 tendered ; further, if Napoleon Bonaparte is willing to receive the 
 advice of any other medical person on this island than yourself — he 
 will consent to your immediately quitting Longwood, without waiting 
 any instructions from his Government thereupon ; but, if he should not 
 be willing to receive any other medical person, it will be proper you 
 should continue in your present situation until your resignation has 
 been received in England, or that some arrangement can be made for 
 the supply of your duties. 
 
 I am, Sir, your obedient servant, 
 (Signed) TH. READE, Lieut. -Col. D.A.G. 
 
 Barry O'Meara, Esq., Longwood. 
 
 [Note : — The following appeared in the ' Morning Chronicle ' for 
 August 22, 1818.] 
 
 NOTE WRITTEN BY NAPOLEON IN THE MARGIN OP SIR 
 THOMAS READE'S LETTER TO COUNT BERTRAND, DATED 
 25th APRIL, 1818. 
 
 1. I gave you to understand, yesterday, when you presented this 
 letter to me, that I would not condescend to notice it ; and that you 
 need not translate it to me, since it is not in the form which has been 
 observed for three years. 
 
 2. This fresh outrage only dishonours this coxcomb. The King of 
 England alone is entitled to treat with me upon an equality. 
 
 3. This crafty proceeding has one object — to prevent your exposing 
 the criminal plot they have been contriving against my life for these 
 two years past . 
 
 4. Tbus it is, that affecting to open the doors to claims and com- 
 plaints, they shut them the closer. 
 
 5. Thus it is, that affecting a willingness to provide me lodging, and 
 build a house tor me, I have been kept for three years in this unhealthy 
 barn, and no building has been yet commenced. 
 
 6. Thus it is, that alVecting to allow me the liberty of riding on 
 horseback, they prevenl me from so doing, and from taking exercise, 
 by indirect means. Hence the primary cause of my illness. 
 
 7. They employ the same means to debar me from receiving any 
 visit. They have need of obscurity. 
 
 97 H
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 8. Thus it is, that after having made attempts upon my physician, 
 having forced him to give in his resignation, rather than remain a 
 passive instrument void of all moral feeling, they nevertheless keep 
 him under arrest at Longwood, wishing it to be believed that I have 
 his assistance, when they well know I cannot see him, that I have not 
 seen him for a fortnight, and that I never shall see him unless he be 
 set at liberty, relieved from his oppressive situation, and restored to 
 his moral independence in what concerns the exercise of his functions. 
 
 9. Thus it is they are guilty of a characteristic falsehood in causing 
 bulletins to be issued by a physician who has never seen me, and who 
 is ignorant both of my constitution and my disorder ; but that is well 
 calculated to deceive the Prince and people of England and Europe. 
 
 10. They indulge in a ferocious smile at the fresh sufferings this 
 deprivation of the assistance of art adds to this tedious agony. 
 
 11. Desire this note to be sent to Lord Liverpool, and also your 
 letter of yesterday, with those of the 13th and 24th April, that the 
 
 Prince Regent may know who my is, and be able to publicly 
 
 punish him. 
 
 12. If he does not, / bequeath the opprobrium of my death to the 
 reigning house of England. 
 
 (Signed) NAPOLEON. 
 
 Longwood, 27th April, 1818. 
 
 * Morning Chronicle,' August 24, 1818. 
 
 bonaparte, 
 [continuation op the correspondence.] 
 
 Plantation House, „ 
 
 April 21, 1818. JNotes. 
 
 Sir, — Although by an instruc- 1. To detail minutely Sir Hud- 
 
 tion from my Government I am son Lowe's conduct since his ar- 
 
 dispensed from entering into any rival in the island, and during 
 
 personal correspondence with you, 1816 and 1817, would be too long, 
 
 and that the instructions con- and the question has already been 
 
 veyed in your letter of the 13th the subject of disquisition in the 
 
 instant, preceded by a verbal com- observations upon Lord Bathurst's 
 
 munication to an officer of my speech. During the first four months 
 
 staff, couched in such highly of- of 1818, his conduct has become 
 
 fensive terms, has caused him to still worse ; the ship Cambridge 
 
 withdraw from your house, fur- laden with different kinds of mer- 
 
 nish me with an additional motive chandise for the Colony, arrived 
 
 to act according to the letter of from England, and anchored in 
 
 that instruction, yet I shall not the Roads, on the 3rd of February ; 
 
 derive a motive from such cir- one of the officers belonging to 
 
 cumstance to omit communicating her had purchased, in some of the 
 
 to you for the information of London print shops, two striking 
 
 98
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 Napoleon Bonaparte, the follow- 
 ing remarks on the leading subject 
 of your letter. 
 
 99 
 
 likenesses of young Napoleon, Sir 
 Hudson Lowe caused them to be 
 brought to him, as he pretended, 
 to offer them himself to the father, 
 but in reality to deprive him of 
 them, well knowing that the 
 officer's intentions were to sell 
 them at Longwood. No law takes 
 cognisance of this action, nor is 
 there any punishment ordained 
 for it in the laws enacted against 
 crimes, because it comes under the 
 jurisdiction of opinion, but such 
 conduct must be reprobated by 
 every upright man. 
 
 2. The English Government con- 
 fided the furnishing of provisions 
 to Mr. Balcombe, whose family 
 was the only one who occasionally 
 visited the French, and in whom 
 they had confidence. Sir Hudson 
 Lowe deprived Mr. Balcombe of 
 the Purveyorship on the 1st of 
 April, 1818, availing himself of 
 the temporary departure of the 
 head of the concern for London. 
 The Purveyorship has since been 
 given to Mr. Ibbetson, Commis- 
 saiy -General, a man of honour, 
 but his nomination is evidently 
 titular, as he is too much occupied 
 with his other duties to attend to 
 the minute details of the service, 
 which will fall into the hands of 
 disreputable persons, void of credit 
 or reputation. 
 
 3. Napoleon has been afflicted 
 with chronic hepatitis since the 
 month of September, 1817. Sir 
 Hudson Lowe has persecuted his 
 surgeon, and obliged him to give 
 in his resignation, and conse- 
 quently the treatment which was 
 put in practice to subdue the 
 malady must have ceased. This 
 day, 1st of May. the patient has 
 been days unassisted by his sur- 
 geon. Such conduct must be ... . 
 
 4. Since October, 1817, Mr. 
 O'Meaia discontinued writing bul- 
 letins, because he engaged, if any 
 
 were made, to leave the originals
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 Mr. O'Meara's intention to quit 
 Longwood was known in England 
 so far back as the month of 
 August, 1817, as will appear by 
 the extract of a letter annexed, 
 No. 1. 
 
 I enclose also a copy of the only 
 stipulation he has made known to 
 me. 
 
 Your letter states, that Napo- 
 leon Bonaparte has been sick these 
 seven months past, 'd'une maladie 
 chronique du foix.' To a question 
 put to Mr. O'Meara on the 25th 
 of March, that is, one month past, 
 he replied, after a great deal of 
 hesitation, and unwillingness to 
 name any specific disorder, saying 
 at first, a derangement of the 
 
 in Count Bertrand's hands, which 
 would render any falsification of 
 them impossible. Sir Hudson Lowe 
 employed Mr. Baxter to make 
 bulletins without his having ever 
 seen the patient. These bulletins 
 are only fit to conceal projects .... 
 
 5. See the annexed certificate, 
 marked 1, of Mr. O'Meara, in 
 which that gentleman declares 
 that it never was his intention to 
 quit Longwood. In his letter of 
 the 12th April, he gave a con- 
 ditional resignation : — ' / could 
 prefer giving in my resignation 
 to submitting to any such restric- 
 tions, as no pecuniary advantages 
 are sufficiently powerful to induce 
 me to give up my rights as a 
 British subject, and to sully the 
 uniform which I have the honour 
 to wear. But if it were true, 
 that this officer wished to give in 
 his resignation, what necessity 
 would there be to force him to do 
 so? If he had resigned voluntarily, 
 every thing would have been 
 regular ; but it appears that, be- 
 cause he tvished to give in his 
 resignation, Sir Hudson Lowe 
 forces him to do so. What a 
 pitiful argument ! 
 
 6. What ! Sir Hudson Lowe did 
 not know that Mr. O'Meara was 
 Napoleon's surgeon ! — He did not 
 know that the English Govern- 
 ment, in August, 1815, had ac- 
 corded to Napoleon permission to 
 take with him his surgeon, three 
 of his officers, and twelve servants, 
 and that Mr. O'Meara was that 
 servant. This is truly absurd. 
 
 7. This paragraph contains three 
 falsehoods : — 1st, That Sir Hudson 
 did not know that Napoleon had 
 been ill for seven months of a 
 liver complaint. See Sir Hudson 
 Lowe's letters of 2nd October, 6th 
 and 26th of ditto, and 18th of 
 November, 1817 ; and Count Ber- 
 trand's letters to Sir Hudson, of 
 the 30th September, 3rd, 7th, and 
 
 100
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 biliary system ; if called upon to 
 give it a name, he should call it 
 an incipient hepatitis ; and that 
 even this might have been wholly 
 avoided by taking exercise, as he 
 had recommended. When asked 
 if he knew of any obstacle to 
 Napoleon Bonaparte's taking exer- 
 cise ? he replied, he knew of none, 
 except what might be occasioned 
 by the state of the weather. 
 
 You cannot, Sir, dispute the 
 propriety of my having desired to 
 have other medical opinion called 
 in, where such a pointed difference 
 exists between your statement 
 and this of Mr. O'Meara, as the 
 words ' chronic ' and ' incipient ' 
 convey. 
 
 You observe, 'Que depuis deux 
 ans vouft avez voulu chasser Mr. 
 O'Meara pour le replacer par Mr. 
 Baxter. ' The extract, No. 1, of 
 Lord Bathurst's letter, above re- 
 ferred to, proves this to be un- 
 founded. I do not. however, build 
 
 27th of October, 29th of November, 
 1817, and Mr. O'Meara's bulletins 
 of the 1st and 5th of October (the 
 originals of which were delivered 
 to Sir Hudson the day they were 
 written), especially that part which 
 states, ' as he had not since the 
 report been entirely free from 
 pain, it is most probable that the 
 complaint is chronic hepatitis. 
 2nd. That Mr. O'Meara said, on 
 the 25th of March, 1818, that he 
 did not know what his patient's 
 complaint was (see the certificate 
 annexed, marked 1, in which this 
 assertion is declared to be a false- 
 hood). Without doubt, such an 
 assertion is to be found in the 
 bulletins, which were fabricated 
 .... 3rd. That he did not know 
 why Napoleon did not go out, and 
 that it was caused by the badness 
 of the weather. This bad weather 
 has lasted for twenty months ; 
 that is to say, since the day Sir 
 Hudson Lowe took upon himself 
 the right of making such restric- 
 tions as those of the 9th of 
 October, 1816 (see Sir Hudson 
 Lowe's letters of the 26th Decem- 
 ber, 1816 ; of the 14th of March, 
 2nd, 4th, 6th, and 9th of October, 
 1817 ; and, in general, all the 
 letters quoted in the 7th note, in 
 which there is, at the same time 
 question of Napoleon's health, and 
 the obstacles which prevented him 
 from going out). It is difficult to 
 divine what can be this officer's 
 object in advancing such false- 
 hoods, which are belied by public 
 notoriety, by the evidence of the 
 very persons he cites, and by a 
 series of letters. Probably it is 
 because he is of opinion that .... 
 
 8. Sir Hudson Loae a i-oulu 
 chasser Mr. O'Meara, 
 
 This results, 1st, from the com- 
 munication which be made lilm- 
 self in the third audience which 
 he had in May, 1816 ; a proposition 
 which Napoleon rejected with 
 
 101
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 upon this letter alone ; no such 
 intention has ever been enter- 
 tained by me. No proposition has 
 ever been rnade from or to Mr. 
 Baxter to occupy Mr. O'Meara's 
 situation at Longwood ; nor, if 
 Mr. O'Meara was to quit this 
 island, should I approve that Mr. 
 Baxter, with the other important 
 duties he has to exercise, should 
 be attached to the establishment 
 at Longwood alone. 
 
 As a gentleman of high pro- 
 fessional abilities, and of a high 
 rank in his profession, he came 
 out to this island, that he might 
 be at hand, if required, to be 
 called upon in any case of serious 
 malady ; but he did not come out 
 here with any view, design, or 
 intention whatever, of entering 
 into the situation held by Mr. 
 O'Meara. 
 
 The most remarkable part, how- 
 ever, Sir, of your letter is that 
 where you speak of the invincible 
 repugnance entertained against 
 him. I shall no further comment 
 on the terms or spirit of this un- 
 called for and unprovoked ex- 
 pression, than to state, that, on 
 the last occasion of your seeing 
 Mr. Baxter, which was in Novem- 
 ber last, you were most solicitous 
 to impress on his mind, that the 
 objection of Napoleon Bonaparte 
 to see him did not spring from 
 any personal motives. You dwelt 
 upon the confidence, on the respect 
 entertained as well for his per- 
 sonal as for his professional quali- 
 ties ; the eulogium was so strong, 
 that I have never been able to 
 obtain from Mr. Baxter the repe- 
 tition of all you said to him. Mr. 
 O'Meara has confirmed to him the 
 same favourable sentiments on 
 the part of Napoleon Bonaparte, 
 the repugnance you at present 
 state, it was therefore impossible 
 for me to know or foresee ; I shall 
 not fail to make known to my 
 
 anger; 2nd, from his correspond- 
 ence. See the letters of the 6th 
 of October, 28th November, 1817 ; 
 and 10th April, 1818. 3rd, He 
 has, in fact, invested Mr. Baxter 
 with the principal functions of 
 surgeon at Longwood, by causing 
 him to make bulletins of Napo- 
 leon's health, although he never 
 saw him. 
 
 9. The invincible repugnance 
 which the Emperor Napoleon had 
 for Mr. Baxter was known to Sir 
 Hudson Lowe, and the conversation 
 which he quotes is another, and a 
 new proof of it. This conversation 
 is entirely perverted in his letter. 
 Mr. Baxter declared one day, that 
 want of exercise was mortal in 
 this climate. Count Bertrand re- 
 plied, that Napoleon did not stir 
 out of his house, in order to 
 shelter himself from Sir Hudson 
 Lowe's outrages. From thence 
 the conversation turned upon the 
 repugnance which Napoleon ap- 
 peared to have to receive Mr. 
 Baxter's advice ; and Count Ber- 
 trand said to him, that it was pro- 
 bable such repugnance was caused 
 by Sir Hudson Lowe's requiring 
 every person who was received 
 at Longwood to report to him 
 everything which he said, saw, or 
 heard there (which he had recently 
 required even from O'Meara) ; 
 that, perhaps, if he (Mr. Baxter) 
 would declare, that if he were 
 called in consultation at Long- 
 wood, he would give beforehand 
 his word of honour not to profit 
 by it, so as to convert it into 
 means of espionage, it was pro- 
 bable the greatest obstacle would 
 be removed ; the conversation 
 terminated with mutual compli- 
 ments, and in the evening when 
 Count Bertrand spoke of it to the 
 Emperor, he found fault with him, 
 and said, ' Que sa repugnance 6toit 
 invincible contre ce m^decin, qui 
 a 6t6 Chirurgien -Major de Batail- 
 
 102
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 Government the desire expressed 
 for a French or Italian physician. 
 In reply to the two points which 
 you are charged to make known 
 to me, and which are the only 
 parts of your letter I can consider 
 as coming from Napoleon Bona- 
 parte himself, I beg leave to 
 observe ; 
 
 Firstly, That the communica- 
 tion, 'Que le Docteur O'Meara est 
 le seul mtdecin de ceux qui sont 
 sur ce rocJier en qui le vuilade ait 
 confiance,'' was not made known 
 until Mr. O'Meara himself had 
 actually tendered his resignation. 
 Secondly, where you protest, 
 'Contre son renvolr de quelque 
 pre'teocte qu'on cherche a colorer a 
 ruonique ce ne soit la consequence 
 d'un jugement legal,' that Mr. 
 O'Meara being an officer in the 
 King's service and employed under 
 Government, no civil process is 
 necessary to effect his removal. 
 
 His resignation has been ten- 
 dered, and if his removal has not 
 already taken place it has been 
 solely from a consideration to 
 the arguments expressed in your 
 letter, and the difficulty of supply- 
 ing his place by any other person 
 on this Island, not objectionable 
 to Napoleon B. himself. 
 
 I enclose a copy of my decision, 
 in reply to the tender of Mr. 
 O'Meara's resignation, begging 
 leave at the same time to express 
 my sincere desire, however this 
 assurance may be received, to 
 conciliate the departure of Mr. 
 O'Meara whenever it may take 
 place, with every possible regard 
 in my power to the considerations 
 your letter has presented to me. 
 I have the honour to be, Sir, 
 Your most obedient and most 
 humble servant, 
 (Signed) H. LOWE, Lt.-Gen. 
 To Lt.-Gen. Count Bertrand. 
 
 [To be continued.] 
 
 Ion de d6"serteurs corses au service 
 de l'Angleterre, dont Sir Lowe 
 6toit Commandant.' 
 
 10. First, Mr. O'Meara being 
 Napoleon's surgeon, and by his 
 choice, Sir Hudson had no right 
 to remove him, or to impose an- 
 other upon Napoleon. 
 
 Second, Mr. O'Meara is not em- 
 ployed at Longwood as an officer 
 in his Britannic Majesty's ser- 
 vice, but as Napoleon's surgeon, 
 and consequently his person ought 
 to be sacred, and no attempt 
 should have been made upon him 
 until after having made known to 
 him the crime of which he was 
 culpable, or by bringing him to 
 trial before a competent tribunal. 
 Even the British Government 
 cannot change Mr. O'Meara with- 
 out first revoking its decision in 
 August, 1815, which grants to Na- 
 poleon his surgeon. 
 
 It results from this tissue of 
 falsehoods that Sir Hudson Lowe 
 .... has deprived Napoleon of 
 his surgeon, or wishes to impose 
 another upon him. 
 
 During seven months Napo- 
 leon's malady has suffered two 
 interruptions of treatment — one 
 of 15 days, in October, 1817, and 
 the one which actually exists since 
 the 10th of April. 
 
 103
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 'Morning Chronicle,' August 25, 1818. 
 [continuation of the correspondence.] 
 
 Longwood, 24th April, 1818. 
 TO THE GOVERNOR. 
 
 Sir, — When on the 12th April I was informed by Dr. O'Meara that 
 he should discontinue the exercise of his functions as physician of the 
 Emperor Napoleon, I hastened to send a message to Major Gorrequer, 
 begging him to favour me with a call, having some communications to 
 make to him of the very highest importance. 
 
 I told this officer that I had intended to apprize him of our great 
 regret at Balcombe's house being deprived of supplying the provisions ; 
 that the journey of the principal of that house to London could not be 
 a reason for depriving him of his business, since the service had been 
 always performed by his partners, Messrs. Fowler and Cole, and Mr. 
 Balcombe had never directly interfered therewith ; but that the com- 
 munication I had just received from Dr. O'Meara was vastly more 
 important, and that the Emperor could not rest a single day without 
 the aid of Dr. O'Meara. 
 
 The next day, the 13th, I had the honour to write you to the 
 same effect. I had hoped to have an answer in the course even of that 
 day, but this is the 24th, and I am still without any reply. Thus, for 
 12 days, has the Emperor been deprived of all medical assistance. In 
 the month of October he was fifteen days without seeing Dr. O'Meara, 
 at the time you assumed the astonishing right of imposing upon him 
 the obligation to issue his bulletins only under your dictation, without 
 their being first submitted to the Emperor, or the original being left in 
 his hands. Then, however, his disorder was in its infancy, now it has 
 made considerable progress. Count Montholon, who lodges in the 
 same part of the building as the Emperor, informs me, that on the 
 18th, and to-day, the 24th, he was awakened at two o'clock in the 
 morning by the Emperor's valet-de-chambre, and remained at that 
 Prince's bedside from two o'clock in the morning till five, witnessing 
 the sufferings he endured, and utterly unable to alleviate them. Your 
 restrictions upon Longwood, of the 10th April, have thus already had 
 the saddest effect. 
 
 I beg, therefore, to repeat my request, that you would restore Dr. 
 O'Meara to the exercise of his functions, and discontinue to annoy him, 
 and make him feel the effects of such ill treatment, by removing the 
 restrictions you, so contrary to what have been in force for three 
 years, have imposed upon him by your letter of the 10th April, to 
 which he neither will nor can submit without dishonouring himself. 
 
 In short, Sir, whatever reasons you may be able to allege, reflect 
 upon the consequences of continuing things in their present state, and 
 of depriving the Emperor of the physician of his choice, without having 
 substituted another, conformable to my letter of the 13th April. If 
 
 104
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 you still persist in this line of conduct, this arbitrary act will be duly 
 appreciated by Europe, by your own country, and even by your 
 Ministers. 
 
 I have the honour to be, &c, 
 
 COUNT BERTRAND. 
 To Lieut. -General Sir Hudson Lowe. 
 
 Plantation House, April 25, 1818. 
 
 Sir, — I am directed by Lieut. -General Sir Hudson Lowe to make the 
 following remarks on your letter to him of the 24th instant, received 
 this day. 
 
 His letter of the 22nd, in answer to yours of the 13th, was trans- 
 mitted to Longwood on the 24th, and delivered at your house on the 
 same day ; consequently your letter of the 24th, which did not leave 
 Longwood until this day, must have been dispatched after his letter of 
 the 22nd had arrived there. 
 
 The manner of your addressing Major Gorrequer on the 12th the 
 Governor has already noted ; the particular expressions you used he 
 disdained, however, to repeat — they are foreign to English usage. 
 
 If Mr. O'Meara discontinued his functions as a medical attendant 
 on Napoleon Bonaparte, it was entirely without the Governor's know- 
 ledge or approbation. 
 
 The copy of the Governor's decision on Mr. O'Meara's application to 
 resign, which you received yesterday, shows that he has not been dis- 
 placed from his functions, but that he is to continue to exercise them 
 until relieved. Under these circumstances the Governor considers 
 medical attendance for every ordinary occasion as duly provided, and 
 that, in referring the application to England, due attention has been 
 paid at the same time to what is stated in your letter of the 13th, as to 
 the means of his replacement. 
 
 The assertion that your letter contains, that the Governor attempted 
 to impose such an obligation on Mr. O'Meara as that he should write 
 bulletins under his dictee, he directs me most pointedly to contradict 
 upon whatever authority you may have made it. 
 
 In conclusion, I am directed by the Governor to acquaint you as 
 follows : — 
 
 1st, That he will not henceforward receive any letter or communi- 
 cation whatsoever from any person in attendance upon Napoleon 
 Bonaparte where the title of Emperor shall be given to him, and that 
 if any such letter or communication be transmitted, it will l>e returned; 
 acting in this respect in strict conformity to the instruction conveyed 
 in Earl Bathurst's letter to him, dated 17th of September, 1817, already 
 communicated to you. 
 
 2ndly, Referring to a letter addressed to Count Montholon, dated 
 30th of August, 1816, that he will not receive any letter or communica- 
 tion respecting the situation of Napoleon Bonaparte from any of the 
 foreign persons in attendance upon him, unless it IS distinctly expressed 
 in the same that it is written by his authority. 
 F have the honour to be, Sir, 
 Your most obedient and most humble servant, 
 (Signed) T. READE, Lieut. -Col. and Dep. Adjt. -General. 
 
 To Lieut. -General Count Bert rand, &c, &c, &c. 
 
 105
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 [CONTINUATION OF THE CORRESPONDENCE.] 
 
 Plantation House, 25th April, 1818. 
 
 Sir,— I am directed by the Governor to desire you will acquaint me 
 for his information, 
 
 1st. How many times you have seen Napoleon Bonaparte since the 
 12th inst., and on what days? 
 
 2nd. If you have refused your medical aid to him on any occasion 
 since that day ? 
 
 The above questions being of a very simple nature, it is desired you 
 will send an immediate answer to them by the bearer. 
 
 I am, Sir, 
 
 (Signed) G. GORREQUER, Major, Act. Mil. Sec. 
 
 B. O'Meara, Esq. 
 
 Longwood, 25th April, 1818. 
 
 Sir, — I have the honour to reply, in answer to your questions, that 
 I did not see Napoleon Bonaparte on the 13th. On the 14th, at about 
 mid-day, he sent for me to come to his room, but without his entering 
 into medical subjects. I remained with him about a quarter of an 
 hour, and the following conversation took place : I asked him how he 
 was in health? and, according to my general custom, attempted to 
 take his arm, in order to feel his pulse ; he, however, drew back his 
 hand, and, without answering my question, said, ' Well, Doctor, you 
 are going to quit us ; the world will scarcely conceive that le Cachet 
 oVattentin at my physician has been put in practice. You have no 
 longer the independence necessary to render your assistance useful to 
 me. I am obliged to you for your care. Quit this abode of darkness 
 and of crime as soon as you can. I will expire on a " grabat " gnawed 
 (rong£) by disease, and without any assistance.' He then took me by 
 the hand, which he squeezed, and appeared to experience a considerable 
 emotion. I took advantage of this to inquire again how his health 
 was. He replied by sending me away, saying, 'Farewell, Doctor, for 
 ever.' Since that period he has not sent again for me, and I have not 
 since spoken to him. 
 
 I have judged that the most explanatory answer I could give you 
 would be a detail of the conversation which occurred, and which I 
 took down on leaving the room, as it will put you in full possession of 
 the state of his mind, which I conceived would be agreeable. If I have 
 not judged right, I beg of you to suppress what I have related. 
 
 I have continued my usual medical duties with General Bertrand 
 and Montholon's families, and with the domestics. 
 
 I remain, Sir, &c, &c, &c, 
 
 BARRY E. O'MEARA, Surgeon. 
 To Major Gorrequer, Act. Mil. Sec. 
 
 Longwood, April 26, 1818. Nine in the Evening. 
 
 M. Le Gouverneur, — I have the honour to send you a letter which 
 one of your officers has written me, and which I received half an hour 
 ago. The Emperor will not take cognizance of it. You alone are 
 charged with the execution of the restrictions which the Bill of the 
 
 106
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 llth of April authorizes your Government to impose, and he does not 
 recognize the authority of delegating your power. I was going to send 
 you my answer to your letter of the 21st, and which I received only on 
 the 24th, at seven in the evening. I shall suspend it until you let me 
 know whether you desire it. Meantime I cannot forbear informing 
 you, that now, on the 26th, that is to say for fourteen days, the 
 Emperor is without medical assistance. 
 
 These are the very words which the Prince addressed to Dr. 
 O'Meara, when that physician came to take leave of him — 'They (on) 
 have had the baseness to make attempts on my physician. You have 
 no longer the independence necessary to render your assistance useful.' 
 If, therefore, it be true, as you say, that you do not wish to deprive 
 him of his physician, restore to the latter his rights and his character, 
 until the answer of your Government be received. 
 
 I have the honour to be, M. Le Gouverneur, 
 
 Your very humble and very obedient servant, 
 
 (Signed) The COUNT BERTRAND. 
 
 To Lieut. -General Sir Hudson Lowe. 
 
 Longivood, April 27, 1818. Noon. 
 
 M. Le Gouverneur, — I have the honour to request you to forward to 
 Lord Liverpool the original packet hereto annexed — my letters of the 
 13th, 24th, and 26th of April, and the present of the 27th. 
 
 To avoid every ridiculous scene, it is needless for you to address any 
 letter for the Emperor if it be not in the form accustomed during three 
 years. The Prince will admit of no innovation, nor depart in anything 
 from the statu quo. 
 
 I cannot prevent myself from informing you that the letters which 
 I received at one in the morning I could not communicate till ten, the 
 Emperor having suffered extremely during the night. Since this 
 letter, Sir, is the last which I sball have to write to you respecting the 
 affairs of the Emperor, however urgent circumstances may hereafter 
 become, permit me to lead you to reflect for your interest, that of your 
 children and your nation, on the opprobrium with which so many 
 generations have covered the names of Maltravers and Gournay. 
 I have the honour to be, Monsieur Le Gouverneur, 
 
 Your very humble and very obedient servant, 
 
 (Signed) The COUNT BERTRAND. 
 
 To Lieut. -Gen. Sir Hudson Lowe, &c, &c, «&c. 
 
 Plantation Jfousr, May 1, 1818. 
 
 Sir, The Governor, who does not precisely understand the meaning 
 of the insinuations . it tempted to lie conveyed in the sixth and seventh 
 paragraphs of your letter to him of the l'.Jth of April, desires you will 
 acquaint me, for his information, in what instances you were required, 
 
 as you say, to act in a manner which you conceived dishonourable to 
 you, as stated in the sixth paragraph; and what were the verbal 
 insinuations you did not choose to comply with, as mentioned at the 
 '•lose of the 17th one ? 
 
 107
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 The plain fact of the acts you state to have been required of you, 
 and of the verbal insinuations you refused compliance with, being all 
 that is required of you, the Governor expects your answer without 
 delay ; — any circumstance upon which you may have before addressed 
 him will be considered as irrelevant. 
 
 I am, Sir, &c, &c, &c, 
 (Signed) G. GORREQUER, Major^Act. Mil. Sec. 
 
 B. O'Meara, Esq. 
 
 [To be continued.] 
 
 Morning Chronicle,' August 26, 1818. 
 
 [CONTINUATION OF THE CORRESPONDENCE.] 
 
 Longwood, May 3, 1818. 
 
 Sir, — In answer to the questions contained in your letter of the 1st 
 May, I beg leave to refer you to my letter of the 23rd December, 1817, 
 which contains a few of the verbal insinuations which were repugnant 
 to my feelings. That letter, which circumstances obliged me to write 
 to the Governor, four months back, bears evidence to some of them, 
 although I did not expect, in consequence of having written in such a 
 manner, that such a visitation as the order of the 10th of April would 
 have befallen me ; I must also beg leave to refer you further to some 
 observations upon the letter written by Sir Thomas Reade by his 
 Excellency's directions, which I will have the honour to forward. 
 
 I must also protest against the repeated prohibitions against making 
 known to the Governor whatever may be relative to my defence, or 
 any explanation which it may be necessary to give touching the unjust 
 accusations to which I am a victim. Whether the Governor stands 
 forth as my accuser, or has constitvited himself my judge, in neither 
 case can he impose upon me any restraint upon anything which I may 
 have to say, or upon any matter which I may have to bring forward to 
 repel the calumnies to which it is endeavoured to render me a victim. 
 
 I have had the felicity of being born in a free country where the 
 laws alone dispose of individuals, no jury or court would impose upon 
 me the unjust restrictions in my defence, or would suffer itself to be 
 influenced either by conjecture, reports of spies or semi-proofs, three 
 instruments of oppression, but powerless before juries instituted by the 
 wisdom of the laws of England. 
 
 I beg leave to reiterate, Sir, my desire to be brought to a trial 
 according to the Act of Parliament, and I protest, and always will 
 protest against the arbitrary confinement to which I am subjected. 
 
 I think it is also my duty to make known to you, as it is not foreign 
 to matters pertaining to my medical duty, also for the honour of the 
 country, and also on account of my own responsibility, that from what 
 I can learn, the state of Napoleon Bonaparte's health is worse, and to 
 
 108
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 suggest to you, that perhaps it will be found hereafter, this intimation 
 has been dictated by the opinion of one who is zealously attached to 
 his King and country. 
 
 I am, Sir, &c, &c, &c, 
 (Signed) BARRY E. O'MEARA, Surgeon. 
 
 To Major Gorrequer, Act. Mil. Sec. 
 
 Plantation House, April 23, 1818. 
 
 Sir, — As a further instance of a disobedience of the Governor's 
 orders has occurred on your part, in addressing to him instead of 
 inclosing to me for his information a copy of your letter to Count 
 Bertrand, as specifically directed in my letter of the 17th instant, and 
 again referred to at the close of that of the 18th, he directs that you 
 will in future, whenever necessity may render it requisite for you to 
 communicate anything for his information with respect to yourself, 
 address the Deputy Adjutant-General or me. 
 
 He has directed me further to say, that although he has directed 
 Lieut. -Col. Sir Thomas Reade to answer your letter of the 12tb instant, 
 and me to remark upon the further letter intruded upon him on the 
 19th instant (before the answer to the former one was sent), confining 
 these remarks, however, solely to those points on which you addressed 
 him, he cannot suffer his time to be taken up by any prolonged corre- 
 spondence on such matters, and therefore charges me to make known 
 to you, that you are in future to confine yourself solely to those matters 
 pertaining to your medical duty, "upon which it may be indispensably 
 necessary to apply for a decision from him. 
 
 I am directed further to convey to you his commands (although his 
 disapprobation had been already most distinctly marked to you in the 
 letter written by Sir Thomas Reade, on the 19th, of your making 
 known any instructions you had received from the Governor, whether 
 verbal or written, without his authority), that you are not on any 
 grounds whatever to show to any of the foreign persons at Longwood 
 any instructions yon may have received, or may hereafter receive from 
 him, or to make known any part of the contents of the same, without 
 his authority, or to communicate with any of them on any subject of 
 correspondence you may have had with the Governor, or may have 
 with him, through the channels indicated ; and you are forbidden at the 
 same time to acquaint them that you are under any such prohibition 
 from him, as the proclamation and your duty point out sufficiently 
 this course of themselves. 
 
 The Governor has taken means to inform Napoleon Bonaparte of 
 the decision he has transmitted to yon through Sir Thomas Reade, and 
 it is not necessary, therefore, yon should confer with Napoleon Bona- 
 parte himself, or any of his officers, on the subject of it. 
 
 I am, Sir, your obedient and humble servant, 
 (Signed) G. GORREQUER, Major, Act. Mil. Sec. 
 
 Barry O'Meara, Esq., Longwood. 
 
 109
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 His Majesty's Ship ' Bellerophon, Torbay, Aug. 7, 1815. 
 
 My Lord,— Application having been made to me yesterday by Count 
 Bertrand, co accompany General Napoleon Bonaparte to St. Helena, in 
 quality of Surgeon (as the surgeon who embarked with him in France 
 is unwilling to proceed further), I beg to inform your Lordship that I 
 am willing to accept that situation, provided it meets with your Lord- 
 ship's approbation, and also on the following conditions, viz., that it 
 shall be permitted me to resign the above situation should I not find it 
 consonant to my wishes, on giving due notice of my intention thereof ; 
 that such time as I shall serve in that sitviation shall be allowed to 
 count as so much time served on full pay in his Majesty's navy, or to 
 be indemnified in some way for such loss of time, as surgeon on full 
 pay, as it may occasion to me ; that I am not to be considered in any 
 wise depending upon, or to be subservient to or paid by the aforesaid 
 Napoleon Bonaparte, but as a British officer employed by the British 
 Government ; and lastly, that I may be informed, as soon as circum- 
 stances will admit, of what salary I am to have, and in what manner 
 and from whom, I am to receive it. 
 
 I have the honour to remain, my Lord, with the greatest respect, 
 Your Lordship's most obedient humble servant, 
 BARRY E. O'MEARA, Surgeon, H.M. Ship Bellerophon. 
 
 To the Right Hon. Viscount Keith, G.C.B., Adm. of the Red, 
 Commander-in-Chief, &c, &c, &c. 
 
 EXTRACT FROM REAR-ADMIRAL SIR GEORGE COCKBURNS 
 INSTRUCTIONS FOR THE INFORMATION OF GENERAL 
 BONAPARTE. 
 
 Of the persons who have been brought to England with General 
 Bonaparte, he will be allowed to select (with the exception of Generals 
 Savary and L'Allemand) three officers, who, together with his surgeon, 
 will be permitted to accompany him to St. Helena ; twelve domestics, 
 including the servants of the officers, will also be allowed. 
 
 EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM SIR HUDSON LOWE, 
 DATED 6th OCTOBER, 1817, PLANTATION HOUSE. 
 
 I had already the honour to mention to you that Mr. Baxter, 
 Deputy Inspector of Hospitals, Head of the Medical Establishment in 
 this Island, was ready at all times, and desirous to see him ; and I have 
 to express my earnest hope that Mr. Baxter's opinion may be con- 
 sulted. (Signed) HUDSON LOWE. 
 
 EXTRACT OF A MEMORANDUM FROM SIR HUDSON LOWE, 
 DATED PLANTATION HOUSE, NOV. 28th, 1817. 
 
 He therefore begs leave to propose that Mr. Baxter's visits may be 
 admitted. 
 
 110
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 DECLARATION. 
 
 Longwood, April 25, 1818. 
 I declare, that since the month of Octoher last, when it was decided 
 by the Governor, Sir Hudson Lowe, that no more Bulletins should be 
 asked from me without communicating them first to Napoleon, I have 
 made none ; and that I have, in all the visits I was obliged to make to 
 him, at his house, to report, to wit, twice a week, explained the 
 progress of the complaint, which, from the first day, gave rise to a belief 
 that it was Hepatitis, as will appear was my opinion, by a reference to 
 the bulletins of the 1st and 5th of October ; an opinion rendered more 
 probable by the frequency of the complaint in this island, and which 
 has latterly been converted into a certainty. At first there were some 
 symptoms indicative of the attack of the disease in an acute form, but 
 these appearances were afterwards attributed to severe catarrh. I 
 declare also, that, particularly on the 28th of November, 18tb, 25th, 
 and 27th of September, 1817 ; 9th and 16th of January, 25th of March, 
 3rd and 7th of April, 1818, I reported the symptoms of the complaint 
 as having increased for the worse ; and that on the 25th of March I 
 declared to the Governor, that I considered the disease to be hepatitis 
 not very far advanced ; explaining to him that the progress of the 
 complaint was occasionally very slow and insidious ; but that if 
 Napoleon B. was a soldier or a sailor, and that I was at liberty to treat 
 him according to my opinion, I would put in practice, first, repeated 
 and active purging, with exercise, especially on horseback (the first 
 part of which plan, viz., the purgatives, had been put in execution for 
 some time) ; and that, if these means did not subdue it, I would com- 
 mence speedily a course of calomel, or some preparation of mercury. 
 That I have constantly explained the progress of the disease, the 
 symptoms of which have been at times better, at times worse, accord- 
 ing to the state of the bowels, skin, and to the effect of the remedies 
 taken. That I have constantly represented the pressing necessity 
 which the patient had of taking exercise on horseback, and that on the 
 25th of March, when the Governor asked me ' Why he did not go out 
 and ride on horseback?' I answered, 'I did not know the reasons 
 which prevented him.' In consequence of the abusive language, 
 violence and bad treatment which I experienced from the Governor, 
 whenever I delivered an opinion or sentiment not consonant to his 
 own, which necessitated me to come to a determination not to meddle 
 in discussions foreign to medical subjects. I also certify that I never 
 did ask to quit Longwood ; but that, when it was signified to me by the 
 Governor that he had some intention of imposing upon me the same 
 restrictions as those inflicted upon the French prisoners, I declared to 
 him that I woidd sooner resign Iban submit to such ; that I also 
 explained to him in July last, that I had been informed he had applied 
 for my recall, which drew down upon me from him reproaches and 
 abuse, which he took the advantages of his situation of superior officer 
 to vent upon me. 
 
 (Signed) BARRY O'MEARA, Surgeon. 
 
 Ill
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 THE BULLETINS REFERRED TO. 
 
 Longwood, let of October, 1817. 
 
 Sir, — I have the honour to inform your Excellency, that this 
 morning General Bonaparte complained of a dull pain in the right 
 hypochondriac region, and a similar sensation in the right shoulder, 
 neither of which were severe. There is a trifling acceleration of his 
 pulse, the range of which is generally 60, viz. from that to 68. As his 
 bowels are rather costive, it is possible that the sensation of pain in 
 the side may be occasioned by that. Should it, however, continue or 
 increase, there will be every reason to believe that he has experienced 
 an attack of chronic hepatitis. 
 
 I have the honour to be, Sir, 
 (Signed) BARRY E. O'MEARA, Surgeon. 
 
 To his Excellency Lieutenant-General Sir Hudson 
 Lowe, K.C.B., &c, &c, &c, Governor. 
 
 Longivood, October 5, 1817. 
 Sir, — I have the honour to inform your Excellency, that since the 
 report of the 2nd of October, General Bonaparte has complained of a 
 pull pain in the right side, accompanied with a sensation of heat in the 
 same place, and occasionally a similar sense of pain in the right 
 shoulder. A tumefaction is also evident in the sight and touch in the 
 right side ; but I have not yet been able to determine whether it pro- 
 ceeds from an enlargement of the liver, or is external to it. As he has 
 not, since the last report, been entirely free from pain, it is most 
 probable that the complaint is chronic hepatitis. 
 
 I have the honour, &c. &c. 
 
 BARRY E. O'MEARA, Surgeon. 
 
 To his Excellency Lieut. -Gen. Sir Hudson 
 Lowe, K.C.B., &c, &c, &c, Governor. 
 
 [To be continued.] 
 
 ' Morning Chronicle,' August 27, 1818. 
 [continuation of the correspondence.] 
 
 Plantation House, May 3, 1818. 
 Sir, — Referring to your letter to Count Bertrand, wherein you state 
 in one part, that you are not to stir out of Longwood, and in a subse- 
 quent part, that you see it was the intention, by subjecting you to 
 such restriction (which you are pleased to consider the same as those 
 imposed upon the French prisoners), to oblige you to quit, I am 
 directed by the Governor to convey to you his sentiments as follows : — 
 The mode of expression in the first instance, and the total omission 
 
 112
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 of all those exceptions, which constitute the chief variety between your 
 situation and that of the French prisoners, particularly that where you 
 .i].- dlowed t<> quit Longwood on asking the Governor's permission — 
 the silence observed in your letter to Count Bertrand, on all point- 
 contained in the Governor's instructions appertaining to your medical 
 duty — the substitution of any inference whatever of your own, in 
 place of the instruction given before any explanation was sought from 
 the authority which transmitted it to you — your immediate appeal to 
 Napoleon Bonaparte and Count Bertrand, even before you addressed 
 your naval superior— your preference of written communication over 
 a verbal one to Count Bertrand, with whom you had every oppor- 
 tunity of verbally communicating — of a verbal to a written one to the 
 Admiral, whose assent was required previous to your waiting upon 
 him, in both of which cases a proclamation was to be broken through 
 or an order disobeyed — your disobedience of the Governor's orders 
 immediately on receiving them, and your openly declared disavowal of 
 his authority when you went to wait upon your naval superior, are 
 circumstances upon which he shall not make any further comment, 
 than to say. that no purposed design to evince insubordination, to 
 create the greatest possible embarrassment in the Governor's relations 
 with the person under his custody — to mislead, to inflame and irritate, 
 and to cover a double view of quitting a person whom you had pledged 
 yourself not to quit, and at tin- same time to make the act appear that 
 of the Governor, could have been well devised. The Governor knows 
 not in what degree the inconveniences which your insubordinate, 
 disrespectful, and extraordinary line of conduct may be remedied; but 
 he shall nevertheless not neglect his duty in pointing out what he 
 considers the conduct you ought to pursue. 
 
 He authorises you, in the first instance, to shew the instruction you 
 have rccived, and to point out the too marked differences existing 
 between its words and what you quote from it in your letter to Count 
 Bertrand, as above stated. 
 
 He authorises you, at the same time, to controvert, upon the 
 Governor'.- declaration, that there was any intention on his pari to 
 compel you either to resign or quit. He knew beforehand of your 
 intention to resign, but it never entered into his mind that you could 
 have been awaiting any order that you might deem objectionable from 
 him, to base the tender of your resignation upon. 
 
 If it had not been from consideration of the state of Napoleon Bona- 
 parte'- health, it would have been the Governor's most boundenduty 
 not to have awaited the form of any resignation from you, but to have 
 removed you at once from a situation which he considered you ought 
 no longer to be permitted to fill, as well from the unauthorised pledges 
 you had entered into with a person situated as Napoleon Bonaparte is. 
 so loriLr concealed from the authority you were under (of which a new 
 
 one appears in your letter to Counf Bertrand), as your having rendered 
 yourself a channel for presents, ami bearer of private and unauthoi 
 
 communications in regard to them ; not to speak of the ads and line ol 
 
 proceeding touched upon in the second paragraph of this letter. 
 
 In not having removed you upon such manifest grounds of ini- 
 propi ity, he ha- carried hi- personal consideration for Napoleon 
 Bonaparte t" the lltmosl extent which humanity points out. and vi i y 
 
 far beyond what his public duty ought to permit. 
 
 113 I
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 He now desires nie to conclude with saying, that if Napoleon Bona- 
 parte does not, in his present situation, derive the full benefit of your 
 medical advice, and does not have personal recourse to the same, it is 
 your line of proceeding he shall consider and treat as the leading cause, 
 it being entirely the result of your suffering yourself to be employed in 
 matters not pertaining to your medical duty, in defiance of proclama- 
 tion and the Governor's repeated directions to you, of your unlawful 
 letter to Count Bertrand for Napoleon Bonaparte's information, and of 
 your openly declared disavowal of the Governor's authority imme- 
 diately after you had written it. 
 
 I am, Sh*, your obedient servant, 
 (Signed) EDWARD WYNYARD, Lieut. -Col. Mil. Sec. 
 
 Barry O'Meara, Esq. 
 
 Longwood, May 14, 1818. 
 
 Sir, — According to the directions contained in your letter, bearing 
 date the 3rd of May, I have communicated the orders contained in 
 Sir Thos. Reade's letter of the 10th April to Count Bertrand. 
 
 In reply to some of the observations contained in your letter, I have 
 to remark that the French prisoners can leave Longwood without ask- 
 ing any person's permission, and that during nearly three years which 
 I have been here I have had no reference to make for judgment, or 
 decision, to any naval officer, not even the Admiral, with respect to 
 my duties as surgeon to Napoleon Bonaparte since the period when 
 Sir George Cockburn gave up the charge of him. On the 12th, as soon 
 as I received the orders of Sir Thos. Reade, I proceeded to the Admiral, 
 not to take his orders, but to consult him and to crave his advice, as I 
 would have done to my father, were he in St. Helena, in consequence 
 of having, since I have been in the service, considered admirals in that 
 light. 
 
 I am not in any way culpable or accountable from the incon- 
 veniences which may result from the extraordinary conduct which has 
 been pursued with respect to me, as the order of the 10th of April was 
 premeditated for a long time, and I gave notice that it would be 
 followed by an immediate resignation. 
 
 My conscience would not permit me to tell Count Bertrand that the 
 Governor had not any intention to remove me from my situation, or to 
 say that I intended to give in my resignation, because I have already 
 declared that assertion to be untrue, 
 
 I have entered into engagements with Napoleon Bonaparte, but 
 with Napoleon Bonaparte as a private individual, and which I entered 
 into with the consent of Captain Maitland (captain of the ship I 
 belonged to) and Lord Keith, my then immediate superiors. 
 
 If Napoleon Bonaparte's health is altered for the worse, in conse- 
 quence of the cessation of the performance of my medical functions 
 about him, it is not my fault, but the fault of those who, in opposition 
 to evidence, to my appointment, and to the restrictions of Government 
 in 1815, having given him to understand that I was not his surgeon, 
 but merely a medical officer of the navy, permitted to assist him. 
 
 I do not conceive that I have committed the smallest crime in 
 having communicated to Count Bertrand the circumstance which 
 obliged me to quit Longwood. 
 
 In like manner, having always considered myself as Napoleon 
 
 1*14
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 Bonaparte's surgeon, I do not conceive myself in any manner account- 
 able in not having made use of any mystery with him, respecting my 
 conduct, which might have weakened the confidence he had in me as a 
 medical man, not knowing any bounds to set to that confidence, except 
 such as my duty as an English subject, the interests and honour of my 
 country, or obedience to the Act of Parliament prescribed. 
 
 I must repeat, that to all the verbal insinuations which I received, 
 1 answered by demanding written orders. 
 
 Any assertions that I have made engagements with the French of a 
 nature requiring concealment, I declare to be a calumny, and, were it 
 made by a private person and I in England, I would prosecute the 
 author for defamation. If there are any accusations of such a nature to 
 reproach me with, why has not his Excellency the Governor caused 
 them to be communicated to me ? I would, in a moment, have dissi- 
 pated them. You assert that I have served as a distributor of presents. 
 If you allude to what took place with the Rev. Mr. Boys, as having 
 given umbrage to the Governor, why had it not been communicated 
 to me until the 3rd of May, twenty-three days after the order of the 
 10th of April last ? M. Ciprian, the maitre - d'hotel, died on the 
 23rd of February last. Messrs. Boys and Vernon attended his funeral, 
 and, although he died in the Roman Catholic persuasion, buried his 
 corpse in consecrated ground, and read the funeral service over it 
 according to the rites of the Protestant Church. This conduct appeared 
 liberal and noble, and General Montholon asked Mr. Boys in what 
 manner he could manifest to the clergymen the satisfaction which their 
 conduct had given ; to which a reply was made, refusing any contri- 
 bution for them, but observing that a donation for the poor woidd be 
 acceptable. This decided Gen. Montholon to give to each of these 
 gentlemen a Chinese snuff-box of trifling value, and 251. to the poor. 
 Some days after Mr. Boys, having breakfasted with General Mon- 
 tholon, received the 251. for the poor, and the box ; and a few days 
 subsequent, departing for England, he sent the box to me, asking me 
 to beg General Montholon to send it to him through the channel of the 
 Governor, in older that he might be able, without any scruple, to shew 
 it in England. When I received the letter and the box, Mr. Boys was 
 gone, which obliged me to return the box, on the spot, to General 
 Montholon, to whom I made known Mr. Boys' desire. This, Sir, is 
 the history of my conduct; and I have reason to believe that the 251. 
 were deposited in the funds by Mr. Boys for the use of the poor. 
 
 There is no man whose actions, even praiseworthy, arc not liable to 
 lie denigrated and perverted by the breath of calumny, which, how- 
 ever, is easily confounded amongst just and sagacious persons. 
 
 It appears, however. Sir, from your letter, that the order of the 
 Pith of April was really a punishment inflicted upon me by the 
 Governor, without heari/ng me, and without making known to me, 
 until twenty-three days after, the cri/me which had given such umbrage 
 
 U> him. 1 must beg leave merely to observe, that Mich conduct is not 
 
 conformable cither to the English laws or customs. 
 
 I remain. Sir, &£., &C., &C. f 
 
 HARRY O'MEARA, Surgeon. 
 
 To Col. Wynyard, Military Secretary. 
 
 [ To he continued.] 
 
 n :.
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 1 Morning Chronicle,' August 28, 1818. 
 [continuation of the correspondence.] 
 
 Longuood, May 5, 1818. 
 
 Sir, — His Excellency the Governor having prohibited any writing 
 direct to hint by a letter of Major Gorreqner, dated the 23rd of April, 
 I beg of you to lay before him the following observations upon the 
 letter which you wrote by his directions on the 19th of April last. 
 
 I persist in niy assertion, that at the commencement of June last, 
 and antecedent and subsequent to it, his Excellency the Governor 
 made known to me intentions of subjecting me to the same restrictions 
 as the French, saying, ' that since I was Napoleon Bonaparte's surgeon, 
 and forming part of his family, I ought to be subjected to the same 
 restrictions.' To which I answered, that our Government had granted 
 to Napoleon the privilege of taking with him to St. Helena three of his 
 officers, twelve servants, and his surgeon, and that I was pointed out 
 by Count Bertrand to replace the Fi^ench surgeon, but that, not being 
 willing to relinquish my character as a British officer, I had made 
 conditions that I should be placed on the list as a surgeon on full pay, 
 and that I should be paid by the English Government, and conse- 
 quently should not ever be considered as out of the protection of the 
 laws of my country. Lord Keith, the Lords Commissioners of the 
 Admiralty, and the Government, had it in their power to refuse a 
 compliance with these stipidations, but in that case I would not have 
 accepted the employment, and would have preferred remaining upon 
 half -pay, after the paying off of the Bellerophon, to being employed 
 as a surgeon in an equivocal situation, which might lead to a suppo- 
 sition that I had for a moment renounced the character and other 
 titles appertaining unto a British officer. As a proof of this, I sent to 
 his Excellency my letter to Lord Keith. 
 
 It is not as a naval surgeon that I am placed about Napoleon's 
 person, who might just as well have chosen one from amongst the 
 army surgeons, or amongst the private and civil surgeons or physicians 
 practising in London or Edinburgh, because the decision of our Govern- 
 ment was, that he should take with him his surgeon, and Lord Keith 
 proposed to send a vessel to France expressly for the purpose of bring- 
 ing him one ; and, before authorising me to accept of Count Bertrand's 
 proposal, his Lordship insisted that Count Bertrand should write an 
 official letter to him, in which he made known that Napoleon demanded 
 me as his surgeon, in place of the French surgeon. 
 
 If the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty caused me to be borne 
 as supernumerary surgeon of the Northumberland, Newcastle, and 
 Conqueror, it was on account of my own demand to be kept upon the 
 list of surgeons on full pay, and was just the same as if their Lordships 
 had placed me on the books of the flagship at the Nore, Portsmouth, or 
 Plymouth (my pay is furnished to me by order of the Admiralty, as 
 surgeon to Napoleon Bonaparte), but this does not confer any right or 
 authority upon the officers of the Conqueror, or the Admiralty over 
 me personally ; indeed, the Admiral signified as much to me, and his 
 
 116
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 Excellency the Governor himself has repeatedly told me the same ; and 
 moreover, prohibited my communicating to the Admiral anything 
 relative to Longwood. If the captain of the ship, upon the hooks of 
 which I am borne, or even the Admiral, lias no right to give me any 
 orders in the extraordinary mission with which I am entrusted, I am 
 not subordinate to any other man than the Governor, not in a military 
 point of view, or as a naval officer, but by a civil title, and as surgeon 
 to Napoleon Bonaparte, with the charge of whom he has been en- 
 trusted and, as such, I have never failed in executing whatever be 
 imposed upon me, except inasmuch as I found it contrary to my 
 honour. I know well, Sir, that military obedience is passive, and does 
 not admit of any hesitation or objection; but it is not so with civil 
 obedience, and still less so in a person charged with an employment of 
 so delicate a nature as I am. I am a poor man, and ten years' service 
 in the navy has not enriched me, and I stand in need of my situation 
 in order to gain a livelihood, but I am ready to sacrifice it a thousand 
 times over sooner than allow a stain to be, directly or indirectly, cast 
 upon my character. 
 
 For the due performance of my medical functions until now, I have 
 considered myself as not having any explanation to render, except to 
 Napoleon himself. He has made no complaint against the manner in 
 which I have fulfilled them. Indeed, on the contrary, I have fre- 
 quently been applauded by him as well as by other patients in his suite 
 for the zeal with winch I administered my professional assistance. 
 
 When I accepted the situation, I made known to Count Bertrand 
 that I would not willingly quit Napoleon so long as he remained in the 
 unfortunate situation in which he was placed, and in the presence of 
 Captain Maitland J made an open engagement to attend Napoleon and 
 the officers of his suite, independent of all hatred or national prejudice, 
 or any influence whatever in the administration of my professional 
 assistance as a medical man. and that I would employ as much zeal, 
 attention, and fidelity towards them as could he expected front me by 
 one of my own countrymen. 1 deny the intentions winch you attribute 
 to me of desiring to quit Longwood, and assert it to he unfounded. 
 You declare that if was known in England, and make a supposition 
 that I was the person who made such intention known, which supposition 
 you argue upon as being correct ; I am ready to remain at Longwood 
 provided (as I said in my letter of tin- 10th of April) I am allowed to 
 exercise my vocation as before the lOih of April, and with the 1 same 
 independence. From the first day of his Excellency's arrival he 
 appeared desirous of sending me away, although I had never given 
 him cause to do so, probably because I belonged to the navy, a ml that 
 
 having been demanded by Napoleon i had not been appointed by bis 
 
 Excellency himself . Upon this occasion [ had often opportunities of 
 making known what a wide difference Napoleon made between a 
 surgeon who had been chosen by himself and any surgeon belonging to 
 the army, let him be who he would, and that those who imagined if 
 
 the person in whom he had confidence was removed lie would bestow 
 
 it upon another, knew bis character but ?ery badly. 
 
 yCU say. Sir, that if f was on board a man of war I would he 
 obliged to obey every order I received from the captain. 1 grant this, 
 
 and that if F was ordered to cook the victuals of the sick I would 
 comply with if, because the design of t his would be for the good of his 
 
 117
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 Majesty's service and for the honour of his flag, and because military- 
 obedience does not admit of any deliberation ; but I have always con- 
 sidered that St. Helena is not a man of war, that the Governor is not 
 the captain, and that I am not the surgeon of the crew ; but that 
 St. Helena is a Government of one of our possessions, that Sir Hudson 
 Lowe is the Governor, and commands by virtue of a civil title, that I 
 form one of Napoleon's suite, and am attached to his person with the 
 functions of surgeon. 
 
 I do not reply to che different suppositions you have made, other- 
 wise than by declaring them calumnies. I have made with Napoleon 
 the pact which I mentioned above, and such as exist between all men 
 of honour, and in every society of gentlemen. Your insinuations do 
 not inspire me with the smallest fear. With a pure conscience, and 
 born an Englishman, nothing is to be dreaded from such engines of 
 tyranny, nor from half or quarter proofs. A jury or a Court-martial 
 is the privilege of every Englishman, and is his guarantee against every 
 act of arbitrary power — is the guarantee of the weak and the simple 
 against the powerful ; and if the Government accepts my resignation, 
 rather than allow me to perform my avocations agreeable to the 
 engagement which I made in August, 1815, I have too much confidence 
 in the Lords of the Admiralty to fear that they will not see justice 
 done to me ; and that they will not order me (according to my right) to 
 be brought before them. At any rate, not being employed in the 
 squadron, but having a particular mission, that mission finished, no 
 person can dispose of me. 
 
 In recapitulation, if the detention which I have been made to suffer, 
 at Longwood, is to subject me to the same restrictions as the French, 
 my right as an Englishman, which I have always preserved, protects 
 me from it. If it is a regulation for the exercise of my functions as 
 surgeon, I have given no cause for complaint. I am accountable to 
 the patient to whom I am attached for the performance of them. If it 
 is a punishment, my crime ought to be made known to me. I should 
 be heard, in order to answer it ; and judgment should have been pro- 
 nounced upon it ere now. But the Governor wished to dispose of my 
 situation. By letters, written from London more than 12 months 
 back, I was informed that his Excellency had demanded my being 
 replaced ; and in July, 1817, I expressed my surprise to himself that he 
 had done so, which produced an explanation that brought down upon 
 me a tolerable portion of abuse. I was also informed that the Govern- 
 ment did not consent to it. If this is correct, it is for him to judge 
 whether the conduct which has been put in practice towards me, and 
 which obliges me by force, and not by consent, to give in my resig- 
 nation, is conformable to the respect diie to his intentions. Since June 
 last, I foresaw that such were his Excellency's views, and communi- 
 cated to the Admiral's secretary the unpleasant situation in which I 
 was placed, and the apprehensions I was under. 
 
 As Napoleon has not seen me since the 14th of April last, and I fear 
 that some dangerous effects may occur from it, I beg leave to propose 
 putting matters upon the footing they formerly were until the arrival 
 of an answer from England. I am inclined to think, that if Napoleon 
 was informed that the Governor considered me as his surgeon, as 
 holding the place of a French surgeon, not being subject to military 
 discipline, but to civil obedience, that things were put upon the footing 
 
 118
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 they were since my arrival, at least until the receipt of an answer fro 
 Government, that he would renew the confidence which he formerly 
 manifested. The actual state of matters now is appalling, and will 
 probably produce a most unpleasant sensation both in England and 
 Europe. The Governor may, perhaps, reflect upon the terrible 
 responsibility which weighs upon him, if (as is possible, and even very 
 probable) Napoleon, deprived of assistance, was to die before the 
 expiration of the five or six months which are required to obtain an 
 answer from England. 
 
 I have the honour to be, Sir, 
 
 Your most obedient humble servant, 
 
 BARRY E. O'MEARA, Surgeon. 
 
 To Lieut.-Col. Sir Thos. Reade, C.B., Adjutant- 
 General, &c, &c, &c. 
 
 [To be continued.] 
 
 'Morning Chronicle,' August 31, 1818. 
 [conclusion of the correspondence.] 
 
 St. Helena, May 1, 181S. 
 
 Sir. — I .an directed by Lieutenant-Geueral Sir Hudson Lowe to 
 acquaint you, that having taken into consideration the inconvenience 
 which might possibly arise, if Napoleon Bonaparte persevered in the 
 unforeseen ami extraordinary resolution it is said by yon and others he 
 has taken, of not having recourse to your medical advice, though living 
 under the same roof with him, and attending other persons of his 
 family, in consequence of the unauthorized communication you ad- 
 dressed to Count Bert rand on the 12th of April, he will dispense with 
 the observance of the rules contained in the instruction transmitted to 
 you by me, dated the loth of the same month, from which the 
 inferences contained in your letter to Count Bertrand, so purposely 
 calculated, as it appears, to mislead and embarrass, were drawn. 
 
 You will, therefore, '»' permitted to continue the exercise of youi 
 medical duties in the same maimer as you have hitherto performed 
 them, until the instructions of Government may be received respecting 
 you; continuing to be considered as you always have lie. mi, pursuant. 
 to youi- own original stipulation, an officer employed and paid by the 
 British Government, and subjeel consequently to the Governor's 
 authority and control in every point that regards your communication 
 
 with Napoleon Bonaparte, or the persons detained under his custody 
 
 as prisoner, of war, on whom you are attending, except in what, 
 
 relates to the plain and simple exercise of your medical functions 
 towards them; being not permitted to acl tor or to lie employed by 
 them, or to act oi yourself, or through other-, in any matter whatso- 
 
 119
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 ever that regards them, in any other capacity, without a special 
 authority from the Governor to that effect. 
 
 If, however, an occasion should arise for calling in the aid of any 
 other medical person unknown to the Governor (except in case of some 
 sudden accident), in consequence of your ahsence (which it will be 
 proper to provide against, by acquainting the orderly officer where you 
 are to be found when you do quit Longwood) ; or that you should 
 break through or attempt to elude or evade any of the regulations 
 established on this island ; — if by word or deed you are found to be in 
 any case acting in opposition to the same, the Governor will feel him- 
 self called upon to take such measures as the circumstances of your 
 proceeding may appear to render it necessary for him to employ, in 
 order to enforce a due observance of the several regulations established. 
 
 To obviate any step of such nature with respect to you, the 
 Governor desires your careful perusal of the several proclamations 
 which have been published in this island (to which you have been 
 so frequently referred both by letter and verbally), an exact copy of 
 which you will find at the Town Mayor's Office, and may write out 
 from the same ; as also of those parts of my letter of the 19th of 
 January last, which refer to the sole case in which you are supposed to 
 have a partial exemption from their most strict observance, viz. , ' That 
 you had not his authority for communicating with Napoleon Bona- 
 parte or the persons of his family, on any other subject than your 
 medical duties ; that he did not order you not to reply on other points, 
 but, where you did so, the responsibility must rest upon yourself, 
 referring you to the proclamations in all other cases.' 
 
 He desires also the recurrence of your particular attention to the 
 letter directed to be written to you by Lieut. -Colonel Wynyard, on the 
 3rd instant, in referring to the leading points in which you have acted 
 counter to the above, and to other points of instruction conveyed to 
 you, as well as to the general rides contained in the proclamations. 
 
 He further directs me to remind you of the injunctions contained in 
 a letter transmitted to you, proceeding from the Lords Commissioners 
 of the Admiralty, against publishing any information that may be 
 obtained by being officially employed in this island ; and to say that, 
 viewing the peculiar delicacy of your situation, commented upon by 
 yourself with so much stress in your letter to the Governor of the 6th 
 of August, 1816, and taking into consideration the pledges into which 
 you have entered with Napoleon Bonaparte, of not repeating anything 
 which may pass in conversation between him and you (the sole point 
 of what may tend to his escape excepted), and that you can only 
 repeat, unless by a breach of private honour, what it is his desire or 
 intention, or that of his followers, you should repeat ; and the 
 Governor not choosing to trust to the discretion of persons situated as 
 they are, in such point, or to yours, he shall regard the repetition in 
 any way whatsoever, whether on the island itself or elsewhere, of any 
 information you may have obtained, or may obtain, or of any con- 
 versation you may have had or may have at Longwood, except where 
 you have had the sanction of the Governor's authority for it, as a 
 breach in principle of their Lordships' instructions, and of his orders, 
 and will report your conduct or act upon it accordingly. 
 
 In conclusion, tlie above points being all fully understood, it is the 
 Governor's desire not to oppose in any way what appears to be the 
 
 120
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 wish of Napoleon Bonaparte, that you should be considered whilst you 
 remain in this island, or until the orders of Government may be 
 received respecting you, as a surgeon attached solely to his person and 
 family, in fact, as bis domestic surgeon, and in the exercise of your 
 duty as such you will not be obliged to follow the advice or opinion of 
 any medical or other person whatever, but be allowed to act entirely 
 upon your own judgment, where other medical advice is not called for, 
 only being prepared to give such information as may be required from 
 you, touching the state of health of Napoleon Bonaparte, through 
 such channels, professional or otherwise, as the Governor may wish to 
 obtain. 
 
 You will please to acknowledge the receipt of this letter by the 
 bearer. I am, Sir, your obedient servant, 
 
 (Signed) T. READE, Lt.-Col., D. A. G. 
 
 Barry O'Meara, Esq., Longwood. 
 
 Morning Chronicle,' October 13, 1818. 
 
 BONAPARTE. 
 
 The following is a translation of the Observations of Bonaparte 
 (with the exception of two or three words) upon the Letters of Lord 
 Bathurst, which we gave yesterday in the original French. We insert 
 also again the Letters of Lord Bathurst, in order that Napoleon's 
 commentary upon them may be more distinctly understood. 
 
 LKTTRES DB LORD 
 BATHURST. 
 
 EXTRACT— H. LOWE. 
 
 J) uiciting -street, Jan. 1, 1818. 
 Kir, — 1 have received and for- 
 warded to fche Earl of Liverpool 
 
 the sealed packet enclosed in your 
 despatch, which protests to con- 
 lain the observations of General 
 Bonaparte upon certain extracts 
 from a report which appeared in 
 The Morning Chronicle, of a 
 speech which I had occasion to 
 deliver in the House of Lords 
 upon the subject of his treatment 
 at St. Helena. 
 
 Although Count Bertrand's con- 
 duct gave you fair icas.))) to inter 
 that the packet contained nothing 
 
 upon winch it could he necessary 
 require your observations or 
 
 TRANSLATION. 
 
 OBSERVATIONS APPROVED 
 BY NAPOLEON. 
 
 The storeship, the BarkwortJi, 
 
 anchored in the roads of St. 
 Helena on the 5th of May, and on 
 the 9th ditto Sir Hudson Lowe 
 sent to Count Lertrand, without 
 
 any accompanying remark, the 
 annexed extracts from Lord 
 Bathurst's correspondence. 
 
 121 
 
 ()n the Till of October, isiv. 
 
 Count Bertrand sent to Sir Hud- 
 son Lowe a sealed packet, ad- 
 dressed to Lord Liverpool. If 
 contained observations made upon
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 i"eply, and thereby induced you so 
 far to deviate from your instruc- 
 tions as to transmit it unopened, 
 yet, as it is found, on perusal, to 
 contain a general complaint of 
 ' your treatment of General Bona- 
 parte, not only from the time of 
 your arrival at St. Helena, to the 
 latest period to which anything I 
 said could have referred, but con- 
 tinued by a note at the close of it, 
 up to the very day on Avhich it 
 was delivered to you ; ' I consider 
 it my duty, previous to my laying 
 it before the Prince Regent, to 
 transmit to you a copy by the 
 first opportunity. 
 
 Had the General delivered the 
 packet to you unsealed, as the 
 regulations (he knew) required, 
 for the pmpose of being trans- 
 mitted home, I should by this 
 time most probably have been 
 enabled to lay the charges and 
 your answer fully before the 
 Prince Regent. The delay which 
 must now take place has been 
 altogether occasioned by the dis- 
 ingenuous condvict which has been 
 practised upon you ; and although 
 it is difficult to understand what 
 advantage General Bonaparte 
 coidd have expected to derive 
 from it, if his object had been the 
 fair investigation of his case, it 
 will, I am sure, in the event of 
 any other sealed letters being sent 
 to you for transmission, prove to 
 you the expediency of not per- 
 mitting any feeling of delicacy to 
 interfere with the strict execution 
 of your instructions. 
 
 I have the honour, &c, 
 (Signed) BATHURST. 
 
 Lord Bathurst's speech, delivered 
 in Parliament on the 18th of 
 March, 1817. This packet was 
 sent sealed up, because the Em- 
 peror Napoleon had added these 
 words — ' I approve these observa- 
 tions ; I desire they may be laid 
 before the eyes of the Sovereign 
 and the people of England.' Had 
 Sir Hudson Lowe insisted upon its 
 being opened, Count Bertrand 
 would have broken the seal in his 
 presence, and put it into his hands 
 open (Sir Hudson Lowe did make 
 himself acquainted with the con- 
 tents of the packet ; of that there 
 are proofs). There was no occa- 
 sion for these observations to be 
 communicated to Sir Hudson 
 Lowe since they were in reply to 
 a public speech delivered by the 
 Minister in the month of March, 
 1817. The voluminous composi- 
 tions of insults, calumnies, and 
 abuse, invented against the French 
 at Longwood, and despatched by 
 every mail going from St. Helena 
 to London, are not imparted to 
 the French, until the English Go- 
 vernment have deliberated upon 
 them. A charge made by one of 
 the parties concerned, is an unjust 
 act and null of itself. If, then, 
 these observations were not com- 
 municated to the Prince Regent, 
 so much the worse for the British 
 Government, for the English 
 nation, for her Constitution, so 
 much boasted of, and now so 
 much despised ; and for the liber- 
 ties of her people ; for, certainly, 
 such an occurrence could not have 
 happened in Russia, nor in Aus- 
 tria, nor even in Constantinople ! 
 It would be right that the com- 
 plaints of the French should be 
 sent unsealed to Sir Hudson Lowe 
 if the charges of Sir Hudson Lowe 
 were communicated before their 
 departure from St. Helena to one 
 of the French officers, so that the 
 calumnies, falsehoods, and un- 
 truths might be pointed out. 
 
 122
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 EXTRACT- H. LOWE. 
 
 Colonial Office, Dou-ning-street, 
 Jan. 1, 1818. 
 
 Sir, — I have received and laid 
 before the Prince Regent your 
 despatch, No. 89, in which you 
 transmit various communications 
 which have passed between your- 
 self and Count Bertrand, relative 
 to the restrictions imposed upon 
 General Bonaparte and the possi- 
 bility of admitting any further 
 relaxation. 
 
 From a review of the papers 
 transmitted by you, it appears, 
 that the complaints advanced by 
 General Bonaparte against the 
 restrictions imposed upon him, 
 maybe comprehended under two 
 heads : — 
 
 1st. He complains, that the 
 contracted extent of the limits 
 within which he may take exer- 
 cise, unaccompanied by a British 
 officer, and t lie posting of sentinels 
 round Longwood at sunset, debar 
 him from taking exercise; and, 
 
 2ndly, That his intercourse with 
 the inhabitants is subject to your 
 intervention ; and his correspond- 
 ence with them subject to your 
 inspection. 
 
 As Count Berl rand has admitted 
 that the first head of objection has 
 been obviated byyour recent ex- 
 tension of his former limits for 
 exercise, and by the other arrange- 
 ments which you considered your- 
 self authorised to adopt, it is not 
 necessary thai I should advert 
 particularly to thai pari of the 
 discussion, further than to express 
 my approbation of the relaxation 
 in this particular, to which you 
 have, out Of regard to the health 
 
 of General Bonaparte, been in- 
 duced to accede. 
 
 Considering it. however, not im- 
 probable, that (notwithstanding 
 the acquiescence of Count Ber- 
 trand in the existing arrangemenl 
 with respect to the Bentries) the 
 
 At length after two years then 
 it is known in London, that the 
 time for walking in this country 
 in the Bummeris from five to seven 
 o'clock in the evening. Therefore, 
 the subject of post ing the sentinels 
 at six o'clock in the evening is 
 resinned. Nevertheless it is now 
 30 days since the letter was com- 
 municated at Longwood, and still 
 are the sentries posted a1 six 
 o'clock. Sir Hudson Lowe, with- 
 out making any mention of the 
 matter, gave a written order to 
 
 the « lorps <le Garde to allow the 
 
 French to pass till nine o'clock in 
 
 the evening, and verbally he daily 
 gave order- for t hem not to be 
 
 allowed to pass after six o'clock in 
 
 the evening. Sir Hudson Lowe 
 
 123
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 posting of them at sunset may 
 again be brought forward as a 
 cause of complaint, I deem it ad- 
 visable to acquaint you by this 
 opportunity, that the utmost 
 degree of indulgence which can be 
 consented to would be to defer 
 posting them till nine o'clock 
 during the heat of the summer 
 months, and that only under the 
 condition that General Bonaparte 
 should at that hour be seen by the 
 officer at Longwood, with a view 
 of insuring his being in the house 
 at the time when the guards are 
 stationed round it. 
 
 The second head of complaint, 
 viz., the restriction imposed upon 
 his intercourse and correspondence 
 with the inhabitants, is one upon 
 which there can be but little pros- 
 pect of satisfying all the preten- 
 sions advanced by Count Bertrand. 
 It cannot escape your observation, 
 that these demands cannot be re- 
 presented as interfering in any 
 way with his taking exercise ; his 
 declaration that he wotdd not 
 take any, unless they were con- 
 ceded, was an attempt to abuse 
 the interest you had taken in the 
 preservation of his health. With 
 respect to correspondence, I con- 
 fess I see no practicable alter- 
 native, but that of adhering to 
 the regulations already in force, 
 or admitting an unrestrained 
 communication between General 
 Bonaparte and the inhabitants, 
 on all subjects and for all pur- 
 poses ; a permission to send and 
 receive sealed letters, whether 
 under colour of private business, 
 or under any other pretence, is 
 incompatible with the situation of 
 a prisoner of war, and is liable to 
 the greatest objections, as such a 
 relaxation of the existing rides 
 would in effect be to abandon one 
 of the best securities against a 
 successful attempt at escape. You 
 will, therefore, on this point, 
 
 still goes on as before, conse- 
 quently he must have confidential 
 instructions of a contrary tendency 
 to those which are published ! ! 
 
 What ! a prisoner of war can- 
 toned in a town of England, in 
 France, in Russia, in Austria, not 
 allowed to write at his convenience 
 to his banker, to his friend, to his 
 wife residing in the town where 
 he is cantoned, without having 
 his letters examined by the Gover- 
 nor of the Province ? This is not 
 the law of nations, but Lord 
 Bathurst's law, who is alike a 
 stranger to the rules of decent 
 treatment and military habits. It 
 is false that that could have in- 
 fluence as to escape ; but, if one 
 can converse with the inhabitants 
 without witnesses, there can be 
 no danger in writing to them. 
 The object of this measure is con- 
 trary to that which existed in 
 1815, and during the first half- 
 year of 1816, and is intended to 
 vex and annoy in a thousand un- 
 worthy and low ways. Sir Hud- 
 son Lowe is very fond of dirty 
 work, and to examine the foul 
 
 124
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 adhere to the instructions under 
 which you have hitherto acted. 
 
 With respect to intercourse with 
 the inhabitants, I see no material 
 objection to the placing it upon 
 the footing recently suggested by 
 Count Bertrand, as it is one which 
 he represents would be more con- 
 sonant to General Bonaparte's 
 wishes ; the Count's proposition 
 is, that a list of a given number 
 of persons resident in the island 
 should be made out, who shall be 
 at once admitted to Longwood on 
 the General's own invitation, with- 
 out a previous application being 
 made to your Kxcellency on each 
 invitation. You will, therefore, 
 consider yourself at liberty to 
 accede to the suggestion of Count 
 Bertrand. ami you will for the 
 purpose desire him to present to 
 you tor your approbation a list of 
 persons, not exceeding fifty in 
 number, resident in the island, 
 who may be admitted to Long- 
 wood at seasonable boms, without 
 any other pass than the invitation 
 of General Bonaparte; it being 
 understood thai they are on such 
 occasions to delta ir in the invita- 
 tion as a voucher, with their 
 names, at the barrier, in giving 
 your approbation to the list, you 
 will, as tar as it is consistent will) 
 your duty, consult the wishes of 
 Genera] Bonaparte; hut you will 
 let it be clearly understood, that 
 you reserve to yourself a discre- 
 tionary power of erasing Erom the 
 list, at any time, any of those 
 individuals, to whom you may 
 have found it inexpedient to con- 
 tinue such extraordinary facility 
 of access, and you will bake especial 
 care that a report he always made 
 to you by the orderly officer, of 
 the several persons admitted to 
 Longwood upon General Bona- 
 parte's invitation. 
 
 With reaped to tin- visits of 
 
 linen of Longwood is to him an 
 important occupation. 
 
 Fifty of the principal inhabi- 
 tants of the island and of the army 
 may frequently communicate with 
 Longwood ; that removes all the 
 difficulties with respect to the 
 passes. But now, this second of 
 June, a month since, not only has 
 tins regulation not been executed, 
 but Sir Hudson Lowe, in defiance 
 of it, has had the annexed 
 proclamation* posted up. The 
 Colonel of the 66th was ordered to 
 forbid such of his officers as were 
 in the habit of conversing with 
 Countess Bertrand, whenever they 
 happened to meet her on the high 
 roads, from continuing such habit, 
 and to avoid her; in consequence 
 of this order, several persons have 
 lately turned out of the road, all 
 manifesting much indignation at 
 such infamous behaviour. The 
 Emperor left his chamber four 
 times during the month of April, 
 to pass half an hour under a small 
 tree, thirty toises from his house. 
 Sir Hudson Lowe, in the month 
 of May, directed a gardener, a 
 soldier of the 66th, and a Serjeant, 
 the overseer of the workmen, to 
 follow him at some distance, and 
 not to lose sight of him, when- 
 ever he went into his garden, ami 
 thereby obliged him to discontinue 
 this slight exercise. The gardener 
 and the overseer of the work- 
 men, instead of attending to their 
 duties, openly exercise the func- 
 tions of soldiers of the Police, and 
 stop individuals under the very 
 windows of Longwood. Such has 
 been the effect of the arrival of 
 Lord Bathurst's despatches, that 
 whilst they appear to authorise 
 an association with fifty persons, 
 ami more free communication with 
 them. Sir Hmlson I .owe comes 
 ami behaves doubly ill. He must 
 therefore he warranted in his in- 
 
 For the proclain.ition .sec yesterday'^ ' hronicl<\ 
 125
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 strangers who may arrive at St. 
 Helena, General Bonaparte has 
 not expressed much solicitude for 
 a change in the existing regula- 
 tions ; his reluctance to gratify 
 the idle curiosity of strangers is a 
 natural feeling to which every 
 attention should be shewn ; and it 
 is satisfactory to know, that un- 
 der the existing regidations, the 
 General is protected from all rude 
 intrusions of that description ; as 
 no stranger, although he has re- 
 ceived your Excellency's permis- 
 sion, can be admitted at Long- 
 wood unless he has received that 
 of the General also. I am aware 
 that in your giving permission 
 you have shewn great delicacy ; 
 but, after what has been again 
 stated on this subject, you will, 
 I am sure, be inclined to be still 
 more select, confining the per- 
 mission to those whose situation, 
 character, or acquirements are 
 such as to render it probable that 
 General Bonaparte might take an 
 interest in their conversation. 
 
 It only remains for me to desire, 
 that you will take a proper op- 
 portunity of making known to 
 General Bonaparte the final de- 
 cision upon the several points 
 transmitted home for considera- 
 tion. 
 
 famous conduct by instructions 
 contrary to the Patent ones ! 
 
 This is all a mockery. Napoleon 
 was desirous of receiving the visits 
 of the Austrian and Russian 
 officers, who are in this country, 
 the Baroness Sturmer, and the 
 strangers who put in here, as he 
 was accustomed to do in 1815 and 
 1816, but in 1817 and 1818, he 
 declared to prefer to decline the 
 visits of everybody, rather than 
 submit to the absurd and de- 
 grading formalities framed by Sir 
 Hudson Lowe, and especially the 
 visits of such individuals as that 
 officer thought proper to send, 
 namely, such as were blinded by 
 the false prejudices they enter- 
 tained against the French. This 
 mockery under such circumstances 
 is truly dastardly. 
 
 126 
 
 Lord Bathurst is very badly 
 informed of what passes in the 
 country, and for this simple 
 reason — his knowledge is derived 
 only from the correspondence of a 
 faithless agent, a prey to passion, 
 and a declared enemy bursting with 
 malice. The conversations which 
 that officer reports are a mere 
 tissue of lies. The precaution of 
 having his recitals attested by one 
 of his confidants proves nothing, 
 and merely demonstrates his cun- 
 ning. There are a hundred exam- 
 ples of the false turn which that 
 officer gives to everything. The 
 following is one instance : On the 
 2nd February, four months after 
 he had read the observations upon 
 Lord Bathurst's speech, he, un- 
 called for, sent to Count Bertrand 
 the recital of a conversation which 
 he had had, he said, in May, 1816, 
 with Napoleon, respecting the 
 building of a house. This recital
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 I shall be sincerely happy if the 
 relaxations which you have already 
 made, and which you are hereby 
 authorised to make, should in any 
 degree tend to reconcile General 
 Bonaparte to the situation in 
 which he is placed, and induce 
 him to adopt a course of life more 
 suited to his comfort and his 
 health ; but should be, as Count 
 Bertram 1 has declared that it is 
 his purpose to do, decline taking 
 necessary exercise within the 
 limits which he now admits to be 
 adequate, unless the restriction 
 upon his correspondence is re- 
 moved, his Majesty's Government 
 will only have to regret, that the 
 attempt made to diminish the pri- 
 vations t o which he is necessarily 
 
 1 
 
 is replete with falsehood ; it is all 
 an invention ; it is a piece of 
 effrontery without example, the 
 object of which was to be enabled 
 to say, that this false conversa- 
 tion, which formed one of the 
 bases of Lord Bathurst's speech, 
 had been laid before Count Ber- 
 trand. Mr. Ellis was presented to 
 the Emperor Napoleon in July, 
 1817 ; he neither saw his bed- 
 room, nor the inside of the house. 
 The conversation never touched 
 upon any of the disputed points 
 at St. Helena. Count Montholon 
 had no conversation with him 
 upon any matter relating to the 
 establishment at Longwood ; and, 
 notwithstanding, Mr. Ellis, in a 
 work upon China, has thought 
 proper to erect himself as a judge 
 upon all these points, as if he had 
 made an inquiry from both parties 
 on the spot into all the points in 
 dispute ; he has thereby done no 
 honour to his character — he has 
 betrayed his own conscience for 
 the sake of pleasing the Ministers. 
 All that he says in the four or five 
 paragraphs upon the subject is a 
 fabrication, and has not been 
 written by his pen. 
 
 If Napoleon had not gone abroad 
 for the 24 manihs that Sir Hudson 
 Lowe has heen in the country, it 
 is because it has been impossible 
 for him so to do, without exposing 
 himself to become the victim of 
 the criminal views meditated by 
 that officer. Insulted by the 
 sentinels, that might have pro- 
 voked scenes which would have 
 rejoiced the libellers of London, 
 
 unless the result had heen tragical. 
 
 Sir Hudson Lowe had no right to 
 impose restrictions, nor to alter 
 
 those which existed when he 
 
 arrived here. The well - known 
 evil disposition of that officer, if 
 he had the righl of making restric- 
 tions, which the Hill only concedes 
 to the British Government, proves 
 ■11
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 subjected, should be frustrated by 
 his owu determination to impose 
 upon himself restraints much more 
 severe than any against which he 
 has most vehemently remon- 
 strated. 
 
 I have the honour to be, &c, 
 
 (Signed) BATHURST. 
 
 that he would gratify himself 
 every day with fresh insults, with 
 making fresh restrictions, with 
 inventing conversations, and 
 suborning false witnesses. Napo- 
 leon has been compelled to shut 
 himself up within the walls of his 
 house, to avoid and escape the 
 abuses of authority committed by 
 this bad man. If the object of 
 those who sent Napoleon to this 
 country, the most frightful and 
 most unhealthy in the whole 
 world, were doubtful, the selec- 
 tion of Sir Hudson Lowe, continu- 
 ing him here for three years in 
 the exercise of his functions, 
 although an hundred English 
 officers, who have been in this 
 country, ought and could have 
 informed the Government of his 
 odious conduct, puts all doubt 
 upon the case out of the question. 
 
 [Proclamation above referred to is here given as it appeared in TJie 
 Morning Chronicle for October 12, 1818.] 
 
 PROCLAMATION. 
 
 Whereas, it has been ascertained, that a present had been delivered 
 to an inhabitant of this island, in the name, or on the part of one of 
 the Foreign Persons under detentionTat^Longwood ; which present was 
 soon afterwards returned, in consequence of the person to whom it had 
 been delivered, becoming sensible that his acceptance of it, unless with 
 the Governor's knowledge and authority, would have been a breach of 
 the Proclamations in force. The Governor, nevertheless, deems it 
 expedient in enforcement of the abovesaid Proclamations (with refer- 
 ence also to the general injunction contained in the warrant, dated 
 16th April, 1816), to give public notice, and public notice is hereby 
 given to all officers, inhabitants, and other persons whatsoever, residing 
 on, or resorting to this island, that they not only are interdicted (as 
 by the Proclamation of 17th October, 1815) from holding any corre- 
 spondence or communication with the foreign persons under detention 
 on it, except only such as may be regularly authorized by him, and (as 
 further, by public notice of the 11th May, and Proclamation of 28th 
 June, 1816) from receiving, delivering or rendering themselves the 
 channel for the conveyance of any communication whatsoever, from or 
 to the said persons, without his express authorization ; but where any 
 unauthorized communication shall have been, or may be conveyed, or 
 attempted to be conveyed, it behoves all those who are acquainted 
 with it, to give the Governor immediate information of the same (or 
 
 128
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 the nearest civil or military authority, should the case so require), in 
 order that the necessary steps may be taken thereupon, under pain of 
 being considered otherwise as privy to the same, and held answerable 
 accordingly. 
 
 Given at the Castle, James's Town, this 16th day of May, 1818, 
 
 HUDSON LOWE, Lieut. -General, Governor 
 and Commander-in-Chief. 
 
 By his Excellency's command, 
 
 G. GORREQUER, Act. Mily. Sec. 
 
 By Order of the Governor and Council, 
 
 T. H. BROOKE, Secretary to Government. 
 
 'Morning Chronicle,' October J 3, 1818. 
 
 TO THE EDITOR OF THE 'MORNING CHRONICLE.* 
 
 Sir, — There appeared in your journal of this day some observations 
 which you say are General Bonaparte's, on Lord Bathurst's letter to 
 Sir H. Lowe, in which he asks, ' would any prisoner of war in England, 
 in France, in Russia, in Austria, or in Prussia, be prevented from 
 corresponding with his banker, with his friends, or his mistress, with- 
 out previously submitting his letters to persons who were to inspect 
 them ?' 
 
 General Bonaparte, it would appear from these questions, forgets 
 his own acts, when he was at the head of the Government of France ; 
 if he did not, he as well as every Englishman detained in France during 
 the late war, knows that the prisoners of war in the various d&p6ts 
 were obliged to send their letters, addressed to their friends in 
 England, open to the Military Commandant of the places where they 
 were confined, who sent them to the Minister of Marine at Paris, and 
 by him forwarded to the Minister of Police, who, after having them 
 read or translated, returned them to the Minister of Marine, and were 
 then, and not till then, sent off to England. But, as General Bonaparte 
 speaks of the treatment of prisoners of war in the various European 
 States, I will ask him if any Government but his, and that of Algiers, 
 would have made women and children prisoners of war ? That he did 
 so, thousands of persons can testify. I can adduce two instances ; — 
 when I left France in 1801), Fouche, then Minister of Police, gave me a 
 passport for myself and family to embark at Dunkirk for the United 
 States of America, consequently I could take as many youn^ persons 
 as I thought proper, as they might be considered part of my family. 
 A Miss Masterson, an Irish young lady, whose father had been in the 
 Irish Brigade, was refused a passport to come to England ; she knew I 
 
 129 K
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 was going home, she applied to me, and I permitted her to join me at 
 Dunkirk, and embark with me as one of my family. When I passed 
 through St. Omers, on my way to Dxinkirk, I brought away with me 
 Miss Pemberton, daughter of Dr. Pemberton, of George's- street, 
 Hanover. This young lady was sent to a boarding school at St. Omers 
 during the peace of Amiens, when she was about nine years old. 
 Various applications were made during the war to obtain passports for 
 her to leave France, but always refused. The answer was ' that she 
 was a prisoner of war!!!'' A child of 10 years old a prisoner of 
 war ! ! ! Now that Bonaparte is himself a prisoner and unfortunate, I 
 should be sorry to say anything harsh of him, but really England is 
 the last country that he should look to for commiseration, as it is well 
 known that prisoners of war of all nations were better treated by him 
 than the English were — as his hostility was even extended, as I have 
 already observed, to women and children, nay, even to sick persons. 
 Mr. Parry, one of the former proprietors of The Courier, died at 
 Verdun, in 1805, as a detenu for want of medical advice, he frequently, 
 but in vain, applied for a passport to come to Paris to consult 
 physicians. Therefore, I think, Bonaparte should endeavour to get 
 the Austrian Observer, published in the dominions of his father-in-law, 
 the proprietor of which is the respectable Prince Metternich, who 
 promoted his marriage with Maria Louisa, to insert all his Jeremiades. 
 
 I have the honour to be, Sir, 
 Yovirs, &c, 
 
 October 12. LEWIS GOLDSMITH. 
 
 ' Morning Chronicle,' October 17, 1818. 
 
 The alleged interposition of Russia for obtaining a mitigation of 
 Bonaparte's treatment seems to have thrown The Courier into no 
 slight degree of alarm, and a pretty strong intimation is given that, 
 even if it were possible that Russia and Austria should make such a soli- 
 citation, it would be met by a flat refusal. We have no doubt that the 
 petty vexations to which, by universal consent, he has been incessantly 
 exposed during the rule of the present Governor have created a very 
 unfavourable impression against our Government on the Continent ; 
 but still we think The Courier will be quit for his alarm. With 
 affected innocence The Courier tells us, ' we have yet to learn what 
 pestiferous qualities the climate possesses for Bonaparte more than for 
 the other inhabitants of St. Helena ; ' of course he is not aware of the 
 different effects of a tropical climate on a native and on Europeans ; 
 nor that diseases of the liver are usually fatal to the latter, if they do 
 not remove to a colder climate. 
 
 130
 
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 ' Morning Chronicle,' October 29. 1818. 
 to the editor of the 'morning chronicle.' 
 
 Sir, — As your paper seems exclusively to have had authentic 
 information respecting the proceedings adopted at St. Helena, and 
 sanctioned by our Government, I beg you will do me the favour to 
 insert the inclosed letter from General Bertrand to Count Las Casa9. 
 
 It is painful to me to make public any relation likely to reflect 
 disgrace on the English nation, but, as a deaf ear seems so studiously 
 turned to the just complaints made of the base and iniquitous measures 
 pursued against a fallen enemy, I feel it a justice due to the country to 
 exhibit to public notice the disgraceful conduct pursued by Sir Hudson 
 Lowe, in the hope that public indignation will become so manifest 
 against such arbitrary, ungenerous, and unrequired oppression, as that 
 Ministers will be compelled to remove the heavy load of disgrace from 
 longer tainting the character of the British nation. 
 
 I send you the original letter for your personal assurance of its 
 authenticity ; for it is truly lamentable that the English people at large 
 should be so unceremoniously execrated as they are on the Continent 
 for the conduct of Sir H. Lowe, and the few who support him. I send 
 you the original for your satisfaction as to its authenticity. 
 
 London, Oct. 28, 1818. J. C. 
 
 TRANSLATED FROM THE FRENCH. 
 
 J.ongivood, August 16th, 1818. 
 My DBAB Las Casas, — On the 7th of June I received the letter you 
 did me the honour to write to me on the loth of January last. Since 
 then I received, on the L8th instant, those of the 16th of February, 
 loth of March, and loth of April, which I have communicated. They 
 have induced the Emperor to direct me to write to you. Four months 
 ago I received a case of books and pamphlets, addressed to me by 
 Mr. Goulburn ; and, since then, a very obliging offer to send out a 
 picture which was found in the chamber at St. Cloud, relating to 
 the baptism of young Napoleon. Mr. Henry Goulburn was so kind 
 .as to bate down the price of the said picture, and to get the 
 proprietor of it to reduce its price one-half. That offer could not be 
 accepted) on account of its appearing to form such a contrast with 
 what takes place here ; and as it seemed likely to lead to Parliamentary 
 discussions of a similar nature to those regarding tin- wooden house. 
 Nevertheless, the very kind behaviour you have experienced, and all 
 ymi till me in your last litter, strikes me most powerfully, I confess. 
 
 Can it lie possible that the horrible vexations we experience are not 
 
 with the cognisance <>f the English Government? And can it be 
 possible that the private enmity of (be Governor should be sufficient 
 to harass the USmperor, even unto death? ('an Governments and 
 
 Princes be so easily deceived ? It is in this state of doubt that I now 
 write to you. 
 
 LSI
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 Things are materially altered since your departure. In the year 
 1817, and this of 1818, the vexations practised against the Emperor are 
 increased to that degree, that they can only be considered as an 
 attempt upon his life. You shall judge of this by the detail. You 
 cannot but have read, in the newspapers of the month of March, certain 
 observations upon the speech of Lord Bathurst, but since then things 
 have got much worse, and the hatred of the Governor of this country 
 has no longer had any limits. 
 
 When you left, the Emperor gave up riding on horseback, to avoid 
 the snares and insults prepared for him by exposing him to the 
 insolence of the sentinels ; he has been since obliged to debar himself 
 even from walking exercise, to avoid similar inconveniences. During 
 the months of March and April, the Emperor occasionally went out to 
 come and see my wife ; and sometimes, too, he used to seat himself 
 fifty paces from the house, upon the bench which you know, where he 
 would remain half an hour or an hour. They devised means to prevent 
 this, and to oblige him to confine himself closely to his room. They 
 were aware that was no difficult task. They appointed a soldier of the 
 66th for the gardener, and they stationed at my house a serjeant or 
 overseer of the workmen — both very useful at the house, either to 
 remove any noxious weeds which might infect the air (for it is an im- 
 possibility to have a garden on such a spot as this), or to repair the 
 house, which is in ruins, and admits the water upon every shower. All 
 that appeared very reasonable ; but the Governor invested these two 
 soldiers with the power of stopping whomsoever they pleased, at the 
 very doors and under the very windows of the Emperor. From that 
 moment he has never been out, and it is now upwards of a hundred 
 days that he has not put his head out of the windows. 
 
 This climate, this entire deprivation of exercise, and this miserable 
 habitation, have impaired his health, so much so, that you would not 
 know him again. Ever since the end of September, 1817, he has felt 
 the first symptoms of the chronic hepatitis, which you are aware is 
 mortal in this country. The good O'Meara attended him, in whom, 
 you know, he has confidence. Sir Hudson Lowe, in the month of 
 April, at the very time this doctor was most necessary to him, reduced 
 him to the necessity of giving in his resignation, and wanted to foist 
 upon him Mr. Baxter, whom you all know. The Emperor refused to 
 see any medical attendant. From the 10th of April to the 10th of May, 
 he was without a doctor, and at last the Russian and Austrian Com- 
 missioners, who were sent out here, being indignant at this treatment, 
 gave the Governor to understand, that if the Emperor should die in 
 that situation, they themselves would be at a loss what to say, if the 
 opinion should prevail in Europe, that he had been assassinated. It 
 appears this decided the Governor to reinstate the doctor, but there is 
 no species of ill-treatment they did not make him suffer. They wanted 
 to get him driven from the table of the officers of the 66th, but, these 
 brave soldiers disdaining to participate in so arbitrary an act, Sir 
 Hudson Lowe himself gave orders to the doctor, through the colonel, 
 to discontinue to mess with the said officers. He has written to 
 London, and it is probable they will drive the doctor away. The 
 Emperor will receive no other ; and, if the Prince Regent or Lord 
 Liverpool decline taking cognisance of this fact, he will die here of 
 disease, deprived even of the assistance of his doctor. The Emperor is, 
 
 132
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 however, now very ill, and has been for two months. He rises at 
 11 o'clock in the morning, and retires again at two. Some few days 
 ago he had an alarming crisis from the effects of the mercury which 
 Doctor O'Meara had given him, that being prescribed for the liver 
 complaint. Dr. O'Meara, being alarmed at his responsibility, proposed 
 to me that we should call in Mr. Baxter, and the surgeon of the 
 Conqueror. They are the two principal medical men in this country. 
 You know what repugnance the Emperor felt against Mr. Baxter, 
 arising from his having formerly been a surgeon-major in the Italian 
 battalion commanded by Sir H. Lowe ; this aversion is since much 
 heightened, from the circumstance of his having lent himself, from the 
 month of October, 1817, to the month of March, 1818, in drawing up 
 false bulletins, replete with untruths, which have deceived both his 
 own Government and Europe ; but he saw no impropriety, although he 
 cared little about it, at our having a Mr. Stockoe called in, and he did, 
 in fact, come to Longwood the same day at three o'clock in the after- 
 noon, but would not go in to the Emperor, feeling that his responsi- 
 bility was compromised, and that he was in danger of losing the place 
 he had acquired by forty years' service. That appeared to me so extra- 
 ordinary, that I could not credit it, and I saw him. He expressed to 
 me his regret, for he is a very respectable old man, and easily explained 
 the thing. He had been lightly given to understand he might go, in 
 the same way as they did to Mr. Coles, the banker, whom you know. 
 I had some money account to settle with him, and sent for him. but, 
 when he came, he said he would not enter upon the subject, except in 
 the presence of the orderly officer, for if he did he should be lost. Of 
 course, I declined that. The same case happened a few days ago with 
 Mr. Fowler, who has arrived from England. T had an account to settle 
 with him amounting to a few hundred pounds, for some clothes made 
 in London. True it is, that you are not aware of the situation we are 
 in now; it can in no instance be compared with our situation in your 
 time, and even then it was bad enough ; and you sufficiently know this 
 Prince to induce you to use your influence to prevent any of the 
 Emperor's family from coming out here. The spectacle of the humilia- 
 tions, the vexations, the hatred he is a prey to, would l>e utterly in- 
 supportable, were his mother or any of his brothers to come and share 
 them. Even Count de Montholon and myself, who are now the only 
 persons with him, have been repeatedly pressed by him to go and 
 release ourselves from the like treatment, and to leave him to himself. 
 He assures us his agony would be less acute if he did not see that we 
 also were the victims of this misery. You remember the officers have 
 not visited me for a long time, hut, whenever they meet us on the road, 
 they have the civility to stop and gossip with my wife. They have 
 now been forbidden to do that, not in writing, hut by insinuation, so 
 that it has frequently happened that these officers, on perceiving us. 
 have turned away out of the road. 
 
 Things have now come to such a pitch, that the hud linen remains 
 several days to Ihj searched by the orderly captain, and sometimes hy 
 the Btat-majOT. This scene is not only highly indecent, hut very 
 humiliating to them; its only purpose is insult and outrage. 
 
 In the month of June, 1816, a store-ship brought out a marble bust 
 of young Napoleorr. Sir- Hudson Lowe directed that it should he 
 thrown into the sea; he afterwards denied it, hut wr have a judicial 
 
 138
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 attestation of it ; for this act disgusted both Lady Malcolm, who was 
 then still here, and all the Commanders of the storeships who were 
 then here. 
 
 After that, in the month of February last, the storeship, the Cam- 
 bridge, brought out two engravings or prints of young Napoleon, 
 which he had purchased upon the Quays at London. Sir H. Lowe had 
 them bought, stated he intended them as a present to his father ; and 
 when, a month afterwards, the officers of that ship learnt the contrary 
 to be the fact (viz. in order to keep them from him) they were no 
 longer able to dissemble their indignation at such an act having been 
 committed by an Englishman. 
 
 All this conduct, on the part of the Governor, cannot be disguised 
 or withheld from the British Govex'nment. If what the Emperor told 
 Lord Amherst were repeated in London, if they inquired of Captain 
 Popleton, who was the orderly officer for two years, and whom you 
 know, if they interrogated Colonel Nichols, of the 66th ; if they asked 
 Captain Fehrzen, of the 53rd, and many others, they must be aware of 
 the base conduct pursued here. 
 
 If the Emperor has any enemy in Europe who would have applauded 
 the English Government if they had openly and publicly put him to 
 death on board the Bellerophon, there can be none who will not one 
 day load with imprecations and opprobrium the authors of his destruc- 
 tion in so dastardly a manner. 
 
 How can this be reconciled with what you write me ? Possibly by 
 some crafty correspondence teeming with lies and prepared with 
 cunning address. We have at all times, for two years, preferred our 
 complaints pretty openly, and they ought to be informed in London of 
 the criminal conduct observed here. 
 
 You will be amazed at my mentioning the French, Austrian, and 
 Russian Commissioners who are here. Whilst you were here we never 
 saw them. Even now they have not seen the Emperor, nor have they 
 visited us ; but we have met them several times on the roads of the 
 boundary, a ridiculous way enough. If the Emperor has not acknow- 
 ledged them as Commissioners, he has never refused to receive them as 
 strangers. As to the Governor he has not seen him since the month 
 of August, 1816, and you are acquainted with the Emperor's reasons 
 for not receiving him, after the insults he has offered him. In this 
 state of things, that Sir H. Lowe should take revenge, may be ex- 
 plained, although, most unquestionably, it does not give proof of any 
 generosity of character ; but what explanation can be given for the 
 Government's continuing, for two years, its confidence in a man who 
 so surprisingly abuses it ? 
 
 I implore you then, instantly, and in the name of the Emperor, to 
 acquaint his family and his relations with the situation of things in 
 this country, and to require imperiously that none of them come here 
 to aggravate his misfortunes by wishing to share them. 
 
 You tell us that the English Government has contracted for our 
 being supplied with the Morning Chronicle. It is the same with this 
 journal as with the Times ; they do send it to us, keeping back 
 those numbers it is convenient to withhold. Thus they have sent us 
 some numbers for February, and some for March, but they have kept 
 back all they did not wish us to see. Not to have a series of journals, 
 is worse than having none. 
 
 134
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 How do they send us the books ? As soon as a storeship arrives, 
 the Governor's first care is to buy up all the books she has, especially 
 the French, to prevent our buying them. 
 
 With regard to the pamphlets you advise us of, we have only 
 received, up to the 12th of March, one entire case, a list of which you 
 will find inclosed, and on the 28th of the same month seven volumes, 
 of which you will also find inclosed a specification. This leads us to 
 believe they probably have withheld the remainder. 
 
 I have read this letter to the Emperor, and he has approved the 
 contents, thinking, however, that I have only faintly expressed the 
 baseness of the conduct observed towards him. He desires me to add 
 two aporteUes (notes), which will put you in possession of the real 
 opinion of the officer to whom they have confided the custody of this 
 island. The calomel has not hitherto improved the state of his liver, 
 and has been the cause of other indisposition. 
 
 Accept, my deai' Las Casas, the assurance of my affectionate senti- 
 
 mente - (Signed) Le CTE. BERTRAND. 
 
 P.S. — In the few days which have elapsed since my letter was 
 written, many occurrences have taken place which will prove to you 
 how much worse our situation grows instead of better, as you seem to 
 think. You know that Captain Mackay, an officer in the 53rd, was 
 succeeded as orderly officer at Long wood by Captain Popleton, of the 
 same regiment, and he, on his departure, was succeeded by Captain 
 Blakeney, of the 66th, an officer who, like his predecessors, enjoyed the 
 highest character in the regiment. Within a few days of his arrival 
 he found that the Governor required things of him very unworthy of 
 a man of honour : but, as that evil sensibly increased, he urgently 
 requested, as soon as his year's service in that disgusting post expired, 
 that he might be relieved from it. We know that he declared, confi- 
 dentially, to his friends in the regiment, that it was impossible for a 
 man of honour to continue in that post, without forfeiting his own 
 good opinion. It may be, too, that Sir H. Lowe was not satisfied with 
 the avowed sentiments of this captain ; but, however that may be, on 
 the 20th of this month, one of the officers sent out to the island to hold 
 a command in the Militia, and whose old connexion with Sir H. Lowe 
 you are no stranger to, and the only person on the Governor's staff 
 whom the Emperor refused to see, came and assumed the post of the 
 orderly officer, and with him, under sundry pretexts, another officer ; 
 so that we have now two, instead of one. It appears that some 
 Government rooms and effects, which had been given in common for 
 the orderly officer and Dr. O'Meara, had led to some sharp altercation 
 
 between them. 
 
 On the 22nd, I addressed the Protest, marked A, to the Governor, 
 who bad a challenge Benl to me by the said officer-. It is beneath my 
 character and situation to provoke Sir H. Lowe; but, under these 
 circumstances, I felt it my duty to address to him the letter marked B. 
 
 On the 21th, he made Dr. O'Meara leave Longwood, in virtue, he 
 said, of an order from Lord Hat hurst, as you will see by the Governor's 
 letter, marked c, to Count de Montholon, who replied to him by the 
 letter subjoined, I). 
 
 Doctor O'Meara, as you know, was given to the Kmperor by an 
 Order of Council, in the place of his own doctor, and in consequence of 
 
 186
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 a special demand I addressed to Admiral Keith. The Emperor can 
 only be deprived of him by an Order of the Council. If such an order 
 exists, why not let us see it ? Unquestionably, neither the Council nor 
 Lord Bathurst ought to deprive the Emperor of the physician of his 
 choice ; they must be sensible of the consequence, unless they supply 
 his place by some other in his confidence. 
 
 But, if an order in Council to that effect did exist, that would not 
 justify the conduct of the Governor — for such an order, given under 
 ordinary circumstances, could never be intended to be put in force at a 
 period when the Emperor was seriously ill. It never could be their 
 intention to remove his doctor, in the midst of the treatment of so 
 serious a disorder, which assailed his life ; especially since we have 
 requested, ever since the month of April, that if they intended to 
 remove Dr. O'Meara, they should send some one from Europe to supply 
 his place, who might have the patient's confidence ; which request 
 ought to have been answered in less than three months. 
 
 I conclude, my dear Las Casas, with a breaking heart, 
 
 (Signed) 
 
 BERTRAND. 
 
 First Arrival of Books, contained in a case delivered the 12th of 
 March, 1818. 
 
 Modern Biography 
 
 L'Hermite de la Chausse - d'Autin 
 
 Le Franc Parleur 
 
 L'Hermite de la Guyanne 
 
 Tableau Historique de la Literature depuis 1789 
 
 La France et les Francais en 1817 
 
 Histoire de Doujon et Chateau de Vincennes 
 
 Bulletins de Paris, 1815 
 
 Les Devoirs 
 
 Histoire des Socie^s Secrets de l'ann^e 1815 
 
 Le Faux Dauphin 
 
 Le Cri des Peuples 
 
 Curious and Interesting Anecdotes 
 
 On the Organisation of the Armed Force, 1817 
 
 Total 
 
 Letters Normandes et Champenoises, 15 number; 
 
 . 3 vols. 
 
 . 2 
 
 . 2 
 
 . 3 
 
 . 1 
 
 . 1 
 
 . 3 
 
 . 1 
 
 . 2 
 
 . 1 
 
 . 2 
 
 . 1 
 
 . 1 
 
 . 1 
 
 . 27 vols. (sic). 
 
 N.B. — These books were not sent upon your application, but in 
 consequence of a letter written to the niece of my wife, the Countess 
 of Leedkerke, daughter of Mde. Latour Dupin, a letter which was sent 
 back to us from London, and upon which Mr. Coulburn was kind 
 enough to undertake to send us some books and pamphlets, which were 
 requested to be sent regularly every month. For the rest, since the 
 28th of March we have received no others, although several store-ships 
 and vessels of war have arrived. B. 
 
 136
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 Second Arrival— received the 28th of March. 1818. 
 
 History of the Campaigns of 1814 and 1815, by 
 
 Alphonse de Beauchamp 4 vols. 
 
 Ttineraire du retour de l'lsle d'Elbe ... ... 2 ,, 
 
 Abridgement of the Life of the Duke of Otran to... 1 „ 
 
 Total 7 vols. 
 
 Notes written by the Emperor on the back of Sir Hudson Lowe's 
 letter, dated the 18th Nov., 1817.* 
 
 This letter, that of the 26th of July, and that of the 26th of October 
 last, are full of lies. I have shut myself up in my apartment for the 
 last 18 months ; to shelter myself from the insults of that officer. My 
 health is now impaired, and it no longer permits me to read such 
 disgusting stuff. Send rne no more of it. 
 
 Whether this officer conceives himself authorized by verbal and 
 secret instructions from his Ministry, as he has given it to be under- 
 stood, or whether he acts from his own impulse, which one may 
 suppose from the care he takes to disguise it, I cannot but treat him as 
 my assassin. 
 
 Had they sent out here a man of honour, I should doubtless have 
 experienced less torment, but they would have then escaped that 
 odium with which they will be branded by Europe and history, whom 
 this artful man's farrago of writing will not deceive. 
 
 (Signed) NAPOLEON. 
 
 Longwood, this 23rd Nov., 1817. 
 
 (A.) 
 
 PROTEST ADDRESSED TO THE GOVERNOR, 
 
 the 22nd op July, 1818. 
 
 In the name of the Emperor Napoleon, I am directed to protest — 
 
 1. Against all violation of the boundary by the domestics, work- 
 men, or others whom you may secretly clothe with the garment of 
 public authority. 
 
 2. Against the injuries done to Dr. O'Meara to oblige him to leave 
 this place, and against the obstructions, open or covert, which you 
 have or may occasion to prevent Napoleon's being assisted in his dis- 
 order with the advice and opinion of a medical practitioner in whom 
 he may have confidence, accredited to that service by his Britannic 
 Majesty, or admitted to publicly exercise his functions in the island. 
 
 ii. Against the testimony, reports, and writings of the Militia officer 
 Lyster, who is only stationed at Longwood as an Instrument of hatred 
 and vengeance. 
 
 (Signed) Le CE. BERTRAND 
 
 • Thenc we inserted in the ' Morning Chronicle ' on the 22nd August. 
 
 137
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 (B.) 
 
 TO THE GOVERNOR. 
 
 Longwood, July 25, 1818. 
 Sir, — I have the honour to send you a letter which I have received. 
 The old man appears to me to be out of his senses. 
 He cannot be acquainted with my official correspondence except by 
 your orders. I have not answered him, nor shall I answer him. He is 
 merely an agent, and should his principal, being a General Officer, 
 desire me to explain, I am ready to do him that honour. 
 I have the honour to be, Sir, 
 
 Your most humble and obedient servant, 
 
 (Signed) Le CTE. BERTRAND. 
 
 (C.) 
 LETTER TO CTE. DE MONTHOLON. 
 
 Plantation House, July 25, 1818. 
 Sir, — I do myself the honour to acquaint you, for the information 
 of Napoleon Bonaparte, that by an instruction received from Earl 
 Bathurst, dated 16th May, 1818, I am directed to withdraw Mr. O'Meara 
 from attendance upon his person, and have given orders for his 
 departure from Longwood accordingly. Rear-Admiral Plampin has 
 received instructions on the same occasion from the Lords Commis- 
 sioners of the Admiralty, in respect to him on his quitting this island. 
 On the removal of Mr. O'Meara, Earl Bathurst's further instructions 
 are, that I am to direct Mr. Baxter to give his medical attendance to 
 Napoleon Bonaparte whenever it may be required, and particularly 
 instruct him on all occasions to consider the health of Napoleon 
 Bonaparte as the principal object of his attention ; that, in communi- 
 cating this arrangement, I am not to fail acquainting him at the same 
 time, that should he have reason to be dissatisfied with Dr. Baxter's 
 medical attendance, or should prefer that of any other professional 
 man on the island, I am perfectly prepared to acquiesce in his wish on 
 the subject, and to permit the attendance of any medical practitioner 
 selected by him, provided that he conforms strictly to the regulations 
 in force. Having, therefore, conveyed to Mr. O'Meara the order for 
 his removal, I have given the necessary instructions to Mr. Baxter ; he 
 will be ready in consequence to repair to Longwood on the summons or 
 signal that may be made to him. In the mean time, until I may be 
 informed of Napoleon Bonaparte's own desires on the subject, I shall 
 direct a medical officer to be in waiting at Longwood for any sudden 
 call. I have the honour to be, Sir, 
 
 Your most obedient humble servant, 
 
 (Signed) H. LOWE, Lieut. -Gen. 
 
 (D.) 
 LETTER FROM COUNT MONTHOLON TO THE GOVERNOR. 
 
 Sir, — Dr. O'Meara quitted Longwood yesterday, obliged to abandon 
 his patient in the midst of a treatment he was directing for him. 
 
 This morning that treatment has ceased — this morning a great 
 crime commences to be carried into execution ! 
 
 138
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 The letters of Count Bertrand of the 13th, 24th, 26th, and 27th of 
 April last, leave me nothing to add. The Emperor will never receive 
 any other doctor than Mr. O'Meara, because he is his own, or some one 
 who shall be sent out from Europe, conformably with the above quoted 
 letter of the 13th of April. 
 
 I have communicated the letter you wrote me yesterday ; the one 
 I now have the honour to write you is the substance of the reply I am 
 directed to send you. 
 
 I have the honour to be, Sir, your most humble servant, 
 
 (Signed) Le Gen. CTE DE MONTHOLON. 
 
 'Times,' Novembeb 10, 1818. 
 
 The attempt to rescue Buonaparte, or effect bis escape, is made 
 capital offence by the Act of the 56th of the present reign, chap 22. 
 from which the following is an extract: — 'And be it further enacted, 
 That if any person or persons, being a subject or subjects of or owing 
 allegiance to bis Majesty, his heirs or successors, shall rescue or attempt 
 to rescue the said Napoleon Buonaparte, or shall knowingly and wil- 
 fully aid or assist in the escape of the said Napoleon Buonaparte, or in 
 any attempt to escape from such custody as aforesaid, or from any 
 limits or bounds wherein he now is or at any time hereafter shall or 
 may be detained and kept in custody as aforesaid, or in which he shall 
 or may be suffered to go at large within the limits of any island or 
 country, territory or place, or within the limits of any district or 
 bounds within any island or country, territory or place, upon parole 
 or without parole, all and every such person and persona so offending 
 shall upon being convicted thereof be adjudged guilty of felony, and 
 shall suffer death as in cases of felony, without benefit of clergy.' 
 
 'Times,' November l<>, 1818. 
 
 The Hampshire Telegraph publishes the following extract of a 
 letter from St. Helena. There is very little new in it ; but anything 
 from that quarter must interest to a certain degree. 
 
 *8t. Helena, September %& t lsis. 
 
 ■The MueqvAto sloop of war Bails to-morrow for England; she is 
 
 charged with despatches from Sir Hudson Lowe, relating, it is under 
 stood, to an intercepted correspondence, which has discovered the 
 
 existence of a plot, the object of which was the liberation of Buona- 
 
 13!)
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 parte from this island. I forbear to mention the names, currently 
 circulated here, of those who are said to be implicated in this trans- 
 action ; a banker's house in London, however, and two individuals in 
 England, with others on the Continent, it is rumoured, are concerned. 
 Detection of the plot was produced by the circumstance, it is said, of 
 many letters addressed to a person (the name of which no individual is 
 to be found here), lying uncalled for at the post-office. Buonaparte 
 is in very good health ; he still, however, abstains from exercise, con- 
 fining himself wholly within doors. The reason assigned at Longwood 
 for the departure hence of General Gourgaud is a quarrel between him 
 and General Montholon. Gourgaud has been challenged by the latter, 
 but Buonaparte forbidding them to fight, Gourgaud quitted. It is 
 confidently said, Buonaparte has recently obtained the sum of 15,000Z. 
 in dollars ; through what means this weighty bulk could have been 
 carried clandestinely to Longwood is still a matter of surprise. The 
 discovery of the plot has also brought to light where the whole of 
 Buonaparte's treasure is deposited. Bertrand some time since asserted 
 he could at any time command a million sterling. Of the three Com- 
 missioners, one only remains on the island ; those of Russia and Austria 
 are gone to Rio to take up their abode some time. Buonaparte will 
 not admit either one of them to his presence ; the Austrian Com- 
 misioner, Baron de Stunner, who returned some weeks to his Court, 
 did not, during the long period he remained on the island, once see 
 Buonaparte. 
 
 The island is not healthy for a continued residence ; it is for many 
 hour* every day covered with vapours and dense fogs, and it does not 
 yield a sixth part of sufficient vegetable substances for the use of the 
 troops and seamen. The inhabitants are wholly excluded from all 
 means of livelihood ; no ships are allowed to remain here longer than 
 is absolutely necessary ; all supplies come from the Cape, but they are 
 very scanty, and what fresh meat is afforded from this channel is wholly 
 engrossed by the troops ; the ships never get a meal of it ; and during 
 the last five months they have had only one-third bread, no cocoa, and 
 no pease ; the deficiency is wholly made up of rice. Dysentery, con- 
 sequently, prevails much, and all the vessels have lost many men ; the 
 Musquito has lost about twenty-three in three months, and the 
 Conqueror has scarcely seamen enough on board to work the ship. 
 But, notwithstanding this weak state, the squadron bas furnished 
 300 men to assist in building a new house for Buonaparte, of the most 
 capacious dimensions. The seamen, after the day's work is over, are 
 marched to another part of the island, to be encamped for the night. 
 Every ship furnishes guard-boats, which row round the island, and, as 
 they approach the various points, are always challenged by the 
 sentinels. A short time since, one of the sloops of war, in working to 
 windward of the island, discovered two men in a cave on the shore ; 
 she accordingly sent a boat, and brought off two Yamstock (native) 
 negroes, who had been fishing, and who, it appeared, used to get to 
 the beach from the top of the cliff by a secret and dangerous path. A 
 new battery was consequently erected, and it was by this unknown outlet, 
 it is said, that the Great Man was to be carried off. We are constantly 
 amused with stories of schooners hovering off the island ; the cruisers 
 certainly sometimes see such, but never board them. A transport from 
 the Cape lately passed one close, lying to windward, about 80 miles 
 
 140
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 from the island, which took no notice of her. She might, however, 
 have been slaving, or looking out for Spanish or Portuguese Indiamen. 
 She was a large, long schooner of 18 guns, and apparently full of men. 
 The troops here are more healthy than the seamen are ; many 
 casualties, however, occur among the former — several sentinels have 
 been lost by falling over the cliffs.' 
 
 Morning Chronicle,' January 5, 1819. 
 
 One of the French journals states that about a month since a mason 
 came from St. Denis to Paris, and asked a corporal of the Royal Guard, 
 whom he met, whether it was not true that Bonaparte had escaped 
 from St. Helena, and had landed in France. The corporal, indignant 
 at the question, arrested the mason, who was on Thursday last brought 
 before the Tribunal of Correctional Police, and sentenced to three 
 months' imprisonment, for having circulated false and alarming news. 
 
 The GJtent Journal of the 8th of December last contains the follow- 
 ing remarks upon the letters which we published on the 2nd of that 
 month, relative to the sham St. Helena plot : — 
 
 As everybody had foreseen here, we perceive this grand conspiracy 
 reduced to nothing. We ask, for what purpose the statesmen of our 
 times labour to create phantoms and to invent conspiracies ? Bona- 
 parte now is only interesting because he is unfortunate — because the 
 laws of hospitality have been violated towards him — because all the 
 ignominies which his gaolers through a spirit of vengeance heap upon 
 him must afflict every generous man, and above all those who have 
 been his subjects under a reign as glorious as it was despotic. If it is a 
 crime to pity his lot, almost all Europe is criminal. Let the English 
 recollect that the death of Mithridates dishonoured the Roman name, 
 and that Caesar never persecuted those who bewailed the fate of 
 Pompey. 
 
 This St. Helena affair is generally considered as a machination of 
 the English Ministry. It is not at all likely that Bonaparte, attacked 
 by a liver complaint, has tried to escape ; if be succeeded in it, England 
 would be accused of it. If they had been generous enough to grant 
 him a retreat more worthy of him, all tbe world would rejoice at it. 
 But, if death strikes him upon tins rock, so miserable an end will only 
 add to the eclat of his name, and to the interest of bis history. 
 
 141 

 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 ' Morning Chronicle,' January 25, 1819. 
 extract of a letter from st. helena, dated 
 
 20th NOV., 1818. 
 
 Great preparations are making here for constructing the new house 
 for Bonaparte, the foundation of which has heen laid down directly 
 opposite to the house in which Bertrand now resides. There is to be a 
 veranda of 60 feet in length in the front, and the house is to be 
 surrounded with a stone wall and encircled with iron palisades ten 
 feet high. The labour required in order to bring up the materials is 
 almost incredible. The wood for the joists, &c, is sawed in the town, 
 and partly carried up by sailors upon their shoulders as far as the 
 Alarm-house, from whence it is taken by the 66th to Deadwood, partly 
 by fatigue parties of soldiers sent down at four o'clock in the morning. 
 The troops are greatly harassed, being obliged to go on fatigue imme- 
 diately after being relieved from guard or picquet, and have only one 
 night in bed out of three. The sickness amongst them and the sailors 
 is very alarming, and the mortality very great. It is supposed to be 
 partly caused by the excessive humidity of the climate. Those who 
 are competent judges say that the house will not be finished before three 
 or four years, although the Governor pretends that he will accomplish 
 it in nine or ten months. He repairs daily to superintend the work- 
 men, and has been seen frequently at Longwood, although he has 
 never been able to obtain an interview with Bonaparte, and is not 
 upon speaking terms with any of the French. It is said that Bona- 
 parte wished that the house should not have been built in the spot 
 which was selected by Sir Hudson Lowe, and that he has declared 
 intentions of not occupying it. The Governor, it is said, intends, in 
 that case, to allow the house that he at present resides in to tumble 
 down for want of repairs, and thus compel him to enter into his cage. 
 Nothing can be more wretched than the situation of poor Madame 
 Bertrand. The officers have been formally prohibited speaking to her 
 husband, and admittance has been refused to her and her family at the 
 houses of some of the officers where she presented herself in conse- 
 quence of the prohibition of intercourse. Persons who are seen to 
 speak to the French are subsequently interrogated upon oath, and 
 obliged to make a formal deposition of the conversation they have had 
 with them ; in consequence of this everybody avoids them. Count 
 Balmaine left this about four weeks back with Captain Gor, Aide-de- 
 Camp to the French Commissioner, and has proceeded to the Brazils. 
 It is thought that he will not return. 
 
 The Inquisition in Spain does not adopt more prohibitory measures 
 towards the introduction and circulation of newspapers in that un- 
 happy country than are practised here, and we are consequently 
 almost wholly ignorant of what is passing in England. 
 
 142
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 'Morning Chronicle,' February 24, 1S10. 
 
 EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM ST. HELENA, DATED 
 
 DEC. 23, 1818:— 
 
 No person is now seen to speak to General Bertrand, or even to 
 poor Madame Bertrand, as (independent of the Proclamations) Sir 
 Hudson Lowe has officially prohibited any intercourse with them. 
 
 The building of the new house advances slowly, and, in order to 
 prevent the French from viewing the prison constructing for them, an 
 immense mud wall has been thrown up directly in front of Bertrand's 
 windows which totally ohscures all prospect, and, I am informed, 
 scarcely leaves room for the inmates to enter. The situation chosen 
 by Sir Hudson Lowe for this new Bastile is one of the most unpleasant 
 in the island, heing totally void of shade and water, and decidedly 
 contrary to the desire known to have been expressed by Bonaparte, 
 should his residence be changed. It is not supposed that he will ever 
 occupy it. He has never received Dr. Veiling, who was sent up by the 
 Government to him as Surgeon (although that gentleman continues to 
 reside at Longwood) ; has never spoken to any Englishman since July, 
 and has not been seen out any farther than the balcony in front of his 
 room ; so that all the Governor's information respecting him is merely 
 founded upon conjecture. Several letters directed to respectable 
 individuals here have been recently opened at Plantation House, and 
 detained from the right owners, although their contents were perfectly 
 innocent, and entirely relating to private affairs. 
 
 'Morning Chronicle,' April 2, 1810. 
 
 By some extracts of letters from St. Helena, of a late date, in 
 
 January, it seems that the squadron and the troops there were very 
 unhealthy, and that Bonaparte had been so ill as to be obliged t<> call 
 in the Burgeon of the flag-ship, at two o'clock in the morning. A 
 morning paper of yesterday gives the following extract oi a letter, 
 dated St. Helena, the 26th of January, 1819:— 
 
 •I have little or no uews to tell you, for St. Helena. I think, has 
 
 become a true prison. There is a house erecting for Napoleon at 
 
 Longwood he was very ill a few days ago, and would see no doctor, 
 
 except .Mr. stokoe, of the Conqueror, who was a particular friend of 
 Mr. O'Meara. We are not allowed to see the publications of the latter 
 Gentleman. You, no doubt, have seen them all. The Bertrands are 
 well; I had the pleasure of seeing them walking out on Sunday last, 
 .lust as I was writing the above, Dr. stokoe called to let me know thai 
 he had been ordered to be tried by a court-martial, or to be invalided. 
 
 143
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 He has chosen the latter, and sails for England to-morrow. All this in 
 consequence of some information he has given the people at Longwood, 
 respecting some papers sent out to him for them.' 
 
 This intelligence is confirmed by the arrival of Dr. Stokoe, on board 
 the Trincomalee frigate at Portsmouth, on the 30th ultimo. After 
 compelling his medical attendant, in whom he had confidence, to resign 
 his situation and quit the island, when Bonaparte was afflicted with a 
 dangerous malady ; it appears now, that upon a recurrence or aggrava- 
 tion of his distemper, Sir Hudson Lowe forces the only medical person 
 on the island, whose visits he would allow, to quit it the moment 
 his medical services were required by Bonaparte. Let those who 
 countenance and tolerate such practices seriously reflect upon the 
 imputations which may be cast upon the nation, if such conduct is not 
 made the subject of investigation, or if anything befalls Bonaparte. 
 
 'Morning Chronicle,' April 6, 1819. 
 
 ST. HELENA. — [From a Portsmouth paper.] — On Tuesday arrived 
 the Trincomalee, new frigate, Capt. Bridges, from Bombay, last from 
 St. Helena, whence she sailed on the 30th of January. By her came 
 passenger, as we have already mentioned, Mr. Stokoe, surgeon of the 
 Conqueror, and latterly the medical attendant on the person of 
 Bonaparte. The cause of the sudden return of this officer to England 
 is thus stated in the following letter : — 
 
 'St. Helena, Jan. 29, 1819. 
 
 ' There has been no occurrence here of any interest to our friends at 
 home for some time ; all has been as vapid and monotonous as the 
 harbour duty on the home station, only with far greater privations. 
 But at length a buz has been created. Mr. Stokoe, the surgeon of the 
 flag-ship, whom Bonaparte accepted as his medical attendant, after the 
 return home of Mr. O'Meara, has incurred the displeasure of the 
 Governor, and returns to England in the Trincomalee. The facts are, 
 I understand — When Mr. Stokoe consented to succeed Mr. O'Meara, 
 and before he had made any visit to Bonaparte, he made it the sine 
 qua non of his accepting the situation, with Sir Hudson Lowe, that he 
 should not be required to detail any familiar conversations into which 
 he might be drawn, or any circumstances which he might overhear at 
 Longwood ; but pledging himself, as a British officer, that if anything 
 should come to his knowledge in which his allegiance to his King and 
 country would be compromised by his secrecy, he would then instantly 
 give information to the Governor. This has passed on until a few 
 days since, when Bonaparte was suddenly seized with serious illness in 
 the middle of the night. Mr. Stokoe, as soon as the necessary forms 
 were gone through, visited him, and found that he had had a slight 
 apoplectic fit. After a few hours he appeared free from an attack, but 
 it had left a considerable degree of indisposition. Mr. Stokoe made 
 
 144
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 official reports of the circumstances to Sir Hudson Lowe and the 
 Admiral (Plampin), and gave copies of them to Bonaparte. Whether 
 it was this latter circumstance, or whether Mr. S. had represented 
 Bonaparte as being in a worse state of health than suited the pre- 
 disposed notions of Sir Hudson, is not known ; but he was instantly 
 forbid to go to Longwood — was threatened to be tried by a court- 
 martial — or, as an act of mitigation of his offence, he was told he 
 might invalid home. Of course he preferred the latter, as the least 
 incommodious to him, and he sails to-morrow in the Trineomalee. 
 The reports were drawn up of course, with conscientious accuracy ; 
 and were such as the case demanded. I understand Bonaparte is 
 really in a serious state of health. His dwelling is sealed against all 
 visitors/ 
 
 1 Morning Chronicle,' July 13, 1819. 
 
 Saturday the Magicientie frigate, Captain Purvis, arrived at Ports- 
 mouth from the East Indies, last from the Mauritius and St. Helena ; 
 left the former island 12th April, the latter 15th May, in company 
 with the Podaryus, 16' guns, Hon. Captain Ross, which ship arrived at 
 Portsmouth on Friday night. The Liverpool was left at the Mauritius; 
 the Coyiqueror, Tees ; and Sappho, at St. Helena. The health of the 
 crews of the St. Helena squadron had greatly improved. Bonaparte's 
 health and mental disquietude in statu quo. 
 
 'Morning Chronicle, 1 August 13, 1819. 
 
 Extract of a letter from St. Helena, dated the 29th of May : — 
 
 'General Sir George and Lady Bingham embark for England to- 
 morrow on board the Regent. Report says, that he will soon return .is 
 Governor. One of the transports with the 2()th Regiment lias not yet 
 arrived. Count Balmaine has returned here from the Brazils. We 
 know nothing of what passes in Europe, as all the newspapers which 
 arrive are obliged to be, forwarded to Sir Hudson Lowe, who destroys 
 them after perusal. Even his own papers are not exempted from this, 
 and whenever he condescends to lend one to the officers of his stair it 
 is sent and returned under a sealed envelope, in order to prevent the 
 contents being made known to all except the favoured eonfidant. 
 
 ' I believe that I omitted giving you an aoOOUnl of the .sham fight 
 Which caused so great an alarm in this Island, Sir Thomas Ro ad o , the 
 
 145 L
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 Adjtitant-General, being desirous of gratifying Lady Lowe with the 
 representation of a naval night action, gave directions to that effect to 
 Captain AVauchope, of the Eurydice. Accordingly at ten o'clock at 
 night, the Eurydice, after a brilliant discharge of rockets, blue lights, 
 &c, commenced a vigorous cannonade, which was answered by a brig, 
 and kept up with great spirit on both sides, to the great admiration of 
 such ladies as were in the secret, and to the consternation of the 
 inhabitants, amongst others, of Admiral Plampin, who not having 
 been consulted on the occasion, and imagining that the Yankees were 
 endeavouring to land in order to carry off Bonaparte, sent his 
 Secretary and the signal midshipman galloping down the steep side 
 path from the Briars at the risk of their necks, to ascertain what was 
 the matter. Nothing could exceed the confusion amongst the natives, 
 the greatest part of whom nocked to the alarm-posts, where they 
 remained until daylight, while the favoured few who were duly 
 initiated quietly repaired to their accustomed place of repose, laughing 
 within themselves at the fears of their credulous neighbours. The 
 following day an order was issued by Admiral Plampin to the squadron 
 under his command, prohibiting a repetition of night cannonading, 
 without his consent having been previously obtained. Nothing further 
 is known about Bonaparte, than that he is on the island.' 
 
 Times,' November 3, 1819. 
 
 Our readers will learn with surprise, and no doubt with indignation, 
 the disingenuous manner in which Mr. Stokoe, Naval Surgeon on board 
 the Admiral's flag-ship at St. Helena, has been treated. They will 
 recollect that, on the return of Mr. O'Meara to England, this most 
 respectable naval surgeon was directed to go to Longwood, to attend 
 on Buonaparte, who was much indisposed. He did so ; but he, like his 
 predecessor, incurred the displeasure of Sir Hudson Lowe ; and he had 
 his option of retiring on half-pay, or of taking his trial, by court- 
 martial, in St. Helena, on charges of having exceeded his commission, 
 by writing bulletins of the ex-Emperor's state of health. He preferred 
 the former, and returned to England ; where, on his arrival, he was 
 received in the most gracious manner at the Admiralty, and in a few 
 days received an order to return to his station on board the flag-ship, 
 with which he forthwith complied, in the fidl persuasion that it was a 
 mark of the satisfaction of the Lords of the Admiralty with his 
 conduct, and a reproof to Sir Hudson Lowe for the treatment he had 
 shown him. No sooner, however, had he arrived at St. Helena, than 
 he was told that a court-martial was to be assembled to try him on 
 several charges, preferred against him by the Lords Commissioners of 
 the Admiralty, relative to his conduct during his attendance on 
 General Buonaparte! They are such as would, in any other case and 
 situation, be considered frivolous and vexatious ; but coming from so 
 high an authority, and supported bv the local influence of his enemy, 
 
 146
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 he can have very little hope of relief. He requested, among others, 
 that Counts Bertram! and Montholon might be summoned to attend 
 as witnesses on his behalf, the only persons by whom he could refute 
 the principal charges against him: but he was told lli.it there were 
 legal objections to their appearance. The secrecy also which their 
 Lordships thought proper to observe, with respect to their design, in 
 sending him back to St. Helena to rejoin his ship, deprives him of the 
 benefit of all the original documents of official correspondence, he 
 having left them in England, as well as testimonials of character, 
 which after twenty years of approved service, he had received from 
 every commander under whom he had sailed. The system of terror so 
 powerfully operates in St. Helena, that a military officer declined 
 giving Surgeon Stokoe his countenance and assistance, during the 
 trial, on the plea of ill-health ; and a writer in the Admiral's office 
 begged he would excuse him from attending to take notes, for fear of 
 incurring displeasure ! The trial was to come on the day after our 
 despatch was dated, which was the 29th of August last. We are sure 
 that the above narrative requires no comment. — Morning Chronicle. 
 
 Times,' January 27, 1820. 
 
 BUONAPARTES MEMOIRS OF THE HUNDRED DAYS. 
 
 We have received a book from Paris, which has been suppressed in 
 that capital and throughout France; it is entitled. 'Memoirea powr 
 ftervir a V Hist aire <lc France, en 1815.' We know not whether its chief 
 curiosity be not that profession which it makes of having come from 
 the island of St. Helena, and therefore its having been written under 
 the eye, if not by the hand, of Buonaparte. Its i'n>t t it le, as the editor 
 
 advertises, was 'Second Manuscript come from St. Helena:' but he 
 declined making it known by that designation, in order, he says, not 
 
 to draw upon himself the reproach of seducing the public by an 
 announcement which recalled ancient recollections. He openly states 
 also, that he was intrusted with the publication by O'Meara. the 
 surgeon of the Northvanberland, the hearer of the manuscript to 
 Europe; whose subsequent conduct, therefore, fully just dies the sus- 
 picions which were entertained of him. and the measures which were 
 enforced against him, by sir Hudson Lowe. This, therefore, being the 
 history of the hook, we shall present a brief abstract of its contents, 
 and then subjoin our quota! ions : — 
 
 •('hai'. I. Tin Bourbons depart from France. 1. The imperial 
 
 eagle flies from steeple tO steeple till it reaches the lowers of Notre 
 Name. '_'. Secret convention concluded at the end of the \ ea r 1814, 
 
 between Austria, Prance, and England, against Russia and Prussia. 
 3. The King of Naples declares war against Austria on the 22nd of 
 March. I. The Congress of Vienna in March, 1816. 
 
 'Chap. il. Military State of France, l. Situation of the army on 
 
 147
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 the 1st of March, 1815. 2. Organization of an army of 800,000 men. 
 3. Arms, equipments, repairs, and finances. 4. Situation of the army 
 on the 1st of June, 1815. 5. Paris. 6. Lyons. 
 
 'Chap. III. — Plan of Campaigns. — 1. Could the French army com- 
 mence hostilities on the 1st of April ? 2. Of three plans of campaign, 
 one was to remain on the defensive, to draw the enemies' armies under 
 Paris and Lyons. 3. The second was to assume the offensive on the 
 15th of June, and to invade Belgium. 4. The third project was to 
 assume the offensive on the 15th of June ; and in case of failure, to 
 draw the enemy under the walls of Paris and Lyons. The Emperor 
 adopts this plan of operations. 
 
 'Chap. IV. — Opening of the Campaign, June, 1815. — 1. The state 
 and position of the French army on the evening of the 14th of June. 
 
 2. State and position of the Anglo-Dutch and Prusso-Saxon armies. 
 
 3. Manoeuvres and battles of the 15th of June. 4. Position of the 
 belligerent armies on the night of the 15-16th. 
 
 'Chap. V. — Battle of Ligny. — 1. Advance of the French army to 
 give battle to the Prusso-Saxon army. 2. Battle of Ligny, June 16. 
 3. Battle of Quatre-Bras, June 16. 4. Position of the armies in the 
 night between the 16th and 17th. 5. Their manoeuvres on the 17th. 
 6. Their position on the night of the 17-18th of June. 
 
 'Chap. VI.— The Battle of Mont St. Jean.— I. Line of battle of the 
 Anglo-Dutch army. 2. Line of battle of the French army. 3. Projects 
 of the Emperor ; attack on Hougomont. 4. General Bulow arrives on 
 the field of battle with 30,000 men, which raises the army of the 
 Duke of Wellington to 120,000 men. 5. Attack on La Haye Sainte by 
 the 1st corps. 6. General Bulow is repulsed. 7. Charge of cavalry on 
 the rising ground. 8. Movement of Marshal Grouchy. 9. Movement 
 of Marshal Blucher, which raises the Allied Army on the field of battle 
 to 150,000 men. 10. Movement of the Imperial Guard. 
 
 'Chap VII.— The Rallying.— I. Rallying of the army at Laon. 
 2. Retreat of Marshal Grouchy. 3. Resources which remained to 
 Fiance. 4. Effects of the Abdication of the Emperor. 
 
 'Chap. VIII.— Observations. 1st, 2nd, 3rd, 4th, 5th, 6th, 7th, 8th, 
 8th.' 
 
 We shall not proceed with regularity in our extracts, which will be 
 curious, but choose them according to their interest, or our con- 
 venience. The first will be somewhat long : it contains what we 
 suppose may be esteemed the opinion of Buonaparte on the conduct 
 and talents of the Generals opposed to him. ' Let my enemy,' however, 
 says the old proverb, 'give my character.' Their respective countries 
 and the world appreciate differently the merits of the two Generals. 
 
 'Sixth Observation.— 1. The French army manoeuvred on the right 
 of the Sambre on the 13th and 14th. On the night of the latter day 
 it encamped within half a league of the Prussian advanced posts. 
 Marshal Blucher had, however, no information of what was passing ; 
 and on the morning of the 15th, when the account reached his head- 
 quarters that the Emperor had entered Charleroi, the Prusso-Saxon 
 army was still cantoned over an extent of 30 leagues of country, and it 
 required two days to assemble his forces. He ought to have advanced his 
 headquarters to Fleurus on the 15th, to have concentrated the canton- 
 ments of his army within a radius of 8 leagues, with advanced guards 
 on the debouches of the Meuse and the Sambre. His army would then 
 
 148
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 have been collected at Ligny on the loth, at noon, there to await the 
 attack of the French army, or to march against it in the evening i >f 
 that day, to drive it into the Sambre. 
 
 ■ 2. But Marshal Blucher, though surprised, persisted in assembling 
 his army on the heights of Ligny, behind Fleurufi ; thus braving the 
 chance of being attacked before his troops could be brought up to that 
 position. On the morning of the 16th he had got together only two 
 corps, and the French army was already at Fleurus. The third corps 
 joined during the day, but the -4th, under the command of Gen. Bulow. 
 could not come up in time to take part in the battle. Marshal Blucher, 
 as soon as he knew that the French were at Charleroi, ought not to 
 have fixed for the rallying point of his army either Fleurus or Ligny, 
 which was already under the cannon of his enemy, but Wavre, 
 whither the French could not arrive until the 17th. He would besides 
 thus have had all the day and the night of the 16th to collect the whole 
 of his army. 
 
 '3. After losing the battle of Ligny, the Prussian General, instead 
 of making his retreat on Wavre, should have effected it on the army 
 of the Duke of Wellington, either on Quatre-Bras, as the position was 
 maintained, or on Waterloo. The retreat of Marshal Blucher, on the 
 morning of the 17th, was altogether absurd, since the two armies, 
 which were on the evening of the 16th only 3000 toises distant from 
 each other, with the communication of an excellent high road, l>y 
 which they might consider themselves as united, became on the evening 
 of the 17th more than 10,000 toises distant, and were separated by 
 defiles and impracticable roads. 
 
 'The Prussian General violated the three great principles of war: 
 1. To approximate his cantonments. 2. To assign as the rallying point 
 a place at which all his troops could arrive before the enemy. 3. To 
 operate his retreat on his reinforcements. 
 
 'Seventh Observation. I. The Duke of Wellington was surprised in 
 his cantonments. He ought to have concentrated them on the L5th, at 
 eight leagues around Brussels, placing advanced guards on the debouches 
 of Flanders. The French army had manoeuvred for three days befi >re his 
 advance, and 21 hours had expired since it commenced hostilities. 
 Its headquarters had been for 12 hours at Charleroi. while the English 
 General remained ignorant of all this at Brussels, and the cantonments 
 of his army still occupied in full security an extent of 2D league-. 
 
 '2. The Prince of Saxe- Weimar, whose corps formed pari of the 
 Anglo-Dutch army, was on the L5th, at \ in the evening, in position in 
 front of Frasne, and knew that the French army was at Charleroi. 
 Bad lie immediately sent oil' an Aide-de-Camp to Brussels he might 
 have arrived t here hy sis in the evening, ami yet the Duke of Welling- 
 ton was not informed of the French army being at Charleroi until 
 11 o'clock. Thus he lost live hours, when his situation and the man 
 opposed to him rendered the loss of a single hour of great importance. 
 
 •3. The infantry, the cavalry, and tin- artillery of thai army, being 
 separately cantoned, the infantry was engaged at Quatre-Bras without 
 
 either cavalry or artillery; these troops had thus to sustain a great 
 loss, as they were obliged to keep in close column to make head against 
 
 the charges of the cuirassiers, tinder a Are of tifty pieces of cannon. 
 
 Those brave men were therefore slaughtered, without cavalry to pro- 
 
 them, and without artillery to avenge them. A- the three kinds 
 
 ll!t
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 of military force cannot for a moment dispense with the support of 
 each other, they ought always to be so cantoned and posted as to be 
 able to afford reciprocal assistance. 
 
 ' 4. The English General, though surprised, assigned Quatre-Bras 
 for the rallying point of his army, though that position had been for 
 24 hours in the possession of the French. He exposed his troops to be 
 partially defeated in proportion as they might arrive. The danger to 
 which he exposed them was even still more serious, since he made them 
 advance without artillery and cavalry ; he delivered up his infantry, in 
 fragments, unsupported by the other two weapons of war, to its 
 enemy. The point for assembling his army should have been Waterloo. 
 He would thus have had all the 16th, and all the night of that day to 
 the 17th, which would have been sufficient for collecting the whole of 
 his army, infantry, cavalry, and artillery. The French could not arrive 
 till the 17th, and then would have found all his army in position. 
 
 'Eighth Observation. — 1. On the 18th the English General gave 
 battle at Waterloo. This conduct was contrary to the interests of his 
 nation, to the general plan of the war adopted by the Allies ; and he 
 violated all the rules of war. It was not the interest of England, which 
 needs so many men to recruit her armies in India, her American 
 colonies, and her other vast establishments, to rush wantonly into a 
 murderous contest, which might occasion the loss of her only army, or 
 at least cause her best blood to be shed. The plan of the Allies was to 
 act in mass, and not to engage in any partial affair. Nothing was more 
 contrary to their interest and their plan, than to expose the success of 
 their cause to the chances of a battle with nearly equal forces, where 
 all the probabilities were against them. Had the Anglo-Dutch army 
 been destroyed at Waterloo, what advantage coidd the Allies have 
 derived from their numerous armies which were preparing to pass the 
 Rhine, the Alps, and the Pyrenees ? 
 
 '2. The English General in resolving to fight the battle of Waterloo, 
 founded his resolution only on the co-operation of the Prussians ; but 
 that co-operation could not take place until the afternoon. Accordingly 
 he remained exposed singly, from four in the morning till five in the 
 evening, that is to say, during thirteen hours. A battle usually does 
 not last more than six hours. This co-operation was therefore illusory. 
 
 ' But in reckoning on the co-operation of the Prussians, he must 
 have supposed that the whole of the French army was opposed to him ; 
 in that case, he expected to defend his field of battle for thirteen hours 
 with 90,000 troops of different nations against 104,000 French. This 
 calculation was clearly erroneous. He could not have maintained his 
 position three hours ; everything would have been decided by eight in 
 the morning, and the Prussians would only have arrived to fall into a 
 snare. In one day both armies would have been destroyed. If he 
 calculated that a part of the French army had, according to the rules 
 of war, followed the Prussian army, it must then have been evident to 
 him, that he could have no assistance from it, and that the Prussians, 
 after being beaten at Ligny, with the loss of from 25,000 to 30,000 men, 
 and with 20,000 of them dispersed and pursued by between 30,000 and 
 
 00 victorious French, could scarcely be expected to maintain them- 
 selves. In this case the Anglo-Dutch army alone would have had to 
 sustain the attack of 60,000 French during the whole of the 18th, and 
 there is no Englishman but will admit that the result of such a contest 
 
 150
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 could not be doubtful, and that their army was not BO constituted as to 
 withstand the shock of the Imperial army for four hours. 
 
 'During the night of the 17th the weather was extremely bad, 
 which rendered the ground impracticable till nine in the morning. 
 This loss of six hours from daybreak was all to the advantage of the 
 enemy ; but could the General make the fate of such a contest depend 
 on the weather of that night? Marshal Grouchy, with 84. (Kin men and 
 108 pieces of cannon, discovered the secret, which seemed indiscover- 
 able, not to be on the 18th either on the held of battle of .Mont St. .lean 
 or at Wavre. But had the English General the conviction that this 
 Marshal would wander out of his way in this manner? The conduct of 
 Marshal Grouchy was as impossible to be foreseen, as if upon tin- road 
 his army had experienced an earthquake that swallowed it up. 
 
 'Recapitulation. -If Marshal Grouchy had been on the field of 
 battle at Mont St. .Jean, as the English and the Prussian Generals 
 believed, during the whole of the night of the 17th. and the morning of 
 the 18th, and if the weather had permitted the French army to he 
 drawn up in battle array at 4 in the morning, before 7 o'clock the 
 Anglo-Dutch army would have been cut to pieces, dispersed, anil 
 entirely destroyed. If the weather had only permitted 'lie French 
 army to range itself in order of battle at in o'clock, by 1 the Anglo- 
 Dutch army WOUld have been undone. Its remains would have been 
 driven beyond the forest, or in the direction of Hal. and we should 
 have had time in the evening to encounter Marshal Blucher. and to 
 inflict upon him a similar fate. It' Marshal Grouchy had encamped 
 before Wavre Oil the night of the 17th, the Prussian army could have 
 sent no detachment to save the English army, and the latter would 
 have been completely beaten by the 69,000 French opposed to it. 
 
 '3. The position of .Mont St. .lean was badly chosen. The first 
 condition of a field of battle is to have no defiles in the rear. During 
 the battle, the English General could derive no aid from his numerous 
 cavalry. He did not believe thai he would be, or could be, attacked on 
 the left. He imagined that he would be attacked on the right. In 
 spite of the diversion made in his favour, by the 30,000 Prussians under 
 Bulow. he woidd have twice made his retreat during the day. had it 
 been possible ; thus, in fact, by a strange caprice of human affairs, the 
 bad choice of the Held of battle, which rendered his retreat impossible, 
 w.i - the cause o\' his success. 
 
 'Ninth Observation, l. It will be asked, what, then, ought the 
 English General to have done after the battle of Ligny and the engage- 
 ment at Quatre-Bras? Posterity will not form true opinions, lb- 
 should have traversed in the night of the 17th the foresl of Soignee, on 
 the high load of Charleroi : the Prussian army should, in the same 
 manner, have passed along that of Wavre; the two armies should 
 have muted at daybreak on Brussels, should have left the rear-guard 
 to defend the forest, should have gained some days to allow time to 
 the Prussians, who were dispersed alter the battle of Ligny, to rejoin 
 their army ; should have procured the reinforcement ><\' the it English 
 regiments thai garrisoned the fortresses of Belgium, and had lauded at 
 Ostend on their return from America; and should have allowed the 
 Emperor of the French to manoeuvre as he pleased. Would he, with 
 an army of 100,000 men, have traversed the forest of Soignes to attack 
 its debouches the two united armies, more than 200,000 strong, and 
 
 161
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 in position ? This certainly would have been the most advantageous 
 course for the Allies. Would he have been contented to take up a 
 position himself ? In that case his inactivity could not have been long, 
 as 300,000 Russians, Austrians, Bavarians, &c, had arrived on the 
 Rhine, and who would soon have been on the Marne, and obliged him 
 to retreat for the defence of his capital. Then the Anglo-Prussian 
 army should have marched and joined the Allies before Paris. It 
 would have run no hazard ; it would have experienced no loss ; it 
 would have acted conformably to the interests of the English nation, 
 to the general plan adopted by the Allies, and to the rules of the art of 
 war. From the 15th to the 18th the Duke of Wellington constantly 
 manoeuvred as his army desired, and did nothing which it was feared 
 he would do. The English infantry was firm and solid. The cavalry 
 might have acted better. The Anglo-Dutch army was twice saved on 
 the 18th by the Prussians ; first, by the arrival of General Bulow, 
 before 3 o'clock, with 30,000 men, and, secondly, by the arrival of 
 Marshal Blucher with 31,000 men. On that day 69,000 Frenchmen 
 beat 120,000 men. The victory was snatched from them between 8 and 
 9 o'clock, but it was by 150,000 men. Let any one imagine the looks of 
 the people of London at the moment when they should have heard the 
 catastrophe of their army, and learned that they lavished their purest 
 blood to support the cause of Kings against nations — of privileges 
 against equality — of oligarchs against Liberals — of the principles of the 
 Holy Alliance against those of the sovereignty of the people.' 
 
 Times,' January 28, 1820. 
 
 BUONAPARTE'S MEMOIRS OF THE HUNDRED DAYS. 
 
 We yesterday gave extracts from this work, stating Buonaparte's 
 opinion of the talents of the Generals by whom he was opposed and 
 defeated, as evinced in their conduct on the memorable 18th of June, 
 1815, and throughout the short campaign. Our extract of to-day 
 precedes that of yesterday. The details of the grand engagements are 
 familiar to every one ; yet it may be well believed that Buonaparte's 
 account of it materially differs from that of others ; we therefore, here 
 present it without further preamble : — 
 
 4 During the night the Emperor gave all the orders necessary for 
 the battle of the next day, although everything induced him to believe 
 that it would not take place. In four days from the commencement of 
 hostilities, he had by the most skilful manoeuvres surprised his enemies, 
 gained a splendid victory, and separated the English and Prussian 
 armies. In doing this, he had done much for his glory, but not 
 enough for the security of his position. The delay of three hours, 
 which the left wing of his army had sustained in executing its opera- 
 tions, had prevented him from making the attack which he had 
 intended to have made upon the Anglo-Dutch army, and which, if 
 
 152
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 made, would at once have put an end to the whole campaign. It was 
 really probable that the Duke of Wellington and Marshal Blucher 
 would have availed themselves of that very night to cross the forest of 
 Soignes, and to join their forces before Brussels. After that junction, 
 which might have been made by 9 o'clock in the morning, the position 
 of the French army would have been rendered very delicate. The t wo 
 armies opposed to it would have been strengthened by all the force 
 which they had in their rear. Six thousand English soldiers had been 
 landed at Ostend for some few days, and formed only pari of tin- 
 troops who were returning from America. It would have been im- 
 possible for the French army to risk the danger of crossing the forest 
 of Soignes, in order to fight on leaving its defiles (an diboucfu ) with 
 troops more than double their numbers, and drawn up in strong 
 position ; and, besides, in a few weeks, the Russian, Austrian, 
 Bavarian, &c., armies would have passed the Rhine to establish them- 
 selves upon the Marne. The fifth corps, which was posted in Alsace 
 as an army of observation, did not consisl of more than 25,000 men. 
 
 'At one o'clock in the morning, fully occupied by these important 
 considerations, the Emperor left his tent on foot, attended only by his 
 Grand-Marshal: his intention was to follow the retreat of the English 
 army, and to endeavour to make a dash at it. notwithstanding the 
 darkness of the night, as soon as it should have commenced its march. 
 He travelled through the line of main guards. The forest of Soignes 
 appeared like a grand conflagration ; the horizon between that forest, 
 Braine-la-Leud, the farms of La Belle Alliance and La Have, shone 
 with the Ore of the bivouacs: the most profound silence everywhere 
 prevailed. The Anglo-Dutch army was buried in deep sleep, inconse- 
 quence of the fatigues which it had undergone on the preceding day. 
 On reaching the woods of Kougomont, he heard the sounds of a 
 column in march : it was then half-past two o'clock. At that hour 
 the rear-guard was to commence Leaving its position, if the enemy 
 were to be on the retreat : the idea thai they were so was. however, 
 short. The sounds ceased : the rain fell in torrents. Different officers 
 who had been sent out to reconnoitre, and other persons on whom 
 reliance could be placed, returned al halt-past three o'clock, and con- 
 firmed the intelligence that the English and Dutch were not making 
 any movements. At four o'clock the patrols brought to him a peasanl 
 who had acted as guide to a brigade of English cavalry, which had 
 
 taken up its position on the extreme lelt of the village of Ohain. TWO 
 
 Belgian deserters, who had just quitted their regiment, Informed him 
 thai their army was preparing for battle, thai uo retrograde move- 
 ment had taken place, that Belgium offered up prayers for the BUO 
 of the Emperor, and thai its inhabitants equally detested both the 
 
 English and the Prussians. 
 
 • The enemy's (ieneral could nol have taken any step more contrary 
 
 to the interests of his cause and of Ins nation, to the general plan of 
 
 the campaign, and even to the simplest rules of war. than that which 
 
 he took when he determined to remain in the position which be then 
 
 occupied. He had behind him the defiles of the forest ,,| Boignes, BO 
 that, if he had been beaten, he would have found it impossible to 
 
 retreat. The French troops bivouacked in the midst <<( the dirl : the 
 officers deemed il impossible to give battle that day: the artillery and 
 cavalry could nol manoeuvre on the ground on accounl of Its extreme 
 
 153
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 wetness : and it was reckoned that twelve hours of fine weather would 
 be wanted to make it again dry. The day began to dawn ; the Emperor 
 returned to his quarters, extremely rejoiced by the great blunder 
 which the enemy's General had committed, but extremely chagrined 
 that the bad weather prevented him from turning it to his own 
 advantage. But already the atmosphere was clearing up : at 5 o'clock 
 he perceived some weak rays of that sun which ought, before its 
 setting, to have shone upon the destruction of the English army. The 
 oligarchy of Britain would then have been overthrown for ever, and 
 France would have raised her head on that day more great, more 
 glorious, and more powerful than ever. 
 
 ' The Anglo-Dutch army was drawn up in line of battle upon the 
 high load from Charleroi to Brussels, in front of the forest of Soignes, 
 and crowned a very noble platform. The right wing, consisting of the 
 first and second English divisions, and the division of Brunswick, 
 commanded by Generals Cook and Clinton, rested upon a ravine on the 
 other side of the road to Nivelle, and occupied with a detachment the 
 cJidteau oV Hougomont as an advanced post. The centre, composed of 
 the third English, and the first and second Belgian division, com- 
 manded by Generals Alten, Collaert, and Chasse, was in advance of 
 Mont St. Jean : its left rested on the high road to Charleroi, and 
 occupied with one of its brigades the farm of La Haye Sainte. The 
 left wing, composed of the 5th and 6th English, and the 3rd Belgian 
 division, commanded by Generals Picton, Lambert, and Perchaucher, 
 had its right rested on the high road to Charleroi, and its left posted 
 behind the village of La Haye, which it occupied with a strong detach- 
 ment. The reserve was at Mont St. Jean, which is the point of 
 intersection of the high roads from Charleroi and Nivelle to Brussels. 
 The cavalry, formed in three lines on the heights of Mont St. Jean, was 
 drawn up in the rear of the line of the battle, the length of which was 
 about 2500 toises. The front of the enemy was defended by the 
 natural difficulty of the ground. The platform was in its centre 
 slightly concave, and after a gentle declivity ended in a ravine of more 
 considerable depth. The 4th English division, commanded by General 
 Colville, occupied as flankers on the right of the mouth of every defile 
 (tons les debouches) from Hal to Braine la Leud. A brigade of English 
 cavalry occupied as flankers on the left the mouths of all the defiles 
 from the village of Ohain. The forces which the enemy displayed 
 were estimated at different numbers : but the officers most versed in 
 the estimate of numbers, reckoned them with the flankers at 90,000 
 men, which agreed with our previous information. The French army 
 consisted of only 69,000 men ; but the victory did not appear on that 
 account to be less certain. These 69,000 men were good troops ; and in 
 the enemy's army it was only the English, who did not amount to 
 40,000 men at most, that could by any means be considered as such. 
 
 'At 8 o'clock his breakfast was served up to the Emperor in the 
 presence of many general officers. He said, "The enemy's army is 
 superior to our own almost by one-fourth of its numbers. We have 
 not lees than 90 chances for, and scarcely 10 against us." "Doubtless," 
 said Marshal Ney, who entered at the moment, ' ' if the Duke of Wel- 
 lington is simple enough to wait for your Majesty ; but I come to 
 inform you that his columns are already in full retreat, and are now 
 disappearing in the forest." " You have not seen rightly," replied the 
 
 154
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 Emperor to him; "the time for his retreating has passed : if he were 
 
 to attempt it, he would expose himself to certain destruction ; he has 
 already thrown the dice, and they have turned up in our favour." At 
 this moment some officers of artillery, who had been galloping over 
 the field, brought information that the artillery could manoeuvre, 
 although with some difficulty, which seemed likely to undergo gi 
 diminution in the course of an hour. Immediately afterwards the 
 Emperor was on horseback : he rode to the tirailleurs posted opposite 
 La Haye Sainte, reconnoitred afresh the enemy's line, and commanded 
 General Haxo, an officer in whom he placed confidence, to approach it 
 and see whether any redoubts or intrenchments bad been raised. In a 
 short time that General returned, and informed him thai he did uot 
 perceive the marks of any fortification. The Emperor reflected for a 
 quarter of an hour, and then dictated the order of battle, which was 
 written out by two Generals, seated on the ground. The Aides-de- 
 camp carried it to the different divisions of the army, which were now 
 under arms and full of impatience and ardour. The army then moved, 
 and commenced its march in eleven columns. 
 
 'II. These eleven columns were destined, four of them to form the 
 first line, four to form the second, and three the third. The four 
 columns of the first line were, first, that of the left formed by the 
 cavalry of the second corps; the second formed by three division 
 infantry of the second corps; the third by the four divisions of infantry 
 of the first corps; the fourth by the lighl cavalry of the first corps. 
 The four columns of the second line were, first, that of the left formed 
 by Kellermann's corps of cuirassiers; the second by the two divisions oj 
 infantry of the sixth corps; the third by two divisions of lighl cavalry; 
 the one of the sixth corps commanded by the General of Division 
 Daumont. the other detached from the cups of General Pa.jo], and 
 commanded by the General of Division Subervie; the fourth' l>y the 
 corps of cuirassier.- of Millaud. The three columns of the third line 
 were, that of the left, formed by the divisions of horse-grenadiers and 
 dragoon-guards, commanded by Genera] Guyot; the second, by three 
 divisions of the old, middle, and young Guard, commanded by Lieu- 
 tenant-Generals Priant, Bforand, and Duchesne; the third, by the 
 horse-chasseurs, and the Lancers of the Guard, commanded by Lieu- 
 tenant-Genera] he Fevre Desnouettes. The artillery advanced on the 
 hanks of the columns ; the parks and the baggage in the rear. 
 
 'At 9 o'clock, the heads of t he four columns, forming the first Line, 
 arrived where they were to deploy. Ai the same time we perceived 
 
 at a greater or less distance tin- seven other columns, which debouched 
 
 '"'in the heights. They were marching; the trumpets and drums 
 imded through the field; the music played airs which recalled 
 to the soldiers the recollection of a hundred victories: the ground 
 appeared proud of bearing so many gallant men. The spectacle was 
 magnificent; and the enemy, who were placed in a situation to observe 
 the most distant individual, must have been -truck by it. Our army 
 ' hive appeared to them double the number of that which i: 
 
 redly WSS. 
 
 •These 11 columns deployed with such precision, thai there was no 
 confusion, and each occupied the pi.ee which had been allotted to it in 
 the designs of tin' chief : never were so great masses moved w it h such 
 facility. The Ugh] cavalry of the 2nd corps, which formed the first 
 
 1 55
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 column on the left of the first line, deployed on three lines on the high 
 road of Nivelle leading to Brussels, near the heights of the first wood 
 belonging to the park of Hougomont, observing all the plain on the 
 left, and extending a strong guard to Braine La Leud ; its battery of 
 light artillery was on the high road of Nivelle. The 2nd corps, 
 under the orders of General Reille, occupied the space included between 
 the high road of Nivelle and that of Charleroi, which was an extent of 
 between 900 and 1,000 toises : the division of Prince Jerome occupied 
 the left, near the high road of Nivelle and the wood of Hougomont ; 
 General Foy for the centre ; and General Bachelu the right, who 
 reached the high road of Charleroi, near the farmhouse of La Belle 
 Alliance. Each division of infantry was drawn up in two lines, the 
 second 30 toises from the first, having its artillery, in front and its 
 parks in the rear, near the road of Nivelle. The third column, formed 
 by the first corps, and commanded by Lieut. -General Count d'Erlon, 
 rested its left on La Belle Alliance, on the right of the road of 
 Charleroi, and its right opposite the farm of La Haye, where it was 
 opposed to the left of the enemy. Each division of infantry was in 
 two lines, with its artillery in the intervals of the brigade. Its light 
 cavalry, which formed a new column, deployed by its right in three 
 lines, observing La Haye, Frischermont, and sending out posts upon 
 Ohain to observe the flank parties of the enemy ; its light artillery was 
 upon its right. 
 
 ' The first line was scarcely formed when the heads of the four 
 columns of the second line arrived at the point where they were to 
 deploy. The cuirassiers of Kellerman formed themselves in two lines, 
 the one at 30 toises from the other, resting their left on the Nivelle 
 road, 100 toises from the second line of the second corps, and 
 their right on the road of Charleroi. The space occupied was 1,100 
 toises. One of their batteries was placed on the left, near the Nivelle 
 road ; the other upon the right, near the road of Charleroi. The 
 second column, commanded by Lieut. -General Count Robau, was 
 stationed 50 toises in the rear of the second line of the 2nd corps : it 
 rested in close column, occupying about 100 toises in depth, along, and 
 by the left of the road of Charleroi, with a distance of 10 toises 
 between the two columns of division, with its artillery on its left flank. 
 The 3rd column, that of the light cavalry, commanded by the General 
 of Division Daumont, followed by that of General Subervie, placed 
 itself in close column by squadrons, the left resting on the Charleroi 
 road, opposite its infantry, from which it was only separated by the 
 road ; its light artillery was upon its right flank. The 4th column, the 
 corps of cuirassiers, Milhaud, deployed in two lines, 32 toises distant 
 from each other, and 100 toises behind the second line of the first 
 corps, its left resting on the road of Charleroi, and its right in the 
 direction of Frischermont : it occupied a space of about 900 toises ; its 
 batteries were upon its left (near the Charleroi road), and upon its 
 centre. 
 
 4 Before the second line w T as formed, the heads of the three columns 
 of the reserve arrived at the points where they were to deploy. The 
 heavy cavalry of the Guard were placed 100 toises behind Kellerman, 
 drawn up in two lines at 30 toises distant from each other, the left on 
 the side of the Nivelle road, the right on that of Charleroi, having its 
 artillery in its centre. The column of the centre, formed by the 
 
 156
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 infantry of the Guard, deployed on six lines, each of 4 battalions, at the 
 distance of 10 toises from each other, posted on the road of Charleroi, 
 and a little in front of the farm of Rossomme. The batteries of 
 artillery belonging to the different regiments were ranged on the left 
 and the right ; that of the reserve both stationary and flying behind 
 the lines ; the third column — namely, the mounted chasseurs and 
 lancers of the Guard — deployed on two lines, at 30 toises distant from 
 each other, 100 toises behind General Milhaud, its left on the Charleroi 
 road, and its right on the side of Frischermont, with its light artillery 
 in the centre. At half-past 10, incredible as it may appear, all the 
 movements were finished ; all the troops were in their stations ; the 
 profoundest silence reigned over the field of battle. The army was 
 ranged in six lines, forming six figures of V ; the two first consisting 
 of infantry, with light cavalry on their wings, the third and the fourth 
 of cuirassiers, the fifth and sixth of the cavalry of the Guard, with six 
 lines of infantry of the Guard, perpendicularly placed at the apex of 
 the six V's, and the sixth corps in close column perpendicularly to the 
 lines which the Guards occupied. The infantry on the left of the road, 
 and the cavalry on the right. The high roads of Charleroi and Nivelle 
 were free ; they afforded the means of communication by which the 
 reserve artillery might rapidly advance to the different points of the 
 line. 
 
 'The Emperor rode through the ranks : it would be difficult to 
 express the enthusiasm of the soldiers. The infantry raised their caps 
 on the point of their bayonets ; the cuirassiers, dragoons, and light 
 cavalry, their helmets or caps on the point of their sabres. Victory 
 appeared certain — the old soldiers, who had been engaged in numerous 
 actions, admired this new order of battle: they endeavoured to dis- 
 cover the ulterior views of their General ; they discussed the point and 
 the manner in which the attack ought to take place. Meanwhile the 
 Emperor gave his final orders, and proceeded at the head of his guard 
 to the apex of the ti Vs. upon the heights of Rossoniine. where he 
 alighted. From that point he saw the two armies ; the view extended 
 a great way to the right and left of the field of battle. 
 
 'A battle is like a drama, and should have its beginning, middle, 
 and end. The order of battle which the two armies take, and their 
 first movements, in order to come into action, are the opening scenes : 
 the counter-movements, which the attacked army make, form the 
 nodus, which gives rise to new arrangements, and brings on the crisis, 
 whence originates the result or denouement. As soon as the attack 
 of the centre of the French army had been unmasked, the enemy's 
 General should have made counter-movements, either by his wings, or 
 in the rear of his lines, to make a diversion, or hasten to support the 
 point attacked. None of these movements escaped the practised eye 
 of Napoleon in the central position in which he was placed ; and lie 
 had at hand all his reserves, for the purpose <>f directing them at 
 pleasure wherever the urgency of circumstances might require their 
 presence. 
 
 'IN. Ten divisions of artillery, among which were three divisions 
 of 12-ponnders, were collected, their left, resting at the high road of 
 Charleroi, on the hillock beyond Belle Alliance, and in front of the 
 division of the left of the 1st corps. They were intended to support 
 the attack of La Have Sainte. which was to be made by two divisions 
 
 l.'.T
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 of the 1st corps and two divisions of the 6th, at the same time that 
 the other two divisions of the 1st corps should proceed on La Haye. 
 By this means the whole left of the enemy would be turned. The 
 divisions of light cavalry of the 6th corps, in close column, and that of 
 the 1st corps which was on its wing, were to take part in that attack, 
 which the second and third lines of cavalry were to support, as well as 
 all the foot and horse guards. 
 
 ' The French army, in possession of La Haye and Mont St. Jean, cut 
 off from the high road of Brussels the right of the English army, 
 which included its principal forces. The Emperor had preferred 
 turning the left of the enemy rather than his right, first, in order to 
 cut off his communication with the Prussians, who were at Wavre, 
 and to oppose their junction if they should have intended it ; but even 
 though they should not have intended it, if the attack had been made 
 on the right, the English army, in case of repulse, would have fallen 
 back on the Prussian army ; whereas, the attack being made on the 
 left separated them from the Prussians, and drove them in the 
 direction of the sea ; secondly, because the left appeared much the 
 weakest ; thirdly, because the Emperor expected every moment the 
 arrival of a detachment from Marshal Grouchy on his right, and would 
 not run the risk of being separated from it. 
 
 'While everything was preparing for this decisive attack, Prinee 
 Jerome's division on the left commenced an attack of musketry on the 
 woods of Hougomont, which soon became very brisk. The enemy 
 having unmasked nearly forty pieces of artillery, General Reille 
 advanced the artillery of his second division, and the Emperor sent 
 orders to General Kellerman to advance his twelve pieces of light 
 artillery. The cannonade soon became very heavy. Prince Jerome 
 carried the wood of Hougomont several times, and was as often driven 
 out of it. It was defended by a division of the English guards, the 
 enemy's best troops, which we saw with pleasure on their right, as it 
 rendered more easy the great attack on the left. Poy's division 
 supported Prince Jerome's division, and each performed prodigies of 
 valour. The bodies of the English guards covered the wood and the 
 avenues of the Chateau d'Hougomont, but not without dearly selling 
 their blood. After different vicissitudes, which occupied several hours 
 of the day, the wood remained completely in possession of the 
 French; but the chateau, which had been fortified, and had been 
 occupied by several hundreds of brave men, opposed an invincible 
 resistance. The Emperor ordered up a battery of eight howitzers, 
 which set fire to the barns and the roofs, and made the French masters 
 of this position. Marshal Ney had the honour of directing the grand 
 attack of the centre. It could not be intrusted to a man of more 
 bravery, or more accustomed to this kind of operation. He sent one 
 of his aides-de-camp to give notice that all was ready, and that he 
 waited only for the signal to engage. Before giving it, the Emperor 
 wished to cast a last look over all the field of battle, and perceived i» 
 the direction of St. Lambert a speck, which appeared to him to be 
 troops. He said to his Major-General : "Marshal, what do you see 
 towards St. Lambert?"— "I think I see 5,000 or 6,000 men. It is 
 probably a detachment from Grouchy." All the glasses of the staff 
 were then fixed upon this point. The weather was hazy. Some 
 contended, as it usually happens on such occasions, that it was not 
 
 158
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 troops but trees ; others that it was troops in position : and others 
 that it was troops in march. In this uncertainty, without further 
 deliberation, he called for General Daumont, and ordered liiin to 
 advance with his light cavalry, and that of Genera] Subervie to scour 
 his right, to communicate promptly with the troops which had arrived 
 at St. Lambert, to effect a junction with them if they belonged to 
 Marshal Grouchy, and to hold them in check if they belonged to the 
 enemy. These 3,000 cavalry had only to make a turn to the right to 
 be beyond the lines of the army. They advanced rapidly, and without 
 confusion, 3,000 toises, and then formed in line of battle, en potence. 
 on the whole right of the army. 
 
 'IV. A quarter of an hour after, an officer of chasseurs brought in 
 a Prussian hussar, who had just been made prisoner by the scoute of a 
 flying column of 300 chasseurs, who were scouring the road between 
 Wavre and Planchenoit. This hussar was the bearer of a letter. Be 
 was very intelligent, and communicated all the information thai could 
 be desired. The column which was perceived at St. Lambert was the 
 advanced guard of the Prussian Genera] Bulow, who was approaching 
 with 30,000 men, who composed the four Prussian corps which had not 
 fought at Ligny. The letter contained in fact a notice of the arrival 
 of this corps: and requested, on the part of Gen. Bulow, further 
 orders from the Duke of Wellington. The hussar said he had been 
 that morning at Wavre: that the three other corps of the Prussian 
 army were there encamped ; that they had there passed the night of 
 the 17th ; that there was not a single Frenchman before them : that he 
 imagined the French had marched upon Planchenoit, and that a patrol 
 of his regiment had been, during the night, within two leagues of 
 Wavre without meeting any French corps. The Duke of Dalmatia 
 immediately dispatched the intercepted letter of the hussar to Marshal 
 Grouchy, reiterating the order to march immediately on St. Lambert, 
 and to take the corps of General Bulow in the tear. It was now 
 eleven o'clock; the officer had only four or live leagues to go, the 
 whole way was on good road, in order to meet .Marshal (irouchy. He 
 promised to be up with him in an hour. By the last intelligence 
 received from the .Marshal, it was known that he would at break of 
 day proceed to Wavre. and from Gembloux to Wavre the distance is 
 only three leagues. Although he had not therefore received the orders 
 dispatched in the night from the Imperial headquarters, he must 
 indubitably have been met with when before Wavre. Gla 
 
 directed towards that point descried nothing: not even the report of 
 
 a cannon was heard. A little afterwards Genera] Daumont sent to 
 
 mention that some scouts, well mounted, had met the enemy's patrol 
 
 in the direct ion of St . Lambert; that it might be considered as certain 
 that the troops which they saw were enemies; that he had sent select 
 
 patrols in several directions to communicate with .Marshal (irouchy, 
 and to carry for him intelligence and orders. 
 
 'The Emperor immediately ordered Count Lobau to pass 'he 
 
 ( 'ha Hero i road, by a change of direction I I lie right in division, and to 
 
 proceed in support of t he light cavalry towards the side of st . Lambert, 
 to choose a good intermediate position wherever he could, ami with 
 10,000 men to check 30,000, if that became necessary; to attack 
 
 vigorously the Prussians, as soon as he should hear the fust cannon- 
 shot from the troops which Marshal Grouchy hid detached to their 
 
 159
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 rear. These dispositions were immediately executed. It was of the 
 highest importance that the movement of General Lobau should take 
 place without delay. Marshal Grouchy must have detached from 
 Wavre 6,000 or 7,000 men towards St. Lambert, whose safety might be 
 endangered, since the corps of General Bulow amounted to 30,000 men. 
 Thus the whole of General Bulow's corps woidd be compromised and 
 lost if, at the moment when it was attacked in the rear by 6,000 or 7,000 
 men, it were likewise attacked in front by an officer of Count Lobau's 
 character. 17,000 or 18,000 Frenchmen, disposed and commanded in 
 this manner, would be far superior to 30,000 Prussians ; but these 
 events effected a change in the first plan of the Emperor ; he found 
 himself weakened on the field of battle by the deduction of the 10,000 
 men whom he was obliged to send against Bulow. He had only there- 
 fore 59,000 men against 90,000 ; thus the army of the enemy against 
 which he had to contend had been increased by 30,000 men already 
 arrived on the field of battle. It now amounted to 120,000 men against 
 69,000, or made nearly 2 against 1. "We had in the morning," said 
 the Emperor to the Duke of Dalmatia, " ninety chances of victory in 
 our favour ; the arrival of Bulow has lost us thirty of them ; but we 
 have still sixty against forty ; and if General Grouchy repairs the 
 horrible fault he yesterday committed, by amusing himself at Gem- 
 bloux, and sends a detachment with rapidity, the victory will be more 
 decisive, for the corps or [of?] Bulow will be entirely destroyed." 
 
 ' No anxiety was felt for Marshal Grouchy. After the detachment 
 which he would be able to send to St. Lambert, he would still have 
 27,000 or 28,000 men, and the three corps which Marshal Blucher had 
 at Wavre, and which when before Ligny amounted to 90,000 men, had 
 been reduced to 40,000; not only by the loss of 30,000 which he had 
 experienced in battle, but likewise by that of 20,000 men, who had 
 deserted, and were plundering the banks of the Meuse, and by some 
 detachments, with which that Marshal was obliged to protect these 
 districts, as well as his baggage, which lay in the direction of Namur 
 and Liege. Now, 40,000 or 45,000 Prussians, beaten and disheartened, 
 could not overawe 28,000 Frenchmen well posted and victorious.' 
 
 [To be continued.] 
 
 'Times,' February 4, 1820. 
 buonaparte's memoirs of the hundred days. 
 
 (Concluded from last Friday's paper.) 
 
 ' V. It was noon : the sharp-shooters were engaged along the whole 
 of the line ; but the action was really fought only on the left, in the 
 wood and at the Chateau of Hougomont. On the extreme right, the 
 troops of General Bulow were still stationary ; they appeared to be 
 forming, and waiting until their artillery should pass the defile. The 
 
 160
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 Emperor sent orders to Marshal Ney to open the fire of his batteries, to 
 take possession of the farm of the Have Sainte and to post a division 
 of infantry there ; to take possession also of the village of La Have, 
 and to dislodge the enemy, in order to intercept all communication 
 between the Anglo-Dntch army and the corps of Genera] Bulow ; 
 24 pieces of ordnance spread death over the whole left of the English 
 line. One of the divisions was entirely destroyed by ball and grape 
 shot. Whilst this attack was unmasked the Emperor observed with 
 attention the movements of the enemy's General. He made none upon 
 his right, but it was perceived that he was making arrangements on 
 his left for a grand charge of cavalry. He advanced at a gallop. The 
 charge had taken place. It had repulsed a column of infantry which 
 was advancing to the right, had taken from it two eagles, and dis- 
 mounted seven pieces of cannon. The Emperor then ordered a brigade 
 of General Midland's cuirassiers of the 2nd line to charge the English 
 cavalry. This brigade set out with cries of Vi/ve VEmpereu/r. The 
 order of the English cavalry was broken, and the greater part remained 
 on the field of battle; the French cannon were retaken, and the 
 infantry protected. Different charges of infantry and cavalry then 
 took place, the details of which belong more to the history of each 
 regiment than to the general history of the battle, in which their 
 multiplied recitals would only produce confusion. It is sufficient to 
 say, that after three hours' fighting, the farm of I>a Have Sainte, in 
 spite of the resistance of the Scotch regiments, was occupied by the 
 French infantry, and the object which the French General promised 
 himself was obtained: the 5th and Oth English divisions were destroyed, 
 and General Picton remained dead on the field of battle. 
 
 ' The Emperor during this contest traversed the line of infantry of 
 the Let corps, the cavalry line of Midland's cuirassiers, and that of the 
 guard in the third line, under a tire of cannon-balls, ^rape-shot, and 
 howitzers. The shot rebounded from one line to the other. The brave 
 General Devaux, who commanded the artillery, was killed at the 
 Emperor's side. This was a great loss, particularly at the present 
 moment, as thai General knew better than any other the positions 
 occupied by the reserves of the artillery of the Guard, amounting to 
 !«; pieces of cannon. General of Brigade, Lallemand, succeeded him, 
 
 and was soon afterwards wounded. 
 
 'Disorder prevailed in the English army: the baggage, the carriages, 
 and the wounded, seeing the French approach the high road upon 
 Brussels, and the principal debouch Of the forest, rushed in crowds to 
 
 effecl their retreat. All the fugitive English, Belgians, and Germans, 
 
 that had been sabred by the cavalry, threw themselves on BrU88els. 
 It was now 4 o'clock, and the victory would then have been decided, 
 but at this moment the corps of General Bulow operated its powerful 
 diversion. Since 2 o'clock General Daumont had intimated that 
 General Bulow was debouching in three columns ; and thai the French 
 chasseurs kept up an irregular lire, while retreating before the enemy, 
 who appeared very numerous; he calculated Billow's force at 10,000 
 men : he further stated that his scouts, well mounted, had rode several 
 
 leagues in different directions, but had brought back DO news of 
 Marshal (Jrouchy; that no reliance could therefore be placed on him. 
 During the same time the Emperor received very disagreeable UCWI 
 
 from Gembloux. Marshal Grouchy, instead of having left that place 
 
 lt»I M
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 at daybreak, as he had announced he would, in his despatch, dated at 
 2 in the morning, had not quitted it at 10 o'clock. The officer attributed 
 this to the bad weather — a most absurd reason. This inexcusable 
 slowness in such delicate circumstances, by so zealous an officer, is in- 
 explicable. 
 
 ' VI. Meanwhile the cannonade soon commenced between General 
 Bulow and Count Lobau. The Prussian army marched in echelons, 
 the centre in front. This line of battle was perpendicular to the right 
 flank of the army, parallel to the high road from the Haye-Sainte to 
 Planchenoit. The centre echelon unmasked about thirty pieces of 
 cannon. The artillery opposed an equal number to him. After one 
 hour's cannonade, Count Lobau, perceiving that the first echelon was 
 not supported, advanced upon it, broke it, and drove it back a consider- 
 able way ; but the other two lines, which appeared to have been 
 retarded by the bad roads, rallied the first Echelon, and, without 
 endeavouring to penetrate the first line, endeavoured to come 
 into battle by extending to the left. Count Lobau, fearing to be 
 turned, effected his retreat en gchiquier, approximating himself to the 
 army. The fire of the Prussian batteries redoubled. They were 
 reckoned to mount sixty pieces of cannon. The balls fell on the high 
 road in front and rear of Belle Alliance, where the Emperor was with 
 his guard. This was the line of operation of the army. At the most 
 critical moment the enemy had approached so closely that his shot 
 ploughed the road. The Emperor then ordered General Duhesme, who 
 commanded the Young Guard, to proceed to the right of the 6th 
 corps, with his two brigades of infantry and twenty-four pieces of the 
 Guard artillery ; a quarter of an hour after this formidable battery 
 commenced its fire. The French artillery soon obtained the superiority ; 
 it was better served, and better mounted. As soon as the Young 
 Guard was engaged, the movement of the Prussians appeared to be 
 stopped. A wavering was observed in their line. They still, however, 
 continued to extend it on their left, out-flanking the French right, and 
 reaching as far as the height of Planchenoit. Lieutenant -General 
 Moraud then advanced with four battalions of the Old Guard and six- 
 teen pieces of cannon to the right of the Young Guard. Two regiments 
 of the Old Guard took position in front of Planchenoit, the Prussian 
 line was then out-flanked ; General Bulow was repulsed, his left made a 
 movement towards the near (rear ?), and the whole of his line gradually 
 fell back. Count Lobau, General Duhesme, and General Moraud now 
 advanced, and speedily occupied the positions which had before been 
 occupied by Bulow's artillery. That General had not only exhausted 
 his attack and unmasked all his reserves, but, checked at first, he was 
 now in retreat. The Prussian bullets not only did not arrive on the 
 Charleroi road, but did not even reach the position which Count Lobau 
 had occupied. It was 7 o'clock in the evening. 
 
 ' VII. At 2 o'clock Count d'Erlon had taken possession of La Haye ; 
 had out-flanked the English left, and General Bulow's right. The light 
 cavalry of the 1st corps, in pursuing the enemy's infantry on the 
 height of La Haye, had been driven back by a superior body of cavalry. 
 Count Milhaud then climbed the height with his cuirassiers, and com- 
 municated with General Lefebore Desnouettes, who immediately 
 galloped off to support them. This brings us to 5 o'clock, the moment 
 when the attack of General Bulow was the most menacing ; when, far 
 
 162
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 from being held in check, he constantly displayed fresh troops, which 
 extended his line to the right. The English cavalry was repulsed by 
 the intrepid cuirassiers and the chasseurs of the Guard. The English 
 abandoned all the held of battle between La Baye Sainte and Mont St. 
 Jean, that which their left had occupied, and had fallen back on their 
 right. At the sight of these brilliant charges, cries of victory resounded 
 on the held. The Emperor said. " It is too soon by an hour; however, 
 what is done must be supported." He ordered Kellerman's cuirassiers 
 to advance to support the cavalry on the height. General Bulow was 
 at this moment threatening tin- Hank and the rear of the army. It was 
 important to make no retrograde movement, anil to maintain the 
 position which the cavalry had prematurely taken. The movement at 
 a quick trot of 3,000 cuirassiers, who tiled off with cries of V%V6 
 VEtnpereuv, and under the Prussian cannonade, made a fortunate 
 diversion at this critical moment The cavalry advanced as it were to 
 the pursuit of the English army, but the army of General Bulow was 
 still making progress on the hank and the rear. The soldiers, and even 
 the officers, endeavoured to divine from the looks of the commander 
 whether we were conquering or in danger, but he showed only con- 
 fidence. It was within twenty years the fiftieth general battle which 
 he had fought. Meanwhile the division of heavy cavalry of the 
 Guard commanded by General Guyot, which was in the second line 
 behind Kellerman's cuirassiers, followed them at a rapid trot and 
 advanced on the height. The Emperor perceived this; he sent Count 
 Bertrand to recall them, as they formed his reserve; hut when that 
 General arrived they were already engaged, and any retrograde move- 
 ment would have been dangerous. Thus after live in the evening the 
 Emperor was deprived of his reserve cavalry, of that reserve which 
 had so often given him victory when well employed. However, these 
 12,000 select cavalry performed miracles: they overthrew the more 
 numerous cavalry of the enemy who were opposed to them, penetrated 
 several squares of infantry, carried sixty pieces of cannon, and took in 
 the midst of the Squares sis Standards, which three chasseurs of the 
 Guard and three cuirassiers presented to the Emperor, in front of Belle 
 Alliance. For the second time, the enemy considered the battle lost, 
 and saw with alarm the difficulties which the had field of battle he had 
 chosen must present to his retreat. Ponsonby's brigade, charged by 
 the ied lancers of the Guard, was broken; its General fell, pierced by 
 seven lance wounds. The Prince of Orange was on the point of being 
 taken, and was severely wounded. However, this brave cavalry, 
 receiving DO support from a Strong mass of infantry which was still 
 kept in check by General Bulow's attack, was obliged to confine itself 
 to maintaining the field of battle which it had conquered. Finally, at 
 7 o'clock, when the attack of General Bulow was repulsed and the 
 cavalry still kept possession of the height which they had conquered, 
 
 Victory was gained : 69,000 French had defeated 120,000 men. Joy was 
 
 in every countenance, and hope in every heart. This sentiment 
 succeeded to the ast onishment which had prevailed during the con- 
 tinuance Of the at tack on the left Hank made by a complete arms , and 
 which for an hour had even threatened to endanger the retreat of the 
 French army. At tins moment the cannonade of Marshal Grouchy 
 was distinctly heard: it had passed Wavre in the most remote point) 
 and in the nearest point it was behind st. Lambert. 
 
 103
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 ' VIII. Marshal Grouchy, who had not left his camp at Gembloux 
 until 10 in the morning, was between 12 and 1 o'clock half-way on the 
 road to Wavre. He heard the dreadful cannonade of Waterloo. No 
 man of experience could mistake it. It proceeded from several 
 hundred pieces of cannon, and therefore from two armies which were 
 reciprocally sending death to each other. Gen. Excelmans, who com- 
 manded the cavalry, was strongly moved by it. He hastened to the 
 Marshal, and said to him, "The Emperor is engaged with the English; 
 it is impossible to doubt it ; so terrible a fire cannot be a rencontre. 
 Marshal, we ought to march in the direction of the fire. I am an old 
 soldier of the Army of Italy, and I have a hundred times heard General 
 Buonaparte lay down this principle. If we turn to the left, in two 
 hours we will be on the field of battle." The Marshal replied, "I 
 believe you are right ; but if Blucher debouch upon me from Wavre, 
 and take me on the flank, I shall be compromised for not obeying my 
 orders, which are to march against Blucher." At this moment Count 
 Gerard came up to the Marshal, and gave him the same advice as Gen. 
 Excelmans had done. He said, " Your orders direct your being at 
 Wavre yesterday, and not to-day ; the surest course is, to march to 
 the field of battle. You cannot but perceive that Blucher has gained 
 a march on you. He was yesterday at Wavre, and you were at 
 Gembloux ; but who knows where he is now ? If he have joined 
 Wellington we shall find him on the field of battle, and then your 
 orders will be literally executed. If he be not not there, your arrival 
 will decide the battle. In two hours we can take part in the action ; 
 and, if we destroy the English army, what can Blucher, who has 
 already been beaten, do ?" The Marshal appeared convinced, but at 
 this very instant he received a report that his light cavalry had 
 arrived at Wavre, and were engaged with the Prussians ; that all 
 their force was assembled there, and that they amounted to at least 
 80,000 men. In consequence of this intelligence, he continued his 
 movement on Wavre. He arrived there at 4 in the afternoon. Sup- 
 posing that the whole Prussian army was before him, he took two 
 hours to form in line of battle, and to make his dispositions. He then 
 received the despatch by the officer who had been sent off to him at 
 10 in the morning from the field of battle. He detached General Pajol 
 with 12,000 men to Limate, where there was a bridge on the Dyle, one 
 league in the rear of St. Lambert. That General arrived there at 7 in 
 the evening, and crossed the river. Meanwhile Marshal Grouchy 
 attacked Wavre. 
 
 ' IX. Marshal Blucher passed the night of the 17th at Wavre, with 
 the 4th corps of the army, consisting of 75,000 men. Being informed 
 that the Duke of Wellington had resolved to receive battle in front of 
 the forest of Soignes, if he could rely on his assistance, he detached his 
 4th corps in the morning, which passed the Dyle at Limate, and united 
 at St. Lambert. This corps was complete ; it was the one which had 
 not been engaged at Ligny. Marshal Blucher's light cavalry, which 
 had scoured the road to the distance of two leagues from his camp at 
 Wavre, had heard nothing of Marshal Grouchy ; at seven in the 
 morning they saw only some picquets of scouts. Blucher, therefore, 
 concluded that the whole of the French army was assembled before 
 Mont St. Jean. He put the 2nd corps, commanded by General 
 Pirch, in motion. This corps was reduced to 18,000 men. He 
 
 164
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 marched himself with the 1st corps, that of Gen. Zietten, which was 
 reduced to 13,000 men, and left Gen. Thielman, with the 3rd corps, in 
 position at Wavre. 
 
 'The 2nd corps of General Pirch marched l>y Latme; and Blucher, 
 with the first corps, marched on Ohain. where, at in the evening, 
 he formed a junction with the brigade of English cavalry which 
 was posted as flankers. He was there informed that Marshal 
 Grouchy was, at 4 o'clock, before Wavre in considerable force, and 
 that he was making preparations for an attack, which the 3rd corps 
 was not in a position to resist. Marshal Blucher had only two courses 
 to take. He leaned on his principal forces, General Bulow and the 
 English, and sent orders to General Thielman to hold out as long as 
 possible, and, if he were forced, to retreat on him. In fact. In- was no 
 longer in a situation to return to Wavre. He could only have arrived 
 there in the night, and, if the Anglo-Dutch army was beaten, he would 
 be placed between two fires ; whereas, if he continued with that army, 
 and it should gain the victory, lie would still have sufficient time to 
 return upon Marshal Grouchy. His movement was very slow, his 
 troops were greatly fatigued, and the roads were bad and full of 
 defiles. These two columns, about 31,()(H) men Btrong, opened the 
 communication between General Bulow and the English. The former, 
 who was in full retreat, halted. Wellington, who was in despair, and 
 saw before him only the prospect of a certain defeat, beheld his safety. 
 The brigade of English cavalry, which was at Ohain, rejoined him, as 
 well as a part of the 4th division of the flankers of the right. Had 
 Marshal (Jrouchy been, as he was ordered, ln-fore Wavre on the 
 evening of the 17th, Marshal Blucher would have remained there in 
 observation, with all his forces, because be would believe tbat he was 
 pursued by the whole of the French army. Had Marshal Grouchy, as 
 he wrote at two in the morning from his camp at Gembloux, marched 
 at daybreak- that is to say, at 4 in the morning — he would not have 
 arrived at Wavre in time to prevent the detachment of General 
 Btdow : but he would have stopped the movement of the other three 
 corps of Marshal Blucher, Victory was still certain : but .Marshal 
 Grouchy did not arrive before Wavre until 4 o'clock, and did not make 
 his attack until 0; there was no longer time! The French army. 
 t59,0O0 strong, which at 7 o'clock in the evening was victorious over 
 an army of 120,000 men, occupied the half of the field of battle of 
 the Anglo-Dutch army, and had repulsed the corps of Gen. Bulow, 
 found victory snatched from it by the arrival of Marshal Blucher with 
 30,000 fresh troops, which made tin- English army in line amount to 
 nearly 160,000 men — that is to say, about two and a half against 
 one. 
 
 'X. As soon as the attack of Gen. Bulow bad been repulsed, the 
 Emperor ordered (Jen. Druot, who acted as assistant Major-Gen. of the 
 Guard, to rally all his guards in front of the farm of Bell.- Alliance, 
 where he was with H battalions ranged in 2 lines. The 8 other-, had 
 
 marched to support the Young Guard, and to defend Planchenoit. 
 
 However, the cavalry, which continued to occupy the position on the 
 height, whence it commanded all the field of battle, observed the 
 
 movement of Gen. Bulow. but placing confidence for checking him in 
 
 the reserves of the Guard, which were there, felt no disipiiet ude, and 
 
 shouted "Victory" when the Prussians were repulsed. This cavalry 
 
 105
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 only looked forward to the arrival of the infantry of the Guard to 
 decide the victory, but was struck with astonishment when the 
 numerous columns of Marshal Blucher were seen advancing. Some 
 regiments made a retrograde movement. The Emperor perceived it. 
 It was of the greatest importance to give confidence to the cavalry, 
 and, seeing that it would require a quarter of an hour to rally the 
 whole of his guard, he put himself at the head of 4 battalions, and 
 advanced on the left, in front of Haye-Sainte, sending some aides-de- 
 camp along the line to announce the arrival of Marshal Grouchy, and 
 to say that with a little more firmness the victory would be secured. 
 
 ' General Reille assembled his corps on the left, in front of the 
 Chateau of Hougomont, and prepared his attack. It was important 
 that the Guards should engage all at once, but the other 8 battalions 
 were still in the rear. Overcome by events, seeing the cavalry flagging, 
 and that a reserve of infantry was necessary to support them, he 
 ordered General Friant to advance with these 4 battalions of the 
 middle Guard to meet the attack of the enemy. This gave confidence 
 to the cavalry, and they advanced with their usual intrepidity. The 
 4 battalions of the Guard drove back everything they met, and the 
 charges of the cavalry carried terror into the English ranks. Ten 
 minutes after, the other battalions of the Guard arrived. The Emperor 
 ranged them in brigades : 2 battalions in line of battle, and 2 in column 
 on the right and left. The 2nd brigade was disposed in echelons, 
 which united the advantage of the two orders of battle. General 
 Friant, who was wounded, passed at this moment. He said that 
 everything was going on well, that the enemy appeared to be forming 
 his rearguard to support his retreat, but that he would be entirely 
 broken as soon as the rest of the Guard should debouch. This required 
 a quarter of an hour. It was precisely at this time that Marshal 
 Blucher arrived at La Haye, and overthrew the French corps which 
 defended it. It was the 4th division of the 1st corps, and was routed 
 after only a slight contest. Though attacked by quadruple its force, 
 had it shown resolution, or fortified itself in the houses, Marshal 
 Blucher, as it was night, would not have had time to force the village. 
 It was here may have been heard the cry of " Sauve qui peut." The 
 breach being made, and the line broken, in consequence of the want of 
 vigour in the troops at La Haye, the enemy's cavalry inundated the 
 field of battle. General Bulow advanced, though Count Lobau main- 
 tained a good countenance against him. The confusion, however, 
 became so great that it was necessary to order a change of front in the 
 Guard which had been formed for advancing. This movement was 
 executed in good order. The Guard faced to their rear, the left 
 towards La Haye Sainte, and the right towards Belle Alliance, keeping 
 front to the Prussians and the attack of La Haye. Immediately after, 
 each battalion formed in a square. The four squadrons of service 
 charged the Prussians. At this moment the brigade of English 
 cavalry, which had arrived from Ohain, moved forward. These 2,000 
 horse penetrated between Gen. Reille and the Guard. The disorder 
 became frightful throughout the whole field of battle. The Emperor 
 had only time to put himself under the protection of one of the squares 
 of the Guard. Had the reserve division of cavalry under General 
 Guyot not engaged without orders after General Kellerman's cuiras- 
 siers, it could have repelled this charge, prevented the English cavalry 
 from penetrating into the field of battle, and the foot Guard would 
 
 166
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 then have held in check all the efforts of the enemy. General Bulow 
 marched on his left, constantly outflanking the field of battle. The 
 night increased the disorder, and prevented every arrangement. Had 
 it been daylight that the troops could have seen the Emperor, they 
 would have rallied, but nothing could be done in the dark. The Guard 
 began to retreat. The fire of the enemy w r as already 400 toises in the 
 rear, and the roads were occupied. The Emperor and his staff 
 remained for a considerable time on a hillock. Four pieces of cannon 
 which were there kept up a brisk fire on the plain, and their last 
 discharge wounded Lord Paget, General of the English cavalry. 
 Finally, not another moment was to be lost. The Emperor could only 
 make his retreat through the field of battle. The cavalry, artillery, 
 and infantry were all in confusion. The staff gained the little town of 
 Genapes. It was hoped that a corps of the rearguard might be rallied 
 there: but the disorder was frightful, and all efforts for that purpose 
 were vain. It was 11 in the evening. In the impossibility of organizing 
 a defence, hope was placed in the division of Gerard, the third of the 
 2nd corps, which had been left on the field of battle of Ligny ; and 
 to which orders had been sent to proceed to Quatre-Bras to support 
 the retreat. 
 
 'The French army never fought better than on this day. It 
 performed prodigies of valour; and such was the superiority of the 
 French troops, infantry, cavalry, and artillery, that but for the arrival 
 of the 1st and 2nd Prussian corps the victory was gained, and would 
 have been complete over the Anglo-Dutch army and corps of Bulow ; 
 that is to say, was gained by one against two (69,000 against 120,000). 
 
 'The loss of the Anglo-Dutch army and General Bulow was, during 
 the battle, far superior to that of the French ; and the loss of the 
 French during the retreat, though very considerable, since it included 
 0,000 prisoners, did not compensate thai of the Allies within the four 
 days' fighting — a loss which they acknowledged to extend to 60,000 
 men— viz., 11,300 English, 3,600 Hanoverians, 8,000 Belgian, Nassau, 
 and Brunswick troops, which made altogether for the Anglo-Dutch 
 army 22,800, Prussians 3S.000, making a general total of 80,800. The 
 loss of the French army, including everything in the route, and up to 
 the walls of Paris, amounted altogether to 41.0(H) men. 
 
 'The National Guard maintained its old reputation, but it was 
 engaged under unfortunate circumstances, [t was out-flanked on tin- 
 right and left, and inundated by fugitives and enemies when it began 
 to enter into line; for, had that Guard had the opportunity of fighting 
 with its flanks supported, it would have repelled the efforts of both the 
 enemies' armies united. During more than 12 hours 12,000 French 
 Cavalry were masters of part of the enemy's ti. Id of battle, maintained 
 
 acontesl with all the infantry and 18,000 of the Anglo-Dutch cavalry, 
 Whose charges were constantly repelled. Lieutenant-* ieneral Duhesme, 
 an old soldier, covered with wounds, and of the greatest bravery, was 
 made prisoner in endeavouring to rally a rearguard. Count Lobau 
 was also taken. Cambronne, (ieneral of the Guard, remained on the 
 
 field of battle severely wounded. Out of 21 Rnglish (i.nerals, 12 were 
 
 killed or severely wounded : the Dutch lost :< Generals, The French 
 General Duhesme, though a prisoner, was assassinated on the 19th l>> 
 
 a Brunswick hussar: and this crime has remained unpunished. lb- 
 was an intrepid soldier, a consummate (ieneral, always linn and 
 unshaken in good or in bad fortune.' 
 
 167
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 ' Morning Chronicle,' February 17, 1820. 
 extract of a letter from st. helena, dated 
 
 8th OF DECEMBER, 1819:— 
 
 I had an opportunity of seeing Bonaparte a few days back, walking 
 along with one of his Generals up and down before the billiard-room. 
 One of his suite informed me that his health, though far from being 
 good, has improved since the arrival of his surgeon, Antomarchi. The 
 latter, it seems, had taken the precaution of consulting some of the 
 first physicians in London, all of whom agreed in opinion as to the 
 nature of his patient's complaint, and the necessity of his going 
 through a course of medicine. 
 
 A most ridiculous scene takes place daily at Longwood. Every 
 morning Captain Nichols, the orderly officer, knocks at the door of 
 Bonaparte's house, and demands to see him in the name of the 
 Governor. Bertrand (or Montholon) replies that he will not receive 
 him, and the orderly officer marches off without demanding anything 
 further. Montholon is going home on account of ill-health. Bertrand 
 and Madame follow him in a few months. 
 
 An instance of puerile vengeance worthy of the trio, Sir H. Lowe, 
 Reade, and Greenpig, occurred a short time back. The Snipe trans- 
 port arrived here with stores on account of Government. Some book- 
 sellers in London had sent a few parcels of books on board, directed to 
 Major-General Sir G. Bingham, and to several of the officers and 
 principal inhabitants. Amongst them were some copies of Mr. 
 O'Meara's Pamphlet on St. Helena. As soon as the Governor had 
 made this important discovery, the parcels were sent directly to Sir 
 Thomas Reade's, and messengers were dispatched to the persons to 
 whom they were directed, who were obliged to repair forthwith to 
 Reade's, and sign a paper, which was ready cut and dry for them, 
 purporting that they had not ordered them. The books were then 
 sent back to the bookseller, to be forwarded from the first port by 
 post, with a view of putting him to an enormous expense, if he is fool 
 enough to receive them ; and the Master of the Snipe was sent on 
 board under a guard, and not allowed to go on shore. No person from 
 the shore was permitted to go on board of his vessel, and the poor man 
 is in consequence nearly ruined, as his venture, consisting of hams and 
 other perishable articles, rotted on board. In vain did he protest 
 innocence, and that he thought them religious tracts ; the authorities 
 were inexorable, though there was a great want of the provisions he 
 brought on the island. The petulance of the little man was also 
 strongly exemplified by his recent conduct to Mr. Vernon. Lady 
 Lowe had arrived at the Castle, and, being slightly indisposed on 
 Sunday, orders were sent by Sir Hudson Lowe to stop the ringing of 
 the bells for church service. Shortly after, her Ladyship, feeling 
 herself better, sent word to Mr. Vernon that he might commence 
 ringing again. As soon as the Governor heard them, he sat down and 
 wrote the following characteristic note to the clergyman : — ' The 
 Governor desires to know by whose ignorance, insolence, or shipidity, 
 hi6 order had been disobeyed.' Answer : ' By Lady Lowe's.' 
 
 168
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 • Times,' April 14, 1820. 
 
 ST. HELENA. 
 
 (Extract of a letter in the Star.) 
 
 'Deodwood, St. Helena, Feb. 8th. 
 
 ' General Buonaparte is in good health, and has been so for a con- 
 siderable time past. . I have seen him often, at a distance, in his garden 
 — outside of which he never appears. In the morning he sometimes 
 appears in a dressing-gown and red cap, and at others in a jacket and 
 straw hat ; he works hims.lf, as well as all his attendants and Generals 
 (a lesson to human vanity). In the evening he is in full dress, with a 
 star on the breast : he sees no strangers, and disappears when any 
 approach him. His new house, which is close to his present residence, 
 is nearly finished, and will be fit for his reception in about three or tour 
 months, if the furniture, &c, arrive, in due time from England : it is a 
 substantial building, all on one floor, and the different suites of apart- 
 ments are really handsome and commodious. He has a carriage and 
 horses at his command, and he can now ride, without any restriction 
 or attendant, within a space upwards of twelve miles in circumference, 
 with variety of hill and dale, but not well wooded ; however, all will 
 not induce him to mount a horse or carriage. The Bertrands drive out 
 very often, and the other people ride about every day.' 
 
 ♦Times/ Decembeb 28, 1820. 
 
 After the lapse of some time, sonic information has reached London 
 respecting Buonaparte. The letters from St. Helena reach down to 
 the recent date of the 7th November, at which period Buonaparte 
 enjoyed good health, although it has been reported tor several weeks 
 (on the authority of advices, both direct and indirect) tli.il he was 
 seriously indisposed; he is, however, frequently subject to tit-; of 
 despondency, which last for some days together, when he remains 
 secluded as well from his friends as from visitors. The circuit to which 
 the ex-Emperor was formerly limited lias recently been extended, and 
 he is permitted to ride and walk in .1 space of not less than fourteen 
 miles. The advices add that several British officers had been allowed 
 interviews with him, and particularly General Doveton, who continued 
 in the company of Buonaparte for a long period. Mis Majesty's ships 
 Glendwccr and Shear wati r arrived at St. Helena on the 23rd of 
 October, and sailed again on the 2nd of November t"i the South 
 American station. The llruzin sloop of war sailed on the -ame day 
 
 109
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 for the Cape of Good Hope. American merchant vessels frequently- 
 arrived in the offing, and the masters of them continued to manifest a 
 considerable degree of dissatisfaction on being ordered, by the British 
 Admiral on the station, not to approach too near shore. — Evening 
 paper. 
 
 'Times,' July 5, 1821. 
 
 BUONAPARTE. 
 
 The following is an extract of a letter which we have received 
 through our correspondent at Hamburgh. We do not know what 
 credit attaches to it, but I think it may be read with interest at the 
 present moment : — 
 
 'St. Helena, April 2Sth. 
 
 1 In the latter end of January Buonaparte transmitted a complaint, 
 through Count Montholon, of a want of money, arising from a cessation 
 of his usual remittances. To prevent in future this disagreeable circum- 
 stance, without imposing upon himself the necessity of accepting those 
 supplies which were offered him through the commercial house of 
 B. and H., without his knowing who gave the command to this house 
 for the advance, or from whom it received the money, he ordered it to 
 be proposed to the Governor to advance him monthly 500L, which the 
 Duke of Leuchtenberg would repay to the English Government through 
 Mr. Baring. He desired at the same time that, instead of the two 
 priests living with him, and instead of Dr. Antomachi, Counts Bertrand 
 and Montholon, he should be supplied with other society. As his 
 family lived in Italy, and could not well judge what kind of men would 
 be agreeable to him, he left the selection of them to the King of 
 France, and to those of the King's ministers who had formerly served 
 under him, and knew his habits and wants— such as MM. Pasquier, 
 Se"gur, Daru, and Latour-Maubourg, or M. de Cazes, who had been his 
 own and his mother's private secretary. With regard to a priest, 
 he desired a man of knowledge and experience, a learned divine, 
 capable of discussing religious subjects, able to answer his questions, to 
 resolve his doubts, and to instruct him in the sacred Scriptures— a man 
 of between forty and fifty years of age, and a well-grounded scholar. 
 "Although," said he, "I feel my strength decaying, I am not yet so 
 prostrate as to take refuge in spiritual remedies. But, when this 
 happens, I must have another spiritual guide besides the two who at 
 present attend me, one of whom has not yet shaken off the dust of the 
 schools. Voltaire himself, in the view of death, threw himself into the 
 arms of religion ; and who knows but that I may acquire a taste for 
 the subject, and become pious ? " As physician, he wished a man like 
 Courvoisier ; but he declared that he would receive with confidence 
 any one selected for him by Bourdois, Eymery, Larrey, Dubois, or 
 Desgenettes. Of those who were to come in room of Counts Bertrand 
 
 170
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 and Montholon, he required one to be a General (the most agreeable to 
 him was Drouot); but in no case an officer who had served against 
 him. The other might be either a secular person or ;i ci-devant priest ; 
 but in all cases one of his former council or chamberlains— a man of 
 education and talents — such as Caulaincourt, Savary, Segur, Mon- 
 tesquieu, Darce, Drouot, Turenne, Denon, or Arnault. 
 
 'The fore-mentioned money arrangement was undertaken by the 
 Governor. Some time afterwards. Buonaparte said, that the priest who 
 was to be sent to him must be one who adhered to the Concordat of 
 1802, such as M. Duvoisier, late Bishop of Nantes. 1 
 
 Morning Chronicle,' July G, 1821. 
 
 The public have been told that Bonaparte died of a cancer in the 
 stomach- that his father also died of a cancer in the stomach and 
 that he himself declared the disease hereditary in his family. The 
 opinion of Bonaparte, however, on the subject of diseases, will not 
 probably be thought of much value, though it seems to be anxiously 
 laid hold of by sonre of the Ministerial journals. It would seem to be 
 a great ease to their consciences to be able to believe that the death of 
 Bonaparte was in no degree accelerated by the unhealthiness of his 
 place of confinement, and the miserable life he was doomed to drag in 
 it. We are afraid, however, this consolation will not be left them 
 long. We ourselves can offer no opinion on a subject of this kind, but 
 we understand th« idea of a hereditary cancer is treated very irre- 
 verently by many of the faculty. Our readers will find a query from 
 a correspondent relative to this hereditary cancer in another column." 
 
 The illness of the ex-Emperor lasted in the whole six weeks ; and its 
 effects on his frame, as described by an officer who had frequent oppor- 
 tunities of seeing him during that period, were so powerful as nearly 
 to reduce him to a skeleton, and to obliterate all traces of his former 
 features. During tin- latter part of his illness, he frequently conversed 
 with his medical attendants on its nature, of which be seemed to be 
 perfectly aware. He declared that it was hereditary, and that his 
 
 fat her had died of the same disease. On examination after death, the 
 stomach was found in a state of extreme uleerat ion. BO that it appeared 
 in some places perforated in large openings. H is medical attendants 
 gave it as their decided opinion, in which the physician \v bo was called 
 in coincided, that the disease was incurable, and thai the climate had 
 had do effect in producing it. One trait of character displayed itself in 
 his List moments, which marks the 'ruling passion strong in death. 
 
 * [I here insert the letter referred to.] 
 
 TO THE EDITOR OP THE ' MORNING CHRONICLE.' 
 
 sir,— I beg leave to submii to the Kuruitj of London and of Europe, whether any 
 one of then ever met an Instance in ili<' ooune of their practloe, of hereditary oanctrt 
 And, if so, to request thai tlirj will authenticate such Instanoe wrlth their rignatvn 
 
 I am. Sir. vour most ohedient, A Rl ma D PRA< (NKB. 
 
 171
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 As he found his end approach, he was habited, at his own request, in 
 his uniform of Field Marshal, with the boots and spurs, and placed on 
 a camp bed, on which he was accustomed to sleep when in health, and 
 preferred to every other. In this dress he is said to have expired. It 
 has been asserted that the vessel which brought the dispatches also 
 brought the body of Bonaparte to England, but this we understand is 
 not the case. His attendants wished his body to be conveyed to 
 Europe ; but, on opening his will, it was found that he had left a 
 request that it should be interred in the island, and pointed out the 
 spot where he wished his remains to rest, in a beautiful valley near to 
 his residence. Though Bonaparte is supposed to have suffered much, 
 his dissolution was so calm and serene that not a sigh escaped him, or 
 any intimation to the by-standers that it was so near. 
 
 * Times,' July 7, 1821. 
 
 The following extract of a letter dated St. Helena, May 7th, contains 
 
 some further particulars relative to the closing scene of the mortal 
 
 career of Buonaparte. It was written by an English officer who was 
 
 on the island at the time of his death, and had ample opportunities of 
 
 verifying his statements : — 
 
 J 'St. Helena, May 1th. 
 
 ' As it was the expressed wish of Buonaparte that his body should 
 be opened, and as it was also most desirable to the authorities here 
 that the true seat of his disease should be ascertained, it took place at 
 two o'clock yesterday, the day after his death. There were present, 
 his own surgeon, who operated ; the surgeon of the Admiral's ship, and 
 five other surgeons ; the Deputy Adjutant-General and Brigade Major, 
 with Bertrand and Montholon. When the chest was opened, the liver 
 was found to be perfectly sound, with not a mark of disease about it. 
 The French surgeon even cut it through with his dissecting knife, and 
 all the surgeons who were present agreed that no "liver complaint" 
 had ever existed. So much for the discernment of Messrs. O'Meara 
 and Stokoe. But, when they proceeded to the examination of the 
 stomach, all the surgeons instantly called out, "There is the seat of 
 the disease." It was a "cancer of the stomach ;" the same disorder, I 
 understand, of which his father died ; there was a hole in one part of 
 it large enough to admit the point of a man's finger. The medical men 
 unanimously agreed that it could not have been produced by ^the 
 climate, or by depression of mind, and that "he must have died," as 
 Madame Bertrand exclaimed when the appearance of his disorder was 
 described to her, "had he been in the midst of his glory at Austerlitz." 
 With regard to the lying in state of the body, and the general ad- 
 mission of the inhabitants of the island to view it, Sir Hudson Lowe 
 left the matter entirely to the option of Bertrand and Montholon, who, 
 
 172
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 however, both acquiesced in it, and even wished that it should be the 
 case. Accordingly, in the afternoon of yesterday, soon after tin- 
 examination of his body by the surgeons, he was dressed in his green 
 uniform, with red facings, and all his stars ami orders.' [This circum- 
 stance appears to have given rise to the belief, which is now ascertained 
 not to be correct, that Buonaparte died in his military uniform.] 
 
 4 An immense number of persons, both yesterday and this morning, 
 have been to see him. It was one of the most striking spectacles it 
 which I had ever the fortune to be present. The view of his coun- 
 tenance, from which I felt it scarcely possible, even for ail instant, to 
 withdraw my eyes, gave me a sensation I cannot describe; but the 
 impression it made on me will never be forgotten. His hands were as 
 white as wax, and felt soft, though the chill of death was upon them. 
 His remains must soon be closed from mortal view. In this warm 
 climate dead lxxlies soon become offensive, and, though all the dispatch 
 possible is used in preparing the leaden coffin, it is already time that 
 he was soldered up. General orders are issued that he is to be buried 
 with the highest military honours : and, perhaps, Thursday or Fridaj 
 next will be the day. He had for some time past fixed on a particular 
 spot, which is also, I understand, mentioned in his will, a short distance 
 from Longwood, for his burial-place, in the event of its being deter- 
 mined that his remains should be deposited at St. Helena, [t is close 
 by a small spring of water, of which he always drank, and some time 
 since he used frequently to breakfast under the two willow-trees which 
 bend over the bubbling water. It is rather difficult of access, but 
 pioneers are making a way, and as there is no want of hands it will 
 soon lie ready. 
 
 'Buonaparte was perfectly aware of the nature of his complaint, 
 and frequently described it to those about him, hut was never able to 
 convince his surgeons that he had a just notion of it. In the early 
 Stage of tlie disease, which is a long time ago, he commenced a state- 
 ment of it, with his different sensations at different periods, and 
 continued it up to within a few days of his death. It is intended for 
 his son. 
 
 "It is a singular coincidence that the Waterloo, East Indiauian. 
 laden with necessaries for his establishment at Longwood, arrived only 
 two days before his death, just in time to witness his final setting.' 
 
 [The dispatches brought by the Heron are dated the 7th, and not 
 the 17th of May, as originally stated. Captain Ib-ndrie. who brought 
 them, landed at Dartmouth, hut no letters were put on shore till the 
 arrival of the Heron on Thursday at Portsmouth, which accounts for 
 the very deficient information as to detail which was obtained of this 
 remarkable event on the day it was first circulated in London.] 
 
 The likeness of Buonaparte was taken the day after his death, by 
 Captain Marryat, of His Majesty's ship Beaver; and he made several 
 copies, some of which have been brought to England by the officers 
 
 who arrived on Wednesday. 
 
 17::
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 ■ Morning Chronicle,' July 9, 1821. 
 to the editor of the 'morning chronicle.' 
 
 Sir, — On reading the account of the death of this extraordinary- 
 person, I have no doubt but that many will feel a sort of pity at his 
 fate. But all Englishmen who are watchful guardians of the virtue 
 and honour of their country, and jealous of its character for humanity, 
 must, I think, have experienced a painful sensation, at its being 
 suddenly brought to their recollection that, if they had done injustice 
 or shown the least inhumanity to an illustrious and fallen enemy, they 
 have it now no longer in their power to repair this wrong. 
 
 I shall not venture to occupy so much space in your paper as might 
 be necessary to convince some of your readers that the English Govern- 
 ment has done injury to the name and character of the nation, by its 
 treatment of this person, on whom posterity will bestow the proper 
 epithet ; but for myself I must confess that, when I consider that the 
 time is now over when we could have shown that Englishmen were no 
 more to be surpassed in justice and clemency than in arms, I feel some 
 consolation for our having, no doubt, treated the late Emperor of the 
 French in a manner at least unworthy of ourselves, in recollecting 
 with, perhaps, at this moment a too vindictive memory, how much 
 power, which might have been exerted for the benefit of a large portion 
 of the habitable world, was chiefly, I do not say altogether, wasted by 
 him in self-aggrandisement, and the desolating effects of a wild and 
 selfish ambition. 
 
 After the battle of Waterloo there were two men who filled the 
 eyes of Europe — the conqueror and the conquered ; at the same time, 
 there might have been one still greater than either, inasmuch as the 
 deeds of peace are to be preferred to those of war — inasmuch as the 
 benefit of nations is to be preferred to their misery and desolation. 
 Some of your readers will, no doubt, smile when I say that this man 
 was Lord Londonderry, though they cannot deny that at the Congress 
 of Vienna it was no insignificant station to represent the English nation. 
 
 To the omissions and dereliction of duty that were practised at that 
 assembly is to be attributed the present disturbed state of Europe, and 
 the injuries, wrongs, and confusions of the intermediate time. Such 
 they have been, and such they are, that if the Marquess of Londonderry 
 were, on the purest principles and in the best faith, to endeavour to 
 repair the evil he has occasioned, and to reproduce the good he had it 
 once in his power to perform, he could not do it ; the time is past — 
 events have occurred — sympathies and antipathies have been excited, 
 that will influence the fate of nations as of individuals. 
 
 I class Bonaparte and Lord Londonderry, therefore, as the great 
 delinquents of recent times, not as guilty of the greatest crimes, but as 
 omitting to confer the immense good that was in their power, on the 
 most active, the most enlightened of the human race — on people of 
 different nations and languages, but alike panting after liberty, and 
 ready to start in the glorious career of every noble and patriotic virtue ; 
 all looking with hope and confidence to the help of England, how 
 vainly I need not say ! But the page of history will declare to the 
 
 174
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 latest posterity that England, not by her people, but by her Govern- 
 ment, by her Minister, refused not only to be magnanimous to her 
 great but fallen enemy, but refused to be the just and illustrious arbiter 
 of the liberties of Europe, which has in consequence witnessed the 
 multiplied aggressions of the three Continentdal Tyrants against her 
 sacred liberties; while Genoa, Sicily, Naples, and almost all the islands 
 of the Mediterranean, have more particularly reason to denounce the 
 treacherous services, and execrate the broken faith of the Government 
 of England. 
 
 Whether Napoleon, on his distant and deserted death-bed, or the 
 Marquess of Londonderry, in the business and bustle of his official life, 
 have been as nearly equal in their repentance, as in their guilt, is not 
 likely to be ever known. But we shall do well to recoiled that there 
 may be Civil and Official, as well as Royal and Military despots. 
 
 'Morning Chronicle/ July 9, 1821. 
 
 The following is the order of Napoleon's funeral procession : — 
 
 Napoleon Bertrand, The Priests, in full 
 
 son of the Marshal. robes. 
 
 Dr. Arnot, 20th Regt. Bonaparte's physician. 
 
 Grenadiers. { . ™ E ^^J 1 ' , \ Grenadiera. 
 
 ( In a car drawn by four horses. J 
 
 [24 Grenadiers— 12 on each side — to carry the body down 
 a steep hill, where the car could not go.] 
 
 Count Montholon. { Bonaparte's horse, \ Marsha] r,^,,,,,,!. 
 
 ( led by two servants. J 
 
 „ . f Madame Bertrand and daughter, ~| a ___*_ 
 
 Servants. . ,. , ° - Servants. 
 
 ( in an open vehicle. | 
 
 Servants. 
 
 Naval Officeis. 
 
 Staff Officers. 
 
 Members of Council. 
 
 General Coffin. Marq. de Montchenu. 
 
 The Admiral. The Governor. 
 
 « f Lady Lowe and daughter, in an i v ..,.,..,.,t . 
 
 Servants. { J ..? . Servants. 
 
 (^ open vehicle. I 
 
 Servants. 
 
 Dragoons. 
 
 St. Helena Volunteers. 
 
 st. Belena Regiment. 
 
 st. Helena Artillery. 
 Sixt y-sixt h Regiment. 
 
 Royal .Marines. 
 
 Twent iet h Regimenl . 
 
 Royal Artillery. 
 
 Eleven rounds of 83-pounders were tired during the funeral. 
 
 17a
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 He was put into a leaden coffin, in his plain uniform dress, star, 
 orders, &c, &c; the leaden one was inclosed in two formed of ma- 
 hogany ; the outer coffin had plain top and sides, black ebony round 
 the edges, and silver head-screws raised above the lid. 
 
 Napoleon is buried in a very romantic spot, situated in a valley 
 near a place called Hut's Gate. I here relate the cause of his choice. 
 When he first arrived, Marshal Bertrand resided at Hut's Gate until a 
 house was built for him near the ex-Emperor's, who frequently visited 
 the General's family, and he (Bonaparte) would very often stroll down 
 to a spring of excellent water (considered the best water on the island), 
 and ordered a glass to be brought that he might drink. Madame and 
 Marshal Bertrand were always with him, and he several times said to 
 them, ' If it pleases God that I should die on this rock, have me buried 
 on this spot,' which he pointed out, near the spring, beneath some 
 willow trees. 
 
 'Morning Chronicle,' July 10, 1821. 
 to the editor of the 'morning chronicle.' 
 
 London, July 8th, 1821. 
 
 Sir, — The Courier of the 4th inst. having stated that Napoleon died 
 of a ' cancer in the stomach,' and that he ordered his body to be opened, 
 'as he suspected that he was dying of the same disease which killed 
 his father,' I conceive myself imperatively called upon to make some 
 observations, as well upon these assertions as upon a letter fabricated 
 by some anonymous calumniator for the purpose of depreciating my 
 character, by stating that 'all the surgeons present agreed that no 
 liver complaint had ever existed,' and also upon the statements 
 officially promulgated in last night's Gazette. 
 
 It is stated by the Governor of St. Helena, in his dispatch, that 
 Napoleon died on the 5th of May of an illness which confined him to 
 his apartments since the 17th of March last, and further says, that the 
 body was opened the following day in the presence of five English 
 medical officers (all of them belonging to the Army or the Navy), that 
 Professor Antommarchi assisted at the dissection ; and that, after a 
 careful examination of the several internal parts of the body, the whole 
 of the medical gentlemen present concurred in a Report on their 
 appearance, which Report, he adds, is inclosed. 
 
 The Report states the stomach to have been found the seat of 
 extensive disease, that strong adhesions connected the whole of the 
 superior surface, particularly about the pyloric extremity to the con- 
 cave surface of the left lobe of the liver ; on separating these, an ulcer 
 which penetrated the coats of the stomach was discovered, &c. The 
 internal surface of the stomach, to nearly its whole extent, was a mass 
 of cancerous disease or schirrous portions, advancing to cancer, &c. 
 The convex surface of the left lobe of the liver adhered to the dia- 
 phragm. With the exception of the adhesion occasioned by the disease 
 
 176
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 in the stomach, no unhealthy appearance presented itself in the 
 liver. 
 
 It is very important first to observe, that this Report is not signed 
 by Prof essor Antommarchi, although the Governor asserts that the 
 tc/iole of the medical gentlemen concurred in a Report on their 
 appearance; and nextly 1 assert, without dread of contradiction, that 
 no man ever saw an instance of cancer of the stomach proceeding 
 through all its stages, from its commencement t<» death, in seven w< 
 and one day. Cancer of the stomach is a tedious, lingering disease, 
 keeping the patient in torture for months: hut here we have the 
 stojnach, to nearly Us whole extent, a mass of cancerous (/(.Mas. in 
 seven weeks! I J 
 
 The Report then states that, 'with the exception of the adhesions 
 occasioned hy the disease in the stomach, no unhealthy appearance 
 presented itself in the liver.' What, then, was the cause "t the 
 adhesions of the cuiice.r surface of that viscng to the diaphragm, that 
 is to say, the opposite side of the lobe which adhered to the Btomach? 
 The merest tyro in medicine is not ignorant that inflammatory aft ec- 
 tions of the liver and other viscera, although long continued, Frequently 
 terminate by a gradual abatement of all the symptoms, till at last the 
 
 visCUfl is wholly restored to its natural size, colour, and function-. 
 Very generally, however, adhesions are formed to some of the neigh- 
 homing parts, which are permanent until death. Such was the i 
 with Napoleon, in whom an adhesion was formed between the upper 
 and convex surface of the left lobe to the diaphragm, hy the hepatitis 
 with which he was afflicted at the time of my attendance upon him in 
 ISIS. 
 
 With regard to the assertion of hereditary cancer, promulgated 
 through a fabricated letter by those who had the Gazette Report in 
 their possession, it is too contemptible to be seriously refuted. No 
 respectahle ancient author ever mentioned, no modern practitioner 
 ever met such a disease -it is a desperate experiment practised upon 
 public credulity, too gross to impose upon the most uninformed, hut 
 naturally enough to be hazarded by those who are willing to impute 
 
 the death of the victim to any Other cause rather than the true one. 
 
 It is only surprising that they have not followed it up by a calculation 
 of how many years may elapse before the stomach of young Napoleon 
 is to enter upon its parental inheritance. The story is too ridiculous 
 for argument, and those who have fabricated it might just as well 
 assert the existence of hereditary drunkenness, or hereditary murder, 
 <>r any other moral depravity which may happen to be uppermost in 
 their memori< 
 
 I do not assert positively the proximate cause of the death of 
 Napoleon: that can only he known with certainty to the Almighty 
 Disposer of all life and death: but I assert) unhesitatingly, thai it was 
 
 hastened hy the treatment he experienced by hifl transportation to • 
 
 tropical climate by the petty vexations inflicted in his imprisonment 
 — by the numberless minute and studied mortifications, which none 
 
 but a mind like his could have endured and at length by that de- 
 rangement n\' the digestive organs which menial anxiety invariably 
 produces. Such is my opinion, not originating In the indignation of 
 the moment, hut formed and deliberated long ago, and delivered by 
 me, in language not to be misunderstood, at two different periods of 
 
 177
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 Napoleon's detention. I told His Majesty's Ministers, emphatically, 
 that if the same treatment was continued, ' his premature death " 
 might not be so immediate, but was quite as inevitable as if it had 
 taken place under the hands of the 'executioner.' To these documents 
 I now direct the eyes of Europe, as the testimonies of my judgment, 
 and to the event I point for the accuracy with which it was formed. 
 
 Having now, Sir, stated my unequivocal opinion upon the cause of 
 Napoleon's death, which I am prepared to justify before England and 
 Europe, it may not be irrelevant to state a few words about myself, as 
 a coward calumny has commenced its work, and I am well aware of 
 what essential consequence personal character is under such circum- 
 stances. From my boyhood up I have been in the service of His 
 Majesty, and to every officer under whom I served in various climates 
 and at different intervals I refer without hesitation both as to my 
 moral conduct and professional pretensions. I ask any of them 
 whether he can with justice contradict the following testimony from 
 the Captain of the Bellerophon (from which ship I entered the service 
 of Napoleon) to Dr. Harness? 
 
 ' Dear Sir, — The attention and meritorious conduct of Mr. Barry 
 O'Meara, while surgeon with me in the Goliath, calls upon me, as an 
 act of justice to him and of benefit to the service, to state that, during 
 the fifteen years I have commanded one of His Majesty's ships, I have 
 never had the pleasure of sailing with an officer in his situation who so 
 fully met my expectations. Were it probable that I should soon obtain 
 another appointment, I know of no man in the service I should wish to 
 have as surgeon so much as Mr. O'Meara. 
 
 (Signed) 'Frederick L. Maitland.' 
 
 Sir, when I entered into the service of Napoleon, I did so at his own 
 solicitation, and with the full concurrence of the Admiralty ; once in 
 that service, I considered it my duty, in every possible way, to mitigate 
 the misfortunes of the illustrious captive. I scorned to become the 
 instrument of subaltern tyranny, and endeavoured to avert, as far as 
 in me lay, the countless miserable, pettifogging vexations with which 
 he was assailed, after the departure of that gallant officer, Sir George 
 Cockburn. For this I was, at a few hours' notice, banished from 
 St. Helena, with the loss of some property, and not without the 
 plunder of my personal effects ; for this I was dismissed the service, on 
 which my bread depended, without accusation and without trial ; for 
 this I am, up to this day, persecuted and calumniated by men, who 
 have blackened a page in the history of England ; for this, however, I 
 am satisfied to endure much more, satisfied that I have sought, though 
 vainly, to save my country from disgrace, and trust that I, at least, 
 can think without remorse upon the grave of Napoleon. 
 
 I have the honour to be, &c, 
 
 BARRY E. O'MEARA. 
 
 EXTRACT OF A LETTER TO JOHN WILSON CROKER, ESQ., 
 SECRETARY TO THE ADMIRALTY, DATED KENNINGTON, 
 OCTOBER 28th, 1818. 
 
 « It is my opinion that the life of Napoleon Bonaparte will be en- 
 dangered by a longer residence in such a climate as that of St. Helena, 
 especially if that residence be aggravated by a continuance of those 
 
 178
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 disturbances and irritations to which he has been hitherto subjected, 
 and of which it is the nature of his distemper to render him peculiarly 
 susceptible. 
 
 (Signed) ' B. E. O'MEARA, late Surgeon to Napoleon.' 
 
 [Copy.] 
 
 '3 Lyons Inn, Strand, June 19th, 1821. 
 'My Lord, — 1 have been informed by many respectable persona 
 
 who have lately arrived from St. Helena that it was a matter of public 
 notoriety in that island that Napoleon Bonaparte laboured under a 
 disease of a very formidable nature, and one which, if relief was long 
 withheld, was likely to terminate his existence at no very distant 
 period. This has been confirmed to me by the testimony of the 
 venerable ecclesiastic who was compelled by infirmities to quit 
 Napoleon's service in March last, and who was imprisoned for a week, 
 on board the Flamer, denied permission to land, and sent off to the 
 Continent; and I have also been informed that Napoleon has intimated 
 a wish for medical assistance from Europe, and that such wish has 
 been communicated to your Lordship. 
 
 'Under such circumstances, I conceive it a duty I owe to my 
 country and to myself to inform your Lordship that, as I hail more 
 frequent opportunities of making myself acquainted with the pecu- 
 liarities of Napoleon's constitution during the three years 1 had the 
 honour of being attached to him than any other medical person who 
 may consent to share his exile, I conceive it would be unpardonable in 
 me not to tender my services to him through your Lordship, when it 
 is within the bounds of possibility that (without pretending to any 
 superior medical knowledge) I might be able to render him greater 
 relief in his present distressing situation than would be afforded by one 
 who, however he might be superior in talent, was unacquainted with 
 the constitution of his patient. 
 
 'Your Lordship will do me the justice to recollect that the crisis 
 which has now actually arrived \va> predicted by me, and officially 
 communicated to the Admiralty. After my return from St. Helena. 
 in October, 1818, a very short period has too fatally verified an opinion 
 which it required only common skill to pronounce, and which common 
 honesty commanded me to promulgate. The preimiture death of 
 Napoleon under such circumstances may not he so instantaneous, but 
 is certainly as vnevUable as if it took place by tin- hands of the 
 executioner. 
 
 •I have further to acquaint your Lordship that, Bhould my offer be 
 acceded to, I am ready to submit to >uch restrictions during my abode 
 
 in St. Helena as may not be derogatory to the principles of B man of 
 
 honour, and also that I desire no remuneration from Hi> Majesty's 
 
 Govern n lent, either for the ex pence* of my passage, or during the time 
 
 my attendant n Napoleon may be deemed serviceable, 
 
 ■I have t in- honour to be, iVic &c., fee., 
 
 'BARRY K. O'MEARA, surgeon. 
 
 'To the Right Honourable the Karl BathUTSt, flfcc., iV.''.' 
 
 A refusal was the reply to ibis. 
 
 171)
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 'Times,' July 11, 1821. 
 
 The following is an extract of a letter from an officer on the St. 
 Helena station, dated 6th May, 1821 : — 
 
 ' I have just returned from witnessing an awful spectacle — the body 
 of the deceased General Buonaparte, late the terror of the whole of 
 Europe. The Honourable Company's ship Waterloo anchored here at 
 three o'clock on the afternoon of the 2nd instant, and Napoleon 
 departed this life at ten minutes past six o'clock on Saturday, the 5th, 
 after an illness of some time of a complicated nature, dropsy, liver, &c. 
 The cause assigned for his death by the medical men was a cancer in 
 the stomach. 
 
 'I may say I had the earliest opportunity of seeing him, and of 
 being in his company, of any person on the island, and nearly the last 
 view and touch of his body. I lived under the same roof for seven 
 weeks on his first arrival, and had an opportunity of having a great 
 deal of conversation with him ; during which time he was very 
 pleasant and agreeable with the family I resided with : since which I 
 have seldom seen him until to-day, when he was lying in the full dress 
 of a General of the Legion of Honour, and appeared to be more like a 
 person asleep than a corpse, and very little altered from when I first 
 saw him. On his countenance there was an appearance of a pleasant 
 smile. 
 
 ' He is to be interred on Thursday next, at four o'clock, on a spot 
 chosen by himself some time previous to his death. It is under a 
 willow tree (about ten yards from a spring of water, from which he 
 has been supplied ever since his residence at Longwood), in a valley 
 called by the natives the "Devil's Punch Bowl," and at this moment 
 there are 100 men employed cutting a road for the body to be carried 
 along ; he is to be buried with the military honours of a General. 
 
 ' The road to Longwood forms an almost level circle of three miles 
 round the place where he is to be buried. He has verified his assertion 
 that he would never live in the house erected for him, which is finished 
 and furnished ready, save and except some trifling work in the offices. 
 As every comfort was consulted for him, no expense was spared. 
 
 'I saw Madame Bertrand and her family. She looks very much 
 altered for the worse, as also does the Count. Montholon seems to 
 preserve his health better than any of the rest. 
 
 ' Napoleon's death will cause a great revolution in the affairs of this 
 island ; some will be half ruined, and others will benefit considerably 
 by it.' __ 
 
 [From a 'ministerial paper.] 
 
 LETTER FROM A NAVAL OFFICER HIGH IN COMMAND 
 
 ON THE ST. HELENA STATION. 
 
 ' St. Helena, May 15. 
 ' Buonaparte died after an illness of six weeks. He was only con- 
 sidered seriously so the last fortnight, when he sent for Dr. Arnott, of 
 
 180
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 the 20th Regiment. Although every medical man was offered to 
 attend, he declined further assistance, and made Count Bfontholon 
 promise, on the event of his losing his senses, that no one else should 
 be permitted in his room. He told Arnott he bad perfect confidence in 
 his abilities, hut was convinced his complaint was incurable, and not to 
 be discovered ; he, however, expressed himself willing to submit to any 
 treatment he wished. He stated that his father died of the same at 
 36 years of age, and desired his body might be opened to ascertain the 
 canst', in order that his son might take precautions to guard against it 
 as much as possible. He must have suffered greal pain, although no 
 complaint was uttered. For several days previous to his death be bad 
 
 his son's bust placed at the foot of his lied, and constantly kept Ids 
 eyes fixed upon it till he breathed his last. I went with the A dmir al 
 to see his body, previous to the operation being performed. He looked 
 more like one sleeping than dead; nor had the least appearance of 
 sickness. His nose and mouth I was particularly struck with as being 
 beautiful. The countenance was placid and serene, and there was 
 something very noble and commanding in it. If I had not known his 
 
 age. I should have judged him not re than forty. On opening the 
 
 body they were struck with the fat and healthy appearance, until they 
 opened the stomach, which was full of ulcers the breadth of your 
 hand ; and below I lie upper part of t lie liver a cancer was found, which 
 had eaten a hole large enough to admit the little finger. The liver was 
 perfectly sound, hut if it had not covered this hole in the stomach he 
 must have died long before. So says Dr. .Mitchell, who assist ,-.1 in the 
 Operation. His body lay in state, dressed in regimentals, for two 
 
 days, when he was put in a tin coffin, wood head, then in a handsome 
 
 plain mahogany one, and last (l f all into a stone one placed in the vault 
 they made for him. where I saw him safely deposited and cemented 
 down. He pointed out the spot be wished t<> be buried in: it is called 
 Haine's Valley, under some willow trees, and near a spring where he 
 went for water every day. It is one of the prettiest spots on the 
 island. We may now safely say he was one of the greatest conquerors 
 
 this world ever produced, but not a greal and nohie character. He 
 
 had also the talent to discover tin- abilities that other- possessed, and 
 made use of them. He was buried with the highest military honours, 
 and every person in full dress. We had to go full two miles, and the 
 
 procession, and two thousand t roups followed after the procession had 
 passed with their arms reversed, was a remarkably Bne sight. We of 
 the procession were mounted on horseback until we began lo descend 
 
 the hill, and the body placed on a car drawn by his own horses. Hi- 
 
 riding horse was led alter it. dressed in the style he rode when at the 
 head of his armies. The sword and mantle he wore when at t he battle 
 of Marengo were displayed on the coffin. Sis being buried in this 
 island will make it become celebrated in history. \\'e are now busy 
 converting one of our Btoreships into a trooper, and fitting the cat tins 
 under the poop for Buonaparte's establishment. They, I expect, will 
 
 sail nexl week. We remain until orders come ft England.' 
 
 I i i;tiii:i: PARTICULARS. 
 
 * Buonaparte may he said to have died rat her heroically t han ot her 
 wise, as the pain arising from the disease must have been rerj acute, 
 and he never uttered a complaint. He refused medicine as useless. 
 
 lsi
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 and stated, a month previous to his death, that he should never rise 
 from his bed again. At that period he also said that he was confident 
 he knew better than the surgeons what his disease was, and that it 
 was the same that his father died of. The pain that it gave him he 
 described as if a knife had been run into his body and broke short off, 
 the wound closing externally afterwards. A few hours previous to his 
 decease he is said to have gradually drawn his hands from his sides 
 and to have clapped them over his breast, doubtless offering up a 
 prayer at the same time. He then released them, and they fell into 
 their former position. During the latter part of his illness his eyes 
 were constantly fixed on the full-length portrait of his son, which was 
 hung up by his request at the foot of his bed ; and it seems that his 
 attachment to the child was very great. The last words of Buonaparte 
 have not yet been recorded ; they were uttered in a state of delirium, 
 but still show what was working in his mind. "Mori fils" were his 
 first words, and afterwards he murmured what seemed to the hearers 
 to be " Tete cTarmtes." He shortly afterwards said "France," and 
 never spoke again. The head and face of Buonaparte were immensely 
 large in proportion to his body ; they may with great propriety be 
 said to be the only parts that could be reckoned fine ; his face, fourteen 
 hours after his death, was one of the most interesting that could be 
 imagined, but, from the extreme heat of the climate, the decay was so 
 rapid that shortly afterwards the features collapsed, and at the time 
 that he was laid in state, after his having been opened, the countenance 
 had undergone a total alteration. His body was altogether mean; 
 bones very small, and very little muscle ; he was very fat, even at the 
 time of his death. On opening him, his heart was found very small 
 and feeble, and loaded with fat ; his liver was large, and one of his 
 kidneys reversed. It seems that he would have died much sooner if 
 the liver had not forced itself into the hole in his stomach, and 
 hindered the ailment from escaping ; but except from a slight irrita- 
 tion, naturally to be expected at this part of the liver, as it was in 
 contact with the diseased quarter, it was completely sound and healthy, 
 and did not show the least symptoms of the complaint which he 
 was stated by Mr. O'Meara to suffer under. His hand was rather 
 effeminate, but beautiful. The wounds on his body were as follows : — 
 A small wound on the head, received from the halbert of an English 
 sergeant at Toulon ; one above the knee by a spent ball, received at 
 Ratisbon ; and one near the ankle, a deep musket-ball graze that he 
 received in Italy. His cranium did not give the satisfaction to the 
 craniologists that was anticipated. A great deal of trouble was taken 
 by Drs. Mitchell and Burton to have a cast of his face and cranium ; 
 but, unfortunately, the quality of the gypsum, which was only to be 
 procured from the island, was such as rendered all their attempts 
 fruitless. A short time previous to his death he scratched an N. with 
 a penknife on a snuff-box, which he presented to Dr. Arnott for his 
 attendance on him, and has left the above gentleman 500 Napoleons.' 
 
 182
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 'Morning Chronicle,' July 11, 1821. 
 
 .... A short time previous to his death he scratched an N. with 
 a penknife on a snuff-hox, which he presented to Dr. Arnott for his 
 attendance on him, and has left the above gentleman ."><>0 Napoleons. 
 His valet (Marchand) is a very superior young man ; it is said he haa 
 amply provided for him, and he made him a Count, previous to his 
 death, exacting a promise from Bertram! and Montholon that they 
 would respect him as such. The effects at St. Helena are said to be 
 left to Bertrand and Montholon; they are very valuable, consisting 
 chiefly of plate and the finest Sevres china. A most beautiful antique 
 cameo snuff-box, given to him by the Pope, he has left to Lady 
 Holland, with a slip of paper in it written by himself, in acknowledg- 
 ment of her kindness; but the rest of Buonaparte's will was kept a 
 secret at St. Helena. 
 
 'Morning Chronicle, 9 July 18, 1821. 
 
 PARIS, July 12th. 
 
 The important news of Napoleon's death reached this on Friday last, 
 since which it has, of course, been a subject of exclusive conversation 
 and conjecture. Although the state of France and rigOTOUS nature of 
 the police p revents any outward expression of public feeling, yet there 
 is no doubt but this event has created & powerful sensation : and it 
 should be added, in justice to the nation, that all parties, not excepting 
 the Ultras, concur in deploring the fate of a man, whose ambition Is 
 bvit a feather in the scale when compared with the Immense benefits 
 he conferred on his country. I have it from good authority that, 
 when the circumstance was talked of in the Chamber of Deputies on 
 Saturday, Members of the most opposite opinions sympathised with 
 each other, while many were heard to exclaim, ' He is gone, but neither 
 his institutions nor his glory will perish with him!' It was remarked 
 on Sunday that above 4<M) students who bad met to commemorate the 
 death of young Lallemand, killed by the soldiery in the riots of .lime, 
 1*20, walked in procession round the column in the Place IVm/nim, 
 «ach pronouncing whatever panegyric occurred to him as most ap- 
 plicable to the fallen Emperor and hero. This unequivocal demon* 
 
 stration of regret has given great umbrage, but policy does not admit 
 
 of its being noticed. 
 
 Various reports are in circulation as to the cause of the illu-trious 
 prisoner's dissolution ; the story of an hereditary cancer is ti .it. ,1 with 
 still more contempt by the faculty here than <>n your side of the water. 
 All attribute the event to its most natural causes; anil curses, ' not 
 
 183
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 loud but dee}},' are heaped on the heads of men who could sacrifice the 
 national character of their country for the sake of persecuting a great 
 man who appealed to, and vainly relied on, the magnanimity of 
 England in the hour of adversity. 
 
 The report of a secret treaty, having the partition of Turkey in 
 Europe for its object, gains ground hourly ; and it was yesterday 
 asserted that a declaration of war had been prepared, if not published, 
 by the Autocrat. 
 
 The debate on a renewal of the Censure has terminated in favour of 
 Ministers ; so that this odious measure will be continued another year. 
 The discussion has been productive of very beneficial effects, and laid 
 open a system of partiality which is truly characteristic of the present 
 mode of administering affairs in this country. Considerable relaxation 
 has been evident on the part of the Censors, who have admitted a 
 variety of articles within the last ten days which would have been 
 scornfully rejected before. 
 
 * Morning Chronicle,' July 21, 1821. 
 
 PARIS, July 14th, 1821. 
 
 More than a week has passed since it was known at Paris that 
 Napoleon was no more. I have delayed writing till I could inform you 
 of the effects of this important intelligence — I do not mean on the 
 funds, for no human being in Paris thought of the connexion till they 
 saw the idea in the English journals ; sentiments and calculations of a 
 much higher order immediately occupied the spirits of Frenchmen of 
 all classes. The rumour had been so oft repeated that, on its first 
 circulation, it was met by the smile of pleasantry and unbelief ; but, 
 when the same telegraph which had so frequently apprised his 
 astonished capital of the rapid progress of his camp, and the splendid 
 triumph of his arms, commenced its mystic movements — when official 
 lips proclaimed the fact, and it was announced to the ruling Sovereign 
 — unbelief gave place to stupid consternation and despair. I first heard 
 the truth from a Deputy of the extreme gauche, who was warmly 
 opposed to Napoleon, but who had, nevertheless, proposed with others 
 that his person should be placed under the protection of the honour of 
 the French people. 'He had fine conceptions,' said he, 'and did many 
 great things ; but, surrounded by Emigres, and the same miserables 
 who are flattering and losing Louis, it is no wonder that he was below, 
 in virtue, his station in talent, and that he committed great faults. 
 His death may be yet serviceable to the cause of liberty.' Louis had 
 that very day moved to St. Cloud for the season ; the illuminations 
 were glittering in the approaches to the palace, and were reflected by 
 the silent and gliding waters of the Seine, when Pasquier arrived. 
 It was amidst all the affected gaiety of the Advent — amidst the solemn 
 shade of its majestic woods, and in the apartments still rich in the 
 magnificent proofs of his genius and his taste — that the once servile 
 
 184
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 Prefect of Police of Napoleon, now raised to the dignity of Minister ol 
 Foreign Affairs, announced to his master, who is a mass of disease and 
 corruption, the death of the mighty, active, healthy Napoleon. What 
 the effect was upon the Royal groupe, Prance i- not informed j the 
 next evening I saw Monsieur, his silly son, and Madame, Bimpering 
 and chattering as usual, and coaxing some coarse-looking Colonel of 
 gendarmes. Some say they are not surprised; that, at Least, certain 
 individuals, and certain parties in certain Cabinets, know the history 
 of the hereditary cancer. Others declared that the children of 
 St. Louis are more horrified than ever, that they Bee in every old 
 soldier an avenging foe, and that, because the corpse "i the lather is 
 at St. Helena, the residence of the son is a great deal too near for 
 them. 
 
 A- for the immense mass of the population, the impression on them 
 is more profound and awful every day. I know a gentleman who was 
 in the Halle an Owir when the news was mentioned ; all business was 
 immediately suspended, and the tradesmen all retired without making 
 a single purchase; on the Saturday night the busi of Napoleon was 
 
 promenaded on the Place de Louvre, the guard were called out, and 
 the people Hed. Several of my acquaintance heard the tumult. Sun- 
 day, multitudes put on Mack, ami others went to salute the Column 
 d' Austerlitz ; in the evening there were great crowds on the Palais 
 Royal in black. Multitudes will not yet believe thai Bonaparte is dead, 
 and even among the Garde Royale this obstinate incredulity remains. 
 The account of his interment has, however, compelled many to believe, 
 and the eff eel is certainly terrible for the reigning house. I asked one 
 of the Garde, whom I know he is related to one of my dom esti cs 
 what his comrades said? 'They will not believe,' said he. 'Why? 1 
 'Because they dare not : they fear the effect upon themselves. Ah !' 
 continued he, • I served him in Russia too, and, it' I could see him again, 
 I would follow him to the end of the world 't i> too cruel to he dragged 
 from his wife, his mother, his family, and his -mi. and to he carried to 
 a hole by grenadiers, foreigners, and gaolers. 1 The tears ran down his 
 
 cheeks, and the drops hung on his mustachios hut not a muscle was 
 distorted. Superficial foreign observers would be at a loss to know or 
 
 imagine the state of puhlic feeling, where a person who knows well the' 
 people, and the mode of getting at them, finds it most -trough pro- 
 nounced. A look through upon an objeel a sigh in a certain place 
 a ahrug when an individual passes a how to something ^\' which a 
 stranger knows not the history tie- manner of placing a riband or 
 
 tying a knot, or holding a cane all are indications of a depth ol 
 
 sensation which musl one day bursl through all the ma-- of -pic-. 
 
 gendarme-, agens provocateur-, law-, plot-. \c . &C.J and in a counliN 
 
 where there is ooi a restige of Liberty for the press or public opinion, 
 and where agents of the police are transformed into members ol everj 
 class "t Bociety, from porters and shoe-blacks to Counts and Nobles it 
 is not easy to understand thai a certain opinion prevails in the minds 
 
 of nine-tenth- of the people, hut il i- QOl less true. 
 
 An officer of the ex-garde met one of hi- brother officers, and told 
 him < >t the fact. The latter no Booner heard it than le- wetii to the 
 Plaa '/" < '/iiitiht, and, less magnanimous than his old master, bleM 
 out hi- brains, 
 
 The Government ha- excited not only the horror, bul the in 
 
 is:.
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 nation of the public, by sending out hundreds of wretches to cry the 
 details of Bonaparte's death, for a sow, in all the streets ; and not only 
 this, but afterwards the pretended Confessions of Napoleon before his 
 death, in which he is made to describe himself as the greatest monster 
 that ever lived. These papers are embellished with the crown and 
 arms of the Bourbons. All this, when the Ministers of the Interior — 
 of Foreign Affairs — of Police — of War — were all of them the servants 
 of Bonaparte, and some of them the most servile and abject. 
 
 I send you a copy of the Confessions and also — Pensee d'un Soldat — 
 a bold and affecting appeal, just published, and which sells most 
 astonishingly. There are also several pictures out, but all mystical ; I 
 send you one. There are, Le Tombeau d'un Brave — Le Convoi — Adieu. 
 All these are eagerly bought, and, without a name or a word, circulate 
 and excite the most terrible emotions. 
 
 There is one party less in France : all the friends of the father rally 
 round the son — and the Republicans feel that, as there is no possibility 
 of the sire's return, they can mould the Government and Regency for 
 the lad. God knows to what all this may lead. Everybody believes 
 that his detention caused his death — if no violent means were em- 
 ployed. All wait for Bertrand's account, and rely on that. The 
 Government in the meantime is doing all it can to lower itself. I send 
 you as a proof M. Elicagaray. 
 
 'Morning Chronicle,' July 27, 1821. 
 to the editor of the 'morning chronicle.' 
 
 Sir, — The death of Bonaparte naturally leads reflecting minds to 
 the contemplation of his son and his future fortunes ; for, descended 
 and connected as he is, it is impossible to conceal the fact that he is 
 daily growing an object of the highest interest and regard. The 
 public, hitherto, have heard little and know less of this Imperial Boy ! 
 Even his age, titles, &c, &c, have never been correctly stated in any 
 of the public papers. The following faithful particulars of this rising 
 star will, no doubt, be read with interest by the numerous admirers of 
 your excellent journal. 
 
 The French Emperor, Napoleon, was married to the Arch-Duchess 
 Maria Louisa of Austria, the Wth March, 1810, in Vienna, by proxy, 
 and personally on the 1st April of the same year in Paris. The subject 
 of this article was born March 20, 1811, and named by his father, 
 Napoleon, and afterwards Francis Charles Joseph, in compliment to 
 his grandfather and uncle on his mother's side, and uncle on his 
 father's side. He was deprived of his title of King of Rome, and 
 declared Duke of Reichstadt, 22nd July, 1818. Reichstadt is in 
 Bohemia, has a castle and good estate, which is at nurse during his 
 minority. 
 
 The Ex-Empress was declared Duchess of Parma in 1814. 
 
 In addition to these particulars, I shall add an anecdote which 
 cannot be uninteresting. In November, 1819, the Emperor gave a 
 
 186
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 grand chasse at Schlos?ioff, a magnificent sporting domain about forty 
 English miles east of Vienna, on the left bank of the Danube. The 
 nobles of the Court and and all the foreign Ambassadors were present 
 during the sports of the day's shooting. Young Napoleon, who was 
 of the party, begged to have a gun, which the Emperor, after 
 much entreaty, permitted, with strict injunctions that it might be 
 charged with powder only. After two fires, he was rallied upon 1 icing 
 a bad shot, and told that he had better decline a further attempt. By 
 what means I am not prepared to state, but at this moment he 
 discovered the trick which had been put upon him. He now re- 
 monstrated with his grandfather, and after much pleading was 
 allowed a small charge of shot. He brought down his first bird (a 
 pheasant) to the inexpressible delight and admiration of the Bmperor 
 and all present, and out of 11 shots he bagged 9 birds ! ! ! 
 
 That young Napoleon has not only proved himself a good shot, hut 
 exceedingly clever for his years, is sufficiently known to ;ill who have 
 had the best opportunities of ascertaining the facts, and the extreme 
 and well-known partiality of the Emperor, and indeed the whole 
 Imperial family, is sufficiently obvious, both in public and private; 
 and it is highly creditable to those charged with his education, that he 
 is constantly attended by men of the most profound talents. His 
 equipage is also of the first order — a carriage with six horses and four 
 outriders. \V. 
 
 'Morning Chronicle,' August 1, 1821. 
 
 The following is an extract of a letter from a tradesman of respect- 
 ability at St. Helena, employed upon the funeral of Bonaparte. It is 
 dated — 
 
 •>7. Helena, May 20, 1821, 
 
 'You will of course have heard of Bonaparte's dissolution, tun 
 perhaps a few facts from an eye-witness respecting that important 
 «vent may not be deemed tedious. Bonaparte had been sick at 
 intervals ever since I have been on the island, but never considered 
 dangerously so by the faculty until about two months back, when he 
 evidently began to decline, and of course every possible attention was 
 paid to him, but withoul effect. 
 
 'The same morning I received orders for the coffins lor the illus- 
 trious deceased, which were, of course, executed with all possible 
 dispatch. The shell was made of one-inch mahogany, lined with tin, 
 and covered with lead outside. The tin was afterwards covered with 
 white satin; pillow and mat t ress of the same. The outside ooffln wis 
 made of Spanish mahoguiy. 
 
 'Wednesday morning I rode up to LongWOod, and inclosed the 
 body in the coffins, with silver-head screws. Lnclos o d with him in the 
 coffin were a silver urn containing his heart, and another con t ai nin g 
 his stomach, and all the coins that were issued during his reign; 
 together with a knife and fork, a spoon, and one plate, all of sihei. 
 
 1^7
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 4 The pall at the funeral was of purple velvet, on which was placed 
 the cloak, or mantle, and sword which Bonaparte wore at the battle of 
 Waterloo, and on the head of the coffin a cushion and crucifix. The 
 coffin was placed on a hearse drawn by four of his own carriage horses, 
 and the procession' (which the writer describes in nearly the same 
 manner as stated in former accounts) ' moved towards the place of 
 interment, which was his own choice. 
 
 ' Soon after he went to Longwood to reside, he complained of the 
 badness of the water. At that time Madame Bertrand lived at Hutt's- 
 gate, about one mile from Longwood, at the top of a very pretty 
 fertile valley, known here by the name of Sempler Vale. Bonaparte 
 frequently visited Madame Bertrand, and observed how very superior 
 the water which he drank there was to that which he got at Long- 
 wood. On being informed that it was procured from a spring down 
 the vale, he expressed a wish to walk and see the well. He went there 
 with Madame Bertrand, and, after examining the water, he noticed a 
 willow tree growing about ten yards from the well. Viewing it in 
 silence for a few seconds, he said, ' ' Should I die on this island, I 
 should wish to be buried under that tree ; and I will drink no water 
 but from this spring." When he returned home, he furnished one of 
 his servants, a Chinese, with two silver bottles, holding about a gallon 
 each, and sent him immediately to the spring for water. The same 
 Chinese has had no other employment than fetching water in these 
 bottles twice a day for the last five years. 
 
 ' The land where the corpse of this extraordinary man is deposited 
 belongs to Mr. Torbet, a very respectable shopkeeper in James Town. 
 It is now called "Napoleon's Vale," and is very much frequented by 
 the inhabitants. The grave was lined with stone, and covered with a 
 plain slab of the same material.' 
 
 * Morning Chronicle,' August 8, 1821. 
 
 Vienna, July 22. — It is said that the Cabinet of London, in giving 
 to our Court the notification of the death of Bonaparte, made some 
 communications of an important nature relative to the last wishes of 
 the defunct, and relative to considerable sums which belonged to him, 
 in the hands of several bankers of Europe. It is added that the 
 London courier was the bearer of an autograph letter from the 
 prisoner of St. Helena, in which he leaves his great funds to his 
 nearest relations. The Duke of Reichstadt has put on mourning for 
 six months. Among the papers brought to England after the death 
 of Bonaparte there was a large packet addressed, in the hand-writing 
 of Bonaparte himself, to the Emperor of Austria. It is said that 
 General Bertrand entrusted the packet to an English officer, after 
 requiring him to give his word of honour not to deliver it to any one 
 except the Austrian Ambassador. Immediately after the arrival of 
 the ship, the Marquess of Londonderry proposed to Prince Esterhazy, 
 
 188
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 the Austrian Ambassador, that he should either receive himself those 
 dispatches on board the ship, or scud a prison on board invested with 
 
 propei' authority to do so ; but the Prince declared that he considered 
 it useless to go through such formalities, adding that, after the 
 intimate relations of amity subsisting between the two Cabinets, he 
 would with pleasure receive those papers from the Marquess himself. 
 They have since been brought to this city. It is thought that they 
 contain the last legacy of Bonaparte to his son. 
 
 'Morning Chronicle, ' September 12, 1821. 
 
 EXTRACT OF A LETTER, DATED PARIS, SEPTEMBER mil 
 
 I dined yesterday with Dr. Antomarchi, Napoleon's physician. "Sou 
 will allow that one cannot help feeling a great interest in conversing 
 With a person who has given the last drops of water to such a man, anil 
 I therefore readily accepted the invitation to meet him. The Doctor 
 was very circumspect ; but I have collected many interesting gleanings 
 from conversation with him, which 1 give you as I gut them. 
 
 Bonaparte occupied himself often with gardening, and under his 
 immediate superintendence bowers and grottoes were erected in the 
 garden at Longwood. General Bertram!. .Madame Bert rand, with lie 
 children, and Dr. Antomarchi, assisted him on such occasions. Sis 
 usual dress was that of a Chinese gardener nankins and a large straw 
 hat. Within the last eight months of his life he could scarcely move 
 out. and was obliged either to rest on the sofa or in Ins easy-chair-, he 
 suffered considerably, and was in consequence exceedingly morose; he 
 had lost fully two-thirds of his corpulence. 
 
 His last words certainly were •'/'(/(■ Arum.' but without any con- 
 nexion; for what he uttered was in a convulsive state, and no other 
 words could be distinctly understood. 
 
 During his illness his son was t he principal topic of hi- con\ ei -at ion ; 
 he never conversed on politics, at least the Doctor said so. Two pri< 
 
 Were Bent to him by his mother, one an old man ( Buouavita i. and the 
 Other a young man. The first could not bear the climate, and * 
 
 obliged to return to Europe. Since their arrival mass was read every 
 
 day at Longwood, and the Doctor said. ' // tat mori n it bow C/i r< I u it.' 
 Bonaparte expressed much disgust at the old priest's smelling of 
 tobacco he disliked smoking and SmokeTS. He had entirely left oil 
 
 taking snuff . Ybuhave seen it noticed in the papers that he Bent a 
 present to Lady Holland. The circumstances that led to it are ex- 
 tremely honourable to her Ladyship. Lady Holland waa never person- 
 ally known to Bonaparte, but since his confinement she had been 
 unremitting in her at tent ion t<> him, by constantly prw Iding aim with 
 articles for hi- table which she thought would be agreeable to bim; 
 also by sending bim books, ami contributing bo many othei w&ya to 
 bis domestic comfort Se Bent beracameoof great value as a token 
 
 1S1I
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 of gratitude; it was on a snuff-box which the Pope presented to 
 Napoleon. 
 
 In conti'adiction to all the anecdotes in English and other news- 
 papers, the Doctor assured me that the Emperor (he never called him 
 otherwise than VEmpereur) never had any female attendant in his 
 household, nor was any one in attendance on him during his confine- 
 ment at St. Helena. 
 
 The veneration with which the Doctor spoke of him is beyond any- 
 thing of the sort I ever witnessed. Speaking of Bertrand, he always 
 styles him le grand Marshal. Madame Bertrand was always allowed 
 to enter his room without being announced. Napoleon was quite 
 resigned to die in St. Helena. He often conversed with Antomarchi of 
 events of his earliest age, and recollected the most trifling acts of his 
 childhood : the Doctor being a native of Corsica, they generally con- 
 versed together in the idiom of the island, which was quite familiar to 
 Napoleon. The house at Longwood was exceedingly small and un- 
 comfortable, and damp beyond conception ; the new house was not yet 
 finished, and it was Bonaparte's intention, had he lived, never to 
 inhabit it. 
 
 The library of Napoleon consisted of the best classics, and, through 
 the kindness of Lady Holland and other friends, he had a fresh supply 
 of what was new and interesting every three months, sent to him 
 under Lord Bathurst's seal. Dinner was always served on the plate 
 (service (Vargent) with the Imperial arms on it, off which he dined at 
 St. Cloud. 
 
 Dr. Antomarchi found a proper stone on the island, with which he 
 had prepared plaister, and succeeded very well in taking a cast of his 
 bust after his death. Unfortunately it had been shipped to Leghorn, 
 else I might, perhaps, have had a sight of it. The Doctor had intended 
 it as a present to the mother of Bonaparte, whom he styles Madame 
 Mere. 
 
 The hair of his head, as well as his beard, had been shaved and sent 
 to his relations, his household each retaining some small quantity of it. 
 The Doctor had a small lock of it in a brooch. I had it in my hand, 
 and confess, and am not ashamed to say so, that my feelings were very 
 acute at the moment, and I perceived something like a tear in my eye. 
 The Doctor could not obtain permission to embalm the body, nor 
 would the Governor (Sir Hudson Lowe) allow any inscription. The 
 remains were first placed in a coffin of tin, then one of mahogany ; 
 these two in one of lead, and the upper one again in mahogany : all 
 four were well secured under the inspection of Dr. Antomarchi. 
 
 I could not learn anything respecting the life of himself, which 
 Bonaparte was said to have written ; but it is probable, at all events, 
 that nothing was done in it after the arrival of Antomarchi, as he 
 declined in health during those two years. Montholon, who came over 
 With Bertrand and his family, has permission to return to France ; but 
 Bertrand, who had been condemned to death par contumaoe, has not 
 yet received that permission. Dr. Antomarchi brought over his journal 
 of the two last years' attendance on Napoleon, ready for publication. 
 Several of the London booksellers were anxious to obtain it, and I 
 think he said that he had sold them the copyright. The Doctor, who 
 is about thirty-two years old, was sent out to St. Helena by Letitia, 
 mother of Napoleon. 
 
 190
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 The point on which I was most anxious to obtain information was 
 the non-appearance of the Doctor's name, along with the rest of the 
 surgeons, to the official report of the causes of his death, and the 
 appearance of his body after it. He was never asked to sign it, but his 
 opinion was well known, as he had frequently declared it without 
 reserve to be that the death of Bonaparte was owing to the climate — 
 The Times. 
 
 'Morning Chronicle,' September 14, is-_>i. 
 
 It appears from an article in the Times of yesterday that the author 
 
 of th.- pretended conversation with Dr. Antomarchi, relative to Bona- 
 parte, continues to persist in imposing on the public an account of the 
 mode of life, and tin* character of that extraordinary man, during hi- 
 last moments. Impartial readers, however, will not be at a loss to 
 discover the masked pen from which many fabrications have already 
 proceeded, and we cm assure them, from the hrst authority, thai the 
 conversations detailed in that letter are also fabrications. 
 
 'Times,' November 1.5, 1821. 
 buonaparte. 
 
 [The following anecdotes are extracted from a work which has 
 recently appeared in Paris under the title of Captivity of BtumaparU 
 
 at St. Helewi.] 
 
 Buonaparte for some time considered himself attacked by an 
 
 internal disease, which would speedily prove fatal to him. He some- 
 times mentioned it, accompanied with sombrous presentiments. Hut 
 it was supposed to be nothing more than the wandering of an active 
 imagination left unemployed. Some weeks before his death, he 
 laboured with a spade in his garden so lone; and bo severely, as almost 
 to faint from fatigue. Somebody suggested to him the probable injury 
 
 to his health. ' No,' said he 'it cannot hurt my health that is 1"-! 
 beyond all hope, [t will but shorten my days. 1 I suspect he gave but 
 little time to the composition of the .Memoir-, of his life. Bertrand one 
 day urged him to labour wit li more assiduity. ' It is beneath me,' said 
 he 'to be the historian of my own life; Alexander bad his Quintiiu 
 
 Curtius, and I shall have mine. At all events, my life is recorded in 
 my achievements.' 
 
 \ boit time before bis malady became serious, he abandoned his 
 reserve, and became familiar with everybody. He set a high value 
 
 191
 
 NAPOLEON 
 
 upon Bertrand, but did not like him. He said to me, one day at table, 
 ' Bertrand, it was not your attachment to me, but your love of glory 
 that brought you to St. Helena — you would immortalise your name as 
 my fidus Achates'' (the faithful companion of the hero of the JEneid). 
 A little girl only nine years old, the daughter of a sergeant of the 
 garrison, often kept him company. He took great pleasing in speaking 
 to her, and on her coming always kissed her on the cheek. He 
 constantly provided himself with fruits or sweetmeats for her, and 
 shortly before his death hung round her neck a small gold watch and a 
 gold chain. 'Julie,' said he, 'wear this for my sake.' With a pen- 
 knife he graved on the cover, clumsily enough, it is true, these words, 
 'The Emperor to his little friend Julie.' He sometimes amused him- 
 self in giving this child a lesson in drawing from the surrounding 
 mountain scenery, with the most laughably whimsical figures and 
 objects interspersed. His predilection for this child is extraordinary ; 
 she had nothing interesting in her person, and was in capacity rather 
 below the average of the little girls of her age. The 2nd of April was 
 the day on which he was observed to be seriously indisposed. He rose 
 early and walked in the garden. He, after a few minutes, sat upon a 
 bank, apparently faint. Montholon went up to him, and asked him if 
 he was taken ill. ' Yes,' said he, ' I feel nausea and sick stomach, the 
 avant coitreurs of death.' Count Montholon smiled. Buonaparte took 
 his arm and said, ' My friend, we must not laugh at death when he is 
 so near us.' The little Julie soon appeared with a basket, and caught 
 his attention. He brought her into the saloon, where breakfast was 
 prepared, and filled her basket with different sweet things, adding a 
 bottle of liqueur with these words, ' This is for your father to drink my 
 health.' One day he sent for a jeweller to alter or repair some trinkets, 
 and asked him if he could make a silver coffin. The jeweller tried to 
 shift the question ; Buonaparte repeated it — ' I shall die,' said he, ' in a 
 few weeks.' — ' God forbid that we should lose your Highness,' said the 
 other. — ' God grant that I may die soon — very soon,' returned Buona- 
 parte : ' I am well convinced that life is not a blessing, but a curse.' 
 He then approached a piano, touched the keys for a few moments, 
 producing some vague but not inharmonious movement, and ended 
 with playing his favourite air — 
 
 ' O Richard ! O mon Roi ! 
 L'Univers t'abandonne.' 
 
 He often stretched himself on a sofa opposite the garden window, and 
 read with a loud voice from Telemachus or the Henriade. He inquired 
 one day, with great eagerness, whether an English journal could be 
 procured him. With some difficulty a newspaper was provided. He 
 took it and glanced over it hastily, and suddenly exclaimed — 'Ah! 
 Naples ! Naples ! poor devils — Murat was the bravest king they ever 
 had ; but he did not know his subjects. They are all Lazzaroni, from 
 
 the Duke of , down to the lowest beggar ! ' The morning of the 
 
 day on which he died he said— 'Death has nothing to affright me. 
 For three weeks death has been the companion of my pillow. Now he 
 is about to embrace me, and bear me away for ever.' 
 
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